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_ BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY
BULLETIN 103
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~ By JOHN R.SWANTON _
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SMITHSONIAN INSTITUTION
UU .S. BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY
BULLETIN 103
SOURCE MATERIAL FOR
THE SOCIAL AND CEREMONIAL LIFE
OF THE CHOCTAW INDIANS
BY
JOHN R. SWANTON
UNITED STATES
GOVERNMENT PRINTING OFFICE
WASHINGTON : 1931
For sale by the Superintendent of Documents, Washington, D.C. - - - Price 60 cents
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LETTER OF TRANSMITTAL
SMITHSONIAN INstITUTION,
Bureau or AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY,
Washington, D. C., February 2, 1931.
Str: I have the honor to transmit the accompanying manuscript,
entitled “ Source Material for the Social and Ceremonial Life of the
Choctaw Indians,” by John R. Swanton, and to recommend its
publication as a bulletin of the Bureau of American Ethnology.
Very respectfully yours,
M. W. Stirring,
Chief.
Dr. Cuartes G. Apeor,
Secretary of the Smithsonian Institution.
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CONTENTS
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EERO GIT Cll @ I eeeeen mene pas meer er ee hi Ee eS 2 Sh ee 1
HUStORICAIESKELC Ie meen ae fie ante Re OC eek aes ee ee Be 4
BICEOI inMCOCHMisn an ee a i Sa Se i ee ee 5
Vie ber IEC OT Gi GLO ieee sete ee eI oe ene ee nee ES ee ae 37
POGIUEOE AI Z UGlOn meme yee yee Se yee is ek ee cue 55
Geocraphicaldivisionsiand towns. 822222025. 2 oO ee 55
IVIOTC ICS momen merrel pure nme URI Spe San er (2: Saher ue 76
(Clamsganrdelocaluono Ups eyes se eps eee ei yet ape ee ee 79
sherimsrOlne Atlonshipr esse ae ee ee eee i SOE EO 8 ee ee 84
RE CVE TIT CT eames nearer cL ne he Se Ne a ee 90
J EVRGPOVETE AY cs ee ea cera yl LE 102
PEiieReMeepinisnment .omuess oY te I ee AN TS ee Ee ae ee 104
Resulations for women and childbirth. 222-222-222 22222 eee 115
ese reaTise INURE EDC ener eee eg hah ey NS 2 Sas ce ee ee ee 119
LL PURO ot I a etal ek Co SPIE PL eee 124
ReNPSRE Laem PCR esate cn Mas oF vat a8 a A Se 127
muivision, of labor between the: sexes...) .. 1. eee 139
Brana see irene feelin etl. Nd thy ote Oc US 140
Pierecleancmrechinu gs mie fn ee oe ecu en seee 160
BETINONSOMIG meres ear ae a ek ee eet 162
ESSE LCOS PTET Si AS ge yr 170
Pororomana medicine. = 252 222222 l 82 uke ee le es aE 194
RIEpOnnabiraipOenips: ke ne Be RE Py es eS 194
Wosmolory anadmy thology (2225256252202. lee ek 200
rave mysacrice nGreaMiss Clues = 0 a nee 212
CHET TRIG) 5B san) S 5 Let i lee ag Tee gn rec at Ue fe de 215
1 PAUYERUIDTUE ESAS SOQ oe Se oO MAE, AEs ss aCe 215
Weremoniaisand Gances, oes 2d ee a a pe Sd 221
Men having occult powers and doctors__-______._._-_-__-_-------_ 226
1 SAPS SOOO IIE iat Gah ak RR le AON RE ae ne 243
Peer yee vee Ne Gee oN he ne Bere OL ee 271
TBE ie et a ge ED a i 275
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ILLUSTRATIONS
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BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY BULLETIN 103 PLATE 17
APUSHMATAHA
SOURCE MATERIAL FOR THE SOCIAL AND CEREMONIAL
LIFE OF THE CHOCTAW INDIANS
By Joun R. Swanton
INTRODUCTION
Each of the larger tribes which formerly occupied portions of the
Gulf region of our country had its own peculiar characteristics, and
this was as true of those known to have belonged to the same
linguistic stock as of tribes alien to one another in this respect. One
associates with the Natchez a developed solar worship with a temple
and perpetual fire, absolutism in government, and tragic funeral rites;
with the Creeks a highly developed clan system, a confederate organi-
zation second in North America above Mexico to the Iroquois only,
striking annual ceremonies, and prowess in war; with the Chickasaw
warlike prowess of a still higher order, second to none except perhaps
that exhibited by the Iroquois, and a social organization reminiscent
of both Creeks and Choctaw. The feeling of a student for the
Choctaw, however, might be described as of a powerful indefinite-
ness. Although during the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries the
disparity in numbers between this tribe and the Creeks was probably
not so great as it later became, the Choctaw were always, it is
believed, the more populous and they appear to have been six or
eight times as numerous as the Chickasaw. They lived as near to the
French as the Creeks did to the English and much nearer than the
Chickasaw. The important relation they bore to French colonial
dominion, since they covered the flank of the Louisiana colony and
the mouth of the Mississippi, was well recognized, and relations
between them and the French, Spaniards, and Americans in succes-
sion were constant and intimate. Friends and foes alike testify to
their courage, and a modified form of their language had become a
trade medium which extended throughout most of the territory of
the present States of Mississippi and Louisiana and along the whole
of the lower Mississippi River. Yet how poorly press agented were
the Choctaw is shown by the fact that this trade language received
its name either from the Chickasaw or the little Mobile tribe. The
fact of the matter is there were few customs observable among them
sufficiently striking to attract the attention of European travelers—
little “ copy stuff,” in other words, such as would interest officers of
a |
2 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Butt, 103
trading corporations or missionary societies or governmental func-
tionaries back home, or such as could be used to circulate explorers’
narratives. Seemingly their unique way of disposing of the dead was
the only feature of their lives thought worthy of much publicity, and
that is about all that is purely Choctaw which most early writers
vouchsafe us.
Although a certain political centralization had been attained it
was not so absolute as to have become spectacular or oppressive, and
therefore interesting to white men. There were no complicated re-
ligious ceremonials to arrest the attention of the foreigner and the
intelligence of the native, and it is the general testimony that the
Choctaw were less inclined to display their superiority to other
people by trying to kill them than is usual even in more civilized
societies. The significant things about them are told us in a few
short sentences: That they had less territory than any of their neigh-
bors but raised so much corn that they sent it to some of these others
in trade, that their beliefs and customs were simple, and that they
seldom left their country to fight but when attacked defended them-
selves with dauntless bravery. In other words, the aboriginal Choc-
taw seem to have enjoyed the enviable position of being “ just folks,”
uncontaminated with the idea that they existed for the sake of a
political, religious, or military organization. And apparently, like
the meek and the Chinese and Hindoos, they were in process of in-
heriting the earth by gradual extension of their settlements because
none of their neighbors could compete with them economically.
Absence of pronounced native institutions made it easy for them to
take up with foreign customs and usages, so that they soon distanced
all other of the Five Civilized Tribes except the Cherokee, who in
many ways resembled them, and became with great rapidity poor
subjects for ethnological study but successful members of the Ameri-
can Nation. It is generally testified that the Creeks and Seminole,
who had the most highly developed native institutions, were the
slowest to become assimilated into the new political and social organ-
ism which was introduced from Europe. The Chickasaw come next
and the Cherokee and Choctaw adapted themselves most rapidly
of all.
As was said above, the story of the meek makes less exciting
reading in the world to-day than the story of the aggressive, but
perhaps man killing and large scale appropriation of values will not
always appeal to human beings as the noblest objects of contempla-
tion. However, the fact that human interest during the last two
centuries has been of this character accounts for the relatively
meager amount of material which it has been possible to collect for
the present undertaking. While the French have left us two elab-
orate descriptions of Natchez institutions and activities and a num-
SWANTON] CHOCTAW SOCIAL AND CEREMONIAL LIFE 3
ber of shorter ones, I know of but one single effort to describe the
Choctaw in a similar manner, and that relatively feeble. It is con-
tained in an unpublished French Relation which I have dated tenta-
tively about 1755, though it is very likely that it was written some-
what earlier. It is one of the many valuable documents in the
Edward E. Ayer collection of the Newberry Library, Chicago, a
photostat copy of which was obtained by Mr. F. W. Hodge for the
Bureau of American Ethnology at the instance of the writer some
years ago. That section dealing with the Choctaw I translated into
English, and it was published in 1918 as Volume V, part 2, of the
Memoirs of the American Anthropological Association. The only
other French writer on this tribe worthy of mention is Bossu, who
does vouchsafe us some original observations, but is much briefer
than his compatriot. The next writer to pay more than incidental
attention to this tribe was Bernard Romans, who traveled through
the territory now constituting the States of Mississippi and Florida
and some other parts of the Southeast in 1770 and 1771. Volume I of
his narrative was printed in New York in 1775, but Volume II was
never sent to press, apparently, probably on account of the outbreak
of the Revolutionary War. Copies of this work are exceedingly rare,
but it contains valuable information regarding the Indians of the
Gulf area, particularly the Choctaw. Of a much later period and
very different in character is “A History of the Choctaw, Chickasaw,
and Natchez Indians” by the missionary, H. B. Cushman, printed in
1899. The author presents his material in a rambling and highly
emotional manner, but he had lived practically all his life in close
contact with the Choctaw Indians and was nearly as well acquainted
with the Chickasaw. His materia! is often of a kind that can not be
duplicated. He is our only authority on certain phases of ancient
Choctaw life and in consequence it has been necessary to quote him
extensively. Mr. Bushnell’s little study of the Choctaw of Bayou
Lacomb, Louisiana, is the only modern attempt to give an account
of any Choctaw band from an ethnographical point of view and is
correspondingly valuable. Henry S. Halbert was a Choctaw en-
thusiast who derived considerable important information from
that section of the Choctaw Indians who remain in the State of
Mississippi. On certain special aspects of Choctaw life, such as their
former geographical distribution, their migration legends, and their
burial customs, his work is unsurpassed. Mention should also be
made of the contributions of Rev. Alfred Wright, an early Choctaw
missionary, to the Missionary Herald during the years 1828 and
1829, which in particular seem to give us the key to primitive Choc-
taw religion. The other writers mentioned in the bibliography merely
furnish us with details upon special phases of the native culture.
4 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BuLL, 103
Even more than in my previous papers, I have pursued the policy
in this bulletin of constructing a source book for the tribe under dis-
cussion. On account of the rapid disappearance of the ancient
customs, little can be gathered at the present day that has not already
been recorded in a much more complete form. I have, however,
added some notes obtained from one of the eastern Choctaw Indians
named Olmon Comby and a considerable body of material from an-
other eastern Choctaw, Simpson Tubby, for many years a preacher
in the Methodist Church.
HISTORICAL SKETCH
The history of the Choctaw people since they first came to the
knowledge of Europeans may be illustrated from many documentary
sources and is capable of elaborate treatment. A few salient points
are all that the present work calls for.
Halbert has pointed out that the “Apafalaya” chief and river and
the “ Pafallaya” province mentioned by the De Soto chroniclers
Ranjel and Elvas, respectively, evidently refer to the Choctaw, or a
part of them, since the Choctaw were known to other tribes as Pa*s-
falaya or “ Long Hairs.” They were then, it would seem, approxi-
mately in the territory in southeastern Mississippi which they occu-
pied when they were again visited by Europeans. There are notices
of them in some Spanish documents dating from toward the close of
the seventeenth century, and they immediately took a prominent
position in the politics of colonizing nations when the French began
settling Louisiana in 1699. Like the Creeks and Chickasaw, they
were subjected to pressure from the Spaniards, English, and
French, especially the two latter nations, each of whom enjoyed the
support of a faction. These internal differences eventuated in civil
war during which the Sixtowns, Chickasawhay and Coosa Choctaw -
supported the French interest and were finally successful, peace
being made in 1750. The ascendency of the English east of the
Mississippi, secured by the peace of 1763, soon tended to allay all re-
maining internal difficulties. With the passage of the Louisiana Ter-
ritory into the hands of the United States an end was put to that
intriguing by the representatives of rival European governments of
which the Choctaw had been victims.
The Choctaw were never at war with the Americans. A few were
induced by Tecumseh to ally themselves with the hostile Creeks, but
the Nation as a whole was kept out of anti-American alliances by the
influence of Apushmataha, greatest of all Choctaw chiefs. (PL.1.)
However, white settlers began pouring into the region so rapidly that
the Mississippi Territory was erected in 1798 and Mississippi became
a State in 1817. Friction of course developed between the white col-
SwaNTOon ] CHOCTAW SOCIAL AND CEREMONIAL LIFE 5
onists and the original occupants of the soil, whose removal to lands
farther west was clamorously urged by the settlers and ultimately
agreed to by the Choctaw themselves at the treaty of Dancing Rabbit
Creek, September 27 and 28, 1830. By this treaty they secured a tract
of land along Red River, in the southeastern part of the present State
of Oklahoma, to which the bulk of the tribe emigrated in 1831, 1832,
and 1833. The first emigrants suffered cruelly, but those who went
later sowed their fields promptly and experienced fewer hardships
than the Indians of most of the other expatriated tribes. A portion
held on in their old territories, though bands of them joined their
western kindred from time to time, 1,000 in 1846, 1,619 in 1847, 118
in 1848, 547 in 1849, 388 in 1853, and more than 300 in 1854. A con-
siderable body still remained, numbering 1,253 in 1910 and 1,665 in
1930. In 1855 the Chickasaw, who had at first enjoyed the privilege
of settling indiscriminately among the Choctaw, were given a sepa-
rate territory west of the latter, and an independent government. The
history of the Choctaw national government in Oklahoma would
constitute an interesting contribution to our knowledge of native
American capabilities in the handling of their affairs under a frame
imported from abroad. Like the governments of the other four red
republics of the old Indian Territory, it is now of course a thing of
the past, the Choctaw being citizens of Oklahoma and of the United
States.
THE ORIGIN LEGEND
There are two forms of the Choctaw origin legend, and both are
suggested in the following passage from Du Pratz, which perhaps
contains our earliest reference to it:
According to the tradition of the natives this nation passed so rapidly from
one land to another and arrived so suddenly in the country which it occupies
that, when I asked them from whence the Chat-kas came, to express the
suddenness of their appearance they replied that they had come out from
under the earth. Their great numbers imposed respect on the nations near
which they passed, but their wholly unmartial character did not inspire them
with any lust of conquest, so that they entered an uninhabited country the
possession of which no one disputed with them. They have not molested
their neighbors, and the latter did not dare to test their bravery; this is
doubtless why they have grown, and augmented to their present numbers.”
Romans (1771) says:
These people are the only nation from whom I could learn any idea of a
traditional account of a first origin; and that is their coming out of a hole
in the ground, which they shew between their nation and the Chickasaws;
they tell us also that their neighbours were surprised at seeing a people rise
at once out of the earth?
1Du Pratz, Hist. de La Louisiane, 11, pp. 216-217. Paris, 1758.
2 Romans, B., Nat. Hist. of E. and W. Fla., p. 71. New York, 1775,
6 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BuLu. 103
Adair, a still earlier English writer, does not give a Choctaw
migration story distinct from that which he obtained from the Chick-
asaw.2 In the latter the Chickasaw, Choctaw, and Chakchiuma are
represented as having come from the west “as one people.” How-
ever, he vouchsafes us our earliest description of the hill of Nanih
Waiya, the site of the hole out of which Romans tells us this nation
came,
About 12 miles from the upper northern parts of the Choktah country, there
stand on a level tract of land, the north-side of a creek, and within arrow-shot
of it, two oblong mounds of earth, which were old garrisons, in an equal
direction with each other, and about two arrow-shots apart. A broad deep ditch
inclosed those two fortresses, and there they raised an high breast-work, to
secure their houses from the invading enemy. This was a stupendous piece of
work, for so small a number of savages, as could support themselves in it;
their working instruments being only of stone and wood. They called those old
fortresses Nanne Yah, “the hills, or mounts, of God.” *
As usual, Adair has allowed himself to be carried away by his
theory of a Hebrew origin of the American Indians. The “ Vanne
Yah” is actually Nanih Waiya, and, although he has translated the
first word correctly, the second certainly has no reference to the
Hebrew Yahweh. Most recent authorities, including the noted Choc-
taw student, H. S. Halbert, spell this name Nanih Waiya. Halbert
says:
The adjective Waiya signifies ‘“ bending,” “leaning over,” but it is difficult
to see the appropriateness of the term as applied to the mound. According to the
conjecture of the writer, the term was originally applied to the circular rampart,
which the Choctaws may have considered a kind of bending hill. And in
process of time the name could have become so extended as to be applied to the
mound and rampart conjointly, and ultimately restricted to the mound alone,
as is now the case in popular usage.°
Schermerhorn (1814) tells us that
An old Indian gave ...a very rational explication of the [Choctaw] tradi-
tion, that they sprung out of the mound between the forks of Pearl River.
The banks of these streams are a marsh, and at that time probably formed
an impassable ravine. There is an embankment, which served as a fortification
from one branch to the other, and which, with the ravines, encloses an area
of nearly three miles. He observed to the agent, S. Dinsmore, “that their
ancestors, when they arrived in this country, knew net what the inhabitants
were; for their own protection, therefore, they cast up this mound, and en-
closed and fortified this area, to plant their corn, and as a defence against
enemies. This mound served as a place for look-out, to give notice of the
approach of invaders. When this was accomplished, they sent out their hunters
to see what were the inhabitants of the land. These on their return reported,
that they could dwell in safety, that the land was good, and game in abundance.
a
3See Forty-fourth Ann. Rept. Bur. Amer. Ethnol., p. 174.
4 Adair, Hist. Amer. Inds., pp. 377-378.
5 Pubs. Miss, Hist, Soc. II, p. 224, For another explanation of the name see p. 13.
Swanton] CHOCTAW SOCIAL AND CEREMONIAL LIFE 7
On this they left their encampment as it may be called, and settled in different
parts of the country. From this arose the tradition that they sprung or crept
out of the mound.” °
Dr. Gideon Lincecum, another early authority, accepts the same
translation of Nanih Waiya as does Halbert, but adds that the hill
was so called because “it leaned toward the creek ”; Catlin renders the
name “the sloping hill”; Alfred Wright, “the stooping or sloping
hill”; Cushman, “the leaning mound.” That some physical pecu-
liarity gave rise to the name is probable, but with the lapse of time
its exact nature has been lost and it is unlikely that it can be re-
covered. On the other hand, some plausible suggestions may be
made regarding the localization of the origin legend at this place.
As intimated above, there are two forms of this story, one treating
Nanih Waiya as the point of exit to the upper world of the ancestral
Choctaw, the other as their center of distribution after they had
immigrated from the west. It is probable that the tradition of a
western origin was in part correct, but whether it was so or not
the prominence of the hill in Choctaw history is easily accounted
for, because (1) it is a conspicuous landmark in the midst of one
of the most fertile sections of the old Choctaw country, (2) within a
mile there is a considerable cave tending to localize the tradition of
a subterranean origin which nearly all southeastern tribes enter-
tain, and (3) the word waiya happens to be very similar to another
Choctaw word, waya, which signifies “to bear,’ “to bring forth.”
Indeed, Nanih Waya may have been the earlier form, but it is less
common to find a term of purely mythic significance etymologized
over into a physical description than evolution in the opposite direc-
tion. However, we must not forget the statement of Schoolcraft’s
Chickasaw informant to the effect that the Indians of that tribe
called the mounds in their country “navels.” As Halbert points
out, the spelling “ Warrior,” which appears on some of our maps
instead of Waiya, is a barbarism.
The next description of the mound, or rather the mound system,
is by Doctor Lincecum :
I visited this celebrated mound in 1843. I found it a rounded off, oblong
square, 200 yards in circumference at its base; 80 feet in height, with a flat
space on the top 52 yards in length by 25 yards in width. The whole mound
was thickly set with forest trees. 200 yards to the north of it is a lake,
which I suppose to be the place whence they carried the earth to construct
the mound.
Speaking of the earthen rampart, he continues:
I went all around this earth wall. ... It seemed to be a complete circle,
and from one and a half to two miles in circumference, the southeastern portion
®Schermerhorn, Report on the Western Indians, in Mass. Hist. Soc. Coll., series 2.
vol. II, p. 17.
8 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 103
cutting the bluff of Nunih Waya creek. Many places in the wall were still
eight feet in height. The two gaps in the wall had never been filled up.’
Prof. Calvin S. Brown has published a brief but very interesting
account of the Nanih Waiya earthworks, arranged from the manu-
script notes of B. L. C. Wailes, who visited them on the 5th of
December, 1854.
I visited the Indian mounds and entrenchment in the fork of Nanawaya
and Tallahaya, identified by tradition as the place of origin or the birth-place
of the Choctaws, who held it in superstitious reverence as their mother. The
height of the principal mound is at least 50 feet; it is a parallelogram with
corners rounded by plowing; dimrensions 180 or 200 feet east and west by
perhaps 100 or 105 [1507] feet north and south.
Some 200 yards to the north of the high mound is a cone covering more
extent, but only about 10 feet high. Some small mounds nearly obliterated are
between the two large ones.
The wall or entrenchment goes around three sides of the mound and in
many places in the woods has trees of 4 feet diameter growing upon it. The
height in the most elevated places is near 10 feet, the width 30 or 40 feet; in
other places it dwindles away to a slight embankment; in the clear land east
of the mounds it can scarcely be traced owing to the constant plowing. Many
gaps or gate-ways have been left in the wall, some of them 100 feet wide. The
enclosure embraces about a section or square mile. *
More detailed is the description by Halbert:
Nanih Waiya is situated on the west side of Nanih Waiya Creek, about 50
yards from it, in the southern part of Winston County, and about four hun-
dred yards from the Neshoba County line. The mound is oblong in shape, lying
northwest and southeast, and about forty feet in height. Its base covers
about an acre. The mound stands on the southeastern edge of a circular
rampart, which is about a mile and a half in circumference. In using the
word “circular” reference is made to the original form of the rampart, about
one-half of which is utterly obliterated by the plow, leaving only a semi-
circle. This rampart is not, or rather was not, a continuous circle, so to
speak, as it has along at intervals a number of vacant places or gaps, ranging
from fifty to one hundred and fifty yards in length. All the sections near
the mound have long since been levelled by the plow, and in other places
some of the sections have been much reduced. But on the north, where the
rampart traverses a primeval forest it is still five feet high and twenty feet
broad at the base. The process of obliteration has been very great since 1877,
when the writer first saw Nanih Waiya. Some of the sections that could
then be clearly traced in the fields on the west have now (1899) utterly
disappeared. About two hundred and fifty yards north of Nanih Waiya is
a small mound, evidently a burial mound, as can be safely stated from the
numerous fragments of human bones that have been exhumed from it by the
plow and the hoe. The great number of stone relics, mostly broken, scat-
tered for hundreds of yards around Nanih Waiya, shows that it was the
site of prehistoric habitations. In addition to this, the bullets and other relics
of European manufacture evidence the continuity of occupancy down within
the historic period. The magnitude of these ancient works—the mound and
a A Ee
7 Pubs. Miss. Hist. Soc., vim, pp. 530, 542, footnotes,
® Brown, Calvin 8S. Archeology of Mississippi, Mississippi Geological Survey. Printed
by the University of Mississippi, 1926. Pages 24—26.
Swanton] CHOCTAW SOCIAL AND CEREMONIAL LIFE 9
the rampart—together with the legendary traditions connected with them,
leads one irresistibly to the conviction that this locality was the great center
of Choctaw population during the prehistoric period. It should here be stated
that the symmetry of the mound has been somewhat marred by a tunnel
which was cut into it in the summer of 1896 by some treasure-seekers, who
vainly hoped to unearth some wonderful bonanza from out the deep bosom
of Nanih Waiya.’... The ravages of civilization have still spared some
traces of two broad, deeply worn roads or highways connected with the
mound, in which now stand large oak trees. The remnant of one of these
highways, several hundred yards long, can be seen on the east side of the
creek, running toward the southeast. The other is on the west side of the
creek, the traces nearest the mound being at the northeastern part of the
rampart, thence running towards the north. Many years ago this latter road
was traced by an old citizen of Winston County full twenty miles to the
north until it was lost in Noxubee swamp, in the northeastern part of Winston
County.”
Correct measurements of the works are contained in Doctor
Brown’s book.
The famous Nanih Waiya ... stands in Winston County about ten miles
south-east of Noxapater. The name signifies in Choctaw “slanting hill.” It
is a typical rectangular mound, 218 feet long by 140 feet wide at the base,
thus covering seven-tenths of an acre. The axis is north-west by south-east.
The dimensions of the flat top are 132 feet by 56 feet, the area being one-
sixth of an acre. The height is 22 feet, in some places nearly 25 feet. The
slopes of the mound are covered with trees; the top seems to have been culti-
vated. A heavy rain set in during my survey of the site, July 6, 1917, and
prevented a completion of my study.
I visited the site again on August 3, 1923, and located one section of the
earth-wall or rampart near the residence, more than half a mile from the
great mound. This section of the wall is now 2.5 to 4 feet high and about
a hundred yards long. The resident on the farm states that four sections
of the earth-wall still exist. The low mound about 250 yards to the north-
east of the great mound is now about 7 or § feet high, and very much spread
by cultivation. Artifacts are scarce.
The great Nanih Waiya retains its original height and is still in a state of
excellent preservation, tho the small mounds and the wall have been much
reduced. This historic mound should be preserved for all time to come.”
The writer examined this interesting spot in May, 1918, and took
photographs of the principal mound and the small mound. (PI. 2.)
From a former owner he learned definitely that the top had been
cultivated, as Professor Brown supposes. The interest of the site
itself and the web of traditions attaching to it should move the State
of Mississippi to adopt Professor Brown’s recommendation by ob-
taining permanent possession of it and securing the old structures for
all time against the destructive influences to which they are now
exposed.
® Pubs. Miss. Hist. Soc., 1, pp. 223-224.
10 Tbid., p. 227. See also The American Antiquarian, Vol. x1, pp. 348-349.
1 Brown, Calvin S., op. cit., p. 24.
54564—31 2
10 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Buiy. 103
To one somewhat familiar with the ethnology of the southeastern
tribes this series of mounds is not at all difficult to interpret. The
large mound is without doubt that upon which the public buildings
were placed. From what Halbert says, the smaller mound is identi-
fied as a burial mound, while the engirdling rampart is undoubtedly
just what almost every visitor to the spot from Adair down has
taken it to be, the remains of a work defending the settlement about
the mounds and undoubtedly crowned with a stockade interrupted
at intervals by towers. It was in such a good state of repair when
Adair wrote that it does not seem likely it had been long abandoned.
The first and most natural supposition is that this was a Choctaw town
stockaded to protect their northern frontier against the Chickasaw.
We know from several of the older writers that the stockaded towns
of the Choctaw were on their east against the Creeks and their
north against the Chickasaws; indeed, the compiler of the French
Relation of 1755 mentions a town called “ Ougoulatanap,” “ War-
riors’ town,” which he describes as “ near the Chiquachas on the trail
from the Alibamons, and has a fort, because these two nations are
very often at war together.” This may have been on the site of
Nanih Waiya itself, although from Adair’s description it is probable
that the latter had been abandoned as a permanent native residence
shortly before French and English explorers arrived, a fact which
would not have prevented the appearance of those “ bullets and other
relics of European manufacture ” to which Halbert refers, since the
place no doubt had many temporary occupants long after it had been
given up as a permanent residence. The large mound is of a type
characteristic of the Creeks, Chickasaw, and lower Mississippi tribes
rather than the Choctaw, a possible indication that the group repre-
sents two distinct periods and as many distinct tribes.
Several later versions of the migration legend may now be given.
The first is from Catlin (1832-1839) :
The Choctaws a great many winters ago commenced moving from the country
where they then lived, which was a great distance to the west of the great
river and the mountains of snow, and they were a great many years on their
way. A great medicine man led them the whole way, by going before with a
red pole, which he stuck in the ground every night where they encamped. This
pole was every morning found leaning to the east, and he told them that they
must continue to travel to the east until the pole would stand upright in their
encampment, and that there the Great Spirit had directed that they should
live. At a place which they named Nah-ne-wa-ye (the sloping hill) the pole
stood straight up, where they pitched their encampment, which was 1 mile
square, with the men encamped on the outside and the women and children in
the center, which remains the center of the old Choctaw Nation.12
Nanih Waiya is hardly the center of the old Choctaw Nation except
in a metaphorical sense. Somewhat older is the version which Gat-
#2 Smithsonian Report for 1885, Part II, p. 213.
SWANTON J CHOCTAW SOCIAL AND CEREMONIAL LIFE 11
schet, and after him Halbert, considered “ the most circumstantial.”
It was communicated to the Missionary Herald by Rev. Alfred
Wright, and published in 1828.
They say, that the Creeks, Chickasaws, and Choctaws emigrated together,
from a distant country far to the west. The Creeks were in front; the Choc-
taws in the rear. The Choctaws emigrated under the conduct of a great leader
and prophet. While residing at the west, they were led to believe, that there
Was a good country at a great distance towards the rising of the sun, and
they were induced to take a long and perilous journey in search of it. Some
of them state, that in consequence of the great distance, their provisions failed,
and they stopped during the warm season to plant corn to furnish themselves
with food for the remainder of the journey. Their great leader and prophet
had the direction of all their movements on their journey. He carried the
hobuna, sacred bag, containing all their sacred things, and a long white pole
aus the badge of his authority. When he planted the white pole, it was a
signal for their encamping. He was always careful to set this pole perpen-
dicularly, and to suspend upon it the sacred bag. None were allowed to
come near it, and no one but himself might touch it. During the time of their
encampment, whether for one night or more, the pole was invariably found to
alter its position, and incline towards the rising of the sun. This was a
signal for them to proceed on their journey. The pole continued to incline
towards the east until they reached Nunih waiya, and there it remained in its
perpendicular position. From this they concluded, that they had found the
country of which they were in search. They remained at this place under the
direction of their leader, and there adopted their civil policy. This account
seems probable. For it is evident that the present inhabitants of this part of
the country must, at some former period, have emigrated from the west. The
Chickasaws are said generally to retain a traditional knowledge of the emigra-
tion of their ancestors from the west. The Choctaws in this part of the nation
appear generally to have lost all knowledge of such an event, and refer their
origin to Nunih waiya. The aged interpreter before mentioned supposes, that
when the Choctaws arrived at the country they now inhabit, they killed or
drove out by force, the former inhabitants, and having obtained possession of
their land by injustice and violence, they wished to erase from their history
the memory of such a transaction, and from motives of policy, endeavored to
prevent the knowledge of their emigration from being transmitted to posterity,
and therefore inculeated the belief that they were created at Nunih waiya,
where he supposes they adopted their regulations. And in this way he under-
takes to account for the prevalence of this belief; and also for the ignorance of
the Choctaws with respect to their emigration from the west.”
The motive mentioned has certainly operated in some cases, but it
is rather more likely that a subterranean origin myth became local-
ized at Nanih Waiya for historical, social, and topographical reasons,
some of which have already been given, and the immigration from
the west is probably correct as applying to at least a part of the
Choctaw people.
But if Wright’s narrative is considered “ circumstantial,’ what
shall be said of that written by Dr. Gideon Lincecum and published
18 The Missionary Herald, Vol. xXIv, pp. 215-216, Boston, 1828.
12 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Buty 103
by the Mississippi Historical Society? Here we have an elaborate
story which purports to detail the various movements of the tribe
during that ancient migration, the councils they held, the speeches
delivered, and the motives that actuated the various leaders and
factions in a manner worthy of a Spanish chronicler, and in fact
recalling the Fidalgo of Elvas. However, there can be no question
that Lincecum knew the Choctaw thoroughly, and much of the tale
is interesting on account of the ethnological information which it
contains, whether it be part of the original story or a later ampli-
fication. It is put into the mouth of a native informant. We will,
therefore, take the liberty to incorporate the entire narrative, which
begins abruptly, thus:
The chief halted the advance body of Choctaws on a little river to wait until
scouts could be sent forward to explore the region of country round about; and
to give time for the aged and feeble and those who were overloaded to come up.
Many of the families were loaded with so many of the bones of their deceased
relatives that they could carry nothing else, and they got along very slowly.
At this stage of their long journey there were a greater number of skeletons
being packed along by the people than there were of the living. The smallest
families were heaviest loaded; and such were their adoration and affection for
these dry bones that before they could consent to leave them on the way, they
would, having more bones than they could pack at one load, earry forward
a part of them half a day’s journey, and returning for the remainder, bring
them up the next day. By this double traveling over the route, they were soon
left a great distance in the rear. They would have preferred to die and rot
with these bones in the wilderness, sooner than leave them behind.
The minko looked upon the notions of the people in regard to the extraordi-
nary and overwhelming burthen of bones as a great evil; and he cast in his
mind for some plausible excuse to rid the people of a burthen that was as
useless as it was oppressive to them.
And now the scouts had returned and the reports they made of quite an
extensive excursion were very favorable and encouraging. They stated that
everywhere, and in all directions, they found game of all sorts, fish and fowl
and fruits in abundance; tall trees and running brooks; altogether they looked
upon it as the most desirable and plentiful region they had found during their
pilgrimage. They also stated, that the most convenient place they had found,
for a winter encampment, lay in a southeasterly direction at the junction of
three large creeks, which coming together at the same point, formed an im-
mense lowland, and a considerable river. In the fork of the first and the
middle creeks lay an extensive range of dry, good lands, covered with tall trees
of various kinds, grapes, nuts, and acorns; and rivulets (bok ushi) of running
water. For the multitude, it was distant eight or ten days’ travel, and the
route would be less and less difficult to that place.
At the rising of the sun on the ensuing morning, the leader’s pole was observed
to be inclining to the southeast, and the people were moving off quite early.
The nights were becoming cooler, and they desired to have time to prepare
shelter before the winter rains should commence. The chief, with the Isht
Ahullo, who carried the sacred pole, went in front, and being good walkers,
they traveled rapidly until they came to the place which had been designated.
Great numbers of the stronger and more athletic people came up the same day.
SWANTON] CHOCTAW SOCIAL AND CEREMONIAL LIFE 1 BS
Early on the next morning the chief went to observe the leader’s pole, which,
at the moment of sunrise, danced and punched itself deeper into the ground;
and after some time settled in a perpendicular position, without having nodded
or bowed in any direction. Seeing which the chief said, “It is well. We have
arrived at our winter encampment.” He gave instructions to the tool carriers
to lay off the encampment for the iksas and mark on posts their appropriate
symbols. He ordered them to allow sufficient space for the iksas, having par-
ticular regard to the watering places.
It was several days before the people had all reached the encampment.
Those who were packing the double loads of bones came in several days later,
and they complained of being greatly fatigued. They mourned and said, “The
bad spirit has killed our kindred; to pack their bones any further will kill us,
and we shall have no name amongst the iksas of this great nation. Oh! when
will this long journey come to an end?”
There were plenty of pine and cypress trees and palmetto; and in a short
time the people had constructed sufficient tents to shelter themselves from the
rain. Their hunters with but little labor supplied the camps with plenty of
bear meat; and the women and children collected quantities of acorns and
oksak kapko, and kapun (large hickory nuts, and scaly barks). It was an
extremely plentiful land, and the whole people were rejoicing at the prospects
for a pleasant and bountiful winter. Their camps being completed, the chief
gave instructions, to have sufficient ground prepared to plant what seed corn
might be found in the camps. Search was made by Isi maleli (Running Deer)
for the corn. He found a few ears only; they had been preserved by the very
old people, who had no teeth. The corn they found was two years old, and
they were very much afraid that it was dead. The minko suggested to Isi
maleli, that as the tool carriers had iron [!] implements with which to break
the ground, it would be best to detail a sufficient number of them to prepare
ground to grow it. So the minko called out twenty of the tool carriers for the
purpose, and appointed the wise Isi maleli, to direct them, and to select the soil
for growing the corn properly, and to preserve it when it matured.
One end or side of the encampment lay along the elevated ground—bordering
the low lands on the west side of the middle creek. Just above the uppermost
camps, and overhanging the creek, was a steep little hill with a hole in one side.
As it leaned towards the creek, the people called it the leaning hill (nunih
waya).™" From this little hill the encampment took its name, ‘ Nunih Waya,”
by which name it is known to this day.
The whole people were healthy at Nunih Waya. Full of life and cheerfulness,
they danced and played a great deal. Their scouts had made wide excursions
around the encampment, and finding no signs of the enemy in any direction,
they consoled themselves with the idea, that they had traveled beyond his
reach. The scouts and hunters, on returning into camps, from their exploring
expeditions, were often heard to say, “The plentiful, fruitful land of tall trees
and running waters, spoken of by our great and wise chiefs, who saw it in a
vision of the night, is found. We have found the land of plenty, and our great
journey is at an end.”
They passed through their first winter at Nunih Waya quite pleasantly.
Spring opened finely. Their few ears of corn came up well and grew off
wonderfully. The creeks were full of fish and the mornings rang with the
turkeys and singing birds. The woods everywhere were full of buffalo, bear,
deer and elks; everything that could be wished for was there, and easily
procured. All were filled with gladness.
13a The spelling of Nunih Waiya is not quite accurate.
14 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BuLL. 103
And when the time for the green corn dance was near, the hunters brought
into the camps wonderful quantities of fat meat, and they celebrated this
dance five days. They did not eat of their corn, but that it might be properly
called the green corn dance, they erected a pine pole in the center of the
dance ground, and upon this they suspended a single ear of green corn.
When they had finished this, their forty-third green corn dance in the wilder-
ness, the people began to be concerned as to the probabilities of their having to
journey further. Many of them declared that if the sacred pole should indicate
a removal, it would be impossible for them to go farther, on account of the
great number of bones that had accumulated on their long journey. They
could not carry the bones, neither could they think of leaving them behind.
The chief had for some time been considering the great inconvenience the
marvelous amount of bones had become to the nation. He knew very well, the
feelings of the people on the subject, and how difficult it woul! be to get them
to consent to abandon the useless encumbrance. He could see very plainly, that
should they have to go further, a portion of the people, under their present
impressions in regard to the dry bones, would be most certainly left behind. On
hearing the murmuring suggestions of so many of the people, every day, about
the bones of their deceased relatives, and the sacred duty incumbent on the
living to preserve and take care of them, he was convinced that the subject
must be approached with caution. Yet, the oppressive, progress-checking nature
of the burdens was such that they must be disposed of in some way.
He called a council of the leaders of the iksas, and in a very prudent and
cautious manner, consulted them in behalf of the suffering people, enquiring
of them at the same time, if it was possible to invent any means that would
aid them in the transportation of their enormous packs of useless dry bones.
It was a subject they had not before thought of, and they required a day or
two to make up their minds.
Time was granted to them, and in the meantime the minko convened with
many of the people [to consult] about it.
The council met again, and there was some discussion, but nothing conclu-
sive. They were loath to speak of the bones of their deceased friends and
relatives. They had packed their bones a great way, and for years; but there
had been no conversation, no consultation, on the subject. There were among
the young people, many who were carrying heavy packs of bones, who had
never heard, and who really did not know, whose bones they were carrying.
They had grown up with the bones on their backs, and had packed them faith-
fully, but never having heard the name of their original owners, they could tell
nothing, nor did they know anything about them. That the spirits hovered
about their bones to see that they were respectfully cared for, and that they
would be offended and punished with bad luck, sickness, or even death for
indignities, or neglect of their bones, every one knew. It was a great indignity
to the spirits to repeat the names they were known by during their mundane
existence. The greater part of the living who were then in the camp, had
been born and reared in the wilderness, and were still packing the bones of
those who had lived long before and of whom they knew nothing. Yet they
worried along with heavy loads of these dry bones on their journey, in gocd
faith, and in a full belief of its necessity as a sacred duty. The leaders of the
iksas, who were not in council, were carrying heavy loads of bones themselves
which they could not consent to part with; and they esteemed it a subject of
too much delicacy to be caviled about in a council. They did not wish to say
anything further about it, anyway.
SwaNTon J CHOCTAW SOCIAL AND CEREMONIAL LIFE 15
One of the Isht ahullos,* who was an old man, and who had long been a
secret teacher, among the women and children, on the nature and wants of the
spirit world and the causes that made it necessary to pack the bones of the
dead, arose from his seat and said:
“Some people can make very light talk about the bones of our deceased
friends and relatives. Those sacred relics of our loved ones, who have passed
away from our sight are to be irreverently stigmatized by the name of ‘ oppres-
sive burthen,’ ‘useless incumbrance,’ and the like. Awful! And it was our
chief who could dare to apply the uncivil epithet to the precious and far-fetched
treasures. From all these things, I am forced, unwillingly, to infer that the
next thing the chief has to propose for your consideration will be for you to
east away this ‘ oppressive burthen.’ Shameful! (Hofahya.) This thing must
not be. This people must not cast away the precious remains of the fathers
and mothers of this nation. They are charged by the spirits, who are hovering
thick around us now, to take care of them; and carry them whithersoever the
nation moves. And this we must not, we dare not fail to do. Were we to cast
away the bones of our fathers, mothers, brothers, sisters, for the wild dogs
to gnaw in the wilderness, our hunters could kill no more meat; hunger and
disease would follow; then confusion and death would come; and the wild dogs
would become fat on the unscaffolded carcasses of this unfeeling nation of
forgetful people. The vengeance of the offended spirits would be poured out
upon this foolish nation.”
The council before which the Isht ahullo made this appeal to the religious
sentiment of the tribe was only an assembly of the leaders of the iksas. The
people were not present, and did not hear it. The chief, however, was fully
apprised of the secret action of these bad men; and to counteract their dark
and mischievous influence on the minds of the people, he dismissed the Isht
ahullos, and leaders of the iksas, with a severe reprimand, telling them plainly
that he had no further business for them to attend to. Then turning to the
Isht ahullo, and at the same time pointing at him with an arrow, [he] said:
“When you again get in council with the lazy, bad hearted men to which
you belong, tell them that the time has come when you must be cautious how
you meddle with the affairs of this nation. Hear my words.”
The minko, returning to his tent, sent for Long Arrow, to whom he com-
municated his designs as to the disposition of the dry bones; after which he
directed him to send the tool carriers to the iksas, and instruct them to summon
every man, woman and child, except the leaders of the clans and the conjurers
of all grades. The minko said:
“Tell the people to assemble at the dance ground early in the day, to-
morrow. I wish tv consult them on important national business. Let the
people, except those I have named, all know it before they sleep.”
In accordance with the notice sent by the chief, the entire tribe, male and
female, old and young, except the yushpakammi™” and the leaders, came. These
were not found in the great assembly. But the healthy, clean washed, bright,
cheerful people were all present, and seated at the time the minko came to his
place on the council ground.
The minko looked around on the multitude, and very calmly speaking, ad-
dressed them as follows:
“Tt is to you my brothers, my sisters, my countrymen, that I wish to declare
my thoughts this day. I lock around upon the bright, cheerful countenances of
the multitude and I feel assured that you will hear my words; and that you
will hearken to my counsels. You are a great people, a wonderful people, a
14 “6 Miracle Workers,” “ Conjurers.” 18 “* Wizards.”
16 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Buty 103
people of strength, of unparalleled courage and untiring, patient industry. Your
goodness of heart has caused you to work and hunt, far beyond the needs of
your families, to gain a surplus, to feed a lazy, gluttonous set of hangers on,
whose aim it is to misdirect you, whose counsels are all false, and whose great-
est desire is confusion and discord amongst this peaceful, happy people. I
know the meaning of my words. I speak them boldly and intentionally, I do
not catch you in a corner, one at a time, and secretly communicate to you
messages from the spirit land; packing you with enormous and insupportable
burthens, to gratify wicked and discontented spirits, who are, as you are told,
hovering about the camps, threatening mischief. But I call you all in general
council and standing up in this bright sunlight, with every eye upon me, and
declare in language that cannot be mistaken, words of wisdom and truth. I
bring no message from the spirit land. I declare to you the needs and interests
of the living. I have no visions of the night; no communications from the dis-
contented spirits, who it is said are hovering around our camps, threatening
disaster and death to the living, out of spite for having been rejected from the
good hunting ground, to tell you of; but openly, in this bright day, I communicate
to you, in deepest solicitude, the long cherished thoughts of a live man; which,
when fully carried out, cannot fail to establish peace, harmony, concord and
much gladness to this great live nation. I speak not to the dead; for they
cannot hear my words. I speak not to please or benefit the dead; there is
nought I ean do or say, that can by any possibility reach their condition. I
epeak to the living for the advancement and well being of this great, vigorous,
live multitude. Hear my words.
“From new motions and indications made by the sacred pole, which I have
never witnessed before, I was led to conclude that our forty-three years’ journey
in an unknown country had come to its termination. And to avoid hindering
and annoying the whole people with what I had on my mind to be considered,
I called yesterday (pilashash) a council of the leaders of the iksas, and all the
conjurers, for the purpose of examining and deciding on the most prudent
course to pursue, in case it should be finally ascertained, that the leader’s pole
had settled permanently.
“They all came, and after hearing my propositions, they put on wise faces,
talked a great deal of the unhappy spirits of our dead friends, of their wants
and desires, and of the great dangers that would befall the people, if they
failed to obey the unreasonable demands made by the spirits, through the
lazy Isht ahullos, conjurers and dreamers, who, according to their own words,
are the only men through which the spirits can make manifest to the nation
their burthensome and hurtful desires. Finding that they had nothing to say,
nor did they even surmise anything on the subject of the affairs and interests
of the living, I dismissed them as ignorant of, and enemies to, the rights of the
people, and, therefore, improper agents for the transaction of their business.
They were dismissed on account of their secret, malicious designs on the people,
and their inefficiency in the councils of the nation. I immediately sent out
runners to convene the people in general council to-day. You are all here,
except the secret mongers, and the leaders of the clans, whose mouths and
tongues have been tied up by the Isht ahullo and yushpakammi. The nation is
present to hear my words; in them there is no secret or hidden meaning. You
will all hear them, and let everyone, who is a man, open his mouth this clear
day, and openly and fearlessly pour out his full and undisguised feelings on the
topics which will be presented.
“From signs which I have just named, I conclude, and I find it the prevailing
impression of this multitude of self-sustaining people, that our long journey of
Swanton] CHOCTAW SOCIAL AND CEREMONIAL LIFE 17
privations and dangers in the pathless wilderness has ended. We are now in
the land of tall trees and running waters, of fruit, game of many kinds and
fish and fowl, which was spoken of by our good chief, who is missing, in the
far off country towards the setting sun. His words have come to pass. Our
journey is at an end, and we shall grow to be a nation of happy people in this
fruitful land. ;
“Let us now, like a sensible people, put the nation in a suitable condition
for the free enjoyment of the inexahustible bounties that have been so lavishly
spread in this vast country for the use and benefit of this multitude. Let us lay
aside all useless encumbrance, that we may freely circulate, with our families
in this widely extended land, with no burthen to pack, but such as are neces-
sary to sustain life and comfort to our wives and little ones. Let us eall this
piace; this, Nunih Waya encampment, our home; and it shall be so that when
aman, at his hunting camp, in the distant forests, shall be asked for his home
place, his answer will be, ‘Nunih Waya.’ And to establish Nunih Waya more
especially as our permanent home, the place to which when we are far away,
our thoughts may return with feelings of delight and respectful pleasure, I
propose that we shall by general consent and mutual good feelings select an
eligible location within the limits of the encampment and there, in the most
respectful manner, bring together and pile up in beautiful and tasteful style
the vast amount of bones we have packed so far and with which many of the
people have been so grievously oppressed. Let each set of bones remain in
its sack, and after the sacks are closely and neatly piled up, let them be
thickly covered over with eypress bark. After this, to appease and satisfy the
spirits of our deceased relatives, our blood kin, let all persons, old and young,
great and small, manifest their respect for the dead, by their energy and in-
dustry in carrying dirt to cover them up, and let the work of carrying and
piling earth upon them be continued until every heart is satisfied. These bones,
as we all know, are of the same iksa, the same kindred. They were all the same
flesh and blood; and for us to pile their bones all in the same heap and se-
curely cover them up will be more pleasing to the spirits, than it will be to
let them remain amongst the people, to be scattered over the plains, when the
sacks wear out in the hands of another generation who will know but little and
care less about them.
“You have heard my talk. I have delivered to you the true sentiments of
my heart. When it comes to my time to depart for the spirit land, I shall be
proud to know that my bones had been respectfully deposited in the great
mound with those of my kindred. What says the nation?”
Some little time elapsed; and there was no move among them. The multitude
seemed to reflect. At length, a good looking man of about sixty winters, arose
in a dignified manner, from his seat, and gravely said:
“Tt was in my boyhood, and on the little river where we had the great fish
feast, that my much respected father died. His family remained and mourned
a whole moon, and when the ery-poles were pulled down, and the feast and
dance had ended, my mother having a young child to carry, it fell to my lot,
being the next largest member of the family, to pack on the long journey, the
bones of my father. I have carefully carried them over hardships and diffi-
culties, from that little rocky river to the present encampment. Such has been
my love and respect for these sacred relics, that I was ready at any time to
have sacrificed my life sooner than I would have left them, or given them up
to another. I am now growing old; and with my declining years come new
thoughts. Not long hence, I too must die. I ask myself, who in the coming
generations will remember and respect the bones of my father? Will they
18 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Buiy.103
not be forgotten and scattered to bleach and moulder on the carelessly trodden
plain? I have sought with a heart full of anxious sorrow, for a decent and
satisfactory resting place, in which to deposit the bones of my long lost father.
I could think of none. And I dare assert, that there are thousands in hearing
of my voice, at this very moment, whose faithful hearts have asked the same
embarrassing questions. I am happy in the acknowledgment, and I trust
with much confidence, that the whole people will view this important matter
in the same satisfactory light. The wise propositions of our worthy chief
have answered perplexing questions and have fully relieved the unsettled work-
ings of many anxious hearts.
“Tt is true, as our wise chief has already suggested, that we can now
witness the wonderful and never before heard of sight of a live nation packing
on their backs an entire dead nation, our dead outnumbering the living. It is
a pleasure to me, now that my eyes have been opened by the chief’s proposition
to the propriety of placing these relics of the dead nation to themselves, that
we have power and time to do as he suggests, and most reverently to secure
them from being tumbled among our greasy packs, and from the occasional
dropping of the precious bones, through the holes in the worn out sacks to be
lost forever. Let us, in accordance with the wise and reasonable proposition
of our minko, fetch all the sacred relics to one place; pile them up in a comely
heap; and construct a mound of earth upon them, that shall protect them from
all harm forever.”
And the people rose up and with one voice, said, “It is well; we are content.”
The minko stood up again and said that in that great multitude there might
be some whose feelings in regard to the disposition of the bones of their dead
friends would not permit them to pile them with the dead nation. Then they
all shouted aloud, “It is good, it is satisfactory.”
Men were then appointed to select an appropriate place for the mound to be
erected on, and to direct the work while in progress. They selected a level
piece of sandy land, not far from the middle creek; laid it off in an oblong
square and raised the foundation by piling up earth which they dug up some
distance to the north of the foundation. It was raised and made level as
high as a man’s head and beat down very hard. It was then floored with
cypress bark before the work of placing the sacks of bones commenced. The
people gladly brought forward and deposited their bones until there were none
left. The bones, of themselves, had built up an immense mound. They brought
the cypress bark, which was neatly placed on, till the bone sacks were all
closely covered in, as dry as a tent. While the tool carriers were working
with the bark, women and children and all the men, except the hunters, carried
earth continually, until the bark was all covered from sight, constituting a
mound half as high as the tallest forest tree.
The minko kindled the council fire, and, calling an assembly of the people,
told them that the work on the great monumental grave had been prosecuted
with skill and wonderful industry. He said that the respect which they had
already manifested for the deceased relatives was very great; that notwith-
standing the bones were already deeply and securely covered up, the work was
not yet completed. Yet it was sufficiently so to allow them to suspend opera-
tions for a season. Winter was drawing near; the acorns and nuts were
beginning to fall and were wasting. The people must now scatter into the
forests and collect the rich autumnal fruits which were showering down from
every tree. That done, the people must return to the encampment; and as
the tool carriers had produced seed corn enough for all to have a little field.
each family must prepare ground for that purpose. Then, after the corn was
SwaNTOn J CHOCTAW SOCIAL AND CEREMONIAL LIFE 19
grown and the new corn feast and dance celebrated and over, the nation
could again prosecute the work on the mound, and so on, from year to year, until
the top of the great grave of the dead nation should be as high as the tallest
forest tree. And it should be made level on the top as much as sixty steps
(habli) in length, and thirty steps in width, all beat down hard, and planted
thick with acorns, nuts and pine seeds. “‘ Remember my words,” said the chief,
“and finish the work accordingly. Now go and prepare for winter.”
And the people gladly dispersed into the distant forests. Fruit was found
in great quantities and was collected and brought into camp in very large
amounts—acorns, hickory nuts, and most and best of all, the otupi (chest-
nuts), all of which was secured from the worms by the process of drying them
by smoke and incasing them in small quantities in airtight mud cells, in
the same manner, that the mud daubers (lukchuk chanuskik)™ preserve their
spiders. Their hunters were very successful; and at midwinter, when all the
clans had returned to their camps, they found themselves rich in their sup-
plies of so many things that were good for food, they concluded that as the
best way of expressing their unfeigned gratitude (yokoke ahni) to the great
sun they would celebrate a grand, glad feast, and joyous dance, before they
commenced the work of clearing and breaking ground for their cornfields.
So they cleaned out the dance ground, and planted the pole with the golden
Sun in the center of it. The people collected and, with much joy and gladness
of heart, feasted and danced five days.
The amount of ground necessary to plant what corn they had was small,
and was soon planted. Then having nothing else to be working at, a thought-
ful old man, pointing to the great unfinished mound (yokni chishinto) said,
“the weather is cool and pleasant, and the grave of your dead kindred is
only half as high as a tall tree.” Taking the timely suggestion of the man,
thousands went to work, carrying dirt to the great mound. Afterwards, it
became an honorable thing to carry and deposit earth on the mound at any
time they were not engaged at work in their domestic vocations.
The winter over, spring with its green foliage and singing birds and its
grand flourish of gobbling turkeys came slowly on. Corn was planted and
the companies of hunters went forth. The camps were healthy. -Those who
were planting soon finished it, and engaged actively forthwith in throwing
earth upon the already huge mound. Their corn flourished well, producing
enough, after preserving a portion of their fields for seed, to supply a full
feast for the green corn dance.
At the Nunih Waya encampment, everything went well and there were no
complaints. Their hunters made wide excursions, acquainting themselves with
the geography of the country to the extent of many days’ journey around.
But, as yet, they had discovered no signs of the enemy, or of any other people.
In this happy condition of health and plenty—for they had enlarged their
fields and were harvesting abundant crops of corn—years rolled round; the
work on the mound was regularly prosecuted; and at the eighth green corr
dance celebrated at Nunih Waya, the committee who had been appointed at
the commencement, reported to the assembled multitude that the work was
completed and the mound planted with the seeds of the forest trees in accord-
ance with the plan and direction of the minko, at the beginning of the work.
The minko then instructed the good old Lopina, who had carried it so many
years, to take the golden sun to the top of the great mound and plant it in
the center of the level top.
16 Tukchuk chanushik. The dance as employed by men is probably wholly imaginary.
20 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BuLL. 103
When the people beheld the golden emblem of the sun glittering on the top
of the great work which, by the united labor of their own hands, had just been
accomplished, they were filled with joy and much gladness. And in their songs
at the feast, which was then going on, they would sing:
“ Behold the wonderful work of our hands; and let us be glad. Look upon
the great mound; its top is above the trees, and its black shadow lies on the
ground, a bowshot. It is surmounted by the golden emblem of the sun; its
glitter (tohpakali) dazzles the eyes of the multitude. It inhumes the bones
of fathers and relatives; they died on our sojourn in the wilderness. They
died in a far off wild country; they rest at Nunih Waya. Our journey lasted
many winters; it ends at Nunih Waya.”
The feast and the dance, as was the custom, continued five days. After this,
in place of the long feast, the minko directed that, as a mark of respect due
to the fathers and mothers and brothers and sisters, for whom they had with
so much labor prepared such a beautiful and wonderfully high monumental
grave, each iksa should come to the mound and, setting up an ornamental pole
for each clan, hold a solemn ery a whole moon. Then, to appease the restless
spirits of the deceased nation and satisfy all the men and women with what
they had done with the sacred relics of their dead, the Choctaws held a grand
and joyous national dance and feast of two days. And returning to their tents,
they remembered their grief no more.
All the people said that their great chief was full of wisdom; that his heart
was with the people; and that his counsels had led them in the clean and white
paths of safety and peace. Each of the iksas selected very tall pine poles,
which they peeled and made white and ornamented with festoons of evergreens
and flowers. Then in most solemn form, they performed the ery three times
every day, during one whole moon. Then at the great national pole pulling,
they celebrated a grand feast and dance of two days. The rejoicing of the na-
tion was very great, and they returned to their camps with glad hearts, remem-
bering their sorrows no more.’™
Afterward, when a death occurred, and the bones had been properly cleansed,
they were deposited in a great cavity which had been constructed for that
purpose, as the work of the mound was progressing. It was the national
sepulchral vault; and thither the bones of all the people that died at Nunih
Waya were carried and neatly stowed away in dressed leather sacks. Thus
arose the custom of burying the dead in the great monumental sepulchre. And
when a member of a hunting party of more than two men or a family died, too
far out in the forest to pack home the bones, which could not be cleaned in the
woods—for the bone pickers never went hunting—it was deemed sufficient to
appease the wandering spirit to place all his hunting implements close to the
dead body, just as death had left it. In such cases it was not lawful to touch
the dead, and they were covered with a mound of earth thirty steps in cireum-
ference and as high as a man’s head. If death occurred at the camp of an
individual family in the far off hunt, the survivors would, during the cry moon,
carry, in cane baskets and [on] the blade bones of the buffalo, a sufficient
amount of earth to construct a mound of the above dimensions. If there should
be but two men at a camp, or a lone man and his wife, and one should die, the
survivor had to carry the dead body home. Life for life, was the law; and every
life had to be accounted for in a Satisfactory manner. It would not answer
for a man to return home and report that his hunting companion or his wife
had been lost or drowned, devoured by wild beasts or died a natural death.
ee a Eee
16a Ag will be seen later, the pole-pulling ceremony was of later date than the custom
of burying in mounds.
SwANTON ] CHOCTAW SOCIAL AND CEREMONIAL LIFE 21
He must show the body. There are occasionally found among the great number
of tumuli scattered over the land, mounds of larger dimensions than ordinary
ones. These mounds were constructed by females. Upon the death in camp
of a man who had an affectionate wife, his mourning tekchi (wife), regardless
of the customary time to cry, would throw down her hair and with all her
strength and that of her children would carry earth, and build upon the mound
as long as they could find food of any kind that would sustain life. They
would then return to camp, worn out skeletons.
Now, my white friend, I have explained to you the origin, and who it was
that built the great number of mounds that are found scattered over this wide
land. The circular, conic mounds are all graves, and mark the spot where the
persons, for whom they were built, breathed their last breath. There being no
bone pickers at the hunting camps to handle the dead, the body was never
touched, or moved from the death posture. Just as it lay, or sat, as the case
might be, it was covered up, first with either stones, pebbles, or sand, and
finished off with earth. In this way the custom of mound graves originated
from the great mound grave, Nunih Waya, and it prevailed with the Choctaw
people until the white man came with his destructive, sense-killing ‘“ fire water,”
and made the people all drunk.
After getting in possession of this information, in regard to the origin and
make of the mounds, I took pains to excavate quite a number of them, which
were found on the “second flat” along the Tombecbee river. They contained
invariably a single human skeleton. The bones generally, except the skull,
were decomposed. The crania of most of them weuld bear handling, when first
taken out, but when exposed to the air they soon fell to ashes. Along with the
ashes of the bones, in most cases, would be found five or six arrow points, a
stone ax, and not infrequently a stone skin-dresser. In all cases, the bones
would be found enveloped, sometimes lying on the side, feet drawn up; at other
times in a sitting posture, either in sand, pebbles, or small stones. In one or
two cases, the coals and the charred ends of the pine knots that lighted up. the
last sad night of the deceased, lay in front and near the bones, under the sand.
As soon as the national cry was over, the poles pulled down, and the great
dance celebrated, the families dispersed into the far off hunting grounds where
they enjoyed the game and fruits, until midwinter; when they returned to their
homes to prepare and put their fields in order for the coming planting time.
The seasons at Nunih Waya were good every year; and they had on hand corn
in abundance. Their mode of putting it away, in small lots, in air tight earthen
cells, preserved it, from year to year, for an indefinite period, as sound and fresh
as new corn. To keep it dry and entirely excluded from the air, was all that
was necessary, to preserve it for any length of time in the same condition in
which it was when put up.
Feeling themselves permanently settled after the mound was completed, they
planted larger crops and were beginning to construct good, dry houses in which
to dwell. The next year after the mound was finished, haying a very large
crop of corn, they celebrated the green corn dance, eating nothing besides the
corn. On the first day of the feast, and at the time the people had assembled
to receive instructions in regard to the manner of conducting the ceremonies,
the minko came upon the dance ground, and calling the attention of the
multitude said:
“We are a brave and exceedingly prosperous people. We are an industrious
people. We till the ground in large fields, thereby producing sustenance for
this great nation. We are a faithful and dutiful people. We packed the bones
of our ancestors on our backs, in the wilderness, forty-three winters, and at the
22 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BuLu. 103
end of our long journey piled up to their memory a monument that over-
shadows the land like a great mountain. We are a strong, hardy, and very
shifty [!] people. When we set out from the land of our fathers, the Chata
tribe numbered a little less than nineteen thousand. We have traveled over a
pathless wilderness, beset with rocks, high mountains, sun-scorched plains, with
dried up rivers of bitter waters; timbered land, full of lakes and ferocious wild
beasts. Bravely we have battled and triumphed over all. We have not failed,
but are safely located in the rich and fruitful land of tall trees and running
brooks seen in a vision of the night, and described by our good chief who is
missing. And we number now a little more than twenty-one thousand. As-
suredly we are a wonderful people. A people of great power. A united,
friendly people. We are irresistibly strong (hlampko).”
Then turning and pointing with his hand, he said:
“Behold the sacred pole, the gift of the Great Spirit. To it we are to
attribute all our success. When the enemy pursued on our track, its truthful
indications gave us timely notice to escape from danger. When we wavered
in the trackless desert it leaned and led us onward in the paths of safety.
When we reached the swift, wide river, it bowed its ominous head; we crossed
to Nunih Waya. Here it danced and made many motions, but did not in-
dicate for us to go farther. As a leading light to our feet and as a great
power, it has conducted us from the far distant West (hush ai akatula) to
the rising sun; to the land of safety and plenty. It is a sacred relic of our
pilgrimage in the unknown regions. As such we must preserve it for the
coming generations to see and remember the potent leader of their fathers in
the wilderness. It is proposed by the wise Isht ahullo, who has faithfully
carried the sacred pole ever since the virtuous and ingenious Peni ikbi™ died,
that a circular mound, forty steps in circumference at the base, as high as
onee and a half the length of the sacred pole, be erected eastward from the
great monument, on the high ground towards the middle creek; and that
inasmuch as your good, lazy Isht ahullos, yushpakammi, dreamers, spirit
talkers and medicine men, did not find it convenient to assist you in the con-
struction of the great monument for the dead nation, let them be required
to construct with their own hands, this mound for the leader’s pole to rest on.
They pretend to be always dealing with spirits and sacred things, and no
other men should be allowed to work on the mound, that is to constitute a
resting place for the sacred pole. The work must be performed and finished
by the sacred conjurers, in accordance with the plan and directions of the wise
Isht ahullo, who carries the leader’s pole, and who is this day appointed to
superintend the work.”
The pole-bearing Isht ahullo marked off the ground, and placing the sacred
pole in the center of it, summoned the whole of the conjurers and sorcerers
to commence the work. They came, but they were so extremely awkward
and lazy that the work progressed quite slowly. The Isht ahullo, who was
superintendent of the work, exerted his whole power to encourage them to
facilitate the building of the mound. It was all to no effect. They grumbled
from morning till night and moved so slowly at their work, that a child could
have done as much work as they accomplished in a day. The superintendent
shortened their daily supply of food. They did less work and grumbled more.
He made their daily food still less. They, with but few exceptions, ran off
into the woods, and scattering themselves among the camps of the hunters,
sponged upon them until the hunters, becoming tired of them, drove them
17“ Canoe Maker.”
SwaNTon] CHOCTAW SOCIAL AND CEREMONIAL LIFE 23
from their camps like dogs. They returned to Nunih Waya, but did not
resume their work. The superintendent of the work complained to the chief.
The chief called the tool carriers and instructed them to go out, and select a
piece of land, that would not interfere with the claims of the iksas. “ Lay out
a plot of land, twenty steps square for each one of the yushpakammi, who is
not found engaged at work on the mound; and set the idle conjurers to work
on it, preparing the ground to plant corn. We are settled permanently now,
and every member of the nation, who is healthy, must perform sufficient labor
to produce, at least, as much food and raiment as he consumes. This people
shall not labor and sweat to support a lazy, heartless set of men, whose only
duty is falsehood, and whose influence disturbs the quiet of the nation.”
The tool carriers laid off the little plats of land, but the conjurers paid no
attention to the order for them to work it. The chief then appointed a day
for the people to meet in council for the purpose of taking into consideration
the bad character of these lazy men and the demoralizing influence they
exerted in the nation. The whole number of the conjurers were also summoned
to attend the council and defend their right to enjoy all the privileges of the
camps, with entire exemption from labor or any visible calling.
On the day appointed for the council, all the people who were out hunting
came. But of the spirit talkers and conjurers, there were not exceeding
thirty in the assembly, and they were all known to be industrious men. Mes-
sengers were sent to warn them to the council. They were not to be found
in the camps; and it was discovered that a great number of women were
missing. The assembly immediately broke up and parties were sent out to
capture and bring home the women at least.
After several days diligent search, the parties all returned and reported that
the conjurers must have gone off on the wind; for they could discover no trace
nor sign of them in any direction. Nor did they ever know certainly what
went with them.
At the time this thing occurred there were so many people absent from the
encampment that they were unable to make an estimate of the number that
were missing but from the number of children left without mothers in the
camp, it was known to be very considerable. As far as could be ascertained,
they were the wives of men, without exception, who were out hunting. It
was distressing to see the great number of small children who were running
to and fro in the camps, and to hear their incessant lament. “Sa ishka muto”
(Where is my mother) was heard in all directions. They were mostly small
children, and generally of young mothers who had abandoned both them and
their absent husbands and run off with the lazy conjuring priests and medicine
men.
At midwinter, when the hunting parties had all returned, an effort was made
to ascertain the number of women who had left their families to follow the
conjurers and priests. From the best computation they could make, the number
was nearly 200, and it so much excited the bereaved husbands and the people
generally against the Isht ahullo and conjurers of every grade, that it was
with much difficulty the minko found himself able to dissuade them from fall-
ing upon the few that were left, and who were faithfully at work on the mound.
In their rage [they cried] that the whole mass of lazy Isht ahullo, conjurers,
Spirit talkers, and medicine men were all alike—enemies to the men that fed
them, and seducers and prostituters of the women who clothed them. They de-
clared that there was no good in them, and that they ought not to live. This
manifestation of the low, gross nature of the priests and conjurers depreciated
24 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Buxu. 1038
their standing with the whole people. It sank them to a degree of infamy and
suspicion from which they have never recovered. To this day they are pushed
aside in decent company and looked upon with scorn and contempt.
The Isht Ahullo, who was so long the bearer of the sacred pole, had always
deported himself as a good, industrious man; and it was from his management
that the investigation of their conduct, and the flights of the conjuring priests
had been brought about. After a time with the small band of Isht ahullos
that had been left he completed the mound in good style and, planting the
sacred pole permanently on its top, he desired the chief to call the nation to its
examination, and if the work met with the approbation of the people, he wished
them to receive it and discharge him and his workmen from further duties in
regard to the sacred pole.
When the peopie came, they gave their approbation of the comely propor-
tions of the mound by a long continued shout. And by another uproarious shout
congratulated themselves on the certainty that their long journey in the wilder-
néss had most assuredly ended. At this, the sacred pole began jumping up and
punching itself deeper and deeper into the ground, until it went down slowly
out of sight into the mound. At witnessing the wonderful manifestation of
the settling pole, there were no bounds to their rejoicings, and they danced
and brought provisions, making a glad celebration that continued three days
and nights on the occasion of the departing sacred pole.
Having sufficient ground cleared to produce as much bread as they needed,
and a large surplus, the people had time to construct houses to dwell in and to
keep their surplus provisions dry and safe. They constructed their houses of
earth at Nunih Waya, and that fashion prevailed until the white people came
to live in the nation with them.
The larger game was becoming scarcer and the hunters were extending their
excursions wider. The people, however, were producing such abundant supplies
of corn that they did not require a very great amount of meat and the hunters
were extending their explorations more for the purpose of becoming acquainted
with a wider range of country and for their own satisfaction than from neces-
sity. Time rolled on, the people were healthy, and had increased at a very
great ratio. They had extended their settlements up the Nunih Waya creek,
and out in the country between Nunih Waya and Tuli Hikia creeks, to half a
day’s journey; and they were growing corn over the entire district.
About thirty winters after they had stopped at Nunih Waya, a party of hunters
who had progressed a little farther north than usual, fell in with a camp of
hunters belonging to the Chickasha tribe. After finding that they spoke the
same language with themselves, the Chahtas approached their camp in a
friendly manner, and remained several days. The older men amongst them
being familiar with the traditional history of the journeyings of their respec-
tive tribes, took much pleasure in communicating to each other an account of
their travels. From the point where the two tribes separated, the Chickashas
diverged widely to the left, found an extremely rough and scarce country for
some time, but at length emerging from the mountains on to the wide spread
plains, they found the buffalo and other game plentiful. They continued to
travel, with only an occasional halt, to rest the women and feeble ones, until
they came to the great river, at the place called by them, sakti ahlopulli (bluff
erossing)—white people call it now Chickasaw Bluffs, said the old man. They
made shift to cross the great river, and traveling onward, the leader’s pole
came to a stand at a place now called Chickasha Old Town in a high and beau-
tiful country. The leader’s pole stood at this place three winters, at the end
of which time the pole was found leaning to the northeast. They set out again,
and crossed another big river (at little prairie, near Huntsville, Alabama). The
SWANTON] CHOCTAW SOCIAL AND CEREMONIAL LIFE 25
pole remained there erect only one winter. At mulberry time the ensuing
summer the pole was found leaning almost directly to the south. They packed
up, and crossing many bold running rivers, the pole still leading onward, until
they came to a large river, near where it emptied into the great okhuta (ocean).
At this beautiful country (below where Savannah, Georgia, now stands) the
pole stood erect many winters. The fish, opa haksum [opahaksun], oka folush
(oysters, clams) and all manner of shell fish and fowl, and small game were
plentiful. The people obtained full supplies of provisions with but little labor.
In process of time, however, the people became sickly, and they were visited
with a very great plague. They called the plague hoita lusa (black vomit) be-
cause the people died, vomiting black matter, resembling powdered fire coals
and fish slime. All that took it were sick but a day or two and died so fast
that the people became frightened and ran off, leaving great numbers of the
dead unburied. They followed the leader’s pole back nearly over the same
route they went, until finally they returned to the place where the pole made
its first stand (Chickasha Old Towns). Here it stood again, and remained
erect until it rotted.
After the Chahtas had found where their brother Chickashas had located,
they paid occasional visits to their country. But the Chickashas, becoming
suspicious that the Chahtas were seeking some advantage, gave them orders
not to extend their hunts north of a certain little river. The Chahtas paid
no attention to the proclamation sent by the Chickashas, and it turned out that
the Chickashas attacked and killed three or four of their hunters who had
camped north of the interdicted river.
When the news reached Nunih Waya, the people were grieved; for they had
felt proud of finding their Chickasha brethren and were preparing to cultivate
their friendship. The minko, thinking it possible that there might be some
mistake in the matter, sent an embassy to the chief of the Chickasha nation,
to ascertain the cause of the murderous conduct of his hunters. The Chickasha
ehief ordered the Chahta embassy to be scourged and sent back with no other
answer. The Chahtas were very much enraged. They had received an indig-
nity that they could not account for; and they felt mortified in the extreme.
The Chahta chief did not feel willing to go to war with them, and made up
his mind to give orders to his hunters to abstain from hunting beyond the
river named by the Chickashas. But before he had time to carry his peace
plans into action, all the hunters north of Nunih Waya had been attacked at
their camps on the hunting grounds. Great numbers of the men had been
killed, and their women carried off captive. Those hunters who had escaped
from the attacked camps reported that the Chickashas were very numerous,
and that their warriors were very large and overpowering in battle. The
present generation of the Chahta people had never seen any people but their
own tribe; and the news of the captured women, murdered hunters and the
vast hordes of rushing irresistible warriors that were pouring down into
their hunting grounds from the Chickasha country, had frightened the Chahta
people into a fearful panic. Some of them had already proposed to evacuate
their comfortable homes at Nunih Waya and seek some safer country for their
wives and little ones to dwell in. But they did not ponder the matter long.
The spies coming in, reported that great numbers of the Chickashas had their
camps, and were killing up the game in two days’ travel of Nunih Waya.
The Chahta minko kindled the council fire; and calling a national council,
submitted for their consideration the whole matter of the Chikasha depreda-
tions; and called upon them to investigate the subject and decide on the proper
course to pursue in the case. The people promptly assembled and were con-
54564—31——3
26 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BuLL. 103
fessedly very much alarmed. Some of the young warriors moved that the
Chahta people should rise at once and kill every Chickasha they could find
within the limits of their hunting grounds. Others who were not quite so fiery
thought that a precipitate move on the part of the Chahtas would only bring
disaster, while there were others who advocated immediate flight as the only
chance for safety.
At length, old Long Arrow, who had always been leader of the tool carriers,
arose and said: ‘
“JT am old now, and cannot, if I desired, make much of a flight. I shall
remain at Nunih Waya. My bones shall sleep in the great mound. JI am also
opposed to precipitate movements. Let us prepare plenty of arms and make
systematic movements. Let us organize one hundred companies, with ten active
men in each, and a prudent, brave warrior to lead each company. Let these
hundred companies be sent forward immediately, with instructions to examine
and ascertain the force and position of the enemy; but not to make battle,
except when they are attacked. Let them stay a long time, and be seen in
many places, as by accident, in the day time; but at night, let them scatter and
sleep without fire in dark places. In the meantime, let all those who remain
in the encampment go to work and throw up a high circular earth wall that
shall include the two mounds and space enough to contain all the women and
children, as well as the aged and infirm, in case of a siege. All this completed
and all the corn and other provisions that can be had stored away inside of
the great wall, we shall be ready to increase our forces; hunt down the enemy
and scalp them wherever they may be found.”
The multitude breathed easier and looked brighter. The minko then spoke
to the people, giving them great encouragement. He said:
“The great war talk of the long tried friend of the people, Long Arrow, is
full of wisdom, and his words brace the flagging spirits of the nation. His
counsels lead to safety, and his instructions and plans to victory. Let the
people not hesitate. Turn out your hundred companies of warriors. Send
them out immediately. Appoint wise men to lay off and direct the work on
the earth wall and let all that can carry a load of dirt as large as his head
be found busily engaged from day to day, until the wall is completed. Be
industrious. Let every one do his duty in this great work. Let all people be
brave and faithful and danger cannot approach you.”
And the people answered and said:
“Tt is a good talk. Lay off the ground; we are ready for the work; it shall
rise up as a cloud in a summer’s day.”
The companies were organized the same day and took their departure the
next day. Men were appointed to lay off and superintend the work on the
earthen wall. The people, old and young, stringing themselves around the
entire circle, threw up the earth from the outside of the wall to the height of
two men, in eight days. And they left two gaps in the wall, of five steps each.
One at the east and the other at the west, for the ingress and egress of the
people which they did not intend to close until Nunih Waya should be actually -
invaded by the enemy. |
The minko then organized his whole effective force and ordered them to
make arrows and war clubs as fast as possible and bring them into the mound
of the sacred pole, where he had a house erected, in which to deposit them.”
The above is, of course, cut out of the middle of a very much longer
narrative, although the volume in which it is contained seems to give
138 Lincecum in Pubs. Miss. Hist. Soc., vil, pp. 521-542.
SWANTON ] CHOCTAW SOCIAL AND CEREMONIAL LIFE 27
us no explanation of the reason for its incomplete state. The core
of the narrative is plainly a genuine Choctaw origin myth; the ques-
tion is how much of the elaboration is native and how much due to
Lincecum himself. That there has been a certain amount contrib-
uted by both goes without saying, and later influences are discernible
here and there, as when “iron” tools are mentioned. At the same
time I am inclined to regard it as a fairly elaborate origin myth in
which, as in so many of the kind, the initiation of the customs and
ceremonies of the tribe is incorporated Thus the explanation of one
of the Nanih Waiya mounds is bound up with the explanation of the
origin of Choctaw burial customs, the beginning of the “ green corn ”
dance appears to be introduced, and the origin of the almost con-
tinuous wars of later times between the Choctaw and Chickasaw, as
well as the first use of a stockade. The legend is no doubt absolutely
correct in describing the earthen rampart at Nanih Waiya as a
defence against Chickasaw incursions, however much it may exag-
gerate the importance attached to this particular fortification. In
his attempts to account for the origin of the two mounds within the
enclosure the narrator is not so fortunate. According to him, the
larger mound is a burial mound, and the smaller a mound prepared
for the sacred pole, while as a matter of fact the small mound was
the burial mound, there being no indication that the principal struc-
ture was used for that purpose. As I have stated already, it was
probably intended as a foundation for the public buildings of the
town, which were, it is true, devoted in part to religious purposes.
The two gaps are evidently the places where the two “ highways ”
described by Halbert entered, and no doubt they were the old gate-
ways of the fort.
The accounts given by Cushman have been touched up even more
by the imagination of the recorder. He says:
Their tradition, in regard to their origin as related by the aged Choctaws to
the missionaries in 1820, was in substance as follows: In a remote period of
the past their ancestors dwelt in a country far distant toward the setting sun;
and being conquered and greatly oppressed by a more powerful people
resolved to seek a country far removed from the possibility of their oppression.
A great national council was called, to which the entire nation in one vast
concourse quickly responded. After many days spent in grave deliberations
upon the question in which so much was involved, a day was finally agreed
upon and a place of rendezvous duly appointed whence they should bid a final
adieu to their old homes and country and take up their line of march to seek
others, they knew not where. When the appointed day arrived it found them
at the designated place fully prepared and ready for the exodus under the
chosen leadership of two brothers, Chahtah and Chikasah, both equally re-
nowned for their bravery and skill in war and their wisdom and prudence in
council; who, as Moses and Aaron led the Jews in their exodus from Egypt,
were to lead them from a land of oppression to one of peace, prosperity and
28 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY (Buby. 103
happiness. The evening before their departure a “Fabussa” (pole) was
firmly set up in the ground at the centre point of their encampment, by direc-
tion of their chief medicine man and prophet, whose wisdom in matters per-
taining to things supernatural was unquestioned and to whom, after many
days fasting and supplication, the Great Spirit had revealed that the Fabussa
would indicate on the following morning, the direction they should march by
its leaning; and, . . . would indicate the direction they must travel day by day
until they reached the sought and desired haven; when, on the following morn,
it would there and then remain as erect as it had been placed the evening
before. At the early dawn of the following morning many solicitous eyes were
turned to the silent but prophetic Fabussa. Lo! it leaned to the east. Enough.
Without hesitation or delay the mighty host began its line of march toward
the rising sun, and followed each day the morning directions given by the talis-
manic pole, which was borne by day at the head of the moving multiude, and
set up at each returning evening in the centre of the encampment, alternately
by the two renowned chiefs and brothers, Chahtah and Chikasah. For weeks
and months they journeyed toward the east as directed by the undeviating
Fabussa, passing over wide extended plains and through forests vast and
abounding with game of many varieties seemingly undisturbed before by the
presence of man, from which their skillful hunters bountifully supplied their
daily wants. Gladly would they have accepted, as their future asylum, many
parts of the country through which they traveled, but were forbidden, as each
returning morn the unrelenting pole still gave its silent but comprehended
command: ‘“ Eastward and onward.”
After many months of wearisome travel, suddenly a vast body of flowing
water stretched its mighty arm athwart their path. With unfeigned astonish-
ment they gathered in groups upon its banks and gazed upon its turbid waters.
Never before had they even heard of, or in all their wanderings stumbled upon
aught like this... . But what now says their dumb talisman? ... Silent and
motionless, still as ever before, it bows to the east and its mandate “ Onward,
beyond Misha Sipokni”* is accepted without a murmur; and at once they pro-
ceed to construct canoes and rafts by which, in a few weeks, all were safely
landed upon its eastern banks, whence again was resumed their eastward
march, and so continued until they stood upon the western banks of the Yazoo
river and once more encamped for the night; and, as had been done for many
months before, ... the Fabussa ... was set up; but ere the morrow’s sun had
plainly lit up the eastern horizon, many anxiously watching eyes that early
rested upon its straight, slender, silent form, observed it stood erect as when
set up the evening before. And then was borne upon that morning breeze
throughout the vast sleeping encampment, the joyful acclamation, “ Fohah
hupishno Yak! Fohah hupishno Yak! [‘ here is where we rest’].”
Now their weary pilgrimage was ended. . . . Then, as commemorative of this
great event in their national history, they threw up a large mound embracing
three acres of land and rising forty feet in a conical form, with a deep hole
about ten feet in diameter excavated on the top, and all enclosed by a ditch
encompassing nearly twenty acres. After its completion, it was discovered
not to be erect but a little leaning, and they named it Nunih (mountain or
mound) Waiyah, leaning....
Several years afterward, according to the tradition of the Choctaws as nar-
rated to the missionaries, the two brothers, still acting in the capacity of
ES
#® Cushman tries to derive the name of the Mississippi River from two Choctaw words,
misha, “beyond” (in space or time) and sipokni, “old”; in fact it is from two
Algonquian words, missi, “ big,” and sipi, “ river.”
Swanton ] CHOCTAW SOCIAL AND CEREMONIAL LIFE 29
chiefs, disagreed in regard to some national question, and, as Abraham sug-
gested to Lot the propriety of separation, so did Chikasah propose to Chahtah;
but not with that unselfishness that Abraham manifested to Lot; since Chika-
sah, instead of giving to Chahtah the choice of directions, proposed that they
should leave it to a game of chance, to which Chahtah readily acquiesced.
Thus it was played: They stood facing each other, one to the east and the
other to the west, holding a straight pole, ten or fifteen feet in length, in an
erect position between them with one end resting on the ground; and both
were to let go of the pole at the same instant by a pre-arranged signal, and the
direction in which it fell was to decide the direction which Chikasah was to
take. If it fell to the north, Chikasah and his adherents were to occupy the
northern portion of the country, and Chahtah and his adherents, the southern;
but if it fell to the south, then Chikasah, with his followers, was to possess the
southern portion of the country, and Chahtah with his, the northern. The
game was played, and the pole decreed that Chikasah should take the northern
part of their then vast and magnificent territory. Thus they were divided and
became two separate and distinct tribes, each of whom assumed and ever
afterwards retained the name of their respective chiefs, Chahtah and
Chikasah.” ”
This writer also believed he discerned traditions of an earlier mi-
gration into America by way of Bering Strait, based probably upon
references to the crossing of bodies of water in some versions of the
old migration story. Farther on he gives us another account taken,
he says, from papers of Rey. Israel Folsom, a native Choctaw mis-
sionary.
The name Choctaw, or Chahtah, is derived from a prophet warrior who
flourished at a time too remote for fixing any date, as it is only handed down
by tradition from one generation to another.
Headed by him, tradition informs us, the people in one grand division
migrated to the East from a country far toward the setting sun, following the
Cherokees and Muscogees, who had moved on, four years previous, in search
of a suitable spot for a permanent location. He is said to have been possessed
of all the characteristics essential to the carrying out of such an enterprise
to a successful termination. His benevolence and many other virtues are still
cherished and held in sacred remembrance by his people. The country whence
they migrated, or the causes which induced them to seek another place of
habitation, are wrapt in mysterious oblivion, as their tradition begins abruptly
with the epoch of migration. In moving from place to place, Chahtah is said
to have carried a high staff or pole which, on encamping, was immediately
placed in front of his wigwam, where it remained until they broke up encamp-
ment. His wigwam is represented to have been placed in the van of all the
tribe. When the pole inclined forward—a power which it was believed to
possess—the people prepared to march. ... After many years of wander-
ings, during which they, in common with those who have ever engaged in
Similar enterprises, suffered many trials and privations, they at length arrived
at a certain place, where the staff stood still and, instead of bending forward,
inclined backward, which was regarded as a sign they were at their jour-
ney’s end. To this place where the staff stood still, Chahtah gave the name
of Nun-nih Wai-ya. The exact period of the termination of their wanderings
is unknown. So soon as they got in some degree settled, Chahtah called the
20 Cushman, Hist. Choc., Chick., and Natchez Inds., pp. 62-66.
30 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BuLu. 103
warriors together for the purpose of organizing a code of laws for their gov-
ernment. At this place of rest, Nunnih Waiya, they built strong fortifications
in order to protect themselves from any foe who might conceive hostile inten-
tions against them. Whether or not they were ever assailed is unknown.
The remains of the fortress, however, are still to be seen in Mississippi. A
long time did not elapse before their newly acquired territory was found to be
too limited to hold their rapidly increasing numbers, and they were in conse-
quence compelled to spread themselves over the adjacent country, and form
themselves into villages. It is a well authenticated fact that from this out-
pouring or scattering, sprang the Indians called Shukchi, Hummas and
Yazoos. *
The comma between “Shukchi” and “ Hummas” is a typograph-
ical error, the name of the tribe being Shukchi Hummas. This tribe
is indeed known to have been related to the Choctaw and Chickasaw
in language, but Adair makes it as old as either of them. The Yazoo
proper were in no way related to the Choctaw; Folsom has no doubt
confused them with the Choctaw towns called Yashu or Yazoo.
Cushman combats the tradition that would bring the Choctaw out
of Nanih Waiya hill itself, attributing it to a misunderstanding on
the part of some white people who had interrogated Choctaw living
at or on the mound and thought that their questioners wished to
know from what part of it they themselves had just come. Since
Nanih Waiya does not seem to have been occupied permanently
after white contact, such a misunderstanding is improbable, though
it is more than likely that the application of the term “ mother hill”
to this mound and the similarity of waiya and waya, as mentioned
above, may have had something to do with it. Folsom seems to
imply that the term waiya referred to the bending back of the
sacred pole when it was planted in the ground at this spot. Fre-
quently a number of folk explanations spring up about a name that
has become prominent in the lives of a people. Cushman also adds
some remarks regarding ceremonial offerings made here which are of
interest. I do not find them noted elsewhere. He says:
As an evidence of their admiration and veneration for this ancestral memento,
the Choctaws, when passing, would ascend it and drop into the hole at its top
various trinkets, and sometimes a venison ham, or dressed turkey, as a kind of
sacrificial offering to the memory of its ancient builders, who only appeared
to them through the mists of ages past; and as the highest evidence of their
veneration for this relic of their past history, it was sometimes spoken of by
the more enthusiastic as their Iholitopa Ishki (Beloved mother) .”
The following version was recorded about the middle of the nine-
teenth century by an American traveler, Charles Lanman. He
obtained it, he tells us, from “ the educated Choctaw Pitchlyn,” who
can have been none other than the well-known Choctaw chief Peter
*1 Cushman, Hist. Choc., Chick. and Natchez Inds., pp. 361-362.
= Jbid.; -p. 293.
SwaNTon] CHOCTAW SOCIAL AND CEREMONIAL LIFE 31
Perkins Pitchlynn, who was born in Noxubee County, Miss., January
30, 1806, and died at Washington, D. C., January 17, 1881, and to
whose memory the Choctaw Nation erected a monument in the latter
city.
Lanman says that “ the sea alluded to in this legend is supposed to
be the Gulf of Mexico, and the mighty river the Mississippi.” This
is the only version known to me which brings the Choctaw from
under the ocean.
According to the traditions of the Choctaws, the first of their race came
from the bosom of a magnificent sea. Hyven when they first made their appear-
ance upon the earth they were so numerous as to cover the sloping and sandy
shore of the ocean, far as the eye could reach, and for a long time did they
follow the margin of the sea before they could find a place suited to their
wants. The name of their principal chief has long since been forgotten, but
it is well remembered that he was a prophet of great age and wisdom. For
many moons did they travel without fatigue, and all the time were their
bodies strengthened by pleasant breezes, and their hearts, on the other hand
gladdened by the luxuriance of a perpetual summer. In process of time,
however, the multitude was visited by sickness, and one after another were
left upon the shore the dead bodies of old women and little children. The heart
of the Prophet became troubled, and, planting a long staff that he carried in
his hand, and which was endowed with the miraculous power of an oracle, he
told his people that from the spot designated they must turn their faces towards
the unknown wilderness. But before entering upon this portion of their
journey he specified a certain day for starting, and told them that they were
at liberty, in the meantime, to enjoy themselves, by feasting and dancing, and
performing their national rites.
It was now early morning, and the hour appointed for starting. Heavy
clouds and mists rested upon the sea, but the beautiful waves melted upon the
shore as joyfully as ever before. The staff which the Prophet had planted was
found leaning towards the north, and in that direction did the multitude take
up their line of march. Their journey lay across streams, over hills and
mountains, through tangled forests, and over immense prairies. They were
now in an entirely strange country, and as they trusted in their magic staff
they planted it every night with the utmost care, and arose in the morning with
great eagerness to ascertain the direction towards which it leaned. And thus
had they traveled for many days when they found themselves upon the margin
of an O-kee-na-chitto [okhina chito], or great highway of water. Here did
they pitch their tents, and having planted the staff, retired to repose. When
morning came the oracle told them that they must cross the mighty river before
them. They built themselves a thousand rafts, and reached the opposite shore
in safety. They now found themselves in a country of surpassing loveliness,
where the trees were so high as almost to touch the clouds, and where game
of every variety and the sweetest of fruits were found in the greatest abundance.
The flowers of this land were more brilliant than any they had ever before
seen, and so large as often to shield them from the sunlight of noon. With the
climate of the land they were delighted, and the air they breathed seemed to
fill their bodies with a new vigor. So pleased were they with all that they
saw that they built mounds in all the more beautiful valleys they passed
through, so that the Master of Life might know that they were not an un-
grateful people. In this new country did they conclude to remain, and here did
they establish their national government with its benign laws.
32 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BuLy. 103
Time passed on, and the Choctaw nation became so powerful that its hunting
grounds extended even to the sky. Troubles now arose among the younger
warriors and hunters of the nation, until it came to pass that they abandoned
the cabins of their forefathers, and settled in distant regions of the earth. Thus
from the very body of the Choctaw nation have sprung those other nations
which are known as the Chickasaws, the Cherokees, the Creeks or Muskogees,
the Shawnees and the Delawares. And in process of time the Choctaws founded
a great city, wherein their more aged men might spend their days in peace; and,
because they loved those of their people who had long before departed into
distant regions, they called this city Yazoo, the meaning of which is, home of
the people who are gone.”
In his history of Mississippi Claiborne has published a version of
the legend which had been collected by Mr. H. 8S. Halbert in 1877.
The latter says of it: “It was taken down from the lips of Mr. Jack
Henry, an old citizen of Oktibbeha County, he stating that he had
received it in early life from an Irishman, who had once lived among
the Choctaws, and had heard the legend from an old Choctaw wom-
an.” It appears, then, that the legend was transmitted through sev-
eral memories and mouths before being finally recorded in printer’s
ink. It did not come directly from Choctaw lips, and no doubt was
unconsciously colored, or its details imperfectly remembered in its
transmission through the memories of the two white men.” it runs
as follows:
The Choctaws believed that their ancestors came from the west. They were
led by two brothers, Chactas and Chics-a, at the head of their respective Iksas
or clans.” On their journey they followed a pole which, guided by an invisible
hand, moved before them. Shortly after crossing the Mississippi, the pole
stood still, firmly planted in the ground, and they construed this as an augury
that here they must halt, and make their homes... .
