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SMITHSONIAN INSTITUTION
- BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY
BULLETIN 102

MENOMINEE MUSIC

Be OR ata BY

FRANCES DENSMORE

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JUN 6 1932. <}

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SMITHSONIAN INSTITUTION
\\.S. BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY
. BULLETIN 102

MENOMINEE MUSIC

FRANCES DENSMORE

UNITED STATES
GOVERNMENT PRINTING OFFICE
WASHINGTON : 1932

For sale by the Superintendent of Documents, Washington, D. C. en - Price 80 cents

$l n ie ral re pia Nie

LETTER OF TRANSMITTAL

SMITHSONIAN INSTITUTION,
BurEAv OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY,
Washington, D. C., February 3, 19381.
Srr: I have the honor to transmit the accompanying manuscript,
entitled ‘‘Menominee Music,’”’ by Frances Densmore, and to recom-
mend its publication as a bulletin of the Bureau of American
Ethnology.
Very respectfully yours,
M. W. Stiruine, Chief.
Dr. Cuarues G. ABBOT,
Secretary of the Smithsonian Institution.
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Be ES 2 RRR ARE

FOREWORD

The material comprised in this paper was collected among the
Menominee Indians of Wisconsin in 1925, 1928, and 1929, the record-
ing of songs being done at Keshena, Neopit, and Zoar. The old
customs are followed by the Menominee in a marked degree, thus
affording a favorable field for research in music and customs, as well
as for comparison with previous work.!

The writer visited the Menominee in 1910 in connection with a
study of the drum-presentation ceremony of the Chippewa, witness-
ing that dance on the Menominee Reservation. Numerous songs
used by the Chippewa in that ceremony were recorded. In the
recent work, the same ceremony was studied among the Menominee
and its songs recorded, according to the usage of that tribe. The
Midewiwin (Grand Medicine) of the Chippewa had previously been
studied and its songs collected. During the work among the Me-
nominee a meeting of the Medicine Society was attended and its songs
were found to resemble the Chippewa Grand Medicine songs so
closely that the Menominee songs of the Medicine Society were not
recorded.

One purpose of the present work was to determine the resemblance,
or lack of resemblance, between Menominee and Chippewa songs.
The result of the work shows that such a resemblance exists in a
majority of the songs. A similar resemblance to Sioux songs was not
observed.

The environment of the Menominee resembles that of the Chip-
pewa in its lakes and pine trees; but the forests are more extensive
than in the Chippewa country and there are rushing rivers and
streams with rapids and waterfalls.

Acknowledgment is made of the services of Jobn Valentine Satterlee
(pl. 2, a), who acted as interpreter in 1925. His wide acquaintance
among the Indians and his experience as an interpreter added to his
value in that capacity. Grateful acknowledgment is also made of
the courtesy of the Public Museum of the City of Milwaukee in
furnishing and permitting the use of photographs of interesting speci-
mens in their possession, and to the Museum of the American Indian,
Heye Foundation, for supplying a photograph.

1 Chippewa Music, Bull. 45; Chippewa Music II, Bull. 53; Teton Sioux Music, Bull. 61; Northern Ute

Music, Bull. 75; Mandan and Hidatsa Music, Bull. 80; Papago Music, Bull. 90, Pawnee Music, Bull. 93,
Bur. Amer, Ethn.; and Music of the Tule Indians of Panama, Smithsonian Misc. Colls., vol. 77, no. 11.

‘

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CONTENTS

Page
I RE SS en eo tance memes Tea XI
Arminged: inorder ofernal pumbergs 2225-32205. 25 eee lence XI
Arranged in order of catalogue numbers-_-___---------------------- XIV
Names of singers and numbers of songs transcribed___-_-_--_---_-------- XIX
(ES REN BE TEDN SSIS a a a el aU XIX
Characterization of singers and informants_--_-------.--.----------.-- XXI
Pee emnmanior itaeeye ees 2 Sidi Be Ue eee ees 1
Manica nstruments: and’ their usesso22.4 = 2. ge2ns- btbe sess a leeek 10
Tabulated analyses: Comparison of Menominee songs with Chippewa,
Sioux, Ute, Mandan, Hidatsa, Papago, and Pawnee songs-_----------- 11
Comparison of Menominee songs with the combined analyses of Chip-
pewa, Sioux, Ute, Mandan, Hidatsa, Papago, and Pawnee songs-----_-- 18
OPE PP Ee aE eT pe eee eee 23
een Eeae ts oe eee he ep ehh 8 Bae eee ee eee 24
Games played in a:ceremonial manners. - 2+ 2.15. 4 ee lebes bes iebdsn 26
Diamoemnn Cie esmanne=dre 22). 2s ele ta Meee ek 27
merrermeerrariltoriing etic ba bk HWA ee gees See got bebo Vr Eieg ye, fightin 34
we OEE, Sh, SS Se IS ae pe ei Se ee a ET RS. 35
ROE PN SSE a A ke ope ga a a 40
ten re COR itil 258 te Ey yp Ope ate. Ve 4]
Pee CU ROM MC) arte Arund ue whol tee a tk 51
The gift of medicine to the Menominee----_-_-_----------.-+----------- BY
Peet ae cw sihy Dene les NS be ove, sect oeect ele bo We yg Se Wa evans 60
ponee copmecied with, war bundles =122 01422. atv. 2 eu cseutekede lees 69
Peder conmeered with & boy's fast. ~~ 2 ee ee 74
DU SEEN GS per A ps eee ee ed ee ae Oe ere ae a eee a ees eed 77
EE 2 LET EG ge Sg eS 89
BEPC mONaII NOS SID Kc Seely Thee od get A iiaels S aoe re Bese) eo 98
LENGE A: Ars ee ee, oe em a Re ye Ce ey Oy Ue aR a 100
eRRMNEEIBPEAU CTS Sym = 2 2 a ee ee eS 111
Pioisadeeriiby, Nabawilkt cero ei 15> db Cbs ka yh UC peat xhe toee 121
ibegends conceming Manabiis: tc Uo24be5 sche s se seek Bee seek 135
Onigin my thot the: medicine lodges... 4. 424-4 acu; 2dbetes peewee 135
Minos usane the wollte dere. 1.4 22 ee Sees ee 136
Manabunand: the stone: 2ic.w: 44_ d4scs kee ee te Ogee, Se otk 141
TUMOR NO sees oer nth 58 AE ke Syne oe eS ae cee ee a 144
Manabus and the underwater snake_-_----------------------- 144
DMnea bus andthe Guekeee yo. .55. Ub Soe ee Se eet hy beret pon 145
a RO UE i pe 2 So inl) Se ee eee 149
ae earete eelipion) Arid itd SOnpR.! 2s. sk el bebe thee 150
OE RACE ge PRS ESA SYR A Oe igh Be ote RO ee 183
ReuipeCe Ceierens SUS ie a Bue adted 8 184
Ce TSG WG OS" TEE ee Je eect Oe Sree eee ae 8) 187
Dante Ia moation- Oh animals and birds.....-22--.--.-.----.-.-..--- 188

VIII CONTENTS

movie! GEnees.. <2 Wh oa shoe nn nS abs oeeenc aceon ca eee
WET RONRSs. So coe ee eee ooo eee ee
Mioteasin Game HONEA. i. 2st o lek ee ok ee 2
HiMitenmusicvand love(songs.: =o = ele [oes 2s ee eee
Dullaies /. 2225 ok ds eee ek se ee
Melodic and rhythmic analysis of songs by serial numbers__-____-____-_

Melodic analysis... .— 2 4.'- - ae te ee

Biythimic analyaics | oeks2 2 oes eee ee
Authorities cited... 22602 0esessssacebess2s522¥hsesbee25 see

wne

27.

ILLUSTRATIONS

PLATES

TIRE RINGS eee eee ers ek en ee pe Soe oes SS
. a, John Valentine Satterlee; b, Mitchell Wakau; c, Mitchell Beaupre_
. a, Menominee in canoe; b, Lake on Menominee Reservation; c, Rapids

BEE NOLL TR UN Gy NS SY CSAS I SO SE Le EE Pe ALD by et ee

. a, Islands above The Dalles of Wolf River; b, Pine forest, Menominee

PRESS ase tL ENR a ee ae ee ee ES AE a a ey ne oe

. a, Pine trees, Keshena, Wis.; 6, Log house of Louis Wickobe; c, Log

ACU ESES UTED VCO CH LS oe irate cm ee ee as ee aN eee

. a, Spirit Rock; b, Reginald Oshkosh beating Mitawin drum; c, Menom-

race fat (SMB tel ala a cl pp er le gree aya os Mae egy Re, Une esp Mes At

. a, Menominee flute; 6, Flute in war bundle-_--_-_._-.._--...-------
a mepnering Ualenrey. 0, Wenes, Sullivan 2222 ee
. a, Menominee woman playing bowl-and-dice game; 6, Dice used in game -
. a, “ Double-ball”’ used in game; b, Menominee women playing double-

RE DPLIE, er Meee ROSE! PAC OG Di Nee ee as

. a, David Amab; 6, John Cawunipinas; c, Wecawanakwut-----_-_----
. a, Turban and packet of medicine used as hunting charm; b, War

Rita CLOSE OP eee eee es eS eae eh te A ee

Pear bundic: wrapping and Contentss.: 2% 9. ee ae eee
. a, Medicine bag carried in medicine lodge (a); 6, Medicine bag carried

MUBPPTIIMOMOMM ECU). =, = oe ae te ee oe ee oe

. a, Exterior of medicine lodge; b, Women in medicine lodge; c, Scene in

MEMES tee Syn ee ee eae es es

Mawgnromework OF meugicme lodre. oi So oe So
. Drum, drumstick, and rattle used in medicine lodge--_-_------------
. Turban and other objects used in puppet trick_______-_--_--------
PA enwika Oo, Harriet bongley.. 2 2202 tot Soe
. a, Woods in which Natawika gathered herbs; 6, Natawika’s house,

showing table on which she prepared herbs; c, Framework of juggler’s

. a, Horn used by Natawika in treatment of the sick; b, Specimen of

Natawika’s herbs, prepared as medicine____-.-.----------------

. a, Bag in which Natawika stored herbs; b, Storage bag-_---_--------
. a, Burial ground; b, Lodge in which drum ceremony was held; c, Drum

SEEDER ne PD te te nr ge ee ae

. a, Drum given to the Menominee by the Chippewa; 6, Women singers

around the drum; c, White Feather dancing around the drum_------

. a, Chippewa aide beside pile of gifts; 6, Kimewun offering ceremonial

pipe; c, Menominee drum owner and old men dancing------------

. a, Chippewa teaching drum songs to Menominee; b, Women dancing

as songs are taught to Menominee; c, Men dancing as songs are
RiGee eeenomnee. 2 SE
a, Ceremony of restoring the mourners; b, Inclosure in which drum cere-
mony was held; c, Drum used in social dances_____--------------

TEXT FIGURES

1. Map of Wisconsin showing Menominee Reservation ---_-_------------
2. Inside construction of bag used in puppet trick_..-___.-_-----------
See nD rat GNiEIRUOCTEIOONY, 2 an onc aceckencaesseeneesetl ke le-

120

120
120

152

162

156

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See oil Op shed

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Ss Coad 2 ee sitter af tron’ often bit
Me ea oh TORS RE r
aro pdivcnsatt Ab oeteoit hovodtie Fan oe a
salad lo inowsinwerl > yadlied bowage te
<i - r sia ee a ak ne ‘ay be
‘3 ceaditisiogt: 4 ‘sta ‘ait 46. Saami me
a i Bea eA ae ied eA a ek A
ace CE PN ETS
piel (6 phlod.anw peers inhib dol Of aBbe
Pa saan Geb > a RE Oe dinisats Renal Skee, pen! steatah ate Avice OL Mele
wiyitts namo. 8 peesyitO edt cd ai a
te aw tttirty Sift barvorte anions. ah Re

ahd aad t feiretirs eect bio, ken TOKIO ae .
ital nae? s 4 icitisomo mt ot agian phar 5

nent pane ibaa vt EES? oe “pyeaiods unde |
bcd adherens ons .oonab laisGa vd badir conta 6

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$5 Sipidic mui br= ib aelel gle anes ee

LIST OF SONGS

1. ARRANGED IN ORDER OF SERIAL NUMBERS

Sones or GAMES PLAYED IN A CEREMONIAL MANNER

Serial No. Catalogue No. Page
Pm NAM TIRIKCWOWIS Sooo UL UE ee 1517 29
UE MIE RCTSSUWY LOTTIE nis) no Ne ee 1518 29
REE CPSC ee i 2 a oe ry ee 1519 30
PSR WV SDUNORMONUANNG 2. ee ok ee eee 1520 30
5. Song received from the spirit women-__-_---_------------- 1635 32
Somer Raat, VORMITUTI DL VCS. Cy TUATING coe a ee 1584 35
Srpeariy JABLOSRE AUN oe ne en ee ee 1539 40
Ce hot 7 Og yen gle iC = | ee alae er eR pas RE 1585 44
ee Pens: COO £2Ve US this. G2NCe 8 1622 45

OER TERTRE BEERS OGL Ge 1610 46
MP enenetHoDOnOrG ine GTUM 2 ee 1524 47
i. pong.tor the person to be adopted = —-..-.-=--_-_____----, 1516 47
io Wancing song trom. the east god (a) __--.--_--_.-----....- 1611 48
io Dancing song irom the east god (b)_--..__------ 2." 1612 49
Lo. Dancing song irom the east god (c)_-.-----.---.-.-~___-- 1637 49
ib. Dancing song from the east god (d)_-.....-.__-25_-.-.- = 1638 50
dye in four dayey so. sci t deat) ieee spe Sy cprn eee) ap ee 1628 51
18. Daneing song from the south goda)2----.-..--.--------- 1573 53
19. Dancing song from the south god (b)_------------------- 1623 53
20. Dancing song from the south god (c)__------_-__----------- 1574 54
21. Dancing song from the‘south god (d) -------.-2-2--22-22- 1521 54
22. Dancing song from the south god (e)_---------_---------- 1613 55
23. Daneme song from thesouth god: (f)222- eae ee ae 1614 55
EEL evE ECS oes 82 eee Sn aS et ee ee eee 1538 56
RUMI RON ENG CCG. | SPM a eh es ee = Oe eee 1572 56

Sones CONNECTED WITH THE GIFT OF MEDICINE TO
THE INDIANS

Dep GtCme EVES THCOICING.. 9. 2 2 aya oo oe ee ee eee 1829 58
Wie SOngaGs HUN bing MeGICINe. = -. 5. .- 2s ae 1840 59
Sones CoNNECTED WITH WAR AND HUNTING
BUNDLES
Bebe anUpOl gy oc DD a, ak 1506 62
RPMI PAC ee Le ee 1507 63
oo. Lk Will gen a buck 720 AY Sa ret Ue SET) me _ 1508 64
aie wall sshoot him through the heart’’=.-..-"9=22 222-2 2... 1509 64
pM MME EPONIEO SUICK. ot aye nc as ae eee aS eee 1605 65
Me CME, HOTNESS 1606 66
a4. “The slender-legged animals”’- 22-3 1607 66
ee OIOLEOW L Will POU ONCE ene ge 1608 67
Spee ONS 228 ly 6°21 a a A AR RE Mg ROE 1609 67
Sa NTEE A FANART SS SCR ac es Ph he Se te 1575 68

XII LIST OF SONGS
Serial No. Catalogue No.
Go. Sher BRNCIS RONG. o0 ba ek 2 a Be ee 1510
39. Song when opening war bundle_._-_--__------------------ 1513
40;. War bundle dance song (@)a5¢0)2) - ys. tpeeyo eee = Sees 1514
a1. War bundle dance song (pb) = 2 ces eck te ee ee oe ee 1515
ao. “Heicarries @ war bundle”. o=22- Se 2k ee eee 1511
Aa. The warlbundile rings 9 fap) 2. oe ta ee 1512
a4. Tam standing OR & Cloud.” 2338) 2c ek eee eee 1577
DREAM SONGS
£0. Pigeon s.dream ‘song! 2. £2 oo) ek ee ee ee 1541
Ao MOreatn SONG 22 = 22 oh Sack oe oe oes te are 1578
47. Dream song concerning the sun (a)--.__-------------_..-- 1579
#8. ream song concerning the sun (bp) 2-22 225 o ke eee 1580
29-7 Song.onbhe tounderers. 222.2 Gee eos ee ee 1581
np. pong.conceming the kimewuks 2.222.255. eee 1582
51.) Songiot, the little whirlwind | 2." "°°" "leo oe el ee 1583
52° Dream of buttalox(a) soak oe oe oes ee eee 1594
ns. Dreamior bultalo (pb) 200 L222 io [To ee eee 1595
4 Dream or che underground beatles 55s ae ee 1618
Oo: Dreamiorcommon bear. 2s 222 ete hae ee ea eee 1563
po. Dreamiol spirit Duialo® Soc - eas Sy ene eee eee 1619
pi. Dream of domestic cattle... 2 500 Sac So0 a eee 1562
OSs SOU LOL WOEKIN GMA GIC 5. 2 ene os Be eee eee eee 1636
no. Song.concernme the figurines... "220. 8 a eee 1523
GOS ey fiivairn ose ear eae Se 1522
Sones CONNECTED WITH THE TREATMENT OF THE
Sick
il: dumpers song (a) oc 2258 lk 2 Se ee es eer 1596
G2. (Jugeiers song’ () 22 oe So a ce 1597
63. Song during treatment of the sick (a)____.______-__-__-_- 1567
64. Song; during treatment of the sick (b),._.----_-.___-._-- 1568
G5, Sotiguel the woodpecker... 22) 2 oe a ee 1588
G6. Songref the healing spirits... =. eee 1598
67. Healing song from the spirit women (a)______._..-------- 1569
68. Healing song from the spirit women (b)___________------- 1570
69. “I use my medicine to cure the siek” 2uLt_____.__2_------ 1533
ap..* Ligive you. medicine to drink”... 2.52 0 1534
gt, © Li wall drive the sicknéss out of you”. 2022 (oo eee 1535
a2. 1 pi TOwWarding you’. 2 US a eee 1528
73. “The heavens: help ‘you?’ e. 2 We oes soe REP see 1529
a4, ‘nealing song. (a) 222). 2 tegen 2 1530
no. daeating song. (hb). 32 NO a 8 ee 1531
76. “Two'sides of the heavens” 2) 2225 24) 24.44 sn oe ee 1532
Sones CoNNECTED WITH LEGENDS OF MANABUS
fa. Puhera. sone (8) 0 ee 1536
fo. Punera sone (bp) sal. 22S S22 ST eee ee ee 1537
a0. Manabus and the stone (a) 22 [oc oc nnn) See eee 1835
50.) Manabus'and the stone (bp) 32.022 2042 eee ee 1836
81. Manabus challenges the underwater snake_____________-_- 1641
82. Dance inside the underwater snake___.___._.._._.--_---- 1642
83. Manabus invites the ducks to a dance__________-_____---- 1643
84. Manabus tells the ducks to shut their eyes.._..--.-------- 1644

148

LIST OF SONGS

SonGs OF THE DruM RELIGION

Serial No. Catalogue No.

Bn: Pongsavnen pipe ts lighted. —.--..._......-.-esete vasad
ne moum ser Owner or drum (a)... 222. et tw a
Dears Qwiier Or arin (b)=— 2525 eo en ee
prem ermsnrr UG) Riis: ee se i te ee Sk
me. Pose sor man who-licghts: pipe... 2 eS. eh eee ee ce
90. Song for men who prepare drum (a)--_-_____-___________-
91. Song for men who prepare drum (b)_____________________
92. Song for head-singer stake of drum______________________
vo Coueasor cast stake Of drum...) .........-...2_ + A_
wes pOnmuer Hort piake Of drums. oo be
95. Song for wounded-leg stake of drum-______-_-__-_-___-____
96. Song for leaders of ceremony (a)-_.._-._.._------_-------
97. Song for leaders of ceremony (b)-.--. 0/2202... _
98. Song during which members of the council dance__________
99. Song during which wearer of ‘‘crow’’ dances_____________-
100. Song during which leading warrior dances_______________-
101. Song during which next to leading warrior dances__________
102. Song during which third warrior dances_________________-
103. Song during which fourth warrior dances___________-____-
104. Song during which old men dance_-________-_--__-_-____-
OOS eV 9 a RE CR 7 nS
fe. ewe wollen po traveling’ 221022 ol ke heed
ony. omnr song of dance. eno. be
fee, Saneewith gilt .6f a ponyesy 8) psc ece ed eee

Topacco DancrE Soncs

menienee nance Song (8). 8-6 otc eee
Berets EI) KAECIOCE BOTS “(1)) ne TA wee Seti beh eR ae,
Bel eropuece dance’ song (C) 2. To A oe ee
Recs teEeeeo cance sone (Gyo ne a eee

MIscELLANEOUS DaNcE Sones

Sie Amar a toe DEERATS GANCG.— 6202-3 eee ee
SeerE ens Cane BONS 2 8 Le ee
ereLoneEiin CBnCe BONG 2 dl
DMIMUMEIMIICE SANG 2 So ok oe eee eae
ure maCNMPe HONG oe Ld
Rie wereMHel ACC BONG... 8 ee ceed

me emeikone swear song) (8). 000 222-5 ee
io Pawanone dwar song (pb). +... -..-.-2.-222-4 ace te
tah. Waneong concerning the owls._.._-- =. --=- 2... - man tnn
MET eNLMMMMICOWMOTIOE. © 28 ea i ey
pee. ee (ueen,an Magland 7) 3-2) 5k ee eo er et
124. Song concerning a captive woman-_-_____--_-_---_--------
225. Song of yictoery over Black Hawk... ...--..-«.—...-2.----
IES ee SEE I ee mae ee one YOST See a A
127. Song of enlistment in the Civil War_.__..__.-__.__.-.-__--
128. Song of protection in the Civil War (a)____--.------------
129. Song of protection in the Civil War (b).--.--.------------

XIII

Page
168
169
170
170
171
172
173
174
174
175
175
176
176
177
178
178
179
179
180
180
181
182
182
184

185
186
186
187

188
189
190
191
192
193

195
196
196
197
198
199
200
201
202
202
203

XIV LIST OF SONGS

Moccasin GAME Sones

Serial No. Catalogue No.
fae bowie ide miy “piney ao 2 28 te Oo eee ee eee 1566
ten ok wallibeny youl. OS Ss SES Oe eee ek ee oe ae eee 1540
toe Motersin game song (a)... Lee be oe 1565
feos Mocesusin vane song (b) 2 2. oo eet eee 1632
Ree, Moccasin wame song (c)-¢2 2-2: 222 kes 2s ee ee 1640
Love Sones
Pee obnve Bong 1a) sik a ee ee ee 1630
Fae Clow eonie (ie eek ea sk tt ee ee ee ee 1631
ee LOweenen (CaaS esse te eee cate Ee ee ees 1542
ee Lane one). 2a core et tk eR ERS SE eee eee 1624
Sones ror CHILDREN
hago Tulapy (ae. seks SEAR TU), See IO Bee See 1634
140. Lullaby: (b)z 2222 2-H. Te Se ae 1629

2. ARRANGED IN ORDER OF CATALOGUE NUMBERS

ee Title of song Name of singer pee
No. :
¥506. | “Shaffer my song’. 02 Pigeon — ..- ents Yes oar 28
ay | ala fing ame Go ey oa do_2 yee sy Sa 29
HaGe::} “Ob will'get a: buck? 2 eel oe ee ee GOs 2 SUE ee ee ee 30
1509 | “‘I will shoot him through the |_____ COL a2 PE eae even 31
heart.”
Talo} |) Wanmibundle song: 222 2222-—-2=-|2 222 dot Soe pe as 38
1511 | ‘He carries a war bundle” ___---|_-__- GOL > 4.4 ieee abe 42
1512 | ‘“‘The war bundle causes a fog’’__|_____ GOs. fee ae 43
1513 | Song when opening war bundle--_!_____ Coe a ae as 39
1514 | War bundle dance song (a) _-----|_-___ AGIMINUME ou anh 40
1515 | War bundle dance song (b)-----|--___ GO. ase ee 4]
1516 | Song for the person to be adopted__|_ - ___ doz. 222 12
1517 | Song of Musikikwawis_-___------ Pee, dO 2 ee oe 1
1518 | Song of Osawapunoke----_-_-_--_|/-__-- dol. 222 2
ise) Sonecor Wesivoni 2.222 pe do. 2 ee 3
1520 | Song of Wapunomitawi----_--_--|---__ dose ee 4
1521 | Dancing song from the south |_____ (6 (0 MRR pe pec 21
god (d).
Razor see Myio SRI oe oe Se 2 ro Co epee ee 60
1523 | Song concerning the figurines_-_-__|_____ dou Au. aaa eee 59
taet | Some or the aroun. 2. ek eh eet Bs dosh. Sa ae 11
1525 | Pawakone’s war song (a)-_----_--_|____- do! ae eee 119
1526 | Pawakone’s war song (b)___-____|_____ AiG ru bene Ne eas 120
1527 | ‘‘The white man came and took |_____ dos. Mikel Oa (2)
the Indians.”’
V5280) eam rewarding "you? sateen ls ee Goes s a ee eee 64
1529 | ‘‘The heavens help you”’_______|____-_ CO Set ER eee 65

1 Songs thus marked were transcribed but are not included in this book.

Page
205
206
205
207
207

210
210
211
211

213
213

195

107

LIST OF SONGS XV

ARRANGED IN OrpDER or CatTaLocuE NumBprers—Continued
Title of song Name of singer ow Page

Héaling.song.(a)'s..5.+.-28414.2 =Pigeon 2 22 302_ 209m, 0) 66 109

Healing. song (0b) 202426001 eesan|se==2 dots) Yas AEM. aD. 67 110

“Two sides of the heavens’’_----|__--- do BAUS SU 68 111

“T use my medicine to cure the |_____ dosuuuL aos _ BUPUl 61 105
sick.”

“‘T give you medicine to drink”’__|_____ GolugdLi sors BASU 62 106

“‘T will drive the sickness out of |_____ AG) sees oh 63 107
you.”

Binneral sonpi(ayee oo - sae see |S oe AO lst ns fits 140

Pimeralusongi(b) 2c. = 2. 2Ds cco = EIS ASHE .. FIL NOS _ 78 140

P Ly PAO GresE Pl okS . 22 eb ee EOhrs vse Sole 24 56

Song with lacrosse game--_------|----- G00 _O1 Mtoe 3 7 40

POPE Will nbestwy. Olen. tee ees EE NG bre vee tt py a AED, 131 206

Pigeonis dream song..00..2...|es2e= doi. S282) 10 WEOE 45 77

tere sone (epss. sol. Cho. ab | DOME G64 is AG pore 137 211

Song for owner of drum (a)------- ARI eee tee 86 169

Song for man who lights pipe_---|_____ G6 Sit tor alos B 89 171

Song for men who prepare drum |_____ (6 a ee a ae 90 172
(a).

Song for men who prepare drum |_-_--- (0 | eee eenOge pa er LT | 91 173
(b).

Song for head-singer stake of |____- dOi 22a nse Be 92 174
drum.

Song for north stake of drum-_--_|_____ (1 ee oe Le oer 93 174

Song for east stake of drum_-_--_-|_____ do 2 THnte82 2A 94 175

Song for wounded-leg stake of |____-_ dots ip ei alah hh 95 175
drum.

Song for leaders of ceremony (a) -|_____ GeiUs.2s Bose 96 176

Song for leaders of ceremony (b) -|__--- domi ait on 97 176

Song during which members of |_-_--- det. s_24vs Bama, 98 177
the council dance.

Song during which wearer of |____- doz. 42 5.30 20 99 178
“crow’’ dances.

Song during which leading war- |__--- do stoseag bates 02. 100 178
rior dances.

Song during which next to the |__--- dod .22 waloolew J 101 179
leading warrior dances.

Song during which third warrior |__--_- dot_at aiunieiica - 102 179
dances.

Song during which fourth warrior }.._ ~~~ dotunh trorateilsre 3 103 180
dances.

Song during which old men |_---- dotvel sisatisilaa J 104 180
dance.

“Two women go traveling’’_____|_____ doy... fo) oletrel 106 182

Closing song of dance__._..____]_-_-- do. Sete Slafecl ny 107 182

Dream of domestic cattle__...__]__--- QO: hethsces tenses! 57 88

| Dream of common bear-..-_----|----- rs RNY Bact 55 86

XVI

LIST OF SONGS

2. ARRANGED IN ORDER OF CaTaALoGuE NumBers—Continued

Title of song Name of singer ag Page
Moccasin game song_.--------- ~Amab.....5.,2¢) gape (4)
Moccasin game song (a)_-------|----- do.......biL sane 132 206
“Twill hide my bullet” .1.-.--4|.-.-2 does cad Lt da geht 130 205
Song during treatment of the |._--- deci useless soe a 114
sick (a).
Song during treatment of the |___-- 0.2 -echibess toe 72 114
sick (b).
Healing song from the spirit |.---- 5 (0 aR AINE 75 117
women (a).
Healing song from the spirit |_..-- do....-.-Gh.ssoe 76 118
women (pb).
Song of protection in the Civil |_-__- dossiae ceeauudelt 129 203
War (b).
Clesing song of dance....+-..---|.-.-- do...-.wHie eres 25 56
Dancing song from the south god |___-- dovs.c2. 85 oe ae 18 53
(a).
Dancing song from the south god |___-- Cosi! cuiv aes 20 54
(c).
Songiatter feast. 2.2... 2. Pee dG2o ok eae 37 68
pyc song Iie So. bk ak eS donyese (be pees (4)
‘“‘T am standing on a cloud”’_____ Cawunipinas_.__....-- 44 76
Dream isong. Jo2: 5b ee oh tea GO: _ ide ubebhed. se 46 78
Dream song concerning the sun |___~- Gol 25. Meee eee 47 79
(a).
Dream song concerning the sun |_---- dois Jo_siate ee 48 80
(b). ;
Song of the thunderers.._...---|....-- G02): 234553 ee 49 81
Song concerning the kinewuk_-_-__|____- dotare. Io miebeabs 50 82
Song of the little whirlwind_-~-_-__|___~- dovelee To aabeebs 51 83
A spirit woman gives a name-_-_-_-_|____- doseue sinie polly 6 35
ie pai my, face, red”? bl 8 do... ._ 2a Naa go 8 44
Wistredsnee songe 228.02 3es aa Cows. soi oe Oe eae 122 197
Song concerning a captive woman |____- do... Spee 124 199
Song of the woodpecker. ._._-__|-_..- dollnwy_ dante poles 73 115
Song of victory over Black Hawk_|__-__- do..2 05. eer 125 200
Song of protection in the Civil |_____ docwu, shi ee 128 202
War (a).
Song of enlistment in the Civil |____- @obiLlt Anoty woe (1)
War.
Song of enlistment in the Civil |____- dolLuuasluve gore (4)
War.
Song of enlistment in the Civil |____- dé@s. sfigat Bee 127 202
War.
Dream) of. buffalo (a) _..cb. 2.2)... doiisucuca apes 52 84
D#ebm of ‘buffala (ib). 2 eb. 22k |_..22 do. 22a: hs phe 53 84

1 Songs thus marked were transcribed but are not included in this book.

LIST OF SONGS XVII

2. ARRANGED IN OrnDER oF CaTALOGuE NumMBERs—Continued

Tague Title of song Name of singer pols Page

1596 | Juggler’s song (a)....-.....-.-- Cawunipinas-_-__..-___- 69 112

ibe? |i duspler’s song \(b).i_scbosicc. ..|_.--- ra a ee Cee gets) 70 113

1598 | Song of the healing spirits_-_-__|_-__- dials. nem _ Peron 74 116

1599 | Song of the warpath________--_- Peter Fishes. 2... - 86 (1)

1600 | The warrior who shot the man__|_____ Gove. wartuse ae (4)

M601, ) Sone for the aide. . icburweudl._|ece 22 dod. meth eos 88 170

Paesssaneine song. o.oo 3 as | 6 Lo aes ed ea Oe 105 181

1603 | Dream dance song__-_.--.-.---|_---- dolulk sox Lene oo: (*)

fee oream cance song... 5... ..-=|-.=-- On ae ee ee (4)

Pola ely tapping stick”? «iebt si' 2/2 Govsiied wre ive 6 32 65

9606 |\"2 You are struggling ’??0u 2 sia -_|_____ LO) Sees hres ws. pts 33 66

1607 | ‘‘The slender-legged animals’”’___|_____ dott xsapalada gr: 34 66

1608 | ‘‘To-morrow I will get them”___|_____ dO: 5.2222. piaes 35 67

ae00 |) "SB will see.a bear?’ 2. ss: _lweve Mosk yds. elas - 36 67

1610 | Song to the east god__._...._.-|_._-- Oh ete 2 ate a 10 46

1611 | Dancing song from the east god |_____ Bobo. sips ai 13 48
(a).

1612 | Dancing song from the east god |___-__ dock: edz dint ex 14 49
(b).

1613 | Dancing song from the south god |__...do____-___-_-___- 22 55)
(e).

1614 | Dancing song from the south god |___~_- dou we voila 23 55
(f).

1615 | War song concerning the owls_-_-|___-- dolce 2 2h 2 baie’ 121 196

1616 | Song when pipe is lighted______-_ Little Thunderer-______ 85 168

1617 | Song for owner of drum___--_----|_-_-- do... wie 87 170

1618 | Dream of the underground bear_-_|_____ do. S4ibag sunt 3 54 85

1619 | Dream of ‘‘spirit buffalo’? ..._..|__._- do_. 2m sutsh_ey 56 87

1620 | Moccasin game song__-_-__--__|___-- dol... enue So agi he (1)

lay ECSU 0 iy een ee les a dor Site ute ote (?)

1622 | “The east god gave us this |____- dots: wuss neath 9 45
dance.”

1623 | Dancing song for the south god |___~- dp seis 10. Dad eit 19 53
(b).

eee Weleaee BONE = SL _. - Agnes Sullivan________ 138 211

EEO Wr BOOP oo a | ees oll ae8 3 126 201

1626 | ‘‘The white man points his pipe |_---- daeraen Jain we (*)
at me.”

1627 | ‘““The Queen of England”_______|___-- CO 9 She a 123 198

fone) in Tour days”? enta drebevetio kos gh gst wrist oxy Sucel 17 51

ol GED Sail ) (A ee Coe Sate, Se ae ie 140 213

Teas) ove song (8)... .2--....._... John Mocihat____-.._- 135 210

TeEsinlwMoversong (bp) so. es o-oo ee el Le Ouse AMIE NaF 136 210

1632 | Moccasin game song (b)--------|----- Wij en 2 Fa 133 207

1 Songs thus marked were transcribed but are not included in this book.
48819°—32——2

XVIII LIST OF SONGS

29. ARRANGED IN ORDER OF CaTALOGuE NumBERS—Continued

lagu Title of song Name of singer og Page

1633 | Moccasin game song----------- John Mocihat___.__--- (?)

Peas oi Mallaby (auc cote Katherine Laughrey__-_| 1389 213

1635 | Song received from the spirit |___-- dow iie colt. aght 5 32
women.

1636 | Song for working magic___------|----- dd? tht. Sly apie 58 89

1637 | Dancing song from the east god | Pamapomi___--____-__- 15 49
(c).

1638 | Dancing song from the east god |_-_--- do... BHGt BIGae 16 50
(d).

1639 | ‘‘Mouse, you are winning’’___-_- Jim, Fish... “See Sees ()

1640 | Moccasin game song (c)-------- John Okimase________— 134 207

1641 | Manabus challenges the under- | Pigeon___---------____ 81 144
water snake.

1642 | Dance inside the underwater |_____ do__2_ 2 EEE Seer 82 145
snake.

1643 | Manabus invites the ducks to a |_____ doit reer eson 83 148
dance.

1644 | Manabus tells the ducks to shut |_____ do.2ikt earh 9965 84 148
their eyes.

1645: ||) Nobaccoudance:.(a) 2. es. aa dos veer aan a 109 185

1646 | Flute Melody No. 1_---_-_--_--- John. Okimase...... | eee 208

1647 |; Hlnte, Melody No..2..-2a.... lees 2 doesult weit pee eee 209

1648 | Flute Melody No. 3____---__--- John*Mocihat.2 2. - 2 )2 eee 209

1649 | Flute Melody No. 4___---_--____|_-_-_ doss 22h nee -a aise sae 209

E27 || Hishydance song sien. eink Pigeornmbs ih ut aipiey -ygh 116 191

1828 |} Hmog dance song... - 28-22 | dossuity Jenene ey ons 117 192

1829 | Song of love medicine__________|_____ Goriwtebee et he 26 58

1830 || Partridge dance songs: o32—. + |. dowlatin baat tee 115 190

LSS, Rab bitidanceisonge = aie se Os: 2 Wee aera ee 114 189

1852 9|Crawiishydance song cee. Use does ees Se 118 193

1833 |} Robacco,;dance song (c) 2%. sae do ais) Fee as 111 186

1834.) Tobacco danceisong (dd)... 2/22 = O28 0 ee 112 187

1835 | Manabus and the stone (a)____~_ Amabex: 5tfara baa ge 79 141

1836 | Manabus and the stone (b)_____|_____ Go) GEE eae 80 143

1837 | Tobacco dance song (a)___.-.___|___-- Goi 6 eS eee 110 186

1888 | Song of the beggars’ dance______|_____ oC eae INN 113 188

1839 | Song with gift of a pony________|____- Go ster bays ergy petals 108 184

1840 | Song of hunting medicine_______|_____ dosent ae ee 27 59

1 Songs thus marked were transcribed but are not included in this book.

LIST OF SONGS XIX

NAMES OF SINGERS AND NuMBER OF SonGs TRANSCRIBED

Name by peihpetson is commonly Native name Translation “ber
songs

ows. Pigeon? 2. 22-2. J. 24. Peik*war/ei2 22 veh No bone in his back__| 42

DavicdyAmal 32 _ ot ol 2 8 Wie misketimas -s8s 255. Treading a hollow in 34

the ground.

John Ca’win!’pinas’ ? (Chip- | A’djiki-..__..____- Like the thunderers__| 22

pewa word meaning “South
Bird’’).

renpesmemn tray Weis 00S 0 Ls 20 We’sawa’/nakwit___| Brown Cloud--_--__-_- 17

Harare We Reb 28k ons Jo ce Ina/miki’seo. 24 cue Little Thunderer____ 8

CSE SESS) Ke mgotknit sp Sky Woman _ . 292.2 6

Wome nrocinay . 2 -- - ._- Mocthat 22.24.22. Strange sound heard 4

in a wild country.

Katherine Laughrey _-_-_------ Ca’wino’mita’we___| South medicine 3

woman.

remnant nN 2 weet Sob eels fey le ee yt Bre ab One seen going by___| 2

AICO] Dot) oY a es a Na‘tawa’pit.. 22.8 The thunderers look 1

for something.

Porn OMmann pe... 202. =- OH kernel gr ake Woung eile 3 eu 1

140
1 Died Apr. 8, 1930. 3 Died Feb. 5, 1926. 5 Died Mar. 28, 1931.
2 Died Aug. 15, 1929. 4 Died Nov. 8, 1927.
Names oF INFORMANTS

Name by oD Berson is commonly Native name Translation

John Valentine Satterlee_.__._| Apa’cimin___-_| Acorn of the red oak.

Mitchell Beaupre--_----.---- Mowa’sa----- A combination of the words mo’wa
(wolf) and awa’sa (bear), in-
dicating descent in both clans.
The word was formed by the
priest who first wrote his
name. The common equiva-
lent is Little Wolf, because he
belongs less to the Wolf than
to the Bear clan.

Mrs. Harriet Longley--_---- Skwai’yak-_--_-

Pratierecmupnier 52.9 ie i eres abet 2

Rattlesnake (Joe Kittson) ---|.--.---------- The former is a nickname, con-

nected with an incident when
he was bitten by a snake.
STRESS ULE CES: 6 Pe a em Pa (Nn Se PPO
ours Wickobes = 25.222... - Wase’su______ Little Bear.
Reginald Oshkosh !________- Ockaeess_—¢ Claw or hoof.

1 Died Mar. 17, 1831.

Hh eve.
Ye ae

so Wise hs
: es : i

meee

we
pane Apa Night
$52. duct;

tn44

aes Bert
ster ante ghooee

Sie ety. '

\ mn its y4
eis tae ie LET ae
| haga eetrter ti

CHARACTERIZATION OF SINGERS AND INFORMANTS

SINGERS

Louis Pigeon (pl. 1), who recorded the largest number of songs, was
a man who treated the sick by means of herbs and was connected with
the medicine lodge but not with the drum religion. He was quiet,
conservative, and recognized as a representative of the old ways, with
which his life was consistent. He died in 1930.

David Amab (pl. 11, a) was left an orphan when a child and was
brought up by his grandfather, who was a medicine man of the type
designated as djisako or juggler. The boy helped him build the tipi
in which he gave his demonstrations of power and accompanied him
on hunting expeditions when he used his hunting bundle. The grand-
father was intense in his devotion to the old ways, and by this com-
panionship the boy learned many things which are preserved in this
book. In later years he was a Roman Catholic. He endured with
bravery and cheerfulness a distressing illness extending over many
years and died in the Government hospital at Keshena.

John Ca’wini’pinas’ (pl. 11, 6) was one of the respected old men of
the reservation and exceedingly proud of his service in the United
States Army during the Civil War. He was blind during his later
years and died before the completion of the present work.

Peter Fish was a particularly conservative member of the group of
older men. Like the singer next preceding, he died before this work
was completed.

James We’ke belongs to the group of middle-aged men who follow
some of the old ways and attend the native ceremonies but have
adopted the ways of civilization.

Agnes Sullivan (pl. 8, 6) is an active woman, though advanced in
age, and may usually be seen at gatherings of the tribe.

John, Mocihat’ comes from one of the old families, his father having
been prominent on the reservation. He is an excellent flute player.

Katherine Laughrey (pl. 8, a) is an agreeable woman of middle age
who still (1929) performs the duties required by a dream of the spirit
women in the east.

Little was ascertained concerning Pami’pomi except that his father
was a prominent member of the tribe in early days.

Jim Fish was a brother of Peter Fish.

John Okima’sé recorded only one song, and his contribution to the
present work was chiefly in connection with the playing of the flute.

INFORMANTS

Without the assistance of John Valentine Satterlee (pl. 2, a) the
present work would probably have been impossible. He acted as
XxXI

XXII CHARACTERIZATION OF SINGERS AND INFORMANTS

the writer’s interpreter in 1925, selecting the singers and securing
their interest in the preservation of their songs. He also supplied
interesting information from his personal knowledge of tribal customs.
John V. Satterlee was born in 1852 on an island at Marionette, Wis.
His father was a white man, Dr. V. Motte Patterson Satterlee, who
was stationed at Fort Howard, then located at Green Bay, Wis. His
mother was a member of the Menominee tribe and gave him the name
borne by his grandfather who took part in the Black Hawk wars.
This name is Apa’cimin, meaning “Acorn of the red oak.”

Mitchell Beaupre (pl. 2, c) at the time of giving his information
(1929) was 83 years old and was said to be one of the two oldest men
in the tribe. He is a dignified, well-preserved man, showing his French
ancestry in his manner. His father was a French trader and his
mother a Menominee. He is a strict Roman Catholic and is inter-
ested especially in the old religious beliefs, often holding long dis-
cussions with members of the medicine lodge, comparing their beliefs
and ethics with the teachings of the Roman Catholic Church. Pos-
sessing a clear, active mind, he has observed and remembers many
tribal customs, which he has been interested to have recorded in
permanent form.

Mrs. Harriet Longley (pl. 19, 6) also shows French ancestry. She
is a capable woman and, when giving the information concerning her
mother’s use of plants, was also engaged in superintending the con-
struction of a new log dwelling. She had selected a sightly location
and secured the services of a Menominee carpenter, who was skilled
in this type of building.

Rattlesnake (Joe Kittson) lives at Neopit, where he occasionally
finds employment. He is a leader in the drum religion and had charge
of the second ceremony witnessed by the writer. His wife is a strong
adherent of the medicine lodge, and in 1929, he said that after many
years of indecision he had placed himself under instruction for mem-
bership in that organization. He expressed his intention to learn its
precepts with thoroughness and attain the higher degrees in the
organization.

Mitchell Wakau (pl. 2, b) acted as the writer’s interpreter for brief
conversations and also supplied interesting information. He has been
a member of the Indian police force on the reservation for many years
and has recently been stationed at Zoar. He accompanied the
writer to a meeting of the medicine lodge in 1925 and secured certain
privileges for her at that time, the Indians permitting her to witness
the entire ceremony.

Louis Wickobe (Wase’su) lives in a clearing in the woods near
Keshena, and his house (pl. 5, 6) is one of the oldest on the reserva-
tion.

BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY BULLETIN 102 PLATE 1

LOUIS PIGEON

S3uYdnvag TWIAHOLIW ‘9 OVMVM TISHOLIW ‘9 SaATYSaLLVS ANILNSAIVA NHOf ‘0

¢3ALV1d 720! NILS1TINA ASONIONHLA NVYOIYAWY AO NVSAYNs

MENOMINEE MUSIC

By Frances Densmore

THE MENOMINEE TRIBE

The name of this tribe is Om4’noméni’wik (omanomen, rice; wuk,
Deon); and the term used to designate a member of the eas is
omi’nomini (omanomen, rice; inini, person). Omanomen is a
compound of meno, meaning “good, y and min, which is a general
term applied to berry, grain, or seed. The grain from which the
tribe derived its name is Zizania aquatica L., commonly called wild
rice, which grows extensively in the waters of the Menominee country.
Its harvesting is one of the chief industries of the people, and the grain
constitutes their principal article of vegetable food.!

The French called the plant folle avoine (wild or fool oat) and applied
the same name to the tribe.

The Menominee is an Algonquian tribe and it is believed their
linguistic relation is nearer to the Sauk, Fox, and Kickapoo than to
the Chippewa, Ottawa, and Pope Aveta

The people of this rhe. so far as known, were first encountered by
the whites when Nicollet visited them, probably in 1634. Hoffman
states that “‘In the notice of the discovery of the Menomini by
Nicollet no accurate information is given as to their geographic
position,” but ‘they appear to have concentrated about the head of
Green Bay and along the Menomini and Fox rivers.”’*? Jn 1671 and
from then until about 1852 their home was on or near the Menominee
River, not far from where they were found by Nicollet, and their
present reservation is in the same locality. Few other Indian tribes
are now living in the locality where they were found by the white
men about three centuries ago.

The negotiations between the Government of the United States
and the Menominee Tribe began with a treaty at St. Louis, March 30,
1817. This treaty was one of “peace and friendship” intended to
place the Menominee, “in every respect, on the same footing upon

1 Cf, Jenks, A. E., Wild rice gatherers of the upper lakes; Smith, Huron H., Ethnobotany of the Meno-
mini, pp. 67, 68; Skinner, Alanson, Material culture of the Menomini, pp. 142-152.

2 See article on Menominee Tribe in Handbook of American Indians, Bur. Amer, Ethn., Bull. 30, part 2,
pp. 842, 843; also Michelson, Linguistic classification of Algonquian tribes; and Pilling, Algonquian
bibliography.

’ Hoffman, Walter James, The Menomini Indians, pp. 15, 16.

2 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 102

which they stood before the late war.” The Menominee also con-
firmed to the United States ‘‘every cession of land heretofore made by
their tribe to the British, French, or Spanish government. ’”’*

The Menominee were invited to share in the treaty negotiated at
Prairie du Chien, Wis., August 19, 1825. This treaty opened with
the words, “‘The United States of America have seen with much
regret that wars have for many years been carried on between the
Sioux and the Chippewa [and other tribes]. . . . In order, therefore,
to promote peace among these tribes, and to establish boundaries
among them and the other tribes who live in their vicinity, and
thereby remove all causes of future difficulty, the United States have
invited the Chippewa, Sac and Fox, Menominee [and other tribes]
to assemble together, and in a spirit of mutual consideration to accom-
plish these objects; and to aid therein, have appointed William Clark
and Lewis Cass, commissioners on their part.’’®

This treaty was left incomplete, with respect to the boundary
between the Chippewa and the Menominee, as some of the principal
Menominee chiefs were unable to be present. Therefore a second
treaty was made at Butte des Morts, on Fox River, August 11, 1827.°

A few years later the Menominee sent a delegation to Washington,
stating that their brothers, the ‘“‘Pootowottomees on the south and
the Winnebagoes on the west,’’ were encroaching upon their land.
A treaty was made in Washington, February 8, 1831, which defined
the boundaries in detail and also ceded land for the benefit of ‘the
New York Indians who may remove to and settle upon the same
within three years.’”’” The Government agreed to pay the Menominee
for this land and to erect buildings and make other improvements on
their reservation.’ This led to a ‘‘tedious, perplexing, and harassing
dispute and controversy” between the Menominee and ‘‘the New
York Indians, more particularly known as the Stockbridge, Munsee,
and Brothertown tribes, the Six Nations and St. Regis Tribe,” and
a second treaty was made at Washington on October 27, 1832.8

A treaty at Cedar Point, on Fox River, made September 3, 1836,
and ratified February 15, 1837, ceded certain land to the United
States ° but was less important to the life of the tribe than a treaty
made at Lake Pow-aw-hay-kon-nay, October 18, 1848, in which they
agreed to remove to Minnesota, accepting a tract of land which the
Chippewa had ceded to the Government.!® The treaty makers were
supposed to represent the tribe, but further negotiations became

4 Indian affairs: laws and treaties, Charles J. Kappler, ed., vol. n, p. 138.

5 Ibid., p. 250. 8 Tbid., p. 377.

6 Tbid., p. 281. * Thid., pp. 463-466.
7 Ibid., pp. 319-323, 10 Tbid., pp. 572-574,

DENSMORE] MENOMINEE MUSIC 3

necessary “upon manifestation of great unwillingness on the part of
said Indians to remove to the country west of the Mississippi, upon
Crow Wing, which had been assigned them, and a desire to remain
in the State of Wisconsin.” This statement forms part of the treaty
made at the Falls of the Wolf River, May 12, 1854, by which the
Menominee were established on their present reservation."! At that
time the reservation comprised 12 townships, but two of these were
ceded to the United States for the use of the Stockbridge and Munsee
Indians, in a treaty made at Keshena Falls, Wis., February 11, 1856.”
The area of the
present Menominee
reservation is 231,-
523.69 acres, cover-
ing 10 townships.
(Fig.1.) It isa pic-
turesque country,
well forested with a
large variety of coni-
fers and hardwoods,
and contains many
streams, rivers, and
lakes which abound
iInsnee.: (Pls; «3, a,
bsesA, a, 62.5506)

The Menominee
removed to their
present home in
October, 1852, most
of them ascending
the Wolf River in
canoes, A per sonal FIGURE 1.—Map of Wisconsin, showing Menominee Reservation
reminiscence of this
event was related in 1929 by Mitchell Beaupre (pl. 2, c), who at that
time was 83 years of age. His father was a trader who had a trading
post near the present site of Oshkosh, Wis., taking furs from the
Indians in exchange for goods.

Beaupre said that people from four or five places moved in bateaux
on Wolf River, as there were no roads and only trails. The Wolf
River was small and there was no trace of white people. Continuing,
he said:

Perhaps a month after we got here we found that we were short of flour and
such food. We had a meeting and decided to send four strong young men in a
boat to float down to Oshkosh. A man named Greenough had a store this side

of Oshkosh, and they thought they could get some supplies from him. The
chief signed an order for the supplies.

ll Tbid., pp. 626-627, 12 Thid., p. 755,

4 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 102

The four young men had to travel all night and they got to Greenough’s about
noon the next day, but it took them three days to get back. The agent was a
German named Huebschmann, and Greenough was interpreter for two years.
He also kept a store and helped the Indians by giving them credit. The Indians
knew that Greenough was the only man who could help them, so they kept him
paid up. Once in a while we had an annuity and then we paid him.

When the young men came back everyone was happy for they brought plenty
of everything, including four or five kinds of calico. The chiefs divided up the
things.

There was a mill at the agency and Greenough built a boat that would carry
12 tons. I saw that boat. My father was the man who stood at the end and
steered it. There were three men on each side of the boat and they had long poles.
A man would stick the pole into the water at the prow of the boat, put his shoulder
against the pole and walk the length of the boat. Then he would run fast to the
front of the boat and start again. Jn this way they poled the boat upstream.
There was only one rapid between Oshkosh and Keshena and that was called
Greenough Rapid. The men waded waist deep in the water and the rapids were
narrow. They had poles across the boat and half lifted it with these poles,
perhaps gaining only about a foot with each effort, but finally they got the boat
through to clear water and then up to Keshena.

Families moved up into the hard timber for sugar making and sometimes stayed
three or four weeks. The traders from Oshkosh and Green Bay bought maple
sugar, and they borrowed Greenough’s boat and floated it down. They bought
both sugar and sirup. In the fall they came in the same way and bought wild
rice.

The Menominee have generally been peaceful in character. They
were friendly in their relations with the French and, with other north-
western tribes, ‘‘rendered conspicuous service in the defeat of Brad-
dock in 1755 at Fort du Quesne. ... They also participated
in the battle before Quebec on the Plains of Abraham.” 8 After
the peace of 1763, when the French troops were withdrawn and their
places filled by the English, discontent among the Indians became
apparent and gradually grew until there was a conspiracy for the
extermination of the English on the entire western frontier. Pontiac
made his power felt, and, when the attack on Michilimackinas was
planned, some Menominee joined the expedition. The English did not
again occupy the post on Green Bay and the Menominee did not
render service to them until at the outbreak of the Revolutionary
War a party attended a council at Montreal.

About 1780 Captain Dalton, Superintendent of Indian Affairs for
the United States, in an estimate of the Indian tribes employed by
the British in the Revolutionary War, stated that the Menominee
had furnished about 150 men. The Menominee also joined the
British in the War of 1812-1814. Reminiscent of these early days is
an old war song (No. 123) containing the words, ‘‘The Queen of
England wants us to fight against her enemies.”

18 The statements concerning the relations of the Menominee to the French and English are condensed
from Hoffman, The Menomini Indians, pp. 16-19.
‘4 Colls, Mass. Hist. Soc., vol, X, p, 123 (from an account published in Philadelphia, Aug. 7, 1783).

BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY BULLETIN 102 PLATE 3

= ~* —
SES Se

b, LAKE ON MENOMINEE RESERVATION

SS it gg mae

c, RAPIDS OF WOLF RIVER

BULEERIN 1027 PEATE 4

BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY

ISLANDS ABOVE THE DALLES OF WOLF RIVER

Wii ayseme vr

scras Aa NOR TARVIN

a Lane .
Rt ea

b, PINE FOREST, MENOMINEE RESERVATION

BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY BULLETIN 102 PLATE 5

a, PINE TREES, KESHENA, WIS.

|
|

c, LOG HOUSE IN WOODS

BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY BULLETIN 102 PLATE 6

a, SPIRIT ROCK

b, REGINALD OSHKOSH BEATING MI- c, MENOMINEE GIRL
TAWIN DRUM

DENSMORE] MENOMINEE MUSIC 5

The difference of dates between the War of 1812-1814 and the
reign of Queen Victoria shows that the Indians were lacking in defi-
nite historical knowledge.

After this war the Menominee became loyal to the Government of
the United States. It is said that 125 members of this tribe enlisted
in the Union Army in the Civil War and that one-third of this number
were killed or died in hospitals.“ Numerous songs were composed
by them concerning this war. (See pp. 201-203.)

Throughout its history ‘‘this tribe has been known for its friendship
for the white man and its fidelity to its given word. A fine, upstand-
ing race of men, usually 6 feet or more in height, the Menominees
enjoyed in times past, through all the Great Lakes region over which
they roamed, the reputation of being a peace-loving people, slow to
anger, but mighty warriors when roused to a just quarrel. They lived
up to this reputation at the time of the Civil War, when considerable
numbers of their young men fought in the armies of the Republic.
To-day, the Menominee enjoy the distinction of being the only Indian
tribe which has a G. A. R. post.’’

Major Pike described the men of the tribe as “‘straight and well
made, about middle size, their complexions generally fair for savages,
their teeth good, their eyes large and rather languishing; they have a
mild but independent expression of countenance that charms at first
sight.”” 7

The Menominee has never been a large tribe. The most conserva-
tive estimates in the nineteenth century range from 1,600 to 1,900."
According to Gale, ‘‘In 1853 the whole tribe numbered 2,708 and in
1865 there were 1,879.” Indians officially reported in 1871 com-
prised 1,348 ‘‘Menomonees”’ and 1,513 Stockbridge, Munsee, and
Oneidas.” This report was made by William T. Richardson, the first
civilian agent placed over the Menominee, his predecessors having
been officers of the United States Army. The agency was then at
Green Bay, Wis., and was later removed to Keshena, about 5 miles
north of the town of Shawano. The number of the Menominees
residing in the reservation in 1929 is reported as 1,939.7!

In ceremonies and customs the Menominee resemble the Chip-
pewa, Winnebago, and other tribes. The medicine lodge of the
Menominee is practically the same as the Grand Medicine Society
(Midewiwin) of the Chippewa; the drum ceremony originated with
the Sioux, and its observance by the Menominee closely resembles

15 Gale, George, The Upper Mississippi, Chicago, p. 195.

16 Lindquist, G. E. E., The red man in the United States. New York, 1923, p. 123.
17 Handbook of American Indians, Bull. 30, Bur. Amer. Ethn., pt. 1, p. 842,

18 Tid, p. 843.

19 Upper Mississippi, p. 196.

20 Report of the Secretary of the Interior for 1871, p. 1030,
21 Report of the Commissioner of Indian Affairs, 1929, p, 27,

6 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 102

that by the Chippewa, while in the use of war bundles and hunting
bundles, and in the Morning Star legend the Menominee resemble
the Winnebago. The ca’winoka’win, or dance from the south god,
was used in old times by both Menominee and Chippewa, and many
customs pertaining to the treatment of the sick are similar in these
tribes. Many Chippewa words are commonly used by the Menomi-
nee, both in conversation and in their songs. Resemblances to other
tribes are apart from present consideration.

Among the differences to the Chippewa beliefs we note the use of
‘‘bundles,” the Morning Star legend, the representation of the
thunder bird as a man, and the common use of the term ‘‘thunder-
ers.”” According to David Amab the thunderers were birds and also
men, having only these two shapes and changing from one to the
other as they desired. Frank S. Gauthier stated that he had heard
of people who dreamed of the thunder bird and saw it in the form of
aman. This, in his understanding, is the only time in which the thun-
der bird appears as a person. A slightly different interpretation is
given by Skinner, who states that the thunderers were called
mujikiwis, meaning ‘‘oldest persons,” and, in a metamorphosed
form, together with the ‘Great Underground Bear,’ they were the
ancestors of the Menominee.” These and the spirit women in the east
were beneficent powers.

