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SMITHSONIAN INSTITUTION
BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY
BULLETIN 40
HANDBOOK OF
AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES
BY
FRANZ BOAS
PARE 1
WITH ILLUSTRATIVE SKETCHES
By ROLAND B. DIXON, P. E. GODDARD, WILLIAM JONES
AND TRUMAN MICHELSON, JOHN R. SWANTON,
AND WILLIAM THALBITZER
2\10\*
WASHINGTON
GOVERNMENT PRINTING OFFICE
gS es
N
LETTER OF TRANSMITTAL
SMITHSONIAN INSTITUTION,
BurEAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY,
Washington, D. C., March 11, 1908.
Srr: I have the honor to submit herewith for publication, subject
to your approval, as Bulletin 40, Part 1, of this Bureau, the manu-
script of a portion of the Handbook of American Indian Languages,
prepared under the editorial supervision of Dr. Franz Boas.
Yours, respectfully,
W. H. Hotmes,
Chief.
Dr. Cuartes D. Watcort,
Secretary of the Sap eereaa Institution,
Washington, D. C.
IIL
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a Veet
PREFACE
The Handbook of American Indian Languages, the first Part
of which is here presented, had its inception in an attempt to pre-
pare a revised edition of the ‘‘Introduction to the Study of Indian
Languages,” by Major J. W. Powell.
During the first twenty years of the existence of the Bureau of
American Ethnology much linguistic material had been accumulated
by filling in the schedules contained in Major Powell’s Introduction,
and in this manner many vocabularies had been collected, while the
essential features of the morphology of American languages remained
unknown.
It seemed particularly desirable to call attention, in a new edition
of the Introduction, to the essential features of the morphology and
phonetics of American languages, and to emphasize the necessity of
an analytical study of grammar. The object next to be attained by
linguistic studies of American languages is a knowledge of their pho-
netic processes and of the psychological foundation of their structure.
The former of these objects has hardly been attempted; knowledge of
the latter has been obscured by the innumerable attempts to represent
the grammars of Indian languages in a form analogous to that of the
European grammars.
It was originally intended to give a somewhat elaborate intro-
duction, setting forth the essential psychological characteristics of
American languages; but with the development of the plan of work
it was found necessary to relegate this discussion to the endof the
whole work, because without a somewhat detailed discussion of the
various languages the essential points can not be substantiated by
reliable evidence.
I have not attempted to give either exhaustive grammars or
exhaustive discussions of phonetics, because the object of the whole
work has been to describe as clearly as possible those psychological
principles of each language which may be isolated by an analysis of
grammatical forms. A detailed discussion of phonetics and of the
probable historical development of grammatical forms belongs rather
to detailed studies of linguistic stocks, which should be the next step
in the progress of our knowledge of American languages.
In the collection of the material embodied in the present volume,
I have been liberally assisted by investigators employed by a number
Vv
VI PREFACE
of institutions, particularly the American Museum of Natural History
and the University of California. Most of the material contained
in the first Part, except that contaimed in the sketches of the
Athapascan, by Dr. P. E. Goddard, and of the Eskimo, by Dr. Wil-
liam Thalbitzer, was collected in connection with extended ethno-
logical research conducted under the joint auspices of these institu-
tions and the Bureau of American Ethnology; and the grammatical
sketches are based on the discussion of texts published by the
Bureau of American Ethnology and by other institutions, and which
are referred to in the various sketches. .
The work of collecting and of revision has extended over the
period from 1897 to 1908. Lack of funds prevented a more rapid
completion of the work.
I desire to express my sincere thanks to the collaborators who have
contributed to the volume, and who have willingly adopted the gen-
eral plan of presentation of grammar outlined by the editor.
Franz Boas.
New York, February 26, 1910.
CONTENTS
; Page
Pm itet My Peay, Mates ss hot. SQ & edz sce 2 ne ona Sa onnes 1
Athapascan. (Hupa), by Pliny Earle Goddard..-....../.........-.-2..-2200- 85
uann Me Ore tus SWatltGh. 2 22, ~ 5. ck Sc = = nie see oe es bs owe eee 159
AE Ss a 205
eran Poy MERE EOE. 28d HOS ac te eciest asda ks ase weticces dud 283
nS: Henny IsOAH: 2222200 L BS ot Sion ck sane de ac eeec ech wae 423
EE ICME ae ese ook ibd cae hoe chee oan dens eee eee 559
Ea DESCEEME TAVC IRM EIB ty <7 el 679
Algonquian (Fox), by William Jones (fevised by Truman Michelson)... .... 735
Siouan (Dakota), by Franz Boas and John R. Swanton..................---- 875
merece dustin Naalbitzer.. 2290255. dee .c2 sass isa es oes euasclcacsse 967
5 ia ‘
LAs wee A Pia
INTRODUCTION
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CONTENTS
Ree AR OUR A Os Aes ro. ote eas an Sade aek Cac ae Ceca a
Early attempts to determine the position of the American race.....-.
Classifications based on physical type, language, and customs......-.
Relations between physical type, language, and customs............
Permanence of physical type; changes in language and culture. .
Permanence of language; changes of physical type..............-
Chanaos.of langeuape and) type... =<.5 25 <2. .e rs anew. Jas ee coe
Permanence of typeand language; change of culture............-..
Hypothesis of original correlation of type, language, and culture......
Artificial character of all classifications of mankind..................
ue enaracteristics oi language... ... <2 Ses sawed eon ce ec oee Su ceass
Peer td OL At OMNOOYs ect nt can J whe weme a aid rad we sin seate eee cee
Se ueaSTe CE MON OMOR. at Sara's <cig te te) shat aa eee ca waveen eee
number OL Sounds. Wmlimited. .-. . <5... cect dene. lee soles ee
Each language uses a limited number of sounds...............--
Alleged lack of differentiation of sounds in primitive languages. .
rier maser iilOl Of PHORGUES! Lb ..6 i. 0-2 > ss. Sec Dock mee cece
Unconsciousness of phonetic elements....................-------
Ree erR INEM ner CCCI CRE oe e055 Sc yeh ae oe Mice soe CCH ER
Differences in categories of different languages................-.
Limitation of the number of phonetic groups expressing ideas. .....
Ceamaniatitcallpraeerseac see hol. 6 toe oS ead ese ae ree
NN MRRSIE Se ben OMe oi Mac. tele Se tio cous Oe Nut ew oe
SUPE TACT E155, Ca aa Oe Le ee a ee Mee Pol ee aL oF cc Aap
Hiecussion of grammatical, categories 22.22.52... 6.fo< Le es Pe
Nawal: cateroriess.. 2... usin 2Al lac dudsS.cee cote. wee aeons
EVELICG (21 UR See Na Rl ced ee aap | Ee eae See De eee
aE alana pana Settee he ree See Nae cs cy eee
Personal pronouns: ......-.2..-., A eae Set A ete ee
Memonstreative pronguns..20.0 loge 2 Le Bec bh les eee ek
TUNE Aa Coe eR yc 2 RUE a no
Interpretation of grammatical categories.....................-..-----
mee assiiea tion Of languages... ..........---.2.¢+-+2--5----<00- cee
ET OC PIG SOL, Re gee Syl
maviparison,.of distiner languages.) 520 oe IP. omc ce wn nies a cine
Pinfaloamiuences of laneiaged.... 2. ocs oc... 2-2 a bee Poco see ene oa
VEL EE CORE SUHOTSV EY 6.2) laa Sp aR AL Ge Pe am ed Cae ace
he micoerap nie dmiMOnCes: 2. 2. eee qe ss Boones ohana ee wnhes ed
Origin of similarities; by dissemination or by parallel development. .
3
4 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY.
III. Classification of languages—Continued.
Influence of environment on language ............-.....-.-----.-%.-
Influence of common psychic tratiee te ees cee eee ee eee seen
Uncertainty of definition of linguistic families..............-.-------
Dy. angiistics and ethnology. ...-; .s.aaiee nese om elem eee ere
Practical need of linguistic studies for ethnological purposes. .......--
Theoretical importance of linguistic studies................--.--.---
Language a part of ethnological phenomena in general........---
Language and thought.....5. 20222022. se i2. one. ce ewe
Unconscious character of linguistic phenomena.......- Lc
We Characteristics of Americam-taneuares: 2 oe aicce oe sine eins ie eee
INTRODUCTION
By Franz Boas
I. RACE AND LANGUAGE
Early Attempts to Determine the Position of the American
Race
When Columbus started on his journey to reach the Indies, sailing
westward, and discovered the shores of America, he beheld a new
race of man, different in type, different in culture, different in lan-
guage, from any known before that time. This race resembled
neither the European types, nor the negroes, nor the better-known
races of southern Asia. As the Spanish conquest of America pro-
gressed, other peoples of our continent became known to the invaders,
and all showed a certain degree of outer resemblance, which led
the Spaniards to designate them by the term ‘‘Indios’’ (Indians),
the inhabitants of the country which was believed to be part of
India. Thus the mistaken geographical term came to be applied to
the inhabitants of the New World; and owing to the contrast of
their appearance to that of other races, and the peculiarities of their
cultures and their languages, they came to be in time considered as
a racial unit.
The same point of view still prevailed when the discoveries included
more extended parts of the New World. The people with whom
the Spaniards and Portuguese came into contact in South America,
as well as the inhabitants of the northern parts of North America,
all seemed to partake so much of the same characteristics, that
they were readily classed with the natives first discovered, and
were considered as a single race of mankind.
6 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 40
It was only when our knowledge of the Indian tribes increased,
that differences between the various types of man inhabiting our
continent became known. Differences in degree of culture, as well
as differences in language, were recognized at an early time. Much
later came a recognition of the fact that the Indians of our conti-
nent differ in type as much among themselves as do the members of
other races. .
As soon as investigators began to concern themselves with these
questions, the problem of the position of the natives of America
among the races of mankind came to be of considerable interest,
and speculations in regard to their origin and relationships occur
even in the early descriptions of the New World.
Among the earlier attempts we find particularly endeavors to
prove that certain parts of the beliefs and customs of the Indians
agree with those of the Old World. Such agreements were consid-
ered proof that the Indians belong to one of the races enumerated
in biblical history; and the theory that they represent the lost
tribes of Israel was propounded frequently, and has held its own
for a long time. In a similar way were traced analogies between
the languages of the New World and those of the Old World, and
many investigators believe even now that they have established
such relationships. Attempts were also made to prove similarities
in appearance between the American races and other races, and
thus to determine their position among the races of the Old World.
Classifications based on Physical Type, Language, and
Customs
The problems involved in the determination of the relations of
the various races have been approached from two different poimts
of view—either the attempt has been made to assign a definite posi-
tion to a race in a classificatory system of the races of man, or the
history of the race has been traced as far back as available data
may permit.
The attempts to classify mankind are numerous. Setting aside the
classifications based on biblical tradition, and considering only those
that are based on scientific discussion, we find a number of attempts
based on comparisons of the anatomical characteristics of mankind,
combined with geographical considerations; others are based on the
discussion of a combination of anatomical and cultural character-
BOAS ] HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 7
istics—traits which are considered as characteristic of certain groups
of mankind; while still others are based primarily on the study of
the languages spoken by people representing a certain anatomical
type.
The attempts that have thus been made have led to entirely differ-
~ent results. Blumenbach, one of the first scientists who attempted
to classify mankind, first distinguished five races—the Caucasian,
Mongolian, Ethiopian, American, and Malay. It is fairly clear that
this classification is based as much on geographical as on anatomical
considerations, although the description of each race is primarily an
anatomical one. Cuvier distinguished three races—the white, yellow,
and black. Huxley proceeds more strictly on a biological basis.
He combines part of the Mongolian and American races of Blumen-
bach into one, assigns part of the South Asiatic peoples to the Austra-
lian type, and subdivides the European races into a dark and a light
division. The numerical preponderance of the European types has
evidently led him to make finer distinctions in this race, which
he divides into the xanthochroic and melanochroic races. It
would be easy to make subdivisions of equal value in other races.
Still clearer is the influence of cultural points of view in classifica-
tions like those of Gobineau and Klemm (who distinguishes the
active and passive races), according to the cultural achievements of
the various types of man.
The most typical attempt to classify mankind from a consider-
ation of both anatomical and linguistic points of view is that of
Friederich Miller, who takes as the basis of his primary divisions the
form of hair, while all the minor divisions are based on linguistic
considerations.
Relations between Physical Type, Language, and Customs
An attempt to correlate the numerous classifications that have
been proposed shows clearly a condition of utter confusion and con-
tradiction. If it were true that anatomical form, language, and cul-
ture are all closely associated, and that each subdivision of mankind
is characterized by a certain bodily form, a certain culture, and a cer-
tain language, which can never become separated, we might expect
that the results of the various investigations would show better
agreement. If, on the other hand, the various phenomena which
were made the leading points in the attempt at classification are not
8 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 40
closely associated, then we may naturally expect such contradic-
tions and lack of agreement as are actually found.
It is therefore necessary, first of all, to be clear in regard to the
significance of anatomical characteristics, language, and culture, as
characteristic of any subdivision of mankind.
It seems desirable to consider the actual development of these -
various traits among the existing races.
Permanence of Physical Type; Changes in Language
and Culture
At the present period we may observe many cases in which a com-
plete change of language and culture takes place without a corre-
sponding change in physical type. This is true, for instance, among
the North American negroes, a people by descent largely African; in
culture and language, however, essentially European. While it is
true that certain survivals of African culture and language are
found among our American negroes, their culture is essentially that
of the uneducated classes of the people among whom they live, and
their language is on the whole identical with that of their neigh-
bors—English, French, Spanish, and Portuguese, according to the
prevalent language in various parts of the continent. It might be
objected that the transportation of the African race to America was
an artificial one, and that in earlier times extended migrations and
transplantations of this kind have not taken place.
The history of medieval Europe, however, shows clearly that
extended changes in language and culture have taken place many
times without corresponding changes in blood.
Recent investigations of the physical types of Europe have shown
with great clearness that the distribution of types has remained the
same for a long period. Without considering details, it may be said
that an Alpine type can easily be distinguished from a north-
European type on the one hand, and a south-European type on the
other. The Alpine type appears fairly uniform over a large territory,
no matter what language may be spoken and what national culture
may prevail in the particular district. The central-European French-
men, Germans, Italians, and Slavs are so nearly of the same type
that we may safely assume a considerable degree of blood relation-
ship, notwithstanding their linguistic differences.
BOAS ] HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 9
Instances of similar kind, in which we find permanence of blood
with far-reaching modifications of language and culture, are found
in other parts of the world. As an example may be mentioned the
Veddah of Ceylon, a people fundamentally different in type from
the neighboring Singhalese, whose language they seem to have
adopted, and from whom they have also evidently borrowed a
number of cultural traits. Still other examples are the Japanese
of the northern part of Japan, who are undoubtedly, to a consider-
able extent, Ainu in blood; and the Yukaghir of Siberia, who,
while retaining to a great extent the old blood, have been assimilated
in culture and language by the neighboring Tungus.
Permanence of Language; Changes of Physical Type
While it is therefore evident that in many cases a people, without
undergoing a considerable change in type by mixture, have changed
completely their language and culture, still other cases may be adduced
in which it can be shown that a people have retained their language
while undergoing material changes in blood and culture, or in both.
As an example of this may be mentioned the Magyar of Europe, who
have retained their old language, but have become mixed with people
speaking Indo-European languages, and who have, to all intents and
purposes, adopted European culture.
Similar conditions must have prevailed among the Athapascans,
one of the great linguistic families of North America. The great
body of people speaking languages belonging to this linguistic stock
live in the northwestern part of America, while other dialects are
spoken by small tribes in California, and still others by a large body
of people in Arizona and New Mexico. The relationship between all
these dialects is so close that they must be considered as branches
of one large group, and it must be assumed that all of them have
sprung from a language once spoken over a continuous area. At
the present time the people speaking these languages differ funda-
mentally in type, the inhabitants of the Mackenzie river region
being quite different from the tribes of California, and these, again,
differing from the tribes of New Mexico. The forms of culture in
these different regions are also quite distinct; the culture of the Cali-
fornia Athapascans resembles that of other Californian tribes, while
the culture® of the Athapascans of New Mexico and Arizona is
influenced by that of other peoples of that area. It seems most
10 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 40
plausible to assume in this case that branches of this stock migrated
from one part of this large area to another, where they intermingled
with the neighboring people, and thus changed their physical char-
acteristics, while at the same time they retained their speech. With-
out historical evidence this process can not, of course, be proved. I
shall refer to this example later on.
Changes of Language and Type
These two phenomena—a retention of type with a change of
language, and a retention of language with a change of type—
apparently opposed to each other, are still very closely related,
and in many cases go hand in hand. An example of this is, for
instance, the distribution of the Arabs along the north coast of
Africa. On the whole, the Arab element has retained its language;
but at the same time intermarriages with the native races were
common, so that the descendants of the Arabs have often retained
the old language and have changed their type. On the other hand,
the natives have to a certain extent given up their own languages,
but have continued to intermarry among themselves and have thus
preserved their type. So far as any change of this kind is connected
with intermixture, both types of changes must always occur at the
same time, and will be classed as a change of type or a change of
language, as our attention is directed to the one people or the other,
or, in some cases, as the one or the other change is more pronounced.
Cases of complete assimilation without any mixture of the people
involved seem to be rare, if not, entirely absent.
Permanence of Type and Language; Change of Culture
Cases of permanence of type and language and of change of culture
are much more numerous. As a matter of fact, the whole historical
development of Europe, from prehistoric times on, is one endless
series of examples of this process, which seems to be much easier,
since assimilation of cultures occurs everywhere without actual blood
mixture, as an effect of imitation. Proof of diffusion of cultural
elements may be found in every single cultural area which covers a
district in which many languages are spoken. In North America,
California offers a good example of this kind; for here many lan-
guages are spoken, and there is a certain degree of differentiation of
type, but at the same time a considerable uniformity of culture pre-
BOAS] HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 11
vails. Another case in point is the coast of New Guinea, where,
notwithstanding strong local differentiations, a certain fairly char-
acteristic type of culture prevails, which goes hand in hand with a
strong differentiation of languages. Among more highly civilized
peoples, the whole area which is under the influence of Chinese cul-
ture might be given as an example.
These considerations make it fairly clear that, at least at the present
time, anatomical type, language, and culture have not necessarily the
same fates; that a people may remain constant in type and language
and change in culture; that they may remain constant in type, but
ehange in language; or that they may remain constant in language
and change in type and culture. If this is true, then it is obvious
that attempts to classify mankind, based on the present distribution
of type, language, and culture, must lead to different results, accord-
ing to the point of view taken; that a classification based primarily
on type alone will lead to a system which represents, more or less
accurately, the blood relationships of the people, which do not need
to coincide with their cultural relationships; and that, in the same
way, Classifications based on language and culture do not need at
all to coincide with a biological classification.
If this be true, then a problem like the much discussed Aryan
problem really does not exist, because the problem is primarily a
linguistic one, relating to the history of the Aryan languages; and
the assumption that a certain definite people whose members have
always been related by blood must have been the carriers of this
language throughout history; and the other assumption, that a cer-
tain cultural type must have always belonged to this people—are
purely arbitrary ones and not in accord with the observed facts.
Hypothesis of Original Correlation of Type, Language, and
Culture
Nevertheless, it must be granted, that in a theoretical considera-
tion of the history of the types of mankind, of languages, and of
cultures, we are led back to the assumption of early conditions during
which each type was much more isolated from the rest of mankind
than it is at the present time. For this reason, the culture and the
language belonging to a single type must have been much more
sharply separated from those of other types than we find them to be
at the present period. It is true that such a condition has nowhere
ee BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 40
been observed; but the knowledge of historical developments almost
compels us to assume its existence at a very early period in the devel-
opment of mankind. If this is true, the question would arise,
whether an isolated group, at an early period, was necessarily char-
acterized by a single type, a single language, and a single culture, or
whether in such a group different types, different languages, and
different cultures may have been represented.
The historical development of mankind would afford a simpler and
clearer picture, if we were justified in assuming that in primitive
communities the three phenomena had been intimately associated.
No proof, however, of such an assumption can be given. On the
contrary, the present distribution of languages, as compared with the
distribution of types, makes it plausible that even at the earliest
times the biological units may have been wider than the linguistic
units, and presumably also wider than the cultural units. I believe
that it may be safely said that all over the world the biological unit
is much larger than the linguistic unit: in other words, that groups
of men who are so closely related in bodily appearance that we must
consider them as representatives of the same variety of mankind,
embrace a much larger number of individuals than the number of
men speaking languages which we know to be genetically related.
Examples of this kind may be given from many parts of the world.
Thus, the European race—including under this term roughly all
those individuals who are without hesitation classed by us as mem-
bers of the white race—would include peoples speaking Indo-Euro-
pean, Basque, and Ural-Altaic languages. West African negroes
would represent individuals of a certain negro type, but speaking the
most diverse languages; and the same would be true, among Asiatic
types, of Siberians; among American types, of part of the Californian
Indians.
So far as our historical evidence goes, there is no reason to believe
that the number of distinct languages has at any time been less than
it is now. On the contrary, all our evidence goes to show that the
number of apparently unrelated languages has been much greater in
earlier times than at present. On the other hand, the number of
types that have presumably become extinct seems to be rather
small, so that there is no reason to suppose that at an early period
there should have been a nearer correspondence between the number
of distinct linguistic and anatomical types; and we are thus led to
BOAS] HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 13
the conclusion that presumably, at an early time, each human type
may have existed in a number of small isolated groups, each of which
may have possessed a language and culture of its own.
However this may be, the probabilities are decidedly in favor of
the assumption that there is no necessity to assume that originally
each language and culture were confined to a single type, or that each
type and culture were confined to one language: in short, that there
has been at any time a close correlation between these three phe-
nomena.
The assumption that type, language, and culture were originally
closely correlated would entail the further assumption that these
three traits developed approximately at the same period, and that
they developed conjointly for a considerable length of time. This
assumption does not seem by any means plausible. The fundamen-
tal types of man which are represented in the negroid race and in
the mongoloid race must have been differentiated long before the
formation of those forms of speech that are now recognized in the
linguistic families of the world. I think that even the differentia-
tion of the more important subdivisions of the great races antedates
the formation of the existing linguistic families. At any rate,
the biological differentiation and the formation of speech were, at
this early period, subject to the same causes that are acting upon
them now, and our whole experience shows that these causes act
much more rapidly on language than on the human body. In this
consideration lies the principal reason for the theory of lack of corre-
lation of type and language, even during the period of formation of
types and of linguistic families.
What is true of language is obviously even more true of culture.
In other words, if a certain type of man migrated over a considerable
area before its language assumed the form which can now be traced
in related linguistic groups, and before its culture assumed the definite
type the further development of which can now be recognized, there
would be no possibility of ever discovering a correlation of type,
language, and culture, even if it had ever existed; but it is quite
possible that such correlation has really never occurred.
It is quite conceivable that a certain racial type may have scat-
tered over a considerable area during a formative period of speech,
and that the languages which developed among the various groups
14 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 40
of this racial type came to be so different that it is now impossible
to prove them to be genetically related. In the same way, new
developments of culture may have taken place which are so entirely
disconnected with older types that the older genetic relationships,
even if they existed, can no longer be discovered.
If we adopt this point of view, and thus eliminate the hypothetical
assumption of correlation between primitive type, primitive language,
and primitive culture, we recognize that any attempt at classification
which includes more than one of these traits can not be consistent.
It may be added that the general term ‘“‘culture” which has been
used here may be subdivided from a considerable number of points
of view, and different results again might be expected when we
consider the inventions, the types of social organization, or beliefs, as
leading points of view in our classification.
Artificial Character of All Classifications of Mankind
We recognize thus that every classification of mankind must be
more or less artificial, according to the point of view selected, and
here, even more than in the domain of biology, we find that classifi-
cation can only be a substitute for the genesis and history of the now
existing types.
Thus we recognize that the essential object in comparing different
types of man must be the reconstruction of the history of the develop-
ment of their types, their languages, and their cultures. The history
of each of these various traits is subject to a distinct set of modifying
causes, and the investigation of each may be expected to contribute
data toward the solution of our problem. The biological investiga-
tion may reveal the blood-relationships of types and their modifica-
tions under social and geographical environment. The linguistic
investigation may disclose the history of languages, the contact of
the people speaking them with other people, and the causes that led
to linguistic differentiation and integration; while the history of civili-
zation deals with the contact of a people with neighboring peoples,
as well as with the history of its own achievements.
Boas] HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 15
Il. THE CHARACTERISTICS OF LANGUAGE
Definition of Language
The discussions of the preceding chapter have shown that a con-
sideration of the human languages alone must not be understood to
yield a history of the blood-relationships of races and of their com-
ponent elements, but that all that we can hope to obtain is a clear
understanding of the relationship of the languages, no matter by
whom they may be spoken.
Before discussing the extent to which we may reconstruct the
history of languages, it seems necessary to describe briefly the essential
traits of human speech.
In our present discussion we do not deal with gesture-language
or musical means of communication, but confine ourselves to the
discussion of articulate speech; that is, to communication by means
of groups of sounds produced by the articulating organs—the larynx,
oral cavity, tongue, lips, and nose.
Character of Phonetics
Speech consists of groups of sounds produced by the articulating
organs, partly noises made by opening and closing certain places
in the larynx, pharynx, mouth, or nose, or by restricting certain
parts of the passage of the breath; partly resonant sounds pro-
duced: by the vocal. chords.
Number of Sounds Unlimited
The number of sounds that may be produced in this manner is
unlimited. In our own language we select only a limited number
of all possible sounds; for instance, some sounds, like p, are pro-
duced by the closing and a sudden opening of the lips; others, like
t, by bringing the tip of the tongue into contact with the anterior
portion of the palate, by producing a closure at this point, and by
suddenly expelling the air. On the other hand, a sound might be
produced by placing the tip of the tongue between the lips, making
a closure in this manner, and by expelling the air suddenly. This
sound would to our ear partake of the character of both our ¢ and
our p, while it would correspond to neither of these. A comparison
of the sounds of the well-known European languages—like English,
French, and German; or even of the different dialects of the same
16 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 40
languages, like those of Scotch and of thé various English dialects—
reveals the fact that considerable variation occurs in the manner of
producing sounds, and that each dialect has its own characteristic
phonetic system, in which each sound is nearly fixed, although sub-
ject to slight modifications which are due to accident or to the effects
of surrounding sounds.
Hach Language Uses a Limited Number of Sounds
One of the most important facts relating to the phonetics of
human speech is, that every single language has a definite and
limited group of sounds, and that the number of those used in any
particular dialect is never excessively large.
It would seem that this limitation in the use of sounds is neces-
sary in order to make possible rapid communication. If the num-
ber of sounds that are used in any particular language were unlim-
ited, the accuracy with which the movements of the complicated
mechanism required for producing the sounds are performed would
presumably be lacking, and consequently rapidity and accuracy of
pronunciation, and with them the possibility of accurate interpre-
tation of the sounds heard, would be difficult, or even impossible.
On the other hand, limitation of the number of sounds brings it about
that the movements required in the production of each become
automatic, that the association between the sound heard and the
muscular movements, and that between the auditory impression and
the muscular sensation of the articulation, become firmly fixed.
Thus it would seem that limited phonetic resources are necessary
for easy communication.
Alleged Lack, of Differentiation of Sounds in Primitive
Languages
It has been maintained that this is not a characteristic found in
more primitive types of languages, and particularly, examples of
American languages have often been brought forward to show that
the accuracy of their pronunciation is much less than that found m
the languages of the civilized world.
It would seem that this view is based largely on the fact that cer-
tain sounds that occur in American languages are interpreted by
observers sometimes as one European sound, sometimes as another.
Thus the Pawnee language contains a sound which may be heard
BOAS] HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES ue
more or less distinctly sometimes as an /, sometimes an 7, sometimes
as n, and again as d, which, however, without any doubt, is through-
out the same sound, although modified to a certain extent by its
position in the word and by surrounding sounds. It is an exceed-
ingly weak r, made by trilling with the tip of the tongue at a point a
little behind the roots of the incisors, and in which the tongue hardly
leaves the palate, the trill being produced by the lateral part of the
tongue adjoining the tip. As soon as the trill is heard more strongly,
we receive the impression of an r. When the lateral movement
prevails and the tip of the tongue does not seem to leave the palate,
the impression of an / is strongest, while when the trill is almost
suppressed and a sudden release of the tongue from the palate takes
place, the impression of the d is given. The impression of an n is
produced because the sound is often accompanied by an audible
breathing through the nose. This peculiar sound ‘is, of course,
entirely foreign to our phonetic system; but its variations are not
ereater than those of the English r in various combinations, as in
broth, mother, where. The different impression is brought about
by the fact that the sound, according to its prevailing character,
associates itself either with our J, or our 7, n, or d.
Other examples are quite common. Thus, the lower Chinook has a
sound which is readily perceived as ab, m, or w. As a matter of fact,
it is a b sound, produced by a very weak closure of the lips and with
open nose, the breath passing weakly both through the mouth and
through the nose, and accompanied by a faint intonation of the vocal
chords. This sound associates itself with our 6, which is produced
by a moderately weak release of the lips; with our m, which is a free
breath through the nose with closed lips; and with our w, which is
a breath through the lips, which are almost closed, all accompanied
by a faint intonation of the vocal chords. The association of this
sound with w, is particularly marked when it appears in combina-
tion with a uw vowel, which imitates the characteristic wu tinge of our
w. Still another example is the 6 sound, which is produced with
half-closed nose by the Indians of the Strait of Fuca, in the State
of Washington. In this case the characteristic trait of the sound is
a semiclosure of the nose, similar to the effect produced by a cold
in the head. Not less common are sounds intermediate between
our vowels. Thus we seem to find in a number of Indian languages
44877—Bull. 40, pt 1—10 —2
18 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 40
a vowel which is sometimes perceived as 0, sometimes as wu (con-
tinental pronunciation), and which is in reality pronounced in a posi-
tion intermediate between these two sounds.
The correctness of this interpretation of Indian phonetics is per-
haps best proved by the fact that observers belonging to different
nationalities readily perceive the sounds in accordance with the sys-
tem of sounds with which they are familiar. Often it is not diffi-
cult to recognize the nationality of a recorder from the system
selected by him for the rendering of sounds.
Still another proof of the correctness of this view of Indian pho-
netics is given by the fact that, wherever there is a greater number
of Indian sounds of a class represented by a single sound in English,
our own sounds are misinterpreted in similar manner. Thus, for
instance, the Indians of the North Pacific coast have a series of
1 sounds, which may be roughly compared to our sounds Zl, cel, gl.
Consequently, a word like close is heard by the Indians sometimes
one way, sometimes another; our cl is for them an intermediate
sound, in the same way as some Indian sounds are intermediate
sounds to our ears. The alternation of the sounds is clearly an
effect of perception through the medium of a foreign system of
phonetics, not that of a greater variability of pronunciation than
the one that is characteristic of our own sounds. .
While the phonetic system of each language is limited and fixed,
the sounds selected in different types of languages show great differ-
ences, and it seems necessary to compare groups of languages from
the point of view of their constituent phonetic elements.
Brief Description of Phonetics
A complete discussion of this subject can not be given at this
place; but a brief statement of the characteristics of articulate
sounds, and the manner of rendering them by means of symbols,
seems necessary.
All articulate sounds are produced by the vibrations of the articu-
lating organs, which are set in motion by breathing. In the vast
majority of cases it is the outgoing breath which causes the vibra-
tions; while in a few languages, as in those of South Africa, the
breath, while being drawn in, is used for producing the sound.
One group of sounds is produced by the vibration of the vocal
chords, and is characterized by the form given to the cavities of
BOAS] HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 19
mouth and nose. These are the vowels. When the nose is closed,
we have pure vowels; when the posterior part of the nose is more
or less open, more or less nasalized vowels. The character of the
vowel depends upon the form given to the oral cavity. The timbre
of the vowels changes according to the degree to which the larynx is
raised; the epiglottis lowered or raised; the tongue retracted or
brought forward and its back rounded or flattened; and the lips
rounded and brought forward, or an elongated opening of the mouth
produced by retracting the corners of the mouth. With open lips
and the tongue and pharynx at rest, but the soft palate (velum)
raised, we have the pure vowel a, similar to the a in father. From
this sound the vowels vary in two principal directions. The one
extreme is wu (like oo in English fool), with small round opening of
the protruding lips, tongue retracted, and round opening between
tongue and palate, and large opening between larynx and pharynx,
the larynx still being almost at rest. The transitional sounds pass
through @ (aw in English law) and o (as in most), but the range
of intermediate positions is continuous. In another direction the
vowels pass from a through e (@ in English mane) to 7 (ee in fleet).
The 7 is pronounced with extreme retraction of the corners of the
mouth and elongated opening of the lips, with very narrow flat open-
ing between tongue and palate, and the posterior part of the tongue
brought forward, so that there is a wide opening in the back part of
the mouth, the larynx being raised at the same time.
Variations of vowels may be produced by a different grouping of
the movements of the articulating organs. Thus, when the lips are
in 7 position, the tongue and pharynx and larynx in wu position, we
have the sound ii, which is connected with the a by a series passing
through 6. These sounds are similar to the German umlaut.
Other combinations of positions of the tongue and of the lips
occur, although the ones here described seem to be the most fre-
quent vowel-sounds. All vowels may become very much weakened
in strength of articulation, and dwindle down to a slight intona-
tion of the vocal chords, although retaining the peculiar vowel
timbre, which depends upon the position of mouth, nose, and lips.
When this articulation becomes very weak, all the vowels tend
to become quite similar in character, or may be influenced in their
timbre by neighboring consonants, as will be described later.
20 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 40
All sounds produced by vibrations in any part of the articulating
organs other than the vocal chords are consonants. These vibra-
tions may be produced either by closing the air-passages com-
pletely and then suddenly opening the closure, or by producing
a narrowing or stricture at any point. The former series of sounds
are called ‘‘stops’’ (like our p, t, k). In all of these there is a com-
plete closure before the air is expelled. The latter are called “‘spi-
rants’”’ or ‘‘continued”’ (like our s and f), in which there is a continu-
ous escape of breath. When a stop is made and is followed by a
breathing through a stricture at the same place, sounds develop like
our ts. These are called “ affricatives.’? When the mouth is com-
pletely stopped, and the air escapes through the nose, the sound is
called a ‘‘nasal consonant”’ (like our m and n). There may also be
stricture and nasal opening. <A rapidly repeated series of stops, a
trill, is represented by our r. The character of the sound depends
largely upon the parts of the articulating organs that produce the
closure or stricture, and upon the place where these occur. Closure
or stricture may bé made by the lips, lips and tongue, lips and
teeth, tongue and teeth, tongue and hard palate, tongue and soft
palate (velum), by the vocal chords, and in the nose.
In the following table, only the principal groups of consonants are
described. Rare sounds are omitted. According to what has been
said before, it will be recognized that here also the total number of
possible sounds is infinitely large.
Bilabialistop'. <. — 3. cesicbut <l = eee
Linguo-palatal stops:
Apical (dental, alveolar, post- -alveolar) . t
Cerebral (produced with the tip of the Bie os
turned backward) =. 0. 20> 9... 2)
Dorsal:
Anterior palatal k-
Medial k
Velar q
Glottal (a stop produced » “i the sagas shone ‘
Nasal ae tine. : a N
Almost all these stops may be modified by giving to the closure
a different degree of stress. In English we have two principal de-
‘grees of stress, represented, for instance, by our 6 and p or d and #.
In many languages, as, for instance, in Sioux and in the languages
of the Pacific coast, there are three degrees of stress that may be
BOAS] HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES |
readily differentiated. The strongest of these we call the “fortis,”’
and indicate it by following the consonant by an ! (p/, t/).
When these stops are not accompanied by any kind of vibra-
tion of the vocal chords, they are called “‘surds.”’
It is, of course, also possible that more than one stop may be made
at one time. Thus it might be possible to close at the same time
the lips and the posterior part of the mouth with the tongue. This
type of combination is, however, rare; but we find very frequently
articulation of the vocal chords with stops. This results in the
voiced consonants, or sonants. In English we find that almost
always the stress of articulation of the voiced sound is less than the
stress of articulation of the unvoiced sound, or surd; but this cor-
relation is not necessary. In American languages particularly, we
find very commonly the same degree of stress used with voicing
and without voicing, which brings it about that to the European ear
the surd and sonant are difficult to distinguish.
A third modification of the consonants is brought about by the
strength of breathing accompanying the release of the closure. Ina
sound like ¢, for instance, the sound may be simply produced by
closing the mouth, by laying the tip of the tongue firmly against
the palate, producing a slightly increased amount of air-pressure
behind the tongue, and then releasing the closure. On the other
hand, the sound may be produced by bringing about the closure
and combining the release with the expiration of a full breath.
Sounds which are accompanied by this full breathing may be called
‘aspirates,’ and we will designate the aspiration by ‘, the symbol
of the Greek spiritus asper. This full breathing may follow the
stop, or may begin even before the completion of the closure. With
the increased stress of closure of the fortis is connected a closure of
the glottis or of the posterior part of the tongue, so that only the air
that has been poured into the vocal cavity is expelled.
In the case of voiced consonants, the voicing may either be en-
tirely synchronous with the consonant, or it may slightly precede or
follow it. In both of these cases we may get the impression of a
preceding or following exceedingly weak vowel, the timbre of which
will depend essentially upon the accompanying consonant. When
the timbre is very indefinite, we write this vowel £; when it is more
definite, A, Z, 0, U, etc. In other cases, where the release at the
22 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [ BULL. 40
closure is made without a full breath going out, and simply by com-
pressing the air slightly in the space behind the closure, a break is
very liable to originate between the stop and the following sound of
the word. Such a hiatus in the word is indicated by an apos-
trophe (’). It seems likely that, where such a hiatus occurs fol-
lowing a vowel, it is generally due to a closing of the glottis.
Most of the phenomena here described may also occur with the
spirants and nasals, which, however, do not seem to differ so much
in regard to strength; while the character of the outgoing breath,
the voicing and the breaking-off, show traits similar to those observed
among the stops.
All the stops may be changed into nasals by letting the air escape
through the nose while the closure is continued. In this manner
originate our n and m.. The nasal opening may also differ in width,
and the stricture of the upper nares may produce semi-nasalized
consonants.
In the spirant sounds before described, the escape of the air is along
the middle line of the palate. There are a number of other sounds in
which the air escapes laterally. These are represented by our 1.
They also may vary considerably, according to the place and form
of the opening through which the air escapes and the form of closure
of the mouth.
It seems that the peculiar timbre of some of the consonants depends
also upon the resonance of the oral opening. This seems to be
particularly the case in regard to thet and k sounds. In pronouncing
the ¢ sounds, one of the essential characteristics seems to be that the
posterior part of the mouth is open, while the anterior portion of the
mouth is filled by the tongue. In the k series, on the other hand,
the posterior portion of the mouth is filled by the tongue, while
the anterior portion remains open. Sounds produced with both the
posterior and anterior portion of the mouth open partake of the
character of both the k and ¢ series.*
Two of the vowels show a close affiliation to consonants of the
continuant series. These are 7 and wu, owing largely to the fact that
in 7 the position of the tongue is very nearly a stricture in the anterior
portion of the mouth, while in u the position of the lips is quite near
to a stricture. Thus originate the semi-vowels y and w. The last
sound that must be mentioned is the free breathing h, which, in its
1 See P. W. Schmidt, Anthropos, II, 834.
BOAS] HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 23
most characteristic form, is produced by the expiration of the breath
with all the articulating organs at rest.
In tabular form we obtain thus the following series of the most
important consonantic sounds:
Stops. Spirants. Nasals. Trill.
Sonant. | Surd. | Fortis. | Sonant. | Surd. | Sonant. | Surd. | Sonant. | Surd.
Bulabial-....<-..-. b p p! Vv f m I neice jaacee sae
AP Otiimbeeine «lee cmace ese |canc se dellancces ccs Vv ‘el a eho | ae ee et ee oe
Linguo-labial -... d t t! ¢ ¢ n TE ares a ae al eee
Linguo-dental. .. .. d t t! ¢ ¢ n VS Sacra cose| Eades s5e
LHS eos te Bceeds PosGSeE eel Smeiare | Sear meee j Coy ERS eee s-|nis sae an | creme eee nee patie
Lingual—
pean d t t! ZL s n n r r
Cerebral....... 2
Dorsal—
Medial g k k! Y x n n r
Velar..... g q q! >. n nt r R
Pateral J -...=. i L 1! l Wy Ves teesicssiclamss sees |ie wesc cece sees eee
Gloutale oe ic. cee Ean lista tae [ees rene se aetecitaee sta) eae Hl Seaeeae caclted ae ee taraa © alae as eee
INBSAMS Eo a.~ hi Nie ese sleet ste sat |e ome aey aad. tasleosee goad clas sans ee eee en le aoe
Semi-vowels y, w. Breath, ‘h. Hiatus ’.
The vocalic tinge of consonants is expressed by superior vowels
following them: * °°." The series of affricatives which begin with
a stop and end with a continued sound have been omitted from this
table.
It will be noticed that in the preceding table the same symbols are
used in several columns. This is done, because, ordinarily, only one,
or at most two, series of these groups occur in one language, so that
these differences can be expressed in each special case by diacritical
marks. Attempts have been made by other authors to give a general
system of sound representation. For any particular language, these
are liable to become cumbersome, and are therefore not used in the
sketches contained in this volume.
Unconsciousness of Phonetic Elements
In the preceding pages we have briefly discussed the results of an
analysis of the phonetic elements of human speech. It must, how-
ever, be remembered that the single sound as such has no independent
existence, that it never enters into the consciousness of the speaker,
but that it exists only as a part of a sound-complex which conveys a
definite meaning. This will be easily recognized, if we consider for
a moment grammatical forms in the English language in which the
modification of the idea is expressed by a single sound. In the word
24 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BuLL. 40
hills, the terminal s does not enter our consciousness as a separate
element with separate significance, expressing the idea of plurality,—
except, perhaps, in so far as our grammatical training has taught us
the fact that plurals may be formed by the use of a terminal s,—but
the word forms a firm unit, which conveys a meaning only as
a whole. The variety of uses of the terminal s as a plural, pos-
sessive, and third person singular of the verb, and the strong effort
required to recognize the phonetic identity of these terminal elements,
may be adduced as a further proof of the fact that. the single
phonetic elements become conscious to us only as a result of analysis.
A comparison of words that differ only in a single sound, like mail
and nail, snake and stake, makes it also clear that the isolation of
sounds is a result of secondary analysis.
Grammatical Categories
Differences in Categories of Different Languages
In all articulate speech the groups of sounds which are uttered
serve to convey ideas, and each group of sounds has a fixed meaning.
Languages differ not only in the character of their constituent
phonetic elements and sound-clusters, but also in the groups of ideas
that find expression in fixed phonetic groups.
Limitation of the Number of Phonetic Groups Express-
ing Ideas
The total number of possible combinations of phonetic elements is
also unlimited; but only a limited number are used to express ideas.
This implies that the total number of ideas that are expressed by
distinct phonetic groups is limited in number. —
Since the total range of personal experience which language serves
to express is infinitely varied, and its whole scope must be expressed
by a limited number of phonetic groups, it is obvious that an extended
classification of experiences must underlie all articulate speech.
This coincides with a fundamental trait of human thought. In our
actual experience no two sense-impressions or emotional states are
identical. Nevertheless we classify them, according to their simi-
larities, in wider or narrower groups the limits of which may be
determined from a variety of points of view. Notwithstanding their
individual differences, we recognize in our experiences common ele-
ments, and consider them as related or even as the same, provided a
BOAS] HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 25
sufficient number of characteristic traits belong to them in common.
Thus the limitation of the number of phonetic groups expressing
distinct ideas is an expression of the psychological fact that many
different individual experiences appear to us as representatives of
the same category of thought.
This trait of human thought and speech may be compared in a
certain manner to the limitation of the whole series of possible
articulating movements by selection of a limited number of habitual
movements. If the whole mass of concepts, with all their variants,
were expressed in language by entirely heterogeneous and unrelated
sound-complexes, a condition would arise in which closely related
ideas would not show their relationship by the corresponding rela-
tionship of their phonetic symbols, and an infinitely large number of
distinct phonetic groups would be required for expression. If this
were the case, the association between an idea and its representative
sound-complex would not become sufficiently stable to be reproduced
automatically without reflection at any given moment. As the
automatic and rapid use of articulations has brought it about that a
limited number of articulations only, each with limited variability,
and a limited number of sound-clusters, have been selected from the
infinitely large range of possible articulations and clusters of articu-
lations, so the infinitely large number of ideas have been reduced by
classification to a lesser number, which by constant use have estab-
lished firm associations, and which can be used automatically.
It seems important at this point of our considerations to emphasize
the fact that the groups of ideas expressed by specific phonetic
groups show very material differences in different languages, and do
not conform by any means to the same principles of classification.
To take again the example of English, we find that the idea of WATER
is expressed in a great variety of forms: one term serves to express
water as a LIQUID; another one, water in the form of a large expanse
(LAKE); others, water as running in a large body or in a small body
(RIVER and BROOK); still other terms express water in the form of RAIN,
DEW, WAVE, and Foam. It is perfectly conceivable that this variety
of ideas, each of which is expressed by a single independent term in
English, might be expressed in other languages by derivations from
the same term.
Another example of the same kind, the words for snow in Eskimo,
may be given. Here we find one word, aput, expressing SNOW ON
26 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 40
THE GROUND; another one, ganda, FALLING SNow; a third one, pigq-
sirpog, DRIFTING SNOW; and a fourth one, gumuqsug, A SNOWDRIFT.
In the same language the sEALin different conditions is expressed
by a variety of terms. One word is the general term for SEAL;
another one signifies the SEAL BASKING IN THE SUN; a third one, a
SEAL FLOATING ON A PIECE OF ICE; not to mention the many names.
for the seals of different ages and for male and female.
As an example of the manner in which terms that we express by
independent words are grouped together under one concept, the
Dakota language may be selected. The terms nazta’ka TO KICK,
paxta’ka TO BIND IN BUNDLES, yazta’ka TO BITE, ic’a'xtaka TO BE
NEAR TO, boxta'ka TO POUND, are all derived from the common ele-
ment ztaka To eRip, which holds them together, while we use distinct
words for expressing the various ideas.
It seems fairly evident that the selection of such simple terms must
to a certain extent depend upon the chief interests of a people; and
where it is necessary to distinguish a certain phenomenon in many
aspects, which in the life of the people play each an entirely inde-
pendent réle, many independent words may develop, while in other
cases modifications of a single term may suffice.
Thus it happens that each language, from the point of view of
another language, may be arbitrary in its classifications; that what
appears as a single simple idea in one language may be characterized
by a series of distinct phonetic groups in another.
The tendency of a language to express a complex idea by a single
term has been styled “‘holophrasis,”’ and it appears therefore that every
language may be holophrastic from the point of view of another
language. Holophrasis can hardly be taken as a fundamental char-
acteristic of primitive languages.
We have seen before that some kind of classification of expression
must be found in every language. This classification of ideas into
groups, each of which is expressed by an independent phonetic group,
makes it necessary that concepts which are not readily rendered by a
single one among the available sound-complexes should be ex-
pressed by combinations or by modifications of what might be called
the elementary phonetic groups, in accordance with the elementary
ideas to which the particular idea is reduced.
This classification, and the necessity of expressing certain experi-
ences by means of other related ones, which by limiting one another
BOAS] HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 27
define the special idea to be expressed, entail the presence of certain
formal elements which determine the relations of the single phonetic
groups. If each idea could be expressed by a single phonetic group,
languages without form would be possible. Since, however, ideas
must be expressed by being reduced to a number of related ideas, the
kinds of relation become important elements in articulate speech;
and it follows that all languages must contain formal elements, and
that their number must be the greater, the fewer the elementary
phonetic groups that define special ideas. In a language which com-
mands a very large, fixed vocabulary, the number of formal elements
may become quite small.
Grammatical Processes
It is important to note that, in the languages of the world, the num-
ber of processes which are utilized to express the relations of terms is
limited. Presumably this is due to the general characteristics of
articulate speech. The only methods that are available for express-
ing the relations between definite phonetic groups are their composi-
tion in definite order, which may be combined with a mutual phonetic
influence of the component elements upon one another, and inner
modification of the phonetic groups themselves. Both these meth-
ods are found in a great many languages, but sometimes only the
method of composition occurs.
‘ord and Sentence
In order to understand the significance of the ideas expressed by
independent phonetic groups and of the elements expressing their
mutual relations, we have to discuss here the question, What forms
the unit of speech? It has been pointed out before that the phonetic
elements as such can be isolated only by analysis, and that they
occur in speech only in combinations which are the equivalents of
definite concepts.
Since all speech is intended to serve for the communication of ideas,
the natural unit of expression is the sentence; that is to say, a group
of articulate sounds which convey a complete idea. It might seem
that speech can readily be further subdivided, and that the word
also forms a natural unit from which the sentence is built up. In
most cases, however, it is easy to show that such is not the case, and
that the word as such is known only by analysis. This is particularly
28 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 40
clear in the case of words like prepositions, conjunctions, or verbal
forms which belong to subordinate clauses. Thus it would be ex-
ceedingly difficult to imagine the use of words like and, for, to, were,
expressed in such a way that they would convey a clear idea, except
perhaps in forms like the Laconic Jf, in which all the rest of the
sentence is implied, and sufficiently indicated by the if In the
same way, however, we who are grammatically trained may use a
simple ending to correct an idea previously expressed. Thus the
statement He sings beautifully might elicit a reply, sang; or a
laconically inclined person might even remark, in reply to the state-
ment He plays well, -ed, which by his friends might be well under-
stood. It is clear that in all these cases the single elements are
isolated by a secondary process from the complete unit of the
sentence.
Less clear appears the artificiality of the word as a unit in those
cases in which the word seems to designate a concept that stands out
clearly from others. Such is the case, for instance, with nouns; and
it might seem that a word like stone is a natural unit. Nevertheless
it will be recognized that the word stone alone conveys at most an
objective picture, not a complete idea.
Thus we are led to the important question of the relation of the
word to the sentence. Basing our considerations on languages differ-
ing fundamentally in form, it would seem that we may define the
word as a phonetic group which, owing to its permanence of form,
clearness of significance, and phonetic independence, is readily sepa-
rated from the whole sentence. 'This definition obviously contains a
considerable number of arbitrary elements, which may induce us,
according to the general point of view taken, sometimes to designate
a certain unit as a word, sometimes to deny its independent exist-
ence. We shall see later on, in the discussion of American languages,
that this practical difficulty confronts us many times, and that it is
not possible to decide with objective certainty whether it is justifiable
to consider a certain phonetic group as an independent word or as a
subordinate part of a word.
Nevertheless there are certain elements contained in our definition
which seem to be essential for the interpretation of a sound-complex
as an independent word. From the point of view of grammatical
form, the least important; from the point of view of phonetics, how-
BOAS] HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 29
ever, the most fundamental, is the phonetic independence of the ele-
ment in question. It has been pointed out before how difficult it is
to conceive the independence of the English s, which expresses the
plural, the possessive, and the third person singular of the verb. This
is largely due to the phonetic weakness of this grammatical element.
If the idea of plurality were expressed by an element as strong pho-
netically as the word many; the possessive part of the word, by an
element as strong as the preposition of; and the third person singu-
lar, by an element like he—we might, perhaps, be much more ready
to recognize the character of these elements as independent words,
and we actually do so. For example, stones, John’s, loves, are single
words; while many sheep, of stone, he went, are each considered as two
words. Difficulties of this kind are met with constantly in American
languages. Thus we find in a language like the Chinook that modify-
ing elements are expressed by single sounds which phonetically enter
into clusters which are pronounced without any break. To give an
example: The word anida'lot I GIVE HIM TO HER may be analyzed into
the following elements: a (tense), n I, 7 HIM, a HER, TO, 6 (direction
away),? To Give. Here, again, the weakness of the component ele-
ments and their close phonetic association forbid us to consider them
independent words; while the whole expression appears to us as a
firm unit.
Whenever we are guided by this principle alone, the limitation of
the word unit appears naturally exceedingly uncertain, on account
of the difference in impression of the phonetic strength of the com-
ponent elements. .
It also happens that certain elements appear sometimes with such
phonetic weakness that they can not possibly be considered as inde-
pendent units of the sentence, while closely related forms, or even the
same forms in other combinations, may gain the strength which they are
lacking in other cases. As an example of this kind may be given the
Kwakiutl, in which many of the pronominal forms appear as exceed-
ingly weak phonetic elements. Thus the expression Hr sTRIKES HIM
WITH Ir is rendered by miz‘*?’dzqs, in which the two terminal ele-
ments mean: g HIM, s wiTH IT. When, however, substantives are
introduced in this expression for object and instrument, the g assumes
the fuller form aa, and the s the fuller form sa, which we might quite
readily write as independent words analogous to our articles.
30 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 40
I doubt very much whether an investigator who would record
French in the same way as we do the unwritten American languages
would be inclined to write the pronominal elements which enter into
the transitive verb as independent words, at least not when record- -
ing the indicative forms of a positive verb. He might be induced
to do so on discovering their freedom of position which appears in
the negative and in some interrogative forms.
The determining influence of the freedom of position of a phonetic-
ally fixed part of the sentence makes it necessary to include it in our
definition of the word.
Whenever a certain phonetic group appears in a variety of posi-
tions in a sentence, and always in the same form, without any, or at
least without material, modifications, we readily recognize its indi-
viduality, and in an analysis of the language we are inclined to con-
sider it as a separate word. These conditions are fully realized only
in cases in which the sound-complex in question shows no modifica-
tions at all.
It may, however, happen that minor .modifications occur, par-
ticularly at the beginning and at the end, which we may be ready
to disregard on account of their slight significance as compared to
the permanence of the whole word. Such is the case, for instance,
in the Dakota language, in which the terminal sound of a permanent
word-complex which has a clearly defined significance will auto-
matically modify the first sound of the following word-complex which
has the same characteristics of permanence. The reverse may also
occur. Strictly speaking, the line of demarcation between what we
should commonly call two words is lost in this case; but the mutual
influence of the two words in connection is, comparatively speak-
ing, so slight that the concept of the individuality of the word out-
weighs their organic connection.
In other cases, where the organic connection becomes so firm
that either both or one of the component elements may never occur
without signs marking their close coupling, they will appear to us
as a single unit. Asan example of this condition may be mentioned
the Eskimo. This language contains a great many elements
which are quite clear in their significance and strong in phonetic
character, but which in their position are so limited that they
always follow other definite parts of the sentence, that they can
never form the beginning of a complete phonetic group, and
BOAS ] HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 31
that the preceding phonetic group loses its more permanent phonetic
form whenever they appear added to it. To give an example:
takuvog means HE sEES; takulerpoq means HE BEGINS TO SEE.
In the second form the idea of seeing is contained in the element
taku-, which by itself is incomplete. The following element, -ler, can
never begin a sentence, and attains the significance of BEGINNING
only in connection with a preceding phonetic group, the terminal
sound of which is to a certain extent determined by it. In its turn,
it requires an ending, which expresses, in the example here selected,
the third person singular, -pog; while the word expressing the idea
of SEEING requires the ending -vog for the same person. These also
can not possibly begin a sentence, and their initial sounds, v and p,
are determined solely by the terminal sounds of the preceding ele-
ments. Thus it will be seen that this group of sound-complexes
forms a firm unit, held together by the formal incompleteness of each
part and their far-reaching phonetic influences upon one another. It
would seem that, in a language in which the elements are so firmly
knit together as in Eskimo, there could not be the slightest
doubt as to what constitutes the word in our ordinary sense of the
term. The same is true in many cases in Iroquois, a language in
which conditions quite similar to those in the Eskimo prevail. Here
an example may be given from the Oneida dialect. Watgajijanegale
THE FLOWER BREAKS OPEN consists of the formal elements wa-, -t-,
and -g-, which are temporal, modal, and pronominal in character; the
vowel -a-, which is the character of the stem-jija FLOWER, which never
occurs alone; and the stem -negale TO BREAK OPEN, which also has no
independent existence.
In all these cases the elements possess great clearness of signifi-
cance, but the lack of permanence of form compels us to consider
them as parts of a longer word.
While in some languages this gives us the impression of an adequate
criterion for the separation of words, there are other cases in which
certain parts of the sentence may be thus isolated, while the others
retain their independent form. In American languages this is par-
ticularly the case when nouns enter the verbal complex without
any modification of their component elements. This is the case, for
instance, in Pawnee: ¢a/tuk¥t 1 HAVE CUT IT FOR THEE, and rzks
ARROW, combine into tata’/riksk“t 1 cur THy ARROW. The closeness of
connection of these forms is even clearer in cases in which far-reach-
32 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 40
ing phonetic modifications occur. Thusthe elements ta-t-ru’n combine
into ta’hu®n 1 MAKE (because tr in a word changes toh); and ta-t-riks-
ru’n becomes tahikstu’n I MAKE AN ARROW (because 7 after s
changes to t). At the same time r7ks ARROW occurs as an independ-
ent word. .
If we follow the principle laid down in the preceding remarks,
it will readily be seen that the same element may appear at one time
as an independent noun, then again as a part of a word, the rest of
which has all the characteristics before described, and which for
this reason we are not inclined to consider as a complex of independ-
ent elements.
Ambiguity in regard to the independence of parts of the sentence
may also arise either when in their significance they become depend-
ent upon other parts of the sentence, or when their meaning is so
vague and weak as compared to the other parts of the sentence that
we are led to regard them as subordinate parts. Words of this
kind, when phonetically strong, will generally be considered as inde-
pendent particles;.when, on the other hand, they are phonetically
weak, they will generally be considered as modifying parts of other
words. A good example of this kind is contained in the Ponca
texts by the Rev. James Owen Dorsey,! in which the same elements
are often treated as independent particles, while in other cases they
appear as subordinate parts of words. Thus we find ¢éama THESE
(p. 23, line 17), but 7a@be amd THE BEAVER (p. 553, line 7).
The same is true in regard to the treatment of the grammar of the
Sioux by the Rev. S. R. Riggs. We find in this case, for instance,
the element pi always treated as the ending of a word, probably
owing to the fact that it represents the plural, which in the Indo-
European languages is almost always expressed by a modification
of the word to which it applies. On the other hand, elements like kta
and éni, signifying the future and negation respectively, are treated
as independent words, although they appear in exactly the same
form as the pz mentioned before.
Other examples of this kind are the modifying elements in Tsim-
shian, a language in which innumerable adverbial elements are
expressed by fairly weak phonetic groups which have a definite
position. Here, also, it seems entirely arbitrary whether these
phonetic groups are considered as separate words, or whether they
1Contributions to North American Ethnology, vI.
BOAS] HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 33
are combined with the verbal expressions into a single word. In
these cases the independent existence of the word to which such
particles are jomed without any modification will generally deter-
mine us to consider these elements as independent particles, pro-
vided they are phonetically strong enough; while whenever the
verbal expression to which they are joined is modified either by the
insertion of these elements between its component parts, or in some
other way, we are inclined to consider them as parts of the word.
It seemed important to discuss somewhat fully the concept of the
word in its relation to the whole sentence, because in the morpho-
logical treatment of American languages this question plays an
important role.
Stem and Affix
The analytic treatment of languages results in the separation of a
number of different groups of the elements of speech. When we
arrange these according to their functions, it appears that certain
elements recur in every single sentence. These are, for instance,
the forms indicating subject and predicate, or, in modern European
languages, forms indicating number, tense, and person. Others,
like terms expressing demonstrative ideas, may or may not occur in
a sentence. These and many others are treated in our grammars.
According to the character of these elements, they seem to modify
the material contents of the sentence; as, for instance, in the Eng-
lish sentences he strikes him, and I struck thee, where the idea of strik-
ing somebody appears as the content of the communication; while
the ideas he, present, him, and I, past, thee, appear as modifications.
It is of fundamental importance to note that this separation of the
ideas contained in a sentence into material contents and formal
modifications is an arbitrary one, brought about, presumably, first of
of all, by the great variety of ideas which may be expressed in the
same formal manner by the same pronominal and tense elements.
In other words, the material contents of the sentence may be repre-
sented by subjects and predicates expressing an unlimited number
of ideas, while the modifying elements—here the pronouns and
tenses—comprise, comparatively speaking, a very small number of
ideas. In the discussion of a language, the parts expressing the mate-
rial contents of sentences appear to us as the subject-matter of lexi-
44877—Bull. 40, pt 1—10-—3
34 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 40
cography; parts expressing the modifying relations, as the subject-
matter of grammar. In modern Indo-European languages the num-
ber of ideas which are expressed by subordinate elements is, on the
whole, limited, and for this reason the dividing-line between grammar
and dictionary appears perfectly clear and well drawn. In a wider
sense, however, all etymological processes and word compositions
must be considered as parts of the grammar; and, if we include those,
we find that, even in Indo-European languages, the number of classi-
fying ideas is quite large.
In American languages the distinction between grammar and
lexicography often becomes quite obscure, owing to the fact that the
number of elements which enter into formal compositions becomes
very large. It seems necessary to explain this somewhat more fully
by examples. In the Tsimshian language we find a very great number
of adverbial elements which can not be considered as entirely inde-
pendent, and which, without doubt, must be considered as elements
modifying verbal ideas. On account of the very large number of these
elements, the total number of verbs of motion seems to be somewhat
restricted, although the total number of verbs that may be com-
bined with these adverbial ideas is much larger than the total number
of the adverbial ideas themselves. Thus, the number of adverbs
appears to be fixed, while the number of verbs appears unlimited;
and consequently we have the impression that the former are modi-
fying elements, and that their discussion belongs to the grammar
of the language, while the latter are words, and their discussion
belongs to the lexicography of the language. The number of such
modifying elements in Eskimo is even larger; and here the impres-
sion that the discussion of these elements belongs to the grammar of
the language is increased by the fact that they can never take an
initial position, and that they are not placed following a complete
word, but are added to an element which, if pronounced by itself,
would not give any sense.
Now, it is important to note that, in a number of languages, the
number of the modifying elements may increase so much that it
may become doubtful which element represents a series of ideas
limited in number, and which represents an almost unlimited series
of words belonging to the vocabulary. This is true, for instance, in
Algonquian, where in almost all verbs several elements appear in
conjunction, each in a definite position, but each group so numerous
Boas] HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 35
that it would be entirely arbitrary to designate the one group as
words modified by the other group, or vice versa.
The importance of this consideration for our purposes lies in the
fact that it illustrates the lack of definiteness of the terms stem
and affix. According to the ordinary terminology, affixes are
elements attached to stems or words, and modifying them. This
definition is perfectly acceptable as long as the number of modifying
ideas is limited. When, however, the number of modifying elements
becomes exceedingly large, we may well doubt which of the two is
the modifier and which the modified, and the determination finally
becomes entirely arbitrary. In the following discussions the attempt
has been made to confine the terms prefix, suffix, and affix entirely to
those cases where the number of ideas expressed by these elements
is strictly limited. Wherever the number of combined elements
becomes so large that they can not be properly classified, these
terms have not been used, but the elements have been treated as
co-ordinate.
Discussion of Grammatical Categories
From what has been said it appears that, in an objective discus-
sion of languages, three points have to be considered: first, the con-
stituent phonetic elements of the language; second, the groups of
ideas expressed by phonetic groups; third, the methods of combining
and modifying phonetic groups.
It seems desirable to discuss the second of these points somewhat
more fully before taking up the description of the characteristics of
American languages.
Grammarians who have studied the languages of Europe and
western Asia have developed a system of categories which we are
inclined to look for in every language. It seems desirable to show
here in how far the system with which we are familiar is character-
istic only of certain groups of languages, and in how far other systems
may be substituted for it. It seems easiest to illustrate this matter
by discussing first some of the characteristics of the Indo-European
noun, pronoun, and verb, and then by taking up the wider aspects of
this subject.
36 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 40
Nominal Categories
In the treatment of our noun we are accustomed to look for a
number of fundamental categories. In most Indo-European lan-
guages, nouns are classified according to gender, they are modified
by forms expressing singular and plural, and they also appear in
syntactic combinations as cases. None of these apparently funda-
mental aspects of the noun are necessary elements of articulate
speech.
GENDER
The history of the English language shows clearly that the gender
of a noun may practically be suppressed without interfering with the
clearness of expression. While we still find traces of gender in
English, practically all inanimate objects have come to belong to
one single gender. It is interesting to note that, in the languages
of the world, gender is not by any means a fundamental category,
and that nouns may not be divided into classes at all, or the point
of view of classification may be an entirely different one. Thus the
Bantu languages of Africa classify words into a great many distinct
groups the significance of most of which is not by any means clear.
The Algonquian of North America classify nouns as animate and
inanimate, without, however, adhering strictly to the natural classi-
fication implied in these terms. Thus the small animals may be
classified as inanimate, while certain plants may appear as animate.
Some of the Siouan languages classify nouns by means of articles,
and strict distinctions are made between animate moving and ani-
mate at rest, inanimate long, inanimate round, inanimate high, and
inanimate collective objects. The Iroquois distinguish strictly be-
tween nouns designating men and other nouns. The latter may
again be subdivided into a definite and indefinite group. The Uchee
distinguish between members of the tribe and other human beings.
In America, true gender is on the whole rare; it is found, perhaps,
among a few of the languages of the lower Mississippi; it occurs in
the same way as in most Indo-European languages in the Chinook
of Columbia river, and to a more limited extent among some of the
languages of the state of Washington and of British Columbia.
Among North American languages, the Eskimo and Athapascan
have no trace of a classification of nouns. The examples here given
BOAS] HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES. al
show clearly that the sex principle, which underlies the classification
of nouns in European languages, is merely one of a great many pos-
sible classifications of this kind.
PLURAL
Of a somewhat different character is the plural of Indo-European
nouns. Because, for the purpose of clear expression, each noun
must be expressed either as a singular or as a plural, it might seem
that this classification is almost indispensable; but it is not difficult
to show, by means of sentences, that, even in English, the distinction
is not always made. For instance, in the sentence The wolf has
devoured the sheep, it is not clear whether a single sheep is meant,
or a plurality of sheep are referred to. Nevertheless, this would not,
on the whole, be felt as an inconvenience, since either the context
would show whether singular or plural is meant, or an added adjec-
tive would give the desired information.
While, according to the structure of our European languages, we
always tend to look for the expression of singularity or plurality for
the sake of clearness of expression, there are other languages that
are entirely indifferent towards this distinction. A good example
of this kind is the Kwakiutl. It is entirely immaterial to the
Kwakiutl whether he says, There is a@ house or There are houses.
The same form is used for expressing both ideas, and the idea of
singularity and plurality must be understood either by the context
or by the addition of a special adjective. Similar conditions prevail
in the Athapascan languages and in Haida. In Siouan, also, a dis-
tinction between singularity and plurality is made only in the case
of animate objects. It would seem that, on the whole, American
languages are rather indifferent in regard to the clear expression of
plurality, but that they tend to express much more rigidly the ideas
of collectivity or distribution. Thus the Kwakiutl, who are rather
indifferent to the expression of plurality, are very particular in
denoting whether the objects spoken of are distributed here or
there. When this is the case, the distribution is carefully expressed.
In the same way, when speaking of fish, they express by the same
term a single fish and a quantity of fish. When, however, they
desire to say that these fish belong to different species, a distributive
38 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 40
form expressing this idea is made use of. A similar indifference to
the idea of singular and plural may be observed in the pronouns of
several languages, and will be noted later on. ;
On the other hand, the idea of number may be much more strongly
emphasized than it is in the modern languages of Europe. The dual,
as in Greek, is of common occurrence the world over; but it happens
also that a trialis and paucalis—expressions for three and a few—are
distinguished.
CASE
What is true of number is no less true of case. Psychologically,
the substitution of prepositional expressions for cases would hardly
represent a complete absence of the concept of cases. This is rather
found in those languages in which the whole group of relations of the
nouns of a sentence is expressed in the verb. When, for instance, in
Chinook, we find expressions like he her it with cut, man, woman,
knife, meaning The man cut the woman with the knife, we may safely
say that the nouns themselves appear without any trace of case-
relationship, merely as appositions to a number of pronouns. It is
true that in this case a distinction is made in the pronoun between
subject and object, and that, in this sense, cases are found, although
not as nominal cases, but still as pronominal cases. The case-
relation, however, is confined to the two forms of subject and
object, since the oblique cases are expressed by pronominal objects,
while the characteristic of each particular oblique relation is
expressed by adverbial elements. In the same language, the genitive
relation is eliminated by substituting for it possessive expressions,
like, for instance, the man, his house, instead of the man’s house.
While, therefore, case-expressions are not entirely eliminated, their
number, which in some European languages is considerable, may be
largely reduced.
Thus we find that some of our nominal categories either do not
occur at all, or occur only in very much reduced forms. On the other
hand, we must recognize that other new categories may occur which
are entirely foreign to our European languages. Classifications like
those referred to before—such as animate and inanimate, or of nouns
designating men, and other nouns; and, further, of nouns according
to form—are rather foreign to us, although, in the connection of verb
Boas] - HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 89
and noun, form-classifications occur. Thus we do not say, @ tree is
somewhere, but a tree stands; not, the river 1s in New York, but the
river flows through New York.
TENSE
Tense classes of nouns are not rare in American languages. As we
may speak of a future husband or of our late friend, thus many Indian
languages express in every noun its existence in presence, past, or
future, which they require as much for clearness of expression as we
require the distinction of singular and plural.
Personal Pronouns
The same lack of conformity in the principles of classification may
be found in the pronouns. We are accustomed to speak of three
persons of the pronoun, which occur both in the singular and in the
plural. Although we make a distinction of gender for the third per-
son of the pronoun, we do not carry out this principle of classification
consistently in the other persons. The first and second persons and
the third person plural have the same form for masculine, feminine,
and neuter. A more rigid application of the sex system is made, for
instance, in the language of the Hottentots of South Africa, in which
sex is distinguished, not only in the third person, but also in the first
and second persons.
Logically, our three persons of the pronoun are based on the two
concepts of self and not-self, the second of which is subdivided,
according to the needs of speech, into the two concepts of person
addressed and person spcken of. When, therefore, we speak of a
first person plural, we mean logically either self and person addressed,
or self and person or persons spoken of, or, finally, self, person or per-
sons addressed, and person or persons spoken of. A true first person
plural is impossible, because there can never be more than one self.
This logical laxity is avoided by many languages, in which a sharp
distinction is made between the two combinations self and person or
persons spoken to, or self and person or persons spoken of. I do
not know of any language expressing in a separate form the com-
bination of the three persons, probably because this idea readily
coalesces with the idea of self and persons spoken to. These two
forms are generally designated by the rather inaccurate term of
40 . BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BuLL. 40
“inclusive” and ‘‘exclusive first person plural,’ by which is meant
the first person plural, including or excluding the person addressed.
The second and third persons form true plurals. Thus the principle
of division of the pronouns is carried through in many languages
more rigidly than we find it in the European group.
On the other hand, the lack of clear distinction between singular
and plural may be observed also in the pronominal forms of a num-
ber of languages. Thus the Sioux do not know any pronominal dis-
tinction between the singular and plural of the second person, and
only a very imperfect distinction between the third person singular
and plural; while the first person singular and plural, according to
the fundamental difference in their significance, are sharply distin-
guished. In some Siouan dialects we may well say that the pro-
nominal object has only a first person singular, first person plural,
and a second person, and that no other pronoun for the object occurs.
Thus the system of pronouns may be reduced to a mere fragment
of what we are accustomed to find.
Demonstrative Pronouns
In many cases, the analogy’ of the personal pronouns and of the
demonstrative pronouns is rigid, the demonstrative pronoun having
three persons in the same way as the personal pronoun. Thus the
Kwakiutl will say, the house near me (this house), the house near thee
(that house), the house near him (that house).
But other points of view are added to the principle of division
corresponding to the personal pronoun. Thus, the Kwakiutl, and
many other American languages, add to the pronominal concept just
discussed that of visibility and invisibility, while the Chinook add
the concepts of present and past. Perhaps the most exuberant
development of the demonstrative idea is found among the Eskimo,
where not only the ideas corresponding to the three personal pro-
nouns occur, but also those of position in space in relation to the
speaker,—which are specified in seven directions; as, center, above,
below, in front, behind, right, left,—and expressing points of the com-
pass in relation to the position of the speaker.
It must be borne in mind that the divisions which are mentioned
here are all necessary parts of clear expression in the languages men-
tioned. For instance, in Kwakiutl it would be inconceivable to use
an expression like our that house, which means in English the single _
BOAS] HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 41
house away from the speaker. The Kwakiutl must express this idea
in ene of the following six forms:
The (singular or plural) house visible near me
invisible near me
visible near thee
invisible near thee
visible near him
invisible near him
while the Eskimo would express a term like this man as
This man near me
near thee
near him
behind me
in front of me
to the right of me
to the left of me
above me
below me, ete.
ferbal Categories
We can follow out similar differences in the verb. In our Indo-
European languages we have expressions signifying persons, tenses,
moods, and voices. The ideas represented by these groups are quite
unevenly developed in various languages. In a great many cases
the forms expressing the persons are expressed simply by a combina-
tion of the personal pronoun and the verb; while in other cases the
phonetic complexes expressing personal relations are developed in
an astonishing manner. Thus the Algonquian and the Eskimo possess
special phonetic groups expressing definite relations between the
subject and object which occur in transitive verbs. For example, in
sentences like J strike thee, or They strike me, the combination of the
pronouns J — thee, and they — me, are expressed by special phonetic
equivalents. There are even cases in which the indirect objects (as in
the sentence, J send him to you) may be expressed by a single form.
The characteristic trait of the forms here referred to is, that the
combined pronoun can not be reduced to its constituent elements,
although historically it may have originated from combinations of
separate forms. It is obvious that in cases in which the development
42 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [pun. 40
of the pronoun is as weak as in the Siouan languages, to which I have
referred before, the definiteness of the pronominal forms of the verb,
to which we are accustomed, is entirely lost. Thus it happens that
in the Sioux the verb alone may be used as well for the more or less
abstract idea of verbal action as for the third person of the indicative.
Much more fundamental are the existing differences in regard to
the occurrence of tenses and modes. We are accustomed to verbal
forms in which the tense is always expressed with perfect definite-
ness. In the sentence The man is sick we really express the idea,
The single definite man is sick at the present tvme. ‘This strict expres-
sion of the time relation of the occurrence is missing in many
languages. The Eskimo, for instance, in expressing the same idea,
will simply say, single man sick, leaving the question entirely open
whether the man was sick at a previous time, is sick at the present
time, or is going to be sick in the future. The condition here is
similar to the one described before in relation to plurality. The
Eskimo can, of course, express whether the man is sick at the present
time, was sick, or is going to be sick, but the grammatical form of
his sentences does not require the expression of the tense relation.
In other cases the temporal ideas may be expressed with much greater
nicety than we find in our familiar grammars. Generally, languages
in which a multiplicity of tenses are found include in their form of
expression certain modifications of the tense concept which might be
called ‘‘semi-temporal,”’ like inchoatives, which express the beginning
of an action; duratives, which express the extent of time during which
the action lasts; transitionals, which express the change of one state
of being into another; etc. There is very little agreement in regard
to the occurrence of such tenses, and the characteristics of many
languages show that tenses are not by any means required for clear
expression.
What is true of tenses is also true of modes. The number of
languages which get along with a single mode, or at most with the
indicative and imperative, is considerable; although, in this case also,
the idea of subordination may be expressed if it seems desirable to
do so.
The few examples that I have given here illustrate that many of
the categories which we are inclined to consider as essential may be
absent in foreign languages, and that other categories may occur as
substitutes.
- BOAS] HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 43
Interpretation of Grammatical Categories
When we consider for a moment what this implies, it will be recog-
nized that in each language only a part of the complete concept that
we have in mind is expressed, and that each language has a peculiar
tendency to select this or that aspect of the mental image which is .
conveyed by the expression of the thought. To use again the example
which I mentioned before, The man is sick. We express by this
sentence, in English, the idea, a definite single man at present sick.
In Kwakiutl this sentence would have to be rendered by an expres-
sion which would mean, in the vaguest possible form that could be
given to it, definite man near him invisible sick near him invisible.
Visibility and nearness to the first or second person might, of course,
have been selected in our example in place of invisibility and nearness
to the third person. An idiomatic expression of ‘the sentence in
this language would, however, be much more definite, and would
require an expression somewhat like the following, That invisible
man lies sick on his back on the floor of the absent house. In
Eskimo, on the other hand, the same idea would be expressed by a
form like (single) man sick, leaving place and time entirely indefi-
nite. In Ponca, one of the Siouan dialects, the same idea would
require a decision of the question whether the man is at rest or mov-
ing, and we might have a form like the moving single man sick.
If we take into consideration further traits of idiomatic expression,
this example might be further expanded by adding modalities of the
verb; thus the Kwakiutl, whose language I have used several times
as an example, would require a form indicating whether this is a new
subject introduced_in conversation or not; and, in case the speaker
had not seen the sick person himself, he would have to express whether
he knows by hearsay or by evidence that the person is sick, or
whether he has dreamed it. It seems, however, better not to com-
plicate our present discussion by taking into consideration the pos-
sibilities of exact expression that may be required in idiomatic forms
of speech, but rather to consider only those parts of the sentence
which, according to the morphology of the language, must be expressed.
We conclude from the examples here given that in a discussion of
the characteristics of various languages different fundamental cate-
gories will be found, and that in a comparison of different languages
it will be necessary to compare as well the phonetic characteristics
as the characteristics of the vocabulary and those of the grammatical
concepts in order to give each language its proper place.
44 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 40
III. CLASSIFICATION OF LANGUAGES
Origin of Dialects
In many cases the determination of the genetic relationship of
languages is perfectly simple. Wherever we find close similarities
in phonetics, in vocabularies, and in details of grammar, there can
not be the slightest doubt that the languages that are being studied
are varieties of the same ancestral form.
To a certain extent the differentiation of a single language into a
number of dialects is spontaneous. When communication between
peoples speaking the same tongue ceases, peculiarities of pronuncia-
tion will readily manifest themselves in one region or the other and
may become permanent. In some cases these modifications of pro-
nunciation may gradually increase and may become so radical that
several quite different forms of the original language develop. At
the same time words readily assume a new significance, and if the
separation of the people should be accompanied by a differentiation
of culture, these changes may proceed at a very rapid rate.
In cases of such phonetic changes and of modifications in the sig-
nificance of words, a certain degree of regularity may always be
observed, and for this reason the historical relationship between
the new dialects and the older forms can always be readily estab-
lished and may be compared to the modifications that take place in
a series of generations of living beings.
Another form of modification may occur that is also analogous to
biological transformations. We must recognize that the origin of
language must not be looked for in human faculties that have once
been active, but which have disappeared. As a matter of fact, new
additions to linguistic devices and to linguistic material are con-
stantly being made. Such spontaneous additions to a language may
occur in one of the new dialects, while they do not occur in the other.
These, although related to the structure of the older language, will
be so entirely new in their character that they can not be directly
related to the ancestral language.
It must also be considered that each of these dialects may incor-
porate new material. Nevertheless in all cases where the older mate-
rial constitutes the bulk of the material of the language, its close
relationship to the ancestral tongue will readily be recognized. In
BOAS] HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 45
all these cases, phonetics, details of grammatical structure, and
vocabulary will show far-reaching similarities.
Comparison of Distinct Languages
The problem becomes much more difficult when the similarities in
any of these traits become less pronounced. With the extension of
our knowledge of primitive languages, it has been found that cases
are not rare in which languages spoken in certain continuous areas
show radical differences in vocabulary and in grammatical form,
but close similarity in their phonetic elements. In other cases the
similarity of phonetic elements may. be less pronounced, but there
may exist a close similarity in structural details. Again, many
investigators have pointed out peculiar analogies in certain words
without being able to show that grammatical form and general
phonetic character coincide. Many examples of such conditions may
be given. In America, for instance, the phonetic similarity of the
languages spoken between the coast of Oregon and Mount St. Elias
is quite striking.* All these languages are characterized by the occur-
rence of a great many peculiar k sounds and peculiar 7 sounds, and
by their tendency towards great stress of articulation, and, in most
cases, towards‘\a clustering of consonants. Consequently to our ear
these languages sound rough and harsh. Notwithstanding these
similarities, the grammatical forms and the vocabularies are so
utterly distinct that a common origin of the languages of this area
seems entirely out of the question. A similar example may be given
from South Africa, where the Bantu negroes, Bushmen, and Hotten-
tots utilize some peculiar sounds which are produced by inspiration—
by drawing in the breath, not by expelling it—and which are ordi-
_narily called ‘‘clicks.””. Notwithstanding this very peculiar common
trait in their languages, there is no similarity in grammar and hardly
any in vocabulary.
We might also give the example of the Siouan and the Iroquois
languages of North America, two stocks that have been in proximity,
and which are characterized by the occurrence of numerous nasal-
ized vowels; or the phonetic characteristics of Californian languages,
which sound to our ear euphonious, and are in strong contrast to the
languages of the North Pacific coast.
It must be said that, on the whole, such phonetic characteristics
of a limited area appear in their most pronounced form when we
46 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 40
compare the whole region with the neighboring districts. They
form a unit rather by contrast with foreign phonetics than when
compared among themselves, each language having its own peculiar
characteristics in a group of this kind. Thus, the Tlingit of the
North Pacific coast differs very much from the Chinook of Columbia
river. Nevertheless, when both languages are compared to a lan-
guage of southern California, the Sioux or the Algonquian, traits
_ that are common to both of them appear to quite a marked degree.
What is true of phonetics is also true of grammatical form, and
this is evidently a characteristic trait of the languages of the whole
world. In North America particularly such groups of languages
can be readily recognized. A more detailed discussion of this prob-
lem will be given in another place, and it will be sufficient to state
here, that languages—like, for instance, the Athapascan, Tlingit,
and Haida—which are spoken in one continuous area on the north-
west coast of our continent show certain common characteristics
when compared with neighboring languages like the Eskimo, Algon-
quian, and Tsimshian. In a similar way, a number of Californian
languages, or languages of southern British Columbia, and languages
like the Pawnee and Iroquois, each form a group characterized by
certain traits which are not found in other languages.
In cases where such morphological similarities occur without a
corresponding similarity of vocabulary, it becomes exceedingly diffi-
cult to determine whether these languages may be considered as
descendants of one parent language; and there are numerous cases
in which our judgment must be suspended, because, on the one hand,
these similarities are far-reaching, while, on the other hand, such
radical differences are found that we can not account for them with-
out assuming the introduction of an entirely foreign element.
Similar phenomena have recently induced P. W. Schmidt to con-
sider the languages of Farther India and of Malaysia as related; and
the same problem has been discussed by Lepsius, and again by Mein-
hoff, in reference to the relation of the languages of the Hottentot
to a number of east African languages and to the languages of the
Hamitic peoples of North Africa.
Difficulties also arise in cases where a considerable number of
similar words are found without a corresponding similarity of gram-
matical forms, so that we may be reluctant to combine two such
languages, notwithstanding their similarities of vocabulary.
BOAS ] HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 47
:
The comparison of vocabularies offers peculiar difficulties in
American languages. Unfortunately, our knowledge of American
languages is very limited, and in many cases we are confined to col-
lections of a few hundred words, without any information in regard
to grammatical forms. Owing to the strong tendency of many
American languages to form compound words or derivatives of various
kinds, it is very difficult in vocabularies of this kind to recognize the
component elements of words, and often accidental similarities may
obtrude themselves which a thorough knowledge of the languages
would prove to be of no significance whatever.
Setting aside this practical difficulty, it may happen quite often
that in neighboring languages the same term is used to designate the
same object, owing, not to the relationship of the languages, but to
the fact that the word may be a loan word in several of them. Since
the vocabularies which are ordinarily collected embrace terms for
objects found in most common use, it seems most likely that among
these a number of loan words may occur.
Even when the available material is fuller and more thoroughly
analyzed, doubt may arise regarding the significance of the apparent
similarities of vocabulary.
Mutual Influences of Languages
In all these cases the final decision will depend upon the answer to
the questions in how far distinct languages may influence one another,
and in how far a language without being subject to foreign influ-
ences may deviate from the parental type. While it seems that the
time has hardly come when it is possible to answer these questions
in a definite manner, the evidence seems to be in favor of the existence
of far-reaching influences of this kind.
Phonetic Influences
This is perhaps most clearly evident in the case of phonetics. It
is hardly conceivable why languages spoken in continuous areas, and
entirely distinct in vocabulary and in grammatical structure, should
partake of the same phonetic characteristics, unless, by imitation,
certain phonetic traits may be carried beyond a single linguistic
stock. While I do not know that historical evidence of such occur-
rences has been definitely given, the phenomenon as it occurs in
South Africa, among the Bantu and Hottentot, admits of hardly
48 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 40
any other explanation. And the same is true, to a more or less
pronounced extent, among other distinct but neighboring languages.
The possibility of such a transfer of sounds can not be denied.
Among the American Indians, for instance—where intermarriages
between individuals belonging to different tribes are frequent; where
slave women raise their own and their masters’ children; and where,
owing to the small number of individuals constituting the tribe, indi-
viduals who have mastered several distinct languages are not by
any means rare—ample opportunity is given for one language to
exert its phonetic influence over another. Whether this explanation
is adequate, is a question that remains to be decided by further his-
torical studies.’
Grammatical Influences
Influence of the syntax of one language upon another, and even,
to a certain extent, of the morphology of one language upon another,
is also probable. The study of the languages of Europe has proved
clearly the deep influence exerted by Latin upon the syntax of all
the modern European languages. We can also recognize how certain
syntactic forms of expression occur in neighboring languages on our
American continent. To give an instance of this kind, we find that,
in the most diverse languages of the North Pacific coast, commands
are given in the periphrastic form, Jt would be good vf you did so
and so; and in many cases this periphrastic form has been substi-
tuted entirely for the ordinary imperative. Thus it may well be
that groups of psychological concepts which are expressed by means
of grammatical forms have developed in one language under the
influence of another; and it is difficult to say, if we once admit such
influence, where the limit may be to the modifications caused by
such processes.
On the other hand, it seems exceedingly difficult to understand
why the most fundamental morphological traits of a language should
disappear under the influence of another form of thought as exhibited
in another language. This would mean that the greater number of
grammatical forms would disappear, and entirely new categories
develop. It certainly can not be denied that far-reaching modifica-
tions of this kind are possible, but it will require the most cautious
proof in every single case before their existence can be accepted.
1See also p. 53.
5
P
BOAS ] HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 49
Cases of the introduction of new suffixes in European languages
are not by any means rare. Thus, the ending -able of French words
has been adopted so frequently into English that the ending itself
has attained a certain independence, and we can form words like
eatable, or even get-at-able, in which the ending, which was originally
French, is added to an English word. In a similar way the French
verbal ending -ir7, combined with the German infinitive ending in
-en, is used in a large number of German words as though it were a
purely German ending. I do not know, however, of any observations
which would point to a radical modification of the morphological
traits of a language through the influence of another language.
Lexicographice Influences
While the phonetic influence of distinct languages upon one
another and the modification of morphological traits in different
languages are still obscure, the borrowing of words is very common,
and sometimes reaches to an enormous extent. The vocabulary
of English is an excellent example of such extensive amalgamation
of the vocabularies of quite distinct languages, and the manner
by which it has been attained is instructive. It is not only that
Anglo - Saxon adopted large parts of the vocabulary of the
Norman conquerors, that it took over a few terms of the older
Celtic language, and adopted some words from the Norse invaders;
but we find also, later, introductions from Latin and Greek, which
were introduced through the progress of the arts and sciences, and
which filtered down from the educated to the uneducated classes.
Furthermore, numerous terms were adopted from the less civilized
peoples with whom the English-speaking people came into contact
in different parts of the world. Thus, the Australian and the
Indian-English have each adopted a great many native terms,
quite a number of which have found their way into colloquial and
written modern English. This phenomenon is so common, and
the processes by which new words enter into a language are so
obvious, that a full discussion is not required. Another example
that may be mentioned here is that of the Turkish language, which
has adopted a very large number of Arab words.
In such a transfer of the vocabulary of one language into another,
words undergo, of course, far-reaching changes. These may be
44877—Bull. 40, pt 1—10 —4
50 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 40
partly due to phonetic difficulties, and consist in the adaptation
of an unfamiliar group of sounds to the familiar similar sounds
of the language by which the word has been adopted. There may
be assimilations by which the grammatical form of a word is made
similar to more familiar forms. Furthermore, changes in the sig-
nificance of the word are common, and new derivations may be
formed from the word after it has once become entirely familiar,
like other native words.
In this respect a number of American languages seem to be-
have curiously when compared with European languages. Bor-
rowing of words in Europe is particularly common.when a new
object is first introduced. In almost all these cases the foreign
designation is taken over with more or less fundamental phonetic
modifications. Examples of this kind are the words tobacco, canoe,
maize, chocolate—to take as illustration a few words borrowed
from American languages. American natives, on the other hand,
do not commonly adopt words in this manner, but much more
frequently invent descriptive words by which the new object is des-
ignated. Thus the Tsimshian of British Columbia designate rice
by a term meaning looking like maggots. The Kwakiutl call a
steamboat fire on its back moving on the water. The Eskimo
call cut tobacco being blown upon. Words of this type are in
wide use; nevertheless, loan words taken from English are not by
any means rare. The terms biscuit, dollar, coffee, tea, are found in
a great many Indian languages. The probable reason why descrip-
tive words are more common in American languages than in Euro-
pean languages lies in the frequent occurrence of descriptive nouns.
We find, therefore, that there are two sets of phenomena which
must be considered in the classification of languages: (1) differences
which can easily be proved to be derived from modifications of a
single ancestral language; and (2) similarities which can not be
thus explained, and some of which may be due to the effects of
mixture.
Origin of Similarities; by Dissemination or by Parallel
Development
Before we proceed with this consideration, we have to discuss
the two logical possibilities for such similarities. [Hither they may
be due to dissemination from a common source, so that they origi-
BOAS] HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 51
nated only a single time, and were diffused by the influence of
one people upon another; or it may be that they are due to an
independent origin in many parts of the world.
This alternative is present in the explanation of all ethnic phe-
nomena, and is one of the fundamental questions in regard to which
the ethnologist, as well as the investigator of languages, must be
clear. In the older considerations of the position of the American
race among the races of man, for instance, it has always been assumed
that occurrence of similar phenomena among the peoples of the
Old World and of the New proved genetic relationship. It is
obvious that this method of proving relationship assumes that,
wherever similarities occur, they must have been carried by the
same people over different parts of the world, and that therefore
they may be considered as proof of common descent. The method
thus applied does not take into consideration the possibility of a grad-
ual diffusion of cultural elements from one people to another, and
the other more fundamental one of a parallel but independent
development of similar phenomena among different races in remote
parts of the world. Since such development is a logical possibil-
ity, proofs of genetic relationship must not be based on the occur-
rence of sporadic resemblances alone.
A final decision of this vexed problem can be given only by historical
evidence, which is hardly ever available, and for this reason the
systematic treatment of the question must always proceed with the
greatest caution.
The cases in which isolated similarities of ethnic phenomena in re-
mote parts of the world have been recorded are numerous, and many
of these are of such a character that transmission cannot be proved at
all. If, for instance, the Indians of South America use sacred
musical instruments, which must not be seen by women, and if
apparently the same custom prevails among the Australian aborigines,
it is inadmissible to assume the occurrence of what seems to be
the same custom in these two remote districts as due to transmission.
It is perfectly intelligible that the custom may have developed inde-
pendently in each continent. On the other hand, there are many cases
in which certain peculiar and complex customs are distributed over
large continuous areas, and where transmission over large portions of
this area is plausible. In this case, even if independent origin had
taken place in different parts of the district in question, the present
52 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 40
distribution is fully explained by the assumption of extended dissem-
ination.
It is true, for instance, in the case of similar traditions which are
found distributed over large districts. An example of this is the
story of two girls who noticed two stars, a bright one and a small one,
and wished these stars for their husbands. The following morning
they found themselves in the sky, married to the stars, and later on
tried to return to the earth by letting themselves down through a
hole in the sky. This rather complex tale is found distributed over
the American continent in an area extending from Nova Scotia to the
mouth of the Mississippi river and westward to the Rocky mountains,
and in places even on the Pacific ocean, for instance, in Alaska and in
the state of Washington. It would seem difficult to assume, in a case
of this kind, the possibility of an independent invention of the tale at
a number of distinct points; but it must be assumed that, after the
tale had once attained its present form, it spread by dissemination
over that part of the continent where it is now found.
In extreme cases the conclusions drawn from these two types of ex-
planation seem quite unassailable; but there are naturally a very
large number of others in which the phenomenon in question is neither
sufficiently complex, nor distributed over a sufficiently large contin-
uous area, to lead with certainty to the conclusion of an origin by dis-
semination; and there are others where the sporadic distributions seem
curiously arranged, and where vague possibilities of contact occur.
Thus it happens often that a satisfactory conclusion cannot be
reached.
We must also bear in mind that in many cases a continuous distri-
bution may once have existed, but may have become discontinuous,
owing to the disappearance of the phenomena in question in inter-
mediate regions. If, however, we want to follow a safe method, we
must not admit such causes for sporadic distribution, unless they can
be definitely proved by other evidence; otherwise, the way is open to
attempts to bring into contact practically every part of the world with
all others.
The general occurrence of similar ethnic phenomena in remote
parts of the world admits also of the explanation of the existence
of a certain number of customs and habits that were common to
large parts of mankind at a very early period, and which have main-
tained. themselves here and there up to the present time. It can
Z
BOAS] HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 53
not be denied that this point of view has certain elements in its favor;
but-in the present state of our knowledge we can hardly say that it
would be possible to prove or to disprove it.
We meet the same fundamental problem in connection with simi-
larities of languages which are too vague to be considered as proofs
of genetic relationship. That these exist is obvious. Here we have
not only the common characteristics of all human language, which
have been discussed in the preceding chapter, but also certain other
similarities which must here be considered.
Influence of Environment on Language
It has often been suggested that similarities of neighboring lan-
. guages and customs may be explained by the influence of environ-
ment. The leading thought in this theory is, that the human mind,
under the stress of similar conditions, will produce the same results;
that consequently, if the members of the same race live in the same
surroundings, they will produce, for instance, in their articulate speech,
- the same kind of phonetics, differing perhaps in detail according to
the variations of environment, but the same in their essential traits.
Thus it has been claimed that the moist and stormy climate of the
North Pacific coast caused a chronic catarrhal condition among the-
inhabitants, and that to this condition is due the guttural pronuncia-
tion and harshness of their languages; while, on the other hand, the
mildness of the California climate has been made responsible for the
euphonious character of the languages of that district.
I do not believe that detailed investigations in any part of the
world would sustain this theory. We might demand proof that the
same language, when distributed over different climates, should pro-
duce the same kind of modifications as those here exemplified; and
we might further demand that, wherever similar climates are found,
at least a certain approach to similarity in the phonetics of the lan-
guages should occur. It would be difficult to prove that this is the
case, even if we should admit the excuse that modifying influences
have obscured the original similarity of phonetic character. Taking,
for instance, the arctic people of the Old and New Worlds as a unit,
we find fundamentally different traits in the phonetics of the Eskimo,
of the Chukchee of eastern Siberia, and of other arctic Asiatic and
European peoples. The phonetics of the deserts of Asia and South
54 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [puuy. 40
Africa and of southwestern North America are not by any means the
same. The prairie tribes of North America, although living in
nearly the same climate, over a considerable area, show remarkable
differences in the phonetics of their languages; and, on the other
hand, the tribes belonging to the Salish family who live east of the |
Rocky mountains, in the interior of British Columbia, speak a lan-
guage that is not less harsh than that of their congeners on the north-
ern coast of the state of Washington. In any attempt at arranging
phonetics in accordance with climate, the discrepancies would be so
numerous, that an attempt to carry out the theory would lead to the
necessity of explaining exceptions rather than examples corroborat-
ing its correctness.
What is true in regard to phonetics is no less true in regard to mor-
phology and vocabulary. I do not think that it has ever been
claimed that similar words must necessarily originate under the stress
of the same conditions, although, if we admit the correctness of the
principle, there is no reason for making an exception in regard to the
vocabulary.
I think this theory can be sustained even less in the field of lin-
guistics than in the field of ethnology. It is certainly true that each
people accommodates itself to a certain extent to its surroundings,
and that it even may make the best possible use of its surroundings
in accordance with the fundamental traits of its culture, but I do not
believe that in any single case it will be possible to explain the culture
of a people as due to the influence of its surroundings. It is self-evi-
dent that the Eskimo of northern arctic America do not make
extended use of wood, a substance which is very rare in those parts
of the world, and that the Indians of the woodlands of Brazil are not
familiar with the uses to which snow may be put. We may even go
further, and acknowledge that, after the usefulness of certain sub-
stances, plants, and animals—like bamboo in the tropics, or the cedar
on the North Pacific coast of America, or ivory in the arctic regions, or
the buffalo on the plains of North America—has once been recognized,
they will find the most extended use, and that numerous inventions
will be made to expand their usefulness. We may also recognize that
the distribution of the produce of a country, the difficulties and ease
of travel, the necessity of reaching certain points, may deeply influ-
ence the habits of the people. But with all this, to geographical
conditions cannot be ascribed more than a modifying influence upon
Boas ] HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 56
the fundamental traits of culture. If this were not true, the peculiar
facts of distribution of inventions, of beliefs, of habits, and of other
ethnological phenomena, would be unintelligible.
For instance, the use of the underground house is distributed, in
America and Asia, over the northern parts of the plateaus to parts of
the Great Plains, northward into the arctic region; and crossing
Bering strait we find it in use along the Pacific coast of Asia and
as far south as northern Japan, not to speak of the subterranean
‘dwellings of Europe and North Africa. The climate of this district
shows very considerable differences, and the climatic necessity for
underground habitations does not exist by any means in many parts
of the area where they occur.
In a similar area we find the custom of increasing the elasticity of
the bow by overlaying it with sinew. While this procedure may be
quite necessary in the arctic regions, where no elastic wood is avail-
able, it is certainly not necessary in the more southern parts of the
Rocky mountains, or along the east coast of Asia, where a great many
varieties of strong elastic wood are available. Nevertheless the use-
fulness of the invention seems to have led to its general application
over an extended district.
We might also give numerous examples which would illustrate
that the adaptation of a people to their surroundings is not by any
means perfect. How, for instance, can we explain the fact that the
Eskimo, notwithstanding their inventiveness, have never thought
of domesticating the caribou, while the Chukchee have acquired
large reindeer-herds? Why, on the other hand, should the Chukchee,
who are compelled to travel about with their reindeer-herds, use a
tent which is so cumbersome that a train of many sledges is required
to move it, while the Eskimo have reduced the frame of their tents
to such a degree that a single sledge can be used for conveying it
from place to place?
Other examples of a similar kind are the difference in the habita-
tions of the arctic Athapascan tribes and those of the Eskimo. Not-
withstanding the rigor of the climate, the former live in light skin
tents, while the Eskimo have succeeded in protecting themselves
efficiently against the gales and the snows of winter.
What actually seems to take place in the movements of peoples
is, that a people who settle in a new environment will first of all
cling to their old habits and only modify them as much as is abso-
56 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BuLL. 40
lutely necessary in order to live fairly comfortably, the comfort of
life being generally of secondary importance to the inertia or con-
servatism which prevents a people from changing their settled habits,
that have become customary to such an extent that they are more
or less automatic, and that a change would be felt as something
-decidedly unusual.
Even when a people remain located in the same place, it would
seem that historical influences are much stronger than geographical
influences. Jam inclined, for instance, to explain in this manner the
differences between the cultures of the tribes of arctic Asia and of
arctic America, and the difference in the habits of the tribes of the
southern plateaus of North America when compared with those of
the northern plateaus of North America. In the southern regions
the influence of the Pueblos has made itself felt, while farther to
the north the simpler culture of the Mackenzie basin gives the
essential tone to the culture of the people.
While fully acknowledging the importance of geographical con-
ditions upon life, I do not believe that they can be given a place
at all comparable to that of culture as handed down, and to that
of the historical influence exerted by the cultures of surrounding
tribes; and it seems likely that the less direct the influence of the
surroundings is, the less also can it be used for accounting for peculiar
ethnological. traits.
So far as language is concerned, the influence of geographical sur-
roundings and of climate seems to be exceedingly remote; and as
long as we are not even.able to prove that the whole organism of
man, and with it the articulating organs, are directly influenced
by geographical environment, I do not think we are justified in con-
sidering this element as an essential trait in the formation or modi-
fication of human speech, much less as a cause which can be used
to account for the similarities of human speech in neighboring areas.
Influence of Common Psychic Traits
Equally uncertain seems to be the resort to the assumption of pecu-
liar psychic traits that are common to geographical divisions of the
same race. It may be claimed, for instance, that the languages of
the Athapascan, Tlingit, and Haida, which were referred to before
as similar in certain fundamental morphological traits, are alike,
BOAS] HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES sits
for the reason that these three peoples have certain psychical traits
in common which are not shared in by other American tribes.
It seems certainly admissible to assume slight differences in the
psychical make-up among groups of a race which are different in re-
gard to their physical type. If we can prove by means of anatom-
ical investigations that the bodily form, and with it the nervous
system and the brain of one part of a race show differences from
the analogous traits of another part of the race, it seems justifiable
to conclude that the physical differentiation may be accompanied
by psychic differences. It must, however, be borne in mind that
the extent of physical difference is always exceedingly slight, and
that, within the limits of each geographical type, variations are
found which are great as compared to the total differences between
the averages of the types. To use a diagram:
b a c
i a/ ef
If a represents the middle point of one type and 6 and ¢ its extremes,
a’ the average of another type and 0’ and c’ its extremes, and if
these types are so placed, one over the other, that types in the second
series correspond to those in the first series vertically over them,
then it will be seen that the bulk of the population of the two
types will very well coincide, while only the extremes will be more
frequent in the one group than in the other. That is to say, the
physical difference is not a difference in kind, but a difference
more or less in degree, and a considerable overlapping of the types
necessarily takes place.
If this is true in regard to the physical type, and if, furthermore,
the difference in psychical types is inferred only from the observed
differences of the physical types, then we must assume that the same
kind of overlapping will take place in the psychical types. The
differences with which we are dealing can, therefore, be only very
slight, and it seems hardly likely that these slight differences could
lead to radically diverse results.
As a matter of fact, the proof which has been given before,’ that
the same languages may be spoken by entirely distinct types, shows
clearly how slight the effect of difference in anatomical type upon
Seep. 9:
58 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BuLL. 40
language is at the present time, and there is no reason to presume
that it has ever been greater. Viewing the matter from this stand-
point, the hereditary mental differences of various groups of man-
kind, particularly within the same race, seem to be so slight that it
would be very difficult to believe that they account in any way for
the fundamental differences in the traits of distinct languages.
Uncertainty of Definition of Linguistic Families
The problem thus remains unsolved how to interpret the similari-
ties of distinct languages in cases where the similarities are no longer
sufficient to prove genetic relationship. From what has been said we
may conclude that, even in languages which can easily be proved to
be genetically related, independent elements may be found in vari-
ous divisions. Such independent elements may be due partly to new
tendencies which develop in one or the other of the dialects, or to
foreign influence. It is quite conceivable that such new tendencies
and foreign influences may attain such importance that the new
language may still be considered as historically related to the ances-
tral family, but that its deviations, due to elements that are not found
in the ancestral language, have become so important that it can no
longer be considered as a branch of the older family.
Thus it will be seen that the concept of a linguistic family can not
be sharply defined; that even among the dialects of one linguistic
family, more or less foreign material may be present, and that in this
sense the languages, as has been pointed out by Paul,’ are not, in the
strict sense of the term, descendants of a single ancestral family.
Thus the whole problem of the final classification of languages in
linguistic families that are without doubt related, seems destined to
remain open until our knowledge of the processes by which distinct
languages are developed shall have become much more thorough
than it is at the present time. Under these circumstances we must
confine ourselves to classifying American languages in those linguistic
families for which we can give a proof-of relationship that can not
possibly be challenged. Beyond this point we can do no more than
give certain definite classifications in which the traits common to
certain groups of languages are pointed out, while the decision as to
the significance of these common traits must be left to later times.
1 Paul, Principien der Sprachgeschichte.
BOAS] HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 59
IV. LINGUISTICS AND ETHNOLOGY
It seems desirable to say a few words on the function of linguistic
researches in the study of the ethnography of the Indians.
Practical Need of Linguistic Studies for Ethnological
Purposes
First of all, the purely practical aspect of this question may be
considered. Ordinarily, the investigator who visits an Indian tribe
is not able to converse with the natives themselves and to obtain his
information first-hand, but he is obliged to rely more or less on data
transmitted by interpreters, or at least by the help of interpreters.
He may ask his question through an interpreter, and receive again
through his mouth the answer given by the Indians. It is
obvious that this is an unsatisfactory method, even when the inter-
preters are good; but, as a rule, the available men are either not
sufficiently familiar with the English language, or they are so entirely
out of sympathy with the Indian point of view, and understand the
need of accuracy on the part of the investigator so little, that infor-
mation furnished by them can be used only with a considerable
degree of caution. At the present time it is possible to get along in
many parts of America without interpreters, by means of the trade-
jargons that have developed everywhere in the intercourse between
the whites and the Indians. These, however, are also a very unsatis-
factory means of inquiring into the customs of the natives, because,
in some cases, the vocabulary of the trade-languages is extremely
limited, and it is almost impossible to convey information relating
to the religious and philosophic ideas or to the higher aspects of
native art, all of which play so important a part in Indian life.
Another difficulty which often develops whenever the investigator
works with a particularly intelligent interpreter is, that the inter-
preter imbibes too readily the views of the investigator, and that his
information, for this reason, is strongly biased, because he is not so
well able to withstand the influence of formative theories as the
trained investigator ought to be. Anyone who has carried on work
with intelligent Indians will recall instances of this kind, where the
interpreter may have formulated a theory based on the questions
that have been put through him, and has interpreted his answers
60 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 40
under the guidance of his preconceived notions. All this is so ob-
vious that it hardly requires a full discussion. Our needs become
particularly apparent when we compare the methods that we expect
from any investigator of cultures of the Old World with those of the
ethnologist who is studying primitive tribes. Nobody would expect
authoritative accounts of the civilization of China or of Japan from a
man who does not speak the languages readily, and who has not
mastered their literatures. The student of antiquity is expected to
have a thorough mastery of the ancient languages. A student of
Mohammedan life in Arabia or Turkey would hardly be considered
a serious investigator if all his knowledge had to be derived from
second-hand accounts. The ethnologist, on the other hand, under-
takes in the majority of cases to elucidate the innermost thoughts
and feelings of a people without so much as a smattering of knowledge
of their language.
It is true that the American ethnologist is confronted with a serious
practical difficulty, for, in the present state of American society,
by far the greater number of customs and practices have gone out
of existence, and the investigator is compelled to rely upon accounts
of customs of former times recorded from the mouths of the old gen-
eration who, when young, still took part in these performances.
Added to this he is confronted with the difficulty that the number of
trained investigators is very small, and the number of American
languages that are mutually unintelligible exceedingly large, probably
exceeding three hundred in number. Our investigating ethnologists
are also denied opportunity to spend long continuous periods with
any particular tribe, so that the practical difficulties in the way of
acquiring languages are almost insuperable. Nevertheless, we must
insist that a command of the language is an indispensable means of
obtaining accurate and thorough knowledge, because much informa-
tion can be gained by listening to conversations of the natives and
by taking part in their daily life, which, to the observer who has no
command of the language, will remain entirely inaccessible.
It must be admitted that this ideal aim is, under present condi-
tions, entirely beyond our reach. It is, however, quite possible for
the ethnographer to obtain a theoretical knowledge of native lan-
guages that will enable him to collect at least part of the information
that could be best obtained by a practical knowledge of the language.
Fortunately, the Indian is easily misled, by the ability of the observer
a
Boas] HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 61
to read his language, into thinking that he is also able to understand
what he reads. Thus, in taking down tales or other records in the
native language, and reading them to the Indians, the Indian always
believes that the reader also understands what he pronounces, because
it is quite inconceivable to him that a person can freely utter the sen-
tences in his language without clearly grasping their meaning. This
fact facilitates the initial stages of ethnographic information in the
native languages, because, on the whole, the northern Indians are
eager to be put on record in regard to questions that are of supreme
interest to them. If the observer is capable of grasping by a rapid
- analysis the significance of what is dictated to him, even without being
able to express himself freely in the native language, he is in a position
to obtain much information that otherwise would be entirely unob-
tainable. Although this is wholly a makeshift, still it puts the
observer in an infinitely better position than that in which he would
be without any knowledge whatever of the language. First of
all, he can get the information from the Indians first-hand, without
employing an interpreter, who may mislead him. Furthermore, the
range of subjects on which he can get information is considerably
increased, because the limitations of the linguistic knowledge of the
interpreter, or those of the trade-language, are eliminated. It
would seem, therefore, that under present conditions we are more or
less compelled to rely upon an extended series of texts as the safest
means of obtaining information from the Indians. <A general review
of our ethnographic literature shows clearly how much better is the
information obtained by observers who have command of the lan-
guage, and who are on terms of intimate friendship with the natives,
than that obtained through the medium of interpreters.
The best material we possess is perhaps contained in the naive out-
pourings of the Eskimo, which they write and print themselves, and
distribute as a newspaper, intended to inform the people of all the .
events that are of interest. These used to contain’ much mytholog-
ical matter and much that related to the mode of life of the people.
Other material of similar character is furnished by the large text
collections of the Ponca, published by the late James Owen Dorsey;
although many of these are influenced by the changed conditions
under which the people now live. Some older records on the Iro-
quois, written by prominent members of the tribe, also deserve atten-
tion; and among the most recent literature the descriptions of the
62 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 40
Sauk and Fox by Dr. William Jones are remarkable on account of the
thorough understanding that the author has reached, owing to his
mastery of the language. Similar in character, although rendered
entirely in English, are the observations of Mr. James Teit on the
Thompson Indians.
In some cases it has been possible to interest educated natives in
the study of their own tribes and to induce them to write down in
their own language their observations. These, also, are much superior
to English records, in which the natives are generally hampered by
the lack of mastery of the foreign language.
While in all these cases a collector thoroughly familiar with the
Indian language and with English might give us the results of his
studies without using the native language in his publications, this is
quite indispensable when we try to investigate the deeper problems
of ethnology. A few examples will show clearly what is meant.
When the question arises, for instance, of investigating the poetry of
the Indians, no translation can possibly be considered as an adequate
substitute for the original. The form of rhythm, the treatment of the
language, the adjustment of text to music, the imagery, the use
of metaphors, and all the numerous problems involved in any thorough
investigation of the style of poetry, can be interpreted only by the
investigator who has equal command of the ethnographical traits of
the tribe and of their language. The same is true in the investigation
of rituals, with their set, more or less poetic phrases, or in the investiga-
tion of prayers and incantations. The oratory of the Indians, a sub-
ject that has received much attention by ethnologists, is not ade-
quately known, because only a very few speeches have been handed
down in the original. Here, also, an accurate investigation of the
method of composition and of the devices used to reach oratorical
effect, requires the preservation of speeches as rendered in the original
language.
There are also numerous other features of the life of the Indians
which can not be adequately presented without linguistic investigation.
To these belong, for instance, the discussion of personal, tribal, and
local names. The translations of Indian names which are popularly
known—like Sitting-Bull, Afraid-Of-His-Horse, etc.—indicate that
names possess a deeper significance. The translations, however, are
so difficult that a thorough linguistic knowledge is required in order
to explain the significance adequately.
BOAS ] HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 63
In all the subjects mentioned heretofore, a knowledge of Indian
languages serves as an important adjunct to a full understanding of
the customs and beliefs of the people whom we are studying. But
in all these cases the service which language lends us is first of all a
practical one—a means to a clearer understanding of ethnological
phenomena which in themselves have nothing to do with linguistic
problems.
Theoretical Importance of Linguistic Studies
Language a Part of Ethnological Phenomena in General
It seems, however, that a theoretical study of Indian languages is
not less important than a practical knowledge of them; that the purely
linguistic inquiry is part and parcel of a thorough investigation
of the psychology of the peoples of the world. If ethnology is under-
stood as the science dealing with the mental phenomena of the life of
the peoples of the world, human language, one of the most important
manifestations of mental life, would seem to belong naturally to the
field of work of ethnology, unless special reasons can be adduced why
it should not be so considered. It is true that a practical reason of this
kind exists, namely, the specialization which has taken place in the
methods of philological research, which has progressed to such an
extent that philology and comparative linguistics are sciences which
require the utmost attention, and do not allow the student to devote
much of his time to other fields that require different methods of
study. This, however, isno reason for believing that the results of
linguistic inquiry are unimportant to the ethnologist. There are other
fields of ethnological investigation which have come to be more or
less specialized, and which require for their successful treatment
peculiar specialization. This is true, for instance, of the study of
primitive music, of primitive art, and, to a certain extent, of primitive
law. Nevertheless, these subjects continue to form an important
part of ethnological science.
If the phenomena of human speech seem to form in a way a sub-
ject by itself, this is perhaps largely due to the fact that the laws of
language remain entirely unknown to the speakers, that linguistic
phenomena never rise into the consciousness of primitive man, while
all other ethnological phenomena are more or less clearly subjects of
conscious thought.
64 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 40
The question of the relation of linguistic phenomena to ethno-
logical phenomena, in the narrower sense of the term, deserves,
therefore, special discussion.
Language and Thought
First of all, it may be well to discuss the relation between language
and thought. It has been claimed that the conciseness and clearness
of thought of a people depend to a great extent upon their language.
The ease with which in our modern European languages we express
wide abstract ideas by a single term, and the facility with which
wide generalizations are cast into the frame of a simple sentence, have
been claimed to be one of the fundamental conditions of the clearness
of our concepts, the logical force of our thought, and the precision with
which we eliminate in our thoughts irrelevant details. Apparently this
view has much in its favor. When we compare modern English with
some of those Indian languages which are most concrete in their forma-
tive expression, the contrast is striking. When we say The eye
is the organ of sight, the Indian may not be able to form the expres-
sion the eye, but may have to define that the eye of a person or
of an animal is meant. Neither may the Indian be able to generalize
readily the abstract idea of an eye as the representative of the whole
class of objects, but may have to specialize by an expression like
this eye here. Neither may he be able to express by a single term
the idea of organ, but may have to specify it by an expression
like instrument of seeing, so that the whole sentence might assume
a form like An indefinite person’s eye is his means of seeing. Still, it
will be recognized that in this more specific form the general idea
may be well expressed. It seems very questionable in how far the
restriction of the use of certain grammatical forms can really be con-
ceived as a hindrance in the formulation of generalized ideas. It
seems much more likely that the lack of these forms is due to the
lack of their need. Primitive man, when conversing with his fellow-
man, is not in the habit of discussing abstract ideas. His interests
center around the occupations of his daily life; and where philo-
sophic problems are touched upon, they appear either in relation to
definite individuals or in the more or less anthropomorphic forms of
religious beliefs. Discourses on qualities without connection with
the object to which the qualities belong, or of activities or states
disconnected from the idea of the actor or the subject being in a
= HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 65
certain state, will hardly occur in primitive speech. Thus the Indian
_ will not speak of goodness as such, although he may very well speak
of the goodness of a person. He will not speak of a state of bliss
apart from the person who is in such a state. He will not refer to
the power of seeing without designating an individual who has such
power. Thus it happens that in languages in which the idea of pos-
session is expressed by elements subordinated to nouns, all abstract
terms appear always with possessive elements. It is, however, per-
fectly conceivable that an Indian trained in philosophic thought
would proceed to free the underlying nominal forms from the pos-
sessive elements, and thus reach abstract forms strictly correspond-
ing to the abstract forms of our modern languages. I have made
this experiment, for instance, with the Kwakiutl language of Van-
couver Island, in which no abstract term ever occurs without its
possessive elements. After some discussion, I found it perfectly easy
to develop the idea of the abstract term in the mind of the Indian,
who will state that the word without a possessive pronoun gives a
sense, although it is not used idiomatically. I succeeded, for instance,
in this manner, in isolating the terms for love and pity, which ordi-
narily occur only in possessive forms, like his love for him or my pity
for you. That this view is correct may also be observed in languages
in which possessive elements appear as independent forms, as, for
instance, in the Siouan languages. In these, pure abstract terms
are quite common.
There is also evidence that other specializing elements, which are
so characteristic of many Indian languages, may be dispensed with
when, for one reason or another, it seems desirable to generalize a
term. To use the example of the Kwakiutl language, the idea to
be seated is almost always expressed with an inseparable suffix
expressing the place in which a person is seated, as seated on the
floor of the house, on the ground, on the beach, on a pile of things,
or on a round thing, etc. When, however, for some reason, the
dea of the state of sitting is to be emphasized, a form may be
used which expresses simply being in a sitting posture. In this
case, also, the device for generalized expression is present, but the
opportunity for its application arises seldom, or perhaps never. I
think what is true in these cases is true of the structure of every sin-
gle language. The fact that generalized forms of expression are not
44877—Bull. 40, pt 1—10 —5
66 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 40
used does not prove inability to form them, but it merely proves
that the mode of life of the people is such that they are not required;
that they would, however, develop just as soon as needed.
This point of view is also corroborated by a study of the numeral
systems of primitive languages. As is well known, many languages
exist in which the numerals do not exceed two or three. It has
been inferred from this that the people speaking these languages
are not capable of forming the concept of higher numbers. I think
this interpretation of the existing conditions is quite erroneous. Peo-
ple like the South American Indians (among whom these defective
numeral systems are found), or like the Eskimo (whose old system of
numbers probably did not exceed ten), are presumably not in need of
higher numerical expressions, because there are not many objects
that they have to count. On the other hand, just as soon as these
same people find themselves in contact with civilization, and when
they acquire standards of value that have to be counted, they adopt
with perfect ease higher numerals from other languages and develop
a more or less perfect system of counting. This does not mean that
every individual who in the course of his life has never made use of
higher numerals would acquire more complex systems readily, but
the tribe as a whole seems always to be capable of adjusting itself to
the needs of counting. It must be borne in mind that counting does
not become necessary until objects are considered in such generalized
form that their individualities are entirely lost sight of. For this
reason it is possible that even a person who has a flock of domesti-
cated animals may know them by name and by their characteristics
without ever desiring to count them. Members of a war expedition
may be known by name and may not be counted. In short, there
is no proof that the lack of the use of numerals is in any way con-
nected with the inability to form the concepts of higher numbers.
If we want to form a correct judgment of the influence that lan-
guage exerts over thought, we ought to bear in mind that our Euro-
pean languages as found at the present time have been moulded to a
great extent by the abstract thought of philosophers. Terms like
essence and existence, many of which are now commonly used, are
by origin artificial devices for expressing the results of abstract
thought. In this they would resemble the artificial, unidiomatic
abstract terms that may be formed in primitive languages.
‘
BOAS] HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 67
Thus it would seem that the obstacles to generalized thought inher-
ent in the form of a language are of minor importance only, and that
presumably the language alone would not prevent a people from
advancing to more generalized forms of thinking if the general state
of their culture should require expression of such thought; that under
these conditions the language would be moulded rather by the cultural
state. It does not seem likely, therefore, that there is any direct rela-
tion between the culture of a tribe and the language they speak,
except in so far as the form of the language will be moulded by the
state of culture, but not in so far as a certain state of culture is
conditioned by morphological traits of the language.
Unconscious Character of Linguistic Phenomena
Of greater positive importance is the question of the relation of the
unconscious character of linguistic phenomena to the more conscious
ethnological phenomena. It seems to my mind that this contrast is
only apparent, and that the very fact of the unconsciousness of lin-
guistic processes helps us to gain a clearer understanding of the ethno-
logical phenomena, a point the importance of which can not be under-
rated. It has been mentioned before that in all languages certain
classifications of concepts occur. To mention only a few: we find
objects classified according to sex, or as animate and inanimate, or
according to form. We find actions determined according to time
and place, etc. The behaviorof primitive man makes it perfectly clear
that all these concepts, although they are in constant use, have never
risen into consciousness, and that consequently their origin must be
sought, not in rational, but in entirely unconscious, we may perhaps
say Instinctive, processes of the mind. They must be due to a group-
ing of sense-impressions and of concepts which is not in any sense of
the term voluntary, but which develops from quite different psycholog-
ical causes. It would seem that the essential difference between lin-
guistic phenomena and other ethnological phenomena is, that the lin-
guistic classifications never rise into consciousness, while in other
ethnological phenomena, although the same unconscious origin pre-
vails, these often rise into consciousness, and thus give rise to secondary
reasoning and to re-interpretations. It would, for instance, seem
very plausible that the fundamental religious notions—like the idea of
the voluntary power of inanimate objects, or of the anthropomorphic
68 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL, 40
character of animals, or of the existence of powers that are superior to
the mental and physical powers of man—are in their origin just as
little conscious as are the fundamental ideas of language. While, how-
ever, the use of language is so automatic that the opportunity never
arises for the fundamental notions to emerge into consciousness,
this happens very frequently in all phenomena relating to religion.
It would seem that there is no tribe in the world in which the religious
activities have not come to be a subject of thought. While the reli-
gious activities may have been performed before the reason for per-
forming them had become a subject of thought, they attained at an
early time such importance that man asked himself the reason why
he performed these actions. With this moment speculation in regard
to religous activities arose, and the whole series of secondary explana-
tions which form so vast a field of ethnological phenomena came into
existence.
It is difficult to give a definite proof of the unconscious origin of
ethnic phenomena, because so many of them are, or have come to be,
subjects of thought. The best evidence that can be given for their
unconscious origin must be taken from our own experience, and I think
it is not difficult to show that certain groups of our activities, what-
ever the history of their earlier development may have been, develop
at present in each individual and in the whole people entirely sub-con-
sciously, and nevertheless are most potent in the formation of our opin-
ions and actions. Simple examples of this kind are actions which we
consider as proper and improper, and which may be found in great
numbers in what we call good manners. Thus table manners, which
on the whole are impressed vigorously upon the child while it is
still young, have a very fixed form. Smacking of the lips and bringing
the plate up to the mouth would not be tolerated, although no esthetic
or other reason could be given for their rigid exclusion; and it is
instructive to know that among a tribe like the Omaha it is considered
as bad taste, when invited to eat, not to smack one’s lips, because
this is a sign of appreciation of the meal. I think it will readily be
recognized that the simple fact that these habits are customary, while
others are not, is sufficient reason for eliminating those acts that are
not customary, and that the idea of propriety simply arises from the
continuity and automatic repetition of these acts, which brings
about the notion that manners contrary to custom are unusual, and
BOAS] HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 69
‘therefore not the proper manners. It may be observed in this
connection that bad manners are always accompanied by rather
intense feelings of displeasure, the psychological reason for which can
be found only in the fact that the actions in question are contrary to
those which have become habitual. It is fairly evident that in our
table manners this strong feeling of propriety is associated with
the familiar modes of eating. When a new kind of food is presented,
the proper manner of eating which is not known, practically any
habit that is not in absolute conflict with the common habits may
readily establish itself.
The example of table manners gives also a fairly good instance
of secondary explanation. It is not customary to bring the knife
to the mouth, and very readily the feeling arises, that the knife is not
used in this manner because in eating thus one would easily cut the
lips. The lateness of the invention of the fork, and the fact that
in many countries dull knives are used and that a similar danger
exists of pricking the tongue or the lips with the sharp-pointed steel
fork which is commonly used in Europe, show readily that this expla-
nation is only a secondary rationalistic attempt to explain a custom
that otherwise would remain unexplained.
If we are to draw a parallel to linguistic phenomena in this case,
it would appear that the grouping of a number of unrelated actions
in one group, for the reason that they cause a feeling of disgust,
is brought about without any reasoning, and still sets off these
actions clearly and definitely in a group by themselves.
On account of the importance of this question, it seems desirable
to give another example, and one that seems to be more deeply
seated than the one given before. A case of this kind is presented in
the group of acts which we characterize as modest. It requires
very little thought to see that, while the feelings of modesty are
fundamental, the particular acts which are considered modest or
immodest show immense variation, and are determined entirely
by habits that develop unconsciously so far as their relation to
modesty is concerned, and which may have their ultimate origin
in causes of an entirely different character. A study of the history
of costume proves at once that at different times and in different
parts of the world it has been considered immodest to bare certain
parts of the body. What parts of the body these are, is to a great
70 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 40
extent a matter of accident. Even at the present time, and within
a rather narrow range, great variations in this respect may be found.
Examples are the use of the veil in Turkey, the more or less rigid
use of the glove in our own society, and the difference between street
costume and evening dress. A lady in full evening dress in a street-
car, during the daytime, would hardly appear in place.
We all are at once conscious of the intensity of these feelings of
modesty, and of the extreme repugnance of the individual to any act
that goes counter to the customary concepts of modesty. In a
number of cases the origin of a costume can readily be traced, and
in its development no considerations of modesty exert any influence.
It is therefore evident that in this respect the grouping-together
of certain customs again develops entirely unconsciously, but that,
nevertheless, they stand out as a group set apart from others with
great clearness as soon as our attention is directed toward the feel-
ings of modesty.
To draw a parallel again between this ethnological phenomenon
and linguistic phenomena, it would seem that the common feature
of both is the grouping-together of a considerable number of activi-
ties under the form of a single idea, without the necessity of this
idea itself entering into consciousness. The difference, again, would
lie in the fact that the idea of modesty is easily isolated from other
concepts, and that then secondary explanations are given of what
is considered modest and what not. I believe that the unconscious
formation of these categories is one of the fundamental traits of ethnic
life, and that it even manifests itself in many of its more complex
aspects; that many of our religious views and activities, of our eth-
ical concepts, and even our scientific views, which are apparently
based entirely on conscious reasoning, are affected by this tendency
of distinct activities to associate themselves under the influence of
strong emotions. It has been recognized before that this is one of
the fundamental causes of error and of the diversity of opinion.
It seems necessary to dwell upon the analogy of ethnology and
language in this respect, because, if we adopt this point of view,
language seems to be one of the most instructive fields of inquiry in
an investigation of the formation of the fundamental ethnic ideas.
The great advantage that linguistics offer in this respect is the fact
that, on the whole, the categories which are formed always remain
boas] HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 71
unconscious, and that for this reason the processes which lead to
their formation can be followed without the misleading and dis-
turbing factors of secondary explanations, which are so common in
ethnology, so much so that they generally obscure the real history
of the development of ideas entirely.
Cases are rare in which a people have begun to speculate about
linguistic categories, and these speculations are almost always so
clearly affected by the faulty reasoning that has led to secondary
explanations, that they are readily recognized as such, and can not
disturb the clear view of the history of linguistic processes. In
America we find this tendency, for instance, among the Pawnee, who
seem to have been led to several of their religious opinions by lin-
guistic similarities. Incidentally such cases occur also in other
languages, as, for instance, in Chinook mythology, where the Culture
Hero discovers a man in a canoe who obtains fish by dancing, and
tells him that he must not do so, but must catch fish with the net,
a tale which is entirely based on the identity of the two words for
dancing, and catching with a net. These are cases which show that
Max Miiller’s theory of the influence of etymology upon religious
concepts explains some of the religious phenomena, although, of
course, it can be held to account for only a very small portion.
Judging the importance of linguistic studies from this point of
view, it seems well worth while to subject the whole range of lin-
guistic concepts to a searching analysis, and to seek in the peculiari-
ties of the grouping of ideas in different languages an important
characteristic in the history of the mental development of the various
branches of mankind. From this point of view, the occurrence of
the most fundamental grammatical concepts in all languages must
be considered as proof of the unity of fundamental psychological
processes. The characteristic groupings of concepts in Ameri-
can languages will be treated more fully in the discussion of the
single linguistic stocks. The ethnological significance of these
studies lies in the clear definition of the groupings of ideas which are
brought out by the objective study of language.
There is still another theoretical aspect that deserves special
attention. When we try to think at all clearly, we think, on the
whole, in words; and it is well known that, even in the advance-
ment of science, inaccuracy of vocabulary has often been a stumbling-
¢
2 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 40
block which has made it difficult to reach accurate conclusions. The
same words may be used with different significance, and by assum-
ing the word to have the same significance always, erroneous con-
clusions may be reached. It may also be that the word expresses
only part of an idea, so that owing to its use the full range of the
subject-matter discussed may not be recognized. In the same man-
ner the words may be too wide in their significance, including a
number of distinct ideas the differences of which in the course of the’
development of the language were not recognized. Furthermore, we
find that, among more primitive tribes, similarities of sound are
misunderstood, and that ideas expressed by similar words are con-
sidered as similar or identical, and that descriptive terms are mis-
understood as expressing an identity, or at least close relationship,
between the object described and the group of ideas contained in
the description.
All these traits of human thought, which are known to influence
the history of science and which play a more or less important réle
in the general history of civilization, occur with equal frequency in
the thoughts of primitive man. It will be sufficient to give a few
examples of these cases.
One of the most common cases of a group of views due to failure
to notice that the same word may signify divers objects, is that
based on the belief of the identity of persons bearing the same name.
Generally the interpretation is given that a child receives the name
of an ancestor because he is believed to be a re-incarnation of the
individuality of the ancestor. It seems, however, much more likely
that this is not the real reason for the views connected with this
custom, which seems due to the fact that no distinction is made
between the name and the personality known under the name. The
association established between name and individual is so close that
the two seem almost inseparable; and when a name is mentioned, not
only the name itself, but also the personality of its bearer, appears
before the mind of the speaker.
Inferences based on peculiar forms of classification of ideas, and
due to the fact that a whole group of distinct ideas are expressed
by a single term, occur commonly in the terms of relationship
of various languages; as, for instance, in our term uncle, which
means the two distinct classes of father’s brother and mother’s
Boas] HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES "3
brother. Here, also, it is commonly assumed that the linguistic
expression is a secondary reflex of the customs of the people; but
the question is quite open in how far the one phenomenon is the
primary one and the other the secondary one, and whether the
customs of the people have not rather developed from the uncon-
sciously developed terminology.
Cases in which the similarity of sound of words is reflected in the
views of the people are not rare, and examples of these have been
given before in referring to Max Miiller’s theory of the origin of
religions.
Finally, a few examples may be given of cases in which the use
of descriptive terms for certain concepts, or the metaphorical use
of terms, has led to peculiar views or customs. It seems plausible
to my mind, for instance, that the terms of relationship by which
some of the eastern Indian tribes designate one another were origi-
nally nothing but a metaphorical use of these terms, and that the
further elaboration of the social relations of the tribes may have
been largely determined by transferring the ideas accompanying these
terms into practice.
More convincing are examples taken from the use of metaphorical
terms in poetry, which, in rituals, are taken literally, and are made
the basis of certain rites. J am inclined to believe, for instance, that
the frequently occurring image of the devouring of wealth has a
close relation to the detailed form of the winter ritual among the
Indians of the North Pacific coast, and that the poetical simile in
which the chief is called the support of the sky has to a certain extent
been taken literally in the elaboration of mythological ideas.
Thus it appears that from practical, as well as from theoretical,
points of view, the study of language must be considered as one of
the most important branches of ethnological study, because, on the
one hand, a thorough insight into ethnology can not be gained with-
out practical knowledge of language, and, on the other hand, the
fundamental concepts illustrated by human languages are not dis-
tinct in kind from ethnological phenomena; and because, further-
more, the peculiar characteristics of languages are clearly reflected in
the views and customs of the peoples of the world.
74 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BuLu. 40
V. CHARACTERISTICS OF AMERICAN LANGUAGES
In older treatises of the languages of the world, languages have
often been classified as isolating, agglutinating, polysynthetic, and
inflecting languages. Chinese is generally given as an example of an
isolating language. The agglutinating languages are represented by
the Ural-Altaic languages of northern Asia; polysynthetic languages,
by the languages of America; and inflecting languages, by the Indo-
European and Semitic languages. The essential traits of these four
groups are: That in the first, sentences are expressed solely by the
juxtaposition of unchangeable elements; in the agglutinating lan-
guages, a single stem is modified by the attachment of numerous
formative elements which modify the fundamental idea of the stem;
in polysynthetic languages, a large number of distinct ideas are
amalgamated by grammatical processes and form a single word, with-
out any morphological distinction between the formal elements in
the sentence and the contents of the sentence; and in the inflecting
languages, on the other hand, a sharp distinction is made between
formal elements and the material contents of the sentence, and stems
are modified solely according to the logical forms in which they appear
in the sentence.
An example of what is meant by polysynthesis is given, for instance,
in the following Eskimo word: takusariartorumagaluarnerpa? DO YOU
THINK HE REALLY INTENDS TO GO TO LOOK AFTER IT? (takusar[pé] he
looks after it; -iartor[pog] he goes to; -uma[vog] he intends to;
-[gjaluar[poqg] he does so—but; -ner[pog] do you think he—; -4d,
interrogation, third person.) It will be recognized here, that there
is no correspondence between the suffixed elements of the funda-
mental stem and the formal elements that appear in the Indo-
European languages, but that a great variety of ideas are expressed
by the long series of suffixes. Another example of similar kind is
the Tsimshian word t-yuk-ligi-lo-d’rp-ditet HE BEGAN TO PUT IT
DOWN SOMEWHERE INSIDE (¢, he; yuk to begin; ligt somewhere; lo in;
d’rp down; daz to put down; -¢ it).
American languages have also been designated as incorporating
languages, by which is meant a tendency to incorporate the object of
the sentence, either nominal or pronominal, in the verbal expression.
Examples of this tendency are the Mexican ni-petla-tsiwa I MAKE
MATS (petla-tl mat); or the Pawnee t4-t-i’tka‘wit 1 pig DiRT (t4- indic-
BOAS] HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 75
ative; ¢-I; @’tkarv dirt; -pit to dig [rp in contact, form ‘w]); or the
Oneida g-nagla‘-sl-i-zak-s 1 SEARCH FOR A VILLAGE (g- I; -nagla‘ to
live; -sl- abstract noun; -i- verbal character; -zak to search; -s
continuative).
A more thorough knowledge of the structure of many American
languages shows that the general designation of all these languages as
polysynthetic and incorporating is not tenable. We have in Amer-
ica a sufficiently large number of cases of languages in which the
pronouns are not incorporated, but joined loosely to the verb, and
we also have numerous languages in which the incorporation of many
elements into a single word hardly occurs at all. Among the lan-
guages treated here, the Chinook may be given as an example of
lack of polysynthesis. There are very few, if any, cases in which a
single Chinook word expresses an extended complex of ideas, and we
notice particularly that there are no large classes of ideas which are
expressed’ in such form that they may be considered as subordinate.
An examination of the structure of the Chinook grammar will show
that each verbal stem appears modified only by pronominal and a few
adverbial elements, and that nouns show hardly any tendency to
incorporate new ideas such as are expressed by our adjectives. On
_the other hand, the Athapascan and the Haida and Tlingit may be
taken as examples of languages which, though polysynthetic in the
sense here described, do not readily incorporate the object, but treat
both pronominal subject and pronominal object as independent ele-
ments. Among the languages of northern North America, the Iroquois
alone has so strong a tendency to incorporate the nominal object into
the verb, and at the same time to modify so much its independent
form, that it can be considered as one of the characteristic languages
that incorporate the object. To a lesser extent this trait belongs also
to the Tsimshian, Kutenai, and Shoshone. It is strongly developed
in the Caddoan languages. All the other incorporating languages
treated here, like the Eskimo, Algonquian, and Kwakiutl, confine them-
selves to a more or less close incorporation of the pronominal object.
In Shoshone, the incorporation of the pronominal object and of the
nominal object is so weak that it is almost arbitrary whether we
consider these forms as incorporated or not. If we extend our view
over other parts of America, the same facts appear clearly, and it is
not possible to consider these two traits as characteristics of all
American languages.
76 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 40
On the other hand, there are certain traits that, although not com-
mon to all American languages, are at least frequent, and which are
not less characteristic than the tendency to objective incorporation
and to polysynthesis. The most important of these is the tendency
to divide the verb sharply into an active and a neutral class, one of
which is closely related to the possessive forms of the noun, while the
other is treated as a true verb. We might perhaps say that American
languages have a strong tendency to draw the dividing line between
denominating terms and predicative terms, not in the same way that
we are accustomed todo. In American languages many of our predi-
cative terms are closely related to nominal terms, most frequently
the neutral verbs expressing a state, like to sit, to stand. These, also,
often include a considerable number of adjectives. On the other hand,
terms expressing activities—like to sing, to eat, to kill—are treated as
true predicative terms. The differentiation of these two classes is
generally expressed by the occurrence of an entirely or partially sep-
arated set of pronouns for the predicative terms.
Beyond these extremely vague points, there are hardly any char-
acteristics that are common to many American languages. A number
of traits, however, may be enumerated which occur with considerable
frequency in many parts of America.
The phonetic systems of American languages differ very consider-
ably, but we find with remarkable frequency a peculiar differentiation
of voiced and unvoiced stops,—corresponding to our b, p; d,t; g,k,—
which differ in principle from the classification of the corresponding
sounds in most of the European languages. An examination of
American vocabularies and texts shows very clearly that all observers
have had more or less difficulty in differentiating these sounds. Al-
though there is not the slightest doubt that they differ in character, it
would seem that there is almost everywhere a tendency to pronounce
the voiced and unvoiced sounds with very nearly equal stress of artic-
ulation, not as in European languages, where the unvoiced sound is
generally pronounced with greater stress. This equality of stress of
the two sounds brings it about that their differences appear rather
slight. On the other hand, there are frequently sounds, particularly
in the languages of the Pacific coast, in which a stress of articulation
is used which is considerably greater than any stresses occurring in
the languages with which we are familiar. These sounds are generally
unvoiced; but a high air-pressure in the oral cavity is secured by
BOAS] HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES (at
closing the glottis and nares, or by closing the posterior part of the
mouth with the base of the tongue. The release at the point of
articulation lets out the small amount of strongly compressed air,
and the subsequent opening of glottis and nares or base of tongue
produces a break in the continuity of sound.
- We find also with particular frequency the occurrence of a number
of lingual stops corresponding more or less strictly to our k sounds
_which, however, are more finely differentiated than our k sounds.
Thus the velar k, which is so characteristic of Semitic languages,
occurs with great frequency in America. On the other hand, the
labio-dental f seems to be rather rare, and where a similar sound
occurs it is often the bilabial sound.
The same may be said of the r, which on the whole is a rare sound
in American languages, and the trill of which is almost always so
weak that it merges into the d, n, l, or y, as the case may be.
On the whole, the system of consonants of American languages is
well developed, particularly owing to the occurrence of the three
stresses to which I referred before, instead of the two with which
we are more familiar. In some groups of languages we have also a
quite distinct set of stops accompanied by full breathing, which cor-
respond to the English surds. Furthermore, a peculiar break, pro-
duced by closing the vocal chords, occurs quite commonly, not only
in connection with sonants, but also following or preceding vowels or
affricative consonants. This intonation is sometimes quite audible,
and sometimes merely a break or hiatus in the continuity of pronun-
' ciation. Sometimes it seems related to the pronunciation of a voiced
consonant in which the voicing is preceded by a closure of the vocal
chords. In other cases it seems related to the production of the
great stress of articulation to which I referred before. For instance,
in a strong ¢ the tongue may be pressed so firmly against the palate
that all the articulating organs, including the vocal chords, take part
in the tension, and that the sudden expulsion of the air is accom-
panied also by a sudden relaxation of the vocal chords, so that for
this reason the strong, exploded sound appears to be accompanied
by an intonation of the vocal chords.
As stated before, these traits are not by any means common to all
American languages, but they are sufficiently frequent to deserve
mention in a generalized discussion of the subject.
On the other hand, there are languages which are exceedingly defi-
cient in their phonetic system. Among these may be mentioned, for
78 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 40
instance, the Iroquois, which possesses not a single true labial conso-
nant; or the Haida, in which the labials are confined to a few
sounds, which are rather rare.
The vocalic systems of the northern languages seem peculiarly
uncertain. The cases are very numerous in which obscure vowels
occur, which are evidently related to fuller vowels, but whose affilia-
tions often can not be determined. It would seem that in the south-
ern languages these weak vowels are not so prominent. We also find
very frequently a lack of clear distinction between o and wu on the
one hand, and e and 7 on the other. Although the variability of
vowels in some of the languages seems beyond doubt, there are others
in which the vocalic system is very definite and in which distinctions
are expressed, not only by the timbre of the vowel, but also by its
rising or falling tone. Among these may be mentioned the Pawnee
and the Takelma. The Pawnee seems to have at least two tones, a
sinking tone and a rising tone, while in Takelma there seem to be
three tones. Nasalized vowels are very common in some languages,
and entirely absent in others. This nasalization occurs both with
open lips and with closed lips. An example of the latter is the Iro-
quois w™.
It is not possible to give any general characterization of American
languages with regard to the grouping of sounds. While in some
languages consonantic clusters of incredible complexity are formed,
others avoid such clusters altogether. There is, however, a habit of
pronunciation which deserves attention, and which is found very
widely distributed. This is the slurring of the ends of words, which
is sometimes so pronounced, that, in an attempt to write the words,
the terminations, grammatical or other, may become entirely inaudi-
ble. The simplest form in which this tendency expresses itself is in
the suppression of terminal consonants, which are only articulated,
but not pronounced. In the Nass river dialect of the Tsimshian, for
instance, the terminal n of the word gan TREE is indicated by the
position of the tongue, but is entirely inaudible, unless the word is
followed by other words belonging to the same sentence. In that
language the same is true of the sounds 7 and m. Vowels are
suppressed in a similar manner by being only indicated by the posi-
tion of the mouth, without being articulated. This happens fre-
quently to the w following a k, or with an 7 in the same position.
BOAS ] _ HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 79
Thus, the Kwakiutl pronounce wa’dzk". If, however, another vowel
follows, the u which is not articulated appears as a w, as in the form
wa’ drkwa.
The slurring, however, extends over whole syllables, which in these
cases may appear highly modified. Thus, in the Oneida dialect of
the Iroquois, a peculiar 7 sound is heard, which presumably occurs
only in such slurred syllables. It is very remarkable that the Indi-
ans of all tribes are perfectly conscious of the phonetic elements
which have thus been suppressed, and can, when pressed to do so,
pronounce the words with their full endings.
Another trait that is characteristic of many American languages,
and that deserves mention, is the tendency of various parts of the
population to modify the pronunciation of sounds. Thus we find
that among some Eskimo tribes the men pronounce the terminal p, ¢,
k, and q distinctly, while the women always transform these sounds
into m,n, 7%, and 7%. In some dialects the men have also adopted this
manner of pronouncing, so that the pronunciation has become uni-
form again. Such mannerisms, that are peculiar to certain social
groups, are of course not entirely foreign to us, but they are seldom
developed in so striking a manner as in a few of the Indian
languages.
In many American languages we find highly developed laws of
euphony,—laws by which, automatically, one sound in a sentence
requires certain other sounds either to precede or to follow it. In the
majority of cases these laws of euphony seem to act forward in a man-
ner that may be compared to the laws of vowel harmony in the Ural-
Altaic languages. Particularly remarkable among these laws is the
influence of the o upon following vowels, which occurs in a few lan-
guages of the Pacific coast. In these, the vowels following an o in
the same word must, under certain conditions, be transformed into o
vowels, or at least be modified by the addition of a w. Quite differ-
ent in character are the numerous influences of contact of sounds,
which are very pronounced in the Siouan languages, and occur again
in a quite different form in the Pawnee. It may be well to give an
example of these also. Thus, in Dakota, words ending with an a and
followed by a word beginning with a k transform the former into e,
the latter into ¢ In Pawnee, on the other hand, the combination
tr is always transformed into an h; } following an 7 is generally
80 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 40
changed into a w; rp becomes hw, etc. While in some languages
these phonetic changes do not occupy a prominent place, they are
exceedingly important in others. They correspond in a way to the
laws of euphony of Sanskrit.
Just as much variety as is shown in phonetic systems is found in
the use of grammatical devices. In discussing the definition of the
word, it has been pointed out that in some American languages the
word-unit seems to be perfectly clear and consistent, while in others
the structure of the sentence would seem to justify us in considering
it as composed of a number of independent elements combined by
juxtaposition. Thus, languages which have a polysynthetic char-
acter have the tendency to form firmly knit word-units, which may be
predicative sentences, but may also be used for denominative pur-
poses. For example, the Chinook may say, He runs into the water,
and may designate by this term the mink; or the Hupa may say
They have been laid together, meaning by this term a fire. On the
other hand, there are innumerable languages in America in which
expressions of this kind are entirely impossible.
In forming words and sentences, affixes are used extensively, and
we find prefixes, as well as suffixes and infixes. It is not absolutely
certain that cases occur in America where true infixing into a stem
takes place, and where it might not be better explained as an insertion
of the apparently infixed element into a compound stem, or as due to
secondary phonetic phenomena, like those of metathesis; but in the
Siouan languages at least, infixion in bisyllabic stems that are appar-
ently simple in their origin occurs. Otherwise, suffixing is, on the
whole, more extensively used than prefixing; and in some languages
only one of these two methods is used, in others both. There are
probably no languages in which prefixing alone occurs.
Change of stem is also a device that is used with great frequency.
We find particularly that methods of reduplication are used exten-
sively. Modifications of single sounds of the stem occur also, and
sometimes in peculiar form. Thus we have cases, as in Tsimshian,
where the lengthening of a vowel indicates plurality; or, as in
Algonquian, where modality is expressed by vocalic modification;
and, as in Chinook, where diminutive and augmentative are
expressed by increasing the stress of consonants. Sometimes an
exuberance of reduplicated forms is found, the reduplicated stem
being reduplicated a second and evena third time. On the other
F.., HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 81
hand, we find numerous languages in which the stem is entirely
unchangeable, excepting so far as it may be subject to phonetic
contact phenomena.
The following grammatical sketches have been contributed by
investigators, each of whom has made a special study of the linguistic
stock of which he treats. The attempt has been made to adopt, so
far as feasible, a uniform method of treatment, without, however,
sacrificing the individual conception of each investigator.
In accordance with the general views expressed in the introductory
chapters, the method of treatment has been throughout an analytical
one. No attempt has been made to compare the forms of the Indian
grammars with the grammars of English, Latin, or even among
themselves; but in each case the psychological groupings which are
given depend entirely upon the inner form of each language. In
other words, the grammar has been treated as though an intelligent
Indian was going to develop the forms of his own thoughts ny an
analysis of his own form of speech.
It will be understood that the results of this analysis can not be
claimed to represent the fundamental categories from which the pres-
ent form of each language has developed. There is not the slightest
doubt that, in all Indian languages, processes have occurred analogous
to those processes which are historically known and to which the
modern forms of Indo-European languages owe their present forms.
Grammatical categories have been lost, and new ones have developed.
Even a hasty comparison of the dialects of various American lin-
guistic families gives ample proof that similar processes have taken
place here. To give an example, we find that, in the Ponca dialect
of the Siouan languages, nouns are classified according to form, and
that there is a clear formal distinction between the subject and the
object of the sentence. These important features have disappeared
entirely in the Dakota dialect of the same group of languages. To
give another example, we find a pronominal sex gender in all the dia-
lects of the Salishan stock that are spoken west of the Coast range in
the states of Washington and in British Columbia, while in the dia-
lects of the interior there is no trace of gender. On the other hand,
we find in one of the Salish dialects of the interior the occurrence of an
exclusive and inclusive form of the pronoun, which is absent in all the
other dialects of the same stock. We have no information on the
44877—Bull. 40, pt 1—10-——6
82 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY ~ [BuLL. 40
history of American languages, and the study of dialects has not
advanced far enough to permit us to draw far-reaching inferences
in regard to this subject. It is therefore impossible, in the few cases
here mentioned, to state whether the occurrence and non-occurrence
of these categories are due to a loss of old forms in the one dialect or
to a later differentiation in the other.
Although, therefore, an analytical grammar can not lay any claim
to present a history of the development of grammatical categories, it
is valuable as a presentation of the present state of grammatical de-
velopment in each linguistic group. The results of our investigation
must be supplemented at a later time by a thorough analysis and com-
parison of all the dialects of each linguistic stock.
Owing to the fundamental differences between different linguistic
families, it has seemed advisable to develop the terminology of each
independently of the others, and to seek for uniformity only in cases
where it can be obtained without artificially stretching the definition
of terms. It is planned to give a comparative discussion of the
languages at the close of these volumes, when reference can be made
to the published sketches.
So far as our present knowledge goes, the following linguistic fami-
lies may be distinguished in North America north of Mexico:
1. Eskimo (arctic coast).
2. Athapascan (northwestern interior, Oregon, California,
Southwest).
3. Tlingit (coast of southern Alaska).
4. Haida (Queen Charlotte islands, British Columbia),
5. Salishan (southern British Columbia and northern Wash-
ington).
6. Chemakum (west coast of Washington).
7. Wakashan (Vancouver island).
8. Algonquian (region south of Hudson Bay and eastern Wood-
lands).
9. Beothuk (Newfoundland).
10. Tsimshian (northern coast of British Columbia).
11. Siouan (northern plains west of Mississippi and North Car-
olina).
12. Troquoian (lower Great Lakes and North Carolina).
13. Caddoan (southern part of plains west of Mississippi).
14. Muskhogean (southeastern United States).
15. Kiowa (middle Western plains).
16. Shoshonean (western plateaus of United States).
poas] HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 83
17. Kutenai (southeastern interior of British Columbia).
18. Pima (Arizona and Sonora).
19. Yuma (Arizona and lower California).
20. Chinook (lower Columbia river).
21. Yakona (Yaquina bay).
22. Kus (coast of central Oregon).
23. Takelma (Rogue river, Oregon).
24. Kalapuya (Willamette valley, Oregon).
25. Waiilaptuan (Cascade range east of Willamette, Ore.).
26. Klamath (southeastern interior of Oregon).
27. Sahaptin (interior of Oregon).
28. Quoratean (Klamath river).
29. Weitspekan (lower Klamath river).
30. Shasta (northeast interior of California).
31. Wishok (north coast of California).
32. Yana (eastern tributaries of upper Sacramento river, Cali-
fornia).
33. Chimarico (head waters of Sacramento river, California).
- 34. Wintun (valley of Sacramento river).
35. Maidu (east of Sacramento river).
36. Yuki (north of Bay of San Francisco).
37. Pomo (coast north of Bay of San Francisco).
38. Washo (Lake Washoe, Nevada, and California).
39. Moquelumnan (east of lower Tulare river, California).
40. Yokuts (southern Tulare river, California).
41. Costanoan (south of Bay of San Francisco, California).
42. Esselenian (coast of southern California).
43. Salinan (coast of southern California).
44. Chumashan (coast of southern California).
45. Tanoan
46. Zuni (Pueblos of New Mexico and Arizona).
47. Keres
48. Pakawan (from Cibolo creek, Texas, into the state of Coa-
huila, Mexico).
49. Karankawa (coast of Gulf of Mexico west of Atakapa).
50. Tonkawa (inland from preceding).
51. Atakapa (coast of Gulf of Mexico west of Chitimacha).
52. Chitimacha (coast of Gulf of Mexico west of Mississippi).
53. Tunica (coast of Gulf of Mexico west of Mississippi).
54. Yuchi (east Georgia).
55. Timuqua (Florida).
Of these, the present volume contains sketches of a number of
languages of the northern group, the Athapascan, Tlingit, Haida,
Tsimshian, Kwakiutl, Chinook, Maidu, Algonquian, Siouan, Eskimo.
ATHAPASCAN
CEIUEPSX.)
BY
PLINY EARLE GODDARD
CONTENTS
Se Distribution of the Athapascan family ...........--..-.---.-------- ee
REIGN ec Ao Sek a ee eee Re eb ema cena oca
§ 2.
§ 3.
§ 4.
SOC OYG OM Ae AE Oy ae ee ee See oe eee
Roane ol RONG S o- 2.5 4a rie Speake he ee bisce- ce cee
NS aM ablOnnOMeOUNG Sia ee eee ba eA BS 8 es he
Pee er ranula PTOCESSES .....0)-s-2-c-ee0s tees setts Suet ewle sons ed
§ 5.
§ 6.
§ 7.
§ 8.
§§ 9-19.
§§ 20-88
Enumeration of grammatical processes -..--.----------------------
Se STI NC (ARV 2 een 2 ES RN aks eae ables k aoe acca’
Changes in the phonetic character of the root..-.......------------
I OSIULON Ey eet ne aero eR Ee Mem aE RA se Sl SS
Ideas expressed by grammatical categories. .......-.---------------
ee Hrumeratiom/ Ol Categories)...55..-s2s.s--2 22222 as Mer Pees
ah inating concepis. 2° 2 oo. .0 stesso ted. eS Le Se ek
Peer onieiiine cOnropts = <6 8 kano |S cde ees Ck eee eeee hss. cee es
BTR EOTOIAIONAS 3 2Ut a hace cid octane eee maces sen sa eHee a=
PR Pea CRIN 5 - cotet hs kon ain: 2, eae ES ASSET ER oe eek tan ttt eese
MOROTESE SCE Se ole oe ear hai a Sn Es Bia Se oe ER eres oe
MTS CPU GLOW ee ence ce yeine tee Ae ie alae Sa ee aoe eee tice
NOB eo emN OUND Sse ner en ets ee ee eee Fee 2 eines see he on
eee RUG GUNC ie SPE ee nie i RAR Ae eed aoe ae wale ese oe
Sole gHorindtiye Clements. fn.c. 22. os Seeded soe eek as area e sen
Ree COUN GS So eo ls cine Se ae eee bau td eee eo = 2s
na Vena asenOMings (aS. esse te gae hse eases) Se ee
one Gl nouns: £20 5:2)... a ee eMS NS Me bee Bees =
Pan EL OesesmiOn ss. 208 ain See ete Lid as J opbss tite dietdeet~ = dete
Ne Ors IGOCHULVCrSUMI KER ae o.ccise mia SHC ereIee Ss oie oe cj laters’ ce ee Sars cress
Ne UCTS G voters ayer nine Ak NAS ERI Putas DEE Ser eas ei
De TCE OR or on area as termine foe SOSA Ja att SORE oo eSicias
Se Sar SUPUCCUNeR See on aise Sain ere ats Maret al nae he cholate ae
Sse 9-o0hahonmative~clements=.- cbse aaaesedeee sccek sloe carte awe
Sao sencral remarks. 2c deb ee gett. 4 Std adewde sac
SNS =O ie HELOMKEOS «oc cicmwmiemeiase eee ae ht eee eo oeeabeeeeaase
§ 30. Classification of prefixes according to their position and
Sign eniNee, 2.2 fee. caw e ee en NEE Eee en cae
§ 31. Adverbial prefixes, first position..........-.----------
§ 32. Adverbial prefixes, second position..........---------
Soa; Deictie prefixes, third-pasitiot. 22254 2-6 63456-6565
§ 34. First modal prefixes, fourth position. ........--.-------
88
BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BuLL. 40
§§ 20-88. Discussion of grammar—Continued Page
§§ 28-75. Verbs—Continued
§§ 29-50. Formative elements—Continued
§§ 30-37. Prefixes—Continued
§ 35. Second modal prefixes, fifth position __.._....--
§ 36. Pronominal prefixes, sixth position...........-------- 120
§ 37. Third modal prefixes, seventh position ........-...... 120
§§ 38-44, ‘Sulfixes. . 222 .cc5.eu.ee ses tae 0 2 ae ee eee 121
§'38. Classification: of suites 422. 25.222. 2 -eee eee 121
§ 39. Temporal @uilixes...- 22 .2..2222h 29. jacee geen eee 122
§ 40. Temporal and modal suffixes 422. /./9. 2-22 2eeeeeee "128
§.41. Modal suffixes 2... sous tee Suitise ee 123
§ 42. Suffixes indicating source of information...........--- 124
§'435 Conjunctionallsutiixes! 3-2. .- = eee eee eee 124
§ 44. Adverbial‘suffixes..2 22.) .5..0 2 See 125
$§ 45-50. Verbal:roots\..----.--- 4. 2 .olte ee eS eee 125
§.45. Variationrof verbalrootss 22222 228 a2 -20.. ee eee 125
§ 46. Roots with fourtorms —-5.4- 22 -- ee eee eee 126
$47. Roots with three forme 2222 22) eee eee ee 126
$48." Roots with two forms:s.--e-- eee eee “ae 127
§ 49.. Rootes with oneform) 2-22. eS eee eee 129
§ 50. Meaning of roote. 222...J22222 22). 2 eee to Se
§ 51.. Analysis of verbal forms... ...-22.\.---. 52-222) ee 132
§ 52. ‘Tenses and: modes.....-..- 6. cioocce eo Seeks Skee 134
§$.53-75.; Conjugations 2..2022s.cccn saeco eae eee ee eee 135
§ 53.. Class. I, Conjugation la.....-42-..-6 22 e 135
§ 54. Class I, Conjugation 10. ..--.<--- ee 135
§.55. Class I, Conjugation 1¢s22---2--2-- =e ee ee 136
§56:, Class I Conjugation ld... 2.25 2.22 ele eee 136
§ 57. Class 1, Conjugation Le. - 22... oc. 3 eee eee 136
§ 58." Class I, 'Conjugation 2222... -cceccoct eee 137
§ 59. Class I, Conjugation 2, with a changed root....-..-----.-- 137
§60.. Class1, Conjugation 3a. _ 2. 2s one eens eee eee 137
§ GL. Class I, Conjugation’ 3b... - 225. -c 2 sen aen oe oe 137
§ 62. Class I, Conjugation: 4... s<22-<osscee- 0 =e ee ee 138
§ 63. Class41, ‘Conjugation la.....< 22-25-24. eee 138
§.64: Class LI, Conjugation Le... 22 2222 eee eee ee 139
§ 65.. Class: II, Conjugation 2 . 22. 3.52 2 252 eee eee 139
§.66. ‘Class Il, ‘Conjugation 3a... 2... 2. 22030202 2 140
§ 67.. Class Il, Conjugation 3b ..-:.2-:.-teee-- Se 140
§ 68. Class Ll, Conjugation: 4-.2..=.... 9122222) 140
§ 69. Class ITI, Conjugation. 1... .:2-.2.2.2/.5...222=ee 141
§ 70. Class ITI, Conjugation. 2. -......2-..-<..2se.8505e eee 141
§ 71. ‘Clase III, Conjugation.3 |<. 5-22-2222 62. eee eee 142
§ 72.,-Class TV, Conjuzation 122. 222220222 aoe ee eee Sian
§ 73. Class LV, Conjugation’3......- 2220-22 sees 2 eee ee 143
§ 74. Objective'conjugation. <2. -S26- Sone) ese eee eee 144
SDP ASI VE VOlGe Noacec eae aece ee geen ee ee ee 146
§§. 76-78. Adjectives ......--.25<.o2s2-22: Sse eee ees == ee 146
§ 76.. Prefixes of adjectives 21 2ai. 2 gsee8 eae Be ae ee 146
§ 77.. Comparison of adjectiveste. 20s toeet Sabre eee eee <p
§ 78. Conjugation of adjectives iwids. secs push ese. se Soe 147
§§ 79-86. Syntactic particles’: jigeet 2 eee ee ee ee 147
§:79, Personal pronouns’ 2-2: -cesessce eee ee eee eee 147
q BOAS ]
HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES
§§ 20-88. Discussion of grammar—Continued
$§ 79-86
§ 80.
§ 81.
§ 82.
§ 83.
§ 84.
§ 85.
§ 86.
. Syntactic particles—Continued
Parent PEGROUNR. fo Nese tre oa en Sennen tcc enn aes ees s
DEMIOnALEAtVCEPLONOUMES. aaa esas eee clomae =. celncas se
Pee PLONE 2 Ole Wow eee yo ces eon ewes casese esses
Mamerals. 1-2-2... RET A es Rea ee Oe Ee Ae
rem hae ee eee a Ret ae UA SL Scien aes
MEINE POA a Ae ae ae eh es tae act ae a asa enema
Sune oraeeer OL cenlence.s) 6 22s. 2 2 664 b aoe sense ee-ceccwsnaes
erm remelen Gt viGANUlAry 2 2 222 2222 2k Nocona es sence te eee ceases
re eee et See ee oe Sen See oi eek atsalacetia scien Saas
on > . ’ uel -
By) bin, ee Re alk Oe os ea
i i Sate (Phas Dei teal ge a ste 0 fa a
Pea es ee. ones Me med
ii es eras ae : 4.5
“ =
;
‘ ‘
oe
- e
\
s
ATHAPASCAN
(HUPA)
By Puiny Earte Gopparp
§ 1. DISTRIBUTION OF THE ATHAPASCAN FAMILY
The Athapascan stock is one of the largest and most widely dis-
tributed families of speech in North America. Geographically it
consists of three divisions, the northern, the Pacific coast, and the
southern.
The northern division’ occupies much of the northwestern portion
of the continent. East of the Rocky mountains the southern boundary
is the Churchill river at the southeast, and the watershed between
Athabasca and Peace rivers at the southwest. South of them are
peoples of the Algonquian stock. The Eskimo hold a narrow strip of
continuous coast-line along the Arctic ocean and Hudson bay to the
north and east. West of the Rocky mountains the Athapascan ter-
ritory begins at the fifty-first parallel of north latitude, and includes
all of the country except the coast and islands. Only near the
boundary of Alaska and British Columbia did they reach the coast.
In the extreme north the coast is in the possession of the Eskimo.
To the south the shore-lands are in the possession of the Haida,
Tlingit, Tsimshian, and Wakashan. Their southern neighbors are
members of the Salishan stock.
1The principal works which treat particularly of the Athapascans of the north are the following:
Stk ALEXANDER MACKENZIE. Voyages from Montreal, on the River St. Laurence, through the Con-
tinent of North America, to the Frozen and Pacific Oceans: in the Years 1789 and 1793.
London, 1801.
Sir JOHN RICHARDSON. Arctic Searching Expedition: a Journal of a Boat Voyage through Ruperts
Land to the Arctic Sea, in Search of the Discovery Ships under Command of Sir John
Franklin. London, 1851.
J.C. E. BUSCHMANN. Der Athapaskische Sprachstamm. Kdénigliche Akad. der Wiss. zu Berlin, Abhand-
lungen aus dem Jahre 1855, 144-319.
LER. P. E. Petiror. Dictionaire de la langue Déné-Dindjié. Paris, 1876.
REY. FATHER A. G. Morice. The Western Déné, their Manners and Customs. Proceedings of the
Canadian Institute, 3d ser., v1I, 109-174. ‘Toronto, 1890.
——. The Déné Languages. Transactions of the Canadian Institute, 1, 170-212. ‘Toronto, 1891.
——. The History of the Northern Interior of British Columbia. Toronto, 1904.
91
92 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 40
The Pacific coast division’ formerly consisted of one band in the
interior of British Columbia, two small bands in the state of Washing-
ton, and many villages in a strip of nearly continuous territory about
four hundred miles in length, beginning at the Umpqua river, Oregon,
and extending south between the coast and coast range mountains to
the head waters of Eel river in California. At the Klamath river
their territory was cut through at one point by the Yurok who occu-
pied the lower portion of that river and the coast southward nearly
to the mouth of Mad river. From that point the non-Athapascan
Wiyot extended along the coast a little south of the mouth of Eel
river. These villages were separated in many cases from each other
by low but rugged mountains. They were surrounded by the small
stocks characteristic of the region.
The southern division® occupies a very large area in the Southwest,
including much of Arizona, New Mexico, and western Texas, and ex-
tending to some distance into Mexico proper. The people form three
groups, the Lipan in the East, the Navaho south of the San Juan
river in eastern Arizona and western New Mexico, and the various
tribes of Apache east and south of the Navaho. This division greatly
exceeds in numbers all the other Athapascan people. Their principal
neighbors were the Piman, Shoshonean, and Pueblo peoples.
Wide differences in physical type and culture, and considerable
changes in language, make it certain that these divisions have not
been separated from each other recently.
In the Pacific coast division, to which the Hupa belong, are at least
four languages mutually unintelligible. The Umpqua at the north
seems to differ widely from the dialects south of it, both in its pho-
netic character and its vocabulary. From the Umpqua southward to
the Yurok country on the Klamath river the dialects seem to shade
into one another, those formerly spoken on the Coquille river and
1 Publications treating this division of the Athapascan are:
J. OWEN DorsEy. Indians of the Siletz Reservation, Oregon. American Anthropologist, 11, 55-61.
Washington, 1889.—The Gentile System of the Siletz Tribes. Journal of American Folk-Lore,
III, 227-237. Boston, 1890.
STEPHEN Powers. The Northern California Indians. Overland Monthly, v1II, IX. San Francisco,
1872-74. :
PLINY EARLE GODDARD. Kato Texts. University of California Publications, American Archzxology and
Ethnology, V, no. 3.
2The published material concerning this division is mostly restricted to the Navaho, and has been
collected by one author, Dk. WASHINGTON MATTHEWS. The more important of his works are:
The Mountain Chant: a Navajo Ceremony. Fifth Annual Report of the Bureau of Ethnology, 1887.
Navaho Legends. Memoirs of the American Folk-Lore Society, V. Boston, 1897.
The Night Chant. Memoirs of the American Museum of Natural History, vi. New York, 1902.
§1
BOAS] HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 93
Galice creek being the most distinct. In the southern portion of the
area, on Eel river and the coast, are several dialects differing much
more in vocabulary than in phonetics. That Indians from the ex-
tremes of this territory can converse in their respective languages is
not probable. On lower Mattole and Bear rivers and the adjacent
coast a very distinct dialect was spoken. In the middle of this Pacific
coast division are two dialects very closely connected. One of them
was formerly spoken on upper Redwood creek and middle Mad river in
Humboldt county, California; and the other, the Hupa of which this
paper treats, on the lower (northern) portion of the Trinity river.
The villages speaking the Hupa dialect have for neighbors, to the
north the Yurok, to the northeast the Karok, to the east the Shasta,
but with high mountains intervening, to the south the Chimariko and
Wintun, and to the west the Athapascans of Redwood creek.
Texts of myths, tales, and medicine formulas collected by the author
were published by the University of California,’ upon which, as
a basis, an analytical study of the morphology of the language has
been made.” A preliminary paper describing in detail the individual
sounds of the language and illustrating them by means of palatograms
and tracings has been published.’ The examples given in the follow-
ing grammatical sketch are taken from the collection of Hupa texts
published by the University of California. The figures refer to
pages and lines.
PHONETICS (§§ 2-4)
_. $2. Sounds
Among the sounds composing the Hupa language, consonantal con-
tinuants predominate. This takes from the speech the definiteness
produced by a predominance of stops, and the musical character im-
parted by full clear vowels standing alone or scantily attended by
consonants in the syllable.
The stops are entirely lacking in one of the most important series,
the labial. Hupa has neither p nor}. The latter is often found in
many of the other Athapascan dialects of the Pacific coast division.
In Hupa the corresponding words have m in place of 4. The back
1¥For a general account of the Hupa villages and their surroundings, see P. E. Goddard, Life and
Culture of the Hupa. University of California Publications, American Archxology and Ethnology, 1,
no. 1.—Hupa Texts, idem, I, no. 2.
*The Morphology of the Hupa Language, idem, II.
3The Phonology of the Hupa Language.—Part I, idem, v, no. 1
§ 2
94 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 40
series are represented by stops, but mostly by surds only. In the
dental series alone is the sonant frequent. There are two surds of
this series, one quite strongly aspirated, about as much so as is
English ¢ in a stressed syllable; the other, followed by suction,
probably produced by glottal action, has the vowel following the
explosion of the consonant in about half the time it does in the
aspirated ¢. In this regard it lies between the aspirated ¢ and d. The
unaccustomed ear usually hears it as d, but it may easily be distin-
guished from that sound when the attention is directed toward its
sonancy which begins in @ at the moment of release. On first acquaint-
ance with the language the sonant has been written as ¢ by all who
have attempted its notation. After more practice it may be distin-
guished with precision, and its pronunciation only as a sonant meets
with the approval of the native speaker. Of the palatal series, only
the anterior palatals are employed before e and 7 sounds. When
these occur before a, 0, and wu, a well-defined glide is heard, which has
been written as y. The posterior palatal series is articulated just
back of the line of the joining of the soft and hard palates. That there
were originally three or more representatives of this series is probable.
The full sonant seems to have become w. The aspirated surd has
become a continuant spirant v.* | There remain two sounds, one (A)
that has the sonancy closely following the release, and one (£) accom-
panied or followed by suction giving it a sharp, harsh sound usually
designated as fortis. The velar series is articulated very far back,
giving the effect of a closure against a yielding surface, and resulting
in a soft sound, rather difficult to distinguish as surd or sonant,
but probably always the former. The glottal stop (¢) is most easily
recognized when final, for then its release is often heard. Between
vowels it must be detected by the silence enforced and by the change
wrought in the close of the first vowel.
The stops may be represented as follows:
Glottal Velar Palatal Anterior palatal Dental Labial
=
Sopant 2 a <2. mo pneens = 3 9, 9Y d -
SERIA | he Sa re, fore yare LSD q k k, ky t -
Korbisvia! sh 4 Cee ~ k k t -
The continuant consonants of Hupa comprise spirants, affricatives,
nasals, and liquids. <A glottal spirant occurs after as well as before
vowels. Initially it isa surd breath escaping as the glottis passes from
1Compare Hupa tcitteswen HE CARRIED, and menizac YOU FINISHED, With Kato tctesgit and bentlke’,
§ 2
BoAS] HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 95
the open position maintained in breathing to the position required for
the vowel, and is written A. It is rather stronger than English A.
When final, the spirant is caused by the sudden opening of the glottis
without diminution of the force of the breath, and is written (‘). It has
been noted only where it is most prominent, or where it differentiates
one word or word-element from another. One of the spirants (x) im-
parts a noticeable harshness to the Hupa language. It is formed
rather far back in the mouth, apparently in the velar position. The
mouth-passage is made quite narrow, and the uvula is thrown into vibra-
tion. The period of these vibrations is about forty per second. The
resulting sound is harsh, both from the lowness of the period and
from its irregularity. The degree of harshness varies considerably in
individuals, and, indeed, in the same individual. While the sound is
not far removed from the velar 7 in its place and manner of forma-
tion, its effect on the ear is rather that of German c/ after back vowels.
In Hupa, however, this sound is usually initial. There is no correspond-
ing sonant in Hupa. It does occur in Navaho; as, for example, in
the proper pronunciation of hogan HOUSE, where the first consonant is
nearly like the Hupa sound, and the second is its sonant. There is a
spirant pronounced in the palatal position, but accompanied by marked
labial rounding. It closely resembles w, but it isa surd, not a sonant.
When this sound is initial (Az), it appears to begin without rounding
of the lips, sounding much like English wh in wHo. When final (2),
the sound makes much less impression on the ear. It is to be distin-
guished from x by its lack of roughness, and from both a and / by the
rounding of the lips. It differs from a bilabial fin that it is accom-
panied by a narrowing of the mouth-passage in the palatal position.’
Another spirant (z) common on the Pacific coast, and found in Hupa,
causes great difficulty when first heard. It is formed at one or both
sides of the tongue, as is 7, but differs from that sound in that the
breath which passes through the opening is surd instead of sonant,
and that the passage is narrower, causing a distinct spirant character.
When the passage is entirely closed and the breath must break its way
through to continue as a spirant, an affricative Z is formed. Both of
these sounds, but especially the latter, impress the ear of one unac-
customed to them as combinations of ¢orkand/. The spirant s in
the alveolar position is frequent in Hupa, and does not differ espe-
1This sound has for its equivalent in other dialects c (sh). Cf. Hupa hwa sun and hwe I, ME, with
Kato ca and ci,
§ 2
96 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 40
cially, either in its method of formation or in its sound, from English s.
The sonant z does not occur except when preceded by d. There are
no interdental, labio-dental, or bilabial spirants except the rounded
palatal spirant, Aw, w, discussed above.
The affricatives are tc, dj, ts, dz, and Z. The first two are formed by
a ¢-like closure and explosion, followed by aspirant through a passage
formed by a horizontally wide and vertically narrow constriction along
the middle of the hard palate near the first and second molars. The
second pair, ¢s and dz, are formed nearly as in English, in the dental
position, through a rather round passageway. It is probable that
there are three members of each series, the sonant, the aspirated
surd, and the fortis surd. The aspirated anterior palatal surd usually
has a wu tinge and has been written tew. ‘The fortis is indicated by te.
The nasals are three in number—the palatal, dental, and labial.
The palatal nasal is very frequent in its occurrence, especially in the
final position in the word. It is accompanied by more or less nasality
in the preceding vowel.
The only liquid is the lateral one 7, which does not differ in any
considerable degree from English / either in the manner of its making
or its sound.
The continuants may be represented as follows:
Glottal Velar Palatal Anterior palatal Dental Labial
Spirang .)). h() 2 hw(w) 1 (lateral) s hw (w)
Affricative - ~ — te, tow, dj, Lo ts,.dz =
Nasals. heels - - fi - nu m
lente) rt: irre - - - / (lateral) = -
The complete system of consonants may be tabulated thus:
Stops Continuants
Sonant Surd Spirant Affricative Nasal Liquid
Glottalit; 2. — é fests) - - -
Melati 5. tux! tig = g ae - - ~
Palatal. 205% —- kk) hw (w) = ji -
Anteri te, tew, aj l
Se fe 9,9y k,ky 1 (lateral) L (lateral) te (lateral)
Dental. 2. d t (¢) 8 ts, dz n -
Labial ccc). le - - hw (w) - tote ~
There are in Hupa nine vowel-sounds and two semi-vowels. They
may be represented as follows:
Y; vy dv; é, é, a, a, 0, 0, u, W
§ 2
>
BOAS] HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 97
The vowels in Hupa are formed with much less movement of the
lower jaw and lips than is employed in the corresponding sounds in
English speech. The Hupa seem to talk with their mouths nearly
closed. Asa result, the sounds are not open and clear, but muffled.
These vowels may terminate in a sudden opening of the glottis, result-
ing in an aspiration of the vowel; or inaclosure of the glottis,’ bringing
the vowel to an abrupt close. When aspirated, the whole vowel has
a breathy quality; and when closed by a glottal stop, it sounds hard
and compact.
§ 3. Grouping of Sounds
It is rarely the case that words or syllables begin with a vowel, and
most of such cases occur in verb forms. Semi-vowels and single con-
sonants are frequent initially. The only clusters which stand initially
are the affricatives dz, ts, dj, tc, and tew, and the combinations jw,
aw,and ky. Of the affricatives, cw seems to be a phonetic derivation
from a simple sound, probably a palatal with aw tinge. The combi-
nation Aw corresponds to the simple sound ¢ (sf) in the other Atha-
pascan dialects; aw is due to the change of 6 to the semi-vowel w, and
ky has for the second element a glide due toa back vowel following
an anterior palatal consonant. Probably none of these initial sounds
were therefore originally two distinct consonants in juxtaposition.
Many syllables end in vowels. When final in the word, and bear-
ing the accent, some vowels, under certain conditions, seem to develop
semi-vowels after themselves, becoming diphthongs. This is especially
true of the vowel a in the roots of verbs. In the past tense, which is
more strongly accented on the ultima (the root syllable), a@ becomes az,
or sometimes av. The awis due toa disappearing final gy. That a
is due to a suffix is not unlikely. Syllables may end in simple conso-
nants or in affricatives. The only prominent sonant stop which occurs
in Hupa (d) is not frequent in the final position. When a dental stop
occurs in the interior of a word, it is usually surd if at the end of
a syllable, and sonant if at the beginning. In fact, it often happens
that the same sound begins as a surd and is completed as a sonant,
the occlusion belonging to the preceding syllable, and the explosion
1The opening of the glottis is of course brought about bya separation of the vocal processes. The
pitch at the end of the vowel is lowered. The closure of the glottis is more probably brought about
by the movement of the epiglottis so as to cover the glottis as in swallowing. A similar glottal
action no doubt produces the fortis series.
§ 3
44877—Bull. 40, pt 1—10—_7
98 - BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 40
to the succeeding syllable. Two consonants may stand together in the
middle of a word, provided they belong to different syllables.
§ 4. Assimilation of Sounds
Assimilation of consonants, mostly retrogressive, takes place in some
cases when two consonants are brought together morphologically or
syntactically. The most important are these:
(1) Retrogressive.
t before 7 becomes 7.
tctihwitkinneen he nearly caught me (for tcewhwitkitneen)
t before m becomes 72.
yaitkimmin they intended to catch (for yaitkitmin)
vt before L becomes 0.
yawinéan he picked up a stone (but yarwillai he picked up
several stones)
t before ¢ becomes 0.
notwitkillicte it will be foggy (for notwitkitlixte)
vt before € or d becomes 2.
neitim® 1am looking at it (but ne/zénte I am going to look
at it)
vt before m becomes 22. ;
yawinéean he picked it up (but yawimmas he rolled over)
(2) Progressive.
h after l becomes @.
tctikgallit as he walked along (for tctikgalhit)
w after 7 becomes 7.
tcuwinnas he scraped bark off (but wewas I seraped bark
off )
When morphological causes bring two consonants at the end of a
syllable, one of them is dropped. ‘This is evidently the case in the
formation of the conjugation where the modal prefix (Z) would be
expected after the sign of the first person singular (w). In this case
the modal prefix is not found. In the second person singular of the
verb the modal prefix remains, but the sign of the second person
(7) has been dropped. Also, in the third person singular s would be
expected before the same modal prefix, but it does not occur in Hupa.
In Tolowa all of these combinations do occur, and in the very places
where one would expect them in Hupa but fails to find them.
§ 4
BOAS] HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 99
There are in Hupa several morphological elements which seem to
have only the initial consonant fixed. Tho remainder of the syllable
depends upen the sounds which follow it. For example, the sign of
the third person singular (¢c) has the following forms:
tceilwil he is always lying down
tciweswaL he remained lying down
teissilwaL he is lying down
tcillové he tied it
tcimmitc he is breaking it off
tcinnesten he lay down
tcittesyar he went
tctkgal he walked
GRAMMATICAL PROCESSES (S§ 5-8)
§ 5. Enumeration of Grammatical Processes
Grammatical processes and syntactical relations are expressed by
means of the following methods:
(1) Composition.
(2) Changes in the phonetic character of the root.
(3) Position in the sentence.
§ 6. Composition
The verbs of Hupa, and some of the nouns, consist of two or more
syllables, each of which has some rather definite meaning or points
out some particular relation. These elements do not express ideas of
equal rank and of like kind. Each may be replaced in turn by another
giving to the thought expressed a different character. The element
which by its displacement most completely alters the meaning may be
called the root. The word-parts which precede this root may be con-
sidered prefixes, and those which follow it suffixes. These prefixes
and suffixes fall into classes rather well marked as regards their office
in the expression of thought, and have a definite order in the word-
structure.
These sound-complexes expressing complete thoughts might be
looked upon as sentences, which they often are, and their constituent
parts as monosyllabic words, but for the following reasons: First, the
individual parts, expressing definite ideas or relations, are not
always phonetic wholes capable of independent production. These
may be thought once to have had a more complete form, and to have
§§ 5, 6
100 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 40
united with other elements of the word with which they came in
contact through the disappearance of one of the vowels or by their
contraction. It is, however, possible that from the beginning of the
language they have had this meager form. Second, some of these
elements, while existing as independent syllables, express relations
or subordinate ideas which do not seem to arise in the mind of the
Hupa when these syllables by themselves are uttered, but which
readily arise when the syllables are uttered in their accustomed con-
nection. Both of these statements are true of some of the monosyl-
labic elements of speken English. The difference is not one of kind,
but of degree.
Besides these older and largely conjectural phonetic changes which
join together the parts of the word, there are other more simple and
apparent modifications of the root by the suffix, or of the suffix by the
root, bringing the whole into greater phonetic harmony. These
changes are quite infrequent, and never great enough to obscure the
root or suffix.
§ 7. Changes in the Phonetic Character of the Root
There are definite and regular changes in the phonetic character of
the roots which cannot be explained as being due to the influence of
morphological additions. These are of two kinds:
(1) Changes in the terminal consonant.
(2) Changes in the character and length of the vowel.
CHANGES IN THE TERMINAL CoNSONANT.-—One of the most common
changes of the terminal consonant of the root is that of n to 7. This
is a change of series, the nature of the sound remaining the same.
The roots in which this change occurs have 7 in the forms expressing
past definite, customary, and negative future action, and 7% elsewhere.
A modification of the character of the sound, not in the place of its
formation, is found in the case of / and z. The first sound is found in
the forms expressing past definite, customary, and negative future
action. The change in this case is from surd to sonant. Of a similar
nature is the series of three sounds, /, 1, and Z. The first (7) is
found in forms expressing customary and negative future action; the
second (z) is employed with the forms of the present and imperative;
and the third (Z) with forms expressing definite action, whether past,
present, or future. A few verbs have roots ending in s or the corre-
§7
Boas] HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES LOD
sponding affricative, ts. The latter occurs in the forms expressing
definite action. .16¢ is evident that ¢ and ¢c formerly had a similar rela-
tion, but the former has since become w. Finally there are a number
of roots which lose a final ¢. The past definite, customary, and nega-
tive future have the form with ¢; and the present of both definite
and indefinite action and the imperative do not have it.
CHANGES IN THE CHARACTER AND LENGTH OF THE VowEL.—Certain
vowel-changes occur in connection with the change of terminal conso-
nants, and are perhaps tied up with them. ‘These are a change of a to
a, and of eto?z. The stronger vowels, a and e, occur with 2, and @
and 7, the weaker ones, with 7. The threefold consonant-change, /, 1,
and Z, hase before Z, and7 before /andz. Other changes take place in
cases where there are now no final consonants. These are 7% to e, au.to
a,and ai toa.’ Inall the pairs given above, the first-named is consid-
erably longer in its duration than is the second. Probably these
changes, the direction of which is not known, came about by a change
in the position or force of the accent, whether of stress or pitch.
§ 8. Position
Upon the order of the words in the sentence often depends their
relation to each other. This is especially true of the subject and
object when expressed as nouns. ‘The first in order is the subject,
and the second the object. Both of them may precede the verb.
Possession and other relations are expressed by syntactical particles,
which are joined to the limited word, and fix its place in the sentence
after the word which limits it.
IDEAS EXPRESSED BY GRAMMATICAL CATEGORIES
($§ 9-19)
§ 9. Enumeration of Categories
The following ideas have grammatical devices for their expression
in Hupa:
(1) Denominating concepts. (6) Distribution.
(2) Predicating concepts. (7) Time.
(3) Syntactic relations. (8) Mode.
(4) Classification. (9) Place and direction.
(5) Number. (10) Person.
1The pairs 7, e, and au, a, are represented in Kato and other Eel river dialects by ey, ¢, and ag, a’.
§§ 8,9
102 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 40
§ 10. Denominating Concepts
Most nouns are clearly separated from verbs, both in form and
meaning. Many nouns are monosyllabic, entirely lacking in descrip-
tive power, and having meaning because they have become associated
in the mind with the object for which they stand. Of essentially the
same character are the names of the parts of the body and terms of
relationship, which are always found with a prefixed possessive pro-
noun, the purely nominal part being a single syllable. There area
few compound nouns, either co-ordinate and in juxtaposition, or
one modifying the other. Certain nouns are formed by suffixes which
- are strictly limited to a nominal use. Of such character are the aug-
mentative and diminutive suffixes -/yd and -z7tc. Other suffixes have
the meaning of DWELLING IN, FREQUENTING, Or BEING FOUND IN the
place named by the stem to which they are attached; for example,
xonteLtaw PLACE BROAD HE FREQUENTS (coyote). While nouns of
this class do describe and predicate certain things, that is not their
chief purpose. The description is for the purpose of pointing out
definitely an object by discriminating between it and other related
objects.
A number of nouns have a verbal form, and describe the object
referred to by giving some characteristic position, form, or action.
For this purpose the verb may appear alone in the active or passive
voice, or a noun may be placed before it to serve as its object or limit
of motion. It 1s probable that some such verbal forms, having lost
their verbal force, have furnished a number of polysyllabic nouns
which have now no descriptive meaning in the mind of the Hupa,
and do not yield to attempts at analysis. These complexes which
serve the office of nouns, indicating an object or animal by means of
a characterization of it, are really substantive clauses.
There are a few suflixes which are employed with both nouns and
verbs. They are temporal, indicating that the thing or act belongs to
the past or future rather than the present.
§ 11. Predicating Concepts
The verbs differ from the nouns in that they are almost invariably
polysyllabic, and have the meaning of a complete sentence. The more
essential part or root of the verb is usually not associated in the mind
with a certain object or animal, but with some particular act or motion:
as -f0, which means TO INSERT OR EXSERT AN OBJECT INTO A TUBULAR
§§ 10, 11
BOAS] HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 103
OPENING. There are a number of roots which are connected with
objects; not, however, naming them specifically, but indicating the
class to which they belong as regards size, shape, or physical char-
acter. The few roots which do agree in form with monosyllabic
nouns seem to name the object by means of which the act is done.
The form of the complete verb differs from the ordinary noun in
that it has prefixes as well as suffixes, and in the character of these
formative elements, which, with the exceptions noted above, differ
from those employed in nouns. They differ in function in that they
invariably have predicative force, while nouns either lack predicative
force or have it incidentally.
§ 12. Syntactic Relations
The syntactic relation of subject and object to the predicate, when
both are expressed by nouns, is shown by their order in the sentence.
When only one is expressed by a noun, it may be determined, in most
cases, whether it is intended as subject or object by the form of the
incorporated pronoun, which is employed in the verb regardless of
the employment or non-employment of nouns. However, in the case
of a subject and object which are both of the third person and both
other than adult Hupa, only one of them being expressed as a noun, it
is impossible to tell, except from the context, whether such a noun is
the subject or object.
The relation of possession is distinctly and regularly expressed by
the prefixing of the possessive pronoun to the limited word and the
placing of this compound after the word which limits it. Parts of the
body and terms of relationship do not occur without prefixed possess-
ive pronouns. Other syntactic relations are expressed by means of
post-positions, having the appropriate force, placed after the weaker
form of the pronoun. These post-positions, with their accompanying
pronouns, stand after the nouns which they limit.
§ 13. Classification
In the third person of the pronoun, personal and possessive, adult
Hupa are distinguished from young and old members of the tribe,
from animals and inanimate objects, by a special form.
There are no grammatical forms by which objects are classified.
Classification is sometimes indicated, however, in the verb, the stem
expressing the character of the object to which the predicate refers,
§§ 12, 13
104 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 40
the objects being characterized as long, round, flat plural in number,
etc. In the intransitive verb this classification relates to the subject;
in the transitive verb, to the object.
§ 14. Number
Only a few nouns have forms for the plural. These are those denot-
ing age and station in life, and relationship.
The independent as well as the incorporated and prefixed pronouns
are capable of expressing the plural in the first and second persons by
means of additional forms. The plural of the first person includes,
or may include, the third person as well as the second.
In the third person, -ya- is placed before the root for a plural sub-
ject and also for a plural object. One must judge from the context
which is intended to be plural. ya- is also prefixed to the possessive
form. In the singular, HIs FATHER is expressed by haz wotae. Some-
times for THEIR FATHER hai yaxotaé is found, haz being the article.