The two leaders concluded to reconnoitre the country. Chics-a moved first,
and ten days thereafter Chactas followed, but a tremendous snow storm had
obliterated his brother’s trail, and they were separated. He went southerly
to Nanawyya, on the head-waters of Pearl River, about the geographical centre
of the State, and the other brother, it was afterwards ascertained, settled
near where Pontotoc now stands. At the first meeting of the brothers it was
determined that the two clans should constitute separate tribes, each occupying
their respective territories, and the hunters of neither band to encroach on
the territory of the other. The present Oktibbeha and the Nusicheah, were
indicated as the line of demarkation.
The Choctaws preserve a dim tradition that, after crossing the Mississippi,
they met a race of men whom they called Na-hon-lo,” tall in stature and of fair
complexion, who had emigrated from the sun rise. They had once been a
*3ixtract from Adventures in the Wilds of the United States and British American
Provinces (collected 1846-1856), by Charles Lanman. Vol. 11, Philadelphia, 1856, pp.
457-459. Pitchlynn derives Yazoo from ya or ia, “to go,’ and asha, .“* to sit, 20-10
remain,” but it is probably not a Choctaw word.
*4 Halbert in Pub. Miss. Hist. Soc., 11, p. 228.
>In view of the repeated references to these two brothers it is surprising to read that
in 1842 an old Chickasaw chief named Greenwood, while recognizing the fact that his
tribe and the Choctaw were once the same people, knew of no tradition regarding it.
26 Cf. Nahullo, p. 199.
Swanton] CHOCTAW SOCIAL AND CEREMONIAL LIFE 33
mighty people, but were then few in number and soon disappeared after the
incoming of the Choctaws. This race of men were, according to the tradition,
tillers of the soil and peaceable. There had likewise been a race of cannibals,
who feasted on the bodies of their enemies. They, too, were giants, and utilized
the mammoth as their burden bearers. They kept them closely herded, and
as they devoured everything and broke down the forests, this was the origin of
the prairies.
The cannibal race and the mammoth perished about the same time, by a
great epidemic. Only one of the latter escaped, who made his home for several
years near the Tombigbee. The Great Spirit struck him several times with
lightning, but he presented his head to the bolt and it glanced off. Annoyed,
however, by these attempts, he fled to Soc-te-thou-fah [sakti ta"fa, ‘a furrowed
bank or bluff’] (the present Memphis), and at one mighty leap cleared the
river, and made his way to the Rocky Mountains.”
Mr. Halbert gives another version which “came direct from the
lips of the Rev. Peter Folsom, a Choctaw from the nation west, who
was employed in 1882 by the Baptists of Mississippi to labor as a
missionary among the Mississippi Choctaws.” “ Mr. Folsom stated,”
adds Halbert, “that soon after finishing his education in Kentucky,
one day in 1833, he visited Nanih Waiya with his father, and while
at the mound his father related to him the migration legend of his
people, as follows:
In ancient days the ancestors of the Choctaws and the Chickasaws lived in a
far western country, under the rule of two brothers, named Chahta and Chikasa.
In process of time, their population becoming very numerous, they found it
difficult to procure subsistence in that land. Their prophets thereupon an-
nounced that far to the east was a country of fertile soil and full of game,
where they could live in ease and plenty. The entire population resolved to
make a journey eastward in search of that happy land. In order more easily
to procure subsistence on their route the people marched in several divisions
of a day’s journey apart. A great prophet marched at their head, bearing a
pole, which, on camping at the close of each day, he planted erect in the earth,
in front of the camp. Every morning the pole was always seen leaning in the
direction they were to travel that day. After the lapse of many moons they
arrived one day at Nanih Waiya. The prophet planted his pole at the base of
the mound. The next morning the pole was seen standing erect and stationary.
This was interpreted as an omen from the Great Spirit that the long sought-
for land was at last found. It so happened, the very day that the party camped
at Nanih Waiya, that a party under Chikasa crossed the creek and camped on
its east side. That night a great rain fell, and it rained several days. In con-
sequence of this all the low lands were inundated and Nanih Waiya Creek and
other tributaries of Pearl River were rendered impassable.
After the subsidence of the waters, messengers were sent across the creek to
bid Chikasa’s party return, as the oracular pole had proclaimed that the long
sought-for land was found, and the mound was the center of the land. Chikasa’s
party, however, regardless of the weather, had proceeded on their journey, and
the rain haying washed all traces of their march from off the grass the mes-
sengers were unable to follow them up, and so returned to camp. Meanwhile,
the other divisions in the rear arrived at Nanih Waiya and learned that here
27 Claiborne, Miss., 1, pp. 483-484.
34 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY (BuLuL, 103
was the center of their new home and that their long pilgrimage was at last
finished. Chikasa’s party, after their separation from their brethren under
Chahta, moved on to the Tombigbee—and eventually became a separate na-
tionality. In this way the Choctaws and the Chickasaws became two separate
though kindred nations.”
To show what may happen to a myth the following may be quoted
from Hitchcock’s Diary under date of March 4, 1842. According to
an old man who formerly lived on Tombigbee River—
immediately after the revolutionary war of ’76 there was a division in the
Choctaw Nation under two chiefs, that instead of going into a civil war the
parties separated by mutual agreement, one party living in the north west of
Mississippi and west Tennessee and the other in east Mississippi and Alabama.
That they lived for some short time thus#separated having a boundary how-
ever established. They afterwards by a regular compact changed the line
and the northwest portion took the name of Chickasaws. Jones (the informant)
stated also that at about the same time a small portion of Choctaws became
dissatisfied with the Chief and went south and lived at the Bay of Boluxy for a
time and then moved west upon Pearl river and thence over the Mississippi
as far as some villages of Cadoes. Since the emigration of the Choctaws some
of those Indians under the name of Boluxy’s have been found; their history
and almost their language having been for the most part lost.”
The Biloxi were a wholly distinct people and the separation
between the Chickasaw and Choctaw antedated De Soto’s expedition.
Probably to this old man the Revolution was as legendary as the
Spanish explorer.
Besides the story furnished by Halbert, Claiborne has this version:
They claimed to [have] come, originally from the west. A portion of their
people they left behind them. They traveled (ho-pah-ka) a long way, encour-
aged by their Oon-ka-la. These priests marched in the centre, bearing a sacred
book wrapped in skins. From this book they sung in an unknown tongue,
whenever the wanderers became despondent or discontented. They encountered
no other people on the route, and passed over a desolate country. A dreadful
epidemic broke out among them, and all the priests died but the bearer of the
book. They burned their dead, and bore along with them part of the ashes.
At a certain point on their journey, near a great river (called by the Indians
Mec-a-she-ba, by the French, Mississippi,) owing to the frightful mortality, the
tribe separated. A portion inclined northward, and took the name of Chickasa,
after the great warrior who led them. The main body traveled nearly due
south, until they came to the Stooping Hill, Nane-wy-yah, now in the county of
Winston, Mississippi, on the head waters of Pearl river. There they encamped,
and still continued to die. Finally, all perished but the book-bearer. He could
not die. The Nane-wy-yah opened and he entered it and disappeared. After
the lapse of many years, the Great Spirit created four infants, two of each sex,
out of the ashes of the dead, at the foot of Nane-wy-yah. They were suckled:
by a panther. When they grew strong and were ready to depart, the book-
bearer presented himself, and gave them bows and arrows and an earthen pot,
*8 Halbert in Publ. Miss. Hist. Soc., 1, pp. 228-229. Also given in Amer. Antiq., vol.
XVI, pp. 215-216. In this latter journal Halbert states that Folsom’s narrative was ob-
tained through Mr. James Welch, of Neshoba County.
* Hitchcock, Diary, in Foreman, Traveler in Ind. Terr., pp. 211-212.
Swanton] CHOCTAW SOCIAL AND CEREMONIAL LIFE 35
and stretching his arms, said, “I give you these hunting grounds for your
homes. When you leave them you die.” With these words he stamped his
foot—the Nane-wy-yah opened, and holding the book above his head, he dis-
appeared forever. The four then separated, two going to the left and two to
the right, thus constituting the two Ik-sas or elans, into which the Choctaws
are divided. All the very aged Choctaws, on being interrogated as to where
they were born, insisted that they came out of Nane-wy-yah. One old fellow.
who was so dirty it was thought he might be assessed for real estate, swore
that he came out of the hill just one thousand years ago, and had never been
able to shake the dirt off his back!”
This story stands quite by itself. The sacred book is of course the
result of some post-Columbian rationalization and the source of the
version as a whole is a mystery.
That form of the legend which localizes the origin of the Choctaw
at Nanih Waiya has outlived the longer form, the migration legend
proper, and of this we have some further notes collected by Halbert:
In the very center of the mound, they say, ages ago, the Great Spirit created
the first Choctaws, and through a hole or cave, they crawled forth into the light
of day. Some say that only one pair was created, but others say that many
pairs were created. Old Hopahkitubbee (Hopakitobi), who died several years
ago in Neshoba County, was wont to say that after coming forth from the
mound, the freshly-made Choctaws were very wet and moist, and that the Great
Spirit stacked them along on the rampart, as on a clothes line, so that the sun
could dry them.”
Like the migration legend, this was worked into a cultural tale
including the story of the origin of the dual division in the tribe, and
the origin of corn.**
Still another version was obtained by Mr. Halbert from Isaac
Pistonatubbee, a Choctaw who died in Newton County shortly before
1901 at the age of about 80. Mr. Halbert gives it in both Choctaw
and English, the latter being as follows:
A very long time ago the first creation of men was in Nanih Waiya; and
there they were made and there they came forth. The Muscogees first came
out of Nanih Waiya; and they then sunned themselves on Nanih Waiya’s
earthen rampart, and when they got dry they went to the east. On this side
of the Tombighee, there they rested and as they were smoking tobacco they
dropped some fire.
The Cherokee next came out of Nanih Waiya. And they sunned themselves
on the earthen rampart, and when they got dry they went and followed the
trail of the elder tribe. And at the place where the Muscogees had stopped
and rested, and where they had smoked tobacco, there was fire and the woods
were burnt, and the Cherokees could not find the Muscogees’ trail, so they got
lost and turned aside and went towards the north and there towards the north
they settled and made a people.
And the Chickasaws third came out of Nanih Waiya. And then they sunned
themselves on the earthen rampart, and when they got dry they went and
TS I Ea ile at LS, A PAS A a i vt Ni ne a a a er an et en UEP EE
30 Claiborne, Miss., 1, pp. 518-519.
21H. S. Halbert, in Pubs. Miss. Hist. Soc., 11, 229-230.
2 Ipid., pp. 230-232.
36 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BuLy. 103
followed the Cherokees’ trail; and when they got to where the Cherokees had
settled and made a people, they settled and made a people close to the
Cherokees.
And the Choctaws fourth and last came out of Nanih Waiya. And they then
sunned themselves on the earthen rampart and when they got dry, they did
not go anywhere but settled down in this very land and it is the Choctaws’
home.™
The same writer states that a great Choctaw council was summoned
to meet at this mound in 1828 at the instance of Col. Greenwood
Leflore in order to make new laws, “so as to place the Choctaws more
in harmony with the requirements of modern civilization.” He adds
that it was “the only known national Indian council held at Nanih
Waiya within the historic period.” *
Similar to the versions given by Halbert is the following which I
myself collected from a Mississippi Choctaw, Olmon Comby:
The ancient Choctaw believed that in the beginning of things people came
cut of the ground at a certain hill and lay about its sides like locusts until
they were dried. Several tribes came out in succession. First were the
Cherokee. They lay upon the hillside until they were dried and then they
went away. Next came the Muskogee. They lay along the hillside, became dry,
and went away. After four others had made their appearance successively,
the Chickasaw and Choctaw came out together. They derived their names
from two brothers who were leaders of the respective bands. They remained
together for a long time and became very numerous. Afterwards they started
off like the others, still keeping together, but the Chickasaw were in advance.
Every night, when the latter camped, they left a mark by which to guide the
Choctaw. This went on for a considerable period. One day, however, Chicka-
saw went out to smoke, and while he was doing so he set the woods on fire, so
that the marks were destroyed and the Choctaw lost their way. A long time
afterwards they discovered each other again but found that their languages
had diverged a little. It is not known which was more like the original
tongue.
In this connection consult the version obtained by Alfred Wright
(pp. 201-202).
The two following tales were collected by Mr. D. I. Bushnell, jr.,
from the Choctaw of Bayou Lacomb, La. They show that the sacred
hill and its legends had as strong a hold on the beliefs of the southern
Choctaw as on those of the northern sections of the tribe.
I
Nané chaha (nané, “hill”; chaha, “high ”) is the sacred spot in the moun-
tainous country to the northward, always regarded with awe and reverence by
the Choctaw.
In very ancient times, before men lived on the earth, the hill was formed,
and from the topmost point a passage led down deep into the bosom of the
earth. Later, when birds and animals lived, and the surface of the earth was
83 Halbert in Pubs. Miss. Hist, Soc., Iv, pp. 269-270.
* Tbid., pp. 2338-234,
SWANTON] CHOCTAW SOCIAL AND CEREMONIAL LIFE 37
covered with trees and plants of many sorts, and lakes and rivers had been
formed, the Choctaw came forth through the passageway in Nané chaha. And
from that point they scattered in all directions but ever afterwards remembered
the hill from the summit of which they first beheld the light of the sun.
It
Soon after the earth (yahne) was made, men and grasshoppers came to the
surface through a long passageway that led from a large cavern, in the interior
of the earth, to the summit of a high hill, Nané chaha. There, deep down in
the earth, in the great cavern, man and the grasshoppers had been created
by Aba, the Great Spirit, having been formed of the yellow clay.
For a time the men and the grasshoppers continued to reach the surface to-
gether, and as they emerged from the long passageway they would scatter in all
directions, some going north, others south, east, or west.
But at last the mother of the grasshoppers who had remained in the cavern
was killed by the men and as a consequence there were no more grasshoppers
to reach the surface, and ever after those that lived on the earth were known
to the Choctaw as eske ilay, or “mother dead.” * However, men continued to
reach the surface of the earth through the long passageway that led to the
summit of Nané chaha, and, as they moved about from place to place, they
trampled upon many grasshoppers in the high grass, killing many and hurting
others.
The grasshoppers became alarmed as they feared that all would be killed
if men became more numerous and continued to come from the cavern in the
earth. They spoke to Aba, who heard them and soon after caused the passage-
way to be closed and no more men were allowed to reach the surface. But as
there were many men remaining in the cavern he changed them to ants and
ever since that time the small ants have come forth from holes in the ground.”
MATERIAL CONDITION
A detailed description of the material culture of the Choctaw is no
part of my present purpose, but some notes on this subject, partic-
ularly as to the character of their homes and their manner of gaining
a livelihood, will furnish a desirable background for the other aspects
of their ancient life. A French manuscript of the eighteenth cen-
tury gives the best early account of the Choctaw house and ménage,
from which, with some clarifying emendations, I quote as follows:
The house is merely a cabin made of wooden posts of the size of the leg,
buried in the earth [at one end], and fastened together with lianas, which
make very flexible bands. The rest of the wall is of mud and there are no
windows; the door is only from three to four feet in height. The cabins are
covered with bark of the cypress or pine. A hole is left at the top of each
gable-end to let the smoke out, for they make their fires in the middle of the
cabins, which are a gunshot distant from one another. The inside is surrounded
with cane beds raised from three to four feet from the ground on account of
the fleas which exist there in quantities, because of the dirt. When they are
lying down the savages do not get up to make water but let it run through
A play upon chishaiyi, the word for ‘‘ grasshopper ;” chiske ilay would be “ your
mother is dead.”
26 Bushnell in Amer. Anthrop. (N. S.), 12, pp. 526-527.
38 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Buu 103
the canes of their bed. They lie with the skin of a deer or bear under them
and the skin of a bison or a blanket above. These beds serve them as table
and chair. They have by way of furniture only an earthen pot in which to
cook their food, some earthen pans for the same purpose, and some fanners or
sieves and hampers for the preparation of their corn, which is their regular
nourishment. They pound it in a wooden crusher or mortar, which they make
out of the trunk of a tree, hollowed by means of burning embers. The pestle
belonging to it is sometimes ten feet long and as small round as the arm.
The upper end is an unshaped mass which serves to weight it down and to
give force to this pestle in falling back, so that the corn may be crushed more
easily. After it is thus crushed they sift it in order to separate the finer part.
They boil the coarser in a great skin which holds about three or four buckets
of water, and mix it sometimes with pumpkins, or beans, or bean leaves.
When this stew is almost done they throw into it the finest of the corn
which they had reserved for thickening, and by way of seasoning they have a
pot hung aloft in which are the ashes of corn silk, beanpods, or finally oak
ashes, and having thrown water upon this they take the lye collected in a
vessel underneath, and with it season their stew, which is called sagamité.
This serves as their principal food, and as well that of the French in the
colony who have not the means of living otherwise.
They sometimes make bread without lye, but rarely, because that consumes
too much corn, and it is difficult to make, since they reduce it to flour only
with the strength of their arms; after which it is kneaded, or they boil it in
water, or wrap it in leaves and cook it in the ashes, or finally, having flattened
the paste to the thickness of two crowns (ecus), and the diameter of the two
hands, they cook it on a piece of a pot on the embers. They also eat it with
acorns. Having reduced the acorns to flour they put them in a cane sieve
placed near the bank of a stream, and from time to time throw water upon
them. By means of this lye they cause it to lose its bitterness, after which
they put the paste around a piece of wood which they cook in the fire. When
they have meat they boil it in water, without washing it, however dirty it is,
saying that [washing] would make it lose its flavor. When it is cooked they
sometimes put some of the acorn flour into the broth. They also cook un-
pounded corn with their meat, and when it is dry they reduce it to bits by
pounding. This they boil along with the corn. It has no taste and one must
be a savage to eat it.
While the corn is green is the time when they hold the most feasts and they
prepare it in different ways. First they roast it in the fire and eat it so; many
Frenchmen eat it thus. When it is very tender they pound it and make por-
ridge of it, but the [dish] most esteemed among them is the cold meal. It is
corn, considerably mature, which they boil, then roast in order to dry it, and
then pound; and this flour has the same effect in cold water as wheat flour
put into hot water over the fire and has a fairly agreeable taste; the French eat
it with milk. They also have a species of corn which is smaller than the other
and comes to maturity in three months. That they dry and then without
pounding it boil it with meat. This “little corn,” boiled with a turkey or
some pieces of fat meat, is a favorite dish with them.”
In the “ Narrative of a Journey Through Several Parts of the
Province of West Florida in the Years 1770 and 1771,” by a Mr.
Appendix, pp. 246-247; Memoirs of the American Anthropological Association, vol. v,
No. 2, 1918, pp. 57-59.
SWaNTOoN] CHOCTAW SOCIAL AND CEREMONIAL LIFE 39
Mease,** is the following description of the house of a Choctaw
Indian of Imoklasha town named Astolabe:
This house is nearly of a circular figure and built of clay mixed with haulm
[straw or grass]. The top is conical and covered with a kind of thatch [the
nature of] which I cou’d not make out. The inside roof is divided into four
parts and there are cane seats raised about two feet from the ground which
go round the building (I mean on the inside), broad enough to lie upon,
making the wall serve the purpose of a pillow. Underneath these seats or beds
they keep their potatoes and pumpions, cover’d with earth, but their corn is
in a building by itself raised at least eight feet from the ground. The fire
place is in the middle of the floor, just as in some parts of the Highlands of
Scotland only they have no aperture at top to evacuate the smoke.” The door
is opposite one side (for the house is round without, yet on the inside it
approaches near to the figure of an octagon) and is exceeding small both in
height and breadth.”
One of my own Choctaw informants asserted that entire canes
were used for the roof of a house and anciently for the walls as well.
He also claimed that, as a rule, they “ walled off” only the north
side of the house in order to keep the north wind from getting at
them. The other winds were thought to be healthful. They also
reinforced the north side with pine tops and branches. By the above
statement he certainly does not mean that there was but one wall to
the house—and at any rate this would be refuted by the descriptions
given above—merely that the north wall was the most substantial.
Weeds and similar growths were always cleaned out about a house
as often as three times a year, and usually by the women. They
thought if these were left “it would be a place for the devil to
hide in.”
Of the Choctaw house and its furniture at the opening of the
nineteenth century Cushman says:
They lived in houses made of logs, but very comfortable; not more rude
or uncouth, however, than many of the whites even of the present day [1899].
Their houses consisted generally of two rooms, both of which were used for
every domestic purpose—cooking, eating, living and sleeping; nor was their
furniture disproportionate with that of the dwelling—for the sitting room, a
stool or two; for the kitchen, a pot or kettle, two or three tin cups, a large
and commodious wooden bowl, and a horn spoon, constituted about the ulti-
matum [! ]—’twas all they needed, all they wanted, and with it they were per-
fectly contended and supremely happy.”
Paths alone, plain and straight, then led the Choctaws where now are
broad roads and long high bridges, from village to neighborhood, and from
neighborhood to village, though many miles apart; and so open and free
of logs, bushes, and all fallen timber, was their country then, rendered thus by
33 Copy in Miss. State Archives.
%® The home described by our anonymous Frenchman (p. 37) had two smokeholes and
such an arrangement has been described to me.
40 Miss. State Archives, British Dominions.
1H. B. Cushman: Hist. of the Choc., Chick., and Natchez Inds. Greenville, Tex.,
1899. P. 281.
40 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BuLt. 103
their annual burning off of the woods, it was an easy matter to travel in any
direction and any distance, except through the vast cane-brakes that covered
all the bottom lands, which alone could be passed by paths.”
Other travelers than the author of the Anonymous Memoir com-
plain of Choctaw filthiness, which Bossu hardly excuses sufficiently
when he says: “ The Chacta men and women are very dirty, since the
greater part of them live at a distance from rivers.” ** At any rate
few were able to swim, as attested several times by Adair, and
again by Romans, who makes an exception, however, in favor of
the Chickasawhay and Yowani Indians.** It is, therefore, not sur-
prising to learn from one of our earliers French authorities ** that
they used no canoes, but this was determined rather by circumstances
than by taste.
For the bottom layer of logs employed in making a raft they are
said to have preferred cypress and ash which they fastened together
with vines, placing more logs crosswise above.
According to one of my own informants the Choctaw would not
swim in running water largely from the great dread they had of
snakes, but they scooped out earth close to the river bank and bathed
in the water which accumulated there. This may mark an innova-
tion in the ancient Choctaw customs.
The wooden mortars will be described more at length presently
and we have no information from early writers regarding their pot-
tery except the mere fact that they had it. The most that we know
to-day is the information that has been obtained by Mr. Collins as
the result of archeological work on old Choctaw village sites.** Their
basketry industry, however, has survived to the present time. They
collected the canes and made baskets from them in winter because
cane is said to be too brittle in summer. The outside skins of the
canes which were to be used were split off by means of a knife made
especially for the purpose, and usually by the silversmith. Before
the whites came it is claimed that they skinned the cane “ with a
whetstone made of a piece of hickory which had turned to rock.”
Canes were kept in stacks covered an inch or two with water. After
the skins had been removed they were made into rolls of different
sizes, selling about fifty years ago for 25 cents to a dollar. A 25-cent
roll would make about three baskets, each holding four quarts of
meal. A basket of meal packed in this way was formerly sold for
25 cents, but now it brings from 50 cents to a dollar. They had
“H. B. Cushman: Hist. of the Choc., Chick., and Natchez Inds. Greenville, Tex.,
1899. P. 234.
“Appendix, p. 260; Bossu, Nouv. Voy., vol. 2, p. 94.
“4 Adair, Hist. Amer. Inds., pp. 283, 291-292, 304, 404; Romans, Nat. Hist. E. and W.
Fla., pp. 72, 86.
4° Miss. State Archives, French Dominions.
46 Potsherds from Choctaw village sites in Mississippi. Henry B. Collins, in Journ.
Washington Acad. Sci., vol. 17, no. 10, 1927, pp. 259-263.
Swanton] CHOCTAW SOCIAL AND CEREMONIAL LIFE 41
both single-woven baskets and double-woven baskets. The follow-
ing names of baskets were given me:
Nanaskata tapushik, “a scrap basket.”
Bashpo apita, “ knife basket.”
Shapo tapushik, the hamper carrying basket, “ load basket.”
Halat nowa tapushik, dinner basket, “to walk holding basket,”
hand basket.
Okhi’sh apita tapushik, “ medicine basket,” a basket with a division
in it, two lids and two handles.
Okhi®sh ahoyo tapushik, “medicine gathering basket.”
Ufko tapushik, fanner, a basket for sifting corn, etc.
The word for a plait or weave is pana. <A single weave, skipping
one, is pana chafa, a double weave, skipping two, is pana tukalo, a
triple weave, skipping three, pana tuchina. A double basket is
called tapushik pothoma.
A yellowish dye for baskets was obtained from puccoon or “ coon”
roots, walnut was employed rather rarely to give a brownish color,
and maple yielded a dark purple. Roots were gathered in the fall
when all the substance was in them. They were boiled until the in-
fusion was thick, when it was strained and put into bottles. Accord-
ing to Simpson bottles of each kind were entrusted to each captain
of the five bands which remained in Mississippi after the general
removal, and if word was received that certain people were going
camping and that the women of the party intended to make baskets,
the captain sent them some native dye by pony. Cane was wound
into a coil and boiled in a round pot containing the dye. It was
turned over once unless the dye had taken hold rapidly. Then it
was removed, and hung up after the liquid had been carefully shaken
back into the pot. Sometimes they had pots of each of the three
dyes in use at the same time.
The butt end of a cane where the outside skin was thick could be
used just like a knife. It made a bad wound and cut meat like steel.
Whole canes were also used as a pallet on which to spread hides.
When a hide was to be dressed it was laced to a wooden frame by
cords all around the edges. Sometimes a family had two frames, a
large one for skins of larger animals like the otter, bear, and deer,
and a smaller one for those of smaller animals, such as the mink,
opossum, and raccoon. Or the frame might be made so that the size
could be altered. It was usually movable but in any case was ordi-
narily located near the spring. Assuming that the frame was mov-
able, after a skin had been fastened in place it was set in the sun-
shine and the flesh taken off by means of a large scraper shaped like
a knife. Then the skin was worked with a dull hardwood scraper
made crescent-shaped so as not to cut the skin. This work must be
54564—31——_4
42 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY {BuLu. 103
done a certain length of time after the hide had been removed from
the animal, not while it was still green and flabby or after it had
hardened. When it had been worked for a time in the sun, it
was moved into the shade and worked as long again. This was to
make it supple and bring out the grain, and the process required from
three to five hours. When they were through and the skin was fairly
dry they rolled it up and put it into a shack. If it got too damp
they brought it back into the sunshine and sometimes they had to
work it again.
Deerhide strings were used to fasten the ends of ball sticks after
they had been bent over. The strings forming the basket at the end
of the ball stick in which the ball was held were made of raccoon
skin because the cords required were shorter. ‘These raccoon skin
strings were formerly sold for 15 cents apiece and the deerhide
strings for 25 cents apiece. A lot of hide was usually cut up for
these purposes at one time.
A large pouch was made of skins of otter, beaver, raccoon, or fox,
and in this were carried grease, gun wadding and patching, which
was put over a bullet like wadding and had to be of a certain thick-
ness to go down through the gun barrel. Caps were also carried in
this pouch if there was no place provided for them in the gun, and a
number of small instruments, the time sticks of an officer to remind
him of an appointment, and many other things besides. The doctor
carried such a pouch all the time for his herbs and powders. The
biggest pouch of all was made of the entire hide of a beaver. The
head served as the opening and it was bent over between the rest of
the pouch and the wearer’s body, the tail hanging down at the side.
One could usually tell to which band of Choctaw an Indian
belonged by his pouch, though they sometimes wore the same kind.
The Bok Chito and Turkey Creek bands used otter skin. The Mok-
lasha band employed skins of fox, wolf, and beaver. This last
was never worn by the Bok Chitos.
There was a small pouch for powder and shot slung on the right
side during a hunt so that it would be handy. This was generally
made of a gourd shaped like a citron on which the skin of an otter,
raccoon, or mink had been shrunk and which had afterwards been
hardened. Another kind was made by sewing the same kinds of
skins over a horn green and allowing them to shrink on. The horn
was taken from an adult cow or ox, not so old that the horn would
be brittle or so young that it would be too soft. The horn was put
into boiling water and boiled until it was soft enough to be worked
easily. Then the inside part of the horn would come out readily and
they could bend the remainder, straighten it, ornament it, or spread
it out by driving a stick into it, handling it like gutta percha
SWANTON] CHOCTAW SOCIAL AND CEREMONIAL LIFE 43
When it was stretched to suit they would make ornamental cuts or
notches in it. Holes were pierced at the big end and a notch made
around the little end by which to fasten cords for suspension.
To what extent the working of silver was connected with the
earlier working of copper is unknown, but the idea of a bellows must
have been introduced. Simpson Tubby asserts that they first worked
brass taken from guns and resorted to silver later. The bellows was
made of a piece of cane narrowed to a small point at one end and
fitted at the other with a mouthpiece of tin, horn, or some other
suitable material. Through this they were enabled to concentrate
the breath on the metal, the latter being laid on one piece of flint and
struck with another.
The Choctaw claim that they first obtained beads from the whites
at Sugarlock, which received its name shikalla, “ beads,” from the
circumstance. This, of course, refers to trade beads, the introduction
of which enabled the Indians to make a more lavish use of beads in
belts, moccasins, and other articles of use or adornment than had
before been possible. One person often wore a string of beads of
different colors three or four yards in length.
In olden times they made wooden beads as big as acorns. They
also strung together bushels of chinquapin nuts which they dyed
with the colors used on baskets. The seeds of the red haw were also
resorted to, but after they had been used at one or two social gather-
ings they would disintegrate and it was necessary to collect new ones.
For a while they used winter berries (Jlex verticillata?) but later
stopped the practice lest the cattle or chickens should be poisoned.*®*
Some people wore $200 worth of silver—bracelets, anklets, ear
plugs—besides beaded belts, bead necklaces, and so on. To make ear
plugs they merely pierced the lobe of the ear, and Simpson himself
used to do this. After the operation a weed which has a red juice
was stuck through the perforation and left there until it healed.
Feathers were not merely ornaments but often had special signif-
icance. The feather headdresses of the head chief and captains
will be described later. It is said that a doctor who could cure
rheumatism would put a buzzard feather in his hair. There were
certain men who claimed that they could stop the hooting of a
common owl (épa), considered a sign of bad luck, and these men
wore the feather of this same owl. It is said to be easy to stop
the noise of a screech owl. The peafowl feather stood for pros-
perity and happy anticipations, because the peafowl calls out before
daybreak, and so most of the men in the tribe wore such feathers.
A hawk feather was worn by an active, intelligent man. Crow
46aAn uncertain identification. ‘‘ Winter berry’’ is the only common name in Lowe’s
“Plants of Mississippi’? resembling the word ‘“elderberry’’ used by Simpson. However,
Miss Caroline Dorman, an authority on southern flora, thinks it is a berry popularly
known as “India berry” and probably not an Ileg.
44 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BuLL. 103
feathers indicated mourning and were the only ones that could be
put on when there had been a death in the family. It was princi-
pally the chiefs who used them, however, the others confining them-
selves to black cloth. The turkey feather distinguished a good
turkey hunter and also a good hunter of birds in general. When a
weather prophet was seen adorned with a feather of the hushi cha’ha,
“tall crane,” it was a sign of wet weather; if he was seen without
it the weather would be dry. A tall, stout man, or one mentally
strong or conspicuously honest, donned eagle feathers. These
feathers were not worn all of the time, and it is said that only in
later times were they used for ornament. All kinds were resorted
to except feathers of the ostrich and some other birds introduced
by the whites. In later times, however, ostrich feathers seem to
have taken the place of crane feathers in the headdresses of the
chief and captains.
A deer tail, or, failing that, a horse tail, was mounted on a stick
and fastened behind by a man who was a fast runner, particularly
by a ball player. The tail of a wild cat or a tiger tail would be worn
by a great fighter, and a deer tail indicated a skillful deer hunter.
As a whole their manner of life was similar to that of the Creeks,‘7
and this fact is reflected in a certain agreement between the month
names used by the two peoples. Regarding their method of count-
ing time, Cushman says:
They had no calendar, but reckoned time thus: The months, by the full or
crescent moons; the years by the killing of the vegetation by the wintry frosts.
Thus, for two years ago the Choctaw would say: Hushuk (grass) illi (dead)
tuklo (twice) ; literally, grass killed twice, or, more properly, two killings of
the grass ago. The sun was called Nittak hushi—the Day-sun; and the moon,
Nenak hushi, the Night-sun and sometimes, Tekchi hushi—the Wife of the sun.
Their almanac was kept by the flight of the fowls of the air; whose coming
and going announced to them the progress of the advancing and departing
seasons. Thus the fowls of the air announced to the then blessed and happy
Choctaw the progress of the seasons, while the beasts of the field gave to him
warning of the gathering and approaching storm, and the sun marked to him
the hour of the day; and so the changes of time were noted, not by figures,
but by days, sleeps, suns and moons—signs that bespoke the beauty and poetry
of nature. If a shorter time than a day was to be indicated an Indian drew
two parallel lines on the ground, a certain distance apart, and then pointing
to the sun he would say, “It is as long as it would take the sun to move
from there to there.” The time indicated by the moon was from its full to
the next; that of the year, from winter to winter again, or from summer to sum-
mer. To keep appointments, a bundle of sticks containing the [same] number
of sticks as there were days from the day of appointment to the appointed [day],
was kept; and every morning one was taken out and thrown away, the last
stick announced the arrival of the appointed [day]. This bundle of sticks was
called Fuli (sticks) kauah (broken) broken sticks.”
47 See Forty-second Ann. Rept. Bur. Amer. Ethn., pp. 358-470.
48 Cushman, Hist. Inds., pp. 249-250. But fuli (or fali) means “to peel off.’ There
is also a reference to the counting of days by means of sticks stuck up in the ground.
SwaNTon ] CHOCTAW SOCIAL AND CEREMONIAL LIFE 45
In other words the Choctaw methods of reckoning time were essen-
tially the same as those of the Creeks and other southeastern tribes.
Cyrus Byington’s Dictionary contains a list, or rather three lists,
of month names. He says of the months: “ But few Choctaws know
all the names or know when the months come in or go out.” I will
quote from my own discussion of these lists and the attempt to recon-
cile them which I incorporated into Byington’s Dictionary as printed
in Bulletin 46 of the Bureau of American Ethnology.
At first he (Byington) inserted a list of month names in alphabetical order
without stating whether they were obtained from one person or from several.
Later he obtained and recorded two others, one October 238, 1854, from
Tlapintabi, and the other December 31, 1856, from Iyapali. Llapintabi told him
that the year began in the latter part of September, while, according to
Iyapali, it was in the latter part of March. Both of these statements are
reconciled by a subsequent note to the effect that the year was divided into
two series of six months each, a summer series and a winter series. From
the time when these are said to have begun, September 21 and March 21, it
is evident that the autumnal and vernal equinoxes were taken as starting
points. The list of months obtained from Iyapali is in almost complete
agreement with the earliest list recorded by Byington, and therefore is prob-
ably more nearly correct than that of Ilapintabi. It is as follows:
March=Ajoril one 2 kage eh chafo chito, from hohchafo chito, “ big famine.”
Arp ral Mia yi eed 2 he hash koi"chush, “ wildcat month.”
TG (25 J TL ee peo hash koichito, “panther month.”
PUNCH yae eee Ne eet EAN hash mali (or mahali), “ windy month.”
Duly aAUSUS tas se ee e. hash watullak (or. hash watonlak), “crane
month.”
August-September__________- tek i“hashi, “ women’s month”?
September—October_________-. hash bihi, ‘ mulberry month.”
October—November__________- hash bissa, “ blackberry month.”
November—December________. hask haf, perhaps hash kafi, “ sassafras month.”
December—January—_-_--~~-_-. hash takkon, “peach month.”
January—February—_-~~-----. hash hoponi, “ cooking month.”
February—March____________. chafiskono, from hohchdfo iskitini, “little fam-
ine.”
No May-June month is given in the earliest list unless it is represented by
luak mosholi, the specific application of which is not noted, and which appears
to have been questioned by Mr. Byington’s later informants. Since, however, a
year of twelve strictly lunar months must be corrected at intervals to agree
with the solar year, the editor suggests that luak mosholi, which means “ fire
extinguished,” may have been applied to an intercalary month or period at the
beginning of the new year when the fires may have been extinguished and re-
lighted, although we do not know certainly that the Choctaw shared this custom
with the Creeks. LIlapintabi’s list differs from that given only in inverting hash
koi"chush and hdsh koichito, and hash mati and hash watullak, the first be-
ing made to fall in May-June, the second in April-May, the third in July-
August, and the fourth in June-July. This latter inversion would seem to
correspond more nearly to the facts, May or early June being more likely to
be windy than late June or early July. But in fact the entire series of months
as recorded appears to have slipped out of place by at least one month, since
there seems no good reason for calling December-January the “ peach month.”
In the list of Creek months given by Swan February is called the “ windy
month,” May the “mulberry month,” and June the “blackberry month,”
46 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Buny. 103
According to my Alabama and Koasati informants February was ealled ‘“‘ the
month when wild peaches are ripe,’ March “the windy mouth,” and July
“the month when mulberries are ripe.’ These seem much more natural
arrangements. Probably Byington’s Choctaw informants had kept account
of the succession of moons without noticing that the names applied to them
were gradually ceasing to be appropriate owing to the difference between the
lunar and the solar year. At an earlier period the two would probably have
been corrected from time to time.
Cushman thus epitomizes Choctaw agricultural development:
The Choctaws have long been known to excel all the North American Indians
in agriculture, subsisting to a considerable extent on the product of their
fields.”
That this was not a late acquirement is indicated by Romans
(1771), who says: “ The Choctaws may more properly be called a
nation of farmers than any savages I have met with; they are the
most considerable people in Florida. ... Their hunting grounds are
in proportion less considerable than any of their neighbors; but as
they are very little jealous of their territories, nay with ease part
with them, the Chickasaws and they never interrupt each other in
their hunting; as I mentioned before.” °° Elsewhere he tells us that
the Chickasaw were obliged to apply to them yearly for corn and
beans.*t Their method of cultivation does not seem to have differed
appreciably from that in vogue elsewhere in the Southeast. Land
was cleared by burning the underbrush and smaller growth, while
the trees were girdled and left to die and disintegrate gradually.
Before the cornfields were cleared there was a dance. Among
the Creeks planting was done in large communal fields and in small
private gardens, the former divided, however, into separate plots
for the families composing the town. The community field was
planted and cultivated by men and women working together but the
garden plots were cared for by some of the old women and were
private enterprises. Among the Choctaw all memory of the com-
munal plots has been lost and it is possible that they did not exist.
The aboriginal agricultural implement was a crude hoe made out of
the shoulder blade of a bison, a stone, or on the coast a large shell. A
stick was also used to make holes for planting the seed which was
put into hills. Small booths were constructed near the community
grounds and young people stationed there to drive away the crows.
Something has been said above regarding Choctaw methods of
treating corn and preparing it for food, and Romans has the follow-
ing on their foods in general:
They cultivate for bread all the species and varieties of the Zea [maize], like-
wise two varieties of that species of Panicum [probably Sorghum drummondii
49 Hist. Choc., Chick, and Natchez, p. 250.
50 Romans, Nat. Hist. E. and W. Fla., pp. 71-72.
SU Tbid:, *p; .62.
SWANTON ] CHOCTAW SOCIAL AND CEREMONIAL LIFE 47
and Panicum mazimum] vulgarly called guinea corn; a greater number of
different phaseolus [beans] and Dolichos [hyacinth beans] than any I have
seen elsewhere; the esculent Convolvulus (vulgo) sweet potatoes, and the
Helianthus giganteus [sunflower]; with the seed of the last made into flour
and mixed with flour of the Zea they make a very palatable bread; they have
earried the spirit of husbandry so far as to cultivate leeks, garlic, cabbage and
some other garden plants, of which they make no use, in order to make profit
of them to the traders; they ‘Also used to carry poultry to market at Mobile,
although it lays at the distance of an hundred and twenty miles from the
nearest town; dunghill fowls, and a very few ducks, with some hogs, are the
only esculent animals raised in the nation.
They make many kinds of bread of the above grains with the help of
water, eggs, or hickory milk; they boil corn and beans together, and make
many other preparations of their vegetables, but fresh meat they have only
at the hunting season, and then they never fail to eat while it lasts; of their
fowls and hogs they seldom eat any as they keep them for profit.
In failure of their crops, they make bread of the different kinds of Fagus
[now including merely the beeches but then in addition the chestnut and chin-
quapin] of the Diospyros [persimmon], of a species of Convolvulus with a
tuberous root found in the low cane grounds [wild sweet potato], of the root of
u species of Smilax [Choctaw kantak; Creek kunti], of live oak acorns, and of
the young shoots of the Canna [imported probably from the West Indies]; in
summer many wild plants chiefly of the Drupi [plum] and Bacciferous [berry]
kind supply them.
They raise some tobacco, and even sell some to the traders, but when they
use it for smoaking they mix it with the leaves of the two species of the
Cariaria [sumac] or of the Liquidanbar styracistua [Liquidambar styracifiua,
sweet gum] dried and rubbed to pieces.”
Of Choctaw agriculture at a more recent day Simpson Tubby
spoke as follows. The old Indian flint or flour corn had white and
blue kernels intermixed. It was not good for much except roasting
ears. They also had popcorn. He remembers no town fields such
as the Creeks had, all of the corn in his time being planted in small
patches near the houses. If the patches were large, several families
would sometimes unite and cultivate them in succession, but the
fields themselves were entirely separate. The old Choctaw never
made the mistake of planting too early. Along with their corn
they set out the old cornfield beans which were very prolific. They
sometimes planted these in with the corn but more often about poles,
tour to six beans to a pole, and from these there would be from two
to four vines. The beans too high up on the poles to be reached
from the ground they left until fall, when they gathered them into
hamper baskets and set them aside for seed next spring. They
also planted the round melons now called Guinea melons, which
can be left in the field until December and keep into the next month.
Before the whites came they had pumpkins but no squashes.
52 Romans, Nat. Hist. BE. and W. Fla., pp. 84-85. The botanical identifications and
corrections were made by Mr. Paul C. Standley and Mr. E. P. Killip. The sorghum,
hyacinth beans, sweet potatoes, and, of course, the kitchen garden vegetables represent
post-Columbian importations.
48 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Buun. 103
Mortars for pounding corn into meal were anciently made by
burning hollows in the side of a prone log, a fanner being used to
direct the course of the fire, but after axes and chisels were intro-
duced by the whites, they set sections of trees on one end and hol-
lowed out the other end with tools. Corn, hickory nuts, and wild
potatoes, as well as meat, were ground up in these mortars. Hick-
ery wood was the kind out of which they were usually made because
it conveys the best taste to the food. Failing that, they employed
oak, though it gives food a puckery taste. Beech could be used
but it was scarce, but some woods were not used because of the bad
taste they communicate, in particular maple, which gives a taste
“ sufficiently bad to ruin one’s stomach.”
They had corncribs measuring not over 8 by 10 feet, each with a
single entrance. They were raised fairly high above the ground so
that snakes could not seek refuge there and sting someone before they
could be gotten rid of.
Hickory nuts were gathered in summer and the oil extracted from
them was added to corn foods as a seasoning, though the meats were
sometimes put in whole. To extract the oil they parched the nuts
until they cracked to pieces and then beat them up until they were as
fine as coffee grounds. ‘They were then put into boiling water and
boiled for an hour or an hour and a half, until they cooked down to a
kind of soup from which the oil was strained out through a cloth.
The rest was thrown away. ‘The oil could be used at once or poured
into a vessel where it would keep a long time.
Walnuts were little used for food. Very little use was made of
acorns and no oil was extracted from them. Sometimes they cooked
pin oak acorns with hominy but these often caused cramps.*?
Soda or lye was made by burning pea pods. Some day when no
wind was stirring to blow the resultant product away they set fire
to a pile of pods and allowed the resulting ashes to settle in water.
The lye from this was used until it became sour. Lye of different
colors was made by the simple expedient of using different colored
pods. Meat was sometimes beaten until it was tender, when it was
added to hulled corn and the whole boiled for a considerable period,
after which the lye was added and the whole boiled again for from
15 to 40 minutes.
My informant did not remember ever having seen bread made
out of persimmons, but they had persimmon beer (not, of course,
aboriginal) and a kind of persimmon soup in which the fruit was
mixed with venison or beef. There were two kinds of wild plum,
one of which does not ripen until late in the fall, and there is a
wild crabapple. In ancient times they had no peaches.
Acorn oil was probably used more extensively in olden times. See p. 38.
Swanton] CHOCTAW SOCIAL AND CEREMONIAL LIFE 49
The old-time Indians did not like milk and many of them would
not take coffee.
An early authority says:
In years of scarcity when the corn crop has failed, all of the savages leave
the villages and go with their families to camp in the woods at a distance of
80 or 40 leagues, in places where bison (boeufs sauvages) and deer are to be
found, and they live there by hunting and on (wild) potatoes.”
Choctaw culture thus partook of the handicap of the culture of the
rest of the New World outside of the Andean region of South
America in the lack of a domestic animal which could be used as
food. The ill effects of this were twofold. The tribe was com-
pelled to scatter at certain seasons of the year in search of game,
and in consequence of having no animals upon or near their farms
they did not learn the value of fertilizer. This also tended to ob-
struct the permanent occupation of any one locality and to inhibit
advancement toward a higher civilization. As has been pointed
out, the Choctaw did, in spite of these obstacles, reach a relatively
high position among North American tribes, though this was rather
on the economic than the social or ceremonial side. Considerable
has been said in previous papers regarding the hunting customs of
the southeastern Indians. Those of the Choctaw were essentially
the same, though we do not find any reference to the communal
hunt which was reported among the Natchez and in some other
quarters, nor of bear preserves such as were maintained by the
Creeks. It is probable that both institutions were known and occa-
sionally resorted to, but everything connected with the economic
life of the people had become centered so completely about the corn
complex that hunting occupied a wholly secondary position.
Anciently the bow and arrow were of course the principal hunting
implements. In recent times I am told that bows were made of
white hickory or “switch hickory,” which they cut in the fall,
allowed to season all winter and made up in the spring. The string
was of rawhide and a piece of dressed hide was used as a wrist
guard. White hickory was also used for the arrow shafts because
when it seasons it does not warp. As to the points, my informant,
Simpson Tubby, remembers that they used the steel from women’s
corsets. In olden times they were of flint, cane, and perhaps bone,
but nothing is now remembered regarding these. It is claimed that
a hard yellow or white flint is to be had on Nanih Waiya Creek
about 12 miles from Philadelphia, but the principal places of resort
for flints were along Tallapoosa River, the name of which is said to
refer to them.*#* Simpson Tubby says the Choctaw used to go in
54 Miss. State Arch., French Dominions.
'4a It is probably from Alabama or Choctaw tali pushi, “ pulverized rock.”
50 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Buiy. 103
crowds to a number of places on that river, including Kelectic,
Horseshoe Bend, Talasi, and a place named after Tecumseh.
The present Choctaw apparently assume that the primary arrow
release was the one in vogue.
However, Adair says:
*Till they were supplied by the English traders with arms and ammuni-
tion, they had very little skill in killing deer; but they improve very fast in
that favourite art: no savages are equal to them in killing bears, panthers,
wild cats, etc., that resort in thick cane-swamps; which swamps are some-
times two or three miles over, and an hundred in length, without any break
either side of the stream.”
It seems that the French allowed them only a small number of
guns and a limited amount of ammunition.
The French allowed none of them arms and ammunition, except such who
went to war against our Chikkasah friends. One of those outstanding com-
panies was composed also of several towns; for, usually one town had not
more than from five, to seven guns. When the owners therefore had hunted
one moon, they lent them for hire to others, for the like space of time; which
was the reason, that their deerskins, by being chiefly killed out of season,
were then much lighter than now.”
The following quotations from Cushman will give some idea of
individual hunting as practiced by the Choctaw.
Seventy years ago," the Choctaw hunter generally hunted alone and on foot;
and when he killed his game, unless small, he left it where it had fallen, and
turning his footsteps homeward, traveled in a straight line, here and there
breaking a twig leaving its top in the direction he had come, as a guide to
his wife whom he intended to send to bring it home. As soon as he arrived, he
informed her of his success and merely pointed in the direction in which the
game lay. At once she mounted a pony and started in the direction indicated ;
and guided by the broken twigs, she soon arrived at the spot, picked up and
fastened the dead animal to the saddle, mounted and soon went home again;
then soon dressed and prepared a portion for her hunter lord’s meal, while he
sat and smoked his pipe in meditative silence. No animal adapted for food
was ever killed in wanton sport by an Indian hunter. ...
Years ago I had a Choctaw (full-blood) friend as noble and true as ever man
possessed. ... Oft in our frequent hunts together, while silently gliding
through the dense forests ten or fifteen rods apart, he would attract my atten-
tion by his well known ha ha (give caution) in a low but distinct tone of
yoice, and point to a certain part of the woods where he had discovered an
animal of some kind; and though I looked as closely as possible I could see
nothing whatever that resembled a living object of any kind. Being at too
great a distance to risk a sure shot, he would signal me to remain quiet, as he
endeavored to get closer. To me that was the most exciting and interesting
part of the scene; for then began those strategic movements in which the most
skillful white hunter that I have ever seen, was a mere bungler. With deepest
interest, not unmixed with excitiment, I closely watched his every movement as
he slowly and stealthily advanced, with eyes fixed upon his object; now crawl-
ing noiselessly upon his hands and knees, then as motionless as a stump; now
a
55 Adair, Hist. Am. Inds., p. 309. 6 Ibid., pp. 284—285. 56a About 1830.
Swanton] CHOCTAW SOCIAL AND CEREMONIAL LIFE 51
stretched full length upon the ground, then standing erect and motionless; then
dropping suddenly to the ground, and crawling off at an acute angle to the
right or left to get behind a certain tree or log, here and there stopping and
slowly raising his head just enough to look over the top of the grass; then again
hidden until he reached the desired tree; with intense mingled curiosity and
excitement, when hidden from my view in the grass, did I seek to follow him
in his course with my eyes. Oft I would see a little dark spot not larger than
my fist just above the top of the grass, which slowly grew larger and larger
until I discovered it was his [seemingly] motionless head; and had I not known
he was there somewhere I would not have suspected it was a human head or
the head of anything else; and as I kept my eyes upon it, I noticed it slowly
getting smaller until it gradually disappeared; and when he reached the tree,
he then observed the same caution, slowly rising until he stood erect and close
to the body of the tree, then slowly and cautiously peeping around it, first on
the right, then on the left; and when, at this juncture, I have turned my eyes
from him, but momentarily as I thought, to the point where I thought the game
must be, being also eager to satisfy my excited curiosity as to the kind of animal
he was endeavoring to shoot, yet, when I looked to the spot where I had just
seen him—lo! he was not there; and while wondering to what point of the
compass he had so suddenly disappeared unobserved, and vainly looking to find
his mysterious whereabouts, I would be startled by the sharp crack of his rifle
in a different direction from that in which I was looking for him, and in turn-
ing my eye would see him slowly rising out of the grass at a point a hundred
yards distant from where I had last seen him.”
It was truly wonderful with what ease and certainty the Choctaw hunter
and warrior made his way through the dense forests of his country to any
point he wished to go, near or distant. But give him the direction, [and
that] was all he desired; with an unerring certainty, though never having
been in that part of the country before, he would go over hill and valley,
through thickets and canebrakes to the desired point, that seemed incredible.
I have known the little Choctaw boys, in their juvenile excursions with their
bows and arrows and blow-guns to wander miles away from their homes, this
way and that through the woods, and return home at night, without a thought
or fear of getting lost; nor did their parents have any uneasiness in regard
to their wanderings. It is a universal characteristic of the Indian, when
traveling in an unknown country, to let nothing pass unnoticed. His watchful
eye marks every distinguishing feature of the surroundings—a peculiarly lean-
ing or fallen tree, stump or bush, rock or hill, creek or branch, he will recog-
nize years afterwards, and use them as land marks, in going again through
the same country. Thus the Indian hunter was enabled to go into a distant
forest, where he never before had been, pitch his camp, leave it and hunt
all day—wandering this way and that over hills and through jungles for
miles away, and return to his camp at the close of the day with that apparent
ease and unerring certainty, that baffled all.the ingenuity of the white man
and appeared to him as bordering on the miraculous. Ask any Indian for
directions to a place, near or distant, and he merely points in the direction
you should go, regarding that as sufficient information for any one of common
sense.
The Choctaw hunter was famous as a strategist when hunting alone in the
woods; and was such an expert in the art of exactly imitating the cries of the
various animals of the forests, that he would deceive the ear of the most
RN eae, Pe eee Ei etd Nea ee Fi en at ral et) 3 ik es
5? Cushman, Hist. Choc., Chick. and Natchez Indians, pp. 180-181.
58 Tbid., p. 182.
52 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BuL. 103
experienced. They made a very ingeniously constructed instrument for calling
deer to them, in the use of which they were very expert; and in connection with
this, they used a decoy made by cutting the skin clear round the neck, about
ten inches from the head of a slain buck having huge horns, and then stuffing
the skin in one entire section up to the head and cutting off the neck where it
joins the head. The skin, thus made hollow from the head back, is kept in its
natural position by inserting upright sticks; the skin is then pulled upwards
from the nose to the horns and all the flesh and brains removed; then the skin
is repulled to its natural place and laid away to dry. In a year it has become
dry; hard and inoffensive, and fit for use. All the upright sticks are then
taken out except the one next to the head, which is left as a hand-hold. Thus
the hunter, with his deer-caller and head decoy, easily enticed his game within
the range of his deadly rifle; for, secreting himself in the woods, he commenced
to imitate the bleating of a deer; if within hearing distance, one soon
responds; but, perhaps, catching the scent of the hunter, stops and begins to
look around. The hunter now inserts his arm into the cavity of the decoy and
taking hold of the upright stick within, easily held it up to view, and attracted
the attention of the doubting deer by rubbing it against the bushes or a tree;
seeing which, the then no longer suspicious deer advanced, and only learned
its mistake by the sharp crack of the rifle and the deadly bullet.”
On hunting excursions, when a party moved their camp to another point in
the woods, whether far or near, they invariably left a broken bush with the
top leaning in the direction they had gone, readily comprehended by the prac-
ticed eye of the Choctaw hunter. They kept on a straight line to where a turn
was made, and whatever angle there taken, they travelled it in a straight
line, but left the broken bush at the turn indicating the direction they had
taken. If a wandering hunter happened to stumble upon the late deserted camp
and desired to join its former occupants, the broken but silent bush gave him
the information as to the direction they had taken. He took it and traveled in
a straight line perhaps for several miles; when suddenly his ever watchful eye
saw a broken bush with its top leaning in another direction. He at once in-
terpreted its mystic language—‘ Here a turn was made.’ He too made the
turn indicated by the bush; and thus traveled through the unbroken forest for
miles, directed alone by his silent but undeviating guide, which was sure to
lead him to his desired object.®
Small game, such as rabbits, squirrels, and birds, were killed by
means of the blowgun, but in old times this was handled mostly by
boys. Bossu says that the boys “are very skilful in the use of the
blowgun. It is made of a cane about seven feet long, into which they
put a little arrow provided with thistle-down, and when they see
something [which they want to hit] they blow into it, and they often
kill small birds.” * s
In our attempts to visualize pre-Columbian hunting among the
Choctaw we must, of course, drop horses out of the picture. Later,
while they never came to occupy the position which they held among
the Plains tribes, their place was an important one. The Indian
woman of the Southeast had particular reason to be thankful for
°° Cushman, Hist. Choc., Chick. and Natchez Inds., D197.
6 Ibid., pp. 234-235.
Appendix, p. 263; Bossu, Nouv. Voy., vol. 2, p. 103.
Swanton] CHOCTAW SOCIAL AND CEREMONIAL LIFE 53
their coming, for the horse relieved her of much of her former labor
in bringing game home to camp or to the permanent dwelling after
a successful hunting season. Regarding the Choctaw horse and his
significance to the family which.owned him, as observed in the
nineteenth century, Cushman has the following:
The famous little Choctaw pony was a veritable forest camel to the Choctaw
hunter, as the genuine animal is to the sons of Ishmael. His unwearied patience,
and his seemingly untiring endurance of hardships and fatigue, were truly
astonishing—surpassing, according to his inches, every other species of his
race—and proving himself to be a worthy descendant of his ancient parent,
the old Spanish war-horse, introduced by the early Spanish explorers of the
continent. In all the Choctaws’ expeditions, except those of war in which they
never used horses, the chubby little pony always was considered an indis-
pensable adjunct, therefore always occupied a conspicuous place in the caval-
cade. A packsaddle which Choctaw ingenuity had invented expressly for the
benefit of the worthy little fellow’s back, and finely adapted in every particular
for its purpose, was firmly fastened upon his back, ready to receive the burden,
which was generally divided into three parts, each weighing from forty to fifty
pounds. Two of these were suspended across the saddle by means of a rawhide
rope one-fourth of an inch in diameter and of amazing strength, and the third
securely fastened upon the top, over all of which a bear or deer skin was
spread, which protected it from rain. All things being ready, the hunter, as
leader and protector, took his position in front, sometimes on foot and sometimes
astride a pony of such diminutive proportions, that justice and mercy would
naturally have suggested a reverse in the order of things, and, with his trusty
rifle in his hand, without which he never went anywhere, took up the line of
march, and directly after whom, in close order, the loaded ponies followed in
regular succession one behind the other, while the dutiful wife and children
brought up the rear in regular, successive order, often with from three to five
children on a single pony—literally hiding the submissive little fellow from
view. Upon the neck of each pony a little bell was suspended, whose tinkling
chimes of various tones broke the monotony of the desert air, and added cheer-
fulness to the novel scene.
Long accustomed to their duty, the faithful little pack-ponies seldom gave
any trouble, but in a straight line followed on after their master; sometimes,
however, one here and there, unable to withstand the temptation of the luxuri-
ant grass that offered itself so freely along the wayside, would make a momen-
tary stop to snatch a bite or two, but the shrill, disapproving voice of the
wife in close proximity behind, at once reminded him of his dereliction of order
and he would hastly trot up to his position; and thus the little caravan, with
the silence broken only by the tinkling pony bells, moved on amid the dense
timber of their majestic forests, until the declining sun gave warning of the
near approaching night. Then a halt was made, and the faithful little ponies,
relieved of their wearisome loads which they had borne through the day
with becoming and uncomplaining patience, were set free that they might
refresh themselves upon the grass and cane—nature’s bounties to the Indian—
that grew and covered the forests in wild abundance. Late next morning—
(for who ever knew an Indian, in the common affairs of life, to be in a hurry
or to value time? Time! He see it not; he feels it not; he regards it not.
To him ’tis but a shadowy name—a succession of breathings, measured forth
by the change of night and day by a shadow crossing the dial-path of life)
the rested and refreshed ponies were gathered in, and, each having received
54 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BuLL. 103
his former load, again the tinkling chimes of the pony bells alone disturbed
the quiet of the then far extending wilderness, announcing in monotonous tones
the onward march, as the day before, of the contented travelers; and thus was
the journey continued, day by day, until the desired point was reached.”
Simpson Tubby says that the Choctaw were in the habit of liv-
ing on squirrels and other small game animals in summer and on
large game animals in winter. Dogs were not employed in hunt-
ing or for any useful purpose whatever. Deer were stalked at
night by means of torches held just back of the head so as not to
interfere with their view of the game. The Tombigbee River was
a winter hunting ground and they also collected cane there. For
pigeons they went to Pigeon Roost, near Macon, Miss. There was
a favorite place for squirrels and turkeys called Tashka himmita,
“Young Warrior.” About 9 miles east of Philadelphia, Miss.,
and extending for some 20 miles, is another great squirrel section,
called Fani yakni, “squirrel country.” Philadelphia itself is named
Fani yakni tamaha, “Squirrel-country town.” Tashka himmita
was not only a famous place for squirreis and turkeys but for beaver,
otter, raccoon, opossum, rabbits, and other game, and the Indians
formerly congregated there in numbers. They approached game
trom the lee side so as not to be detected. When game animals came
out of the water the hunter would creep up on them, try to intercept
them, and shoot them with arrows, but as they often slid back into
the water and were lost the chief appointed fast runners to go after
the water animals and kill them with clubs. The game was subse-
quently distributed to the various camps, as was usual on all occa-
sions. If any one of the five Choctaw bands killed a deer it would
send to the band nearest it to come over and take a share of the kill
home. Indeed, the invitation was extended as widely as the success
of the hunt warranted. A similar distribution was made in the case
of a surplus catch of fish.
It is claimed that the old native game laws were as strict as those
of the present day, the amount of game that might be killed being
determined in advance. The various families camped wherever they
pleased but the captain of each of the five bands had to find out
how much his hunters killed each month and report it to the head
chief. During the last of February and March “they would no
more kill a rabbit than they would a horse.” In the summertime,
at least in one place, there were other reasons for refraining ee
rabbit hunting. The name of a former town, Kastasha, “ flea ‘place,
was given because there were more rabbits en than anywhere else
and all of them were full of fleas. For that reason there was a law
against killing any more than they could help in summer, i. e.,
until after the. first heavy frost.
EG APE AE od Eat
® Cushman, Hist. Choc., Chick., and Natchez Inds., pp. 235-236.
8lL6l NI Q4YVaAddY LI SV VAIVM HINVN
@ 31V1d €01 NILSTING
ASOTONHLA NVOIYSAWY SO NVSayHNaA
BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY
BULLETIN 103 PLATE 3
@
SHINUR, KAHA
KAFITALAIA
ALUNLAWI och Philade ihe
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\ \ | _KASHTA
@KUNSHAR TIKPI |
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\n ACHUKMA(E)
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Oespsnary
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IBETAR‘QKLA CHITO
‘\
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b i sirname ;
THE OLD CHOCTAW COUNTRY, MISSISSIPPI
, E, 5, W.—Towns belonging to the Central,
nation, respectively.
in the early part of the nineteenth century,
Eastern,
Southern, and Western divisions of the
The dotted lines indicate the boundaries between the three latter divisions
SWANTON] CHOCTAW SOCIAL AND CEREMONIAL LIFE 55
Simpson speaks of Choctaw woodcraft in much the same terms as
does Cushman. When in a strange country the leader of a band of
Indians would break twigs to mark the course his followers were to
take, or a pole was pointed in that direction and a number of twigs
laid at its base to indicate how many miles they were to go.
A fish diet was thought highly of by the ancient Choctaw.
Nanih Waiya was the principal fish stream in the Choctaw coun-
try but it is claimed that the Indians did not fish in it until the
white people brought fishhooks into the country. This was largely
because it never goes dry and forms pools that may be poisoned or
dragged. When they poisoned a pool with buckeye they cut down
trees and bushes and piled them up about it so as to keep the stock
away and cautioned their people not to drink from it. For this
purpose they also used winter berries and devil’s shoestring. The
latter is so weak that a great quantity is required, but winter
berries (see p. 43) falling into a stream naturally will drive fish
away. Ordinarily the Choctaw did not allow anyone to poison the
pools but dragged them with a drag made of brush fastened to-
gether with creepers. When the water was deep, ponies and oxen
were secured to the drag at intervals and men sat upon it to keep it
down. The fish caught were trout, jacks, perch, suckers, and some-
times catfish. Regarding the sucker, the claim is made that it can
be driven ashore by the simple expedient of throwing objects just
behind it one after the other. In poisoning and dragging they were
allowed to keep only enough for their families; any surplus must
be sent to one of the other bands. If this were not done the credit
reposed in the stingy band was destroyed.
They did not allow fish to be shot in the streams but it was
permitted in the lakes and rivers at certain seasons.
Big flakes of salt used to appear on the ground at Blue Licks in
Noxubee County, and the people resorted to that place in winter
to collect them.
SOCIAL ORGANIZATION
GEOGRAPHICAL Divisions AND TowNs
(See Pl. 3)
When Europeans came to know this tribe intimately, and from
that time on, three geographical divisions were recognized, but a
careful examination shows that we must treat them as four in
order to introduce any order into the several town classifications
which have come down to us. It seems pretty clear that the Sixtown
Indians (Okla Hannali) and their immediate neighbors, who lived
in the southern part of the old Choctaw territory, were early dif-
ferentiated from the rest, the separation being partly linguistic and
partly cultural. Sometimes this division is limited absolutely to
56 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BuLL. 103
the six towns which gave it its name, but more often it is extended
to include certain neighboring towns, particularly Chicasawhay
and Yowani, which seem to have shared in some measure the pe-
culiarities of the group. Another small body, centrally located,
embraced those towns in which, early in the eighteenth century, lived
the principal officials of the entire nation, the Kunshak or Cane
towns being particularly noteworthy among them. The importance
of this group is reflected in the name which Régis du Roullet gives
to it, the Big People (Okla Chito). The remaining towns were
divided into two parties, one to the west known as the “ Long
People” (Okla Falaya), and one to the east, the “ People of the
Opposite Side (or Party)” (Okla tannap).
The French officer De Lusser (1730), who was the first to
mention any of the above divisions, seems to have heard of but two,
corresponding to the ones last mentioned, but two years later Du
Roullet adds the central group. The author of the Anonymous
Memoir is the first to separate the Sixtowns (Okla Hannali) from
the rest, though he commits a curious blunder by calling them the
towns “of the east.” He also retains the central group, naming it,
through an equally curious mis-orientation, the division “of the
south.” However, the native title he gives as “ Taboka,” which may
be from tabo’koa, “noon”; and hence the position of the sun at
noon, 1. e., the south. His “western” division seems to include
both the eastern and western parties of other writers. The native
name for this, as transmitted by him, is “ Ougoula tanama.”
“ Ougoula ” is, of course, okla, “ people.” Tanama I at first traced
to tanampi, “to fight,’ but I now think it probable that it is
identical with tannap, “the other (or opposite) side.” ‘This is, as
we have seen, Du Roullet’s name for the eastern party but it is
possible that it was applied reciprocally to the division on the east
by those on the west and the division on the west by those on the
east. In later lists the central division disappears, its towns being
placed partly in the western group, partly in the eastern group, and
a few perhaps in the southern group. The western division also
appears as the “ Big Party ” and the eastern as the “ Little Party.”
From an original status as an apparently loose classification of
towns the three divisions came finally to have rather clearly marked
geographical boundaries, which have been discussed with great care
by Halbert.**
There were variations of speech not only between the Sixtown
Indians and the rest but between the speech of the other parties,
but in course of time that of the western group, the Long People,
came to be recognized as standard Choctaw.
63“ District Divisions of the Choctaw Nation,” in Trans. Ala. Hist. Soc., 1, pp. 375-385.
See map, Pl. 2.
SwaNTONn ] CHOCTAW SOCIAL AND CEREMONIAL LIFE 57
A late name given to the eastern Choctaw division was Ahepat
okla, “ Potato-eating People,” or Haiyip atokolo, “ Second Lake,”
or “Two Lakes.” The first was obtained by Halbert from an old
Choctaw. The second was the only one known to my own inform-
ants. I am inclined to think that my informants were right, because
Haiyip atokolo was also the name of a minor group within the eastern
division, and both of the terms Sixtown and Long People were also
applied to smaller bands or cantons.
The Sixtown Indians were regarded with some show of contempt
by the other Choctaw and their speech was made a subject of
ridicule, but they seem to have contributed their full share, if not
somewhat more than their full share, to the political and intellectual
development of the tribe. Milfort’s unfavorable comments on the
southern Choctaw as compared with the northern section of the
nation °* may be attributed in great measure to this internal aitti-
tude on the part of the Choctaw themselves and in part to superficial
nonconformities with the usages of neighboring tribes, such as a
difference in their mode of wearing the hair. Anciently all Choctaw
men, as well as the women, allowed their hair to grow long and
hence the tribe were often known as “ Long Hairs” (Pats falaya).*
As late as 1771 Romans tells us that both sexes still wore their hair
in this manner “except some young fellows who began to imitate
the Chickasaw fashion.* Between twenty and thirty years later,
however, Milfort found the northern Choctaw had their hair cut in
the Creek manner,*? which would be practically identical with that
of the Chickasaw. Wholly peculiar to the Sixtowns seems to
have been the custom of tattooing blue marks at the corners of the
mouth, from which circumstance they acquired the name of “ Blue-
mouth” (or “Blewmouth ”) Indians used by some early writers.
Certain Choctaw say that the Haiyip atokolo were distinguished
by the use of earrings, but others simply state that the eastern and
western sections were marked off from the others by the manner in
which they wore their ornaments.
These divisions played a great part in the civil war which broke
out in the first half of the eighteenth century, instigated by British
and French emissaries. The eastern or Little Party was that prin-
cipally devoted to the French while the western or Big Party was
largely committed to the English, Red Shoes (Shulush Homa), their
principal leader, belonging to the western town of Kastasha. In a
letter dated January 12, 1751, Governor Vaudreuil states that the
eastern division was the weakest but that, with the help of the
* Appendix, p. 264; Milfort, Mém., p. 288.
® Adair, Hist. Am. Inds., p. 192.
B. Romans, Nat. Hist. E. and W. Fla., p. 82.
87 Appendix, p. 264; Milfort, op. cit., p. 288.
54564—31——_5
58 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 103
French and the Indians of Kunshak and Chickasawhay, it had become
the strongest and had prevailed. A part of the Sixtown Indians
sided with the English, one town in particular committing itself so
far in their favor as to be renamed Inkilis Tamaha, or English
Town. Tala is also known to have belonged to their party as well
as Nuskobo, of which much less is heard, and indeed the ancient
Choctaw “ capital,” Koweh chito, was anglophile.
To date eight authorities for the names of the Choctaw towns are
known to us: Iberville (1702), De Lusser (1730), Régis du Roul-
let (1732), De Crenay (1733), a French Memoir dated conjecturally
in 1755, but probably belonging to or representing a still earlier
period, a list compiled in 1764 to assist the English in their dealings
with the Choctaw, Romans (1771), and a list made in connection
with a treaty between Col. Don Estevan Miré, Governor of Lou-
isiana, and Lieut. Col. Don Enrique Gumarest, Military and Civil
Governor of Fort Carlota de la Movila, on one side and the Choctaw
Nation on the other, July 13-14, 1784.°° In connection with the
Romans list we have the advantage of a careful review and criticism
by Henry S. Halbert. It is unfortunate that, when his commentary
was published, he did not have access to the other lists mentioned.
In the following table all are reproduced, together with Mr. Hal-
bert’s identifications and interpretations, and any other interpreta-
tions which the writer has been able to supply.
The letters C, E, W, and S placed after the names of towns indi-
cate the division in which the author of that particular list has
placed them, whether Central, Eastern, Western, or Sixtown (i. e.,
Southern). After names given on the authority of Bernard Rom-
ans, (M) indicates one taken from his map, (N) one from his narra-
tive, and (WIM) one from a West Florida Map supposed to have
been based, at least in part, on his notes.
ee Ne ee ae i i ee
°° Documents concernant l’histoire des Indiens de la région orientale de la Louisiane, by
Le Baron Marc de Villiers (Journal de la Société des Américanistes de Paris, n. s., vol.
XIv, 1922, pp. 188-139) ; Ms. Journal in the archives of the Ministry of the Colonies,
transcribed for the Library of Congress, Ms. Division; Notes sur les Chactas d’aprés les
Journaux de Voyage de Régis du Roullet (1729-1732), by Le Baron Mare de Villiers
(Journal de la Société des Américanistes de Paris, n. s., vol. Xv, pp. 244-248); Ms. map
in the archives of the Ministry of the Colonies, Paris, copies of which were obtained by
Mr. Peter A. Hamilton, of Mobile, who also reproduced portions of it in Colonial Mobile,
ed. of 1910, pp. 190, 196, also Pl. 5 in Bull. 73, Bur. Amer. Ethn.; Ms. French Memoir in
the Ayer collection of Americana, Newberry Library, Chicago (see Appendix, p. 257) ;
Mississippi Provincial Archives (1763-1766), ed. by Dunbar Rowland, vol. 1, pp. 26-28;
Bernard Romans, Natural History of East and West Florida, map republished in Vol. 2
of the Publications of the Florida State Historical Society; copies of Mss. in the Mis-
Sissippi State Department of Archives and History, Jackson, Miss,
59
CHOCTAW SOCIAL AND CEREMONIAL LIFE
SwaNTon ]
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Nee ea tate tatatataee bialetaiaiaded eyonodeye,L
pees ooo Kee (G)PAUUBTI OR recs = eer oeseccy [peu a ne AeTIOU,
SSR aROSe sage (S)OBNOBOLT ON Gs aas sca ce on ec | oO BUOCOT TS)
sere (g) AyoynopnoyyNog |------>- 7777 QyaANonoyyNog
ooo 22+ ++ - 22 - == 2 = == = = = = = += -- 2 2-2 2 22 = fe - nnn Byoegueg
icy ae oe eee (SDMGIGIE is vo a ie BR elie im eee LUT
Paes uate (S)BuseIVIGNbSOtlGen: =o (os eae as | ie eae
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«¢ MOI B
syoslyovyq,, “eqovqyTPysIyO
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euns,, ‘TaeMosey 00) ‘TUBAO
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sABS JoT[TNOY nq) AByMBsByIITO
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BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY
60
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61
CHOCTAW SOCIAL AND CEREMONIAL LIFE
SWANTON ]
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76 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 103
We are helped to visualize the appearance presented by sone of
these towns in the early part of the eighteenth century by passages
in the journal of Du Roullet, who was among them from April to
August, 1732.
I will say that the village of Boukfouka is one of those of the Choctaw
Nation whose Huts are the most separated one from the other; this village
is divided into three hamlets, each hamlet at a quarter of a league from the
others, and all three surrounded by Bayous: lastly this village is at least
twenty leagues “* in circumference. . ...
The village of Castachas is one of the finest of the nation; it is situated
in a large plain, in the middle of which there is a small hill from the top
of which one can see all the Indian huts placed on the plain and the (blank
in ms.) around the Huts of each savage. ...
The village of Jachou [Yazoo] is situated’in a great plain which lies on a
neight; the savages have their fields in this plain and a large part of their
huts are around the plain. The plain of Jachou is not so vast as that of
Castachas, but it is of about two leagues circumference at the least... .
The village of Jachene atchoukima [Yakni achukma] is situated on a little
elevation or height. The huts are well separated from one another.
The village of Crouetchitou [Kowi chito] or the Great Village is situated
on a small plain surrounded by very high hills, where nearly all the huts of
the savages are built and their fields are in the plain. ...
Sapatchitou [Sapa chito] ... is a small hamlet of the village of Boukfouka,
which lies in a small plain where the savages have built a little stockaded fort,
into which they retreat with their families every night on account of the fre-
quent incursions of the Chikachas [Chickasaws] who cross the river near this
hamlet when they come in a band upon the Choctaws.”
Motreties
Like the Chickasaw, the Choctaw were divided into two great
moieties, but in contradistinction to them these were strictly exoga-
mous and there was greater constancy in the terms applied to
them. All of the four authorities on which we have to depend
give the same name to one of these divisions, ihulahta. Mor-
gan, who derived his information from Byington, gives the form
“ Wa-taik-i-Hila’-ta,” but “Wa-tak” is evidently a misspelling
of Ha-tak, “man,” “person.” Similarly “Ukla,” in the “ Ukla
hula’hta” of Alfred Wright, is “people.” I- is the objective
pronominal prefix of the third person, used in singular or plural,
and "- is the sign of the indirect object. These are used with
either substantives or verbs. Hulahta or hula‘ta resembles holihta,
“fence,” “yard,” or “fort,” with which Cushman does, in fact,
identify it,” or it may be related to holitopa, “ beloved,” “ dear,”
8saA figure which includes all the town lands, but even so, must be regarded as excessive.
© See “Notes sur les Chactas d’aprés les Journaux de Voyage de Régis du Roullet
(1729-1732),” by Le Baron Mare de Villiers, in the Journal de la Société des Américan-
istes de Paris (n. 8.), Vol. xv, 1923, pp. 239-241.
7 Cushman, Hist. Inds., p. 73.
Swanton] CHOCTAW SOCIAL AND CEREMONIAL LIFE res
“esteemed,” a meaning apparently attached to hulahta by the in-
formants of Byington and Wright. However, I have little doubt
that it is the Timucua and Apalachee word for “ chief,” or “ leading
man,” which is practically identical in form and was widely em-
ployed by the Creeks as a ceremonial title. For the other moiety
we find two names. That earliest mentioned is imoklasha, which
appears in the speech of a Choctaw chief in 1751. It consists of
im- (equivalent to i"- of ihulahta), okla, “ people” (see tikla above),
and asha, “to sit,” or “to dwell,” the whole meaning “their people
are there,” or “their people who are there.” In a general way it
signifies “friends.” However, the name obtained by Byington,
Wright, and Cushman is Kashapa okla or Kashap okla, “ Divided
people,” referring probably to the dual division itself. Possibly
the first name was given by one of the same moiety and the second
by one of the opposing moiety, but in that case there seems to be
no good reason why the name of the ihulahta should not also have
changed. As we shall presently see, these names appear again as
those of subdivisions within this moiety, and it may have derived
its collective designation from them. We shall find a similar ex-
tension of the names of local groups.
The following regarding Choctaw moieties, furnished by Alfred
Wright, was published in the Missionary Herald in 1828:
They state, that when the Creator had provided the means of their sub-
sistence, he proceeded to give them their civil regulations. By his direction
the Choetaws, before their dispersion from Nunih waiya, were divided into two
great families, or clans, embracing the whole tribe, or nation. Intermarriages
between those of the same clan were forbidden. The husband and wife must
always be of different clans. The children are reckoned with the clan to which
the wife belongs. Of course there is a division in every family, the father on
one side, the mother and children on the other. And at their funeral solem-
nities and other public meetings, where they are arranged according to this
order, the father is seen sitting at one fire, and the mother and children at
another. As the mother takes her children into her own clan, the father has no
control over them, but the woman’s brothers are considered the natural guard-
ians of the children. Each of these great clans is again divided into three
subdivisions, or smaller clans, making si# in all. All these clans intermix and
live together in the same town and neighborhood, yet they preserve a knowl-
edge of the clan, and of the particular subdivision to which they belong.
These two great clans are considered as having a kind of precedency over
the others in point of authority. In ancient times if a person had been guilty
of a crime which required the interference of public authority, the people were
assembled in council, and seated according to their respective clans. The sub-
division to which the criminal belonged appeared as his counsel and advocates,
and the opposite subdivision as his accusers. The case was then taken up.
If the principal men of these divisions succeeded in adjusting the case, satis-
factorily to all concerned, the business was terminated there; but if not, the
principal men of the next larger division took it up, and if they also failed, the
case then came before the itimoklushas and the shakchuklas, whose decision
78 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY (Bu. 103
was final. But this practice, like some other of their ancient customs, has gone
into disuse.”
Halbert repeats and supplements this:
Soon after the creation, the Great Spirit divided the Choctaws into “iksa,”
the “ Kashapa Okla,” and the “ Okia in Holahta,” or ‘‘ Hattak in Holahta.”
Stationing one iksa on the north and the other on the west side of the sacred
mound [of Nanih Waiya], the Great Spirit then gave them the law of mar-
.Tiage, which they were forever to keep inviolate. This law was that children
were to belong to the iksa of their mother, and that one must marry into
the opposite iksa. By this law a man belonging to the Kashapa Okla must
marry a woman of the Okla in Holahta. The children of this marriage be-
long, of course, to the iksa of their mother, and whenever they marry it must
be into the opposite iksa. In like manner a men belonging to the Okla in
Holahta must marry a woman of the Kashapa Okla, and the children of this
marriage from being Kashapa Okla must marry into the Okla in Holahta.
Such was the Choctaw law of marriage, given, they say, by Divine authority at
Nanih Waiya just after the creation of their race. The iksa lived promiscuously
throughout the nation, but as every one knew to which iksa he belonged, no
matrimonial mistake could possibly occur.*?
Elsewhere he tells us that—
In the ancient days the iksa system was regarded so strictly that a man
was treated with contempt if he should marry into his own iska. Prior to
1820, a woman thus offending was severely whipped by her uncles and brothers
and taken away from her husband. But with the gradual progress of civili-
zation, the law was first broken by the half-breeds, who thus set a precedent
which began to be followed by the full bloods, so that at the present day
among the Choctaws west, the iksa division is now practically extinct.”
It will be noted that Halbert applies the term iksa only to the
moieties, but, while this may have been its original usage, it was later
employed for all of the minor subdivisions, and even extended to
include Christian sects.
The trivial note of a British official in 1772 to the effect that a
Choctaw chief named “ Concha Oumanstabe ” was “of the Immon-
goulasha or Peace Family of the Town of Chickasawhays,” casts a
flood of light upon the nature of the moieties.’ Evidently the Imok-
lasha corresponded to the White or peace party among the Creeks and
we are quite safe in assuming that the I*holahta had to do with war.
Each moiety also discharged the burial offices for members of the
opposite moiety.
In recent times a kind of town or band moiety system existed
which made itself evident in the ball games. This is described on
™'The Missionary Herald, June, 1828, vol. xxiv, No. 6, p. 215.
@ Pubs. Miss. Hist. Sov., 11, p. 230; cf. Claiborne, Miss., 1, p. 521. This information is
based on the communication to the Missionary Herald, above quoted, and “ conversations
in 1884 with the aged Hemonubbee of Neshoba County, Miss., who clearly remembered the
tradition of the iksa system instituted at Nanih Waiya.”
% The facts in this paragraph were abstracted from the records of the “Court of
Claims,” p. 927.
74 Miss. State Archives, English Dominions, vol. 1.
SwWaNTon J CHOCTAW SOCIAL AND CEREMONIAL LIFE 79
page 1538. It may have been formed under Creek influence or
may have been a late sporadic growth, yet it is possible that it per-
petuates something more ancient.
CLANS AND LocaL GROUPS
There are only the faintest traces of groups with truly totemic
designations, the animal and plant names which occur seeming not
to have had a totemic connotation. The most important apparent
exception is furnished by Adam Hodgson, who traversed the terri-
tory of most of the large southeastern tribes on a missionary journey
in the year 1820. On the banks of the Yalobusha River “ he reached
the dwelling of a half-breed Choctaw, whose wife was a Chickasaw,
and whose hut was on the frontier of the two nations.” This man,
who “spoke English very well,” told him among other matters “ that
there were tribes or families among the Indians, somewhat similar
to the Scottish clans; such as, the Panther family, the Bird family,
the Raccoon family, the Wolf family: he belonged to the Raccoon
family, but his children to the family of his wife.” All of these
totemic groups except the Wolf are known with certainty to have
been present among the Chickasaw, and the Wolf occurs in Morgan’s
list. It is possible, therefore, that this Choctaw, on marrying into
the Chickasaw tribe, had been assigned a totemic group, or that some
northern Choctaw had adopted the Chickasaw system. Claiborne
states that six clans, Wind, Bear, Deer, Wolf, Panther, and Holly
Leaf, extended throughout the Choctaw, Cherokee, and Creek tribes,
but his information was evidently derived from the Creeks, it is
only partially true of the Cherokee, and otherwise not to be relied
upon.”> Aside from these questionable statements there seems to
be nothing to warrant the assumption that totemic groups existed
among the Choctaw. There is every reason to believe that the
Crawfish people, the only division of any size bearing an animal
name, were descended from the originally independent tribe of that
name (the Chokchiuma) living between the Choctaw and Chickasaw.
But even though there were no totemic iksa, it is quite possible
that there were nontotemic divisions corresponding to the Chickasaw
totemic clans and differentiated in some manner from the smaller
geographical bands. If there were such, the eight “ gentes ” enumer-
ated by Morgan on the authority of Cyrus Byington and the six
mentioned by the Rev. Alfred Wright would fall into this category.
The former are, in the moiety of the Beloved People, the Chu-fan-
ik’-si, Is-ki-la’-ni, Chi’-to, and Shak-chuk’-la, and, in the moiety
of the Divided People, the Kush-ik’si,’® Law-ok’li, Lu-lak Ik’-sa,
7% Claiborne, Miss., 1, p. 493.
7% Cushman says that the full form of this is “‘ Kunsha-a-he” (ku®shak ahe), “ reed-
potato.” P. 297. He states that Apushmataha belonged to it.
80 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Buny.103
and Lin-ok-lii’-sha. The first of these names is translated “ Beloved
People” like the name of the moiety itself, though the Choctaw
equivalents are totally distinct, and in this case I have no way of
accounting for the interpretation. Bushnell’s Bayou Lacomb in-
formants translated the name “Bunches of flies people,” deriving
chufan (or chufa, as he has it) from chukani, “ fly,” but this origin
is hardly probable. The only Choctaw word which seems to hold
out a promising suggestion is chafa, “exile,” “banished person,”
which recalls the Creek word “seminole” and brings to mind one
origin for distinct clans of which we have abundant examples. Is-
ki-la’-ni is a misprint of Is-kii-ta’-ni, but a better spelling would be |
Iskitini. This is mentioned by Cushman, who calls it ‘“ Okla Isski-
tini.” 77 As stated above, the Shak-chuk’-la (or in full Shakchi
humma okla, “red crawfish people”) undoubtedly represented the
formerly independent tribe of that name incorporated among the
Choctaw. Kush-ik’-si is shortened from Ku®shak iksa, “ Reed iksa,”
while Law-ok’-li contains okla, people, and perhaps laue, “ equal,”
or “ able,” the name connoting people who are equal to anything or
able to do anything. Lu-lak Ik’-sii is probably a misprint of Tu-lak
Ik’-sii, the Tula’iksa’ ogla, or “ Fall-in-bunches people” of Bushnell,
also remembered by two of my own informants.
“Tula ” was evidently derived by Bushnell’s Indians, whether
rightly or not it would be impossible to say, from tulli, to jump, to
frisk. The last name, Lin-ok-lt’-sha, is again undoubtedly a mis-
print, intended for Itim-ok-li’-sha, or better Itimo"klasha, “ their
own people,” or “ friends,” being, as we have seen, one of the names
given to a moiety. The two first and the two last were known to the
Rev. Alfred Wright, whose account of them leads one to suspect that
the eight clans just mentioned are actually to be differentiated from
the other local groups next to be considered, although all of the
living Choctaw confound them hopelessly. Mr. Bushnell’s inform-
ants at Bayou Lacomb treat the names of the moieties, clans, and
local groups as if they were ali the same thing, and it is apparent
that the names of the larger bodies were from time to time identified
with local groups. At any rate the Kashapa okla and I*holahta okla
are given as names of Choctaw bands at certain definite spots in
Louisiana, two of the others belong in the class of primary iksa or
clans just considered, while three would fall into the miscellaneous
class of local groups. My own experience has been like that of Mr.
Bushnell. The Choctaw whom I have interviewed have drawn no
distinction between the three sorts of divisions, although in fact
none of them seemed to have heard about the #holahta okla, and the
kashapa okla were barely remembered.
™ Cushman, Hist. Choc., Chick., and Natchez Ind., p. 90.
SWANTON] CHOCTAW SOCIAL AND CEREMONIAL LIFE 81
Cushman mentions two original moieties, “subsequently divided
into six clans,” thus confirming Wright, but the names which he gives
to the latter are wholly different, including those of the three great
geographical divisions, and three of the smaller local groups.
They are the Okla falaya, Haiyip atokola, Okla hannali, Konshak,
Chickasawhay, and Apela (“a help”), all but the last of which
are well known.”
The remaining divisions apparently correspond to the local groups,
or “ house names,” of the Chickasaw. Perhaps Dr. Gideon Lincecum,
an old resident among the Choctaw before they removed from Mis-
sissippi, best expresses the internal organization of the nation when
he says, speaking of the three major territorial divisions of the Choc-
taw Nation, “each district was subdivided, with but little system,
into Iksas, or kindred clans, and each of these Iksas had its leader.”
My own informant, Simpson Tubby, said much the same thing. “ The
same iksa was spread through a number of towns, and there might be
several in each.” He attributed exogamy to the iksa instead of to
the moieties, of which he remembered nothing, saying, “If it was
found that two people of the same iksa had married, they were sepa-
rated even though they belonged to different towns. Sometimes a
man pretended that he belonged to an iksa different from that of a
woman whom he wished to marry, when in fact it was the same,
and did marry her, but as soon as the truth was known they were
separated.” In the breakdown of an old exogamic system, however,
among tribes having clans and moieties, it commonly happens that
clan exogamy is maintained for a time after moiety exogamy has
been abandoned.
In fact these local groups seem to have been of all sizes and grades
of importance, and were probably frequently increased by subdivision
or the incorporation of foreign elements and decreased by the dying
out of older iksas. At the present day it is impossible to make any-
thing like a complete list of iksas, and I do not feel sure that the
names which I give are all properly used in this connection. They
are the following: Bok Chito, “ Big Stream,” on the stream so called
(Bogue Chitto), which flows into Pearl River near its head, the
only iksa to remain aloof from missionary teachings; Biasha, “ Mul-
berry place,” still living a few miles west of Philadelphia, Miss.;
Okla hannali, “Sixtowns,” in and about Jasper County, Miss.; Okla
untuklo, “ Seven towns,” near Hays, about 23 miles southwest of
Philadelphia; Yakan-okani, “Land Creek,” just west of Carthage,
in Leake County, Miss.; Haiyip atokola, “ Second lake,” or “ Two
lakes,” in the northeastern part of the old Mississippi territory;
7 C. B. Cushman, Hist. Choc., Chick., and Natchez Inds., p. 73. Possibly Apela is
intended for Athlepele (see pp. 65, 74).
Cushman speaks of a Choctaw named Apakfolichipubih, a contemporary of Apush-
mataha, belonging to this iksa. (Cushman, p. 336.)
82 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BuLy.103
Chikashahe, “ Chickasaw potato(?),” said by one informant to have
been east of Mashulaville, but anciently, at all events, on the head-
waters of the Chickasawhay River; Ku'shak, “reedbrake people”
(though by one informant affirmed to have been the name of a bird
found in the reedbrakes), said to have been north of Mashulaville,
but anciently much farther south; Okla falaia, “long people,” ac-
cording to some Mississippi Choctaw about 16 miles north of Phil-
adelphia, according to others near Harperville in Scott County; °°
Spani okla, “ Spanish people,” 25 to 40 miles east of Jackson, Miss. ;
Obala chaha iksa, along Turkey Creek, in the northeastern part of
Scott County and the southeastern part of Neshoba; Koe chito,
“ Panther,” not located; Bok falaia, “ Long Creek,” not located; and
Yanabe, Yashu, Abeka, Lukfata, and Haiyowani, which were also
names of well-known Choctaw towns and may easily be located.
Mr. Bushnell adds the Shunkwane ogla (Shu"kani okla), “Ant peo-
ple,” and Cushman, as we have seen, speaks of one known as Apela,
“to help,” “to assist.” Gatschet mentions a few groups besides
which may belong in this category, Cofetalaya, “ quail are there,”
Pineshuk Indians, “ on a branch of Pearl River, in Winston County,”
the name perhaps transposed from “ pishannuk,” the bass or linden
tree; Sukinatchi or “ Factory Indians,” in Kemper County; the
Cobb Indians, called after their leader, Colonel Cobb, but also known
as Hopahka Indians; and the Shuqualak, in Noxubee County. Simp-
son Tubby spoke of a band in the Sixtown country called Tashka
himmita. Some of these may have been temporary or town groups
instead of true iksa, and it is difficult to find out where the applica-
tion of the term iksa begins or ends. Sometimes it seems to have
been identical with a town, sometimes it appears to have embraced
several towns, but more often I believe that each town was composed
of several iksa.