Among the Menominee legends is one concerning a pair of twins
who are said to have made the pictographs on the rocks at Menominee
Falls. These pictographs are too high to have been made by persons
on the water, and include drawings of the moon and stars. It was
said, ‘‘ You can see the tracks of those boys and they made the marks.”’ —
A legend concerning the twins and Kine (the power of evil most
feared by the Menominee) was related by Reginald Oshkosh (pl. 6,
6), son of Neopit Oshkosh and grandson of the old chief of the same
name. This legend, briefly summarized, states that Kine stole a
copper knife that belonged to all the members of the tribe in common.
A council was held and the twins volunteered to recover this knife.
In their canoe they went up the river to where a high cliff faced the
east. This cliff was shaped like a man’s head, with long hair, formed
of evergreen trees, and having a tail like a sturgeon. A long time
ago the man was alive and the cliff was his wigwam. The boys
climbed the cliff and hid behind some Norway pine trees. Soon they
saw Kine coming along in his canoe pounding on the side of the canoe
with their copper knife and singing. They threw Norway pine cones
at him as he passed on the river below them. The first cone struck
his canoe in the middle, so that it sank, and the second cone struck
him on the forehead, passing through his head and falling into the
water with asplash. The twins recovered the knife and “‘in no time”’

2 Skinner, Material culture of the Menomini, pp, 46, 49, 50,

DENSMORE] MENOMINEE MUSIC 7

they were back at the council reporting the success of their mission.
A more extended version of this story is presented by Skinner and
Satterlee, who state that ‘“‘This Indian story is a sacred dream given
and known by old Oshkosh in his youth and conveyed to his son who
became his successor.”’ **

The underground and underwater powers are frequently mentioned
in connection with the songs. Chief among the former was the
‘underground bear,” said to be the ancestor of the Menominee Tribe.
According to Skinner he was white, and larger than a grizzly bear.
It is said that he was an Indian when he emerged from the ground
near the present site of Marinette, Wis., and that he was soon followed
by more Indians. After a while they all went to live near Green
Bay, Wis., which was the early home of many singers and informants
contributing to the present work. The term used in designating
this animal is seka’tsoke’ma (war chief). The bear was probably the
most dangerous animal known to the early Menominee and the identi-
fication with that animal was understood. The chief of the under-
water powers is commonly designated as the “underwater snake.”
The term used in referring to this creature is mi’cikin’opik, meaning
‘hairy snake,” and it is understood that it lived in the water. In
both instances that which was understood and not expressed by the
Indians forms an important part of the English equivalent.

The underwater snake personified the power of evil. Two legends
concerning its destruction by Manabus were related. In one of
these he allows himself to be swallowed by the serpent and kills it
by stabbing its heart. (Pp. 144-145 and songs 81, 82.) In the other
legend Manabus sent the thunderers to kill the snake.

It is the Menominee belief that if a drowned person meets his
death in a natural manner his body will be found in other than an
upright position; but if the body is found erect in the water, it is
believed the person has been drawn down to his death by the under-
water snake. In explanation of this belief Mitchell Beaupre related
the following tradition:

Long ago there was a couple living at the edge of a sandy shore and they had
two girls. They let the children play on the shore and swim in the water but
one day when they went to call them to a meal there was no answer. They
could see a long way in both directions along the shore and the old man called
in the woods. The children’s footprints could be seen where they had waded
in the shallow water, but nothing more could be found. The couple went home
and cried, for they had no other children.

Then the old man remembered that he had once fasted for six days, so he de-
cided to fast again and forced himself to go without food for six days. On the
sixth night he dreamed of Manabus, who said, ‘‘ Everything is all right. You
can eat your breakfast tomorrow.”

The next day he said to his wife, ‘‘I dreamed of Manabus, and he said that he
would give me great help, but he did not say what kind it would be.’”’ He thought

33 Skinner and Satterlee, Folklore of the Menomini Indians, pp. 456, 457.

8 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 102 |

that he would test his dream, so he got some tobacco and said to Manabus,
‘‘What can I do? If my children had been killed by an enemy I could go out
and have my revenge, but they are gone.”

Manabus said, “‘They are all right. You will get them back alive.” Then
Manabus went away.

Before proceeding with the narrative it should be understood that
the hairy snake lived in a big house under the water, plastered all
around, white and smooth. It was like around wigwam. ‘There was
only one entrance to his house, and that was a round smooth tunnel
that opened upward in deep water.

Manabus sent the thunderers to smash that entrance. The thunderers went
down into the hairy snake’s house and found the two children safe and well.
Then they killed the snake, destroyed the entrance to his house, and took the
snake up into the sky. This happened near Sturgeon Bay, and for a half a day
afterwards the people across the bay could see a great cloud like smoke, where the
thunderers were taking the snake up into the sky.

The narrator said he was told two or three years ago that the hole
that was the entrance to the snake’s house could still be seen. There
were trees growing in it, but the tunnel was clearly visible and part
of the wall of the snake’s house was still standing.

The finding of a body erect in the water was described by Amab,
who said that long ago his parents and family were camping on Wolf
River. One afternoon a portion of the family were on the river in a
canoe, when a storm came up, with thunder and rain. They put the
canoe next the shore. An old man (a relative of his wife) was in the
end farthest from shore, then the man’s wife and their children,
who were covered with a tent. They thought they would wait there
until the storm passed.

While it was still raining they heard a sound like a gun. Half an
hour later the rain stopped and the woman, who was under the tent
with the children, rolled back the canvas and said, ‘‘The rain has
stopped. Let us go on.’”? There was no one in the end of the canoe,
but she saw the body of the old man at a little distance, standing
erect in about 6 or 7 feet of water. She moved the canoe to that
place and reached down. There was a bad smell in the air, like
powder after a gun has been washed out. The top of the man’s
head was about a foot under water, and there was a little soft spot
on the top of the head. She managed to get him into the canoe,
put him in the middle of the canoe and tried to look for other Indians
camping on the river. Finally, near sundown, she found some rela-
tives and told them of the event.

The canoe had moved only a little when the sound like a gun was
heard, and it was believed that the underwater spirits had drawn the
man down into the water.

DENSMORE] MENOMINEE MUSIC 9

In the middle of one of the principal highways through the reser-

vation is a bowlder called ‘“‘spirit rock,” and a legend is related to
the effect that when the stone is entirely disintegrated the Menominee
Tribe will cease to exist. On being questioned, Amab said that when
the Menominee came to their present reservation they had a trail
along the river and lived in wigwams along this trail, which passed
near the rock. At that time the rock was about 5 feet high, and
“looked like a woman hunched up and pointing toward the east.’
An old man had a dream and told the people there was a spirit in
that rock. That was all he said, but after that time everybody who
passed by the rock gave a little tobacco.

The stone has gradually worn away and is now about 3 feet high.
(Pl. 6, a.) So general has the custom become that small gifts of
various sorts are seen beside it, some being left by white tourists
who pass on the road.**

The material culture and general customs of the Menominee have
been intensively studied * and are similar to those of the Chippewa.
Inquiry was made concerning the Chippewa custom of making trans-
parencies of birch bark by folding and indenting patterns with the
teeth, the pattern becoming visible when the bark is unfolded and
held toward the light. This is said to have been a Menominee cus-
tom, and was also known to Mrs. Henry Wolf, an aged Winnebago,
who married a Menominee and said she made these transparencies
while she was still among her own people. Her daughter-in-law had
never heard of this work but found no difficulty in making the trans-
parencies when instructed. She was a capable maker of birch-bark
articles to be sold to tourists but had no knowledge of old decorative
designs.

According to Amab, the Menominee, in early days, had clay dishes
of good size and clay pipes, some white and some red. One pipe was
found a short distance below Keshena Falls. Amab said, ‘‘We dug
in the shore to make our way across the river. We dug about 6 feet
into the bank and there we found the pipe.”’ Another man found a
pipe about 3 inches long. It was light gray clay, and he found it
about 2 feet underground. Nobody ever knew who made those pipes.

The art of silversmithing was introduced by the Stockbridge
Indians, who brought it with them from the Atlantic seaboard. This
art had been acquired by them from some very early European
colonists. A few Menominee became experts in this art, making
their gravers and dies from files. They still adorn themselves with
brooches, bracelets, buttons, and rings made by native hands, the
decorations consisting of incised lines, dots, and figures. (PI. 6, c.)

%a Cf. appearance of the spirit women in the form of a stone, p. 31.
% Cf, Material culture of the Menomini, by Skinner.

10 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY (BULL. 102

Mrs. Henry Wolf was questioned concerning the use of a high vocal
drone among the Menominee. This drone consists of a high tone
sustained for a considerable, time by two or three women singers.
The custom was not observed among Indians which were studied
previous to the Papago (1920), but was heard in that tribe and found
to be a custom among the Quileute in northwestern Washington.
Mrs. Wolf said it was an old custom among the Menominee and that
“two or three women with good wind used to do that to help the
singers.’”’ As an example of its use she said that her husband was a
medicine man, and at the medicine lodge he would start a song and
she would stand beside him and sing in that manner.

MUSICAL INSTRUMENTS AND THEIR USES

Drums.—Three types of drum are used by the Menominee: (1)
The casklike drum partly filled with water, which is used in ceremo-
nies of the medicine lodge and occasionally in other ceremonies if a
man’s dream requires it. This drum is often decorated with symbolic
designs and is similar to the Mide drum used by the Chippewa.
(Pls. 6,6; 17.) A little tobacco is placed in the water when the drum
is used. The stick used with this drum is slender and slightly curved
at the end, the tip of the curved end striking the head of the drum.
(2) The wide drum, suspended from four curved stakes. When used
in connection with the drum religion it is decorated with symbolic
designs and its sides covered by acloth flounce. (Seep. 153 and pl. 24,
a.) When used at social gatherings it is without covering or decora-
tion. At a gathering attended by the writer this drum was placed
above a shallow, bowl-shaped excavation in the ground, which acted
asaresonator. (Pl.27,c.) (3) A double-headed hand drum about 18 or
20 inches in diameter. Such a drum was used on the final day of the
drum ceremony. (Pl. 26, a.) It was also used at moccasin games.
It could be used by an individual at any time for accompanying his
own songs.

Rattles —The two types of rattle commonly used by this tribe are
of the same sort, both consisting of hollow objects which contain
small pebbles or shot. (1) A gourd rattle is used in the rites of the
Mitawin and in other ceremonies. (Pl.17) Aspice-box rattle is also
used, this consisting of an ordinary tin spice box pierced by a stick
which forms the handle and containing a few shot or small pebbles.
The oldest form of this rattle, according to John V. Satterlee, was
made of the bladder of an animal, inflated and tied closely at the end.
After it dried and became hard, a few small stones were placed in it
and a wooden handle fastened in place, forming a rattle. The most
modern form is made of a small squash, similarly provided with a
wooden handle. (2) A “doctor’s rattle’ consists of a thin hoop,
about 9 inches in diameter, covered on both sides with the hide of a

SIQNnNg YVM NI 3LN74 “¢ *3LNT4 ASNINONSEW ‘2

ied oe ee ee Ra!

La3aiv1d z2ol NIItaT1INnNAa ADONONHL]A NVYDIMAWV SO Nveaynsa

NVAITINS SANSV “4 AZYHONV] ANIYSHLVS ‘2

83LV1ld col NILATING ASOTIONHLA NVYVDIYAWY AO NVayuNa

DENSMORE] MENOMINEE MUSIC 11

woodchuck and containing a few pebbles. This rattle is used by a
doctor when treating the sick, and it is known by either the Chippewa
or Menominee term meaning ‘‘rattlesnake.”’ (See p. 100.)

A different type of rattle was inclosed in a war bundle and used to
accompany war songs. (Pl.13.) This rattle consists of pieces of deer
hoof attached to a stick in such a manner that they clash together
when the rattle is shaken. A similar rattle was used in the Miwatani
society of the Teton Sioux, an important military organization. (Cf.
Bull. 61, p. 326, and pl. 46.)

Flutes —The wooden flute of the Menominee, like that of other
Indian tribes, is of the type known to musicians as the fliite a bec,
played by blowing into an air chamber at the upper end, the sound
being produced by a whistle opening similar to that of an organ pipe.
The wood used for a flute is cedar, box elder, ash, sumac, or other
soft wood with a straight grain. The method of construction is
described in Chippewa Customs, pages 167, 168. The upper end of
such a flute is either blunt, tapered to an opening smaller than that
of the tube, or shaped in a manner suggesting a small tube projecting
from the instrument and serving as a mouthpiece. It is said that the
Menominee prefer the last-named mouthpiece, but the specimen illus-
trated (pl. 7, a) has the beveled mouthpiece generally used by the
Chippewa. The block of this flute is carved to represent the head of
an animal. The flutes, made of reed and contained in a war bundle,
are shown in Plates 7, 6, 12, 6, and 13.

Whistles —The tubular bones of birds are made into whistles and
used by jugglers in their demonstrations.

Comparison OF MENOMINEE SoNGs wiTH CurippEwa, Sioux, Urs,
Manpan, Hipatsa, Papaco, AND PAWNEE SONGS

MELODIC ANALYSIS
TABLE 1—TONALITY

Chippewa
pious, | Ute
ndan,
Midats, zee Menominee ie Total ret
and
Pawnee
Manor DOnaULY..2--. ~~ 22S | 553 51 93 66 646 53
Mimor tonality £222 25 | 463 43 24 1h 487 40
Both major and minor__-___-___- Guineas 2 1 Fe ye eer
Pinrd tacking 22022 38 4 11 8 49 4
ePID trier 13 1 10 it 23 2
SS SSS | SERNA | AF ALCS | PRU Serres 2 | pron
LS a ou Opavien. sos 1400 eco Peas ee

1 Songs thus classified are ‘‘pure melody without tonality.’’? In such songs the tones appear to be ar-
ranged with reference to intervals rather than with reference to a keynote, many being based on successive
intervals of a fourth.

48819°—32——3,

12 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 102

TABLE 2.-FIRST NOTE OF SONG—ITS RELATION TO KEYNOTE

Chippewa,
pris rg
Hidatsa, Pet |Menomines! Pe | Total | Per
and
Pawnee
Beginning on the—

APhirteenther ets eee eae Fe ag ae a faye) ee a
Twelfth joe eee aN 150 14 11 9 161 10
Mleventhes a2) 2 aie & 15 1 3 2 18 1
Tenth epee what. 22 Sere cap) 69 6 2 1 7h 6
NEG bt Bete eee ea Re. 32 8 31 21 63 5
Ota views e tert. Smee 216 20 13 9 229 19
MSO VEMUL ee tens cer on emanate 16 1 4 3 20 2
Sicthy Ses Aes Ok AUPE 35 $ 5 oS 40 8
fu ive] oly a fps Ce Ms 6 eS PS kd 285 26 43 30 328 28
Hourthvews SPT) 2 GE. SY 19 2 1 1 20 2
qRlatini’o [sini f OP eens. 2 eran 86 8 7 5 93 8
SECOMG pasar eten ef Sete 24 2 2 1 26 2
1 55,70 ip i aa pf 107 10 8 5 115 9
Drrosuliee ea 4S ea 13 1 10 7 23 2

TNotaliss: cliewsyas ash 13073 |Batees PAO Wee yes 1), 21S cadet

Sioux, Ute,
Hidatsa, Pet |menominee| Pe | Tota | Per
and
Pawnee
Ending on the—

Sixth... 4 eee eee 1) PSR te 2 ce mpm ae Ke Sg i S| 2
Pitth=t See Se ee ae 348 32 60 40 408 34
"Wid 22 ee Ea ee ee 114 11 5 3 119 10
Keynote fat 2a eee 597 56 65 43 662 54

irrepiar- 4) see CoO CS 13 1 10 13 23 2

DENSMORE] MENOMINEE MUSIC 13

TABLE 4.—LAST NOTE OF SONG—ITS RELATION TO COMPASS

Chippewa,
rnaceiany:
Hidats, “el Menominee eet Total tad
and
Pawnee
Songs in which final note is—
owest in ‘done. » a 2202. 801 75 120 86 921 76
Highest in song___._______ 1 is] eee a ee I ss Be beet
Immediately preceded by—
Fifth below...-....-_- 11 ae (aes es SF lake OE eh eee Be i [oleh
Fourth below________- 25 2 5 3 30 3
Major third below____- [Gt SEGSES 4 Se ORIN crve inne Sh PRU OtSt © % joes
Minor third below__-_- 29 g 2 1 31 3
Whole tone below____-_ 21 2 1 1 22 2
Semitone below__-___-__ 5 a 1 1 1Os/2aI
Immediately preceded by a
lower tone and contain-
ing tones lower thar final
CO, GSA SESS ee 179 16. Szie,_Aappee ais 179 15
Containing tones lower
papa iasy hOGe 22... tu. ee 11 8 aT es) page a O.
| OS By EE SD TOteels 2 2- MOcde2ce 2 1243 '"|v oto)

TABLE 5.—NUMBER OF TONES COMPRISED IN COMPASS OF SONG

Chippewa,

rare oe

Hidatsa, ae Menominee ae Total en

and

Pawnee
Ne UOTICR et cnet eC One WIE TS (i) Re Se ee Meee RADE bers
itsfonest: sas! deitew bus Chon fier 5 16 {heard Potarh 2 hl ra 209 bee 16 1
1h) 10 ne EA pea ee ee fl ine chain 58 6 | 5 a 63 5
LS (ogee A Se gre ep a © 181 yc 28 20 209 ei
MILONCR ree te OO 90 8 16 itil 106 8
tO t0ne8 sso oe: 123 11 15 11 138 tF
2) Cae Ti eS Se ae ae ee re 108 10 18 13 126 10
SUCRE DS ee eee 303 27 33 24 336 28
WaueMOSeee sf) Seen POSUNON IAL 65 6 4 8 69 6
BPUGHES! We abuse sowie. nee 2 63 6 3 2 66 &
SPUOHER eS He sem one ek ee eee 48 5 16 11 64 5
Lote tl es SON RE Caren een 9 Geno se 1 1 Sr isnc.
BuvONCHS Site aban ed eee sree el vy poet he 1 1 Oe Sasene

14 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULE. 102

TaBLeE 6.—TONE MATERIAL

Chippewa,
pats
Uidatso, eer Menominee eee Total xe
and
Pawnee
First 5-toned scale !_________-- 18 1 2 1 20 2
Second 5-toned seale__.____-_-~- 106 10 3 2 109 8
Fourth 5-toned scale_______-_-- 235 22 44 31 279 23
Fifth 5-toned scale_________--- 2222 Pe DoT Ore Vg 70 See
Nar Orsirin Geis oto. ben eet 14 | BR Pa 14 1
Major triad and 1 tone----_--_-- 123 20 6 4 129 10
IMINOPRGRI AGS ee eee ge Ad Meee 2 1 (oh ae a
Minor triad and 1 lower tone_-_-_ 96 9 7 5 103 9
Octave complete__...1..------ 62 § 12 9 74 6
Octave complete except seventh_ 101 | 9 17 12 118 9
Octave complete except seventh
and Lt lowertones 2! oo 52 eet 107 10 rf & 114 9
Octave complete except sixth__- 40 8 3 43 3
Octave complete except sixth
andhinlowerltones ae en we 19 1 1 1 20 2
Octave complete except fifth
and lower tones e222... ae ED sag La el a ay 1 Us ee
Octave complete except fourth- - 31 5) 9 6 40 3
Octave complete except fourth
andl lower tones Anu 2 ee 10 1 1 1 1H ee eh
Octave complete except third __- LSA yale cia tra ef tiga coalf |UaiRdat {ai tN
Octave complete except second __ 27 2 2 2 29 2
Other combinations of tones,
including irregular in tonality - 72 6 24 JHE 96 8
BEG fc ¥l Fs De Sia NL pee a POPS Me cs Ae TAO Wea eee LH bea |e ak es
1 The 5-toned scales mentioned in this table are the 5 pentatonic scales according to Helmholtz, described
by him as follows: ‘‘1. The first scale, without third or seventh. ... To the second scale, without second
or sixth, belong most Scotch airs which have a minor character. .. The third scale, without third and

sixth ... othe fourth scale, without fourth or seventh, belong most Scotch airs which have the character
ofamajor mode. The fifth scale, without second and fifth.’ (Helmholtz, H. L., The Sensavions of Tone,
London, 1885, pp. 260, 261.)

TaBLE 7.—ACCIDENTALS

Chippewa,

Manage

Udatsa, mer Menominee Bia Total ba

and
Pawnee
|
Songs containing—

No.-accidentals242.02ce.< 2 900 84 | LUZON basen ec Olle 8&3
Seventh raised a semitone __ 25 Se tia, Cope ea bie 25 2
Sixth raised a semitone__-__- 17 1 Tit eee 18 | 1
Fourth raised a semitone__- 22 2 3 1 25 Z
Third raised a semitone-_--- Sloe fe 1 1 No ee

DENSMORE] MENOMINEE MUSIC 15

TABLE 7.—ACCIDENTALS—Continued

Chippewa,

ou Ute,
dats, ha Menominee phe Total bo
and
Pawnee
Songs containing—Continued.
Seventh lowered a semi-

THIDWO NS ahi Rae a ep ae gla oat Uneteeteetag. Leet) 6 kapha ooh 1 1 1 eee
Sixth lowered a semitone__|._...----|------ 1 v i hal peer
Third lowered a_ semi-

monet e oe eo Se Ds PA |S ips ete 2 1 ale eo
Other combinations of

tones, including irregular

TOG HOM AUG Y a ees Si te 104 10 14 10 118 10

0) 2 Sa ra a oer WeOve: |e Lb ate 1, 218s tee’

TABLE 8.—STRUCTURE

Chippewa,
Sone Ute,
andan,
ae a Menominee aus Total ree
and
Pawnee
Leyes Piro ate, eee GR, Ghia. Fe 642 60 107 76 749 62
Melodie with harmonic frame-

NVI) is, 2 oh a a Es Se 2A2 20 10 ti 222 18
PAU FSEYONORUUG Cpe ha pe 206 19 4133 10 219 18
BereolaY |. enteetewous « 13 1 10 7 Dep Z

OUR oe Jb ooh Oise pce ek 140 see eeee dee ee)

TABLE 9.—FIRST PROGRESSION—DOWNWARD AND UPWARD

Chippewa,
ee
eho |) pete : Per Per
sae iat Menominee ent Total ae
and
Pawnee
MCWIWATAS 522 25252 22c221) 5 670 62 96 69 766 63
at Se Ossett epee een ie 403 38 44 31 447 37

BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY

ULL. 102

TABLE 10.—TOTAL NUMBER OF PROGRESSIONS—DOWNWARD AND UPWARD

Chippewa,
hes Ute,
andan,
Hidatsa Ect, |Menomineo! P | Total | Fer
and
Pawnee
Downward Ji4s22 25 SSeS 18, 241 63'| 2,090 65 |20, 331 63
Perea Ae Lee ae 10, 715 oF 1, 105 86 |11, 820 37
POCA eae ta ae an Oe oe 2 OO Gee SOs oe ee B32, Lol, |e
TABLE 11.—INTERVALS IN DOWNWARD PROGRESSION
Chi
Sioux, Ute,
Hidatsa, ee Menominee Bat Total ao
an
Pawnee
Interval of a—
Twelfth, ninth and octave__ Gi | hs le ee 6 2228
Seventh usa ane. lake oa Go |e as I es Se 6) ee
Masormginth Uke. udigks 6. ep EER tea 0 Wea, Bay ee 2 \s alarm
IN ERO Tu SIoct hese ae a SO FE eat Pal Rae ere ED ae 30) fae
Lib i Plates Nem mom Nh SS voes ceo ek PSO, eeanley S a RS Lae a 168 1
Ro itt hae St oh Ee ciple aca 1, 919 1! 192 Oi {22 delet: 10
Maj orsthind Saye eae ee oe 1, 790 10 105 6 | 1, 895 9
Minor ibhinca see a 5, 421 50 561 27 | 5, 982 29
Augmented second_-_____-- pe il eepee pte ae ae eeepc (eters > ea (ere
Major seconds ue) Ja5-b 2. 2s 8, 188 45 1, 086 52 | 9, 274 46
Minornsecondasene saa Lee 706 3 128 6 834 4
“ARCGS ENS, Eee eae as ST ee SPER, 18.240 yet Po 2090R 22aaa= 20h aoe ema
TABLE 12.—INTERVALS IN UPWARD PROGRESSION
Chippewa,
pala Ute,
Hida, ae Menominee pe Total pa
and :
Pawnee
Interval of a—
Fourteenth, twelfth, elev-
enth, tenth, and ninth___ SOW LAE PE 20 eee 5S) |=
Octave so. aut eee sae 155 1 et ERLE es 162 1
Seventhdieseve ape he 3 lg 7] ROVER, Ih HBO Wy ect Ey
Magar sixth. 2 2 Fie | 138 1 Ns ga 147 1
Ii btyavonztsh ber) nlp ee ey es 102 1 y=| ee ee Oe a
LTH eee CSREES TE Ra Oe 710 ve 87 8 797 7
owas Fe ee ed a 1, 798 17 208 19 | 2, 006 VF
Naor chind= 25's. uke 1, 142 10 60 §*} 1, 202 11
Minorstbirdae ss 2, 608 24 224 20 | 2, 832 24
Major BeCOnGse= 2 2 ae SDS 33 456 41 | 4, 009 34
Minor SeCOnGs sso. fare 411 4 30 4 448 4
51 Fo Ue en ft Fc LOL Sil Sapa HOt | skee 11 S20) 25=—

DENSMORE] MENOMINEE MUSIC 1%

TABLE 13.—AVERAGE NUMBER OF SEMITONES IN AN INTERVAL

Chippewa,

pear,

Hidatsn, Na! Menominee ase Total eee

and

Pawnee
mrumbervof songs2ts—-2 22s es2 Plies as TAOR eer 17 es lus se
Number of intervals__________- 28, 9OOY [eas Be Se ee ee Soe Me ie se ee eel
Number of semitones_________-_ SOC a20 nee ae Oe SAS se G8, 863; [Essa
Average number of semitones

Mm Bit Wber vals Oe eee 3. ZOR ee 2.9 jroo Padoil O)7 oni Mialahs

RHYTHMIC ANALYSIS
TABLE 14—PART OF MEASURE ON WHICH SONG BEGINS

Chippewa,
Spats,
Janaan,
aaa et Menominee ra Total Heh
and
Pawnee
Beginning on unaccented part
OiMeRSU Te we a ee 396 37 76 54 472 388
Beginning on accented part of
TOCA S) UU RD Lg dy seed ie een aaa 635 58 63 45 698 58
Transcribed in outline________- 42 US 2S Ss 20 eee 42 4
Without measureyaccents__222 2 -|422 eee elLe eit 1 1 Sh ewe SS
ALRo\ 1) CS eS OS es it Ofoe ea TAOV ies es Oley re oe

TABLE 15.—RHYTHM (METER) OF FIRST MEASURE

Chippewa,
eee
1idats, Her Menominee Per Total Eee
and
Pawnee
First measure in—
DER IIITG ese a Le eh 593 56 89 64 682 56
Sf time Se Lae? Ae 384 37 42 30 426 35
4A times fe | Ba 9 yi | SRA 28 Ra 2 Onl. Rew
b=artimer eee fe ninth be 115) 1 iP Sale Sle 16 1
Gt atimes se Ses 2 tae eu Ht in nes, ee oe Th A,
iccih THN OOM Pe eee ye AE ama OD PH Ch aga Meee [es aod SP 26k || Ne a Di Wark Eda.
Sa Su tle RL be yt pom oe 04 | steppe 4 3 A (eg he ei
Fe UIT Ce eg a A ae NS Gila See = |e ee ee Bh (cl ee
SUNG ee gee OF trees ou 3 2 12 1
G-otiners. sees. Cree Al Oy ea ia) My Ba Bo 2S ac cae 1g bg a?
(—Svrime. Soe eB Ped iy | AY) | 2 hes | ERR |e Lt fh Die ee
2-2 thime Bika hh Soret es SB ety UCR | 2 ee apa Snr Bh eee
Transcribed in outline________-_ 42 Fags Se seeped fej ele 42 8
Without measure ACCENtS._.-- |2- 1 1 RAREST.

18 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 102

TABLE 164.—CHANGE OF TIME (MEASURE LENGTHS)

Chippewa,
aes Ute,
andan,
oe ie Menominee ue Total Fer
and
Pawnee
Songs containing no change of
LIV Ma 02) oe gag LAAN va U Dae epee gf ae a Ue 156 14 26 19 182 15
Songs containing a change of
RE TU ees pence AM EA IML al oat 875 81 113 80 988 81
Transcribed in outline_______-- 42 Ft VT a AO | lh 42 3
Without measure accents... . 22 2)) Sa 1 1 Laie
A oy it) Waa aben seem weer ea noe sere LAOfaleee= p40 es Pea ome 1, 2138~|o

TABLE 17.—RHYTHMIC UNIT!

Chippewa,
; anaes
Hidatsa, ee Menominee deh, Total Eee
and
Pawnee
Songs containing—
Nomhythmicumnite ess 23 318 30 17 12 335 28
Dear y Giana page 564 52 101 72 665 55
Zrhythamie wits. 122 il 20 14 142 10
Spay tome Waits <0 20 2 2 1 22 1
Ary tate Wnts. LS (ig lea ae fap ite SE [er cla ay PP
HAdobrariaaawe qunavyrsls epee ee lS AIC) Ns fh | PD by | 2 ee
Transcribed in outline_________ 42 2 | SRR RE | NERS 42 3
si 170 572) ORR Se a a heidi ates 2 TAQ) jee sels: ge Us |p 2

1 Indicated by bracket above the note.

CoMPARISON OF MENOMINEE SONGS WITH THE COMBINED ANALYSES
oF Cuippewa, Sioux, Urn, Manpan, Hipatsa, PAPaGo, AND
PawNneE SonGcs

Five linguistic families are represented in the material classified.
To the Algonquian family belong the Chippewa and Menominee; to
the Siouan family belong the Sioux (Dakota), Mandan, and Hidatsa,
while the Caddoan group is represented by the Pawnee; to the
Shoshonean family belongs the Ute; and to the Piman family be-
longs the Papago Tribe.> Thus the group under analysis comprises

25 Unpublished material includes songs of the Isleta, a Tigua tribe; the Acoma and Cochiti of the Keresan
family; the Yuma, Cocopa, and Mohave of the Yuman family; the Yaqui, of the Piman family; the

Makah, belonging to the Nootka branch of the Wakashan stock; the Clayoquot, of Vancouver Island;
several Tsimshian and Salishan tribes; and the Winnebago, another tribe of the Siouan family.

DENSMORE] MENOMINEE MUSIC 19

songs that were sung on the northern lakes and in the pine forests;
on the expanse of the treeless plains; on the high plateau and in the
canyons of the Rocky Mountains; and on the desert of southern
Arizona, which is low in altitude and broken by rugged bills and deep
gorges. In each tribe there has been an effort to record representa-
tive songs, with the largest proportion of the songs that are most
important in the tribal life. Among ceremonial tribes special at-
tention has been given to songs connected with ceremonies, while
the subjects of war and treatment of the sick have been prominent
in certain other tribes. It has been impossible to preserve all the
songs of any tribe, but a large number of songs have been heard at
tribal gatherings, thus extending the observation beyond the scope
of phonographic recording. It has also been impossible to preserve
all the songs known to any individual, as a proficient Indian singer
knows several hundred songs. Attention has been divided between
old men who know the old songs, but in many instances had weak
voices, and younger men who had good voices and were familiar
with comparatively modern songs. Indian women seldom sing, but
a reasonable number of songs recorded by women are included in
the present work.

A majority of the songs under analysis were believed to have
been ‘‘received in dreams,” this being a contrast to songs produced
by the conscious act of composition. The former are the oldest
songs and have formed the principal subject of investigation. We
have, therefore, a group of Indian songs from tribes of five linguistic
families, living under various climatic conditions and probably
affected, to some extent, by contact with other races. The Indian
race has preserved its individuality throughout these contacts, and
the present study shows that the songs of the Indians contain
characteristics which are believed to be racial.

In its broadest aspect the present analysis seeks to ascertain in
what respects Indian music resembles and differs from the music of
the white race, which is adopted as a convenient standard for com-
parison. Next, it seeks to ascertain in what respects the music of
one tribe (or linguistic family) resembles and differs from another.”
Lastly, consideration has been given to a comparison of classes of
songs within a tribe.” A comparison of the structure of old and com-
paratively modern songs was made in the study of Sioux music.”

The songs under analysis resemble the music of the white race in
that, with few exceptions, the sequence of tones suggests a keynote.
This is a ‘‘ point of repose,” not the fundamental of a system of tones,
coherent and recognized by the singer. Tribes differ in the location

2% In Bull. 80, Bur. Amer. Ethn., pp. 16-32, the tribes previously studied are considered separately.
In Bulls. 90 and 93 they are combined.

27 Bull. 45, Bur. Amer. Ethn., pp. 8-11; Bull. 53, pp. 50-58; Bull. 80, pp. 32-34,
33 Bull. 61, Bur. Amer. Ethn., pp. 22-25,

20 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 102

of the keynote; for example, the Chippewa usually build their
melodies above the keynote, while the Papago more frequently
place the melody partly above and partly below the keynote. The
percentage of Chippewa songs ending on the keynote is 67, while the
Papago group contains 41 per cent with this ending.” The test by
ear in determining the keynote is justified by the inability of the
Indian to explain the structure of his songs.

Songs whose tones are not referable to a keynote are classified for
the present as irregular in tonality. The number of these songs is
larger in the unpublished material than in the songs here presented.

On comparing Indian songs with those of civilization we note a
further resemblance in the use of a rhythmic unit or short pattern,
repeated throughout the melody and frequently varied by what may
be termed a thematic treatment. The tribes show little difference in
this respect, and 72 per cent of the entire group contains one or more
rhythmic units. (Table 17, p. 18.)

As differences from the familiar standard, we note the downward
trend, the frequency of the interval of a minor third, and the change
of measure lengths. Unfortunately there are no similar analyses of
the music of civilization, but it is not in accord with the evidence of
the ear that as many as 63 per cent of the intervals in our songs are
descending intervals. This is a peculiarity of the songs under analy-
sis. (Table 9, p. 16.) The final tone is the lowest tone in 76 per
cent of these songs, indicating still further the descending trend of
the melodies. (Table 4, p. 13.)

There is no tabulation of the intervals in our songs, but it is scarcely
credible that the minor third is as prominent as in the songs under
analysis, about 28 per cent of the intervals in these songs being minor
thirds while only 4 per cent aresemitones. The most frequent interval
is the whole tone, which comprises 41 per cent of the entire number.
(See Tables 11 and 12.) Even more obvious, in comparison with
our own music, is the irregular space of time between accented tones,
designated as measures. In the Indian songs under analysis, apart
from those without indicated accents, 81 per cent contain a change
of time. The pcculiar and irregular rhythms which characterize
these songs can be studied only from the transcriptions. A further
difference from our custom is in the lack of coincidence between voice
and accompanying drum or rattle.

The third above the apparent keynote is usually present in these
Indian songs, and by the third and the sixth (when present) the songs
are grouped in Table 1. The third above the keynote is a major
third in 53 per cent and a minor third in 40 per cent of the songs,
these being classified as major and minor in tonality. (See Table 1.)
A majority of the tribes under analysis show a resemblance in this

20 Bull. 53, Bur. Amer. Ethn., p. 18, and Bull. 90, p. 6.

DENSMORE] MENOMINEE MUSIC vil |

respect, the Sioux and Pawnee being the only tribes with a higher
percentage of songs in minor than in major tonality. This does not
mean, however, that the entire melody conforms to our major and
minor keys as many songs in major tonality progress chiefly by minor
thirds, an interval occurring often between the tonic and submediant.
A scale, in the full meaning of the term, implies chords, but this rela-
tion between tones appears to be lacking, to a large extent, in songs
under analysis. The structure of the songs is considered in Table 8,
and songs are classified as harmonic if all the contiguous accented
tones bear a simple chord relation to each other.

A conformity to the upper partials (overtones) of a fundamental is
seen in the relation of the initial tones to the keynote and in the com-
pass of the song. As shown in Table 2, 59 per cent of the songs
begin on the twelfth, octave, and fifth above the keynote, 13.5 per
cent begin on the tenth and third, and 9 per cent begin on the key-
note. This conformity appears also in the endings of the songs, 54
per cent of the entire group ending on the keynote, 34 per cent on the
fifth, and 10 per cent on the third. The proportions are relatively
the same in all the tribes under analysis, the highest per cent ending
on the keynote being found among the Chippewa. The songs of this
class among the Chippewa consist largely of the Midewiwin, or medi-
cine lodge songs, which are strongly affirmative in character. This
method of analysis shows that an Indian song may have tonality
without being in a ‘‘key”’ according to our use of that term.

The signature of the transcription indicates the pitch-level of the
performance, except that six flats or sharps are avoided. Such songs
are transcribed in the key of G.

Since there is no evidence that the Indians ever had an intelligent
tonal system governing their songs, we are led to believe that the selec-
tion of tones was determined by the sense of pleasure, which, in turn,
created a custom. There seems a possibility that the tones of the .
long whistle played by the plains tribes may have influenced their
songs. A portion of the long harmonic series could be played on this
instrument, as shown in Bulletin 80, page 10. The sound of this
instrument gave pleasure and suggested the upper partials of a funda-
mental, introducing or encouraging the use of those tones. Many
songs are based upon the interval of a fourth and we recall the im-
portance of the tetrachord in the musical system of ancient Greece.

In classifying the tone material of these songs the terminology of
Helmholtz (see footnote, p. 14) has been retained when the series
of tones corresponds to the black keys of a piano. By this simple
method it is found that more than 33 per cent of the songs under
analysis contain the sequences commonly called the pentatonic
(Gaelic) scales, the largest percentage being major in tonality and
based upon the upper partials of a fundamental. If this were due to

22 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 102

the influence of Scotch and Irish settlers, we might expect to find the
percentage of these songs highest among the Algonquian tribes that
live on or near the Canadian boundary, but instead the percentage
(45) is highest among the Papago who live in southern Arizona and
northern Mexico. Other songs containing five tones of the diatonic
octave comprise only 11 per cent of the entire number, exclusive of
the small groups designated as irregular and ‘‘other combinations of
tones.”” Thusitis shown that less than half of the 1,213 songs under
analysis contain only five tones of the diatonic octave. This is
interesting in view of a popular impression that Indian music is
pentatonic.

In the writer’s observation, the Indian songs believed to be most
primitive are small in compass and uncertain as to keynote. These
songs were recorded on the northwest coast and are not yet included
in the tabulated analyses.

It is difficult to show the framework of a melody in graphic form.
A system of plots on coordinate lines was devised and used in Teton
Sioux Music, each song being plotted and the observation made that
the plots were of five types, songs of a class having the same type of
plot.°° This was continued in Northern Ute Music, each group of
songs being followed by its characteristic plot,*! and in Mandan and
Hidatsa Music, the coordinate lines being omitted.*? Thisshowed only
the accented tones in a song. The unaccented tones, however, are
an important part of the framework of a melody and can not be
included in a graphic representation simple enough to be easily under-
stood. The following observations are intended to assist a careful
examination of the melodies themselves.

The interval of a perfect fourth constitutes only 13 per cent of the
progressions in Menominee songs, yet it is the most prominent interval
in the framework of the melodies. The latter observation has not
been extended to the songs previously published, it is probable that
the results would be substantially the same, especially among the
Chippewa and Sioux. A perfect fourth occupies four degrees and
contains two and one-half steps or tones, examples being as follows:
C-D-E-F, with the half tone next the top of the tetrachord, and
E-F-G-—A, with the half tone next the bottom of the tetrachord.
The frequency of the minor third may, in part, be attributed to its
use within the tetrachord. Thus in a phrase based upon the tetra-
chord E-—A there will be frequent repetitions of the interval E-G.

The perfect fourth will be found as a prominent interval in the
framework of the following Menominee songs: Nos. 10, 12, 26, 28,
30, 33, 34, 35, 36, 39, 48, 50, 51, 53, 69, 73, 86, 91, 99, 101, 105, 106,

30 Bull. 61, Bur. Amer. Ethn., pp. 51-54.

41 Bull. 75, Bur. Amer. Ethn., pp. 73, 87, 101, 111, 114, 117, 119, 120, 140, 160, 174, 181, 193, 205.
82 Bull, 80, Bur, Amer. Ethn., pp, 34-36,

DENSMORE] MENOMINEE MUSIC 23

117, 118, 137, and 138. This considerable number of songs is based,
either wholly or in part, on consecutive or linked intervals of a fourth.
For example, Song No. 87 is based on the consecutive descending
intervals, F-C, C—G, with F-C repeated in the lower octave. Song
No. 104 contains the descending fourths B flat-F, F—C, and in Song
No. 38 the fourth appears as D—A, G—D, the song ending with the
descending progressions D-B-G. In many songs this framework is
embellished with many smaller intervals. Among the songs with
this framework of linked or consecutive fourths are Nos. 8, 14, 28,
38, 45, 57, 63, 67, 75, 87, 88, 89, 104, 113, 128, 130, 133, and 136.
The ornamentation appears especially in Nos. 38 and 45, and the
framework is found in the first portion of the melody in Nos. 63, 67,
104, 113 and 128. The two groups above mentioned should not be
regarded as an exhaustive analysis, but they comprise 43 songs, or
about 31 per cent of the entire number.

Among the few songs using a triad as their framework are the
following: Nos. 114, 115, 120, 121, 127, and 140. One song (No. 85)
is framed upon descending, linked triads, this framework being
G-E-C, C-A-F. Among the songs based upon minor thirds are
Nos. 17, 27, 90, 96, 98, and 122. This is a wide difference to the
number of songs framed wholly or in part on the perfect fourth.

The rhythm of a melody is influenced by its framework, the rhythm
being created by an emphasis upon certain tones. The number of
songs classified as harmonic in structure (based upon triads, see p. 15)
‘ils comparatively small (18 per cent), while the freely melodic and
irregular songs constitute 64 per cent of the large group under analysis;
this group including the songs based upon successive intervals of a
fourth. Between these groups are the songs with an harmonic frame-
work so embellished that they are classified as a separate group, con-
stituting 18 per cent of the entire number.

PHONETICS

Vowels have the continental sounds, except
& as in hat
i as in but
Consonants are pronounced as in English, except
e pronounced like sh in shall
tc pronounced as in watch

24 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 102

GLOSSARY *

NAMES OF PERSONS
RC 2 I eal oe ll Claw or hoof.
A GRIN gS ea cy eee ine ie oll Uncooked.
Yi F467 a yi a nei ea Acorn of the red oak (John V. Satterlee).
AE TLCT cee ee ees meee Le Like the thunderers.
Bina cians a eee ek ea Swan woman.
Ca’wino/mita’we_—-...-.-_.-_- South medicine woman (Katherine Laughrey).
Hohopevtice )2 2a ts ete. Little shouter.
Hise (inosine ye ya ee
Ta one Sew ok ae Little thunderer (James Weke).
RK Cee tn ene nen s ANCE) ena 8
Kaposasen oi eho er
Hieby ela its py. Bee Sere ees Prickly man
Be sige betas ug Moe oo a ele Living in the sky.
1 ASCENSIY (0G Span PE Sky woman (Agnes Sullivan).
Rome sw eee es ee Rain.
Wea ucore Win= woes | lees oe Big chief.
Mioeiliaytiet Seas Pig Sk Rae Strange sound heard in a wild country.
Mowalsacdauesuseslucigs.. alu Mitchell Beaupre.
Narmietkqninmn tte. «oh ie ea des Feathers. ;
INGGb a we Ube ee eee ee The thunderers look for something.
Wetten Wilkan eee cn bea Whip-poor-will dances.
INGrLCiWwa Cie eee eee Charlie Dutchman.
ORime ss 805 VeTO SS Young chief.
Okwi’teiwa'now! 3222 eed e232
Pamarponal 2.4) het oe yu ooh abs. One seen going by.
awa Rapes. op al eee Falling feathers, as from a bird molting.
J Eh sits Po Nu ap A reer eaai ayidlhbicvoe Approaching shout.
SimaycOne =. ace Se eens Ce Dan Morgan
Beil wate SOL! PETS ere ee No bone in his back (Louis Pigeon).
Waitkwone/minete2: consis ae Something in the mouth.
1054 ep ee ae en Nee Mitchell Wakau.
Wapitno’mita’mo. = 2..2--.._. East medicine woman.
A VNB G51 20g Ae Rg ere Treading a hollow in the ground(David Amab).
‘ge SV Sl li ee Ne a RR Little bear (Louis Wickobe).
We'cawa’nakwit_...2..._ 2.2 Brown cloud.
WWarpaieseue te Uhtock ck uk

MytuHicaAL PERSONAGES

Ca wihnG a.) . SS See Ue a South god.
WAG RIKen, sities ee Eternal person.
Gre Si eee Sees es ee
Weisiou ia Soe kee te ee Sky woman.
sires ia rok SANE ENS CS 2

ys Lamas cans ea eas yO tek
Manitu’kiwdg (plu.)_-._.-_---__- Spirit women.

Miadjitkikwa’ wis 22.2222 222. © Oldest in series of women.

3 Additional Menomineewords appear in the list of plants on p. 125. Valued assistance in preparing
these lists was received from Frank 8. Gauthier, grandson of Joseph G. Gauthier who for 30 years acted as
interpreter for the Menominee Tribe. See also classified vocabularies in Menomini Culture; and Menomini-
English and English-Menomini vocabularies in The Menomini Indians, Hoffman, pp. 295-328.

DENSMORE] MENOMINEE MUSIC 25

Opa wantno' Kes.< 222000 ks 2. Copper dawn woman.
Ws DOMINOS TT OEE tts “ays East woman.

We BONG. ok ye a = East god.

Wa, pano mite’ we---.5...-___ = East medicine woman:

Worps OccurRING IN TEXT

PII KO nt et Doctor who ‘“‘sucks out the sickness through a
bone.”

Aue cinnal: (pli) 242. 32) Implements of bowl-and-dice game, also the
game.

JAI STE OS SS eee a ne ree Ry 2 Earth.

CSSA So) aan a | i Beggars’ dance.

PG Waele ee Noon, also south.

Agni nimalkcae) 28 2 Paes el Direction of the sun’s setting (west).

IM an 2 Re ee DM Dan ee ek ee Flute.

Bisemo ia hess a5 324. en ye: Direction of the sun’s rising (east).

Ca/winoka’ win.......-....-._~ Dance given by the south god.

ON Ei aa ec a5 9 BN nce ot He is startled (Song 118).

BT, OE So eee yt The duck that opened its eyes while danc-
ing (p. 149).

Beales fe 3s JU ee, 8 Disembodied spirit.

miner) vemos ce yee wet i Juggler.

1 DUTT oy: hale 9 Danes ee Oe Crawfish (Song 118).

LET eh a a a a eS Game of any sort.

DEIR oe Thunder bird or thunderer.

MemrWir Mats 2 eh es He jumps (Song 117).

NES ea 2 ed ee ee Eagle.

Mime males | ey bem. bee tO Buzzard.

oma somasinoL = 2 = Grandfather, term applied to the ceremony

commonly called the dream dance and to the
drum used in the ceremony.

PRO kobkcoreerss ae A tents: Fa piee Horned owl (Song 27).
Kowitci’isopa’kahat___.______- Stick used in double-ball game.
WowiterisowOk $2) 4 es, Double-ball game.
Maka’cinatatitwin___________ Moccasin game.

WARIO 25 cer st tt Frog (Song 117).

GSI i, Se a a aS Sea a Spirit.

1 By Ea OT gs a A SS Owl.

Bi cikino pik 2023. 22 fete “Hairy serpent.”

Misatlcata iwa cos) ose haus bas Fast intended to secure a favorable dream;

also applied to ceremony terminating period
of mourning.

2) 2 age i afl a een Man or woman who has had a dream concern-
ing the cure of sickness.

NitAtwinte Le ot ie cadet Organization known as the medicine lodge.

Te a Sa aes Member of the medicine lodge.

Wiper wiswitt ny 2S Person treating the sick by the use of herbs.

mn canmas del Co Ceremonial adoption of person of either sex.

ages eeriithe ee eres oY de oe Song.

Nimau’aka/kwin-_-____-____- Tobacco dance.

% This is a Chippewa word commonly used by the Menominee. The word manitu is also heard.

35 According to Skinner ‘‘ Mitawit is sometimes used to denote a candidate for admission into the lodge”’
and ‘‘a full-fledged member is mitao.’’ (Medicine ceremony of the Menomini, lowa Wahpeton Dakota,
op. cit., pp. 16, 17.)

26 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 102

INE Mune eect oo a Dance.

TGRH Da Witte ook ee Ae AS Aide or messenger in the drum ceremony.

eR IRAON yi ee 2 ot Cold direction (north).

Odt’keciay 24-2. Sea Zenith.

LOY c 2 at Sa ae AO AR aD Be Chief.

Oma’noméni’wik (plu.)_______- Rice people (Menominee).

Omatnominisr soe od Se be Member of Menominee tribe.

RP GN ee ee “Chicken man,” and official in the drum
ceremony.

IES SURO WIS. we oo eee One of the two sticks struck together while
singing hunting songs.

RaMALOMAY oes eee tee ae Open mouth (Song 116).

IBapadkstkeue sete ic lk Uae Bird commonly called a striker.

BEAGCTICOM Sy esate eee a US Bundle of any sort.

LETTE PUG NIRS aye ad a pagal a eee Partridge (Song 115).

PG Owais Mage st Doctor who administers medicine by blowing
it through a bone.

ST (OR ied tel Ripley ol he Species of duck.

eke tsoke mas. 2.28. oe ee War chief, term applied to a mythical bear.

Sl PMO walt. oe eS Act of drawing blood to surface of skin by

sucking through a horn, also horn used for
this purpose.

SOME a EO sen eee Seen ri Rattle of any sort.

Sonawa minima ss os See Rattlesnake; also medicine man’s rattle.

Rakofsiwie wuss tn he a a Love charm, designated as “‘bad medicine.”’

SU BEES ih 0 a 0 ll Drum.

Wcespwekitay Wile 222 Sue Sn ae A certain spirit.

PG MGR oh te eee a He is startled (Song 118).

ARCIEGT KONO. eee ue a enero Sounds (Song 115).

cL S| 0 Og et eR a ah pn Dream, also person who has had an important
dream.

ICSU oa er ab pee he hyp alpen fel Rabbit.

‘hE IAT Spa ARS ORI PIT he cg Dance ornament known as the “crow.”

Wear hUnO Walls ose eee Dance given by the east god.

ie UO pes eas RU aR ae. ee Double ball (pair of pouches) used in a woman’s
game.

Wistwyil samen ieee ane ee eee Ee Whirling air (little whirlwind).

Weta katowko. 2 0 Soa ee Playing together (Song 27).

GAMES PLAYED IN A CEREMONIAL MANNER

The custom of fasting in order to receive a dream is common to
many tribes of Indians. The dream promises certain benefits and
makes certain requirements in order that the benefits may be received.
These requirements differ among Indian tribes, and the Menominee
believe that they must play certain games in order to receive the
benefits of two classes of dreams. If a woman dreams of the spirit
women in the east, she must play either the bowl-and-dice (aka’-
sianik’) or the double-ball (kowitci’isowik) game at definite times
and in a prescribed manner, according to the directions received in
the dream. If aman dreams of the thunderers, he must hold alacrosse
game in order to receive the help promised by the thunderers. The

DENSMORE] MENOMINEE MUSIC 27

playing of these games is a proclamation to all men that the person
is under the protection of the spirit women or the thunderers. The
person usually relates the dream before the game is played.

A similar belief concerning the publicity of a dream has been noted
in other tribes. For example, a Sioux enacted his dream, imitating
an elk or a buffalo, so that all men might know that the power of these
spirit animals was in him. Among the Chippewa, in old times, a
man might wear a turtle pattern on his beadwork or display the
figure of a bird outside his house, showing the nature of his dream,
although its detail was a secret known only to himself. If a medicine
man in any tribe uses the feathers of an owl or the tail of a deer in
treating the sick, it is known that the owl or deer are his spirit
helpers. By such action he acknowledges his dependence upon these
forms of spirit guidance and assistance.

The Menominee dreams which require the playing of games are
usually dreams that promise health and success in personal under-
takings. The games must be played at specific times; but if the person
is ill or in any difficulty, he (or she) may institute a game for relief.
Such special games are often prescribed by a juggler. (See pp. 32,
38.) A lacrosse game was played as a dream obligation at Keshena
Falls on August 2, 1925, and the writer attended the gathering. A
large number of spectators saw the game, which was played in the
usual manner, but the preliminary acts of a ceremonial nature were
witnessed only by the Menominee. This custom is called ‘playing
out a dream.”

The person for whose benefit the game is played does not take part
in it, neither is he interested in the winning of the game by either set
of opposing players, but he must make a speech before the game is
played, offer tobacco, and provide a feast. In the speech he relates
his dream and explains the reason for his request that the game be
played at this time. Others beside himself may receive benefit from
the ‘“‘playing out’ of his dream, and it is said that sick persons are
often relieved by attending a ceremonial game of lacrosse and com-
plying with certain requirements. (See p. 39.)

Bow.1-ANv-Dicre GAME

A dream of the spirit women, as already stated, requires the playing
of either the bowl-and-dice or the double-ball game. The spirit
women in the east (manitu’kiwfig) are eight in number, and it is not
always the same ones who appear to mortals. Pigeon named four
and Amab added the names of three others. Each has her own song,
and when a person who has dreamed of the spirit women hears one
of these songs at a gathering he (or she) is expected to rise and dance.
The spirit women usually appear to women, but Pigeon said they had

48819°—32——4

28 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 102

appeared to him and given him two songs which he now uses in
treating the sick.

The spirit women enumerated by Pigeon were Mifdji’kikwa’wis
(oldest in a group or series of women), Osa’waptino’ke (copper dawn
woman), Ke’sigo’kiu (sky woman), and Wa’ptino’mita’wé (east
medicine woman). Amab added the names of Ka’kike&’sin (eternal
person), Wa’pdniu’ki (east woman), and Kea’sin. It was impossible
to ascertain the name of the eighth spirit woman.

It was said, ‘‘Harly in the morning, when the sky is red, the spirit
women are playing their dice game,** and the color in the sky is the
color on their faces.’””’ The game played by the spirit women is that
in which the dice are tossed upward in a bowl, and when they appear
to a woman they usually tell her to play this game. They tell her
to play it once a year, and whenever she is sick or beset by trouble
and anxiety. ‘They say that every morning, in the eastern sky, they
are playing this game to give help and pleasure to their sisters on
the earth. ‘Look in the sky,” they say, ‘‘play our game and give
us a feast. So you will make us happy, all your troubles will vanish,
and your health will be restored. At the feast you must make a
speech and say that you are playing the game for us.”’

An incident was related concerning a woman who instituted the
playing of this game in 1928 for the benefit of her daughter, who
was not expected to live. Mitchell Beaupre attended this game, and
some time afterwards he saw the daughter apparently in perfect
health. The game was played by six women on each side. The
woman instituting the game had killed a turtle, hung up the shell,
and used it for the bowl, probably in accordance with a dream.

Katherine Laughrey held the game in July, 1929, in accordance
with the instructions received in her dream (see p. 32) and invited a
large number of persons to the feast.

Each of the spirit women had a song, as already stated, and it is
interesting to note the individuality in the songs of the four women.

3 According to Thundercloud, a Winnebago informant, there are four spirit women playing the bowl-
and-dice game in the northern sky, and the eight stars in a circle (constellation known as the Northern
Crown) are their dice. Once these stars dropped down to the earth and became the dice with which the

Indian women play the game, Among the Winnebago the purpose of the game was the securing of good
health by the women,

DENSMORE] MENOMINEE MUSIC 29

No. 1. Song of Mudjikikwawis
(Catalogue No. 1517)

Recorded by PraEoN

Analysis.—Dignity and tenderness are expressed in this melody
with its extended compass and gentle trailing of the voice on the
downward progressions. Attention is directed to a comparison
between the closing tones of the rhythmic unit and those of the short
phrase in measures 3 and 4; also to a comparison between the rhyth-
mic unit and the final phrase of the melody. The distinction between
A flat and A natural was clearly given in all the renditions.

No. 2. Song of Osawapunoke
(Catalogue No. 1518)

Recorded by PigEOoN

(Indistinct)

Analysis.—After two occurrences of the rhythmic unit we find,
in this song, a phrase beginning like the rhythmic unit but contain-
ing an eighth rest. The eighth notes on the final count of the
measure continue to the end of the song, but the rhythmic unit does
not reappear. The song has the unusual compass of 13 tones.

fg 23%
3 a Bes
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2 aoe =
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< sp 4
4 oe =
fe) o2058
es cS
B = Z sa 6
a & 8 o> g
2 ee e 2S .2
< Sa} Ay qe
L ne e ~.5
2 &@ & Ars °
= 5 3 One on
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5 ee)
Ss «6 8 ‘BA
* Ss ®
= a. Zee
=) Ps de SoS
< Sa
a oa:
5 ao &
a2 0
9 z Aes ern the
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S Amo
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= 2.48

iva)

Se
S28
Seeds
ie Se
eo oS

A more frequent

period differing from the preceding in its rhythm.

ariation in the rhythm of the third period.

shows av

structure

No. 4. Song of Wapunomitawe

(Catalogue No. 1520)

Recorded by PricEoN

= 416
(4)

Analysis —This song contains no count divisions except quarter

and eighth notes and the principal phrase is a triple measure with a

DENSMORE] MENOMINEE MUSIC 31

quarter note on the first count. Three rhythmic units are designated
for convenience in observing the song. All the tones of the octave
occur in the melody and two-thirds of the progressions are whole
tones.

The manner in which the spirit women appeared was described by
Amab, who said that as a boy he was present when a juggler (djisako)
called them into his tipi. Amab and another boy set up the tipi for
the juggler and were allowed to remain during his performance. The
tipi was about 6 feet high and 4 feet in diameter at the base, and this
juggler required that the four tipi poles be of ironwood, cedar, white
oak, and young pine. Amab said, ‘‘There was not room for the juggler
to stand inside the tipi and he crouched on the ground. It was
dark, the tipi was closed and everything was dark. My grandfather,
grandmother, and three or four other men and women were there and
we sat outside, close to the tipi. The juggler sang a great many songs
and shook his rattle. We went four nights, and on the fourth night
the juggler talked loud and said, ‘‘The women are coming.” Then
we could hear a soft, whistling sound and the juggler said, ‘‘They are
singing.” They did not say any words and the whistling was like
the wind, but so soft that I could hardly hear it. When the women
stopped making that sound the juggler said, ‘‘Do you want to see
those women?” My grandfather said, ‘‘Yes.”’ The juggler said,
“Give me a birch-bark dish.”” My grandfather handed in an empty
dish, perhaps 9 inches across. In a few minutes the juggler handed
out the dish and in it was a little round stone, spotted light and dark.
It was smooth, about the size of a marble, and shaped like a woman,
humped over. The juggler told them to kiss it. The little dish was
passed from one to another and everyone kissed the stone; then the
dish was handed back to the juggler.

The soft whistling was heard again, then it stopped and the juggler
said, ‘‘Now the women have gone.”

Amab knew the performance was to benefit some one’s health and
that the spirit women had told the juggler what to do, but he was a
boy at the time and remembered only the soft sound lke the wind
and the little stone shaped like a woman humped over.

Amab remembered another instance which took place many years
ago. The juggler was a different man than in the preceding incident.
His name was Ikwe’man, and he died about 1910 at a very advanced
age. His performance was held for a little girl about 7 years old
who was not in good health. The spirit women came into the tipi
and told the medicine man what to say to the child’s mother. After
the spirit women had gone away he told the child’s mother that she
must give a medicine dance and put the child in the middle of the
lodge. He said that if she did not do this the child would die.

32 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 102

The mother did not believe what the juggler told her, and did not
tell anyone what he had said. She did not give the medicine dance
and the little girl was well for two or three years, then she died. The
woman thought the juggler did not know what would happen but the
little girl died, as the spirit women had predicted.