In certain intransitive verbs a dual is indicated by using the root,
indicating a plural subject, without -ya-, while for the plural -ya- is
inserted.
In many cases Hupa employs the singular, as is shown by the verb,
where the plural would be required in English. When a number of
individuals do anything as a unit, as in a dance, the singular is used.
§ 15. Distribution
The distributives in Hupa are carefully distinguished from the plu-
rals. For the expression of distribution the prefix ¢e- is employed:
for example,
tceninyar he went out
tcenindeL two went out
tceyanindeL they went out
tcetedeL one by one they went out
The same element expresses distribution as to the object. For
example,
yawinean he picked up a stone
yawillac he picked up stones
yateéan he picked up a stone here and there
Distinct from this is the intermittence of the act itself. That a
thing is done now and again, or habitually, is indicated by a syllable,
probably e, inserted before the pronominal subjective elements. The
§§ 14, 15
BOAS] HANDBOOK OF. AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES ALOR
presence of this syllable, together with a certain form of the root,
constitutes a customary tense or mode.
By the use of na- an iterative force is given to the verb, express-
ing the fact that the act is done a second time or that it is undone.
§ 16. Time
Time is expressed by means of suffixes, a change of root, inde-
pendent adverbs, and temporal clauses. For past time -ncen may be
suffixed to a noun or verb. A house in ruins is called «wontaneen
HOUSE USED TO BE. Habitual acts which have ceased are expressed
by the same suffix, as auwwtinneen | USED TO po Ir. A single definite
act completed in time already past is differentiated from such acts
in present time by a change in the form and length of the root, and
a change of the accent: for example,
tcinnt' riya he has just arrived
tcinnijiyar' he arrived some time ago
The future is expressed by the suffixes -¢e and -tez. The former
seems to be employed of the more remote future. These are gen-
.
erally employed only with verbs, but are sometimes found with nouns
and adverbs: for example, havyate HERE WILL BE THE PLACE.
§ 17. Mode
Closely connected with the time of the act is the degree of cer-
tainty with which it is asserted. For past acts, suffixes which indi-
cate the source of the authority for the statement are often employed.
That which is perceived by the sense of hearing has -¢sv or -tsée
suffixed; the former for the past, and the latter for the present.
When the transaction is in sight, -e is suffixed. Things which are
conjectured from circumstantial evidence, as the building of a fire
from the remains of one, have -vd/an added to the verb:
teyanillat they built a fire
Leyanillaxolan they must have built a fire [here are the ashes]
Future acts which are contingent on human will or outward cir-
cumstance are rendered by the suffix -deé. When the future is
expressed with an absolute negative force, the impossibility of its
being brought to pass being implied, a special form of the verb with
an auxiliary verb prefixed is used.
§§ 16, 17
106 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 40
Acts attempted, but not succeeded in, have «dw, an adverb, inserted
before the verb; while the successful attempt after several vain or
insufficient ones has -e? suffixed to the verb. .
§ 18. Place and Direction
Direction and place, both relative and absolute, are expressed in
Hupa with much exactness. A number of prefixes, occupying the
first place in the verb, indicate the direction of the movement
expressed or implied by the verb. The place, initial and ultimate, is
also indicated by prefixes as being on the surface of the earth, on
some surface higher than the earth, in the fire, on or in the water, or
in the air. By means of demonstratives, and adverbs formed from
demonstrative elements, added exactness as to location is expressed.
For that which is in sight and can be pointed to, the demonstratives
ded and haided, and the adverb of place, dikkyin, are employed; for
the first-mentioned or more remote of two, hacya or hai is used;
while that which is still more remote is referred to by yd and hazyo,
and the most remote of all by yew.
§ 19. Person
The distinction between the person speaking, the person spoken to,
and the person or thing spoken of, is made by means of the personal
pronouns. The signs of the subject incorporated in the verb are not
all to be connected with certainty with the independent pronouns.
The pronouns for the first two persons seem to be different in some
particulars from those of the third person, which also classify the
objects or persons to which they refer. Taking with this fact the fre-
quent absence of any sign for the subject or the object in the third
person of the verb, it seems probable that originally there were per-
sonal pronouns only for the first and second persons, and that demon-
stratives were used for the third person.
DISCUSSION OF GRAMMAR (S§ 20-88)
Nouns (§§ 20-27)
§ 20. Structure
The nouns of the Hupa language, when classified according to their
formation, fall into five classes:
(1) There are many monosyllabic nouns, for the most part the
names of common material objects and elements. These words are
§§ 18-20
BoAS] HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 107
mostly common to all the cognate languages, and clearly point to the
monosyllable as the probable form of the Athapascan noun.
(2) Closely connected with these are the names of the parts of the
body, terms of relationship and intimate possession, which have a
single syllable for their substantive part, but always occur with a
possessive prefix.
(3) There are a considerable number of nouns, consisting of two or
more syllables, which are not easily analyzed and do not seem to
have a descriptive meaning at present. They seem originally to have
been derived from verbs, or formed by composition.
(4) A large and increasing number of nouns, formed by means of
suffixes and by compounding, have a descriptive force which is ever
present in the Hupa mind.
(5) Verbs in the third person singular of the active or passive voice,
with or without an object or limit of motion, are employed as nouns.
§ 21. Formative Klements
As far as is known, the only prefixes employed in noun-formation
are the possessive prefixes, which are proclitic forms related to inde-
pendent pronouns. They may be employed with any noun to denote
possession, but must be employed with the names of the parts of the
body and terms of relationship. That words of this class require
such prefixes is not necessarily due to a lack of mental abstraction, as
has been sometimes assumed, but to a habit of speech. The necessity
for their use without a possessive seldom occurs.
The suffixes employed in noun-building are not numerous. For the
most part, they are used to distinguish one thing from another which
it resembles by mentioning its size, color, or other physical character,
or by indicating the place where the plant grows or which the animal
frequents. The principal suffixes are the following:
1. -x0¢ INHABITING; added to the name of a place.
Lomittaxoi glades among people (the New River people)
2. -tdu FREQUENTS. Used of plants or animals.
waslintau rifles he frequents (the crane)
3. ~ky0 LARGE, an augmentative.
koskyo bulb large (Chlorogalum vomeridanum, the soap-root)
§ 21
108 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 40
4, -ite, -te SMALL, the diminutive suffix.
medilite canoe small (from medil canoe) 102.9
djelote small storage-basket 158.13
5. -yauw sMALL, rounc. Used of trees.
nittikyauw young black oaks (from néztik black oak)
6. -newan RESEMBLING. This has furnished many new names.
gonewan worms like (rice, from its resemblance to white grubs)
xonnewan fire like 329.10
7. -diit PLACE.
tsedin brush-place (a grave)
8. -€a° PLACES.
millatkinta’ its hands bases places (its wrists)
9. -kvit on.
miskit a landslide on (the name of a village)
denokit the sky (this us on) 286.12
§ 22. Compounds
There are five classes of compound nouns:
(1) A few nouns stand in juxtaposition without a subordinating
possessive prefix. Ina few cases the second noun seems to qualify the
first: for example, riiran SNAKE RIVER (an eel). If these compounds
are introduced by a possessive prefix, the first noun qualifies the second:
for example, kivwakkin 1TS NET POLE.
(2) When the second of two nouns forming a compound has a pos-
sessive prefix, the first qualifies the second and is subordinate to it:
for example, dindai® mitctcwd FLINT ITS GRANDMOTHER (a bird).
(8) A few compounds which are true substantives have the first
element a noun, and the second an adjective qualifying it. An ex-
ample of such is yaéitkai LOUSE WHITE (a grayback).
(4) Compounds of nouns and qualifying adjectives are sometimes
- introduced by possessive prefixes. While they serve as substantives,
they really qualify a subject understood: as in mdssa*nexttewih ITS
MOUTH sTINKs, the bird having a stinking mouth (a buzzard).
(5) Compounds similar to the last have for their last element words
indicating abundance or lack of the quality named by the first part of
the compound. Examples are: mixxaiwadlen 1TS CHILDREN HAVING
(doe), mztcdjeédin Y¥S8 MIND LACKING (an infant).
§ 22
we
BOAS] HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 109
§ 23. Verbs as Nouns
Many verbs in the third person present of the active or passive
voice are used as nouns. Examples of the active voice so used are:
nanya it comes down (rain)
nillin it flows (a creek)
nindil they come down (snow)
For the passive voice the following may be cited:
willozé it has been tied (a bundle)
naxowilloé it is tied around him (a belt)
tenawilla they have been laid together (a fire)
talkait over the water it has been pushed (a fishing-board)
Sometimes a substantive is formed by a verb with a noun preceding
it as its object or limit of motion: for example:
nax-kekos-naduwil two its necks waving about (nav two: ke
its; kds neck; waZ to strike [a monster])
sa&cauw in the mouth a liquid is put (acorn-soup)
Adverbial prefixes of place, instrument, accompaniment, and manner
make substantives of verbs. Of this sort are the following:
mittcoLwil with he chops (an axe)
kitnadil with them they travel (wolves)
Suffixes of location added to verbs, furnish names of places:
nanatitdii stepping-down place (the name of the place in the
sweat-house at the foot of the ladder)
§ 24. Plural of Nouns
Only a few Hupa nouns change their form to indicate the plural.
They are those which classify human beings according to their sex and
state of life, and a few terms of relationship. The following are all
that have been found:
Singular Plural
kettsan hettstin virgin, maiden
tstimimesLon tstimmesLon a fully grown woman
xurar viva a child
hwittsor hwittsoinar my grandchild
nokkal nikkilear your younger brother
woLtistce woLtistcerat his sister
§ 25. Possession
Possession is indicated by prefixes which are shortened forms of
pronouns. These vary according to the person and number of the
§§ 23-25
110 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BoLL. 40
limiting noun or pronoun. Many nouns, upon taking the prefixes,
add a syllable to the end, which seems to have no other office than the
preservation of the symmetry of the word in some way. This added
syllable has e for its vowel, but is preceded by various consonants,
apparently suggested by the final sound of the original word.
millitde its smoke (from 17¢ smoke)
nolinke our pets (from 177% a pet, a dog)
xodhwinne her song (from Awin, a song)
It will be noticed that in some of the examples given, z, the surd
lateral consonant, becomes the sonant /.
§$ 26. Locative Suffixes
There are several suffixes employed in Hupa which might be looked
upon as case-endings, since they are not permanent parts of the nouns
to which they are attached, but indicate varying relations of position
or direction. Some of these suffixes are also post-positions; but when
so used they follow a pronominal prefix. Examples of suffixes show-
ing place-relations are the following:
1. -e£ IN.
Lihwinmet glade only in (a prominent hill)
tseyeme in (under) a rock
2. -din at.
mikkindii its base at (the name of the place by the back of
the house)
3. -tciit TOWARD.
Lihwinkittcia glade only on toward
4, -keai ALONG.
xottselkat his forearm along
5. -kitt on.
Lihwinkit glade only on
27. Tense
By the use of suffixes the time of the noun’s existence may be indi-
cated. This process practically gives tenses to nouns. For the past,
-neen is employed: for example, zoiéitneen HIS WIFE USED TO BE (she
is now dead). The same form might mean only that the possession of
her had ceased. The future, as in verbs, is indicated by -te: for
example, métLowete THEIR MEDICINE IT WILL BE (Indians who are to
possess it have not yet come into existence).
§§ 26, 27
Boas] HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES Bait
Verbs (§§ 28-75)
§ 28. Structure
The verb in Hupa, as in other Athapascan languages, presents many
difficulties. It contains in itself all the elements of the sentence. For
example, vanaisdiyadet IF SHE COMES BACK UP has, first an adverbial
prefix xa-, denoting that the motion is up the side of a hill; next is
found the particle -na-, having an iterative force, showing that the
act is done a second time (in this case it is only intended to show that
the path from the river is passed over a second time); the syllable -7s-,
by the consonant it contains, shows that the act is thought of as pro-
gressive over the surface of the ground. The fact that s following 7
forms a syllable by itself, indicates that the act is thought of as per-
formed by an adult Hupa, otherwise s would have been joined to the
preceding na-. The lack of a sign of person or number at this point
in the verb allows no other conclusion than that the third person singu-
lar is intended. The syllable -d7-, of which d seems to be the essen-
tial part, usually follows the iterative prefix -na-, the two being
equivalent, perhaps, to English Back aGaIn. The next syllable, -ya-,
may be called the root, since it defines the kind of act. It is used of
the locomotion of a single human being on his feet at a walk, and also
of the coming of non-material things. Had this verb been in the
plural, the root would have been -deZ. Had the pace been more
rapid, -ta@ would have been employed. Had some animal been the
subject, the root would probably have characterized the gait of the
animal. The final suffix -deé indicates a future contingency.
Formative Elements (§§ 29-50)
§ 29. GENERAL REMARKS
The more extended forms of the verb have one or more prefixes
preceding the root, and one or more suffixes following it. By means
of the prefixes, the direction of the motion in space, its manner and
purpose, whether repeated or not in time, and whether conceived as
continuous, beginning, or completed, are expressed. By changes in
a single syllable, that which usually directly precedes the root, the
person and number of the subject are indicated. These changes
almost amount to inflection. By variations in the form of the root,
the number of the subject in intransitive verbs, and of the object in
$§ 28, 29
112 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 40
transitive verbs, is shown; and also whether the act or state is one and —
definite in time, or repeated and continuous. By the suffixes which
follow the root, the action is further limited as to its time, continu-
ance, or likelihood.
PREFIXES (§§ 30-37)
§ 30. Classification of Prefixes according to their Position and Significance
The prefixes employed in the verb have a fixed order, in accordance
with the class of ideas they express. They may be classified as—
(1) Adverbial prefixes, first position.
(2) Adverbial prefix, second position.
(3) Deictic prefixes, third position.
(4) First modal prefixes, fourth position.
(5) Second modal prefixes, fifth position.
(6) Pronominal prefixes, sixth position.
(7) Third modal prefixes, seventh position.
§ 31. Adverbial Prefixes, First Position
These are adverbial prefixes showing the position of persons or
things at rest, and the place, limit, or origin of motion. The most
important of these follow:
1. ya- (1) is used of the position of one sitting, of picking things
up from the ground, and of motion wholly or partly through
the air, as the carrying of objects and the flight of birds. The
primary meaning seems to be 1N THE ATR, above the surface of
the ground.
yawinéa he was sitting 162.11 (definite, class I, conjugation 1 3;
§ 54; &€a to be in a position)
yawintan he picked up a stone 342.1 (definite, class I, conjuga-
tion 1 4, § 54; éan to transport several round things)
yawitkas he threw up 96.3 (definite, class Il, conjugation 1 3;
§ 64; kas to throw)
yawinen he carried it (wen to carry)
2. ya- (2) seems to have the meaning of the object being reduced to
many pieces.
yanakisdimmillet she smashed it 152.16 (na- again, § 32; k-, § 34;
s-, § 85; -d, 3d modal, after na- § 32, p. 116; ml- to throw
several things; -e7 suffix, § 40)
yanaiskil he split 142.3 (na- again, § 32; s-, § 35; £2- to split)
§§ 30, 31
A Bl
-BOAS] HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES L113
3. ye- is used of motion into houses, beds of streams, and spaces
however slightly enclosed, and also into smaller objects, as
canoes and baskets. .
yenawityat he went into (a house) 98.15
yenawitmen he made it swim into (a river from the ocean) 266.2
yeintitnee you must step into (a canoe) 209.2 (¢a/ to step)
yetceitkas he threw into (a basket) 288.7
4. wa- (1) seems to mean THROUGH with verbs of cutting and
burning.
wakinnillitxolan they were burned through 119.3 (/¢¢ to burn)
wakinninkats he cut through
5. wa- (2) is employed with verbs of handing or giving something
to a man or an animal.
xowaitda he handed it to him 181.13 (#6 him)
waimmil he always distributes them 195.8.
6. Le- has the general meaning of the converging or nearness of ob-
jects. 1t has the special meaning of building a fire from the
placing-together of sticks. It is also employed of completing
a circle, or a circuit in travelling.
tenaislovié he tied together 210.5
tenanillat he built a fire
Lenanitten he took it all the way around (the world)
7. me- (1) seems to have the meaning of position at, or motion to,
against, or along the surface of, something.
menaisdiyat he climbed (a tree) 103.12
'menemen he landed him (against the shore) 162.9
meittan he stuck to it 202.3
mewitwaL he beat on
8. me- (2) is similar to ye-, except that it usually refers to position in
; something, while ye- is employed of motion into.
metsisyen she stands in (the body of her husband) 195.11
9. naé- (1) is used of indefinite motion over the surface of the
ground or water, and of position on the earth’s surface. The
primary meaning may be HORIZONTAL.
naitits it is running about 294.4 (zs to run)
naiwimmee he swam
natvuiwii I paint (my body) 247.12
1 The glottal stop probably belongs with the prefix. It appears in some forms and is absent in others.
} § 31
44877—Bull. 40, pt 1—10 —_8
114 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 40
10. na- (2) or nana expresses motion downward or toward the
earth. The second na may be the iterative particle, since
whatever or whoever comes down must previously have gone up.
nainatt it dropped down 115.14
nanawityai he came down 138.15
11. na- (3) is used of horizontal motion or position, as a line stretched,
or in crossing a stream.
nananindeL they went over (the river) 267.6
nandwiledt it was hung for a door 171.1
12. n6- is employed of the cessation of motion, as in placing some-
thing in a position of rest, of reaching the end or limit of
something, or of completing a task.
noyanindeL they sat down 280.5
nonauwnee you must put it down 210.7 (aww to handle round ob-
jects
noininyanne that far they ate 347.17
13. wa- has the general meaning of up. It is found employed of
movement up a hillside when the speaker’s standpoint is at the
top of the hill, the digging of objects out of the ground, and of
motion out of the top of receptacles or of houses.
xaislat she brought up 98.16
xawillat she dug it out 242.5
wawitgot he jumped out (of the smoke-hole) 829.13
14. awee- in the sense of AWAY FROM, as in blowing and pushing.
weeiLyol he blows away 296.15
xeenailkis she pushed it away 185.3.
15. wotda-, with the general meaning of DowN, expresses motion
down a hill or stream.
avotdaitkas he threw down (from a tree) 138.8
xotdaixen they floated down 216.5
16. x6tde- is used of one person’s meeting another where the move-
ment of only one person is of interest. When one wishes to
say they came toward each other, ze- is employed.
xotdeisyar he met him 105.14
wvotdeyaisdeL they met them 110.8.
17. saé- is employed of motion into the mouth, as in eating, drinking; -
or biting.
saéwinxan he put it into her mouth 278.10
sa §willat he put in his mouth 119.6.
§ 31
BoAS] HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 115
18.
19.
20.
bo
D
20.
da- refers to a bank, bench, shelf, or something higher than the
ground, on which the person or object is at rest or comes to rest.
danintsa be seated (on a chair) 107.12
datifivis fly upon a tree 114.2
de-d- is employed of motion toward or of position in fire. The
second syllable, which is completed according to the sound
which follows it, may be separated from the first syllable.
denadeitiwmil I put in the fire 247.9
dediwimmeL he threw into the fire 165.10
dje- expresses the separation of a mass, as in splitting wood.
djewittseL he pounded it open 108.11
21. du- signifies oFF, AWAY FROM.
duwirxtts it came off (the umbilical stump) 157.7
2. ta- (1) is employed of motion toward or away from a body of
water with special regard to its surface.
tanaistan he took it out of the water 325.4
taweséa a mountain will project into the water 255.2
taidinnin let us drink water 179.3
. ta- (2) is used with verbs meaning TO DESERT, TO LEAVE A PLACE
PERMANENTLY.
tasyahwin one ought to go away 215.8 (ya to go)
. te- refers to motion into water and under its surface (see no. 22).
tewiltsit a canoe sank 153.17
tetciwintan he put it into the water 101.14
. tsi7i- means AWAY FROM in expressions of fleeing.
tsintetesdildeL we ran away 198.10
. tee- has the meaning of out oF, and is employed of motion out of
a house or small receptacle, but also of less definitely enclosed
spaces, as brushy places or the bed of a stream (see no. 8).
tcenamit throw them out (of the house) 301.13
teeninéan he took out (from his quiver) 119.15
tceiltat he jumped out (of ambush) 106.2
tcewillindin where it flows out-175.10
ke- seems to refer to motion or position against or along a ver-
tical surface.
keisyat he climbed up 137.17
kenaninita it was leaning up 99.5
§ 31
116 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 40
There are three prefixes which indicate the pursuit or search for a
person or thing, or, in a secondary sense, the attempt to do a thing.
28. win- (wa + n 7) is used of looking for a thing the position of
which is unknown, as in hunting game. It also means to at-
tempt something by persistent effort.
winnaisya he started to make 319.3
wtinnaditte they will hunt 311.14
29. na- is employed when there is a track to be followed. It is likely
connected with the iterative particle na- AGAIN, since the mean-
ing may be that of going over the trail again.
nayaxoteLve® they tracked him 170.3
30. #a- implies the going-after with the intention of getting the thing
sought and bringing it back. .
vanetete | am going to look for it 336.10
31. a- is used to introduce verbs of SAYING, THINKING, DOING, and
APPEARING. It seems to have no definite meaning; but, since it
is omitted when a direct object precedes a verb of thinking or
saying, it may be an indefinite object for the verb.
adenne he said 97.15
aleneé you must do it 100.18
§ 82. Adverbial Prefixes, Second Position
1. na-, the prefix of iteration, expresses the undoing of anything or
the retracing of one’s steps, as well as the repeating of an act.
It is often employed where in English the repetition is taken for
granted, as in the customary acts of daily life, eating, drinking,
sleeping, etc. Sometimes the prefix requires d or ¢ preceding
the root, and in other cases it is used without either.
menanittcwit he pushed it back 163.1 ee
nanaitwiw he used to carry it back 237.8
nanodiya \et it come back 233.5
~ anatcillau he did it again 106.8
2. xa-, the prefix of identity, refers to any act previously described
that is repeated by the same or a different person.
xaatcillau he did the same thing 211.1
xadiyate it will do that 254.10
xatlle do that 165.19
waatcityau he did that 280.12
§ 32
BOAS] HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES DEY
§ 33. Deictic Prefixes, Third Position
For the third person, in Hupa, two forms occur. The first form is
that used when speaking of adult Hupa. The second form is used
when speaking of Hupa children and sometimes of very aged people,
of members of others tribes and races, and of animals. The first form
begins with ¢c-, and is completed according to the sound which fol-
lows. The second form has y- for its beginning, and is also com-
pleted according to the following sounds. After many of the pre-
fixes, these signs do not appear; but a hiatus’ marks the absence of
the first form; and contraction or lengthening, often involving diph-
thongization, the second. There are no pronouns with which these
may be connected, and demonstrative sources are to be expected. The
third person has a dual whenever the root by its displacement has the
power of showing plurality. In that case the same signs—or their
absence—indicate the dual as the singular, the forms differing only in
the root. The plural is invariably indicated by the syllable -ya-, which
has the hiatus after it, for the first class of persons, and lengthening
or contraction for the second.
yetcitda he is carrying a large object
yeyitda he (not an adult Hupa) is carrying a large object
§ 34. First Modal Prefixes, Fourth Position
Several elements appear as prefixes in many verbs for which no
definite and satisfactory meaning has been found.
1. k-, ky-, is phonetically weak, the remainder of the syllable being
supplied from the sound which follows. Only occasionally has
a meaning been found for it, and the meanings which do appear
are not reconcilable. It is probable that it supplies an indefi-
nite object for verbs of eating, and perhaps some others.” Ina
few cases it has the meaning of LEAVING AS A GIFT rather
than LEAVING FOR A TIME. In many cases a sense of indefinite-
ness is present in the verb as regards the time occupied and the
number of acts required for the complete operation.
nakinyin eat again(without mentioning what is to be eaten) 153.9
yakinwiw carry it 105.18
yekytwestce the wind blew in 270.4
1The hiatus in this case does not seem to be due to a full glottal stop, but to a lessening of the force
of the breath. It is very likely brought about by the disappearance of tc-. The lengthening and
diphthongization which take place in the case of the second form are probably due to the coalescing
of y with the preceding vowel.
2In other dialects a sound (tc) which almost certainly corresponds to this is regularly used when
the object has not been mentioned or is unknown.
§§ 33, 34
118 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 40
2. te-, the prefix of distribution, means either that the act took place
here and there in space, or continuously over space; or that one
person after another did the act.
natelos she dragged it back 190.1
tettewen it grew 96.3
tcrttetcwaz she buried in several places 192.12
tcetedeL they went out one by one 138.5
3. d- occurs, for instance, with the adverbial prefix de- (§ 31.19), sig-
nifying INTO FIRE.
dexoditwaL he threw him into the fire
4, 6- a verbal prefix, the meaning of which has not been ascertained.
dotcowilan she will leave(dd not; tc- deictic; 6- first modal; -2-
second modal; an stem)
Or
.-e- customMARY. ‘This prefix is not used throughout all the tenses or
modes, as are the preceding, but has the office in itself of mak-
ing a tense, as the suffixes generally have. Before vowels it
generally appears as e, and that is probably its true form. In
many cases it is connected with a consonant suggested by the
following sound or another word-element, when it appears as 7.
Its use marks the act or condition as customary or habitual, or
at least as occurring more than once.
tceecauw he is accustomed to catch with a net (¢e- deictic; -e cus-
tomary; vaww stem)
tcoewait he is accustomed to buy (¢c- deictic; d- first modal; -e cus-
tomary; -zazt to buy, customary tense)
6. In the same group stand all pronominal objects.
tc(u)hwow(?)twil(t)tte she will ask me for it (¢c- deictic; Aw- me;
0- first modal; -w- second modal; -z- third modal; w#/ to ask,
definite tense; -z continuously; -¢e future; the letters in paren-
theses represent glides)
tanaiwosdower it cut him all to pieces (¢a- adverbial prefix of
unknown significance; na- iterative; -2 deictic; -vd him; -s- sec-
ond modal; dé to cut; -e2 emphatic)
7. n-. The use of this prefix is mostly confined to adjectives (see § 76).
§ 35. Second Modal Prefixes, Fifth Position
There are three simple sounds which by their presence indicate
whether the act is viewed as beginning, ending, or progressing. These
sounds are not found in all forms of the same verb, but only in those
tenses which refer to the act or state as one and definite. While it
§ 35
BOAS] HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 119
seems certain that these sounds do have the force mentioned above,
it is found, by making comparisons, that they follow certain prefixes.
In many cases the nature of the prefix requires the act to be thought
of as beginning, ending, or progressing. The sound which is of most
frequent occurrence is w. It stands at the beginning of a syllable,
usually the one immediately preceding the root. The remainder of
this syllable contains the subjective personal elements. Its initiatory
force can be seen in the verbs wifiyat COME ON and wifiva WATER LIES
THERE. This last verb can not be applied to a natural body of water,
like the ocean, which has had no beginning. The following prefixes
require w in the definite tenses: ya-, ye-, wa-, saé-, da-, de-d-, dis-.
In a precisely parallel manner, 7 occurs as the initial of the inflected
syllable under circumstances which point to the completion of the act.
With wittyat (above) compare nifiyad IT ARRIVED. Most of the pre-
fixes which require » to follow in the definite tenses require the act
to be viewed as ending. They are the following: wa-, Le-, me-,
na- (3), nd-, -tce-.
Without the same exact parallelism of forms which obtains with the
two mentioned above, a large number of verbs have s as the charac-
teristic of the inflected syllable of the definite tenses. Most of these
verbs clearly contain the idea of progression, or are used of acts which
require considerable time for their accomplishment. The distributive
prefix ¢e- is always followed by s, never by either of the other signs,
and some of the prefixes listed above are used with s with a distine-
tion in meaning: for example,
xawinan he took a stone out of a hole (but watsyaz he came up a
hill)"
Excluding all the verbs which require one of these three sounds in
the definite tenses, there remain a considerable number which have no
definite tenses, and therefore no such sounds characterizing them.
For the sake of convenience, the Hupa verbs have been divided into
conjugations, according as they have one or the other of these sounds
in the definite tenses or lack definite tenses entirely. There are, accord-
ing to this arrangement, four conjugations: the first characterized by
w, the second, by n; the third, by s; and the fourth lacking definite
tenses.
1JIn one of the Eel river dialects the bringing home of a deer is narrated as follows: yigifigin he
started carrying; yitesgin he carried along; yiningin he arrived carrying. Here we have g (corre-
sponding to Hupa w), s, and m used with the same stem, expressing the exact shades one would expect
in Hupa.
§ 35
120 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 40
§ 36. Pronominal Prefixes, Sixth Position
Next in order are the sounds which indicate the person and number
of the subject. These are sometimes changed and sometimes disap-
pear, because of phonetic influences.
First Person
For tenses other than the definite, the sign of the first person sin-
gular is w or -iw, which is in all cases appended to the preceding syl-
lable. ‘This sound is related to the initial sound of the independent
pronoun of the first person singular, hae, and is no doubt derived
from it. In the definite tenses this form does not occur, but -e is
found instead. The first person plural has @- for its sign. The remain-
der of the syllable of which this is the initial is completed from the
sound which follows it. .
Second Person
In the singular the form is -% or -77. The former is found when
there is a sound preceding with which it can join, and the latter when
no sound precedes, or when, for some reason, it can not unite with it.
The sign seems to be dropped before 1 and / following in the same
syllable, of which there are many cases. It is reasonable to suppose
that this sign is connected with the independent pronoun of the sec-
ond person singular, 227%. In nearly all cases, in the second person
plural 0° is found as the vowel of the inflected syllable. This @ is
strongly aspirated. The cases in which 3° is not found seem to be due
to contraction, which always results in an aspirated vowel. An 0 of
similar quality and with an aspiration occurs in the pronoun for the
second person plural, ndhin.
§ 37. Third Modal Prefixes, Seventh Position
Certain prefixes are found in many verbs immediately preceding the
root, and suggest transitiveness or intransitiveness in the verb, or in
some way point out the relation between the subject, predicate, and
object. As the second modal prefixes are required in most cases by
the adverbial prefix which precedes them, so these are necessitated by
certain roots which follow them. When, however, a root is found with
different prefixes preceding it, their force becomes apparent. Com-
pare tcittetaL HE STEPPED ALONG with ¢ecttertal HE KICKED SOME-
THING ALONG. The absence of a modal prefix in the first is connected
§§ 36,37
==”
Boas] HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 121
with the intransitive meaning; and zis connected with a transitive
force. Compare also kewintan ir stuck Fast (said of a bird alighting
on pitch) and kewittan HE PUT PITCH ON SOMETHING. The 7 which in
the first of these examples precedes the root, seems to be a vestige of
a prefix of this order occurring in certain forms of the third person in
a class of verbs where usually none is present.
In nearly every case in which z is present, required by the root or
not, a transitive force can be conceived for the verb, which is always
active. No prefix, or 2 shown above, is found with intransitive verbs;
but this is also true of a large number of transitive verbs. It is
noticeable, however, that the transitive verbs which do not require a
preceding z belong to those which, by the nature of the root, indicate
the character of the object. Certain roots are always preceded by ¢
or d@ (the third class), and certain others by / (the fourth class). But
it is found that those without a sign, or with the sign » of doubtful
character, when changed to the passive, also take ¢ or d. In the same
manner, verbs with z the surd, on becoming passive, change z to / the
sonant.
On the basis of these prefixes the verbs have been arranged in four
classes:
Class I has all intransitive and a certain class of transitive verbs,
and has no characteristic prefix, unless it be x.
Class II is composed entirely of transitive verbs, and has 1 as its
characteristic.
Class III contains the passives of Class I, and certain verbs not pas-
sive, but possibly with passive leanings.
Class IV is composed of the passives of Class II and certain other
verbs which show the influence of some power outside of the apparent
agent.
SUFFIXES (§§ 38-44)
§ 38. Classification of Suffixes
The suffixes employed with verbs differ from the prefixes in that
their use is only occasional, while the prefixes are for the most part
essential to the meaning of the verb, and are employed with all its
forms. The suffixes are appended mostly to the present definite and
present indefinite tense-forms. Most of them have a temporal, modal,
or conjunctional force.
§ 38
122 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [ BULL. 40
ey)
§ 39. Temporal Suffixes
. ~a. This suffix is used with the forms of the present indefinite, and
indicates that the act or condition was persistent through a lim-
ited and definitely stated length of time.
wilweL tsisdaux until night he stayed
naiLits*’ he ran around (until morning)
. ~winte. The suffixing of -winte to the forms of the present indefi-
nite gives a meaning to the verb but little different from the
customary tense, which has a prefix ¢-. It indicates that the
act or condition is continuous, or at least takes place whenever
cause arises. The customary may mean that the act has been
done several times without regard to the regularity of the
intervals.
tcitwaLwinte they always dance
-neen. This suffix is applied to nouns and verbs alike. It states
that the thing, act, or condition has ceased, or is about to cease,
its existence. When used with verbs, it is usually appended
to the forms of the present indefinite, and means that the act or
condition was habitual or continual in the past, but has now
ceased.
auwtinneen I used to do that
wessilyoneen you used to like (him)
. -te. This is the suffix most commonly employed. It predicts a
future act or condition, either as the result of the impulse of the
agent, or the compelling force of some person or event. It
takes the place, therefore, of English wit and sHaLu. It is
appended, for the most part, to the forms of the definite present.
meluwte Lam going to watch it
dediwillate he will put it into the fire
This suffix is sometimes preceded by a syllable containing the
vowel ¢ standing between the root and -te. The prediction is
said to be made with less assurance when it has this form.
tcesdiyannete she may live to be old
. -teL. This suffix seems to denote events in a nearer future than
those expressed by -te.
diwitlete. a party is coming to kill
minesgitteL it will be afraid 295.7
§ 39
noas] HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES #23
§ 40. Temporal and Modal Suffixes
Certain suffixes are temporal, but also have a modal force.
6. -et. In myths and tales the definite past occurs very frequently
with an ending -e?, which regularly takes over the semi-vowels
and often the consonants of the preceding syllable. The younger
Hupa, at least, do not seem to be conscious of any change in
meaning that may be made by its addition. A comparison of the
instances of its occurrence would indicate a mild emphasis, that
the act, which has several times been ineffectually ttempted, has
been successfully accomplished, or that something which has been
several times done is now done for the last time.
yawittennet she picked him up (after several attempts)
7. -él, -iL. The application of the verb may be made continuous
over space by adding -z or -7z for the present, and -/ or -d/ for
the past. The shorter forms are used after vowels without
increasing the number of syllables; the longer forms add a
syllable, often taking over the consonant which precedes.
yaxowiLeaiL going along they track him
tcdhweitte they will call (continually)
tcuwittel he was bringing
kytiwinytiil you ate along
§ 41. Modal Suffixes
8. -min. This suffix, which is not of frequent occurrence, indicates
that the verb which it follows expresses the purpose of some act
yaitkimmin that they might catch it
9. -nee. The more positive and more frequent form of the impera-
tive seems to have -neé suflixed to the regular form, implying
the duty or mild necessity one is under to do the act.
ottsainee dry them
yeintitnee you must step in
10. -hwtn. To express a moral responsibility or necessity, -hwit%
is suffixed to the forms of the definite or indefinite present.
donéyahwii I can not stay ©
tasyahwit one ought to go away
11. -sillen. This suffix seems by its use to imply that the occurrence
was imminent, but did not result.
yawinettssillen he nearly flew
§§ 40, 41
124 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 40
12. -newan. The suflix -newan indicates that the act is done, but
with difficulty.
datciwonnetintenewan one can hardly look at
13. -dee. For the expression of a future condition, -deé is employed.
adendeé if he sings
axoladeé if it happens 308.1
14. -detc. This suffix, which occurs but rarely, seems to indicate
a less probable and more general future condition.
teissetwindete if he kills
15. -mifviinne. For the expression of the result of supposed condi-
tions contrary to fact, -mzfiznne is employed.
dodaxoatinmininne (people) would never have died
§ 42. Suffixes Indicating Source of Information
Certain suffixes are used to show by which of the senses the fact
stated was observed, or whether it was inferred from evidence.
16. -e. The vowel -e, standing by itself or preceded by the consonant
or semi-vowel of the preceding syllable, indicates that the object
or act is within the view of the speaker.
mewintanne he stuck to it (he saw)
17. -tsu, -tse. When the act is perceived by the sense of hearing
or feeling, -¢se is appended to the present definite, and -tsz to the
past definite.
neitwgittse I feel afraid
adentsté’ he heard it say
18. -wolan. A fact inferred from evidence is expressed by the
suffix -zolan. Since the act is viewed as already completed,
the verbs often have the force of the pluperfect. ,
Lenanillaxolan he had built a fire (he saw)
19. -xdliin. This suffix is said to differ from the preceding only in
the fact that the evidence is more certain.
vilaxolin grass has grown up (the fact is certain, for the grass
is there, although the growing of it was not seen)
§ 43. Conjunctional Suffixes
A few suffixes are conjunctional. Their union with the verb seems
to be rather loose.
§§ 42, 43
.
4
;
;
a
BOAS] HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 125
20. -hit. The suffixing of -Ac¢ to the verb has the effect of making it
part of a subordinate temporal clause.
yexontnhit when they ran in
tceinsithit when he woke up
21. -méiL. This suffix has nearly or quite the same force as -Azt.
yitsin ecetamiL west (the sun) used to be then
22. -tsit. This suffix, which occurs seldom, means that the act
expressed by the verb to which it is added is to be done before
some other contemplated act.
kitiytntsit eat first
§ 44. Adverbial Suffixes
There are two suflixes which appear to be adverbial.
23. -he. This suffix emphasizes a negative command or a condi-
tional statement. It is comparable to English in THE LKasvT, or
French pas, in negative clauses.
doadiiwinnehe don’t say that
tciwiytnilhe even if he eat it
94. -ka, -Qk. These suffixes signify LIKE, IN THE MANNER OF.
atenka the way they do
nesedaitik the way I sat
VERBAL ROOTS (§§ 45-50)
§ 45. Variation of Verbal Roots
The greater number of verbal roots undergo a change of form or
length, for the most part connected with the changes of mode or tense.
In a few cases there is also a change within the mode or tense for the
persons. For number, the change, when present, is not an alteration
of the root, due to phonetic or morphological causes, but a substitu-
tion, in the dual and plural, of a root altogether different from that in
the singular.
Sometimes the changes in the root mark off the definite tenses from
the indefinite; in other cases the customary and impotential are differ-
ent also in the form of the root from the present indefinite and imper-
ative; and in a few cases, the impotential alone has a form longer than
or different from that found elsewhere in the verb. The indefinite pres-
ent and imperative are the weakest of all in the form of their roots.
Of the definite tenses, the past is usually longer than the present, and
§§ 44, 45
126 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 40
is characterized by stronger vowels: for example, @ is found in the
past instead of @, and e instead of z; and the diphthong a and au
appear for a Some roots which end in ¢ in the past do not have
that ending in the present.
A number of roots, many of them containing the vowel 2, do not
change in form or length.
It is extremely difficult to trace these variations of the root to their
causes. It is altogether probable that -w, which is the final sound in
many roots of the indefinite tenses, is to be connected with -c (sh) or
-s (which occurs in the same roots and the same tenses in Tolowa and
other Athapascan dialects). It is therefore, in all likelihood, the
remains of a former suffix. It is most likely that -x and -%, which
are so characteristic of the definite tenses, are not original parts of
the root. In fact, what seems to be the same root often occurs with-
out the nasals. The difference between the past and present definite
is almost certainly due to the accent, which is on the root in the past
and on the syllable preceding the root in the present. This in turn
may be due to the fact that the latter is often used with suffixes.
The most important verbal roots are given below with their varia-
tions and what is deemed the most characteristic meaning of each.
§ 46. Roots with Four Forms
The following roots have the past detinite in -en; the present defi-
nite, in -27,; the impotential, customary, and present indefinite and
unexcepted forms of the imperative, in -i#w, and the third person
imperative, in -e.
-Wen, -wih, -wiiw, -we (3d imp.) to carry on the back
-Wen, -wih, -wiiw, -we (3d imp.) to move or to wave fire
-ten, -tin, -tiiw, -te (1st and 3d imp.) to lie down
Two roots have -% for the impotential and customary, with -e for
present indefinite and imperative.
-len, -litt, -lii, -le to become, to be, to be transformed
-lau, -la, -lii, -le to do something, to arrange according to a plan
§ 47. Roots with Three Forms
The following have the first form for the past definite, the second
form for the present definite; and the third form for the indefinite
tenses. Some exceptions are noted.
-Ean, -®0h, -eaww to transport round objects
-an, -G7%, -auw to run, to jump (with plural subject only)
§§ 46, 47
2 Se) eee
BOAS ] HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 127
-yan, -ytn, -yauw. to eat
-ran, -vtih, -rauw to move in a basket or other vessel any
liquid or smally divided substance, to catch with a net
-tan, -tin, tiw to handle or move a long object
-tan, -tin, -tiiw to split
-wen, -win, -we to kill
-ten, tii, tiw to move or to carry in any way a person or
animal
-tewen, -tewii, -tcwe to make, to arrange, to grow, to become
-yat, -yd, -yauw to go, to come, to travel about (1st and 3d imp.
in -y@)
-lai, -la, -ltiw to move or transfer a number of objects
-lai, -la, -liiw to travel by canoe, to manage a canoe
-hwai, -hwa, -hwauw to walk, to go, to come (imp. has -/Azwa)
The following have the definite tenses with -Z, the customary impo-
tential with -/, and the present indefinite and imperative with -z :'—
-wal, -wil, -wit to strike, to throw, to scatter
-weL, -wil, -wit relating to the passing of night
-meL, -mil, -mit to strike, to throw, to drop
-deL, -dil, -dit to go, to come, to travel (plural only)
-deL, -dil, -dit to strike
-taL, -til, -ttit to step, to kick, to do anything with the foot
-tseL, -tsil, -tsit to pound, as with a hammer or maul
§48. Roots with Two Forms
These roots, with a few exceptions, have the past definite, impoten-
tial, and customary with the first form, and the remaining tenses with
the other.
A ~
First Type, -an, -u7
-yan, -yam% to live, to pass through life
-yan, -yai to spy upon, to watch, to observe with suspicion
-wan, -wtii to sleep
-lan, -liw to quit, to leave, to desist
-lan, -lai7i to be born
-nan, -nim to drink
-xan, -wii to be sweet or pleasant to the taste
-tan, -tivi to eat (3d person singular only)
-tan, -tivi relating to any wax or waxlike substance
-tsan, -tsti7i to find, to see
-tewan, -tcwtii relating to the eating of a meal in company
-han, -kivi to put on edge, to lean up
1 That the form with z is due to a final aspiration and that with L to glottal action seems reason-
able. The cause of this, if not due to vanished suffixes, must be looked for in accent.
§ 48
128
BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 40°
Second Type, -en, -i%
-en, -t7 to look
-en, -% to do, to act, to deport one’s self
-yen, -yi to stand on one’s feet
-len, -lii to flow, to run (said of any liquid)
-men, -min to fill up, to make full
-hwen, -hwit to melt
-sen, -sii to think, to know (1st and 2d persons only)
-den, -din to travel in company
-den, -din to be light, to blaze
-ten, -tim to do, to perform an act
-tewen, -tcwinm to smell, to stink, to defecate
-tewen, -tewiti to want food or sexual gratification, to desire
Third Type, -ai, -a
-€qai (impoten. and past), -é@ to be in position
-yai (impoten.), -ya to move about, to undertake
-wai (impoten.), -wa to go, to go about (3d person only)
-dai (impoten. and past def.), -da to sit, to stay, to remain, to
fish
-tewat (impoten. and past def.), -tcwa to handle or move many
small pieces, to dig, to bury, to paw the ground
kai (impoten. and cust.), -ka to get up from a reclining or
sitting position E
Fourth Type, -au, -a'
-au, -a to sing
-yau, -ya to do, to follow a line of action, to be in a plight
-dau, -da to melt away, to disappear
-tau, -ta to hover, to settle, to fly around
Fifth Type, -i, -e! —
-li, -le to make an attack, to form a war-party
-li, -le to dive, to swim under water
-Li, -Le to handle or to do anything with asemi-liquid, dough-
like substance
-nii, -ne to do, to happen, to behave in a certain way
-xu, -xe to finish, to track, to overtake
-djeu, -dje to fly in a flock
-tu, -te to sing in a ceremony
-tsii, -tse to squirm, to writhe, to roll, to tumble
-tewt, -tcewe to cry, to weep
§ 48
10riginally -ag -a‘, and -eg -e’; therefore similar to the following -at -a.
BOAS] HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 129
Sixth Type, -at, -a
-wat, -wa to shake itself (said of a dog)
-lat, -la to float
-Lat, -La to run, to jump
-xait, -xai to buy
-teat, -tca to be sick, to become ill
-kait, -kai to cause to project, to push, to pole a canoe, to shoot,
to fall forward from weakness (i. e., to starve)
-kyot, -kyo to flee, to run away
-tsut, -tsa to sit down
Seventh Type, -l, -L
-2l, -iL to swim, to dive (plural only)
-yol, -you to blow with the breath
-wal, -wat to shake a stick, to dance
-lal, -lat to dream, to sleep
-nel, -next to play
-nol, -noL to blaze
-hwal, -hwat to fish for with a hook, to catch with a hook
-hwil, -hwit to call by name, to name
-xal, -vaL to dawn
-dil, -dit to ring, to give a metallic response to a blow
-tsel, -tset to be or to become warm
-kil, -kit to split with the hands
-gol, -goL to crawl, to creep
Eighth Type, -ts, -s
-mats, -mas to roll, to coil
-xtits, -xtis to pass through the air, to fly, to fall, to throw
-tats, -tiis to cut a gash, to slit up, to cut open. to dress eels
Ninth type, -te, -w
-atc, -auw to move in an undulating line
-gotc, -gow to throw, like a spear
-gotc, gow to run like a wolf
§ 49. Roots with One Form
A few of these vary in length, but those having the vowels i
and #% and some others do not.
-eL to have position (plural only)
-viw to drop
-its to shoot an arrow
-its to wander about
-ait to move flat flexible objects
-ya to stand on one’s feet (plural only)
§ 49
44877—Bull. 40, pt 1—10-—_9
130
§ 49
BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 40
-ye to dance
-yeuw to rest
-yeuw to rub, to knead
-yits to entangle
-yo to like
-yow to flow, to scatter
-yot to chase, to bark after
-wauw to talk, to make a noise (plural only)
-was to shave off
-wis to twist, to rotate
-wite to rock sidewise
-le to feel with the hands
-lel to carry more than one animal or child in the hands ©
-lel to bother
-lit to burn
-lite to urinate
-lik to relate, to tell acennane
-loié to tie, to wrap around —
-los to drag, to pull along
-liiw to watch, to stand guard over
-Lit to cause to burn
-meé to swim
-men to cause to swim
-medj to cook by boiling
-mit to turn over, to place one’s self belly up or down
-mit to break out (as a spring of water), to break open
-na to cook by placing before the fire
-na to move
-ne to gather nuts ‘from the ground)
-niw to hear
-hwet to dig
-xa to have position (said of water or a liquid)
-xtit to hang
-xtit to tear down
-xiits to bite, to chew
-sit to wake
-daé to be poor in flesh
-daé to carry, to move (said of a person or animal)
-daié to bloom
-dik to peck
-dits to twist into a rope
-do to cut, to slash
-d6o to dodge, to draw back
-djim to mind, to be bothered by something
-teé to look for, to search after
-teé to carry around
3
|
BOAS]
HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES
-te to remain in a recumbent position
-tetc to lie down (plural only)
-tits to use a cane
-to& referring to the movement or-position of water
-tot to drink
-tu to beg
-tiw to split
-tik to count
-teé to have some particular form, appearance, or nature
-tikh to tie with a string
131
-to relating to mutual motions of two objects by means of
which one is inserted into or withdrawn from the other
-tsai to be or to make dry
-tsas to swing a stick about, to whip
-tseé to open or shut a sliding door
-tseé to stay, to live (plural only)
-tsis to be hanging
-tsis to find, to know
-tsit to know a person or some fact or legend
-tsit to fall, to sink
-tsit to soak acorn-meal
-tsit to pull out a knot
-tsit to wait
-tceé to blow (said of the wind)
-tcit to die
-tctit to strip off, to take bark from a tree
-tewit to push, to pull off leaves, to shoot, to rub one’s self
-tewog to sweep
-tewiw to smell of
-git to be afraid of, to be frightened
-git to travel in company
-kas to throw
-ket to creak
-kis to put one’s hand on, to stab, to spear
-kit to catch with the hands, to take away
-kit to hang, to spread,- to settle (said of fog)
-kit to feed, to give food to any one
-kaite to make the stroke or throw in playing shinny
-kyaé to wear a dress
-kya to perceive by any of the senses
-kyas to break, to cause to break
-kyos to handle or to move anything that is flat and flexible
-gal to walk (3d person only)
-got to push a pointed instrument into a yielding mass, to stick,
to poke
-got to dodge, to tumble, to flounder about helplessly
§ 49
Loe -BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 40
§ 50. Meaning of Roots
In regard to meaning, roots fall into at least three classes.
(1) A few monosyllabic nouns, occupying the position in the verb
which belongs to the root, name the means employed; while the gen- |
eral nature of the act is suggested by that part of the verb which pre-
cedes the root. For example, -¢c¢s (a verbal root identical with the
~ noun ¢2¢s A CANE) occurs in the verb tct¢tertits HE WALKED WITH A CANE.
(2) A rather large number of roots, while not definitely naming the
object, indicate the class to which it belongs as regards its size, shape,
or physical character. The most important of these are the following:
-Ean, -®t, -eauw round objects
-tt flat and flexible
-wen, -win,-wiw fire
-lat, -la, -liiw several of any kind
-lel several children or animals
-Lti, -Le dough
-ran, -xtin, -wauw liquid
-da a person or animal
-tan, -tini, -tuw a long object
-ten, -tin, -tiiw person, animal, or animal product
-tan, tii wax or waxlike
-tcewat the soil
-kyos, flat and flexible object
These verbal roots are rigidly restricted in their applicability to
objects of definite form, including in this category number. This
classification has reference to the appearance of objects as ROUND,
FLAT AND FLEXIBLE, LONG AND SLIM, ANIMATE, PLURAL. In the
intransitive verb this has reference to the form of the subject; in the
transitive verb, to the form of the object.
(3) Most if not all the remaining roots indicate more or less exactly
the nature of the act itself. It has been impossible, with no knowl-
edge of the past history of the Hupa language and but little access
to the related languages, to define exactly the meaning of many of the
roots.
§ 51. Analysis of Verbal Forms
A few of the more complex forms are analyzed in the following
table in accordance with the general discussion of the formative ele-
ments contained in the preceding sections.
§§ 50, 51
in ee ee he Ee ie ee
133
HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES
rl
1a
*8°022 TINOILD oy} poye[dutos oy whi p Tl ae i fee i aie DU aT °O?
"ST'91G 9B HOOT [ITAL OAL ayT up i Pp m u Du
‘EL ZhZ 99S plnood ouo ua 3 A D CLT
PLTLT ABMB YOO} AOYY up> u n p Dh\n. aa eee OD.
“6 OTT pooy HoT AOU ups U u PY pi| Dvwou
"SLPS IE OABOT T minx m a Du ow
“LV'L9% ULBSB YOYVAL [TA | ay mn} m Du ‘aut
‘9'GTE O10YS 0} YORBG poyvoy If WILY YPLM i) 70) pu Du ‘aut “Tox
"ST'08% OUI 0} UY} Sutaq 4,u0p ay qn) 1=3 mn” u wn ‘my ‘op
~ “Z'Shs possed yy stu oy} 4yq3ru oq) pueds [[rM ] a4 Tan 2 =: ae ey
"L'e0% wry ydoys y1=doojs 0} JuoM oY UDN=UudY u nm oy ox
“LT 901 no wiry pornd oy Ton 1 a} Ox 29}
‘OP TST 1043030) oF [[pM Loyd aq sph 1 u y a
“EL'GST MBS OF ‘SUOTR SULY[BA SBA OT wojox ‘ati vh $ aq oy }
"1908 9ULOd 0} pasn oy wa au phi u u y
“PLS MOA YUL O38 T [LA T 4 ph a 8 ey TU
"EL'ZOL ULBS¥ JNO OUIBO OY wh p w Du a0}
"p'O1g 107BA\ UT puvys Loy} phi 1 Pp Du ‘ap
“ST'91Z 9B HOOT [ILA oar ay “TL Ww 7 10J ] P m au Du
°C'LPG OSTMSSOLO TOY} ABT T Ta m u x DU Dp
‘9 IST WoRG uvs AoYY uD u nm D Ox ‘Du “Dp
°8°G1Z If OABOT PMOYS ou 4 une u u 4 a wan Deniow
9°01Z 41 poovyd oy up wu nm 27 Dp
ap ‘2 ‘7 ‘u s‘u‘m | ‘up Ja‘o 'y
‘yootqns ‘s[BpouL ‘yoalqo
“xing : 1048 ae PALL panenee pugaey aoe SILA “onored AAEDY.
‘SWHO,, IVAUTA AO SISATVNY
134 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY fBULL. 40
§ 52. Tenses and Modes
While the time, reality, and definiteness of the act or condition may
be expressed by means of suffixes and variations in the root, the same
distinctions of meaning are drawn from the form of the complete verb.
Without taking into account the suffixes, the following tense or mode
forms exist: present indefinite, imperative, impotential, customary,
present definite, and past definite. The first four of these are clearly
marked off from the last two, in meaning, by the fact that they do not
refer to a single definite act. They differ in form, in most cases, in
the root and in the sign of the first person singular.
The name of present indefinite has been chosen to distinguish the
present of wider use and of less discrimination as to the time of the
action, from the present definite, which affirms a single actas just com-
pleted. The former is used of acts in progress but not completed,
when such acts consume appreciable time, or of acts desired or intended.
The real imperative forms, the second person singular and plural,
are identical with those of the indefinite present, while the forms of
the third person, expressing the wish that some person be compelled
to perform the act, are different from those of the indefinite present.
The impotential deals with future negative acts in a sweeping way,
implying that it is impossible that they should take place. Part of
this force is given the form by déxoli7, which precedes the verb, mean-
ing ir 1s Nor. The form of the verb itself in this mode-tense is not
different from the present indefinite, except that it often has a longer
or stronger form of the root.
The customary differs from the present indefinite in the presence of
an element (consisting of a single vowel, probably -e-) which stands
before the signs of person and number, and sometimes in form of the
root. Its meaning, as the name implies, is that the act is habitual, or at
least several times performed. It is used almost entirely of past acts.
The definite present and past differ from each other only in the form
and length of the root. The past has the longer and stronger form
of the root, if it be variable at all. The accent seems to rest on the
root in the past, and on the syllable before the root in the present.
They refer to individual, completed acts,—the present as just com-
pleted; and the past, of more remote time. On the forms of the
present definite by means of suffixes, the future, future conditional,
and other tenses and modes are built.
§ 52
BOAS]
co bo ke
wb
HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES
Conjugations (§§ 53-75)
§ 58. CLASS I, CONJUGATION 1A
tcexauw HE IS CATCHING
Singular
TUWLAUW
UNLAUW
CcexrauUw
Yrxxauw
Singular
tCOLAUW
YOLAUD
Singular
CLUWLAUW
CENLAUW
CCECELHAUW
YeeLAUW
Singular
WeELUN
WiRLUT
teuwinxin
yuwinxun
Present Indefinite
Imperative
Customary
Definite
Plural
itdexauw
0 eau
YALauUw
YUxauw
Plural
yatcorauw
Yyaryouauw
Plural
eitdexauw
€0 LAUW
Yyaexauw
Yarexauw,
Plural
witdextin
wo xtiin
yawinxin
yarwinacan
§ 54. CLASS I, CONJUGATION 1B
yamas HE IS ROLLING OVER
Singular
YAUWMAS
yammas
yamas
yamas
Singular
yaiummas
yatmmas
Yyatmmas
yaimmas
Singular
yarmas
yawimmas
yawimmas
yawimmas
Present Indefinite
Customary
Definite
Plural
yadimmas
ya mas
yayamas
yayamas
Plural
yaitdimmas
yao Mas
yayaimmas
yayaimmas
Plural
yawitdimmas
yawo mas
yayawimnmas
yayawimmas.
§§ 53, 54
136
In this division of the conjugation there is a contraction in the 2d
BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY
§ 55. CLASS I, CONJUGATION 1C
person singular of the definite tenses.
naLit HE IS CHARRING
(BULL. 40
Definite
; Singular Plural
1. natiit nawitdiLitit
2. nantit nawo Lit
3. nawinrit nayawiniit
3a. naiwintit nayarwinLit
§ 56. CLASS I, CONJUGATION 1D
kitttis HE CUTS OPEN
Present Indefinite
Singular Plural
1. kyuwtiis hitdittis
2. kintiis kyo tis
3. kittis yakittiis
3a. yrkittis yarkittiis
Imperative
Singular Plural
3. kyotiis yakyotis :
3a. yikyotis yaikyotis |
Customary
Singular Plural
1. kettiwtis, ete. keitditis, ete.
Definite
Singular Plural
1. hetats kytwitdittats
2. kytwintats kytiawo tats
3. kintats yakintats
3a. yikintats yatkintats
§ 57. CLASS I, CONJUGATION 1E
tcowat HE IS BUYING
Present Indefinite
Singular Plural
1. duwaai odexai
2. onwar 0 war
3. tcouae tcoyaxar
3a. youar yoyaxar
Customary
Singular Plural
1. d¢tiwaart ditdexart, ete.
§§ 55-57
BOAS]
Singular
ovxar
OnxaL
teonxar
3a. yorRuar
ait county
Definite
HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 187
Plural
Owitdexat
Owo wat
tcoyanuar
yoyanaar
§ 58. CLASS I, CONJUGATION 2
The several conjugations differ from one another in regard to the
definite tenses only.
noninit HE PUT A BLANKET DOWN
Singular
nonaut
noninit
noninit
Ba. noininit
Sa
§ 59.
Definite
Plural
nondait
nono tt
noyaniiit
noyaininiat
CLASS I, CONJUGATION 2, WITH A CHANGED ROOT
tcenthya HB IS COMING OUT
Singular
tcenéya
tcentiiyd
tcenitiya
8a. tciniya
ee
Definite
Dual
tcenedeL
tcend deL
teentiideL
teindeL
Plural
tcenedeL
tcend deL
tceyanindeL
tceytindeL
§ 60. CLASS I, CONJUGATION 3A
teislové HE IS TYING
Singular
selové
sallové
teislové
3a. yisloré
eee
Definite
Plural
sitdillove
so love
yaislove
yarislovt
§ 61. CLASS I, CONJUGATION 3B
tceittetal HE IS STEPPING ALONG
Singular
teseta.L
tesintaL
teittetaL
8a. yrttetaL
Peee ee
Definite
Plural
tesdittaL
teso tal
yatetaL
yartetaL
§§ 58-61
138
oder &
BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY
§ 62. CLASS I, CONJUGATION 4
nata HE HAS IT
Singular ~
NAUWER
NUTEA
NAEA
. naita
Singular
. natceoea
nays oem
Singular
NAIUWED
NANEA
NAAED
nNaiaea
Present
Imperative
Customary
Plural
nadata
e
na €a
NAYAta
nayarea
Plural
nayatceotea
nayay ora
Plural
naitdata
NAO Ea
nayaaea
nayaraea
§ 63. CLASS II, CONJUGATION 1A
yetciLdaé' HE IS CARRYING IN A LARGE OBJECT
Singular
yeitwda
yeitda
. yetcitda
yeytLda
Singular
yetcoLda
yeyoLda
Singular
. yeeitiwda
yeeitda
yetceitda
yeyeiLda
Singular
yeweLda
yewiLda
yetciwitda
yeyuwitda
Present Indefinite
Imperative
Customary
Definite
Plural
yeitdilda
yeoLda
yeyaiLda
yeyaritda
Plural
yeyatcoLda
yeyaryoLda
Plural
yeeitdilda
yeeoLda
yeyaiLda
yeyauLtda
Plural
yewrtdilda
yewoLda
yeyawiLda
yeyaiwiLtda
-
[BULL. 40
1It is probable but not quite certain that the glottal stop occurs finally in the root in all forms of
the verb.
§§ 62, 63
BOAS]
er ac
HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES
§ 64. CLASS II, CONJUGATION 1C
yaiLwiL HE THREW INTO THE AIR
Singular
yauwweaL
yaLwaL
YAtLwaL
YALwaL
Singular
yatcoLwaL
YyaloLwaL
Singular
yaitiwwtl
yairweal
yairwil
yariLwil
Singular
yaiLwal
yatwaLl
yawiLwaLl
yaiwitwal
Present Indefinite
Imperative
Customary
Definite
Plural
yadilwtt
YaLwaL
yayaiLwaL
yayarLwuL
Plural
yayatcoLwaL
yayaroLwat
Plural
yaitdiulwal
yaoLwtl
yayaiLwal
yayariLwil
Plural
yawitdilwaL
yawoLwaLl
yayawiLwa Ll
yayaiwitwaL
§ 65. CLASS II, CONJUGATION 2
meiLve’ HE IS FINISHING
Singular
muwnret
miLxet
metLxete
mariLaxet
Singular
metcoLwete
meyoLxeée
Singular
MEVUWLU
MELLLU
MELLUU
MULLEN
Present Indefinite
Imperative
Customary
Plural
medilxet
MeELXLEE
mayarLxet
meyarLxe
Plural
meyatcoLxe®
meyayoLaxee
Plural
meitdilat
MeOLXU
meyaiLeu
meyariLet
139
§§ 64, 65
140
oo bo
3
=
BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY
Definite
Singular
meneLvee
meneLvete
MeENULXEE
mini Lee
Plural
mindilxet
MeENOLxEE
mMeyaniLxee
meyaini Lee
§ 66. CLASS II, CONJUGATION 3A
The indefinite tenses do not differ from Conjugation 1.
.
go bo pt
3a.
Se ge
3a.
SS es
I es
3a.
$$ 66-68
naiseit HE IS TEARING DOWN
Definite
Singular Plural
naseLxat nasdilxtt
nasiLent - NASOLxAt
naisxit nayaisxit
naisxtt nayarsxat
§ 67. CLASS II, CONJUGATION 3B
tcisseLwift HE IS KILLING
Definite
Singular Plural
SeSELWtit sesdilwin
SESTLWIN SeSOLWih
tcisseLwin YyaseLwin
YisseLwin yaiseLwin
§ 68. CLASS II, CONJUGATION 4
naiLttsifi HE IS FINDING
Present
Singular Plural
nauwtsiin nadiltsan
NALtSON naLtsan
naiLtsan nayacLtsan
narLtsair nayarLtstin
Imperative
Singular Plural
natcoLtsin nayatcoLtsun
naoLtstin nayaoLtstn
Customary
Singular Plural
naitwtsan naitdiltsan
NALLtsan naoLtsan
naiLtsan nayaiLtsan
naiiLtsan nayariLtsan
BOAS]
HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES
oleh
3a.
Seer es.
olay eva
oa.
§ 69. CLASS III, CONJUGATION 1
yadeqot HE IS DODGING
Present Indefinite
Singular
yauwdegot
. ytindegot
yadeqot
. yadikgot
Imperative
Singular
yatcodegot
. yaodeqgot
Customary
Singular
yaiuwdegot
yaindegot
yaitgot
yaitqgot
Singular
yauwdegot
yandegot
yawitgot
yatgot
Definite
Plural
yadiikgot
ya deqot
yayadeqot
yayadiikgot
Plural
yayatcodeqot
yayaodeqot
Plural
yaitdegot
yao deqot
yayaitgot
yayaitgot
Plural
yawrtdeqot
yawo deqot
yayawitgot
yayatqgot
§ 70. CLASS III, CONJUGATION 2
naniteauw HE IS BRINGING IT BACK
Present Indefinite
Singular
nauwdetauw
nandetauw
nanittauw
. nainittauw
Imperative
Singular
nanodetauw
. nainodetauw
Customary
Singular
naneitwdetauw
naneindetauw
naneiteauw
naineittauw
Plural
nanedeeauw
nano deeauw
nayaniteauw
nayainiteauw
Plural
nayano detauw
nayainodetauw
Plural
naneedetauw
SSG
nanoo detauw
nayaneiteauw
nayarneiteauw
141
§§ 69,70
142
i
9
al
3
3a
The forms for the definite tenses are like those given for Class ITI,
Conjugation 1
BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY
Definite
Singular
nauwdeenn
. nandettin
. naindeetrn
. nainindethii
§ 71. CLASS III, CONJUGATION 3
naisdeqgot HE IS TUMBLING ABOUT
Definite
[BULL. 40
Plural
nanedetanin
nano‘ deetn
nayaindet tin
nayainindee hic Re
Singular Plural
1. nasdakgot nasedeqot
2. nasindegot naso deqgot
3. naisdeqot nayaisdegot
3a. nasdikgot nayasdikgot
§ 72. CLASS IV, CONJUGATION 1
nailyetw HE RESTS
Present Indefinite
Singular Plural
1. nauwyeuw nadilyeiw
2. niilyenw NALYCUw
3. nailyeuw naydailyeiw
3a. nalyeuw nayalyctiw
Imperative
Singular Plural
3. natcolyeiw nayatcolyetw
8a. nayolyeiw nayayolyeiw
Customary
Singular Plural
1. naitiwyeiw naitdilyetiw
2. nailyeiw NAOLYCUW
3. nailyetiw nayailyeuw
3a. noilyenw nayailyenw
Definite
Singular Plural
1. nauwyeiw nawitdilyetiw
2. nalyeuw NAWOLYCUW
3. nawilyeiw nayawilyekw
3a. nalyeiw nayalyeiw
§§ T1, 72
BOAS] HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES
1
2.
3
§ 73. CLASS IV, CONJUGATION 3
nadilii HE IS WATCHING FOR IT
Present Indefinite
Singular
naduwin
nadilin
nadilin
nacdilin
Singular
nadolin
naidolin
Singular
nadetuwen
nadeilen
nadeilen
naideilen
Singular
nadiwesti
nadiuwesilin
nadiiwesin
naidiiwesin
Imperative
Customary
Definite
Plural
naditdilin
nadoLin
nayadilin
nayardilin
Plural
nayadolin
nayardolin
Plural
nadeitdilen
nadooLen
nayadeilen
nayaideilen
Plural
nadiwesdilin
nadiwesoLin
nayadiiwesini
nayardiwesth
§ 73
143
144 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 40
§74. OBJECTIVE CONJUGATION
yahwitttiw HE IS PICKING ME UP
Present Indefinite
First person singular Second person singular Third person singular
(object) (object) (object)
Subject:
ne yinniiwtiw yaxowtiw
Singular. . 2 papas: e ye yaso Lei
3. yahwirtiw ytinnetci rtiw yaxd Ltiw
3a. yaihwirtiw yinnirtiw yaixd Ltiw
at yannitdiltiw yaxotdiltiw
Biwi. 2; yahwo Ltt 3 ta yoro Tatas
3. yayahwilliw yaytinnetciLtiw yayaxoLltiw
3a. yayathwirtiw yaiytinniltiw yayaixd Ltiw
Imperative
Singular... 3. yahwortiw ytiinnetc Ltiiw yaxd Ltiw
3a. yathwoLtiw yanno Ltiw yaixotiztiw
Plaral 3. yayahwo Ltiw yaytnnetcd Ltiw yayaxd Ltiw
3a. yayathwo rtiw yaiyinnd Lttiw yayaixd tiw
Customary
He yinneiiwtiw yaxotinwtiw
2. yahweiltiw axoti Ltt,
Singular... ot i . ima “ as a
3. yahweirtiw ytinnetcei Ltiw yaxotiLtiw
3a. yaihweirtiw yinneizttuw yaixdtittiuw
ile yanneitdiltiw yaxoitdiltiw
2. yahwoo Ltiiw yaxoo Ltuw
Ploralie ns a ree ae ee
3. yayahweirtiw yayunneiLtiw yayaxotiztuw
3a. yayaihweirtiw yaytnnei Ltiw yayaixotirtiw
Definite
iF yunne tin yaxweltin
3 2. yahwiwirtin yaxowiLtin
Singular... rae Seine =e
3. yahwirtin yinnetciltin yaxo tin
3a. yathwirtin yunnistin yaixd Ltin
yonniwitdiltin yaxowitdiltin
2. yahwiwoltin yaxdwo tin
Plurall=.-: aye : = oe
3. yayahwirtin yaytunnetciLtin yayaxd 1tin
8a. yayathwirtin yatyainnixtin yayaixo Ltin
BoAS] HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 145
OBJECTIVE CONJUGATION—Continued.
yahwittiw HE IS PICKING ME UP
Present Indefinite
First person plural
Second person plural Third person plural
(object) (object) (object)
Subject: : -
ale yunnohwiwliw yayaxowliw
, 2. yinnohalliw yayaxolliw
Singular..; . ita sai a PN ae
3. yunnoteilliiw yunnotcilliw yayaxolliw
3a. yunnohilliw yunnohilliw yayaixolliw
1 yinnohitidilliw yayaxotdilliw
») . 4 A Adar ry ‘y andar
2. yunnoho'liw yayaxo' liw
Plime 4S Pe ee See sae
3. yaytnnoteilliw yayunnoteilliw yayaxolliw
3a, yaiytinnohilliw yaiyinnohillaw yayaixolliw
Imperative
5 ( 3. yannotcdliw yannotcoliw yayaxolliw
Singular. -{ eye Sre ds PSOE es ees
\3a. yunnoholiw yinnoholiw yayataolliw
Plural 3. yaytnnotcoliiw yayunnotcoliw yayaxdlliw
“""|Ba. yaiytinnoholiw yaiytnnoholiw yayatxolliw
Customary
ts yunnoheiiwliw yayaxotiinwliw
; 2. yinnoheilliw ayaxotilliw
Singular... de jh ioeles Saat Fe LA sible Pata
3. yannotceillaw yunnotceilliw yayaxotilliw
38a. yannoheilliw yunnoheilliw yayaixotilliw
ile, yannoheitdilliw yayaxotitdilliw
2. ytinnohed' liw yayaxdo liiw
iam 4) Boge id: me yaya Vian
3. yaytinnotceilliw yayunnotceilliw yayaxotilliw
3a. yatyinnoheilliw yaiyunnoheilliw yayatxotilliw
Definite
alk yinnohela yayaxwella
e 2. yinnowilla yayaxo willa
Singular...) . Sy Pe %
3. yunnotcilla yunnotcilla yayaxolla
3a. yunnohilla yunnohilla yayatxolla
iF yannowitdilla yayaxowitdilla
2. ytinnowd'la ayaxdowd' la
hora... : . Sy ry. nen: de 2
| 3. yaytinnotcilla yaytinnotcilla yayaxolla
3a. yatytinnohilla yaiyunnohilla yayatxolla
The past definite has —lai for its root.
§ T4
44877—Bull. 40, pt 1—10 —10
146 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 40
§ 75. PASSIVE VOICE
yaxowitii HE IS CARRIED OFF
The present indefinite seems to have no forms for the passive voice.
Impotential
Singular Plural
1. doxolin yahweldittiw doxolin yinnohitliw
2. yinneldittiw yinnohitliw
3. yaxoldittum yayaxotliw
3a. yildittuw yayatliw
Customary
Singular Plural
1. yahweildittiw yinnoheitliw
2. ytneildittiw yinnoheitliw
3. yaxorildittiw _ yayaxotitliw
3a. yaeildittuw yayaitliw
Singular Plural
1. yahwiwiltin ytnnowitla
2. ydnniwiltin yannowitla
3. yaxowiltin yayaxowitla
Ba. yaltrn yayatla
Adjectives (§§ 76-78)
The qualifying adjectives in Hupa are very closely linked with the
verbs. They are fully conjugated, indicating by internal changes
the person and number of the subject qualified, and by changes of
tense whether the quality is predicated of the present, past, or future.
§ 76. Prefixes of Adjectives
The prefixes of the adjectives consist of a single sound, and are
found only in the present. They seem to classify the adjectives
according to the degree of connection of the quality with the noun.
The principal prefixes are the two following:
‘
1. n- used mostly of inherent qualities, such as dimensions.
nuwnes I am tall
niwhwor lam good
niwdas | am heavy
nuwtet | am broad
nuwtewin I am dirty
nuwkyaod I am large
2. L- used for the more accidental qualities, such as color, and condi-
tion of flesh.
Ltiiwkat I am white
tiwkau I am fat
§§ 75, 76
tittso it is blue, yellow, or green
Lihwin it is black
BOAS | HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES
§ 77. Comparison of Adjectives
147
The superlative, the only form employed, is expressed by pre-
fixing dad-, the second syllable being completed in harmony with
the following sound :
hai dadinnes the longest
hai dadittriikkau the fattest
Singular
1. niiwdas
2. nindas
3. teindas
3a. netdas
Singular
1. cuwdas?
2. indas
3. tcodas
3a. yodas
Singular
1. evtiwdas*
2. eindas
3. tceitdas
3a. eitdas
Singular
i
2. windas
3. tetwindas
3a. windas
. hat dadittsit the shortest
Present Definite
Imperative
Customary
Past
wiwdas (or wedas)
§ 78. Conjugation of Adjectives
nitdas IT IS HEAVY
Plural
nitditdas
no das
yaindas
yanitdas
Plural
itditdas
0 das
yatcodas
yayodas
Plural
eitditdas
eo das
yaitdas
yaeitdas
Plural
witditdas
wo das
yawindas
yandas
Syntactic Particles (§§ 79-86)
§ 79. Personal Pronouns
hai dadikkyao the largest, ete.
The personal pronouns in their independent form are used chiefly
for emphasis and in replying to questions.
The incorporation of the
object into the verb, and its inflection to show the subject, reduce to
the minimum the need of pronouns as independent words.
1 Let me be heavy.
2I become heavy (each season).
§§ 77-79
148 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 40
The pronoun for the first person singular is Awe, which serves for
both subject and object. All other Athapascan languages have a
word phonetically related to this. In Tolowa the word is c@, in Car-
rier, sz; and in Navaho, c2. The plural of the first person is nehe.
It may be used of the speakers when more than one, or of the speaker
and the person spoken to. Instead of hwe and nehe, longer forms
(hweem and neheen) often occur. These seem to be formed by the
addition of the particle e%, which points to a person, contrasting him
with another.
The second person singular is nz, and the plural ndhen.
It is probable that originally there was no personal pronoun for the
third person, its place being taken by the demonstratives and by incor-
poratedand prefixed forms. In speaking of adult Hupa, when emphasis
is required #07 occurs. This appears to be wd-, the incorporated and
prefixed form, and em mentioned above. For the plural, yaxwen is
sometimes heard.
§ 80. Possessive Pronouns
Weak forms of the personal pronouns are prefixed to the qualified
noun to express possession. For the first and second person, Awe and
nif are represented by Aw- and n-, which are completed according to
the sounds which follow them. The first and second persons plural -
are represented by one and the same syllable, 7d-, which may be pre-
fixed without changing its form to any noun. The third person sin-
gular has #d- prefixed when an adult Hupa is referred to, but m- (receiv-
ing the same treatment as /w- and n- above), when the reference is to
a Hupa child or very aged person, or to a person of another tribe or
race. For animals and inanimate things, m- is also sometimes used,
but for the former £- seems to be more frequent. When the pos-
sessor of the object is not known, #- is also employed.
A reflexive possessive is used where a chance for ambiguity exists.
The form is ad- of which d is the initial sound of a syllable completed
according to the sound which follows it.
§ 81. Demonstrative Pronouns
The demonstrative pronouns for the nearer person or object, which
must be in sight, are ded, hatded, and haide, which do not differ in
meaning. The more remote object or person, whether in sight or not,
is referred to by yd or hatyd. Still more remote is you, which is
employed of places rather than of persons.
§§ 80, 81
eee
BOAS] HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 149
The Hupa employ ia? referring to persons or things, singular or
plural, in a manner that falls between our use of ¢hat (the demonstra-
tive) and the (the definite article). It is employed before the third
person of the possessive where our idiom does not require an article.
§ 82. Adjective Pronouns
There are a number of words, equivalent in meaning to ALL, EVERY,
SEVERAL, ete., which stand alone, the person or thing limited by them
being understood from the context.
The most important of these are the following:
atin all dittihwee nobody
a tinne all people diitihwoe somebody
a tinxotinte everything dihwoé something
a tinkatinte every kind dihwee nothing
a tindii every place dintiihwon several people
xvodaidehe anything diririnhwoé several things
§ 83. Numerals
The numerals to four are common to the Athapascan languages,
most of which have cognate words for five also. From five to nine
the Hupa numerals are not easily analyzed. Ten (mnzii) means
ENOUGH FoR It. The numerals above ten are made by expressing
addition for the numbers lying between the decimal terms and by
multiplication for those terms. The meaning of zaé¢tdikkin, one hun-
dred, is not evident. No higher numbers exist, but the hundreds
may be enumerated to a thousand or more.
A special termination is used when enumerating people. This seems
to be an old suffix, -n? or -ne, meaning PEOPLE. Compare zaé and
Liwin, nae and nanin, tak and takin, ditik and dirikin, and tewdlaé
and t¢cwolane, the numerals from one to five, for things and people
respectively.
§S4. Adverbs
Notwithstanding that place and time relations are freely expressed
by means of verbal prefixes, a large number of adverbs are employed.
These are for the most part closely connected with demonstrative
pronouns in their meaning and the elements from which they are
formed. Of the formative elements which do not also occur in demon-
stratives are those employed in expressing directions. These have a
§§ 82-84
150 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BuLL. 40
common initial, y7-, which may after all be connected with the pro-
noun yd. ‘The final elements are:
-niik south or up stream -tsivi west or down a hill
-deé north or down stream -man the opposite side of a
-dik east or up a hill stream or the ocean
Besides the demonstrative source already mentioned, many adverbs
are formed from nouns, adjectives, and verbs by means of suffixes
indicating place, time, and manner. Some of these suffixes are the
following:
-div and -tci7% (place) -ka and -x0, -tw (manner)
-dit and -divi (time)
§ 85. Post-positions
The post-positions not only follow the nouns which they limit, but
they are joined to pronominal prefixes which stand for the limited
noun whether it be expressed or not. The most important post-
positions follow:
-a for, for the benefit of -nat around
-e€ in -ra atter
-édin without, lacking -xiits beside
-an out of -ta’ among
-% under, near -tis over
-ye at the foot of -tak between
-winna around, encircling -ka, -kat along
-win toward or from -tcii: toward
-lan with the help of ' -tetfia in front of
-laié on top -ka, -kai after, following
-L with -kya away from
-na atter -kit on
-nat in the presence of
§ 86. Conjunctions
The conjunctions in Hupa seem to be made from demonstratives,
or adverbs derived from demonstratives. They usually end with the
syllable -77%. For examples compare the following:
haiti haiyahitdjitin
é 4 : and then
haiyat hatyadete
haiyarin and
haiyamit
haiyamiLin
§§ 85, 86
’
'
(
;
BOAS] HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 151
§ 87. Character of Sentence
The Hupa sentence expresses place and direction with very great
minuteness and care. This is done both by the prefixes of the verb
and by independent adverbs and adverbial phrases. In actual use
these sentences are also accompanied by many gestures which might
in themselves indicate all that is needful. That the act is repeated, is
always stated, and frequently with redundancy, an adverb being
employed in addition to the iterative prefix which the verb contains.
Usually great care is taken, in making quotations, to state definitely
who said or thought the matter quoted. Sequence of time is amply
expressed, but other relations are often left to be inferred.
One hesitates to say whether the sentences are all very short or
that there are none, but paragraphs instead. One short statement
follows another, usually co-ordinate with it but still closely connected
in the temporal sequence which carries with it purpose, cause, and
result. The synthetic, holophrastic verb is often complete in itself,
the other words in the sentence being employed to add distinctness or
emphasis.
The greater burden in a Hupa discourse is on the speaker, who
expresses with great exactness most of the concepts and their rela-
tions, leaving little to be inferred by the listener. Some of the
younger generation, who are nearly or quite bilingual, employ Hupa
in giving directions about work to be done, or in relating events in
which they wish place-relations to be plain, but English for ordinary
social discourse.
§ 88. Character of Vocabulary
The vocabulary of Hupa, although it contains words of. consider-
able length, is not far from monosyllabism. It contains many mono-
syllabic nouns and particles, but a much larger number of polysyIlabic
verbs, and nouns and other parts of speech derived from verbs.
These long words, however, are made up of elements possessed for
the most part of great clearness of form and meaning. On the other
hand, some of the monosyllables other than nouns and pronouns lack
distinctness of meaning, and in some cases of form. In writing the
language there is difficulty, therefore, to know just what should con-
stitute a word, and whether certain elements are to be taken with the
word before them or the one after them. In a language in which the
accent is strong, words are set off from each other by it. In Hupa
§§ 87, 88
152 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 40
the accent is not strong, and in most cases does not belong to the
word, but to the sentence. |
Nouns and pronouns are clear cut. They are capable of calling up
definite and complete mental visions without the aid of associated
words and word-elements. The large number of monosyllabic nouns
in Hupa, and the still larger number in related languages, which do
not occur in Hupa, points to the fact that the original form of Atha-
pascan nouns was monosyllabic. Monosyllabic nouns have given
place to polysyllabic ones in Hupa constantly for years, perhaps for
centuries. This may have been due to the pleasure which the Hupa
find in poetical descriptive names, but it was certainly due, in part, to
the dropping of nouns out of the language at the death of persons
who had had them for names. These dropped words were replaced
by longer descriptive words coined for the purpose.
Only one word has been found in the language which appears to be
reduplicated. The aboriginal flute is called melimil or milmil in-
Hupa, and in related dialects di/diéil. It is possible that some
etymology will appear to explain this apparent exception.
Very few words or word-parts seem to be onomatopoetic in their
origin. There isa verb, kywwindil iv RANG, the root of which, -d7d,
no doubt represents the sound of striking metals. Another verb
closely resembling this is kywwifiket, which is used of the creaking of
trees. The sounds of nature which occur may be represented, but
they have no other meaning. They do not stand for the thing or
animal which makes them: for example, dl diiwenne (dil 1r SOUNDED)
is said of an arrow striking the sky; dil diiwenne (dil 1 SOUNDED),
of a ball of wood striking a wall of obsidian; and ka ka diiwenne (ka
ka iv sarp), of the cawing of a crow.
For the most part, both the monosyllabic words and the elements of
the longer words are to all appearances the ultimate facts of the lan-
guage. They express fundamental concepts and relations, which are
no more resolvable into parts than are the syllables which express
them. These elements, simple words, roots, prefixes, and suffixes, are
not very numerous (probably less than a thousand), but the combina-
tions of which they are capable are very great. Many combinations
theoretically possible are not logically possible, and of these only those
for which there was a frequent need in the life of the people really
existed as words.
§ 88
TEXT
THE MrépitpInN Poor Man
Meedildifi! dedin® tceittertewené* haiti’ kittékin® nikkyao®
Medildii poor he grew. And * spoon large
teinéan’ haidifi‘t takeimmil® haififit taaiix’ hai’? xdkittekin™
he had. And she used to And at once the his spoon
make soup. } Ser ; se
mit” yaaqot'® haiyo' takeimmil*’ min” yaaxauw™ haiti *
with he used to that She used to then he used to And
poke up, one. make soup dip it up.
aiwe!? xowtni'’ wakinnintats’® haiyan’’ yauwxauw” tcondesne”
away from him he cut a hole And, “Let me dip he thought.
through. it up,”
— ty ee . . = . ee al ck
Laaiix® xd” wanifqdts** tcinneren” hai xokittekin Laaiix®
And in vain it ran through. He looked at the his spoon. At once
1meecdil CANOE; -dif locative suffix, PLACE OF or PLACE AT ( §§ 21, 84).
2dedin PooR, not having possessions.
3tci- sign of 3d per. sing. (§ 33); -te- prefix, distributive as regards time or place (§ 34); -Z, 3d
modal in verbs, mostly transitives (§ 37); -tewen verbal root, TO MAKE, TO DO, TO GROW; Class IT, con.
3, 3d per. sing.
4hai- probably the article; -i% termination common to temporal adverbs and conjunctions.
5 kit- possessive prefix used of animals (§ 80); -fé HORN, the spoon was of horn.
6nik- one of the prefixes of adjectives (§ 76); -kyad root of adjective LARGE; compare towinkyau
(note 125).
T tei-, -L, see note 3; “an verbal root meaning TO HAVE POSITION, hence the notion of possession.
8ta-, prefix employed of soup-making, drinking, probably connected with £6 WATER (§ 31); -ke-
prefix, weak in form and of little force in meaning, it is connected with verbs requiring repeated
motions for a single act (§ 34); -i- sign of customary tense (§ 34); -mil verbal root meaning TO LET
FALL OR TO THROW SEVERAL SMALL OBJECTS OF THE SAME OR DIFFERENT KINDS, probably the cook-
ing-stones in this case; class IT, con. 1, cust., 3d per. sing.
97ra-, the numeral oNE. There is an element of surprise at the quickness of the act.
10 hai, the article is always employed with the possessive third person.
11 g6- possessive prefix of 3d per. sing. or pl., employed only of adult Hupa; see also note 5.
12 mi- pronominal prefix of 3d per. sing. when adult Hupa are not meant; -Z post-position WITH.
18 ya- prefix used of motion up into, or horizontally through, the air (§ 31); -a- sign of customary
tense, a is due to the preceding a of ya; -qdt a verbal root used of pushing something into a yielding
mass; class I, con. 1, cust., 3d per. sing.
14 hai- the article; -yo a demonstrative used of the more remote.
15 mil probably the same as in note 12, above; it is often used of time.
16 ya—, -a see noté 13; -waww verbal root referring to water or a liquid; class I, con. 1, cust., 3d per.
sing. :
Waiwe AWAY, AT A DISTANCE, NOT IN THE PRESENCE OF; no connection with other words has
been found.
18 79- pronominal prefix of 3d per.; -wif post-position used of motion toward or away from, accord-
ing to the context.
19 wa- prefix meaning THROUGH (§ 31); -kin- 1st modal prefix of uncertain meaning (§ 34); -nin- 2d
modal of completed action (§ 35); -tats verbal root To cuT; class I, con. 2, past def., 3d per. sing.
20 hai- probably the article; -ya- with hai- it forms an adverb there; -Z£ perhaps the post-position
(see note 12). ¢
21 ya- see note 13; -iw sign of Ist per. sing.; class II, con. 1, pres. indef., 1st per. sing.
22 tc- deictic 3d per. sing.; -s- 2d modal indicating progressive action; -ne verbal root, TO THINK;
irregular verb, past def., 3d per. sing.
23 90° indicates that whatever was attempted failed; it is to be construed with yauwxauw (see
note 16).
24 wa-, -nifi see note 19; -gdts verbal root.
% te- deictic 3d per. sing.; nez- contraction of -nawit of which -nd- isa 1st modal prefix of uncer-
tain meaning and -wiZ- has w, 2d modal of inceptive action, and Z, 3d modal of transitive force; -en
verbal root meaning TO LOOK; class II, con. 1, past def., 3d per. sing.
153
154 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 40
yoneyidtika*® min xeekittseL*’ tLaaitix innaisdikkai*® tLaaiix
back of the from he threw it At once he got up. At once
fire up away.
mitdaié*’ tcenifiyai*® haiifi hai x6ta‘*' haiyO xd~diwenne *
outside he went out. Then the his father that one said of him,
yeu’ na tcenifyai®® mdfkttnikkyao* haiti wii® xoikyfin*®
“Way across he has gone Mankitnikkyao.” And about it his mind
out
nanya* hai axoutcitdenne® taistse**? mixxa*’ tcittesyai*’ haiti
studied that he had said of him. Sweathouse after it he went. And .:
wood
xOLtelit *? xdt~ndnillit*® min yisxtnhit** xtiLedifi adenne xa‘*
with him With him it finished then the next day in the morning he said, “Well
it burned. s burning f ene. i: F :
hwa*® mini wifyau*’~ hai daiditdifi** haidaid tceitauw* haiti
me for it come along.” The (explanation there it always came Then
was) out.
°6 yon- the seat of honor back of the fire, CORNER; yi- a prefix common to names of direction; -daik
together with yi-, has the meaning of UP HILL and the derived meaning of EAST. The word as a
whole applies to the bank back of the fire, where the belongings of the men are kept.
27 vee- prefix meaning AWAY FROM, used with verbs of throwing; -k- first modal; -iz- third modal;
-tser verbal root, TO THROW, TO POUND; Class II, con. 1, past def., 3d per. sing.
28 jn- prefix of uncertain meaning, but employed of the act of rising from a reclining position: -na-
prefix of iteration; -is- 2d modal of durative force; -dik-, d 3d modal; -kai verbal root of acts per-
formed with the legs (or other long instrument); class ITI, con. 3, past def., 83d per. sing.
29 mitdaie the space in front of the house; mit- is probably the possessive prefix; compare mittsitda
(see note 131).
30 tee- prefix meaning OUT OF; -yaz verbal root TO GO, used only in singular; class I, con. 2, past def.,
3d per. sing.
31 -taf FATHER, not used without a possessive prefix.
82 wOz- indirect object 3d per. sing.; -ne verbal root TO SAY, TO SING, TO MAKE A NOISE; irreg. past
def., 3a per. sing.
33 ye, adverb, probably from a demonstrative stem, employed of the most remote.
34 minkit LAKE; -nikkyad compare note 6. This is the name given to Trinity Summit, a mountain
of 6,500 feet elevation east of Hupa valley.
35 win post-position which does not have a pronominal prefix for 3d per. sing., except when an
adult Hupa is referred to.
36 -kyim HEART or VITALS, the organ of cogitation.
37 na- perhaps meaning DOWN, FROM ABOVE, is employed of things coming into existence; -ya
verbal root TO GO, TO COME; Class I, con. 1, past def., 3a per. sing.
38 q- prefix found with verbs of thinking, saying, and doing.
39 tais- probably connected with tai- of taikyiw; -tsé* BRUSH, SMALL SHRUBS.
40 mix- pronominal prefix of which only m- is constant, the remainder of the syllable depending
on the sound which follows; -xa post-position, AFTER.
41 tcit- deictic, 3d per. sing.; -te- distributive prefix; -s- 2d modal of durative action; -yai To Go; class
I, con. 3, past def., 3d per. sing.
42 -lit verbal root TO BURN, in an intransitive sense only; class I, con. 3, past def., 3a per. sing.
43 -no- prefix indicating the coming to a stop or end; -nil- for -nin-; class I, con. 2, past def., 3a per.
sing.
44 yisvtii- apparently a verb, of which yi- deictic 3d per. sing. (not an adult Hupa), -s- 2d modal, and
-xtih the root; compare yistan DAY ; -hit conjunctional suffix WHEN.
45 vaf seems to terminate a discussion and attract attention to some proposition. It is also used to
give assent to a proposition.
46 fw- pronominal prefix of Ist per. sing.; -a@ post-position meaning IN THE INTEREST OF, FOR THE
BENEFIT OF.
47 w- prefix found in a few presents where the inception of the act is in the mind of the speaker
(compare § 28); -if- sign of 2d per. sing.; -ya- verbal root To GO; -Z suffix indicating the continuation
ot the act over space; class I, con. 1, imp. 2d per. sing.
48 daiditdin, the meaning of this word as a whole is more apparent than that of its parts. It is
employed to introduce the explanation of a mystery. The first syllable, dai- or daid-, is apparently
the element which gives the indefiniteness to interrogative and indefinite pronouns.
49 tce- the prefix mentioned in tcenifiyai (see note 30), but here it is used of coming out of the sur.
rounding forest into a glade; -aww verbal root connected with -ate UNDULATING MOVEMENT, as of &
herd.
BOAS]
hai
HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 155
xOLin aLtcitdenne” xa‘ hwa mif wifiyaL xatehe”' xdsdLwe™
the his brother he told, “Well me forit comealong.’’ ‘Well let it kill
then, him
hai dihwo®* nif en“ neskif nax tak ittcii® kisxan™
the something. You itis firs two three together stand
mittik*®’ yeiltanee** haiti tcittesdeL°®? mdnikitnikkyad xaisdeL®
between you must Then they started. Mankttnikkyao they went
them run in.”’ up.
Lomatckittcii®' tcenindeL® haiya mikkyagédttse® naLtauw
Lomatckitteii they came There elks were
out. about
hai Lokit® haiti axo.rtcitdenne nif’ dikkyfii® minna™
the glade on. Then he said to him, “You here around
sindai®’ hwe yet kai winnaiwedate® haififi yaixoLtcwen™
you stay. I distant along I will sit for Then they smelled
them.” him.
xOkyatcii" terate™ xokit danakindiyan™ haiti tak tceseuwen™
From him they ran, on him they ran. Then three he killed
50 ateitdenne the form used in speaking to children or non-Hupa adults. Compare axdLtcitdenne
(see note 38), which is the form ordinarily employed in speaking to adults.
5lga- probably the same as wa discussed in note 45; -fe- is unknown; -he is used of concessions and
negations which are sweeping.
52 70- the object; -s- a prefix found in this verb only; -6- regularly indicates 3d per. of imp.; -z-3d
modal; -we verbal root TO KILL (this form of it occurs in pres. indef. and imp.), compare -wen in
tceseLwen (see note 74).
53 di- probably connected with the demonstrative stem de; -hwd® suffix often employed to give
indefiniteness. This word is often used to avoid a word of ill omen.
5te7 is employed to point a contrast.
59 7L has a reciprocal force; -tcifi post-position, TOWARD.
56 -yan verbal root employed of the standing position of trees.
37 mit- pronominal prefix; -tik post-position BETWEEN.
58 ye- prefix INTO, the correlative of tce-; -1 3d modal (-7- sign of 2d per. sing. is dropped before it);
-La verbal root TO RUN (the past has -Lat); -ne® suffix, often found in the imperative, having the force
of duty or necessity; class IV, con. 1, 2d per. sing. imp.
59-deL verbal root To Go, used only of the dual or plural. Compare tcittesyai (see note 41); class I,
con. 3, past def., 3d per. dual.
60 xa- prefix UP, here UP A HILLSIDE; the deictic (fcit-, is not used after wa-); class I, con. 3, past def.,
3d per. dual.
61 [6 monosyllabic noun GRASS, LEAF; -ma- probably BORDER; -tc- diminutive suffix; -kiéit- UPON;
-tcif locative suffix TOWARD. a
6 Compare tceninyai (see note 30), the singular. This is the dual.
63 mik- possessive prefix; -kya- ANTLERS; -qdttse SHARP, POINTED (?).
64nqa- prefix used of indefinite motion over the ground. Compare tceizauw (see note 49).
65 L0- GRASS; -kit ON.
66 The position of the speaker. Compare haiya, the more remote position.
6 min- pronominal prefix; -na post-position AROUND, ABOUT.
68 s- prefix found in the present of a few verbs (compare -s- 2d modal prefix); -da verbal root To
SIT, TO REMAIN; -f suffix, perhaps from -ne® (see note 58).
°° win- prefix used of pursuit or attempted action; -w- 2d modal of inceptive force; -e- sign of 1st
per. sing., found only in the definite tenses; -da- verbal root To s17; -te suffix used to express the future.
7 yai- sign of plural, employed of animals, ete. (for adult Hupa -ya-is used); -xd- object; -tewen
verbal root TO SMELL, it has Z preceding it when the verb is transitive, but does not have it when it is
intransitive; class II, con. 1, past def., 3a per. pl.
71 “6- pronominal prefix; -kya- post-position AWAY FROM; -tcif# locative suffix.
™-ate verbal root TO MOVE IN AN UNDULATING LINE. It is employed of the motion of a pack-train.
The verb is singular, since the band as a whole is the subject. Class II, con. 8, past def., 3a per. sing.
3 da- prefix which literally means ON SOMETHING HIGHER THAN THE GROUND, perhaps figurative
here; -kin- of uncertain force; -di- 3d modal; -yan verbal root used of the movements of deer and
elk; class III, con. 1d, past def., 3a per. sing.
_ *tee- sign of 3d per., a variant for fsis- and tcis- found in tsisserwen, teisserwen (below); -seL-, se- isthe
prefix mentioned in note 68; -s- 2d modal, is dropped before 2 3d modal; -wen verbal root TO KILL;
class II, con, 3, past def., 3d per. sing.
156 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 40
mikkyaqottse haiti tLenaiyanillai’” haiya xokut yalweL” haiti
elks. Then they built a fire. There onthem “it became Then
night.
xOLiN axOdLtcitdenne dikkyffi tcin™ ' doi dodxdlwil™ xa‘ naidin”™
his he said to him, “Here they say itis mnoonespends Come let us go
brother the night. home.
meneseit *® hai dikkyaifi nehelweLte* haiti dtinitifihwodin ”
Tam afraid.” “The here we will spend Then several times
the night.”’
axoLtcitdenne yitdifhit® xdtcin tciwintewi“ axdrtcinne® miL
he said it to him. Finally on his he cried. He kept telling him with
account
naidit haidift kit wilweL xotesdihwen* haiifi kittewestce‘ *
“Tet us Then already it was night. It grew dark. Then the wind blew.
go home.”
yudifhit axortcitdenne xaé tewite tLekilla** kfit aintwinsen *
Finally he said to him, “Well, firewood gather. Already you have decided,
hwelweLte* haifift kat tLeyakillau®* tLenayanillai xdohwow ”
‘IT will spend Then already they gathered it. They built a fire. Some way
the night.’”’
akitdiwenne* xdwintit®™ haiyahitdjit haiyO adenne xaé naidit dau”
it sounded. It thundered. And then that one said, ‘‘ Well, letusgo ‘‘No,”
home.”
75 Le- prefix employed of motion mutually toward or position near each other; -nai- (ma) iterative
prefix often employed of habitual acts; -ya- sign of plural; -nil-for -nin- because of the following 7;
lai verbal root employed of moving or handling more than one object; class I, con. 2, past def., 3d
per. pl. The fire may have been ceremonial for the dressing of the elk.
76 ya- sign of plural; -J- 3d modal, often of passive force; -weL form of a verbal root indicating the
passing of the night. The verb may be considered as an active form with the object prefixed, the
subject being some natural element or supernatural being, or asa passive form of which the subject is
the young men in question.
77 Of uncertain derivation, but probably connected with the root -ne -n TO SPEAK.
78 do- negative prefix; -wil form of the verbal root discussed above.
79 na- iterative prefix used here with the meaning of returning whence they had set out; -dizZ ver-
bal root To Go, other forms of it are -dil and -deL (see note 59); class I, con. 3, pres. indef., Ist per. dual.
80 me- object; -nes-, of Which n- isa prefix of uncertain meaning, and -s-,2d modal (some sign for the
first person singular would be expected, but a number of yerbs have the first and third persons alike
in form); -git verbal root TO FEAR; class IV, con. 3, pres. def., Ist per. sing.
81 nehe- object US, or subject of passive WE.
8 din- stem or prefix found in expressions meaning SEVERAL OR NONE; -Lifi MANY, MUCH; -hwo£
expresses uncertainty or indefiniteness; -di? locative suffix, but in numbers means TIMES.
83 yi- probably connected with the demonstrative stem yd; -din locative suffix common with
adverbs of time and place; -hit conjunctional suffix THEN,
84 -fewi verbal root TO CRY, TO WEEP.
85 -tein-, teein- would be expected, but the verb is quite irregular; -ne verbal root TO SAY; irreg.,
eust., 3d per. sing.
86 xO- prefix giving absolute and impersonal force to the ‘verb, used especially of weather condi-
tions; -fe- distribution; -s- 2d modal; -d- 83d modal; -Awen verbal root, no doubt connected with -hwin
in Lihwin BLACK.
87 kit- prefix always found with the blowing of the wind, it may give the idea of continuousness to
the act; -we- formative element which gives a durative force to verbs, especially in the passive;
-tce verbal root indicating the action of the wind.
88 Te- see note 75; -ki- perhaps giving the force of local distribution; -/- for 7 on account of the fol-
lowing J; -Ja shorter form of the verbal root -/aw (see note 91); class I, con. 1, 2d per. sing. imp.
89 ai- appparently the same prefix which occurs in axdLtcitdenne (below); -ni- prefix of unknown
force; -sen verbal root TO THINK, other forms of it are -sifi, -ne; irreg. class I, con. 1, 2d per. sing. imp.
90 hAwe- object or subject ME orl.
9 -kil- contraction for -kawil-; -lau, verbal root; class I, con. 1, past def., 3d per. sing.
82 4O- WAY OR MANNER; -hwodw, compare dihwoés (see note 53).
%3 -kit- employed in the place of -tcit- when the subject is some unknown agent.
%4 wo- see note 92; -Lit verbal root employed of noises such asa footfall. This verb in its imper-
sonal form is used for the noise of the earthquake as well as of thunder,
% Evidently connected with do- the negative prefix.
i)
BOAS] HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 157
a = —¢ : Rais SS = nee
tcitdenne*® kit daft xO dnnitdenne” naidit domikkainasiifi‘fa"’
he said, “already some invain_ [said to you, ‘Let us go You did not want to.”
time ago home.’
haidfi kiye anakitdenne’’ x0djox xfindifii haiyahitdjit xowti
Then again it sounded still closer. And then for him
xodje’” tconda*’” axoxtcitdenne nax hai neskin mittik yeilianee
his mind was sorry. He said to him, “Two the firs between you must
run in
hai dikkytii nonifxtts’® min haifif kat ndltd*n'* min hai
the here it lights when.”’ And already it dropped. Then the
neskin mitttik yexdfan'” haiyo nolto*n Laaitix yikyiwifyan'”
firs between they ran in. That one lit. Immediately it began to eat
. . = — ° . . ee Ol ft
hai mikkyaqodttse Laaiix yinneLtyan’”’ haiyahitdjit tLaaiix xd
the elks. Really it ate them up. And then at once in
vain
xaitefen’’’ yixortsan’” xokittcif yaltd*n Laaiix hai neskifi
it looked for It found them. On them it jumped. Really the firs
them.
4 arals * ORES =e = = = ean Cee
minnaikitdelait” haiti xo mikktt danadiiwivéal' yidifhit a tif
it embraced. Then in vain at it he shot. Finally all
teekinnifits'’ haiyan hai xdLif atrtcitdenne nittsitdikana*we '
he shot out. And the his brother he told, “Your quiver
% Note the omission of the prefix a- when the object stands directly before a verb of saying or
thinking.
% dn- the form a- takes when followed by n; -niL- indirect object of 2d per. sing. Compare -«6L-
in axdLtcitdenne (below). These indirect objects are really adverbial phrases containing a post-
position rendered in full by wiTH you.
%8 do- negative prefix; -muik- pronominal prefix; -kai- post-position AFTER; -na- prefix OVER THE
SURFACE OF THE GROUND; -s- 2d modal; -if- sign of 2d per. sing.; --a@ verbal root TO HAVE IN ONE’S
POSSESSION. The literal meaning of this phrase is said to be, YoU DID NOT CARRY AFTER IT IN YOUR
HAND.
%-na- iterative prefix. Compare akitdenne (see note 93), employed of the first occurrence.
100 z6dj- probably for xdte RIGHT, EXACT, tc haying become dj because of their change from final to
initial position.
101 O- possessive prefix; -dje MIND.
102 -dae verbal root TO WASTE AWAY.
103 n6- prefix denoting a position of rest on the surface of the ground; -nifi- 2d modal required by
-no-; -xtits verbal root TO PASS THROUGH THE AIR.
104 -t6&n verbal root TO JUMP, TO ALIGHT. As is usual with Hupa verbs, the root defines the kind of
act without reference to the fact of its beginning or ending, which is expressed by prefixes. Class IV
con, 2, past def., 3d per. sing.
105 -¢6- prefix of unknown meaning; -an verbal root To RUN, used of dual and plural only; com-
pare yeilLane® (p. 155); class I, con. 1, past def., 3d per. dual.
106 y7- deictic of the third person when not a Hupa adult; -kyi- 1st modal prefix used when the
object isnot known or not definitely named; -yan verbal root To EAT; class I, con. 1, past def., 3a
per. sing.
107 -neL- contraction for -niwit-, of which the prefix evidently has reference to the completion of
the act; class II, con. 1, past def., 3a per. sing.
108 ya- prefix indicating PURSUIT or SEARCH (the form zai- is due to the subject not being an adult
Hupa); ten- probably a contraction for -tiwif-; -en verbal root To LooK; class I, con. 1, past def., 3a per
sing. ,
1 -70- object; -L- 3d modal; -tsan verbal root TO SEE, TO FIND; class II, con. 4, past, 3a per. sing.
10 min- pronominal prefix; -nai- post-position AROUND; -lai verbal root apparently connected with
la HAND. It was explained that the wings had teeth on them; these the bird drove into the tree
with great force.
ll da- prefix POSITION HIGHER THAN THE EARTH; -nada- indicating a position perpendicular as
regards some plane; -a- verbal root TO HAVE POsITION; -2 suffix denoting repeated acts.
2 tce- prefix OUT OF; -kin- prefix used of acts completed, the means being exhausted; -its verbal
root TO SHOOT; class I, con. 2, past def., 3d per. sing.
U8 nit- possessive prefix; -tsitdt@kana*we THE QUIVER OF FISHER-SKIN; -nd- prefix OVER THE SURFACE
OF THE GROUND; -we verbal root TO CARRY.
158 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 40
hwtawttLwtit'* haiyat xowaitwaL’” yudifhit xdLfikai'® tesyayei!
throw to me.” And he meee it to Finally dawn came
im.
a a std mae coals . aad aA . . ee
xoa tindin yidifihit naxaits' naétses nondiyan'’ haiyahitdjit
everywhere. At last two only arrows were left. And then
missa‘kifits’® haiyahitdjit naltsit’’’ tsisseLwen haiyan tcenaindeL,
he shot in its And then it fell. He killed it. And they came out.
mouth.
natesdeL kit tcisseLwen haiya medildifi naindeL a‘tinka¢finte!”
aed started Already he killed it. There Medildii they arrived. All kinds
ome.
ada'*’ tcitteséan’* haiifi La towifikyai’”’ yaxo.tcitdenne medil
for he came to own. Then once the river was They said to him, ‘*Canoe
himself high.
taintiw’’® hai dohexdtcoyawenne *” xO = wtinnayaisdeL **
take out of The he did not do it. In vain they tried.
the water.’’
dohetayaistan’’ haiya xanaisdeL haiti Liwtnnifi'’ tcenifiyai
They did not take There they came up Then alone he went out.
it out. again.
hai medil xaistan taikyaiw mittsitdae’*' datciwintan haiyftika
The canoe he brought up. Sweat-house its roof he put it on. This way
kitteseOx aniweste '”
smart his nature was.
114 hwi- indirect object; -wiL- from the prefix -wa- (used of handing an object to any one) and Z
3d modal, a becomes “@ in 2d per. sing., probably because of the accent; -wiL, verbal root To
THROW A LONG OBJECT; Class II, con. 2, 2d per. sing. imp.
115 ¢6- indirect object; -iz, -ni~L would be expected; -waZ another form of the root in hwiwtiLwiL;
class II, con, 2, past def., 3d per. sing.
116 7G- see note 86 above; -L-, prefix found with many adjectives; -kazi root of adjective WHITE. The
“Dawn maiden” is meant by 2oLikat.
117 -yet suffix giving emphasis to verb indicating the accomplishment of acts which are gradual, or
which require several attempts.
118 nax- TWO; -aits limiting suffix ONLY.
119-q?- 3d modal; -yan verbal root used of the position of certain objects, such as baskets, etc.
120 mis- possessive prefix; -saf- MOUTH.
121 na- prefix DOWN; -/- 8d modal; -tsit verbal root TO FALL.
122 q‘tif- ALL; -ka- suffix with adjectives and adverbs, KIND, WAy; -te verbal root TO APPEAR, TO
HAVE A CERTAIN NATURE.
123 qd- reflexive pronoun; -@ post-position FOR. Compare hwa (see note 46).
124 Compare tciLfan, note 7, p. 153.
125 {6- the more common word for water in Athapascan dialects (in Hupa it is found in compounds
and is applied to the ocean); -kyau adjectival root TO BECOME LARGE,
126 tq- prefix OUT OF THE WATER; -in- sign of 2d per. sing.; -tiw- verbal root employed of long
objects only; this form is confined to the indefinite tenses; class I, con. 1, 2d per. sing. imp.
127 do- negative prefix; -he- adds emphasis to the negation (see note 51, p. 155); -~d- not know
deictic; -ne verbal root TO DO A SPECIFIED ACT; irreg. past def., 3d per. sing.
128 win- see note 35.
129-tan verbal root, another form of -tiw (see note 126).
130 Lij- probably from Laf ONE.
131 #2vit- possessive prefix; -tsitdaS ROOF (?).
182 -wes- see note 87; -te (see note 122).
i camila
st
TLINGIT
BY
JOHN R. SWANTON
CONTENTS
Page
MEME MEE EON gansta tee oa Ln ohn we oclvin ds vOecebccdadescu-ce 163
SGT Sag ERIS SE 2 ns SR ES Ns ae 164
SPLINES 2 Se ett a a OTE AME A ee cate is 164
SNE MSMEN EC TITERS isco fo eee Fo ORS el oe ce oe 165
RMnrcLiGdl yTiCesdcGd= 480.2000 skh Ne Pees otek ess cacesecsteces 166
Bd.) Hiieas expressed by grammatical processes. .........:-.......-.+--ee-- 166
Be erinetOn OF prammar. .- 2... 0S eS eco el oe 167
rie eeCU LO TAH ea en et ek et ee me vac dee ee 167
CUPS LASS GTIN ca et Aa 2g en nace a 167
PRM ROEREVO PIR nese. oo Som uch cei od Cas s cex dae oe een 168
ie enUtiVe SUMEROSE Ce Lae Lt ee 168
oa DUNE St Tag ES Be got ey 8 SER Ae ee ee ne ee 169
ne OSEAN 2 Pe ok ten Ae eh i ee Shoe ed ele a swig 169
PM Datrotla Pronoun ...e...22 22. ee eh 170
Pieris vemonstrative Pronoun...) ..cess ee ees ae ees el ele N72
pee IPN On et A oe 2 tole ids eh ee Se) 2k Ulta cae gb ace 173
NplossSHUChUPES so: 2c)c cus 5 AREF LA RPCE ST OE MON ERS oT REA tS pene aE Nis
ee eR. kee Seen ee tl. tog te Mele NL h otOes 173
pee Are OR A. <a d oot de hot as eyes a 3's owls 2 3 2 173
ela Sea fite irra 3 EL 01 bs 174
dip SBS a COTO GUY GEL 12 ee a a 178
nny. secant modal preneesis: cea- 2. 2 Sai. Poe Ses devse tess 178
Ral sett SITUA Oth TE IRed 2.9 eRe ee hac oaib a centne 181
pepe Rultices 28.0 et: ic GAP SLAG othe vpn ae 184
prio ouniees Of tempera) eharacter). 5. terete Oe od 184
PO es VIC ME RIN ROB 2526 oe to on Sods acte gine t ok Sedees 186
peal OGM POMELON Of VERb-stema: - 225. -2:p20s. 5. o as - aloe nee oe de ses 192
eM WeROn ease punts Ae ie ceva ses dh ots dg date eee pee 192
RE rN OU AAC WerDRt esate aes. eens: GW So eee Jo teen, eee 192
OSCE SS WCET INE 2 6s en 193
SEMEN CGMS Teta Cree ot SW ON hah oa Sie ike Ree ee aeons 195
SIME ELIE, Sree ce 255 Ie tS SE Jee Poona bo. heise ee 195
Samer Tma OTT MEG LOTMA tes nck ee ne es Rae Dk Cre ae 195
sedg. Verbal stems..........- fe ERAS AE POLS oe ieee perl ow einer Oe Barty 197
MecieeNIIMeralse 2 ao. Oe ee ee eee ee ee See ee 198
eennecttopatine promouns: -.2- 60. 2--- ci 02+ .Je- 2 bee eee sess sks eee 198
I er Se nie eo Ee ie wan EG wv nose readin d ee ceo S 200
44877—Bull. 40, pt 1—10——11 161
a
TLINGIT
By Joun R. Swanton
§1. DISTRIBUTION
Tue Tlingit or Koluschan language is spoken throughout south-
eastern Alaska, from Dixon entrance and Portland canal to Copper
river, with the exception of the south end of Prince of Wales island,
which is occupied by Haida. An interior tribe of British Columbia,
the Tagish, are said to belong to the same linguistic stock, but it is
by no means certain that they have not adopted the language from
their Chilkat neighbors. Such a change is said, at any rate, to have
taken place in the the language of the Ugalakmiut, or Ugalentz, of
Kayak island and the neighboring mainland, who were formerly
Eskimo and have now become thoroughly Tlingitized.
The principal part of the material on which this sketch is based
was obtained at Sitka, but I also have considerable material from
Wrangell, and one long story from Yakutat. Although each town
appears to have had certain dialectic peculiarities, it would appear
that the language nowhere varied very widely and that the differences
were mainly confined to the different arrangement and handling of
particles; the lexical changes being comparatively few and the
structure practically uniform. The greatest divergence is said to
exist between the Yakutat people on the one hand and the people of
Wrangell and the other southern towns on the other—the speech at
Sitka, Huna, Chilkat, Auk, Taku, and Killisnoo being intermediate—
but I have not enough material to establish the entire accuracy of
this classification. Anciently the people belonging to this stock, or a
part of them, lived at the mouths of the Nass and Skeena rivers, on
the coast now occupied by the Tsimshian, and the universal
acknowledgment of this by the people themselves is probably evidence
that it was at no very ancient date. Perhaps this recent spread of
the people is responsible for the comparative uniformity of their
163
164 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 40
language. Phonetically, at least, the divergence between the Skide-
gate and Masset dialects of Haida is much greater than that of the
various Tlingit dialects.
Although they must be treated as entirely distinct stocks, Tlingit,
Haida, and the languages of the interior Indians, or Athapascan,
may be classed in one morphological group. The two former agree
in the order which the processes and usually the words themselves
observe, although it is not imperative in Tlingit, as in Haida, that
the verb should stand at the end. The two also resemble each other
in expressing location by means of a multitude of post-positions, or
particles with the aspect of post-positions; but Tlingit is noteworthy
for its entire lack of locative affixes to the verb, as well as for extreme
punctiliousness in expressing the state of an action—as to whether
it is beginning, completed, in a transitory state, etc. In spite of
these peculiarities and the fact that there is very little lexical
similarity, several processes present such striking similarities that,
in conjunction with the morphological agreement, an impression is
given of a more intimate former relationship.
PHONETICS (S§§ 2, 3)
§ 2. Sounds
The following table gives Tlingit phonetics arranged so as to show
the inter-relationships of sounds:
Semi-
Sonant Surd Fortis Spirant Nasal vowel
Pisa aIS } PANG NG TH, - - - - - w
Mentalesie “sale toupee: d t Ay (s) n -
ibtlanbs” cw ne: gp iilsdl i adgee fies - Ske s! _ - ~
Affricatives,sseries . . . dz ts ts! ~ - -
Affricatives,cseries . . . dj te tc! - - -
Anterior palatals . . . . — — et — - -
Pelvis? fae 99 k k! Ly - y
Velurate ot 4ak Bet) on ietea: = q q! x - -
Thdteralsoecheibcues ait iaale L L L! t - -
Breathing o-. pap eyeerect h
Vowels: & (or 6), u (or 0), A, a (4 under the accent), 7 (or é), 2 (ore).
Many of these also occur in Haida, to the account of which lan-
guage the student is referred; but the / and 7 of the latter language,
along with the entire labial series, except w, are wanting, although m
appears in a few words imitating natural sounds and in words intro-
$2
I LO EE EEE EEE EEE
BOAS] HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 165
duced from other stocks, such as the Tsimshian ; /, however, is usually
transliterated as n. To make up for this loss of phonetic elements,
the number of sibilants and related sounds is greatly increased.
Where Haida has only s, dj, te, and tc!, we find here s, s!, ¢ (pro-
nounced like English sh), dj, tc, tc!, dz, ts, and ts!. The g is not
pronounced so far back as Haida g, but, on the other hand, there is
a sonant (y),‘ which is pronounced by the younger people exactly
like English y. As indicated, three palatal fortes seem to be used;
but it is so difficult to distinguish k-! from k! that I have not been
able to carry out the distinction in my texts. After many palatals
a slightly sounded uw (or 0) occurs, represented by “ or °, which
develops in certain situations into a full w (or 0) sound.
§ 3. Phonetic Processes
Harmonic changes are very few and special. Thus the reflexive
prefix ¢ appears as te or dj occasionally, though I am unable to lay
down a rule for the alteration, especially since it occurs in words
otherwise identical, as wuckikliyé’n or wudjkikliyé’n BROTHERS TO
ONE ANOTHER. Another tendency is for a final surd to change to
the corresponding sonant when a vowel is suflixed, as—
qawa’'q eye dugawd’ ge his eye
yugo'gte the trap yugo'qdjayu the trap it was
yek spiritual helper duyeé’gi his spiritual helper
Léta'te gadu’Lidja’ge nothing to kill with (instead of 1é’tatec
gadu’ Lidja’qe)
More important than either of the above is the employment of 0 or
u in place of 7 or e when preceded by certain sounds. This takes
place usually when z, g, or g/ precedes and is itself preceded by o
or u. Thus we have wuqgd’x TO GET TO A CERTAIN PLACE BY CANOE
and wuqox6’n HE HAD FORMERLY COME ASHORE THERE; kuni’k pip,
kunugi/n WHILE DoING. In dugq!ua’ HIs MouTH (from g/a mouth),
At uxua’ HE ATE SOMETHING (from za TO EAT), the w is inserted.
Since y belongs to the same series of # sounds, it is treated in the
Same manner, and, on account of the weakness of the sound, changes
tow. Therefore, when yi is suffixed to a word ending in u, it changes
to wu; as, Xuts!nuwi’ GRIZZLY-BEAR FoRT, instead of Xuts!nuyi’;
dutuwu’ HIS MIND, instead of dutuy?’; and we might add dugd’wu u1s
DRUM (from gao drum). Sometimes, though not invariably, ww is
1See Phonetics of Tsimshian.
§3
166 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [pcuLy. 40
used after a, especially when a@ is accented: as, ang@’wu CHIEF,
gok“qwand’wu IF THERE WERE GOING TO BE DEATH, ducazd/wu HIS HAIR.
A similar phenomenon exists in Kwakiutl, Chinook, and Dakota.
The strengthening of “, as in duya@’gu HIS CANOE (from yak” canoe)
and daq a@tunago’qoawe WHEN SALMON WERE RUNNING UP (from
a@tunagog’), must not be confused with this.
Contraction of 4-7 to e occurs, and will be referred to on p. 172.
§ 4. GRAMMATICAL PROCESSES
Grammatical relations are indicated by affixes and by juxtaposi-
tion, reduplication being absolutely wanting. Suffixes are few com-
pared with prefixes, but the number of prefixes is not very great, the
categories of ideas expressed in this manner being limited. The
word-unit is, on the whole, very loose, so that many prefixes might
as well be considered as particles. Some of them seem to be essen-
tially of the character of modal adverbs. Others, whose connection
with the verb is even weaker, are pronouns and local adverbs. The
last group is apparently much more closely connected with the noun,
in regard to which particles of this class appear as post-positions,
while in relation to the verb they appear as prefixes. A number of
elements which appear as suffixes of both verbs and nouns are weak
in character and are very intimately connected with the word to
which they are attached. In some cases they cause or undergo
phonetic changes which result in a still closer amalgamation of the
two constituent elements.
§ 5. IDEAS EXPRESSED BY GRAMMATICAL PROCESSES
The distinction between noun and verb is fairly clear, although a
number of stems appear both as verbs and nouns, and a few nominal
stems appear as incorporated adverbial elements. Plurality is not
expressed in the noun, but there is a suffix indicating the collective.
The plural of terms of relationship is formed by the same element
that expresses the third person plural of the personal pronoun.
Possessive pronouns are related to the personal pronouns, but the
idea of possession requires the addition of a suffix to the noun pos-
sessed. The possessive forms for terms of relationship differ from
those for other nouns. There are no true cases, although some post-
positions which express local relations are intimately connected with
the noun. The number of these is very large.
§§ 4,5
BOAS] HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 167
The most characteristic trait of the verb is the occurrence of a num-
ber of prefixes, the significance of which has come to be so weak that
they appear rather as formal elements than as clearly distinct cate-
gories. It has not been possible to give more than an enumeration
of these. They are evidently modal in character and may occur in
groups. A few suffixes are common to verbs and nouns. Verbal
suffixes are temporal or semi-temporal in character, express finality,
or transform verbal expressions into nouns. The Tlingit has a very
strong tendency to recapitulate statements by means of demonstra-
tives, which are prefixed to nominal and verbal expressions, as
well as used with post-positions.
DISCUSSION OF GRAMMAR (S§ 6-24)
The Noun (§§ 6-10)
§ 6. Structure
Nominal stems are mostly monosyllabic and quite distinct from
verbal stems. (See §§ 25, 26.)
Nouns are compounded by juxtaposition, the qualifying noun pre-
ceding the one qualified; as,
gaga'n-y/os sun-feet (=sun- téq/-k/uda's red-snapper coat
beams) qo'sa-xa-goan man-eater-people
xat-s/ax” root-hat
Parts of the body, except in composition, are always classified by
placing ga MAN before those belonging to a human being, and the
name of the corresponding animal before those belonging to animals;
as,
gadji'n a human hand gaq/o's a human foot
gawa'y a human eye tanca’ a sea-lion’s head
agu'k.a human eat gowaka'ng/a a deer’s mouth
4
Nouns consisting of a theme and post-positions occur; as,
ci-t!-ka' (ci- behind-on) Sitka. (See § 23, nos. 24, 29.)
More common are nouns containing a possessive element (-y? or -?)
(see § 10):
gits!° goa'né sky people s/Atc Gn? Moss Town
wat goa'né salmon people tan q/adadja'y? sea-lion bristles
yao tey@’ herring rock |
§ 6
168 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BuLL. 40
Here may belong—
Kiks-a'di people of the island = an-ga’-wo town’s man (=chief)
Kiks (a Tlingit clan)
Other compounds are:
Go'na-na foreign tribe (the in- ts/u-ta't another night (=morn-
land Athapascan) ing)
Deki'-na far-out tribe (the
Haida)
Nouns formed from clauses also occur:
wu-c-ta-ca'-yiamarried couple. (See wu-[§ 15.4]; c- reflexive [§ 11];
ta probably =da [§ 14.4]; ca to marry; y? [§ 20.2]
yu-t/aq/a'-ye-t mortar (yu- that [§ 12]; t/aqg/a to pound; -ye[§ 20.2];
-t pur posive suffix [§ 20.1})
to-ux-si-yet whistle (td into; wx to blow; sz[ 4]; ye[§ 20.2]; -¢[§ 20.1])
Yak-kalasega'k canoe-resting-place (a place name) (yak” canoe;
ka-, ta-, se- verbal pretixes [§ 15.2; § 18.4, 1]; ga stem [?])
Kat-naq-tin, rite croc oaerop en wuoeice chive island) (?)
Vu q!a-ka'naa-at-yadugu'g point he threw something across (yi-
demonstrative;' g/a a point; /4'nax post-position probably com-
pounded of /:4 ON, and n4v NEAR; A¢ thing; ya-, du-[§ 15.3; § 17.3]
verbal prefixes; guq to throw) :
yu-Ac-iga'-wusuwu'-At the thing that helped him (yu- demonstra-
tive; 4c personal pronoun of third person; ga for; wu- verbal
prefix; sw stem; -wz infinitive or possessive suflix)
Cé'nyak!”-tax moldy-corner (of salmon), (a personal name) (cé’nya
corner; &/” probably diminutive suffix; 1a moldy)
Adjectives, except numerals, follow the noun qualified.
§7. Intensive Suffix
When special attention is to be paid to anything, an intensive suffix,
-tc, is employed. Thus Zingi'ttc is the intensive form of Lingi’t
PEOPLE; A?ksadi'tc, the emphatic form of the name of the clan A?ksa'di;
gawagé'te, the emphatic form of gawa'y BYES; whd'ntc, the emphatic
form of aha'n (wr); and zéla'te NEVER, the emphatic form of the nega-
tive particle 12? NOT.
§8. Diminutive Suffix
Smallness is indicated by suflixing -%/? or -//“; as,
vizte/Vk/° little frog (from Atk/a'tsk/° a small boy (this
viztc! frog) always takes the diminutive)
ak!” little lake (from @ lake) duya'tk/” her little child
§§ 7,8
Boas] HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 169
This suffix is used much ‘with terms of relationship, sometimes
probably in an endearing sense; as,
cewAnk!/” grandchild sik/” daughter
titk/” grandparent kéth!” nephew or niece
tak!” little mother, mother’s
sister
§ 9. Collective
With animate or inanimate objects, but more often the latter, the
sense of A LOT OF or A HEAP OF is expressed by suflixing g/ or g/7,; as,
Ling?'t man or men Ling@'tg/ many men together
ta stone teq/ stones lying in a heap
g/at/ island q/a't!q/¢ islands
hit house hi'tq/? houses
gux slave guxq/ slaves
That this is not a true plural is shown on the one hand by the
fact that its employment is not essential, and on the other by the
fact that it is occasionally used where no idea of plurality, according
to the English understanding of that term, exists. Thus yuyd'¢
LAng/ THER BIG WHALE may be said of a sinyle whale, the suffix indi-
cating that the whale was very large, and that it had many parts to be
cut out. Therefore it may best be called a collective suffix.
With terms of relationship the plural is more often indicated by
placing jas after the noun:
duka@k his uncle, duka'k has dua@t his aunt, dud't has his
his uncles aunts
/Ta4s also fulfills the office of a personal pronominal prefix in the
third person plural, but it is probable that the pronominal function is
secondary (see § 11).
Instead of 44s, some terms of relationship take yén, often in con-
junction with the collective suffix ¢/; as,
duka'ni his brother-in-law duka'niyén his brothers-in-law
kik! younger brother wuckikliyén prothers to each
other (wu- § 15.4; ¢- § 11)
duca't his wife duca'tqliyen his wives
§ 10. Possession
Possession is expressed by the possessive pronoun, which precedes
the noun, and by a suffix which is attached to the term for the thing
possessed, except when it isa term of relationship or part of the body,
§§ 9, 10
170 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BuLL. 40
or one of a few other terms. This suffix is -y¢ after the vowels 4, 4,
é, 7, €, and sometimes after a, -¢ after consonants; and -wu and -wo
after w or o and occasionally after a. Examples are—
yao te'yé herring’s rock wat goa'n? salmon people
viztc!k!” ciy@ little trog’s guts! nuwu' grizzly-bear’s fort
song
The possessive pronouns are—
Ax my . Aa our
z thy yi your
du his hasdu their
Ac his own
Examples—
Aad'c my father ica't thy wife
duta’ his mother duté'g/ his heart
duaxa'y? his paddle dutcti'nd his dream
duwuts!/a' gay? her cane duhi'ti his house
hasducayi nays their anchor dua'né his town
The demonstrative ~ may sometimes replace the forms of the third
person; as, acd'y? HIS HEAD.
It seems possible that the suflix -7 (-w, -y7, -ww) is identical with the
participial suffix to be discussed in § 20.2.
§ 11. The Personal Pronoun
There are three series of personal pronouns: the subjective, objec-
tive, and independent. The last of these evidently contains demon-
strative elements, and may be strengthened by the intensive suffix
(§ 7). The third person objective with verbs and post-positions is
sometimes a, while du and hasdu are used only with post-positions.
In the following table these pronouns are given, together with the
possessive pronoun:
Subjective Objective Possessive Independent
Ist-pereing. sw ae wat Av xa
Dds per) Sines how 7 he z ¢ wae’
a
ad: per. sing) 2.4.) > du du hu
AC
3d per. sing. reflexive — c AC =
istper. ple 2. May ha ha uha'n
7S MRE 22 ey ©) RT OS Bak ya ya yrwd'n
ee : ;
sdpers pln e.\: ~ (hAs) hasdu has
hasdu
§ 11
Boas] HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES Lia
In composition the objective pronoun always precedes the sub-
jective; and both may be separated by verbal prefixes. The use of
the independent pronoun in a sentence does not affect the verbal com-
pound, and the pronominal prefixes must be repeated.
The subjective pronoun appears as the subject of all active verbs, .
no matter whether they have an object or not. Some verbs that have
no object take an indefinite object, 4¢ SOMETHING; for instance,
At xa xa 1 eat something
At wa coq I laugh
Has is freer in its position than the pronouns described before. It
seems probable that it was not originally a pronoun.
Examples of the use of the pronoun are the following:
wate q/Aaxdwi's/in I questioned him (va I, independent; -¢e inten-
sive suffix [§ 7]; 9/4 mouth [§ 14.1]; va 1, subjective, wu- verbal
prefix [§ 15.4]; -s/2n stem)
hu wate y/awi's!in he questioned me (Au independent pronoun;
wAtc emphatic form of objective)
iq/Aaxawi's/in I questioned thee (¢ thee; g/4 mouth; «a I)
wae'te wat g/ewi's/in thou questionedst me (wae'tc emphatic form
of independent pronoun; w4¢ me; g/a-? contracted to ¢/e mouth
thou)
uhi'nte q/Atuwii's/in we questioned him (wAd’ntc emphatic form
of independent pronoun; tw we, subjective)
wae'te haglewi's/in thou questionedst us (Aa us)
uha'nte yiq! Atuwii's/in we questioned you (yi you; ¢/4 mouth; tu
we, subjective)
wagax 1 am erying
uhd'n gax ti'sati’ we are crying (tu we; sa- verbal prefix [§ 18.1];
ti to be)
ye yawaqgd' she said thus (ye adverbial, thus; ya- verbal pretix [§ 15.
3]; wa- verbal prefix [§ 18.2]; ga to say) |
ye ya xoaga I said thus (w 1; wa- verbal prefix [§ 18.21)
twasiti'n I saw thee (7 thee; wa 1; s7- prefix [§ 18.1]; ¢7n to see)
yoxasiti'n 1 saw you (yz you)
wousiti'n I saw him («- 1; the use of oa here is not explained)
wAtyisiti'n ye saw me (wat me; yz ye)
hayisiti'n ye saw us (haus)
hasyisiti‘n ye saw them (has them)
Gaya kade' has awai'x they heard it on Gaya’ (kade’ on; has they;
a- indefinite pronoun referring to ci? song; wa- verbal prefix
[§ 18.2]; aa to hear)
§11
72 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 40
aka't has qgox ayw has aositi’n when they paddled toward it they
saw it (a- indefinite pronoun; at toward; has they; gox to go
by canoe; a-yu indefinite pronoun and demonstrative; a; indefi-
nite pronoun; o- [§ 17.2]; sz- [§ 18.1]; #2 to see; here ais used
three times; first, replacing g?ztc/ FRoG as object of the post-
position /at; second, in combination with yu, performing the
function of a conjunction, WHEN; and, third, in the principal
verb, again taking the place of x7xtc/)
The pronoun is contracted with a few verbal prefixes. The ¢ com-
bines with the terminal vowel of preceding elements, as in aat
q/ewi's/in THOU QUESTIONEST ME (g/4-¢ = q/e mouth thou; aa and
the prefix wa- form xoa, although voa may perhaps originate in other
ways also. Contractions are particularly characteristic of the future,
which has a prefix gu-. This combines with the first person to gwa (for
gua), with the second person to ge (for gu-¢). These forms will be
discussed later on (§ 15.5).
§ 12. The Demonstrative Pronoun
The demonstrative pronouns are used with nouns, with verbs when
changed into nouns, in the formation of connectives, and with certain
elements which transform them into independent demonstratives.
1. he indicates an object very near and always present.
2. ya indicates an object very near and present, but a little farther
away than the preceding.
3. yu indicates an object more remote, but it has now come to per-
form almost the function of an article.
4. we indicates an object far remote and usually entirely invisible.
It has come to be used almost with the freedom of yu.
Following are examples of their use:
he'tingtt he'do this place here
ya'tingit | ya't/a this place, this person
yu tingit the person yu do ive a@nié there is thy father’s town
we'ting?t that person ayw, awe’, when, that being done
this person
Some of them are also employed with post-positions; as, A@¢ HITHER.
Sometimes, particularly in songs, another demonstrative, yadz, is heard,
which is evidently compounded from ya. It differs from ya in being
used to refer to a person who has just been spoken of, but is not
actually present.
§ 12
BoAS] HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES Lis
The Verb (§§ 13-21)
§ 13. Structure
Verbal stems are, on the whole, monosyllablic. They take a con-
siderable number of prefixes and a few suffixes. Most of the pretixes
have a very weak meaning, and appear in many cases as purely formal
elements, while in other cases the underlying meaning may be detected.
It seems easiest to classify these prefixes according to their position.
In the transitive verb the object precedes the whole verbal complex.
Then follow prefixes, stem, and suffixes in the following order:
Prefixes (§§ 14-18)
(1) Nominal prefixes
(2) First modal pretixes.
(3) Pronominal subject.
(4) Second modal prefixes.
(5) Third modal prefixes.
(6) Stem.
(7) Suffixes.
§ 14. NOMINAL PREFIXES
A few monosyllabic nouns are prefixed to the verb. I have found
the following:
1. g/@ MOUTH or LIPs.
geqg/é di ayu’ ye g/ayaqa toward morning she spoke thus (ayw'
indefinite pronoun and demonstrative; ye thus; qg/a mouth;
ya- verbal prefix [§ 15.3]; ga to say)
yuxd'nas! ada'e q/aodisa’ he blew upon the raft (yw demon-
strative; ad’nas/ raft; a indefinite pronoun; daa on; g/a
mouth; o- verbal prefix [§ 17.2]; d?- verbal prefix [§ 18.3];
sa to blow)
2. tu MIND.
Atcaweé' tuwutitsi'n therefore (the Kiksa’di) are brave (éu mind;
wu- verbal prefix [§ 15.4]; 2- verbal prefix [§ 18.4]; és strong)
Lax wa'sa tuwuni’k he felt very sad (sax very; wa'sa how; tu
mind; ww- verbal prefix [§ 15.4]; nwk sad)
3. €U& POINT.
dag atunago'goawe when they were running ashore in a crowd
(dag ashore; a demonstrative; %u point, i. e. crowd; na- at the
same time when [§ 17.5]; go’goawe they run)
§§ 13, 14
174 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 40
4. da- is employed sometimes with words meaning TO SAY OY TELL,
when it seems to indicate an indirect object.
dukia'niyen ye aya’ duqa, his brothers-in-law spoke to him thus
_(du- his; kai niyen brothers-in-law; ye thus; da- indirect object;
ya- [§ 15.3); du- [§ 17.3]; ga to cee
§ 15. FIRST MODAL PREFIXES
1. cu- usually stands before all other prefixes, and indicates that the
action of the verb is total, applying to all of the people or
objects involved.
got cui'waxie they had been all killed off
yadé'x-tak" cunazi'zawe when these two years were over (ya-
these; déx two; tak” year; cu- totally; na- at the same time when
[$ 17.5]; 22x to finish; awe when)
axodé yaq@' cunagi't he was leading all these men among them (a
indefinite pronoun; vodé@ among; ya demonstrative; ga man;
cu- totally; na- at the same time when [§ 17.5]; gu- to go; -¢ pur-
pose [§ 20.1])
ye yen ha'sdu cug! a@wadja thus there them all he told (ye thus;
yen there; hasdu them; cu- totally; ¢g/a@ with mouth [§ 14.1];
wa- verbal prefix [§ 18.2]; dja to tell)
Kiksa'dé qot cu'waxiz the Kiksa’di were all lost (got wholly;
cu- totally; wa- verbal prefix [§ 18.2]; x7 to finish)
This prefix appears to be used also as a post position.
Awci di yago'e come over to me (av me; cv entirely; -d? to; ya-
verbal prefix [§ 15.3]; ¢ gox to go by water)
2. ka- indicates causation, and performs the functions of a causative
auxiliary.
ax dag qoka'odziha’ she caused a hole to be in it by digging (ax
literally, from it; dag shoreward, or into the earth; go- indefinite
verbal prefix [§ 15.6]; 4a- causative; o- verbal prefix [§ 17.2];
dzi- verbal prefix [§ 18.6]; Aa stem)
hasdudaka'q! kaodu'tiya nu Ltén a large fort was caused to be
lowered down on them (/asdu them; daka'g! out on; ka- to
cause; o- verbal prefix [§ 17.2]; du- verbal prefix [§ 17.3]; Zz-
verbal prefix [$18.5]; nw fort; zén large)
yeda'tsqoe'te yrwackag!o'kote ka'osinéw when did your cheek-flesh
cause a man to be saved? (yed4'tsyoete when; ye your; wac cheek:
kaq/okote flesh, with intensive suffix; a- to cause; o- verbal
prefix [§ 17.2]; te verbal prefix [§ 18.1]; néx to save)
§ 15
Boas] HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 75
At ka'otiga they caused (the canoe) to be loaded up (47 indefinite
object [things]; /a- to cause; o- verbal prefix [§ 17.2]; 7z- verbal
prefix [§ 18.4]; ga to load)
adé’ aka’ wana dowanga'wu then he caused his clothes-man to go
out (a demonstrative; dé to; a indefinite pronoun; /a- to cause;
wa- verbal prefix [§ 18.2]; xa to send; do his; van clothes; ga
man; -ww possessive [see § 10])
a ya- seems to indicate the continuation of an action or state.
yiya'etc are you hearing it? (yi ye; ya- verbal prefix; a to hear;
' -te emphatic suffix) '
Kiksadi'te a'tcayu vixte! has ayahé'n therefore the Kiksa’di claim
the frog (a indefinite pronoun; tca adverb; a indefinite pronoun;
yu demonstrative; ziztc/ frog; has they; a indefinite pronoun;
ya- verbal prefix; Aén stem)
h'tq!t tie gal owagut yucawa't the woman was going through the
houses (A7¢ house; -¢/? collective suffix; tz through; ya- 0- wa-
verbal prefixes [§ 17.2; § 18.2]; gu to go; -t purpose [§ 20.1})
ya ha'sduga'nax yagatsa'g when he was chasing them (ya demon-
strative; ha’sdu them; g@'nau after; ga- verbal prefix [§17.4];
tsag to run)
yuyanagu'té when (he was) traveling (yw demonstrative; ga-, na-
[§ 17.4, 5], verbal prefixes; gu to go; -t -7 suffixes [§ 20.1, 2])
This prefix ya- seems to be identical with the suffix referred to in
§ 20.4.
4. wu- often indicates the passive, but seems to have a very much
wider function.
Citlka'dé an has wugqo'x they went with him to Baranoff island
(C7 Baranoff island; ¢/ behind; /a on; dé to; @ demonstrative;
-n with; Aas they; wu- prefix; gow to go by canoe)
yeayu xixte! glaci'yt wudw'dziku that is how the frog’s song
came to be known (ye- adverb; a- indefinite pronoun; yw demon-
strative; zéztc/ frog; g/a mouth; c? song; -y/ possessive [§ 10];
wu- du- dzi- verbal prefixes [§ 17.3; § 18.6]; #u to know)
wucti'n At wudutik/é peace was made between them (ww- verbal
prefix; c- reflexive [§ 11]; tn with; [vwuwcti’n together]; 4¢
indefinite object; wu- du- Lé- verbal prefixes [§ 17.3; § 18.5];
k/é to be good)
The last of these examples shows a curious use of wu- before the
reflexive prefix c-, the latter standing independent of the verb,
and being followed by a post-position. This employment of
wu- with the reflexive is very common.
§ 15
176
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BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 40
5. gu- or gA-. Future time is denoted by a prefix gu- or ga-, which
§
is sometimes used much as if it were an independent particle. —
Besides its strictly future function, it is employed in speak-
ing of any event about to take place as well in the past as the
future. In the following simple examples it is often accom-
panied by the affix a- TO BECOME, which will be treated in § 15.7.
wasa’ At gugoney?’ whatever is going to happen (wasa’ whatever;
at indefinite object; gu- future; gona stem; -y? suffix [§ 20.2])
an guyagu't when he was going to go with them (a indefinite
pronoun; -n with; gu- future; ga- verbal prefix [§ 17.4]; gu to
go; -¢ purpose [§ 20.1])
de da'gdé ye guadusni’ yuhi't daided?’ they were going to take up
the house-timbers (de now; da’gdé up to; ye thus; gu- future;
x- to become; du- s- verbal prefixes [§ 17.3; § 18.1]; nz to take;
yu demonstrative; 47¢ house; daidedi’ timbers)
hit a quatayé'x gone't gAanay?’ the opposite side (clan) was going
to build a house (A7¢ house; a indefinite pronoun; gu- future;
x- to become; ¢a- verbal prefix [§ 18.4]; yéx to build [x possibly
a suffix ])
yd dog loa gavduta'ge they were going to make a hole in this one’s
mouth (ya demonstrative; do- his; ¢/a mouth [see § 3]; ga- future;
a- to become; du- verbal prefix [§ 17.3]; tak to bore [4%]; -e
suffix)
More often the future occurs in conjunction with an indefinite pre-
fix goork”. The following examples illustrate this use, and also
show the peculiar manner in which it combines with the personal
pronominal prefixes. It will be seen that, instead of guxa in the
first person, we find gwa, instead of gu-2, in the second person,
ge. It would also seem that contractions of g and g to g, and ¢
and g to g, take place in the first and second persons plural.
Future tense of the verb Geir TO DO
Singular Plural
Ist per. yegqwasgi't ye gaatusgit
2d per. yeqge'sgit ye gaxysg? t
3d per. yeggwa'sgit has qo’ a yésgugasg?t
Future tense of the verb Gée: TO THROW DOWN
Singular Plural
Ist per. wd'tc yé'nde gqwagé'q! uha'nte yé'nde qaxtugé gq!
2d per. wae'te yé'nde ggege'g! yiha'nte yé'nde gaxyigé'g!
3d per. hutc yé'nde a'ggwagé gq! haste yé'nde saqquwagé'q!
15
aa
Boas] HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 177
The s which appears in the third person plural is probably a con-
traction of jas, although the full word Aas may not have been
heard when recording.
To cry takes the prefix or modifier fe, and its plural is formed
by the use of the verb ¢ TO BE.
Future tense of the verb ¢4* ro ory
Singular Plural
Ist per. ke k"qwagi'x (whd'n) ke gaw qaxti' sati
9d per. (wae') ke k"gega'x (ysha'n) ke gax gaxyisati!
3d per. (Au) ke ktqwaga'« ke has ga galasati
6. go-, k’-, is used when the event recorded happened at a time or
place that is ill defined.
Lét Let! ga a'tt gost?’ there were no white men’s things in those
days (zé not; zét/ white; gaman; a’¢? their things; go- s- verbal
prefixes [§ 18.1]; ¢z to be)
yugo'tit/i'tk” those who used to leave the others behind (yu
demonstrative; go- ¢7- verbal prefixes [§ 18.4]; 2/2¢ stem; -/” suf-
fix [§ 20.3])
k*duct'qgte they always laughed at him (4%- du- verbal prefixes
[§ 17.3]; cug to laugh; -te always [§ 19.1])
gusu’ yén yugrué' tcg? where is it that they never broke it off (gusw’
where; yén there; yu- demonstrative; g’- verbal prefix; «étc
stem; g? probably should be k” [§ 20.3])
At k"gédi'x a sign or parable (4¢ something; £”- prefix; ge proba-
bly stem; -z suffix [§ 19.4)
Lét su gosti’ there was no rain (zéé not; sw rain; go- s- verbal pre-
fixes [§ 18.1]; ¢ to be)
Since future events are by their nature indeterminate, thiseprefix is
constantly used with the future prefix gu-; as,
a g’gwatig when will he break it off? (@ indefinite pronoun; 9?-
indefinite prefix; g(w)- future prefix; wa- verbal prefix [§ 18.2];
tig! to break off)
7. =0 expresses the alteration of a person or thing from one condi-
tion to another. It is suftixed to the name of the thing altered,
the adjective indicating the altered state, or to the future particle,
but is placed among verbal prefixes because its connection with
the following verb is extremely close, as is shown by its inser-
tion after the future particle.
tsé'sk/ux @'nastt you can become an owl (tsesk/“ owl; -w verbal
affix; 7 thou; na- s- verbal prefixes [§ 17.5; § 18.1]; ¢2 stem)
44877—Bull. 40, pt 1—10-—12 § 15
178 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 40
g/anackité'x siti he had become poor (¢/anackitz poor; -« transitive
affix; s¢- verbal prefix [§ 18.1]; ¢z to be)
duxong/éx siti it had come to belong to his friends (du his; won
friend; -g/e collective suffix [§ 9]; -7 transitive affix; s/- verbal
prefix [§ 18.1]; ¢z to be)
te/a an go'a ga'yaga'g/uwane siti but yet they became men such
as one can trade with (¢c/a yet; an with them; go'a however;
ga men; ya- verbal prefix [§ 15.3]; gaq/uwwan such as one can
trade with [7]; -~ [as before]; s/- verbal prefix [§ 18.1]; 42 to be)
gux tust't we will make it become cooked (gu- future sign; -v transi-
tive aflix; ¢ we; sit to cook)
ayw de yeg?gau dui'q! T!a4'q/dentan they were going to invite the
“T!a’q!dentin (a indefinite pronoun; yi-de post-position [dé to];
ye adverbial prefix; g?- indefinite prefix [§ 15.6]; ga- future
prefix [§ 15.5]; -« transitive affix: du- verbal prefix [§ 17.3]; 7¢.
to invite)
§ 16. PRONOMINAL SUBJECT
The subjective pronoun follows the first modalelements. Examples
illustrating the position of the subjective pronoun have been given
before (§ 11). The following example contains also first modals:
Let wuaasago'k yaindat!/a'te 1 can not swim (zé not; ewu- verbal
prefix [§ 15.4]; wa I; sa- verbal prefix [§ 18.1]; gok can; yan-
dat/ ate to swim)
§ 17. SECOND MODAL PREFIXES
1. Ajt- QUICKLY.
ha'sdu dat xa djia'digut enemies came upon them quickly; (ha’sdu
them; dat upon; z@ enemies; d77- quickly; u- verbal prefix
[§. 17.2]; di- inchoative [§ 18.3]; gu to go; -t suffix [§ 20.1])
adé’ dak wudjizi’x he ran down to it (a- indefinite pronoun; dé
to; dak down or out; wu- verbal prefix [§ 15.4]; dji- quickly;
xix to get)
yu has djiudea’t they started to rush out (yux out; has they;
dji- quickly; u-de- [§ 17.2; § 18.3]; a to go)
req! ts!uta’t ayu’ at nate’ has dji/usiha one morning they started
out quickly to hunt along shore (zéq! ts!/uta’t [see p. 200, note 11];
a-yu indefinite demonstrative pronoun; at indefinite object;
nate’ to hunt [%]; has they; dji- u-st verbal prefixes [§ 17.2;
§ 18.1]; ha to start)
hasdutd’k!" adji't has adji’watan they gave their sister to him
quickly; (hasdwu their; rak!” sister; adj(7)- indefinite pronoun
with intensive suffix; -t to; has they; a- demonstrative;
dji-wa- [§ 18.2]; tan to give)
§§ 16, 17
BOAS]
HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 179
2. u- (0-) often accompanies simple statements of past actions.
This prefix is never used with the future gu-, or with wu-, nor
apparently with the first and second persons singular and
plural, and occurs only in the principal verb. It may be an
element expressing the active, but may equally well be
regarded as a past-temporal prefix.
yén ugo’xtc he always came there (yén there; u- prefix; gox to go
by canoe; -te always [$-19.1])
Léq! ts!uta’t dn ke udzigi’t dutci’nt one morning he awoke with
his dream (zéq! one; ts/uta’t morning [see p. 200, note 11]; an
with it; ke up; u- prefix; dzi- prefix [$18.6]; git to awake;
du his; tcin dream; -7 possessive suffix)
Lax qlin has uxe’ many nights they stayed out (x4ax very; q!/uin
many (nights); has they; u- prefix; ze to camp)
ayw’ has aositi’n there they saw it (a- indefinite pronoun; o-
verbal prefix; s?- indicative prefix [§ 18.1]; tin to see)
te duti’tx got kaoduk!i’t it all got out of his head (ze out; dw his;
tu into; -t at; -x from; got all; ka- causative [§ 15.2]; o- verbal
prefix; du- verbal prefix [§ 17.3]; k/7t to get) >
3. du- is very nearly identical in meaning with the English perfect
tense, conveying the idea of something already accomplished.
It resembles wa- [§ 18.2] in some respects, and is often used
conjointly with it; but while wa- seems to express finality, du-
expresses previous accomplishment.
te dutu’tx got kaoduk !7’t it got all out of his head (see above no.
2, ex. 5)
ckle a’ gitahan yu’ yaodudzigqa ‘‘get up!” they said to him (ck/e
up; a@’gitahan get [%]; yi- demonstrative; ya- verbal prefix
[§ 15.3]; o-du-dzi- [§ 17.2; § 18.6]; ga to aS
age’di has ga'dustin when ne saw them already inside (a-
indefinite pronoun; gé inside; di to; has they; ga- when
[§ 17.4]; du-s- [§ 18.1]; tin to oe)
koduci’ duiga’ they hunted for him (ko- [§ 15.6]; du-; ci to
hunt; du he; 7 euphonic [7]; ga for) _
Let ideasku! oe knew not (zéé not; wu- [§ 15.4]; du-; s-
[§ 18.1]; ku to know)
ts!uta’t hin wa'tdi akayé’k wud’ waax ate@’te the next morning (it)
was to be heard at the mouth of the creek (ts!uta’t [see p- 200,
note 11]; hin water; wat mouth; di to; a- indefinite pronoun;
kayé’k at; wu- [§ 15.4]; du-; wa- [§ 18.2]; az to hear; at
indefinite object; xé to go on; -t¢ always [§ 19.1])
§17
180 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [puLL. 40
daneé't ayidé’ ye wududzt’nt a box of grease was put inside of the
canoe (dané’t box of grease; a- indefinite pronoun; -yidé
inside; ye thus [?]; wu- [§ 15.4]; du-; dzi- [§ 18.6]; nz to put
aboard)
tét has duti’n they could not see him (zéé not; has oes ; du-
perfect suffix; tin to see)
4, ga- is a prefix which indicates usually that the action was per-
formed just before some other action, and may be translated
by our conjunction WHEN. This may be identical with the
ga in aga or agaawe'tsa AS SOON AS, IMMEDIATELY UPON.
tax a’tate gadja’ginawe daq ugu’tte when he became very cold,
he always came out (zaz very; at cold; -tc intensive suffix;
ga-; djaq to die of [hyperbolically]; -in suffix [§ 19.3]; awe
when; daq out; u- [§ 17.2]; gu to go; -¢ suffix [§ 20.1]; -
aves [§ 19.1])
agé'di has ga'dustin ha'sdudat xa djiudigu’t when they saw them
‘inside, the enemy started to come upon them (see p. 179,
no. 3, third example)
dui'c ant akinad’ wugari'zin yu'gagan ye yé'ndusgete when the
sun got straight up over her father’s town, they always said to
her as follows (du- her; ic father; Gn town; -7 possessive
suffix; a- indefinite pronoun; kind’ above; wu- [§ 15.4]; ga-;
vix to reach; -tn suffix [§ 19.3]; yu- demonstrative; gAagan
sun; ye thus; yén possibly there; du- [§ 17.3]; s- [§ 18.1]; ga
to say; -tc intensive suffix)
5. na- is employed when the action with which it is associated is
represented as accompanied by or accompanying some other
action. Just as ga- may often be translated WHEN, this prefix
may be translated WHILE, yet the two may be used together.
It is so similar to the suffix -n [§ 19.3] that it is not unlikely
that the two are identical.
aya’ ade yanagu ‘diayu aosoti’n cawa't yii'adigiga’ cwu’ Lizae while
he was going around the lake, he saw a woman floating aes
(a- mdeniee pronoun; yx noted de at; ya- [§ 15.3]; na-
gu to go; -t purpose [§ 20.1]; ayu indefinite pronoun sal
demonstrative; a- indefinite pronoun; o- [§ 17.2]; s7- [§ 18.1];
tin to see; ca’wat woman; yi demonstrative; adigiga in it
[exact meaning uncertain]; c- reflexive; wu- Z- verbal prefixes
[ 15.4; § 18.5)
dag has nago’x a’ayu yuhunxo'a ye'g!ayaqa while they were going
shoreward, the eldest brother said as follows (daq shoreward;
a Ie
BOAS] HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 181
hAs they; na-; gox to go by canoe; a’a-yu indefinite pronoun
and demonstrative; yu- demonstrative; hunzo’ elder brother;
a indefinite pronoun; qg/a- mouth [§ 14.1]; ya- [§ 15.3]; ga to
say) ~
téq! kluda's! ati’x nagu’tte ya ha’sdu yagatsa’q yu’ awe ke ick !é'nte
having gotten inside of his red-snapper coat, when he was
pursuing them, that is the way he jumped (léq! red snapper;
k!uda’s! coat; a- indefinite pronominal prefix; tux inside; na-;
gu to go; -t purpose [§ 20.1]; -te always [§ 19.1]; ya [2]; ha’sdu
them; ya- [§ 15.3]; ga- [§ 17.4]; tséq to pursue . yu- demon-
strative; awe indefinite pronoun and demonstrative; ke up;
4,2]; c- reflexive; k/en to jump; -tc always [§ 19.1])
nara’c gA’xtusit having cut it, we will cook it (na-; zac to cut;
ga- future prefix [§ 15.5]; -« transitional affix [§ 15.7]; tu we;
sit to cook)
wat ga’naadi naa’tte yuxt’ts! goa'nt the bear people, when they go
hunting, always go after salmon (at salmon; ga- [$17.4];
na-; at to go; -4 part. suffix [§ 20.2];.na-; 4t¢ to go; -tc intensive
suffix ; yu- demonstrative ; zits! bear; goan people; -7 possessive)
telak” yanagu'tiawe qox aki'dadjite after it had walked a long
time, it would stop suddenly (te/ak” a long time; ya- [§ 15.3];
na-; gu to go; -t purpose; -4 suffix [§ 20.2]; awe when; gox
completely; a- indefinite pronoun; ku- future prefix [§ 15.5];
da- [?]; dji stem; -tc always [§ 19.1])
§ 18. THIRD MODAL PREFIXES
1. S- or s?- is used in a simple statement of an action or condition,
whether past, present, or future, but not usually of one
which is incomplete.
telak” alti’nt a’ya aositi’n looking for a while, he saw her (tc/ak¥
a long time; a- indefinite pronoun; #- [§ 18.4]; tin to see; -4
[§ 20.2]; a’ya indefinite pronoun and demonstrative; a- indefi-
nite pronoun; o- [§ 17.2]; s2-; tin to see)
dutuwu’sigu she felt happy (du her; tu- mind; wu- [§ 15.4]; si-;
gu to go [%])
daqané’x wusite! quarrelsome he was (dagane quarrelsome; -x
[§ 15.7]; wu- [§ 15.4]; te, stem)
Let ye awuskw’ duyi't sati’yt he did not know it was his son (ze?
not; ye thus; a- indefinite pronoun; wu- [$15.4]; s- kw to
know; du his; yit son; s4-; ti to be; yt participial suffix
[§ 20.2])
A'teget dusgo’qte what they throw it with (du-[§ 17.3]; s-; goq to
throw; -te always [§ 19.1]) ;
§ 18
182 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 40
For examples of the use of this prefix with the future, see in § 15.6.
It is important to note the evident identity of this prefix with
the particle as or 4st.
dis kawuki’s!i asiyu’ eq! tat yi’awasa it was a whole month
which he thought a night (dis month; kawuki’s!i whole; asi
particle; yu demonstrative; 1éq! one; tat night; ya demon-
strative; a- indefinite pronoun; wa- verbal prefix [§ 18.2];
sa to say [ =think])
aate yetsi’net ta asiyu’ it was the mother of the bears (wate this;
ta mother)
zatec te asvyw’ it was a stone
2. wa- indicating completed action.
tsluta’t ayu’ dak has wwago’x in the morning, at that time out
they got (u- [§ 17.2]; wa-; gor stem)
Atla@’x has wwaze’ behind on they camped
has Cq!at qoan ca’oduwaxéte they conquered the Stikine Indians
(Cq!at Stikine; qoan people; ca- [%]; 0- [§. 17.2]; du- [§ 17.3])
gut tax Léq! dis hasduka’ cuwaxzi'x probably entirely one month
on them passed (cu-[§ 15.1])
axe’, zat @’waha mother, I am hungry (a wa- verbal prefixes
[$ 17.2]; ha stem)
3. di- denotes the beginning of an action.
ada'cawe xa& djiudigu’t after that to war they started (#@ war;
dji-u- [§ 17.1, 2])
gegé'de gonaha’ re cit’yaq!a’oditan toward morning the woman
began to change her manner of talking (cu- completely
[§ 15.1]; ya [4%]; q/a- mouth; o- [§ 17.2]; tan stem)
acé’nya wudira’x it had begun to mold at the corner (a- indefi-
nite pronoun; cé’nya corner of; wu- [§ 15.4])
wucka't caodite’ they started to rush around (wu- [§ 15.4]; ¢
reflexive prefix; kat post-position; ca- i [2%]; o- di-
verbal prefixes [§ 17.2]; te stem)
yura'nas! Aada'x q!aodisa’ he began blowing on the raft (yu-
demonstrative; 2@’nas! raft; g/a- mouth [§ 14.1]; 0- [§ 17.2])
kaodit!4’q! it began to be hot eee (ka- o- di- verbal ees
[§ 15.2; § 17.2]; t/aq/ stem)
TO START TO GO TO A CERTAIN PLACE is expressed by means of
an adverb.
gona yeq gwagagu't when he was going to start (gona starting ;
ye thus; qo- indefinite prefix [§ 15.6]; gu- future prefix
[§ 15.5]; ga- verbal prefix [$ 17.4]; gut to go)
§ 18
BoAS] HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 1838
4. €- or &@- indicates repetition of an action or a plurality of objects
acted upon.
yax has aya’ olidjaq yuta’n thus they killed off the sea-lions (a-
indefinite pronoun; ya- [§ 15.3]; o- [§ 17.2]; djaq to kill; yu-
demonstrative; tan sea-lion)
ayu’ aotiza’c then he let it float along (ayw’ there; a- indefinite
prefix ; o- fi- verbal prefixes [§ 17.2]; zac stem)
xatc qawage’ asiyu’ aca’otihik it was full of eyes (xate this; ga-
man; wage’ eye; asiyw’ [§ 18.1]; a- demonstrative; ca- = cu-
[§ 15.1]; o- [§ 17.2]; h2k stem)
an qadji’n aotité’k” he shook hands with those things in his hands
(an with it; gadjin man’s hand; a- indefinite pronoun; o- verbal
ees ae 2)
aa’ yt yakg!" aya’x aotigla’ng! he made the enemy’s canoes upset
by quarreling (x@ enemy; -yi possessive suflix; yak" canoe; -
-q!" collective; G@yax like that; a indefinite pronoun; o- t-
verbal prefixes [§ 17.2]; g/an stem; -q! suffix [§ 19.5])
5. E- or L?- is used in contradistinction to the above when the action
takes place once, or is thought of at one particular moment.
aositl’n cawa't yuadigi'ga cwu'Lizac (when he was going around
the lake), he saw one woman floating there (a- inasouine pro-
noun; 0-s?-[ § 17.2; § 18.1]; tin to see; cawa’t woman; yuadigi' ga
there; c- reflexive; wu- [§ 15.4]; zac to float)
deki’na hi’ni qo’a wurid’k far out its water, however, boiled
(deki’na far out; hin water; -7 possessive suffix; go’a however;
wu- Li- verbal prefixes [§ 15.4]; wk stem)
yén caoLitsi’s there he stopped
6. dzt- conveys the idea of the attainment of a state not hitherto
enjoyed, and is best translated by the words To COME TO BE.
aya’ xawe duya’tq!t qgodzitr’ this is why his children came to be
‘born (a- that; yar like; awe it is; du- his; yat child; -g!t
collective; go- indefinite [§ 15. 61; ti to be)
cka a todztleu! 7 yura’'t qoa’nite wusné’xe afterward he came to know
that the salmon people had saved him; a- indefinite pronoun;
o- verbal prefix [§ 17.2]; kw to know; yu- demonstrative;
zat salmon; qgoan people; -tc intensive; wu-s- [§ 15.4; § 18.1])
telu telak” lingi’t tin ka’ odjite yué'q a long time ago there came to
be copper among the Indians (¢ing?’t Indians; tin with; ka-o-
[§ 15.2; § 17.2]; yu- demonstrative; éqg copper)
wa'sa cya’ odudziqa’, axyi’t? what did hey come to say to you,
my son? (wa’sa what; i you; ya- verbal prefix [§ 15.3]; o-du-
[§ 17.2,3]; qa to say; az my; yit son)
§ 18
184 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BuLL. 40
7. cti- expresses desire or wish, and may be used equally well as a
stem.
dusiv’ gok!i't! ak“cita’n his daughter liked to pick berries (du- his;
goki't! berries; a- indefinite pronoun; k¥- [$15.6]; tan stem)
Suffixes (§§ 19, 20)
§ 19. SUFFIXES OF TEMPORAL CHARACTER
These suffixes, which are not to he confounded with true temporal
suffixes, are -tc, -nutc, -n, -x, and perhaps -q! and s!.
1. -¢e indicates invariability in the action, and may best be trans-
lated by aLways. It is perhaps identical with the intensive
suffix (§ 7).
duwa'qde yagaci’tc her eyes to he always pointed
is!u yén ugo'xte again there he always went by canoe
gaga'n Kané'sdica caki’/nax ke xizxte the sun always rises over the
' brow of Cross Mountain (gaga’n sun; caki/nax over the head
of; ke up)
gandawe’ utd’ite duda’q!anax towards the fire he always sleeps
with his back (gan what burns; ta to sleep; du- his)
2. -nute marks what is habitual or customary.
hu qo’a ts!as zik ari’qlanute she, however, only dry wood would
get (ts!4s only; vuk dry wood; zig! to fetch)
dugé’tenute they would throw off their coats
Acu'tenute duyé’tk!™ she was in the habit of bathing her child
(4= aindefinite pronoun; cute stem; du- possessive; yet child;
-k« diminutive)
ux udutcu’gqnute they would laugh at him (u- du- ¢- verbal prefixes
[§ 17.2, 3; § 18.4]; cug to laugh)
idaka’t a’dawe at!o’gtlinute all kinds of things he would shoot
(idakat all; ad thing; a-we indefinite pronoun and demon-
strative; a- indefinite pronoun; t/ogt! stem)
a’t!aq!anutc he would pound
3. =n (after consonants -% or -62). This suffix marks a sta-
tionary condition of the action, and is usually employed in
conjunction with another verb, when it indicates the state of
things when the action contained in the principal verb took
place. The action it accompanies may be conceived of as past,
present, or future, and from its character it approaches at
different times in meaning a perfect, continuative, and usi-
tative. This suffix is perhaps related to the prefix na- treated
im $17.0.
§ 19
Boas] HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 185
Lagu yén yax dutnigi’n ye qoyanage’te when a person is through
with a story, he always says this (za’gu story; yén there; yax
thus; du- ¢- verbal prefixes [§ 17.3; § 18.4]; ni[k] to say); ye
thus; go- yarn [§ 15.6, 3; § 17.5]; ga to say; -tc[§ 19. 1))
wa'nin cwurixa’e edge tarned up, he floated (wan edge; in [4];
c- reflexive prefix; wu- Li- verbal prefixes [§ 15.4; § 18.5]; rac
stem)
dug!é naz ci tela yt qlanacxé’nte dui’ yeq gagaa’tin when his spirits
came to him, blood would flow out of his mouth (du- his; q/a
mouth; -nar from; ci blood; tc/a that; yiut out of it; qa
mouth; na- [§ 17.5]; c- [2%]; zén stem; -tc always [§ 19.1]; du-
his; yeg spirit; ga [4]; oe [§ 17.4]; at to go[pl.]; -in suffix)
itu’ qiwan catli’g Nixa’ net gu’tni be courageous when Nixa’
comes in (i- thy; tw mind; -ww possessive suflix; g/wan exhor-
tative [§ 22.3]; c4- reflexive; t/iq/ stem [?]; néf into house; gut
to go; -n -i suffixes [§ 20.2])
tclaye’ dag gaci'te acgadja’gén when it almost killed him, he would
run up (¢e/aye’ almost; daq up; ga- verbal prefix; cite to run;
4c for c- reflexive [that is, he allowed himself to be killed, Phoned
by something else]; ga- verbal prefix [§ 17.4]; djaq to Tall. -én
verbal suffix)
tan a aka’wati anax gaduski’t hu ana’x yén wugoxd’n he pounded
out a figure of a sea-lion, so that people would know he had
come ashore there (tén sea-lion; a indefinite pronoun; ka- wa-
[§ 15.2; § 18.2]; a indefinite pronoun; naz around; ga- du- s-
[§ 17.4, 3; § 18.1]; ku to know; -t purpose [§ 20.1]; hu he; yen
there; wu- [§ 15.4]; gox to go by canoe)
has agaca’n when they marry (a- ga- verbal prefixes)
4. -x% may perhaps be regarded as a distributive; at any rate, it indi-
cates that the action takes place many times, or continues for
some period.
Lél at udja’qu ts!u yén ugo’xte he kept coming in without having
killed anything (zé/ not; at indefinite objective; dja4qg to kill;
ts/u there)
hu ay awe’ et ute’x he, however, did not sleep (u- [S 17.2]; -x)
Let ga gt ugu'tz he never showed himself (zéé not; ga’gi was [7%];
u- verbal prefix [$ 17.2]; gu stem; -t purpose [§ 20.1]; -x)
teut ac uté’nx ac wudjiyv’ayu aci't ae watan before he thought of
it, his nephew saw him and spoke to him (teut before; 4c him;
tén to see; ac his own; -yi possessive; ayu demonstrative; 4ci't
to him; g/a- mouth [§ 14.1]; wa- verbal suffix [§ 18.2]; tan stem)
aga’ tsa axé’x then only he ate (a- indefinite pronoun; za to eat; -2)
xel utge’x ké’tadi not ever got big the sea-gull (u- t verbal pre-
fixes [§ 17.2; § 18.4]; gé stem; 4)
§ 19
186 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BuLL. 40
5. -q/ Although the meaning of this suffix has not been satisfac-
torily determined, it may be included in this list, because it
seems to be used in describing events that have taken place
at some particular time, and to present a marked contrast to
the suffix last considered. |
tdaka’t yetx duca’q! people from all places tried to marry her
(fdaka’t all, everywhere; yétx from into; du- verbal prefix
[$ 17.3]; ca stem)
ckaax ke djiti’niyeq! you can not see anything (tin to see; tye par-
ticipial suffix lengthened [§ 20.2]; rest uncertain)
cAkusti’q!tc those are (my people) there (s- verbal prefix [§ 18.1];
ti stem, to be; -tc always [§ 19.1]; rest uncertain)
aya’ xawe aosi’ne aci’'n gAnatta’diciz tit! tu’di ac wuge’q! as he had
‘told him to do when he ran into the fire with him he threw
him into the basket (aya’xawe as; a indefinite pronoun; 0-si
[§ 17.2; § 18.1]; ac him, reflexive; -n with; gan fire; alta
into [4%]; dé to start to; cia to run; Zit! basket; ta’di into; ac
he; wu- [§ 15.4]; gé to throw)
aa’ yt yak! aya’x a’oliq!a'ng! he made the enemy’s canoes upset
by quarreling (see p. 183, no. 4)
6. -s! occurs after a few verbs, but its significance is obscure.
atxawe’ gota’as! from there he listened (qgo- indefinite prefix
[S 15.6]; & verbal prefix [§ 18.4]; 4x stem)
aga’ keqgeti’s! wek!wa'tx you will look out for the green fern-
roots (aga’ for that; ke particle; g- indefinite prefix [§ 15.6];
ge=gu-i future prefix and personal pronoun [§ 15.5]; t% to be;
we- demonstrative; k/wata fern-roots)
has goti’s! they were looking for him (qo- indefinite prefix; ti to be)
§ 20. SYNTACTIC SUFFIXES
1. -¢ is suffixed to a verb to indicate that it contains a statement of
the purpose for which some other action was performed.
duka’kte ade’ qoka'waqa duiga’ qagé’x dusga’ndayu his uncle sent
some one after him to burn [his body] (du his; kak uncle; -te—
intensive [§ 7]; ade’ to it; qo- indefinite prefix |§ 15. 6]; ka- wa-
verbal prefixes [§ 15.2; § 18.2]; ga to say; du he; aga’ for; du- s-
[§ 17.3; $18.1]; gan ee. to burn; -d for -F bates vowel; -ayu
damouaiiatiye®)
qa naa'di kiidé'n yén wudu'dzini ati’t qonga’nadayu and they
put on good clothing because they wanted to die wearing it
(g@ man; na- verbal prefix [§ 17.5]; at to go [pl.]; -¢ verbal
§ 20
BoAS] HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 187
suffix; [$ 20.2]; klidé’n good; yén there; wu- du- dzi- [§ 15.4;
§ 17.3; § 18.6]; atu’t into it; gonga [uncertain]; na to die; -t
purpose; ayu demonstrative) |
duiga’ at nagasi’t something to help him (duiga’ for him; at
indefinite; na-[?] ga- verbal prefixes [§ 17.4]; su to help; -t
purpose)
ada’x awaxd'x aci’n ckangatni’git then he invited him to tell him
(something he did not know) (ada’x after it; ac- he; -n with;
c- reflexive; kanga[? compare gonga second example; t- ver-
bal prefix [§ 18.4]; nik stem; -t purpose)
Ak !“qlayu ye’ yati qa akade’ wugu’t ga’nga a man stopping at Auk
went to (the lake) to get wood (ak!”, Auk; -q! at; ayu demon-
stratives; yé- adverb, thus; ya- [§ 15.3]; t2 to be; g@ man;
-kade’ on; wu- [§ 15.4]; gu- to go; -t purpose; gan wood, fire;
ga for). :
The use of -¢ with gu TO Go, as in the last example, has become very
common, and in that connection it appears to have lost some-
thing of its original function.
2. -é, -0 after consonants; yt-,-ewe after vowels. The subordina-
tion of one clause to another is effected more often than in
any other manner by suflixing -2 or -o after consonants, or
-yi or -wu after vowels (see §§ 3 and 10). This seems to
have the effect of transforming the entire clause into a par-
ticiple or infinitive.
yugd go’a ka'deq!aka’x dagt wudjizi’xi the man who jumped out
from (the raft was very much ashamed) (yu demonstrative;
ga man; go’a however; ha’deq!aka’x from on it; dagt out; wu-
dji- [§ 15.4; § 17.1]; viz to jump or move quickly)
dudji'q! ye yuti’yt s!aq gata’ ake’ asé’wati he set up a bone trap
he had (du he; djiq! to; ye thus; yu- demonstrative; ti to be;
s!aq bone; gata’ trap; a- indefinite pronoun; ke up; @ indefi-
nite pronoun; se- verbal prefix; wad[i] to set up)
hade’ wat at ci’yi this way! those who can sing (c2 to sing)
él ye wua' rte yucd' wat atxayt’ axa’ yudjé/nwu she never got full
eating sheep-fat (zé? not; ye thus; ax to eat; yu- indefinite
pronoun; c@’wat woman; a indefinite pronoun; af things; za
to eat; -yt suffix; axa’ fat; yu- demonstrative; djé’nwu moun-
tain sheep)
wuctaca’ yi married to each other (that is, married couple)
aya’xde yanagu' diayu aositi’n while he was going around it, he
saw (a- it; ya’ade around; ya-na- [§ 15.3; § 17.5]; -ayu demon-
strative)
§ 20
188 - BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [puLy. 40
tclak” alti’nt aya’ aositi’n looking for a while, he saw her (a-
demonstrative; ¢ [§ 18.4]; aya’ it is this) :
godziti’yi at big animals or things; apparently signifies THINGS
BEING OR EXISTING (qgo- indefinite [§ 15.6]; dzi- verbal prefix
[§ 18.6]; t% to be; -yt suffix; at things)
3. -k“. A verb is frequently changed into a noun by taking a
suffix -k”, and this is also usually indicated by the demonstra-
tive prefix; but it would seem, from the manner in which it is
used with certain verbs, especially with the verb To CALL or
NAME (sa), that it should be regarded as a perfect participial
a
suffix as much as a noun-forming suffix.
yiyuglata’ngite your well speaking of them (yz you [pl.]; yu- de-
' monstrative; g/a mouth; tan stem; -tc intensive; -g7- stands
here for k”)
ye'duwasak” their names being these (ye thus; du- wa- verbal pre-
fixes; sa stem)
tit yudjisita'nk” waves rise up on it; or waves, the rising up of
them upon it (#/ wave; yu- demonstrative; dj?- s7- prefixes;
tan stem)
ye yuwagutk” that was why he had traveled that way; or, more
strictly, thus the traveling of him (yé thus; yu- demonstra-
tive; wa- verbal prefix; gut stem)
yika’-at-xack” the ones having split tongues for you (y7- you; ka
post-position; at thing; zac stem)
yug!tayata’nk” the one that could talk (yu- demonstrative; g/a
mouth; ya- verbal prefix; tan stem)
yuqoyatis!é’ zk% when he was playing with the children, he would
hurt them; or, the hurt he would do to them (yu- demonstra-
tive; go- ya- ti- verbal prefixes; s/éz stem)
yu ‘ayatig tk“ he would break the knife he got hold of (ya#- demon-
strative; a- indefinite; ya- verbal prefix; t/q! stem)
Lax YALa te “he was a very great eater; or, the great eater that
he was (ax very; ya- verbal prefix; rag stem)
dunda’ at li’tclé’quk" he was a dirty little fellow; or, the dirty
little fellow that he was (dund [?] at thing; ti- verbal prefix;
tcléq” stem)
ada’ yuq!4'duria’tk® about it they were all talking; or, the talk-
ing that went on about it (a- indefinite; da post-position; yu-
demonstrative; g/4 mouth; du- 1i- verbal prefixes; at stem)
tela akani’k telure’ ayé’x yu'yatik” whatever he told them took :
place (tc/a whatever; tc/ule’ then; ayé’x like it; yu- demon-
strative; ya- prefix [§ 15.3])
gaye’ gok*qwané'xe telure’ yuahantkk" ayéx yu'yatikY when a
§ 20
BOAS] HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 189
person was going to get well, he told them, and so it was (qa
person; go- [§ 15.6]; néx to be well; for the rest see last exam-
ple). The end of this sentence might be rendered As was
THE TELLING OF THIS BY HIM, SO WAS THE FACT
da’sa ga’xdudja’q gon yuaka'yanikk" what they were going to kill
was what they got (d@’sa what; ga- future [§ 15.5]; -x transi-
tional [§ 15.7]; du- verbal prefix [§ 17.3]; djaq to kill; gon [ 2];
yu- demonstrative; 4- indefinite pronoun; ka- ya- verbal pre-
fixes [§ 15.2, 3]; nik stem)
4. -ya. Another suffix similar to this is -ya, which is perhaps
identical with the continuative ya- treated of in $15.3. This
is mainly used in clauses which in English would be subordi-
nated by means of a relative pronoun or adverb, and often
the participial suffix -2 [§ 20.2] is employed in conjunction
with it. It would seem that the entire clause is turned into a
noun in this manner, and becomes the object of the principal
verb. Examples are as follows:
yar gate’ yug!as adé’ uduwagq!a'siya far is the distance which the
cascade comes down (7 YAL like ; gate’ far; yu- demonstrative ;
q/ads cascade; ade’ to it; u- du- wa-[§ 17.2, a §1b2p
te!lu ade’ xaq!ii'ya awe’ aya’x got ci’/waziz just the way they were
sleeping they were destroyed (te/u just; ade’ at it; aq” to
sleep; aya’z like it; got completely; cu-[§ 15.1])
dudji'txawe yidadund' ya from him they knew how to fix [a trap]
(du him; -dj intensive [§ 7]; t to; 2 from; awe demonstrative;
yidadunda’ya they learned to fix)
ade’ has kaq!adi’ nuteya ade’ akaotixé’s! he put them in the place
where they were in the habit of hooking fish (ade’ at it; has
they; ka to cause [?]; g/at to catch [?]; -nutc hebieaalls
[§ 19.2]; a- indefinite fa ka- o- H@-[§ 15.2; § 17.2; § 18.4])
até’xya aosiku’ when she slept, he knew (a- indefinite prefix; te
to sleep; -x -ya suffixes [§ 19.4]; a- indefinite prefix; o- st-
verbal vee [§17.2; $18.1]; ku to know)
kaodit!4’q! @ xo gudiya’ it was hot weather from where he started
(ka- o- di- verbal prefixes [§15.2; § 17.2; § 18.3]; t/aq! stem;
a- indefinite prefix; zo among; gu to go; -¢ purpose [§ 20.1])
tét has @ wusku ade’ yuyané giya they did not know what to make
of it (zé? not; a- indefinite pronoun; wu- s- [§ 15.4; §18.1]; ade’
at it; yu- demonstrative; ya- verbal prefix [§ 15.3]; nek to say)
has @wawus! “guda’x sa yé'daduna'taya’”’ they inquired, “From
where do they get this?’ (gu where; daz from; sa interrogative
particle; ye adverb; da- du-na- verbal prefixes [§ 14.4; §17.3,5];
At to go[pl.])
§ 20
[BuULL. 40
BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY
190
“4s0] [[@ 010M AOL Lt pn no (70b)
*(UI9Y}) SUT]]O} SBAL OTT yy 1 Dy a
“aq 0} OUTRO IT a4 18 n z
“yreods 0} (JNO) 9UO BUIOS JUS OFT DU Dn DY pjb
‘qno sBury} poaout Loy, 22D DM npn Dy (2¥)
“qnd aq 04 gu103 SI 41 uaY M 1 opi np x-nb
“FT 1000 []TM OA 1s U7) a-nb
*(UOS SIt,) SUIOg uh 1} ¥Ss
“qnoqe JlesunIy SuIBVOy SABM]S SLA oH 24 apy y nm 2
-poureu w2e0q ZUIAR ET ny DS pn np D
*paaes oq 0} pasnvo 4] p: rau 1s n DY
“poqieys pey Aoy Unt pm np nn (Gia)
“peay SI JO JNO AToza]dUIOD 403 4] ui np-n DY (70b)
-ayods pu yno yuo OTT un} pn vib
*(wzp= 0} oUIBd) NOA 07 Avs 07 OUIBD AOL, ob 1zp np-n oh 4
“poaes Sued a T2U s nn
“41 MOU OF oreo oH ny vzp n D
“WOdS SBAL OFT uy s np nn
“ApP{oD 4107 UMOP 403 oF Tit up nn
“al 0} Pres OTT pb 4s n phi D
“Apjour oq 03 uNnseq pel 4 IDT up nn
“xing “uals *xgeid *xygoid “qoafqns *xyoid *xgoid “40a[qo
[epowl pay, | Tepoul puoosesg} yeurmouorg | jepoul 4ysi1q [BUTULO NT [euro u01g
‘SNUOY IVAUAA AO SISATVNY
Oo
N
won
191
LANGUAGES
HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN
“OU 07 SUTATS O18 NOL ob tz phi Dp wet
“SUIARY ov NOK oh Ww DU 2 pli
“ULIBM OC [IM OAL Dj} DM nb-ny DY
“aasop (pyey Jo) ynd no x mu 18 wh
*(pjoo Jo) SuiAp aie nox bylp DU 1 oii
“sn porno oavy Aoyy, raw as n DY
“uLIY, day 07 (SuryyouI0g ) ; ns pb-DU ED (Q¥)
“41 oyUT payary AOU, r¥8} ” n Dyno D
*(nz) Apoq B ut (s00p 94 07) poysna AoYy, bnb pn ny
*(opotqred oATyeIodUL ap) OUT YA oD ap WW DU Dx
*parvoy SABMIC YT 2} IV pa ; ob
“403 41 UO A ur dit vb nn
‘nod poars Aoyy, raU as n 2
‘ung SABATS PINOA IT 4 unb ob D
“Ul OULOD pnoA AoYy UOT AA ur Vv vb D
, “uoUl]es 10,78 03 AOTY UOT AA L qo pu-vb
“QUIY] OP UYOpUY WE OJ LOY 10 pony AOL rh) Dn np-n pii-ob
“UMOP OF 0} pojaeys AOL, va p pli D
“SulAp sem oy way A, DU Db ph
*(s1v0f poipuny ® UeYy O1OUL) Joy POAT] SUIARY OT] art same eae: ee Baan CS i eee on a eae oe ob
“419n0 oy Us, AA t opr nn D
CRUMP aM) ot MOONE GEE ee hoe | i tam le ime ia ones eae \c > cael Ree nib
“YO 4nd 09 ZuI03 svar oT ae ie ae ae Se a nb-ob D
> \
“(eawaq “9 "y) puyur uy 3
§ 20
192 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 40
§ 21. Composition of Verb-Stems
A real composition of two verb-stems in one word seems to be
entirely wanting. It sometimes happens, however, that the stem
which contains the principal idea is placed before another verb-stem
of very general meaning, such as ¢t? TO BE, ziz TO GET, or nuk” To
BECOME, and is there treated as if it were a prefix or an adverbial
modifier, all of the other verbal prefixes being attached to the
general auxiliary stem. Thus we have—
ytha’n ke gax gaxyisate’ YOU (pl.) WILL oRyY, where gaz is the
regular stem of the verb meaning To cRy, Ane ti, the stem of
she verb To BE, taking the future, pronominal, sand all other
prefixes. Similar to this is k/dnt has wwanu'k” THEY BECAME
ANGRY, where k/dn signifies ANGER, and nuk” TO BECOME. | Of
this same type is got cu/wariz THEY WERE ALL DESTROYED,
although it is uncertain whether got is ever employed as a
regular stem in the place of giz.
The list on pages 190 and 191 contains the analysis of a number
of verbal forms in accordance with the groups of prefixes and suf-
fixes described in §§ 14-20.
Adverbs (§§ 22, 23)
22, Modal Adverbs
1. agi is an interrogative adverb which is used in interrogative
e o
sentences in which no interrogative pronoun occurs. It is
placed after the verb, or near the beginning of the clause.
wyaa’ ate agi’? do you hear it?
uha'n agi’ yeka’ at tura'ck® tea ki’cta qoan qleca’nt? are we the
ones splitting land-otter (tongues) to see people? (aha’n we;
yeka’ the ones; 4t indefinite object, namely, tongues; tu we;
vac split; -k¥ Shae [§ 20.3]; tea thus; ku’cta land-otter; goan
people; q/eca’nit to see [uncertain ee
vat yi siti’n agi? do you see me? (zat me; yi you; si- prefix
[§ 18.1]; tin to see)
2. dé following the verb indicates the imperative.
Adjv't gut dé! come up to me! (4x me; -d7 intensive [§ 7]; -é to;
gu to come; -t purpose [§ 20.1])
G@nax asaqo’x ‘da! go with it around it! (@ indefinite pronoun;
naz around; a indefinite pronoun; sa- prefix ; gox to go by canoe)
ga'nga naa't dé! for firewood go! (gan firewood; ga for; na-
"prefix [§ 17.5]; at to go)
§§ 21, 22
Boas] HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 193
3. glwAn expresses a mild imperative and resembles our own PRAY,
or SUPPOSE.
deki’ q!wan dagqict’q out, pray, run to him! (déki’ out; da- to
[§ 14.4]; gi-[%]; cig to run)
hing! qlwan yén «at cat into the water, pray, then put me! (hin
water; g/ at; yén then; zat me; cat put)
ituwu’ q!wan catli’q! Nixd’ net gu’tné be courageous when Nixa’
comes in (see § 19.3; 7 you; tu mind; -ww possessive; c4- reflex-
ive; t/ig!, stem [?]; net into the house; gu to go; -t -n -7 suf-
fixes [§ 20.1; § 19.3; .§ 20.2])
‘
4. £ expresses the negation. Generally this element appears com-
bined with the connective re THEN. The emphatic negative
is Hit, apparently a doubled negation.
lit kinigi’q ya axhi’ti never tell about my house (id never;
ki=ka [%; nik to tell; -q suffix; ya about; ax my; hit
house; -7 possessive)
tit rax ye vat kuga’ndjig never let me burn up! (14x very; ye thus;
vat I; ku future; gan to burn; -tc always; -7q a suffix)
In negative questions the negation is contracted with the interrog-
ative particle.
Lé'git cat wuneku? am I not sick? (zé adverb; gi interrogative
particle; / not (with 22); vat 1; wu- verbal prefix; nék” sick)
5. gué expresses probability, and is generally initial.
gut tax Léq! dis hasduka’ cuwaxi’z very probably they passed all
of one month (zaz very; zéq! one; dis moon; hasduka’ on
them; cu- entirely [§ 15.1]; wa- verbal prefix [§ 18.2]; ziz stem)
gut de djyinka’t ayu’ q!a’owaxe for probably ten days he went
[without food] (de already; djinkat ten; ayu’ demonstrative;
q/a mouth [§ 14.1]; o- wa- prefixes [§ 17.2; § 18.2]; xe stem)
§ 25. Locative Adverbs
Locative adverbs are difficult to distinguish from post-positions,
but the following may be mentioned as of constant occurrence:
1. dak outward, out to sea 7. néf into the house
2. daq shoreward 8. yu or yux out of doors
3. ke upward 9. yén there
4. de now, right away, al- 10. deki’ far outward
ready 11. zxkt’ down below, spe-
5. ye thus or as follows cifically southward
6. yéx or yax like 12. yik inside
44877—Bull. 40, pt 110 —13 § 23
194
BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 46
Bearing a closer resemblance to post-positions are:
13.
14.
. « from
- g! at
. yi down in
. yi’nadé down toward
. yes for
. goe back to, backward
. «An to a person
. tu into
. ta’yi under
. tla behind
. dAx from
. da around
. £O among
. ki toward
nN ©
H OO
en i
Do Ww bk bw
“Io O1
o/0)
t or dé to
n with
29.
30.
ol.
o2.
30.
o4.
30.
36.
a7.
38.
39.
40).
4].
42.
45.
ka on
ga for
qaq! for
gé inside of
tin with
ha’yi down underneath
qlés for
gayv down in front of
wat at the mouth of
tak in the middle of
nax through, on account
of, in association with
gan outside of
datcu’n straight for
ya in the neighborhood of
sak” for
The last of these is always used after the verb.