Later local applications have been given to the names of the
dual divisions and clans, as follows. A band called Kashapa okla
lived at Bayou Lacomb, La., in a village called Butchu’wa, another
known as I*holahta okla was considered the largest in southeastern
Louisiana, their principal settlement being on Hatcha, or Pearl
River. The Shakchi homa okla lived “near Chinchuba, some 12
miles west of Bayou Lacomb,” and also west of Louisville, Miss.
Tmo*klasha continue to live to this day about seven miles south of
Philadelphia, Miss., where they have been missionized by the
Catholic Church; some Chufan iksa lived in Noxubee County, Miss.,
and there was a body of Tula iksa okla in Louisiana.
8“ Tt is said the name of this clan had its origin in a Choctaw family who, both par-
ents and children, were uncommonly tall.”—Cushman, Hist. Choc., Chic., and Natchez,
p. 336. This is, of course, a folk etymology. Cushman mentions a chief of this iksa
named Amosholihubih, who was connected with the family of the old head chiefs.
Swanton] CHOCTAW SOCIAL AND CEREMONIAL LIFE 83
Since these names possess few peculiarities by which they may
be distinguished from the names of towns or other divisions it will
always be impossible in the present decadent condition of the old
organization to distinguish the true local groups. So far as we can
now observe, the functions of these divisions closely approached
those of the corresponding groups among the Chickasaw. As stated
above, marriage was regulated by the two moieties, each man or
woman ordinarily taking a spouse from any group of the opposite
moiety, but Halbert notes as an exception that marriage between the
Chufan iksa and Kush iksa was prohibited. Probably there were
various additional modifications the nature of which is now for-
gotten. Each moiety also piled up the bones and buried the dead
of the other,3t but every local group had its own bone house.
Lincecum says that each local group had its own chief, correspond-
ing probably to the “oldest uncle” of the Creek clans. We know
that each household was so organized because Israel Folsom affirms
that “in the domestic government the oldest brother or uncle was
the head; the parents being required merely to assist in the exer-
cise of this duty by their advice and example.” ** The duty of ex-
tending hospitality to strangers belonging to the same moiety, or
indeed toward strangers of any sort not recognized as enemies, was
rigidly inculecated. A man called the people of his own iksa or
band imokla, “his own people,” and all others imoksi"la.
Only one origin myth dealing with a clan or local group has come
down to us, Pitchlynn’s story of the Crawfish People, or properly
Red Crawfish People, as related to Catlin.
They formerly, but at a very remote period, lived under ground, and used to
come up out of the mud—they were a species of crawfish; and they went on
their hands and feet, and lived in a large cave deep under ground, where there
was no light for several miles. They spoke no language at all, nor could they
understand any. The entrance to their cave was through the mud—and they
used to run down through that, and into their cave; and thus, the Choctaws
were for a long time unable to molest them. The Choctaws used to lay and
wait for them to come out into the sun, where they would try to talk to them
and cultivate an acquaintance.
One day a parcel of them were run upon so suddenly by the Choctaws, that
they had no time to go through the mud into their cave, but were driven into
it by another entrance, which they had through the rocks. The Choctaws then
tried a long time to smoke them out, and at last succeeded—they treated them
kindly—taught them the Choctaw language—taught them to walk on two legs—
made them cut off their toe nails, and pluck the hair from their bodies, after
which they adopted them into their nation—and the remainder of them are
living under ground to this day.®
81 Cushman, Hist. Choc., Chick., and Natchez Inds., p. 367.
8 Tbid., p. 362.
§§ Catlin, the North American Indians, vol. I1, p. 146.
84 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [ But. 103
Without doubt this is a folk-explanation of an already existing
name. While it has totemic suggestions, it is applied to a non-
totemic group.
As we shall see when we consider Choctaw government, the men
of every town were ranged in four classes, the first consisting of the
chiefs, the second of the Hatak holitopa, “ beloved men,” or leading
warriors, the third of the Tashka or common warriors, and the
fourth of “those who have not struck blows or who have killed only
a woman or a child.” We may suspect that, as was the case among
the Creeks and apparently among the Chickasaw, the path to ad-
vancement was to a certain extent smoothed by circumstances of
birth. But this is a vicious disturbance of the survival of the best
which is not confined to Indian society.
Terms oF RELATIONSHIP
The principal terms of relationship are given in the following
table, constructed in part from data collected by myself and in part
from data obtained from the lists of Morgan and the entries in
Byington’s dictionary.
85
CHOCTAW SOCIAL AND CEREMONIAL LIFE
SWANTON ]
(dn 41) (qod1) (dn4t) ft. (yod1)
(dnt) (od) pueqsny OJT A pusqsnyq q OJIM
pusqsny OyTAA s,ojyysnep 194y4snep $,uos wos Siejqsnep sosyysnep §,uos wos
$,10]43nv p=1e143nep s,uos=0s $,JajSIS = S,10}SIS $,101SIS = S,104SIS $,10Y4}O1q = S,J0q}OIq = S, 10 }JOI = S,Joy}01q
a a ee ieee
OJTA (IsOYR[eUI) pueqsng (oAOYO ({e[eult) (eATBUI)
$10 01g 194 }01q $,104SIS ISOHP[CUIT) (1494041) pusqsny Oy
S,OJIM = §,oJIA S,OJIM =JOJSIS S,O}TA OJIN = Jos IO1SIS = S,J09S]S Joq 401g =8,194401q
Losses See eee ae Lee ee |
(ooo 1y90dT) (tyo0dt)
AV-Ul-JeqJOUr == AMPI-Ul-JOyIvy
(odt) (tayeu yod1)
Joy snep puss uospueis
(iEgstdeqryt)
(9901) (qsgxeur) (ye7 U1) (tal)
| (39) Bleu (B[ [CV UII Jeyqsnep uos Jayysnep wos
(yeqqua) == (TArequu) (499 @[TBULT (By [BUT “30}_ OST) “Os!) S,Jaqqsnep s,10343nep §,a0s $,u0s
Joy yZnvp mos *yoq OST) Ost) Joqyqsnep wos $,10]SIS §,104SIS $,104SIS §,10]SIS
cae ee suse a Loki §,10q}01q $,10q BJ $,101}2} $c} BJ $,10q BJ
al I ar ae: | J |
(Tal 40
(dnt) (qodr) oyeult) (T{YST 40 (Tq YsT)
puvgsny (489 ost) OyTM (ost) puvqsny | ‘tayxnqa!) (Tal) OTA
$,Jaqyqsnep Jeyysnep s,aos wos (qsgyeul) (taUBUI!) S,Joyqanep | Joyysnep wos s,aos
$,Joyjoiq $,Joy}OIq $,Joq301q S,J9aq}01q (4e}U!) i9q}OIq = Jay }OIG $,194SIS §,104SIS §,10JSIS | S,104SIS
S,JoqJOUL=S,JeyJOUL S,1ay}OUL=Ss,19qJOUL 194SIS yyas zesunoA = Jepta S,1oyyey = Dis a ican
eee ie oe ee
(isnyyst) (Isn¥ul)
(eAyeqy) Tal) (8qo} EY!) (8q0} Pfaf) (Eqs!) (oyeum!)
ostM (ysoumy) pueqsny CIqst) (14a) ofl (Jayna!) pusqsny
$,40q}01q 19401q $,194SIS JO04SIS (1ST) (101) 19q401q $ ,190q01q 194SIS $,104SIS
$,JeqjOUL = S,JoqJOU = S,JoJOUL = S,JoyjOuL wqjou = Joy} $,JoyjV} = S,1oy}Vy $,10yjv} = S,10q}RI
cies) Pe i tes. Ie ac steele Se ioe ee ee eee ae
(juyoddr) (oyvuat) (rayoddt) (oyeuat)
Joqyoulpueisd Joy ejpuels Joqjourpuria Joy} eJpuess
[eu190) BU = [vu10} eur [euieyed = [euse}ed
(HIVIN ATS)
dIHSNOILVIGY dO SWUAT, MVLOOHD
(Buu. 103
BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY
86
(dnAq) (qodr) (dnaq) (qodr)
pueqsny (yqodq) ayia = (Ta¥vU Yodr) pueqsny (497. OST) ejT (ost) (dnt) (jodr)
S,Joyysnep Joyysnep s,u0s mos S4ojqsnep Jeyqdnep s,uos wos pusqsny OJIM
§,Joqjoiq = S,Jaq,O1q S§,19\[Jo1q =S,194401q, §,19]SIS = S,JoqSIS S,JoJSIS=S,J01sIs s,JoJysNep=Joeyysnep s,uos=uos
ee ge |
(BAleyy) ({B[ BUI!) Ost Aa (eqe[equroult) (odt) pueqsny
Oy purqsny (YeyeYal) S,10q}01q r9q401q Jo4sIs $,10]SIS
S,JoY4O1g =19qj01q S,JeJSIS = JOISIS J[esS = pueqsng s,pueqsny = s,pueqsny §,pueqsny =s,pueqsnyg
l i J
(1uyoddt) (oyun)
JoqjOU S,puBqsuy =J9y}vJ S,purqsny
(yodr) (layeu yodt)
Jovy AnNeppuess uospurid
Curysideqryr (rgysideqr}.
10 40
(tayeu yod!) “(sy yeur) (gyvuul) ‘ysyyeur) (LY!)
‘(yod1) (e[peut (1ayeu Joyysnep uos Joyysnep uos
pl!qopueid ‘OsT) (8 [Bul (yod1) yod1) S,Joqyysnep s,Jeyysnep s,uos $,uos
§,Jaqy4oiq prrgo ‘ost) Jeyysnep uos $,104SIS $,104SIS § ,104SIS §,10]SIS
§,Joyjour $,10]SIS prryo $,J0y401q = $,J0q01q $10 VJ $,19q} BJ $,10q}B] $,1oy}VJ
a
(dnt) (jod1) (tut 4o ‘oyeuuy) | (IAYST 40 (ES!)
pueqsng | ({04 ost) Oyt An (os!) pueqsny tuyoddy) (14a!) OjT A
§,Joq43nep | I0yqsnep s,uos uos (ysgyeul) (juuemtl) $,49qysnep Jequsnep mos $,uos
$,doqqoiq | S,1eyj02q = S,Joy4o1q | S,10q401q 104SIS 104sIs (Yea!) §,10]SIS $,JO}sIS §,10]SIS §,104SIS
$,Joqjoum =s0qjou Ss,10qjJOouW = S,1i0q,o0ur Jozuno’ Jep]e jjas RELELTOR(e| S,doyyey = S,Jaqyey §,Joyyv] = S$,10q4RJ
—I
(Isnyyst) (IsnYal)
(BAleq!) (1a!) (eqoq IyYst) (8q0} Pfu!) (EqYST) (oye)
OsTM (1ysommt) purqsny (EYqst) (tal) Oy (Iuyodd}) |} puvqsny
$,104}01q 194401q §,1eqSIs 194SIS (rqysp | (fat) Joy}01q $,194401q 194SIS $,J0qSIS
§,1JayjOUL = S,leq3Our $,deqjou = S.1J0q40Ur JoYJOUI=19Y VJ $,J0q}eJ = §,1oqyey $,1oyje] = S,10oq}ey
pase
(rayoddr) (oyeunt) (1ayoddt) (oyeutt)
Joy,ouIpueIZ Joy VJpueis JoyJourpueis Joy }eJpuig
[vuleo}eul == [vUI} BUI [eusszed = y[eusejed
(4IVNGd ATHS)
SWANTON] CHOCTAW SOCIAL AND CEREMONIAL LIFE 87
NOTES
In my diagrams illustrative of Chickasaw relationship terms **4
I gave the term pok nakni (or ipok nakni) as that applied by a
woman to the husband of the mother’s brother’s daughter. This
may have been stated by an informant but it is evident that it should
be iyup, as in Choctaw and as Morgan has it. In my Chickasaw
and Creek lists I have used the stem of each term of relationship,
omitting the pronominal prefixes, but in the present lists I have
decided to include them, all the more since it develops that the kind
of prefix used varies with the term. Incidentally the stem of
"ki, father, should evidently have been given as *ki instead
of ki. I assumed the ® was the sign of the indirect object but
the Creek form 1tki shows that it belongs to the stem because
there is a shift from I to n in Choctaw. The oldest brother
was called itichapa, “the father’s mate” (see p. 196), and would
seem to be equivalent to the term “ancestor” in the loosest sense
in which we employ it. Imafo was also employed for the
father’s sister’s husband and sometimes for the father’s sister’s
daughter’s husband. In Chickasaw ippokni is given to the father’s
sister herself and to her female descendants indefinitely, in which
particular it is unlike Choctaw. It is true that a Choctaw woman
does employ this term for her father’s sister and sometimes for her
father’s sister’s daughter, but a new term ithukni is used by males
and it sometimes extends to the father’s sister’s daughter. The next
generation in either case becomes brothers and sisters. The words
for father and mother were similarly extended to the brothers of the
former and the sisters of the latter and we know from Morgan’s
tables that they extended to the father’s father’s brother’s sons, the
father’s father’s father’s brother’s son’s sons, the mother’s mother’s
sister’s daughter, and the mother’s mother’s mother’s sister’s daugh-
ter’s daughter. It is probable that they took in all of the men and
women of the band, of the corresponding generation, and perhaps
those of the moiety of the father and mother respectively. Moreover,
the term for father had, as we have just seen, a still wider extension.
It was applied to the mother’s sister’s husband, the father’s sister’s
son, and sometimes to the husband of the father’s sister’s daughter,
while the term for mother was given to the wives of these men. It is
evident, however, that these other terms are derived from the usage
of i"ki and ishki for own father and mother, because the other uses
are often qualified by the diminutive, as ikosi, ishkosi, or the word
toba, “ to make,” “to become,” and sometimes the postposition pila,
“toward.”
a Worty-fourth Ann. Rept. Bur. Amer. Ethnol., p. 186.
88 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BuLy. 103
The terms for brother and sister, whether elder, younger, or
indifferent, are similarly extended to the children of the father’s
brother, the mother’s sister, the father’s father’s brother’s son’s chil-
dren, the mother’s mother’s sister’s daughter’s children, and an indefi-
nite number of collaterals beside. A collective term itibapishili,
“those who nursed together,” is employed by a man or a woman
to indicate brothers and sisters collectively. Although our records
of its usage indicate considerable irregularity, it was probably em-
ployed particularly when a man wanted to refer to all of his brothers
without differentiating them as elder or younger, and similarly when
a woman wished to speak of all of her sisters. However, one of
Morgan’s informants stated that in such situations a woman could
employ intek, which is commonly used by a man.
There were similarly extensions of the terms for uncle to the
older men on the mother’s side or belonging to her band, and of
the word child by a man to the children of those called brother,
and also uncle, and by a woman to those called sister and uncle,
except, as I have already said, certain descendants of the father’s
sisters whose designation is in doubt. The terms for nephew and
niece were applied by a man to his mother’s mother’s sister’s
daughter’s daughter’s children and corresponding collaterals. A
woman, however, called her brother’s children grandchildren. The
terms used for relations brought about through marriage were also
extended. A particularly close relation existed between a man and
his father-in-law and mother-in-law, but especially the former. A
woman called her father-in-law and mother-in-law merely “ grand-
father ” and “ grandmother,” but a man had special terms ipotci
and ipotci ohoyo. The use of ohoyo, “ woman,” “female,” shows
pretty clearly that the father-in-law was the more important of the
two, and this is confirmed by Byington who tells us that father-
in-law and son-in-law called each other by the word halloka which
also means “sacred,” “ beloved,” “dear.” Sometimes the father-
in-law was called ipochi halloka. It is said by Byington to have
been given to the niece’s husband and the wife’s uncle. We shall
see presently that the father-in-law was distinguished in another
way. Impusnaki is given by Byington as a name applied to a
woman by her husband’s brothers, uncles, and nephews. It is to be
noted that the son’s wife and all of the women married into the
family belonging to her generation are called “ grandchildren,”
while there is usually a special term, iyup, for the men.
A man and a woman call their sister’s husband by the same term,
and their brother’s wife by the same term, and the terms which a
man applies to his wife’s brother and wife’s sister are variants of
the term used by them both for the sister’s husband. A woman had
SWANTON]. CHOCTAW SOCIAL AND CEREMONIAL LIFE 89
distinct terms for her husband’s brother and her husband’s sister.
While the use of these terms was probably somewhat extended, I
find few cases. The mother’s brother’s wife was, however, called by
the same term as the brother’s wife. The term most restricted in its
use seems to have been that applied by a woman to her husband’s
sister.
There are traces of a reciprocal use of terms. Thus ipok is ordi-
narily used in the sense of “his granddaughter,” while if one wants
to say “his grandson,” nakni, the word for male, is added, and
ippokni, grandmother, seems to be based upon this.
In the tables given above a few points are still somewhat obscure,
but it is not unlikely that usage also differed, because more than one
term of relationship was often applicable to the same person. Thus
one authority calls the father’s sister’s daughter ippokni (woman
speaking) or Whukni (man speaking), the term used for the
father’s sister, and her husband imafo, “ grandfather,’ which is
also the term for the father’s sister’s husband; but a second author-
ity uses the terms ishki, “ mother,” and i"ki, “ father,” respectively.
If we had satisfactory examples of two more generations of the
father’s sister’s descendants we should probably find that the chil-
dren of the father’s sister’s son’s daughter and the father’s sister’s
daughter’s son and daughter would be called iso and iso tek and
that their children would be numbered with the ipok and ipok nakni.
On the other hand the descendants of the father’s sister’s son in
the male line all appear to have been called itki, “fathers.” In
both of these cases we find the terms running straight across iksa
and moiety lines.
Most of these terms had a more extended application. Those for
grandfather and grandmother covered all ancestors and all indi-
viduals of the same generation as the grandfather and grand-
mother, at least those closely related to them. Unless limited in
some way of which we now have no knowledge, it would extend to
the boundaries of the tribe. In such cases it is usual to find that
the unmodified word is original. As noted above, ippokni, “ grand-
mother,” resembles ipok rather closely, but imafo, “ grandfather,”
does not, and so it seems possible that ipok and ippokni were differ-
entiated from the same original word. As has been suggested,
ithukni may also be derived from it.
However, the Choctaw have evolved a new device for indicating
reciprocal relationships. This does not define them minutely but
merely sets off the older from the younger speaker, or rather the one
entitled to the term belonging to the elder generation from the one
54564—31—_7
90 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Buw. 103
who must use a term belonging to the younger generation. This de-
vice is the employment of the pronominal prefix indicating the in-
direct object in the former terms and the employment of the pro-
nominal prefix indicating the direct object in the latter. The follow-
ing comparative table will illustrate:
Taking the indirect pronominal prefix Taking the direct pronominal prefix
imafo, grandfather____] | ipok, granddaughter.
ippokni, grandmother|7"")) 7 isfel ee ipok nakni, grandson.
iso, iso tek, child (also imalla).
ijki, father_.__
ishki, mother__
jmanni, elder brother or sister_______-__-_--__- inakfish, younger brother or sister.
ele tae ath | fee nephew.
: : Waele b Tae Wade Ce, ibi tek, niece.
i"hukni, aunt (m. sp.).
iehatak vn USb an O--o 6 e e er itekchi, wife.
imombalaha, husband’s brother____________-_ ihaiya, brother’s wife.
In the last two cases there is no apparent difference in the genera-
tion to which the two belonged. Also, in the case of a woman speak-
ing, ipo, husband’s sister, and ihaiya, brother’s wife, would be
reciprocals, yet both take the direct object. Imalak, sister’s husband,
and imalakosi, wife’s brother, are also reciprocals but they take the
indirect object, being in fact the same word with the diminutive
suffix placed after one of them. Aside from imalla, one term used
for “child,” the only flat contradiction we meet is in the father-in-
law-son-in-law relation in which ipochi and iyup both take the
direct object, but there may be some special ceremonial cause here.
I have spoken above of the endearing term in use between a father-
in-law and son-in-law. My belief is that the indirect object carried
a note of deference, such as other languages express in using the
third person for the second. Chickasaw usage is practically identical
with Choctaw, but in Muskogee the direct object is the one commonly
employed. The principal exceptions are the terms for “ grandchild,”
nephew, niece, daughter’s husband, sister’s husband (m. sp.), wife’s
brother, father-in-law, and mother-in-law. Here are certain rela-
tions considered very close in Choctaw and Chickasaw. As the
background of the relationship system, and much of the foreground,
is now lost, it will probably be impossible to determine the cause of
this custom in any other way than inferentially.
GOVERNMENT
Some information on this subject has already been introduced.
The greatest illumination on the ancient form of government is given
in the following paragraph from the Anonymous French Memoir: 82°
This nation is governed by a head chief whose power is absolute only so
far as he knows how to make use of his authority, but as disobedience is
SsbAppendix, pp. 243-244; Mem. Amer. Anthrop. Assn., v, No. 2, pp. 54-55.
SWANTON ] CHOCTAW SOCIAL AND CEREMONIAL LIFE 91
not punished among them, and they do not usually do what is requested
of them, except when they want to, it may be said that it is an ill-disciplined
government. In each village, besides the chief and the war chief, there are
two Tascamingoutchy [“‘ made a war chief”] who are like lieutenants of
the war chief, and a Tichou-mingo [‘‘ assistant chief”?] who is like a major.
It is he who arranges for all of the ceremonies, the feasts, and the dances.
He acts as speaker for the chief, and oversees the warriors and strangers when
they smoke. These Tichou-mingo usually become village chiefs. They (the
people) are divided into four orders, as follows. [The first are] the head
chiefs, village chiefs, and war chief; the second are the Atacoulitoupa
[Hatak-holitopa] or beloved men (hommes de valleur); the third is com-
posed of those whom they call simply tasca or warriors; the fourth and last
is atac emittla [hatak imatahali?]. They are those who have not struck
blows or who have killed only a woman or a child.
As already stated, a considerable number of the leaders of the
Choctaw Nation resided in 1732 in the central group of towns.
Thus, at the time when the memoir just quoted was written, or in
the period to which it refers, the head chief of the nation lived in
Koweh chito, the name of which is said to signify “a big league,”
because it was a league in circuit. Later the word koweh (koi) came
to mean “a mile.” Its aboriginal connotation has been lost, but
it is identical in form with the word for “ panther,” and Du Roullet,
writing in 1732, confounds the two. D’Anville’s map, of about the
same date, labels this town “the village of the head (grand) chief,”
and on other maps it is called the “ Choctaw capital.” The author
of the Anonymous Memoir informs us that “in this village, besides
the head chief of the nation, there are three leading national chiefs,
two of whom are head war chiefs and the other a chief who assigns
duties.” He also says that the heir apparent of the Choctaw head
chiefship was always chief of Boktokolo and adds that “the head
chief also lives there, very often.”
The authority which we have been following calls Skanapa “ the
village of the chief.” He places it in the western division but, as
Du Roullet informs us that the chief of Kashtasha was leader of the
western towns, Skanapa may actually have been the headquarters of
the chief of the eastern district, with which it is classed by De Lusser.
None of these writers indicates which Sixtown chief was recog-
nized as the head of that group, but since the author of the Memoir
says that the prerogatives of the chief of the Sixtowns were “ the
same as those of the head chief [of the nation],’ we know that there
was such a divisional chief and that he had considerable independence.
The above represents Choctaw conditions about the third decade
of the eighteenth century, but the reader must be warned against
the assumption that it was a hard-and-fast system. Aside from
Father Baudouin’s assertion that the head chieftainship was a new
institution, we learn of various shifts in the location of both head
92 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Buxy. 103
and divisional chiefs. Thus, in 1748, the chief of the eastern town
of Holihta asha is called head chief of the Choctaw, while Franchi-
mastabe, who occupied that position in 1787, belonged to West Yazoo.
At one time during the French régime the chief of the eastern divi-
sion lived at Ibetap okla, probably the larger town of the name, but
in a council held in 1787 the spokesman for this group was the chief
of Okalusa. During the early period of French intercourse the
leadership of the Sixtown section seems to have rested with the chief
of Chickasawhay, and upon his town the six towns proper are said
to have depended, but at another time the headship seems to have
been with Nashobawenya, while in 1784 it was in Oskelagna.
While some of our informants may have been mistaken, it is evi-
dent that the head chiefships were not definitely located in any one
town. Evidently merit and popularity determined leadership.
In spite of what has been said regarding the limited authority
of the national leader, it was not entirely negligible because, in 1731,
the “Consideré” or Honored Man of Okalusa awaited his consent
before going out to fight the Chickasaw.**
The institution of a second or vice chief seems to have been usual,
and this is said to be preserved in Mississippi down to the present
day. Head and second chiefs are often mentioned in the documents.
In a Spanish letter written in 1792 the statement is made that the
head chief of the Choctaw, at that time Franchimastabe, had the
right “ according to their laws to leave his position to the Indian who
pleased him best (quien segun sus leyes tiene el arritrio de dejar
su empleo al Indio que guste),” but undoubtedly this power could
be exercised only within certain limits set by public sentiment.
There were probably other officials and no doubt, as in the case of
the Creeks, usage varied between town and town. This lends inter-
est to the following list of chiefs to whom presents were made by
the French officer, Du Roullet, in 1729:
Village of Koweh Chito:
Mingo tehito (Mi’ko chito), head chief [of the nation], capitané.
Oulatimataha (Holahta imataha).
Soulouche oumastabé (Shulush hummastabe).
Atakabe mingo (Hatak abe mi"ko).
Pakanaoulacta (Pakna holahta).
Mingo tcito ouchi (Mi°ko chito ushi).
Byachoumataha (Iyasha imataha, or Yashu imataha).
Village of Bouktoukoulou:
Ataché mingo (Atashi mi"ko), the town chief.
Chikacha oulakta (Chikasha holahta).
Tascanangouchi (Tashka nanukachi).
% Du Roullet Ms. in the French archives.
SWANTON ] CHOCTAW SOCIAL AND CEREMONIAL LIFE
Soulouche mastabé (Shulush imastabi).
Sonakabé tachka (Asonakabe tashka).
Pacana sulacta (or Pacana oulacta) (Pakna holahta).
Village of Ayanabé:
Astchichaa (Ashachi chaha?).
Tachikcaoulakta (Tashka holahta).
Village of Okeloussa :
Mingo pousecouche (Mi"ko puskus ushi).
Oulatouktalé (Holahta oktani?).
Taskanangouchi (Tashka nanukachi).
Village of Concha (or Coucha) :
Asatchioullou (Ashachi hollo).
Alibamon mingo (Alabama miko).
Taskanangouchi (Tashka nanukachi).
Tichou mingo (Tishu mi*ko).
Village of Yté tchipota:
Opatchi mingo (Hopakachi mi*ko).
Tachka mingo (Tashka mi*ko).
Village of Chkanppa:
Mingo emitta (Mi*ko imataha).
Tachka mingo nakfich (Tashka mi"ko nakfish).
Tachka oumma (Tashka homma).
Taskanangouchi (Tashka nanukachi).
Village of Nachoubaouanya:
Oultetachéo (ulhti tashioha ?).
Village of Oskelagana:
Fani mingo tchaa (Fani mi"ko chaha).
Oulabessenya (Okla bisanli ?).
Mingo pouscouche (Mi*ko puskus ushi).
Moungoulacha mingo (Moklasha mi*ko).
Village of Tala:
Tchikacha oulakta (Chikasha holahta).
Oulakta benéya (Holahta biniya ?).
Village of Youané:
Opaé mingo (Hopaii mi"ko).
Mongouchi chtaboka (Mi*ko ushi ishtabokoa).
Tchoukaoua ala (Chuka wahkala ?).
Village of Tchikachaé:
Patlako (from patala, “ flat” ?), capitané.
Mingo émitta (Miko imataha).
Taskanangouchi taboka (Tashka nanukachi tabokoa).
Ogoulabissénya (Okla bisanli ?).
Taskanangouchi (Tashka nanukachi).
Sonak abé (Asonak abe).
Mingo taskanangouchi (Mi"ko tashka nanukachi).
Mongoulacha mingo (Moklasha mi”’ko).
Village of Kastacha:
Atakabé oulakta (Hatak abe holahta), capitané.
Ounatekélo (Ona tikeli ?).
Village of Kaffétalaya:
Taskanangouchi taboka (Tashka nanukachi tabokva).
Tehitou mingo (Chito mi*ko).
93
94 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BuLL. 103
Village of Boukfouka:
Opaemikko (Hopaii mi"ko).
Atakabé oulakta (Hatak abe holahta).
Taskanangouchi (Tashka nanukachi).”
“Capitané ” is, of course, borrowed from the Spaniards, and was
perhaps assumed as a title by some chiefs who had received honors
at Pensacola or St. Augustine. In another place Du Roullet speaks
of the chief and the “tascanagouchi ” of the village, from which it
is clear that “tascanagouchi” or “ tascanangouchi” was an official
title. It is possible that where this word appears in the above list it
belongs with the name just preceding, having been inserted simply as
his title, but there is nothing in the punctuation of the original to
confirm this. In Hopaii mi"ko we recognize the equivalent of a
name often applied to great war leaders among the Creeks and the
Chickasaw. Elsewhere Fani mingo, probably the Fani mingo tchaa
of the above list, is called “ calumet chief of this nation,” but just
what these words are intended to imply is not clear. They may sig-
nify merely that he had once carried a calumet to some other tribe
when peace was being arranged. In later documents, as for instance
the treaty of July, 138-14, 1787, between representatives of Spain and
the Choctaw, the Indians who subscribed their names to it are classed
as “great medal chiefs,” “little medal chiefs,” and “ capitanes,” the
jast term being used for the least important class of leaders.
The head chief is again mentioned in a much later note from the
manuscript of Israel Folsom:
The tribal or national government was vested in the royal family. ... They
were under the government of custom or common law of the Nation. All their
matters of dispute or difficulty were settled in open council. They had no such
officers as constables or sheriffs, but the chief had power at any time to order
out any number of warriors to bring offenders to justice. The chief’s office
was one merely of supremacy or leadership and consequently there was no pay
attached to it as at the present [1899].
The relative functions of the major local groups or clans within
this larger body—perhaps also within each town—is outlined by
8 Of the above words mi®ko is “ chief’’; chito “ big’; holahta a name used in war
titles and signifying “ chief” in the Timucua and Apalachee languages; imataha, probably
“a supporter ’”’; shulush hummastabe, ‘‘ he took red shoes and killed’; hatak, “man’”’ or
“person ’’; abe, “to kill’; p kna, “on the top”; ushi, “little”; iyasha, “kettle’’;
Yashu, name of a town; atashi, ‘a war club” or possibly the Creek town of Atasi;
Chikasha, the Chickasaw tribe; tashka, “ warrior’; nanukachi, “one who advises” 3
shulush im stabi, ‘shoes he took and killed ’’?; asonak, “a brass kettle’’; ashachi, “to
lay something down ’”’; chaha, “up high”; puskus, “little” or “an infant”; oktdni, “ to
appear at a distance”; hollo, “sacred”; Alabama, the tribe; tishu, “assistant” (to a
chief) ; hopakachi, “to wander far off”; nakfish, “younger brother”; wlhti, ‘ council
fire”; tashioha, ‘“ several things with corners, sharp edges, or ridges”; fani. “ squirrel ” ;
okla, “ people’’; bisanli, “ to sprout’; moklasha, “ one’s own people’; biniya, “seated ’”’;
hopaii, “a prophet” or “a military leader’; ishtabokoa, “he took something when it
was noon’; chuka, “house”’; wakAla, “cracked”; tabokoa, “noon”; ona, “to reach
going’’; tikeli, ‘to touch” or “ to press against.”
5° Cushman, Hist. of Inds., p. 362.
Swanton] CHOCTAW SOCIAL AND CEREMONIAL LIFE 95
Wright in a communication to the Missionary Herald. This has
already been quoted but deserves repetition at this place.
In ancient times if a person had been guilty of a crime which required the
interference of public authority, the people were assembled in council, and
seated according to their respective clans. The subdivision to which the criminal
belonged appeared as his counsel and advocates, and the opposite subdivision
as his accusers. The case was then taken up. If the principal men of these
divisions succeeded in adjusting the case, satisfactorily to all concerned, the
business was terminated there; but if not, the principal men of the next larger
division took it up, and if they also failed, the case then came before the
itimoklushas and the shakchuklas, whose decision was final. But this practice,
like some other of their ancient customs, has gone into disuse.”
In 1751 a Choctaw chief in a speech asking pardon for some
French deserters who had been condemned to death exclaims to the
officer whom he is addressing: “I beg you to write to Mr. de Vau-
dreuil [the governor], my father, that when the two first (or original)
races, Inoulactas and Imougoulachas, venture to ask for the life of a
man, they are never refused, even though the man were already bound
to the frame [at which they were to be burned].” **
My list of towns contains 115 entries, but the places designated
were probably not, all occupied at the same time and there is reason
to suspect that, on moving to a new site, a Choctaw community some-
times changed its name. Moreover, certain of these names no doubt
belonged to villages never permanently detached from some larger
town. Making all due allowances, however, there were probably
at one time from 40 to 50 communities constituting small States,
each with its chief, war chief, two lieutenants of the war chief, or
Taskaminkochi, and an assistant to or speaker for the town chief,
the Tishu minko. These offices were probably held by the local
groups which happened to contain such and such towns, but the
relation between the town and the local group remains obscure and
probably always will.
Cushman says that “in the domestic government the oldest brother
or uncle was the head; the parents being required merely to assist
in the exercise of this duty by their advice and example.” *°
In other words the domestic government was identical with that
existing among the Creeks.
In the nineteenth century the head chieftainship appears to have
been abolished, the head chief’s power being shared by the three
regional chiefs. Thus Wright says:
87 The Missionary Herald, June, 1828, vol. xxiv, No. 6, p. 215.
88 Je te prie d’acrire & M. de Vaudreuil, mon pere que quand les deux premieres Races
Inoulactas, et Imougoulachas font tant que de demander la vie d’un homme quelle ne leur
est jamais refusée, quand méme l’homme seroit desja amaré au cadre,—Miss. State
Archives. French Dominion. Correspondence générale.
8 Cushman, Hist. Inds., p. 362.
96 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BuL. 103
The Choctaw nation is divided into three districts, each of which has a
principal chief elected by the people; and... each of these districts is divided
into many smaller portions, over each of which a headman or captain presides,
who is elected by the people of his clan.”
Claiborne gives a more detailed description of Choctaw govern-
ment in which the three coordinate chiefs appear again:
The Choctaws, from time immemorial, were divided into three beats or
districts, each under charge of a head chief, who never exercised their author-
ity, in important junctures, without the counsel and consent of the sages and
warriors. ...
The names of the chiefs in the three Choctaw districts, at the removal west,
were Ne-ta-ca-che, for the lower district; Ma-shu-la-tubbee, for the central,
and Greenwood Le Fleur [Le Flore], for the northern.
They were independent of each other, and with the co-operation of the head
men, were supreme in authority in their respective districts. They con-
sulted and acted in concert only in external matters, when the whole nation
assembled to decide on peace or war. In later times the whole nation assem-
bled to receive their annuity, the goods, on the occasion, being delivered to the
chiefs or captains, and by them impartially apportioned to the people. These
captains were taken from the respective villages in which they lived.
In each of the districts, there were sub-chiefs or captains, called in the
Choctaw tongue, mingos, who were the leaders in their respective towns or
beats. Their jurisdiction and authority embraced all matters of local concern.
In the event of war, the sub-chief or mingo leads the warriors of his village
or town. The Choctaws, for a long period, had no regular wars, until Push-
mataha joined Gen. Claiborne against the Creeks or Mus-cogees. But their
hunting parties often went west of Red river and into Arkansas, and had
many bloody forages there. .
Occasionally, a general council of the nation, or of the district, was called.
The head chief of the district, or if it be a national council, the three chiefs,
send out runners to the subordinate chiefs, giving to each runner a bundle of
sticks, corresponding to the number of days to intervene between the time of
despatching and the day of meeting. The runner, every morning, throws away
a Stick, until he reaches the chief to whom he has been sent. He then delivers
the bundle, with the remainder of the sticks, and the sub-chief throws away one
every morning, which brings him to the place appointed when the last stick
has been thrown away. This was the primitive method of transmission be-
tween the Indians, and was long adhered to, after they had become more
civilized, out of respect to the ancient custom.
On the day appointed, the Chiefs and Mingos assembled in the square or open
space of the town, and the common people made it a holiday and engaged in
ball playing or dancing.
The council square was generally central, and about 60 feet long and 40
wide. On each side were two rows of posts, the outer one filled in with mud,
about six feet high, and the whole roofed over with straw or boards. There
were two rows of wooden benches covered with matting of woven cane, or
white bark; on these benches the Chiefs and Captains take their seats and
smoke their pipes, slowly passing them from one to another. The Indians are
very deliberate, and are slow in reaching conclusions. The Speaker or Orator
of the district or nation (as the case may be) usually opens with a speech,
explaining why the assembly has been called, and discloses the views of the
° Missionary Herald, April, 1829, vol. xxv, No. 4, Dp. £21;
SWANTON] CHOCTAW SOCIAL AND CEREMONIAL LIFE 97
Chiefs. If the Speaker be absent, the Chief himself opens the assembly, and
sometimes does so whether the Speaker be present or not. The Speaker is a
salaried officer, and his share of the annuity is only inferior to [that of] the
head chief. Any sub-chief or Mingo is then at liberty to give his opinion.
Ample time is allowed. After the debate has ceased, and the pipe has been
passed all around, the Head Chief, or the Speaker, by his orders gives the
Big Talk, collecting the decision of the council from the opinions that have
been expressed, and giving his views as to how the conclusion arrived at is to
be realized. He speaks very deliberately, and at the end of each sentence, if
what he says be approved, the Mingos exclaim Ma! (yes) in a loud voice.
There is seldom any collision between the Chief and the subordinates. If the
superior be a man wise in council and bold in war, the counsellors usually
decide in consonance with his recommendations, and if he be a man of tact
he generally recommends what he finds, from their debates, is most agreeable
to them.”
After removal west of the Mississippi, the head chieftainship was
reestablished and lasted until the end of autonomous government.
The three districts were preserved and for a time a fourth district
was constituted out of the Chickasaw, but in 1855 they were formed
into a distinct republic.
Régis du Roullet gives us some additional information regarding
the conduct of Choctaw councils. When he went to see the head
chief of the tribe in 1729 accompanied by two Chickasaw chiefs the
visitors found mats spread out for them in the shade of four great
trees. Presently the chief himself came thither “singing the calu-
met,” and one of the principal honored men (considerés) approached
the Frenchman with a white or peace pipe in his left hand and a
burning torch in his right. He offered the pipe to his visitor and
after he had smoked presented it in turn to the two Chickasaw.
Then three of the honored men raised Du Roullet on their shoulders
and carried him to the council ground where an elaborate feast had
been prepared.
We learn that, before the Natchez outbreak, one of the chiefs of
the latter tribe had presented a Choctaw chief with a red calumet
“ which is the token of a promise when one accepts it,” urging him
to attack the French.
When De Lusser visited the Choctaw in 1730 to induce them to
take up arms against the Natchez he held a council at Kaffetalaya in
the western part of their territory, of which he gives us some details.
After speeches had been exchanged “a great feast consisting of
potatoes and bear’s oil was held and then the dance followed... .
The dance of the men having come to an end, that of the women
began. They [the men] were all armed and daubed with paint,
with headdresses of eagle feathers. They danced the dance of the
Amediches [ Nabedache, a Caddo tribe] who are Indians in the direc-
*1 Claiborne, Miss., 1, pp. 490-491.
®1a Journal of De Lusser in French Archives.
98 BUREAU OF AMERICAN BTHNOLOGY [ Bubb. 103
tion of Mexico, which a slave of that nation who is at the house
of the great chief taught this nation. This is the finest of all the
Indian dances. They performed it very well. Moreover, they are
the best dressed and the neatest of all the Choctaw women I have
seen.”
On his way home De Lusser passed through the village of the
Yellow Canes (Oskelagna), where he witnessed a similar ceremony.
The latter part “consisted of a dance which the women executed
around the scalps, but it was pitiful in comparison with that of
Kaffetalaya.” The speech of the chief of this town De Lusser has
attempted to report entire and it may be appended as an example of
Choctaw forensics in the third decade of the eighteenth century,
though the sentiments expressed are not on a very high plane. The
chief’s devotion to the French and past deficiencies of the latter are
enlarged upon with hope that compensations for the same will be
proportionately ample.
Warriors, I am very glad to have brought you back to your wives and
your children. I am a witness that it was not in your power to die for the
French. Ag soon as I learned that the Great Chief of the French had sent
a letter to the feet of the Great Chief of the Choctaws to tell him that the
French had died at Natchez and that he had to send his warriors as soon as
possible to avenge their death he did not hesitate one moment to obey this
word which he had always had engraved in his heart and to march at once
on the promise that had been made to pay for the death of his warriors;
that nevertheless they had given nothing. That on the contrary Mr. De
Louboey had robbed them by having gone away with the slaves both French
and Negroes whom they had taken from the Natchez without giving them
goods or notes; that they had attacked the Natchez and had killed many of
them; that they had waited for the French a very long time and that after
the latter had arrived they had said that they were going to make a breach
in the fort with their cannon and that the Choctaws had only to put them-
selves in the places by which the Natchez might flee that not a single one
might escape; but that the cannon of the French had made much noise but
had had little effect; that it was as if one spat on the ground; that nevertheless
they kept teliing them at every moment, pointing at the sun meanwhile, that
at such and such an hour the fort would be laid low; but that the ball did
not even touch the palisade; that when the Natchez put a ecalumet of peace
at the end of a stick the French had been very glad and had made peace
on the terms that they should return the French and the Negroes to them;
that the French had no hearts, that they had seen the corpses of their people
as well as those that had been recently burnt, but that that had not touched
them at all; that for his part he could not think of it without saddening
of the heart; that the Tunicas and other small nations had not wished to
fight because the French had put some of them in chains and treated the red
men like slaves; that also they had the French everywhere; that they stole the
skins of the Indians, being ungrateful for their goods; that for their part
very far from killing the French they were avenging their death, and that
for his part he would always listen to the word of the French, and would
never abandon them.
Swanton] CHOCTAW SOCIAL AND CEREMONIAL LIFE 99
Something will also be said about Choctaw councils in connection
with the ceremonies connected with war and the restoration of peace.
The following excerpts have been taken from Cushman:
In their ancient councils and great national assemblies, the Choctaws always
Gbserved the utmost order and decorum, which, however, is universally charac-
teristic ofthe Indians . . . In those grave and imposing deliberations of years
ago convened at night, all sat on the ground [?] in a circle around a blazing
fire called The Council Fire. The aged, who from decrepitude had long retired
from the scenes of active life, the war-path and the chase, formed the inner
circle; the middle age warriors, the next; and the young warriors, the outer
circle. The women and children were always excluded from their national
assemblies. The old men, beginning with the oldest patriarch, would then in
regular succession state to the attentive audience all that had been told them
by their fathers, and what they themselves had learned in the experience of
an eventful life—the past history of their nation; their vicissitudes and changes;
what difficulties they had encountered, and how overcome; their various suc-
cesses in war and their defeats; the character and kind of enemies whom they
had defeated and by whom they had been defeated, the mighty deeds of their
renowned chiefs and famous warriors in days past, together with their own
achievements both in war and the chase; their nation’s days of prosperity and
adversity; in short, all of their traditions and legends handed down to them
through the successive generations of ages past; and when those old seers and
patriarchs, oracles of the past, had in their turn gone to dwell with their fathers
in the Spirit Land, and their voices were no longer heard in wise counsel, the
oldest occupied the chairs of state, and in turn rehearsed to their young braves
the traditions of the past, as related to them by the former sages of their
tribes, together with their own knowledge.”
Whether the Choctaws assembled for social conversation or debate in council,
only one spoke at a time, and under no circumstances was he interrupted.
This noble characteristic belongs to all the North American Indians, as far as
I have been able to ascertain. In the public councils of the Choctaws, as
well as in social gatherings and religious meetings, the utmost decorum always
prevailed, and he who was talking in the social circle or addressing the council
or lecturing in the religious meeting, always had as silent and attentive hearers
as ever delighted and blessed a speaker. A noble characteristic. And when
a question had been discussed, before putting it to a vote, a few minutes were
always given for slient meditation, during which the most profound silence
was observed; at the expiration of the allotted time, the vote of the assembly
was taken; and which, I have been informed, is still kept up to this day [1899],
For many years after they had arrived from their ancient homes at their
present place of abode [in Oklahoma], no candidate for an office of any kind
ever went around among the people soliciting votes; the candidate merely gave
notice by public announcement, and that was all; and had a candidate asked
a man for his support, it would have been the death knell to his election.
On the day of the election, the names of all the candidates were written
in regular order upon a long strip of paper, with the office to which each
aspired written upon it, was handed to the voter when he presented himself
at the polls to vote, who commenced at the top of the list and called out the
name of the candidate he wished to support for the different offices; if the
voter could not read, then one of the officers in charge of the election, who
% Cushman, Hist. Inds., pp. 205-206.
100 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 1038
could read, took the paper and slowly read the names and the office each
aspirant desired; and the voter called out the name of each eandidate for
whom he wished to vote as he read; and no candidate ever manifested any
hard feelings toward those who voted against him. Here was exhibited true
liberty and free suffrage.”
The latter part of the quotation of course refers to the method of
conducting an election after the removal west of the Mississippi under
the constitution then adopted. Cushman thus speaks of the native
orators:
There were many natural orators among the ancient Choctaws when living
in undisturbed prosperity and happiness east of the Mississippi river. Their
orations were very concise, animating and abounding in many beautiful
metaphors.”
Cushman gives the following as the ancient formula for beginning
a speech: “ O-mish-ke! A numpa tillofasih ish hakloh,” “Attention !
Listen you to my brief remarks.” *
Before concluding this section I will append some notes given
me by Simpson Tubby. This must represent that form of govern-
ment maintained by the eastern Choctaw after the bulk of the tribe
had moved west. I am uncertain how far this represents a function-
ing government and how far an ideal. My informant, like many of
the best native assistants in other tribes, has a tendency to give
a logical completeness to his story of former governmental and
religious conditions which very probably goes beyond the actual
realization. Whether objectively or subjectively realized, his nar-
rative shows the increasingly important part played by the mounds
at Nanih Waiya in the thought of the Mississippi Choctaw. This
must be taken in connection with Halbert’s statement that he knew
of but one national council of the tribe held at the great mound.
Simpson’s account is, in substance, as follows:
Nanih Waiya was the center of the Choctaw Nation and the Choctaw came
together there in council from as far west as Yazoo City and as far east as
the Tombigbee. Close to it five streams meet to form Pearl River, the “ river”
(Hahtca) of the Choctaw. One of these is Nanih Waiya itself. Two others,
Owl Creek (Opa Bok) and Bogue Chitto (Big Creek) come in from the south,
uniting a short distance before they empty into Pearl River, and the two
others, Talla Haga (Tali hikia, “Standing Stone *), and Noxapater (Naki
chiponta, “ Small Shot” for a shotgun), come in in succession from the north.
At the small mound of Nanih Waiya the five captains of the five bands living
on these streams met to make laws for them which they afterwards carried
to the chief on the big mound for approval or veto, but the laws for the
nation as a whole were made at the big mound. The Choctaw originally spread
out from this place in all directions and so the region of the five river cantons
was called “my mother earth” (chashki yakni), but it was not known how
they came to be at that place. [Simpson apparently knew nothing of a sub-
* Cushman, Hist. Inds., pp. 174-175. % Tbid., px 253. % Tbid., p. 315.
SWANTON] CHOCTAW SOCIAL AND CEREMONIAL LIFE 101
terranean origin there. He had heard, however, that the first national as-
sembly was held at the Blue Hole Cave and that after that they put up the
big mound and had their later national assemblies by it.] Both the national
and cantonal laws were executed by the head chief. He and each of the band
captains had vice-chiefs. After the death of a head chief the vice-chief took
his place until the people had a chance to assemble and elect a new one, and
the vice-chief was not necessarily the one chosen. It is said that if the
women wanted a certain chief he was almost certain of election.
At the small mound laws were made like those governing the amount of
game that might be killed by each family on the five rivers and how much by
the whole band or okla. When the small mound could not settle any difficulty
it was referred for final adjudication to the big mound.
If the head chief or a captain died suddenly and the vice-chief could not
be present at an assembly which had already been summoned, the wife of
the deceased took his place and spoke for him, she having been kept informed
by him of any business in hand. She wore a blue veil as a symbol of truth
(red was a symbol of war or anything hostile) and when she rose to speak
with this on, all kept quiet and listened attentively. If the woman had to
speak with reference to some death, she wore black.
Before the head chief called a meeting, six bundles of sticks were prepared,
one for each of the five bands and one for the head chief himself. Before
the latter were sent out, they were all brought to the head chief, laid out
before him, and the number of sticks ‘“ certified.” If one of the captains who
had charge of a bundle lost a stick, he had to come to the head chief to get
a new one. Sometimes one forgot to remove it at the proper time and after-
wards, at the council, each had to state how many mistakes he had made.
The one who was most accurate in this respect was apt to be made head chief
after the death of the incumbent. There are said to have been two sets of
sticks, twelve for the months and thirty for the days. One of the latter had
to be removed every day before noon. It might be on the evening of the
night before, at midnight, or in the morning. When thirty had been removed,
one of the month sticks was taken away and the process gone over with the
second month, and so on. This means that the sticks were not actually
destroyed, and, in fact, they were generally kept in the large pouch and removed
to another compartment inthe same. Apparently month sticks were not used in
all cases, but it is said that appointments were seldom made more than ninety
days in advance and this kept the number of day sticks within reason.
The chief was a quiet man who indicated his wishes largely by signs.
Whether he was to hold a general council or merely summoned one particular
captain for a special purpose, he chose a day when he knew it would be
calm. Before opening the council he lighted a fire on top of the big mound
and when the smoke went upward in a straight line he bent over it and the
people said he was communing with some unseen being. Or he looked up-
ward with his arms folded for perhaps half an hour. Then he would let
his arms fall to his sides and turn successively to the east, north, west, and
south in silence. If he wished to address some particular band he would
point in the direction in which it lived. If he was speaking to all, he would
point to each creek in succession before beginning his speech. If he happened
to have four points to consider, he would hold up four fingers in sight of the
assembly without uttering a word. After that he opened the assembly with
a speech.
Then he would vanish into his house and the captains and their subcaptains
would meet on the small mound and decide which of the bands would hold
102 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BuLy. 103
its meeting first. All of the captains met there so that they might make no
mistake in delivering the message to their village exactly as their chief had
uttered it. They went through with this formula every time so that there
would be no argument. The old speeches of this character were in a set
form and were uttered in a low voice so that they could not be heard very far
off. Special speakers, other than chiefs or captains, were chosen to address
great audiences on moral matters. Instruction was given wholly in this
way. These men were usually prophets, men who foretold the weather [at
all seasons], and sometimes wizards.
A headdress of a special pattern was worn by the head chief, and one
somewhat similar by each of the captains. The chief’s hat was high and had
a narrow brim. It could be made of any kind of skin. The base of the
captain’s headdress could be of any material except deer, bear, and opossum
skin, but it must be different from that of the head chief. Two silver bands
tied at the ends with red tape encircled the chief’s headdress, one at the top
and one halfway up. Around the top were ranged six ostrich feathers, and
at the outer ends of each of these were hung twelve beads. Each feather was
slipped into one or two silver pieces at the butt end to hold it in place. At
an earlier period crane feathers seem to have been used instead of ostrich
feathers and the captains had but four of these. The headdresses of the cap-
tains were otherwise similar except that they had less silver. When one of
these headdresses was worn, the beads fastened to the feathers moved con-
tinually, glittering like stars, no matter how still the wearer stood. The
head chief also wore bearskin moccasins. His costume was prescribed by the
captains, not by himself, and his wife’s clothing was made by the captains’
wives. The chief’s headdress was made by the captains with the help of some
women. At times the captains as well as the chief wore moccasins and all
might have fur caps.
The chief also had a pipe. It was given by Simpson Tubby’s great-grand-
father, Mashulatubbi, to his grandfather, Aliktabbi, and then passed to his
son, Lewis Tubby, who was to have given it to a man named Yitombi but the
latter died before the owner of the pipe. It was offered to Little Leader but
he said that Greenwood Leflore was to have it and Lewis Tubby gave it to
him. However, Leflore betrayed his people to the whites and fled to Leflore
County and Greenwood City, leaving the pipe behind him, and it again fell
into the hands of Lewis Tubby, who left it in trust for Simpson when he
should reach the age of forty. However, most of the custodians having died,
it was presented to him a little before that time. Later Simpson loaned it to
a local college and it is said to have been stolen from the collection there
along with some other objects. Simpson says that the stone of which it was
made was brownish or yellowish in color.
JebayU Jed diag bg
Although when attacked the Choctaw defended themselves with
great bravery, it appears that they were not particularly jealous of
their hunting rights. This was evidently because they depended
less upon the products of the chase than any other of the south-
eastern tribes. Roman says:
Their hunting grounds are in proportion less considerable than any of their
neighbours ; but as they are very little jealous of their territories, nay with ease
SWANTON } CHOCTAW SOCIAL AND CEREMONIAL LIFE 103
part with them, the Chicasaws and they never interrupt each other in their
hunting; as I mentioned before.”
Yet Halbert reports bitter contests between the two tribes over
certain preserves. Romans states elsewhere that his party saw little
game in their country.”
Certainly their territories were not as extensive as those of the
Chickasaw, Creeks, or Cherokee, being closely shut in on the north
and east by the Chickasaw and Creeks, and to the westward not
reaching even to the Mississippi River where the Natchez and a
number of smaller tribes dwelt. The part of this territory continu-
ously occupied was divided up among the local groups treated of
above, each controlled in about the same manner as by the separate
talwa among the Creeks. Romans says: “Although they have a strict
notion of distinction in property, and even divide their lands, we
never hear them quarrel about boundaries.” °
So far as the Choctaw are concerned the following paragraph from
Cushman appears to be in line with all other information on the sub-
ject of property. It applies, as will be seen, to the claims of indi-
vidual families as well as to those of larger bodies:
When a Choctaw erected a house upon a spot of ground, and prepared a few
acres for his corn, beans, potatoes, etc., so long as he resided upon it as his home,
it was exclusively his, and his rights were strictly respected by all; but if he left
it and moved to another place, then his claim to his forsaken home was forfeited ;
and whoever saw proper could go and take possession ; nor was the second occu-
pant expected to remunerate the first for the labor he had done. However, if
No. 1 afterward should desire to return to his previous home he could do so,
provided no one had taken possession. [At] the present time [1899], if one
improves a place and leaves it, no one has the right to take possession of the
deserted place without permission of the one who improved it.”
Claiborne, who derived much of his information from Cushman, is
naturally confirmatory :
The land is common to the nation—chiefs and people; particular lands being
unknown among them but by reservations in the treaties. Their title to their
houses and fields of corn is entirely by occupancy. As soon as the house is
abandoned, any other person may take it. Their right, however, while in
possession or use of the property, is scrupulously respected. When the husband
and wife die leaving no children, the relations of the wife generally take their
house. But if the house was built entirely by the husband, without the
assistance of the wife, in such case, his relations usually take possession. If
the house be an old house and built by neither, it goes to the blood of him who
built it. But these rights mean nothing unless acted upon at the time of the
house being left vacant, for if another be permitted to enter, occupancy, as above
stated, becomes the sole title.”
% Romans, HE. and W. Fla., p. 72. Cushman, Hist. Inds., p. 235.
7 Tbid., p. 86. 1 Claiborne, Miss., 1, p. 494.
*8 Romans, E. and W. Fla., pp. 87-88.
104 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BuLy. 103
Certainly the instinct in opposition to absentee landlordism was a
true one, however little it may have reflected a deep-seated, abstract
desire for justice.
Regarding the disposition of movable property or chattels the
same writer says:
The law of distribution of their personal effects is the same in the three
nations. What came by the husband or by the wife, upon their death without
issue, goes to their respective relations. When the wife dies leaving children,
her property goes to her children—her relations taking care of it for them
and of them. The woman having to make the crop and raise the hogs does
not miss her husband so much when he is killed, except on account of the
game, because with the exception of the game she had the support of the
family on her hands previous to his death.’
Adopted children shared equally with the others (see p. 118).
Many chattels were, however, scaffolded or buried with the de-
ceased and hence placed beyond the consideration of possible heirs.
CRIME AND PUNISHMENT
Murder, i. e., intratribal man-killing, could be atoned for ordi-
narily only by the death of the murderer himself or some substitute
acceptable to the injured family. The anonymous author of the
Memoir of 1755 says: “They cherish a desire for revenge for a
generation. The grandson will avenge an insult made to his great-
grandfather by killing one of the descendants of the one who gave
the blow. They bring up their children in this spirit of revenge.” °
Ordinarily the substitute was from the family or clan of the
murderer but Gregg tells us that “any one might take the place of
the murderer, and in the death of the substitute the law was satis-
fied, and the true criminal remained exempt.” The case he cites
was, however, within the family. “An intelligent and [reliable]
Choctaw related to me an affecting incident, for the truth of which
he vouched. An Indian had remained responsible for the appear-
ance, on a certain day, of his brother, who had killed a man. When
the day arrived, the murderer exhibited some reluctance to fulfill the
pledge, when the other said to him: ‘ My brother, you are no brave—
you are afraid to die—stay here and take care of my family—I will
die in your place’: whereupon he immediately attended the ap-
pointed spot, and was executed accordingly.” 4
We learn from Romans that such retribution was sometimes
resorted to inside the domestic group itself.
There are no laws or regulations observable among these people, except the
Ler Talionis, . . .; the above law is so strictly followed, that I am furnished
? Claiborne, op. cit., p. 494; see also p. 134.
% Appendix, p. 247; Mem. Amer. Anthrop. Assn., v, p. 59.
‘Gregg, Commerce of the Prairies, in Early Western Travels, ed. R. G. Thwaites,
¢ol. 20, pp. 311-312.
SWANTON ] CHOCTAW SOCIAL AND CEREMONIAL LIFE 105
with the following anecdote: It happened that a young Choctaw having done
something deserving reproof, he was therefore chid by his mother; this he
took so ill as in the fury of his shame to resolve his own death, which he
effected with a gun; his sister as his nearest relation thought herself bound
to avenge his death, and knowing the circumstances told her mother she had
caused her brother’s death and must pay for his life; the old woman resigned
herself to her fate, and died by the hands of her daughter, who shot her
with a gun which she had provided for the catastrophe.®
This law of retaliation bulks large in reports sent in by the early
white emissaries and agents. In a letter to Henry Dearborn, Secre-
tary of War, dated March 4, 1803, Claiborne says:
Some Indian depredations have been committed on the road leading to Nash-
ville, but they are by no means as great as has been represented. In the course
of four months past one person has been killed and two wounded. The deceased
(a Mr. White) was shot by some Creeks, as satisfaction for a Creek Indian who
was murdered not long since in Kentucky. A Mr. Patterson was shot and
wounded by Lewis Vaun, a Choctaw, with a view to avenge the loss of his
brother, who was supposed to have been killed in this territory about two
years ago; and a Mr. Hogan was lately wounded by a party of Choctaws, who
had set out to take a life as compensation for an Indian who was killed in
Natchez about two months ago. No other mischief has been done by the
Indians in the Wilderness (unless it be the stealing of some horses) for some
years, and this has proceeded from the rigid execution of the ‘“ Lex talionis.”’
Several other letters were written by Claiborne regarding these
cases.°
A curious account of a murder, apparently grounded in jealousy,
is thus related in detailing the proceedings of a congress of Chicka-
saw and Choctaw Nations opened at Mobile by John Stuart, the
British agent, on December 31, 1771:
A party of hunters from Toussanna [or Coussana] had in [the] winter last
met a white man in the woods who had lost his way and was at the point of
death for want of nourishment, that they the Indians had fed and taken great
eare of him, by which means he had recovered entirely. That after some days
he joined another party of Choctaws, in order to return to the nation, at which
the person who had taken such care of him being offended, pursued and killed
him. The agent dnsisted that the Indian who had done the deed be himself
killed, and after a conference among themselves the Choctaw chiefs agreed
to it.”
Claiborne attempted to encourage the substitution of monetary
compensation for blood revenge, the usual route by which this custom
was modified and brought to an end. In a letter to Dearborn,
written August 16, 1804, he says:
Hooshe Hoomah, or the Red Bird, a Choctaw chief, regrets the loss of a
relation killed some years ago in Kentucky. Some of the connections of the
deceased speak of revenge but the Red [Bird] is much opposed to the shedding
5 Romans, E. and W. Fla., pp. 87-88.
6 MS. vol. of “The Proceedings of the Governor of the Mississippi Territory as Super-
intendent of Indian Affairs.’”’ Miss. State Dept. of Archives. For the religious motive
behind man-killing see p. 220.
7 Miss. State Archives, English Dominions,
54564—31——_8
106 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BuLt. 103
of innocent blood and supposes that the resentment of the family might be
appeased by suitable presents in goods or money.
Later he adds:
Mr. Dinsmore (agent to the Choctaw) has been requested to make the
Red Bird and his connections presents to the amount of 50 or 80 dollars, but
I fear a sum less than 300 dollars will not be deemed adequate compensation.
The following rather verbose and emotional account by Cushman
embodies some important illustrations of the ancient attitude on the
subject of this cardinal crime:
Their severest law was that of blood revenge. “ Whosoever sheddeth man’s
blood, by man shall his blood be shed” was a statute rigidly enforced among
all North American Indians. It was acknowledged among all, not only to be
the right, but also the imperative duty of the nearest relative on the male
side of the slain, to kill the slayer wherever and whenever a favorable
opportunity was presented. Under many existing circumstances the law
might, perhaps, have been just and salutary; but unfortunately it went too far,
as any male member of the murderer’s family, though innocent and even
ignorant of the crime, might become the victim of the avenger of blood, if the
guilty had fled; but such seldom occurred, as the murderer rarely ever made any
effort whatever to escape, but passively submitted to his fate. Still, this law,
revolting as it may appear to many, exercised a good influence among the
Choctaws, as it had a salutary effect in restraining them in the heat of
passion, by rendering them cautious in their disputes and quarrels, lest blood
should be shed; knowing the absolute certainty of murder being avenged sooner
or later upon the murderer himself, or some one of his nearest male relatives ;
hence no man, or family, would with impunity commit or permit, if he could
avoid or prevent it, an act that would be sure to be avenged, no one could tell
when or where. Days, weeks, and even months perhaps, might pass, yet the
avenger sleepeth not nor has he forgotten; and, at an hour least expected and
from a source least apprehended, the blow at last falls, and there the matter
ends. Nor did the slayer find any protection from any source whatever, not
even from his nearest relatives. Yet calmly and with stoical indifference
Lhe] awaited his certain doom; nor was the avenger, though known, interrupted
in any manner whatever, either before or after he had accomplished his
revenge. The avenger of blood never took the life of a female of the slayer’s
family, but satisfied himself in the death of the slayer himself or in the person
of someone of his nearest male relatives.’ If the murderer, had fled, and the
life of one of his male relatives had been sacrificed in lieu of his own, he then
could return without fear of molestation; but the name of coward was given
to him—an appellation more dreaded and less endurable than a hundred deaths
to all North American Indians,
A few instances have been known among the Choctaws, where a relative pro-
posed to die for the slayer, and was accepted on the part of the relatives of the
slain; but such instances were very rare.’
Cushman, however, describes one such case, that of a woman who
offered to take the place of her son and was accepted by the family
of the murdered man. Cushman says:
§ Claiborne states that the husband of a slain woman who should venture to avenge
her death would himself be killed by the proper avenger of blood. He affirms this of
the Creeks and Cherokee also.
® Cushman, Hist. Choc., Chick., and Natchez Inds., pp. 263-264.
SWANTON] CHOCTAW SOCIAL AND CEREMONIAL LIFE 107
It is natural to suppose that Hohtak Lahba * would have refused the offer of
his devoted mother. But custom denied him the privilege of any action what-
ever in the matter. If the offer was made and accepted by the relatives of the
slain, he no longer stood condemned before the violated law, or in the eyes of
the avenger, and he or she, who had voluntarily assumed the position, could
alone make the atonement. The mother, in this case, had offered her life, a
voluntary sacrifice for that of her son’s; it had been accepted as a sufficiency
by the avenger, and, even as the law of the Medes and Persians that “ changeth
not,” so Tohto Pehah™ could not reverse her accepted proposal, even if she
had relented, nor the son refuse, she must die, and Hohtak Lahba must live;
and the Amen was the response of the law.”
Nevertheless, Hohtak Lahba was not relieved from accusations of
cowardice and, stung by the constant taunts of his associates, he
finally murdered the son of his first victim and then shot himself
over a grave which he had already prepared."
During the civil war between the English and French parties a
body of Choctaw on the English side attacked Holihta asha, the vil-
lage of the head chief, but were repulsed and their leader, the chief
of Bokfoka, was “ killed, disemboweled, and his intestines cast at his
feet, an insult unknown to the Choctaw before that.”1* Indeed, this
is the only case of mutilation of the body of a fellow tribesman that
has come to the author’s notice.
In later years considerable modifications were introduced into the
criminal system of the Choctaw. To quote Cushman further:
Soon after the missionaries were established among them, a company of
armed and mounted police, called ‘ Light Horse Men,’ were organized for
each district, in whom was vested the power of arresting and trying all vio-
lators of the law.14 They were continually riding over the country settling
all difficulties that arese among parties or individuals, and arresting all vio-
lators of the law. The custom of leaving the murderer to be disposed of as
the relatives of the deceased saw proper, was then set aside, and the right
of trial by the Light Horse who acted in the three-fold capacity—sheriff,
judge, and jury—was awarded to all offenders. The Light Horse were com-
posed of a brave and vigilant set of fellows, and nothing escaped their eagle
eyes; and they soon became a terror to white whiskey peddlers who invaded
the Choctaw territories at that time. When caught, the whiskey was poured
upon the ground and the vendor informed that his room was preferable to his
company.
When a murder was committed, the Light Horse at once took the matter
into consideration, and after hearing all the testimony pro and con, pronounced
the verdict in accordance thereto. If the person accused was found to be
guilty, there and then, the time and place of his execution was designated,
10“ Warm Pond.”
u ‘Red Elm Seed.”
12 Cushman, op. cit., p. 265.
18 Tbid., pp. 265-267.
18a Miss. State Archives.
14 Claiborne says they were originally organized by the chiefs Greenwood Le Flore and
David Folsom.—Miss., 1, p. 505.
108 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Buty. 103
and the doomed man was informed that his presence would accordingly be
expected. He never failed to make his appearance at the appointed place
and hour, and all things being ready, a small red spot was painted directly
over his heart as a target for the executioner; and being placed in position,
[he] calmly received the fatal bullet, soon the grave closed over him and
thus the matter ended. Sometimes the condemned would request a short
respite, a few days extension of time, assigning as a reason for the desired
delay, that a grand ball-play, dance or hunt, was soon to take place, in which
he desired to participate, and as it did not take place until after the appointed
day of his execution, he requested the favor of postponing his little affair until
afterward. The request was seldom refused. The doomed man then designated
the day and hour on which he would return and attend to the matter under
consideration. He went to the ball-play, the dance, or the hunt, engaged in and
enjoyed his anticipated fun, then returned true to his promised word and paid
the penalty of the violated law, by calmly receiving the fatal shot. The rifle
was invariably used as the instrument of execution, for the soul of the Choctaw
who had been executed by hanging was regarded as accursed—never being
permitted to join his people in the happy hunting grounds, but his spirit must
forever haunt the place where he was hung. Hence their horror of death
by hanging, and the gallows has ever been unknown among them.” If the
condemned should fail to appear, which was never known to be, at the time
and place of his execution, or should [he] manifest any emotion of fear
during his execution, it was regarded as a disgrace to himself, his relatives
and his nation as a Choctaw warrior, which no length of time could ever
efface; hence their honor, resting upon their firmness in the hour of death,
was watched with jealous care. Never was a full-blood Choctaw known to
evade the death penalty, passed upon him by the violated law, by flight. If
he violated the law he calmly abided the consequences, hence all places of
imprisonment were unknown.”
As noted elsewhere, suicide was looked upon as a contemptible
act, yet a kind of duel existed among these Indians which involved
the mutual suicide of the parties to it, when suicide was not only
honorable but practically enforced by popular opinion. The follow-
ing account of this custom is quoted by Cushman from a manuscript
left by the native missionary, Rev. Israel Folsom:
They had duels too; but they were quite different from any that has been
practiced by any of the [other] Indians of the continent or the whites; and
which most commonly proved fatal to both parties. When a quarrel or diffi-
culty occurred between two warriors, a challenge was sent by one to the other;
not to meet and take a pop at each other with pistols, as is the case in civilized
and refined Nations, but in reality, it was a challenge for both to die. It was
understood in no other way; this was the mode of trying the man’s bravery,
for they believe that a brave man, who possesses an honest and sincere heart,
would never be afraid to die: It was usual for each one to select his own friend
to dispatch him. If one should back out from the challenge, they considered
it as a great mark of cowardice and dishonesty in him, and he would be
despised by his relations and friends, and by the whole tribe. If a challenge
was given and accepted, it was certain to end in the death of both parties;
i Butecf. p.. 110;
16 Cushman, Hist. Inds., pp. 217-218; Claiborne, Miss., I, p. 488.
SWANTON] CHOCTAW SOCIAL AND CEREMONIAL LIFE 109
this mode of deciding difficulties had a strong tendency to restrain men from
quarreling and fighting among themselves, for fear of being challenged and
conseqeuntly compelled to die, or be forever branded with dishonesty and
cowardice, and afterwards live a life of degradation and disgrace. Hence,
it was a common saying among them, that a man should never quarrel, unless
he was willing to be challenged and to die. On one occasion a sister seeing
her brother about to back out from a challenge stepped forward and boldly
offered herself to die in his stead, but her offer was not accepted, and she
was so mortified at her brother’s want of courage that she burst into tears.”
Cushman adds:
When one Choctaw challenged another the challenge was given verbally,
face to face, the time and place then and there designated. If accepted (and
it was almost certain to be) the two went to the place each with his second.
The two combatants then took their places unarmed about twenty feet apart,
each with a second at his right side with a rifle in hand. At a given signal
each second shot the combatant standing before him. That closed the scene.
Each had proved himself a Tush-ka Siah (warrior I am) and that was satis-
factory to all.*
Bushnell contributes some additional information on this subject
from the Louisiana Choctaw. He says:
Murder was the one great crime recognized by the Choctaw, and the life of
the murderer was invariably claimed by the friends or relatives of the victim.
It is said that murderers seldom attempted to escape, holding it a duty to their
families to receive the punishment of death. To attempt to escape was
regarded as a cowardly act, which reflected on every member of the family.
If, however, a murderer did succeed in escaping, another member of the
family usually was required to die in his stead.
The following account of a native execution, the last to occur according to
tribal custom, was related by the two women at Bayou Lacomb. This event
occurred some thirty years ago [about 1880] at a place not far from Abita
Springs:
One night two men who were really friends, not enemies, were dancing and
drinking with many others, when they suddenly began quarreling and fighting;
finally one was killed by the other. The following day, after the murderer
had recovered from the effects of the whisky, he realized what he had done,
and knowing he would have to die, he went to the relatives of the murdered
man and told them he was ready to meet his doom, but asked that he be
allowed to remain with them about two weeks longer, as he did not want to
mIniss a dance to be held within that time. To this they consented, and during
the following days he was given many small presents, as pieces of ribbon,
beads, and tobacco. He was treated by everyone, by old and young alike, with
the greatest respect and kindness; all endeavored to make his last days
enjoyable. At last came the event on account of which his life had been
prolonged and for three days and nights all sang and danced. The next day,
just at noon, when the sun was directly overhead, was the time fixed for the
execution. Shortly before that time his friends and relatives gathered at his
house, where he joined them. All then proceeded to the cemetery, for the
execution was to take place on the edge of the grave that he himself had
helped to dig, in a spot he had selected. The murderer stood erect at one end
7 Cushman, Hist. Inds., pp. 200-201. 18 Tbid., p. 201.
110 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Buiy. 103
of the grave, and with his own hands parted his shirt over his heart. Four
of his male friends stood near with their hands on his shoulders and legs, to
keep his body erect after death. His female relatives were on each side,
and all were singing loudly. Soon he announced that he was ready. A
relative of the murdered man advanced and, pressing the muzzle of a rifle
against the murderer’s chest, fired.
As provided for, the body was held in an upright position and immediately
a piece of cloth was inserted into the wound to stop the flow of blood. Late
that afternoon the remains were placed in the grave, which was filled with
earth without ceremony.”
The few notes which I myself obtained on this subject simply
confirm the main points in the foregoing narratives. I was told that
a man might sometimes obtain a sufficient suspension of his sentence
to raise a crop. Simpson Tubby thought that the death sentence
was carried out by about 12 men of the murderer’s own family, but
ordinarily it was a relative of the man he had killed who acted as
executioner.
Romans tells us that one who had committed suicide was classed
as an enemy, the bodies of both being buried in the earth as quickly
as possible, but this attitude can not have been invariable. Besides
the cases just mentioned, we are told by the French officer Du Roul-
let of several in which no such onus seems to have been placed upon
the dead. He expresses the opinion that in these instances the
idea of suicide had been derived from Negroes at New Orleans, but
the case of the last Mobile warrior to survive in the battle between
his people and De Soto’s men in 1540 proves that the custom was
native. That aboriginal American hero hung himself by means of
his bowstring. Romans himself says that it was not uncommon for
an unsuccessful gambler to end his life with a gun.”°
Witchcraft was punished with death no less than murder, but the
two seem to have been closely associated in the native mind, the
former being regarded with even more horror on account of the un-
canny nature of the offense and the underground methods employed
in connection with it.
The general attitude of the Choctaw toward sexual offenses is
best given by Romans in the following words:
Fornication is among them thought to be a natural accident, therefore a
girl is not worse looked on for ten or a dozen slips;™ but although they
are not over jealous of their wives, they punish adultery in the woman,
unless she happens to belong to a stronger or more noted and numerous family
than the husband; in which case he scarce ventures even to put her away;
but if she is doomed to suffer, her punishment is to be at a publick place
(for that purpose set apart at every town) carnally known by all who choose
# Bull. 48, Bur. Amer. Ethn., p. 25.
20See p. 155 (under games).
_ % Claiborne says that seduction was less common than adultery, but he 1s probably
incorrect (Hist. of Miss., 1, p. 521).
SWANTON } CHOCTAW SOCIAL AND CEREMONIAL LITE 111
to be present, young and old; thus the poor wretch after defending herself and
struggling hard with the first three or four, at last suffers motionless the
brutality of perhaps an hundred or a hundred and fifty of these barbarians;
the same treatment is undergone by a girl or woman who belonging to an-
other town or quarter of the nation comes to a place where she is a stranger
and can not give a very good account of herself and her business, or the
reason of her coming there; this they call running through the meadow, and
if a white man happens to be in the town, they send him an offer of invitation
to take the first heat; they plead in excuse for so barbarous a custom, that the
only way to disgust lewd women is to give them at once what they so con-
stantly and eagerly pursue.”
This method of punishing unfaithful wives is also described in the
Anonymous Relation de La Louisiane (see pp. 248-249 and Mem.
Amer. Anthrop. Assn., v, pp. 60-61), by Bossu (p. 264 and Nouv.
Voy., vol. 2, p. 106, Paris, 1768), and by Milfort (pp. 269-270, and
Milfort’s Mémoire, pp. 304-308).
Milfort adds in a footnote that this is the only case in which
children, if the woman happened to have any, are assigned to the
father’s family in preference to that of the mother. If this means
an absolute transfer from one moiety to the other, it is the only
suggestion of such a thing in all of our material and must be viewed
with suspicion. The custom naturally fell into disuse very soon
after the coming of the whites, and is mentioned by no writer later
than those quoted. Flagellation and a summary divorce marked
the limits of the later usage.
Incest, in the Indian sense of the word, including marriage within
certain degrees of consanguinity and within the same moiety or simi-
lar social division, was anciently a major crime, but we have no
record of the punishments inflicted on account of it. One of my
informants had heard that a brother and sister among the Bok Chito
Indians once married. They were separated but the woman was
pregnant and so they were driven away. Some of her people fol-
lowed her, however, and together they became the nucleus of the
Natchez tribe. This last statement shows, of course, that the event
was purely imaginary.
Bossu says that “the majority” of the Choctaw “are addicted
to sodomy. These corrupt men (the male concubines) wear their
hair long and a short skirt like the women, by whom they are in
return held in supreme contempt.” ** The statement is echoed by
Romans, but he maintains that this nation was less addicted to the
crime than either the Chickasaw or Creeks.”
Turning to offenses against property we find considerable differ-
ence of opinion. Romans, always favorable to the Choctaw, says:
2 Romans, Nat. Hist. of BH. and W. Fla., pp. 86-87.
23 Appendix, pp. 261-262; Bossu, Nouv. Voy., vol. 2, p. 100.
24 Romans, Nat. Hist. E. and W. Fla., pp. 82-83.
112 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BuLL. 103
“ They are given to pilfering, but not so much as the Chickasaws,”
and in another place, “Although they have a strict notion of distinc-
tion in property, and even divide their lands, we never hear them
quarrel about boundaries.” *° On the other hand, Adair, who re-
sided among their bitter enemies, the Chickasaws, declares:
They are such proficients in the art of stealing, that in our store-houses,
they often thieve while they are speaking to and looking the owner in the
face. It is reckoned a shame to be detected in the act of theft; but, it is the
reward they receive, which makes it shameful: for, in such a case, the trader
bastinadoes the covetous sinner, almost as long as he seems sensible of pain.
A few years ago one of the Chikkasah warriors told me, he heard a middle-
aged Choktah warrior, boast in his own country, at a public ball-play, of having
artfully stolen several things from one and another trader, to a considerable
amount, while he was cheapening goods of us, and we were blind in our own
houses.”
Speaking of the Choctaw of Bayou Lacomb, Louisiana, Bushnell
reports that “thieves apprehended with the stolen property in their
possession were forced to return it. If they could not produce the
property, either they or their families were compelled to return goods
of equal value.” ?7
Whipping appears to have been the usual punishment for this
offense in later times, and is thus referred to by Cushman:
For minor offenses, whipping was the punishment; fifty lashes for the first
offense, one hundred for the second, and death by the rifle for the third offense
in case of theft, and so it is to-day (1899).
He who had been condemned to receive this punishment never attempted
to evade it; but promptly presented himself, or herself, at the designated
place of punishment. This punishment was inflicted several times at the
mission of Hebron, to which I was an eye witness. Before the hour appointed,
the neighborhood assembled around the church which stood about forty rods
distant from the mission-house, where they indulged in social conversation
and smoking; never, however, mentioning, or even hinting the subject which
had brought them together. The culprit was as gay and cheerful as any of
them, walking with an air of perfect indifference, chatting and smoking with
the various groups sitting around on blankets spread upon the ground. Pre-
cisely at the moment designated, the Light-Horse, who constituted a sort of
ambulatory jury, to arrest, try and punish all violators of the law, would
appear. The crowd then went into the church, closed the door and commenced
singing a religious hymn, taught them by the missionaries, which they continued
until the tragedy outside was over. At the same time the culprit shouted
“Sa mintih!” (I have come!) then ejaculated “Sa kullo!” (I am strong!)
He then elevated his arms and turned his back to the executioner and said:
“Fummih!” (whip!). When he had received fifteen or twenty blows, he
calmly turned the other side to the Fum-mi (one who whips) ; and then again
his back, uttering not a word nor manifesting the least sign of pain. As soon
as the whipping was over, the church door was opened and the whole assembly
*> Romans, EH. and W. Fla., pp. 76, 87-88.
26 Adair, Hist. Am. Inds., p. 283.
* Bushnell, Bull. 48, Bur. Amer. Ethn., p. 26.
SWANTON] CHOCTAW SOCIAL AND CEREMONIAL LIFE 8
came out and shook hands with the “ Fumah” (whipped), thus reinstating him
to his former position in society, and the subject was then and there dropped,
never to be mentioned again, and it never was.”
The punishment varied in proportion to the value of the articles
stolen and the previous record of the culprit. I was told that for
stealing a horse the punishment for a first offense was one hundred
lashes and for the second offense hanging, while “ only ” thirty-nine
lashes were given for stealing a chicken.
Israel Folsom mentions fines among the punishments for minor
offenses.*°
Our appreciation of the native attitude toward theft is rendered
difficult owing to the fact that the estimates of most of our earlier
authorities have reference to thefts of property belonging to white
men, or at most Indians of other tribes, who were in a different
category, to the Indian manner of thinking, from individuals of
one’s own group. On the other hand the later penalties have dis-
tinct traces of white influence. It should be said that almost all
early writers speak of the freedom from violation of the native
granaries and caches which was characteristic of almost all the
tribes of North America.
Failure to understand the Indians’ point of view is also responsi-
ble for many accusations of treachery and untruthfulness, which we
find on the pages of various early writers. Thus Adair gives an ex-
ceedingly biased view of the capacities of the Choctaw in this
direction in the following words:
Those who know the Choktah, will firmly agree in opinion with the French,
concerning them, that they are in the highest degree, of a base, ungrateful,
and thievish disposition—fickle, and treacherous—ready-witted, and endued
with a surprising show of smooth artful language on every subject, within the
reach of their ideas; in each of these qualities, they far exceed any society
of people I ever saw.”
He seems to have been highly impressed with the persuasive
powers of speech possessed by the members of this tribe, for he says
a little farther on:
The Choktah are the craftiest, and most ready-witted, of any of the red
nations I am acquainted with. It is surprising to hear the wily turns they
use, in persuading a person to grant them the favour they have in view.
Other nations generally behave with modesty and civility, without ever
lessening themselves by asking any mean favours. But the Choktah, at every
season, are on the begging lay. I several times told their leading men, they
were greater beggars, and of a much meaner spirit, than the white-haired
Chikkasah women, who often were real objects of pity. I was once fully
28 Cushman, Hist. Inds., pp. 218-219; cf. Claiborne, Miss., 1, p. 493.
7? Cushman, Hist. Inds., p. 362.
% Adair, Hist. Am. Inds., p. 283.
114 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BuLy. 103
convineed that none was so fit to baffle them in those low attempts withcut
giving offence, as their own country-men. One, in my presence, expatiated
on his late disappointment and losses, with the several unexpected causes, and
pressingly solicited his auditor as a benevolent kinsman, to assist him in
his distress: but the other kept his ear deaf to his importunity, and entirely
evaded the artful aim of the petitioner, by carrying on a discourse he had
begun, before his relation accosted him as a suppliant. Hach alternately
began where the other left off, the one to inforce the compliance of his
prayer, and the other, like the deaf adder, to elude the power of its charming
him. Nature has in a very surprising manner, indued the Indian Americans,
with a strong comprehensive memory, and great flow of language. I listened
with close attention to their speeches, for a considerable time; at last the peti-
tioner despairing of impressing the other with sentiments in his favour, was
forced to drop his false and tragical tale, and become seemingly, a patient
hearer of the conclusion of the other’s long narrative, which was given him
with a great deal of outward composure, and cool good-nature.
In the years 1746 and 1747, I was frequently perplexed by the Choktah
mendicants; which policy directed me to bear, and conceal as well as I could,
because I was then transacting public business with them. In 1747, one of
their warriors and a Chokchooma came to me for presents; which according
to my usual custom in those times, I gave, though much less than they pre-
sumed to expect. The former, strongly declaimed against the penurious spirit
of the French, and then highly applauded the open generous tempers of the
English traders: for a considerable time, he contrasted them with each other,
not forgetting, in every point of comparison, to give us the preference in a high
degree. He was endued with so much eloquence and skill as to move the
passions, and obtain his point. A considerable number of Chikkasah war-
riors who were present, told me soon after that his skilful method of address-
ing me for a bottle of spirituous liquors, seemed to them astonishing: an old
beloved man replied, that the worst sort of snakes were endued with the
greatest skill to insnare and suck their prey, whereas, the harmless have no
such power.” '
But Romans remarks:
I believe they are a nation whose word may be depended on when they give
in to the interest of any person, and that their faith is to be better relied on
than that of the Chicasaws or Creeks, which two last are really versed in all
the gallic tricks of deceit.”
And he adds farther on:
I have a great opinion of a Chactaw’s faithfully performing his promises.
I have seen several little instances thereof; they detest a liar, and shew grati-
tude to a man that keeps his word; my guide whose name was Pooskoos
Mingo gave me an instance of this; when I left him he said I had satisfied
him for every thing like a true man, but if I would give him a speaking paper
to the great white man at Mobile (meaning John Stuart Esq.) then he would
still better know it; I gave him a note recommending him to that gentleman,
and because he had been of extraordinary service on the journey, begged he
would allow him something more than common; it had the desired effect, he
got a good many things extraordinary; when I was afterwards missing, and
it was thought the Creeks had destroyed us in coming from the Chicasaw
nation, this savage armed to avenge my death, and was actually taking the
# Adair, Hist. Am. Inds., p. 305.
* Romans, Nat. Hist. of E. and W. Fla., pp. 73-74.
SWANTON] CHOCTAW SOCIAL AND CEREMONIAL LIFE 125
war physick as they term it, when news was brought to the nation of my
arrival at Mobile.”
Bossu says that “although they are barbarous and fierce, it is
necessary in order to keep their confidence to keep one’s word scrupu-
lously when one has made them any promises. Otherwise they will
treat you with the greatest scorn, telling you haughtily that you
are a liar, an epithet which these savages have bestowed on the
present governor whom they call Oulabé-Mingo [Holabi mitko],
that is to say, the Liar Chief.” **
Of the few Choctaw surviving near Bayou Lacomb in 1908-9
Bushnell says that they “ bear a good reputation among the people
of the surrounding country for honesty and truthfulness. They
regard lying as a crime and they have no respect for a person whom
then can not believe.” *°
Claiborne, when acting as United States Commissioner to the
Choctaw, encountered one Indian who professed to have no beliefs
in regard to a good or bad spirit or a future state of existence. ‘“ Of
course,” says the historian, “ this claimant was not sworn, but we
received his declaration of his case. On being interrogated, he de-
clared that the statement was true in all particulars. ‘A man,’ said
he, ‘who will le is not fit to associate with warriors, but should be
compelled to keep company with squaws.’ ”
And Claiborne adds: “ Several witnesses confirmed his statement,
and moreover, swore that he was a singularly upright man, and had
never been known to tell a lie.” *°
There are several references in the literature of the Southeast
which indicate that oaths were known to them, in which the sun
was called to witness to the truth of their professions. Claiborne
says that a Choctaw named Lewis Vaun “solemnly promised in my
presence and in the face of the Sun, not to do mischief until we had
another talk.” *7
REGULATIONS FOR WOMEN AND CHILDBIRTH
The Choctaw, in agreement with all of the neighboring tribes,
imposed upon their women complete separation from the family
at every menstrual period. The author of the French Relation
says regarding this:
When a woman finds herself inconvenienced in the accustomed manner she
immediately leaves the house, and goes a certain distance from it to a retired
33 Romans, Nat. Hist. E. and W. Fla., pp. 81-82.
*4 Appendix, p. 263; Bossu, Nouv. Voy., vol. 2, p. 104.
* Bushnell, Bull. 48, Bur. Amer. Ethn., p. 26.
*% Claiborne, Miss., 1, p. 523.
87The Proceedings of the Governor of the Mississippi Territory as Superintendent of
Indian Affairs. MS. in Miss. State Archives. Letter of Claiborne, dated June 18, 1804.
116 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bunu. 103
place. She lights a fire there with flint and steel (briquet). They say that
they must use new fire, and if they took some of that of the house, the house
would be polluted, and the woman would die from the strength of the sickness —
which would be increased. The men do not live with their wives while they
are in this condition. They [the women] hide themselves from the sight of
the men; the husbands then get their own food or go to the homes of their
neighbors.
One day I found myself at the house of a savage who had gone hunting
for me the evening before. On awakening next morning, not finding the
woman of the house, and seeing a fire at a distance I went to find her. I
was then ignorant of this ceremony and having begged her to make me some
porridge of little corn, it was only by means of entreaties that I obtained
my request. As I was beginning to eat her husband arrived. I asked him if
he wanted some, and having assured me that he did, he began to eat with
me, but, when the plate was half emptied it occurred to him to ask me who
had prepared it; it is to be remarked that he had recognized the cause of his
wife’s absence through some articles which were missing from the house;
when I replied that it was his wife who had been my cook, he was at once
seized with sickness and went to the door to vomit. Then, reéntering and
looking into the dish, he noticed some red things in the porridge, which were
nothing else than the skin of the corn, some grains of which are red. He
said to me: “ How have you the courage to eat of this? Do you not see the
blood in it?” Then he began vomiting again and continued until he had
vomited up all that he had eaten; and his imagination was so strongly affected
that he was sick on account of it for some days afterward. It is a thing which
they take such great care to observe as to absent themselves during that time,
and to bathe well before reéntering the house.®
The same authority says:
When a man’s wife is pregnant and near the time of delivery, so long as
she is in travail the husband eats only in the evening after sunset, and if the
child is a girl he observes this fast eight days longer.”
Romans remarks:
The women suffer no more by child birth than any other savage women;
they retire into a place of solitude at the time, and after delivery return to
their daily labour; however while I staid at Oka Altakkala in this nation one
died in labour within about eighty yards of the house I resided in.”
Bossu’s statements are somewhat more ample:
When the women are pregnant, their husbands abstain from salt and eat
no pork, with the false notion that these foods would harm their children.
The women never bring forth their children in the cabin; they do this in the
woods without assistance from anyone.
Immediately after they are delivered, they wash their infants themselves.
The mothers also apply to their foreheads a mass of earth in order to flatten
the head and as fast as they can bear it they increase the load. It is con-
sidered beautiful by these people to have a flat head. They do not swathe
their children nor tie them down in clothing with bands.
88 Appendix, pp. 247-248; Mem. Am. Anth. Ass’n, v, pp. 59-60.
® Appendix, p. 248; Mem. Am. Anth. Ass’n, v, p. 60.
40 Romans, Nat. Hist. E. and W. Fla., p. 87.
SWANTON] CHOCTAW SOCIAL AND CEREMONIAL LIFE 117
They do not wean them until they are tired of the maternal breast. IT
have heard very strong children say to their mothers “Sit down so that I
may nurse,” and the mother immediately sat down. Their cradle is made of
canes. The mothers lay their children in these so that their heads are three
or four finger-widths lower than their bodies. That is why one never sees
crooked or hunch-backed children among the savages.”
There are no other early statements of consequence bearing upon
the customs of childbirth. The following is extracted from Cush-
man and apples to the latter half of the nineteenth century:
With the Choctaw wife, as with all Indians, parturition was [a] matter
that gave no uneasiness whatever; nor did it interfere with her domestic
affairs, but for a few hours. Unlike her civilized sister, she neither required
nor desired, nor accepted any assistance whatever. I have known them to give
birth to a chiid during the night, and the next morning would find them at the
cowpen attending to the affairs of the dairy. To have a man physician, on
such occasions, was as abhorrent to her sense of modesty and revolting to her
feelings, as it was wholly unnecessary. And the old custom is still [1899]
adhered to by the present Choctaw wife and mother. After a child was born,
after undergoing the usual necessary preliminaries, it was placed in a curiously
constructed receptacle called Ullosi afohka, (infant receptacle) where it spent
principally the first year of its life, only when taken out for the purpose of
washing and dressing. This curiously made little cradle (for such it may
truly be called) was often highly ornamented with all the paraphernalia that
a mother’s love and care could suggest or obtain. The little fellow’s face,
which was always exposed to view, was carefully protected by a piece of wood
bent a few inches above and over it. Contented as Diogenes in his tub, the
babe would remain in its little prison for hours without a whymper; part
of the time asleep, and part of the time awake looking around in its innocence
with calm and tranquil resignation. According to her convenience, the mother
suspended her thus cradled child on her back, when walking, or the saddle
when riding; or stood it up against a neighboring tree, if a pleasant day, that
it might enjoy the fresh and pure air, and exhilarating sunshine; or suspended
it on the projecting limb of a tree there to be rocked to sleep and pleasant
dreams by the forest breeze. As soon as it was old enough to begin to crawl, it
bade an informal adieu to its former prison, but to be found perched upon its
mother’s back, where it seemed well contented in all its journeys—long or
short. It was truly astonishing with what apparent ease the Choctaw mother
carried her child upon her back. The child was placed high up between the
shoulders of the mother, and over it was thrown a large blanket, which was
drawn tightly at the front of the mother’s neck, forming a fold behind; in this
the child was placed and safely carried, with seemingly little inconvenience
to either mother or child. When the little chap had grown to such proportions
as to be no longer easily thus transported, he was fastened to the saddle upon
the back of a docile pony, which followed the company at pleasure; though
here and there stopping momentarily to bite the tempting grass that grew along
the pathway, then briskly trotting up until it had again reached its proper place
in rank and file, indifferent to the jolting experienced by the youthful rider
tied upon its back, who, however, seemed to regard it with stoical indifference.