The spirit women did not always say the same thing, but they never
told anyone to take material remedies, such as decoctions of herbs
or roots. Sometimes they said that a game must be played, either
their own or some other game. An instance of the former was
related by Katherine Laughrey, who said that she plays the game
every summer and believes this has brought her health and success.

One of her names (Ke’sigo’kiu) is that of a spiritwoman. She said
that when she wasa baby she cried so constantly that her parents
consulted a juggler. He called the spirit women, who said the child
belonged to them and that they would take it away unless their
(bowl-and-dice) game was played. Her parents then requested
two women to play the game in the child’s behalf, with the under-
standing that as soon as she was old enough she should be taught to
play the game herself. She said that she undoubtedly would have
died if this had not been done.

When she was a young girl her health was not good, and it was
decided that she had better strengthen her connection with the spirit
women. This was done by attending a performance at which a
juggler called the spirit women into the tipi and talked with them.
She was outside the tipi. The spirit women made a whistling sound,
like that described by Amab, and from it she learned the following
song. The spirit women did not actually sing the song, but it came
to her from the sound that they made. Ever since that time her
health has been satisfactory.

No. 5. Song Received from the Spirit Women

(Catalogue No. 1635)
Recorded by KATHERINE LAUGHREY

DENSMORE] MENOMINEE MUSIC oO

Analysis.—In this song we have an interesting example of a melody
formed upon three descending whole tones, these being E to D, B to
A, and F sharp to E. The song might be considered as irregular in
tonality, but is classified as lacking the third above the keynote. At-
tention is directed to the substitution of D for E at the opening of the
second rhythmic unit, also to the descending progression at the
beginning of the final phrase, these intervals seeming to express the
tenderness that has been noted in previous songs received from the
spirit women. The interval of a whole tone comprises only 10 of the
18 progressions, although it appears so prominently in the framework
of the melody.

Once each year Katherine Laughrey plays this game in a ceremonial
manner, in order that the benefits may be continued to her. This is
called “playing out the dream,” and the number of games is 4, 8, or 16.
When the same game is played for pleasure the number of games is
decided by the players, but the manner of playing is the same. Mrs.
Laughrey showed her game implements to the writer and demonstrated
the manner of playing the game, even requesting the writer to attempt
asharein thegame. In former times a hand-made bowl was used, but
she had a small shallow chopping bow! purchased at a trader’s store.
The dice consisted of six wooden disks and two small objects carved
from wood. One of these objects was about an inch long and repre-
sented a turtle and the other represented the crescent moon. The
disks were round and thicker in the middle than at the edge and were
slightly smaller than the turtle. All the wooden disks were painted
red on one side, representing the day, and black on the other side,
representing the night. When the game was played the dice were
placed in the bowl and tossed sharply upward, falling back into the
bowl. The score depended upon the color of the exposed surfaces
and the manner of counting differed somewhat with different players.
The following is a portion of Katherine Laughrey’s method of counting
the score:

All black or red except the turtle counts 10 points.

All black or red except the moon counts 5 points.

All black or red except two disks counts 2 points.

All black or red except three disks counts nothing.

All black or all red ends the game, regardless of the existing score.

If this game is played as a dream obligation the importance lies in
the playing of the game, not in the victory of either side.

This game, played for pleasure, was seen by the writer at Zoar on
August 4, 1929. (PI. 9,a.) The dice consisted of six circles of bone
painted dark green on one side and two others, one of which was carved
in the ordinary shape of a turtle and the other was like the erect head
of a turtle protruding from its shell. (Pl. 9, 6.) One purpose of

34 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 102

the game was to cause this carved piece to stand upright. Mrs.
Charlie Dutchman, who conducted the game, said the round turtle
represented a mud turtle and the head was that of the great spirit-
turtle that soars through the sky. This is called mici’kén by the Chip-
pewa and is often sent by medicine men to look for lost persons or
articles. Six women took part in this game, which was watched for
about two hours. Some women used both hands in tossing the bowl
and some used only one hand. A portion of the count was as follows:

All white except the two turtles counts 10 points.

The turtle’s head erect counts 10 points.

All green except the flat turtle counts 5 points.

All white except one disk counts 3 points.

All white except two disks counts 1 point.

All white except one turtle and one disk counts 1 point.

All white or all green ends the game, regardless of the existing score.

The player who first scores 10 wins the game.

At this game one woman (wife of John P. Matcokema) kept the
score by announcing the sum of the player’s points. As indicated,
each player continues as long as she is scoring, being allowed one addi-
tional throw for some scores and two for others. If she fails to make
any score, amajority of the players usually give an exclamation which
means ‘“nothing’’ and the bowl is passed to the next player. The
count of games is kept by sticks placed upright in the ground. The
women sat in a circle and the passing of the bowl was clockwise, each
player handing it to the woman at her left.

Dovsue-BaLLt GAME

The spirit women sometimes require that the double-ball game be
played, the occasion being the same as that of the bowl-and-dice
game. Like the former, it is a game which may be played for pleas-
ure, but when played ceremonially the balls are usually painted red,
like the color on the faces of the spirit women in the east. The
double-ball game resembles the ‘‘woman’s game” of the Chippewa,
which is played with two short thick billets of wood connected by
a cord instead of with the two pouches. The game implements of
the Menominee consist of a pair of pouches or “‘balls” made of deer
hide stuffed with cat-tail down. (P1.10,a.) The pouches are slender
and connected by a thong about 5 inches long, the total length of
the pouches and thong being about 11 inches, while the largest
diameter of a pouch is about 1% inches. Six, 8 or 10 women play
on each of the opposing sides and each woman carries a straight
stick, perhaps 3 feet long. The women on the two sides have their
faces painted differently. The purpose of each side is to carry the
pouches (double-ball) to the goal located behind their opponents.

BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY BULLETIN 102 PLATE 9

b, DICE USED IN GAME

BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY BULLETIN 102 FLATE 10

a, ‘‘DOUBLE-BALL’’ USED IN GAME

b, MENOMINEE WOMEN PLAYING DOUBLE-BALL GAME

c, LACROSSE RACKET

DENSMORE] MENOMINEE MUSIC 35

The double-ball is placed on the ground, a woman pries it up with
her stick and thus tosses it into the air. All try to catch and carry
it. The ball is supposed to be handled only by means of the sticks,
but it was quaintly said that ‘‘some women pick it up with their
hands, if they are in a hurry.”

This game, played for pleasure, was witnessed by the writer at
Zoar, on August 4, 1929. (PI. 10, 0.)

The name of one of the spirit women, as already stated, was
Ka’kikea’sin, and some Indian women bear this name. The follow-
ing song is concerning the gift of this name to an Indian woman.

No. 6. A Spirit Woman Gives a Name
(Catalogue No. 1584)

Recorded by CAWUNIPINAS

FREE TRANSLATION
Kakikeasin names me; the spirits

Analysis.—This song has a compass of 12 tones, lying partly
above and partly below the keynote. A rhythmic unit occurs in
the first and last phrases, while the middle portion shows a slight but
interesting change in the rhythm. Two-thirds of the progressions
are whole tones. The tempo is slow and in keeping with the serious-
ness of the words.

LACROSSE

A dream of the thunderers requires the playing of lacrosse, as a
dream of the spirit women requires the playing of the women’s
games. Both war and lacrosse came from the thunderers and they
directed that the lacrosse racket be shaped like a war club. The
game was supposed to resemble a battle.

36 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 102

A tradition of the origin of lacrosse *” among the Menominee was
related by Mitchell Beaupre, as follows:

A man named Ac’kinit (Uncooked) had a dream. He had been hunting in the
woods all winter and had a great deal of game hanging up. As it was time for
sugar making, he thought he might as well stay for the sugar camp. The snow
was deep. One night there was a severe storm, with thunder and rain. Everyone
was frightened and could not lie down, and the wigwam was bright with the
lightning. Suddenly Ackinit heard a voice say, ‘‘ Ackinit, go on top of the bluff
where you killed the deer. We have left something there for you to show your
friends every spring.’’ Ackinit’s oldest boy was about 6 years old and had never
been in the deep woods with his father. Ackinit wanted to take his first child
with him, so he told his wife about the voice that said ‘Something has been left
for you on top of the bluff where you killed two deer.”

Ackinit and his son traveled about 3 miles, then he said to the little boy, “‘ Do
you see that place? There is no snow up there. I brought you to carry what we
find.”

The boy said, ‘“‘ What shall we look for?’’ His father replied, ‘‘ Medicine.”

When Ackinit and his son reached the top of the bluff they found a big nest
full of feathers. They were out of breath when they reached the top, and Ackinit
saw the feathers shaking like snow that is blown by the wind. He stepped
softly because the motion looked as though something alive was in the nest.
Looking in, he saw a green egg, and a voice said, ‘‘ Keep this and show it to your
people every spring.’’ The little boy carried the egg back to the sugar camp.

This egg was left by the thunderers, who said, ‘‘We want tobacco. We live
among the rocks, but your people have earth and can raise tobacco. Hach person
who comes to see this egg must give a little tobacco.”

The next year, when they heard the first thunder, Ackinit called the people
together and showed the egg. He collected tobacco and tossed it into the air for
the thunderers and talked about his dream.

After Ackinit died, the egg was in charge of his grandson, Wecawanakwut, who
kept it in his medicine bag and showed it every year. Mitchell Beaupre said he
had seen it many times and that it was about the size of a duck’s egg. It was in
the feathers which once were white but had become yellow with age. Wecanakwut
collected a great heap of tobacco and passed it around, both men and women
smoking while he talked about Ackinit and his dream. He said, ‘‘ We will have
a lacrosse game to-morrow, and if I am telling the truth you will hear the thunder-
ers coming to their game.’”’? The weather was clear when they began the game,
but soon they could see a little cloud next to the horizon, and by the time they

37 A different legend is recorded by Hoffman, who states that ‘‘Manabush wanted to discover and destroy
those of the Gna’maqki’t or underground evil ma’nidos, who were instrumentalin the death of his brother
the Wolf. He therefore instituted the ball game, and asked the thunderers to come and play against the
ana’magki’G as their opponents, after which the game should be the property of the thunderers. The
Kine’Gv, Golden Eagle, came in response to this invitation and brought with him the ball, He was ac-
companied by all the other thunderers, his brothers and younger brothers. Then the 4na’maqki’a began
to come out of the ground, the first two to appear being the head chiefs in the guise of bears—one a powerful
silvery white bear, the other having a gray coat. These were followed by their brothers and younger
brothers.’”’ (Menomini Indians, p. 131.) Culin states that ‘‘ The game of ball with rackets is . . . confined
to the Algonquian and Iroquoian Tribes of the Atlantic seaboard and the region of the Great Lakes; and to
their neighbors, the Dakota, on the West, and the Muskhogean Tribes of the South. It occurs again among
the Chinook and the Salish in the Northwest, and in a limited area in California. It is not recorded in the
Southwest... Among the Huron, however, lacrosse is recorded by the Jesuit missionaries as played as a
remedy for sickness... There can be no doubt that, though the game of racket may have been modified
in historic times, it remains an aboriginal invention.’”? (Games of the North American Indians, pp. 562,
563.)

DENSMORE] MENOMINEE MUSIC 37

made a goal there was thunder and rain. Then Wecawanakwut always said,
“Don’t be afraid. We gave tobacco to our grandfather yesterday and he has
come to the game.” (Beaupre said that Wecawanakwut always said ‘‘grand-
father,’’ but he meant the thunderers.)

The informant said that the first lacrosse ball was made in imitation
of the egg found by Ackinit, in accordance with the instructions of
the thunderers. The inside was of basswood twine, wound solid,
and the outside was made of the hide of the black squirrel.*®

Concerning the origin of the lacrosse club, Mitchell Beaupre said
that a thunderer told Ackinit he was going to strike a tree and cut
the wood. Ackinit found a tree which the lightning had struck,
leaving a black mark, and he made the club according to this mark.
John V. Satterlee, however, stated that the thunderers gave the
first war bundle, which contained a war club, and that the lacrosse
stick (racket) was made like the war club. He also said that the
thunderers gave the lacrosse game to the Indians.

When a man wishes to have a lacrosse game played as a dream
obligation he sends a messenger with tobacco to invite the players.
He provides prizes, which may consist of pieces of calico about 4
yards long, one prize being provided for each player on the winning
side. If two men combine in holding such a game there are twice as
many gifts. They may play one large game with twice as many
players, or they may play two consecutive games, one set of players
taking part in each game. It is the usual custom to continue playing
until one side has won four games.

The playing of the game is preceded by certain ceremonial acts and
by a feast. Mats are spread on the ground, showing respect for the
occasion. The prizes of calico are hung on a horizontal bar between
two upright poles. In front of the prizes a large mat is spread and
on this mat the host places his lacrosse bundle, opened and exposing
its contents to view. Amab said the outer covering of his grand-
father’s lacrosse bundle was of soft white buckskin, painted red in the
center. His grandfather’s lacrosse ball was covered with buckskin
and painted half red and half blue, both colors representing the sky.
In the bundle and displayed with its contents was a little cross made
of two sticks painted black on one side and white on the other and a
little dish for an offering of tobacco. The possession of the lacrosse
bundle indicated that his grandfather had dreamed of the thunderers,
and when a game was played in his behalf he always wore a fur head-
band with a feather in the back. Amab knew of an instance in which
a man was told to make his lacrosse ball with a sturgeon bone in the
center, covered with something soft and having an outer covering of
hide sewed with sinew. A man’s dream might require him to put
certain feathers in the bundle, wrapped together with his lacrosse ball.

8 The animal thus designated on the Menominee reservation is the black phase of Sciurus carolinensis
teucotis Gapper.

38 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY (BULL. 102

Such feathers might be the tail of an eagle or buzzard. The feathers
themselves did not possess ‘‘medicine power,” being simply a part of
the instructions received in the man’s dream. Sometimes a man’s
dream required that he make a little war club, a few inches in length,
and keep it in the bundle with his lacrosse ball. No herbs are
placed in the lacrosse bundle.

When the guests are assembled the host makes a speech, relating
his dream and saying that he wants the men to ‘‘play it out” so that
he will receive the promised benefits. It may be the regular time for
playing the game in this manner or the man may be in some difficulty
which requires a special playing of the game. Perhaps he has con-
sulted a medicine man and been told that the thunderers are angry
and must be appeased by tobacco and the playing of the game. He
does not lift the tobacco upward as an offering but speaks to the
thunderers, saying, ‘‘ You like tobacco and we give it to you; now we
want you to give us what we want.’”’ Then he tells the guests to take
the tobacco and smoke for the thunderers. This is followed by a
feast. There is always an abundance of wild rice at such a feast and
the host may have killed a large animal for the occasion. In the old
days it was said that the thunderers liked snapping turtle and always
came to a feast for which a snapping turtle had been cooked. Because
of this belief, the host at a ceremonial lacrosse game was particularly
happy when he could provide a snapping turtle for his feast. The
guests may smoke again at the conclusion of the feast, while the host
tells how he wishes the game to be played.

The lacrosse bundle remains open during the feast and the game,
often being exposed for three or four hours.

The lacrosse field is prepared with a goal at each end. It is said that
in old times the goals were 1 or 2 miles apart, as ‘‘the Indians used to
be limber and tough, with good wind.” At present the field is much
shorter, the length varying in different locations. A leader is desig-
nated for each side and one of the leaders chooses the end of the field
on which his side will begin to play. The clans are in groups of four,
and a leader, in choosing his players, says that he will ‘‘take east,” or
‘take west,’’ meaning that he chooses the men who belong to that
group of clans. It was said, ‘‘The clan animals are contending too,
the underneath animals and the birds are contending.”

The lacrosse racket illustrated (pl. 10, c) was formerly the property
of a man who dreamed of the thunderbirds. The lacrosse ball is
2%; to 3 inches in diameter and is made of tanned deerskin stuffed
with hair.

The leader of each side has an attendant who collects the lacrosse
clubs which are marked for identification by their owners. Accord-
ing to Hoffman, the collecting of the clubs takes place the day before

8% The Menomini Indians, p. 127,

DENSMORE] MENOMINEE MUSIC 39

the game, and each leader selects a powerful medicine man to protect
the clubs from evil magic during the night.

At the time of the game each player identifies and claims his la-
crosse stick and the leader takes his own ball from his lacrosse bundle.
He tosses the ball into the air and gives four loud whoops, ‘“‘so the
thunderers will know the game is beginning.” There is a brief pause
between these whoops. One of the players catches the ball and the
game has begun. The four whoops are given, and tobacco is smoked
for the thunderers when the game is played for pleasure as well as when
it is played ceremonially.

The success of the players is attributed largely to their individual
“‘medicine.” For example, a man may have dreamed of a buffalo
who told him of a certain herb, telling him to chew the root of this
herb when playing lacrosse, or before the game, and to spray his
body or touch the soles of his feet with it. The man took tobacco
when he went to dig this herb, singing his dream song and saying,
“Grandmother (earth) I insert my hand and take this herb.” The
application of the herb gives him success, and if an opponent steps on
his footprints the opponent’s medicine is neutralized so that he can
not play successfully.

At the close of a game the prizes of calico are distributed by an
attendant, and the leader of the winning side sometimes ties his strip
of calico around his waist as a sash, or over one shoulder. If aman is
married, he gives his calico to a sister, cousin, or niece, and if none of
these are present he may give the calico to his wife. An unmarried
man is expected to give the calico to a sister, cousin, or niece, and she
gives a whoop when she accepts it, showing she understands that the
thunderers are listening. The whoop may be a shrill, clear cry, or the
woman may move her hand back and forth in front of her mouth,
producing a vibrant cry. In this action the hand is held flat with the
fingers touching the open mouth, and the hand is moved sharply
back and forth as the cry is given. The motion may be described as
clapping the mouth while the sound is being emitted. It was said
“‘the thunderers hear this sound and are pleased.’”’ The same vibrant
cry was given by the Sioux and Chippewa women as a sign of approval
or pleasure.

The host is not interested in the victory of either group of players.
Having held the game and complied with all the requirements, he
awaits the benefits which he is sure will follow his action.

It was customary to bring sick persons to a ceremonial game in
order that they might be benefited. The following song was sung
when sick persons were present but was not used when the game
was played simply as a dream obligation,

40 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 102

No. 7. Song with Lacrosse Game
(Catalogue No. 1539)

Recorded by Pigeon

Analysis.—The tone D in the fifth measure of this song was uncer-
tain in its intonation, but the several renditions of the melody show a
minor tonality in the first portion and a major tonality with good
intonation in the latter portion of the song. Attention is directed to
the rhythmic unit which begins with an accented half note and con-
sists entirely of descending progressions. Such a rhythmic unit is
well adapted to the song.

If a man desired, he might assume the obligation of holding a
lacrosse game in memory of a relative who had been a particularly
successful player of the game. Mitchell Wakau (pl. 2, 6) holds a
lacrosse game every year in honor of his father, and after his death,
the custom will be continued by his son. This family has inherited
the old beliefs. Wakau’s grandfather dreamed of the sun and moon
and also of the kineu (eagles), and his father was named Ke’sige’beta
(living in the sky), which indicatesadream. In his youth Ke’sige’beta
was one of the fastest runners on the reservation. When he played
lacrosse his opponents set four men to watch him, because if he got
the ball it was considered to be already at the goal. Suddenly he
became blind, having been “‘witched.’’? When he was about to die
he sent for a nephew and his wife and said, ‘‘I shall leave you about
12 o’clock to-night. Before I die you will see a cloud coming up and
when the cloud reaches the top of the sky I will die. When you see
that cloud again you must put tobacco on the ground. After I die
I will go up and live with the thunderers.”’

ADOPTION DANCES

An intimate phase of Indian life is shown in the Menominee custom
of adopting a person into a family to take the place of a member of
the family who has died. This may be done on the day after a

DENSMORE] MENOMINEE MUSIC 41

death, but usually does not take place until some time afterwards.
The custom is continued to the time of this writing, an adoption
being held near Keshena Falls about July 20, 1929.

The custom of adoption (napé’nimu) had its origin in the following
legend which was related by Mitchell Beaupre (pl. 2, ¢):

“Long ago a man and his wife had seven children. One season
they began to die, one after another, until by fall they had only one
child left. The man felt so badly that he went away off in the woods
by himself. He had good luck hunting, but he saw no one. After
a while he returned, and soon his last child died. Then he took his
wife and went back to the place in the woods. They lay down on
either side of the fire, and it was so still that each could hear the
other’s heart beat. Next morning they told this to each other.
They said, ‘Why should we go back home? ‘There is nobody there.’

“The old man fasted two or three days, then he went hunting and
got a great deal of game. That night some one came and they heard
him stamping his feet as though he were shaking off snow. The man
said ‘ Halloo,’ but there was no answer. He put fresh wood on the fire
for light and looked for tracks, but he saw only his own tracks, made
when he returned the night before. His wife wakened and she too
went out and looked. It was moonlight, but they could see nothing
but the man’s own tracks. The same thing happened the next
night. ‘There came a sound as of stamping snow from the feet, and
the man said ‘Halloo.’ Then someone spoke and said, ‘I am sent
to tell you to go back quietly to the place you came from. Gather
your people together and start the custom of adoption. You came
to camp here, and whichever is awake hears only the beating of the
other’s heart, but now you will find a man shaped just like your son.
You will adopt him, give him your son’s name, and treat him as though
he were your son.’

“The man thought he was asleep, yet he knew that he was not
asleep. He went home, did as he was told, and that was the begin-
ning of the custom of adoption.”

The person who appeared to him was the east god, so the Menom-
inee received the custom from that source.

From THE East Gop

Two forms of adoption dance are held by the Menominee, the more
important being the waptino’win, received from the east god, and
the other being the ca’winoka’win, received from the south god.
The dance given by the east god is the more important because he
is the greater god.” Persons could also be adopted in the Mitawin.

40 A song of the Chippewa Midewiwin contains the words ‘‘ Where is the dwelling of the greatest spirit?

My Mide brethren, in the east is the dwelling of the greatest spirit.”” Bull. 45, Bur. Amer. Ethn., Song
No. 38,

42 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY (BULL. 102

According to John V. Satterlee the wapunowin was held only when a
man who had dreamed of the east god adopted a young man who had
had the same dream. David Amab, however, stated that the choice —
rested with the persons making the adoption, those of serious mind —
being free to hold a wapunowin if they desired.

The east god is the only one who is represented as a man. The ©
moon is his sister and lives in the west. The morning star is his —
little brother and always starts out with him, carrying his bow and
arrows. Both the sun and morning star appeared to men in dreams,
but it was understood that the term “east god’? (wapuno), as used —
by the writer’s informants, referred to the sun. The power of the
morning star was always used for help in any undertaking, as well as
for protection, and it was he who gave the drum to Be used in the
east god’s dance.

Those who had dreamed of the wapuno formed a cult and in old
times had an image of the east god outside their dwellings. They held
wapunowin annually when the first fish or game was obtained; the
dance was also held when the warriors returned from a war expedi-
tion.” Amab said that his father always gave one of these dances
when he caught the first sturgeon in the spring. He caught four or
five of the fish and invited 15 or 20 people. When they were assem-
bled he explained the reason for the gathering; then they sang the four —
principal songs of the east god’s dance (Nos. 8, 9, 10, and 11), after —
which they had a feast of fish and other food and danced with common
wapunowin songs, such as Nos. 13, 14, 15, and 16. He did the same
after killing the first deer or bear in the fall. An instance of disre-
garding this rule, with its consequences, is mentioned in connection
with Song 17.

Members of this cult were accustomed to give public demonstra-
tions of their powers, providing a feast for their guests and, after
certain ceremonial actions and songs, showing their ability to handle
fire or plunge their naked arms into boiling water or maple sirup.
They had power to predict events several years before their occurrence
and to locate lost objects.”

Mention has been made of the drum given by the Morning Star for
use at the wapunowin. This is a double-headed drum about 12 inches
in diameter with heads of deerskin, and it is struck with a light stick
having a small hoop at the end which touches the drum. When in —
use the little hoop is at right angles with the drumhead, the stick
touching the head of the drum." There was a variety in the decora-

41 Cf. Bull. 98, Bur. Amer. Ethn., pp. 18-22.

“ Cf. Skinner, Material culture of the Menomini, p. 71, and Hoffman, The Menomini Indians, pp. 66
and 151-157.

“8 Skinner, Associations and ceremonies of the Menomini, p. 191.

‘ A similar stick was sometimes used by the Chippewa in the moccasin game and is shown in Bull. 53,
pl. 3. A small stick of the same sort is shown in Bull. 45, pl. 1.

DENSMORE] MENOMINEE MUSIC 43

tions of the drum, one side of which represented the earth and the
other side represented the sky. A man might paint his drum with a
bear or the figure of a man, in accordance with his dream. Two such
drums were sometimes used at an adoption dance, but it was required
that they be alike in sound and be struck exactly together. The use
of the Morning Star drum at the east god’s dance was not compulsory,
as a man might use a water drum, like that used in the Mitawin, if
his dream required it. The Morning Star drum could also be used on
other occasions.

Both the east god and the south god adoption dances are held in a
medicine lodge (see p. 92), but there is a difference in the direction of
the dancing. For a wapunowin the lodge has an opening toward the
east and the dancers move from the west toward the east, contra-
clockwise, while in the south god’s dance they move in a clockwise
direction, from the east toward the west. Several persons may be
adopted at a time, by either form, and attendance at either is supposed
to benefit the sick, although the east god’s dance is supposed to be the
more beneficial. Mitchell Beaupre stated that he remembered an
occasion when a very sick woman was taken to a wapunowin. A
stretcher was made by taking two springy poles and making a lattice
of rope between them, on which blankets for the sick woman were
placed. Two men carried her a distance of about 2 miles. She
donated as much as was given to the person being adopted, and was
greatly benefited by attending the dance. This was in the fall, and it
seemed probable that she would live only two or three days, but the
next spring at the sugar camp she was in perfect health.®

Extreme generosity was shown a man adopted through the wapu-
nowin. Mitchell Beaupre described a wapunowin that he saw long
ago when Corn’s brother was adopted by an old couple. They gave
him a suit of clothes, a pile of clothing sufficient to last him two or
three years, several quilts, and two blankets, one red and one blue.
The man put on about three shirts, one over the other, then he made
the other gifts into a pack that he carried on his back with a tumpline
across his forehead. The old man was on one side of him and the old
woman on the other, steadying the pack. It was impossible for the
boy to dance, as he could scarcely walk with the weight of the pack,
but the old people shook the pack a little, pretending it was the motion
of the boy’s dancing. They told the drummers to start a lively tune

45 A wapunowin dance was given by the Chippewa at Grand Portage, Minn., on July 5, 1930, its purpose
being to benefit a man who was suffering from a distressing abscess of the ear. The writer was invited to
this dance, but arrived too late to hear the singing. The lodge was similar to a Mide lodge, with fresh pins
branches about 3 feet high around its circumference. The entrance was toward the east and at the right
was a post about 6 feet high, on top of which alittle windmill was whirling, the windmill being set east
and west. This had not previously been observed at such gatherings, and was said to be used only ata
wapunowin, being an invitation to the east wind. It was further said that the east wind always came

and made its presence known in this manner. This wapunowin was in charge of a recognized medicine
man whose shaking of a juggler’s tipi is described on pp. 102, 103,

4 48819°—32. 5

44 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 102

and the drummers sang such a lively song that the old people sitting
around could not keep their feet still but moved their knees up and
down, as though they were dancing. Even people away out at the
edge of the circle were dancing. One old woman had a sore foot, but
she ‘‘danced”’ with her other foot and her cane. ‘This incident indi-
cates the spirit which prevails at an adoption.

The instructions for the wapunowin, as indicated, were received
from the east god. The faces of the dancers were painted red like the
eastern sky in the morning. Some old men painted their entire faces,
while others put red paint on their faces in dots or any desired pattern.

The four songs given by the east god were sung at every dance in
the following order. It was said that no one could help dancing when
they heard the first song.

No. 8 ‘I Paint My Face Red’’
(Catalogue No. 1585.)

Recorded by CAWUNIPINAS

Analysis —This song is unique in that the third above the keynote
occurs only as the next to the final and lowest tone. The song is
rhythmic in general character. The structure is based upon suc-
cessive fourths (D—-A, A-E, C-G, G—D) and ends with a major triad,
descending to the final tone.

DENSMORE] MENOMINEE MUSIC 45

No. 9. ‘*The East God Gave Us this Dance’’

(Catalogue No. 1622)

Recorded by Lirrte THUNDERER
Voice vr 224

Drum @ = 112
(See drum - rhythm below)

After last rendition

a se

FREE TRANSLATION

The east god (sun) who moves across the sky in a day gave this dance to an
Indian in a dream

Analysis—The drumbeat in this song consists of eighth notes
accented in groups of two. These are synchronous with the eighth
notes in the song and an unaccented stroke is added to fill the meas-
ures that are in 5-8 time. Several renditions of the song were recorded
with and without the drum, and the 5-8 measures were uniformly
given throughout the performance. The song contains only one
interval larger than a minor third and no interval smaller than a
whole tone. The repetitions of the rhythmic unit are continuous
throughout the melody.

46 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 102

The next song declares the greatness of the east god. It was
recorded by a man whose name (We’cawa’nakwit) means Brown
Cloud. This name is hereditary in his family and was given him by
his great-grandfather, who selected him as his namesake. He is not
the old medicine man mentioned on page 36 and elsewhere in this
work,

No. 10. Song to the East God
(Catalogue No. 1610)
Recorded by PETER FisH

Voice @ = 104
Drum d = 104
(See Drum- rhythm below)

Drum Rhythm

dddddh ah

FREE TRANSLATION

East god (sun), you are the greatest god

Analysis—Three distinct rhythms appear in this melody. The
first is the rhythmic unit which, with its repetitions, comprises four
measures. This is followed by a rhythm resembling the former in
one measure. ‘The interval of a fourth is prominent in the framework
of the melody. The closing period contains a particularly pleasing
sequence of tones in upward progression, followed by a glissando
measure and a descent of an octave within two measures. There is
an unusual gentleness and strength in this melody.

The fourth song of this group is in honor of the drum which was
given by the morning star for use in this dance.

DENSMORE] MENOMINEE MUSIC 47

No. 11. Song in Honor of the Drum

(Catalogue No. 1524)

Recorded by PragEon

a = Bf a eR
rf i Fe 2 ee ee

Analysis —The rhythmic unit of this song is unusually long and
occurs twice, the remainder of the song resembling the unit but con-
taining frequent rests. Only four progressions occur in ascending
order, each phrase showing a continuously descending trend. The
tones are those of the fourth five-toned scale.

This song was followed by a speech by the person giving the wapu-
nowin and by a feast.

The next song is omitted if the wapunowin is given on any occasion
other than an adoption.

No. 12. Song for the Person to be Adopted

(Catalogue No. 1516)
Recorded by PIGEON

Analysis.—This melody is well adapted to a serious gathering. The
rhythmic unit has a steady meter and its repetitions comprise the
entire song. All the tones of the octave occur in the melody which

48 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULE. 102

has a compass of 12 tones, beginning on the ninth and ending on the
fifth above the keynote. The descending fourth is prominent in —
the framework of the melody and occurs as C-G, B flat-F, and F-C, —
followed by B flat-¥ in the lower octave. ;

After this song the dancers moved in procession around the lodge,
led by the person giving the dance. Behind him walked the person
or persons being adopted. ‘The movement was, as indicated, toward
the east in the wapunowin.

After this procession the person giving the dance might sing his per-
sonal songs. Then followed the general dancing songs of the wapu-
nowin, which were numerous and not sung in any prescribed order.
After many of these songs the vocables Wa-a-a-hi-hi-hi-hi were given,
the dance being more lively during these syllables.

No. 13. Dancing Song from the East God (a)

(Catalogue No. 1611)

Recorded by PrrerR Fis

Analysis.—The structure of this song is unusual. The rhythmic
phrases consist of four measures and their repetitions comprise the
entire song. Each is divided into two short phrases, having either
an ascending or a descending trend. The compass of these phrases
varies from a whole tone to a fifth. Although major in tonality,
the song contains only two major thirds, one being in ascending and
the other in descending progression.

DENSMORE] MENOMINEE MUSIC 49

No. 14. Dancing Song from the East God (b)

(Catalogue No. 1612)

Recorded by PETER FISH

Analysis.—This and the two songs next following will be com-
bined in the present analysis. AJl are major in tonality and two
have a compass of 12 tones, beginning on the highest tone of the
compass and ending on the lowest. The three songs are in about
the same tempo. All consist chiefly of repetitions of rhythmic units,
although in No. 16 the third period is in a contrasting rhythm.

No. 15. Dancing Song from the East God (c)

(Catalogue No. 1637)
Recorded by PAMAPOMI

Voice d = 120

Drum @ = 120

Drum- rhythm similaz to No. 9
(REI ha ee a eae Ga

50 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 102

No. 16. Dancing Song from the East God (d)

(Catalogue No. 1638)
Recorded by PamMapromti

Voice a - 120

Drum =) 440
Drum- rhythm similar to No.9

— " l

Mention has been made of the custom of giving a feast after
killing the first game of the season. The following incident was said
to be ‘‘known to everyone” and to show the punishment of a man
who failed to observe this custom.

Long ago a Menominee had been killing deer which he did not need
for food and leaving the bodies where they fell. He had been doing
this a long time when the sun became angry and said, “I will stop
you.” One day a spirit spoke to the man and said, ‘In four days
you will do the wapunowin.”’ Four days passed and at the beginning
of the fourth day the man wondered what would happen to him.
He saw the sun rise a little way and said, “‘I can stop and have a
smoke.’”’ He had some native tobacco with him and rubbed it fine
in his hand, after the Indian custom. Suddenly he felt a pain in the
thick part of his palm, where he was rubbing the tobacco. The pain
increased and he said, ‘‘What can be the matter?” Still he kept
rubbing the tobacco. A coarse stem of the plant had made a wound
in his hand and blood came from it. His arm and hand swelled so
that his fingers stuck straight out. He threw away the tobacco,
saying, ‘‘T guess this is what was meant by my dream.” The pain
reached his shoulder and his heart, and he died within an hour. The
message from the spirit meant that in four days there would be a
place in his family which could be filled by the wapunowin adoption
dance.

The man had a wife but no children, and after his death she
went to an old man, saying, ‘‘Why did this happen?” The old
man replied, ‘The sun did not give us deer to waste. Your husband
was punished for killing deer that he did not need for food and leaving
their bodies where they fell.”

The following song is connected with this story:

DENSMORE} MENOMINEE MUSIC 51

No. 17. ‘‘In Four Days’’
(Catalogue No. 1628)
Recorded by AGNES SULLIVAN

Voice d - 100

Drum @ = 100
Drum- rhythm similar to No.9

FREE TRANSLATION

I will be alive only four days

Analysis —In its general form this melody is adapted to the
announcement contained in the words. It is a formal melody divided
into three instead of the usual four periods. All the tones of the octave
are present, but the fourth is sharped in its only occurrence. The
rhythmic unit is long, and the time of the 5-8 measures was uniformly
given in all the renditions. Although the song is major in tonality,
the major third occurs only in the first complete measure, one-half
the progressions being minor thirds.

From THE Souty Gop

The origin of the dance given by the south god was related by a Chip-
pewa during the study of the music of that tribe. This narrative was
read to the Menominee, who said that their tribe held the same
tradition. Nawajibigokwe, a reliable Chippewa informant, said,
“The cawunoga is a very old dance and was first a dance for healing.
It was not to cure people who were very ill, for that was done by the
Mide, but it was for people who were not in good health. The
South Manido taught this dance to a very good young man whose
relatives were ill... The young man got up the dance as he was
instructed by the South Manido and his relatives recovered. After-
ward the dance was used as a social dance and the songs are particu-
larly pleasing.”

48 Bull. 58, Bur. Amer. Ethn., p. 129, and songs Nos. 47, 119, 120, 121-122. Concerning the Shawano
dance Skinner says: ‘‘ This sacred rite (Cawanokau, or Tcipai’ cimun, ghost dance) is performed in honor of
the dead and is said to have been borrowed from the Shawnee at an ancient time when they lived near the
Menomini. It is held a year or more after the death of some person, when the relatives prepare a feast and
invite their neighbors to attend. ... It is thought that he [the dead] responds and is also happy with
those present.” (Associations and ceremonies of the Menomini, p. 212.) This dance is not identified in
the present work.

52 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 102

An adoption using the songs and ceremony from the south god was
less serious than that with the east god’s songs and often was followed
by atobaccodance. (See pp. 184-187.) Thesongs are lively; and the
dance began at dusk, usually continuing until break of day. It was not
unusual for three or four persons to be adopted at one of these dances.
The songs were accompanied by the drum given by the Morning
Star and sometimes by a water drum or a squash rattle. If a water
drum were used the leader of the singing sat beside the drum and
others took turns in sitting beside him, first on one side and then on
the other, all drumming with the sticks commonly used with this
type of drum, turned sharply downward at the end.

Many guests were invited to a south dance adoption, as it was
more social than the east god’s dance, and after the feast there was a
speech by the host, explaining the reason for the gathering. The
gifts to the persons adopted were valuable and included clothing,
blankets, and many other articles.

In this dance a man and a woman faced each other and moved
first toward the west, with a short sidewise step. Each moved the
right hand before the other’s face with a rapid motion, and Amab
said that he always fanned his partner with his hat. A handkerchief
or any small article might be used in the same manner. The best
dancers kept the time of the fanning exactly with that of the singing
and drumming. When the dancers had moved a suitable distance
each man swung his partner around and they started back again.
Presents were sometimes given, but the exchange of gifts did not
form an essential feature, as in the woman’s dance of the Chippewa.
A woman sometimes beckoned to a gayly arrayed young man, threw
her blanket over his head, and took some of his finery as they danced
together. A man might also throw his blanket over the head of a
woman as they danced. The songs were particularly pleasing, and
the dance was exciting.

Characteristics of songs: Eight songs of the Cawunowin were
recorded and have so many characteristics in common that they will
be analyzed as a group. We note first the small compass of these
songs. In the songs received from the east god the compass was
from 8 to 12 tones, but four of the songs from the south god have a
compass of 5 tones, two have a compass of 6 tones, and the remainder
have a range of 7 and 8 tones. A majority end on the lowest tone
of the compass and all are major in tonality. A majority begin in
triple time, and six of the group begin on the unaccented count of the
measure. An unusual variety of intervals occurs in these songs.
A peculiarity occurring in four of these songs and very rarely noted
in Indian songs is a change of tempo during the song. In No. 18 this
change was gradual in the first rendition and abrupt in the later
renditions, while in the other songs it was an abrupt change in tempo.

MENOMINEE MUSIC

DENSMORE]

It will be noted that these were recorded by four different singers.

At least two or three of the songs were sung in succession.

Dancing Song from the South God (a)

No. 18.

0. 1573)

(Catalogue N

Recorded by AmMaB

No. 19. Dancing Song from the South God (b)

(Catalogue No. 1623)

Recorded by Lirrte ‘THUNDERER

[BULL. 102

BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY

No. 20. Dancing Song from the South God (c)

(Catalogue No. 1574)

Recorded by AmaB

No. 21. Dancing Song from the South God (d)

(Catalogue No. 1521)

Recorded by Praron

MENOMINEE MUSIC

DENSMORE]

No. 22. Dancing Song from the South God (e)

(Catalogue No. 1613)

Recorded by Peter FisxH

No. 23. Dancing Song from the South God (f)

(Catalogue No. 1614)

Recorded by PETER FisH

It is customary to dance and sing for the one who is “‘dressed up

The following song is used in that manner.

the finest.”

[BULL. 102

BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY

No. 24. ‘‘My Gay Dress’’

(Catalogue No. 1538)

Recorded by P1igEON

FREE TRANSLAT

You will dance for me in my gay dress

The dance closes with the following song:

No. 25. Closing Song ef Dance

(Catalogue No. 1572)

Recorded by AMAB

DENSMORE] MENOMINEE MUSIC ay

THE GIFT OF MEDICINE TO THE MENOMINEE

There is no subject more closely intertwined with Indian customs
than that of substances believed to have magic power, called “‘medi-
cine.””’ By means of these substances the Indian believes that he
cures the sick and achieves success in the hunt, in war, and in Jove,
as well as in all other undertakings. Among the Algonquian tribes
the knowledge of the preparation and use of such substances is
preserved and taught in the medicine lodge. The substances are
usually vegetal, but animal and mineral substances often enter into
the making of charms.*

The following legend of the origin of medicine was related by
Pigeon and Amab, who said that all forms of medicine were developed
from the four given to the little girl by the owl.

In olden times, if a child cried and the mother wanted it to stop,
she said, ‘‘ We will throw you outside and the owl will get you.”” Once
a woman threw her little girl outside and said to an owl, “T’ll give
you this child.” All the owls said to that owl, “‘Why don’t you take
the child? She gave it to you.”

The owl took the little child to her home, which was a hole in a tree.
It was round and brown and looked like a little round wigwam, when
the child was inside. The owl had a little pail. She put the pail on
the fire and cooked some blueberries for the child to eat, and she had
a little wooden bowl for the child’s food.

For a period of four years the child stayed with the owl, but the
time seemed so short that it was called ‘‘one.” By that time the
girl had become a woman and the ow! decided to take her back to her
people, but before doing so she made four little bundles, or packets,
of red squirrel hide, and placed in each a substance with magic power.
Each packet contained a different sort of ‘‘medicine”’ and was tied
with a different color in order to identify it. The packet tied with red
contained “‘lovemedicine”’; that tied with yellow contained asubstance
that would cause its owner to receive valuable gifts; that tied with
black was “hunting medicine”; and the fourth packet, “‘ tied with any-
thing,” contained medicine giving success in playing games. This was
the first time that magic substances had been given to the Indians.
The owl taught the young woman a song to be used with each sort
of medicine and also gave instructions in the manner of their use.

The people were in the sugar bush making sugar when the owl
brought the little girl back. The owl brought her to a place where
she could see the smoke of the wigwams and said, ‘‘ Your house is over
there. Youcansee thesmoke. You can walk over there.”’ She sang
the songs of the ‘“‘love medicine” when she took the girl to that place.

It was almost dark when the owl said, ‘“‘Granddaughter, look at

me.”’ She stood on an old log as she spoke. The girl looked and saw

# Cf. Densmore, Chippewa Customs: Uses of plants by the Chippewa Indians.

58 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 102

an owl and then she saw an old woman again. That was the first
time that she knew she had been with an owl.

Afterwards the girl walked toward the smoke of the wigwams.
Her mother came outside, saw some one standing in the dusk and
said, “‘Is that you?”

She seized the girl, drew her into the wigwam, and said, ‘‘ Who took
you away?” The girl said, ‘‘An old woman about so high.”

‘What have you got?”

“Some medicine that my grandmother gave to me.”

Ever since that time the Indians have had ‘“‘medicine”’ for the four
purposes, handing it down from one generation to another.

Two of the four songs given by the owl were recorded. The first
was that with which the owl brought the girl back to her home and
the words were said to refer to their nearness to the wigwams. ‘This
is the song of the love medicine. It was sung at the Owl Dance wit-
nessed by the writer and recorded by one of the men who sang at the
drum on that occasion. (See p. 194.)

No. 26. Song of Love Medicine
(Catalogue No. 1829)
Recorded by Picron

d = 146
Irregular in tonality = 112

FREE TRANSLATION

Mi’aniu, owl
tcek’nepowin, obsolete word meaning ‘near by”

DENSMORE] MENOMINEE MUSIC 59

Analysis —This melody contains only the tones F sharp, B and C
sharp, and is classified as irregular in tonality. The interval of a
fourth comprises almost half the progressions. All the phases have
a descending trend and the song consists almost entirely of repetitions
of the rhythmic unit. The performance was followed by sharp yells.
This song and the song next following were characterized by the use
of meaningless vowel syllables, as in many other songs concerning
medicine power.

The next is the first song of hunting medicine. In the course of
time each hunter had his own songs, which usually were in sets of four,
but this was the original song.

No. 27. Song of Hunting Medicine

(Catalogue No. 1840)

Recorded by AMAB

Meaningless ‘syllables are underscored

FREE TRANSLATION

koko’ko, horned owls
weto’katowtk, playing together

Analysis.—The transcription is from the first rendition of this song,
the second rendition having different words in the latter portion with
corresponding changes in note values. The song is based on the
minor triad, and 14 of its 17 intervals are minor thirds. Itisa pleasing
melody with the gentleness that has been said to characterize the owl.
In this, as in the songs of animal dances (Nos. 114-118), there was a
hastening of the tempo in the latter part of the song, but the change
was not enough to be indicated by a change in the metronome time.

48819°—32——-6

60 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. luz

HUNTING AND WAR BUNDLES

The medicine given by the owl formed the nucleus of certain packets
of magic substances commonly called bundles. The use of such
bundles is widespread, especially in the Mississippi Valley region, but
‘“‘traces of the beginning of sacred bundles may be found among the
Seneca, where the secret medicine of the tribe made as the result of a
revelation is supposed to be composed of portions of the brains of all
animals of the world, which was given with its accompanying rituals
to certain young men by the powers.’”’*8 Among the Winnebago and
certain other tribes the bundle is the property of the clan and is
inherited within the clan, but among the Menominee a bundle is the
property of an individual. A man may have two or three bundles,
such as a hunting bundle, a war bundle, and a lacrosse bundle, the
number and their entire contents being known only to himself. Each
bundle has certain songs that are sung when it is opened either to
renew or to exert its power. The man who in recent years had
the most bundles was Wecawanakwut, who is shown in Plate 11, c.

Among the Pawnee and certain other tribes a sacred bundle was
received direct from the higher powers, but it is said that the Menom-
inee bundles, with a few exceptions, “have come through the inter-
mediation of some minor power. The ordinary war bundles came via
the thunderers, though made by the sun, the morning star, and the
animals, while the hunting bundles came to men through Manabus,
who got them from the greater powers.’

An interesting legend concerning the origin of the hunting bundle
is related by Skinner, who states that Manabus, after receiving the
hunting bundle from ‘‘his grandfather and grandmother” (the higher
powers), looked into it and was disappointed to find few medicines.
His ‘‘grandparents” knew this and took him to an island in the middle
of a great ocean. The “‘grandfathers”’ opened the bag and began
tapping two sticks together as they sang a song. Toward night
Manabus saw the animals appearing, one after another, and thus he
became convinced cf the power of the hunting bundle. Then he gave
the bundle to the Indians and taught them the songs which he had
heard his grandparents sing, telling them to sing the songs whenever
they opened the bundle.' This origin was not mentioned by the
writer’s informants, who attributed the origin of the hunting bundle
entirely to the owl. According to these informants a hunting bundle
always contained the medicine revealed by the owl and four sticks
representing the legs of the deer, which was the animal chiefly hunted

48 Skinner, Social life and ceremonial bundles, p. 95.

49 Densmore, Pawnee music, p. 5.

60 Skinner, Social life and ceremonial bundles, p. 95.

51 Skinner, Social life and ceremonial bundles, pp. 140-142,

Bienawone) MENOMINEE MUSIC 61

by the Menominee. It usually contained red or blue paint. The
bundle of one hunter differed from that of another in the roots and
medicines which it contained, these having been revealed to the hunter
in a dream or purchased from someone who had received them in that
manner. White buckskin was wrapped around the roots, paint and
sticks, and the outer covering was of cloth, hide, or any desired mate-
rial. Amab said that his grandfather’s hunting bundle was about 24
inches long and about nine inches in diameter, and that it contained
both red and blue paint. His grandfather’s name was Wai’kwone’mi
(Something in the mouth).

If a man kept his hunting bundle in his house it was placed in a
trunk and a young girl was not allowed to go near it. When he was
hunting and absent from his camp during the day he hid the bundle
in a tree at a considerable distance from his camp, concealing it
carefully, after taking out a small packet of medicine to carry with
him. Wecawanakwut never kept his bundles at home, but kept them
in a big swamp, where no one ever went. His hunting bundle was
hung in a tree that was on top of piles of rocks. Wecawanakwut
sewed the medicine in leather and put the packet in water long enough
to soak the leather, then he fastened the bundle high in a tree where
the sun would not strike it. There it dried so hard that the weather
could not affect it. This medicine man was Mitchell Beaupre’s
cousin and once showed him the place where the bundle was kept.
Beaupre tried to find it afterwards and “‘crawled over stumps and
rocks for a day and a half,’”’ but could not find it, so cunningly was
it concealed.

Distinct from the complete hunting bundle was the small packet
of hunting medicine which resembled a man’s personal charms of
other sorts. Such a packet, exhibited in the Milwaukee Public
Museum, contains only a wooden effigy of a bear and two pieces of
the fur of a cinnamon bear. A hunter sometimes wore, as his
“medicine,” a turban made of wolf hide, as the wolf is the master of
the bear. Probably this contained herbs known only to himself,
and the wearing of the turban was undoubtedly in accordance with
instructions received ina dream. (PI. 12, a.)

Every hunter carried medicine to protect himself and his equip-
ment from harm by evil influences. It was said that a “‘bad medicine
man or woman” sometimes changed into the form of an ow! and sat
in a tree near the hunter’s camp calling ‘“‘Kay-ko-ko” like an owl.
Such creatures could steal a man’s bullets while he slept, and they
could affect his gun so that he could not hit a deer, no matter how close
he might be to the animal. If a man suspected that he was being
influenced in this manner he took coals from the main camp fire and
made a little fire on which he put some of this protecting medicine.

62 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 102 _

None of his companions noticed the action, but the owl smelled the

medicine and did not come near the place.”

Wecawanakwut was willing to sell the knowledge of his hunting Y
medicine, and if a man wished to buy it he took the man out and ©

i
\

showed him the bundle. When a few steps away from the bundle -

he sang the songs of his medicine, then he said to the man, “TI will
show you the same root that is in that bundle.” He then found a
fresh plant, showed it to the man, and taught him the song that
would makeit effective. Wecawanakwut said, ‘People think there is
no game around here, but I can always get game with this medicine.”

It has been stated that the owl gave only four songs to the little
girl, one for each sort of medicine, but Pigeon said that she gave
four songs with the hunting medicine. According to Pigeon the owl
said, ‘‘When you get home give this packet to your father. Tell
him to take it into the woods and he will find that he can get all kinds
of game.” The following are the songs said to have been taught by
the owl for use with a hunting bundle:

No. 28. ‘‘I Offer My Song’’
(Catalogue No. 1506)
Recorded by PigEoN

FREE TRANSLATION

When I begin this I offer my song, so I may succeed in getting game

Analysis —A peculiarity of this song is the 5-4 time, which con-
tinues until the third measure from the close, the repetitions of the
rhythmic unit being also continuous to this point. The song con-
tains 12 descending and four ascending intervals, only one of which is

52 The use of protecting medicines by the Chippewa is described in Densmore, Chippewa customs, p. 112,

and in Uses of plants by the Chippewa Indians, p. 386. An incident of an owl’s visit to a camp to cause
starvation is related in Chippewa music, pp. 105-106, together with the song used to drive it away.

DENSMORE] MENOMINEE MUSIC 63

other than a minor third or a whole tone. The descending intervals
of a fourth and seventh are prominent in the framework of the
melody.
No. 29. ‘‘I Will Find Game’’
(Catalogue No. 1507)

Recorded by PiagEon

FREE TRANSLATION
I am now going to look for game and am sure that I will find it

Analysis.—An interesting peculiarity of this song is the descend-
ing interval of a seventh which forms the boundary of two phrases.
The song is major in tonality and about half its intervals are minor
thirds. In the third and fourth occurrences of the rhythmic unit the
opening tone was slightly prolonged. The general effect is similar to
the song next preceding, but the melody is smaller in compass and
more elaborate in form.

64 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 102

No. 30. ‘‘I Will Get a Buck’’ ,
(Catalogue No. 1508) —

Recorded by Pigzon

FREE TRANSLATION
J am going to get a buck and I will pack him
Analysis.—This song is transcribed and analyzed with G as its
keynote, although the melody is largely framed on the interval of a

fourth. Only eighth and quarter notes occur, and the song contains
only one rest.

No. 31. ‘‘I Will Shoot Him Through the Heart”’’

(Catalogue No. 1509)
Recorded by P1GEON

FREE TRANSLATION

When I aim at a buck I will shoot him through the heart

Analysis —The framework of this melody consists of a descending
seventh followed by a descending fourth. It is interesting to note
that these are followed by a rest, an ascending fourth and two tones,
the second of which is prolonged. The descending seventh has been
noted in songs of pursuit, and this peculiar ending of the phrases in
this song may suggest the shooting and fall of the deer. This melody
is minor in tonality and lacks the fourth and seventh tones of the
octave. These are the tones lacking in the fourth 5-toned scale which
is major in tonality.

When David Amab (pl. 11, a@,) was a boy he went on a hunting trip
with his grandfather, who had a hunting wigwam near the river, 5 or 6
miles from his home. The frame of this wigwam was permanent and

LAMMVYNVYMVORM “9 SVNIdINAMVD NHOfe ‘4 aVNV AIAVG ‘?

kL ALW1d 72oOl NILATING ASOTIONHLA NVOIMAWYV AO NVaHNa

BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY BULLETIN 102 PLATE 12

a, TURBAN AND PACKET OF MEDICINE USED AS HUNTING CHARM

b, WAR BUNDLE, CLOSED

“PENSMORE] MENOMINER MUSIC 65

they carried the coverings with them. The opening of the hunting
bundle took place on the night before the hunt. His grandfather
told him to sweep the ground clean inside the wigwam, saying there
must be no dust around when a medicine bundle is opened. Amab
helped his grandfather prepare the sticks which were tapped together
during the songs, and he helped cook the wild rice and other food for
the feast, to be held after the bundle had been opened. The sticks used
with these songs are called paka’sikona’tig. Those made for the
writer were about 9 inches long, but it was not unusual for a hunter
to use sticks that were longer. One stick was designated as the
“beater,” and a song concerning this stick was recorded, with the
sticks tapped together as an accompaniment (No. 32).

When all had been prepared, Amab’s grandfather spread a blanket
on the ground and opened his hunting bundle, the contents resting
on the white buckskin. A dish of food was placed in front of it
and his grandfather sang his hunting songs, tapping the sticks
together and pointing the ‘‘beater”’ in the direction he expected to
take on the morrow. After these had been sung the food was eaten
and the bundle rewrapped. Each man had his own songs and the
four next following were used by Peter Fish and his father, their use
of the songs continuing to the time when they were recorded (1927).
A description of the hunting customs given by Peter Fish was substan-
tially the same as that of Amab. These songs were recorded with an
accompaniment of the sticks struck together sharply.

No. 32. ‘‘ My Tapping Stick’’
(Catalogue No. 1606)

Recorded by Perr FIsH

FREE TRANSLATION
I am now going to use my tapping stick

Analysis —The first count of the measure is emphasized more
strongly in this than in a majority of Indian songs. Only one interval
is larger than a minor third and the song contains only one semitone.
The tempo is rapid and the melody consists of eighth and quarter
notes.

66 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 102

No. 33. ‘‘You Are Struggling”’
(Catalogue No. 1605)

Recorded by PrrrerR FisH

FREE TRANSLATION

Tomorrow, when I am hunting, you will be struggling and I will shoot you
through the heart

Analysis —The descending phrases and short, frequent rests in
this song are interesting in connection with the words. More than
half the intervals are whole tones. Attention is directed to the close
of the fifth and beginning of the sixth measure in which the use of C
sharp gives an appealing effect. The closing phrase is rather emphatic
in character.

No. 34. ‘‘ The Slender-legged Animals”’
(Catalogue No. 1607)

Recorded by PreTER FisH

FREE TRANSLATION
When hunting I want to see the slender-legged animals

Analysis —There is a grace and charm in this melody which
suggests the motion of a startled deer. The opening intervals are
unusual and comprise an ascending whole tone followed by an ascend-
ing seventh. The song consists of three phrases, the first and second
ending with a triple measure, while the third phrase is melodious and
continues to the end of the melody. The lowest tone of the compass
occurs four times, which is somewhat unusual. The tone material
is that of the fourth 5-toned scale.

DENSMORE] MENOMINEE MUSIC 67

No. 35. “‘ Tomorrow I Will Get Them ’”’
(Catalogue No. 1608)

Recorded by Petr FisH

Analysis.—Three phrases occur in this song, the second having a
descending trend of an octave and the third differing from the others
in the omission of the introductory tones. About two-thirds of the
progressions are whole tones. There is no change of measure lengths,
which is unusual in Indian songs.

The following song was also used by Peter Fish and his father:

No. 36. “I Will See a Bear’’
(Catalogue No. 1609)
Recorded by Prerser FisH

Analysis —The characteristic motion of a bear is suggested by this
song with its prolonged tones and small intervals. This song re-
sembles others of the present group in having a compass of eight
tones, lying partly above and partly below the keynote. It contains
more tones than other songs of the group, all the degrees of the octave
being present except the seventh.

Amab remembered one of the songs sung by his grandfather after
the feast, while the contents of the hunting bundle were still exposed
to view.

68 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 102

No. 37. Song After the Feast
(Catalogue No. 1575)

Recorded by AMAB

FREE TRANSLATION
I bring the ewe deer

Analysis.—It is interesting to compare this with the songs next
preceding which were intended to strengthen, or renew, the power of
the hunting bundle. This song consists of three periods, like the
preceding, but differs from them in its small note values and almost
constant motion. The song is minor in tonality and lacks the fourth
and seventh tones of the complete octave.

At the conclusion of the feast the hunting bundle was carefully
wrapped in its coverings.

The next morning Amab’s grandfather drew coals from their cook-
ing fire, put finely shredded roots on the coals and “incensed” their
guns, pack straps, and feet by holding them in the smoke. Cedar
was not used in this incensing, although it formed part of the material
used in a similar manner on some other occasions. Sometimes his —
grandfather sang in the morning as well as on the previous night.
Sometimes he dipped his finger in the red or blue paint and put a
little on his cheeks. Paint was used sparingly by the old people,
and therefore a little packet lasted several generations. A hunter
might carry the paint in his pocket during the day and replace it in
his hunting bundle at night. Amab remembered that his grandfather
took a little packet of medicine from the bundle when he went to
hunt and put it back when he returned at night.

The hunt was continued four days, as the hunting bundle could be
used only that length of time. The game was allowed to hang for a
while, and the hunter incensed it before taking it home. Serious
results would follow if a man’s wife touched meat which had not been
incensed in this manner. The meat would be defiled, she would
suffer harm, and the man’s hunting bundle would lose its power,

ics MENOMINEE MUSIC 69

SONGS CONNECTED WITH WAR BUNDLES

The contents of a war bundle differed from the contents of a hunt-
ing bundle, although the general characteristics were the same. The
writer’s informants said that a war bundle always contained the skins
of two sorts of owls and that other bird skins might be included accord-
ing to the dream instructions received by the owner. The herbs and
roots placed in a war bundle were believed to have particularly strong
medicine power. The articles and herbs were wrapped in the soft
tanned hide of a deer and around this was placed a wrapping of plaited
rushes, secured by a thong. ‘The rushes used in making this outer
covering were boiled to make them soft and the bundle was some-
times called a ‘‘white mat” because of this covering.