Even nouns and verbs are used exactly as if they were conceived
of as post-positions: as,
hi’tq!t tux ya'wagut yucd’ wat adja’q dax the woman went through
the houses after she had killed it (Ait house; -q/4 collective;
tux through; ya- wa- verbal prefixes [$ 15.3; §18.2]; gu to go; -t
[§ 20.1]; yu- demonstrative; ca’w4t woman; a it; djag to kill;
dax from)
aqli’ts cantt’dé kax a’odigeq! he put (his coat) on to go down
into the midst of its tentacles (a- it; qlits tentacles; can-tu’dé
into the midst of; kaz adverbial; a- indefinite pronoun; o0- di-
prefixes [§ 17.2; § 18.3]; geg! to do quickly)
ayAtané’s!awe awa'n when he had sharpened the edges of it. (a-
indefinite pronoun; ya- ¢4- verbal prefixes [§ 15.3; § 18.4];
nés! to sharpen; awe when; a it; wan edges)
As, on account of their phonetic weakness, the post-positions t, n,
x, and qg/ must always be agglutinated to some other word, they
sometimes have the appearance of cases, but the first of these is sim-
ply a contraction of dé; and the distinction in use between all of
them and the syllabic post-positions is not marked enough to justify
a separate classification.
The adverbs de, ke, and ye are essential to certain verbs, and the
same may be said of at SOMETHING with the verbs za TO EAT and
zUun TO START.
§ 23
Boas] HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 195
§ 24. Conjunctions
The conjunction used between nouns and coordinate clauses is
qa AND; while antithesis is expressed by go’a, which more closely
approaches English HOWEVER in its use than BuT. Conjunctions
employed to introduce sentences are, for the most part, compounded
of post-positions and demonstratives:
ada’xayu or ada’xawe and then (compounded of a; daz from;
a, and yu or we)
Atxawe’ afterwards (from a; ¢t to; x from; a; and we)
aya’zawe on account of which (from a; yaz like; a; and we)
tc!uxe’, evidently THEN, consists of two adverbial particles, te/u
and ze!
wanani'sawe by and by (probably compounded from some verb)
Atcawe’ contains the intensive suffix te.
Subordinate clauses, when not turned into participles or infinitives,
are connected to the principal verb by awe’ or ayu’, which also occur
in conjunction with the participial suffix -2, and often with ga-, na-,
or -n.
' VOCABULARY (§§ 25-28)
Stems are almost invariably monosyllabic, and consist usually of a
consonant followed by a vowel; or a consonant, vowel, and conso-
nant. Occasionally, however, we find single vowels; a vowel fol-
lowed by a consonant; or a vowel, consonant, and vowel. Two con-
sonants never occur together in the same syllable unless one is an
agglutinated affix.
§ 25. Nominal Stems
Following is a list of several simple nominal stems:
a lake ta stone
an town tan sea-lion
as! tree tat night
aza’ paddle nu fort
ie father naa’t clothing
yak” canoe nuk!” shells
yak mussel tcuné’t bow
yao herring isa seal
yarte sea-otter tsésk!” owl
yek supernatural helper sldx" hat
yit son sit spruce
da’s!a snare cat wife
dis moon can old person
$§ 24, 25
196 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY
cayi’na anchor
ct blood
ci song
gaga’n sun
gote wolf
ga man
gaha’k” salmon-eggs
gou people
gia point
q!an fire
q!un fur-seal
q/at! island
za enemy
[BULL. 40
zao log or dead tree
zat root
xon friend
xox husband
kat fish-basket
kant brother-in-law
ké’ radi sea-gull
ra’na evening
zits! grizzly-bear
xixtc! frog
hin fresh water
hit house
hu’nx elder brother
Onomatopoétic words are surprisingly rare.
The followmg are the terms of blood-relationship:
titk! grandparent
tc father
La mother
tak! mother’s sister (literally, little mother)
kak mother’s brother
at father’s sister, and father’s sister’s daughter
sa’/ni father’s brother and father’s sister’s son
hunx man’s elder brother
catx woman’s elder sister
kik! man’s younger brother, and woman’s younger sister
Ldk! man’s sister
ik! woman’s brother
katk! mother’s brother’s children
cxAnk! grandchild
yit son, and son of mother’s sister
si daughter, and daughter of mother’s sister
kétk! sister’s child, and child of woman’s brother
Terms of relationship through marriage are the following:
xox husband
cat wife
wu father-in-law
tcan mother-in-law
ka’ni brother-in-law of man, and sister-in-law of woman
The other relationships are indicated by terms purely descriptive.
Most of the above are also used in a broad sense to cover those per-
sons of the same sex, clan, and generation, as the one to whom it
more particularly belongs. A sister’s husband was called husband;
and
a wife’s sister, wife, because, in case of the wife’s death, the
widower had a right to marry her sister.
§ 25
Boas] HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN
INDIAN LANGUAGES 197
§ 26. Verbal Stems
One or two nominal stems, such as sa NAMB, tctin DREAM, and giz!
HERRING-RAKE, are also found as the stems of verbs, but usually the
two sets of stems are quite distinct.
of verb-stems:
u to use
ha to dig
s!u to cut off
na to do
ni to put
xe to stay, remain
gu to go (one person)
at to go (pl.)
dja to tell, explain
tu to be
ku to know
ta to sleep
ga to say
su to help (a supernatural
being acting)
ca to marry
xa to eat
ya to carry, bear
k!é to be good
dji to have
ge to sit
nex to save
nik to tell
yex to make
xox to invite
tan to put
nuk” to become
djaq to kill
tin to see
gAs! to strike
gén to look at, examine
aix to get
gan to burn
The following is a partial list
git to do
na to die
ka to be lazy
tla to slap
tla to be hot
ci to hunt for
hik to be full of
djét to set, place
tsin to be strong
giq! to throw
qou to go by canoe
Lléx to dance
cat to take, seize
xac to drift
zot! to sharpen
az to hear —
hén to stand
zéq! to sleep or to go to sleep
slit to cover
tit to drift
gax to cry
k!an to hate
ts!4q to smoke
uk to boil
tluk to shoot
t!aq! to pound
wis! to ask
xin to fly into
k!ak! to cut
q!ak” to forget
qlak to swim
Ak to weave
tsis to swim
It is possible that the final consonant of one or another of these
stems is really a suffix, and such may have been the origin of some
terminal consonants which are now inseparable.
§ 26
198 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 40
§ 27. Numerals
Numerals precede the nouns with which they occur. The cardinal
numbers are:
Léq! one na’ts!kuducu’ eight
déx two guct’k nine
nats!k three dji'nkat ten
daq!u'n four dji’nkat qa Leg! eleven
keé’djin five Lé'ga twenty
Lé’ducu six nats!ga d7ji’nkat thirty
daxa’ducu seven ké’djin qa one hundred
Ke'djin is formed from ke up and djin HAND; dji’nkat contains the
suflix kat AcRoss or UPON and djin HAND; 1é’qa is from 1éq! ONE and
gd MAN.
When human beings are referred to, slaves usually excepted, the
numeral takes the post-position naz.
na’s!ginax ga three men
reduct’nax duké’tk!i has his six nephews
déx gux two slaves
The numeral onk, however, is sometimes unchanged.
yuLe gq! yat’ yiga wuckik yé'n bring one of the brothers
Leq! ati’yva bring one man
nax is also used to form distributive numerals.
Ordinals are formed from cardinals by means of a final -a.
daza’ the second
nats!gia’ the third
THE FIRST is expressed by cug!wa’naz.
Numeral adverbs are formed by suffixing -dahén.
daxdahe'n yé'yanaga when he said thus twice
dardahé’na gu’dawe after she had been twice
§ 28. Interrogative Pronouns
The chief interrogative pronouns, also used as relatives, are adii’sa
wo, da’sa WHat, and wda’sa wHat or How. The final syllable sa is
separable, however, although never omitted, and ought rather to be
regarded as an interrogative particle, though it is perhaps identical
with the particle st or ast referred to in § 18.1. Examples of the use
of these pronouns are:
§§ 27, 28
Boas] HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 199
adw’sa wut!i’q! who broke it off?
adu'sgi qasv’ gaca’ 1 wonder who will marry my daughter
da’ saya ye dji’wani what has done this?
dasayw’, axe’ what is that, mother?
ha da'tin sa what with? (that is, what can you do?)
wasa’yu hade’ ye'doga what to us do they say thus?
teluxe’ tél wuduskw’ wa'sa waniye’ then they did not know what
had been done
wa'sa vya’odudzigqa’ axyi’t what did they say to you, my son?
With these should be connected gu’si WHERE.
“iad yen yugoxe’tegt where is, then, the breaking off of it?
gusu’ tiwunw' ¢ au yryt where is it that he had felt bad? a
guda’aqa’x sayw’ U'wadji Let ye’awusku’ from whence he came,
she did not know
The last of these examples shows the locative character of gusu’
(in this case contracted to gu); and the first two, the curious manner
of its employment.
§ 28
TEXT
QaQ!aroet’kK
(Told by interpreter, Don Cameron, at Sitka, January, 1904)
Cit!ka’q!ayu! yé’yati?. wu'ckik!tyé’n* ye’duwasak"* hunxo’® a°
At Sitka it was that there.were brothers ~ named thus the eldest thatis
Qaq!ategi’k.? Axli’nayu® has ak’cita’n.® tLeq!? tsluta’tayu™
Qaq!Ategi’k. Hunting it was they liked. One morning it was on
that
q!a’tiq!t xodé’"* dak has uwaqo’x.* él at udja’ qx. 15: To
islands to among out they went by canoe. Not things he a illed. Again
yén ugo’xte.%© Ts!u dak uwago’x.* Ada’xayu™ yuq!i’n™® xo’dé
there he alwayscame Again out he went by canoe. And then the fur seals to
in by canoe. among
wuduwasa’.® “Hu at naqo’xtctya” aya’. Cilk!a’L!” isa*
his name was called. ‘‘He things always going in canoe is here. Keep quiet your voices
after
gaa’x.”** Daq has nago’x* a/ayu® yuhunxd’a” yée’qlayaqa:”
“lesthe Shoreward they were going by at that time the eldest brother it said thus:
hear.” canoe was
1 Cit/kd@’ (Sitka) compounded of Ci the native name of Baranoff island, the post-position t/a BEHIND or
BACK OF, and the post-position ka on; q/ locative post-position aT; ayw compounded of yu the demonstra-
tive and probably a- indefinite pronoun, used to call particular attention to the place.
2 ye an adverpial particle referring to BROTHERS, which may here be translated AS FOLLOWS, although
it sometimes refers to what precedes; ya- continuative prefix § 15.3; ¢istem of the verb TO BE.
3 wu- § 15.4; c- the reflexive prefix § 11; kik! YOUNGER BROTHER; -yén suffix which seems to take the
place of hAs to indicate plurality. ;
4 ye AS FOLLOWS; du- § 17.3; wa- § 18.2; sa TO NAME or CALL; -kunoun-forming or perfect participial suffix
§ 20.3.
5 hunz ELDER BROTHER; 0 probably possessive; kik! YOUNGER BROTHER.
6a stands for yé’duwasaku,
7 Object of yé’duwasaku,
8 a- indefinite pronoun indieating the things hunted for; L/in HUNTING FoR, employed as a post-posi-
tion; -ayu (see note 1).
9 hAs personal pronoun subject third person plural; a- object referring to az/i/n; ku- indefinite prefix;
ci- desire § 18.7; tan TO PUT, verb-stem of many uses.
10 ,@q/ ONE, numeral modifying és/uia’t. Very often the noun modified is omitted in connections like
this.
ll ts/u AGAIN; tat NIGHT; ayw demonstrative. The meaning seems to be, ANOTHER NIGHT BEING
PAST.
12 g/at! ISLAND; -q/i plural; 10 AMONG; dé motion to.
13 Adverb; SEAWARD or TO AN OPEN PLACE.
M4 u- § 17.2; wa- § 18.2; gox TO GO BY CANOE.
16 y- § 17.2; djAq TO KILL; -x distributive suffix § 19.4.
16 y- § 17.2; gox TO GO BY CANOE; -tc intensive suffix § 7.
17 a- indefinite pronoun; -dAr FROM; ayu demonstrative.
18 yu- demonstrative; g/uim FUR-SEAL.
19 wu- § 15.4; du- § 17.3; wa- § 18.2; sa TO NAME, TO CALL,. also VOICE.
20 na- action accompanied by another action § 17.5; gor TO GO BY CANOE; -tc intensive suffix § 7; -7
participial suffix; -ya noun-forming suffix § 20.2, 4.
21 a indefinite pronoun, and ya demonstrative.
22 c- reflexive § 11; ¢- frequentative § 18.4; k/AL! TO BE QUIET.
237- THY; sa VOICE (see note 19).
*4 ga- subordinating prefix § 17.4; dz TO HEAR.
2% a and ayu.
26 yu- demonstrative; hunxo’ ELDER BROTHER; a indefinite pronoun.
27 yé- AS FOLLOWS; g/a@ MOUTH; ya- § 15.3; ga stem.
200
Boas] HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 201
*¢rak" axa’, yandunu’k’.”* we k!int*” has uwanu’k".” Caqaha’di#
“Quick paddles it has become windy.’’ Then angry they became. The bowman
yak"t * awago’q"* duaxa’yi.** daka’t yé’s® wudzigi't.*° Ada’xayu
into the pushed his paddle. All did the same. And then
canoe
cana’ has wu’'distit.% Yi’yak"'* qo’a Lé wu'lixac.” Deki'dé*
heads they covered. The canoe, however, then drifted. Outward
teduct’** ya’kaye qa tat’ has wu'lixac.*® Yadji’nkat-qa-déx ”
six days ° and nights they drifted. The twelth day
aka’tayu“® ke a/odzigit* yén yu'lititk®*® yuya’k*. Aositi’n*
on that up he woke there the drifting against * the canoe. He saw
the shore
q!atika’q!*7 astyu’*® tan, tsa, q!iin, yax"te! ga tan-q!adadza’yi.”
on the island it was sea-lions, hair- fur- sea-otters, and _ sea- bristles. "
seals, seals, lion-
Hdaka’t ada’*® aolita’q!*' yuq!a't!daq!.* Has at ka’wadjél.*
All around it drifted the island around on. They things got up.
Léq! tak"™ aye’s® wuti’.*® Ka’ndak!e’ti®” yure’q! tak" ga acuwv’.
One-year they were there. It was completed the one year and a half.
Wute’x® yuqa’ tcucsta’t.°° wéq! tsluta’‘t an® ke udztoi’t®
“ Pa)
Slept regularly the man tosleep about himself. One morning with it up he woke
dutei’ni.” Yée’atcun® qox® agia’qtc.” Ada’xayu” req! ts!uta’t”
his dream. He dreamed thus back healwaysgot. And then one morning
28 ya- § 15.3; n- action accompanied by another action § 17.5; du- § 17.3; nuku To BLOow.
2 k/@n ANGER; -t attainment of a state § 20.1.
30 w- § 17.2; wa- § 18.2; nuku TO BECOME.
31 Perhaps containing ca HEAD, ga MAN.
32 yaku CANOE; -t motion into.
3 q@ indefinite pronoun; wa- § 18.2; gogu TO PUSH.
% du- HIS; ata’ PADDLE; -yi’ possessive suffix § 10.
3% yé refers to action preceding; -s probably stands for has THEY.
36 wu- § 15.4; dzi- TO COME TO § 18.6; git TO DO.
37 cd HEAD; -na probably AROUND, NEAR.
38 wu- § 15.4; di- inchoative § 18.3; s/it TO COVER.
39 wu- § 15.4; 7- frequentative § 18.4; rac TO DRIFT.
40 dck’ FAR OFF; -dé motion thither.
41 Léq/ one; six = one counted upon five. . :
® ya- demonstrative; djin HAND; -kat UPON or ACROSS, probably the two hands lying upon each other;
ga AND; déx TWO.
Probably a indefinite pronoun; ka on; t motion to; ayw demonstrative compound.
a indefinite pronoun; o- § 17.2; dzi- TO COME TO BE § 18.6; git.
4 yu demonstrative; 2- frequentative § 18.4; tif TO DRIFT ASHORE; -ku verbal noun § 20.3.
46 q- indefinite pronoun; o- § 17.2; -si simple statement of an action § 18.1; tin TO SER.
47 glat! ISLAND; kA ON; q! AT.
48 Probably a indefinite pronoun; si simple statement of fact (see note 46); yw demonstrative.
© q!a probably MOUTH; -yi possessive suflix § 10.
60 @ indefinite pronoun; da AROUND.
51 q indefinite pronoun; o- § 17.2; ?- frequentative § 18.4; tag! TO DRIFT.
52 yw demonstrative; g/at/ ISLAND; da AROUND; q! AT.
58 ka- TO CAUSE TO DO § 15.2; wa-§ 18.2; djéf TO ARISE.
54 Strictly WINTER.
5 @ indefinite pronoun; y@s ON ACCOUNT oF, or yé plus s for has THEY.
56 wu- § 15.4; ti TO BE.
37 Tam unable to analyze this word. 4 may be the prefixed auxiliary.
8 wu- § 15.4; ta TO SLEEP; -r distributive § 19.4.
59 teuc- perhaps reflexive § 11; s- single statement of action § 18.1; t@ TO SLEEP; -t suffix indicating
purpose § 20.1.
% @ indefinite pronoun; -n WITH.
61 u- active prefix § 17.2; dzi- T0 COME TO BE § 18.6; git To Do.
® du- HIS; tciin DREAM; ~Z possessive suflix after a consonant §§ 3, 10.
63 ye- demonstrative; a indefinite pronoun; tein TO DREAM.
64 gox occurs both as adverb and as post-position.
% @ indefinite pronoun; g@q TO REACH; -tc intensive suffix § 7.
202 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BuLL. 40
duki’k!-has® ye’ayaosiqa,” ‘*Ca’yidagé’dé. Yak"yi® at kaytlaga’.”
his younger brothers he said to as follows, “Sit up. Into the things you load.
canoe
Tcikugé’yi yé’nde™ hayak"ewata’n.” Gaga’n Kané’sdi-ca 7
Anywhere i thither * we will go. sun Cross-mountain
(Verstovaia)
caki/nax™ ke xixte.”™ Ada’xayu yén has ya’watan.” Qo’ka
near the up alwaysgets.” And then there they “were heading. It was
top of dark
wucgée’di” hasducayi’nayi® hing!” has anati’te® gaga’n ana’x*
into “itseli their anchor in the they lowered sun from
water near it
ke xi’xtciya.’ wax q!in*® has uxe’* sayu’* has aositi’n ke’Ladi
up where it gets. Very many they camped when they saw a sea-gull
it was
yadji’ndahén.® Xatc%® uilix asiyu’ has aositi’n. Axa’nga*
standing suddenly It was Mount it was they saw. Near it
(on the water). Edgecumbe that
yasgagoxayu’®§ has aositi’n wlax klidé’n. ‘‘ Yi’ca® adatei’n,”
when they were they saw Mount plainly. “The straight towards
coming Edgecumbe mountain it;?
yu'yawaga™ Qaq!ategi’k, “adatct’n®” yén yayi'satan.”° Ada’xayu
was what said Qaq!ategi’k, ‘straight towards there you be steering.” And then
it
xa/nadé* ana’x yén has uwaqo’x. Ye has a’wasa Yak"kalsiga’k".™
towards near there they came by Thus they namedit Canoe-resting-place.
evening canoe.
Tan a akawati’® ana’x gadusku’t® hu ana’x yén wuq6x0d’n.”
Sea it he caused ashore so they might he near it there had come by
lion was to be at it know canoe.
66 du- HIS; kik! YOUNGER BROTHER; -AAsS plural for terms of relationship.
67 ye demonstrative; a indefinite pronoun; ya- § 15.3; 0- § 17.2; si- simple statement § 18.1; ga TO SAY.
68 Probably c- reflexive; i- you; da- inchoative § 18.3; gé To sit; -dé imperative suffix or particle § 22.2.
69 yaku CANOE; yi probably DOWN INTO.
70 ka- TO CAUSE § 15.2; yt- YE; l- frequentative § 18.4; ga TO LOAD.
71 yén THERE; dé motion toward.
2 ha us; ya- § 15.3; ku- indefinite § 15.6; gwa- (for gu-) future § 15.5; tan TO Go.
73 Kané’st is the modern Tlingit word for cross (Lieut. G. T. Emmons believes it to be a corruption of
Curist. The consonant cluster st does not sound like Tlingit); ca MOUNTAIN.
74¢@ HEAD; ki? TOWARDS; nAZ NEAR, OF FROM NEAR BY.
7 giz TO GET; -tc intensive suffix § 7.
76 ya- § 15.3; wa- § 18.2; tan TO HEAD.
71 wu- § 15.4; c- reflexive; gé 1NT0; di motion to.
78 hAsdu- THEIR; cayt/nd ANCHOR; -yi possessive suffix.
79 hin WATER; -q! INTO.
80 @ indefinite pronoun; na- action accompanied. by another § 17.5; ti stem; -tc intensive suffix.
81 a indefinite pronoun; nAx NEAR, Or FROM NEAR BY.
® rir TO GET; -tc intensive suflix § 7; -2 participle; -ya verbal noun § 20.2, 4.
8 After LAx g/un, the word ‘at WINTER should be understood.
84 y- § 17.2; re TO CAMP.
85 ya- § 15.3; dji- RAPIDLY § 17.1; na- AT THE SAME TIME AS $17.5; da-inchoative § 18.3; hén TO STAND.
86 -f¢ emphatic suffix (?).
87 a indefinite pronoun; x4n post-position indicating motion to the neighborhood of some person; -ga
PURPOSE.
88 ya- § 15.3; s- probably stands for has; ga- WHEN § 17.4; gor TO GO BY CANOE; -ayu demonstrative.
89 yw demonstrative; ca MOUNTAIN.
® a indefinite pronoun; datcin post-position, perhaps containing da AROUND.
91 yu demonstrative; ya- § 15.3; wa- § 18.2; ga TO SAY.
% ya § 15.3; yi- second person plural; sa- indicative § 18.1; t4n TO STEER.
93 dé motion toward.
9 yaku CANOE; kal (?); si- indicative §18.1; ga or gAku (?). :
% a indefinite pronoun; ka- TO CAUSE § 15.2; wa- § 18.2; ti TO BE.
% ga subordinating prefix § 17.4; du- § 17.3; s- indicative § 18.1; ku TO KNOW; -t purpose § 20.1.
% wu- § 15.4; gor TO GO BY CANOE; -n conjunctival suffix preceded by 6in harmony with the o before z
§ 3; § 19.3.
cF
BOAS] HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 203
Ada’xawe yaCi't!kadé® has wugqo’x. ~— Ya/ani® gaya’qdé
And then here to Sitka they came by This town ashore in front of
canoe.
ya'sgaqo’xayu’'™ tcla’guayl’*” duca’t**® gant aga’x. Tclaye’ su
when they were coming the old one his wife outside wept. At that very
in by canoe time
gaxe’ayu’™ aositi’n yi’yak" an egaya’dé*® yanaqo’x.'* Aositi’n
when'shewas shesaw thecanoe town to in frontof Was coming. She saw
erying
awu Aage’’” xat-slax".1°® Wudtha’n'’® nélde’% wugu't.tt Hat?
she had the root-hat. She started up into the to go Here
woven house - (she went).
has uwago’x. Dutuwu'!* sigu’ yuca’wat-can.“* Duxd’x duxa’nq! '%
they came. Her mind was happy the old woman’s, Her husband to her
dig gu’dayu Idaka’t at qadjidé’™® ye aosi’ni'” tan-q!adadza’yt,
up came when all things to the men these he gave sea-lion bristles, ©
ya'x"te digu’, q!in digu’. An gadji’n™® aoliré’k".49 Duka’ni-
sea-otter skins, fur-seal skins. fare hands he shook. His brothers-
these
yen” yée'dayaduga,™! ‘* Detc!a’k"’” iiti’q!**3 yén yu-at-ka’wati.'
in-law they said thus to him, “Long since in your there the feast has been
place given.
Yuyi's-qa’® de® udii’waca.” #7 Are’n?® tuwunu’k" ” awat!é’. 1
The young is already married.’’ It was trouble she felt.
woman much
%8 ya THIS, employed because ne story was told in Sitka; dé TOWARD.
9% ya THIS; @n TOWN; -7 possessive suffix. The reason for the use of this suffix is not clear.
100 ga’ya post-position, IN FRONT OF; -g probably indicates motion SHOREWARD; -dé TOWARD.
101 ya- § 15.3; s- for hAs THEY (?); ga-subordinating prefix § 17.4; gor TO GO BY CANOE; -ayu demonstrative.
102 te/aku OLD, OLD TIMES, OLD THINGS; -(@)yi possessive suffix referring to duca’t.
103 dy- HIS.
10 gar TO CRY; -é participle § 20.2; -ayu demonstrative.
10 ¢- occurs a few times before post-positions beginning with g, such as ga and gé; ga’ya IN FRONT OF;
dé TOWARD.
106 ya- § 15.3; na- action done at the same time as another § 17.5.
1077 a indefinite pronoun; wu- § 15.4; Ak TO WEAVE, with terminal sound voiced before vowel; -é participle
§ 20.2. 2
108 yat ROOT; s/aru HAT.
109 wu- § 15.4; di- inchoative § 18.3; han TO MOVE. (?)
ll0 nét INTO THE HOUSE; dé TOWARD.
Ml wu- § 15.4; gu TO GO; -t purposive suffix § 20.1.
12 he demonstrative; -t post-position.
113 dy HER; tu MIND; wu possessive suffix after wu § 10.
lt yw demonstrative; cd@’/wAt WOMAN; can OLD.
15 dy HE; -rAn TO THE NEIGHBORHOOD OF a person; -g/ AT.
116 ga MAN; -tc voiced before vowel; emphatic suffix § 7; dé TOWARD.
117 See note 46; ni TO GIVE.
18 ga MAN; djin HAND.
9 p@ku TO SHAKE.
120 du uts; yén plural for terms of relationship (see note 3).
1 yé demonstrative; da sign of indirect object § 14.4; ya- § 15.3; du- § 17.3; ga TO SAY.
12 de NOW; tc/aku A LONG TIME AGO.
123 j- THY; -q/ post-position.
124 yu demonstrative; At SOMETHING; ka- causative § 15.2; wa- § 18.2; ti TO BE.
1% yu demonstrative; yis YOUNG PERSON; ga HUMAN BEING.
126 de NOW.
W7 y- § 17.2; du- § 17.8; wa- § 18.2; ca TO MARRY (= WOMAN).
123 q indefinite pronoun; Lén BIG.
29 ty MIND; wu- § 15.4; nuku TO BECOME.
180 q indefinite pronoun; wa- § 18.2; t/é TO FEEL.
204 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BuLL. 40
[Translation]
Brothers lived at Sitka of whom the eldest was named Qiagq !atcgi’k.
They were fond of hunting. One morning they went out among the
islands. He (that is Qaq!atcgi’k) kept coming back without having
killed anything. He went out again. Then his name was mentioned
among the fur-seals. ‘The one who always hunts is here. Keep
quiet, lest he hear your voices.’’ When they were going towards the
shore, the eldest brother said, ‘‘Use your paddles quickly, for it has
become windy.” Now they became angry. The bow-man pushed
his paddle down into the canoe. All did the same thing. Then they
covered their heads. - The canoe, however, drifted on. They drifted
out for six days and nights. The twelfth day he (Qaq! atcgi’k) awoke
and found the canoe drifting against the shore. He saw sea-lions,
hair-seals, fur-seals, sea-otters, and sea-lion bristles on the island.
All had drifted ashore around the island. They took their things up.
They were there for one year. A year and a half was completed.
The man kept sleeping, thinking about his condition. One morning
he woke up with his dream. He kept dreaming that he had gotten
home. And one morning he said to his younger brothers, ‘Sit up.
Put the things into the canoe. The sun always rises from the neigh-
borhood of Mount Verstovaia.”’ Then they headed in that direction.
When it became dark, they lowered their anchor into the water in the
direction from which the sun comes up. After they had spent very
many nights, they saw a sea-gull upon the water. What they saw
was Mount Edgecumbe. When they got nearer it, they saw plainly
that it was Mount Edgecumbe. ‘Straight for the mountain,” said
Qagq !atcgt’k, “steer straight towards it.’”’ So towards evening they
came near it. They named that place Canoe-resting-place. He
pounded out the figure of a sea-lion there so that they might know
he had come ashore at that place. When they came ashore in front
of the town, his old wife was outside weeping. While she was crying,
she saw the canoe coming in front of the town. She saw the root-hat
she had woven. She got up to go into the house. They came
thither. The old woman’s mind was glad. When her husband came
up to her, he gave all these things to the people—sea-lion bristles, sea-
otter skins, fur-seal skins. He shook hands with these in his hands.
His brother-in-law said to him, ‘‘ The feast was given for you some time
ago (that is, the mortuary feast). The young woman is already mar-
ried.”’ She (the younger woman) was very much troubled on account
of it (because her former husband was now a man of wealth).
HAIDA
Bx
JOHN R. SWANTON
CONTENTS
RMEIRDO OMe Aa emer oie See eee oc oe se ee eed
ae MOneNCH et Seo a eee thoes oo oe
Mot WotemI GE GOUNUS.....- 5. is. ---.-c- oes.
far arom pine OF SOUNGS .. ~~. 02... .2¢---------:
Nees Dialectic: diflerencesa...-.< se0 Jo. e ob
a awe OF euphony 2.22522. 32..2.2-2------
ee tataninaivcal processes. .:.....2..5...-..--...:
§§ 7-12. Ideas expressed by grammatical processes. .
SMe NOUMuANGsVErD<. 5 S22 42 SS eo. sec ose os
SEPP ERMONPOGUAOM coos ges p an soap nee ss
Were inenicaion Of BOUMS. 2.02... tds 2k. Sos.
Seek, fersonal Promguns.. oo. 0. 5-52... =<.’ -
§ 11. Demonstrative pronouns................--
Ee IRICCLEVER = 8/5 Seo. 2 Sos eho. 2 Sse. -
§§ 13-34. Discussion of grammar...................-
§ 13. Formation of word complexes...........--
§ 14. First group: Instrumental verbal prefixes. ...................-.---
§ 15. Second group: Classifying nominal prefixes
§§ 16-21. Third group: Principal predicative terms...................---
§ 16. Characterization of predicative terms. -
OL) Re SUCS ge Tc) WES 0 hs: nh a oe a
§ 18. Stems in terminal position, first group.
§ 19. Stems in terminal position, second group...........--..-------
§ 20. Stems in terminal position, third group
§ 21. Stems in terminal position, fourth group..........-......------
§ 22. Fourth group: Locative suffixes...........
§§ 23-26. Syntactic treatment of the verbal theme.....................-
= 20, Lemporal sitffixes......5-225.2-622...
§ 24. Semi-temporal suffixes..............-
RecoeaModal:sutimess. 2 25 2 Gon eee aos se
ee Uneluseiied suffixes. ...-..2:1..--...
peedee t erponal pronoun :: 2.2.02 ..--36s-+-----
0 BEDS ES oe
Sie eburlaty and distfibution..-..............-
§ 30. Demonstrative and interrogative pronouns..............------------
Oe sos Modtuyineg stems 2. :..-.-5..-..---.-.
EL Re cee Sey
USPS NG 2) 0}: en ee SS gets eal ee Se eels
Soo i nterechionss 4-5. e aS262. enakoals:
MaRS i eB Bo ono wish catenin ds Ut Saad Es a
Ss) BESS) OW CLCEY aN Wee ee
aerate Tirta toro SS. 2's = 2 =o Ss Sh eee Seah oes
SEEM CENA CP terre ery 596. So clen Seta ask eeres tenes aoe oa =
RESUME Mera we fee oe) Ss eee eel Se Ene LOL eee ae ee
Nia See GMM MUS eM ten cee acces ss as wnt yaa sremn aee Meete Sears Bonn ote
ee R ere eos a2 foe 1a SR Os So Sa: ee SS ee eo
ree RAM CRANS CUCL). 5c cces os ea cie swectess vis saeeutece suvdess
HAIDA
By Joon R. SWANTON
§1. LOCATION
The Haida language, called Skittagetan by Powell, was anciently
spoken only on the Queen Charlotte islands, off the coast of British
Columbia. About a hundred and fifty or two hundred years ago,
however, a large body of Haida moved from their old towns in the
northwestern part of the islands, and settled around Cordova and
Kasaan bays, Alaska. As originally situated the Haida consisted of
six fairly well-marked geographical groups, each of which probably
possessed certain dialectic peculiarities; but only two or three well-
established dialects can now be said to exist. The two most impor-
tant of these are that spoken at Skidegate, in the central portion of
the Queen Charlotte islands, and that spoken at Masset (on the
northern end of the islands) and in Howkan, Klinkwan, and Kasaan,
Alaska. The first I shall call the Skidegate dialect, and the second
the Masset dialect. The speech of the people around the southern
extremity of the group differed so far from these that it may also
have been entitled to dialectic rank, but so few of those who used to
speak it now survive that we have no absolute knowledge on this
point. From the name given by whites to their principal town, I
shall call this hypothetical dialect the dialect of Ninstints.
The nearest neighbors of the Skidegate Haida were the Tsimshian
of the mainland of British Columbia; and the nearest neighbors of
the Masset Haida the Alaskan Tlingit. There is evidence, however,
that at one time the Tlingit were neighbors of the southern Haida
as well; and the speech of both shows morphological and even lexical
similarities such as lead to a suspicion of genetic relationship.
Although Tsimshian influence has been very strong among the Haida
in recent years, the Tsimshian language is quite distinct, and the
only other language in this region which shows any morphological
similarity to Haida is the Athapascan spoken in the interior of the
continent.
44877—Bull. 40, pt 1—10 14 209
210 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 40
The examples given in the following sketch have been taken from
my collection of Haida texts. Those in the Masset dialect will be
found in the publications of the Jesup North Pacific Expedition,
Volume X; those in the Skidegate dialect in Bulletin 29 of the Bu-
reau of American Ethnology. References preceded by B refer to
Bulletin 29.
PHONETICS (§§ 2-5)
§2. System of Sounds
Like most other languages of the north Pacific coast of America,
Haida makes an extended use of sounds of the k, 7, and s series. It
is peculiarly remarkable, however, for the great extent to which it
employs n and 7% (ng) and the frequent juxtaposition of two or even
three vowel-sounds. Following is a list of all those sounds which the
Haida themselves appear to recognize:
Consonants Vowels
Semi-
Sonant Surd Fortis Spirant Nasal weve
é £ : Breathing.
Affricatives . . dj te te! .- ~ -
Demtais.s Vesa, ees be aed s n —
Maletales oo to gue eas eae i y
: ry - _ A A
Welatare s)he target (a eae mney i (or é) @ (or é)
TIBDIAISC hi. Gare ate wen ee rh eae vee a (or a) A
Literals.) fre ee a a a (or 6) w (oro)
An anterior palatal series might be added to these, but the sounds
to be so characterized seem only palatals followed by a close vowel.
The fortis sounds are accompanied by a slight explosion, which
results from urging more breath against the articulating organs than
can at once pass through. Some speakers bring these out very for-
cibly, while others pass over them with considerable smoothness. In
the latter case it is very easy to mistake them for corresponding so-
nants. It is doubtful whether d and ¢ and dj and tc really exist as
recognizedly separate sounds; te is sometimes heard in the Masset
dialect, and dj in Skidegate in corresponding situations. ¢ is pro-
nounced intermediately between the ch in German “ach” and in Ger-
man “ich,’’ with which latter sound it agrees entirely when placed
before a close vowel. In the /-series 4 is much like dl, and 1 much
like tl; but the tongue is extended farther forward along the palate,
and there is a greater flow of breath around it. In ? the outflow of
breath becomes extreme. m and p are usually final sounds in certain
§2
BoAS] HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES S01
syllables where they appear to convey a kind of onomatopoetic sense.
In both cases there is a little longer pause with lips closed after the
enunciation than is usual in English. 6, which occurs in barely half
a dozen words, seems to be of the same nature. In the Masset dialect
g and z are articulated so feebly that it is best to represent them by
independent signs, * and *; but this alteration seems to be only an
accompaniment of the shorter form of speech which Masset people
affect. In the present sketch all of the examples not marked
““Masset’’ are taken from the Skidegate dialect.
Among vowels we have to distinguish clearly between those proper
to the language and those which seem to be purely accidental, a sort
of by-product of speech. In the former class are @ (or 0), wu (or 0),
7 (or @), 2 (or e), a, and 4. The sounds in the pairs @ and 6, wand 0,
7 and @, 7 and e, are not distinguished from each other, and in each
case the two probably stand for a single sound. 7 and e pass very
easily into 4 and é; and the latter may be described as accidental
sounds, although which pair is really accidental it would be hard to
say. Under the accent, a is lengthened into @. Sometimes d is heard
instead of @ (kid’/lu, kid’lu); and sometimes the doubling of a sound
gives the effect of d, as in Masset gén, equivalent to ga’an, and qd’nan,
which is the same as gea’fan. a following wa, as in wa’ Lu, resembles
ad; and @ is heard in a few exclamations, but it is not proper to the
language. The semi-vowels, y and w, are etymologically related to 7
and a, and must be considered modifications of these sounds.
A notable feature of Haida is the doubling and juxtaposition of .
vowels, accompanying the general vocalic character of the speech.
Any two vowels may thus be used together, but, although generally
treated as equivalent to a single vowel, they do not seem to be
pronounced as closely together as the vowel-sounds which compose
our diphthongs. Examples of this phenomenon are:
dja’ada woman
lal kina’ gan wansi'ga he told her the news, they say
P sii’us he said
gua towards
ta’olan friends
gui toward
V gea'lagan he became
lnaga’i the town
A weak i may be followed by two vowels, as in gia/og? AT THE END.
§ 2
212 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 40
§3. Grouping of Sounds
Syllables may consist of a single vowel; a consonant with following
vowel, or with vowel-combination like the above; two consonants with
following vowel; two consonants, a vowel, and a terminal consonant;
or of two consonants by themselves.
While all classes of consonants may stand at the beginning of
words, k sounds are not admitted as terminal sounds.
Two groups of consonantic clusters may be distinguished—those
with initial s and 7, and those with other initial consonants. J, Z, 1,
and 1! belong in part to the former group.
Only s and ?7, and to a certain extent J, zr, 1, and 2! may form
initial clusters, and the first two are found with considerable fre-
quency in monosyllabic stem. In these clusters s and ¢ are followed
by other consonants; but s is not followed by another s or an affric-
ative. Following are examples, taken from the Masset dialect:
stah two 280.10 ita’ nu to eat (collective) 278.7
st/é sick 300.28 igut to move about
sgat to chop 275.10 tkwid disturbed, in haste 719.5
skit- to club tk! 4’mal needle of coniferous tree
skliin but 296.32 303.11
sfoan (s*wan) one 275.7 tnéid to begin to split 711.23
sq!ao salmon-berry bush 319.23 ¢ianq!ale’ pit 703.25
staqa’m butterfly 296.26 tgam kelp
sila hand
Initial clusters with initial z, 1, 2! or J are not rare, but are formed
probably in all cases by composition.
Inagav’ town 704.9 (from na to live)
tia’nda a whole one 707.11; 419.15
U rrfalanan she cooked it 731.41 (fal to cook 295.7)
tnot 710.26
t!'tgadatiidan to split quickly 711.26
t!idjigia’ga-i standing 725.26
tsku’naganan they dress up 717.34
All other consonantic clusters do not admit surd stops in second
position, and no k sound occurs in first position. The only cluster
beginning with an affricative that I have found is djz. Presumably
all these clusters are due to composition of stems which terminate
and begin with consonants respectively. This would account for the
§3
BOAS] HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES otS
absence of k sounds as first sounds of clusters, since these do not
occur as terminal sounds.
§ 4. Dialectic Differences
Compared with the Skidegate dialect, Masset appears to have
undergone a shortening process throughout. I have already men-
tioned the change of g and z to © and *; and this shortening is also
conspicuously noticeable among vowel-sounds, a appearing as 4, hao
as i, sta or sta as st’, while the w and a sounds generally, especially
when terminal, are reduced to very light breathings. The vowel-
combination ai becomes almost @. Sometimes, however, one vowel is
changed into another, as in sti Two (Masset stan) or u’ngu ON TOP
oF (Masset 7@’igw). In conformity with a euphonic tendency to be
noted below, “i, as in ?’sin, often changes to n in Masset. Occasion-
ally, too, whole syllables are dropped, and so we have qaod for
ga’odi; t!al and dal for t!ala’i% and dala’n; vt!adé for v1! xagidasgai.
Another difference between these two dialects, related to the ques-
tion of euphony, is the change of g into z in certain situations in the
Skidegate dialect, and its retention in Masset. Thus @djgua OVER
THERE in Masset becomes @’djrua in Skidegate, and / q@’gals HE
WENT OUT becomes la qda’riils. This is interesting as seeming to
show that-the euphonic tendencies have acted differently in the two
branches of the Haida tribe.
All that is known of the peculiarities of the Ninstints dialect is
that it tended to substitute k for g, and that in the manner of its
enunciation it was esteemed by the other Haida to resemble Atha-
pascan.
§5. Laws of Euphony
The most important euphonic change in Haida is related to that
spoken of above. Within the Skidegate dialect itself the g and g of
the connective particle ga-i (see p. 262), the possessive suffix -gai (see
§ 28.4), and the past-temporal suffixes before the quotative wansil’ga
(see § 23.1), are dropped in certain situations, generally having to do
with the preceding sound. It is not possible to make rules that will
cover all the cases which occur, but it generally happens that g is
retained after a and dropped after wu. After the consonants and
the remaining vowels it is more often dropped than retained; but
exceptions are numerous, especially after 7, 7, the /-sounds, and s
§§ 4,5
914 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 40
contracted from dji. In the cases of infinitives and participles,
exceptions are more numerous than with nouns. Examples of the
use and disuse of this g are the following:
za’gai the dog B 37.4 na'nah his grandmother B 59.14
zrua’i the canoe B 29.21 na’igar the play
dja’gai his wife B 29.30 gladv gai the slumber
awu’'n his mother B 7.1 a'sgai this thing B 33.28
goda’s the box B 71.32 U gea'lgat when he came (to be)
In the Masset dialect the g of -agan, the Skidegate past-inexperienced
temporal suffix (see § 23.2, p. 248),is dropped in most situations, but
retained as g after a, conformably with the above rule
la x! isdagi’gaiian they L! *a’sgadani they landed
always took him xed idja’ni they were ashore
But—
gat yi’ An qlédju’tlagan a big VL ta’gani he ate
reef stood out of the water nan v’x/agidagan one was chief
The final consonant of certain stems is sometimes J, sometimes #.
Of these, / usually appears before a vowel, ¢ before a consonant:
la sta x! stits they went back a@’astfi gut La qazitgia’lasi he
for him ran over this way upon it
But accent seems to have something to do with the phenomenon;
for, when two vowels precede this consonant and the accent falls
upon the second, / is commonly employed; thus—
Gei la’ ga La teli’tlagea'lgat tu when he got through breaking his
paddles
tis also sometimes introduced where it has no grammatical signifi-
cance, and thus we find yakutsi’a IN THE MIDDLE instead of yakusi’a.
n and 7 seem to bear much the same relation to each other as do
1 and Z, only in this case 7 is plainly the original sound. Thus the
terminal phonetic combination -fas often contracts to ns; for
example, nd’tga hao ta’oatuqgwanganas HIS NEPHEW SAT AROUND
WHITTLING or nd’tga hao ta’/oatigqwaiigans. This phenomenon may
be due as much to rapid pronunciation as to any other cause.
Before s the terminal 7 of the imperative future suffix disappears,
as also from gafia’i LIKE before xan, as in gana’xan; while in gi’igan
TO HIMSELF it appears to be inserted.
s becomes dj before most vowels; for example, tds SAND, ta’djat
THE SAND; @’dji Tuts, @’sgai THIS THING; hawa’/n dai xé’nanaudja
DO YOU STILL LivE? and gam gu ‘ang da’iéa tlala’n vnatnanus
§5
BOAS ] HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES Paws
MAY WE NOT LEAVE WATER WITH You? (Masset)—have the same inter-
rogative suffix -ddja, -us.
Labials are of small consequence in Haida. Still it is worth
noting that stp SEA-ANEMONE changes the p to 6 when followed by
the connective particle, namely, si’ba.
§ 6. GRAMMATICAL PROCESSES
Grammatical categories and syntactical relations are expressed
almost solely by composition, affixing, and position. There is a
sporadic case of duplication presented by the continuative suffix
-gAii; as, la qi’figAi HE IS LOOKING, la qi’igangan HE LOOKS MANY
TIMES; but it is not extensively used. The perfect tense is expressed
by a form which may possibly represent dieresis, but which is more
plausibly explained as a suffix, -y; as, la suda’yagani Wla isda’si,
HE DID DIFFERENTLY FROM THE WAY HE HAD SAID HE WOULD DO.
Verbal and nominal stems may be combined into stem-complexes
by juxtaposition. These complexes are treated syntactically like
single stems, each element in the complex receiving its significance
by its position. Besides compositions of such independent stems, a
number of others occur in which the component elements do not seem
to be independent, but occur as prefixes or suffixes. There is, how--
ever, no sharp dividing-line between composition and affixing; and
some of the elements that appear at present as subordinate may
prove to be independent stems. Notwithstanding the phonetic
independence of the elements of the stem-complexes, their relation is
So intimate that it»seems best to consider them as single words
because they enter as units into syntactic construction. A number
of sound changes which have been referred to seem to be of a
purely phonetic character, and not to have any morphological
significance.
IDEAS EXPRESSED BY GRAMMATICAL PROCESSES
($$ 7-12)
§'7. Noun and Verb
In general, the distinction between nominal and verbal stems is
very sharp. It is true that certain stems are used in a manner that
leaves a doubt as to which category they belong, but their use is
quite limited. Such are wa’/igal porLarcn and To porLatcn, siat
DANCE and TO DANCE, nd HOUSE and TO LIVE; while gida CHIEF’S
§§6,7
216 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 40
SON, yd’nAh CLOUDS, ta’7i@ SEA-WATER, have or may present verbal
forms. Generally, however, a noun which is used as a predicate is
followed by a verbal stem, or appears incorporated, as, l’ gidaga’ gan
HE WAS A CHIEF’S SON, l’ tca@’azndas HE HAD A SPEAR (from tea’ ax
SPEAR).
Verbs that change into nouns usually become abstract, their
origin being thus easily recognized. The names for instruments,
store-articles, and some other things, are generally descriptive terms
and thus verbal, but they have dropped their verbal suffixes and
taken on a noun-forming suffix. Rarely a verb is turned into a
passive and then into a noun by prefixing ta and suffixing gai (see
§ 17.4, p. 236). These are the only cases in which we find verbal
prefixes in nouns.
§ 8. Composition
Although there is much freedom in the composition of stem-
complexes, a number of types may readily be distinguished. The
more fully developed complexes of this kind generally express by an
initial element an idea of modality, most commonly instrumentality ;
by a second element, the nominal object; by a third element, the
peculiar kind of action; and by a fourth element, the local relations
of the action. In those cases in which the various elements are
best developed, the first element appears as an instrumental prefix;
the second, as a term expressing a group of nouns characterized by a
a certain shape; the third is a verbal stem; and the fourth expresses
direction and location.
These word-complexes are followed by suffixes expressing tense,
mood, and related concepts.
§ 9. Classification of Nouns
The classification of nouns, referred to before, is one of the charac-
teristic traits of the language. The groups characterize objects as
‘long,’ ‘‘slender,”’ ‘‘round,” ‘‘flat,”’ ‘‘angular,”’ ‘‘thread-like,”’
‘‘animate,”’ etc. On account of the extended use of these classifiers,
incorporation of the noun itself is comparatively speaking rare. It is
here represented by the use of the classifiers which express the subject
of the intransitive verb, or the object of the transitive verb as a mem-
ber of a certain class of things, the principle of classification being
form.
On the other hand, the same verbal stems—like ‘‘to carry,’
‘‘nush,”’ ‘‘move,’’ ‘‘be’’—are used, on the whole, in relation to all
§§ 8,9
Boas] HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES Aa ty |
kinds of objects, regardless of their form; consequently there are
also only a few cases in which the verbal stem differs in the singular
and plural. This agrees also with the fact that in the noun the idea
of plurality is only weakly developed. It occurs only in terms of
relationship and a few other terms designating human beings.
§ 10. Personal Pronouns
Verbs are strictly distinguished as active and neutral. Neutral
verbs are, on the whole, those designating states of the body and
qualities, while all other verbs are considered as active. The subject
of the latter is expressed by the subjective pronoun, while the pro-
nominal relations of the neutral verb are expressed by the objective
pronouns. In the pronoun the speaker, person spoken to, and
person spoken of, are distinguished. The distinction between sub-
jective and objective forms is confined to the first and second persons
singular and to the first person plural. Besides these forms, an
indefinite singular and plural occurs. The indefinite personal pro-
nouns are also commonly used before nouns to perform the functions
covered by our definite and indefinite articles. The personal pronoun
of the third person plural is also frequently used as an equivalent to
our passive. It is also employed as an equivalent to the form for
the third person singular, when the person referred to is especially
venerated or respected. The speaker may refer to himself in the
same way.
§ 11. Demonstrative Pronouns
The demonstratives are limited in number, the most general spatial
relations only being indicated. The demonstrative employed to mark
nearness occurs very often, and corresponds to a similar demonstra-
tive in the Tlingit language. There are certain other particles of a
demonstrative character, but they more often indicate grammatical
connection than spatial relations.
§ 12. Connectives
Special local relations are expressed by a long series of connectives
which are in intimate relation with the verb, but also with the noun
and pronoun. They characterize the special relation of the indirect
object to the verb. They are placed preceding the direct object and
following the indirect object, if there is one. They seem to be
adverbial in character.
§§ 10-12
218 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY _ [BULL 40
DISCUSSION OF GRAMMAR (S§$§ 13-34)
§ 18. Formation of Word-Complexes
As already stated, Haida words are very loosely put together and
many of their elements may also be used independently. The type
of the word-complex which may be isolated as the predicative term
of the sentence embraces four groups of elements:
_ A First Group, describing an incidental state or activity, particu-
larly instrumentality. ,
A SECOND GROUP, indicating the nominal object of transitive, the
subject of intransitive, verbs.
A THIRD GROUP, expressing the principal predicative term.
A FOURTH GROUP, expressing local relations and modalities.
Although there is hardly any phonetic influence between these
groups of elements, their connection is so intimate that the combi-
nation is best considered as a single word, even though the component
elements may occur in other combinations quite independently. An
example of such a combination is the word dafgidalz!aasga CANOE
BEING HAULED SEAWARD, which is constituted as follows
First group: dan by pulling.
Second group: gi canoe-shaped object.
Third group: dal to move.
t!xa toward something.
Fourth group:
sga seaward.
Several complexes of this kind may enter into combinations. It
would seem that when this is the case each complex expresses modality
or instrumentality in relation to the following ones in the same way
as the first group expresses modality in the single term. An example
of this kind is the word gidjigitdatskit TO PLACE AN ANIMATE OBJECT
BY CAUSING IT TO BECOME (one that) HOLDS ON WITH THE HANDS:
First complex, third group: gid7i to hold with hands.
Second complex, third group: gif to become.
Third complex, third group: da to cause.
Fourth complex, third group: skit to bring into contact.
These combinations may be illustrated by the following examples:
La la tagiaga’ igwanas he ate it as he stood around (la la objective
and subjective pronouns; ta to eat; -gia to stand; -g4n contin-
uative; -gwan about; -4s participle)
oa
BOAS] HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 219
gvtgalan stin é’sin la génq!a’oxaiias he also saw his two children
sitting there (git child; -ga possessive suffix; -lai plural suffix
with terms of relationship; sti7 two; é’si7i also; la subjective
pronoun; gém stem TO SEE; q/a to sit; -o suflixed auxiliary;
van perhaps a form of gan continuative [§ 24.1, p. 250]; -
Peceple [$ 25.7, p. 254])
aga’? la sgalga’tdagan he went stealthily (aga’7 reflexive; 4 sub-
jective pronoun; sgal to hide; gato go; -d Eee -agAn
past inexperienced)
la gu la qagea’tanagan he went and looked at her (la objective
pronoun; gu post-position aT; la subjective pronoun; ga to go;
gea to look; tana to go by sea [?]; -agan past inexperienced)
U qa'dji la ging!a'idj uaeloes he saw his head go by (I possessive
prefix 3d person singular; q@’dji head; la subjective pronoun;
gin [same as gén] TO SEE; q/a-i- classifier [$ 15.18, p. 232];
dju of that sort or kind; dal to go; -asi participle)
gam dala’i Lt! qineitea’ iga'ngasga they will not see you flying
about all the time (gam negative particle; dalai object 2d per-
son plural; z/ subject 3d person plural; giv to see; vit to fly;
wan [%]; -gan continuative; ga [%]; -sga future)
While many verbs and nouns may enter into compositions like
those described, others occur, at least at present, only in such com-
positions, and therefore appear as prefixes or suffixes, according to
their position, preceding or following the third group, which contains
the principal verbal stems. This is particularly true of the second
group, which contains a large group of nominal terms of very general
significance, each representing nouns conceived as possessing a cer-
tainform. Therefore the second group appears essentially as a group
of nominal classifiers, although special nouns occur occasionally in
the same position. The local relations which belong to the fourth
group never occur independently.
§ 14. First Group: Instrumental Verbal Prefixes!
1. @WnN= BY MEANS OF THE BACK.
la ga u’ntctidant he carried some on his back (la he; ga some; tc?
stem [?]; -id inchoative [?]; -an past inexperienced [§ 23.2]; ~7
suffix [§ 25.6])
za’nagi L!na di la u’nzidas tu | wish he would carry me on his
back face up (zav% face; 1/na I wish; di me; la he; zit to pick
up; -s participle [§ 25.7, p. 254]; tu when)
1See also § 17.1, p. 235. All references in § § 14-27 refer to the Skidegate Texts, Bulletin 29, ete.
§ 14
220 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 40
la la w'nsttclavas he came in with him and took him off from
his back (la him; da he; wn- with back; sz to place; te/a into;
-y perfect [§ 23.7, p. 249]; -s participle [§ 25.7, p. 254])
2. teltt- BY SHOOTING OR BY HAMMERING; also independent verb,
TO SHOOT.
L gvigalan sti’nxan telitga’igadanaga’iagan wansi’ga her sons
knew well how to shoot stones by means of a ee (’ her; git
child; -ga possessive [§ 28.1, p. 257]; -lan pl.; sti’iaxan boule
te !it- by shooting; gaia to he how to)
la telitquega’ndi qa’ odihao after he had shot for a while (la he; gue
stem; -gan continuative; -di [§ 20.7, p.241]; ga’odi connective
AFTER A WHILE; hao general neeenses ative)
la la te!i’gas he shot it (la it; la he; te!t to shoot; -ga auxiliary
to be [§ 18.5, p. 237]; -s participle [§ 25.7])
3. da- BY PUSHING OR BY AN OUTWARD MOTION OF THE HANDS.
la x! dat’stgawas they pushed him down (la him; z! they; z-
[§ 15.20, p. 232] shaped like a human being; sz to put or place;
gawa |%]; -s participle [§ 25.7])
ga la gan la da’gitst she put it in for him (ga in; la him; gan for:
la she; da- prefix; git [2]; -st participle [$ 25. 7)
‘Ks get’ ga i dasq!a’skitgoast they put it in front of it (? it; ged’ga
in front of; la they [with -go § 20.1, p. 240]; da- shee sqla-
[§ 15: 11); skit stem; -st participle)
la gut gia'gat la dag!a’inanafigoas he rubbed tallow on them (Ja
them [with -go § 20.1]; gut upon; gia’gai the tallow; la he; da-
prefix; q/a [§ 15.18]; nan to rub; -4% eontinneahen [s 24.1); <
participle)
Lt! dadjit!atdar’yagani they pushed down 45.15 (dji stem; -t/at
down; da to cause; -y perfect)
4. dafi- BY PULLING; also an independent verb(?). This is one of
the most frequent instrumentals.
la dania'ndjit!zas he pulled [him] out head first 29.26 (la he;
dai- by pulling; andji erect; -z!xa toward; -s participle)
gu’tsta La da’ndaias he pulled him apart (gut together; sta from; la
he; dan- by pulling; da to cause; 1=y perfect; -s participle)
swan l’ da’iantc!itas Lu when he pulled one out of the sea (Masset)
swan one; l’ he; dan- by pulling; ante!1 = andji erect; La per-
haps z/za toward; -s participle; zw when)
A’ja U da’judani he pulled his property out (ana his own; 1’ he;
dai- by pulling; -da to cause; -an past inexperienced; -@
[§ 25.6, p. 253)
la dafig!a’-itas he pulled out (head) 10.4. (q/a-2- §15.18)
la da’iisqlastas he pulled out a long one 57.9 (sqgla- § 15.11)
§ 14
BOAS] HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES rh
5. dal- BY MEANS OF A CURRENT OF WATER (dal RAIN).
l da'ittas he floated (living one) down 97.19
na/lgaa'nda yu'dala da'ligatdar!aaagan much seaweed came
drifting 33.22 (fa’lgaa'nda seaweed; yi =yi’an much; -dala
pl. adj. [§ 39, p. 276]; dal- by means of a current; gad to
turn; da to cause [§ 18.2]; -1/xa toward; -t perfect; -agan past
inexperienced [§ 23.2])
6. tfa- BY STAMPING OR TREADING UPON. Perhaps related to st/a.
la x! tlasé’lgavianm they tickled her by treading 31.26 (la her; 1!
they ; t/a- by treading; sé/ to tickle; -ganan continuative dupli-
cated [§ 24.1; § 6])
qala’ v inagwa’r get la t!anana’ nasi he stamped half of the alder to
pieces (gal alder; -ai the; tmagwat the half; ger into; la he;
tla- by treading ; nan to roll about; -a7v continuative: -asi
participle)
l’ tlax!sada@’ igasgas she washed it by treading upon it in the sea
( she; 1!sadan [?]; ga to go [4]; “sg seaw ard; -s participle)
ger la arama! ngawasi they broke in pieces w ith their feet (get
' into [pieces]; la they [with -gaw]; t!a- with feet; nan to grind;
-af continuative; -asi participle)
7. Stla- BY KICKING; stunitieal with the word for root.
La la st!a’sgidas he kicked it (la it; la he; sgid stem; -4s participle)
la st!aza’ostagiasi he kicked it into the water (la he; zao quickly ;
sta stem; -gia suffix [?]; -st participle)
la’ga la la stlagadai'yagan he kicked his own 89.33
8. nanN- BY GRINDING, being the stem of the verb TO GRIND.
aga’ la nanha’iliiwus he destroyed himself by grinding (aga’ni
himself; la he; haila to destroy; -s participle)
9. sktit- BY CHOPPING or BY CLUBBING.
la get la skitnana’igidaias he began to chop them up (/a it
[pieces]; get into; la he; nanavi stem; -xzid inchoative; -2 per-
fect; -s ee
la la peeiainds qa’odi after he had chopped it for a while (la it;
la he; skid to chop; -an probably continuative; di [§ 20.7]
a6 ‘od after a while)
na'wai la skitnana’iigawasi they clubbed the devil-fish (nawat
the devil-fish; la he [with -gaw § 20.1]; nana stem; -asi
participle)
gi la skidju’usi he tried to club them (gz to [post-position with
omitted object]; la he; skit] by clubbing; dju to try, to do
that sort of thing; -ws? participle)
aga’ii la skitk!o’tutdas he let himself be clubbed to death 12.13
(aga’h self; klotut dead; da to cause)
Uskitqa’ gonast he went around while they were beating time 13.16
§ 14
2292 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 40
10.
at:
13.
skitii- BY MEANS OF THE SHOULDER.
V inagwa’d la skit’gqueidas he carried half of it on his shoulder
(inagwa’t the half; gu stem [?]; -zid inchoative [§ 18.6]; -as
participle)
la skit’ sk !agi’niwasi he sat with it on his shoulder (sk/a- [§ 15.8];
gin thing [?]; w=w to continue to be [§ 18.1]; -asi participle)
la skiu’djitst being on shoulder 37.32 ;
SL!- WITH THE FINGERS, this being the word for HAND.
V va’né ge'ista ga’itgan la sx!gista’ias he pulled out a blood-clot
from his eye with his fingers (a4’7é the eye; gei into; sta from;
ga’'itgan blood-clot; gi- shape [$15.13]; sta to move from; -i per-
fect; -s participle)
la st!sta’ya he moved the fire with his hands (sz stem; ya [%])
~
. gth- CAUSE in general, of which the special variety has just been
given; possibly related to gi’na THING.
Am~=-
ga'thao UV gitidja’i wansi’ga that made him feel that way, they
say (ga’-i that; hao way; is to be; -am past inexperienced
[§ 23.2]; wa’nsii’ga quotative)
kuna’i sqao UV ginttlaéedaged’lan wansi’gahi what he got in
exchange for the whales made him rich (kuna’i the whales;
sqgao in exchange for; iz/xzéda rich or a chief; geal to become
[$ 18.10]; -a% past inexperienced [§ 23.2]; wansu’ga quotative)
vA gitig!a’adias he (accomplished something) by pretending to be
asleep (q/a to sleep; -di[§ 20.7]; -as participle)
la x! gingi’ sigaian all that time they made him speak (gust to
speak [from stem su]; -gan continuative; -an past inexperienced)
ginklotut to cause to die 81.43
aga’'h ginstlé’ gitdaiyan . . . she made herself sick 73.34
kit- BY MEANS OF A STICK (compare ki’tao SPEAR).
l’ inagwa’i la kitdjivida’ i wansi’ga he carried half of it off on a
stick, they say (tnagwa’i the half of it; dji stem; -xid inchoa-
tive [§ 18.6]; -ai past inexperienced; wansi’ga quotative)
Lala kitga@’tatc!as he threw it in with a stick (gata to throw; -tela
inside; -s participle)
la V kida@’*wan they struck at him with a stick (Masset) (la him;
they [with ‘w § 20.1]; -an past inexperienced)
la lv kiglatrigan he took it into the canoe with a stick (ki#]-
with stick; g/at stem; -£7 into canoe; -gan past inexperienced)
la rua’-i kitgida’last he pushed the canoe with a pole 41.3 (zu
canoe; -d-2 the; gi- flat object)
kitg!a'idjilgwagagan put out (a copper) with a stick 87.24 (q/a’1-
round thing [§ 15.18, p. 232])
§14
BOAS] HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 998
14.
15.
16.
kil- or ki#- BY MEANS OF THE VOICE, for which word this is the
stem.
ga la gi kitgadd’ni . . . those shouted .out to him (gai those;
gi to; gad stem [?]; -am past inexperienced)
gia'ganar qa’dji kilga’txatrasi the house-pole heads shouted
(gia’ganai the house-pole [‘‘standing thing’’]; g@’djt heads;
gat stem [?]; -ra [?]; za [?]; -st participle)
Llua’r la’ga la ki'Igotgaiagan he told him to use his wedge
33.13 (z!ua’i the wedge; la’gahis [§ 28.1]; gotga to make; -i per-
fect; -gan past inexperienced) fe)
la x! kilq!a’wan they told him to sit (g/a to sit; w= to continue
in one place [§ 18.1]; -an past inexperienced)
kwa- BY A STREAM OF WATER POURING OUT; also an independent
verb(?).
tcelaanua’t ger ga'niai tlala’i kwatgi’ stasgadaasan we will let the
water run into the fire (te/aanua’i the fire; ger into; ga’nLar
the water; tlala’m we; lgi- [§ 15.25]; sta to move from; -sga
into fire; de to cause; -asan future)
tcv’war kwaga’ LizaLaganagan the current flowed out quickly
(tci/wai the current; ga stem; -z/xa toward; -Lagan first or at
once [§ 21.3]; -gan past ened
tet/war Ria a tagat the current made cracks by the rapidity
of its flowing (¢c?/wai the current; q/@’mat to crack; -1/ra
toward; -si participle)
gAnL kwa'tcitc!lawas water flowed down (ganz fresh water: -s
" participle)
gAnL koa’t!4’mdagasi a stream flows narrow 8.10 (t/4m- narrow)
klut- with THE LIPS, a nominal stem.
UV klutzu’ stata he spits water upward (zusta stem [?]; -t4 upward)
klutzi’ ida to make noise with lips 91.37
qlaal la k!utna’jiasi he wet the arrow-point with his lips (q/aal
arrow-point; nam stem; -asi participle)
17. 7 Al- BY MEANS OF FIRE ACTING FROM WITHOUT (compare Ai
SUNSHINE).
V valta’igwegasga it will fall away under the sunshine (tai- prone
object [§ 15.3]; gwe stem [?]; ga to be [7]; -sga future)
nah xAlLzta’s one of them was burned up (nam some one; L-
[§ 15.20]; za stem [?]; -s participle)
klwa'iagalan xa'ltgaias his elder brothers were burned off
(k!wai elder brother; -ga possessive suffix; -lan plural; z-
animate object [§ 15.20, p. 232]; ga to be [§ 18.5]; -i perfect;
-s participle)
§ 14
224 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY — (BULL. 40
raiya’s LUT xa’lztiaz!a'diaot!algatias when the sun shone, the
heat made it lengthen out (zai to shine; -as participle; zw
when; -t/4l downward [?]; -gav continuative; -4s participle)
gAlha’-iluasi destroyed by fire 37.13
ratga’mdaxide’s beginning to be shriveled up by fire 37.15 (igam-
[§ 15.24])
18. go- (Masset £0) BY MEANS OF FIRE ACTING WITHIN THE BODY
ITSELF.
qlAl taat k!a’tdala q!as goxagodiés small persons with black skin
held burning pitchwood (qg/al skin; daa? black; klat short
or small; -dala plural suffix for adjectives [$ 39]; qg/as pitch-
wood; -ra inanimate plural [§ 15.26]; go to be somewhere; -da
determinate; -és participle)
geista gould mide ae flames came out of it (ger into; sta
from; z/amul stem [?]; da causative; -am continuative)
LY qa’'li gut goxa’plaganas: it passed quickly down, burning
through the inside of him aon inside; gut upon; zap quickly;
fa stem [?]; -gav continuative; -asi participle)
a’asin goha'iluési at once they were destroyed by burning (a/asin
at once; ha’ilu to destroy; -ési participle); see also 37.8
19. auit- or xHM- BY THE WIND or THE BREATH; also independent
verb, TO BLOW.
L xd’sxsgasi it blew out strongly (-sga seaward; -si participle)
gam igu sta zitskitganga’nsga no breeze mit blow from any-
where 31.6 (gam negative; zrgu where; sta from; skit stem;
-gan negative suffix [§ 25.3]; -gan Deere oe -sga future)
la xitskitcla’si he blew it in (ski[t] stem; tc/a inward; -si par-
ticiple)
Gda'sqgo ya 6 xii/<assaian (they) were blown straight out to
Ga’sqo (Masset) (Ga’sgo name of island; ya straight to [post-
position]; 6 [=hao] demonstrative; zu by wind; ‘as stem; ‘a
to go; -ia perfect; -an past inexperienced)
20. gAl- (Masset ‘47) BY LEADING, PULLING, Or TOWING.
giwa’r ga La ga galga’istasi something pulled him to the fishing-
ground 29.23 (giwa’i the falincoe ga to; ga something;
ees [2]; sz stem; -s2 pacueeae
gwa'var gado’ La la galga’ tga daasi he pulled him around theisland
29.21 (gwai island; ai the; gado’ around; ga- [$15.17]; gat to
move about oat da to cause; -asi Sect ie)
la ga ga’lt!ataiagan something foe it away (ga something; t/a-
[§ 15.4]; rato separate part from whole; -i perfect; -agan past
inexperienced)
§ 14
BOAS] HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 925
a1.
22.
23.
24.
la x! gA’lqatc!as they led her in (ga to go [sing.]; -tc/a inside; -s
participle) 49.18
qea- BY LOOKING. It is the stem of the verb To LooK.
gam iL! geasé'lgai don’t tickle us by looking at us (gam not; iz!
us; sél to tickle [stem]; -gam negative suffix [§ 25.3])
Die goua4 la pediola) 4a lat ood t after he had looked at the ris-
ing sun B 29.9 (q/a’-i- rounded objects [§ 15.18]; dal to move;
di [§ 20]; ga’odi after)
qlett- wiTH A KNIFE. It is the stem of the verb To curt.
L xan la’ga g!edda’gas its bow was carved (xan bow or face; la’ga
its; qleida to be carved [stem] [?]; ga to be[§$ 18.5]; -s participle)
’ Dal la’ga la qleitginga’was they cut his belly open (dal belly;
la’ ga his; la they [with -gaw § 20.1); gin stem [4%]; -as participle)
V ga’dji io qleittgawan wansu’ga they cut his head off and put
it into the canoe, they say (qga@’djt head; la they:[with -gaw];
qlei{t] with a aie L to remove part fram whole; -z into eae:
-anh past inexperienced; wanst’ga quotative)
la la q!leitridan . . . he started cutting it up, they say (q/eit
to cut uj [stem]; -rid inchoative; -a7% past inexperienced)
? a’oga la gi gleittat’yagan his mother cut off for him 7.2
l’ gleitq!a’-itxidia'-4 Li when he began to cut off (the round thing)
12.14
q!0- BY MEANS OF THE TEETH.
la ga g/or’dasis something held him tight in its mouth (ga some-
thing; z- shape [§ 15.20]; das stem [?]; -ts participle)
ad’ gar hao qlé’nan glogand/igani the dog was playing with [a
stick] (ad@’gai the dog; hao that; g/é’nam in company with; ga
shape [§ 15.17]; nan to play [stem]; -agan [§ 23.2]; -2 [§ 25.6])
aa’ gu qlok!i’gatyiasi they had halibut in their mouths (2a@’gu
halibut; k/w short obj. [$15.15]; gat stem; 27 [%]; -as2 participle)
ku’ngia q!oqg!é rai the piece of whale itenu off (Masset) (kun
whale; gia piece of; g/é@ shape[§ 15.18]; 2 to remove; ai tne)
xa l’ gloklotu’tgaga’wan wansi’ga they say the dogs killed them
with their teeth 81.421
#A- BY GRASPING WITH THE HANDS.
awh gi la xagar!xagi/lganast he brought it to his mother (au
mother; -[u]n his own [§ 28. 3; gt to; ga stem [%]; -zlaa to-
ward; -gil shoreward; -gan aaniee -asi participle)
kv’ gaidjao xa ra’ ginas es hammers held in their hands (kiu’-
gaidjao sledge- hammers [yaidjao perhaps = q/ai-dju roundish];
gin stem [’1: -as participle)
1[Compare § 15.26, p. 234. Perhaps all these forms belong to the classifier ra,— ED. ]
44877—Bull. 40, pt 1—10-—15 § 14
226 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 40 —
4 cagudjd@ nasi he threw them around (gudja7 analysis uncertain;
-asi participle)
la gi la x@’sztclas he handed in to him 55.7 (sz stem; tc! into)
25. wAfi- WITH THE FACE. This is the stem of the word for Facg,
and it is rather doubtful whether it belongs properly in this
class, although similar to the others in form.
tkia’gui V dja'ga la sta xantgi’tdas his wife turned her face away
from him toward the door (tkia@ outside; gui toward; dja
wife; -ga possessive; sta from; fgud stem TO TURN ABOUT; da
to cause; -s participle)
la sta la xafiga’ogaiias she turned around from him (sta from; gao
stem; -g4f continuative; -as participle) ;
gam la’ga xa’iiginganas she did not look in the face as though
anything had happened (gam not; -ga possessive; gin stem
[perhaps properly gim TO LooK]; -gan negative; -4s participle)
26. L=- BY ANY KIND OF CoNnTACT, but more particularly CONTACT
WITH THE HANDS. It is the stem of the verb To ToucH.
tla gu la xda’/las he laid his hands on them (z/a*them; gu at or
there; dal stem; -as participle)
di ta ist let me go (di me; ¢a imperative particle; sz stem)
guda’i la tnand’fiasi he rubbed the medicine on himself (gud
upon; -ai himself; nan stem TO RUB; -d7 continuative; -ase
participle)
la xaxé'gilai tu when she made a noise at the door (by touch-
ing it) (xégil [or xegit] stem TO MAKE A NOISE; -at demonstra-
tive or article turning clause into a noun; Zw when)
27. Lu- BY CANOE. It is also the word for CANOE.
valda/ndjidai xeit sitgid’i Lruqa’idesi the five slaves started back
by canoe (xalda’n [or xa’ldan] slave; -djid plural of human
beings [§29.2]; -ai demonstrative; zeit five; sitgia’n back [ad-
verb]; g@ to go; -id inchoative; -esi participle)
nah gansta la Lugd’ L!xas he came to one by canoe (ni one [indefi-
nite person]; g4’nsta to [probably compound post-position of
gAn FoR and sta FROM]; gd@ to go; -n/aa toward; -s participle)
la da’iiat la rugqd’itritgiangat Lu when he started to go home
» with him (da’nat in company with; g@ to go; -it inchoative;
-rit seems to be inchoative used again, -it with g@ having
become so common as to have become stereotyped; -gian [%];
gai demonstrative; Zw when); see also 7.9
28. véi- WITH THE ARMs (from 2? arm, wing).
la vistgila’t tu when he waved his arms toward the town (sz
stem; gil shoreward; -ai demonstrative; Lu when)
§ 14
BoAS] HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 227
29. sqOt- wiTtH THE ARMS. It is also the word for armpit.
la sqotxagia’iagani he had under arms 69.13
la gi sqo'tgadagan (he) took him by the arm 65.12
la spotskida/iian wansi’ga it is said he clapped with the hands
29.22
L! sqotxe’gans they beat drums 89.41
30. Kéitt- BY TYING.
kitiqla-rgadanasi fastened stones by tying (to it) 71.6 (q/a-i-
rounded object [§ 15.18])
kititclisriawagani (it) was tied (to the doorway) 67.1 (tclis- cubic
object [§ 15.2])
§ 15. Second Group: Classifying Nominal Prefixes'
Following is a list of the more important of these, with examples:
1. tet- classifies such objects as full sacks and bags, pillows, ete.
la’ qu la la tet’stsga’vas she brought the full sack out to him (gi to;
la it [sack]; la she; tc7- classifier; sz stem; -sga seaward; ~t
perfect; -s participle)
ga k!e'djt teig!éda’ some people with big bellies (ga some [people];
kle’djt bellies; g!éda’ big)
la gi ga’nd jilgagigai la kiutcisgide’st he tied a danci ‘ing blanket to
him (gi to; gandjilgagt dancing blanket; gai demonstrative:
kiu- tying; sgid stem; -esi participle)
2. telts- cubic objects, such as boxes.
ta’ia x! tcliszida’s they picked up a whole box of cranberries
(ta‘va cranberries; zid to pick up; -as participle)
gayt'da te!lisxe’tt five boxes of berries and grease (qayu’da boxes
containing a mixture of grease and berries; xe’it five)
nidja’ iu at sga’na wa ‘ga sd’ godar tel’sgodigangi’nt masks and
whistles were always in the secret-society box Anadja"n to imi-
tate; -unoun-forming suffix [$26.1]; a¢ with; sga’na supernatural
Bieta and thus secret-society whistles; wa that; ga in; sga-
sacred; goda box; ai the; go stem TO LIE; -dt detarninnte suf-
fix; -gam continuative [' iF -gin usitative; -2 perfect)
la tcli’stsgas he brought out a box 55.23
3. taéi= applied generally to objects lying on or close to the ground,
but also to clubs, etc., grasped in the hand.
L! taistiga’gas they all went to bed (sz stem; -zga all; -
auxiliary TO BE; -s participle); see also 67.15
gu’ gus tlagane’ ta’ igodies lo! a house (shape) lay there (gi’gus
what! ¢/agane’ behold! g go stem TO LIE; -di determinate suf-
fix; -es participle); see also 65.28
1 See also § 17.2.
228 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 40
gia’ sgala ii taista’nsinaxa eight storehouses (gia’sgalan storehouses;
sta/nsinxa eight)
nah gataida’las one (wave) came moving toward him (nam one,
a; ga[?%]; dal to move; -as participle)
ar/it sLa’/nagi la ta’igin he held a club on the left side (iz’/at club;
sxta’na left; gi at, in; gin stem [%])
4. tla- flexible objects represented as crossing or coiled.
tcea’lga la la tlatgu’ts he put a ground squirrel about her as a
blanket (tc@’iga ground squirrel; fgué to go around [stem]; -s
participle)
gitga’ i La la ctlatgitdayan wansi’ga she had put it on her son as
a blanket, they say (git son; -gam her own; 1- with hands;
igut to go around; da to cause; -y perfect; -am past inexpe-
rienced; wansi’ga quotative)
5. tlao- objects shaped like spoons and feathers (t/agu’n feather)
aga’h la tla’oageitdas he puts himself (into the water) as an
evergreen needle (shape indicated) (aga’7 himself; a stem [%];
-geit to become [$18.10]; -da to cause [$18.2]; -s participle)
la’ga la sqast!a’oxasi he bit off his tongue (-ga possessive; sas [2];
La stem; -si participle)
gut la la dat!a’onana’ nas he rubbed it (his tongue) on it (gut upon;
da- outward motion; nanan stem; -as participle)
sia’ gwal t!aoqg6'na a big spoon (sza’gwal spoon; g6’na big)
ga-it!a’ oginda’' las feathers floating about 41.4, 6 (ga-2 floating)
la t!a’ostas he took out a feather 55.25
la dantla’osdavyasi— man he pulled out the feather 55.26, 31
(dan- by pulling)
tla’odju it is a feather 55.26
Skid’/mskun-t!a'odjugins hawk with feather sticking out of water
41.31 (skid’mskun hawk; dju to be; -gin afloat)
6. t!Am- certain slender objects.
t!a’mdjiwasi it was slender (djzw =dju sort, kind [§ 39]; -ast parti-
ciple)
wa’ ga t!4'’mgitdiasi it became smaller there (wa demonstrative;
-ga at; git stem [2%]; -dideterminate suffix; -st participle)
Lit ta’mdju a narrow canoe 7.7
koa tla’mdagasi flowing narrow 8.10 (koa- by a current)
Vtamaié’nt!xa’si he came to a narrow one 73.38
7. sta- ring-shaped objects, like finger-rings, bracelets, barrel-hoops.
Inaga’i gu’tga stare’ttasit a village of five curving rows (Ina =lana
town; gai demonstrative; gut together; -ga in, at; zeit five;
-asi participle)
l’ dasta'sgidasi he pushed a curved (bow) against it 79.7
§ 15
Boas] HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 229
staga’ otc!ayasi they came in and sat down in circular lines (gao
stem; -fc/a motion into; -y perfect; -st participle)
qué’ stal gatsta’sgit!a’lgans a rainbow moved up and down (qwé
stal rainbow; gat- with rapidity; sgi=sgit stem; -t!4l mo-
tion down from above; -g4n=-g4f continuative; -s participle)
ga stagi/davias something ring-shaped 9.1
8. skfa- small cylindrical, and occasionally square objects.
gina sk!a’dala some cylindrical objects (stones) (gi’na thing; dala
plural with adjectives [§ 39])
sqoda’h ge'ista gé’gu sk!asda’yas he had pulled a basket out from
under his armpit (syoda armpit; -47 his own [§ 28.3]; gei into;
sta from; gé’gu basket; sda =sta stem; -y perfect; -s participle)
sv'war wada’ fat gu’tgui la dasklagund’ asi he was rolling the lake
together with it (stw=su lake; ai demonstrative; wa it; da’iat
together with; gut toward; gui toward [with motion]; da- mo-
tion outward; zun stem [%]; -ai continuative; -asi participle)
nat sk!a’idjuwagas the one that had a knot-hole (shape) in it
(nah the one; dju it is of that sort; -ga to be; -s participle)
lgudja’-1 la ga sklazuna'idalasi mats rolled toward him 89.11
9. ska- round objects, like marbles, berries, eggs, and potatoes.
ast djix’ skadalda’nsi the waterdrops falling from this were round
(ast this; djiat’ [2%]; dal=dala plural an adjectives; a.
stem; -s? ecuemia)
la la gaska’ zidas he picked it (cranberry) up with it (spoon) (ga-
[2]; wid stem; -as participle)
10. sga- (Masset s‘a-) strings, ropes, hairs, etc.
da’ Lo sgatu’nal three strings (da’gil a tu’nal three)
wa’ Luxan ga galsga’stata'yan wansi’ga something pulled all of
them up (wa it; Zw when; xan just so; ga cont ahae indefi-
nite; gal- by pallae. sta aie -ta ee meaning UP; -¥ Poy
fect; -ai past inexperienced; wansii’ga quotative)
Sal s°a/sgu ALL NIGHT, night being spoken of metaphorically (Mas-
set) (al night; sgu it is all (2)
11. sqglfa- long objects, like sticks and paddles.
sqlagild’ tas extending out in lines (from the island) (gil seaward
[2]; -a@7% continuative; -as participle)
a’'lai sq!aza’at ten paddles (al paddle; ai demonstrative; za’at ten)
tqea’ma ga'dji sq!asti’ ni two kelp-heads 53.24 (fgea’ma kelp; ga’djt
heads; stiv two)
sqlaxiii'sgagat sq!asta’nsinsga’st four lines of people danced °
- toward the beach (vii stem; -sga toward beach; gai the;
sta/nsin four; -sga toward beach; -st participle)
: § 15
230 BUREAU OF AMERICAN BTHNOLOGY [puxt. 40
la dansqlasdaga’~. Lu’hao when he pulled (it) out 77.43 (daii- by
pulling)
dasq!a@'sgidan push on the long one 55.18 (da- by pushing)
ee 2 sqlara’ at ten deadfalls 61.3
sga'na tga'na sqlasti’n two dorsal fins 89.3
ki/tawe sqlasta’i two spears (Masset) (ki’tao spear; e=ai demon-
strative; stan two [Masset dialect])
See also
sqla’no pole 41.1
sqlagawa’-7 stringers 89.12
12. sL!- indicates the shape assumed by objects lying in a heap, such
as driftwood, pieces of dry halibut, a cord of wood.
tc!a’anuar si!ga’wasi the fire lay there (tc@anu fire; ai demonstra-—
tive; ga’w=gao or go to lie; -si participle)
13. gt- materials such as blankets, shawls, tablecloths, mats, thin
sails. It is sometimes used for canoes, instead of ga-.
mat qa'li la giga!xa’sgas he brought the insides of a mountain-
‘goat (mat mountain-sheep; ga@’ti anewleas ga stem; -z/xa toward;
-sga seaward; -s participle)
ga’itgan la sx !gista’yas he pulled out a blood-clot with his finger-
nails (ga'itgan blood-clot [from gar BLOOD]; sz! with fingers;
sta stem; -y perfect; -as participle)
qwe'gal ga’at gisti’n two sky blankets (qwe’gal sky; gia’at blan-
kets; stin two)
lgts give’it five mats 55.12
La daiigi’statia’-i L&% when she pulled up (her dress) 31.19
la dangi’djit!xaga'iasi he pulled out the canoe 29.28 (daf- by
pulling; djz stem; -z/xa towards)
la kitgi’stga’nsga he will push (the canoe) 41.30 (kit with
pole; -sz stem; -sga future) -
14. ga- flat but broad and thick objects.
Ski’na qasga la la qlogusgidai . . . he:emptied all from his
mouth at the head of Skeena, they say (making a lake) (Ski’na
Skeena; gas contraction of g@’dji HEAD; -ga at; glo- with
teeth [$14.23]; skid stem; -an past inexperienced)
QW igi land’ ga xé'tgu ano’ gaL gudja’ogidas it must have been in
front of Qi’figi’s town that a reef came up (Qi’7gt [name]; lana’
town; -ga possessive; xét down in front of; gu there; ano’ it
must have been; gaz reef; djao=dju it was of that sort; gid
stem; -4s participle)
U’ giitasga’ i wansii’ga he went off in the shape of a flounder, they
say (da stem; -sga toward the sea; -am% past inexperienced)
§ 15
BOAS] . HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES Zoe
za’gu la datigiga’ t!xa’st he pulled the halibut out on the surface
(xa’gu halibut; dam- by pulling [$14.4]; ga stem; -z/za to-
ward; -si participle)
la dafigutgatda’asi he pulled (a cloud) around it 41.40
la dangi’stazeitas he pulled out five (boxes) in succession 55.24
15. klu- short objects. Posts, nails, and some short loops are so
denominated.
sta la ku’ qwétc!asi_ he (a short bird) came in from it (sta from;
gwé stem; -tc/a motion into; -si participle)
la datk!u'stasgoa’nanagant he pulled (the spear) out for good
69.9 (daii- by pulling; sta stem; -sgoai for good)
la x'golgak!usrav yan wansi’ ga it is said he made (gambling sticks)
53.1
gina kli’'giiasi something he held in hand 73.40
15a. kh! At= small objects.
kli'da kla'tdjittxaga'-1 a small beak came out 53.28 (-x/xa
perce)
gergao k!a’tdju asmall basket (qe’igao basket; k/at- classifier; dju.
it was of that sort)
16. 2 Af= small objects. Used like the above.
ga xa’tdju some small (olachen) (gasome; dju they were of that
sort)
nah tgat xa’tdju a small dark person (nan a; tgat dark or black;
dju it was of that sort) é
stan xa’tdju a small killer-whale (Masset) (s‘an killer-whale; dju
it was of that sort)
a7. a= (Masset fa-) flat objects, such as boards, doors ictures
’ ’
looking-elasses dishes, lakes, canoes.
D5 ) )
lnaga’t gata’/ildaya’gant there were five towns (Ina =lana town;
gai the; xa’il five; -da causative; -ya perfect; -gan past inex-
perienced; -? perfect)
qladazur’ aga’h la gasisga’yas he turned himself in his canoe
(indicated by its shape) toward the mainland (q/ada toward sea
[mainland being considered outward]; xui toward; aga’n him-
self [§ 28.3]; sz stem; -sga seaward; -ya perfect; -s participle)
ta’ya la gagax!xa'sgas he brought out a dish of cranberries (da’ya
cranberries; ga stem; -L/xa toward; -sga toward open place)
gu’ gus tlagane’ ga 'godies lo! a level (pond) lay there (gii’gus what!
tlagane’ behold! go stem To LIE; -di determinate suffix [$20.7])
LU gasgod’ nsih one canoe 10.9
sqa’ola-i gave'it five clam-shells 55.11
la’na ‘as‘oa’nsivi one town (Masset) (la’na town; s‘oansin one)
§ 15
232 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY —— , [svut.40
18. glai=- (Masset qgle=) roundish objects, such as rolls of dry-
goods, lumps of bacon, and pieces of whale-meat.
qv La q!a’igodies a roundish reef (g@’za reef; go stem TO LIE; -dt
determinate suffix [§ 20.7]; -es participle); see also 77.45
gv gawai la danq!a’vistast he pulled out the fish-trap (gi’gaw=
gi’ gao fish-trap; ai the; dam- by pulling; usta stem [7%]; -s4 par-
ticiple)
sta si/nah la q!a’istasi he snuffed from the (round basket) (sta
from; si’/nanm snuffing; sz stem; -asi participle)
ge'ista ie gi la x! q!d@’istas they gave him a round thing out of it
(ger into; sta from; gi to; sta stem; -s participle)
kitq!a’ igppododeen (they) “ats down (a copper plate) 87.24 (ki#-
with a point)
la gea’qla’-ida'ldi. qa’odi after he had looked at (the sun) for a
while 29.9 (gea- by looking; dal motion; -di [§ 20.7]; ga’oda
after)
t! qla’-istgiasi they put down (the drum) 14.3 |
l’ ga’dji ga qlog!a’-isgidagan by biting it jammed his head 91.11
(gas head; glo- by biting; sgid contact)
We find also
L! gla’-istt!xatclai’yagani they brought (the canoe) in to him
101.4 (sz- stem; -z/xa towards; -tc! into)
la x! qla-istsgar’'yagan they took him (porcupine) out to sea
45.16 (so- stem; “sg out to sea); the same for KNIFE 87.7
la x! qla-isttai’yagan they took him (beaver) up 47.1 (-¢ up)
qla’-idjut!xadies (foam) coming piled up 95.10 (-z/xa towards)
gon qlesta’nsatian four moons (=four months) (Masset) (gon
moon; sta’nsan four; -an past inexperienced)
19. qglot=- the shape assumed by long flexible objects, such as hairs
or strings, when they are tangled together; also bushes with
many stems.
a’igan qian djidja’t wa'gut q!otaa’was here was a hemlock with
a clump of branches sticking out all over it (a’zgan here; g/an
hemlock; djidja’1_ the benches: wa it; gut upon; zaw=xao
stem; -as participle)
k!a'lda q!otgue’ta clump of branches; fall down ! (k/4’lda clump
of branches; gue stem; fa imperative)
ki/naan ga la daq!o'tskidest he shoved in a bunch of moss to stop
up the hole (ki’nzan moss; ga in; da- by pushing; skid stem)
sin qlotdju’gan a bunch of Sohablineedniple wood 55.2
20. L= animate things, such as human beings, animals, fish, insects.
l’ rriendda’las he was running along (xien probably means quickly)
§ 15
BOAS] HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 230
la t!a_ sila’iga tgodia’sit he, however, was lying down in the
baby’s place (indicated by shape) (2/4 however; sila’i the
place; ga in; go to lie; -di determinate; -asi participle)
7a’ wodaca rdjtt leas a ee came out cf the water (7a’xodada
orebe; dji stem; -z/xza toward; -s participle)
la’gui aga’n la bengia'las he (a fish) turned himself toward him
(gut toward [with motion]; aga’7% himself; sz stem; -gial
toward shut-in place; -as participle)
la qla-itr'stas he cut up (a whale) 51.7 (q/a-it- by cutting)
la daiiztstai’yagani he pulled out (a bear) 95.14 (dav- by pulling;
sta to move away)
la x’sttclas he brought in (a bird) 27.31 (-te! into)
la la tlind’gas he put a living one down 13.1
L’zida to take (a child) 27.17
L’sgugevs found a whole one 49.11
21. L=- or Lu- the shape assumed by a number of clams or fish
with a stick run through them to hold them together, and also
by a canoe with many persons standing up in it.
ya’ gutsi la gixa’h Lcudjuda’asi he placed them standing in line
in the middle of the canoe (ya’gu=ya’ku middle; ¢ euphonic;
-st participle; giza’n standing; dja% it was of that sort; -da
causative [$18.2]; -asi aeeaierpie)
ku'ngado tda@'li!xas (a canoe full of men) is coming around the
point (kun point; gado around; dal to go [pl.]; -z/xa toward;
-s participle)
22. Lf- thin objects, such as thin boards, berry-cakes, pies and pie-
plates, flat cans of beef.
gu'tgr la la dat! skida’si he flattened it together (gut together; gi
to; da- by pushing; skid sten.; -asi participle)
ga aia L!gosga@’ certain flat rocks lying out from (the woods)
(ga certain; tidj =tis rocks; ai the; go to lie; -sg@ seaward)
L!xe'it five (plugs of babsctos (reat fe)
ya'mdyi L!djvwoganga go to the flint which sticks out thin! (ya’mdjt
flint; djiwo =d)u it is of that sort; gan =gan continuative; -ga
to be [§18.5])
23. tga- branching objects, such as bushes with numerous branches
from one stem, combs, several hooks on one line, clothing with
a coarse weave, the vertebral column, and even a person who
is very thin.
Lt! La’dji la gitga’tas he broke off the ends of some cedar-limbs
(z! some; 1a’dji limbs; gi- [2]; 1 stem To TOUCH)
§ 15
2384 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 40
la tgat’ngawus he put up (a stone wall) (@’ngaw perhaps contains
go TO LIE; -us participle)
la danlga’stagwa’gasi he pulled out (a hemlock branch) 10.6
ta’ olé kgalun utsa’wan there were three hooks (Masset) (ta’ol hooks;
é the; twnut three; ‘aw =o to lie; -an past inexperienced)
24. tgAm- large roundish or cubic objects.
si’sa tga’mgqéda 1! tga’mgatzi they had large round rattles in
their hands (s7’sa rattle; géeda large; gatzi stem [?])
zaltga’mdaxide’s (skin) shriveled up in fire 37.15 (zal- by fire)
25. tgt- large cylindrical objects, like logs, steam-boilers, smoke-
stacks, rolls of bedding, many objects flowing in a stream,
also driftwood sometimes, and large fence-rails.
wage'ista kwatgi’stasga’st (olachen) ran out of it in a stream
toward the sea (wa it; gei into; sta from; kwa- in a stream;
sta stem; -sga outward; -si participle)
tlan la tgi/giias he was carrying a hard, dead limb (t/4n limb or
knot rotted out of a tree; gin stem; -as participle)
tar xutlgidjw’t!xagias there cranberries were blown out (in a
cylindrical body) (da cranberries; zut- by the wind [$14.19];
dju stem; -z/za toward; -gia outward; -s participle)
Uxiga x0'dar da lgv’atatgagasa’v you might eat our hair-seal (@z!
our; -ga@ possessive ; zod =xot hair-seal; ai the; da you; a [4];
ta stem TO BAT; -Lga all[§ 20.2]; -ga to be; -asan infallible future)
tL! igistansindai/yagan they make four (grave-posts) 91.29
(stansin eight; -da to make)
igidju’usgadia’s (glow of fire) shines toward beach 39.6
ski/le t we la lgidja’diwan put a tall dance-hat on his head!
(Masset) (skil dance-hat; @ the; / imperative particle; w=wa
it [hat]; *@ into; /@ probably =la with the possessive -‘a HIS;
djui stem; -di determinate suffix; -an past inexperienced)
26. #Ha@- many inanimate small objects.
. «a’/godigani they (gills) lie 97.26 (go to lie; -di determinate;
-gAn experienced; -4 [p.253])
ta-% xa@’/xiwas halibut-hooks were hanging 67.19 (ta-u% hook; xv
to hang; -as participial)
27. SLAp-
gina go' tgat sia’pdala some slim, blue things (gt’na some; go’tgat
blue; dala plural with adjectives of shape)
28. tlap-
gina sgét t!a’pdjuit!za something short and red protruded (gi’na
something; sgét red; djw stem; -z/xa toward)
§15
Boas] HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 935
29. k!Am- small (cf. no. 15a, p. 231).
tat k!a’mdala small canoes (zi canoe; dala plural with adjectives)
tla’ gas k!a'’mdala small flakes of snow 31.28
30. gaim-
ga qid'laga ga’mgodies a large open space in the woods (ga some
[indef. pl.]; g/a’laga open place or swamp; go to lie; -di deter-
minate; -es participle)
31. LLAp-
la 1! apdji’ tazadas he let a small part (of the surface of the moon)
be seen (djitara [?]; -da causative; -s paiticiple)
32. sLam-
gia djai V xé'ta ge'ista sget sia’mdjigola’ndalasi the gum hung
out from his mouth red (g/adj =q!as gum; ai the; «@ 1 mouth;
gei into; sta from; sgétred; dji ae Sai it is of that sort;
gola’ ndal analysis uncertain; -asi participle)
33. teli- the insides of such objects as sea-eggs.
34. st!a- dumb-bell shaped objects, such as the liver of a dog-fish.
35. skAp- applied to such an object as the curled tail of a dog.
ska’ pdala crooked wedges 33.13
36. skié@t- small and very slender objects, such as certain small,
slender teapots.
Third Group: Principal Predicative Terms (§§ 16-21)
§ 16. Characterization of Predicative Terms
Most elements of this group must be considered as independent
verbs. It has been pointed out before that they may also enter into
combinations. Among some of them this tendency is strongly devel-
oped. Here belong the verbs forming terms of the first group (see
§ 14). A number of others are so intimately related with other ideas
in their significance that they occur only rarely alone, if at all, and
appear, therefore, in part rather as auxiliary verbs, or even as affixes.
§ 17. Stems in Initial Position
Some of these stems take initial positions.
1. gai- (Masset gt-) refers to any object floating upon the water,
gat being the stem of the verb TO FLOAT.
Na-giti’ ga la ga’istgeitgigas he stopped at House-fishing-ground
(floating there upon the water) 29.8 (Na house; gu fishing-
ground; ga in; sz stem; -git to come to be [$18.10]; g? com-
pletion of action; ga to be; -s participle)
§§ 16,17
236 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY (puns 71:
gam U lana’ga da’osqual ga’isrga’oganganga driftwood never
floated ashore in his town (gam not; land town; -g@ possessive ;
da’osqual driftwood; sz stem; gao [%]; -gam negation; -gan
continuative; -ga to he)
V xe’tqul’ pent it floated ashore in front of him (zet down in
front of; gu there; sz stem; -git shoreward; -s participle)
ga’'ingwanas it was floating about (ga = ga@i- floating; -i7 on sea;
-gwan about; -As participle)
[This stem might be considered as an instrumental, like
those discussed in § 14. It takes the same position before
classifiers as other instrumentals do: ga’-it!aoga’ogadie’s a
feather floated ashore 37.24 (t/ao- feather-shaped object).—Ep.]
2. gAn- applied when a number of people are doing a thing en masse.
la sta x! ga’ndazitdjitasi they all started away from her (sta from;
da=dal to go [pl.]; -xit inchoative [$18.6]; -djié truly) .
la sta xt! ga'ntgalanas they went home from him (sta from; égal
to go indirectly; -47 continuative; -as participle)
la ga’nsta ganda'lz!xagitst they came to him together (ga’/nsta to
[= gan FOR and st4 FROM =COMING FOR A PURPOSE]; dal to go
[pl.]; -z/aa toward; -gi? landward; -si participle)
igu’nut gandax idan three came alone 107.20
gana’lgo qa’odvhao after they had gone along 37.2
[It would seem that this element must be considered as a
classifier, analogous to those discussed in § 15 and meaning
GROUP OF PEOPLE. The following example illustrates its use
following an instrumental: la 1! gala! ndagitga’ wan wansti' ga
it is ai , they led him home 81.39 (gal- by leading).—Ep.]
3. wao- (Masset #0-) TO DO A THING QUICKLY.
la at gut la da’ oxaostas they seized each other quickly (at with; gut
each other; dao- to go and get [prefixed]; sta stem)
la ga ga na’ heaoLganasi it quickly ground off his skin (ga to; ga
something; nam =nan to grind [§ 14.8]; z stem [2]; -gan con-
tinuative; -asz participle)
UV da@‘alani stan UV doxd'stassaian her two brothers ran down to
take her (Masset) (da’*a younger brother; -lan plural; stan
two; dé to go and get; sta stem; -s‘a seaward; -2 perfect; -
past inexperienced)
4. ta= expresses the use of a transitive verb without object.
taga’oganianh wansii’ga they say few were left 11.8
taq!a’das she cut up 49.1
tago'ldjuutas he spread out in morning 53.4
taskida’ nagam they plundered 105.4
§ 17
.?
-
ee
BOAS]
CMHNA NR WH
HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 957
§ 18. Stems in Terminal Position, First Group
Most of these verbal stems take a terminal position:
- WTO SIT Or CONTINUE TO BE.
. AA TO CAUSE.
dal TO MOVE ALONG WHILE SOMETHING ELSE IS TAKING PLACE.
st7#i TO WISH.
ga@ TO BE.
. xit (Masset -¢@) TO BEGIN
. wA€ or x Al (Masset A€ or Al) TO TELL.
_ga (Masset §@) TO GO.
. gaya (Masset ‘@ya) TO KNOW HOW TO DO A THING.
10. gett or geal (Masset ‘e€ or £e7) TO BECOME.
11. wav TO THINK or GUESS.
Examples of the use of auxiliaries with nouns:
gAnL xé'lauas there lay a water-hole (ganz fresh water; xéla a
' water-hole; u to lie or sit [no. 1]; -as participle)
t! tga’uas they put stones into the fire (fga@ stones; w auxiliary
[no. 1]; -as participle)
la ga’ldas he stayed all night (lA he; gal night; da [no. 2])
la la sii'udas he said to him 27.2 (si to say, intransitive)
l tea’axdas he had a war-spear (/’ he; ted’az war-spear; -da aux-
iliary [no. 2]; -s participle)
dan gu t mada’dasga 1 will put mountain-goats upon you (dai
you; gu there; ¢ 1; mad=mat mountain-goats; a [?]; -da
auxiliary [no. 2]; -sga future)
nah tle’dji tga’gas the one who was half rock 8.9 (nav one;
tle’dji halt; ga stone)
V na ‘tga gaza’gas his nephew was a child’ (na’t nephew; -ga pos-
sessive [§ 28]; gaxa child; -ga to be [no. 5]; -s participle)
la’ga zalaga’gan his Gaplemens) was copper (-ga possessive;
gala eopper; -ga to be [no. 5]; -agan past inexperienced)
la gi yd’nafigeitgoas it became foggy upon them (la them [with
suffix -go]; gi at or upon; ya’nan clouds or fog; -gett to become
[no. 10]; -as participle)
Examples of the use of auxiliaries with other verb-stems:
l’ q!a’o-% qa'odi after he had sat there for a while (¢/a[o] to sit; wu
auxiliary [no. 1]; ga’odi after a while)
la qoya’das he caused it to be dear (=he valued it) (qoyé dear;
-da auxiliary [no. 2]; -s participle)
! Gara appears to have been originally a verb meaning TO BE WEAK (see § 19.1), but here it is madea
verb over again just as if it were a noun.
§ 18
238 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 40
V da’yindal qa’odi after he had gone along hunting for a while
(dayin hunting; dal to go [no. 3]; qaodi after a while)
dati gi xt! gi’dayi’ ansinga they wish to give you much food ©
(daw you; gi to; gida to give food to any one; yu’an much;
-sim auxiliary [no. 4]; -ga perhaps this should be -sga future)
V’a’oga V ta’gas his mother ate it 27.28 (ao mother; -ga possessive;
ta to eat; ga to be [no. 5]; -s participle)
la la ga@’t!xaxalgoas they told him to come out to them (la they
[with suffix -go]; g@ to go; -z/xa toward; -zal auxiliary [no. 7])
nah gea’figasi one went to look (nai one; gea stem TO LOOK; -an
continuative; -ga auxiliary [no. 8]; -si participle)
nah gaea’s na’ jagayageits the child came to know how to play
(nan the [with suffix -s]; gard child; -s participle; nana =nan
stem; -gaya to know how to [no. 9]; -geid to come to [no. 10];
-s participle)
gona’ la’ na qléesta’nsanarets their months became eight, or eight
months passed over them (Masset) (gor moon; a the; la’na
their [singular form covering plural] =la+ana their own; q!é-
classifier [§ 15.18]; st@’nsana=sta’nsanxa eight; 1 probably
euphonic; -‘ed auxiliary [no. 10]; -s participle)
hay ixan taga xia’txa’igua I think he has danced long enough
(Masset) (hayi’7 instead of [dancing longer]; xan so, thus;
baga enough [?]; xia? to dance; -vam auxiliary [no. 11]; -gua
declarative suffix [25.5])
19. Stems in Terminal Position, Second Grou
3
A number of others are also apparently verbal stems, but appear
in close connection with other verbs, so that they almost convey the
impression of suffixes. In some of them, however, their independent
character is quite apparent.
1. -xa@ usually occurs in such close conjunction with the verb
stem that it is hard to determine whether it is a true suffix or
not. It may indicate state.
di dala’i rgaxagi’lga you tire me with your handling (di me;
dala’n you [pl.]; z- by handling [§ 14.26]; gara together means
WEAK; -gil to become [§ 18.10]; -ga auxiliary [§ 18.8])
Sawali’ra gia’xayas Sawali’xa stood up (Sawati’ra man’s name;
gia to stand; -y perfect; -s participle)
la gan ll stlé’xagrilan wansii’ga he became angry with him, they
say (gan with [%]; st/é angry or sick; gidl to become [§ 18.10];
-Af past inexperienced; wanst’ga quotative)
la’gi V tgoa’xagits he became afraid of him (gi of; tgoa stem TO
FEAR; -gif auxiliary; -s participle)
§ 19
BOAS]. HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 239
la la kilge’idaxa-k!otwa’lan . . . he made her so ashamed by
his words that she died (kil- by words [§ 14.14]; geida perhaps
means IT IS THAT WAY, but with -za it signifies TO BECOME
ASHAMED; //dtut to be destroved; -ami past inexperienced)
gam x! gé’xaganas they did not find him (gam not; gé perhaps is
gea TO SEE, but with -ra it means TO FIND; -gai negation)
2. =-gtn, -gin, or -77 MOTION BY SEA; also an independent stem.!
V qa’idanginas it went of itself by sea (ga to go; -id inchoative
[$18.6]; -am continuative [?]; -4s participle)
qa'gin qa’odi after it had gone along on the ocean for a while
(qa to go; ga’odi after a while)
L xa’ oins Te was fishing 29.7 (xao to fish; -s participle)
l sa’tins he went out Banting by sea (sat to hunt; -s participle)
3. -gOn (Masset -“0%) conveys the idea of random progression on
foot, and is used only after the verb stems g@ and ¢s.
L djt’tgoqago’ndi after he had danced around for a while (’ they
[with suffix -go|; djit stem TO DANCE; qa to go; -gOn = -gOr
suffix; -di determinate suffix)
L qa’go nga: nt he wandered around (q@ to go; -gan past inexperi-
enced; -1 perfect)
la ginga’ gonas he saw walking about 12.2
la qa’ gon ga’odi after he had walked about 67.33
4. -géa is also used principally after ga, and seems to indicate that
the motion is with a definite object in view, straight on to a
certain place. Possibly it is the stem of the verb To sTanp,
with which it is morphologically identical.
gut la qagiaga’h qa’odi after he had gone along upon the trail for
a while (gut upon; ga stem TO GO; -g4m continuative; ga’odi
after a while)
ga la qa’ giaga'nsi he was going thither (ga to; g@ stem To Go;
-gan past jpemenaca -4 perfect [§ 25.6])
la’ga nah qa’ giagahas one came to him upon the trail (ga to;
nah one; g@ stem TO GO; -gAah continuative; -A4s participle)
5. =qfot or -qlol TO DO SECRETLY; also independent verb stem.
Sawati’za V qinq!o'ttadiés Sawali’xa looked at him unobserved
(Sawati’za man’s name; giz stem TO LOOK; -ta perhaps FOR;
-da auxiliary; -di determinate suffix; -és participle)
la UV st’daq!totdaian he whispered to her secretly (si stem ‘ro
SAY; -da to cause; -dato cause [used twice]; -i perfect [§-23.7];
-an past inexperienced)
1[ Nos. 2-4 might be classed with the locative suffixes described in § 22.—Ep.]
§ 19
240 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 40
di ta q!olgi’nda don’t let any one know of me (di me; ta impera-
tive particle; gin [%]; -da to cause)
§ 20. Stems in Terminal Position, Third Group
It is probably due to their significance that the following groups
take ordinarily their position following the last series:
1. -go (Masset -*0) PLURALITY. Originally this probably marked dis-
tributive plurality. It always follows da, the personal pronoun
of the third person singular.
gan la la djila’dagoas they had her as bait for it (gan for; la they
' [with -go]; djila bait; -da to cause; -as participle)
sta t1A Luga’itg goast ees went away (sta from; L/A they; Lu- by
canoe [§ 14. 27]; ga to go; -itinchoative [§ 18. 6]; -ast pa
Ll na’xagangoga’nga they fly about (? they [with -go]; na’xa to fly
[pl.]; -gam continuative; -ganm probably continuative also, the
suffix being doubled; -ga auxiliary)
la q!la’ostogagawan ... they came and sat down by the fire
(la they [with gaw =-go]; gia to sit; -o probably auxiliary;
sto stem [*]; -ga auxiliary [?]; -a7% past inexperienced)
la sta la tuga’-itgoas they left him by canoe 59.3
l’ gé'tgatgawa’-i Li when they had gone 59.4
la lanadageitga’ wagan they had a town 103.11
2. -Lga (Skidegate dialect) indicates that all of the objects or persons
just mentioned are included in the action.
V ga’ ottirgagawas they all got up ( they [with -gaw =-go])
la'giaga gi’nagai qa’ittgagas all his property was lost (gia prop-
erty; -ga possessive; gi’/na things; gai the; gait stem; -ga
auxiliary; -s participle)
3. -“odju Masset equivalent of the above.
‘ala’nst‘odjawant it was all cooked (‘alan to cook; sz appears to be
the principal stem; ‘odjaw =‘odju all; -an past inexperienced;
-4 perfect)
‘a x! v’sdals‘odjawan all went down to it (fa to; is[%]; dal to go; s
[2]; Sodjaw =‘odju all; -an past es nenedeed
Lt! v'L!lada‘odjawan all went down to it (7’t/ada [%]; ‘odjaw = ‘odju
all; —an past inexperienced)
Lu’ qué a’na UV 2’sdafodjawan he took all into the canoe (1% canoe;
gu there; é=*é into; 4a’na his cwn; ésda stem; -fodjaw = -Sodju
all; -an past inexperienced)
4. -Sski applied to an action that fails of accomplishment, or per-
haps to one that nearly succeeds.
§ 20
BoAS] HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 241
kliwa'i ge. U xa’ ptagoaskid’si he almost went flying through the
doorway (kliw=kliu doorway; ai the; gei into; zap probably
means quickly; tagoa [%]; -ds1 participle)
la da’ ytnskia’ gadjiugan he hunted for it in vain (da’yin to hunt;
rest uncertain)
get xt! dayi’nskiya’t Lu when they found nothing there by
- hunting (ger into; dayim to hunt; -y perfect; ai the; Zu when)
gado’ ¢ ge’ tskian I could i in no way g net them (gado’ around [always
used with this stem]; ¢ I; get stem; -an [?])
5. -goan. <A frequentative best translated by the English word
ABOUT.
l xeti’t tce!i’ntgoangas he went about hunting birds (zeti’t birds;
tcelin to shoot or hunt; 2 perhaps euphonic; -ga to go; -s
participle). See also 27.27
ga’yingoatias it was floating about (gay-=gai- floating; -i7 on
water; -4s participle)
go ngan da’nat la na’ugoan ga’odi after he had lived along with
his father for a while (gdm man’s father; -gam his own; da’nat
in company with; na to live; @ auxiliary; -goam along or
about; ga’odi after a while)
la la v’na-tigoan ga’odi after he had remained with his wife for a
while (7’na to marry; -@ auxiliary; ga’odi after a while)
6. -gt the completion of action; also, sometimes, continuation, in
’ which case it probably means continuation to the end.
la geitgidaga’s 2 Lu when she had finished (gett to become; -da aux-
iliary 5 gai the; Zu when)
la sugi/gat Lu w fee he was through talking (sw to talk; gai the)
la qinigv’ Ugwast they looked at it for some time (la they [with “gw =
-go|; gin stem TO LOOK; -asi participle)
rao g” tadjugi’ganan the raven always sat upon it (rao [2]; g” at
or upon; ta probably a classifier; dju stem [?]; -gav continua-
tive; -an past inexperienced)
7. -dé asuflix that seems to define the action as having taken
place at a certain particular place and moment. Its use is
not so pronounced in the Masset dialect as in Skidegate.
qtal tgat k!a’tdala q!as goxa'godiés some small black-skinned per-
sons held burning pitchwood then (q/al skins; égat black; k/at-
short or small; -dala plural with adjectives [$39]; q/as pitch-
wood; go- burma: za inanimate pl.; -go to be somewhere;
-és participle)
la rind’ idigandi xan at the moment when she was striving to
disentangle it (zi- with the hands [2]; mam probably stem; -di
seems to be determinate suffix used twice; -gan continuative;
xan thus, at that moment)
44377—Bull. 40, pt 1—10 16 § 20
242 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 40
gu la ta’idiasi he lay right there (gu there; tai to lie)
l’ gaxa’di at the time when he was a, boy (gaza boy)
This suffix is used very often before qa’odt.
lV’ siidi qa’odi after he had cried 7.7 |
8. -wt or -ul TO DO A THING EARLY IN THE MORNING.
Qlana’i tla’ga t q!a’o-ulas I sit early in the morning at the
mouth of Q!ana’fi river (Q/ana’i river name; t/a mouth of;
-ga at; ¢ 1; q!a to sit; -o auxiliary; -as participle)
gana’ i ge’itulas (the weather) becomes like this early in the
morning (gana’n like; geit stem 1T WAS SO; -as participle)
yd'nana ta’igtiulia’t Lu when it was cloudy (or foggy) early in
the morning (ydé’nana clouds or fog; tar to lie [close to water];
gin on water; ai the; zw when)
l lé’uliga it is fine weather so early this morning (/@ good, fine) -
nan k!wai'yagas k!odar’go-utaiyan one brother lay dead in the
morning 77.33 (k/oda- dead; 1- classifier; go to lie)
9. -€2fia’ marks potentiality.
Vsin rgao xt! xadatind riguida'nst he thought he might restore
them (i’siz again; rgao new; x! he [plural because a great hero
is speaking]; xada human being; -a7 continuative [2]; -gad to
think; -4n continuative [contracted before s]; -si participle)
gina atl latina’ wa’ tuxan la’gi La i’sdas he gave him all things
which might make him happy (gi’na things; at with; la good
or happy; wa’Luxan all [wa+ Lu+aanj; gi to; t’sda gave)
skan, sta’iga tgqua t sgasga’itlina’ blockhead, I can knock out
your labret (skan blockhead; sta’i labret; -ga possessive; 1rgua
a sort of adverbial interjection, whatever it is; 2 1; sqasga’it
to knock out)
gam gu ‘anidan ga tlala’n Vnatinaiius may we not leave fresh
water with you? (Masset) (gam not; gu interrogative particle;
fan fresh water; dan you; ga to; tlala’ni we; i’na stem; -an
continuative [?]; -ws interrogative sufhix )
livia’ may also be employed as the stem of an independent verb
and as an adjective.
tL! do'na k!adana’sis i V tha’yan she made it so that younger
sisters are wise (Masset) (z/ indefinite; dd’na younger sisters;
k!adana’ wise; -s participle; -is probably contracted form of
verb TO BE; @% general demonstrative; tia stem; -y perfect;
-an past inexperienced)
Nanki'lstas titia’t he who was going to become Nanki’lstas, or
the potential Nafki/Ilstas (Nan one; kil- voice; sz stem; -as
participle [all meaning ONE-WHOSE-VOICE-IS-OBEYED]; ai the)
§ 20
i
|
3
|
E
Boas] HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 243
ahao qait tina’t hao idja’ni wansi’ga those were the future (or
potential) trees, they say (a this; hao general demonstrative ;
gait trees; tina’i the potential; hao general demonstrative;
idja to be; -am past inexperienced; wanst’ga quotative)
It is also often used in the formation of names.
§ 21. Stems in Terminal Position, Fourth Group
All of these except two are nothing more than incorporated adjec-
tives.
1. yw’ BIG.
la gana yi’ andayagan he had it very thick 33.9 (ga’na thick;
-da to cause [$18.2]; -y perfect [§23.2]; -agAn past inexperi-
enced [§23.2])
la’gan sk lilyi’ anas it was very crowded for her (gan for; sk/il a
crowd; -as participle [§25.7])
? 1a x! daoyw’ Anas they came near him on the opposite shore in
a very great crowd (1a7 abreast of on shore; dao to go to get)
V qoanyitt’anan they were very many (/’ they [sing. used for pl.];
qoan many; -An past inexperienced [§23.2])
2. Aj REAL.
ga'lga-geitdjil’ gat tu when it became quite dark (ga’l night,
~ dark; -ga [%]; gett to become; gai the; rw when) _
gi la gwaodjiti’gasi he really did not care for (it) (gi for; gwao
stem NOT TO CARE FOR; -ga auxiliary [§18.5])
di sk lisidjiti’ga I am truly full (di 1; sklisz to be full [perhaps
compounded of sk/4 and sz]; -ga auxiliary TO BE)
la’gi la dayi’nskidjiti’gas he was absolutely unable to find him
(gi to or for; dayi’n to find; -ski in vain [$20.4]; -ga auxiliary
TO BE [$18.5]; -s participle)
3. La@’gAf THE FIRST.
nati la geitgi’ gara’ganas he finished a certain one first 33.2 (nai
one; gett to become; -gi completed action [$20.6]; -ga auxiliary
[§18.5]; -as participle)
gila kia’ ganraganagan he asked for him first 33.26 (kia stem; -gan
continuative [$24.1]; -agAn past inexperienced [§23.2])
|. go’'da (Masset ‘oda) THE Last. Originally this appears to have
been the word for Burrocks. In the Masset dialect it is
used as a connective meaning AFTER.
La ga ta’gagotstas the ones he ate last (za [%]; ga the ones; ta
stem TO EAT; -ga auxiliary TO BE [%]; -got last; sz stem; -as
participle)
§ 21
944 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 40
5. SgYOdN FOREVER, OF FOR A LONG TIME. This is derived from the
same stem as sgoa’nsii ONE, sgu’nxan ONLY.
ga’'iqu hao Vl tev’ageitsgoanan wanst’ga he came to have a place
there forever, they say (gai the or that; gu there; hao general
demonstrative; tcia a place; geit to come to; -am past inex-
perienced; wansti’ga quotative)
la’ga la danda’ostasgod’nanasi he pulled his [spear] out for good
(-ga possessive; dami- by pulling; dao to go and get; sta
to move from a place; -am continuative [§24.1]). See also 69.9
The numerals from two up are suffixed to take the place of ordinals,
numerals, and numeral adverbs.
la gotria’tclasta’nsana’i Lu after he had swallowed four times, or
the fourth time (gotria stem [%]; -te/a motion into [§22.1];
-sta/nsan four; -ai the; tw when)
atha’o la la teliga’stianan . . . he shot him twice with it (at
with; hao general demonstrative; tc!/i- by shooting [§14.2];
ga stem; -stian=stin two; -ami past inexperienced [§23.2])
gutge’ista tA la dandjistare’itas he pulled apart five times (gut
together; gei into; sta from; dan- by pulling [$14.4]; djista
stem [?]; -zeid five; -as participle)
§ 22. Fourth Group: Locative Suffixes '
1. =tcla or -/clt indicates motion or action into something, espe-
cially a house.
klhia'lu aut gi la kli'sxtclis he brought a cormorant in to his
mother 27.27 (kid’lu cormorant; au mother; -um his own;
gi to; k!u- classifier [§15.15]; sz stem; -s participle [§25.7])
da’te!t la t/srtelfas he brought in a wren 27.31 (da’te!i wren; L-
classifier [$15.20]; sz stem; -s participle)
l’ gatc!la’yas he came in (ga stem; -ya perfect; -s participle)
ga'gei la gi'ntclayas he looked into some houses (ga some; ger
into; gin stem; -y perfect [$23.7]; -s participle)
2. -gua direction of action out of something, especially a house.
La la da'oxaostaqua'gawan wansii’ga they ran out of the house to
him: quickly, they say (Ja they [with suffix -gaw—=-go]; dao to
eo to get; xao- quickly [$17.3]; sta stem; -ai past inexperi-
enced; wansii’ga quotative)
la gi la gingua’gast she looked out at him (gi at; gin stem; -ga
auxiliary; -st participle)
l’ a’ndjigoagai Lu when he put his head out (andji erect; gat
the; zw when)
1 See also § 19.2-4,
§ 22
Boas] HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 245
kliwa’s ga la gid’xagoasi he stood at the door cutside (kliw=khiu
door; ai the; ga at; gid stem; -xa suffix of unknown signifi-
cance; -goa out; -si participle)
3. =2ut or xual (Masset -gué or -gual) has a meaning similar to
the above, but in this case actual motion out is always meant.
la garud’/lan wansii’ga he went out, they say 29.38 (ga stem;
-am past inexperienced; wanst’ga quotative)
studja' gadanai isin da’ nat la qa’ruts he also went out with the
woodpecker 29.46 (szudja’gadan woodpecker; -ai the; 7@’stn
also; da’nat with; ga stem; -s participle)
V ra’/lga qarud’lasi her husband went out (zal husband; -ga pos-
sessive [$28]; ga stem; -asi participle)
lV qa’qualan he went out of doors (Masset) (ga stem; -an past
inexperienced)
gam hawi’dan V qaguta’anan he did not go out quickly (Masset)
(gam not; hawi’dan quickly; @’ carries accent; -ai negative)
4. =-t!adj ACROSS A BODY OF WATER, especially an arm of the sea.
Sv’k!a kun sa 6 V sa’int!adjan he went across to Sik!a point to
hunt (Masset) (Si’k/a name of a point; kun point; ‘a to; 6
general demonstrative; sa’in stem; -an past inexperienced)
Lt! rido'tladjan they went across the harbor (Masset) (xi by
canoe [$14.27]; dd to go to get; -an past inexperienced)
waia xt! xi’tladjani they brought them across to it (Masset)
(wa it; ‘ato; ristem; -an past inexperienced; -i perfect)
q!a’datladjasi (he) threw across 73.42
5. -sgi@m ACROSS A STRIP OF LAND, such as a peninsula.
‘al qa’sgiénani he went across to it (Masset) (‘a to; ga stem; -4n
past inexperienced; -? perfect)
wagui' ga’sqiénan he went across to a distant point (Masset)
(wa it; gua toward [with motion]; g@ stem; -an past inex-
perienced [§ 23.2})
6. =#/A€ or t!41 MOTION DOWNWARD.
tev’war u'ngei kitt!a pha’ ot!alsi it stuck into the floor-planks from
above (teiw=tcu plank; ai the; wn on top of; gei into; kit- by
a stick [§ 14.13]; t/apha’o stem [%; -st participle)
Inaga’t dala’inga ta kitgu’t!atdaasai I will tip over your town
(Ina =lana town; gai the; dala’n you [pl.]; -ga possessive; ta I;
kit- with a stick; gi stem; -da to cause; -asan future [§ 23.5])
sitqu’ gai la gaxia’tlalagan he descended to his home (sit back;
gui toward [with motion]; -gam his own [§ 28]; gavia’ stem [2];
-agAn past inexperienced [§ 23.2])
§ 22
246 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 40
la x! ga’t!attagandasi they let him off first (q@ stem; za [%];
gAn=gan continuative [§ 24.1]; -da to cause [§ 18.6])
x! dadjit!atdar'yagani they pushed (it) down 45.15
7. -— MOTION UPWARD.
l’ qa’itdi qa’odt after he had gone up for a while (ga stem; -dé
determinate suffix |§ 20.7]; ga’odi after a while)
U klutra’ stata he spits water upward (k/ut- with the lips [§ 14.16]; -
tu- probably a classifier; sta stem; -fa up)
naga’i ga la qa’itst he went up to the house (na house; gai the; ga
to; ga stem; -st participle)
l da’iandjitas he pulled it up out of the water (da7- by pull-
ing; andji erect; -as participle)
t! qiigatasi they went up to see 12.4
8. =-sga (Masset s°@) MOTION TOWARD AN OPEN PLACE, particularly
toward the open sea, toward the fire.
qgladarud’ ta sa’ana q!a’usga come down toward the sea and sit
idle 29.4 (qlada seaward; -rua toward [without motion]; fa
imperative particle; sa’ana idle; q/a to sit; -u auxiliary)
ta’djitsgas the wind blew out of the inlet (tadjz wind; # [%))
l’ xa’ gatsgas she stretched her arm seaward to grasp (something)
31.22 (wa- by grasping; gat stem; -s participle)
ta/lan da’ nat q!a’wosga sit down by the fire with your husband
(zal husband; -47 own; da’nat with; g/@ stem; -o auxiliary
[§ 18.1])
9. -gtt or -gial MOTION TOWARD A SHUT-IN PLACE.
’ ga’istgits it came in and floated (gai- floating; sz stem; -s par-
ticiple)
l gaxiagia’ lan wansii’ga she started into the woods (ga stem; xia
perhaps =ait to start; -av% past inexperienced; wansii’ga quo-
tative)
lV goda’/lgialan wansii’ga she moved farther inland, in a sitting
posture (goda buttocks; 1 [%]; -a% past inexperienced; wan-
sii'ga quotative)
gwa’iyé <a’ ri’qagatawan they went up to the island (Masset)
(gwai island; yé=ai the; ‘a to; I’ they [with suffix aw =-];
tu- by canoe [§ 14.27]; ga stem; -gat landward; -an past inex-
perienced) :
la squ’gagatgits he swam ashore 12.11
10. -Lfaca (Masset -L/a) TOWARD ANYTHING.
l’ stv’ tx!zagai Lu when he came back toward (it) (sti?stem; gai the;
Lu when)
la ruga’t!xagoas they approached by canoe 39.5
§ 22
a t
’ \
e .
aoe es ae ae
Boas] HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 247
la gu la q!a’ot!xayah wansi’ga it came and got on it, they say
(gu on; g/a stem TO siT; -o auxiliary; -2 perfect [§ 23.7]; -an
past inexperienced; wanst’ga quotative)
la dana'ndjit!zas he pulled it out head first 29.26 (dam- by
pulling [§ 14.4]; andji erect; -s participle)
aw nh gi la xagar!agi'lga nasi ie brought it up to his mother (Mas-
set) (au’i=ao MOTHER+-ai HIS OWN; gi to; xa- inanimate
objects [§ 15.26]; ga stem; -gil shoreward; -ga7i continuative
[§ 24.1)
() ga-istt!xa’s he came floating 7.8
11. -gia or gt UNDER WATER.
Ll ga’ogias it vanished under water (gao stem; -s participle)
Lua’? dagu'l gi gatgia’ sit (the arrow) fell into the water at the side
of the canoe (zu canoe; ai the; dagu’l side; gi at; gat stem;
-si participle) ,
wa’ ger la gv’hatgiasi they poured it into (the ocean) (wa it [ocean];
ger into; la they [singular used for plural]; gihaé [%]; -st par-
ticiple)
la la xi’dagias he let him down into the sea (vida stem; -s parti-
ciple)
12. -£ INTO A CANOE.
gu’ ger la qax’gasi he got into his canoe (gu there; get into; ga stem;
-ga auxiliary; -st participle)
la gi’ get la @’stqwas they got into the canoe with him (gu there;
ger into; la they [with -gw =-go]; is stem; -s participle)
la la gé tgatdayagan he got him into the canoe (gét stem; -ga aux-
iliary [2%]; da to cause; -i perfect [§ 23.7]; -agan past inde-
terminate)
la la gat’dagwas they took her aboard 41.8
Syntactic Treatment of the Verbal Theme (§§ 23-26)
23. Temporal Suffisces
1. -~gAn, sometimes = 420, indicates past events which the speaker has
himself experienced.
la x! telintgod@’ iigan they began shooting at them (that is, us) (la
them [singular form used for plural]; tc/in stem; ? probably
euphonic; -goam about)
ta nati si’ldagan I borrowed one (fa I; nam one; sil stem; -da
auxiliary)
L!a L! tcli’ntgoatizidan they started shooting at them (//4 them;
tclin stem; f eee -goan about [§ 20.5]; -xid paeimets
[$ 18.6})
§ 23
248 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bur 40
da’iaua aga’h t skia’gatgan I jumped into the stern (da’igua
stern; aga’i reflexive; £1; skia’ga stem [*]; -1 aboard [§ 22.12])
See the use of this suffix in the text on pp. 105-109, Bulletin 29.
2. -agAn (Masset -an or -gan) past events known to the speaker
only by report.
L dja’gala gi’ a EEE his wife left something for him (dja wife;
“gu BE gi a-inza [%]; -i perfect [§ 23.7])
lal’ sa ‘wagan she spoke to him (séw=su to speak)
la la i ‘nagealagan he married her (tna stem; -geal to come to
[§ 18.10])
nan Utina hao sqa’'badaxidagan a man began to set deadfalls 95.1
(nafia; Vlina man; sqa’ba deadfall; -da to make; -xid to begin)
Lué’ telasta’nsanan the canoe had four men (Masset) (cu canoe; -
é the; tc/a- people in canoe; sta’nsan four)
See the use of this suffix in the text on pp. 33-35, Bulletin 29.
Before wanst’ga, the quotative in the Skidegate dialect, this suffix
takes the form -ai.
A’'inga la sgotskida’ ian wansi’ga he struck his canoe with his
hands, they say 29.22 (4’iga his own; sgot with arms [$14.29];
skid contact; -G7 continuative; wansi’ga quotative)
gitga’h gan la gagoyd’ ian wansi’ga he was calling for his son,
they say (git son; -gan his own [§ 28.3]; gan Fon: gago [4]; E
Bee -ah continuative; wansi’ga quotative)
la é'sti ga’idai wansi’ga he also started off, they say (é’sim also;
ga stem; -id inchoative [§ 18.6]; wansi’ga quotative)
la la qa’gandagan wansii’ga she saved him, they say (qa@’gan to
save; -da to cause [§ 18.2]; wansi’ga quotative)
3. -gin events that occur or occurred habitually, and usually those
which the speaker himself has experienced or is experiencing.
a’thao gam “Da’gat”? han x! si/gaigangin therefore they were
not in the habit of saying ‘‘to-morrow”’ 35.4 (@’thao therefore;
gam not; da’gat to-morrow; han like it; su stem; -gan nega-
tion [§ 25. 3]; -gAm continuative)
gaga'nhao ta wa’ gaiigint that is the reason why I do so (gaga’nhao
' that is why [=gaga’n+hao]; ta 1; wa stem To vo; ~gan con-
tinuative; -gin =-gin usitative; -4 perfect [§ 25.6])
&4’/nLé wata 4 si t nilgi’nt T used to drink the water that was in it
(Masset) ((anz~ water; é the; wa it; fa in; 7’st was; ¢ I; nil
stem TO DRINK; -? perfect [§ 25.6])
ga di Eoa’gagint I used to be afraid of it (Masset) (ga something
indefinite; di 1; toa stem; -ga auxiliary [§ 18.5]; -t perfect)
§ 23
j
Boas] HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 249
4, -sga simple futurity.
sga’na-geda’s da’iga gea’xolgilga’nsga the supernatural beings
‘will not become tired of looking at you 31.4 (sga’na super-
natural; geda’s probably those that are so born [from ge TO BE
BORN, -da auxiliary, -s participle]; dan you; ga at; gea by
looking; ol stem; -gil probably -gil ro BEcoME; -gaén =-gan
continuative)
di gi sina’gasga no one is going to touch me 31.7 (di me; gi to;
sina stem; -ga auxiliary [§ 18.5])
dan t gingad’nsga I shall see you sometimes 31.13 (dan you;
£1; gin stem; -gan continuative)
5. -(a)sanv infallible future occurrence, similar to English you
SHALL.
[In both these suffixes the future element is probably -s, while -sga
contains also a declarative ending (-ga).—Ep.]
Ltua’i dan ta si’/ldadaasan I will let you have the canoe (zu canoe;
ai the; dan you; ta I; silda stem [?]; -da auxiliary)
dja'gan da da’ogasan you shall go and get your wife (dja wife;
-gai your own; da you; dao stem; -ga auxiliary)
l’ sga'lgatgaasaii he will conceal you (sgal 1st verbal stem To CoN-
CEAL; gat 2d verbal stem IT WAS LIKE THAT; -ga auxiliary)
gusu L! Vtlagidas ta’asah what will the chiefs eat (gasu what?
L! indefinite demonstrative; 7’x/agidas chief; ta stem TO EAT)
6. -gasan, -qasas, immediate or imminent future occurrence;
evidently compounded from the above.
a’dat di x! ta’nsangasan they will come to get me to-morrow
(a’dat to-morrow; di me; ta’nsan to come by sea)
git qa’ Lla‘angasan her child was about to come (Masset) (git
child; g@ stem; -z/a toward [§ 22.10]; -fan [%])
nan yate'ts i da'nat int !axangasaiigua the princess is going to
bring plenty of food (Masset) (nan the [becomes definite with
suffix -s]; yase’t chief's child; -s participle; a general demon-
strative; da’nat with; in stem; -z/a toward; -zam continua-
tive; -gua declarative)
L! lagand’ jiqasas they were about to make a feast (lagan to make a
feast; -@% continuative; -gasas imminent future followed by
participle)
7. -é, in intervocalic position y, perfect time.
igitgu’n awa’ gi la rtsttcla'yan wansi’ga he had brought in a
goose to his mother, they say (dgitgu’n goose; aw ao? mother;
-dnhis own; gi to; 1£- classifier [§ 15.20]; szstem; -tc/a motion
into [§ 22.1]; -am past inexperienced; wansii’ga quotative)
§ 23
250 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 40
dagalé’ga isin V xeti’t teli’ntgoangayas next day he had again
Boas out shooting birds (dagal the next day; @ the; -ga on;
asin again; xeti’t birds; tc!in to shoot; ¢ euphonic [%]; -goan
about [§ 20.5]; -ga auxiliary; -s participle)
la suda’yagant ila’ isda’st he did differently from the way he had
said (he would do) (su stem To say; da@ to cause; -agan past
inexperienced; -7 perfect; ila’ differently; is stem; -da aux-
iliary; -s? participle)
gana’xan la sii'dayagani so he had said (gana’xan so [from gana’n
LIKE; xan Just]; si to say; -da auxiliary; -agan past inexperi-
Reece -i perfect)
§ 24. Semi-Temporal Suffixes
Suffixes related to temporal suffixes, but defining the nature cr
time of the action more minutely.
1. -gan, -an, or -t7%. The common continuative or perhaps rather
habitual suffix, similar to the English form of the verb ending
in -ING.
awh gi la xagaz!zagi/lgafiasi he was bringing up things to his
mother (au’n [=a0 MOTHER+-a7 HIS own]; gi to; xa- by
erasping [§ 14. 24]; ga stem; -L!xa toward [§ 22.10]; gil shore-
ward [§ 22.9]; -si socher iss
gina at la na’ igaias he was playing with something (g?’na some-
thing; at with; nam stem TO PLAY; -as participle)
gitga’ii la gagoya’ ian wanst’ga he eid for his son, they say
(git son; -gan his own; ganoy sean stem [?]; -am past inex-
perienced [§ 23.2]; wansii’ga quotative)
Sometimes this suffix takes the form -xan or ran.
ga q!a’oranas the ones sitting there (ga the ones [indefinite]; g/a -
stem TO SIT; -o auxiliary [§ 18.1]; -as participle)
L! naxa’ndi qa’ odi after they had lived there for a while (na stem
TO LIVE; -di determinate suffix; qa’odi after a while)
L! taiza’ndi qa’odi after they had remained in bed for a while (tat
stem TO LIE; -di determinate [§ 20.7]; ga’odi after a while)
The occasional reduplication of this process has been referred to
in § 6.
§ 25. Modal Suffixes
The following have also a modal significance:
1. or fa indicating the imperative; placed before or after the verb.
di ta q!dsx let go of me with your mouth (di me; ta imperative;
q!o- with mouth; sz stem)
§§ 24, 25
Boas | HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 251
sti/tda ta let us go back (stit stem; -da auxiliary; fa imperative)
hai tga’nai di ga’nsta ta ki’nda now, cousin, be my herald (haa
now; tgan male cousin on father’s fide, ar ine di me; ga’nsta
for; me imperative; ki’n stem; -da auxiliary [s 25°.
gin tlét stu’nan t tc!a@/anu ‘an ista’i get only wet things for fire-
wood (Masset) (gin things; t/éf wet; s‘uwn only; -an just;
tc!a’anu firewood; ‘an for; ista stem [?]; -avm continuative)
With the auxiliary ga To Go, however, instead of £, -la is suffixed
to the verb.
han al si/dagala go and speak to it like this (han like; 4 this;
si stem; -da auxiliary; -ga auxiliary)
tc!a’anu da’ogala go and get firewood (te!a’anu firewood; dao
stem TO GO AND GET; -ga auxiliary)
tkia’gua na’gatdji'gala go and sit toward the door (kia side
toward door; gua toward; na’gat [%]; -dji it is of that sort;
-g4 auxiliary)
iget dala’ i teiaga’nsa ga t’sgogala go to the place where you are
going to settle (xget where; dala’i you [pl.]; tcia stem To
HAVE A PLACE; -gan continuative; -sa=san infallible future
[§ 23.5]; ga tay? is stem; -Jo plural [?]; -ga auxiliary)
2. -djan (Masset -tcin) is employed to indicate what is usually
denominated the first person imperative, both singular and
plural, LET ME, LET US.
ha’La tlala’i tce!a/anugadadjai come and let us make a fire (ha’la
come! tlala’n we; tc!a’anu fire; -ga -da auxiliaries [§ 18.5, 2])
hala’ dati gi t gi’ igatdjami come and let me adorn you 29.2 (hala’
come! dan you; gitoorfor; 21; gif- agent in general [§ 14.12];
gat stem)
ha’la tlala’ni gatga’ ath nd jak let us go over to look (ha’la come!
tlala’i we; gatga’nin |")
t!al gasa’tclin let us go away (Masset) (¢/4l we; ga stem TO GO;
-sa probably infallible future [§ 23.5])
3. gam (Masset ‘4%) NEGATION, always preceded by the negative
particle gam.
gam gina gut ¢ qeatga’ figan I saw nothing upon it (gam not; gi’na
thing; gut upon; #1; gea stem To SEE; ? euphonic or possibly
UP; -g4an past ee neciced)
sga Gea s gam la gut gaga’dagafigansga the supernatural
beings will never know it (sga’ na geda’s supernatural beings ©
[see § 23.4]; gam not; gut upon; gagdda [%]; -gan=-gan con-
tinuative [§ 24.1]; -sga future [§ 23.4])
§ 25
F52 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 40
. gam la si’udaganasi (he) had not told him 27.6 (si to say;
-da auxiliary; -si participle)
gam U a/ndanéanani he did not feel it (Masset) (gam not; ‘andan
stem [?]; -an past inexperienced [§ 23.2]; -? perfect [§ 25.6})
gam la ga xt! gi’dafanganan they did not give him food (Masset)
(gam not; ga indefinite things [feod]; gida stem TO GIVE
FOOD; -gan continuative; -an past inexperienced)
4. -udja, contracted sometimes to -ws, marks interrogation, and,
like the two suffixes last mentioned, is always preceded by a
particle (gua or gu) or by an interrogative pronoun.
dja ki’lstasi gasi’ihao dan gea’ga tisi/udjai say, chief, what has
happened to your brother-in-law? (dja say! ki/Iszasi chief
[WHOSE VOICE IS OBEYED]; gasi’n what? hao general demon-
strative; dan your; gea brother-in-law; -ga possessive; 4s
stem; w’udja =udja interrogative suffix; -an continuative)
axada’t qua ga galtlarsga’udja were the meshes of the net pulled
off? (axada’r the net; gua interrogative particle; ga indefinite
plural subject of verb, and agent of pulling; gal by pulling
[$ 14.20]; t/a- cinesiiite [§ 15.4]; 1 stem; -sga@ seaward [§ 22.8])
gasi/nzlao la dan @sta-udjai why did you tease her? (gasi/nz!ao
why? dan you; ista stem [?]; -ai continuative)
gasi’nt!ao tla dan qo’ yadardjuudjin why do you love it so much?
(gasi’‘ntlao why? ¢ [%; dam you; go’ya stem TO LOVE; -da
auxiliary [§ 18.2]; rdjw[?]; -wd7i interrogative; -% continuative)
Gua (Masset gu) or the pronoun may, however, be employed
independently.
da gua skid/nadi are you awake? (da you; skid’na stem [2]; -da
determinate suffix [§ 20.7])
gam gua qleiga’ia gan dala’i u'nsaatgav don’t you know any
stories? (gam not; qleiga’na stories; gan for [always precedes
u'nsaat]; dala’i you (pl.); u’nsaat stem TO KNOW; -gan
continuative)
dati gu L! vnsettidja were you married? (Masset) (dav you; zt! they
[used in lieu of passive]; ti to marry; ‘et principal stem)
da gu sta’gu tv’a-udja did you kill a land-otter? (Masset) (dé you;
sxA’gu land-otter; tia stem TO KILL)
gi’ sto é’dyin who are you? (gi’sto who? é’dji stem TO BE)
gasi'ntlao dan vdjyin what is the matter with you? (gasi’/nz!ao
what? dan you; 7%’dji stem TO BE; -h continuative)
gu’su tL! V1!eagidas ta’asah what will the chiefs eat? (gu’su what?
i! indefinite demonstrative; 7’1/xagidas chiefs; ta stem TO EAT;
-asafn future infallible occurrence and continuative)
§ 25
Boas] HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 253
5. -gua suffixed in the Masset dialect to declarative sentences in
direct discourse.
gam tao tlala’n da‘a‘a’nigangua we have no food (gam not; tao
food; t/ala’n we; data stem TO HAVE; 4m negation; -gan
Eomuinuative)
di q!o' tu fanz Vdjingua I have fresh water (di me; q!o’tu probably
means NEAR BY; ‘4nz fresh water; 7dji to be; -n continuative)
Lu di an qa’ Lias‘igangua a canoe came out for me (Masset) (ci
canoe; di me; ‘an for; ga stem TO GO; -z/a toward [§ 22.10];
-s7 =s'a seaward [§ 22.8]; -gan continuative)
di fan x! ‘a’yinginigua they used to call me (di me; £4n for;
Sayin stem [?]; -gin usitative [§ 23.3]; -2 perfect)
nah ULladas ‘a’-iyit tanda’gangua the chief’s blood is salt 22.14
(nar with following -s definite article; ‘a-i blood; tan sea-
water)
6. -? is a final vowel used very frequently after the past and usita-
tive suffixes. In most cases it may be employed or omitted
indifferently; but the cases in which there is a choice seem to
show that it closes the sentence, and so probably indicates the
completion of the idea.
~
LV gidatelia’t Lu la’gi la tisdagad’wagani when she brought food,
they gave them to her (gida to bring food to give to people;
tc!v into [§ 22.1]; -ai the; zw when; gi to; la they [with suffix
-gaw = -go|; -gan past inexperienced)
khd’thao tua’t a’inga la rgotga’yagant all that time he worked
upon his canoe (klid’/thao all that time [=k/d?-+the general
demonstrative hao]; nu canoe; ai the; 4’iga his own; 1- with
hands [§ 14. aon gotga to se fore -Yya pene [§ 23.7])
gaga’nhao ta wa'gangini that is the reason why I do it (gaga’nhao
' that is the reason [=gaga'n+hao]; ta 1; wa stem To vo; -gAh
continuative; -gin usitative [§ 23.3))
gam <a t qa’‘anginigua I did not go thither (Masset) (gam not;
‘a to; £1; ga stem TO GO; ‘47 negation; -gin usitative; -qua
declarative)
Possibly the 7 after -s is the same in meaning; but I doubt
whether it had the same origin.
Inaga’t gu x! q!0'datst they were in a starving condition at the
town (/naga’i the town; gu at; g/d- mouth [§ 14.23})
la qa’figast he dreamed (gai stem TO DREAM; -ga auxiliary)
la’ga ha’iluiast his (food) was gone (la his; -ga possessive; ha’ila
gone or destroyed; -asi participle)
§ 25
254 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 40
7. =s or -st@ is properly used in forming infinitives and participles,
but by some speakers it has come to be employed as the
equivalent of the past-temporal suffix. It indicates that
everything in the preceding clause or set of words is to be
taken as a unit, and so occasionally appears to have a
plural significance. It also has the force of AFORESAID, and,
after a noun preceded by nan, gives the indefinite article the
force of a definite.
la la te!i’gas he shot it
la la q!a'gadas he dried it
nah sgoa’na U gé’inas he saw one
Fd xetgu la’nas the Pebble-town people
nah Lgd’xetgu la’na a Pebble-town person
nah ta’oatawas one who was whittling, or the whittler
nan sqadja’sas the future brave man
nah sqadja’sa a future brave man
nah gara’gas the child, or one who was a child
In the Masset dialect it generally concludes a subordinate clause.
U vtiagidsels ru Nasto’ gu ‘aq!é’dadjan when he became a chief,
his mother was drowned at Nasto (i’z/agid chief; *éf to become ~
[$ 18.10]; -s participle; tw when; Nasto’ name of an island;
gu at; Saq!e’dad) |]; -an past inexperienced)
§ 26. Unclassified Suffixes
1. =a is suffixed to descriptive terms to form the names of instru-
ments, manufactured and store articles.
nidja’ nu mask (for derivation compare la atl’ ni/djavian wanst’ ga
he made an image of it, they say)
stland’nu that with which the hands are washed (=soap)
(sz/a- with hands [§ 14.11]; nai to play with or wash)
qlaixitaga’ nu round thing shaken (=rattle) (g/ai round-shaped
object [§ 15.18]; zit to shake; gam continually)
2. -Al a suffix used in speaking condescendingly, as to a slave, or
sometimes in a kindly manner, to one’s equal. It is also em-
ployed sarcastically, or in belittling one’s self, out of courtesy.
gana’ i hao la st’/ualda’lgan he spoke like that (as if speaking to
a slave) (gana’n like; hao that; si stem To sPpEAK; dal [2%];
-gAnr continuative)
ha’oskhén dan gia’ga qa’ganaa’ldas and yet yours will be safe
(ha’osklién and yet [=hao +connective sklién]; dan your: gia
thing, or property; -ga possessive; ga’gana stem TO BE SAFE;
-da auxiliary; -s participle)
§ 26
Boas] HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 255
dan go’ fuga A’ Idjiwar your slave-father (dam your; gon man ’sfather;
-ga possessive; djiw=dju he is of that sort; ai the)
dati na’tga a’'ldjiwai your slave-nephew (dam your; nat nephew;
-ga possessive ; A'ldjiwai [as aboye})
3. -aani? astonishment or wonder.
gam gua la get gi’na k!udju's i! qinga’ naant I wonder that they
do not see the object sticking into him (gam not; gua inter-
rogative; gei into; gi’na something; k/u- classifier [§ 15.15];
dju it was of that sort; -s participle; gim stem TO SEE; -gan
continuative)
gisi’sdo hao 1! waga’ani I wonder whence the people came who
did this (gist’sdo whence [contains sta FROM-and o general
demonstrative]; hao general demonstrative; wa stem TO DO;
-ga auxiliary)
4. -algiv appears to be identical in meaning with the above.
a’saga ési’n L! qla’gaatgin | wonder if I slept here (a’sa this place;
-ga in; ési/n also; x! I [literally THEY], often used for first
" person singular or plural; g/a’ga stem TO SLEEP)
wa tgu gina ge’ida t tagasa’algin what a small thing I am going
to eat! (wa that [thing]; zgu how or what; gi’na thing; ge’ida
it is so or it is like; ¢1; ta stem To EAT; -gasa probably -gasa
about to [§ 23.6])
st!ao hao gawaatgin I wonder if you have become witches (st/ao
witches; hao those; gawa stem)
5. da’ogo this is rather a particle than a suffix, but is usually
placed after the verb. It may be best defined as a sort of
dubitative, though its use is very varied. Sometimes its
meaning is conditional.
n-n-n hit!aga’n La’sta Vdjins at ta’staia da’ogo tsgwa'naxati
probably it is because she has been doing the same thing again
(n-n-n exclamation; hit!aga’n then; za’sta [7%]; idjins it is
[including stem, continuative, and participle]; at with; 7s stem;
-gwanh moving about [§ 20.5]; -ram continuative [§ 24.1])
hadjadi’a gasi’nt!ao di taiga’sa da’ogo alas! I wonder what is
going to become of me (hadjadi’a alas! gasi’nz!ao what! di
me; taiga’sa contains the infallible future [§ 23.5])
ndaruai gut gidjigi’da da’ogo la tda'itgax!zas lo! when he
pulled him out of the water, he only held together by the
joints (7’ndazxuai the joints; gut together; gidji to hold; gi [%;
-da causative; 1- by faadiaae [§ 14.26]; dan- pulling [§ 14.4];
L- classifier [§ 15.20]; ga stem; -z/za toward [§ 22.10]; -s par-
ticiple)
~
l
§ 26
BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 40
v tin t get k!wa’igar gao da’ogo the eldest son that I bore is as if
he were non-existent (7/iz male person; £1; gei to bear; k/wat
elder son; gai the; gao to be wanting or gone)
iget da da’ga da’ogo la 4 ‘sdan if you own a bow, take it along (dgét
bow; da you; da’ ga to own; ta imperative; i/sdan stem and
continuative suffix)
ki/lstai ha’la da ts da’ogo gat chief, if it is you, get into the canoe
(ki’lsnai the chief; ha’la come! da you; ¢s it is; g@ stem To
Go; -z aboard [§ 22.12])
gast’nt!ao ga gée’gasa da’ogo I wonder how things are going to be
(gasi'nz!ao how; ga things [indefinite]; gé@ probably for gét stem
TO BE LIKE; -gasa=qasa imminent future)
tlak!i/nga ha’'la da 4s da’ogo di gu qa’ t!xa grandchild, if it is you,
come to me (t/ak/i/n grandchild; -ga possessive; ha’‘la come!
da& you; ts itis; dime; gu at or there; ga to go; -z!xza toward)
tga da’ogo gut aga’ la kutrda’tdias becoming a weasel, he
climbed up (zga weasel; gut upon; aga’7 reflexive; kut- prob-
ably an instrumental prefix; z- classifier [§ 15.20]; da stem [7%];
-t up [§ 22.7]; -di determinate suffix [§ 20.7]; -as participle)
di dja’ga inagai gi guda@’ na da’ogo t tria’gas t qi’ngo look at the
man I killed who wanted to marry my wife! (di my; dja wife;
-ga possessive; tra to marry; gai[?] the; gi to or for; guda’na
to think or want; 21; tia to kill; -ga auxiliary; -s participle;
f imperative; giv stem TO LOOK, -go plural)
~
l
§ 27. Personal Pronoun
I me di
thou (subj.) da thee dant
he, she, it la him, her, it la
he, she, it (indef.) nan him, her, it Gindef.) nan
we tlala’ i us “Ld.
you (plural) dala’ you (plural) dala’ni
they L! them ul
they (indef.) ga them (indef.) ga
Another indefinite z might be added to these.
In the Masset dialect dam is used both for the subjective and
objective forms of the second person singular, while d@ serves as an
emphatic form.
The subjective series is used as subject of the transitive verb and
of active verbs, even when there is no object expressed. Objective
pronouns are used to express the subject of verbs expressing states
and qualities. Following is a short list of neutral verbs.
§ 27
BOAS] HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 257
k!dt!a to die gao to lie (plural)
geal, gitto become qlai’xa to be far away
stat to want vdji to be
tgoa to fear gaga(%) to be tired
u'nsat to know gata(?) to fall into
gao to be absent, gone gut to think
When pronominal subject and object accompany the verb, they
are placed preceding the whole stem-complex, the object being placed
before the subject. Only the third person plural 1! always stands
immediately before the stem-complex. The indirect object precedes
the direct object and is characterized by connectives (see § 31).
§ 28. Possession
1. -ga@ (Masset a). Possession of an object by a person other than
the subject of the sentence is expressed by the objective pro-
noun preceding the noun, and by the suffix -ga (Masset -‘a).
In the Masset dialect this suffix is used only rarely. We find
the noun either without suffix or with the suffix -gia.
(a) The possessive forms of terms of relationship are formed by the
objective pronoun and the suffix -ga, which is attached to
the noun.
U dja'ga q!a'gada'si his wife dried it 288.12 * (dja wife)
di go’nga di gi ginge’idan my father put paint on me 290.8 (di
my; gon father of male; di me; gi on; giii- to cause [§ 14.12])
Wa'nagan gi'tga hao tdja’gan that one was the son of Wa’nagan
B 87.17
Qa’L-qonis gidja’isa I'tgas gi’d'a inaté’lan Qa’L-qons’ daughter
married I’igas’ son (Masset) 394.10 (gadjai daughter ; g"it son;
ana to marry; -*é to become)
(6) In terms expressing transferable possession the noun takes
neither the pronominal element nor the suffix, but both are
combined and precede or follow the noun. At the same time
the noun takes the suffix -¢.
Skidegate Masset
my na’ ga di’na
thy da’iga da’iika
his la’ ga Va’na
our v Laga ULlana
your dala’ iiga
their Lia’ na
! References in this section indicate page and line in John R. Swanton, Haida Texts (Publications
of the Jesup North Pacific Expedition, vol. x), except that references preceded by B indicate page and
line in John R. Swanton, Haida Texts and Myths (Bulletin 29, Bureau of American Ethnology).
44877—Bull. 40, pt 1—10 § 28
258 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 40
da qua gataga’-i na’ga isdav' yan? did you eat my food? B 45.4 (da
thou; gua question; ga- something; ta to eat; -ga-i it)
tua’-i la’ga sta’’gasi his canoe was full 288.10
ga'odjiwa-i la'ga x! ski'datiasi they beat his drum B 13.16
La’qudjé t dist’ di’na @’sdi take my mat from me! (Masset) 753.29
(lagus mat; fimperative; di me; st’ from; di’na my)
l’ ke’ Sado’ la’na xt! gudaqwa’nan they thought about its name
(Masset) 741.19 (kié’ name; ‘add about; gut mind)
tclidalana’-. isin Liana V gi*odjuwé . . . that he also take all
our arrows (Masset) 660.19 (te/i’dalan arrow; -‘dd7a all)
Inaga’-1 xa’da-i da'néa hi'lugan your town people are destroyed
(Masset) 740.22 (lana town; xa’da. people; hi’lu to destroy)
teli’dalana-r L!a’na sag* t x’gaxtatela’san I shall swim for their
arrows (Masset) 663.3 (te/i’dalan arrow)
In some cases the pronoun precedes the noun.
L! stla’sil L!a’nha x! gé’nganhan they saw their footprints (Masset)
281.13 (st/a’sil footprint)
(c) Terms expressing parts of the body do not take the suffix -ga;
but either take only the objective pronoun indicating the
possessor and a vocalic ending, or they repeat the pronominal
possessive-like terms expressing transferable possession.
V kli'da la’ga la qarai’yagan he sharpened its bill for it B 59.25
l’ rleadji la’ ga the crown of his head B 13.4
l’ ga'dji qleitg!a’-itzidia’~i Li when he cut its head off B 12.14
(gas head; qg/ét- with knife [$14.22]; -rid to begin)
l’ stla-i V ral qé’nian her husband saw her hands (Masset) 4380.24
(st!la hand; zal husband; qéi to see) ’
2. -E. A weak vocalic suffix is used with terms expressing parts of
the body. Words ending in a vowel, n, 7, 1, do not take this
suffix, while others seem to transform the surd terminal into a
sonant; s becomes dj before it. The same forms are used in
Masset with terms of relationship.
(a) Words ending in vowels, n, 7, or L.
‘0’dé zie’ the eagle’s wing (Masset) 771.2
7’ Lladas ‘ai the chief’s blood (Masset) 779.14
l’ qo'li his legs (Masset) 332.38
l’ sxlik!u'n her finger nails (Masset) 507.8
l’ tclin ‘a’<ada between his teeth (Masset) 331.19
l’ x él its neck part B 79.37
l’ xan his face B 10.4
tci’na-i gal the salmon skin B 13.5
§ 28
BoAS] HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 259
di gi'da t w’nani marry my daughter! (Masset) 514.8
U nan V sudar’an said his grandmother to him (Masset) 670.4
(b) Words ending in consonants other than n, i, l.
lV kli’gt ya opposite its heart (Masset) 294.25
di k!dq’ my heart (Masset) 298.24
dan qa’dji thy head (Masset) 301.5
lL’ klo’ta its beak (Masset) 498.4
V kli’da its beak B 59.25
V ga’djv his head 12.14
lV sku’dji its bones B 8.13
3. -géa@ means originally PROPERTY, but in Masset is now sometimes
used as equivalent of ga.
V ‘on gia gi’naga-i hi’lawan his father’s property was destroyed
689.18 .
zansi'lot gia Lué’ sea-anemone’s canoe (ransii’/lot sea-anemone;
Lu canoe)
da’ngia Inaga’it xada’i your town-people (/naga’t the town;
zada’t people)
nan vtinas gia ta’we the man’s food (nan ilinas the man; tao
food)
Sometimes it appears instead of di’na, signifying My, MINE; as—
dala'nh ttanogi’s Li t gia’gan na-r ‘i isda'lgatatwan dala’ni wa’- -
Luwan a after you have eaten let all go up to my house
gia’gan na-i at tela’nu yi’ an ta’ola make a big fire in my house
giagan <ado’ lao x! *é’sgaga’n but they were unsuccessful with
mine
4. -g Afi or -an (Masset =A”) expresses possession of an object by the
subject of the sentence.
(a) The possessive forms of terms expressing relationship and parts
of the body are formed by suffixing -gai or -an (Masset -47)
to the noun possessed.
dja’gan gi xagwa’-i la tgua’si he carried the halibut toward the
woods to his wife 288.12 (dja wife; gi to; xagu halibut; 1- with
hands [§14.26])
gvigan v'sin t qinga’nsga I shall see my son also 291.1 (git child;
i’siti also; 1; -sga future)
a-u'n at la kidé’natias he asked his mother 289.9 (as mother; at
with; kidé’n to question)
klo’lan Lui la daiigi’statia’-i she had it even with her knees 291.7
(zu even; dan- by pulling [$14.4]; gi- flat thing; sta- to move
away from; -2 up)
§ 28
260 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 40
vana’n t risku’nagut clean your eyes (Masset) 649.23 (xan face,
eye; ¢ imperative; z- by touching [§ 14.26])
(b) Separable possession is expressed by the pronoun 4’figa (Mas-
set 4’7i‘a).
tua’-i dji’na a’inga la sgotskida’nan he struck the edges of his
canoe with his hands 288.4
glal da’nat a’nga la qazua'lan wansii’ga he went out with his
skin 289.7
f4’neé far gi’'we ansa’ l’ isdar’yan he put his fish trap into the
creek (Masset) 518.15 (f4’nzé creek; ‘az in; gi’u fish trap)
gi'we a’néa l gea’ian he looked at his fish trap (Masset) 518.20
§ 29. Plurality and Distribution
Plural Suffixes with Nouns
1. -LA% is used principally with terms of relationship. It is also
contained in the pronouns tlala’i we, dala’ni YE.
qga’galanh uncles B 27.13 (qa’[ga| uncle)
na’tgalah nephews B 63.24 (nd@’t{ga] nephew)
sqa’'ngalan aunts (sqa’n[ga] aunt)
ya'galan parents B 45.31
a’ogalam parents B 59.1
klwai’galan elder brothers B 37.10
2. -djtt occurs with some words indicating human beings.
vtina a male human being
ita’ndjidai male human beings
za'ldan slave
ralda’ndjyidai slaves
git a servant or low caste person
gv dyidai low caste persons
The Distributive Suffix
3. -xa is used after numerals, connectives, and nouns.
sti’haa two apiece (stii two)
Leitxa five apiece (ze’tt five)
gado’xa round about (gado’ around)
dji/nxa in the neighborhood of (djin near)
tcaga’nva around under the ocean-water (tcaga’n the ocean-
water)
tk !t/nza about in the woods (tk !é’n woods)
l’ stlecgia’lagan he became angry B 95.3
§ 29
Boas] HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 261
§ 30. Demonstrative and Interrogative Pronouns
The essential demonstrative elements are a and wa, which are often
used alone; but there are also several demonstrative adverbs com-
pounded from these, such as the following:
a’djxua over here (near by) wa'nan farther off!
wa’djzua over there (at some a’nis this region, ete.
distance) wa'nis that region
a’gusa here a’igui this way
wa’ gusa there wa’gui that way
a’si, atdji’, atsv’ this thing a’rgan right here.
Interrogative pronouns are all built upon three stems by means of
suffixes. These stems are gi or gis WHERE? gis WHAT? and gasi’i
wHy? or HOw Is IT? and the two former may be related to the con-
nectives gi and gu (§ 31). WuHo? appears to be formed by adding
the connectives sta and hao to gi, making gi’sté (literally FROM WHERE
ARE YOU?%).
Other variant interrogative pronouns are built upon the stems in
a similar manner: gi’sgét, gisi’stahao, gi’ Lgan, WHERE; gil’su, gi’ sgiao,
WHAT?; gasi’nd, gasi’nhao, gasi’ni!ao, WHY or HOW? Gis is often
duplicated into gii’gus. The s which occurs throughout most of
these forms very much suggests the interrogative particle (sa) in
Tlingit, and is one of the features which suggest community of origin
for the two languages. These interrogatives and the indefinite
pronouns are also used in place of our relatives; the indefinite z in
conjunction with gu (zgu) being frequently so employed.
Modifying Stems (§§ 31-33)
As already stated, this group of stems includes post-positions,
conjunctions, adverbs, and interjections. They may be most con-
veniently classed as—
(1) Connectives
(2) Adverbs
(3) Interjections and expletives
§ 31. Connectives
These are a series of words used to bind together the various parts
of a sentence and also to connect sentences, and they thus perform
the functions of our prepositions and conjunctions. It is evident,
from the manner in which they are employed, that they depend very
closely upon the verb, and in some cases they are quite essential
7 §§ 30, 31
262
portions of it.
connectives:
at or at with, of
a’thao for that reason
atguiw’ as soon as
atza’nhao as soon as
a@’xand near
A’ta because, for
atti therefore
Aldji’ alu therefore
uiéd now
uié’dhao now
u’ngu on top of
u'ngut on top of (motion thither)
i’naat at the same time as
7’sgién and (connects nouns)
ya straight opposite
hao that (very general meaning)
ha’ohao for that reason
dji’ngi alongside
dji’ gugut behind
da to (Masset dialect)
dagu'ltu alongside of
da’nat with (close company)
di’/tgi back toward the woods
tla’gi opposite
tla’ga on account of
tla'tga while
t/é’sta towing or dragging
sa above, up
su/uga among
svager above
sila’iga after
sta from, after
sklid’xan although
ga’wan without
gai the or that
ga’/ista after that, from that place
gana’ nh like
gana’xAn as soon as
gi (Masset ga) to or for
gia’ogi at the end or edge of
gen and (usually WHEN)
gu at, there
gua toward
§ 31
BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY
[BULL. 40
The following is a fairly complete list of the
gui toward (with motion)
gut with, together with
gutsta apart, from each other
gu'tqi together
gu'tga together
gwa'di seeking
ku'ngasta ahead of
kwa’gi above
k lia’ oga for
kdl every time
ga in or to
ga’atga between
ga’ atger between (with motion)
gado’ around
gan for (purpose)
gansta to
gaga’n on account of
go’da behind
go'tgado around behind
go’ Laga after (compare zLga and
~ go'da)
ger into |
ge'ista out of
ga'odi after a while
ga’sdihao after that
qa’ tv inside of
galigu’t upon the inside of
qati’gei into the inside of
q!o'lga near by
qlo'igasta’ from near
qleu’gi in front of
q/ei’xa around in front of
zée'daxrua below (toward below)
xé’tgu down
xé'tgu down
zé’ti in the mouth of
Lu when
tga after
La’gu on the shore opposite
La’guda as soon as
La’xa near
LgvX£AN aS SOON as
iget against
BOAS] HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 263
A large number of these, it will be seen, are compounded from the
simpler connectives, for example:
a’thao (at + hao)
atquLa’ (at+gu+ Lu)
atza’nhao (at+the adverb xan
+ hao)
Ata (at+a in place of a verb
or clause)
Atw’ (at+hao)
Aldji’ atu (aldjv’ this + at + hao)
wié’dhao (wiéd + hao)
ha’ohao (hao + hao)
dv'tgi (di’da + qt)
saget (sa + ger)
sila’? ga ‘(sila’t the place + ga)
ga’ista (gai + sta)
gana’ xan (gand’ ih +x2An)
gu’tsta (gut+ sta)
gu'tgr (gut + qr)
gu'tga (gut + ga)
go ‘tgado (go'da + gad0’)
ge Usta (gei + sta)
qa’ odihao (qa’odi + hao)
gatigu’t (qa’li + gut)
gatige’t (qa'ti + ger)
qlolgasta (q!0' tga + sta)
Still other connectives are evidently compound, although one of
Thus:
a@’xana perhaps contains the demonstrative a and the adverb zan
u'ngu is evidently compounded of a connective un, not used
independently, and gu
u'ngut is compounded of wn and gut
inaat contains at
’sgién contains gién
dji’ngi contains gi
djv gigui contains gui and probably gi
dagu'lLu contains Lu
da’hat contains at
tla’gi contains gi and probably a non-independent connective t/a
tla’ga contains ga and t/a
tla’ éga contains ga
t/é’sta contains sta
sti/uga contains ga
sklid/xan contains van
gia’ ogi contains gi
ku’ ngasta contains sta and probably ga and kun POINT
kwa’'gi contains gi
klia’oga contains ga
ga ‘atga contains ga
ga ‘atgei contains get
gA ‘nsta contains gan and sta
q!0’iga contains ga
qlei’gi contains gi
gleu’xa contains the distributive sufhix «za
ve’daxua, xé’tgu, and xé’tgi contain gua, gu, and gi, ‘respectively,
with a connective zét
the elements may be rarely or not at all used alone.
§ 31
264 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 40
La@’gu contains gu and a connective La
La’guda contains 1a and gut
La’xa contains 1a and xa
Lgv’xan contains xan and perhaps 1a and gi ’
Still another non-independent connective seems to be used with
the reflexive suffix in g/@’naf FOR THEMSELVES. (4@’wan in the above
list is simply the past tense of the verb gao TO BE WANTING, and go’da
is the word for BuTTocKs. Gua and gui are probably compounded
of ga and get or gi respectively, with gu; and gut is perhaps from gu
and at, or else the suffix indicating motion (see below). Qa’li INSIDEs,
and 2@’/fi IN THE MOUTH OF, are also used as nouns, meaning the
insides of a man or animal, or a sound (body of water), and the inside
of the mouth, respectively. Gava’n is perhaps simply the continu-
ative verbal suffix duplicated.
Leaving out these affixes, therefore, along with a few others which
occur rarely, it seems as if the following list represented the stems
of the original connectives:
at or at stl gAn
uréd sta gei
un gar ga’ odi
ya gu qlot
hao gu qleu
dyin or dji guen ret
da gua Lu
dit kha Lga
tla ga La
tlat gaat lget
sa gad’
-t is suffixed to connectives to indicate motion of an object in the
situation specified by the connective.
sigeit la xi’ttgatdas he flew about above (sige above; -tt in that
place; zit to fly; fgaf moving about; -da to cause)
gam V na/dalan da isi’n 1! do'anganan UV k!ota’lan sile’t a after
he died, they did not call his nephews (Masset) (gam not; nada
nephew; -la7 plural; da[?]; 7si’n also; dd to go and get; -f4%
negation; -gaw continuative; -an past inexperienced; k/otal
stem TO DIE; -an past inexperienced; sile after; 4 stands for
do anganan)
L! xeti't L! v’steidani they put these before them (xet before; iste
stem [?]; -td inchoative [?]; -an past inexperienced; -¢ perfect)
4/nLé djine’t alongside of the stream (they went) (Masset) (anb
fresh water or stream; @ the; djin along by)
§ 31
BOAS] HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 265
§ 32. Adverbs
The position which adverbs take in the sentence, and their use in
general, connect them closely with connectives. Both are subordi-
nated to the verb in the same way, and the only difference lies in the
fact that an adverb does not refer to a substantival modifier of the
verb so directly as does a connective. The fact that adverbial
modifiers sometimes do refer to such a substantive (ia’, sa, etc.)
shows how close the relationship is. The simpler adverbs are the
following:
asin (Masset 7’sin) again, also di’da \andward
ila’ differently q!a’da seaward
yen truly sa up, above
yé’nk én very much sv’nah snuffling
hawi’dan quickly gua (interrogation)
hayi’ nr instead gam not
han (Masset hin) like, as fol- wan (Masset han) still, yet
lows rAnhgian answering, in reply
hatgunan closer Lan complete, ended
hit!taga’n (Masset hit!4’n) t/a however
then fa (imperative adverb)
hina’n only tnan a little
A second set of adverbs is formed by means of xan, which has very
much the force and function of the English adverbial ending -ry.
Such are:
wa’'lanaan really
ha’oxan still
deixan carefully
ku’nxan still more
kia’xzan outside
tgua’nixAn aimlessly, traveling at random
Many ideas expressed in English by adverbs are rendered in
Haida by a noun, or its equivalent, and connective:
q!a’gui northward or to the north
djagui’ seaward, toward the mouth of the inlet
gatgui’ up-inletward, or toward the head of the inlet
tadjrua’ toward the rear of the house
tkia’gua toward the door of the house
sgo'lagi to the right
sxd’angi to the left or leftward
32
266 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 40
§ 33. Interjections
The following is a list of interjections, or words of interjectional
nature:
a-i ah! or oh my!
aya no!
a’digua just hear! (an angry exclamation used by old people)
ana yes!
7 don’t!
i (disgust) dirty! ete.
it/e’i indeed! or is that so? or why! don’t you know?
wa or lengthened into wd-d-a pretty, nice!
yu'ya a feminine exclamation of terror
yula’dal an exclamation used by the Ninstints people when they
hear news, regardless of its quality
hai now!
hawi't quick!
ha’maya horrors! (a very strong expression)
hadjadi'a alas!
ha’ku now!
hala’ come! The Ninstints sometimes use zim instead of this.
hak or lengthened into hi’kukukuk look out! also the cry raised
when rushing on anenemy. It always indicates danger.
dja say! well!
t/agané’ lo! surprising!
ga’o ano or go’ano no!
gu’ gus tlagané’ wonderful! or surprising!
k!wai pray! wait! hold on!
gia pretty or nice (a Kaigani exclamation particularly)
qia/la idj@’zan an obsolete expression, used only by chiefs, and
indicative of intense anger
na here! say!
tan or ha’ostan enough! stop! (identical with the adverb zan)
t!na would that!
§ 34. Syntax
The verb almost always stands at the end of the sentence or clause ;
but where the speaker wishes to supplement some thought to what
he has just said, he may do so by introducing the essential part of it,
and adding a, which stands for the verb and modifiers just given.
wagand' can la isda’yagan nav djdadas a she did it that way,
the woman (did it that way) (wagand’xan that way [=wa +
gana’n+xan]; isda stem; -ya perfect; -agan past inexperi-
enced; nan the [with -s]; dja’da woman; a for tsda’yagan)
§§ 33, 34
Boss] HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 267
V ga@’idagan tadd’oagai si’tga a she started off, while those who
were after salmon were away (she started) (g@ to go; -id incho-
ative; -gan past inexperienced; tada’oagai they were after
salmon; si’dga while [literally, Iv THE PLACE]; a for g@’idagan)
l gar!xa'yagan ta’ nai dji’ngi a she came out of the woods, near
the sea-water (she came out) (ga stem; -z/xa toward; -ya per-
fect; -agan past inexperienced; ta’nai the sea; djin near; gi at;
a for gaz!xa'yagan)
la gan xt! @’xanagia’lagani la tga da’ogai a they came near her,
those that came after her (came near her) (gan for; @’xanastem
TO COME NEAR; -gidl to come to be; -agan past inexperienced ;
~1 eo Lga after; dao to come to get; gai the or those; a
for a’xanagia'lagani)
Occasionally a is omitted.
gién la g@’itg!a’isgittasi sin cgu lana é’sin and he threw it up hard
into the air, the sun also (gién and; gait hard or quickly; q/a-
classifier; sgit stem; -d up; -asi participle; sin sun; zrgu indeed;
la'na that one; é’sini also)
ga’ituhao i! taga’ yan wansi'ga ga'lar La’atge’ttst Lu at that time
they went off in a crowd, at the end of ten days (literally,
NIGHTS) (ga’iLuhao at that time; faga stem [ #]; “ya perfect; -an
continuative; wansii’ga quotative; gal night; ai the; za’aé ten;
geit to become; -si participle; pu when)
When the subject and object of the verb are nouns, the former
precedes; when they are pronouns, the order is reversed. A third
pronominal object is followed by one of the connectives, and is placed
before the other personal pronouns. When nouns and pronouns are
both used as subjects or objects, the pronouns usually stand nearest
to the verb, and exceptions to this are usually for emphasis:
Lan dant qi’iga I cease to see thee 31.5 (xan to stop; dan thee;
tI; gin to see; -ga declarative or auxiliary [?])
la i’sin la’ga-qa'gas he, too, went to him (7’sin too; ga to; gastem
TO GO; -ga auxiliary; -s participle)
dala’n tla L! ta’lgi la’gasga you, however, will be better than
the others (dala’i you [pl.]; 1/a however; ta‘lgi more than; la
good; -ga auxiliary; -sga future)
I have noted above, that a connective depending upon a verb may
stand at the very beginning of the sentence, the noun to which it
refers being either understood or expressed in the preceding clause.
Adjectives, connectives, and possessives used like connectives,
always follow the nouns to which they refer. When several adjec-
§ 34
268 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 40
tives depend upon one noun, they are apt to occur in an order exactly
the reverse of that observed in English:
go'djar tlét a’tdju the wolf, wet, small (the small wet wolf)
gina go'tgat sta’ pdjt a thing, blue, slim (a slim blue thing)
Subordinate clauses almost always precede those on which they
depend, though occasionally they may be inserted into the major
clause itself:
V tta’rui vi’adj UV tra’ gan la gan gidd’ hagan his friends (that) a
grizzly bear killed him thought about him (his friends
thought a grizzly bear had killed him) (¢ta’rwi friends or clans-
men; ¢i’adji grizzly bear; tia stem TO KILL; -agan past mex-
perienced; gan for [here About]; guda’na stem TO THINK; -gan
past inexperienced)
In the Masset dialect the subordinate clause usually ends in -s
(§ 25.7) and is followed by gién, Lu, or some other connective. This
is also found in the Skidegate dialect; but more often the subordinate
clause ends in gai. Masset sentences are usually introduced by
wa’'gién; and Skidegate sentences, by gié’nhao, wa'giénhao, Li’hao,
etc. It is often more convenient, however, to regard the sentence
they introduce as a clause coordinate with that which precedes.
This uncertainty always renders it difficult to divide Haida discourse
into sentences.
VOCABULARY (§§ 35-39)
§ 35. General Remarks
Haida stems may be most conveniently divided into two classes—
principal stems and modifying stems. The former class includes
those which we should call in English, verbs, adjectives, nouns, and
pronouns; the latter, post-positions, conjunctions, adverbs, and inter-
jections. ©
§ 36. Verb-Stems
The greater number of these consist of one syllable, and, in many
cases where more than one occur, it seems probable that they are
really compound. The following list includes all of those most com-
monly employed, along with a few rarely found. They are arranged
in the following order: (1) stems consisting of a single vowel; (2)
those of a single consonant; (3) a consonant and following vowel
or vowel-combination; (4) two consonants; (5) two consonants and
§§ 35, 36
»
Boas] HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 269
following vowel; (6) a consonant, vowel, and consonant; (7) two
consonants, a vowel, and a consonant; (8) stems of two syllables.
1. % to remain in one place or to ‘6. nan to grind or rub
sit nial or nit to drink
2. 1 to touch gin to go by sea
3. wa to do or make kidn to ask
dju to be of a certain sort or
kind
dao to go and get
ta to eat
tar to lie
tia to kill (one person)
su to say
gao to be absent or wanting
gia to stand
gue to come
kwa to strike
kiu to tie
k!wi to mention
xia to follow
xiao to hang up
go to lie
go (xa) to burn
ga to go (one person)
gé to give birth
gia to sit (usually followed
by auxiliary 7)
qa to sleep
q/a to laugh
qglot to hide or secrete from
the eyes
zao to fish
t/% to sit (plural)
4. st astem of very general ap-
plication, meaning to place
in a certain direction
5. sta to remove from a certain
place
st/é to be sick, angry, sad
Lgt to swim
Lru to creep
L!da to kill (many people)
tia to spit
kin to make a noise, as a
bird
k!él to be extinguished
zax to howl
rit to fly
zit to pick up
gat to run, to act quickly
geit to become
get to be like
zut to drink
xoat to steam
zon falling of a heavy ob-
ject, like a tree
sil to borrow
fin to start anything
tit to surround
. stit to return
skit to move so as to result
in contact
skit to club
skin to wake up
sgait to weep
sgot to hide
igat and gut to move around
. dba to chew up food, for a
child
idji or is to be
hailu to destroy
djapat to sink suddenly
daga to own
gidjt to seize
gisu to wipe
k!o’tat to be dead
gaxa to be weak
gotga to make
gaido to go to war
la’no to swear
§ 36
270
BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY
[ BULL. 40
Adjectives may always be used as verb-stems and so belong to this
category. The following are the principal:
ada different
yaku middle
yw an big (incorporated yi)
tatdjw’ half
tlet wet
sget red
nao(da) many
ga'da white
qgoan much
qo’na great, mighty
la good
tgat black
go'tgat blue
got last; also anoun meaning
Nouns like the following may also be used as the stems of verbs:
ya’nan clouds
tce!a’ano fire or firewood
na house
gida chief’s son
ta’ nia sea-water
More often the noun is followed by an auxiliary, and these
auxiliaries are used after verb-stems as well, though a few of them
may occur as entirely independent stems (see § 18).
§ 37. Numerals
The numeral system has become decimal since the advent of the
whites, and the word HUNDRED has replaced the original expression
that covered that figure; but the old blanket-count ran as follows:
—_
IF OO ONOOUR WN FE
sgoa’nsin
stin
tgu’nut
sta/nsin
Le it
LgA nut
djiquaga’
sta’nsa faa
Lali’ hgisgoanst’ hgo
Laat
La’ At war’ gi sgoa’nsin
La’ at wai’ gt stin
la’quat sgoa’nsin
La'quat sgoansi’ figo wai’ gi La’at
la’quat stim
la’quat stin war'gi La’at
la’quat tgu’nut
La’quat Lé'tt
la’quat La’ At
La’quat La’ at wai’ gi La’quat Le’it
La’quat 1a’ alé stin
la’gquat La’ alé xe’it
la’guat ta’ alé La’at
etc,
Boas] HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES Tl
It will be seen that the term for Four is derived from that for
two; the term for srx, from the term for THREE; the term for EIGHT,
from the terms for Four and two; and the term for TEN, from that
for FIVE; while NINE is simply TEN minus ONE.
§ 38. Nominal Stems
Following is a list of the simpler nominal stems, arranged in the
same order as the verbal stems given above. Since stems of two
syllables with a weak final vowel differ but slightly from those of one
syllable, I have given them before other two-syllable stems:
1. ao mother gait tree
2. al paddle gon moon
3. tcia place q!as pitch
tc/u cedar q/An grass
st lake
na house
gwar island
khu trail
av sunshine
. djat woman
tcin grandfather
tclin teeth
tlés rock, ledge
djil bait
sil place
sin day or sky
git son
qg!an hemlock
qlal clay
qg/al swamp
zat woman’s father, also
grave-post
gar blood rahi face
qa uncle zél neck
q!a harpoon zél hole
q/a north lén certain Tsimshian songs
klao salmon eggs tin root
rao juice 7. sqgot armpit
Lu canoe fgan male cousin
fav cranberries gan fresh water
. stla foot 8. ta’ ia sea-water
st!ao wizard sga@’na supernatural being
sku back kla’-ila tray
tga land kJa’-ida star
tga rock gv'na something
ki’ga meat, flesh
kli'da beak
go'da buttocks
go'da box
qa'dji head
qa’ La or gat reef
qgo’na father-in-law and son-
in-law
kun point za/ida human beings
kal leg la’na town
gal night zzadji middle of top of head
§ 38
- -
Af pes BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 40
tgea’ma kelp; also tall rough gu’danm mind and throat
grass along shore ki’lga language
tta’nga feathers k!a’ ial color
v/nagwa one side or half kid’lu cormorant
vtgas chief klona’nh a crazy person
i L!ixzagidas chief ga'yao the sea
vtin male ga’yu smoke
tc!a’ano fire go'dai a white variety of
da’ gat to-morrow ~ rock
dadji’ i hat ga’weda bag
ta’nal tongue gé’gu water basket or bucket
stagu’n branch-tips qg/ana’s comrade (in address)
gea’at blanket q!a‘ndal_ a mass of trees
gint’t smoke-hole fallen in one place
gi’gao salmon-trap la’laga house-screens
Some of these last are undoubtedly compound. Thus gii’dan,
klona’h, and go’dan seem to have the continuative ending (47%) ; la’na
is probably compounded from na HOUSE, and perhaps la HE or HIS;
da’gat probably contains gal niguT; v’x/xagidas is very likely from
vigas and gi’da CHIEF’S SON (a gi’da being so high that he was prac-
tically certain to be a chief himself); while £i’iga probably has the
possessive suffix. Other nouns which are certainly compound are:
si/nat evening (siz day or daylight-sky); ku/ngida corner (perhaps
from kun point); g/aizida woman’s cloak; ga’ndjitga’gt dancing-
blanket; za’tgo dancing-leggings; ga’izdt ashes; gagwa’igé cradle;
ta’ngoan ocean. The two last probably contain the verbal suffix
goadi ABOUT, AROUND, and the last seems to be compounded of this
and ¢a’fia SEA-WATER. The word for SALT, tam g/a’ga, means simply
DRIED SEA-WATER. The word for BEANS and PEAS is 20’ya-L'ga
RAVEN’S CANOE, and refers to one of Raven’s adventures. RICE is
called @’ntfi-tclin ENGLISH TEETH. (/dxa@ CHILD seems to be derived
from the stem of the verb meaning WEAK.
A study of animal names is usually interesting; but in Haida most
of the names of land and sea animals, along with those of the most
common birds and fishes, are simple, and yield nothing to investi-
gation. Such are the following:
tcin salmon (general term) tat loon
tclin beaver tlin robin
tai silver-salmon si’ga snake
tan black-bear st!ao screech-owl
§ 38
-
" BoAS] HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES ate
sqao grouse and big variety got eagle
of clam gai sea-lion
-sgol porpoise go sea-otter
sqlén gull za dog
- szgu land-otter xa’gu halibut
nao devil-fish xo’ya raven
-kiu clam zot hair-seal
k/at deer Lga weasel
k!al sculpin tk !va saw-bill
k!aga’n mouse tgo heron
kun whale
The word for BEAVER seems to be the same as that for TEETH, from
which it may have been derived. Most of the other animal, bird,
and insect names are evidently derived from descriptive terms. Such
are the following:
yA’nidj An spider
djaga'ldaruan fly; also snipe
djv'gul-a'oga shrew (probably literally, FERN-MOTHER)
djida’'n humpback-salmon |
doga'ttxagana chicken-hawk
ta’ina steelhead-salmon
ta’gun spring-salmon
taze’t small salmon found on the Queen Charlotte islands
ta’ Lat trout
ta’ Lat-ga’dala swallow
tiatgun swan
sizasida’lganha small bird
statsk!u’n fish-hawk
staq!a'djitga brant
ska’ gi dog-salmon
skadzia’o swamp-robin
sgaa’m star-fish
sL!u'djagadan red-headed woodpecker
kalgai’ gah butterfly, grasshopper
ku’ndaquan (Masset sr4aqa’m) sand-flea
k!a'ldjyida crow
gadjv’ nq! algé’ksié green-headed duck
qotgadaga’mtgal bat
gotgali’ sparrow
q!a’isgut butter-ball
gloya’% Mouse
igitgu’n goose
: oy
tk é’nq!ostan frog (tk!é'n forest; q/osta’n crab)
- taLat-ga'dala fast trout
44877—Bull. 40, pt 1—10-—18 § 38
274 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY A [BULL. 40
Another set of names appears to be onomatopoetic either in fact
or in idea:
hi’xodada or ta’xodada grebe di’dan blue-fly
wit salmon-berry bird swi'lawit small bird
ma’matclégi dragon-fly ska’skas small owl
djidja’t small hawk gu'tgunis (Masset gi’tgunist)
djidjiga’ ga small bird horned owl
tcla’/tela song-sparrow Llav'Llav bluejay
da’te!4 wren
I know of but two story-names of animals, k/ia’xruginagits MARTEN
(instead of k/i’ru) and sqo’lginagits PORPOISE (instead of sgol); but
it is possible that the same suffixes may have occurred after other
animal-names as well. gi/na@ means SOMETHING, and git son; but
whether those are the words included in the suffix is uncertain.
Several animal-names are almost identical with those found in
Tlingit:
tcli’'tga skate god} wolf
te lisq% moose q!a@’xada dog-fish
tco'lgi ground-squirrel q!0’ an fur-seal
na’ gadjé fox ri’adji grizzly-bear
nisg wolverene tagua’dji sea-bird
kla’vu marten
{go HERON, and k/aga’n (Keene’s) Mousg, also resemble the Tlingit
terms; and the Tlingit word for RAVEN, yél, is the same as that used
by the Masset Haida. This similarity between the two vocabularies
extends to a few words other than names of animals, of which the
following are the principal:
yage’t or yasé’t chief’s son gaodja’o drum
higayé’d7t iron gu'lga abalone
Na’gadjé Fox is also found in Tsimshian, and the following names
are also from that language:
a’od® porcupine skid’msm blue-hawk
mat mountain-goat gi tgunis horned owl
Names of implements and various utensi!s are formed from verbs
by means of a noun-forming sufhix o (u):
sgunxola’o perfume (from sgun, skin to smell)
silana’nwu soap (from sz/a hand; nan to play)
nidja’nu mask (from nidja’n to imitate)
ki’tao spear handle (from kit to spear)
§ 38
BOAS] HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 275
Of a similar character are the: following, although their derivation
is not clear:
daqu’ntao matches q!a’squdjao lamp
kitsgala’no poker tqatda’o baking-powder
gatgadja’o tin pan t!no milk
qlaixitaga’ no rattle
Probably the Masset word for Froop, tao, should be added to this
list. The Skidegate word for roop is formed in a peculiar way—by
prefixing the plural indefinite pronoun ga to the stem of the verb EaT
- (ga ta FOOD).
Proper names are often formed from nouns or descriptive terms by
means of the suffix s, already referred to. The following are examples:
Djv tindjaos a man named Devil-club (dji’tindjao devil-club)
Gao qons the name of an inlet (gao gon mighty inlet)
Q/éts name for the Kaigani country (q¢/é narrow strait)
Gu’lgas a man named Abalone (gu’lga abalone)
Naiki/lstas the Person-who-accomplished-things-by-his-word ; that
is, the Creator, Raven (nan ki/lsta a person who accomplishes
things by his word)
Qai at la’nas a family called the people of Qai (Qai at la@’na a man
of the town of Qai)
Nan-sti’ns The-one-who-is-(equal-to)-two (nai one person; stin
two)
Na q!d'las a family called Clay-house People (na q/a@la a clayey
house)
Tecan la’‘nas Mud-town
This, however, is not essential to the formation of proper names,
as the following examples will show:
X0'ya ga’nLa Raven creek
Qa’itgaogao Inlet-from-which-the-trees-have-been-swept-away (a
camp between Kaisun and Te!a’at)
Ldjin xa'idagat Far People (the Kwakiutl)
Gida/nsta From-his-daughter (name of a chief)
Tc!anu At q!ola’t Master-of-the-Fire (name of a chief)
Sga’'na yw’ an Great Supernatural Power (name of a chief)
Qena-ga'ist Floating-heavily-in-his-canoe (name ofa chief)
The following nouns are nothing more than verb-stems:
wa'tgal potlatch k!0'da dead body
st/é sickness xidt dance
gu’ st% speech £e’da shame (Masset)
As already noted, there are a few other stems difficult to classify as
absolutely nominal or verbal; such as na HOUSE, za/ida PERSON.