When arrived at the age of four or five years, he was considered as having
passed through his fourth and last chrysalis stage, and was then untied from
4“ Appendix, p. 263; Bossu, Nouv. Voy., vol. 2, pp. 104—105.
118 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [ Buty. 103
the saddle and bid ride for himself; and soon did the young horseman prove
himself a true scion of the parent tree, as a fearless and skillful rider.”
From Simpson Tubby I obtained the following interesting notes
regarding customs within his own remembrance:
They would not let a pregnant woman drive a wagon or cross a running
stream. In the latter case it was because they thought she would leave the
spirit of the child upon the other side and his life would be short. They would
not allow her to get off of the ground and thought that it was well for her to
walk a great deal. They were terribly afraid to have her cough for they
believed that the straining on her stomach would displace the child and make
the birth hard. Before the child was born the father had to abstain from work
and keep quiet. The prospective mother was tended by an old woman skilled in
midwifery. They used to send everybody away at such a time except the mid-
wife and the woman’s husband.
They believed that if a child was not tempered like a piece of metal it was
likely to die and so they plunged infants into water just after their birth. Then
they took them back to the house, put them in out of the wind, and let their
clothing dry on them. |
An eelskin was tied around an infant at the level of the navel to prevent the ©
stomach from protruding too much, and to make it high chested, supple in the
back and straight.
Claiborne is the only writer to speak specifically of adoption,
which was probably confined in ancient times to individuals of the
same iksa as the deceased mother. He says:
The custom of adopting relatives or orphan children is very common. Hven
married people, who have children, occasionally adopt one or more. They take
an equal part with the other heirs, and are sometimes even allotted the best
share.*
The custom of head deformation, alluded to by Bossu, is mentioned
by several other writers, and on account of it the traders sometimes
spoke of the Choctaw as “flat heads.” Adair speaks as follows
regarding it:
The Choktah Indians flatten their fore-heads, from the top of the head to the
eyebrows with a small bag of sand; which gives them a hideous appearance 3
as the forehead naturally shoots upward, according as it is flattened: thus, the
rising of the nose, instead of being equidistant from the beginning of the chin,
to that of the hair, is, by their wild mechanism, placed a great deal nearer to
the one, and farther from the other. The Indian nations, round South-
Carolina, and all the way to New Mexico,.... to effect this, fix the tender
infant on a kind of cradle, where his feet are tilted, above a foot higher than
a horizontal position,—his head bends back into a hole, made on purpose to
receive it, where he bears the chief part of his weight on the crown of the head,
upon a small bag of sand, without being in the least able to move himself.
The skull resembling a fine cartilaginous substance, in its infant state, is
capable of taking any impression. By this pressure, and their thus flattening
the crown of the head, they consequently make their heads thick, and their
“Cushman, Hist. Inds., pp. 2382-233. 43 Claiborne, Miss., I, p. 523.
SWANTON] CHOCTAW SOCIAL AND CEREMONIAL LIFE 119
faces broad: for, when the smooth channel of nature is stopped in one place,
if a destruction of the whole system does not thereby ensue, it breaks out in a
proportional redundancy in another.“
He is somewhat too comprehensive in mapping the distribution
of the custom. ‘The only other good description is Bartram’s, which
runs thus:
The Choctaws are called by the traders flats, or flat-heads, all the males
having the fore and hind part of their skulls artificially flattened, or com-
pressed; which is effected after the following manner. As soon as the child
is born, the nurse provides a cradle or wooden case, hollowed and fashioned,
to receive the infant, lying prostrate on its back, that part of the case where
the head reposes, being fashioned like a brick mould. In this portable ma-
chine the little boy is fixed, a bag of sand being laid on his forehead, which
by continual gentle compression, gives the head somewhat the form of a
brick from the temples upwards; and by these means they have high and lofty
foreheads, sloping off backwards.”
PERSONAL NAMES
None of our authorities treats this subject adequately; we merely
know that, as in the case of the Creeks and Chickasaw, there were
two kinds of names, those bestowed in infancy and the war titles
given in later life in commemoration of military exploits or events.
Cushman suggests a totemistic significance in the names of the
first class:
The names of the ancient Choctaws, as well as their entire race, as far as
I have been enabled to learn, were nearly always connative referring gen-
erally to some animal, and often predicating some attribute of that animal.
Such names were easily expressed in sign language; as the objectiveness of
the Indian proper names with the result, is that they could all be signified by
gesture, whereas the best sign talker among deaf mutes, it is said, is unable
to translate the proper names in his speech, [and] therefore resorts to the
dactylic alphabet.
Claiborne’s remark that children were “never named after their
parents, but take their names from some incident at the moment of
their birth,” 47 seems, however, more in harmony with what we know
of the neighboring peoples.
From the French manuscript so often quoted we learn that there
were gradations among the warriors and it is probable that, as
with the Creeks, the war titles were connected with the grades.
Such a gradation seems to be indicated by Byington when he
says in his dictionary, under the heading “ humma,” that it is “an
addition to a man’s name which gives him some distinction, calling
on him for courage and honor. The ‘na humma’ may not run or
44 Adair, Hist. Am. Inds., pp. 8-9. ‘4¢ Cushman, Hist. Inds., p. 98.
4 Wm. Bartram, Travels, p. 515. 47 Claiborne, Hist. Miss., 1, p. 517; see also p. 520.
120 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Buuy.103
turn the back on the field of battle.” ** A great many war names
ended in abi, signifying “ killer,’ an appropriate termination of
course for titles of this character. A little light is thrown upon the
manner of giving names by Cushman:
The Indian, unlike the white man, often received a new name from some
trivial incident or some extraordinary adventure, which frequently occurred,
especially in their wars. Anciently the Choctaws and Muscogees were uncom-
promising enemies, ever making raids into each others territories. At one
time a Muscogee party invaded the Choctaw country, and made a sudden and
unexpected attack upon a band of Choctaw warriors. The Choctaws, though
surprised, made a brave resistance, and, after a short but furious fight, defeated
and put their assailants to flight. A vigorous pursuit at once ensued in which
a fleet young Choctaw warrior named Ahaikahno (The Careless) had far in
advance of his comrades, killed a Muscogee, and was in the act of scalping
him, when two Muscogee warriors turned and rushed toward him with their
utmost speed. The Choctaws in the rear, seeing the danger of Ahaikahno,
who was ignorant of his two fast approaching foes, shouted to him with all
the strength of their yoices—Chikke-bulilih chia! Chikke bulilih chia! (pro.
Chik-ke (Quickly) bul-elih (run) che-ah (you!). Ahaikahno, hearing the
shout and seeing his danger, was not slow in heeding the advice. Ever after-
wards Ahaikahno bore the additional name Chikke Bulilih Chia.*9
The French Governor of Louisiana, De Kerlérec, informs us that
at a great assembly at which he was present the Choctaw gave him
the name “ Tchakta youlakty mataha tchito, anké achoukema, which
in our language signifies the king of the Choctaw and the greatest
of the race of the youlakta which is ‘the finest and the oldest,’ the
whole terminating in anké achoukema which means a very good
father.” We would write this Chahta holahta imataha chito, aki
achukma, “ big supporting holahta of the Choctaw, [and] my good
father.” It is added that speeches and various ceremonials usually
accompanied the bestowal of such a title.
As in the case of the Creeks, a Choctaw was averse to telling
anyone his name. Cushman says: “It was impossible to get
it unless he had an acquaintance present, whom he requested to tell
it for him.” °° William Cobb, an intelligent half-breed, told Clai-
borne that “he never knew the name of his mother, though living
under the same roof with her, till two years ago.”*! They also
avoided mentioning the names of the dead.*? Claiborne throws
considerable light upon this last custom in the following passage:
A singular fact was established before the commissioners: the Choctaws will
not speak of the dead. Our instructions required us to exact proof of the
number of children each claimant under the 14th article, had at the date of
the treaty, because each was entitled to a certain portion of land. Upon being
48 Byington, A Dictionary of the Choctaw Language, in Bull. 46, Bur. Amer. Ethn., p. 170.
49 Cushman, Hist. Inds., pp. 236-237.
5° Cushman, Hist. Inds., p. 202. See also Gregg, as quoted on p. 129,
51 Claiborne, Miss., I, p. 520.
52 Cushman, op. cit., p. 246,
SWANTON] CHOCTAW SOCIAL AND CEREMONIAL LIFE T2t
interrogated the claimants uniformly omitted in the enumeration those that
were dead, although well aware that by this omission they would lose a
portion of land. Very old claimants would even deny that they ever had
more children than they presented to the commissioners, and the facts had to
be proved by kindred or neighbors. To arrive at the truth in these cases, we
required them to arrange their families in a line according to their ages.
They uniformly left a vacancy in the line to denote where the deceased would
have stood; and this established, not only the number but the age. Thus, if
the second child be dead an interval of some three feet was left between the
first and the third child. Sometimes they planted stakes along the line to
represent the dead, but could not be induced to mention their names.”
The Choctaw have always been a tribe of such importance that
multitudes of names borne by individual Choctaw are preserved.
Cushman mentions Shulush humma (Red Shoes), who was promi-
nent in the eighteenth century as leader of the English faction in
his tribe; Ibanowa (“one who walks with ”—Cushman) ; “A-push-
a-ma-ta-hah-ub-i (a messenger of death; literally, one whose rifle,
tomahawk, or bow is alike fatal in war or hunting) ; A-pak-foh-li-
chih-ub-ih (to encircle and kill, corrupted by the whites to A-puck-
she-nubee, and so used by the Choctaw of the present day);
A-to-ni Yim-in-tah (a watchman infatuated [!] with excitement) ;
Olubih (to take by force); . . . Nit-tak-a chih-ub-ih (to suggest the
day and kill).°* He also mentions “ Tunapoh Humma (Red Gum),”
probably one of the “ humma ” class of which mention has been made
above.°®>
The following war names were remembered by Simpson Tubby:
Istabi, (to) take and kill.
Mishimishtabi, (to) take away and kill.
Mashtabi, (to) go (to war) and kill.
Imishtabi, (to) kill for him.
Onatabi, when you get there, kill him!
Masholitabi, (to) do away with everything except peace. [Prob-
ably in reality “ when it was clear weather, he killed.” ]
Tabi, said to mean “ royalty ” or “ peace,” but probably the com-
mon ending of a war title, signifying “ to kill.”
The following women’s names are from the same source. They
are said to have been given to women used as official messengers.
Ma"tema or Mantema, “to go and carry or deliver something
sacred or particular.”
Onatima, “ when you get there give it (to him).”
Wakayatima, “ get up and hand it or deliver it.”
Nompashtika, and Nompatisholi, both signifying “speaker,” are
said to have been official names given to the wives of the head chief
and the band captains.
58 Claiborne, Miss., 1, pp. 519-520 Cushman, Hist. Inds., p. 297. "Ibid., p. 348.
54564—31 9
122 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Buby.103
The following names have been collected by the writer from
various sources, but principally from early documents:
Anchaha humma, Painted-one Red.
Apushi imataha, Sprout Imataha.
Aseta humma, Stringer Red.
Achowa humma, Quarreler Red.
Atoni hopaii, Watchful War-chief (or War-prophet).
Chahta humma, Choctaw Red.
Chisha humma, Postoak Red.
Chikasha humma, Chickasaw Red.
Chilita humma, Brave Red.
Chuka holahta, House Holahta (see holahta hacho below).
Chuka ishtabi, (In-a) -house-he-took and-killed.
Chula humma, Fox Red.
Chulosa imast bi, Quietly-he-took-and-killed.
Espana humma, Spaniard Red.
Fani mi*ko imastabi, Squirrel-chief-he-took-and-killed,
Foe bila, Honey.
Frantci imastabi, He-took-a-Frenchman-and-killed-him (or per-
haps rather French Imastabi).
Hoshi'sh humma, Red Feather.
Holahta hacho (holahta was a ceremonial name and originally a
term applied to a chief in some dialects; hacho is adopted from a
Creek war term).
Holahta hopaii, Holahta War-leader (07 War-prophet).
Holahta humma, Holahta Red.
Hopaii humana, War-leader (or War-prophet) Red.
Hopaii iskitini, Little War-leader (or War-prophet).
Hushi humma, Bird Red.
Imaabi, Give-and-kill.
Istipatapo, He-takes-and-spreads-out.
Istonna humma, Red-who-came-with.
Itilakna, Yellow Tree.
Itipatapo, Floor (or Bridge).
Itoti humma, War Red.
Tyasha humma, Kettle Red.
Kanalichabi, He-caused-to-remove-and-killed.
Ku"shak humma, Cane Red.
Mitko holisso, Book Chief (or Marked Chief).
Mitko humma, Chief Red.
Mitko imastabi, Chief-who-took-and-killed.
Miko puskus, Child Chief.
Naholo imastabi, He-seized-a-white-man-and-killed-him (or White-
man imastabi).
Swanton] CHOCTAW SOCIAL AND CEREMONIAL LIFE 123
Nahotabi, He-separated-with-the-hand-and-killed.
Nashoba mitko chito, Great Wolf Chief.
Nashoba nowa, Walking Wolf.
Nacholi imastabi, Stripping-off-he-seized-and-killed.
Nukpala humma, One-who-is-excited Red (or One-who-lusts-for-
(war) Red).
Okchalintabi, He-saved-and-killed.
Patshi imastabi, He-took-by-the-hair-and-killed.
Pusha humma, Meal Red (07 One-who-pulverizes Red).
Pushi imastabi, (Having) -meal-he-takes-and-kills (see above).
Pushi imataha, Meal Imataha (?). (Unless it is a contraction of
Apushi imataha.)
Pushi istonnabi, He-came-with-meal-and-killed.
Shakchi humma, Crawfish Red.
Shikoba humma, Feather Red.
Ta®shi hacho, Corn Hatco (the last word being from Creek hadjo).
Ta*shi imastabi, (In or with) -corn-he-took-and-killed.
Tashka hopaii, Warrior Prophet (or Warrior Leader).
Tashka imataha, Warrior Imataha.
Tashka mi*kushi humma, Little-chief-warrior Red.
Tashka nanukachi, Warrior Counsellor.
Tashka pilla hacho, Warrior-in-a-distant-place Hatco.
Tamaha imastabi, (In-the-)town-he-took-him-and-killed-him.
Tanap humma, Enemy Red.
Tanitabi, Rise-and-kill.
Tapena humma chito, Warclub Big Red.
Tiak humma, Pine Red.
Tish holahta, Waiter Holahta (see above).
Tishu mi*ko, Waiter Chief.
Tupa humma chito, Bed Big Red.
Ushissish humma, Bloody-child Red.
Uskula humma, Flute Red.
Wishakchi humma, Top Red.*°
While the above translations are as close as it is possible to give
at the present time, it must be remembered that these names are
highly abbreviated mnemonics and sometimes a knowledge of the
circumstances under which the name was originally given is neces-
sary in order to determine the actual meaning. It is also evident
that in many of the names composed of two words the words are to
be understood separately as is the case with the corresponding
Creek terms. Thus the words humma, holahta, imastabi, imataha,
56 Other names will be found in Claiborne’s History of Mississippi, pp. 524-526, and
Chickasaw names, which are similar, in the Forty-fourth Ann. Rept. Bur, Amer, Ethn.,
pp. 201-204.
124 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BuLL. 103
hacho, and others, when in second position, really indicate certain
classes of warriors, not perhaps classes that were very clearly de-
fined, but still forming rough categories. So far as humma is con-
cerned, it is indicated by what has been quoted from Byington
regarding the na humma. Thus Tiak humma is not really a Red
Pine but a Pine Red, Red being the classifier. And so we have a
Flute Red, a Postoak Red, a Choctaw Red, a House Holahta, a
Corn Hacho, a White-man Imastabi, a Warrior Leader, a Warrior
Imataha.
EDUCATION
This differed but slightly from education among the Creeks and
Chickasaw. Our earliest authority gives very little on the subject
specifically except to remark that “they never whip their chil-
dren.” °’ Bossu declares that—
Although the savages count descent only on the female side, the women
are not permitted to correct the boys; they have authority only over the
girls. If a mother ventured to strike a boy, she would receive sharp repri-
mands and would be struck in her turn, but when her little boy errs she
takes him to an old man who gives him a lecture and then throws cold water
over his body.®
Romans confirms this in the following paragraph which, how-
ever, concerns only male children:
Their exercises agree pretty much with what I have seen among other na-
tious: from their infancy they learn the use of bows and arrows; they are
never beaten or otherwise rudely chastised, and very seldom chid; this educa-
tion renders them very wilful and wayward, yet I think it preferable to the
cruel and barbarous treatment indiscriminately used by some European parents,
who might with slight punishments by the excellency of wholesome christian
Admonitions, work in a very different manner on the tender inclinations of
pliable infancy. ... [With the blowgun] they often plague dogs and other
animals according to the innate disposition to cruelty of all savages, being
encouraged to take a delight in torturing any poor animal that has the misfor-
tune to fall into their hands; thinking best of him, who can longest keep the
victim in pain, and invent the greatest variety of torture. When growing up,
they use wrestling, running, heaving and lifting great weights, the playing with
the ball two different ways, and their favourite game of chunké, all very violent
exercises.”
Bossu says that the boys contended against each other with bow
and arrows, “the one who shoots best being awarded the prize of
praise from the lips of an old man, who names him an apprentice
warrior,’ °°*
57 Appendix, p. 249; Mem. Am. Anth. Assn., v. p. 61.
58 Appendix, pp. 263-269; Bossu, Nouv. Voy., vol. 2, pp. 105-106.
5°? Romans, E. and W. Fla., pp. 76-77.
5a Appendix, p. 263; Bossu, Nouv. Voy., vol. 2, p. 101.
SWANTON] CHOCTAW SOCIAL AND CEREMONIAL LIFE £25
A half-breed Choctaw, married to a Chickasaw, encountered by
the missionary Hodgson in 1820, told him—
That great changes had taken place among Indians, even in his time—that
in many tribes, when he was young, the children, as soon as they rose, were
made to plunge in the water, and swim, in the coldest weather; and were then
collected on the bank of the river, to learn the manners and customs of their
ancestors, and hear the old men recite the traditions of their forefathers.
They were assembled again, at sunset, for the same purpose; and were taught
to regard as a sacred duty, the transmission to their posterity of the lessons
thus acquired. ... He said, that this custom is now abandoned by all the
tribes with which he is acquainted, except, to use his own words, “ where there
is, here and there, an old ancient fellow, who upholds the old way ”’—that many
have talked of resuming their old customs, which the whites have gradually
undermined ; but are unable, from the loss of their traditions.”
From other matters communicated to Hodgson by this Indian and
from the statement, reiterated by several of our best authorities,
that most of the Choctaw were unable to swim, it is evident that
this man’s testimony applied rather to the Creeks or Chickasaw
than to the Choctaw, and it is therefore of but slight assistance, nor
do our later authorities mention the subject in other than an inci-
dental way. Claiborne but confirms the testimony of all other
writers on the southeastern Indians when he says: “In all that
concerns the child, the oldest maternal uncle, or if he is dead, the
nearest male relative in that line is consulted. Instances frequently
came before the Commissioners,” he adds, “ where a wife, though
living happily with her husband, was induced by the maternal uncle
to take her children and go west after ‘ leaving him,’ as one of them
expressed it, ‘ without cook, child, or comrade.’...
“Tt is the right of the wife, when a separation takes place, to
take all the children to aid her to live, and even after her death her
relatives have a claim to them paramount to the father.” ©
Cushman says:
But little restraint, parental or otherwise, was placed upon their children,
hence they indulged in any and all amusements their fancy might suggest.
The boys in little bands roamed from village to village at their own pleasure,
or strolled through the woods with their blow-guns and bow and arrows,
trying their skill upon all birds and squirrels that were so unfortunate as to
come in their way. They were but little acquainted with the principles of
right and wrong, having only as their models the daring deeds of their fathers
in war and in the chase, they only yearned for the time when they might
emulate them in heroic achievements; and one would very naturally infer
that these boys, ignorant of all restraint from youth to manhood, would have
been, when arrived at manhood, a set of desperadoes, indulging in every vice
and committing every crime. But not so. No race of young people ever grew
up to manhood in any nation who were of a more quiet nature and peaceful
© Hodgson, Travels, pp. 278-279. 1 Claiborne, Miss., 1, p. 517, also p. 521.
126 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Buby. 103
disposition than the youths of the old Mississippi Choctaws. They seldom
quarreled among themselves even in boyhood, and less, when arrived at the
state of manhood. To them in youth as well as in advanced years, as to all
of their race, the dearest of all their earthly possessions from childhood to
manhood, from manhood to old age, and from old age to the grave, was
their entire and unrestrained freedom; and though untrammeled by moral
restraint, yet there seemed to exist in their own breasts a restraining influence,
a counteracting power, that checked the ungoverned passions of their unculti-
vated natures through life, and kept them more within the bounds of prudence
and reason, than any race of uneducated people I ever knew.”
He tells us also of tests of endurance which they imposed upon
themselves:
Even the little Choctaw boys took delight in testing the degrees of their
manhood by various ways of inflicting pain. I have often seen the little fel-
lows stir up the nests of yellow jackets, bumble-bees, hornets and wasps, and
then stand over the nests of the enraged insects which soon literally covered
them, and fight them with a switch in each hand; and he who stood and fought
longest without flinching—foreshadowed the future man—was worthy the
appellation of Mighty Warrior. But the business ends of the hornets, bees
and wasps, noted for their dispatch in all matters of this kind, universally
effected a hasty retreat of the intruder upon their domiciles, sooner or later—
much to the delight of his youthful companions and acknowledged by an explo-
sion of yells and roars of laughter. But the discomfited embryo warrior
consoled himself by daring any one of his merrymaking companions to “ brave
the lion in his den,’ as he had and endure longer than he did the combined
attacks of the valiant little enemy. The challenge was most sure to be
accepted, but invariably with the same result, a retreat at the expense of a
hearty laugh. From one to three minutes was the average length of a battle,
the insects holding the field invariably. I have also seen them place a hot
coal of fire on the back of the hand, wrist and arm, and let it burn for many
seconds—bearing it with calm composure and without the least manifestation
of pain, or experience the deepest sorrow without the slightest emotion.”
Simpson Tubby says that the old-time Choctaw would not take
a child to a strange country while it was asleep, but he did not
explain why. He added that they would not let children sleep
on their sides or on a pillow or doubled up. They must sleep on
their backs, and he has seen them straighten out sleeping children.
“An eel is a straight fish, yet it can double up in any way; man should
lie straight when he sleeps for the same reason.” Nor would they
let a child sleep with its head to the west. The pallet was raised
under the head in order to keep the blood from flowing thither. In-
deed, if a person complained of a dead feeling in the legs and
thighs, the doctor would reduce the height of the head end of his
pallet so that the blood would not flow so much toward his feet. |
When girls were growing up they were not allowed to carry
anything heavy, and a boy would be given nothing weightier than
® Cushman, Hist. Inds., pp. 215-216. 6 Tbid., p. 214.
SWANTON] CHOCTAW SOCIAL AND CEREMONIAL LIFE 127
a gun or a fishing rod, when a family was moving. To cure chil-
dren of laziness they made them play ball and run races. Sometimes
they scratched them with a nettle to improve their circulation and
cure them of laziness by forcing them to scratch themselves. But
some became infected in that way and died, and the doctors told
them to stop it.
The captain of Simpson’s band recommended him to Mashulatubbi,
last great chief of the Choctaw, to be made chief when he was
40 years old. When he was 10 months old they bathed him in a
pond of cold water in the month of January, and Mashulatubbi said
that he was to eat only “wild food.” This was about a year before
the chief died. For a year Simpson was fed on the flesh of small game
animals, and after that, on big game animals, but when he was 18
he joined the white men’s church.
MARRIAGE
Our anonymous French authority says regarding this:
When a youth wishes to marry, he goes to find the father and the mother
of the girl whom he desires. After having made his request he throws before
the mother some strings of glass beads, and before the father a breechclout.
If they take the presents it is a sign of their consent, and then the youth
leads the girl away to his home without other ceremony. From this moment
the mother can no longer appear before her son-in-law; if they are obliged
to remain in the same room they make a little partition between them for
fear lest they see each other. ... They may abandon their wives whenever
they wish, and take many of them at a time. I saw one who had three sisters.
When they marry a second time they take the sister of the dead wife, if she
had one, otherwise a woman of the family.“
Romans merely remarks:
They take wives without much ceremony, and live together during pleasure,
and after separation, which is not very frequent, they often leave the second
to retake the first wife.”
The Rev. Israel Folsom, a native Choctaw missionary, is thus
quoted by Cushman on this subject:
When the young Choctaw beau went the first time to see his “ Fair One,”
after having resolved upon matrimony, he tested his own standing in the
estimation of his anticipated bride by walking indifferently into the room
where she was seated with the rest of the family, and, during the general
conversation, he sought and soon found an opportunity to shoot, slyly and
unobserved, little sticks or small pebbles at her. She soon ascertained
the source whence they came, and fully comprehended the signification of
those little messengers of love. If approved, she returned them as slyly
and silently as they came. If not, she suddenly sprang from her seat,
turned a frowning face of disapproval upon him and silently left the room.
That ended the matter, though not a word had been spoken between them,
6 Appendix, pp. 248-249; Mem. Am. Anth. Association, v. pp. 60-61.
® Romans, BH. and W. Fla., p. 86.
128 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BuLL. 103
But when the little tell-tales skipped back to him from her fingers, followed
by a pair of black eyes peeping out from under their long, silken eye-lashes,
he joyfully comprehended the import and, in a few minutes, arose and, as he
started toward the door, he repeated his informal “Ha li” (I go), upon
which a response of assent was given by the father or mother in the equally
informal “ Omih” (very well).
He returned in two or three days, however, with a few presents for the
parents, and to secure their approval. Which, being obtained, a day was ap-
pointed for the marriage—a feast prepared and friends invited. When all
had assembled, the groom was placed in one room and the bride in another
and the doors closed. A distance of two or three hundred yards was then
measured off, and at the farther end a little pole, neat and straight, was set
up. Then, at a given signal, the door of the bride’s room was thrown open,
and at once she springs out and starts for the pole with the lightness and
swiftness of an antelope. As soon as she has gotten a few rods the start,
enough for her to keep him from overtaking her if she was so inclined, the
door of his room was thrown open, and away he runs with seemingly super-
human speed, much to the amusement of the spectators. Often, as if to try
the sincerity of his affection, she did not let him overtake her until within
a few feet of the pole; and sometimes, when she had changed her mind in
regard to marrying him, she did not let him overtake her, which was public
acknowledgement of the fact, and the groom made the race but to be grievously
disappointed—but such a result seldom happened. As soon as he caught her,
after an exchange of a word or two, he gently led her back by the hand, and
[they] were met about half way by the lady friends of the bride, who took
her from the hands of the groom yielding to their demands with seeming
reluctance, and led her back into the yard to a place in front of the house
previously prepared for her, and seated her upon a blanket spread upon the
ground. A circle of women immediately formed around her, each holding
in her hands the various kinds of presents she intended to bestow upon her
as a bridal gift. Then one after another in short intervals began to cast her
presents on the head of the seated bride, at which moment a first-class grab-
game was introduced. For the moment a present fell upon her waiting head
it was snatched therefrom by some one of the party—a dozen or more making
a grab for it at the same instant—regardless of the suffering bride, who was
often pulled hither and thither by the snatchers’ eager fingers becoming
entangled in her long, black ringlets. When the presents had all been thus
disposed of, the bride not receiving a single article, the twain were pronounced
one—man and wife; then the feast was served, after which all returned to
their respective homes with merry and happy hearts.
Cushman adds:
As the land was free to all, the happy groom, a few days after his nuptials,
erected with the assistance of his friends, a neat little cabin in some pic-
turesque grove by the side of some bubbling spring or on the banks of some
rippling brook. A small iron kettle in which to boil their venison, and a
wooden bowl in which to put it when cooked, were sufficient culinary utensils
for the young house-keepers.™
The same writer thus refers to the taboos between son-in-law and
mother-in-law already mentioned, and also those between husband
and wife:
% Cushman, Hist. Inds., pp. 369-370.
SWANTON] CHOCTAW SOCIAL AND CEREMONIAL LIFE 129
There was a peculiar custom among the ancient Choctaws, prior to 1818,
which, according to tradition, was as follows: For many years after the
marriage of her daughter, the mother-in-law was forbidden to look upon her
son-in-law. Though they might converse together, they must be hidden the
one from the other by some kind of screen, and when nothing else offered,
by covering their eyes. Thus the mother-in-law was put to infinite trouble
and vexation lest she should make an infraction upon the strange custom;
since, when travelling or in camp often without tents, they were necessarily
afraid to raise their heads, or open their eyes through fear of seeing the
interdicted object.
Another peculiarity, which, however, they possessed in common with other
tribes, was, the Choctaw wife never called her husband by name. But ad-
dressed him as “my son or daughter’s father’; or more commonly using
the child’s name, when if Shah-bi-chih, (meaning, to make empty, the
real name of a Choctaw whom I know) for instance, she calls her husband
“ Shah-bi-chih’s father.”’®7
Gregg parallels this bit of information closely enough to indicate
that he obtained his knowledge from the same source.
There is [says he] a post-nuptial custom peculiar to the full-blood Indians
of the Choctaws, which deserves particular notice. For years, and perhaps
for life, after the marriage of her daughter, the mother is forbidden to look
upon her son-in-law. Though they converse together, he must be hidden from
her by a wall, a tent, a curtain, or, when nothing else offers, by covering the
eyes. During their emigration, it is said these poor superstitious matrons were
put to infinite trouble so as not to infract this custom. While travelling, or in
camp often without tents, the mother-in-law was afraid to raise her head or
open her eyes, lest they should meet the interdicted object.
It is another peculiarity, which they have in common with some of the
more northern tribes, that the Choctaw wife, of the “ old school,” can never call
her husband by name. But if they have offspring—she calls him “my son’s
father ’’; or, more commonly using the child’s name, when, if ‘‘ Ok-le-no-wa,” for
instance, she calls the husband “ Ok-le-no-wa’s father.” And yet another odd-
ity regarding names: the ignorant Choctaw seems to have a superstitious aver-
sion to telling his own name: indeed it appears impossible to get it from him,
unless he have an acquaintance present, whom he will request to tell it for
him.®8
In this connection a bit of folklore might be added as reported
by Cushman relative to the traditional first marriage between the
Choctaw and the whites:
A white man at an early day, came into their country, and in course of time
married a Choctaw girl and as a natural result, a child was born. Soon after
the arrival of the little stranger, (the first of its type among them), a council
was called to consider the propriety of permitting white men to marry the
women of the Choctaws. If it was permitted, they argued, the whites would
become more numerous and eventually destroy their national characteristics.
Therefore it was determined to stop all future marriages between the Choctaws
and the White Race, and at once [they] ordered the white man to leave their
®7 Cushman, Hist. Inds., pp. 201—202.
68 Gregg, Commerce of the Praries in Early Western Travels, ed. R. G. Thwaites, vol.
20, pp. 313-314. See also p. 120.
130 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BuLy. 103
country, and the child [to be] killed. A committee was appointed to carry the
decision into execution, yet felt reluctant to kill the child. In the meantime,
the mother, hearing of the resolution passed by the council, hid the child, and
when the committee arrived they failed to find it, and willingly reported that
the Great Spirit had taken it away. The mother kept it concealed for several
weeks, and then secretly brought it back one night, and told her friends the
next morning that the Great Spirit had returned during the night with her
child and placed it by her side as she slept. The committee had previously
decided, however, that if ever the child returned it might live; but if it never
came back, they then would know that the Great Spirit had taken it. The boy
was ever afterwards regarded as being under the special care of the Great
Spirit, and became a chief of their Nation. The law was repealed; the father
re-called and adopted as one of the tribe; and thus the custom of adopting the
white man originated and has so continued from that day to this—so affirms
one of their ancient traditions, those Indian caskets filled with documents from
the remote past, but which have long since passed into the region of accepted
fables.”
Interesting divergencies are shown in Claiborne’s description of
Choctaw courtship and marriage. I am not sure that his under-
standing of the ceremony is to be relied upon in all particulars:
Bah na-tubbe, an intelligent fellow, in the course of his examination, stated
that it was usual for the woman, especially widows, to give “the first banter,”
viz: first advances. This is usually done at night, in the dance, by squeezing
the hand or treading gently on the foot of the favored warrior. Perhaps this
may be rather a necessity than a freedom; because if a man should take these
liberties with a squaw she would immediately resent it by attacking him with
a stick, and every squaw present would assist her. Witness had seen twenty
squaws thus beating a too ardent lover. These ‘‘ banters” are often given by
old women, invariably to very young men. Old women usually select a lazy
fellow, who takes her for her house and her ponies. Witness had, when only
eighteen, been taken by a woman of fifty, but he soon left her for a very young
girl, When the “banter” is mutually agreeable the parties quietly slip’ out
of the crowd, and when they re-appear are considered man and wife.
Courtship and marriage, however, are sometimes more formal. A young
warrior who is in love applies to the maternal uncle—never to father or
mother—and they agree on the price, which is paid to the uncle. On a certain
day the groom and his relatives appear at an appointed place, dressed in their
best, where they loiter till noon. The bride then leaves the lodge of her
parents, and the friends on both sides gather about her. She watches an
opportunity and flies to the adjacent woods, her attendants hovering around
to cover her retreat. She is pursued by the female relatives of the groom.
If she is anxious for the match, it is not difficult to overtake her. But if she
dislikes it, she runs until she falls exhausted, and sometimes escapes, and
wanders away to a remote village, where she is adopted and cannot be re-
claimed. If the fugitive is overtaken, she is brought back among the grooms-
man’s friends, but he has disappeared. She sits down, and the friends on both
sides throw some little presents in her lap. Each female relative ties a ribbon
or some beads in her hair, and then the provisions brought by friends are
divided among the company to be taken: to their respective homes. The bride
is then conducted to a little lodge adjoining her parents, and late at night her
* Cushman, Hist. Inds., pp. 373-874.
SWANTON] CHOCTAW SOCIAL AND CEREMONIAL LIFE 131
lover finds his way to her arms. In the morning they have disappeared, and
the fawn of the woods must be sought in the camp of her husband.
The marriage endures only during the affection or inclination of the parties,
and either may dissolve it at pleasure. This, of course, very often occurs,
in which case the children follow the mother; the father has no control over
them whatever.”
His reference to polygamy is most illuminating. He says:
This was tolerated by the Choctaws, but not universal. When a man had
two wives, and died, each wife claimed to be the head of a separate family.
They always occupied separate cabins, and generally ten or more miles apart.
No instance came before us where a man had two wives in the same house,
or even in the same yard or enclosure, unless they were sisters, and then they
sometimes lived in the same yard, but in different houses.
An amusing instance came before the commissioners, I-og-la [Imokla or
Yukla?] presented her claim. The witness, Hi-a-ka [Haiaka] deposed that at
the time of the treaty claimant was one of the wives of Tusk-a ma-ha [Tashka
imataha], who had emigrated west. He had many wives. He made the cir-
cuit among them regularly, and thus passed his time. He neither hunted nor
worked. He had ten wives, scattered round the country, fifteen or twenty
miles apart, and he had his regular stands, going from one to the other, being
well fed, and a favorite with all of them. He was a fellow of medium height,
about five feet seven, well built, very muscular and active, lazy and fond
of eating and drinking. He provided his own clothing—nothing more. He
made his home at the house of Ho-pia-ske-tena [Hopaii iskitini], (Little
Leader,) at the old town of Yocka-no-chick-ama [perhaps Yakni achukma,
see p. 75]. Two years before the treaty he married claimant, but only visited
her about two days in every month; her house was one of the stands on his
circuit; he never worked for her or contributed to her support; it was his
custom to spend some time with every woman when he first took her, but the
novelty soon wore off, and he went his usual round. Claimant had a house
before she married this man; he finished it for her; he had several wives
before he met her, and took several afterwards. He threw none of them
away. Witness never heard any complaint on the part of his wives of neglect
on his part. But when he emigrated, he left them all,”
The next description of a wedding ceremony is from Halbert:
When a young Choctaw, of Kemper or Neshoba county, sees a maiden who
pleases his fancy, he watches his opportunity until he finds her alone. He
then approaches within a few yards of her and gently casts a pebble towards
her, so that it may fall at her feet. He may have to do this two or three
times before he attracts the maiden’s attention. If this pebble throwing is
agreeable, she soon makes it manifest; if otherwise, a scornful look and a
decided “ ekwah ” indicate that his suit is in vain. Sometimes instead of throw-
ing pebbles the suitor enters the woman’s cabin and lays his hat or handkerchief
on her bed. This action is interpreted as a desire on his part that she should
be the sharer of his couch. If the man’s suit is acceptable the woman permits
the hat to remain; but if she is unwilling to become his bride, it is removed
instantly. The rejected suitor, in either method employed, knows that it is
useless to press his suit and beats as graceful a retreat as possible.
When a marriage is agreed upon, the lovers appoint a time and place for
the ceremony. On the marriage day the friends and relatives of the prospective
ed ah Peete EN
70 Claibourne, Miss., 1, pp. 516-517. 71 Claiborne, Miss., 1, p. 520.
Mey BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BuLu. 103
couple meet at their respective houses or villages, and thence march towards
each other. When they arrive near the marriage ground—generally an inter-
mediate space between the two yillages—they halt within about a hundred
yards of each other. The brothers of the woman then go across to the opposite
party and bring forward the man and seat him on a blanket spread upon the
marriage ground. The man’s sisters then do likewise by going over and bring-
ing forward the woman and seating her by the side of the man. Sometimes,
to furnish a little merriment for the occasion, the woman is expected to break
loose and run. Of course she is pursued, captured and brought back. All
parties now assemble around the expectant couple. A bag of bread is brought
forward by the woman’s relatives and deposited near her. In like manner
the man’s relatives bring forward a bag of meat and deposit it near him.
These bags of provisions are lingering symbols of the primitive days when
the man was the hunter to provide the household with game, and the woman
was to raise corn for the bread and hominy. The man’s friends and relatives
now begin to throw presents upon the head and shoulders of the woman.
These presents are of any kind that the donors choose to give, as articles
of clothing, money, trinkets, ribbons, etc. As soon as thrown they are quickly
snatched off by the woman’s relatives and distributed among themselves.
During all this time the couple sit very quietly and demurely, not a word
spoken by either. When all the presents have been thrown and distributed, the
couple, now man and wife, arise, the provisions from the bags are spread, and,
just as in civilized life, the ceremony is rounded off with a festival. The
festival over, the company disperse, and the gallant groom conducts his bride
to his home, where they enter upon the toils and responsibilities of the
future.”
The above account is based largely upon the following specific
description of a wedding found among Mr. Halbert’s notes:
The following account of a marriage in Jasper County, Mississippi, in Au-
gust, 1891, of two Six Towns Indians, Oliver Chubbee and Susan Simpson, may
be considered as describing a typical Choctaw marriage in the closing years of
the nineteenth century.
“The Indians in large numbers arrived on the ground the evening before
the wedding day, and spent the night in their camps. The next morning, exten-
sive preparations were made in the way of cooking the big dinner which was
to follow immediately after the marriage ceremoney. The place was a kind of
glade in the woods. Pots, kettles and pans were there in profusion and a num-
ber of Indian women were soon immersed in the culinary operations, preparing
beef, bread, coffee, pudding and pie for the marriage feast. About eleven
o’clock the long table was set, and it was announced that the marriage would
now take place. Miss Susan then modestly made her appearance on the spot
selected for the ceremony. A shawl was spread upon the ground, upon which
she seated herself, and four men then took another shawl, and held it, one at
each corner, over her head. ‘ Halbina, halbina’ (presents, presents) was the cry
that now resounded on every side. Forthwith many came forward and threw
their presents on the shawl upheld by the four men. These presents consisted
of bundles of calico, ribbons and other female paraphernalia, and even some
little money—whatever in fact the donors chose to give. The presents, how-
ever, were not for the bride, but for the female relatives. They were intended
as a kind of remuneration to these relatives for their assistance in cooking the
7H. S. Halbert, “Courtship and Marriage among the Choctaws of Mississippi,” in the
American Naturalist, vol. xv1, pp. 222-224. Philadelphia, 1882.
SWANTON] CHOCTAW SOCIAL AND CEREMONIAL LIFE 133
marriage dinner. When all the presents had been deposited on the shawl, Miss
Susan arose, walked off about fifty yards, where some of her female friends
were assembled, and again seated herself. Here the presents were brought,
taken possession of by some of the women and distributed among Miss Susan’s
female kinsfolk. At the same time that Miss Susan had seated herself on the
shawl, and while the men were holding the other shawl over her head, Mr.
Chubbee came within about twenty feet of her, spread a blanket on the ground
and seated himself upon it, and quietly waited for the passive part he was to
perform in giving a finality to the marriage ceremony. When Miss Susan rose
from the ground, some half a dozen men, relatives of Chubbee, came forward
and seated themselves in a line on his left. The male relatives [of the bride]
now in succession, approached the patient bridegroom, addressing him by the
title of relationship created by the marriage, and then delivered a_ short
complimentary or congratulatory address.
“When each had finished his talk to Chubbee, he then moved along the line,
and shook hands with each one of Chubbee’s seated kinsmen, calling him
by the term of relationship created by the marriage, to which the kinsman
responded simply by the assenting term Ma. For instance, A shook hands with
B, and simply said Amoshi ma, (my uncle) to which B responded with Ma.
The Choctaw terms of reiationship and their application are very intricate and
perplexing to a white man. The following is the very short congratulatory
address of one of the old Indians, George Washington, to Oliver Chubbee,
‘Nittak chashpo hokno sabaiyi chi ahanchi li beka tok akinli kia himak a™
annumpa holitopa chi anochi lishke. Sayup chi ahanchi li hoke.’ Jn former
days I called you sabaiyi [my sister’s son], but now I put a sacred name on
you,—I call you sayup [my son-in-law]. Only two or three women came for-
ward and spoke to the bridegroom and to him alone, for they paid no attention
to the other men on the ground. To a subsequent inquiry made to George
Washington as to the cause of so few women coming to give the bridegroom
the term of relationship, the response was ‘ Ohoyo at takshi fehna,’ Women are
very modest. When the men had finished their little congratulatory talks to
Chubbee, the marriage was complete, and bride and bridegroom were now one.
Without any further ceremony dinner was now announced to which all hands
forthwith repaired and did it full justice. As a general thing, after the feast
comes the big dance which was omitted on this occasion. Generally too an
old-fashioned Choctaw wedding takes place about sunset, after which comes
the big feast and the night-long big dance. In another feature Chubbee’s
wedding differed from the usual old style, for commonly the couple sit side
by side, and the wedding gifts are placed upon the head of the bride and are
instantly snatched off by her kin. With the usual Indian impassiveness Chub-
bee did not go near or even look at his bride until all got ready to go home,
which was about the middle of the afternoon.”
Following is Bushnell’s account of the ceremonies known to the
Choctaw of Bayou Lacomb:
The marriage ceremony as performed until a few years ago, at a time when
there were many Choctaw living in the region, was thus described by the
women at Bayou Lacomb.
When a man decided he wanted to marry a certain girl he confided in his
mother, or if she was not living, in his nearest female relative. It was then
necessary for her to talk with the mother or the nearest living relative of the
girl, and if the two women agreed, they in turn visited the chiefs or heads of
the two ogla, or families, to get their consent to the union. As a man was not
134 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BuL1. 103
allowed to marry a girl who belonged to his ogla, often the women were
obliged to make a long journey before seeing the two chiefs, whose villages
were frequently a considerable distance apart.
After all necessary arrangements had been made, a day was fixed for the
ceremony. Many of the man’s friends and relatives accompanied him to the
girl’s village, where they seem to have had what may be termed “ headquarters ”
of their own. As the time for the ceremony drew near, the woman with her
friends was seen some distance away. The man and his party approached and
he endeavored to catch the girl. Then ensued much sham fighting and wres-
tling between the two parties, and the girl ran about apparently endeavoring
to escape, but she was finally caught by the man and his relatives and friends.
Then all proceeded to the place where the feast had been prepared, to which
both parties had contributed. Off to one side, four seats had been arranged in
a row; usually a log covered with skins served the purpose. The man and
girl then took the middle seats and on the ends sat the two male heads or
chiefs of their respective ogla. Certain questions were then asked by the
chiefs, and if all answers were satisfactory, the man and girl agreed to live
together as man and wife and were permitted to do so. This closed the cere-
mony and then the feasting and dancing began.
The man continued to live in his wife’s village, and their children belonged
to her ogla.
By mutual agreement the two parties could separate and, in the event of so
doing, were at liberty to marry again. The man usually returned to his own
village, taking all his property with him.
If a man died in his wife’s village, even though he left children, his brothers
or other members of his ogla immediately took possession of all his property
and carried it back to his native village. His children, being looked on as
members of another ogla, since they belonged to their mother’s family, were
not considered as entitled to any of this property.”
The following descriptions of the marriage ceremony were given
me by two of the best-informed men of the Mississippi Choctaw.
Olmon Comby stated that courting among the young people took
place principally during the dances, such dances being held when
the community happened to be together and there was plenty of food.
If a youth’s advances were accepted, he carried the product of his
next hunt to the girl’s mother and by that they knew that he wanted
to marry her. Very soon his father would question him on the sub-
ject, and, having learned the girl’s identity, his mother was dis-
patched to the mother of the girl to obtain her consent. The latter
would inquire whether her visitor’s son was a good hunter, and,
if she could truthfully say, “ Yes, he is a great hunter,” the reply
was sure to be favorable and the wedding day was fixed.
The youth then bought a piece of cloth, 75 or 80 feet long, which
he gave to the girl’s mother, and she cut it into smaller parts to
distribute among her female relatives, indicating to each of them as
she did so that she wished her to provide a certain kind of food for a
feast to be given to her future son-in-law’s kindred.
rd
73 Bushnell in Bull. 48, Bur. Amer. Ethn., pp. 26-27.
Swanton] CHOCTAW SOCIAL AND CEREMONIAL LIFE 135
Before either party sat down to eat, the girl, at a given signal,
started away on the run and the youth pursued her, she being as-
sisted by her relatives and he by his. After she had been caught
and brought back to the scene of the festivities, she was seated
beside her intended husband, and his relatives brought quantities
of cloth, ribbons, and similar things, as also various kinds of food,
such as bread, beef, and pork, which was allowed to rest upon the
girl’s head for a minute and then gathered up by her uncle, who
tied the cloth up in bundles. These presents cost perhaps $60 to $75,
and by them the girl was “ bound.”
Then each family feasted the other, the relatives of the girl eating
first. That made them kindred and they shook hands.
The girl’s people now brought baskets, sacks, and other similar
receptacles and her uncle distributed to them in succession the arti-
cles provided by the groom. These had been placed in a pile and the
distribution was made indifferently, beginning at the top, so that it
was a matter of chance who received the best pieces.
Finally the chief delivered a long address, directed mainly to the
newly married couple, telling them that they must be faithful until
death and take good care of each other when either was sick. ‘The
chief also extended his remarks to the other young people, warning
them not to run away to marry, and, so that the world might stand
a great deal longer, not to marry near relatives. If they married
persons already connected by blood, they would not know how to
name their relatives. Thus the same man would be called father-
in-law and uncle, and they wanted the names to be applied to dif-
ferent individuals.
From Simpson Tubby I gathered the following information.
The old people used to watch their children carefully, especially
during the dances, to discover what attachments were springing up
between them and prevent any taking root between those who were
too closely related or whose associations were too distant or too
diverse. That was the way in which they kept their children pure.
Mention has been made already of the taboos against marriage
within the iksa and the still older taboo against marriage within
the moiety. It is also said that they would not allow those related
within four degrees to marry, no matter to what iksa they belonged,
and that fifth cousins might marry only if they could prove there
was nobody more distantly related who would make a suitable
partner. (Claiborne mentions the case of a Choctaw named Pah-
lubbee who married his step-daughter but was widely censured in
consequence."*)
7™ Claiborne, Miss., 1, p. 521.
136 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Buty 103
Simpson affirmed that the girl must be between 20 and 25 years of
age and the youth between 25 and 30. When they began to marry
younger the offspring were “runts,” the tribe got smaller and weaker
and ultimately became reduced to its present fragmentary condi-
tion. They also did not like to have their children marry into a
band opposed to their own in the ball games. (See p. 153.) Opposi-
tion to marriage in other tribes had a practical consideration
anciently because, should war break out between the two peoples,
intermarried foreigners of the hostile tribe were generally killed.
A youth showed his fondness for a girl by calling often upon her
brother, making him an especial companion, and so on. These vari-
ous signs having been observed by the old people, a courtship dance
was held in the neighborhood and by watching the behavior of the
young people, their parents satisfied themselves of the state of affairs.
Sometimes attachments between three or four couples would be dis-
covered on the same occasion. Then the father of one of the two
parties would call upon the father of the other to talk the matter
over. The mothers would also confer, after which all four had a
meeting and came to an understanding. Then either the boy or the
girl spent three days in the family into which he or she was to marry
to see whether they would fit in there, because it was intended that
they should spend the first few years of their married life in that
particular household. If one of the parties was very young, such a
disposition of them might be ordered by the chief.
While two young people were engaged, even though they were near
neighbors, they did not see each other all the time. The old people
meanwhile would visit back and forth, exchange salutations, and
then bid good-by as if they had come from great distances and lived
far apart.
The preliminaries having been satisfactory, the parents of the
couple met and fixed upon a date for the wedding. Usually this was
some time in the fall, because it was claimed that the nation would
be weakened if people had sexual relations in the summer, a belief
that was equally impressed on all married persons.
If a death took place the wedding would be postponed, the
period of postponement being longer in proportion to the age of the
deceased.
A great quantity of food was now procured—by the girl’s family
apparently, though Simpson omitted this point—and they began
cooking for the marriage feast about midnight, keeping it up until
morning. On the other hand the youth’s parents made a considerable
present of clothing and merchandise to the parents of the girl, con-
sisting of some such articles as the following: One pair of shoes for
each, a dress for the mother, a hat for the father, a barrel of flour, one
side of meat, and $2 worth of coffee. If the young people eloped
SWANTON] CHOCTAW SOCIAL AND CEREMONIAL LIFE 137
before such presents had been made, the marriage was not recognized
as legal, and they legalized it by calling them in and going over
the proper ceremony. At that time the head chief and captains made
a final inquiry as to whether there was any possible blood connection
between the two parties. Sometimes this took an entire day.
All obstacles having now been removed, the girl was placed some
25 paces in advance of the crowd and the youth set out in pursuit of
her. They followed a circular course, each being assisted by the
members of his or her respective family. The harder the race the
stronger it was believed would be their love for each other, but if
the girl were soon caught, it was considered a sign that her love
was weak. There was great excitement and much shouting. Some-
times the youth would fall and so enable his intended bride to get
a long lead; sometimes she would fall and be caught almost imme-
diately. It is claimed that the object of this race was to determine
whether either party was indifferent to the match, as would be
shown by running in a half-hearted manner. It is said that Little
Leader (Hopaii iskitini), captain of the Sukanatcha band, put an
end to the marriage race at the time when Sukanatcha was settled.
The other marriage laws held on longer.
The girl having at last been caught, the two were brought back
to the place where the feast was to be held and seated side by side,
the boy being placed in his seat by the girl’s people and she in her
seat by the boy’s. The chief or captain now made a speech in which
he stated upon whom the obligation fell of decorating the girl, and
upon whom the obligation of decorating the boy, the boy’s people in
the former case and the girl’s in the latter. Those not related were
directed to decorate both unless unable, for any reason, to do so, when
they must remain quiet. Each party brought several yards of
ribbon—perhaps from 5 to 7—or 10 to 40 yards of cloth, or dresses,
which they laid upon the heads of the two until they were completely
covered. This was to indicate their consent, and it was made the
occasion of a property contest between the families, each striving
to “outdress ” the other. Afterwards each family took the property
which had been acquired in this way and distributed it to the
nearest blood relations. Then they sat down to eat, a long
speech was made by the chief or captain, and the dance followed,
in which, if all was harmonious, all of the connections of both
participated. If all of the relatives were not present the wedding
was outlawed, and this was one of the ways in which trouble was
created, usually by some outsiders, and perhaps by some one who had
wanted to marry one of the parties to the match.
When a married woman came back to visit her parents, her hus-
band did not usually accompany her. Whether or not she were
54564—31—_10
138 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BuLy. 108
present, he would not speak to her sisters and only to her father
or mother if he were spoken to. Mother-in-law avoidance was com-
mon in old times, but it is said that the husband spoke more freely
to his wife’s mother than to her father, because when his wife had
a message to send to her parents it went more often to her mother
than to her father, and so the husband had more occasion to meet
the former.***
Some white men who have witnessed native ceremonies furnished
confirmation of details of the above, though with minor variations.
They said that on the morning of the wedding day the youth, ac-
companied by a number of his male relatives, started toward the
home of his intended bride and she at the same time, with a party
of girl companions, set out to meet him. When the two parties had
come within a short distance of each other, the girl and her com-
pany began running, and the young man, followed by his own com-_
pany, gave chase until he caught her. Very often the girl carried
a pack basket on her back filled with corn or with biscuits and as
she ran the contents were scattered along the way and those who
were present scrambled for them. After having overtaken his in-
tended the groom brought her back to an open space where the
ceremony was to be completed. They sat down side by side, and
the headman usually made a speech. <A feast, followed by a dance,
concluded the day’s program, but on the next day there was usually
a ball game. Some of these ceremonies are also remembered by
the Choctaw in Oklahoma.
Nowadays it is said that the Choctaw of Bok Chito, the only
band in Mississippi which is not formally Christianized, simply
have a meeting between the two parties, a speech, and a feast.
Regarding widowhood and remarriage Claiborne says:
When a Choctaw husband dies the wife lays aside her jewelry or orna-
ments, and suffers her hair to fall dishevelled over her shoulders. Some six
months after the cry for the dead is over the husband’s mother (or if she be
dead, his nearest female relative) ties up and dresses the widow’s hair, and
she is then at liberty to marry again. If she marries prior to this ceremony,
or danees or flirts, she is discarded by the family of the deceased.”
What I myself learned was practically the same. It was that the
widow or widower had to wait until the mortuary ceremonies were
completed, when the people of the iksa to which the deceased be
longed dressed the bereaved in good clothing and said, “ You are
now free.” However, if there were little children, they usually
preferred that the widower should espouse his wife’s sister, and
similarly, a woman was more apt to marry her husband’s brother.
742 This must represent a later custom, for we have many references to mother-in-law
avoidance in early times.
7 Claiborne, Miss., I, p. 516.
SWANTON] CHOCTAW SOCIAL AND CEREMONIAL LIFE 139
DIVISION OF LABOR BETWEEN THE SEXES
Our earliest source, the anonymous French writer, says:
Their women ... are like slaves to their husbands. They do everything in
the house, work the ground, sow, and harvest the crop. The men sometimes
aid them at a distance from the town, but never go for water or fire after they
are made warriors, considering that that would dishonor them. They occupy
themselves only with hunting.”
To the male occupations must of course be added war and all gov-
ernmental duties, besides the manufacture of certain wooden and
stone implements, and houses.
In contradistinction to the above informant, Romans, writing a
few years later, says of the men:
They help their wives in the labour of the fields and many other works; near
one half of the men have never killed a deer or turkey during their lives.
Game is so scarce, that during my circuit through the nation we never saw any,
and we had but two or three opportunities of eating venison in as many
months.”
The following item may be added from Cushman:
He [the Choctaw man] struggled for what was immediate, the war path, the
chase and council life; but when not engaged therein, the life of the national
games, under the head of social amusements, filled up the measure of his days—
the ball play, horse-race, foot-race, jumping and wrestling—to them as honor-
able as the gymnastic exercises of the eastern nations of antiquity; enduring
heat and cold, suffering the pangs of hunger and thirst, fatigue and sleepless-
ness.*
Says Claiborne:
Generally the wife is very submissive. We met with but one case of a hen-
pecked husband. In that case, it was shown that the wife packed up all the
movables, took all the horses, and moved away some sixty miles. He followed
after a while. “She was,” said the same witness, “ master of the camp, and he
was the squaw.” ”
Simpson Tubby affirmed that “about 65 years ago” it was a rule
among the Choctaw for the women to carry all of the burdens, the
men being barehanded except for a gun, a fishing pole, or something
similar. He claimed that the custom of requiring women to carry
hampers of corn on their backs was abolished by Little Leader
(Hopaii iskitini), captain of the Sukanatcha band, at the very last
Green Corn dance. “ Before that they not only carried hampers of
corn on their backs but babies, and other burdens in their arms at
the same time.”
7% Appendix, p. 247; Mem. Am. Anth. Ass'n, v, p. 59.
™ Romans, HE. and W. Fla., p. 86.
7% Cushman, Hist. Inds., p. 252; see also Claiborne, Miss., 1, p. 487.
7 Claiborne, Miss., 1, p. 517.
140 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BuLy. 103
GAMES
As was the case with all of the other tribes of the Southeast, the
2-stick racket game *° was the most important, and we probably have
more descriptions of this game from the Choctaw than from any
other in the region. The earliest of these is in the French memoir
of which we have made such constant use. These people were, the
author says:
. very great gamblers in a ball game which is like the long racket [game].
They place about twenty of one village against as many of another, and put
up wagers against each other to very considerable amounts for them. They
wager a new gun against an old one which is not worth anything, ag readily
as if it were good, and they give as a reason that if they are going to win
they will win as well against a bad article as against a good one, and that
they would rather bet against something than not bet at all.... When
they are very much excited they wager all that they have, and, when they have
lost all, they wager their wives for a certain time, and after that wager them-
selves for a limited time.
They count by nights, and when they wish to play with another village,
they send a deputy, who carries the word, and who delivers to the chief a
number of little sticks. Every day one is thrown away, and the last which
remains shows that the next day is the day chosen.”
Bossu’s account is nearly as old as this. He says:
The Chactas are very active and very nimble. They have a game similar
to our long racket game at which they are very skilful. Neighboring villages
invite one another, inciting their opponents with a thousand words of defiance.
Men and women gather in their finest costumes and pass the day singing and
dancing; indeed they dance all night to the sound of the drum and rattle.
Each village has its own fire lighted in the middle of a wide prairie. The
day following is that on which the match is to come off. They agree upon
a goal 60 paces distant and indicated by two large poles between which the
ball must pass. Usually they play for 16 points. There are forty players
on a side, each holding in his hand a racket two and a half feet long, of almost
the same shape as ours, made of walnut [hickory] or chestnut wood and
covered with deer skin.
In the middle of the ball ground an old man throws up a ball made by rolling
deer skin together. At once each player runs to try to catch the ball in his
racket. It is a fine sight to observe the players with their bodies bare, painted
in all sorts of colors, with a tiger tail fastened behind and feathers on their
arms and heads which flutter as they run, giving a remarkable effect. They
push. They tumble over one another. He who is skillful enough to catch the
ball sends it to the players on his side. Those on the opposite side run at the
one who has seized it and return it to their own party, and they fight over it,
party against party, with so much vigor that shoulders are sometimes dislo-
cated. The players never become angry. The old men present at these games
constitute themselves mediators and consider that the game is only a recreation
and not something over which to fight. The wagers are considerable; the
women bet against one another.
8° Usually called Toli, but that word is applicable to any kind of ball game and the
specific term for the game under discussion is ishtaboli.
51 Appendix, p. 254; Mem. Am. Anth. Assn., v, p. 68.
Swanton] CHOCTAW SOCIAL AND CEREMONIAL LIFE 141
After the players have finished, the women whose husbands have lost assem-
ble to avenge them. The racket which the women use differs from that of the
men in being bent. They play with much skill. They run against one another
very swiftly, and shove one another like the men, being equally naked except
for the parts which modesty dictates they shall cover. They merely redden
their cheeks, and use vermilion on their hair instead of powder.”
Bossu’s proof seems to have suffered from the wrong kind of edi-
torial handling, so that we get the impression that each of the players
in this game was provided with but a single racket and that there
was but a single goal. Mention here and by Romans that women
played this game is important because most of the other tribes of
the Southeast do not seem to have permitted it. Slightly later than
the last is the account preserved by Romans, who introduces us to
two games or two types of the same:
Their play at ball is either with a small ball of deer skin or a larger one
of woolen rags; the first is thrown with battledores, the second with the hand
only ; this is a trial of skill between village and village; after having appointed
the day and field for meeting, they assemble at the time and place, fix two
poles across each other at about a hundred and fifty feet apart, they then
attempt to throw the ball through the lower part of them, and the opposite
party, trying to prevent it, throw it back among themselves, which the first
party again try to prevent; thus they attempt to beat it about from one to
the other with amazing violence, and not seldom broken limbs or dislocated
joints are the consequence; their being almost naked, painted and orna-
mented with feathers has a good effect on the eye of the bystander during
this violent diversion; a number is agreed on for the score, and the party
who first gets this number wins.
The women play among themselves (after the men have done), disputing
with as much eagerness as the men; the stakes or bets are generally high.
There is no difference in the other game with the large ball, only the men
and women play promiscuously, and they use no battledores.®
Speaking of the men’s game Hodgson says: “All violence on these
occasions is forgiven; and I was informed that it is the only case in
which life is not generally required for life.” **
Other evidence indicates that this was true in the main, but we
know that at times a ball game was an occasion which allowed old
feuds to come to the surface and that, on the other hand, it some-
times gave rise to feuds.
The most celebrated description of the game is by Catlin, who
illustrates his text with three sketches. Two of these sketches I am
not reproducing, partly because it has been done frequently and
partly because they do not represent a typical game. There hap-
pened to be a much larger number of participants present than
usual.
82 Appendix, p. 262; Bossu, Nouveaux Voyages aux Indes occidentales. 2 vols. Paris,
1768. Vol. 2, pp. 100-103.
8 Romans, Nat. Hist. E. and W. Fla., p. 79.
& Hodgson, Travels, p. 271.
142 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BuLL. 103
It is no uncommon occurrence for six or eight hundred or a thousand [!] of
these young men to engage in a game of ball, with five or six times that
number of spectators, of men, women, and children, surrounding the ground,
and looking on.. .
While at the Choctaw agency it was announced, that there was to be a
great play on a certain day, within a few miles, on which occasion I attended,
and made the three sketches which are hereto annexed; and also the following
entry in my note-book, which I literally copy out:
“Monday afternoon at three o’clock, I rode out with Lieutenants 8. and
M., to a very pretty prairie, about six miles distant, to the ball-playground
of the Choctaws, where we found several thousand Indians encamped. There
were two points of timber about half a mile apart, in which the two parties
for the play, with their respective families and friends, were encamped; and
lying between them, the prairie on which the game was to be played. My
companions and myself, although we had been apprised, that to see the whole
of a ball-play, we must remain on the ground all the night previous, had
brought nothing to sleep upon, resolving to keep our eyes open, and see what
transpired through the night. During the afternoon, we loitered about amongst
the different tents and shantees of the two encampments, and afterwards, at
sundown, witnessed the ceremony of measuring out the ground, and erecting
‘byes’ or goals which were to guide the play. Hach party had their goal
made with two upright posts, about 25 feet high and six feet apart, set firm
in the ground, with a pole across at the top. These goals were about forty
or fifty rods apart; and at a point just half way between, was another small
stake, driven down, where the ball was to be thrown up at the firing of a gun,
to be struggled for by the players. All this preparation was made by some
old men, who were, it seems, selected to be the judges of the play, who drew
a line from one bye to the other; to which directly came from the woods, on
both sides, a great concourse of women and old men, boys and girls, and
dogs and horses, where bets were to be made on the play. The betting was
all done across this line, and seemed to be chiefly left to the women, who
seem to have martialled out a little of everything that their houses and their
fields possessed, goods and chattels—knives—dresses—blankets—pots and ket-
tles—dogs and horses, and guns; and all were placed in the possession of the
stake-holders, who sat by them, and watched them on the ground all night,
preparatory to the play.
“The sticks with which this tribe play, are bent into an oblong hoop at
the end, with a sort of slight web of small thongs tied across, to prevent the
ball from passing through. The players hold one of these in each hand, and by
leaping into the air, they catch the ball between the two nettings and throw
it, without being allowed to strike it, or catch it in their hands.
“The mode in which these sticks are constructed and used, will be seen in
the portrait of Tullock-chish-ko (he who drinks the juice of the stone), the
most distinguished ball-player of the Choctaw nation (Pl. 4), represented
in his ball-play dress, with his ball-sticks in his hands. In every ball-
play of these people, it is a rule of the play, that no man shall wear
moccasins on his feet, or any other dress than his breech-cloth around his
waist, with a beautiful bead belt, and a ‘tail’ made of white horsehair or
quills, and a ‘mane’ on the neck, of horsehair dyed of various colours.
“This game has been arranged and ‘made up,’ three or four months before
the parties met to play it, and in the following manner:—The two cham-
pions who led the two parties, and had the alternate choosing of the players
through the whole tribe, sent runners, with the ball-sticks most fantastically
BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY BULLETIN 103 PLATE 4
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A CHOCTAW BALL PLAYER (AFTER CATLIN)
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SWANTON] CHOCTAW SOCIAL AND CEREMONIAL LIFE 143
ornamented with ribbons and red paint, to be touched by each one of the
chosen players; who thereby agreed to be on the spot at the appointed time
and ready for the play. The ground having been all prepared and prelimi-
naries of the game all settled, and the bettings all made, and goods all
‘staked,’ night came on without the appearance of any players on the ground.
But soon after dark, a procession of lighted flambeaux was seen coming from
each encampment, to the ground where the players assembled around their
respective byes; and at the beat of the drums and chants of the women, each
party of players commenced the ‘ball-play dance.’ Each party danced for a
quarter of an hour around their respective byes, in their ball-play dress;
rattling their ball-sticks together in the most violent manner, and all singing
as loud as they could raise their voices; whilst the women of each party, who
had their goods at stake, formed into two rows on the line between the two
parties of players, and danced also, in a uniform step, and all their voices
joined in chants to the Great Spirit; in which they were soliciting his favour
in deciding the game to their advantage; and also encouraging the players to
exert every power they possessed, in the struggle that was to ensue. In the
meantime, four old medicine-men, who were to have the starting of the ball,
and who were to be judges of the play, were seated at the point where the
ball was to be started; and busily smoking to the Great Spirit for their success
in judging rightly, and impartially, between the parties in so important an
affair. (Pl. 5.)
“This dance was one of the most picturesque scenes imaginable, and was
repeated at intervals of every half hour during the night, and exactly in the
same manner; so that the players were certainly awake all the night, and
arranged in their appropriate dress, prepared for the play which was to com-
mence at nine o’clock the next morning. In the morning, at the hour, the two
parties and all their friends, were drawn out and over the ground; when at
length the game commenced, by the judges throwing up the ball at the firing of
a gun; when an instant struggle ensued between the players, who were some
six or seven hundred in numbers, and were mutually endeavouring to catch
the ball in their sticks, and throw it home and between their respective stakes;
which, whenever successfully done, counts one for game. In this game every
player was dressed alike, that is divested of all dress, except the girdle and
the tail, which I have before described ; and in these desperate struggles for the
ball, when it is wp (where hundreds are running together and leaping, actually
over each other’s heads, and darting between their adversaries’ legs, tripping
and throwing, and foiling each other in every possible manner, and every voice
raised to the highest key, in shrill yelps and barks)! there are rapid succes-
sions of feats, and of incidents, that astonish and amuse far beyond the con-
ception of any one who has not had the singular good luck to witness them.
In these struggles, every mode is used that can be devised, to oppose the progress
of the foremost, who is likely to get the bail; and these obstructions often meet
desperate individual resistance, which terminates in a violent scuffle, and
sometimes in fisticuffs; when their sticks are dropped, and the parties are
unmolested, whilst they are settling it between themselves; unless it be by a
general stampedo, to which they are subject who are down, if the ball happens
to pass in their direction. Every weapon, by a rule of all ballplays, is laid
by in their respective encampments, and no man allowed to go for one; so
that the sudden broils that take place on the ground, are presumed to be as
suddenly settled without any probability of much personal injury; and no one
is allowed to interfere in any way with the contentious individuals.
144 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Buty. 103
“There are times when the ball gets to the ground, and such a confused mass
rushing together around it, and knocking their sticks together, without the
possibility of anyone getting or seeing it, for the dust that they raise, that the
spectator loses his strength, and everything else but his senses; when the
condensed mass of ball-sticks, and shins, and bloody noses, is carried around
the different parts of the ground, for a quarter of an hour at a time, without
any one of the mass being able to see the ball; and which they are often thus
scuffing for, several minutes after it has been thrown off, and played over
another part of the ground.
“For each time that the ball was passed between the stakes of either party,
one was counted for their game, and a halt of about one minute; when it was
again started by the judges of the play, and a similar struggle ensued; and
so on until the successful party arrived at 100, which was the limit of the game,
and accomplished at an hour’s sun, when they took the stakes; and then, by
a previous agreement, produced a number of jugs of whiskey, which gave
all a wholesome drink, and sent them all off merry and in good humour, but
not drunk.” ©
The numbers taking part in this particular match do not seem
to have been approached in later times. Among the more recent
writers Cushman gives a very vivid description, though, as usual,
he is verbose. He says:
When the warriors of a village, wearied by the monotony of everyday life,
desired a change that was truly from one extreme to... another, they sent
a challenge to those of another village of their own tribe, and, not infre-
quently, to those of a neighboring tribe, to engage in a grand ball-play. If
the challenge was accepted, and it was rarely ever declined, a suitable place
was selected and prepared by the challengers, and a day agreed upon. The
Hetoka (ball ground) was selected in some beautiful level plain easily found
in their then beautiful and romantic country. Upon the ground, from three
hundred to four hundred yards apart, two straight pieces of timber were
firmly planted close together in the ground, each about fifteen feet in height,
and from four to six inches in width, presenting a front of a foot or more.
These were called Aiulbi (Ball posts). During the intervening time between
the day of the challenge and that of the play, great preparations were made
on both sides by those who intended to engage therein. With much care and
unaffected solemnity they went through with their preparatory ceremonies.
The night preceding the day of the play was spent in painting with the
same care as when preparing for the war-path, dancing with frequent rubbing
of both the upper and lower limbs, and taking their ‘“ sacred medicine.”
In the mean time, tidings of the approaching play spread on wings of the
wind from village to village and from neighborhood to neighborhood for miles
away; and during the first two or three days preceding the play, hundreds of
Indians—the old, the young, the gay, the grave of both sexes, in immense
concourse, were seen wending their way through the vast forests from every
point of the compass, toward the ball-ground; with their ponies loaded with
skins, furs, trinkets, and every other imaginable thing that was part and
parcel of Indian wealth, to stake upon the result on one or the other side.
On the morning of the appointed day, the players, from seventy-five to a
hundred on each side, strong and athletic men, straight as arrows and fleet |
as antelopes, entirely in a nude state, excepting a broad piece of cloth around
% George Catlin, North American Indians, 2 vols., Phila., 1913. Vol. 2, pp. 140-144.
Swanton] CHOCTAW SOCIAL AND CEREMONIAL LIFE 145
the hips, were heard in the distance advancing toward the plain from opposite
sides, making the heretofore silent forests ring with their exulting songs and
defiant hump-he! [or humpah] (banter) as intimations of the great feats of
strength and endurance, fleetness and activity they would display before the
eyes of their admiring friends. The curiosity, anxiety and excitement now
manifested by the vast throng of assembled spectators were manifested on
every countenance. Soon the players were dimly seen in the distance through
their majestic forests, flitting here and there as specters among the trees,
Anon they are all in full view advancing from opposite sides in a steady,
uniform trot, and in perfect order, as if to engage in deadly hand to hand
conflict; now they meet and intermingle in one confused and disorderly mass
interchanging friendly salutations, dancing and jumping in the wildest man-
ner, while intermingling with all [was an] artillery of wild Shakuplichihi
[shakablichi, “to cause a noise”’] that echoed far back from the solitudes of
the surrounding woods.
Then came a sudden hush—a silence deep, as if all Nature had made a
pause—the prophetic calm before the bursting storm. During this brief interval,
the betting was going on and the stakes being put up; the articles bet were
all placed promiscuously in one place, often forming a vast conglomeration
of things too numerous to mention, and the winning side took the pile. This
being completed, the players took their places, each furnished with two kapucha
(ball-sticks), three feet long, and made of tough hickory wood thoroughly
seasoned. At one end of each ka-puch-a, a very ingenious device, in shape and
size, very similar to that of the hand half closed, was constructed of sinews
of wild animals, in which they caught and threw the ball. It was truly
astonishing with what ease and certainty they would catch the flying ball in
the cups of the sticks and the amazing distance and accuracy they would
hurl it through the air. In taking their places at the opening of the play,
ten or twenty, according to the number of players engaged, of each side were
stationed at each pole. To illustrate, I will say, ten of the A. party and ten
of the B. party were placed at pole ©.; and ten of the B. party and ten of
the A. party at pole D. The ten of the B. party who were stationed at the
pole C. were called Fa-la-mo-li-chi (Throw-backs); and the ten of the A.
party also stationed at pole C. were called Hat-tak fa-bus-sa (Pole men), and
the ten of the A. party stationed at the pole D. were called Falamolichi,
and the ten of the B. party stationed at the pole D., Hattak fabussa. The
business of the Falamolichi at each pole was to prevent, if possible, the ball
thrown by the opposite party, from striking the pole C.; and throw it back
towards the pole D. to their own party; while that of the Hattak fabussa at
pole C. was to prevent this, catch the ball themselves, if possible, and hurl
it against the pole C., and the business of the Falamolichi and Hattak fabussa
at the pole D. was the same as that at the pole C. In the centre, between
the two poles, were also stationed the same number of each party as were
stationed at the poles, called Middle Men, with whom was a chief “ Medicine
man,” whose business was to throw the ball straight up into the air, as the
signal for the play to commence. The remaining players were scattered
promiscuously along the line between the poles and over different portions of
the play-ground.
All things being ready, the ball suddenly shot up into the air from the
vigorous arm of the Medicine Man, and the wash-o-ha (playing) began. The
moment the ball was seen in the air, the players of both sides, except the
Falamolichi and Hattak fabussa, who remained at their posts, rushed to
the spot, where the ball would likely fall, with a fearful shock. Now began
146 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY cor 110g]
to be exhibited a scene of wild grandeur that beggared all description. As
there were no rules and regulations governing the manner of playing nor any
act considered unfair, each of course, acted under the impulse of the moment
regardless of consequences.
They threw back and ran over each other in the wild excitement and reckless
chase after the ball, stopping not nor heeding the broken limbs and bruised
heads or even broken neck of a fallen player. Like a herd of stampeded
buffaloes upon the western plains, they ran against and over each other, or any-
thing else, man or beast, that stood in their way; and thus in wild confusion
and crazed excitement they scrambled and tumbled, each player straining
every nerve and muscle to its utmost tension, to get the ball or prevent his
opponent, who held it firmly grasped between the cups of his trusty kapucha,
from making a successful throw; while up and down the lines [were heard]
the shouts of the players—‘‘ Falamochi! Falamochi!” (Throw it back!
Throw it back!) as others shouted Hokli! MHoklio! (Catch! Catch!) The
object of each party was to throw the ball against the two upright pieces of
timber that stood in the direction of the village to which it belonged; and, as
it came whizzing through the air, with the velocity comparatively of a bullet
shot from a gun, a player running at an angle to intercept the flying ball, and
when near enough, would spring several feet into the air and catch it in
the hands of his sticks, but ere he could throw it, though running at full
speed, an opponent would hurl him to the ground, with a force seemingly suffi-
cient to break every bone in his body—and even to destroy life, and as No. 2
would wrest the ball from the fallen No. 1 and throw it, ere it had flown
fifty feet, No. 3 would catch it with his unerring kapucha, and not seeing,
perhaps, an opportunity of making an advantageous throw, would start off with
the speed of a deer, still holding the ball in the cups of his kapucha—pur-
sued by every player.
Again was presented to the spectators another of those exciting scenes,
that seldom fall to the lot of one short lifetime to behold, which language
fails to depict, or imagination to conceive. He now runs off, perhaps, at an
acute angle with that of the line of the poles, with seemingly super-human
speed; now and then elevating above his head his kapucha in which safely
rests the ball, and in defiant exultation shouts, “hump-he! hump-he!” (I dare
you) which was acknowledged by his own party with a wild response of ap-
proval, but responded to by a bold ery of defiance from the opposite side,
Then again all is hushed and the breathless silence is only disturbed by the
heavy thud of their running feet. For a short time he continues his straight
course, as if to test the speed of his pursuing opponents; then begins to
circle toward his pole. Instantly comprehending his object, his running
friends circle with him, with eyes fixed upon him, to secure all advantage
given to them by any strategic throw he may make for them, while his op-
ponents are mingled among them to defeat his object; again he runs in a
straight line; then dodges this way and that; suddenly he hears the ery from
someone in his party in the rear of the parallel running throng, who sees an
advantage to be gained if the ball was thrown to him, “ Falamolichi’’!
“Falamolichi”! He now turns and dashes back to the line and in response
to the continued cry—‘ Falamolichi’”! he hurls the ball with all his strength;
with fearful velocity it flies through the air and falls near the caller; and
in the confusion made by the suddenly turning throng, the latter picks it up at
full speed with his kapucha, and starts toward his pole. Then is heard the cry
of his hattak fabussa, and he hurls the ball toward them and, as it falls,
they and the throw-backs stationed at that pole, rush to secure it; and then
SWANTON] CHOCTAW SOCIAL AND CEREMONIAL LIFE 147
again, though on a smaller scale, a scene of wild confusion was seen—scuffling,
pulling, pushing, butting—unsurpassed in any game ever engaged in by man.
Perhaps, a throw-back secures the ball and starts upon the wing, in the
direction of his pole, meeting the advancing throng, but with his own throw-
backs and the pole-men of his opponents at his heels; the latter to prevent
him from making a successful throw and the former to prevent any inter-
ference, while the shouts of ‘ Falamolichi!” “ Falamolichi!” arose from his
own men in the advancing runners. Again the ball flies through the air, and
is about to fall directly among them, but ere it reaches the ground many
spring into the air to catch it, but are tripped and they fall headlong to the
earth. Then, as the ball reaches the ground, again is brought into full requi-
sition the propensities of each one to butt, pull, and push, though not a sound
is heard, except the wild rattling of the kapucha, that reminded one of the
noise made by the collision of the horns of a drove of stampeding Texas steers.
Oft amid the play women were seen giving water to the thirsty and offering
words of encouragement; while others, armed with long switches stood ready
to give their expressions of encouragement to the supposed tardy, by a severe
rap over the naked shoulders, as a gentle reminder of their dereliction of duty;
all of which was received in good faith, yet invariably elicited the response—
“Wah!” as an acknowledgment of the favor.
From ten to twenty was generally the game. Whenever the ball was thrown
against the upright fabussa (poles), it counted one, and the successful
thrower shouted; “ Illi tok,” (dead) meaning one number less; oft accompanying
the shout by gobbling vociferously like the wild turkey, which elicited a shout
of laughter from his party, and a yell of defiance from the other. Thus the
exciting, and truly wild and romantic, scene was continued, with unabated
efforts on the part of the players until the game was won. But woe to the
inconsiderate white man, whose thoughtless curiosity had led him too far upon
the hetoka, (ball ground) and at whose feet the ball should chance to fall; if the
path to that ball was not clear of all obstructions, the 200 players, now approach-
ing with the rush of a mighty whirlwind would soon make it so. And right
then and there, though it might be the first time in life, he became a really
active man, if the desire of immediate safety could be any inducement, cheer-
fully inaugurating proceedings by turning a few double somersets, regardless
as to the scientific manner [in which] he executed them, or the laugh of
ridicule that might be offered at his expense; and if he escaped only with
a broken limb or two, and a first-class scare, he might justly consider himself
most fortunate. But the Choctaws have long since lost that interest in the
ball-play that they formerly cherished in their old homes east of the Mississippi
River. "Tis true, now and then, even at the present day [1899], they indulge
in the time honored game, but the game of the present day is a Lilliputian—a
veritable pygmy—in comparison with the grand old game of three quarters of
a century ago; nor will it be many years ere it will be said of the Choctaw
tolih, as of ancient Troy—“ Ilium fuit.”
To any one of the present day, an ancient Choctaw ballplay would be an
exhibition far more interesting, strange, wild and romantic, in all its features,
than anything ever exhibited in a circus from first to last—excelling it in every
particular of daring feats and wild recklessness. In the ancient ball-play, the
activity, fleetness, strength and endurance of the Mississippi Choctaw warrior
and hunter, were more fully exemplified than anywhere else; for there he
brought into the most severe action every power of soul and body. In those
ancient ball-plays, I have known villages to lose all their earthly possessions
upon the issue of a single play. Yet, they bore their misfortune with becoming
148 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BuLw. 103
grace and philosophic indifference and appeared as gay and cheerful as if
nothing of importance had occurred. The education of the ancient Choctaw
warrior and hunter consisted mainly in the frequency of these muscular exer-
cises which enabled him to endure hunger, thirst and fatigue; hence they often
indulged in protracted fastings, frequent foot-races, trials of bodily strength,
introductions to the war-path, the chase and their favorite tolih.S¢
Cushman also quotes from Halbert stories of two famous ball
games between the Choctaw and Creeks, the first about 1790 for
the possession of a beaver pond on Noxubee River, and the second
over the ownership of the territory between the Tombigbee and
Black Warrior Rivers, the winner’s title to be recognized as valid.
It may be added that each ended in a battle so that, in these particu-
lar instances, the “ moral equivalent for war” seems to have been
a failure.®”
Halbert’s own manuscript notes contain the following account of
this game:
The ball play was and still is the great Choctaw game. It is always ar-
ranged by the chiefs or captains of the opposing parties. They confer with
each other, select the players of their respective sides, appoint their prophets,
agree upon the day and place of the play, and ,then see that all this is duly
announced to their people. The day appointed is always sufficiently distant
to give ample time to the players for drilling themselves in playing and to
the women for preparing a bountiful supply of food for the great occasion.
The day preceding the ball play, the two opposing parties, men, women and
children, assemble on the ball-ground, which is prepared for the play by
removing all obstructions. Each party erect their respective ball posts,
which are about two hundred and fifty or three hundred yards apart. The
ball posts are about twenty feet high, and are the split halves of a log planted
in the earth, side by side, the split sides of the posts of one party facing the
split sides of the posts of the other party. The exact center between the ball
posts of the two parties is ascertained by a careful measurement and the spot
marked. On the border of the ball ground and opposite the central spot
noted, a scaffold about ten feet high is erected. The two parties make their
camps near their respective posts. As night approaches both sides for an
hour or more go through a repetition of ceremonies. As each party goes
through the same ceremonies one description will suffice for both. A mingo
seats himself on the ground in the rear of his ball post with his back to it.
By rear is meant the farther side from the post of the opposite party. A
number of girls and young women now come forward and arrange themselves in
two parallel lines facing each other, extending outward from where the mingo
sits. The painted ball-players with their ball sticks in hand then come for-
ward, dance and shout around their post, then form a circle at the outer
end of the line of women where they clash their ball sticks overhead, then
hold them poised erect for a few moments. While they are thus standing in
silence, the women, prompted by the mingo, dance and chant a song in a
low tone, keeping time with their feet. The song generally is:
“Onnakma, abi hoke.” ‘T0-morrow we will win it.
* Cushman, Hist. Inds., pp. 184-190; also ef. Claiborne, Miss., 1, pp. 485-486.
Cushman, Hist. Inds., pp. 190-193.
SWANTON] CHOCTAW SOCIAL AND CEREMONIAL LIFE 149
When this has been chanted several times, the players break up their
circle, again dance around the post, then again form their circle at the end
of the outer line of the women, perform the same action with their ball
sticks, while the women dance and chant the same song. These ceremonies
by the players and dancers are performed twelve times, after which they
disperse to participate in the revelries and amusements which are kept up
during the entire night. There is nor can be much sleep on such a noisy
camp ground. The prophets with their blackened faces are busy all night
with their magic performances, each claiming the ability to propitiate and
secure for his own side every mysterious influence in nature. In the morning
the same ceremonies are performed by the players and the women, only
with different songs, of which the following are specimens: ‘“ Himak nitak
achukma abi hoke.” To-day is good we will win it. “Towa itonla achukma
abi hoke.” The ball lies so handy, we will win it.
After breakfast for several hours all hands are busy in making their bets.
The parties betting articles with each other tie the articles together and deposit
them on the scaffold. The women are as great betters as the men. One
woman, for instance, bets a dress against a blanket. The articles at once
are tied together and placed on the scaffold. Two men may bet guns against
each other, and they are likewise placed on the scaffold tied together.
Nothing was considered too sacred for a bet. Parties even would bet their
ponies and it was not unusual to find two ponies tied near the scaffold. About
midday, preparations are made for the play. Each mingo stations his players,
the most expert being placed near the posts of the opposite party as here
the struggle is generally the most violent. The rest of the players assembled
at the marked spot in the center and some time is spent in betting. This
over, a prophet throws up the ball and the play begins. Twelve is the
number of rounds usually played. The party that wins a round has the
privilege of throwing up the ball, which is done by one of their prophets.
The posts of the two parties have lines extending out on each side. The rule
is that the posts must be struck on the inside, that is on the split sides, and
the ball must fall on the inside of the drawn line; if otherwise, it is not
eounted. During the play, no outsider is expected to interfere in the play
in any manner whatever. Should he do this, the party to which the offender
belongs is expected to forfeit one round or otherwise make some reparation.
Before and during the play, the prophets on each side in the midst of the
players, continue their usual performances. Each carries a small looking-
glass. He turns to the sun, holds his glass towards it with a gyratory motion
then turns and throws the rays upon the bodies of the players of his side.
This action of the prophet is a survival of the sun worship of the olden time.
As all life and power comes from the sun, the prophet flatters himself that
he can infuse a portion into his own party; and if he can utilize more of
it than the prophet of the opposite side, his side will win the day. The
ball play was generally finished in one day. Sometimes, however, the play
was protracted during two days. When it was finished, the vanquished always
cheerfully accepted their defeat. The victors repaired to the scaffold where
they received (the wagers) and then all separated and returned to their homes.
It sometimes happened that some of the vanquished party went home half
naked, having bet even their clothes on the result of the play.
The only games or plays of the Choctaw women, was the ball play, which
they played exactly like the men; and a play resembling the game of battle-
dore, played with sticks and balls.
150 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BuLy, 103
Another excellent description was furnished Mr. Stewart Culin by
Mr. George E. Starr and incorporated into Culin’s work on Games
of the North American Indians.
The game was between Tobucksey and Sugarloaf counties of the Choctaw
Nation. On the night before, the players went into camp near the place agreed
upon. The season was the traditional one of the full moon of one of the sum-
mer months, and the company slept, without shelter, upon the ground. On
their arrival, the new players, who had never been allowed to play before on
the county teams, dressed themselves in ball costume, and while their elders
were arranging rules, ran around making themselves conspicuous to their own
side in the hope they would be chosen the next day. Before retiring, the man-
agers on each side and the principal players assembled to make regulations to
govern the play. They sat in a circle, and, no matter how heated the argument
became, a speaker was never interrupted by one of the opposite side. There
were about 250 Indians present, about evenly divided on each side, being chieily
men, with a few women and children. Each side brought with them a conjurer,
or medicine man. At about 7 o’clock on the following morning the managers
assembled for some purpose, after which they coliected their sides, and took
their places, a little apart, to prepare for the play. They stripped for the game,
putting on nothing but a breech clout. Their heads were bare, with the hair
cut short, without feathers. Their only ornament was a coon tail stuck up
straight along the spine, or a horse tail falling on the breech clout behind. This
was attached to the belt, a leather strap or revolver belt. The men carry their
weapons to the ball game, but are not allowed to wear them in the field. The
majority of the players were of splendid physique, spare and wiry. Several
were, in part, of negro blood, and many showed the result of intermixture with
the whites. The sides each numbered 30, of ages varying from 18 to 35. Among
them were some that were crippled, the result, it may be, of former play.
The goal posts, which the ball must touch, were about 200 to 225 yards apart.
They consisted of two trees, lashed together with ropes. They were about 8
inches in diameter, and were cut flat on one side, and were set at an angle so
that they presented a face of about 12 inches to the ball. This must hit the
post, to which it may be carried between a player’s sticks, but it must bounce
[back] over a line in front of the posts, otherwise it does not count and is still
in play.
The conjurers were Conspicuous throughout the game. At the commence-
ment, after the sides were chosen, all went to their goal posts. When within
about 10 feet of the posts they broke their formation, and, uttering a ery, ran
up to the posts, battering them with their ball sticks. They did this to scare
the spirit of bad luck away.
Then they lined up in a kind of alley between the goals. Near the middle of
the field, however, there were about eight men of each side ranged opposite to
each other in a line running horizontally across the goal line. When all the
others were ready, the men who were to take these places crossed the field. A
medicine man put the ball in play, tossing it into the air. One of them had
his face painted half red and half black, and carried in his hand a small branch
of a tree resembling hickory. They both stood near their respective goals and
sung and clapped their hands. The game lasted from 10 to 5, with an intermis-
sion for luncheon. The score is 12 goals, but if this number is not completed
on either side, the one having the highest number is adjudged the winner.
Butting with the head is prohibited, under a penalty of 5 goals.
SWANTON] CHOCTAW SOCIAL AND CEREMONIAL LIFE 151
The Indians bet everything they possess upon the game, even to their clothes
and boots. The bets are made through stakeholders—four or five Indians—
who constantly ride about on horseback. Whatever is bet is put with what is
bet against it. If handkerchiefs, they are knotted together and thrown over
the stakeholder’s shoulder; if money, the sums are put together in his pocket-
book. His memory is remarkable, and he never fails to turn over the stakes
eorrectly. Much skill is shown during the game. In a scrimmage the ball is
tossed backward through the bent legs of the players, and when the player
secures it he utters a signal cry—hoglke 4! [or hokli 4]. This is repeated by
those along the line, and each grabs the opponent nearest to him and holds
him. While they are wrestling the player with the ball tries to run with it,
so that he can throw it and make a goal.
The ball, it should be observed, is about the size of a golf ball, made of rags
and covered with white buckskin. Several are provided, as they are frequently
lost in the tall grass. The players on the side with the wind sometimes sub-
stitute a ball with a long tail and a loose cover that comes off during the play.
The tail then impedes their opponents in throwing it against the wind. The
women are extremely active in aiding their side. They are not permitted to
touch the ball sticks, but they are constantly running about and giving hot
coffee to the men. In one hand they carry a cup of coffee and in the other a
quirt with which they whip the players when they think they are not playing
hard enough. At times a player will get a woman to give him a pin, with
which he will scarify his leg, making from three to five scratches from near
the ankle to the middle of the calf, until the blood comes. This, they say,
prevents cramps.