The origin of the war bundle is described by Skinner, who states
that the sun and the morning star looked down upon human beings
and were moved by pity for their constant wars. In response to an
appeal by these higher powers, the swift-flying birds promised to
endow the warriors with their abilities, the buffalo promised to give
them strength and courage, the weasel gave them cunning, and the
pine snake the ability of ambush and stealthy escape. The sun and
the morning star made these gifts into a bundle which the thunderers
transmitted to mankind. According to this authority, all war bun-
dies contain the skins of the swift-flying birds that are the warrior’s
chief protection, also skins of the pine snake and the weasel, and that
buffalo tails are sometimes found in these bundles. He states, further,
that a war bundle always contains ‘‘reed whistles for signaling to the
braves, deer hoof rattles for accompanying the sacred songs, and the
paint given by the thunderers to cure the wounded.” »

A remarkable war bundle is shown in Plates 12, b, and 13. This is
a double bundle, very old, and belonged to Frank Corn, who died in
1907 at the age of 88 years. He was a medicine man of great power
in treating the sick, and his death was due to old age. The bundle
is now the property of the Milwaukee Museum. Among its contents
may be recognized the skins of birds, the deer hoof rattles for accom-
panying the songs, and the reed ‘‘whistles’”’ that were used as war
signals; also when the war bundles were opened, when victory dances
were held, and on various other occasions of a ceremonial nature.
According to John V. Satterlee, the material for these whistles was
first obtained from a great distance, but in recent years they are made
of sections of bamboo fishing poles. The small packets contain var-
ious medicines, the uses being known only to the owner of the bundle
who received the knowledge in his dreams. Attention is directed to

83 Skinner, social life and ceremonial bundles, pp. 7, 93, 102-103.

70 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY (BULL. 102

the tiny war club and gun, made of wood, which were also the per-
sonal charms of the bundle’s owner. It was not unusual in the old
days for a collection of such objects to be started in childhood. The
parents of a boy might believe him to be a “‘thunder-child” and
present him with the symbols of war; later he might dream of the
thunder bird and acquire dream articles, and he might add to the
group by later visions and experiences, and all these articles would
be kept in his war bundle.

With a similar war bundle at the Milwaukee Public Museum is a
piece of birch bark about 2 by 17 inches, on which the mnemonics of
the war bundle’s songs are inscribed. A war bundle at the American
Museum of Natural History contains a robe of hide, painted with
symbolic designs pertaining to the thunderers.

Distinct from the war bundles were the charms carried by individual
walriors, instances being mentioned in connection with Song 128.

A war bundle was carried by its owner when on the warpath, and
he might at any time give a feast to it in order to increase its power.
On such an occasion he opened the bundle, exposing its contents, and
placed tobacco beside it. The tobacco was not lifted ceremonially,
but the bundle owner ‘‘talked” to the four wind quarters and the —
sky. He did not address the earth. Amab said that his grand-
father and his father-in-law had war bundles and he had seen them
opened; the procedure resembling that described on page 37 in con-
nection with the lacrosse bundle.

A group of four songs belonging to a war bundle was recorded by
Pigeon, who said they were received from the thunderers. These
songs were sung at a feast to the war bundles and were intended to
make its power effective. They were accompanied by a water drum
and three gourd rattles. The words are in the Chippewa language.

No. 38. War Bundle Song
(Catalogue No. 1510)

Recorded by PiagEoN

Analysis.—This song has a range of 12 tones, beginning on the high-
est and ending on the lowest tone of the compass. The melody tones
are those of the fourth 5-toned scale and the progressions, with two

DENSMORE] MENOMINEE MUSIC yor

exceptions, are minor thirds and major seconds. The rhythmic unit
has a descending trend and is continuous throughout the song, except
in the two final measures.

No. 39. Song When Opening War Bundle

(Catalogue No. 1513)
Recorded by PraEon

===
a ol og a ie ie ee BEA SSESsana

Analysis —The rhythmic unit is continuous throughout this song
except in the fourth and fifth measures, this change in rhythm giving
character to the melody. The song, like that next preceding, has a
compass of 12 tones, beginning on the highest and ending on the lowest
tone of the compass. About two-thirds of the intervals are minor
thirds. The song contains all the tones of the octave except the
seventh.

The words of this song mention the ‘‘great water,’”’ which is con-
sidered a source of power by members of the medicine lodge.

rip? BUREAU OF AMERICAN BTHNOLOGY (BULL. 102

No. 40. War Bundle Dance Song (a)

(Catalogue No. 1514) ©
Recorded by P1cron

FREE TRANSLATION

In the middle of the great lake I went around

Analysis—A peculiarity of this song is the unusual number of
repetitions of a tone, thus the first occurrence of the rhythmic unit
contains 10 tones and only one progression. It is interesting to note
the break in the rhythm, with the triplet suggesting a repetition of the
rhythmic unit. Near the close of the song a triplet of eighth notes
is again followed by a rhythm different from that of the rhythmic
unit. The song has a compass of 10 tones, the highest tone of the
compass occurring midway the length of the melody

DENSMORE] MENOMINEE MUSIC 73

No. 41. War Bundle Dance Song (b)
(Catalogue No. 1515)

Recorded by Pianon

Analysis.—The chief characteristic of this song is the 5-8 time
which continues throughout the melody. The song is further charac-
terized by a steadily descending trend which extends over the compass
of 10 tones. The tempo is rapid and the rhythm is well marked and
continuous. Progression is chiefly by whole tones and the song is
based on the fourth 5-toned scale.

The two songs next following are connected with the use of the
bundle on the warpath. Each of these songs was sung twice when
used to bring success. In the first song the bundle is being carried
by its owner.

No. 42. He Carries the War Bundle

(Catalogue No. 1511)
Recorded by PicEon

FREE TRANSLATION

He walks and carries it on his back

Analysis —The rhythmic structure of this song consists of six
periods, the first, second, and third of which begin with an unaccented
tone which is omitted in the later periods, A short rest occurs mid-

74 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL.102 _

way the length of the second and last three periods, which is somewhat —
unusual. The song has a compass of 12 tones and is based on the ©
fourth 5-toned scale.

Concerning the next song it was said that the war party had made
camp and the owner of the bundle had placed it on the ground,
putting tobacco on it as he sang this song. It was the purpose of
the song to cause a fog so that the warriors could approach the enemy
without being seen.

No. 43. The War Bundle Causes a Fog
(Catalogue No. 1512)

Recorded by P1gEON

Analysis —In frequent repetitions of tones this song resembles
No. 40, recorded by the same singer. More than two-thirds of the
progressions are whole tones, but the melody is lively and interesting.
It has a compass of 12 tones and a steadily descending trend, con-
taining 17 descending and only 7 ascending progressions.

SONG CONNECTED WITH A BOY’S FAST

Among the Menominee, as in other tribes, there formerly were
certain customs connected with puberty. A boy was expected to
fast and to secure a vision. A girl also fasted and hoped for a vision,
but her fast was not surrounded with so much strictness as that of a
boy. She placed a round dot of charcoal on each cheek, but a boy
blackened his whole face for fasting. A girl was considered fortunate
if she dreamed that she had a husband who was a good hunter. If
she dreamed of tallow in her mouth it was considered a sign of wealth.
The girls, as well as the boys, made “‘charms”’ representing the sub-

DENSMORE] MENOMINEE MUSIC ~ 75

ject of their dream and kept the charms with the care accorded such
objects in all Indian tribes.

A boy was prepared for his fast by his father or by a medicine man.
_ He blackened his face with charcoal, and if he were a little boy he
played near his home or perhaps went on little hunting expeditions
during the day but stayed in the house at night. If he were old
enough, he went away from home for his fast, and his parents went
frequently to question him concerning the progress of his effort.
Drink as well as food was prohibited during the period of fasting,
but the child held a bullet in his mouth so that his mouth would not
become dry. If even a tiny bit of food were taken the fast was
considered broken and must be begun again. The time of the fast
might be a single day for a little boy, or periods of two to four days
for older boys, and these periods might extend over a whole year
before the boy secured a dream that was satisfactory to his parents.
It was believed that the longer the fast the stronger would be the
power received in the dream.

In the old days, according to Amab, a boy who desired to fast
went out and cut a basswood sapling, either his full height, one-half
or one-fourth his height, the length of the stick being a measure of
his determination to secure a dream. He removed the bark from
the stick and cut rings around its entire length, the rmgs being about
1% or 2 inches apart. Then he charred the stick in the fire and placed
it upright in a corner of the wigwam. A boy’s fast was usually begun
in October. When he began to fast he broke off one section of the
charred stick, pulverized the charcoal in his hand, and put it on his
face. He kept the stick and broke off similar sections as might be
required.

After a boy had begun to fast he was questioned by his father at
frequent intervals, and the boy told whatever had appeared to him.
If the father was not satisfied, he said, ‘‘That is not a good dream.
You had better eat and start over again.’ So the boy ate and entered
upon another fast. His experience might be the same on the second
night, and his father would again tell him to ‘‘eat and start over again.”
If a boy dreamed of the thunderers, an eagle, the sun, or the moon,
he was told to put on more black paint and continue his fast in the
hope that the same dream would come again. This could be con-
tinued an indefinite time, and the boy was urged to go without food
as long as possible. It was said, “If you are getting a good dream
you must hang on to it.”” In this way the power of the dream was
increased. Many boys dreamed of the sun in the old days. <A song
often came with a dream, and it was considered good to get two
songs. When these were sung at a gathering the people danced
during the second song. If the thunderers were heard “singing”

48819°—32 7

76 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 102 —

they made a sound like that made by the spirit women and described
on page 31.

The benefits believed to be received in a dream were similar to
those recorded in other tribes and included success in war, hunting,
and the treatment of the sick.

It sometimes happened that a boy who had failed to obtain a
dream was reluctant to try again. His parents then placed two
dishes before him, one containing food and the other containing
charcoal, and he was told to choose between the two. If he chose
the food, it meant that he preferred a life of ease to the securing of a
dream, but he if chose the charcoal, he blackened his face and made
another attempt to secure a vision. This is interesting, as it placed
the decision upon the boy himself, while the institution of his first
fast had been under parental guidance.

Cawunipinas said that his father was a medicine man and that the
boys often came to him in order that he might prepare them for fast-
ing. He remembered that his father sang his own dream song at these
times, hoping that the spirit which appeared to him in his dream might
appear also to the boy. His father’s name meant ‘‘From the eagle
in the south.’’ His dream was of the eagles, and the chief purpose of
the dream was the securing of game. The following is the song thus
sung by his father.

No. 44. “I Am Standing On a Cloud’’
(Catalogue No. 1577)

Recorded by CAWUNIPINAS

Analysis. —This song consists of three repetitions of a long rhythmic
unit. Its chief peculiarity is the rhythm of the ascending progres-
sions. This gives an effect of cheerfulness to the melody. The tone
material is that of the fourth 5-toned scale and the song has a compass
of 12 tones.

DENSMORF] MENOMINEE MUSIC Ti

DREAM SONGS

The importance of the dream song is indicated by the many phases
of Indian life in which it formed a part.

When Pigeon was a boy he sometimes fasted two days at a time,
abstaining from both food and drink. At last he secured a dream
which gave him power to treat the sick, and said that his own ad-
vanced age proved the power of his dream. Pigeon’s treatment of
the sick is described in the section on that subject (pp. 111-118).
In his dream he saw two birds which gave him songs. ‘The first bird
(a crow) was said to ‘‘come from the south when the weather begins
to get warm,” and the second bird (a raven) was said to “‘stay here
all the year.” In the first song the birds are speaking to him and
giving him authority to treat the sick, and the second song was
intended to be used by him in his treatments. The melody of the
two is practically the same and the transcription is from the first
record.

Dream songs of this sort were sung at gatherings connected with
the drum religion.

No. 45. Pigeon’s Dream Song
(Catalogue No 1541)

Recorded by PigEoNn

FREE TRANSLATION
Your tribe will come to you to be cured of sickness

Analysis.—Attention is directed to the extended compass of this
and the eight succeeding dream songs. Six of the group have a com-
pass of 12 tones, the others having a compass of 13 and 9 tones.
The present melody is based on successive fourths. It is interesting
to compare the two rhythmic units of this melody, which begins with
the same count divisions. The first unit contains only 2-4 measures,
but the second unit contains a triple measure and changes the dotted
eighth from an accented to an unaccented count. The two renditions

78 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 103

are uniform in every respect. Progression is chiefly by whole tones,
and in this, as in the song next preceding, the manner of rendition
was characterized by a sliding of the voice from one tone to another,

The same singer recorded two dream songs which he received from
his uncle, who lived to old age and used the songs in treating the sick.
His uncle’s dream was concerning a bird that ‘“‘has a white head and
stays up high in the sky.” (See Nos. 72, 73.)

The next song belonged to the singer’s father, who was mentioned
in connection with No. 44.

No. 46. Dream Song
(Catalogue No. 1578)

Recorded by CAWUNIPINAS

FREE TRANSLATION
In the heavens a noise like the rustling of the trees

Analysis —This song is peculiar in that a large number of progres-
sions are on the higher tones of the compass. The song contains no
rhythmic unit and the rhythm is given by accenting the first tone of
each measure. In many instances the accented tone is preceded by

DENSMORE] MENOMINEE MUSIC 79

an unaccented sixteenth note which gives it prominence. More than
half the progressions are whole tones and the manner of rendition,
with a sliding of the voice, was the same as in the song next preceding,
which was recorded by another singer.

Two unusual and interesting dream songs are concerning the sun
which, it is said, spoke to the man in his fast. These are a pair and
the people danced during the second song.

No. 47. Dream Song Concerning the Sun (a)

(Catalogue No. 1579)

Recorded by CawuNIPINAS

FREE TRANSLATION
I am the one, traveling

Analysis —A peculiarity of this song is the measures in quadruple
time. There is no secondary accent and the tones can not be tran-
scribed as 2-4 measures. Quadruple measures are exceedingly rare
in the Indian songs under analysis. The song has a steadily descend-
ing trend over its compass of 12 tones and consists of three repeti-
tions of the rhythmic unit. The two renditions were uniform in
every respect.

During the next song the people rose and ‘‘danced it out.”

80 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 102

No. 48. Dream Song Concerning the Sun (b)

(Catalogue No. 1580)
Recorded by CAWUNIPINAS

FREE TRANSLATION

I know the heavens

Analysis —This song, like the song next preceding, consists of
three periods, which is a structure occurring less frequently than four
periods. The triple measure, occurring midway the length of the
rhythmic unit, seems to steady the rhythm. The song has the
unusual compass of 13 tones and did not vary in its repetitions.
The interval of a fourth is prominent in the framework of the melody.

The two songs next following constitute a pair, the people dancing
during the second song.

DENSMORE] MENOMINEE MUSIC 81

No. 49. Song of the Thunderers
(Catalogue No. 1581)

Recorded by CAWUNIPINAS

FREE TRANSLATION
We are coming and will cover the earth

Analysis —All the tones of the octave occur in this song, which is
major in tonality, melodic in structure, and has a compass of 12 tones.
Two rhythmic units occur, the phrase designated as the second unit
being similar to the first phraso of the first unit. It is thus designated
for convenience in observing the rhythmic form of the song. About
two-thirds of the intervals are whole tones.

The second song of the pair is concerning certain birds that are
said to be white, as large as eagles, and are said to fly very high
(buzzards). As an evidence of their great power it was said they
‘‘can kill an otter in the water when they come down from the sky.
They come down and get him, take him up and eat him.”

82 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 102

No. 50. Song Concerning the Kinewuk
(Catalogue No. 1582)

Recorded by CAWUNIPINAS

FREE TRANSLATION

The voice of the kinewuk comes before them announcing their approach

Analysis.—The tempo of this song is unusually slow, although it
was used for dancing. The characteristic phrase consists of two
sixteenth notes followed an eighth, occurring on the final count of
the measure. It is interesting to compare the occurrences of this
phrase in the rhythmic unit and in other portions of the melody.
The song has a compass of 12 tones and lacks the seventh tone of the
complete octave.

An interesting dream song is concerning a ‘‘little whirlwind on the
earth,” called wawid’nati (whirling air). The informant said the
little conical cloud of dust that whirls along the ground has a little
bug inside it that gathers up the dust and whirls it around. This song
is probably very old, and its history and purpose are forgotten.

DENSMORE] MENOMINEE MUSIC 83

No. 51. Song of the Little Whirlwind

(Catalogue No. 1583)

Recorded by CAWUNIPINAS

FREE TRANSLATION

The little whirlwind says, ‘‘One who whirls with the wind they call me, the spirits”

Analysis —The subject of this song carries a suggestion of whimsical
character to a member of the white race, but the Indian concepts of
natural phenomena are different from our own. The melody is
simple, with no notes shorter than eighths. It consists of three
periods, each ending with two half notes. The 5-8 measure near the
close was clearly given in both renditions. Like a majority of the
songs received in dreams, this has a compass of 12 tones, is major in
tonality and progresses chiefly by whole tones. The melody is chiefly
based upon the interval of a fourth.

The two dream songs next following are connected with the buffalo.
In explanation of these songs it was said that a man dreamed of a
buffalo, invited his friends and made a speech which was followed by
a feast. There was a large dish which was empty. The man said to
his friends, ‘‘My dream says that you must use your head to tip this
over.” Many tried it and at last one man succeeded in upsetting the
dish. The dreamer was asked, ‘“‘ Why shall we do this?” He replied,
“Because all buffalo do it.” In both these songs the buffalo is
speaking. A similar performance was described by Amab, who has
seen a man have a bow! of corn meal or such food and tell his
friends to tip it over. Each tried in turn to upset the bowl by
hitting it with the hand and finally one succeeded. This was said
to be “‘like the ponies do.”” The action was in accordance with the
man’s dream and not for the purpose of making fun.

84. BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 102

No. 52. Dream of Buffalo (a)

(Catalogue No. 1594)
Recorded by CAWUNIPINAS

By «P<
PU wT YS wee Ba

FREE TRANSLATION

I am the chief of all the animals that walk

Analysis.—In this, as in several other dream songs, we find a rather
unusual structure consisting of three periods, each containing the
rhythmic unit. The trend of the melody is steadily downward. The
upward progressions occur about midway through the melody and
are followed by a descent of nine tones in four measures, every tone
of the octave except one being included in this portion of the song.
After an ascending third the melody descends six tones to the close.
Attention is directed to the short rest in the last phrase. ‘This is
evidently a pause for breath, as a similar rest occurs in the preceding
phrase of another rendition, without a rest in the final phrase. Such
pauses are unusual in these songs.

No. 53. Dream of Buffalo (b)
(Catalogue No. 1595)

Recorded by CAWUNIPINAS

DENSMORE] MENOMINEE MUSIC 85

FREE TRANSLATION
In the south I stand

Analysis —This is a particularly pleasing melody based on the
fourth 5-toned scale. The compass is almost as large as that of the
song next preceding and, like that melody, it consists of three repeti-
tions of a rhythmic unit. It is interesting to note the descent at the
end of each phrase, followed by a rest. Progression is chiefly by
whole tones.

According to Skinner, the great underground bear was white in
color, larger than a grizzly bear, and was killed by Manabus. ‘‘Be-
neath the earth there is, in the lowest tier, the great white bear with
a long copper tail who, in addition to being the chief and patron of
all earthly bears and the traditional ancestor of the Menomini tribe,
is the principal power for evil.” *

John V. Satterlee said that there was a mound near his uncle’s
house, and at one end of the mound there was a rock with a bubbling
spring beside it. This spring was owned by the great underground
bear. Someone “insulted the spring” by putting hot stones in it.
This action offended the underground bear and charcoal came out
of the spring, with water that foamed high. A man once saw the
tracks of a bear that had come out of this spring. The tracks were
round and there was red scum scattered about the place but no one
knew where the bear had gone.

No. 54. Dream of the Underground Bear i
(Catalogue No. 1618)

Recorded by Litrt—eE THUNDERER

Analysis.—The first portion of this song is on the higher tones of
the compass and is major in tonality. The second portion introduces
B flat and E flat and is minor in tonality, the keynote in both portions

% Skinner, Alanson, Material culture of the Menomini, pp. 30-31,

86 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 102

being ©. We note the prominence of the fourth in the minor meas-
ures, a peculiarity which seemed to please the Menominee and was
noted also among the Chippewa. The melody progresses chiefly by
whole tones.

The great underground bear, besides exercising his own power, was
willing to join his power with that of the common bear for the benefit
of the sick. Thus a man who had dreamed of a common bear might
rise and dance at this gathering. It was said that the common bear
‘‘goes in and out of the ground” when there is little snow.

No. 55. Dream of the Common Bear

(Catalogue No. 1568)

Recorded by AMAB

Analysis —This song is peculiar in that the third is the highest
tone of the compass and occurs only in the opening measure. All
the tones of the octave occur in the melody, which is framed upon the
major thirds C-E and F—A. It contains an unusual variety of inter-
vals in both ascending and descending progression.

The following song recalled the ‘‘ancient buffalo” with their
mighty strength.

DENSMORE] MENOMINEE MUSIC 87

No. 56. Dream of “Spirit Buffalo’’

(Catalogue No. 1619)

Recorded by LirrLe THUNDERER

Analysis.—An interesting peculiarity of this song is the slight pro-
longing of certain tones marked ¢, this occurring in both renditions.
The first two measures are like the opening of the rhythmic unit.
One-third of the intervals are major thirds, which is an unusually
large proportion of that interval.

Among the Chippewa a dream of buffalo is a sign that great
physical strength will come to the dreamer, the same word being
used to indicate domestic cattle. It seems probable that, as the
great underground bear gave power to the common bear, so the
“spirit buffalo” assisted the domestic cattle that might appear to a
man in a dream. The next song was said to be connected with a
dream of domestic cattle and also associated with the dream of the
ancient or spirit buffalo.

88 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL, 102
No. 57. Dream of Domestic Cattle

(Catalogue No. 1562)

Recorded by AMAB

Analysis —This is a vigorous melody, consisting of four repetitions
of a rhythmic unit. The tones are those of the fourth 5-toned scale
and the song has a compass of 11 tones. A triplet of eighth notes
occurs on both the accented and unaccented portions of the measure.
The first part of the song is based upon consecutive fourths.

The next song belonged to an old woman named Swan Woman
(Bina’cia’kiu) whose married name was Mrs. Corn. She lived to old
age, and this was her dream song. It seems probable that the purpose
of the song was to obtain gifts, as the old lady was said to have “‘used
it on the storekeeper and others.”” The old lady was quoted as say-
ing, ‘‘I fill my pipe with tobacco and a little medicine and the smoke
is over the people.”” The use of ‘‘medicine” in a pipe was particularly
subtle, as the smoking attracted no attention and the odor was widely
carried. The custom of smoking certain roots to attract game was
noted in the writer’s work among the Chippewa (cf. Chippewa Cus-
toms, p. 129), and the plants thus used were the Arctostaphylos uva-
urst (L.) Spreng, Aster novae angliae L., and Aster puniceus L. The
first name is mentioned by Huron H. Smith, but no use other than
medicinal is given. (Ethnobotany of the Menomini, p. 35.) The
other two plants are not noted by this author.

DENSMORE] MENOMINEE MUSIC 89

No. 58. Song for Working Magic
(Catalogue No. 1636)

Recorded by KatTHERINE LAUGHREY

FREE TRANSLATION
The pipe that I use to do this

Analysis.—This song is based upon three intervals of a third, oc-
curring one below another. The song opens with the descending
interval E-C sharp, followed by C sharp—A, and A-F sharp, with a
return to A, which is regarded as the keynote. With one exception
the intervals are minor thirds. The song contains three periods, a
structure that has been noted in several other songs said to have been
received in dreams. A more frequent structure consists of four
rhythmic periods.

THE MEDICINE LODGE

In its essential aspects the medicine lodge (Mita’win) of the
Menominee is identical with the Grand Medicine Society (Mide’wiwin)
of the Chippewa. On attending the Menominee medicine lodge it
was found that the songs were practically the same as those used by
the Chippewa, from the musical standpoint, and that many songs
contained Chippewa words. For that reason no songs of the medicine
lodge were recorded among the Menominee and the subject did not
receive extended consideration.

The first account of the Menominee medicine lodge was written
by Dr. Edwin James in 1826, and Hoffman began his investigation
in 1890, the results of Hoffman’s study being embodied in his mono-
graph on the Menominee Indians. A later study by Alanson Skinner
gives the hitherto unknown origin myths and the rituals of the
Menominee. This authority states that ‘‘the society seems to be of
Algonkian, and presumably of Ojibwa, origin,” and that at least
three types of the ceremony once existed. These are: (1) The
Dakotan type, still practiced by some bands of Winnebago in Wis-

85 Cf, Hoffman, The Menominee Indians, pp. 66-137, and Mide’wiwin of the Ojibwa, also Bull. 46,
Bur, Amer, Ethn., pp. 13-115, and Bull. 86, pp. 86-97 and 175.
88 An unpublished manuscript in the library of the New York State Historical Society.

90 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 102

consin and Nebraska and by refugees near Portage La Prairie,
Manitoba; (2) the Omaha type, formerly practiced by the Omaha,
Ponca, Iowa, and Oto; and (3) the Algonkian type, which is actively
practiced at the present time by the Menominee, Chippewa, Potta-
watomie, and Sauk.5” Mnemonic records of teachings and songs,
inscribed on birch bark or wood, are not so common among the
Menominee as among the Chippewa.

Four degrees are still maintained among the Chippewa, but, ac-
cording to Skinner, no Menominee now living has taken more than
two degrees. The medicine bag generally carried by persons holding
the first degree is made of otter skin, while a man holding the second
degree usually carries a bag made of a bird, mink, or weasel skin.
If a person were advanced to the third degree he would receive a
panther or bear foot bag, and the fourth degree is characterized by
a bag made of the skin of a horned owl. Four articles are placed in
the medicine bag of a newly initiated member, these being (1) the
small white shells used in ‘‘shooting,”’ (2) blue paint for painting
the face of the candidate, (3) the “medicine” which is swallowed
during the initiation, and (4) the medicine used for resuscitating
those ‘‘shot’’ with medicine during the ceremony. In a bag made of
otter skin the medicine is always kept in a pocket formed by the left
foreleg of the hide, while in bags made from the skins of birds or very
small mammals the medicine is kept in the skull. Any number of
additional medicines may be kept in the bag, among these being the
charm given the member by his dream guardian. Protective medi-
cines are usually included to keep the owner from harm by ‘‘bad
medicine”’ and evil charms. The otter skin is elaborately decorated
(pl. 14, a, 6), and colored feathers are thrust into the nostrils of every
hide thus used in order to show the purpose of the bag. Concerning
the origin of the bag it is said that ‘‘all the gods stripped off their
animal nature as birds and beasts and became men, and the skins
which they drew from them became all manner of medicine bags.”

Kvery medicine bag had its own song, in addition to the songs of
the several medicines it contained. Thus a bag which belonged to
Oshkosh, the Menominee chief, was said to have contained 60 dif-
ferent medicines, each of which had a song to make it effective. The
blue paint symbolized the sky, and with its application the candi-
date for initiation was instructed in the use of the simpler medicinal
roots and herbs. Later he was instructed in more difficult and
unusual medicines. The lodge and scenes within it are shown in
Plate 15, a, 6, c.

Mention has been made of the “shooting’’ which characterizes the
ceremonies of the medicine lodge. In this action the medicine bag
is thrust forward toward an individual with the violent ejaculation

5’ Skinner, Alanson, Medicine ceremony of the Menomini, Iowa, and Wahpeton Dakota, pp. 10, 12.

SLNALNOD AGNV DNIiddvVyM “STIGNNG Y¥vVM

€l 3L1V1d 2col NILATINGA ASOTIONHL]A NVOIMAWY AO NvaeHna

BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY BULLETIN 102 PLATE 14

a, MEDICINE BAG CARRIED IN MED- b, MEDICINE BAG CARRIED IN MEDICINE
ICINE LODGE (A) LODGE (B)

BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY BULLETIN 102 PLATE 15

c, SCENE IN MEDICINE LODGE

BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY BULLETIN 102 PLATE 16

a, FRAMEWORK OF MEDICINE LODGE

b, FRAMEWORK OF MEDICINE LODGE

BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY BULLETIN 102 PLATE 17

DRUM, DRUMSTICK, AND RATTLE USED IN MEDICINE LODGE

BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY BULLETIN 102 PLATE 18

TURBAN AND OTHER OBJECTS USED IN PUPPET TRICK

¢
;
;
4

DENSMORE] MENOMINEE MUSIC 91

Wa hi hi hi! Skinner states that the owner of the bag places a
powerful medicine in his mouth before shooting. ‘‘He then blows
on the bag, and the essence of his power then flies into the body of
the person at whom the shot is directed. Care must be taken in
pointing medicine bags. Spectators are usually kept back from the
ceremonial lodge about 25 feet lest they be accidentally hurt. Only
special doctors can cure such a wound.’”’ The persons on one side
of the lodge “‘shoot”’ those on the other side of the lodge in this
manner and they droop forward or appear unconscious, afterwards
they revive and direct similar shots at those on the opposite side.
The candidates for initiation are shot in a similar manner, this being
the method of transmitting medicine power. Age or sex is not con-
sidered in admitting to membership, small children being initiated,
and women as well as men holding office in the lodge. The songs,
like those of the Chippewa Grand Medicine (Midewiwin), are accom-
panied by water drum and gourd rattle (pl. 17), the Menominee using
a gourd rattle and the Chippewa using four ‘‘spice-box”’ rattles.

The origin myth of the medicine lodge is summarized in three
parts by Skinner. The first part contains the story of Manabus
and, the little wolf (pp. 136-139), closing with the offer of the gods to
teach Manabus the rites of the medicine lodge and his acceptance of
the offer. In the second part the gods below, aided by those above,
prepare a medicine lodge. The third part of the myth relates
Manabus’ return to the world “where he called upon his grandmother,
the earth, to arise and assist him. ‘The earth then arose, personified
as an old woman, and Manabus taught her the entire ceremony.
He also gave her the root and herb medicines to care for.”” Then he
tendered the rites to the tribal elders of the Menominee, assembled
for that purpose.®

The same authority states that, “The ritual of the Menomini
medicine lodge is divided into four parts, the first of which is a
dramatization of the initiation of the hero-god Ma/’nabus, the cere-
monies representing the first mythical performance of the rites... .
The second part is the Jebainoke (or Jebainoket), the private funeral
ceremony at which the soul of a deceased member is recalled from
the hereafter, feasted and dismissed forever, according to the com-
mand of Manabus, the master. The third part is the .. . oblitera-
tion ceremony, a public and more elaborate form of the Jebainoke
held in a medicine lodge erected at or near the grave.” “The fourth
and last part of the ceremony .. . is in fact a reinstatement for those
who have fallen from the favor of the gods.” ® Only the first part
is here considered.

88 Of. Skinner, Alanson, Medicine ceremony of the Menomini, Iowa, and Wahpeton, pp. 163-177.
89 Skinner, op. cit., pp. 23, 24, and 128,
48819°—32——_8

92 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY (BULL. 102

The Mitawin, like the Chippewa Midewiwin, holds its principal
meeting in the early summer, but another meeting may be held later
in the summer or in the fall if anyone wishes to join the society at
that time. A meeting of the society was attended by the writer in
July, 1925, the meeting being held at the native village of Zoar, near
Neopit, Wisconsin. Several persons were initiated at this meeting,
the principal candidate being Mrs. Hogg, who was received in place
of her grandmother who had died. Speeches were made admonish-
ing her to emulate the virtues of this deceased relative. A man was
similarly initiated in place of a deceased member. The invitation
to this gathering had consisted of a wing quill, painted red, and a
portion of tobacco. If the person receiving the invitation could not
attend the dance he was required to “‘redeem”’ the invitation with a
valuable gift. If he attended the dance he brought the colored quill
and the tobacco with him, returning the quill to the messenger who
had delivered the invitation.

The lodge in which the ceremony was held consisted of an arched
framework, similar to that of a Mide lodge, with branches placed
part way up the sides and a canvas over a portion of the top. The
only entrance was toward the west, but there was a little opening
about halfway down each side where members could make their way
in and out of the lodge. The framework of this lodge was photo-
eraphed a few days after the meeting (pl. 16), but no photographs
were taken during the ceremony. A horizontal pole extended the
length of the roof and over this were hung eight blankets and eight
lengths of calico which were given to the four men and four women
who had special duties to perform. For example, each of these men
could start the singing of his own song or could start a song in honor
of the woman who was being received into the society. These men
and women sat midway the length of the lodge and one of the men
acted as messenger (ockapawis).

The leader of the ceremony was a man named Kame’wino’kimas,
who was commonly known as Kime’win (Rain). It was said that
he was a medicine man of great power who did not hesitate to use
that power in working evil charms. Thus an informant said, “If
anyone goes to him and tells him their troubles he does something to
the people that are hurting them.”’ His power over the movements
of figurines is described on page 95.

This ceremony began in the morning and the initiation was its
opening event. Being informed that visitors were not desired at
this time the writer did not arrive until about 1 o’clock in the after-
noon, but remained until the close of the ceremony at 5 o’clock.

60 Two drum ceremonies and several social dances and games were witnessed at the same place on other
occasions. See pp, 150-184, 194,

DENSMORE] MENOMINEE MUSIC 93

When the writer arrived, the men and women to the number of
about 100 were seated along the sides of the lodge, the leader, who
made the speeches, being seated midway the length on one side.
The place appointed for the drum and the leading singers is opposite
the leader, on the other side of the lodge, but at that time the drum
had been taken to the eastern end of the lodge and was held by four
men, each holding a corner of the hide that formed the drumhead.
One man held a gourd rattle in his left hand and the four men were
singing. The drum (pl. 17) was similar to that used in the Chippewa
Midewiwin and illustrated in Bulletin 45. The writer was invited to
enter the lodge and sit with the members of the society, but preferred
to stand outside, watching the proceedings through an opening in
the brush at the eastern end. This was entirely agreeable to the
society and afforded an opportunity to hear the songs and see all that
took place.

The songs were found to contain many Chippewa words, and the
melodies were either adopted from the Chippewa or closely resembled
the Chippewa songs.

Speeches were made by the leader of the ceremony, and the drum
was frequently struck twice, signifying assent to his remarks. Some
of these speeches were addressed to the woman being initiated, im-
pressing upon her the responsibility which she was assuming. He
also made a speech in which he accepted tobacco presented by the
writer, this tobacco being distributed to the assembly.

The “‘shooting with medicine power”’ formed an important part of
this meeting. (Cf. Bull. 45 and Hoffman, op. cit.) Each member
had his or her own medicine bag which was hung over one of the
poles along the side of the lodge when not in use. During this ‘‘shoot-
ing,’ however, a portion of the members walked around the lodge
carrying their medicine bags and thrusting them forcibly toward the
persons who remained seated, making powerful ejaculations of ho,
ho. The person to whom a bag was directed gave evidence of its
effect by drooping forward, feigning unconsciousness. After a few
moments these persons lifted their heads, took up their medicine bags
and walked around the lodge, ‘‘shooting’”’ those who had been per-
forming this function. A similar action is said to take place when a
person is being initiated, the candidate falling to the ground and
remaining entirely unconscious until “restored”? by members of the
society. The purpose of the performance witnessed by the writer
was the “renewal of medicine power” among all the members of the
organization. This ‘‘renewal’’ consisted in a benefit to their health
and a general strengthening of all the powers attributed to the
“‘medicine”’ contained in their individual medicine bags.

94 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 102

The entrance to the lodge, as already stated, is toward the west.
At the conclusion of the ceremony the drum was carried out of this
entrance, around the outside of the lodge, and into the lodge through
an entrance broken for that purpose in the east wall. This manner of
entering the lodge was opposed by part of the company, who indulged
in a “sham battle” with all the force at their command. It was,
however, understood that they would be overcome and the drum
taken again into the lodge. When this had been accomplished the
writer entered the lodge and shook hands with each person who was
present.

After instructing Manabus in the rites of the Mitawin and the uses
of herbs, the great powers (grandfathers) imparted to him a certain
trick called the “puppet trick” in which objects emerge from an
apparently empty bag, telling him to use this at initiations and
memorial ceremonies. The deep purpose beneath this trick is de-
scribed by Skinner as follows:

“One of the great parts of your grandfathers’ ceremony is when they pause to
amuse and enjoy themselves, and this performance is called pa’pewin. They
consider it the acme of greatness among them, and they give it to you to use
and carry it out. ... When a young person received the Mitawin he may
not take interest in the first part and it may not remain in him, so we give you
this to make it more impressive and cause the candidate to venerate your power
the more. Otherwise your young people will not care for the rites after the first
year. But when you do this, having seen your power, they will be afraid of it
and will preserve their belief.

The man performing this trick holds in his hands a woven bag of
the sort used for containing personal belongings, and makes a speech,
telling the people what he is about todo. The people sit still in their
places and the bag is carried around the lodge so that all may see the
performance. The man who holds the bag may have a man walking
on one side of him and a woman on the other, or there may be three
persons beside himself, and they may sing with him if they know his
songs. The man has a root in his mouth which he chews and “‘sprays”’
the bag, then the figurines begin to appear out of the top, one after
another. These may be the heads of loons, mink or snakes, or puppets
which represent human beings.

A specimen in the possession of the Public Museum of the City of
Milwaukee consists of a bag with the heads of loons, also a turban
worn by the man performing the trick in order to increase his power.
(Pl. 18.) The loon heads, attached to the horizontal rod, protrude
from the top of the bag when the trick is performed.

A memorial ceremony of the Menominee witnessed by Hoffman
was followed by this and other tricks performed by djisako. The
heads of snakes were shown in this performance, described as follows:

6! Skinner, Medicine ceremony of the Menomini, Iowa and Wahpeton, pp. 63, 64,

DENSMORE] MENOMINEE MUSIC 95

The performer held before him a red flannel bag which measured about 20 inches
in width by 30 in depth. Along the top of the opening of the bag were attached
fluffy white feathers. The upper corners were held by the hands so as to spread
out the bag like a single piece of goods. Then taking the bag between his hands,
he rolled it into a ball to show the beholders that there was nothing within. Again
taking one of the upper corners in each hand, the performer held the bag once
more before the face like a banner, and as he began to dance slowly forward
along the southern side of the inclosure, his confederate preceded him, chanting
with the performer, and making various gestures before the bag. Presently two
snake heads began to emerge from the top of the bag, and gradually became more
and more exposed to view, until their bodies protruded perhaps 6 inches. Slowly
the beads retreated into the bag, until the performers had turned at the eastern

FIGURE 2.—Inside construction of bag
used in puppet trick

end of the inclosure. ... Although seemingly complex, the whole construc-
tion of the bag became apparent as the performer reached a position between
myself and the sunlight. The bag was not fully stretched out, and between the
corners held by the thumb and forefinger of each hand was visible a strip of cloth
or tape, to the middle of which were attached the ends of the stuffed snakes.
These ends were only about 8 inches long, and as the tension upon the tape was
lessened, the weight of the snakes’ bodies forced them down into the bag. The
heads and necks emerged through loops, made of pieces of calico, just large enough
for these members to slide through easily. (Fig. 2.)

The song here presented is concerning figurines of human beings
with feathers on their heads. After watching the performance the
men and women follow the bearers of the bag, carrying their medicine
bags in their hands. It is said that Kimewun can perform this trick.

62 Hoffman, The Menomini Indians, p. 97.

96 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 102

No. 59. Song Concerning the Figurines

(Catalogue No. 1528)

Recorded by P1iGHON

Analysis —As this song is so strongly hypnotic in character, we
look for a peculiarity in the rhythm. The song contains no change
of measure-lengths and, except for a few unimportant tones, it con-
sists of 11 repetitions of a short rhythmic unit. On examining this
unit we note that it begins on an accented tone and consists of short
tones with a prolonged tone at the close. Such a rhythmic structure
is well adapted to the purpose of the song. An unusual variety of
intervals occurs in this melody, which has a compass of eight tones
and moves freely within that compass.

The medicine lodge has many adherents among the Menominee at
the present time. Lindquist states that, ‘it is probably a conserva-
tive estimate that 25 per cent of the Menominees are still under the
influence of the old Indian religion and superstitions.” ® There
still are medicine men who can give the old performances, an instance
being related by Mitchell Beaupre. In the autumn of 1928 he was
asked to attend a meeting of the medicine lodge at Zoar, Wisconsin.
During that meeting a contest of medicine power took place between
four men who obtained their power from the snake, otter, beaver,
and weasel. Each man, as already described, carried a bag or
pouch made of the skin of such an animal. The man with the snake
medicine bag carried it at his hip. The snake skin was inflated, as

83 Lindquist, The red man in the United States, p. 126.

' DENSMORE] MENOMINEE MUSIC 97
Ki;

+
~

in life, and a noise like that of a snake came from its mouth. It
moved its tail and the rattle was distinctly heard at a distance of
about 20 feet. Beaupre was told to go nearer and he saw thesnake’s
head begin to move. It looked at all the poeple on one side of the
lodge, then at the people on the other side, and darted out its
tongue. After this demonstration the snake skin became limp again
and they put it around a little boy’s neck. The men who had the
otter, weasel, and beaver bags gave similar exhibitions. The man
who escorted Beaupre said, ‘‘ Why are you afraid? This is just to
show skill, like any other trick.”” Then he said, ‘“‘The people at
the ends of the long lodge are dangerous. Do not look at them,
or if you look in that direction be sure to look high up. The people
at the sides of the lodge are safe to look at. Sometimes the shoot-
ing with the medicine bags is dangerous and the person toward
whom it is directed has a small chance in this world unless he is
carrying a stronger medicine.”’

The following song, with its legend, has come down from the days
when the Menominee believed in evil magic. It was said that “‘a
skull flew through the air and had power to kill people if it became
angry. The people first knew this when it settled down and killed
them. Some medicine men drove it away, and then they had no
more trouble from it.’”” An extended version of the story by Skinner
and Satterlee states that the skull was found by four sisters and
that it compelled the oldest sister to carry it on her back. They
lived together, and the skull made trips to various villages where it
‘‘would bite all the inhabitants to death and chew them up, but it
could not eat them because it had no body.” The woman’s son
discovered her plight and together they attacked the skull and threw
it into the fire. ‘‘ The skull jumped out of the fire, but they threw
it down while they piled on more wood, until at last it was destroyed.
If they had not dispatched it, there would not be a human being
left at this time, for the skull’s task was to destroy everyone alive....
The skull had wings at the side of its ears and it could talk, but no
one understood it.” ™

6 Menomini folklore, op. cit., pp. 429, 430. The story is also related by Bloomfield in Menomini texts,
pp. 429-443, with the title ‘‘ The Rolling Skull.”

98 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 102

No. 60. ‘‘The Flying Skull ”’
(Catalogue No. 1522)

Recorded by Piagron

Analysis —The only tones in this melody are F, B flat, and C, and
the only intervals are fifths and major seconds. ‘The melody is framed
by the fifth F to C, and the song is classified with F as its keynote.
It is to be regretted that the words were not translated as there is
probably an interesting change in the words with the change in
tempo.

TREATMENT OF THE SICK

The ability to make a diagnosis or to treat sickness is believed by
the Menominee to rest with men or women who have had a dream.
Such a person is commonly designated as tipa’pe, meaning dreamer,”
though the proper term is mita’ope, meaning one who has dreamed
of sickness and its cure. Every home has its simple remedies, but in
case of serious illness the first procedure is to send for a tipape.
The actual treatment is given by him or by some one whom he rec-
ommends, and whoever gives the treatment is designated by a
corresponding name. Thus he or she who treats the sick with herbs
is called micki’ki wini’ni (herb person) and he who confers with
spirits concerning the sick person is called dji’sako (juggler). These
are the principal modes of treatment and will be described in detail.
A dreamer uses either of these methods, according to the instructions
received in his dreams. The two methods are distinct, as an herb
doctor never resorts to magic and a juggler does not give material
remedies.

It is not required that they who treat the sick shall belong to the
medicine lodge, but they are usually members of that organization or
recognized by it. Among the doctors described in this section,
Pigeon is the only one living at the present time (1929) and he is a
giver of herbs and a member of the medicine lodge. Nata’wika also
gave herbal remedies but did not belong to the Mitawin. Wecawa-

65 The use of the word tipape may be compared to our use of the word ‘‘doctor,’’ which indicates a
certain preparation and authority. The several terms by which the Menominee designate methods of
treatment may be compared to phases of therapeutic treatment, all of which are given by “doctors” in
our own parlance.

DENSMORE] MENOMINEE MUSIC 99

nakwut, however, was a member of the Mitawin and a djisako, erecting
a tipi to which he summoned the spirits. He also was a po’towandé’ma
(one who blows through tubular bones). Mitchell Beaupre said that
Wecawanakwut paid a great deal to learn the latter method of treat-
ment and used it for diseases affecting the head. He held the medicine
in his mouth and blew it forcibly through the bone, ‘‘in order to get
it at the seat of the trouble.’’ In treating the head he made a vertical
line upward from the nose to the hair, then made a line on the forehead
crossing this, and blew the medicine on the intersection of these
lines. If the trouble were in the jaw, he blew through the ear,
holding out the lobe of the ear to permit free passage of air. This
was a legitimate use of the tubular bone, differing from the juggler’s
tricks, which consisted of swallowing and regurgitating the bones,
and claiming to ‘“‘suck out the sickness through a bone.’’ (See p. 100.)

Singing, like the dream, is inseparable from the treatment of the
sick. Many herbs have their own songs which must be sung to make
them effective. In other instances a dreamer has his own song or
songs, received in dreams, which he sings when gathering or preparing
herbs, or when he is in the presence of his patient.

A knowledge of herbs is among the most important teachings of
the medicine lodge. A person initiated into the lower degrees is
taught the simpler herbs and in many instances uses them only for
himself and family, but if he advances to higher degrees he is taught
the use of rare herbs and the combinations of herbs in difficult reme-
dies. He may then become a recognized medicine man, treating the
sick in accordance with the knowledge obtained in the medicine lodge
and with knowledge which he receives in his personal dreams. It is
believed that all the Mitawin remedies originated in dreams, some of
them having come down through many generations. More recent
dreams have added to this store of knowledge, both within and
without the medicine lodge, and a dreamer may sell his knowledge
if he so desires. It is said this custom continues at the present
time (1929) and a person seeking such knowledge must go to the
medicine man on four consecutive nights, carrying tobacco and food.
During the first three nights he will be taught the songs connected
with the plant and on the fourth night he will be shown the plant,
which generally has no name or designation. Instructions for its
use are imparted and the man is then qualified to use the plant in
treating the sick.

The manner of preparing plants, roots, and barks for medicinal
use is described in connection with Natawika’s remedies. (See
p. 119.) Supplies of medicinal herbs were formerly stored in bags
woven of basswood bark, and small quantities were wrapped in the
bark of the white birch tree, split to extreme thinness, tough, and as
soft as silk. Such a package was tied with a fine strip of basswood

100 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 102

or other bark. Enough medicine for one treatment was wrapped
in buckskin. At present the prepared medicine is wrapped in clean
white cloth, tied with a strip of cloth or a bit of twine. If a person
is seriously ill, tobacco is sent to a dreamer with a request that he
visit the patient. He comes, bringing his rattle (sonawaé’ninim),
which is commonly called by the Chippewa term cici’gwan, meaning
rattlesnake. (Cf. Bull. 45, Bur. Amer. Ethn., pl. 10.) The rattle
is thin and flat, consisting of a hoop covered on both sides with the
hide of a woodchuck. No other hide is used for this purpose, and it
appears that no other use is made of the hide of the woodchuck. It
was said that ‘‘ordinary people must put something inside a rattle to
make a sound, but a medicine man calls the spirits and they get
inside the ‘cicigwan’ rattle and make the sound.’’ The procedure of
singing and shaking the rattle may be sufficient and the tipape may
say, ‘‘I know who has the medicine that will cure you. Send and
get it.’’ Then the sick person’s relative takes tobacco to that man
and receives some of the medicine. The tipape usually says, however,
that he wishes to ‘‘dream over it’’ and goes away, promising to return
the next day.

The instructions given by the tipape vary in character even as the
ils of humanity and the many temperaments with which every
physician comes in contact. The tipape, returning next day, might
give herbs from his own knowledge, or if he felt that the patient was
being ‘‘witched,’ he might advise a djisako performance to ascertain
who was responsible for the influence and to thwart it. If he were a
djisako he might proceed to make a tipi and do this himself, or he
might direct the patient to someone else.

By Means or Maaic

The treatment of the sick by a djisako is primarily an exhibition
of magic. He aims to impress and mystify the relatives of his patients
by the violent shaking of his little tipi, the sound of spirit voices and
his own strange actions. If his dream requires that he ‘‘suck out the
sickness”’ he uses a tubular bone and places it in a basin of water after
taking it from his mouth. With the bone will be found a small sub-
stance such as a quill, a pig bristle, or a bit of down, and the
juggler says this came from the body of the patient and has caused
the distress. He destroys this substance and says the patient is
thereby cured. Sometimes jugglers ‘‘work in pairs.” Thus one
may say, ‘Does any remain?” and the other may reply, ‘You haven’t
gotten it all out yet.” The treatment is then repeated until both are
satisfied that the cause of the difficulty is entirely removed. An
instance was related in which a juggler swallowed and regurgitated a
bone and then used it in ‘‘sucking out the sickness.”” A man’s dream

DENSMORE] MENOMINEE MUSIC 101

prescribed every phase of his performance and he impressed this
upon beholders as a guaranty of his success. The swallowing and
regurgitation of bones was similar to that of the Chippewa medicine
men. ‘The bone used in this manner is generally about 2% inches
long and about one-half an inch in diameter. It is not unusual for
a medicine man to wear a string of these around his neck, brown
and polished from long use.

David Amab said that he had frequently seen bones about a finger
long swallowed by a juggler and retained about 20 minutes while
the man sang, after which he ejected the bones into a pan of water.
Some jugglers used only one bone while others used four or eight,
according to their dreams. If several bones were used it was cus-
tomary to have one from each of several birds or animals believed
to have “spirit power.”’ Thus a group of four bones might include
a wing bone of the crane, blue heron, a species of duck called sata’in,
and a leg bone of a woodchuck. It was said the woodchuck “‘lives
and eats like a bear and is smart, yet nobody is known to have received
medicine power from a woodchuck.”’ Wecawanakwut was a juggler,
but his dream did not require him to swallow the tubular bones. As
stated, he used one of these bones in blowing medicine forcibly upon
an affected part, this being one of his modes of treating the sick.

Jugglers frequently showed their power by locating lost persons or
animals. Two instances of this were related. Jim Turtillot is a
prominent member of the tribe who held a responsible position in
the Indian Service for many years. He said that a few years ago one
of his nephews was hired to Jook over a tract of land north of the
reservation. The man disappeared and a systematic search failed
to locate him. Turtillot thought of Kaya’wikit (Prickly Man) and
took tobacco to him with a request for help. Kayawikit replied,
“T can find him if you let me alone, but I must touch something he
has worn.” Kayawikit ‘‘dreamed”’ and said, ‘“‘The man is in a kettle
hole, beside a log, toward the east.”” The men hunted a Jong time
and finally found the man in a hole, as described by Kayawikit. He
had tripped over the log, fallen into the hole, and was unable to get
out, as he was suffering from heart disease. The second instance is
concerning another juggler named Jim Wiso, who died about 1926
at the age of 70. A man lost two ponies, and after searching a month
he went to Wiso, giving tobacco and calico. Wiso said, ‘“‘Come
tomorrow.” The next day he said, ‘‘ Your ponies are all right. They
have crossed Wolf River and are 5 miles away.’”’ The man looked
for his ponies as the juggler had directed and found them.

The following incident was related by a reliable informant who was
a relative of Wiso. Many years ago the informant had a nephew of
whom he was very fond. This young man was “‘in the west’ and

6 Cf. Bull. 45, Bur. Amer. Ethn., p. 120, and Bull. 8&6, p. 46.

102 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 102

suffered a severe attack of pneumonia, of which his family was igno-
rant. Wiso was staying with the informant, and one day he said,
‘‘Our nephew is very sick.”” A few days later he said, “‘Our nephew
will get well. Last night J saw him in a dream and a buffalo was
standing over him, breathing strong breath into him.”

The practice, which was common to all jugglers, was the building of a
tall, slender tipi, entering it and summoning the spirits. The juggler
might ask the spirits what should be done for the sick person, or, if
the person were being ‘‘witched,” he might call the spirits that were
working the harm and say, ‘‘Why have you witched this man?”
They would reply and give their reasons, perhaps saying they were
angry with the man forsome reason. The juggler said, ‘“‘ We will fight
it out now,” and the swaying of the juggler’s tipi indicated the fierce-
ness of his fight for the man’s life. If his power was greater than that
of the spirit, he would “‘beat the spirit and make him stop witching
the man.”’ This custom has been discontinued among the Menominee
for many years, but there was one man living in 1929 who, it was said,
could give a juggler’s performance. He was a little lame man named
Kaya’wikit, an instance of whose power has already been described.

A juggler’s tipi was from 6 to 8 feet in height and the number of
poles was 4, 6, or 8, according to the instructions received by the man
in his dream. A reliable informant said that if four poles were used
the pole at the west was often of cedar, that at the north of elm, at the
east of ironwood, and at the south of maple. A different set of woods
was used by the juggler whose performance is described on page 31.

In erecting the frame of the juggler’s tipi a shallow hole was dug
for each pole, and this was made deeper by a sharp, heavy pole which
was thrust downward into the hole until it was about 10 inches deep.
According to Amab, the poles of the tipi frame were blunt at the lower
end and were placed in the holes made in this manner, the earth being
firmly packed around them. After a performance the poles were
sometimes found to be embedded in the ground a foot and a half.
An informant said that he and some friends once found the frame of a
juggler’s tipi in some brush, just as he had left it. The poles showed
the marks of the tool known as a crooked knife and had been cut with
great care. The hoops were still in place and the structure was so
firm that they were unable to move it. Outside this framework of
poles are several hoops, securely tied in place with basswood fiber.
‘The number of hoops was either 2, 4, 6, or 8. The outer covering was
formerly of birch bark, but later was of cloth,® on which there was no
paint. Such a framework is shown in Plate 20, c.

The writer witnessed the shaking of a similar tipi in July, 1930, at
Grand Portage, Minn., and afterwards inspected the framework of the
tipi. This performance was given by Edward Ely Burntside, a Chip-

* Cf. Hoffman, The Menomini Indians, fig. 20.

DENSMORE] MENOMINEE MUSIC 103

; j

- pewa juggler credited with proficiency. He did not know that the

writer saw the performance, but afterwards he talked with her about
it, saying that he was tied with thongs in the usual manner and freed
himself. He said that he gave the performance in order to ascertain
whether his treatment of a certain sick man would be successful.
If the spirits whom he summoned into the tipi ‘‘spoke loud and clear”
he believed that he would succeed, but if they spoke very low the sick
man would die. On this occasion their response was said to have been
satisfactory. The time of the performance was early evening, there
was no breeze stirring and the day had been clear. The tipi was
located in a grove of slender poplar trees near a house, and the
writer saw it by chance when passing across a field, several hundred
feet away. Standing still, she watched it for about 15 minutes,
then approached near enough to hear the singing and drumming and,
without being noticed, remained at least half an hour. The songs
resembled those of the Midewiwin and the drum was in rapid, even
beats. The writer had been at the house Jess than half an hour before
the performance and had noticed that the juggler was singing softly
and beating his drum, but attached no importance to the circumstance.

When first observed the top of the tipi, about 6 feet in height, was
swaying back and forth with the regularity of a pendulum. This
continued for at least five minutes, after which it stood still for a
time, then was violently shaken, the upper part of the cloth waving
convulsively. These activities were repeated in varying order during
the time it was being observed.

A few days later the writer called at the house and was allowed to
see the location of the tipi, which had been erected near the house,
and to inspect the equipment. On viewing the little circle it was
noticed that the grass was undisturbed around the holes where the
poles had stood and that the edge of each hole was as firm as though
the hole had been made by an implement. ‘Thus the earth gave no
evidence of a swaying of the poles. A little stick was inserted in
one of the holes, which was found to be more than a foot in depth.
Jt was further noticed that many stout cords were tied to the hoops,
some of which appeared to be larger than the circle in the ground,
though it was not advisable to make any measurements. ‘The cloth
cover, resembling that of an old tent, was folded and lay near the
hoops. Small branches of pine were within the little circle and had
been flattened to the ground by the weight of the juggler’s body.

The writer offers the suggestion that the motion which was wit-
nessed might have been produced by the pulling of cords attached to
the hoops, beneath the cloth cover, these hoops being fastened to the
upright poles by cords sufficiently long to give a certain freedom of
motion. Such manipulation of cords could be accomplished by a
clever magician while continuing to sing and beat the drum.

104 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 102

Such a performance was usually given at night. The juggler
was alone in the tipi, crouching on his hands and knees. Some-
times he was bound with thongs from which he freed himself in a
seemingly miraculous manner. It was desired that the sick person
be outside the tipi; but if he were unable to be brought, his friends
and relatives sat around the tipi and someone shook a ratile and sang.
Soon the tipi began to sway as though a tempestuous wind were
blowing. The tipi shook from east to west, then from north to south.
It swayed and bent so that the top almost touched the ground, and
the cloth covering was torn to fragments. An instance was described
in which bells were hung on the uppermost hoop and were heard to
ring as the tipi swayed to and fro. Strange sounds were heard in the
tipi, said to be the voices of spirits summoned by the juggler. Each
juggler had his own source of power and summoned his particular
spirits. The juggler understood what the spirits said and talked with
them. Some spoke a strange language that only he could understand.
An informant said that several voices might be heard, but the last
was always that of a Chippewa. Mitchell Wakau said that he had
heard voices of crows and many sorts of animals, but that both large
and small turtles came into the tipi. The former was the great
turtle, one of the strongest among the spirit animals. The mud
turtle made a whinnying sound,® and when the people heard this
some one might say, ‘‘ We want the mud turtle to dance.”” Then they
heard a sound like blunt sticks pounding on the ground, and they
sald, ‘‘The mud turtle is dancing.’ ®*

It is said that many years ago, when the Menominee came to their
present reservation, there was a man named Okwi’tciwa’no whose
power was so great that he gave this performance with four tipi. He
placed some of his clothing in three tipi and entered the fourth and
when one began to sway they all swayed together with equal force.
Such a demonstration usually began in the evening and lasted all
night. ‘Toward its close the tipi quivered and the juggler said,
‘“‘One has gone.” It quivered again and he said, ‘‘ Another spirit has
gone.”” One of the songs here presented (No. 66) was attributed to

°8 In this connection it is interesting to note the following description of a juggler’s performance in which
the spirit is said to have made a similar sound:

‘‘The Ojibways had been debating whether they should go to Detroit to the assistance of Pontiac, ...
but, distrusting mere human wisdom in a crisis so important, they resolved, before taking a decisive step,
to invoke the superior intelligence of the great turtle, the chief of all the spirits.” The juggler’s tipi and
performance are then described, and it is said: ‘‘ A low, feeble sound, like the whine of a young puppy, was
next heard, . . . upon which the warriors . . . hailed it as the voice of the great turtle, the spirit who
never lied. The magician soon announced that the spirit was ready to answer any question which might
be proposed.”” (Parkman, Francis, The Conspiracy of Pontiac and the Indian War after the Conquest of
Canada, vol. 2, pp. 165-166. Boston, 1908.)

Mitchell Beaupre said he had heard that a juggler made these sounds by means of a small whistle con-
cealed in his mouth, but this was denied by another informant. The Makah Indians use a small whistle,
held inside the mouth, when imitating a wolf. In order that it may not be swallowed, a cord is attached
to it and fastened to the dancer’s shirt.