§ 38
276 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 40
§ 39. Plural Stems
By substitution of one stem for another, plurality is sometimes
indicated in the verb itself; but a close examination shows that this
phenomenon is not as common as at first appears. A large number
of plural stems of this kind prove to be nothing more than adjectives
with the plural suffix -dala or -da, and still others really have the same
stem in the singular and plural; but the Haida mind requires some
additional affix in one number to satisfy its conception fully. In the
other cases there seems to be an alteration in idea from the Haida
point of view, such as would impel in all languages the choice of a
different verb. The only verbs which show conspicuous changes in
stem in the plural are the following four:
Singular Plural
qa is, dal, or isdal to go
q!ao Liu to sit
vit na(tgal) to fly
tia Lida to kill
In the first three cases the plurality refers to the subject; in the
last case, to the object.
The plural of adjectives expressing shape and size is expressed by
the syllables -dala and -da. These may be plural equivalents of the
stem dju.
t!a’gao k!4’mdala fine snow (ka’mdju a small or fine object)
ge’ gu yu’dala big buckets (yi an big)
‘a ¢A’dala small children (za4’tdju small thing) (Masset)
-da is sometimes used instead of the preceding.
yua'nda big things (yw'n big)
dji’nda long things (djiv long)
§39
HAIDA TEXT (SKIDEGATE DIALECT)
>
A Rap ON THE BELLA CooLA BY THE PEOPLE OF NINSTINTS AND
KAISUN
Qa’isun gu Ga’fixét xa/idagai' Li gasta’nsifi*? gu gada’ii®
Kaisun at Ninstints people canoes ~ four at in company
with themselves
Lt! «6qa’/iddxalgafi* Lii’st!xagan.® Gié’nhao® Li gasta’nsifi gu
they to ask to go to fight came by canoe. And then canoes four at
tla’ogafi? x! i'djfni.® Ga’ituhao® ! Liida/ogani”® sta Lilgi’mi™
together they went At that time they went across after Bentinck arm ~
(lit., were).
gei wt! Lifsda’Itc!igan.” Gié/nhao ga'lxua™ tla’odjigai 1a’xa®
into they . wentin by canoe. And then during the the fort opposite
nig
L! wiuisda’ltc!igani. Gié’nhao siiii'® ga ga naxanda’yagan”
they went in by canoe. And then the inlet in some had been camping
xa’‘fgusta’® x! telitxi’dani.! Gi’hao* Amai’kuns_ k!0’dageidan.”*
from in front them started to fire on. Right there Amaikuns was killed.
Gayi’ns ‘sii L! telitu!’dagan.” Qoya’ isi wu! telitr!’dagan.
Floating too they wounded. Beloved too they wounded.
La’hao” .! siga sqa’djigan. Galion? ra" stine “Ti!
He them among _ Was a brave man. There some two they
1G4’nzét was the name of a cape close to the southern end of the Queen Charlotte islands, though, accord-
ing to Dr. C. F. Newcombe, it is not identical with the Cape St. James of the charts. The Haida on this
part of the islands received their name from it. -gai is the connective.
2ga- prefix indicating shape; stA’nsii FOUR.
3gad0’ AROUND + the possessive suffix -47 (§ 28.4) (literally, AROUND THEMSELVES).
4qa’ido TO GO TO WAR; -rai the auxiliary TO ASK (§ 18.7); -gAv the continuative suffix (§ 24.1).
5 Li CANOE, and sO MOTION BY CANOE; is stem of verb TO BE; -L/za@ MOTION TOWARD any object men-
tioned (§ 22.10); -gAn suffix indicating past event experienced by the person speaking (§ 23.1).
6gién AND + hao.
7-ga7 is the suffix denoting intimate possession (§ 28.4).
8 Although the story-teller himself went along, he speaks of his party in the third person throughout
much of the narrative. -in is the same suffix as -gAn, spoken of above (§ 23.1). The -i is a suffix of
doubtful significance, probably giving a very vague impression of the completion of an action (§ 25.6).
9gai + Lu + hao.
10 Lii- BY CANOE; dao stem; -gAn past-temporal suffix experienced (§ 23.1); -7 see note 8.
1 Lilgi’ mi is applied to interior Indians generally by the Bella Bella at the mouth of Bentinck arm and
Dean canal.
12 L%- BY CANOE; is stem; dal SEVERAL GOING; -tc/i MOTION INTO A SHUT-IN PLACE, such as a harbor or
inlet (§ 22.1); -gan temporal suffix (§ 23.1).
13 gal NIGHT; rua (gua) TOWARD, without motion, and thus derivatively DURING (§ 31).
14¢/a’odji FORT; gai THE or THAT.
15 L@ IN THE NEIGHBORHOOD OF or OPPOSITE something on shore; -ra distributive suffix (§ 29.3).
16 si /i7 means anything that is WELL BACK, such as the rear row of several lines of houses, and thus it
is applied to an inlet running back into the land.
1’ na TO LIVE, temporarily or permanently; -ran =-ga7v the continuative suffix (§ 24.1); -da auxiliary
indicating cause (§ 18.2); -ya perfect time (§ 23.7); -gan past-experienced-temporal suffix (§ 23.1).
18 7A7 FACE; gU AT OF THERE; StA FROM (§ 31).
19 tc/it TO SHOOT WITH GUNS; -zid the inchoative auxiliary (§ 18.6); -an the past-experienced-temporal
suffix, which drops g after d; -i as above.
20gu AT or THERE + hao.
21k/0’da DEAD BODY; -geit TO BE IN THAT CONDITION; -An temporal suffix.
277
278 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 40
xalda'figatda’gani.” Ga’ista* ! Lui’sdaxitgoa’ganf.* Gién 1!
enslaved. After that they started out. And them
ku’ngasta*® ga qaitia’gafigan® ga xitguigi’figan” ga ‘iatsgagan.”*
before those started first some coming sailing went out to.
Djigwa’i® sq!a/stii®° wa gu*! qlada/ogagani.” Sta tua/i qial
Guns two it at was the noise of. After- the empty
ward canoe
xitginda’lgani** gién ga dja’ada_ stif xalda’figadayagan.™
drifted along and some women two were enslaved.
Gién ga’nsta® ! Liiist!xa’gani*® gién wa gu_ tagi’djigidai*
And to they came and it at persons captured
at tga seu’ngi® aga’i L! xa’faletigandi® xan® L! q!d/ga nafi
with land close tothe they rejoiced that having while them near a
kundji’gan‘* gado’ ga xitei'dji-L!xagai*! L!a gei qé’xagai*® Lu
point was around some came sailing them (into) saw when
qlau!t!algani.“* Gié’nhao gd’Laga*! L! daot!a’lgani.“ Gié’nhao
jumped off. And then after [them] they landed. And then
aga’h 1 L’gdlgagifi * qa’odfhao * | qat!a’lgan.*” Gié’nhao ga’yawai*
self I prepared after a while I got off. And then the sea
La’xa nAfi Lxiénda’‘|si*® ta xitxi/dani.°° Lk!i’nxet® la J xitoi’ndal
near one was running I started to pursue. Apart: ae the him I chased about
22 tc /it- instrumental prefix meaning BY SHOOTING (§ 14.2); L/da stem of verb TO KILL when used with
plural objects, probably used here because two are spoken of in close connection (§ 39).
23 gai THE + StA FROM, both being connectives.
24 Li-BY CANOE; is stem; -da contraction of -dal (§ 14.5); zit TO BEGIN TO (§ 18.6); -goa MOTION OUT OF
DOORS (§ 22.2).
25 Probably means literally FROM IN A POINT (kun POINT; ga IN; StA FROM).
26 ga TO GO; -it(probably originally contracted from zit) TO START (§ 18.6);-Ldgaii FIRST, FIRST TIME (§ 21.3).
27 yut- instrumental prefix meaning WITH THE WIND (§ 14.19); -gui stem; -gin ON THE SEA (§ 19.2).
23 gai FLOATING; -8g@ MOTION SEAWARD (§ 22.8).
29 dji'gu + gai, the g being dropped after w.
30 sq/a- classifier indicating objects like sticks (§ 15.11).
31waA demonstrative pronoun + gu AT.
32 ga probably auxiliary meaning TO BE.
33 r7it- WITH THE WIND (§ 14.19); -gin DRIFTING ON THE SEA; -dal, auxiliary indicating motion (§ 14.5).
347 4ldda’ngat SLAVE; -ya perfect time (§ 23.7).
35 Probably from gAn FOR + stA FROM, the idea being motion FROM acertain place with a definite object
in view, and thus To something else.
36 Li-BY CANOE; is stem; -L/za MOTION TOWARD; -gAn temporal suffix.
37 fa- a noun-forming prefix; g?’dji stem of verb TO SEIZE.
38 gi the connective meaning TO or FOR.
39ag4’n the reflexive pronoun; L/ pronominal subject; ranat TO REJOICE; -giii ON THE SEA; -gAn = -gAhh
the continuative; -di suffix indicating that the action is held suspended in acertain position pending some
further developments; ran the adverb STILL or YET.
40kun POINT; dju sort of thing; -gAn past-experienced-temporal suffix.
41ga plural indefinite pronoun; ruit- MOTION BY MEANS OF THE WIND; gidji TO SEIZE or CARRY ALONG,
SEIZED; -L/rad- MOTION TOWARD; gai THE or THOSE.
42 @@’xa TO SEE; gai connective turning the verb into an infinitive.
43-t/41 MOTION DOWNWARD; -gAn temporal suffix.
44 0 is evidently from go’da or got POSTERIORS, and secondarily AFTERWARDS; -Lagais thesame as -Lga.
4 dao is probably the stem TO GO AND GET; -t/A4l MOTION DOWNWARD, out of the canoe.
46aga’n the reflexive pronoun; ? subjective pronoun of the first person singular; z- toaccomplish by
touching with the hands; golga stem of verb meaning TO MAKE; -gifi UPON THE OCEAN; qa’odihao the con-
nective before which a verb loses its temporal suffix, and which is itself compounded of ga’odi + hao.
47 ga singular stem meaning TO GO; -t/Al MOTION DOWNWARD.
48 ga’yao SEA+(g)ai the connective.
49- shape of a human being; dal auxiliary; -s7 the infinitive suffix.
50xit. This stem is perhaps identical with the stem meaning To FLY, and so indicates rapid motion; -zid
TO BEGIN TO DO a thing; -An the past-experienced-temporal suffix.
612k/in WOODS; -za distributive suffix; -t MOTION in that place.
Boas] HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 279
qa’odihao” ga’yawai gei la ga’tgigani.°’ Gién I’ qa’dji* da’fat® P
after a while * thesea into he jumped. And_ his hair with his
a’xinai®® la’ sta Ja giteflgani.” Gién q!a’da lV L’tclit!xaga’n®
yellowcecar him from I took. And toward he came up
bark blanket the sea
gién di xafa’ga®® Ja talagilda/figan.” Gié’nhao di ga la
and my face he held up his hands at. Andthen me _ to he
Lgigi lgan.* Di gan | 4@’xanagea'lgai® Lu® i’sifi P ga’'igiagan®
swam shoreward. Me for he came to benear when again he dove
gién q!a’da l tdjit!xaga’n™ gién la gi® | telidjaxi’dan. Gién I
and seaward he came to the surface and him at I began to shoot. And he
Leiel lean gién naf stala’ xa’igi™ aga’ 1a gidjigi’}datski’dan.®
swam landward and a cliff on the face himself he held tight against.
Gaigu Wsin la la te!i’gastia’‘igai® Lu® ran la 1a gée'itdagani.”
There too him I shot twice when ended him I caused to become.
Gié’nhao sta’lai xa’‘fgi qait™ giaga’fagani” eut 1A qgaxia’leani.”
Andthen thecliff onthe face tree was standing upon he climbed up.
Gién | ga’dji_ stala’i sta dji’fagant.™ Sklii’xan” wa’gui™ 1a
And its top the cliff from was some distance. But still toward it he
tlaskitgaoga’ndi” qa’odi stala’i xa’igi aga’ la gidjigi'Idalgaski’danf.”
bent it after thecliff onthe himself he got hold of.
a while face
Gién gu ga xé'lgani”™ gei la qa’tcligan.® Gam sta L’gut® xé’tet®
And therein wasa hole into he went in. Not from either downward
52 rit = stem above referred to (50); -gin probably the continuative -gan; -dal the auxiliary.
53 gat TO MOVE RAPIDLY; g? MOTION DOWN into the water; -gan temporal suffix.
54 ga’dji is used both for HAIR and for HEAD.
55 dA’nat contains the connective at. It means very much the same thing as at, but is a stronger form.
56 ai is the contracted form of gai.
57 gi- classifier indicating shape of blanket; -gil MOTION LANDWARD.
58 2- shape of human being; -L/ra MOTION TOWARD.
59 di objective personal pronoun of the first person, used as the possessive; rA7i FACE; -ga possessive suffix.
60 7/- action with HANDS; -gil TOWARD THE LAND; -da auxiliary TO CAUSE; -an continuative suffix.
61 7- shape of MAN; g? SWIMMING ON WATER; -gil MOTION LANDWARD.
§q@’rAnd NEAR, is also used independently as a connective; -geal the auxiliary meaning TO BECOME or
TO COME TO BE; gai the infinitive-forming connective.
63 gai- FLOATING ON the water; -gi4 MOTION DOWN INTO the water.
647- HUMAN SHAPE; -L/ra@ MOTION TOWARD.
7A personal pronoun of the third person singular; gi the connective To.
86 tc/it TO SHOOT; -xit TO BEGIN TO do.
67 TAM FACE; gi TO or AT.
68 gidji TO GRASP, SEIZE; -git TO BECOME; -da the auxiliary TO CAUSE; L- HUMAN SHAPE; skit CONTACT,
-An temporal suffix.
tc /7 = tc/it TO SHOOT; -ga the auxiliary TO BE; -stid’n = stin TWO; gai the connective.
7014 objective pronoun of the third person singular; 7a subjective pronoun of the first person singular
géit TO BECOME; -da TO CAUSE.
71 Also the word for SPRUCE.
2 gia TO STAND; -gdi the continuative suffix.
73 ga TO GO (one person); -ria QUICKLY; -? MOTION UPWARD.
74 djv’na also an adjective meaning a long distance, FAR.
7 An = the adverb STILL, YET.
7%6wa the demonstrative pronoun THAT; gui TOWARD (with motion).
7 tla- shape of CURVING TREE; skit TO PUT; -gAn = -gAn the continuative suffix.
18 gV’dji TO SEIZE; -git TO BECOME; -da TO CAUSE; ?ga- shape assumed by a branching object, referring here,
either to the top of the tree or to the shape assumed by the man as he climbs off from it.
#9gu connective THERE, referring to the cliff which is understood; ga connective IN; xél HOLE; -gAn past-
experienced-temporal suffix.
80 ga TO GO (singular); -tc/i MOTION INSIDE of something.
81 2 an indefinite pronoun or adverb; gut the connective WITH or TOGETHER.
827ét DOWN; gi TO.
280 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BuLL. 40
at si’gi® qala’linai® gaoga’figanf.* Ga xa’nhao® VT k!otuli’i *
or upward (he) could go was wanting. In right he _-would die
tlala’i xunt!a’gant.*
we said to each other.
Gié’nhao ga/ista L! Liisdaxi’/dani. Li’hao 1! te!a/anugadaga’n ®
And then sic that they started by canoe. When _ they had a fire
place
gién gut at L! da’yifxidan.” Gién ga/ista L! L!daxidai Li’hao™
and each to. they started to give to eat. And from that they started by when
other canoe
tla’odji-gai f’sin u! xitgida’iganf.” Li’hao gu iL! gétgadage’dani.®
the fort too they _ started to fight. Then there we could not get away from.
Ga'ituhao in! gétgada’gédan gién ga’ista i! L! gétgar’dagan.™
Atthe time we could not getaway when from that us they got back in.
Gién nagai® u'neu® nai L’xuqa’gdndigan,” la’hao tu!
5 . : > )
And the house on top of one crept around, him they
telitqat!a’lgan.® Gién q!a’da L! ga/inei/ieti®” qa’od? nafi iia”
q A
made fall by shooting. And seaward they lay aftera while a man
gandjilga’giada ™ — Ita’nigia-qa‘Idada*” Li dangida’IL!xasgagan,™
dancing-blanket cedar-bark rings canoe dragged down,
nani dja’da i’sii VP god’Laga qf’Lixasgagan’ gién IL! ga
a woman also him after came and to; aan
qaxia’sgagani. Gién Ldd’gwaf gi’ga tila ga kiletlgan.¥”
came out. And Ldégwait therein them to talked.
83 5? (from sa) UP; gi TO.
ga TO GO (singular); -Z4 MOTION UPWARD; -lin potential suffix; ai the connective gai, which turns this
all into an infinitive.
8 ga0 TO BE WANTING; -gAit negative modal suffix after the adverb gam NoT which stands at the very
beginning of the sentence.
86 ga IN; rAn the adverb meaning RIGHT THERE; hao, the connective.
87 ’=1a the personal pronoun of the third person singular, subject of the verb; k/o’tul To pig; -tim poten-
tial suffix.
88 ¢/alA’n subjective personal pronoun of the first person plural; -g4n the temporal suffix.
89tc/d’anu FIRE Or FIREWOOD; -ga auxiliary TO BE; -da auxiliary TO CAUSE; -gan temporal suffix.
9 dai TO GIVE FOOD; -i7 the continuative suffix; -rid TO START TO GIVE.
%1 L/- used of TRAVEL BY CANOE, several going together; da=dal TO GO; -rid TO START TO GO; ai the con-
nective gai.
2-47 the continuative suffix; -gan temporal suffix.
%7L! personal pronoun of the first person plural; gétga TO BE UNABLE (perhaps compounded of gét To
BE LIKE or in that condition + ga To BE); -da probably the auxiliary TO CAUSE; géd TO BE IN THAT CONDI-
TION; -An past-inexperienced-temporal suffix.
9 gé’tga TO BE IN SUCH AND SUCH A CONDITION; -L£ motion of boarding a canoe; -da the auxiliary meaning
TO CAUSE.
% ma HOUSE; gai the connective.
% u/ngu contains gu AT, THERE.
7 Lyu- BY CREEPING; ga TO GO (singular); -gom rather aimless motion on land; -di presents the action as
just taking place; -gan temporal suffix.
8 hao is aconnective placed after la for emphasis; tc/it- BY SHOOTING; ga MOTION; -t/41 MOTION DOWNWARD.
99 gai FLOATING; -gi7i ON THE SEA; qga’odi the connective before which temporal suffixes are dropped.
1007/2i7a A MALE BEING.
101 gAndjitga’gi DANCING-BLANKET; -da the auxiliary meaning TO CAUSE, and here to have been put on by
somebody else.
102 2¢4’nigia the RING itself; gAl ALDER; -da the auxiliary TO CAUSE, the whole evidently meaning CEDAR-
BARK RING DYED WITH ALDER or upon which alder has been placed. The last-da means that it had been
put upon this man by somebody else.
108 [% CANOE is object of following verb; da7- to accomplish by PULLING; gi- shape of canoe; dal MOTION;
-L!Z@ MOTION TOWARD; -sg@ MOTION TOWARD THE SEA; -gAn temporal suffix.
10 ga motion of one person; -L/zra MOTION TOWARD; -8g@ MOTION TOWARD THE SEA; -gAn temporal suffix.
171! objective pronoun of first person plural; -ga connective TO. ~
106 ga MOTION (singular); -sga MOTION TOWARD THE SEA.
107 kil- action with the voIcE; fgul verb-stem indicating an action lasting some time, covering consider
able ground, different phases of a question, etc. ; ;
Boas] HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 281
Gié/nhao ha/Ilgunani'® la wu! ga’yifixalgan,’® gié/nhao nafi I’}ifas
And then closer her they told to come, and then the man
L! tclitga’tgisi’figan.'" Ldo’gwaf gi gwa/ogan’” gién L!a sta“
they wished to make him fall into Ldo’gwat to refused and them from
the water by shooting.
qa’idani."* Li’hao sta uL! gaitgwa’giagan.’* Lila’hao 4a’nigai1®
started. Then from they fled in terror. They ammunition
wa’ga haila’wagani.7 Gié/nhao tlala’i sii sta Liiisdaxi’dani.
in it was gone. And then we too from _ started by canoe.
Gié’nhao Dji’dao-kun sta w! wifsdaxi’dan gién gal sta’nsifi
And then Dji’dao-Point from they started by canoe and nights four
si gai’® out L! Leaga’i™® Lu Ga’fxet-kun’ ga L! Liisi!xagi’lgan.”°
the ocean upon they’ spent when Cape St. James to they came shoreward by canoe.
Ga'ista gal stii wt! viitsdala’i Li’hao Qa’isun gu L! Lii’si!xagan.
From that nights two they traveled by when Kaisun at they came by canoe.
canoe
Hayi'i * djih’?” hao tga dji’fia’® sta L! i’djin.* Hao Lan a’sgai at
Instead really country far from they were. Here end this’ of
gialgala’ndagai'® gé’da.
the story comes to an.
: [Translation}
The Ninstints people came to Kaisun in four canoes to ask the
people to go to war in company with them. Then they went along
in four canoes. After they had crossed (to the mainland), they
entered Bentinck arm. And they went in opposite the fort during
the night. Then some people who had been camping in the inlet
began firing from in front. There Amai’kuns was killed. They also
wounded Floating. They also wounded Beloved. He was a brave
man among them. There they also enslaved two persons. After
that they started out. And those who started first went out to some
people who were coming along under sail. The noise of two guns
was heard there. Afterwards the canoe drifted away empty, and
108 The stem of this is probably hala’, which is also used as an interjection.
109 gai FLOATING; -i7 = -gi7i ON THE SEA; -rAl the auxiliary TO TELL.
10 Compare with nA ?’tina in the fourth line from the bottom on p. 280. The suffix -s makes the
indefinite form definite.
11 te /it- BY SHOOTING; gat TO MOVE QUICKLY; gi MOTION UNDER WATER; -si7 the auxiliary TO WISH.
12 gwao verb-stem.
13 7 Ja the objective personal pronoun of the third person plural; sta the connective FROM.
ll4ga TO GO (singular); -id is probably contracted from the auxiliary -zid TO BEGIN.
1s -gia probably the suffix indicating motion straight through to the object; -gan temporal suffix.
6 gai the connective THE.
17 hailaw = hailai TO DESTROY; perhaps related to the name for the being that brings pestilence, Haiti’las.
18 s?s means the open expanse of sea; in taking the connective gai the final s is dropped.
19 gai the connective THE.
120 LU- BY CANOE; is stem; -L/ra MOTION TOWARD anything; -gil MOTION LANDWARD.
121 hayi’i an adverb always used when something falls out differently from what was expected. In
this case the rest of the clause, which naturally belongs with it, is omitted and its sense left to the hearer.
122 djilv/ REALLY, ACTUALLY; is strengthened and emphasis placed upon it by the connective hao.
133 dj7/ia FAR, an adjective depending upon the preceding noun Lga COUNTRY.
124~jn the past-experienced-temporal suffix.
1% Hao refers to all of the story preceding, which it connects with this sentence; Lan an adverb depend-
ing upon gé’da; a’sgai (= Gs or a’dji + gai) a demonstrative referring also to the preceding story; at con-
nective WITH, OF, etc. GzatgalA’ndagai probably has the same stem as the verb treated of under note
107; gai the connective.
282 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Buut. 40
they enslaved two women. (The others) came thither, and while
they lay close to the land, rejoicing over the persons captured, some
people came sailing around a point in a canoe, saw them and jumped
off. Then (we) landed in pursuit of them. And after I had spent
some little time preparing myself, I got off. And I started to pursue
one person who was running about near the sea. After I had chased
him about in the woods for a while, he jumped into the ocean. And
I took his hair, along with his yellow-cedar bark blanket, away from
him. And he came up out at sea and held up his hands in front of
my face (in token of surrender). Then he swam shoreward toward
me. When he got near me, he dove again and came to the surface
out at sea, and I began to shoot at him. Then he swam landward
and held himself tightly against the face of a certain cliff. After I
had shot at him twice there, I stopped. Then he climbed up upon
a tree standing upon the face of the cliff. And although its top was
some distance from the cliff, he bent it toward it, and after a while
got hold of the face of the cliff. And he went into a hole init. He
could not go from it either downward or upward. We said to one
another that he would die right in it.
Then they started from that place in their canoes. Then they had
a fire and began to give each other food. And after they again
started off, they again began fighting with the fort. Then we got
into a position from which we could not get away. Then, although
we could not get away at first, they finally got us into (the canoes).
And a certain person crept around on top of the house. They shot
him so that he fell down. And after they had lain out to sea for
some time, a man wearing a dancing-blanket and cedar-bark rings
dragged down a canoe and came out tous, accompanied by a woman.
And those in Ld6’gwafi’s canoe talked to them. Then they told the
woman to come closer, and said that they should shoot the man so
that he would fall into the water. Ld6’gwai refused and started
away from them. Then they fled away in terror. Their ammu-
nition was all gone. Then we also started off.
Then they started from Point-Dji’dao, and, after they had spent
four nights upon the sea, they came to Cape St. James. After they
had traveled two more nights, they came to Kaisun. Instead of
accomplishing what they had hoped, they returned from a far country
almost empty-handed. Here this story comes to an end.
ae
283
TSIMSHIAN
FRANZ BOAS
‘ 7
he . ‘ a (
r
-
ni a
4 he :
chi a “oe P >
Toe “ *
ni ae ni
a a
: a
CONTENTS
ot. Distribution of language and dialects..........-...2.2....22.0..-20----
MEIGS coe ns Fine Se Se se Re . ate ether, AOS
en erate MOM 2) cho oe teat saith. .atesee dtl’ _2o.$.
§ 3. Grouping of sounds and laws of euphony -................-..-.-.--
§ 4. The phonetic systems of Nass and Tsimshian. ..---.-.
manuniimation) processes 5.52.2 icck~ cen ocd eet ke Se
§ 6. Ideas expressed by grammatical processes ..--.--.-.-----
eee inion. Of prammar ... 0S sooce2).o lice te 2a 52s eke bs eel.
nt eerie parucled 22 4600 8. 2s 2a eae ce ee LL Se
EMPIRE cSt ios ol os ee RU EES RGGI ee oe tdbe bs
§ 8. Local particles appearing in pairs (nos. 1-22) .................-
$9. Local particles—continued (nos. 23-62). :.-.-.-..-2..22..0--5-
§ 10.
etn
§ 12.
15.
§ 14.
815.
§ 16.
§§ 17-32.
§ 17.
§ 18.
§ 19.
§ 20.
Modal particles (mos.G2-195) 2 16. Wao Ob aes oe dee ok
Nomindt particles (ros. 1362406). ooc6 sec dee set.ce.
Particles transforming verbs into nouns (nos. 157-163) ......--
Particles transforming nouns into verbs (nos. 164-166) ......--
Prannitive pronominal subject-..-.---. --.--<.2-s esse. 422
Particles that may precede the transitive subject (nos. 167-180) . .
papnavetes! dist of particless 2. oce 20 seus le eck Ale fate.
Riise ree emet a ee oe 2 te PA eRe oe eine oes Lies
pHmies followimmihe phems slot level si iee.o: do. . -1ed.
EPomomN HEROS Cs Hee ee Se PAA reel es at Bee 8S
Modal suffixes following the pronominal suffixes............-.
Demonia ve Muted. ot c= 3 PU IS eh sch see
et ie e IORI OR ee ea oe ee ee eee GE. Det Se
§ 21. General remarks......-- Se See ek oe Be
§ 22. Attributive and adverbial connectives ...............-.--.
§ 23. Predicative and possessive connectives. ----.
§§ 24-31
. Predicative and possessive connectives of the Tsimshian
§ 32.
CALC Chie ate er ttn Mins Fee SO. oo ccc e Eee
§ 24. General characteristics of the connectives..........-.-
Size, Pe rediataye commerctyers. sis cess ok asec ls Soke
§ 26. Connectives between subject and object....--....-..--
$27. SE OSSESSIVE |CONNECKIVES: sonic Soca sc cosas tcascesasaseeee
§ 26. Propositional ‘connectives 2c. =... << sence. seeks...
§ 29. Phonetic modification of the connectives...........--
§ 30. Connectives of the conjunction AND.....----.....--..-
Neilsen exconnechivGete. 5-5 op Sense este aee seme ciel ee
DULG ecko len UmMeralse ts 5a eee Sea eae ee os 5
Ee CONE BRD STRATE le Pa Rage ee em rf ROE oR ie Reg
RIMM EIE EMRE Eee oto ee els Eee BE ee oe oe ea a
BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 40
286
Page
§§ 35-38. Reduplication «< 2225. 2-2 fee een eee see ee oe eee eee 365
§ 36. General remanksin_ 5.0 os Some eee oe er ae eee 365
§ 36. Initial reduplication, including the first consonant following
the first-vowel:. 2.200208 -c os deec cons seasteee (eae eee 365
§ 37. Initial reduplication, including the first vowel........-...----- 371
§ 38. Reduplication of words containing proclitic particles. .........- ate
§ 39. Modification of stem vowel ..--..-- > ds cekios comes: Soe nee 373
Ss 40-47. Formation of pluralees- 22s. + -cee ese e ce en ee eee 373
§ 40, Methods:of formingthe plural... .-.-5...3.2..2-.22.5c5 eee 373
§ 41. First group. Singular and plural the same. ................-- 374
§ 42. Second and third groups. Plurals formed by reduplication and
vowel change <....5.. 2.2222 het ee eee 375
§ 43. Fourth group. Plurals formed by the prefix qa-............-- 377
§ 44. Fifthgroup. Plurals formed by the prefix ga-and the suffix-(()k4_ 379
§ 45. Sixth group. Plurals formed by the prefix /- ...............-- 380
§ 46. Seventh group. Irregular plurals2. 24-3 223.2222 22522 oe eee 381
§'47.. Plurals of compounds. ... 3-24... 222... seeee sees ae 383
§§ 48-54. Personal. pronouns. =. .. 9222228: eeeesese eee eee 383
§ 48. Subjective and objective pronouns........-..----.-.---.---.-- 383
§.49.. Use'of the:subjective ..-.-:cs2-.c588 , SOLS Shes 384
§ 50. Use of the objective... 22... 22-052. Sas Jee 386
§ 51.. The first person singular, objective pronoun.-........--.-.-.--- 387
§ 52. Remarks on the subjective pronouns. ..-.........-/:-.------- 388
§ 53. The personal pronoun in the Nass dialect.................--.- 389
§ 54. Independent; personal pronoun)... 22_.!-s6J22c22 280 ee 391
§ 55... Possession. 2.\. Sse soe eee bee oes Ss eee 392
$56... Demonstrative pronouns: = 222.2 sis S020 cee 3 eS eee 393
SS$'57=58. . Numerals. oo. 3.2 ace sco een ae ee eee 396
§ 57.: Cardinal numbersious cee. ol eee. t 22k oe eS ee * 3896
§ 58. Ordinal numbers, numeral adverbs, and distributive numbers.. 398
§§ 59-65... Syntactic use_of the. verb. .-.....:....~2.2-.0-2¢5ee eee 399
§ 59. Use of subjunctive after temporal particles. ..-.......-.-..--.. 399
§ 60. Use of subjunctive in the negative...:..-...--.-...2--22--c-n6 403
§ 61.. The subjunctive after:conjunctions. -.. 2.222 J226-L0aee eee 403
§ 62.. Use of. the-mdicative........2.....cmewee oe eee 404
§ 63.. The negative... <...c..-.-c0is, -e 7-2 es ee ee 404
§ 64. The interrogative.........2<.05< sou SSRs eee eee 405
§.65.. The Imperatives cc sues esi cee eee 406
§. 66. Subordinating. conjunctions... 2. s-ch...2028is ee ee eee 408
§ (67; <Prepositionl 2.252 Jos. suss Het aee eee eee 410
MOMS isso cds imose cai Sheowens pol cebe eee eee eee eee ee = eee eee 414
TSIMSHIAN
By Franz Boas
§1. DISTRIBUTION OF LANGUAGE AND DIALECTS
The Tsimshian (Chimmesyan) is spoken on the coast of northern
British Columbia and in the region adjacent to Nass and Skeena
rivers. On the islands off the coast the Tsimshian occupy the region
southward as far as Milbank sound.
Three principal dialects may be distinguished: The Tsimshian
proper, which is spoken on Skeena river and on the islands farther to
the south; the Nisqa’*, which is spoken on Nass river, and the
G-itkean (Gyitkshan), which is spoken on the upper course of Skeena
river. The first and second of these dialects form the subject of the
following discussion. The description of the Tsimshian proper is set
off by a vertical rule down the left-hand margin of the pages.
The Tsimshian dialect has been discussed by the writer! and by
Count von der Schulenburg.’ I have also briefly discussed the dialect
of Nass river,* and have published a collection of texts‘ in the same
dialect. _ References accompanying examples (like 290.2) refer to page
and line in this publication; those preceded by ZE refer to a Tsimshian
text with notes published by me.®
PHONETICS (§§ 2-4)
§ 2. System of Sounds
The phonetic system of the Tsimshian dialects is in many respects
similar to that of other languages of the North Pacific coast. It
abounds particularly in £-sounds and /-sounds. The informants from
1¥Fifth Report of the Committee on the Northwestern Tribes of Canada (Report of the 59th Meeting
of the British Association for the Advancement of Science, 1889, 877-889).
2Dr. A. C. Graf von der Schulenburg, Die Sprache der Zimshian-Indianer (Brunswick, 1894).
3Tenth and Eleventh Reports of the Committee on the Northwestern Tribes of Canada (Reports of
the 65th and 66th Meetings of the British Association for the Advancement of Science, 1895, 583-586; 1896
586-591).
4Tsimshian Texts (Bulletin 27 of the Bureau of American Ethnology, Washington, 1902).
5 Kine Sonnensage der Tsimschian, Zeitschrift fiir Ethnologie, 1908, 776-797.
287
288 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 40
whom my material in the Nass river dialect has been gathered used
the hiatus frequently, without, however, giving the preceding stop
enough strength to justify the introduction of a fortis. A few people
from other villages, whom I heard occasionally, seemed to use greater
strength of articulation; and there is little doubt that the older mode
of pronunciation had a distinct series of strong stops. In the Tsim-
shian dialect the fortis survives clearly in the ¢ and p,; while the ¢s
and / fortis have come to be very weak. I have also observed in this
dialect a distinct fortis of the y, w, m, n, and 7. In these sounds
the increased stress of articulation brings about a tension of the vocal
chords and epiglottis, the release of which gives the sound a strongly
sonant character, and produces a glottal stop preceding the sound
when it appears after a vowel. Thus the fortes of these continued
sounds are analogous to the Kwakiutl ‘y, *w, ‘m, ‘n, and % Pre-
sumably the same sounds occur in the Nass dialect, although they
escaped my attention. Differentiation between surd and sonant is
difficult, particularly in the velar /: series.
The phonetics of Tsimshian take an exceptional position among the
languages of the North Pacific coast, in that the series of / stops are
missing. Besides the sound corresponding” to our /, we find only the
?, a voiceless continued sound produced by ‘the escape of air from the
space behind the canine teeth; the whole front part of the mouth being
filled by the tip of the tongue, which is pressed against the palate. The
Tsimshian dialect has a continued sonant / sound, which is exceedingly
weak and resembles the weak medial 7, which has almost no trill and is
pronounced a little in front of the border of the hard palate. It cor-
responds to the sound in Tlingit which Swanton (see p. 165) writes y,
but which I have heard among the older generation of Tlingit distinctly
as the same sound as the Tsimshian sound here discussed. With the
assumption that it was originally the continued sonant corresponding
to x of other Pacific Coast languages agrees its prevalent w tinge. I
feel, however, a weak trill in pronouncing the sound, and for this
reason I have used the symbol 7 for denoting this sound. In some
cases a velar trill appears, which I have written 7.
In the Nass dialect, liquids (m, n, 2) that occur at the ends of words
are suppressed. Tongue and lips are placed in position for these sounds,
but there is no emission of air, and hence no sound, unless a following
word with its outgoing breath makes the terminal sound audible.
§2 .
BOAS] HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 289
The vocalic system of Tsimshian is similar to that of other North-
west Coast languages, with which it has in common the strong tend-
ency to a weakening of vowels. The Tsimshian dialect has no clear
a, but all its as are intermediate between a and Gd. Only after w does
this vowel assume a purer a tinge. A peculiarity of the language is
the doubling of almost every long vowel by the addition of a parasitic
vowel of the same timbre as the principal vowel, but pronounced with
relaxation of all muscles.
Following is a tabular statement of the sounds observed in the Nass
dialect.
The series of vowels may be rendered as follows:!
E
Pte cs sO OO! Lf aS re
Ears cae eS 0 a a 6 ae 2
With parasitic vowel. . . - ou G6 Ga dé #@ - i
This series begins with the w-vowel with rounded lips and open
posterior part of mouth-opening, and proceeds with less protrusion of
lips and wider opening of the anterior portion of the mouth toa; then,
with gradual flattening of the middle part of the mouth-opening,
through e¢ to 2.
The system of consonants is contained in the following table:
Stops Affricatives Continued Nasals
2 Suk Suz.
A 2s q oa A
= eet em a. os po ey =
lo} =) = aed) [e} =) Sop ° =)
n n Nn 2 nN nN n 2 nN DQ
Labial Cpe) = =) = - mM
Dental . y ine eater da: ts (ts pains tG, le) n
Anterior palatal . ee RAE) = - ae" -
Middle palatal. ee a dos eee a - @ -
Velar MO Grae se Te! Oe EP
Lateral, voiced continued . : ‘ : ; : ly
voiceless stop (?) . ‘ . : ‘ : L
Breathing : f : ‘ : ‘ é 5 h
Semi-vowels : 3 : d - Yylho
It is doubtful whether c (English sh) occurs as a separate sound;
s Seems rather to be pronounced with somewhat open teeth. The
sounds g and & take very often a w-tinge. The semi-vowel w is
almost always aspirated.
1 Notwithstanding its defects, I have adhered for the Nass dialect to the spelling used in previous
publications.
44877—Bull. 40, pt 1—10 19 §2.
290 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 40
§ 3. Grouping of Sounds and Laws of Euphony
Clustering of consonants is almost unrestricted, and a number of
extended consonantic clusters may occur; as, for instance, -/¢k%iq’,
ppt, gst, rtg’, and many others.
Examples are:
a'quk"det they reached 111.1?
a @ik'sh“t came 35.1
ask'ak* eagle 178.10
There are, however, a number of restrictions regulating the use of
consonants before vowels. Terminal surd stops and the affricative ¢s
are transformed into sonants whenever a vowel is added to the word.
gat man ga dem 90.6
guwalk” dry ; gwa'lgwa 176.2
nE-bé' p uncle drp-bé' nbé my uncles 157.9
n-ts’é'éts grandmother ts’é'edzé my grandmother 157.10
It seems that single surd stops do not occur in intervocalic position.
A number of apparent exceptions, like /’0pz- sMALL, were heard by
me often with sonant, and contain probably in reality sonants.
There are a number of additional intervocalic changes:
Intervocalic « changes into y.
oe zg changes into w, 0.
ce « changesintog. This last change is not quite regular.
da to throw d'yin you throw 139.3
hwila'x’ to know hwila' yt | know
haw to use hd’ yaem use of—55.3
xbrtsa'e afraid xbetsa'wée Lam afraid
ksaz to go out | ksa'wun I go out! 171.4
ya dak” to eat yd og an to feed
In a few cases / is assimilated by preceding 7.
an-hwi'n instead of an-hwi'l 40.6, 7
§ 4. The Phonetic Systems of Nass and Tsimshian
The system of vowels of Tsimshian is nearly the same as that
of the Nass dialect, except that the pure @ and @ do not occur.
The vowels 0 3, and e 2 appear decidedly as variants of w wand 72
| respectively, their timbre being modified by adjoining consonants.
1 Figures refer to page and line of F. Boas, Tsimshian Texts (Bulletin 27 of the Bureau of American
Ethnology); figures preceded by E §, to F. Boas, Tsimshian Texts, New Series (Publications of the
American Ethnological Society, Vol. 111, 1910),
§$3, 4
BOAS] HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 291
I have been able to observe the system of consonants of Tsim-
shian more fully than that of the Nass dialect. It may be repre-
sented as follows:
Stops Affricatives Continued Nasals
oo:
Be oii PLAT ian Mat Teepe gt rg
Labial ae BAP OS See en mt
Dental . SO RAN ee ee et Eee) ee re aa ree OF
marertor palatal.-. 9° fei — 9- = —- = = =
Middle palatal ae a ee
Velar_ . Oper Cee Yes eee a ip > ae Ore MNS
Glottal . Se ee en Sele at
Lateral, continued, voiced. : : : : : L
+ oa eg SOELES. : ; : ; L!
o oe voiceless, posterior . : : ‘ t
Breathing. , ; : ; : : : h
Semi-vowels ; ‘ ; i sir 8 ; 5 10/5. 40
a fortis : , 3 ; ; : - yf, wl
The terminal surd is much weaker than in the Nass dialect, and 1
have recorded many cases in which the terminal stop is without
doubt a sonant:
walb house g°ad people
Before g and /, terminal sonants become surds:
wi-tslem-la'°pgeE great cave ES 96.30
nE-g@' itga? his hat ES 90.1
Before ¢ and vowels, the sound remains a sonant:
gabe... todraw water... ES 96.10
heidet ... many... ES 96.14
The fact that some terminal sounds always remain surd shows
that in the cases of alternation of surd and sonant the latter must
be considered the stem consonant.
Some of the sounds require fuller discussion. It has been
stated before that the fortes, as pronounced by the present genera-
tion, are not as strong as they used to be and as they are among
more southern tribes. The ¢-series is alveolar, the tip of the tongue
touching behind the teeth. The affricatives have a clear continued
s-sound, the tip of the tongue touching the upper teeth; while s has
a decided tinge of the English sh. It is pronounced with tip of
tongue turned back (cerebral) and touching the palate. The teeth
oS ee ee ee
are closed. The sound is entirely surd. The nasals m and » are
§4
292 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 40
long continued and sonant, even in terminal positions; m/ and n/
have great tension of oral closure with accompanying tension of
glottis and epiglottis. The sound 7 has been described before. It
is entirely absent in the Nass dialect. Bishop Ridley, who prepared
the translation of the gospel on which Count von der Schulenburg’s
grammar is based, has rendered this sound, which often follows a
very obscure @ or £, by #@, but I hear distinctly 7. Thus, in place
of Bishop Ridley’s nay (1), I hear n/z’ryu,; instead of gitel, ge’rel;
instead of shgu, sgzer. In the Nass dialect, é or 7 takes the place of
this sound:
Tsimshian Nass English
SGEr sg to lie
nlz' PEN né En thou
gE'rel g é Bl to pick
se’ rel sé’ El middle
k le’ rel ke’ el one
gE'rEdax ke’ dax to ask
gE retks g etks to reach
gle’ rEng’*aas gLé' ng tas to crush with foot
E'PEN2& Enx box
E'remt émL bucket
E'rla él seal
The sound has, however, a close affinity to u, before which it
tends to disappear.
ptid'r to tell; pled’u tell.
Itis suggestive that many w-sounds of Tsimshian are 7 or 2 in Nass.
This may indicate that the wand 7 in Tsimshian are either a later
differentiation of one sound or that a loss of 7 has occurred in many
forms. On the whole, the latter theory appears more plausible.
Examples of this substitution are the following:
§4
Tsimshian Nass English
dils déls to live
t/ws t/és to push
du'la dé lia tongue
hives wis root
auth te the to have around neck
dulk der ke cedar-bark basket
hith athe to call
tin! °nti Linta* angry
li'algat lé’ rlg at feast
sans sins blind
lit let wedge
gp! al kv lb’ xl two
BoAS] HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 293
In terminal position Tsimshian -z7 corresponds to Nass -ax, and
after long vowels 7 to z.
Tsimshian Nass English
der dax to die, plural _
kser ksax to go out, plural
YEP yar to hide
ts/Er ts/ax much
SEP Sax mouth of river
ter Lax under
Examples of 7 following a long vowel are—
lar lax trout
ts!ir ts /dix inside
dzir zt porpoise
Combined with change of vowels are—
Tsimshian Nass English
ptia'r pLeyo £ to tell
atir LLU to burst
The sound 7, the continued sonant corresponding to g, is heard
very often in the middle and at the end of words, as ganra’n TREES;
but it disappears invariably when the word is pronounced slowly,
and g takes its place.
The sounds a and x of the Nass dialect do not occur in the Tsim-
shian dialect.
The ending x of the Nass dialect is generally replaced by 7 in
Tsimshian.
Tsimshian Nass English
wila't hwuld' x: to know
hot hax: to use
ga gata: wing
war wi to paddle
This change is evidently related to the substitution of y for x
before vowels.
Terminal z of the Nass dialect tends to be displaced by a ter-
minal a.
Tsimshian Nass English
dit'la dé’ lie tongue
E'rla élx seal
nia ta na La jejune
gaina genx trail
go’ ep! ep! light
go epla gO ep lax ig!
na? NU bait
t/a @ wx lake
§ 4
294 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BuLL. 40
Here belong also—
Tsimshian Nass English
me man sour
bi boa to wait
Vocalic changes, besides those referred to before in connection
with the sound 7, occur.
In place of aw in Tsimshian we find é in Nass.
Tsimshian Nass English
hau hé to say
gil-hau' la g ile lin* inland
g itrau' tk g itueé' tk some time ago
t/em-ga'us t/em-gé's head
ma'ulkst (malkst) melk st crab-apple
Tsimshian dw is replaced in Nass by dé.
Tsimshian Nass English
yd uxk yd Cak* to eat, singular
ya uk yaok to follow
g/d’ watsa g/d btsw gills
Initial wdé of Tsimshian is sometimes replaced by 6 in Nass.
Tsimshian Nass English
wipa Opa , forehead
Another very frequent change is that from @ following w to @.
Tsimshian Nass English
walp hwilp house
wal hwil to do
watk hwitk" from
ts/uwa'n ts/uwi'n top
tgwa'lksetk tgu-w0' lksith™ prince
was (haz) wi's rain
The substitution is, however, not regular, for we find—
Tsimshian Nass English
war hwax’ to paddle
wan hwan to sit, plural
Related to this is probably—
Tsimshian Nass English
ha'yets héts to send
ha’ yith™ heth* to stand
gana genx trail
sga'yiks sgeksk™ to wound
Tsimshian p/ is replaced by Nass m.
Tsimshian Nass English
plalg as ma'lg%va heavy
plas mas to grow
ple'yan miya'n smoke
plal * mal button
gan-sp!a gan-sma baton
§ 4
Boas] HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 295
§ 5. GRAMMATICAL PROCESSES
The most characteristic trait of Tsimshian grammar is the use of a
superabundance of particles that modify the following word. Pho-
netically these particles are strong enough to form a syllabic unit,
and they remain always separated by a hiatus from the following
word. Most of them, however, have no accent, and must therefore
be designated either as proclitics or as prefixes. These appear par-
ticularly with verbal stems, but their use with nominal stems is
not by any means rare. They do not undergo any modifications,
except in a few cases, and for this reason a large part of the gram-
matical processes relate to the use of these particles. On the whole,
their position in the sentence or word-complex is fairly free. Suf-
fixes are rather few in number. They differ fundamentally from
the proclitic particles in being phonetically weaker and in forming
with the preceding stem a firm unit. Some pronouns which belong
to the proclitic series are also phonetically weak and share with the
suffixes the inclination to amalgamate with the preceding elements.
Thus the proclitic pronouns sometimes become apparently suffixes
of the preceding words, whatever these may be.
Incorporation of the nominal object occurs principally in terms
expressing habitual activities. In these it is well developed.
The Tsimshian uses stem modifications extensively for expressing
grammatical processes. Most important among these is reduplica-
tion, which is very frequent, and which follows, on the whole, fixed
laws. Change of stem-vowel is not so common, and seems some-
times to have developed from reduplication. It occurs also in com-
pound words, which form a peculiar trait of the language. Not
many instances of this type of composition have been observed, but
they play undoubtedly an important part in the history of the
language. Many elements used in word-composition have come to
be so weak in meaning that they are at present more or less formal
elements. This is true particularly of suffixes, but also, to a certain
extent, of prefixes, though, on the whole, they have preserved a
distinct meaning.
The grammatical! processes of Tsimshian have assumed a much more
formal character than those of many other Indian languages. It is
not possible to lay down general rules of composition or reduplication,
which would cover by far the greatest part of the field of grammar.
§5
296 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL, 40
Instead of this, we find peculiar forms that belong to certain definite
stems—peculiar plurals, passives, causatives, etc., that must be treated
in the form of lists of types. In this respect Tsimshian resembles the
Athapascan with its groups of verbal stems, the Salish and Takelma
with their modes of reduplication, and the Iroquois with its classes of
verbs. The freedom of the language lies particularly in the extended
free use of proclitics.
§6. IDEAS EXPRESSED BY GRAMMATICAL PROCESSES
The use of the same stems as nouns and as verbs is common in Tsim-
shian, although the occurrence of nominalizing and verbalizing ele-
ments shows that the distinction between the two classes is clearly felt.
The proclitic particles mentioned in the last section may also be used
with both verbs and nouns. While many of these particles, particu-
larly the numerous class of local adverbs, always precede the stem
from which they can not be separated, there are a considerable number
of modal elements which have a greater freedom of position, and
which merge into the group of independent adverbs. These elements
are so numerous and diverse in meaning, that it is difficult to give a
satisfactory classification. The group of local proclitics occupies a
prominent place on account of its numbers and the nicety of local dis-
tinctions. It is, however, impossible to separate it strictly from the
group of moda! proclitics.
The use of these proclitics is so general, that the total number of
common verbal stems is rather restricted.
The proclitics are used—
(1) As local adverbial and adnominal terms;
(2) As modal adverbial and adnominal terms;
(3) To transform verbs into nouns;
(4) To transform nouns into verbs. .
Almost all the proclitics belonging to these groups form a syntactic
unit with the following stem, so that in the sentence they can not be
separated from it. The pronominal subject of the transitive verb
precedes the whole complex.
Another series of proclitics differs from the last, only in that they do
not form so firma unit with the stem. The pronominal subject of the
transitive verb may separate them from the following stem. To this
group belong all strictly temporal particles. The transition from this
class to true adverbs is quite gradual.
§ 6
BoAS] HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 297
In the group of inseparable modal proclitics must also be classed
the plural prefixes ga- and /-, which will be discussed in §§ 45-45.
The pronominal subjects of some forms of the transitive verb—and
of some forms of the intransitive verb as well—are also proclitics.
They consist each of a single consonant, and have the tendency to
amalgamate with the preceding word.
Suffixes are fewin number. They are partly modal in character,
signifying ideas like passive, elimination of object of the transitive
verb, causative. A second group expresses certainty and uncertainty
and the source of information. By a peculiar treatment, consisting
partly in the use of suflixes, the modes of the verb are differentiated.
Still another group indicates presence and absence; these take the place
to a great extent of demonstrative pronouns. The objective and pos-
sessive pronouns are also formed by means of suffixes. Most remark-
able among the suffixes are the connectives which express the relations
between adjective and noun, adverb and verb, subject and object,
predicate and object, preposition and object, and conjunction and the
following word. There are only a few classes of these connectives, by
means of which practically all syntactic relations are expressed that
are not expressed by means of particles.
Reduplication serves primarily the purpose of forming the plural.
A number of particles require reduplicated forms of the following
verb. Among these are the particles indicating IMITATION, GENUINE,
ACTION DONE WHILE IN MOTION. The progressive is indicated by a
different kind of reduplication.
Nouns are classified from two points of view, according to form,
and as special human individuals and common nouns. ‘The selection
of verbal stems and of numerals accompanying the noun is determined
by a classification according to form, while there is no grammatical
differentiation in the noun itself. The classes of the numeral are
formed partly by independent stems, but largely by suffixes or by
contraction of the numeral and a classifying noun. In syntactic con-
struction a sharp division is made between special human individuals—
including personal and personal demonstrative pronouns, some terms
of relationship, and proper names—and other nouns.
Plurality is ordinarily expressed both in the noun and in the verb.
It would seem that the primary idea of these forms is that of distri-
bution, but at present this idea is clearly implied in only one of the
many methods of forming the plural. The multiplicity of the methods
$6
298 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [puny. 40
used for forming the plural is one of the striking characteristics of the
Tsimshian language.
It has been mentioned before that most forms of the transitive verb
are treated differently from intransitive verbs. While the subject of
these forms of the transitive verb precedes the verb, that of the intran-
sitive verb, which is identical with the object of the transitive verb and
with the possessive pronoun, followsthe verb. Thisrelation is obscured
by a peculiar use of intransitive constructions that seem to have gained
a wider application, and by the use of the transitive pronoun in some
forms of the intransitive verb. The independent personal pronoun,
both in its absolute case (subject and object) and in its oblique case, is
derived from the intransitive pronoun.
All oblique syntactic relations of noun and verb are expressed by a
single preposition, a, which also serves frequently to introduce subor-
dinate clauses which are nominalized by means of particles.
DISCUSSION OF GRAMMAR (SS 7-67)
Proclitic Particles (Ԥ 7-16)
87%. General Remarks
The Tsimshian language possesses a very large number of particles
which qualify the verb or noun that follows them, each particle modi-
fying the whole following complex, which consists of particles and a
verbal or nominal stem. All these particles are closely connected
with the following stem, which carries the accent. Nevertheless they
retain their phonetic independence. When the terminal sound of the
particle is a consonant, and the first sound of the following stem
is a vowel, there always remains a hiatus between the two. Lack
of cohesion is also shown in the formation of the plural. In a very
few cases only is the stem with its particles treated as a unit. Usually
the particles remain unmodified, while the stem takes its peculiar
plural form; as though no particles were present. There are very few
exceptions to this rule.
The freedom of use of these particles is very great, and the ideas
expressed by them are quite varied. _There is not even a rigid dis-
tinction between adverbial and adnominal particles, and for this reason
a satisfactory grouping is very difficult. Neither is the order of the
particles sufficiently definitely fixed to afford a satisfactory basis for
their classification.
$7
Boas] HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 299
As will be shown later (§ 22), nouns, verbs, and adverbs may be
transformed into elements analogous to the particles here discussed
by the addition of the suffix -zm. Since a number of particles have
the same ending -zm (haldem- no. 77; prlem- no. 80; belxsem- no.
81; mzsem- no. 83; nddm- no. 96; tsagam- no. 9; ts’elem- no. 7;
apilyim- no. 126; degum-no. 5; and the monosyllabic particles am- no.
136; ham- no. 156; ? em- no. 140; ?em- no. 13; ts’ em- no. 152; k'sem-
no. 146; gam- no. 118; «zem- no. 56; Lem- no. 134; szm- no. 168;
dem- no. 170), it seems justifiable to suggest that at least some of
these may either have or have had an independent existence as stems
that may take pronominal endings, and that their present form is
due to contractions (see $33). At least one particle (g’a7- no. 122)
seems to occur both with and without the connective -zm.
The particles may be classified according to the fixity of their con-
nection with the following stem. Ina large number the connection is
so firm that the pronoun can not be placed between particle and stem,
so that the two form a syntactic unit. A much smaller number may
be so separated. Since only the subject of the transitive verb appears
in this position (see § 48), it is impossible to tell definitely in every
case to which group a particle belongs. Furthermore, the particles of
the second group may in some cases be joined to the verb more firmly,
so that the pronominal subject precedes them, while this freedom does
not exist in the former group.
The most distinct group among the particles is formed by the local
adverbs. Many of these occur in pairs; as UP and pown, IN and out,
etc. All of these express motion. In many cases in which we should
use an adverb expressing position, the Tsimshian use adverbs express-
ing motion, the position being indicated as a result of motion. For
instance, instead of HE STANDS NEAR BY, the Tsimshian will say HE Is
PLACED TOWARD A PLACE NEAR BY. These particles are generally
adverbial. This seems to be due, however, more to their significance
than to a prevalent adverbial character. We find instances of their
use with nouns; as,
gali-a’'k's river (gali- up river; aks water)
A second group might be distinguished, consisting of local adverbs,
which, however, show a gradual transition into modal adverbs. Here
belong terms like IN, ON, OVER, LENGTHWISE, ALL OVER, SIDEWAYS,
etc. In composition this group precedes the first group; but no fixed
$7
300 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BuLL. 40
rules can be given in regard to the order in which particles of this
group are arranged among themselves. The use of some of these
particles with nouns is quite frequent.
The second series leads us to the extensive group of modal adverbs,
many of which occur both with nouns and verbs. These gradually
lead us to others, the prevailing function of which is a nominal one.
I have combined in a small group those that have a decidedly
denominative character.
There is another small group that is used to transform nouns into
verbs, and expresses ideas like TO MAKE, TO PARTAKE OF, TO SAY.
It will be recognized from these remarks that a classification neces-
sarily will be quite arbitrary and can serve only the purpose of a
convenient grouping.
$8. Local Particles appearing in Pairs
1. bax- up along the ground (Tsimshian: bas-).
bax-ia' to go up, singular 142.8
bax-qa'd@ en to finish taking up 209.2
bax-sg’é' trail leads upward (literally, to lie up)
bax-d6'g to take up several 208.8
We find also—
bax-id'L ak*s water rises (literally, goes up)
Tsimshian:
bax-wa'les to go up hill
bax-gr'°wa to haul up
2. ¢éaga- down along the ground (Tsimshian: y/aga-).
caga-sg"é' trail leads downward (literally, to lie downward)
iaga-vé' to go down 137.5
caga-sa’ksk" to go down (plural) 29.9
Tsimshian:
y/aga-ga'° to go down to
ylaga-do'x to take down
3. mEn- up through the air (Tsimshian: #a-).
meEn-g'd'ask" to look up 214.2
men-da'utt he went up through the air 95.4
meEn-g'iba'yuk to tly up 126.9
meEn-L0'6 to go up, plural 42.8
l0-men-hwan to sit in something high up, plural 34.1 (20- in;
hwan to sit, plural)
meEn-dé'x to be piled up; (to lie up, plural) 164.13
men-g@’6d to finish taking up 95.10
§8
BOAS] HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 301
Tsimshian:
man-ia' to go up ZEt 790"
di-man-hé'ksg to go up with some one
merla-man-walxs both go up
man-li' plume (literally, upward feather)
4. @Ep- down through the air (Tsimshian: tgé-).
@rp-ié to go down (from a tree) 9.14
@ pp-hé' tk” to stand downward, a tree inclines downward 201.8
dé-qulik's-@ ep-ma’qs to throw one’s self down also (dé also;
gulik's self [obj.]; mags to throw)
l0-@’rp-gal to drop down inside (/d in; gal to drop) 181.138
l0-@’ rp-da'ut Logs the sun sets
Tsimshian:
tgi-nétsy to look down
lu-tgi-té° to stretch down in something
tgi-za’° to go straight down through the air
5. LEgEm-, logom- into, from the top (Tsimshian: logom-).
logom-ba'x to go aboard (literally, to run into [canoe]) 111.11
legem-qa'ten to finish (putting) into 215.12
logém-d'x* to throw into from the top
Tsimshian:
sa-logdm-gés to jump into (canoe) suddenly
lagom- ba’? to run in
logom- -t/@ to sit on edge of water
6. #uks- out of, from top (Tsimshian: whs-, t’uks-).
Cuks-10'6 to stretch down out of canoe 181.3
Puks-id'é to go out of (here, to boil over) 132.5
Cuks-ba'x to run out of dish (over the rim)
Puks-6'x" to throw (meat out of skin of game 150.12
Tsimshian:
uks-halho'lt they are full all the way out
uks-dé'g to take out of (bucket)
adat uks-sa'k!a n-ts/a'ltga? then he stretched out his face
7. ts’ELEm- into, from the side (Tsimshian: ts/ ElEm-).
ts Elem-ba'e to run in 204.9
ts’ Elem-hé' th” to rush in (literally, to place one’s self into) 209.11
ts’Elem-a'qLk” to get into 129.12
ts/zlem-dé-ba'x to run in with something 140.15
Tsimshian:
ts/elzm-wi-ha'utg to cry into (house)
ts !nlem-t/a°t to put into
————————
1 References preceded by ZE refer to the Zeitschrift fiir Ethnologie, 1908.
§ 8
302 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 40
8. Kesé- out of, from the side (Tsimshian: As E-).
k'si-go'u to take out 129.12
k'si-7 ots to cut out 121.6
k'si-ha'tk" to rush out (literally, to place one’s self outside) 30.7
Tsimshian:
ksE-t6'° to shove out
ksz-hi'°tk to call out
sEm-kse-ya' dz to cut right out ZE 7847
ksz-gwa'ntg to rise (sun), (literally, to touch out)
9. tsagam- from on the water toward the shore (Tsimshian:
dzagam-).
tsagam-ha'k’s to scold from the water toward the shore 16.4
tsagam-ho'u to escape to the shore 51.14
tsagam-dé-g'iba'yuk to fly ashore with it (dé- with) 178.12
t lrp-tsagam-qaé'xqut he himself dragged it ashore (¢ he; lzp-
self [subj.]; @’a@’érgz to drag; -¢ it) 175.14
tsagam-g'é'n to give food shoreward 175.3
Tsimshian:
zagam-da'ut to go ashore
dzagam-lu-ytlya'lig to return to the shore, plural
10. whs- from the land to a place on the water (T'simshian: wks-,
Vuks).
uks-ié' to go out to a place on the water near the shore 150.14
uks-a' gtk" to reach a point out on the water 74.13
dé-uks-ba'xt he also ran down to the beach 104.13
Sometimes this prefix is used apparently in place of zaga- (no. 2),
signifying motion from inland down to the beach, although it
seems to express properly the motion out to a point on the
water.
Tsimshian:
uks-hé’°th to stand near the water
uks-ha'u to say turned seaward
uks-da'ut to go out to sea
In Tsimshian this prefix occurs also with nouns:
uks-a'pda-q/amé°tg one canoe after another being out seaward
wagaut-uks- Gidegané'idzet the Tlingit way out at sea
11. galdix:- to the woods in rear of the houses; corresponding nouns,
gilélia; qgagala'n 65.13 (Tsimshian: gatdik-; correspond-
ing noun, g@/-haw'li).
galdix’-ié' to go back into the woods 8.4
galdiz*-ma'ga to put behind the houses into the woods 65.13
§8
BOAS] HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 303
Tsimshian:
qatdik-sgz'r to lie aside
qgaldik-1a'° to go into woods
12. na- out of the woods in rear of the houses to the houses; cor-
responding noun, g*du (Tsimshian: na-).
na-ba'v to run out of woods 147.11
na-hé'ts to send out of woods 213.13
na-de-iad to go out of woods with something 214.8
Tsimshian:
na-got to run out of woods, plural
na-ba'? to run out of woods, singular
13. # Em- from rear to middle of house (Tsimshian: t/Em-).
?em-é' to go to the middle of the house 130.12
?Eem-@a't to put into the middle of the house 193.14
Crem-ga'gt to drag into the middle of the house 62.11
Tsimshian:
t/zm-stu’°l to accompany to the fire
t/zm-di-ia’° to go also to the fire
14. asé- from the middle to the front of the house (Tsimshian: asdé-).
asé-0'x* to throw from the middle of the house to the door
Tsimshian:
| asdi-ga@’° to take back from fire
The same prefix is used in Tsimshian to express the idea of MISTAKE:
| asdi-ha’u to make a mistake in speaking
Tsimshian synonyms of ¢’?Em- (no. 13) and asdé- (no. 14) are—
15. lagauk- from the side of the house to the fire.
lagank-ia’? to go to the fire
lagauk-hi’ °tg to call to fire
16. ts! Ek: !/a€- from the fire to the side of the house.
| ts/zh*/at-ma’g to put away from fire
17. gali- up river; corresponding noun, magdén 117.6 (Tsimshian:
q/ala-).
l0-gali-sg"z (trail) lies up in the river 146.10
gali-cé’ to go up river 117.6
This prefix occurs with nominal significance in gali-a'k's river
(literally, up river water).
Tsimshian:
wi-q/ala-a'ks large river
lu-q/ala-ya’°k to follow behind
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304 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL, 40
18. g*isi- down river; corresponding noun, saz 23.6 (Tsimshian:
gisi-; corresponding noun, sz?).
g tsi-ba'v to run down river 18.11
g isi-a'gLh" to arrive down river 23.6
kut-g‘isi-lik’s they float about down the river 16.10
In one case it seems to Mean DOWN AT THE BANK OF THE RIVER.
g'isi-lo-wa'wog it was dug down in it down the river 197.8
Tsimshian:
str-gisi-ia@’° to continue to go down river
gisi-ksia'n down Skeena river
19. g:tdi- right there, just at the right place or in the right manner
(Tsimshian: g°tdé-). .
sem-g'tdi-lo-hé' th¥ exactly just there in it it stood 88.8
g idi-gak'sk¥t just there he was dragged 51.5
g'idi-go'u to catch (literally, to take in the right manner) 147.8
Tsimshian:
g tdi-ga” to catch ZE 7871"
g tdi-wa'l to stop
sz-gtdi-hi'°tg to stand still suddenly
g tdi-t/a’° to stop ZE 788°
20. légri- at some indefinite place, not in the right manner; i. e.,
almost (Tsimshian: légi-).
ligi-k’ut-da’ to sit about somewhere 54.10
lig't-tsagam-de'lpk" it was a short distance to the shore some-
where 104.8
lig:i-metmeé’ tk” full in some place (i. e., almost full) 159.10
This particle is often used with numerals in the sense of ABOUT:
lig'i-tea'lpx about four 14.1
It is also used as a nominal prefix:
lig:i-lax-t’a'L somewhere on the edge 104.8
lig’t-nda’ somewhere 87.1
lig*t-hwi'l goods (i. e., being something) 164.8
Tsimshian:
| ligi-ndz’ somewhere ZE 782”°
ligi-g@’° something
| lig'i-la-ni' ndz to see bad luck coming
lig't-ga'n any tree
A few others appear probably in pairs like the preceding, but only
one of the pair has been recorded.
21. spt- out of water.
spi-ié’ to go out of water 52.2
spi-go'u to take out of water
§8
Boas] HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 305
92. wul’ame- out of water (Tsimshian: wel’ame-).
Tsimshian:
wulam-bax-do'g to take up from water
wulam-a'alg to get ashore
wulam-ia’ to go ashore
§ 9. Local Particles—Continued
The following series of local particles do not appear clearly in pairs,
or—according to their meaning—do not form pairs:
23. tsaga- across (Tsimshian: dzaga-).
tsaga-sg‘? to lay across 40.12
lep-tsaga-york" he went across 40.13
tsaga-dé'éntk" to lead across 79.11
tsuga-ho'ksaan to fasten across an opening 217.5
tsaga-his’ia'ts to chop across 201.7
gun-tsaga-cé' to order to go across 40.13
Tsimshian:
dzaga-ia'° to go across
dzaga-di-la° staying also across (a name).
g ap-k !a-dzaga-alu-ba’ to run really very openly across ZE 786"!
24. qallesi- through a hole (Tsimshian: galksE-).
galk'si-yo'xk” to go’ through 149.12
galksi-g'a'ask” to look through 127.8
galksi-liba'yuk to fly through, plural 14.9
lo-qalk'si-ha'qoax to squeeze through inside 149.15
This prefix occurs also before nouns:
qalk'si-n0'd a hole through 11.9
qalk'si-sqd’éxk" through the darkness
Tsimshian:
galhsz-né'°tsg to look through
galksn-k/7'°ts/el to poke through
galkse-a'atg to get through (literally, to finish through)
25. g°tme- probably far into, way in (Tsimshian: gami-).
gime-vé to walk to the rear of the house, through the space
between people sitting on the sides 132.14, 189.13
g ime-qa'ts to pour through a pipe, along the bottom of a canoe
gime-yo'xk® to go through a pipe 183.1
Tsimshian:
| Zu-gami-t/a’° it goes way in
26. l6gdl- under (corresponding noun, 172).
l6gél-dep-@a, to sit under (a tree) 8.4
44877—Bull. 40, pt 1—10-——20 § 9
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BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 40
27. lukL- under (Tsimshian: luktéi-).
lukt-g iba’ yuk to fly under
Tsimshian:
| tukti-da’ut to go under
28. lé-gan- over. (In Tsimshian g’an- occurs alone, but also U/7-
)
q/an-, which is more frequent. This prefix is a compound of
L/i- on, and g/an OVER.)
lé-gan-6u* to throw over
lée-gan-g'a’ask" to look over
Tsimshian:
L/i-q/an-bé't to be spread over
L/i-q/an-si’ to swing over
sa-qg/an-t/a'° to put over
29. lO- in; the corresponding noun has the prefix ¢s’zn- INSIDE;
independent noun, ¢s’d@ou (Tsimshian: Jee-; the corresponding
noun has the prefix ¢s/zm- INSIDE).
l6-d’a to be in 118.10
dé-lo-a'lg‘txt g6’ot he also speaks in his mind (1. e., he thinks)
49,14
l6-@ rp-iax’ia'g to hang down inside 65.10 (d’zp- down [no. 4])
lo-sqga-ma'gsaan to put in sideways 150.3 (sga- sideways [no. 36)
lo-wusen-mé tk” it is full inside all along 29.10 (wusen- along -
[no. 51])
haspa-lo-yo'vh" to go in the same road 202.15 (hasp’a-, hasba-
upside down [no. 74])
lé-lo-d’ep-yu'k to move on the surface in something downward
104.11 (2é- on [no. 30]; d@’zp- down [no. 4])
This prefix occurs in a few fixed compositions:
lo-ya lth” to return
lo-da'ltk” to meet
It occurs also in a few cases as a nominal prefix:
(0-ts'é' wu inside 102.10
lo-k's-g'é wit in the lowest one 53.11 (A’s- extreme [no. 143])
l0-ks-g'7'éks at the extreme outside 219.1
lo-Lipia'p deep inside 197.8
lo-sé'luk in the middle 184.13
Tsimshian:
§9
lu-sgr'r to lie inside ZE 78277
lu-t/a’° to sit in
sa-lu-haldnm-ba’? suddenly to rise in something
lu-tgi-to’? to stretch down in
lagazx-lu-da’ to put in on both sides (/agax- on both sides [no. 38])
BoAS] HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 307
30. lé- on; the corresponding noun has the prefix daz-; independent
noun, /ax’d’ (Tsimshian: //%-; the corresponding noun has
the prefix /az-; independent noun, /az’d’).
lé-d’a’ to sit on 202.4
le-men-pta'ltk” to rise up to the top of (see no. 3)
lé-ia'g to hang on 89.10
txa-lé-bat to spread over entirely (see no. 93)
lé-sga-sg't to put on sideways 184.13 (see no. 36)
Tsimshian:
sa-Lli-g'@’°ks to drift suddenly on something (see no. 98)
L/i-bz'ts’ rn to put on
sEm-l/7-Calb to cover well (see no. 168)
L/i-sr-gu'lg to make fire on something (see no. 164)
ha-l/i-gd@'°t to think (see no. 160)
31. tgo- around (Tsimshian: tgu-).
lo-tgo-ba'x to run around inside 77.11
R’wa'ts ik's-tgo-ma'ga to turn over and over much 52.10 (see
no. 176)
tgo-ya ith" to turn around 47.9
kK’ ut-lo-tgo-lax-lé'lb’en to roll about around inside to and fro
13.14 (4’uxz- about [no. 331: do- inside [no. 29]; ¢go- around; lazr-
to and fro Ino. 38})
Tsimshian:
Rut-tgu-né'°tsg to look around (see no. 33)
tgu-wa'n to sit around, plural
tgu-7a@° to go around
tgu-da'p to measure around ZE 784°?
32. k’utgo- around; corresponding noun, daz’ circumference.
sa-k’utgo-da' ux to go suddenly around (the trunk of a tree) 211.9
kutgo-ié eth" to go around (the house) 218.1
33. k’wL- about (Tsimshian: h/eed-).
keut-ba'x to run about 94.10
Kut-lé-10' 6th" he puts about on it 218.7
qasba-k’ut-hwa'ax’ he paddled about astray 17.2
Rut-lia'la'k* to scatter about
Tsimshian:
alu-k’ut-1a’? to go about plainly ZE 78348
k/ut-yu-haksg to carry bucket about (see no. 159)
k/ut-da'msax to be downcast here and there (i. e., always)
34. k’tlq’al- round on the outside.
kilgal-ma'n to rub over the outside 103.12
kV ilgal-aats'a xk" scabby all around
§9
308 ' BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 40
35. tq’al- against (Tsimshian: taal-).
ty al-gwalk” to dry against (i. e., so that it can not come off) 104.2
tq’al-d@’at to put against (i.:e., on) face 195.12
tyal-da'k't to tie on 68.12
This prefix is often used to express the idea of MEETING:
t7al-hwa’ to meet and find 31.6
hwagait-lo-tq al-go'usk” to reach up to inside against (i. e., meet-
ing) (Awagait- up to [no. 71]; do- in [no. 29]})
tq’al-ga'd to go to meet (to go against) 158.11
Sometimes it expresses the idea of wITH:
tg al-a’k's to drink something with water 21.9
ty’al-hu'ksaan to place with something 36.8
In still other cases it signifies FOREVER, in so far as the object
remains fastened against something:
lo-tq’al-gwd'tk® to be lost forever in something (/d- in; ¢g’al-
against 166.1
It also may express the idea FOR A PURPOSE:
tgal-a'm good for a purpose 80.14
sem-tyal-sizp En to like much for a purpose 45.1
tg al-wé' lemik” female servant
Tsimshian:
sa-twal-g'd'sg to float suddenly against (i. e., so that it reaches)
taal-ho'ltg full all over
tval-a'atg to arrive at
36. Sqa- across the way (Tsimshian: sga-).
sga-d’a’ to be in the way 183.10
lo-sqa-hé't en to place inside in the way 129.10
sga-sg‘?’ to lie across 148.11
Tsimshian:
li-sga-yédz to strike in and across the face
lep-sga-dakt (he) himself ties across (see no. 129)
sga-g'7'°tg to swell lying across
sga-ba’° to run across (i. e., to assist)
sga-na'k some time (literally, across long) ZE 791?"
sga-ba' a few
87. grilwul- past, beyond (Tsimshian: g-tlwul-).
g tlwul-dam to hold beyond a certain point 61.8
Tsimshian:
g tlwul-ba’? to run past
g tlwul-ax’a'atg to get ahead
L/i-g/an-g ilwul-di'*lek not to be able to pass over (see no. 28)
$9
BOAS] HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 309
88. laac- to and fro, at both ends (Tsimshian: lagax-),
(a) to and fro:
lax-ba'x to run to and fro
4 at both ends, on both sides:
lax-g'itg'a'tk“s carved at both ends
lax-lo-lid'xk® to move in it on both sides 34.4
lax-lé'tk* to watch both ends 136.10
laix-aa'lgix to talk both ways (i. e., to interpret)
lix-hwa'nemitk" seated on both sides (two wives of the same
man) 194.7
This prefix occurs also with nouns:
Lia-wisr, Was (a monster) at each end 106.14
Léix-mak' sk" white at each end (name of a man)
Tsimshian:
lagax-lu-dd’® to put in on both sides
lagau-nz-sta'® both sides
39. sa- off (Tsimshian: sa-).
sa-6x* to throw off 145.2
sa-besbé's to tear off 25.4
sa-hé tk” to stand off 137.9
sa-V6'g to scratch off
sa-uks-ts ens-' kick to escape going off, leaving out to sea
(wks- toward water [no. 10]; ¢s’zns- leaving [no. 104])
Tsimshian:
sa-g@'° to take off
sa-ts/a'°t to pull off
40, g@ts- away to another place.
gis-'a' (plural gés-hwa'n) to transplant (@a [plural hwan] to sit)
gis-ié' to move away to another place
gi's-hé' th"sen/ move away to another place!
41. wud En- away forward (Tsimshian: wud’ En-).
wud’ En-ié' to step forward
wud En-k'sla'gs to kick away
Tsimshian:
| wud’En-gwa'’ away here along the middle
42. liks- along a valley (Tsimshian).
| luks-g*ig'@'°nit down along the river
43. wiL-away, probably insome special direction (Tsimshian: awul-).
wit-go’ to take away
Tsimshian:
| awul-ma’g to put aside, to sidetrack
$9
310 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BuLL. 40
44. hagun- toward, near; corresponding noun, awa'a (Tsimshian:
gun-,; corresponding noun, awa’).
hagun-2é to go toward 129.14
agi-hagun-yo'rk" unable to get near 201.6 (see no. 137)
hagun-hé' th* to stand near 125.4
hagun-dé lpk® a short distance near by 147.5
Tsimshian:
gun-7a'° to go toward
gun-ga'° to go toward something
gun-t/a’? to sit near
45. héla- near by.
héla-d’a’' to sit near by
46. lOsa- in front.
losa-cé to walk in front of
losa-d’a’ to sit in front of
47. taas- along the surface of a long thing (Tsimshian: taas-).
txas-ié' to walk on a long thing
tvas-la'agul to wrap up a long thing
txas-ia'ts to chop along a long thing
Tsimshian: |
lu-txas-sgz'r to put in edgewise
sa-lu-txas-ta'°t to shove in suddenly edgewise
tras-k./a'%t through the year ZE 792°”
48. hadix:- lengthwise along the middle line (Tsimshian: hat/Ek-).
hadix'-qo'ts to cut (a salmon) lengthwise 55.3
Tsimshian:
| lu-hat/ek-ta°%t to push in endwise
49, stEa- lengthwise, on either side of middle line.
stEa-C tsk” one side lengthwise is black
stex-sgq’'7L gé'nEx lax-ts é'L aks the trail lies along (the water) on
the beach-side; (sz to lie; gé’nzw trail; dax- on [no. 151];
ts’é't beach; aks water)
50. haL- along the edge, edgewise (Tsimshian: had-).
(a) Along the edge:
keut-hax-id' to walk about along the edge (of the water) 122.4
dét-hat-dé' qt he held it also along the edge (of the fire) 47.8 (dé
also [no. 167]; ¢ he [subj.]; @éq to place; -¢ it)
Not quite clear is the following:
gam-lo-hat-tugt a k“det they only twisted off (their necks) inside
along the edge 115.5 (g’am- only [no. 118]; dd- in [no. 29];
-det they)
§9
BOAS] HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES art
(6) Edgewise:
hat-g'd'6t En to put (the paddle into the water) edgewise
Tsimshian:
h/ut-hat-hé'tg to stand about alongside of ZE 796%”
hat-k' /a'n to go along beach in canoe
hat-gwa’? along here
51. wusEn- along the inside (Tsimshian: wus En-).
wusEn-hé' tk” to rush along inside (the canoe) 57.5
lo-wusen-mé th” full along inside (the canoe) 29.10
wusEn-bishé’s to tear lengthwise (to split) 99.13 (or wudzEn-
see no. 41)
wusEn-yis ia'ts to chop lengthwise (into wedges) 148.4
Tsimshian:
lax-wusEn-ia’ on the flat top of a mountain (literally, on along
going)
52. witsEn-, hiits’En- along through the middle (Tsimshian:
wuts! En-).
wits En-ii' to go back through the house 125.3
hits’ rn-d’ax to put from fire back to the rear of the house 207.2
Tsimshian:
| wuts/En-ia'? to go along through the house
53. wLtp- at end (Tsimshian: x€Ep-).
xLip-gu's to hit at end 88.11
aLip-Cést o'tsk” black at the ends 31.5
Tsimshian:
atep-hé'ksen to put on at end
sEm-atep-tsuwa'n the very end of the top
54, actsé- in the middle of a long thing (Tsimshian: xts/E-),
atsé-ia'ts to chop across the middle 133.9
sa-xtse-o'ts to cut quickly across the middle 100.6
Tsimshian:
| ats/n-gai’ to bite through in the middle
55. KY Lé- all over (Tsimshian: k“éé-).
k“1é-hasha'ts to bite all over 84.15
h“xé-bishé's to tear to pieces 71.6
k“zé-ca'ts to hit all over 58.2
Tsimshian:
k“ti-1a'°m laxha’ going across the sky ZE 783°°
kti-gaigar' to bite all over
kti-galgo'l split all over
§9
812 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BuLu. 40
56. #LEm- around an obstacle, making a curve around something
(Tsimshian: x&E£m-).
xLem vé' to go overland, cutting off a point
xLEm-ma' gat to put a rope over something
xLEm-hé'tst to send around something
aLEm-da'ga to choke some one, hang some one
Here belongs also—
aLEm-galgai's’ét to kneel down
This prefix occurs also with nouns.
aLEem-gé nex trail going around in a circle
Tsimshian:
atem-ia'°k to embrace
atem-da'kt to tie around
57. k’éd0- sideways.
k’édo-g'a' ask to look sideways
58. h’aL- aside.
gam-k”at-L0'6t she only pushes aside 191.11
kh at-hé'tgum 7ésemg labret standing on one side 191.13
59. gana- inclined against (Tsimshian)
gana-ta’° to sit leaning against something
gana-hétg to stand leaning against something
gana-ba'tsg to stand leaning against something
60. maxtE- through a narrow channel (Tsimshian).
maxtr-ba’ to go through a channel
maate-ha'd@eks to swim through a channel
maath-g’a’p a narrow channel
Maxts-qa'ta Metlakahtla, narrow channel of sea (compare
Git-qa'ta people of the sea)
61. gik«si- out of ; undoubtedly a compound of £#'sz. out of (no. 8).
g'ik'si-hwi' tk® to come out of 10.1
62. liila- near the end; perhaps a compound of /0- in (no. 29), and
héla- near (no. 45).
liila-Wée'liks cut off smooth at end (name of a dog), from
@é'lik's smooth
li’ila-a'lg*tx to speak close to some one
§10. Modal Particles
There is no strict distinction between this group and the preceding
one. Many of the particles classed here are used with equal frequency
as.adverbial and as adnominal elements. Thus we find w?-, which
means at the same time GREATLY, MUCH, and LARGE; Zgo0-, which sig-
§ 10
Boas] HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES Bs 3 es
nifies both A LITTLE and sMALL. ‘The attempt has been made to rele-
gate all elements which may be separated from the stem by a pronoun
into a group by themselves (§ 15); but since such separation occurs
only in transitive verbs, and not all particles have been found with
transitive verbs, it seems likely that the grouping may have to be
changed when the language comes to be better known. While in
some cases the composition of particles and stems is quite firm, others
convey the impression of being almost independent adverbs.
63. awus- ready to move; not free (Tsimshian).
awus-t/a@'° ready to stand up, singular
awus-wa'n ready to stand up, plural s
awus-hé°th ready to move
63a. a- easily (Tsimshian).
a-sona't easily tired
a-k“ti' easily hungry
a-ba'gask worried (literally, easily tasted)
64. anb’ El- in an unusual frame of mind. This prefix is not entirely
free (Tsimshian: p/El-).
anb’pl-hé' to say crying 220.5
an’ el-w'lgtx to speak while angry, to talk behind one’s back
anl’ zl-va'atk to strike, break, in a state of anger
anb’ el-qala'y to play
Tsimshian:
| p/el-ga-mi'lk to play with something
65. ank-s- opening up (Tsimshian: aks-).
ank's-ksla'qst to kick apart 134.3
ank's-ié' to increase
ank's-t pmé'st paint-pot
we-anksi-sgan large rotten (open) tree 106.12
Tsimshian:
_ sa-hagul-aks-ia’° to open suddenly slowly (see no. 76)
aks-ia'°g to increase
aks-t/u'°s to push open
sz-aks-q/a'g to open up
66. agwé- outside, beyond (Tsimshian: agwié-).
agwi-tgal-da' it is outside close against it
agwi-an-da'x* the outside
agwi-ma'l boat (literally, beyond a canoe)
agwi-hugda' ek” en great-grandchild (lit., beyond grandchild)
Tsimshian:
| agwi-ba'tsg to stand outside
§ 10
814 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY ({BuLL. 40
67. alo- (a- easily, /u- in?) plainly; alone (Tsimshian: alve-).
(a) Plainly, real:
alo-d’a' there was plainly 106.13
alo-ba'n run quickly ! 93.4
sem-k’a-ale-ba'z to run really exceedingly quick 107.10
As a nominal prefix we find it in—
alo-gig'a't real persons (i. e., Indians) 170.13
Here belongs probably—
sem-alo-gol to run quite suddenly, plurai 141.8
(6) Alone; always with reduplication:
alo-hehé'th® to stand alone 44.15
alo-sisg7’ to lie alone
alo-d’rd’a' to sit alone
Tsimshian :
adlu-kut-ia'? to go about plainly ZE 783%
alu-t/a@ to be in evidence
alu-ba'? to run really
68. a@Lax- in bad health (Tsimshian: €a-).
aLax-hag'd' otk" having a crippled back
Tsimshian :
| ta-g'a'tk in bad health
69. aLda- in the dark.
aLda-wa'«e to paddle in the night
atda-ié’ to walk in the dark
70. é- with reduplication; action done while in motion.
i-g'ig'rbd' yuk flying while being moved
2-aa' lg*iné I talk while moving, while at work
i-haha' dék's swimming while carrying
71. hwagait- completing a motion entirely (Tsimshian: wagait-).
This prefix belongs to the series bagait- (/xbagait-) (no. 82),
sagait- (no. 99), spagart- (no. 103), gamgait- (no. 119);
hwagart-qalk'si-da' ut to pass through entirely 143.14(see no. 24)
hwagait-sq‘7' to lie way over 134.3
hwagait-ma'g to put away
This is also a nominal prefix:
hwagait-gviks way off shore 146.14
hwagait-go'st over there 134.4
Tsimshian:
sem-sa-wagait-uks-da' ut to go right out to sea very suddenly
(see nos. 168, 98, 10)
wagait-yia'ks way off shore
§ 10
_ =
BoAS] HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 815
72. waLEn- former.
waLEen-ga'n an old (rotten) tree 25.4
waLEn-na k'st his former wife 135.14
watEn-g'ig'a't the people of former times 191.1
waLEn-wi-gesgd ot the same size as before 23.4
73. wit- great, greatly; singular (Tsimshian: aw7@-). This prefix is
commonly used as an attribute, but also as an adverb,
expressing, however, rather a auality of the subject. See
also_ztgo- no. 135.
(a) Adverbial:
wi-sE-mé'L to make burn much 89.8
wi-sa’ gat it splits much 148.8
It is also found in fixed combinations:
wi-yé th” to cry 90.3
wi-am-hé't to shout 89.12. Here it is apparently connected
with the adverbial -zm (§ 22)
(6) Adjectival:
wi-g:'a’t big (awkward) man 196.9
wi-lig’é Ensk great grizzly bear 118.4
W7-wba'la Great West-wind (a name)
Tsimshian:
(a) Adverbial:
wi-ha'utk to ery
(2) Adjectival:
wi-go ep.'a great light ZE 785°
wi-meEd? Ek great grizzly bear
gap-kla-wi-narnd'g really exceedingly great supernatural
being (see nos. 117, 106)
wi-sEenvagit great chief
73a. wud’ax- great, plural (Tsimshian: ewet/a-).
wud ax-qa-we'n large teeth 84.3
wud ax-anx-qa-gd' ddet great fools 33.10
74. hasba- upside down (Tsimshian: hasba-). This prefix is re-
lated to gasba- no. 121.
haspa-bé's to tear out so that it is upside down 127.13
sEm-hasba-sq’v' to lay exactly face up 214.11
hasba'-sg°t to lay upside down (a hat) 17.2
Peculiar is—
hasba-lo-yd'xk" to go in the same trail 202.15
Tsimshian:
| hasba-p/é'xgal to tear out so that it is upside down
§ 10
316 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY
75. hats’ Eks- terribly, causing feeling of uneasiness.
hats’ rks-hwi'l to act so that people get afraid
hats’ rks-a'lg‘tx to talk roughly
76. hagul- slowly (Tsimshian: hagul-).
hagul-hiwi'l to do slowly 54.4
hagul-gwa' 6tk® to disappear slowly
Tsimshian:
hagul-ba’° to run slowly ZE 7864
hagul-dzaga-ia"° to go slowly across ZL 787%
hagul-k“da'xs to leave slowly
hagul-ia@'°x to go slowly
[BULL. 40
77. haldEm- (Tsimshian: haldEm-) occurs only with the verbs
bax, plural gél, ro RUN, with the meaning TO RISE 124.9, 114.7.
In Tsimshian the same composition with 6a@°, plural géf, TO RUN,
occurs with the same meaning; but the prefix seems to be a
little freer with the meaning RISING FROM THE GROUND.
haldzm-ni°dz to look up
78. hit- to begin (Tsimshian: h7-).
hé'-yuk to begin 138.14
q¢ ai-hée-lé'duadet they just began to shoot 20.4
This prefix is much more common with nouns:
hi-mesa'«’ beginning of day
hé'-tuk morning
Tsimshian:
hi-se-t/a/°t it just began to be ZE 781°
hi-ts/7’°n just to enter
hi-set/a-demt p/a'egant he began to break it down
79. hts- to do apparently, to pretend to (Tsimshian: s@s-); always
with medial suffix (see § 17.3-5).
his’-a'k'sk® to pretend to drink 18.7
his-huwd'qs to pretend to sleep 219.10
his-huwi'ltk"s to pretend to do 23.1
his-né' oth” to pretend to be dead 65.11
-hés-wiyé tks to pretend to cry 217.10
his-ti'ntk's to pretend to be angry
his-xda' k's to pretend to be hungry
Tsimshian:
| sts-k"t7/°nu | pretend to be hungry
sés-@/xs to laugh (literally, to play with the mouth)
sés-yu-ha-kda'ks to play having (i. e., with) a bow (see nos. 159»
160)
§ 10
BOAS] HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES Bas
80. pELEm- to act as though one was performing an action (Tsim-
shian: DEnEm-).
peElem-go’ to act as though taking 38.8
prlem-vé to go and turn back again at once
ptlem-g'a'p to act as though eating something
Tsimshian:
benrm-axs?’°tk to act as though vomiting
benem-t/u’°s to act as though about to strike
81. bElasEm- in front of body, forward; similar in meaning to
3 axina- no. 127 (Tsimshian: «bDEsEm-).
t lo-beluvsem-qgaqga' gant he opened it in front of his body 26.14
Tsimshian:
| abrsem-sger to lie prone ZE 789!"
82. bagait- just in the right place or manner (Tsimshian: lEba-
gait-). Compare hwagart- (no. 71), sagact- (no. 99), spa-
gait- (no. 103), g’amgart- (no. 119).
bagait-kwa’st it is cracked right in the middle
bagait-go’ to hit just in the right place
gam-bagait-brbrsba'tsk" only to be lifted just in the right way
62.13
Like the other prefixes ending in -gazt, this prefix is also nominal:
sem-bagait-sé luk just right in the middle 73.4.
Tsimshian:
lebagait-sga-ba'tsg to stand across just there ZE 793"
lebagait-det/a’ sitting alone
Lnbagait-ba’° to be lost
83. MESEMm- separate.
mEsEm-hwa'n to sit separately
meEsEm-LO' to walk separately
84. ma- like (Tsimshian: 0E-).
ma-wa tsa crazy (literally; like a land-otter)
ma-o'l having epileptic fits (literally, like a bear)
Tsimshian:
| mn-wa'ts/a crazy (literally, like a land-otter)
85. wadi- like (Tsimshian).
wadi-hats/ia'°n innumerable (literally, like fly- blows)
wadi-kse-te' atx like fluid slime
wadi-wii' lb like a house
86. maz- only, entirely, all.
maa-hana’'g (they are) all women 184.5
maax-é' uxt a woman having only sons; (they are) all men
max-hé'x* it is only fat 42.3
§ 10
318 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BuLL. 40
87. mEL(a)- to each, distributive (Tsimshian: mEta-).
meELa-guld nt three to each
meELi-k’4'l one man in each (corner) 33.12
Tsimshian:
| muta-k/n'rel one to each
88. mEta- both (Tsimshian).
89.
me'la-mEn-wa' las both go up (see no. 3)
meéla-l/7-dd’® to put on both (see no, 30)
meBla-hakhéldrm gat both (villages had) many people
SEn- firmly (Tsimshian).
sen-na’ to bait
sen-dd'vs to hold fast
sen-wo'x to admonish
90. dka-, dtx:- firmly; not free (Tsimshian: dax-),
91
92
dix'-yu'k" to hold fast
Tsimshian:
| dax-ya'°gwa to hold fast
. AE-, dé- with (Tsimshian: dE-).
dz-da’ut to carry away (literally, to go away with)
tswum-de-g'*iba’ yuk to fly ashore with something 178.12
Tsimshian:
dr-ba'? to run away with
bax-dn-go' it/xks to come up with
t dn-ts’i°nt he entered with it
. diila- improperly.
dula-a'lg‘tx to talk improperly, to grumble
dula-@'a' det agt to put mouth on one side
dila-yé étk"s to walk improperly, to wabble
wi-dula-g'a' tk" being a great improper man (i. e., cowardly) 195.3
93. taxa- entirely, all (Tsimshian: taca-).
twa-q0'lisngat he carried all on his shoulder 116.4
trva-wo'd to invite all 186.15
twxa-lo-ts’d’ 6t to skin inside entirely 150.10
tva-bela' da it was all abalone 45.3
This prefix is contained also in—
twané th” all
Tsimshian:
tva-ga' ntg stiff (literally, woody) all over
twa-wa'°ntg to have teeth to the end (of life)
twa-yelg all slippery
txa-l/i-gad’nat all fall on
§ 10
BOAS] HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 319
94. 2a@- to complete an action (Tsimshian: a-).
na-da'qu to strike with a hammer so that it breaks
na-ha'ts to bite through 127.8
na-o'x* to hit so that it breaks 48.8
na-gapga' bret they fastened it so that it staid 178.3
na-disd’é's to knock with the hand 8.12
Tsimshian:
| na-g'a'th to punch through
95. na- each other, one another (Tsimshian: na-).
kh’ ax-na-ala'lg iadet they talked to each other for a while 19.8
(see no. 107)
na-«sée'ngdet they disbelieved each other 28.2
ut-na-gag é det they howled about to one another 96.4
Tsimshian:
| lu-na-té’l to put into each other
ALA AIA
96. n0’6m- to desire. This may possibly be the verb 7é’6 To DIE.
nd'dm-zé' to desire to go
no'dm-a'k's to desire to drink 21.8
If this element is an adverbial form of 76'é, it corresponds to
Tsimshian:
| dza'gem asta’ ganu I am dead asleep
97. sEl- fellow, companion (Tsimshian: s£1-).
silhana’g fellow-woman 208.12
sil-~aima'ysit fellow-youths 195.13
This prefix is also used with verbs:
sil-hwa’'n to sit together
sil-qas-q@' 6 En to be of the same size 89.7
Tsimshian:
| nz -sel-wa'lt his companions
98. sd- suddenly (Tsimshian: sa-).
sa-hé'th” to stand suddenly 99.14
si-gé' sk" to stop crying suddenly 22.5
Tsimshian:
sa-ha'u to say suddenly
sa-l/i-g'@ks to float suddenly on something
sa-lu-haldem-ba'’° to arise suddenly on something
sa-lu-nd'°’k to lie on something suddenly
99. sagatt- together (Tsimshian: sagatt-) (see nos. 71, 82, 103, 119).
sagait-da' kt to fasten together 68.10
sagaii-ié to go together 51.8
sagait-wi'lgat to carry all together 70.10
§ 10
320 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 40
Tsimshian:
sugait-wa'n to sit together ZE 786118
sagait-htg to stand together
sagait- lu-am’a'm gaga'’d they were all glad (literally, good in
their hearts)
sagait-wa'lzsem we walk together
100. sag’ap- without purpose (Tsimshian: sag’ap-).
ke ut-sagap-2é to walk about without purpose 96.10
sag ap-lé'méx* to sing without purpose
Tsimshian:
| k/ut-sag’ap-a’° to go about without purpose ZE 796%
101. st%- new (Tsimshian: see-).
si-na'k'st his new wife 135.15
si-hwil new
Tsimshian:
su-p/a's young, singular (literally, newly grown)
su-ma'xs young, plural (literally, newly standing)
su-sa’'m? fresh meat
su-sE-n-dz0'g to make a new village (see no. 164)
102. stx*- steadily (Tsimshian: sta-).
six’-g'a'a to look steadily, to watch 156.1
sta’-ié to walk steadily
sia’-wa'«’ to paddle steadily
Tsimshian:
sta-ia’°nw 1 walk steadily
sta-gisi-ia@’° to go down river steadily
103. spagait- among (Tsimshian: spagait-). This prefix belongs
to the series hwagatt., bugait-, sagait-, Pamgait- (nos. 71, 82,
99, 119); -spa seems to belong to haspa- INVERTED, q’aspd-
astRAY, which have spa in common with spagazt..
dé-lo-spagait-hoksk" also to be inside among 42.4
This prefix occurs also with nouns:
spagait- ganga n among trees 31.14
spagait-s¢'@' nxk" in the darkness 11.9
spagait-loga 1o'lng [among] in a rotten corpse 217.9
Tsimshian:
spagait-sgé'tg in the darkness ZE 782”
| spagait-g'a't among people
| spagait- ganga’ nm among trees
104.. ts’ Ens- to desert, deserted (Tsimshian: ts/Ens-).
ts’ ens-lu'k to desert by moving 159.15
ts’ Ens-dza' k” widow (literally, deserted by dying)
§ 10
BOAS] HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 321
Tsimshian:
ts/ens-ld'yik to desert by moving
| ts/Ens-dza'k: widow (literally, deserted by dying)
105. ts’End- a short way (Tsimshian).
ts/ent-dzo’x to move canoe back a short way
ts/Ent-ca'° to go a short way off
106. k*’a- to a higher degree, exceedingly (Tsimshian: k/a-).
sEm-k”a-ale-ba’x to run really exceedingly fast 107.10 Bee nos.
168, 67)
kva-wi-hé'ldex élx there were exceedingly many seals 107.6 (see
no 73; ex seal)
kva-wi-té'st hwilpt as née his house is larger than mine
(literally, his house is exceedingly large to me) (see no. 73;
hwilp house; as to; née me)
kv’a-wi-t’é'st hwilp (this) house is the largest
Lgo-k"’d-wi-té’st he was a little larger 103.15 (see no. 135)
Tsimshian:
g ap-k!a-dzaga-alu-ba’? to run pais very openly across ZE
" 786@ 121
g ap-k/a-wi-nawnd’g really a greater supernatural being
kla-na'g exceedingly long ZE 786 "°°
107. k*’aa- for a while (Tsimshian: k/a-).
kax-ha' dt it stops for a while 218.3
hk? ax-héx’ to use for a while 34.6
hk ax-gun-g'a'a to show for a while 26.6 (gun- to cause; g‘a’a to
see)
kh? ax-na-ala'lg‘tx to talk to each other for a while 19.8
k’ax-sa-gé't to make a string for a while 117.6
Here belongs also—
g° ax hao'n later on
Tsimshian:
| ada’ h’a-?a'°t then he sat for a while
108. g*tn- seems to occur only in gtn-hé th” TO RISE 151.14.
Tsimshian:
| g‘ina-hétg to rise
109. g°tna- (left) behind (Tsimshian g-ina-).
g ina-hé th” to stand behind 141.2
g ina-g'a'6 to be there, being left behind 67.2
g ina-@a' to remain, being left behind 194.13
k’ut-g'ina-dé'x to be (plural) about being left behind 70.8 (see
no. 33)
Lgo-gam-g'ina-@a@' only a little one was left 95.14
44877—Bull. 40, pt 1—10——21 § LO
ooe BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 40
Tsimshian:
g ina-t/a@ to stay behind
g'ina-ia’° to go slower than oe: to leave going)
g ina-ts’7’°k left dry
110. k*/tna- to go todo something; the action to be done is expressed
by a noun (Tsimshian).?
k: Lina-xsa'n to go to gamble
k: /ina-dé’’sta to go across (to see)
k: lina-su-p/a’s to go after a young gir!
111. g°@v’ld Ep- underneath (?), upside down (7?)
g wdzp-da'lbik'sk” to cling to the under side (of the canoe) 57.6
kut-g tldep-qaxd' tk" to drift about capsized, upside down 24.3
g ildep-qalu'ks I turn dishes over upside down
112. k*sax- only, just (Tsimshian: Asa-, often with g’am- or am- ONLY).
ksax-d’0'q just to take (i. e., without implements for taking) 41.7
k-sax-k’ut-daxdo' x they just lay about 162.5
ksax-g'ind' mt tsd'dsk't hé'x* he only gave a little fat 163.6
(tsddsk: little; héx: fat)
This may really belong to the particles given in § 15.
k-sax- is often used with nouns:
ksax-ts’é'p only bones 214.12
k-sax-Ltgo-nts é éts only the little grandmother 152.10
Tsimshian:
gam-ksa-taalpa only four
gam-ksa-k/z'rel only one
am-ksa hand'nga only the women
ksa-hé°tgrt he just stood still
113. k’OpE- little, plural; a little (Tsimshian: K/abE-). This is
commonly used as an attributive prefix for the plural only.
The idea of A LITTLE, SLIGHTLY, is generally expressed by
this prefix; while zgo-, which is the singular of the attributive
prefix, seems to imply that a small one performs the action
expressed in the verb. See no. 135.
(a) Adverbial:
k’ope-aba' gask" to be troubled a little 74.15
kopr-ama-g'a'adesem, look out a little well for her 192.1
k’dpsE-lo-qabu'z to splash in something a little
(b) Adjectival:
kK ope-huwi'lp little houses 185.8
Rk ope-th’é' tk” children 102.1
'This particle is classed more properly with those given in § 13.
§ 10
Boas] HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 323
Tsimshian:
(a) Adverbial:
k/abr-si' epgenu I poor one am sick
(6) Adjectival:
k/abr-ga-go'k little baskets
114. gun- to order, to cause (Tsimshian: gun-).
gun-ba't to cause to spread out 130.11
gun-go'u to cause to hit 53.8
gun-sE-mé'L to order to make burn 91.14
gun-gé'Lgan to order to poke 91.6
Tsimshian :
_ gun-mé' gan to ask to be taken aboard
| gun-ni'°dz to show (literally, to cause to see)
115. gultk:s- backward; also reflexive object (Tsimshian: g*tlEks-).
gqulik's-hé' tk® to rush back 210.4
gulik's-a' quik” to reach (arrive) coming back 76.10
gultk's-g'aask® to look back
dé-qultk's-@ ep-ma'gs to throw one’s self also down (dé also;
@ Ep down) 42.13
guliks-dza' ks to kill one’s self
sem-gulik's-é tks to repent (literally, to name one’s self much)
52. 2a
guik's-d otk” pocket-knife (literally, covering itself)
anik's-lo-la' galth" looking-glass (contracted from an-gultk:s-lo-
la’ galtk" what one’s self in beholds)
Tsimshian :
g ileks-ba’? to run back ZE 788"
g tleks-ga’? to take back
g tleks-ni'°dz to look back
lep-g tleks-6'iget he threw himself down
116. gulx- continued motion (Tsimshian: gegutax- for all times).
gulx-? é's to push along
gulx-ba'x to jump along
Tsimshian:
| gugulx-hée'°tg to stand for all times
(hye g’ap- really, certainly, must, strongly (Tsimshian: g’ap-).
qgap-Lgu'ksaan to be really unable (to carry) 167.13
¢ ap-dé-dza' pt really on his part he made 170.5
gap-ha' gal to urge really 43.13
g ap- -wi- Pe st it is really large 13.13
‘Up- tug I have taken it entirely
g ap- -yo'xgun you must eat
9 ap- é'lg*é certainly, it is a bear
§ 10
324 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [puLL. 40
Tsimshian:
gap-«s-ts/a'ps really to be called a tribe ZE 783*
gap-k! a-wi-naxno'g really a greater supernatural being (see nos. .
106, 73)
gap-wulam-ba'°sg really to blow ashore (see no. 22)
gap-be' tsg really to stand
118. qg’am- only, i. e., without result, to no purpose; compare /:sax-
(no. 112) ONLY, i. e., without doing anything else (Tsimshian:
qam-, am-).
(a) Adverbial:
gam-and'g to agree without caring 18.13
gam-tsagam-sidd' nxt he only fastened it ashore (without taking
it up to the house to eat it) 178.3
gam-LiLad éxk“t he only finished eating (but did not go) 107.10
gam-lo-g'i'EL only to lie down (without doing anything) 59.7.
(6) Adnominal, with numerals:
gam-k?a'l only one 100.18
gam-gula'n only three 113.1
gam-aLEbo' only few 178.10
(c) Adnominal; refuse, useless:
gam-ia'ts chips
gam-hwi'lp a miserable house
Tsimshian:
(a) Adverbial:
am-man-wa'las he just went up (see no. 3)
(6) Adnominal, with numerals:
gam-ksa-tvalpx only four
gam-k/a'l only one
(c) Adnominal; useless:
tgu-gam-k/wa's an old little broken one
gam-wa'lb old house
gam-t!/o'°ts charcoal
119. q’amgait- already, just then (Tsimshian: amgaéit-). This pre-
fix, which is related to the series in -gact- (nos. 71, 82, 99,
103), appears also independently.
ket gamgait-g:a'as Trd'msem T. had already seen it 17.12
t Pamgait-hwild' xt sem’d'g'it the chief knew it already 220.1
(Awila'x: to know; sem’d'g‘it chief)
gamgait nig't wé'qt just then he did not sleep 37.1
gamgait ga mts ren dd'gét . . . még’d'gstalready he had secretly
taken salmon berries 49.15 (g’a'mts’zn secretly; da'g to take;
még’d'gst salmon berry)
§ 10
BOAS ] HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 325
Tsimshian:
| ada amgact-ta'°t then he was just there ZE 782”
120. ganeé- always, permanently, without stopping. This prefix
occurs commonly with Awél and adverbial ending -a in the
sense of ALWAYS 121.4, 15. Other compounds are—
gané-meé't it burns so that the fire can not be put out again
gané- @a' to sit down for good
gane-ts’é'n to have entered to stay
gané-a'lg‘tx to talk without stopping
gané-qabé yit there are just as many
121. g’asba- anywhere, astray. This prefix is related to hasba- up-
SIDE DOWN (no. 74); see also no. 103.
Gasha-k’ut-hwa'ax* to paddle about astray 17.2 (2 uL- about
[no. 33])
gasba-sa-h’ut-té he went about away astray 38.14 (sa- off
[no. 39]; #’wz- about [no. 33])
122. qg’ai- still, just, near; also used as an independent adverb.
(a) Adverbial:
g ’ai-huwd'gt he was still asleep 127.5
7G u-hwagait-tsagam-ywkdet they moved still far away toward
the shore (Awagait- [no. 71]; ¢sagam- toward shore [no. 9})
Gai-lig'i-gé sck"t just any time he stopped 91.5 (ig*d- any place
or time [no. 20]; gésvk” to stop speaking)
(4) Adnominal:
YP ar-¢ q alin ae just six months 29.5
Lgo-7Pai-ts o'sg'im wi-Cé's just a little large 153.5 (zgo- small
[no. 135]; ¢s’osk* small; -m adjectival connective; w?- great
[no. 73]; ?és large)
123. gal- too.
gal-ala'n too slow
gal-@é elt too fast
gal-La' lth" too late
124. gal- without people, empty (Tsimshian: qal-).
gal-hwi'lp house without people in it
qal-bé'ts space 81.6
qal-ts’a'p town, tribe
This particle is also used with verbs:
gal-@a' to stay away from a town
qal-dzo'g to camp away from a town
Tsimshian:
gal-r'renx empty box
gal-ts/a'p town
§ 10
326 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY (Buty. 40
125. apt- partly.
api-ma'ksk® partly white
api-tsnmé'lix’ partly beaver (name of a monster supposed to
resemble a seal with beaver-tail)
api-nd'ts partly coward (name of a man)
126. aptlyim- forward (in time and space).
apilyim-g'a'a to look forward
127. a2Una- bending forward (Tsimshian: «éna-).
vina-sg’t' tk" to fall down forward
aina-dd'k to kneel down
Tsimshian°
atna-ma’xsg to dive, plural (literally, to stand head foremost)
atna-de-da'ut to go down headlong with
128. 7- is a particle used to express the plural of certain words, and
will be found discussed in § 45.
129. LEp- self, as subject (see gulik's- self as object [no. 115)).
(a) Adverbial:
lep-g'in-hé'tkvt he himself arose 156.11
t lmp-tsagam-q a éxqut he himself dragged it ashore 175.13
lep-qulik's-ha.d ritk"t it itself acted by itself 61.3
lep-qulik's-hanwuld'kvs nd'é, | myself destroyed my own 220.5
(nd’é I)
(6) Adnominal:
lzp-nebé'pt his own uncle
Tsimshian:
(a) Adverbial:
lnp-éitg he himself takes a name
lep-tgusgz'ret he himself is happy
di t-lrp-do' get he himself, on his part, took
am-di-lep-nexnd'wsedet that they themselves, on their part, are
supernatural
lep-g‘ileks-o'iget he himself threw himself down
(6) Adnominal:
lep-gaxsd' (their) own canoes
130. LEDEL#- against (Tsimshian: lEbEIt-).
dé-lebelt-hwilensstié’ you also do against (some one) 65.14
lebslt-hé tk” to incite against
lebelt-a'lg‘tx to talk with some one
Tsimshian:
| lebelt-da'l to fight against
_ Lebelt-wa'l enemy
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BOAS] HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES
327
131. l&g’ul- for good (Tsimshian: lEK/ul- for good; see gané-
always, permanently [no. 120]).
leg ul-si'ns to be entirely blind
leg ul-da'ut to leave for good
lng’ul-ts!é'n to have entered to stay
Tsimshian:
| lek/ul-kvda'vs to leave for good
132. lég’éx- partly, half.
lig’ éx-ma' gat to put away half
lig’ éx-g'a't nobility (literally, halfway [chief] people)
133. lEks- strange, different, by itself (Tsimshian: 7EKs-).
leks-g'a't a strange person
sa-twa-leks-g'a’'t to make quite different
leks-@a' island (literally, sitting by itself)
Tsimshian:
leks-t/@’° island
leks-g*ig'a'd kinds ZE 791?”
134. LEm- stopping a motion (Tsimshian: €£m-).
LtEm-ba'z to stop by running
LEm-go'c to offend
Lem-é thc to interfere (literally, to stop by calling)
In Tsimshian this prefix does not seem to be free.
| tum-gipa'tg to fly against the wind
| tem-ba'asg head-wind
135. Lgo- little (Tsimshian: tga-). This is commonly used as an
attributive prefix, but for the singular only. The adverbial
idea is expressed by d°dpz- (Tsimshian: /:/abe- [no. 113)),
which, in an attributive sense, is used only for the plural.
tgo-a'lg‘iat he said with a low voice (perhaps better, the little
one said) 54.12
The use of zg0- as attributive is very common:
ksax-Lgo-ts Epts'a'p only the little wren 126.5 (see no. 112)
tgo-ts Ewi'ng it the little youngest one 185.14
Still more frequent is its use with adjectives:
Lgo-gwa' em Lgo-tk’é lk” the little poor little boy 139.7
Lyo-(ai-ts o'sg'im wi-Vé's only a little large (g’az- just; ts’dsk
small; 27- great; és large)
tgo-dax-g'a’t a little strong
Tsimshian:
| tgu-xa’? little slave ZE 78917
igu-¢am-k!/wa's a bad little broken one
§ 10
328 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY {puLy. 40
§ 11. Nominal Particles
A number of particles, according to their meaning, can occur only
in a nominal sense, modifying nouns and adjectives. A few of these
might as well have been classed with the preceding group.
136. am- serving for (Tsimshian: @m-). This prefix is not free.
am-lo'x’ alder-tree (serving for [the dyeing of] head rings of
cedar-bark)
am-ma'l cottonwood (serving for canoes)
am-halai't head-dress (serving for shaman’s dance)
am-sg*iné’st pine-tree (serving for pitch)
am-yu'kt used in potlatch 194.1
Tsimshian
am-mélk mask (serving for dance)
am-ga'n cedar (serving for wood)
This prefix is also used in some connections where the explanation
here given does not seem satisfactory:
am-ga'n a kind of salmon-trap
am-«xLa't willow («1az fruit of willow)
am-ha'ts’ stump 55.5
In other cases it appears as a verbal prefix, the meaning of which
is not known:
am-gd@’6d to remember 209.13
am-sg't to lie (on the beach?) 172.11
amv i'lng to destroy in anger
137. aa- without (Tsimshian: ewa-). This prefix is nominal, and
Serves as negation in subordinate clauses, which in Tsimshian
are transformed into nominal form. Examples are here
given of nominal forms and of subordinate clauses:
(a) Nouns:
axe-a' k's without water
ax-wund' x without food
ax-gagd' d foolish (literally, without minds) 123.10
ax-ga'dem g'a't foolish person
an-ax-ko'* carelessness
ax-mo' k® unripe 50.5
ax-gam-da' xk” disgraceful
aa-dé-si-halai’t never giving a dance (an opprobrious epithet)
ax-na-mu’'« without ear-ornaments (an opprebrious epithet)
ax-7é'ts without labret (a little girl)
ax-tgal-g'a’ th" virgin (not against a man)
§11
BOAS] HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 829
(6) Subordinate clauses:
keetg ad arwund' «x La ax-g'é betg’é then he saw the food which he
had not eaten 41.3,4 (476 then; -¢ he: g‘a’a to see; -z connective
[§ 23]; wund'a food; ra past, nominal form; az- not; g°é’p to
eat something; -¢ his; -g*é absent [§ 20])
na Can ax-hwila' gin? who does not know thee (n@ who; fan he
who; az- not; Awila’x’ to know; -n thee)
nig'in dem dé gout hwil ax-h“ta'yé 1, on my part, shall not take
it, not being hungry (né@g‘2 not; -2 I; dem future; dé on the
other hand, on (my) part; gow to take; -¢ it; Awl being; az-
not; %“ta’z hungry; -é 1)
There is a second form, aqz, the relation of which to wx is difficult
to understand. Apparently this form is ag with connective
-L (see § 23). It does not occur in subordinate clauses, and
may perhaps be considered as a verb meaning IT IS NOTHING.
nik’é aq hwilt then he did nothing 68.6 (then nothing was his
doing)
nik é agt g'é'ben then nothing is your food 157.11
nik’é agi-yo' «ks Tak: then Ts’ak* was without (place to) go
126.7
niké agp-hwi'lt then he was without doing anything 68.6
It is doubtful, however, whether this explanation is really satisfac-
tory. Difficulties are presented particularly by forms like—
aq drp-hwild’ gut what can we do? 103.7 (dzp we)
aq n hwila dza'bet | do not know how to make it
Only a few Tsimshian forms may be given here:
wa-di-tgu-xa'% on their part without even a little foam
(di on their part; tgu- little; «@* foam)
wa-dzaga-la'"p/el without twinkling across
138. Awétn- innermost part (Tsimshian: wun-).
hwin-gé's brain
hwin-hawu'l point of arrow
hwin-ts/d wut heart of tree 148.8
Tsimshian:
| wun-ga'us brain
139. @E- extreme, plural; see #'s- singular (no. 143) (Tsimshian: ta-)
dz-lavo't the highest ones
dxz-La' wit the lowest ones
du-galgala'nt the last ones
Tsimshian:
man-ta-gda'ga the first ones to come up (see no. 3)
ta-si'°lg‘it the eldest ones
§ 11
330 _ BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BuLL. 40
-140. t/Em- a nominal prefix of very indefinite significance (Tsim-
shian: t/Em-). In several cases this is clearly a weakened
form of the attributive form ¢/am srrrrne, and probably this
is the meaning of this particle everywhere. (See § 33.)
t/rm-ba'x hip
t/em-ge's head (gés hair) 46.6
t/nm-La’m leg below knee
t/em-la’nix’ neck
t/nm-ga'«* fathom, shoulder; and some other terms for parts of
the body
t/rm-la'n steersman
t/zm-tsé’iq man in bow of canoe
Tsimshian:
lax-t/em-ga'us crown of head
t/nm-la'n steersman (g‘ila'n stern) (See § 33)
141. spH- place where something belongs, where one lives (Tsim-
shian: Sp E-).
SpE-@' p Wasp-nest
spr-a'et den of porcupine
spe-th’do'tqgan ant-hill
Spr-newnd’g place of supernatural beings 32.11
Spa-wa' th place of taboos 32.12
spE-so'ntk place where one lives in summer
spE-kso'nt place where one lives in autumn
Tsimshian
| spg-sa'm? bear’s den
142. sgan- tree, stick; evidently from gan tree (Tsimshian: sgan-).
sgan-mé likst crabapple-tree 17.11
sgan-qala'mst rose-bush
sgan-la'ts elderberry-bush
sgan-da' pt harpoon-shaft
sgan-haxo mast
Tsimshian:
sgan-k/i'nt wooden quiver
sgan-t!it'°tsg spear-shaft
143. Kees- extreme, singular; see @z-, plural (no. 139) (Tsimshian: As-).
ks-qala'n the last 140.8
@ rp-k's-gaq down first 81.4
lo-k's-g'7 ékst in extreme outer side 219.1
Tsimshian:
| ks-qa’ga first ZE 791"
§ 11
Boas | HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 331
144. KsE- fluid (Tsimshian: KsE-). This is evidently an abbreviated
form of aks WATER. (See § 33.)
ksz-t!o'tsk® black fluid
hsz-md' dzik's milk (literally, breast fluid)
Tsimshian:
wadi-kse-té ata fluid-like slime (see no. 85)
ksz-a' mks clear water
ksz-gwa'nuks spring
hsz-sgané'°st water of mountain
145. k*cE- fresh(Tsimshian: KsE-).
kce-ci’'k* fresh olachen
kce-sma'x fresh meat,
Tsimshian:
| kse-meg’a’°xs fresh berries
146. k*sEm- woman (Tsimshian: ks Em-).
ksem-nisqa'a & Nass woman
ksem-qa'k*L mouse woman 136.4
ksem-sawa't Tongass woman
k-srm-alo-g‘ig'a't Indian woman 207.12
Tsimshian:
ksem-wuts7'°n Mouse woman
ksem-q/asga°s crane woman
147. gtt- people, person (Tsimshian: g*ét-). (See also § 33.)
Git-wik: /é'na Awi'k'!€n6dx", Rivers Inlet tribe
Git-ga'ns Tongass
g tt-wi'lth® warriors 113.13
Gf it-lax-da'merk's people of lake
148. gwis- blanket, garment (Tsimshian: gus-).
gwis-halai't dancing blanket 71.5
gwis-qa' agt.raven bianket 39.8
wi-gwis-gand'o large frog blanket 168.3
gwis-ma' ksk® white blanket
Tsimshian:
gus-ya'ne mink blanket
gus-belha'tk button blanket
gus-sga'n mat coat (rain coat)
149. qa- seems to indicate location (Tsimshian: g*é-).
qa-sd'¢ place in front 61.4
ga-qala'n place behind the houses 138.6
ga-g°a'u place infront of house 138.13
ga-dd@ the other side 211.10
The same prefix appears in certain plurals. These will be dis-
cussed in § 43.
§11
aoe BUREAU OF-AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL, 40
Tsimshian:
g't-ts/a'ég bow of canoe
gi-la’n stern of canoe
gi-g'@'ni up river
gilhau'li in the woods (with euphonic / [?])
150. galdEm- receptacle (Tsimshian: galdEm-).
galdpm-halda'u-gtt box of a sorcerer 217.3
Tsimshian:
| galdem-a'ksk bucket (literally, drinking-receptacle)
151. laa- surface of, top; corresponding to the adverbial prefix /é-
(Tsimshian: laa-).
lax-lo'dp surface of stone 109.4
lax-a’us surface of sand 122.4
lax’o’ top 55.4
lax-ha’ sky (literally, upper side of air)
The names of some clans contain this element.
lax-ski'yék eagle clan (literally, on the eagle) 108.3
lax-kebo’ wolf clan (literally, on the wolf) 108.2 —
Names of islands and of the ocean are compounded with this prefix:
Lax-wagt Dundas island
lax-sé'lda ocean 104.7
Tsimshian:
lax-t/em-ga’us crown of head
lax-la'mgem lnplé’h top of hot stones
lax-ha’ sky ZK 78276
152. ts’Em- inside; corresponding to the verbal prefixes /0-, ts’ zlzm-,
lrgem- (Tsimshian: ts/Ent-).
ts’em-hwi'lp inside of house 134.2
ts’ nm-d2d'd2%k's inside of ground 201.9
ts’Em-l6'6p inside of stone 20.2
A considerable number of words require this prefix:
ts’rm-a@'g inside of mouth 118.15
ts’ em-qala’s stomach 118.11
ts'rm-an’6'n palm (literally, inside) of hand 110.10
ts’ nm-Vé'n valley 77.3
Tsimshian:
ts/zm-lax-ha’ in the sky ZE 782"
ts/Em-esd’? inside of canoe
ts/zm-a'ks inside of water
ts/zm-wa'ld inside of house
ts/Em-ts/a’ns armpit
ts/Em-nE-U? oven
§ 11
BoAS] HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES ooo
153. ts’a- inside. I found this prefix, which is evidently related to the
last, only in ¢s’a-hwi'lp (Nass) and ¢s/a-wa/b (Tsimshian) THE
INSIDE OF THE HOUSE, so designated in contrast to the outside;
while ¢s’zm-hwilp (ts/zm-walb) appears in conjunction with
the locative adverbial prefixes /u-, ts’zlzm-, etc.
154. ano- direction toward (Tsimshian: nak- or na-).
ano-g'°v Elka south
ano-qal-ts’a'p direction of the town
ano-t em-gé's head end
* APA
ano-lax-m06' on direction of (on the) sea
Tsimshian:
nak-semia’ wunt or na-semia’wunt left hand
A
nak-sta’® one side
nak-twa-gisi-hi-wa'¢s east (literally, direction along down river
at the same time rain) ZE 785”
155. ts’tk-s- surrounding (Tsimshian: t/Eks-).
ts'tks-naa'gs bracelet (literally, surrounding jade)
ts'tk's-dad’ tinger-ring
Tsimshian:
| t/zks-na’°xs bracelet
156. Wam- nearness.
ham-ts/éwi'n place near the top, 80.12
§ 12. Particles Transforming Verbs into Nouns
157. an-. This prefix is very difficult to translate.
It is used to
transform verbs into nouns, and expresses abstract terms,
local terms, and even instruments. (Tsimshian: n-, nE-).
(a) Abstract nouns:
an-wpEdzd'z fear
an-leba'lg hatred
an-sé'tbensk” love
an-Ld’msk honor
(6) Local terms:
an-la'k” fireplace
an-sg’tmitk" womb (literally, lying-in place)
an-tg’d-lé lbik'sk® whirlpool (what around drifts) 104.12
an-sa'lep hole for steaming 55.4
an-L0'uLk® nest (literally, place of young ones)
an-sg‘7't grave (literally, where he lies) 218.5
an-qgala'q play-ground
an-dd@' other side
§ 12
334 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 40
Tsimshian:
n-lak fireplace
ts/Em-nE-W? oven Aicbralligesn in-baking-place)
n-gil-hau'li a place in the woods
(c) Result of an act, instrument, etc.
an-hé't what he said 118.1
an-lé' pelsk® thread (for sewing)
an-doy'in garden
158. anda- receptacle, perhaps from an- no. 157 (Tsimshian: 2ta@-).
anda-ha-si'xrs ‘* rattle-box” 124.12
ande-La'tx box of crabapples 192.4
anda-haw?7'l quiver (literally, arrow receptacle) 19.5
ande-Célv* box of grease 192.3
Here belongs—
anda-xsa'n gambling-sticks 28.11
Tsimshian:
nta-ha-wuld'°wad work-box
nta-hawa'l quiver
159. yu—ke one who has (Tsimshian: yu—g).
yu-hwi'lpk® one who has a house
yu-negw0 otk® one who has a father
Tsimshian:
k/ut-yu-ha-a'ksg carrying a bucket about
yu-sa'miy having meat
yuhg'a'tg having manhood ZE 783°
160. ha- instrument (Tsimshian: ha-).
ha-xda' k* bow (literally, shooting-instrument) 19.6
ha-a'k's cup (literally, drinking-instrument)
ha-qgo't knife for splitting 96.12
ha-la'k* powder (literally, fire-instrument)
ha-sd'x rattle 213.9
Tsimshian:
ha-y‘é'lg harpoon (literally, harpooning-instrument)
hu-na'kst marriage present (literally, means of marrying)
The compound prefix /a-/é- is particularly frequent:
ha-lé-d’a' chair (literally, instrument to sit on)
ha-lé-da'lnp pile of wood to roast on 131.12
ha-lé-dzo' qsé world (literally, means of camping on) 14.10
Tsimshian:
ha-l!i-dz0'q world (literally, means of camping on) ZE 782”
ha-Lli-ga'°d to think (literally, means of minding on)
§ 12
BOAS] HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 835
The days of the week are nowadays designated by the same prefixes:
ha-lé-qand'dtk" day of dressing up (Sunday)
ha-lé-yé'eq day of paying out (Saturday)
161. gan- means of, cause of (Tsimshian: gan-).
gan-md' th” means of saving
gan-dedeé'ls cause of life
gan-Lé'ntz* cause of anger
gan-lo-go ‘bax window (literally, cause of light inside)
gan- -hwi'lix* carrying-strap, (literally, means of carrying)
Tsimshian:
gan-hi'axg difficulty
gan-p!a'lgtasg ballast (literally, means of being heavy)
This prefix is identical with the particle gan THEREFORE.
162. gwitx*- nomen actoris (Tsimshian: hek-).
guix'-a'd fisherman
wi-gwi«’-su-g'a't great murderer 23.5
guix'-w6'd hunter 108.4
guix'-ia' ma ask” cheater 52.12
Tsimshian:
huk-ga'ts/z one who pours out, an auctioneer
huk-yé'lsk one who drills
163. an- the one who
tn-). This prefix is used very frequently in phrases cor-
responding to our relative clauses. It is always preceded
by the subjective pronoun of the third person.
; preceding transitive verb (Tsimshian:
né'en Can-dedo'yt lax you are the one who caught the trout
157.4
k°é kesact tgo-g: i ma'dit, demt an-ts Elam-w6'6n nak'st then his
little sister went out, she who was to call in his wife 204.6
(A'saz to go out; g‘t’me'de sister; ts’ elem- into; w6'é to invite;
nak's wife)
atk’é diutt k° alt g'at Can-go'un tgo-th’é' tk" then one man
left, who took the child 205.6 (da@’uz to leave; /:’a/ one person;
gat person; gdu to take; ztgo-th’’é’Lh* child)
kee hwil sagait-hi' paar Can-h"xé-héisya'tst then they rushed to-
gether who beat him all over 62.12 (sagait- together; ha'p’a
to rush; 4“zé- all over; yats to strike’
Tsimshian:
nat demt in-na'ksga tgi’%tges Gaud’ who is it who will marry
the daughter of Gaud?
t nie'ryu demt tn-na'ksga tgu’%tgent it is I who will marry
your daughter
n/ini's dep gwat Cin-sE-t/a’°sga these are the ones who began
ada n/int’ Pin-leba'lsetga’ he was the one who paid it back
§ 12
336 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 40
§ 13. Particles Transforming Nouns into Verbs
164. sE- to make something (Tsimshian: sE-). si
sE-hwa' to call (literally, to make name) 97.13
sE-lé't to make wedges 148.4
sE-hd'n to catch salmon
sE-lé'ma«* to make a song 77.9
lep-sE-nExrnd'x to make one’s self supernatural 152.6
sE-brela’ to make abalone shell 45.14
Tsimshian:
L/i-sp-gu'lg to make fire on
su-sE-n-dz0g to make a new village
sE-ma'as to cause to grow ZE 7912
165. x- to eat, consume (Tsimshian: a-).
x-ha’n to eat salmon 205.1
x-ama' lgwax eating scabs 41.14
ha-a-sma'«* fork (literally, meat-eating instrument)
ha-v-miyd'n pipe (literally, smoke-eating instrument)
Tsimshian:
x-sts/a’la to eat beaver
a-gwa'tksenu I feel cold (literally, I consume cold)
lu-v-dzv usg until morning (literally, in consume morning)
x-sganéts to kill mountain goats (literally, to eat mountain)
a«-g0'eplakem we enjoy the light ZE 7867
166. aws- to say, to appear like (Tsimshian: xs-).
xs-nEgua' th to say FATHER
xs-mée'meExk to say HM
xs-ia'nsks it sounds like leaves
xs-d ksh” white (literally, it appears like snow)
xs-gusgud’ dsk“s light blue (literally, it appears like a bluejay)
Tsimshian:
wi-xs-ni’ ot it sounds loud ‘like a drum
wi-«s-suwa nsg it sounds loud like curing disease
g ap-xs-ts/a'ps to be called a tribe ZE 783"
§ 14. Transitive Pronominal Subject
The transitive subjective pronouns are in both dialects:
Ds A m SEM Ye
dep we (he,
m thou |they
These are placed before the verb and the particles treated in § § 8-13.
They will be discussed more fully in § 52.
§§ 13, 14
BOAS] HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 337
§ 15. Particles that may Precede the Transitive Subject
The particles enumerated in the present section differ from all those
previously treated, in that their connection with the verb is not so
close. In certain cases of the third person, to be discussed later, they
precede the transitive pronominal subject. Since many of these par-
ticles have not been found with transitive verbs of this kind, it
remains doubtful whether they are simply adverbial particles placed
before the verb, or whether the first and second persons of tbe transi-
tive verb, when used as subject, precede them. The particles enumer-
ated under nos. 167-174 are more clearly connected with the verb
than the later ones.
167. dé- with, also, on (his) part (Tsimshian: d7-).
dé-t-gun-g' tpt on her part, she ordered (her) to eat it 155.11
dé-uks-ba'xt he, on his part, ran out to the sea 104.13
dé-qulik's-@ rp-ma’qst he also threw himself down 42.13
dé-t-gout he, on his part, took it 14.8
nig‘i-n dem dé-g'ipt not I shall, on my part, eat it
dé nig’? di-derk"t she, on her part, had no bag 206.9, 10 (dé-dz
on her part; n@g‘2 not; déxh” bag)
nig'i-n dé-g'a'at I have not seen him
Tsimshian:
t/zm-di-yd'a he went to the fire, on his part
dit-lep-do' get he, on his part, took it himself
ada g'ik dit @am-ga'°tge hand’°xt and also he, on his part,
blessed (gam-ga'*t) the woman ZE 797
168. sEm- very, exceedingly (Tsimshian: sEm-). This particle is
very free in its position. It is often used in nominal com-
pounds in the sense of GENUINE.
sEm-aba' gask"t he was much troubled 80.1
sem-hasba-sq'é' to lay really upside down 214.11
sEm-hé'm a'lg‘iané I speak the truth }
yagai-sem-k”a-wi-hé' lt, however, exceedingly very many 158.11
szm-t-lo-qa'ddrnt she emptied it inside entirely 208.7
sEm-ama sq‘é' det they laid it down well 214.10 (am good; sg‘i to
lay)
sEm-hug-dé-tgo-w? lksitk® also, on his part, a very prince (huz
also; dé on his part; zgo- little)
wi-sEm-ga'n the great very tree (i. e., cedar) 147.9
sem-ts’é' win the very top 80.4
sEm-7ai-tsetso’osk" just very small 171.8
sEm-qam-ka'l really only one 145.13
44877—Bull, 40, pt 1—10 22 § 15
338 _ BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 40
Tsimshian:
sEm-lu-dza'ga ga’°t very downcast (literally, very dead in heart)
sem-lu-ad'xst to weep bitterly
ada sEmt tgu-da'pt then he measured exactly around it ZE 784°
nE-sEm-sE'rElg exactly the middle
169. ha also, again (Tsimshian: gék).
hux a@ik-sk"t yu'ksa evening came again 142.8 (a@’d?k-sk” to
come; yw'ksa evening)
hug dé-trm-id't he also, on his part, went down to the middle
of the house 142.14
hug dét gu'nat he also, on his part, demanded it 143.1
ket hux g*ind’mt then he gave it again 139.6
hux k?@'la g'at another man 108.1
Tsimshian:
tat g'ik tla'te ne-mes-a'use temkdi?det a ts/a'ltga® when his
sister again put on her paint on her face ZE 795*®° (mazs-a’us
ochre; temkdi'ed sister; ts/al face)
adat g:ik wuld@'ide g'a'd then the people knew it again ZE 7957”
ada gikt wuil@i dem hat/aa«ge then they knew again that it
would be bad ZE 796788
The following four particles serve to express future, present, past,
and continuation. Their syntactic use will be discussed in § 59.
Here I give only a few examples illustrating their use with the verb.
170. @Em future (Tsimshian: @Em).
drm id/néz at awa'an I go to thy proximity 196.12
drm g'a’an you will see 80.2
n dem swant I shall cure her 123.7
demt mu'kdé. twox’ they were going to catch halibut 43.6
In the following examples dzm is nominal: ;
nigidi ad iksk't dem mesa'x* not had come the future day-
light 11.10
dem lep-hwa'yimt dem na’ Em we ourselves will find our future
bait 56.6 (/zp- self; Awa to find; naa bait)
Tsimshian:
drmt dza'br tran!V ga° he was about to make everything
n dem k/a-tval-wa'n I shall overtake you soon
ada demt se-ma'ase ga’°t then it will make things grow
171. hwitl present (Tsimshian: weet).
teané tht hwil seso'st k/ope-ts’o' dts all the small birds 124.11
naxna's Tsak* hwil dit hana'g Ts'ak: heard (about) a woman
being there 126.2 (naxvna'x to hear; d@’a to sit; hana'g woman)
-t hwil l0-ba’ gt at his touching into it 203.6
§ 15
BOAS] HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 339
Tsimshian:
at g@° wul kse-qwa'ntge g:'a'mget he went to where out comes
(touches) the sun
lat ni'estge ts/a'bde wul kh !a-sa-gidi-t!a’? g'a'mgem dz ust when
the people saw the sun standing still suddenly for a while
ZE 788.13 (nt to see; ts/ab people; &*/4- for a while; sa- sud-
denly; ¢/a° to sit; g'amg heat, heavenly body; dztust day-
light)
-¢ wul wa-di-aya’wult on account of his being without clever-
ness ZE 789.14 (wa- without; di on his part; aya'wul clever)
172. La past (Tsimshian: ta).
nik’ /é ra hug hé tuk it had been morning again 204.2(hux again;
hé'tuk morning)
La dé'lipk"t drm mrsa'x* it was shortly going to be daylight
143.7 (délpk” short; mzsda’x* daylight)
ta hux hwi'lt he had done this also 145.4
k:/é rat hwila'x't hwil né'dt he had known that he was dead 57.7
(hwila’x* to know; 7d’6 dead)
Tsimshian:
n/ini tat ni'estge ts/a'b that was when the people saw
ada ta al di ts!/2'°nsgz wak't but then his brother had gone in (al
but; dz on his part; ¢s/i to enter; wak* brother)
ni wa'lde ta ha'udet it happened, what he had said
173. La while (Tsimshian: é@).
La wi-Vé'st Lgo-thé' tk"g'é ap lo-@a't an ts em-apé tst while the
child was large, it was in the box 9.9 (w7-?é's large; xgo-
tké'tk” child; lo- in; @& to sit; ts’zm- inside; apé7s box)
Tsimshian: |
fa n/ind nz-sela-wa'ldet while that one did it with them
ta qg/a'tdek-ia'°tga® while he was walking about in the woods
174. dagai- already, however, rather (Tsimshian: y/agai-).
cagai-g*in-hé' tht however, he stood behind 141.1
dagai- né't however, it was so 26.7, 157.9
cagar-sem-k: /a-wi-hé lt however, exceedingly many 158.11
ket iagai-lé-ia'gt then, however, it hung on it 46.1
k:/é cagait-g‘é'nlt then, he had picked it up already 26.3
cagart- -lo-da'yit he had put it on already 50.4
Tsimshian:
y/agai ta'-wula tgi-ni'°tsgnt however, he looked always down
adat y/agai-dzaga-ga'°det then, however, he went across it
n dpm y fagai- na'ksen 1 shall marry ee
y/agai-sem-ba's very much afraid, however
§ 15
340 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 40
175. m@’'dzE- almost.
mé'dzr-sg'it he almost lay 62.8
gam-md'dze-nd'déz I am only almost dead 76.13
mé'dzet-6u't he almost hit it 140.7
176. kwa'ts’tk:s- close by.
kwa'ts/ik's-tgal-sg’in you lie close against 75.12
177. sEm-g-it strongly (derived from szem- MuCH [no. 168], and g*at
person) (Tsimshian: s£m-g-it).
dem sem-g'it dax-ywkden you will hold fast strongly
sEm-g'it dé-yo'gui trim-la'néist hold on to my neck! 80.10
Tsimshian:
| ada sem-y'it hé’tgr hana’ gat then the woman stood fast
178. sEm-gal very, much (from szm-) (Tsimshian: sEm-gal).
sEm-gal aba'gask"t he was much troubled 36.4, 40.4
szm-gal gwd et he was very poor 38.4
Tsimshian:
sem-gal xa°! arch-slave! ZE 790%
t sem-gal leba'lawst they hate them much ZE 793"
179. g’amts’En secretly.
gamts En hé't he said secretly 40.5
gamts En ts’é'nt he entered secretly 25.6
180. ntg*é not; used in indicative sentences (Tsimshian: a@’&gE).
k’é nigt daa'gik"det then they did not succeed 123.6
nig’? bart ak*s the water did not run 18.3
nig it hux dzak"t she did not kill him also 203.7
nig tdi hwaixs Ligdbold’ Logébola’ did not paddle 17.3
nig‘in dé g'a’at | have not seen it
The syllable d?, dé, which is very often added to the negative,
probably signifies ON HIS PART, and is the particle no. 167.
Tsimshian:
atge amt demt wuld idet gat it is not good that the people know
it (4m good; wulda't to know; g‘at people)
ada atge ts!a’k-asga la'kga® then the fire was not out
a’tge ndem k: /ind’mt at hana’°x 1 will not give it to the woman
§ 16. Alphabetical List of Particles
As a matter of convenience, I give here an alphabetical list of parti-
cles, the letters being arranged in the order vowels, semi-vowels,
labials, dentals, palatals, laterals. In each series the order of sounds
is sonant, surd stop; sonant, surd affricative. Each particle is given its
§ 16
Ne eee -
BOAS] HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 341
number in the preceding lists. It will be remembered that there are
slight differences in the rendering of the Nass (N) and Tsimshian (T)
sounds, which are due to imperfections in the recording of the former
dialect.
a 'T 68a
awus 'T 63
awul 'T (wit N) 43
am N T 136
am, glam T (gam N) 118
amgait T (gamgait N) 119
an N (én T) 163
an N (n, ne T) 157
ano N (na, nak T) 154
anda N (nta T) 158
anb’rl N (p/el T) 64
ank's N (aks T) 65
asé N (asdi T) 14
asdi 'T (asé N) 14
agwi N T 66
aks T (ank's N) 65
ax N (wa T) 137
alo N (alu T) 67
atau N (ta T) 68
atda N 69
age 'T (nig‘z N) 180
aN 70 .
zaga NT 2
iagai N (y!agai T) 174
yu-k® N (yu-g T) 159
in T (an N) 163
uks N 'T 6,10
wa 'T (av N) 137
wadi 'T 85
hwagait N (wagait T) 71
waren N72
wit N T 73
wud ax N (wut/a T) Ba
wud’en N T 41
hwin N (wun T) 188
wun 'T (hwin N) 138
wusEen N 'T 51
wuts En 'T (wits’En, huts’rn N)
52
hwil N (wul T) 171
wit N (awul T) 48
wul 'T (hwétl N) 171
wulam N T 22
ha N T 160
ham N 156
hadix: N (hat!zk T) 48
hasba N T 74
hats’eks N 75
hagun N (gun T) 44
hagul N T 76
haldem N T 77
hat N (hat T) 50
hi N T 78
his N (sts T) 79
hala N 45
hittsen, wits'rn N (wuts’an
T) 52 ;
huk T (gwix N) 162
hux N (gtk T) 169
benzm T (prlem N) 80
plel T (anb’xl N) 64
pelem N (benem T) 80
belasem N (xbeszem T) 81
bagait N (lebagait T) 82
bax NT1
mE 'T (ma N) 84
mEn N (man T) 3
mEsEm N 83
meEla T 88
meEL N (mezta T) 87
ma N (mz 'T) 84
man 'T (men N) 3
max N 86
maate 'T 60
madze N 175
dr, dé N (de T) 91
dg N (ta T) 139
dé N (dz T) 167
Pep N (tgz T) 4
dem N T 170
§ 16
342
BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY
Cem NT 13
Cam N T 140
ta 'T (dz N) 139
dex, dix’ N (daw T) 90
Creks T (tstk's N) 155
Cuks N 'T 6, 10
dila N 92
tyal N (taal 'T) 35
tgt T (Wzp N) 4
tgo N (tgu T) 31
txa N T 93
tvas N T 47
nT (an N) 157
na N T 12
na, nak 'T (and N) 154
na N 'T 94
na N T 95
nak, na T ( and N) 154
nig’t N (atgz T) 180
nd'dm N 96
nta 'T (anda N) 158
se N T 164
sai N (sa T) 98
sa N T 39
sem N T 168
sem-g°tt NT 177
sEm-gal N T 178
sen T 89
sagait N 'T 99
sagap N 'T 100
sis T (his N) 79
sta’ N (sta T) 102
sel N T 97
st N (su T) 101
su T (st N) 101
spe N T 141
spagait N T 108
spi N 21
stew N 49
sta T (sia N) 102
sgan N 'T 142
sga N (sga T) 36
ts/em N 'T 152
ts/ens N 'T 104
ts/ent T 105
§ 16
[BULL. 40
ts/ek at T 16
ts‘a N T 158
tsaga N (dzaga T) 23
tsagam N (dzagam T) 9
ts/tk-s N (t/nks T) 155
ts/zlem NT 7
k?’a N (k!/a T) 106
k’ax N (k/a T) 107
k’at N 58
gt T (ga in part, N) 149
gime N (game T) 25
git N T 147
gids NT 19
k: fédo N 57
gin N (gina T) 108
gina N T 109
k: /ina T 110
gis N 40
gist N (gist T) 18
gik T (hug N) 169
gik'st N 61
gileks T (gulikes N) 115
gilwul N T 37
gildzp N 111
kvilgal N 34
ks N (ks T) 148
ksz T (ksi N) 8
ksz N T 144
k:ce N (kse T) 145
k:sem N (ksem T) 146
ksa T (k’saxz N) 112
ksi N (ksz T) 8
ga N in part (g-a T) 149
gat N 122
gap NT 117
gam N (q/am, am T) 118
game T (g*eme N) 25
gamts’en N 179
gamgait N (amgact T) 119
gan N T 161
g/an T 28
gana 'T 59
gané N 120
gasba N 121
gal N 123
gali N (qg/ala T) 17
galdem N (galdrem T) 150
gqaldia* N (qatdik T) 11
galkst N (galksz T) 24
kwa'tstk-s N 176
gwis N (gus T) 148
gwix N (huk T) 162
Kabe T (Rope N) 113
lebrlt N 'T 130
lebagait T (bagat N) 82
legem N (légém T) 5
ligt N T 20
lig’éx N 132
legul N (lek!/ul T) 181
inks N T 133
lagauk 'T 15
Rutgo N 82 lagaa T (lax N) 38
gun T (hagun N) 44 lax NT 151
gun NT 114 lax N (lagax T) 38
gus 'T (gwis N) 148
gugula 'T (gula N) 116
gulik's N (g*tleks T) 115
gul« N (gugule T) 116
Rut N (k/ut T) 83
ksz T (k'st N) 8
kere N (hte T) 55
lé N (1/2 'T) 30
lé-gan N (l/i-q/an T) 28
légom T (legrm N) 5
16 N (lu T) 29
lila N 62
losa N 46
liks T 42
aw N T 165 lukt N (tukti T) 27
xbesem T (belavsem N) 81 légol N 26
apr N 125 Lem N (tem T) 134
api'lyim N 126 ta T (atax N) 68
as N 'T 166 ta N (ta T) 172
atsé N (xts/z 'T) 54
atep T (xtip N) 58
aLtem N (atem T) 56
xina N (atna T) 127
ta N (fa T) 173
tukté'T (lukt N) 27
tgo N (tgu T) 135
BoAS] HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 343
gal N'T 124 LN T 128
g/ala T (galt N) 17 lep N T 129
Suffixes (§§ 17-32)
§ 17. Suffixes following the Stem
There are quite a number of suffixes in the Tsimshian dialects,
almost all of which are firmly united with the stem. The significance
of most of these is much more ill-defined than that of the prefixes, but
those that immediately follow the stem appear to be primarily modal
elements. Some of them indicate the passive, causative, elimination
of the object, etc. Their use shows great irregularities. These suf-
fixes are followed by pronominal suffixes, while demonstrative ele-
ments and the interrogative element are always found in terminal
position.
§ 17
844 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [puLy. 40
1. -En causative (Tsimshian: -En). In both dialects this suffix gen-
erally modifies the terminal consonant of the stem.
hetk” to stand, singular lo-tgal-hé'?en to place a thing
upright against something and
inside of something 131.3
meth” full mé't/rn to fill
yd dxk” to eat, singular ya'dgan to feed one person
tad’ dxk” to eat, plural twa’ dg’an to feed several persons
ba'stx to divide, v. n. ba'sig’an to separate (v. a.)
hé-ta'g it breaks hé-ta' gan to break (v. a.)
baw to run ba'an to cause to run
magsk” to stand, plural ~ ma'qsaan to place several things
upright 8.1
golk'sk® covered _ go'lksaan to cover (v. a.)
1o-la'gsk"t she washes in 197.10 a'gsaan to wash (v. a.) 198.8
hoksk" to be with 91.8 hu'ksaan to place with 36.8
guksk® to awake 121.9 gu ksaan to awaken 121.8
lé'lbik:sk” whirlpool 104.12 lé'lb’rn to roll
Tsimshian:
s@ipk hard saip/en to harden
malk to be uneasy ma'lk/nn to force
‘| méxk to be aboard, singular mé' gan to put aboard one object
hark annoyed ha' gan to annoy
tak* bent @ tak: /in to bend (v. a.)
ba° to run ba’ han to cause to run
gaksk to wake up, singular guksren to awaken one person
li'daksk to wake up, plural li'drksen to awaken several
hoksk to be with hi'ksren to place with
2. -sk” expresses primarily the elimination of the object of the tran-
sitive verb (Tsimshian -sf).
?a'a to clap (v. a.) 34.10 Pa'ask” to clap (no object) 203.3
suwa'n to blow (v. a.) 123.1 suwa'ansk® to blow (no object)
124.8
maz to tell (v. a.) ma' Laask” to tell news 161.15
g'a'a to see (Vv. a.) ga ask” to look 137.6
da'mgan to pull (v. a.) da'mgansk" to be in the act of
pulling 51.8
go to take (v. a.) gosk® to extend 126.7
Verbs with this ending often form verbal nouns:
Pa pxan to nail @a'pxansk nail
si'ép’en to love si'ép Ensk love
ayo'g to command ayo gask commander
lé’lb’ en to roll lé’lbiksk® whirlpool 104.12
$17
BOAS] HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 845
Tsimshian:
lu-t/a'°yu «bts Il sweep outa ¢/i°sk to sweep
box
sz-y'étgu wa't I polish a pad- sz-yzé’task to polish
dle
szl to spin something s?°lsk to spin
hé'ksen to place with some- gan-hé'kszensk fastening-imple-
thing ~ ment
Undoubtedly related to the preceding are the following two:
3. -k” used commonly after terminal 7, ¢, s, ¢s, g, 7, L, and sometimes
after 7 (Tsimshian: -#); and
4, -tk” used after vowels, 2, m, and n (Tsimshian: -tk).
Both of these have the same meaning, and seem to be primarily
medial or semi-reflexive, while in other cases no clear reason
for their use can be given. These endings are found regularly
in the possessive form of names of animals. (See § 55.)
Examples of -Z are:
héet- upright hétk to stand
goks- to awake goksk¥ to wake up
Lés- finished Lésk” to be finished
bats- to lift batsk" to be lifted
Tsimshian:
ha'tts to send ha'ttsk sent
sa’'ip- hard satipk to be hard
Examples of -tk” are:
@a to sit @ atk" to be placed 215.1, 131.1
sz-hwa' to name sE-hwa' tk” named
wo'd to invite w0' tk" to be invited 128.5
halda'u to bewitch halda'uyitk bewitched
@a'pxan nail Pa pxantk nailed
bsla'n belt bela’ nth" belted
Tsimshian :
sv°p/En to love st°p!entk loved
k:/ind'm to give km: /ind'th given
SE-wd to name sEwa tk named
plan sea-otter neE-pta’ ntgu my sea-otter
These endings occur in many intransitive verbs, and in nouns:
délpk” short meth” full
is’ipk strong o'léksk" to drift
ayawa' th to ery bésk" to expect
mith to scatter da'lbik:sk” to bend
§ 17
346
ba' ask” wind -
a @ik*sk" to come
a émsk” to blame
aslé'sk¥ to hang
m0o'dsk" gray
ts’ Ela’ sk” canyon
7g atsk” to be tired
york" to follow
dé lemexk” to answer
maxk" to go aboard a canoe
Pérxk” to shout
a'dzixk” enough
BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY
[BULL. 40
aqtk* to attain
za’ Lk” slimy
atk” fuel
watk” taboo
damgtk* friend
th étk” child
mek” to shine
détk” bag
mao' lk" rope
malk® to put into fire
ama'lk® scab
It is uncertain in many of the endings in -sk” whether they are
derived from stems ending in -s, or whether they belong to the
suffix -sk.
derived from stems ending in -¢ or represent the suffix -¢h".
The same is true of forms in -¢k”, which may be
The
following have probably the suffix -th":
yaltk” to return
daltk to meet
dé éntk” to guide
lalth slow
ptalthk” to climb
The same conditions are found in Tsimshian, but it does not seem
necessary to give additional examples.
5. -4 In the Tsimshian dialect, words ending in 7, ¢, s, ts, 7, @, L,
and sometimes in 7 (i. e., those corresponding to the group
with the suffix -% [no. 3, p. 345]) have, instead of -sk (no. 2,
p- 344), -4.
The terminal consonant is here modified, as
before the suffix -zn (no. 1, p. 344).
dab to measure something
t/ép to drive piles
gab to dig
sz-wulg‘a’d to dye something
gats to pour out
bus to split
da'p/a to measure
t/a’°p/a to be engaged in pile-
driving
gan-g'a'p/a a spade
huk-sp-wulg'a'd@’a a dyer
_ huk-ga'ts/aA one who pours out
huk-bii’sa one who splits
6. -s is used in Nisqa”* and in Tsimshian in place of -/ and -tk (nos. 3
and 4, p. 345) after £*, x, k”, g, and z.
6z* to throw
bék" to lie
hwila’x: to know
mag to put
wogq to dig
§ 17
6k's to fall (literally, to be thrown)
sa-bée’k"s to make lies
sE-hwild'x's to teach (literally, to
make known)
ma’ gas to be put 11.14
wogs to be buried
- BOAS] HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 347
Tsimshian:
dzak to kill dzaks killed
medi’ ck grizzly bear nE-mEdd°-ksu wy grizzly bear
Here the -s suffix is also used after p, although not regularly:
walb house nE wi'lpsu my house
7. -Es appears in Tsimshian a few times after terminal p in place
of -sk.
talb to plane*down something 7a’/p/zs to plane
lu'°b to sew something li’°p/es to sew
8. -x seems to mean IN BEHALF OF.
géEnt to chew gé Endex to chew for 36.5
hap cover 8.15 lée-ha'baxt it is on as a cover for it
67.7
lé'lg*at a feast lé'lg*itx a feast for somebody 83.1
9. -m. This suffix designates the indicative, and appears only pre-
ceding the suffixes of the first person singular and plural, and
the second person plural of the intransitive verb and the same
objects of the transitive verb.
at gill-net a’tnéz I fish
@lgal to examine 138.8 alg alnéx I look at something
désk® to call désk"néx I call
with® to come from we'th'nér I come from
da/ut to leave dem da'utnér Lé'srms I shall leave
for Nass river
zé'E to go aé'Enée I go
Tsimshian:
t/ti°sg to sweep t/i'°sgenu I sweep
ba? to run ba’°nu I run
fe’°m to sing “i’°minu I sing
wa? to find t wi’'yinu he finds me
. t wa'yinem he finds us
10. -d. The corresponding suffix -d appears in the indicative of
many transitive verbs, both in Nass and in Tsimshian.
v
ad’ éz what I roast 121.9 2d’ det he roasts it 121.7, 154.3
habd'l to take care of 143.1 bd’ nldér I take care of it
hats to bite 65.9, 127.8 ha'tsdéxr I bite -
ligt ago’L dam hé'nist what- dzp hé'idendm we say 42.11
ever you say 59.3
gaq to open ga’ qdéz I open something
saz to shake something sa’rdér I shake it
ani El to allow 122.1 and’ #ldéz I lend
§17
348 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BuLL. 40
Tsimshian:
dzak dead dza' kdu J kill
ba to wait bu’°dut I wait for him
ga to take ga'°du I take
11. -ma may be, perhaps (Tsimshian: -ma).
lig't-gula' Eldema Logs may be three months 170.13
né'°t-maE maybe he is dead 182.8
si’ rgumanéeé maybe I am sick.
Tsimshian:
| n/ind’ gwai k/undgematga® this is what they may ask
§ 18. Pronominal Suffixes
The group of suffixes treated in the preceding section are followed
by the pronominal suffixes, which will be described fully in §§ 50-51, and
$53. For the sake of completeness I give here a list of the suffiixed
pronouns:
Nass. Tsimshian.
First. person:singularri ia) a6. <i eee ~U, -7
9
First person plural. .. 2 aya ne pele -m
Second person sincular... 2. & 5,0.) <= -n
Second person BPP ve ey eee Te igeeaeia ts ETE -SEM
Third person . . Chk, Cee RUNS are f
Thiid person pluraliia <a 7;. sick joke ee Bede
§ 19. Modal Suffixes following the Pronominal Suffixes
12. -g°@ might (Tsimshian: -g:t°n, -gun). The position of this
suffix seems to vary.
nEana yitg’é they might hear it 91.10
si'éphg'inéz I might be sick
gwa'tstg é it might be dung 207.7
Tsimshian:
naha'ung'in maybe it is true
nahaunguna n/axno'yu it may be that it is true what I have
heard
n tli’ useng’?n (take care!) I might hit eae
13. -sH°n evidently (Tsimshian).
n/ini’ Et-sE°n evidently it is he
ne tr gwa'lgesren evidently there has been a fire
14. -sEn indeed! (Tsimshian).
n/ind et-sen indeed! it is he
naha'unsen indeed! it is true
§§ 18, 19
’
~-
Boas] HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 349
15. -gat it is said (Tsimshian: -gaf).
sg7v-gaLt ama «xpé'is there was a good box, it is said 19.4 (sq‘7
to lie; @m good; -a connective; xpés box)
hk? ax-a'm-gat Crm-gé' st his head was good before, it is said 32.8
(k’ax- before; am good; t’rm-gé's head)
tgon-gat dem hwi'lem dem ala’ th"-gat nom this, we are told, we
shall do, we are told we shall swim in a shoal 70.6 (¢gdn this;
dem future; Awil to do; -em we; ald’tk” to swim in a shoal;
nom We)
dem suwa'nt-gat tgd'utk“t he says he will cure his child 123.10
(swwa'n to cure; tg’ wtk” child)
né-gat-g't di gwix'-g'Apt he says he does not like to eat it 40.6
(né-g't not; di on his part; gwiw- expert; g'%p to eat some-
thing)
Tsimshian:
| st’epgz-gat I hear he is sick
§ 20. Demonstrative Suffixes
There are two suffixes which are generally attached to the last word
of a clause, and which indicate distance and presence in space and
time. They are quite distinct from the demonstrative pronouns, and
determine the demonstrative character of the whole sentence. These
elements are mucb simpler in the Nass dialect than in Tsimshian, and
their general discussion in the latter dialect will be given in $§ 24-31.
In Nass we find:
-g°é absence and distance:
nlké a'lg tatg’é then he said 53.1 (referring to one who is absent
and to an event of the past)
nike lo-ya'lth"t g'a'tg’é then the man returned 113.3
yukdét ga'ng'é ta dza'pdet they took the sticks they had made
114.7 (yuk to take; gan stick; dzap to make)
had'ngé nak«t da yw ksa before long it was evening 152.14 (had’n
it is soon: nak” long; yu'ksa evening)
-st presence and nearness:
dim gaiyt'm o'k'sdé hawi'lnist my arrow will drop near by 19.15
(dem future; g’az near; -rm connective [see § 22]; dk-s to
drop; Aaw?'l arrow)
tgont gouist this I guess 28.2
sEm-ho'daast it is true 29.13
twé'ldesemest ye will burn 215.10
ndatda dem a@'@ik'sdest when will he come?
§ 20
350 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BuLL. 40
In some cases a terminal -¢ is found which indicates presence and
nearness and corresponds to the analogous form in Tsimshian.
na-gan-hwila'gut therefore I did so 113.6
This element is, however, quite rare in our texts.
Connectives (§§ 21-31)
§ 21. GENERAL REMARKS
The connective suffixes form a class by themselves. They are
always terminal in the word and connect two words that are syn-
tactically related. Therefore they never stand at the end of a clause.
We must distinguish between attributive and adverbial connectives,
and predicative and possessive connectives. |
§ 22. ATTRIBUTIVE AND ADVERBIAL CONNECTIVES
-Em. The connective -£m is used to express attributive and adverbial
relations. Thus it occurs as—
(1) Connective between adjective and noun.
(2) Connective between two nouns, one of which has the function
of an attribute.
(3) Connective between an adverb or adverbial phrase and a verb.
The following examples illustrate the use of -zm:
1. Between adjective and noun. In this case the adjective always
precedes the noun, and the connective is firmly attached to
it. The analogy with the second group suggests that the
adjective expresses the class of things referred to, while the
following noun qualifies the particular kind; as gé’sgum gan,
A SMALL TREE (namely, a slender thing which is a tree, or
which belongs to the class ‘“bree”’),
siso'sem gan little sticks 27.15
wi-héldem gat many people 28.12
tgo-guia'Em tgo-tk’é th” little poor little boy 155.15
ma'k-sgum lé'ép white stone 139.8
wé'dm wan the invited deer 83.3
Tsimshian:
si'lgidem tgi/%tg the eldest child ZK 783%
lgi’*tgem handa'x little woman ZE 797.32
gwa'deksem yén cool fog ZEKE T97"
li'nksem scipg dry bone
Numerals do not take this connective, but take -z instead (see § 23)
(Tsimshian, -4 pp. 351, 353).
§§ 21, 22
BOAS] HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 351
2. Between nouns. The first noun takes the ending -zm, and desig-
nates the kind of thing referred to, while the second noun
specifies the class.
gv dem gan a wooden man 89.12 (a man belonging to the class
‘wood ”)
dawi'sem 1d'dp a stone ax 147.14 (an ax belonging to the class
** stone”)
husda' gintgum gaug@o crow-grandchildren 19.15 (grandchil-
dren of the class ‘‘ crow’’)
algigam Ts zmsa'n Tsimshian language 20.9 (speech of the
class ‘t Tsimshian”)
amg'a'gim Lé'sems sawbill ducks of Nass river 114.5 (sawbill
ducks of the kind [belonging to] Nass river)
huwa'm ha@a'xk" bad names 41.12 (names of the kind ‘bad”)
Tsimshian:
go ip/zm ts/al light-face
gamgem dzi'us day-sun ZE 7813
ts/a'bem yé'ts/esg the animal tribe 783"
ma'sem av d'n thumb of hand 792”7
ye ts/asgem gilhau'li the animals of the woods
3. Adverbial.
hada gam a'lqa‘tas Txd’msem Txii’msen spoke badly 38.11
sem-ho'm no’ dt he was truly dead 9.6
wi-Cé sem yd’ dxk“t he ate much 36.10 (yd’drk" is an intransitive
verb)
ts’0'sq’tm mast he grew a little 175.8
Rut-wi-yé tgum xdax't he was hungry (going) about 39.9
Tsimshian:
dza' gum astdx to be dead asleep
ks-qa' gdm a'ligtx to speak first
ks-qd' gom man-a’xtg he reaches up first
-a. The connective -a is used in a number of eases in place of -em. It
would seem that its use is determined largely by the particu-
lar qualifying term. Some of these seem to take -a regularly
in place of -zm. In Tsimshian this connective is -a, it
appears regularly after numerals.
ama hwilp a good house 48.#
wi-ama gat very good man 203.7
ama a'lg tat he spoke well 45.6
wi-ama hwa'ndét they sat down very well 83.4
gua lgwa two’ dry halibut 161.10
hé ya élx fat of seal 161.12
Vé'la élx oil of seal 47.2
§ 29
352 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY © [BuLL. 40
Tsimshian:
leksg'ig:a' de bia'lstet various stars
ama y/u'°t a good man
wi-lé hse lu-ama'm ga-ga'°demt we are exceedingly glad
k/n'relde g'a'mget one moon
k/d’lde g'ad one person
hé'ldr ts!ap many people
§ 23. PREDICATIVE AND POSSESSIVE CONNECTIVES
The development of these connectives is quite different in Nass and in
Tsimshian, and the two dialects must be treated quite independently.
In the present section I give the Nass forms. In all cases where the
connection between words is not attributive or adverbial, -z or -s are
used as connectives, -s being applied in all cases where the following
noun is a proper name designating a person, a personal pronoun, a
demonstrative pronoun designating a person, or a term of relation-
ship. In all other cases -z is used. With terms of relationship -s is
not always used, but -z may be substituted.
The particular cases in which -x and -s are used are the following:
1. In sentences with intransitive verb, connecting predicate and
nominal subject.
(a) -L.
lé-ia'gL og a copper hung on it 138.3
g°6'6t mal there lay a canoe 138.13
hwilt ts emé'lia’ the beaver did so 81.4
ts’'éni ts emé'lix* the beaver entered 77.4
alg ier wi-g'a't the great man said 195.15
(d) -s.
gali-id’s Ts ak: Ts’ak* went up the river 117.6
hwils drp-bé' rbé my uncles did so 157.9
rdax's Txd'msem TxiimsEm was hungry 21.2
2. In sentences with transitive verb, connecting predicate and nomi-
nal subject.
(a) -%.
nik et lerk't guslt'sk“t then watched his nephews 9.5
woot ts nmé'lix’ axt the beaver invited the porcupine 73.2
l6-@’ Ep-10'6dEL sig’idemna'g an’d'nt inside down put the chief-
tainess her hand 183.8
(0) -s.
Kut-yu'kdets Ts ak lé'6p Tsak* carried a stone about 118.9
nikét u's Tsak* tgo-ga'mt Ts’ak’ struck a little fire 118.12
thwas Txdé'msem hwilp Txi’msEm found a house 43.3
§ 23
Boas] HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 353
3. In sentences with transitive verb, connecting predicate and nom-
inal object.
(a) -L.
dem lo-ma'qdéet ts’é'sgun I shall put thy louse in 43.10
nik ét gaan Vé'sem y'at then he saw a large man 95.10
a'mxé wé' bt na'k'sin (good you) invite your wife! 205.10
(d) -s.
nik’ ét sa-go'udets Ts'ak: they took Ts’ak: off 120.15
4. In sentences with transitive verb, the object’ may sometimes
precede the verb, and is then connected with the predicate
by -z or -s.
txané' th“, gal-tsip-tsa'pi g'é'daxdét they asked all the towns
87.3 ‘
naxt gaat he saw bait 50.15
5. To express the possessive relation between nouns.
(a) -L.
ga-qgala'nt hwilpt sem’a'g'it the rear of the house of the chief
137.8
ané'st gan the branch of a tree 137.9
magd'nt K-san the mouth of Skeena river 15.3
qa-we nt k*ebo!' the teeth of the wolves 84.4
qgaulda'lt tgit hana'gg’é six were the children of the woman
97.8
(b) -s.
qal-ts'a'ps dep negua’dt the town of their fathers 107.13
ndzé' rts Tsak* the grandmother of Ts’ak* 119.8
ape'isis Logébola’ the box of Légdbola’ 19.4
6. Between definite and indefinite numerals and nouns, the connec-
_ tive is -z.
kdl, sem’ git one chief 137.1
kh élt sa one day 137.2
kd’ gut han one salmon 169.8
gai-t epxa'L gag even two ravens 155.4
bagadé'lt rg‘it two children 159.5
bagadé' lt nak‘st two wives 194.6
wi-he'ln lag many trout 157.6
taané th"t gaima'gsit many youths 141.10
gGul-gane't ha-edak"se'mest all your arrows 144.10
A few indefinite numerals may also take the attributive connec-
tive -Em.
wi-hé'ldem gaima'gsit many youths 144.3
44877—Bull. 40, pt 1—10 —23 § 23
ae - BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 40
7. Connecting the preposition a (see § 67) with the following noun.
(a) -L.
ke atsh"t ax qal-ts'a'p they landed at the town 107.13
lée-hwi'lt at lax-l6'dp it is on the stone 109.4
alg iat gal-ts'a'p at dem sem’ g'it the people said he should be
chief 163.10 (a’lg‘tx to say; dem future; samd’g it chief)
mat at nak'st he told his wife 165.11
(b) -8. |
a'lg%at as ne'tg’é he said to him 157.1
alg iat as Tsak* he said to Ts’ak* 120.6
ket sgit as Txé’msem he laid it before Txi’msrkm 48.10
8. Connecting the conjunction gan with the following noun.
(a) -L.
hé'ya élx gant hé'ya dziz fat of seal and fat of porpoise 161.12
lax gan sEsd'sem han trout and little salmon 157.4
(c) +s
né' En gans né'b gans ts’é’edzé you and I and my grandmother
£57.40
PREDICATIVE AND POSSESSIVE CONNECTIVES OF THE TSIM-
SHIAN DIALECT (§§ 24-31)
§ 24. General Characteristics of the Connectives
While the connectives -s and -¢ seem to be regularly used in
the Nass dialect, they are absent in Tsimshian in many cases, and a
much more complicated series takes their place. We have to dis-
tinguish between the connectives in indicative and subjunctive sen-
tences; those belonging to the subject of the intransitive and
object of the transitive verb; and those belonging to the subject of
the transitive verb. Furthermore, those belonging to common nouns
' must be distinguished from those belonging to proper nouns; and
' in each form, indefinite location, presence, and absence, are treated
differently. Some of these endings are very rare; others, the exist-
_ ence of which may he expected by analogy, have so far not been
found. The series of forms in which a proper name appears as
subject of the transitive verb is, for instance, hardly found at all,
because sentences of this form are almost invariably rendered by
a periphrastic form: ‘“‘It was (John) who” . . . It will be
noticed in the following discussion that the prepositional and pos-
sessive forms agree with the predicative forms. The peculiar
agreement of the indicative connectives of the subject of the tran-
§ 24
BOAS]
HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 300
sitive verb and of the subjunctive connectives of the subject of the
intransitive verb corresponds to a similar phenomenon that may be
observed in the pronominal forms. These will be discussed in
§§ 49-50. The series of connectives may be represented as follows:
A. Indicative. B. Subjunctive.
(a) (c) (a) | (ec)
ingot presemt| aby |Indet | present.| Ab;
1. Subject of intransitive |
verb, and object of transi-
I, Common nouns
tive verb. A ae -E -dE -gE -E -sdE -SGE
2. Subject of transitive verb -E -sdE(?) | -sgE | -(£) -dE -(gE
1. Subject of intransitive
verb, and object of transi- |
tive verb. 5 Woe ee 3 -dEt -gEt -s -dEs -8 Th Eroper names
2. Subject of transitive verb ? ? “8 -dEt -deEt | -tgEt
§ 25. Predicative Connectives
In the present section I shall give examples of these various
classes of connectives, such as occur between verbs and nouns.
A 11. Intransitive verbs, indicative, common nouns:
(a) Indefinite connective -z
da uks-hétge a'uta a ne-'godza a’kset then the por-
cupine stood at the edge of the water (da then;
uks- toward water; A2°tg to stand; aut porcupine;
aat; nz- possessive; dzdg edge; aks water)
hé'ligr ba'ntgrga a'ksga? his belly was full of water
(Adltg full; ban belly; gega development of prepo-
sition a |see § 28]; aks water)
sEm-ba'sr sts/d'lga® the beaver was much afraid (szm-
very; as afraid; sts/a/ beaver)
(6) Present connective -dz
na-stil’°lde tgu'lgem y!/i'tga® the boy went along
(na- past; stv” to go in company: tym child;
-Em attributive connective [§ 22]; y/7°¢ man)
da al ts!nlem-ha'pde n/a erlet but then the killer-
whales rushed in (dv then; a/ but; ¢s/zlzm- into
from the side; Aap to rush [plural]; n/@rt killer-
whales)
(c) Absent connective -gz ;
da na-ba'°ge 6’lga? then the white bear ran out of the
woods (na- out of woods; 4° to run; 6/ bear)
da gik kse-na'ty aga sts/a'lga® then the beaver breathed
again (g7k again; ksz- out; n@%g breath; sts/al
beaver)
§ 25
356 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BuLL. 40
AI1. Transitive verbs, indicative, common nouns. It is difficult
to find the connectives of transitive verbs before the
object, because the order of words in the sentence
| requires ordinarily that the subject shall follow the
predicate. The cases here given, except the first one,
contain the pronominal subject of the third person.
(a) Indefinite connective -z
klwa'tge ne-ha-wha'ga tga’tgut my child has lost
his knife (&/watg to lose; nz- possessive; ha-awba’g
knife; fgii%g child; -1 my)
wide ha'°set he has found the dog
drm dza'kdeda ha?s he will kill the dog
(6) Present connective -dz
neta mutdedr wula dza'brdrs Gunarnésemga'd he
had told what did GunaxnésEmg'ad (fa past; mat to
tell; wu verbal noun; dzab to do)
(c) Absent connective -gz
wi'itge ha'°sga® he has found the dog
drm dza'kdxtga ha°sga® he will kill the dog
A 12. Transitive verbs, indicative, common nouns:
(a) Indefinite connective -z
walt hand «ge ha'°sgr the woman found the dog
aqgwi-ba'tsgr ne-qga’’dumy lance stands outside ES 94.20
(c) Absent connective -sgz
gu isge huksult ensqgetge 6'lga® the hunter hit the bear
(gu to hit; huksulv’ensg hunter; 6/ bear)
drm dza' kdzsga g ibd! uga ha’°sga’ the wolf will kill the
dog (dzak to kill; -d- [see § 17.10]; g*zba’u wolf;
has dog)
da di-l!i-wa'isge wi-mes-0'lga qal-ts/a' pga? the great
bear found the town (d7 on his part; ¢/7- on; wa to
arrive, to find; w2- great; mzs- white; 62 bear; gal-
empty; ¢s/ap tribe)
_AIL1. Intransitive verb, indicative, proper names:
(a) Indefinite connective -z¢
ama wa'lt Tom Tom is rich
da haut Sadzapani't then Sadzapani’l said
di°legset Asdi-wialt Asdi-wa'l can not move ES 90.15
(6) Present connective -dzt
Lli-qlan-da'videt Astiwa/lga® Astiwa’l has gone
across (//7- on; g/an- over; dda’ut to leave)
(c) Absent connective -gzt
ba’°get Dzd6'nge? John is running
§ 25
BoAS] HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 357
A II 2. Transitive verb, indicative, proper names:
(c) Absent connective -s
da ni'edzrs Astiwa'l wul hé'lige . . . then Astiwa’l
saw that it was full (m2 to see; Aédltg full)
BIA. Intransitive verbs, subjunctive, common nouns:
(a) Indefinite connective -z
adat ni’ wul gatgd'it!eksa t/apxadi’lda y/w°ta then
Bey saw two men coming (ada then; ¢- he [subj. |;
go’ it! eks [plural gatgé’it/zks| to come; t/zpradi’l
two persons; y/i°¢ man)
a wul hasi'ga sts/al because the beaver desired (hasd’g
to desire; sts/dl beaver)
(6) Present connective -dz
dzk ha’usde seiva'g*it a k/a’7 if the chief says to me
(dze conditional; ha’u to say; sem’a’g'it chief; a to;
k/a’i me)
ast dd@'utsde Cin-gad°sda na'hsen he who took your
wife has just left (ast just; da’ut to leave; ¢ he; @n-
who; g@ to take; naks wife; -zn thy)
(c) Absent connective -sgz
ada wul tval-ia’°sgr ba'°sqrga® then his fear increased
(twal-ia’? to increase; b@°sg fear)
wul lu-ta' psge a’ ksga? where the water is deep (du- i ue
tp deep; ais water)
nlini' gan ha'usgr sts/a'lga° therefore the beaver said
(n/in7’ it is that; gan reason)
B11. Transitive verbs, subjunctive, common nouns:
(a) Indefinite connective -z
adan dem sa-lli-t/i'sa nze-galdem-a'ksgu I shall sud-
denly push over on it my bucket (x I; dzm future
sa- suddenly; ¢/7- on; ¢/7i°s to push; nz- possessive;
galdem- receptacle; a/'s water; -v my)
adat lu-«ba-q/asgé'dzr ne-ga-ts!unlts/a'lsge ha'°xga®
then he cut (in) across the faces of the Epes (¢ he;
lu- in; wba- across; gédz, with plu. obj. ¢/as’gédz
to cut; mz- possessive; ga- plural; ¢s/a/, distribu-
tive plural ¢s/alts/a'l face; hax goose)
(>) Present connective -sdz
... lin ga’’sde na’ksen he who took thy wife
(c) Absent connective -sgz
adat gz'redexsge hand’°xga? then he asked the woman
(¢ he; ge'redeg to ask; hand’°’g woman)
dat wul si’°sge inaa/wulkga? then he shook the rope
(st to shake; maa’wulk rope)
§ 25
358 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [But 40
B12. Transitive verb, subjunctive, common nouns:
(a) Indefinite connective -z ©
adat ts!tlem-ks-gd@' ge wé get tirst foam came in (¢ it,
subj.; ¢s./e/em- into, from the side; is- extreme;
gag first; we°g foam)
(2) Present connective -dz
adat gap-ya’°’kede tran! ga-wula-dza' bet then all the
hunters really pursued it (g’ap- really; yak to pur-
sue; tvan/7’ all; ge- plural; wula-dza'b hunter)
(c) Absent connective -tgz
ada wult ksp-hashé°tstge sem d'g'itgr hand’ naxtga®
then the chief sent out the women (/sz- out; Aéts
plural obj.; Aashé’ts to send; szm’-d'g'it chief;
handa'g [plural hana’nag| woman)
adat né°dzntga sts/d'lgn n7/°tyga? then the beaver saw
him (77°dz to see; sts/dl beaver; n/7°t he)
BIL 1. Intransitive verb, subjunctive, proper names:
(a) Indefinite connective -s
ta dem bas Dzdn John was running
ada wul si'epges Tom Tom was sick
(b) Present connective -dzs .
wula dza'bedres Gunaxnésemg'a'd what Gunaxné-
sEmg‘a’d was doing
(c) Absent connective -s
hi-ts/vens Gunawnésemy'a'tga Gunaxnéskmg’a’d
came in
adawul sem-ba'°s Gunaxnésemga'tga? then Gunaxné-
sEmg’a’d ran fast
B IL2. Transitive verb, subjunctive, proper names:
(2) Present connective -dzt
ada wult ye'redaadet Ksem-q/asga'’sga? then Crane-
Woman asked him (gz'rzdaq to ask; ksem- female;
q/asga'°s crane) ;
adat doxdet Gunaxnesemga'tge lidem mu-st’’nsyga°
then GunaxnésEmg’‘a’d took the copper wedge
(déx to take; lid wedge; -zm attributive connect-
ive; mers?°ns copper)
(c) Absent connective -tgrt
adat ge'redartget negwa’tge ktgz'rem. y!/i'°datga®
then the father asked his sons (gz'rzdag to ask;
negwiet father; Aiger children; -zm attributive
connective; y/@d man)
ada al wult W'%sudet Astiwd'lga® then Astiwa’l
counted it (/7°ts to count)
§ 25
. oa
Boas} HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 859
§ 26. Connectives between Subject and Object
In sentences with transitive verb as predicate, the subject gener-
ally follows the predicate and precedes the object. The connectives
between subject and object are in all sentences, and for both common
nouns and proper names, -z, -dz, -gz, which generally agree with
the predicate connective.
A I 2. Indicative, common nouns:
(a) (with -r) wa't hana'ga hia'°srt the woman found the dog
(c) (with -gz) dem dza'kdesga g ibd uga hi°sqa? the wall
will kill the dog
B12. Subjunctive, common nouns:
(a) (with -2) ada wult ga°drt Gunaxnésemg’ adn ha-
| hdustga then GunaxnésEmg'a’d took his knife
ada dit wagait-lu-ya°krtget Asdi-wi'lde ts!em-
ga inaga° then Asdi-wa'l also followed in the path
(di on his part; -¢ he; wagazt entirely; Zu- in;
yak to follow; ts/rm- in; ga’ina path)
demt bax-gd'°dr ta’msu ma'ti my son-in-law will go
after mountain-goats (see § 29)
(a) (with -dz) ada al sa-ni'°dzn ne-tsabem ya'ts!/Esqr-
dr wul ksr-gwa'ntge wi-go'ep/a, but then suddenly
saw the animal tribe the great light rising
(0) (with -ga) ada ta hid’qut sex-da'°de tguwd' lhsetga ne-
sE-meEg @'xstga then the princess began to gather
her berries (A7a@’°gu to begin; sexv-dd’ to gather, to
hold fast; fguwa'lkset princess; nz- possessive; se-
to make, to gather; mzg’d'xst berries)
(c) da di Lli-wa'isge wi-mes-6'lyx gal-ts/a'pqa? then the
great white bear, on his part, found the town (d?-
on his part; //7- on; wd to find; wi- great; mezs-
white; 62 bear; gal- empty; ts/ap tribe)
(c) da wulat y!/aga-ks-di'*lige hand'narge su-pla'sem
y/a'°tagas then the women accompanied the young
man down (Tsimshian Texts, New Series, Pudblica-
tions of the Amertcan Ethnological Society, Vol.
Ill, 78.29; y/aga- down; fs- extreme; di to
accompany; -¢ he; hand’nax, plural, women; sv-
newly; p/as to grow; -zm adjectival connective;
yl @ta man)
(c) adat wul k'lina'mdzt Asdiwillgr ga'kgr . . eis
Asdiwa’l gave the basket. . . (/did., 98. 17; A get
nam to give; -det connective B II 26; gok fabled)
So far I have not been able to find examples in which proper
names appear as objects.
360 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [puLn. 40
§ 27. Possessive Connectives
The possessive connectives differ in indicative and subjunctive
sentences, and it seems that the complete series must. be as follows:
TI. Common nouns.
SS ir Ea es, | II. Proper names.
(a2) Indefinite. |(b) Present. (c) Absent. |
| |
Av SENGIGHUIVGR AT: 6 thon .n eae -E -dE -GE
Le
lepers Slouivaatehat tts tg we em eyyueh ease nic) ores (-E) -SdE -SQE |
I have not been able to get examples of the whole series.
AI. (a) Indefinite connective -z
nlind ne-wi'lbe sem’d'g tt this is the house of the chief
(2) Present connective -dz
ne-mEtE-l/i-g/4'lsvan ne-ga-ts/uwa'lde ha'°set the fingers
of the dog were six on each (paw) (nz- past; melz- each;
L/i- on; ¢/alt six; -svan long; ne- possessive; ga- plural;
ts/uwa'l finger; ha's dog)
(c) Absent connective -yr
gi ga dzo'gat gesge qal-ts!a'pge nE-wa'lptga? who lived in
the houses of the town (ga who; dzég to camp; gesgz
from a IN [see § 28]; gal-ts/a'b town; walb house)
BI. (2) Present connective -sdz
ada ne wul ni? ne-wi'lbsdr y/iv'°ta then J saw the house of
the man (nz 1; 72° to see; walb house; y/iw'°t man)
(c) Absent connective -sgr
ada wul gwa'lsgsge ne-wi'lbsge y/i°ta then the house of
the man was burnt
BIL. na@t demt tn-na'ksga tgi’tges Gau'o? who will marry Gauo’s
daughter? (n@° who; dem future; ?in- he who; naksg to
marry; tgw#%lg child)
twa-n/i! ne-ligi-wi'ls negwa'°’denga® all the wealth of thy
father (¢ra-n/7' all; nz- possessive; /ig/-wa'l wealth; nz-
gwa'ed father; -n thy)
§ 28. Prepositional Connectives
The general preposition a, which has been described in the Nass
dialect (§ 23.7), occurs apparently alone in Tsimshian; but it seems
more likely that the a without connective must be considered as a
special form for az (see § 29). With connectives we find both the
indicative and subjunctive forms.
§§ 27, 28
Boas] HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 861
I. Common nouns. II. Proper names.
- |
(ce) Absent. path ad (0) Pres- i\(c) Absent.
| (@) Indef- | (b) Pres. |
|
nite. ent. ent.
A. Indicative. . . a da ga | |
: 4 as des | gks
B. Subjunctive . . a asda asga | |
Furthermore, several of these forms occur contracted with demon-
strative d and g,; as—
drda GEGA
drsda GgESga
1 A. (a) Indefinite a
kla-am a txa-n/v gd? it is better than all things (//a
exceedingly; adm good; tra-n/7 all; ga? something)
da uks-hé°tge auta a nz-dzdga-a'ksut then the porcupine
stood at the edge of the water (dw then; whs- toward
water; AZty to stand; a’uta porcupine; nz- possessive;
dz0g edge; aks water)
(b) Present da
lep-tgusge'resge sts/a’lda lax-akset the beaver himself
was happy in the water (lzp- self; lgusgz'resg happy;
sts/al beaver; lax- surface; aks water)
(c) Absent ga
hd'ltgr ba'ntgega a’ksga? his belly was full of water (Adltg
full; ban belly; -¢ his; gega from ga, aks water)
1B. (a) Indefinite a
ta bax-a'atget a ne-miya'n wi-sa' menga? he came up to the
foot of the great spruce tree (fa past; bax- up; arty
arrive; 2£- possessive; méyd’n foot of tree; wi- great;
sa’meEn spruce)
(d) Present asda
ada al lli-glan-di'ulda? a'sda nz-ts/uwa'n sgané°stga? but
he has gone over the top of the mountain (a but; Z/7-
on; g/an- over; da’ut to leave; nz- possessive; ts/uwa'n
top; sgané’°st mountain)
(c) Absent csga
ada hi’usga a'uta asga sts/a’lga? then said the porcupine
to the beaver
Il. (a) Indefinite as
ada haut na’ kst as né’°t then his wife said to him
(6) Present dzs
da-ya't Astiwi'l des negwi’°tgv? said Astiwa’l to his father
(c) Absent gzs
da’ wula ha'usga a’uta ges ni’°tga? then the porcupine said
to him
§ 28
862 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [runn. 40
Examples of the forms dzsd4 and gesga are the following:
nE n kse'ranu desda da'utda? | went out (at) some time ago
da wi-am-ha'usga a'uta gesga sts/a'lga® then the porcupine
shouted to the beaver
The forms in deda and gzga occur in the translations of the
Gospels with great frequency; but I have not been able to find any
examples except the one given before under A I (c).
§ 29. Phonetic Modification of the Connectives
1. All forms in z described in the preceding paragraphs have no
ending after the vowels /, m, n, and 7.
ada al toe wWuta ... then the porcupine lay .
adat k: Sind’m ne- ounaattoae then he gave him tobacco
da wul wa'l ne-lii’du because of what happened to my wedge
ada drmt q/a'prgan leksa’gat then it will obstruct the door-
way (97 laprgan to obstruct; /ahsd ‘g doorway)
stii°p/el wul t/a@° na'ksen your wife is in the rear of the
house (sti’°p/rl rear of house; ¢/a@° to sit [singular]; naks
wife; —zn thy)
atat ni gd ep/at when he saw the light
2. The endings beginning with s lose this sound after words with
terminal s,; for instance,
ada sem-ba'°sga sts/a@’'lga? then the beaver was much afraid
(b@°s afraid; b@’°sga instead of b@’°s-sya)
§ 30. Connectives of the Conjunction AND
The conjunction anp, when expressed by dv or gan, takes the
connectives s and ¢, as in the Nass dialect—the former before proper
names, some terms of relationship, and pronouns designating per-
sons; the latter before common nouns.
nik ren dis n/n’ riu thou and I
gwa? dis gwi? that one and this one
zon dis Tom
Jobn and Tom
z6n gans Tom
On the other hand:
gwa®? dit gw? that thing and this thing
yli°ta dit hand’?
ui 2h Ree ig \the man and the woman
yluta gant hana’°gs
§ 31. The Connective -t
Besides its use with the conjunctions @ and gan, the connective -f
is used in negative, conditional, and interrogative sentences, be-
§§ 29-31
BoAS] HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 863
tween the intransitive verb and its subject, and between the tran-
sitive verb and its object.
awa'lgr dzakt wan the deer is not dead yet (awa'tgr not yet;
dzak dead; wan deer)
aige di hé'tget walb asge gwa'sgaga there was no house there
(atgz not; di on its part; /étg to stand; walb house; asgé
at [see § 28]; gwa'sga that; -ga? [see § 20])
atget dza'yut wan he did not kill the deer (dza’g to kill)
alge dint dremt wula'idet g:at it is not good that: the people
should know it (@m good; dem future, nominal particle;
wula'i to know; g‘ad people)
In interrogative sentences:
du nat dim drdi'lsedat tad/lpxade wul k:lipk:!a'pt sa
ad meta-k/nreldet gramk a tras-h/é'trt? who will live
(with) forty days each month throughout the year? (du
demonstrative; 2d@° who; dem future; dedi’7ls to live;
txalpex four; wul being; k*/ap ten round ones, k* /ipk:/a'p
distributive; sa day; a at; meta- each; /-/x/rrl one round
one; g'amk sun, moon; a at; ¢tvas- along, throughout; £/4,
year)
§ 382. Suffixes of Numerals
In the Nass river dialect, only three classes of numerals have dis-
tinctive suffixes. These are:
-d/ human beings
-k¥s canoes
-aV6n fathoms (derived from the stem én HAND)
In the Tsimshian dialect the corresponding suffixes occur also, and,
besides, another one used to designate long objects. These are:
-d/ human beings
-sk canoes
-EV6'n fathoms
-sxan long objects
The numerals will be treated more fully in § 57.
§ 38. Contraction.
The Tsimshian dialects have a marked tendency to form compound
words by contraction which is apparently based partly on weakening
of vowels, partly on the omission of syllables. In some cases it can be
shown that omitted syllables do not belong to the stem of the word
that enters into composition; while in other cases this is doubtful.
Since my material in the Tsimshian dialect is better, I will give the
Tsimshian examples first.