When the players return to the game after lunch hour they place their ball
sticks in rows opposite each other in the middle of the field, where they are
counted by the umpire or the leaders on each side. This is done to see that
no more are playing than started in the game. The spectators cry out and
encourage the sides. When a goal is made there is a shout. The most exciting
point in a close game is when the last goal is neared. Then the play becomes
very fast and the rules are not strictly observed. A goal may be made in a
few moments or the contest may last for an hour. In wrestling, the players
seize each other by the belts, dropping the ball sticks. With the exception of
the prohibited butting almost everything is permitted. At the present game
five men were crippled, of whom two died. The injuries inflicted upon a man
during a game are frequently avenged by his relatives. The result of the game
described was a victory for Tobucksey county. The conjurer on the Sugarloaf
side was said to have sent his men to the creek to bathe in the morning, which
weakened them. They were penalized five goals for butting at the end, and so
lost the game. There was no celebration afterwards. All were tired out and
went home quietly to their mud-chinked log cabins at the close of the day.®
The hand ball game mentioned by Romans evidently survived into
modern times among the Louisiana Choctaw. Under the heading
“ Tole,” Bushnell has the following regarding it:
The players were divided into two equal groups, or sides, which may be
designated A and B. Two stakes, each about 10 feet in height and only a
few inches in diameter, served as goals; these were about 200 feet apart. One-
third of the A players were on the B side of the field and one-third of the B
preys 2 Sac Wed oh eee 0S
88 Twenty-fourth Ann. Rept. Bur. Amer. Ethn., Washington, 1907, pp. 602-604.
152 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bun. 103
players were near their opponents’ goal. One player belonging to each side
remained in the middle of the field. The ball was put in play by being
thrown from one end of the field to the two players in the middle. No rackets
were used, the ball being caught in the hands and thrown or held while the
player endeavored to reach his opponents’ goal. To score a point a player
was required to touch the goal post with the ball, or if the ball was thrown
and hit the post, the play likewise counted. The first side to score a chosen
number of points won the game. This game is seldom played, and the older
game, formerly played with rackets (kapocha), has not been played for several
years.”
Mr. T. J. Scott, the farmer connected with the Eastern Choctaw
Agency at Philadelphia, Miss., who has grown up in this country,
gave me the following information regarding the ceremonies pre-
liminary to a game:
To initiate a regular game, the chief of one settlement visited the
chief of another and the two made all of the provisional arrange-
ments. Then each of them sent out a little bundle of sticks (what
the Creeks call “the broken days”) to the families in his settlement.
One stick is thrown away each day, and when but one is left they
meet at a place appointed. In the afternoon there are practice games.
After supper the chief sets up two posts and places himself between
them facing the east. In front of him are ranged two lines of women
extending toward the east and beyond them are the ball players, who
form a circle. Then the chief sings, using words which mean,
“We are going to win a game,” the words being repeated over and
over, and the women begin to dance. They dance for four or five
minutes when they stop and the players begin dancing, singing
such words as these: “ Play ball right and we will win the game,”
“Handle the sticks right and we will win the game,” “If the witch
doctor conjures right we will win the game.” The women and men
danced and sang alternately in this manner up to 12 times, because
the game is to be for 12 points. The chief had to sing right through,
with both parties, and the whole lasted from one and a half to two
hours. Afterwards the chief distributed “the broken days” deter-
mining the date of the game, and then all went home. Both sides
had to agree who was to be first to throw up the ball. The doctors
were the score keepers. The parties sometimes agreed to call in help
from other bands, but it now seems impossible to determine whether
there was any definite arrangement of allied towns such as existed
among the Creeks. Of the local bands known to Mr. Scott—Bok
Chito, Biasha, Moklasha, Red Water, Sixtowns, Turkey Creek, and
Konhutta—he does not know of any two which did not play against
each other except Moklasha and Turkey Creek, and that exception
may have been accidental.
® Bushnell: The Choctaw of Bayou Lacomb, Louisiana, Bull. 48, Bur. Amer. Ethn., p. 20.
SWANTON] CHOCTAW SOCIAL AND CEREMONIAL LIFE 153
There may be some question, however, whether Mr. Scott has dis-
tinguished between regular games and practice games. Simpson
Tubby asserted that the bands were arranged into what we should
call town moieties, the Bok Chito, Turkey Creek, and Biasha bands
playing on one side and the Moklasha, Chankey, Sixtowns, and
Seventowns playing on the other. Noxapater and Talla Hikia were
branches of Bok Chito. The first moiety used the colors blue and
white; the latter the colors yellow and green. Practice games were
held between the bands on each side in order to pick out the best
players for the regular games, in which 40 men were usually entered
on a side. In such games each side usually bore the name of some
one band, but players from the other bands were drawn in to help
them out. Later Simpson modified his original statement regarding
the moieties by saying that the Bok Chito and Biasha bands played
on one side, the Moklasha, Sixtowns, and Seventowns on the other,
while the Turkey Creek and Red Water bands played sometimes
on one side and sometimes on the other. Some of this confusion
was no doubt due to intermarriage, which Simpson says occasioned
much trouble in selecting the players. He added that the band
captains made up the parties but the head chief might interfere
if he disliked their arrangements. The matter is still further con-
fused by Simpson’s statement that they did not play games band
against band before the coming of the whites but made up squads
drawn from any source. This was called the “ peace game.” He
claimed that the first Choctaw to manufacture ballsticks was named
Musholeika (“to go out” or “to put out ” like a light). By 1893,
he said, most of the Choctaw had left the country, and then the
whites got the Indians into the habit of betting, dishonesty crept in,
and when trouble arose between the players, the spectators took up
for their respective sides until free fights resulted. So far as gam-
bling is concerned, we know it to have been an inseparable feature
of native ball games from primitive times, but it is true that games
are now more apt to end in a riot than was formerly the case.
Each captain had to indorse the players of his band as bona fide
members of it, and they must satisfy him that they had observed
the regulations. They were obliged to remain away from their
wives for 30 days preceding. They must not eat hog meat or any
kind of grease, but were given barbecued beef cooked in quarters.
The night before the game they were allowed scarcely anything,
and only a little water at any one time. The play was very rough
and lasted as a rule from about 9 to 4.30.
The date for a game might be fixed from 15 to 100 days ahead but
usually between 30 and 90. A set of counting sticks with the num-
ber of sticks equal to the days intervening was given to each side
54564—31——_11
154 BURKAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BuLL. 103
after having been counted over twice. Every morning one of these
sticks was taken away and put in a safe place.
Olmon Comby said that from two to six sticks went into the con-
struction of a goal post. Foul lines were drawn through each post
perpendicular to a line between them, and a goal was made by strik-
ing the post in such a manner that the ball came to the earth inside
of the foul line. Otherwise it was still in play. A goal could also
be made by touching the post with the ball. The players of each
side were divided into three parties, as shown in Figure 1.
Two to four men of each side were placed at each goal, the rest
distributed in the middle. Anciently one or more doctors were
employed by each party, and these made all kinds of motions and
blew into the air. They must not advance farther beyond their
own goal than to the middle line.
Practice games in which less than 12 men participated were played
about a single goal post, each party striving to hit one side of it. In
games where betting took place there were always two goal posts.
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FOUL LINE FOUL Ue
Ficurp 1.—Arrangement of players preparatory to ball game
From another Choctaw informant I obtained the following notes,
mainly confirmatory of what has gone before.
Each goal post consisted of a slab of wood a foot wide or of two
pieces of wood fastened together to make up this width. “ Regular
games” were played between two distinct local groups.°*°
In regular games great quantities of property were wagered and
there was intense excitement. The night before both teams danced,
and in the morning, just before the game, a woman on each side
danced and sang around the goal post belonging to her party. Each
side also had a medicine man who carried on his ceremonies during
the whole of the preceding night and on the following day until the
end of the encounter. He attempted to “witch” the post belonging
to his own people so that the ball would come to it, and in the course
of his conjurations he would beckon to the ball continually. As
°0 Mention has been made of a game between the Tobucksey and Sugarloaf districts, and
Henry C. Benson, in Life Among the Choctaws, Cincinnati, 1860, p. 154, tells us that
the Puckchenubbee and Moshulatubbee districts were also opposed.
SWANTON] CHOCTAW SOCIAL AND CEREMONIAL LIFE 155
must have been noted already, the object of the players was not to
score against the enemy’s goal but to bring the ball home to one’s
own.
The players were divided into five squads, each composed of equal
numbers of players from the opposite sides. One was at the center
of the ground, one at each goal, and the two others midway between
the goals and the center.*t The ball was thrown into the air at the
halfway point and each side tried to bring it home to the post belong-
ing to his side. They usually played for 12 points, each side keeping
the tally by making marks on its goal post near the bottom. After
one side had secured 11 points it was privileged to have the ball
thrown up at its own goal. Sometimes the score was marked, as
seems to have been the usual custom among the Creeks, by sticking
bits of wood into the ground and pulling them out again. That is,
if the game were 12, six sticks would be stuck into the ground in suc-
cession and then removed in the same manner.
A form of this game was adopted by the French Creoles of Louis-
iana and the Louisiana negroes, and a game between two negro teams
played in the summer of 1901 was witnessed and described by Mr.
Culin.°?
The chunkey game, called by the Choctaw alchapi, alhchahpi,
or achahpi, now long discontinued, seems formerly to have been
resorted to to satisfy the demands of gamblers when intertown ball
games were not in prospect. Romans says:
Their favourite game of chuwnké is a plain proof of the evil consequences of
a violent passion for gaming upon all kinds, classes and orders of men; at
this they play from morning till night, with an unwearied application, and
they bet high; here you may see a savage come and bring all his skins, stake
them and lose them; next his pipe, his beads, trinkets and ornaments; at last
his blankets and other garments, and even all their arms, and after all it is
not uncommon for them to go home, borrow a gun and shoot themselves; an
instance of this happened in 1771 at East Yasoo a short time before my
arrival. ...
The manner of playing this game is thus: They make an ailey of about two
hundred feet in length, where a very smooth clay ground is laid, which when
dry is very hard; they play two together having each a streight pole of about
fifteen feet long: one holds a stone, which is in shape of a truck, which he
throws before him over this alley, and the instant of its departure, they set off
and run; in running they cast their poles after the stone, he that did not
throw it endeavors to hit it, and the other strives to strike the pole of his
antagonist in its flight so as to prevent its hitting the stone; if the first should
‘strike the stone he counts one for it, and if the other by the dexterity of his
cast should prevent the pole of his opponent hitting the stone, he counts one,
but should both miss their aim the throw is renewed; and in case a score is
1 This is the Creek style. I may have misunderstood my informant.
% Twenty-fourth Ann. Rept. Bur. Amer. Ethn., pp. 604—605.
156 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BuLw. 103
won the winner casts the stone and eleven is up; they hurl this stone and pole
with wonderful dexterity and violence, and fatigue themselves much at it.”
Cushman also has something regarding this game:
They also indulged in another game in which they took great delight, called
Ulth Chuppih, in which but two players could engage at the same time; but
upon the result of which, as in the Tolih, they frequently bet their little all.
An alley, with a hard smooth surface and about two hundred feet long, was
made upon the ground. The two players took a position at the upper end at
which they were to commence the game, each having in his hand a smooth,
tapering pole eight or ten feet long flattened at the ends. A smooth round stone
of several inches in circumference was then brought into the arena; aS soon as
both were ready, No. 1 took the stone and rolled it with all his strength down
the narrow inclined plane of the smooth alley; and after which both instantly
started with their utmost speed. Soon No. 2, threw his pole at the rolling stone;
instantly No. 1, threw his at the flying pole of No. 2, aiming to hit it, and, by
so doing, change its course from the rolling stone. If No. 2 hits the stone, he
counts one; but if No. 1 prevents it by hitting the pole of No. 2, he then counts
one; and he, who hits his object the greater number of times in eleven rollings
of the stone was the winner. It was a more difficult matter to hit either the
narrow edge of the rolling stone, or the flying pole than would be at first
imagined. However, the ancient Chahtah Ulth Chuppih may come in at least
as a worthy competitor with the pale-face Ten-pin-alley, for the disputed right
of being the more dignified amusement.”
Halbert says that this game “became practically obsolete in the
early years of the nineteenth century, though it was occasionally
played by the Six Towns Indians as late at 1842.” He continues:
The achahpi game, called chungkee by eighteenth century writers, was played
with poles and a circular stone about six inches in diameter (called tali
chanaka, “‘ stone wheel” (or ring) ). It was a game common to all the Southern
Indian nations. To play the game an oblong piece of ground was well cleaned
and sprinkled over with fine sand. The two players took their stand about
eighteen feet from one end of the achahpi ground. One held the stone. Their
poles were about eight feet long, smooth and tapering at each end with a flat
point. They were anointed with bear’s oil. When the players were ready,
they started from their stand, and as they reached the edge of the achahpi
ground, the one with the stone hurled it towards the middle of the yard, and
as it rolled along the ground, the two men, after running a short distance
darted their poles at it. When the throw was completed, the player the head
of whose pole lay nearest to the stone, counted one for himself; and otherwise,
one was counted for the pole lying nearest to the stone. The Indians were
very much given to this play, the players often engaged in it the greater part
of the day, and staking upon the issue their silver ornaments, and even all
their clothing, except their flaps.”
In another place he has left us a more extended description,
varying in some details from the one just given.
Some ten years ago there lived in Neshoba County an aged Choctaw named
Mehubbee, who had often seen the achahpih game played in his youth, and who
® Romans, Nat. Hist. E. and W. Fla., pp. 79-80. % H. S. Halbert, Ms. notes.
* Cushman, Hist. Inds., p. 190.
Swanton] CHOCTAW SOCIAL AND CEREMONIAL LIFE 157
still had an achahpih stone in his possession. One day in the summer of 1876,
this aged Indian prepared an achahpih yard, in an old field on Talasha Creek,
and instructed some young Choctaws how to play this almost forgotten game
of their forefathers. This was, undoubtedly, the last time this ancient Indian
game was ever played in the State of Mississippi. From a recent conversation
with one of the players on that occasion, the following facts about the achahpih
are here given:
A level piece of ground is selected, and an achahpih yard (ai achahpih) is
laid off, being about one hundred feet long and twelve feet wide. The yard is
cleared off, tramped hard and made as smooth and level as possible. The
achahpih poles were made of small, slender swamp hickory saplings, from which
the bark was stripped, and the poles scraped down perfectly smooth and then
seasoned over a fire. They were about ten feet long and the size of an ordinary
hoe handle. The head or striking end of the pole (noshkobo) was made
rounded. Near the head were cut around the pole four parallel notches or
grooves. One-fourth of the way down were cut two more notches, and then a
single notch around the center of the pole, making seven notches in all. Twelve
was the number of the achahpih game, and the play alternated from one end
of the yard to the other. Two men played the game. Taking their stand at
one end of the yard, a third man stood between them, whose duty it was to roll
the stone towards the other end. The two players, whom we will nanmre Hoen-
tubbee and Tonubbee, held their poles, so to speak, in a pitching position; that
is, with one end of the pole resting against the palm and on the upturned
fingers of the right hand, which was thrust to the rearward, while the body
of the pole rested loosely in the left hand. As soon as the thrower had launched
the stone, and it began to roll along the ground towards the other end of the
yard, both players darted their poles at it, each endeavoring to strike it with
the head. Their object in hitting the stone was, that in so doing, there was a
greater probability than otherwise, of the pole of the striker and the stone
stopping and lying near each other. As soon as the throw was completed, the
distance of the nearest notch or notches on the respective poles was then meas-
ured. If, for instance, the four notches on Hoentubbee’s pole should lie nearest
to the stone, and nearer than any of the notches on Tonubbee’s pole, then
Hoentubbee counted four for himself. If, however, the single notch around
Hoentubbee’s pole should be the nearest of all the notches on either of the poles,
then Hoentubbee counted one for himself. And if Hoentubbee’s two notches
should lie nearest of all to the pole, then Hoentubbee counted two of the game
for himself. But if the nearest notch or notches on each pole should be exactly
the same distance from the stone, then it was a tied game, and both parties
tried it over. Sometimes, by extraordinary good fortune, the achahpih -player
could make the game in three throws, making four each time. If two achahpih
players should happen to have no one to throw the stone for them, they then
threw it, alternately, for each other. The achahpih play was not unfrequently
kept up during the entire day. As usual in all Indian games, there was much
betting on the ground, both by players and spectators. My informant considered
the achahpih as a very tedious game, and expressed some surprise that his
ancestors should have taken any pleasure in such a dull, uninteresting pastime.
An immense amount of labor was unquestionably used by the ancient Choc-
taws in making their achahpih stones, which were handed down as precious
heirlooms from one generation to another.”
%* H. S. Halbert, The Choctaw Achahpih (Chungkee) Game, in the American Antiquarian,
vol. x, pp. 283-284.
158 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BuLy. 103
From these accounts, and others that have come to us from early
visitors among other tribes, it would appear that the method of play
varied considerably.
Halbert also mentions the so-called moccasin game, which was
called by the Choctaw Naki Lohmi, “ the hidden bullet,” but Bush-
nell is the only writer to describe the manner in which it was played
in that tribe. He says:
Twelve men were required in playing this game. They knelt or sat on the
ground in two rows, or sides, facing each other, six players in each row. Seven
hats were placed on the ground in a line between the two rows of players.
The player who was to start the game and who was always at one end of his
row held in one hand a small stone or shot. With his other hand he raised all
the hats in order, placing under one of these the stone or shot; during the
entire performance he sang a particular song. After the stone or shot had been
placed, the player sitting opposite him guessed under which it lay. If he did
not succeed in three guesses, the leader removed the object and again hid it
under either the same or another hat. Then the second player on the opposite
side had three guesses. If a player guessed under which hat the object was
hidden, he in turn became the leader.
Unfortunately, those who described the game could not now recall how the
points were counted. They agreed, however, that the side having the greater
number of points made by the six players combined, won.”
The missing information regarding this game was supplied to me
by Olmon Comby, a Mississippi Choctaw. He stated that two or
more could play so long as the number was even, for there must be
two opposing sides. Fifty sticks are used as counters, and at the
beginning of the game he who is to guess first takes 48 of these and
gives his opponent 2. Between the players are 4 socks or handker-
chiefs under which the one who has the bullet passes his hands suc-
cessively. He leaves it under one, striving to deceive his opponent
as to the identity of that one. The latter guesses in one of two ways.
If he wants to remove a sock but does not believe that the bullet is
under it, he lifts it gently; if he believes it to be there he pulls it
back to his breast with a sudden jerk. The count is as follows:
If he jerks off the first and finds the bullet he wins________-___-_____-_____ -f
If he lifts first and jerks second and finds it he wins___-____-___________ 2
If he lifts first and second and jerks third and finds it he wins____________ 2
If: he. jerks: off first and. it Is not ‘there he loses. t.. s25) see ene ee ae 4
If he lifts first and jerks second and it is not there he loses______________ 2
If he lifts first and second and jerks off third and it is not there he loses_. 2
Tt he lifts off first. and. itis: there he loses-2:_svatt4 os03 4 es Sine ae 4
If he lifts off first and then second and it is there he loses__________--__ 2
If he lifts off first and second he is not allowed to lift the third but must
jerk it.
It is curious that if the opponent has 2 sticks and the guesser
makes 4 the latter does not win; instead, they swap sticks, the guesser
*7 Bushnell, Bull. 48, Bur. Amer. Ethn., p. 19.
SWANTON] CHOCTAW SOCIAL AND CEREMONIAL LIFE 159
taking 4 and the opponent 46. If the opponent of the guesser has
2 and the guesser makes 2, the latter takes all of the sticks, but the
other has a chance to guess.
Romans is our only authority for the following diversion which
recalls our use of jackstones:
The women also have a game where they take a small stick, or something
else off the ground after having thrown up a small ball which they are to catch
again, having picked up the other; they are fond of it, but ashamed to be seen
at it.”
Our earliest authority tells us that they “have a game with four
pieces of cane” which we may surmise to have resembled the games
played with kernels of corn, about which Culin and Bushnell both
have something to say. Culin, who witnessed this as it was played
near Mandeville, La., says that eight grains of white corn were
used, charred on one side.
These are used as dice in the corn game, baskatanje [baska ta™ chi, ‘ corn
game’”’]. Two or more men play, throwing the corn with the hand upon the
ground. The throws are either white, tobeh, or black, losah, up. The game is
twenty-five, and the counts are as follows: All black up, untachaina, counts 8;
all white up, 8; seven white up, untokalo, 7; six white up, hanali, 6; five white
up, tutslata, 5; four white up, oshta, 4; three white up, tuchaina, 3; two white
up, takalok, 2; one white up, chofa, 1.”
Bushnell describes it as follows, incorporating a comparison with
the description given by Culin:
Tanje boska, or corn game.—This was played, the writer was informed, with
either five or seven kernels of corn blackened on one side. Holding all the
grains in one hand, the players tossed them on the ground, each player hav-
ing three throws. The one making the greatest number of points in the
aggregate, won. Each “black” turned up counted 1 point; all “ white” turned
up counted either 5 or 7 points, according to the number of kernels used. Any
number of persons could play at the same time, but usually there were only two.
Culin, who witnessed this game at Mandeville, some ten miles from Bayou
Lacomb, in 1901, described it as played with eight grains of corn; hence it seems
evident that no regular number was employed. The count, as described by
Culin, is also somewhat different from that now followed at Bayou Lacomb.*
The same writer adds some notes on a few comparatively trivial
games played in Louisiana:
During the hot months of the year a favorite pastime of the boys and men
consisted in trying to swim blindfolded a wide stream to a certain point
on the opposite bank. The first to reach the goal was declared the winner.
A somewhat similar amusement participated in by the boys and young men
consisted in rolling down hills while wrapped and tied in blankets or skins,
the first to reach a certain line being the winner. As there are few hills in
% Romans, Nat. Hist. E. and W. Fla., p. 81.
% Twenty-fourth Ann, Rept. Bur. Amer. Ethn., p. 146.
1 Bull. 48, Bur, Amer. Ethn., p. 19.
160 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BuLy. 103
the vicinity of Bayou Lacomb, they resorted to the sloping banks of streams
or bayous, but avoided the water.
At the present time both men and children play marbles, drawing rings on
the ground and following the child’s game.
The children play also “tag” after the manner of white children,
Bossu mentions archery contests.°
TRAVEL AND GREETINGS
There is very little to be said under this heading. We know that
the Choctaw towns were linked to one another and to the surrounding
peoples by numerous trails of the usual Indian one-man pattern, but
the Choctaw seem to have strayed from home less than most Indians,
and trade with the French, English, and Spanish posts so rapidly
displaced the much less prominent aboriginal intertribal trade that
very little may be gathered regarding the latter. That these Indians
had little difficulty in making their way about, even in unfamiliar
parts of the country, when they had occasion to do so is evident from
everything related by the travelers who came in contact with them.
Cushman says on this point:
It was truly wonderful with what ease and certainty the Choctaw hunter and
warrior made his way through the dense forests of his country to any point he
wished to go, near or distant. But give him the direction, was all he desired ;
with an unerring certainty, though never having been in that part of the coun-
try before, he would go over hill and valley, through thickets and canebrakes
to the desired point, that seemed incredible. I have known the little Choctaw
boys, in their juvenile excursions with their bows and arrows and blow-guns to
wander miles away from their homes, this way and that through the woods,
and return home at night, without a thought or fear of getting lost; nor did
their parents have any uneasiness in regard to their wanderings. It is a uni-
versal characteristic of the Indian, when traveling in an unknown country, to
let nothing pass unnoticed. His watchful eye marks every distinguishing fea-
ture of the surroundings—a peculiarly leaning or fallen tree, stump or bush,
rock or hill, creek or branch, he will recognize years afterwards, and use them
as landmarks, in going again through the sanre country. Thus the Indian
hunter was enabled to go into a distant forest, where he never before had been,
pitch his camp, leave it and hunt all day—wandering this way and that over
hills and through jungles for miles away, and return to his camp at the close
of the day with that apparent ease and unerring certainty, that baffled all the
ingenuity of the white man and appeared to him as bordering on the miraculous.
Ask any Indian for the directions to a place, near or distant, and he merely
points in the direction you should go regarding that as sufficient information
for any one of common sense.*
The skill of the forest Indian, as we now know, arose from the
conditions of his life. Under similar circumstances white men have
developed equal sagacity.
2 Bushnell, Bull. 48, Bur. Amer. Ethn., p. 20.
* Appendix p. 263; Nouv. Voy., vol. 2, p. 101.
“Cushman, Hist. Inds., p. 182.
Swanton] CHOCTAW SOCIAL AND CEREMONIAL LIFE 161
On account of the lack of large rivers dugouts were little used
by the Choctaw until after they began to leave their old homes.°
Cushman gives the following form of greeting:
If a Choctaw of the long ago met a white man with whom he was acquainted
and on terms of social friendship, he took his proffered hand, then with a gentle
pressure and forward inclination of the head, said, in a mild and sweet tone
of voice: “ Chishno pisah yukpah siah it tikana su,’ I am glad to see you my
friend, and if he had nothing of importance to communicate, or anything [of
which he desired] to obtain information, he passed on without further remarks;
no better proof of good sense can be manifested, and well worthy of imitation.®
A Mr. Mease, who traveled through the Choctaw country in 1770
and 1771, says of the reception of his party at Coosa:
At this place the inhabitants were very hospitable. On alighting they spread
bear skins for us to sit upon and soon after brought large jars of homony which
tho’ unseasoned even with salt I then thought delicious eating.
The Choctaw were noted for their gypsylike fondness for camping
about in one place after another. Dr. John Sibley says, writing in
the period 1803-21, “they ... are always wandering about in fam-
ilies among the white settlements. Many of them don’t see their
towns for two or three years.”* In this connection one is reminded
of the “vagrant people” alluded to in the anonymous Relation.‘
Simpson Tubby said that about 65 years ago it was customary for
the Choctaw to scatter out annually into camps from forty to a hun-
dred miles from home. They set out early in the fall and returned to
their reserved lands at the opening of spring to prepare their gardens.
They usually took along their Indian ponies, short, dumpy animals,
which would, however, carry as much as any horse they have to-day.
Every night they had a dance and were lectured by their chief, being
particularly charged not to disturb the white man. The men made
bows and arrows and blowguns and killed all of the game they were
allowed to, because the native game laws were made to apply to for-
eign places as well as to their own country. The older women cut
and dried canes and made baskets every night, while the young people
danced. At that time they visited the whites at Columbus, Miss.,
Macon, Brookesville, and Crawfordville, and the region where Yazoo
City now is. The Yalobusha (Yaloba asha, “tadpole place”), and
Yaganogani (Yakni, “land,” nonka, “low”?) were favorite places
for gathering canes. Tashka himmita is said to have been the name
of a Sixtowns Band, and their country, which was full of lakes, could
hardly be beaten for beaver, otter, raccoon, opossum, squirrels, rab-
bits, and other game. The Indians formerly congregated there in
5See p. 40.
° Cushman, Hist. Inds., p. 173.
7 Letters of Dr. John Sibley of Louisiana to His Son Samuel Hopkins Sibley, 1803-1821
(in The Louisiana Historical Quarterly, vol. 10, no. 4 (Oct., 1927), pp. 499-500.
®See p. 258.
162 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BuLL, 103
great numbers and many resort to that region still. Fani yakni,
about 9 miles east of Philadelphia, was a great place for squirrels.
The whites used to give them sacks of flour and other provisions,
which were relied upon to carry them through until their own crops
came in.
When the Choctaw first obtained money, a few learned how to
trade in advance of the rest and the others intrusted their money to
them. Simpson traded for many of his people in this way up to 10
or 15 years ago.
WAR CUSTOMS
The anonymous Relation tells us that—
When any of their enemies has declared war on them, they take counsel
together over the affront which they have received, and after having resolved
to make war on the nation by which they have been insulted, they begin the war
dance. This commonly lasts eight days, and serves to encourage each one of
the warriors who scarcely eat at all during this time, and who make libations
of the juice of herbs which the medicine-man gives them, and with which they
rub themselves, which has the virtue they say of giving them strength and
courage, an invaluable herb if it were known in Europe. After this they set
out to war. On the way, when they have to light a fire in order to cook food,
they usually light it in a little valley for fear of being discovered by some
party, for in that case the party will follow them until it has found a good
opportunity to rush upon them. They never attack their enemies when they
are awake; but in the evening, when they have discovered the place where they
intend to pass the night, they try to get as close to them as they can, and, as
the ground in the woods is covered with dry leaves which make a noise in
walking, they have patience enough to remove them, one by one, with their toes,
of which they make use as of the hand, and if unfortunately they break some
small branches, they immediately mimic the cry of certain birds which they
imitate very well, in order to have it thought that it is this bird which has
made the noise;* if they perceive their enemy asleep, especially just at day-
break, they utter the death cry, and on the instant all shoot at once, each on
his man, and they spring upon them war club in hand in order to finish those
who are only wounded, from whom they carry away the scalps. If they have
time they strip them and return to their village, within sight of which they
utter the cry of warriors who have struck a blow, and who bring scalps. Each
one [in the village] comes before them ceremoniously and they are led into
the square in the same manner. They engage in dances as a sign of rejoicing
over their victory and if any of the party has a child or nephew who has not yet
taken part in such a triumph, he shares half of the scalp he has taken with
him and has him received as a warrior. The ceremony is that the one who
undergoes it suffers two hundred blows of a neck-band, which is a piece of hide
five or six fathoms long, of the breadth of a finger, doubled many times, with
which the warriors strike him full arm blows in turn on his back and on his
belly, in order to make him understand that a warrior must endure everything
patiently, even when he is taken by the enemy, and sing while they make him
suffer and die. He must suffer these blows while singing, for if he should
® Du Roullet says that the cry of an owl is “ what the savages make when they approach
an enemy.” (Journ. Soc. Amér. de Paris, vol, xv, pp. 242-243.)
SWANTON] CHOCTAW SOCIAL AND CEREMONIAL LIFE 163
weep he will never be received and would pass as a woman, and unworthy of
being admitted into the body of warriors. When they hold these ceremonial
dances, each wears on his head a crown made of a piece of otter skin to which
are fastened as many broken white feathers as they have killed men in their
lives. Each family has its quarterings tattooed on the stomach and on the
arms [of its warrior members]. They also put them on the handles of their
war clubs, and when they wish to meet in the woods they make a mark on the
trees, where they put their arms, by which the one who has made the mark is
known, the trail he has taken, and where he has gone.
When they capture any young people—girls, women, or young boys—alive,
they carry them to their villages and make slaves of them. There are nations
which adopt them as their dogs; then they make them perform all the functions
of a dog, guard the doors, growl when anyone enters or goes out, eat the leavings
of the dishes, and gnaw the bones. When they are able to bring home pris-
oners, they have them burned at their villages, and it is a great joy to them
when that happens.”
Bossu’s account is nearly as old:
The Chactas love war and have some good methods of making it. They never
fight standing fixedly in one place; they flit about; they heap contempt upon
their enemies without at the same time being braggarts, for when they come
to grips they fight with much coolness. Some women are so fond of their hus-
bands that they follow them to war. They keep by their sides in combat hold-
ing a quiver of arrows and encourage them by crying out continually that they
must not fear their enemies but die like true men.
The Chactas are extremely superstitious. When they are about to go to war
they consult their Manitou, which is carried by the chief. They always exhibit
it on that side where they are going to march toward the enemy, the warriors
standing guard about. They have so much veneration for it ie they never
eat until the chief has given it the first portion.
As long as the war lasts the chief is scrupulously obeyed, but after they have
returned they have consideration for him only proportionate to his liberality
with his possessions.
It is an established usage among them that, when the chief of a war party
has taken booty from the enemy, he must divide it among the warriors, and
the relatives of those who have been killed in combat, in order, say they, to
wipe away their tears. The chief retains nothing for himself except the honor
of being the restorer of the nation. ...
If the chief of a Chacta party does not succeed in the war he loses all his
credit; no one has confidence in his leadership any longer, and he must descend
to the rank of a common warrior. However, consider the varying views of
different nations! Among these warlike peoples it is no shame to desert. They
attribute the desertion to a bad dream. If the chief of a big party himself, hay-
ing dreamed the night before that he would lose some of his people, assures his
warriors that he has had a bad dream, they turn back immediately to their
village. After they have returned, they make medicine, for they use it on all
kinds of occasions. Then they return toward the enemies. If they encounter
any of them on their way, they kill five or six and then go home as well
pleased as if they had subjugated a great empire.
A general who should win a victory with the loss of many people would be
very badly received by his nation, because these people consider a victory of
COL ey ees PES Sy en ee ee De
Jo Appendix, pp. 252-253; Mem. Am. Anth. Ass’n, v, No. 2, pp. 65-67. The compulsion
to imitate dogs may safely be set down as folklore.
164 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BuLy. 103
no account when it is won at the price of the blood of their relatives and their
friends. So the war chiefs take great pains to save their warriors and to
attack the enemy only when they are sure to win, either on account of their
numbers or natural topographical advantages, but as their adversaries have
the same skill and know as well as they how to avoid the snares which are laid
for them, the most cunning is the one who conquers. For that reason they
hide themselves in the woods during the day and travel only at night, and if
they are not discovered, they attack at daybreak. As they are usually in
wooded country, the one who goes in advance sometimes holds a very thick
bush in front of him, and, as all follow in a line, the last effaces the marks
of those who have gone ahead, so arranging the leaves, or the earth over
which they have passed, that there remains no trace that might betray them.
The principal things which serve to reveal them to their enemies are the
smoke of their fires, which they scent at a great distance and their tracks which
are recognized in an almost incredible manner. One day a savage showed me,
in a place where I perceived nothing, the footprints of Frenchmen, savages,
and Negroes who had passed that way, and told me how long before they had
been by. I confess that this knowledge appeared to me miraculous. One must
admit that when the savages apply themselves to a single thing they excel
at it.
The art of war, among them, as you see, consists in watchfulness, care to
avoid ambuscades and in taking the enemy unawares, patience and endurance
to withstand hunger, thirst, the inclemency of the seasons, the labors and the
fatigues inseparable from war.
He who has struck a blow in war, carries off the dead man’s scalp as a
trophy, and has a record pricked or outlined on his body. Then he goes into
mourning, and during that time, continuing for a month, he must not comb
his hair, so that if his head itches, he is permitted to scratch himself only
with a little stick fastened to his wrist for that particular purpose.”
Romans, writing at a little later period, has this to say regarding
the warlike character and war customs of the tribe:
They are in their warlike temper far from being such cowards as people in
general will pretend, but it is true they are not so fond of wandering abroad to
do mischief as the other savages are: few of such expeditions are undertaken
by them, and they give for a reason, that in going abroad they may chance to
be obliged to content themselves with a woman’s or child’s scalp, but in staying
at home and waiting the attack of the enemy, they by pursuing them, are sure
to take men, which is a greater mark of valour: be this as it will, it is certain
they are carefully, cunningly, and bravely watchfull at home, and on several
occasions they have, after many insults, boldly offered to meet their enemies in
equal numbers on a plain, which has always been by the other savages treated
with scorn, as cowardice; however when it has happened by chance that they
meet so, we have seen them brave and victorious. Even in the very town of
Mobile, an action of this kind happened deserving a record, when they drove
their enemies (the Creeks) through the river, and but for their inability to
swim, they would have totally destroyed them; the Captain Hooma or red
Captain fighting with forty men against three hundred Creeks, and with his own
hand destroying thirteen of their Chiefs, even when fighting on his knees, and
when he fell, bravely telling who he was, and his being flead alive for his
ea ER lea goes We Ot ee Ea ES et ee ee ae
4 Appendix, pp. 258-260; M. Bossu, Nouveaux Voyages aux Indes occidentales, 2 vols.,
Paris, 1768. Vol. 2, pp. 89-94.
SWANTON] CHOCTAW SOCIAL AND CEREMONIAL LIFE 165
heroism, is so fresh in every one’s memory (being not above six years ago) that
many living evidences can testify it; I thought the action worthy of this at-
tempt, to save it from oblivion. They have deserted many of their eastern fron-
tier towns since their present war with the Creeks, but during my stay in their
nation, I saw four or five instances of their not suffering their enemy to escape
unpunished, when he dared to commit depredations, and they valued themselves
on the vent of the present war, when in 1771, news coming among the Traders,
that the Creeks computed their loss at near three hundred persons, and they
having guessed the number of their’s, lost much the same; they said, we have
lost many women and children and even of them some Scalps have been retaken,
but we like men, have killed men only, and got all the marks thereof; this war
began in August 1765; the readers may judge at the greatness of their exploits,
when I assure them, that that number was the total loss during all that
time, 4317
... 1 take them to be a brave people, who can upon occasion defend them-
selves very coolly, for during my stay in the nation, a woman of that tribe
made a bargain with me to give her ammunition for some provisions I bought
of her; and when I expressed my surprise thereat, she informed me that she
kept a gun to defend herself as well as her husband did; and I have several
times seen armed women in motion with the parties going in pursuit of the
invading enemy, who having completed their intended murder, were flying off.
They never exercised so much cruelty upon their captive enemies as the
other savages; they almost always brought them home to shew them, and
then dispatched them with a bullet or hatchet; after which, the body being
cut into many parts, and all the hairy pieces of skin converted into scalps, the
remainder is buried and the above trophies carried home, where the women
dance with them till tired; then they are exposed on the tops of the hot
houses till they are annihilated. The same treatment is exercised on those
who are killed near the nation, but he that falls in battle at a distance is
barely scalped.
Their addictedness to pretended witchcraft leads them into a very super-
stitious behaviour when on an expedition which is remarkable, they carry
with them a certain thing which they look on as the genius of the party; it is
most commonly the stuffed skin of an owl of a large kind; they are very
careful of him, keep a guard over him, and offer him a part of their meat;
should he fall, or any other ways be disordered in position, the expedition is
frustrated; they always set him with his head toward the place of destination,
and if he should prove to be turned directly contrary, they consider this as
portending some very bad omen, and an absolute order to return; should
therefore any one’s heart fail him, he needs only watch his opportunity to do
this to save his character of a brave or true man. There is also a species of
Motacilia (which I often endeavored to catch, in vain) whose chirping near
the camp, will oceasion their immediate return, .. .”
. a Chactaw war camp is circular, with a fire in the center, and each man
has a crutched branch at his head to hang his powder and shot upon, and to set
his gun against, and the feet of all to the fire... .*
They are given to pilfering, but not so much as the Chicasaws.
They are the swiftest of foot of any savages in America, and very expert in
tracking a flying enemy, who very seldom escapes.
Their leader can not pretend to command on an expedition, the most he can
do, is to endeavor to persuade, or at the extent, he can only pretend to a
Sos Ties ee RR ee RS EOI SRD Se ee eee
122 Romans, Nat. Hist. E. and W. Fla., pp. 72-73. 14 [bid., p. 65.
13 Ipid., pp. 75-76.
166 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BuLL. 103
greater experience in order to enforce his counsel; should be pretend to order,
desertion would at least be his punishment, if not death.”
When they prepare for war, and when they return they use exorcisms, they
call them all physic though only bare words or actions; and if they prove
unsuccessful, they say the physic was not strong enough; it is no small diver-
sion to see a Chactaw during this preparation act all his strange gestures, and
the day before his departure painted scarlet and black almost naked and with
swan wings to his arms run like a bacchant up and down through the place of
his abode; not drunk either as rum is by them avoided like poison during this
preparation.”
Adair knew of the Choctaw only as bitter enemies of the English
and allied Chickasaw and estimates their character very differently
from Romans. Nevertheless the few items which he furnishes con-
firm in many particulars what the latter writer tells us. Thus, re-
garding the effect of their wars with the Chickasaw and Creeks on
the massing of the Choctaw population, he says:
The barrier towns, which are next to the Muskohge and Chikkasah countries,
are compactly settled for social defence, according to the general method of
other savage nations; but the rest, both in the center, and toward the Missis-
sippi, are only scattered plantations, as best suits a separate easy way of living.
A stranger might be in the middle of one of their populous extensive towns,
without seeing half a dozen of their houses, in the direct course of his path.”
He gives the following information regarding their war customs,
which for the most part evidently closely resembled those of the
Chickasaw and Creeks. Incidentally it will be noticed that he con-
firms what Romans tells us regarding their disinclination to offensive
warfare but bravery when attacked at home.
The Choktah being employed by the French, together with their other red
confederates, against the English Chikkasah, they had no opportunity of inuring
themselves to the long-winded chace, among a great chain of steep craggy
mountains, They are amazingly artful however in deceiving an enemy; they
will fasten the paws and trotters of panthers, bears, and buffaloes, to their
feet and hands, and wind about like the circlings of such animals, in the lands
they usually frequent. They also will mimick the different notes of wild fowl,
and thus often outwit the savages they have disputes with. Their enemies say,
that when at war, it is impossible to discover their tracks, unless they should
be so lucky as to see their persons. They act very timorously against the
enemy abroad, but behave as desperate veterans when attacked in their own
country. ...”%
Scalps taken in war were painted red,” and were treated with con-
siderable ceremony, as the following account derived from Adair’s
own personal experience shows:
I proceeded, and met several parties of the same main company, several miles
distant from each other, carrying smal] pieces of a scalp, singing the triumphal
song, and sounding the shrill death-whoop, as if they had killed hundreds. On
145 Romans, Nat. Hist. E. and W. Fla., p. 76. 38 Tbid., p. 309.
16 Tbid., p. 78. 19 Tbid., p. 302.
1” Adair, Hist. Am. Inds., p. 282.
SWANTON] CHOCTAW SOCIAL AND CEREMONIAL LIFE 167
my resting and smoking with the last party, they informed me, that their camp
consisted of two hundred and fifty warriors, under great leaders, who were then
returning from war against a town of the Koo-saahte Indians, who had settled
twenty-five miles above Mobille, on the eastern side of the river; that they had
killed and wounded several of them, suspecting them of abetting the Muskohge,
and fortunately got one of their scalps, which the warriors of separate towns
divided, and were carrying home, with joyful hearts.
A stranger would be much surprised to see the boasting parade these savages
made with one scalp of a reputed enemy. To appearance, more than a thousand
men, women, lusty boys, and girls, went loaded with provisions to meet them;
and to dance, sing, and rejoice at this camp, for their success in war, and safe
return. Their camps were made with the green bark and boughs of trees, and
gave a striking picture of the easy and simple modes of early ages. Their
chieftains and great warriors sat in state, with the assuming greatness of the
ancient senators of imperial Rome. I had the honor to sit awhile with them,
and was diverted with the old circling and wheeling dances of the young men
and women. I smoked with them, and then took my leave of this last camp
of rejoicing heroes.”
In 1730 De Lusser observed the following treatment of the scalps
of enemies and the head of one of their own people by the Choctaw of
Oskelagna :
Those who had killed were carrying the scalps that they had taken and all
were daubed with white earth from head to foot. There was one who brought
the head of one of their people who had been killed. He threw it at my feet
telling me that he was a warrior who had lost his life for the French and that
it was well to weep for his death. In a minute all the men assembled around
this head and set themselves to howling for half a quarter of an hour. To give
evidence of the regret that I felt for his death I did not fail to make grimaces
as they did. After this it was taken up again to be carried to the women who
did the same.
When he reached the town of Chicachaé he witnessed the name-
giving ceremony.
The warriors of this village who slept near the bayou of the Chicachaé
arrived this morning at about nine o’clock. They were all bedaubed with paint
like those of the Yellow Canes and passed howling in front of the cabin to
which I went. I found all the warriors who had taken part in the fighting
sitting on the ground forming a semi-circle. The captains and the honored men
were sitting on a bed of canes on which I took my seat with Reverend Father
Beaudouin. After this they made several warriors ... This ceremony con-
sists only of changing the names.
We learn from the same officer that a red calumet was presented to
a tribe when their alliance was desired against a third, and the
acceptance of it was equivalent to promise of assistance.
In a letter sent by M. de Vaudreuil, Governor of Louisiana, to the
French minister and dated March 3, 1749, dealing with conflicts be-
tween the French and English parties in the Choctaw Nation, we find
it stated that the chief of Yowani was able to identify a body of the
* Adair, Hist. Am. Inds., pp. 298-299.
168 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BuLL. 103
enemy as belonging to the village of Oka hullo by means of a war
club which they had left behind. It is uncertain whether this means
that each town had its individual mark or whether the object
identified was unique.
It is only natural that war customs should have been among the first
to recede from the memories of the later Choctaw, and in fact
Cushman is practically the only relatively modern writer who
mentions them—as usual in an emotional setting.
The Choctaw warrior was equally as expert in deceiving his enemy
as... the wild denizens of his native forests. When upon the war-path the
Choctaws always went in small bands, which was the universal custom of
their entire race, traveling one behind the other in a straight line; and, if in
the enemy’s territory, each one stepped exactly in the tracks of the one who
walked before him, while the one in the extreme rear defaced, as much as
possible, their tracks, that no evidence of their number, or whereabouts might
be made known to the enemy. In these war excursions, the most profound
silence was observed; their communications being carried on by preconcerted
and well understood signs made by the hand or head; if necessary to be
audible, then by a low imitative cry of some particular wild animal.
The dignity of chieftainship was bestowed upon him who had proved himself
worthy by his skill and daring deeds in war; and to preserve the valiant
character of their chief, it was considered a disgrace for him to be surpassed
in daring deeds by any of his warriors; at the same time, it was also regarded
as dishonorable for the warriors to be surpassed by their chief. Thus there
were great motives for both to perform desperate deeds of valor—which they
did; nor did they wait for opportunities for the display of heroism, but sought
perils and toils by which they might distinguish themselves. These war
parties, gliding noiselessly like spectres through the dense forests, painted in
the most fantastic manner conceivable, presented a wild and fearful appearance,
more calculated to strike terror to the heart of the beholder than admiration.
Though they advanced in small bodies and detached parties, yet in their
retreats they scattered like frightened partridges, each for himself, but to unite
again at a pre-arranged place miles to the rear. No gaudy display was ever
made in their war excursions to their enemy’s country. They meant business,
not display, depending on the success of their expedition in their silent and
unexpected approach, patient watching, and artful stratagems. To fight a
pitched battle in an open field giving the enemy an equal chance, was to the
Choctaws the best evidence of a want of military skill. Not unlike most of
their race, they seldom invaded an enemy’s territory from choice; but woe to
the enemy, who, attributing this to cowardice, should have the presumption to
invade their country; like enraged bears robbed of their young, they would find
the Choctaw warriors, to a man, ready to repel them with the most desperate
and fearless bravery ever exhibited by any race of men. Yet, to them, no less
than to the whites, strategy was commendable, and to outwit an enemy and
thus gain an advantage over him, was evidence of great and praiseworthy
skill.”
As with all their race, so war was, in the estimation of the ancient Choctaws,
the most patriotic avocation in which a man could engage; they seldom began
a war with another tribe, but rather waited for an attack; then no braver or
2 Cushman, Hist. Choc., Chick., and Natchez Inds., pp. 198-199.
SWANTON] CHOCTAW SOCIAL AND CEREMONIAL LIFE 169
more resolute warriors ever went upon the war-path. The opening of hostilities
was always preceded by the famous Hoyopa-hihla, War-dance. Night was the
chosen time for engaging in that time-honored ceremony; and as soon as
evening began to spread her dark mantle o’er their forests, a huge pile of dry
logs and brush previously prepared was set on fire, whose glaring and crackling
flames intermingling with their hoyopa-taloah (war-songs) and soul-stirring
hoyopa-tassuhah [hoyopa tasaha] (war-hoops) presented a scene as wild and
romantic as can possibly be imagined.
The manly forms of the dusky warriors with their painted faces illuminated
with the wildest excitement; the huge fire blazing and crackling in the centre
of the wide extended circle of excited dancers, [of] which, now and then, a kick
from a dancing warrior, caused to send the flames and sparks high up among
the wide extended branches of the mighty forest trees that stood around; the
stern visages of the old warriors, whom age and decrepitude had long since
placed upon the retired list from further duty upon the war-path or in the
chase, sitting around in little groups where the light of the burning log-heap
disputed precedency with the gloom of night, calm and silent spectators of the
weird scene in which they could no longer participate, but which awakened
thrilling memories of the past; the Goddess Minerva’s favorite birds, allured
from their dark abodes in the forest by the glaring light, flitted here and there
overhead through the extended branches of the overshadowing oaks, and anon
joined in with their voices, to which in wild response, the distant howl of a
pack of roving wolves filled up the measure of the awe inspiring scene. ...
On the return of a successful war-party, the village at once became the scene
of festivity and triumph. The varied trophies—scalps, painted shields, etc.,
were hung on poles near the houses. Then followed war-feasts, scalp-dances,
accompanied with war-songs and shouts of victory, while the old men went from
house to house rehearsing in a loud tone of voice the events of the battle and
the various daring exploits of the warriors. But, amid all this, sounds of
another kind were also heard mingling in discordant tones with those of joy;
they were the pious wailings of the women borne upon the air from the sur-
rounding hills, where they had retired to mourn in darkness and solitude for
their slain in battle. There the mother, wife and sister gave full sway to the
anguish of their hearts.”
Simpson Tubby asserts that enemies used to poison springs or the
meat hung up about a spring and for that reason springs were some-
times abandoned, and the Indians preferred to use running water
which could not be poisoned, rather than wells.
The earliest of all our authorities is the only one who attempts to
describe the peace making ritual of the Choctaw in anything like
detail. He says:
When they have promised to conclude a peace five or six leading men of the
nation come, bearing a calumet or pipe made of a stone, red like coral, which is
found in rocks in the Illinois country. This calumet has a stem about two or
three feet in length surrounded by red feathers artistically worked, and from
which hangs eight or ten black and white feathers. This serves them as a war
standard, as a seal in alliances, as a mark of the continuation of faithfulness
among friends, and as a sign of war with those with whom they wish to break.
It is true that there is one which is the calumet of peace and another that of
22 Cushman, Hist. Choc., Chick., and Natchez Inds., pp. 253-254.
54564—31 12
170 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Buby.103
war. They are both made similarly. When they have concluded the peace the
master of ceremonies lights this calumet and has all those who are in the as-
sembly smoke two or three whiffs. Then the treaty is concluded and inviolable.
Yhey deliver this calumet to the chief with whom they make the contract which
is as a hostage of their good faith and the fidelity with which they wish to
observe the articles on which they have agreed.”
BURIAL CUSTOMS
This feature of ancient Choctaw culture was developed so strik-
ingly that more attention is devoted to it by writers on the tribe than
to any other native custom. In his History of Alabama ** Pickett
furnishes a lengthy account of the burial ceremonies based upon
earlier materials, but by all odds the best is that by the late Henry S.
Halbert, which not only draws upon all earlier sources available to
him at the time but incorporates a mass of material from the per-
sonal observations of the author and the memories of the best in-
formed Choctaw with whom he was acquainted.”> In fact this single
paper contains a sufficiently full account for all practical purposes
and leaves little to be added. However, it being the plan of the
present writer to incorporate all of the material contained in original
sources and a few of these not having been available to Mr. Halbert,
the entire ground will be reviewed again, Halbert’s narrative being
placed at the end.
Two descriptions have been left by French writers, and these are
put first, since at least one of them is undoubtedly the earliest of all,
while the second is practically contemporary with the account given
by Adair. The anonymous French narrator says:
When a sick person is near death the doctor leaves him and informs his
relatives of it, assuring them that he cannot recover. Then the women come to
wash his body, paint him, daub his face, dress him in all of the finest clothes
which he had, and lay him on the ground in the open space in front of his door.
His wife lies on his stomach weeping, with his nearest relatives who also lie
upon him and stifle him. They ask him why it is that he hungers to die, if he
has lacked anything, if his wife did not love him enough, if he was not well
respected in his village; in fact this unfortunate patient is obliged to die in
spite of himself. Those who have lain down on him ery at the top of their
lungs, imagining that he does not hear, since he does not reply. Besides these,
there are the hired criers who during this time come to weep or rather howl to
music beside the body, before and after his death. As soon as he is dead his
relatives erect a kind of cabin in the shape of a coffin, directly opposite his door
six feet from the ground on six stakes, surrounded by a mud wall, and roofed
with bark, in which they enclose this body all dressed, covering it with a
blanket. They place food and drink beside him, giving him a change of shoes,
his gun, powder, and balls. They say that it is because he is going into another
*3 Appendix, pp. 253-254; Mem. Am. Anth. Assn., v, p. 67.
* Pickett, Hist. of Alabama, Sheffield, Ala., 1896, pp. 129-131.
25 Pubs. Miss. Hist. Soc., 111, pp. 353-866.
SWANTON] CHOCTAW SOCIAL AND CEREMONIAL LIFE wal
country, and it is right that he have everything he needs in his journey. They
believe that the warriors go to war in the other world, and that everyone there
performs the same acts that he did in this. The body rests in this five or six
months, until they think that it is rotted, which makes a terrible stench
(infection) in the house. After some time all the relatives assemble cere-
moniously and the honored woman (femme de valleur) of the village who has
for her function (distrique) to strip off the flesh from the bones of the dead,
comes to take off the flesh from this body, scrapes the bones well, and places
them in a very clean cane hamper, which they enclose in linen or cloth. They
throw the flesh into some field, and this same flesh stripper, without washing
her hands, comes to serve food to the assembly. This woman is very much
honored in the village. After the repast, singing and howling, they proceed to
carry the bones into the charnel-house of the canton, a cabin with only one
covering in which these hampers are placed in a row on poles. The same cere-
mony is performed over chiefs except that instead of putting the bones in
hampers they are placed in chests locked with keys in the charnel-house of the
chiefs.”
Female “bone-pickers” are mentioned by no other writer, but
there is no occasion to doubt their existence. Such offices were usually
held by men.
The second French informant is the traveler Bossu.
They have [he says] great regard for the bodies of their dead which they
never bury.” After a Chacta has died, his body is put into a bier made of
eypress bark expressly for the purpose and placed on four forked sticks about
fifteen feet high. After the worms have consumed the flesh, the entire family
assembles. The bone-picker comes and dismembers the skeleton. He tears off
the muscles, nerves, and tendons which may be left. Then they bury the latter
and deposit the bones in a chest after having painted the head with vermilion.
During this entire ceremony the relatives weep and it is followed by a feast
to the friends who have come to pay the compliment of their condolence, after
which the remains of the deceased are carried to the common cemetery, to
the place where are deposited those of his ancestors. While these mournful
ceremonies are taking place a gloomy silence is observed. There is no singing
or dancing; each one retires weeping.
Early in November, they hold a great ceremony which they call the cere-
monial of the dead or of the souls. Hach family then comes to the common
cemetery and visits, weeping all the while, the mortuary chests of its relations,
and when they have returned they have a great feast terminating the
ceremony.”
We now turn to English writers, of whom the earliest is Adair.
He touches upon the subject in two different places, the first a brief
note introduced in the description of Choctaw medical practice,
the second a fairly full narration. These accounts are as follows:
The Choktah are so exceedingly infatuated in favour of the infallible judg-
ment of their pretended prophets, as to allow them without the least regret,
to dislocate the necks of any of their sick who are in a weak state of body,
26 Appendix, pp. 251-252; Mem. Am. Anth. Assn., vol. v, No. 2, pp. 64-65, 1918.
27 Bossu seems to have failed to learn of the periodical burials in mounds.
28 Appendix, p. 260; Bossu, Nouv. Voy., vol. 2, pp. 95-96.
172 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY (BULL. 103
to put them out of their pain, when they presume to reveal the determined
will of the Deity to shorten his days, which is asserted to be communicated
in a dream; by the time that this theo-physical operation is performed on a
patient, they have a scaffold prepared opposite to the door, whereon he is to lie
till they remove the bones in the fourth moon after, to the remote bone-house
of that family: they immediately carry out the corpse, mourn over it, and place
it in that dormitory, which is strongly pallisadoed around, lest the children
should become polluted even by passing over the dead. Formerly when the
owner of the house died, they set fire to it, and to all the provisions of every
kind; or sold the whole at a cheap rate to the trading people, without paying
the least regard to the scarcity of the times. .. .”
Having placed the dead on a high scaffold stockaded round, at the distance
of twelve yards from his house opposite to the door, the whole family convene
there at the beginning of the fourth moon after the interment, to lament and
feast together; after wailing a while on the mourning benches, which stand on
the east side of the quadrangular tomb, they raise and bring out the corpse,
and while the feast is getting ready, a person whose office it is, and properly
called the bone-picker, dissects it, as if it was intended for the shambles in the
time of a great famine, with his sharp-pointed, bloody knife [?]. He continues
busily employed in his reputed sacred office, till he has finished the task, and
seraped all the flesh off the bones; which may justly be called the Choktah
method of embalming their dead. Then, they carefully place the bones in a
kind of small chest, in their natural order, that they may with ease and cer-
tainty be sometime afterward reunited, and proceed to strike up a song of
lamentation, with various wailing tunes and notes: afterwards, they join as
cheerfully in the funeral feast, as if their kinsman was only taking his usual
sleep. Having regaled themselves with a plentiful variety, they go along with
those beloved relicks of their dead, in solemn procession, lamenting with doleful
notes, till they arrive at the bone-house, which stands in a solitary place, apart
from the town: then they proceed around it, much after the manner of those
who performed the obsequies of the Chikkasah chieftain, already described, and
there deposit their kinsman’s bones to He alongside of his kindred-bones, till in
due time they are revived by Jshtohoollo Aba, that he may repossess his
favourite place.
Those bone-houses are scaffolds raised on durable pitch-pine forked posts, in
the form of a house covered a-top, but open at both ends. I saw three of them
in one of their towns, pretty near each other—the place seemed to be unfre-
quented; each house contained the bones of one tribe, separately, with the
hieroglyphical figures of the family on each of the odd-shaped arks: they
reckon it irreligious to mix the bones of a relation with those of a stranger, as
bone of bone, and flesh of the same flesh, should be always joined together; and
much less will they thrust the body of their beloved kinsman into the abominable
tomb of a hateful enemy. I observed a ladder fixed in the ground, opposite to
the middle of the broadside of each of those dormitories of the dead, which was
made out of a broad board, and stood considerably bent over the sacred
repository, with the steps on the inside. On the top was the carved image of a
dove, with its wings stretched out and its head inclining down, as if earnestly
viewing or watching over the bones of the dead: and from the top of the ladder
to almost the surface of the earth, there hung a chain of grape-vines twisted
together, in circular links, and the same likewise at their domestic tombs. .. .”
7 Adair, Hist. Am. Inds., p. 129. 30 Ibid., pp. 183-184.
Swanton] CHOCTAW SOCIAL AND CEREMONIAL LIFE 173
The custom of wailing over the dead is mentioned by nearly all
early writers. Chiefs assembled to mourn at the tomb of one of their
number, as is noted in some of the early documents.
The following account is by William Bartram:
The Choctaws pay their last duties and respect to the deceased in a very
different manner [from the Creeks]. As soon as a person is dead, they erect
a scaffold eighteen or twenty feet high, in a grove adjacent to the town, where
they lay the corpse, lightly covered with a mantle: here it is suffered to remain,
visited and protected by the friends and relations, until the flesh becomes
putrid, so as easily to part; then undertakers, who make it their business,
earefully strip the flesh from the bones, wash and cleanse them, and when
dry and purified by the air, having provided a curiously wrought chest or
coffin, fabricated of bones and splints, they place all the bones therein; it is
then deposited in the bone-house, a building erected for that purpose in every
town. And when this house is full, a general solemn funeral takes place;
the nearest kindred or friends of the deceased, on a day appointed, repair to
the bone-house, take up the respective coffins, and following one another in
order of Superiority, the nearest relations and connexions attending their
respective corpse, and the multitude following after them, all as one family,
with united voice of alternate Allelujah and lamentation, slowly proceed to
the place of general interment, where they place the coffins in order, forming
a pyramid™; and lastly, cover all over with earth, which raises a conical hill
or mount. Then they return to town in order of solemn procession, concluding
the day with a festival, which is called the feast of the dead.”
Romans is much more detailed:
As soon as the deceased is departed, a stage is erected . . . and the corpse
is laid on it and covered with a bear skin; if he be a man of note, it is deco-
rated, and the poles painted red with vermillion and bears oil; if a child, it is
put upon stakes set across; at this stage the relations come and weep, asking
many questions of the corpse, such as, why he left them? did not his wife serve
him well? was he not contented with his children? had he not corn enough?
did not his land produce sufficient of everything? was he afraid of his enemies?
&e. and this accompanied by loud howlings; the women will be there constantly,
and sometimes with the corrupted air and heat of the sun faint so as to
oblige the by standers to carry them home; the men will also come and mourn
in the same manner, but in the night or at other unseasonable times, when
they are least likely to be discovered.
The stage is fenced round with poles, it remains thus a certain time but not
a fixed space, this is sometimes extended to three or four months, but seldom
more than half that time. A certain set of venerable old Gentlemen who wear
very long nails as a distinguishing badge on the thumb, fore and middle finger
of each hand, constantly travel through the nation (when I was there, I was
told there were but five of this respectable order) that one of them may
acquaint those concerned, of the expiration of this period, which is according
to their own fancy; the day being come, the friends and relations assemble near
31Some ingenious men, whom I have conversed with, have given it as their opinion,
that all those pyramidal artificial hills, usually called Indian mounds, were raised op
these occasions, and are generally sepulchres. However, I am of a different opinion.—
Bartram.
2 Bartram, Travels, pp. 514-515, 1792.
174 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BuLn. 103
the stage, a fire is made, and the respectable operator, after the body is taken
down, with his nails tears the remaining flesh off the bones, and throws it with
the intrails into the fire, where it is consumed; then he scrapes the bones and
burns the serapings likewise; the head being painted red with vermillion is
with the rest of the bones put into a neatly made chest (which for a chief is also
made red) and deposited in the loft of a hut built for that purpose, and called
bone house; each town has one of these; after remaining here one year or
thereabouts, if he be a man of any note, they take the chest down, and in an
assembly of relations and friends they weep once more over him, refresh the
colour of the head, paint the box red, and then deposit him to lasting oblivion.
An enemy and one who commits suicide is buried under the earth as one to be
directly forgotten and unworthy the above ceremonial obsequies and mourning.”
Yet Claiborne affirms that suicide was common, assigning “ ridi-
cule or disgrace ” as the principal cause.**
Milfort’s testimony comes from a period but a few years sub-
sequent to Romans:
When a Tchacta is dead, his relatives erect a scaffold about twenty or
twenty-five feet in front of the doorway of his house, on which they place the
corpse wrapped in the skin of a bear or bison, or in a woolen covering, and
leave it in that condition for seven or eight months. The nearest female
relatives go each morning to weep while they circle the scaffold. When they
believe that the body is in a state of putrefaction sufficient to allow the
flesh to come away from the bones easily, they (the women) go to inform
the priest or medicine man of the canton where the dead man lived, who is
entrusted with the dissection, the most disgusting that it is possible to
imagine. As all the relatives and friends of the dead man must be present
at this ceremony, which is terminated by a family repast, the priest agrees
upon a day in order to allow sufficient time to inform everyone; and, on the
appointed day all assemble around the scaffold; and there, after having made
horrible grimaces as a sign of mourning, they intone sombre chants, in which
they express the grief which they feel at the loss they have suffered. When
they have finished this horrible charivari, the priest ascends the scaffold,
removes the skin or covering which covers the body; and, with his fingernails
(he is not permitted to make use of anything else),** he detaches the flesh
which may still adhere to the bones, so as to separate the one from the
other entirely. When he has finished this disgusting operation, he makes one
bundle of the flesh which he leaves on the scaffold to be burned and one of
the bones which he carries down on his head to restore to the relatives of
the dead man, making them a speech suited to the occasion. As soon as the
latter have received the bones, they take great care to examine them, and to
assure themselves that the priest has forgotten none of them; afterward they
deposit them in a kind of chest, the opening of which they shut with a plank,
after which the women kindle torches of pitch pine, and the nearest relatives
go in procession to bear this chest into a cabin which serves as the sepulchre
of that family alone.
While the priest is on the scaffold occupied with the dissection, all of the
others who are present busy themselves on their side in lighting fires, on
33 Romans, Nat. Hist. E. and W. Fla., pp. 89-90.
*t Claiborne, Hist. Miss., 1, p. 495; on suicide see p. 110.
sta Adair would seem to imply an exception (see p. 172), but he was probably mistaken.
SwANToN] CHOCTAW SOCIAL AND CEREMONIAL LIFE 175
which they place for the guests great earthen pots full of food. When these
viands are cooked, they remove them from the fire in order to allow them to
cool without touching them, for the priest alone is permitted to remove the
coverings, and he can do so only after having finished his operation.
When the ceremony of inhuming the bones is finished, a great quantity of dry
wood is collected about the scaffold where the flesh has been left, the relatives
set fire to it, and, while the scaffold burns, they dance around it uttering loud
cries of joy; then the priest chooses a suitable place, where all sit about and
he remains in the middle, with the vessels holding the viands which are to be
served at the feast, and which have been given time to cool. When each has
taken his place the medicine man or priest uncovers the vessels, and, without
having even washed his hands, which he has merely wiped on some grass, he
puts them in the pots in order to draw out the viands and distribute them
among the relatives and friends of the dead man, according to their rank; he
serves the soup to them in the Same manner, as well as the hominy (sagamité)
which is their drink.
I have said elsewhere that these people have a particular relish for horse-
flesh which they prefer to all other kinds; in consequence if the person whose
funeral rites are conducted was rich enough to have horses, as many as three
are sometimes killed, which are cooked and their flesh used in doing the honors
at the feast. It happens indeed, when the dead man has no horses, that those
of the relatives who have them are sacrificed for this ceremony. This reunion
of relatives and friends can be dissolved only when there is nothing more to
eat; so that after they have had the first meal, and are unable to consume all,
they begin to dance or to indulge in violent exercises in order to acquire an
appetite, and be in a condition to finish the feast. When there is nothing more
to eat each one returns home.”
According to this writer a scaffold was erected and mourning cere-
monies gone through for a person who had disappeared and had
been declared dead by a doctor." Next we have a short note by Dr.
John Sibley:
The Choctaus in their Town don’t bury their dead; but make a Scaffold of
forks & Poles of Twelve feet high near their Houses on which they place the
Dead body ’till the flesh is so putrid that it will slip off the Bones. This is
done by the nearest relation, the flesh is buried, the bones put in a box &
deposited in the Bone House.”
The Missionary Herald contains this, communicated to the Rev.
Cyrus Byington by a white man long resident among these Indians:
When any one died a small scaffold was made in the yard, near the house
and high enough to be out of the reach of the dogs. On this the dead body
was laid on one side, and then a blanket or bear-skin was thrown over it, and
there the body lay until it perished. Then the bone-pickers, some old men
with long finger nails, came and picked the flesh off and put the bones in a box.
The skull was adorned when put away. The bones were then taken to a bone
house, (a house set apart to receive the bones of the dead,) standing at the
85 Appendix, pp. 265-267; Milfort, Mémoire, pp. 292-298.
%a Tbid., p. 268; see also p. 214.
% Letters of Dr. John Sibley of Louisiana to His Son Samuel Hopkins Sibley, 1803-1821
(in The Louisiana Historical Quarterly, vol. 10, No. 4 (Oct., 1927), pp. 499-500.)
176 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BuLL.103
edge of a town. When this ceremony was performed, there was a large collec-
tion of people. The bone-pickers had some other ceremonies, but I do not recol-
lect them. Twice in each year—spring and fall—the people assembled in
numbers near the bone houses, on account of the dead. The two families [i. e.
the moieties], into which the nation by the usage of the people is divided,
would meet. On one day one family would cry and howl over the bones of
the dead, the bones being then brought out of the houses. And while one
family cried, the other danced. On the succeeding. day, the family that danced
on the day before would cry and howl, and the other dance. After this the
bones lying in the boxes were deposited again in the bone houses. A small
present was made to the bone-pickers. About 388 years since the Choctaws
began to bury the dead. At that time an old king died and was buried. He
was the first man who was buried.”
Coming down to relatively modern times we find in Cushman no
less than three descriptions, one by himself, one from a manuscript
by a native missionary, Rev. Israel Folsom, and a third quoted from
a manuscript by Nathaniel Folsom. ‘These are as follows:
I
In the disposition of their dead, the ancient Choctaws practiced a strange
method different from any other Nation of people, perhaps, that ever existed.
After the death of a Choctaw, the corpse, wrapped in a bear skin or rough
kind of covering of their own manufacture, was laid out at full length upon a
high scaffold erected near the house of the deceased, that it might be protected
from the wild beasts of the woods and the scavengers of the air. After the
body had remained upon the scaffold a sufficient time for the flesh to have
nearly or entirely decayed, the Hattak fullih nipi foni, (Bone Picker) the prin-
cipal official in their funeral ceremonies and especially appointed for that
duty—appeared and informed the relatives of the deceased that he had now
come to perform the last sacred duties of his office to their departed friend.
Then, with the relatives and friends, he marched with great solemnity of
countenance to the scaffold and, ascending, began his awful duty of picking
off the flesh that still adhered to the bones, with loud groans and fearful
grimaces, to which the friends below responded in cries and wailings.
The Bone-Picker never trimmed the nails of his thumbs, index and middle
fingers which accordingly grew to an astonishing length—sharp and almost as
hard as flint—and well adapted to the horrid business of their owner’s calling.
After he had picked all the flesh from the bones, he then tied it up in a bundle
and carefully laid it upon a corner of the scaffold; then gathering up the
bones in his arms he descended and placed them in a previously prepared box,
and then applied fire to the scaffold, upon which the assembly gazed uttering
the most frantic cries and moans until it was entirely consumed. Then form-
ing a procession headed by the Bone-Picker the box containing the bones was
carried, amid weeping and wailing, and deposited in a house erected and conse-
crated to that purpose and called A-bo-ha fo-ni, (Bone-house) with one of
which all villages and towns were supplied. Then all repaired to a previously
prepared feast, over which the Bone-Picker, in virtue of his office, presided
with much gravity and silent dignity.
As soon as the bone-houses of the neighboring villages were filled, a general
burial of the bones took place, to which funeral ceremony the people came from
37 The Missionary Herald, vol. xxv, No. 11 (Nov., 1829), p. 350.
SWANTON] CHOCTAW SOCIAL AND CEREMONIAL LIFE eZ
far and near, and, in a long and imposing procession, with weeping and wail-
ing and loud lamentations of the women, bore off the boxes of bones to their
last place of rest, and there depositing them in the form of a pyramid they
were covered with earth three or four feet in depth forming a conical mound.
All then returned to a previously designated village and concluded the day in
feasting.
Thus many of the mounds found in Mississippi and Alabama are but the
cemeteries of the ancient Choctaws; since, as often as the bone-houses became
filled, the boxes of bones were carried out to the same cemetery and deposited
on the previously made heap commencing at the base and ascending to the
top, each deposit being covered up with earth to the depth of three or four
feet, and thus, by continued accession through a long series of ages, became
the broad and high mounds, concerning which there has been so much wild
speculation with so little foundation for truth or common sense. Even at
the time the missionaries were established among them (1818), many of the
mounds were of so recent date that not even bushes were growing upon them,
though the custom of thus laying away their dead had become obsolete; still 4
few Bone-Pickers had survived the fall of their calling, and were seen, here
and there, wandering about from village to village as ghosts of a departed age,
with the nails of the thumb, index and middle fingers still untrimmed, and
whose appearance indicated their earthly pilgrimage had reached nearly to a
century, some of whom I personally knew.
Shortly before the advent of the missionaries, the custom of placing the dead
upon the scaffolds was abolished, though not without much opposition; and
that of burial in a sitting posture was adopted, with also new funeral cere-
monies, which were as follows: Seven men were appointed whose duty it was
to set up each a smooth pole (painted red) around the newly made grave,
six of which were about eight feet high, and the seventh about fifteen, to
which thirteen hoops (made of grape vines) were suspended and so united
as to form a kind of ladder, while on its top a small white flag was fastened.
This ladder of hoops was for the easier ascent of the spirit of the deceased to
the top of the pole, whence, the friends of the deceased believed, it took its
final departure to the spirit land.*
This later form is thus enlarged upon:
When a death was announced, which was made by the firing of guns in
quick succession, the whole village and surrounding neighborhood—almost to
a man—assembled at once at the home of the deceased, to console and mourn
with the bereaved. On the next day a procession was formed headed by
seven men called Fabussa Sholih (Pole-bearer), each carrying on his shoulder
a long, slender pole painted red, and all slowly and in profound silence marched
to the grave, where the poles were at once firmly set up in the ground—three
on each side of the grave, and one at the head, on which thirteen hoops
were suspended while on its top a small white flag fluttered in the breeze. The
corpse was then carefully placed in its last earthly place of rest, the grave filled
up, and all returned to the former home of the departed. They had specified
cries at the grave of the deceased, which continued for thirteen moons. At
the termination of each cry, a hoop was taken off of the pole, and so on
until the last one was removed; then a grand funeral ceremony was cele-
brated called Fabussa halut akuchchih [or fabassa halat akkichi], (pole to
pull down). And the manager of the pole-pulling was called Hattak (man)
SES ee rae a ee SS ES eS
38 But regarding this belief see p. 191.
178 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BuLL. 103
illi (dead) chohpa (meat). That is, meat for the dead man; or, more properly,
meat for the obsequies of the dead man.
To this celebration, or last commemoration [of] the dead, when all had
assembled, the Fabussa halulli, (the same Fabussa Sholih who had set up
the poles) under the command of the Hattak iti i miko (the same who bore
and set up the long pole upon which was attached the hoops and flag) slowly
and silently marched in solemn procession to the grave and pulled up the poles,
and carried them off together with the hoops and concealed them in a secret
place in the forest where they were left to return to dust forever undisturbed.
As soon as the Fabussa Hallulli had disposed of the poles and hoops, prepa-
rations were begun for the finale—a feast and the grand Aboha hihlah, home
dancing; or dancing home of the deceased good man to the land of plenty
and happiness, and the bad man to the land of scarcity and suffering.
The festivities continued during the day and the night following the pole-
pulling. On the next morning all returned to their respective homes; and
from that day he or she of the grave became a thing of the past, whose
names were to be mentioned no more. And they were not.”
iT
The mode of burial practiced by the Choctaws consisted in placing the corpse
five or six feet from the ground upon a platform of rough timber made for
that purpose, covered with a rough kind of cloth of their own making, or skins
of wild animals and bark of trees. After remaining in that condition until
the flesh had very nearly or altogether decayed, the bones were then taken
down by the bone-pickers (persons appointed for that duty) “ and carefully
put in wooden boxes made for that purpose, which were placed in a house
built and set apart for them. These were called bone-houses; whenever they
became full, the bones were all taken out and carefully arranged to a consider-
able height somewhat in the form of a pyramid or cone, and a layer of earth
put over them. This custom, which prevailed among many different tribes, is,
no doubt, the origin of the Indian mounds, as they are generally called, which
are found in various parts of the country. particularly in the states of Mis-
sissippi and Alabama, formerly the home of the Choctaws. When the custom
of placing the dead upon platforms was abandoned, which met with strong
opposition, they buried their dead in a sitting posture in the grave; around
the grave they set half a dozen red poles about eight feet high, and one about
fifteen feet high, at the top of which a white flag was fastened. The occupation
of the bone-pickers having been abolished, it then became their business to
make and set up red poles around the graves, and afterwards to remove them
at the expiration of the time of mourning, and hence they were called pole-
pullers. They were respected by the people, and for less labor being imposed
upon them, they were pleased with the change in the burial of the dead. At
the pole-pulling, which as stated, was at the expiration of the time of mourning,
a vast collection of people would assemble to join in a general mourning. After
much food had been consumed they would disperse to their respective homes,
and the mourning relations would oil their hair and dress up as usual.”
2 Cushman, Hist. Inds., pp. 225-228; ef. Claiborne, Miss., I, pp. 488-489.
40 One Iksa [moiety] piled the bones and buried the dead of another. No Iksa per-
formed these last offices to any of its own Iksa. Each had their bone-pickers—old men
being usually chosen for that purpose and were held in high esteem on account of their
age and office.”—Israel Folsom in Cushman, p. 367.
41 Cushman, Hist. Inds., pp. 364-865.
SWANTON] CHOCTAW SOCIAL AND CEREMONIAL LIFE 179
Iil
When anyone died a scafford was made in a yard near the house, put high
enough to be safe from the dogs. On the top of this the body was laid on its
side; and then a blanket or bear skin was thrown over it; and there it remained
until it perished. Then the bone-pickers came and picked the flesh off and put
the bones in a box, and then the boxes were put away in a bone-house—a house
set apart to receive them, and placed at the edge of the town. At this time
there was a large collection of people. The bone-pickers had some ceremonies,
but I do not recollect them. Twice a year—fall and spring—the people assem-
bled, and had a great gathering over the bones of the dead. The two families
would meet. One day one family would cry; and on the next day the other
would cry, and then the bones would be brought out in the boxes and buried.
A little present was made to the bone-pickers.*
Elsewhere Cushman describes the ceremonial wailings for the dead
at greater length, as follows:
They had specific cries for the dead, which to us of the present day would
appear strange and even bordering upon the romantic, yet could not be wit-
nessed without emotions of sadness. After the death and burial, the time was
set by the near relations of the deceased for the cry, and notice was given to
the neighboring villages for their attendance, to which all gave a ready re-
sponse. When assembled, as many as could conveniently, would kneel in a
close circle around the grave, both men and women; then drawing their blankets
over their heads would commence a wailing cry in different tones of voice,
which, though evident to a sensitive ear that the rules of harmony had been
greatly overlooked, produced a solemnity of feeling that was indescribable, to
which also the surroundings but added to the novelty of the scene: for here and
there in detached little groups, were seated upon the ground many others, who
in solemn demeanor chatted in a low tone of voice and smoked the indispensable
pipe; while innumerable children of all ages and sexes, engaged in their juve-
nile sports and in thoughtless glee mingled their happy voices with the sad
dirge of their seniors; which added to the barking of a hundred dogs inter-
mingling with the tinkling chimes of the little bells that were suspended upon
the necks of as many ponies, made a scene baffling all description. At different
intervals, one, sometimes three or four together, would arise from the circle of
mourners, quietly walk away and join some one of the many little groups
seated around, while the vacancy in the mourning circle was immediately filled
by others, who promptly came forward, knelt, drew their blankets over their
heads, and took up the mournful strain; and thus for several days and nights,
the wailing voices of the mourners, the gleeful shouts of thoughtless yet inno-
cent and happy childhood; the howling and barking of innumerable dogs, and
the tinkling of the pony-bells of every tone imaginable, in all of which dis-
sonance was a prominent feature, was heard for miles away through the
surrounding forests, echoing a wild, discordant note, more incomprehensible
than the united voices of a thousand of the different denizens of the wilderness,
of which no one, who has not been an eyewitness, can form eyen the most remote
conception. If alone in the silent gloom of the wilderness, the boldest heart
would quail, and the strongest nerve relax, unless the course and meaning were
known and understood; for he could but believe that all the lost spirits of the
lower world had left their dark and dismal abodes, ascended to earth, and, in
one mystic concert, brayed the fearful discord. More than once have I wit-
pu
“ Cushman, Hist. Inds., p. 389.
180 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 103
nessed the scene and heard the wailing thereof. Oft, in the calm still hours of a
starry night, have I heard the dubious tones of a distant Choctaw Indian ery,
and as the disconnected sounds, borne upon the night breeze, floated by in
undulating tones, now plainly audible, then dying away in the distance, I must
confess there was a strange sadness awakened in my breast, unfelt and un-
known before or since. It must be heard to be comprehended. When the time
for the cry had expired, the mourning was exchanged for a previously prepared
feast; after the enjoyments afforded in the participation of which, all joined
in a jolly dance; thus happily restoring the equilibrium so long physically and
mentally disturbed. Then each to his home returned, while the name of the
departed was recorded among the archives of the past—to be mentioned no more.
The relatives of the deceased, who lived at too great a distance to con-
veniently [come] to ery over the grave of the dead set up a post a short dis-
tance from the house, around which they gathered and cried alternately during
a period of twelve months.“
Elsewhere he adds:
No people on earth paid more respect to their dead, than the Choctaws did
and still do; or preserved with more affectionate veneration the graves of their
ancestors. They were to them as holy relics, the only pledges of their history;
hence, accursed was he who should despoil the dead.“
We find the following regarding the observances in the subsequent
period of mourning, on the authority of the Rev. Israel Folsom:
Preyious to a spirit winging its flight to the happy hunting ground, or the
land of briers and blasted foliage, it was supposed to hover around the place
where its tabernacle lay for several days—four at least. They believed that
the happy hunting ground was at a distance of many days journey. When a
person died, provision was prepared for the journey under the supposition
that the departed spirit still possessed hunger. Upon the death of a man, his
dog was killed, that its spirit might accompany that of its master. Ponies,
after they were introduced, were also killed, that the spirit might ride. They
believed that all animals had spirits. During four days a fire was kept
kindled a few steps in front of the wigwam of the deceased, whether the
weather was cold or hot. They imagined, that if the spirit found no fire
kindled in that manner for his benefit, it would become exceedingly distressed
and angry, especially when the night was cold, dark and stormy. A bereaved
mother, on the loss of her child, would kindle up a fire and sit by it all night.
The wife on the loss of a husband performed the same vigil. In either case
a rest in sleep was denied. For six months or more, in case of the death of
a chief, the sorrowing and mourning relations indicated their grief in many
ways. The men, in the early part of their time of mourning, remained silent
and subdued, ate very sparingly, and abstained from all kinds of amusements,
and from decking themselves out in their usual manner; the women did the
same, with this difference, that they remained at home prostrated with grief—
their hair streaming over their shoulders, unoiled and undressed, being seated
on skins close to the place of burial or sacred fire. They not unfrequently
broke the silence of sadness by heart piercing exclamations expressive of
their grief. For a long time they would continue to visit the grave regularly
morning and evening to mourn and weep.*
48 Cushman, Hist. Inds., pp. 2038—204.
“Ibid., p. 246.
“Ibid., pp. 363-364. Consult also the notes on burial in Lincecum’s migration
legend, p. 20.
SWANTON] CHOCTAW SOCIAL AND CEREMONIAL LIFE 181
Claiborne’s notes on this subject indicate, either that the Choctaw
whose mortuary rites he happened to observe were influenced by the
Chickasaw or Creeks, or that they were rapidly degenerating. Hal-
bert thinks he has confused the earlier and later rites.
The Choctaw, [he says] scaffold their dead until the flesh rots off them;
the scaffold being eight or ten feet high and built on the edge of their yard.
They then scrape the bones clean, place them in a box or put boards or bark
around them and bury them in the ground—burying them sometimes in their
yard, sometimes under their house.
“ When I assisted,” says General Dale, “in moving the first body of Choctaws
that went west, there were some of them whose dead were still on scaffolds.
They remained to bury the bones and chant the funeral rites the required time,
and came afterwards.” “
The notes which Claiborne took when acting as United States
Commissioner, being from personal observation and direct conversa-
tions with the Indians, are of more value.
It was formerly the custom to deposit the corpse upon a scaffold; well pro-
tected from intrusion, under which a small bark fire was kept. It there lay
until decomposition supervened, when a set of men called Iksa-nom-bulla [iksa
anumpuli, “ speakers for the moiety ’’], or the Bone-pickers of the Ik-sa, or clan,
were sent for, whose duty it was to strip the bones of the remaining integuments.
They were an exclusive order of itinerants, with something of the sacerdotal
character, and these last ceremonies could only be performed by them. They
were painted and tattooed in a peculiar style, and wore their finger-nails like
talons, to enable them to perform these revolting rites. The bones were then
placed in a deep basket and interred in their cabins or camps. The widow and
children sit around the grave twice every day for three months, and weep,
chanting a melancholy dirge. Some six months afterward his relatives and
friends are invited to lament. They shroud themselves in a blanket and cry.
These guests all bring a contribution of provisions, and after the cry, they have
a feast, and sometimes a dance, or a bali-play, but the immediate family of the
deceased take no part in the festivities. This cry is regarded as the most
solemn of obligations, never to be omitted when possible to be performed. To
illustrate it, I abridge from my journal now on file in the office of Indian
Affairs at Washington:
“No. 72.—Towah," full-blooded Choctaw, supposed to be seventy years of age,
presented her claim. An-na-le-ta deposed that at date of treaty claimant oc-
cupied, with her family, three cabins; had a good corn-field; their land was
yock-a-na-chic-a-ma [yakni achukma] (good land); some time thereafter a
white man named Wilkinson, ordered her off, saying that he had bought the
land. Claimant had just lost a daughter, and she first remonstrated, and then
begged that she might stay until she cried over the grave. Wilkinson angrily
refused. Witness knew a friendly white man named Johnson. He, the witness,
went to him, and he wrote to Wilkinson to let them stay till the cry was over.
He consented, and when they had cried they all moved about a mile off, and
built a cha-pa-chook-cha [chabli chuka?] (bark house) where they have resided
ever since, not wishing to go too far from the dead.”
46 Claiborne, Miss., I, p. 493. Other mortuary notes by Claiborne are commented on
by Halbert. (See p. 188.)
47 Towah signifies “a ball.’
182 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Buny. 1038
In very ancient times, a spacious temple, called Tusk-a-chook-a [Tashka
chuka], or the House of the Warriors, stood on the verge of the Kush-tush, the
largest and oldest settlement in the nation, long since deserted. This temple
was in the custody of an order of priests, called Oon-ka-la. When a great war-
rior’s bones had been prepared for burial by the Ik-sa-nom-bulla, they sent for
the Oon-ka-la, and even from the most remote village they were taken to the
temple. The Oon-ka-la preceded, chanting a solenm hymn in an unknown tongue,
and the relatives and clansmen followed with loud lamentations. Arriving at
the temple, the priests purified themselves with lustrations, and administered
to the mourners a beverage called the white drink. No bystander was allowed
to enter the temple. The priests, holding wands in their hands, passed slowly
round it three times, muttering incantations, and then they took the bones
within the sacred edifice, singing a hymn in a language unknown to the spec-
tators. This was the practice from remote times, until the French and English
traders entered their territory, when the Great Tenyple was struck by lightning
and consumed. This created great alarm throughout the nation; the temple
was never re-built, and the city of Kush-osh-ah gradually mouldered away.
After this, they began to deposit their dead in the earth. The face of a warrior
was painted red and black, the war colors, and his arms and ornaments placed
in the grave, that he might be able to resist his enemies or kill his game in the
distant shadowy hunting grounds to which he was supposed to have gone.*
Claiborne’s reference to the ancient common burial temple by the
“ Kushtush” stands entirely by itself, and there is a suspicious re-
semblance between the story told of the destruction of this temple and
the historical destruction of the Taensa temple on the Mississippi in
1700,*° yet I am inclined to believe that there is a substratum of truth
in what he says, though it is now too late to determine certainly how
much. ‘The town mentioned is evidently that given in my list as
Kashtasha, “ place of fleas,” which, as we have seen, was once the
capital town of the western band of Choctaw. Halbert locates it on
the south bank of Custusha Creek, “about 8 miles, a little south of
west of West Yazoo town.” °° Perhaps the archeologist may be able to
throw light on this matter. The esoteric language mentioned in the
narrative need have been nothing more than a peculiar or archaic
variety of the common speech. Mention has already been made of
the native disinclination to use the names of the deceased.*!
In referring to the migrations of Indian tribes writers often speak
of the regret of the latter at abandoning “the bones of their
ancestors,” and this expression has been used so frequently that it is
generally taken to be rather a product of the romantic imagination
of the white man than answering to any very profound native feeling.
However, in the subjoined note Claiborne seems to indicate a certain
service which these “‘ ashes of the dead ” performed in fixing property
rights, family as well as tribal, which throws some light on the origin
of the much used phrase.
48 Claiborne, Miss., 1, pp. 517-518. 50 See p. 62.
9See Bull. 48, Bur. Amer. Ethn., pp. 266-268. 51 See pp. 120-121.
SWANTON] CHOCTAW SOCIAL AND CEREMONIAL LIFE 183
Their devoted love of country may be traced to their traditions and customs.
No people cherished more reverence for the dead. If a member of a family
died from home, no matter how far, it was the ancient usage to carry his
body back; or if that was impracticable, his ashes or his bones. To prove that
a man had been buried in or adjacent to the house that he occupied, was
considered conclusive proof of occupancy and domicile; a custom that prevailed
so long and universally in the tribe, the Commissioners adopted it in their
adjudications.”
In Hodgson’s time (1820) the pole-pulling ceremony had
already replaced scaffolding and bone-picking. His information is
based in part on direct observation.
As soon as it appeared to be twelve o’clock by the sun, three of the Indian
women covered themselves with blankets, and approached a little spot in the
garden, enclosed by six upright poles, on the highest of which were suspended
several chaplets of vine leaves and tendrils: here they either sat or kneeled
(the blankets preventing our seeing which) for about twenty minutes, utter-
ing a low monotonous wailing. This mournful ceremony they repeat, at sun-
rise, noon, and sun-set, for ninety days, or three moons, as the Egyptians
mourned for Jacob threescore and ten days. I have since been informed
by a very intelligent Indian, that the period of mourning is sometimes extended
to four or five moons, if the individual be deeply regretted, or of eminent rank;
and that it is occasionally determined by the time occupied in killing the
deer and other animals necessary for the great feast which is often given at
the pulling up of the poles.
At the celebrated ceremony of the “ pole-pulling,’ the family connexions
assemble from a great distance; and, when they are particular in observing
the ancient customs, they spend two or three days and nights in solemn prep-
aration and previous rites. They then all endeavour to take hold of some part
of the poles, which they pluck up and throw behind them without looking,
moving backward toward the East. They then feast together, and disperse to
their several homes. ...
Till within ten or fifteen years, the Choctaws generally killed the favourite
horses or dogs of the deceased, and buried them, with his gun and hatchet, in
his grave. They still sometimes bury the gun; but it is too frequently stolen:
and they now satisfy themselves with believing that the spirits of the horses
and dogs will rejoin that of their master at their death.” The settlement of
White people among them, and occasional intermarriages, have undermined
many of their customs. The Choctaws formerly scaffolded their dead, in a
house appropriated for the purpose, in their different towns; and in these
houses, the various families were kept distinct. Sometimes they bury them
in their dwellings, like the ancient Egyptians.
The Missionary Herald gives the following account of the pole-
pulling ceremony just before the Choctaw emigration :
The ceremony of pole-pulling, mentioned in the preceding letter, has pre-
vailed in all parts of the Choctaw nation, and is attended with great rioting
and dissoluteness. Perhaps no one thing tends so much to debase the people,
52 Claiborne, Miss., 1, p. 517.
53 At an earlier date articles were placed on the scaffold where the body was first laid.
The disposition then made of the horse and dog is not clear.
54 Hodgson, Travels, pp. 270-271.
184 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 103
or presents so powerful temptations to those who are somewhat disposed to
give up to dissipation. It is connected with their mourning for the dead.
When a Choctaw dies, his friends set up a number of poles around the graye,
on which they hang hoops, wreaths, &c., for the spirit to ascend upon. Around
these poles the survivors of the family gather each day, at sunrise, noon, and
sunset, and there prostrating themselves, and uttering convulsive cries, mourn
for the deceased. This is continued during 30 or 40 days: then all the neigh-
boring people assemble, the poles are pulled up, and the mourning is ended
with feasting, drinking, and great disorder.”
Christian opposition to this institution took form in the western
district in July of the same year in a public enactment by which the
custom was abolished “by a unanimous vote.”** But it did not
come to an end even after the removal of the Choctaw west of the
Mississippi, as is shown by Gregg, who says:
In burials, the civilized Choctaws follow the customs of the whites, but the
ruder classes still preserve their aborignial usages. According to these, a
painted pole with a flag is stuck up at the grave, which usually remains three
months. During this period they have regular mourning exercises every morn-
ing and evening; and are always prompt to avail themselves, at any hour of the
day, of the assistance of any friend who may visit them to help them to weep.
At the end of the prescribed term, the friends of the bereft family attend a feast
at their house, and, after dancing all night, the next morning visit the grave
and pull down the pole; which is called “the pole-pulling.” After this all
mourning ceases, and the family is permitted to join in the usual amusements
and festivities of the tribe, which was not allowable before.”