6sa Of, the summoning of the spirit women, p. 31.

DENSMORE] MENOMINEE MUSIC 105

the spirits as they were about to depart. Sometimes the juggler
freed himself from the thongs with which he was bound, he jumped
up and down inside the tipi, and climbed to the top by means of the
hoops. He sang while on the uppermost hoop, the structure swaying
to and fro. The song next following was sung by a juggler when in
that position.

No. 61. Juggler’s Song (a)
(Catalogue No. 1596)

Recorded by CAWUNIPINAS

FREE TRANSLATION
I am going home

Analysis.—There is a soothing, almost caressing, quality in this,
and the following song, which is difficult to describe but has been
noted in the strongest healing songs of several other tribes. The
slow tempo adds to this effect, yet the song is far from monotonous.
Two measures near the close are in a faster time and begin with a
sharp accent as though to arouse the sick person or attract his atten-
tion. These are followed by the closing measures, with a continu-
ously descending trend and gentle glissando. We note that rests
occur in a portion of the rhythmic units and give variety to the
melody. All the tones of the octave except the fourth occur in the
song, the seventh is flatted in its only occurrence, and the third is
flatted in the opening phrase. The general trend is downward, about
two-thirds of the progressions being descending intervals. No. 66
resembles this song in tone material.

106 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 102

While the juggler was singing the spirits came and filled the tipi.
After descending from the top of his lodge the juggler sang the follow-
ing song.

No. 62. Juggler’s Song (b)
(Catalogue No. 1597)

Recorded by CAWUNIPINAS

FREE TRANSLATION
The inside of my house is full

Analysis—Two short units of rhythm occur in this song, the space
between them varying from one to two measures and giving an effect
of deliberation. The song has the same descending trend as the
preceding (No. 61) but is less interesting. The principal interval is
a whole tone which comprises 14 of the 19 descending progressions.
A glissando is heard on the descending whole tones in measures 8 to 11.
The closing measures of the melody are gentle and soothing.

The next two songs were sung during the treatment of the sick, the
juggler blowing violently upon the sick person four times after singing
each song. ‘The first of these songs is concerning the juggler’s lodge,
which he has been able to sway to and fro, although it was constructed
in such a substantial manner,

DENSMORE] MENOMINEE MUSIC 107

No. 63. Song During Treatment of the Sick (a)
(Catalogue No. 1567)

Recorded by AMaB

FREE TRANSLATION
My lodge stands solid. I walk all over the world

Analysis —This song is different in character from the two next
preceding and belonged to a different man, yet it resembles them
in its descending trend from the highest to the lowest tone of its
compass. All the tones of the octave are present in the melody,
which contains an unusual variety of intervals. The whole tones
comprise less than half the progressions instead of being the most
prominent interval as in the song next preceding.

The song next following was learned by the singer from his uncles,
who were twins and who worked together as jugglers.
No. 64. Song During Treatment of the Sick (b)

(Catalogue No. 1568)
Recorded by AMAB

Analysis —With four exceptions the intervals in this song consist
of minor thirds and whole tones, yet it is a lively melody, with a

48819°—32 9

108 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 102

compass of nine tones. It contains no rhythmic unit but comprises
four rhythmic periods, each of which begins with two sixteenth notes
and is followed by a rest. It is interesting to note the frequent
occurrence of the keynote in the upper octave.

Concerning the next song it was said, ‘“‘The red-headed woodpecker
came, and because he was good at pulling bugs out of trees he was
selected to pull the sickness out of the sick person.” This song was
said to be ‘‘very strong medicine” and after recording it the singer
said, ‘‘We have sung enough powerful songs so that the spirits might
come here to us.””’ He seemed perturbed and the subject of inquiry
was changed.

No. 65. Song of the Woodpecker
(Catalogue No. 1588)

Recorded by CAWUNIPINAS

FREE TRANSLATION

Woodpecker they call me, the spirits. A person may have worms in him

Analysis —This song consists of three periods, each consisting of
two phrases based on different intervals. Thus the first phrase, con-
taining seven measures, is based on the interval A flat-E flat, with
the third flatted, producing a minor triad. The second period, con-
taining seven measures, is based on the descending tones D flat—A
flat-F—-D flat, constituting a major triad and its octave, while the
tones of the third period are less regular in sequence. Each period
is distinct and begins with two unaccented sixteenth notes, but the
song contains no rhythmic unit. Instead there is a long rhythmic
swing which is made more effective by the slow tempo. We find in
it none of the tap-tap of the woodpecker but rather a persistence
and determination. Minor thirds and major seconds constitute 25
of the 29 progressions.

DENSMORE} MENOMINEE MUSIC 109

The next song was attributed to the spirits who had come into the
lodge, being summoned by the juggler. These spirits have finished
their work and are about to depart.

No. 66. Song of the Healing Spirits

(Catalogue No. 1598)

Recorded by CAWUNIPINAS

FREE TRANSLATION

They are circling around in the sky (preparatory to going away)

Analysis.—Attention is called to a comparison between this song
and No. 61. In both songs the fourth tone of the octave is absent
and the third and seventh are flatted. The effective entrance of B
flat after a rest occurs in both songs. The tempo of this song is much
slower than the one with which it is compared, the rhythmic unit is
shorter, and the interest of the song is chiefly in the tones that occur
between the repetitions of the unit. About one-half the progressions
are whole tones.

At the close of a demonstration for the cure of the sick the juggler
announced what the spirits had told him. An incident has been
described (p. 32) in which they said that the sick child’s mother must
have the spirit women’s game played for her benefit until she was of
age to play it herself. Sometimes the juggler said the people must
“‘get up a ball game so the sick person would get better,’’ and some-
times they directed that the man have his own dream ‘played out for
his benefit.”” It was said that in old times a man was often told to
make a war club and ‘‘keep it forever.’”’ Thus instructed, a man
made a fine war club about a foot long, wrapped it up, and kept it
carefully as long as he lived. It would be interesting to know for

110 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 102

what ailment this was prescribed. The informant said, “If the
djisako does his work right and the directions are followed, the sick
person will get better. He makes a feast and gives many gifts to the
djisako.”’ |

Each juggler had his own source of power. Mention has been
made of ‘‘eight spirit women in the east’? who appeared in dreams.
The two songs next following are those of a juggler who treated the
sick by power said to be received from four of the spirit women. These
songs were the property of Name’konimit (Feathers), who lived to be
more than 90 years of age. He sang the first song “‘when beginning
to work”’ in treating the sick.

No. 67. Healing Song from the Spirit Women (a)
(Catalogue No. 1569)

Recorded by AMAB

FREE TRANSLATION
I am going into mud turtle’s house

Analysis —This melody differs from the preceding songs of this
group in that it descends to a low tone midway its length, thus divid-
ing the melody into two parts, each of which has a descending trend.
The song is minor in tonality and contains all the tones of the octave
except the second. The final tone is below the convenient range of
the singer’s voice and was sung indistinctly.

In connection with the next song it is interesting to note that the
quiet of the night and the freedom from interruption were considered
favorable to the treatment of the sick and that all the Indian tribes
under observation by the writer preferred that time for treating the
sick,

DENSMORE] MENOMINEE MUSIC Ti}

No. 68. Healing Song from the Spirit Women (b)
(Catalogue No. 1570)

Recorded by AMAB

FREE TRANSLATION
The east women help me all night

Analysis.—The interval of a fourth is prominent in this melody,
more than half the intervals being fourths and fifths, occurring
chiefly in descending progression. A descent of nine tones in three
measures occurs at the close of the song.

By Mrans or HERBS

Louis Pigeon (pl. 1) is a representative of the Indian doctor using
herbs. He related the dream in which he received power to treat
the sick (p. 77) and recorded three sets of songs which he uses in treat-
ing the sick, each set containing four songs. A portion of each set
was transcribed. The first set (Nos. 69, 70, 71) was acquired by pur-
chase at the value of two ponies, the next set (Nos. 72, 73) were in-
herited from an uncle who received them in a dream, and the third
set (Nos. 74-76) were inherited from his great-grandfather. All
these are used by him at the present time (1929), and he related a
recent instance of a successful treatment. He sings the song next
following when he digs a certain root, from which he makes a decoction
and administers it to his patient,

112 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY (BULL. 102

No. 69. ‘‘I Use My Medicine to Cure the Sick’”’

(Catalogue No. 1533)
Recorded by P1agEON

d-7

Irregular in tonality

FREE TRANSLATION
I use my medicine to cure her

Analysis —This song is classified as irregular in tonality and con-
tains the descending fourth as a prominent interval. The rhythmic
unit is long and occurs three times, with a short, independent phrase
after its second occurrence. The melody has more motion than the
other songs used by the Menominee in their treatment of the sick.
It was used with herb remedies, and we do not find in it the soothing
quality which characterized the songs of the jugglers who did not
habitually give herb remedies. Several songs of this class are more
rapid than the songs used by the jugglers.

The use of the next song was not stated, but it was probably sung
when the herbal remedy was administered. Pigeon uses no drum or
rattle when singing in the presence of a patient.

DENSMORE] MENOMINEE MUSIC 113

No. 70. ‘‘I Give You Medicine to Drink’’

(Catalogue No. 1534)
Recorded by PIGEON

d= 50

No perceptible accents

Lee = ——

FREE TRANSLATION

I will at least try to give you this medicine to drink

Analysis.—This is the first song transcribed by the writer since
1909 in which measure lengths are not indicated. A series of Chip-
pewa songs of the Grand Medicine were at that time transcribed in
outline, without note values. The first note of each quarter-note
group received an accent, but these were equal throughout the
melody. The song has a compass of 12 tones and is based on the
fourth 5-toned scale. All except two of the progressions are minor
thirds and major seconds. Two renditions of the song were recorded

and are uniform in every respect.

The melody of the next song in the series resembled this so closely
that it was not transcribed. The words were translated as follows:
“The sick person says ‘I am sick.’” I reply ‘I will conquer this

sickness.,’”’
The last song of the series was said to be a favorite of the old

medicine man.

114 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 102

No. 71. ‘‘I Will Drive the Sickness Out of You’’

(Catalogue No. 1535)
Recorded by PigHOoN

a aa bel
Irregular a tonality
1

Analysis.—This song is classified as irregular in tonality. The
tones are those of the key of C with A flatted in two of its occurrences,
but the triad C-E-G is not suggested by the progressions of the
melody. The final tone is not the lowest, as in all other songs of this
group, but is preceded by a fourth lower, the song also containing
this lower tone. Two rhythmic units occur, the first being the more
interesting. The song contains an unusual variety of intervals,
especially in downward progression. Two renditions were recorded
and show no points of difference. .

Pigeon recorded two songs which his uncle received in a fasting
dream and used when treating the sick. His uncle lived to old age
and Pigeon received the songs by inheritance. The dream was con-
cerning a bird with a white head that stays high in the air.

No. 72. ‘“‘I Am Rewarding You’’
(Catalogue No. 1528)

Recorded by P1gEon

DENSMORE] MENOMINEE MUSIC 115

FREE TRANSLATION

The power above said, It is I who am now rewarding you so that you will live to
old age

Analysis ——The subtle rhythm of this song is worthy of attention
in its possible effect upon a sick person. The characteristic phrase
is contained in the first and second counts of the third measure. In
this instance it is followed by a dotted eighth note on an unaccented
count. The fifth measure contains the same phrase followed by a
dotted eighth on the accented count. This is an unexpected change
in the rhythm and delays the entrance of the accented half note.
The eighth measure contains a phrase similar to the rhythmic unit
but without the sixteenth rest, and the song closes with a repetition
of the rhythmic unit. The song is based on the fourth 5-toned scale
and is stimulating in its general character. Two renditions were
recorded and they are uniform in every respect.

No. 73.‘ The Heavens Help You”’
(Catalogue No. 1529)

Recorded by PIGEON

FREE TRANSLATION
The heavens speak and help you and others will depend upon you for help

Analysis —This song differs widely from the song next preceding.
It is minor in tonality, the tempo is slower, and the rhythmic unit is
longer. This unit comprises the first, second, and fourth periods of
the song, the third period differing in rhythm. The song has a com-
pass of 12 tones, the highest tone occurring only in the first measure
and the lowest tone appearing only at the close of the melody.

116 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL, 102

Four healing songs recorded by Pigeon were received from his
great-grandfather, whose name was Hohopetca (Little Shouter).
This man received his name from two dwarf gods who ‘‘sometimes
roam about but prefer to stay in The Dalles of the Wisconsin River.” ®
They appeared to him in a fasting dream and gave their own name to
him, promising that he would live to extreme old age. The songs
were also given by the dwarfs and constitute a set, according to the
custom of the Menominee and certain other tribes. He used these
songs in treating the sick. Only three of the songs are transcribed.

In Hohopetca’s dream he swallowed a knife and was told to do this
as a demonstration of his power. He had an iron knife made accord-
ing to the instructions received in his dream. It was about 4 inches
long and he could swallow and hold it for a few seconds. Pigeon said
his grandfather saw this and told him about it.

No. 74. Healing Song (a)
(Catalogue No. 1530)

Recorded by PIGEON

Analysis.—Three rhythmic periods occur in this song, the second
being in a much slower tempo than the others and introducing a differ-
ent rhythmic unit. It is a rather lively song, with a major tonality
and short, crisp phrases, and has a compass of eight tones lying partly
above and partly below the keynote.

Hohopetca was told by the Thunderers that he could swallow a
bullet as well as the iron knife and his second and third songs were
concerning this feat, performed to demonstrate his power. The
words were imperfectly translated, and the third song resembles the
second so closely that it is not transcribed.

69 Other songs attributed to these dwarfs were recorded among the Winnebago.

DENSMORE] MENOMINEE MUSIC EZ

No. 75. Healing Song (b)
(Catalogue No. 1531)
Recorded by Piaron

Voice d= 93
Drum @)= 184
Drum rhythm similar to No. 410

Analysis.—The opening phrase of this song arrests the attention
with its descending fourth followed by a rest and a return to the
higher tone. The descending interval of a fourth appears throughout
the song first as D to A, then as C to G, and as G to D, and is always
followed by a rest. The song contains 19 measures and has only 19
intervals, 14 of which are in descending progression.

The words of the closing song of the set are typical of songs received
in dreams

118 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 102

No. 76. “‘ Two Sides of the Heavens”’

(Catalogue No. 1582)
Recorded by PicEoN

FREE TRANSLATION

The two sides of the heavens are coming together

Analysis——The phrases of this song are characterized by a de-
scending trend of whole tones and semitones. Two rhythmic units
occur, the second being like the first except for an additional measure
and the absence of the eighth rest. All the tones of the octave are
present in the song, which was sung twice, the transcription being
from the second rendition.

One of the most successful doctors among the Menominee in recent
years was a woman named Nata’wika (pl. 19, a), who died February
16, 1918, at the age of more than 80 years. She had been ill more
than a year as a result of a fall when her moccasin caught on a wooden
step. Her name was said to mean ‘The whippoorwill looks for a
place and when she finds it she dances.’”’ Natawika is also known as
Sophie Piti’ta (Approaching Shout), the latter being the name of her
second husband, who was also a medicine man. She was a kindly
woman, always eager to help the sick, and often went to a sick person
when she had not been summoned, believing that she could be of serv-
ice, yet she said ‘‘the medicine will not work unless they pay for it.’’
She had no fixed charge, but required her patients to give what they
were able, perhaps a little tobacco, a handkerchief, or about four
yards of calico.

The knowledge of Natawika’s procedure and the identity of a
portion of her herbs were obtained from her daughter, Mrs. Harriet
Longley (pl. 19, b) of Keshena, Wis. Mrs. Longley said that when
she was a child her mother tried to teach her the uses of herbs, and
as she was inattentive her mother stuck a needle through the lobe

DENSMORE] MENOMINEE MUSIC 119

of one of her ears. She continued careless and her mother pierced
the other ear, saying, ‘‘This will make you listen to what I say.”
Her mother told her to try to remember the herbs and their uses,
saying, “‘Some time, after I am dead, a sick person who is not being
helped by a doctor may come to you and ask for Natawika’s reme-
dies.” Knowing the importance which her mother attached to
receiving pay for services, Harriet said, “I can not pay you, but
when I use these herbs I will put tobacco in a saucer on the table and
I will imagine that your spirit comes and smokes it.”’ Her mother
said, ‘‘That is the same as if you paid me now.”’ As a result of this
instruction and her own observation she was able, in 1929, to gather
56 specimens of plants and trees and to describe their uses. A much
larger number could have been obtained if the collecting had extended
over a wider territory and occupied a longer time. These specimens
were obtained on three expeditions into the woods near her home, one
expedition to a lake and another to the high burned-over country in
the northern part of the reservation. On these trips she was accom-
panied by the writer; she also gathered many herbs by herself. After
the first expedition it was evident that the work would be successful,
so the writer presented Mrs. Longley with a gift, some food and
tobacco, requesting that she comply with the old customs. Mrs.
Longley, thus relieved of embarrassment, went alone to the woods
where the herbs had first been gathered. On returning she said,
“‘T put tobacco in the ground and put some on top of the ground and
talked to my mother as though she was living, and told her that I was
getting this medicine as she taught me to do.”

Natawika had a personal song, received in a dream, which she sang
when gathering herbs and preparing her medicines. This was sung
by her daughter but not phonographically recorded. It was a simple
melody characterized by a descending trend and the words were
concerning Natawika’s medicine. Although Natawika did not belong
to the medicine lodge she sometimes attended its meetings. Her
song would then be sung as a recognition of her presence, and she
would rise and dance. |

It was Natawika’s custom to gather her medicinal herbs as system-
atically as a farmer gathers his crops, each in its season. Many
were gathered near her home. (Pl. 20, a.) The roots were washed
thoroughly and “trimmed up.” The larger roots were cut in half
lengthwise, strung on a cord, and hung up to dry. The small roots
were spread to dry on a table which extended along the west side of
her dwelling (pl. 20, b) exposed to the sunshine. Here she also pre-
pared her herbs. Plants were hung to dry with the roots uppermost.

The bag in which she kept a convenient quantity of herbs was made
of basswood fiber, boiled with the ashes of hardwood to make it
pliable. (Pl. 22,a@.) Whenshe had time and felt inclined she got out

120 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 102

this bag and mixed some combinations to have ready for use. Thus
she might pulverize three or four roots together and wrap in a paper
the quantity she would probably need. A mixture of herbs pre-
pared by Natawika is shown in Plate 21,6. The quantity was said
to be “‘about right for a pint of water.” The mixture contains two
roots used as a remedy for ‘‘distress in the stomach” and it could be
used in decoction, as described, or chewed and the resultant liquid
swallowed. The bag shown in Plate 22, 6, is woven from narrow
strips of cedar bark and is a type of bag commonly used for the
storage of herbs.

When summoned to a sick person Natawika spread a sheet on the
floor, put her bag of herbs on it, folded opposite corners above the
bag, tied the other corners in a knot, and slung the pack around her
shoulders. If it were winter she drove in her sleigh, which is now
lying overturned at the edge of the woods where she gathered many
of her herbs.

On arriving at the sick person’s house her procedure, like that of
any doctor, varied with the nature and gravity of the case. If the
person were in great distress her first effort was to give immediate
relief. She selected the proper herbs from her bag, boiled them in
water and administered the remedy. Then she smoked ber pipe and
expected that the patient’s condition would show a change during
the time required for smoking. When her pipe was empty she rose,
looked at the patient, and made her next decision. If the patient
seemed to be feeling more comfortable, or if she were not sure of the
diagnosis, she might ‘‘dream over it,’’ either while she smoked a pipe
or during a night. This action has been described on page 101. If
there seemed grave doubt of the patient’s recovery she made a test
with certain small black seeds which she carried for the purpose.
There were cases in which she felt obliged to make this test as soon
as she saw the sick person. She also made the test during the crisis
of a disease or at any other time that she considered it advisable.
The dried seeds were from Hamamelis virginiana L. (witch-hazel),
and four or five were sufficient for the test. She took a saucer of
water, requiring that both water and saucer be very clean. Placing
the seeds on the surface of the. water she watched them. If they
floated, there was a chance that the sick person would recover, but
if they sank there was no hope.

Another test of recovery is described on page 128 in connection
with the use of a remedy combining several ingredients.

Natawika’s methods of treating the sick did not include the blowing
through a tubular bone described on page 99. She used surgical
means of relieving distress, lancing the inside of a patient’s lip and
lancing the temples. The latter treatment was for headache and
was followed by ‘‘sucking the blood to the surface.” In this pro-

BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY

BULLETIN 102 PLATE

b, HARRIET LONGLEY

BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY BULLETIN 102 PLATE 20

c, FRAMEWORK OF JUGGLER’S T IPI

BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY BUEEERIN 102) (PieAiE 21

a, HORN USED BY NATAWIKA IN TREATMENT OF THE SICK

b, SPECIMEN OF NATAWIKA’'S HERBS, PREPARED AS MEDICINE

BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY BULLETIN 102 PLATE 22

_—
= See.
hen i

=
AC <me Sp

See
58 OS Ws ee ie Or er

wee
&

«
shoal

4
i
Hy
ht
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LY
«
K , ay
é&
i
4
t
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wd
=
base

a, BAG IN WHICH NATAWIKA STORED HERBS; 4, STORAGE BAG

DENSMORE] MENOMINEE MUSIC 121

cedure she placed the larger end of a horn over the incisions and
applied her mouth to the smaller end, sucking until the blood came
to the surface. (Pl. 21, a.) (Cf. surgical treatment and appliances
in Uses of Plants by the Chippewa Indians, pp. 332-335.) It is
probable that a more extended inquiry among the Menominee would
have shown further resemblances in the customs of the two tribes.

In preparing her liquid remedies Natawika distinguished between
steeping and boiling. She also prepared some of her remedies by
placing the ingredients in a saucer of water. The liquid remedies
were administered both internally and externally. The former
included “snuffing.”” An ordinary dose was ‘‘a swallow,” and as the
early Indians had no clocks the dose was repeated “now and then,”
or ‘‘when convenient.” The external application included steaming,
rubbing, and poultices which could be moistened without being
removed. She recognized the fact that some physical conditions are
incurable and the descriptions of her remedies show that she was
guided only by observation of the effect of the medicine.

The present material, as indicated, is only a portion of that used
by Natawika but is sufficient for present consideration. The plants
here listed were collected by Natawika’s daughter, Mrs. Harriet
Longley, and identified at the United States National Herbarium,
the identification being chiefly by Mr. E. C. Leonard.

The Menominee custom of designating plants is similar to that of
the Chippewa. It will be noted that a portion of the following names
refer to the appearance of a plant and a portion to some of its prop-
erties, while other names indicate the manner of its use or are simple
terms applied to more than one plant. The name of one plant refers
to its origin as an ‘‘east medicine,”’ this being a particularly strong
remedy. Among the Chippewa a few remedies were attributed to
Winabojo and called ‘‘Winabojo medicines.” It is possible that, if
the information had been given by Natawika, some of these plants
might have been recorded as ‘‘Manabus remedies.”

Puants Usep By NATAWIKA

List or PLants ARRANGED ACCORDING TO BoTANIcaL NAME

MEDICINAL
Botanical name Common name Use
Abies balsamea (L.) Mill_-___-__-_ Balsany Aree eee Sores.
Achillea millefolium L._.....-_-- WEECOW: © 5 tese noe Sores, swelling.
Acorns calaniys W.. ...-..5.-..- Sweetflag_......._-- Contraction of facial

muscles, colds and
diseases of women.

122 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 102

List or Puants ARRANGED AccoRDING To Botanica NAME

MEDICINAL—Continued
Botanical name Common name Use

Adiantum pedatum L__________- Maidenhair fern-__-_-_ Dysentery.

Apocynum pubescens R. Br-__-_--- Velvet dogbane- -- ~~ Indigestion.

Araia nudicalis bo 2022 2 Wild sarsaparilla____| Sores, lung trouble.

Arctium lappa Li.) 2i2 elec dos Butdoeki& [2226.84 Scrofulous sores.

Arisaema triphyllum (L.) Torr_..-| Indian turnip-_-_____ Contraction of facial
muscles.

Asarum canadense L_________--- Canada wildginger___| Indigestion.

Asclepias syriaca L_-. 2-22. Common milkweed--| Pain in chest.

Asclepias tuberosa L.....------- Butterflyweed___-_-- Tonic and bruises.

Betula papyrifera Marsh____--_-- Cafioe birch. oo ee Dysentery and tonic.

Bursa bursa-pastoris (L.) Britt_._| Shepherds purse-_-_-_-_ Poison ivy.

Ceanothus americanus L-----_-_-- Jersey-tea_...------ Cough and lung
trouble.

Chimaphila umbellata (L.) Nutt__| Common pipsissewa_| Remedy for the blood
and diseases of

women.
Comptonia peregrina (L.) Coulter_| Sweetfern__..._-__- Tonic.
Diervilla lonicera Mill__..._____- Dwarf bush-honey- | Remedy for the blood
{ suckle. and diseases of
women.
Eupatorium purpureum L__-____- Joe-pye-weed_._____ Diseases of women.
Gnaphalium obtusifolium L______ Fragrant life ever- | Headache.
lasting.
Helenium autumnale L_________- Common sneezeweed_ Do.
Hepatica, triloba Choix__________ Roundlobe hepatica__| Dysentery.
Heuchera americana L__________ American alumroot__| Pain in stomach.
Hydrophyllum virginianum L_-_-_-| Virginia waterleaf_.__| Headache, pain in
chest.
Lacinaria spicata (L.) Kuntze____| Spike gayfeather____| Weak heart.
Leptandra virginica (L.) Nutt_.__| Culver’s physic_____ Laxative.
Lilium philadelphicum L________ Orangecup lily_____- Sores.
Lithospermum canescens(Michx.) | Puccoon__---___--__- Tonic and sedative.
Lehm.
Mentha canadensis L__________- American wild mint__| Fever.
Mitchella repens 2. Sey et Partridgeberry _____- Diseases of women.
Monarda fistulosa L.._._______- Wildbergamot- ----- Strengthening bath.
Nepeta extaria bio ve ieee Capmip se /2 25) fee Sedative.
Osmorrhiza claytoni (Michx.) | Woolly sweetcicely___| Sore eyes.
Clarke.
Pinus strobus Le. 2). ea ee White pine....2....# Sores.
Plantago rugelii Dene__.________ Rugel’s plantain; | Inflammation or burn.
““White-man’s
foot.”

Polygonatum biflorum (Walt.) | Small solomomseal__| Acute pain.
Ell.
Lact eae TTT ESE RT eer eer ROMEO RE Re STEN Pe Oana: er an Do.

DENSMORE] MENOMINEE MUSIC 123

List oF Puants ARRANGED AccorDING To BoranicaL NAMB

MEDICINAL—Continued

Botanical name Common name Use

Prunella vulgaris GY oe tosh Selfheal__.....___-- Dysentery.

Prunus demissa (Nutt.) Walp__--| Western chokecherry_| Lung trouble.

Quercus ellipsoidalis E. J. Hill____| Northern pin oak____| Diseases of women.

Quercus macrocarpa Michx-_--___- Mossycup oak_-____- Do.

Rhus hirta (L.) Sudw-_--_------ Staghorn sumac____-_ Cough.

Rubus canadensis L__-_--_._----- Thornless blackberry_; Dysentery.

Salix humilis Marsh__-________- Prairie willow_____-- Tonic.

Sambucus racemosa L_.________- European red elder__| Emetic.

Sanguinaria canadensis L____-__-_- Blioodroot. Le eee Diseases of women.

Sisyrinchium atlanticum Bick- | Eastern blue-eyed- Do.

nell. grass.

Solidago flexicaulis L____..._.--- Broadleaf golden-rod.| Headache and nose-
bleed.

Spathyema foetida (L.) Raf______ Skunkcabbage- -~___ Convulsions and weak
heart.

Thuja occidentalis L__-__...____- American arborvitae_| Swellings.

Trillium grandiflorum (Michx.) | Snow trillium______- Diuretic.

Salisb.
Tsuga canadensis (L.) Carr____-_- Canada hemlock_-_--| Swellings.

Nits PUIpINA a A Pi IOS Riverbank grape___-| Eye remedy.

Zanthoxylum americanum Mill__-| Common prickly- | Cold, rheumatism.
ash; toothache
tree.

Puants BELIEVED TO Possess Maaic PROPERTIES

Hamamelis virginiana L. Witch-hazel.

Dried seeds used in a test of sick person’s recovery.
Uvularia grandiflora J. E. Smith. Large-flowered bellwort.
Vagnera reacemosa (L.) Morong. Wild spikenard.

The roots of these two, combined with the root of Hydrophyllum vir-
ginianum, Virginia waterleaf, and one other root (not obtained), were dried,
pounded, and placed on live coals to attract game. A hunter might also
“‘incense”’ his traps and guns by holding them in the smoke. The medicinal
use of Virginia waterleaf is noted on page 130.

List oF PLANTS ARRANGED ACCORDING TO Common NAME !

Common name

Alumroot; American. 2202/2221 2022322
Arborvitae, American + (at) #22) ete
Ash, common prickly; toothache tree_-_
Bellwort, large-flowered__...______--
Bergamot; wilde. JU yas ee eoneoys
Bireh, cances#usvisiws PPO es
Blackberry, thornless___.........----

Botanical name

Heuchera americana L.

Thuja occidentalis L.
Zanthoyxlum americanum Mill.
Uvularia grandiflora, J. E. Smith.
Monarda fistulosa L.

Betula papyrifera Marsh.

Rubus canadensis L.

1 Attention is directed to the fact that the common name ofa plant frequently differs in different localities
and that in some instances a plant is known by more than one common name. The list herewith presented
contains the names by which the plants are most widely known.

48819°—32——_10

124 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY (BULL. 102

List oF PLants ARRANGED AccoRDING TO Common NamEe—Continued

Common name Botanical name
IBigodroOtess sucu atte ae Sanguinaria canadensis L.
Burdock sats tea et ae Lk ae a Arctium lappa L.
Butterflyweedsc.gwe oe oe oh Asclepias tuberosa L.
Ga ee eee ar te I A A A OS Nepeta cataria L.
Chokecherry, western___.....------- Prunus demissa (Nutt.) Walp.
Gulvers. phiysie 2 22h eet oe ete Leptandra virginica (L.) Nutt.
Doghane, velveje ue oo ee Apocynum pubescens R. Br.
Elder, European..red: - 2526 3.2 2550 Sambucus racemosa L.
Bern. jmoaidenhair fo7_i 2. . es Adiantum pedatum L.
ern Sweebsesen = fy eee eae. Comptonia peregrina (L.) Coulter.
Binge lease eed Stele de he 8 Sith Sea Abies balsamea (L.) Mill.
Ginger, Canada wild__.__...._...--- Asarum canadense L.
Golden-rod broadleaf__________-__--- Solidago flexicaulis L.
Grape miverbanicn ol ee eal Vitis vulpina L.
Grass, eastern blue-eyed____________- Sisyrinchium atlanticum Bicknell.
Hemlock, Canada. >. ..42caiten cena Tsuga canadensis (L.) Carr.
Hepatices, roundlobe: —) .- -- 2. ghee Hepatica triloba Choix.
Honeysuckle, dwarf bush___.__-_-_-- Diervilla lonicera Mill.
JOrsey=tes tues eee oe he Ceanothus americanus L.
JOe-PYe=Weede et wed ee ee Eupatorium purpureum L.
Life everlasting, fragrant._.....-___- Gnaphalium obtusifolium L.
Thily, OPANGOCUp Meo 8 oak a Lilium philadelphicum L.
Milkweed, common-.-._........-_-=2 Asclepias syriaca L.
Mint, American wild too Mentha canadensis L.
Make sMOse Cup ete a to a ie Quercus macrocarpa Michx.
Ogkomorihernipm cs .c 0 2 oe Quercus ellipsoidalis E. J. Hill.
Partridgebermy: jn. foo eh Mitchella repens L.
Pine, white oo: 4.22. coer a nde Pinus strobus L.
Pipsissewa, common________-___-____-_ Chimaphila umbellata (L.) Nutt.
Plantain, Rugel’s; ‘‘ White-man’s foot’’_| Plantago rugelii Dene.?
Ruccootine! soni We Jue add ftir uh Lithospermum canescens (Michx.) Lehm.
Sagsapariila, (wildaicia te) eer alt Aralia nudicaulis L.
Selfheale it sete e sf eat ay toy yb ye ce Prunella vulgaris (L.)
Shepherds purse.___...-__---_-___.- Bursa bursa-pastoris (L.) Britt.
Skunkeabbage...-2:_-. .. 1 Si apes Spathyema foetida (L.) Raf.
Sneezeweed, common-_-_____________- Helenium autumnale (L.)
Snow trillimmeG. OV ees OS Bales Trillium grandiflorum (Michx.) Salisb.
Bolomensenleniallrs oe es Polygonatum biflorum (Wald.) Ell.
ppikewasfenather <2 ee Lacinaria spicata (L.) Kuntze
Bpikenard, wild. #- 2 actos aie ee tee Vagnera racemosa (L.) Morong
Huma Aetaghorn: _.¥ 2t 42.02, 0. nee Rhus hirta (L.) Sudw.
Sweetcicely, woolly....-_..._..____- Osmorrhiza claytoni (Michx.) Clarke.
SA a hs a oT Le Oe Te: Acorus calamus L.
Termip, Indian 2.5 2%. 43458 toss Arisaema triphyllum (L.) Torr.
Waterleaf; Virginiaxs..... 182 oo clei Hydrophyllum virginianum L.
IVVELOW) TAUPIC = oh Fk oe ce tea Salix humilis Marsh.
VE Ee CY) Sh ae ee Seam wile Paar! Hamamelis virginiana L.

arrow sual ad © anion sronuiiing ong te Achillea millefolium L.

DENSMORE] MENOMINEE MUSIC 125

This list contains only 53 names, while the specimens obtained by
Mrs. Longley were 56 in number. As already stated, the Indians
identify a plant by its appearance, the name being of secondary
importance. In the unnamed specimens Mrs. Longley knew the
appearance and use of the plant but did not know its native name.

List oF PLANTS ARRANGED AccoRDING TO NatTIvE NAME

Native name Meaning Common name
Ai’yatciu’nése’k(n__-_-__---_- Se a a i ee Common sneezeweed.
PEW PIS... 25k Indicates use as a poultice__| Small solomonseal.
PSIG Hi) Aner so oe Small pine. .9 2 SSS. se White pine.
TS Sa Ee ee | ee ae en Mossycup oak.
Aya’ wisawa’ki----------- Square, understood to refer | Wildbergamot.

to stalk of plant.
CEUTA a | as SO Pan aed fe A Le IE Staghorn sumac.
Ma mikAipOk 42... -52 52) Byerercen sch eee eh Tee Common pipsissewa.
Ka’/sukaé’ micki’ki______-_~ Cat:medicine - .. ++) 224e2% Catnip.
ano pird’s.!_ 2.222. Banke praus...ossseesoe =~ Eastern blue-eyed-

grass.

Kino’ piktter’ pss 2 242 2 Snake root-v22 "ee Wild spikenard.
PePPMNENICTI Fie 2 oo See Le ee ee Sweetfern.
ES) i a Red: warereeee. on ae eee Jersey-tea.
eC DTEESL SESS Cs Ilan Rn AAR a Ben ah er Rugel’s plantain.
Ma’/tcmama’ tsétau - - -_--- Bie india . fea > eee Butterfly weed.
MEE STG Wy Gy wes ee a Te
Mucko’tau’odji’pé-__-_---- Prairie Toot... 22s ey
Miukata’ ono’ kanvk. =... .:|/"Black perry oye _ of ss
Nama’ kocid’sa_-_-.------- BVateribugsgl! 14 pes = ati
VEST ESSE Tr Ra ER BSD, (POEL Ee EP ATE RY Pes eerie
ETT TO gS ena a ES A ek eo
Naren ut seusederiah Binpudgew. 2 =
Na’sikin wa/biskidji’pé_-__| Smudge, white root__-__---
Ona’ mimitci’ ps... - - 3. Pueclerrantee 2
Ona’wini’koso’_.__--_---- Squirrel tail... _wiive.it
Ota’ pipény i’ g._.- = 1.20 Crinkled) Poot. ....--=-.-.-
Pai’sanaki’ki___..___L__.- Hien hairy. toe eins
(LSS ee ee eee eres Little pitch, understood to

be from balsam.
“SE ah FS) Tp ta, erpawge A t eeREDS Seal i a preegen akeltecmeeH ee
Sika’kacmi’aékwa_-_-__-__-_- Bink OUD. Set ene.
OES OTE CDR Ry eT a a po
CAS ASSET ae | ee eee nS, a
EES ie PN ee ee
ee UNO, WR sa a East medicine...s---+----3
US ta STS Se al (a eee Sere
Et TO ES RES AEE Tee WER apernes « Sapee Crr, ae me
We’sfksa’ pose’ ktin - -___ ~~ Bitten T00be s0.+ Asoc) eet

126 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 102

The following plants are assigned the same medicinal uses by
Huron H. Smith in Ethnobotany of the Menomini Indians, pages
21-58.

Achillea millefolium L. Yarrow.

Asarum canadense L. Canada wildginger.

Asclepias tuberosa L. Butterflyweed. (Also other uses.)
Eupatorium purpureum L. Joe-pye-weed.

Helenium autumnale L. Common sneeze weed.

Pinus strobus L. White pine. (And other uses.)

Sambucus racemosa L. European red elder. (And other uses.)

The following plants are assigned different medicinal uses by Smith.

Abies balsamea (L.) Mill. Balsam fir.

Acorus calamus L. Sweetflag.

Adiantum pedatum L. Maidenhair fern.

Arisaema triphyllum (L.) Torr. Indian turnip.
Ceanothus americanus L. Jersey-tea.

Hydrophyllum virginianum L. Virginia waterleaf.
Mitchella repens L. Partridgeberry.

Monarda fistulosa L. Wildbergamot.

Nepeta cataria L. Catnip.

Salix humilis Marsh. Prairie willow.

Sanguinaria canadensis L. Bloodroot.

Spathyema foetida (L.) Raf. Skunk cabbage.

Thuja occidentalis L. American arborvitae.

Trillium grandiflorum (Michx.) Salisb. Snow trillium.
Tsuga canadensis (L.) Carr. Canada hemlock.

Vitis vulpina L. Riverbank grape.

Zanthorylum americanum Mill. Common prickly-ash.

The following plants are not listed in Ethnobotany of the Meno-
mini by Smith:

Apocynum pubescens R. Br. Lilium philadelphicum L.
Arctium lappa L. Padus demissa (Nutt.).

Betula papyrifera Marsh. Polyporus sp. ?

Comptonia peregrina (L.) Coulter. Quercus macrocarpa Michx.
Hepatica triloba Choix. Rubus canadensis L.

Heuchera americana L. Sisyrinchium atlanticum Bicknell.
Lacinaria spicata (L.) Kuntze Vitis vulpina L.

The following plants were similarly used by the Chippewa in
treatment of the sick. (Cf. Uses of Plants by the Chippewa Indians,
pp. 286-294.)

Achillea millefolium L. Yarrow.

Acorus calamus L. Sweetflag.

Asarum canadensis L. Canada wildginger.

Ceanothus americanus L. Jersey-tea.

Chimaphila umbellata (L.) Nutt. Common pipsissewa.
Diervilla lonicera Mill. Dwarf bush honeysuckle.
Leptandra virginica (L.) Nutt. Culvers physic.
Nepata cataria L. Catnip.

Plantago rugelit Dene ? Rugel’s plantain.

DENSMORE] MENOMINEE MUSIC 127

The following plants were differently used in the treatment of the
sick by the Chippewa.

Abies balsamea (L.) Mill. Balsam fir.

Aralia nudicaulis L. Wild sarsaparilla.

Asclepias syriaca L. Butterflyweed.

Betula papyrifera Marsh. Canoe birch.

Bursa bursa-pastoris (L.) Britt. Shepherd’s-purse.
Eupatorium purpureum L. Joe-pye-weed.
Heuchera americana L. American alumroot.
Hepatica triloba Choix. Roundlobe hepatica.
Pinus strobus L. White pine.

Prunella vulgaris L. Selfheal.

Quercus macrocarpa Michx. Mossycup oak.

Rhus hirta (L.) Sudw. Staghorn sumac.
Sanguinaria canadensis L. Bloodroot.

Solidago flexicaulis L. Broadleaf goldenrod.
Thuja occidentalis L. American arborvitae.
Trillium grandiflorum (Michx.) Salisb. Snow trillium.
Tsuga canadensis (L.) Carr. Hemlock.

Vitis vulpina L. Riverbank grape.

The following names do not occur in Uses of Plants by the Chippewa
Indians.

Adiantum pedatum L. Maidenhair fern.

Apocynum pubescens R. Br. Velvet dogbane.

Arctium lappa L. Burdock.

Arisaema triphyllum (L.) Torr. Indian turnip.
Asclepias tuberosa L. Butterflyweed.

Ceanothus americanus L. Jersey-tea.

Comptonia peregrina (L.) Coulter. Sweetfern.
Gnaphalium obtusifolium L. Fragrant life everlasting.
Helenium autumnale L. Common sneezeweed.
Hydrophyllum virginianum L. Virginia waterleaf.
Lacinaria spicata (L.) Kuntze. Spike gayfeather.
Lilium philadelphicum L. Orangecup lily.
Lithospermum canescens (Michx.) Lehm. Puccoon.
Mentha canadensis L. American wild mint.

Mitchella repens L. Partridgeberry.

Monarda fistulosa L. Wildbergamot.

Prunus demissa (Nutt.) Roemer. Western chokecherry.
Plantago rugelii Dene. Rugel’s plantain.
Polygonatum biflorum (Walt.) Ell. Small solomonseal.
Polyporus sp.?

Quercus ellipsoidalis E. J. Hill. Northern pin oak.
Rubus canadensis L. Thornless blackberry.

Saliz humliis Marsh. Prairie willow.

Sambucus racemosa L. European red elder.
Sisyrinchium atlanticum Bicknell. Eastern blue-eyed-grass.
Spathyema foetida (L.) Raf. Skunkcabbage.

128 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 102

CLASSIFICATION OF DISEASES AND INJURIES TREATED BY NATAWIKA”™

1. Nervous system: 5. Urinary system: Diuretic.
Convulsions. 6. Skin:
Headache. Inflammation.
Contraction of the face. Sores.

2. Circulatory system: 7. Bruises.
Heart. 8. Burns.
“Tn the blood.” 9. Fever.

3. Respiratory system: 10. Hemorrhages.
Cold. 11. Diseases of women.
Cough. 12. Diseases of the eye.
Lung trouble. 13. Rheumatism.
Pain in the chest. 14. Baths.

4. Digestive system: 15. Tonics.
Indigestion. 16. General remedies:
Pain. Swellings.
Dysentery. Acute pain.
Physic (use of). Injury to the eye.
Emetics (use of). Remedy for poison ivy.
Worms.

1. Nervous SysteEM
CONVULSIONS

Spathyema foetida (L.) Raf. Skunkcabbage.

The dried and powdered root was mixed in a saucer with the seeds of prickly
ash. Warm water was placed on the mixture and used as a remedy for con-
vulsions, being given to infants, children, or adults.

Lithospermun canescens (Michx.) Lehm. Puccoon.

The root of this plant was combined with the root of skunkcabbage, the inner
bark of prickly ash, and one other plant in a remedy for persons very sick and
threatened with convulsions. The four powdered ingredients were mixed with
water in a saucer, the sick person was required to drink a swallow, then the re-
mainder was rubbed on the palms of the hands, the arms, chest, and abdomen.
After this treatment the patient usually quieted down and went to sleep. The
dosage and treatment were repeated at intervals. When in doubt of the result
in a particular case Natawika used this mixture of herbs in the following test.
She took a saucer of water, then lifted a little of the mixture on the point of a
knife and placed it on the surface of the water. She did this four times, placing
the little portions of medicine one above another on the water, then she watched
the result. If the mixture sank to the bottom of the saucer she believed that
“the medicine was not willing to work for the sick person,” but if the mixture
spread over the surface of the water she accepted it as a sign that the sick person
would recover.

70 This classification, except for a limited number of omitted remedies, is the same as that appearing in
Uses of Plants by the Chippewa Indians, Fourty-fourth Ann. Rept. Bur. Amer. Ethn., p. 335. In determin-
ing this basis of classification the author received the valued assistance of Dr, D. S. Lamb, who at the time
was pathologist at the Army Medical Museum, Washington, D. C.

ae MENOMINEE MUSIC 129

HEADACHE
Solidago flexicaulis L. Broadleaf golden-rod.

The leaves were dried, powdered, and snuffed as a remedy for headache.
(See nosebleed.)

Gnaphalium obtusifolium L. Fragrant life everlasting.

The dried leaves were put on hot coals and the fumes inhaled as a remedy for
headache or for ‘‘foolishness.”’

Helenium autumnale L. Common sneezeweed.

The dried flowers, pulverized with other ingredients, were snuffed to cause
sneezing and relieve headache. The dried flowers were mixed with the dried
leaves of the broadleaf golden-rod and applied to the temples after a treatment
somewhat akin to cupping. The flesh on the temples was lanced with four or
five ‘‘quick, sharp little gashes’’ made with a bit of glass, the blood was then
‘‘drawn to the surface”’ by sucking through a horn, and the moistened medicine
was applied. This was covered by a round piece of paper, about 1% inches in
diameter, secured by a bandage around the head which was worn the rest of the
day. The horn used by Natawika is shownin Plate 21,a. Mitchell Beaupre said
that some doctors used as lances the splinters from a tree which had been struck
by lightning.

CONTRACTION OF THE FACE

Arisaema triphyllum (L.) Torr. Indian turnip.

The root of this plant, finely pulverized with the root of sweetflag, was used as
a remedy ‘‘to straighten a person’s mouth that had been drawn to one side by ©
witchery.”” An incision was made with a bit of glass on the inside of the person’s
lip. The powder was placed on this incision ‘‘so it would work in.”’ The writer
has seen a Chippewa Indian suffering from this affliction which was attributed
to a similar cause.

2. CIRCULATORY SYSTEM
HEART

Lacinaria spicata (L.) Kuntze. Spike gayfeather.

A decoction of the root was used with other ingredients as a remedy for a
weak heart.
Spathyema foetida (L.) Raf. Skunkcabbage.

A decoction of the root was used for a weak heart. In combination, this was
used as a remedy for convulsions.

‘IN THE BLOOD’”’

Chimaphila umbellata (L.) Nutt. Common pipsissewa.

The leaves were prepared in a decoction “‘to clear the blood.’’ About a cupful
was drunk as often as desired, the treatment being continued about a month.
Diervilla lonicera Mill. Dwarf bush-honeysuckle.

_ The stalk of this plant was sometimes used in combination with the plant
next preceding (pipsissewa) for the same purpose. No other part of this plant
was used medicinally.

130 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL 102

8. RESPIRATORY SYSTEM

COLDS
Acorus calamus L. Sweetflag.

The root was used as a remedy for colds, either as a decoction or chewed.
(See also diseases of women.)

Zanthorylum americanum Mill. Common prickly-ash.

A decoction of the inner bark was used as a remedy for a cold which had settled
on the chest. It was also used for rheumatism.

COUGH

Rhus hirta (L.) Sudw. Staghorn sumac.

A decoction was made from the red top. This was strained, sweetened, and
boiled down as a remedy for cough.

Ceanothus americanus L. Jersey-tea.
A decoction of the root was drunk for a cough with a tendency to consumption.

LUNG TROUBLE

Prunus demissa (Nutt.) Walp. Western chokecherry.

A decoction of the inner bark was used for lung trouble.
Aralia nudicaulis L. Wild sarsaparilla.

A decoction was made from three roots and a quart of water as a remedy for
lung trouble. It was also used as a remedy for sores.

PAIN IN THE CHEST

Hydrophyllum virginianum L. Virginia waterleaf.
The root was boiled in combination with other roots for pain in the chest.

In the early spring, before the plant blossomed, the roots were boiled and eaten as
food.

Asclepias syriaca L. Common milkweed.

The buds were eaten and the root was used in decoction for discomfort in the
chest. The root was also used in various combinations.

4. Digestive SystTEM

INDIGESTION

Asarum canadense L. Canada wildginger.
A decoction of the root was used for indigestion.

PAIN

Heuchera americana L. American alumroot.

The root was eaten raw for disordered stomach. It was also used in a decoc-
tion, with other roots, for pain in the stomach.

DENSMORE] MENOMINEE MUSIC 131

DYSENTERY

Rubus canadensis L. 'Thornless blackberry.
Hepatica triloba Choix. Roundlobe hepatica.
Adiantum pedatum L. Maidenhair fern.
A decoction was made of the roots of these three plants as a remedy for dysen-
tery. The first named was also used alone for this purpose.

Prunella vulgaris L. Selfheal.
The stalk was steeped, not boiled, in a decoction for dysentery. This remedy
was said to be particularly good for babies.

Betula papyrifera Marsh. Canoe birch.

A decoction of the inner bark was used for dysentery. Mitchell Beaupre
stated that a decoction was made from the fine tips of the branches and used as a
tonic, the tips of the branches being stored for use in winter.

PHYSIC (USE OF)

Leptandra virginica (L.) Nutt. Culver’s physic.

The root of this plant was used as a purgative, being prepared in two different
ways. (1) A root of average size was steeped (not boiled) in a quart of water.
This was allowed to cool and a small cupful taken three or four times a day as a
gentle laxative. (2) A root was boiled with a smaller amount of water, being
allowed to boil hard until the quantity was reduced to less than a cupful, which
was taken at a single dose. This was said to act as an emetic and as a powerful
purgative.

EMETIC (USE OF)
Sambucus racemosa L. European red elder.

The inner bark was scraped and prepared in a decoction for use as a quick

emetic in cases of poisoning. The dose was a tablespoonful.
WORMS

Apocynum pubescens R. Br. Velvet dogbane.
A decoction of the root was used for worms. The dose was half a cupful.
5. Urtnary SystEM
DIURETIC
Trillium grandiflorum (Michx) Salisb. Snow trillium.
The root was steeped and used as a diuretic.
6. SKIN
INFLAMMATION

Plantago rugelii Dene? Rugel’s plantain. ‘‘ White-man’s-foot.”’
The fresh leave were applied to any inflammation.

132 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 102

SORES

Abies balsamea (L.) Mill. Balsam fir.
The gum inside the blisters was applied to sores.
Lilium philadelphicum L. Orangecup lily.
The root was boiled, mashed, and used as a poultice for sores.

Pinus strobus L. White pine.

The trunk of the tree was cut in small blocks, which were boiled. The outer
bark was easily removed and the inner bark was pounded and used as a poultice
for sores.

Achillea millefolium L. Yarrow.

The leaves were dried, pulverized, and used as a poultice for sores or swellings.

Arctium lappa L. Burdock.

The leaves were boiled and used as a poultice for scrofulous sores on the neck.
7. BRUISES

Asclepias tuberosa L. Butterflyweed.

This remedy was used both externally and internally. The root was pounded
and used as a poultice for bruises, swellings, or lameness and prepared as a decoc-
tion which was taken internally at the same time. It was also used as a tonic.

8. Burns

Plantago rugelii Dene.? Rugel’s plantain.

The fresh leaves were applied to a burn or any form of inflammation.
9. FEVER

Mentha canadensis L. American wild mint.

The entire plant was steeped as a remedy for fever.

Nepeta cataria Li. Catnip.

The entire plant, except the root, was steeped and the decoction used to pro-
duce perspiration and a restful sleep. The informant, on being questioned, said
she ‘‘did not know whether it was used for a fever, but this was the action of the
medicine.”’ This indicates that she had been instructed in the action of the
medicines rather than in diagnosis or the reasons for their use.

10. HeMoRRHAGE FRoM THE NosE

Solidaga flexicaulis L. Broadleaf golden-rod.

The leaves were dried, finely powdered with other ingredients, and inserted
in the nostrils to check nosebleed.

DENSMORE] MENOMINEE MUSIC 133

11. DiszaAses or Women

Acorus calamus L. Sweetflag.

The root was ground with that of bloodroot (Sanguinaria canadensis L.) and
with bits of cedar wood and a decoction made as a remedy for irregular periods.
The first ingredient was used also as a remedy for colds.

Mitchella repens L. Partridgeberry.

The leaves were used in a decoction for diseases of women.

Quercus macrocarpa Michx. Mossycup.
Quercus ellipsoidalis E. J. Hill. Northern pin oak.

The inner bark of these and two other species of oak were made in a decoction
for women who suffered a stoppage of periods because of taking cold.

Sisyrinchium atlanticum Bicknell. Eastern blue-eyed-grass.

A decoction of the entire plant with three other ingredients was given a woman
immediately after confinement, for the expulsion of the afterbirth.

Eupatorium purpureum L. Joe-pye-weed.

The root was used in combination with the stalk of bush-honey-suckle, the
leaves of pipsissewa, and one other ingredient in a decoction given to a woman
10 days after confinement ‘‘for internal healing.”

12. DiIsEASES OF THE EYE

Osmorrhiza claytoni (Michx.) Clarke. Woolly sweetcicely.

The root was boiled and used as a wash for sore eyes.
13. RHEUMATISM

Zanthorylum americanum Mill. Common prickly-ash; toothache tree.

The inner bark was pounded, moistened, and used as a poultice for rheumatism
and sharp pains. The patient’s limbs might be entirely covered with such a
poultice, which could be moistened without being removed.

14. Batus
Monarda fistulosa L. Wildbergamot.

All the plant except the root was prepared in a decoction and used as a strength-
ening bath for infants.
15. Tonics
Saliz humilis Marsh. Prairie willow.
The stalk was boiled as a drink for ‘‘general health.”
Comptonia peregrina (L.) Coulter. Sweetfern.

A decoction was made of the root, with other ingredients, as a mild tonic.

Asclepias tuberosa L. Butterflyweed.

A decoction of the root was used as a tonic.

134 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [sutt. 102: pensMorz]
16. GENERAL REMEDIES

SWELLINGS

Achillea millefolium L. Yarrow.

The dried and pulverized leaves were used as a poultice for swellings.

Thuja occidentalis L. American arborvitae.

The leaves were dried, powdered, and combined with finely powdered fungus
(Polyporous sp.? “‘sterile, abnormal, fragmentary’’) as a poultice for swellings.

Tsuga canadensis (L.) Carr. Canada hemlock.

The branches of this, together with the branches of white cedar (arbor vitae),
were placed in water which was heated by means of a hot stone, thus securing a
somewhat even temperature. The swelling was exposed to the steam.

ACUTE PAIN

Polygonatum biflorum (Walt.) Ell. Small solomonseal.

The root was boiled, mashed, and combined with fungus (Polyporous sp.?
“sterile, abnormal, fragmentary’”’) which had been finely pulverized. This
was moistened and applied as a poultice for sharp pain. If used for a very sick
person, two other ingredients could be added.

INJURY TO THE EYE

Vitis vulpina L. Riverbank grape.

The ripe grape was squeezed into the eye to remove a bit of rice husk. For
this reason a supply of wild grapes was taken to a rice-making camp.

REMEDY FOR POISON IVY

Bursa bursa-pastoris (L.) Britt. Shepherdspurse.

The entire plant was steeped as a wash for poison ivy.

The following example of the treatment of a serious condition was
related by Mitchell Beaupre:

A man cut his hand severely, the hand gradually discolored, and it appeared
that an amputation would be necessary. A prominent man on the reservation
named Dan Morgan saw it and said, ‘‘It would be easy to kill that blackness.
I will go home and get the right stuff.’”” On his return he tied a weasel skin
around the man’s wrist, at the edge of the discoloration. Then he spread ‘“‘a
stuff like pitch,’’ mixed with medicine, on the discolored flesh next to the weasel
skin, making a band of it around the wrist. Instructions were given for moisten-
ing the pitch during the night.

Two days later the discoloration was passing away, and in three or four days it
had disappeared. The man recovered, and for his services Morgan received at
least $35 and a suit of clothes.

LEGENDS CONCERNING MANABUS 7

Origin Myrus or tart Mepicinr Lopcr

The private memorial for members of the medicine lodge (Mitawin)
is an important ceremony of the organization. (See p. 91.) The
origin myth of the medicine lodge is related at that time and its
songs are sung. When a Mitawit is buried a relative or close friend
who is also a Mitawit addresses the spirit of the dead and promises
to conduct this private memorial at the proper time. In this speech
he tells the spirit to “follow the trail of Nahpota”’ (the little wolf) to
the place of departed spirits. There it will remain until Nahpota
permits it to return for the memorial ceremony, or feast of the dead.
In that memorial it is impersonated by some one selected for the
purpose who is arrayed in the garments of the deceased. After the
feast the impersonator is faced toward the west, and the soul is dis-
missed to return to the realm of Nahpota.”

At such a memorial the origin myth of the medicine lodge is
always related and its four songs are sung. ‘This myth was related
by David Amab, and a year later a partial version was obtained from
Wickobe. Amab said he felt no fear in telling this and the Mitawin
legend which follows. He had performed certain acts which entitled
him to instruct a member of the tribe in the traditions of the medi-
cine lodge and this was known in the tribe, so he was violating no
confidence. Before he began the narration, the writer gave him
tobacco, two large handkerchiefs, and some food, as well as the usual
compensation for his work. He partook of the food and accepted
the gifts, thus conforming to the requirements. In reply to an in-
quiry concerning his personal belief, Amab said thoughtfully, “If I
dream much I go somewhere else. If I die, perhaps it will be as
when I dream and I will go somewhere else.’’ An element of pathos
was added to this incident, as Amab was growing weaker from an
incurable malady. His death occurred Jess than a year later.

1. The mythical character known as Manabus among the Menominee is known as Winabojo among the
Chippewa, and by various similar names among Algonquian peoples. Concerning this character J. N. B.
Hewitt writes as follows: ‘‘The myth of Mudjikewis, ‘The First-Born (on Earth),’ commonly called the
story of Nanabozho (i. e. Inabi‘oji‘o‘), remarkable for beauty and comprehensiveness, details the cir-
cumstances which gave rise to the name ‘Nanabozho.’ In that recital the name appears as Inabi‘oji‘o‘
and means ‘Created, or formed, by the look (of the Great Spirit’). (Annual Report of the Smithsonian
Institution for 1925, p. 69, Washington, 1926.)’’

72 Skinner, Menomini culture, p. 46; Hoffman, Menomini Indians, pp. 68-69 and 73-75; Michelson,
Menominee Tales, Amer, Anthrop,, vol, 13, No, 1,

135

136 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY (BULL. 102

MANABUS AND THE WOLF

Manabus walked around the earth alone for many years and at
last he met an old wolf with four sons. Manabus said, ‘‘Ha, brother,”
and the wolf replied ‘“‘Well, Manabus.”” So Manabus camped there
and the wolf talked with him, saying, ‘‘ You had better have a wig-
wam and stay somewhere instead of wandering around all the time.”
Manabus said, ‘‘What would I eat if I sat still all the time?” The
wolf replied, ‘‘Here are my four sons. Pick one out. He will hunt
for you and get deer and all sorts of game.”

Manabus selected the youngest son and the wolf said, ‘‘He is a
good one. He can kill a deer at any time.”

Manabus called the wolf ‘‘little brother.” They walked a little
way, looking for a good place to make the wigwam. At last Manabus
said, ‘‘Let us have the wigwam here by the lake so we can see a long
way.” So the wigwam was made by the lake.