§§ 32, 33
864 BUREAU OF AMERICAN BTHNOLOGY [BULL. 40
Contraction by weakening of vowels:
t/em-la’n steersman; for ¢/@m g‘7-la’n sitting stern (t/a? to sit;
g i-la’n stern of canoe)
negutsha’’s smart, frisky; for negwa’°ts has father of dog
str§md’n humpback salmon; for stém han on one side salmon
lebe ts/a@g' kidney-fat; for l@°%xr ts/a°g° fat of stone (i. e., of
kidney)
lebe-0'n biceps: for 1@’be an’d’'n arm-stone
ts/ing 1/i-héty he stands on the end of it; for ts/uwa’n
Here belongs also the particle Xsz- fluid; for aks water:
kse-gwa'nuks spring of water.
Following are examples of contraction by omission of prefixes:
t/zm-la'n steersman, for ¢/a°m g‘i-la'n
t/nm-ts/dég harpooneer, for ¢/@m g‘i-ts/d'ég sitting bow
ne-ksluni'°sk looking-glass, for nz-g*ilnks-lu-ni'°sk where back-
ward in one looks. It seems probable that g‘7/- is a separable
part of g-dzeks-
t/em-g'a'nt the one up river, for ¢/@m g*ig’d'ni, is not used,
but is understood; also ¢/zm-hau'li the one in the woods; for
t/am guthau' li.
Contraction with omission of syllables that are not known as
prefixes seems to occur in—
sigidemna'x chieftainess; for sig*tdem hana'g chief woman
ha-lli-ta t/v°brn when sea-lions lie on; for Aa-l/7-da t/i°ben
contains also a material change of the stem-form.
The name of the tribe itself is interpreted in a similar manner:
ts/nm-sia'n, for ts/zrm-ksia'n in the Skeenariver. The latter
word may possibly contain the element /‘s- fluid.
In the Nass river dialect the same kinds of contraction occur, but
examples are not numerous:
anik'su-lo' galtk \ooking-glass; for an-qulik*s-lo-la' galtk where
back in one examines.
sig idemna'y chieftainess; for stg:adem ha'nag chief woman
sema'g it chief, seems to contain szem- very; g‘at person.
Masrmts étsk” (a name); for md'semst yo-n-ts’é'étsh® growing
up having a Bega (mas to grow; -m connective; -st [2];
yo—k" to have; n-ts’é’éts grandmother)
Xpi'yelek (a name); for «pi-haguld'g partly sea-monster.
In connection with this phenomenon may be mentioned the use of
some elements as verbs and nouns in fragmentary form,—or without
affixes, as particles. An instance is:
hasa' ga to desire; saga dem ya'°gu I desire to go.
§ 33
Boas] HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 365
§ 34. Incorporation
In expressions designating an habitual activity directed toward an
object, the verbal stem and its object form a compound word, which
is treated like a single verb, so that the object appears in an incorpo-
rated form. Examples of this form are the following:
Tsimshian:
0'lis!nagan to be a stick-carrier (g0'/ts/zg to carry; gan stick)
90 ‘lts/zald'b to be a stone-carrier (/6% stone)
walega'n to be a stick-carrier (wal? to carry on back)
g & x'rla to be out harpooning seals (g*4lg to harpoon; 2#'r/a seal)
bi’sgan to split wood (dz%s to split)
bi'slag to split fire-wood (lag fire)
g eabt’snu I am a box-carver (g*é/g to carve; a7°s box)
sE-yét-wa'yinu I am a paddle-polisher (sz- to make; yé/g smooth;
wa't paddle)
Reduplication (§§ 35-38)
§ 35. General Remarks
There are two types of reduplication in Tsimshian—one in which
the beginning of the word, including the first consonant following
the first vowel, is repeated; the other in which the initial sounds,
including the first vowel, are repeated. ‘The functions of these two
methods of reduplication are quite distinct. The former is generally
used to form plurals, and with a number of proclitic particles that
imply more or less clearly the meaning of repetition or plurality.
The second forms generally a progressive form, or, perhaps better,
a present participle of the verb.
§ 56. Initial Reduplication, including the First Conso-
nant following the First Vowel
_ This part of the word is repeated before the stem-syllable with
weakened vowel. The accent of the word is not changed, and the
reduplicated syllable remains separated from the word by a hiatus.
This is particularly evident in words beginning with a vowel.
Singular Plural
Oa tar 0! x" to throw
am Emam good
alate wl a'lg ta to speak
éthus at é' thus to name
§§ 34-36
366 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 40
This method of reduplication may be considered as duplication modi-
fied by phonetic laws. Monosyllabie words terminating with a con-
sonantic cluster retain only the first sound of the cluster, thus avoiding
a great accumulation of consonants in the middle of the word. The
same causes probably affect polysyllabic words in such manner that
the whole end of the word is dropped. This seems the more likely,
as the repeated syllable has its vowel weakened. This process would
easily reduce the terminal parts of polysyllabic words, when repeated,
to consonantic clusters.
The weakened vowels have a tendency to change to z or?. The
great variability of the vowels makes it difficult to establish a general
rule.
(a2) Monosyllabic words, beginning and terminating either with a
vowel or with a single consonant:
Singular Plural
6a" tn? 6' x" to throw
Os ES’0'8 dog
am Emam good
él al’o'l bear
dax* dia da'x* hill
@ ec @Micd’é'¢ to push
Lap LEpLa'p deep
ba brtbha't to spread out
hap hapha'p to shut
gan ganga'n tree
; Pagta'g
nag lace also (rt’a’q) fluke
dz6q dziqdz0' y to camp
ve Eve valley
meL MALME L to burn
meL miLmé L to tell
g'te gicg ve wrong
la'ép lepla’ dp stone
tsap tsEptsa’ p to make
tal tsilts'a'l face
ts°é'ip ts’ Epts é'tp to tie
gos gisqo's to jump
dz6q dzEqdz6' ¢ to camp
n-dza'm n-dzEmdza'm kettle
The vowel is apparently strengthened in
no
§ 36
: none’ hole
Boas] . HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN LANGUAGES 367
Tsimshian:
Singular Plural
dy ay oy to throw
am an a'm good
ha’s hasha'°s dog
da dada’ to place
dam demda'm to hold
dal dilda't to fight
dip drpdip foot of mountain
ho&n hanhd'n to fill
bi? bebi’e to wait
bél bithé’t to spread
kak ke Stkk: Lak to choke
ts/él ts/elts/é'l to slice fish
mat metma't to tell
dzat dzktdza’t to slide
ts/ap ts/Epts!a'p tribe
ach lepla’°h stone
dau duda@'u ice
lii-sa’°x lii-sExsa@’°x red-hot
gla qlargar’ to bite
(2) Monosyllabic words beginning with a vowel or a single con-
sonant, and terminating with a cluster of consonants, reduplicate the -
beginning of the word, including the first consonant following the first
vowel:
Singular Plural
sv éph™ stipsv épk™ sick
is éphu ts’ipts é ph hard
ish™ ist’ sku stench
gickh” gicgv’ ch lean
gech# qasqe ch! narrow
délph™ déldé' lph™ short
lo-da' ltk (0-delda' lpk to meet
Lantk™ LENLa nth to move
mith mitmy the full
gk . gitg tthe to swell
g atk gitg:a’ tk to pierce
hana’ hanha' nx thin
Lint’ Lint nt’ to be angry
g épke g ipg é'pke high
étge até’ tyc to end
éths até thus to name
mao’ wk* maxmao wk: meek
lo-ya' lth" lo-yilya' lth to return
§ 36
368
Tsimshian:
Singular
si°pk
alz
walb
hark
hoksk
g'vsk
yalth
g ‘élks
arty
ga pk
kwath
BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY
Plural
sEpsv pk
ava’ la
(wilwa'lb)
havha'°xk
hakho'ksk
gisgv sk
yilya'ltk
gilg'é'lks
axa’ atg
gapga' pk
kutkwa'°tk
[BULL. 40
sick
brave
house
annoyed
to be with
to go past
to return
to feel
to attain
to scratch, to rake
to disappear
(c) Polysyllabic words, beginning with a vowel or a single conso-
nant, reduplicate the beginning of the word, including tbe first con-
sonant following the first vowel:
Singular
sehen
hada’ xk"
hwild'x*
bd’ siak
Awa ix’
a Vik: sk”
gi dex
asd’ x"
dé’ lin
lo'laq
(gan)ma'la
aly tw
ma lgék sh
hada’ ht
ho’ mts !/ta
ha'ag? at
Tsimshian:
Singular
ke Lina’m
lé'p! gan
la’°h: Sulth
ga gslth
p!vten
klwa'°da:
ts/a'ka
da'kticen
§ 36
Plural
sips?’ rb’ En
hadhad’a' xk"
hwilhwil@' x’
brsha’ sixk”
huithwa' lia:
ada Wik sk"
gidg dex
as asa'a
dildé lia
lello'laq
(gan)meElna' la
alallg vw
meElma'lgék' sk¥
hie haxda' ke
hamho'mts ix
haxha' xg? at
Plural
k ink: Sind’ m
laplé'p!gan
leh? la’ ke /ulth
gikg'agsltk
plstpliten
klutk!wi'’das
ts/Ek'ts!/a' ka
drkda' ktxen
to love
bad
to know
to separate
to carry on back
to come
to ask
foot
tongue
ghost
button
to speak
heavy
bow
to kiss
sweet-smelling
to give
to shuffle about
to wrap up
to roll
to nudge
to miss
fire is out
to drown
Boas] HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES
Singular Plural
g wal gilga'el to look after
da'msax demda'msax downcast
plalgvask plelpla'lg vaesk heavy
wuld’ wulewuli'l to rub
su-wul2’nsk su-wulwuld’nsk hunter
go'it!eks gatgo' it! rks to come
369
(dz) A number of euphonic changes occur in this type of reduplica-
tion. They differ in character in the two dialects.
In the Nass dialect,
when the reduplicated syllable ends in 4°, g*, and /, these are aspirated,
and become a’, g and ¢ are aspirated and become zx, y becomes w’, ts
becomes s; dz becomes 2.
(a) k, g', & following the first vowel are changed into x;
Singular
Pak:
hak's
0k's
2a’ 6k's
ak's
dak ‘1
sak‘sk
Lé-g'a't
mok"
guks
hokch
(8) y following the first vowel changes to a’:
Singular
ho' yx
Plural
Pia ta'k-
hax'ha'k:s
ar?o'k's
tad’ Oks
én a'k's
dicv'da'k't
sia'sa’ ksh
Lin’ Lé-g'a't
miriam’ ke
gia guks
hax ho' kek
Plural
hia ho'yia
to forget
to abuse
to drop
to wash
broad
to tie
clean
weak, sickly
to catch fish
fish jumps
to be with others
like
(vy) g and ¢ following the first vowel change to «:
Singular
maga nsh™
git! igch®
so! ugsh®
Gag
agh"L
Plural
miamaga nsku
gexgd' igck®
sEaso' ugsk™
PExLy a qL
axa’ gh"
explanation
to sit
to dive
to drag
to succeed
(6) ¢s and s following the first vowel change to s and 2:
Singular
yats
q Ots
hé'its
hé' tsumEex
a dziks
Plural
yis’ia'ts
7 Es” o'ts
hishé'tts
hashé' tsumEx
az a' dziks
44877—Bull. 40, pt 1—10 —24
to chop
to chop a tree
to send
to command.
proud
§ 36
370 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY
[BULL. 40
(€) Sometimes a a* is introduced at the end of the reduplicated
syllable:
Singular
dudd'laq
amo's
COtsh™
yind tsa
an-do'yEn
an-sq't'st
sa atk
hara'alst
ha-Lebi' sk
sanlai' dik's
é nsk™
aa-yd! Oke sk™
tyal-hwe'lemih™
Plural
div dada’ lag
ax? amo's
Cia’ lO tsk”
yrar ind tsia
ax” an-do' yen
ax” an-sg ist
stasd’ atk
hax éta’ alst
haxé-LEbi sk
six'sanlat' dik's
axe! Esk"
ax-Van yd Oh sk”
to talk to
corner
iron
whip
garden
grave
weak
to work
knife
sign
debt
to trust
tg al-hwie hwe'lemik" servant
Here may also belong—
Singular
yO LMEX
Plural
hia'to' Lm Ex
to advise
It seems possible that these forms of reduplication should be con-
sidered as belonging to the class to be discussed in § 37.
The phonetic changes in the Tsimshian dialect do not agree with
those found in the Nass dialect.
§ 36
only g and g¢ are aspirated:
(a 6 y) The aspiration of g’, k*, g, and /& does not seem to occur;
Singular Plural
20g dzrxdzo' g to camp
ylaq ylivy!a'y to hang
(0) The changes from dz and ¢s to z and s are also not regular:
Singular Plural
godz gadzq0' dz to tear
hets hashé!ts to send
ya dz yosy! dz to chop
tlit'tsk t lest /u’°tsk black
(©) In many cases a /, corresponding to Nass a’, appears inserted:
Singular Plural
salk /ensk seksa’lk/ensk dismayed
14 trkta’ol to shove
tint? tektii/nti angry
td tektd’° fast
wamak wukwa' mak to suffer
nv? nekni’ to see
nits nEknits to look
BOAS]
Singular Plural
laitk
stwelt steksti’ lt
gaba'xs gakgaba'xs
ya ulema yokyd ema
gal ad gakgal ad
(5) Some words insert a ¢ after the first vowel.
HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES
371
lekla’tk (better: /n-la’tk) to move
companion
to splash
to advise
to let go
Since ad or ¢
occurs in some of these cases after the first vowel of the stem, the
occurrence of the ¢ may sometimes be due to an irregular treat-
ment of the reduplication:
Singular Plural
gwanthk gutgwa' nth
gE rEdax getgE rEdax
wi? wutwa'
to touch
to ask
to find
§ 87. Initial Reduplication, including the First Vowel
(a) In most cases the stem-vowel is weakened in the reduplicated
syllable:
algtix to speak
g iba’ yuk to fly
amiya'n 1 smoke
ha'dik's to swim
gEba'ksk" to splash
lé'p!zs to sew
tadxk" to eat [plural]
g ip to eat something
ts’én to enter
Pax lake
mal canoe
bax to run
Here belongs also
woq to sleep
au lg tx one who is speaking
gig ibd yuk one who is flying
igexmiyd éz 1 smoke walking
thahd' dikes swimming while car-
rying
egegeba' ksk" splashing while being
ah carried
llé'p lEs one who is sewing
tha’ rh those eating
ang‘ig't'pt one who is eating it
alo-ts’rts’é'n one who enters pub-
licly
Cela a lakes
mvmal canoes
bbax one who runs
huw6'¢ one who sleeps
Similar forms occur in the Tsimshian dialect:
alg%tg to speak
h®tg to stand
t/a to sit
ba to run
li’°drg to be silent
si?’p bone
| gad person
aa'lg‘tg the one who is speaking
hahé'tg the one standing
tet/@® the one sitting
beba’? the one running
lit’zdeg silent
sEs?’°p bones
gig'a'd people
§ 37
372 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY — [punn. 40
(>) In a number of cases the vowel of the reduplicated syllable is
long and the accent is thrown back upon it, while the vowel of the
stem is weakened:
Singular Plural
lags la’ leqs to wash body
weg wa wig to sleep
sak: sé istk* to haul out
Lak: Lé Lik: to bend
tog tla'tleq to scratch
Tsimshian:
Singular Plural
ta? td'ta to swim (fish)
Laat ta'taaxt to hold with teeth
tak: li'tik: to bend
warg wa' wuq to bury
t/dg t/d'deq to step on
sK*n-worg seen -wia' woy to rebuke
(c) Words beginning in iw (w Tsimshian) have a form of redu,»i
cation which is evidently of the same origin as the forms here dis-
cussed:
Singular Plural
hwa huwa! name
hwilp huwi'lp house
Tsimshian:
Singular Plural,
wa huwa'? name
walb huwa'lb house
war huwa'e paddle
(d2) Words beginning with a consonantic cluster reduplicate in the
Nass dialect by a repetition of the first consonant; at the same time
initial z is transformed into g. In Tsimshian the consonantic cluster
is treated like a syllable, and is repeated with insertion of a weak
vowel:
Singular Plural
pte ppto door
xLGO GQELLGo’ to pray
xLko' lua gExLko' lua to scold
xtsa’ é qEatsa’é thick
Tsimshian:
Singular Plural
sqag SExsga'g to refuse
teed? tlaatwa'® flat
§ 37
BOAS] HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES aia
(ec) A number of cases of irregular reduplication occur. Examples
in the Nass dialect are—
Singular Plural
alt’ sk alli’ sk weak (a may be a prefix)
ané's anné's branch
Tsimshian:
Singular Plural
ta’ gaxsk lawta' g'axsk to climb
hand'g hand'nag woman (for hanha'nag?*)
nak — nekno'nk long
naano' x nawno' nx supernatural
lurwa'l wulewa'l drop
§ 38. Reduplication of Words containing Proclitic
Particles
As arule, compound words containing proclitic elements redupli-
cate the stem only.
Singular Plural
lo-a'm lo-anv am to be good inside
A few examples of compounds of the type which reduplicate the
initial syllables have been given in § 36, d, «.
§ 39. Modification of Stem Vowel
In a few cases modifications of length and accent of stem syllables
occur. Iam inclined to think that all of these have originated by
secondary modification of reduplicated forms. The following cases
have come under my observation. All of them belong to the Nass
River dialect.
Singular Plural
and’ s and’ Es skin
gina’m ge nam to give
kiba’ kiba’ to wait
gwula’ guild’ cloak
halat't ha' lait ceremonial dance
hana'q ha'naq woman
Formation of Plural (§§ 40-47)
§ 40. Methods of forming the Plural
The plural is generally sharply set off from the singular, both in the
noun and in the verb, and only a limited number of words have the
same form in singular and plural. Including these words and those
which apply different stems in singular and plural, the following
methods of expressing the plural may be distinguished.
§§ 38-40
374 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BuLL. 40
(1) Singular and plural have the same form.
(2) The plural is formed by reduplication.
(3) The plural is formed by dizresis or by lengthening of vowels.
(4) The plural is formed by the prefix ga-.
(5) The plural is formed by the prefix ga- and the suffix -(A)2.
(6) The plural is formed by the prefix /- with variable vowel.
(7) The plural and singular are formed from the same stem, but in
an irregular manner, or they are derived from different stems.
§ 41. First Group. Singular and Plural the same
.
In this group are combined the words, singular and plural of wnich
have the same form. Here belong the names of all animals except
DOG és and BEAR 6/, trees, and many words that can not be classified.
Parts of the body (see also § 43):
gec hair
opx forehead
dz aq nose
wan tooth
zé'mg beard
tags finger-nail
ban belly
ptal rib
mia'dzik's breast
mise’ hax down of bird
Miscellaneous:
sé day
ark” night
kon year
lak” fire
aks water
peli’ st star
za'ns leaf
dawi's axe
hawi'l arrow
bela’ haliotis
dak to thunder
dé lemxk to reply
mé lek" to dance
lé’mix* to sing
gaa to see
hasa'g to want
§ 41
nisg upper lip
pindz body (plural also ga-
pLna't)
mméds thumb
Ldtsx tail of fish
ndvg fin
gax* feather
la’é wing
Cem-la'nia neck
Cem-ga'x’ fathom
at net
ts’ak* dish
wa'ds dish
lé'p est marmot blanket
Pa ist bed-quilt
ya’ tsesk” animal
wie root
bela’ haliotis-shell
mi uks sweet-smelling
xLgao'm payment
tmd' rm to help
hitht to rush
gv dra to ask
bak” to feel
li-ya'g to hang
and'g to agree
BoAS] HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES ota
A number of stems with prefixes aiso retain the same form in sin-
gular and plural :
guis-ma' ksh” white blanket hwil-dig'a't warrior
guwis-hala’'t dancing-blanket lo-sand'Lk¥ to be surprised
law-ama'k¥s prairie sE-anuwd'g to rebuke
x
The same class occurs in Tsimshian. Here also all names of
animals have the same forms in singular and plural except those
of the dog (Aas) and the bear (4/). Names of parts of the body
appear also in the same form in singular and plural, although more
often they have the prefix ga-.
Examples are—
né tseks fish-tail a to fish with line
sa day mak il to drop down
tatse smoked split salmon- lehé'ld to forbid
tail p/elo’ to break law
mag asx berry a@lks servant
hasa'x to desire
§ 42. Second and Third Groups. Plurals formed by Re-
duplication and Vowel Change
In these groups are comprised the words the plurals of which
are formed by reduplication or dizreses. By far the majority of
words belong to this class.
The plurals of the second group, which are formed by redupli-
cation, may be subdivided into the following groups:
(a) The plural is formed generally by reduplication of the begin-
ning of the word, including the first consonant following the first
vowel, which method has been fully described in § 36.
(6) Only in exceptional cases is the plural formed by the redu-
plication of the beginning of the word, including the first vowel.
The following instances of this type of reduplication used for form-
ing the plural have been observed.
Singular Plural
gin gigin to give food
g tke gig uke to buy
ts’ak* ts’ Ets'a'k* dish
Pax Cita, Caxta'e lake
ts'ép ts’Ets’é' p bone
gat gig at people
mal minal canoe
876 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 40
Tsimshian:
Singular Plural
82° SESU°p bone
tata’?
ta ) x fast
tikta’?
taeld trta’ld to move
Al
la'tk ae : to move
lEkla'th '
A special form of this reduplication is found in words beginning
with Aw, which take Aww in the plural, probably originating from
hwhw (see p. 372).
Singular Plural
hwa hind name
hwilp hiiwi'lp house
Await hiwi't to sell
Awil hiwi'l to do
Awé hiiwo' to call
hwax: hiiwa' x’ to paddle
Related to this are the two plurals described in § 37 e(p. 378).
(c) The few cases in which the syllable reduplicated according to
this method is long and has the accent, while the vowel of the stem
is weakened, have been described in § 387 d (p. 372).
(d) In some eases the singular is formed from a certain stem by the
second type of reduplication, while the plural is formed by the first
type of reduplication.
Stem Singular Plural
déls drdé'ls deldé' ls alive
get qege the qrtge th” difficult
The word mak‘sk”, plural mzsma'k'sk“, WHITE, may be mentioned
) >) 9
here, since its stem seems to be mas.
Tsimshian:
Singular Plural
drdii’ls deldi’ls alive
In Tsimshian a number of cases occur in which irregular redupli-
cations are used, or phonetic increments of the stem. ‘
Singular Plural
LSWALS SELSWA'XS to dive
ts/a ts/@'ts! Eat to split
glau gq! Ola to pull
txa-a'q txa-a' lg place near the door
ta? ta'°ltk fish swims
tag ta'°lg to bite
§ 42
BOAS]
377
HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES
In the third group are combined a few words the plural of which
is formed by change of the vowel of the stem and by change of accent.
Examples of this kind have been given in § 39.
§43. Fourth Group. Plurals formed by the Prefix qa-
In words of this class the plural is formed by the prefix ga-. It
includes many names of parts of the body; adjectives expressing states
of the body, such as BLIND, DEAF; words of location; and a miscel-
laneous group of words.
(a) Parts of the body:
Singular Plural
VEm-ge'c ga-CEm-7é¢ head
ts’ Em-mu'e ga-ts Em-mu'e ear
ts Em-a'q qa-ts Em-a' 4 mouth
PEm-qd'x" qa-Cem-qa'x* arm
CEm-La'm qa-t Em-La'm leg below knee
tsuweé’ Ent ga-tsuwe' Ent fingers
ano'n ga-anv’o'n hand
pLnae ga-pinig and pinaz body
q eLq ga-9é' Lg chest
gat qa-ga't heart
tgama' q ga-tgamé’ g lip
(a SEE qa-yé' SEE knee
Lagst ga-Lagst and ragst nail, claw
SMAX* Ja-SMax* meat
Tsimshian:
Singular Plural
bam ga-bu'n belly
adit’ la ga-dit' la tongue
ts/Em-ts/@'us ga-ts!nm-ts!a'us armpit
gard ga-ga'ed heart
anon ga-an'd'n hand
(6) Adjectives expressing states of the body:
Singular Plural
kiba'r qa-ktba' kb lame
sins ga-si'ns blind
ts’ dq qa-tsa'q deaf
mE-wa' tsa ga-mE-wd tsa jerazy (literally, like
| land-otter)
ait’ Osk* ga-xd’ Osk wise
aax-gd 6t
ax-ya-ga' ot
foolish (literally, with-
out mind)
§ 43
378
Here may belong also:
Singular
gua E
hux-io' nst
ama hwil
Tsimshian:
f Singular
ama wa'l
sagau-sa °t
lgusge'r
(c) Locations:
Singular
dix’
lax o’
ATi
st’ bk's
ga u
(Zz) Unclassified words:
Singular
semo ths
nod en
yis-qu' sg ith"s
le’ luks
guiu'-silé ensk®
wes
gait
men
Tsimshian:
Singular
y la’
gok:
bie
rsd?
lakhs
ra ik
nat
ksz-na@ th
ma’ mEGga
asta?
BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY
Plural
ga-qwi' E
hux-qa-to'nst -
ama ga-hwi'l
Plural
ama ga-wa'l
sagau-ga-sa't
ga-tgusge'r
Plural
ga-da' x"
ga-lawvo
ga-sto’ 6k's
ga-g° hu
Plural
ga-sEmo ths
ga-no'@ En
yis-qa-gqu' sg tithes
qa-lée'luks
guia’ -ga-silé énsk*
qa-we's and wis
qa-qa'tt
ga-mée'n
Plural -
ga-y lu’?
ga-go'k
ga-bii’?
ga-wsi’?
ga- la’ °ks
ga-wa' tk
ga-ni'
ga-ksp-na! Uk
ga-m a’meEga
ga-wsta’°
[BULL. 40
poor
liberal
rich (literally, well-to-
do)
rich
good luck
happy
outside
top
side
beach
to believe
to adorn
to rejoice
to steal
hunter
root
hat
butt of tree
berrying-basket
basket ’
to scatter
canoe
torch
to upset
to fast
to breathe
to smile
to vanquish
On the whole, this prefix conveys strongly the impression of being
a distributive, not a plural; but in many cases its use seems to have
become formal and fixed.
§ 43
It would seem that particuiarly terms for
parts of the body that have no reduplicated plural may take the
BOAS] HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 379
prefix ga-. The distributive character appears very clearly in one case
where ga-ts/a’p Means THE ONE TOWN OF EACH ONE, while the plural
would be és/zpts/a'p, and also in /’0ps-ga-tepté'th" ALLL SMALL PIECES
(of salmon) 56.1
§44. Fifth Group. Plurals formed by the Prefix qa-
and the Suffix -(i)k
Plurals formed by the prefix ga- and the suffix -(¢)A” are confined
to terms of relationship. The prefix is probably the same as that used
in the preceding class, while the suflix seems to be related to the
verbal and possessive suffix -/”.
Singular Plural
nid ga-nid’ Eth grandfather
ntsé’ ets ga-ntsé’ étsk" grandmother
nEgua’ ot ga-nEgua’ oth father
nEbé' p ga-nEbée' pk uncle
wak: ga-wa' kk younger brother
Here belongs also—
me’ EN ga-mé Enth™ master
Tsimshian:
Singular Plural
nEbtp ga-nEbit pg uncle
mia'n ga-mia'ntg master
The following words have ga—k” combined with reduplication, the
reduplicated syllable being lengthened and the stem-vowel weakened:
Singular Plural
nak's ga-ne' nik: sk wife
now qa-nd' nEwh™ mother
Without the prefix ga- are found—
Singular Plural
wak* wak: ke younger brother
gvmu'dé gma‘ detk elder brother
Tsimshian:
Singular Plural
naks nénksg wife
Irregular is—
Singular Plural
hurda' ek” rn Luxda' eh” entk® grandson
Undoubtedly the terminal -tk”, -4“, in these forms, is the same as
the suffix discussed in § 17. § 44
4
n
q
380 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 40
§ 45. Sixth Group. Plurals formed by the Prefix l-
Plurals formed by the prefix /- are pre-eminently verbal plurals, as
is illustrated by the following examples taken from the Tsimshian:
Singular Nominal Plural
ak‘s water, to drink
wa't paddle, to paddle
Verbal Plural
ak’a’k's waters —_la-a’ks to drink
huwa't paddles = lu-wa'i to paddle
The vowel connected with this prefix is variable, and many irregu-
larities are found in this class.
(@) Singular Plural
aks la-a'kh's to drink
york bé-yO' rh to follow
goksk* le-go' ksh to be awake
@ tig li-@ii'q to devour
Tsimshian:
Singular Plural
wa't lu-wa't to paddle
ga-ba' ask ga-lé brask to shake one’s self
YEP li-yx'r to hide
(6) Reduplication or lengthening of vowel is found with /-;
Singular Plural
rdax* lu-xdé' dia: hungry
xbets a'a la-xbé'ts’ Ex to be afraid
Here may be mentioned Tsimshian:
Singular Plural
ete lu-ktved hungry
(c) Initial g*, &*, and g drop out after /-:
Singular Plural
g ak's laks a bird swims
g vba'yuk liba' yuk to fly
ge NEx lé’nEx (tree) falls
Here belong also the reduplicated plurals:
Singular Plural
gamk-s lemla'mk's to warm one’s self
ga'mg tL lemla'mg tL to warm something
Tsimshian:
Singular Plural
ge'renks links to dry (meat)
gena lé’°na to fall over
g aks lieks absent
g' @ks la°ks to float
gig @°ks lldeks floating
g emg liiomg to wipe
gamg lamks hot
g ipa yuk lipa'yuk to fly
§ 45
: BOAS]
(¢d) Irregular, but related to this class, are:
Singular
yar
yinya'g
gdak"
g in-hé th
kestags
Tsimshian:
Singular
gaksk
g'a'ksen
SES-@' xs
ast Og
Plural
li'léx
lisli’ sk
lidux
li'nedemk'st
lukstsa’ dregs
Plural
li'daksk
li'daksen
les-ad'xs
laxst/0'ega
HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 381
to hide
to hang [v. n.]
to shoot
to arise
to leave
to wake up
to awaken
to laugh
to sleep
§ 46. Seventh Group. Trregular Plurals
This last group is quite irregular. The following plurals are formed
from the same or related stems, but in an irregular manner:
Singular
sem’ a’ git
sig’idemna'«
wuy’ the
ayawa' tk
wramhé’
lo-ma'k'sa
wi-na' k&
wi-@6'x¢
gai-ma's
am a-ma’'s
Tsimshian:
Singular
send gid
sig’idemna' g
| klinteth
Plural
semg*ig'a't
sig: idemha'nax
siya’ th"
alayuwa't
wud ax avamhe
lo-lé' dik'sa
nné nek
@exd’6'x
ieee , A
g ai-ma gst
b] sie
am’ a-Ma gsit
Plural
semg'ig'a'd
sig idemha' nag
nani th
chief
chieftainess
to weep
to shout
to shout
to wash cloths
long
stout
youth
pretty
chief
chieftainess
to arise
Although the use of different stems for singular and plural belongs
rather to the classification of nouns and verbs according to form of
objects and actors, this feature is so prominent in the dialects of the
Tsimshian that it deserves mention here.
Singular
g aak”
1é
aa Oxk”
Va
dzak"
Plural
ho'ut
LO
txd' dak”
wan
yets
to escape
to go
to eat
to sit
to kill (plural = to
chop)
§ 46
382
BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY
Singular
hethw
hwith’
go
sg ith"
k'saa
magt
sqatsa'e
da’ ut
malk"
macht
bax
mea’ gat
geL
ts’én
nd'O
xa’E, male slave
wa'tlak¥, female
slave
gat
ts/0sk*
LYo-
wr-
hs-
Tsimshian:
§
Singular
kh: [0°xk
20°
ga
142k
t/a?
dzaq
hétg, batsqg
warty
ga
haya’°ks
moxk
mo gan
bar
nah
ts /in
dzag
ra?
igutg
6l
46
Plural.
mak: sku
bak
dog
doak"
k*st-16'
hwilgt
alisg'?'da
saksk
tra'ldet
centhe
gol
PaL
WL
la'mdzta
daw
LLéng it
é uxt
SES’0'8
kh’ obr-
wud ax-
dE-
Plural
hit
wales
hab
trd°xrk
wan
yadz
manxsk
ama t
dog
maksk
santh
San
gol
(ath:
la’ mdzrx
der
titi’ ng at
kiger
sa’mi (i. e., meat)
to stand
to come from
to take
to lie
to go out
to carry
ugly
to leave
to put into fire
to go aboard
to run
to put
to lie down
to enter
to die
slaves
man
small
small
large
extreme
to escape
to go
to go to a place
to eat
to sit
to kill
to stand
to come from
to take.
to put
to go aboard
to put aboard
to run
to lie down
to enter
to die
male slave
child
bear
[BULuL. 40
BOAS] HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 883
Singular Plural
ga’wa bait? to take canoe down to
the water
ha’ utk ; bak to cry
laxla' ax tyi-kte'l to drop down
plas MONS to grow
su-pla's Su-md' ws youth
lyu- kh labe- small
we- wut la- large
ks- ta- extreme
§47. Plurals of Compounds
In by far the majority of cases the plural of compounds is formed,
in cases of reduplication, by leaving all prefixes unmodified, and by
forming the reduplicated plural of the principal theme.
Singular Plural
gal-ts'a'p qal-ts Epts a'p town
dax-g'a't dax-g'igra't strong
an-sé brnsk" an-sEpse binsh® friend
Tsimshian:
Singular Plural
sa-dzagam-lu-ya'ltg sa-dzagam-lu- suddenly to return
yilya'lty *UCTOSS
lii-am gad li-an’a'm gaa to be of [in} good heart
There are, however, cases in which the whole word is reduplicated.
Examples of these have been given in § 36, d (p. 370). The principal
‘suffixes so treated are an- and ha-.
The position of the prefix ga- seems to depend upon the firmness of
the compound. Generally it precedes the stem; as in
Singular Plural
gwia'-silé’ ensh™ gwia«'-qa-silé’énsk® _ hunter (Nass dialect)
kla-klut-ga-tgusgr'redet they are for a while here and there happy
| (Tsimshian dialect)
On the other hand, we find in the Tsimshian dialect:
Singular Plural
ts/em-mil’ ga-ts!em-mit’ ear
Personal Pronouns (§§ 48-54)
$48. Subjective and Objective Pronouns
The personal pronouns have two distinctive forms, which, accord-
ing to their probable original significance, may be designated as transi-
tive and intransitive, or, better, subjective and objective. The former
§$47, 48
384 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 40
express, at least partly, the subject of the transitive verb; the latter,
its object, and at the same time the subject of the intransitive verb.
Their use is, therefore, to a certain extent analogous to that of the
subjective and objective pronouns in languages like the Siouan,
Iroquois, Haida, Tlingit, and others. The use of these forms in
Tsimshian, however, is peculiarly irregular. The forms in the two
dialects are—
Subjective. Objective.
Nass and ; H i
simshian. Nass. Tsimshian.
ITS PEESONNAINSUIAT. Ors eo Uc chesteh ureniyemetormatan ae n- -€E -U, -%
Kirst persont plaral <i.) ).s0 sien peegre as Poe's Maen ce dEp- -m, -Om -Em
Second: person singular 3.5 © hceeer ey} os m- -n -n
Second person'pluralo ss. si) ah oe eee ee ee) te m SEmM- -SEM -SEM
PLENTAIDETSOIN = oe.8 os, Gre caetcn ace eM chee Sin epees t -t -t
§ 49. Use of the Subjective
(a) The subjective pronouns are used most regularly in the sub-
junctive mood, where they appear as prefixes of the verb. It will be
sufficient to demonstrate their use in one dialect only, since the rules
are the same in both, and I choose the Tsimshian dialect for this pur-
pose.
SUBJUNCTIVE
me. us. thee. you. him, them.
fle Soiree canine, «ake —_ — n—n N—SEM n—t
WEE hay <. cons _ = dEp—n dEp—sEm dEp—t
CHOU Cs Pik Se m—uU m—m — — n—t
Wes ces, Oa. fe m SEM—U m SEm—m — a m sEm—t
Nera et as t—u t—m i—n t—sEm t—t
Examples:
ada wul me wa'yu then you (singular) found me
awul m sem wa'yu because ye (plural) found me
ada wult wa'yu ha’°set then the dog found me
hatwi'nt, n dem k/a-tval-wa'n wait until I shall for a while
meet you (Aafwi/°nt, wait until; 2 1; dem future; &/4- fora
while; ¢xa/- against; wd to find; -n thee)
a demt w°tu that he will bake me
ada me dem sem wul man-sa’'k: /ut then ye will pull it up (ada
then; mz thou; dem future; sem ye; wul being; man- up;
sa’k*/u to pull; -¢ it)
awul dep di-sr-wa'’t because we, on our part, give them names
(a at; wul being; dzp we; di- on our part; sz- to make; wa
name; -? it)
§ 49
Boas] HANDPBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 385
drm-t ligi-la-ni'°dzetga? he would see somewhere bad luck
(dem- future; ¢- he; lig- somewhere; @a- bad luck; n7/°dz to
see; -¢ it; -ga° absence [see § 20])
tat gtk da'mkstga? when he squeezed it again (ta when; ¢ he}
g ik again; damks to squeeze; -t it; -ga® absence)
suffix -d or -n described in § 17.
INDICATIVE
(>) In the indicative, the subjective pronouns are used when the
object of the verb is a first or second person. The objective pro-
nouns are used to express the subject of the transitive verb, in the
indicative, when the object is a third person. The verb takes the
me. us. thee. you.
I ea <% a n—f[nsEm
“3, leek eante \dEn SEM
n jnsEm
a) —— —_— —_— —
NC dep tees dEp \sEm
nu nEm
UNG cone ene m—{"" m—{rEm = =
nu : NEM
eee bose | m sem—{"i" m SEM—{ hem y ipa
nu NEM n NSEM
4 i) eee — — = —
he t ie {ae t ae é on
Examples:
m wa'yinu you (singular) found me
m dem dza’kdu you will kill me (dzak to kill)
t wa'yinu ha'°srt the dog found me
n dza'kden I have killed thee
n wan you have found me
me ay 0'yinem you (singular) have hit us
dep o'yin we hit thee
(c) The subjective pronouns are used with transitive and intransi-
tive forms that take the objective pronouns for the purpose of
emphasis.
dem dza'kdent gu't ; Bee ;
= eee ena ee you (singular) will kill this one
mn dem sem dza'ksemt quit Bo ia :
=e En eee ae you (plural) will kill this one
t dzakdetgr hd!°sga® :
ee hie = ee i Lhe has killed the dog
nan ta ya’ wuag Enu I tj
or na ta ya’ wuageenu § ~ VAS Catlins
nam ta ya’ wurgEen ‘ :
xe na ta ya! wucgen you (singular) were eating
44877—Bull. 40, pt 1—10 25
§ 49
386
BUREAU. OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [puLu. 40
(2) The verb da-ya Tro say so takes these elements always:
da-n-ya'°nu I say so
da-dep-ya'°nEm We say SO
da-m-ya'n you (singular) say so
da-ii-sEM-ya °nsEM Ye Say SO
da-yat he says, they say
Adverbs like g*7k aGarn are placed here following the subjective
pronoun, including 7-szm.
da-m-sEm g*ik ya’ nsEm Ye sary so again
s Pe to}
§ 50. Use of the Objective
(a) The objective is used to express the subject of the intransitive
verb.
st°npgenu Lam sick ;
dem al tgi-ks-ga'ganu but I shall (go) down first (dem future;
al but; tg?- down; ks- extreme; qdga first)
ada dem L/7-d/ksen then you will drop on (it) (ada then; 2/7- on;
dks to drop)
sa-0'kst suddenly he dropped
da wul dzé'xsemt when you camped (da at [see § 28]; wel
being; dzdg to camp)
me’ta hasa’gau tell that I wish
ts!nlem-ks-twala/nu I am the last one behind
(4) The objective is used to express the object of the transitive
verb. Examples have been given in § 49, 6.
(c) The objective is used in the indicative of the transitive verb
when the object is a third person or a noun. When the object is a
third person pronoun, the objective -¢ is added to the objective pro-
noun.
d'yut 1 hit it
d'yint you (singular) hit him
é'yimt we hit it
ne ta dza'kdemt gu'i we have killed this one
dem dzakdut 1 will kill him
d'yu has I hit the dog
(dz) The objective is used in a periphrastic conjugation of the
transitive verb, in which the objective pronoun is repeated in the
form of the independent pronoun.
§ 50
ni-dzut n/z'ren I see thee (literally: I see it, thee)
dem dza'gden niz'ryu you (singular) will kill me
BoAS] HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 387
(e) The objective pronoun is used to express the possessive relation.
mia'nu my Master
nE-wa' lben thy house
né-st°p/ensget his friend
ga-ga'°dem our minds
nE-wd'nsem what you have (wan for wal, 7 assimilated by pre-
ceding 7)
§$ 51. The First Person Singular, Objective Pronoun
The first person singular of the objective form has a second form
in -2, which occurs also in the possessive pronoun (see § 55). It is
used in all cases in which the event is conceived as unreal.
(z) In negative sentences.
alge di ha-dza'gi 1 do not die from it
alge hasa' gait dem dza'gen 1 do not want thee to die
(4) In sentences expressing potentiality, but with reference to the
unreality of the event.
ada wigst nil dem Cin-l/i-q/an-ad' gi then there is no one who
could get across me (a’fgz not; nd who; -¢ [see $31]; dem
future; -¢ he [trans. subj.]; @v- nomen actoris (see p. 335);
l/i-q/an- over; aaxtg to attain)
semgal ba°senut 6p dze dza’gi Tam much afraid lest I may die
(semgal much; as afraid; -n indicative; -u 1; dp lest; dzn
conditional; dzag to die)
me O'yig'in you might hit me! (m thou; dy to hit; -7 me; -g*tn
perhaps)
ada demt hi°dzigr na-xiigrsge drmt gun-a'ksgiga®; wi-qo'gE
drm g'a'bu, dzeda ta ts/7/°nt, da .. . then my master may
send me, he may order me to get water; I shall take a large
basket, when I come in, then . . . (Aédz to send; -gz [see
§ 24]; n4- possessive prefix [see § 55]; v@ slave; na-wa’t my
master; gesgé preposition [see § 28]; gun- to order, to cause;
aksg to get water; -ga° absence [§ 20]; w7- great; gég basket;
gab to dip up; dzeda if; ts/7°n to enter; da then)
(c) In conditional clauses.
ada dze ta lu-ya'ligi then, if I return
(dq) The possessive suffix of the first person has the form -7 in
address.
tgii’°tgt my child!
nd@’'i my mother! (said by girl)
nEgwa'°di my father!
§ 51
.
388 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 40
(ec) The possessive suffix of the first person has the form -7 in sub-
| junctive and negative sentences, in which it designates potentiality of
existence.
ep! nxdi an dze ta taal-wi'sde tgu'tgida? I might remember
when I met my child (éé’p/zr to remember; a at; x I; dzz
conditional; fa past: tval- against; wa? to meet; fgw°%tg child)
wigs di wa'lbi 1 have no house (a'/gz not; di on my part; wald
house)
§ 52. Remarks on the Subjective Pronouns
(a) The prefixed personal pronouns 7-, m-, and ¢- may be consid-,
| ered true pronominal forms. The first person plural dzp is, how-
ever, by origin, a plural of much wider application. It is used fre-
_ quently to express the plural of demonstrative pronouns; for in-
stance, dep gwa'i THOSE. Itseems, therefore, that its use as a first
_ person plural may be secondary.
(2) The second person plural contains the objective element -szm,
which remains separable from the transitive second person m-.
Particularly the temporal elements wi/, dem, ta are placed between
| m- and -sEm:
ada me dem sem wula@’i ta qua'ntguét then you will know that I
have touched it (ada then; mez- 2d pers. subj.; dam future;
-sem 2d pers. plural; wu/a’z to know [singular obj.]; ¢éa past;
gwantg to touch; -w I; -¢ it)
(c) The third person is placed following the temporal particles,
while all the other persons precede them, except the -szm of the
second person plural (see under 4).
First person singular: 2 dem sti med’ ulqet I shall shake the rope
(v1; dem future; si to swing; mzd’ulg rope)
First person singular: 2-dem ines I shall marry thee
First person plural: dap dem awul-ma'gan we will stand by you
(dep we; dem future; awul- by the side of; mag to place;
-n thee)
| Second person: ada me dem ksz-de-ba'°tga? then you will run
out with her (ksz- out; dz- with; /a° to run; -¢ her; -ga?
absence)
Third person: ada demt q/a'pegan Irksd’ gat then he will close
the doorway (¢/a’prgan to close, fill up; Zeksda’ d’g doorway)
First person: alge n ta di-k ina’m det hand’? g I have not
given it to the woman (a/lgz not; n I; ta past; di on my part;
k: /ind'm to give; dzt [see §$§ 28, 31]: hana’°g woman)
§ 52
Boas] HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 389
First person: ada ne wul ni? ne-wa'lpsge y/iv’°ta then I saw
the house of the man (ada then; nz 1; wul being; 7° to see;
NE- possessive prefix [see § 55]; walb house; -sgz [see § 24];
y /u°t man)
Third person: ada wult d'yttgae
adat wul dyttga®
——; =
land then he hit him
(d) A comparison between the use of the connectives [see § 24]
and the personal pronouns shows a strict correspondence between
these forms. We have seen that in the indicative, in forms with
_the third person object, the subjective forms are not used, but that
the objective forms are used instead. This corresponds to the
peculiar identity of the objective forms of the subjunctive connec-
tive (B 1, § 24) and of the indicative of the subjective connective of
the transitive verb (A 2, § 24). It seems justifiable, therefore, to
state that, in transitive sentences with nominal subject and object,
the indicative takes the objective forms in the same way as in sen-
tences of the same kind, in which pronominal subjects and objects
only occur.
$53. The Personal Pronoun in the Nass Dialect
As stated before, the usage in the two dialects is very nearly the
same, and a number of examples may be given here to illustrate the
forms of the Nass dialect.
Use of the subjective (see § 49, a):
(a) Subjunctive forms.
am mE dem w6'6t qal-tsa'p good (if) you call the people 206.13
(am good; w6’6 to call; gal-ts’a'p town)
La am me na’ k'squée good (if) you marry me 158.2
am dep @is@eé'st qa-d2a' gam good (if) we strike our noses 103.8
(am good; d@és to strike; ga- plural; d2’ag nose; -zm7 our)
at gwa'lkdet for their drying them 169.7 (a preposition; ¢- 34 per.
subj.; gwalk” to dry)
nigin hwild'«'t 1 did not know it (nig*/ not [takes the subjunctive })
F I have not found any examples of indicative and emphatic forms
(c)} (see § 49, 4, c).
(d) The verb dé-ya To say so (see § 49, d) has the following forms:
née-ya'*né I say so
dep hé'idendm we say so
mé-ya'an you (singular) said so 171.5
meEsEm hé’idé you say so
dé-ya he says so 65.5
§ 53
390 BUREAU OF AMERICAN EPHNOLOGY [BuLL. 40
Use of the objective:
Most of the objective pronouns of the Nass dialect are identical
with those of Tsimshian. The only exceptions are the first person
singular, which in the Nass dialect is always -éz, and the third person
plural, which is -det.
Examples of the third person plural are the following:
SEM-(- -haxba' gash udetg*é they were much troubled 195.14
alayiwa'tdet they made noise 173.14
tqal-la'kdet an dépr wi-sgané st they reached (ae: ainst at) the foot
of the mountain 126.6
hue hé-yukt 6u*det they began to throw again 139.15
hwi'lpdet their house 102.3
The objective pronoun is used in the same way as in the Tsimshian
dialect.
(a) Subject of the intransitive verb (see § 50, a).
ni'gide hala’'déx Lam not a shaman 128.9 (nig*/ not; de on my
part; Aalaz’t shaman)
dem lé'tsran you will count 129.9 (dem future; /étsx to count)
hagun-ié'ét he went in the direction (toward it) 129.14
drm dé-ba' gam we, on our part, shall try 114.16 (Jag to try)
MEN-LO'Onom We go up 42.8
gild dze hur hawt! isem do not do so also 98.4 (g°7/d’ do not; dze
conditional; Awzx also, again; /ivil to do; -srm ye)
La sEm-dEx-g ig'a'tdet they had become very strong 98.13 (za past;
sem very; drx- strong; g'at person; -det they)
(6) Object of the transitive verb (see p. 389).
(c) Subject of transitive verb, indicative with third person object.
drm lep-hwa'yimt dem na’ em we ourselves will find our bait 56.6
(dz) Periphrastic conjugation.
drm na'kskué né'en 1 shall marry thee 203.9
La liksg'a’?enen née thou hast taken notice of me 158.1
sah“sta' gsdét né' en gans née they have deserted thee and me 157.10
drm hwa'lér né'en I shall carry thee 74.1
(ec) Possessive pronoun.
an-qala’gaér my playground 79.1
ts/a’/bé my people 192.2
negwa'bden thy father 133.2
Lyd utgun thy child 205.5
nak‘ st his wife 133.1
ta drm g'@ibrm what was to have been our food 122.9
qa-ts Em-a@'gsEm your mouths 84.10
qa-ts Em-a'qdet their mouths 84.13
§ 53
ep
a er eT oe
Boas] HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 8391
§ 54. Independent Personal Pronoun
The independent personal pronoun, which in its subjective form has
also predicative character, is formed from the following stems:
Nass dialect: Subjective né-; objective /d-.
Tsimshian dialect: Subjective n/zr-; objective //a-.
Nass dialect. Tsimshian dialect. || Nass dialect. Tsimshian dialect.
— = | ae eras ese
Wee. . | ner nip ri mew, 3) | 4B akl@vi
we .. | noEm n!E/TEM (PSs ek (beeen ak!am
thou. . | né’En n/E'TEN | thee. . | ld@’En akiwan
Se né/sEM n!E/TESEM | you. . | la’sEm a kiwasEm
me. |. | met him. . | ld’6t nee
= | 3 cae pa niot
ey . fne’det niot them . | ld’édzt \{
|dzp né’det |
Examples:
né'E tan mukt Lam the one who caught it 44.8
né’'en tan dedo’gt thou art the one who took it 157.4
nik’ lé lep-né't wa'eg’é then he himself the slave 40.8
k: /ax-né'sem only ye 83.6
teané' thst dem hwils negwa'dden lé'dr all that thy father will do
to me 133.2 (tvané'th“ all; dem future; Awl to do; -s connective;
negwa'°t father; -n thy)
dem Wrp-k:s-gaq néé'st lin I shall (go) down first to you 81.4
(dem future; d@rp- down; /°s- extreme; gdq first; née 1; -st
emphatic [see § 20]; /dzn to thee)
lo-mé’°tk"t g:at ld'6t inside it was full of people in it 120.3 (/é- in;
meth” full; -1 connective; gat people)
gop dé-lé'sem go ahead, to you also! 83.10
dem na'kskué néen I shall marry thee 203.9
In place of the oblique form, the subjective with the preposition as
(containing the connective -s [see § 23.7]) is also found, particularly
for the third person.
hwil hwi'ls dep-bé' rbé as né'en qans née thus did my uncles to thee
and to me 157.9 (Aw?! being; Awil to do; -s connective; dzp
plural [see § 52, a]; bézp uncle; -€é my; gan and; -s connective)
algixt . . . as né'tg’é she spoke to him 157.1
Tsimshian:
nleriu demt in-na'ksga tgi/tgent I am the one who will marry
thy child (dam future; ¢- he; in- nomen actoris; naksg to
marry; fgu%g child; -zn thy)
n/z'rent in-d'yit thou art the one who hit him
§ 54
892 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [puLL. 40
ylagai-nt°desen gap-kla-wi-narnd gan da k/a't however, he (i. e.,
you) indeed, you are really more greatly supernatural than I
(y/agai- however; n7°d he [here with the meaning you]; -szn in-
deed; gap- really; k/a- exceedingly, more; w7- greatly; naxnd'g
supernatural; -n thou; da preposition [see § 28]; &/a’i me)
ligi-ga’? drm klund@'yin da k lai, dem k find'mu da k/wan what-
ever you will ask of me, (that) I shall give you (lig7- any [see
§ 8, no. 20]; g@? something; dzm future; %/wnd' to request; -n
thou; da preposition; £°/ina’m to give; -w I)
da-ya' get negwa'°t ges ni'°t thus said his father to him
§ 55. Possession
In the Tsimshian dialect three forms of possession may be distin-
guished, while the Nass dialect has only two. In the former dialect,
separable possession is always introduced by the prefix n4-, which
is absent in the Nass dialect. Both dialects distinguish possession of
inanimate and of animate objects.
1. Nass dialect:
(a) All possession of inanimate objects is expressed by the suffix
expressing the possessive pronoun (see § 53, ¢), or, when the possessive
is expressed by a noun, by the addition of the connective (see § 23).
hwi'lbéz my house hawi'ls Légébola’ the arrow of Légobola’ 20.3
a'kesée my water 18.7 ts’élé’mt ma'lgé food of the canoe 107.6
(6) All possession of animate objects is expressed by the same
suffixes, but the noun is given the passive suffixes -/, -t/, -s (discussed
in §17). Exceptions to this rule are terms of relationship in the sin-
gular, which take simply the possessive suffixes, like nouns expressing
inanimate objects. The occurrence of the endings -/ and -¢/ in the
plurals of terms of relationship (see § 44) may be due to the treatment
of these like other nouns designating animate objects.
g tba tht his wolf (g*/bo' wolf; -th passive suffix; -¢ his)
huxda’g‘inth“t his grandchildren 19.10
bo
Tsimshian dialect:
(a) All inseparable possession, including nouns designating parts
of the body, locations referring to self, and terms of relationship,
are expressed by possessive suffixes, and, when the possessive is
expressed by a noun, by the connectives (see § 27).
(a) Inseparable possession relating to parts of the body:
ban belly ba’nu my belly
ts/ag nose ts/a'gen thy nose
§ 55
eS oe
—
BOAS] HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 893
(8) Inseparable possession relating to space relations:
awa’? proximity awa’’t near him (bis proximity)
lax’ 6d’ the place over lax’ 6'yu the place over me
tvala’n the place behind txala’nt the place behind him
(vy) Inseparable possession, expressing terms of relationship, in
singular :
negwa'ed father negua du my father
temkdi’ sister temkdi’yu my sister
To this group belong also—
mid’n master mid’ nu my master
nest °p/ensg friend nest °p/ensgen thy friend
(4) Separable possession of inanimate objects is expressed by the
prefix #xz- and the possessive suffix (viz., the connective suffix).
walb house nBE-wi'lbu my house
la°%) stone ne-ld’°bu my stone
(c) Separable possession of animate objects is expressed by the
prefix z-, the passive suffix, and the possessive (viz., connective)
suflix.
E'rla seal nE-E'rlagu my seal
has dog nE-ha’°’sgu my dog
él bear nE-0'ltgu my bear
Adn salmon néE-hd'ntgen thy salmon
ske herring ne-ske'tgu my herring
ap bee nE-w' psu my bee
mel7’°x: steelhead salmon nE-mEWW°ksu my steelhead
salmon
ts/ap tribe n-ts/a'psu people of my vil-
lage (but n-ts/a’bu my vil-
lage)
walb house nE-wa'lpsu people of my house
(but n2-1wa'lbu my house)
§ 56. Demonstrative Pronouns
I have not succeeded in analyzing satisfactorily the forms of the
demonstrative pronoun. It has been stated before (§ 20) that presence
and absence are expressed by the suffixes -s¢ (-t) and -g‘é (Tsimshian -¢
and -ga). Besides these, we find independent demonstrative pronouns
and peculiar demonstrative suffixes. Inthe Nass dialect there are two
independent demonstratives: gon THIS, gos THAT.
§ 56
894 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY {puLy. 40
gon.
lep-né' rn qgane-hwila gon I am always doing this myself 52.3 (lap-
self; néz 1; gane-hwila always)
atk’ é tgont sa-ga' tht then she resolved this 7.5
ge-gipg a pst hwit daxdo'at gon high piles these 42. 10
égont het: this he said 99.12
gos:
srm-lik's-g'a' dem qa-ga't dep go'sty’é very different were the minds
of those 114.12 (szm- very; lik's- separate; -g'at person; -zm
attributive connective; ga- plural; gat mind; dzp- plural [§ 52, a)
snm-go' usk®L géngx as go'stg’é really he reached a trail there 126.7
(sem- very; gux to hit; -sd” intransitive [17.2]; gé’nzx trail)
mént tsenii'k* go'stg’é that was the master of the squirrels 212.5
(mén master; -L possessive connective; ¢s’znzih* squirrel)
wi-sem- k* /d-ama mal tgo'stg’é that was a large exceedingly good
canoe 107.5 (wi- large; sem- very; k’/d- exceedingly; am, good;
-a connective [§ 22]; mad canoe)
In Tsimshian the demonstratives seem to be more numerous.
There are two independent forms: gi THIS, gwa? THAT.
gut:
da? da qwi%t they are here
adat plid’rrdrt Waxaya'’g dep git then Waxaya’°q told them
igu-sga-na'k: da guv a little after this (sga- across; nik long)
Gua:
nin!t ksdema's gal-ts/cpts/a'be gwa? those are the nine towns
(nin/i’ this; ksdemda’s nine; gal-ts/a'p town)
Gilksats!a@ nth wa? va? gwa? this slave’s name was G.
k:/a-sqo'ksem gwa? we will stop here for a while
adat and'adr dep gwa’ then these agreed
Derived from gaa? is gwa'sga®, which always refers to absent
objects:
ada al sger tgu-dza' gun a uta gesga gwa'sga? but then the little
dead porcupine lay there (ada then; a/ but; tgu- little; dzag
dead; «uta porcupine; gesga at [see § 28])
wige hé°tget wa'lbesge gwa' sgaga® no house stood there
It would seem that gia? refers to locations near by, since it is
never used with the ending -ga; while gwa’sga designates the dis-
tance, and is always used with the corresponding connectives.
Derived from gia is also gwa?’, which seems to point to the part
of the sentence that follows immediately; while gwa? is almost
always in terminal position.
§ 56
F BoAS] HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 395
nin!V wilwa'lb gwai na-tgi-da’ut those were the houses that had
come down
nEgwa de tgud’mige qwa'it Ha'ts!ena’'set the father of the boy
: was that Ha’ts!mna’sEt
Possibly these two demonstratives are related to gu, which appears
often with the function of a relative pronoun, but seems to be a
demonstrative of another class. These appear to be made up of
the demonstratives 7 and g, which have been treated in § 20, and the
two vowels -2 and -7. I have not succeeded, however, in gaining a
clear understanding of these forms. I have found the series
a eas oD
- -dit -gii
of which I shall give examples:
bigs
' ¢ti/°seni this one hit thee
nin!i bid’ lstr gwae sz-wa'trmé yetda® this is the star that we
call yet
kedi’nzm? those around us
gal-ts!a'be t/v'°bEni ta gu gwa? this is the town of the sea-lions
ada héldr wa'ldi a qwa? much did this one here
wi-sgane?str hétgrdi a st/i°p/alt a large mountain stands
here behind the house
=U
nE-ba°du hand’°g this woman has been running
ne-ba'°du awa'n the one near thee has been running
-du
nin? gal-ts/Epts/a’br du gwa® those are the towns
du nat dem drdi’lsrdet . . . who will live then? ZE 7992
ga’? du gan tintin you were angry for something of the kind.
-gu
gu na-di-gigingxga ne-ga-nid°tgrem those were the ones
prayed to by our grandfathers
da’-yaga senvi'gitga? guge g:a'’mgrem dzi/usdega® thus said the
chief, that sun
tne’rint in-k lilk'lind’in ya'ts!esge da klwan, gu ta’wula
wutwa'yin Tam the one who gave you the animals that you
always found (¢ he; nz’riu I; 7m nomen actoris; :°/tna’m to
give; ya'ts/zsg animals; da to; k/wan you [dative]; ta@’wula
always; wd to find)
Among the,demonstratives may also be enumerated the element n-,
which, in the Nass dialect, forms the common conjunction n-k"’2, and
§ 56
396 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [puLL. 40
which also may be contained in the stem né- (Tsimshian 2/zr-) of
the independent pronouns.
frequent demonstrative n7n/v’ THAT ONE.
In Tsimshian it is found in the very
Numerals (§§ 57, 58)
§ 57. Cardinal Numbers
The Tsimshian dialects use various sets of numerals for various
classes of objects.
In Tsimshian one of these classes is used for simple
counting. The others designate flat, round, long objects; human be-
ing’s; canoes; measures.
are counted by the same set of numerals.
In the Nass dialect round and long objects
These sets of numerals in the two dialects are as follows:
I. Abstract count. Il. Flat objects. III. Round objects.
Nass Tsimshian. Nass. | Tsimshian. | Nass. Tsimshian.
k?’iku k:!aek =I = I k’@’El k!k/TE]
2| t Epxa/t tlepxa/d i I k’é1bEl gu/oplEl
3] gola’nt gwant = = gul’a/l klulé’
4| txalpx txalpx =I =I =I =I
5| kustene kustons = I = =!
6} q’a/Elt qlaolt =i = J =i =I
7| tEpxa/Elt tlepx4/olt =I =I =I =)
8} qanda/Elt q!anda/olt yuxda/elt) yukda/It = II = If
9} kustema/ec kstEmé’s =) = =a =]
10} k’ap k‘lap =) il x'pe’El kpiel
11| k’ap di k’iku k‘lap di g-ack = 1 eal x'pé’El di k’’é’El
12) k’ap di t’Epxa’t k’ap di t!Epxa/d | =I =i x'pé/El di k’’@/IbEl
20) k’@lbEl wul k’ap | k-edé@/ol k'liyé/tke =
30| gula wul k’ap =i =I
IV. Long objects. V. Human beings. VI. Canoes.
Nass. Tsimshian. Nass. Tsimshian. Nass. Tsimshian,
1 =III | q!a’wutsxan ky’Al kal qamii’Et q!ama/ot
2) =III | q4/opsxan bagadé/1 tlepxado/l galbia’Eltkus galba/oltk
3} =III | ga’ltsgan gula/n gula/n gula/altkus galtsga/ntk
4 =III | txa/opsxan txalpxda’l txalpxda/1 txalpxkus txalpxsk
5 | =TiI | kti/onsxan kustensa’] kstensa’l kusténskus kst6/onsk
6| =III | q!a/ltsxan q’adelda’l q!alda/1 q!aEltkus q!altk
7 =TII | t!epx4/ltsxan tlepxadnda/] tlepxalda/1 timpx4/Eltkus tlepxa/1tk
8 | =III | yuktactsxa/n yuxdaelda’l yukleadaé’] yuxda/Eltkus yukda/Itk
9| =TIII | ksteEma’tsxan kustemasd] [Esta kustEma/skus kstema/sk
lkstemasai/1
10 | =TIII | kpé’tsxan x'pal kpal k’apkus k’apsk
11 Si x'pal di k’’al kv’apkus di qa-
mii’Et
12} =III x‘paldi bagadé/1 kv’ apkus di galba/-
; Eltkus
20) e000 =i k-eda/ol k’iye/tkus
30; =III =I! gula/leg‘itk
§ 57
BOAS]
HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES
|
VII. Measures. hag eters of
Nass. Tsimshian. Nass.
(k’ilga’x*)=III k!El’6/n gusk”’ewa/’
(k’ibelga/x*)=III gu/op!El’6’/n g‘ilpwa’
k!ul’6/n
1
2
3 | gulalaéd/n
4 | txalpxald/n
5 | kusténseld’n
6 | q’aEldEld’n
7 | VEpxaeEldelo’n
8 | yuxdaaldel6/n
9 | kustemasel6’n
10 | x*pad’/ndé
txalpxl’6/n
kst6nsEl’6/n, kstEn’6/n
q!aldel’6/n
tlepxacldeEl’6/n
yukdaeldel’6’n, yukdeldel’6/n
kstEm4sEl’6/n
kpEl’6’/n
This system will appear clearer when the numerals are arranged
according to their stems.
Nass
One: =k’ a(k")
1 ke lent
gana Et)
Two: @epad'(t)
ke elbel
bagad (é2)
Three: gol(@nt)
Four: tvalpx
Five: A%sténs
Six: g/dl
Seven: Cepaa
Eight: gan
yur
Nine: i%stemd'c
Ten: k°ap
a pel
Tsimshian
ke /@°k
k/n' rel
q/amd, which may be the stem
also for g/a'wutsvan
t/epad' (da)
gu pal
ga°p, Which seems to be the
stem for galba'Uth:
gul- in gwant, gula'n
Ak/ulé’ It seems doubtful if
this is different from the
preceding one
galt
twalpw
k¢stons
g/at
t/zpxa the same as two
qian
yuk
kstema's
thumb ?)
k: lap
kpil probably related to the
preceding one
(containing mds
It will be seen that a multiplicity of stems belong to the first three
numerals, eight, ten, and probably twenty. Not all these distinct
stems are entirely independent, but evidently in part modifications of
§ 57
398 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BuLL. 40
the same remote root. It would seem that the numerals one, two,
three, ten, for the class of round objects, had a suffix -/, which has
brought about modifications of the stems to which it has been at-
tached. It seems plausible, therefore, that 4°/a°k% and k/z'rel, gwant
and k/ulé, k*/ap and kpi°l, are derived each pair from one root.
In some of the other classes the suffixes are obvious, although their
meaning is not always clear. The suffix -svan, in the class for long
objects in Tsimshian, may well be a contraction of the numeral with
sgan stick. The class designating human beings contains the endings
-dl, -dal, which in the numeral three (gu/d’n) has been changed to
-dn by dissimilation. The class expressing measures contains the
element -67 HAND.
In the numerals the process of contraction may be observed with
great clearness. Exaimples are the weakened forms /stensd’/ FIVE PER-
sons, and that for NINE PERSONS, which is probably derived from the
same stem, Astemasd’l. Here belong also the forms yuiteadd’l, which
stands for yukdelda/l; kh!xl6'n, for k!n' rel on, hPtlgd'«’, for kent gaa
ONE FATHOM.
SSS. Ordinal Numbers, Numeral Adverbs, and Distrib-
9’ 9g
utive Numbers
Ordinal numbers are not found, except the words /'s-gd’°w and ks-dz0'x
THE FIRST, and an7a@’ THE NEXT, which are not, strictly speaking, nu-
merals.
Numeral adverbs agree in form with the numerals used for counting
round objects.
nik ét lo-la'gsk"t ta guld’alt then she washed him in it three times
197.11 (-¢ she; /0- in; lagsk” to wash; -¢ him)
Tsimshian:
| tva'lpxva haha’k/uxt four times it clapped together
Distributive numbers are formed with the prefix mzza- (Tsimshian
metr-), Which has been recorded in § 10, no. 87. Besides this, redu-
plicated forms are found.
Tsimshian:
tad Iprads wul k* pk: la'pt sa at mata-k!n'raldet g:amk forty days
to each month ZE 792.21 (sa day; g’amk month)
§ 58
ee ee ee se
: Si
Fi a
BOAS] HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 399
Syntactic Use of the Verb (§§ 59-65)
§ 59. Use of Subjunctive after Temporal Particles
The method of forming the modes has been discussed before, but it
remains to add some remarks on their use. By far the most common
form is the subjunctive. All historical prose, every sentence that does
not express the speaker’s own immediate experience, is expressed in
this mode. For this reason almost all introductory conjunctions are
followed by the subjunctive mode. Possibly this mode can best be
compared with our participles in so far as it often has a somewhat
nominal character. This is true particularly of the verb when intro-
duced by the temporal particles /wil, ra, ra, dem (Tsimshian: wut, fa,
fa°, dem). The following examples illustrate their use:
1. het? seems to indicate primarily an action or state, then the place
where an action takes place. It occurs commonly after verbs
like TO KNOW, TO HEAR, TO SEE, TO FEEL, TO COME, TO GO, and
other verbs of motion, TO FIND, TO TELL, and after many adjec-
tives when treated as verbs. After the preposition a (see § 67)
it generally expresses causal relations.
After hwila’x To KNOW:
hwila' yit hwila'nuksem élrt he knew the condition of being cooked
of his seal 183.13 (a@’nuks done; -zm attributive connective; é/x
seal)
at hwild at hwil hada’ vh"t hwi'ltg’é he knew the being bad his
doing 37.6 (had’a’vk” bad;, hiwil to do)
(Compare with this nig7t hwila’xs Ts ak: hé'tg'é Ts’'ak* did not
know what he said 127.7)
After bag TO FEEL:
bagi hwil sqa-@at dé'sgum élx 183.10 she felt the piece of seal
being across (sya- across; @é@ to sit; ddsh™ slice; é/x seal)
nik’ é rat bage dem hwil alé'sk"t then he felt himself getting weak
After naxna' TO HEAR:
nacna'L hwil algae. gag she heard that the raven spoke 151.11
tnarna't hwil hahd't Can mok“t ia'ns he heard that some one was
speaking who caught leaves 15.11 (hé to say; mok” to catch
with net; za’ns leaves)
(Compare with this ¢ nawna’t hét wi-@é'szt he heard what the old
man said 22.6)
§ 59
400 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 40
After g‘a'a TO SEE:
tg:dat hwil gokst melé't he saw a salmon jumping 52.15
tg vat hwildlgalt gat wi-«'pdot he saw a man examining the
large jaw 52.6
tgaat Lit ng tt hwil ra aW@ik'sk"1 ixd'e the slaves saw the blood
having come out 133.15
After @@ik'shY TO COME:
a@ik ski hwil mesd'x it came to be daylight 160.7
aWVik'sk't hwil sig:a' th'det it came that they cried 104.11
Mik sh"t hwil ~anda'ut lax-ha' the sky came to be clear 78.12
After 7d’é To Go:
hagun-va'ét grat at hwil ts’ elem-né'ot the man went to the hole
being there 201.11
After g@'6 TO GO TO:
atk ét ga'dL hwil @at she went to where he was sitting 209.10
ket gd’ ou hwil sgt he goes to where he lies 218.4
After hwa TO FIND:
nigit hwat hwil g:ak'st géttg’é he did not find his string of fish
lying in the water 117.8 (nzg‘2 not; g‘dk's to be in water; géta
string of fish)
After maz TO TELL:
t ma’ tdet hwil wi' thdetg'é they told him where they got it from
42.8 (with” to come from)
t mats Giw'sats a nta i hwil le-ho'khskh"t rgd utk"s g'a'tg*é 90.15
Gtx ‘sats’a/ntx* told where the child of the man was on (/é- on;
hoksk® to be with something; tg0’wrk” child; g’a¢ man)
After adjectives used as verbs, and after numerals:
nak“t hwil id’t long he went 146.11 (long was his going)
nak"t hwil 16’ ddet long they walked 126.6
wi-t esi hwil gi'tketg’é he swelled up much 90.12
wi-Cé' st hwil ayawd tht he cried much 123.4
hux kh? elt hwil hwi'ls Txd’msem T. did one thing more 44.13
g ayim-deé'lph"t at hwil nand'ox lax-ha' he was quite near to where
the hole in the sky was
Tsimshian:
adat t!rl-ga°ti wul wa'tsega sqa'°tget he thought about it that the
darkness continued ZE 784.3 (¢/xl-ga'°tc to think; wa'tszg to
continue; sga%¢tq darkness)
adat nlaxrni’? wul ta gtk ha'ts!nksem go'it/ekst then he heard him
come again (n/awnii’ to hear; gtk again; ha'ts/eksem once more;
g0'it/zks to come)
adat niaxni°det Waxaya'’hk wul wi-sa'ldzngn ts!a-wa'lbet then
Waxaya’’k heard the people in the house groan much (w-
greatly; saldz to groan; ts/a- inside; wa/b house)
§ 59
BOAS] HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 401
ada sa-ni'°dzx ya'ts/nsgrde wul ksz-qwi'ntgr wi-go'ep/a then the
animals saw the great light rising ZE 785.6 (sa- suddenly; nz°dz
to see, discover; ya'ts/usg animal; ksz- out; gwantg to touch;
ksE-gwi'°ntg to rise; wi- great; g6'ep/a light)
adat ma'tesge wula ha'usge n-ts!a'ptga? then he told what his tribe
said -ZE 786.8 (mat to tell; ha'u to say; ts/ap tribe)
adat pid'ret ne-ts!a'pt gusga wula dza'ksga wai'k'tga® they told
the tribe about their brother being dead (ptia'r to tell; ts/ap
tribe; dzak dead; wack: brother)
at kh {7'°tsxan wul ksr-gwa'°ntge g'a'mget and he showed the moon
that rose ZE 791.17 (k°/7°tsvan to show; g*amg sun, moon)
am dip dem ia’°ka wula ha'u a'uta good we follow what porcu-
pine says ZE 792.22 (am good; dzp we; dem future; 7a’*k to fol-
low; ja'u to say; a’uta porcupine)
The use of ww is not quite so regular in Tsimshian as in the
Nass dialect. We find, for instance,
tn/aani’? ha'us Waxaya'’k he heard what Waxaya’*k said
ada gtk k/srelde wul héltga® and one more being full
On the other hand, wu/ is used very commonly with the intro-
ductory conjunctions ada, da. In fact, in most prose the greater
number of sentences begin with this combination:
ada wul k: /é'pra-lemé’°tget then every one was saved
ada wulat yd'utem«s Waxaya'°kga’ then he gave advice to W.
ada wul ts/int then he entered
The two forms wud and wula are apparently used without much
discrimination. Both are generally admissible, and I have not
succeeded so far in discovering any difference in their meaning.
2. La expresses a past state (Tsimshian: €q@).
sEm-gui'éL hwi'lt at gwast guis-halai'tg’é he was very poor on
having lost his dancing-blanket 38.14 (sem- very; gwdé poor;
gwas to lose; guis- blanket; halaz’t ceremonial dance)
k'si-L0'6det at ta Laxid'xk"det they went out having finished
eating 40.9
tgaatwund'« La ax-g'é betg’é he saw the food which he had not
eaten 41.4 (wund’a food; ax- not; g*ép to eat something)
algixs Légdbola’ at rat hwild’et hwil dzart Logdbola’ spoke
when he knew that he had lost 20.10 (a’lg‘ia to speak; Awila’x:
to know; dz’az to lose)
ba' sizk"det at ta xsdat they divided upon his having won 21.1
ta hus ywksa, ntk’é . . . when it was evening again 141.4
La Le sk"t lé-ia' tsi axt k'0'ukt ap lax-an-la'k", after the porcupine
had struck the fire with its tail 77.7
44877—Bull. 40, pt 1—10 26 § 59
402 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [puLL, 40
Tsimshian:
adat sem-lu-sand'tgrtga a tat ni’? duda’u lapld’°p then he was
much surprised at it when he saw the ice (on the) stones (szm-
very; u- in; sand’tg surprised; 7° to see; da’w ice; 16’°p stone)
lu-a’in ga’°ts nat gusge tat ni’°stga? his mother was glad when she
saw him (du- in; Gm good; g@°d mind; nd? mother; 77 to see)
nini!t gan-haldem- g6'tt GESGE tagtk ganta'°k therefore they arose
when it was morning again (n/n/7 that it is; gan- reason; haldem-
up; g’ét to run [plural]; gusgz at; gikagain; ganta’°h moral
adat g'élksa tat wulam-suwva' nde ba’’sgrt then he felt when the
wind had driven him ashore (g-é/ks to feel; wul’am- landward;
suwa'n to blow; 6@°sg wind)
ta gtk k/n'ralde ta tgi-ia’? sat when again one day went down
(4:/n'rel one; tgi- down; 7@’° to go; sa day)
dzeda’ ta xgwa'thsen if you feel cold
dzr ta gwa'nksen you may have been cooked
ada ta ga’ odisgr ha'utga? when he had finished speaking
ada tat sa-ga'lemga u'nkseget when they had taken off the ashes
3. Ld& while (Tsimshian: €@?).
nlkét ma’ idétg’é La imetk't qal-ts’a'p then they told him that the
town was full 183.14
La sem-bag‘ait-@'a'L Logs, ntk’é . . . when really in the middle
was the sun, then . . . 103.15
nig’? hux hwilt ta gd@’ddet they did not do it again when they
finished 179.10
Tsimshian:
alin’ t wul wuld’i tat wula sip lends na'kstga? that was how she
knew that her husband continued to love her (w/a’z to know;
s7’°p ‘En to love; naks husband)
ada ta’? wula hé’°tgr wul-ga'’sgedet then continued to stand the
wise ones ZE 792.20 (Aétg to stand; wul-gd'°sg wise)
ada sagait-and'gasgrtga a ta® dem wula ia’? ga'mgem dzt'usdnt .
then they agreed together that the sun should continue to go
ZK 791.18 (sagazt- together; and'gasgto agree; 2a? to go; g'amg
moon, sun; @27’/us daylight)
4. dEm future (Tsimshian: @Em).
apeEtsla'at lig’é enshg’é at dem dé-hwilt the grizzly was afraid
to do it also 56.14 (apets’a'ax afraid; lig’é' ensk” grizzly bear)
het q@'éder wa'ex dem Cuks-t!é'sus Ts/ak* the slave thought he
would push out Ts’ak- 135.4 (Hé to say; gd@/éd heart; xa’z slave;
Puks- out of; t/és to push)
nig drm huz ad ik squég’é I may not come again 165.14
dzat am-ha'ts’ drm g'éiptg’é the stump ate all he was going to eat
55.12
dem k°é men-2é'en you shall go up 91.2
§ 59
BOAS] HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 403
Tsimshian:
ada dem k/ut-man-gé'sen then you will jump up and about ZE
790.15 (k/ul- about; man- up; gés to jump)
gwa't dem ha'un this will you say ZE 790.15
: dame dem kse-té'?l si’*bet then shove out the bone! (mez thou
| [subj.]; Asz- out; 26° to shove; s7% bone)
| mate demt lrgi’lardxt she told she would burn it
§ 60. Use of Subjunctive in the Negative
The negative conjunction n7g‘¢ (Tsimshian: atgz), and that used in
interrogative-negative sentences né (Tsimshian: aé), are followed by
the subjunctive or by the connective -t
| nigit mat ent dem sqa-vat lat 107.1 it did not let go what went
across the way of it (md'? En to let go; sga- across; 7a to go; lat
to it)
nik et nig it da-a'qik"det they do not reach it 139.2
nigin dem dé-go'ut I will not take it
neiL ad’a'dik'sdeda? are they not coming ?
né mresem hwa'da? didn’t you find it? 106.7
Tsimshian:
In the Tsimshian dialect the negative is generally used with the
connective -¢, as described in § 31; the first person singular fol-
lowing the negative is -7.. (See § 51.)
atgen dum klind'mt at hana?g 1 shall not give it to the woman
alge di t/a°atgntga® it is not difficult
awulatge dit wul’it dem dax-yd'°qul ani’’stga? because he did
not know how to hold on to the branch (wu/a@'z to know; daw-
ya@’°g to hold; anz’°s branch)
alge di hasa' gai 1 do not wish (to do so)
atget nisagd’°tgetga sts/a'lga® the beaver did not mind_ it
(nasaga’°tg to mind; sts/al beaver)
‘
Negative-interrogative sentences:
at si’°pgedi guga hana’xga?? is not this woman sick ?
at me wula@'idut in-wula' gun? don’t you know who has done this
to you?
§ 61. The Subjunctive after Conjunctions
nLkét gaat hwil léeba'yukt gé'wun 103.5 then he saw the gulls
fly (g‘a'a to see; léba'yuk to fly [plural]; gé’wun gull)
ket go'ut woha'st then he takes a string 217.4
woatk” ét lo-@ p-t ekla@/atsaant then he breaks it down in it 217.8
(l6- in; @’ep- down; @rkla@’atsaan to break)
tse n dem suwa'nt I may cure her 123.7
dat hwila' gut when he has done this to him 217.6
1 §§ 60, 61
404 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 40
Tsimshian:
adat gz'redaxtga® then he asked her
ada mr dem sem wula’t ta gwa'ntgut then ye will know that I
have touched
§ 62. Use of the Indicative
On account of the tendency of the Tsimshian language to express
all narrative in the subjunctive mood, indicative forms are quite rare,
and occur almost only in statements of self-experienced facts. It is
remarkable that the particle na, which expresses the completed past,
and which occurs in the Tsimshian dialect only, is always followed by
the indicative.
| nan k/ut-sagap-ca'°nu I have only walked about without purpose
Examples of the use of the indicative are the following:
dem va'néz at awa'an I shall go (to) near you 196.12
dem gala'qgnom we will play 75.6
nitneé Lt ia’ déz I roast that 121.9
lep-g'ébrdas dzé'ndzé tgo-lep-tgal-mént grandmother ate her
own little vulva 121.12 (/zp- she herself; g-é to eat something;
dzé'rdz grandmother ; tgo- little; ¢g’a/- against ; mén vulva)
Tsimshian:
gua lge ne wa'lbe sem’a'g‘it the chief’s house is burnt
ama wa'lt Tém Tom is rich
drm g'idi-ga’°du va? I shall catch the slave
want ya’°gut my grandfather invites thee
§ 63. The Negative
(a) The negative declarative is expressed by the adverb ni’ gt (Tsim-
shian a’tgz), which evidently contains the stem né (Tsimshian af) and
the suffix indicating AaBsENcE. The stem without this suffix is used in
the negative interrogative (see § 60). The negative adverbs are
always followed by the subjunctive.
nig it hwila’ xt hwil da’urx stélt he did not know where his com-
panion had gone 15.2 (Awéla@’a’ to know; dauz to leave; stél com-
panion)
nig*i Césté'st they were not large 113.9 (See also p. 403.)
(2) The negative interrogative is expressed by né (Tsimshian: af).
néL ada’ dik-sdeda? are they not coming?
née sg’it mE dem ha-men-sd' g%ida? have you anything to pull it
up with? (sg‘z to lie; mz thou; ia- means of; mzn- up; sag to
pull)
§§ 62, 63
BoAS] HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 405
Tsimshian:
at nz-ba'°di? has he not been running?
vt ma-wuld’idut in-wula' gun? don’t you know who did this to you?
(c) The word no is expressed by vé (Tsimshian: a’yin). The form
a yin is also sometimes used in interrogative sentences.
**né,” dée’'yat g'a'tg’é ‘‘no,” said the man 87.11
Tsimshian:
“A’yint ne-gan-wi'lsemi, naet?”—‘A’yin.” Did you not. get
what you went for, my dear?”—*‘ No.” (a’/yin not; nz- posses-
sive; gan- reason; wal to do; -szem ye; nat my dear! [masc. })
(d) hawa'tg (Tsimshian) signifies NoT YET.
a hawd'iga ga%t dedi’°lset when not yet anything was alive ZE
782.1
(e) In subordinate clauses the negation is expressed by ax- (Tsim-
shian wa-). These prefixes have been described in § 11, no. 137,
p. 328. This prefix mast be considered to have a nominal character,
so that the whole sentence appears as a verbal noun.
(7) gilé’ don’t ! (Tsimshian g-i/a’).
g 6 dzr sé'ésnm, ana! don’t take the rest out 181.9 (dzz weakens
the imperative)
glo’ me dzz sem ma'tet don’t tell about it! 181.11
Tsimshian :
g ild’ ba’°’sent don’t be afraid !
gilda’ mz dze ga’ don’t go there!
§ 64. The Interrogative
In the Nass dialect the interrogative seems to be formed regularly
by the suffix -a, which is attached to the indicative pronominal endings
(see § 48). In Tsimshian the most frequent ending is -7, but -% also
occurs. It does not seem unlikely that these endings may be identical
with the demonstrative endings -7 and -a, which were discussed in
§ 56. After interrogative pronouns these endings are not used.
1. Interrogative suffix -a:
neéL tsléns K°?at-hi'tqgun-7é'semg at ts!em-hwilba’? did not
Labret-on-One-Side enter the house? 191.12 (¢s/én to enter;
k’at- on one side; Adtg” to stand; ¢/é'semg labret; ts/zm-
interior; Awilp house; -a interrogative)
nett wi-t/é'sda? is it great? ;
né mE SEM hwa'da? didn’t you find it? 106.7
§ 64
406 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [putn. 40
Tsimshian -7:
wa, ni'°dzeni? do you see?
me drdi’*lseni? are you alive?
a wu ta dzakt wa'ni? is the deer dead yet?
at me nlaxnd’de gu «stamgt? don’t you hear a noise?
at di ga'useni? have you no hair?
Tsimshian -w:
st’pgut? is he sick?
at mr wuld'rdut in-wula’ gun? dost thou not know who did this
to thee?
al mz ta’ wula habubd'ldut? didst thou not always keep it?
2. No interrogative suffix is used after interrogative pronouns.
ago’ what (Tsimshian: g@?):
a gor La an-hi't qal-ts’ap? what is it that the people say ? 188.15
UG go Lt dem an-a’'k'sen? what are you going to drink? 17. 14
ago'L hé'tsen? what is talking (there)? 23.9
Tsimshian:
| g@° wula ha’ unt? what do you say?
nda where (Tsimshian: nda):
ndat hwil héth*t hwilp? where is the house?
ndat demt hwil dé-witk"t? where will he have come from? 16.6
Tsimshian:
| nda wula wa'°tgent? where do you come from?
n@ who (Tsimshian: nd°):
na Can-ax-hwila' yin? who does not a thee?
Tsimshian:
nat tin na’ksge tgi’tgezs Gaud’? who is the one to marry the
daughter of Gaud?
nade gu awa’°n? who 1s the one next to thee?
§ 65. The Imperative
The imperative of intransitive verbs is ordinarily expressed by the
second person of the indicative or subjunctive, while its emphasis may
be lessened by the particle dzz. Very often the personal pronoun is
strengthened by the addition of the prefixed subjective pronouns.
In many cases the imperative has the future particle, which suggests”
that the form is not a true imperative but merely a future which serves
the purpose of expressing an order.
dem yu'kdent Crm-la'néz hold to my neck! 75.11
drm qala' qnom \et us play! (literally, we shall play) 75.6
§ 65
poas] HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 407
Weakened by dze:
dze ama-qg'a'adrsem look well after her 191.15
mer dzrek?é me lo-k?é tselt then put in the finger 195.10
Tsimshian:
dem k/ut-man-go'sen then jump up and about!
niin’ dem dzagam-ha'°tgenga? that one callashore! (literally, that
: is the one you will call ashore)
drm ean ne-ama-wa'ls negwa'°den promise him the wealth of your
father
Weakend by dzz:
ada dzr wul hau'un ** law-l6’°b” then say ‘‘on stone”
Transitive verbs may form their imperatives in the same way.
tgont dem hwi'len do this! (literally, you will do this)
“Tsimshian: .
mE dem lagax-lu-dd? dau put ice on each side!
me dem sz-wa' dit call him a name!
More frequently the imperative of transitive verbs is expressed by
indefinite connectives, or, when there is no nominal object, by the
ending z (Tsimshian -?).
gout Lgo'utgun take your child! 205.5
hits en-'a't qa-ts’0'on tsak* put back from the fire some dishes
207.2
s@’/lebex steam it! 54.8.
Tsimshian:
wai, di ba’elt you, on your part, try!
drx-ya'°gwa ani'°srt hold on to the branch!
t/am-sti’l ta’msut accompany my son-in-law to the fire!
man-sa'tk'a ast’°nt pull up your foot!
By far the most frequent method of expressing the imperative is
by the periphrastic expression dm (tl! WOULD BE) GOOD (IF).
amt dem guxt take it! 141.6
amt dem sz-d' tgum let us cut wood! 63.4
amt dem dé-xsan you gamble also! 29.1
am me dem wé' dx gal-ts’a'p invite the town 206.13
Tsimshian:
am mr drm di batt try it too!
a’ msrint me k/a-di-ba' ga n-di-na-brba' gan just try my playground
too (4m good; -sz'n dubitative; iz thou; //a- just;.d7- on (thy)
part; dag to taste; n- possessive; na- place; bag to taste, play)
am dum k-!/é°xgant escape!
dm dzr ga°s dep negwa'°den go to your parents!
408 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BuLy. 40
The negative imperative is expressed by g*ild’.
g ile’! nexna'yitg’é ax ts!em-hwi'lp dowt! they might hear you in
the house 91.10.
g ilo’ me daze sem sqa-yd' «kt don’t pass in front of it 107.3
g ila'L sexsd’meExsemes don’t keep your mouths closed 84.5
§ 66. Subordinating Conjunctions
The use of the temporal particles and of the negative as subordinat-
ing conjunctions has been described before (§§ 59 et seq.). It remains _
to enumerate a few of the other important conjunctions.
1. k*’é THEN; generally in connection with the demonstrative n-
nikvé a’ @ik'sk4t then he came
k’é déqu anna'st gaq then he took the skins of ravens 39.2
ni dem k?’é mz-txvé'ldit smax* then burn the meat 213.1
2. da when.
da La wogst g'a'tg’é when the man is buried 218.4
3. AzE (tsE) weakens statements.
nitkr’é géadaxt senv’a'g it tse hwil with"t then the chief asked
where it might come from 183.13
nigit hwildx's Wiga't tse hwil @rp-a'vk"1 not knew Giant where
he came down 15.1
nik’é woawa'edet a tse hwil hvi'ln élx then they wondered at
where was the seal 42.6
op tsE nd! dt, tse mé'tk“t aks at ba'nt lest he die, if his belly should
be full of water 73.7
The use of dzz with imperatives has been explained before.
4, tsEda (dzE da) when, if.
tsEeda hasa’xt halda@' ug tt drmt dzak"1 sxl-g'a' tt, k’é, when a witch
desires to kill a fellow-man, then 217.1
tseda hux hwi'lér, ntk’é, when I do it again, then 165.12
ts/é'né nat, tseda né’en enter, my dear, if it is you! 39.13
5. Op tsE else, lest.
op tsE no’ déx else I might die 74.4
k°é sem-ia' th"t lax-0'1 16'6p; op tse Putg wa’ otk"t sak gan-hwilt
34.9 then the top of the stone was very slippery; lest the olachen
might be lost was the reason of his doing so (szm- very; zaLk™
slippery; lax-d’ top; 10’6p stone; g’wddtk" to be lost; sak:
olachen)
6. ts’6 although.
ts’0t hux hwild’x't although he knows it
§ 66
:
Boas] HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 409
Tsimshian:
1. ada then.
ada ma'trde dep gua’ then these told
adat gtk sga-ba’°t he assisted him (literally, then he stood by
him) —
2. da when.
ne ta dem gwa'ntgr dan dem sii mea'wulget when I shall have —
touched it, then I shall swing the rope (gwdantg to touch; si
to swing; mza’wulg rope)
da Al ts/zlem-ha'pda n/a'°atet, ada . . . when the killer-whales
rushed in, then .. . (¢s/zlzm- into; hap to rush [plural];
n/aat killer-whale)
3. AzE weakens statements.
adat gu'redaxtgre a ga! dzz gan ha'ut then they asked why he
might have said so
eap/rxdi an dze tval-wa'sde tgi'tgida® | may remember when
I may have met my child (@p/zv to remember; txal-wa’?
to meet; fgg child; -2 1, my [see § 51])
4. dzE da when, if.
n dem wa'lint dzr da ba'°’sen I will carry you if you are afraid
(wa'li to carry on back; bas to be afraid)
dze da ta ts7!°nt da n dem sa-da-ga'inat when I enter, I shall
fall with it (¢s/2° to enter; sa- suddenly; da- with some-
thing; ga’zna to fall)
5. Op AzE else, lest.
ba'°srnut 6'p dzr dza'gi I fear (lest) I fall
6. ts/u although.
ts!u ni'yeda tgi-O'ksut, da gap-a'lga-di-sga'yiksy? although I
(literally, this one) fell down, he (I) really did not hurt himself
(myself) (nzyzda he, this; tg7- down; dks to drop; -w 1; gap-
4 really; a/lga not; di- on [my] part; sga'ytksg to be hurt)
ts!u wagait wa gidrgane’tsga® even though far to the Tlingit
7. ast while.
ada asi hiid'°’ksga li’°mitga® then while he began his song
8. amz if (event assumed as not likely to happen)
ami dzr tame g:a'lksr dzz dem lu-da'ktvan if you should feel
that you may drown (g‘alks to feel, Zu- in; da'ktxan to be
drowned)
ami dz ta kh /é°xgen when you have made your escape
9. yurt if (event expected to happen).
yt ne ye'dzen if I hit you
§ 66
410 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY {putn. 40
§ 67. Preposition
The preposition a is used to express local, temporal, and modal
relations. When used for expressing local relations, the particular
class is often expressed by the local particles prefixed to the verb and
substantive. The preposition always takes the connective suffix -z or
-s, as described in §§ 23, 28.
The following examples illustrate the wide application of this
preposition:
1. Signifying AT:
baxt tgo-ak's at awa’ adetg’é a little water ran near them 117.3
(bax to rur; xtgo- little; aks water; awa’a proximity)
taga-ma' gat an g°é'u he put him down at the front of the house
46.8 (caga- down; mag to put; g'd’u beach in front of house)
at g'@'leg outside 121.15
2. Signifying IN; generally with the verbal prefix /o- and with the
substantival prefix ts’zm-:
lo-ma' qsk"1 Célr* ax ts'nm-ts’ak* the grease ran in (into) the dish
46.14 (/0- in; magsk" to stand [plural]; ?é/x* grease; ¢s’zm- inside
of; ts’ak* dish)
ty’al-lo-dz6'qst at hwilpg’é he stayed in the house 64.11 (¢q’al-
against [i. e., permanently]; 26- in; dzdg to camp; /wilp house)
3. Signifying on; generally with verbal prefix /é- and substantival
prefix lax-:
lé-iag't og at lax-ané’st a copper hangs on a branch 188.3 (é- on;
Za'g to hang; ané’s branch)
4. Signifying rowaRp; often with the verbal prefix hagun-:
hagun-té' én gat at awa'at a man went toward him 138.14 (hagun-
toward; 7é’é to go; gat man; awa’a proximity)
iid ét an g*ilé' lia? he went into the woods 119.11
gd ask“t at lax-ha’ he looked at the sky 137.6
5. Signifying FROM:
wetht at awa'as né«t he came from near his mother 22.12 (wéth¥
to come from; awa’a proximity; 26 mother)
ksaxt at hwi'lp he went out of the house 166.11
6. Signifying To; used like our dative:
hwil hwi'ls dnp bé' nbér as né'en thus did my uncles to thee 157.9
(Awil to do; dep plural; (n-)bé’2b uncle; -2z my; né’en thou)
gind'mt at tgo-th”’é' tk" he gave it to the boy 139.4
7. Signifying wirH; instrumental:
La'lbet Galdd'x: at ha-7o't she scraped the spoon with her fish-
knife 8.9 (za’lb to scrape; q’aldd’x* spoon; ha-g’d't fish-knife)
§ 67
noas] HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 411
lé-ca' tset lax-a' ks an waqut he struck the water with his tail 75.15
| (/é- on; za’ts to strike; /av- surface; aks water; wagr beaver’s
tail)
guxL lak” at lét gant dagt he took fire-wood with wedge and
hammer 90.8 (guz to take; /ak” fire-wood; /é¢ wedge; gan and;
dagt hammer)
8. Signifying ON ACCOUNT OF:
steph"t q@ots Wi-g'a't at xdax't sick was Giant’s mind on account
of his hunger 69.4
sem-pLa'k'sk“t at hwi'lig’é he was very tired on account of what
he had done 62.15
9. Expressing time:
ax wi-sa’' all day long 138.9 (literally, at great day)
aL had'ng’é mrsa'x'g*é before daylight 151.6 (at not yet daylight)
aL sint in summer 20.14
10. Used with various verbs:
lé-metmé' th't at Cé'ben they were full of sea-lions 108.8 (2é- on;
meth” full; ?é’ben sea-lion)
meéeth"t mal at lan the canoe was full of spawn 29.10
ansgwa'tgut as ne'tg’é they made fun of him 143.3
nik’ et gent ga'tg'é at hwindé'é the man fed him with tobacco
90.10 (g*en to give to eat; g'at man; hwindd'd tobacco)
geht Lid'n at haya'tsk® he bought elk for coppers 194.11 (g"éh
to buy; zr7d’n elk; haya'tsk” copper)
sa-hwa'det at X-ama'lgwaxdert Wéa'sr they called him Eating-
Scabs-of-Wa’sk 41.14 (sa- to make; Awa name; z- to eat;
ama'lk® scab)
7 atsk"t at hana'g he was tired of the woman 126. 1
AIA
wai-g'a' tht as negud’ 6det he longed for his father 203.13
The preposition @ is used very often with /w?/ and dem to express
causal and final subordination, the subordinate clause being thus trans-
formed into a nominal phrase.
11. az wil because (literally, at [its] being):
laxbéets’e'a'dét . . . at hwilt g:a’adet they were afraid because they
saw it 207.10
at hwil nigidi halad'ts Ts ak; nitne't gant-hwila'k“detg*é because
Ts’ak* was no shaman, therefore they did so 123.12 (nég‘7 not;
di on his part; Aalae’t shaman; nézne’t that; gan reason; hwil
to do)
lo-hwa'nth"t qd/ddet at hwil «tamk“t its heart was annoyed
because of the noise 95.15 (J6- in; hwanth” annoyed; gddt
heart; xstamk” noise)
§ 67
412 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BuLL, 40
AIA
lo-hwa'ntht gd’ ddut at hwil wstamk“t he was annoyed on account
of the noise 95.15 (/0-hwa’nth” annoyed; gd’é¢ mind)
aba’ gask"t at hwil st-k’a-wi-yé' thst he was troubled because he —
cried anew very much 21.12 (aba’g’ask” to be troubled; s?- anew;
kh’a- exceedingly; wi-yé' tk to cry)
12. at dem in order to, that:
tsagam-wé' ot at dem drda'legt he called it ashore to talk with it
38.1 (¢sagam- ashore: wd'é to call; dzda’lag to talk with)
ket boat at dem nodm-a'k'st he waited for her to be thirsty 21.7
(b6x to wait; nodm- to desire; aks to drink)
lo-ya'lth"t at dem yo dak“t he returned to eat 55.9
k:si-ba’x at dem gun-lu'kt he ran out to make move
13. Sometimes the connection expressed by @ is so weak that it may
be translated by the conjunction anp. Evidently the verb fol-
lowing @ is nominalized.
yO rk" at wie sem yo’ bxk"t he ate, and ate much 36.10
Mat ar wi-yé' tht he sat and wept 39.7 (he sat down, weeping)
taga-td'Lt na'k'stg’é . . . at La gwa'dtk"t his wife went down, and
he was lost 166.7, 8
Tsimshian:
The variety of forms which the preposition a takes in Tsimshian
has been discussed in § 28. Here examples will be given illus-
trating its application.
1. Signifying aT:
ada kla-tla°t gusga gtlhau'li then he sat at the inland-side for
a while
at di na°kht gad a awd’ nakse ne-wai' gu? does a person le near
my brother’s wife? (af not; dz- on his part; nd@°% to lie; g°ad
a person; awa’ proximity; naks wife; wazg’ brother)
2. Signifying IN:
dremt w’°den a ts/em-la' get he will bake thee in the fire (ud to
bake; ¢s/zm- interior of; /ag fire)
3. Signifving On:
adat lli-sz-gu'lge la'gr da lax’ d'tga then he lighted a fire on
top of him (//7- on; sz- to make; gulg to light; dag fire;
lax’6 top)
mE dem t/a’°nt gesgr sti’°p/elga? make him sit in the rear of
the house
4, Signifying TOWARD:
ada hagul-ia’°t gesga awa’ nz-wa' lbt then he went slowly toward
his house
gun-ia'°t gusge wul né°kt he went to where he lay
§ 67
BOAS] HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 413
5. Signifying FRoM:
watget gEsgE awa’ na'kstga? he came from near his wife
haldam-ba'°get Astiwa'l grsgr laxr-lé6pga? Astiwa'l arose from
the stones
6. Signifying To; used like our dative:
ada wul haus negwa'°t gus ni°tga® then his father said to him
adat wula k* ina'msge da'u gesge tgu'tgrtga® then he gave ice
to his child (£°/éna'm to give; da'u ice; tga child)
7. Signifying wITH, instrumental:
dat wul li-sga-ya' dze ts/alt gusgz 17 then she struck him across
the face with the feather (/i- in; sga- across; yadz to strike;
ts/al face; i feather)
dza'bet at an’o'ntg’é he made with his hands
talbret at ha-q’d't she scraped with a fish-knife 8.9
8. Signifying ON ACCOUNT OF:
li-qla'ga ga°ts Astiwa'l gesgr nez-tvala/ndet Astiwa’l was sad
on account of those he had (left) behind (/z- in: ¢/ag open,
hollow; ga°d mind; txala’n behind)
9. Expressing time:
a wi-ga'msem during the whole (great) winter
| a nA-g@'ga in the beginning ZE 781"
10. Used with various verbs:
a wult sz-qlan-g/ada'uta ga-ga'°da a gwa'deksem tnt because
she refreshed the hearts with cool fog ZE 797.32 (¢/an-da' ut,
literally, to go over, to refresh; gwa'dzks cool; 7én fog)
ho'lige wa'lbet a ts/a°g full was the house of fat
adat wul ptia'res negwa'°t gusget gilks-ni°sge na'kstga® then
she told her father that she had looked back at her husband
(ptea’r to tell; g*t/ks- back; 2 to see)
11. a wul because:
a wult ta na'gedat nlaeni! hau because for a long time she had
heard say (zag long; n/axnw' to hear; Aau to say)
asd wul wa-di-tgu-xa'°ga because they, on their part, were even
without a little foam (i. e., had nothing) (wa- without; di-
on their part; fgu- little; «ag foam)
12. a dem in order to, that:
twan!?' ga balde ta’msu a demt wula dza’kdut everything tries
my father-in-law to kill me (¢zan/i all; g@ what, something;
ba’°ld to try; tams father-in-law; dzak to kill)
a demt w°tut in order to bake me |
a demt ma'ksge nz-sest’°ptga® in order to gather his bones
13. a and:
ada wul wa'ndit a ba’°kedxt then they sat down and lamented
. § 67
“7 ten!
a y
TEXTS
NASS DIALECT
Txané’tki! sa? his-dzé’qsu? ~—k!opr-tk:!e’Lk». 4 Wi-he’lt,®
Every day played camping little children. Many
qam-k‘!éln® wi-ga’n.7. — Wi-16-n6’6L* = wi-ts!a’wut.° Wi-d’n’xi”
only one great log. Great in hole great inside. Large
wi-ga’n.? Nu" hwil® g‘its’et-qa/é6deL", kopr-tk’e’Lk".4. Nine m=
great tree. Then where in went little children. Then
hwi/lpdétg’é = wi-qalk’si-nd’6m*® gan.?- Nuk’et’’ 16-si-me’Lden®
their house large through hole of “tree. Then rin made burn they
lak® Jat.22 Nuk’e!? hux txa’xk*det?® wi-he’lL® ts’ele’mdet.
fire in it. Then again they ate many their traveling
provisions.
Han ts’elé’mt ~~ gul-q’ané’tk"nh™ = k’Opn-tk’eLk".* ta” nak",
Salmon the provisions of all little children. When long
hwi'Idet** an® - txane’tk"1! sa,* nuk’e” ra* hux (esha eee
they did so at every day, then when again large was water
ta” hux 16-dz6’qdet*® aL® wi-ts’em-ga’n.”” Nik’é” hux pta’lik's.
when again in theycamped _ at great in log. Then again the water ‘
rose.
1 tva- all (§ 10, no. 93); tranétku independent form; z-connective of numerals (§ 23.6).
2 Same form in singular and plural (§ 41).
3 his- to pretend (§ 10, no. 79); dzé6q to camp; -s suffix (§ 17, no. 6) required by his-; L- connective of
predicate and subject (§ 23).
4’ opE- small [plural] (§ 10, no. 113); tk’ézku children [plural]; k’opz- only in the plural; Lg6- is
the singular of SMALL.
5 wi- great (§ 10, no. 73); Aé/t many (almost always used with the prefix wi-).
6 q’am- only (§ 10, no. 118); k’2 one flat thing (§ 57); L- connective of numerals.
7 wi- great (§10, no. 73); gan tree, log.
8 wi great; l6- in (verbal prefix [§ 9, no. 29]); n6’6 hole; -z predicative connective.
9ts/dwu the inside; in combination with nouns the prefix ts’zm- is used to designate THE INSIDE
(§ 11, no. 152); -t probably possessively ITs.
10 wi great; d’Ex large.
11 n- demonstrative (?); L probably connective.
122 Verbal noun, here designating the place where something happens (§ 59).
13 The prefix gvits'EL is not known in other combinations; 7é’é (singular), gd’6 (plural), to go; -det
3d person plural (§ 53); -2 connective.
14 n- demonstrative (?); Z- probably connective. This conjunction seems to appear here doubled.
15 hwilp house; -dé their; -g'é invisible (§ 20).
16 wi- great; galk-si- through (§ 9, no. 24); n6’6 hole; -m adjectival connective.
7 nL; see note 11; k’é then; ¢ transitive subject, 3d person (§ 48).
18 76- in (§ 9, no. 29); si- to cause (§ 13, no. 164); mez to burn; -det they; -L connects predicate and
object.
19 /@f 3d person pronoun, oblique case (§ 54).
20 yd/daku (singular), ted’/éaku (plural), to eat (intransitive verb); -det they.
214 compound the elements of which are not quite clear (compare txané’tku all); also gane-hwila
always (§ 10, no. 120).
22 Particle indicating that one action is past when another sets in; also verbal noun (§ 59).
23 naku long, temporal and local.
24 hwil to do; -det they.
35 a general preposition (§ 67); -L indefinite connective.
% /6- in; dzdq to camp; -det they.
7 wi- large; ts!zm- inside of (§ 11, no. 152).
414
:
-BoAS] HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 415
Nuk’é" giiga’ksn® wi-ga’n. Nxik’é uks-o’lik‘sk"t.”? Ni’g-ft%
Then floated the great log. Then outtosea it drifted. Not they
hwila’x'L™ = =k’ops-tk’e’Lk".4 Yuku” gwanem-qala’qdet® aL®
knew it the little children. Beginning they were playing at
lo-ts’i/wuL™ wi-ga’n La” hwagait-uks-da’uL® aL® hwagait-g'I’ks*
inside of great log when away out itwasgoing at way off shore
to sea
ta” uks-na‘k"t.” Nuk’ k-si-10’6tk"'Lh® k’aln® 1gd-tk-’e’Lk".*
when out tosea far. Then out went one little boy.
Niuk’et" g-a/at*® hwil ta** hwagait-uks-o/lik:sk"t?** an®
Then he saw where when Way seaward it drifted to
hwagait-g-‘Viks.*° Nuk’é” k-si-qa’éddeL” k’opr-tk’é’Lk".* Nxik’é””
way Off shore. Then out went the little children. Then
sig’a’tk"det;** qané-hwila** sig‘a’tk*dét.44 Nxik’é!” k’un-da’uL”
they eried; always they cried. Then about went
wi-ga’n? aL” hwagait-lax-se’rlda.*
the “log at way off on. the ocean.
great
Nuk’é hux k’si-L0’6tk"L** ~~ Lgd-hwil-x6’6seum*”— Leo-tk"’é’Lk".4
: > b=)
Then again out was put the little being wise little child.
Nuk’eét g-a’ac’® hwil” léba’yuki*® gé’wun.*® Nuik’é ha’ts’tk‘sem*°
Then he saw where flew gulls. Then again
]6-ya/Itk"t! an ts’ai’wuL* wi-ga’n. K’ét matt: ‘‘Qa’né-hwila
he returned at inside of great "log. Then he told it: “Always
lé-hwa’nL** = gé’wun* au lax-d’Em,** aq-dep-hwila’eut?”* Nike
on sit gulls at top of us, without we [way of] doing?” Then
8 gig d’k's to drift.
2 wks- out to sea, from land to sea (§ 8, no. 6); -t intransitive, 3d person singular.
30 nig'i indicative negation; -f transitive subject, 3d person.
31 hwila’x: to know; -det (3d person plural ending has been omitted here).
32 yuk appears both as verb and as particle.
33 qwanEm-a prefix of doubtful significance.
84 /O- a verbal prefix, appears here with the noun ¢s’fi/wu THE INSIDE. It seems that this whole
expression is possessive or verbal, because otherwise the connective would be -m (§ 22).
% hwagait- away (§ 10, no. 71); wks- seaward (§ 8,no.6); da’wx to leave; perhaps the ending -t would
be better.
36 hwagait- is both verbal and nominal prefix; g‘iks the region off shore (a noun corresponding to
the verbal prefix wks-).
1 wks- seaward; naku far; -t perhaps closure of sentence (§ 20).
38 k-si- out (§ 8, no. 8); L6/é6tku,
39 kdl one (numeral for counting human beings [§ 57]; -z connective of numerals (§ 23).
40 g:a’a to see; -t it (object).
1 hwil La present and past participle forming nominal clause (§ 59).
42 k-si- out of (§ 8, no. 8); gda’dd to go (plural); -det they.
43 irregular plural (§ 46); singular wuy?’tku.
44 gané- always (§ 10, no. 120).
4 k’uL- about; da’ux to leave, to go.
46 hwagait- way off (verbal and nominal prefix); Jax- surface of (nominal prefix corresponding to
lé- on; (§ 11, no. 151; § 9, no. 30) sé-zlda ocean.
47 Lgo- little; hwil- being (§ 59); x6’dsku wise; -m adjective connective (§ 22).
88 g:iba’yuku (plural lébda’/yuku) to fly (§ 45).
49 Singular and plural same form (§ 41).
50 Adverb.
51 This verb occurs always with the prefix /6- IN.
52 maz to tell (transitive verb).
53 /é- ON corresponds to the nominal prefix Jax- (note 46); d’a (plural hwan) to sit; -L indefinite
connective.
®4 lax- surface (corresponds to the verbal prefix Jé@- on [note 53]); d£ top; -m our.
®agq- without, and also negation of dependent clauses (§ 11, no. 137); dzp- plural of transitive
pronoun; hwild/ku is a peculiar form; while it is apparently a passive of Awil, it is used as a transitive
verb; -t probably object 3d person.
416 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BuLL. 40
toon her? k’aln® 1ed-tk’é’tk"* “Am dep® disd’e’si®™
this said one little child: “Good we strike
qa-dz’a/gam," nt dem ke" ié'éxaat,* dmp™* dm )kve
our noses, they future then bleed, we future then
mant* an dax‘'L® wi-ga’n. Nu dem «ke tq’al-hathe’'t®
rub it at outside of great “log. They future then against stand
ts’obi’qu gé’wun Ila’tg*é.7” Nik’é hwi'ldetg-é.* D’isd’e’sdeL®
feet of gulls on it.”’ Then they did so. They struck
qa-dz’a’qdét.* Ke a’d’ik-sk"L® hwil” iné’étaat. Nuk’et kilq’al-
their noses. Then came being they bled. Then they around
ma/ndét” at wi-ga’n. Nuke la’mdzixdét™ aL ts’a’wuL wi-ga’n.
rubbed it onthe great’ log. Then they entered at theinsideof the log.
great
Nuk’é ad’a’@ik’sk"L® wi-hé’ldem”? gé’wun. Nuk’é le-hwa’nt®
Then came many gulls. Then on they sat
14’6t.8 Ke tq’al-gulgwa’lukL” as’isa/it.” La? smm-bagait-d’aL®
gulg
on it. Then against dried their feet. When very middle was
Loqs,”* nuk’é hux k‘saxu’” Lgd-k"’a-wi-t’e’st.”2 Nuk’é léba’yuki®
the sun, then again went out little really great large. Then flew
qe’wun. Ni’git® daa’quk'déL”® dem Iléba’yukdéetg’é.* Nuik”et
the gulls. Not they succeeded future they flew. Then he
déoqi® k’alu®® Lgd-tk’é’Lk'.4 Nuk’éet 16-haL-tuxt’a’qi™ t(em-
took them one little child. Then he in along twisted their
la’nix't gul-gane’L? = wi-he’/ldem” qé’wun. Nuk’et 16-d’Ep-
necks all great many gulls. Then he in down
da’Let* at hwil nand’6L® wi-ga’n. Nuik’é 16-am’a’mi*® qagod’oL*
put them at where holes great log. Then in good hearts
56 The introductory ¢- of the demonstrative is the subject of the transitive verb; HE.
57 For hét-L.
58 @m good; used here as a periphrastic exhortative: IT WOULD BE GOOD IF WE —— (§ 65).
59 dep plural of transitive subject (§ 48).
60 @’és (plural d’isd’é’s) to strike (§ 42).
61 dz’ag nose; plural qa-dz’ag (§ 43); -m our.
62 nLk’’é (note 17) appears here divided by the future particle dzm.
63 7L¢ié blood.
51d Ep mant we rub it (§ 48) (subjunctive).
6 dd’ surface, outer side.
66 tq’al- against (§ 9, no. 35); hét (plural hathé’t) to stand.
67 dt oblique case, 3d person pronoun; -g°é absent (because the outer side of the tree was invisible
to the speaker).
68 hwil to do; -det they; -g°é absent.
59 @/@iksku (plural ad’a’d’ik-skuv) to come.
7k’ ilq’ al- around; man to rub (transitive verb).
71 ts’én (plural la’mdzix) to enter.
72 wi-hé'lt many (see note 5); usually used with adjectival connective -m, not with numeral connec-
tive -z (§ 22).
73 tq’ al- against; gwa/luk to dry.
74 asa’e (plural as’isa’e) foot.
75 sem- very (§ 15, no. 168); bagait- in middle; d’a to sit (used to express the idea of TO BE IN A POSI-
TION, for round objects. :
76 sun or moon.
71 k-sax to go out (probably related to k-si- ouT oF [§ 8, no. 8]).
78 Lgd- a little; k’d- really; wi- great; 7’és large (almost always combined with wi7-); -t probably close
of sentence.
79 da-aqLku; aqtku to attain. The prefix da may be the same as in de’ya HE SAYS THUS (§ 49, d).
80 gou (plural déq) to take (§ 46).
81 70- in; haz along (§ 9, no. 50); tag (plural ¢’zat’a’q) to twist; -1 connects predicate with object.
® t’Em- prefix indicating certain parts of the body; probably from ¢’ dm SITTING (§ 33).
83 See note 21.
84 /0- in; d’Ep- downward (§ 8, no. 4); daz to put.
85 See note 8; nano’é is here plural.
86 16- in; dm (plural am’d’m) good (§ 42).
87 gd ot (plural gagd’6t) mind, heart,
2
Boas] HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 417
k’opE-tk’’e’Lk". G-'e’ipdet® sma’x'tg’é* La” t’a’k'déL® hwi’ldete-é"
the little children. They ate it the meat when they forgot what they did
La” hwagait-k’ut-da’uLdét® at hwagait-lax-sé’lda.*®
when way out about they went at way out on ocean,
Nig i ~—lig'i-tsagam-deé’Ipk"det,* an _ lig-i-lax-ts’i’L® ak’s.
Not anywhere landward short they at some- on edge of water.
where
Nuk’e ta hux k’élu® sa dé-nexna’xdéL™ wi-xstd’/ntk*.. Ke
Then when again one day also they heard great noise. Then
k'si-L0’6L™ kopsr-tk’e’Lk". Gwina’déL, —_an-tgo-lé’Ibik’sk" ”
out went the little boys. Behold the whirlpool
hwil wa® 16-lé-d’ep-yu’kdet. Nuk’é a’d’ik:sk*1® hwil”
where when in on down they went. Then came the
sig‘a’tk«det*® 1a” 10-d’np-he’tk"n' = =wi-ga’n aL dem %1L6qk"h
their crying when in down stood the great ‘tree to future swallow
Best he (them)
an-teo-lé’|bik*sk".
the whirlpool.
Nuk’e ta” 16-d’ep-he’tk"t,* dé-uks-ba’xt kal~® g-a’tgé.1”
man.
Then when in down it stood, also sea- ran one a
ward
Q’am-k”’e’lu'™ asa’eL™ g-a’toé.’” Nukv’et gatk't!* wi-ga’n aL
Only one foot the man. Then he speared the log with
great
qala’st.1° Ket tsagam-da’mgante’é;! de-lé-ma’tgun” g-a’tg’é.1”
his harpoon. Then he ashore pulled it; he saved them the man.
Nuk’é bax-1d6/6u'® =k’opr-tk’é’Lk"” at ts’em-hwi'lpu'® g-a’tgé.
Then up went the little children to inside of house of the man.
Nuk’é yuk-txa’q’ens' = Q’am-k’’e’lem-asa’é, 114
Then began he fed them Only-One-Foot.
88 q-éip to eat something. We should expect here t g°é’/ipdet smax:.
89. smax’ venison; -t its; -gé absent.
9 t'ak: to forget; -det they; -L connective.
91 hwil to do; -det they; -g°é absent.
92 hwagait'- way off; k’uL- about; dduz to go; det they.
93 ligri- somewhere, indefinite place (§8, no. 20); tsagam- landward (§§8, no. 9); délpku short, near;
-det they.
% Jig i- (see note 93); lax- surface; ts’diz shore, edge (nominal term corresponding to tsagam).
9% (é- also (precedes transitive subject); nzrna/x to hear. ;
9% 7dé (plural L6’6) to go (§ 46).
97 an- prefix indicating place (§ 12, no. 157); tyo- around; lé/lbik-sku to flow (?).
% hwil La Where in the past.
' 9 76- in (namely, inside the whirlpool); /é- on (namely, on the surface of the water); d@’zp down-
ward; yuk to begin; -det they.
100 /5- in; d’Ep- down; hét to place upright: hétku to be placed upright, to stand (§ 17).
101 az dem to the future—, final sentence (§§ 59, 67); i. e., to the future swallowing of the whirlpool.
102 g-at man; -g°é absent.
103 g’am only; k’él one flat or round thing.
104 g-aLku to spear; the preceding ¢ is the subject, the terminal -2 conneate predicate and object.
1% Terminal ¢ either pronom or close of sentence.
106 tsagam- shoreward; dd’mgan to haul.
107 meitku (plural le-m@ tku) to save (§ 45).
108 bax- up along ground (§ 8, no. 1).
109 {s’Em- the inside of (nominal prefix).
10 yuk- beginning; tadéxku to eat (plural) (see note 20); -zn causative suffix.
11 See note 103. Here qg’am k''él is used as an attribute, not as a predicate, hence the connective
-am instead of -L.
44877—Bull. 40, pt 1—10-———27
418 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 40
[Translation]
Children played camping every day. There were many of them,
and there was only one great log. It had a great hole inside. It was
a large log. That is the place where the children went in. Then the
large tree with the hole in it was their house. They made a fire burn
in it, and they also ate [many] traveling-provisions. Salmon was the
traveling-provisions of all the children. When they had done so for
a long time every day, when the water was great (high) again, they
again camped in the great log. The water rose again and the great
log floated. It drifted out to sea. The children did not know it.
They were playing inside of the great log while it was going out to sea
and when it was far away from the shore. Then one boy went out.
He saw that they had drifted seaward and that they were way off shore.
Then the children went out. Then they cried. They cried all the
time. Then the great log went way out on the ocean.
Then a little wise boy went out. He saw gulls flying about. He
returned again into the great log, and he told them, ‘‘ Gulls are always
sitting on top of us. Can we not do anything?” Then one child said
the following: ‘*‘Let us strike our noses. Then they will bleed.
Then we will rub (the blood) on the outside of the great log. Then
the feet of the gulls will stand on it.” They did so. They struck
their noses, and blood came out of them. Then they rubbed it on
the great log. Then they entered the inside of the great log. Many
gulls came and sat on it. Then their feet dried against it. When the
sun was right in the middle of the sky, the one who was really a little
large went out again. Then the gulls flew. They did not succeed in
flying. Then one boy took them. Then he twisted off the necks of
all the many gulls. Then he put them down into the hole of the great
log. Then the children were glad. They ate the meat and forgot
what was happening, that they were going way out on the ocean.
They were not anywhere near shore or the edge of the water. Then
one day they heard a great noise. The boys went out. Behold!
there was a whirlpool in which they were going down. Then they
began to cry when the great log stood downward in it, about to be
swallowed by the whirlpool.
While it was standing downward in it, a man ran seaward. The
man had one foot. Then he speared the great log with his harpoon.
He pulled it ashore. The man saved them. Then the children went
up into the house of the man. Then Only-One-Foot began to feed
them.
A
TSIMSHIAN DIALECT
ApA/0GAM? A’uTAGA®? (SToRY OF PORCUPINE)
Nin!i’/sgr* la* ksa’°tga®,® a® tat wa ‘nsga’ txan!i’/sgE® ya’ts!EsgEsga®
That it was when fall, at when were sitting all animals in
nA-ga-ts!em-ts!a’ptga°.° Da’ wula” di t!a’°som™ wi-mxdi’°k*
: their towns. Then sang on his part sitting great grizzly bear
gEsga’ n di tsla’pt’” a® dza* wi-ga’msemga®."* Ada” ga’/ni-wula™
in hisalso. town at when great winter. Then i always
gwantgEsga” wa’°sga®,”* da! gik™ lii-la‘wa’l® na-ts!Em-ts!a’ psa"
touched the rain, then also in it dripped the town o
wi-meEdi°kga®. Ada” gik* 16’gakseesga* n-li’°tga®.*7 Ada”
the great grizzly bear. Then again he was wet his fur. Then
semgal** lu-ha’°xgesga”® ga/t® gesga’® sga-na’ksga* wa/stga®.
very in annoyed his heart at too long Tain.
1 ada/og story: -Em connection (§ 22).
2 a/uta porcupine; -gae absent (§ 20)
3 niniv that (§ 56); -sgz (§ 25).
4la when (§ 59).
5ksw’o fall; -gao absent (§ 20).
6 @ preposition (§ 67).
7 t/d@ (plural wan) to sit (§ 46); -sgz (§ 24).
8 txan/7’ all (contains the particle tza- ENTIRELY); -sgE (§ 24).
9From yats to kill many; ya’ts’Esk the killing (§ 17, no. 2); the terminal -zsga stands here for
asga IN.
10 nA- separable possession (§ 55); ga- distributive plural, the towns of the various kinds of animes;
ts/Em- inside (§ 11, no. 152); ts/ab town; -t his; gae absence.
11 da conjunction (§ 66, no. 2).
12 § 59.
13 di on (his) part (§ 15, no. 167).
14 t/@o to sit; -sgE § 25.
1 wi- great (§ 10, no. 73); mEdi’ok grizzly bear.
16 q@ preposition (§ 67); absent conjunctive form (§ 28).
li n- separable possession; di- on his part (cf. note 13); ts/ab town.
18 dzA weakened statement, WHEN IT MAY HAVE BEEN (§ 66, no. 3).
19 wi- great (§ 10, no. 73); ga’msEm winter; -gao absence.
2 Conjunction (§ 66, no. 1).
21 gani- all (§ 10, no. 120).
22 gwantg to touch (i. e., here, fell); -sg4 connection (§§ 24, 25).
23 wdos rain.
4 g-ik again (§ 15, no. 169).
% Uii- in (§ 9, no. 29); lafwa’l to drip; no connective after J (§ 29).
6 16’gaksg to be wet (fur, skin).
27 n- separable possession; /z fur, hair of body; -t his; -gao absence.
% sEm-gal very (§ 15, no. 178).
% Ju- in (§ 9, no, 29), relating to gdod mind; hdoxg annoyed.
30 gdod mind.
31 sga- across (§ 9, no. 36); nag long; here apparently a verbal subordinate construction: AT ACROSS
LONG BEING THE RAIN.
32 wdos rain; the -t is a difficult directive ending, which is used very frequently, and for whiehs no
adequate explanation has been given,
419
ae eS en tir
423.0 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 40
Nin!’ gan-ksg-tla’t™ OESGA 6 nE-txaa’gasoa® n-ts!a’ ptga°,’? at%
That reason out he sat at the mouth of his town, at he
mer? 27 dies: ee apa, 3° SESgA 16 kuda’/°ntga°.® Ada a’si* dut!a’t* gesga™
seeing everythin around him. Then while sitting
owa’sga,” gakstatna’°ea* a/utaga* gun-hé°tgEt ® gesga™ awa’°tgae,
that, * behold who the porcupine toward stood his proximity.
A’si*®” t47 sga-ia’°t*® gmsga’® n-lnksa’gason*® nt la’psgE?° wI-
When he across went at the doorway of the town of the
medi’°kga®, ada wul ha’usga®® wi-meEdi’°kga®, ‘‘Ts!i’°na™ g1/o5%
great grizzly bear, then being said the great grizzly bear, “Enter here,
n-s!’Ep!Ensgi!®*= Mr dem _ k!a-xdi’°yut.”** Nin!’ gan da’ wula
my friend! You — shall alittle eat with me.” Thatit was reason then when
ts!7’°nsga*®! a/ut* gesga awa’sea*® wi-mEdi’°kga®.™ Ada’ wula
entered the poreu- at the proximity of the great grizzly bear. Then being
pine
wi-sE-la’ksEsga®> wi-meEdi’°kea®. Adat sa-ga’°sea®® tou-a’utaga?.*?
great made fire the great vevtzaly Bent Then he suddenly took the little porcupine.
Adat dxrkda’kinga®*® ga-smsi’°tga°®® dil® ga-an’6’ntga°.* Adat
Then he tied ; his feet and * his hands. Then he
hal-sgr’rt® gEsga dz0’gasga® la’ktga?.** Adat wul gwa’/lk!ensga®
alongside laid it at the edge of the fire. Then he burnt
hak !@’°sea® Iou-a’utaga®.*? N11 ada’ wul ha’usga® wi-mudi’*k ® asea®
the back oft the ifttle porcupine. He then said the great grizzly tothe
bear
33 ni that: n/? probably demonstrative (§ 56)
3¢ gan- reason; following nin/7, it means THEREFORE; ksz- out, generally directive, but here indi-
cating the position outside; t/de to sit; -¢ he.
% nz- separable possession; txa- direction; ag mouth.
36 @ preposition (§ 67) with subjective (subjunctive) pronoun attached (§ 49).
37 nio to see; after 70 the connective is missing (§ 29).
38 ligi- somewhere, this or that (§ 8, no. 20); dzp- self (§ 10, no. 129); gdo something, what; lig-i-gd’o
anything; lia'i-lep-gdo everything.
39 kudiion the place around (a nominal expression). When used in the possessive, it is considered
as inseparable possession (§ 5d).
40 ast while (§ 66, no. 7), here followed by the progressive form.
41 d’Et/d/o progressive form of t/do to sit (§ 37).
42 gwao this; gwa/sgaA that (§ 56).
43 an interjection, probably gaksta behold; t he; nao who.
44 a@/uta porcupine: -gA connective (§ 25).
% gun- toward (§ 10, no. 114); héotg to stand; -t he.
46 @wd proximity (a noun which corresponds to the particle gun- [see notes 39, 45]).
47 t subject of intransitive verb, here emphatic.
48 sga across (§ 9, no. 36); ia’ to go; -t he.
49 n- separable pronoun; leksd’g doorway.
50 ha’u to say. :
51 ¢s/ion (plural, la’mdzex) to enter by (imperative [§ 65] ).
52 g‘tot here.
53 n- separable possession; s?/op/ensg friend; -2 my (in address [§ 51] ).
54 mez thou (subjective [§ 49]); dem future (§ 59); k/a- a little while (§ 10, no. 107); xd7/o to eat with
some one; -w me; -¢t (see note 32).
55 wi- great (§ 10, no. 73); sz- to make (§18, no. 164).
56 ¢ subjective pronoun; sa- suddenly; gde to take.
57 égu- little (§ 10, no. 135).
58 dakt to lie (with plural object dzkda/kt).
59 asv/o (plural, gaszsi’o [§ 43] ).
60 di and; 2 connective (§ 30).
61 an’6’n hand; ga-an’6/n hands (§ 43).
62 hat- along (§ 9, no. 50); sgzr to lie.
63 dz6g edge (noun corresponds to the particle hat [see note 62]).
64 lak fire (ef. note 32).
6 gwalg to burn; gwa/lk/en to cause to burn (§ 17, no. 1).
66 hak/do back; has mo prefix nz-, because, as a part of the body, the possession is inseparable.
|
BOAS] HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 421
Iou-a’ut a°® tat gwa'‘Iksea® n-lim™ hak!a°tga’*: “*Duu, duu,”
little poreu- at when burnt the fur of its back: “Duu, duu,”
pine. was
da-y@’ga® wi-medi’°kga®,. ‘“‘Dem_ wa’lut,”® da-yé’ga® a’utaga,
said the great grizzly bear. ‘‘ Future I do it,” said the porcupine,
‘“spm’a’orid,” li’°n” deda’ktut,” ada dem wul wa’luda ne-ha’/unt.”
“chief, untie my bands, then future being I do it what you say.’’
Yagai? allent™ nesEg’’tga” wi-medi’kga ha’usga Igu-a’uta gEs™
However, not he minded the great grizzly bear said the little porcupine to
n!i’°tga°, a wul”sEm-gal** wi-gat-g'a’dga’.” N!1°tga k!a-gat-g’a’det”
him, because very greatly he is strong. He is most strong
grsga txan!i’s¢a® ya’ts!msga®.® Nin!i'** gan-a’Igrt™ n! exnd’* k!labr-
among all animals. That reason not he heard the little
one
ha’usea *! Jou-a’uta ges” n!1°tga®. Sem-gal wi-a’dzeksga®,® adat o'ik
said little porcupine to him. Very ° much proud, then he again
lagauk-kla’xsrt®? gese@a ts!—Em-n-la’ktga°.™
to fire kicked him into in the fireplace.
[Translation]
When it was fall, all the animals were sitting in their towns. A
great Grizzly Bear, on his part, was also sitting in his town in mid-
winter. Rain was always falling, and it also dripped into the house
of the great Grizzly Bear. His fur was wet. Then he was much
annoyed because it was raining too long, therefore he sat at the
entrance of his house and looked around to see everything. While he
was sitting there, behold! Porcupine came near him. When he passed
the doorway of the house of the great Grizzly Bear, the great Grizzly
Bear said, ‘‘ Enter here, friend! You shall eat with me for a little
while.” Therefore the Porcupine entered near the great Grizzly Bear.
The great Grizzly Bear made a great fire. He suddenly took the
little Porcupine. He tied his feet and his hands. Then he laid him
near the edge of the fire. Then the back of the little Porcupine was
burnt. Then the great Grizzly Bear said to the little Porcupine when
67 iom hak/d’o back fur (§ 22).
68 This verb has always subjective pronouns (see § 49).
69 Here indicative, therefore -w objective pronoun with third person object (§ 50).
70 sem’ d’g'id chief (see § 33).
71 #70 to untie. Here indicative construction in place of imperative.
72 deda’/kt bands; -u my; -t (see note 32).
73 yagat however (§ 15 no. 174).
4 a'tge 1ot (§ 15, no. 180; § 63).
7% nEsga’ to mind; -tgzE connective (§ 24 BI2 absent).
76 gEs preposition, definite form before pronoun designating human beings (§ 28).
7 a wul because (§ 67, no. 11).
#® qwi- greatly (§ 10, no. 73); gat-g’a'd strong (a compound of gad PERSON).
79 kla- exceedingly (here used as superlative [§ 10, no. 106]).
8 mExnd’ to hear; no connective after vowels (§ 29).
81 k/abe the little one, poorly (§ 10, no. 118), also plural to égu- small.
88 @/dzEk proud.
83 lagawk- from the sides of the house to the fire; kiavs to kick.
84 ts/em- the inside; n- place (§ 12, no. 157); lak fire.
422 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BuLL. 40
the fur on his back was burnt, ‘‘ Duu, duu!” said the great Grizzly
Bear. ‘‘I will do it,” said the Porcupine. ‘‘ Chief, untie my bands,
then I will do what you say.” However, the great Grizzly Bear did
not mind what the little Porcupine said to him, because he was very
strong. He is the strongest of all the animals, therefore he did not
listen to what the poor little Porcupine said to him. He was very
proud. Then he kicked him again into the fireplace.
7
<? wrt ak bl ala ea
uw uae 4 @
+ eRe rie pene a sine Ridede
ae Ac ae LS
- Ea : r . ,
- x wf Z
‘ he a UY a
i “tacit ee ieee
4 mo ac Ay “ak “
hn het :
- i
‘
KWAKIUTL
BY
FRANZ BOAS
423
CONTENTS
EOP PULiOT ale MNAbURY -.~ 20282 oes Se Se ec eek eee een lee
EET SUL Oi oe es Snot c's, Seine ee ISS SS SO LEER on wel
Pee mOMRNGH:§ sest hay oes) Bea tee cet ret oe NILES
PERSE mPa piNpPE 5202.4 2.5 ass cote eee A est Ek ce.
Ree 9 fo Sti a Pe Phere. ee ee
me Sem turnin vil Cle PLOGEESER: =< s.c-c ese soce eee ek cae eee ee BE PE
So Bnumeration of grammatical processés.-....-....22-2-..02.--2-0--2--
RPEASTAE RG TIRED 90 Foe Bg to, Seti od oes asd oa a ele SoS 2 ae ew soe
§ 7. Changes in the phonetic character of the stem..................-...-
ERPS cae Are art nS Reems rary t PT CRE eee) A LE ee
§§ 9-17. Ideas expressed by grammatical processes..................--------
Mreterer GE Bpelts...) ots ei. Pea Pee ee Be
Pe MAUR LT RER eae goes 353% Ree el eee). dcken cues
Peete eral anid modal suites... 22-2. 2520: Jee SO hs eee eee
Mel ee EeH ON WONG. ---oer oes see ou eewaga ss eaet esas Melee
PML IRR Set ob sth iN a Se oe eau re eeu eo AY
§ 14. Reduplication for expressing unreality.....................--.....-
2S IARC (2 ee eri ee Seen ee ene a
eer erNeULC TELARONS. 2 320 icc os sss 38 NS Oke
Palme Naracter af sentences. }4 2.22902 Yh Seb eS PPPs) dee sek:
i eacripion Of prammar: 22! 2288.22 22S. SS PS. ee ec ik
eee Or mAadon) OF words? 02.2 22.2092. te Pe I
OSs Ee UR Gy iy Uo lin ose ep he Oe a ea Pn ate ee a
Ral ec UMN Sh ces x at en Se a a as ie Es swine oasis! aie 3
Rel LER MC IMAEMER 5h. Tae le SST Le ee Mo et bet eS
Y 20: ‘Terminal completive suflixes..72.2....2 552.2200) 00222...
Ricoh 6 Primary pamen. 24.99.0226 Pa SE ona ed
§§ 21-24. Suffixes denoting space euivaons Ce ee: 2 ee
¥ 28.. General space limitations). 2222) 22.2. 265 505-22...
§ 22. Special space limitations: .22/2.....5. 2.0.22. 224-
§ 23. Parts of body as space limitations.................-
S24. Eamieattons OL fOr: 2502s ou ste ce ~. PLR. sede
SY 20-26; “Vemporal-quibxese... 25.5. s2222 50h 2.202 Lele
\20; Purely temporal guliakes® 2 2\.co2%. 02. baled oe ae
§ 26. Suffixes with prevailing temporal character... .....
§§ 27-32. Suffixes denoting subjective judgments or attitudes
relating to the ideas expressed. . Soe :
§ 27. Suffixes denoting connection ail peeves ex-
prespednideass 4a savers | cet Ie Se oh
§ 28. Suffixes denoting degrees of certainty........-.-..--
§ 29. Suffixes denoting judgments regarding size, inten-
Uys ue CMON ss ade ea sc tye cig kak 2c woe ele
§ 30. Suffixes denoting emotional states...........-.--.--
425
Page
427
429
429
430
431
439
439
439
440
440
44]
441
442
442
443
444
444
445
445
445
446
446
446
446
455
456
458
458
458
469
A475
484
485
485
486
491
491
492
492
495
426
BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [puty. 40
§§ 18-69. Description of grammar—Continued.
§§ 18-46. Formation of words—Continued.,
§§ 18-39. Composition—Continued.
§§ 21-36. Primary suffixes—Continued.
§§ 27-32. Suffixes denoting subjective judgments, etc.—Con.
§ 31. Suffix denoting the optative....-. 5.1.2.
§ 32. Suffixes denoting the source of information. ........
§§ 33-34. Suffixes denoting special activities.................
§ 33. Activities of persons in general..................--
§ 34. Activities performed with special organs of the body.
§ 35. Suffixes which change the subject or object of a verb. - - -
§ 36. Nominal suffixes.~.....<.3. 225-2... 550225
$37. Adverbial suffix 2:2). 030.005 book ee
§ 38. Subsidiary suffixes. ...-.-2...2-..) 5, 4.22 - ee Se ee
§ 39. Alphabetical list of suffixes ......4..-.:2-.: 26.) Sao
§§ 40-46. Modification of stems. ......-..4--.sssteee/: Jo. ee
§ 40. Methods... . .< -. ss. swastind ete cse dS. e: ee
§ 41, Iterative. 22.5.4 .s05.- ees sos, oe oo
§ 42. Distributive plurality:- <442254 4. 2-0 84-2 5 eee
§ 43. Suffixes requiring reduptication of the stem............-..-
§§ 44-46. Unreality ......-.22: Jossseu-e oe: 252 oe ee
§ 44. General remarks. ....-2 2.2. 2.24.2). 225s 6 eee
§ 45, The diminutive....--5.2- 255... «eee eee
§.46. "The tentative .22 x. . 1.25: 4.ca eee ee
$§ 47-69. Syntactic relations..-......0.....2i5-:...:: ieee ee
§ 47. Personal and demonstrative pronouns....-.-..-..--..-+-.s25-58
§ 48. Table of pronouns... -..)/i<t2<2s55 sse0--- see Lee ee
§ 49. Compound pronouns. <2 - 222-22 40-2 ees. oe
§ 50. Irregular pronominal forms... ....2.. 2... -<.6. 035s. 82eeneeeeee
§ 51. Sentences with pronominal subjects and objects... -.......--- “2%
§ 52. Sentences containing co-ordinate verbs.........--------------
§ 53. Sentences with nominal subject and object............--------
§ 54. Sentences containing co-ordinate verbs and nominal subject or
objett....)..0..025 2625.52 3 een ge eon a See ee
§ 55. Sentences containing possessive elements......-.-.-------------
§ 56. Irregular forma..<\..-.:. secede. 9 ot. Soe eee 2 ee
§ 57. Inrecular forms;;contimued|. - 22 46-55 eee eee ee
§ 58. Remarks on irregular forms... <0. 1225. -2.~2-25-3 == ee
§ 59. Vocalic and consonantic prenominal forms .......!......-..----
§ 60. Objective and instrumental. ..- 25. 2...442>..24-4- +. 2
§ 61. Periphrastic forms ..<): «:.62.0\.4hact de gag 1B
§.62. Causality... 22... ..234: geet Se qe op pee ee
§.63. Binality: :. ¢:...225.....ceebeies saeee reas = eee » ict
§ 64. Causal and temporal subordination....-...<2--25-£--2- 2 2oeeeee
§ 65. Conditionallce. -i<<t ace? eecee: 452 ee ee eee
§ 66. Imperative and exhortative=-=-.-25-424-6---.--2 ==) eee
§ 67. Interropative.< sxcsece we toe Gel eck oeise tee - oes
$168: .Bhural 2 ies ids Oaieh oes Moder hecmens eto eee rr
§.69. Adverbs:.:-2 9222 ee eee suited eke =
Page
.
KWAKIUTL
By Franz Boas
§ 1. DISTRIBUTION AND HISTORY
THe Wakashan stock embraces the languages spoken by a number
of tribes inhabiting the coast of British Columbia and extending
southward to Cape Flattery in the state of Washington. Two
principal groups may be distinguished—the Nootka and the wa-
kiutl. The former is spoken on the west coast of Vancouver island
and at Cape Flattery, the latter on Vancouver island and on the coast
of the mainland of British Columbia from the northern end of the
Gulf of Georgia northward to the deep inlets just south of Skeena
river. The outlying islands north of Milbank sound are occupied by
a branch of the Tsimshian, while the coasts of Bentinck Arm are
inhabited by the Bellacoola, a tribe speaking a Salish language. The
neighbors of the Wakashan tribes are the Tsimshian to the north,
Athapascan tribes to the northeast, Salish tribes to the southeast and
south, and the Quileute at Cape Flattery. Among all these
languages, only the Salish and the Quileute exhibit some morpho-
logical similarities to the Kwakiutl.
The Kwakiutl language may be divided into three principal sub-
languages or main dialects—the northern, or the dialect of the tribes
of Gardner inlet and Douglas channel; the central, or the dialect of
the tribes of Milbank sound and Rivers inlet; and the southern,
which is spoken by all the tribes south and southeast of Rivers inlet.
Each of these main dialects is subdivided into sub-dialects which
differ somewhat in phonetics, form, and vocabulary. Their number
can not be determined exactly, since almost every village has its own
peculiarities. They may, however, be grouped in a number of
divisions. Only the divisions of the southern dialect are known.
427
498 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [RuLn. 40
There are four of these. The most northern is spoken in the villages
of the extreme northern end of Vancouver island and of Smith inlet;
the second, in the region from Hardy bay to Nimkish river, including
the islands which form the eastern coast of Queen Charlotte sound;
the third is spoken in the neighborhood of Knight inlet; and the last,
in Bute inlet and the region of Valdez island.
The second of these dialects, which is spoken by the Kwakiutl
tribe of Vancouver island, forms the subject of the following discus-
sion. The proper name of the tribe is Kwa’g'ul; the name of its
language, Kwa’k!wala. A treatise on the grammar of this language,
by Rev. Alfred J. Hall,! was published in 1889; but the author has
not succeeded in elucidating its structural peculiarities. I have
published a brief sketch of the grammar in the Reports of the Com-
mittee on the Northwestern Tribes of Canada, appointed by the
British Association for the Advancement of Science,? and another in
the American Anthropologist.? Texts in the language, collected by
me, were published by the Unite. States National Museum,’ and
other series of texts, also collected by me with the assistance of Mr.
George Hunt, will be found in the publications of the Jesup North
Pacific Expedition.» A series taken down without the assistance
of Mr. Hunt from the lips of various informants will be found in
the Columbia University Contributions to Anthropology.® Refer-
ences in the following sketch refer to volume 1m of the Publications
of the Jesup Expedition, if not stated otherwise; v and x refer to
the respective volumes of the same series; U.S.N.M. to the paper in
the Annual Report of the United States National Museum for 1895;
CS to the Kwakiutl Tales in the Columbia University Series. The
first Arabic number of each reference indicates the page of the vol-
ume, the second the line on the page.
1A grammar of the Kwagiutl Language, Transactions of the Royal Society of Canada, 1888, 11, 57-105.
2 Sixth Report, Report of the British Association for the Advancement of Science, 1891, 655-668; also Eleventh
Report, Ibid., 1896, 585-586.
3.N.s., 11, 708-721.
4 Annual Report for 1895, 311-737, particularly 665-731.
5 Vol. III, Kwakiutl Texts, by Franz Boas and George Hunt. Leiden, E. J. Brill, 1902-1905. Vol. X,
Part1, Kwakiutl Texts, Second Series, by Franz Boasand George Hunt. Leiden, E.J. Brill,1906. Vol. V,
Part 2, The Kwakiutl of Vancouver Island, by Franz Boas. Leiden, E. J. Brill, 1909.
Kwakiutl Tales, by Franz Boas. Columbia University Contributions to Anthropology, Vol. II.
§ 1
BOAS] HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 429
PHONETICS (S§§ 2-4)
§ 2. Sounds
The phonetic system of the Kwakiutl is very rich. It abounds in
sounds of the k series and of the / series. The system of consonants
includes velars, palatals, anterior palatals, alveolars, and labials.
The palatal series (English &) seems to occur only in combination with
u articulations, or as labio-palatals. The anterior palatals may, how-
ever, also be explained as a k series with 7 position of the mouth; so
that the two classes of palatals and anterior palatals may be consid-
ered as modifications of the same series. The anterior palatals have
a markedly affricative character. In most of these groups we find a
sonant, surd, fortis, and spirant. The sonant is harder than the cor-
responding English sound. Thesurd is pronounced with a full breath,
while the fortis is a surd with increased stress and suddenness of
articulation, and accompanying closure of the glottis. The sonant
is so strong that it is very easily mistaken for a surd, and even
more easily for a weakly pronounced fortis, simce in many com-
binations the laryngeal intonation which characterizes the sonant
appears like the glottal stop which always accompanies the fortis.
Besides the groups mentioned before, we have a series of lateral
linguals or 7 sounds, the glottal stop, and h, y, and w.
This system may be represented as follows:
Sonant Surd Fortis Spirant Nasal
Velar as g q ! e -
Bamotal.. =... gy (w) k(w) k!(w) x" (w) —
Anterior palatal .. gy" ys is x n
a d t t! s(y) -
mearniCadave . ...< dz ts ts! ~ -
oS b p p! ~ m
Maral f 2 L 7 rm i, l ~
Glottal stop, *
kh, Y, Ww
The vowels are quite variable. The indistinct £ is very frequent.
The two pairs 7 e and o u probably represent each a single interme-
diate sound. The whole series of vowels may be represented as
follows:
>
®
Qe 8 &
Q. >
1
!
430 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 40
By certain grammatical processes, consonants may be weakened
hardened, or aspirated. These changes take place in accordance
with the phonetic table given before. The hardened surd becomes
a fortis, and the weakened fortis or surd becomes a sonant. The
hardened and softened sonants strengthen their glottal element to
an £. Examples of these changes will be givenin §4. By aspiration
the series of k sounds and of z sounds are transformed into their cor-
responding spirants, while in the dental and labial series aspira-
tion does not occur. The hardening and weakening of the spirants
reveals a number of unexpected relations of sounds. We find—
Spirants Hardened Weakened
x e it
r(w) wh Ww
a n “n
s ts! y or dz
t a! l
Similar relations of consonants appear in cases of reduplication.
Thus we have—
—/ie-
é’ga reduplicated é’s‘éqa (q and s)
q!u'lyak” reduplicated q!ulsq!u/lyak” (s and y)
The change of x into n suggests that the n may belong rather to the
anterior palatal series than to the alveolar series.
The nasals, /, y, and w, when weakened, become sonant by being
preceded by the glottal stop. y and w are clearly related to 7 and u.
§ 3. Sound Groupings
The Kwakiutl language does not admit clusters of consonants at
the beginning of words. Extensive clusters of consonants are rare;
and even combinations of two consonants are restricted in number,
their sequence being governed by rules of euphony. On the whole,
a stop (i. é., a sonant, surd, or fortis) can not be followed by another
consonant. This is carried through rigidly in the case of the palatals
and laterals, while combinations of consonants in which the first is
an alveolar or bilabial stop do occur. p followed by consonants is
not rare; t followed by consonants is by far less frequent. The cor-
responding sonants followed by a consonant do not appear as often,
because the intonation of the vocal cords tends to increase in strength,
and an £ is introduced which separates the sounds.
§3
Boas] HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 431
Besides combinations with precedent palatal stops, a few others
are rigidly avoided. These are ts, tn, tk", t-g", t-x, s-g", sk.
Combinations of ¢ sounds followed by s do not occur, because they
unite and form an affricative sound; A occurs only at the begin-
ning of words (except in the imitation of the language of a monster),
and does not enter into consonantic clusters. y and w are strongly
vocalic, and are always followed by vowels, although they may be
preceded by consonants. w following a k sound is assimilated by
it, so that the k sound is pronounced with w position of the lips, as a
labio-palatal.
Clusters of three or more consonants follow the same rules as com-
|
bination of two consonants, so that clusters are possible as long as
any two adjoining consonants tolerate each other. We find, for
instance, xsd, xst, x“st, x“st!, e-dg', nzs, naq!, nx's, nsx, ntt, ntb, mzs,
mas, mx'd, msL, mtts, mtw, txx, las, lam, lxx, lxs, lad, lx'x, lsd; and
of clusters of four consonants, xsdx, mast, n2’st.
§ 4. Euphonic Laws
: There are a considerable number of rules of euphony which govern
: the sequence of sounds. These become active when two phonetic
elements come into contact by composition or by syntactic co-ordi-
nation. They are partly ante-active (i. e., working forward) or pro-
gressive, partly retroactive or regressive, partly reciprocal. The ante-
active processes include laws of assimilation and of consonantic elision ;
the retroactive processes consist in the hardening and softening of con-
sonants; the reciprocal influence manifests itself in contraction and
consonantic assimilation. Since the rules of consonantic combination
(§ 3) relate partly to the initial, partly to the terminal consonant of
the combination, these changes are apparently partly ante-active,
partly retroactive; but since they are founded on the mutual in-
fluence of adjoining sounds, they are better treated under the head
of reciprocal changes.
(1) Ante-active Changes
The wu vowels do not admit of a following anterior palatal, which is
changed into a palatal with following w, or, as we may say, k sounds
with 2 tinge become k sounds with wu tinge when following a u vowel;
or k sounds following uw vowels are labialized. Posterior palatals,
when following a uw vowel, also assume a u tinge.
§ 4
432 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 40
Instances of these changes are the following:
(1a’wayu-g ua) La’wayugwila to make a sal-
mon-weir 26.39
(s0’-g'anEm) so'gwanem you __ perhaps
146.28
(La’wayu-g'@) La’wayugwa this salmon-weir |
(0’-g-"iw-é) o'guiwe® forehead 19.5
(0-g'ig a) 0’gug é inside
(‘ma’ ges [ayaha] so*-k-as) ‘ma’ gés(ayaha)so*kwas really
thrown into my belly 478.1
(0’-kGix'-é*) o’kwix'é knee 154.11
(0’-k: in-é®) o’k!wine® body 61.13
(0’-k: lilg-é®) o’k!wulge: front of body
(b0’-x"*id) bo’x*wid to leave
Changes of velars following a wv vowel:
(ma’xulayu-ga) ‘ma’rulayugwa Potlatch-Pres-
ent-Woman 142.1
(ts!0-g-é) ts!0’qwée> given away among
other things
(yO-xa) yo'xwa to say “yd” X 176.19
When the vowel following the k after a w vowel is an z, the timbre
of the weak vowel tends towards the v.
When a wu vowel is followed by a consonantic cluster the first sound
of which is a k sound (according to § 3 these can be only 2’, x, or 2),
the xz changes to x”, while the others remain unaffected. %
(yu’-x' sd) yu’ esd it is entirely this 102.18
(0-x'siu-é*) 6’x"stwe> mouth of river
On the other hand—
(0-xLd-e*) o’xLd* head part
(b0-x Lé) bo’rré to leave a miserable
person
The w tinge of k sounds and the very short wu do not seem to modify
the following anterior palatal g, at least not according to the usage
of the older generation. :
(yok"-g'a‘t) yoklug ast (not yd’k!ugwatt)
noise of wind
(meg"-git-x *id) megug tied to put things on
the body 199.11
Examples of change of the anterior palatal to the medial labio-
palatal kw are, however, not absent.
(da’doq"-k-ina-la) da'doxkwinala to see accident-
ally
§ 4
BOAS] HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 433
I have recorded as equally admissible—
g o'x"g in and g'd’x“gun my visible house here
g o'x"g arn and g°0’r"gwarn my invisible house here
While the rule just described is founded entirely on the phonetic
influence of the stem element upon its suffix, we have also a class of
phonetic changes which are due to etymological causes, and can not
be brought entirely under phonetic rules.
When a word ending in a consonant is followed by a suffix beginning
with another consonant, there is a strong tendency to elision of the.
initial consonant of the suffix, although the combination may be
admissible according to the general phonetic laws. Thus the com-
pound of the stem qds- ro WALK, and the suffix -x*id TO BEGIN, would
result in the phonetically admissible combination qd@’sx‘‘id, which we
find in a word like ‘walaszé’ Lynx. Nevertheless, the resulting form
is qa’s‘id. The elision of the initial sound of the suffix is therefore not
entirely due to phonetic causes, and must be treated in detail in a
. discussion of the suffixes. It is quite likely that the suffixes in ques-
tion may be compounds of two suffixes, the first of the combination
being dropped. The question will be discussed more fully in § 18
(p. 449).
Another ante-active change which is not entirely due to phonetic
causes is the transformation of @ into wé after n and yowels, which
occurs in a few suffixes: for instance—
t/é’p-a to step off la’-wé to be off (the right line)
sdp-a'la to chop off da’wé to fail to hold
k-at-a'la long thing on water han-wdé'la hollow thing on
. water
mez-d'la canoe drifts on water gv'-wdla to be on water
(2) Retroactive Changes
The changes just mentioned are best explained as an effect of the
stem upon the suffix. We find, however, also others, indicating
an action of the suffix upon the stem. These consist in a hardening
or weakening of the terminalconsonant of the stem, and can not be
explained by phonetic causes, but must be founded on etymological
processes.
The following examples illustrate these processes which were men-
tioned before in § 2. In the first column the stems are given, the
terminal sounds of which are modified by the addition of suffixes.
_In the second column hardened forms are given, in the third weakened
44877—Bull. 40, pt 1—10 —28 § 4
434
forms.
BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY
(a) Theme ends in surd or fortis:
Theme
ép- to pinch
gap- to upset
zaa’p! cradle 53.42
wat- to lead
yat- to rattle
at!- sinew
t/ék’- to lie on back
256.38
ke: !é’lak’- to club
Lemk'- to wedge
gEg - wife
bek’- man
tek¥- to expect
zunk’- child
‘nemo k% one per-
son
Elq" to out
tongue
put
yaq"- to lie dead
wung- deep
k Mmt- to adze
q!ula’t- to hide
§ 4
Hardened
é’p!-id to begin to
pinch
gap!-a'lod to upset
on rock 179.27
ya’t!-ala rattle sound
229.27
k- té'lak'!-eneé& — club-
bing
tEmk'!rxod to wedge
neck, i. e., foot of
tree
ga gak: la to try to get
"a wife
bek!-u's
woods
man in
‘nemo’k!us one per-
son on ground CS
212.11
rlq!w-énox” a person
who removes cin-
ders from eye with
tongue
k-!t/mz!-adla noise of
adzing, U.S.N.M.
677.19
[BULL. 40
In order to make the changes more readily recognizable, the
suffixes are separated from the stems by means of hyphens.
Weakened
é’b-ayw dice 112.93
qab-é’s upset on the
beach
zaa’b-rk” cradled
wa'd-rk" led 109.6
ad-é'g back sinew
t/é’g'-it to lie on back
in house 259.12
LE’mg ayu wedge
gega'd having a wife
bregw-v's
beach
tégu-‘na'kula to come
in sight being ex-
pected X 186.2
cu’ngwad having a
child CS 170.11
‘nEmo'gwis one per-
son on beach
Man on
ya'gw-is lying dead
on beach
wu'ng-it deep floor
187.23
glula’ t-‘na'kula to
go along hiding
262,39
BOAS]
HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES
(6) Theme ends in sonant:
Theme
Dza/wad Knight
inlet
gega’d having a
wife
‘na’x'‘id day comes
mé’x'ba to burn at
end
qa’ sid to walk
meg’- to caulk
(c) Theme ends in spirant, continued lateral,
Theme
denz- to sing
Lax“- to stand
gamzx"- down of
bird
‘max"- potlatch
séx”- to paddle
mix’- to strike with
fist
kJés not
p!es- to flatten
gas- to walk
t/os- to cut
ts!ot- black
k-it- afraid
gil- to walk on
four feet
Emel- white
ham- to eat
Hardened
Dza'wadr-énox" peo-
ple of Knight inlet
greg a'dr-éné state of
having a wife
‘naa *ida-énox™ a
condition in which
day is coming reg-
ularly 393.4
meg aée'ne® caulking
100.32 +
Hardened
da’drenz-‘a to try to
sing
La’'w-a to stand on
rock
ga'gam'w-a to try to
put on down of bird
sé’*w-énox” paddler
ma’man-a trying to
strike
klé’ts!éné> not being
10.9
ts!ol-r’mya with
black cheek
ga'gil-a to try to
walk on four feet
435
Weakened
mé'x'baadk" burnt at
end 247.9
qa’ s*ida-as
place
walking
or nasal:
Weakened
La’w-ayu salmon-
weir
‘ma’w-ayu means of
giving potlatch
sé’w-ayu paddle
men-a'ts!é — striking
receptacle (drum)
pley-a'yu means of
flattening
qa'y-anem_ obtained
by walking
t!0’dz-ato to cut ear
tsol-ato. ~with black
ear
k-tl-z'm fear
*melbo’ white-chested
ha‘m-a’yu eating in-
strument (fork)
§ 4
436 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BUuLL. 40
Stems ending in s and g” present peculiar forms when the accent
falls upon the semivocalic y and w, into which these sounds are trans-
formed. The y becomes é, the w becomes 6. Thus we have from—
xts- to disappear «é’*nakula to disappear grad-
ually
q/els- to sink under water g!zlé’k" sunk into water V
488.9
‘mens- to measure ‘mené’k% measured V 477.1
t!zms- to beat time t!nme’dzo to beat time on a
flat thing IIT 86.5
séx"- to paddle sio’*nakula to paddle along ITI
297.10
yix"- to dance yu’ 'nakula to dance along
In some cases the preceding vowel, if accented, is contracted with
the y which has originated from s.
gas- to walk qa'*nakula to walk along
qa’ nodzé to walk alongside of
The use of dz and y in place of s does not seem to follow any definite
rules. Thus we find—
Lln'ndzrm (la-ns-rm) means of “mE’nyeEm (‘mENs-EM) Meas-
taking under water X 62.10 uring instrument
ga'dzas place of walking (con-
sidered not as goods as
qa’ yas)
guwa’yausta (gwdas-rxsta) to ha’dzrxstax ‘id (has-rExsta-
bring mouth near to one III «*td) to begin to make noise
71.33 TH T6122
Swa’/layas (Swalas-as) size X hatneé’dzas_ (han-és-as) canoe
161.25 lying on beach X 161.17
A purely phonetic change belonging to this class is the palataliza-
tion of k” and x” preceding anoorwu. g/ak¥- SLAVE becomes q!a/k:0;
&mrk¥- A ROUND THING BEING IN A POSITION becomes ‘mzk'@/la ROUND
THING ON WATER (island); pex“- TO FLOAT becomes pez d’/la TO
FLOAT ON WATER.
(3) Reciprocal Changes
These are partly purely phonetic, partly etymological. Contact of
consonants results in their adaptation to admissible combinations.
Therefore terminal & and x surds are changed before initial conso-
nants of suffixes into their spirants. This change is also made when,
in a sequence of two words which stand in close syntactic relation,
§ 4
7
BOAS] HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 437
the former ends in a k& or z surd, and the latter begins with a conso-
nant. On the other hand, s following a ¢ becomes ts; s following at
forms with it ts; and s and a preceding s are transformed into ¢s. In
some cases these changes persist even after the elision of the first
consonant of the suffix, in accordance with § 4 (1). From hanz- To
sHOOT, and -zid TO BEGIN, we have ha’nt‘id. This phenomenon
will be more fully discussed in § 18 (p. 449). In a number of
instances ¢ before an affricative changes to 7.
Surd k stops changed into spirants:
*neék* to say
ni’ *nak” to return
weg"- to shove a long thing
mok"-to tie
t changed into #:
yit- to tie
az- to tear
kwe’zalat-rwa
s following ? changed to ts:
(k!we't-s6°)
(q/0x-ts!0-€L-sa)
(Lagwiv't-sa g°0’k")
s following d or ¢ forms ts:
(za’gwitb mnd-ses)
(lé’trmd-s6®)
«né'x'dems time of saying
*néx'L he will say III 33.13
ni’*nax“t he will return home
IIT 33.26
we'§astend to shove into water
mo’x“bala to tie to end III
89.15
yitp!é'gend to tie to a pole III
158.32
Gits!n’nd to tear through (a
string)
kwe’xalatewa will dance this
III 447.4
k!wé'ttso® feasted III 32.32
q!0’xts!nwittsa to dress in III
303.26
legwi'lttsa g'dk" the fire of the
house
ta’ gwitbentsés to push nose
with his III 349.20
lé’temtso& cover is taken off
-from face III 109.23
s following another s forms with it ts:
(ax*a’s-sEn)
(qa’s-seéstala)
axa'tsen place of my III 32.6
qa’ tsé*stala to walk around III]
23.13
The sounds y and w, when interconsonantic, change to é and 0:
(meny-k” [from mens-])
(t!emy-dzo [from t!ems-])
mene’ k% measured
tlmemée’dzo to beat time on
something flat
§ 4
438 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 40
(p!ny-k” [from p!zs-]) plék” one to whom potlatch is
given IIT 163.40
(qemw-k” [from gemz¥-]) gemo’'k" covered with down
IIT 153.35
(cew-k" [from xex"-}) zok” split IV 246.39
On the other hand, @ and 6 preceding a vowel become y and w.
(6-ag-é*) awa’ gé crotch
Lo and Lr°wes and his
*né’x's0® he was told *né’x'sE*weda K. K. was told
x@’é* something split «da’*yas his thing that has been
split
La’ sandé® seaside La’sand£yas its seaside
The ending @*, when preceded by a consonant and followed by a
vowel, changes to a‘y.
na’ ge® mind na’qatyas his mind
gv'game* chief gv'gama‘yas his chief
The diphthong ay, when preceding a consonant, becomes d.
ayo't desired d’rula to desire
(qay-£na’kula [from gas-]) gana’kula to walk along
Another class of reciprocal changes affect the vowels. It seems
that there are no purely phonetic rules which restrict the sequence
of vowels, but contractions occur which depend upon the etymological
value of the suffix. Thus the suffix -a (p. 533), when following a
terminal a, is contracted with it into d, 6’*ma-a THAT CHIEFTAINESS
becoming 6’*md; with terminal o it is contracted into 6, Lda’wayo-a
THAT SALMON RIVER becoming 1a’wayd. On the other hand, we
have, in the case of other suffixes, g‘a@’xaaqds YOUR COMING, in which
two adjoining a’s are not contracted.
Similar contractions occur in a number of suffixes:
(ts!G-anrm) ts!é’nem obtained by drawing
water
(la’wd-amas) lawié’mas to cause to be off
from a line
(ts!d-aywu) ts/dé’yu instrument for draw-
ing water
(ts!d-anzm) ts!@’nem obtained by giving
(z/ay6-ap!) Llayda’p! to exchange
(lexd’-Glisem) lexd’lisem to die of coughing
The consonants m and 7 have a similar effect upon vowels:
(dé’grum-ayu) dé’gemyu means of wiping face
(t!em-ayu) t!n’myu thread, i. e., means of
sewing
§ 4
Boas] HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 489
GRAMMATICAL PROCESSES (§§ 5-8)
§ 5. Enumeration of Grammatical Processes
Grammatical categories and syntactic relations are expressed by
means of three processes. These are—
1. Composition.
2. Changes in the phonetic character of the stem.
3. Position.
§ 6. Composition
Kwakiutl possesses a large number of stems which occur seldom
without word-forming affixes. The latter are numerous, and they are
always attached to the ends of stems or of derivatives of stems. The
number of stems exceeds by far the number of suffixes. The mean-
ing of many of these suffixes can not be determined, and in their
phonetic values they appear subordinate to the stems with which
they firmly coalesce.
Two processes bring about the coalescence between stem and suffix:
(1) Phonetic contact phenomena and (2) contact phenomena due to
the individual character of the stem and of the suffix (see § 4).
The former of these processes is founded entirely on phonetic laws,
and includes the transformation in the suffix of a k sound into the
corresponding sound with wu timber, after terminal wu or o sound of the
stem or preceding suffix; the change of a k” and x” preceding an 0 or u
‘into k: and 2°; modification of the terminal consonant of the stem
or preceding suffix, and of the initial consonant of the suffix, which
form inadmissible combinations; and contraction.
The second group of processes can not be explained by phonetic
laws, but depends upon the individuality of the suffix and of the stem
or preceding suffix. The phenomena involved are contractions of
the terminal stem and initial suffix vowels, although the combination
of vowels may be quite admissible; elision of consonants; introduc-
tion of connective consonants; and retroactive changes which affect
the terminal consonant of the stem. In one case, at least, the reason
for the introduction of a connective consonant may be traced with a
high degree of probability to the retention of the terminal sound of a
suffix when combined with other suffixes, while the same sound has
been lost when the same suffix closes the word (see p. 532).
The modifications which affect the terminal consonant of the stem
belong almost exclusively to a group of suffixes which usually follow
§§ 5, 6
440 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 40
the stem itself, and do not readily admit any preceding suffixes.
Most of these either harden or weaken the terminal consonant of the
stem, although there is also a considerable number of suffixes of this
class which do not produce amy changes other than those entailed by
purely phonetic laws. In a few cases the changes produced by the
suflix are very irregular. It is probable that no verbal or nominal
stem ever appears without a suffix of this class. Therefore the
terminal sound of a stem can not be determined unless it occurs
with a suffix which produces no change.
§'7. Changes in the Phonetic Character of the Stem
Setting aside the secondary changes produced by the action of
phonetic laws and by the mutual effect of stem and suffix, we find that
reduplication and change of vowel are used to express grammatical
concepts. In the verb we find complete duplication of the stem, with
assimilation of the terminal consonant of the first repeated syllable
with the following consonant; for instance, ldqg"- TO FISH HALIBUT,
lox’“loqwa TO FISH NOW AND AGAIN. True reduplication is, on the
whole, restricted to the initial consonant. The vowel of the redupli-
cated syllable does not always depend upon the stem-vowel, but
differs according to the function of reduplication. Vowel-changes in
the stem are rare, and consist generally of a lengthening of the stem-
vowel. In many cases they may be explained as modified redupli-
cation. |
§ 8. Position
The position of words in the sentence is determined by syntactic
particles. The parts of the sentence are held together firmly, and
their position is definitely determined by their coalescence with
syntactic elements which indicate the relations of subject, object,
instrument, and possession. By this means the whole sentence is
knit together so firmly that a separation into words is quite arbitrary.
The firmness of this word-complex is due largely to the complete
phonetic coalescence of the syntactic particle with the preceding
word, and to its function as determining the syntactic value of the
following word. It is of course impossible to determine whether this
is an original trait of the language, or whether it is due to a phonetic
decadence of the syntactic elements, similar to the one that may be
observed in French in the combinations between verb and pronoun.
§§ 7, 8
Boas] HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 441
IDEAS EXPRESSED BY GRAMMATICAL PROCESSES
(§§ 9-17)
§ 9. Character of Stems
_ Although the formal distinction of noun and verb is quite sharp,
the great freedom with which nouns may be transformed into verbs,
and verbs into nouns, makes a classification difficult. All stems
seem to be neutral, neither noun nor verb; and their nominal or
verbal character seems to depend solely upon the suffix with which
they are used, although some suffixes are also neutral. I am led to
this impression chiefly by the indiscriminate use of suffixes with
stems that occur as nouns, as well as with others that occur as
verbs. A separation of suffixes of nouns and those of verbs can be
carried through only when the sense of the suffix requires its com-
position with either a verb or a noun, and even in these cases com-
positions with the opposite class occur which are sometimes difficult
to understand. The neutral character of the stem may also be the
reason why many suffixes are attached to the stem freed of all word-
forming elements. Examples of the indiscriminate use of suffixes
with stems that we should be inclined to class as either nominal or
verbal are—
bek!u’s man of the woods (from bzg” man, -s in woods)
t/é’k!zs to lie on back on ground (from t/ék- to lie on back, and
the same suffix as before)
tlé’srema'ts!ana stone handed (from ¢/é’s- stone, -xm plural,
-x'ts!ana hand)
axts!ana’la to hold in hand (from az- to do, and the same suffix
as before)
It is difficult to understand the combination of a suffix like -dz To
OBTAIN with stems some of which we consider as verbal, while others
appear to us as nominal stems. We find qg/a@’k:61 TO OBTAIN A SLAVE
(from g/ak"- stave), and also /éz To oprarin (from la, a general
auxiliary verb, originally designating motion). Lack of discrimina-
tion between the nominal and verbal function of words is also brought
out by compounds like begwa’nzma-*id TO BECOME A MAN (from
brgwa/nem MAN, -x**id, inchoative), and miz‘‘i’d TO BEGIN TO STRIKE
(from miz*- TO STRIKE and the inchoative suffix).
A number of suffixes may also be used indiscriminately with
nominal and verbal function; for instance, from -nagwa SOMETIMES,
§ 9
449 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BuLL. 46
_ we have /@’/narwa HE GOES SOMETIMES and 2*iyd/snarwa PLACE WHERE
SOMETHING DISAPPEARS FROM TIME TO TIME (from w‘is- to disap-
pear, -ds place of). For these reasons a strict classification into
nominal and verbal suffixes does not seem admissible.
§ 10. Nominal Suffixes
Nevertheless many suffixes have assumed distinctly the function
of giving to a stem a nominal or a verbal character. We find, for
instance, many nouns ending in -a and -é, others ending in -zm,
animate beings ending in -Gnzm, and terms of relationship ending in
-mp. Besides these, there are a great many which express place
and time of an action or process, various forms of the nomen actoris,
the results and causes of actions and processes, possession, instru-
mentality, material, etc.; in short, a wide range of verbal nouns.
They retain, however, their neutral value. This is best expressed by
the fact that most of these verbal nouns retain their syntactic rela-
tion to the direct and indirect object. The Kwakiutl does not say
“the seeing-place of the canoe,’’ but ‘the place-of-seeing the canoe.”
Among purely verbal suffixes, there are a number which express
actions affecting nouns, which for this reason are always (or at least
generally) suffixed to nouns, as, ‘‘to make,” ‘‘to take care of,’ ‘‘to
sound;’’ verbs expressing sense impressions, as ‘‘to smell of,” ‘to
taste like;’’ and words like “to die of.’’ With these groups may be
classed a number of suffixes which change the subject of the sentence,
like the passives and causatives.
§ 11. Local and Modal Suffixes
Most important among the suffixes which are both verbal and
nominal is the extensive group of local terms. These embrace a great
variety of ideas expressed by our prepositions and by many local
adverbs, and contain also a long series of more special local ideas
73) ates
(like ‘‘in the house, into the house,
deat St 9
” “on the ground,” ‘‘on the
beach,” ‘on rocks,” ‘in the fire,’ ‘‘in water’) and an exhaustive
series of terms designating locally parts of the body (for instance, ‘‘on
the hand,” ‘on the chest,’ “on the thigh,’ “in the body”). A
second group classify nouns according to form, and set off human
beings as a distinct category. A third class of suffixes indicate
time-relations, such as past, present, and future. With these may be
classed the suffixes which indicate the modality of a process as
§§ 10, 11
BOAS] HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 443
beginning, gradual, continued, repeated, uncertain, simulated, etc.
Many of these suffixes express the subjective relation of the mind of
the speaker to the event. This is also true of the demonstrative suf-
fixes indicating position in relation to the speaker, and visibility or
invisibility. These, however, must be classed with the syntactic par-
ticles which will be found treated on pages 527 et seq. To the suffixes
expressing subjective relation belong those expressing the source of
subjective knowledge—as by hearsay, or by a dream. Quite numer-
ous are the suffixes expressing ideas like ‘‘much,”’ “‘little,’’ ‘‘ admira-
bly,” “‘miserably,”’ “‘surprisingly.”’ I am under the impression that
all these have primarily a subjective coloring and a high emotional
value. Thus, the ending -dzé LARGE is used in such a manner that
it conveys the impression of overwhelming size, or the subjective
impression of size, while the word ‘wa’las expresses size without the
emotional element; -xdz indicates the entirely unexpected occurrence
of an event and the surprise excited by it. The latter example shows
that the subjective character of these suffixes may also be used to
express the relations of a sentence to the preceding sentence. In a
sense, -20L is a disjunctive suffix. As a matter of fact, these suf-
fixes are used extensively to express the psychological relation of a
sentence to the preceding sentence. They indicate connection as
well as contrast, and thus take the place of our conjunctions.
§ 12. Classes of Words
The classification of suffixes here given shows that a division of
words into verbs and nouns has taken place, both being fairly clearly
distinguished by suffixes. We find, however, that syntactically the
distinction is not carried through rigidly; nouns being treated with
great ease as verbs, and verbs as nouns. It must be added here that
the forms of the pronouns as attached to the noun and as attached
to the verb are distinct. Since the psychological relation of sen-
tences is included in the process of suffix formation, conjunctions are
absent. For this reason, and on account of the verbal character of
most adverbs, there remain only few classes of words—nouns, verbs,
and particles.
There is no clear classification of nouns into groups, although the
grammatical treatment of nouns designating human beings and of
those designating other objects is somewhat different, particularly in
the treatment of the plural. The noun-forming suffixes, mentioned
§ 12
444 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL, 40
in the beginning of § 10, also indicate the occurrence of certain classes
of ideas. The principle of classification, however, remains obscure.
In syntactic construction a classification of nouns according to
form—such as long, round, flat—is carried through in some cases,
and runs parallel with a differentiation of verbs of position and
motion for objects of different form.
§ 18. Plurality
The idea of plurality is not clearly developed. Reduplication of a
noun expresses rather the occurrence of an object here and there, or
of different kinds of a particular object, than plurality. It is therefore
rather a distributive than a true plural. It seems that this form is
gradually assuming a purely plural significance. In many cases in
which it is thus applied in my texts, the older generation criticises its
use as inaccurate. Only in the case of human beings is reduplication
applied both as a plural and a distributive. In the pronoun the idea
of plurality is not developed. The combination of speaker and others
must not be considered as a plurality; but the two possible combina-
tions—of the speaker and others, including the person addressed, and
of the speaker and others, excluding the person addressed—are dis-
tinguished as two separate forms, both of which seem to be derived
from the form denoting the speaker (first person singular). The
plurality of persons addressed and of persons spoken of is indicated
by the addition of a suffix which probably originally meant ‘“‘people.”’
This, however, is not applied unless the sense requires an emphasis of
the idea of plurality. It does not occur with inanimate nouns.
In the verb, the idea of plurality is naturally closely associated
with that of distribution; and for this reason we find, also in Kwa-
kiutl, the idea of plurality fairly frequently expressed by a kind of
reduplication similar to that used for expressing the distributive of
nouns. This form is applied regularly in the Bella Bella dialect,
which has no means of expressing pronominal plurality.
Related to the reduplicated nominal plural is also the reduplicated
verbal stem which conveys purely the idea of distribution, of an
action done now and then.
§ 14. Reduplication for Expressing Unreality
Reduplication is also used to express the diminutive of nouns, the
idea of a playful performance of an activity, and the endeavor to per-
form an action. It would seem that in all these forms we have the
§§ 13, 14
a
BOAS] HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 445
fundamental idea of an approach to a certain concept without its
realization. In all these cases the reduplication is combined with the
use of suffixes which differentiate between diminution, imitation, and
endeavor.
§ 15. Pronominal Ideas
In the pronoun the three persons of speaker, person addressed, and
person spoken of are each represented by formal elements. It was
stated before that the inclusive and exclusive form of the first person
plural are distinguished, and that both are probably derived from the
first person singular. This means that these two forms are not con-
ceived as plurals. It was also stated that the second and third
persons have no pronominal plural.
The demonstrative is developed in strict correspondence with the
personal pronoun; position near the speaker, near the person ad-
dressed, and near the person spoken of being distinguished. These
locations are subdivided into two groups, according to visibility and
invisibility. The rigidity with which location in relation to the
speaker is expressed, both in nouns and in verbs, is one of the funda-
mental features of the language. The distinction of proper nouns
and common nouns, and that of definiteness and indefiniteness—
similar to that expressed by our articles—is expressed by a differ-
entiation of form of these demonstrative elements.
The possessive pronoun has forms which are different from those
of the verbal pronouns, and by their use verb and noun may be
clearly distinguished.
§ 16. Syntactic Relations
The fundamental syntactic categories are predicate, subject, object,
possession (which is closely related to instrumentality), and finality
(which is closely related to causality and conditionality). In other
words, the syntactic cases, nominative, accusative, genitive (possess-
ive or instrumentalis), finalis (causalis), may be distinguished, while
all local relations are expressed in other ways (see § 11). Verbal sub-
ordination is expressed by means of forms which are closely allied to
these nominal cases. Verbal co-ordination is expressed by verbal
suffixes, and thus does not belong to the group of syntactic phenomena.
§ 17. Character of Sentence
The contents of the Kwakiutl sentence are characterized primarily
by an exuberant development of localization. This is brought about
§§ 15-17
446 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 40
partly by the use of local suffixes which define the exact place where
an action is performed, without regard to the speaker; partly by the
expression of location in relation to the speaker. Thus the sentence
“My friend is sick’’ would require in Kwakiutl local definition, such
as ‘‘My visible friend near me is sick in the house here.”’ Further-
more, the psychological relation of the sentence to the state of mind
of the speaker—or to the contents of preceding sentences—is expressed
with great care. The chief formal characterization of the sentence
is the close connection of its parts, which is due to the fewness of
syntactic forms by means of which all possible relations are expressed,
and to the subordination of the noun under the verb by means of
particles which coalesce phonetically with the preceding word, while
they determine the function of the following word.
DESCRIPTION OF GRAMMAR (§§ 18-69)
Formation of Words (§§ 18-46)
Composition (§§ 18-39)
§ 18. SUFFIXES
Compounds are formed by the use of suffixes. There is no proof
tnat the numerous suffixes were originally independent words. I
have found only one case in which an independent word appears also
as a suffix. This is -¢/zs TO BAT (p. 501), which occurs independ-
ently as g/zsa’ TO EAT MEAT 21.9. We may also suspect that the
suffix -p/a To TASTE, and the stem p/aqg- TO TASTE, are related. It
seems hardly justifiable to infer from these two cases that all suffixes
must have originated from independent words; since the inde-
pendence of these two stems may be a recent one, or their subordi-
nation may have been made according to analogous forms. It is
perhaps also not fortuitous that the suffix forms for the idea ‘‘to eat”
are exceedingly irregular.
The Kwakiutl language has very few particles, or words unable to
be modified by composition with other elements. The suffixed
elements coalesce quite firmly with the theme to which they are
attached. Pronominal and syntactic suffixes must be distinguished
from those forming denominating and predicating ideas, that, by
themselves, are not sentences. Among the latter class we find a
considerable number that may be designated as terminal or com-
pletive, in so far as they round off the theme into a complete word
§ 18
7; =
BOAS] | HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 447
without any appreciable addition to its significance. Many of these
are of rare occurrence. Almost all of them, except -a@ and -la, are
denominative in character. We find for instance:
from the stem dzaz¥- dza‘wu’n silver salmon
hanx"- ha‘no’n humpback salmon
gwax- gwa’xnis dog salmon
met- meté’k* sockeye salmon
m Et- metia’ne® large clam (Saz-
domus)
inq- tng! este’n kelp
ts!éx"- ts!éx't’nas elderberry
t! eq’- t!rx¥sd’s cinquefoil
The composition of these stems with various suffixes enables us to
isolate them from their completive endings. It is not improbable
that in some cases by analogy forms may have developed which are
not true stems, but fragmentary phonetic groups derived secondarily
from longer words. The stems are almost throughout monosyllabic,
as will be shown on page 550. When, for instance, the word gé’was
DEER is treated as though it were a compound of the stem géz"- To
HANG and the suffix -as PLACE, it is barely possible that this does not
represent its true origin. The treatment of a few English loan-words
makes it plausible that this process may have taken place. On the
other hand, a number of polysyllabic Kwakiutl words are never
reduced to monosyllabic elements in composition. As an example
may be given the word mé’gwat sEAL, which never loses any of its
sounds. This process shows clearly that what has often been termed
‘‘apocope,”’ or, if occurring initially, ‘‘ decapitation,” is merely due to
a substitution of one affix for another one.
Most suffixes in Kwakiutl add a new idea to the word to which they
are added, and these are generally attached to the theme. At the
same time, phonetic modifications occur, either in the theme alone,
or in the suffix alone, or in both. Examples of such compounds are
the following:
bek“- man ba’k!um genuine man, Indian
(see no. 111)
Lap- to peg tabe’m pegging utensil, peg
(see no. 173)
guls- to long zu'lyalisem to die of longing
382.27 (see no. 152)
met- sockeye salmon mrtma’nd head of sockey
salmon
§ 18
448 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BuLL. 40
When a significant suffix is added to a word provided with a sig-
nificant suffix, the latter loses its formal, completive element, if it has
one, and the new ‘Suffix is attached to the theme of the first suffix. -
For instance:
t!zk"- to move, -az- down (no. 19), -galit in house (no. 46),
t!ekwa’calit to take down in house
hét- right, -k’!0t opposite (no. 12), -ag- crotch (no. 71), -é€ noun
(no. 161), hé/tk: !ddagé right side in crotch, i. e., right anal fin
cunk"- child, -ad having (no. 170); -x‘id to begin (no. 90),
zu'ngwadex id to begin to have a child
Llaq"- red, copper; -é‘st- around (no. 6), -g’alit in house (no. 46),
-k" passive participle, 1/a’qwe‘stalilkY made to be copper all
around in the house
‘merl- white, -rx6 hair of body (no. 76), -gemt mask (no. 54a),
‘me'latogemt white body-hair mask, i. @., mountain-goat
mask
Other suffixes are added to words which retain their formal, com-
pletive elements. Examples are—
Stem. Completive suffix. Suffix.
qla’k- slave -6 -bido® q!a’k olidoé little slave
q!was- to cry -a -bita q!wa’sabita to pretend
to cry
sds- children -EM -nuk sa’semnuk having chil-
dren
In still other cases the usage is not absolutely fixed:
hant- to shoot, -bzes fond of, ha’ntbzs fond of shooting
é’az- to work, -ala completive suffix, -bes fond of, 2’axalabzs fond
of work
or with slight differentiation of meaning:
bek"- man, -dnem completive suffix, -k-/ala noise
bek!wa'la man’s voice
beqwa’nemk: Jala voice of a man
For convenience’ sake those suffixes that are attached to the stem
without its formal, completive endings may be called stem-suffixes;
the others which are attached to the stem with its formal endings,
word-suffixes. As indicated before, the line of demarcation between
these two classes is not rigidly drawn. An examination of the list of
word-suffixes shows that they include largely adverbial and con-
junctional ideas possessing a strong subjective element, and implying
a judgment or valuation of the idea expressed in the word to which
the suffix is attached.
§ 18
BOAS] HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 449
While the word-suffixes modify the terminal sound of the stem
and undergo changes of their own initial sounds in accordance with
the rules of sound grouping, the stem-suffixes exert a more far-
reaching effect upon the stem to which they are affixed. On the
whole, these changes are quite regular and consist, on the one hand, in
the transformation of surds into fortes, and the other in the trans-
formation of surds and fortes into sonants, and other parallel changes
described in § 4. I have called the former group hardening suffixes,
because the intensity of articulation of the terminal sound is increased,
and accordingly the acoustic effect of the sound is harder; while I
designate the second group as weakening suffixes, because the inten-
sity of articulation is decidedly decreased by their action. A third
group of suffixes is indifferent and causes or suffers no changes except
those occasioned by the laws of sound grouping. A fourth group
loses initial sounds when the stem to which they are suffixed termi-
nates in certain sounds. These are mostly indifferent, but a few are
hardening or weakening suffixes.
The only sounds thus affected are anterior palatals (g°, k’, k’!, x),
the sonant velar (g),z, ands. The loss of the initial palatal or velar
never occurs after vowels, m, n, and lJ. It occurs regularly after
labial, dental, palatal, velar, and lateral surd stops (p, t, k’, k”, q,; q“, L);
and after s. The number of cases in which suffixes of this class
appear attached to a sonant or fortis stop (except in cases in which
terminal sounds are strengthened or weakened) are so few in num-
ber that I am not sure whether the initial sound is dropped in all
cases. There are a few examples that suggest a certain variability
of usage:
dzé'dzonogotdla and dzé'dzdnogoxtéla Dz0’noq!was on top 118.29
megug v'tléed to rub on 199.11
Suffixes with initial g°, 2°, and g lose these sounds also after the
spirant palatals and velars (z’, 2”, x, x”), while initial k’! is generally
retained in these cases:
sEepe lx'-k !ala-gié ringing noise on water 152.34 (nos. 144, 42)
az-k:!a’la to ask 7.5 (no. 144)
ts! nx-k- !i/lg-end-ala to drop in lap 258.2 (nos. 70, 2, 91)
This rule, however, is not rigid. We find, for instance,
gemx-ot-sta*-lit left hand side of door X 76.6 (nos. 12, 59, 46) where
the initial sound of -k-/6t drops out; and
*nex-k:!0’t straight down, where it is retained
44877—Bull, 40, pt 1-10-29 § 18
450 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 40
Possibly this difference is due to the fact that the z in the last-named
form is changed by contact from the terminal q¢ of ‘nzq- STRAIGHT.
Suffixes with initial -/" lose this sound under the same conditions
that govern the elision of g’, z*, and g. An exception is—
ge'la*kwoind to lift by the top (gzlg"-k’z-nd, nos. 38, 2)
Terminal ¢ of the stem has the effect of eliding all initials. Only
one exception has been found:
hét-k’!ot right side 81.2
It is interesting to note that the suffix -gww, which belongs to this
class, behaves differently according to its meaning. It signifies
FOREHEAD, FRONT. Whenever it appears with the specialized mean-
ing BOW OF CANOE, it is entirely unchangeable, even after an 6 vowel,
when, according to the general phonetic rules, it should be expected
to assume the form -guxw (see no. 57).
Among these suffixes the following weaken the terminal consonant:
-atd head -ttla seaward
-x'sa away from
Strengthening is:
-k: Jala noise
The suffix -x‘*id (nos. 87 and 90), and the inchoatives in -g-al-,
-g il-, -g ar- (no. 197), lose the initial 2°, g'a, or g° after all consonants
except m, n, 7, and after sonants. At the same time terminal p and ¢
are transformed into the fortes p/ and t/, and all k and xz stops are
transformed into their spirants, while s and ¢ remain unchanged.
The suffix -sgzgm ROUND SURFACE (no. 85), which is undoubtedly
related to -gem FACE, follows the same rules as suffixes in g, but it
always retains its s: We find, instead of
meé’x-sgEM mé'zsem to sleep on a round object
ma‘t-sgem ma‘ttsre’m two round objects
The suffix -é'sta AROUND has the form -sé‘sta after vowels, m, n, l,
and behaves, therefore, in a manner opposite to that of suffixes in
g', x, and g.
The suffix -sgwap FIRE loses its initial s after stems ending in s,
except when affixed to the stem t/és- STONE, in which case both s’s are
lost, and we find the form ¢/é’qwap STONES ON FIRE.
The suffix -sxé rooTH seems to lose its initial s after stems ending
in s and in k sounds. The number of available examples, however,
is not sufficient to state definitely the mode of its treatment.
§ 18
BOAS] HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES A5l1
One phonetic characteristic of the suffixes remains to be mentioned.