Henry C. Benson, a Methodist missionary, who was in the Choctaw
country between 1843 and 1845, gives the following “ brief account ”
of the burial rites at that period.
When the husband dies the friends assemble, prepare the grave, and place
the corpse in it, but do not fill it up. The gun, bow and arrows, hatchet and
knife are deposited in the grave. Poles are planted at the head and the foot,
upon which flags are placed; the grave is then inclosed by pickets driven in the
ground. The funeral ceremonies now begin, the widow being the chief mourner.
At night and morning she will go to the grave, and pour forth the most piteous
cries and wailings. It is not important that any other member of the family
should take any very active part in the “cry,” though they do participate to
some extent.
The widow wholly neglects her toilet, while she daily goes to the grave to
weep during one entire moon from the date when the death occurred. On the
evening of the last day of the moon the friends all assemble at the cabin of the
disconsolate widow, bring provisions for a sumptuous feast, which consists of
corn and jerked-beef boiled together in a kettle. While the supper is preparing
the bereaved wife goes to the grave, and pours out, with unusual vehemence,
her bitter wailings and lamentations. When the food is thoroughly cooked the
kettle is taken from the fire and placed in the center of the cabin, and the
friends gather around it, passing the buffalo horn-spoon from hand to hand
55 Miss. Herald, Dec., 1828 (vol. xxiv, No. 12), p. 381.
56 Tbid., p. 153.
5' Gregg, Commerce of the Prairies, in Early Western Travels, ed. R. G. Thwaites, vol.
20, pp. 313-315.
Swanton] CHOCTAW SOCIAL AND CEREMONIAL LIFE 185
and from mouth to mouth till all have been bountifully supplied. While supper
is being served two of the oldest men of the company quietly withdraw, and go
to the grave and fill it up, taking down the flags. All then join in a dance,
which not unfrequently is continued till morning; the widow does not fail to
unite in the dance, and to contribute her part to the festivities of the occasion.
This is the “last ery,” the days of mourning are ended, and the widow is now
ready to form another matrimonial alliance. The ceremonies are precisely the
same when a man has lost his wife, and they are only slightly varied when any
other member of the family has died. But at the time of our residence with
them those heathenish ceremonies were not generally observed, yet they were
occasionally practiced by the most ignorant and degraded of the tribe.”
Among the Bayou Lacomb Choctaw the ancient burial customs
seem almost to have disappeared even as memories, as appears from
the information furnished by Mr. Bushnell.
There appears to haye been very little lamenting or mourning on the oc-
casion of a death or a burial. The body was borne to the grave and the
interment took place without a ceremony of any sort. In the event of the
death of a man of great importance, however, the body was allowed to re-
main in state for a day before burial. During that time it was decorated
with various ornaments and garments, but these were removed before inter-
ment. Such objects are said to have been preserved and handed down from
one generation to the next, and used whenever required.
Usually a hunter’s gun was placed in the grave with the body.
The period of mourning varied with the age of the deceased. For a child
or young person it was about three months, but for an older person, as one’s
mother or father, from six months to one year.
The women cut their hair and “cried” at certain times near the grave.
When a person desired to cease mourning, he stuck into the ground so as to
form a triangle three pieces of wood, each several feet in length, about 1 foot
apart. The tops of these sticks were drawn together and tied with a piece
of bright-colored cloth or ribbon. This object was placed near the door or
entrance of the lodge and indicated to all that the occupant desired to cease
mourning.
During the next three days the mourners cried or wailed three times each
day—at sunrise, at noon, and at sunset. While wailing they wrapped blankets
around their heads and sat or knelt upon the ground. During these three
days the friends of the mourners gathered and began dancing and feasting.
At the expiration of the time they ceased weeping and joined in the festivities,
which continued another day.”
The few notes which I have myself collected agree with the above,
but amplify it in certain particulars. ‘Thus Jackson Lewis, one of
my oldest and best Creek informants, who had been much with the
Choctaw, told me that in his early years the people of that tribe
used to lay the bodies of the deceased out on the ground in the yard
of the dwelling and erect a little house over them, and as the body
decomposed they would sharpen canes and punch them into the body
88 Henry C. Benson, Life Among the Choctaw Indians and Sketches of the Southwest.
Cincinnati, 1860, pp. 294-295.
59 Bushnell, Bull. 48, Bur. Amer. Hthn., p. 27.
54564—31——_13
186 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BuLy. 103
through cracks in the house so as to start the pus running out and
cause more rapid decomposition.
Mrs. McCurtain, widow of one of the governors of the Choctaw
Nation, had heard of the ancient mortuary customs but had never
seen them. She told me that in her time the last funeral ceremonies
were about a month after death, a date having been agreed upon in
advance. Meanwhile all of the friends of the dead went back and
forth to his grave along with the afflicted family, and mourned there
without speaking to one another, after which they would visit his
former home. In later times on the day of the final ceremonies they
always had a man to hold a service at the house, after which he gave
out notice that the last ceremony would be at the grave, and when
all had assembled there they moaned and sang a hymn, and then
prayer was offered. After that they repaired to the house and the
feast took place. The food for this, consisting of beef, pork, and
various dishes made of corn, was contributed by the different branches
of the dead man’s family, and a certain person was appointed to
collect this. Another person superintended the cooking. All sat
down and the food was distributed to them. The feast being con-
cluded, all returned home.
Mr. A. L. Tinsley, of Philadelphia, Miss., who was for many years
a near neighbor of the Bok Chito Band of Choctaw, the band
least modified by white influence, furnished me the following notes
from his own direct observations:
The body of the deceased was extended at full length in the ground, and
articles that had belonged to him such as his gun, ballsticks, beaded belts,
articles of clothing, or in the case of a woman, pots and kettles, were laid by it.
Then part of the earth was thrown in and two strong Indians jumped down
on it and trod it down firmly all about. Afterward they procured three poles
which they planted at the head, a longer one in the middle, and a shorter one
on each side of it. Garlands of leaves, vines, etc., were hung over these. The
next morning and for a number of mornings after, just as the sun was rising
above the horizon, the relatives of the dead man went to his grave and wailed
there, genuine tears running down their faces. After it was over a great
number of people were called together and a great cry indulged in which was
followed by a feast, and this again by a dance lasting nearly all night. Next
day they had a game of ball.
One informant ventured the assertion that poles were planted only
at the graves of persons killed in battle. This may have been true
anciently, but certainly not in later times, and Halbert seems to have
heard nothing about it.
Simpson Tubby contributed the following notes regarding the
later ceremony.
When anyone died the families of both parents of the deceased met and
mourned until the remains had been put into the ground. They consulted to-
SwanTon] CHOCTAW SOCIAL AND CEREMONIAL LIFE 187
gether and decided upon the date of the “cry” and the time when the mourning
poles should be set up. Then the father, if living, would inform the captain of
his band of the time determined upon. Forthwith the captain stood up and
announced the determination to the assembled families in a short speech, say-
ing that at such-and-such a time they would meet, set up the mourning poles,
eat together, and mourn. He would inform various individuals as to the
nature of their duties on that occasion, detailing certain women to cook beef
or bake bread, certain men to buy the beef, certain others to lift the heavy
pots and skillets, who should set the table, pour the coffee and so on. When
this feast was over they marched to the grave and all wept there as if they
had been hurt by some sudden stroke and it was very sad for those who had
to listen. Many cried who were not related to the deceased in any way.
After that the mourners laid their mourning costume aside and along with
it the memory of the deceased. The name was never mentioned in the family,
except perhaps by a child who was always quickly silenced. He could be
spoken of to, or by, an outsider, but it was almost like another death to breathe
it to anyone of the family for they thought, in that case, such a person would
also die very shortly.
As already stated, Halbert’s narrative, being the most elaborate
and the most critical of all attempts hitherto made to treat of these
ceremonies, is reserved until the last. After expressing his convic-
tion that the mortuary rites of the Choctaw were not always uni-
form, a conclusion much reenforced by what we know of other
North American peoples, he goes on to speak of the older custom in
these words:
The modern Choctaws of Mississippi who are best informed on the ancient
usages of their people, state that in the olden time, whenever a Choctaw
died, his body, covered with a blanket or bear skin, was placed upon a scaf-
fold about six feet high, which was erected near the house. Benches were
then made and placed around the scaffold. Every day the family were wont
to seat themselves upon these benches, and with covered heads, for half an
hour or more, to bewail the dead. This same sad duty was also performed
by any relative or visitor that happened to be present. After some mouths,
when a sufficient number of corpses in the villages of the community have
become so thoroughly putrified as to allow a general burial, word to this effect
is sent to the ‘na foni aiowa,” “the bone-pickers.” This word, which, ac-
cording to connection, may be singular or plural, properly translated is ‘“ bone-
gatherer,” having reference to this official’s gathering the bones for burial.
Bone-picker, which is here used in deference to general usage, is not the exact
translation, and is somewhat misleading. The bone-pickers in all the ad-
joining towns or Communities, on receiving the news that their services are
needed, now get together, hold a consultation, and agree upon a day upon
which all the corpses, from all quarters, are to arrive at the bone-house.
Some of the dead may be only a few hours’ walk from the bone-house, others
may be one or two days’ journey. The bone-pickers now give small bundles
of split cane, “ oski kauwa,” to messengers to be carried and given to all the
families, far and near. These pieces of cane are about four inches long and
the size of a broom-straw, arranged in a bundle and this tied around the
middle with a string. Time is measured by these sticks, the receiver every
morning throwing away a stick. The time has been so well set that he throws
188 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BuL. 103
away the last stick on the morning of the burial day. The old-time Choctaws
reckoned time by “sleeps,” and by throwing away a stick after each night’s
sleep, no mistake could be made.
When the bone-picker arrives at the house of the deceased, the family,
kindred and visitors seat themselves on the mourning benches and go through
with their usual weeping and wailing. They then remove the benches and
the bone-picker attends to his office. He first makes the coffin or coffins, orna-
menting them to the best of his taste or ability. He then takes down the
corpses, with his long finger nails separates the flesh from the bones, scrapes
and washes the bones perfectly clean, and puts them in the coffin. Tradition
is silent as to the disposition of the decayed flesh and other refuse. Accord-
ing to Bernard Romans’ Florida, all this was burned. On the contrary, an
old Indian countryman, many years ago, informed the writer that it was
buried. This last statement seems to be corroborated by the Journal of the
Rey. Lorenzo Dow, page 220, where under the date of December 24, 1804, he
thus writes: ‘We rode about forty miles through Six Towns of the Choctaws,
and whilst we were passing it, I observed where they scaffolded the dead, and
also the spot where the flesh was buried when the bone-picker had done his
office.” The probabilities are that some communities may have buried the
flesh, while others burned it. Or, as Dow was a later observer, it may be
that in his day the fashion was changed, the flesh being buried instead of being
burned. In this connection it may not be amiss to call attention to Claiborne’s
Mississippi, page 489, where there is a confusion of the ancient and the modern
ceremonies. He states that “the shrivelled integuments stripped off by the
bone-pickers were buried in a separate place over which a pole was planted.”
The shrivelled integuments may have been buried, according to the evidence
just cited, but no pole was ever planted over them, nor wag there any “ pole-
pulling” ceremony, for, as will be seen farther on, the pole-planting business
and the pole-pulling ceremony were introduced aiterwards as new ceremonies,
when the old bone-picking custom was abolished by the Choctaws.
According to the number of corpses the bone-pickers may be one or more
days at work on their respective tasks. When the work ig finished, from each
place a procession is formed, and the coffins are borne to the bone-house,
whether situated far or near. As has been stated, it is well known on what
day all are to meet at the bone-house, and every procession so manages its
business as to arrive there on the appointed day. On their arrival the coffins
are placed upon the ground, the mourners crouch down around them, shroud
their heads, then weep and wail a long time. When enough tears have been
shed, the coffins are placed in the bone-house, and ali then take their departure
to their respective homes.
After the bone-house has become full in consequence of successive deposits,
the tradition says that men are appoinied to cover the house all over with
earth, which practically makes a burial mound.
As Halbert points out, the tradition which he recorded differs
from other narratives at this point. It also differs in stating that
the bones of the dead were synchronously brought to the burial scaf-
fold. He suggests that these discrepancies may be accounted for by
variations in usage, but to the present writer it looks as though the
tradition had substituted a synchronous collection of bones on the
scaffold for the synchronous burial of them in a mound. Occasion-
ally deaths might have taken place near enough together for the bone
SWANTON] CHOCTAW SOCIAL AND CEREMONIAL LIFE 189
pickers to treat a number at the same time, but from other narratives
it seems that the time allowed to lapse in each case was relatively
fixed, and this would have prevented synchronous bestowal of the
bones in the cantonal ossuary. Let us hope that the family of a
deceased Choctaw were not subjected to the close neighborhood of
the remains of their beloved relative longer than was absolutely
necessary to enable the “buzzard man” to perform his functions
satisfactorily. Halbert continues his discussion by an inquiry into
the time when the use of ossuaries became obsolete. He says:
As a result [of an examination of] all the obtainable sources of information,
it may be safely stated that the custcm fell into disuse in the early days of the
nineteenth century. The custom may have lingered longer in some localities
than in others. From the passage quoted above from the Rey. Lorenzo Dow’s
Journal, it seems certain that this custom still prevailed in 1804 among the
Six-Towns Choctaws. The anonymous author of a little work, published in
1830, entitled Conversations on the Choctaw Missions, practically states, on
page 211, that the bone-picking custom became obsolete about 1800. Writers
describing Choctaw customs subsequent to 1812, make no mention of the bone-
picking custom, thus showing that by this time it had passed away. Colonel
Claiborne, in his Life and Times of Sam Dale, pp. 175-6, has somehow drifted
into a strange mistake in stating that the custom still existed in 1832. The
Rey. Israel Folsom, in his manuscript, does not give the date of the abolition
of the bone-picking custom; but makes the following statment in regard to the
new custom: “ When the custom of placing the dead upon platforms was aban-
doned, which met with strong opposition, they buried their dead in a sitting
posture in the grave; around the grave they set up half a dozen red poles,
about eight feet high, and one about fifteen feet high, at the top of which a
white flag was fastened. The occupation of the bone-pickers having been
abolished, it then became their business to set up red poles around the graves,
and afterwards to remove them at the time of mourning, hence they were
called ‘pole-pullers.’ They were respected by the people, and far less labor
being imposed upon them they were pleased with the change in the burial of
the deud.” The above statement from Mr. Folsom seems to corroborate the
Choctaw tradition that the bone-pickers of the olden time were not looked
upon with much respect. Their office was doubtless considered necessary, but
not very elevating.
We now pass from the Choctaws of the early years of the nineteenth century
down to the remnant of the same people still living in Mississippi in the last
half and in the closing years of the same century. Notwithstanding the seem-
ingly impassive nature of our Mississippi Choctaws, upon the death of a
member of the household, the family and relatives often give vent to such a
passionate outburst of grief that it is almost appaling to a white person unfa-
miliar with Indian life. The frequent and long-drawn out exclamations of
grief uttered by the women, “aiyenaheh” [or aiehnahe] and “ikkikkeh” [or
ikikki], fall upon the ear with a wild and mournful sound. During these agon-
izing scenes the sympathizing friends present are sometimes wont to rub the
heads of the mourners with horsemint so as to relieve the headache that is
so often caused by excessive grief. Meanwhile preparations are made for the
burial. This duty is supervised by the two oldest men in the community,
officially called “ hattak in tikba,” which term may be translated “ headman.”
190 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BuLL. 103
The two iksa are represented in these headmen, one of them belonging to the
Kashapa Okla, the other to the Okla in holahta.” The two headmen now
appoint six men as “ pole-planters,” each headman appointing three from his
own iksa. The pole-planters go to work, make the poles from small pine
saplings, stripping off the bark and painting or rather daubing the poles with
red clay. Two of the poles are about ten or twelve feet high, the other four
about eight. A series of grapevine hoops, which are about two feet in diameter,
are fastened to the two tall poles. The hoops are made by coiling the vines
around two or more times, so that the body of each hoop is made exactly the
same size, and then the coil kept securely in its place by being tied with Strings.
The hoops are tied, about six inches apart, hard and fast to the pole, at the
upper and lower edges of their circumference. The number of the hoops is
a matter of no consequence, whether many or few.
Every thing being ready for the burial, all repair to the grave, which is
generally made very near the house, sometimes even in the yard. The body,
enclosed in a coffin, is lowered into the grave. A few years ago, such articles
as the deceased most valued in life were deposited with him in the grave or
coffin. A gun was a favorite article deposited in the grave of a man, Beads,
gorgets and other female paraphernalia in the grave of a woman. Sometimes,
especially in the case of children, a pair of shoes was placed in the coffin.
These usages are now entirely abandoned. When the last clods of earth have
been cast upon the grave and boards placed over it, the six pole-planters come
forward and plant their poles, three being set up by the pole-planters of one
iksa on one side of the grave, and three set up by the pole-planters of the
opposite iksa on the other side. The two tall poles adorned with hoops are in
the center of each side, the hoops being on the sides of the poles farthest from
the grave. The lowest hoop on each pole is about two feet from the ground.
To the tops of the tall poles smail streamers are fastened, these streamers being
generally small strips of white cloth, though occasionally red handkerchiefs
are used. The object of these streamers is to show to the passer-by that it is
a grave, and he is expected to halt and show his respect for the dead by weeping
a while over it. White strings are tied around the tops of the other poles.
If the deceased is male, sometimes a pair of ball sticks is suspended from one of
the poles. If, owing to some untoward circumstances, the pole-planters cannot
plant their poles at the time of burial, it is expected that they do this work
as soon afterwards as possible. Sometimes a child is buried under the house.
In such a case, and also in the case of any one dying far from home, a place
near the house is selected for the planting of the poles, thus making a kind of
cenotaph, where the funeral obsequies are performed. After the pole-planting
work is finished, every one on the ground, male and female, assemble around
the grave, kneel down, cover their heads, then weep and wail a long time.
After indulging in a certain amount of grief, all arise and gradually disperse
to their homes.
As a digression, some observations may here be made in regard to the hoops on
the two tall poles. The fastening of hoops to the poles fell into disuse about
thirty years ago. The Choctaws expressly say that these hoops had no signif-
icance whatever. They were simply ornaments to the grave, and were never
taken off from the poles. They say that the white man’s statement, as recorded
in Claiborne’s Mississippi, page 489, that these hoops were designed as a ladder
for the spirit to ascend at the last cry is simply a fiction created by the white
man’s fancy, and that no such idea ever existed among the Choctaws. To
% See pp. 76-79.
Swanton] CHOCTAW SOCIAL AND CEREMONIAL LIFE 191
repeat, the hoops were an ornament, that and nothing else. The statement in
Colonel Claiborne’s History, relative to this “ spirit-ladder ” business, must then
be taken with many grains of salt; in fact, must not be taken at all. The
Choctaws are certainly better judges of this matter than any white man can
possibly be.” In addition to this, as has already been stated, there was no
special number of hoops. The “thirteen lunar months” symbolism, as men-
tioned in Colonel Claiborne’s book, is something that was unknown to the
Choctaws, and had its origin only in the white man’s imagination. A reference
to another matter in this same connection. There never was any “ dancing-the-
spirit home” ceremonies, as likewise recorded on the same page of Colonel
Claiborne’s History. This is another specimen of the white man’s fancy.
Farther on in this paper will be given an account of the dances that are danced
at the last cry.
Returning from this digression, the cry at the pole pulling is merely the
beginning of the many things that are to be done before the final closing of
the funeral ceremonies. The family and the near relatives now go into deep
mourning, which the men manifest by letting the hair remain unshorn and the
women by going barefoot, and neither sex wearing any kind of ornaments, such
as plumes, silver bands, sashes, gorgets, beads, bracelets, finger rings, earrings;
in short, any ornament peculiar to either man or woman. Under all circum-
stances the mourners preserve a grave and dignified demeanor. They converse
in low tones, and the men never even so far forget themselves as to shout at
a dog. They indulge in no jests, laughter, revelry, or merrymaking of any
kind. If approached and asked to participate in a dance, for instance, the
invariable response is, “ Hihla la hekeyu Tabishi sia hokat ’—‘“ I can not dance.
I am a mourner.” Twice a day—early in the morning and late in the after-
noon—they go to the grave, cover their heads, kneel down, and weep over it.
If a friend comes to see them they even go oftener, the visitor accompanying
them and doing his share of weeping. Etiquette also requires that the visitor
himself must always approach the grave and weep a while over it before he
enters the house. While the immediate family go, as it were, into conventional
mourning by the observances mentioned above, as regards letting the hair
grow, going barefoot, and wearing no ornaments, this matter is entirely optional
to those of more distant relationship. A first cousin, for instance, can use his
own pleasure whether or not, by following these observances, he shall be in-
cluded in the mourning family.
Meanwhile the two headmen confer with each other and appoint the most
expert hunters out of the two iksa to go out into the woods, kill as many deer
as they can, and barbecue their flesh for “the last ery,” or, as it is called by
the Choctaws, “yaiya chito”—‘“the big cry.” After a while the mourning
family appoint a day for “the little cry’—‘yaiya iskitini’”—which, of
course, is held at the grave. Quite a company generally go to the little cry.
The headmen are generally present. There are no ceremonies at the little cry.
While there the family agree upon the time for the big cry. This is a kind
of communal cry, in which the entire town or community participate. ‘The
time for the cry is determined by many circumstances, as the state of the
weather, the labor of the crops, etc. Sometimes several months elapse between
the death and the last ery. As soon as the time is settled upon, the two head-
men, just as in the olden time, send around the small bundles of split cane to
all the families, far and near, thereby notifying them of the appointed day.
61 Yes, as to current beliefs, but it is quite possible for beliefs to change. And indeed it
is more than possible. It is common. There may or may not have been grounds for
Claiborne’s statement. Note that Cushman says the same thing (see p. 177).
192 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bu. 103
To record this matter accurately, the Choctaws gradually ceased to use these
sticks some 30 years ago, when they began to become familiar with the white
man’s division of time into days and weeks.” Since that time it is sufficient
to notify the parties by merely sending word as to the day and week in which
the cry is to take place.
The great day at last arrives. During the afternoon the Choctaws from far
and near begin to make their appearance upon the camping ground, which is
generally a hundred yards, more or less, from the grave. As they arrive upon
the ground, each one, without grecting anybody, and looking neither to the right
nor to the left, walks straight to the grave, there covers his head with a shawl
or blanket, kneels down, and indulges in the prescribed cry. Having discharged
this duty to the dead, he returns to the camping ground, fixes himself and
family comfortably in camp, and then holds himself in readiness for the coming
events. The two headmen make their camp fires opposite each other, about 50
feet apart. As the afternoon begins to draw to a close the hunters bring
forward their barbecued venison and deposit it on the ground between the
fires of the headmen. Some families have brought with them for the common
feast large kettles full of hominy. These, too, are brought forward and placed
on the ground along with the venison. As night begins to close upon the scene
the camp fires are lighted up afresh and the two headmen hold a consultation.
They make an estimate of the numbers of their respective iksa present and
proportion the food accordingly. The rigid law of Choctaw etiquette at an
Indian cry requires that the two iksa must eat separate and distinct from each
other. This is a sacred and inviolable law. The venison and hominy are now
earried to the various iksa groups, as they are scattered around over the
ground. No group is neglected. In the distribution of the food it is customary
to give to all the contributors of hominy a small quantity of venison for their
private use, which they can carry home with them. This is intended as a
remuneration for their contribution of hominy for the public use. When all
the venison and hominy have been distributed each headman delivers an oration
to his iksa, these orations being the prelude to the coming big feast. The ora-
tors are sometimes excessively tedious and prolix, and the hungry auditors
become very impatient under the long-winded speeches. The speeches finally
come to a close, and without any more ado the solid work of eating begins.
Every Choctaw—male and female, big and little, old and young, mourners and
all—now feast to their hearts’ content. It is best here to state that the iksa
separation in public feasting passed away many years ago, the extinction of
the deer and other causes having rendered it impracticable. The two iksa ata
cry nowadays eat promiscuously at one long table, for the table has super-
seded the old method of eating in groups on the ground. The speeches of the
orators prior to the feast, however, still continue to be the fashion.
After having regaled themselves to satiety, the crowd scatter over the
ground. The men, women and children gather around the various camp fires,
and every one passes the time in the best manner to suit himself. It is a very
social occasion, and there is very little sleep in the camp that night. The
men talk, smoke, chew tobacco, or it may be, some engage in the game of
“naki luma,” “hidden bullet.” The women gossip; whilst the children and
the numerous dogs contribute their share to the noise and hilarity of the
occasion. After about an hour of general sociability, the young men and the
young women assemble at the “ ahibla,” “ the dancing ground,” a plot of ground
about a hundred yards off, which has been previously prepared for this purpose.
Here six different kinds of dances are danced in succession, which, being very
® Halbert’s paper was published in 1900. 8% See pp. 158-159.
SWANTON] CHOCTAW SOCIAL AND CEREMONIAL LIFE 193
long, take up the greater part of the night. hese dances are very complicated
and almost incomprehensible to a white person. The first dance is “nakni
hihla,” “the men’s dance,” which the men alone dance. This dance over, the
young women are now masters of the situation. Each woman selects her own
man as her partner for the five coming dances. The man selected cannot back
out, but must dance with his partner as long as she chooses to dance, no matter
how weary he may become. If the woman herself should finally become weary
of dancing, she simply says to her partner, “ kil issa,” “let us quit,” whereupon
both withdraw and neither dances any more that night. The second dance is
“ shatanih hihla,” “ the tick dance.” The third, “ nita hihla,” “the bear dance.”
The fourth, “yahyachi hihla,”’ “the trotter’s dance.” The fifth, “ ittisanali
hihla,”’ “the dance of those that oppose each other.” The sixth, “ ittihalanli
hihla,” “the dance of those that hold each other,’ which dance, after many
evolutions, comes to an end by both sexes standing in two lines facing each
other, both hands of the men holding the two first fingers of the women’s two
hands. Sometimes one of these dances is repeated. It is indispensable that
they all be finished before daybreak, for at daybreak there must be a short
period—about fifteen or twenty minutes—of quietness in the camp. There is a
song sung with every dance, occasionally one of these songs being composed on
the spot. On a bright moonlight night these dances with their various
evolutions have a wonderful fascination to the on-looking white man. The
plumes, the sashes and silver bands of the men, the gaudy dresses, the beads,
the gorgets and other silver ornaments of the women, the graceful movements
of the dancers, the strange, wild Choctaw songs, all unite to make some of the
unique attractions of savage life.
About two hours before day, whilst the dancing of the young people is
still under full swing, a short cry is made by the mourners. Some
one of them, be it man or woman, sitting by a camp fire, suddenly lifts up his
voice in a wailing sound. The other mourners approach him, group them-
selves around him, cover their heads with their blankets, and for about ten
minutes the mourners give vent to cries of wailing and lamentation.
It is now broad daylight. Suddenly the loud voices of the two headmen are
heard telling their people that the time is now at hand for the last cry over
the dead. The headmen have already appointed the six pole-pullers, three from
each iksa. The pole-pullers may be the same men as the pole-planters, or they
may be entirely new appointees. All, men, women and children, now repair to
the grave. The pole-pullers stand, each one near his pole, three from one iksa
on one side of the grave, the other three on the other side. All, except the
headmen and the pole-pullers, with covered heads, now kneel upon the ground
and for a long time the sound of lamentation and weeping and great mourning
goes up to high heaven. The crowd may be very great, so that for some distance
around the grave the ground is covered with the kneeling forms of the mourning
Indians. Many are the exclamations and expressions of grief, especially from
the women. It is an affecting scene; for, even though much of the lamentation
on the part of some may be a matter of form, still, with the immediate family,
the near kindred and the intimate friends of the dead it is a manifestation of
genuine and heartfelt sorrow. After a while, the headman of the iksa opposite
to that of the deceased begins his funeral oration, in which he expatiates upon
the virtues of their departed friend. The oration is usually short. When the
speaker comes to a close, he and his brother headman lift up their voices and
utter what is called ‘“tashka paiya,’ “the warrior’s call,” consisting of the
four following exclamations: “ Yo, hyu, hyu, hyu,’” to which the pole-pullers
respond with “ ho-ee, ho-ee, ho-ee, ho-ee,” as noticed, “‘ ho-ee” being said four
times. The headmen again utter their exclamations just as at first, and again
194 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Buu 103
the pole-pullers respond with their exclamations in both cases, the same
number as at first.
All this is repeated by both parties the third time, and then the fourth and
last time. The pole-pullers now perform their office. They take up the poles,
bear them erect for some distance, then lower them to a horizontal position and
deposit them in a thicket or behind a log. As the pole-pullers start off from
the grave nearly all the prostrate crowd arise to their feet, their tears cease to
flow, and their wailing comes to an end. The mourning family, however, from
a sense of propriety, still remain for some minutes longer weeping over the
grave. Finally, they, too, arise and the crowd gradually scatter over the ground.
After a while, an old woman of the iksa opposite to that of the dead comes
forward with a pair of scissors in her hand, and cuts off a single lock of hair
from the heads of the women of the mourning family. An old man, likewise of
the opposite iksa, in the same manner, approaches the males of the mourning
family and trims off their long hair. These are the last ceremonies in the
funeral obsequies of the Choctaws. The time of mourning has now passed. All
now gradually leave the ground. The mourners on their return home can
resume their uSual dress and ornaments and take up again their free and easy
Indian life. The custom of clipping a single lock of hair from the heads of the
mourning women and girls still prevails to some extent, but trimming the hair
of the men and boys became obsolete about twenty years ago (i. e., about 1880).
Strictly speaking, about the same time, the custom of the men’s letting their
hair remain unshorn and the women going barefoot during the period of mourn-
ing became obsolete. Also, to a great extent, the disuse of ornaments during
the mourning season. As stated, the cry over, all return to their homes. There
was no breakfast on the ground at the cries of many years ago, but the modern
innovation requires that all must leave the funeral ground with a full stomach.
Such is the manner, from beginning to end, in which the Choctaws of Missis-
zippi are wont to perform the funeral obsequies over their dead. But, to be
very accurate in these matters, it is best to say that, excepting the barbecued
jeuison feature, the above is a correct description of the Choctaw funeral cere-
monies in nearly all the Choctaw communities down to about 1883. Since that
year the introduction of Christianity and education have wrought a great revo-
lution in the ideas and usages of the Choctaws. One custom after another has
gradually passed out of use. The last pole-pulling that occurred in the Moka-
lusha clan was in February, 1885. The custom lingered some years longer
among the Bogue Chito Indians, but perhaps now has passed out of use every-
where. In some localities poles with streamers attached are still planted
around the grave, but there is no pole-pulling. The cry with some of the old
ceremonies still prevails to some extent, especially in the non-Christianized
communities, notably among the Bogue Chito Indians, who, of all our Missis-
sippi Indians, most closely resemble the old-time Choctaws. In the Christianized
communities there are graveyards near their churches, where they bury their
dead, or try to bury them, after the manner of white people. Many Choctaws
of the Christianized element are very averse to any usage that, to their view,
savors of their old time heathenism. The revolution still goes onward.”
RELIGION AND MEDICINE
SUPERNATURAL BEINGS
Some early writers, and in later times Cushman and Bushnell,
report that the Choctaw believed in a great good spirit and a great
* Halbert in Pubs. Miss. Hist. Soc., m1, pp. 353-366, 1900.
Swanton] CHOCTAW SOCIAL AND CEREMONIAL LIFE 195
evil spirit, but it is probably significant that Rev. Alfred Wright,
who has left us the best account of primitive Choctaw religion, says
nothing whatever regarding the latter. True, a native missionary,
Israel Folsom, declares that “they also believed in the existence
of a devil, whom they designated Na-lusa-chi-to, a great black
being, or soul eater, who found full occupation in terrifying and
doing all manner of harm to people.” ** He, however, was prob-
ably only one of a number of hobgoblins in no way to be compared
with the great marplot of orthodox Christianity. Wright says that
four terms were applied to God, Nanapesa, Ishtahullo-chito or
Nanishta-hullo-chito, Hushtahli, and Uba Pike [Aba Pitki]. As he
suggests, the last of these, which means “Our Father,” was prob-
ably adopted from the whites. The word Nanapesa, “ director,” or
“judge,” at first seems to indicate a like origin, but, as we shall see
presently, the aboriginal solar deity was supposed to have power of
life and death, and I am therefore inclined to consider it as purely
native. “Ishtahulle or Nanishtahullo is applied,” says Wright, “ to
whatever excites surprise, and also to anything which they conceive
to possess some occult or superior power. Hence it is a name they
give to witches.” By the Chickasaw, at least, it was also bestowed
upon priests or any men who could perform wonders, whether good
or bad. The term Shilup chitoh osh is used by Cushman but it is
merely a translation into Choctaw of the words “ The Great Spirit,”
in agreement with a supposed widely spread Indian concep-
tion. Byington gives another term, Chitokaka, “The Great One,”
which again is probably modern. The only name which we may
set down with confidence as aboriginal Choctaw is Hushtahli (Hash-
tahli), compounded of hashi, “sun,” and tahli, “to complete an
action,” but Wright could not suggest an explanation for the com-
pound. It may have had the significance of “culminated or noon-
day sun” like the word Kutnahin, applied by the Chitimacha to
their own sun god, though tabokoa is the ordinary word for “ noon.”
Byington says that Hashtahli was applied to “the governor of the
world, whose eye is the sun,” from which we may perhaps infer that
the being so designated was celestial rather than solar. With this
reservation, the following remarks by Wright may be accepted as
giving us the best extant view of the character of this belief:
That the Choctaws anciently regarded the sun as a deity, is probable for
several reasons. 1. To the sun was ascribed the power of life and death. He
was represented as looking down upon the earth, and as long as he kept his
flaming eye fixed on any one, that person was safe, but as soon as he turned
away his eye, the individual died. To the sun, also, they attributed their
success in war. An aged native has given me the form of a speech used by
the war-leaders after returning from a successful expedition. In this they
BS Ae he tek dees a ee as SS
6 Cushman, Hist. Inds., p. 363.
196 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BuLL. 103
acknowledged, that it was through the influence of Hushtahli, or the sun, that
they were enabled to find the bright path, which led them to victory, and
returned them in safety to their homes. 2. In ancient times, fire, as the most
striking representation of the sun, was considered as possessing intelligence,
and as acting in concert with the sun. ‘The fire and sun were supposed to
have constant intercourse with each other, and the fire acted the part of an
informant to the sun. And it was an ancient saying of theirs, that if one
did anything wrong in the presence of the fire, the fire would tell the sun of
it before the offender could go ashatapa, the length of his extended arms.
This intercourse between the fire and sun is also recognized in one of their
war songs, which an aged man has repeated to me from memory. This man
stated, that anciently, when about to set out on a warlike expedition, after
having performed the prescribed ceremonies, the king being seated on the
ground and the warriors about him, the principal waiter on the king arose and
sang the war song. In this song there is nothing of a religious nature, except
in one stanza, in which the warriors are exhorted to rely for success on the
Sun, and the Fire his mate—Hushtali, micha Luak Hushtali itichapa.,
Whether by Hushtali they intended the same being whom they sometimes called
Nanapesa, or Ishtahullo chito, is not easy to decide. It seems probable they
did, from the consideration that they have no idea of a plurality of gods: for
they invariably assert, that they have no traditional knowledge except of one
superior being.
It has been already stated, that the Choctaws have no idea of a being purely
spiritual. They conceive that the Ishtahullo chito possesses a human shape,
and, in speaking of him, often call him the man above. His dwelling place is
regarded as being somewhere on high. The representation of the Choctaw
is, that when the Creator had made the earth, and its inhabitants (the red
people), and had given them their civil regulations, he returned to his place
above, and they saw and heard nothing more of him.
They do not appear to have acknowledged, that a superintending Providence
directed their concerns, and controlled all events. The sun was, indeed, sup-
posed to have the keys of life and death, and on him the warrior was taught
to rely for success in war. But in regard to other events in which their bap-
piness was concerned, his agency was excluded. In prosperity they exercised
no gratitude to him for benefits received, nor in distress, did they apply to
him for relief. In time of drought, they applied to their rain-makers who,
being well paid, would undertake to make rain. When the earth was sur-
charged with water, they would apply to their fair-weather makers for sunshine;
and in sickness, to their doctors for cure; without acknowledging or even
appearing to feel their dependence on the great Ruler of all things.”
In a footnote he says: “Fire they term shahli miko and hushi
itichapa. It is difficult to define the name shahli miko. Shahli
denotes addicted to, frequent, much of a thing, and frequency of
action, and is used in the comparison of adjectives. The other
name, hushz cztcchapa, means the sun’s mate, or matched together.
The oldest son is called itichapa, the father’s mate.” 7
Thus it seems clear that the aborignal Choctaw entertained a
belief in a supreme deity who, if not identical with the sun, was
closely associated with and acted through that luminary and that
* The Missionary Herald, June, 1828, vol. xx1v, No. 6, pp. 179-180. Tbid., p. 180,
SwaNTon J CHOCTAW SOCIAL AND CEREMONIAL LIFE 197
he was represented on earth by fire. The following from Israel
Folsom may be added:
They believed in the existence of a Great Spirit,’ and that he possessed
super-natural power, and was omniscient, but they did not deem that He
expected or required any form of worship of them. ... All they felt was a
dread of His attributes and character, made manifest to them by the
phenomena of the heavens.”
The name of God among the Louisiana Choctaw, Aba, “ above,”
is evidently identical with, or abbreviated from, a purely aboriginal
designation, almost identical with one term used by the Chickasaw,
Creeks, Chitimacha, and Atakapa.
The supreme being did not exist to the exclusion of all other
spirits, whether or not his position with relation to them was as
distinct as Wright claims. Cushman speaks of spirits good and
evil, and has the following to say about them, though how much is
unadulteratedly Indian can only be guessed:
The philosophy of the ancient Indian ever taught him to concentrate his
mind upon the spirit land; and that the influences which surrounded him in
Nature, above, beneath, around, are sent direct by the spirits that dwell in
an invisible world above; that there are two kinds of spirits,—the good and
the bad, who are continually at war with each other over him, the good
directing all things for his prosperity and happiness, the bad directing all
things against his prosperity and happiness; that within himself he can do
nothing, as he is utterly helpless in the mighty contest that is waged over him
by the good and bad spirits. Therefore he exerts his greatest energies of
mind and body to the propitiation of the bad spirits rather than the good,
since the former may be induced to extend the sceptre of mercy to him,
while the latter will ever strive for his good, and his good alone. Therefore,
when he is fortunate he attributes it to some good spirit; when unfortunate,
to some bad spirit. So, when he said it is “ good medicine,’ he meant that the
good spirit had the ascendency; and when he said it is “bad medicine” he
meant that the bad spirit had the ascendency.
Therefore, all things in nature, as a natural consequence, indicated to him
the presence of the spirits, both good and bad,—as each made known their
immediate nearness through both animate and inanimate nature. The sighing
of the winds; the flight of the birds; the howl] of the lone wolf; the midnight
hoot of the owl, and all other sounds heard throughout his illimitable forests
both by day and by night, had to him most potent significations; by which
he so governed all his actions that he never went upon any enterprise before
consulting the signs and omens; then [he] acted in conformity thereto. If
the medicine is good, he undertakes his journey; if bad, he remains at home,
and no argument can induce him to change his opinion, which I learned from
personal experience.”
The Chickasaw and Creeks also believed in good and evil spirits,
but it is not clear whether the latter were solely spirits of the dead
or whether evil spirits of independent origin were numbered among
them.
6 Cushman, Hist. Inds., p. 362. ° Tbid., pp. 159-160.
198 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BuLn. 103
The pygmy being or beings of Creek and Chickasaw mythology
appear again in that of the Choctaw. Halbert says:
The Choctaws in Mississippi say that there is a little man, about two feet
high, that dwells in the thick woods and is solitary in his habits. This little
sprite or hobgoblin is called by the Choctaws Bohpoli, or Kowi anukasha, both
names being used indifferently or synonymously. The translation of Bohpoli
is the “Thrower.” The translation of Kowi anukasha is “* The one who stays
in the woods,” or, to give a more concise translation, ‘ Forest-dweller.” Boh-
poli is represented as being somewhat sportive and mischievous but not
malicious in his nature. The Choctaws say that he often playfully throws
sticks and stones at the people. Every mysterious noise heard in the woods,
whether by day or night, they ascribe to Bohpoli. He takes special pleasure,
they say, in striking the pine trees. A young Indian once told me that one
night, whilst camped in the woods, he was awakened out of a deep sleep by a
loud noise made on a pine tree by Bohpoli. Bohpoli, or Kowi anukasha, is
never seen by the common Choctaws. The Choctaw prophets and doctors,
however, claim the power of seeing him and of holding communication with
him. The Indian doctors say that Bohpoli assists them in the manufacture of
their medicines. Most Choctaws say or think that there is but one Bohpoli.
In the opinion of others there may be more than one.”
Bushnell was told that this spirit occasionally captured a child
and imparted to him secrets which enabled him to become a doctor.
In the stories collected by the last-mentioned writer appear some
other supernatural beings, as Kashehotapalo, a combination of man
and deer who delights in frightening hunters, Okwa Naholo [or
Oka Nahullo], “‘ white people of the water,” who dwell in deep pools
and have light skins like the skins of trout and sometimes capture
human beings whom they convert into beings like themselves; Hoklo-
note’she, a bad spirit who can assume any shape he desires and is
able to read men’s thoughts; Nalusa Falaya, “the Long Black
Being,” which resembles a man, but has small eyes and long, pointed
ears and sometimes frightens hunters or even communicates its own
power of doing harm; and Hashok Okwa Hui’ga, “grass water
drop,” which seems to have some connection with the will-o’-the-
wisp. Its heart only is visible and that only at night, and if one
looks at it he is led astray. Ishkitini, the horned owl, was believed
to prowl about at night killing men and animals. This sinister
character was undoubtedly due to the association of the bird with
witchcraft.
Simpson Tubby claimed that the jack-o’-lantern was called “ night-
mare ” by the Indians and was believed to plait up the tails of horses
during the night and to ride them about until they could hardly be
used next day and many died from the effects. They also upset a
horse’s stomach so that an Indian doctor had to be called in to treat
him.
HH. S. Halbert, “ The Choctaw Robin Goodfellow,” in American Antiquarian, vol. xvIt,
p. 157.
SwaNTon j CHOCTAW SOCIAL AND CEREMONIAL LIFE 199
He said that when the horned owl (ishkitini) screeched it meant a
sudden death, such as a murder. If the screech owl (ofunlo) was
heard, it was a sign that a child under seven among the connections
of that family was going to die, because in size this is a baby owl.
If a common owl (dpa) alighted on a barn or on trees near the house
and hooted, it foreboded death among the near relatives.
The sapsucker (biskinik) is the “ news bird.” He brings news both
bad and good. If he lights on a tree in your lot early in the morning,
some “ hasty ” news will come before noon. If he does this late at
night, the news will come before morning.
They believed that the chicken had been put into their yards to
give them a friendly warning of danger. If a chicken crows outside
of its usual time, it is because it foresees bad weather. If one comes
up to the doorstep or into the gallery and crows, it means hasty
news. If a chicken flies up on the roost and crows after reaching it,
there will be trouble in the family. If a hen crows, that means that
the women of the neighborhood are going to fall out.
The old Choctaw claimed that the male eel acted also as the male
of catfish and fish of other kinds. If one had intercourse with a
female eel, the offspring would naturally be eels; if with a mud
catfish, the offspring would be blue catfish; if with any scale fish, the
young would be channel catfish. It was claimed the different species
of fish were made by intermarriages.
They claimed that though the blacksnake would not harm anyone,
it would try to scare a person. The coachwhip snake would wrap
itself around a person and whip him with its tail, and if a hawk
tried to carry one of these serpents off, it would whip him until the
feathers flew and make him let it go.
The word “Nahullo” (something supernatural or sacred), which
appears above, was probably a generic term applied to spirits that
had never existed as human beings, although Cushman speaks of
them as a race of gigantic hunters who lived in western Tennessee
and the northern parts of Alabama and Mississippi at the period of
the Choctaw immigration. Later the term was applied to the white
people, probably on account of the lightness of their skins.
Cushman also speaks of certain huge animals to which the Choctaw
attributed the origin of the prairies along the western banks of the
Tombigbee River. Some of these native conceptions owed their
origin, or at least their confirmation, to the discovery of mastodon
bones.
He speaks again of “a strange and ancient tradition among the
Choctaw and Chickasaw hunters, before their exodus to their present
place of abode, that, as soon as the horns dropped off, the buck [deer]
7 Cushman, Hist. Inds., p. 207.
200 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Buiy. 103
at once pawed a hole in the ground with his feet (it being always soft
from the frequent rains during the season of shedding) into which
he pushed the fallen horns and carefully covered them up.” ”
CosmoLoGy AND MyrTHoLocy
What must have been the primitive Choctaw conception of the
world is preserved in the story of Tashka and Walo recorded by
Bushnell among the Choctaw of Bayou Lacomb. It is as follows:
Tashka and Walo were brothers who lived long ago. Every morning they
saw the sun rise above the horizon, pass high overhead, and late in the day die
in the west.
When the boys were about four years old they conceived the idea of following
the sun and seeing where he died. So the next day, when he was overhead,
they started to follow him; but that night, when he died, they were still in
their own country, where they knew the hills and the rivers. Then they slept,
and in the morning when the sun was again overhead they once more set off to
follow him. And thus they continued for many years to wend their way after
the sun in his course through the heavens.
Long, long afterward, when the two boys had become men, they reached a
great expanse of water, and the only Jand they could see was the shore on
which they were standing. Late that day, when Sun died, they saw him sink
into the water; then they also passed over the water and entered Sun’s home
with him. All about them they saw women—the stars are women and the
moon is Sun’s wife. Then Moon asked the brothers how they had found their
way so far from their home. They told her how for many, many years, ever
since they were mere boys, they had followed Sun in his daily journey.
The Sun told his wife to boil water. Into this he put the boys and rubbed
them; this treatment caused them to turn red and their skin to come off.
Sun then asked them whether they knew the way to return to their home, and
they said, ‘‘ No; so he took them to the edge, whence they looked down to the
earth but they could not distinguish their home.
Sun asked why they had followed him, as it was not time for them to reach
heaven. They replied that their only reason for following him was a desire to
see where he died.
Sun then told them that he would send them home, but that for four days
after reaching their home they must not speak a word to any person. If they
spoke during the four days they would die, otherwise they would then live and
prosper. A large buzzard was then called by Sun and the two boys were placed
on its back. Buzzard then started toward the earth. The clouds are midway
between heaven and earth; above the clouds wind never blows. As buzzard
flew from heaven to the clouds the brothers could easily keep their hold; but
from the clouds to the earth the buzzard was blown in all directions. All
reached the earth in safety, however, and the boys recognized the trees that
stood about their old home.
They rested beneath the trees, and while there an old man passed by who knew
the brothers. He continued down the road, and soon meeting the boys’ mother,
told her the boys had come back. She hastened to see them. When she saw
them she began to talk and made them answer her. Then they told her that,
as they had spoken during the first four days after their return, they would
a eg a eae
™ Cushman, Hist. Inds., p. 197.
Swanton] CHOCTAW SOCIAL AND CEREMONIAL LIFE 201
surely die. Knowing she had forced them to speak, on hearing this the mother
was greatly worried. Then all went to the mother’s home, and the brothers
told of all they had seen and how they had followed Sun during many years.
After they had told all, they died and went up to heaven to remain forever.”
Inquiries made by Wright regarding the Choctaw conception of
creation resulted as follows:
The Choctaws state that, at a remote period, the earth was a vast plain,
destitute of hills, and a mere quagmire.“ The word, which they use to ex-
press this primitive state, is applied to clotted blood, jelly, &c. which will
serve to explain what their ideas were. The earth in this chaotic state, some
of them suppose, was produced by the immediate power of the Creator; but
others, indeed the majority with whom I have conversed relative to this sub-
ject, have no knowledge how the earth was produced in this state; nor do they
appear ever to have extended their thoughts so far as to make a single inquiry
with respect to it.
While the earth was in this situation, a superior being, who is represented
to have been in appearance as a red man, came down from above, and alight-
ing near the centre of the Choctaw nation, threw up a large mound, or hill,
called in their language Nunih waiya, “stooping or sloping hill.” When this
was done, he caused the red people to come out of it, and when he supposed
that a sufficient number had come out, he stamped on the ground with his
foot. When this signal of his power was given, some were partly formed,
others were just raising their heads above the mud, emerging into light, and
struggling into life, all of whom perished. The red people being thus formed
from the earth, and seated on the area of the hill, their Creator told them
that they should live for ever. But not understanding him, they inquired
what he said, upon which he took away the grant he had given them of
immortality, and told them they would become subject to death.
After the formation of man from the ground, the hills were formed, the
earth indurated and fitted to become a habitation for man. The hills, they
suppose, were formed by the agitation of the waters. While the earth was in
its chaotic state, the waters are represented as having been thrown into a
state of great agitation, like that of a boiling liquid, and being driven by
violent winds, the soft mud was carried in various directions, and being
deposited in different places, formed the mountains and hills which now ap-
pear on the face of the earth.
When the Creator had formed the red people from the ground, and fitted the
earth for their residence, he told them the earth would bring forth spon-
taneously the chestnut, hickory nut, and acorn for their subsistence. Accord-
ingly, the Choctaws state, that in ancient times, they lived principally upon
these productions of the earth. And they suppose it was not till sometime
after they had been a people, that the corn, which now forms no inconsiderable
part of their food, was discovered by means of a crow.
They state, that at their first creation, both males and females went en-
tirely naked. After some time, though from what cause they do not know,
they began to use some covering. At first, the long moss, which abounds in
southern climates, tied round their waists, formed their only covering. At
some later period, after the invention of the bow and arrow, when they had
73 Bushnell, The Choctaw of Bayou Lacorb, Bull. 48, Bur. Amer. Ethn., p. me
7% Probably this followed a still earlier stage when water covered all things;
p. 202.
54564—31——_14.
see below,
202 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BuLy. 103
acquired skill in hunting wild beasts, they began to use the skins of animals
for clothing.”
Their social and civil institutions were, according to the same
sources of information, given to the Choctaw at Nanih Waiya, and
all of these events were supposed to have been of very recent occur-
rence. ‘The Choctaws,” says Wright, “do not place their forma-
tion at any very remote period of time. The old men, who are now
seventy or eighty years of age, say that their grandfathers and great-
grandfathers saw and conversed with the first race of men formed
at Nunih waiya, and they reckon themselves to be only the fourth
or fifth generation from them.” 7°
Wright also recorded a version of the origin legend of the Choc-
taw, bringing them from the west, which has been given elsewhere.”
Cushman lets in some light on the native view regarding the origin
of the various races of mankind:
In regard to the origin of man, the one [view] generally accepted among the
Choctaws, as well as many other tribes was that man and all other forms of
life had originated from the common mother earth through the agency of the
Great Spirit; but believed that the human race sprang from many different
primeval pairs created by the Great Spirit in the various parts of the earth in
which man was found; and according to the different natural features of the
world in which man abode, so their views varied with regard to the substance
of which man was created; in a country of vast forests, they believed the
primeval pair, or pairs, sprang from the trees; in a mountainous and rocky
district of country, they sprang from the rocks; in valleys and prairies, from
the earth; but [regarding] their views as to the time [when] this creation of
man took place, whether at the same time throughout the various inhabited
regions or at different periods, their traditions are silent.”
Bushnell obtained a creation legend which incorporates episodes
from the Biblical story of the Tower of Babel.”
Flood legends were naturally of interest to missionaries and
therefore no less than three versions of the Choctaw story are given
by Cushman, two collected directly by himself and a third from the
manuscript notes of Israel Folsom. The Choctaw called this event
Oka Falama, “The returned waters,” which would indicate that
they believed water to have covered everything at the first creation.
Following are the three versions just mentioned:
I
In ancient time, after many generations of mankind had lived and passed
from the stage of being, the race became so corrupt and wicked—brother fight-
ing against brother and wars deluging the earth with human blood and ear-
nage—the Great Spirit became greatly displeased and finally determined to
® The Missionary Herald, 1828, pp. 182-183. 78 Cushman, Hist. Inds., pp. 255-256.
%6 Tbid., p. 215. 7 Bull. 48, Bur. Amer. Ethn., p. 30.
™ See p. 11.
Swanton] CHOCTAW SOCIAL AND CEREMONIAL LIFE 203
destroy the human race; therefore sent a great prophet to them who proclaimed
from tribe to tribe, and from village to village, the fearful tidings that the
human race was soon to be destroyed. None believed his words, and [they]
lived on in their wickedness as if they did not care, and the seasons came again
and went. Then came the autumn of the year, followed by many succeeding
cloudy days and nights, during which the sun by day and the moon and stars
by night were concealed from the earth; then succeeded a total darkness, and
the sun seemed to have been blotted out; while darkness and silence with a
cold atmosphere took possession of the earth. Mankind, wearied and preplexed,
but not repenting or reforming, slept in darkness but to awake in darkness; then
the mutterings of distant thunder began to be heard, gradully becoming inces-
sant, until it reverberated in all parts of the sky and seemed to echo back ever
from the deep center of the earth. Then fear and consternation seized upon
every heart and all believed the sun would never return. The Magi of the
Choctaws spoke despondently in reply to the many interrogations of the alarmed
people, and sang their death-songs which were but faintly heard in the mingled
confusion that arose amid the gloom of the night that it seemed would have no
returning morn. Mankind went from place to place only by torch-light; their
food stored away became mouldy and unfit for use; the wild animals of the
forests gathered around their fires bewildered and even entered their towns
and villages, seeming to have lost all fear of man. Suddenly a fearful crash
of thunder, louder than ever before heard, seemed to shake the earth, and
immediately after a light was seen glimmering seemingly far away to the
North. It was soon discovered not to be the light of the returning sun, but the
gleam of great waters advancing in mighty billows, wave succeeding wave as
they onward rolled over the earth destroying everything in their path.
Then the wailing cry was heard coming from all directions, Oka Falamah,
Oka Falamah; (The returned waters). Stretching from horizon to horizon, it
came pouring its massive waters onward. ‘“ The foundations of the Great Deep
were broken up.” Soon the earth was entirely overwhelmed by the mighty
and irresistible rush of the waters which swept away the human race and all
animals leaving the earth a desolate waste. Of all mankind only one was saved,
and that one was the mysterious prophet who had been sent by the Great
Spirit to warn the human race of their near approaching doom. This prophet
saved himself by making a raft of sassafras logs by the direction of the Great
Spirit, upon which he floated upon the great waters that covered the earth, as
various kinds of fish swam around him, and twined among the branches of the
submerged trees, while upon the face of the waters he looked upon the dead
bodies of men and beasts, as they rose and fell upon the heaving billows.
After many weeks floating he knew not where, a large black bird came to the
raft flying in circles above his head. He called to it for assistance, but it only
replied in loud, croaking tones, then flew away and was seen no more. A few
days after a bird of bluish color, with red eyes and beak came and hovered over
the raft, to which the prophet spoke and asked if there were a spot of dry land
anywhere to be seen in the wide waste of waters. Then it flew around his head
a few moments fluttering its wings and uttering a mournful cry, then flew away
in the direction of that part of the sky where the new sun seemed to be sinking
into the rolling waves of the great ocean of waters. Immediately a strong wind
sprang up and bore the raft rapidly in that direction. Soon night came on, and
the moon and stars again made their appearance, and the next morning the
sun arose in its former splendor; and the prophet looking around saw an island
in the distance toward which the raft was slowly drifting, and before the sun
had gone down seemingly again into the world of waters, the raft had touched
204 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bunn.103
the island upon which he landed and encamped, and being wearied and lonely
he soon forgot his anxieties in sleep; and when morning came, in looking around
over the island, he found it covered with all varieties of animals—excepting the
mammoth which had been destroyed. He also found birds and fowls of every
kind in vast numbers upon the island; among which he discovered the identical
black bird which had visited him upon the waters, and then left him to his fate;
and, as he regarded it [as] a cruel bird, he named it Fulushto (Raven) "—a
bird of ill omen to the ancient Choctaws.
With great joy he also discovered the bluish bird which had caused the wind
to blow his raft upon the island, and because of this act of kindness and its
great beauty he called it Puchi Yushubah (Lost Pigeon) [pachi yoshoba, the
turtle dove].
After many days the waters passed away; and in the course of time Puchi
Yushubah became a beautiful woman, whom the prophet soon after married,
and by them the world was again peopled.”
II
Another Choctaw version of their traditional flood (Oka falama) is as follows:
In the far distant ages of the past, the people, whom the Great Spirit had
created, became so wicked that he resolved to sweep them all from the earth,
except Oklatabashih (People’s mourner) and his family, who alone did that
which was good. He told Oklatabashih to build a large boat into which he
should go with his family and also to take into the boat a male and female
of all the animals living upon the earth. He did as he was commanded by the
Great Spirit. But as he went out in the forest to bring in the birds he was
unable to catch a pair of biskinik (sapsuckers), fitukhak [or fituktak] (yellow
hammers), bakbak [or bakobak] (large red-headed woodpeckers) ; these birds
were so quick in hopping around from one side to the other of the trees upon
which they clung with their sharp and strong claws, that Oklatabashih found
it was impossible for him to catch them, and therefore he gave up the chase,
and returned to the boat; the door closed, the rain began to fall increasing in
volume for many days and nights, until thousands of peoples and animals
perished. Then it suddenly ceased and utter darkness covered the face of the
earth for a long time, while the people and animals that still survived groped
here and there in the fearful gloom. Suddenly far in the distant north was
seen a long streak of light. They believed that, amid the raging elements and
the impenetrable darkness that covered the earth, the sun had lost its way and
was rising in the north. All the surviving people rushed towards the seem-
ingly rising sun, though utterly bewildered, not knowing or caring what they
did. But well did Oklatabashih interpret the prophetic sign of their fast
abandoned him to his fate upon the waters, and, as it was a wicked
they saw, in utter despair, that it was but the mocking light that foretold how
near the Oka falama was at hand, rolling like mountains on mountans piled
and engulfing everything in its resistless course. All earth was at once over-
whelmed in the mighty return of waters, except the great boat which, by the
guidance of the Great Spirit, rode safely upon the rolling and dashing waves
that covered the earth. During many moons the boat floated safely o’er the
vast sea of waters.
80 This story seems to have been obtained from a Chickasaw Indian. The Choctaw
word for raven is fala chito, “ big crow,” and the Chickasaw equivalent of this would be
fala ishto.
81 Cushman, Hist. Inds., pp. 282-284.
Swanton] CHOCTAW SOCIAL AND CEREMONIAL LIFE 205
Finally Oklatabashih sent a dove to see if any dry land could be found. She
soon returned with her beak full of grass, which she had gathered from a
desert island. Oklatabashih to reward her for her discovery mingled a little
salt in her food. Soon after this the waters subsided and the dry land ap-
peared; then the inmates of the great boat went forth to repeople another
earth. But the dove, having acquired a taste for Salt during her stay in the
boat continued its use by finding it at the salt-licks that then abounded in
many places, to which the cattle and deer also frequently resorted. Every
day after eating, she visited a Salt-lick to eat a little salt to aid her digestion,
which in the course of time became habitual and thus was transmitted to her
offspring. In the course of years, she became a grand-mother, and took great
delight in feeding and caring for her grand-children. One day, however, after
having eaten some grass seed, she unfortunately forgot to eat a little salt as
usual. For this neglect, the Great Spirit punished her and her descendants
by forbidding them forever the use of salt. When she returned home that
evening, her grand-children, as usual began to coo for their Supply of salt, but
their grand-mother having been forbidden to give them any more, they cooed
in vain. From that day to this, in memory of this lost privilege, the doves
everywhere, on the return of spring, still continue their cooing for salt, which
they will never again be permitted to eat. Such is the ancient tradition of
the Choctaws of the origin of the cooing of doves.
But the fate of the three birds who eluded capture by Oklatabashih, their
tradition states: They flew high in the air at the approach of Oka falama,
and, aS the waters rose higher and higher, they also flew higher above the
surging waves. Finally, the waters rose in near proximity to the sky, upon
which they lit as their last hope. Soon, to their great joy and comfort, the
waters ceased to rise, and commenced to recede. But while sitting on the
sky their tails, projecting downward, were continually being drenched by the
dashing spray of the surging waters below, and thus the end of their tail
feathers became forked and notched, and this peculiar shape of the tails of
the biskinik, fitukhak and bakbak has been transmitted to their latest pos-
terity. But the sagacity and skill manifested by these birds in eluding the
grasp of Oklatabashih, so greatly delighted the Great Spirit that he appointed
them to be forever the guardian birds of the red men. Therefore these birds,
and especially the biskinik, often made their appearance in their villages on
the eve of a ball play; and, whichever one of the three came, it twittered in
happy tones its feelings of joy in anticipation of the near approach of the
Choctaws’ favorite game. But in time of war one of these birds always ap-
peared in the camp of a war party, to give them warning of approaching
danger, by its constant chirping and hurried flitting from place to place around
their camp. In many ways did these birds prove their love for and friendship
to the red man, and he ever cherished them as the loved birds of his race, the
remembered gift of the Great Spirit in the fateful days of the mighty
Oka falama.”
This second narrative seems to contain a slight trace of missionary
influence but the greater part of it is plainly aboriginal.
Ill
The tradition, as related by wise men of the Nation, about the flood, is as
follows: A long continued night came upon the land, which created no small
® Cushman, Hist. Inds., pp. 285-287.
206 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [ Bun. 103
degree of fear and uneasiness among the people. Their fears were increased
at Seeing the terrible buffaloes, and the fleet deer making their appearance, and
after them the bears and panthers, wolves, and others approaching their
habitations; suspicious at first of their intentions, they thought of placing them-
selves beyond the reach of the more dangerous animals, but instead of exhibiting
any disposition of ferocity, they seemed rather to claim protection at their
hands. This presented an opportunity of having a jubilee of feasting, and
they therefore indulged themselves to the fullest bent of their propensity and
inclinations by an indiscriminate massacre of the animals. Having thus feasted
for some time, they at last saw daylight appearing. But what surprised them
much, was, they saw it coming from the north. They were at a loss what to
think of it. They, however, supposed that the sun must have missed his path,
and was coming up from another direction, which caused the unusual long
night, or perhaps he had purposely changed his course, to rise hereafter in the
north instead of the east. While such conjectures were making, some fast
runners arrived as messengers coming from the direction of the supposed day
light, and announced to them that the light which they saw was not the day
light, but that it was a flood slowly approaching, drowning and destroying
everything. Upon this report the people fled to the mountains, and began to
construct rafts of sassafras wood, binding them together with vines, believing
this expedient would save them from a watery grave. But alas, delusive hope!
for the bears were swimming around in countless numbers, [and] being very
fond of vine twigs gnawed them through, thereby setting loose the materials of
the raft, and bringing the people under dark waters. Their cries, wailing and
agony, were unheard and unseen. But there was one man who prepared and
launched a strong peni or boat, in which he placed his family and provisions
and thus floated upon the deep waters. For days the Penikbi (boat builder)
strained his eyes looking all around for the purpose of discovering the existence
of some animal life, and a place at which to anchor his vessel.
Nothing met his sight save the cheerless waste of waters. The hawks, eagles
and other birds of the same class, had all, when they found that the tops of
the mountains could not render them a lighting place from the flood, flown
to the sky and clung on to it with their talons, and remained until the flood
abated, when they returned to their old haunts and resumed their natural pro-
pensities and habits. An indication of the disappearing of the flood thus
manifested itself. A crow made itS appearance and was so much delighted to
see the boat, that it flew around and around it. The Penikbi, overjoyed
beyond measure, addressed the sable bird, wishing to elicit some information
from it as to their whereabouts, and whether or not the flood was subsiding
any, but it heeded him not, seeming to be determined to consult its own safety
before that of anyone else; but scarcely had the crow winged away from the
peni before a dove was descried flying toward it, and on reaching it, the
Penikbi with joy perceived a leaf in its bill. It flew several times around but
did not alight; after doing so [it] took its course slowly flying toward the
west, but seemingly anxious that Penikbi would steer in the direction [which]
it [pursued], which he did, faithfully following the course. In this way many a
weary mile was traveled, before seeing a place to land. At length a mountain
became visible, and never did a benighted mariner hail the sight of land as
Penikbi did, when its summit became visible. When he had safely landed, the
dove flew away to return no more.”
®8 Cushman, Hist. Inds., pp. 865-366.
SWANTON] CHOCTAW SOCIAL AND CEREMONIAL LIFE 207
The Genesis borrowings are very evident here, but it is still uncer-
tain whether the mention of birds in connection with the Choctaw
Noah is entirely borrowed or has some substratum of native
origination.
Catlin has an insignificant note regarding this myth,** and Charles
Lanman, an admirer and imitator of Washington Irving, gives a
version in would-be Irvingesque fashion which he had obtained from
Peter Pitchlynn. After ages of peace and happiness:
In process of time the aspect of the world became changed. Brother quar-
reled with brother, and cruel wars frequently covered the earth with blood.
The Great Spirit saw all those things and was displeased. A terrible wind
swept over the wilderness, and the red men knew they had done wrong, but
they lived as if they did not care. Finally a stranger prophet made his ap-
pearance among them, and proclaimed in every village the news that the hu-
man race was to be destroyed. None believed his words, and the moons of
summer again came and disappeared. It was now the autumn of the year.
Many cloudy days had occurred, and then a total darkness came upon the
earth, and the sun seemed to have departed forever. It was very dark and
very cold. Men laid themselves down to sleep, but they were troubled with
unhappy dreams. They arose when they thought it was time for the day
to dawn, but only to see the sky covered with darkness deeper than the heay-
iest cloud. The moon and stars had all disappeared, and there was constantly
a dismal bellowing of thunder in the upper air. Men now believed that the
sun would never return, and there was great consternation throughout the
land. The great men of the Choctaw nation spoke despondingly to their fel-
lows, and sung their death songs, but those songs were faintly heard in the
gloom of the great night. It was a most unhappy time indeed, and darkness
reigned for a great while. Men visited each other by torch-light. The grain
and fruits of the land became mouldy, and the wild animals of the forest
became tame and gathered around the watchfires of the Indians, entering even
the villages.
A louder peal of thunder than was ever before heard now echoed through
the firmament, and a light was seen in the North. It was not the light of the
sun, but the gleam of distant waters. They made a mighty roar, and, in
billows like the mountains, they rolled over the earth. They swallowed up
the entire human race in their career, and destroyed everything that had
made the earth beautiful. Only one human being was saved, and that was
the mysterious prophet who had foretold the wonderful calamity. He had
built him a raft of sassafras logs, and upon this did he float safely above the
deep waters. A large black bird came and flew in circles above his head.
He called upon it for aid, but it shrieked aloud, and flew away and returned
to him no more. A smaller bird, of a bluish color, with scarlet eyes and
beak, now came hovering over the prophet’s head. He spoke to it, and asked
if there was a spot of dry land in any part of the waste of waters. It fluttered
its wings, uttered a sweet moan, and flew directly towards that part of the
sky where the newly-born sun was just sinking in the waves. A strong wind
now arose, and the raft of the prophet was rapidly borne in the same direction
which the bird had pursued. The moon and stars again made their appear-
% Geo. Catlin, The North Am, Inds., vol. u, p. 145. Philadelphia, 1913.
208 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [But. 103
ance, and the prophet landed upon a green island, where he encamped. Here
he enjoyed a long and refreshing sleep, and when morning dawned he found
that the island was covered with every variety of animal, except the great
Shakanli,” or mammoth, which had been destroyed. Birds, too, he also found
here in great abundance. He recognized the identical black one which had
abandoned him to his fate upon the waters, and, as it was a wicked bird, and
had sharp claws, he called it Ful-luh-chitto,” or bird of the Evil One. He
also discovered, and with great joy, the bluish bird which had caused the wind
to blow him upon the island, and because of its kindness to him and its beauty,
he called it Puch che-yon-sho-ba,” or the soft-voiced pigeon. The waters finally
passed away, and in process of time that bird became a woman and the wife
of the prophet, from whom the people now living upon the earth are all
descended. And so endeth the story of The Overflowing Waters.*
The origin of corn is connected with a myth called by Cushman the
story of Ohoyo Osh Chisba [or Ohoyo osh chishba], “The Unknown
Woman.” With Cushman’s usual emotional setting this runs as
follows:
In the days of many moons ago, two Choctaw hunters were encamped for
the night in the swamps of the bend of the Alabama river. . . . The two hunters
having been unsuccessful in the chase of that and the preceding day, found
themselves on that night with nothing with which to satisfy the cravings of
hunger except a black hawk which they had shot with an arrow. Sad reflections
filled their hearts as they thought of their sad disappointments and of their
suffering families at home, while the gloomy future spread over them its dark
pall of despondency, all serving to render them unhappy indeed. They cooked
the hawk and sat down to partake of their poor and scanty supper, when their
attention was drawn from their gloomy forebodings by the low but distinct
tones, strange yet soft and plaintive as the melancholy notes of the dove, but
produced by what they were unable to even conjecture. At different intervals
it broke the deep silence of the early night with its seemingly mufiled notes of
woe; and as the nearly full orbed moon slowly ascended the eastern sky the
strange sounds became more frequent and distinct. With eyes dilated and flut-
tering heart they looked up and down the river to learn whence the sounds
proceeded, but no object except the sandy shores glittering in the moonlight
greeted their eyes, while the dark waters of the river seemed alone to give
response in murmuring tones to the strange notes that continued to float upon
the night air from a direction they could not definitely locate; but happening
to look behind them in the direction opposite the moon they saw a woman of
wonderful beauty standing upon a mound a few rods distant. Like an illumi-
nated shadow, she had suddenly appeared out of the moon-lighted forest. She
was loosely clad in snow-white raiment, and bore in the folds of her drapery a
wreath of fragrant flowers. She beckoned them to approach, while she seemed
surrounded by a halo of light that gave to her a supernatural appearance.
Their imagination now influenced them to believe her to be the Great Spirit of
their nation, and that the flowers she bore were representatives of loved ones
who had passed from earth to bloom in the Spirit-Land;...
8 Shakanli, “ making a noise by gritting the teeth.”
86 Wala, ‘crow ’’; fala chito, “raven.’’ See p. 204.
87 Pachi yoshoba, ‘‘ turtle dove.”
88 Adventures in the Wilds of the United States and British American Provinces, by
Charles Lanman, vol. 11, pp. 429-431, Philadelphia, 1856.
Swanton] CHOCTAW SOCIAL AND CEREMONIAL LIFE 209
The mystery was solved. At once they approached [the spot] where she
stood, and offered their assistance in any way they could be of service to her.
She replied she was very hungry, whereupon one of them ran and brought the
roasted hawk and handed it to her. She accepted it with grateful thanks;
but, after eating a small portion of it, she handed the remainder back to
them replying that she would remember their kindness when she returned to
her home in the happy hunting grounds of her father, who was Shilup Chitoh
Osh—The Great Spirit of the Choctaws. She then told them that when
the next mid-summer moon should come they must meet her at the mound
upon which she was then standing. She then bade them an affectionate adieu,
and was at once borne away upon a gentle breeze and, mysteriously as she
came, so she disappeared. The two hunters returned to their camp for the
night and early next morning sought their homes, but kept the strange incident
to themselves, a profound secret. When the designated time rolled around
the mid-summer full moon found the two hunters at the foot of the mound
but Ohoyo Chishba Osh was nowhere to be seen. Then remembering she
told them they must come to the very spot where she was then standing,
they at once ascended the mound and found it covered with a strange plant,
which yielded an excellent food, which was ever afterwards cultivated by the
Choctaws, and named by them Tunchi (Corn.).”
Lanman’s version, from the same source as his legend of the flood,
runs thus:
It was in olden times, and two Choctaw hunters were spending the night
by their watch-fire in a bend of the river Alabama. The game and the
fish of their country were with every new moon becoming less abundant, and
all that they had to satisfy their hunger on the night in question, was the
tough flesh of a black hawk. They were very tired, and as they mused upon
their unfortunate condition, and thought of their hungry children, they were
very unhappy, and talked despondingly. But they roasted the bird before
the fire, and proceeded to enjoy as comfortable a meal as they could. Hardly
had they commenced eating, however, before they were startled by a singular
noise, resembling the cooing of a dove. They jumped up and looked around
them to ascertain the cause. In one direction they saw nothing but the moon
just rising above the forest trees on the opposite side of the river. They
looked up and down the river, but could see nothing but the sandy shores
and the dark waters. They listened, and nothing could they hear but the
murmur of the flowing stream. They turned their faces in that direction
opposite the moon, and to their astonishment, they discovered standing upon
the summit of a grassy mound, the form of a beautiful woman. They hastened
to her side, when she told them that she was very hungry, whereupon they
ran after their roasted hawk, and gave it all into the hands of the strange
woman. She barely tasted of the proffered food, but told the hunters that
their kindness had preserved her from death, and that she would not forget
them when she returned to the happy grounds of her father, who was Hosh-
tal-li,” or Great Spirit of the Choctaws. She had one request to make, and
this was, that when the next moon of midsummer should arrive, they should
visit the spot where she then stood. A pleasant breeze swept among the
forest leaves, and the strange woman suddenly disappeared.
® Cushman, Hist. Inds., pp. 276-278.
% Corn woman was therefore daughter of the solar or celestial deity. See pp. 194-197.
210 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Buny. 103
The hunters were astonished, but they returned to their families, and kept
all that they had seen and heard, hidden in their hearts. Summer came,
and they once more visited the mound on the banks of the Alabama. They
found it covered with a new plant, whose leaves were like the knives of the
white man. It yielded a delicious food, which has since been known among
the Choctaws as sweet toncha or Indian maize.”
An entirely different story is preserved by Halbert, whose notes
contain two versions, in both Choctaw and English. The transla-
tions are as follows:
I
A long time ago a child was playing in the yard. Just then a crow flying
over dropped some corn. The child found a single grain of the corn and said
“What is this?” His mother then said, “It is really tanchi (corn). His
mother then planted it in the yard and the corn grew up and ripened. So
a child was the finder of corn. In this way the forefathers of the [Choctaw]
got their seed corn.
II
A Jong time ago thus it happened. In the very beginning a crow getting a
single grain of corn from beyond the great waters, brought it to this country
and gave it to an orphan child who was playing in the yard. The child named
it tanchi (corn), and planted it in the yard. When the corn grew up high,
the child’s elders merely had it swept around. But the child wishing to have
it a certain way, hoed it, hilled it up and laid it by. When this single grain
of corn ripened, it made two ears of corn. And it was really in this way,
that the Choctaw discovered corn.
Solar eclipses were attributed to black squirrels, or a black squirrel,
supposed to be eating the luminary, and they must be driven off
if mankind were still to enjoy heat and light. Cushman says:
The Choctaw ... attributed an eclipse of the sun to a black squirrel, whose
eccentricities often led it into mischief, and, among other things, that of
trying to eat up the sun at different intervals. When thus inclined, they
believed, which was confirmed by long experience, that the only effective
means to prevent so fearful a catastrophe befalling the world as the blotting
out of that indispensable luminary, was to favor the little, black epicure with
a first-class scare; therefore, whenever he manifested an inclination to indulge
in a meal on the sun, every ingenuity was called into requisition to give him
a genuine fright [so] that he would be induced, at least, to postpone his meal on
the sun at that particular time and seek a lunch elsewhere. As soon, there-
fore, as the sun began to draw its lunar veil over its face, the cry was heard
from every mouth from the Dan to the Beersheba of their then wide ex-
tended territory, echoing from hill to dale, “Funi lusa hushi umpa! Funi
lusa hushi umpa,” according to our phraseology, The black squirrel is eating
the sun! Then and there was heard a sound of tumult by day in the Choctaw
Nation for the space of an hour or two, far exceeding that said to have
been heard by night in Belgium’s Capital, and sufficient in the conglomeration
of discordant tones terrific, if heard by the distant, little, fastidious squirrel,
*l Adventures in the Wilds of the United States and British American Provinces, by
Charles Lanman, vol. 1, pp. 463-464. Philadelphia, 1856.
Swanron] CHOCTAW SOCIAL AND CEREMONIAL LIFE Bit:
to have made him lose forever afterward all relish for a mess of suns for an
early or late dinner. The shouts of the women and children mingling with the
ringing of discordant bells as the vociferous pounding and beating of ear-
splitting tin pans and cups mingling in “wild confusion worse confounded,”
yet in sweet unison with a first-class orchestra of yelping, howling, barking
dogs gratuitously thrown in by the innumerable and highly excited curs, pro-
duced a din, which even a “ Funi lusa,” had he heard it, could searcely have
endured even to have indulged in a nibble or two of the sun, though urged
by the demands of a week’s fasting.
But during the wild scene the men were not idle spectators, or indifferent
listeners. Each stood a few paces in front of his cabin door, with no outward
manifestation of excitement whatever—so characteristic of the Indian warrior—
but with his trusty rifle in hand, which so oft had proved a friend sincere in
many hours of trial, which he loaded and fired in rapid succession at the
distant, devastating squirrel, with the same coolness and calm deliberation that
he did when shooting at his game. More than once have I witnessed the fear-
ful yet novel scene. When it happened to be the time of a total eclipse of the
sun, a sufficient evidence that the little, black epicure meant business in regard
to having a square meal, though it took the whole sun to furnish it, then indeed
there were sounds of revelry and tumult unsurpassed by any ever heard before,
either in “ Belgium” or elsewhere. Then the women shrieked and redoubled
their efforts upon the tin pans, which, under the desperate blows, strained every
vocal organ to do its utmost and whole duty in loud response, while the excited
children screamed and beat their tin cups, and the sympathetic dogs (whose
nhame was legion) barked and howled—all seemingly determined not to fall the
one behind the other in their duty—since the occasion demanded it; while
the warriors still stood in profound and meditative silence, but firm and
undaunted, as they quickly loaded and fired their rifles, each time taking
deliberate aim, if perchance the last shot might prove the successful one;
then, as the moon’s shadow began to move from the disk of the sun, the
joyful shout was heard above the mighty din Funi-lusa-osh mahlatah! The
black squirrel is frightened. But the din remained unabated until the sun
again appeared in its usual splendor, and all nature again assumed its
harmonious course.”
This is very graphic, but one wonders how many total eclipses
of the sun Mr. Cushman had been able to observe in order to form
an Opinion of the average Choctaw behavior on such occasions.
His second account of this is quoted from Folsom’s manuscript.
When the sun began to get less in his brightness, and grow dark and ob-
scure, they believed that some ethereal black squirrels of large size, driven
by hunger, had commenced eating him and were going to devour him. With
this belief they thought it was their duty to make every exertion they could
to save the great luminary of day from being consumed by them. Therefore
every person, both men, women and children, who could make a noise, were
called upon to join in the effort to drive the squirrels away. To do this they
would begin in the same manner as persons generally do in trying to start
a squirrel off from a tree. Some would throw sticks towards the declining
sun, whooping and yelling, at the same time shooting arrows toward the sup-
posed black squirrels.”
® Cushman, Hist. Inds., pp. 290-291. ®3 Cushman, Hist. Inds., p. 368.
212 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [ Buby. 103
A different explanation was given Bushnell by the Choctaw of
Bayou Lacomb.
The Choctaw say that since the sun works every day he becomes dirty and
smoked from the great fire within. It is necessary therefore for him to rest
and clean himself, after doing which he shines the brighter. During the
eclipse he is removing the accumulated dirt. A similar explanation applies
to the dark of the moon.”
Hence the solar eclipse was known as “sun dark or dirty,” and
the lunar eclipse as “ moon cleaning itself.”
The last-mentioned writer has the following on thunder and
lightning and the comet:
Thunder and lightning are to the Choctaw two great birds—Thunder
(Heloha), the female; Lightning (Mela’tha), the male. When they hear a
great noise in the clouds, Heloha is laying an egg, ‘“ just like a bird,” in the
cloud, which is her nest. When a tree is shattered the result is said to have
been caused by Mala’tha, the male, he being the stronger; but when a tree
is only slightly damaged, the effect is attributed to Heloha, the weaker.
Great trouble or even war was supposed to follow the sight of a comet.”
Prayer, Sacriricr, Dreams, Ere.
An old Choctaw informed Wright that, before the arrival of the
missionaries, they had no conception of prayer. However, he adds,
“T have indeed heard it asserted by some, that anciently their
hopaii, or prophets, on some occasions were accustomed to address
the sun; but whether in the way of prayer or not I do not know.”
Nor must we forget the invocations to various powers in nature
which were contained in the medical formule.
At a later time Simpson Tubby claims that the head chief of the
Choctaw was wont to kindle a fire on a still day when the smoke
would go straight upward, and bend over it in prayer to some
unknown power.
Romans gives us this description of a hunting taboo which is
suggestive of sacrifice:
When a deer or bear is killed by them, they divide the liver into as many
pieces as there are fires, and send a boy to each with a piece, that the men
belonging to each fire may burn it, but the women’s fires are excluded from
this ceremony, and if each party kills one or more animals, the livers of
them are all treated in the same manner.”
Adair says that the Indians of his acquaintance believed the time
of a man’s death to be fated, and the following item regarding
* Bull. 48, Bur. Amer. Ethn., p. 18.
5 Tbid.
° The Missionary Heraid, op. cit., p. 181.
7 Romans,.Nat. Hist. E. and W. Fla., p. 83.
Swanton] CHOCTAW SOCIAL AND CEREMONIAL LIFE 213
Choctaw doctors would seem to indicate that this fate was revealed
_ to and consummated through the medical fraternity :
The Choctah are so exceedingly infatuated in favour of the infallible judg-
ment of their pretended prophets, as to allow them without the least regret,
to dislocate the necks of any of their sick who are in a weak state of body,
to put them out of their pain, when they presume to reveal the determined
will of the Deity to shorten his days, which is asserted to be communicated
in a dream.”
Since a doctor who lost a patient might be in jeopardy of his
life while he was permitted to put an end to the existence of one
whose death he had prophesied, it might be thought that the scales
would be weighted heavily against the patient. This lends credi-
bility to the following story reported by Milfort:
The Tchactas revere greatly the priests ov medicine men of whom I have
just spoken, and in whom they have a blind confidence which the latter often
abuse. These doctors exact high payments for their labors over a sick man,
and almost always in advance. Their avarice is siich that, when illness lasts
for a long time, and the patient has nothing left with which to pay the
doctor, the latter calls a meeting of the sick man’s family and informs them
that he has given their relative all possible care, that he has employed all
of the resources of his profession, but the sickness is incurable and it can end
only in death. The family thus forewarned decides that, the patient having
already suffered a long time and being without hope of recovery, it would be
inhuman to prolong his sufferings further and it is right to end them. Then,
one or two of the strongest of them go to the sick man, ask him, in the presence
of the entire family, how he is, and while the latter is replying to this
question, they throw themselves upon him and strangle him.
In 1782 one of these savages, who had been sick for a long time and who
had nothing more to give to his doctor, found himself in danger of being
strangled in the manner I have just described. As he was suspicious and
was on his guard, he watched for the moment when his family was assembled
to hear the report of the doctor and decide to put an end to his sufferings
by putting him to death. He took advantage of this moment to flee and
escape the ceremony which awaited iim. He dragged himself, as well as
he was able, as far as a forest, which fortunately was near his dwelling.
He was not able to carry with him provisions of any kind, and found him-
self reduced to the necessity of living on the flesh of wood rats, known under
the name of “opossum,” which are very appetizing and very healthful. His
flight caused all his family great astcnishment, but the doctor persuaded
them that he had gone away only to conceal his inevitable death.
While this unfortunate savage was wandering in the forest, he remembered
that he had frequently visited the Creeks in order to carry thither the belts
or strings of beads which serve them as records. He determined to take
refuge with them and inform them of his reasons for fleeing from his own
country, not doubting that he would find help and protection in a nation with
the generosity of which he was acquainted. He then sought out McGillivray,
who was at that time head chief, and explained to him the reasons for his
journey. He reminded him that he had visited him many times on behalf
TS EAE IN 2 2 RE eT RSS eee Ne ee
*8 Adair, Hist. Am. Inds., p. 129.
214 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BuLy.103
of his chiefs. McGillivray received him kindly though he was unable to
recognize him for he looked like a skeleton. Food was given him and, as
he was still sick, some days later he had him take some emetic [i. e., cassina]}
diluted with sassafras water. This medicine was sufficient to cure his sickness,
but as this savage had suffered much and had been ill for a long time, he
remained four or five months with McGillivray in order to become wholly
restored to health; I saw him often and he related his adventure to me
himself. When he felt entirely restored, he returned to his own nation.
About eight months had then elapsed since his escape, and his family had
raised a scaffold and performed all the ceremonial rites preceding and accom-
panying funerals which I have described above. The doctor had so strongly
persuaded the relatives of this savage that he could not recover from his ill-
ness that, when he appeared in their midst, they looked upon him as a ghost,
and all fled. Seeing that he was left alone, he went to the house of one of his
neighbors who, seized with the same terror, threw himself on the ground, and,
persuaded that this was only a spirit, spoke to him as follows:
“Why have you left the abode of souls if you were happy there? Why do
you return to us? Is it in order to be present at the last feast which your
family and your friends hold for you? Go! return to the country of the dead
lest you renew the grief which they have experienced at your loss!”
The other, seeing that his presence caused the same fright everywhere,
determined to return to the Creeks, where he saw again, in course of time, many
of his relatives, since these were in the habit of coming there every year. It
was only then that he was able to disabuse them and persuade them that
the doctor had deceived them. They, angered at such a piece of rascality,
sought out the doctor, heaped upon him the most violent reproaches, and
afterwards killed him so that he might deceive no one else. They then made
all possible representations to this savage in order to induce him to return
to them, but he refused steadily and married a woman of the Taskiguys by
whom he had three children, and he lives today at the place where Fort
Toulouse formerly stood.”
The subjection of human life to “ fate” is also affirmed by Cushman.
*"The ancient Choctaws believed,” he says, “ and those of the present
day believe, and I was informed by Gov. Basil LeF lore, in 1884, .. .
that there is an appointed time for every one to die.” ?
We have already had one reference to native faith in the signifi-
cance of certain dreams. Speaking of the Choctaw of Bayou La-
comb, Louisiana, Bushnell says:
The Choctaw hold that it is possible for the “spirit”? to leave the body
even during life, and by that belief explain dreams thus:
At night when a person is resting and all is quiet the “ spirit” steals away
from the body and wanders about the country, seeing many people and things,
which are known to the individual when he awakes. If, during its wander-
ings, the spirit meets large animals of any sort, the person will surely suffer
misfortune before many days have passed.”
At a conference between the Choctaw and French, held in 1751,
one of the Choctaw speakers augured ill for the lives of the French-
® Appendix, pp. 267-269; Milfort, Mém., pp. 298-304.
1 Cushman, Hist. Inds., p. 246.
* Bushnell, Bull. 48, Bur. Amer. Ethn., p. 29.
SWANTON] CHOCTAW SOCIAL AND CEREMONIAL LIFE 215
men because on the night before one of his people had dreamed
that all of them had been killed. To dream of seeing a ghost
presaged sickness or death and a nightmare was thought to be
occasioned by a disembodied soul who had come to get the dreamer.*
The following regarding ‘“‘mesmerism” and ventriloquism may
have little value but at least it was from the pen of a native Choc-
taw, Israel Folsom, already several times quoted.
Mesmerism was known among them, though they regarded it with wonder
and dread, and it was looked upon as injurious and hurtful in its results;
while those who practiced this curious art had often to pay very dearly for it,
for they were frequently put to death. Ventriloquism has also been found
among them, and used solely for vain, selfish and evil designs, but to the great
danger of the life of the person practicing it, for the Choctaws believe that
whatever appears supernatural, is suspicious and likely at any time to be
turned to evil purposes.‘
CHARMS
Charms or fetishes were carried by each Choctaw man, and Cush-
man says that there was one tribal fetish or medicine, but probably
we are to understand a fetish belonging to a town or a local group;
otherwise more would have been reported regarding it. Very likely
this collective charm was of the same nature as that which a war
party carried.°
What we have called a charm or fetish Cushman designates a
“totem ” in the following quotation:
. every warrior had his totem; i. e. a little sack filled with various
ingredients, the peculiarities of which were a profound secret to all but him-
self; nor did any Indian ever seek or desire to know the contents of another’s
totem, it was sacred to its possessor alone. I have more than once asked
some particular warrior friend concerning the contents of his totem but was
promptly refused with the reply: “‘ You would not be any the wiser thereby.”
Every warrior kept his Totem or “ Medicine”? about his person, by which he
sincerely believed he would be enabled to secure the aid of the Good Spirit in
warding off the evil designs of the Evil Spirit, in the existence of which they
as sincerely believed, and to whom they attributed the cause of all their mis-
fortunes, when failing to secure the aid of the Good Spirit.°
PNEUMATOLOGY
The narrative by Alfred Wright is again our best guide to an
understanding of prehistoric Choctaw beliefs regarding the soul.
He says:
The present generation of Choctaws believe that the soul, which they call
shilup, survives the body; but they do not appear to think that its condition
®See p. 217.
4 Cushman, Hist. Inds., p. 368.
5 See p. 165; Romans, Nat. Hist. E. and W. Fla., pp. 75—76.
6 Cushman, Hist. Inds., p. 38.
216 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bunn 103
is at all affected by the conduct in this life. They suppose it remains some
time about the place where the body is buried. After that, it goes off, but
whether it then perishes, or what becomes of it, they say they do not know,
nor do they manifest any concern to know. In former times, however, they
believed that there was another state of existence, to which the soul went at
death. They supposed, that somewhere in the earth there was a delightful
land, not unlike the Elysium of the ancients, which they call shilup i yokni
[shilup i"yakni], the land of ghosts. To this land of delight, ever warm, ever
illumined by the beams of a vernal sun, and ever spontaneously pouring forth
its varied productions in rich profusion, the soul went as soon as released
from the body. Death was a transition from one state to another; the throw-
ing off or shedding of the external covering of the shilup, as the snake sheds
his skin. So the shilup having cast off its envelop, and left its imperfections
behind, retaining the human shape, entered this land of happiness. When it
arrived there, it experienced no more the sorrows and vicissitudes of life. The
aged exchanged the grey head and the decrepitude of old age for the beauty,
vigor, and sprightliness of youth. The young were confirmed in a state of
perpetual youth, nor knew nor feared the encroachments of time. Here they
regaled themselves with melons and other delicious fruits, and feasted on the
spontaneous productions of the earth. Here was a continued succession of
dancing, games, and plays, and thus their time glided sweetly away in one
continued scene of festivity and mirth. To enter this land of delight, no
spiritual qualifications, no purification of the heart, no amendment of the life,
was necessary, and none were excluded from a participation of its pleasures,
except those who had committed murder of the most aggravated kind. All
others, however polluted and debased, found pleasures suited to their taste and
capacity.
Close upon the borders of this happy land, and within sight of it, was the
place to which ghosts of murderers went at death. By some uncontrollable
destiny, they were unable to find the bright path, which led to the land of the
blessed, but were compelled to take another road, that conducted them to the
place of their destination. Here, though in view of the happy land, they had
no share in its pleasures and enjoyments. Not being permitted to have a
participation in those enjoyments they were supposed of course to be unhappy.
Some, in speaking of their condition, have imagined, that being a prey to their
ungovernable passions, they must necessarily be extremely miserable. An old
man, in describing their condition, used the expression, atwklant illi, which sig-
nifies the second death; but though he said their ancestors used that word, and
believed that such died the second death, yet he could not tell what was in-
tended by the expression. The misery which the ghosts of murderers thus
endured, was not considered as a punishment inflicted by a righteous ruler and
judge; nor was the happiness enjoyed by those who reached the good land, a
reward of their obedience. They were rather considered as matters of course,
taking place in the order of nature, without the interposition of a superior
power.