For a long time Manabus lived there, and the little wolf brought
him plenty of meat. After a while the lake froze over. The little
wolf hunted all day and Manabus said, “‘Don’t run across the ice
when you come home. It is shorter, but don’t come that way, and
be sure to come home before sundown.”

One morning the little wolf got up, ate some berries, and went
hunting. At noon he saw a deer as white as snow. He wanted to
get that deer, and he said, ‘If I get that deer Manabus can have
the hide to sit on. I will try to get him.”

The deer ran and the little wolf ran after him all day. About
sundown the little wolf stopped and remembered what Manabus had
told him. He ran toward home and came to the edge of the frozen
lake. He could see the smoke of the wigwam on the other side.
If he went around the lake he could not reach home before dark.
He said to himself, ‘I am a good runner, I can get across the lake
quickly.”” So he started to run across the ice. When he was about
halfway across he heard a roaring and the ice broke into large pieces
that floated around. He could not get a foothold and went down
into the water.

The underwater people” were angry because Manabus was
showing greater power than their own, and it was one of their number
who pulled the little wolf down into the water. They also sent the
white deer for the little wolf to chase, so that he would be late in
returning and would attempt to cross the ice.

As the little wolf went under the water he called, “‘Manabus, I
am drowning.”

73 The references to the underwater people are from a version of this story related by Louis Wicko’be in
1929. In other important respects his version corresponded with that of Amab.

DENSMORE] MENOMINEE MUSIC 137

Manabus heard a sound and went outside but he could hear nothing
but the birds. He went inside and lay down. Manabus went to
sleep, and in his sleep he knew that the little wolf had been drowned.
He moaned, and every time he moaned the earth shook. Manabus
lay still four days and nights with his head on his chest and his closed
hands on his face. On the fourth day the earth shook and seemed
to tip. On that day the underwater people told the one of their
number who had pulled the little wolf down that he must let the
little wolf go, because it would make matters worse for them than
ever to have Manabus feel so badly. They said, ‘‘He is so powerful
that he will destroy us,’”’ so this underwater person told the boy to
go, and took him to the shore where Manabus was sitting.

Manabus faced the west, sitting with his back toward the lake.
The boy came out of the water and walked up the shore behind him.
Then the boy touched Manabus and said, “Don’t cry any more. I am
back again.”

Manabus turned around, looked at him and said, “Brother, I have
cried too much now. You are no more a creature living on the
earth; you are a spirit.” Manabus was going to send him back to
the underwater people, but he said, “‘They let me go. They will
not take me back again.”

Manabus said, “‘This is not good. If I take you back the under-
water people will take our people and send them back after four days,
doing it for fun. Those people will not be in their right senses after
they come back.”

The little boy did not know what to do. He said, ‘‘You call me
djipe’ and say I am no more a living creature. What shall I do?
You must make some plan for me.”

So Manabus wiped his eyes and looked at his little brother, then
he said, ‘‘First I will change your name. While you were with me
your name was White Wolf. From now on you shall be called
Nah’pata. You must start straight for the west, where our great
uncles who have already died and all those who shall die will follow
you.”

The boy was told to travel four days and to make four fires, one
each night at the place where he camped. The place he reached
after his length of journey was the place where he was to stay, and he
was making a trail for the dead people to follow. He was told that
he would find a river and must put a long tree across it for a bridge.
This tree or pole must float on the surface of the water, and those
who have been good will cross it safely, but if a man has committed
a murder he will fall off and sink out of sight forever. The boy was
also told to make a long Mitawin lodge, and to make a water drum,
like that used in the Mitawin, so that the dead people going on this

138 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 102

trail would hear the sound and know which way to go. This drum
was very large—perhaps 8 or 4 feet high—and it stood in the middle
of the Mitawin lodge. That was the beginning of the Mitawin drum,
and because of the four fires made by the little wolf it is the Menom-
inee custom to build a fire four nights on a newly made grave.

Little Wolf called the people his uncles and aunts as Manabus had
done. When one of them came he would say, ‘‘ Well, uncle,” take the
man inside, and they would have a dance with the drum. After a
while there were a great many wigwams in that place. Some old
men know about that now in their sleep.

Manabus found his way there, but his little brother said ‘‘Dont
come near. Stand where you are. You told me to come here to
live, and to make myself a wigwam here.”

Manabus said, ‘‘It is a nice trail. There are flowers on each side
and everything is beautiful.” But the little wolf sent him away and
Manabus came back to earth.

Manabus felt very badly when the little wolf sent him home. He
put his head on his hands, his elbows on his knees, and sat in that
position for eight days. He said, “‘What shall I do?”

The underneath spirits said they were going to harm him, but the
upper birds came to his wigwam and said, ‘‘Don’t feel this way.
You will spoil everything.”

After eight days Manabus went to the shore of the lake and cried.
The water kept going down. Everything on the shore was carried
down and he saw all kinds of animals underneath.

Manabus said, “‘You stole my brother. You know how strong
Tam. IJfI think anything it isso. I can tear down mountains like
sand. When I shout the sky comes down.”

The upper birds were frightened. An upper bird said, ‘‘ What is
the matter?” Another said, ‘“‘Somebody is doing something to
Manabus.” Another said, ‘‘It is not one of us. It must be the
underwater spirits.”

Everything was shaking—the trees, rocks, and everything. Big
hills were flat. Everything was frightened because Manabus was
showing his power.

That is when the medicine dance started. All the animals told him
to dance. The otter was the leader and he told Manabus to stop being
angry, but nobody could stop him. He said that he was going to kill
everything. The otter had a song and some nice medicine, and he was
singing. Manabus heard all the animals singing and making sounds
and he paid no heed, but when he heard the otter he raised up his
head and said, “‘Who comes. That is a nice song and I will take you.
Come on.”

DENSMORE] MENOMINEE MUSIC 139

So the old otter came into Manabus’s wigwam. The otter was
white. He said, “I am coming in. Don’t you feel that way.” Tt
was he who persuaded Manabus to go to the medicine lodge.

Manabus lived in a wigwam of his own. At a considerable dis-
tance was the long medicine lodge, built by every kind of animal.
They were inside and the place was full. The animals looked like
old people. One old one said to another, ““Go and get Manabus.”
So an animal came to Manabus and said, ‘Your grandfathers want
you.” He replied, “I do not want to come.” The messenger said,
“That is too bad.”

The messenger went back to the animals and they said, ‘“‘ Who can
make him come?” There were all sorts of pretty birds as well as
animals in the wigwam.

Then the otter went over, entered Manabus’s wigwam, and said,
‘“‘What is the matter?” Manabus said, ‘You are the one I want
to see.”

The otter took him over to the medicine lodge and the otter went
inside. Manabus looked in and saw all kinds of people.

Later he went into the lodge and received instructions as to the
ceremonies of the medicine lodge, which he taught to the Indians,
and which are followed to the present time.

Two of the songs said to have been sung by the little wolf were
recorded by Pigeon in 1925. He was so deeply affected that he was
not asked to give any infor opneoe concerning them, the interpreter
stating simply that they were ‘‘sung during the ae of a spirit on
its way.” (Nos. 77, 78.) <A third song was heard, but for personal
reasons the singer was not asked to record it. Amab was about to
record the entire series in 1928 when interrupted by the arrival of
persons whose presence made the singing of the songs impossible.
The following year, when the work was concluded, he was too near
death to sing.

A burial ground at Zoar is shown in Plate 23, a, this being located
near the home of John P. Matchokema. (See p. 156.)

48819°—32——11

[BULL; 102

BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY

140

No. 77. Funeral Song (a)

(Catalogue No. 1536)

Recorded by Pigzon

FREE TRANSLATION

A path on which he goes

Analysis.—This melody contains four periods, three consisting of
the rhythmic unit, while the fourth begins with the same measure

division, but is longer and ends in a different rhythm. The song
contains the descending trend which has characterized many songs

of this group, the lowest tone of the compass occurring only as the
final tone of the song. The tone material is that of the fourth

5-toned scale which (in the usage of the white race) is cheerful in

The sixth is lowered a semitone when it occurs in the

character.
upper octave.

No. 78. Funeral Song (b)

(Catalogue No. 1537)

Recorded by PiagEoN

Analysis. —This song resembles the preceding funeral song in con-
sisting of four periods, the last being in a different rhythm than the

It has a compass of nine tones and contains all the tones of

others.

DENSMORE] MENOMINEE MUSIC 141

the octave. The melody has more motion than many of the songs
under consideration. It is major in tonality, has a compass of nine
tones, and lies partly above and partly below the keynote.

MANABUS AND THE STONE

The following story, like that next preceding, is among the most
sacred legends of the Mitawin. It is presented in a brief summary,
the words of the narrator being practically unchanged.

An animal that looked like a man once made a wigwam for Mana-
bus, covering it with bulrush mats. When it was finished the animal
said, ‘‘I am through now.”

Manabus started to enter the wigwam but the animal said, ‘‘ You
must have a song when you go inside.’ Manabus answered, “All
right. I have a song.” Manabus was a short distance away when
he began to sing, and he sang this song as he went into the wigwam.

No. 79. Manabus and the Stone (a)
(Catalogue No. 1835)

Recorded by AMAB

FREE TRANSLATION
I am going inside

Analysis.—In structure this song resembles the songs of the medi-
cine lodge in both Chippewa and Menominee Tribes. There is a
coherence in the entire melody and a clear relation between the tones
and a keynote. In the portion before the repeated section we note
the dividing of a whole tone progression into two semitones, as in No.
110, recorded by the same singer.

142 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY taint, 108

When Manabus was inside the wigwam he went around the south
side first, then to the west and north, returning to the door at the
east, where he sat down. He put his head on his hands, and after
a while he heard some one say, ‘What are you thinking about?”
Manabus answered, ‘‘I am wishing for somebody good and strong.”
Soon he heard a sound like heavy pounding, stroke after stroke.
Manabus said, ‘Some one is coming who walks heavily.” Then a
voice said, “I am coming, Manabus.”’ The sound was made by a
heavy stone—perhaps a foot and a half in diameter. The stone said,
‘“‘T am the one; I live forever.”

The stone came in and Manabus said, ‘‘Is that you who lives for-
ever? J suppose you have got something with you.” ‘Yes,” said
the stone, ‘‘I have medicine with me.”

“Have you a song?”

“Yes; about the medicine.”

““Well,”’ said Manabus, “I will take you for a friend to help me,
and I will tell my uncles and aunts about your songs and how to use
the medicine.”

“All right,’’ said the stone, ‘‘I will tell you.”” Then the stone said,
“T am not going to stay here; I am going back.” There was @
pounding noise and the stone went away.

Manabus thought that was queer, but after four days the stone
came back. 'Then the stone sang the song and taught it to Manabus.
When Manabus had learned the song he said, ‘‘I will teach it to my
uncles and aunts.” The following is the song.

DENSMORE] MENOMINEE MUSIC 143

No. 80. Manabus and the Stone (b)

(Catalogue No. 1836)
Recorded by AMAB

)

(Indistinct

FREE TRANSLATION
I am going into the green-clouds wigwam

Analysis —In this, as in the preceding song, we note a coherence
and calmness which are absent in the songs of social dances. The
keynote is established in the first four measures, and the entire melody
is clearly related to this tone. The ending was indistinct. A trailing
away of the voice at the end of an important song was noted among
the Winnebago and said to be intentional, but this was not noted
among the Chippewa nor in other Menominee songs. The pro-
gression of this melody is chiefly by minor thirds and whole tones.

Because of the visit of the stone to Manabus, a stone is placed in
the Mitawin lodge. A smooth stone is selected and it is painted blue.
In former times the stone was placed in a small wigwam erected as an
addition to the medicine lodge. ‘‘At the east, where we first enter,
there was a small wigwam containing a stone and this became blue
clay (color). The stone that was seated there was a moving power.

. . though it had no hands or legs. It was round, but it spoke like
a human being.’’”

74 Skinner, Medicine ceremony of the Menomini, Iowa, and Wahpeton, p. 145.

144 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 102
Fotk STORIES

The stories and songs next following are said to belong to the early
period of Manabus’s life, while he was roaming and before he started
the medicine lodge.”* He called all the Indians his uncles and aunts
and always carried a bundle of sticks. When asked, ‘‘What have
you?” he replied, ‘‘Songs.”” Thus Hoffman states that ‘‘Manabush
asked his grandmother to hand him his singing sticks.’’”* (See p. 148.)
The following stories were related by Pigeon.

MANABUS AND THE UNDERWATER SNAKE”

Manabus made a canoe and a spear. His grandmother said, ‘‘ What
are you doing? What use have you for those?” A great creature
(mi’cikino’pik, hairy snake, understood to live under the water) had
been killing people and Manabus determined to kill the creature but
he did not tell his grandmother. He finished the canoe, got into it
and pushed far out from shore, singing a song in which he challenged
the underwater snake to swallow him.

No. 81. Manabus Challenges the Underwater Snake

(Catalogue No. 1641)

Recorded by PicroN

FREE TRANSLATION

Come and swallow me

Analysis—The indicated change of tempo does not occur in the
second rendition of this song and the first tone in the third measure is
C, giving an effect of greater agitation. The only tones are A flat
and C, and the song is classified as major in tonality.

The underwater snake heard Manabus and came and swallowed him.
After a time Manabus looked around him and saw a circle of animals

75 These and other stories are attributed by Hoffman to a later instead of an earlier period in the life of
Manabus. According to this authority ‘‘ The subjects pertain to the exploits and adventures of Mii’nibush,
but do not come within the scope of the ritual of the Mitii’/wit, although some of the older mitii’/wok believe
that at some time in the past they were part of the instruction given to the candidate. ... Whenand how
they became separated and so altered as to have lost their reverential character it is impossible even to sur-
mise.’”’ (Hoffman, Menomini Indians, pp, 161, 162.)

7 Hoffman, Menomini Indians, p. 125,

7 Skinner, Menomini culture, p, 31.

DENSMORE] MENOMINEE MUSIC 145

that had previously been swallowed. He said, ‘‘Little brothers, how
did you get here?”” The porcupine said, ‘“‘I went down to the shore
to drink and he swallowed me.” ‘The deer and moose said the same.
Then Manabus said, ‘‘ Little brothers, have none of you got anything
about you?” ‘There was silence and then a little squirrel said, ‘“‘I’ve
got something.” ‘What is it?” asked Manabus. ‘A little knife,”
said the squirrel (referring to his sharp teeth). Then all the animals
danced and sang the following song, and Manabus told his little
brothers what should be done with the knife.

No. 82. Dance Inside the Underwater Snake
(Catalogue No. 1642)
Recorded by Piazon

d = 108
Irregular in tonality

Analysis.—This song is based upon two descending whole tones,
C sharp to B, and G sharp to F sharp. On comparing the rhythm
of this and the preceding song there appears to be more firmness and
determination in the present melody. The intervals are smaller and
the count divisions are more even.

As they were circling in the dance Manabus saw the heart of the
monster and stabbed it with his knife. Then he said, ‘Go to my
grandmother on the shore.”’? The monster went rapidly toward the
shore, and went up on the sand near the place where Manabus’s
grandmother lived. Manabus began to cut the surface above his
head and soon he could see trees through the hole he had made in
the body of the monster. He made the opening larger and pulled
out all his little brothers, one by one.

It is a characteristic of Indian story telling to reserve the name
of the principal character or the meaning of the story until the end.
Thus Pigeon, after relating this story, said that the underwater snake
was the evildoer upon earth, and that the story is a manner of
teaching the great power of Manabus in subduing evil and helping
his brothers on the earth.

MANABUS AND THE DUCKS

The following story was told by Louis Wicko’be in 1929. A
summary of the story was related by Pigeon in 1925, when recording

146 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [RULL. 102

the song. The same story has been noted by other writers and
was obtained among the Chippewa, together with its song.”

In the spring of the year Manabus was traveling along by himself
and he came to some wolves—an old man and his seven sons. One
of them said, ‘‘Ha, there is Manabus.” The wolves had packs on
their backs and they all came and sat down. They were sorry for
Manabus, traveling alone, and the oldest said, ‘Well, Manabus,
which way do you go?” Manabus replied, ‘‘Everywhere.” The
wolf asked, ‘‘Do you always go alone?”’ Manabus said, ‘‘Yes, there
is no one to go with me.”

They all sat around and the old wolf looked at the sun. He saw
it was about noon and told the oldest boy to go and build a fire. The
oldest boy did so, and they made soup of a little game they had with
them. Manabus sat waiting patiently to see what they would do.

The old man opened his pack and took out some birch-bark dishes.
He had only enough for his family, so he asked one of the boys to
look for bark, and he made a dish for Manabus. When everything
was ready he dished out the soup and invited Manabus to eat with
them. When they had finished he gathered up the dishes. Manabus
watched and saw that they packed his dish with theirs, so he supposed
that he was to travel with them, but he did not say anything.

The wolves talked among themselves, and when they got ready to
go Manabus still sat where he had eaten his soup. He was about to
go on his own way, when the old man took his pack on his back and
said, ‘“‘Well, Manabus, you had better come along.” Manabus
said ‘‘How,” for he was glad to go with them. He did not know
where they were going but followed anyway.

As they were traveling the oldest boy picked up the trail of a deer,
ran after the deer and killed it. He came back and told his father
that he had killed a deer. The old man sharpened a knife and told
Manabus to go and skin the deer. Manabus did this, divided the
meat, and each had some to carry.

When the sun was getting low the old man said, ‘‘We will camp
here tonight.”’ All did as they had done at noon. A fire was made
and after eating they all smoked around it.

The old man said to one of the boys, ‘‘Remove the meat from
those bones and grind them fine, for soup.”?’ Manabus wondered
how the boy could grind bones. The old man was so powerful that
he knew what Manabus was thinking, and Manabus was aware of
this. Each laughed to himself.

The old man threw a blanket to each and said, ‘‘Now cover up
your heads.’”’ The bones were piled together and the old man did
not want them to see how they were to be prepared. Manabus was

78 Bull. 45, Bur, Amer, Ethn., p. 206 and song 197. Cf. also Hoffman, The Menomini Indians, pp. 203-

«V0.

DENSMORE] MENOMINEE MUSIC 147

curious about this but the old man said very strictly that no one
must look out from his blanket. The old man covered his head like
the rest, and one of the boys chewed up the bones. Manabus heard
the sound, which was terrible. His jaws ached as though he was
chewing the bones himself. So he opened his blanket and looked out
to see how it was done.

The boy saw Manabus peeking out, and the bone in his hand slipped
and struck Manabus in the eye. This caused a sharp pain and the
eye turned black. Manabus groaned a little, but did not want to
admit that he was hurt. The old man, however, knew at once that
something was wrong. The boy stopped chewing the bones and
everyone wondered what had happened. They all uncovered their
heads and asked why the boy stopped.

Manabus still had his head covered. From under his blanket he
said, ‘‘My little brothers, what is wrong?’”’

The old wolf said, ‘Somebody has peeked, and I think they got
hurt because ofit.”? He pulled off the blanket and there was Manabus
with his black eye. Manabus began to laugh and said. ‘‘ Never mind,
that was only a joke.”

They built a fire, made soup, and had their supper. Then they
talked among themselves and went to sleep.

Manabus could not forget how he had been struck in the eye with
the bone. All night he thought about it and wondered how he could
get his revenge. Finally it occurred to him that he could chew bones
as well as the wolf. The next day he told the old wolf that he could
chew bones as well as the little wolf.”

The old wolf said, ‘‘ Well, try it.”

Manabus told them to cover their heads with their blankets and
not peek, but he knew where the wolf sat who had thrown the bone
athim. The wolves knew better than to peek. Manabus chewed the
bones, and after a time he got hold of a knuckle which he threw,
hitting a wolf in the eye. This was the wolf who had thrown the
bone at him. Manabus said, “‘The bone slipped.”’

After a while the wolves got tired of soup made of game. They
came to a lake and said, ‘““Now, Manabus, we ask you to get some
different meat for our soup.”

Manabus said, ‘‘I can doit. You wait here and I will get you some
ducks.”

They waited and Manabus went along the shore. He saw all kinds
of ducks out in the middle of the lake. There was red willow growing
along the shore and Manabus put a lot of it on his back and walked
along the edge of the water. The ducks swam toward him and one
shouted, ‘‘Manabus, what have you got on your back?”’

76 For this reason a person who tries to imitate a trick performed by someone else is called a ‘‘manabus.”’

148 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 102

Manabus replied, ‘‘Songs.’’ The duck said, ‘“‘Sing them.” Mana-
bus said, ‘‘I must build a brush house first. If you will all come and
dance I will sing these songs.” The ducks said, ‘‘We will come.”

This is the song with which Manabus invited the ducks.

No. 83. Manabus Invites the Ducks to a Dance

(Catalogue No. 1648)
Recorded by PigEoNn

d-06

Irregular in tonality

Analysis—The opening measure and tone material in this is the
same as in the preceding song, but the rhythm and progressions in the
latter portion are different. The rhythm suggests an awkward, jerky
dance. The fourth constitutes about one-third of the progressions.
This is in a slower tempo than the other Manabus songs.

Manabus built the brush house in no time at all, and it had only
one little opening. Then he said ‘‘ All right, friends. If you want to
hear the songs you must all walk in here.”

After the ducks and all the birds were inside the brush house
Manabus called his friends the wolves to see how he killed his game.
They stayed outside the brush house.

Manabus said, ‘‘ Now, all you little ducks, shut your eyes and I
will sing my songs. If you open your eyes you will have little red
eyes.”

This is the song with which he told them to do this.

No. 84. Manabus Tells the Ducks to Shut their Eyes
(Catalogue No. 1644)

Recorded by PigEON

Analysis.—The compass of this is larger than the compass of the
other Manabus songs. It begins with the same phrase as the two

DENSMORE] MENOMINEE MUSIC 149

next preceding but contains no rhythmic unit. A group of four
eighth notes occurs frequently, but in each instance is part of a differ-
ent phrase. This suggests less simplicity and directness than the
preceding songs and we note that it was sung under complicated
circumstances. :

The ducks did as they were told and every little while he would
wring a duck’s neck and throw it outside to the wolves. The duck
said ‘‘Quack”? when he wrung its neck and Manabus would say
“That’s right, friend. That’s the way. You want to quack every
little while.” Aswan was among the ducks and it made more noise
than the others. This made the wood-duck suspicious, and it opened
its eyes a little way. ‘‘Manabus is killing us,” it cried. Then all
the birds tore through the brush house and flew toward the lake.
The hell-diver was the last, and just as he was going into the water
Manabus put his foot on him, saying, ‘‘ You will be like a little salt
sack after this and have no tail.” To the one who peeked, he said,
“You will always have red eyes and you will be called cu’pucik.”

The narrator of this story said that Manabus and the wolves had a
feast with the ducks, but Pigeon, who recorded the songs, said that
Manabus decided to eat them all himself. He made a fire, and when
he had plenty of coals he made a furrow in the coals, placing the
birds there to roast, each sort by itself. He covered them all
except the feet, which were sticking up. While he was asleep the
birds were stolen and the feet replaced in the coals, so that when he
awoke and pulled the little feet from the coals there were no birds
beneath them.”

MANABUS AND THE RUSHES

When Manabus first came among the Indians, after he had lost his
brother, he saw the tall grasses in a marsh moving in the wind. He
thought they were people who were dancing, so he began to dance
with them. Then he looked around and saw only the tall grasses
swaying in the wind. The legend formed the basis of a dance which
was seen by the writer and its song heard but not recorded. The
legend without the song was related by the Chippewa.

A second ‘‘Manabus dance,” witnessed at Keshena, was based on
a legend stating that Manabus invited his grandmother to partake of
the first game he killed, but required that she “dance lively” before
he allowed her to eat. This was said to be the origin of the ‘first
hunting dance,” held when the first game of a season is procured.®
This was a particularly lively melody.

80 Cf. version of this story in Hoffman, The Menomini Indians, pp. 203-205.
81 Of. Bull. 86, Bur. Amer. Ethn., pp. 72 and 121.

150 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 102

THE DRUM RELIGION AND ITS SONGS

In comparatively modern times the Menominee have adopted a
form of religion which centers around a drum. ‘This religion lacks
the esoteric elements of the medicine lodge and contains resemblances
to Christianity. Persons seldom belong to both organizations, but
may do so if they desire. This religion has been noted among the
Prairie Potawatomi, Iowa, Sac and Fox, and Kickapoo, as well as
among the Chippewa and Menominee. ‘The latter tribes attribute its
origin to a Sioux woman, while the Foxes, according to Michelson,
are not entirely agreed as to whether the prophetess was a Sioux, a
Potawatomi, or a Chippewa.

The first description of this dance was given by Rev. Clay Mac-
Cauley in 1893. He witnessed the dance when in Keshena in con-
nection with the Federal Census of 1880. His comment, quoted by
Hoffman, closes with the following paragraph: ‘‘My general conclu-
sion...is that the dreamers... are religious enthusiasts, somewhat
fanatic in their enthusiasm, devoted to a strange admixture of pagan
ritual, monolatory. or degenerate Christian theology, and Christian
ethics.’

The dance was studied by Hoffman in 1890-1892. This authority
states that ‘This society became known to the Menomini in the
autumn of 1880, through the Potawatomi of the Prairie, or those
living in Indian territory and Kansas. Itis asserted by the Menomini
that Kisha’ Ma’nido became angered at the Indians because the old
customs and ceremonials of the Mit&é’wit became corrupted, and that,
desiring to give the Indians a purer ritual and religious observance,
Kishi’ Ma/’nido gave to them the “dance.” * According to the
writer’s informants, the Menominee received the drum and _ all
instructions for the ceremony from the Sioux.

Dr. S. A. Barrett witnessed the dance among both the Chippewa
and Menominee in 1910 and has described and analyzed it in his ex-
tended treatise on the subject. Two performances of the ceremonies
were witnessed by the writer, the first in 1910, in connection with
the study of Chippewa music,® and the second in 1928 in connection
with the present work. Both ceremonies were held at the native
village of Zoar. On the first occasion the ceremony was held in a
large open space, the dance circle being outlined by a low embank-
ment of earth which served as a seat for the people and in part
of the cirele by low bushes placed upright in the ground. The
second event took place in a circular lodge, like the dance lodge

8 Hoffman, The Menomini Indians, p. 161.
83 Hoffman, op. cit., pp. 157-160. ;
1 Barrett, Dream dance of the Chippewa and Menominee Indians.

* Bull, 53, Bur, Amer, Ethn., pp. 142-180,

DENSMORE] MENOMINEE MUSIC 151

of the Winnebago, located a few rods away from the field in which
the first ceremony was held. (Pl. 23 6.) Another form of inclosure
used for this dance is shown in Plate 27, 6. On the first occasion two
drums were given to the Menominee by the Chippewa, these being a chief
drum and a warrior (or brave’s) drum, each having its complement
of officials. On the second occasion only a warrior drum was given.
The ‘‘donor” on both occasions was White Feather, a prominent
member of the Lac du Flambeau Band of Chippewa. The drum is
called kimi’som4’sino (grandfather), and this term is commonly ap-
plied to gatherings connected with the drum, though the term
ni/mihito’dk, referring to the dance, is sometimes used. Rattlesnake,
a leader in this religion, said the Menominee refer to attendance at
its gatherings as ‘‘going to talk with grandfather.” Referring to
visits to the drum at the house of its custodian, he said, ‘‘The Chip-
pewa told us to talk to our grandfather if we are sick, to give him
tobacco and ask him to drive away the sickness that we can not
see.” Among the Chippewa the ceremony is known as dewigun
omigiwen, meaning ‘‘drum giving away.”

Mention has been made of the Sioux prophetess to whom the origin
of the drum religion is attributed. This woman was seen by an
early writer on the Chippewa, who described the incident as follows:

It was in the spring of 1878, I think, that considerable excitement was caused
in and around Ashland, Wis., over a report in circulation that Indians were
dancing and having powwows further west and were working their way toward
reservations in this part of the country . .. The next I heard of them they
were within 100 miles of Ashland . . . There were between 60 and 70 in the
party, which consisted of a young Sioux girl and her interpreter, the balance
being made up of Chippewas from this immediate vicinity . . . She represented
herself to be of the Sicux Tribe and a member of a band of the tribe that were
massacred by Custer’s army on the Little Big Horn about May, 1876, in which
all her people were killed except herself; that she saved herself by jumping into
the water on the approach of the soldiers and hiding herself by clinging to roots
and bushes of an overhanging tree or upturned root until the slaughter was
over and she could make her escape; that she was in the water about 20 hours;
that she reached a band of her tribe and told them the story . . . she said that
spirits had told her she must teach a new dance and to teach it to all the Indian
tribes; that she had taught her own tribes and had come to this reservation to
teach. She taught that the Indians must put away the small drum they had
always used and make a larger one and stop their war and pipe dances and
practice only the one she was teaching. She said the small drum was no longer
large enough to keep away the bad spirit and the larger one must be used on all
occasions. Her nation, the Sioux, she said, had given up all other dances since
the massacre of her own little band.*

The woman told the men how to make the drum. When it was
finished and the singers learned the songs they all gathered around
it. The instant that the drummers struck the drum for the first
time the manito appeared again and the two men who had made the
drum fell dead beside it.”

86 Armstrong, Benjamin G., Early life among the Indians, pp. 156-158, Pa it
%’ Condensed from Bull. 53, p, 144,

152 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL 102

It is said that the Sioux gave the original drum to the Chippewa
and that permanent peace between the tribes was a result of this
presentation. The Menominee claim to have received this original
drum from the Sioux. As time passed other drums were made in
exact imitation of the one whose construction was directed by the
Sioux woman. A Menominee said ‘‘the drum we received in 1882 or
1886 is worn out and another has replaced it in general use. John
Kinase is said to have the first drum still in his possession.”” The
ceremonial songs are believed to be those originally taught to the
woman by the manito and in many of the songs used at the present
time there are Sioux words.

In describing this religion Rattlesnake said, ‘‘There is really only
one drum in this world, for if you belong to one drum you belong to
all. If I go anywhere, in any tribe where there is a drum, I am
welcome and given a seat, and those people have their seat whenever
they come here. Whenever I run across a band of Indians with a
drum the people have been trying to do right.” Among the teach-
ings were the following: “‘If anyone tries to quarrel with you, walk
away. If anyone is talking bad about anyone, walk away. If a
bad scheme is afloat, walk away.” ‘‘The drum religion is strictly
against moonshine and teaches that men must not steal.” These are
not unlike the general teachings of the Mitawin, and many belong
to both organizations.

The presentation of a drum is accompanied by the bestowal of
valuable gifts for which the recipients makes a partial return at the
time of the ceremony, completing the equivalent at a later time.
The band receiving the drum retains it for a few months or even for a
period of years and then gives it to another tribe, or band of the same
tribe, the interval of time depending somewhat upon their ability
to accumulate the gifts which must accompany the drum. Thus the
Bad River Band of Chippewa once kept a drum four years before
giving it away.

When all is ready the intended recipients are asked whether they
are willing to receive the drum, and if they so desire the drum is
transferred, gifts are bestowed, and those receiving the drum are
formally instructed in its care as well as in its songs and teachings.
Although the drum is given to the band of a tribe, it is in the care of
a man commonly called the drum owner, whose duties are those of
a custodian. He keeps the drum at his house and is responsible for
its safety, together with the articles which belong to it, and is also
the custodian of the ceremonial songs and the teachings which per-
tain to the drum religion.

In order to enter into the Indian’s regard for the drum religion, it is
necessary to emphasize the personality of the drum. It was said ‘‘the
drum has a heart inside it,” and this was found to be the tongue of a

——— ss

BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY BULLETIN 102 PLATE 23

a, BURIAL GROUND

c, DRUM CEREMONY

BUREAU

OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY BULLETIN 102

c, WHITE FEATHER DANCING AROUND THE DRUM

PLATE 24

== -

DENSMORE] MENOMINEE MUSIC i Wis 333

“‘nony-bell,”’ suspended inside the drum. After a speech, at a certain
point in the ceremony, the custodian strikes the drum with a decorated
drumstick, and this is said to signify that the drum has heard the
speech and will grant any request which has been made init. Without
this action there would be no result. A similar stroke signifies the
acceptance by the drum of tobacco which is offered to it. This calls
to mind the first stroke on the original drum, after which the manito
appeared and the men who made the drum fell dead beside it.

The larger of the drums presented to the Menominee in 1910 was
27 inches in diameter and about 12 inches in depth, and the drum
presented in 1928, being a war drum, was somewhat smaller. The
drum is made from a washtub, the bottom being removed and rawhide
stretched over both openings, tightened by means of thongs passed
from one head to the other. Both drumheads are painted in accord-
ance with the instructions received by the Sioux woman, half the head
being red and half blue, with a band of yellow near the edge of the
blue segment. The side of the drum is concealed by a flounce of
flannel, half red and half blue, which is fastened at the upper edge of
the drum and falls to the ground when the drum is suspended from
the curved stakes. Disks of hammered silver are fastened to this
flannel, and above it is a broad band of black velvet bordered with
ribbon fringe and with occasional thimbles hung like little bells. On
the drum seen in 1928 the beaded designs on the velvet included
two manito, two hands reaching downward, and a little cross in blue
beads. The figures of the manito were similar to those on the
Chippewa Mide drum. (Bull. 45, pl. 1.) Rattlesnake said the hands
were ‘‘the hands of God; they mean we are all in the hands of God.” ®

A band of otter fur outlines the upper edge of the drum. The
curved stakes which support it are more than 3 feet in height,
covered with beadwork and otter fur, and tipped with large feathers,
also with the tufted end from a cow’s tail and a few ribbon streamers.
On all the drums seen by the writer these ribbons were of a texture
in use about 1860 to 1870, indicating the age of the drum. On the
stakes toward the west and north the ribbons were blue and on the
stakes toward the east and south the ribbons were red. According
to Barrett the red symbolizes “‘the brightness of the sun and light
toward the south” and the blue symbolizes ‘‘the darker sky toward
the north.” ®

The curved stakes are called the legs of the drum and the position
of the feathers differs in a chief drum and a wardrum. The feathers
are erect on the stakes of a chief drum, being placed in a socket which

88 Concerning this decoration Barrett states: ‘‘These represent . . . the hands of the Great Spirit who
gave this ceremony to the people, and to whom the invocations during the ceremony are made,.’’ (Dream
dance of the Chippewa and Menomines, p. 264.)

8° Dream dance, p, 264,

154 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL 102

holds them in that position (cf. Bull. 53, pl. 18), while on a war drum
they hang downward (pl. 24,a). The drum is suspended by a loop of
otter fur hooked over a projection on the side of each stake, the drum
and stakes having a span of about 6 feet when in position.

The articles belonging to the drum consist of the ceremonial drum
pipe, an ordinary pipe, called a war pipe, a tobacco box, the four
curved stakes on which the drum is suspended when in use, four
drumsticks for the leading drummers, and a bag containing about 10
ordinary sticks for the assisting drummers. The drum pipe has a
square stem and is smoked only by the drum owner, the aide, and the
four drummers. The ordinary pipe has a round stem, longer than that
of the drum pipe, and is smoked by the ‘‘four old men” of the drum
organization and others to whom they offer it, and this is the pipe
used with messages pertaining to the drum. Thus a Chippewa
brought this pipe with a request that the Menominee accept the
drum, and the Menominee will send it with a message to those upon
whom they may wish to bestow the drum. Both pipes are kept filled.

An important property of the drum is the fund of money, con-
tributed to it during a ceremony or gathering. This is in the nature
of an insurance fund, for use in case of illness or misfortune. Thus it
was said that a man joined the drum adherents, and about three
months later two daughters died near together. He received money
from the drum fund to ‘‘help him through.” Some objected because
he had been a member so short a time, but others said, ‘‘You may
need as much or more help at some time.’”’ This money was also
available for replacing the drumhead, if necessary, or for other repairs
to the drum. The care of this money was one of the responsibilities
of the drum owner, and if obliged to leave home for any period of time
he took the drum and all its belongings with him. Thus a drum owner
found it necessary to be away from home about four days during hay-
making time, but he took the drum with him, keeping it in his tem-
porary abode at the hayfield.

The members of the drum religion do not depend entirely upon the
drum fund for help in time of trouble, as dances are arranged for their
benefit, at which contributions of clothing and money are received.
At such a dance a speech would be made saying that such and such a
man can not come to this dance because he ‘‘has had bad luck.”
The informant said, ‘‘We dance two or three hours and then we help
bim. I take off a nice beaded shirt to start the pile and I say ‘Who
next? Put down something for the children. Put something for
the man who is sick and can not come to this dance.’ Sometimes it
takes four days, but we help the man and have a good time besides.”’

The principal songs belonging to the drum are sung at every gather-
ing. These are the two songs for the men who prepare (‘‘heat’’)
the drum (Nos. 90, 91), the song for lighting and offering the drum

DENSMORE] MENOMINEE MUSIC 155

pipe (No. 85), and the songs for the four stakes of the drum (Nos.
92,93, 94,95). At the small gatherings, held at the house of the drum
custodian, the number of additional songs varies with the occasion.
Rattlesnake said that he, as first of the four old men, would announce
how many additional songs would be sung—whether 4, 6, or 8. The
entire group of drum songs is taught by the singers of the band
giving the drum to the singers of the band which receives it. One of
the most important phases of a drum presentation consists of the
teaching of these songs, yet it is somewhat of a formality, as the
songs have been heard many times by the band receiving the drum.
The singers are required to listen attentively and appear to learn the
songs as carefully asif they were not already familiar with them. This
is necessary, as there may be new persons in the group and all must
know the songs.

The women sing with the men at the drum dance, sitting in a
circle behind the men at the drum, holding their hands or shawls
across their mouths and singing an octave above the men with a nasal
tone similar to that used by the Sioux women. (PI. 24,6.) The four
principal singers sit at the four stakes of the drum, the head drummer
being their leader. Other men, known to be good singers, may sit
beside these singers from time to time as they are inclined to do so.
There are no singers except those at the drum and the women who sit
behind them. The leading singer begins the songs, the other singers
and the women joining after a few tones. Sometimes the women
sing alone for a short time during a song, this being done in four repeti-
tions, after which the men end the song. Sometimes the drummers
give a sharp, heavy stroke as a signal that the women are to finish the
song alone, these being customs of the songs during the dancing.
If one of the four leading singers makes a mistake in a song, one of
the others will sing it correctly, after which the singer who made the
mistake must sing another song and dance as a penalty.

The Menominee, as stated, received a drum from the Lac du
Flambeau Chippewa in 1928. White Feather had been keeper
(‘“‘owner’’) of the drum while it had been with the Chippewa, and
thus he appeared as donor of the drum. The ceremony took place
at the native village of Zoar, beginning September 2 and continuing
four days. About two months previously White Feather sent
tobacco with a request that the Menominee accept the drum, and
about a month before the ceremony he sent the war pipe filled with
tobacco. Both were accepted by Rattlesnake, signifiying the willing-
ness of the Menominee to receive the gift of the drum. At some
future time Rattlesnake will take the same pipe to the tribe whom the
Menominee wish to honor with the gift of the drum. At present
this pipe is with the other articles belonging to the drum, in the care

48819°—32--—12

156 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 102

of John P. Ma’tcoke’ma, the drum custodian (or “‘owner”’). Mat-
cokema is a younger man than Wi’skino, to whom White Feather, as
already stated, gave a drum in 1910; he also belongs to a different
settlement. ‘The drum was seen in his house which is near the lodge
where the ceremony was held, and the final exercises were held in
front of his house. The number of persons attending the ceremony
was not so large as in 1910, and they were easily accommodated in
the circular lodge shown in
Plate 23, b,c. The entrance
of the lodge is toward the
south (or southeast), the
drum is in the center, and
there are benches around
the sides of the lodge for
the assembled members of
the tribe. The drum (pl.
24, a), is in the center of
the dance circle and in front
of it may be seen the case
for the stem of the drum
pipe and the cloth bag
containing the drumsticks.
Beside it is the box for to-
bacco, in which may be seen
FIGURE 3.—Diagram of Drum ceremony—first day and uBey sin i ihe ee oe Be

pees during the entire cee ’ drum pipe. Opposite the

A, B, Chippewa ‘‘speakers’’; C, White Feather, Chippewa entrance Is & special seat

donor of drum; D, John P. Matcokema, Menominee cus- provided for the Chippewa
todian of drum; E, Table for food, before feast; F, American : d ( 1 25 a th
flag: G, Menominee aide; H, Four Menominee‘‘old men”; “10 (pt. , a), and on the

I, Position of White Feather when addressing the Chip- last day of the ceremony a
pewa; J, Position of articles ‘‘belonging to drum”’; K, t bl f f d 1 d
Drum; L, M, N, O, Leading drummers; P, Circle of women able for {£00 was piace

singers; Q, Menominee spectators; R, Chippewa spectators; outside the lodge, at the

5 Eeachion phish the Chivpews sie ee Aated, tei oe rane lentennie laine

position of the various par-

ticipants in the ceremony, during a majority of the time, is shown in
Figure 3.

White Feather had grown perceptibly older since 1910 and had
failed in both eyesight and hearing, but his voice and personality
were strong, enabling him to take part in the ceremony with dignity.
A large company of Chippewa came from Lac du Flambeau for the
ceremony, but there were not so many as on the former occasion.
The Chippewa camped in the woods near the place where the cere-
mony would be held, and the writer found an old acquaintance
among them who in the following days helped her in identifying the
various parts of the ceremony.

DENSMORE] MENOMINEE MUSIC 157

The following were the leaders of the ceremony in the two tribes.
It was required that the “‘old men” be sons or nephews of warriors.

PERSONNEL OF THE Drum CEREMONY

CHIPPEWA
Prin owners 22 2 - SULEU S20 White Feather.
Ockapawis (aide) _..._..--_-_-- Frank Douds.
Giembcrs.... feo $5 Lees ot Not ascertained.
SS a ee nee Not ascertained.
MENOMINEE
PO ON ORL doo oe ae John P. Matcokema.
Mnmrawine soe ee eet DS! George Spoon.
Bpeieer sees. ee SAP Og US Charlie Dutchman.
ape ann) 22S AS eS Rattlesnake (who had charge of the ceremony).
Kimewun.

Simakun (known as Dan Morgan).

Matcokema (father of drum owner).
Singers (drummers) -_.-_------ Star Amos (leader).

Peter Sim.

Pete Wabunaskun.

Howard Rain.
Wowtion! singers. «<< .+..=--.26- Wife of Simakun.

Wife of Kinewun.

Wife of John P. Matcokema.

Wife of Star Amos.

The Chippewa ockapawis, and later the same official of the
Menominee, wore the feather ornament, or dance regalia, commonly
called the crow, or crow belt, and designated by the Menominee as
wana’n.” (PI. 25, a.)

While the speeches, gifts, and the transfer of the drum and its
articles were important, the interest that ran through the entire
ceremony was the teaching of the songs and ceremonial actions to the

% This dance ornament is described as follows by Fletcher and La Flesche in The Omaha Tribe, pp. 441-
446: ‘‘A man who had attained more than once to honors of the first three grades became entitled to wear a
peculiar and elaborate ornament called ‘the crow.’ This was worn at the back, fastened by a belt around the
waist; it was made with two long pendants of dressed skin painted red or green, which fell over the legs to
the heels, On the skin were fastened rows of eagle feathers arranged to hang freely so as to flutter with the
movements of the wearer. An entire eagle skin, with head, beak, and tail, formed the middle ornament;
from this rose two arrow shafts tipped with hair dyed red. On the right hip was the tail of a wolf; on the
left the entire skin of a crow... ‘the crow’ decoration is said to symbolize a battlefield after the conflict is
over. The fluttering feathers on the pendants represented the dropping of feathers from the birds fighting
over the dead bodies.... The two arrow shafts had a double significance: they represented the stark
bodies and also the fatal arrows standing in a lifeless enemy. The eagle was associated with war and with
the destructive powers of the thunder and the attendant storms. The wolf and the crow were not only
connected with carnage but they had a mythical relation to the office of ‘soldiers,’ the designation given to
certain men on the annual tribal hunt.... These men were chosen from those who had the right to wear
‘the crow,’ and this regalia was generally worn at that time. It was worn also at certain ceremonial dances.”
A ritual is described in which a wolf and crow address the people as ‘‘little ones,’’ and by their help bring
the herds near to furnish food and sustain life. ‘‘To preserve the story of this association and promise, the
war ornament, ‘the crow,’ was devised. The Ponca and the Omaha claim to have been joint originators of
this insignia, which has since been adopted by other tribes.”” This was seen among the Sioux by the present
writer. (See Bull. 61, Bur. Amer, Ethn., pl. 77, a.)

158 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 102

Menominee. All these must be learned by the tribe receiving the
drum in order that they in turn may teach them to those upon whom
they bestow the same drum. The songs recognized as having been
sung in 1910 are Nos. 61, 62, 69, and 70 in Bulletin 53, these being,
respectively, the song of painting the faces and the mourners’ song,
the song of the pipe, and the song of the drum. The only one of
these songs which is duplicated in the present work is the song of the
pipe (No. 85), and a comparison of the Chippewa and Menominee
versions of the song are contained in its analysis. This is a melody
with a peculiar phrase which would be easily remembered, and
it is a song occurring so frequently that it became familiar. The
songs of this ceremony are not intended to produce an effect, like
the “‘medicine songs’”’ of supposedly magic power, and there is less
necessity for exactness in repetition. By transmission from one
eroup of singers to another of a different band or tribe the form of the
melody is evidently modified, though the occasion for singing the
songs remains, as in the songs for the several stakes of the drum and
for the men who heat the drumhead.

The following should be understood as a notation of the events as
witnessed without an interpreter, excepting as a question to an ac-
quaintance might designate the action which was in progress. Both
Chippewa and Menominee were courteous in replying but were
occupied with the ceremony. It was impossible to secure a competent
interpreter, and in many ways there was a freedom from restraint
which would have been impossible if the Indians had felt themselves
the subject of constant discussion. Permission to take photographs
was given but the Indians were not asked to pose, the pictures here
presented being taken from time to time during the ceremony.

Each drum has an American flag, which signifies that there is peace
among the Indians. This is displayed on a pole at the entrance of
the lodge as a signal that the ceremony is about to begin, and is taken
down at the close of the day, with appropriate ceremonies. The care
of the flag was one of the duties devolving upon Rattlesnake, the
leader of the ‘‘four old men.” On the first day of the ceremony
(September 2, 1928) the flag was thus displayed and the people
assembled in the lodge. In the early afternoon the Chippewa
brought the drum into the lodge, suspended it from the four stakes,
and sang the ceremonial songs. The stakes were then laid on the
ground and the drum was lowered to rest upon a white cloth spread
on the ground beneath it. The Chippewa drummers then escorted
the Menominee drummers to a place beside the drum and sat beside
them, but the Menominee did not touch the drum or its stakes. The
drum pipe, tobacco, and tobacco box were placed at the right of the
head Menominee drummer, gifts were placed beside the Menominee

_ pENsMoRE] MENOMINEE MUSIC 159

drummers, and speeches were made by the Chippewa drum owner
and leader and by the corresponding members of the Menominee
tribe. The stakes were then carried away by the Chippewa singers,
who left the lodge.

After a time the stakes were brought back and given to the four
leading Menominee singers, each taking a stake and holding it
upright but not planting it in the ground. These stakes were formally
accepted by the four Menominee “‘old men,” each of whom took a
stake from a singer, made a speech, and returned it, after which the
singer planted the stake in its proper position for supporting the
drum. The speech made by each old man was concerning a deed of
valor performed by one of his ancestors. Thus Kimewun related
that bis uncle killed a man during the Civil War, and for this bravery
Kimewun could have put up two stakes if he had wished to do so.
Rattlesnake’s father was one of General Sherman’s scouts during the
Civil War. He was captured and about to be hung, when by a
clever ruse he reached a revolver under his shirt and with the revolver
still in that position he shot his two captors and escaped. This
entitled Rattlesnake to put up two stakes at a dream dance. During
his speech Kimewun evidently made some witty remarks, as there was
a ripple of amusement through the gathering. The atmosphere of
the ceremony was serious and there was close attention to the speeches,
yet there was an air of ease and pleasure, with the friendliness that is
so strongly emphasized in the ‘‘drum religion.” Similar speeches
were made by Simakun and Matcokema, each holding a drum stake
and then handing it to a man at the drum.

When the four speeches were finished and the stakes erected in the
ground the four Chippewa singers joined the Menominee at the
drum, and gifts were bestowed upon the Menominee singers by
members of the Chippewa Tribe. All the old men and the aides
danced, but as yet the drum had not been suspended from the stakes.

The Menominee who was to receive the drum made a speech.
Then the singers tapped on the ground with their drumsticks, making
nosound. The tapping grew stronger and a low sound could be heard.
A leather strap with sleigh bells lay on the ground and one man tapped
on the leather, holding it with his left hand and tapping it with a stick
in his right hand, but the other drummers continued to tap on the
ground.

The Chippewa aide and the old men danced as the “‘song for the
aide”? (No. 88) was sung.

A long drumstick with beaded handle was brought by the Menom-
inee aide, and everyone except the drummers stood as the drum was
put in place and formally accepted by the Menominee. The singers,
seated on the ground, continued to tap on the ground and on the
leather strap until the Menominee drum owner signaled them to

160 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 102

lift the drum and suspend it from the stakes. The Menominee drum
owner made two feints with the beaded wand, lowered it a third time,
and struck the drum lightly in the middle, after which he and the
four drummers struck the drum, one after another. Then both
Chippewa and Menominee beat the drum and another song was sung.
The Chippewa who gave the drum danced, also one of his ‘‘speakers.’’
The aide danced and more gifts were bestowed. The head singer of
the Menominee received many pieces of beadwork, a woven-yarn bag,
clothing, and quilts. The Chippewa aide gave a little stick (repre-
senting a horse) to a Menominee who had presented him with a
beaded bandoleer. Among the gifts bestowed by the Chippewa
women were a rifle, many woven rush mats, and various articles of
clothing. A red blanket was spread on the ground by the Chippewa
to receive the ‘‘return presents”’ as the exchange of bounty proceeded
during the day.

Two Menominee, each holding a bag of ordinary drumsticks, had
been seated at the left of the Menominee ‘“‘old men,” and during the
preceding action they joined the four leading singers at the drum,
together with the other men who were to assist in the singing.

The offering of the pipes is enacted four times every day, the stem
of the pipe being pointed toward the drum, and the zenith, then
turned slowly around the circle of the sky.“ If a bit of punk, lighted
by a match, is used, the pipe is lighted before being offered, but if a
match is to be applied to the tobacco the pipe is offered before being
lighted. Both methods of lighting were used by the Menominee
at this time.

The war pipe is used first, being ceremonially offered by one of the
old men and passed to the other old men and then to the aide and the
Menominee seated around the circle. Kimewun is seen offering this
pipe to Matchokema in Plate 25, 6. On comparing this with Plate
25, c, it will be seen that Dan Morgan is in his place and that John P.
Matcokema is not seated next to Rattlesnake. A young boy, one of
the spectators, chanced to be seated at the left of the entrance. The
war pipe is not offered to anyone at the drum unless one of the four
old men happens to be sitting there. The song does not continue
after the four old men have puffed the pipe. The drum pipe is cere-
monially offered by the head drummer a few moments after the war
pipe is offered; indeed, the two pipes were sometimes being circled
toward the sky at the same time. The drum pipe is offered only to
the men at the drum.

Soon after the offering and puffing of the pipes four songs were sung,
one for each of the old men. During these songs the four old men

%The directions toward which a pipe is offered are designated as aki’hi, earth; odji’kecia, zenith;
bisomo’kaha, direction of the sun’s rising; asna’wakik, noon; asni’kiniika, direction of the sun’s setting,
and odji’kiciu, cold direction.

DENSMORE] MENOMINEE MUSIC 161

danced in their places, but the man for whom the song was being sung
danced the hardest. This dancing is shown in Plate 25, c, the action
consisting of a flexing of the knees. In this picture John P. Matco-
kema, the Menominee recipient of the drum, has left his place at the
right of the entrance and is with the old men, being seen next the
entrance. Next him is Rattlesnake, then Kimewun. Dan Morgan
was absent from his place, which is vacant, and the fourth old man is
Matcokema, father of the drum recipient. The first song was for
Kimewun. He danced harder than the others during this song and
at its close he placed a blanket on the pile of gifts for the Chippewa.
Another old man gave a blanket to the Chippewa speaker after his
song was sung.

These were followed by the songs for the stakes of the drum, the
first being the song of the “‘head-singer’s”’ stake, during which he
danced, afterwards placing gifts on the pile. The singers who sat
beside him at the drum danced with him, and after the song they
placed money on the pile of gifts. The next song was for the stake
opposite the head-singer’s stake, followed by the songs for the stakes
at the head-singer’s left and right. Each man and his assisting singers
danced during the song connected with his stake and gave gifts, the
last-named man crossing the circle and shaking hands with White
Feather and the Chippewa seated next to him. In these songs the
drum was beaten lightly on its edge during the opening portion of
the melody, after which the head of the drum was struck in the usual
manner. The women joined in the singing of these songs, seated on
the ground outside the circle of men and holding their hands or shawls
over their mouths, in the manner of the Sioux. Occasioally a
woman sang a “high drone” (see p. 10). The “‘crow” was brought
and laid onabench. At this time there were 15 men seated around
the drum, two of whom tapped on the ground with their drumsticks.

The song for the drum pipe was sung and a Menominee placed a
blanket on the ground for the pile of gifts. Four songs were then sung
“to heat the drum,’ these songs being called the ‘‘heaters.’”’ Two
such songs are presented as Nos. 90 and 91, entitled “‘Songs for men
who prepare drum.” Other songs included the song for the aide and
a song for the Menominee women singers, during which they walked
around the circle and placed gifts on the blanket. White Feather
made a speech relating the history of the drum. This was translated
and found to be similar to that recorded in 1910 and summarized at
that time. Many dances and speeches filled the time until early even-
ing, when the four songs for lowering the flag were sung in a dignified
manner. The flag was then lowered, the drum was lifted from its
stakes and allowed to rest on the rush mat beneath it. Each drummer
took his stake and his drumstick, and all walked around the circle,
led by the head drummer, who carried the folded flag, the drum pipe,

162 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 102

and the tobacco box. The drum was wrapped in a clean white cloth,
and the man who carried it led the procession from the dance lodge,
followed by the head drummer and the other drummers, walking in
single file, about three or four feet apart. This procession was watched
respectfully by the assembly.

On the second day of the ceremony the flag was again displayed as a
signal and the people gathered at about 11 o’clock in the morning.
The principal events of this day were speeches and dances and the
ceremonial songs were again sung, the pipes being offered as on the
first day. The large drum was used, as on the previous day. The
writer remained beside the dance circle from the opening of the dance
until its close.

On the third day the drum was kept in Matcokema’s house where it
was seen on a white cloth in a corner, neatly placed with the pipe,
tobacco, and other articles beside it. One of the chief interests of
this day was the final instruction of the Menominee in the ceremonial
songs, and for that purpose the Chippewa used small drums, similar
in size to those used in the moccasin game. Six drums were thus
used. One was decorated with a bird, another with a bird and the
figure of a manito, and a third was painted red with a white circle in
the middle. Both Chippewa and Menominee were in the middle of
the lodge with drums, the former assisting the latter in learning the
songs.

Many war dance songs were sung, but it was said there were no
speeches about war—‘‘only prayers to the birds that give success.”
A feathered banner was stuck in the ground near the drum and one
man after another took this banner, made a speech, and led the com-
pany around the circle, carrying the banner. (Pl. 24, c.) Simakun
gave a horse to a Chippewa, picked up the feather banner, and danced
with it around the circle. Among the dances was a war dance in which
the women faced the drum and hopped sidewise with both feet,
moving thus around the drum while the men danced in their places.
Long speeches were made by White Feather and others.

During portions of the day there was no dancing, the Menominee
singers being engaged in practicing the songs with the Chippewa
singers as in Plate 26, a. Sometimes the women danced in their
places, as they might feel inclined to do. (Pl. 26, 6.) The woman
nearest the middle of this picture is the wife of Kimewun, who was
a constant and typical dancer. Sometimes individuals among the
men danced around the drum. The Chippewa aide is seen at the left
in Plate 26, c, dancing in his accustomed manner, while an older man
is at the right of the picture.

Each person who entered the lodge on this afternoon was required
to give tobacco to the man at the entrance. This was in packages as
well as loose. All the packages except one were opened and the

ONIONVG
NAW G10 GNY YS3NMO WnNYqd AANINONSAW ‘9 Adid IVINOWSYSD ONIYSSSO NOMAWIM ‘9 SLSID AO AMd 3AGISAG AGIY VMAddIHD ‘BD

S@ 3A1LV1d col NILATINGA ADOIONH.LA NVODIMAWY AO NVaEHNa

BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY BULLETIN 102 PLATE 26

c, MEN DANCING AS SONGS ARE TAUGHT TO MENOMINEE

BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY BULLETIN 102 PLATE 27

{wo 4

c, DRUM USED IN SOCIAL DANCES

_ DENsMORE] MENOMINEE MUSIC 163

tobacco mixed in a large handkerchief. Simakun, one of the old
men, made a speech, gave some tobacco to the drum, and distributed
the remainder, giving the unopened package to White Feather, the
Chippewa donor of the drum. ‘The Menominee owner of the drum
then distributed the tobacco which had been given to the drum, ac-
companied by a Chippewa who designated the persons to whom it
should be given. During the distribution a speech was made by a
Chippewa speaker and the drummers tapped softly on the edge of the
drum. A Chippewa gave a package of tobacco to a Menominee
woman as a personal gift. The writer presented tobacco when en-
tering the lodge, turned to the left, and walked around the circle,
according to the Indian custom.

Three important events took place on the afternoon of this day:
The restoration of mourners,” the feast, and the transfer of the dance
ornament known as the ‘‘crow,’’ which had been worn by the Chip-
pewa aide and was then formally transferred to the Menominee aide.
During the ceremony it had occasionally been worn by the Menominee
aide, but was not transferred to him until this time.

The restoration of mourners took place at about 3 o’clock in the
afternoon, terminating the period of mourning of three members of
the Menominee tribe, the rite being performed by members of the
Chippewa tribe. These persons had suffered bereavement during the
previous year and after this ceremony were expected to show no further
signs of grief. The corresponding ceremony witnessed among the
Chippewa took place at Lac du Flambeau, before they went to the
Menominee Reservation with the drum, and was performed by mem-
bers of their own tribe. (Bull. 53, Bur. Amer. Ethn., pp. 153-157.)

In preparation for the Menominee rite a double blanket was spread
full length on the ground, at the west of thedrum. There was a general
interest in this rite and a deep sympathy on the faces of both Chippewa
and Menominee. Twelve singers were seated at the drum, and 17
women were in the circle of spectators. The Menominee whose period
of mourning was to be terminated at this time were Louis Flye and his
wife, who had lost a child during the previous year, and a woman
named Ka’ko, who had lost a child. (Pl. 27,a.) Each of these had an
attendant who was a Chippewa. These attendants escorted the
mourners to the blanket, where they were seated, facing the drum.
Gifts were placed before them, and each attendant brought a basin of
water and towel with which she washed the face and hands of the
mourner. The hair was combed smoothly and the hair part and faces
were painted. The man’s face was painted with two blue lines and the
hair part of the younger woman was painted blue. The face of a

child beside her was painted with a blue dot on each cheek. During
ingitevine oh ts gtte st rane Suen hatin vetsle annul, wetted

® This was called misa’kata’wa, a term applied also to a fast in which a dream was expected. It implies a
happy outcome, as the fast ended with a fortunate dream and the period of mourning was now ended.