It is the insertion of ¢ and the transformation of s and ¢t into #. It is
difficult to give satisfactory rules for the use of the ¢. Apparently in
one of its uses it is related to the inchoative -g#l-, which has been
referred to before (p. 450), and it is sometimes weakening, sometimes
indifferent. Thus we find from the stem gds- TO WALK, qddzetti’srla
TO BEGIN TO WALK DOWN RIVER, and the theoretical form gasatii’srla To
BE WALKING DOWN RIVER. Here the / weakens the terminal s of gdas,
while in sé’zutti’szla TO BEGIN TO PADDLE DOWN RIVER (from séz¥- to
paddle) the terminal x” is not changed. This ¢ appears with par-
ticular frequency after the suffix -o-, which has a privative signifi-
cance, as in -wutt!/a OUT OF AN ENCLOSED PLACE; -wult@ OUT OF A
CANOE; -wultds DOWN OUT OF; -wults!6 OUT OF (no. 37). In the
suffix -st0® EYE, OPENING, the 7 is substituted for s, perhaps on account
of the cumbersome form that would result, -/tstd®. The terminal ¢ of
the suffix -k°/0t OpPosITE (no. 12) changes regularly to ¢ before ts!:
hétk:!0tts!ana instead of hétk:/ot-ts!ana right hand
It would seem that the ¢ before ts! is sometimes a glide, at least I
can not offer a satisfactory explanation of its occurrence:
0- SOMETHING, -ig’- BACK, -x'ts/in- HAND, -é§ NOUN, form awi-
galts!iné BACK OF HAND
d& TO TAKE, -ba END, ts!/@n HAND, -d INCHOATIVE, form da’bat-
ts!dnend TO LEAD BY THE HAND
“NEQ- MIDDLE, -ts!6 IN, -la VERBAL ENDING, form ‘negetts!d’la TO
BE IN THE MIDDLE
Similar phonetic groupings occur, however, without the 2:
‘wab WATER, -ts!0 IN, ‘wa’bets!0 WATER IN SOMETHING
Following is a list of suffixes grouped according to their mode of
attachment and effect upon the stem:
WORD-SUFFIXES
Adverbial
-emsk" I told you so! -bota to pretend
-Eng a it seemed in a dream ~m indicating close connec-
-adna perhaps tion in thought between
-arad also two sentences
-€L astonishing! ~m-wis and so
-wist!a very ~-md at once
-ut past -t!a but
-plen times -naywa from time to time
§ 18
452 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 40
-‘nésL oh, if! -20L behold!
-no® too much -x'dé transition from present
-s0* passive to past
-dzd indeed -x' sala carelessly
-g anem perhaps -¢'sé still
-k-as indeed -astlaak” apparently, like
-k-as*6 beautiful, beautifully- -x'st! as usual
-k-inat miserably -u' Ld very
-qg!amas for the reason that -xLé miserably
-g!anak” quite unexpectedly - it is said
-qg/alam to no purpose -lagtL meanwhile
-x° exhortative -lax potentiality
-cent evidently -x future
Adjectival
-6 small -dzé large
-bido® small (singular) -ga female, woman
-menéx small (plural) ,
Miscellaneous
-dstq!a to use so and so often -sgemt mask
-sdana to die of— -gamé the one among—, ex-
-2a to say— ~ cellent
-lat to dance like -rwa‘s days
-ts!zs (-dzus%) piece of
STEM-SUFFIXES
Indifferent Suffixes
-Em nominal suffix -em‘s near by
-rlgis doing for others -é80* rest
-a verbal and nominal suffix -ilila about
-a'wit across -6 meeting
-ap! neck -6 out of
-ap! each other -dla on water
-dmas to cause -dla each other
-atus down river -omas class of animals
-dnem class of animate beings -ot, (-wut) fellow
-ano instrument, passive usta up river
-asdé meat -‘usdés up from the beach
-yag a returning -0k” person
-aga past -dlem nominal suffix
-dxa down -6L to obtain
-ago extreme -dtzla continued motion
-d/a continued position -beta into, in
-yala to go to look for -ba end
§ 18
HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN
-p!a taste
-p!ala smell
-p!attd with eyes
-bes expert, fond of
-pléq tree
-pot (Newettee dialect) into,
in
-mano head
-mis useless part
-mut refuse
-mp relationship
-d inchoative
-dems time of
-énak direction
-nd inchoative
-ents!és down to beach
INDIAN LANGUAGES 453
-Enz edge
-saqo penis
-‘sta water
-ts!r- with hands
-ts!aq long
-ts!0 in
-dzaqwa to speak
-k-a to happen
-k-ina accidentally
-q!zs to swallow
-g!ege® meat
-¢!a to feel
-xsa flat
-2Ldé top of head
-xL0 top of tree, hair on body
-la verbal and nominal suffix
Hardening Suffixes
-Em genuine
-em‘ya cheek
-ES expert
-a on rock
-a to endeavor
-aga among
-emas class of animals
-éné® abstract noun
-énox" nomen actoris
-és body (?%)
-éq in body
-éxsd to desire
-0s cheek
-b6 chest
-s on ground
-g a°t to begin to make noise
-20 neck
-rsd hind end
-zLa bottom end
Weakening Suffixes
-Em instrument
-em diminutive
-En nominal sufhix
—Enx season
-rlk” doing regularly
-rttsus down river
-ayu instrument
-ab6 under
-amala along river
-ad having
-ab6 ear
-Gnem obtained by—
-aano rope
-as place
-ats!é receptacle
-ag crotch
-dlas material (%)
-dlisem to die of —
-é§ nominal suffix (?)
-id having
-inet obtained by—
-és body (?%)
-és beach
-ég'é back
-it in house
-é~ into house
-ésela ashore (?)
-itba nose
-éL!x6 mouth
-0°yo middle
-ns obtained unexpectedly
-0%t ugly
-nakula gradual motion
-néq corner
§ 18
454 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BuLL. 40
-no side
-nos side
-nuLem temples
-nutg'a groins
-nsa under water
-ndzem throat
-dzo flat
-k” passive participle
-zs in canoe
-“'sd away
-xség'a front of house
-zxsta mouth
-f passive of verbs expressing
sense perceptions
SUFFIXES LOSING THEIR INITIAL CONSONANTS
Losing initial g°:
-g iu forehead
-g it body
-g ila to make
-gustd up
Losing initial hk’:
-k-d, -k-aué between
-k-r top of a square object
Losing initial k*/:
-k lin body
-k: Jala noise
-k*!0t opposite
Losing initial x’-:
-x'*id to begin
-x'id past
-x'plég a thigh
-x'dem place
-x'daéx" pronominal plural
-x'dé transition from present
to past
-7's* across
Losing initial g‘a-:
All inchoatives in -g-al-, such as—
-g alit in house
-g alexs in canoe
Losing initial g:
-gem fare
-qemt mask
Losing initial 2:
-rt!a seaward -
-asé through
-atd head
Losing or modifying initial s-
-sé'sta around
-sto* eye
-s0k” person
§ 18
-g Eg'a inside
-g tig side of
-g it reason
-k-Gxé knee
-k !és in body
-k: lilga front of body
-a'sa away from
-a'siap! arm
-x'siu mouth of river
-x' sis foot
-z'sila to take care of
-r'ts/aina hand
-r'La top
-g aatela suddenly
-go meeting
-xség'a front of house
-rLii top of head
-sqwap five
-sx'é tooth
-sgem round thing
—_—
Boas] HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 455
Although the use of these suffixes follows the rules laid down here
with a fair degree of regularity, there are quite a number of excep-
tional compositions. A few examples will suffice here:
stem grg’- gene’m wife
stem gwég'- gwoyi’m whale -
stem g'iné- gina’nem child
stem zunke- zund’k” child
stem xis- va’x'atya trying to disappear
(s weakened to y, instead
of being strengthened to
ts!)
stem p/zs- to flatten plaplatya trying to flatten
(same as last)
§ 19. CLASSES OF SUFFIXES
I have tried to classify the primary suffixes according to the ideas
expressed. Classes of this kind are of course somewhat arbitrary,
and their demarcations are uncertain. The general classification of
suffixes which I have adopted is as follows:
J. Terminal completive suffixes ($ 20, nos. 1-2).
II. Primary suffixes (§§ 21-37, nos. 3-195).
(1) Suffixes denoting space limitations ($§ 21-24, nos. 3-85).
(a) General space limitations (§ 21, nos. 3-37).
(b) Special space limitations (§ 22, nos. 38-52).
(c) Parts of body as space limitations (§ 23, nos. 53-81).
(d) Limitations of form (§ 24, nos. 82-85).
(2) Temporal suffixes (§§ 25-26, nos. 86-97).
(a) Purely temporal suffixes (§ 25, nos. 86-89).
(b) Suffixes with prevailing temporal character (§ 26,
nos. 90-97).
(3) Suffixes denoting subjective judgments or attitudes relat-
ing to the idea expressed ($§ 27-32, nos. 98-135).
(a) Suffixes denoting connection with previously ex-
pressed ideas (§ 27, nos. 98-104).
(b) Suffixes denoting degrees of certainty (§ 28, nos.
105-107).
(c) Suffixes denoting judgments regarding size, intensitf,
and quality (§ 29, nos. 108-126).
(d) Suffixes denoting emotional states (§ 30, nos. 127-
129).
(e) Suffixes denoting modality (§ 31, nos. 130-131).
(f) Suffixes denoting the source of information whence |
knowledge of the idea expressed is obtained (§ 32,
nos. 132-135). ;
§ 19
456 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [aurx. 40
(4) Suffixes denoting special activities (§§ 33-34, nos. 136-
155):
(a) Activities of persons in general (§ 33, nos. 135-148).
(b) Activities performed with special organs of the
body (§ 34, nos. 144-155).
(5) Suffixes which change the subject or object of a verb (§ 35,
nos. 156-160).
(6) Nominal suffixes (§ 36, nos. 161-194).
(7) Adverbial suffix (§ 37, no. 195).
III. Subsidiary suffixes (§ 38, nos. 196-197).
In the following list the influence of the suffix'upon the stem is
indicated by abbreviations. sTEM-s. and worp-s. indicate whether
‘the suffix is added to the stem or to the full word. Nb. signifies that
‘the suffix is indifferent and has no influence upon the stem except
as required by phonetic laws. Hu indicates that the terminal con-
sonant of the stem is hardened; w, that it is softened.
§ 20. TERMINAL COMPLETIVE SUFFIXES (NOS. 1-2)
1. -a[sTEM-s., IND.]. This suffix is of indefinite significance. It is
the most common word-closing suffix of verbs, and is very
often used with substantives. Generally it disappears when
the stem takes one of the primary suffixes, and it is also often
dropped before syntactic suffixes. It is even dropped in the
vocatives of nouns. In both verbs and substantives it follows
very often the suffix -/- (no. 91), which seems to have primarily
a verbal continuative character.
(a) Verbal:
mix'- mix‘a’ to strike
qas- ga’sa to walk
with -l-:
ts! Ex°- ts! zx0/la to be sick
(6) Nominal:
lrg"- lrqwa’ five
-ga female, as in Hd’‘la‘ma’laga mouse woman 11.12 (but
Hd'‘la'malag O mouse woman!)
with -(-:
*na- light ‘na’la day, world
paza- shaman paxa'la shaman
2. -d[steM-s.]. The first impression of the suffix -d is that it trans-
forms intransitive verbs into transitive ones.
q!/dats!0’ to have on q!oxts!o'd to put on
la’ba to go to the end la’bnnd to reach the end.
§ 20
F BOAS]
.
HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 457
A closer examination shows that both forms occur in transitive
as well as in intransitive verbs.
-d intransitive:
‘nexwa’‘xsdend to begin to be near 107.17
L!a’qwaxéd to hand down a copper 84.3
without -d, transitive:
q!0’xts!ala to have on 98.27
né'xsdla to pull through 76.1
da’deba to hold at end 254.36
On the whole, it seems that the suffix -d expresses the motions
connected with the beginning of an action; and, since transi-
tive verbs express much more frequently a passing act than a
long-continued activity, it seems natural that the suffix
should appear frequently with transitive verbs.
Generally the suffix -d is suffixed to a primary suffix. When it
follows a terminal m, it is simply added; when the primary suf-
fix ends with a short vowel, the vowel is dropped and the ter-
minal -d takes the form -nd. After primary suffixes ending
in -d or dG, and after -aza DowN (no. 19), it amalgamates
with the terminal vowel and becomes -éd.
(a) -d:
q!ené’pemd to cover face 299.21 (from -gzm face; see no. 54)
(b) nd:
dza’'k‘orLend to rub hind end 96.21 (from -rz- hind end; see
no. 15)
t!d’'tséstend to cut around 138.18 (from -ést- around; see
no. 6)
ts!exbrte’/nd to throw in 365.16 (from -bet- into; see no. 28)
da'bend to take end 15.7 (from -b- end; see no. 31)
(c) -dd:
née’xsod to pull through 53.17 (from -rsd through; see no. 3)
L!a’sagod to put farthest seaward (from -ago extreme; see
no. 13)
nego'*yod to move in middle 141.7 (from -o*yo middle; see
no. 16)
née’xustod to pull up 184.37 (from -ustd up; see no. 20)
q!0'xts!dd to put on clothes 15.10 (from -ts/6 in; see no. PAT)
ta’yabod to push under 80.13 (from -abd under; see no. 29)
la’xtdd to reach top 196.34 (from -até on top; see no. 30)
gix'd'd to take off 16.10 (from -0- off; see no. 37)
§ 20
458 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bunn 40
PRIMARY SUFFIXES (NOS. 3-1946) (§§ 21-36)
Suffixes Denoting Space Limitations (Nos. 3-85) (§§ 21-24)
§ 21. General Space Limitations (Nos. 3-37)
3. -7sd@ THROUGH [STEM-S., IND.] loses the initial «.
la to go lazsa’ to go through
k!umel- to burn k!ume’‘lesé to burn through
qas- to walk qa’tsé to walk through
plet- to fly ptettsa to fly through 165.22
séx"- to paddle sé’x"sd to paddle through
néx- to pull né’xsod to pull through 75.40
né’xsdla to pull through 76.1
ts!nlq"- hot ts!n'lIqumasda’la hot all through
V 366.12
kwd’xsé hole 72.39
4. =-a°S® ACROSS [STEM-S., IND.] loses the initial 2’.
‘wil- entirely ‘wi’ welx's§ cut up entirely X
155.32
g ax to come g @’xsa to come ashore 371.37
sak¥- to carve meat sesa’x"s* end to carve across to
pieces 31.40
sop- to chop : s0’ps*end to chop across
Ltemt- to split LE mtema's’end to split
across, plural (see no. 196),
158.50
5. -éld(la) aBoutT[STEM-S., IND.].
déq"- to see dé'drquwilila to look about
459.338
q!wés- to squeeze q!weé'siléla to squeeze all over
. 40.7
pex"- to drift pa’rwilila to drift about
459.33
ddz- wrong Ad'dzislilag ilis Wrong all over
the world (a name) 165.5
6. -ést(a@) and -sé°st(@) AROUND [STEM-S., IND.].
(a) After vowels, m, and n; -ést(a):
d- something awé’‘sta circumference 85.9
k!wa to sit k!we'<stala to sit about
gelq- to swim : gelqaméstala to swim around,
; , plural (see no. 196), 153.22
mo’ plen four times mo'plenésta four times
around 13.9
trné’‘sta to forget 25.3
§ 21
—_—>
Boas] HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 459
(b) After & and 1 sounds, s, p; -sést(a):
qas- to walk qa'tséstala to walk around
49.30
mix’- to strike mix'séstala to strike around
drx"- to jump drx“séstala to jump around
154.11 }
klimt- to adze k' li’ mttséstala to adze around
x ilp- to twist x't/lpse*stala to spin around
7. -(£)g(a@) AMONG [STEM-S., H].
séx"- to paddle sio’gwa to paddle among
yaq"- to distribute ya'q!uga to distribute among
6- something a@’‘wagé the place between, in-
side X 87.34
x ilp- to turn «t'lp!zqela to turn in some-
thing 92.28
baxo’'t!zqela pitchy inside V
490.1
mig- mind ni’ q!age song leader V 433.36
mek- a round thing is some- ma'klugé to be among X
where 29.21
gi- to be somewhere gvgela to be among X 81.35
There are apparently a few cases in which this suffix weakens the
stem. I found the two forms g@’ts!zga and qdé’ga TO WALK
AMONG, derived from g@s- TO WALK.
It is also used to express the superlative:
gilt!- long gltlaga long among (i. e., the
longest)
7a. -game*. This suffix may belong here, although its use as a
word-suffix and the indifferent action upon the last consonant
make its relations doubtful.
g'v'game* head chief (=chief among others)
cwa'k lunagame® excellent canoe (=canoe among others)
*no'last!zgamé* the eldest one X 3.32 ‘
8. -k°d, -k:au BETWEEN [STEM-S., IND.] loses initial k* after s and k
and 1 sounds. The original form may be kw-d (see § 4).
k-imt- to adze k-imida’'la to adze between V
347.19
gens- to adze gensa/la to adze between V
363.10
k!wéx- to devise klwe'k!wara/wee inventor
222.35
§ 21
460 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BuLL. 40
Laz"- to stand La’ Lexwawayaa’s place of
standing repeatedly be-
tween on ground 140.35
(za Lex", -au, -s [no. 44];
-as place [no. 182])
Hamd@’lak-awé 111.29
bek¥- man bek Gwe man between 121.39
It would
seem that in these cases there is sometimes a weakening of the
9. -aq(a) PAST[STEM-S., IND.] often with a reduplication.
terminal consonant.
la to go
gal- first
la’qa to go past
ga laga to go past first (=to
forestall) 246.35
tla’ Llasaaga to move seaward
gwa'gwaaga to move north-
ward X 63.32
‘na’ndlaaga to move south-
ward X 228.14
rwe'laga to go back 28.23
L!ds- seaward
gwa- down river, north
Ena’la south
gwel- back
In the following examples the terminal consonant is weakened:
gwas- to turn to
¢ gwa'gawayaga to turn toward
ét!- again
ae'daaga to go back 13.9
10. -0°s(@) AWAY FROM [STEM-S., W].
p!ez- to fly
gas- to walk
han- hollow object is some-
where
max'ts- to be ashamed
pla ria'sa to fly off
quqa'dzix'sa to walk off
ha’nz'send to take (kettle) off
(from fire) V 441.40
ma’x'dzaxz'sa to go away for
shame 316.32
‘wi’ ‘lesa it is entirely away
sid’e"send to paddle away
472.21
After x the initial 2 seems to be lost:
ax- to do
Swil- entire
séx"- to paddle
axsa’no it is taken off
10a. -yag°d RETURNING [STEM-S., IND.].
la’yag'a to go back X 186.18
ho’xyag'a they go back X 190.12
la’*yag elit to re-enter house 386.11
11. -@m's NEAR BY[STEM-S.,IND.]. Possibly the terminal -s does not
belong to the suffix, but signifies ON THE GROUND (no. 44).
§
Swun- to hide
k!wa to sit
Lax"- to stand
21
“wuné més to hide near by
k!wemés to sit near by
Lazwe'més to stand watching
4 BOAS] -
|
HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN
12. -k°/6t OPPOSITE [STEM-S., IND.].
pears.
la to go
aps- side
qwés- far
gwa- down river
hét- right hand
INDIAN LANGUAGES 461
After s the initial k- disap-
lak-!dtend to go to the oppo-
site side 271.8
apso’t the other side 96.28
qwe’sot the far opposite side
gwa’k'!ot the opposite side
down river 130.22
hé’ tk: !odnégwil the right hand
corner in the house 81.2
(see nos. 18, 46)
Before the affricative ts, ¢ changes to 7.
hé’ tk !otts!ana the right hand 15.11 (see no. 67)
While q before this suffix changes to x in ‘nz’xk'!ot (from *nzg-)
RIGHT OPPOSITE, the k* drops out in gemxdt LEFT sIDE (from
gEmMa-)
13. -agO EXTREME [STEM-S., IND.].
ék-!- above ék-!lago farthest above X
179.32
L!as- seaward t!a’sagod to put farthest sea-
ward
gwa- north gwa’'gawe> extreme north end
218.9
14. -xsd BEHIND, HIND END, TAIL END[STEM-S., H].
Lxq- to slap LE’g!exsd to slap behind
ts! zk¥- short
ts!zk!u’esd a short person
glak“- notch
q!atku’xsdé to have a notch for
a tail 279.18
é’’k l!axsdata to have hind end
up V 325.8
o’xsdé- hind end V 490.28
nu’ naxrsdé wolf tail 279.13
ék*!a up
6- something
nun wolf
15. =” (@) BEHIND, BOTTOM, STERN [STEM-S., H].
‘wa'las large ‘wa'/lats!exLa (canoe) with
large stern
o’xxLé* stern of canoe 127.23
o’xLax sidzé heel V 475.5 (see
no. *5)
ha’nt!rxLend to shoot stern of
canoe
gwa't!lexta’‘la to groan after-
' wards X 5,11
o- something
hant- to shoot
gwar- to groan
§ 21
462 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 40
16. -0°yO MIDDLE | STEM-S., W].
‘|
mok to tie mo’gwo'yo to tie in middle
370.13
la to go lo’‘yo to go to the middle
U.S.N.M. 670.17
6- something oya’<e* the middle 273.23
k-ip- to clasp k-ibo’yod to clasp in the mid-
dle, to embrace X 177.4
g ok” house g o’kwofyo middle of house
248.28
da to hold dé’/yiwé to hold in middle V
325.7
17. -nd sipE. The form of this suffix is variable. On the one hand,
we have the word-suflix -nd, from which are formed @’ tandé
LANDSIDE 20.1, ‘nd’land@é SEASIDE 272.3; and, on the other
hand, we have -nd as stem-suflix, weakening the terminal con-
sonant. From this form we have—
aa- to do aand'lis to place by the side
177.39
Lax” to stand La’nolis to stand by the side
37.9
t!rx’- trail, door t!n'nnoe side door X 171.28
We have also -nus, sometimes indifferent, sometimes weakening
the terminal consonant.
It weakens the terminal sound in the following forms:
hét- right side hé’ tk: !odrnutseé® right side
175.14 (see no. 12)
gas- to walk qa'dzeno*dzendala’ to walk
alongside
ga'no*dzendala to walk along-
side
séx“- to paddle — si’wonudze’ paddling along-
side
Lax"- to stand La’wunddzelit to stand along-
side in house 31.34
It is indifferent in the following forms:
da to take da'banusela to take alongside
152.5 (see no. 31)
dzelx” to run dzr'leunu’dzé® running along-
side
The ending -nuzem (no. 54b) suggests a third form, -nuz.
§ 21
Bs HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 463
4
;
18. =2€q" CORNER [STEM-S., IND. (w.?)].
6- something o’néegwit corner in house 56.15
hét- right side hétk !odné’gwit right - hand
corner in house 81.2 (see
nos. 12, 46)
aps- one side apsa’négwés one corner of
mind 260.40
han- hollow object is some- hane’gwit (kettle) -stands in
where corner of house X 125.29
19. =-@x(@) DOWN [STEM-S., IND.].
la to go la’xa to go down 165.29
wa river wa'cela river runs down 36.39
plez- to fly pleLa’«a to fly down X 155.21
lox- to roll loxuma’xa to roll down, plural
19.12 (see no. 196)
dzrlx”- to run dzz'lrwaza to run down 196.39
la to go la’xalit to go down in house
187.22 (see no. 46)
With -ayw (no. 174) it forms -axd%yu.
ts!nq- to throw ts!zqa’xofyu to be thrown X
87.28
With the inchoative (no. 2) it forms -azxdd.
ax- to do axa’xod to take down 48.24
wud- in vain wula’xod to bring down in
vain U.S.N.M. 727.10
zét- to invite in té'taxod to call down 185.36
Llaq"- red, copper L!a'qwazdéd to hand down a cop-
per, 1. e., to sell a copper 84.3
20. -g°ustad uP[STEM-S., IND.] loses g’ after s, and k and 1 sounds.
ga- morning, early gag usta’ to rise early 61.5
klwé to sit kiwa’gustalit to sit up in
| house 50.17 (see no. 46)
‘ne’ mp!EN once ‘ne’mpleng usta (to jump) up
once 390.13
q!om- rich Q!0’mg ustals wealth coming
up on ground (name) 377.1
(no. 44)
doq"- to see do’qustala to look up X 167.37
drex"- to jump dex’ 0'sta to jump up X 179.17
zw changes before 6 to 2’,
see p. 436
néx- to pull né’xustod to pull up 184.37
gas- to walk ga’sustala to walk up
plet- to fly p!eLo’ sta to fly up
§ 21
464 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BuLL. 40
21. -nts!ێs DOWN TO BEACH [STEM-S., IND.].
la to go
gas- to walk
tét- to invite in, to call
Lo’gwala supernatural
22. =uwsdés UP FROM BEACH [STEM-S
gas to walk
la to go
zaip- to grasp in talons
drz- to carry on back
22a. -xt!a OUT TO SEA [STEM-S., W].
lents!és to go to beach 80.21
qa’sents!és to walk to beach
té'tents!ésela to call down to
beach 80.17
LO’ Legwalents!ésela the super-
natural ones coming down
to the beach 159.18
.j iD: }:
qa@’s‘usdés to walk up from
beach
la’‘sdés to go up from beach
211.15
ra’ pfusdés to grasp and carry
up the beach X 155.21
o’ax0sdésrla to carry on back
up the beach X 162.15
Loses initial z.
ge lget!a to swim out to sea X 144.27
do’ gut!ala to look out to sea X 117.26
kwadzrt!0'd to kick out to sea X 111.1
23. -atis and -Ettiis DOWN RIVER, DOWN INLET [STEM-S., -atus
IND., -eltis IND. and w].
yal- to blow
gelq- to swim
gamz“- down of birds
gas- to walk
la to go
séx"- to paddle
24. -“ustad UP RIVER [STEM-S., IND.].
héq"- to go[ PLURAL]
‘neqg- straight
gas- to walk
séx"- to paddle
§ 21
ya@'lati’srla to blow down the
inlet 274.5
gelgati’sela to swim down
"river
ga’mxwatosela down coming
down river 154.30
ga@'dzettisela to walk down
river
La’toselagilis gomg down
river (westward) through
the world (name) X 84.39
sée’wulti’sela and sé’ rulti’sela
to paddle down river
ho’atusta to walk up river
62.31
‘nexusta’ to continue up river
70.23
qa’ s*ustala to walk up river
sé’x*ustala to paddle up river
BOAS] HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 465
25. -a®wtt across [STEM-S., IND.].
*‘mo- to load *‘ma’‘wit a canoe carrying load
across 131.23
gelq- to swim gelqa‘wi'trla swimming across
148.18
26. -28(@) UNDER WATER [STEM-S., W].
ét- again é’densa again under water
143.19
3 *neq- straight ‘nege nsela straight under
water V 477.30
| klwa to sit k!u'nsa to sit in water 64.22
: wun- to hide (?) wu'nsid to sink 143.32 (see
: no. 90)
27. -ts!0 IN [STEM-S., IND.].
mé fish mdts!6 fish inside (i. e., in
trap) 184.18
‘mel- white ‘me'lts!o white inside
ax- to do . axts!a’la to put into 114.36
axts!0'd to put into 175.27
tslix’- sick tslia'ts!a/la sick inside, head-
ache
mast two mastts!a’/la two inside, 1. e.,
two in a canoe 147.15
q!dx- to dress” q!/0’xts!0d to dress in, to put
on garment 98.1
gi- to be somewhere gvts!ewas place of going in
(see no. 182)
la to go la’its!alit to come out of room
in house 194.31 (see nos.
27, 46)
‘wil- entirely ‘wi'lolts!é (strength) gives out
entirely 141.2 (see no. 37)
28. -bEt(a@) INTO HOLE [STEM-S., IND.].
drx”- to jump dex“b eta’ to jump into 99.1
la to go la‘bredas place of going into
(hole) 9.10 (see no. 182)
L!enz- to shove t!e’nabetend to shove in X
° 224.17
28a. -pOL INTO HOLE, IN HOLE (Newettee dialect) [STEM-S., IND.]. .
kul- to lie kulpo’ rit to lie down in a room
in the house X 207.22 (see
no. 46)
o- something 0’ po Lit room in house X 207.23
44877—Bull. 40, pt 1—10——30 $21
466 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 40
29. -al0 UNDER [STEM-S., W].
Las- to push
6- something
gigame: chief
gelg- to grasp
ta’yabod to push under 80.13
a’wa’ base lower side 80.13
a’wa'bots!zxsdé thigh (see no.
14)
gi gabaeé: chief under others
151.26
ge'lgabosxd’ya to grasp the
under side of the bow of the
canoe 127.28 (see no. 62)
30. -xt@ ON TOP OF A LONG STANDING OBJECT [STEM-S., W.] seems to
lose « after all consonants, but may retain it after m, n, L.
o- something
k!wa to sit
k!us- to sit, plural
ép- to pinch
é’mas float
Emek’- round thing is some-
where
o’atae top of mountain 126.3
k!wa’xtd to sit on top 182.32
_kludzeta'ya to sit on top
415.22
é’betod. to pinch at top end
X 224.32
é’madzrtdla top float V 389.8
‘meguto’d round thing begins
to be on top X 121.11
31. -b(@) END OF A LONG HORIZONTAL OBJECT [STEM-S., IND.].
dogt- to see
L!/ds- sea
Liéx- sea-lion
gana'yu lasso
da to take
ha’nx- to shoot
odz- wrong
het- right
x ig- to burn
la to go
§ 21
dé’x"ba to see point 91.32
L!a’sbata extending out to sea
162.42
t!a’sabala to walk on beach
Llé'L!exbala sea-lions at ends
e716
gana’yubala lasso at end 37.18
da'bend to take hold of end
15.7
hanha'ntbend to shoot at each
end 153.3
o'dzzbax'*td to turn the wrong
way 227.25
hétbaxida’mas to cause to
turn the right way 227.28
(see no. 158)
av’ xbalag ils to burn at end on
eround 251.29 (see nos.
197, 44)
ia’labendala to go from end to
end 196.35
Boas] HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 467
32. =-%° L(@) ON TOP OF A ROUNDED OBJECT [STEM-S.,IND.] loses 2° after
p, 8, k, and 1 sounds.
This ending has assumed two specific meanings:
(a) ON THE FLAMES OF THE FIRE:
ax- to do axxa'la to put on fire
axrLe’nd to put on fire
t/é’qwap stone in fire tle’qwapLend to put stones on
fire 20.8
han-a hollow object issome- ha’na tala hollow object on
where fire (= kettle)
(6) NAMED. The meaning in this case is that the name is on
top of the object, in the same way as the Mexicans and the
Plains Indians, in their picture-writing, attach the name to
|
:
the head of the person.
Da'bendex'ta niimed Da’bend 22.6
Q!a’mtalatta named Q!a’mtalal 100.1.
a’ngwax Las? what is your name? 388.3
33. -(£)N# EDGE OF A FLAT OR LONG OBJECT [STEM-S., IND.].
| da to take dr’nxend to take by the edge
10.14
d- something awu'nxe® edge
gas- to walk qa’senzendala to walk along
: an edge
| temk”- to chop, bite out te’mkunzend to bite out the
edge 197.21
k-lé’tenx knife 270.21
ama‘rnxe® youngest child
45.54
_ 34. -mt EDGE OF A ROUND OBJECT [STEM-S., IND. ?].
gas- to walk qa’dznus entala to walk along
35. -dz0 ON A FLAT OBJECT [STEM-S., W].
| o- something odzo’eé= surface
: Léx- to. beat time with baton Lé’xdzod to beat time on a flat
: thing 230.30
| alé’x"- to hunt sea-mammals Alé’udzrwe* hunter on the flat
thing (i. e., in the sky=
Orion)
tlep- to step tlébrdzo’d to step on a flat
thing X 101.18
| doq"- to see do'gudzod to see a flat thing X
226.12
§ 21
468 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [puxn. 40 ;
rus- hill on which fortified vil- gudzredzé’lis hill on flat on
lage is built beach X 227.7
tlék’- to lie on back tlég' edzolvt to lie on back on flat
thing in house (see no. 46)
«x “SYEM ON A ROUND OBJECT (see no. 85)
36. -§* Eg’ INSIDE OF A HOLLOW OBJECT [STEM-S., W.] loses initial g’z.
o- something o’gug'é* inside of hollow thing
mog"- yellowish mo'gug'a yellowish inside (=
spoon of horn of the big-
horn sheep) U.S.N.M. 680.2
ts!0x"- to wash ts!0’xug’ind to wash inside
V 432.42
36a. -20g?d HOLLOW SIDE (compound of -nd and -g-a, nos. 17, 36).
6- something — o’nulg-aé.groins
37. -O Orr, AWAY FROM. This suffix does*not seem to occur by
itself, but is always combined with a following primary suffix.
Nevertheless, on account of its significance, I have included
it in the primary suffixes. In its simplest form it occurs with
the completive terminal -d. It seems to have a secondary
form -wul [sTEM-s., IND.] which may be formed from the
inchoative -g7ié- (see no. 197) and -o. It is not impossible that
this suffix -6 may be identical with -wdé, -6 (no. 124). This is
suggested by such forms as t/é’pé TO sTtEP oFF (from t/ép- to
step), but the identity of these suffixes is not certain.
(a) With the completive terminal -d:
ax- to do axzo’d to take out
giz'- to put around giz o’d to take off 16.10, 39.29
Elk”- blood E'lk:6d to bleed 197.21 (see
p. 436)
t/os- to cut t!0’sod to cut off 279.13
saq!- to peel saq!o'd to peel off V 473.27
(b) With other primary suffixes:
ax- to do axo’dala to take off
la to go la’wels to go out (see nos.
44, 197) 3
Switl- all wi’ *lofsta all out of water 21.8
(see no. 39)
la to go la’‘sta to go out of water 356.6
tur- trrustn’nd to take out X
155.39 (see no. 39)
38.
&mé to load
la to go
ax- to do
la to go
g ax to come
q!0 to well up
han- a hollow thing is
somewhere
‘wiil- all
drx"- to jump
rwe'laq- backward
-wultd OUT OF CANOE:
Fwirl- all
£mo- to load
-wultOs DOWN OUT OF:
drx"- to jump
HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES
469
motts!@’la to unload 55.33
(see nos. 2%, 91) -
lotts!@’lit to go out of room
194.31 (see nos. 27, 46)
axiwults!o’d to take out (see
DOe20)
la’widd to take off from fore-
head 22.2 (see no. 57)
g@«wuga to come out of
inside of something 415.31
q!0'Ewrgd to well up out of a
hole
hano’ gals (box) coming out of
eround X 35.31 (see no. 44)
(c) The following are evidently compounds of the suffix -6 or
-wut, but the second elements do not seem to be free.
-wult!a OUT OF AN ENCLOSED PLACE:
“wi'‘lottla all out of the woods
42.34
dex“wutt!a’'lit to jump out of
room in house 97.29
rwe laxwutlt!a to turn back out
of 62.27
Swr'lottad all out of canoe
PAW PAN
Emotta’laso® to
yl Us}
mo'ttod to unload X 103.26
be unloaded
drrutto’s to jump down out of
279.15
§ 22. Special Space Limitations (Nos. 38-52)
-k*E TOP OF A BOX [STEM-S., IND.]; loses initial k-.
klwa to.sit
we- not
LEp- to spread
nas- to cover
enema’ «id to be level
gelq"- to lift
kiwa’k' ne seat on top X
155.23
we'k re not full
tepeyindala to spread over
top (see nos. 2, 91)
na’sryind to cover top
“nema k- né level on top
ge lakwoérnd to lift top of box
§ 22
BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY
(a) Word-suffix:
qlula’ life
wuda’ cold
gla first
(6b) Stem-sufhix:
az- to do
drx¥- to Jump
k-o2"- lukewarm
gé long time
la to go
azx- to do
tég- to drop
gap- to upset
40. =sqwap FIRE [STEM-S., IND.].
q/é- many
With t/és- ston®, this suffix forms ¢/é’qwap STONE IN FIRE.
[BULL, 40
39. =“st(@) WATER [WoRD-s. and STEM-S., IND.].
q!ula’‘sta water of life
wuda’‘sta cold water 141.17
g@la‘sta first in the water
62.13
axstn’nd to put into water 21.5
drx“‘sta’ to jump into water
34.28
k-0’x"sta lukewarm water 54.1
gé‘stala long in water X
"155.38 (see no. 91)
la’‘sta to go out of water 356.6
(see no. 37)
la‘strx’‘i'd to begin to go into
water 36.25 (see no. 90)
la‘staa’s place of going into
water 34.3 (see no. 182)
axsta’nd being put into water
X 155.36
te’xsta to fall into water 100.10
gapsta’nd to pour into water
CS°216.7
q!é’sqwap many fires
With
other stems ending in s, one of the s sounds is dropped, which
would suggest a form -qwap.
omas large (Newettee dialect)
‘walas great
omasqua’ prlag iis great fire
in world (see no. 45)
‘wolasqwaperlis great fire on
beach (poetry; see no. 45)
. -wdla, -ala STATIONARY ON WATER.
(a) After n and vowels -wéila:
han- hollow object is
somewhere
k!wa to sit
La(x”)- to stand
gi- to be
gé long time
hanwi’la canoe adrift on water
127.6
k!wa'widla to sit on water
La’wila to stand on water
143.41
gv wala to be on water X 87.37
géwd'la long time on water
X 181.3
HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN
INDIAN LANGUAGES 471
(b) After p, t, and anterior and posterior k sounds -dla:
k-at- long object is some-
where
yag"- dead body is some-
where
mex- hollow things are
somewhere
k-ata’la long object adrift
ya’ gala dead body adrift
mpxa’'la canoes adrift on
water
Medial k(w) sounds are transformed by this ending into the cor-
responding anterior sounds (see p. 436).
Emek’¥- round
somewhere
pex"- to float
thing is
‘mek'@’la island, 1. e., round
thing on water
pex'a’la to drift
The inchoative form of this suffix is formed with -gif- (no. 197)
and is -gittala.
k!wa to sit
k-ad- long thing is some-
where
-Lé§ MOVING ON WATER [STEM-S., W].
(see no. 197) loses initial g72.
hant- to shoot
doq"- to see
dzerk'!a’la noise of splitting
sepr'lxk lala ringing noise of
metal
Laz"- to stand
. “@ ON ROCKS [STEM-S., H].
no. 197) loses initial ga and gq‘.
yagu- dead body is somewhere
o- something
d- something, -énak” direction
k!wa to sit
Lax“- to stand
— gap- upside down
k!wa'gittala to sit on water
k-a@'dettala to put long thing
on water
Inchoative form -g'izé
ha’/nLevé to shoot on water
do'quir‘ydla to see moving on
water
dzexk !a’/lagixé noise of split-
ting begins to be on water
152.19
sepe lek lalag ire ringing
noise begins to be on water
152.34
La’xsware to begin to stand
on water 143.11
Inchoative form -g:ad‘la, -q ila (see
ya’qiwa to lie dead on rock
154.12
‘O’nég!wa corner on rock (see
no. 18) 168.33
awit’ nak !wa rocky place 148.30
k!waa’ to sit on rock 102.31
La’‘wa to stand on rock 148.30
gap!a’‘lod to pour out on rock
179.8
§ 22
BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BuLL, 40
g il- first
k twa to sit
giln’'mg lala to be on rock,
[pl.] 22.10 (see nos. 196, 197)
k!wa’gadla to sit down on
rock X 105.25
44. =S ON GROUND, OUTSIDE OF HOUSE [STEM-S., H]. Inchoative
form -g:aels, -g‘ils loses initial ga and g’.
leq'- fire
k!wa to sit
gé long time
Lax“- to stand
yag"- to lie dead
. bek¥- man
k wa to sit
‘wat- to lead
ma to crawl, swim
gun- to try
da- to take
la to go
Ewr’sla all
leq!u’s fire on ground, out-
side of house 45.32
k!was to be seated on ground
X 173.22
k lwa’dzas place of being seated
on ground X 173.31 (see no.
182)
gés long on ground 37.14
La‘s to stand on ground; tree
37.20
ya’ q!udzas place of lying dead
on ground 61.8 (see no. 182)
bek!w’s woodman
k!wa’qarls to sit down on
ground X 173.19
fwa’tels to lead on ground
X 4.5
ma’gils to move on ground
60.37
gung z’ls to try on ground
160.22
da’drgilsid to pick up from
ground X 6.18
la’wels to go out 19.8 (see no.
37)
‘wi'‘lawels all outside 26.32
(see no. 37)
45. =€8, -7S BOTTOM OF WATER [STEM-S., W]. Generally this suffix
is used to designate the beach, but it means aswell the bottom
of the sea, which is always covered by water. If the latter is
to be clearly distinguished from the beach, the suffix -ns UNDER
WATER (no. 26) is added, with which it forms -ndzés UNDER
WATER ON THE BOTTOM. Inchoative form- ga‘lis loses initial g’.
kludzé’s to sit on the beach
102.18
ddq"- to see do’xdogwés to see the bottom
34.4
k!us- to sit [PLURAL]
§ 22
:
—— se eee ee ee Ce
HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 473
ék* good
han- hollow vessel is some-
where
gap- upside down
k!wa to sit
L!a’s- seaward
gap- upside down
nifying IN THE WORLD:
‘nemo’k” one person
o&’masqwap great fire
é’gis good beach, sand 60.21
ha‘né’s hollow vessel on beach
102.54
gabe’s upset on beach
kiwa’gaslis to sit down on
beach 96.28
t/a’! rsbaga‘lis to put out on
beach (in front of house),
seaward 101.34 (see no. 31)
gap!a'lis to upset on beach
Here may also belong the very common suffix of names -qvilts sig-
, D 2 ‘ DS
‘nemo kulag ilis alone in world
o&masqwa’ prlag iis only great
fire in world
46. =-24 IN HOUSE, ON THE FLOOR OF THE HOUSE[STEM-S., W]. Inchoa-
tive form -g'ilil, -g:alit loses initial g’.
lng"- fire
han- hollow vessel is some-
where
Lax¥- to stand
ga- early, -g-usta up
kul- to lie, plural
yagq"- to le dead
az- to do
Lep- to spread
tlék-- to lie on back
legui't fire in house
hatni’t kettle on floor V 427.1
La’wit to stand on floor 47.28
ga'gustéwit to be up early in
' house 46.12
kutli’t to lie down in house 25.6
kutlé’las place of lying down in
house, bedroom 139.21 (see
no. 182)
ya’ qumg ali’t to fall dead in
house [pl.] X 110.34
ax‘a’lit to put on floor 137.37
tep!a'lit tospread on floor 24.3
tlexa'lit to lie down on back
in house 139.18
The very numerous forms in -li? are evidently to a great extent
~ oD
derived from continuative forms in -la.
k!wadzé'la to sit on flat thing
gemcxotstala left side of door
LEp- to spread
k!wadzé@'lit to sit on flat thing
in house 24.4 (see no. 35)
gemaxotstalit left side of door
~ in house 270.21 (see nos. 12,
59)
LebrequvlkY spread out on
floor V 4380.22 (zebsk*
spread out, see no. 172)
§ 22
AT4 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY= [BULL. 40
47. -€L INTO HOUSE [STEM-S., W].
hog"- to go pl.
drx"- to Jump
g ax to come
az- to do
ho’gwit to enter pl. 21.1
drwi’t to jump into house
14.8
g@xzécela to be in the act of
coming in 91.15
axé’trla to put into 48.27
47a. -€Lé’sEla SHOREWARD (STEM-S., w.). This is evidently com-
posed of -éz (no. 47); -és (no. 45); -la (no. 91)
da’béré’ srla to tow ashore
48. -2%S IN CANOE [STEM-S., W]. Inchoative form -g'aatzxrs loses
initial g-a.
hog"- to go [pl.]
o- something
da to take
k- ip- to hold with tongs
Emo- to load
k!wa to sit
fwol- all, entire
gap- upside down
aps- other side
ho’guas to go aboard 224.9
ozs inside of canoe
das to take aboard 96.32
k-!nbe'rsela to put aboard
with tongs V 366.3
‘mo’xsEla to load 78.38
k!wa'g:aatexs to sit down in
canoe 121.26
‘wi'lq-aatexs all is in canoe V
485.2
qep!s'tras to pour into canoe
NAB AS
apsa’adze> other side of canoe
V 361.22
49. -2L0 ON TOP OF TREE [STEM-S., IND.] (compare no. 76).
han- a hollow thing is some-
where
gq é- to be somewhere
ha’nxiod to put a box on top
of a tree 278.31
g@xxLo it is on a tree
50. <«°sii MOUTH OF RIVER [STEM-S., IND.] loses initial 2°.
o- something
wun- deep
o’x"siwe® mouth of river 29.3
wu'nx sii deep at mouth of
river
51. =g°dig- SIDE, BANK OF RIVER [STEM-S., IND.]; loses initial g’.
mak:- next
k!wa to sit
§ 29
ma'k-dgé& next to bank of
river 180.23
kiwa'gdgend to sit on bank
of river 30.6
kiwa'gdgels to sit down on
ground by a river 64.29
Boas] HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 475
6- something o’gwige® side of canoe 79.14
shore of lake 143.7
séx- to paddle sé’serwdgé® paddles at sides
214.40
gex"- to hang gerwi'gedala to be suspended
by the side of V 479.10
52. =xS@€g*= OUTSIDE FRONT OF HOUSE [STEM-S., W].
k- lat- to paint k!a’dexsée’gila painting on
house-front 186.27
d- something 0’ rség é outside front of house,
272.4
Léx- to beat time Léxrausegind to beat front
boards of house 247.5
: § 23. Parts of Body as Space Limitations (Nos. 53-81)
53. -<2Ld ON HEAD [STEM-S., H or W?].
0- something o’aL dé head of clam 134.10
nés- to pull néts!nxLdlabrend to pull by
the head X 171.30
‘mel- white ‘mr'ldzexitdé’‘la having white
feather on head X 114.12
lek-- to throw legixtdls to throw at head
outside X 116.20
nét- to show né'tretd’x id to begin to
show head 143.10
54. -gEm Face. This suffix is probably related to -sgzm round thing
(no. 85). After p, s, ¢, ¢, x, and k sounds, -zm; after 1, n, m,
and fortes, -gem.
‘mel- white ‘me'lgxm white face
ék'! upward, high &kligz’mata’mas to cause
face to be turned up (see
nos. 92, 158)
q!waz hemlock q!wa’xamée® hemlock on face
(around head) 18.10
hap- hair hapr’m hairy face
t!el- to push L!e/lgemx id to push from
face 173.36
az- to be azama'la to have on _ face
271.24
Sometimes with the significance IN FRONT OF:
Lax"- to stand La’rumé standing in front of
It occurs also as word-suffix:
aiank’m wolf aLanz’mgem with a wolf face,
§ 23
476 BUREAU OF AMERIGAN ETHNOLOGY {pun 40
54a. -gEmt MASK [STEM-S., as no. 54, or WORD-S.].
(a) STEM-S.:
kung"- thunder-bird ku’ngumt thunder-bird mask
16.1
‘msl- white ‘me‘lgemt mountain-goat
mask 98.12
(b) worD-s.:
&mel- white ‘me‘leLogemt mounfain-
goat mask 96.23
546. =-nwLEm TEMPLES (= sides of face; compound of -né side [no.
17] and -gum face[no. 54]).
0- something O’nuLEmeé> temples 31.40
mast two mae’ matlogund’ tLema'la two
persons on each side 217.29
(see nos. 82, 91)
hé’tk lot right side hétk: !0denv’temé right side
of house-front (see no. 12)
186.32
55. =Enya CHEEK [STEM-S., H].
Llaq'- red Llaq!u'm‘ya red-cheeked
‘nax’- to cover with blanket ‘na’umya to cover cheek with
blanket
56. -OS CHEEK [STEM-S., H].
Llag’- red L!a'q!0s red-cheeked
57. =g°iu, -g*iyt FOREHEAD [STEM-S., IND.]; loses initial g’.
6- something — o’gwiwé forehead 19.5
wa'dz0 broad wa'dzogwiyt with broad fore-
head (see § 4.1)
gés- to shine ge’siu shining forehead
ék* good ekvu pretty
Before vocalic suffixes the terminal u becomes w.
k-at- a long thing is somewhere k-a@’tewes house beam 118.29
(long thing on forehead)
Las- to stick La’ siwé® what sticks on fore-
> head 10-08
ho'x*hok" a fabulous bird ho’x"hokwiwe® ho’x"hok" head
mask 110.16
‘yiz’- to dance ‘yizwi' we’ dancing-headdress
x'ts- to show teeth x ist’ we wolf head mask (teeth
showing thing on forehead)
q!nlx- wrinkled q!n/leewet wrinkles on fore-
head
§ 23
:
;
|
|
BOAS] HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 477
bek¥- man bekwi’wala to have man on
forehead 167.27
ax- to do, to be azé’wala to have on forehead
19.6
gums- ochre gu msiwak” forehead painted
~ red (see no. 172)
yix- to tie yitEyo'd to tie on forehead
la to go la’urdd to take off from fore-
head 22.2 (see no. 37)
This prefix is often used to designate THE BOW OF THE CANOE. In
this case the g° never changes after 6 to qu.
o- something a’giwe> bow of canoe 127.42
Lax"- to stand La’ x"gq- we standing in bow of
canoe 127.9
rwid- to stick out rwi'drg i’ wala to stick out at
bow 143.26
Sometimes -giu is used with the significance AHEAD, IN FRONT,
in the same way as -ég’- (no. 69) is used to express BEHIND.
sa’yapatqiwala to send ahead 149.22 (probably containing the
inchoative -git- no. 197)
alé’xutq- iu to paddle ahead 470.17
We have -giu also as word-suflix in g:@’lag:‘wwée> LEADER 8.6.
58. -at0 EAR [STEM-S., W].
gilt!+ long gilIdaté long-eared
ge'mzot left side gemxo'dataé left ear 105.7
hél- to hire hé’lata to lend ear 217.37
wazxs- both sides wa’xsodatdé on each ear 223.2
gwas- to turn towards gua'saatdla to turn ear to
81.43
59. =“stO0 EYE, DOOR; more general, ROUND OPENING LIKE AN EYE
[STEM-S., IND.]; loses initial ‘s.
(a) EYE:
dé to wipe dd‘sto’d to wipe eye
kwés- to spit kwe’stod to spit into eye 95.30
*nag- middle ‘na’qosstde®’ middle between
eyes 168.13
dzra;- to rub dzrdzrx'sto’xswid to gub eyes
X 57.34
(6b) poor:
az- to do axsto’d to open door 15.6
6- something osta’lit door of house 20.9
§ 23
478 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 40
wazxs- both sides wa'rsustalit both sides of door
51.5 (see no. 46)
mia’- to strike mix ilto’we to knock at door
(c) ROUND PLACE:
Léq"- to miss Lé’x“sto to miss a round place
(d) TrRAtL. It would seem that in this case the form -?t6, which
weakens the terminal stem consonant, is also used.
‘nag- middle ‘neasta’e middle of trail X
8.32
‘negetto’ to keep on trail 19.9
Leq"- to miss Le’ guttod to miss a trail
60. -t£b(a@) NOSE, POINT [STEM-S., W; from -b(a@) POINT (no. 31)].
ot- to perforate odiv'tbznd to perforate nose
o- something awv' tbe® point of land 682.1
gwaz"- raven : gwa’witbeé raven nose 129.41
Laq"- to push La’gwilbend to shove to nose
349.20
This suffix occurs also as word-suflix.
qwe’sa far qwe'saétbedzd really far from
nose 349.19 (see no. 119)
‘nExwa near *nexwae’ tba near nose 349.21
61. -East(@) MOUTH, OUTWARD OPENING[STEM-S., W].
‘mek¥- round object is some- ‘meguastalé’s round entrance
where on beach 153.29 (see no. 45)
t/Oq- gap, narrow opening t!0’guxsta with small’mouth
0- something dwaxste: mouth of inlet 155.26,
of bottle V 486.3
ha*m- to eat ha’*manédzrxsta to eat at the
side of some one 117.23 (see
no. 17)
qet- to spread qedexsta’e sticks for spread-
ing (mouth) of tree 99.3
gwas- to turn to gwa’yaxst to turn mouth to
Uae
‘matt!é- to recognize ‘mattléust to recognize voice
250.9
ga- early gaa’xstala breakfast X 167.6
grg'- wife geg vast woman’s voice
62. -sedi TOOTH [STEM-S., IND.]; loses initial s.
o’aLé hind end o’aLasx’Gé lower jaw 166.6
a®wabo’é> lower side a'wa’bosx' dé lower side of bow
of canoe 127.20
§ 23
——— _ err” o Maes
Boas] HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 479
‘walas large ‘walasa’dé big toothed (= lynx)
‘neg- straight ‘neva'd'ta straight edged V
491.30
t/és- stone t/é’sx'dé stone-edged 96.18
63. -70 NECK [STEM-S., H].
LIdg" red L!a@’q!wexd red necked
0- something ora’ wee neck 149.22 (see $4.3)
gix’- to put around genza'la to have around neck
167.28
genzo’d to put around neck
90.2
q!wes- to squeeze q!we'ts! nxod to strangle 136.32
k- !ip- to hold around klip! rx0'd to embrace around
neck X 121.38
sop- to chop so’p!rzod to chop neck (i. e.,
foot of tree) V 344.15
63 a. -tL!x6 IN MOUTH [STEM-S., W; compound of -éz (no. 47) and
-x0 (no. 63)]. ,
‘wap water ‘wa’ bit !xawe> saliva
hét- right hé’léx !xawe® mouthful X 157.20
ts!ex"- to wash ts!zweé’t!z0 to rinse mouth V
432.27
sek*- to spear sagé’Lixala to spear into
mouth U.S.N.M. 670.2
rwak !- canoe rwa’gwit!xdla canoe in mouth
U.S.N.M. 670.2
ts!xq- to throw — is!ngé’tinxod to throw into
mouth 359.13
64. -ndzEm THROAT [STEM-S., W; perhaps related to -ns- (no. 26)].
top- speck to’brendzem speck in throat
65. -a@p! when followed by accent -ip! NECK [| STEM-S., IND.].
0- something awa’ ple neck piece 18.5, 39.4
gaya’ p!é neck part 38.25
az- to be axa’ p!ala to have on neck 19.6
drx- to jump da’rwap! to jump on neck 99.27
g é- to be somewhere gip!a'teléd to put into neck-
piece 39.3
Also with the meaning FOLLOWING, BEHIND, like -ég'- (no. 69).
Lax“- to stand La’wap!elis to stand behind on
; beach (see no. 45)
han- hollow thing is somewhere ha'’ngitela'plala canoe fol-
lowing on water (see no. 42)
§ 23
480 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 40
66. -2:sid@’p! ARM ABOVE ELBOW. Evidently a compound of the
preceding suffix; loses initial 2.
o- something o’e"siaples shoulder and hu-
merus
‘wek-- to carry on shoulder ‘wix'sia’plala to carry on
shoulder 57.16
67. -ats!an(a) HAND [STEM-S., IND.] loses initial 2°.
t/és- stone tlé’sema'ts!ana stone-handed
131.32
ax- to do axts!a@’nend to put on hand
198.19
lemex"- dry le’mlemets!anax*id to dry
hands V 430.8
pex- to scorch pé pex'ts!anax**id to dry hands
by fire V 429.18
After short vowels this suffix has the form -dts!ana; with preceding ¢
it also forms -éts/dna.
da’'ba to hold end da batts !anend to take by hand
X 4.31 (see no. 31)
hé’ tk: lot right side hé'tk'!otts!éna right ~— hand
15.11
68. -b6 cHEST [STEM-S., H].
q!ap- to hit q!a’p!b6 to hit chest
69. -€g*(@) BACK [sTEM-s., W]. The terminal vowel of this suffix
may be -a. It appears very often, however, as -é@ without
any apparent grammatical reason.
at- sinew adé’g'é& back sinew V 487.4
(see no. 161)
6- something atwi’g'é back 144.21, V 475.6
(see no. 161)
mix’- to strike merné gind to strike back
L!das- seaward Lia’'sig'ata being with back
seaward 150.9 (see no. 92)
gil- to walk on four feet gilv’g rnd to climb on back
279.5
giligv’ndalap!a to climb on
back of neck 279.7 (see no. ©
65)
la to go lé’g-a to follow 47.41
6-, plural éw- something éwigatts!ané® backs of hands
X 159.30 (see no. 67)
B BOAS] HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 481
With ending -é it appears in—
Swun- to hide ‘wune’g'é to hide behind 120.7
ts!elk-- feather ts!n/lk-ig ila feathers on back
It is often used to signify BEHIND, as in the examples given before.
It is also used in a temporal sense, AFTERWARDS.
hét- right hé'léegind to serve a second
course at a meal 156.18
Gi. e., right afterwards)
L!op- to roast L!0’bég-a to roast afterwards
nagq- to drink na'gegila to drink afterwards
41.25
Peculiar idiomatic uses of this suffix are—
‘neg- straight *negé g'é midnight 85.27 (i. e.,
straight behind)
(naq- *) na’nageg é to obey 26.13
70. -k*ltlg(a@) FRONT OF BODY [STEM-S., IND.].
0- something ok lwulge front of body
gi- to be somewhere gék lilgend to put in lap
V 478.25
ts!xq- to drop ts!nxk'!i’/lgendala to drop in
lap 258.2
71. -a@q CROTCH [STEM-S., W].
6- something awa’gé crotch of a tree, hollow
in foot of a tree
awa’goxti small of back V
490.32 (see no. 15)
ts!op- to tuck in ts!o’bageé’ something tucked
into crotch X 175.6
gvg 4 tooth gv'g agala teethin crotch 96.17
ts! «t- crack, split ts!eda’q woman (i. e., split in
crotch 2)
72. -SAqQO PENIS [STEM-S., IND.].
mok¥- to tie mo'r"s rgrwak" with tied penis
(see no. 172) 138.11
73. -a-plég:(a) THIGH (compounded of -x"p/é and -g-a inside [no. 36]).
qix’- to put around giz ple’gind to put around
thigh 89.37
74. -k*dix°é KNEE [STEM-S., IND.].
6- something Okwd’x'é knee 87.12
LEem- scab Lemk d’xé& with scabby knees
154.11
44877—Bull. 40, pt 1—10-——31 § 23
482 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 40
75. -a°sts, -a°stdz(é) roor [STEM-s., IND.]; loses initial 2°.
o- something o’x"sidze® foot of mountain
19.12
ben- under be’na sidzé® under foot 118.30
hé that héx sidzendala right down to
foot 19.12
q!a’'x'sidzé to lead 24.4, 50.10
ép- to pinch é’ psidzend to pinch foot 96.3
76. -7LO HAIR ON BODY [STEM-S., W] (compare no. 49).
Llag’- red L!a’guxio red-haired
‘mel- white ‘me'lxLo mountain-goat (i. e.,
white-haired) 7.3
77. -qlEgé MEAT [STEM-S.; probably from -¢ and -ga AMONG (no. 7)].
‘mel- white (see ‘mez'lzz0 under = ‘me’l*melq! zgé mountain-
no. 76) goat meat
wiyod q!uge: the inside V 490.13
78. =€8 IN BODY [STEM-S., W].
gilt!- long gildés long-breathed
‘mek¥- round thing is *megwi’s stomach (1. c., round
| thing in body)
tslix- sick isha ii’sela (ts !tx-4’la-is-la),
ts iats!ené’s sick in body
78 a. -k*fés is probably a secondary form of the last, which loses
its initial k*, and hardens the terminal stem-consonant.
‘nem one ‘nemk'!és one down in belly
(= swallowed)
pent- stout pe niles stout belly 50.15
Here belongs probably also a form -k*/aés.
o’k !waédzé® branch side of tree V 344.15
la’k: !aédzend to enter the body 77.20
79. -g°it BoDY[STEM-S., IND.]; loses initial gq’.
o- something o’gwite® body 202.24 V 366.13
qup- to sprinkle qupe’tléd to sprinkle over body
112.19 (see no. 90)
z6s- to sprinkle z0’sit to sprinkle body 105.38
ék- good é’k-étrla well grown (tree) V
496.6
ték’- to hang te’kwetledayu to be hung to
body U.S.N.M. 667.7
dzek:- to rub dzek'v't to rub body 199.20
§ 23
a i i le i, i eel
BOAS]
/
HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 483
In a few cases -git appears as word-suffix.
‘na'la day
tlé’seEm stone
*na’'lagv'taso* Day - on - Body
196.4 (see no. 159)
Tlé’semg it Stone-Body 200.9
In one case the ending -g7it appears with its g° preserved after aq.
*meg’- to put on [PLURAL OB-
JECT]
‘megugvt to put on body
[PLURAL OBJECT] 199.11
80. -k:/t7 BODY, CONSISTING OF (relating to the surface of the body)
[STEM-S., IND., also WoRD-S.]; loses initial k-/, replaced by *.
(a) STEM-S.:
6- something
‘mel- white
Llemq!- yew tree
lemx"- dry
xv’tx- to burn
drwe’x cedar withe
Sometimes used to express LOG.
k!wa to sit
‘nex"- to cover with blanket
(6) wWorD-s.:
Llag"- red
ala real
o- something
ék* good
tz‘l- dead
o’k! wine surface of body
Sme'lk lin with white body
Lle’mg!ek' lin made of yew V
408.1
lemle’mazune ‘id to get dry V
483.6
vixendla being like fire V
196.35
drwe’xsen cedar-withe rope
170.8
kiwa'k init to sit on log in
house 272.29 (see no. 46)
givk-lindala to put on log
272.33 (see nos. 2, 91)
‘nevu'nd to put on blanket
65.1
L!a/qwak: lin copper body (1.e.,
entirely copper) 80.12
@’lak: lin able-bodied 208.39
81. -€q IN MIND [STEM-s., H, often with reduplication].
a‘wege’* inside of body
ék-!é’qela to feel good 123.12
(see no. 91)
é’k-éx%id to begin to feel glad
34.30 (see no. 90)
wa’*nega revengeful
te‘laé’qela to long (i. e., to
feel dead) 63.14
te‘laé’xsed to yield (i. e., to
begin to feel dead)
§ 23
484 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 40
gi- to be gig aegala to think 52.5
la to go lée’laéqala to think of going
q/é- many q!a’yaqala to bother 54.38 ;
*nék’- to say ‘né’nk l!éx%id to begin to think
(see no. 90) 184.3
§ 24. Limitations of Form (Nos. 82-85b)
82. =0k”“ and =s0k" HUMAN BEINGS[STEM-S., with doubtful influence
upon stem].
ma‘t two ma‘lo’k" two persons 48.21
ék good é’x'sok” handsome 48.29
gin- how many? gino’k« how many persons?
ho'lat a few ho'lalo’k” a few persons
qg/é- many qleyok” many persons
83. =a2s(@) FLAT [STEM-S., IND.].
'nEM one ‘nz’masa one (day) 18.2
84. =ts!aq LONG [STEM-S., IND.].
‘nEM one ‘nz’mts!aq one (horn) 17.9
85. -sgEM ROUND SURFACE [STEM-S., IND., and worD-s]; loses s
and g.
(a) STEM-S.:
‘nem one ‘nz’msgem one round thing
Sabi.
‘mel- white ‘me'lsgem white-surfaced
61.26
k!wa to sit klwa’sgem to sit on round
thing
qlEnép- to wrap up qlené’pemd to cover face
299.21
Here belong also—
L!a’s- seaward L!a’sgrmata to face seaward
61.16
la to go la’sgem to go facing (1. e., to
follow) 8.9
(b) worp-s.: blanket.
metsa’ mink ma'tsasgem mink blanket
qg!wax hemlock g!wa’xsem house of hemlock
branches 45.24
ala’g'im dressed skin ala'gimsgem dressed -s kin
blanket X 57.3
§ 24
Roas] HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 485
85a. -@ EN FINGER-WIDTH [WORD-S., IND.].
'nz’mdenxsd one finger-width thick V 491.6 (see no. 3)
yaey' dux“denilila everywhere about three finger-widths (see
no. 5)
85). -awa‘s day.
hé’top!enewass the right number of days 355.26
This class of suffixes does not fit in the present place particularly
well, since nos. 82-84 are used almost exclusively with numerals,
indicating the class of objects. My reason for placing these suffixes
at the present place is that suffixes denoting space limitations may be
used in the same way as this class. We have, for instance, with
-ts!6 (no. 27), ‘nz’mts!06 ONE INSIDE; and with -dla sTATIONARY ON
WATER (no. 41), aZzbd’'la SEVEN IN A CANOE AFLOAT. Since, further-
more, -0k“ HUMAN BEINGS is used with a number of intransitive
verbs, and since -sgxm is in its application quite analogous to all the
other local suffixes, it seemed best to keep the whole series together.
On the other hand, it must be borne in mind that there is a distinct
contrast between -dzd ON A FLAT THING (no. 35) and -zsa A FLAT
THING; the former indicating the place of an action, while the latter
is used only as a classifier of nouns. Furthermore, the few suffixes
given here are in a wider sense classifiers than the local suffixes. This
is indicated by combinations like ‘nz’mzsats!6 ONE FLAT THING
INSIDE (-zsa a flat thing, -ts/o inside); and ‘nz’msgzm‘std ONE
prop, literally ‘‘one round thing in round thing”’ (-sgzm round, -‘sté
round opening [no. 59]).
Temporal Suffixes (Nos. 86-97) (§§ 25-26)
§ 25. Purely Temporal Suffixes (Nos. 86-89)
86. -w REMOTE PAST [STEM-S., IND., and worp-s.]. This suffix has
the form -ué after words ending in a, m, n, 1, x“; after p, t, s,
k“, x, it assumes the form -wut. At the same time terminal k¥
is aspirated as before a consonant. After éit has the form -yud.
‘nngd’ p!enkimét the dead ‘nnqa’p!Eenk tm 283.9
Ya@'ctenut the dead Ya’xLen 285.11
lot he went long ago (from la to go)
‘ma’xot the dead ‘ma’xwa 470.36
ge- long time - gryo't long ago 12.4
omp father o’mpwut dead father 113.16
tzns- one day remote te’/ns‘ut yesterday 31.6
ds thy father @’swut thy dead father 142.16
§§ 24, 25
486
BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY
hayo’t*wut former rival
‘nemo'xwut past friend 271.23
[BULL. 40
ga cwutren I came long ago 142.19 (gaz to come; -zn I)
O'*magasema‘yut the dead O’“magasEmé® 142.17
In a few cases this suffix modifies the terminal sound of the stem.
da'gitnotwut DEAD FELLOW-WIFE 142.18, which contains the
suffix -dt (no. 167, p. 506) changes its terminal ¢ to ¢ (see also
87. =0°id RECENT PAST[STEM-S., IND.].
88.
89.
p- 451)
wa’yut OLD DOG, from wa’ts!é DOG, is treated as though the stem
were was- and the terminal s were weakened.
The initial 2° drops out after
p, t, s, l, and 1 and k sounds; p and ¢ are at the same time
strengthened; 1 and k stops are aspirated.
az- to be
la to go
- I FUTURE [ worD-s. ].
rwa'k luna canoe
Le’gad having a name
axa’s*id place where he had
been (see no. 182) 42.4
lax**id he went 190.29
rwa/kiunat a future canoe
83.33
Lé’gadet one who will have a
name 19.1
-17°dé TRANSITION FROM PRESENT TO PAST, or rather from exist-
ence to non-existence [STEM-S., IND., and worp-s.]; loses the
initial x’.
gil first
wa'tdem word
zisa’ta to have disappeared
ya’ qludza's place of lying dead
k!wit to feast in house
gile-dé what had been first
8.11
wa’ tdema'dé what he had said
25.4
x isa’'tax'dé the one who had
disappeared and “was no
more 85.32
ya'q!udza’sdé place where he
had lain dead 61.8 (see nos.
44, 182)
k!wi/tdé those who had been
feasted, but ceased to feast
22.4
§ 26. Suffixes with Prevailing Temporal Character (Nos. 90-97)
90. -x**td inchoative. The initial x is dropped after p, t, s, t, and
x and k sounds except the fortes; p and ¢ are at the same
§
26
= - ee
=
Los]
HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES
time strengthened; 2 and k stops are aspirated.
487
This suffix
is evidently compounded with the terminal completive -d
(no. 2). It can not be used with all other, suflixes, many of
which have a different way of forming inchoatives
no. 197). It can also not be used with all stem-verbs.
(see
It was stated before (no. 2) that verbs with primary suffixes
ending in -a generally form an inchoative in -nd.
Never-
theless cases occur in which the full suffix -x-‘id is used.
have—
la‘stax*t’d to begin to go into water 36.25
gwe’xtur*wid to begin to have a direction on top (= to steer)
o’dzrbax*id to begin to turn the wrong way
k- ltpts!@’/lax“id to begin to hold (in tongs) inside 192.38
k !asta’laz**id to begin to place into water 95.8
We
Examples of the use of the inchoative with simple stems are the
following:
gil- to walk on four feet
ten- to forget
k!uml- to burn
wun- to drill
Swun- to hide
rek*!- to stay
L!ep- to climb (a pole)
‘lap- to dig
x0’s*it to sprinkle body (see no.
79)
gas- to walk
plzs- to flatten
nét- to tell
gilo’t- to steal
k- !t’mt- to adze
k-éz- to fish with net
dzé’k’- to dig clams
dok“- to troll
doq"- to see
nag- to drink
awu'lq- to want more
ya’*wix'- to act
Tix’- to turn bow of canoe
gamz"- to put on down
maz"- potlatch
denx- to sing
g ile id
te’nx id
ku’ mlx id
wu' na id
Swu' na id
geek ln d
Liep!vd
‘la’ plid
20’ sitlid
ga’ sid
plastid
ne’ tid
g ilo’ tid
ke 14/mtid
ke’ tid
dzé' xd
do'x'wid
do’ xiwid
na’ xsid
awu' lxid
ya'wia sid
ris*t'd
ga'maiwid
Ema’ xiwid
de’ nxid
=P)
488 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 40
It appears from the rules and examples here given that the incho-
atives of stems in k* and a’, k% and 2”, g and 2, g” and a”, 1 and ¢
can not be distinguished. The number of stems ending in a
fortis is very small, but all those that I have found take the
ending -x‘id preceded by a release of the vocal cords. I have
no examples of stems ending in a sonant and taking the ending
-x'*id.
A few cases are apparently irregular, presumably on account of
secondary changes in the stem.
(zax¥-) to stand La’ ¢swid
(tox“-) to go forward to’x'wid
Both these stems are often treated as though they ended in -d,
not in -z", but the relationship of these two sounds has been
pointed out before.
91. -d(a@) continuative. Instems ending in a long vowel, it is added
to the terminal vowel. Withstems ending in a consonant, it is
generally connected by an obscure z, but also by a long @.
Terminal p and ¢ sounds, including nasals in suffixes and
stems, seem to require long ad, while s occurs both with z£
and @. In stems ending in a k sound with w or i tinge, it
is added to the vocalized tinge. In all suffixes that may
take a terminal -a (no. 1), it is added to this -a.
wut- to hear wuLe'la to hear 11.10
laé’i to enter laé’tela to be engaged in
entering 24.2
ya’ 10d to tie ya’Lodala to be engaged in
tying 28.33
This suffix is evidently contained in the suffixes -‘nakula (no. 94),
-k lala (no. 144), -aldla (no. 5), -g'aazela (no. 96), -dtzla (no.
93), -gila (no. 136).
Examples of its use after various classes of sounds are the
following:
After long vowels—
pa'la to be hungry 7.4 ‘mola to thank 21.2
hamg‘vla to feed 7.6 ala real 9.5
*wi'‘la entirely 10.8 axk:!a/la to ask 7.5
After stems ending in a k sound with wu or 7 tinge—
g 0’kula to live 7.1 islixi/la sick 32.27
*na’qula light 11.2 ple’xula to feel
§ 26
Boas] HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 489
After consonants of k and l series—
wuLe'la to hear 11.10 k-itzla’ to be afraid 10.2
wu'ngela deep 11.1 Lé’gela to name 9.13
ve'niela very 7.3 dr’nxela to sing 13.2
After consonants of p and t series—
axa’p!lala to be on neck ho’'temala to obtain easily 7.3
19.6 a’xodala to handle 32.41
hé’to‘mala to be on time da'la to hold 14.9
15.10 tena’la to forget
gexima'la to be on head- qa’ tsée‘stala to go around 23.13
ring 18.4
After s—
mé’sela to have a smell léstalv’sela to go around on beach
P27
qwe’sala far 26.43
After suffixes that may take terminal a—
Sa’gumbala (name of a place) 7.1 (no. 31)
ts/é’stala tongs 21.3 (no. 32)
gana’yobala having lasso at end 37.13 (no. 31)
ge‘stala long in water X 155.38 (no. 39)
92. -ata continuative [STEM-s., IND.]. This differs from the pre-
ceding in that it indicates the continued position implied in
an act, not the continued activity itself.
x Os- to rest x°0’sdla to be in the position
of rest 274.7
‘wun- to hide ‘wund’ta to be in hiding 161.2
gil- to move on four legs gila’ta to be on four legs
*nex"- near ‘nexwa’ta to be near 36.10
da to take da'ta to hold 16.5
bek¥- man bekwa’'ta character of a person
With stems ending in @, é, and 7 it is contracted to -éla:
gé long gata 129.14
hé that hé'ta being that 14.3
93. -0€(£la) CONTINUED MOTION [STEM-S., IND.].
é’k-! above é’k-!0tela to continue to go up
126.40
‘nala south ‘na/lotela going south, down
river 125.7
gwas- direction gwa’sodtela to approach 9.9
§ 26
490 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [RULL. 40
94. -“naku(la) GRADUAL MOTION, ONE AFTER ANOTHER[STEM-S., W].
tékv- to hang te’qu'na’kula to hang one after
another
pEnt- stout penLE nd kula to grow stout
49.15 :
qas- to walk — gdna’kula to walk along 115.3 '
95. -20aW(@) SOMETIMES [ worRD-s.].
la to go la’naxwa to go sometimes 11.3
xa’s place of disappearance via’snarwa place where he
disappears sometimes 28.8
96. -g-aaLEla, after k and 1 sounds ~axnerla, SUDDENLY. Used
often with verbs denoting sense-impressions (see p. 514).
doq- to see dox*wate'la to discover 19.10
plag- to taste plexave'la to learn by taste
31.5 ;
q!az- to know q!ataxrr'la to learn 135.4
gaz to come ga@'xacz‘la to come suddenly
33.41
The following is apparently irregular:
wut- to hear wuLd'caLtela to learn by
hearing 35.23
The following probably belong here also:
ax- to do axkaLtr’lod to take out sud-
denly 38.13
kwéz- to strike kwéxace’lod to strike sud-
denly 99.3
Lds- to push Las‘aLe‘lod to push in sud-
denly 19.5
97. -f@ TO DO AT THE SAME TIME WHILE DOING SOMETHING ELSE,
WHILE IN MOTION [STEM-S., IND.].
daé- to laugh da’'tta*‘ya laughing at the same
time 284.5
drnx- to sing de'nxrtatya singing while
walking 355.15
- yiz"- to dance Syixuta’*ya dancing as_ she
came 455.20
With terminal -é (see § 49, p. 530) this suffix has the form -tz*wé:
*né’gite*we he says while— 285.6 :
ha'mala'g ita’wé to eat walking 134.2
ya’ qtentlalaxtrswe to speak while— 374.9
§ 26
BOAS] HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 491
The elements -g%- and -z- preceding this suffix in the last two
instances are not clear as to their origin.
Suffixes Denoting Subjective Judgments or Attitudes Relating to the
Ideas Expressed (Nos. 98-133) (§§ 27-32)
§ 27. Sujfjixes Denoting Connection with Previously Expressed Ideas
Y ‘ip
(Nos. 98-104)
98. =<2ad ALSO, ON THE OTHER HAND [ WORD-S.].
da’«**idaxaa he also took 8.13
@’emtzxaas and only you on your part 397.3 (-em no. 103; -1 no.
88; -s thou)
Lo’gwalaxarn I on my part have supernatural power 399.3
(-en I)
99. =%°Sd STILL, ENTIRELY [WORD-S.].
1a’ siwalax'sé it still stuck on his forehead 24.5
da'lax'sé still holding on 14.11
L!exL!d'gex"sé entirely cedar-bark 86.24
99a. -q¢/dla PERFECTLY, COMPLETELY [STEM-S., IND.].
*na’q!ala it is full day 441.13
no’ tq!ala entirely uneasy
100. -lag:-itl IN THE MEAN TIME [WoORD-s.].
seka@’/lag iL to spear in the mean time CS 44.25
101. =-¢!a But [ WoRD-s.].
*né’x‘lat!a but he said, it is said, 100.22
102. =Za@ BuT [worD-s.].
la’ ra but he went 14.10
The difference between -za and -t/a is difficult to define. On the
whole, the latter expresses an entirely unexpected event in
itself improbable; the former implies that the event, although
not necessary, might have been expected.
gap!é'déda xwa'k!una latmé’sta hé’tdik-ama the canoe capsized
but he came out well
gap!lée'déda xwa'k!una la’me’stia hé'tdik-ama the canoe capsized
and against all expectation he came out well (gap!é’d to cap-
size; -€da prenominal subj. [p. 530]; zwa’k!una canoe; la to do,
go, happen; -‘més no. 104; hé’ldik-ama to come out right)
la'mé’st!a wuLekwa’ it has antlers (although they do not belong
to it) (wuze’m antlers; -k” passive participle, no. 172)
§ 27
492 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BuLL. 40
103. =*a indicates that the subject has been referred to or thought
of before.
g Gt'rm he came
laz'm‘laé gwat then, it is said, he finished (what has been men-
tioned before) 141.34
le’x'aem daa’x“s K’. and it was only carried by K-. 403.28
yu’'men—this (what has been mentioned before) is my—211.20
104. =‘aés [ worD-s.; compounded of -*m-wis AND So, indicating that
a certain event is the effect of a preceding event].
héx‘idarmla’wis and so, it is said, it began to be (passim) (héx**id
it begins to be, -‘la it is said, -zm-wis)
gv gaméemzaa'wisen and so I, on my part, am also a chief
This suffix evidently contains -'m (no. 103); the intimate con-
nection between the expressed idea and the preceding idea
being first indicated by -‘m, and their causal relation being
indicated by -wis. In a few cases, when following -dna PER-
HAPS (no. 106), it occurs without -*m.
§ 28. Sujfjixes Denoting Degrees of Certainty (Nos. 105-107)
105. -laa% POTENTIALITY, used in all uncertain conditional sentences
[ WORD-S.].
a’mé’talax it might spoil 131.17
yvlkwalaz6n you might be hurt 29.35
106. -@na PERHAPS [ WORD-S.].
‘ma’dzda’/nawis what, indeed, may it be? (see no. 119) 11.12
la’gils‘laza’/nauis (what) may he perhaps be doing on the
ground? 95.20 (-gils on ground [no. 44]; -lax [no. 105]; -wis
[no. 104])
107. -g°-an. Em PERHAPS [ WORD-S.].
so’gwanrm you perhaps 146.28
§ 29. Suffixes Denoting Judgments Regarding Size, Intensity, and
Quality (Nos. 108-126)
108. =Kk*as REALLY [worp-s.]. In the dialects of northern Van-
couver Island, particularly in that of Koskimo, this suffix is
used throughout, and has lost its significance entirely.
gd’ tak-as really a long time 7.4
ne nwalak!winék'asos your real supernatural quality 479.11 (see
no. 171)
ga'ck-asden really I came 478.4 (see no. 89; -zn I)
§§ 28, 29
BOAS] HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 493
108 a. -k°as*O FINE AND BEAUTIFUL, used particularly in poetry
[ WORD-S. ].
LO’ qwalak-as*6 a really fine magic treasure 111.1, 478.9
109. -6°§ UGLY, AWKWARD [STEM-S., w].
wa’'yat a big ugly dog
‘widlotwisté where is the past, ugly, miserable thing? (wi-
where, -ué past[no. 86], -0°¢ ugly, -wi‘s[no. 104], -xzé miserable
[no. 115]) 99.31
la’k-adzo*t that really bad one X 207.16 (see no. 108)
110. -dzé LARGE [ worRD-s.].
tla qwadzé large copper 84.16
q!a@’sadzék-as a great number of sea-otters (-k-as no. 108)
g 0'x"dzé large house 483.27
110a. -Em diminutive [STEM-s., w] always used with reduplication
(see § 45, p. 526).
neg é’ mountain na’nagim small mountain
ts!eda’q woman ts!a@'ts!edagem girl
g 0k” house g'a'g ogum little house
g int- child gag inlem little child
In sa@’yobem LITTLE ADZE (from sdp- TO ADZE) the initial s is
weakened (see § 43.6).
111. -Em GENUINE, REAL [STEM-S. and worD-s., H, lengthens vowel
of stem].
ba’k!um genuine man, Indian
ba’gwanem‘ em full-grown man
Kvkwa’k!um real Kwakiutl
wi wap!em fresh water V 365.33
112. -béd0* SMALL [SINGULAR, WORD-S.]; see no. 113.
q!a’k- obid 6 a little slave 99.31
sé’xwabido* to paddle a little
ge lwitbabido® little hooked nose 271.29
brgwo'*tbhido® ugly, little man (see no. 109)
Very common are the compounds—
ama’bidd® small one 18.10, 38.14
‘nerwa tabido* quite near 19.13, 107.20
With verbs this suffix, as well as the following, signify rather
that a small person, or small persons, are the subject of the
verb, than that.the act is done to a slight extent, although the
latter is often implied.
é’plébido® the little one pinched, he pinched a little CS 12.13
§ 29
494
113.
114.
ths.
£16;
li ee
118.
Hite
BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 40
-MENExXx" SMALL [PLURAL, WORD-S.]. Possibly this is etymo-
logically related to the preceding, since m and n are the nasals
belonging to 6 and d; and a similar relation of stops and
nasals may be observed in the northern dialects of the Kwa-
kiutl, where we have, for instance, -idzx" corresponding to
-énox" (no. 162).
‘néne’mgesmeEnex" the little ‘nx’mges 135.34
-O SMALL [ WORD-S.].
g a@'xetelad little ones entering U.S.N.M. 670.14
-xL@ MISERABLE, PITIFUL, TOO BAD THAT, loses the initial x
after s.
mé’caxLayin too bad that I was asleep!
la’xxLé unfortunately X 162.39
=1° Ld VERY [ WORD-S.].
ts! z/lqwax La& it is very warm
qlz'msq!emts!Ex' L&é very lazy 45.9
-witst!a VERY (perhaps a compound of -wis [no. 104] and -t/a
[no. 101] BUT So).
ts!0'ttowist!a very black
-m@ AT ONCE, WITHOUT HESITATION[ worpD-s.]. Used in the
most southern Kwakiutl dialect, the Le’kwitda‘z", with great
frequency. In this dialect the suffix has lost its significance
entirely.
g a’zmda he came at once
-dz@ EMPHATIC [| WORD-S.].
gé'ladzd come, do! 13.3 (like German “komm doch!’’)
‘ma’dza what anyway? 11.12
yu'dzdemzxent evidently this is it (see nos. 103, 135)
k:Jé’dzdem not at all X 3.29 (see no. 103)
. sheinat NICELY [ WorD-s.].
dr’/nxalak:inat singing nicely
oD oD
. =a°sa(ld@) CARELESSLY [ WORD-S.].
‘né’'k-ax'sala to speak carelessly
. shina ACCIDENTALLY [STEM-S., with reduplication].
da'doxkwinala to see accidentally
wa'watkiné obtained by luck CS 42.8
L0'mak indlazé will be by chance very much CS 36.7
§ 29
BOAS] HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 495
123. -q!dlasm(a@) TO NO PURPOSE [ WoRD-s.].
qlénd' kulaq!a’la’ma walking along without object
bé’begwanemg!ala’m common men V 441.15
124. -wd, -@ IN A WRONG MANNER, TO FAIL, TO MAKE A MISTAKE
EY ) ) )
oFF [sTEM-s.]. This suffix may be identical with no. 37.
After n and vowels, -wd; after p, t, and anterior and posterior k
sounds, -@ (compare no. 41).
la’wd to go off from road V 491.24
da’wd to fail to hold V 478.21
t!é’ pa to step off
sopa'la to chop off V 345.18
této’la to have the bait off V 479.9
k-éxa’layu to be scraped off V 487.12
125. -b68(a) TO PRETEND TO [ WORD-S.]
q!wa’sabéta to pretend to ery 155.34
ts!na°q!abo’ta to pretend to feel sick 278.26 (see no. 148)
ha‘mapbota to pretend to eat 257.23
‘wi'‘labota to pretend to pinch 260.33
This suffix occurs also with nouns:
ha‘mé’botax'dé past pretended food (what had been made to look
like food) 260.36
126. -x°st! aS USUAL; -x°stlaak" APPARENTLY, SEEMINGLY, IT
SEEMS LIKE. ;
la’*mzx'st!as you do as usual U.S.N.M. 670.7
ladz0’lisax’st!aa@’x"maé apparently reaching up to the sky 238.5
la’x' st!aa’k” it seems to be 50.25
4
§ 30. Suffixes Denoting Emotional States (Nos. 127-129)
127. -qlanadk" QUITE UNEXPECTEDLY [ WoRD-s. ].
la’qiand’kwaeé k!é/lax*tdeg he struck her, although you would
not expect it of him
128. -€L ASTONISHING! [ WORD-S.].
s@’éL it is you! 149.12, U.S.N.M. 725.11
é’dzdétak’ behold not this! 198.37 (és- not; -dzd@ no. 119; -ak-
this [see p. 530])
129. -x0L ASTONISHING! 0 WONDER! [ WORD-S.].
k:!é’sx6L oh, wonder! not 17.7
hé*maaslazoz oh, wonder! it was he 138.43
éataéne’maxoL behold! wolves X 57.15
§ 30
496
BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 40
§ 31. Suffix Denoting the Optative (Nos. 130-131)
130. -nésL on, 1F! [worpD-s.].
131.
g Gene sie oh, if (he) would come! 3
-%* LIKELY HE WOULD! exhortative (see § 66, p. 549).
§ 32. Suffixes Denoting the Source of Information (Nos. 132-135)
132.
133.
134.
135.
136.
-“l(a@) IT IS SAID [ WORD-S.].
ze’nLelal very much, it is said 7.3
k !é’s‘lat!a but not, it is said 8.10 (see no. 101)
la’‘laé then, it it is said, he—(passim)
-Emsk” As I TOLD YOU BEFORE [ WORD-S.].
g@zemsk” he has come—as you ought to know, since I told you
before ;
-Eng°a@ IN A DREAM [ WORD-S.].
laz/ng'a in a dream it was seen that he went X 173.40
-~Ent EVIDENTLY (as is shown by evidence) [worp-s.].
k !ea’saaxent evidently nothing 73.18
klé'sxent evidently not 148.15
Suffixes Denoting Special Activities (Nos. 136-155) (§§ 33-34)
§ 35. Activities of Persons in General (Nos. 136-143)
-g°ila TO MAKE [WoRD-s. and STEM-S., IND.]; loses initial g’.
Llénag ila to make oil 37.5
mo'masila to hurt 29.28
La’wayugwila to make a salmon-weir 26.39
lnqwe'la to make a fire 98.8
gwe'g ila to do so (to make a certain kind of thing) 15.12
sé’gwila to make a paddle V 496.2-
This suffix occurs also with neutral stems as an indifferent stem-
suffix.
bek’- man bekwe’/la to make a man
103.20
tok¥- strong tokwe'la to make strong 104.7
This suffix in its passive form -g%i‘lak” is used very often to form
names of men, in the sense BORN TO BE—
Gu'ntelak” born (literally, made) to be heavy
Neg dé’tsi‘lak¥ born to be mountain on open prairie
Ha'*masit‘lak” born to be a chief
L!a'qwasgemg tlak" born to be copper-faced
§§ 31-33
Boas] HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 497
Peculiar is the mythical name of the mink 1/é’sslag‘i‘la, which
retains the glottal stop of the passive forms, although it lacks
the passive suffix -k” (no. 172), with which it would mean
BORN TO BE THE SUN.
137. -a°stla TO TAKE CARE OF [STEM-S. also worp-s. Used with
reduplication]; loses initial a’.
ts/éq- winter-dance
ndgq- rind
bekv- man (2)
gig- chief
pana’yu hook
ts!é’atsléxsila to take care of
winter dance 16.12
nana’ géx'sila to resolve 184.2
ba’ bax"sila to use 36.7
gag izsila to treat like a chief
360.42
pa’ panayur"si‘lats !é receptacle
(i. e., canoe) for fishing with
hooks V 484.14 (see no. 184)
138. -lat TO BE OCCUPIED WiTH [WoRD-s., generally with redupli-
cation or lengthened vowel].
md salmon
o’maé chieftainess
wilk” cedar
pes- to give a potlatch
139. -€xst TO DESIRE [STEM-S., H].
nag- to drink
az- to do
140. -OL TO OBTAIN [STEM-S., IND.].
q/é- many
la to go
q!akv- slave
wi- nothing
gi- to be
mé’gwat seal
gwoéyo: the thing referred to
44877—Bull. 40, pt 1—10-—_32
hamé’yalat to be occupied with
salmon (i. e., to dance the
salmon dance) 84.5
a’d'malat chieftainess dance
84.8
hawi'lkulat cedar dance
pa’salat potlatch dance
nda’ qéxst to desire to drink
axé’xst to desire to do 17.3
qgleyo’t to obtain many 139.36
lox to obtain 59.34
q!a’k dLanem obtained by get-
ting a slave 136.25 (see § 4,
p. 436, no. 179)
wio’L not to obtain 459.34
g@'yoLas place where one ob-
tains something 26.22 (see
no. 182)
mé’gwatdL to obtain seals
gwoé'yo'Las place where one
' obtains the thing referred to
45.31 (see no, 182)
§ 33
AOS BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [puLL. 40
141. -@ TO ENDEAVOR [STEM-S., H, always with reduplication with
a vowel] (see § 46).
dog"- to see da'doq!wa to endeavor to see
x is- to disappear x a’xatya to try to disappear
na’qo to meet na nagaiwa to try to meet
yix"- to dance ya'ya'wa to try to dance
dé’x*wasela to discover da'doz*wasrlaa to try to dis-
cover
isi to draw water tsa’tsa‘ya to try to draw water
* né’s to pull na’néts!aayu hook for pulling
up red cod V 332, 18 (see
no. 174)
This suffix is used very often with nouns.
ts!elk-- feather is!a'ts!zlk'la to try to get
feathers 157.3
sds- spring salmon sa’yats!a to catch spring sal-
mon
gix"- steelhead salmon ga'g twa to try to catch steel-
head salmon
cunk"- child awa’runk!iwa to try to get a
child
rwak"- canoe qwa’xwak!wa to try to get a
canoe
It also occurs quite frequently with other suffixes.
lox to obtain (see no. 140) la’lox!a to try to obtain 73.21
laé’t to enter (see no. 47) la‘laéx!a to try to enter
la’wels to go out (see no. 37) la'lawults!a to try to go out
&wi'lo~ to obtain all (see no. Swa!l*wildtia to try to get all
140) CS 10.30
142. =“yala TO GO TO LOOK FOR [STEM-S., IND., always with reduplica-
tion with a vowel] (see § 46).
t/és- stone tla’tlése‘yala to go to look for
stones
rwak"- canoe rwa’rwakusyala to go to look
for a canoe
142a. -md@la to GQ [STEM-s., IND.].
qlé’*mala many walking 16.2
wad’xumiala to go in company with several 44.19
Hé'‘lamdlaga right going woman (mythical name of mouse) 11.12
(see no. 192)
142b. -s°dla deserted [STEM-S., IND.].
kwas‘d’la to sit deserted CS 40.4
§ 33
BoAS] HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 499
142c. -g0 TO MEET [STEM-S., IND.]; loses initial g, used with redupli-
cation or lengthening of stem vowel.
la to go lz’lgo to meet
gil first gigi’lgo meeting the first
time (i. e., newly married
couple)
k-iq- to strike together k-a@’qO canoes meet
q!ul- alive q!wa'‘lago to meet alive 193.29
‘yak"- bad eya'kdmas to vanquish 131.24
(see no. 158)
143. -Ost!ga TO Usk, only with numeral adverbs.
‘ne’mp!enost!ga to use once.
qglé' plénost!qa to use many times
ma‘tp!é’nost!zqa it happened twice 470.41
§ 34. Activities Performed with Special Organs of the Body (Nos.
144-155
144. -k*/@la@ CONTINUED NOISE, CONTINUED ACTION WITH THE VOICE
[srem-s.,H]. After ¢, ts, k stops, x, ?, -ala, with hardened termi-
nal consonant; after s, generally ‘dla.
da to hold da’k:!ala to ask for something
18.9
denz- to sing dz'nzk' Jala noise of singing
LP LO
sEepelk’- noise of metal sepe'lak: !dlagizé ringing noise
on water 152.34
ax- to do ark: !a’'la to ask 7.5
ték¥- to joke ték !wa'la to joke 24.6
Lét- to call Lé‘lala to invite 23.2
o'dzEq- wrong o’dzzqiala to say something
wrong X 101.30
sat- love song sa‘lala to sing love song X
8.56
6’*mis curious 6’*mits!ala curious sound
196.20
gint- child gi/nlala noise of child
In a few cases -k'Gla appears as word suffix.
bregwa’nem man begwa’nemk: !ala noise of aman
148.26
dla really _ Wak lala to speak really X
5.24
Irregular is—
ya'qlantlala to speak (see yda’q!eg'a‘t to begin to speak, no. 145)
§ 34
500
BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 40 —
144 a. -4la4 TO PERSUADE TO. I doubt very much if this suffix belongs
145.
146.
147.
148.
with the preceding, since its rules of attachment are quite dif-
ferent. It is always used with reduplication.
gin- to add to a price gigi’ntwala to ask for a
higher price
méz- to sleep hamé’x‘ala to persuade to sleep
-g°at,-k: fig.a= BEGINNING OF A NOISE, TO BEGIN WITH THE
VOIcE [generally stem-s., H.]. No rule can be given for the use
of the two forms of this suffix. Thesecond form loses initial -k:.
kwe'g-a't to begin to cry kwé 49.33
mix’- to strike me‘ng at sound of striking
dzelz¥- to run dzelo’gwa‘t it sounds like run-
ning
hé that hé’k gat it sounds’ thus
443.33
gwé thus gwe'ktg'a*t it sounds thus
174.26, 202.26
yo'qwuk' lg'ast it sounds like
rain
yog"- wind yo'k!ug‘ast it sounds like wind
é’dzaqwa to say again é’dzaq!uga‘tit begins to sound
like speaking again X 231.9
wut- to ask wu'L!eg'ast to question X 5.16
(zwa- to croak?) gwa’k!ug-ast to croak 174.29
ya’qlegast to begin to speak
12.3
=xX@ TO SAY [STEM-S., IND.].
ma’lexa to say ma’le 34.27
yé'xa to Say yé 35.40
pexa’ to utter sound of pazala (shaman) 100.10
yo’xwa to say yo X 176.19
malé’xela to continue to say ma’le X 226.22
-dzaquwd TO SPEAK [STEM-S., IND. ?].
et- again é’dzaqwa to speak again 18.13
mo’p!en four times mo’ plendzaqwa to speak four
times 73:31
‘wil- all ‘wi'ldzaqwa all spoke 319.12
‘naz¥- all *na’e"dzaqwa all spoke X 197.7
=-q!@ TO FEEL [STEM-S., IND.].
pos- hungry po'sqia to feel hungry 36.38
po'sqléx*id 54.8
odz- wrong o’dzrq!ala to feel wrong 30.34
§ 34
j BOAS]
149. -g/Es To EAT [STEM-S., IND.]. This suffix seems to be very
sea
HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 5O1
irregular.
gvlq!es to eat first 193.4
149a. -g° TO EAT [WORD-S., IND.; also STEM-S.], always used with redu-
150.
plicated stem.
gé’was deer grge wasg’ to eat deer
L!a’é black bear L/Ex/é’g' to eat bear meat
aLanr’m wolf aatane’mg to eat wolf's meat
lag hemlock sap lela’xg° to eat hemlock sap
q!a’mdzek” salmon berry glaq!a’mdzex“g to eat salmon
berries
ga’ weganem clam gig a’ wizxg to eat clams
mesé’*q" sea egg meEmesé xg" to eat sea eggs
k:!a’was dried halibut klik: !a’wasg) to eat dried
halibut
zo‘le’ mussel rExo’‘lég’ to eat mussels
biskt’t biscuit bibisk’t’tg’ to eat biscuits
See also § 43, p. 525.
-p!a TO TASTE [STEM-S., IND.].
é’x'pla good taste
150 a. =pfala TO SMELL [STEM-S., IND.].
151.
153.
154.
é’x plala good smell
Q!a’néxp!ala it smells of Q!a’neq !@lak" 95.21
-(a@)k°a@ TO HAPPEN[STEM-S., IND. ?].
o’dzak'a it happens wrongly (=to die).
qa to find gi’k-a to happen to find
348.13
. -AlisEM TO DIE OF [STEM-S., W].
q!was- to cry q!wa’'yalisem to die of crying
367.35
ruls- to long ru'lyalisem to die of longing
; 382.27
‘mek¥- round thing is some- ‘megwa'lisem to choke to
where death V 428.20
-sdana TO DIE OF [WORD-S.].
po'sdana to die of hunger 21.6
“na’'lasdana to die of the weather (i. e., by drowning) 251.42
-ts!E WITH HANDS.
wits!zg-usta not able to climb up with hands (wi- not, g:ustd- up
[see no. 20]).
§ 34
a2 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 40
155. =plattO WITH EYES.
hép!a’tto to look at once 63.8
awe'lp!atto to discover 154.16
gi'lp!atto to see first X 197.2
§ 35. Suffixes which Change the Subject or Object of a Verb (Nos. 156-160)
156. -ap!l(a) EACH OTHER [STEM-S., IND.], with reduplication or
lengthening of vowel.
gas- to walk
kwéx- to strike
séx"- to paddle
k!we'las feast
qa’ qasap!a to race walking
kwa’kwextap!a to strike each
other 292.6
sa’ séxwap!a to race paddling
k!wa'k !welasap!a to vie giving
feasts 397.16
In the following cases the vowel is lengthened into @:
wuL- to ask
trk- to throw
mix’- to strike
neEp- to throw
(t6-) to attack
sek- to spear
Long vowels remain unchanged:
wi'n- to make war
té’nem- to quarrel
ta’zula to love
wa'Ltap!a to ask each other
162.6
ta’k‘ap!a to throw each other
215.10
ma’x'ap!a to strike each other
na’ pap!a to throw each other
X 6.23
ta’wap!a to meet fighting
288.10
sa'kdla to spear each other.
wi'nap!a to make war upon
each other 270.4
té’nemap!a to quarrel together
121.15
ta’xulap!a to love each other
ta’zulap!ot beloved friend
267.37 (see no. 167)
157. -@(la) EACH OTHER, TOGETHER [STEM-S., IND.], with reduplica-
tion or change of vowel; original meaning probably JoINnTLy.
Enemo’k" friend
q!was- to cry
After vowels it takes the form -séla.
ts!a’*ya sister
§ 35
*na’muk-dla friends to each
other 147.20 (see p. 436).
q!wa’qlusdla to ery together
157.8
ts!a’ts!a‘yasdla sisters to each
other 47.42
Boas{
158.
159. =s0° PASSIVE [ WORD-S.].
HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 508
Frequently it appears combined with ga AMone (no. 7).
ho’ zéla to listen
ad to split
=-G@Mas TO CAUSE [ WORD-S.].
ha’warelagala to listen to each
other 26.10
zoxuga’la broken to pieces
among itself 27.7
a’méta’mas to cause to be spoiled 13.4
te‘la’mas to cause to die 39.1
qlula@’x*idaimas to cause to come to life 48.14 (see no. 90)
gé’wasida’mas to cause to become a deer (see no. 90)
é’k ligrmata’mas to cause face to be turned up 144.20 (see nos.
54, 92)
lawé’mas to cause to be off 441.32 (see no. 37)
£wi’*lolt!a’mas to cause all to come out of woods 40.17 (see no. 37¢)
A comparison between the use of -s6*
and -ayu (no. 174) for expressing the passive shows that the
former expresses the idea TO BE THE OBJECT OF AN ACTION,
the latter TO BE THE MEANS OF PERFORMING AN ACTION. This
is brought out clearly by the forms gd@’s‘itsé* TO BE PURSUED
(literally, TO BE THE OBJECT OF GOING) and g@’s‘ida’yu to be
carried along (literally, TO BE THE MEANS OF GOING).
méL- to tease
wut- to ask
*nék* to say
L!0’pa to roast
axé'd to take
qla’mtléd to sing
plelxelaxida’mas to cause to
become fog (see nos. 91, 90,
158)
kiwét feast (see no. 46)
mé’ Lasé® to be teased 28.37
wuLda’sd® to be asked 100.23
*né’x'sd* to be told 100.19
L!0’paso® to be roasted 37.27
ax®é'tso® to be taken 43.16
qla’mtléts6* it was sung
plelxelax*ida’matso® to be
transformed into fog (s-s
becomes ts) CS 2.18
k!we'ttso® to be feasted 32.32
(s after becomes ts)
With following -2, this suffix becomes -sz*we (see § 4, p. 438).
[STEM Ss., W].
doq“- to see
dd'xwate'la to discover by
seeing
q!az- to know
pléx’- to feel
é’xul- to desire
160. -%, passive of words denoting sense experiences and emotions
do’gut to be seen 8.10
do’x'watr’t to be discovered
41.34
q!@’ Let known 136.23
plé’rut and p!ayo'l to be felt
é’xut and éyo’l to be desired
§ 35
504 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [eunn, 40.
‘melq’- to remember ‘me lgut to be remembered
wat- to wish wa'taget to be wished 17.7
Llés- to hate Lé'dzrt to be hated
Here belongs also—
qlayv’la to talk (from q/é gla’yot to be spoken of
MUCH)
§ 36. Nominal Suffixes (Nos. 161-194b)
161. =e§[ worp-s.]. This suffix serves to form substantives of neutral
stems and suffixes. It occurs generally with a demonstrative
a or é (see § 56), and then takes the forms -a*ya@ and =a‘é.
x4 to split vde* what has been split 27.13
az- to do axa’ é work 28.1, 79.18
k-!at- to paint kla’te® painting 50.2
-xzLa hind end (no. 15) o’xLé stern of canoe 79.9
-giu forehead (no. 57) La’siwé® what sticks on fore-
head 22.11
A number of nouns are also found which occur only with é, but
which are not known as neutral stems, except in composition.
t!a’*é black bear
*ndgeé> mind
té’we> mat
Here belongs the ending of abstract nouns in -éné (see no. 171).
1/é’lalaé'ne® the calling 17.2
162. -€n0xc" A PERSON WHO DOES AN ACTION PROFESSIONALLY
[STEM-S., H].
sak"- to carve meat sak :wé’nox” meat-carver 32.1
alé’x"- to hunt in canoe alé’winox” sea hunter V 496.2
sé’x”- to paddle sé’xwilaénox” paddle maker V
496.4
tewi’x'a to hunt goats tewi’*nénox” goat hunter 7.4
*ma’z¥- to give potlatch ‘matwi’nox" potlatch giver
144.3
This suffix is also used to designate tribal names, and _ place-
names derived from these.
Awi’g'a country in back (2?) Awi’k:!énox™
(Rivers inlet)
Gwa’dzé north Gwa’'ts!énox™
‘ma what? ‘ma’énox” of what tribe?
The tribal name G6’sgtmua" contains a similar suffix, although
no reason can be given for the change from n in -énox” to m in
-tmux”. A similar change occurs in the ending -mp (no. 168).
§ 36
————————
Boas] HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 505
162a. (-€d Ex”) The suffix corresponding to the Kwakiutl -énoz” in
the Bella Bella dialect is -édzx", which may be of the same
origin, the ¢ and n being related sounds,
He’ staédrx” 429.33
Afwi' tlédex” 431.26
No’lowidex” 436.30
163. -b%S FOND OF, DEVOTED TO [STEM-S., IND.; and WorD-s.].
(a) STEM-S.:
nag- to drink na’xbis drunkard
waz- to smoke wa’xbis smoker
(b) WORD-S.:
éaxala to work é’axalabis fond of work
é’x' pla sweet é’xplabis fond of sweets
164. =Es CAPABLE OF, used particularly with words denoting sense
impressions [STEM-S., H, generally used with reduplication].
dog"- to see do’drq!us with good power of
seeing
més- to smell mé’mts!zs with good power of
smelling
Lélk- to lie Lelk!us liar
Irregular seem to be—
ho’ raq!us with good power of hearing X 57.20 (from hd’ xéla to
listen) i
d0’xts!zs seer (from déq"- to see)
165. -EUkK” DOING REPEATEDLY [STEM-S., W].
naq- to drink na’ glk" drunkard (= one who
drinks often and much)
hafm- to eat hakme’lk* eater
ayilk” attendant of chief
166. =Elg:ts ONE WHO DOES AN ACT FOR OTHERS [STEM-S., IND.; and
WORD-S.].
séx"- to paddle sé’xulgis one who paddles for
others
da’doq!wala to watch da’'doq!walz'lgis watchman
228.12
x6’s- to sprinkle 20’selgis sprinkler X 4.8
La’ Lawayuxsila to take care La’ Lawayur"sile'lg-is watch-
of salmon-weir mani of salmon-weir CS 6.10
xék- to sweep ré’kulgisz’mt sweeper mask
389.25
§ 36
506 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY - [BULL. 40
167. -6¢ FELLOW [WORD-S., and STEM-S., IND.].
(a) WORD-S.:
g okula to live in house
ya’ qlant!ala to speak
a‘ma'tala to play together
ta’xwalap! to love each other
(b) STEM-S.:
beg*- man
g ég- chief
kul- to lie down
168. =~ RELATIONSHIP [STEM-S.].
gag- grandfather
ab- mother
(wo-) father
p!xlwu- husband’s sister, broth-
er’s wife -
nEg- parent-in-law, child-in-law
g 0’kulot house-mate
yae’qlant!alot fellow- speaker
31.2
a’ma’talot play-fellow X 201.4
fa’rwalap!ot loving friends
267.37
bex'wot fellow-man 113.12
g é'xiut fellow chief
hayo’t rival 248.12
kulo’t person with whom one
lies down X 5.16
gage’ mp 134.2
abe'mp 35.76
omp 22.6
ple'lwump
nEgUu'mp
Here belongs also g’inp WIFE’s sIsTER. It may be that the m is
here assimilated by an n of the stem. A change between m
and n has been mentioned in the suffix -énox", which assumes in
one case the form ~tmuz" (see no. 162). The stem for father
appears in the possessive second person without this suffix.
169. =-nwk" HAVING [STEM-S., IND.; WORD-S.].
sa’sem children
azx- to do
wa'tdem word
do’z'watet to be seen
170. -ad HAVING [STEM-S., W].
Zaw- husband
Léq- name
k- !éd- chief's daughter
zu’nk*- child
§ 36
s@’semnuk” having children
45.7
axnuk” possessor 103.12
wa'idemnuk" to have word,
1. e., to talk to 46.30
do'z'watetnuk” one who has
seen things 41.34
ta’wad having a husband
48.37
Lé’gad having a name 19.1
k-le’dad to have a chief's
daughter 133.6
cu’ngwadex*id to become pos-
sessed of a child
BOAS] HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 507
ab- mother aba’yad having a mother 25.16
ga’yas place of walking ga’yadzad having a walking
place (i. e., words of a song)
R602
This suffix has a secondary form in -id which seems to be more
nominal in character than the form -ad. It is used in forms of
address.
q!ak"- slave q!a’gqwid slave-owner! (1. e.,
O master!)
‘wa’ s- dog ‘wa’dzid dog-owner! (i. e., O
master! [who has me for a
dog])
The same form is used in names.
ha’'msa to eat Ha’mdzid food-owner
171. -€n(é), suffix forming abstract nouns [STEM-S., H, WORD-s].
Never used without possessive pronouns.
k:!é'lak-a to club k- lé'lak: !éné the clubbing
k-/és not ke lé’ts!éné 10.9, 262.15
é’arela to work é’arelaéné® 83.3
awi’naguis country awi’naguits!énés a kind of
country 258.23
brgwa/nem man begwa’nz*méne® manhood
131.35
172. =k" passive past participle [STEM-s., w].
L!op- to roast L!0'brk” roasted 155.22
giloz- to steal g ilo’ Lek” stolen
legwi't fire in house legui'lk” fire made in house
187.25
wat- to lead wa’ dek” led 109.7
q/els- to put under water q/ele’k” sinker V 488.9
*mens- to Measure mene k” measured V 477.1
gamz¥- to put on down gamo’k covered with down
153.35
173. -Em INSTRUMENT [STEM-S., W].
k-ixt- to fish with net k-é’ Lem net
Lap- to peg Labe’m peg 79.13
‘ma’yuL- to be born &ma’yuLem what is born77.18
q!emt- to sing q!n’mdem song 15.6
174. =<a@yu INSTRUMENT [STEM-S., W].
‘lap- to dig ‘la’bayu digging-stick
déq- to drive, to punch dé’gwayu pile-driver 100.9
§ 36
508 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BuLL. 40
This suffix is also used to express a passive. The difference be-
tween this and -sd* (no. 159) is, that -s6* is the passive of verbs
that have a direct object, while -ayu is the passive of verbs that
are accompanied by an instrumental.
ga’s*id to begin to walk qa's‘idayu he was a means of
walking (i. e., he was taken
away)
drnz- to sing dze’nxidayu it was sung 13.14
175. -@anO INSTRUMENT[STEM-S., IND.]. This suffix is used with a few
words only, and is not freely movable.
wusé’g'a to put on belt wuse’gand belt
ha’nx tend to put on fire ha’nx'tano kettle
la‘stano to be put into water
It seems that suffixes in -nd (see no. 2) may take this form; but
they take also the forms in -ayu; for instance,
axLe’ndayu to be put on 43.14
176. -g°if REASON OF [WoRD-Ss.]; loses initial g’.
la’g it reason of going 14.3
g @’xeét reason of coming 16.7
177. -q/@madas REASON [| WORD-S.].
no’ gwaq!amas I am the reason of U.S.N.M. 669.9
laq!a’ maa’ qos you were the reason of X 229.3
178. =LEN CAUSE OF [STEM-S., IND.].
yaq"- to distribute yaxLen property (what in-
duces one to distribute)
ts/é’twala to be famous ts/étwaxrien fame (what causes
one to be famous)
ya@'laqwa to sing sacred song ya@'lax“ten sacred song X
69.30 (what induces one to
sing sacred song)
179. -€N EM OBTAINED BY [STEM-S., W, and WORD-S., W].
hant- to shoot ha’ntanem obtained by shoot-
ing 138.25
q!ak-or to obtain a slave q!a’k-oLadnem obtained by ob-
taining a slave 136.25 (see
no. 140)
Léé- to invite ré'lanrem guest (obtained by
inviting) 163.9
sen- to pla sE*na’nem obtained by plan-
ning 278.75
§ 36
BOAS]
HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN
179a. -inét OBTAINED BY [STEM-S., W].
do’k"- to troll
k-éx- to scrape
INDIAN LANGUAGES
509
do’guinet obtained by troll-
ing
Kée’xinet ~Obtained-by-scrap-
ing X 179.9
180. =-2S ARRIVING UNEXPECTEDLY [STEM-S., W, and lengthens vowel
181.
132.
183.
of stem].
bek¥- man
k: !éx"- to escape
ba’guns visitor
k-!é’wuns obtained by escap-
ing, runaway slave X 197.5
-Mmut REFUSE [STEM-S., IND., with reduplication] (see § 43).
g ok” house
sop- to hew
=@S PLACE OF [STEM-S., W].
séx”- to paddle
la’bxta to go in
L!op- cormorant
gas- to wall
La’wayugwila to make a weir
ya’xyiq!wa to lie dead on rock
g 0g axz"mut remains of ahouse
146.8
sd’yapmut chips (with weak-
ened initial s)
sé’was place where one pad-
dles 129.32
la’brdas place where one goes
in 8.12
L!6’bas cormorant rock 369.29
ga’yas walking place 11.3
ga’yasnazxwa place where he
would walk 38.39 (see no.
95)
La’ wayugwitlas place of mak-
ing a weir 27.24
y@'cyig!waas place of lying
dead on rock 40.12
-( EMS PLACE WHERE SOMETHING IS DONE HABITUALLY [ WORD-
S., IND.].
kwe'las feasting-place
g ok" house
kwe'lasdems place where feasts
are held habitually
g 0'x"dems village site 51.22
183a. -€nak” country lying in a certain direction [IND.].
qwes- far
*nala south
gwa- down river
6- something
qwe’sénak” far side 11.2
‘na'lénak south side X 144.7
gwa’nak" country down river
X 3.11
awi'naguis country 142.4 (see
no. 45)
§ 36
510 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BuLL. 40
184. -ats!é RECEPTACLE [STEM-S., W].
naq- to drink na’ gats!é cup, bucket 20.10
win- to go to war wi'*nats!é war canoe 129.25
k!wé'las feasting place kIwe'ladzats!é, —k! we'layats!é
feast house
xét- to inviting , Lé'LeE‘lats!@ inviting recep-
tacle, t. e., feast house
ts!éq- winter dance ts!d’gats!é dance house 11.13
185. -2°d@Em TIME OF [STEM-S., IND., and worp-s.]. The initial x
is dropped after s, k, and xz sounds.
qa’sdem time of walking 146.41
yiawa'z'dem time of dancing 72.27 (also yi’a"dem)
begwa’neme«idex'demot time long ago of becoming a man CS
8.4 (see nos. 90, 86)
186. =“Ena sEason. The rule of attachment is not clear. There
may be a secondary form -2z*Enz.
mo’xunz four years 18.3
hé’ rnz summer 194.20
Tn a few cases the suffix seems to weaken the terminal consonant.
mas what ma’yenx What season X 166.28
187. -alas MATERIAL [STEM-S., W%].
séx"- to paddle sé’walas material for paddles
(sé’xwalas V 496.5)
188. =ts/Es or -dz2ES (?) PIECE OF [WORD-S.].
rwa’k!unats! rs piece of a canoe
brgwa’nemdzes pieces of a man 32.42
188a. -€S0* REMAINS OF [STEM-S., IND.].
aa’ géso* remains of bones 94.21
ala’kwisd* blood from a wound U.S.N.M. 669.13
ka’ pésd® pieces cut out with shears
189. =méis USELESS PART [STEM-S., IND.].
dena’s cedar-bark drnda’smis useless part belong-
ing to cedar-bark (i. e.,
cedar-tree [ yellow cedar])
ts alx- hail tse’lemis hail-stones 121.24
190. =p/éq sTICK, TREE [STEM-S., IND.; also WORD-s.].
‘maz”- to give a potlatch ‘ma’x"p!éq potlatch pole
yit- to tie yi tplégenda'la to tie to a
stick 158.32
Here belongs also
yé q!ent!2q speaker’s staff (from yd’q!zntlala to speak) 186.39
5.36
BOAS] HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 511
190a. -@an0 ROPE, LINE [STEM-S., W].
sek’- to harpoon sega’anod harpoon line V
493.19
gizls- to put under water gq/zldza’and anchor line V
487.33
mak’- near to ma’gaand a line next to—V
495.26
1906. -2an0 HEAD [STEM-S., IND.].
dzrz"- silver salmon dzex‘ma’no head of silver sal-
: mon 93.12
mel- to twist ma’legamano halibut head
culg’- rough zu’lqumano head of dogfish
93.18
191. -asdé MEAT OF [STEM S., IND.].
brk*- man ba’kwasdé flesh of a man 32.1
sds- spring salmon sa’sasdé meat of spring salmon
229.32
192. -g(@) WOMAN [worD-s.].
trqwa’ga brain woman 48.23
Hé‘lamdlaga right going woman 11.12 (see no. 142a)
kizela’ ga crow 47.30
This suffix occurs in combination with -ayw MEANS OF (no. 174)
very often in names of women.
‘ma’ zulaytigwa woman being means of giving potlatch 38.15
A secondary form, -gas, belongs at present to the Bella Bella dia-
lect, but occurs in a few proper names and in a few terms of
relationship in the Kwakiutl dialect.
*nE*mé'mgas sister 48.31
193. -Em, a frequent nominal suffix of unknown significance
[STEM-S., in some cases w.].
t/és- stone tlé’sem
Lég- name Le’ gem
sds- spring salmon sa/tsem
sds- children of one person sd’sEm
k: !il- tongue ke file’m
193a. -n Em, an irregular nominal suffix, probably related to 193.
geg'- wife gENE’m™
q/é- many qlé’nem
193). -@nEm, irregular, apparently designating animate beings.
brk¥- man bregwa’nzem
gint- child 7 gind’nem
g'@'weg- clam g G'weganem
§ 36
512 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 40
193c. -6lEm, nominal suffix.
ts!zx'q!a’ to feel sick
még’- to calk
te‘l- dead
zl- fast, tight
ts!nx'q!6’lem sickness 284.18
Mé’mg dlem canoe-calking —
285.23
éxlo’lem death 244.22
zld’lem ballast 311.25
194. -Omas, -€mas. This suffix is used to designate classes of
animals, but occurs also in a few other words.
gil- to walk on four feet
plex- to fly
ma- to swim
(ts!é’sayasdé clam-meat)
tok¥- strong
zl- new
hakm- to eat
gvlg'aomas quadrupeds
plé’p!latomas birds
ma’ maomas fish
ts!é’ts!ek !wémas shell-fish.
t0’k !wemas strong
wa’ Llémas weak
a’lomas new
hé’maomas food
194a. -En, a nominal suffix [STEM-s., w].
L/éx- sea lion
dzax”- silver salmon
hanx"- humpback salmon
1946. -%2a@ nominal suffix [STEM-s., w].
gwar"- raven
L/é’x®En 81.16
dzatwu'n
hatno'n
gwa’*wina 46.13
§ 37. ADVERBIAL SUFFIX
195. =p!En TIMES [worp-s.]. I place this suffix with some reluc-
tance in a group by itself, since it seems to form almost the
only adverb that exists in the language. Perhaps it would
be better to consider it a classifier of numerals (§ 24).
mop!en four times 12.5
‘nz'mp!enx’'sto® one time (span) across 72.39
mo’ p!ené sta four times around 13.9
hé'top!enxwa‘s the right number of days 355.26
§ 38. SUBSIDIARY SUFFIXES (NOS. 196-197)
196. -Em-. The plural of all suffixes denoting space limitations
seems to be formed by the subsidiary suffix -zm, which precedes
the primary suffix.
k!wa’zumesé holes 100.29
Lemlemz'stend to split
cedar-trees 158.30
ge'lqaméstala to swim
* about [PLURAL] 153.22.
k!wa’xsa hole
Lte’mé- to split
-rsd through
-2%'S across
-ésta around ge lq- to swim
§§ 37, 38.
Boas] HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 513
-axa down lox- to roll lo’xumazxa they roll down
19.12
-ts!0d into ts!zm- to point ts!eme’mts!0d to point
intoseveral things 46.37
‘a on rock gu- to walk on gile’mgilala to walk on
four feet rocks[ PLURAL] 42.4
-s on ground ya'g'- to lie dead ~—-ya@’qumg'aelslying dead on
ground [ PLURAL] 32.12
-rs In canoe néx- to pull né’xemzxsela to pull sev-
eral into canoe 208.18
-x'sis foot tlép- to step tle’pemzx'sidzend to step
on feet 184.35
In purely distributive expressions reduplicated forms are used.
197. =g°it- MOTION, used in combination with a number of primary
suffixes denoting space limitations of rest. To these they seem
to add the idea of motion. Like other suffixes beginning with
g', this suffix loses its initial g. It seems to be indifferent.
The following suffix modifies the terminal ? of the suffix; and .
two forms appear, -g7l- and -g:azl-, which are not clearly
distinct. The accent seems to change the vowel into 4.
With -dla sTATIONARY ON WATER (no. 41):
k!wa’wila to be seated on k!wa'giltala to sit down on
water (from k/wa to sit) water
‘mek'@’la round thing on ‘me’guttala round thing alights
water (from ‘mzk¥- a round on water
thing is somewhere)
With -xzé@ MOVING ON WATER (no. 42):
La’x'waLre’ to move about ha’ng'aaLré canoe comes to be
standing on water on water 130.10
dzexk !a/lag'iLé sound of splitting comes to be on water 152.19
With -a ON ROCK (no. 43):
k!waa’ to be seated on rock axsa’lod to put down on rock
102.31 171.22
mé’x*a to be asleep on rock mé’x<a‘la’ to go to sleep on rock
gile'mg lala to walk on rock [PLURAL] 22.10
tao'deg aa'lod to put on rock 153.28
With -s ON GROUND (no. 44):
gés being a long time on gé'g ils to move a long time on
ground 37.14 ground 30.21
k!wafs to be seated on ground klwa'gaels to sit down on
61.8 ground 37.3
44877—Bull. 40, pt 1—10——33 § 38
514 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 40
With -és ON BEACH (no. 45):
ha£né’s canoe is on beach 102.34 —ha’ng-a‘lis canoe comes to be
on beach 101.40
With -i? 1n HOUSE (no. 46):
k!wai't to be seated in house kiwa’galit to sit down in
173.20 house 24.5
ya'qumg alit to fall dead in house [PLURAL] X 110.34
With -zs IN CANOE (no. 48):
ho’guaxs they have gone aboard ho’x'watexs they start to go
224.9 aboard 84.37
With -g@ AMONG (n0:1)c
da’gilgala to carry among them 240.6
te'lg-tlgala to kill among them X 14.21
With -zz(a) BEHIND (no. 15):
da’gilztala to take secretly 99.18 ~
g O'kulataé house following behind; i. e., house obtained in
marriage 220.41
The explanation of these forms is not beyond all doubt. While
in most cases the distinction of motion and position is quite
clear, there are other cases in which the form in -g‘2¢- is not
applied, although motion seems to be clearly implied. We
have lazs TO GO ABOARD 147.38; dazs TO TAKE ABOARD
114.25, while the two examples of hd’gars and ho’x‘waters
22.9 and 84.37, bring out the distinction with the same suffix.
The same element is evidently combined in -‘g:aazzla (no. 96)
which may thus be a compound of -g'i¢ and a suffix -zz(la).
On the whole, -gi¢ seems to serve as a kind of inchoative, and
the suffixes which take this suffix do not often take -x‘id
(no. 90), or the inchoative completive -d. Still we have
ax‘a’tts!0d TO PUT INTO 178.8.
§ 39. ALPHABETICAL LIST OF SUFFIXES
The following list of suffixes is arranged alphabetically, the letters
following by groups the order here given:
E dz, ts, ts!
thy Bj. 0; BO Ura a Ge el
a, 6,0, U, w ule, elt
b, p, p!,m 9,95 4!
Gt tin ERS cae
s bt bs Ea
HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES BLS
-em (for -gem) face 54, 85
-rm genuine 111
-Em instrument 173
-Em diminutive 1104
-Em nominal 193
-Em- plural of locative suffixes
196
-em‘ya cheek 55
-Emsk” as I told you 133
-Emt mask 54a
-En nominal 1944
-en (for -k lin) body 80
-Eng a in a dream 134
-(£)enz season 186
-ES capable of 164
-gxsta mouth 61
-Elk” one who is in the habit
of 165
-Elg’is one who does for others
166
-Ettus down river 23
-a@ verbal suffix 1
-a on rock 43
-a tentative 141
-aano rope 190a
-a°ya nominal 161
-ayu instrument 174
-au (for -k'aw) between 8
-awil, -aSwit across 25
-ap! neck 65
-ap! each other 156
-abo under 29
-amas to cause 158
-ad having 170
-ato ear 58
-atus down river 23
-dnem obtained by 179
-dnem nominal 193)
-ana perhaps 106
-ano instrument 175
-ds place of 182
-asdé meat of 191
-ats!é receptacle 184
-aq crotch 71
-aga towards, past 9
-ago extreme 13
-aza down 19
-dla (for -k’!ala) sound of 144
-dla to persuade 144a
-alas material for 187
-alisem to die of 152
~atela (for -g'aazela) sud-
denly 96
-dla continued position 92
-é§ nominal 161
-yag'a returning 10a.
-(£)yala to go to look for 142
-vu (for -giw) forehead 57
-ip! (for -Gp!) neck 65
-ip! (for -ap!) each other 156
-emas classes of animals 194
-em‘s near by 11
-id (for -x*id) to begin 90
-id (for -x*td) recent past 87
-id having 170
-it (for -k* it) body 79
-edex" people 162a
-ina nominal 194)
-éné® abstract noun 171
-énak” direction 183a
-inét obtained by 179a
-énox” skillful in, people 162
-és in body 78
-és beach, open place 45
-€s0* remains of 188a
-ésta (also -sé*sta) around 6
-éq in mind 81
-egé back 69
-diga (for -g'dga) side of 51
-éxsd to desire 139
-ua (for -gila) to make 136
-Vléla about 5
-i# in house 46
-it (for -g: it) reason 176
-€L astonishing! 128
-éL into house, into mouth 47
-€Lé’srla ashore 47a
-iz!x6 in throat 63a
-itba nose 60
-6 (for -g0) meeting 142¢
§ 39
516
BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY
-@ (also -wd) in a wrong man-
ner, off 124
-0 small 114
-0- off, away from 37
-wugd out of a hole 376
-wels out of house 37)
-wutts!dd out of 376
-wutt!a out of an enclo-
sure 37c¢
-wultd out of canoe 37c
-wuttds down out of 37c¢
-wii (also -@) in a wrong man-
ner, off 124 .
-wila (also -dla) stationary
on water 41
-uwis and so 104
-wistla very 117
-wut (also -ut) remote past 86
-o°yo middle 16
-omas classes of animals 194
-od to begin 2, 37a
-ot (for -k*/ot) opposite 12
-ot fellow 167
-0s cheek 56
usta up river 24
~usdés up from beach 22
-ustéd (for -g'ustd) up 20
-dstq!a to use (so and so
often) 143
-0k% (also -sdk”) person 82
-dlzem nominal 193¢
-dla (also -wdla) stationary
on water 41
-dla (also -séla) each other
fp7e
-0°t ugly 109
-ut remote past 86
-oL to obtain 140
-dtzla continued motion 93
-brta into a hole 28
-plen times 195
-ba point 31
-p!a to taste 150
-p!ala to smell 150a
-p!atto with eyes 155
§ 39
[BULL. 40
-bido® small, singular 112
-bis fond of, devoted to 163
-pleg a (for -aplég-a) thigh 73
-pleq pole, stick 190
-b6 chest 68
-bota to pretend 125
-poL into a hole (Newettee
dialect) 28a
-m and 103
-menéx” small, plural 113
-mano head 190b
-mis useless part 189
-‘més and so 104
-ma@ at once 118
-miut refuse 181
-mdla moving, walking 1424
-mp relationship 168
-d to begin 2
-dem (for -x’dem) time of 185
-dems place where something
is done habitually 183
-den finger width 85a
-tla (for -xt/a) out to sea 22a
-tla but 101
-da‘x" (for -x'da‘x") pronom-
inal plural (see § 68)
-dé (for -v'dé) transition from
present to past 89
-ta* to do a thing while doing
something else 97
-to (for -*std) eye, round open-
ing 59
-nem nominal 1934
~nakula gradual motion, one
after another 94
-naxwa sometimes 95
-né si oh, if! 130
-neg" corner 18
-no* too much, too often (see
§ 66)
-no side 17
-nus side 17
-nuk” having 169
-nuLem temples 54}
-nutg'a groins 36a
: BOAS]
* HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES
-nd to begin 2
-ntedge of around object (?) 34
-ns arriving unexpectedly 180
-nsa under water 26
_-ndzem throat 64
-nts!és down to beach 21
-nx edge of a flat thing 33
-s on ground 44
-s* (for -x's*) across the mid-
dle 4
-sem round surface 85
-sago penis 72
-siap! (for -x'siap!) shoulder
66
-sia (for -z'siti) mouth of
river 50
-sé§sta (also -é&sta) around 6
-sis (for -x'sis) foot 75
-sila (for -x’stla) to take care
of 137
-sd (for -rsé) through 1
-s0® passive 159
-sok” (also -0k”) person 82
-sdla (also -dla) each other 157
-s‘ila deserted 1426
-‘sta water 39
-sdana to die of 153
-std eye, round opening 59
-sgem round surface 85
-sqwap five 40
-sx'G tooth 62
-ts!z with hands 154
-dzrs, -ts!Es piece of 188
-ts!/ana (for -x'ts!ana) hand 67
-ts!aq long 84 .
-dzaqwa to speak 147
-dzé large 110
-dzd indeed 119
-dz6 on a flat thing 35
-ts!6 in 27
-g to eat 149a
-k-e top of a square object 38
-ga (for gig a) inside of a
hollow object 36
-(a)k'a to happen 151
517
-g aatela suddenly 96
-k !aés inside of body 78a
-k-au between 8
-g anem perhaps 107
-k-as really 108
-k-as°6 beautiful 108a
-k- !ala continued noise 144
-g alit in house 46
-g at to begin to make a noise
145
-g- iu forehead 57
-git body 79
-k- lin body 80
-k-ina accidentally 122
-k-inat nicely 120
-giga inside of a hollow ob-
ject 36
-k'lig-ast noise 145
-k' !és in body 78a
-g dga side of 51
-k-Gx'é knee 74
-gila to make 136
-k lilga front of body 70
-gilxtala following secretly
197
-g it- motion 197
-g it reason 176
-g uttala stationary on surface
of water 41
-k-dla between 8
-k'!0t opposite 12
-g usta up 20
-k” passive participle 172
-gem face 54, round 85
-gemt mask 54a
-g!es to eat 149
-g!zge® meat 77
-ga, qa among 7
~ga woman 192
-g!a to feel 148
-g/amas reason 177
-gameé® among others, excel-
"lent 7a
-glanak” quite unexpectedly
127
§ 39
BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY
-gas woman 192
-g!ala entirely 99a
-q/ala‘ma to no purpose 123
-kwé (for -k'z) top of square
object 38
~go to meet 142c
-qwap (for -sqwap) fire 40
-gala among themselves 157
-x' exhortative 131 (see § 66)
-cent evidently 135
-ra to say 146
-r'G (for -sx'dé) tooth 62
-xid to begin 90
-z'td recent past 87
-zaa also 98
-26 neck 63
-rwa‘s days (number of) 856
-20L oh, wonder! 129
-x pléga thigh 73
-xc'drem time of 185
-x'datx" pronominal plural
(see § 68)
-tt!a out to sea 22a
-c'dé transition from present
to past 89
-atd on top of a standing ob-
ject 30
-x's* across the middle 4
-rs in canoe 48
-a'sa away from 10
-zsa flat object 83
-x'sala carelessly 121
-x'sé still, entirely 99
-x'siap! shoulder 66
-x'sii mouth of river 50
[BULL. 40
-z' sis foot 75 .
-xség'a in front of house 52
-x'sila to take care of 137
-asd through 3
-asd behind, tail-end 14
-x'st! as usual 126
-x'st!aak” seemingly 126
-a'ts!ana hand 67
-x' La, -eLé top of a round ob-
ject, on head 32, 53
-zLa bottom, stern 15
-z' Ld very 116
-rLé miserable, pitiful, too
bad that 115
-xL0 top of tree, hair of body
49, 76
-la verbal and nominal, con-
tinuative 91
-l(a) it is said 132
-lagit in the mean time 100
-lax uncertainty, in condi-
tional and potential sen-
tences 105
-iat to be occupied with 138
-f passive of verbs denoting
sense impressions and emo-
tions 160
-z future 88
-LEn cause of 178
-La (for -x'La) top of a rownel
object 32
-Lta but 102
-1é (for -xzé) miserable 115
-Lé§ moving on water 42
Modification of Stems (S$ 40-46)
§ 40. METHODS
Stems are modified by the phonetic influences of suffixes, by redupli-
cation and change of vowels. The first of these phenomena was noted
in § 18.
Reduplication and change of vowel indicate principally (1) an
iterative, (2) distributive plurality, and (3) unreality. The manner
§ 40
BOAS] HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 519
of reduplication differs according to the function it performs, but
great irregularities are found in some of the reduplicated forms.
§ 41. ITERATIVE
Duplication of the whole stem is used to express the idea of occa-
sional repetition of an action. The accent tends to be thrown back
to the first syllable.
mé’xa to sleep mé’améxa to sleep now and
then
ha’nza to shoot ha’nthanta to shoot now and
then
dzr’lzwa to run dzr'le"dzelzswa to run now
and then
Stems ending in vowels, and probably those ending in m, n, J, take
in this form a suffix -k which is included in the Pah eet and
becomes x° before consonants.
tsé to draw water tsé’x'tsék-a to draw water now
and then
la to go la’xlak-a
to to attack to’x"tokwa
ts!0 to give. ts!0’x%ts!Okwa
x6 to split 20’ x"x0kwa
no to aim n0'x"nokwa
té’no to pole tenux“te’nukwa
q!wa to stand spread out [PLU- q!wa'x qwak-a (=umbrella)
a el
ha‘m- to eat, ha’mx hamk-a
k!lumel- to burn klume'lak!umelk-a
§ 42. DISTRIBUTIVE PLURALITY
Distributive plurality is expressed by reduplication of the first few
sounds of the word, the form of reduplication showing great varia-
tions, according to the phonetic character of the word. In some
cases modifications of the vowel take the place of reduplication; but
it would seem that most of these cases are due to secondary modi-
fication, perhaps to phonetic decay, of reduplicated forms. Prob-
ably in all forms of these reduplicated plurals there remains a hiatus
between the reduplicated syllable and the stem.
(1) Reduplication of the first consonant with e vowel is used when
the accent of the reduplicated word remains on the word itself, and
does not move back to the reduplicated syllable. To this class
§§ 41, 42
520 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Buny. 40
belong all words with monosyllabic stem and short vowel terminating
in a single consonant.
na’ gé mind nena’ ge 152.31
ha@’naL!em arrow héha’nat!zm 139.12 (compare
ha’nxlénox" § 41.3)
£n0'last! rg Eme 'nén0' last! eg Emé 176.14(com-
pare £nd’la § 41.2)
Lam post LéLa’m 186.24
q!0'lats!é kettle qléq!0'lats!é 20.10
a’‘lé recent ea’ té 43.36
xatsr’m box xéxats b’m
tx‘la’ dead tétrla’ 157.21
nemo’ k" friend eneenEemo ku
qlula’ alive q!weq!ula’ 158.37
g ok” house gig 0’ ke
(2) Reduplication of the first consonant followed by the first vowel,
and shortening of the vowel of the first syllable of the unreduplicated
word, takes place when the accent is thrown back to the first syllable,
and the first vowel is long.
rwa'k luna canoe rwa’ rwak luna 222.21
qla’k-G slave q!a’q!lek'@ 209.43
ts!a’*ya younger brother ts!a’tslafya 47.2
£no’'la elder brother ‘no'*nela 174.20 (compare
‘n0’last! egeme® § 41.1)
po’sdana to die of hunger po’ pesdana 177.12
(3) Reduplication of the first syllable takes place when the accent
is thrown back to the first syllable, when the first vowel is at the
same time short, and when the first syllable of the stem has an m, n,
or l following its vowel and as the first sound of a consonantic cluster.
zu’mdé otter - ru’ maxumdé
sems mouth sh’ MSEMS
q!z’mdem song qle’mq!lemdem 194.37
ha/nzlénox” archer ha’nhantlénox® 155.37 (com-
pare ha’/naz!zm § 41.1)
r'lkula bloody rE slkula 46.38
gina’nem child (stem gint-) ging inanem 134.4
(4) A number of irregular forms are related to the last group.
These contain words both with long and short initial vowel. They
are characterized by the insertion of a consonant at the close of the
reduplicated syllable, which may sometimes be explained as the ter-
minal consonant of the stem modified by contact phenomenon, but
§ 42
BoAS] HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES ooh
which is often due to other causes. There is a marked tendency to
introduce s.
(a) With s:
q!u’lyak” grown up qlulsq!u’lyak” (stem probably
i qluls-) 145.18
gvltla long gi lsgilt!a 150.38
é’ga witchcraft és‘e’qa
k: !é’dét princess k: !é' sk: !edét 230.3
lé’xa large round opening lée’sléxa 199.28
ék- good é’s°ék* 151.16
Lek” thick Le sLek*® 27.15
da’ta to laugh da’sdata 244.25
la’lénéx” ehost lé’ slalénox” (also léla’lénéz”)
Lax- to stand Las1a'la legs 43.36
(6) With 2:
g o’kulot tribe g 0’ tg: okulét 135.48
‘nem one ena’ tnem
zag bone va’ txag 324.22
drg' nga’ grave dé’ tdek: eln’ls 323.27
(5) Words beginning with m, n, /, t, except those the first syllable
of which closes with a consonant of the same group, which have their
accent on the initial or on the reduplicated syllable, reduplicate by
repeating the initial consonant and the following vowel, while the
first vowel of the stem is elided and the initial consonant voiced.
At the same time ?¢ in the weakened syllable is transformed into zl.
ma’ xsénox” killer-whale mar mxenox"
me’ gwat seal mé’ emgwat
‘mak:d’la island 'masz’mk dla
neg’é’ mountain nan ng’ é
*nexiune® blanket &na ze’ natunes
Lé'qwitda‘x" (name of a tribe) Le elgwitdasx (the clans of
the Lé’gwilda‘x"
lé’ nlot crew
tek !wa'ne® old woman tre'lk!wane®
(6) A number of words reduplicate the first consonant with short
vowel, but no definite rule can be given for the application of this
mode of reduplication.
da’ta to laugh drd@’ telat 231.23 (see 4 a)
dzets!z’nd to tear across dzrdzets!n'nd 240.3
da to hold drda’sx°G 243.40
sakwa’ to carve meat sesax's'z’nd 23.9
§ 42
529 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 40
qutla full ququtia’ 195.27 (but also
geéqo’tla 235.27)
gEene'm wife gegenE Mm 467.41
adé’ my dear aadé’
(7) The vowel a when initial, or when preceded by h or y, shows
many peculiarities. When accented in the distributive plural, it
takes the form aé.
hap- hair haé’p!oma skins, animals
‘ya’ ‘yats!é canoe Syae’‘yats!é 136.5
fyizu’mt mask Syae’xumt 226.7
Here may be grouped also forms like—
alk” attendant afyilk® 136.15
a’mtala to play ar’ mtala 134.24
In the same way é accented becomes a‘ya:
hé’ a youth hatya’ ta 151.3
A transformation of initial a into @ takes place in—
abr’mp mother ébn’mp 151.14
The same, combined with change of @ into é, is found in—
afyaso’ hand esefyaso’ 175.25
Initial 6 and wa take sometimes the forms a0; viz, wad.
wa’'ts!é dog wad’ ts le
Among those forms in which reduplication gradually assumes the
_ character of change of vowel, may be classed—
wa’ tdxem word wo'tdem
ts!nda’q woman ts!é’daq (but in the dialect of
northern Vancouver _ island,
regularly ts/éts!nda’q)
ts!a’ts! edag rm. girl ts!a’ts!édagem 48.21
Quite irregular, perhaps derived from a stem wo-, is—
omp father wid'mp father’s generation
§ 43. SUFFIXES REQUIRING REDUPLICATION OF THE STEM
A number of suffixes are used either regularly or frequently with
reduplicated forms of the stem or with stems expanded in other ways.
The general and underlying idea seems to be that of extent in time or
in space by repetition. In these cases reduplication is generally by
repetition of the first consonant with @ vowel; but in many cases the
short stem vowel is expanded into @ or into other long vowels.
§ 43
Boas] HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 523
Suffixes treated in this manner are, for instance—
-ap! each other (§ 35, no. 156)
-d(la) each other (§ 35, no. 157)
-ata becoming more and more
-aaga motion in a certain direction
-x'sila to occupy one’s self with something
-6t fellow
-Em genuine
-alat always acting like
-k-ina accidental result of an action
-ns obtained unexpectedly
-dega only by the performance of an action
-k-awé* among; probably meaning one among a number of
objects, with emphasis of the relation to other surrounding
objects.
(1) Stems with long vowel are reduplicated—
sé’xwa to paddle sa’sexwap! to paddle,racing against
each other.
q!wa’sa to cry q!wa'‘qlusdla to ery together 157.8
ts/a’é> younger sister ts!a’ts!a®yasdla sisters together
55.13
no’mas old na’nomasdta getting old
q/é- much ’ q!a’qldta getting more
L!a’sa seaward L!axL!asaaga to carry seaward
ét- again aé’daaga to return
L!0’p- to roast L!a’t!dpsila to take care of roasting
na’qe® mind na’ nagéx'silato make up mind 184.2
o'ma chieftain a’o*malat to dance the chieftainess
dance
ga’sa to walk ga’ qask-inala to find accidentally by
walking
gaqa’sdega only by walking -
Ldx“- to stand La’ Lexawe® one standing between
Here belongs also—
yixa’ fast ya’ yizap! to speed, racing against
each other
(2) Stems with short vowel transform it into @.
mix a’ to strike ma'xap! to strike each other
wud’ to ask wa’ Lap! to ask each other 162.6
‘nemo’k” friend ‘na’mok- dla friends 147.20
szek-a’ to spear sa’/k-dla to spear each other
‘neq- straight ‘nd’ qawe right among
‘mek*- round thing is ‘ma’k-awé round thing among
somewhere
§ 43
524 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 40
Here belongs also—
ho’ réla to listen ha’warélagala to listen to each
other 26.11
(3) There are, however, also reduplicated forms with short redupli-
cated syllable.
‘lag"- to wail, to cry ‘ln'lgwardla to cry together 244.36
la to go Le'lgala to go to each other (= to
quarrel)
(4) Irregular reduplication or vowel modifications are not rare.
ya'q!ent!ala to speak ye'q!entala to speak together
wa’ La sweetheart wo’ Lala sweetheart
ts/é’qawinter dance ts/é’xts!éxstla to use winter dance
16:12
g 0k” house g'0'g ak-awé a house in middle of
other things
giltia long gilq- atawé a long thing in middle
of other things
(5) Forms without reduplication occur also.
té’/nemap! to quarrel together 121.13
ha’ntap!a to shoot each other
é'k-aqawe® good among others
(6) A peculiar form of reduplication is found with the suffix -mut
REFUSE (§ 36, no. 181). It expresses evidently the multiplicity of
pieces left over. It would seem that we have here a reduplication
with lengthened stem-vowel, or with @ and with softened initial con-
sonant of the stem.
sd0’pa to chop so’yapmut chips (y for softened s)
sekwa’ to carve meat sé'yar"“miut what is left over from
carving (y for softened s)
k-a/xwa to chip k-a@’g:axmiut chips
zwa’ La to cut salmon rwa’culmit what is left over from
cutting salmon
(7) The suffix -égala IN THE MIND (§ 23, no. 81) generally takes
reduplication with @ vowel, which is quite analogous to the form of
reduplication treated in § 42.1.
la to go lé’laéqgala to think of going
*né’k to say ‘né’nk leqala to speak in one’s
mind (i. e., to think) 18.6
There are cases, however, in which this suffix appears without
reduplication.
ék: léqala to feel good 123.12
§ 43
BOAS] HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 525
(8) The idea TO EAT may be expressed by verbs denoting to
CHEW, TO BREAK, TO SWALLOW, etc., with nominal object; by the
suffixes -g/zs and -g° (see § 34, nos. 149, 149a) or by reduplication.
The last method is most frequently used with words with mono-
syllabic stem. This form of reduplication differs from those pre-
viously described in that the first syllable retains the stem form
almost unmodified, except by contact phenomena, while the second
syllable has always an a vowel, accented and long, when the stem
vowel is short, unaccented and short when the stem vowel is long.
Stems ending in a consonantic cluster have also the second syllable
unaccented. The, syllable loses at the same time all those conso-
nants of the terminal cluster that precede the last one.
(a) Monosyllabic stems with single terminal consonant and short
vowel.
Stem Noun To eat—
t!Eq- t!zqa’ dried berries __ t/zaxt!a’q
brkt- brgwa’nem man bex“ba’ ku
tlequ- t!zx“so’s cinquefoil —t/zx“t!a’q@
tEq- teqleste’n seaweed teala’g
(kelp)
LEk’- Lex'se’m clover lea’ La’ ke
met- metia’né large clam = metma’t
xet- xvete’m (a plant) xetxca’t
peEt- peta’ medicine. petpa’t
nex necusk't’n (a plant) nea’na’xt
met- mete’k steelhead sal- metma’t
mon
aL- ate‘la dentalia alsa
(b) Monosyllabic stems with single terminal consonant and long
vowel.
Stem Noun To eat—
las- laé’s small mussel la’slrs
sds- sa’tsemspringsalmon — sd@’sses (not sa’tszs)
ts/ax¥- ts!@’we> beaver ts!a’a“ts! Ex
gwad- gwa'demhuckleberry gwa’dgud
. pléx- Llé'xén sea-lion Lie xLlax
ts!éx'- ts/é’x'inas elderberry _ ts/é’a'ts!ax’
t!és- tlé’sem stone tle’stlas
gweg'- gwa‘yi’m whale gwe'x gwak:
qles- qlé'sena (a berry) q!é’sqlas
&n0'x"- £n0’rwa (a berry) °n0/ ana"
lot- la’*lénox" ghost lo’tlat to eat a corpse
L!0t- Llewu' lés elk L!o'txlat
§ 43
526 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 40
Stem ,. Noun To eat—
k-/ot- to stand on k-/0’tela fish, salmon k:'!0’tk!wat to eat
edge salmon
dzas- dza’lé cockle dz’ sdzas
xot- zoe’ large mussel x0’ txwat
(c) Stems ending in consonantic clusters.
Stem Noun To eat—
xrams- xaima’s dry salmon —_xa/mszas
tlels tlels crabapple tlz'Ist!as
tselx¥- (%) tse’ le“tsax”
q!ans- gia’nas large chiton —q/z'nsq!as
g int- gina’nem child gi'ntg at
UNREALITY (§§ 44-46) .
§ 44. General Remarks
The concept that a word approaches the idea conveyed by its stem,
without really being that idea, is often expressed by reduplication.
Two principal forms may be distinguished: (1) the diminutive, and
(2) the tentative.
§ 45. The Diminutive
The diminutive is formed by the suffix -zm, which softens the ter-
minal consonant (§ 29, no. 110a); and by reduplication with @ vowel.
Generally the stem is reduplicated, but in cases of ambiguity the
whole word may be reduplicated.
g 0k” house gag ogum little house
Los tree La’ Lodzem
gweég'- whale gwa' gweg'im
sé’z"- paddle sa’sewum
gint- child ga ginlem
bek¥- man ba’bagum boy
Irregular is sd’bayu ADzE; s@yobrem, which softens its initial s to y
(see § 42).
The whole word is reduplicated, and takes the suffix -zm, in—
mé’gqwat seal ma’ méqwadem
k-!0’lot purpose k 1a’k 10l0’dem
ts! zda’q woman ts!a/ts! edagem
ge'was deer gad gewadzem
The same forms with added a are used to express the idea of To
PLAY WITH.
sa’sewuma to play paddling
ha’naLtema to play shooting
§§ 44, 45
BOAS] HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES jot
§ 46. The Tentative
The tentative is formed by the suffix -a, which hardens the terminal
consonant of the stem (§ 33, no. 141); and by reduplication with a
vowel. These forms are used both with nouns and verbs. With
nouns they signify TO TRY TO GET.
xund’k” child zwa’xunk!wa to endeavor to
get a child
gweg'- whale gwagwek'!a to endeavor to
get a whale
gek:- wife ga gek /a to woo
laé’ 1 to enter la’laéx!a to endeavor to enter
ddo’kwa to troll da’dok!wa to endeavor to troll
The forms in -yala TO GO TO LOOK FOR (§ 33, no. 142) are similar
in form to the preceding.
t/és- stone tla’tlésrsyala to go to look for
stones
g 0k” house gag oku‘yala to go to look for
houses
hanz- to shoot ha'nhanze*yala to go to look
for a gun
Syntactic Relations (§§ 47-69)
§ 47. Personal and Demonstrative Pronowns
In the Kwakiutl sentence, predicate, subject, object, instrument,
cause, and purpose are distinguished. Since pronominal representa-
tives of all nouns that form part of the sentence are used for expressing
their syntactic relations, the discussion of the syntactic structure of
the sentence is essentially a discussion of the pronoun.
The following pronouns are distinguished:
Speaker ees ened s)he) so a Lb PETS:
Speaker and person or persons addressed . . Inclusive.
Speaker and person or persons spoken of . . Exclusive.
erson, addvesseds)] Msi actes 2 dee hy od ae Dd person:
PetsOM SPOON. OF yin. jeder os pwn. o - Sdpersom.
The strong tendency of the Kwakiutl language to strict localization
appears very clearly in the development of the third person, which
is almost always combined with the demonstrative pronoun. Three
‘positions are distinguished—that near the speaker, that near the per-
son addressed, and that near the person spoken of; and each of these
§§ 46, 47
528 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BuLL. 40
is subdivided into two forms, according to visibility and invisibility.
Therefore we must add to the five forms given before the following
forms of the third person:
Demonstrative of 1st person, visible.
Demonstrative of 1st person, invisible.
Demonstrative of 2d person, visible.
Demonstrative of 2d person, invisible.
Demonstrative of 3d person, visible.
Demonstrative of 3d person, invisible.
On the whole, the syntactic functions of the pronominal elements
which are added to the verb—as subject, object, instrumental, final,
causal—are determined by certain syntactic elements that precede
them. The subject has no specific character; the object has -q, the
instrumental -s-. The finalis is always characterized by q, the
causal by qga-. The two last-named forms are evidently closely
related. The objective character -q is found only in the third person
and in its demonstrative development; and the instrumental is also
regularly developed only in the third person. Subject, object, and
instrumental coalesce with the verb to a unit, and appear in the
order here given. Forinstance: HE STRIKES HIM WITH IT is expressed
by the combination sTRIKE—HE—HIM—wITH-IT, where the short
dash indicates that the equivalent in Kwakiutl is a single element,
while the long dash indicates phonetic coalescence.
When nouns with or without possessive pronouns are introduced
in the sentence, they are placed after the syntactic and pronominal
elements which indicate their functions. In these cases the phonetic
coalescence of the syntactic and pronominal elements with the pre-
ceding part of the verbal expression persists, but the pronouns are
phonetically separated from the following nouns. We find, for
instance, the sentence THE MAN STRUCK THE BOY WITH THE STICK
expressed by STRUCK—-HE—THE MAN—HIM—THE BOY—WITH-IT—THE
stick. The separation between the pronoun and the following noun
is justified only by the phonetic character of the sentence. In reality
the whole seems to form one verbal expression. The pronoun and
the following noun can not be separated by any other words. The
pronoun may, however, close the sentence, and thus perform the
function of a nominal demonstrative. In a few cases it may be
separated from the verbal expression; namely, when a number of
subjects, objects, or instruments are enumerated.
§ 47
BOAS] HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 529
We may revert here once more to the lack of differentiation of verb
and noun. In sentences like the one just described there is a perfect
freedom in regard to the selection of subject and predicate. Instead
of saying CAME—HE—THE MAN, the Kwakiutl may say as well rr
WAS-THE—MAN—IT—THE COMING (257.20). The words To COME and
MAN may be used equally as nouns and as verbs, and by syntactic
means either may be made subject or predicate.
Whenever the pronoun is followed by a noun or when used as a
nominal demonstrative, its form is modified. When the noun con-
tains a possessive pronoun, this pronoun is also incorporated in the
modified pronominal form. We may therefore distinguish between
purely pronominal and prenominal forms. It must be borne in mind
that both are verbal in so far as they determine the function of the
complements of the verb, and also because they are firmly united
with the verb. The prenominal forms belong, of course, exclu-
sively to the third person, and have demonstrative significance.
While in the pronominal forms visibility and invisibility are distin-
guished,. this division is not made in the prenominal forms. In the
possessive prenominal forms the second and third persons are not
clearly differentiated.
The demonstrative idea expressed in these verbal forms is sup-
plemented by a parallel postnominal form, which is suffixed to the
noun following the prenominal pronoun. These postnominal forms
are closely related to the pronouns and prenominal forms, but show
a certain amount of differentiation in the demonstrative of the sec-
end. and third persons.
§ 48. Table of Pronouns
We may summarize these statements in the following tables:
I. VERBAL SUFFIXES
PRONOMINAL. PRENOMINAL.
aos ; Ne : Instru-
Subject. | Object. | Instrumental. | Subject. | Object. aTtale
ESINOGISOD I sist ie. Ys ce ee ot) | =e) [hire -ENn(L)
EMC HISUVG) jas, Poot) hay ele) veel oy teen. | ES — -ENS
Hxelusive. . «3 . « = . «| <enueru — -ENUsLu
71649 O18) pe(0 4 as ya re ee -OL -Os
MREDEE SOc rem ch fa) Sowa rola Ae en == -q -S || -é -= -8
44877—Bull. 40, pt 1—10-——34 § 48
530 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BuLL. 40
II. DEMONSTRATIVE SUFFIXES
VERBAL.
Demonstrative of— we sib ee Fut pk 2 Pos
Pronominal. | Prenominal.
1st person, visible . -k- | at f-k-
1st person, invisible “ga | 4 | ga
2d person, visible . -OL oz -€L
2d person, invisible -0F -ax, -aq!
3d person, visible . -éq | ; ||{- =
3d person, invisible ~ée 1 i a -
§ 49. Compound Pronouns
From these fundamental series originate a great number of forms
by composition and further modification. The pronominal demon-
strative forms occur as subject, object, and instrumental, and are
formed, on the whole, by adding the demonstrative suffix to the per-
sonal endings. In the objective series a number of secondary changes
have taken place.
II (a). PRONOMINAL DEMONSTRATIVE SUFFIXES
Demonstrative of— Subjective. Objective. inate
1st person, visible . -k | -qek: -sEk*
ist person, invisible . -g'a -rg°a -sg-a
2d person, visible . -OL -git -sOx
2d person, invisible . -0F -qul, -qoé& -S0€
3d person, visible . -€q -q -S
Sdapemonsavisibles sy. 15 fe) ee Rotor cy hake bec eed ata te wee | -geé -sé
The demonstrative prenominal forms show an analogous develop-
ment. In this case we find, furthermore, a double form, a vocalic,
characterized by a terminal -a, and another one which is used preced-
ing proper names, indefinite nouns, and possessive forms of the third
person when the possessor is a person different from the subject of
thesentence. For brevity’s sake we will call this form the consonantic.
II (6). PRENOMINAL DEMONSTRATIVE SUFFIXES
SUBJECTIVE. OBJECTIVE. INSTRUMENTAL.
Demonstrative of— : oli Ge.
F Conso- : | Conso- . Conso-
“ = r | . . .
Vocalic. | nantic. Vocalic. | nantie. Vocalie tusntion
|
|
jst person . | -g-ada | -g'a -rg'ada | -rg"a -sg-ada -sg'a
eae | {-xorda | (-rox -sorda -80t
2d person . -orda -04 | 4
| | |-xwa zu ||-sa “Sa
3d person . -éda -é -Ld -r -sa -s
§ 49.
sy
Boas] HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 531
In the Dza’wadrénox® dialect, the forms -rwa and -sa do not seem
to occur; and in place of -ra and -sa, we find -xéda and -séda, which
are analogous to -éda of the subjective. In the Koskimo and Newettee
dialects, -ra and -sa are replaced by -zé and -sé.
The possessive suffixes are also formed from the fundamental series
of forms.
III. POSSESSIVE SUFFIXES
III (a). First Person, Inclusive, Exclusive, Second Person
PRENOMINAL.
Demonstrative of— 1st person, | POSTNOMINAL.
inclusive, | 2d person.
exclusive.
AShePEESONM, VASIDIO wr oe srk oss we ey oe ee -g' ins, eae | -9"-
1st person, invisible . | -g inusry : -ga-| With the endings of
2d person, visible . a aus -q- ie pronominal instru-
Bamperson invisible. =... > > ++... ||-en, Ens, |) o"* -q!- {mental of the various
poaperson; Visible 29. Se 8 ee 3 eeere -é8 — |persons.
BOVBECSOMMEVASIDIO: os acfae oo ba ole fs | -a-
.
|
The three forms for the second person for the demonstrative of the
second person seem to be used indiscriminately.
In place of the double use of prenominal and postnominal posses-
sive forms, the prenominal or postnominal demonstrative possessives
alone are also in use for the first person, inclusive, and exclusive.
IIT (b). Third Person
POSSESSOR SUBJECT OF POSSESSOR NOT SUBJECT
| SENTENCE. OF SENTENCE.
* Demonstrative of—
Prenominal. Postnominal.| Prenominal. | Postnominal.
URIMDEESOMs WISIDICG. “26 fs se il {-g-as
PS RMEMSONMMVISIDIOLs 15 % wo ss ee ee al || |-g-akEs
MeBersOM VISIDIO fs Ss 8s Fa- e el A -q | c {-rs
vient -08 -OL
2d person, invisible . J |-q/zs
3d person, visible . <. f-s
3d person, invisible -. % las
It will be noticed that in the third person, when the possessor and-
the subject of the sentence are the same person, the instrumental -s
is added to the prenominal element, leaving the postnominal demon-
strative to be added to the noun. When the possessor and the subject
of the sentence are different persons, the instrumental -s is added to
§ 49
SS pe BUREAU OF -AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 40
the postnominal suflix, leaving the prenominal elements identical
with the prenominal demonstratives.
The possessive prenominal forms for the objective and instru-
mental are formed from the forms given here in the same manner as
the prenominal demonstratives from the corresponding table (II, § 48).
§ 50. Irregular Pronominalt Forms
These endings give rise to all the syntactic forms expressing the
relations of subject, object, instrumental (viz, genitive), and predi-
cate. Evidently the history of the development of these forms is a
long one. This is indicated by the irregularities described in § 49,
and by others which appear as soon as these endings enter into
combinations. The most important irregularities are as follows:
PRONOMINAL AND PRENOMINAL SUFFIXES
1. The first person, when followed by the objective or instru-
mental, takes the form -znz. This probably represents an older form
of the first person. It is the ordinary form of the first person in the
Koskimo dialect, where we find, for instance, g'@’xent I CAME. It
will be noted (Table I, § 48) that the objective forms of the first
person, and those of the inclusive and exclusive, have been lost.
They persist in the Hé’Idzaq" dialect of Milbank sound, where we
find for these forms -znza, corresponding to the -enz of the Koskimo.
Examples of the form -znz will be found below, under 2.
2. The first person, the inclusive, and exclusive, when followed by
the objective or instrumental of the third person, take a connective
-a-; so that we find the forms -zn1aq I—-HIM, -ensaq WE[incl.] —HIM,
-Enutxwag WE[ excl.] —HIM; and -znzas I—WITH HIM, -Ensas WE[ incl.]
—WITH HIM, -enu'xwas WE [excl.] —WITH HIM.
ha’*maswut!éttsox'dentas I was asked to eat with him 480.10
(ha'm- to eat; -s-[?]; -of companion; -é[?]; -s0* passive; -x'dé
transition from present to past)
do’qulai‘mésentaxrwa Gwe'telax and so I saw the Northerners
473.27 (dod’qula to see; -‘més and so; -xwa obj. 2d pers. dem.;
Gwé'tela northern tribes; -« 2d pers. dem.)
‘née’ k entaxa ‘nz’ mgésé I said to the ‘nr’mgés 473.26 (‘nék: to say)
Lawn’ lgamek'asenzas 1a'laénox" I am the prince of the ghosts
X 131, note 3 (Lawe'lgamé prince; -k'as real; lé’laénox" ghosts)
bo'lasdatyinias xlé'selag‘i‘la I am the musk-bag of mink
CS 158.22 (bol- musk-bag; -xsd hind end; -é* nominal; z/é’szla
sun; -gila to make)
§ 50
Zi
BOAS] ‘HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 583
3. The second person takes a connective -é- before the objective
and instrumental of the third person; so that we have -ség THou—
HIM, and -sés THOU—WITH HIM. With the instrumental of the first
person, inclusive, and exclusive, the second person forms -sésen,
-sétsens, -sétsenu‘g". Examples of this kind are very rare in our
texts.
4. When a nominal subject is followed by an objective or instru-
mental, or when a nominal object is followed by an instrumental, it
takes a connective -d- analogous to that following the first person
(see under 2).
do'x'ware'lé Dza'wadalalisaxa 2’ tkwa Dza'wadalalis saw the blood
99.7 (doq"- to sée; ~axela see no. 96, p. 490; elk” blood)
kwe's*idé Q/a'négélakwasa 1/aq/ut Qla’néqgélak" spit out the
alder bark 99.5 (kwés- to spit; (x*)‘id to begin; 1/a’qg"- red)
'né’x'sdlaé Q!la’mtalatas Q!a'négélak" it is said, Q!a’mtalat was
told by Q!a’néqé‘lak" 100.19
ts!nk*!d'telaxés ta’/*wunemas wa'ldemas she reported to her hus-
band (with) the word 135.28
gwe'eideda = brgwa'’nemax = La’qulayigwa the man _ woke
La’qulayugwa 251.4 (gwéx'*id to wake; begwa’nrm man)
5. Verbs which have the future suffix -z (no. 88, p. 486) generally
form the subjective by the suffix -a, which takes the place of -éda.
Evidently the process of contraction by which the objective -ra and
the instrumental -sa have developed from the older -xéda and -séda
has affected in this case also the subjective. The second person
future, when the verb has a pronominal ending, is generally -16z
instead of -z6s,which is used only as a possessive form.
gWeia ging inanemé the children will come X 17.8
laimox q!aq!exuto’x*widra ts!d’ts!0’max the barnacles shall show
their heads X 97.40
laz/ms ba‘ne/’nxétor you shall be the lowest X 91.5.
POSTNOMINAL DEMONSTRATIVE AND POSSESSIVE SUFFIXES
6. Nouns ending in -a, -é, -d, and -d, when followed by the con-
nective -a- (rule 4), by the postnominal -a of the third person invis-
ible, by -ax, -aq!, and -g”! of the second person invisible; and by -q#
of the second person visible (Tables II, III, §§ 48, 49), take the end-
ings -d, -dx, -diq!, -dq!-, -dgq-, in place of -a, -é, -d, -d, followed by the
ordinary endings. ‘n nouns ending in -a, the forms -a‘ya, -a‘yaz,
§ 50
584 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 40
-a'yaq!, -aSyaq!“, afyaq, are sometimes found instead of the forms
in -d-. The forms in -a‘ya- seem to be preferred in the case of many
proper names.
*né'x'‘laé Qwe'smolidzn'mgdq said one smolidzz’mga to him 116.1
né'lase*we tla’qwadzés wa'ldrmas wla’qwadzé was told of his
word 116.21
la’‘laé do’x*ware'lé La’ qulaytigwixa g'd’kwé then, it is said, La’qu-
layagwa saw a house 251.8
‘né’alaé Ha'mdzidixés 0’mpé it is said Ha’mdzid said to his
father 55.19
7. Nouns ending in -é take, in the cases enumerated under rule 6,
the endings -a‘ya, -a*yax, -a*yaq!, -aSyaq!", afyaq".
gv gigamatyasa Br'lrula the chiefs of the Bella Coola 223.33
(g:i'game® chief)
8. Nouns ending in -6 take, in the cases enumerated under rule
6, the endings -d, -dx, -dq!, -aq!", -dq".
lan’mia go'tlée ‘ya'‘yats!is Klwa'qaxsdndxa qa'gqikwée K\wa’qax-
sand’s canoe was full of heads 153.33 (-ra but; qo’tla full;
«ya'*yats!é canoe; ga’gik” head cut off)
9. Nouns ending in -a and -6, when followed by the demonstrative
second person visible, take the ending -x instead of -éz.
lazr’ma'den léstali’szla la’xrns *‘nd’'lax I have been around this
our world 12.7 (-em and; -xd past; -zn I; la to go; -ésta
around; -/a continuative; -is world; -la continuative; la to go
[here prepositional]; -rens our; *‘na’la world)
we'ga ‘wea idxewa ‘méme'letox go on, carry these mountain
goats 41.5 (we’ga go on!; ‘wee id to carry; ‘me‘lzLo Moun-
tain goat)
LEwo' xda hala’ yux and this death-bringer 50.36 (z0* and; hala’yu
death-bringer, means of killing)
10. Nouns ending in -a do not take the postnominal -é of the third
person (see § 56).
11. 10 AND never takes the form in -éda, except in the Dza’-
wadrénox" dialect, but forms zre*%wa even before common nouns
(see § 49, IT).
Lewa atyi/lkwasa gi’game and the attendants of the chief
159.22
Le‘wa la’k-!nndé tléx!d'sgem and one hundred bear-skin blankets
223.37
Le wa na’ rwa ts!é'tts!ek!wa and all the birds 295.2
§ 50
Boas] HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 585
12. The -s third person possessive, when followed by an objective
or instrumental, takes a terminal @.
tle’mydséxes xwa’k!una his means of sewing his canoe (see
p. 555, note 62)
la’‘laé da’/lé k!weyi’maséxa ‘wa'lasé gi/ldasa then his crew took
the large box 226.39 (da@’la to take, carry; k!weyi’m crew;
‘walas large; gi’ldas box)
13. The objective -g and instrumentalis -s, when followed by the
temporal subordinating elements, are followed by -@. Kxamples will
be found in §64 (p. 547).
§ 51. Sentences with Pronominal Subjects and Objects
In sentences with a single verb and with pronominal subject,
object, and instrumental, the pronominal suffixes are attached to
the verb in the order subject, object, instrument.
1. Intransitive sentences:
la’dzdcen indeed I shall go 146.7 (la to go; -dzd@ indeed [no. 119];
-z future [no. 88]; -zn I)
lafmens we do 179.35 (la to go; -'m[no. 103]; -zns[incl.])
ga’ gak lanu‘e" we are trying ae marry 225.43 (gek-- wife [redu-
plication with a vowel and hardened terminal, tentative];
-nurx” | excl.])
hém’ enatarmcies thou wilt always 182.41 (hé’menata always; -*m
[no. 103]; -z future[no. 88]; -zs thou)
‘hoqawels they go out 179.17 (hdg- to go [PLURAL]; -wels out of
house [ nos. 37, 44])
g@xga he[near Ist person invis.] comes
la‘mox gost this [near 2d person vis.] will be thine 228.42 (la to
go; -m [no. 103]; -da [dem. 2d person vis.]; qos thine; -z
future [ no. 88])
g@x'mo® this[near 2d person invis.] comes 370.24 (gaz to come;
-m[no. 103]; -0*[dem. 2d person invis.])
hé’*méq that is it 60.6 (hé that; -*m [no. 103]; -ég [dem. 3d person
vis.])
2. Transitive sentences with a single verb and with pronominal
object:
ga’ gak: !iniox I try to marry thee 97.4 (gzk’- wife[tentative § 46];
" pnxtoL I — thee[§ 50.1])
L!£lé’watyinzag I forgot it 102.15 (§ 50.2)
wuLe'nsag we[incel.] ask him (§ 50.2)
wud’ nusswoLt we[excl.] ask thee
e § 51
536 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 40.
In place of the object of the first person, inclusive, and exclusive,
which are not in use in Kwakiutl, periphrastic expressions are used
(see § 61).
3. Transitive sentences with a single verb and with pronominal
instrumental:
ta’wadrentasik’ | have him for my husband 97.20 (faw- husband;
-ad having [no. 170]; -enzas I — of him (§ 50. 2); -k: [dem.
Ist person vis.])
a’ yadrentos I have you for my father (ds- Fathers -ad having [no
170]; -enzos I of you [§ 50. 1))
ta’xulanur”sétsen thou lovest me (ta@’rula love; -nuk having [no
169]; -sétsen thou — of me [§ 50. 3])
4. Transitive sentences with a single verb and pronominal object
and instrumental. These are rare, since periphrastic expressions are
preferred (see § 61).
mix t/nLoxtas I strike thee with it (see § 50. 1)
§ 52. Sentences Containing Co-ordinate Verbs
When the verb is accompanied by a co-ordinate verb and in a few
related cases the more general verb, which precedes the special verb,
takes the personal endings of the intransitive verb; and when the
special verb is transitive, the latter retains its objective or instru-
mental endings, which are suffixed to the stem.
sle
g@aemenus” Lé’‘lalor we came to invite thee 66.17 (g'dz to come;
-m[no. 103]; -enufz”[excl.]; 1é’lala to invite; -dz thee)
lilaxens xweée'xitsek’ should we shake with it 57.40 (la to go;
-lax uncertainty [§ 28, no. 105]; -xns we, rwé’xid to begin to
shake; -szk: with this)
la’Les na/*naxméreg thou wilt answer him 264.28 (la to go; -1
future [no. 88]; -zs thou; na@’*nax*mé to answer; -z future[no.
88]; -¢ him)
ze’ntrlen mix a’q I strike him too much (xz’nzela very, too
much; -zn 1; mia‘a’ to strike; -q him)
ga aems *wi'‘laéca you have all come in 131.22 (gaz to come;
~m[no. 103]; -s you; ‘wi’la all; -éx into house[§ 22, no. 47])
k- !é’ sen hamzx‘*t’da I did not eat 258.17 (k'/és not; -en 1; hama-‘i’d
to begin to eat)
Also—
qengwa'lor that I may help thee (qen that I; gi‘wa’la to help;
-0L thee) |
gen ta’wadésik’ that I marry this one (S 72.11)
§ 52
BoAS] HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 537
§ 53. Sentences with Nominal Subject and Object
When the sentence has a nominal subject, object, or instrumental,
these are placed following the prenominal forms which take the place
of the pronominal forms. The noun itself takes the required post-
nominal demonstrative ending.
1. Intransitive sentence with nominal subject.
*né’x'‘laé Ts!é'ts!xsq'iné Ts!é’ts!esg‘in said, it is said 31.9 (nek:
to say; -la it is said [§ 32, no. 132]; -é [subj]. dem. 3d person
consonantic])
ga x‘laéda ma‘lo’kwé two persons came, it is said 261.33 (gaa
to come; -‘la it is said [§ 32, no. 132]; -éda [subj. dem. 3d
person vocalic])
la’ Loxda ‘nar’ nxuna‘éx these blankets will go (= be given) 213.11
(la to go; -z future[no. 88]; -drda[subj. dem. 2d person voc.];
“‘nexu'né® blanket; -éx [postnom. dem. 2d person vis.])
gavximox Wuld’se*wex Wula’sd* has come 161.27 (gaz to come;
-~m[no. 103]; -dx[subj. dem. 2d person cons.]; -ér [ postnom.
dem. 2d person vis.])
hé’k lalag-ada x-isa’taxdg'a these who have disappeared make a
noise 85.31 (hé that; -k-/ala to sound [§ 34, no. 144]; -g-ada
[sub]. dem. 1st person voc.]; xés- to disappear; -d/a continua-
tive [§ 26, no. 92]; -adé past [§ 25, no. 89]; -g-a [postnom.
dem. 1st person invis.])
2. Transitive sentences with nominal subject and pronominal object
or instrumental.
na*nax*mase Xa’ nits! nmg ilakwag Xa'nits!Emg‘i‘lak" replied to
him 131.7 (na’*nax*mé to reply; -é, [subj. dem. 3d person
cons.]; -g[obj. 3d person, § 50.4])
ba’wé Q!a’négélakwas Q!a’néqélak” left him 169.28 (56 to leave;
-é [sub]. dem. 3d person cons.]; [-s instr., § 50.4])
k-ite’déda bé’beqwanremas the men became afraid of him 127.21
(k-at- to be afraid; -x-‘id [inchoative, no. 90]; -éda [subj. dem.
3d person voc.]; begwa’nem man; -s [instr., § 50.4])
3. Transitive sentences with pronominal subject and nominal object
or instrumental.
da’x*identaxalexa’é I took the basket (da to take; -x-*td [incho-
ative, no. 90]; -nzaq I—it [§ 50.2]; -za [obj. dem. 3d person
voc.]; lzxa’*é basket)
“né'x'sEwuntasa begwa’nem I was told by the man (fnék: to say;
-80 [passive, § 35, no. 159]; -nzas I—by it [§ 50.2]; -sa [instr.
3d person voc.]; begwa’nem man)
mix *i’déxa begwa’nem he struck the man (miz’- to strike; -x*td
[inchoative, § 26, no. 90]; -é [§ 56]; -za [prenom. obj.])
§ 53
538 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [putL. 40
4. Transitive sentences with nominal subject, object, and instru-
ment.
ru'ngwadé Q!éawaqlanadkwas O’*magvlisé Q\é’xwaq!anak" had
O’*mag‘i/lis for her child 133.11 (cunk"- child; -ad having [no.
170]; -é [subj. dem. 3d person cons.]; -as [instr., § 50.4])
yo’ séda lé'lqwalara‘yara gwa’xnisé the tribes ate the dog-salmon
with spoons 133.34 (yd’sa to eat with spoons; lélqwalaré
tribe; gwa’xnis dog-salmon)
kwexiidéda b rqwa’nemaza q!a' sdsa t! 2/lwagay6 the man struck the
sea-otter with the club (kwéz- to strike; -x-id [inchoative,
§ 26, no. 90]; begwa’nem man; q!/a’sa sea-otter; t!z’lwaga to
club; -aydo instrument [no. 174])
§ 54, Sentences Containing Co-ordinate Verbs and
Nominal Subject or Object
When there are two co-ordinate verbs, the former takes the pro-
nominal or nominal subject, while the latter takes the nominal object
and instrumental.
la’‘laé Klwaqarsénd wure'lax ‘nemo’gwisé then, it is said,
K!wa’qaxsano questioned ‘nmmd’gwis 153.39 (la to go; -‘la it
is said; -é [subj. dem. 3d person cons.]; wuzz’la to question)
la’ ren axiée’diex t!lé’sema I shall go and get a stone (la to go; -z
future [no. 88]; -en I; azx’é’d to take; -z future [no. 88]; -a
[cons. obj.]; t/é’sem stone; -a [indef., see § 59.2])
la’‘laé q!a'mseda ma’kilég than the one next to her was lazy 54.24
§ 55. Sentences Containing Possessive Elements
When the nominal subject, object, or instrumental contains pos-
sessive elements, these are expressed by means of prenominal and
postnominal endings, which take the place of the simple demon-
strative elements.
la’tg'in k-!é's*ou'drek’ this my crest will go 209.31 (la to go; -z
future [no. 88]; -g’in [prenom. subj., dem. 1st person, § 49];
k-!é’s*d crest; -x'd past [no. 89]; -k* [postnominal dem. Ist
person vis.])
wuce'laxes abe’mpé he questioned his mother 141.37 (wuzz'la to
question; -zés [pronom. obj., dem. 3d person subj. and pos-
sessor identical, § 49, III]; abz’mp mother; -é [see § 49, III])
ta’wasidé na’gatyas his mind became wild 142.38 (¢a’was‘id to
become wild; -@ [dem. 3d person indef.]; ndé’qé* mind; -as
[nominal subj., dem. 3d person, subj. and possessor not the
same person, § 49, III])
§§ 54, 55
BOAS] HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 539
qgelsaxen g'd’kwé he painted my house (qz‘/ls- to paint; -ren
[prenom. obj., § 49]; g'ok“ house; -é [see § 56])
ya'x'satmés na’qafyos your mind is bad 71.35 (yd’xsa*m bad;
-és [prenom. subj., § 49]; n@’gé mind; -ds [postnom. possess.
2d person, dem., § 49])
The following examples illustrate possessive forms:
Ist person, dem. Ist person, visible:
~
lar’ms a’etexg in Lée'gemx' dik: take my past name! 125.31
L0'gun g'0'kulotgin and my tribe 451.28
1st person, dem. Ist person, invisible:
ema’'sta’nawiség in trek lé’gaz’n? what may be the matter
with my belly? 172.20
1st person, dem. 2d person, visible:
wé' ga do'qwataxwa g o’kwagen look at this my house! 409.38
la’xen gene’magen to my wife 410.33
la’xen atwi/*naguiséx to my country 259.30
Ist person, dem. 3d person, visible:
k!é’sen wid’ tern wa'tdemé I did not obtain my wish 454.3
1st person, dem. 3d person, invisible:
la’xen g a@’gimax'darn to my past loans 452.1
la’xen g'd’kwa to my house 409.12
gua’ gwatyagasen gewr’marn my wife’s way of going 300.33
Exclusive, dem. Ist person, visible:
ha'mek-atya'lagemtarsg anuezy" gi'gamek* the food-obtaining
mask of our chief 35.38
Exclusive, dem. 2d person, visible:
alé’watsléxsenute” gv gamaséx the hunting canoe of our chief
U.S.N.M. 665.12
Exclusive, dem. 2d person, invisible:
na’ qa‘yaxsens *no'léx the heart of our elder brother 325.11
Exclusive, dem. 3d person, visible:
LIa@' sand‘yasenuse” g o’kwé outside of our house 120.31
Exclusive, dem. 3d person, invisible:
la’xenuse” no’sa atwi/*nagwisa to our country 259.41
Inclusive, dem. 1st person, visible:
dd’ qwaxg ada wa’g ins look at our river 147.37
laz’mk: ‘wi'‘laétgins “né’*nemo'kwigdt’ now all our friends
are in the house 459.16
§ 55
540 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 40
’
Inclusive, dem. 2d person, visible:
yisens gv gama‘eéx of our chief 453.11
Inclusive, dem. 2d person, invisible:
ha’g-a, axk'!a’/laxens g o’kulotax go and ask our tribe 310.8
Inclusive, dem. 3d person, visible:
wa'tdemasens *nemo'kwé the word of our friend 461.40
Inclusive, dem. 3d person, invisible:
la’xens a’wi’*nagwisagns to our country 261.12
k-!0'telagasens wi'/wompdéens this salmon of our ancestors
451.40
2d person, dem. 1st person, visible:
la'xg-as genn’mg os to your wife 234,22
2d person, dem. 2d person, visible:
laxs g0’guma*‘yaqos to your face 306.20
la’xds afwi'*nagwisagos to your country 259.39
2d person, dem. 2d person, invisible:
ga’ gak lintaas k-Jé’détag!0s I will woo your princess 119.22
2d person, dem. 3d person, visible:
é’a'mis wa'ldemos good is your word 259.35
2d person, dem. 3d person, invisible:
do’ qwatazs ax'é'xsdEs0*Lads see What is desired by you 409.29
la’xés xuno’x“tads to your future child 51.36
3d person, dem. 2d person, visible; possessor subject of sentence:
—do'x*widxos xund'kwex (let her) see her child 134.16 —
—la’x6s ya'*yats!éx in his canoe 230.18
3d person, dem. 3d person, visible; possessor subject of sentence:
dada’ x"stxés tr'k!wisé they held their bows 243.40
3d person, dem. 2d person, visible; possessor different from sub-
ject of sentence:
la‘mé’ sen geg'a'drsoxda k:!é'détaxs and so I have married his
princess 193.35 (-‘més and so; gzg'a’d to have for wife;
k Je’dét princess)
3d person, dem. 3d person, visible; possessor different from sub-
ject of sentence:
—da’xex ya'nems he took his game 294.27
—ld’xumaza lax 6’x"sidza‘yas they rolled down to its base
19.42
§ 55
Boas] HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 541
§ 56. Irregular Forms
While this system of forms is quite clear, there remain a number
of irregularities in the third person which somewhat obscure its
syntactical functions. This is particularly true of the forms without
ending. It is difficult to decide whether they are true verbs. Similar
difficulties arise in regard to the postnominal forms in -a, without
ending, and in -é (see § 48, IT).
The postnominal -é is used particularly with nouns terminating
sentences. It is used with nouns in subjective, objective, and instru-
mental construction, and signifies a special emphasis laid on the
noun, or the contrast between that particular thing and others; for
instance, mix’‘v/déxés xunod/kwé HE STRUCK HIS CHILD, because it is not
expected that a man would strike his child. Examples from the
texts are:
la’‘laé ye'laqulaté Wa’xuidé then Wa’xwid sang his sacred song
CS 90.6 |
—axk !a'laxés *né*nemo’kwé he called his friends 43.5
ga xlaéda ho’x"hokwe the ho’x"hok" came 109.39
—qa's*ide Ne'nengasé Grizzly-Bear-Woman went X 21.28
This suffix is postnominal, not verbal, as is proved by the analogous
forms of the second person demonstrative:
gavxmor Wuld’sn*wéx Wula’sd® came 161.27
It does not indicate absence or presence, but is merely an emphatic
demonstrative. .
In other cases the verbal demonstrative of the third person -é is
used in a similar position. On account of the weakness of the ter-
minal glottal stops, it is difficult to distinguish this ending from -é.
Still, the analogous forms of the second person demonstrative prove
its verbal character.
yu'*més la brk!u’séz this is the woodman 258.27
It seems, that when there are two forms, and the first takes a verbal
demonstrative or a possessive, the terminal word is generally a noun.
yu'=*mos wa'tdeméx this is your word
When the sentence is opened by a verbal expression without
demonstrative ending, the second term is a verb.
yu'més ye lax*widayuséyox this is his secret song
It is doubtful, in this case, whether the first word is a noun or a verb,
and whether the second word should be considered a separate sentence.
§ 56
5492 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 40
§ 57. Irregular Forms (continued)
The same is true in all cases where the verb stands immediately
before its object or instrument. In these cases, when it has no de-
monstrative, the objective -x and -s are suffixed to it.
la mix*v’dxa brqwa’nem he struck the man
k- !é’soa mix'i'd g:@’xen this one did not strike me
lox Le’ gades T !é’semg-ite this one had the name T!e’sEmg“it 225.18
The construction is similar to that in sentences in which nouns
occur accompanied by qualifying terms.
mixi'déda wa'lasé beqwa/nem«a gina’nem this large man struck
the child (literally, this tall one struck, man the child). If the
noun stands by itself, the -a preceding the object (§ 50.4) is
retained.
mix v/déeda brqwa’nemaxa gindnem
Temporal suffixes are treated in the same manner.
zu'mtelseda ‘wa'lasdé g°6’x"sa brqwa’nem the large house of the
man was burnt on the ground (zumf#- to burn; -z/s on ground
[§ 22, no. 44]; -(a)dé past; gk” house); (but zu’mtzlsé
g o'x"disa begwanem the house of the man was burnt on the
ground [see § 50.6])
There is still another case in which a similar absence of demonstra-
tive elements is observed. The verb may be separated from the rest
of the sentence, and its place may be taken by auxiliary verbs or by
verbalized nominal ideas. Then it is placed at the end of the sen-
tence, and has either no ending, or, better, the ending -a.
lafem qa’sida then he went
latmox ga’s‘ida then he went
lé’da brqwa’nem qa’sida then the man went
In this position the verb can not take the ending -é, although it may
be made a noun by the appropriate prenominal demonstrative.
brgwa’neméda qa’sidé the man went
§ 58. Remarks on Irregular Forms
It is impossible to give a satisfactory explanation for all the peculiar
usages of these endings, although the rules for their use can be stated
quite definitely. The endings -éda and -x, which in Kwa’g-ut invari-
ably have the function of determining subject and object, may have
originally performed different functions. This is suggested by the
following forms: The Dza’wadxénox" forms -séda and -xeda (see § 49),
and the analogous forms -ag:ada, -xdxda, -sg-ada, -sdxda, of the
§§ 57, 58
—
BOAS] HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 543
Kwa/e-ul, show that the endings -g-a, -6z, -@, and -da are not necessa-
rily subjective. There are also indications that originally -da was not
so exclusively prenominal as we find it now. This is indicated par-
ticularly in its use with the independent demonstrative ga, yi, hé, and
the interrogative ‘wi wHEN. These often take the ending -da either
by itself or in connection with possessive pronouns: g'a’da, yii’da, hé’da,
fyi'dé; and hé’drn g'0k” THAT IS MY HOUSE (see § 55). On the other
hand, -« is used to introduce appositions and temporal determinations
(see § 61). In the form yixa it may take the place of the subject, a
construction which is used frequently in the dialect of Newettee:
g-a'xé, yiaa begwa’nem HE CAME, THAT MAN. In the Awi’k:!énox®
dialect of Rivers inlet it is suffixed in the same manner to the subject
as well as to the object.
la’lé ya’x*idrla g d’kulayaxai the people felt bad (g-6’kula tribe;
-zav’ those)
On the other hand, it does not seem probable that this dialect
should have retained older forms, since it shows considerable phonetic
decay in other directions.
§ 59. Vocalic and Consonantic Prenominal Forms:
It was mentioned in § 49 that the prenominal demonstrative occurs
in two forms, as vocalic and consonantic. The latter is used in three
cases :
1. Before proper names.
la’‘laé ya’qleg:asté T's!iqamasé then Ts!aqamé spoke 193.26
acyt/lkwis T!é’semgité the attendants of T!é’srmg’it 222.30
2. When a noun is used (a) in a general sense, or (b) when the
existence of an object is doubtful.
(a):
hé’ em wa'tdems begwa’nem that is the word of mankind
g kwas gi’ gigamasya a house fit for chiefs
laimen wurd/aga begwa’nemk: I ask the men in present
existence
(b):
a’'laso*wé laé’sasa ts!é’daq mussels are searched for by the
women
sek-a’Lrentax gwo*yi’mlaza I shall harpoon a whale, if there
is one (-lax uncertainty [§ 28, no. 105]).
On the other hand, we have la*men sxk-d’xa gw6‘yi’m 1 HARPOONED
A WHALE, because the whale, after having been harpooned, is definite.
§ 59
544 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 40
In these cases we find generally the suffix -a for the third person
demonstrative invisible, because the object is necessarily conceived
in this position.
3. When the noun is followed by the possessive -s of the third
person.
g a’ xé lax gO’ kwasen ‘nemo’ kwé he came to the house of my friend
§ 60. Objective and Instrumental
The use of the objective and instrumental with different verbs
shows great irregularities. On the whole, the objective is used only
when the action directly affects the object; while in other cases,
where a direction toward an object is expressed, periphrastic forms
are used. Whenever an action can be interpreted as performed with
an instrument, the instrumental is used, for which the Kwa’g-ul has
a great predilection. In many cases, however, both instrumental
and objective may be used, according to the point of view taken.
We find, for instance, the following instrumentals:
(la’men) Lé’qelas tléxi/la laq I name it “door” 9.14 (zéq- name;
-s [instr.]; t/éxi’la door; laq going to it)
Lé'gades Da’bendé having the name of Da’brend 15.8
wé' qa gwa's *étsés g'dzitads mention your reason for coming 16.10
(wé’g'a go on; gwa’s id to mention; -sés your[instr.]; gaa to
come; -g'it reason[no. 176, p. 508]; -ads your)
sa’bents6x he overdoes this 18.1
‘ya'laqas g'ina’nem he sent the child
lé ts!Gs then he gave it 18.11
lar’m t!éqwaptentsa t!é’semé he put on the fire the stones 20.8
wé'g a, dr'nasitsen q!z’mdema go on! sing (with) my song 451.25
All passives are constructed with the instrumentalis.
qa’ s*idayusa axra’‘lénoz” he was walked away with by the wolves
§ 61. Periphrastic Forms
Whenever the activity does not influence the object directly, but
is rather directed toward the object, periphrastic forms, which may
be termed ‘‘ the locative,”’ are used. These are formed with the verbs
la TO GO, and g’@zx TO coME, the former being used for the second and
third persons; the latter, for the first person, inclusive, and exclusive,
these verbs being treated as transitive verbs with objects.
la’é la’brta lag then he went in to it (-bzeta into[no. 28, p. 465])
léstali’s ela la/xens ‘na’/lax he went around our world 12.7
§§ 60, 61
BoAS ] HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 545
These periphrastic forms take the place of the object of the first
person inclusive and exclusive (p. 536). They are also preferred when-
ever the verb has both pronominal object and instrumental. Then
the periphrastic form generally takes the place of the object. The
verbal character of these forms appears with great clearness when the
verb is /a To Go, since in this case the verb is directly composed with
the object, and thus replaces the locative, with which it is identical.