It was their ancient belief, that every man had shilombish, the outside
shadow, which always followed him, and shilup, the inside shadow, or ghost,
which at death goes to the land of ghosts. The shilombish was supposed to
remain upon the earth, and wander restless about its former habitation, and
often, especially at night, by its pitiful moans, so to affrighten its surviving
friends, as to make them forsake the spot, and seek another abode. It is also
supposed frequently to assume the form of a fox, or owl; and, by barking like
the one, and screeching like the other at night, causes great consternation, for
the cry is ominous of ill. They distinguish between its note and that of the
SWANTON] CHOCTAW SOCIAL AND CEREMONIAL LIFE 217
animals it imitates, in this way. When a fox barks, or an owl screeches,
another fox or owl replies. But when the shilombish imitates the sound of
either animal, no response is given.
The knowledge of this distinction between the outside and inside shadow,
appears in a measure lost by the present generation. And I hear none but
aged men speak of the land of ghosts, or of the departed ghost going to this
land after death. The present generation seem to suppose that the shilup
wanders about some time, and then disappears. The Choctaws have many
superstitious fears with respect to ghosts. To see a ghost, is regarded as a
certain precursor of death. When a sick person sees one, he despairs at once
of recovery, and his doctor ceases to make any further effort for his restora-
tion. Moreover it is customary for the doctor, when he sees his patient will
die, in order to save his own reputation to give out that he has seen a ghost,
and therefore his recovery is impossible. To dream of seeing a ghost is also
ominous of sickness and death, and many pine away with tormenting anxiety,
in the fearful looking for death as the inevitable consequence of such dreams.
The nightmare is supposed to be occasioned by some restless shilup having come
for the person subject to it, and it is believed that the only way to give relief,
is to frighten him away by some kind of incantation.’
In the main this is undoubtedly a correct statement of ancient
Choctaw pneumatology, and it is confirmed in certain of its details
by other writers. The association of the ghost with foxes makes
clear the following incident in the Choctaw expedition of the French
officer De Lusser in the year 1730. He says:
At midnight [Jan. 31] I was awakened by three or four gunshots that were
fired near me. I asked what was the matter. The chief [of the Yowanis]
replied that it was on account of the barking of foxes which was a bad omen;
that that usually happened when one of the band was going to die, and that it
was well to fire guns in order to drive them away.®
Simpson Tubby said regarding this that they used to be afraid of
the howling of a fox until they learned that it was merely caused by
the fact that the male and female had gotten separated and they
were howling for each other.
The anonymous French Relation informs us that food and drink,
a change of shoes, a gun, powder, and balls were placed with a corpse
because—
“They say that ... he is going to another country, and it is right that he
have everything he needs in his journey. They believe that the warriors go
to make war in the other world, and that everyone there performs the same
acts that he did in this.’® “They say that ... ghosts (or apparitions) are of
people who are dead and have not been given certain effects on dying of which
they had need in the other world—as those who are drowned or killed in war—
and which they come back to seek.” ”
™The Missionary Herald, 1828, pp. 182-183. Byington defines shilombish as “ the
shadow of a creature, an animal, or a man; the soul, the spirit, a ghost, a shade, a
spectre, a sprite.” He defines shilup as “a ghost, a spirit, a sprite, an apparition, a
fantasm, the painting or picture of a man, manes, a phantom, a shade, a spectre.”
8 Ms. in French Archives.
*° Appendix, p. 251; Mem. Am. Anthrop. Assn., vol. v, No. 2, pp. 64-65.
1° Appendix, p. 255; Mem. Am. Anthrop. Assn., v., No. 2, p. 69.
54564—31——15
218 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Buuy. 103
Simpson Tubby said that he had heard fires used to be lighted
where a person had been killed and he thought this might be in
order to keep the ghost of another person away.
Almost all of our other informants treat of the two regions of the
dead as if they were constituted on the basis of rewards and punish-
ments in a more general sense than Wright indicates, thus Kuropean-
izing what seems to have been the older view. Catlin quotes Peter
Pinchlin [Pitchlynn] on this subject as follows:
Our people all believe that the spirit lives in a future state—that it has a
great distance to travel after death towards the West—that it has to cross a
dreadful deep and rapid stream, which is hemmed in on both sides by high and
rugged hills—over this stream, from hill to hill, there lies a long and slippery
pine-log, with the bark peeled off, over which the dead have to pass to the
delightful hunting-grounds. On the other side of the stream there are six
persons of the good hunting-grounds, with rocks in their hands, which they
throw at them all when they are in the middle of the log. The good walk on
safely, to the good hunting-grounds, where there is one continual day—where
the trees are always green—where the sky has no clouds—where there are
continual fine and cooling breezes—where there is one continual scene of
feasting, dancing, and rejoicing—where there is no pain or trouble, and people
never grow old, but for ever live young and enjoy the youthful pleasures.
The wicked see the stones coming, and try to dodge, by which they fall from
the log, and go down thousands of feet to the water which is dashing over the
rocks, and is stinking with dead fish, and animals, where they are carried
around and brought continually back to the same place in whirlpools—where
the trees are all dead, and the waters are full of toads and lizards, and snakes—
where the dead are always hungry, and have nothing to eat—are always sick,
and never die—where the sun never shines, and where the wicked are continu-
ally climbing up by thousands on the sides of a high rock from which they can
overlook the beautiful country of the good hunting-grounds, the place of the
happy, but never can reach it.”
Rewards and retributions appear again in the accounts given by
Cushman :
Their opinions concerning the departure of the spirit at death were various.
Some believed that it lingered for a time near those earthly precincts which
it had just left, and it continued still to be, in a certain manner, akin to the
earth. For this reason, provisions were placed at the feet of the corpse dur-
ing the time it lay on its elevated scaffold, exposed to the influence of light
or air. The deceased had not as yet entered into the realm of spirits; but
when the flesh had withered away from the bones, these were buried with
songs and cries, terminating in feasts and dances peculiar to the ceremonies
of disposing of the dead. Others believe that when the spirit leaves the body,
it lingers for some time before it can be wholly separated from its former
conditions; after which it wanders off traversing vast plains in the moon-
light. At length, it arrives at a great chasm in the earth, on the other side
of which is the land of the blessed, where there is eternal spring and
hunting grounds supplied with great varieties of game. But there is no other
way of crossing this fearful gulf but by means of a barked pine log that
Catlin, N. A. Inds., vol. 2, pp. 145-146.
SWANTON ] CHOCTAW SOCIAL AND CEREMONIAL LIFE 219
lies across the chasm, which is round, smooth and slippery. Over this the
disembodied spirits must pass if they would reach the land of a blissful
immortality. Such as have lived purely and honestly upon earth are enabled
to pass safely over the terrific abyss on the narrow bridge to the land of eternal
happiness. But such as have lived wickedly, in their attempt to pass over
on the log, are sure to lose their footing and fall into the mighty abyss yawn-
ing below.”
Farther on he elaborates on the subject of the foot log, which has
now turned from a pine into a sweet gum:
They also believed that the spirits of the dead ... had to cross a fearful
river which stretched its swirling waters athwart their way; that this foam-
ing stream has but one crossing, at which a cleanly peeled sweet-gum log,
perfectly round, smooth and slippery, reached from bank to bank; that the
moment the spirit arrives at the log, it is attacked by two other spirits whose
business is to keep any and all spirits from crossing thereon. But if a spirit
is that of a good person, the guardians of the log have no power over it, and
it safely walks over the log to the opposite shore, where it is welcomed by
other spirits of friends gone before, and where contentment and happiness will
forever be the lot of all.
But alas, when the spirit of a bad person arrives at the log-crossing of the
fearful river, it also is assailed by the ever wakeful guards, and as it attempts
to walk the slippery log they push it off into the surging waters below, to be
helplessly borne down by the current to a cold and barren desert, where but
little game abounds and over which he is doomed to wander, a forlorn hope,
naked, cold and hungry.”
Folsom’s testimony, quoted by Cushman, is naturally about the
same :
In common with the believers of the Scriptures, they held the doctrine of
future rewards and punishments. They differed from them, however, as to the
location of heaven and their views of happiness and misery. Heaven, or
the happy hunting grounds, in their imagination, was similar to the Elysian
fields of the heathen mythology. There the spirits of those who had been
virtuous, honest and truthful, while on earth, enjoyed, in common with
youthful angels, all manner of games and voluptuous pleasures, with no care,
no sorrow, nothing but one eternal round of enjoyment. They believed that
angels or spirits seldom visited the earth, and cared but very little about
doing so, as being supplied in heaven with everything suitable to their wants,
nothing was required from the earth. According to their notion, heaven was
located in the southwestern horizon, and spirits, instead of ascending, accord-
ing to the Christian idea, sped their last journey in a line directly above the
surface of the earth in the direction of the southwest horizon. Previous to
a spirit’s admission into the happy hunting ground, it was examined by
the attendant angel at the gate, who consigned it to heaven or hell accord-
ing to its deeds on earth. Their hell, or place of punishment, as they termed
it, was the reverse of the happy hunting ground—a land full of briers, thorns,
and every description of prickly plants, which could inflict deep cuts,
causing intense pain from which there was no escape; onward they must go—
12 Cushman, Hist. Inds., pp. 31-32. 33 [bid., pp. 226-227.
220 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BuLL. 103
no healing oil fer their wounds—nothing but an eternity of pain—no games—
no voluptuous pleasures—nothing save an illimitable land of blasted foliage.
. .. Previous to a spirit winging its flight to the happy hunting ground, or
the land of briers and blasted foliage, it was supposed to hover around the
place where its tabernacle lay for several days—four at least. They believed
that the happy hunting ground was at a distance of many days journey.™*
Hence the provisions placed near the grave, the animals killed, the
fire kindled there, and the mourning ceremonies as given elsewhere.
Cushman explains aversion to hanging on the ground that the
spirit of the person disposed of in this manner would continue to
haunt the place,!® and he informs us that, as was supposed by the
Chickasaw and Creeks, “the spirit of the murdered Indian could
never take its flight from earth, or find rest anywhere in the eternal
unknown, until blood had atoned for blood.”'® Lincecum implhes
that it was thought the spirits of the dead would resent any indignity
offered to their bones,’ and, like the other southern tribes, the Choc-
taw believed that the names of the dead should not be uttered.'®
From the Choctaw of Bayou Lacomb Bushnell obtained the fol-
lowing notes, which in some respects agree remarkably with Wright’s
statements:
Persons dying by violent deaths involving loss of blood, even a few drops,
do not pass to the home of Aba (heaven), regardless of the character of
their earthly lives, or their rank in the tribe... .
The spirits of all persons not meeting violent deaths, with the exception of
those only who murder or attempt to murder their fellow Choctaw, go to the
home of Aba. There it is always spring, with sunshine and flowers; there are
birds and fruits and game in abundance. There the Choctaw ever sing and
dance, and trouble is not known. All who enter this paradise become equally
virtuous without regard to their state while on earth.
The unhappy spirits who fail to reach the home of Aba remain on earth in the
vicinity of the places where they have died. But Nanapolo [Nan okpulo], the
bad spirit, is never able to gain possession of the spirit of a Choctaw.”
Thus our latest authority agrees with the one first quoted and
neither says anything about the peeled log. Does this mean that
there were two different sets of ideas regarding the fate of souls?
That souls of the good went to live with the sky spirit was also the
belief of the Chickasaw and Creeks, and probably also of the Siouan
tribes farther east. That death by violence condemns one to the
region of unfortunate souls as well as infliction of death on others
is an idea wholly Indian. The immunity of the Choctaw from harm
by the evil spirit is evidently a local or, perhaps, rather a personal
opinion.
14 Cushman, Hist. Inds., pp. 362-363.
1% See p. 108.
*6 Cushman, Hist. Inds., p. 265.
See p. 14.
18 See pp. 14, 120-121.
1? Bushnell, Bull. 48, Bur. Amer. Ethn., pp. 28-29.
Swanton] CHOCTAW SOCIAL AND CEREMONIAL LIFE at |
CEREMONIALS AND DANCES
Every Choctaw town of any size had an open place or square with
cabins about it constructed like those in the Creek towns. Councils
and ceremonies were held here but we know extraordinarily little
about these latter. Our principal French authority states that they
held the most of their feasts when the corn was green, by which he
means ripe but tender, while in the legends reference is made to a
dance held just before clearing the cornfields for planting and a
“oreen corn” or harvest festival lasting five days.2? But in the
absence of details these stray notes mean little or nothing. Some
modern Indians assert that the Choctaw formerly had Pishofa
dances similar to those of the Chickasaw, but others deny it. The
fact seems to be that they had gatherings at times, accompanied by
feasts and dances, in the interest of some sick person, but that they
were not identical with the ceremonies of the Chickasaw. We seem
to gain the impression that the Choctaw were decidedly less given
to ceremonialism than almost all the other tribes of the Southeast,
and this is confirmed by Wright:
At the time of their formation from the earth, their Maker prescribed no
form of worship, nor did he require any homage to be paid him. Nor did he
then, or at any subsequent period, make any revelation of his will for the
regulation of their conduct. And I cannot think that they ever offered sacri-
fices, or had any form of public worship, or practiced any of those ceremonies
which are common among other tribes, and which are supposed to favor the
belief that the Aborigines of this country are the descendants of the lost house
of Israel. They state, that they have heard of what is termed the green corn
dance among the Creeks, but deny having any knowledge that such a practice
ever existed among themselves.” In some of their dances, they make use of
the word hallelujah, something in the manner mentioned by Dr. Boudinot, but
they aver that is not one of their native songs, and that it was not known in
ancient times. It was introduced among them from the Chickasaws, who
learned it from the northern Indians.”
But what they lacked in ceremonialism they seem to have made up
for in social dances and feasts. Bartram says, speaking of the
Creeks, “Some of their most favourite songs and dances, they have
from their enemies, the Chactaws; for it seems these people are very
eminent for poetry and music.” ** The French Relation has the
following regarding these:
They have dances among them accompanied by feasts, which are almost
alike. Only the names differ; as the dance of the turkey, bison, bear, alliga-
tor. In this last they have masks made like the head of this animal, one or
20 Mem. Am. Anthrop. Assn., vol. v, No. 2, p. 58; see p. 247. Consult also the references
to ceremonials in Lincecum’s version of the migration legend, p. 20.
21 But see pp. 18-21 and 225-226.
22'The Missionary Herald, 1828, p. 180.
23 Bartram, Wm., Travels, pp. 503-504.
222 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Buy. 103
two disguising themselves thus, while five or six others take masks of different
animals which the alligator commonly eats, and then they make a thousand
grotesque antics. [Others are] the dance of the bustard, of the small corn, the
war dance, and the dance of the young people, which is danced no longer, the
French having made them conceive too great horror for it. When they have
these dances, they begin about two hours after midday. They are painted;
they put on their finest clothing, and make a belt of about forty pot-metal bells
as big as the fist. Others put on little bells, and if they have big bells, and
are able to carry them, they take them to these dances, loving the noise extra-
ordinarily. They carry a rattle (chichiquotia) in the hand, or a war club, or
a pistol. They dance around a drummer who has in his hand only one drum-
stick, with which he strikes a deerskin stretched over an earthen pot or over
a kettle. They accompany this sort of noise with a song of five or six words
which they repeat continually. These dances last until day, or until they go
to sleep.”
Folsom remarks:
They had various kinds of dances as well as other people, many of which were,
however, insignificant and do not deserve a notice here; but there were others
which were considered important and national, such as the ball-play dance, the
war-dance, eagle-dance, and scalp-dance, all of which seem to have been the
result of rude and savage ideas.”
Catlin was very much struck by the eagle dance, of which he made
a sketch (pl. 6) and has also left us a description. It was, he says,
. a very pretty scene, which was got up by their young men, in honour of
that bird, for which they seem to have a religious regard. This picturesque
dance was given by twelve or sixteen men, whose bodies were chiefly naked
and painted white, with white clay, and each one holding in his hand the
tail of the eagle, while his head was also decorated with an eagle’s quill.
Spears were stuck in the ground, around which the dance was performed by
four men at a time, who had simultaneously, at the beat of the drum, jumped
up from the ground where they had all sat in rows of four, one row immedi-
ately behind the other, and ready to take the place of the first four when they
left the ground fatigued, which they did by hopping or jumping around behind
the rest, and taking their seats, ready to come up again in their turn, after
each of the other sets had been through the same forms.
In this dance, the steps or rather jumps, were different from anything I had
ever witnessed before, as the dancers were squat down, with their bodies almost
to the ground, in a severe and most difficult posture, as will have been seen in
the drawing.”
The longest account of the Choctaw dances is that given by Bush-
nell in his study of the Choctaw of Bayou Lacomb. He says that
this band had “ one dance ceremony, which is in reality a series of
seven distinct dances, performed in rotation, and always in the same
order.” These were, in the ritual order, the Man Dance, Tick
Dance, Drunken-man Dance, Going-against-each-other Dance, Duck
Dance, Dance Go-and-come, and Snake Dance. For descriptions of
these the reader is referred to Mr. Bushnell’s paper.27 He adds:
* Appendix, pp. 254-225; Mem. Am. Anthrop. Assn., vol. v, No. 2, pp. 68-69.
25 Cushman, Hist. Inds., p. 368.
20 Catlin, N. Am. Inds., pp. 144-145.
7 Bull. 48, Bur. Amer, Ethn., pp. 20-22.
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SwaANnron] CHOCTAW SOCIAL AND CEREMONIAL LIFE 223
“The Bayou Lacomb Choctaw always danced at night, never during
the daylight hours, the snake dance, the last of the seven ending at
dawn.”* This agrees with the statement made by Bossu just one
and a half centuries ago that ‘ nearly all the gatherings of the Chactas
take place at night.’ ” *°
From information furnished by a white man in Mississippi who
had lived near the Choctaw it is evident that their dances were
similar to those among the Chickasaw and Creeks, and one of these
bore the same name as a corresponding Creek dance, the Iskitini
hila or “horned owl dance.” These dances were accompanied by
feasts to which the men contributed game and the women bread.
He said that, like the Chickasaw, they did not dance about a fire,
though there were fires near by to furnish light. Sometimes the men
would dance by themselves for a while and when they got tired
the women would take their places.
Cushman contributes the following observations regarding Choc-
taw music and dancing:
The ancient Choctaws were as susceptible to all the pleasing emotions pro-
duced by the sweet concords of sound as any other people, yet their musical
genius, in the invention of musical instruments, never extended beyond that
of a cane flute and a small drum, which was constructed from a section cut
from a small hollow tree, over the hollow part of which was stretched a fresh
deer skin, cleansed from the hair, which became very tight when dried; and
when struck by a stick made a dull sound, little inferior to that of our common
snare-drum; which could be heard at a considerable distance; and though
uncouth in appearance, and inharmonious in tone, as all drums, still its
“voice” was considered an indispensable adjunct as an accompaniment to all
their national and religious ceremonies; even as the ear-splitting discords of
the civilized snare or kettle-drum, united with the deafening roar of the
base drum are considered by the white man as indispensable in all his displays
of harmony. Yet the ancient Choctaw, in all his solemn ceremonies, as well
as amusements and merry-makings, did not depend so much upon the jarring
tones of the diminutive drum as he did upon his own voice; which in concert
with the monotonous tones of the drum,—to the cultivated and sensitive
ear a mere jargon of sound,—was to the Indian ear the most exciting music,
and soon wrought him to the highest state of excitement. In all their dances
they invariably danced to the sound of the indispensable drum, accompanied
with the low hum of the drummer, keeping exact step with its monotonous
tone. In the social dance alone were the women permitted to participate.”
The Lacomb Choctaw did not use a rattle. Their drum Bushnell
describes in the following words:
This [example described by the writer] is 30 inches in height and 15 inches
in diameter. It is made of a section of a black gum tree; the cylinder wall is
less than 2 inches in thickness. The head consists of a piece of untanned goat
skin. The skin is stretched over the open end, while wet and pliable, and is
°3 Bull. 48, Bur. Amer. Ethn., p. 22.
29 Appendix, p. 263; Bossu, Nouv, Voy., I, p. 104.
20 Cushman, Hist. Inds., p. 215.
224 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Buiy.103
passed around a hoop made of hickory about haif an inch thick. A similar hoop
is placed above the first. To the second hoop are attached four narrow strips of
rawhide, each of which is fastened to a peg passing diagonally through the
wall of the drum. To tighten the head of the drum it is necessary merely to
drive the peg farther in. In this respect, as well as in general form, the drum
resembles a specimen from Virginia in the British Museum, as well as the drum
even now used on the west coast of Africa. It is not possible to say whether
this instrument is a purely American form or whether it shows the influence
of the negro.™
Cypress knees were also commonly used for the body of the drum.
The opening was usually closed with a deerskin but a bearskin is said
to have been employed at times.
Simpson Tubby’s description of the drum agrees quite closely
with that given by Bushnell. He said it was made of a section of
black gum or tupelo gum, hollowed out and 12 or 16 inches across,
and of about the same length. Over the ends of this deerskins were
fitted, each skin being first brought over the outside of a hoop or
“cuff” and fastened tight, the cuff being just large enough to fit
over the end of the body. After these had been put in place, a
larger cuff was made and fitted tight over each and the two outside
cuffs were fastened together by means of diagonal cords. Midway of
the drum were two other cuffs or hoops fastened to the diagonal cords
in such a way that when they were pushed in opposite directions
they tightened the heads of the drum. The cuffs were made of white
switch hickory, the cords anciently of deer hide, but later of store
leather. Two deer-hide strings were allowed to lie across the end of
the drum opposite that which was struck. One of these was looser
than the other, so that two distinct notes resulted.
Drum sticks were made principally of maple, poplar, or ash. Each
had a knob at the end, one made smaller to “ beat the seconds,” while
most of the noise was made with the other. They beat on the end of
the drum opposite that across which the strings lay but most of the
noise is supposed to have been made by the other end, the compressed
air transferring the vibrations across. If they wished to protect the
drumhead they wrapped the knobs of the drumsticks with cloth.
It is claimed that no rattle was used except that in the snake dance
two sticks were struck against each other. In this dance they gradu-
ally spiraled in to the center in the way in which a rattlesnake makes
its coils, stopped a minute, and then unwound.
Simpson informed me that feasts were held from time to time
throughout the year but that the most important ones were in the
fall and early winter, and they were accompanied by ball games and
dances. The last feast of the year was near the present Christmas
when the Choctaw were summoned from all quarters. It is not clear
1 Bull. 48, Bur. Amer. Ethn., p. 22.
SWANTON | CHOCTAW SOCIAL AND CEREMONIAL LIFE 220
whether the importance of this feast was due wholly to white in-
fluence. Christmas is called in the Choctaw language Nafa iklanna,
“middle of winter.” In preparation for a feast, when venison was
relied upon, hunters were appointed, to each of whom a territory
was assigned and he was directed to return in plenty of time so that
‘the cooking could be gotten out of the way and the young people
could dance. One of the principal dishes was composed of beef or
venison and corn cooked together in the manner elsewhere de-
scribed.*** It was cooked in large pots, of which there might be from
three to five on the fire at a time. When the food was ready to serve,
certain men appointed for the purpose lifted these pots from the fire
and set them down on a table made of split pine logs. Other men
then served into each man’s plate what was allotted to him, and still
ethers poured out the coffee or tea. Men were also appointed to fan
the meat continuously to keep the flies away. However, it is claimed
that if it was hung up above a certain height the flies would not
bother it.
The band captain now called out the name of each family in turn
and the members of it then marched up to the table and seated them-
selves. In olden times, and occasionally even now, the men ate be-
fore the women and children; later men and women sat on opposite
sides of the table. If the feast included all of the five bands, the
captains called them beginning with that farthest off. While they
were eating they preserved perfect order and the captains addressed
them all that time. The principal speaker, captain, or head chief,
did not eat until after the other men, but before the women and
children. After all had had enough, the head chief would call them
to order again and make a speech in which he recounted the facts
regarding their race and told them what they ought to do and what
they should refrain from doing. Every time he made a point they
cheered him. When he was through one of the band chiefs addressed
both men and women about the dances that were to take place that
night, laying down the regulations in accordance with which they
were to be conducted. Relatives were not permitted to dance to-
gether. No girl was allowed to dance with a boy unless the parents
on both sides agreed to it. “ Everything was much more harmonious
then than now.”
He added the following information regarding the green corn
dance. This was held in summer, probably in August, and during
it laws were made for the ensuing year. They then took time to
ferret out the relationship between every two families in order to
regulate the marriages properly. The dance lasted three days. As
many hunters were told off by the captains and chief as were needed
to supply a definite amount of game. The head chief himself
Sia See p. 48.
226 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Buty 103
seldom attended in person but he could easily be reached at the big
mound where he commonly stayed, “like the queen of a beehive.”
It was at the last green corn dance held by the Sukanatcha band,
as noted elsewhere, that women are said to have been relieved of
the burden of carrying hampers of corn on their backs. The feast
proper is said to have been on the last day and while the others were
eating the captain spoke to them at length, advising them as to their
dealings with one another. He ate last and others then spoke to
him and praised him in turn.
Men Havine Occutr Powers anp Docrors
Choctaw who made it their business to deal with the occult be-
longed to several different classes. We have quoted Claiborne’s re-
marks with reference to “a priestly order” called Gon-ka-la, who
had the care of a kind of temple called “the House of Warriors ”
(Tashka Tcuka), on the bank of Cushtusha Creek, Neshoba County,
Miss., and said to mark the oldest settlement in the Nation. The
bones of great warriors were buried there, the Oon-ka-la going at
the head of the procession which bore them “ chanting hymns in an
unknown tongue.” I have already noted the apparent confusion be-
tween this “temple” and that of the Natchez, and I am suspicious
of the information here given, for no one else seems to have been
fortunate enough to learn of a similar priesthood, and the word
Oon-ka-la does not seem to tally with any known to the Choctaw
to-day. Still it has in its favor the fact that Kashtasha was the
chief town of the western division of Choctaw, the Oklafalaya.
The Choctaws [says Cushman] had several classes of dignitaries among
them who were held in the highest reverence: The Medicine Man or Prophet,
the Rain Maker, the Doctor.
Folsom, speaking of all classes of doctors, says that they had
As many of the female as of the male sex, who were quite as successful
in their practice as the latter. The doctors made use of herbs and roots
in various forms, applied and given in different modes—for emetics
eathartics, sweats, wounds, and sores; they also made use of cold baths, scari-
fication, cupping and blistered by means of burning punk, and practiced suction
to draw out pain; some used enchantment, while others practiced by magic,
pretending to have learned the art of healing . . . by special revelation,
communicated to them in some retired and unfrequented forest. It was in this
way, also, it was said, that the war-prophets were raised up to lead the people
to battle. Ata high price and much expense the doctors of both sexes learned
the mode and manner of the use of herbs and roots. It is a fact worthy of
remark, that even now many of them are in possession of some useful and
important means of cure. They have, among other things, an effectual remedy
for the bite of the rattle-snake, or of any other venomous reptile, the bite of
which they consider very easy of cure.”
32 Cushman, Hist. Inds., p. 258. 33 Ibid., pp. 367-368.
SWANTON] CHOCTAW SOCIAL AND CEREMONIAL LIFE 227
The reference to a “special revelation ” in the forests suggests the
schools of training for doctors among the Creeks,** and their ex-
istence among the Choctaw seems further indicated by a passage in
Cushman.
There was but little difference between the “Indian Magician” and the
Indian “ Medicine Man,” but when a warrior had attained to that high and
greatly desired point of communication with the Great and Good Spirit, and had
impressed that belief upon his tribe as well as himself, he at once became an
object of great veneration, and was henceforth regarded by all his tribe,
regardless of age or sex, as a great “ Medicine Man,’ upon whom had been
conferred supernatural powers to foretell coming events, to exorcise evil spirits,
and to perform all kinds of marvellous works. But few attained the coveted
eminence; yet he who was so fortunate, at once reached the pinnacle of his
earthly aspirations. But before entering upon his high and responsible duties,
and assuming the authority of a diviner—a graduated Medicine Man, in other
words, with a recognized and accepted diploma,—he must have enlisted in his
service one or more lesser spirits, servants of the Great and Good Spirit, as his
ailies or mediators, and to secure these important and indispensable auxiliaries,
he must subject himself to a severe and testing ordeal. He now retires alone
into the deep solitudes of his native forest and there engages in meditation,
self examination, fasting and prayer during the coming and going of many
long and weary days, and even weeks. And all that for what end? That he
might, by his supernatural power thus attained, be enabled to gratify his ambi-
tion in playing the tyrant over his people through fear of him? Or that he
might be enabled the better to gratify the spirit of avarice that rankled in his
heart? Neither, for both tyrant and avarice were utterly unknown among all
Indians [?].
What then? First, that he might ever be enabled, by his influence attained
with the Great and Good Spirit, to ward off the shafts of the Evil Spirit, and
thus protect himself from seen and unseen dangers, and also be successful in
the accomplishment of all his earthly hopes and wishes.
Second. That he might be a benefactor to his tribe, by being enabled to
divine future events, and thus forewarn them of approaching danger and the
proper steps to take to avoid it successfully; also to heal the sick, etc. True,
the fearful ordeal of hunger, thirst, fatigue wrought their part in causing his
imagination to usurp the place of reason, filling his fevered mind with the
wildest hallucinations and rendering him a fit subject to believe anything and
everything. Yet, no doubt, when he left his place of prayer and self-examina-
tion and returned to his people, he sincerely believed that he had been admitted
to the special favor of the great and Good Spirit and was fully prepared to
exercise his newly acquired supernatural attainments for his own benefit and
to the interest of his tribe.”
Cushman thus enumerates the attainments of the medicine man
as distinguished from those of the mere physic doctor.
“The Medicine Man,” was a dignitary who swayed his scepter alike among
all Indians, but was altogether a very different personage from the common
physician. The Medicine Man professed an insight into the hidden laws of
Nature; he professed a power over the elements, the fish of the waters and the
animals of the land; he could cause the fish to suffer themselves to be caught
np et od dy As EE A I AOU SE a ee ee Eee
%4 See Forty-second Ann. Rept. Bur. Amer. Ethn., pp. 617-620.
% Cushman, Hist. Inds., pp. 38-39.
228 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BuLt. 103
voluntarily, and give success to the hunter by depriving the denizens of the
forest of their natural fear of man; he could impart bravery to the heart of
the warrior, strength and skill to his arm and fleetness to his feet; yea, could
put to flight the evil spirits of disease from the bodies of the sick. He could
throw a spell or charm over a ball player that would disenable him to hit the
post; or over the ball-post that would prevent its being hit by anyone whom he
wished to defeat. Such were the professed attainments of the Indian “ Medi-
cine Man.” But whether he possessed all or any of the supernatural powers,
he professed one thing, the power, art, skill, call it what you may, to make
his people believe it, and that was all-sufficient for him—even as it is with all
humbugs.”
It is this type of doctor which the author of the French Relation
seems to have in mind in the following paragraphs:
These persons have much to fear when they undertake the case of a sick
person who is a chief, for if he dies after they have conjured, his relatives
say that he has bewitched him, and if he escapes after he has been condemned
to death, they say that he had bewitched him and that fate has erred; so in
all ways he runs the risk of being killed. When there is a sick person among
them they have the doctor come to the place where he is, who, after having
conjured or demanded of their Spirit if the sick person will get well, bleeds
him with a piece of flint. Eight or ten incisions are made in the skin in the
space of the size of a crown (écu), as when one cups, over which they place
one end of a pierced horn and suck it until the horn is full of blood. As these
jugglers sometimes wish to hide their ignorance they say that someone has
thrown a spell over them (the patients) and then they adroitly put some
bison wool or a little piece of wood into the bottom of the horn, and after
having sucked the sick man and poured out the blood which is in the horn,
they show this wood or bison wool to the parents of the sick man, which they
make them believe is a charm; then this juggler passes as a very wise man.
It is certain that these jugglers speak to the devil. I have seen a number of
examples of it. I will cite three to you. One day, arriving May third at the
house of a man named Fine Teeth, chief of the Naniabas, returning from the
Chicachas and being in need of tobacco, I asked some of this chief, who, in
order to give me some, hunted in his chest, where he had placed three twists,
but could not find them. He thought it was I or some one of the French
whom I had with me who had hidden it from him, but when he had learned
that it was not, I saw him dress and daub himself as if he were going to a
dance, after which, having gone to an open space a gunshot distant from the
house, we saw him fill his pipe, strike the flint, light it, and smoke it with
many gesticulations, as if he were disputing with someone. When he had
smoked it half up it seemed to us that he gave it to someone else to smoke,
without, however, our seeing anyone, except that he held his pipe at a dis-
tance from himself, and the smoke came out in puffs (peletons) as if Someone
smoked it. He returned to us immediately and told us, all of a sweat, that
he knew who had taken it, and continuing on toward a cabin opposite his
own, whither I followed him, he sprang at the throat of a savage, demanding
of him the three twists of tobacco which he had taken from him at such an
hour in such a manner, in short explaining to him the method which he had
employed in accomplishing his theft. The poor savage, all of a tremble,
admitted his crime and returned to him his tobacco.
The French, curious regarding his skill, went to find him, and begged him,
under promise of recompense, to make the otter dance for them. He took
8° Cushman, Hist. Inds., pp. 230-231.
SWANTON] CHOCTAW SOCIAL AND CEREMONIAL LIFE 229
his tobacco-pouch which was an otter skin in which he kept his pipe and
tobacco, which he threw into the middle of an open place where the people
were assembled to judge of his skill: after he had uttered a number of ob-
securely articulated words and thrown himself repeatedly into the fire, from
which he came out in a perspiration, and without being burned, this skin was
seen to swell out, fill with flesh, and come to life, and to run between the legs
of the Frenchmen, some of whom in the company having caressed it and felt
of it, found that it was like a true otter. When each one was satisfied it
returned to the same place where it had come to life and was seen to diminish
in size and return to the form which it had before.
When we were surrounded by the Spaniards in Dauphin Island, and were
expecting help from France from day to day, we wished to know whether it
was on the point of arriving, which could only be known by means of the
savages whom we had with us. They were then made to conjure, and having
done this they reported that five vessels would come the next day, three of
which were large and two smaller, that they were loaded with soldiers, that
one of the little ones would not arrive as soon as the others, because it was
separated and was still a long way off, but that all would have arrived the
day after that toward evening. This actually took place, for the next day
at eight in the morning the first vessel was discovered, and about three or four
in the afternoon four were anchored at Dauphin Island, but the fifth did not
come in until the day following.”
In this quotation we seem to find the practices of the common
physician and the performances of Cushman’s “ Medicine Man or
Prophet ” somewhat mixed up, but other writers confuse them also,
including Bossu and Cushman himself. Bossu, however, dwells
most upon the medical side.
The savages generally have a great deal of regard for their medicine men
or diviners, perfect charlatans who impose on the common fool so that they
may live comfortably at his expense. They also have considerable authority
and are turned to for advice on all sorts of occasions as if they were oracles.
When a Chacta is sick, he gives all that he has to be treated, but if the
sick man dies, his relatives attribute his death to the doctor and not to the
condition of the patient. Consequently they kill the doctor if they feel so
inclined, but this happens seldom because there is always a back door. Besides,
these doctors are acquainted with many plants good to cure the maladies to
which one is exposed in this country. They can heal with certainty the bites
of rattlesnakes and other poisonous animals.
When savages have been wounded by a bullet or arrows, the jugglers or
doctors begin by sucking the patient’s wound and spitting out the blood,
which is called in France guérir du secrét. In their dressings they do not
make use of lint or of pledgets, but of a powdered root which they blow into
the wound to make it suppurate and another which makes it dry up and close.
They clear the wounds of gangrene (cangréne) by bathing them in a decoction
of certain roots with which they are acquainted.™
The material side is also principally in evidence in the following
from Cushman:
The Choctaws’ Materia Medica, like [that of] all their race, was Nature,
herbs, and roots furnishing their remedies both externally and internally ; and
- 87 Appendix, pp. 249-251; Mem. Am. Anth. Assn., vol. v, No. 2, pp. 61-63.
88 Appendix, pp. 260-261; Bossu, Nouv. Voy., vol. 2, pp. 96-98.
230 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bury 103
the success with which they used those remedies proved their knowledge of
the healing properties of the various herbs and roots in which their extensive
forests abounded. They had a specific for the bite of the sintullo” (rattle-
snake). Their doctors relied much on dry-cupping, using their mouth alone
in all such eases. Oft have I witnessed the Choctaw physician, east of the Mis-
sissippi river, administering to the necessities of his suffering patient through
the virtues found in the process of dry-cupping. Stretching the sufferer upon a
blanket spread upon the ground, he kneeled beside him and began a process
of sucking that part of the body of which the patient complained, or where,
in his own judgment, the disease was located, making a guttural noise during
the operation that reminded one of [a] dog worrying an opossum; at different
intervals raising his head a few inches and pretending to deposit into his
hands, alternately in the one and the other, an invisible something which he
had drawn from his patient, by a magic power known alone to himself.
After sucking a sufficient length of time to fill both hands, judging from
the frequent deposits therein made, with great apparent dignity and solemn
gravity, this worthy son of Esculapius arose and stepping to the nearest tree,
post, or fence, wiped the secret contents of his apparently full hands thereon ;
then with an air of marked importance walked away to the enjoyment of his
own reflections, while the suiferer, in real or fancied relief, acknowledged
the efficacy of the physician’s healing powers by ceasing to complain, turned
over and sought forgetfulness in the arms of refreshing sleep. If there ensued
a change for the better he claimed the honor and praise as due the noble
profession of which he recognized himself a worthy and important member ;
but if the disease proved stubborn and refused to yield to the medicinal
virtues of his herbs, roots, and dry-cupping, he turned to his last resort—the
Anuka [or anu"ka], (Hot-house). This edifice, an important adjunct in all
Choctaw villages, was made of logs rendered nearly air tight by stopping all
cracks with mortar. A little hole was left on one side for an entrance. A fire
was built in the center of this narrow enclosure, and soon the temperature
within was raised to the desired degree, then the fire was taken out and the
patient instructed to crawl in; which being done, the little opening was
closed. Asa matter of course, the patient must bake or sweat; which, however,
resulted in the latter; and when, in the opinion of the Alikchi, (doctor) he
had undergone a thorough sweating, the entrance was opened, and the patient
bidden to come forth; who, upon his exit, at once runs to the nearest water into
which he plunges head first; but if not of sufficient amount and depth for
the correct performance of that ceremony to its fullest extent, he ducks his
head into it several times, thus making practical the wholesome theory of the
hygienist: “Keep your head cool, but your feet warm.” In case of common
intermittent fever, the efficiency of this mede of proceeding (the Sweat and
cold bath) was truly astonishing, seldom failing to effect a cure.
But if the patient died—ah, then! with that shrewdness peculiar to all
quacks the world over, he readily found a cause upon which to base his excuse
for his inefficacy to effect a cure; differing somewhat, however, from his
white brother alikchi, who attributes the cause of his failure to innumerable
“ where-as-es and ifs,” while he openly acknowledged and emphatically declared
the interposition of a hat-tak holth-kun-na [or hatak holhkunna] (witch),
which, counteracting the beneficial virtues of his remedies, had caused the death
of his patient by thus placing him beyond the reach of mortal skill, nothing
more nor less. Sometimes, for the sake of variety, he attributed the death
of his patient, if occurring very suddenly, to an Ish tulbih [isht Albi] (witch
ce a eS eae nt ay el Ce a
* Sintullo is probably from sinti hullo, “sacred snake,” or “ sacred mysterious snake.”
Swanton} CHOCTAW SOCIAL AND CEREMONIAL LIFE 231
ball) shot from an invisible rifle in the hands of a witch. At this important
juncture of affairs, it now becomes his duty to find the witch that he, she, or
it may be brought to pay the penalty of the law in all such cases—death. As
a matter of course, the doctor, not very scrupulous in the matter of shifting
the blame from his own shoulders to that of another—so natural to all man
kind—easily found a witch in the person of some attenuated old woman, whom
he designated as the guilty party, and who consequently was immediately slain
by the relatives of the deceased.”
A white informant of Byington gives the following account of a
native medical attempt that failed:
Doctors and Conjurers ... are a deceitful set of men. Before they com-
mence their operations they sing a song, which expresses a prayer. One came
to me once and said he could cure me of my lameness, originating in palsy
in the limbs. I told him if he would cure me I would give him a horse, but
if he failed I would give him nothing. To this he agreed. He then inquired
where the lameness first commenced. I told him that it began in the soles of
my feet. He then examined them, and got down on the floor, spit on them,
and sucked the instep a long time as though he would draw something out.
After a while he got up, and then made a great effort to get something out
of his mouth. At length he took out a small piece of deerskin, as I supposed,
and said he had drawn that out of my foot. I asked him where the hole was.
He said it never makes a hole. I then took the bit of leather and talked
to him and told him that doctors are the greatest liars in the world. ‘“ You
never pulled that out of my foot: you cut it off of some deerskin and put it
in your mouth. Now stop telling such lies or some one will injure you.” He
looked very much ashamed and walked off.”
Sweat bathing is described not only by Cushman but also by our
anonymous French informant and Bossu. The former says:
For this purpose they make a little cabin about four feet in height and
eight in diameter, which they cover with bison skin and blankets. They put
inside five or six red-hot balls, on which from time to time they throw a little
water to stimulate the heat. They enclose in this little space as many as
seven persons, and after they have sweat for about a half or three-quarters of
an hour they get out of this hole quickly and go with precipitation to throw
themselves into the coldest water.*
When, on returning from war or a hunt, they are tired and overcome with
fatigue [says Bossu] they restore themselves by sweating in a sudatory.”*
For this purpose they boil in the sudatory all sorts of medicinal and fragrant
herbs, the spirits and salts of which carried off by the steam enter by means
of the sick man’s lungs and the pores in his body and restore his drooping
forces. This treatment is as good to calm and drive away all kinds of pains.
Besides, gout, gravel, and other infirmities to which we are subject in Europe
are not to be found among them, which may be due in part to their constant
physical exercise. One sees among them none with big bellies such as there
are in Holland nor those big tumors on the throat called goitre such as are
found in Piedmont.“
40 Cushman, Hist. Inds., pp. 258-260.
41 Missionary Herald, vol. xxv, No. 11, November, 1829
# Appendix, p. 251; Mem. Am. Anth. Assn., vol. v, No. 2, p. 64.
42a‘ These are round cabins, built in the middle of the village in the form of an oven.
These sudatories are cared for by an Alekxi or public doctor.’’—Bossu.
4 Appendix, p. 261; Bossu, Nouv. Voy., vol. 2, pp. 98-99.
Poe BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Buny. 1038
Mrs. McCurtain, widow of a former chief of the Choctaw Nation
in Oklahoma, remembered that when a doctor was treating the sick,
he danced, sang, and beat upon a drum, calling sometimes on the
four quarters of the earth, the sun and the moon. The neighbors
were summoned to witness this and afterwards they had a feast
supposed to be for the benefit of the patient. She remembered that
for biliousness the medicine used was called “thunder medicine ”
(hilo’ha ikhi"’sh).
Cushman was made personally aware of a native belief that white
twins “possessed the magic power of dispelling all depredating
worms and insects from cornfields, gardens, etc.” This was un-
doubtedly only one of several peculiar beliefs regarding twins whom
primitive people usually credit with having peculiar power for good
or evil. In the case above mentioned Mr. Cushman’s parents were
persuaded to allow the use of himself and his twin brother to secure
immunity to the Choctaw gardens from the attacks of corn worms.
At once we galloped off in the direction of their village three miles distant
called Okachiloho fah [oka chilofa]. (Water falling, or Falling Water.)“
When we arrived in sight, their success [in obtaining the use of the twins]
was announced by a shrill whoop to which the villagers responded their joy
by another. As soon as we rode into the village, we were immediately sur-
rounded by an admiring throng, and being tenderly lifted from our positions
on the horses, we were handed over to the care of several old men, who took
us in their arms and with much gravity carried us into a little cabin, which
had previously been set in order for our reception, where we found prepared
a variety of eatables, to us seemingly good enough to excite the appetites of
the most fastidious twin epicures; after which the venerable old seers of the
village instructed us in the mystic rites and ceremonies of their tribe, prepara-
tory to calling into requisition the magic power of our twinship in all its
bearings upon the duties of the day. Then they showed us our weapons, which
consisted of iron, wood and fire, the two former in the shape of a frying-pan,
in which we were to burn the worms after picking them from the corn, and a
blazing chunk of fire, two stout and straight sticks about six feet in length,
with the proper instructions in regard to the manner of using them effectually.
Having been thoroughly drilled in these preliminaries, the line of march was
taken up toward the field where the enemy were said to be strongly en-
trenched; in profound silence and with unfeigned gravity, the Palokta Tohbi
[Polukta tohbi], (Twins White, or White Twins) led the van, borne upon
the shoulders of two powerful warriors closely followed by three others bearing
the arms, while the villagers, headed by the veteran seers, brought up the
rear presenting an imposing appearance with a considerable smack of the
ridiculous. ...
When the field was reached a halt was made, and two venerable looking
old men, whose hoary locks and wrinkled faces bespoke their earthly pil-
grimage had extended many years beyond their allotted three score years
and ten, came to the front and, with solemn mien, lifted us from our perches
44This name does not appear in my list. It evidently belonged to one of the smaller
villages.
SWANTON] CHOCTAW SOCIAL AND CEREMONIAL LIFE 233
and gently placed us over the fence into the field; then handing the frying
pan, chunk of fire, and sticks, our weapons, to us, with a word of encourage-
ment whispered in our ears to prove ourselves valiant and worthy of our
traditional fame, they bade us charge the foe. The plan of the campaign was
to attack the enemy first in the center; there build a hot fire with the dry
wood, previously prepared by the thoughtful Choctaws, upon which place the
frying pan and into which throw all prisoners without discrimination, as our
flag bore the motto “ Neither giving nor asking quarter;” and likewise also at
the four corners of the field. The centre was gained, the fire made, and upon
it placed the pan; then we made a vigorous attack upon the strongholds of
the enemy dislodging them and at the same time taking them prisoners of
war; then hurrying them to the centre hurled them hors de combat into the
frying pan heated to a red heat, and with our ready sticks stirred them
vigorously, while the wreaths of smoke that ascended from the scene of
carnage and floated away before the summer breeze, together with the odor,
not as fragrant to the sensitive nose, however, as the lily or the rose, gave
undisputed evidence of our victories; while our waiting Choctaw friends,
acknowledged their approval from the outside of the field, (since the tradi-
tion forbade them sharing in the dangers of the conflict—the Paloktas must
fight alone) filling our hearts with heroic emotions unfelt before or afterwards.
After we had immolated two or three panfulls of the enemy at the center
and at each corner of the field, nor lost a man, we returned in triumph to our
waiting friends, by whom we were received with unfeigned manifestations
of affection and pride. Thence we were borne as before to other fields, where
were enacted the same prodigies of valor, with similar results until the de-
clining sun gave warning of their promise not being fulfilled if the Paloktas
were not returned ere the sun went down. Therefore we were carried from
our last field of slaughter back to the village in “glorious triumph,’ where
never were offered to frail mortality more sincere homage and unfeigned deyo-
tion than were bestowed upon the Paloktas by those grateful Choctaws. They
seemed only to regret not being able to manifest a still greater degree of
gratitude, and to do more for us as a manifestation of their appreciation of
the great favor we had conferred upon them. With zealous care they watched
over us while under their care, that no harm might befall us. AS we came
so we returned, and safely reached home ere the sun sank behind the western
horizon. We were afterwards frequently called upon, much to our gratification
and delight, it was fun for us, to bring into requisition our mysteriously dele-
gated power in behalf of their cornfields; and we became the special favorites
of that kind-hearted and appreciative people; and woe to him or them who
should impose upon or attempt to injure their little pets, the pale-face
Paloktas.*
The feast for the sick reminds one of those indulged in by the
Chickasaw at their Pishofa dances.
The anonymous Frenchman says that the Choctaw took medicines
internally consisting of herbs and the roots of trees boiled together,
“and to make themselves vomit they run feathers down their
throats.” 4° It seems that the majority were in his time suffering
from a kind of debility “ with pains over the entire body.”
46 Cushman, Hist. Inds., pp. 273-275.
46 Appendix, p. 251; Mem. Am. Anthrop. Assn., vol. v, No. 2, p. 64.
54564—31——16
234 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Buty 103
The diseases from which they suffered and the commoner methods
of treating them are thus described by Cushman:
Diseases, they believed, originated in part from natural causes, therefore
their doctors sought in nature for the remedies. Graver maladies, to them,
were inexplicable, and for their cures they resorted to their religious super-
stitions and incantations. They were very skillful in their treatment of
wounds, snake bites, etc. Their knowledge of the medicinal qualities of their
various plants and herbs, in which their forests so bountifully abounded,
was very great. ’Tis true they were powerless against the attacks of many
diseases—importations of the White Race, such as smallpox, measles, whooping-
cough, etc.; yet, they did not exhibit any greater ignorance in regard to
those new diseases, to them unknown before, than do the doctors of the White
Race, who have had the experience of ages which has been handed down to
them through the art of printing, manifest in regard to the new diseases that
so oft attack their own race. The art of blood-letting and scarifying was
well understood and practiced by many of their doctors, as well as the virtue
of cold and warm baths; and in many of the healing arts they fell not so
far below those of the White Race as might be supposed, though many white
doctors imagine themselves perfect in the healing art, since forsooth their
dipolmas boast the signatures of the medical faculties in the world.
In cases of bowel affections they use persimmons dried by the heat of the
sun and mixed with a light kind of bread. In ease of sores, they applied a
poultice of pounded ground ivy for a few days, then carefully washing the
afflicted part with the resin of the copal-tree which proved very efficacious;
to produce a copious perspiration, a hot decoction of the China root swallowed,
had the desired effect. They possessed an antidote for the bite and sting
of snakes and insects, in the root of a plant called rattle snake’s master,
having a pungent yet not unpleasant odor. The root of the plant was chewed,
and also a poultice made of it was applied to the wound, which at once checked
the poison and the patient was well in a few days. The medical properties
of the sassafras, sarsaparilla, and other medicinal plants, were known to them.
They possessed many valuable secrets to cure dropsy, rheumatism, and many
other diseases, which, no doubt, will ever remain a secret with them; proving
that their powers of observation, investigation and discrimination, are not,
by any means, to be regarded as contemptible; while their belief, that the
Great Spirit has provided a remedy in plants for all diseases to which poor
humanity seems an heir, and never refuses to make it known to those who
seek the knowledge of it by proper supplications, is praiseworthy in them to
say the least of it.”
The greatest mortality among them was generally confined to the younger
children; while longevity was a prominent characteristic among the adults.
After the age of six or eight years the mortality of disease among them was less
than among the white children of the present day after that age. But after
those baneful diseases, scarlet fever, measles, mumps, Whooping-cough, diseases
unknown to them before, had been introduced among them, the fatality among
the children was distressing, frequently destroying the greater number of
children in a village or neighborhood ;—being wholly ignorant as they were
of the proper mode of treatment was a great cause of the fearful fatality.
Mental or nervous diseases were unknown to the ancient Choctaws; and
idiocy and deformity were seldom seen. But of all the “diseases” intro-
47 Cushman, Hist. Inds., pp. 228-229.
SWANTON] CHOCTAW SOCIAL AND CEREMONIAL LIFE 235
duced among them by the whites, the most pernicious and fatal in all its
features, bearings, and consequences, to the Choctaw people, was, is, and
ever will be, Okahumma (red water or whiskey) ; which, when once formed
into habit, seemed to grow to a species of insanity equal even to that so often
exhibited among the whites.*
In 1730, when the French officer De Lusser was traveling through
the Choctaw country, he was seized with a violent attack of nose-
bleed, which an Indian doctor stopped by the application of an herb.
De Lusser also records the case of a Frenchman named Tarascon
who was ill with “a sort of leprosy which afflicts him from head to
foot and which had made him blind.” He had recovered his sight
“by means of the fire with which the Indians treated him and with
which they maintain that they are curing him.” *
For late forms of medical practice in the Bayou Lacomb band of
Choctaw, a list of 25 medicine plants, and the manner of using them,
the reader is referred to Mr. Bushnell’s bulletin.®°
According to Simpson Tubby, it was a common Choctaw belief
that people got diseases from the food they ate, and therefore be-
fore killing a chicken it was shut up and fed by the owner until
what it had foraged for itself was out of it. On the other hand, it
was thought that animals gathered their own medicine. The hog
roots in the ground for his medicine and a dog should not be shut
up or he will not be able to find his own proper remedies. This
was one of the reasons advanced by Mashulatubbi in opposing allot-
ment. He maintained that in time the stock would be enclosed so
that they could not get to their natural medicine and that the same
thing would sooner or later happen to the Indians. The old Choc-
taw doctors are said to have held, like the Creeks, that animals
caused diseases.
The same informant averred that the bead chief appointed from
one to three doctors from each of the five Choctaw bands, and that
he and the doctors together appointed medicine givers who were
later to be appointed doctors themselves. After their appointment
the doctors and medicine givers were placed in charge of the band
captains who had to see that they carried out their instructions.
Since it is said that medicine could be given only in the presence of
one of these people, and that a man had to be present to see that a
male patient took the medicine and a woman to see that a female
took it, it would seem that the medicine givers at least were of both
sexes. Medicine was administered by “swallows,” “fractions of
swallows,” and “drops.” He also said that no one was allowed to
48 Cushman, Hist. Inds., p. 230.
49 Ms. in French Archives.
6 Bull. 48, Bur. Amer. Ethn., pp. 23-25.
236 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bunn 103
take medicine except in the presence of a medicine giver, but it seems
evident that only certain medicines were administered in this official
manner.
Mention has been made of the readjustment of the pillow in re-
sponse to certain symptoms. If one complained of a dead feeling
in the legs and thighs, the doctor would reduce the height of the
head end of the pallet so that the blood would flow less readily toward
the feet.
If a person had lived some time in one place and had had much
sickness, he would move. This was often at the direction of the
doctor, and if the latter told him to move at a certain time he would
do so, perhaps living in a tent until there was time to erect a house.
Sometimes a man would move a dozen times on 40 acres of land.
Simpson also described what might be called fractional sweat-
bathing. In preparation for this a hole was dug in the floor big
enough to hold a large pot. Over it crosswise were laid a number of
sticks sufficient to hold up a quilt. A kettle containing water and
medicines was then put over the fire and, after the contents had been
heated, it was placed in this hole, and the affected part laid over
it, the whole being covered with the quilt. If the doctor prescribed
it, a second kettle of medicine might be used after the first had
become cool. After the steaming was over, the patient shut himself
in his room and stayed there until the right temperature was
restored, or as long as the doctor prescribed.
The use of cow horns, as mentioned above, was universal in the
Southeast. Simpson says of it that in the first place the doctor took a
sort of punch consisting of a piece of glass fastened on the end of
a stick in such a manner that it could enter the flesh only a certain
distance, placed the point of it on a small vein over the afflicted part
and drove it in with a little mallet. Then he clapped the wide end
of the horn over the spot and sucked at the small end until most of
the air had been removed, when he closed the hole by means of a bit
of cloth previously lodged in his mouth. After waiting a certain
time he drew the horn away and examined the blood it contained
in order to diagnose the ailment. Another reason was probably to
remove a foreign object which some wizard might have injected.
This has been mentioned already. They also extracted from a pa-
tient such objects as lizards, snakes, terrapin, millipedes, or ear-
wigs, which it was claimed were “aggravating him to death.”
For grinding medicines the doctor used a little mortar made out
of a hard yellow or white flint which was worked out by beating
very carefully with another stone. In dimensions these varied from
the size of the fist to the size of a plate. If the workman was in a
hurry he heated the rock, but in doing so he was liable to break and
Swanton] CHOCTAW SOCIAL AND CEREMONIAL LIFE 237
ruin it. Sometimes two or three hollows were made in one piece of
flint. A kind of sandstone was also employed but grit was apt to
come off of it. The pestle was of the same material as the mortar
and both were developed together by constant and long continued
grinding so that the two exactly fitted. Such flints are found in the
entire section but Tallapoosa River was particularly resorted to for
them. Simpson has seen his father make these mortars, the last
made in the Choctaw country.
Medicinal roots were dug in the fall of the year when they were
purer and most of the poison had gone out of them. They were
steamed to the boiling point but were not allowed to boil hard. A
medicine is said to have been named most often for the insect or
animal which attends it. The following notes were obtained regard-
ing specific remedies:
Rabbit tobacco, also called by the whites “ life everlasting ” (Choc-
taw, bashfichak), was made into an infusion and drunk in cases of
fever. It was also used as a tobacco substitute.
Boneset (Choctaw, howé chache [hobechechi?]) was used in the
steaming process mentioned above to make one throw up “ cold and
bile.”
Jerusalem oak, or rather wormseed, called in Choctaw ala imokhi'sh,
or ala balo"tachi [ala ibalhtochi?], “ children’s medicine,” was made
the basis for a kind of candy and fed to small children who had
worms.
The “ pink root” was also called by the Choctaw ala imokhi*sh
sometimes. Just enough whisky was put with this to keep it. It is
a system builder, and when one has it he needs no doctor. It makes
one very sick at first but afterwards thoroughly well. It drives out
fever and is a good tonic for old and young. When it was to be
given to children it was weakened and in later times sugar was added.
They used scurvy grass (Choctaw, nuti kishéche [nuti kashof-
fichi?]) to clean the teeth.
Sampson snake root (Choctaw, nipi lapushkichi) is a poison to
any other poison and was therefore used in cases of snake bite. They
used to go to the region where Noxubee and Oktibbeha Counties
came together, southeast of Starkville, to gather this.
The mayapple (Choctaw, fala imisito, “crow pumpkin”) is a
fine medicine. The fruit is given to children as a purgative. In
cases of biliousness they powdered the root, put half an ounce of this
into a pint of water, boiled it down to about an ounce, and mixed
it with whisky. One swallow, or as much as a person could stand, was
a dose. It is a sure cure and “ you can hear the cold and the bile
tearing out.” It received its name from the fact that the crow,
which is a wise bird, feeds upon the mayapple.
238 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Buy.103
The wild cherry (Choctaw, iti alikchi) is looked upon as one of
the best medicines for young girls. In winter, if cherry wine has
not been put up, a tea may be made of the leaves which is given
internally to stop pain and cause perspiration. If enough is taken
it will purify the blood. If the leaves are gone, the outside bark may
be peeled away and the inside bark used in the same way and for
the same purposes. It was an axiom never to kill a cherry tree if
it could be helped.
The prickly ash (Choctaw, nuti alikchi) is good in cases of tooth-
ache. A piece of bark may be cut off to hold in the cavity of the
tooth, or it may be powdered and made into a poultice.
Modoc weed (Choctaw, akshish lakna, “ yellow root”) was used
for a weak stomach, in cases of fainting or when the nerves give
way. The roots were boiled in water and taken along with whisky.
Golden rod (Choctaw, okhi"sh balali) and the puccoon root were
sold to the whites for medicinal purposes but not employed by the
Choctaw.
The pottage pea (Choctaw, baléngtiiichi tapichi) is an onion-
like root with a sweetish taste used in cases of diarrhea.
The butterfly root (Choctaw, hatapushik okhi"sh, “ butterfly
medicine ”) was used for human beings in cases of colds. The tops
could be employed as well as the roots. However, it seems to have
been more often employed as a medicine for horses, being given when
they had the blind staggers or seemed physically broken down. It
was also given them in the fall to protect them from such sickness
the following spring.
When they gave up their old out-of-doors life and came to live in
poorly ventilated houses of poles and split logs daubed with mud the
Choctaw were attacked by tuberculosis and suffered severely. It was
suggested that they move out into the forest until they got well and
those who did so saved a part of their families but most of the others
died. Some white families were no better off. While the white peo-
ple remained in one place and kept cleaning that, the Indians waited
until the house became too filthy for them and then moved and put
up another.
The following experience with a medicine man was given me by
Simpson Tubby and is illustrative of the nature of later Choctaw
practice. Simpson was once sick and sent for a native practitioner.
When the latter came in where Simpson was lying, head to the
east, he stood on the north side of him, passed along to his head,
fanning him all the way and then round to the south side in the same
manner. After that he doubled up his hands and blew through
them three times, looking north and toward the top of the house.
Then he said to the people in the house, “ This man was dreaded
Swanton] CHOCTAW SOCIAL AND CEREMONIAL LIFE 239
by many men, not for things that were reasonable but on account
of what he was called to do. He was called for great things in this
world and the time has come when he must do them. When he is
able to stand it I will separate the impure part of his blood from the
right blood and he will be a well man.” Then he said to him,
“Seven days from to-day come to my house and I will do the work
for you.” After that he told one of the children to dip up a pail
of water at the spring and bring it straight to him without playing
with it. As soon as this was provided, he dipped his fingers into it
and sprinkled Simpson’s face and head with it and it gave Simspon
a peculiar sensation. Then he went to his feet and sprinkled them
and he sprinkled his hands in the same manner, rubbing the joints
of his hands and fingers as well. Then he said, “ You may have
one more spell like this, but that will be about all you will ever
have.” And in fact he did have one more attack of the kind and it
was the last for a long time.
Belief in witches, which seems to have been an overshadowing
horror to so many peoples, was equally rampant among the Choctaw.
The native name for them (hatak holhkunna) has already been
given." In 1731 Du Roullet records that the Choctaw believed the
English and Chickasaw had killed many of their people “ by means
of a medicine which they had spread among them.” **
In 1742 “the chief cf the Mobiliens [a small tribe closely related
to the Choctaw] had two of the warriors of his village killed, one of
them a medicine man who had treated a Choctaw who had afterward
died. An accusation of sorcery was given as the reason for sacrific-
ing them.” °$
Bossu says:
The Chactas have great faith in sorcerers or wizards, and when they discover
one, they knock off his head without ceremony.”
I saw a savage belonging to this nation who had been baptized a short time
before, and who, because he did not succeed in the chase as well as his com-
rades, imagined that he had been bewitched. This new proselyte went at
once to Father Lefévre, a Jesuit, who had converted him and told him that his
medicine was worth nothing and that, since he had received it, he had killed
neither stags nor roebucks. He adjured him to take away his medicine, and
the Jesuit, to escape the resentment of the savage, made a pretence of un-
baptizing him. Some time afterward this pretended debaptized savage
having killed a deer by chance or by skill, believed himself disenchanted and
was satisfied.”
51 See p. 230.
52 Freneh Archives, MS.
53 Miss. State Arch., French Domin. MS.
54“ When I was at Mobile in 1752, I saw a person killed with blows of an ax because
he professed to be a sorcerer. The savages attributed to him the misfortunes which hap-
pened to come upon their nation.”—Bossu.
55 Appendix, p. 261; Bossu, Nouv. Voy., vol. 2, pp. 99-100.
240 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [ Buny. 103
This story shows that some exceptions must be made to Cushman’s
statement that they never accused anyone of indulging in the black
art except old and decrepit women.°°
What Simpson related regarding the animals sent into a person’s
body by witchcraft has already been given. The same informant
called wizards bad doctors as opposed to prophets or good doctors.
He said that a man would sometimes sacrifice four or five dollars
worth of property, in the shape of money, silver ornaments, medi-
cine, and so on, at one spring or well into which it was believed a
wizard had put an active spirit or “hant,” in order to weaken the
spell. A wizard held himself in much esteem and was often em-
ployed to injure others. They were accepted at ball games because
there they had to fight other wizards but not at other times officially.
This was Simpson’s statement, but it seems to the writer unlikely
that in ancient times one who had such a reputation would have
been given a position of such importance.
Regarding rainmakers I will quote the following from Cushman:
In the matter of rain, the Choctaw Rainmaker truly swayed the sceptre of
authority in that line of art, undisputed, and was regarded with reverential
awe by his people. In all cases of protracted drouth, which was quite frequent
at an early day in their ancient domains, the Hut-tak Um-ba Ik-bi, (man rain
maker) was regarded as the personage in whom alone was vested the power
to create rain; therefore to him they went with their offerings and supplica-
tions, the former, however, partaking more of a persuasive nature than the
latter, in the judgment of the Umba Ikbi, as an effectual means to bring into
requisition his mysterious power in the matter of rain. He without hesitation
promised to heed their solicitations, though gently hinting that, in his judgment,
the offerings were not in as exact ratio to their importunities as they should
have been. However, he now assumes an air of mysterious thoughtfulness
and, “grand, gloomy and peculiar wrapped in the solitude of his own imagina-
tion,” strolled from village to village, gazing at the sun by day and the stars
by night, seeming to hold communion with the spirits of the upper worlds;
finally he ventured his reputation by specifying a certain day upon which he
would make it rain. The day arrived, and if haply came with it a rain the
faith of his dupes was confirmed, his mystic power unquestioned, and the Umba
Tkbi made comfortable. But if otherwise, he did not as the Alikchi, attribute
his failure to the counteracting influence of a witch in the person of an old
woman, but to that of a brother Umba Ikbi living in some remote part of the
nation, with whom he was just then at variance. He now informs his un-
fortunate but not faithless people that an Umba Ikbi’s mind must be free
of all contending emotions while engaged in the mystic ceremonies of rain
making; that he was now angry, too much mad to make it rain. Upon which
announcement, the now despairing people earnestly solicited to know if they,
in any way could assuage his wrath. He replied in the negative; but promised,
however, to consider the matter as soon as his anger abated. He now became
more reserved; sought solitude where undisturbed he might scan the sky
and perchance discern some sign of rain. Sooner or later, he discovers a little
hazy cloud stretched along the distant western horizon; attentively and care-
6 Cushman, Hist. Ind. Tribes, p. 255.
SWANTON] CHOCTAW SOCIAL AND CEREMONIAL LIFE 241
fully watches it as broader and higher it ascends, until he feels sure he can
safely risk another promise; then leaves his piace of secret and thoughtful
meditation, and, with countenance fair as a summer morn, presents himself
before his despairing people and announces his anger cooled and wrath departed;
that now he would bring rain without delay, yet dropping a casual hint as to
the efficiency of a coveted pony, cow, blanket, etc., being added, as a surer
guarantee, since ‘ the laborer was worthy his hire.”
The hint was comprehended and fully complied with in hopeful expectation.
Anon the low muttering thunder vibrates along the western horizon in audible
tones, and the lightning flash is seen athwart the western sky heralding the
gathering and approaching storm; soon the sky is overcast with clouds of
blackest hue while the lightning’s flash and the thunder’s roar seem to pro-
claim to the people their wonderful Umba Ikbi’s secret power in the affair of
rain; and, as the vast sheets of falling water wet the parched earth they sing
his praise; which he, with assumed indifference, acknowledged with an approv-
ing grunt; then, with measured steps, sought his home, there to await another
necessity that would call him forth to again deceive his credulous admirers.”
Romans mentions a rain-making herb.
Many among them are well acquainted with plants of every kind, and apply
them judicially [judiciously?] both externally and internally; to others again
they attribute supernatural virtues; for instance, there is one which they make
use of to procure rain; for this purpose they have a number of people in their
nation called rainmakers; these assemble in a deserted field, and they boil
this plant in a large pot, dancing and singing around it with numberless awk-
ward gestures; then if it should happen to rain soon after, the jugglers boast
the virtue of the plant; but should no rain follow, they say the physick was
not strong enough; they take care however not to employ this rain compelling
herb unless a cloudy day forebodes rain. The plant is very singular, and I
believe a nondescript; I saw two species of it, but could not ascertain the
genius [!]; the savages call it Hsta Hoola [isht ahollo] or the most beloved.®
Finally Wright informs us, in a paragraph already quoted. that
there was a class of fair-weather makers.°® This was true also of
the Creeks and probably all of the other southeastern Indians.
37 Cushman, Hist. Inds., pp. 260—261.
58 Romans, Nat. Hist. E. and W. Fla., pp. 85-86.
5) See p. 196.
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APPENDIX
The original texts of the three most important French authorities
are given below. They are reproduced exactly with all of their
archaisms and peculiarities of spelling and composition unmodified
and uncorrected except for some few verbal duplications. The first
constitutes chapters 7 and 8 of an unpublished work, the original
of which, or at all events a copy, is preserved in the Ayer collection
of Americana in the Newberry Library, Chicago. A photostatic
reproduction of this was kindly furnished the Bureau of American
Ethnology some years ago by the custodians of the collection, at the
solicitation of Mr. Hodge, then ethnologist-in-charge. There seems
to be no clue to the author of this Relation except the word, or
fragment of a word, “ Kened,” on the back of the binding. He
seems, however, to have been a French officer of some prominence.
I have conjecturaily dated the composition about the year 1755, but
the information it contains belongs to a somewhat earlier time, sub-
sequent, nevertheless, to the Natchez uprising of 1729-1731. The
other texts are from the narratives of Bossu and Milfort, published
at Paris in 1768 and 1802, respectively.
RetatTion DE La LOUISIANE
Les Chaquetas sont esloignée de la Mobille de cent lieux du costé
du nord, ils sont enuiron quatre mil portant les armes. les francois les
diuisent en trois quantons, celuy de l’est se nomme Ougoula annalé,
le chef de ce quanton a les mesmes prerogatifs que le grand chef.
celuy de Voiiest se nomme ougoulatanama. Celuy du midy se nomme
Taboka c’est la ou demeure le grand chef.
Cette nation est gouuernée par un grand chef dont le pouuoir n’est
absolu, qu’autant qu’il scait se seruir de son auctorit¢é, mais comme
on ne punit pas chez eux la desobeissence et quils ne sont d’ordinaire
ce que lon leurs commende, que quant ils le ueullent bien: on peit
dire que c’est un gouuernement mal dissipliné.
Dans chaque uillage, outre le chef, et le chef de guerre, il ya deux
Tascamingoutchy qui sont comme Lieutenants du chef de guerre:
un tichou mingo qui est comme le major, c’est luy qui ordonne par
toutes les ceremonies, les festes, les dances, il porte la parolle du
chef, fait fumer les guerriers, et les estrangers. ces Tichou mingos
243
244 BUREAU OF AMERICAN BTHNOLOGY [BuLu. 103
uiennent ordinairement chefs du uillage. Ils se distinguent en
quatre ordres, scauoir les grands chefs, chefs du uillage et chef
de guerre. le second se sont les Atac oulitoupa ou les hommes de
ualleur.
Le troisiemme est composé de ceux quils appellent simplement
tasca, ou guerriers.
Le quatrieme et dernier est atac emitta ce sont ceux qui n’ont pas
fait coup ou qui n’ont tué qu’une femme ou un enfant. cette nation
est guerriere contre de ses semblables, et dans les bois les frangois
ayant eu tousjours besoin d’auoir recours a eux dans les guerres, les
i rendus si insolents, quwils meprisent le francois et uoudroint
receuoir les Anglois chez eux. ils se sont si bien accountumés a
receuoir des presents des francois, qui autrefois estoint fort peu de
chose, ne se montant alors qu’a huit mil liures, et qui augmentant
tous les ans reuiennent apresent & plus de cinquante mil franc. ils
s’imaginent que c’est un droit que les francois leurs payent pour
leurs terres qu’ils occupent, c’est ce qu’ils taschent de faire entendre,
dans les harangues qu’ils font aux commendants des postes ou ils
uont, en disant, Autrefois nos encestres occupoint Vendroit ou tu
demeure a present et y uenoint chasser; ills te l’ont cedé comme a des
gens qui uouloint estre de leurs amis, en concideration de quoy tu
leurs as promis une certaine quantitée de marchandise, dont la
longueur du temp n’a pas aboli la continuation de ce don, et de
Vamitiée qui ayant regné parmy nos encestres auec les francois regne
encore auec toy et nous. tu scay que toutes les fois que tu nous
as demendé pour tirer uengence de tes ennemis qui t’auoint insulté,
nous auons eii pitiée de ce qu’estant pefi de monde, nous ne pouuiez
pas aller en guerre, et que nous regardant comme uos freres nous
auons abandonné nos femmes, enfans, maisons, uillages, (2) cs
et temp de chasse pour courir sur uos ennemis, et teindre nos bras de
leurs sang, que nous y auons souuent perdu des nostres. tu scay
que nombre de fois de retour de guerre nous t’auons fait credit des
marchandise que tu nous auois promis et gaigné au prix de notre
sang, parce qu’il n’estoit point encore arriué de uesseaux de france.
tu scay que les Anglois sont tous les jours & nos portes & nous perse-
cutter de faire allience auec eux, et leurs traiter nos peaux de
cheuretiil & de plus justes prix que tu ne fais. nous auons donc
esperence qu’en concideration de toutes ces choses, tu nous regarderas
en pitiée, et que tu nous partageras comme tes freres; affins? que
nous nous en retournions & notre uillage chargés des presents que tu
nous auras fait. uoila Ape pres une de leurs harangue et les autres
ne different guerre de celle la. ils repetent souuent la mesme chose, et
pour faire une harangue, ils sont d’ordinaire deux heures a parler.
1The word maisons seems to be repeated here. 2Or attins.
SwaNTon] CHOCTAW SOCIAL AND CEREMONIAL LIFE 245
Lors qu’il en arriue une bande 4 la Mobille dans le temp des
presents qui est ordinairement au mois de mars, ou auril, ils s’arres-
tent a trois lieux de la uille, et enuoyent un courier aflueaan le com-
dendant de leurs arriuée, et demendent du pain et de leau de uie:
on leurs enuoie selon la quantitée qu’ils sont ce qui leurs faut. le
lendemain ils arriuent en habit de ceremonie qui consiste, en un
capot sans doublure, une chemise tres salle, et un mauuais brayer:
la pluspart n’ont qu’une peau de cheureiiil, d’ours, ou de Beeuf sur le
corps. dans cet equipage l’interprete les conduit chez le commendant,
ou ils commencent par luy secotier la main l’un appres l’autre, uous
pouuez croire qu’elle luy sait mal lors que la bande est longue, ils
fument ensuitte donnent a fumer au Commendant, et aux officiers
qui sont au tour de luy, en signe de paix appres quoy ils font la
harangue. on les renuoye dans le bois, on leurs fait raccomoder
leurs armes, on les nourit jusqu’a ce qu’ils partent, et on leurs fait
leurs presens. toutes ces dessentes de sauuages coutent infiniment.
au commendant en ayant tres souuent ou a sa table, ou qui uniennent
pendant qu’il mange, aux quels i! ne peut se dispenser de donner a
boire et & menger pour entretenir union ayant esté mis sur ce pied
la depuis plusieurs année. a peine sont-ils partis qu’il en reuient
d’autres et ce trin dure ordinairement trois sepmaines, quelques fois
jusqu’a six. on les nourit pendant ce temp auec du ris, du mahi, des
pattates, un peu de pain et de leaudeuie par fois. Lors qu’un francois
ueut aller traiter chez eux, il prent ordinairement le temp quw ils s’en
retournent auec leurs presents, il demende au chef de la bande la
quantitée de sauuages qu’il a besoin pour porter ses marchandises,
car on y uat par terre, et tous les soirs il faut coucher a la belle
etoille et sur la terre. pour tout lit on a une peau d’ours et une
petite couuerture, on uit sur la route de uiande, lors que les saunages
en peuuent tiier, auec du blé de turquis, que lon apelle mahy, qui
est boiilli dans Veau. lors que lon est arriué au uillage, on uous
conduit chez le chef ou estant entré sans dire mot, on uous fait asseois
sur un lit de canne, esleué de terre d’enuiron trois ou quatres pieds, de
peur des puces; on uous jette une pipe, nommée calumet auec la
blague pleine de tabac que uous fumé remarqué que tout cela se
fait sans parler; appres quoy le chef uous dit, te uoila done arriué?
appres luy auoir repondu que oiii, on luy dit le sujet de son uoyage
et lespece de marchandise que lon 4 apporté pour traiter auec ses
guerriers. le lendemain il fait aduertir tout le monde de l’arriuée
du francois chez luy, de ce qu’il & apporté et de ce qu’il demende.
chaqu’un uient & sa boutique, luy enleue sa marchandise, et lors
qu’il & enuie de s’en retourner il aduertit le chef qui luy fait ap-
porter les payements dont il est conuenu atlec ses guerriers. il
prent de rechef des porteurs, et s’enuat au uillage francois. ces
246 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BuLy. 103
uoyages sont ordinairement de deux ou trois mois et lon y gaigne
les deux cent pour cent: mais il faut bien scauoir leurs langue.
Leurs maison n’est autre chose qu’une cabanne de morceaux de
bois gros comme la jambe, enfoncée en terre, attachés ensemble auec
des liannes, qui est un espece de liens fort souple, ces cabannes sont
entourée de torchi sans fenestre, et dont la porte n’a que trois & quatre
pieds de haut, elle sont couuertes d’ecorse d’arbre, de cipre, ou de
pin, on laisse un trou au hault de chaque pignon, pour y laisser
passer la fumée, car ils font leurs feti dans le milieu de leurs cabanne,
qui sont escartée les unes des autres d’une portée de fusil. le dedans
est entouré de lits de canne esleués de trois a quatre pieds de terre
acause des puces qui y regnent en quantitée, prouenant de la mal-
propreté. les sauuages lors qu’ils sont couchés ne se leuent point
pour faire de l’eau, mais la laissent aller a trauers les cannes de
leurs lit. pour se coucher ils ont une peau de cheureiiil ou d’ours
dessous eux, et une peau de Boeuf, ou une couuerture dessus. ces
lits leurs seruent de table et de siege. ils n’ont pour meuble qu’un
pot de terre pour faire ciiire leurs menger, quelques terrines pour
le mesme office, et quelques uents ou tamis, et paniers pour accomoder
leurs mahy qui est leurs nouriture ordinaire. ils le concassent dans
une pile, ou mortier de bois, quwils font d’un troncgon d’arbre
creusé auec de la braize, dont le pilon a quelques fois jus qu’a dix
pieds de haut et menu comme le bras, le bout d’enhaut est une masse
informe qui sert & apesentir et a donner de la force 4 ce pilon en
retombant, de casser plus facilement le mahy, appres qu’il est ainsi
cassé, ils le sassent pour en separer le plus menu, ils font boiiillir le
gros dans un grand peau qui tient enuiron trois ou quatre sceau
d’eau, y meslent parfois de la citroitille, ou des feues, ou des
foeuilles de feues, lors que ce ragoust est presque cuit ils jettent
dedans le plus menu du mahy qu’ils auoint reserué pour epaisir l’eau,
et pour assaisonnement, ils ont un pot suspendu en lair dans lequel
il ya de la cendre de cottons de mahy, de cossas de feue, ou enfin
de cendre de chesne, sur laquelle ayant jetté de l’eau ils prennent
cette laissiue qui est tombée dans un uaze preparé dessous, et en
assaisonnent leurs ragoust qui se nomme sagamité. c’est ce qui
leurs sert de principalle nouriture, comme aux francois qui sont
dans la colonie qui n’ont pas le moyen de uiure autrement.
Ils en font quelques fois du pain sans leuin, mais rarement,
parceque cela depense trop de bilé, et qu’il est penible a faire, n’estant
qu’a forces de bras qu’ils le rediiisent en farinne, appres qu’il est
petri ou ils le font boiiilliir dane V’eau, ou lentortillent de feetille,
et le font ciiire dans la cendre, ou enfin ayant applati la paste de
Vepaisseur de deux ecus, et de la grandeur des deux mains en rond,
ils le font citire sur un morceau de pot sur la braize. ils en font
SwaNTon] CHOCTAW SOCIAL AND CEREMONIAL LIFE 247
auec du gland appres auoir rediii le gland en farinne ils le laissent
dans un tamis de canne au bord d’un ritisseau, et de temp en temp
jettent de l’eau dessus, par cette laissiue ils font perdre l’amertume
au’il a; appres quoy ils mettent cette paste 4 lentour d’un morceau
de bois qu’ils font citire au feu. lors qu’ils ont de la uiande ils la
font boiillir dans Veau tant salle qu’elle soit sans la lauer, disans
que cela luy feroit perdre son goust. lors qu’elle est ciiitte ils met-
tent quelques fois de cette farinne de gland dans le boiiillon. ils
font aussi ciiire du mahy sans estre cassé auec leurs uiande, et lors
quelle est seche, ils la pillent et la mettent comme de la charpie, ils la
meslent en boiiillant auec ce blé, cela n’a aucune saueur et il faut estre
sauuage pour en manger.
Tant que le blé est uerd c’est la le temp ou ils font le plus de regals
et qu’ils l’accomodent en differentes sortes de facons, premierement
ils le font griller au fei et le mangent demesme, bien des francois en
mangent ainsi. lors qu’il est fort tendre ils le pillent et en font de la
boiullie, mais le plus estimé parmi eux cest la farinne froide. c’est
du blé a un degré de maturité qu’ils font boiiillir, ensuitte griller,
de la boucanner et puis ils le pillent et cette farine fait le mesme
effet dans l’eau froide, que la farinne de froment dans leau chaude
sur le feu, et a un goust assez gratieux; les francois en mangent auec
du lait. ils ont aussi un espece de mahy qui est plus petit que l’autre
et qui wient en trois mois a maturité, celuy la ils le font boucanner
puis boiiillir, sans le casser auec de la uiande, c’est un regal parmy
eux que de ce petit blé boiiilli, auec un dinde ou quelques morceau de
ulande grasse.
Ils sont fort malpropres dans leurs maisons, dans leurs boire et
manger, comme sur eux, on ne uoit guere de tort{i, ny boss parmy
eux. ils sont essez bien faits, leurs femmes sont fort laides, elles
sont comme esclaues de leurs maris. elles font tout dans la maison,
labourent la terre, sement et reciiillent. Jes hommes leurs aident
parfois au desert, mais ne uont jamais chercher de leau, ny du fea,
scitost qu’ils sont recus guerriers, comptemps que cela les deshonoi-
roit. ils ne s’occupent uniquement qu’a la chasse, ils sont tres
feneants, sournois, ils gardent une rencune par generation, le petit
fils uengera une insulte faite a son bisayeul en tuant un des dessen-
dants de celuy pui 4 fait le coup. ils esleuent leurs enfans dans cet
esprit de uengence auec cela ils ne se mettent jamais en colére, aiment
bien, et se sacrifiroint pour leurs amis; sont fort patients. dans les
souffrances, et endurent le supplice de la mort sans se plaindre,
aucontraire, ils chantent jusqu’au dernier soupir.
Lors qu’une femme se trouue incommodée, de la maladie
ordinaire, aussitost elle sort de la maison, s’en escarte d’une certaine
distence dans un endroit caché, elle y allume du fet auec un briquet,
248 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Buy. 103
ils disent quwils leurs faut du feti neuf, et que s’ils en prenoint de
celuy de la maison, cette maison seroit soiillée, et la femme mourroit
par la force de sa maladie qui augmenteroit. ils n’abittent plus
auec leurs femmes pendant qu’elles sont en cet estat, elles se
cachent de la ute des hommes: les maris se font a manger euxmesme,
alors, ou uont chez leurs uoisins.
Vn jour je me trouuay chez un sauuage qui estoit allé a la chasse
pour moy dez la ueille. le matin a mon reueil ne trouuans pas sa
femme a la maison, et uoyans du fet dans le desert, je fus l’y trouuer,
jignorois alors cette ceremonie, et ayant prié de me faire de la
boiiillie de petit bié, ce ne fut qu’a force de prieres que j’obtins ma
demende, comme je commencois & menger, son mary arriua, je luy
demenday s’il en uouloit, et m’ayant repondu qu’oiiy il se mit 4 en
menger auec moy, mais le plat estant & moities il s’auisa de me
demender quiesce qui me l’auoit accomodé: notté quw’il auoit reconnu
la cause de l’absence de sa femme par quelques meubles qui menquoint
i la maison: luy ayant repondu que c’estoit sa femme qui auoit esté
ma ciilsinniere, le mal de cceur luy prit sur le champ et il fut uomir
a la porte, puis rentrant et regardans dans le plat, il remarqua
quelque choses de rouge dans la boiillie, qui n’estoit autre que la
peau du blé dont il y en a des grains qui sont rouges. il me dit
comment as tu le cur de menger de ce ragoust? es que tu ne uois
pas le sang qui est dedans? et alors il retourna uomir jusqua ce
qwil eut rendu tout ce qu’il auoit mengé; et son imagination fut si
fort frapée qu'il en fut quelques jours malade. c’est une chose
qwils ont grand soin d’obseruer que de s’absenter dans ces temps la,
et de se bien baigner auans de rentrer dans la maison.
Lors qu’un garcon veut se marier, il uat trouuer le pere et la mere
de la fille qu’ils ont enuie d’auoir, appres auoir fait sa demende,
il jette deunans la mere quelques branches de rassade de uere, et un
brayer deuans le pere, s’ils prennent le present cest marque du con-
sentement, et alors le garcon emmenne la fille chez luy sans autre
ceremonie, dez ce moment la mere ne paroist plus deuans son gendre:
si mesme ils sont obligés de demeurer dans la mesme chambre, ils
font une petite separation entre eux de peur qu’ils ne se uoyent. lors
que leurs femme est grosse et preste d’acoucher tant qu’elle est en
trauail ils ne mangent que le soir appres soleil couché, et si c’est une
fille ils obseruent ce jetine encore huit jours appres. ils sont fort
jaloux. lors quils trouuent leurs femme en flagrand delict, ils se
plaignent 4 ses parents de ce quwils luy ont donné une p....
luy coupent les cheueux et la repudient. Quelques fois le uillage
prent fait et cause, attrape la femme, et ’amant et luy donnent cent
coups de bastons, souuent luy coupoint le nez et les oreilles. ce
dernier article ne s’executte plus, a cause de la difformité que cela
SWANTON] CHOCTAW SOCIAL AND CEREMONIAL LIFE 249
cause, outre que souuent ils en mouroint. autrefois lors qu’ils attra-
point une femme en faute, ils l’attachoint 4 quatre piquets, et Vaban-
donnoint a trois ou quatre cent jeunes gens, dont elle mouroint. lors
qu’une femme est abandonnée de son mary elle est declarée pour ce
qu’elle est, et alors la prent qui ueut, a moins que quelqu’un ne
Vadopte pour sa femme, ce qui est rare, amoins que ce ne soit un
homme d’une autre nation, qui la prent et ’emmenne auec luy sans
quoy elle est obligée d’aller le soir a la brunne du long des ruisseaux,
en chantans des chansons a cet usage, et d’un ton de uoix particulier.
au quel son si quelques jeunes gens en a besoin il la uat chercher,
Vabrie en lemmenans, de sa couverture pour faire uoir qu’elle est sous
sa protection. il la garde tant qu’il ueut et la nourit: mais lors qu'il
en est las, elle est obligée de recommencer ces cources pour uiure.
quant mesme elle uoudroit changer de uie ses parants ne la reprennent
pas, n’osans se fiér & ses promesses. il faut que ce soit un garcon qui
la retire pour en faire sa femme, pour qu’elle soit a labri de l’insulte.
ils peuuent abandonner leurs femmes quant ils ueulent; et en prendre
plusieurs a la fois, j’en ay ut un qui auoit les trois sceurs: lors quils
se remarient ils prennent la sceur de la defunte, si elle en auoit, sinon
une de la famille. ils ne battent jamais leurs enfans. ils uiuent
amicalement, s’il y en & un qui les uient uoir, ils luy presentent aus-
sitost a manger, desorte qu’un homme qui entre dans trante maisons
dans un jour, c’est trante repas qu'il fait, ils sont fort sobres.*
Ils n’ont point de Religion, ils ne recognoissent que le diable,
et ceux qui linuoquent parmy eux se nomment jongleurs: ceux la
sont ordinairement medecins. ces gens la ont beaucoup a craindre
quant ils entreprennent un malade, qui est chef, car s'il meure ap-
pres qu’ils lont jonglé; ses parents disent qu’il la ensoncellé, et
s'il en rechappe apprest qu’il ’a condamné & mourir, ils disent qu’il
Vauoit ensorcellé, et que le sort & manqué: ainsi de toutes fagons il
cours risque d’estre tiié. lors quil y & un malade parmy eux, on
fait uenir le medecin, qui appres auoir jonglé, ou demendé a leurs
esprit si leurs malade en reuiendra. ils le seignent auec un morceau
de pierre a fusil, ils luy incizent la peau huit ou dix fois dans la
grandeur d’un ecil. comme lors qu’on donne les uentouzes, sur quoy
ils posent un bout de corne percée et le succent jusqu’a ce que la
corne soit pleine de sang. Comme ces jongleurs ueulent quelques
fois cacher leurs ignorences ils disent que quelqu’un leurs a jetté un
sort; et alors adroitement ils mettent dans le fond de la corne du
poél de boeuf, ou quelques petit morceau de bois, et appres auoir
succé le malade et renuersé le sang qui est dans la corne, ils font
uoir aux parents du malade ce bois, ou ce poil qu’ils font accroire
estre un sort; alors ce jongleur passe pour entre tres scauant.
8 Chapter VII of the Relation ends here. Chapter VIII begins with the next paragraph,
54564—31 17
a
250 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Born.103 |
Il est seur que ces jongleurs parlent au demon. j’en ay uti un
nombre d’exemples je uous en citeray trois. vn jour arriuans moy
troisieme chez un nommé Belles dent chef des Naniabas, reuenant des
Chicachas et manquant de tabac, j’°en demenday a ce chef, le quel
ayant foiiillé dans son coffre pour m’en donner, ou il en auoit mis
trois endoiiilles, il ne les trouua plus: il crut que c’estoit moy ou
quelqu’un des francois que j’auois qui luy auoint caché: mais
ayant appris que non, je le uis s’abiller et se matacher comme si il
alloit a une dance, appres quoy estant allé dans une pleine 4 une
portée de fusil de Ja maison, nous le uisme charger sa pipe, battre le
briquet, l’allumer, et la fumer en gesticulant beaucoup, comme si il
disputoit auec quelqu’un. lors qu’il l’eut fumé a moitiee il nous sem-
bloit qu’il donnoit a fumer & quelqu’un, sans cependant que
nous uissions rein, si non quil tenoit sa pipe loing de luy,
et la fumée qui sortoit & pelotons comme si quelqu’un eut fumé.
il reuint 4 nous ausitost, et nous dit tout en stieur, qu’il scauoit celuy
qui luy auoit pris, et continuant ses pas uers une cabanne uis a uis
de la sienne, ou je le suiuis, il sautta au col d’un sauuage en luy
demendant ses trois endoiiilles de tabac, qu'il luy auoit pris 4 telle
heure de telle facon enfin luy expliqua la maniere dont il s’estoit
serul pour faire son uol. le pauure sauuage tout tramblant luy
auoua son crime, et luy rendit son tabac.
Les francois curieux de son sgauoir furent le trouuer, et le prierent
moyenant recompence de leurs faire dancer la loutre. il prit sa
blague qui estoit une peu de loutre dans la quelle il mettoit sa pipe
et son tabac, qu’il jetta aumilieu d’une place ou le monde estoit
assemblé pour juger de sa science: apres qu'il eit proferé quantitée
de parolles mal articulée, et s’estre jetté a plusieurs reprises dans le
fefi, d’ou il sortoit en siieur, et sans Vestre brulé: on uit celle peau
se gonfler, et se remplir de chair et prendre wie, courir entre les
jambes des francois, dont quelques uns de la compagnie l’ayant
caressée et tastée, la trouua comme si s’auoit esté une ueritable loutre.
lors qwun chaqu’un fut comtent elle retourna 4 la mesme place ou
elle auoit pris ule, et on la uit desenfler et reuenir en la mesme forme
quelle estoit auans.