164 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL 102

this action the mourners sat passive, with eyes downcast. A feather
was given to the man, by which he was probably entitled to claim the
credit for valiant acts performed by its donor. (Cf. Bull. 53, p. 156.)
Each of the women was given a packet of medicine. The mourners
were then arrayed in new clothing, several shirts being put on the man,
one over another, while three dresses (or waists) were put on the
women, besides chains of beads around their necks and bows on their
hair. More gifts were bestowed upon them, and a speech was made by
White Feather, who said, ‘‘We hold up our hands to Manido for the
persons whom we have now arrayed.” On the similar occasion
attended in 1910 White Feather made the following speech (Bull. 53,
p. 155):

A person who believes in the drum and has lost friends can not go to a dance
unless he is invited, but I asked that these mourners be invited. I came myself
and spread my own blanket on the ground for them, and I asked the warriors
that they be invited and their mourning ended. When I did this I knew how this
ceremony should be conducted. I thank my people and Manido that the war-
riors are so generous as to bring these mourners here to share our happiness.

More gifts were bestowed on the mourners, after which they were
escorted to seats beside the drum and still more gifts were placed
before them. Throughout this ceremony they appeared to take little
interest in their surroundings, and after being seated at the drum they
hung their heads and the younger woman wept softly. After the
dance, however, it was expected that they would show no signs of
sorrow, as their mourning had been terminated by the affection of
their friends.

The Menominee aide donned the ‘‘crow” and presented gifts, fol-
lowed by a speech. He consulted Rattlesnake in regard to the dis-
tribution of the piles of presents which had been given by the Chip-
pewa, giving clothing and quilts first to the four ‘‘old men”’ and to the
women who sat around the drum and helped in the singing. When a
woman received a gift she placed it beneath her and sat upon it.
Rattlesnake distributed more tobacco, carrying it in his hat, and
many individual gifts of blankets and money were bestowed. The
quilts, blankets, and clothing were generally articles which had been
used, and there was a certain pathos in the value of the gifts, contrast-
ed with the large good will of the gathering and the pleasure of the
recipients of the bounty.

The father of the Menominee drum owner went outside the dance
circle, broke a little branch from a tree and gave it to a Chippewa,
representing a horse.

Both Chippewa and Menominee were sitting in the middle of the
lodge with their drums, and they sang, drumming softly, while White
Feather danced alone, dignified and erect in spite of his advanced
age. John Matcokema then danced alone, in his fine strength and

DENSMORE] MENOMINEE MUSIC 165

vigor, with the responsibility of the drum and its many speeches all
before him. The dance ornament was laid on the ground at the right
of the entrance, on the side where the Chippewa sat, with the belt
toward the Menominee. On either side stood one of the aides, facing
each other. The Chippewa stooped and drew his hands downward
over the feathers, raising them closed and with the fingers away from
his face, then opened them as though allowing something to fly from
him. This action was repeated two or three times. Then he put on
the ornament and the two aides danced in small circles. The Chip-
pewa aide took a wand, holding it in both hands and advancing in
small circles. Then he appeared to pick up loose earth and opened
his hand toward the heavens, repeating this toward the west.

The singing ceased and a portion of the food was brought and
placed on the ground. This food had been placed on a rough table
at the right of the entrance, as it was required that no food be brought
into the lodge until the proper time. There were many pans and
kettles, closely covered with a clean white cloth, which had been
brought by the women when they came to the afternoon gathering.
The feast consisted of eight loaves of bread, five pails of tea, a pail of
cookies, a quantity of ‘fried bread,’ and a soup made from rice,
carrots, tomatoes, and 10 pounds of meat.

The singing and drumming were resumed, Matcokema, White
Feather, and others danced in their places, and when the singing
ceased White Feather made a speech in which the words ‘‘manido”’
and ‘‘migwétch”’ (thanks) were often heard. The drumming began
softly, and White Feather danced alone, after which Matcokema
again danced alone. Then the Chippewa aide stepped forward
and presented food to each of the four Menominee drummers, taking
a tiny bit of food on the end of his knife and putting it in their mouths.
The Menominee aide stood behind him, watching every motion, in
order to learn what he would be expected to do when transferring the
drum at a later time.

The food was then distributed and the people put it in dishes
brought for the purpose, placing it beside them on the bench. Meat
was not then permitted inside the lodge. Tea and soup were not
offered at this time, the feast taking place later.

A very soft tapping of the drum was heard, leading up to a song.
The first Chippewa ‘“‘speaker” (or ‘‘old man’’) knelt on the ground
and the aide went through the motions of a bird feeding its young,
with the customary three feints before the food was given. The
Chippewa aide then went across to the Menominee drum owner and
bestowed food, but the action was different. Matcokema sat in his
place, and the food, before being placed in his mouth, was offered to
the cardinal points, the earth and the sky. When this was finished
the song ceased.

166 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 102

The sun had set. There was a soft tapping of the drums and the
Chippewa aide put on the crow belt and moved slowly around the
circle, holding a wand in his hand. Then he led the Chippewa
speaker to a place directly in front of the entrance, and the speaker
seated himself on the ground. A pail containing meat was placed
before him. The Chippewa aide circled the drums and brought
another Chippewa, after which he brought two Menominee, and
when the four were seated the song ceased. These men ate with
their fingers, taking the meat from the pail. The meat was not that
of a dog, but the act represented the dog feast sometimes held on the
fourth day of a drum presentation, and the pail was supposed to
contain the dog’s head. (Cf. Bull. 53, pp. 173-179, and Songs 72-78.)
When they had finished, the pail was removed and a piece of rib was
laid on a paper directly in front of the entrance. (This represented
the skull of the dog.)

Then followed a brief intermission during which the drums were
taken out and warmed and some ponies which had ventured too near
the lodge were driven away. ‘There were only a few men remain-
ing in the lodge, but 17 were counted around the fire.

The mists of night were gathering among the pines and trailing
across the open spaces.

When the drums had been sufficiently warmed a song was sung
and the drums were beaten rapidly with vigor. Rattlesnake walked
once around the piece of rib, made several feints, and pretended to
spear it, after which it was taken by a Chippewa and thrown out of the
circle. In the full form of the ceremony, as given in the old days, he
would have related one of his uncle’s war victories and sung a song
commemorating the event, and would have been followed by the three
other ‘‘old men,’’ who, with him, had eaten of the dog’s head. This
was followed by dancing, in which all took part.

The final portion of the ceremony consisted in the transfer of the
dance bustle or “‘crow’’ ornament to the Menominee. The Chippewa
aide danced around the circle, wearing the bustle, and everyone else
danced in their places. Then he took off the bustle and hung it at the
left of the entrance, at the side where the Menominee sat during the
ceremony. He went to the Menominee aide, conducted him to the
place, and the two danced side by side. They danced toward the
bustle and the Chippewa aide stretched out his arms toward it,
approaching it three times, each time going a little nearer, and the
fourth time taking it down. The Menominee aide was beside him,
following his motions, as this was part of his instruction in the details
of the ceremony. When the Chippewa aide took down the bustle
the song ended with a heavy stroke of the drum.

The Chippewa aide walked around the circle, carrying the bustle
in his right hand and waving it before the people; then he walked

DENSMORE] MENOMINEE MUSIC 167

around again, carrying it in his left hand, after which he put it on the
- Menominee drum owner, adjusting it properly, and returned to his
seat. Matcokema, the Menominee drum owner, went around the
circle, a few followed, then more and more, and all stopped beside the
_ head drummer as the song ceased.

Matcokema then went over to the former drum owner, who re-
moved the dance bustle and walked to the drum with Matcokema, carry-
ing thebustleinhishand. Hegaveitto the Menominee aide, who walked
around the circle carrying it in his right hand. He stopped in front

_ of Rattlesnake, the ‘‘first” old man, who had charge of the ceremony.
The bustle was fastened upon Rattlesnake, who danced around the
circle wearing it, and then went to the first Chippewa speaker, who
removed it. The Chippewa aide took it again, went around the cir-
cle, and placed it upon the next Menominee speaker, who danced
with it, after which it was removed by the second Chippewa speaker.

This was repeated until all the Menominee speakers, or ‘‘old men,’’
had worn the bustle. It was then considered to have been finally
transferred to the Menominee.

By this time the hour was growing late, and the writer had been
continuously beside the dance circle for more than 10 hours. Being
assured that the remaining dances were of slight importance, the
return trip to Keshena was begun.

The next morning at about half past 9 o’clock the drum was seen
in front of Matcokema’s house, in what was called the “‘farewell to
the drum.”’? Once more the Chippewa and Menominee singers united
in the drum songs, with the people of both tribes seated on the ground
around them. It was a serious little gathering, with the solemn
pines as a background. Some of the Chippewa had already taken
down their tents, preparatory to departure. When the songs and
final speeches were finished, the drum was taken back into the house
and reverently placed in its corner, with its pipe, tobacco box, the
curved stakes, and the decorated drumsticks beside it. The Menom-
inee had entered into possession of the drum.

Passing from one tent to another the writer said farewell to Chip-
pewa friends and to the aged White Feather, sitting thoughtful in his
tent. An hour or two later the place was deserted except for Kime-
wun, whose horses had strayed away. He was hunting them on the
road through the forest.

Another drum ceremony had passed into the history of the Chippewa
and Menominee Tribes.

The following songs of the drum dance are arranged in the order
designated by Amab and no attempt has been made to coordinate
them with the ceremony witnessed by the writer in 1928. This
series of songs implies a larger number of persons than the present
custom, and the presentation of two drums, a chief drum and a war

168 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 102

drum, with songs for each. In the description given by Amab there
were four aides (ockapawis) with songs, and a separate song for the
‘wearer of the crow,” but in 1928 there was only one ockapawis for
each tribe, and he wore the feather dance ornament known as the
crow. This series contains songs for the leaders of the ceremony,
the members of the council, the warriors, and the ‘old men.” ‘The
“songs for owner of chief drum” indicate that two drums are being
given away, but the ceremony, as indicated, is now given with a small
number of officials and with the presentation of only one drum.

The first song of the series was recorded by the Chippewa in 1910 ®
and a comparison of the two versions will show that the principal
phrase is the same, the differences being unimportant. The Chip-
pewa did not record the second part of the song, which was sung
during the presentation of the pipe to the cardinal points.

No. 85. Song when Pipe is Lighted

(Catalogue No. 1616)
Recorded by Lirrte THUNDERER

% Chippewa Music, II, Song No. 69, p. 169.

DENSMORE] MENOMINEE MUSIC 169

Analysis.—This song is in two parts, the first being sung while
the filled pipe is being presented to the cardinal points and the second
being begun when the pipe is lighted and continued as it is passed
from one to another in the assembly. The first part of the song is
based on the minor triad C—E flat—G, and the second is based on the
minor triad F—A flat-C. The song is analyzed in the key of F minor.
The melodious phrase in the second part (third to sixth measures)
would attract attention to the lighting and passing of the pipe.
About two-thirds of the progressions are minor thirds and major
seconds, although the fourth is a prominent interval occurring chiefly
in descending progression.

Two songs were sung for the owner of the chief drum and during
these songs he danced.

No. 86. Song for Owner of Drum (a)
(Catalogue No. 1543)

Recorded by AMAB

Analysis.—The rhythmic structure of this song consists of four
periods, the third being entirely different from the others and the
fourth showing an interesting variation of the opening phrases.
It is an interesting example of the structure of many Indian songs
which have a change in rhythm directly after the middle of the song.
The progressions in this melody comprise 11 descending and only
three ascending intervals. The song progresses chiefly by whole
tones.

170 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY Bee ie a

No. 87. Song for Owner of Drum (b)

(Catalogue No. 1617)
Recorded by LirrLe THUNDERER

Analysis —A compass of 11 tones characterizes this song, which
begins on the highest and ends on the lowest tone of the compass.
The song is further characterized by a descent at the end of its
phrases, and by a slower tempo in the phrase that precedes the
repetition. The opening phrases are based upon consecutive descend-
ing fourths. Two rhythmic units appear, the first recurring at the
close of the song and giving a rhythmic completeness to the melody.
More than half the intervals are whole tones.

In former times there were four aides, and the dancing, after a feast,
was begun with four songs in their honor. Before the songs a
speech was made by the chief of the four aides, and when a song was
sung the four men in turn danced and distributed gifts. Each aide
had a man and a woman assisting him and they sang the songs but
did not dance. While this was in progress others might distribute
gifts if they so desired, and the recipients were expected to bestow
gifts of equivalent value at the next drum ceremony. Only one of
these songs was recorded.

No. 88. Song for the Aide
(Catalogue No. 1601)

Recorded by Prrer FisyH

DENSMORE] MENOMINEE MUSIC 171

Analysis ——This song is classified as having E as its keynote,
although the third above that tone does not appear. Almost half
the intervals are fourths, a peculiarity noted in many other songs
that lack the third above the keynote. The rhythm of the song is
positive and is charactertized by two rhythmic units and a measure
in 5-8 time, followed by the only triple measure in the song.

Then followed a “‘personal song” for the man who lighted the pipe.

No. 89. Song for Man Who Lights Pipe
(Catalogue No. 1544)

Recorded by AmaB

Analysis.—A portion of this song lies above the keynote and a por-
tion below, in contrast to a majority of the dream dance songs which
have the keynote as the lowest and last tone of the melody. The
rhythmic unit occurs twice with an interesting difference in its clos-
ing measure. Then follows a continuous descent of an octave in two
measures, and the rhythm is steadied by a half note before returning
to the smaller count divisions at the close of the song. The same
number of whole tones occurs in this as in the song next preceding,
and this song progresses by 21 intervals, while the preceding contains
22 intervals, but there is no further resemblance between the two
melodies.

Two songs were sung for the men who prepare the drum. Part of
their duties consisted in warming the head of the drum in front of the
fire so that the tension of the drumhead would produce the desired
tone. These songs were commonly called ‘‘heaters.”’

48819°—32 13

ive BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 102

In the description of the Chippewa ceremony one such song was
recorded with the following explanation: ‘“‘It sometimes happens that
the untanned head of the drum becomes loosened during a ceremony.
When this occurs, the Song of the Drum is started by one of the
drummers. At this signal the five men who have charge of the drum
rise and dance around it. When their special dancing is finished they
take the drum from the inclosure and hold it near a fire until the
desired resonance is restored. The fastening of a drumhead is rarely
disturbed, tightening being accomplished by exposing it to the heat
of a fire or of the sun.” (Bull. 53, Bur. Amer. Ethn., pp. 169-170.)

No. 90. Song for Men Who Prepare Drum (a)
(Catalogue No. 1545)

Recorded by AMAB

Analysis.—Both this and the song next following have a compass
of 11 tones and are based on the second 5-toned scale, but the rhythm
of the two melodies is entirely different. The present song consists
of repetitions of a rhythmic unit, except the final phrase, which
resembles the rhythmic unit. Each phrase ends with a descending
progression. The rests in the last occurrence of the rhythmic unit
give animation to the melody. The intervals of the minor third and
major second are about equal in number.

DENSMORE] MENOMINEE MUSIC io

No. 91. Song for Men Who Prepare Drum (b)
(Catalogue No. 1546)

Recorded by AMAB

Analysis —The group of four sixteenth notes occurring in this
melody is unusual in Menominee songs. After two opening phrases
the rhythm is varied, with slight resemblances to the rhythmic unit.
The first tone in the repeated portion was slightly prolonged.

The drum used in the drum dance, as already stated, is suspended
between four stakes. These are referred to as the “legs” of the drum
and each has a designation. One singer is seated at each stake and
next him, at his left, is a man below him in rank whom he selects,
the drum being so placed that the head singer is toward the west.
There is a song for each stake of the drum and when one of these songs
is started the man who sits at that stake of the drum rises and dances.
The songs are always sung in the following order,

174 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 102

No. 92. Song for Head Singer Stake of Drum
(Catalogue No. 1547)

Recorded by AMAB

Analysis.—This is a particularly attractive melody, minor in tonal-
ity and having a compass of an octave. The song is based on the
minor triad E-G—B, with no other tones present except A, which
occurs only twice. The peculiar effect attained by this use of A
is characteristic of Chippewa songs. The phrases of this song are
short and end with a descending progression. The rhythm of the first
half of the song is crisp and decisive, with 2-measure phrases, while in
the remainder of the song the phrases are longer and the rhythm is
less positive.

No. 93. Song for East Stake of Drum
(Catalogue No. 1549)
Recorded by AMAB

Analysis —This song is less animated than the preceding, with a
longer rhythmic unit ending with a half note. The measures in 3-8
time were clearly given in all the renditions. After this diversion the
melody returns to the original rhythm. About two-thirds of the
intervals are whole tones.

DENSMORE] MENOMINEE MUSIC 175

No. 94. Song for North Stake of Drum
(Catalogue No. 1548)

Recorded by AMAB

Analysis —Two rhythmic units occur in this song, the second unit
reversing the count divisions of the first. This is an interesting
example of thematic structure in Indian song. The principal interval
of progression is a whole tone.

No. 95. Song for Wounded-Leg Stake of Drum

(Catalogue No. 1550)
Recorded by AMAB

Analysis.—In order to assist the observation of this song a phrase
near the close is designated as a repetition of the rhythmic unit,
although a quarter note was substituted for a dotted eighth note.
This change gives an interesting steadiness to the close of the
song. The phrase in double time, midway the length of the song,
is reminiscent of the phrase which accompanied the lighting of the
pipe and is in contrast to the triple time which precedes and follows

176 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY (BULL. 102

it. The song is unusual in that 40 per cent of the intervals are larger
than a minor third.

Two of the leaders of the ceremony carry crooked staffs and are
called by aname commonly translated ‘‘chicken-men”’ (paha’kwin).
These staffs are about 3 feet long, wound with otter hide and having
a crook at the upper end. One song is sung for each of these men,
during which he dances. The first song is said to refer to the
Thunderers.

No. 96. Song for Leaders of the Ceremony (a)
(Catalogue No. 1551)

Recorded by AMaB

Analysis —No rhythmic unit occurs in this song, which is harmonic
in structure and is based on the fourth 5-toned scale. The 5-8 meas-
ure was sung in exact time. ‘Twenty-two of the 39 progressions are
minor thirds, no larger interval occurring except two ascending octaves.
The descent of a tenth in two measures which occurs twice in the
song is unusual.

No. 97. Song for Leaders of the Ceremony (b)

(Catalogue No. 1552)
Recorded by AMaAB

Analysis——This song bears no resemblance to the preceding.
It consists of four periods, the first two differing from the last two

DENSMORE] MENOMINEE MUSIC UZZ

in rhythm. The descent of an octave in two measures, with the
change of rhythm, is particularly effective. The measures in 3-8
time give an interesting irregularity to the opening portion of this
song.

It was said that the songs during which individuals danced were
‘‘about the right length for a dance,” and that the man might use
‘fancy steps” if he desired but must keep time with the drum.
During the next song the members of the council danced. If a
drum dance lasted four days this was sung every afternoon.

No. 98. Song During Which Members of the Council Dance
(Catalogue No. 1553)

Recorded by AMAB

Analysis.—The two occurrences of the rhythmic unit, with which
this song opens, are followed by a phrase beginning with the same
count divisions but changing to an entirely different rhythm, with
which the song closes. The song has a compass of 10 tones and
contains the complete octave except the sixth. Half the progressions
are major seconds.

This song, like the preceding, was sung every afternoon if the dance
continued four days. The song is for the wearer of a feather garment
called a ‘‘crow.” (See p. 157.) The wearer danced first and others
followed him. In the ceremony witnessed by the writer in 1910 this
official sat at the entrance of the dance circle and took a toll of to-
bacco from all who entered. Four Menominee dancers wore such
a dance ornament in the old days.

178 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 102

No. 99. Song During Which the Wearer of ‘‘ Crow’’ Dances
(Catalogue No. 1554)

Recorded by AMaB

Analysis.—This song has a compass of 12 tones, the first 8 measures
being in the upper and the last 7 measures in the lower part of the
compass. The two occurrences of the rhythmic unit are followed by
an incomplete repetition of the same phrase. The two sixteenth
notes, occurring on an unaccented count, produce a peculiar jogging
rhythm which suggests the motion of a Menominee dancer.

During the next four songs the warriors dance and others follow
them.
No. 160. Song During Which Leading Warrior Dances

(Catalogue No. 1555)
Recorded by AMAB

Analysis.—This song contains only the tones of the minor triad and
is characterized by a descending trend, though it does not end on the
lowest tone of its compass. An unusual variety of intervals occurs,
none being smaller than a minor third. The song comprises six
ryhthmic periods, the fourth and sixth beginning with a triple measure
and being longer than those designated as a rhythmic unit.

DENSMORE] MENOMINEE MUSIC 179

No. 101. Song During Which Next to Leading Warrior Dances
(Catalogue No. 1556)

Recorded by AMAB

Analysis.—This song comprises four periods of about four measures
each. The third is reminiscent of the rhythmic unit and the closing
period is in a different rhythm. The song has a compass of 13 tones,
beginning on the highest and ending on the lowest tone of the compass.
Nineteen of the 24 progressions are whole tones.

No. 102. Song During Which Third Warrior Dances

(Catalogue No. 1557)
Recorded by AMAB

Analysis.—The rhythm of this song is contained in two units and is
somewhat monotonous except in the first measure of the second unit.
It is interesting to note the recurrence of the first rhythmic unit be-
tween the repetitions of the second unit. The interval of a minor
third does not occur, and the interval of a fourth comprises more than
a third of the progressions.

180 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 102

No. 103. Song During Which Fourth Warrior Dances
(Catalogue No. 1558)

Recorded by AMAB

Analysis —All the tones of the octave occur in this melody, which
is major in tonality and has a compass of 11 tones. It contains three
sorts of intervals in ascending and five in descending progression, but
has little variety in rhythm. The semitones at the close are unusual
in Indian songs.

The next song is for young men and is sung im order that they may
reach old age. During the song any old man may rise and dance,
usually imitating extreme age by leaning on a cane. If a young man
wishes to do so, he may join the dancer. The song is started by one
of the drummers. This is sung only once or twice in a dance which
lasts four days.

No. 104. Song During Which Old Men Dance

(Catalogue No. 1559)
Recorded by AMAB

Analysis.—This song has the unusual compass of 12 tones, beginning
on the highest and ending on the lowest tone of the compass. The

DENSMORE] MENOMINEE MUSIC 181

first measure is in 5-8 time, a beginning which is unusual in Indian
songs and which continues, with occasional interruptions, throughout
the song. The rhythmic unit occurs only twice, though the sixth
measure from the close of the song resembles a measure in the unit.
The fourth is a particularly frequent interval in this song, though
progression is chiefly by minor thirds and major seconds.

Many songs are connected with the general dancing and do not
sueceed each other in any prescribed order. The next song was
said to “‘refer to the boys and girls, holding hands in a long line.”
During these songs the men stopped singing near the close and the
women finished the song.

No. 105. Dancing Song
(Catalogue No. 1602)

Recorded by Perrer FisxH

Analysis —The interval of a fourth constitutes almost half the
progressions in this song. The tempo is not rapid and the voice was
slightly trailed on the smaller intervals. Each of the four rhythmic
periods contains four measures, the last period differing from the
others in its count divisions. A comparison of the first and second
rhythmic units affords an interesting example of thematic treatment.
The song is unusual in that it contains no change of measure lengths.

[BULL. 102

BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY

182

“Two Women Go Traveling’’

106

No.

(Catalogue No. 1560)

Recorded by AMAB

Analysis—Each phrase in this song is descending in trend, and

io
fo]

scending intervals are almost double the number of ascendin
Twenty-el

the de

t of the 33 intervals are minor thirds and

The song has a compass of 11 tones and contains all
the tones of the octave except the seventh.

intervals.

whole tones.

The closing song of this dance is peculiar in that the women sing
alone for a short time near the end of the song, after which the men

finish the song without their assistance.

No. 107. Closing Song of Dance

(Catalogue No. 1561)

Recorded by AMAB

DENSMORE] MENOMINEE MUSIC 183

Analysis.—The transcription is from the first rendition of this
song. In other renditions the initial tone in the second measure is
B. It is interesting to note that the first rhythmic unit is followed
by three different series of tones, thus completing the phrase in three
different ways and in varying lengths. The second rhythmic unit
resembles the first but is differently accented.

Attendance upon a drum dance is supposed to benefit the health
of a sick person. Songs for the benefit of the sick are sung at a small
gathering held at night while the drum dance is in progress. These
songs are concerning a bear or a buffalo (see Nos. 54-56), and if a
person is present who has dreamed of either, he rises and dances.
If no such person is present the singers sing the song four times and
then stop. It was said, ‘‘The dancing of a man who had a dream of
a bear or a buffalo calls down the power of that animal and the sick
person is helped.” If the man desires, he may signal the drum to be
silent while he relates his dream.

In expectation of a benefit or cure, a sick person brings gifts which
he presents to the dancers after feeling that he has received benefit
from their performance. As on similar occasions, the gifts usually
consist in lengths of calico. Instances are related of men who have
been cured during two days of this dancing.

GIFT OF A PONY

The gift of a pony was witnessed twice at the Menominee drum
dance. On one of these occasions a man stepped outside the dance
lodge and broke a little branch from a pine tree, bringing it into the
lodge and presenting it to a member of the Chippewa tribe, this
branch representing a horse which would be given him in a few hours.
The men at the drum began a song and the recipient of the twig
danced around the circle, imitating the actions of a horse and waving
the little branch like a whip. The donor of the horse danced in his
place while the song was sung. When it was finished the recipient
of his gift went to him, saying, “Migwétch, migwétch”’ (thank you).

There was said to be only one song for the gift of a horse at a dance,

184 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 102

No. 108. Song with Gift of a Pony
(Catalogue No. 1839)

Recorded by AMaB

Analysis.—With the exception of an ascending octave this song
progresses entirely by minor thirds and whole tones. Only two of
the whole tones are in ascending progression. There is a suggestion
of the canter of an Indian pony in the short rhythmic unit followed
by a longer unit, occurring in both portions of the song. The frame-
work of the melody consists of the whole tones E flat to F and B flat
to C, and the song is classified as lacking the third above the
keynote.

TOBACCO DANCE

At the conclusion of a drum dance and often after a cawunowin a
tobacco dance is given. This is an acrobatic dance and is usually
danced by two men selected for the purpose, though others may
join if they wish to do so. On the occasion when the writer was
present, two men began to dance as soon as they rose from their
seats, placing both hands on the ground and waving their feet or
waving one hand and one foot. Men and women took part in the
dance, but these two were always the most prominent. Long ago a
man named Kako excelled in this dance. He wore a sleigh bell
on each knee and at first he danced in a circle, then he held a hoop
above his head, passed it down over his body and put one foot through
it, and then drew it up to his head again, dancing all the time.®

The information concerning the origin of this dance was given by
David Amab, Louis Pigeon, and Mitchell Beaupre, who were ques-
tioned separately, and their accounts found to be similar in every
respect. They said that the tobacco plant % was given to the Indians
by their creator, so that they could always raise it, and that the

*’ This was witnessed in 1930 by the Winnebago, who called it the hoop dance.

* According to Smith (Ethnobotany of the Menomini, p. 81) the silky cornel (Cornus amomum Mill.)
and the alternate-leaved cornel (Cornus alternifolia L. f.) were smoked by the Indians before the coming
of the white man. ‘These, however, are not the plant referred to, as a reliable informant known as Charlie
Dutchman said that so far as he knew there was not a plant of the original native tobacco remaining on the
reservation,

DENSMORE] MENOMINEE MUSIC 185

_ Indians gave the tobacco to Manabus. The knowledge of the plant
was not imparted in a dream but “given” to a man who gave it to the
other Indians. They liked it so much that they wanted more and
more, and he made them dance before he would give it to them. The
tobacco dance was made up when the Indians gave the tobacco to
Manabus.

A different origin legend is given by Skinner, who states that
“tobacco was procured for the Indians by Manabus,” who caught
erasshoppers and ‘‘caused them to spit out the tobacco.” (Menom-
ini Culture, p. 357.) This authority designates the tobacco dance
as ‘‘perhaps a degenerate form of the Calumet of the Southern
Siouan tribes” (op. cit., p. 75) and includes it in a list of obsolete
dances and ceremonies. Hoffman presents a myth related by Neopit
which states that the Indians received tobacco from Manabus
(Menomini Indians, pp. 205-206), but does not state whether other
Indians than Neopit were questioned. He states that ‘the tobacco
and shawano dances are much esteemed as affording great pleasure
and excitement.’”’ (Op. cit., p. 247.)

The songs of the tobacco dance were in three groups, one of which
had words with the melody. The songs were accompanied by a large
drum, similar to that used in the drum dance, which was struck
rapidly at first and during a portion of the singing.

No. 109. Tobacco Dance Song (a)
(Catalogue No. 1645)

Recorded by PIGEON

Analysis —The short phrases of this song, first ascending and then
descending, suggest the motion of an acrobatic dancer, although
the tempo of the song is not rapid. The fourth, which is often
associated with motion, comprises one-third of the intervals in this
song. One tone (marked -)) was given less than the indicated time.,

Amab said that he recalled a time when he was a boy and was in
the sugar camp with his grandmother. There was always some
festivity in the evenings, and he, with two companions, got up a
tobacco dance. There was quite a crowd. An old man sang and one
man had a drum like a moccasin game drum. Amab said, “I lay
down on my side and shook my head and arms like a fish, and dragged

186 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 102

along, first on one side and then on the other. I moved my feet like
a fishtail and my hands like fins and kept my eyes shut a long time.”
He said this was simply an acrobatic performance and not like the
fish dance described on page 190.

No. 110. Tobacco Dance Song (b)
(Catalogue No. 1837)

Recorded by AMAB

FREE TRANSLATION
We will begin to dance like a fish

Analysis.—The angular trend of this melody suggests the acrobatic
nature of the dance. Almost half the intervals are fourths and
fifths, which is an unusual prominence of these intervals. The
song contains 13 measures and 18 progressions. Attention is directed
to the first, second, and third measures, which contain an ascent
and descent of an octave.

No. 111. Tobacco Dance Song (c)

(Catalogue No. 1833)
Recorded by PigEon

Analysis —The general characteristics of this song are similar
to the song next preceding. Almost half the intervals are fourths
and we note the ascent of a seventh and a similar descent within
three measures. The rhythmic unit is shorter than in the preceding
song, but the frequency of whole tones produces a smoother melody.
A major tonality is indicated by the first note of the second measure,

eauonn) MENOMINEE MUSIC 187

without which the song would be classified as irregular in tonality.
The ascending major third near the beginning of the melody gives
a free, careless swing which is particularly interesting.

No. 112. Tobacco Dance Song (d)
(Catalogue No. 1834)

Recorded by PigEoNn

Analysis —This melody consists of three descending phrases of
three measures each. The first phrase has a descent of 5 tones, the
second of 6 tones, and the third of only 3 tones. The interval of a
fourth occurs only twice, the principal progression being a major third.
The excited character of the dance appears in the hurried phrases
of the second and fifth measures and in the 5-8 measure. All the
tones of the octave except the second and fourth are present in the
song.

BEGGARS’ DANCE

An event of the sugar camp and of all large gatherings is the
beggars’ dance (ani’mowin). At evening, toward the end of a
sugar camp, a party of men and women start out with one man
carrying the drum. They stand in front of a wigwam and sing and
dance. The people understand their purpose and invite them to
enter. The leader of the party is given maple sugar and three or
four members of the party have bags in which to carry it away. If
the dance is held after a general gathering they are given various
sorts of provisions. After receiving these gifts they dance again,
and if they can not complete the round of the camp in one evening
they finish the next night.

This dance is in four parts, each with its songs. In the first part
the drum is slow and even and the people dance in a circle. In the
second part the drum is rapid, the women stand still (‘‘dance in
their places’’), and the men move around them. The third part was
said to be “‘like a jig’’ and the fourth part was ‘‘very lively.’’ The
song here presented is one of the songs of the second part of the dance,
taking place directly after the gifts have been received.

48819°—32——14

188 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 102

No. 113. Song of the Beggars’ Dance
(Catalogue No. 1838)

Recorded by AMAB

Analysis.—This song is based on the first 5-toned scale in which
the third and seventh tones above the keynote do not occur. Progres-
sion is chiefly by whole tones, although the fourth and fifth comprise
nine of the 38 intervals. A trotting motion is discernible, due to the
sequence of a quarter note and two or more eighth notes.

The wolf dance, or dog dance, is different from the beggars’ dance.
Tradition states this dance originated with a member of the Wolf
clan, who was accustomed to beg when in need and said that he had
success in begging ‘‘by the power of the wolf.’’ Three songs of this
dance were recorded but not transcribed. The words were as
follows:

No. 1. The wolf leads the man in begging from his friends.

No. 2. I wish he would give me food—corn meal with sugar spread over it.
No. 3. Little things that fly about in the night-time.

DANCES IN IMITATION OF ANIMALS AND BIRDS

Among the dances witnessed at the Indian Fair at Keshena in
September, 1928, were six dances in which the dancers imitated the
actions of birds, fish, and animals. These dances were so old that
only a few old men remembered the songs, Pigeon and Kimewun
being the principal singers. They said that, so far as they knew,
these dances were intended only for pleasure. The creatures imitated
were the rabbit, partridge, fish, frog, crawfish, and owl. Several
repetitions of the dances were given in order that the writer might
observe them more closely.

The crawfish dance was said to be a dramatization of a familiar
folk story; the rabbit, partridge, and frog dances were said to have
originated in dreams; the origin of the fish dance is uncertain; and
the owl dance was attributed to the first gift of medicine to the
Indians. None of these creatures are totem animals among the

DENSMORE] MENOMINEE MUSIC 189

Menominee. For this reason it is difficult to connect these with the
all-animal dances described by Skinner as ‘‘An obsolete ceremony
said to have been especially for the totem animals. It was intended
to make them happy and contented so that they would continue
their amicable relations with mankind and be easily obtained for
food.” **

Rassit Dancer

Origin.—A man who was bunting once saw a rabbit sitting and
eating. He saw a wildcat coming toward the rabbit, which jumped
but was afraid to take another jump. It went under a log, and so
the wildcat lost the trail. As the rabbit sat under the log he made
up a song because he was so glad to be safe. The man heard and
learned the song, which is now used in the rabbit dance.

Action.—Men and women moved around the drum, crouching and
pretending to put food in their mouths, with lips moving in imitation
of a rabbit.

No. 114. Rabbit Dance Song

(Catalogue No. 1831)

Recorded by PIGEON

Vv
Wa-bos man-i-to wa-bos man-i-to wa-bos

a a 2 ee €

LI Paes

a
ea
iors)
=

y , fine Y Y
wa-bos man-i-to wa-bos man-i-to wa-bos man-i-to.
TRANSLATION
Wa’bos (rabbit) manito’ (spirit)

Analysis.—In this song we find a longer rhythmic unit than in other
songs of the animal dances, with note values that suggest agitation
and are in keeping with the origin legend of the song. The progres-
sions consist of nine major thirds, one minor third, and one whole tone.
The compass is five tones, as in a majority of the animal dance songs.
Because of the accented C in the second measure the song is classified
as melodic with harmonic framework instead of harmonic in structure.

% Skinner, Associations and ceremonies of the Menomini, p. 206.

190 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 102
PARTRIDGE DANCE

Origin.—A man who was hunting, long ago, heard what he believed
to be a song. He thought that some one was singing and he crept
close to the place whence the song seemed to come. When he came
close he saw a partridge on top of alog. The partridge was drumming
and he had mistaken the sound for a song. He made up a song from
the sound which he heard, and also made up the dance to go with it.

Action —Men and women joined in this dance, moving around the
drum with arms held widely apart from the sides of the body and
moved in the manner of wings.

No. 115. Partridge Dance Song
(Catalogue No. 1830)

Recorded by PrGEoN

na-u_ tei-tci-ho pi-nau tci-tei-ho pi-nau pi- pi-nau.
TRANSLATION

Pina’u (partridge) teitci’koho (sounds)

Analysis.—The third syllable of the second word was omitted by the
singer. The tone material of this song consists of the major triad and
fourth and the song is harmonic in structure. It is interesting to note
the overlapping of phrases in the fifth and sixth measures, the latter
introducing a new rhythmic unit. Progression is chiefly by major
thirds and each phrase has a descending trend. The change of tempo
occurred in all the renditions and resembles other songs of the group.
Shrill, sharp yells followed the performance, the final note being given
its indicated time and the yells following in the same time as the notes
in the connective phrase, introduced between the renditions of the
song.

Fish Dancr

Origin.—In explaining this dance Pigeon said, ‘‘When the day is
warm this fish (sunfish) stays under the deadheads, under water.
When the weather is very hot he comes out and acts as the people do
in this dance. He goes away somewhere and then they start to

sing.”

DENSMORE] MENOMINEE MUSIC 191

Action.—This dance is performed by men and women in a slightly
stooping posture, with arms moving slowly like fins. They squat on
the ground, continuing to move their arms with a finlike motion and
turning their heads to one side; they also move forward dragging one
leg at full length behind them.

No. 116. Fish Dance Song
(Catalogue No. 1827)
Recorded by PIGEON

Voice @ = 112
Irregular in tonality

TRANSLATION

Pa’/kitona’ (open mouth)

Analysis —The primitive character of this melody is shown in its
structure. The song is based upon two intervals of a whole tone,
these being the intervals between B and C sharp, and between ¥
sharp and G sharp. These comprise all except three of the inter-
vals, the remainder comprising two fourths and one minor third.
While F sharp occurs in a majority of the measures it is not regarded
as the keynote because of the peculiar sequence of tones. Two
pairs of renditions were recorded, each followed by sharp yells. In
this and in No. 117 meaningless syllables are underscored.

Frog DANCE

Origin.—Long ago an Indian who was going close to a lake saw a
frog’s head above the water. When the frog saw the man he started
to run right on top of the water, then he dived and sang, and appeared
above the water farther along. The man learned the song from the
frog. This dance was never used for any purpose except pleasure.

Action.—In this dance the hands are used like paws and the men
and women dancers assume a squatting position.

192 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 102

No. 117. Frog Dance Song
(Catalogue No. 1828)
Recorded by PicEon

Voice é - 400

ih in tonality

TRANSLATION

Mama’kako (frog) kakwi/nau (jumps)

Analysis.—The structure of this melody is the same as that of the
song next preceding, but the melody is less fluttering and the song
consists almost entirely of repetitions of the rhythmic unit. This
unit is longer than in the fish dance and consists of eighth notes
except for the quarter note in the first measure. The principal in-
tervals in the song are the whole tones between F sharp and G sharp
and between B and C sharp. The performance ended with a short
note followed by sharp yells. The first syllable of the first word
was omitted in singing.

CrawFisH DANCE

Origin.—This dance is founded on a folk story which is familiar
in many tribes. The same story, with its song, was recorded among
the Chippewa (Bull. 53, p. 305 and Song 180). The Menominee

DENSMORE] MENOMINEE MUSIC 193

version differs only in details which are not important. Pigeon
relates the story as follows: A coon was walking on the bank of a
river and a crawfish, going that way, was carrying a little crawfish
on its back. The coon lay down, pretending that he was dead, and
the crawfish, after looking at him closely, went home and told all
the people in the crawfish village that the coon was dead. They
came in large numbers and gathered around the coon. The first
crawfish took out his knife (thrust out his claws) saying, ‘‘Now we
will make fun of that coon.’ They all pinched the coon with their
claws and when they pinched very hard he moved a little. They got
this song when the coon moved.

Action.—During this dance the men and women dancers use their
hands like the claws of the crawfish, pinching each other and the men
at the drum. The action is humorous but not rough and the dance is
the occasion of much merriment.”

No. 118. Crawfish Dance Song
(Catalogue No. 1832)
Recorded by PIGEON

d = 100
Irregular in tonality

tan e- si-ban-e tci - pi-tan e - si-ban-e.
TRANSLATION

Tci’pitan (he is startled); e’siban (coon)

Analysis —Almost half the intervals in this song are fourths, an
interval associated with motion and suggesting the activity of the
crawfish. All the phases are descending in trend with an ascending
interval at the close which suggests a query. Two pairs of renditions
were recorded, both containing the indicated change in tempo.

% A Winnebago informant said: ‘‘The Menominee have the crawfish dance in the spring when the frogs
wake up. Nature wakes them up and the Indians take this as a sign of spring. ~The Menominee have this
dance and a feast to show their thanks.”

194. BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY (BULL. 102

Ow. Dancer

Origin.—This dance is founded on a legend concerning the first gift
of medicine to the Indians, by which they were able to secure success
in all their undertakings. (See p. 58.) This gift of medicine came
from an owl.

Action—Men and women unite in this dance, advancing around
the drum, stooping down and peering through ‘“‘spectacles” made by
touching the tips of thumb and second finger and holding these hoops
before their eyes. These suggest the eyes of an owl.

The songs of this dance are Nos. 26 and 27.

SOCIAL DANCES

Other dances seen at this time included dances said to have been
received from Manabus, especially that which he compelled his
grandmother to dance before he allowed her to partake of the first
game he killed. There were old Menominee war dances and modern
dances adopted from other tribes. Among the latter were part of the
green-corn dance; the ‘‘snake dance,” in which the dancers follow a
leader in an erratic path; the ‘‘friendship dance,” in which couples
face each other in a dignified ‘‘round dance’’; also a new dance called
‘“‘fortynine,”’ which is said to have originated in Oklahoma and said
to be ‘‘like the old scalp dances but made up by soldiers about the
late war.’ The music of the last-named was pleasing, but all the
songs seemed to have been learned from other tribes. Like the pre-
ceding, it was a social dance, the dancers moving around the drum.

In the following year (1929) an afternoon of social dances was
attended at Zoar, the accompanying drum being shown in Plate 27, c.
Under this drum a hollow had been made in the ground, this hollow
acting as a resonator for the sound of the drum.

WAR SONGS

Four classes of war songs were recorded among the Menominee,
(1) songs of individual warriors, (2) general war songs, (3) songs con-
nected with Black Hawk, and (4) songs connected with the service of
members of the Menominee tribe in the Civil War. The Menominee
appear to have composed no songs concerning the last war. The war
customs of the Menominee were similar to those of other tribes of
the region and are not considered in this paper.

Two songs of an individual warrior belonged to Pawa’kone (Falling
Feathers, as from a bird molting) who was the singer’s great-
grandfather. The meaning of the words of the next song is not
known.

DENSMORE] MENOMINEE MUSIC 195

No. 119. Pawakone’s War Song (a)
(Catalogue No. 1525)

Recorded by PIGEON

Analysis.—This song, like several others in the present series, has a
compass of 12 tones, beginning on the highest and ending on the
lowest tone of the compass. It is a pleasing melody, with the slightly
jerky rhythm noted in many Indian war songs. The rhythm contains
many occurrences of a sixteenth note followed by a dotted eighth,
and it is interesting to note the variety produced by the use of this
simple phrase in various combinations. The tone material is that of
the first 5-toned scale in which the third and seventh above the
keynote are absent.

It is still the custom for warriors to rise and dance when their songs
are sung, and if Pawakone were living he would follow the custom
when the men at the drum begin the next song. The words consist
in a repetition of thg term for ‘‘warrior.”’

196 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 102

No. 120. Pawakone’s War Song (b)
(Catalogue No. 1526)

Recorded by P1agEON

Analysis —This has the same compass as the song next preceding
but contains three instead of four periods. The first and last have the
same rhythm, while the middle period contains none of the count
divisions which occur in the others. The song contains no interval
larger than a major third and includes all the tones of the octave
except the sixth and seventh.

The Menominee warrior believed in two sources of help and pro-
tection. One was his personal medicine (described in connection
with Songs 122 and 123) and the other was the war bundle (pp. 69-74).
The next song refers to two kinds of owls whose skins were placed in
a war bundle. The owls are represented as “eating together,” which
indicates that they were ready to unite their power for the protection
of the owner of the bundle. This song was sung ‘‘from time to time
during a battle” to increase the power of the war bundle. It was
learned by Peter Fish from his father, when he was a child. It is
said that ‘‘war medicine” was usually obtained from birds and the
fetish was a bird or a part of a bird. This is the first of the general
war songs.

No. 121. War Song Concerning the Owls

(Catalogue No. 1615)

Recorded by PretrEerR Fisu

F
:

DENSMORE] MENOMINEE MUSIC 197

Analysis.—Attention is directed to the second note of the second
measure in this song. If this were an eighth note we should have a
repetition of the first phrase, but the quarter note leads forward to the
succeeding phrase, thus giving strength and interest to the melody.
The structure of the song is harmonic and the tone material com-
prises the minor triad and second. The melody is pleasing and
rhythmic, its repetitions compensating for its brevity.

Men and women danced in a lively manner during the next song.
The words have been forgotten.

No. 122. War Dance Song
(Catalogue No. 1586)

Recorded by CAWUNIPINAS

Analysis.—Three rhythmic units occur in this song, the resemblance
between them being of unusual interest. Except for unimportant
tones, the only part of the song not included in these units is that oc-
curring after the repeated portion and containing no count divisions
like those of the unit. The song has a compass of 10 tones and is
based on the fourth 5-toned scale. Progression is chiefly by minor
thirds.

The history of the Menominee tribe shows that in the early days
they were alternately under French and English rule. The next song

198 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY (BULL. 102

is very old and its history is forgotten. The Menominee joined the
British in the war of {1812-14,% and the song may have originated
at that time, the present words being added many years later by
someone lacking in historical knowledge.

No. 123. ‘‘The Queen of England’’
(Catalogue No. 1627)

Recorded by AGNES SULLIVAN

FREE TRANSLATION
The Queen of England wants us to fight against her enemies

Analysis.—The descent of an octave in the first three measures of
this song is unusual, and the rhythm is somewhat miltiary in its
precision. The song contains the tones of the fourth 5-toned scale
and is harmonic in structure. Progression is chiefly by whole tones
with the interval of a fourth next in frequency.

The third class of war songs is connected with the wars against
Black Hawk, a subordinate chief of the Sauk and Fox Indians. Ac-
cording to Mrs. Agnes Sullivan (pl. 8, b), a woman of advanced age,
the white men asked the Indians to join them against Black Hawk,
and she recorded a song with the words, ‘‘The white man points his
pipe at me,” referring to this invitation. The Menominee, however,
had their own provocation to war, as Black Hawk’s warriors killed
some members of that tribe in 1831, the year before the “‘Black Hawk
war” against the white settlers.1 They boast of their victories, one
song containing the words ‘‘Mita’mika (Black Hawk) ran away so
fast that he left his children (warriors) behind him.’”’ Another has the
words, ‘‘Black Hawk threw away his daughter and we took her
alive.” In explanation it was said that Black Hawk’s daughter was
“played out” and her father told her to face the enemy, being sure
they would not kill her. Two other songs concerning women captives
were recorded, one of which is here presented.

The man who recorded the next song said that he learned it when a
young man and that his grandfather was in the war against Black
Hawk. A woman belonging to Black Hawk’s band was taken captive

9 Hoffman, the Menomini Indians, p. 19.
1 Handbook of American Indians, pt. 1, p, 151.

DENSMORE] MENOMINEE MUSIC 199

and the following song was composed by the warriors when they
were bringing her to their camp. She afterwards married a Menom-
inee and lived in that tribe the rest of her life.

No. 124. Song Concerning a Captive Woman

(Catalogue No. 1587)

Recorded by CAWUNIPINAS

Analysis.—This song is not in 5-4 time, although double and triple
measures frequently occur in succession. ‘There is an initial accent
in these measures. A portion of the song lies above and a por-
tion below the keynote. The song is major in tonality, contains
all the degrees of the octave except the seventh, and progresses
chiefly by whole tones.

History states that Black Hawk died in Iowa in 1838, but the next
song asserts that he was killed by a Menominee. It is possible that
the song may have been imperfectly translated and was intended to
refer to one of Black Hawk’s warriors, or it may be an exaggeration
of a victory over Black Hawk.

200 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY (BULL. 102

No. 125. Song of Victory Over Black Hawk
(Catalogue No. 1589)

Recorded by CAWUNIPINAS

FREE TRANSLATION

I bring Black Hawk’s scalp home with me

Analysis.—The rhythmic form of this song consists of five occur-
rences of the rhythmic unit. The eighth notes at the end of each
unit are interesting, as they give a crispness to the song. In tonality
this melody is major, containing the tones of the fourth 5-toned scale.
Progression is chiefly by whole tones. The song contains no change
of measure lengths, which is unusual in the present series.

The next is a dancing song, and after singing it the Indians pointed
their spiked war clubs toward the south, where Black Hawk lived.
John V. Satterlee, the interpreter, said that he heard this song when
a young man, showing that it was used and connected with Black
Hawk long after his death.

DENSMORE] MENOMINEE MUSIC 201

No. 126. War Song
(Catalogue No. 1625)

Recorded by Agnus SULLIVAN

Analysis.—This is a particularly interesting melody, beginning on
the highest tone of its compass of 11 tones and descending to the
lowest tone of the compass in the seventh measure. The melody
then ascends a seventh and descends to the keynote, which is the
final tone. Attention is directed to a comparison of the rhythmic
units, the dotted eighth in the first unit being divided into two six-
teenths and an eighth in the second unit. The principal ascending
intervals consist of two fifths and two fourths. The descending
intervals contain no progression larger than a minor third. The song
is minor in tonality and contains all the tones of the octave except
the sixth.

The fourth class of war songs comprises those which are connected
with Menominee in the Civil War. It is said that 125 Menominees
enlisted for the Civil War and that one-third of the number were
killed in battle or died in hospitals.2 The member of the tribe who
acted as recruiting officer for the United States Army was Joseph G.
Gauthier, grandfather of Frank S. Gauthier. He was a son of Chief
Toma’s sister and was in the employ of the United States Govern-
ment for more than 50 years. (Cf. footnote, p. 24.)

Among the Menominee who served in the Civil War was Cawuni-
pinas (pl. 11, 6), who asked to be photographed wearing his G. A. R.
badge.

Several songs concerning the enlistment of Menominee in the Civil
War were recorded, one containing the words, ‘‘The white man came
and took the Indians.” Only one of this group is presented.

2 The Upper Mississippi, by George Gale, op. cit., p. 195,

202 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULE. 102

No. 127. Song of Enlistment in the Civil War

(Catalogue No. 1593)

Recorded by CAWUNIPINAS

Analysis.—The first three phrases of this song are framed by the
descending octave on D and the remainder of the song by the de-
scending octave on G, thus completing its compass of 10 tones. It is
a particularly lively melody which might inspire the Indians in their
great undertaking.

Cawunipinas said that he attributed his safe return from the
Civil War to the fact that, in accordance with a dream, he carried
the feathers of a bird called the ‘‘striker” (papa’ksikeu). He said
this bird is not large but is very swift and kills with one blow of its
wings, even killing ducks in this manner. He carried some feathers
from the tail of this bird for his protection and in the thickest battle
he ‘“‘could not be hit.”” The next song was sung in a large gathering
on his return, the people dancing to the song.

No. 128. Song of Protection During the Civil War (a)

(Catalogue No. 1590)
Recorded by CAWUNIPINAS ‘

DENSMORE] MENOMINEE MUSIC 203

Analysis. —This song contains three periods, the first and second
being alike, while the third contains an interesting triple measure
which gives variety to the rhythm. The song contains no change
of measure lengths. It has a compass of eight tones, lying partly
above and partly below the keynote.

A Menominee named Kapo’sa, who served in the Civil War, carried
the feathers of several birds and attributed his safe return to the
protection of this fetish. The birds were the eagle, the ‘‘white
eagle,” buzzard, and other large birds.

No. 129. Song of Protection During the Civil War (b)
(Catalogue No. 1571)

Recorded by AMaB

FREE TRANSLATION
All the powerful birds like me and gave me this song

Analysis.—In this song we find a more varied rhythm than in the
preceding, although there is a resemblance in the occurrence of two
unaccented eighth notes on the final count of the measure. The
song has a compass of 10 tones, ascending to the highest tone of the
compass. It contains the tones of the fourth 5-toned scale; the
keynote is prominent, and the structure is melodic with harmonic
framework.

A similar song, not transcribed, contains the words ‘‘Raven knows
me as manito,” probably meaning that the raven recognized his
equality in “spirit power.”

MOCCASIN GAME SONGS

It is the belief of the Menominee that the moccasin game was given
to them by Manabus. The manner of playing the game is the same
as among the Chippewa,’ the players being divided into two opposing

3 Cf. Bulletin 53, Bur. Amer. Ethn., pp. 207, 210-213,
48819°—32——15

204. BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 102

sides and one member of each side hiding four bullets under four
moccasins while his assistants sing and one of them beats a hand
drum. One of the bullets is marked and the game consists in guessing
the location of the marked bullet.

The moccasin game is never played as a dream obligation, like the
bowl-and-dice game and lacrosse, but is sometimes played at the
termination of the period of mourning for a relative who was fond of
the game. A son may hold a game for his father, or a father may
hold it for his son, or it may be held for any relative. David Amab
said that he once played in a moccasin game given by a woman for
her deceased father. The woman’s name was Waptino’mita’mo. The
time was winter and the game was held in her house with four men on
each side, one to hide the bullets and the others to sing and drum. If
such a game is held in summer, it is played out of doors near the
burial place of the deceased.

The person who institutes a ‘memorial game” provides gifts for the
successful players, usually consisting of a suit of clothes for the leader
and lengths of calico for the others. He or she also provides a feast,
after which a speech is made by some one selected for the purpose,
explaining the reason for the gathering. The players are divided into
two opposing sides and the game is played according to the usual
custom. At its conclusion the person who instituted the game dis-
tributes the prizes and thanks the players for their services. After
this event the family and friends refrain from outward expression of
grief and do not talk of the deceased.

The score of a moccasin game is kept by means of small sticks, 10
being required to win a game. ‘The wives and friends of the players
dance to bring good luck and receive a share of the wagered articles
from those whom they are supposed to have assisted in this manner.

The following incident, related by Mitchell Beaupre, shows the
manner in which a moccasin game was regarded in the old days.
There was to be a moccasin game between the Menominee and another
tribe and Wecawanakwut, the juggler (see pp. 98, 99), was to represent
the Menominee. Before the game he met the opposing player. Weca-
wanakwit plucked a weed, put it in the palm of his hand and rolled it
with the other hand, then put it in his mouth and chewed it. After
chewing it a few moments he spat it on the ground where it turned
into a green snake and wriggled away. Wecawanakwut said to the
people, “Do not go near it nor kill it or you will have bad luck.”
Then he said to the opposing player, ‘‘ Now, my friend, you can’t beat
that. Dll show you who will beat this game.” They began the
moccasin game as soon as Wecawanakwut could go home and get his
bullets. He won, and divided the wager among his relatives, giving
15 yards of calico to his cousin, Beaupre’s mother, and a pair of
blankets to another cousin. There was a long pair of beaded moccasins

Saanaecinall MENOMINEE MUSIC 205

and Wecawanakwut, knowing Beaupre’s father to be a tall man, stood
up and said, “‘Where’s Beaupre? Tell him to come and get these long
moccasins.” ‘The relatives of a successful moccasin player had many
nice clothes, quilts, and blankets as their part of his winnings in the
game.

Wecawanakwut refused to sell the trick about the snake, saying,
“T got that trick in a dream and was told to use it myself and not to
sell it to anybody.”

The player hiding the bullets has an assistant who sings and
pounds on a drum while the hiding is in progress, or he may have
more than one assistant if he desires. Certain songs may be sung
by either side, while others belong only to the side which is hiding
the bullets. Thus a song (not transcribed) contains the words
“That young man on the opposite side, [ make him guess wrong.”
The intention of such a song is to confuse the player who is trying
to guess the location of the marked bullet.

The first song of this group would be sung by the side which is
hiding the bullets. The words may refer to a tradition noted among
the Chippewa (Bull. 53, pp. 210, 211) in which a man was told in
his dream that he would find four bullets hidden in the woods and
that they would bring him success. The Chippewa sometimes placed
their bullets in the water at the edge of a lake to insure success.

No. 130. “I Will Hide My Bullet ’’
(Catalogue No. 1566)

Recorded by AMaB

FREE TRANSLATION
I will hide my bullet in the ground so no one ean find it

Analysis—This song consists of four rhythmic periods. The
melody moves freely and opens with an ascent of an octave in two
intervals, followed by a descent to the original tone accomplished
in three intervals. The second phrase comprises a descent from G
to C and the third continues the descent to G, the final phrase
returning to the initial tone of the song. The tones occurring most
frequently are C and G, but the sequence of tones suggests F as the
keynote. The third above that tone occurs only in the third phrase.

206 BUREAU OF AMBRICAN ETHNOLOGY (BULL. 102

The next song can be sung by either side and is general in char-

acter.
No. 131. “I will beat you’’

(Catalogue No. 1540)
Recorded by P1igEON

AT TF See
= (a a: eee. eee ee
Seon a eee a as
= a a) ee Fe a Ce =

FREE TRANSLATION

I will beat you anyway. You are not smart enough.

Analysis—The only tones occurring in this song are G, A, D,
and E, and the tone G is indicated as the keynote. The ascent of
an octave at the opening was changed to a major sixth in the repe-
tition of the melody. The repetitions of the rhythmic unit are
continuous except for the break that frequently occurs about midway
through the song. It is a lively melody, with an unusual frequency
of the interval of a fourth.

No. 132. Moccasin Game Song (a)
(Catalogue No. 1565)

Recorded by AMaB

Analysis—Every measure in this song begins with a dotted eighth
note, yet the rhythm is varied and interesting. Attention is directed
to a comparison between the two rhythmic units and the phrase con-
tained in the third and fourth measures which differs from both.
It is also interesting to note the recurrent phrase in the fourth and
seventh measures, each being followed by a short rest. The tones
are those of the minor triad and fourth and the intervals comprise
13 whole tones, 5 minor thirds, and 1 minor sixth.

DENSMORE] MENOMINEE MUSIC 207

No. 133. Moccasin Game Song (b)
(Catalogue No. 1632)

Recorded by Mocruar

Analysis—This song begins and ends on EH, which is the lowest
tone in the song and appears in all except two measures. In these
measures E occurs in the upper octave. This insistence upon one
tone suggests the concentration which was so important to success
in the moccasin game. Five repetitions of the rhythmic unit comprise
the entire song. It is interesting to note the ascent of an octave
within three intervals at the opening of the song and in one interval,
midway the length of the song. The tone material is that of the
fourth 5-toned scale.

The final song of the group is very old. Its owner is said to have
used a set of bullets revealed to him in a dream. The words, not
translated, concerned the hiding of the bullets.

No. 134. Moccasin Game Song (c)
(Catalogue No. 1640)

Recorded by OKIMASE

: = 188
Irregular in tonality

Analysis.—This song resembles three of the Ute hand-game songs
(Bull. 75, Nos. 96, 97, 98) and several of the Pawnee hand-game songs.
It is not a distinct melody, but is exclamatory in style with short
frequent rests. 'The melody contains only three tones and its interest
lies in the rhythm, made more effective by the change from triple to
double time. The song is classified as irregular in tonality and pro-
gresses only by fourths and semitones.

208 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 102

Four other moccasin-game songs were recorded and transcribed.
In one of these the player is compared to a house mouse, which is
considered a particularly stealthy animal. The song is addressed
to the player and contains the words, ‘‘ Mouse, you are winning.”