The objective form is also used for all determinations of time.
hé gwe'gilaxa ga’genuxe he did so every night 249.24 (hé that;
gwe’ gila to do so; -xa[obj.]; ga’nux night)
. 62. Causalita
Y
Causality is expressed by the element ga, which is treated as though
it were a verbal stem that might be translated by TO BE THE CAUSE
or. This stem does not lose its terminal a. It takes pronominal,
prenominal, and possessive forms, just like other verbs.
@laszl te’ng-aa qaé’s La’la it is said, he longed really the cause
is his (= on account of his) sweetheart 23.12 (@la really;
-la quotative; ¢z’ng‘aa to long; La’la sweetheart)
(la*men) te'ng'aa ga‘s I long on account of you 25.1
gaés wa'tdemos on account of your words 285.42
lan’mlaé *y@’x'semé na'gatyas K!wek!waxd’*wasée qaés ‘nemo’ we
then the mind of K!wéek!waxa’*wé* was bad on account of his
friend 291.34 (Ja auxiliary verb; -em and; -‘la it is said;
fya'x'sem bad; nda’ge® mind; ‘nemo’k" friend)
gag in wa'ldemrik’ on account of this my future word 115.31
qao’xda mots!agéx on account of these four sticks 139.22.
§ 63. Finality
Closely related to the causalis is the expression for finality. This
form seems to occur only in nominal construction analogous to the
third person demonstrative of the possessive causalis, from which it
differs in the same way as the forms for visibility differ from those
for invisibility. The set of forms is—
a MPORSON 0) Glide ses Soe Ene
Inclusive. 60.00) bos | QEens—a
MECIUSIVE | inf) a fern), 3. 4 QEnes—a
Paspersom: <« -. . . . ., .9@°s—aos
3d person . . . . . . ga—as (possessor different from
. subject)
3d person... . . . ga*s—a(possessor and subject the
same)
44877—Bull. 40, pt. 1—10 35 §§ 62, 63
546 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BuLL. 40
It corresponds to a verbal stem qg with the possessive forms for
absence.
k-V’lwinementag gen gene’ma I bought her to be my wife
This finalis is very frequently used with verbs, which, however,
take certain suffixes. Most often they take the ending -é, which
seems to nominalize the verbal term. When, however, the verb
has another pronominal suffix, as in the second person or with the
object of the second person, it takes tne suffix -a before the pro-
nominal suffix. In the first person, exclusive, and inclusive, the
pronoun may be repeated suffixed to the verb. In this case the idea
of finality is often so weak that it is hardly more than a connective.
wia'dzirntsos qen pluxé’dé go on that I may taste 37.32 (wé go
on; -dz@ emphatic[no. 119, p. 494]; p/uax‘e’d to taste)
gan *né’ké and I say so 453.24
‘ya'lagementas Gu'ldemé gen g:a’xé I have been sent by Wood-
pecker to come 302.24 (ya’laqa to send; -zm instrument [no.
173]; -ntas I by him; Gu’ldem woodpecker; g'adx to come)
wée'ga, ... gens do’qwatéex qla'para’sens ‘nénemo’kwex go
on, ... that we may see the hitting of our friends 296.31
(do’qwata to be looking; qlap- to hit; -sens of our; ‘nemok
friend; -éx postnominal dem. 2d pers.)
... gas la’ds axse'd that you go and take 465.34
.. . gas taplé’dayos that you eat (break the shells) 284.22
.. . gen Lé'xssaléxens cund’kwex that I advise our child 290.13
.. . gen &k-dwesg ada *‘nextune'k* and I stake this blanket 292.3
wé' ga L!0'pledeq’ qass hama*i’dadsaq® go on, roast this and eat
this 38.7 (z/dp- to roast; hama** i'd to eat)
Lé'‘lalaxés g okuloté qa g:a’xés he called his tribe to come 23.2
axré’dxés qg!0'lats!é qass g:a’xé he took his kettle and came 20.8
If the verb has the first form of the third person, and takes an
object or instrumentalis, the final -s is followed by an -é.
qa dr'nx*idesesa ga’ gak lak: !a’‘layu qg!z'mdema that they sing the
wooing songs 82.3 (dz’nzx‘id to sing ; gak"- wife [no. 141, p. 498];
-k:!ala noise [no. 144, p. 499]; -ayu instrument [no. 174, p. 507];
qglemdem song)
Verbs with object of the second person take the ending -a6z, cor-
responding to -a0s in verbs with second person subject.
Monosyllabic verbs in -a take -d in place of -aé, and -ayds or aés in
place of -aads.
In the future the -@ precedes the future suffix, and the endings are
the same as usual, -éz, -€L06s8, -éLzEs.
§ 63
BOAS] HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 547
gen do’'xwareladt that I may see you 263.26
qa‘s la’os né’*nakwa and go home 450.20
gen la é’tled that I go again 240.37
ga‘slé’r6s that you may go in the future 260.19
§ 64. Causal and Temporal Subordination
Causal and temporal subordination are expressed by forms related
to the foregoing. They must also be considered nominal in their
character. Here the relation between personal and demonstrative
pronoun is very close, the noun which expresses the subordination
always appearing with the possessive pronoun of the proper person
combined with the demonstrative pronoun of the same person.
Subordination is expressed by the suffix -z, which takes possessive
endings combined with the proper demonstrative elements. This
-z may be related to the objective.
Temporal Subordination Causal Subordination
Istperson: . . . . -xg’in—ek qaxg in—ek
inclusive: )... . ». -ag*ins—ek- qaxg ins—ék*
Exclusive... . . ., -eginu's"—ék qaxg inu's"—ek’
Za person. . . . . -x©s—daaqos qaxs—aagos
3d person. . . . . -xs—aé qaxs—aé
In place of the suffixed temporal forms, we find also yi’xg-in, ete.
q@ Lars ‘né'k-aa’qos indeed, when you said 16.11
dza'qwaxs la’é it was evening when he— 30.4
qaxg-in @’léx-dek: tr’ng-aa for I really long 25.1
gaxs ‘né’k-aa’qos for you said 16.13
When the verb is transitive, the subject is combined with the
subordinating -x, while the object remains connected with the verb.
The subject may, however, be repeated in the verb in the same way
as in the possessive (§ 49).
qgaxg-in wut z'lat‘még:inztag for | heard it 16.1 (wure’la to hear)
LO'xgun ts!a/weg-asa ‘wa'ts!éx lor and that I gave you this dog
39.9 (zo and; ts!0 to give; ‘wats! dog)
The ending -x undergoes the same changes as those enumerated in
§ 50.4, 6.
Whenever these endings follow an objective or instrumental, they
take a connective -é.
Laldsézs la’é 24.1 (zalds his sweetheart)
do’x'wat rlagéxs wu'ng zlaéda xup!a’ he saw that the hole was deep
{ia :
§ 64
548 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 40
It is worth remarking that in these cases there is no differentiation
in the third person when the subject of principal and subordinate
clauses differ and when they are identical.
lan’m k-lés qla’telé Ma’rulayiigwias le*ma’é lo’ ré K!wa'kwar-
sdnaza hala’yuwe then Ma/xulayaigwa did not know that
K!wa/kwaxsano had obtained the death-bringer 144.39 (k-Jés
not; g/d’ixla to know; lox to obtain; hala’yu means of death)
k-1é’stlatta gd'ta qa’ sazs la’é la’g-aa he did not walk long when he
arrived 27.2 (gata long; qd’sa to walk; la’g-aa to arrive)
The same forms also occur without the subordinating suffix -r. In
these cases the possessive element is suffixed to the postnominal
demonstrative. _
Lst persow: | oe yd, Sela Pe bs” ay) 2
QO CTSOI ings, a raitg aye PERE: po cee ee og ne
Bd persom, \s.s spe wat Leena ee eee
k-!é'saa’qos g-axnarwaxa *nda’/la you do not come in the daytime
(k-lés not; gaz to come; -narwa from time to time [§ 26, no.
“ oe
95]; &na’la day)
la’atlasé ‘la’ qulayugwa ya’q!leg-asta then, it is said, Crying-Woman
Je q ’ ) 5
spoke 261.43
§ 65. Conditional
The conditional is formed from the same stem ga as the causal. It
takes the ending 6. In this case the first person takes the same form
nz which has been discussed in § 50.1. The principal verb may also
take the suffix 6, and is often accompanied by the suffix -laz (§ 28,
no. 105), which expresses uncertainty.
Following are the conditional forms:
Teteperson’ 0's ee ie We ee ren, 2 ee
Inclusive is. Vk (oe8tai 2 Set ae ee
Pixclusivie 0 20. lio) 2 vatietehwe elie ee
20 WEMSONY ens {9/023 4kn 48) ave ee ee
3d person, demonstrative, Ist person. . gag’0
3d person, demonstrative, 2d person . . qa*xo
3d person, demonstrative, 3d person . . qo
gas hama-i’dxa hamg-Vlayura lox if you eat the food that is
given to you. 258.33 (hama-‘i'd to eat, hamg-ila to give food,
-ayu passive [$ 36, no. 174], loz to you)
gatso k-!é'slax ha*mda’plaxox if you should not eat 262.11 (ke: és
not, -laz uncertainty, ha‘ma‘p to eat, -lax uncertainty, 01 you
[§ 50.5)
§ 65
BOAS] HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 549
§ 66. Imperative and Exhortative
The imperative of inchoative verbs is generally formed with the
suffix g-a; that of continuative verbs, with -la.
da’salg'a dive! 461.23
The defective forms gé’la come! ha’g-a Go! belong here. We find
also the double form gé’lag-a comE!
Often the imperative is introduced by a form derived from the
interjection wé Go oN! which takes the imperative ending -g-a or (in
the future) -g-iz. In other cases the wé takes pronominal endings.
In constructions with wé’g-a, the intransitive verb takes the ending -z.
wé'g-a *na’xumdtaz go on, cover your face! 185.35
we'g- it la gwa’tatarrx keep ready! 242.28
wi’ entsos gen wurda’ ox let me ask you (=you [exhortative] that
Task you) 145.22
Sometimes /d’g-a and gé’la are used in the same manner as wé’q-a.
ha’g-a «wa nat id ex go and get ready! 114.28
Exhortatives are formed with the suffix -z::
we'x ins wi'nax K. let us make war on K. 301.25
we gaxt ta’k!wemasés na’ gqa*yos strengthen your mind 13.8
gua’ lax t hé’x*idarm 0'q!usés na’ qa‘yosag don’t believe your own
mind at once 269.3
Negative imperatives are always introduced by gwa’la pon’r!
which is derived from gwa TO CEASE.
gwa'la ‘nek don’t say so! 144.35
It is quite likely that the forms in -g-a are related to the demon-
strative endings, and that the imperative is less a modal form than
an expression of the immediate nearness of action.
.In many cases the imperative idea is expressed by the future,
either alone or introduced by wé’g-a and gwa‘la. The transitive
imperative seems to be expressed always by the future.
The ending -n0* forms a peculiar emphatic imperative:
gwa‘no’* don’t! 462.18 yd’ 1 !a4n0* take care!
Probably this suffix has the meaning ENTIRELY, ALTOGETHER, and
is used as an imperative only secondarily. At least, the forms
dd’qwano®, g:a’xnd*, were translated to me YOU SEE, COME! implying
that the opposite ideas of not seeing, not coming, are entirely excluded.
§ 66
550 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 40
§ 67. Interrogative
When interrogative pronouns—ang"- WHO, ‘ma- WHAT, ‘wi- WHEN,
g:in- HOW MANY—are contained in interrogative sentences, the ordi-
nary verbal forms are used. When these are not interrogative pro-
nouns, the verb takes the suffix -a.
‘md’ sas begwa’nem? what kind of a man are you? 147.24
emda’sos Lii'g alafsagos? what is standing behind you? 37.21
a’ngwax' tas? what is on you (=is your name)? 67.31
Swe'den *wa’ts!é? where is my dog? 44.24
Swedzd's g'e’a'*idé? where do you come from? 123.26
gayi’ nstla‘maz’na? did I stay under water long? 34.19 (ga- long;
" -ng under water [§ 21, no. 26]; -la [contin.]; -*m [connect.,
§ 27, no. 103]; -a [interrog.]; en I; -a [interrog.])
k-!ed’sas y@/nemaa? have you no game? 45.27 (k-/ed’s none; -as
thou; y@’nem game; -a absent; a [interrog.])
plep!a’sasa are you blind? 95.26
In interrogative sentences the voice sinks at the end of the sentence.
§ 68. Plural
When the sense requires clear expression of the pronominal plural,
the suffix -x-da‘a" is used, which is treated like other suffixes beginning
with z-, and loses this sound after consonants. :
This suffix must not be considered a pronominal ending. It is
attached to interjections as well as to verbs.
ya’ x-dasa" (address of several people) 219.17
la’x*data“laé they went, it is said 266.27
§ 69. Adverbs
From what has been said before, is appears that there are very few
adverbs only in Kwakiutl. A great number of adverbial ideas are
expressed by suffixes, while others are verbs. To this class belong,
for instance: .
és, k-!és not
a- really
hal- quickly
The only independent adverbs that do not take verbal forms, so far
as they are known to me, are zld’q ALMost, and the numeral adverbs
formed with the suffix -p/zn.
$$ 67-69
Boas] HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 551
§ 70. VOCABULARY
Most of the Kwakiutl stems are monosyllabic, and consist either of
a consonant, vowel, and consonant; or of a vowel preceded or fol-
lowed by a consonant.
followed by two consonants.
stems; for instance—
alé’x”- to hunt sea-mammals
med z'lq- to boil
k-lélak- to strike
Only a few stems consist of a short vowel
Apparently there are some bisyllabic
a’lé to search
g ilo’ L- to steal
Owing to the great number of nominal suffixes, most nouns are
derived from verbs, so that the number of primarily denominative
stems is small.
or neutral stems have been given in § 36.
given here. .
Los tree (= standing on
ground)
tate’mt hat (=hanging face-
cover)
qos pond (= water in it on
ground)
xu'lgwis shark (= rough body)
Examples of nominal stems derived from verbs
A few others may be
mena’ts!é drum (= striking re-
ceptacle)
‘merku'la moon (=round thing
being)
‘wa’ lasx:é lynx (= big toothed)
Ld’ wayu salmon weir (= means
of standing)
Furthermore, many local suffixes form nouns by being attached to
the nominal stem 6- SOMETHING, and a few related stems.
We find,
for instance, 6’bde cHEST, 0’r"sidzé& FOOT OF MOUNTAIN, 0’néqwit
CORNER.
@’*'wrusdé MOUTH OF A VESSEL.
Before vowels, the stem 6- becomes a‘w-; for instance, in
A number of nouns are found, however, which are neither descrip-
tive nor immediately reducible to the series of local suffixes.
Among
parts of the body we find some that do not occur as suffixes.
r'ldz- flesh
rlk- blood
hap- hair of body
sefy- hair of head
zaq bone
L/és- skin
k-Jil- tongue
gel- rib
yom- thumb
k-!éd- third finger
selt!- fourth finger
aEn- eyebrows
zawe’g skull
nate” vulva
ts! n°y- intestines
§ 70
552 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BuLL. 40
Other names of parts of the body occur in two forms—as inde-
pendent words and as suffixes.
Independent Suffix
GGG SV Yay ee a ak sees -xLd
mouth (oe) ens -asta
POET Tc. oes Mey Bathe oa Pe ae BOI -ato
yO. he win at nee wane: -£sto
face... . © . Go'oume -gEM
Nose) pe ue OO Raee “iba
COOE pica yoo ae Oe -siv' ab
belly siege Coates cele ea nes -€8
hands | ak. eu eee ee ase -x'tsana
TOObe usc cnittisn taut OeeOsee -0"° 808
A few other nouns which appear among the suffixes also exist as
independent nominal stems.
Independent Suffix
fire yt, Pog Soh. aie hee -sqwap
WHECES 8 ute amis Me aie sta
one side’t}*?, A. US s-ap- -k lot
The classification of verbs according to form of object is well devel-
oped. Since there are but few classificatory endings, and since their
use is primarily restricted to numerals, we find many different stems
used for this purpose.
A list of stems will be found in my book ‘‘ Kwakiutl Texts” (Pub-
lications of the Jesup North Pacific Expedition, vol. 11).
§ 70
TEXT
G:d’kula‘laé! Ts!n/Iqwalolela? la’xa® @klé* =a wi’nagwisa.°
Lived it is said Heat at the above world.
Ga'x‘em‘laé® Tsle’Iqwalotela? LE‘wis’ sa’semé,® yix® Sé’paxaés!°
Came referred to Heat and his children, that Shining-down
itis said
Lo*" Ya’q!entema‘yaxa” ts!mda’q Lo® G’°é'xden LEtwa™ a’'lée'
and First-Speaker the woman and G’é/xdEn and the last
xuno’x"se Da’doqwanagésela.'® K°!ée’s‘laé’? g-a’xé'® genk’mas’®
child his Seeing-from-Corner-to-Corner. Not it is said came "wife of
Ts!n/lqwalolela, yix® Lié’sElaga* qa hé’éné*mas*! qa’samasé”
Heat, that Sun-Woman for that one being she go-making she
L!é’sElagaxa”™ L!é’seEla. Hé"lat!a*4 ‘nEqa’xa* O’/manis
Sun-Woman the sun. That itis said, straight-down Omanis
however,
yix® Ts!n’lqwalotela LEfwis’ sa’seEm. Hé’x*‘idarm‘la’wis”*
that Heat and his children. That began rererred to it is
sai
-€; -laé (§ 32, no. 132).
2ts/Elqu- HOT; -ala (§ 26, no. 91); -dteta (§ 26, no. 93).
3/@ TO GO; -xa pronominal vocalic objective (§§ 49, 59); the whole word serves as the vocalic locative
(§ 61).
4 é@k-/- HIGH, ABOVE; -é 3d person demonstrative (§§ 48, 56, 57).
5 -is BEACH (§ 22,no. 45). This word is derived from the stem 6- SOMETHING, and the suffix -énaku (no.
183 a). The terminal -a indicates that it is one of many countries (§ 59).
6 g'dz TO COME; -Em connective (§ 27, no. 103); -£laé (see note 1).
7 LOf AND, with possessive 3d person, thing possessed belonging to subject (§§ 49, IIT 6, 55).
8 sa’sEm CHILDREN [PLURAL] (singular rwnd’ku, stem runku-); -é dem. (§ 56).
9 yix THAT, consonantic form preceding proper name (§ 59), objective form for apposition (§ 58).
10 s@p- TO SHINE, RAY; -@ra DOWN (§ 21, no. 19), -€s ON BEACH (§ 22, no. 45).
11 16 AND, consonantie before proper name (§ 59).
12. ya’g/Ent- TO TALK; -gem FACE (§ 23, no. 54); -€* nominal suffix (§ 36, no. 161). This takes the form
-afya before objective -x (§ 50.6); -ra objective form introducing apposition, vocalic form before common
noun.
13 LEEWa AND, vocalic form before common noun (§ 50.11).
14 (@f- RECENT; -é demonstrative (see note 4).
15 rund’ku, stem runku- CHILD (see note 8); -s HIS, placed after the noun, since the subject of the sen-
tence LE‘wa a’té runo’rus is a’té, while the possessor is Heat (see § 49, III, 6); -€é pronominal indefinite
before proper nouns (§§ 49, 59).
16 do’qwa TO SEE; da’dog/wa TO ENDEAVOR TO SEE. The rest of the name is not quite clear.
17 k-Jés NOT; -~lae (see 1). This is a verbal form.
18 g'ax TO COME; there is no -*m here, because this is a new idea that is introduced into the tale; -é@ con-
sonantic, pronominal (§§ 49, 59).
19 gEnE’m, Stem gag’- WIFE; -nEm (§ 36, no. 193 a); -s ind. possessive before proper name (§ 59).
20 L/Jés- HEAT; L/é’sEla SUN; -ga WOMAN (§ 36, no. 192).
21 ga ON ACCOUNT OF; hé THAT ONE; -éné abstract noun, QUALITY OF; --m (§ 27, no. 103); -s possessive
third person.
22 gas- TO WALK; -amdas TO CAUSE (§ 35, no. 158); -é cons. demonstrative (§§ 49, 59).
°3 -ra definite object (§ 49).
24 hé THAT; -‘la IT IS SAID (§ 32, no. 132); -t/a HOWEVER (§ 27, no. 101).
2 €mKq- STRAIGHT (i. e., tocome straight down); hé is here subject; -ra indicates the apposition explaining
the hé THAT.
26 hé THAT; -x'£2d inchoative (§ 26, no. 90); -Em connective (§ 27, no. 103); after the inchoative this suffix
requires always a connective -a-; -£/a (see note 1); -Em-wis AND SO (§ 27, no. 104).
553
554 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BuLL. 40
Gexdmn.:. 1a* qa’sid**—s la’xa® = =96 Wak‘ !egesia.”® La’‘lae*°
G-éxdEn went walk-began to the Bent-Bay its name. Then it is
said
do’x'waLeElaxa*! ‘neqa’ts!aqgé® xwa’k!una** mexe’s* aq. La’‘lae*
he discovered the ten long canoes hollow things atit. Then it is
on beach said
éw’un'wig‘aq,** lan’m‘la wis’ la’x® a’Lafyasa®® xwa’xwak!una.*
he hid back of them, then referred to at landward of canoes.
it is said and the
so he went
Lalaé®> G:é’xden dex‘wult!a’lis* laiq.* La’‘lae* ya’q!eg-atleda”
Then it is G:é/xdEn jumped out of woods to Then it is speak began the
said on beach them. said ;
‘nemo’kwé* brgwa’nema:! ‘* *ma’sds* Sya’lag‘ilisex,*® G'ée’xdmn?”
one person man: ‘““What your work moving on G'é/xdEn?”’
beach here,
éne’x‘so‘laé*? G'é’xden. La’‘laé*° na’nax‘ma‘ya:* ‘‘ La’LogwasdE‘yin*®
was told it is G’é/xden. Then it is he replied: “Tam trying to geta
said said magical treasure
lon. ** La’‘lae *° wuLe’ > G'ée’xdgEnaxa®” bEgwa’nEmé :*8
from you.”’ Then it is asked G’é’xdeEn the man:
said
“¢€mae’noxwas 2” *4 La’‘laé*° na’nax‘ma‘éda® bEgwa’nEmaq:*®
‘What tribe are you?”’ Theat is replied the man to him;
sai
21 1@ WENT, signifies here a new action: THEN.
28 gds- TO WALK; -z'‘id inchoative (§ 26, no. 90).
29 wa’k: !- BENT; -ég- SIDE (§ 22, no. 51); -€s ON BEACH (§ 22, no. 45); -4"La ON (=named) (§ 21, no. 32 Bb).
30 /@ (see note 27); -£laé (see note 1).
31 d@gu- TO SEE; -@LEla TO ACCOMPLISH (§ 26, no. 96); -xa vocalic pronominal object (see note 23).
32€n Eq- TEN (=straight); -ts/ag LONG OBJECT (§ 24, no. 84); -é demonstrative (see note 4).
33 Stem rwaku-.
34 mMET- HOLLOW THINGS ARE SOMEWHERE [PLURAL to han-]; -€s ON BEACH (§ 22, no. 45).
35 Locative (see note 3); -q object 3d person (§ 49).
36 €wun- TO HIDE; w for -6 OFF (§ 21, no. 37). -ég'é BARK (§ 23, no. 69); the reason for the introduction of
w before -ég-é is not clear; -g object 3d person (§ 49).
37 1@ (see note 27); -Em-wis AND SO (§ 27, no. 104); da (see note 1). Here /a@ is used as the verb To Go.
38 Jaz consonantic form of locative (see note 3) before a form with genitive ending (§ 59).
39 @L- LANDWARD; -é nominal ending (§ 36, no. 161); -sa vocalic genitive (§ 49).
40 Reduplication for plural (§ 41).
41 dExu- TO JUMP; -Olt/a OUT OF WOODS (§ 21, no. 37, ¢); -lis ON BEACH (§ 22, no. 45; § 37, no. 197).
42 yaqg/Ent- TO TALK; -g'a%t TO BEGIN TO MAKE NOISE (§ 34, no. 145); this combination seems irregular;
éda vocalic subjective (§ 49).
43 €n EM ONE; -Oku PERSON; -é demonstrative.
44 Stem beku- MAN; -GnEm (§ 36, no. 193, 6); -a (see note 5).
45 €mds WHAT; -Os THY (pronominal possessive).
46 £yq- TO BE OCCUPIED [cf. £ya’‘yats/é canoe (=receptacle) for occupation]; *ya’la TO BE IN A STATE OF OCCU-
PATION; -g'ilis MOVING ON BEACH (§ 22, no. 45; § 37, no. 197); -ex postnominal demonstrative 2d person
(§ 48, II).
47 €nék- TO SAY; -80£ passive (§ 35, no. 159); -flaé (see note 1).
48 Stem perhaps nag- TO IMITATE.
49 LOgu- SOMETHING MAGICAL, PRECIOUS; L@’L0k/wa TO ENDEAVOR TO GET SOMETHING PRECIOUS (§ 46);
the softening suffix -sdzy is not known from any other combination; -zn I, subject.
50 Locative, 2d person object (§ 48, I; § 61).
51 wUL- TO QUESTION; -é pronominal before proper name.
52 -ara, the first -a connects the subject with the prenominal object -ra (§ 50.4).
53 Stem beku- MAN (see note 44);‘-€ demonstrative.
54€ma- WHAT; -énoru here, TRIBE (§ 36, no. 162); -as 2d person.
55 See note 48; -éda definite pronominal (§ 49).
56 See note 44; -aq pronominal object, 3d person (§ 50.4).
BOAS] HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 555
**Max’*énoxunu‘x".*” HO’x*widox*®s alé’wats!iixsenu‘x" ® oigama‘ex.”
‘* We are killer-whales. It split this this hunting canoe of our chief here.’
Lalaé® wuta'safwe* G-e’xden lax® t!n’m‘ydséxés® xwa’k!unixs®
Then it is was asked G’é/xdEn about his material for his canoe when it
said sewing
ho’xtwidae.* lLa’‘laé* né’lasa® dmewe’x. ‘‘Ha’g-a®” axé/dex®
was broken. Then it is he told of cedar- “Go get the
said the withes.
drwe’xa,”® ‘né’x‘sd‘lae” G’é’xdren. La’‘laé* qa’s‘ida.7 K°!é’s‘lat!a”
cedar-withes,”’ was told it is G:é/xdeEn. Then it is he started. Not it is said,
said said however,
gailaxs™ ga’xaé™ da’laxa® dEwé’x” gqa‘s” tslewé’és™® la’xa
long when he came carried the cedar- that he gave (with) to the
withes it
brgwa’nkEm. La”laéda” bregwa’nEm aalts!alaxa® dxEwée’x.®
man. Then it is said man tried to break to cedar-
the pieces the withes.
**éma’se®! xa/nElagila’sik* tr’lqwa?”®* lLa’‘laéda’” brgwa’nEm
‘What is the reason of this weak?”’ Then it is man
said the
fya'laqasa®* ‘nemo’/kwe*? brgwa’nem qa” 1lés ax‘ée’dex® sp‘lbésa.*
sent (with) the one person man that he go take the i ai a
each,
57 maz- TO PURSUE SECRETLY; -énoru nomen actoris (§ 36, no. 162); ma’rsénoru KILLER-WHALE; -Enufru
exclusive.
58 hOxru- TO SPLIT; -x*7d inchoative; -dx prenominal consonantic demonstrative 2d person.
59 @léru- TO HUNT SEA-MAMMALS; -ats/@é RECEPTACLE (§ 36, no. 184); alé’wats/@ HUNTING-CANOE; -z post-
nominal demonstrative 2d person; -sEnufxu prenominal possessive exclusive.
60 9-7 CHIEF; g'i7gamé* CHIEF, perhaps chief among others (§ 21, no. 7a); -€r postnominal demonstrative
2d person.
61 WUL- TO QUESTION; -sd® passive (§ 35, no. 159); -sEfwé prenominal indefinite.
62 ¢/Em- TO SEW WOOD WITH CEDAR-WITHES; t/z’m‘yt (for t/E’mayt SEWING-INSTRUMENT [§ 4]; -s HIS;
-é (§ 50.12); -rés prenominal possessive 3d person.
63 See note 33; -rs (§ 64).
64 See note 58; -aé (§ 64).
6 nél- TO TELL; -sa (instrumental, § 60) ABOUT.
66 dkwé’r CEDAR-WI1HES, CEDAR-TWIGS.
6 ha occurs only in imperative forms; -g-a imperative ending (§ 66).
68 a@x- TO DO, TO TAKE; -z°*?d inchoative (§ 26, no. 90); -z prenominal consonantic object.
69 -¢ invisible and indefinite (§ 59.2).
70 €mék* TO SAY; -SO£ passive (§ 35, no. 159); -f/aé (see note 1).
71 gas- TO WALK; -z£id inchoative (§ 26, no. 90); -a@ terminal (§ 57).
72 See 17; -t/a, HOWEVER (§ 27, no. 101).
78 gé- LONG; gd’ta from gé and -ata (§ 26, no. 92); -xs (§ 64).
74 See note 64.
75 da TO TAKE; -la (§ 26, no. 91); -ra prenominal vocalic object.
76 See note 69; here without indefinite -a, because he carries the material, so that it is now definite.
77 § 63, subject of the subordinate clause agrees with the principal clause, therefore -s after the ga.
78 ts/0 TO GIVE; -é after ga; -s instrumental.
79 See note 30; -@da vocalic pronominal subject.
80 at- to break, to crack; -x‘s across; -@ to endeavor with reduplication and hardened consonant (see
p. 498); -za vocalic prenominal object.
81€ma WHAT; -s possessive; -€ demonstrative.
82 ra’/nNL- VERY; -la (§ 26, no. 91); -g:7 REASON (§ 36, no. 176); -a interrogative; -s possessive; -k- post-
nominal demonstrative Ist person.
83 telqu- WEAK.
84 €yq’lag- TO SEND, always with instrumentalis.
85 sElp- TO TWIST; -€8 ON BEACH (§ 22, no. 45).
556 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [puLL. 40
La‘‘laéda™” broewa’nEm dzr'lx£wida.** K-°!és‘latla? oiiJaxs™ o'a’xae™
X g
Then it is man began to run. Notitissaid, long when he came
said the however,
da'laxa” sn’lbés. = _La’‘laéda brewa’nrm t!e/mx“‘idxa*’ xwa’k!una.*
carried the twisted-on- Then it is man began to sew the canoe.
beach, said the
La’‘laé® dzi’x‘semtsa®® gwele’k'é® Ja’xés® tlema’e.% Lan’m”
Then it is he rubbed on its “gum on his sewing. Then
said face with the
gwa'la.? La’‘laé* g*i’gama*yasa™ ma’x‘énox",*” yix® Hé'li‘lilag“ilis,®
it was Then it is the chief of the killer-whales, that Moving-all-over-
finished. said the World,
hé’em® Lé’gemsa®™” g'i’gama‘yasa® maa’mx‘énox":® ‘* Latmox®
that was the name chief of the killer-whales: “Tt here
of the
la’‘LEn! xué‘lbalax 1 ma’sto'” la’x6x 1° Gé’xdEn ga! srk ‘flasoxa’®
will go quartz- harpoon to this G'e’xdEn that he spear with
my pointed this the
ewofyi’m;1% hé’*mis!? Lée’LEgEms?°’ Mr’nldsE‘las,!” L6*!! Mr’nmen-
“whale; that (and the names of Place-of-getting- and Feeling-
so it is) Satiated,
léqalas,"° LE‘wis’ g°0/x"Lads"! ma’xExség‘flaLés!” g°0/x"Laos. 1!
Satiated, and (your) house (your) killer-whale on front house your.
will be (your)
La’te"? = ma’xenox"Lés** 10’qulittads;* hé/*mis’” hala’yut® Lot
Then killer-whale will be future dish in that and killing and
will be your house your; so it is instrument
qtula’‘sta2” ~Letwa"® xue’lx-e" xuda'yu™ qga‘’s sEx"x'a'nos; 7 ™
life water and the quartz- - knife for butcher-knife.”
toothed your
86 dzElru- TO RUN; -x'*td inchoative (§ 26, no. 90).
87 t/Em- TO SEW BOARDS; -x*id inchoative (§ 26, no. 90).
88 dzik"- TO RUB; -gEmd FACE (§ 23, no. 54; also § 24, no. 85; § 20, no. 2); -sa prenominal intransitive
vocalic. ’
89 gwetlé’ky GUM.
90 See note 3; -rés objective possessive 3d person; owner and subject same person.
91t/Em- TO SEW BOARDS; -é£ (§ 36, no. 161); -€é demonstrative.
8 la, see note 30; -Em (§ 27, no. 103).
93 gwa- STOP; -dla continuative (§ 26, no. 92).
94 gi 7'gamé CHIEF (see note 60); -sa possessive prenominal vocalic.
% hél- RIGHT; -i‘ldla ABOUT (§ 21, no. 5); -€s ON BEACH (§ 22, no. 45); -g-ilis IN WORLD (§ 38, no. 197).
96 hé THAT (see note 24); -Em (§ 97, no. 103).
97 L€g- NAME; -Em nominal suffix (§ 36, no. 193); -sa definite possessive ($8 49, 59).
98 Reduplicated plural (§ 42.5).
99 Prenominal 2d person visible.
100 7- future; -En I.
101 wel quartz; -ba point (§ 21, no. 31); -la nominal; -r postnominal, 2d person, visible.
102 harpoon.
103 Periphrastic, 2d person visible, consonantie (§§ 48, 59).
104 The subject changes, hence the -s follows the verb.
105 sek’- to SPEAR; -/a continuative; -sdx with this, 2d person, visible (§§ 48, 59); -xa object.
106 Stem gwék--.
107 --m -wis (§ 28, no. 104).
108 L€g- NAME; -Em nominal suffix; reduplicated plural.
109 mENT- SATIATED; -OsEla (2); -as PLACE OF—.
110 mMENt- SATIATED; -@qala TO FEEL LIKE— (§ 23, no. 81).
Ul g-Oku HOUSE; -L future; -a6s THY, invisible 2d person possessive (§ 48).
112 -7ség'd FRONT OF HOUSE (§ 23, no. 52); -z future; -és 2d person, prenominal possessive (§ 48).
113-7 future; -é demonstrative.
114-7 future; -és 2d person, prenominal possessive.
116 20’qul- DISH; -2 IN HOUSE; -a0s (see note 111).
116 hal-TO KILL (Hé’ldzafqu ciplers), -ayu INSTRUMENT.
117 q/ula LIFE; -&sta WATER (§ 22, no. 39).
8 See note 13.
119 -sr@ TOOTH (see p. 478, no. 62).
120 yut- TO CUT BLUBBER; -ayu INSTRUMENT.
121 seku- TO CARVE; -sx'G TOOTH; -L future; -Os THY, postnomina:.
Boas] HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 557
La’‘las® wex‘e’deda’’® maa’mx*énox’.% G-a'x‘laé® G-é’xdmn,
Then it is started the killer-whale. He came it G’é’xdEn,
said is said
né’*nak"* la’xés® g°dk".1 Larn’m® sEk‘a’xa’ gowdfyi’m'" Lefwa1!8
going home to his house. Then he speared * whale and the
whole .
q!a’sa;'° la’g-ittse”® o-i’gamex“ida. 7
sea-otter; that was his chief he became.
reason
122 LBr- TO START BY CANOE; -x“‘id TO BEGIN.
123 nd/*naku is here independent of G-é’rden and begins a new clause.
124 sek*- TO HARPOON; -xa prenominal object.
125 q/G@s- SEA-OTTER.
126 /@ TO GO; -g:if REASON; -sé (after Zit becomes -tsé) OF HIS.
127 g:2/gamé= CHIEF; -x*2d TO BECOME.
: [Translation. }
Heat lived in the upper world. Heat came with his children,—
Shining-Down and First-Speaker, a woman, and G’‘é’xden, and his
youngest child, Seen-from-Corner-to-Corner. The wife of Heat, Sun-
Woman, did not come, for she is the one who makes the sun go.
Heat and his children came straight down to O’manis. At once
G’é’xdren went to Bent Bay. There he discovered ten canoes on the
beach. He hid behind them landward from the canoes. Then
Gé’xdren jumped out of the woods. Then one person spoke.
**What are you doing on the beach, G‘é’xdren?” Thus G‘é’xdEn
was told. Then he replied, ‘‘I am trying to get a magical treas-
ure from you.” Then G’‘é’xden asked the man, ‘‘To what tribe
do you belong?” The man answered him, ‘‘ We are Killer-Whales.
The hunting-canoe of our chief is split.” Then G’‘é’xden was
asked what he used to sew his canoe with when it was broken. He
mentioned cedar-withes. ‘‘Go and get cedar-withes!” G-°é’xdrn
was told. He started, and it was not long before he came, carrying
cedar-withes, which he gave to the man. Then the man tore to
pieces the cedar-withes. ‘‘ Why are they so weak?” Then the
man sent a person to go and get ‘‘twisted on beach.” The man ran
away; and it was not long before he came, carrying ‘‘ twisted on
beach.” Then the man sewed the canoe. He rubbed the outside of
his sewing with gum. Then it was finished. Then the chief of the
Killer-Whales, Moving-All-Over-the-World,—that was the name of
the chief of the Killer-Whales,—(said), ‘‘ This, my quartz-pointed
harpoon, will go to G’é’xdeEn; and the names Place-of-getting-Satiated
and Feeling-Satiated, and your house with a killer-whale (painting) on
the front, will be your house; and your dish will be a killer-whale dish;
and the death-bringer and the water of life and the quartz-edged
knife, which is to be your butcher-knife (shall be yours).” Then
the Killer-Whale started. G-é’xden came and returned to his house.
Then he speared whales and sea-otters. Therefore he became a chief.
CHINOOK
- y ; BY
FRANZ BOAS
CONTENTS
Page
PEMA! DISGONY SS652 fou. a5 2.2 See eke ee we fae Ae ace ne ceales 563
SPS eMC MC Nese Se ct See Ue BER ee. tat toe ne oe oh a eee ye wate 564
Reet ee ee Sect rat Ue cere ee tte Chaat tae tale Seve we 564
nN EEDA Se rr Ue ee SS OS Se We a Le be od ate SL Se 565
Oy PETS STE Saar Se ae ea ieee ee ea ee sgn eae 566
cen ESTES a a 2 gee pa a 566
5 Wie SCT ARG! 111 cea ME ei oA ge ea ey RC 567
PAU OnnGaicn CURNPES.. Sh Ui tt vet ot). blk. sb etaa ce ste e ee te ce owe 568
Een vocalie Warmony 222.0. 2.205 2205.44. h-2- boast se ee weed 569
RereeeooAOHA LTE SONI ON occ cde te ees Sco esse Ss cce e nee See deus AO
Meee tieiOr. Gt CONSONANIGs. +." -. sn 22 we eee ew se b'e- tases cees 570
(SIEGEL (2: Rc ee a a nn aS 570
NMR ines ee ete ets on OSL NCE ue cine win Kea a lense 570
ee ateris ai) COMGEICUION 6... 24222 ss bok lane eke ee deste ealens wn 571
§ 13. Weakening and strengthening of consonants...................-.--- 571
Semeaertninaiical processed. lacs... SL Label i ee kee ee ee eee 571
§ 15. Ideas expressed by grammatical processes...-..-..-.--.-------------ee: 572
ee ea Me UESIOn Gh OPAMMAr. -- -. 252s see tec ~ le ss cone ee seas ee aesene 575
0 PRES Gh 278s 0) 56 ee Se 575 |
NlGa eunte tne Clay NiACtlC WORDS)... 52.02. es. . Son co ts ow wee cess 575
pul. Modal clements. 2.5. 222.265. tae Reece are by Me a ee Co ra 577
Bitar renpimhiGal Clememise.c. 26. 4ost-t sy tees 2 fn a ss ccmwe does e 580
Bila. wae pont promominal go. 2: 25 o82 25 geet il. coed eee sa ek oe tack 581
Sie Aue tie person uals. o8 62. gas tne) oe Poet oe adie GE e's eos 583
pet ee: Gana MeISOM {URAL 5c oa at oan seeks. eos ove eee G na wee nen 583
Sila. Pronouns Of tie *ttansttive verb. 2s. hil. lie oe ee ee ee 584
ea eSU ING PEOMOUM 2 ee oe cok dae Ne ll die ou.ec da cincie 584
§ 24. Elements expressing the possessive relation between subject and
er ee eae nee e ee error: we. See eo a woes 5 oon ee 587
USES STU a2 VON 0) 2) 5b <2 ga ee Gr a 588
PIO TMC CHiaL NOx Od oss) fa 45 otto tk tec. cees Soes «Bee tenes 590
See MIRE NID on nose IE ae ee Riad wen ale oe nee eae ae Sow’ 592
SUS so. HOUIReS 225-2 sce oe ee Lid noche CO eR Re eee 593
See Gam c eneralrem nuke: me eee Spee Ripert 2nd ie a aol Scho ls eho elod 593
Ne OG CMON Cust es ie searte eae Mees Mitac ole Sac ors oles wi clots 593
Speen me RUMI Meee ene eee a oye Sie ase ep oon a sed 595
Sol. eemi-temporall suthixes|:. 2... 2e205: Jens. 55 soos Rhea ir 595
§ 32. Temporal and semi-temporal suffixes ...............-----.- 596
Soo Dermal np xe ets oe Sete eee UR cso ks wise erate wa See 597
SOG tba mee USING LN Sets seis eke oie eee LE 2 US dereeeeates BRE 597
Baia GRIN FEVERS ier ay OR ee ae nee Os ag ee NSM 597
SESS LUNE VEINS gt) 02 Sag 2 eS eee, ee eee 602
Soo. peeondary significance of gender...=.- 2.522.262. ee eee 603
SEMEN CRETE ST A LI cs | SaaS oe ee 603
44877—Bull. 40, pt 1—10-——36 561
562 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 40
§§ 16-56. Discussion of grammar—Continued. . Page
§§ 16-45. Syntactic words—Continued.
§§ 34-43. The noun—Continued.
$38; Plural sulliises? 22-5 5.5 6 eto a tatete ee ie ree 605
$°39; Vocative: .c 2.3: bs Set te ie ee ee eee 612
§ 40, Derivation of noUms...52.-..05--5---2ee e 612
§ 41. Nouns and verbs derived from particles...........--.--.---- 616
§ 42,-Compound nouns: -2-22. 2... 222.2 asdee 2-6 l ee 617
§ 43, Substantives as qualifiers-. 202... <=. - -.¢ 2.22 617
§ 44. Demonstrative pronouns and adverbs..........---.------------ 617
§ 45. Independent personal pronoun....-.2...-.2.---:+---<49-5e8e—e 626
$§. 46-52. Particles ---oere wae 2 N22 be eee oe 2 627
$46. Atiribute complements. ..........2-22.+ -s22<- <= -2t 22) 627
§: 47. AdverbSi. .ceres toes Gee ecasetee ce eat a5 6) < Sot ee rr 633
§ 48. Exhortative particles. .-22-2 2. -2-- 2). 02- . sce 635
§.49. Interjeetions /< 222.225 0.2 pate ok gee ee 635
§ 50. Conjumetionss:~.2 223 S20 2 he ees gee ae oe 636
B bl Adjectives. to... octets pesos eek see ee oe ae Serine oe 637
§ 52. Adverbs derived from intransitive verbs......--.-------+-=25-= 638
§§ 53-54. Diminutive and augmentative consonantism ........---------- 638
§ 53. Diminutive and augmentative consonantism in Wishram (by
Edward ‘Sapir)./.<..0..- .225e2) -- = ese ee 638
§ 54. Diminutive and augmentative consonantism in Chinook and
Kathlamet: .2.4..c.co2ec. 2-55 eee a eee 645
8855-96. “Symtaks eG ooo cee es eee re ee 646
§ 55. Syntax of Lower Citaonk Sohn cece 81k eee cin 646
§ 56. Post-positions in Wishram (by Edward Sapir) ......--.-------- 650
$$ 57-60. Vocabulary... 01-2280. -os.eee ee sae eet pee 655
§:57,. OnomAtopoctic termarace =). = <2 aie s-ehe Saeco e se 655
§ 58. Nouns expressing adjectival and verbal ideas..........------------ 657
§ 59. Phonetic characteristics of nominal stems .......----------------+--- 658
8/60; -Yerbal-stemsics...220 35. 228 Seren eee 658
|
:
CHINOOK
By Franz Boas
§ 1. DISTRIBUTION AND HISTORY
The Chinookan stock embraces a number of closely related dialects
which were spoken along both banks of Columbia river from the
Cascades to the sea, and some distance up the Willamette valley.
The Chinook were neighbors of tribes belonging to many linguistic
stocks. In Shoalwater bay and on the lower course of Columbia
river, along its northern bank as far as the Cascade range, they came
into contact with tribes of the coast division of the Salishan family.
On the upper course of Willapa river they were contiguous to a
small Athapascan tribe; farther to the east they were surrounded by
Sahaptin tribes; in the Willamette valley they bordered on the
Molala and Kalapuya. On the southern bank of Columbia river,
opposite Cowlitz river, lived another Athapascan tribe whose neigh-
bors they were; while south of the mouth of Columbia river they
bordered on the Tillamuk, an isolated branch of the Coast Salish.
The language was spoken in two principal dialects, Upper Chinook
and Lower Chinook. The former was spoken on the upper course of
Columbia river, as far west as Gray’s Harbor on the north bank and
a little above Astoria on the south bank of the river. It was sub-
divided into a number of slightly different dialects. The principal
representatives are Kathlamet and Clackamas which were spoken
on the lower course of the Columbia river and in the Willamette
valley, and Wasco and Wishram which were spoken in the region of
The Dalles. The Lower Chinook includes the Clatsop dialect on the
south bank of the river (from Astoria downward) and the Chinook
proper of the north bank from Grays harbor down, and on Shoal-.
water bay. The last-named dialect is discussed here.
The name Chinook (7s/inu’k) is the one by which the tribe was
known to their northern neighbors, the Chehalis.
563
*
564 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 40
The grammar of the Chinook language has been discussed by
Horatio Hale,' Friederich Miuller,? Franz Boas,’ John R. Swanton,*
and Edward Sapir.’
Unless otherwise stated, references in the following sketch refer to
page and line in Franz Boas, Chinook Texts.
PHONETICS (§§ 2-13)
§ 2. Vowels
The phonetic system of Chinook is characterized by a super-
abundance of consonants and consonant-clusters combined with great
variability of vowels. Since practically all our information on the
Lower Chinook has been derived from one single individual, the last
survivor capable of giving intelligent information, there remain many
uncertainties in regard to the system of sounds. My informant was
in the habit of changing the position of the lips very slightly only.
There was, particularly, no strong forward movement of the lips in
the vowel wu and the semivowel w. This tendency has been observed -
in many Indian languages and was probably characteristic of all
Chinook speakers. For this reason the w and o sounds are very
slightly differentiated. Obscure vowels are frequent and seem to be
related to all long and short vowels.
The system of vowels and semivowels may be written as follows:
Diph- Semi- Semi- Diph- *
thong vowel Vowels vowel thong
E
w riers A Cs eS y
au 02 (6) é (e).<% ar
i 0.46 a i. Am)
While the o and w sounds are indistinct, owing to the similarity of
lip-positions, the e and i sounds seemingly alternate in accordance
with the character of the adjoining sounds. They assume a decided
2 tinge by contact with a following a, or when following an anterior.
palatal. There is no strong retraction of the lips, but a considerable
1 Wilkes Expedition, Ethnography and Philology, 562-564. See also Transactions of the American Eth- .
nological Society, U, xxiii-clxxxviii; Hale’s Indians of Northwest America and Vocabularies of North
America; with an Introduction by Albert Gallatin.
2 Grundriss der Sprachwissenschaft, m1, 254-256. Vienna, 1882.
3 Notes on the Chinook Language, American Anthropologist, 55-63, 1893; Chinook Texts, Bulletin 20 of
the Bureau of American Ethnology, 1894; Kathlamet Texts, Bulletin 26 of the Bureau of American Ethnology,
1901; The Vocabulary of the Chinook Language, A merican Anthropologist, n. s., VI, 118-147, 1904.
4 Morphology of the Chinook Verb, American Anthropologist, n. S., 1, 199-237, 1900.
6 Preliminary Report on the Language and Mythology of the Upper Chinook, A merican Anthropologist,
Nn. s., IX, 533-544; Wishram Texts, Publications of the American Ethnological Society, II, 1909.
§ 2
:
~
Boas] HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 565
linguo-palatal constriction. In the short vowel the 7 character is
rather accentuated. In the long vowel the e character predomi-
nates, unless contact and contrast phenomena emphasize the 7 char-
acter. 6 seems to occur only with & sounds and is probably due to
an assimilation of short a. d@ is rare and seems to occur only in ono-
matopoetic words. é and d are also of peculiar character. d seems
to be always either a rhetorical broadening of é (as in d’ka for é’ka),
or an onomatopoetic element which is frequent as terminal sound in
interjections. The a series is related to the o and w series in so far
as a may be transformed into o or wu, while e and 7 can never be thus
transformed. We will designate the o and w sounds as u-series and
the e and 7 sounds as 7-series. The only diphthongs that occur are
au and ai. Doubled vowels, unless separated by a consonantic
glottal stop, do not seem to occur. Short 7 and uw when preceding
vowels have always consonantic values.
§ 3. Consonants
The consonants consist of labials, dentals, and a very full series of
palatals. There are also a number of / sounds. I did not succeed,
however, in distinguishing these satisfactorily. There is also much
confusion regarding surds and sonants, not only because the sonant
has greater stress than our sonant, but also on account of the occur-
rence of a labial sound with semiclosure of the nose and weak lip-
closure, which is therefore intermediate between 6, m, and w, with
prevalent m character. Between vowels the sound approaches a b.
The occurrence of d is also doubtful. Each stop occurs as fortis and
surd. :
The series of consonants may be represented as follows:
Sonant Surd Fortis Spirant eee Nasal Lateral pot :
Polite... = ~ = _ = - =
Welar.. .. « (g?) q q! t — ~ =
Raiatal =... k k! L - = -
Anterior
palatal ASD ce = “5 iG
Alveolar . . (d2) t t! SoG - n (L) (y)
Dento - alve-
olaraffrica-; —-— ts,tc ts!,tc! — - ~ ~
tive
Pabial OS Pp p! — m m = (w)
maven Oe eyo pl t, — - ~
§3
566 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BuLL. 40
The alveolar s, c, and the affricative ts, tc, are pronounced with
open teeth. The two m’s are not distinguished, since the former
occurs only before vowels. It is doubtful if they represent two really
distinct sounds.
The glottal stop and the velar surd are closely related, the former
often taking the place of the latter. An omission of a q after a stop
transforms the latter into a fortis. I have placed / and n in the same
line, on account of their frequent alternation. Since the glottal stop,
velars, palatals, and anterior palatals have certain peculiarities in
common, we will designate them as k sounds. The consonants of the
anterior palatal series have a decided affricative character, which is
least prominent in the fortis. The medial palatal & and the velar q¢
appear also as affricatives. In these cases the continued sound
appears so long, that I have written them as kz and qz.
The language admits of extensive consonantic clusters, and I have
not been able to discover any sequence of consonants that is mad-
missible except that clusters consisting of a stop followed by m and n
seem to be avoided.
§ 4. Phonetic Laws
Nevertheless we find complex phonetic laws. These may be classed
in nine groups:
(1) Effects of accent. (5) Vowel changes.
(2) Laws of vocalic harmony. (6) Metathesis.
(3) Laws of consonantic as- (7) Dieresis.
similation. (8) Contraction.
(4) Vocalization of consonants. (9) Weakening and strength-
ening of consonants.
Only the first two of these laws are purely phonetic, while the others
are restricted to certain grammatical forms. Groups 2-5 are changes
due to contact phenomena.
Effects of Accent (§§ 5, 6)
The accent affects the character of the vowel upon which it falls
and modifies consonants in so far as certain consonants or consonantic
clusters are not tolerated when they precede the accent. On the
whole, these changes are confined to the Lower Chinook, but they
occur also in part in the western dialects of the Upper Chinook.
§ 4
HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 567
§ 5. Vocalic Changes
1. Vocalic changes consist in the introduction of an z in an accented
consonantic cluster which consists of a combination of stems. The
E is inserted after the accented consonantic stem. The same change
occurs in Kathlamet, while it is absent in Wishram.
a-tcr’-t-a-x he made it (a- aorist; tc- he; z- 1t; -a directive; -«
to do)
a-gz'-L-a-x she made it (a- aorist; g- she; 1- it; -a@ directive; -x
to do)
tr’-kemén ashes (f- plural gender)
2a. Accented short u, when followed by m,n, or / which are followed
by vowels, becomes wd’.
va’ gunat his salmon igua’nat salmon
tqluliprund’yu youths ig/ud’lipx youth
2b. Accented x and short a, when followed by m,n, orl which are
followed by vowels, become ad. The short vowels? and wu, when fol-
lowed by vowels, have consonantic values and affect preceding z and a
in the same manner.
ica’ yum grizzly-bear icayd’muke grizzly-bears
aa’ penie giving herself in pay- panic to give in payment to
ment to shaman shaman
aqta’witz he gives them to
them 249.13
Accented 7 followed by an a or u vowel becomes Gy.
atcia’x he is accustomed to atca’yax he makes him
make him
mLopia’ tea you will gather it aguupa’yatxz she gathered him
Here belong also the terminal changes of @ in plural forms:
ick!alé clam basket tck!ala’yuks clam baskets
dcuée’é frog tcuea’yuks frogs
Compare with this the following cases, where n and / belong to
consonantic clusters:
néxe' loko he awoke
me’nz't a tittle while
In one case z accented changes to @ before z:
tla‘lzx bird tlala’xuke birds
All these changes given under 2 are confined to Lower Chinook.
They do not occur in Kathlamet and Wishram.
§5
568 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BuLL. 40
§ 6. Consonantic Changes
Consonantic changes due to accent are as follows:
(1) A k following the accented syllable tends to become the affrica-
tive kr.
ka’tsck middle o/kxotsnk middle daughter
igé lxtcutk flint oya@’ kxilxtcutk his flint arrow-
point
(2) When the vowel following the cluster /z is accented, the ¢ is
dropped. E
é’leam town ale’é country
atcid’lram he said to him tciola’ma he will say to him
uk6’lxul mouse ukolo'luks mice
(3) In words in which a q follows the accented syllable it changes to
* when the accent shifts to a syllable following the g. When the q
follows the surds p and ¢, these are changed to the corresponding fortes:
La’ qauwilgt its blood La'wilgt blood
é’géx creek t/a’ Lema creeks
uya’ qaleptcki«’ his fire 0°0'leptckiz’ fire
La'gana its beavers eé’na beaver
This change takes place also when the accent remains on the syllable
preceding the g, when the vowel following the q is short.
0’qou fish-weir oya’‘ax his fish-weir
These changes mark a phonetic differentiation of Upper and Lower
Chinook. In Upper Chinook the q is preserved almost throughout;
while in Lower Chinook it tends to be replaced by the glottal stop §,
—when following p and t by the corresponding fortis, whenever the
accents stand after g, or when it is followed by a short syllable, or
when it is terminal.
Kathlamet Chinook
wa’ yagq o’yas his mother
Lid’ paqa Lid’ pasa his nape
isemeE' lq isa’ meulé nose-ornament
egé’ pagqte ee’ pagte beam
tra’ qort tiaswit his legs
tqu' Lé tlOL house
The process of modification is, however, incomplete, since we find
a number of Chinook words that retain the q.
égtq head av’ag quick
é’czelgcelg porcupine ttcug water
. $6
,
q
a
4 Boas] HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 569
‘Here may also be mentioned the loss of terminal x and a, which is
characteristic of Upper Chinook, in many Lower Chinook forms.
Kathlamet Chinook
mo lekumax mo lekuma elks
tqa’ Lemax t/a'’Lema creeks
Ma’ LNW’ ma’ Lne seaward
Other characteristic changes are from Upper Chinook t to Lower
Chinook s, as in—
Kathlamet Chinook
tqa’totinike tqa’sosinike boys
anizenrmd'txém ania enremd’sx'em I fooled him
and from Upper Chinook s to Lower Chinook ¢cé.
Kathlamet Chinook
é’mas é’matet shame
ano’ suwulat ano’tetuwulat T went up on the water
§ 7. Laws of Vocalic Harmony
When a u vowel precedes a & sound, and the & sound is either fol-
lowed by a vowel or is a prefix, it must be followed by a vowel of the
u- series. The following special cases may be distinguished:
(1) An obscure vowel following the k sound is transformed into
short wu.
0’ pLlike bow ogu’ pL liké my bow (with prefix
-ge- my[§ 18])
(2) a following a & sound is transformed into o or wu.
tk !a’cke boy 0k! 0'cke girl
_ tkani’m canoe okuni’m canoes
(3) Ane sound following a & sound requires a u before the e sound.
axgé pxaté alder country ogue’ pxate’ alder-bark tree
La’ gil a woman 0°6’quil the woman
(4) If the & sound is a prefix, it is considered as a phonetic unit
and an o is inserted following the k sound, even if it is followed by
a consonant.
na’xLxa she begins to burn no’xoLxea they begin to burn
e’ktcxam he sang o’kotcxam they sang
The following examples show that the rule does not hold good in
consonantic clusters that form a stem.
atco’ktcktamit he roasts her dgct louse
(stem -ktckt)
§ 7
570 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 40
§ 8. Consonantic Assimilation
It is doubtful whether there is a single case of consonantic assimi-
lation that is purely phonetic, not dependent on the grammatical
value of the consonants involved. For instance, the assimilation of
l by preceding and following n, observed in n0’ponem IT GETS DARK
(from 6’pol niauT), finds no strict analogies in other similar sound
groups. An assimilation of / by preceding n is found whenever the
lis a frequentative suffix (§ 31).
akso’ pena he jumps akso’penan he jumps about
(instead of akso’ penal)
What is apparently an assimilation of 1 by preceding n is also
found in cases of insertion which occur with the suffix -z (see § 31.8).
§ 9. Vocalization of Consonants
1 Zand n show a peculiar behavior when occurring in the prefixes
-gnl-, -el-, and ~‘zl; or the corresponding -gen- and -xen (§ 25).
Whenever these prefixes are preceded by 0, the / and n become @, so
that the prefixes assume the forms -(0)goé-, (0)xoé-, -(0)*wé.
agigs'laém she called him nogoexé’ma I shall call them
axeno’ten he helped sing noxoexd’téen they helped sing
In other cases the combinations kul and k6l are admissible, as in
6k 0’lxul mouse okula’m surf
2. The intransitive ¢ of the third person plural (§ 21) becomes o
before all & sounds, and also before adverbial / and n (§ 25).
§ 10. Vowel Changes
The verbal prefix -0- (§ 26), when accented and preceding a k
sound or a w, becomes a.
anvo’cgam I took him ania’was I killed him
This change does not take place in Upper Chinook.
igv0’waq (Kathlamet), agia@’wa* (Chinook) she killed him
Unaccented o does not change in this position.
a’noxztk I steal her ayowa’x'tt he is pursued 261.1
§ 11. Metathesis
Metathesis seems to be confined to cases in which two suffixes are
thoroughly amalgamated; for instance, -ako and -z combined form
-dlukt (§ 30).
§§ 8-11
BOAS] HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 571
§ 12. Dieresis and Contraction
1. Dieresis is confined to the formation of a few verbal plurals, in
which the vowel is expanded by insertion of the syllable -yw. Pre-
sumably the expansion is related to the dieresis of accented 7 (see
§ 5). It seems, however, quite possible that this is really a suffix
-yu indicating the distributive. (See § 38.6.)
Singular Plural
-x° ot -x°oyut to bathe
-arlatck -trlayutck to rise
2. A short a, when preceding or following @ and 4%, is contracted
with these vowels, which remain unchanged. In the same way 7 is
contracted with a following 7 or @.
6c she is (instead of a-dc) é’lyam country (instead of
atciungd’mit he causes him to 1-é’lxam)
run (instead of atciwngd’-amit)
§ 13. Weakening and Strengthening of Consonants
A modification of significance is brought about by a modification of
consonants.'| This phenomenon was discovered by Dr. Edward Sapir
in Upper Chinook, but it occurred undoubtedly also in Lower
Chinook. The relation of consonants in Upper Chinook is as follows:
b, p hardened become p! Pp, p! softened become 6
d, t hardened become t! t, t! softened become d
g, k hardened become k! k, k! softened become g
g, q hardened become k! q, q! softened become g
Similar relations are found between the sibilants:
tc! hardened becomes ts! s softened becomes c
tc hardened becomes ts ts softened becomes te
c hardened becomes s, ts ts! softened becomes te! ~
ts hardened becomes ts!
The hardened x becomes xv. (Cf. § 53.)
§ 14. GRAMMATICAL PROCESSES
According to their grammatical forms, Chinook words may be
grouped in two large classes—syntactic words and particles. While
the former, except in exclamations, always contain pronominal and
other elements that define their function in the sentence, the latter
occur as independent and isolated words. The elements of the syn-
1See Edward Sapir, 1. c., 537.
§§ 12-14
5'72 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 40
tactic words are often phonetically weak, and consist sometimes of
single consonants, of consonantic clusters, of single vowels, or of weak
monosyllables. In combination these may form polysyllabic words.
The particles are necessarily of such phonetic character that they
can stand by themselves. For these reasons, both classes of words
appear as fixed phonetic and formal units, so that in Chinook there
can be no doubt as to the limits of words.
The grammatical processes applied with these two classes of words
differ. Some of the particles may be duplicated, while duplication
and reduplication never occur in syntactic words. Particles when
transformed into syntactic words may, however, retain their dupli-
cations. Syntactic words are modified by means of prefixes and
suffixes and by modification of the stem, which, however, is probably
always of phonetic origin. Prefixes are much more numerous than
suffixes, but are phonetically weaker, rarely consisting of more than
a single sound. They appear in considerable numbers in single
words. Six prefixes in one word are not by any means unusual.
The number of suffixes that may appear in combination is more
limited. They are phonetically stronger. More than two or three
suffixes are rarely found in one word.
Word-composition is not infrequent. However, some of the ele-
ments which enter into composition rarely appear alone, or rather,
combined with syntactic elements only. They represent principally
a definite group of local ideas, and therefore give the impression of
being affixes rather than independent stems. These words are, for
instance, motion into, out of, up, down (see § 27). Setting aside
compound words of this class, composition of independent stems, or
rather of stems which are used with syntactic elements only, is infre-
quent. Nouns are, however, largely of complex origin, and in many
of them stems and affixes may be recognized, although the significance
of these elements is not known to us.
The position of the word is quite free, while the order of the con-
stituent elements of syntactic words is rigidly fixed.
§ 15. IDEAS EXPRESSED BY GRAMMATICAL PROCESSES
In discussing the ideas expressed by means of grammatical forms,
it seems best to begin with syntactic words. All syntactic relations
of these are expressed by pronominal and adverbial prefixes. Syn-
§15
—S eewr,:t“‘(_awe eee ee ee
BOAS ] HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES . 573
tactic words may be divided into three classes that receive different
treatment—transitive verbs, intransitive verbs, and nouns. All of
these have in common that they must contain pronominal elements,
which in the first class are subjective and objective, while in the
other two classes they are objective (from the Indo-European point
of view, subjective). The noun is therefore closely associated with
the intransitive verb, although it is not identical with it. It retains,
to a certain extent, a predicative character, but is in form partly
differentiated from the intransitive verb.
The differentiation of transitive and intransitive is contained in
the pronominal elements. The subject of the transitive differs in
some cases from that of the intransitive, which is in form identical
with the objective form of the transitive.
The relations of nouns are expressed by possessive pronouns, which
seem to be remotely related to the subjective transitive pronouns.
Owing to the predicative character of the noun, the possessive form
has partly the meaning HAVING.
Both intransitive and transitive verbs may contain indirect pro-
nominal objects. These are expressed by objective pronouns. Their
particular relation to the verb is defined by elements indicating the
ideas of FoR, TO, WITH, etc. The possessive relations of subject and
object—. e., the possession of one of the objects by the subject, or
of the indirect object by the direct object, and vice versa—are also
expressed. ;
All the syntactic relations between the verb and the nouns of the
sentence must be expressed by means of pronominal and adverbial
elements incorporated in the verb, so that the verb is the skeleton of
the sentence, while the nouns or noun-groups held together by
possessive pronouns are mere appositions. Certain locative affixes
which express the syntactic relations of nouns occur in the dialect
of the Cascades; but these seem to have been borrowed from the
Sahaptin.
The function of each pronominal element is clearly defined, partly
by the differentiation of forms in the transitive and intransitive
verbs, partly by the order in which they appear and by the adverbial
elements mentioned before.
In the pronoun, singular, dual, and plural are distinguished.
There is an inclusive and an exclusive in dual and plural, the exclu-
sive being related to the first person. The second persons dual and
§ 15
574 -BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BuLL. 40
plural are related to the second person singular. The third person
singular has three genders—masculine, feminine, and neuter—and a
single form each for dual and plural. These forms are not only true
sex and number forms, but agree also with a generic classification of
nouns which is based on sex and number.
The nominal stem itself has no characteristic of gender, which is
expressed solely in the pronoun. The sex and number origin of the
genders is clear, but in the present status of the language the genders
are as irregularly distributed as those of Indo-European languages.
These genders are expressed in the incorporated pronominal repre-
sentative of the noun, and since there is generally sufficient variety
in the genders of the nouns of the sentences, clearness is preserved
even when the order of the nouns in apposition is quite free.
Besides the sex and number classes we find a classification in
human beings on the one hand and other beings and objects on the
other. These are expressed in the numeral, the demonstrative, and
in plural forms of nouns.
It was stated before, that, in the pronoun, duality and plurality
are distinguished. In the noun, a true plural, not pronominal in
character, is found only in some words. These were evidently origi-
nally the class of human beings, although at present the use of this
nominal plural is also irregular. Furthermore, a true distributive
is found, which, however, has also become irregular in many cases.
Its original significance is discernible in numeral adverbs (§ 38). A
distributive is also found in a small number of verbal stems.
There are few nominal aflixes of clear meaning, and very few that
serve to derive nouns from verbal stems. There are only two
important classes of verbal nouns which correspond to the relative
sentence THE ONE WHO— and to the past-passive relative sentence
WHAT Is —ED; of these two the latter coincides with ordinary nouns,
while the former constitutes a separate class. Still another class
contains local nouns, WHERE— (§ 40).
Demonstrative pronouns form a class by themselves. They con-
tain the personal pronouns of the third person, but also purely
demonstrative elements which indicate position in relation to the
three persons, and, in Lower Chinook, present and past tense, or
visibility and invisibility.
Only a few modifications of the verb are expressed by incorporated
elements. These are the temporal ideas—in Lower Chinook those of
§ 15
BOAS] HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 575
future and perfect and of the indefinite aoristic time, to which are
added in Upper Chinook several other past tenses. In some cases
these temporal elements express rather ideas that may be termed
transitional and continuative. There is a series of semitemporal
suffixes expressing the inchoative and varieties of frequentatives;
and also a number of directive prefixes, which seem to express the
direction of the action in relation to the speaker.
All other ideas are expressed by particles. A somewhat abnormal
position among these is occupied by the numerals from 2 to 9 and by
a very few adjectives. These numerals are nouns when they are
used as ordinals; when used as adjectives, they are generally par-
ticles; when referring to human beings, they are nouns of peculiar
form.{§ 51). ;
Most remarkable among the particles is a long series of words,
many of which are onomatopoetic and which are mostly used to
express verbal ideas. In this case the verbal relation is expressed by
an auxiliary verb which signifies TO DO, TO MAKE, or TO BE. These
words exhibit a gradation from purely interjectional terms to true
adverbial or, more generally, attributive forms. They are analogous
to our English forms like BANG WENT THE GUN, or DING DONG MADE
THE BELLS, and merge into forms like HE WAS TIRED. If we imagine
the word TIRED pronounced with imitative gestures and expression,
it attains the value that these particles have in Chinook. The num-
ber of these words is considerable, and they take the place of many
verbs. Most of them can be used only with verbs like To po and
To Go. Other adverbs differ from this class in that they are used
with other verbs as well. There is no clear distinction between these
adverbs and conjunctions.
DISCUSSION OF GRAMMAR (S§§ 16-56)
Syntactic Words (§§ 16-45)
§16. Structure of Syntactic Words
All syntactic words contain pronominal elements which give them
a predicative character. A few seem to contain only the pronominal
element and the stem, but by far the greater number contain other
elements besides. Most words of this class are built up by compo-
sition of a long series of elements, all of which are phonetically too
§ 16
576 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 40
weak to stand alone. The most complex of these words contain all
the elements of the sentence. Their order is as follows:
(1) Modad element (transitional, participial).
(2) Pronominal elements.
(a) Subject.
(b) First object.
(c) Second object.
(3) Following one of these may stand an element expressing the
possessive relation between the subject and the objects.
(4) Adverbial prefixes.
(5) Direction of verbal action.
(6) Verbal stem, single or compound.
(7) Adverbial suffixes.
These elements are, of course, hardly ever all represented in one
word. Following are a few characteristic examples of these words:
a-m-x-a-x-cg-G'm-x thou wert in the habit of taking it from her
a- aorist (1, see § 17)
m- thou, subject (2a, see § 18)
L- it, object (2b, see § 18)
a- her, second object (2c, see § 18)
-a- indicates that rr belongs to HER (3, see § 24)
Elements 4 and 5 are not represented.
-cg- stem TO TAKE (6)
-am completive (7a, see § 29)
-x usitative (7b, see § 32)
tc-t-a-l-0’-t-a he will give them to her
tc- he, subject (2a, see § 18)
t- them, object (26, see § 18)
a- her, second object (2c, see § 18)
-l- to (4, see § 25)
-o- direction from speaker (5, see § 26)
-ot- stem TO GIVE (6)
-a future (7, see § 32)
Elements 1 and 3 are not represented.
There are, of course, transitive verbs with but one object. -In
most intransitive verbs all the elements relating to the object disap-
pear and the form of the word becomes comparatively simple.
L-0-c it is
L it, subject (2a, see § 18)
-0- direction from speaker (5, see § 26)
-c stem TO BE, singular (6)
§ 16
BOAS] HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 577
Complex intransitive forms are, however, not rare.
tz-n-x z-l-a’-x-6 they will be on me
t(z)- they, subject (2a, see § 18)
n- me, indirect object (2c, see § 18)
-z(z)- indicates that THEY belong to ME (3, see § 24)
-l- to (4, see § 25)
-d- direction from speaker (5, see § 26)
-x stem TO DO, TO BE (6)
-0 future (7, see § 32)
Nouns are similar to simple intransitive verbs, but they have (or
had) nominal (modal) prefixes. They have no directive elements.
They may take possessive forms which do not appear in the verb.
The order of elements in the noun is the following:
(1*) Nominal (modal) element.
(2*) Pronominal elements.
(a*) Subjective.
(b*) Possessive.
(3*) Nominal stem, single or compound,
(4*) Suffixes:
W-a’-lemlem Rotten-wood (a place name)
w- nominal prefix (1*)
a- subjective feminine (2 a*)
-lemlem stem ROTTEN woop (3*)
é’-mé-qtq thy head
é- subjective masculine (2 a*)
-mé- possessive second person (2 6*)
-gtg- stem HEAD (3*)
In the following sections these component elements will be taken
up in order.
§ 17. Modal Elements
1. a-. This prefix indicates a transitional stage, a change from one
state into another. Therefore it may be translated in intran-
sitive verbs by TO BECOME. In transitive verbs it is always
used when there is no other element affixed which expresses
ideas contradictory to the transitional, like the perfect,
future, or nominal ideas. In the transitive verb it appears,
therefore, on the whole as an aoristic tense. The action
passing from the subject to a definite object is in Chinook
always considered as transitional (transitive), since it implies
a change of condition of object and subject. In the Kathlamet
dialect of the Upper Chinook the corresponding prefix is 1-.
44877—Bull. 40, pt 1—10-—_37 § 17
ee:
578 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BuLL. 40
Whenever the a- stands before a vocalic element, its place is taken
by n-. The masculine i- preceding a vowel has consonantic
character, and retains, therefore, the a-. In Kathlamet n-
is used under the same conditions; but, besides, a form occurs
beginning with 2-, which is followed by a -g-.
Intransitive, before consonant:
a-L-z'-k'im it said (a- transitional; 1- it; -k-vm to say)
a-n-0'-tx-uit I began to stand (a- transitional; n- 1; -0- directive;
-ix to stand; -wit to be in a position)
Intransitive, before vowel:
n-e'-k-im he said (n- transitional; é- he; -k-am to say)
n-0'-z-o-x they became (n- transitional; 6- they; -x reflexive;
-o- directive; -z stem TO DO, TO BE)
Transitive:
a-tcr’-t-a-x he did them (a- transitional; tc- he; + them; -a-
directive; -x stem TO DO)
The following examples are taken from the Kathlamet dialect:
Intransitive, before consonant:
i-z-r’-k-im it said; Kathlamet texts 99.4 (analysis as before)
i-m-ra-t-k !od-mam you came home ibid, 132.15 (m -thou; -gx (a)-
reflexive; -t- coming; -k/oa to go home; -(m)am to arrive)
Intransitive, before vowel:
i-g-e'-z-k!oa he went home ibid. 169.6 (-é- he; -x- reflexive)
i-g-d-x-k !oa she went home ibid. 191.8
Transitive:
i-q-i-0’-lram somebody told him ibid. 169.7 (-¢ somebody; 7- him;
-0 directive; -lzam to tell)
i-gz’-t-u-« she acted on them ibid. 217.16 (gz- she; & them; -u-
directive; -x to do)
2. néi-. This prefix is confined to the dialects east of the Kathlamet.
It takes the form nig- before vowels, like the preceding. It
occurs in transitive and intransitive verbs. It expresses a
somewhat indefinite time past, and is used in speaking of
events that happened less than a year or so ago, yet more than
a couple of days ago. (KH. Sapir.)
ni-y-u'ya he went (ni- past; -y- he; -wya to go)
nig-u'ya she went (the same before vocalic element; -a- she,
being contracted with -u- into -w)
ni-tc-r-gil-kel he saw him (ni- past; -te- he; -i- him; gil- verbal
prefix; -kel to see)
$17
_ Boas] “HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 579
3. a-. This prefix is confined to the intransitive verbs of the Upper
Chinook (Kathlamet), and indicates the future. When fol-
lowed by a vowel, it takes the form al-.
a-m-0'-k1r-a thou wilt carry her (a- future; m- thou; 6- con-
tracted for a- her and 6- directive; -kz stem TO CARRY; -a
future)
Before vowel:
al-6’-mn-qt-a she will die (al- future; -d- contracted for a- she
and -d6- directive; -mzqt stem To DrE; -a future)
In the dialects east of the Kathlamet it is used also with transitive
verbs (Sapir).
a-tc-t-gu'l-kel-a he will see her (a- future; -tc- he; -i- him; -gzl-
verbal prefix; -kzl to see; -a future)
4. ga-, before vowels gal-. This prefix is confined tothe dialects
east of the Kathlamet. It expresses time long past, and is
always used in the recital of myths (Sapir).
ga-y-u'ya he went (see analysis under 2)
gal-u’ya she went (see analysis under 2)
ga-te-i-gx'l-kel he saw him (see analysis under 2)
n- may be used in place of this prefix.
5. na-, before vowels nal-. This prefix is confined to the dialects
east of the Kathlamet. It refers to recent time exclusive of
to-day, more specifically to yesterday. Its use is analogous to
that of the preceding. (EK. Sapir.)
6. k-, g-. This prefix has nominal significance, and designates THE
ONE WHO IS, DOES, or HAS.
k-tgn'-ka-l those who fly (k- nominal; -tgz they; -ka to fly; -l
always)
k-ck-t-a-x0'-il those two who always make them; (ck- they two
[transitive subject]; -t- them; -a- directive before -x; -xd-il to
work always)
This prefix is used most frequently with nouns in possessive form,
designating THE ONE WHO HAS.
g-i-ta'-ki-kel-al those who have the power of seeing (i- mascu-
line, -ta@- their; -ki- indicates that there is no object; -kzl to
see; -al always)
g-i-La’-maé the one who is shot (i- masculine; -1d- its; -ma‘ the
condition of being shot)
k-La’gewam the one who has shamanistic power (-zd- its; -géwam
shaman’s song)
$17
580 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [puLy. 40
7. w-. This seems to have been at one time the prefix which charac-
terized nouns. It is no longer in general use, but persists in a
few terms like wé’wuLé INTERIOR OF HOUSE, wé/koa DAY
(Kathlamet), wélxr countRY (Kathlamet), and in geographical
names like Wapro’tct SALAL-BERRIES ON STUMP. It is always
‘followed by the masculine or feminine intransitive pronoun.
Its former general use may be inferred from the pronominal
form 6- of all feminine nouns, which is probably a contraction
of w- and the ordinary intransitive feminine pronoun a-. In
Upper Chinook the forms wi- and wa- are preserved before
-short words. There is no trace of the former existence of
this prefix before the pronominal forms of neuter, dual, and
plural, all of which are consonantic, while masculine and femi-
nine are both vocalic (é- and a-)._ It seems probable that its
use, like that of n-, was confined to vocalic pronouns (§ 17.1).
8. na-. This is a nominal prefix indicating locality. It occurs
principally in place names, Nakdt!a’t (see § 40).
§ 18. Pronominal Elements
It has been stated that the pronominal elements in the verb are
subject, first object, second object. The whole series occurs in some
transitive verbs only. In form, the subject of the transitive verb is
somewhat differentiated from the other forms, while the objective
pronouns coincide with the subjects of the intransitive, and are
closely related to the personal pronouns which appear attached to
nouns.
The possessive has a series of peculiar forms. In the noun the
order is personal pronoun, possessive pronoun. Thus the pronouns
may be divided into three large groups, which may be called transi-
tive, intransitive, and possessive.
TABLE OF PRONOUNS
Transitive Intransitive Possessive
Ist. person | «.. |) Majeh eee N- - =tCi=) Yee
Exclusrve'dual (> 2° 2s eee nt- -nt-
Exelusive plural’ '3i% <2 ts yee ntc- -nte-
Inclusive dual’. 2 ee ee ta- -tz-
Inclusive plural "4 i lx- -lx-
2d person singular’ “Vi. )) a) ee m- -M-
2d. person dual G0) o) 0 ae ee mt- -mt-
2d person plural 5° .. @ l= 3 (eee me- -mc-
§18
Boas] HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 581
Transitive Intransitive Possessive
3d person singular, masculine. . ._ fe- 1- -1-
3d person singular, feminine . . .) g- a- -tca- -ga-
3d person singular, neuter . . . . -- L- -L-
Berumimersrya CULRIN ) Decee Ue Revie FLO lee c- ct- -ct-
3d person plural . . . . . . . & #& (6-,n1,a-) -t- -g-
MME EICE oe a wk ee ORE - -
It will be seen from this list that most of the forms in the three
series are identical. A differentiation exists in the first person and
in the third person singular (masculine and feminine). In all these
forms the exclusive appears as the dual and plural of the first person,
while the inclusive seems to be characterized by the terminal -x-. n-
may be interpreted as the first person, m- as the second person, ¢- as
the characteristic of the dual, and ¢ as that of the plural of these
persons.
The third person plural exhibits a number of irregularities which
will be discussed in § 21.
§ 19. The Post-Pronominal g
In a number of cases these pronouns are followed by the sound g,
which, judging from its irregular occurrence in the present form of
the language, may have had a wider application in former times.
(1) The transitive subject (except ‘the first and second persons
singular, the third person singular masculine and feminine, and the
indefinite q) is followed by g or k, which give to the preceding pronoun
its transitive value.
a-uL-k-1-a’-wa‘ it killed it (a- transitional; 1- neuter subject; -k-
prefix giving the preceding 1- its transitive character; -z-
neuter object; -a- directive; -wa* stem TO KILL)
a-t-k-L-0'-cg-am they took it (a- transitional; t they; -k- [as
above]; x- neuter object; -cg stem TO TAKE; -am completion)
a-n-L-0'-cg-am I took it (same as last, but with n- 1 as subject,
which does not take the following -k-)
When followed by a vowel (including «£), the -k- sound is more
like a sonant, and has been written -g-. When the subject pronoun is
accented, the z, which carries the accent, follows the g, so that the
transitive pronoun and the -g- form a unit.
a-L-g-1-0'-cg-am it took him (same as above, but with xz- rr as
subject, followed by -g- instead of -k- before 7-, which is mas-
culine object)
a-tg-z'-t-a-x they do them.
§ 19
582 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY {[putn. 40
(2) The intransitive subject third person plural is followed by g in
two cases.
(a) When the subject ¢ would normally precede the directive ele-
ment -0- (§ 26.1), this element is omitted, and instead the ¢ is followed
by g
a-y-0'-vuné he drifted 24.15 (a- transitional; y- for7- before 6 HE;
-0- directive; -rené stem TO DRIFT)
a-t-gz’-vrné they drift 38.10 (a- transitional; ¢ they; -g- inserted
after subject; -z- carries accent [§ 5.1]; -vzné stem TO DRIFT)
(b) When the subject ¢ is changed to 6 before k stems (§ 9.2; § 21),
the g follows it when the k sound is a stop. It seems, however, more
likely that originally this element had @ following the g.
n-é'-k-im he said 107.2 (n- transitional before vowel [§ 17.1]; @
he; -k-im- stem TO SAY)
n-6-g0'-koim they say 266.5 (n- as above; -o- third person plural
before k sound; -g-‘following third person plural before k stop;
0 inserted aecoreee to phone law [§ 7.4]; -kowm, -k-im stem
TO SAY; 0 inserted according to § 7.3)
(3) The possessive pronoun of the third person plural in neuter and
plural nouns has the form -g-, which probably stands for ég-, the ¢
being elided between the neuter prefix 1 and the plural prefix ¢
respectively, and the g. Thus we have
t-g-a@’-qtq-a-ke their heads 165.9 (t+ plural; -g- for tg- their; -a-
vowel following possessive [§ 23]; -gtg stem HEAD; -d- con-
nective vowel depending upon terminal consonant of stem; -ke
plural suffix [ § 38.1])
L-g-@’-cauyam-t-ike their poverty 13.18 (z- neuter; -g- for tg-
their; -d- vowel following possessive [$23]; -rawyam poverty;
-t-ike plural with connective sound [§ 38.1])
It appears that the g occurs most frequently following the third
person plural. It seems probable that in these cases, at least, it is
derived from the same source. Whether the g after the transitive
pronoun is of the same origin, is less certain, although it seems likely.
This g never occurs after objects. The rules given above have the
effect that the g can not occur in intransitive verbs which contain a
reflexive element and in intransitive verbs with indirect objects. It
is possible that this may be explained as due to the fact that all intran-
sitive pronouns in these cases are really objective. The g never
appears after the personal pronouns prefixed to the noun.
§ 19
EE
. Boas] HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 588
§ 20. The Third Person Duat
The third person dual has two forms, c- and cf-. ct- is used—
(1) As intransitive subject preceding a vowel, except « and its
representatives.
Examples of the use of ct-:
a-ct-0'-y-am they two arrive (a- transitional; ct- third person
dual; -0- directive; -2 stem To GO; -am to complete motion)
ct-a@’qgoait they two are large
Examples of the use of c-:
c-xéla’itz they two remained
a-cr’x-a-x they two became (a- transitional; -c dual; -a- reflexive;
-a- directive before -x; x to be)
(2) As object of the transitive, when the accent is on the pro-
nominal subject.
Examples of the use of ct-:
a-tcr’-ct-u-k“1 he carried their two selves 26.20 (a- transitional;
tc- he [transitive]; -« carries accent; cf- them [dual]; -w- direct-
ive; -k“~ stem TO CARRY)
a-ign’-ct-a-x it did them two (a- transitional; rgz- neuter sub-
ject; -ct- they two)
Examples of the use of c-:
a-k-c-0'lz-am she said to these two (a- transitional; k- she; c- they
two; -olxz to say; -am completive)
(3) In all possessive forms.
tr’-ct-a-qco their two selves’ hair 77.3 (z- neuter pronoun; -z
carries accent; ct- their [dual]; -a- vowel following possessive
[§ 23]; -geo stem HAIR)
§ 22. The Third Person Plural
It has been mentioned before that the third person plural before
single k sounds, and before adverbial / and n (§ 25), is 6- instead of ¢-.
This change occurs both when the pronoun is intransitive subject
and when it is first or second object. The transitive subject is
always tg-, tk- (see § 19).
Plural ¢-:
a-t-é’-x-a-x they came to be on him (a- transitional; + they;
é- him; -z indicates that THEY belonged to H1M; -a- directive;
-z stem TO DO, TO BE)
a-tc-x’-t-a-x he did them (a- transitional; tc- he; z- carries accent;
-t them; -a- directive; -x stem TO DO)
§§ 20, 21
584 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 40
Plural 6o-:
n-0'-a-o-x they became (n- transitional before vowel; -6 they
before k sound; -z reflexive ; -o- directive; -z stem TO DO, TO BE)
a-c-g-0'-cuina they placed them in the ground (a- transitional;
c- they two; -g- marks preceding c- as transitive subject;
-0- them [before k sound]; -xéna stem TO STAND [plural])
a-q-t-a’-w-i-tx somebody gave them to them (a- transitional;
qg- indefinite; t- them; -d@’- inserted in accented syllable before
semivowel w [§ 5.26]; -w- stands for -6- [between two vowels],
them; -2- stands for -l- after preceding o [see § 9]; -fz stem
TO GIVE AWAY)
Before k stops, a -g is inserted after the subject third person plural,
as described in § 19.20.
In a few nouns the third person plural is n instead of ¢; for
instance: 5
nate’ tanué Indians
naua'itk net
Numerals take a- instead of ¢- for indicating the plural of human
beings (see § 51).
§ 22. Pronouns of the Transitive Verb
The first person and the exclusive subject do not occur with a
second person object. In place of these combinations we have the
forms yam-, yamt-, yamc-, for the combinations I— THEE, I-—— YOUR TWO |
SELVES, I— you; and gam-, gamt-, gamc-, for the corresponding forms
with dual and plural exclusive subject. The inclusive subject can not
occur with second person objects, since this would be a reflexive
form (see § 24). In transitive verbs with two objects the same
irregularities occur when either the first or second object is second
person while the first person is subject. In case the second object is
second person, the forms begin with the first object.
t-am-l-d’t-a I shall give them to thee (+ them; -am I — thee;
-l- to; -d¢t to give; -a future)
The indefinite subject q- is peculiar to the transitive.
§ 23. Possessive Pronoun
All possessive pronouns are followed by -a-, except the first and
second persons. The first person is always followed by 2, which,
after the -tc- of the masculine, takes an 7 tinge, while after the o- of
the feminine it becomes wu (§ 7.1). The second person is followed by
§§ 22, 23
BOAS] HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 585
é. When the accent falls on the possessive pronoun, the a is length-
ened. If the accent precedes the possessive pronoun, the a remains
short. In this case the consonantic pronouns introduce an z before
the possessive (§ 5.1). When followed by m and y, this z is length-
ened to @ in accordance with the phonetic.rules given in § 5.26. The
g of the first person and of the third person feminine, when following
the accent, becomes kx in accordance with the general tendency to
make a & following an accent affricative (§ 6.1).
The possessive pronoun exhibits a peculiar modification in the
first person and in the third person singular feminine. Masculine
nouns have in both cases -tc-, while all the other genders have -g-.
For the insertion of -g- in the third person plural possessive of
neuter and plural nouns, see § 19.3.
Examples of possessive forms with accent on possessive pronoun:
i-tcz’-ts!kmeno my wooden spoon 115.18
0-gu’-ramuke my dog 16.11
L-gz’-gacgac my grandfather 211.1
s-gz’-ranim my (dual) toy canoe 115.21
t-gz’-xawok my guardian spirits 211.4
i-mé’-xal thy name 72.26
o-mé’-pute thy anus 114.1
t-mé’-tata-iks thy uncles 10.12
c-mé’-ktcxict thy nostrils 113.20
te-mé!-xégiax thy hunter’s protectors 234.10
i-@'-ok his blanket 74.14
u-ya’'-tcinkikala his head wife 74.16
t-1a'-nemcke his wives 74.16
c-id'-kulg!ast his squinting (on both eyes) 139.5
t-ia’-zalaitanz-ma his arrows 10.16
i-tca’-yut!t her pride 74.11
u-go’-cgan her bucket 115.11
L-ga’-cgane-ma her buckets 115.12
c-ga'-za her two children 14.4
t-ga'-po’té her arms 115.24
i-La’-quia their camp 73.15
u-La'-xk!un their eldest sister 73.15
Lta’wuzx their younger brother 74.15
c-La’-amtkct its double spit 93.10
ta’-uLtema their houses 227.23
t-1a’-xilkué their bushes in canoe 47.10
i-nta’-ranim our two selves’ (excl.) canoe 163.4
LE-nta’-mama our two selves’ (excl.) father
i-tza’-kikala our two selves’ (incl.) husband 76.12
§ 23
586 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [punn. 40
6-txa’-Lak our two selves’ (incl.) aunt 116.11
t-taza’-xk’un-ike our two selves’ (inel.) elder brothers 11.19
_ ¢-txa’-ramuks our two selves’ (incl.) dogs 16.9
txa’-colal our two selves’ (incl.) relatives 224.12
i-mta’-k!é-tenaz what you two have killed 163.6
o-mta’-xamuke your two selves’ bitch 16.12
LE-mta’-naa your two selves’ mother 13.24
i-cta’-molak their two selves’ elk 115.25
0-sta’-ramuks their two selves’ dog 16.10 -
t-cta’-amtkct its double spit 96.22
cta’-z6s their two selves’ eyes 129.28
t-cta’-xti their two selves’ smoke 75.22
i-ntca’-lram our (excl.) town 234.11
o-ntca’-hat!au our (excl.) virgin 150.21
t-ntca’-xgacgac our (excl.) grandfather 22.20
i-lea’-zak!xmana our (inel.) chief 224.25
o-lxa’-qualptckvx’ our (incl.) fire 73.21
ci-lxa’-xak!2mana our (incl.) two chiefs 37.10
i-mca'-vak!emana your chief 50.3
0-mca'-podtcxan your sister-in-law 224.26
LE-mca’-cguic your mat 173.23
te-mca’-nemcke your husbands 138.6
i-ta’-tan their rope 227.15
u-ta’-xanim their canoe 163.16
Lga’-xauyamtike their poverty 13.18
tga’-wun-aks their bellies 14.21
Examples of possessive forms with accent preceding the possessive
pronoun:
é’-tca-mate my heart 12.26
LE’-kxz-ps my foot 41.20
sz’-k-xest my arrogance
tz’-kxu-qz my house 24.4
é’-mi-ta thy body
sa’-mé-xést thy arrogance
ta’-mé-ps thy foot
a’ya-qceo his skin 115.24
t-a' ya-qtq his head 73.13
c-a' ya-qtq his two heads 14.11
t-a’ya-qt his house 15.12 ,
é’-tca-qtq its head 223.8
sE’-kxva-xést her arrogance
tz’-kxa-qut her house 89.7
é’-xa-tcla its sickness 196.6
0’-La-qst its louse 10.21
LE’-La-ps its foot 191.20
§ 23
: BoAS] HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 587
tz’-La-ps its feet 137.16
é’-nta-m our two selves’ (excl.) father 29.16
tz’-nta-q! pas our two selves’ (excl.) targets 30.12
é’-tra-m our two selves’ (incl.) father 29.11
tz’-txa-ps our two selves’ (incl.) feet
tz’-mta-ps your two selves’ feet
é’-cta-tcla their two selves’ sickness 193.18
tz’-cta-qco their two selves’ hair 77.3
tz’-cta-qu their two selves’ house 193.4
tz’-ntca-qgz our (excl.) house 129.26
tz’-lxa-qz our (inel.) house 225.25
§ 24. Elements Expressing the Possessive Relation
Between Subject and Object
When there is a possessive relation between the subject and one of
the objects, the element -z- is inserted.
(1) After the first object of the transitive verb, it indicates that
the object belongs to the subject.
a-g-a-x-0'-pc-am she hid her own 216.5 (a- transitional; g- she;
a- her; -z- indicates that the object is possessed by the sub-
ject; -0- directive; -pe stem TO HIDE; -am completion)
(2) After the second object of the transitive, it indicates that the
first object belongs to the second.
a-m-L-@'-x-cg-am you take it (hers) from her 185.16 (a- tran-
sitional; m- thou; x- it; a- her; -z- indicates that rr belongs
to HER; -cg stem TO TAKE; -am completion)
(3) After the intransitive subject, it has the force of a reflexive
transitive verb; i. e., it indicates sameness of subject and object.
n-é’-x-a-x he does himself; i. e., he becomes (n- transitional
before vocalic pronoun[§ 17.1]; é- he; -z- reflexive; -a- direct-
ive; -x stem TO DO)
a-m-a-a'-n-rl-qu’' t-itck you expressed yourself to me; i. e., you
told me 97.10 (a- transitional; m- thou; -z- reflexive; connect-
ive £ with secondary accent becomes d- before n[§ 5. 26]; n-
me; -/- to; -guz stem TO TALK; -tck inchoative)
(4) After the object of a verb with intransitive subject, it has the
force of a transitive reflexive in which subject and second subject are
identical.
n-é’-L-x-a-« he does it in reference to himself; i. e., he becomes
from it 244.16 (same analysis as above under 3, with the
object x- 1r inserted)
§ 24
588 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BuLL. 40
§ 25. Adverbial Prefixes
A number of adverbial ideas—particularly those defining the rela-
tion of the verb to the object, and corresponding to some of our prep-
ositions—are expressed by prefixes which follow the pronouns. The
adverbial character of these elements appears in forms like—
a-g-é’-l-gi-tk somebody placed him near by (a- transitional; q-
some one; é- him; -/- to; -gi- eliminates one object [§ 26.4];
-tk stem TO PLACE)
The verbal idea is to place near, and the form is purely transitive.
The same construction appears clearly in—
a-z-g--gr'l-tcxem it sings for him 260.17 (a- transitional; z- it;
-g- post-pronominal [§ 19.1]; 2- him; -gzl- on account of;
-tctEM TO SING SHAMAN’S SONG)
These examples show that the prefixes do not belong to the objects,
but that they qualify the verb. Following is a list of these prefixes:
1. =-d- TO, FOR.
t-@’-l-0-c it was to (in) her 71.6 (z- it; a- her; -l- to; -6- directive;
-c stem TO BE)
a-c-k-1-é'-l-0-ki they two carried it to him 29.9 (a- transitional;
c- they two; -k- post-pronominal[§ 19.1]; z- it; @ him; -l- to;
-0- directive; -kz stem TO CARRY)
The third person plural of the pronoun, when preceding this -I-,
has the form 6 (§ 21). In this case the -l- changes to -é-
(§ 9.1), and the 6 is then weakened to w.
a-q-t-a-w-é'-m-aku-x they distributed them to (among) them
246.10 (a- transitional; g- somebody; t- them; (-a-) probably
connective; -w- for 6- them; -é- for -l- ifiae 0; -m stem TO
HAND [?]; -ako about; -x fatakioe
2. == IN, INTO.
a-tc-a-LE-n-ga'n-ait he threw her into it 173.6 (a- transitional;
tc- he; a- her; 1- it; -n- into; -gzn stem TO PLACE changed to
gan on account of accent [§ 5. 26]; -azt to be in position)
s-d'-n-po-t she closed her eyes 47.18 (s- they two; a- her; -n- in;
-po stem TO CLOSE; -t¢ perfect)
3. =h= ON.
a-L-g-6'-tx she stands on it 191.20 (a- she; z- it; -g- on; -6-
directive; -tz stem TO STAND) -
a-Lx'-n-ka-t-ka it comes flying above me (a- transitional; z(z)-
it; n- me; -k(a)- on; -t- coming; -ka stem TO FLY)
§ 25
BOAS] HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 589
m-a-n-k-6'-tx-umit-a you will make her stand on me 24.13 (m-
thou; a- her; n- me; -k- on; -0- directive; -tz stem TO STAND;
-(u)mit to cause[§ 29]; -a future)
4. =gEl=- ON ACCOUNT OF.
a-L-g-i-gr'l-tcrem-x it sings on account of him 260.17 (a- transi-
tional; xz- it; -g- post-pronominal [§ 19.1]; 2- him; -gz#/- on
account of; -tcrem stem TO SING SHAMAN’S SONG; -z usitative
[§ 32.11]) 7
mc-g-a-n-gzl-6'-tg-a ye shall keep her for me (mc- ye; -g-[§ 19.1];
a- her; n- me; -gzl- on account of; -0- directive; -tg stem TO
Put; -a future)
4a. =-wEl- reflexive form of -gzl- ON AccOUNT or. In many cases
the translation FOR, ON ACCOUNT oF, does not fit in this case,
although the etymological relation is clear.
n-@’-L-xeEl-a-x she makes it for herself 267.2 (n- transitional before
vowel; a-she; 2-it; -vzl- on account of; -a- directive; -x stem
TO DO, TO MAKE)
a-t-a-xe'l-tciam it combed her for itself; i. e., she combed herself
13.2 (a- transitional; z- it; a- her; -xzl- on account of; -tciam
stem COMBING)
5. <gEm-= WITH, NEAR.
a-q-L-gEm-0 -tz-uit somebody stands near it 238.4 (a- transitional ;
g- some one, transitive subject; z1- it; -gem- near; -6- directive;
-ty stem TO STAND; -(w)2¢ to be in a state[ § 29])
a-L-2-L-gr'm-apko-x it steamed itself near it (a- transitional; x-
it; -r- reflexive; z- it; -gem- near; -‘apko stem TO STEAM; -2
usitative)
5a. =-«Em- reflexive form of -gzm- WITH, NEAR.
n-t-n-zem-tcé’na he lays me near himself; 7. e., I lay him near
me (n- transitional before vowel; 2- he; n- me; -xem- near;
-tcé’na stem TO LAY)
c-zem-l-a'it they two stood near each other 228.25 (c- they two;
-xEm- near; -l- stem TO MOVE [?]; -a-2t to be in a position)
6. <%= ON THE GROUND.
é’-x-0-c he is on the ground 39.18 (é- he; -z- on ground; -6-
directive; -c stem TO BE)
7. =‘El-. No translation can be given for this element, which appears
in a position analogous to the other adverbs in a few verbal
stems.
-£xl-k rl to see
-‘rl-ge’l-ako to uncover
-zl-tatke to leave
§ 25
590 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 40
§ 26. Directional Prefixes
I use this term for a group of prefixes which are difficult to classify.
One of them designates undoubtedly the direction toward the
speaker, another one negates the direction toward an object, and a
third one seems to imply direction from the actor. For this reason
ce J
I have applied the term “ directional prefixes,” although its pro-
priety is not quite certain.
1. -6-, a very frequent verbal prefix which seems to indicate
motion away from the actor, although this significance does
not readily apply in all cases. This prefix occurs with most
verbs and immediately precedes the stem.
a-tc-i-0’-cq-am he takes him 135.9 (-0- directive; -cg stem TO
TAKE; -am completive)
i-0'-c he is (-6- directive; -c stem TO BE)
When the stem begins with a velar, a glottal stop, or a w, the
-d- changes to -a-, but, when not accented, it remains -o-
before stems beginning with w.
a-tc-i-a@’-wat he killed him 23.20 (-a- directive; -wa‘ stem TO KILL)
tcz-n-u-wu'l&-aya he will eat me 212.15
a-tcz’-t-a-x he did them 9.5 (-a- directive; -x stem TO DO)
a-tc-a'y-a-qc he bit him 9.9 (-a- directive; -qe stem TO BITE)
a-q-i-a~0’nim some one laughs at him 184.3 (-a- directive;
-onim stem TO LAUGH)
This change is evidently secondary, and an older form—in which
d was used in all cases, as we find it now in Upper Chinook—
must have existed. This is proved by the persistence of o in .
place of all a vowels that occur after this stem, even when the
directive o is changed into a.
tc-i-n-l-a@’-x-0 he will make him for me 69.25 (terminal -0o for
future -a, as would be required by the laws of vocalic harmony
if the directive -a- before the stem -r had remained -0-)
a-tc-t-@’-x-dm he reached them 191.12 (terminal -dm for -am)
This explanation does not account for a form like naiga’t!om SHE
REACHES HIM, in which the change from am to -dm follows
the fortis which stands for tg. (See § 29.4.)
The directional -d- is never used with imperatives. As stated in
§ 22, the imperative of the transitive verb has also no subject.
§ 26
©
4
Boas] HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 591
Intransitive imperatives:
me’-tr-uit stand up! 211.21 (m- thou; -tz to stand; -wt suffix
[§ 29.1])
me’-x-a-x do! 15.25 (m- thou; -2- reflexive; -a- directive; -x to do)
mez’-ta-a go to the beach 175.16 (m- thou; -zx to the beach; -a
future)
Transitive imperatives:
é’-cg-am take him! 43.8 (é- him; -cg- to take; -am completion)
@’-latck lift her! 15.7 (a- her; -latck to lift)
a@’-t-kt-a carry her here! 15.24 (a- her; -t- here [§ 26.2]; -kz to
carry; -a future)
sz’-pena jump! 16.3 (sz- THEM TWO, namely, the legs; -pzna to
jump)
2. -t- designates direction toward the speaker.
a-k-1-2'-t-kr-am she brought it 124.24 (-t- toward speaker; -kz
stem TO BRING; -am completion)
a-Le’-t-ga it comes flying 139.1 (-é- toward speaker; -ga to fly)
a-Lx'-n-ka-t-ga it comes flying over me (-k- on)
3. -t- potentiality, 2. e., the power to perform an act moving away
from the actor, without actual motion away. This prefix is
identical with the preceding, but, according to its sense, it
never occurs with the transitional.
tc-Lx-t-x he can do it 61.8 (-+ potential; -x stem TO DO)
q-tr’-t-piata-ax somebody can gather them 94.15 (-é potential;
-piat’ stem TO GATHER; -« usitative)
4, =Ki= negates direction toward an object, and thus eliminates one
of the two objects of transitive verbs with two objects, and
transforms transitive verbs into intransitives.
a-q-i-L-grm-0'-kte-z somebody pays him to it 261.23 (-gzm- with,
near; -0- directive; -kte thing; -x usitative)
a-tc-a-grm-ki'-kté he paid her 161.9 (-gem- with; -ki- elimi-
nates first object; -kte thing)
a-t-k-1-0-kct it looked at it 256.8 (-0- directive; -kct stem TO
LOOK)
a-Lx’-ki-kct it looked 218.9 (-ki- eliminates object; -kcet stem
TO LOOK)
The interpretation of these forms is not quite satisfactory. The
element -¢ occurs also as the stem TO coME, and the forms @’n0d, a’ 16
I, IT WENT, suggest that -0 may be a stem of motion. If this is the
case, the first and third prefixes of this class might rather form com-
pound stems with a great variety of other stems. The potential -t-
§ 26
592 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 40
and the intransitive -ki-, on the other hand, do not seem to occur as
stems that can be used with pronominal elements alone.
Attention may be called here to the analogy between the prefixes
-gel- and -gem and their reflexives -zl- and -rmm- (§ 25) and the two
forms -ki- and -z-. However, since -ki- never occurs with following
directive -d- or -a-, while -z- appears frequently combined with it,
this analogy may be due to a mere coincidence.
It would seem that the directive -0- is always retained after /-, and
sometimes after -gzl-, -gum-, -xel-, -cem-, but that it never occurs
with other adverbial elements.
§ 27. Verbal Stems
The verbal stems are either simple or compound. It was stated in
the preceding section that what we called the prefixes -- and -0-
may be stems expressing TO COME and TOGO. There are a number of
verbal stems which appear with great frequency in composition, and
almost always as second elements of sca compounds. All of these
express local ideas. They are:
(1) -pa motion out of.
(2) -p! motion into.
(3) -wulzt motion up.
(4) -tew motion down.
(5) -Ltz motion from cover to open.
(6) -vtck motion from open to cover.
We find, for instance—
n-é'-t-p! he comes in 211.18 (-¢ toward speaker; -p/ motion into)
a-L-0'-pa he goes out 46.8 (-d- directive; -pa motion out of)
-~k-1-0'-kct-ptck she carries it up from the beach 163.11 (-ket- to
carry; -ptck motion from open to cover, especially up from
beach)
a-n-6'-tct-wulzt I travel up in canoe (-tct motion on water; -wulzt
motion upward)
There are a few cases in which these verbs appear in first position
in the compound verb.
n-e’-1t2-Lait he goes to the beach and stays there (-zz motion
from cover to open, especially from land to sea; -zavt to stay)
Compounds of nouns and verbs are much rarer.
a-tc-a-i-nz-mo'k !-oya-kd he makes her (the breath) in his chive
be between; 7. e., he chokes him (-n- in; -mok- throat; -‘oya
to be hetiee cane _aké around)
§27
BOAS] HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 593
Here belong also the compounds with t/6 WELL
é-t!0’-cg-am hold him well! 44.15 (-t/0- well; -cg to take, hold;
-am completion)
The idea AROUND (-ak0) does not seem to occur independently,
and is therefore treated in the next section.
Suffixes (§§ 28-33)
§ 28. GENERAL REMARKS
According to their significance and position, the verbal suffixes
may be classified in five groups:
First, generic suffixes:
1. -a-it to be in a position.
2. -amit to cause.
3. -xit to be made to.
4. -am to complete a motion, to go to.
Second, local suffixes:
5. -ako around.
Third, semi-temporal suffixes:
6. -tck to begin.
7. -l repetition, so far as characteristic of an action.
8. -z continued repetition.
9. -rm repetition at distinct times.
10. -a-2tz habitually.
Fourth, temporal and semi-temporal suffixes, always following the
preceding group:
11. -z customary.
12. -t perfect.
13. -a future.
Fifth, terminal suffixes:
14. -é successful completion.
On the whole, the suffixes appear in the order here given, although
sometimes a different order seems to be found. In the following list
the combinations of suffixes so far as found are given.
§ 29. GENERIC SUFFIXES
1. -@-it TO BE IN A POSITION. Followed by -amit (2), -xit (3), -tck
(6), and all the suffixes of the fourth group.
a-y-0'-t-a-it he sits, he is 212.16 (-6 directive; -z stem TO sIT)
a-k-1-a-qa'n-a-it she laid it 44.9 (-a directive before qg; stem
-qen [accented before vowel becomes -qa@/n] LONG THING LIES)
44877—Bull. 40, pt 110-38 §§ 28, 29
_
594 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 40
After k sounds with w tinge, this ending is -wit; after a terminal o,
it seems to be -2.
from stem -tz” to stand mez’ -ty-urt stand!
from stem -ck” hot a-L-0'-ck-uit it is hot 174.13
from stem -z to do lx-a-x-0'it-a we shall do 136.14
2. -amit ro CAUSE. Preceded by -a-it (1); followed by -ako (5), -l
(7), -em (9), and all the suffixes of the fourth group.
a-L-g-0-L-a'it-amit it causes her to sit 249.3 (combined with -a-i#)
a-tc-0’-ktcikt-amit he roasted her 94.4
After a terminal 0, the two vowels o and a are contracted to 6.
a-tc-i-u-ngo’-mit he causes him to run (= he carries him away)
3. -aét, with intransitive verbs, TO BE CAUSED; with transitive
verbs, this suffix forms a passive. Preceded by -a-it (1), -tck
(6); followed by all the suffixes of the fourth group.
a-L-u-wa’-«'it it is caused to be pursued
a-n-o-qun-@'it-71t I was caused to lie down 45.5
a-y-0-la’-tcku-x'it he was made to begin to rise 137.5
4. -am TO COMPLETE A MOTION, TO GO TO. Followed by all the suf-
fixes of the fourth and fifth groups.
a-tc-i-'t-kt-am he came to take him 26.6
n-i-xa-t-ngo’-p!-am he arrives inside running
When the directive -o- is changed to an -a- before k sound, and
when, in accordance with the law of harmony, the a in am
would have to be changed into -0-,.this change is made, even
though the a before the & sound is substituted for the -6.
a-tc-t-a’-x-6m he did them reaching (he reached them)
a-q-L-g-a’-*-om some one met it 117.24
This -0- is retained even where the -¢- is substituted for -o-.
n-a-i-ga’-t!-om she reached him (for naiga’tqam)
After 1, n, a, @, 7, 0, u this ending takes the form -mam.
Lg@lrmam go and take it 25.26
éxtkinemam go and search for him 25.14
naoguilé’mama I shall go to shoot birds
aLgoguixe’mam they invited them 98.19
agaxiktego’mam one gives her in marriage 250.19
The form ayd’yam HE ARRIVES, from @yd HE GOES, forms an.
apparent exception to this rule. Presumably the verb To Go
contains a stem -y- which is suppressed in some forms.
§ 29
BOAS] HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 595
§ 30. LOCAL SUFFIXES
5. -ako arounpD. Preceded by -amit (2); followed by -x (11), -2¢ (1).
With -z it amalgamates by metathesis (see § 31.8).
m-i-t-el-m-@’k6 you distribute him among them 154.4
n-é’-x-L-ak6 he goes around him 88.24
n-é-x-k !é’ni-ako he wraps it around himself 138.9
The significance of this suffix is often only inadequately rendered
by the word AROUND.
a-n-é’-x-k-ako I get the better of him
a-q-i-‘rl-gé'l-ako cover is taken off 329.6
n-1-xé' gaw-ako he dreams 22.11
Preceded by -amit:
a-q--xL-@’mit-ak6 some one was made to be around him
Followed by -2t:
a-L-awe-a’ y-aku-it he inclosed them
§ 31. SEMI-TEMPORAL SUFFIXES
6. -tck To BEGIN. Preceded by -a-it (1), -ako (5); followed by -am
(4) and the suffixes of the fourth and fifth groups.
n-a@’-wi-tck she dances (@’-wi-l she dances always)
n-kxé'wa-tck I begin to paddle (n-kxé’wa-l I am paddling)
7. -U repetition, as characteristic of an action. Followed by -mam
(4),-zm (9), -a-itx (10), and the suffixes of the fourth and fifth
groups.
a-q-1-0'-l-zl she shook him 72.24
n-é'-k-ixé-l he crawled about 95.14
a-tg-.-o-mel-a/l-rmam-« they went to buy him 260.15 (-a/ on
account of accent preceding /)
These forms are used very often with verbal nouns:
é-ctzu-l what is carried on back
é’-tcrem-al what is boiled 185.7
k-tgn’-ka-l those who fly 60.5
After n as terminal sound of the stem, the / of this suffix becomes
m (see § 8).
8. -£ continued repetition. This suffix exhibits a number of curious
traits in the manner in which it enters into combination with
words. It is only rarely suffixed without causing changes in
the preceding elements of the word. Often after t, m, 2, u, it
appears in the form -niz.
k-c-il-a’-*-6m-nit always arriving
a-cg-1-a’-qc-um-niL they two took him here and there
§§ 30,31
596 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY - [BULL. 40
tk-c-il-pé'ru-nit she blows it up 238.16
Lg-é’-ctxo-nit he will carry him on his back 110.9
k-xk-t-0-La@'t-nit one who always shoots (disease) 200.16
a-tc-L-£l“ém-nit he always gives food to him 22.12
In certain cases, perhaps by assimilation or metathesis, an -I-
appears inserted in the syllable preceding the suffix -z.
a-tc-1-0'-tipa he dips it up n-L-6-té'lipt I dip it up often
a-g-i-0'-lapa she digs it out a-k-4-0-la’lept she digs it often
a-ya'’m-xg-ako 1 am before a-yam-xg-@'lukt I am always be-
you fore you
a-tk-t-ad’-wul* it eats them i-k!é’-wulzlqt food
45.27
Following an m or n the inserted sound is generally n.
a-tk-c--k-tka'n-ak6é it steps a-Lk-c--k- tka’ nanuk ta she
~ across steps across 264.14
9. -Em distribution at distinct times, probably related to -ma (see
§ 38.2). Preceded by -amit (2), -l (8); followed usually by -
(11).
a-tc-i-kxote’ go-um-« he always stood on them severally 98.6
a-Lg-i-0-pco tet-em-x he hides it everywhere 199.18
a-L-x-a’-x-um-« they always did here and there 228.8
10. -a-itx HABITUALLY. Always terminal; often preceded by -zm (9),
and -z (8).
a-L-a-*0'to r-a-itz she always bathes 256.14 (probably with -z[8])
a-y-0'-tz-uit-a-itx he always stood 109.2
a-Lk-1-6-la’/lep 1-a-itx they are in the habit of digging continually
74.18
§ 32. TEMPORAL AND SEMI-TEMPORAL SUFFIXES
11. -% customary. Preceded by all prefixes except -é (14).
a-Lk-t-0'-k"1-x it is customary that they carry them 267.16
a-L-«-‘0't-am-z it is customary that she goes bathing 245.11
12. -t perFect. Preceded by all suffixes; followed by -e.
tg-i-a’-wa-t they have followed him 139.2
tc-i-gr'n-xa0-t-é he has taken care of him 133.20
13. -@ FUTURE. Preceded by all suffixes. This suffix draws the
accent toward the end of the word.
n-i-o-cg-a'm-a I shall take him
g-0-pid’ Lz-a some one will catch her 15.19
In those cases in which the suffix -am takes the form -om (see
p- 605), namely, after & sounds, which would normally require o
§ 32
BoAS] HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES . 597
in harmony with the directive -o- that has changed to -a-, the
future is -o.
te-i-n-l-a@’-x-6 he will make him for me 70.6
After stems ending in a vowel the future is generally -ya.
m-xa-t-g6'-ya you will come back 212.2
yam-xonenema’-ya I shall show you 234.11
In Kathlamet the future has also a prefix, a- or al- (see § 17.3).
§ 33. TERMINAL SUFFIX
14. -€ SUCCESSFUL COMPLETION. This suffix is always terminal. Its
significance is not quite certain.
n-1-q0'-ptcg-am-é finally he came up to the woods 166.8
It occurs very often with the meaning Across.
a-tc-@’-k-xoné he carried her across on his shoulder 27.8
mc-i-g0' tct-am-a-é you will get across 51.6
The Noun (§§ 34-43)
§ 34. GENDER
The pronominal parts of the noun have been discussed in § 18.
It is necessary to discuss here the gender of nouns.
Nouns may be masculine, feminine, neuter, dual, or plural. It
would seem that originally these forms were used with terms having
natural gender, with sexless objects, and objects naturally dual and
plural. At present the use of these elements has come to be exceed-
ingly irregular, and it is almost impossible to lay down definite rules
regarding their use.
In the following a summary of the use of gender and number will
be given.
(1) Masculine and feminine respectively are terms designating
men and women.
In all these terms the idea of indefiniteness of the individual,
corresponding to the indefinite article in English, may be expressed
by the neuter; like 7k@’naz THE CHIEF, Lka@/nax A CHIEF.
Masculine Feminine
Vkala man 6°0’kuil woman
iklasks boy ok!osks girl
igloa’lupx youth oxd’tlau virgin
é’pL‘au widower o’prfau widow
iq/éyo’qrut old man 0q!oeyo’ quut old woman
éla’étiz* male slave dla’ étix’ female slave
§§ 33, 34
598
(2) Large animals are masculine, as:
(8) Small animals are feminine, as:
BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY
badger -penpen (-plé’cxac,
Kathlamet) LL; feminine
SKUNK
bear, black -v’tsxut (-sqgé’ntxoa,
Kathlamet)
bear, cinnamon -t!/zk
bear, grizzly -ca’yum
beaver -‘éna, -qoa-iné’né
(-ga’nuk, Kathlamet)
bird (sp. ?) -tew’yam
bird (sp. %) -pd’époe
bird -qs0’tlotlot
bullfrog -q/oatn’xéxé
deer -mda’cen (-la’/laz, Kathla-
met)
coyote -t/a’/lapas
rat -ga@’lapas (Kathlamet)
buffalo -t0’tha
crane -qgod’sqoas
crow (mythical name) -zaq!6’
duck (sp. ?) -wé’quice
eagle, bald-headed -niné’x'6
elk -md’lak
a small fish -qalz’alex
fish-hawk -'ltcap
erass-frog -q!/end/négen
gull -goné’ gone
hawk -¢/ét/é
heron -g!oa’sk!oai, -’qulqul
horse -ké’utan
humming-bird -‘tsentsen
blue jay -gé’cqgéc
kingfisher -p0’tszlal
lizard (%) -kiné pet
mallard-duck (male)-cimé wat
beetle ~’bie
bird (sp. %) -pé’qciue
bird (sp. ?) -te!é’nakoaékoaé
sea-bird (sp. %) -ngeke
sea-bird (sp. ?) -crulé’x
chicken-hawk ~-'npitc
§ 34
[BULL. 40
mink -’galelzx, -p6' sta (-k 0’ sa-
it, Kathlamet)
mountain-goat -ci’axq
mussel, small -tgué’ (matk) -
mussel, large -nia’(matk) —
otter -nand’muks
owl -goe’lqoel
oyster -10’xLox
panther -k/oa’yawea
pike -’goqo
porcupine -czlqelq
rabbit -ské’epxoa (-kanagme’-
nem, Kathlamet)
raccoon -g/oala’s
Kathlamet)
raven -koalé’xoa
salmon, fall -qzlema
salmon, spring -gu’nat
salmon, steel-head -goané’x’
sea-lion -gé pix’ L
sea-otter -la’ké
shag ~’paowé
shark -k/a/yice
skate -aia’/iu
snake -tciau
sperm whale ~/mok"txt
squirrel -k/a@/uten
sturgeon -nd’qon
sturgeon, green -kaxré’nax
swan -geld’q
turtle -’zaxoa
whale -’kolé
lynx -puk
wolf -lé’q!am
woodpecker -qsto’konkon
(-xata’t,
chipmunk -’tsikin (-qgusgu’s,
Kathlamet)
mud clam -’2°é
fresh-water clam -’sala
cormorant -’wanid
crane -g!/ucpalé’
HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 599
crow ~k!uno (-t!a’ntsa, Ka-
thlamet)
killer-whale -gaxra@’mat
dogfish (see shark) -q/o@’icxr
eagle -tclaktc!a’k
fawn of deer -q¢/é’xcap
fish (sp. ?) -na’wan
fish (sp. ?) -k/otagé’
fish (sp. ?) -‘z2l0
flounder ~’ pkicx
frog -cuwé’eé
halibut -ztc/ald’c (said to be
borrowed from Quinault)
louse ~-’gct
maggot -’moa
mallard-duck (female) -goé’x-
goex
mole -cé’ntan
mosquito -’p/onats!ekts! rk
mouse -kd/lxul (-co, Kathla-
met)
newt -gosd’na, -latsé’menmen
screech-owl -’crux
(4) Very few animals are neuter, as:
bird -la’lax (-p!n’cp!nc, Ka-
thlamet)
dog -ké’wisz (-k!wk!ut, Ka-
thlamet)
pheasant (?) -nd’ctruic
pigeon -gamen
porgy -galxt!n’me
porpoise -k60’tck dte
robin -tsid’stsias
salmon, calico ~’laatcr
salmon, silver-side ~/gawen
salmon, blue-back -tsoyeha
seal -‘lxaiu (-gé’sgoaz, Kath-
lamet)
sea-lion, young -’x0é
skunk -penpen (masculine
BADGER)
snail -ts!/emé’nzan
snail -ts!xmo'ikxan
snail -1/é@’xtan
snipe -é’ rsa
teal-duck -munts!ékts!ék
trout -p/a’/lo
trout (%) -q/é’xoné
woodpecker (female) -/krurpa
woodpecker (male) -ntciawi’ ct
wasp ~’ pa
shellfish (sp.?) -k/iza’ta
crab -gatxé’la (=one who
crawls much)
(5) Almost all nouns expressing qualities are masculine, as:
-nu'kstx smallness
-‘(kle)stz sharpness
-‘zalx'té flatness
~’pik heavy weight
-ts!axan large belly
-‘wa expense
-'q!atzal badness
~q!é'latcxéna meanness
-lq!é'latcx ita quiet
~yut!l pride
~k!loac(omit) fear
-ka’kxut homesickness (sub-
ject of transitive verb)
-kanda'té life
-tsa’tsa cold
~Tkuilé similarity
~tukitx good luck
-‘tela sickness
-’plonenkan blindness
“kunanem diligence
-(k1)ma’tet(amit) shame
-t!kin bow legs
~tk!op being squeezed out
(= one-eyed)
-gé’wam sleepiness (subject of
transitive verb, and pos-
sessive)
-‘tc!puz round head (= fore-
head)
-’plaga flat head
§ 34
600 BUREAU OF AMERICAN
-’menukt blackened face
-’ (ki)matck spots, painted face
-‘teke stench
-gles sweet smell
-ts/émen sweetness
-’i!z bitterness
-’rélam ten
~k!amonak hundred
-'t!owil experience (from ¢/6
good)
~ (ke)t! 01
-'tloxotskin
| skill
The following are exceptions:
Feminine
-zti smokiness (= cataract
of eye)
~16 hunger (subject of tran-
sitive verb)
ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 40
~tlovakamit (= good mind)
cleverness
-L!mé'nxut lie of a male (sub-
ject of transitive verb)
-g0' tgerlé lie of a female (sub-
ject of transitive verb)
-’ma‘ actof hitting (= to hit)
~kakamit mind (= to think)
-’galgt a wail (= to wail)
~kux smell (= to smell)
-’m=6d what is chewed
-’qotck cold in head
Neuter
-~rauyam what excites sym-
pathy
-rax sadness
-’patseu red head
Plural
-(kv) pa’law witchcraft
-’katakox cleverness
~“k*zil custom
~“k-itau taboo
(6) The verbal noun corresponding to the past-passive participle
is generally masculine, as:
~klé’wulal what has been
picked
-'xotckin work
-’rzalemaz what is eaten
-teremal what is boiled
-ctxul what is carried
Exceptions to this rule are—
Lid’pona what has been
brought to him
a’mel purchase money
(7) Nouns formed from particles are generally masculine, as:
-yuL!l pride (from yuz!l)
-k!é’waz flower (from waz)
-waxd'mi copper (from wax)
-k !wactd’mi fear (from k !wac).
-gitg!up cut (from Lq!up)
-gé'timent!men syphilis
from z/men rotten)
(8) No rules can be given for the gender of other nouns.
Masculine are, for instance:
-ma'ma pewter wort
-L‘a body
-qtq head
§ 34
-qtco hair, skin with hair
-qot eye
-katcx nose
HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 601
-cgz mouth, beak, bill
-mist beak
-tuk neck
-mate heart
-to breast
-wan belly
-itex tail
-pote arm
-pa'tpat net
-‘tceltcrl brass buttons
-kupku’p short dentalia
-qa@’lxal gambling-disks
-t/alt!al gambling-disks
-q!/a@’lq!al short baton
-q0’mazom cedar-bark basket
~tluwalki!uwalk mud
-q!é’ qotqot fever
~pqune large round spruce-
root basket (f. small round
spruce-root basket)
-cte!é’ct clam basket
-’mat bay, sea, river
-£0’/k blanket
~lk-au cradle
-"gét creek, brook
~ktcrem dance of shaman
~rq digging-stick
-Sam dish
-’pgon down of bird
-'qeul fish-trap
Feminine are, for instance,
kta thing
~’gat wind
-*rlgel polypodium
-ca’qceaq pteris
-p!o'xp!ox elbow
-tcx0'ltcxol lungs
-sz’qseq buck-skin
-kloyé’kloyé finger-ring
-ga'cgas sealing-spear
~“wisqwis breaking of wind
~tk!entk!en open basket
~lealez scales _
~“lemlem rotten wood
-c'ke friend
~pxil grease
~lx ground, earth
-‘ran short thong, string, pin
for blanket
-‘cgan cedar (f. bucket, cup;
n. plank)
-‘tsot harpoon-shaft
-~msta hat
~tox heat
~k-tk hook
-ka’ pa ice
-’page boil, itch
~kxon leaf
-’m'rcx log, tree, wood (f. ket-
tle)
~tkuitz mat
-pa’kzal mountain
-’sik paddle
-’<apta roe
-’pa-it rope
-~nzat plank
-g0'cax sky
~texa point of sealing-spear
-ka’wok shaman’s guardian
spirit
-’c§0 horn spoon
-’makte spruce
-ga'nake stone (f. large bowl-
der)
-tspux forehead
-utca ear
-atcx tooth
-atcx chest
-mo'kué throat
~kutcx bark
-’pute anus
kev finger
-’pra alder-bark
~ln’m bark
-pLliké bow
-Lé’gtsen box
-pa'ute crab-apple
§ 34
BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY
~alrptckia fire
-‘gau fish-weir
~lalz camass
-‘tcala grindstone
-’mala marrow, kernel
-’pul night, darkness
-ma’p plank
-ga’wé raspberry
-’mopa rushes
Neuter are, for instance,
-tsr’xtsrx gravel, thorn
-qula’‘ula egg
-paa nape
-list tail of fish
wit leg
-pe foot
-qLq armor
{BuLL. 40
-gu'nkzun salal-berry
-’skt sinew
‘ten stump, foot of tree
~a/ Lax sun
-é’xatk trail
-mo'tan twine of willow-bark
-’peam piece of twine
-tca/nix wedge
~ pre well
-goaq blanket
-‘a'tcau grease
-’skuic mat bag
-’to milk, breast
-tcug water
-kckuv’ pitch wood
The number of these words that appear only in the neuter gender
is so small that we may almost suspect that the neuter was until
recently indefinite and used to indicate both indefinite singular and
plural.
§ 35. DUAL AND PLURAL
(1) Nouns that are naturally dual are:
ckucku'e testicles cegoala’la
double-barreled
sxost eyes, face
ckulkulo’ i spear
cemtk spit for roasting
ce’qxo double-pointed arrow
cpa’1x blanket made of two
gun
cik!0k double ball for game
cv'lxatct bed platform on sides
of house
szutso’osiq bed platform in
deer-skins
cte!a’magq castorium
cdla’l_ ground-hog blanket,
made of two skins
front and rear of house
stan bowstring
cLa’ nist two-stranded twine
There are other words that are always dual, for the form of which
no reason can be given, as:
cka’kolé eel
cengetgé’t hawk
sze'nteptep shrew
szq!alolo butterfly
ckage'l dentalia of the length
of 40 to a fathom
civ’g half-fathom
cgé’ can fern-root (pl. dgué’can)
(2) Nouns that are naturally plural are:
tqgamila’lzg sand
tn’ pso grass
tkté’ma property
§ 35
t/ox house (= dwelling of sev-
eral families)
tkiemém ashes
—
a
Boas] HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 603
In other cases where the noun occurs always with plural prefix the
reason is not apparent, as in:
ta’ta-is codfish txt smoke
tme’nsa flounder t-’sko tattooing
tts!é’laq grasshopper tem®a'éma prairie
§ 36. SECONDARY SIGNIFICANCE OF GENDER
Masculine and feminine have assumed the secondary significance of
largeness and smallness. This feature appears most clearly in those
cases in which a stem used as a masculine expresses a large object,
while as a feminine it expresses a similar smaller object. Examples
of this use are:
vpenpen badger o’ penpen skunk
é’pqunz large round spruce- o’pqunz small round spruce-
root basket root basket
é’cgan cedar o’cgan basket, cup
é’mé<xcx log, tree, wood o’mecx kettle
One example at least of the reverse relation has come to my
notice:
iga’nake stone 0q0’nake large bowlder
In one case the feminine pronoun expresses plurality:
tkani’m canoe dkuni’m canoes
There are also a few cases in which smallness is expressed by what
appears to be the dual form:
tkant’m canoe ssamé’ksos toy canoe
skeni’m toy canoe
§ 37. GENDER OF PLURAL
The use of the pronouns for expressing plurality has come to be
exceedingly irregular. The verbal forms suggest that originally t+
was the true third person plural, which was perhaps originally used
for human beings only.
(1) Many plurals of words designating human beings retain the
pronoun f-.
Singular Plural
man kala tka'lauks
women ta’nemcke
children tga’ cocinike
virgin oho'tlau that!aund’na
old man igleyo' qaut tq!eyo' qtike
In some cases a more indefinite number may be expressed by 1-.
Thus we find for women both 1@’nemcke and ta’nemcke; for comMON
PERSON saala’yuéma and tzald’yuema.
§§ 36, 37
604 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [puLL. 40
(2) The articles used in the majority of cases for expressing plu- -
rality are t+ and 1-. Examples of these are the following:
Singular Plural
beak e’-mist t-méctke
belly é=wan } t=unaks'
bird (sp. ¢) 1-p0' é poe t-poe pod’ yuke
blanket e-o'k tlokke (also indefinite
1L°0k)
cheek i= melqtan ' t=/melqtanuks '
crane i-qod’ cqoae t-goacgod’ crke
deer é-ma’ cen t-maca' nuke
a bird ents !x tents! nz’ xuke
eye é’-quot t-q6’teke (dual s-qoct)
dorsal fin é’-gala t-kala (tke)
monster igcetxe’ Lau t-qctxéLa'wuke
pectoral fins
arrow
bunch of grass
0’-kulaitan
0-pa’ wils
t-qoea’ nike
t-kalai’tanema
t-pa’wil?-ma
chicken-hawk 0’-npite te-npi'tcke and
LE-n pi tcke
coat 0-q!oe’ Lxap t-q/étad’ puke and
t-q!éLad’ puke
chipmunk 0’-ts likin tz’-ts!ikin
flounder 0-la’ta-is tr-la’ta-s
dip-net 0-k !unad’ té t-k lanza’ té
board LE’ -cgan tz’-cgan
bird t-la'lrx t-lala’xuke
albatross i-ta’mela t-tamelad’ yike
open-work clam 7-ck!alé t-ck lala’ yuke
basket
large cedar-bark 7i-q6d’mxom L-qomxo' muke
basket
erizzly-bear i-ca’/ yum t-cayd’ muke
eyelashes t-lxzd'tks
bailer o-“oetéwd’ Laté Llitewd’ ate
open-work basket 6-zk!2'nk! en tk!entk!a' nuke
round basket 0’-pqunz Lpqu'neuke |
long baton 0’-kumatk LE’ -kumatk
belt 0’-koema LE’ -kéma
bucket 0’-cgan LE’-CgEN-ma
antler L-* x’ team t-atca’ma
mountain-goat —_4-goa’q L-qoa’' q-ma
blanket
1The sign — indicates that a possessive pronoun is here required.
§ 37
7
BOAS]
HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN
INDIAN LANGUAGES 605
(3) There are a few cases in which the article 6- is used for express-
ing the plural, as:
coat
canoe
eagle
Singular
0’ tgéke
a =—f
ikani’m
u-telakte!a’k
Plural
0’-Ltgeke
0-kuni’m
u-telakte!a’keiniks
(only used in tale)
(4) A number of words whose plural was originally a distributive
retain the masculine pronoun, as:
Plural
1-ktéluwa’itg ema
1-goma’tgema
Singular
1-kté’ luwa-itk
1-90’ ma(tk)
abalone
bone arrow-point
short baton 1-q!a'lqal 1-q!alq!alo’ma
black bear i-v'tsvut iv tsvutema
buck-skin straps i-t!a/leqema
cedar é’-cgan é’-CgENEMa
elk i-m0'lak i-mo'lakuma
female é’-nemcke é-némckco’ma
Not all words of this type, however, retain the masculine pro-
noun, as:
Singular. Plural.
bay é’-maL LE-md’ LE-ma
small bluff i-kak !a'lat t-kak !a@/latr-ma
creek é’-geéL tla’tema (fortis for
elided q, see § 6.3)
disease é’-tcla t-tc!a’ma
Feminine distributives do not seem to retain their gender, as:
Singular Plural
arrow o’kulaitan t-kalav’tanr-ma
bunch of grass 0-pa’wilé t-pa’wils-ma
dip-net o’-nuxcin L-nuxrcv/ NE-Ma
§ 38. PLURAL SUFFIXES
(1) Besides the use of pronominal gender for designating plurality,
Chinook seems to have distinguished human beings from other nouns
also by the use of a separate plural suffix -ike,-uks the use of which for
At
present the ending -uks is used for forming the plural of many words,
human beings is illustrated by the examples given in § 37.1.
including names of animals and of inanimate objects.
On the whole, this suffix is accompanied by a shift of the accent to
the penultima. When the last vowel is the obscure « followed by an
1, m, or n, it is lengthened to & under the stress of the accent (see § 5);
-é changes in these cases to -@y.
§ 38
606 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL 40
The following are examples of the shift of accent without accom-
panying change of vowel:
Singular Plural
owl i-qoe'lqoel t-qoelqoe'luks
crane i-qoa’ cqoac t-goacqoa’crke
large cedar-bark 7-q0’mxom z-qomxo'muke
basket
Tillamook Indian 1/é’lém Tiile’muks
dog t-ké’wucr t-kéwu'creks
coat 0-q!oe' Luap t-qléLaa’ puke
fawn o-q!oe'xcap t-q!éxca’ puks
twine c-La’ nict Lané’ctuks
sea-lion i-ge' Pix’ L a-gipe’x Luks
eight ksto’xtkin kstortké’niks (eight per-
sons)
moon o-kLE’men t-kimeé'naks
egg t-qula’*wula t-qula‘wula’uks
monster i-qctxe’ Law t-gctxeLa’wuks
turtle é’ Laxoa Laxoa’yike
albatross i-ta’mela t-tam cla’ yike
dead, corpse
dusk
t-me’malust
o-munts le’ kts lik
t-memalo’stiks
t-munts lékts!é’kuks
wolf i-le'q!am t-léq!a'’muks
mole u-cé'ntan t-cénta’nuks
mouse u-ko'lrul u-kolo'luks (lr changes
to 1; see § 6)
evening tso’yust tsoyo'steks
Words are quite numerous in which the shift of accent produces a
change of vowel:
Singular Plural
pigeon 0’-“omEn tlama’niks
fly e’-motsgen t-motsga'nuks
box 0-Lé’qsENn Leqsa’nuks
open-work basket 0-zk!2/ntk! en tk! entk!a'nuks
deer e-ma’sEn t-masa'niks
skunk 0-’ pENpPEN t-penpa'nuks
badger 1'-PENPEN i-penpa’nuks
squirrel i-k!a'uten t-k !auta’nuks
pelican 7’-tcuyEn t-teuya’nuks
erizzly bear i-ca' yim t-caya'muke
lance i-squi’ LlEm squit !a’muks
clam basket i’-ck!alé t-ck !ala’yuke
frog
frog
§ 38
i-q!oate’nxexe
0-cue’é
t-qloatenxéxa’yuke
t-cuea'yuke
BOAS] HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN
INDIAN LANGUAGES 607
The plural of 1-po’@poé (a bird), is t-poépo’yuks. Here the accent
remains on the 0, although it is shifted to the next syllable, and the
é@é becomes consonantic.
Here belongs also z-/a’/lzx Brirv, plural t-lala’xukc, in which word
the lengthening of the z to @ before z is irregular.
A number of monosyllabic stems are treated in the same manner,
as those here described:
Plural
Lt-*mé'cruke
0-pke’cruke
L-pqu’nxruke
t-q0'teke
L-l-x6'tks
it! a’kks
t!okke
tn-npi'tcke
L-pixoa'ke
Plural
t-q/eyo'qtiks
L-pa'qo-ike
Singular
kettle ofome’ cx
flounder 0-pke' cx
round basket 0'-pqunx
eye — e’-qot
eyelashes
cinnamon bear i-t!n’k
blanket Cok
chicken-hawk 0’-npite
well 0-pLa
In a number of words the accent does not shift:
Singular
old person i-qleyo'qut
shag i-pa’ ‘owe
male v-kala
t-ka’la-uke
This is particularly frequent in terms which occur always with
possessive pronouns, such as terms designating parts of the body and
relationships:
ear 0’-utca
his belly za’-wan
mouth 7-cqgr
head é@-qtq
cheek @’-melqtan
fin é’-gala
his father 1-1@’mama
his elder brother 7a@’-zk!un
his younger brother i@’-wux
his maternal uncle 7@’-tata
Here belong also:
lid 2-sa’melé
five qui’nEm
ten of them 7-ta’-rélam
six te’xEm
t-.a’-utcakc his ears
tga’-unake their bellies
tga’-cqiueke their mouths
tga’-qtqeke their heads
tga’-melqtanukc their cheeks
tga’-amcuke their guts
t-.a’-gala-ike his fins
Lt-mca’-mama-ike your fathers
ia’-xk !uniks his elder brothers
ia’-wuatike his younger broth-
ers
t-a’-tatayuke his uncles
L-ia'-semelqaks their lids
qui'nemiks five persons
i-ta’-télamyuks ten persons
i-ta’-k !a-tz emiks six in a canoe
§ 38
608
BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY
[BULL. 40
The ending -tike instead of -(i)ke is used particularly with indefinite
numerals, and expresses a plurality of human beings:
all ka’nauweé
few me’nx ka
many (their number) 1ga’pzla
several nr’ xawe
Analogous are the forms of—
up river ma’éma
poor (his poverty) 2a’/xauyam
his younger brother 1@/wug
kanauwe'tiks all persons
mr’nx katike a few persons
Lga'prlatike many persons
LE tawetike several persons
t-maema'teke those up river -
tga’ xauyamtike the poor ones
ia@’-wuxrtikchisy oungerbrothers
Still a different connective element appears in-—
man 2-kala
1-ka’/lamuks men
Attention may also be called to the forms—
children
eagle
gull
raven
crow
Singular
u-teaktca’k
a-goné’ gone
i-qoalé’ roa
u-k lon’
Plural
. t-ga’cocinike
u-tcaktca'ktcinike
i-gonegoné’teinike
i-qoalé’ roatcumke
u-k !ono'teumke
The last four forms occur in a wail in a myth (Chinook Texts, p. 40)
and are not the ordinary plurals of these words.
(2) The frequent plural-suffix -ma (Kathlamet -maz) seems to
have been originally a distributive element.
This appears par-
ticularly clearly in the words é’x‘temaé SOMETIMES (éz‘t one; -ma@
distributive; -é€ adverbial); kand’mtema Boru (kana’m both, to-
gether; -ma distributive).
Following
are examples of this suffix.
In most cases the accent is drawn toward the end of the word :
abalone
bone arrow-point
chisels
willow
disease
geese
knife
saliva
whale
meat
pike
seal
elder brother!
breast (female)
§ 38
Singular
i-kté’luwa-itk
i-g0'matk
é-la’itk
é’-tcla
a-gewr gé
t-ia’-maté (his—)
i-kolé
é’-L°WuLe
é’-qoqo
o’-lxavu
ka’ px6
v'-tca-t6 (her—)
Plural
i-ktéluwa'itg ema
i-goma'tgrma
Lgaya'tgema
é-la’itgnma; é-la’éma
t-te!a’ma
t-k lelak !ela’ma
i-gewige’ma iron
tr-mate’ma
i-kolé’ma
Llolé’ma
t-g0qo'ma
6-lxaio’ma
ka’ pxoma, a’ pxroma
t-ga’-toma (their—)
BOAS]
bucket
cedar
what
stump
arrow
dipnet
antler
bear
bluff
porpoise
mountain
night
bunch of grass
common person
year
elk
blanket
nail
grey
half fathom
deerskin blanket
another
mat
well
strong person
torch
bay
knee
full
Singular
0’-cgan
v-cgan
tan
0’-tern
0-kulav'tan
0’-nuxcin
L-* team
i-vtsxut
i-kak !a'lat
u-k 0’te-k ote
i-pa'kxal
0-'pol
0-pa’*wil
gia’-q!atxal
i-qe'tak
i-m0o'lak
L-qgou'g
i-tst’ saq
CPEq
cg!
cpa’ vx
ta/nux
e’-rkwiLe
O-pLx
tgeLxewuly
th !é’wax
é’-mMaL
0'q!OxL
paL
HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES
Plural
t-cge'nma
1-cgE’nma
ta’/nma
t-tci/nma
0-kulai'tanema,
lai'‘tanema
t-nuxci’nEma
t~rtca’ma
i-itsxu'tema
t-kak!a/latema
u-kdtcko'tcema
L-pakra'lema
t-po'lzma
t-pa’*wilema
gita’-q!atralema
i-qe'tak ema
609
t-ka-
1-m0o'lak ema, i-mo'la-
kuma
L-qoa'qEmMa
i-tsusa’qema
cpr’qema*
cw’q!ma
tpayi’x Ema
teno’xuma
tkué’rxema
La’ pLreuma 1
tga’ Laewulx ema
tk !éwaxn’'ma
LE-ma@' Lema
tq!0’xLma
pa’ rma °*
A peculiar form is 0x0’r0c PILE, plural 0x6 xocema, which is a verbal
form signifying THEY ARE ON THE GROUND.
In a few eases in which the suffix -ma occurs with obscure connective
vowel, like the preceding ones, changes of consonants occur in the
end of the word:
M Singular Plural
day 050’ Lax LaLa’ ma
(his) fathom a’ yana L-ia’-nrama (stem -nx)
spruce é’-makte t-ma’ktc-¢ ema
sea-otter e-la'hké i-lagé'tema
Irregular is also the change in vowel in é’-géz CREEK, plural ¢/@’zema.
2 These are particles without pronominal piurai sign.
44877—Bull. 40, pt 1—10 39 °
1 Also La’ pLxoake.
$38
610 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [puny 40
A number of words take the ending -ma with connective vowel.
Examples of the connective vowel -6- are:
Singular Plural
female é’-néemcke é-nemckco’ma
ground-hog cSola’lé t/ola’leoma
blanket
baton a-q!a'lq!al i-qlalq!alo’ma
rock 0-qo'nake t-qrnakco'ma
skin c-6'¢ é-§co’ma
grandson! gac ga’ coma
prairie te-msa’ema tz-méa/émayoma
The last of these seems to be a double plural, the stem being proba-
bly -méa.
Another series of words take -é- as connective vowel, sometimes
-weé- OY -0€-:
Singular Plural
son! aq a’ qroema
young seal a’-x0e a-xd'yewema
widow whose hus- a-k z’lial t-k elia’lowema
band has been
dead a long
time
island LEL LExoe’ ma
younger sister! ats a'tséma
younger brother! a’o a’ oéma
town é’lram télrameé’ma
house tloL tloLe’ma
Here belong also:
thing a'-kta t-.a’-ktema his things
prairie temsa’ema 3
a plant i-q!aLx0e’ma
and the irregular forms:
log é’-m< cx LE-Mqcema’yema
common man L-xa’yal t-rala’yuema
warrior t-t!d’xoyal tloxola’yuéma
In at least one of these words the origin of the -é is reducible to a
probable fuller form of the word. The stem of the word HOUSE is -
-quLé in Kathlamet, and would naturally form the plural tguzema,
which, in Lower Chinook, would take the form t!/61é’ma.
(3) A considerable number of words have no plural suffix what-
ever, but differ only in the pronoun, or may even have the same
1 See above,
§ 38
BOAS]
HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN
INDIAN LANGUAGES
611
pronoun in singular and plural. Examples of these are contained in
the lists in § 37.
beaver
arm
arm-pit
cut of blubber
bone
dip-net
buoy
fresh-water clam
coal
crab-apple
finger
canoe
Additional examples are:
Singular
1-qod-ine’ né
7’-poté
i-kemeld’ prix’
i-gité’tcxala
i-kamo'kruk
é’-quacga
0-/grun
0’-sala
0-q0' Lratsx:
0-pa’ ute
0-kew
i-kani’'m
Plural
t-goa-iné' né
t-pote
t-kem ela’ pix’
t-gité’ tcxala
t-kamo’kruk
tn’-quacga
LE’-qrun
LE’-sala
L-q@ Lyatsx:
L-pa' ute
t-kea
0-kuni’m
(4) Several terms of relationship and a few other related words
have a plural in -ndna, as:
parent-in-law
sister’s son
wife’s sister
father’s sister
Singular
e-! gst’
i’-Latx' En
0’-potsxan
6-Lak
cousin (children of 1-qa’mgé
brother and sis-
ter)
Also:
virgin
friend
0-ho’tlau
1-ci'ke-
Plural
tu’-qsix'-nana
t-Latx’ En-nana
t-pd'tsxan-nana
t-rak-nana
t-qa'mgé-nana
t-ha’tlau-nana
t-cv’/kc-nana
A few terms of relationship have plural forms in -iks or the
distributive -ma, as:
father
elder brother
younger brother
mother’s brother
younger brother!
(address)
daughter’s child!
(address)
chief
Singular Plural
L-mama t-mama-ike
i-rk lun t-xrk !un-ike
1-WUur t-wur-tike
i-tata t-tata-ike
a’o a’ oema
qac qa’ coma
(5) A number of words have peculiar plural suffixes:
Singular Plural
1-ka’ naz t-kanda’x-imct
L-ad L-atet
mother
youth
sweetheart
1-q 0d lipx’
L-golix’
t-qlulipa'-und'yu (see
under 6) §12
t-'qoleyit
§ 38
612
BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY
[BuLL. 40
(6) In a number of cases the plural is formed by the insertion of
the syllable -ya- which may be either an affix or may be considered
as an expansion of the vowel of the stem by dieresis.
Singular
to bathe -“ot
to rise -xalatck
to notch -ts!éLax
to dance -witck
to awaken Otc
Plural
~“oyut
-calayutck
-ts!a'yuLx
-wayutck
-“oyute
(7) The personal demonstrative pronoun has a plural in -c.
x'v’ta these things
qo’'ta those things
x'v'tac these men
qo’tac those men
}(see §44)
(8) Several nouns and verbs form singular and plural from distinct
or distantly related stems, as:
woman
Singular
6-§0’kuil
child t-k!a’sks
child (some one’s) 1-xa
relative L-UCx
slave é-la’itix’
eye é’-qot
to be -0-¢
to cry -gE tsax
to stand -truit
to die -0-meEgt
to kill -d-was
§ 39. VOCATIVE
Plural
t-a’nemceke
t-qa’ sosiniks
L-a
t-colal
t-eltgeéu
Dual s-qoct
-r-éla-itix’
-xenem
-rend
-rE’-L-ait
-0-tena
A few nouns, particularly terms of relationship, have a vocative,
which has no pronominal element, as:
ao younger brother!
ats younger sister!
ka’pxo elder brother! elder sister!
gac grandchild! (said by man)
ka’é grandchild! (said by woman)
ma’ma father!
aq son!
ac daughter!
cike friend!
§ 40. DERIVATION OF NOUNS
On the whole the derivation of the numerous polysyllabic nouns in
Chinook is obscure.
Evidently a considerable number of nominal
affixes exist, which, however, occur so rarely that their significance
can not be determined.
§§ 39, 40
Examples are the derivatives from the stem
ély LAND, COUNTRY—1/é’é COUNTRY (the ¢ disappears because the vowel
following /z carries the accent) 1gdLé’lermk PERSON, élzam TOWN,
BOAS] HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 6138
té‘lx-km PEOPLE. From the stem 2é@ we have iqoatr’xéxé BULLFROG;
from the stem kon, igtdo/konkon WOODPECKER.
A few affixes only occur fairly frequently, but even in these cases
it is sometimes impossible to classify the words satisfactorily.
1. -ké-. I presume this prefix is the same as, or at ieast related to,
the verbal prefix -ki, -gi, which signifies that a verb usually
transitive is used without object. Thus may be explained—
o’gitg!up a cut
igé’ L!ment!men something rotten
tgilé’matk store
ogué’ pxraté alder (= wood for dyeing)
tk !é’wulelgy food
é’k-it payment for a wife
tk!ée’wax torch, flower
thipala’wul word
tkimo’cu em toy
ik leté’nax game
2. -ge-. This seems to be a nominal prefix corresponding to the
verbal reflexive -z-.
ogogu’nk ratk club (from -a-gunk to club)
Lgé’tcameté comb (from -xel-tciam to comb one’s self)
tgéLé’ teuwwa hat (from -renxré’teuwa to hang a round thing on top
of one’s self)
agats!é’ teak panther |(from -a«tsé’ rrakd to have a notch around
dgotsia’yurxzak ants} one’s self)
Judging from these examples, it would seem plausible that most
nouns beginning with -gi-, -ki-, -k/é-, -qé-, -q!é-, contain these
prefixes, for instance:
ge’ lurtcutk arrow-head
igé’maxatk burial
age’leoté elk-skin
oque’nzak plank
ok !we'lak dried salmon
and other similar ones. Here may also belong
oquewi’ ge knife
oq!wela’wulxz maturing girl (the one who is moved up, hidden ?)
igleyo'gaut old
The extensive use of these prefixes is also illustrated by—
igek!n’s BRASS, but
ik !n’sa GALL (both from k/zs YELLOW)
age’ p!al doorway (probably from -p/a rvro [=that into which
people always enter])
§ 40
614 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [puLL. 40
3. na- is a local prefix.
naLzoa’p HOLE (from zxoa’p to dig)
naélim the country of the Tillamook (from ‘éim)
4. -té a suffix signifying TREE, WOOD.
ogue’praté alder (= wood for dyeing).
5. -tk is a nominal suflix the significance of which is quite obscure.
In a few cases it indicates the point of an object, but in many
cases this explanation is quite unsatisfactory. It seems pos-
sible that this suffix is the same as the verbal stem -tk To PUT
DOWN, TO DEPOsIT, so that its meaning might be something
on the ground, or something attached to something else, or a
part of something else. This explanation would be satisfactory
in words like—
v potitk forearm
igé’luxteutk arrow-head
iwa'nematk belly-cut of a fish
ilnmé’tk BED may be derived from -ély GROUND, and may mean
PUT DOWN ON THE GROUND
ikatze’lematk may mean PUT DOWN TO EAT FROM (= dish)
The following list contains some stems with their nominal and
verbal derivatives. It will be noted that in a number of cases the
verb is derived from the noun.
-pra@ ALDER-BARK.
0’-pxa alder-bark
0-qué’-pra-té alder
1-gé'-pxa-té alder-woods
-al-0’-pxa to dye in alder-bark
1-q-L-al-0'-pra dyed cedar-bark
-ts!étx TO NOTCH.
i-qa-ts!é@’ ta-ak what has a notch around itself (= panther)
0-qo-ts!a’ ywix-ak those with notches around themselves (= ants)
-s-r-ts /@.x-ak0 to make a notch around a thing
-klanza’té DRIFT-NET.
0-k lunza’té drift-net
-xEn-k lanza’ té-mam to go to catch in drift-net
naua'itk NET. ;
-re-naua’itgé to catch in net
-Wiuc URINE OF MALE.
L-0'-wiue urine
-ra-wiuc to urinate
o-wiit’ c-matk chamber
§ 40
BoAs] HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES
-kramit TO PAY ATTENTION.
i-ka-kxamit mind a"
-a-kxamit to pay attention
-gunk TO CLUB.
0-q6-gu’nk-xa-tk club
-a-gunk to club
-tciam TO COMB.
L-ge-tcam-é-té comb
-LYé TO CRAWL.
t-ga-Lxé’-la one who crawls much (= crab)
-utca EAR.:
0’-utca ear
-x-wu’'tea-tk to hear
-tvEl(em) TO EAT.
1-ka-Lxe'l-matk dish
-01C TO BREAK WIND.
-ax'lfoic-ge to break wind (perhaps for -‘oicqoic)
0’-‘wic-ge wind broken
-LY AROUND NECK.
-1x-6t it is around the neck
i-q/é’-La-6t necklace
-téwa TO BAIL OUT.
-z-téwa to bail out canoe
o-i-tewa’-ix-té for bailing out into the water (= bailer)
-kamot PROPERTY.
-x' emota to barter
t-kamo’ta property
-kema(tk) BATON.
0’-kumatk baton
-rematk to beat time with baton’
-Lé TO CATCH WITH HERRING-RAKE.
-¢-Lé-n to catch with herring-rake
i-qa-Lé’-ma-tk herring-rake
-mocx' EM TO PLAY, TO FOOL.
t-ki-mo’ cx ema toys
-mécx WOOD.
e-mécx tree
o-méécx kettle
-cel-mnqe to gather wood
-pla TO ENTER.
i-gé'-plal doorway
615
§ 40
616 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 40
-Létcuwa TO PUT HOLLOW THING ON TOP OF SOMETHING.
L-gé-Létowwa’-ma hat
-qct LOUSE.
0-qet louse
-ge-qcta to louse
-k"tck TO NET
c-k“tck-mda’tk net-shuttle
-vEl-ge’-k“tck to net
-tciakt TO POINT.
-gen-tciakté to point at something
gi-tca’akté-l pointer (= first finger)
-mq TO SPIT.
-d-mgo-it to spit
-6-m-a to vomit
t-maz-té saliva
-kta -THING, SOMETHING, WHAT.
i-kta thing, something, what
-grm-0-kti to pay
§ 41. NOUNS AND VERBS DERIVED FROM PARTICLES.
Many particles (see § 46) can be used as stems of nouns. I have
found the following examples:
i-yull pride 74.11 (from yuz!l proud)
tk !é’waxema torches 27.22 (from waz light, to shine)
ik !é’wax flower 165.27 (from waz to bloom)
éwaxo’'me copper (from waz light, to shine)
ik !wacid’mi fear 213.10 (from k/wac afraid)
igr’tglup cut 46.2 (from rqg!/up to cut)
igé’t!ment!men syphilis (from 1!men soft, rotten)
nats!x/x piece 69.3 (from ts/zz to tear)
natzoa’p hole 23.7 (from zaoa’p to dig)
nalo’lo something round (from /6’l0 round)
-xa/prnic a woman gives herself in payment for services of a
shaman 203.11 (from pa’nic to give in payment for services of
a shaman)
-gé' stag!oam to go to war 270.1 (from staq! war)
t-ag!am to be lazy (from q/am lazy)
ne-Aaxaxome to notice 40.14 (from zazx to notice)
c’kprlept it boils fromJzp to boil)
-xi' gitg!up to cut one’s self (from ztq!up to cut)
Nevertheless this series of stems is sharply set off from all others,
since the latter never occur without pronominal elements, excepting
a few vocatives that have been mentioned in §39.
$41
BoAS] ' HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 617
§ 42. COMPOUND NOUNS
There are only very few examples of nouns compounded of two
independent elements, as:
ce-ge-m0'lak-texict my elk nose 193.19 (c- dual; -grz- my; -mdlak
elk; -texict nose)
tlagéla’kté woman’s utensils (f- plural; -‘agé’lak woman; -kté
things)
i-klani-y-'leam myth town 216.8 (z- masculine: -/anam myth;
-elxam town)
A number of nouns, particularly names of animals, are descriptive
in character. These were probably used as alternates in case one
name of an animal became tabued through the death of a person
bearing its name, or a name similar to it. Examples are:
igats!é’txak having a notch around itself, i. e., with a thin belly
(= panther)
ogots!ia’yuraak those having notches around themselves (= ants)
itca’ yau a’ yagtg snake’s head (= dragon fly)
é’galete going into the water (= mink)
otcd’itxul dip-net maker (= spider)
egé’wam the sleepy one (=a fish[sp.])
ok 0’lxul thief (= mouse)
tk!u'tk!ut the one who always breaks (bones) (=dog [ Kathla-
met dialect])
§ 43. SUBSTANTIVES AS QUALIFIERS
Substantives are often used to qualify other substantives. In this
case the qualifying substantive takes the gender of the one qualified:
@ o’kzola 0°0’wun a male silver-side salmon 109.3
ee’ kil imo’lak a female elk 264.3
é’krala imo'lak a male elk 264.2
These qualifiers are not adjectives, but remain true substantives,
as is shown by the feminine prefix 6-, which is characteristic of
substantives.
$44. Demonstrative Pronouns and Adverbs
(1) Demonstrative Pronouns of Lower Chinook. The
structure of the demonstrative pronoun of the Chinook proper
is analogous to that of the noun. It consists of a modal element,
which seems to express visibility and invisibility; the personal
pronoun which expresses gender; and the demonstrative element,
which expresses position near the first, second, and third persons.
§§ 42-44
618
(1) Modal element.
BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY
Visibility, or existence in present time 2’-
Invisibility, or existence in past time q-
(2) Gender.
Masculine -2-
Feminine -a-
Neuter -z-
Dual -ct-
Plural -¢-
(3) Demonstrative element.
Near first person -k
Near second person -aw (-i-a) ,
Near third person -z (-0-a)
{puLn. 40
In the forms with consonantic pronoun (-z-, -ct-, -t-), the demonstra-
tive element is represented by a secondary character— -7- (-é-) pre-
ceding the pronoun for the demonstratives of the first and second
persons; -6- for the demonstrative pronoun of the third person.
Thus the following table develops:
Near Ist person .
Near 2d person
Near 3d person
Near 1st person .
Near 2d person
Near 3d person
Near 1st person .
Near 2d person
Near 3d person
Near Ist person .
Near 2d person
Near 3d person
The forms for past or invisible near the first person do not seem to ~
Present, Visible
Masculine
x ik
x UaAU
Lx
Dual
x ictik
x icta
x’ octa
Past, Invisible
Masculine
quau
que’
gecta
qocta
Feminine
xak
vau
Lar
Plural
x itik
xita
x Ota
Feminine
qax
Plural
qeta
qota
Neuter
x iLik
ria
XL OLa
Plural,
human
beings
x itike
xitac
x otac
Neuter
geLa
qoLa
Plural,
human
beings
qeétac
qotac
occur. Besides these, emphatic forms occur in which the initial
elements are doubled.
§ 44
Of these I have found the following:
a as
Boas] HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 619
Present, Visible
_ Masculine Feminine Neuter
xian vk zara’ ke -
xe ia’ rarau’ -
LUT gara’s ria’ 0’ La
Dual Plural Plural, human beings
xix’ 0'cta xix’ o’ta 2120 tac, £120! Lac
~ Past, Invisible
Masculine Feminine Neuter
qiqiau’ gagau’ -
er =) Saoen/ ee
quge x qaqa x qiqo La
Dual. Plural. Plural, human beings.
quqgo'cta quyo'ta qugo’ ctac
On the whole, these doubled forms are used more frequently in a
predicative sense than the single forms. Apparently they are often
substantival forms, but I think they are better characterized as
predicative. Quite often these forms may be translated THIS ONE,
WHO.
via é’k arge’th«tam x ita 1rgq!eyo’qzxot it is this (masc.), he brought
it (masc.) this (neut.) old man 67.6
6q!0'xdn zazau’ O’taat Oq!d’xox, this is the one, she has come
down to the beach 107.9 (0- she; -zx to the beach; -t perfect)
riaiau amiga’t!om this one whom you met 185.12 (a- transi-
tional; m- thou; 2- him; -gatg to meet; -am completive)
amia’was qiqiau's ktcenaga'lukz I killed that one who always went
first 89.5 (-wa‘ to kill; qiqiau’x probably for giqiau’; k- the one
who; tezxn—he me; -rgako to go about; -z with suffix -ako by
metathesis -alukz)
The simple forms occur generally in adjectival form.
nalée’ma rak ok!u'ltein I will give her this fish head 183.7 (nal-
I her to her; -‘ém to give food; -a future; ok/u’ltcin fish head)
atcite’kém ikamo’kruk qgo'ta tgé’wusr he gave a bone to that dog
187.12 (atcizel- he him to it; ikamd’kruk bone; 1gé’wusr dog)
kca/la wk né’mal up this river 220.2
In some cases I have found tike, tik, 11k instead of the same elements
with the prefix z%, but I am not certain whether in these cases the
beginning of the word was not slurred over.
§ 44
620 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [puLL. 40
_ Apparently there is also a duplication of the terminal element in -k.
At least this is a possible explanation of the form x ix‘é’kik.
x iat’ gik mka’nax tcema’xd this here is what will make you rich
218.1 (m- thou; -kdnax chief, rich man; tezm- he thee; a-
directive before z; -x to make; -0 future after zx)
e’kta tewuwa’ya xix’ kik what can this one do! 134.25
1G! x iax'é’kik! oh, this (miserable) one! 41.10, 147.1
tga’ma® xite’kik these are shot 213.20 (tga- their; -ma* being shot)
To this form may belong the demonstratives 6’kuk, yo’kuk, ya'vkuk,
aia d/kuk, gigo’k, but all these seem to be demonstrative adverbs.
(2) Demonstrative Adverbs of Lower Chinook. These
are very numerous and it is difficult to present them in a system-
atic way. One set corresponds strictly to the set described before.
The forms expressing present have the element x*-, those express-
ing past g-. Both occur with the two vowels -7- and -d-, which,
in this case, seem to express THIS and THAT. Their locative char-
acter is expressed by the suffixed locative element go. Thus we
find—
xago x Ogo
qigo qogo
alta @'L6 iau’a x%igd natxoa’p arga’yax ilé’é now they went thus
to this place where they had dug up the ground 23.7 (a’lta
now; a- transitional; z2- indefinite; -6 to go; zau’a here thus;
na- place; txoa’p to dig; a- transitional; zg- indefinite transi-
tive subject; -dy- for -i- masculine object; -a- directive; -zx to
do; alé’é ground masc. }
aigo Nagara’mat, go tga’k“ril qo’ta-y-é’ka here at GaLa’mat is
their custom thus 240.25 (na- place; g6 there; tga’-their; -k¥zil
custom; é’ka thus)
ia’ xkéwa tat! «dk q!at aga’naz nevertheless there I am loved 39.5
(ia’xkéwa there thus; tax! nevertheless; g/at to love; a- tran-
sitional; -a@n me [accented @]}; -a directive; -x to do)
tcla’a, ga’da x dgu nx’xax see! how I became here 178.8
alta tpil gigd tek” né’xax now it was red where it was broken
185.20 (apil red; tek” to break)
pan ika’pa gigd ma’iné it was full of ice there seaward 44.24
(pax full; ika’pa ice; ma’ tné seaward)
atr'relategux gigd nopo’nemz he would arise when it was night
165.6
qogu itca’glatxala ayd’xelax utca’nix there the wedge was bad
161.8 (i- masculine; -ted- feminine possessive; -g/atzala bad-
ness; ay@’xelaz hers is on her; utca’nix wedge)
§ 44
BOAS] HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 621
a’ctop! g6 q0g0 gitand’kstz t!or they entered that little house 29.14
(a’cto they two go; -p! into; gd there: gitano’kstx having their
smallness)
A distinét series, continuing the idea IN THIS MANNER are ya’kwa,
yau'a, @’ wa, géwa, ya'xkewa.
Related to these is the interrogative g@’xéwa. All of these contain
the element -wa. They designate nearness and distance, but I am
unable to tell the difference in their use, which is rather indefinite.
According to their form ya’kwa (=yak-wa) probably belongs with the
series designating position near the speaker, yau’a (=yau-wa) posi-
tion near the person addressed. The form éwa seems to correspond
to the demonstrative position near the third person, while ya’xkéwa
always refers back to a place previously designated: THUS JUST AT
THAT PLACE.
iakwa’ goye’ a’tcax here he did thus 65.21 (goye’ thus; atc- he
her; -ax to do)
nékct mo’ya iau’a do not go there! 185.17
né'k-ikst &’wa we'wuré he looked there into the house 130.17 (né-
he, intransitive; -k-i designates lack of object; -kst to look;
we’ wuré inside of house)
ia'akéwa né’xanko there (to the place pointed out) he ran 23.17
ia/xkéwa ayuguna’éetix't there (where he was shot) he fell down
62.22
The forms in -wa are used often to express the idea HERE—THERE:
é’wa é’nata, iau’a é’natai here on this side,—there on that side
201.12
iavkwa no'iw a’éxat, iau'a ta’nuta nox a’éxat here went the one
(feminine); there to the other side went the other 75.14
But we find also forms in -uk used in the same way—
10'kuk aga’ yutk igé’sqés, ia’ kwa é’natar aga’ yutk ka’sa-it here on one
side she put blue-jay, there on the other robin 50.4
ta’yape iakwa’,—io'kuk 1a’melk his foot there,—here his thigh
174.15
The same adverb is not often repeated to indicate different direc-
tions or places.
ia’ma iau’a mo'yima; nikect iau’a mai’émé itta’ yim only there (up-
stream) go; do not go there downstream 192.9
Generally repetition refers to the same places.
iau’a acgiza’lukctguz, iau’a acgixa’'lukctgux here they two threw
him down, here they two threw him down; i. e., they threw
him down again and again 26.8
§ 44
622 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 40
yaua’ actikéla’pruitzée, yaua’ actikléla’pruitzé there they turned
over each other again and again 127.4
ia’koa-y-éxt, ia’koa-y-éxt kana’mtema one here, one here, both;
i. e., one in each hand 45.10 (see also 157.22
As stated before, the forms in -uk seem to have adverbial meaning.
Following are examples of their uses:
o’kuk kia’ qéewam ike’x ime’ ranaté there (with that) shaman is thy
soul 199.23 (k1a@’/qgéwam one having a shaman’s song; 7- he;
-ké- indicates absence of object; -« to do, to be; -mé- thy;
-kanaté soul) .
id’kuk aga’yutk go itca’xemalap!ix here she put him in her arm-
pit 50.4 (-tk to put; -kemalap!iz’ armpit)
aqa’nukct «ix 6'kuk some one looked at me here 30.8 (-ket to look)
Lonas yarku'k ttxa’mama Loc may be our father is there 29.14
(Lonas may be; -mama father; -c to be)
teintuwa’*omex qiqd’k antsauwt' p! end’nanma-ite tr’kergt he comes
to kill me when I always jump in my house 64.25 (¢ce- he; n-
me; t- to come; -was- to kill; -am to arrive; -x habitually; a-
transitional; n- I; ts- probably for s- both [feet]; -awwi- for
-on into them [see § 9]; -pzn to jump; -d@n assimilated for -al
always [§ 8] -a-itz always [§ 31.10])
Quite isolated is the form ia’xkati, which appears with great fre-
quency. The ending -#2 is evidently adverbial, as is shown by the
parallel Kathlamet form gipa’tiz’ THERE, and n0’L!katix’ FOR A LITTLE
WHILE. It signifies the position near the third person, THERE.
ia’xkati mo’ playa! enter there! 24.5
ia’zkaté ayo’ ta-it there he stayed 76.14
Still another form, apparently related to the forms in -wk, is
ia/xkayuk HERE.
ia’zkayuk ayo'yam here he arrived 64.24
ia’tkayuk nx elta’gza I shall leave it here 186.1
Related to this form may be yukpa@’ HERE and yukpa’t TO THIS
POINT HERE. These contain the locative suffix -pa at, which is
characteristic of Upper Chinook, but does not.occur in Lower Chinook,
while the ending -t is directive and related to the Upper Chinook -ta
(see § 55).
yukpa’ ra’mas atce’laxz here he hit him (his shooting he did to.
him here) 62.22
yukpa’ ayageltce’mex'it here it hit him 153.22
yuk pat La’yaqso agueé’'lax vza’zqta his hair was made that long (to
here his hair someone made it, on him its length) 156.17
yukpr’t me’ La-it ttcug up to here he stood in (it) the water 225.8
§ 44
BOAS] HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 623
It will be noticed that the element 2zax (yar) occurs quite frequently
in these demonstratives. As terminal element it is found in xiz'd’yaz,
go'yax and the interrogative q@’xéyaz.
As initial element it occurs in ya’rkuk, ia’xkayuk, va’ xkéwa, ra'xkat.
It is undoubtedly identical with the terminal yax of the Kathlamet
demonstrative and with the first element in ia’tka HE ALONE, the
third person masculine personal pronoun of Lower Chinook.
(3) Demonstrative Pronouns of Kathlamet. In Kathla-
met and Wishram, the distinction of visible and invisible does not
occur and the structure of the demonstratives is quite different. In
both Kathlamet and Wishram, the demonstrative expressing location
near the first person has a prefix (which in Kathlamet has the same
form for masculine and feminine), while all the other genders are
designated by their characteristic sounds. In Wishram this prefix
is invariable. The location near the second and third persons is
expressed in both dialects by invariable suffixes.
Kathlamet
Masculine Feminine Neuter
Near lst person. . . tayax tawa'r LaLa’ sr
Near 2d person . . . yd’xaué a’ xaue La’ raue
Near 3d person . . . yard (yar) wax (yar) sax’ (yar)
Dual Plural Plural, persons
Near lst person. . . ctacta’x tata’ x LaLa'ike tata’ike
Near 2d person . . . cta’raué ta’ xaué (2)
Near 3d person . . . ctaxi’(yax) tax‘d’(yax) La-itci ta-itci
Besides these forms, Kathlamet has two very short forms, gi and
tau. Both are used for positions corresponding to HERE, but their
exact relationship has not been determined. They occur with all
genders and numbers. The form taw is undoubtedly identical with
the Wishram dau, which characterizes the first and second persons as
prefix and suffix.
its!a'tslemém gi @’megct her sweetness this thy louse (=your
louse here is sweet) 118.12 (Kathlamet Texts)
La’ema gi Le’ tein Lé'tgatcx only this stump drifts down 92.5 (ibid.)
gatcqi k!a 1g0’xoax gi tgu’nat? why have these salmon disap-
peared? (why nothing became these salmon?) 47.8 (ibid.)
ga’mta 10’ya tau igizatk!oa’mam? where went he who came home?
162.7 (cbid.)
ikxota’mit tau aqage’lak this woman carried him away 163.1 (ibid.)
The element gi appears also presumably in ténki SOMETHING.
§ 44
624 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BuLL. 40
(4) Demonstrative Adverbs of Kathlamet. The two most
frequent forms of the demonstrative adverbs in Kathlamet are
gipa’ here gopa’ there
both compounds of demonstrative stems and the locative suffix -pa.
gipa’ gi txa’/qeqemapa ayamelge'tga here to these our wedges I
shail put you 114.13 (Kathlamet Texts) (¢xa@- our; -qceqem
wedge; -ma plural; -pa to; ayamezl- I to thee; -gi- indicates
absence of object; -tk to put; -a future)
gipa’ cxrq!oa'tqgox here the two were grown together 17.1 (2bid.)
icxé'la-ity k6’pa they stayed there 10.6 (abid.)
kopa’ igixt’qo-itq then he awoke 21.8 (abid.)
imo'lak gopa’ ca'xaliz an elk is up there 71.5 (abid.)
In place of gipad’ the stronger form gipa’tia’ is found.
gipa’'tix’ sia’xéstpa right here on his face 76.14 (ibid.)
Compare with this form—
ito'yam élxpadiz they arrived in that land 17.14 (abid.)
ioqué’wulzxt iga’mernogpa’tiz’ he climbed a pine there 11.14 (ibid.)
Corresponding to the forms yukpe’t, yukpz’tema, in Lower Chinook,
we find here gipr’t, gipr’temax.
gipe’t G'yaxgt up to here its thickness 189.5 (ibid.)
teploctrmtiy Le'Lagcd gipr’temax braided was his hair to here
131.10 (abid.)
Often yax'i’ (masc. dem. 3d person) is used as an adverb:
yaxi’ agata’x there (was) the sun 109.3
ya'xi ma’ tnix ige’kta there seaward he ran 172.11
The series of forms of Lower Chinook ending in -wa is represented
by a@’koa, é’wa.
igexé’ Lau a'koa itcd'xoa here thus he made her a monster 224.3
(ibid.) (igexé’ Lau monster; itcd’- he her)
Lan taxi G’kua 1xd'la? who is that here thus talking? 51.9 (abid.)
Lan who; 1x6- it by itself)
icto'taa @’wa ikak!o' rite the two went down there thus to the
lake 18.95 (abid.)
It is characteristic of Upper Chinook that these forms occur often
with distributive endings and with directive -ta.
makct di’ wimac ited’ rqtax two these thus their length 189.4 (2did.)
(mdkct two; itea’- her; -zgqtax length)
Another adverb is found in this dialect, t@’ka THUS HERE.
té’ka gi atzoqo'ya! here we will sleep! 109.4 (abid.)
té’ka atrk!aya’wulalema here we will play! 167.17 (abid.)
§ 44
BOAS] HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 625
(5) Demonstrative Pronouns and Adverbs in Wish-
ram (by E. Sapir). et
Masculine Feminine Neuter
(da’uya(x) abd (x) (da’uta(a)
Near Ist person
\da’ya(x) da’wa(x) |da’ta(z)
ya'xdau a’xdau one
“fe Seat bee (x) a’xda(ax) ta’xda(x)
Near3d person . . . ya’zia(z) a’xia(x) ta’via(2x)
Near 3d person (formed
from ya’xdau). . . yaka'rdau = aka’xdau taka’xdau
Dual Plural Plural, persons
da'uda-ite
da’da-ite
da’ (u)ta-ite
da’ (u)a-ite
sethaa e {da’uda (x)
oe let persor \da’cda(x) \da’da(x)
; Bs da’xdauaite
(eda’xdau (da’xdau : :
Near 2d person : ; ta’‘adauaite
leda’xda(x) da’xda(z) ; :
a’ xdauaite
ghd oned
Near3d person . . ._ cda’xia(x) da’ria(x) la’ xiarte
eae
daka’xdauaite
Near 3d person (formed Be :
. af y, taka’ xdauaite
from ya’rdau) . . . ~=cdaka’xdau — daka@'xdau = :
aka’ xdauaite
Notr.—It is somewhat doubtful whether ya’zdauw should be so read
or as ya’zdau. (x) in personal and demonstrative pronouns is deictic
in value.
-ka may be added to demonstratives in -ite.
Elements -t/a and -t/ike are perhaps “‘ diminutive ’’ forms of demon-
strative pronominal stem da tuts and personal plural -dike.
Following is a list of the demonstrative adverbs of the Wishram
dialect:
* Locative up to towards, on... side
Stem da(w) da’ba here dapt daba’t little ways fur-
. ther on
Stemkwé kw6’ba there kwopt kwoba't
(yax da’ba 48.16)!
Stem iazi jia’xiba yonder —- ya'“xpt iaxa't further on
ia’xv away, off
Stem di di’'ka here di’gat (18.17)
(dika daba’ 92.11) (-pt also in
gan tevpt
how long?)
1 References in the rest of this section relate to E. Sapir, Wishram Texts (vol. II, Publication Amer.
Ethnolog. Society). .
44877—Bull. 40, pt 1—10 40 § 44
a
626 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL, 40
Locative towards, on. . . side
Stem gi gigat (18.17)
wat to you (place)
2’wa thus, there (106.22)
iwa’tka (158.24) |
Note.—Compounded with gi are also da’ngi SOMETHING; ga’tgi
SOMEHOW; gza’matgi SOMEWHERE (96.11).
Related to di’ka and di’gad is perhaps digu’tcig PERHAPS (96.17);
also di’wi LIKE.
In -xi we have, besides ya’zi, also (aga) du’xi OH, WELL! (60.4).
Notr.— Ya’za INDEED (also in qguct vaya AS IT TURNED OUT);
au (perhaps =aw’, a’wa, and related to Chinook ya’wa) in da’n au
ayamlu’da WHAT, PRAY, SHALL I GIVE You? (154.6); yara’wa HOW-
EVER.
Note also kw6’bixiz RIGHT THERE, NOT VERY FAR.
-a’diz forms: a’ngadix LONG AGO; iztka’dix (192.2); ina’tkadix
(192.5)..
With stem daw: kwé’dau anv; da/ukwa JUST AS BEFORE; qzi'dau
THUS.
§ 45. Independent Personal Pronoun
The independent personal pronoun is formed from the objective
pronoun by means of a number of suffixes of unknown origin and the
terminal suffix -ka ONLY.
naika I ntaika we two (exclusive) ntcaika we (exclusive)
maika thou tzaika we two (inclusive) lxaika we (inclusive)
ia’xka he mtarika your two selves mcaika ye
a’xka she cta’xka their two selves
La’ ska it ta’ska they
These forms may also be interpreted as intransitive verbs. Another
emphatic form, apparently more verbal in character, is—
na’mka I alone
ma’mka thou alone, ete.
A peculiar form mi’ca you occurs in the texts (23.1)
In the Kathlamet dialect an emphatic form na’yaz I, ma’yax thou
(Kathlamet Texts 114.11) is found, which occurs also in Wishram.
The forms for I, THOU, etc., ALONE are:
na’éma I alone txa’éma we alone 134.16
These correspond to’ Wishram forms recorded by Sapir:
na’-ima I alone ta’imadike, da’-imadike, a’-imadike
ma’-ima thou alone they alone
lxa’-vmadike we (incl.) alone
§ 45
BOAS] HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 627
Besides these, Doctor Sapir has recorded in Wishram the following:
Shortest form:
na(xz) I ya(x) he da’-itc they
fa’-te they (Wishram Texts
48.4)
a’-ite they
Inclusive:
nar'tla I too ya'rtlahe too ta’~it!ike they too
lxai’thke we too da’-vilike they too
a’~ithike they too
He remarks that the demonstratives of the third person (ya’zia)
seem morphologically parallel to first and second personal emphatic
pronouns (na’ya); that the demonstrative element -i- is characteristic
of the first and second persons, -z- of the third; as in
na-i-ka I ya-z-ka he
na’-i-t!a I too ya-x-t!a he too
na’-(r)-ya I ya’-x-1a he
These elements -i- and -z- are probably identical with Chinook -7-
and -2x", -r in #'7/La and xiz’, rar.
Particles (§§ 46-52)
§ £6. Attribute Complements
It is one of the most striking characteristics of the Chinook lan-
guage that a few verbs of very indefinite meaning which require
subjective and objective attribute complements are applied with
great frequency. By far the greater number of these, and the most
characteristic ones, are words that do not require pronominal prefixes.
Many are clearly of onomatopoetic origin. In some cases it appears
doubtful whether the words belong to the regular vocabulary of the
language, or whether they are individual productions. This is true
particularly when the words do not form part of the sentence, but
appear rather as independent exclamations. Examples of this kind
are the following:
oxuiwa’'yul kumm, kumm, kumm, kumm they danced, kumm,
kumm, kumm, kumm, 167.5 (here kumm indicates the noise of
the feet of the dancers)
hémm, igua’nat énira@’kux homm, I smell salmon 67.3
alta, pemm, temotsga’nuks go id’yacqz now pemm, flies were
about his mouth 72.22 (pzmm indicates the noise of flies)
tcx, tex, tex, tex, go Lkamela’lag there was noise of footsteps (tcx)
on the sand 75.3
? § 46
628 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 40
In a number of cases onomatopoetic terms which undoubtedly
belong to the regular vocabulary are used in the same manner:
tcrup, tcxrup, texup, terup are'xvax La’/k!ewax the torch flickered
(literally, made terwp) 50.24
Lldq, L!dq, Lidq, La@’za né’xax iské’proa, out, out, out, out came
a rabbit 113.6 .
These cases make it plausible that most terms of this kind belong to
the regular vocabulary. The frequent use of such onomatopoetic
words and the occurrence of new words of the same kind (such as
ti’ntin CLOCK, WATCH, TIME; tsi’ktsuk WAGON) suggest that in Chinook
the power of forming new words by imitative sounds has been quite
vigorous until recent times.
Examples of onomatopoetic words of this class are:
hé’hé to laugh tsex to break
ho’ho to cough tcrup to flicker
po to blow tcxoap to gnaw
t!nq to slap klut to tear off
tlak to break a piece out rwe to blow
to’to to shake lep to boil
ciz to rattle tldq to crackle
cau low voice tllzp to go under water
It is difficult to say where, in this class of words, the purely onomato-
poetic character ceases, and where a more indirect representation of
the verbal idea by sound begins. [| think a distinct auditory image
of the idea expressed is found in the following words:
vi’ LIL proud ku’lkul light (of weight)
wax to pour out k!a silent
par full qlam lazy
temr’n clear glut fast
tell tired lo’lo round
te!pak loud tell to disappear
gu’tgut exhausted Laz to appear
ge’ cgrc to drive txoap to dig
Most stems of this class occur both single and doubled, sometimes
they are even repeated three or four times. Repetition indicates
frequency of occurrence of the verbal idea; that is to say, it is dis-
tributive, referring to each single occurrence of the idea. We have—
waz to pour out (blood) 68.1 wa'zwax to pour out (roots) 43.2
po to blow once 66.25 po’ po to blow repeatedly 129.20
tell tired te/lltell to be tired in all parts of
the body
klut to tear off 89.25 klu'tk!ut to tear to pieces 249.4
§ 46 °
BOAS] HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 629
A few stems, however, occur in duplicated form only, probably on
account of the character of the idea expressed, which always implies
repetition. Such are—
hé’hé to laugh gu’tgut exhausted
ho’ho to cough ku'lkul light (of weight)
to’to to shake lolo round
Others do not occur in duplicated form, but take the distributive
ending -ma. These are—
paz full 39.1, distributive pa’rma 229.24
wuk! straight, real 24.12, distributive wuk!ma 107.20
cpeq gray, distributive cepr’qema
Still others do not seem to undergo any change for the distributive.
temer’n clean, empty k'!é to disappear, nothing
ta’menua to give up 61.18 k!wac afraid 90.5
tq/éx to wish 129.27 tlap to find 140.1, 138.15
stag! war 272.5
On the whole, it would seem that those least onomatopoetic in
character lack the doubled distributive.
In a few cases the doubled form has acquired a distinctive signifi-
cance.
k!wan hopeful 134.8 k!wa/nk!wan glad 38.20
lax sideways 267.3 la’zlax to deceive 65.19, to rock 129.2
The most common verbal stem which is used in connection with
these attributes is -z TO BE, TO BECOME, TO DO, TO MAKE. -0(-72),
the general verb for motion, is sometimes used with stems signifying
motion. It seems difficult to classify these words, except those that
clearly express noises. Among a total of 126 words of this class, 44
express activities or processes accompanied by noises; 16 are decid-
edly imitative; 22 designate states of the mind or body which may
be expressed by imitative sounds, such as cold, tired, fear; 7 are
terms of color; 45 express miscellaneous concepts, but some of these
may also be considered as imitative. It seems likely that, in a
language in which onomatopoetic terms are numerous, the frequent
use of the association between sound and concept will, in its turn,
increase the readiness with which other similar associations are
established, so that, to the mind of the Chinook Indian, words may
be sound-pictures which to our unaccustomed ear have no such
value. I have found that, as my studies of this language progressed,
the feeling for the sound-value of words like waz To pour, k*!é NOTH-
§ 46
630 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BuLL. 40
ING, k/6mm SILENCE, 10 CALM, pda’'pda* TO DIVIDE, increased steadily.
For this reason I believe that many words of the miscellaneous class
conveyed sound-associations to the mind of the Chinook Indian.
It will be noticed that verbs of motion and transitive verbs, except
such as are accompanied by decided noises, are almost absent from
the list of these words.
In quite a number of cases these words seem to be rather adverbs
than attribute complements:
ca’ucau nacayv/Uk"1é she told him in a low voice 40.21
Luz nua’taxit it fell down broken 49.2
tke’ ptkrp ated’ cgam it took it in its talons 137.15
If I remember rightly the cadence of the spoken sentence, these words
must rather be considered as standing alone, the auxiliary verb -x being
omitted.
LIST OF ATTRIBUTE COMPLEMENTS
(1) Actions and processes accompanied by noises.
(wa a noise under water 217.15)
uha’ noise of an arrow striking a body 49.3
(hemm noise of wind 41.25)
homm smell 67.2
(hé noise of an arrow breaking 49.4)
hé’hé to laugh 12.22
ho’ho to cough
pemm noise of flying 72.22
po to blow 66.25; pd’pd 129.20
pa, pa, pa 175.3
(dell noise of bursting 49.19, noise of bear spirit 217.14)
t!zq to slap 40.25; txz’gqtxq 26.8
to’to to shake 194.1
tumm noise of fire 45.16, noise of bear spirit 217.13
temm noise of feet 133.17
t!ak to break a piece out of something
ciz noise of rattles 22.5
crll noise of rattles on a blanket 61.22; ci/llcill rattling of breath
of one choking 150.7
ca’ca to break, to wreck 198.7
cau low voice 162.11; ca@’ucau 40.21
crx noise of flying birds 137.14
ts!ex (tc!ex, telux, tsex) to break a piece of wood, antlers, etc.,
with hands 60.7; to split wood 27.2; sinews 138.19; roots 95.14
(not used for splitting planks out of trees); to skin a bird
136.23; to bark a tree 164.16; ts!n’2ts!nx 45.19; nats!z’x a piece
of flint flaked off 69.3
§ 46
Boas] HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 631
tczup, texep to extinguish 51.2, to flicker 50.24; tern’pterep 28.8
tca noise of footsteps on sand 75.3
tcroa’p to gnaw; tcxoa’ ptcxoap 175.23
gumm a noise under water 217.16
gom noise of something heavy falling down 27.9
kumm noise of dancing 167.5
ge’ cgec to drive 15.5
klut to tear off 89.25; k!u’tk!ut to clear up (sky) 249.4
ku’texrd to sneeze 64.24
qull noise of falling objects 67.1, noise of heels striking the ground
65.13
qla/lq!al to beat time
q!é door creaks 66.14
xz to blow 113.20
za’xa to rub 65.9
awe to blow nose 113.21, to blow on water before drinking 213.13
Lek” to break 165.19; xte’kiek 68.16
LE’kiek to burrow 95.13
Lex to split (planks) 27.1, to burst 204.4; 1/x#’xx/ex to tear 145.20
Le’ «iex noise of scratching 153.7
Lap noise of shooting 272.20
Luz to come out 49.2, 201.1; xu’xxuz to pull out (of ground) 138.9
tkr'pitkep to grasp in talons 137.15
tk!op to squeeze 9.8; tk!d'ptk!op with eyes run out 29.20
Lg!lop to cut 114.3
rxzoa’p to dig 23.5; txoa’praoap 115.15
L!z! to titter 177.15
L!ng to hit, to strike 156.23
L!dq, t!éx to crackle 38.1, 185.8
t!lzp under water 14.8
(2) Descriptive words.
pat full 39.1; pa’nma 229.24
wax to pour out 68.1, to take across river in canoe 23.24; wd’rwar
43.2
waz to light, set afire 28.2, to bloom 165.26
k!6mm no noise
k!a’ya no, none
k/!é no 128.5, nothing 14.1, to disappear 128.28
qlel strong; q/x’lq!/zl hard, 139.8, too difficult 204.12
teme’n empty, clean
tz’te to stop doing something
tuwa’« to light, shine 12.1 (see waz)
ku'llkull light of weight 199.9
klam, k!xm no, none 37.15
lep to boil 173.1
§ 46
632 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 40
lo’lo round 186.23
L!ak spread out 178.7
Lt!men to break into small pieces, soft 130.4; 1/mz’nt!meEn 17.9
(8) Words expressing states of mind and body.
vi’ L!l proud 93.16
pet quiet 177.24
plala’ quietly, safe 198.4
tell, tél tired 62.14; te’lltell tired all over (— rheumatism)
tqg/éx to like 129.27
tlaya@’ well, healthy 165.21
tses cold 41.9
tse’ xtsex unwell, feeling uncomfortable
tcxap to hesitate 27.15
qlat to love 41.6
zax to notice, observe 75.17
LEk!, tak! weak 212.21
tclé’ktc!ék almost choked 151.1
lax lonesome 22.3 |
gu'tgut exhausted
klex cloyed 46.24; k!n'xk! rx grease smell 137.7
k/a@ silent 37.9, 129.2
k!wan hopeful 134.8; k!wa’nk!wan glad 38.20
klwac afraid 211.15
k!co stiff in joints
glam lazy 138.4
L!o’ya stingy (?) 139.11
t/a to fear 212.11
L!paq to recover 196.22
(4) Color-terms.