A lisle Dauphine lors que nous estions entourés des espagnols, et
attendans de jour en jour du secours de france; on uoulut scauoir
vil estoit bientost prest d’arriuer, ce que lon ne pouuoit cognoistre
gue par le moyen des sauuages que nous auions auec nous on les fit
done jongler, ce qu’ayant fait, ils rapporterent qu’il y auoit cing
uesseaux qui arriueroint le lendemain dont il y en auoit trois gros
et deux plus petits qui estoint chargés de soldats dont un des petits
n’arriueroit pas quant et quant les autres, parce qu’il s’estoit escarté
et qu'il estoit encore loing, qu’ils seroint tous arriués le lendemain
SwanTon] CHOCTAW SOCIAL AND CEREMONIAL LIFE 251
sur le soir, ce qui se trouua ueritable, car le lendemain 2 huit heures
du matin on decouurit le premier uesseau, et sur les trois ou quartre
heures appres midy, tous les quatres moiiillerent a l’isle Dauphine, et
le cinquieme ne se rendit que le lendemain. ils se medicamentent
souuent de leurs chef. ils prennent des medecines dherbes, et de
racinne de bois biiillie ensemble. qu’ils boiuent, et pour so faire
uomir ils s’en foncent une plume dans le gozier; quelques fois ils se
font siier: pour cet effet ils font une petite cabanne de quatre pieds
de haut et de huit de tour qu’ils couurent de peau de boeuf et de
couuerture, ils mettent dedans cing ou six boulets rouges, sur les
quels de temp en temp ils jettent un peu d’eau pour exciter la chaleur,
ils s en ferment dans ce petit espace jusqu’a sept personnes, et lors
qu’ils ont stié enuiron demy heure, ou trois quarts d’heure, ils sortent
uiste de ce trou, et uont auec precipitation se jetter dan l’eau la plus
fraische. je suis seur que ce remede n’a jamais esté ordonné par
aucun descendant d’Esculape. aussi, il est uray que la plus part
de ces gens la meurent en langueur auec des douleurs par tout le
corps.
Lors qu’un malade est prest de mourir le medecin le quitte et en
aduertit ses parents, les asseurant qu’il n’en peut rechaper, alors les
femmes uiennent luy lauer le corps, le peignent, luy matachent le
uisage, l’habillent de toutes les hardes qu’il auoit les plus belles: et le
couchent a terre sur la place qui est deuans sa porte: sa femme se
couche sur son estomac, en pleurant, auec ses plus proches parents
qui se couchent aussi sur luy, et qui l’étouffent, ils lay demendent
douuien esce qu’il a faim de mourir, si il a manqué de quelques chose,
si sa femme ne l’aimoit pas bien, si 11 n’estoit pas bien concideré dans
son uillage; enfin ce malheureux patient est obligé de mourir malgré
luy, ceux qui sont couché sur luy crient a tiie teste simaginant qu’il
nentend pas, puis qu’il ne repond point outre ¢a il y a des crieurs
a gage qui pendant ce temp uiennent pleurer, ou plustost heurler en
musique a costé du corps, deuans et appres sa mort. scitost qu’il est
mort ses parents esleuent une espece de cabanne uis a uis sa porte,
& six pieds de terre, sur six piquets, en forme de cercceiiil, entouré
de torchy, et couuert d’ecorce dans quoy ils enferment ce corps tout
habillé, et qu’ils couurent d’une couuerture. ils mettent 4 menger et
& boire & costé deluy, luy donnent des souliers de rechange, son fusil,
de la poudre et des balles, ils dizent que c’est parcequ’il uat dans
un autre pais, et qu’il est juste qu’il aye tout ce qu’il luy faut dans
son uoyage, ils croyent que les guerriers uont faire la guerre dans
lautre monde, et qu’un chaqu’un y fait le mesme exercice qu'il fesoit
dans celuy cy. ce corps reste la dedans cing ou six mois, jusqu’a ce
quils croyent qu’il soit poury ce qui donne une infection terrible
dans la maison; au bout du quel temp tous les parents s’assemblent
252 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Burt 103
en ceremonie, et la femme de ualleur du uillage, qui & pour son
distrique de decharner les os des morts; uient decharner ce cadaure,
netoie bien les os, les met dans un panier de canne fort propre, qu’ils
entourent de toille ou d’étoffe, ils jettent la chair dans un champ, et
cette mesme decharneuse, sans se lauer les mains wient seruir a
menger 4 l’assemblée. cette femme est tres conciderée dans le uilage.
appres le repas on uat porter les os en chantant, et heurlans, dans le
charnier du canton qui est une cabanne qui n’a qu'une couuerture,
dans la quelle on met ces painers, de rang sur des bastons. aux chef
on fait la mesme ceremonie, a la reserue qu’aulieu de mettre les os
dans des paniers on les met dans des coffres fermant a clef dans le
charnier des chefs.
Lors que quelqu’uns de leurs ennemis leurs 4 declaré la guerre ils
tiennent conseil ensemble sur Vaffron qu’ils ont receu, et appres auoir
resolu de faire le guerre & la nation dont ils sont insultés; ils com-
mencent la dance de guerre, qui dure ordinairement huit jours, qui
sert a encourager un chaqu’un des guerriers, qui ne mangent guere
pendant ce temp: et qui font des lbations de jus d’herbes que le
medecin leurs donne, et dont ils se frottent, qui & la uertu disent-ils
de leurs donner de la force et du courage; herbe impayable si elle
estoit cognie en Europe; appres quoy ils partent pour la guerre.
dans la route lors qu’ils sont obligés d’allumer du feti pour faire a
manger, ils le font d’ordinaire dans un uallon de peur d’estre
decouuerts par quelques party: car en ce cas le party les suiuroit
jusqu’a ce qu’il eit trouué sa belle pour fondre sur eux. ils n’at-
taquent jamais leurs ennemis lors qu’ils sont esueillés: mais le soir
lors qwils ont remarqué V’endroit ou ils ueulent passer la nuit. ils
taschent de les aller joindre le plus prest qu’ils peuuent: et comme
la terre dans le bois est couuerte de foriiille seiche qui font du bruit
en marchant, ils ont la patience de les oster une a une auec les doits
des pieds dont ils se seruent comme de la main, et si maheureusement
ils cassent quelques petites branches, ils contrefont aussitost le cri
de quelques ciseaux qu’ils imittent fort bien, pour faire accroire que
cest cet oiseau qui a fait le briiit. s’ils appercoiuent leurs ennemi
endormy, sur tout uers la pointe du jour, ils font le cri de mort, et
a linstant ils tirent tous a la fois chaqu’un sur leurs homme, et
sauttent dessus le casse teste a la main pour finir de tuer ceux qui
ne sont que blessés, a qui ils leuent la cheuelure, s’ils ont le temp ils
les depotillent et s’en retournent 4 leurs uillage, a la ufie du quel
ils font le cri de guerriers qui ont fait coup, et qui apportent des
cheuelures, chaqu’un uient au deuant d’eux, en ceremonie et on les
introdiiit demesme sur la place. ils font des dances en marque de
rejoiiissence de leurs uictoire et si quelques uns du party & quelques
enfant ou neueu qui ne se soit pas trouué encore dans l’occasion ils
SWANTON] CHOCTAW SOCIAL AND CEREMONIAL LIFE 253
luy partage la moitiee de la cheuelure qu’il a leué et le fait receuoir
guerrier: cette ceremonie est, que celuy qui se fait receuoir, souffre
deux cent coups de collier, qui est un morceau de cuir de cing on six
brasses de long, large d’un doit, ployé en plusieurs double, dont les
guerriers le frappent a tours de bras, sur le dos, et sur le uentre:
pour luy faire comprendre qu’un guerrier doit tout endurer
patiemment, mesme lors qwil est pris par ses ennemis, et chanter
pendant qu’on le fait souffrir, et mourir, il doit souffrir ces coups
en chantant, car s’il pleuroit, il ne seroit jamais receu, et passeroit
pour une femme, et indigne d’estre aggregé dans le corps des
guerriers. lors quils font ces dances de ceremonie, ils portent sur
leurs teste une couronne faite, d’un morceau de peau de loutre a la
quelle sont attachée autant de plumes blanches cassée, qu’ils ont
tiié dhomme dans leurs wie. chaque famille & ses armes piquée sur
Vestomac, et sur les bras, ils les mettent aussi sur le manche de leurs
easse teste, et lors qu’ils ueulent se joindre dans le bois ils font une
marque aux arbres, ou ils placent leurs armes, par ou on connoist
celuy qui a fait la marque, le chemin quil 4 pris, et ou il est allé.
Lors qu’ils attrapent quelques jeunes gens, filles fammes, ou jeune
garcons, uluans, ils les enmennent a leurs uillages et les font esclaues.
il y a des nations qui les adoptent pour leurs chien; alors ils luy font
faire toutes les fonctions d’un chien, de garder la porte, de gronder
quant il entre ou sort quelqu’un de manger les restes des plats,
et ronger les os. lors qu’ils peuuent amener quelques prisonniers, ils
le font bruler 4 leurs uillages, et c’est une grande joie pour eux lors-
que cela arriue.
Lors que les francois sont arriués chez eux ils ne uouloint manger
ny poules ny cochons parceque disoint-ils ces animeaux mangoint
des ordures: mais ils s’y sont accoutumés auec les francois, et
mangent de tous leurs ragoust. lors quwils ueulent regaler de leurs
amis ils tuent un chien dont ils ont quentitée, et leurs en seruent.
Lors quwils n’ont point de battefeu dans le bois, et qu’ils ueullent
en allumer, ils le font facillement par la contraction de deux
morceaux de bois quwils frottent auec uitesse lun contre l’autre et
font prendre de ’amadou qui est aupres. cet amadou est faite auec
des champignons qui uiennent aux chesnes.
Lors qwils ont fait la promesse de conclure une paix ils wiennent
cing ou six principeaux de la nation, portent un calumet, ou pipe,
fait d’une pierre rouge comme du corail qui se trouue, en rochers
aux Illinois. ce Calumet a un tuyau d’enuiron deux ou trois pieds
de long entouré de plumes rouges artistement trauaillé, et ou pendent
huit ou dix plumes noires et blanches qui leurs sert comme d’estandar
ala guerre. de seau* dans les alliances, de continuation de fidelité
4 Sceau.
254: BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Buiy.103
parmy les amis, et de signe de guerre auec ceux auec qui ils ueulent
rompre; il est uray que l’un est Calumet de paix et Vautre de guerre,
ils sont faits semblablement tous deux. quant ils ont conclu la paix
le mestre des ceremonie allume ce calumet et fait fumer deux ou
trois gorgées, a tous ceux qui sont dans l’assemblée, alors le
traité est fini et inuiolable. ils liurent ce Calumet au chef auec qui
ils contractent qui est comme un ottage de leurs bonne foy, et de la
fidelité auec la quelle ils ueulent obseruer les articles dont ils sont
conuenus.
Ils ne font aucun ouurage de curieux sinon ces calumets dont je
uiens de parler et de la laine de Beeuf que les femmes fislent dont elles
font des jartierres quelles teignent en diuerses couleurs et qui ne
changent jamais. elles font aussi un dissu, partie de cette laine, et
partie de pitre, herbe tres forte quelles filent. ce tissu est double
comme ces mouchoirs a deux fasces et epais comme de la toile de
uoile de demy aulne de large et de trois quarts de long, cela leurs
sert de jupe. elles font aussi des paniers de canne de diuerses
couleur, fort jolis.
Ils sont fort fainéants de leurs naturel, plus long temp couché
que debout, fort grands joiieurs de plottee qui est comme la longue
paume. ils se mettent une uingtaine d’un uillage, contre autant
d’un autre, et font des gageures ensemble assez conciderables pour
eux: ils gagent un fusil neuf contre un uieux que ne uaut rien, aussi
facilement comme s’il estoit bon; et disent pour raison que s’ils ont
a gagner, ils gagneront esgalement contre une mauuaise chose comme
contre une bonne, et qu’ils ailment mieux parier contre quelques chose
que de ne point parier du tout. ils ont aussi un jeu, auec quatre
morceaux de canne, ou lors qu’ils sont bien acharnés, ils jotient tout
ce qu’ils ont, et quant ils ont tout perdu, ils jouent leur femmes, pour
un certin espace de temp, et apres se jouent eux mesme, pour un temp
limité.
ls comptent par nuits, et lors qu’ils ueulent jouer auec un autre
uillage, ils enuoyent un deputé, qui porte la parolle, et qui liure au
chef un nombre de petites buchettes, tous les jours on en jette une,
et la derniere qui reste, fait uoir que c’est le lendemain le jour as-
signé. ils font des dances entre eux, accompagnés de repas, qui sont
i peu pres les mésmes, il n’y & que les noms de difference; comme la
dance du dinde, du Beeuf, de l’ours, du Crocodille, a celle cy, ils ont
des masques faits comme la teste de cet animal dont un ou deux
se deguisent ainsi, et cing ou six autres prennent des masques de
differents animeaux que la Crocodille 4 coutume de manger, et alors
ils font mil singeries crotesques: la dance de l’outarde, du petit blé,
la dance de guerre, et la dance des jeunes gens, qui ne se dance plus
les francois leurs en ayant fait conceuoir trop @horreur: lors qu’ils
Swanton] CHOCTAW SOCIAL AND CEREMONIAL LIFE 255
font ces dances, c’est sur les deux heures appres midy qu’ils com-
mencent. ils sont matachés. ils mettent leurs plus beaux habits.
se font une cinture d’une quarantaine de grelots de potin gros comme
le poing, d’autres mettent des clocettes, et s’ils auoint des cloches, et
quils les pussent porter, ils en porteroint a ces dances aimant ex-
trahordinairement le briiit: ils ont un Chichiquoiié a la main ou un
casse teste, ou un pistolet, ils dancent en rond autour d’un tembour
qui n’a en main qu’une baguette dont ils frappent une peau de
cheureiil qui esttendiie sur un pot de terre, ou sur une marmitte ils
accompagnent cet espece de son dune chanson de cing ou six parolles
quils repetent continuellement. ces dances durent jusqu’au jour, ou
alors ils uont dormir. ils ont des connoiscences de simples tres
curieuses.
Ils croyent qu’il y’a des reuenants et font plusieurs histoires A ce
sujet qui n’ont pas de uraisemblances. ils disent que ces reuenans ce
sont des gens qui sont morts. a qui on n’a pas donné quelques effets
en mourant dont ils auoint besoin, dans l’autre monde, comme ceux
qui sont noyé ou tiié 4 la guerre, et qu’ils uiennent le rechercher.
Leurs pais est tres beau, pas si fourny de bois qu’au band de
la mer. il y a des plaines fort grandes entrecoupée de petits ritis-
seaux qui les arrosent; dedans ces plaines il ya des herbages excelents
pour la pasture des bestiaux, qui uiennent de la hauteur d’un homme.
il n’y & qu’une riuierre qui passe pres de cette nation a un uillage
nommé youanny que lon ne peut monter que lors que l’eau est 4 demy
haute parceque quant elle est tout 4 fait haute le courant est trop
rapide: et tout 4 fait basse il n’y a pas assez d’eau pour faire passer
Jes uoitures. elle uat se decharger dans la riuiere des Pascagoula
qui donne dans la mer, uis 4 wis lisle Ronde & huit lieux du Biloxy.
e’est par la que lon porte les marchandises au detachement qui est
aux youanny. il n’y 4 que quelques année qu’il y en a un que lon a
enuoyé, parce que les sauuages auoint demendé d’auoir des francois
chez eux: ils uouloint aussi y auoir un magazin, allegant pour
raison la difficulté de porter leurs peaux de cheureiiil 4 la Mobille,
ou a la Nouuelle Orleans, et que la facilité de trouuer des marchan-
dises chez eux leurs donneroit courage a s’adonner plus uoluntiers
& la chasse. il y 4 aussi une raison qui y deuroint engager c’est que
cette facilité qu’ils auroint 4 trouuer des marchandise dans leurs
uillages, les empescheroit de porter les leurs 4 d’autres nations, ne
les receuroint point ches eux, et s’attacheroint dauantage aux
francois. mais il faudroit aussi que ces magazins, ne menquassent
jamais de marchandise. ce qui arriue souuent par le retardement
des uesseaux. on a uoulu donner le priuilege exclusif de cette traite
a trois ou quatres personnes comme cela ce fait en Canada, qu’il ne
uat qu’un certin nombre de personne traiter auec le sauuage, par
256 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Buby 103
congé, qwils acheptent; mais la Colonie de la Loiiisianne n’est pas
assez bien establie pour en agir de mesme: il y’a un nombre de gens
hors d’estat de faire aucun metier, n’en scachant point, et hors d’estat
de trauailler 4 la terre n’ayant point les forces, ny les moyens dauoir
des negres, mais qui uiuant par le moyen de la traite. a leurs
retour des sauuages dispersent dans la uille leurs pelletrie, ou denrée
qwils rapportent en payement 4 ceux chez qui ils ont emprunté de
quoy faire leurs traite: ce qui fait qu’un chaqu’un se sent de ce
commerce au lieu qu’estant exclusiuement a trois ou quatres person-
nes, qui s’enrichissent pendant que les autres meurent de faim de-
dans un establissement, on doit plutost regarder le general que le
particulier.
Le pais des Chiquachas est plus fourny de plaines que celuy des
Chaquetas et le terrein plus beau, la terre beaucoup meilleure: il
cst aussi plus froit. plus on monte auans dans le pais, plus on le
trouue beau, gratieux, fecond et propre a y bastir des uilles. ils y
a des montaignes toutes de pierre. il y a de toutes sortes de bois
pour constuire, mais la riuiere de la mobille ne condiiit pas jusqu’au
uillage.
Lors que les Chiquachas ou Chaquetas ueulent apporter quelques
chose & la Mobille en hiuer, du produit de leurs chasse, ils font un
cajeux, se mettent dessus auec leurs marchandises et se laissent aller
au courant qui les menne au uillages sauuages pres des francois: ou
ayant uendu leurs marchandise, ils s’en retournent chez eux par terre
a pied, quoy qu’ils ayent beaucoup de cheuaux pres que tous Anglois
ou Espagnols.
Comme les Anglois y portent toutes leurs marchandises sur des
cheuaux, souuent ils leurs en uollent et les gardent. a lesgard des
Chaquetas la plus part de ceux qu’ils ont uiennent des francois a la
derniere guerre des Natchés ils se firent donner une juman par chaque
esclaue francois, et noir qu’ils auoint retiré. c’est ce qui les en &
fourny, et bientost ils en pouroint uendre aux francois. ils -les
laissent uiure dans le bois, et lors qu’ils en ont besoin, ils uont les y
chercher : j’ay remarqué que ces sortes d’animaux accoutumés & uiure
dans le bois lorsque lon uouloit les garder chez soy ils deperissoint
auiie. d’ceiiil, il est uray que lon ne les nourit pas comme on Europe
et quwils ne sont pas estrillés demesme, ils reuiendroint bien cher, si
on uouloit faire la depence de les auoir toute année chez soy: n’y
ayant point de fourage conuenable a garder long temp. ils sont fort
wif sortant du bois et ceux qui les montent uont a perte d’halenne.
les femmes et les filles uont naturellement a cheual dans toutes les
isles comme les hommes. comme les cheuaux ne sont pas communs,
on se sert des Beeuf pour la charette, et pour les chariies.
Swanton] CHOCTAW SOCIAL AND CEREMONIAL LIFE
NoMS DES UILLAGES CHAQUETAS
257
Nombre
Ceux de l’est sont six uillages d@’ hommes
MRI CRCH ia. oa eta eee ee et eg ee 150
MRSC eosh eee gd ore a Be viv eo Weekes Sel the us 208 400
TOPICS ge nace ad Ms SES SS, RAR OREN, EO er 60
INS CHOUD AOWEN y tet eee =. Se SERA nie DE ele Se Ao 40
iBouctOmlOMtCh Ys -Ss = OS US et ET = AEE St Ee DI ett uo 30
BYOoei sa TANT Woes ss Rese Peer et ale si Pee se Se estar ater eal s ee ager Sed ee | oe 30
Ceux du midy sont quatre uillages
WonChHat Sa Sakis 2 aE sialic Ate See le Se ieee Ee See tee 150
VERSE 0 a PE a A EN Ns OD ti SPO 100
CO REUS): HO LEESS: Ve ee iar eo pee Rete ee etch Ramet IRN es Ca a rctin 80
WOT ENTCC wk a EC IE nN ED NE) OA 80
Ce nom la ueut dire, une grande lieux; ils disent qu’autrefois ce
uillage auoit une grande lieux de tour ec’est la ou demeure le
grand chef.
Ceux de Votiest sont 35 uillages
ES OUCE OU OM O Upset ee eee ene eer ee Se See ee a ee
Celuy qui doit succeder a la couronne est toujours chef de ce uil-
lage. et le grand chef y demeure aussi, fort souuent.
SO UG Ball Say cle ee cae a ER a ee ee 2
BM CURT) Or Tse ee ee he eee
GAT OME 2052 ee etki erie LR be. eet see oe 2 The eee chee
Conchaboul OCA Sie ae Oe Se ee ee SE oe
Rouscoucheta can Gs as. set be 2a NaS ass eo EN ek es
CECH EIN UG Sette pd area Se ded SER is ee ee Die Oe Le
Onucoulaball bagasse ee ee ae ee ee eee
Oquexcotil out BF ts Ass hk eI ea ee ee aes
MGS OULA CHAS tas) oie bt step oy see Sess pecs be eee dp ee
COUCH Ea ay Ae eae Re Sy ee ee A 8
BS ORL CLOT Cay eee ita ak lied eae eh lags on! ath a ete eee Ns at
(OSES) CCH AEN a Ao SO eS Sa SES a I ah Sec, Saas eNO
SGOT S hm ag a a ed et re tele A ores A ee a
AVC CODER red Bae) = tls Peal 2b etl bat eek fi
Care balaiyce tiers estes Fe ese re ee oe se eek ea eee
Outapach amen ne at Dae ot ee ee ei
TIRO UL ELC peer take meee SET BN the kaa es OE ee eee
PAC HTOUCHRROUITIN eee sees eo are BU SEE ee ee ae eee
TEESE U E40 | aco a GI rR AN, an a Se ate apse enn ee ly
Scanapa: uillage idu (chefett 2 Fe 2 ies she ae EE ee eee
HibEtoupOuU LOMA naAe fast ct Pen _ ara ie es ote eR Sense
ER OUCEOUCO Ul Ulta ee OS ee eee
PANG pile eee ee eines dn A Th it Seb ee eee
CONTR G VO Gy Baas eo Rd aes Vee a sees tia eee Saeed Oe Sea eee ie
FIO TTC EC hee ee lee ote 2 Ea ee ee ee
om cola Cheeses ee ee ee a
Macho ouyAchoug Dovid: | decks ee pee aye he a ee tee SS
THES “CPO GVO EVO a ee ee eee eee
CTR SES Ee a ee ee ee
WU ALOMAOU Ase etc a ae Ne ee Se eee eee
EEE RETIOOG. Olt oi 8 ee ee ee See er re ee ret ee
OugodlahianapeO Bate heey ee Pe ee Te Gt ae A e
60
258 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Butn. 103
ce uillage est prest des Chiquachas sur le chemin des Alibamons
et il y a un fort parceque ces deux nations sont tres souuent en
guerre ensemble. il y en & comme uous uoyé plusieurs du mesme
nom. outre ces quarante cing uillages il y en a encore plusieurs
petits dont je ne scay pas le nom, qui ont cependant leurs chef
particuliers comme les grands mais comme ces uillages sont fort
reculés et fort petits les francois ne les pratiquent guere et n’en
ont de connoiscence que par ce qu’en disent les sauuages eux mesme.
ils rapportent qu’au dessus de chés eux ils ont ufi quelques fois
passer des sauuages errants: il les nomment ainsi parceque ces
gens la ne font point de uillages, parconsequent ne plantent, ny
ne sement, et ne uiuent que de uiande; ils sitiuent les bandes de
Beeufs, et ces animaux leurs seruant de nouriture, leurs fait changer
de sejour autant de fois qu’ils en changent eux mesme. le soir
ils couchent dans des arbres de peur des serpents ou_ bestes
uenimeuses. ces sauuages la se sauuent a V’aspect d’autres creatures
qui leurs ressemblent.
M. Bossu, Nouveaux VoyaceEs Aux InpEs OccripeNnTALES, Parts, 1768,
Vou. 2, Pp. 88-106
Cette Nation peut mettre sur pied 4000 guerriers qui marcheroient
volontiers. ...
Les Chactas aiment la guerre, & ont entr’eux de bonnes ruses.
Ils ne se battent jamais de pied ferme; ils ne font que voltiger;
ils narguent beaucoup leurs ennemis, sans pour cela étre fanfarons;
car, lorsqu’ils en viennent aux mains, ils se battent avec beaucoup
de sang froid. I] y a des femmes qui portent une telle amitié a
leurs maris, qu’elles les suivent 4 la guerre. Elles se tiennent a
coté d’eux dans les combats, avec un carquois garni de fléches, &
les encourageant en leur criant continuellement qu’ils ne doivent
pas redouter leurs ennemis, qu’il faut mourir en véritables hommes.
Les Chactas sont extrémement superstitieux; losqu’ils vont en
guerre, ils consultent leur Manitou, c’est le Chef qui le porte.
Ils l’éxposent toujours du cédté ot ils doivent marcher a l’ennemi;
des Guerriers font sentinelle autour. Ils on tant de vénération
pour lui, qu’ils ne mangent point que le Chef ne lui donne la
premiere part.
Tant que la guerre dure, le Chef est exactment obéi; mais dés
qu’ils sont de retour, ils n’ont de considération pour lui, qu’autant
qu’ils est libéral de ce qu’il posséde.
C’est un usage établi parmi eux, que lorsque le Chef d’un parti
de guerre a fait du butin sur l’ennemi, il doit le distribuer aux
Guerriers, & aux parents de ceux qui ont été tués dans Jes combats,
pour essuyer, disent-ils, Zewrs larmes. Le Chef ne se réserve rien
pour lui, que V’honneur d’étre le Restaurateur de la Nation... .
Swanton] CHOCTAW SOCIAL AND CEREMONIAL LIFE 259
Si le Chef d’un parti de Chactas ne réussit pas dans la guerre
qu'il a entreprise, il perd tout son crédit; personne n’a plus de con-
fiance 4 son commandement, & il est obligé de descendre au rang de
simple guerrier. Cependent admirez la variété des opinions dans
les différentes Nations. Il n’y a point de honte pour ceux qui lachent
le pied parmi ces peuples guerriers. Ils attribuent leur désertion & un
mauvais réve; si le Chef méme d’un grand parti, ayant révé le nuit
qu'il perdra du monde, assure & ses Guerriers qu’il a fait un mauvais
réve, ils se replient tout aussit6t sur leur village; Dés quwils s’y
sont rendus, ils font la médecine; car ils Vemployent en toutes sortes
d’affaires; puis ils retournent 4 l’ennemi; si dans leur route, ils le
rencontrent, ils lui tuent 5 ou 6 des siens, & ils reviennent alors sur
leurs pas, aussi contents que s’li savoient subjugue un grand Empire.
Un Général qui remporteroit une victoire avec une perte de beau-
coup de monde, seroit trés mal recu de sa Nation, parceque ces Peuples
comtent pour rien la victoire quand elle est achetée au prix du sang
de leurs parens & de leurs amis: aussi les Chefs de parti, ont grand
soin de conserver leurs Guerriers, & de n’attaquer l’ennemi, que
lorsqu’ils sont surs de vaincre, soit par le nombre, ou l’avantage &
la position des heux; mais comme leurs adversaires ont la méme ruse,
& quwils scavent aussi bien qu’eux, éviter les piéges qu’on veut leur
tendre, c’est le plus fin qui l’emportera; pour cet effet, ils se cachent
dans les bois le jour, & ne marchent que la nuit; s’ils ne sont point
découverts, ils attaquent au point du jour. Comme ils sont ordinaire-
ment dans des Pays couverts, celui qui marche le premier porte
quelque fois devant lui, un buisson fort touffu, & comme ils se suivent
tous 4 la file, le dernier efface les traces des premiers, en arrangeant
les feuilles ou la terre sur laquelle ils passent, de maniére qu’il ne
rests aucun vestige qui puisse les déceler.
Les principales choses qui servent & les faire découvrir de leurs
ennemis, sont la fumée de leurs feux qu’ils sentent de fort loin, & leurs
pistes qu’ils distinguent d une maniere presqu’incroyable; un jour
un Sauvage me montra dans un endroit ot je n’avois rien appercu,
Vempreinte des pieds de Francois, de Sauvages & de Negres qui
avoient passé, & le tems qu’il y avoit; j’avoue que cette connoissance
me parut tenir du prodige: ou peut dire que les Sauvages, lorsqu’ils
s’appliquent 4 une seule chose y excellent.
L’art de la guerre, chez eux, comme vous voyez, consiste dans la
vigilence, attention 4 éviter les surprises, & & prendre ’ennemi au
dépourvu, la patience & la force pour supporter la faim, la soif,
Vintemperie des saisons, les travaux & les fatigues inséparables de
la guerre.
Celui qui a fait coup, porte en trophée la chevelure du mort, s’en
fait piquer ou calquer la marque sur son corps, puis en prend le
260 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 103
deuil, pendant lequel tems, qui dure une lune, il ne peut se peigner,
ensorte que si la téte lui démange, il ne lui est permis de se gratter
qu’avec une petite baguette, qu’il s’attache exprés au poignet.
Les Chactas, & leurs femmes sont trés-malpropres, habitant la
pliipart des lieux Gloignés des riviéres. Ils n’ont aucun culte; ils
prennent le tems comme il vient, sanssouci pour Vavenir, & croyent
cependant l’ame immortelle; ils ont une grande vénération pour leurs
morts qwils n’enterrent point; losqu’un Chactas est expiré, on expose
son cadavre dans une bierre faite exprés, d’ecorce de cyprés, & posée
sur quatre fourches d’environ quinze pieds de haut. Quand les vers
en ont consumé les chairs, toute la famille s’assemble; le désosseur
vient qui démembre le squélétte : il en arrache les muscles, les nerfs &
les tendons qui peuvent étre restés, puis ils les enterrent, & deposent
les os dans un coffre, aprés en avoir vermillionné 1a téte. Les parents
pleurent pendant toute la cérémonie qui est suivie d’un repas qu’on
fait aux amis qui sont venus faire leur compliment de condoléance,
aprés quoi on porte les reliques du deffunt au cimetiere commun, dans
Vendroit ot sont déposés celles ses ancétres. Pendant qu’on fait ces
cérémonies lugubres, on observe un morne silence; on n’y chante ni
ne danse; chacun se retire en pleurant.
Dans les premiers jours de Novembre, ils célébrent une grande
féte qu’ils appellent la féte des morts ou des ames; chaque famille
alors se rassemble au cimetiere commun, & y visitent en pleurant, les
coffres funébres de ses parens, & quand elles sont de retour, elles font
grand festin qui termine la féte.
On peut assurer, 2 la louange de ces Amériquains, que lamitié entre
les parens, si rare parmi les Européens, mérite d’étre imitée; j’en al
rapporté quelques traits pui l’emportent sur ceux de lantiquité;
L’amour que les Sauvages, ont les uns pour les autres, les porte hu-
mainement 4 se secourir mutuellement lorsqwils sont infirmes.
On reconnoit cet amour sincere par les derniers devoirs qwils ren-
dent a leurs proches & & leurs amis, par leurs pleurs & leurs regréts,
lors méme qu’ils n’existent plus.
Les Sauvages en général ont beaucoup vénération pour leurs
Médecins ou Devins, vrais Charlatans qui en imposent au sot vul-
gaire, pour vivre gracieusement a ses dépens. Ls ont aussi beaucoup
d’autorité, & c’est & eux qu’ils s’adressent en toute sorte d’occasion
pour receivoir leurs avis, ils les consultent comme V’oracle. Losqu’un
Chactas est malade, il donne tout ce qu’il a pour se faire traiter;
mais si le malade meurt, ses parents attribuent sa mort a la médecine,
& non 4 la disposition du malade: en conséquence ils tuent le médecin
s’ils le veulent; mais ce cas n’arrive gueres, parce qu’ ils ont toujours
une porte de derriere; au reste, ces Médecins ont la connoissance de
plusieurs plantes excellentes pour la guérison des maladies aux
Swanton] CHOCTAW SOCIAL AND CEREMONIAL LIFE 261
quelles on est sujet dans ce pays; ils scavent guérir surement la
morsure des Serpens & sonettes, & des autres animaux vénimeux.
Lorsque les Sauvages sont blessés d’un coup defeu ou de fléches,
les Jongleurs ou les Médecins commencent par succer la playe de
malade, & en crachent le sang, ce qu’on appelle en France guérir du
secrét; ils ne se servent dans leurs pansemens ni de charpie, ni de
plumaceaux; mais de la poudre d’une racine qwils soufflent dans
la paye, pour Ja faire supurer, & d’une autre qui la fait sécher &
cicatriser; ils garantissent les playes de la cangréne, en les bassinant
avec une décoction de certaines racines qu’ils connoissent.
Lorsqu’au retour d’une guerre ou d’une ou d’une chasse, ils sont
las & excédés de fatigues, ils se restaurent en se faisant suer dans
des étuves’; ils font bouillir pour cet effet dans Vétuve toutes
sortes d’herbes médicinales, & odoriférantes, dont les esprits & les
sels enlevés avec la vapeur de l’eau, entrent par la respiration & par
les pores dans le corps du malade, qui recouvre ses forces abbattues.
Ce remede n’est pas moins bon pour calmer & dissiper toutes fortes
de douleurs; aussi ne voit—on chez eux ni goutte, ni gravelle, &
autres infirmités auxquelles nous sommes sujets en Europe: ce qui
peut aussi venir en partie des leurs fréquents exercices du corps.
On n’y voir point de gros ventres comme en Hollande, ni de grosses
tumeurs a la gorge appellés goétres comme en Piedmont.
Les Chactas croyent beaucoup aux sorciers ou enchanteurs, &
lorsqwils en découvrent, ils leur font sauter la téte? sans autre
forme de procés.
J’ai vu un Sauvage de cette Nation, qui s’étoit fait baptiser
depuis peu; comme il ne réussissoit pas & la chasse, ainsi que ses
camarades, il s’imagina qu’il étoit ensorcelé; ce nouveau prosélite fut
aussitot trouver le Pere Lefévre Jésuite, qui V’avoit converti, & lu
dit que sa médecine ne valoit rien, que depuis qu’il l’avoit recue,
il ne tuoit ni cerfs ni chevreuils. Il le conjura de vouloir bien lui
dter sa medécine; le Jésuite, pour éviter le ressentiment du Sauvage,
fit semblant de le débaptiser. Quelques tems aprés ce prétendu
débaptisté ayant tué par hazard ou par adresse un chevreuil, se crut
désorcelé, & fut content.
L’esprit de cette Nation est en général fort brute & fort grossier.
On a beau leur parler des mysteres de notre Religion, ils répondent
toujours que ce qu’on leur dit, est audessus de leur connoissance. Ls
sont au surplus fort pervers dans leurs meeurs: la plupart étant
adonnés 2X la sodomie. Ces hommes corrompus, portent de grands
1Ce sont des cabanes rondes, construites en forme de four au milieu du village, ces
étuves sont entretenues par un Alekxi ou Médecin public.
2En 1752, lorsque j’étois & la Mobile, j’en vis un que lon assomma A coups de hfache,
& cause qu’il se disoit sorcier. Les Sauvages lui attribuoient les malheurs qui arrivoient
par hazard & leur Nation.
262 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 103
cheveux, & une petite jupe comme les femmes, dont ils sont en
revanche souverainement méprisés.
Les Chactas sont trés-alertes & trés-dispos. ils ont un jeu semblable
i notre longue paume, auquel ils sont fort adroits; ils y invitent les
villages voisins, en les narguant de mille propos agacans, les uns
plus que les autres. Les hommes & les femmes s’assemblent dans
leurs plus belles parures; ils passent la journée a chanter & 4 danser;
on danse méme toute la nuit au son du tambour & du chichikois.
Chaque village est distingué par un feu particulier qu’il allume au
milieu d’une grande prairie; le jour qui suit est celui du jeu; ils
conviennent d’un but qui est éloigné de 60 pas, & désigné par deux
grandes perches entre lesquelles il faut faire passer la balle. La
partie est ordinairement en 16. Ils sont 40 contre 40, & tiennent
chacun en main une raquette longue de deux pieds & demi: elle est
i-peu-prés de la méme forme que les notres, faite de bois de noyer,
ou de chataigner, & garnie de peau de chevreuil.
Un vieillard jette en lair, au milieu du peu, une balle ou ballon
fait de peau de chevreuil, roulées les unes sur les autres. Les joueurs
alors courent aussitOt & qui attrapera la balle avec sa raquette;
c’est un plaisir de voir ces joueurs, le corps nud, peint de toutes
sortes de couleurs, ayant une queue de tigre attachée au dirriere, &
des plumes aux bras & sur la téte, qui voltigent en courant, ce qui
fait un effet singulier; ils se poussent, se culbutent les uns les autres;
celui qui a l’adresse d’attraper la balle, la renvoye 4 ceux de son
parti; ceux du parti opposé courent contre celui qui a saisi la balle,
la renvoyent au leur, & qui on la dispute, & ainsi réciproquement
parti contre parti, ce que les uns & les autres font avec tant d’ardeur,
que quelquefois il y a des épaules démises. Ces joueurs ne se fachent
jamais: des vieillards qui assistent & ces jeux, se rendent les
médiateurs, & concluent que le jeu n’ est que pour se recréer, &
non pour se quereller. Les paris sont considérables; les femmes
parient contre d’autres femmes.
Quand les joueurs ont cessé, les femmes s’assemblent entr’elles
pour venger leurs maris perdans. La raquette dont elles se servent
différe de celle des hommes, en ce qu’elle est recourbée; elles ont
beaucoup de dexterité; elles courent les unes contre les autres avec
une grande vitesse, & se collettent comme les hommes, étant
également mises, & l’exception de ce que la pudeur veut qu’on couvre.
Elles ne se mettent du rouge qu’aux joues seulement, & du vermillion
sur les cheveux au lieu de poudre.
Aprés avoir bien joué de part & d’autre toute la journée, chacun
se retire chez soi avec sa gloire ou sa honte; mais sans rancune, se
promettant de jouer une autre fois & qui mieux; c’est ainsi que tous
les Sauvages, tant hommes que femmes, s’exercent & la course, aussi
Swanton] CHOCTAW SOCIAL AND CEREMONIAL LIFE 263
sont-ils fort alertes; j’en ai vu courir avec autant de vitesse qu’un
cerf.
Les enfants s’exercent & tirer des prix entr’eux avec l’are; celui
qui tire le mieux remporte le prix de louange que lui donne un vieil-
lard, qui le nomme apprentif guerrier; on les prend par les sentimens,
sans les battre; ils sont trés adroits 4 la sarbacane; elle est faite d’un
roseau d’environ sept pieds de long, dans lequel ils mettent une petite
fléche garnie de bourre de chardon, & en visant les objets, ils soufflent
dedans, & tuent souvent de petits oiseaux.
Presque toutes les assemblées des Chactas se tiennent pendant la
nuit. Quoi qu’ils soient barbares & féroces, il faut pour se concilier
leur confiance, avoir grand soin de leur tenir parole quand on leur a
fait quelques promesses, sans quoi ils vous traitent avec le dernier
mépris, en vous disant fiérement que vous étes un menteur, épithéte
que ces Sauvages ont donne au Gouverneur actuel qwils appellent
Oulabe-Mingo, c’est-a-dire, le Chef menteur.
Quand les femmes sont enceintes, leurs maris s’abstiennent de sel,
& ne mangent point de cochon, dans la fausse opinion ot ils sont que
ces alimens pourroient faire tort a leurs enfants. Les femmes ne
font jamais leurs couches dans la cabane; elles vont accoucher dans
les bois sans recevoir aucun secours de personne.
Aussitot qu’elles sont délivrées, elles lavent elles-mémes leurs en-
fans; les meres leur appliquent sur le front une masse de terre pour
leur applatir la tete, & & mesure qu’ils prennent des forces, elles aug-
mentent la charge; c’est une beauté parmi ces Peuples d’avoir la
tete plate; elles n’emmaillottent point leurs enfans, ni ne les garotent
point dans des linges avec des bandes.
Elles ne les sévrent que lorsqu’ils se dégofitent du sein maternel.
J’en ai vu d’assez forts qui disoient & leur mere, assied-toi, que je
téte, & la mere, aussi-tot s’asseioit. Leur berceau est fait de roseaux,
les meres y couchent les enfans de maniere quils ayent la téte de
trois ou quatre doigts plus basse que le corps; c’est pourquoi l’on ne
voit jamais parmi les Sauvages de tortus ni de bossus. Llles quit-
tent aussi la cabane dans leurs flux périodiques, que les Sauvages
disent étre de valeur; elles sont obligées, pendant ce tems de crise,
d’appréter elles-mémes leur boire & leur manger, & ne reviennent
parmi les hommes qu’aprés s’étre bien purifiées. Ces Peuples croient
que s’ils s’approchoient d’une femme en cet état, ils en tomberoient
malades, & que s’ils alloient 4 la guerre cela leur porteroit malheur.
Quoique les Sauvages ne considérent leur origine que du cété des
femmes, elles n’ont cependant pas la liberté de corriger les gar¢ons,
elles n’ont d’autorité que sur les filles. Si une mere s’avisoit de frap-
per un garcon, elle recevroit de vives reprimandes, & seroit frappée
a son tour; mais si son petit garcon lui manque, elle le porte & un
264 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Buby. 103
vieillard qui lui fait une marcuriale, puis lui jette de l’eau fraiche
sur le corps.
Si une femme fait une infidélité, il la fait passer par la prairie,
c’est-a-dire, que tous les jeunes gens, & quelquefois méme les vieil-
lards satisfont sur elle leur brutalité tour 4 tour. Telle est la puni-
tion de l’adultere chez les Chactas. Quelquefois la coupable a la
ressource, aprés une telle infamie, de trouver un lache qui la prend
pour sa femme, en disant pour excuse qu’elle doit étre dégotitée du
commerce criminel qui lui a attiré cette punition, & qu’ainsi elle sera
plus sage & Vavenir. Quoi qu’il en soit, elle n’en est pas moins re-
gardée comme une femme depravée & sans meeurs.
Gen. Mitrort, Memorre ov Coupr-p’Orin Rapme SUR MES DIFFERENS
VOYAGES ET MON SEJOUR DANS LA NATION CRECK, PARIS, 1802, PP.
288-310
La nation des Tchactas est encore assez considérable; elle est
partagée en deux sections ou provinces, dont une est au midi et
Vautre au nord; et il existe une si grande différence dans les habi-
tudes et le caractére des habitans de ces deux provinces, que l’on
pourroit les prendre pour deux peuples différens, quoique ce soit
absolument la méme nation, parlant la méme langue.
Les Tchactas du nord sont trés-braves et trés-guerriers; ils sont
habillés, et portent leurs cheveux coupés & la maniére des Crécks.
Les Tchactas du sud, qui habitent 4 Vouest de la Mobile, et au
nordouest de Paskagoula, sont peu guerriers; ils sont laches, pares-
seux et mal-propres: quoiqu’ils habitent une terre assez bonne, ils,
négligent la culture et préférent la vie de mendians. Ils descendent
plusieurs fois chaque année & la Mobile et & la Nouvelle-Orléans,
pour y faire des quétes. Lorsqu’ils y arrivent, le gouverneur leur
fait délivrer gratis des vivres pour trois jours, et ne leur permet
pas d’y rester plus long-temps. Cette gratification de vivres, quoique
volontaire de la part du gouverneur espagnol, est dégénérée en habi-
tude, qu’ils regardent adjourd’hui comme obligatoire; et, si le
gouverneur s’y refusoit, ils se livreroient au pillage et & toutes sortes
dexcés. Au bout de ces trois jours, ils se disposent 4 repartir, et
regoivent encore des vivres pour huit jours, temps suffisant pour
retourner dans leur patrie, quoiqu’ils en mettent beaucoup plus.
Ils partent ordinairement sur-le-champ, et s’en retournent par le lac
Pont-Chartrain; mais ils s’arrétent souvent dans la baie St.-Louis
et & Paskagoula, ot ils mendient auprés des habitans, qui leur
donnent du bled de Turquie, avec lequel ils font de la bouillie, de
la sagamité et du pain, qu’ils mangent avec le poisson quwils pren-
nent dans la baie de la Mobile ou dans les rivigres des environs, qui
SwanTon] CHOCTAW SOCIAL AND CEREMONIAL LIFE 265
sont trés-poissonneuses. Ils aiment beaucoup la chair de cheval; et,
lorsqu’ils en trouvent quelques-uns morts méme naturellement, ils
les préférent au beuf et & toute autre viande. Ces Sauvages sont
si paresseux et si mal-propres, qu’ils ne se nétoient jamais aucune
partie du corps, qui, étant presque nu, est couvert d’une crasse, &
laquelle le temps donne la couleur de suie. Ils ne portent pour
vétemens qu’une bande d’étoffe de laine ou des peau de daim, quwils
passent entre leurs cuisses, et dont les deux bouts, attachés avec des
cordes, leur servent de ceinture. Les femmes portent une espéce
de jupon de méme étoffe, qui les couvrent depuis la ceinture jus-
qu’aux genoux; le reste du corps est nu. Quelques-unes d’entr’elles,
plus riches que les autres, parce qu’elles sont femmes de bons
chasseurs, portent sur leurs épaules des couvertures de laine blanche,
rouge ou bleue.
Ils aiment beaucoup a porter des grelots semblables 4 ceux que
Von attache aux colliers des chiens en Europe. Lorsqu’ils peuvent
s’en procurer par quelques échanges, ou pour de l’argent, ils les
fixent & une espéce de jarreticre faite de peau de chevreuil, et les
attachent au-dessous des genoux. Les jeunes gens qui ont cette
parure, en sont fiers, et croient étre plus agréables aux jeunes filles,
qui, de leur coté, pour paroitre jolies, se percent la partie inférieure
de la cloison du nez, et y passent un anneau, ott est attaché un pen-
dant en forme de poire, et semblable & nos pendans d’oreilles.
Il est nécessaire d’observer ici que tous les Sauvages de l’Amérique
septentrionale aiment beaucoup cette parure, et ont Vhabitude de la
porter. J’ai été moi-méme obligé de me faire percer le nez pour
porter des pendans tels que ceux des Sauvages, lorsque je marchois
a leur téte.
En passant dans cette nation, j’ai été témoin de la maniére dont
ils en usent envers leurs morts; elle m’a paru si extraordinarie, que
le lecteur ne sera faché que je lui en donne ici une idée.
Lorsqu’un Tchactas est mort, ses parens élévent & une distance
d’environ vingt 4 vingt-cinq pas, directement en face de la porte
d’entrée de sa maison, un échafaud, sur lequel ils déposent le mort
enveloppé d’une peau d’ours ou de bufle, ou dans une couverture de
laine, et le laissent ainsi pendant sept ou huit mois. Les femmes des
plus proches parens, vont chaque matin, pleurer, en fesant le tour
de Véchafaud. Lorsqu’elles jugent que le cadavre est dans un état
de putréfaction suffisant pour que les chairs quittent aisément les os,
elles vont en prévenir le prétre ou médecin du canton ot habitoit le
mort, qui est chargé de la dissection la plus dégofitante qu’il soit
possible d’imaginer. Comme tous les parens et amis du mort doi-
vent étre présens 4 cette cérémonie, qui se termine par un repas de
54564—31——_18
266 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY (BULL. 103
famille, le prétre prend jour pour laisser le temps de prévenir tout
le monde; et, le jour indiqué, chacun se rend autour de l’échafaud;
et la, aprés avoir fait d’horribles grimaces en signe de deuil, ils
entonnent des chants lugubres, ot ils expriment les regrets qu/ils
ressentent de la perte qu’ils ont faite. Lorsqu’ils ont fini cet épou-
vantable charivari, le prétre monte sur l’échafaud, il ote la peau ou
couverture qui couvre le cadavre; et, avec ses ongles (il ne lui est pas
méme permis de se servir d’autre chose), il détache les chairs qui
peuvent encore étre adhérentes aux os, de maniére 4 séparer absolu-
ment l’un d’avec l’autre. Lorsqu’il a terminé cette dégottante
opération, il fait un paquet des chairs qu’il laisse sur |’échafaud
pour étre brilées, et un des os qu’il descend sur sa téte pour les
remettre aux parens du mort en leur fesant une harangue analogue
& la circonstance. AussitOt que ceux-ci ont recu les os, ils ont grand
soin de les visiter, et de s’assurer que le prétre n’en a pas oublié;
ensuite ils les déposent dans une espéce de coffre, dont ils ferment
Ventrée avec une planche; aprés quoi les femmes allument des torches
de bois gras, et les plus proches parens vont en procession porter ce
coffre dans une cabane qui sert de sépulture 4 la famille seule.
Pendant que le prétre est sur l’échafaud occupé a la dissection,
tous les assistans s’occupent, de leur cété, & allumer des feux, sur
lesquels ils mettent de grands pots de terre pleins de viandes, pour
les convives. Lorsque ces viandes sont cuites, ils les retirent du feu
pour les laisser refroidir, et sans y toucher; car il n’est permis qu’au
prétre d’en lever les couvercles, et il ne peut le faire qu’aprés avoir
terminé son opération.
Lorsque la cérémonie de l’inhumation pour les os est terminée, on
approche une grande quantité de bois sec autour de l’échafaud ot
sont restées les chairs; les parens y mettent le feu; et, pendant que
cet échafaud brile, ils dansent en rond autour, en poussant de grands
cris de joie; ensuite le prétre choisit un emplacement convenable, ot
chacun s’assied en rond, et il reste au milieu, avec les vases ot sont
renfermées les viandes qui doivent servir au festin, et auxquelles on
a donné le temps de refroidir. Quand chacun a pris sa place, le
médecin ou prétre découvre les vases; et, sans méme s’étre lavé
les mains, qu’il a seulement essuyées avec de Vherbe, il les met dans
les marmites pour en tirer les viandes et les partager entre les parens
et amis du mort, suivant leur rang; il leur sert le bouillon dans la
méme proportion, ainsi que la sagamité, qui est leur boisson.
J’ai dit ailleurs que ce peuple a un gofat particulier pour la chair
de cheval, qu’il préfére & toute autre; il en résulte que si la personne
dont on fait les funérailles est assez riche pour avoir des chevaux, on
en tue quelquefois jusqu’a trois, que l’on fait cuire, et c’est avec leur
Swanton] CHOCTAW SOCIAL AND CEREMONIAL LIFE 267
chair que l’on fait les honneurs du festin. I] arrive méme, lorsque le
mort n’a pas de chevaux, que ceux des parens qui en ont les sacri-
fient pour cette cérémonie. Cette réunion de parens et d’amis ne
peut se dissoudre que lorsqu’il n’y a plus rien & manger; ensorte que
lorsqu’ils ont fait le premier repas, et qwils n’ont pu tout consommer,
ils se mettent 4 danser ou se livrent a des exercices violens pour ga-
gner de t’appétit, et étre en état terminer le festin. Lorsqu’il n’y a
plus rien 4 manger, ils s’en retournent chacun chez eux.
Cette bizarrerie n’est pas la seule que j’aie remarquée, il en est une
autre que je vais rapporter, et qui ne paroitra pas moins étonnante
que la premicre.
Les Tchactas révérent beaucoup les prétres ou médecins dont je
viens de parler, et dans lesquels ils ont une confiance aveugle, dont
ceux-ci abusent souvent. Ces médecins se font payer chérement les
peines qu’ils prennent auprés d’un malade, et presque toujours par
avance. Leur avarice est telle, que lorsqu’une maladie dure long-
temps, et que le malade n’a plus de quoi payer le médecin, celui-ci
convoque une assemblée de la famille du malade, et lui expose qu’il
a donné a leur parent tous les soins possibles; qu’il a fait usage de
toutes les ressources de son art, mais que la maladie est incurable, et
qu’il n’y a que la mort qui puisse y mettre fin. La famille ainsi
prévenue, décide que le malade ayant déja souffert long-temps, et ne
pouvant point espérer de guérison, il seroit inhumain de prolonger
encore ses souffrances, et qu’il est juste de les terminer. Alors, un
ou deux plus forts d’entr’eux vont trouver le malade, lui demandent,
en présence de toute la famille, comment il se trouve; tandis que
celui-ci répond a cette question, ils se jettent sur lui et l’etranglent.
Ein 1782, un de ces Sauvages, qui avoit été long-temps malade, et
qui n’avoit plus rien 4 donner @ son médecin, se trouvoit exposé
a étre étranglé, ainsi que je viens de le dire. Comme il s’en doutoit,
et qu’il étoit sur ses gardes, il épia le moment ou sa famille étoit
assemblée, pour entrendre le rapport du médecin, et décider de mettre
fin & ses soufirances, en lui donnant la mort. II saisit cet instant
pour s’échapper, et se soustraire 4 la cérémonie qui l’attendoit. I
se traina, comme il put, jusqu’a une forét, qui heureusement étoit
proche de son habitation. Il n’avoit pu emporter avec lui aucune
espéce de provisions; et se trouva réduit 4 vivre de la chair de rats
de bois, connu sous le nom d’opossum, qui est trés-agréable au gontt,
et trés-saine. Sa fuite cause un grand étonnement a toute la famille,
a laquelle le médecin persuada qu’il n’avoit disparu que pour cacher
sa mort, qui étoit inévitable.
Tandis que ce malheureux Sauvage ¢toit ainsi 4 errer dans la forét,
il se rappela qu’il avoit été plusieurs fois chez les Crécks, pour porter,
268 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bunn, 103
de la part des chefs de sa nation, les banderoles ou chapelets, qui
servent d’archives. I] prit la résolution de s’y réfugier, et de faire
connoitre les motifs qui l’obligeoient a fuir sa patrie; ne doutant
pas qu’il ne trouvat secours et protection chez une nation dont il
connoissoit la générosité. Il fut done trouver Maguilvray, qui étoit
alors grand chef, et lui exposa les motifs de son voyage. Il lui
rappela qu’il étoit venu plusieurs fois auprés de lui, de la part de ses
chefs. Maguilvray le recut avec bonté, quoiqu’il ne ptt le recon-
noitre; car il avoit lair d’un squelette. I] lui fit donner les alimens
qui lui etoient nécessaires; et, comme il étoit encore malade, il lui
fit prendre, au bout de quelques jours, de l’émétique délayé dans de
Veau de sassafras. Cette médecin suffit pour guérir sa maladie; mais,
comme ce Sauvage avoit beaucoup souffert, et qu’il avoit été long-
temps malade, il resta quatre & cinq mois chez Maguilvray, pour
rétablir parfaitement sa santé; ]’ai eu souvent occasion de le voir, et il
ma’a raconté lui-méme son aventure. Lorsqu’1l se sentit parfaitement
rétabli, il retourna dans sa nation: il y avoit alors environ huit mois
que son évasion avoit eu lieu; et sa famille avoit élevé un échafaud,
et fait toutes les cérémonies d’usage, qui précédent et accompagnent
les funérailles, ainsi que je les ai décrites plus haut. I] arriva
précis¢ment le jour de la féte de ses funérailles, et trouva sa famille
assemblée, et son bicher en feu, comme si son corps ett été dessus.
Le médecin avoit si fortement persuadé les parens de ce Sauvage,
quwil ne pouvoit revenir de sa maladie, que, lorsqu’il parut au milieu
d’eux, ils le regardérent comme un revenant, et prirent tous la fuite.
Se voyant seul, il alla chez un de ses voisins, qui, frappé de la
méme terreur, se jeta par terre; et, dans la persuasion que ce n’étoit
qu’une ombre, lui parla en ces termes:
“ Pourquoi as-tu quitté le séjour des ames, si tu y étois heureux?
pourquoi reviens-tu parmi nous? Est-ce pour assister a la der-
niére féte que font pour toi ta famille et tes amis? Va! retourne
au pays des morts, dans la crainte de renouveler la douleur qu’ils
ont ressenti de ta perte!”
Celui-ci voyant que sa présence causoit par-tout le méme effroi,
prit le parti de retourner chez les Crécks, ot: il revit, par la suite,
plusieurs de ses parens, qui avoient l’habitude d’y venir tous les ans.
Ce ne fut qu’alors qu'il parvint a les désabuser, et & les persuader que
le médecin les avoit trompés. Ceux-ci, irrités d’une telle fourberie,
furent trouver ce médecin, lui firent les plus violens reproches, et
finirent par le tuer, pour qu’il ne trompat plus personne. [Ils firent
ensuite toutes les instances possibles auprés de ce Sauvage, pour l’en-
gager & retourner parmi eux; il s’y refusa constamment, et épousa
une femme de la nation des Taskiguys, avec laquelle il eut trois
SwaNTOon] CHOCTAW SOCIAL AND CEREMONIAL LIFE 269
enfans; et il demeure encore aujourd’hui sur la place ot étoit le fort
Toulouse. C’est devant sa porte que sont les quatre piéces de canon
laissées sans oreillons par les Frangais, lors de leur retraite, dont
jai parlé plus haut.
Avant de quitter histoire de ce peuple, je rapporterai ici une
anecdote dont j’ai été témoin, et qui m’a paru si extraordinaire, que
je mhésite pas & la mettre sous les yeux du lecteur.
Lorsqu’une femme Tchactas est reconnue adultére, son mari a le
droit de la répudier; mais cette répudiation est précédée d’une
étonnante cérémonie. Le mari, avant de pouvoir répudier sa femme,
assemble, sans l’en prévenir, ses amis, quelques parens de la femme,
et autant de jeunes gens qu’il peut en trouver. Lorsqu’ils sont tous
réunis, ils détachent un d’entre eux, pour s’assurer si la femme est
chez elle; lorsqu’ils ont cette certitude, ils entourent la maison; le
mari entre avec deux des parens de la femme; la, ils se saisissent
d’elle, et ’emménent dans une prairie ou les Sauvages ont coutume de
jouer a la paulme (tous les Sauvages aiment beaucoup cet exercice) ;
ils s’arrétent sur le bord de cette prairie, et envoient aussitot deux des
jeunes gens couper un petit arbre, en dter l’écorce, et le planter en
terre & environ un quart de lieue de distance du lieu de l’assemblée.
Ce poteau blanc ainsi planté, est appergu de loin. Les deux jeunes
gens qui ont planté, étant de retour, donnent un signal; alors chacun
des témoins s’assied par terre, les jambes crois¢ées. Losqu’ils sont
tous dans cette posture, le mari prend sa femme par la main, et la
conduit & environ vingt-cing pas en avant de V’assemblée; 1a, il Iwi
dte son jupon, et la met toute nue; il lui montre ensuite l’endroit ou
est planté le poteau, et lui dit: “ part; si tu peux toucher le poteau,
avant d’étre attrapée, ton divorce est fini, sans autre formalité; si, au
contraire, tu es prise dans ta course, tu connois la loi.”
La femme part aussitdt, et court avec toute la vitesse dont elle
est susceptible, pour atteindre le but, avant que les coureurs ne
Vaient atteint elle-méme; car, au signal qu’elle recoit pour com-
mencer sa course, les témoins, qui, comme je l’ai dit, sont assis par
terre, les jambes croisées, se lévent, et partent aprés elle pour
Vattraper; et, comme les Tchactas sont tres-bons coureurs, il est rare
_ quelle parvienne au but avant eux.
Lorsqu’elle parvient au poteau blanc la premiére, le mari n’a
plus de droit sur elle, et son divorce est prononcé par ce seul
fait; mais, lorsqu’elle est atteinte par les témoins qui courent aprés
elle, elle est condamnée 4 se soumettre aux volontés érotiques de tous
ceux qui l’exigent d’elle. C’est ordiairement celui que Va attrapée
dans sa course qui exerce, le premier, ses droits a cet égard; il est
ensuite imité par tous successivement, s’ils le jugent 4 propos: ils
270 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BuLy. 103
en sont absolument les maitres. Comme il n’existe peut-étre pas
sur le globe un peuple dont les habitudes soient plus dégofitantes que
celles des Tchactas, il en résulte que la femme adultére est presque
toujours forcée de subir le peine jusqu’au bout, et d’assouvir la
brutale lasciveté de ceux que son mari a choisis pour la déshonorer.
Lorsque chacun a exercé ses droits, le mari se présente a la femme,
lui dit: “Tu es libre maintenant, tu peux t’associer Phomme avec
lequel tu m’as outragé.” a femme est alors bre de s’en retourner
chez ses parens, ou de se remarier sans le consentement de sa famille.
Si elle a des enfans, les filles lui restent, et les garcons appartiennent
a la famille du pere.
Je fus un jour, par l’effet du hasard, témoin de cette extra-
ordinaire et choquante cérémonie; voici comment. J’avois traversé,
en revenant des souterrains de ja riviére Rouge, avec mes deux
cents jeunes guerriers, un village des Tchactas, et j’avois fait
camper mes guerriers dans une plaine peu distante de ce village,
out j’étois resté pour prendre quelques refraichissemens. Je fus invité
i assister 4 cette cérémonie, dont je n’avois jamais oui parler. Je me
rendis & Vendroit ou elle devoit avoir lieu, et j’y trouvai environ
une trentaine d’hommes assemblés et une femme au milieu d’eux.
Aussitot que je fus arrivé, Vhomme qui m’avoit invité prit cette
femme par la main, et la conduisit & une distance de vingt-cing pas
environ, comme je l’ai dit, et 14, lui 6ta son jupon, seul vétement
qu’elle efit; & un signal qu’il fit, elle partit avec une rapidité qui
m’étonna, mais qu’elle ne put soutenir; car elle fut attrapée dans sa
course, et le vainqueur vint me faire hommage de ses droits, que l’on
m’avoit fait connoitre, mais je n’étois pas jaloux de les exercer;
alors il usa de son droit devant toute l’assemblée, qui suivit son ex-
emple. Peu curieux d’assister a un spectacle qui me causoit autant
Whorreur, je retournai au village, oti je vis peu d’instans aprés cette
méme femme, qui ne me parut pas trés-affectée de Vhumiliation a
laquelle elle venoit d’étre soumise.
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Mitrort [LE Crerc]. Mémoire ou coup d’ceil rapide sur mes différens voyages
et mon séjour dans la nation Créck. Paris, 1802.
Missionary HERALD, THE. Vols. xxIv—xxv, Boston, 1828-1829.
MISSISSIPPI PROVINCIAL ARCHIVES. See ROWLAND, DUNBAR.
MIssIssippI STATE ARCHIVES. Manuscripts and copies of manuscripts in the
Mississippi State Department of Archives and History. Jackson, Miss.
Morean, Lewis H. Ancient society, or researches in the lines of human prog-
ress from savagery through barbarism to civilization. New York, 1877.
(Same, 1878.)
PICKETT, ALBERT JAMES. History of Alabama and incidentally of Georgia and
Mississippi. Sheffield, Ala., 1896.
Swanton] CHOCTAW SOCIAL AND CEREMONIAL LIFE 273
RoMANS, BERNARD. A concise natural history of East and West Florida. Vol.
I. (Only one volume printed.) New York, 1775.
ROWLAND, Dunsar, ed. Mississippi Provincial Archives, 1763-1766. English
Dominion. Vol. 1. Nashville, Tenn., 1911.
SCHERMERHORN, JOHN F. Report respecting the Indians inhabiting the western
parts of the United States. Colis. Mass. Hist. Soc., 24 ser., vol. m, pp. 1-45,
Boston, 1814.
S1stey, JouHn. Letters of Dr. John Sibley of Louisiana to his son Samuel Hop-
kins Sibley, 1808-1821. La. Hist. Quar., vol. 10, no. 4, pp. 498-507, New
Orleans, 1927.
SWANTON, JOHN R. An early account of the Choctaw Indians. Mem. Amer.
Anthrop. Asso., vol. v, no. 2, Lancaster, Pa., 1918.
Early history of the Creek Indians and their neighbors. Bull. 73, Bur.
Amer. Ethn., Washington, 1922.
Social organization and social usages of the Indians of the Creek Con-
federacy. Forty-second Ann. Rept. Bur. Amer. Ethn., pp. 23-472, Wash-
ington, 1928.
Social and religious beliefs and usages of the Chickasaw Indians.
Forty-fourth Ann. Rept. Bur. Amer. Ethn., pp. 169-278, Washington, 1928.
, ed. See ByINGTON, CyRUus.
Wapbk, JoHN WILLIAM. The removal of the Mississippi Choctaws. Publs. Miss.
Hist. Soc., vol. viz, pp. 397-426, Oxford, Miss., 1904.
jase 0 —
gary Peat ats pid 9) uoshakmed HUTA ve mu ahi
U re (OO art eth Pe EAR » Soe ie
Bs rk He
OMe,
CEE boy
kA
cal 2
=
i ay
‘i
ag
ike
hy,
os
tha fi
Page
INCORNS HUSC Obes eee none 48
ADOPTION, Custom, Of—-==—=-. == =— 118
ADULTERY, Punishment of____ 110-111
AGRICULTURE among the Choc-
EEE ag i a al a 46-AT
ALIKTABBI, mention of________- 102
ANIMAL TAILS, significance of
US® OL = eee 44
ANIMALS—
beliefs concerning_________ 235
domestic, effect of lack of__ 49
APUSHMATAHA, mention of_-___ 4, 96
ARMS AND AMMUNITION __~__~~ 50
ARROWPOINTS, materials used
Op OA Ss gs ee 49
ASTOLABE, house of, described__ 39
AUTHORITIES on the Choctaw__- 3
See also BiBpLi0GRAPHY.
AYER, EpwaArp B., mention of
collectiony of 2225-22 3
BALL GAME—
GeSERIDed 22 = nese ove 140,
141, 142-144, 144-149, 150-152,
153-155.
injuries inflicted in_______- 151
selection of players for__.__ 153
ATT APLAYA"DANCHES 2a Se 143
Banpbs, arranged into town
MOLCHESNEENES BO UEEIEIEG a 153
BASKETRY, survival of__------- 40
BASKWISs variety Of =-- == 41
IBDADS: ruse? Of ee. St UE Sey eee 43
PESOS CET) Cie oe seats kD STE Ah 37, 39
BELLOWS MUSE? Ol. oe rie! 43
BrErTinec—
Ore GAMES See ee 2S LES 140,
147, 148, 151, 154, 155.
See also GAMBLING.
BrasHa, a Choctaw band_------ 152
BLOOD REVENGE, law of_------ 104-107
BLoweun, small game killed
Wil Ghee omen Ne eee 52
BLUEMOUTH INDIANS, origin of
{i AY ep OD CEI) H aC Sgt a ae i oS 57
Page
BoguE Cuitro INDIANS—
adherence of, to old cus-
TOMS) 24225222 s SEEMS 194
See also Bok CHITO.
Boupoul, the pygmy being_--_ 198
Box CH1ITo—
a Choctaw -band-~s2222225 152
See also BoGuE CHITO.
Boxkroka, death and mutilation
Of Chi¢hi Gf i). Sika fad = ae 107
BOKTOKOLO, Chief of2.--=-222s2 91
BoNE-HOUSE—
desenibedaieecilte {seth eg k 172
removal of bones to_----- 187-188
BONE-PICKERS—
function of2. 92. ofa ala
172, 178, 174, 176, 181
use: of, the term 52 s22==22" 187
BoNE-PICKING, custom of, aban-
doned)=_242= = = ee a ee 189
BONES OF THE DEAD, disposal of. 171,
172, 1738, 174, 182
BouKFroukKA, village of, de-
scribed 22) 3. Seu ae ee 76
Bows, materials used in------- 49
BuRIAL CUSTOMS—
Bayou Lacomb Choctaw--- 185
change in'= 22 ass eee VG,
described ==42 22 2==2 170-194, 217
reasons fore s22-]2442 42222 220
See also MOURNING CUSTOMS.
BURIALS—
iniedwellings2--2s2.222-= 183
in’ MOUNde === ee 8
in sitting posture____ 177, 178, 189
mounds formed by_-------- 177
property rights established
DY ee re eee 182-183
CALENDAR. See TIME.
CALUMET—
Geseribed: =e oa == ee 169
uve Offs ee 97, 167, 169-170
CAMP LIFE—
fondness LOke=] oe 161
occupations in-—-=---------- 161
276 INDEX
Page Page
CANE Towns, mention of___---- 56 | ComBy, OLmMon, information fur-
OANES, US@U0b- 2 =. ee 41 nished sby22=2== == 4, 36, 134, 154, 158
CAPITANE, use of the word_-_-- 94 | CONJURERS—
Captives, treatment of___--- 163, 165 at pall games]. = = Sses2o— 150
CastTacHas, village of, de- See also WIZARDS.
SCH DCO pee ee ee eS 76 | Corn—
CEREMONIALISM, lack of___----- 221 ceremonials connected with. 221
CEREMONIES— preparation of, for food____ 38
Wiatelarests i162. ee 127-137 storage Of t= 48
of pole-pulling__-------- 178, 183 Story: of origin of-—— === 208-210
Of sthey dead 222 ss C7 See also GREEN CORN DANCE.
preceding a game__---____- 152 | Conn aame, described__-_----- 159
See also BuRIAL CUSTOMS; CorPSsE—
DANCES. pierced with canes_______- 185
CHARACTERISTICS of the Choc-
CW pees enh i erage eee as 1-2, 113-115
Ormarms, beliefvim==--— == -See 215
CHICK ASAW—
fortifications against___--~- 76
outstanding characteristics
Ob ae ea th ee Sees a
CHICKASAWHAY—
home of head chief___----- 92
included in Sixtowns_----- 56
CHICKENS, beliefs concerning--__ 199
CHIEFS—
assistants to, duties of_-_-- OL
authority: of 2_=_ =" == = 94, 96, 163
HiSt Olea so Pee 92-94
second or vice__—-—_.----=- 92
succession to office of ____--- 91, 92
three: ‘resional=o2- S22. 2 Se 95-96
See also HEAD CHIEF; WAR
CHIEF.
CHILDBIRTH, customs concerning
115-118
CHILDREN—
buried under the house_--_ 190
customs concerning_~--__ 126-127
education Ob=-22 = 124-127
maternal possession of____- 125
method of carrying___--_-_ 117
mortality, Olmssc = ee 234,
punishment jot22222 2222 124
CHocTAw, origin of the name__-_ 29
CHUBBEE, OLIvER, wedding of,
described {222-2252 3- 132-133
CHUNKEY GAME, described__-_ 155-157
CLANS, discussion of--_----- TT, T9-84
CoLtins, Henry B., Jz., archeo-
logical workof222 2222" 2ss 40
Cotors, symbolism of--_-------
See also BURIAL CUSTOMS.
CosMOLOGY AND MYTHOLOGY_— 200-212
CosTUME—
of players in games_____-__ 140,
141, 142, 1438
Of “Watrior 2 Bnss eee 166
CouNcILsS—
at Kaffetalaya, described__ 97-98
at ‘Nanih “Waiyas=22=52= 36
calling vofi2s2 26s S2 2 en es 96
described 2).22 28s Suse 99
proceedings of___--------- 96-97
CouNTING STICKS, use of__----- 140,
152, 1538-154
CRADLES, described. —--_ === ala br
CRAWFISH PEoPLE. See RED
CRAWFISH PEOPLE.
CREATION, Choctaw conception
Gl. .S6 2 ee ei eee 201-202
CREATION MYTH. See ORIGIN
LEGEND.
CrEAToR, belief concerning_—--~ 196
CREEKS, outstanding character-
istics: Of 2. 2-25) 4a.5. ee 1
CRIME—
procedure in dealing with_- V7
punishment of_--__-_---- 104-115
CRrovETcHITOU. See KOWEH
CHITO.
CuLtTuRE. See MATERIAL CUL-
TURE.
DALE, GENERAL, mention of__--- 18]
DANCES—
animale Leese ee 221-222
ball-play=<2-=2 "Ste 143
described] 22 221-226
kinds \(ot2). 2 = ee 222.
mourning ended by—-------~- 180,
181, 185, 186, 192-193
INDEX 277
: Page Page
Dances—Continued. WiXECUTION OF MURDERERS____ 107-108,
of Bayou Lacomb Choc- 109-110
Get We eee ee ee ere 222-223 || Waminy, head-ofsi2 22-2) 95
of the ball game___-____ 148-149 | Fanr minco, the calumet chief_ 94
OLavd ClONY 222 ee ee eee 162 | I'nasts—
preparation “for-222 2" e222 222 accompanying dances______ PPA
Dr KeErierec, mention of______ 120 after burial ceremony—__— 175, 177
Der Lusser, M., council held by_ 97
DEARBORN, HENRY, mention of__ 105
DEATH—
beliefs concerning_________ 216
by violence, belief concern-
fn) eee ree a es 220
See also BuRIAL CUSTOMS;
GRAVES; MOURNING CUS-
TOMS.
DEER—
belief concerning________ 199-200
decoysused ‘fors=== 22 = 2-2 52
Stalin oe OLE ee 54
DISEASES, treatment of____--___ 226,
229-232, 233-239
DIvISIONS—
peorraphical 2222) 2h ess 55-58
FS foyer ha ges eee ee ee Rg eae 76-84
DocTors—
methods of, in treating the
226, 229-231
See also MEDICINE MEN.
Does, buried with the dead_-___ 188
DREAMS—
helicie in nen nee eee 163
significance rote = 215
DRuM—
described ates == eee 223-224
usedat, dances s222 ase 222
DUELING, custom of-222 22225" 108-109
DM TGOurs: Use) Ol — === = 161
Dwe.iines. See HOovusEs.
Dyas niakine (O12 eee te 41
FAGLE DANCE, described____---- 222
EARTHWORKS of the Choctaw__-- 6-10
ECLIPSE, LUNAR, name for___-_- PAP.
Ectivsg, sSoLar, belief concern-
NOs a ee eee eee ec Se 210-212
EDUCATION OF CHILDREN___---- 124-127
HExs, beliefs concerning__---_—- 199
ELECTION OF OFFICERS__-----~~ 99-100
Fimetics, feathers used in place
(pe ee Sa ee 233
ENDURANCE, tests of, among
ChilGinGhyseetes aoe ee ee 126
ENGLISH, Choctaw affiliated with. 57-58
for .thel-sicks-=228 Seah 232, 233
mourning ended by-------- 178,
181, 183, 184-185, 186, 192
Proceduves ata. Ask Se ee 225
time 108222222.) ee ee ee 224
PWATHERS <USe! Of--2.--2 oleae 43-44
EFETISHmS,. belief inaiise=282 325 215
FINGER NAILS of bone-pickers
describedss == ss a 176, 177
Frre, beliefs concerning____-_ 196, 197
HIRES; at-dances_-+ 5-2 223
FisH, methods of obtaining____ 55
HOOD! LEGENDS =.= 62 Seuss 202-208
WOOD Mess =o SE BS Se = 38, 46-47
Foxgrs, associated with ghosts__ 217
FRANCHIMASTABE, head chief__- 92
FReNcH, Choctaw affiliated with 57-58
FURNISHINGS OF HOUSES__----- 38, 39
GAMBLING—
fondness} forss see aei 140, 155
See also BETTING.
GAME—
distribution of, after hunt_ 54
killed with blowgun__------ 52
laws sgovernings= === S22 54
not killed: for'sport=__-—=2= 50
the searéh for! 2-23. 49
Games, described___-___---_- 140-160
Gentes. See CLANS.
Guosts, belief in-=-—---— 2 2S5 217
3IFTS—
distribution of, at wedding- 128,
132, 133, 135, 137
use of, in courtships_-—---- 127,
128, 134, 1386
Gop, Choctaw names for------- 195
GOVERN MENT—
discussed 222s. 2b e te Ss 90-102
four classes represented in_ 84
GRAVES—
decoration of------=
VEneLavion Lol. === 180
Great Spirit, belief in--------- 197
GREEN CORN DANCE—
laws made at=a2-=-— 222 225, 226
Teference tO eee ee eee 21, 221
278 INDEX
Page Page
GREETING | forms Of42222—=-= = 2 161 | IksaAs—Continued.
GROUPS, LOCAL, discussed_______ 81-82 list Of. aso 28 aoe Sees 81-82
GUNS 4USe) Of 2 et - 50 See also MOIETIES.
Hapirations. See Houses. ImMorTauity, belief in_______ 180, 216°
EVATRDRESSUIN Giese 57 | INTERMENT—
FVANDBATIG (GAM f)_8 e525 151-152 described 222233 Sea 186
HEAD CHIEF— first (practice;ote= === 176
amthority Of. ok 90-91 | JACHENE ATCHOUKIMA. See
position of, abolished_____~ 95 YAKNI ACHUKMA,
HEAD DEFORMATION, practice of JACHOU. See YAzoo.
116, 118-119 | JAcK-0’-LANTERN, belief concern-
HEADDRESSES— iN = ood a ee ee 198
Gescribed2:2 4S. 2s fo 102 | KasHTAsSHA—
Worn satudancest nur 163 templeats 2 2S) ee ee 182
Henry, JACK, legend obtained village of the chief________ 91
1 0) 0 6 eats ye a SARA a TR, WOE DIO 382 | KonuuttTa, a Choctaw band___. 152
HIDDEN BULLET GAME. See Moc- Koo-SAAHTE INDIANS, war
CASIN GAME. against @s- S52 he ee 167
Hues, dressing of_____________ 41-42 | KowEH cHITO—
story, Choctaw __-— === =— 4-5 briefly described___________ 76
Hoper, F. W., mention of___-__- 3, 243 homexor chica] aa 91
HoutTsak LAHBA, story concern- KUNSHAK TOWNS, importance
IN ee et gee 107 Of fee st a7 eee 56
HOoLIHTA ASHA— Lagor, division of_______-___ 104, 139
Sttack onewess 2. sey LOT, | TUAND Qrishts tos) see eee 103
town of the head chief____ 92 | LANGuAGE. See SPEECH.
Hoopes, graves ornamented with_
HorN—
preparation of, for use___. 42-48
used in treating the sick_ 228, 236
HorSEFLESH, fondness for______ 175
Horses—
belief concerning_________- 198
buried with the dead______ 183
importance: Of 22.2). _ 52-54
medicine, forsss2! ess 238
IOSPITALECY: 22 = tf eet he Pe 1614
HOUSES: described 22-2222. 3 37-39
HUNTING
individual, described_____- 50-52
relative importance of_____ 49
ELGNTING CUSTOMS. =~ 2 49-55
HUNTING GROUNDS, special______ 54
HUNTING IMPLEMENTS__________ 49, 52
HUNTING ‘RIGHTS, attitude to-
WAT it Pde 102-108
IpETAP OKLA, home of head
Chichi et Owe 2-5 20s ees eS 92
IKSAsS—
application of the term____ 78, 82
functions of, at burial cere-
Monies! 222 eee ee 194
“LAST cry,” ceremony called_ 191-192
LEFLORE, Colt. GREENWOoD, men-
tion Of222 28022 Lee eee 36, 102
LEGENDS—
of the great flood________ 202-208
OLIN. 2 wh eae ele eee 5-37
See also MytTHoLocy.
LEwIs, JACKSON, information
obtained: from=2 2 185
Licut Horss Mgn, duties of__ 107+108
LINCECUM, GIDEON, earthworks
described - by 22 7-8
“LITTLE CRY,” ceremony called. 191
LirtLeE LEADER—
Mentlonsote2 soe = see 137
reform instituted by__-___- 139
LONG PEOPLE, the western group_ 56
LY&,, Manufacture ‘of — 2s 48
McCurtain, Mrs., information
LUTLMISHEC Dy sees ee 186, 232
MARRIAGE—
customs concerning________ ils
78, 81, 83, 127-138
separation atters22= ==] 12%, Low
WLt De sy he Sees ene eee 129-130,
MASHULATUBBI, mention of_____ 102
INDEX 279
Page Page
MATERIAL CULTURBH 2222 208s = 37-55 | MUSICAL INSTRUMENTS_________ 223
MEDICINE GIVER, office of______ 235-236
MEDICINE MAN—
attainments of_—22+-~—2= 227-229
efforts of, at ball game_____ 154
Pan thy in as a ee 171-172
patients killed by__________ 213
preparation for office of___.. 227
Standing; Of2s_ Saat eee 213
See also ConguRERS; Doc-
TORS; MEDICINE GIVER;
PROPHETS ; WiZARDS.
MEN, occupations of___________ 139
MENSTRUAL CUSTOMS_________ 115-116
MESMERISM, attitude toward___ 215
MIGRATION LEGEND. See ORIGIN
LEGEND.
MISSISSIPPI HISTORICAL SOCIETY,
MENT ONE OL as eee ee 12
MISSISSIPPI TERRITORY, creation
Lip es ee eee 4
MOcCASIN GAME, described______ 158
MoIrTres—
GISCUSSCd est stars ee 76-79:
Cuties (Of==s 22s 78, 88, 178
NAMES Ole asa eS (6-77
placevof, at feast___—- = = 192
MoKLASHA, a Choctaw band_.-_ 152
MONTHS, names of—_—__—_ 2 45
MorRTALITY among children_____ 2384
MorTars—
described ssa se eee 38
medicine, making of_______ 2386
method of making_________ 48
MorTuary customs. See BurrIAL
CUSTOMS; GRAVES; INTER-
MENT; MOURNING CUSTOMS.
MOTHER-IN-LAW TABOO________ 127, 129
Mounps—
burial, ‘erection *of2_ 2 188
deseribed-=22<42-2"=--=--= 6-10
explanation of) 232 _ 2 27
Origine of 2h iis fOr 177, 178
See also NANIH WaATrTYA.
MOURNING CUSTOMS_---_~_--=__ £72;
173, 174, 176, 179, 180, 181, 183,
184, 186-187, 188, 189.
MuvURDER—
beliefs concerning_______ 216, 220
punishment for_—-—____— 104-106,
107-108, 109-110
Music, use of, in treating the
232
MYTHOLOGY AND COSMOLOGY___ 200-212
NAHULLO, application of the
Terme cS er ers ee 199
NAMES OF THE MONTHS________ 45
NAMES, PERSONAL—
list of, With translations__ 121-123
manner of bestowing______ 120
of the dead, avoided____ 120-121,
178, 180, 182, 187
Of warriors. os | 119-120, 167
totemic significance of_____ 119
NANIH WaAlyA—
council held¥vat2a. aes 36
described 2522s 6
importance® Of{ 2422 ae ae 100
translations of the name__ o
NASHOBAWENYA, home of head
Chie ha es eRe ee) eee 92
NATCHEZ TRIBE, characteristics
Oban ato SAS ee eee ee al
NECKLACES. See BEADS.
NEWBERRY LIBRARY, mention of_ 3
NUTS; USC: :Of.- hea See 48
OFFICE, election to, described_ 99-100
ORATORY—
example:Of 22-2. ase 98
NAtTUnCE Ores = Se eee ee 100
ORIGIN LEGHND ee = a2 oe 5-37
ORIGIN MyTH Of the Red Craw-
fishs-eoples.e2 =) =e eae 88
ORIGIN OF CORN, myth of_____ 208-210
ORIGIN OF RACES, story of______ 202
ORNAMENTS, materials used in
TaaNeeh teh a ale eet NE A ee ee 43
OSKELAGNA, home of head chief_ 92
OsSUARIES—
use! Of,, abandoned] =_- = 189
See also BONE HOUSE.
Ow1s, beliefs concerning_____ 198, 199
PAHLUBBEE, mention of________ 135
PEACE-MAKING RITUAL, de-
Scribedl 222228 325 ae 169-170
PEACE PARTY, a moiety of the
Chocthw2222 2 ee en eee 78
PEACH PIPE fuse Offs: 225 se oe 97
PERSIMMONS, use of___________ 48
PIPES—
chietis:| 2 22 ee eee 102
peace, use} of -2 a 4ee 97
See also CALUMET.
PISHOFA DANCES, mention of___ 221
280 INDEX
Page Page
PISTONATUBBEE, ISAAC, informa- RELATIONSHIP, terms of_______~ 85-90
tion obtained from___-_-~--- 85 | [REMEDIES]. 22242525. 23 229-230, 233
PITCHLYNN, PETER PERKINS— REMOVAL to Red River_----_--- 4-5
monument erected to_----- 81 | RETALIATION, law. of = =~12u- 104-107
story related by--~------- 83 | REWARD AND PUNISHMENT, after
PLANTS, MEDICINAL— (e@aths2 5) 2 ee eee 218-220
list of, with usage_----~ 237-238 | SacriFIce, custom suggesting-__ 212
listed by Bushnell__-------~ 235.) SALT, collecting of 2 esse 55
PNEUMATOLOGY 2225-82 5-H = 215-220 | Sapa cuHitTo, briefly described___ 76
Rorseve use. Ofse-—_ = =5--- 55,169 | ScarroLD BURIALS____1-----L__-- 170,
POLE-PULLING CEREMONY—
Christian opposition to__ 183-184
desenibed2= = 177-178, 183
Poss, erection of, at grave__ 177,178
PoLicr, MOUNTED, duties of___-- 107
PoLyGamMy, practice of_-_----- 127 ow
Ponigs, used as pack animals__ 53
Popcorn, raised by the Choctaw_ 47
FoucHES—
madevot.sking == 2a sos 42
US@MO Le een see sree 42
PRAYER, among the Choctaw__-- 212
PROPERTY—
GISCUSSCdi 2s see Se 102-104
inheritance ‘OFS =2- = sss 104
offenses: against__-=24. — 111-113
ownership of, settled by
ball-plays = =e- =3- sees 148
placed with the dead__-_-~ 104,
170, 182, 183, 184, 190
reason for burying__-_----- DAG
wagered on games__—-__~-- 154
PROPHETS—
atpeballinsame..- sos eos 149
believed infallible____----~- 213
See also CONJURERS; MEDI-
CINE MEN; WIZARDS.
PUNISHMENT—
and reward, after death. 218-220
Oils CLIMG l= ear aes ewe 104-115
PUSHMATAHA. See APUSHMA-
TAHA.
PYGMY BEING, belief in-___---__ 198
RACKET GAME, described____- 140-141
RAINMAKERS, activities of____ 240-241
FLATTLE USC OLs22= == a ees 224
Rep Birp, CHIEF, incident related
fee a Si ne yet BEE 105-106.
Rep CRAWFISH PEOPLE, origin
My thwwOts: 225-2 oS eee 83
Rep SHoES, leader of the west-
ern Choctawit22Ues-) ees 57
Rep Water, a Choctaw band___ 152
171, 172, 178, 174, 175, 176, 178, 181
ScCALPING, CuSstomi)-of_2 20252222 164
ScaLps, treatment of____--__- 166-167
Scorr, T. J., information ob-
tained: from) eo fe eee 182
SEXUAL OFFENSES, attitude to-
ward=e. ae" Pak 3 Bets et 110-111
SEXUAL RELATIONS, belief con-
COMnin gan See ee 186
SuHapows, outside and inside___ 216
SHUKCHI HUMMA TRIBE, refer-
ence: tO 2. os See 30
Siens, used by chief at council. 101
SInvnr, ornaments: Ola 2se 43
Simpson, Susan, wedding of,
described] aes 132-1383
Sixtowns INDIANS—
a Choctaw band 152
application of the name___ 55-56
attitude toward, of other
Choctaw. 57
towns }0f3 2 ae 59-60
SKANAPA, village of the chief__ 91
SKIN DRESSING, described__----~ 91
SLAVERY OF CAPTIVES_—_-------- 163
SNAKES, beliefs concerning_---_ 199
Sorcery; belief ins. =22-222=22— = 239
Soul, beliefs concerning___--_ 215-220
SPEECH, CHOCTAW, variations
of £2 5f2 BS ee ee 56
SPEECHES. See ORATORY.
Sririt, belief concerning_---~_ 180, 214
Spirits, good and evil, belief
in’ ee 7 ae een 194-195, 197
STEALING, punishment for____ 112-113
STOCKADED TOWNS, reference to_ 10
Srrines, made of skin--------- 42
Sruart, Joun, murder reported
by tee ee ne Sei 105
SvICcIDE—
attitude ‘toward__-=—--~~ 108, 110
burial... of 22 2222242sS5552= 174
INDEX 281
Surciwe—Continued. Page | TowNs—Continued. Page
Cause of28 4 Sik ews ee ee 174 List; -0fS=-2a = ls Saco ee 59-75
methods used in --_--.. 110 LOCHtIONY Of ee ees ee 59-75
SUKANATCHA, mention of set- number: feels. Sees 95
tlement of. St Basse 137 scattered houses of________ 166
Sun— syhonymy of names of_____ 59-75
beliefs concerning_-----—- 196 | TrRaizs, linking towns___-_____- 160
regarded as a deity_._---~- 195 | Traver—
SUPERSTITIONS of war party_— 163, 165 method =o fesse 53
SWEAT BATH— sense of direction in_______ 160
fractional Joi teis ess 236 signsused, Ins =. eeee 52, 55
Li (See 0) aR a pec 230, 231 | TuBpy, Lewis, mention of______ 102
SwIMMING, among the Choc- TupBy, SIMPSON—
taw ~---------------—------ 40 information furnished by_- 4,
TABoos— 47, 49, 54, 100, 110, 118, 135,
concerning women__. 115, 116, 118
fon ball’ playerss a. =. = 153
TET Gn ee es et a 212
husband and wife___-----_- 129
mother-in-law __—-_------ 127, 129
TAILS, ANIMAL, significance of
USGs OG ieee see eee 44
TaALLAPoosA River, flints ob-
tain CGM On! ss see ewe Se Ak 49-50
TATTOOING—
DOC ge ee ee 163
TON See ee ee 57
on bone-pickers____------- 181
TECUMSEH, mention of__------- 4
‘TEMPLE—
bones deposited in_________ 182
Taensa, destruction of__--_ 182
wseroL the names 2 == 226
TERMS OF RELATIONSHIP_------- 85-90
THEFT—
punishment for______-_--_ 112-113
TETETENCE COs ese 165
THUNDER AND LIGHTNING, belief
CONnCernI ng se = ase 212
TIME—
method of reckoning. 44-45, 101
sticks used in counting_____ 187,
188, 191-192
TinsteEy, A. L.—
burial described by—-_-_--_- 186
information furnished by. 186
MORACCO, USC OL =--— 47
Tote. See HANDBALL GAME.
TOWN SQUARE, ceremonies held
1D a ics EE ae Ne 221
Towns—
authorities for names of__- 58
deseription! of=2=—=2===—=——— 76
54564—31——_19
158, 186, 224, 238
training of, for chiefship__ 127
TUBERCULOSIS, Sufferings from__ 238
TULLOCK-CHISH-KO, a noted ball-
player a2 ee ee ee 142
TURKEY CREEK, 2 Choctaw band. 152
Twins, belief concerning_____ 282-233
VAUDREUIL, GOVERNOR, mention
Of Ss a AEE de 57, 167
VAUN, LEWIS, mention of______- 115
VENTRILOQUISM, attitude to-
Ward? \.tr ae eee 215
VILLAGES. See TOWNS.
Wacers. See Brrrine; GAM-
BLING.
Waites, B. L. C., earthworks
Visited D¥a eee ee 8
Watine, for the dead____--_ 179-180,
185, 186
WAR—
attitude toward_....-.---- 168
Civilies2 82222 = eS ee 57
CUStOms: OL 2=22— Se 162-170
moiety concerned with_-_~- 78
Wak cHirr, authority of_---- 165-166
WAR DANCE, performance of_. 162, 169
W ARRIORS—
actions of, on warpath ____ 162,
164, 168
naming’ (of2s22—2— ae a (iy;
return of, from war party__ 169
West Yazoo, home of head chief 92
WHIPPING, as a form of punish-
MO@Nt 4522 so ooo ee ee 112
WHIskkry, effect of, on the Choc-
tAW, Sasso soess ae eo 235
Wipowers, customs concerning 138
282 INDEX
Wipows— Page | WomEN—Continued. Page
customs concerning__--_~-- 1380, part taken by, in war____ 163, 165
138, 184-185 reform instituted for ______ 226
See also MOuURNING CUS- regulations for 222 3) 115-118
TOMS. taboos concerning____ 115, 116, 118
WITCHCRAFT, punishment for___. 110 | WoopcRart_________-_---~- 52, 55, 164
WiTCHES— YAKNI ACHUKMA, briefly de-
belietaein= S222 ee 239 Seribed 22" 22> Se sae 76
MAME ZiVeN tO. 2. se 195 | YAzoo, TOWN oF, briefly de-
Wizagbs, activities of_____----- 240 scribed 2222s eee 76
WoMEN— YAz00 TRIBE, Mmentioned__--__-__ 30
ais | COUNCHS= 22 66) ee 101 | Yowanr—
games played by_-------- 141, 149 included in Sixtowns_____- 56
influence of, at elections___ 101 mention of chief of__-_-___- 167
NAO TRO bees see ee 139
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