FLUTE MUSIC AND LOVE SONGS

The flute used by the Menominee is of wood and similar in construc-
tion to the wooden flute used by other tribes (see p. 11 and pl. 7, a).
It was used as a courting instrument and an informant said that a
man who played the flute always carried “love medicine,” indicating
that magic was called to the aid of his music.

An intelligent Menominee said, “‘ Long ago there was a kind of sing-
ing which had no words and was in imitation of the flute. This was
intended as a love song and it was different from any other kind of
singing.” Another stated that the use of words in such singing (or
vocalization) came later, and that the love song with words arose in
this manner. Both Chippewa and Menominee use a peculiar nasal
tone in singing love songs which is different from that used in any
other class of songs. This is not pleasing to members of our race, but
is supposed to be an imitation of the flute.

Four records of flute playing were recorded, two by Mocihat and
two by Okimase, and each player ‘‘sang”’ one of his performances,
adding words to the melody he had played on the flute. A comparison
of Flute Melody No. 1 and Song No. 135 shows a resemblance, though
they are not identical in every respect. It would be difficult to sing
the exact tones played on a flute but this represents an attempt to do
so. The song corresponding to Flute Melody No. 3 was not tran-
scribed. These records of flute playing were made possible by the
courtesy of John V. Satterlee, who lent the flute and secured the
services of skillful performers.

Fiture Mertopy No. 1

Recorded by MoctHatr

209

MENOMINEE MUSIC

DENSMORE]

Future Merpopy No. 2

Recorded by Mocruat

Fuurre Metopy No. 3

Recorded by OKIMASE

Frure Meruopy No. 4

Recorded by OKIMASE

Analysis —On examining the transcriptions of the flute melodies we

note that they contain all the tones of the octave except the seventh.
They have a compass of eight tones, beginning with A (second space,

treble clef) and extending upward. The tones occurring most fre-

quently are the fundamental and its simplest upper partials or over-

cellent and the inter-

D.4

ation is e

the inton

Generally speaking,

tones.

iven.
A collective analysis of the following love songs is presented on

page 212.

or
5

vals clearly

BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 102

210

No. 135. Love Song (a)

(Catalogue No. 1630)

Recorded by Mocinat

d = 100

Irregular in Tonality

TRANSLATION

I will keep on courting until morning

Similar

s were found in one of the Chippewa love songs but have not been

The words of the next song are taunting in character.
noted in other tribes.

word

136. Love Song (b)

No.

(Catalogue No. 1631)

Recorded by MoctHat

FREE TRANSLATION

your mother loves you so much

)

You had better go home

which were

The mention of weeping occurs only in love son

closely associated with into

xication.

DENSMORE] MENOMINEE MUSIC 211

No. 137. Love Song (c)
(Catalogue No. 1542)

Recorded by Piazon

FREE TRANSLATION
Do not weep for me, my sweetheart, for you will see me in the springtime

The next song is a Menominee version of a Chippewa song which
was recorded in 1910 at Lac du Flambeau, Wis. (Bull. 53, No. 112.)
The words of the Menominee song were not translated, but the
Chippewa song is that of a mother who asks that her son be per-
mitted to marry the daughter of Bugac and promises that he will
give her brass kettle as a wedding gift to his bride.

No. 138. Love Song (d)
(Catalogue No. 1624)
Recorded by AGNES SULLIVAN

Two additional love songs were recorded and transcribed, one
having the words, “‘Oh, how that girl loves me—the one I am secretly
courting.” The other song, said to be very old, was addressed to his
sweetheart by a young man who was dying. The words of the latter

212 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 102

song were, ‘‘At some future time you will think of me and you will
cry, my sweetheart.”

Analysis.—The six love songs recorded by the Menominee have
two outstanding peculiarities. First and most important of these is
the prominence of the interval of a fourth, found to characterize
songs pertaining to animals and birds. This interval comprises 37
(22 per cent) of the intervals in the love songs. As a second peculi-
arity we note that an unusually large part of each melody is on the
upper tones of the compass. The subdominant is more prominent
than in a majority of Menominee songs and many of the progressions
are sung glissando. The tempo of these, as of Chippewa love songs,
is slower than in a majority of other songs. Four of the love songs
are on the fourth 5-toned scale, and only one contains a rhythmic
unit. Attention is directed to No. 136, which consists of two phrases,
the second seeming to answer the first in a pleasing manner.

It is difficult for Indians to keep from laughter when recording love
songs, and it is probable that No. 135 would have ended on F if the
singer had not been overcome with amusement. ‘The song, however,
is transcribed as sung and classified as irregular in tonality.

LULLABIES

The sound of a mother soothing a child is not dignified as a ‘‘song”’
by the Indians. In some instances this sound, or crooning, has been
found to be formless, there being no repeated phrases in a long period
of recording. It appears that a distinct, repeated melody for sooth-
ing a child is gradual in its development. It is different in its origin
from other songs which are received in dreams or composed as a
conscious act. Pleasurable phrases may be repeated, and a woman
may adopt or imitate fragments of melody which she hears another
woman sing until the song takes a definite form. Such a melody of
the Chippewa is presented as No. 149 in Bulletin 45, and a version
of the same song occurs as No. 127 in Bulletin 53, the two being
recorded on widely separated reservations. The first Menominee
lullaby resembles this and may be another version of the same song.

The Menominee women who recorded these lullabies used a peculiar
mannerism, consisting in a slight upward glissando when releasing a
tone before a rest. This can not be indicated in the transcription.

Between the renditions of the next song Mrs. Laughrey said, ‘‘Be
still, my child, or the owl will get you,” thus imitating the action of
a mother when singing the song to a child.

DENSMORE] MENOMINEE MUSIC plat

No. 139. Lullaby (a)
(Catalogue No. 1634)

Recorded by Karuprtns LAUGHREY

Analysis —This and the song next following will be analyzed
together as they have many characteristics in common. Both are
based on the fourth 5-toned scale, progress chiefly by whole tones,
and end on the keynote. The phrases in each have a descending
trend. The low tone at the close of this song was sung distinctly.
Although this song has so extended a compass, it is the gentler and
more soothing of the two melodies. Attention is directed to the
seventh and eighth measures in the second lullaby in which the
progressions are the same as in the rhythmic unit, but the phrase is
in double instead of triple time. Such changes of accent are interest-
ing and give character to the song.

No. 140. Lullaby (b)
(Catalogue No. 1629)

Recorded by AGNES SULLIVAN

MELODIC AND RHYTHMIC ANALYSIS OF SONGS BY
SERIAL NUMBERS

MeEtopic ANALYSIS

TABLE 1.—TONALITY

Num-| Per

Serial numbers of songs ber |\cont

Major tonality...-....------ 1, 4, 6, 8, 10, 11, 12, 13, 14, 15, 16, 17, 18, 19, 20, 22, 23, 28, 29, 30, 93 66
32, 33, 34, 35, 36, 38, 39, 40, 41, 42, 43, 44, 45, 46, 47, 48, 49, 50,
51, 52, 53, 55, 56, 57, 58, 59, 60, 62, 63, 64, 65, 66, 70, 72, 74, 75,
76, 77, 78, 79, 80, 81, 85, 87, 93, 94, 95, 96, 97, 101, 102, 103, 104,
107, 109, 111, 112, 114, 115, 122, 123, 124, 125, 127, 128, 129, 130,

133, 136, 137, 139, 140.
Minor tonality. .--.-----.--- 2, 3, 9, 21, 24, 25, 27, 31, 37, 67, 73, 86, 90, 91, 92, 98, 99, 100, 105, 106, 24 17
120, 121, 126, 132.
Both major and minor-____--- EA ee a ee ee ee eee See wees eee 2 i
hirddacdking. .22ceL 12S 2 DB G1, 68764; 88, L08;110N 11S 119 M131 ess o Sas ese Se eae ate 11 8
Prregiilars 20 2 Wee ey 26, 69) 71,82, S306 117 185 134, 1S bec et — eee ee 10 6
otalies she Nf Mh Wee Se SE cea sok Ase eee ab cee bee eee 1402225

TABLE 2.—FIRST NOTE OF SONG—ITS RELATION TO KEYNOTE

A Num-
Serial numbers of songs ber pa
Beginning on the—

Dwelftis..2 see esses 162. Se SPSSRSO STON oy 99,9110, LOO stan e eA woe SER EN ee eee 11 9
MLO VEN UN. eee ee ee Was TOs Oe can 8 CEE Soa hee cee A Re ee 3 2
Tents. 3. Ses see eta MOMTOU: sees eae oe ew Ses ese sae eee see eee 2 1
NGG on eee oes 6, 11, 12, 16, 40, 41, 42, 43, 44, 45, 46, 47, 48, 49, 50, 52, 53, 54, 61, 31 21

62, 64, 65, 66, 68, 93, 103, 104, 106, 107, 125, 139.
Octavel#®_2244f 224908 10):1428,°51, 155,59, 87,92, 975,98; 100/105, 1202 soe ees _ 2 eee 13 9
Seventh-eeon veces 5G, 86) FID TOG oe Soe ae es sll es Sa lel ee ee 4 3
Sixth os 22st ees Ts LORMOs OA OSSe Cen oek be ow ak 2 Cee RE ee eee ee 5 s
ACA Or) Teese ey oe Se ee 4, 5, 8, 19, 20, 21, 22, 24, 25, 27, 29, 31, 33, 34, 37, 57, 58, 60, 63, 72, 43 80

74, 76, 77, 84, 85, 88, 89, 95, 109, 114, 115, 122, 123, 124, 127, 128,

130, 131, 132, 138, 136, 137, 138.
Hourght eee ree ee Ly aia pes pee lb ge aS ae SR NE Ee PRI a Be oS 1 1
LN sph nts baieaanna mieten bers, Aor at 175.25; S081 2065 LOZ mista see ree a a ee ee eee 7 6
Second) wees ese ti WIV S0 Th ate PES a. te de Rida lr Deel es A 2 1
Keynotes. 200 nee oe 18) 305 82°35 366i LlOe 1a we ates ei Sak ee eee 8 6
Trregulars: cae hohe cae 26,169; 71, 82).85ublO lds. MS ed04, LO. ee ee Beetle 10 8

AY OCA ee es eee | a i eee eet eee See Ue eee eee ee 140 | ee:

[BULL. 102: DENsMORE] MENOMINEE MUSIC 215

Metopic ANALysis—Continued
TABLE 3—LAST NOTE OF SONG—ITS RELATION TO KEYNOTE

Serial numbers of songs Pe ze

Ending on the—
Wittn es ose sens 4, 5, 6, 7, 11, 12, 16, 18, 22, 28, 29, 32, 33, 34, 35, 36, 42, 43, 44, 45, 47, 48, 49, 60 48
50, 51, 52, 53, 56, 57, 63, 65, 67, 72, 74, 76, 78, 85, 86, 87, 88, 89, 91, 95, 101,
102, 104, 107, 108, 109, 111, 113, 123, 124, 128, 130, 131, 133, 136, 137, 138.
Piird= 2.2 es UF EAE eRe LAD sal 0-7 Lal opt hc a a i Lhd RO pee ne aE 5 3
Keynote_-_----- 1, 2, 3, 8, 9, 10, 13, 14, 15, 19, 20, 21, 23, 24, 25, 27, 30, 31, 37, 38, 39, 40, 41, 65 46
46, 54, 55, 58, 59, 60, 61, 62, 64, 66, 68, 70, 73, 75, 79, 81, 84, 90, 92, 93, 94,
97, 98, 99, 100, 103, 105, 106, 110, 112, 114, 115, 119, 120, 121, 125, 126, 127,
129, 132, 139, 140.
Trregular___---- 26, 69, 71, 82, 83, 116, 117, 118, 134, 135.

TABLE 4.—LAST NOTE OF SONG—ITS RELATION TO COMPASS OF SONG

| Serial numbers of songs ne prea
el |
Songs in which final note is— |
PEGS LTE) BOS ee Bee ee Be ee Es Eerie 120 86
Immediately preceded by—!
MGnTtn POLO Weesees Ae et Pees Cee ANS LOF S137 084s 1S leses SO: Sere 5 3
Enon third | bel0Weasss= 2<=2225s2Ssu5522<52 222222 DS yao ees ee oe ays See 2 1
Wrouole tone pelowess22es ee sek 22s lol ere Debs 220 Ee A Sees anos he eee se aed 1 1
(alata ete) 1010) ea a lt) See ee eee ee eee 1 1
Songs containing notes lower than final note—
GRENDEL OW set ea a= oa no en aces ene ennceas 24, 37, 100, 110, 111, 1380, 132_...____ ia
MINOR BIT DOO Wns so et oo own eon ee ca 18.023. 1003 340 a< aasee owen eee ese 3 2
WiRDIPILOHO DOlOWs 6 ao ta a eee ener ee 1358 22 oe Fe a oe Seen 1 1
CGY Lae 2 ee Re I Sh a nl bene enema = eee rer eee ee ee 140" | 2s

1 Songs 31, 58, 71, and 118 contain additional notes lower than the final note.
TABLE 5.—NUMBER OF TONES COMPRISING COMPASS OF SONG

Serial numbers of songs pints bee
Compass of—
TAS 3or rae (2a ea ee a a ae ae Dees Pd ak Uris ip tat 0) [Oats ee 5 8
LO BY LUST of a A lt REE PD RES 1, 3, 6, 8, 9, 11, 12, 15, 16, 38, 39, 43, 44, 45, 47, 49, 50, 28 20
51, 53, 65, 70, 73, 75, 99, 104, 119, 120, 127.
INES Wa TQ Tk: Se eee 10, 28, 57, 67, 72, 77, 87, 90, 91, 100, 103, 106, 107, 110, 16 11
126, 130.
NOIEOH Otten ea en oe ane 40, 41, 54, 55, 56, 61, 66, 79, 86, 96, 97, 98, 122, 129, 139 __ 15 il
OOnOS een oe on won ee ess 4, 7, 13, 46, 62, 64, 68, 69, 76, 78, 85, 89, 93, 94, 108, 111, 18 18
125, 137.
BiGONGS pos ae ono nc tawacooeee eens 5, 14, 17, 24, 29, 31, 32, 33, 34, 35, 36, 37, 59, 63, 74, 80, 33 24
84, 88, 92, 95, 105, 109, 118, 118, 123, 124, 128, 131, 132,
133, 135, 136, 138.
VIR ee Seen en ee SOU ROTO LIS ee week eee ee ee 4 3
Gipnesss oes ae oon neneen an 17) SEES Si oneness 3
ITA TTE (iat Sy Regs pr en 19, 20, 21, 25, 26, 27, 30, 60, 82, 83, 114, 115, 116, 117, 16 11
121, 140.
CMF Dre Dies) ges eee ae nce sen sae 7 tool ari i sl RRR ODE Ie Wap oly See pS ESET ui 1
PON OB sis seca ee stete eens Bo eater ne nae eee snes nour Bases esis i 1
GN Gtk he oe RS oe SE ee ee ee ee ee eas nee eee 140) 32825

216 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 102
Me topic Anatysis—Continued
TABLE 6.—TONE MATERIAL
: um-
Serial numbers of songs hoe Bee
Hirst 6-toned scale.-2- 23.2.2 22 525-22 DUB 219 oe oe ba ce ee Fe ee he ee 2 1
Second 5-toned scale__...__-.-.-----. 9, 90; Oli. ae wate coos Senet wes 2s ase ee a ee a 1
Fourth 5-toned scale__.--.----------- 1, 6, 11, 13, 14, 15, 22, 23, 28, 29, 34, 35, 38, 41, 42, 43, 44 31
44, 45, 46, 51, 53, 57, 64, 70, 72, 74, 77, 79, 87, 89, 94,
96, 104, 107, 111, 122, 128, 125, 129, 133, 136, 137,
139, 140.
Major triad and 1 other tone_____---- TS AQs OZ SAO 2 UD LAO Soil ise oa a eres ee 6 4
MNENONMITIAG se see eae eee 7 EG (1 Sepa OY EE Poke a ee eee eter ere a ee 2 1
Minor triad and 1 other tone---_---_-- 24, 25;02 105, (uA LAI Wis oeeo~ es Se ee 7 5
Otiavercomplete-.2--222 23-8 39145 )N7405 005) 0051005100118, 805 LOS setae so-so neeee 12 | 9
Octave complete except seventh- -_-- 8, 20, 21, 32, 33, 36, 39, 40, 50, 52, 75, 93, 95, 101, 106, 17 | 12
124, 128.
Octave complete except seventh and | 2, 10, 30, 31, 59, 86, 120_-_----------_---_-_-------------- 7 5
1 lower tone.
Octave complete except sixth_____-__ 85 GRUTL 26 tee ae ae EE RE LE eK a ee 3 2
Octave complete ‘except, sixthyandy |S 7seare 28) oh Oita ee Se ee Pee 1 1
1 lowered tone.
Octave complete except fourth ___- 12 1G HAP AR OL 62,00, Obp L0dse eee ae nen eee eee 9 6
Octave ‘complete except: fourth! and!) 11D eee ee ee 1 1
second.
Octave:complete: except second. 2-267 feo. eae 8 a ee ee ee ee 2 1
Other combinations of tones_-_------- 5, 58, 60, 68, 81, 84, 88, 99, 108, 110, 131, 138____----__ 12 9
Both major and minor____---_----_-- ly Ci es 2 ery BS 22 8 Ce i a 2 1
ATVORUIRG eee te cee ake he eee 26;'69;' 71,182) 835116, 117, 118 134, Noble eee 10 7
Motel. ss. eek Sock ee ec be ee BS i oe ee 1 oe
TABLE 7.—ACCIDENTALS
F Num-| P
Serial numbers of songs fen fe
Songs containing—
Naaccidentals-=-2=. 22-22 52s82 32 2,3; 4;'5;'6, 8, 9,10; 11, 12).13, 14515, 16; 17,18; 19) 21; 117 84
22, 23, 24, 25.) 2iy, 295) 20s iB0y (Oly O2, 035,045 GD, BOs Olly
38, 39, 41, 42, 43, 44, 45, 46, 47, 48, 49, 50, 51, 52, 53,
55, 56, 57, 58, 59, 60, 62, 63, 64, 67, 70, 72, 73, 74, 75,
76, 78, 80, 81, 84, 85, 86, 87, 88, 89, 90, 91, 92, 93, 94,
96, 97, 98, 99, 100, 101, 102, 103, 104, 105, 106, 107, 108,
109, 110, 111, 112, 113, 114, 115, 119, 120, 121, 122, 123,
124, 125, 126, 127, 128, 129, 130, 132, 133, 136, 137, 138,
139, 140.
Sixth raised a semitone_________- (2 este tate el Ala eA, RET UR Se URED LES Hd Sorin Ne nce 1 ih
Fourth raised a semitone________ DONO 5 iis pete wae te ke Ee, eh et a eee 3 2
Third raised a semitone ________- eth alo ta eet ete ALB Bie Rt ns 1 1
Seventh lowered a semitone______ 1 GD pe een pe eee amas NT en om ee 1 t
Seventh. and." third. lowered v8 iO) (GG ete ee oe eee ee | 2 1
semitone.
Sixth lowered a semitone________ Wf peta ats oh pleas tall 6 gh Nl A CRC SE et cp 1 1
Third lowered a semitone_______- i PY keep tie = ps a ee A ME HA oe 2 1
Both major and minor_____-_____ WP i beeen hac Be yl at ae MR PN BD en id tu aps 2 1
Rapa of he A a Roc ges 5 eae aca 26,69; 71582, 80, 226, JI7, 118) 184, 135222222 oe ee 10 7
SRO LAL stew aan ee eck eee |S Slee Ue eae ct A oe She Gene eee fe ea 140), j-a2223

DENSMORE] MENOMINEE MUSIC yA ws

Metopic ANALysis—Continued

TABLE 8.—STRUCTURE

Serial numbers of songs ye i
ISG bron: 2 ee ee 1, 2, 3, 4, 5, 6, 7, 8, 9, 11, 12, 13, 14, 15, 16, 17, 18, 20, 21, 107 76
22, 24, 28, 29, 30, 31, 32, 33, 34, 35, 36, 37, 38, 39, 40,
41, 42, 43, 45, 46, 47, 48, 49, 50, 51, 52, 53, 54, 56, 57,
58, 59, 60, 61, 62, 63, 64, 65, 66, 67, 68, 70, 72, 73, 74,
75, 76, 77, 78, 79, 80, 81, 84, 86, 87, 88, 89, 90, 91, 94,
95, 98, 99, 101, 102, 103, 104, 107, 108, 109, 110, 111,
112, 113, 119, 124, 125, 126, 127, 128, 130, 131, 132, 133,
137, 138, 139, 140.
Melodie with harmonic framework-_-| 10, 44, 55, 85, 98, 105, 106, 114, 120, 129____.-___________ 10 7
Parmonic! #92 == - fees See 2 ee ok 19, 23, 25, 27, 92, 96, 97, 100, 115, 121, 122, 123, 136_____ 13 10
Lacie rt on eee ee eee een Ae OO; Wl; Saneas lO, ly, WIS Lod, ope se eee eee oe 10 7
CGN EE IS I a er | Se, See ae a a eB ee a ee rege at [ee LAO; eee

TABLE 9.—FIRST PROGRESSIONS—DOWNWARD AND UPWARD

Serial numbers of songs Nas ver
ih Ae i eer 1, 5, 6, 7, 8, 9, 10, 11, 12, 14, 15, 16, 17, 18, 19, 20, 21, 24,| 97| 69

25, 26, 27, 28, 29, 31, 33, 37, 38, 39, 40, 42, 43, 44, 45,
46, 47, 49, 50, 53, 56, 58, 59, 60, 61, 62, 63, 64, 65, 66,
67, 68, 69, 70, 71, 72, 74, 75, 78, 79, 80, 81, 82, 83, 84,
85, 86, 87, 88, 90, 92, 94, 95, 99, 100, 101, 102, 104, 105,
108, 111, 112, 113, 114, 115, 116, 117, 118, 119, 120, 122,
123, 124, 125, 127, 128, 132, 134, 136,
friaest heroes rere ee er tee on 2, 3, 4, 13, 22, 23, 30, 32, 34, 35, 36, 41, 48, 51, 52, 54, 55, 43 31
57, 73, 76, 77, 89, 91, 93, 96, 97, 98, 103, 106, 107, 109,
110, 121, 126, 129, 130, 131, 133, 135, 137, 138, 139, 140.

TABLE 10—TOTAL NUMBER OF PROGRESSIONS—DOWNWARD AND UPWARD

Number | Per cent

TOG EIST TG | 3 een Se ee ee ee. ar eee nn ns 2, 090 65
Tne rvil 2 Bes oe a ea a ee a ee ae oe Se ere a ee 1, 105 85
BF icteric an te ee a Ree eens Jokes eect es| 3; 198 | ee

TABLE 11—INTERVALS IN DOWNWARD PROGRESSION

Number | Per cent Number | Per cent

Intervals of a— Intervals of a—
nS la? ee 18 Major second.....----.--- 1, 086 52
OUP UNE tess See 52 ose ok 192 9 Minor second...-.=-.--._- 128 6
WE Dei 105 5 —————
Mirtor third. = 2.2. <2+-2.5. 561 27 Eh ign) °:| Eee eS eer, 2; O80) \asatonaa=o

218 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 102

Metopic ANALYsIs—Continued

TABLE 12.—INTERVALS IN UPWARD PROGRESSION

Number | Per cent Number } Per cent
Intervals of a— Intervals of a—

Menten 22 tee Fes ee ee ii] Bee ee Mourthss24she es eyes 208 19
Ninth: 624 eee ee see 1 Eee eee Majorthird 2.2255. s2264 60 5
Octave:c Behe ere are (yesh ae Minor thirds 22. 2252. 224 2g
Seventh: sc teewee eee sence LONG sae eee ee Major second_--__-------- 456 41
Mision Sixtheessooteese se Qitseees se Iiinorisecond.s5. 222 seee 37 3
Minor sixthis= 228222025 fof Re |
EGE Seg eee 87 8 Motal 2 634s osee coe 1-105 )|Se eee

Number
Nm ber: Of SONgS= jhe ste he ea ue a dd eae Re oe AB Lease ae om 140
Wumber of intervals 2.2 2s coce coe oA ee ee 2 NE ou eat tO 3, 195
INtIMIDer Of SeMItOneSs: 2 <cee se! oe ee eo 10, 043
Average number. Of, Semi tonesyimi am WM Cer veils st ee oe ae eee 3.11
Ruytumic ANALYSIS
TABLE 14—PART OF MEASURE ON WHICH SONG BEGINS
3 Num-| Per
Serial numbers of songs Bere eane

Beginning on unaccented part of | 1, 2, 4, 5, 8, 14, 16, 17, 18, 21, 22, 23, 24, 25, 28, 30, 32, 76 54
measure. 34, 35, 36, 37, 40, 42, 48, 45, 46, 51, 53, 55, 57, 59,
61, 62, 64, 65, 66, 67, 68, 71, 73, 75, 76, 77, 78, 79, 80,
81, 91, 95, 96, 97, 98, 101, 103, 104, 105, 106, 107, 110,
113, 114, 118, 119, 120, 121, 122, 124, 126, 127, 128,
129, 132, 133, 135, 138, 140.
Beginning on accented part of mea- | 3, 6, 7, 9, 10, 11, 12, 13, 15, 19, 20, 26, 27, 29, 31, 33, 38, 63 46
sure. 39, 41, 44, 47, 48, 49, 50, 52, 54, 56, 58, 60, 63, 69, 72,
74, 82, 83, 84, 85, 86, 87, 88, 89, 90, 92, 93, 94, 99, 100,
102, 108, 109, 111, 112, 115, 116, 117, 123, 125, 180, 131,
134, 136, 127, 139.

DENSMORE] MENOMINEE MUSIC 219

Rauytumic ANAtysts—Continued
TaBLE 15.—RHYTHM (METER) OF FIRST MEASURE

: Num-| Per
Serial numbers of songs ber | cent

First measure in—

VR Diet ee 2, 3, 4, 6, 8, 11, 12, 13, 14, 15, 18, 24, 25, 26, 29, 30, 32, 33, 89 64
35, 36, 37, 38, 40, 42, 44, 45, 46, 47, 48, 49, 50, 51, 52,
56, 58, 59, 61, 62, 63, 64, 65, 66, 71, 73, 74, 75, 77, 79, 80,
81, 82, 83, 84, 87, 88, 91, 92, 93, 94, 96, 98, 99, 100, 101,
102, 103, 105, 106, 109, 110, 112, 114, 115, 116, 117, 119,
120, 121, 122, 124, 125, 126, 128, 129, 130, 133, 136, 137,
139.

Soh See 1, 5, 7, 10, 17, 20, 21, 22, 23, 27, 31, 34, 39, 43, 53, 54, 57, 42 80
60, 67, 68, 69, 72, 76, 78, 85, 86, 89, 90, 95, 107, 108,
111, 113, 118, 123, 127, 131, 132, 134, 135, 138, 140.

fo it) ee ee ee Ce Nee Boe ee ee ee eee 1 1

AC init. Ses ee eee ee GLO BO iO (tan ee oa ae car re) et ae RAR) ne a 4 8
SEMIN Dore ce oe nc ak ae Oo) LOSS oe oie coe magenta Sees See ee eae eee 3 9
Without measure accents___-----___- 4 inl et at Aen here Pree ae enna ee ere = a 1 1
SE ish eee ere ek OE see Oe as a tere sec eden Sa eeee awe Se dace s sa ee ace 140) |e

TABLE 16.—CHANGE OF TIME (MEASURE LENGTHS)

-—_—_—___

Serial numbers of songs Nee bios

Songs containing no change of time-_| 15, 18, 25, 32, 35, 38, 31, 42, 52, 56, 58, 59, 79, 82, 83, 87, 26 19
90, 99, 105, 106, 114, 118, 125, 128, 130, 131.
Songs containing a change of time---} 1, 2, 3, 4, 5, 6, 7, 8, 9, 10, 11, 12, 13, 14, 16, 17, 19, 20, 21, 113 80
22, 23, 24, 26, 27, 28, 29, 30, 31, 33, 34, 36, 37, 39, 40,
43, 44, 45, 46, 47, 48, 49, 50, 51, 53, 54, 55, 57, 60, 61,
62, 63, 64, 65, 66, 67, 68, 69, 71, 72, 73, 74, 75, 76, 77,
78, 80, 81, 84, 85, 86, 88, 89, 91, 92, 93, 94, 95, 96, 97,
98, 100, 101, 102, 103, 104, 107, 108, 109, 110, 111, 112,
113, 115, 116, 117, 119, 120, 121, 122, 123, 124, 126,
127, 129, 182, 183, 134, 135, 136, 137, 138, 139, 140.

TABLE 17.—RHYTHMIC UNIT OF SONG

Serial numbers of songs ant: pes
Songs containing—
No rhythmicwunit =... 22 30, 32, 34, 36, 46, 63, 64, 65, 84, 96, 103, 121, 134, 135, 17 12
136, 137, 138.
En YyGHMNO UNG 5 nn ne 1,/2) 3; 5, 6, 7, 8, 9, 10, 11; 12, 13, 15, 16, 17, 18, 20, 21, 101 72
22, 23, 26, 27, 28, 29, 31, 33, 35, 37, 38, 39, 40, 41, 42,
43, 44, 47, 48, 50, 51, 52, 53, 54, 55, 56, 57, 58, 59, 60,
61, 66, 67, 68, 69, 70, 72, 73, 75, 77, 78, 79, 80, 81, 82,
83, 85, 86, 89, 90, 91, 92, 93, 95, 96, 98, 99, 100, 101,
104, 106, 109, 110, 111, 112, 113, 114, 115, 116, 117,
118, 119, 120, 122, 123, 124, 125, 127, 128, 129, 130,
131, 133, 139, 140.
Arhyihmicwmnits---...=.-.=-2---- 14, 19, 24, 25, 45, 49, 62, 71, 74, 76, 87, 88, 94, 97, 102, | 20 14
105, 107, 108, 126, 132,
sroytioiie units: - 22-2 2522-223 2 a i alt A Lat ar A Pde 2 1
“DEE Le Be ER ees ee eee eee See See ee a ees Coens 140) |-t2ak

48819°—32

AUTHORITIES CITED

ARMSTRONG, BENJAMIN G. Early Life Among the Indians. Ashland, Wis.,
1892.

Barrett, §. A. Dream Dance of the Chippewa and Menominee Indians of
Northern Wisconsin. Bull. Pub. Mus. Milwaukee, vol. 1, art. 1v, Milwaukee,
1911.

BLooMFIELD, LEonaRD. Menomini texts. Publ. Amer. Ethn. Soc., vol. xu,
New York, 1928.

Cuin, Stewart. Games of the North American Indians. Twenty-fourth Ann.
Rept. Bur. Amer. Ethn., Washington, 1907.

DensMorE, Frances. Chippewa Music. Bull. 45, Bur. Amer. Ethn., Wash-
ington, 1910.

Chippewa Music—II. Bull. 53, Bur. Amer. Ethn., Washington, 1913.

Teton Sioux Music. Bull. 61, Bur. Amer. Ethn., Washington, 1918.

Mandan and Hidatsa Music. Bull. 80, Bur. Amer. Ethn., Washington,

1923.

Music of the Tule Indians of Panama. Smithsonian Inst., Misc. Colls.,

vol. 77, no. 11 (Publ. 2864), Washington, 1926.

Uses of Plants by the Chippewa Indians. Forty-fourth Ann. Rept.

Bur. Amer. Ethn., pp. 275-397, Washington, 1928.

Chippewa Customs. Bull. 86, Bur. Amer. Ethn., Washington, 1929.

Papago Music. Bull. 90, Bur. Amer. Ethn., Washington, 1929.

Pawnee Music. Bull. 93, Bur. Amer. Ethn., Washington, 1929.

FiercHer, AuicE C., and La FLEescue, Francis. The Omaha Tribe. Tweniy-
seventh Ann. Rept. Bur. Amer. Ethn., Washington, 1911.

GaLE, GEorGE. The Upper Mississippi; or Historical Sketches of the Mound
Builders. Chicago, 1867.

Hanpspookx oF AMERICAN INDIANS NortH or Mexico. Bur. Amer. Ethn.,
Bull. 30, Pts. 1-2, Washington, 1907-1910.

Hetmuoutz, H. L. F. The sensations of tone as a physiological basis for the
theory of music. Translated by A. J. Ellis. 2d ed., London, 1885.

Hewitt, J. N. B. [Report on field work for 1925.] Jn Smithsonian Report for
1925, pp. 67-70, Washington, 1926.
HorrMan, Water J. The Midewiwin or ‘“‘Grand Medicine Society” of the
Ojibwa. Seventh Ann. Rept. Bur. Ethn., pp. 143-300, Washington, 1891.
The Menomini Indians. Fourteenth Ann. Rept. Bur. Ethn., pt. 1, pp.
3-328, Washington, 1896.

Inpian Arrarrs. Laws and Treaties. Vol. I (Laws). Vol. II (Treaties).
Compiled and edited by Charles J. Kappler. Washington, 1904.

Report of the Comm. of Ind. Affs. to the Sec. of the Int. for 1929.
Washington, 1929.

INTERIOR DEPARTMENT. Report of the Secretary of the Interior, vol. I [H. R.
Ex. Doc. 1, pt. 5, 42d Cong., 2d sess.]. Washington, 1871.

JeENKS, ALBERT Ernest. The Wild-rice Gatherers of the Upper Lakes. Nine-

. teenth Ann. Rept. Bur. Amer. Ethn., pt. 2, pp. 1013-1137, Washington, 1900.

221

222 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 102: DENSMORE]

Kaprier, Cuas. J., ed. See INDIAN AFFAIRS.

La Fiescue, Francis. See Fuercuer, Auice C., and La FLEScHE.

Linpauist, G. E. E. The Red Man in the United States. New York, 1923.

Massacuusperts Historica Society. Collections, vol. x, Boston, 1809.

Micuetson, Truman. Menominee Tales. Amer. Anthrop., vol. x11, no. 1,
pp. 68-88, Lancaster, 1911.

Preliminary Report on the Linguistic Classification of Algonquian
Tribes. Twenty-eighth Ann. Rept. Bur. Amer. Ethn., pp. 221-290b, Wash-
ington, 1912.

ParKMAN, Francis. The Conspiracy of Pontiac and the Indian War After the
Conquest of Canada. 10th ed., vols. I-u, Boston, 1908.

Pituinc, James C. Bibliography of the Algonquian Languages. Bur. Amer.
Ethn., Bull. 18, Washington, 1891.

SATTERLEE, JoHN V. See SKINNER, ALANSON, and SATTERLEE, JOHN V.

Skinner, ALANsoN. Social Life and Ceremonial Bundles of the Menomini
Indians. Anthrop. Papers Amer. Mus. Nat. Hist., vol. x11, pt. 1, New York,
1918.

Associations and Ceremonies of the Menomini Indians. Anthrop.

Papers Amer. Mus. Nat. Hist., vol. x1, pt. 2, New York, 1915.

Medicine Ceremony of the Menomini, Iowa, and Wahpeton Dakota,

with notes on the ceremony among the Ponea, Bungi Ojibwa, and Potawatomi.

Indian Notes and Monographs, Mus. Amer. Ind., Heye Found., vol. 1v, New

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Material Culture of the Menomini. Mus. Amer. Ind., Heye Founda-
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SKINNER, ALANSON, and SaTTERLEE, JoHN V. Folklore of the Menomini
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INDEX

Page

ABIES BALSAMBA, use of_____ 121, 132
ACHILLEA MILLEFOLIUM, use of. 121,
132, 134
ACKNOWLEDGMENTS.__-------- Vv

ACORUS CALAMUS- ------ 121, 130, 133
ADIANTUM PEDATUM, use of__ 122, 131
ADOPTION—

GUstoOM OMe S252 Beni tt 40-41

legend of origin of.__----- 41
ADOPTION DANCES—

Recount oftte Wuwss ae ey 40-52

Grain of Ys seu YUL 22 51
ALUMROOT, use of___-------- 122, 130
Amas, Davip—

Sisinger. 2. Ship eel = XIX

characterization of__------ XXI

myth related by---------- 135

AmBERICAN Museum oF Natv-
RAL History, mention of__-- 70
ANIMALS, dances imitating.-._ 188-194

APOCYNUM PUBESCENS, use of-. 122,
131
ARALIA NUDICAULIS, use of___ 122, 130
ARBORVITAE, AMERICAN, use of. 123,
134
ARCTIUM LAPPA, use of__--_--_ 122, 132
ARISAEMA TRIPHYLLUM, use of__ 122,
129
ASARUM CANADENSE, use of__ 122, 130
ASCLEPIAS SYRIACA, use of_-_- 122, 130
ASCLEPIAS TUBEROSA, use of_-_ 122,
132, 133
BALSAM FIR, use of____------ ay 192
Barrett, S. A., dance described
yee te ek AAO TS 150
BATHS, INFANTS’, plantsusedin- 133
Baan power ofss.-.~ = 2 2u be 86, 87
BEAUPRE, MrtcHELL—
an informant. 2222 282 24. XIX
characterization of__------ pO. aii
incident related by_.------ 204
personal reminiscence of_-_ 3-4
BEGGARS’ DANCE—
eseriped. 2 f22..2. 02 ee 187
BOnmOrsYs _ i As 188
BELIEFsS—
concerning the spirit - ~~ --- 135
Menominee compared with
Chippewa...2..--22 2224 6

Page
BETULA PAPYRIFERA, use of__ 122, 131
BIRCH BARK, transparencies of __ 9
Brrps, dances imitating_ ~~ - 188-194
Buack HawK—
NGAUH OF cena oe ce ee 199
songs connected with-_-_-_-_-- 194,
198-201
story of daughter of_____-__ 198
BLACKBERRY, 'THORNLESS, use
Of. ..22S25 22034 5s SPRUE 123, 131
BLOOD DISEASES, remedies for.__ 129
BLUE-EYED-GRASS, EASTERN, use
Of! .. 2222230 2 Eee 123, 1383

Bongs, used in curing the sick_ 100-101

BOwWL-AND-DICE GAME— ~
ceremony efi2iL2_. Veiea
described ees osgosee aso 33

Boys, puberty customs of__-_-_-- 74-76
Brouisss, treatment for__------ 132
BuFFrAaLo—
dreams .ofitie Delgenso3 a 87
songs connected with____-- 83-84

BUNDLE, LACROSSE, described__ 37-88

BUNDLES, SACRED. See SACRED
BUNDLES.
BURDOCK, use of....+22----= 122, 182

BURIAL CUSTOMSE2)_ 23222555 — 135
BURIAL GROUND, location of... 1389
Burns, remedy for__..-------- 132

BURNTSIDE, Epwarp Ety, a
Chippewa juggler___.----- 102-103
BURSA BURSA-PASTORIS, use of. 122,
134

BUSH-HONEYSUCELB, use of.. 122, 129
BUTTERFLY WEED, use of. 122, 132, 133

CANOE BIRCH, use of_------- 122, 131
GATNIP, U8G OF) 222 one 122, 132
CAWUNIPINAS, JOHN—

8 SING CL ae a ee eee D4 :<

characterization of__------ XXI

in. the Give Wat..=—- = 201
CEANOTHUS AMERICANUS, use

Ee ee ee eae. 122, 130

CEREMONIES—

comparison of... ....-- 5 = 5-6

of restoration of mourners. 163-164

of the drum religion------- 150—
151, 156-167
CHARACTERISTICS, MENOMINEE. 4-5

223

224 INDEX
Page Page
CHARMS— Dancres—
carried by warriors_...---- 70 adoptionse. . tse fase 40-42, 52
for hunting 20. 2sset) 61-62, 68 benefit performance of__-._ 154
made at puberty___.-----, 74-75 for healing the sick_-____- 51
making) ofec seme tee J 57 imitating animals and
See also FrtisHes; Mepti- birdsuse acne tess es, 188-194
CINE. in honor of the dead__-_-- 51
CHIMAPHILA UMBELLATA, use of. 122, of the drum religion_-_--_-_- 150
129 social $<)... 2.0 eee 194
CuippEwa INDIANS— tobaccowes=:: 3ehs eta s 184-185
drum religion among------ 150 wolf, songs of. us -. 222007 088
medicinal plants of___--- 126-127 | DreRVILLA LONICERA, use of__ 122, 129

presentation of drum by, to

Menominee. ..-..-.-~.- 155
resemblances of, to Menom-
INCE eaters oe eae 5, 6, 9
wapunowin dance of __-__-- 43
CHIPPEWA SONGS, resemblance
of, to Medominee____-------- Vv
CHOKECHERRY, WESTERN, use
REE. hota 8 iy aye 123, 130
Civin War—
Menominee participation
inebiige 2 4b sa! wot Rt geet 5, 201
songs connected with____-- 194,
201-203
Coups, remedies for_._-------- 130
COMPTONIA PEREGRINA, use
PIL Se Oth Sa Rede Ee 122, 133
Convutsions, treatment for... 128
Cornet smoked by Indians-__-_-_-_ 184
Covueu, remedies for__-------- 130
CRAWFISH DANCE—
Origin ORM - Gk Kivy. anaes 192
BOTR OP acy «SOUR 193
Crow BELT. See Crow ORNA-
MENT.
Crow ORNAMENT—
GESCHIDeU te ee eter mm 157
AVI OSM OM as see eos 157
CULTURE, MATERIAL. = _--_-__- 9
CULVER’S PHYSIC, use of_____ 122, 131
Customs—
| ob i251 Leng gs af Ste 135
COMpParisOny Olees |= ee oe 5-6
hppa 50, 60-62, 88, 123
Ghadopionen.s2. 2s 22k 40-41
Puberty) = secs 74-76
Dauton, Capratn, statistics fur-
125-110 1 2 A aN 4
DANCE BUSTLE. See DANCE OR-
NAMENT.
DANCE ORNAMENT, or regalia,
qescribede seo sae eee ees 157

DisEAsss, classification of-_-_-- 128
Di1vuReEtTI¢, plant used as__----- 131
Doa FEAST, representation of___ 166
DoOGBANE, VELVET, use of__-. 122, 131
DovUBLE-BALL GAME, ceremonial
playing of . 220. 259. 34-35
Dovups, FRANK, aide'in drum
ceremony. 5. 2esusd hese see 157
DREAM songs—
concerning the sun____---- 79-80

connected with the buffalo. 83-84

dincussedus hut! woh-pe reels 8 77-89
of the little whirlwind_-_-_ 82-83
of the thunderers- -------- 81
DrEaMs—
benefits derived from____-- 76
induced by fasting_-_------ 26
requiring playing of games_ 27
See also Visions.
Donn, in singing. --22--2-2 10
DRUM CEREMONY, songs of_-- 168-182
DRUM RELIGION—
and itssongs_2S42eee ses 150-183
ceremonies of___-_------ 156-167
origin, of. 22. te ae ee 151
teachings of. geo2h. A. 28 152
Drums, CEREMONIAL—
articles belonging to_____-- 154
custodian, of 2255244 sens 152
described ) = 2-- L222 10, 152-153
of the east god’s dance, de-
scribed... Sun ss ipaeme ae 42-43
presentation of__------- 151, 152
religion centered around_-- 150
songs belonging to__---- 154-155
Ducks, story of ..222-.226ee 145-149
DuTcHMAN, CHARLIE, mention
Ofc S At Be 157
DysENTERY, remedy for_------ 13]
East Gcop—
account ol. 42 => = Seen 42
Cult Of. See e eee 42
dance received from____--- 3-52

INDEX 995
Page Page

ELpER, EUROPEAN RED, useof_ 123, 131 | GAmes—

EmeEtic, plant used as___------- 131 ceremonial playing of___-__ 26-40

ENVIRONMENT of the Menominee V See also LacrossE; Mocca-

EUPATORIUM PURPUREUM, use SIN GAME.

Ole. 6 5s Eo ess - 122,183 | GauruierR, Frank S8.—

Eyz— an dnforimant.a2\ cue 2 inet s 2 XIX
remedy for diseases of ___-__ 13 MENON OF 2 2 coat 201
remedy for injury to_____- 134 | Gauruier, JosepH G., recruit-

FACIAL CONTRACTION, medicine ing officer in Civil War_-_---- 201

a ee ees ee ee eee 129 | Girts, bestowed at adoption___ 43

aike— GINGER ROOT, use of________ 122, 130
at puberty_.._.-_--------- 74-76 | GIRLS, puberty customs of __--_- 74-75
dreams induced by___--~--- 26 GLOSSARY- - -------~--------- 24-26
length of time of_.___--_-- 75 | GNAPHALIUM OBTUSIFOLIUM,
visions induced by----- 74, 75, 76 use of _---~-------------- 122, 129

wees. GOLDEN-ROD, use of____- 123, 129, 1382
Dien cocaine 50 GRAPE, RIVERBANK, use of__ 128, 184
Teh rocee ertereala byes 37, 38 Hasitat of the Menominee- mye 1

Piierrdetased aorenened’'!! 9p, 208) 24PAC =, medicine for_2-- = pee

Heart, weak, medicine for_____ 129

FrETISHES—
feathers used as___----- 202, 203

MSGchAns Wal ae = sas =~ = 196
See also Cuarms’ SACRED
BUNDLES.
FrEver, remedies for____------- 132
Fisu, JIM—
CMT Ts =) ea xix
characterization of____-_-- XXI

Fiso, PETER—
SRC RT ee oe ea 2a DS

characterization of__------ XXI
FIsH DANCE—

GUI Oe 190

TES ee See 191
Fiac, AMERICAN, use of, at In-

dian. ceremony... — +, === 158

FLUTE—

te ar ee a 11

melodies played on-_----- 208-209

NS i nett eed 208
Fiyr, Lovis, a mourner------ 163
FLYING SKULL, story of_.----- 97
Pesce ATORINA.<..~———-- =~ 144-149

See also LEGENDS.
FoLLE AVOINE, French name for
the: Menominee..--22-...— == 1

PONBHA SONGS .2.— 5452.0. 140
FROG DANCE—
EDO ae = sh 191
GOOF e = oie te 192
Gag, plants used to attract... 123

HELENIUM AUTUMNALE, use of 122, 129

Hemuock, Canapa, use of___ 123, 134
HEMORRHAGE, remedy for- -- -- 132
HEPATICA TRILOBA, use of___ 122, 131
HERBS—
care and storage of- ----- 99-100,
119-120
importance of knowledge
Oh oe a oe 99
medicinal use of _-_------ 111-121
See also PLANTS.
HEUCHERA AMERICANA, use
Of sian veninte te wae ae 122, 130
Horrman, W. J.—
dance studied by_-------- 150
study by, of medicine
lOd@Gs + Santana Secse—cee 89
Howopertca, songs of__-_----- 116-118
Hoop DANCE, described------- 184

Horse. See Pony.
HuntING, songs connected with. 62-68
HUNTING BUNDLE—

CATE OLjhe .a*) oe See 61
ceremony of opening- ----- 65
contents/of--.—-- == 55-225 60-61
discussed | 2 2.2 - ee 60-62
HUNTING CHARMS. .---------- 61-62
HUNTING CUSTOMS-.---------- 50,
60-62, 88, 123

HYDROPHYLLUM VIRGINIANUM,
USCAOL 2530 ts Sees 122; 130
INDIAN TURNIP, use Of------ 122, 129

226 INDEX
Page Page
INDIGESTION, remedy for- ----- 130 | Lecenps—Continued.
InFANnts, plants used in baths of origin of medicine_-~____ 57-58
Of 220 Mak 2a 133 of origin of sacred bundle__ 60

INFORMANTS, names of___---_-- XIX oftlie: twists 1a. . Bee 6-7

INITIATION into medicine lodge. 92-93 See also FouK sToRIEs;

Iowa Inprans, drum religion ORIGIN MYTHS.

among s42e4escse 20 Ml 150 | Leonarp, E. C., plants identi-
James, Epwin, medicine lodge fied. byt hide ud_voage 121
described By 2. 024 20 eee 39 | LepranpR&« VIRGINICA, use of_ 122, 131

JERSEY-TEA, use of_________- 122, 130 |- Lire EVERLASTING, fragrant, use

JOE-PYE-WEED, use of_______ 122, 133 Of A Sete th kas 5 ee 122, 129

JuaaLers— LILIUM PHILADELPHICUM, use
lost people located by---. 101 Of nih 2 aeons tony: meas 122, 132
magic used by, in curing LINGUISTIC RELATIONS, Menom-

sicknesseee | vse eee 100-111 infer Si. se ueteeks ae by Rent if
BONES Of sa 2202 MAU MOM 105-111 | LirHospERMUN CANESCENS, use
spirits summoned by-_-_--_-- 103, CPLA: AU og tae a eae ee 122, 128
104, 106, 109 | Lonetey, Mrs. Harriet—
tipi performance of_____ 102-105 an informants... 12. 3usee XIX

Kako, an acrobatic dancer_-_-_-_- 184 characterization of_...___- XXII

Kapésa, in the Civil War_____- 203 herbs gathered by__- 118-119, 121

Kayawikit, lost man located LovE sones, manner of singing. 208

by Sees CI SURES 102) LUDEABI NGS. 222s Se -oU eas 212-213

KursHena, Wis., songs recorded LUNG TROUBLE, remediesfor_.___ 130

bee a nce pe ph A = T v | MacCautey, Cuay, dance de-

Kickapoo, drum religion seribed byweiiees. ee 150

CSUN of 1y coe ne 150 | Maaic—

KimMEw uN— use of, in treating the
Mention Ofs Sas =s ae eee 157 SIC kes he ree cree 100-111
reference to...--.----_- 159, 161 See also PUPPET TRICK.

KinasE, JOHN, custodian of MAIDEN HAIR FERN, use of___ 122, 131

drum, ER RE 152 | Makan INDIANS, reference to-_-- 104

Kirtson, Jon— ManaBus—
ansntormants.. 22 see SK a mythical character _____ 135
characterization of________ XXII legends concerning __-_-- 135-149

LACINARIA SPICATA, use of___ 122,129 | Marcoxrema, JoHN P.—

LacrossE— custodian of drum_-__~__ 156, 157
ceremonial playing of____ 35-40 MenHOD Of 12 o's ee ee 139,
deseribed SOS Lae. hmnte 38-39 157, 160, 161, 164, 167
in memory of the dead__-__ 40 mention of wife of_______- 34
tradition of origin of______ 36-37 | MaTERIAL CULTURE_~__--__-- 9
tribes) playing ees eee ee 36 | Mrpicinr—

LACROSSE BUNDLE, described___ 37-38 legend of origin of______--- 57-58

Lancina, to relieve distress__.. 120 lists of plants used as____ 121~128

Laveurey, KaTHEeriInse— meaning of the term_------ 57
Eh SUT OT ee Ah ie Site aie ARIE EIA) XIX songs oft Joe Awe ae 58-59
characterization of_______- KE See also CHARMS; Herps;
game held bys2eVl eu. WO 28 REMEDIES; SICKNESS.

LEGENDS— MEDICINE BAGS—
concerning Manabus__-_ 135-149 contents oft cens22 ret eee 90
of Manabus and the stone 141-142 describe there 90
of Manabus and the wolf_ 136-139 shooting with. ..------ 90-91, 93
of origin of adoption. -.--- 41 songs Of. wii eecbede Shes 90

INDEX 227
Page Page

MEDICINE LODGE— NOSEBLEED, remedy for_-______ 132
Beton Greeks. oot 89-98 | OAK, NORTHERN PIN, use of___ 123, 133
emo So ee Soe 96-97 | Oxrimasn, JoHN—
building of, described __-____ 92 Misinger® 222. tee sane XIX
Ceremony Or oo = 2S Se 92-94 characterization of________ XXI
Pemnees WS ec oo Se 90 melodies played by, on flute 209
meetings of -----------.-- 92 | OxwrrciwaNo, a powerful jug-
origin myths of - --_-- 91, 135-148 Glen hot ee Rete nears 104
types of ceremony Of oS 89-90 OMAHA, ornament originated by_ IUsi7¢

MENOMINEE, meaning of the ORANGECUP LILY, use of_____ 122, 132

es acta een eas ss 1 | Orrern MytHs of the medicine

MENOMINEE TRIBE, account of__ 1-5 lodges <= -== Te 91, 135-143

MENTHA CANADENSIS, use Of-_ 122, 132 | Ornament, “the crow,” de-

MILKWEED, use of___------- 122,400 geri ee eT 157

“Soy elae tas Pustic Museum, OsukosH, REGINALD, an infor-

STIG 00: a a i AO Tab haulers splaalina dh ly: aa

Mint, AMERICAN WILD, use of 122, 132 | Ocyorrniza CLAYTONI, use of 122, 133

MITCHELLA REPENS, use of--- 122, 133 | ows, pance—

spas heel (? deseribed sso eee 194
a memorial games os 204 Grin oe ee 194
MEREIMped an ss ee 203-204 Cr
Bae ees gts cic Tate associated with hunting_ 60, 61, 62

ea. in war bundle 196
BSINGCT eS 2 ae XIX STs OES ONS or

rae song concerning_____----- 196

characterization of____-_~- XXI d
g Pain, remedies for__...----- 130, 134

melodies played by, on P :

2 Lh ee 208:/209,) AF OMe
MonakDaA FISTULOSA, use of__ 122, 133 3 SEE See nea ee xIX
Money, fund of, belonging to characterization of__------ xt

DSS) goo ose ah Sp ln eae 154 | PARTRIDGE DANCE—

Morean, Dan— Orig Olen eo aaa 190
Meniow or. — = oe 160, 161 SOMPLOL. 4 hee 190
wound treated by_____-_-- 134 | PaRTRIDGEBERRY, use of__--- 122, 133

MortuaRy CUSTOMS__________ 135 | PAWAKONE, war songs of_ 194, 195, 196

Mossycoup, use of_____-____- 123.139 | PHoNErics.- 24. 5-2 23

Mourners, ceremony of res- Puysic, plant used as_-------- 131

(i050 0) ga ee 163-164 | PHysicAL CHARACTERISTICS of

Museum or AMERICAN INDIAN, the Menominee.+:-=--..=--- 5

Heyer Founpation, acknowl- PicrocrapHs at Menominee :
BinmmeniptOe oe si v th ee
MUSICAL INSTRUMENTS-_______ 10-11 | Praron, Lovrs—
Mytus. See LEGENDS; ORIGIN B Singetee So S8 ot = So XIX
MYTHS. characterization of__------ KT
NAMES, PERSONAL- - ---------- 24, 25 herbs"used. bye=-. 223 i
NANABOZHO, a mythical char- sick treated by----------- 98
CTE eee ee en Sate 135 | Prxe, Mason, Menominee de-

NaTawika— SCHbCd-DY = = ss eo 5
@ woman doctor_-_-------- 118 | Pinus stTRoBUvS, use of-_----- 122, 132
herbal remedies used by- -- 98 | PrpsissEWA, use of__-------- 122, 129
MEuIOGs Ole 22 - =— SS 119-121 | Prrrs—

Neopit, Wis., songs recorded ceremonial use of - --------

pH yo = lps pe ee ia a Vv Gifiy ste ns soos ete

NEPETA CATARIA, use of__---- 122, 132 | PLANTAGO RUGELII, use of 122, 131, 132

228

Page
PLANTs—
medicinal, lists of --._-- 121-128
possessing magic properties 123
used to attract game-_-_-_--- 123
See also HERBs.

Poison Ivy, remedy for_----- 134
POLYGONATUM BIFLORUM, use
Papi hl bala, Eig dell 122, 134
Ponca, ornament originated by. 157
Pony—
Gilt Of.8b ances... —4— = 183
song with gift of..._..---- 184
PorvuLaTION of the Menominee- 5
Prarrie Potawatomi, drum re-
Ligionmamone so-so see 150
PRAIRIE WILLOW, use Of__-_-- 123, 133
PRICKLY-ASH, use Of__..- 123, 180, 133
Prizks awarded for games- ---- 39

PRUNELLA VULGARIS, use of__ 123, 131
PRUNUS DEMISSA, use Of___-- 123030
PUBERTY, CUSTOMS2.2e22—--— = 24> 74-76
Pustic Musrum or Mitwav-

KEE, acknowledgment to-_--- Vv
Puccoon; useofjce 222-4 -22 122, 128
PUPPET TRICK, described ------ 94-95
QUEEN oF ENGLAND, song re-

ferrng tO. 2 5-2. =- 222 Pee 198
QUERCUS ELLIPSOIDALIS, use
Of sees ee EL ECL 123 33
QUERCUS MAGROCARPA, use of
2 AW SSURNETE! Paki ae oy pean eg Ci As 123" 133
RABBIT DANCE—
GTipin Of iI0. Be) Let ye ae 189
Song ole eek CAN Le eee 189
Rain, HowarbD, a singer_-_--_-- om
RatrLEes—
EOuStruCctION Of 25242 sae es 100
GESCTIDEdG =e eee eee nee 10-11
used by medicine man-_-_--- 100
RATTLESNAKE—
a leader in drum religion--_ 151
SM MCORMA NG ss BRaTaNs
characterization of________ >. O61
drum accepted by -------- 155
CUIDTES Ole sane ee aie 158
in charge of ceremony -__--- 157
MeEntION Ol 2 160, 161, 167
Stary Of fatuher OF... =~ 2 159
REMEDIES—
preparation and adminis-
PrAION Seo eee ea = 121
See also Heres; MEDICINE;
PLANTS,

INDEX

Page
RESERVATION, MENOMINEH, de-
SCEIDCG) tai. kas en ieee sea 3

RHEUMATISM, remedy for__---- 133
RHUS HIRTA, Use Of__.----_- 123, 130
Rice. See WILD RICE.
RicHarpson, Wm. T., report

MACE bys Hee eee Bees 5
Rirvuau of medicine lodge, parts

0) Sem ib hig NE aN ce ORE 8 91
Roots smoked to attract game-_-_ 88
RouNDLOBE HEPATICA, use of. 122, 131
RUBUS CANADENSIS, use of___- 123, 131

RUGEL’s PLANTAIN, useof_ 122, 131, 132
Sac anp Fox, drum religion
150
SACRED BUNDLES—
GISCUSSIONUO fesse eee
See also HUNTING BUNDLES;
MEDICINE BAGS; WaR
BUNDLES.
SALIX HUMILIS, use of__.-_-- 123, 133
SAMBUCUS RACEMOSA, use of. 123, 131
SARSAPARILLA, WILD, use of__ 122, 130
SATTERLEE, JOHN VALENTINE—

acknowledgment to_--_---- Vv

an Informant. 222.2255 5 XIX

characterization of _-_ _-- XXI-EXII

FAVE TAG TOI fesse ee 200
SaTTERLEE, V. Morte PAtrer-

SON, MEMGIOM Olas se = eee XXII

SELFHRAL, Use Of. 2225255" 123, 131

SHEPHERDSPURSE, use of___-_ 122, 134
SHOOTING with medicine bags 90-91, 93
SICKNESS—

ability to tresh..2225es ee 98
cured by attendance at
dances 22 kas eee 43, 183
cured with herbs___----- 111-121
magic used in curing---- 100-111
methods of treatment of _-_- 98

plants used in treating--. 121-134
songs lised fore= 22 5e = 77, 105-118
test of recovery from__---- 120
SULWHR, WORK... 55.0 e. ae 9

SIM, PETER, a. SINGer 28-2 oe 157
SImAKUN, mention of____------ 157
SINGERS—
(drummers), list of ...--- -- 157
NAMES (OF 22.8 as ee XIX
WOMEN. list) Ola == ae 157
SINGING—
Manner Ole s-= ee ee 155
used in treating the sick_-- 99

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