Lé’ el black 25.11
k las yellow
cpeq gray (dry?) 109.10
tk!op white 124.25 7
ptciz green 30.21 . |
Lpil red 185.20 |
ts!zemm variegated
(5) Miscellaneous words.
va’c to let alone 187.13
ux to take a chance
wuk! straight 24.12; wuk!ezma’ 107.20
pe'nka afoot 217.8, 107.6 ;
panic to give secretly payment to a shaman 200.7
pa to divide; pa’*pa‘ 248.4
pax unlucky 264.13
$46
BOAS] HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 633
pox foggy 37.4
pux lukewarm
po’xové to make a mistake
meEL! wet 37.5 .
mané’x to learn a secret 200.10
ta’menua to give up 61.18
the’ltkel dull
tk!é to sit looking on
tla’nuwa to exchange 228.8
neko to keep, to retain 277.14
staq! war, attack 272.5
stug to untie, to unwrap 135.13; stu’xstur 116.10
(tctaz around a point)
isk!xs to stoop
tc!pak strongly 164.9, 110.1
k lau to tie 123.19; klau’k!au 118.6
god’t reaching 48.6, high water 198.24
qui to hang, to fish with gaff-hook 27.16, to put on garment, to
dress 136.23
q!z’cq!zec dry 14.19 (= thirsty) 21.1
(q/oa’p near 40.9)
q!ul low water 198.26
qlut fast; q!ux écgam hold fast 44.15 ee qui)
cue’t half full 166.8
xop streaming
lax sideways 267.3, afternoon 63.18, to miss 13.19; la’xlax to rock
129.2, to deceive 65.19
lu’zlux slick
lu’xpamé adultery
Lez to sit still
Laq to step aside 146.14; to turn 137.12, 63.4; to cut off, to fall
off 154.28, 194.1; to take out 65.11; 1a@’qzaq zigzag, also plural
for the other meanings
Laz to appear, become visible 23.13; 1a’rxax to emerge
Lex’ to cohabit 228.16; 1é’xLéx* to prepare corpse for burial 253.3
Lo calm 25.18
ztuwa’ freshet
Llap to find 261.8
Llap fitting 154.8
§ 47. Adverbs
The dividing line between attribute complements and a number of
adverbs can not be drawn very definitely. I am particularly doubtful
how t/aya’ wei should be classed, and a few others which are placed
in parentheses in the preceding list.
§ 47
634 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [puLL. 40
A considerable number of temporal and modal adverbs occur, the
latter expressing certainty, compulsion, intention, and a great variety
of ideas which we express by auxiliary verbs or by separate clauses.
These can not be derived from simpler forms. Such are:
av’ag can 4
xa/oraL can not
gov will
gé'xtcé without reaching the desired end
ka’ltas im vain, only
qa’doxué must
atsuwa’ probably
Lx may (implying uncertainty)
k!oma perhaps
L0’nas I don’t know (expression of uncertainty)
poc contrary to fact
pet really
nikct not
na interrogative particle
Legs almost
gala’ text hardly
a’nga(té) already, before
alta now
a’ xgé later on
kawa’tka soon
and’ sometimes
nau’? at once
lé, lé’lé a long time
q!aste’n for the first time
tcax for a while
wiat again
kulz’ts once more
ala’téwa again in this manner
qua’nsem always
wax next day (wua'i’ to-morrow; kawi’x: early)
q!oa’p near
tc!pak quickly
tawd’ slowly
(at’aq quickly)
trul too much
manig!a’ too much
t!a’qea just like
ala even
1 Byidently the original significance of this word is QUICKLY; for instance, ai’ag nO’ya (if you tell me to
go) I GO QUICKLY, i. e., I can go.
§ 47
BOAS] HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 635
§ 48. Huhortative Particles
A number of exhortative particles form a peculiar group of words.
They are applied so regularly and seem to be so weak, that I do not
quite like to class them with interjections. It would seem that the
meanings conveyed by some of these have very nice shades. Exam-
ples are:
wuska a somewhat energetic request—now do let us make an
end of it and—37.12
nizua please, just try to 130.3
tcux since this is so, do (or let us) 24.10
tayax oh, if he would! 22.4
ho’ntcin be quiet
tea! well! introducing a new idea
(ga’t!ocrem look out!)
(nau’itka indeed!)
(tgt!o’kti good!)
The last three of these hardly belong here. They are derivatives:
qa'tlocrem is probably derived from ¢/6 WELL; nau’itka, perhaps
from nau’i AT ONCE; tgt!d’kti, from t!6 WELL and -kta THING.
§ 49. Interjections
The line between the last group of words and true interjections is
very indefinite. As might be expected, the number of interjections
in this language which has such strong onomatopoetic tendencies is
considerable. Some of these are:
a, 4, 6 oh!
adé’ surprise 29.13
é pity for hardships endured 187.19
na pity 116.15
and’ pain, regret, sorrow, pity 22.4, 161.13
ahaha’ pain 177.16
and’xz pity 153.8
hé call 12.2, indeed 38.22, 186.8
hé a long distance 28.3, 123.13
ho, hoho’, oho’ surprise at the success of an action 24.3, 25.22,
67.14
taud’ disgust 46.26
ha®o’m, hao’ now I understand! 39.27, 100.23
nd disapproval 145.12
nig! contemptuous rejection of an offer 124.11
hohw’ derisive rejection of a remark 23.25
aha’ ridicule, disbelief 166.23
ehehiw’ derision 45.1
§§ 48, 49
636 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 40
le derision of weakness 60.14, 146.1
id’ reproach for foolishness 117.9
nazarar anger 186.16
teré that is nothing! 47.4
kuc good! 89.4 (also used by the Chehalis)
k!e oh! (2)
As mentioned before, many of the imitative attribute comple-
ments may be used as interjections. This may, indeed, be their :
original function. Such are hzemm NOISE OF WIND, kumm NOISE OF
DANCING, k!6mm sILENcE. A few differ so much in form and use
from the attribute complements, that I include them among the
interjections:
ha’lelelelelele noise of flight of an arrow 62.21
ww lelelele noise of flight of cormorants 77.16
wa’ tsetsets Ets ets E cry of bluejay 31.2, 157.25
qa’ nawulewulewulewule cry of gull 88.21
wo bark of dog 23.9
wa ery of child 185.24
hii cry of a person weeping 118.8
wan low voice 162.3
kukuku voice of bluejay after he had be-
come a ghost 166.19
In this group belong also the burdens of songs, a few of which
occur in the texts.
e
§ 50. Conjunctions
A number of invariable words perform the function of conjunctions.
The meanings of a few of these are not quite certain. The most
important are the following:
ka and, then (connecting sentences) 26.18
cka and, while (connecting sentences) 25.4
k!a and (connecting nouns)
tcx't a little while passed, then 37.4 (often following the conjunc-
tion qid’x IF)
teu or 276.1
tatc!a although it is so, still 44.4
tax! although I did not expect it, still 74.9
@ ore although I did not intend to, still 13.3
take then 135.6
a’lta now 135.5
taua’lta otherwise 134.8
maniz when 253.14 |
qra’x if 127.20 (gé, géc?) |
§ 50
Boas] HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 637
§ 51. Adjectives
Color-terms, the plural of small, the numerals from two to nine,
and the indefinite numerals are used without pronominal prefixes.
The color-terms were enumerated among the attribute complements,
because they are generally used in that form. gznz’m SMALL 38.17
is used only for plurals. I have found very few cases only in which
these words are clearly used as adjectives:
aqio’cgam pteix Le’ Luwelktuwelk green mud was taken 30.21
lo’lo ikta something round 127.5
This is possibly due to the rarity of adjectives, except numerals and
a few others in the texts. It would seem, however, that in most
cases derivatives of these stems are used whenever the substantive
or adjective is to be used, for instance:
ma'ni« ka'ltac ita’ yur!l ka’ qéwam when a shaman only has pride
203.18
More often nouns with the prefix k- THE ONE WHO HAS (p. 579)
are used to express adjectival ideas.
gé'Latc!a a sick one (the one who has its sickness) 196.14
The cardinal and indefinite numerals of this class are:
méoket two si/namoket seven ka’nauwé all
Lon three kst6’'xkin eight kapé’t enough
la’kit four kui'tst nine gamz part
qui’nem five ted severai mank few
tr’ZEM Six
All the cardinal numbers of this group when used as distributives
take the suffix -mtga; when used as adverbs, they take the adverbial
suffix -@. The ordinals are formed by the third person pronominal
prefix and the possessive form; for instance, éza’LOn ITS THIRD ONE
(m.) 217.21, azd’xon ‘(f.) 211.20; and from these, again, ordinal
adverbs, @1a1oné THE THIRD TIME 134.23. When counting human
beings, all these numerals (cardinals as well as indefinite) take the
prefix a- and the plural suffix -ke. méket rwo may also take the dual
prefix c-.
To the groups of indefinite numerals belongs the peculiar form
kanem EACH, ALL, TOGETHER, which occurs alone only in its distribu-
tive form kanda’mtgema 157.23, while generally it appears as a prefix
of numerals: kangmqod/nem FIVE TOGETHER 201.22, tkanemqoa'ne-
miks 176.8. With mdkct rwo it seems to lose its m: skanasmékst
BOTH 76.14. In this form it appears also in ka’nawé ALL.
| ) $51
638 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [puLL. 40
§ 52. Adverbs Derived from Intransitive Verbs
Particles used as adverbs have been mentioned before. It has also
been stated that numeral adverbs are formed from both ordinal and
cardinal numbers by the suffix -é. This is also used with intransitive
verbs, the adverb being formed from the masculine third person
singular.
vi’ rgat it is long; 2’ Lgté long
é’nata the one on the other side; @’natai on the other side
Diminutive and Augmentative Consonantism (§§ 53-54)
§ 53. Diminutive and Augmentative Consonantism in
Wishram (by Edward Sapir)
Very characteristic of Wishram, as also without doubt of all other
Chinookan dialects, is a series of changes in the manner, and to some
extent in the place, of articulation of many of the consonants, in
order to express diminutive and augmentative ideas in the words
affected. This peculiar process of “consonantal ablaut,’ though
perhaps most abundantly illustrated in the case of the noun, is exem-
plified in all parts of speech, so that it has almost as much of a
rhetorical as of a purely grammatical character. Of the two series of
consonantic changes referred to, that bringing about the addition to
the meaning of the word of a diminutive idea is by far the more
common, an actual change to augmentative consonantism hardly
being found outside of the noun. The main facts of consonantic
change may be briefly stated thus: To express the diminutive, non-
fortis stopped consonants become fortis, the velars at the same time
becoming back-palatals (the treatment of velar stops, however, seems
to be somewhat irregular); c and its affricative developments te and
tc! become s, ts, and ts! (s seems sometimes to be still further “ diminu-
tivized”’ to ts, ts to ts!, so that c, s, ts, ts! may be considered as repre-
senting a scale of diminishing values); x becomes 7, in analogy to the
change of velar stops to back-palatal stops just noted; other con-
sonants remain unmodified. To express the augmentative, fortis
consonants become non-fortis (generally sonant) stops, no change
taking place of back-palatal to velar; s, és, and ts! become respec-
tively c, tc, and te! (in some few cases ts and te affricatives become
dj, pronounced as in English judge, this sound not being otherwise
known to occur in Wishram); other consonants remain unmodified,
§§ 52, 53
BOAS] HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES . 639
The following table of consonantic changes will best make the matter
clear:
Normal Diminutive Augmentative
b, p p! (b)
d, t t! (d)
g, k k! (q)
9,4 k!, (g, k) ()
gu kez (qx)
q! k!, (kr) g
p! (p!) b
t! (t!) d
k! (k!) g
c 8, ts (c)
te ts (tc), (2) dj
tc! ts! (tc!), dj
8 (s) c
ts (ts), ts! tc, dj
ts! (ts!) tc!, (2) dj
© ¢ (a)
e (x) (2) ¢
On the whole, there is a distinct tendency to have all the consonants
of a word bear a consistent diminutive or augmentative coloring,
though absolute concord in this regard is by no means always
observed. In general it may be said that ¢ and s sounds are most
easily varied in accordance with our rule. Final non-affricative stops
seem incapable of change. It often happens that the normal form
of a word is itself partly diminutive in form owing to its meaning; in
such cases the form may be still further ‘diminutivized”’ if it is
desired to give the word a more than ordinarily diminutive force.
Thus -k/ac- in i¢-k!a’c-kac cHILp is evidently a semi-diminutive
form of the stem-syllable -kac; LITTLE CHILD, BABY appears in more
pronouncedly diminutive form as itk/a’skas (Wishram Texts 176.3).
The following table of body-part nouns will serve as a set of exam-
ples of diminutive and augmentative forms. The diminutives would
naturally refer to the body-parts of a tiny child, the augmentatives
to those of an abnormally large being, as a giant.
Normal Diminutive Augmentative
i-p!a’qxa flat-headed- i-ba’ qua
ness (dim.)
i-gr'te nose (aug.) 1-k! n'te
v't-pe foot v't-ps
§ 53
640 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 40
Normal Diminutive Augmentative
i-qzuv't leg. i-khwv't
a-q!o'xt knee a-k!u'xt a-go'xt
a-me'lugtan cheek a-m luk !tan
i-melratk !u'lamat i-melextgu’lamat
tongue
i-mi'ct lips i-mi'st
1-k"exa’t mouth i-k "sxa't
wa’-kcen finger wa'-ksan
is-qru’s eyes (dim.) ic-qru'c
id-mx'qco face-hair id-mr'kso
i-k !wa’yat crown of i-gwa’yat
head
a-tckn’n shoulder a-tsk! n/n
wa-gaa'te breast wa-kza'ts |
i-kva’te tooth i-k !a'ts
i-q!a’qctaq head i-ga’qctaq
ic-k!a’'lkal hip-joints — is-k/a’Tkal ic-ga'lkal
is-q!wa'gwost jaws is-k !wa'gwast
(dim.)
a-mu’q!wal paunch, a-mu’gwal
stomach
Examples of other than body-part nouns are:
Normal Diminutive Augmentative
it-q!u’tcu bones —it-q!uts’ié’talem dog
(literally, eater of
small bones)
i-tc!v’au snake d-ts!v’au i-djv'au
i-ts’ktsik wagon is-ts!o/ktsik buggy i-djv'kdyjik heavy truck
(dim.)
i-cgv'luke wolf it-sk v’luks new-born
(aug.) wolf cub (Wishram
Texts 56.30)
da-ga'c yellow a-gu-k !i’c gold
i-cga’n cedar wa-ska’n box
board wa’-tsk!un cup
i-k!a‘lamat stone a-ga’'lamat
a-k !a’munag fir a-ga’munaq
it-k!la’ckac child — it-k!a’skas
(dim. )
a-t!u’-gagilak good, a-du’-gagilak strap-
strong woman i ping big woman
1Cf, wa-q/a’tc THORN, dim. wa-kra’ts (Wishram Texts, p. 26.1)
§ 53
BOAS] HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 641
In these lists, (dim.) and (aug.) mean that the words so designated
are wholly or partly diminutive or augmentative in consonantism
owing to their primary significance. In 7-p/a’qza, for instance, the
diminutive notion implied by p! is easily understood if we remember
that head-flattening is associated with infancy. In some cases a
consonant change involves or is accompanied by a vocalic change;
it seems that the change of a to wu or £ has in itself more or less
diminutive force (cf. wa’-tsk!un from wa-ska’n with ita-k!6%ts VERY
LitTLE [Wishram Texts 176.3] ordinarily -k/aits smaLL). The case
of i-cga’n as compared with wa-ska’n and wa’-tsk!un illustrates the
fact that the diminutive form of a noun often has a specialized
meaning of its own. A few more examples are:
Normal Diminutive
i-tc!i/non eagle it-ts!i/nén bird
i-te!'laq cricket i-ts!v'laq grasshopper
1-q!apca’lwac turtle is-k!a’ psalwas lock (of door)
a-tca'la grindstone a-tsa’la file
It will be observed that several nouns on becoming diminutive in
form at the same time change to a more suitable gender, masculines
often becoming feminines (e. g., wa-ska’n), neuters (e. g., it-sk!i'luks),
or diminutive duals in is- (e. g., is-k/a’psalwas). Most examples of
diminutives and augmentatives hitherto given have been formed
from nouns that in themselves have no necessary diminutive or aug-
mentative force. Other examples than those already given of words
with inherent diminutive force, and hence with at least partial
diminutive consonantism, follow:
a-k!u'ksk!uks ankle is-ga'k laps hat
a-p!u'xp!ux elbow-joint i-k!a'its smallness (contrast -gail
i-p!u’xe cotton-tailed rabbit BIGNESS)
a-tlantsa crow (contrast i-k/a’stila crab
i-cka’laz RAVEN) it-xan (somebody’s) child
i-sk!u'lya coyote (% ef. i-sk!wé’latsintsin swallow
i-cgiluke WOLF) wa-tsk!e2/nxex nit
a-gu’sgus chipmunk
a-pluna’tsrktsrk mosquito
(2 cf. -bena JUMP)
Particularly instructive as indicating a live feeling for diminutive
consonantism are such words as a-lik!u’k CHICKEN and. a-lap!u’s CAT
borrowed from Chinook jargon (p in -pus would not be consistent
44877—Bull. 40, pt 1—10 41 § 53
642 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 40
with diminutive s). It is perhaps not too far-fetched to recognize
augmentative consonantism in the following nouns:
i-ga'nuk beaver ic-kcku'ct testicles (contrast s-
i-gu'nat Chinook salmon (con- —_qzu/s EYES)
trast wa-tsu’iha BLUE- 1-gu'cax sky
BLACK SALMON) ic-qwo'lala gun
i-cr lqcrlg porcupine wa’-ite tail of mammal
ic-ga'kwal eel ic-li'ct fish-tail (contrast is-p!i’ost
a-du’tha buffalo TAIL OF BULB, DRIED FISH)
It sometimes happens that a change to diminutive consonantism
implies not so much the diminutiveness of the object referred to as a
sense of endearment. This seems particularly true in the case of
certain terms of relationship:
Non-diminutive Diminutive
-(CE-N man’s son’s -k/a’c-u-c paternal grandfather
ga’ c-u sy child
-gak-an man’sdaugh- -ga’k!-u-c maternal grandfather
ga’'g-u(vocative)} ter’s child
-gi-an woman’s son’s child -kM-c paternal grandmother
Interesting as examples of augmentative consonantism are the
names of Coyote’s four sons, all of which are derived from words
denoting body-parts of the salmon. The augmentative consonantism
implies the lubberliness of Coyote’s sons.
Body-parts of salmon Names of Coyote’s sons
i-k!la’tcin salmon-head gristle Sipa’-glatsin Big Gristle (Wish-
ram Texts 66.5)
i-ksa’lk!uts backbone of fish Sipa’-ksalguts Big Backbone
(Wishram Texts 66.6)
i-q!wi'nan fin Sapa’-guinan Big Fin (Wishram
Texts 66.7)
a-kla'tk“tgwax adipose fin Sapag-a’tk“tgwax Big Adipose Fin
(% better -q/a’tk“tqwax) (Wishram Texts 66.8)
As has already been remarked, the noun is not the only part of
speech that illustrates the consonantal play here discussed. Adverbs
and particle verbs of appropriate meaning sometimes show diminutive
consonantism: ts/u’nus A LITTLE; sdk! TO WHISTLE; sa’u sau TO
WHISPER (contrast Lower Chinook céu); Lower Chinook k/a AND may
be diminutive to ka. The diminutive form of a particle verb denotes
a less intense state of being or activity than its correlative form,
Sometimes its meaning is considerably specialized:
§ 53
Boas] HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 643
Non-diminutive Diminutive
tcic cold (ts!u’nus) a-itsd’s just (a little)
cool (Wishram Texts 190.15)
ma’ca to spoil ma’sa to be ashamed
gut to break up (earth) by k!u’tk!ut to pluck
digging
Possibly also—
wax to pour out waz to set on fire; to bloom
tq!up to cut tk!up to shoot
The dual in is- is not the only example of a diminutive form of a
purely grammatical element. The diminutive stem -¢/wa’lasup FAST
RUNNING occurs with possessive prefixes showing diminutive con-
sonantism. Thus the normal elements -fca- HER and -cda- OF THEM
TWO appear as -tsa- and -st/a- in i-tsa-q!wa'lasup SHE RUNS FAST
(Wishram Texts 66.9) and i-st/a-q!wa'lasup THEY TWO RUN FAST
(Wishram Texts 66.13). Similarly, in a song (Wishram Texts 94.23),
where the reference is to is-p/i’ast TAIL OF BULB, a noun of diminu-
tive form, the pronominal element cd- and the post-positive local ele-
ment -ba AT appear as st- (? better st/-) and -p/a. Thus:
staimap!a’ giskip!i’ast it-alone-at the-my-tail
Finally the verb may show diminutive consonantism, partly in the
stem itself, partly in its local and adverbial prefixes and suffixes,
partly and most frequently in its pronominal prefixes. Examples of
verb stems in distinctly diminutive form are not exactly common,
but certain cases seem clear enough. Thus gagiutat!a’-ulr HE was
TOSSED UP (Wishram Texts 84.26) and gatciutat!a’melq HE SWAL-
LOWED HIM BY SUCKING HIM IN evidently contain a diminutive
form of the verb stem -dada- TO THROW AWAY; silu’skwax IT TREM-
BLES (Wishram Texts 116.10) and gas?’/ximk!na-uk“atsk HE LOOKED
AROUND (Wishram Texts 30.6) show diminutive consonantism both
in their stems (-skw- and -k/na-u-) and in their first incorporated
pronominal objects (dual s-), the latter verb also in its adverbial
suffix -tsk, doubtless the diminutive form of -tck UP FROM POSITION
OF REST; gats(s)altsgi’ma HE LAID HER BELLY Up (Wishram Texts
56.27) shows diminutive consonantism in both stem (-tsgi) and
incorporated pronominal subject(-ts-) and first object (dual -s-).
We have already given -tsk as an example of a derivative suffix
with diminutive consonantism. Other such suffixes are -p/a SLIGHTLY
OUT (OF POsITION) (from -ba ouT) in ayulap!a’teguewida IT WILL TILT
up, literally, 1r WILL SPONTANEOUSLY MOVE OUT UP FROM ITS SITTING
§ 53
644 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 40
POSITION (Wishram Texts 184.10) and tsu (from -tew DOWN) in
itilu’stsu. (WATER) MOVED DOWN INTO THE (HOLLOW PLACE). As
examples of diminutive forms of local prefixes may be given -k!zl-
(from -gzl- DIRECTED TOWARD) in ga-tssi’k!rlutk HE LOOKED AT HIM
and its reflexive correlative -vel- (from -zxel) in gast’xrlutk HE LOOKED;
-sk!Em- UNDER in iniask!emta’datcu | THREW IT DOWN UNDER HER is
doubtless diminutive to -gzem- NEXT TO (cf. -tcw and -s-tsw ABOVE).
The only examples of diminutive consonantism in the pronominal
prefixes of verb forms occur in the case of ts (for te, third person
masculine subject transitive) and s (for c, third person dual subject
intransitive and transitive and object transitive). Whenever the
object of the transitive verb (or the apparent subject, really first
object, of the ‘“half-transitive’’ verb) is diminutive in form, the
pronominal prefixes tc and ¢ appear as ts and s; the ts by no means
implies the diminutive character of the transitive subject. Examples
are: 7’wi gatssu’x isié’‘ngzéq HE LOOKED AT HIS FISH-LINE (Wishram
Texts 140.28), where the incorporated pronominal dual element
-s- of gatssu’x refers to the diminutive dual object 1s-ié’-nqxéq HIS
FISH-LINE, while the pronominal subject -ts- HE agrees with the
object in diminutive consonantism; gatksu’ktam (-tks- always appears
for -ski-) THE TWO (WOMEN) CAME HOME WITH THE (BABY) (Wishram
Texts 2.12), the diminutive dual -s- referring to the grown-up
women, not to the baby; gasrengatk!agwa’x gas kténak!wa’st 1r-
WAVES - FREELY -OVER-ME-MY-FEATHERED-CLOAK (Wishram Texts
142.5), where the first object -s- of the half-transitive verb refers
to the diminutive dual noun s-ténak!wa’st (SMALL) FEATHERED
CLOAK. Particularly noteworthy in this connection is the idiomatic
use of a diminutive dual object -s- referring to an implied, unex-
pressed noun of diminutive significance; there need not even exist
such a diminutive dual noun to which reference, if desired, could be
explicitly made. A good example is: gaksi'lutk sHE CRADLED HIM,
literally, SHE PUT THE-TWO-SMALL (OBJECTS) DOWN TO HIM, where
THE TWO SMALL (OBJECTS) refer to an implied word for CRADLE,
though the word for CRADLE in actual use is a masculine (7’-lkau).
Similarly, verbs of jumping and somersaulting have an incorporated
diminutive dual object -s- referring to THE TWO SMALL (FEET), though
the actual word for FEET is plural (i’t-pc). Examples are: gaksu’brna
SHE JUMPED; gasixmi’Lgwa HE TURNED A SOMERSAULT (Wishram
Texts 82.18); and gats(s)altsgi’ma HE LAID HER, BELLY Up. The
§ 53 -
-BOAS] HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 645
most transparent example of the use of an incorporated diminu-
tive dual object to refer to an unexpressed but existing noun is
afforded by certain verbs of looking, in which the -s- has reference to
is-qxu’'s THE TWO EYES. A frequently occurring example of such a
verb is gatssi’/k!rlutk HE LOOKED AT HIM, literally, HE PUT THE TWO
SMALL (EYES) DOWN TOWARD HIM, the -tc- and -gzl- appearing in their
diminutive forms -ts- and -k/el- to agree with the object -s-; gastxim-
kIna’-uk"atsk HE LOOKED AROUND is another such verb.
As a rule, it will have been observed, a verb form tends to be con-
sistently diminutive or non-diminutive in its consonantism. It is
at least possible, however, to limit the application of the diminutive
idea to some specific element of the action by ‘“diminutivizing ”’ only
some corresponding element of the verb form. An example already
published elsewhere will again do service here. The normal word for
I STRUCK HIM WITH IT Is inigz'ltcim. If the verb stem -tcim appears,
with diminutive consonantism, as -tsim, it implies that the person
struck is small; if the verbal prefix -gzl-, which implies in this case
intent to hit, is pronounced -k/zl- the implication is that the missile
used is a small one. Hence we have four forms: inige’licim 1 HIT
HIM WITH IT; inigeltsim Lurr HIM (a child perhaps) wir IT; inik!z’l-
tcum I HIT HIM WITH IT (SOMETHING SMALL), and inik/z‘lisim I
HIT HIM (A CHILD) WITH IT (SOMETHING SMALL). To be sure, such
examples are very uncommon and the one just given is perhaps
little more than a linguistic tour de force. Nevertheless, it shows
very clearly how thoroughly alive is the feeling for the significance of
consonantal play.
§ 54. Diminutive and Augmentative Consonantism in
Chinook and Kathlamet
So far as I am able to discover, the diminutive and augmentative
consonantism of the p and ¢ stops does not occur in Chinook; per-
haps because the strengthening of these consonants in case of the
dropping of a following velar counteracted this tendency. When
the word t/azé’ma CREEKS has a fortis t/ on account of the dropping
of q in the stem -géz, the same strengthening can not very well denote
at the same time diminution.
There are, however, indications that the changes from ¢ to s and
the corresponding affricatives occurred, although the significance of
§ 54
646 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY tputn. 40
the process does not seem to have been very clear in the mind of
my sole informant, Charles Cultee, while my only Clatsop informant
considered changes of this type as distinguishing characteristics of
the Chinook and Clatsop dialects. For instance: Clatsop, é@celqczlq;
Chinook, é’szlqsrlq PORCUPINE.
The most characteristic case that I have found in Chinook is the
following:
itsa’antca-y-6g6'lal the waves are too bad (too great)
itsa’antsa-y-0g0'lal the waves are a little bad
I have also:
é’cgan cedar i-sge'nema young cedars
It is, however, worth remarking that this plural occurs with the
particle—
ge'nem isgze' nema small young cedars
without strengthening of the g of gze’nem. An examination of the
texts and explanatory notes collected from Cultee makes it fairly
certain that he did not use the diminutive changes of stops in Lower
Chinook.
It seems possible that a relation like that between ¢ and s may
exist between z and ts.
va'qoa-it large 1a’qoa~its small
10’ zqat long vi'tsqat short
L! rx to split large planks ts!xx to split small pieces of wood
txoa’p to dig tsxoa’p to gnaw
In Kathlamet I have found one very clear case of consonantic
change, analogous to those found in Wishram:
ksemm taxi tk!una'temax 6’xoaxt small are those little salmon 98.8
(Kathlamet Texts)
Here the s in ksemm indicates smallness, and tgund’temarz SALMON
has been changed to tk!und’trmaz.
Syntax (§§ 55-56)
§ 55. Syntax of Lower Chinook
In the discussion of the morphology of the verb it has been shown
that every verbal form contains incorporated pronominal represent-
atives of the subject, and of the direct and indirect objects when
these occur. Nominal incorporation is almost entirely absent. The
nominal subject and the object are treated as appositions, with-
out any organic connection with the sentence, except in so far as the
§ 55
+
- poas] HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 647
pronouns agree with the nominal gender. This agreement is, on the
whole, one of form, but in the Lower Chinook texts cases occur in
which the noun has indefinite (neuter) gender L-, while, according to
its actual sex or number, the incorporated pronoun is masculine,
feminine, or plural. I do not know whether this is an individual
trait of the narrator of the available texts or not.
Generally the verb with its incorporated pronouns precedes the
subject and objects, but there is great freedom of usage.
Sentences with intransitive verbs:
ayo’'magt 11a’rak!emana dead was their chief 37.1
aute’mam LgoxLe'lyemk it came a person 11.15
Sentences with transitive verbs, nominal subject and object:
atkto’p! ena La’*ewam qo'ta La’newa he utters his song that first
one, 196.7
tgign’nxauté ikana'te teméewa’lema they watch it a soul the ghosts
199.10 (tgi- they it; i-kana@’té soul; t-méwa’lema ghosts)
axgo'ctxéx La’gil qax 06°0’kuil she carries her on her back a
woman that woman 248.21
Examples of inverted order are the following:
egetxe’ Lau ateungd’mit Lemca’wux a monster (he) carried (her)
away your younger sister 11.5
ka qo'ta vau'a k- limta’ arktop! end’x 1La’*éewam and that one there.
behind (he) utters (them) his songs 196.9
éma’cen argia’« kra’qéwam a deer makes the one who has (his)
songs (1. e., the shaman) 199.11
aqui'nemike tkala’muke atga’qex O’lexkul five men (they) hold
(her) in their mouths dried salmon 267.19
é0'k axrgé’telotx krtop!ena’n té’la*rm a blanket he gives (it) to
(them) those who named the people 267.25
Particle verbs always precede their auxiliary verb:
Laq’ atea’yax he took him out 133.13
stur atca’yax he untied him 135.13
thu’ né’xax he made thu’ 49.3
LEk” na’xaz it (fem.) broke 70.24
t!lap ayo he went under water 14.16
This agrees with the most frequent position of adverbs:
di’/ka atva’x thus it does 239.16
nau’? aLo’megts it faints at once 239.6
nikct argia’was they did not kill him 99.18
ya'xkati atgz’p!«z there they entered 49.14
The discussion of the prefixes in § 25 shows that the relation of
indirect objects to the verb are expressed by verbal elements. In
$55
648 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY (Bonn. 40
Lower Chinook prepositional elements are practically absent, but we
find the demonstrative gO, which is used almost like a preposition.
10’c go ige’plal he was in the doorway 65.3
atca’yaqe go ia’tuk he bit him at his neck 9.9
naxalgu’titck go 0g6'x6 she told her daughter 11.20
atcri'tkram go we'wuré they brought it into the house 11.23
po'po ages’ Lax go ttcug she blew on them with water 12.6
agio’xtkinema g6 té'lzim she searched for him among the people
13:8
The demonstrative character of gd appears in sentences like—
mo’ya ma’ Lxolé go go there inland! 13.1
a’'lta g0-y-0°0'’ Lax now (when) there the sun 13.5
Lo'nas go Ltgétcame’té tkéx perhaps a comb is there 13.20
go no’yam 60’ Lax there arrived the sun 97.16
It will be shown in § 56 that Wishram possesses quite a number
of post-positional elements. In Lower Chinook a few of these pe
clearly loan-words, taken from Upper Chinook:
yukpr’t up to here 13.9
kapx't (go-pr't?) up to there, enough 98.4
In Kathlamet the number of post-positional elements is greater,
but only one or two are used with any degree of freedom:
-pa. This post-position takes the place of gé of the Lower Chinook.
It is used quite freely (see § 56.1).
igizk !oa’mam te’ ctagupa he arrived at their two selves’ house 91.131
iteLoLaetamit Lari Léxa’t ttcu’qoapa q!oa’p he placed it that one
at the water near 121.4
glat igi’yuat é'tcamatcpa like she did him her heart in 132.5
Here belong also the common demonstrative adverbs—
ko'pa there 216.9
gupa’ here 250.14
-prt. The post-position -pzt is not quite free in Kathlamet.
gipr’temax to those places 131.10
é'lrpdt as far as the ground 67.12
-ta toward.
id’ya @’wata ca’xalata he went there, then upward 219.2
-at from
é’wa ia’ potca’t rqa’wulgt Lax i1i’x6x then from his anus blood came
out 184.5.
-te like.
Lia tkak!nma’nate itca/lkuilé like a chief was her resemblance
247.6
sia@’xdst La tktemend’ksté his face was like the moon 246.6
1 References on the rest of this page refer to F. Boas, Kathlamet Texts.
§ 55
Boas] HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 649
In most cases transitive and intransitive verbs are used in the
ordinary manner, but a number of peculiar forms of expression de-
serve mention. The directional -d- (§ 26) occurs in many transitive
and intransitive verbs. When, however, a stem, according to its sig-
nificance, is transitive, it may be made intransitive either by means
of the prefix -ki- (§ 26), which brings about elimination of an object,
or by the use of reflexive forms. Which of these forms is used depends
in part on usage. In some cases the two forms are used for express-
ing different tenses. Thus?-ké’-x (i- he; -ké- prefix eliminating object;
-« to do) signifies HE Is, the continuative tense, n-é’-x-a-x (n- modal;
-é- he; -2- reflexive; -a- directive; -x to do) signifies HE BECOMES,
the transitional tense. The manner of eliminating objects has been
discussed before (§ 26). It seems, however, desirable to call atten-
tion here to the frequent use of implied objects and to the peculiar
intransitive verbs with indirect objects which occupy a prominent
position in Chinook sentences. Implied objects occur frequently with
verbs implying the use of parts of the body, as
atkso’prena it jumped (literally, it jumped the two [feet]) 9.6
atkcintena’xé they kneel (literally, they kneel them two) 270.6
sa’npot she closed her eyes (literally, they two were closed in
her) 48.10
They occur also with other verbs:
metneltca’ma you will comb me (literally, you will comb it
[namely, the comb] to me)
atca-id'lqgemax he shouted at him (literally, he shouted her
(namely, the shout] at him 236.9).
anxé'ltcko I oil him (literally, I oil it [mamely, the oil] to him)
Intransitive verbs with indirect object are used often in place of our
transitives. These forms also contain often implied objects.
née'nzLayu he deserts me (literally, he removes himself from me)
ayaxe'lvomergt she forgets him (literally, he on account of her
forgets his own) 167.16
minxe'lgitx I burn him (literally, he catches fire from me)
snenpo’xuit I close my eyes (literally, they two are closed in
me) ‘
mcagela’eta-é you cure her (literally, you cure on account of
her)
Subordinate modes are not indicated in Chinook by changes in
the form of the verbs. Subordination of sentences is indicated only
by conjunctions which are followed by the usual verbal forms. The
§ 55
650 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BuLL. 40
most frequent form of subordination is brought about by the particle
ma’nix Which indicates primarily a temporal relation.
mania aqi'z'lgelax iké’utan when someone sees (it) a horse 198.1
ma'nix tté’mama, mitelo’ta when they come, give it to them 66.22
mixentkla'yogo imé'tuk ma’mex aqemo'lektca bend your neck when
some one will roast you 107.21 (mi- you him; -zen reflexive;
-tkitnk to bend, plural -tk/ayuk; i-tuk neck; -lzkte to roast)
The conditional conjunctions are closely connected with the demon-
strative pronoun. The forms gé, géa, gia’x occur, which perhaps
express NEARNESS and ABSENCE. When a statement contrary to
fact is to be expressed, the particle pos is used.
ge neketx mar’kza wmé’qlatxala, poc nekct é’ka atcr‘leax if it had
not been for your badness, he would not have done so to us
139.19 (néket not; mai’kza thou; 2-¢!/atxala badness; é’ka thus;
tc- he; -la us; -a directive; -x to do)
qua niket gaz 6°0'kuil, poe nikct aqia’waé if it had not been for
that woman, he would not have been killed 64.5 (gaz that,
feminine; 6°0’kuil woman; qi- somebody him; -a- directive;
-waé to kill)
tlaya’ qia’ mkxlé'men good, if you dive 12.12
qia's gloa'p Weé’é text pos amio'lram axzgid’cgam when you were
near the land you should have said to it to take it 44.2 (q¢/oa’p
near; 2é’é land; text then; amz- you it; -0- directive; -lram
to say; azgi- it him; -o- directive; -cgam to take)
qia's itca’yan, tex? mia’xod if it is a snake, then you shall eat it
194.2
The interrogative is expressed by the particle na, which, however,
is not used when there is an interrogative pronoun or adverb.
tenla’xo-ix na tgz’éligeu? are (they) known to me my slaves?
7A
nékct na tné’txix? do I not know it? 66.2
éktare rgia'x6? what will he eat? 22.20 (@kta what; -za may be;
Lgi- it him [masc. object corresponding to é’kta])
qa’xéwa @’L6? where did they go? 23.14
La‘ksta «1x°6'ta? who is that? 73.14
The imperative differs from other verbal forms in that it has no
directive prefix. The imperative of the transitive verb has no subject
of the second person. (See §§ 22,26).
§ 56. Post-positions in Wishram (by Edward Sapir)
Wishram, differing markedly in this respect from Lower Chinook,
makes rather considerable use of a series of post-positive particles
§ 56
Boas] HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 651
_ defining material case relations (chiefly local and instrumental). As
most such relations can be expressed by means of local and adverbial
prefixes and suffixes in the verb, the denominating parts of speech
being in apposition to incorporated pronominal elements, this use of
postpositions must be considered as un-Chinookan in origin; the fact
that some of the postpositive particles are phonetically identical with
corresponding Sahaptin case suffixes proves the whole process to be
borrowed from the neighboring Sahaptin linguistic stock. As a rule
such postpositive particles are used with denominating parts of
speech (nouns, pronouns, adjectives), but some of them may also be
suffixed to predicating words (verbs, particle verbs); in the latter
case the predicate is to be considered as substantivized syntactically,
though not morphologically, and is used subordinately to another
predicate. Wishram thus utilizes its postpositions to some extent
in the building up of subordinate clauses. Where a noun or other
denominating part of speech has been already represented in the
verb by an incorporated pronominal element, its relation to the verb
and to other nouns in the sentence is necessarily already defined, so
that no postposition is necessary; even here, however, it not infre-
quently happens that a postposition is pleonastically used (compare
such English possibilities as ‘‘He entered into the house’’). If a
noun is modified by a preceding attributive word (demonstrative
pronoun, numeral, noun, or adjective), the postposition is used with
the modifying word. The postpositions, with examples illustrating
their uses, are listed in the following paragraphs:
1. -ba (-pa) In, aT. With this element should be compared Yakima
-pa IN. Examples illustrating its use with nouns and pro-
nouns occur with very great frequency, so that only a few
need here be given.
cikxa’-imat eci’thix yak"cexa’tpa half of it lies in his mouth 4.31
gaktakza’-ima itk!a'ckac akni’mba she put the child in the canoe
2.11
atgadi’mama da’uyaba wi'lx they will come in this land 6.17
gayu'yam iztpd’ wilz he arrived at one land 6.28
itcqzr’merm axgzatcpa I am sick in my breast 12.27
gatcr/wpmet it!d’ewatckpa he hid it in the bushes 18.25
gatu’ya yarka'ba he went up to him 20.10 (one can also say
gatiglu’ya HE WENT TO HIM with local prefix -qazl-)
1 References are to Wishram Texts.
§ 56
652 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [seit 40
gadiq!zltxi'uba icia’gitcba ya’k“cratpa wamt!u'xiba they went out
through him at his nostrils,at his mouth, and at his ears 28.24
gatu’xuni yaga'itpa wi'mat it floated in the great river 48.7
alxu'ya wa'tcktib’ itga’gpuks let us go on the tops of the grass
70.26 (literally, the-grass-at its-tops)
Observe that the first two examples illustrate its pleonastic use;
the nouns yak“cra’t and akni’m have been respectively antici-
pated in the verb by the pronominal elements -7- and -a-,
while their local relation to the verb is defined by the prefix
-k- on following these elements. -ba is also used with demon-
strative stems to form adverbs of place where: da’ba HERE;
kwé'ba THERE; 1@’/ziba YONDER.
As subordinating element, -ba denotes WHERE; less frequently it
indicates cause. It is suffixed either to the verb itself, or,
similarly to the case of the modified noun, to an adverb or
particle preceding the verb. Examples are:
cta’zya Vnadiy qla'tsenba gatecgsz'lgely across yonder (were) the
two where he had first seen them 8.10 (literally, first-at
he-saw-them)
galikté'ptck gatecgelkz'lepa he came to land where he had seen
them 8.5 .
é’ur gali’xdx gayaxa'limatepa he looked back to where he had
thrown himself into the water 8.6
ma’sa gali’xé6x g!u’mba gagr’ux he was ashamed because she had
disturbed him in his sleep 58.26 (literally, disturb-in-sleep
at she-made-him)
2. -tamet (often with palatalized a as -cdémt, -iémt) TO, FRoM. This
suffix is probably Chinookan in origin; it may be plausibly
analyzed as verb stem -i- Go+verb suffix -am ARRIVING +
tense suffix -t. This analysis would explain its two appar-
ently contradictory meanings. It tends to draw the accent to
itself. Examples are:
ickté'lgwiptck wimatia’mt they collected (driftwood) from the
river 2.2
nigelga’ba iiagitcia’mt it flew out of his nostrils 80.29 (liter-
ally, out of him from his. nostrils)
gacxe"k!wa's tctéqtia’mt the two returned to their house 2.12
gayuk!wi'za vtaxni/miémt he swam to the person’s canoe 18.23
mexa'tcktcam wimatia’mt go to the river and wash yourself 22.18
(literally, go-and-wash-yourself to-the-river)
gatctu’kt itq“tid’mt ittcqoa he took the water to the house 28.8
As subordinating element it may be translated as TO WHERE. An
example of its use after verbs is:
§ 56
BOAS] HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 653
asemrelu'tka a'tpyiamd aga’tax you shall look towards the east
188.21 (literally, she-comes-out to-where the-sun)
3. ba’ma FOR, BELONGING TO. This is evidently the Yakima suffix
-pama For. Examples of its use with denominating words are:
na'ikabam’ amtkini’dama itqagi'lak for my sake you two will go
and get me the woman 62.25
ya'zrtau tarka’bama tqiubi'tcema that (fish) he obtains for himself
186.4
gagz6’ gquigax its!/nénks wi'lxpama animals were taken belonging
to the country 16.13
ctmd’kct gactu’rx ntca’ikabama two of our men (literally, us-for)
went on 216.16
da'nbama gzée’dau mxu'lal what for do you speak thus? 132.24
tga’tqwom tuwa’n ga’xbabama he has come I know not where from
128.17 (literally, what-in belonging-to)
k!a'ya kwé'babama ide'leam teduxt he had not made people be-
longing to there 44.23
gi’ gwalbam’ ith n’tit underclothes (literally, below-for clothes)
Less commonly bama may precede. An example is—
bam’ ize’ wulx aklugwi” itk!a’lamat he carries rocks for (i. e., in
order to gain) strength 186.17 (cf. azxé’wulx bama 188.2)
When used at the beginning of a predication, bama gives it the
meaning of a clause of purpose. Examples are:
ba’ma ta’-rtcka a’'lem’ atctudi’na in order that he might kill them
54.2 (literally, for them will he-will-kill-them)
bama capca’p qiuru’nnit ika’ba 188.19 for chopping up the ice
(literally, for chop-up it-is-always-made the-ice)
When accented (bama’), it is used after predicates to mean EVER
since. An example is—
nkta'ckacbama’ k!a'ya quanteiz itctegr’mem ever since I was a
child I have never been sick 190.9
4. (E)nEgit with, BY MEANS OF, less frequently MADE OUT oF. It
seems to be the Yakima genitive case ending -ngi. Examples
are—
ark’ z'negi amcgiu'xa tq!6’p with it you will cut it off 12.4
1q!6'p gatgr'ux aqe’neke z'negi they cut it off with the stone knife
18.5
gatkto’q? atakcr'n enegi he counted. them with his finger 18.19
itla’ma ngi gayu'ya he went by means of a round-pointed canoe
38.21
iga'benac z’nxgi gatctu’s he made them out of young oak 4.13
§ 56
654 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 40
Less frequently ngi may precede. Examples are—
ra’u cau gateu’x ng’ itkcr’n they combed themselves with the
hand 78.10
ayak!a'lamat ngi wa'nux his pipe (was) made out of a stomach
94.9
a’ mEnNt MADE oUT oF, less frequently wirn. It is perhaps
the Yakima -nmt.. Examples are—
sa’g” itk!a‘lamat a’meni aki!xax it is entirely out of stones 82.13
isklu‘ly ameni isga’k!aps aqsu’xwa a hat is made out of coyote
182.7
alk!wa'dit ameni aqiu’azwa it is made of tule 182.9
itg!u’te’ a’meni tsx'atsex gaqtu's itk!a’munaq they split trees by
means of antlers 182.14
6. -pt up To is used to form adverbs out of demonstrative stems:
dapt UP TO HERE; kwépt UP TO THERE, THEN, ENOUGH; ya’rpt
up TO YONDER. Probably etymologically identical with this
element is -bEt, frequently added to verbs or other words in
the predicate to form temporal clauses. Examples are—
gatcly’mquit tqa’wulgt gagiuta’dabit he spit blood when she threw
him down 14.11
galikta’tckprt pla‘la igi’xéz when he had come up out of the
water, he stopped 22.18
le’ p(b) xt alxu’xwa anigelga’ya when he dives, I shall take hold
of it 18.20
nk !a'ckacbet when I was a boy 188.8
aga'tax alaxu’awa yaxtadi’wr gals’'xux galxd’qbet the weather will
be as it was when they came together 130.27
When rhetorically lengthened to -bd’t, this post-position has a gen-
eral cumulative significance; with verbs it is best translated As MANY
As. Examples are—
gwe'nemabd'd itgwo'mrx antk!wa'lalaqwida I shall be absent as
much as five days 122.12
kwé'pt natcdupgenayaba't that many (ropes) as he had appor-
tioned 188.6
gxa'ntcipt atktza’tgway’ atctulramaba’t he piles up as many as he
tells him to 186.19
7. diwt (emphatic dd’wt) LiKE. This element is very likely of
demonstrative origin, and so does not perhaps belong here.
It is freely used, however, as a post-position, and so may be
included. Examples are—
ick!a'li diwi date!’ p striped like a basket 166.2
iya'tgx itgwa’tilz diwi his body (was) like a person’s 166.17
naika dé'wi itce’lgulit exactly like my appearance 104.10
§ 56
BOAS] HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 655
VOCABULARY (5§ 57-60)
§ 57. Onomatopoetic Terms
The most important trait of the Chinook vocabulary is the abun-
dance of onomatopoetic terms.
There are many nouns of onomatopoetic origin. All of these con-
tain the imitative group of sounds doubled. Since, in onomatopoetic
words when used as verbs, duplication of the stem signifies repetition,
the doubling of the stem in nouns may be interpreted as meaning that
the particular sound is uttered habitually by the object designated
by the onomatopoetic term. Some nouns contain other phonetic
elements in addition to the doubled group of imitative sounds.
This class of nouns includes particularly names of birds, of a few
other animals, and a miscellaneous group of terms among which are
found names of parts of the body and a few terms of relationship.
Some of these are not strictly onomatopoetic, but may be included in
the class of doubled stems for the sake of convenience.
(1) Birds.
From stem ¢/é is formed it/é’t/é hawk
qoel iqoe'lgoel owl
poe - ipo’ epoé (sp. ?)
ges age’ sqeés, oe’ c®éc blue jay
qoas iqoa’sqoas crane
goné igoné’ gone gull
tsEn é’tsentsen humming-bird
goex ogoe’xgoéx female mallard-duck
tclak utclaktc!a’k eagle
tsids otsid’stsias robin
qul é’qulqul heron
lot aqs0'tlotlot (sp. %)
ts!ék omunts!é’kts!ék teal-duck
koaé otc!é’nakoaékoaé (sp. ?)
tcxEn tq!é’ptcxentcxen sprigtail ducks
get cengétgé’t hawk
kon igsto’konkon woodpecker
(2) Mammals.
From stem pen is formed 6’penpen skunk; 7/penpen badger
nam (*) énamna’muks otter
kote uko'tckote porpoise
tep se’nteptep shrew
cElg é’cxlgczlg porcupine
§ 57
656 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 40
(3) Other animals.
From stem go is formed é’qogo pike ay
Lox iL0'ZLox oyster
lex igalz’xlex a small fish (see lex scales)
xe iq/oate’ xéxé bullfrog
MEN dlatsé’menmen newt
lo sxq!alolo butterfly
(4) Plants.
From stem ma is formed ema’ma pewterwort
qel oelqel polypodium
cag uca’qceaq pteris
(5) Parts of body.
From stem p/éz is formed up!d'rp!or elbow
texol
kue
(6) Terms of relationship.
From stem ga is formed
gac
cga
kleé
ma
ta
k!ac
(7) Miscellaneous terms:
From stem pdt is formed
terl
SEQ
ts Ex
k loyé
gac
kup
gal (*)
tial
qlal
quis
gom (%)
tk! en
qula
lex
L!uwalk
lem
qot
utcx0’ltcxol lungs
ckucku’c testicles
ia’ gaga his mother’s father
va’ qacqac his father’s father
oya’cgacga his mother’s mother
oya’/k!éklé his father’s mother
1ia’mama his father
1ia’tata his mother’s brother
ik !a’cke boy
ipa’ tpat net
é’tceltcel brass buttons
dsz’qsrq buck-skin
itsr’atsex gravel, thorn
okloyé’kloyé fingering
ogo’ cgac sealing-spear
tkupkw’'p short dentalia
iqa@’lzal gambling-disks
iLlalx!al gambling-disks
iq!a’/lq!al short baton
o°wisqwis breaking of wind
iqo’mxom cedar-bark basket
0’ tk!entk!en open basket
rqula’*ula egg
O'lealex scales
é tluwalki!uwalk mud
dlemlemrotten wood (-‘lem rotten bark)
aq!é’ qotqot fever
A second large class of onomatopoetic terms, those used in place
of verbs, has been discussed before (§ 46).
$57
- BoAS] HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 657
§ 58. Nouns Expressing Adjectival and Verbal Ideas
In Chinook a great many adjectives and verbs are expressed by
substantives. In these expressions the quality or action becomes
the subject or object of the sentence, as the case may be. The
Chinook will say, THE MAN’S BADNESS KILLED THE CHILD’S POVERTY,
meaning that the bad man killed the poor child. It is true that such
expressions are not entirely unfamiliar to us; for we can say, HE
WENT THE WHOLE LENGTH OF THE WAY, Or HE MASTERED THE DIFFI-
CULTIES OF THE PROBLEM, in which we also treat a quality as objec-
tive. In Chinook this method is applied to a greater extent than in
any other language I know. Many qualities are used only as abstract
nouns, while others may be transformed into adjectives by the prefix
g-, which expresses possession (see § 17.6); for instance:
ia’q!atzal his badness
gia’ qtatzxal the one who has his badness (i. e., the bad one)
In the same way, verbs appear as nouns. This also is a mode of
expression not unfamiliar to us, although the frequent application of
such expressions and the ideas they express appear very strange.
We can say, like the Chinook, HE MAKES A HIT and HE HAS A SICK-
NESS, Instead of HE HITS and HE IS SICK; we can even use the verbal
idea as the subject of a transitive verb, or form analogous passive
constructions; for instance, SORROW FILLED HIS HEART, HE WAS
SEIZED BY A FIT OF ANGER; but the absence or rarity of the corre-
sponding verbal forms and the strong personification of the verbal
idea in the noun appear to us quite strange.
Most of the nouns of this class are always used with the possessive
pronoun. The following examples illustrate their uses:
alta (1) ttsand’kstz (2) otk! 2/ntk!en (3) agia’/lotk (4) ik! end’tan
(5) now (1) she put (4) potentilla-roots (5) into (4) the small-
ness of (2) a clam basket (3) 43.22
oho’ (1) wter’qoqein (2) ria’xauyam (3) ! ohd’ (1) my wife’s
relative’s (2) poverty (3) !1.e., oh, my poor relative ! 67.21
tage’ (1) eé’tcxdt (2) ra’/lkuilé (3) just like (1) a bear’s (2) simi-
larity (3) 275.11
qulx’te (1) ig0’xgeli (2) teat (3) J0’c (4) once more (1) her lie
(2) has done her (3) Joi (4) i. e., Ioi has lied again 163.14
0'l6 (1) akta’x (2) té’la-em (3) hunger (1) acts on (2) the people
(3) 260.16
44877—Bull. 40, pt 1—10-——42 $58
658 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 40
ka’nauwé (1) telala’xuke (2) o’tam*6 (3) all (1) birds (2) their
_ chewed thing (3) i. e., all birds eat of it 40.18
ta’ke (1) @yatc!la (2) nwa’lax (3) then (1) his sickness (2) came
to be on him (3) i. e., then he became sick
qa’da (1) vtxa’salgt (2) gtqra’xd (3) ? how (1) shall we make (3)
our wailing (2)?
A list of these nouns has been given on pp. 599-600.
It will, of course, be understood that these words, from the Chinook
point of view, do not form a separate class, but that they are simply
concrete or abstract nouns, as the case may be. They are in no way
different from similar constructions in English, in which the quality
of an object is expressed as its property. We find, therefore, also,
that many ordinary concrete nouns perform the functions of adjec-
tives. Aya’prrla (1) wcimé’wat (2), literally, THE DUCK (2) ITS FAT
(1) means the duck had (much) fat, or the fat duck. The only
peculiarity of Chinook in this respect is, that certain ideas which we
consider as qualities or activities are always considered as concrete
or abstract nouns. A glance at the list shows clearly that quite a
number of these words can not be considered as stems. Some are
derivatives of unchangeable words, and others are evidently com-
pounds.
§ 59. Phonetic Characteristics of Nominal Stems
On account of the intricate derivation of Chinook nouns, and our
unfamiliarity with the component stems, it is impossible to describe
the phonetic characteristics of nominal stems. The lists of nouns
given before (pp. 597 et seq.) contain a number of stems consisting of
consonants only, while most of the others are monosyllabic stems. It
is doubtful if the purely consonantic stems have originated entirely
through phonetic decay. A comparison of the Upper and Lower
Chinook dialects gives no decisive answer to this question.
On the whole [ am under the impression that a considerable number
of monosyllabic nouns, and perhaps a few of two syllables, may be
considered as stems. .
§ 60. Verbal Stems
The onomatopoetic stems which do not readily form true verbs,
and the nouns used for expressing verbal ideas (so far as they are
not derivatives) reduce the total number of true verbal stems con-
siderably. These are very brief, consisting sometimes of a single
§§ 59, 60
BOAS] HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 659
sound, often of a group of consonants, or of a single syllable. Stems
of this character are relatively so numerous as to arouse suspicion
that all dissyllabic stems may be compounds.
In many cases it is very difficult to determine the stem of the verb,
because it remains often doubtful whether an initial -x, -k, and -g
belong to the stem or to a prefix. The following list contains only
such stems the phonetic character and significance of which appear
reasonably certain. The stems are arranged according to their initial
sounds—first vowels, then labials, dentals, palatals, and _ finally
laterals. The beginning of the stem is marked by parallel lines:
suffixes are separated by single lines; tr., signifies transitive; intr.,
intransitive.
-Enug others, apart
-a’mka only, alone
-a/newa first
-ézt one (for animals and inanimate objects)
-é’rat one (person)
-o|t to go. The forms of this verb are irregular. Some are
derived from a stem -2, while others seem to have the stem -6.
It may be, however, that the latter is only the directive pre-
fix -d-. The stem -2 (which is absent in forms like @’yé HE
GOES, @’L0 IT GOES) reappears in
ayo’yam he arrives
ayo'vx he is in the habit of going
no’ya I go
no’yam I arrive
né'gemoya he goes along it
nignlo’ya I go for a purpose, i. e., I go hunting
ayoe’wulzt he goes up
-rEl| 01.ma other, different
-wa to pursue
-d |\wa to pursue tr. 62.12
-ra| wa to run pl. intr. 276.9
-¢z/l\\walko to follow around
-u| wa’\\x-it to flee (=to be pursued) 223.10
-u||wa'|ko to demand 157.19
-G\\was to kill sing. obj.
-a|\wan belly 186.6 (= pregnant)
-d| wul* to swallow 46.12
-d| wintsx to melt
-u||we’* raw, unripe 93.26
-pena to jump
-o|\pena tr. with dual obj. to jump 192.13
§ 60
660 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 40 4
-palau to talk
-o|\palaw\ul to address some one tr. 213.15
-ki|\palau substantive TO BEWITCH (=word) 62.16
-o||\pia’ rx to gather, to pick 245.5
-o||péeqgia to scratch 26.21 .
-o|\péx to stretch out 109.12
-po to close, to shut
-x|\po|té to be locked 12.3
-G|\po to shut a box
-n|\polt to shut in (=to shut eyes) 47.18
-1 |pona to carry food to wife’s relatives 249.7
-0| pon|it to put up 29.8
-pol darkness, night
-po'lakli dark 29.8
no’ ponem it gets dark 23.5
-6|\pceut to hide 9.10
-o|\ptca to lead by hand 130.6
-o| ptcx to mend
-o p!rna to pronounce, to utter 253.21
-o\|\m\ako to distribute, to give presents 98.8
-l\\m\ako 77.17
-o| ma’inx rotten 199.26
-o|\métck to find, gather up 162.21
-l\\mé’ctz to loan, to lend; tr. with two obj.
-o|\\méqz to lick 42.8
-o|\méla to scold 93.24 (=bad? Kathlamet)
-mera one more
-o (met to grow up 224.4
-0|\mel to buy 94.20
-0||mugt to die sing. 114.3, to faint, 239.6
-6||\mngtit thirsty 71.1
-mrg to vomit, to spit
-60|\mxqo-it to spit
-d|\m‘ia to vomit 13.6
e’\|\m£a\lqx qualmish
-ren|\mo'sx'em to play, to fool, to make fun of 178.18
-6||f to give 164.6 \
-t to come
-te to come 15.18
-témam to arrive coming 161.14
-x\|t|ak6 to come back 28.21
-x|\takom to arrive coming back 16.17
-ga|\t\!om (for -gatqgom) to meet 94.11
§ 60
BoAS] HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 661
~-gel |ta to leave 250.8
-rEl\\ta to leave 250.10
-‘rl\|ta\qx to leave sing. obj. 123.15
-é||ta qx to leave pl. obj. 128.7
-l\\ta'tke to leave to somebody 177.5
-k\\ta to pursue, to meet 197.24, 23.19
-l| |tagt to meet 164.26
-o\|téna to kill pl. obj. 23.22
-l| |ttgo to oil, to grease; tr. with two objs., the direct obj.
-r- standing for GREASE
-¢el\|tom to accompany 135.20
-o| |tuke to suck
-tk to put down
-0\|tk to put away 177.6, to snow 42.1
-tem|6 |tk to stake 30.16
-0\tgjako to put down around (=to step) 240.29
-6\tcn| tk to put first (=to begin)
-0|\tz to give away
-ty to stand sing.
-0| |tz\uit to stand 184.20
-gotx to stand on, to strike 191.20
-0||tz wit\tew to fall down
-d\tx umit to place upright 48.5
-6||tz\urtck to make ready 42.17
-rEl\|tz\uitck to get ready
-tcam to hear
-z| teimag to understand 165.16
-l \tcimag to hear 24.18
-o| \tcéna to lay down 98.6
-o||tceqgik” to be crosswise 266.13
-gnl\|tcim to strike, to hit 66.4
-tct to move on water
-o\|tetteu to go down river by canoe 277.3
-o||tetiamit to push into water 74.22
-o| tctxom to finish 46.23
naze’|\tetxom to finish one’s own (breath), to faint
-o\\tckte to wash 39.23
-o| tsqat short
-xelio||tcx to observe 25.1
-o||tcxem to boil 23.4
-c to be somewhere sing.
-o|\c to be 219.7
-l\0\\e to be in 151.3
-k\d\\c to be on 39.12
-z\d||c to be on ground 39.18
§ 60
662 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [putn. 40
-o||ci to roast in ashes 185.4
-o||ctx to carry on back 114.20
-cg to take
-0 |cgiam to take 134.1
-o|\|cge\zx to take to water 116.24
-a\\cgjam to take away
-gnlige||cgjam to help 28.6
-a\\cgjaliz to play 17.4
-o||skoit warm 174.13
-ckta to search on beach 88.4
-o|\ck“!x to turn over fire
-’\\nata on the other side, across
-narL to miss something that is needed
-o|\naxiiatck to lose 43.17
-o| nate to wipe
-ni to tie (%)
-k!é\\nvako to tie around 253.2
-a|\ntjako to tie around 115.24
-ngo to run sing.
-za\|ngo to run 23.23
-za|tz| ngo to come running 28.3
-o|\ngo’mit to cause to run (= to carry away) 27.16
-o||\ngué to flutter
-krl to see
~rl\|kel to see sing. obj. 115.1
-@\|kel to see pl. obj. 66.11
-ka to fly
-0|k6 to fly
-t\\ka to come flying
-t\|kajmam to arrive flying and coming
-kim to say 127.17
-gé’xa to swim
-o|\guéra to swim 14.15
-gel\\géxa\xé to swim across 217.11
geéxé (-quéxé?) to sweep
-o||quéxé 172.5
-ko to go home, to pass ,
-x\|k6 to go home 25.9, to go past
-zat\\k6 to come home 212.2
-ka (-k6?)
-o||k6 to order 129.29
-gon another
-a\|kzué to throw away 17.11
-o\|kuman to look at 47.2
§ 60
Boas]
HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES
-o||kula to sharpen 15.21
-o\|ktik to lie down on side 76.8
-kto\mit to take revenge on relative of a murderer 203.10
-ktug to enslave
-o |kte to carry 66.4
-ktcax (-gz’tcax) to ery 275.2
-o |ktean to hold in hand 271.10
-o ktcukt roasted, done 134.10
-o\|ktcikt\amit to roast 93.26
-o\|ke to harpoon 92.9
-ollkct to see 217.22
-o\|ket\jam to go to see 187.10
-o\|kct (probably the same as -kte above) to carry 38.18
-2 0\|kctt to lie down, to sleep 76.20
-zal\o| kctgo to throw down 16.8
-o k“tck to make net 95.4
-o||k¥z to carry 129.19
-t\|k“z to bring 127.13
-t k“z\am to arrive bringing 67.6
-k“r, to tell
-x\l||gurjitck to tell 37.17
-x\|k¥zlél 41.4
-kréwa to paddle 135.1
-o\|knpa to miss 271.13
-k!a to haul, to pull
-a||k!a 117.19
-gat |k!a to haul here
-k!01 to glue
-a gq to meet
-ga\\|om to arrive meeting 117.24
-a \gamet (-a|\g\jamit?) to look 218.11
-a\ gamst to drink
-l||\gamzx to shout
-gana\it to lie
-0 \qunait to lie down 16.23
-k\|\ganait to lay on top of
-o||qund@’ it zit to fall down
-qa'yagt between
-o||ga-it large
-géna orphan
~“em to give food
-l|\@m to give food 22.10
-t||!/ém to come to give food.
-gé|\|\goum 240.28
663
§ 60
664 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 40 — ’
~oya between
-n|oya to put between into 172.20
-a\foya mit to leave meanwhile 93.26
-a|foya time between (= days) 175.9
-a|'wéewur to invite 176.18
-t|/éwur to invite here 41.6
-a |fwilx: to hit, to strike 65.12
-a\|'optit to sleep 255.16
'|"6pk to steam on stones 97.25
-a\|qot to bathe
-z|ot to bathe sing. 12.8
-x\|Soyut to bathe pl.
-a\|fdte! to awaken sing. 137.23
-a|\foyutc! to awaken pl.
-a|\fonim to laugh at 184.3
-a\\ge to split wood 45.18, to bite 100.13
-a\\gctt to be satiated 172.12
-qia to count
-qia’xit to be counted (= to menstruate) 245.20
-o| run to drift
-o||ztk to steal 163.12
-o ja'tkin to search 12.5
-zg0 to be transformed
-rgo\mit to transform 30.23
-a\\z tr. to do; intr. to become, to be
-\|z,om to arrive
-a\\zotck to begin to do (= to work)
-rauwe Many
-zayal common man -(xal?)
-aena to stand pl., to place upright 23.6
-zéna|xit to stand pl. 235.19
-romem to show 41.2
_ -gen| o’tén to help sing 235.5
-o| zogte to invite 60.4
-2on!t dizzy
-zox! to finish
-o|\atk to swim (fish) 63.13
-ag\ako to surpass 245.13
-a|\zs to cut
-l to move
-o\\|la to move
-a|\l to shake intr. 156.14
-o\\l\atcl: to lift 25.21
-lap to dus
a -laxta nex, 60.8
§ 60
/ Boas] HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 665
-o||Lektc to roast 124.19
-o|\lzam to say to tr. 13.17
-LEmat next to last
-za to sit, to remain
-o|\|Lait to be, to sit 22.10
-gem \Lait to wait for 128.5
-cr’|\Lait dead pl.
-k| rat to be in canoe
-o |nata to pull back 38.13
30| La’ta\xit to fly about
ce -tk lik crooked
-o\|zgat long
-o\\L! (-o||zq) to win, to surpass 30.15
-1rgia to strike
-ge|\|Lgia to stab 89.1
-tpl\ 0 \ngra to hammer
-tel\\terlem to eat
-Llala foolish
-t!elex lean
§ 60
CHINOOK TEXT
THE SHAMANS
Those who have they go thus the ghosts. When three persous
power of seeing
La'néwa’ aqié’x® pat® gita’xaw6k;' klimta’ aqra’x® pat?
Gita’kikrlal! atgée’ix? e@’wa* tméwa’lema.* Ma/nix® dre enon
that one first ~ some one really one who hasa last some one really
makes him guardian spirit; makes him
gita’xaw6k;” ka’tsek” aqia’x® gianu’kstx ita’xaw6k.“ Aqge’ktadx®
one who has a middle some one one who has his guardian Some one pur-
guardian spirit; makes him smallness spirit. sues it
ina’xanaté’® wLka’nax,” ma/nix® é'ratcla% 1Lka’nax. Ma/nix®
his life the chief, when his sickness the chief, When
itca’q!atxala’® aya’xnlax”® qax” ué’xatk,” aLkto’p!Ena*™ La“éwam”
its badness it is on it that trail, he utters it his shaman song
qo’La® La/néwa.” Ma’nix® é’wa? k‘!imta’" itca’q!atxala’ aya’xnlax”
that first one. When thus behind its badness it is on it
1-kzl TO SEE, as a transitive verb used with the prefixed element ~£/7/- (§ 25.7); -ki- is introduced to make
the stem -kEl intransitive (§ 26.4); terminal -/ (with connecting weak vowel al) indicates an action char-
acterized by many repetitions (§ 31.7); this compound stem kikzlalis treated as a masculine noun, POWER
OF SEEING (§ 34.5); this appears as third person plural possessive -td- (§ 23), and is transformed into a per-
sonal noun by prefixed g- (§ 17.6).
2 a- aorist (§ 17.1); tg- third person plural, special form (§ 19.2);é vowel lengthened under stress of accent; |
-r usitative (§ 32.11).
3 @’wa THUS, THEN (§ 44.2.)
4t- third person plural (§ 21); -méwal GHOsT, a stem introduced after the older stem -mémEldst had been
tabooed on account of the death of a person whose name contained this word; -ma distributive ending,
always used with the stem -méwal (§ 38.2).
5 ma’niz, temporal conjunction WHEN.
6 LOn THREE; ~iks plural indicating human beings (§ 38.1); @- special plural.
7 -d/néwa FIRST; L- neuter pronoun (§ 18).
3 a-aorist, g-, Subject SOME ONE (§$ 18); L- object 17 (§ 18); -a- directive, for 0 before k sound (§ 10); -x stem
TO DO; contracted with the usitative ending -z (§ 32.11), which has drawn the accent to the last syllable.
9 pat REALLY, adverb.
10 j’/kaw6k GUARDIAN SPIRIT; -Ld- neuter possessive (§ 23), after which the k changes to x (§ 6.1); g- trans-
forms the term into a personal noun (§ 17.6).
11 k/imta’ LAST, AFTERWARDS, BEHIND. Adverb, may also be used as noun.
12 ka’/tsEk MIDDLE. Adverb, may also be used as noun.
13 j- nukst2 SMALLNESS, with possessive pronoun masculine third person, and personifying prefix g- (see
notes 1, 10).
14 See note 10.
15 a- aorist; g- SOME ONE; -é HIM; stem presumably -tat; the preceding k seems to be adverbial ON
(§ 25.3), because when accented it takes the form gZ’, and because, after 0, an 6 is inserted following it: for
instance, agugd’ta‘x 197.15 SOME ONE PURSUES THEM; the verb has, however, only one object. It never
occurs with directive -6-.
16 j-kana’té LIFE, SOUL. Neuter possessive (§ 23). See also note 10.
li j-k@’nax CHIEF, RICH MAN; Ok0’nar CHIEFTAINESS (§ 7); Lkd’naz indefinite, A CHIEF.
18 @’-tc/a SICKNESS. Masculine noun; neuter possessive.
19 @’-g/atrala BADNESS. Masculine noun, feminine possessive, relating to the feminine noun wé’ratk.
20 Intransitive verb with indirect object; a- aorist; y for i between vowels (§ 17.1), HE (namely, bad-
ness); d- HER (namely, trail); -z- indicates that the badness belongs to the trail (§ 24); -2 TO (§ 25.1); -a-
directive before k sound (§ 10); -x stem TO DO, TO BE.
666
Said
‘
Boas] HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 667
qax*! ué’xatk,” ka’ qd’La® iau’a” klimta’" a Lktop!Ena’x™
that trail, and that one then behind he utters it
La‘‘éwam.** Cka** mr’nx‘i” nopo’nEmx* ka*® atogoe’la-itx,*' tate!
his song. And a little while it is dark and they treat him, how-
ever,
ayu’ktrlit® io’itet® ka®* aqita’*om™ iLa’xanatée™ gd’La® geé’Latc!la.*
the morning comes and some one his life that one who has
star reaches it his sickness.
Aqid’cgam* iLa’xanaté.© Noxota’kox*®’ tea’xaw6k* gita’kikelal.?
Some one takes his life. ‘They return their guardian those who have
it spirits power of seeing.
K’xtemae® mo’kcti* axa’‘oix,*! é’xtemae® e’xti*® ara’oix*! ka”
Sometimes twice are between, sometimes once is between and —
aqé’trlotxax* ina’xanaté’ gigdo* noxota’komx® qod’ta* tga’wok.*®
some one gives his soul as they return those guardian
him to them spirits.
Tia'ya*" aLxa’x* gé’tatc!la.®
Well he becomes one who has
his sickness.
Ma’nix® aqia’wax® iLa’xanaté™ gé’Latcla,® atgé’ix? gita’kikelal’
When some one pursues his soul one who has his they go those who have the
him sickness power of seeing,
ma/nix® aqia’/wax*® ina’xanaté'® gé’Latc!la;® iau’a?” qiq!E’tcqta®™®
when some one pursues his soul one who has then to the left
him sickness;
21 Demonstrative feminine, absent past (§ 44); the corresponding masculine is gir.
2 y-e’ratk TRAIL. Stem probably -ér.
%3 q- aorist; L- indefinite (neuter) subject; -k- indicates 1 as transitive subject (§ 19); -t THEM; -d- directive;
stem p/Ena (Upper Chinook -pqgzEna).
2 L-gé’wam SHAMAN’S SONG. Neuter possessive (§ 23); since the accent is thrown back before the gq, it
is weakened to £ (§ 6.3).
2 gOLa, neuter demonstrative, absent invisible past (§ 44).
26 The connective conjunction appears as ka, k/a, and cka. It has not been possible to give a satisfactory
explanation of their uses.
27 THEN. Demonstrative adverb related to é@’wa.
33 See note 23, with usitative suffix -r (§ 32.11).
29 mank A LITTLE; with adverbial ending ~2, the k is always aspirated.
30 Irregular formation from the feminine stem -pédl. It would seem as though the directive -d had been
inserted in the verbal form in which the aoristic n- appears before a vowel (§ 17.1). This n- has assimilated
the -/ of -pdl (§ 8). The explanation is, however, not satisfactory.
31 q- aorist; ¢- third person plural intransitive subject; -d- third person plural object before -g; -gé- prefix
eliminating one object (?) (§ 26.4); -la-7t stem, perhaps -/+-a-it (§ 29.1).
32 Intransitive third person masculine singular before vowel, when the i- takes a consonantic character,
so that the aoristic a is retained; -u directive; stem -ktElix.
33 j- third person masculine singular before vowel, -d.
34 a- aorist; -g- indefinite subject; -i- third person masculine singular object; -taf stem TO PURSUE; -Om for
-am after k sound, TO ARRIVE (§ 26.1).
35 See é’ Latc/a (note 18); g- personal noun (§ 17.6).
36 a- aorist; -q- indefinite subject; -i- third person masculine singular object; -0 directive; -cg- stem TO
TAKE; -am completion of motion.
87 m- aorist before vowel; -0- third person plural before k sound; -z reflexive; -o probably short and intro-
duced after o preceding z; -t stem TO COME; -dko AROUND, BACK; -2 usitative.
38 ¢- plural; tga@’- third person plural possessive; ?’kaw6k GUARDIAN SPIRIT.
39 xt ONE; -ma distributive; -é adverb.
40 mékct TWO; -i (= -@) adverb.
41 q- aorist; Z- intransitive third person neuter subject; -a- directive, for -d- before k sound; stem- ‘oya
BETWEEN; -r usitative. i
» © é@rt ONE; -i (= -@) adverb.
43 a- aorist; -g- indefinite subject; -é- HIM; -f- THEM; -l- TO; -0- directive; -tr TO GIVE AWAY; -¢ usitative.
This form is unusual in so far as the two terminal «’s are not contracted and the accent is not on the ultima.
44 Demonstrative adverb q- invisible; -i- masculine; -gO THERE.
45 See note 37; -om for -am after k sound and perhaps contracted with -ako; -x usitative.
46 See note 25, plural.
47 See § 46.3.
48 a- aorist; -Z- neuter; -z- reflexive; -d- directive, for -d- before k sound; -r stem TO DO.
49 q- aorist; -g- indefinite subject; -i- third person masculine object; -d- directive, accented before w;
-wa- TO PURSUE ONE; -z usitative. :
50 gig/E’tcqta LEFT; ging/eama’ RIGHT. Particles.
668 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [puLL. 40
qax* ué’xatk” = aLo’Ix;*!_ ndgo’goimx” ita’kikelal:t ‘O,
that trail it went; they say those who have the “Oh;
power of seeing:
= As . . a
Lo'meqta, taL!!”** Ma’nix® jau’a*” gingleama’™ ~ayouss
he will die, nevertheless!”’ When there to the right goes
ina xanate:*® “QO; tla’ ya*® sqia’xo.7
his soul: “Oh: well some one will make
him.”
Aqiga’‘omx*” qigd** naLxoa’pe™® ile’e.®® ITa’xkaté® aLkiE-
Some one reaches it when the hole ground. There they always
‘p/meta-itx® tmémelo’ctike.” Ma’nix® aLtkia’mctx® geé’Latc!a® od
drink it the ghosts. When he has drunk it the one who has there
his sickness
qo’'La® xtcug,® a’‘lta® -neket qa’nsix®™ tlaya’*’ aqua’x.® Qe’xtce®
that water, then not (any) how well some one Endeavoring
makes him.
ka/nauwé® toa/qewama”™ ataLge’la-itx,” niaket” w!pax™ aqra’x.®
ali their shaman songs they treat him, not well some one
makes him.
Llap™ aqe’ax™ i1a/xanate qd’ta*® wLkiamctx® Ltengs™
Find some one does it his life that it has drunk it the water.
Aqid’cgamx,** ia’qoa-iL” qix’*! ikana’té.° Noxdta’kux*’ tga’xaw6k*®
Some one takes it, it is large that life. They return their guardian
spirits
gita/kikelal.t Ia’qoa-in” qix’* ikana’té.1° Agid’cgamx*® ql!oa’p®™
those who have It is large that life. Some one takes it near
power of seeing.
ia’kua” Naté’tanue” ka*® iand/kstx né’xrlax.” Nodgd’go-imx™
here Indians and its smallness comes to be on it. They say
51 a- aorist; -L- neuter subject; -d- directive; see note 2.
52 n- aorist before vowel; -d- plural before k sound; -gd introduced before k stop (§ 19.26); -k-im, -gim TO
SAY, in which -6- is introduced in harmony with preceding o (§ 7); -r usitative.
53 7 neuter subject; -d- directive; stem -meqt DEAD, -a future.
54 See § 50.
59 a- aorist before consonantie y, which stands for intervocalic -i- third person masculine subject (see
note 51).
56 g- indefinite subject; -L- neuter object; -d- directive before k sound; -x stem TO DO; -6 future for -a after
k sound (§ 26.1).
57 q- aorist; g- indefinite subject; -i- third person masculine object; -ga- adverbial prefix (?); -- stem TO
MEET; -0m for -am after k sound, COMPLETION OF MOTION (compare note 34).
58 ma- prefix for local names (§ 40.3); Lxoap onomatopoetic term, TO DIG; -é suffix.
59 Stem -élr; masculine; on account of accented vowel following the cluster -/r, the x is dropped (§ 6.2);
-é suffix.
60 See § 44.
61 a- aorist; -Lk- neuter transitive subject with following k sound (§ 19); -Z- neuter object, implying
water (see note 65); -gamct stem TO DRINK, here modified by accent into -‘amct; -a-itr ALWAYS (§ 31.10).
62 See note 4. The stem -mémElost DEAD was used occasionally by the narrator; ¢t plural; -ike plural
ending (§ 38.1).
63 See note 61. This form stands for aLkLE’*Emcetr.
6 Demonstrative adverb (§ 44).
6 Stem -tewqg; neuter.
66 See § 47.
67 See § 44.
68 Adverb indicating an action performed, but not attaining the desired end.
69 Indefinite numeral (§ 51).
0 See note 24. Here the stem -g@wam is retained in its original form; tga- plural, possessive third person
plural; -ma plural. :
71 a- aorist; -t- third person plural intransitive subject; -z- neuter object (see note 31).
2 nEkct NOT, with rhetoric emphasis ndket.
73 Attribute complement.
74 a- aorist; g- indefinite subject; -é- masculine object; -a directive before k sound; -r stem TO DO.
% 7- third person masculine singular continuative; -a directive before k sound; -goa-iz stem LARGE.
76 Demonstrative adverb of the groups é’wa, iaw’a, ia’kwa (§ 44).
7 Plural in na-; stem -té’tanué (§ 21).
78 Intransitive verb; n- aorist; -€- contracted from i-i HE HIS (§ 12); -2- reflexive; -l- TO; -a- directive
before k sound; -z stem TO DO, TO BE.
Boas] HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 669
ktoguila‘lé:® ‘‘Ld’nas naiket” te'tloix® ka*® 1Ld’mxEqta.”*
those who treat them: ‘‘ Perhaps not it comes between and he will die.”
Niktco'ktixé.** Qe’xtcé® agqée’telot*® ia’xanate.*® Adqé’trlotx,”
It gets day. Endeayoring some one gives it to his life. Some one gives it to
them them
q!oa’p™ ka’nauwe® eé'LaL‘a® ka” aLo’mxEqtx.* NitgEnga’oux*
nearly all his body and he dies. It is too small
iLa’xanate.'®
his soul.
[Translation. ]
The seers go thus to the ghosts. When there are three of them,
the one who has a strong guardian spirit is placed first, and one who
has a strong guardian spirit is placed last. One who has a small
guardian spirit is placed in the middle. The soul of a chief is pursued
when the chief is sick. When the trail is bad, the first one utters his
shaman song. When the trail is bad behind, then the one there
behind utters his shaman song. And it is night for a little while,
and they treat him; but when the morning star comes, the soul of
the sick one is overtaken. His soul is taken. The guardian spirits
of the seers return. Sometimes his soul is given to him two nights,
sometimes one night, after the guardian spirits return. Then the
sick one becomes well.
When the soul of a sick person is pursued, the seers go, when the
soul of the sick person is pursued. There it went thus on the trail to
the left. Then the seers say, ‘‘Oh, he will die, anyway!’’ when the
soul went there thus to the right, ‘‘Oh, he will become well!”’
It is reached where there is a hole in the ground. There the ghosts
are in the habit of drinking. When the sick one has drunk of that
water, he can not be made well at all. All those who have shaman
songs try to treat him, but he is not made well.
The soul of one who has drunk of that water is found. It is taken.
That soul is large. The guardian spirits of the seers return. That
soul is large. It is taken here, near to the Indians, and it grows
small. Those who treat them say, ‘‘Perhaps it will not be one night
before he will die.’ It gets daylight. The attempt is made to give
him hissoul. Itisgiventohim. It nearly (fills) his body, and he dies.
His soul is too small.
79 See note 31. k- personal noun.
80 See note 41. Presumably with directive -t- TO COME, which is strengthened by the elision of g (§ 6.3).
81 n- aorist before vowel; -i- masculine subject; -k is a prefix. The origin of the suffix is not clear.
82 @ rhetoric lengthening of é (see notes 43, 72).
83 @- masculine pronoun; -La- neuter possessive; -L‘a stem BODY.
84 n- aorist; -i- third person masculine intransitive subject referring to the soul; -z- neuter object, referring
to the owner of the soul or life; -g£n probably for -gzl ON ACCOUNT OF (§ 25.4); -g- probably stem; -ago
AROUND, or part of stem; -z usitative.
KATHLAMET TEXT
Exa’t! né’qatexem? nai’ka® tgn’q!éyuqtike.* Tqé’qrax® qatciuxoa’-
One hesang conjurer’s I my ancestors. One hundred he owned
song
wateguix.® Laxanaked’/ngut’ ina’Ixam.*’ Noxua’koax® ta-itci’® té’lxam®
songs. Laxanaked/ngut his town. They assembled those people
ta’xi! tr’Laqipa” ya’xi® = ige’qtcxam.? ~=$Lakt'* Lpo’lemax®
that his house at that the one who sang Four nights
conjurer’s songs.
noxuiwi yutckuax'® ta-ftci?® té’lxam.? A’qa!’ nigé’mx™® ya’xi’®
they danced those people. Then said that
ige’qtexam:? ‘‘A’qa!? Lxatd’guala!® La’xi Lq!éyo’qt,* aLxetElo’te-
one who sang “Then he will come to hear that old man, he will go tosee
conjurer’s song:
xama.”? _TgoxuiLd’xoa-it™ té’lxam:* ‘‘Qa’mta” 1Lq** aLte’mama™
the dances.”’ They thought the people: “Whence may be he will arrive
1 Stem -ért ONE; feminine a@’rt; neuter Lért; plural tért; forms indicating human beings é’zat, aé’zat,
Lé’zat, té’rat.
2 Stem -teram; the preceding -k- (heard here generally -q-) probably on; né- transitional masculine (§17).
3 naika I, independent personal pronoun; used here to intensify the possessive pronoun in the following
noun.
4 -g/éyOt OLD PERSON; ?- plural; gz- my; -ike plural, human beings.
5 This form is not otherwise known.
6 ga- a very frequent verbal prefix in Kathlamet, either transitional, or a slurred form of aga THEN con-
tracted with transitional i-; tc- HE, transitive subject; -i- Hmm; this verb may correspond to Chinook
tcid’xuwaltck HE HELPED HER SING (Chinook Texts 144.3).
7 Laxanakcd’ngut is a Nehelim town, called in that language Nesd’ka; perhaps derived from ongut a
small bay with steep banks, and La’rané outside.
8 j- masculine; -zd-indefinite possessive; -lxam TOWN, from stem -/z. The neuter or indefinite possessive
pronoun refers here to the indefinite ancestor whose name is not stated. From the same stem is formed
té’lxam, with t- plural prefix.
9 Stem probably -koa (Lower Chinook -ko); no- transitional, third person plural; -rua- reflexive after 0
vowel; -koa stem; -zx usitative.
10 Demonstrative, indicating human beings (see § 44).
11 Demonstrative plural, referring to tqguwL HOUSE.
12 Without possessive pronoun this noun has the stem -quz, with possessive pronoun the vowel is dropped.
It has always the plural prefix t-; -La- refers to the same person as the possessive in iza’lram (see note 8);
~pa at ($55).
13 ya’ri, wu'ri. La'xi demonstratives (§ 44).
14 Numeral;*for human beings the form la’ktike is used.
1s wa'pdl night; L- indefinite pronoun; -pdl night, dark; -mar distributive plural.
16 n6-, ig0- transitional third person plural (§ 17); -rui- reflexive, used apparently in this verb only in the
plural; the w is introduced after preceding 6; stem -wé TO DANCE; always ending with -/ expressing repe-
tition, or -tck expressing probably an inchoative (§ 31); -x usitative.
17 This is the most common connective AND THEN (see note 6).
18 ni- masculine transitional; -krim, accented, -gém to say; -x usitative.
19 y- indefinite; -ra- reflexive; the stem does not occur in any other place in the available material.
2 q- future; -z- indefinite; -r- reflexive; -é- him; -t- coming; -ldtcz to look on; -am to go to——; -a future.
21 4g0- transitional third person plural (§ 17); -x- reflexive changed to -rui- after preceding -o-; -Lox0 to
think; -a-it suffix expressing rest.
22 ga where; -mta suffix, not free; WHENCE, WHITHER.
23 Lg enclitic particle, MAY BE.
24 q- future; -L- indefinite; -té to come; -mam for -am after vowel TO ARRIVE (§ 29); -a future.
670
BOoAS | HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 671
Lax’ tq!eyo’qt?* Lxuan® @’wa*® Nage’lém” aLté’mama*™ aLxitrlo’tc-
that old man? Perhaps thus Nehelim he will arrive he will see the
xama,”° Lxuan® @’wa®® Tia’k!élakix*® atté’mama™ aLxiteld’texama.”?°
dance, perhaps thus Clatsop he will arrive he will see the dance.”
Igo’ponem.*® = A’qa”_ wi't’ax® iguxuiwi’/yutck’ ta-ftci!? té’lxam.®
It grew dark. Then again they danced those people.
Qeg jlayaq® wa’ polpa,” a’qa” tells igd’xoax™ ta-itci!? té’lxam.°
night at, then tired became those people.
ee witx'it. Léxa’t! iq !eyo" qt* Laqage’lak*®® as? nod’/L!tx
; They rested. : One woman and a little
igd’ponEm*® a’qa! iLoqgod’ptit.** “Qloa’ p® ektrlin” qitxr’go-ttq”
it was dark then she slept. Near morning star she arose
La’x1'8 Lq!eyo’ qt* rqageé’lak.** A’qa” ta’nki® igé’xox.* Ingiltcr’maq*
that woman. me <ena was (there). ‘She heard
qia’é qla’é ait é© ta’nki*® igé’xox* ici’gépa.*7 ILxLd’xoa-it™ La’xi"
noise of a crack opening something was the door at. She thought that
Lq!eyo’qt:* ‘“‘Ltxuan® saiq°* iqantci’txam.*® Ni’xua® antcuqd’yute-
old one: “Perhaps war some oue comes to Well ft awoke
make on us.
qEma®™ té’lxam.®” A’qat™ itktuqo’yuteq,” ac” qenn’mkatix® ta-ftei!?
them the people. x Then she woke them, and remaining quiet those
té’lxam®. Iguxoa’qo-itq’t ta-itci!®? té’/lxam.§— _Iguxoala’yutck.*
people. They arose those people. They arose.
2 Perhaps related to -LOx0- TO THINK (see note 21); compare mrL0’ruan tci g/oa’pit DO YOU THINK IT IS
NEAR? 26.5.
26 Demonstrative adverb (see § 44).
27 na-locative prefix (§ 40); -gélém stem for a place name south of Columbia river; Tgélé’muks THE PEO-
PLE OF Nagé’lém (NEHELIM), the Tillamook.
28 ¢- plural; -id’- HIS; -k/élak ROASTED, DRIED SALMON; -iz adverbial ending; WHERE THERE ARE THEIR
ROASTED SALMON, the native name of Clatsop. In the Clatsop dialect the name 1d@’tsep has the same
Ineaning; Ld- THEIR; -tsEp ROASTED, DRIED,SALMON.
29 ig0- transitional and directive; -pdl NIGHT; -pOnEm IT IS ALWAYS NIGHT (see § 8).
30 AGAIN corresponding to Lower Chinook wert.
31 gé’q/ayak THE MIDDLE OF A THING.
32 w- nominal prefix (§ 17); a- feminine; -pdl NIGHT; -pa AT, IN.
33 Onomatopoetic particle verb.
34 7g0- transitional intransitive third person plural; -z- reflexive; -oa- changed from o after 6; -r TO po.
35 igugoa- third person plural before k sound (§ 19); -g@wit TO REST; -x'it suffix (§ 29).
36 y- indefinite; -gagé’lak WOMAN.
37 as, ac connective conjunction, sometimes used for WHILE.
38 NOL! A LITTLE; n0’L/ix: adverb.
39 {- indefinite transitional; -0- directive; -goptit TO SLEEP.
40 NEARLY, NEAR BY; also q/o@’pir ALMOST.
41 Stem -kizliv.
42 giL- see note 6; -x- reflexive; -qo-itg TO ARISE.
8 tan WHAT; Lan WHO; tad’nki SOMETHING.
44 7gé- transitional third person masculine; -z- reflexive; -o- directive; -x TO Do.
4 {Lgi- 17 HIM; -I- is probably the prefix To (§ 25); stem -tcemag TO HEAR; the terminal -ag may also be
a suffix.
46 An onomatopoetic particle.
47 j- masculine; -ci’gé DOORWAY; -pa AT.
48 A particle verb (see p. 46).
49 i- transitional; -¢- SOME ONE; -ntc inclusive plural; -t TO COME; -z TO DO; -am TO ARRIVE.
50 mizwa corresponds almost exactly to the German “‘doch;” here it might be translated ANYWAY.
*l a-future; -ntc- I THEM; -w directive; -gotcg plural; -qgoyutcg TO AWAKEN; -Em distributive; EACH ONE (?);
-a future.
52 iLkt- IT THEM.
°3 Perhaps gan QUIET; distributive ganzma; -katix: adverbial suffix; compare Chinook ia’zrkati RIGHT
THERE; q/od’pkati QUITE NEAR.
54 igo- transitional third person plural; -roa- reflexive after 0; -go-itq TO ARISE.
5° igoroa- see note 54; -latck plural; -layutck TO ARISE; this word contains the inchoative -tck, and may be
the stem -/ TO MOVE,
672 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 40
Itgd’guiga® tga’qamatex.*? Iq1i0’lxam** Laxi’* Léxa’t:' ** War? a’xa®
They took their arrows. He was told that one: “Light do it
wu’ xi? a/toL.” Wax ite’kox® La’xi® LgoaLe’lx.* A’qa’ ta’nki*
that fire:”’ Light he did that person. Then something
Lax” igé/xox* ici’qepa.‘7 Lxuan® i’wima™ icta’qa-itax® sia’ xdst®
visible became the door at. Perhaps thus its largeness its face
La”? Lktemena’ksté.* Igugoa’k‘im® ta-itci’? té’lxam:* ‘* Iqcetxe’Lau”
like the moon like. They said those. people: ‘“A monster
ya’xi** alflxgé’tpqa.”” Igé’k-im® ya’xi' igé’qtcxam:’ “‘Iqexe’Lautei 2”
that he will come in.” He said that the one who sang ‘*A monster is it?
the conjurer’s song:
La/xka™ a’xi® Lqleyd’qtt iLxételd’texam” iLgemcitqoe’mam.” ™
he that old one he came to see the dance he came to give you food.”
Qoct® ige’pixL’” yaxi’yax” igixEld’tcxam.” Tia’maq” iqte’lox,™
Behold a sea lion that he came to see the dance. His shots they made on it,
kopa’*! id’maqt. Kela’ix® ca/xalix® ya’xi® é’Lxam,* tatcla
there it died. Far up that town, never-
theless
iuquée’wulxt* ya’xi® igé’pixy.7 A’qa!” itgixe’lzemux® ta-itci’®
it went up that sea lion. Then they ate those
té'Ixam,® ta-ftci!® igé’taxeld’texe.* Oxue’lutex® ya’xi* &’texampa.*”
people, those who had come to see They saw the dance that song at.
the dance.
K!oatg@’ La/yuLemax® a’/nga®® Laxanakco’ngut’ nai’ka® tgE’q!éyuq-
Thus then aerate long ago Laxanakco’/ngut I my ancestors.
elper
tike.*
56 jtgO- THEY THEM; -gél after 6 changed to -gui; stem -ga TO TAKE.
57 t- plural; tgd- TITEIR; -gamatcr ARROW.
58 {7L- SOME ONE HIM; -0- directive; -lram TO SAY.
59 Onomatopoetic particle verb.
60 Imperative of transitive verb without subject; d- feminine object; -r To Do; -a future.
61 q- feminine; -t0L FIRE.
62 Probably i- transitional; z- 11; -k indicating preceding transitive subject; -a- HER; -tT0 DO.
63 Probably from the stem -ély PLACE, COUNTRY.
64 @’wa THUS; distributive d’wimar (?)
65 j- masculine; -ctd- THEIR TWO SIDES, relating to the following dual noun FACE; -qa-iLaz LARGENESS.
66 s- dual; -id@’; HIS; -z6st FACE, EYES.
67 La JUST LIKE.
68 In Chinook 6kLz’ménis used for MOON. After the death of aman named K Le’men, whose guardian
Spirit was the moon, the Kathlamet discarded the word akLz’meEn, which corresponds to the Lower Chi-
nook form, and used aka’im instead (see Lkaemu’ks Kathlamet Texts 27.3). The word at this place corre-
sponds to the plural of the Lower Chinook, and should read perhaps LkLEmeEna’ks (see Chinook Texts
245.18); the ending -té LIKE (see § 55).
69 jgu- transitional third person plural; -goa- inserted before stem in k; -k‘tm To say; see note 18.
70 Stem -qctzré’ Lan.
71 al- future before vowels (§ 17); i- HE; -lz- US; -gét COMING TO; -pq INTO; -a future.
72 tei interrogative particle.
73 ja’rka, a’xka, La’tka HE, SHE, IT.
74 7- transitional; LgEmc- IT YOU; -t TO, COME; -qoém TO GIVE FOOD; -am TO ARRIVE.
7% An exclamation.
76 Stem -gé’pi'rL.
7 Demonstrative, see § 44.
78 jgi- transitional intransitive; -rEl reflexive ON BEHALF OF THEMSELVES; -0- directive; -tcram TO GO TO
SEE.
79 ¢- plural pronun; -id- HIS; -maq THE ACT OF SHOOTING.
£0 jgtél- SOMEBODY THEM ON HIM; -0- directive; -r TO DO, TO MAKE.
81 Perhaps better g0-pa’ THERE AT.
82 7- masculine; -o- directive; -magt TO DIE, singular.
83 Both words contain the adverbial ending -iz.
84 From a stem -gé TO GO UP; -wulzt UP.
85 itgi- THEY HIM; -re’leEmuz used here as a transitive verb; more commonly intransitive itirk’lemur THEY
AT, IN REFERENCE TO HIM; stem -mug.
86 See note 20; -réldter TO WITNESS A DANCE; 0- third person plural; gé’taxrelo’tcxé is nominal, probably
THE ONES WHO HAD THEIR WITNESSING; g- nomen actoris; i- masculine; -fa THEIRS.
87 See note 2; é’tcram THE CONJURER’S SONG THAT IS SUNG; -pa AT.
88 Ld- THEIRS; -yWLEMa SUPERNATURAL BEING.
89In Lower Chinook a’nqaté.
WISHRAM TEXT’
By Epwarp Sapir
CoYoTE AND ITc!E’xyAN
Aga? kw0’pt®? gayu’ya‘ isk!u'lya® wi'tlax.® Na’2wit’? gayu’yam;®
Now then he went Coyote again. Straightway he arrived
going;
galixE’ltemaq® isk!u'lya gwa’nisim’® qtulat!a’melqt!! idn/lxam”
he heard Coyote always they (indef.) are always the people
swallowing them down
1 A connected English translation of this text will be found in Sapir’s Wishram Texts, Publications of
the American Ethnological Society, 0, 41,43. The Indian text as here given has been very slightly normal-
ized from its form as there published (pp. 40, 42).
Used partly with weak temporal force, partly as mere connective in narrative. It is frequently prac-
tically untranslatable into English.
3 kw6opt, THEN, AT THAT TIME, is regularly used with preceding aga to mark new step in narrative. It
can be analyzed into demonstrative stem kw6- (or kwa-) THAT (= Chinook g6 THERE) and local suffix
-pt UP TO (SO AND SO) FAR. Neither of these elements occurs freely. kw6- is not used to form demon-
strative pronouns, only occurring stereotyped in several adverbs; besides kwépt we have kw06’ba THERE
(note 39), and kw6’dawu AND (note 46). -pt also hardly seems to occur except stereotyped in adverbs;
ef. dapt AS FAR AS THIS (related to da’ba, THIS-IN=HERE, as kwopt is to kwo’bc), and yarpt, AS FAR AS
THAT YONDER, from ya’ri OFF YONDER). See also note 56.
4 ga- (gal- before vowels) = tense prefix denoting remote past, regularly used in myth narrative. - y-=
3d per. masc. subj. intr., referring to isk/u’lya, before consonants it would appear as -i-, while gal- would
then appear as tense prefix (ga-y- = gal-i-: see notes 9, 28, 32,47). -u- = directive prefix AWAY FROM
SPEAKER. -ya = verb stem TO GO. ;
5 j- = masc. noun prefix with which -y- in gayu’ya is in agreement. -sk/u/lya = noun stem COYOTE,
apparently not capable of analysis; perhaps loan-word from Klickitat spi’lya. Chinook has another stem,
-t/a'lapas.
6 Composed of wi’t/a AGAIN and deictic particle -z: cf. da’uwya (note 54) and da’uyax THIS. wi’tla
is most plausibly explained as stereotyped adverb from wi-, masc. noun prefix (originally independent
masc. pronoun? Seenotes 19 and 33), and -t/a, emphatic particle added to pronouns, TOO, ALSO (see note
21).+ According to this analysis wi’t/a(z) was originally formed from *wi as ya’zt/a(x) HE TOO from ya-z-
HE. Originally it must have meant THAT (masc.) TOO, but was later generalized in meaning.
7 Rhetorically lengthened form of nu’/it IMMEDIATELY, RIGHT AWAY. When thus lengthened to nd’wit,
it seems to imply direct, unswerving motion without interference of other action; it may then be rendered
as STRAIGHT ON or ON AND ON.
8 As in note 4, except that instead of verb stem -ya we have its shorter form -y- -i- (as in yu’it HE GOES;
cf. also note 61). To this is suffixed verb suffix -am ARRIVE WHILE —ING, GO (or COME) TO DO——. Several
verb stems have two forms,—one in -a, and one without this -a (e. g., -pa and -p TO GO ouT; cf. galu’pa
SHE WENT OUT with atpr SHE COMES OUT).
9 gal- = tense prefix ga- before vowels. -i- = 3d per. masc. obj. before reflexive element (reflexive verbs
have, morphologically speaking, no subject). -rzl- = indirect reflexive composed of reflexive element -r-
and local verb prefix -l- TO, INTO. -tcmag = verb stem TO HEAR. galirE’ltcmag means literally TO HIM-
SELF HEARD. TO HEAR SOME ONE is expressed by -z-temaq with prefixed transitive subject and object
pronominal elements.
10 Adverb not capable of analysis.
ll g- = indefinite transitive subj. -t- = 3d per. pl. obj. tr., referring to idz’lram. -u- =directive prefix
(very many verbs have this “‘directive’’ -w- even when no definite idea of direction away from speaker
seems to beimplied). -tat/amElq-is example of rarely occurring compound verbs. -tat/a-is “diminutive”
form of verb stem -fada- TO THROW DOWN, AWAY (in this case its meaning seems to correspond somewhat
more closely to that of its Chinook cognate -Lata TO PULL BACK); -mElq- is best explained as verb stem
-mEq- (or -mq-) TO VOMIT with infixed -I- of frequentative or continuative significance (that -l- isnot really
part of stem is shown by form itciulat/a’mag HE SWALLOWED HIM DOWN); PULL BACK + VOMIT may
be construed as meaning VOMIT BACKWARD, DRAW TO ONE’S SELF AND SWALLOW. -t = tense suffix of
present time. Observe peculiar sequence of tense, HE HEARD . . . THEY SWALLOW THEM DOWN. Verbs
that are dependent on other verbs, chiefly of saying or perception, are always present in tense, no matter
what tense is logically implied; ef. below gatcigE'IkEl . . . iki’ax (note 43) HE SAW IT... . IT IS.
44877—Bull. 40, pt 1—10——43 673
674 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 40
ite!e’xyan.% Qxa/damt" gayu’y’” ikni’m' na’wit gatcign’lga’”
Merman. Whither it went the canoe straightway he got hold of it
itc!e/xyan; gatciulatla’mElq'® ka’nawi'® dan. ‘Nait!’*! a’g’®
Merman; he always swallowed it down every thing. ‘*Me too now
atcnulat!a’mEleqrema,”*? isk!u’lya galixtu’xwa-it.* Aga kw0’pt
he will swallow me down,”’ Coyote he thought. Now then.
gayu'y’ isk!u’lya; gatcign’lga yag’ail*® ik!a’munaq.** Aga kw0’pt
he went Coyote; he got hold of it its bigness the tree. Now then
12 jd- = 3d per. pl. noun prefix, in concord with -t- in preceding verb. -lram (-E- is inorganic) = noun
stem VILLAGE (wi’lram VILLAGE is formally masc. sing. of idz’lxam PEOPLE); -lram is evidently
related to -lr (see note 33).
13 j-asin note5. -te/Eryan = noun stem MERMAN, PROTECTOR OF FISHERMEN (see Wishram Texts, p. 40,
note 2; p. 42, note 2; p. 256, note 2); no etymology suggests itself. Syntactically ite/z’zyan is subject
implied, but not grammatically referred to, by g- of preceding verb. This clause can hardly be considered
as quite correct; properly speaking, ite/z’ryan should go with tctutat/a’m Elqt.
14 From interrogative stem qgzra- (or ga-), seen also in ga’xrba WHAT-IN? = WHERE? ga’ria OF WHAT
KIND? and qa’/ngi WHAT-WITH? = HOW? -damt= local suffix TOWARD found suffixed to several
adverbs (cf. ca’raladamt TOWARD ABOVE, gigwa’ladamt TOWARD BELOW). This -damt is evidently
related to local noun suffix -iamt TO, FROM. Qza’damt here introduces indirect question, and may best
be translated as NO MATTER WHERE. °
16 = gayu/ya. Final vowels are regularly elided when following word begins with vowel. For analysis
of form, see note 4.
16 j- as in note 5. -knim = noun stem CANOE. This stem can be only secondarily monosyllabic, for
otherwise we should have * wiknim (see note 33); its Chinook cognate -kantm shows original dissyllabic
form. See also note 37.
17 ga- = tense prefix as in note 4. -fe- = 3d per. mase. tr. subj., referring to following itc/z’ryan as sub-
ject. -i- = 3d per. masc. tr. obj., referring to ikni’m of preceding clause as object. -gxl- = verb prefix of
adverbial force, TOWARD (with purpose, intent to reach); it here replaces directive -u- of most transitive
verbs. -ga = verb stem TO GET HOLD OF, SEIZE; it is possibly to be identified with verb stem -ga STICK TO,
its particular active significance being gained by use of transitive pronominal prefixes and verb prefix -gEL-.
18 ga-tc-i- as in note 17, -i- here referring to following dan. -u-lat/a’-mElq as in note 11.
19 ka’/nawi ALL, EVERY is most probably compounded of kana- ALL TOGETHER (found in such numeral
forms as ka’nactmokct ALL-THE-TWO = BOTH and, with unexplained -m-, in kanEmtu’nike ALL THREE
PEOPLE) and old 3d per. masc. demonstrative pronoun *wi (cf. note 6) now no longer preserved as such
(except in such petrified words as wi’t/a and ka’nawi), but specialized, like its corresponding fem. wa-,
as 3d per. noun prefix (see note 33). These old pronouns *wi and *wa are best explained as substan tivized
from pronominal elements -i- (masc.) and -a- (fem.) by means of demonstrative element w- (or u-); this
latter element is probably identical with -u- in demonstrative stem da’u- THIS (found also as da-; see
note 54), and with Chinook -6- in demonstratives near 3d per. (x°OLa, x°Octa, xOta). ka’nawi must origi-
nally have meant something like ALL (OF) THAT (masc.), but, like wi’t/a, was later generalized in signifi-
cance. ka’nawi is here, as often, rhetorically lengthened to ka’nawi to emphasize its meaning of TOTALITY.
20 Interrogative and indefinite pronoun referring to things, WHAT, ANYTHING, SOMETHING. Though not
provided with any sign of gender, it is always construed as masculine, hence -i- in gatciwtat/a’melg. Its
correlative can (Kathlamet Lan) referring to persons, WHO, ANYBODY, SOMEBODY, is always neuter in
gender; HE SWALLOWED EVERYBODY DOWN would be gatctutat/a’melq ka’nawi can.
21 Klided from na’it/a (see note 15). Composed of 1st per. sing. pronominal stem nai- (seen also in na’-
ika 1) and emphatic suffix -t/a TOO, ALSO (see note 6). All independent pronouns in -ka can be changed
to emphatic pronouns by merely replacing -ka by -t/a (e. g., ya’rka HE becomes ya’zt/a HE TOO).
Syntactically na’it/a here anticipates -n- in following verb (see note 23) as Ist per. sing. obj.
2 — a/ga (see note 15). This particle is very frequently used before future verb forms in conversation.
23 q- = tense prefix of future time. -tc- = 3d per. mase. tr. subj. -n- = 1st per. sing. tr. obj. -u-tat/a’-
mELEq- as in note 11 (-E- before -g- is inorganic). -#£m-—= connective before future suffix -a, verbs that are
continuative or frequentative in form regularly use this connective -£m- before certain suffixes (such as
future -a, cessative -tck, usitative -ni#). -a = tense suffix of future time; in Wishram verbs regularly form
their future by prefixing a- or al- (before vowels) and suffixing -a. It is somewhat difficult to see why this
form should be frequentative; one would rather except atcnulat!a’mEgwa.
24 gql-i- asin note 9. -x- = reflexive element; literal translation of verb would be (TO) HIMSELF THOUGHT.
-lur(w)- = verb stem T0 THINK. -a-it = verb suffix of rather uncertain significance here; itis found in all
tenses of verb but present, where it is replaced by -an (ixlu’rwan HE THINKS).
% ya- = i-ya-. i- = masc. noun prefix, determining gender of noun stem -gait. -ya- = 3d per. masc.
possessive pronominal prefix, referring to masculine noun ik/a’munag. -gait= abstract noun stem BIG-
NESS. yagaitik!a’munaq THE TREE’S BIGNESS may, like all other possessive constructions, be construed
either attributively (THE BIG TREE) or predicatively (THE TREE IS BIG). Its attributive character is here
determined by presence of true verb (gatcigE’lga) as predicate.
264- asin note 5. -k/a’munag = noun stem TREE, STICK, WOOD. This word is difficult of etymologic
analysis, yet can be no simple stem; -k/a- is undoubtedly to be regarded as noun prefix (cf. ik/a’lamat
ROCK, perhaps from verb stem -la TO MOVE). -k/a-is most plausibly considered as “diminutive” form
of verb stem -ga- TO FLY, UP IN AIR (as first element in compound verbs); ef. itcitwk/wa’la HE WHETTED IT
with itci’ula HE FILED IT, and :niugwata’da-ulz 1 THREW IT UP ON TOP (OF SOMETHING) with iniula’da-ulz
I THREW IT UP.
BOAS] HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 675
La’x”’ gali’x0x."* GatcigE’lga itc!n’xyan, gaqiulat!a’melEq.”®
in sight he made him- He got hold of merman, they (indef.) swallowed
self. him him down.
Na’wit ilteqd’ba® gi’gwal*! isk!u’lya galixi’maxitam® wi‘lxba.*
Straightway inthe water below Coyote he arrived falling on the ground
Aga kw0’pt gatcugi’kel* Igabla’d® idn’Ixam; Igabla’d** akni’m*?
Now then he saw them theirmultitude the people; theirmultitude the canoes
axu'xt*® kw0d’ba*®® gi’gwal iltcqd’ba. Aga kw0’pt gatcign’lkrl”
they are there below in the water. Now then he saw it
piled together
isk!u/lya itc!n’xyan yagd’mmnil! qxwodL” iki'ax. Aga kw0’pt
Coyote Merman his heart hanging it is. Now then
27 Particle verb. Though verbal in force, it is purely adverbial morphologically, having no grammatical
form ofits own. In regard to tense and person it is defined by following verb, which serves as its form-
giving auxiliary.
28 gal-i- asin note 9. -1- = reflexive element. -d- (modified from -u- because of preceding and following
velar consonants) = directive prefix; ordinarily reflexive -z- replaces directive -u-, but there are several
verbs that retain it even when reflexive in form. -x = verb stem TO DO, MAKE. -Z-u-£ TO DO TO ONE’S
SELF, MAKE ONE’S SELF, is regularly used to mean BECOME. For other forms of verb stem -x see notes
43, 53, 64, and 66.
29 ga- as in note 4. -g- = indefinite tr. subj. -i- = 3d per. masce. tr. obj. -u-tat/a’-mzlzq as in note 11.
Forms with indefinite -g- subject are very commonly used in Wishram in lieu of passives.
3072- = 3d per. neut. noun prefix. -t- = inorganic consonant, serving as glide between ? and c. -cqé-
(= -cqa-; ais velarized to 6 by preceding g) = noun stem WATER; its shorter form -cg- is seen in icta’cq
THE WATER OF THE TWO (Wishram Texts 190.14). -ba = local noun suffix IN, AT (see also notes 33,
39, and 60).
31 Adverb; -al is probably not part of stem, for it is found also in correlative ca’r-al ABOVE.
32 gal- as in note 9. -i- = 3d per. masc. intr. subj., referring to preceding i-sk/u‘lya. -xima- = verb stem
TO PUT DOWN, PUT ON GROUND, LAY DOWN (as tr.); LIE DOWN (as intr.); probably composed of -r- ON
GROUND(?) and -ima- PUT (cf. ga-ya-x-a'l-ima-lx HE PUT HIMSELF INTO THE WATER [Wishram Texts 2.5]);
whenever indirect object with -k- ON is introduced, -r-ima- becomes -ra-ima- (e. g., ga-k-l-a-k-ra’-ima
SHE LAID IT DOWN ON IT [Wishram Texts 2.11]). -xit = quasi-passive suffix; -r-ima-rit- = BE LAID DOWN,
LAY ONE’S SELF DOWN, FALL DOWN TO GROUND. -am = verb suffix ARRIVE —— ING (cf. note 8).
33 wi- = 3d per. masc. noun prefix; masc. noun stems that are non-syllabic or monosyllabic require wi-
(cf. note 55); those that have more than one syllable have i- (see notes 5, 13, 16, 26); for probable origin of
wi- see note 19. In Chinook wi- has entirely given way to i-, except as archaism in some place-names
and in songs. -/x- = noun stem LAND; seen also in wi’lxam VILLAGE, idE’lxam PEOPLE (see note 12);
probably also in wa’lxi FISHING STATION and icz’Izit STAGING FOR FISHING. -ba as in note 30.
34 ga- as in note 4. -tc- = 3d per. masc. tr. subj. -u- = 3d per. pl. obj., referring to following idz’lzam
(before verb prefix -gzl- 3d per. plural obj. -f- is replaced by -w-, -gzl-then becoming -g(w)i-; in other words,
-t- before gzl- is treated analogously to when it comes before -gzl-). -gi- = plural form of -gzl-(see note,
40) OUT FROM ENCLOSED SPACE (cf. ga-t-a-gx'l-ba IT FLOWED OUT OF HER [Wishram Texts 94.4]); analo-
gously to -gzl- (see note 17) directive -w- is here replaced by-g#l-. -kzl= verb stem TO KNOw (cf. ¢-k-d-u’-
kul HE KNOWS THEM [Wishram Texts 176.10]); -gzl-kEl = TO KNOW FROM OUT ONE’S (EYES), hence TO
SEE, GET SIGHT OF.
39 t- = 3d per. neut. noun prefix, defining gender of abstract noun stem -blad. -ga-= 3d per. pl. pos-
sessive pronominal prefix, referring toidz’lzam. -blad = noun stem MULTITUDE, GREAT NUMBER. lgabla’d
idz’Ixam is construed like ya’ gait ik/a’munag (see note 25).
36 As in note 35, except that -ga- = 3d per. fem. possessive pron. prefix (merely homonymous with -ga-
of note 35), referring to akni’m.
37 a- = 3d per. fem. noun prefix; though many fem. dissyllabic stems have wa- (e. g., wala’la POND),
it is here replaced by analogy of ikni’m (see note 16), as in related nouns i- and a-, wi- and wa- generally
pair off respectively. -knim as in note 16. Logically akni’m CANOEs is plural, morphologically it is
fem., being so referred toin aru’zt (note 38); another example of fem. as plural is wa’mwa MAGGOTS, masc.
wi’mwa MAGGOT.
38 q- = 3d per. fem. intr. subj., referring to akni’m. -r- = verb prefix ON GROUND, ON BOTTOM (?) -u- =
directive prefix. -zt = verb stem TO LIE, SIT, BE PLACED, corresponding in use to Chinook -c. This verb
stem allows of no formal modification by means of tense affixes.
3" Composed of demonstrative stem kw6- (see note 3) and local suffix -ba (see note 33): THAT-IN = THERE.
40 As in note 34, except that incorporated obj. is -i- = 3d per. masc., referring to yagé’mEnit, and that.
-gzl- is unmodified. :
4 ya- = i-ya- as in note 25, i- defining HEART as masc. in gender, while -ya- refers to itc/E’ryan. -gOmEnit
HEART seems to be verbal in form, -#nit being usitative suffix; yago’mEnit may also be used predicatively
to mean HE IS ALIVE.
#2 Particle verb, for which iki’az serves as auxiliary.
437-—= 3d per. masc. intr. subj., referring to yago’'mEnil. -kiax TO BE isanother tenseless verb (cf. note 38).
Tt is best, though somewhat doubtfully, explained as composed of verb prefix -ki-, which shows lack of
676 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [RULL. 40
gaqiu'lxam* isk!u’lya: ‘* Ya’xdau*? itc!n’/xyan yagd’mmnil.” Aga
they ee told Coyote: “That Merman his heart.” Now
im
kw6’pt Lq!6’p** gatci/ux;4 Lq!6’p** gali’x6x*® ite!n’xyan yagd/mmnil.
then eut he made it; eut it made itself Merman his heart.
Aga kwé’pt ka’nawi gatkxeni/yutck* sa’q’* akni’m kw6d/dau*®
Now then all they each floated up out — entirely the canoes and
of water
idb’/lxam kw6’dau isk!u’lya.
the people and Coyote.
Aga kw6’pt gali‘kim’ isk!u’lya: “dga** pu‘ qa’ma*® ma’ima**
Now then he said Coyote: “Perchance would how you alone
ite!E’xyan qxi’dau* amdu’xwa*? idn’lxam? Da’uya* wi'gwa® aga
Merman thus you will do to them the people? This day now
object of ordinarily trans. verb, and verb stem -z TO Do (cf. Eng. HE DOES WELL, i. e., gets along well);
-a- would then have to be explained as inorganic glide vowel (cf. Chinook i-ké’-r HE IS and Wishram
i-ki’-t-at HE IS, HAS BECOME). For syntactic construction, as subordinated to gatcigz’lkel, see note 11.
43a ga- asin note 4. -q- = indef. tr. subj. (cf. note 29). -i- = 3d per. mase. tr. obj., referring to isk/u/lya.
-u- = directive prefix. -lram = verb stem TO SAY TO with personal object. This verb form is logically
passive.
43b Demonstrative pronoun, showing location near 2d person, composed of simple form of independent
3d personal pronoun + demonstrative element -z- (cf. also ordinary forms of independent 3d personal
pronoun ya’z-ka and similarly for other genders) + demonstrative stem -daw (= -da + -w), for which see
note 54. Syntactically ya’rdau, here used substantively, agrees in gender with yago’meEnil, to which it
refers. There is no expressed predicate in this sentence, yago’menit (IT IS) H1S HEART being so used.
43e Particle verb, to which following verbs gatci’ux and gali’réz, both from verb stem -r TO DO, serve
as auxiliaries. 2q/6p doubtless has onomatopoetic force.
43d See note 64.
#e Asin note 28. CUT IT-MADE-ITSELF = IT BECAME CUT.
44 ga-asin note 4. -t- = 3d per. pl. intr. subj., referring to akni’m, idz’lram, and isk!u’lya as combined
plural subject. -k- = regular replacement of directive -u- whenever intr. subj. -t- would theoretically be
expected to stand before it. -rzni-(or-runi-) = verb stem TO FLOAT, DRIFT. -yu-= distributive suffix
EACH SEPARATELY (gatkrEni’tck would mean THEY FLOATED UP IN ONE BODY). -tck = local verb suffix
UP TO SURFACE, UP FROM POSITION OF REST (cf. also gal-i-r-lz’-tck HE MOVED HIMSELF UP FROM SITTING
POSITION, HE AROSE[Wishram Texts 4.6]; gal-i’-kta-tck HE ROSE (STICKING HIS HEAD) OUT OF WATER
[op. cit., 10.5]); combined with -ba OUT OF INTERIOR, -tck appears as -pick FROM WATER OUT TO LAND
(gatkrEni’'yuptck THEY EACH FLOATED ON TO LAND; for change of -ba to-pef. gatagz’lba with tagz’lpr
[Wishram Texts 94.7]). This -tck should be distinguished from -tck of cessative significance, whose
function it is to deprive verbs that are continuative or frequentative in form of their continuative
force (e. g., ywwi'lal HE IS DANCING, gayuwi'lalemtck HE WAS DANCING (but is no longer doing so).
45 Adverbial in force. Logically sa’qu (rhetorically lengthened to sa’qu to emphasize idea of totality)
often seems to be used attributively with nouns (translated as ALL), but grammatically it is best con-
sidered as adverbial, even when there is no expressed predicate.
46 Composed of demonstrative stems kw6- (see note 3) and dau- (see note 54). Its original significance
was evidently THAT (which precedes) and THIS (which follows).
47 gal-i- as in note 32. -kim = verb stem TO SAY (without personal object; cf. note 58).
48 Adverb of modal significance, serving to give doubtful coloring to verb.
49 Adverb of potential and conditional significance; in formal conditions introduced by ema’nir Ir, it
often has contrary-to-fact implication. This use of modal particles in lieu of verb modes is characteristic
of Chinookan.
50 Evidently contains interrogative stem ga- WHAT, seen also in qzra’damt (note 14). -ma can not be
explained. This word has been found only in such passages as here, and is very likely felt to be archaic.
iga pu ga'ma occurs as stereotyped myth-phrase in transformer incidents (cf. Wishram Texts 6.13,
38.6, for similar passages).
51 Forms in -aima ALONE may be formed from simplest forms of personal pronouns (subject intr.
incorporated); e. g., na’ima I ALONE, ma’ima YOU ALONE, ya’ima HE ALONE. It is doubtful, however,
whether these forms should be considered as intransitive verbs from verb stem -aima. Since personal
plurals in -dike (e. g., ta’imadike THEY ALONE) occur, it seems preferable to consider them as formed by
suffixed -ma ALONE? (ef. q@’ma note 50) from independent pronoun stems in -ai- (as in na’ika, note 57,
and na’it/a, note 21); this -ai- isin these forms found also in 3d persons (e. g., fa’ima 1T ALONE, as Con-
trasted with ?fa’rka and ta’rt/a). Chinook na’mka I ALONE, analyzed by Boas as intr. subj. pronoun +
verb stem -amka, is probably best explained as simple independent pronoun in -a- (na, ma, and corre-
Boas] HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 677
kw0’pt® qxi/dau amdu’xwa idn’Ixam. Na’ika®? isk!u’lya yamu’lxam.*8
that far thus you wit doto the people. I Coyote I have told you.
them
Kwa'ic® da’uyaba® wi'lx atgadi’mama™ idn/lxam. Kwo’pt
Soon in this land they will arrive coming the people. Then
alugwagi’ma,” ‘Qxi’dau ‘Ex® gatci’ux™ isk!u’lya itc!e’xyan.’
they will say, ‘Thus exercising he did to him Coyote Merman.’
supernatural
power
Kwo'pt a’ga itc!n/xyan pla’l’® amxu’xwa.”®
Then now Merman being quiet you will make yourself.”’
sponding forms for other persons occur not rarely in Wishram) + -m(a) + -ka JUST, ONLY (cf. lu’nka JUST
THREE).
52 Adverb composed of relative particle gzi- (cf. gri as relative pronoun in Wishram Texts, 188.1) and
demonstrative stem dau- THIS (cf. note 54). gzi’dau thus means literally AS, LIKE THIS.
53 q- = tense prefix of future time. -m- = 2d per. sing. tr. subj. -d- = 3d per. pl. tr. obj., referring
to idz’lxam. -u- = directive prefix. -rz- = verb stem TO DO (TO). -w- = inorganic consonant induced
by -u- preceding k- sound. -a = future suffix.
54 Demonstrative pronoun, showing location near Ist person, composed of demonstrative stem daue
(= da-, as in da’ba HERE + -u-, see note 19) and simple form of 3d per. independent pronoun in -a (masc.
ya, fem. a, neut. fa, du. cda, pl. da). Forms without -w- (e. g., da’ya) occur, though much less frequently;
deictic -r may be added without material change in meaning (e. g., da’uyax or da’yar). -dau also occurs
as second element in demonstrative pronouns showing location near 2d person (e. g., ya’rdau THAT masc.,
note 43b). da’uya is here masculine because in agreement with masc. noun wi’gwa. Chinook seems to
preserve da- only in isolated adverbs like ta’kz THEN (= da’ka JUST THIS or THAT [cf. Wishram da’uka
JUST SO]).
*> wi- = masc. noun prefix, with w- because noun stem is monosyllabic. -gwa = noun stem DAY.
da’uya wi’gwa THIS DAY is regularly used as stereotyped phrase for TO-DAY; daw’ aga’lax THIS SUN is
also so used.
56 Analysis given in note 3. Here kw6’pt, with well-marked stress accent, preserves its literal meaning
of THAT FAR, THUS MUCH, aga kwo’pt being regularly used, outside of narrative, to mean ENOUGH. Chi-
nook kapé’t ENOUGH is doubtless related, but ka- can not be directly equated with kwé6-, which corre-
sponds rather to Chinook gé (see note 3).
57 Ordinary form of independent personal pronoun, composed of stems in -ai- (for Ist and 2d persons) or
-a-z- (for 3d persons) and suffixed particle -ka JUST, ONLY, found also suffixed to numerals. na’ika is here
grammatically unnecessary, but is used to emphasize subject of following verb form.
38 — iyamu’lxam. i- = tense prefix of immediate past time. -yam- = combination of Ist per. sing. subj.
and 2d per. sing. obj. -u- = directive prefix. -lxam = verb stem TO SAY TO with expressed personal object.
59 Temporal adverb referring to action just past or about to occur, either JUST NOW, RECENTLY, or SOON.
Seems to be Klickitat loan-word.
60 da’wya as in note 54; masc. because in agreement with masc. noun wilr. -ba = local noun suffix IN
regularly suffixed to demonstrative pronoun preceding noun instead of to noun itself.
61 q- as in note 53. -t- = 3d per. pl. intr. subj., referring to idz’lram. -ga- = element regularly intro-
duced after 3d per. pl. intr. -t- before -d-i- TO COME and, before verb stems beginning with k- sounds,
after 3d per. pl. intr. -w- (cf. note 62). -d-i- TO COME consists of -d- = directive prefix HITHER, TOWARD
SPEAKER, correlative to directive -u-, and -i- = verb stem TO GO. -mam-= form of -am- (see notes 8 and
32) used after vowels. -a asin note 53.
62 ql- = tense prefix of future time employed before vowels (al- and a- used analogously to gal- and ga-).
-u- = 3d per. pl. intr. subj. used, instead of -t-, before verb stems beginning with k- sounds (as here
-gim-). -gwa- = -ga- as in note 61, -w- being inorganic, due to influence of -w- preceding k- sound (cf.
note 53). -gim- = verb stem TO SAY; -kim (as in note 47) is used when accent immediately precedes, -gim-
when suffix (here -a) is added and accent is pushed forward. -aasin note 53. In Chinook -wgwa- appears
as -0go- (gwa regularly becomes go); alugwagi’ma is paralleled in Chinook by ogogoé’ma.
63 Particle verb TO USE SUPERNATURAL POWER, TRANSFORM, to which following gatci’ux serves as aux-
iliary. It is one of those very few Wishram words in which glottal catch is found (other words are -tcié
OR, ‘i’cfic BLUEJAY, dala‘a’z PERHAPS).
ga-asinnote4. -tc-= 3d per. masc. tr. subj., referring toisk/u’/lya. -i- = 3d per. masc. tr. obj., referring
to itc/z’zyan. Observe that subject noun regularly precedes object noun, their order being thus analogous
to that of incorporated pronouns with which they stand in apposition. -u- = directive prefix. -z = verb
stem TO DO (TO).
% — pla’la. Particle verb, with which following amru’xwais used as auxiliary. p/a’l’ amru’rwa QUIET
YOU-WILL-BECOME (i. e., you will stop, desist).
66 q- as in note 53. -m-= 2d per. sing. obj. with following reflexive element (see -i- in notes 9 and 28).
-r- asin note 28. -w-z-w-a as in note 53.
br r+
in cm
zy , aan
RAF Re
-
o-
so :
-. ;
oe —'
> ; :
7 . 5%
sf ,
4 ps =e as “
a
t
fr? " :.
|
“ay 1
H
.
7 ej =
‘
.
: ‘ .
7
o -
+
7
.
‘ .
+
. y
i '
) nt%
’
A , ‘
euti i 161
. nf 5
oo
: : / vv om
\ al hey rie ft
Ci es 0
: : f xe gtd?
WG in are
: e's)
2 Ae
au =
MAIDU
BY
ROLAND B. DIXON
679
ei.
CONTENTS
Page
See Misiribution and: digleets- c=. 5=.02sa.c0-42 so sateeeae sosco. sees sees. 683
Reema eH) CLI CH soe an hs oe 5 oles ms Sas Ste ee De I I ek oe EI 684
eae 0 NOUNS. «805. cen cade cae sete ee ade eater aueees ad 684
§ 3. Phonetic character of stems and sound-grouping. .....--.-.-------- 685
Sy LOR TE ONE O) Noi Th GE ASS One me Stie or ae ee ere ae aa 686
§§ 5-6. General principles of grammatical structure ............-.--.-------- 687
PMU SEMAN tote 2 ome eo ae ue oh hee b emote meno ndee tens 687
Se CE EPPRINRT RIA rg aiata wd 2 oe mae Sie rela ca ke 689
§ 7. Ideas expressed by grammatical processes and forms.........---------- 690
ere DISCIsniOns Ol OrAMMals 4.2 osc a. Sareea os hea m ain cmeee ns ano se ce cis 691
Seer ORC CTEM SIN cee ch et eo aes oan cco Oe emt 691
Pre Cine COMI DOMINION 5... 205. euee Soot ue ehh enes Jen cain cemeces 691
Sean V GEOR COMPOSHION. Jo 52 4. tee Ss eed a Sab sect eee sse ds 693
§ 9. Characteristics of verbal composition.........--...-------- 693
SOMO = Ae ren NES ay smn 25 eae Nannon cine iniels Salas e eemes cnenae 693
SUC arOipeGh Prenmegesi eis cc: SUM bene 693
§ 11. Prefixes referring to parts of the body (nos. 1-9) ...-- 694
§ 12. Prefixes indicating the shape or portion of the agent
by which the action is performed, or the character
of fhe aetion iiself (nds; 10-15). = 22.5. .225e54- neces 2 695
§ 13. Prefixes indicating the general character of the action
(Mose lGS IM inaouceomn as. Seecea coos aa etree aes cee ee 698
Suidy Compositiow Ol prefikes:. 22. ..cccd secs cose e see oe 699
SHB MSG GS BRO eee CSO EES Ste RIO EIe See Ieee Akasa eer a 699
Noel G=7GN SUlinKed ee eee own Rk ce ae eta Saw ne en See aaa 699
SM ROU DE OL MUMURCS 22 2 SS use on coos eat easect caste oes 699
§ 17. Suffixes expressing direction of motion (nos. 1-15)..--- 700
S82 Modaltsutitxes:(mosi-16=29))) 2525-2 a2. eee ae ee oe ee 701
$19. ‘Temporal suffixes’ (nos. 30-38).........-..:.--...---- 703
§ 20. Suffixes indicating relative success or completion of
CCU GS aoe eee eae sect ose cote 704
§ 21. Suffixes indicating number, iteration, reciprocity
(GOV a) recast et Sepa la cy eS SCSI SI ee ar 705
§ 22. Nominalizing suffixes (nos. 46-48) ......---..--.------ 705
§ 23. Participial suffixes (nos. 49-54) .........-..--.--.---- 706
§ 24. Suffixes giving general idea of motion (nos. 55-56). reat 707
§ 25. Suffixes indicating negation, inability (nos. 57-58) .... 707
S 2s Composition Of REMIXPH oo hoo. sos sts use ee et 708
Pear eee ONAN, OF NLCMIN -h5 2520 ches sec ace d Sime emese oan 708
Ae See NTA DC Lee eee eee ps So een eme Se hol Soe e ee Seek 708
ae ea CsI pea Se Ee ee ee ee Te a os oe es 711
Mo0selocative and amstrumentall suiiimes)3 22 .- 2-. 2024.52: sen -- oe <= 712
Sole CreOnalspronoOuns(accac occ ccsceee otc cceceeanbonec ceeeccecos ss. 713
682 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BuLL. 40
§§ 8-37. Discussion of grammar—Continued Page
$ 32., Demonstrative promouns...° -222.c225~55 3. Se ae 715
§ 33. Relative and interrogative pronouns: <2... 222-23. .- cemjeneny eee 716
§ 34. Adjectives.....-.- Jase c oe) e oe ee Be eee ee 716
§ 85. Adverbs. - 2 .+- 2202-22 5ceee nes aes eee ae See eee eee 717
§ 36, Commectiyes .~.../.22c)- sens Sesn dere eee a eee ee 718
§ 37. Interjections..... ../.<<te.2 spioceeeeee ape se ee a 718
$§ 38-41. Vocabulary -.:. <2. -25226 2+ soon ees eee See ee ee ee 718
§ 38. Classes of stems. 2-22. 22.2520 0s. so sponses ses -sesee ee eee | es
§ 39. Stems taking no suffixes, or only such as are neither nominal nor
verbal .c.<2 se see cn oe Bee eee Se Le a See ee eee 719
§ 40. Stems taking nominal suffixes only..........-------~--.-hesseoeee 719
§. 41.. Steme taking verbal suffixes. _...-- 2:2. <22-4 -<. 2 eee 723
Mex. -cecteres 2k dia ne See SE Se SE eos re ere 726
MAIDU
By Roxtanp B. Dixon
§ 1. DISTRIBUTION AND DIALECTS
The Maidu (or Pujunan) stock comprises the various dialects of the
language spoken by a body of Indians in northeastern California.
The region occupied by these Indians is a continuous single area,
lying partly in the Sacramento valley and partly in the Sierra
Nevada mountains. It may be roughly described as extending from
the Cosumnes river in the south to a line drawn from Chico, through
Lassen’s Butte, to Susanville in the north, and from the Sacramento
river eastward to the eastern base of the Sierra. The neighboring
languages are, on the north the Achomawi-Atsugewi (Shastan) and
Yana, on the west the Wintun (Copehan), on the south the Miwok
(Moquelumnan), and on the east the Washo and Paiute (Shoshonean).
Of these the Wintun and Shoshonean show the clearest morphological
resemblances to the Maidu.
The Maidu language is spoken in three dialects, differing from one
another more morphologically than lexically or phonetically, although
differences of this sort, of course, occur. In general these morpho-
logical differences are in the direction of the morphological type of
the languages of the other stocks with which the Maidu are in
contact; the northwestern dialect most resembling the Wintun;
the northeastern, the Achomawi-Atsugewi; and the southern, the
Miwok. The northwestérn dialect is spoken in that part of the
Sacramento valley occupied by the stock, which lies north of the Yuba
river, and also in the foothills adjoining, up to an elevation of about
three thousand feet. It shows some minor variations within itself in
‘the way of subdialects, these differences being as a rule, however,
very slight. The northeastern dialect is spoken in the region of the
high, flat-floored mountain valleys extending from Big Meadows in
683
684 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL 40
the north to Sierra valley in the south. It has fewer variants than
the other two dialects. This dialect is the one whose grammar is here
given. The southern dialect comprises a number of slightly varying
subdialects occupying the remainder of the area covered by the stock.
In most respects this southern dialect is closer to the northwestern .
than to the northeastern.
With the exception of a few general statements in an article on the
languages of California,’ no account of the grammar of the Maidu has
ever been given. Its grammar is, however, of interest, in that it may
be taken as to some extent typical of a considerable group of central
Californian languages, which in many important particulars are quite
different from the majority of American Indian languages.
PHONETICS (S§§ 2-4)
§ 2. System of Sounds
The phonetic system of the Maidu is only moderately extensive.
It possesses but one series of k-sounds, of which only the & is frequent,
and is lacking in velars and lateral (/) sounds. The consonant system
includes palatals, alveolars, dento-alveolars, labials, and laterals.
The sonants and surds are as a rule not very clearly differentiated, and
it is sometimes difficult to determine in a given case which is intended.
Surds are mcre common than sonants in the pairs g-k and d-t, g in
particular being quite uncommon. Although in most groups of con-
sonants there is a sonant, surd, and fortis, yet the fortis is often by no
means strongly marked, and is difficult to separate from the surd.
The glottal catch is but little used. A peculiar feature of the Maidu is
the existence of two weak inspirational sonant stops 8 and p. The
exact method of formation of these sounds is not clear. However, it
is certain that imspiration proceeds no further than the soft palate;
the peculiar quality of the sound being produced by a ‘‘smack”’
formed by a slight vacuum in the mouth. The z and p occur only as
a rule before 6, and the difference between them and the ordinary
b and d is, in the case of some speakers and in some words, very
slight; in other words, or in the same words by other and generally
older speakers, the difference is strongly marked. The consonant
system of the Maidu may be shown in tabular form as follows:
1 Roland B. Dixon and Alfred L. Kroeber, The Native Languages of California, in American Anthro-
pologist, n. S., V, 1-26.
§2
Boas] HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 685
Sonant Surd Fortis Spirant Inspirant Nasal
1 eR ee ee a k k! xr - ih
eae ee eee. t t! = D(O) n
Pento-alveolar .°. . 0.0. = ts - SC - -
Beale teas so fae RD Pp p! - B(6) om
MGI a salt 2 See Oe = = = = =
ta eatGh ou icy ee AD
h, y and w.
The vowels are quite variable. One of the most characteristic
features of the use of vowels is the fondness for the 6, @, and ii sounds.
The vowels are as follows:
Ss
Sei
§ 8. Phonetic Character of Stems and Sound-Grouping
Stems are with few exceptions monosyllabic and consonantal, and
consist as a rule either of (1) consonant, vowel; (2) consonant,
vowel, consonant; or (3) vowel, consonant. Words may begin with
a vowel, h, y, or w, or with any consonant except « or 7. By far the
greater number, however, begin with a consonant, most commonly
t,k,b or p, with h and w also very common. The most frequent initial
vowels! are a, 0, and e. Whereas initial combinations of two con-
sonants are impossible, such clusters are common in the middle of
words. Groups of more than two are, however, unknown. In combi-
nations of two consonants, sonants, except J, are never found as the
first member of the group. Except for this restriction, the possible
combinations are comparatively unrestricted, the only ones which are
avoided being those of two spirants, a nasal and lateral, or those in
which z is the second or ts the initial member. The following com-
binations are most frequent:
Id, lb, lt, lp, lk, lts, Is ab, xl, 2k, ats, 2p
kd, kb, kl, kt, kts, kp, ks, kn, km sd, sb, sl, sk, sts, sn, sm
td, tk, tp, tn, tm nd, nb, nk, nt, nts, np, ns, nm
pd, pb, pk, pt, pts, ps, pn md, mb, mt, mts, mp, ms, mn
1 Verbal stems of the second class ($5, b), like the words themselves, tend very strongly to begin and end
with surds. The larger number also of this class have a, 0, or wu for their vowel.
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686 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 40
All words must end in a vowel, or in m, n, p, t, or very rarely in 1.
The great majority end in a vowel (most commonly 7); and of the con-
sonantal endings, the nasals are by far the most common. The pho-
netic structure of the Maidu is thus quite simple, and, owing to the
prevailingly vocalic character of the language and to the comparative
lack of consonant combinations and phonetic changes, the whole
structure is unusually transparent, and the Come parts of any
word are easily recognized.
§ 4. Laws of Euphony
Euphonic laws require sound-changes in some instances. These
laws are mainly retroactive, and apply to consonants only in the
case of m. Where m is followed by k or w, the m is changed to fi; as,
amam that one (sukj.) + -kanand = amankan and that one
mom he + wete = ménwete he alone, he himself
There appears to be more or less of a tendency toward vocalic har-
mony in the Maidu. It is obscure, however, and never is more than a
tendency, the exceptions to the rule being often very numerous. As
will be pointed out more fully in § 12, the Maidu possesses a number
of stems, which are ordinarily dependent on others, as prefixes,
but which may in some instances stand as independent stems by
themselves. These semi-independent stems are all composed alike
of a consonant in combination with a vowel. The larger proportion
of them seem to be grouped in series, with variable vowel; as,
ba-, be-, bo-, b6-, bu- wa-, We-, Wi-, Wo-, WG-, wu-, ete.
The significations of these are in most instances general, and in some
cases very obscure; but it is probable that in each series, the a, 0, 6,
and u prefix-stems, at least, are alike in meaning, or closely related.
Similar, although less complete, series of wholly independent stems
occur; such as,
hap, hop, hép, hup tas, tes, tos, tus, etc.
and here again, in the a, o, 6, and u stems there seems to be often a
close correspondence in meaning. Where these or other independ-
ent stems are combined with the prefix-stems, there seems to be a
tendency to similarity of vowel-sounds; the vowel of the prefix
being either the same as that of the stem, or of the same class; as,
for instance, bahap-, bohop-, wékét-, yedip-, bapus-; béyol-, etc. This
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BOAS] HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 687
tendency is most marked in the case of the é-stems. The o-stems
take preferably either o or a prefix-vowels; the a-stems, either a or
e; the e-stems, either e or a; the i-stems, either e or a; and the u
stems are very variable. In every case, however, except in the
case of the 6-stems, any vowel may occur in the prefix, those noted
being merely the most frequent. In all cases, i-prefixes are
abundant, because the prefix wi- is one so important that it is used
with practically every stem, and appears to suffer no phonetic
change. In the case of other prefix-stems, whose meaning is more
precise, which do not occur in series, and which generally refer to
parts of the body as instruments in the action of the verb, no such
tendencies toward vocalic harmony are apparent. Traces of a
similar tendency toward vocalic harmony are also to be seen in the
use of the general verbal suffix -n. This, in the case of o and a
stems, has generally o for a connecting vowel; with other stems,
however, it has 7; as, for example,
yok-on, ok-on, pin-in
In a few instances, progressive euphonic changes occur, as where
6 after @ becomes ii:
pa'kiipem instead of pa’képem
or in the change of p to 6 after n:;
dpe’kanbem instead of ope’kanpem
There are also several instances of the insertion of t or i for euphonic
reasons; as, for example,
yaiyo'tsopin instead of yayd’tsopun
té’tyollebiissin instead of téyollebiissin
ko'doidi instead of ko’dodi
GENERAL PRINCIPLES OF GRAMMATICAL STRUCTURE
($$ 5, 6)
§ 5. Composition
Of the different grammatical processes employed in Maidu, com-
position is by far the most important and widely used. It will be
most conveniently considered by dividing it into—
(1) Nominal composition, and
(2) Verbal composition.
688 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 40
Nominal Composition
Composition, in the case of nouns, occurs in its simplest form in
the formation of compound nouns. Where the initial component
ends in a vowel, a connective is usually employed. This connective
is always m (changing to % before k or w; see § 4). As a nominal
suffix, this m indicates syntactic relationship. With nouns which
do not end in a vowel, the compound is formed by the mere juxta-
position of the two words. Composition is further used with nouns
to express diminutives, superlatives, collectives, privatives, etc.,
all of which are indicated by unchangeable suffixes added to the
nominal stem. The most important use of composition in the noun
is, however, its use in indicating local and instrumental, as well as
syntactic relations. These locative and instrumental ideas are
expressed by suffixes added to the nominal stem (§ 30). Syntactic
relations are also expressed by suffixes, there being a subjective
and a possessive case-ending. Finally, composition is employed,
although in a very small number of cases, to indicate ideas of num-
ber, a few animate nouns taking suffixes which indicate duality or
plurality.
Verbal Composition
In verbal composition there are three elements to be considered—
the stem, the prefix, and the suffix. In Maidu there are two classes
of stems. In the first class, which includes all but a few out of the
total number, the stem is wholly independent and is always used as
a stem, never being subordinated to another stem as prefix or suffix.
These stems are predominantly of the consonant-vowel-consonant
type; and although they normally seem to be, as just stated, entirely
independent, some are at times combined with others to form double
stems, the double stem taking the regular prefixes just as if it were
simple. The second class, which includes only about a half dozen
or so, consists of stems which are sometimes independent and some-
times dependent, being subordinated to other stems as prefixes. In
the case of these latter stems, we have what might be called co-ordi-
nated composition. The true prefixes, on the other hand, are always
subordinate to some stem, and never stand alone or as stems. There
are but a small number of these prefixes, and they indicate as a rule
the agent or instrument of the action, referring chiefly to parts of
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Boas] HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 689
the human body, as hand, foot, head, etc. In other cases, the pre-
fixes point out the shape of the object.
Suffixes express a much wider variety of ideas, and are very much
more numerous than prefixes. They indicate direction of motion,
modal and temporal ideas, negation, etc., and, like the true prefixes,
are (with one possible exception) always strictly subordinate to the
stem, and can under no circumstances stand alone.
One feature of composition in Maidu which is very clear is the
slight degree of coalescence between the component parts of the com-
pound; prefix, stem, and suffix each keeping its separate individual-
ity. With few exceptions there are no phonetic changes resulting
from composition; no contractions, elisions, or assimilations between
affix and stem taking place. The most important exceptions are the
case of an m coming before a k or w (in which case the m changes to
fi), and the retention of the euphonic terminal 7 before the subjective
suffix m in nouns whose stem ends in m. A few other exceptions are
noted in § 4.
§ 6. Reduplication
Maidu makes use of duplication and reduplication to only a slight
extent in expressing grammatic concepts.
Simple duplication is restricted largely to the noun, where it is
used, in connection with a suffix, to indicate the distributive. Very
few nouns, however, appear to form such distributives. With verbs,
it gives an iterative meaning, and the duplication may include both
stem and prefix; as,
witdswitdsénoitsoia he went about picking here and there
Reduplication is quite frequent in verbs, both reduplication of
stem and of prefix or suffix. In all cases the vowel of the redupli-
cated stem, prefix or suffix, is the same as that of the original, and
the reduplication conveys the idea of iteration, or, in the instance of
some suffixes, apparently gives the idea of A LITTLE, SLIGHTLY.
The reduplication or duplication is, in the majority of cases, initial,
but there seem to be a number of instances of inner or terminal
reduplication or duplication; as, for example,
paka'nkanto springs (distributive), from paka’m spring
yaha’ham mai'diim good men (yaha’m good), the reduplication
here expressing the plurality of the noun
oki’ kitdom getting home one after another (oki/tdom getting home)
44877—Bull. 40, pt 1—10 44 $6
690 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 40
In the first two instances neither the noun nor the adjective can be
analyzed into components, as may be done in the case of several
other apparent instances of terminal reduplication.
§ 7. IDEAS EXPRESSED BY GRAMMATICAL PROCESSES
| AND FORMS
Nominal and verbal stems are, in all but a few cases, distinct.
There are a few nominal stems which also serve as verbal stems, but
the number of such instances is small. With few exceptions also,
the suffixes in use are confined strictly either to nouns or verbs.
Local relationships and directive ideas are expressed by suffixes,
which are different for nouns or verbs. The nominal suffixes express
such ideas as IN, OUT OF, TOWARD, FROM, IN COMPANY WITH, etc.
The verbal forms point out the direction of motion; as, UP, DOWN,
ALONG, THROUGH, etc. Instrumentality and agency are indicated in
the noun by suffixes, but in the verb by prefixes. In the latter, the
series includes terms designating actions performed by the various
parts of the body, by objects of different shapes, or the method of
action, as by force or pulling, ete.
The formal relations of the parts of the sentence are expressed by
nominal suffixes, in so far as the subject, object, and possessive rela-
tions are concerned. Modal and temporal ideas are also expressed
by suffixes; the latter in some cases, however, being so loosely con-
nected to the verb that they may at times stand alone or precede
the verb entirely.
There are in Maidu no generic classifications of nouns, unless we
consider the half-dozen cases known, where a few nouns designating
human beings take regular dual or plural suffixes. These are the
only instances, however, of any such classification, for none is appar-
ent in the case of the few distributives.
Ideas of plurality are but little developed in the noun. Here a dual
and plural, formed regularly, as in the pronoun, is found only for the
words WOMAN, CHILD, HUSBAND, and pog. Distributives as opposed
to plurals also occur with but few words. Indefinite plurals, express-
ing such ideas as A PILE OF, MANY, etc., and duals, are, however,
common, and are indicated in both cases by suffixes. In the pro-
noun, ideas of number are abundantly developed, there being a regu-
lar dual and plural. As will be seen from § 28, the dual and plural are
quite regular in form, and are strictly used. Both the dual and plu-
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BOAS] HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 691
ral are indicated by suffixes. In the verb, plurality, or rather itera-
tion, is expressed by duplication or reduplication. In the pronoun
the dual and plural forms are derived in each case from the corre-
sponding singular.
Diminutives, imitatives, inchoatives, desideratives, etc., are all
indicated by suffixes, but are in general little used.
The pronoun indicates each of the three persons by a separate
formal element, all of which possess both dual and plural forms. An
inclusive and exclusive form of the first person plural exists, but the
distinction is not commonly made. The third personal pronoun is
frequently used as a demonstrative; but there exist regular demon-
strative forms as well that are never used in the personal sense.
The demonstrative possesses really but two forms, corresponding
to our THIS and THAT, and denoting relative distance from the
speaker. The demonstrative is thus comparatively undeveloped in
so far as regards number of forms and accuracy of the expression of
location, and, even in its simple contrast of nearness or remoteness,
is not always strictly used.
The Maidu sentence is characterized by the definiteness with which
the agent of action, the direction of motion, or the qualification of
the action is expressed, and by the extent to which ideas of plurality
are strictly carried out in all pronominal sentences. In its formal
characters, the chief features of the sentence are its flexibility, open-
ness, and clarity, the independence of the noun and pronoun, and
the absence of the process of incorporation, well marked in many
Indian languages. The expression of verbal ideas in nominal form
is also a rather common feature.1
DISCUSSION OF GRAMMAR (§§ 8-37)
Composition (§§ 8=27)
§ 8. Nominal Composition
As has been stated in § 5, nominal composition is much less devel-
oped than verbal composition in Maidu. Its uses, apart from those
expressing syntactic relations, are
(1) In the formation of compound nouns.
(2) In the formation of diminutives.
Inisé’ki hesa’timenmapem, literally, OUR WHAT-NOT-SHALL-DO (our nothing shall do), instead of
WE SHALL DO NOTHING, CAN DO NOTHING.
692 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 40
(3) In the formation of collectives.
(4) In the formation of privatives.
(5) In the formation of terms, such as are expressed in English by
words like ONLY, MERELY, etc.
1. Connectives. In the formation of compound nouns a con-
nective may or may not be used. Where the stem of the primary
component ends in a consonant, the connective is very generally
omitted; as in—
hés-bini spider-web (hési buzzard; bina net)
ba’t-sawi head-plume (bat [?]sa’wi grass)
In other cases, the euphonic 7 is retained, as in—
tolt’-waka calf of leg (tola’ leg; waka’ meat)
When a connective is used, this is invariably m (or 7, see § 4), and it
may be used either with a noun whose stem ends in a vowel, or with
one ending in a consonant, but retaining the euphonic 7; as,
sii’-m-buki dog-tail (sit dog; bu’kwu tail)
hi’ni-m-butu eye-lash (hi’ni eye; butu fur)
Inasmuch as m is the regular nominal suffix of the subjective case, it
may be regarded here as expressing a weak syntactic relation between
the two components of the compound word.
2. Diminutives. These are, on the whole, little used in Maidu.
In the dialect here discussed, the formation of the diminutive is by
means of the suffix -bé; as,
obé little stone (6 stone) sii’ bé little dog (sii dog)
The suffix is added directly to the stem, and is applied indiscrimi-
nately apparently to animate or inanimate objects.
3. Collectives. These express such ideas as A PILE OF, A CROWD
OF, A LOT OF, and are quite commonly used. The most frequently
used is the suffix -nono added directly to the stem; as,
kiilo’k-nono a lot. of women, all the women
mai dii-nono the men as a body
Beside this suffix, there are two others that are frequently used as
such, although they may be used alone, and stand before the noun.
These other forms are -bomé and -loko; as,
mai’diimbomé all the men, the crowd of men
tsa’mloko a bunch of trees, cluster of trees
In the case of both these latter forms the connective m is always used.
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4. Privatives. These are used only in connection with the
suffix -pe(m), the various uses of which will be found discussed in § 22.
There are three suffixes indicating privation, and each is added
directly to the stem, and is followed by the suffix -pe(m); as,
bu’k-mul-pe(m) tailless (bu’ki tail)
hi’n-kol-pe(m) eyeless (hi’ni eye)
par’-wii-pe(m) foot-less (par, paiyv’ foot)
The last of these suffixes, -wi7, is simply the stem of the negative win
no. The stem -kol- also appears in the word ko’lon NONE.
5. The suffix -déké is used to express the idea of ONLY 4,
MERELY, etc. It is generally added directly to the stem, but occa-
sionally requires the connective m; as,
ono'-déké merely a head tsaka’-m-doké only pitch
Verbal Composition (§§ 9-27)
§ 9. CHARACTERISTICS OF VERBAL COMPOSITION
In verbal composition we have to deal with three component fac-
tors—prefixes, stems, and suffixes. As a class, the prefixes are not
numerous; whereas the suffixes, at least in comparison, are abundant,
there being between fifty and sixty of them in use. Nearly all the
prefixes are composed of consonant and vowel, or a single vowel.
The suffixes, however, are not so regular.
PREFIXES (§§ 10-14)
§ 10. Groups of Prefixes
Verbal prefixes may in the first place be divided into two types,
according as they are or are not arranged in series, as stated in § 4.
As pointed out in § 5, prefixes are also of two different types, accord-
ing as they are wholly subordinated to the stem, or co-ordinate with it,
and able sometimes to appear as stems themselves. About half the
prefixes are of this latter class, although it is possible that many not as
yet noted as of this type may eventually be found to belong to it. In
the majority of cases the prefix indicates the agent by which the
action is performed. In a limited number of instances, however, the
prefix appears to point out the object of the action; as, for example,
the prefix té-, which normally indicates actions done wirn the foot,
may in some cases refer to actions done To the foot. Classified
§§ 9, 10
694 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 40
according to their meaning, the prefixes fall into two groups; the
smaller and more definite referring to different parts of the body as
the agents (or objects) of action, the other and more numerous point-
ing out the general shape or character of the thing or agent by which
the action is performed.
§ 11. Prefixes Referring to Parts of the Body
1. haz) actions performed with the shoulder or the back (also used
as stem).
ha’n-dak-dau-dom prying off board with shoulder
ha-la’ p-no-dom dragging along (by rope over shoulder)
ha-yo’-sip carry it out on back!
ha’-kin to lay down a load (carried on back)
2. ht- actions performed with the nose or snout.
hi’-tul-sip-dom breaking a pane of glass in window by pressing
with nose
3. t- actions performed by sitting on.
vn-bat-o-dom breaking stick by sitting on
vn-no-ti-moto bend together by sitting on
4. is-, ic- action performed with the foot.
is-dot-sono-tsova he kicked it over
1s-wa-wa-koi-tsoia he scraped away with feet
ic-dot-o-k6 foot-ball
5. Kka- actions performed with the flat hand, or sometimes with the
flat side of something (also used as stem).
ka’-bak-dau-dom prying off shingle with hand
ka’-dak-kin to shut a pocket-knife
ka’-dek-to to shove hand through something
ka’-not-kit-dom bending down with the hand
ka’-moto to place the hands together
6. ké- actions performed with the fingers.
ki’-bak-dau-dom picking off scab with finger
ki’-tus-to to break twig in fingers
ki-tsu-pi rub (with fingers)
7. O= actions performed with the head (also used as stem).
o-ba’t-to-dom breaking a stick with the head
o-po'-pok-dom shaking water out of the hair
o’-pul-don to root up (as a hog), to dig up with horns
6’-moto to put heads together
0’-mit-on to look into a house; i. e., stick head down in through
smoke hole
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BOAS] HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 695
8. s0- actions done with the arms (also used as stem).
sohu'n-bék-tsoia he jumped at to seize in his arms
so’-wo-dom lifting in arms
9. té- actions performed with or upon the foot (also used as stem).
1é’-as-pin to pull toward one with the foot
té’-hul-dom stamping upon
té’-lap-sito to shove something sharp through the foot
té’-pes-ton to step on and mash something soft and wet
té’-sin to step out of; 1. e., put the foot out from
In the case of two of these prefixes, there is apparently a very
clear relation to nominal stems — 0- with o’no HEAD, and hi-
with hi’/ku Nosz. The others show no such connection.
§ 12. Prefixes Indicating the Shape or Portion of the Agent by which the
Action is Performed, or the Character of the Action Itself
10. ba-, be-, bo-, b6-, bu- actions performed in connection with a
rounded or massive thing. This series of prefixes is one of
the most puzzling, as they seem on the whole to express
but a single idea, yet many of the forms are quite erratic. In
this series the influence of vocalic harmony makes itself
strongly felt, and there are many instances of sympathetic
variation of the vowel in both stem and _ prefix without
change of meaning, as well as cases where the change in vowel
of the stem forms a new stem with different meaning. The
following examples will make the use of this series of prefixes
clear. Only ba- and bo- may stand alone as independent
stems.
(a) Examples illustrating the regular use of these prefixes:
ba-da’k-dau-dom knocking a board off wall with a rock or hammer
ba’-pes-ton to crush something soft and wet with fist
ba’-pol-don to dig up something rounded, as potato, stone
ba’-yau-kin to throw a stone through the floor
ba’-sin to scrape dirt out of a hole
be’-dek-kin to throw a stone downward and pierce something
be-ke’t-sito to throw past; 1. e., throw, and not hit
bo’-dak-dau-dom knocking something out of a tree with a stone
bo’-kot-dau to cut a snake in two with a heavy rock
bo’-lok-don to make a snowball
bo’-kin to put down something round or bulky
bd’-téi-don to bounce up, as a ball, rock
bd-le’k-wo-doi-dom reaching the top of a mountain
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BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 40
bd’-tul-to-dom breaking a window with a stone
bii’-dut-min to force a stone into the ground by stepping on it
(b) Examples illustrating change of vowel in prefix only:
ba’-pol-don to dig up something rounded, as potato
bo-po’l-don to wash or dig a gopher out of a hole
ba’-top-to to break small stick with fist
bo’-top-kin to break stick with stone, throwing it downward
(c) Examples illustrating change of vowel in both prefix and stem:
ba’-kap-kin to force a peg into the ground by pressing
bo’-kop-kin to stick needle in floor
b0’-kép-kin to force a stake into the ground
ba’-yal-dau to split or break to pieces with wedge and hammer
bo-yo'l-kin to smash a cup with a stone
bd-y6'l-kin to split or break up fine by a blow
In the first examples in this last group, there seems to be a depar-
ture from the otherwise general meaning of something rounded
or bulky. As these variations from the general meaning
occur, however, only with three stems (k-p, -p, and h-p) which
always seem to carry with them the idea of something long
and siender, the prefix in these cases would seem to refer to the
massiveness of the whole upper part of the body by which the
pressure was exerted, or something of that sort. There are,
however, a number of forms like the following, where the
meaning of the prefix is obscure:
ba’-ta-don to drive up cattle
ba-tsa’ p-sito to pierce sheet of paper with a pencil
bd-t6v’-sito to pierce sheet of paper with a pencil
11. ho-, hu- actions performed with the edge of a long thing, gener-
ally by a steady, continuous motion (hu- also as stem).
ho-yo't-dau-dom taking off a fine shaving with knife
hii’-bak-dau to cut off a piece of bark, sole off shoe
hii-de’k-to-dom piercing with sharp knife
hi-no't-kin to bend down by means of a stick used as lever
hi-tu’l-to to break pane of glass by pressing with a stick
As stem, hu- seems to have a very general meaning.
12.
hi'-mit-dom taking something into the house
hi’-sito to take a horse across river
hu'-tso-pin to take something off a high shelf
si-, sti- actions performed with the end of a long thing.
si'-dak-dau to scrape out a basket
sii'-dak-dau to poke away with a stick
si-ké’-yo-dom drying meat (cutting it in slices?)
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BOAS] HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 697
sii-ta’-no-dom shoving along with a stick
si-kes-tsoi-a she cooked.
si’-sup-dom falling, slipping from the hand
si-to’k-dom drying meat
si-wa’-wai-to-weten having dug it apart
si-dak-daw scrape something dry out of a basket
si-ka’la-ma-kékan they would bother me
13. wa-, we- actions performed with the edge or side of a thing, often
by a sudden motion or blow.
wa-a’ p-dau to scrape off with edge of a knife
wa-ba’t-on to break a stick by a blow with the butt of an axe or
with a club
wa’-das-ton to split with an axe
wa’-hap-kin to insert a stick into a bunch of sticks
wa’-kat-sito to bat across, knock across, with side of pole
wé'-kut-to-dom biting in two with teeth
we'-pit-in to pinch with thumb and fingers
we'-tsap-dau-dom tearing off with teeth
14. wo-, w6-, wu- actions performed with the end of a long thing,
generally by a blow. The preceding prefixes wa- and we- are
so close to these that it seems probable they all belong together
in one series, as in the case of ba-, be-, bo-, b6-, bu-. Wo-
is used also as a stem.
wo’-bak-dau to pry off shingle with stick
wo’-das-dau to split or pry piece off a log
wo-do’t-sito to bat across
wo’-kot-dau to chop off end of log
wo-to’k-dom clapping together (the hands)
wo'-kin to lay down a stick or long thing (ef. bd’-kin)
wo'-pé-pék-dom shaking one’s self (cf. 0’-pé-pok-dom)
wo'-téi-dom bouncing up, as a stick (cf. b6’-téi-dom)
wi'-su-wala-ka-no to knock over backwards with a club.
15. ya-, ye-, YO-, YO-, yu- actions performed with the end of along
thing, endways, or in a direction parallel to the length of the
thing (yo- also as stem).
ya’-as-dau to strike a thing with end of spear and slide it along;
to hit with fist, and move
ya’-bak-daw to knock bark off tree by stroke with arrow or
bullet
ya’-dat-kin to put knife in sheath
ya’-moto to pile up boards on end
ye-a’ s-sito to drag one’s self across on a pole
yé'-dek-ton to shoot through anything, and pierce
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698 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 40
yé'-hap-kit-in to lower a window
yé’-sito to take a boat across a river (?)
yo-do’t-sito to knock across with end of stick, as ball with a
billiard cue
yo-ho’ p-doi-dom shoving a pole up through a crack
yo-kot-ton to cut in two with edge of shovel
yo’-non to flow, as water in a ditch
yo-tiv’-to to drive the fist through a curtain
yu’-lip-sito to stick a knife or nail into one
yu’-ta-no-dom shoving along with shoulder (considered appar-
ently as end of body)
This class of prefixes, as a whole, is one of the most obscure
features of the language, and can not yet be considered as
satisfactorily explained.
§ 18. Prefixes Indicating the General Character of the Action
16. Ae- actions occurring spontaneously or by accident. Although
this prefix would seem to be part of a series (ha-, he-, ho-, hu-),
its meaning is apparently not at all related to the others. It
is often very obscure. It occurs also as a stem.
hé’-as-dau-dom snow sliding off roof
hé’-dak-daw a shingle or leaf pulled off by some agency unknown
he’-kot-sito to break up of itself, to crack, as a glass
he'-poi-dom bending by falling of itself
he'-tsap-dau-dom knocking off hornet’s nest with stick (?)
he'-min to brush flour into a hole
he’-dan to comb the hair, brush clothes
17. wit- actions performed by force, very frequently by pulling.
This is the most common prefix of all, and seems to have a
very general meaning. It occurs with every stem, seems to
suffer no phonetic changes, and may also be used as a stem
itself. Its uses are so varied that only a few can be given.
As in the case of the last prefix, he-, although wi- would form
part of the series wa-, we-, wi-, wo-, wé-, wu-, it seems to be
really independent, and to have no relations to any of the
others in the series.
wi'-ds-pin to pull toward one
wi'-bak-dau-dom wrenching off a board or panels
wvi’-bat-kin to pull down and break, as a branch of tree
wi'-dek-kin to tear in strips downward
wi'-hap-sito-dom pulling a rope through a hole
wi'-hus-doi-dom pulling on socks
§ 13
BOAS] HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 699
wi'-kot-doi-dom ‘breaking off a piece of something soft, like
bread, by upward motion
wi'-not-kin to pull and bend down
wi'-pol-dau to pull brick out of wall
wi-ta’-ta-moto-pi to hug in arms
wi-to’k-dau to pull off a button
wiv’-yal-kin to pull off a sliver downwards
wi'-moto to gather together, as a crowd
§ 14. Composition of Prefixes
In a few instances, prefixes of the classes described in §§ 11 and 12
may be used together, although this is rare. An example of such use
is the form
wo-wo'-han-o-dom carrying on the shoulder a man extended at
length (i. e., head-first)
§ 15. STEMS
In §$§ 3 and 4 the phonetic features of stems were pointed out, and
their tendency to occur in incomplete series with variable vowel was
illustrated. As in the case of the prefixes, the pairs or series appear
to have, for the most part, similar meanings, although a consid-
erable proportion differ radically in their significance, as do the
prefixes. The less noticeable feature of a variable consonant in
the stem was also pointed out. Further discussion of verbal stems
will be found in the analysis of the vocabulary (§ 41).
SUFFIXES (§§ 16-26)
Verbal suffixes are, as already stated, numerically far more impor-
tant than prefixes. Their range of meaning is also much greater, and,
unlike the prefixes, they may be compounded one with another to a
considerable extent. They do not, moreover, show any tendency
toward occurrence in pairs or series, as is characteristically the case
with many of the prefixes. .
§ 16. Groups of Suffixes
The various suffixes may be divided, according to their meaning,
into the following groups:
(1) Suffixes expressing direction of motion.
(2) Modal suffixes.
(3) Temporal suffixes.
(4) Suffixes indicating relative success or completion of action.
§§ 14-16
700 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 40
(5) Suffixes indicating number, iteration, reciprocity.
(6) Nominalizing suffixes.
(7) Participial suffixes.
(8) Suffixes giving general ideas of motion.
(9) Suffixes indicating negation, 1. ability.
§ 17. Suffixes Expressing Direction of Motion
Of the different classes of suffixes, that which includes those indi-
cating direction of motion is decidedly the most numerous. The
following examples will illustrate the use of these directive suffixes:
1. -da downward, to the end.
wo-da'-kas I fell (from a tree)
mé’-da-to-tsova he took down, it is said
2. -dau separation, off from.
ba’-kas-dau to knock a shingle off with a hammer
yé’-dis-dau-tsoia she slid off, it is said
3. -dik(no) against, up to, alongside of.
lok-dikno-ma’-kas I shall crawl up to
sti-ta-dv’kno-dom pushing or rolling it up against something
4, -dot upward.
ka-pwi'lim-doi-no-dom rolling a log up hill
o-no’-doi-tsoia he went along up, it is said
5. -ké(€) down, on ground.
hu-ko’'t-kit-dom cutting to pieces (by bearing down on knife)
so’-wo-kit-tsoia he carried a long thing and laid it down, it is
said
6. -koti away, away from.
vc-dot-koi-dom kicking away something
b-kov’-tsoia he went away, it is said
7. -mi(t) down into a hole, into a house, into a box.
ha’s-mit-asi I slid into a hole
6-mi't-dom going into the house
8. -moto together, toward each other.
ka-ta'-moto-dom squeezing between hands
6’-moto-dom coming together, approaching each other
ka-tsik-i-moto-bos-weten having completely surrounded on all
sides
9. -paé against, at.
hit-pai-dom throwing water at some one
hom-pai-to-dom boxing, fighting
$17
BOAS] HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 701
10.
ot.
13.
14.
15.
~pin toward the speaker.
6-pi’n-tsoia he came toward
hu'n-moi-pi-pin-kit-toi-tsoia they came by degrees back down
toward from hunting, it is said
hé’-ap-pin-pin-tsoia she slid toward, little by little, it is said
-si(p) out of, out from.
6-si’ p-tsoia they got out (of the boat)
has-si’ p-asi I slid out (of the house)
. -sito across, through.
la’ p-sito-dom crawling through (a hole in the fence)
6-si’to-yé-we' -biis-ma-pem one who shall continually travel back
and forth across
-ta on top of, off the ground.
tus-bd-ta’-dom standing by the smoke hole on the roof
wo’'-ta-nit it lies on top of, said only of a long or flat thing
tép-ta-tsoia he jumped upon
-tso round and round, over and over, over.
la’ p-tso-no-ye-dom crawling around something
lé'k-tso-pin-wé-bissim they kept crawling over toward speaker
-wai apart, asunder, stretching out.
hé’-sas-wai-to-ti-dom causing to fall apart
ka-ta’-wai-to-dom flattening out by patting between hands
§18. Modal Suffixes
These suffixes may be divided to good advantage into two sub-
classes,—those which are modal in the general sense of the term, and
those which are temporal.
16. -2 infinitive.
ile
18.
Wee
bii’sin to be
don to seize or hold in mouth
6’stp-in to go out
-us reflexive.
pé-bo’s-us-tsoia he ate himself entirely up
yapav’-to-us-dom talking to himself
wa’ s-wéeye-us-tsoia he swore at himself
ni’-us I myself
-ti causative.
wile’ -u-kit-ti-koi-tsova he caused to run away down
bu-dut-no-ti-paai-kan he made water to rise
wo'no-ti-dom killing (causing to die)
=p, -pa, -pada imperative.
6-nd’-p go!
§ 18
702 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 40
mé-p give (me)!
6-no’-pa go!
hata’m-pada do ye search for!
20. -ta future.imperative.
wo'no-ta it shall die, let it die!
tse-ta’ let them see!
ma-ta’-si let me be!
21. -bo future imperative.
yaha’-bo let it be good!
wo'no-kén-kaddo ma-bo’ a mortal-world let it be!
22. -po, -pé, -pee exhortative.
d’-no-po let us go!
bii’s-ta-pé let us stay!
helav’-to-péé let us gamble!
23. -de interrogative.
oka’-de méye’m is he hungry?
wo'no-ti-ma-ka-de-s shall I kill?
suda’ka-de is it sweet?
24. -bené(e) obligation, must.
6-kov'-béné mintsé’m ye must go away
so’-doi-ben must bring, carry on shoulder
6-noi’-ben-ma-p do not go away!
25. -lut obligation, compulsion, intensive.
6-no’-lut-ma-ka-s I must go along
ya'k-tse-ti-lut-weten looking exactly like
It is used also with adjectives, as teté’-luti VERY LARGE, and with
nouns sometimes, as e’s-to-luti THE VERY CENTER.
26. -yaha ought, should.
6-koi'-yaha-ka-ankano you ought to go away (yaha Goon, although
an independent adjective, seems in such cases as this to be
fully incorporated as a suffix into the verbal structure)
27. -nats can.
wo’ no-men-atse-s I can not die
wi-wo'-doi-natse-no can you lift it (a long thing) ?
wile’-no-natse-n mo’-yé can he run?
28. -b6 might.
6’n-no-ti-b6-si I might swallow
ya-tai'-b6-né you might miss (with arrow)
29. -helu may, perhaps (%).
yo-do't-pa-nu-to-helii’-ké-kan he may have tied them up to
ok-he'lu-ké-enkest we all may be hungry
§ 18
BOAS | HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN 1.ANGUAGES 703
This seems also to be used independently, when it means soME,
A FEW. It would appear probable from this, that its use
in the verb would indicate the plurality of the object, as in
the case of woli MANY, which is used similarly for this purpose.
The examples available, however, only indicate its meaning
as above.
$19. Temporal Suffixes
30. -Aa incompleted action (present).
6-kov'-ka-si | am going away
o’kasi (ok-ka-si) | am hungry
we’ ye-don-k6-ka-n he is talking
This suffix is still somewhat uncertain. It is used in the great
majority of instances, but is occasionally omitted in direct
statements of immediate action; as d-koi-s I GO, ise-s I SEE.
It is probably intimately related to the auxiliary verb ka
TO BE, seen in such forms as ka-s 1 AM; ka-an-ka-no YOU ARE;
ka-ti’-ka-s I CAUSE IT TO BE, I DO, etc.
31. -ma incompleted action (future).
dkow’-ma-ka-s I shall go away
6-ye’-ma-dom will be going
ko-be'-bek-ti-men-ma-pem one who shall not cause to cry aloud
As indicated in the first example, this suffix is often combined
with -ka. Like the latter, it also is extensively used as an
independent auxiliary verb; as ma-ma-ka-s 1 SHALL BE;
kul-dom ma-md’-pem ONE WHO SHALL BE MOURNING; hesa’/dom
ma-ka-de-s WHAT SHALL I BE, DO?
32. -as, -has completed action (past).
ok-a’s-asi | was hungry
yok-a@'s-has min I struck you
adom as 6-koi-ka-s so | went away
nik as kav’-ké-kan me she was calling
This may be used, as shown in the last two examples, separately
before the verb, which is then in the usual present form. It
is not, however, as in -ka and -ma, used as an auxiliary verb.
33. -paaé completed action (remote past).
ok-paar'-kan he was hungry long ago
a-paai'-kan he said long ago
34. -tsot completed action (mythic past, known indirectly).
6kov’-tsoi-a he went away, it is said
wi-do’k-dau-tsoi-a he tore off, it is said
§ 19
704 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 40
35. -wea, -ea incompleted action. Used only.in direct quotation,
as a sort of historical present; also with the idea of the action
being customary.
la’ p-ti-kinu-wea-s I sit beside
tse-we’ano you see
to’ s-bo-kit-eam he stands
36. -weu, -yeu, -ew completed action. Used only in direct
quotation.
tse-hé’-ye-weu-kan he looked around
kai-yé’u-ka-si I called
tse-me’n-eu-ka-s I did not see
37. -yak completed action. Generally, but not always used in direct
quotations.
doni’-no-men-yak-es I did not hold
ok-ya'k-eno ai’séi you were hungry, I think
homo’ 6-koi’-yak-en whither they had gone
38. -btis, -bis continuative.
so’lle-biis-vm kept on singing
hi'sse-biis-tset while continuing to weave
tso’-weé-biis-pe-di into the still burning one
This suffix is identical with the stem of the verb biisin TO LIVE,
STAY, REMAIN.
§20. Suffixes Indicating Relative Success or Completion of Action
39. -bos to do a thing thoroughly, completely, and hence, deriy-
atively, an action done by or to all of a number of persons
or things without exception.
tso’-bos-poto-tset while almost wholly burned
tui’-bos-no-tsoia she slept soundly, it is said
we’ yé-bos-weten after having told everything
wilé’-koi-bos-tsovua they every one ran away
40. -kanim to finish doing, to bring the action to an end. It is
related clearly to kani, meaning ALL.
so-ha'n-on-kanim he carried him there, i. e., finished the act of
carrying
6-dikno-ii-kanim he arrived
41. -hékit inchoative, to just begin.
pi’ yé-to-hékit-dom just beginning to bathe
42. -hudoé almost, nearly.
w6-k6't-dau-hudoi-as I almost cut off
té’-dis-doi-hidoi-ye-bis-im (her feet) were all the time almost
slipping up
§ 20
BOAS] HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 705
43. -hehé only, just.
kili-nan-na-méni-hehé’ only when nearly dark
b6-yok-sip-dom-hehé’ only selecting
44, -poto almost, nearly.
bata’-poto’-tset nearly catching up with her
§ 21. Suffixes Indicating Number, Iteration, Reciprocity
45. -to. This suffix, of general and very frequent use, is somewhat
puzzling. It is used in some cases to indicate iteration;
in others, reciprocal action; at times it seems to point to a
plural object. It occurs frequently in combination with other
suffixes, particularly the directive suffixes. It is also used
as a nominal suffix in connection with the reduplicated dis-
tributives. Examples of its use in these various ways will
show its variability.
mo’-ton to drink repeatedly (mon to drink)
yo’ k-6-ton to strike repeatedly with fist (yo’k-6n to strike)
yapar’-to-to-dom talking to each other
si’mak-to-dom talking to each other
hé’-sas-wai-to-ti-dom causing to fall apart
tsa’-tsa-to trees
s8i-kala-to-to-men-wet not bothering each other
§ 22. Nominalizing Suffixes
46. -pe forms nomina actoris, and also indicates place of action.
ho’m-pat-to-pe a fighter (ho’mpaito to fight with the fists)
mong kii/lé hé’-doi-pem a runner after that woman, one who
runs after that woman
tus-wo’-ye-pe-nan from the standing-place, from where he stood
o’k-pem mai’dii hungry man
This use of verbal nouns to take the place of true adjectives
is very common in Maidu. Adjectival stems, most intransi-
tive verbal stems, and many transitive verbal stems, form
verbal nouns of this sort, which are used in place of regular
adjectives. In many instances both forms are in use,—the
more strictly adjectival and the verbal noun.
la-la’m-pem tsa, la’-lam-im tsa long stick
opr't-pem wolo’m, opr’t-vm wolo’m full basket
47. -k6 indicates the quality of being or having, and seems to be
identical with ké-, the stem of the verb To PossEss.
pé'-ké food (pé to eat)
§§ 21, 22
44877—Bull. 40, pt 1—10 —45
706 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 40
ti-yi'k-sip-men-kém mai’diim a man who does not come out; i. e.,
one who has the quality of not coming out
ok-heli’-ké-kasi I may be hungry; i. e., I am one who has the
quality of perhaps being hungry
piye’-to-ké bathing place; i. e., having the quality of being appro-
priate for bathing
This suffix is also much used with nouns, being followed then
by pronominal suffixes or participial forms, and indicating
possession or ownership.
ha’n-wo-kit-ké-di at the place to which he carries people
hébo’-ké-dom a householder; i. e., one who has the quality of
having a house
teté’ si’m-k6-dom big-mouth-having; i. e., beg one having the
quality of having a large mouth "
yepo'ni-ké-pem having a chief
48. -ma forms verbal nouns.
han-6’-koi-s-ma what I carry off
niki bi’s-ma-s-ma my future abiding-place
wo'no-ti-s-ma what I kill
What relation this suffix bears to the regular future suffix -ma
is uncertain. The latter is never found following the pronom-
inal suffixes, and yet the nominalizing -ma always seems to
carry with it an idea of futurity. It is very rarely used.
§ 23. Participial Suffixes
These are largely used in Maidu, and participial construction is
a very common feature. Such expressions as AND TRAVELING,
HE ARRIVED, Or RUNNING, HE WENT AWAY, are constantly recurring.
49. -do(m) present participle.
6-kov’-dom going away
mi'-hun-e-pin-i-moto-dom gathering together from hunting
tsé-do’m seeing
50. -tset(e) when, while.
hesi’ pai-ti-tset while, when, dressing (causing to be dressed)
okit-(t)set when he arrived
hi’ sse-biis-tset while she stayed there weaving
51. -méné when, at the time when.
6-kov'-s-méni when I went away
lo’l-moni when crying
52. -wet(e) after having, having (past participle, immediate past).
o’ nkoi-tin-wet having caused to conquer
tseda’-da-weten having breakfasted
§ 23
Boas] HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 707
wo’ no-ti-men-wet not having killed; i. e., not having caused
to die (w0’nd to die; -t2 to cause; -men not)
a’-weten it having been so or thus
The use of this suffix with pronominal and nominal forms will
be described in § 31.
53. -wono past participle, more distant past than -wet.
wilé’-koi-wonom having run away
po’ p-koi-wono-pem the one that had burst out
tu’s-kit-wono-di at the place where he had stood
he-yu' -kit-wono-k6-tsoia (they were such) as had the quality of
having fallen down of themselves, it is said
54. -yatan past participle, similar in most respects to -wono.
wowd'-kinu-yatan having lain down on the ground
bii’s-yatan having stayed, having lived, after having remained
sol-yatan after having sung
§ 24. Suffixes Giving General Idea of Motion
55. -no general idea of motion.
prye’-to-no-tsoia he went to bathe, it is said (piye’totsoia he
bathed)
6’-no-tsoia he went along, he traveled, it is said
hov'-pai-no-ma-kas I shall go last, behind (hoi’pai behind)
56. -ye general idea of motion.
o’-yen to come, come toward
lo’ k-doi-ye-bis-im kept crawling up
hu'n-mo-koi-to-ye-tsova they went away to hunt, it is said
Both of these may be used together, giving the meaning of HERE
AND THERE, ABOUT.
be-he’s-no-ye-dom scratching here and there
la’p-no-ye-dom crawling about
§ 25. Suffixes Indicating Negation, Inability
57. -men general negative, not.
6-kov’-men-wet not having gone
ba-pol-doi-men-tsono-dom not being able to dig up
tse-me'n-tsova he did not see, it is said
58. -ts6é inability, can not.
wo'no-ti-ts6i-tsoia he could not kill him, it is said; i. e., could not
cause him to die
6pi'n-tsoi-dom not being able to come home
sol-ts6’i-dom not being able to sing
§§ 24, 25
708 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 40
§ 26. Composition of Suffixes
Examples of the extent to which these various suffixes can be
combined are shown in the following:
wile’-no-ye-tséi-biiss-ma-pem one who shall be unable to be
always running about
han-wo-tso-no-we-bis-dom continuing to carry over
wo-ho p-mit-hudoi-to-we-bisim kept almost inserting long thing into
lap-no-ye-wé-bis-ké-tsoia continued to sit about
§ 27. COMPOSITION OF STEMS
Stems may be combined into compound verbs with considerable
freedom. Such compounds may consist of single stems, or of stems
with affixes. This method of treatment of prefixes in compounds
increases the impression of independence of these elements, which is
conveyed by the occurrence of many of them as independent stems.
sd-hu’n-bék-tsoia he jumped at it to seize it in his arms (sd- action
done with arms [§ 11 no. 8]; hun- to capture [?]; bék to seize;
-tsoia it is said [§ 18 no. 34])
do'n-wi-kap-pin-tsoia she dragged toward in her mouth (don
to seize or hold in mouth; wi- action done by force [§ 13 no. 17];
kap to move with friction; -pi[n] [§ 17 no. 10]; -tsova it is said
[§ 18 no. 34])
§ 28. Number
Ideas of number are unequally developed in Maidu. In nouns, the
exact expression of number seems to have been felt as a minor need;
whereas, in the case of pronominal forms, number is clearly and
accurately expressed. In the degree to which the expression of num-
ber in nouns is carried, the dialects differ. In the northeastern
dialect here presented it is less marked than in the northwestern.
Not only are true plurals rare in nouns, but distributives also seem
to have been but little used. Where these forms occur, they are
formed by reduplication or duplication, with the addition of a suffix
(see § 21); as,
séu’séuto each, every river (sé’wi river)
hébo'boto every house, or camp (hébo’ house)
ya’manmanto every mountain
tsa’tsato every tree (tsa tree)
Distributives appear not to be used in ordinary conversation to any
extent, and are rare in the texts. The above are practically all the
forms that have been noted.
§§ 26-28
BOAS] ‘HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 709
The existence of a real plural seems to be closely associated with
a dual, and all of the few nouns taking plural suffixes take dual
forms as well. The use of either is, however, rare. The dual is more
common than the plural. The dual is formed by the suffix -tso; as,
ama'm yé' pitsom those two men
mopa'tso my two daughters
moing kii’letsoki those two women’s . . .
This dual suffix is the same as that used with the third person of the
personal pronoun (see § 31). The use of the dual suffix seems to be
restricted to a very few terms of relationship and words for human
beings only.
Plural forms are equally if not more restricted. In the few examples
noted in which the plural is used, the noun takes indifferently -sém
or -sem, the suffixes used for the plural of the second person and of
the first and third persons of the pronoun, respectively (see § 31).
The suffixes are added in all cases directly to the stem.
ye’ psém men, husbands (yé’pi man, husband)
mai diisem men (mai’dii man)
ki’‘lesem women (kii/le woman)
As regards nouns, thus, the ideas of number are but little devel-
oped; the development, however, is greater in the northwestern than
in the northeastern dialect, and it is altogether lacking apparently
in the southern dialect. In the first two cases, the degree of devel-
opment of the expression of number in the noun is parallel to the
regularity of the development of its expression in the pronoun.
In pronouns, the feeling for the necessity of exactness seems to
have been more strongly felt. On the whole, the forms may be said
to be developed regularly, and, as opposed to the fragmentary nature
of these ideas in the case of the noun, we have a full series of dual
and plural forms in the independent personal pronoun. In the
suffixed form of the pronoun, however, this completeness is lost,
and distinctions of number are made only in the first person. As
will be seen by referring to the paradigm of the subjective inde-
pendent personal pronoun (§ 31), there is some little confusion
in the series, the dual suffix of the second person being identical
with that of the plural suffix of the first and third persons. The
dual suffixes, again, are varied for the different persons (-sam, -sem,
-tsom), although the plural suffixes are more uniform, the first and
third persons being alike, with the second quite similar. In com-
§ 28
710 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 40
parison with this northeastern dialect, the forms in the other dia-
lects are interesting:
Northwestern Southern
First person singular’ "sat 3 sete ne
Second person singular. . . . . . me mae
Third person singular: :. ios) 12) em mom
Hirst person dual .<77 = "a ae nas
second. person dual - * .. 2 mamane mam
Third person: dural)! 2) 2) ou) 1415 bs.) Resa. mosam
First: person! phurakiip je ui) et oh Bae nes
Second person plural . . . . . . mimem mem
Third person plural’: i 4 anepam mosem
It will be seen that in the northwestern dialect greater regu-
larity prevails, the dual forms for the first and third persons being
alike, and that of the second keeping the same vowel. In the
plural, however, while the characteristic vowel-change in the first
and second persons is preserved, the third takes a wholly new plu-
ral suffix. In the southern dialect this irregularity disappears, in
spite of the considerable coalescence and contraction which the
pronoun in its subjective form has suffered. It seems not improb-
able that this greater regularity of the dual and plural pronominal
forms in the northwestern dialect may be connected with the still
greater regularity which prevails in this particular among the Win-
tun stock, on which the northwestern Maidu border. In Wintun,
the pronominal forms are perfectly regular throughout dual and
plural. On the other hand, the northeastern dialect, with its
smaller degree of regularity, isin contact with the Achoma’wi and
Atsugé’wi, dialects of the Shasta, which, on the whole, have a still
less regular development of dual and plural, and form a transition
to the Shasta proper, which has no dual at all. Variations of this
sort are found also in other Californian languages.
As stated above, the suffixed forms of the pronoun are much
less clear in their expression of number, dual and plural forms exist-
ing for the first person only, as may be seen from the following:
First person smeular . 0.6.57 ee, eee
Nirst pereom duadess:s os is sipewink eee
First person plural . 2. .... = (ie heen
Second person singular, dual, and ek . . no
Third person singular, dual, and plural . . -n
§ 28
Boas] HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES TEs
The method of differentiation is apparently that which lies at
the basis of the expression of number in the pronoun; 1. e., the
vowel-change of a to e to distinguish the plural from the dual.
Co-ordinate with the greater regularity of the northwestern dialect
in the independent pronoun is its greater regularity in the suf-
fixed form, although this form is much less used than in the north-
eastern. In the southern dialect suffixed forms of the pronoun
are not found. The lack of definite expression of number in the
suffixed forms of the pronoun in the dialect here presented neces-
sitates the use of the independent forms of the pronoun, in con-
nection with the verbal form, to distinguish dual from plural; as,
mi'ntsem okma’nkano ye two will be hungry
minsé’m okma’nkano ye all will be hungry
§ 29. Case
The Maidu differs from many American languages in that it
lacks any development of incorporation as a means of expressing
syntactic relations. In common with most of the languages of
central California, subjective and objective as well as possessive
relations are expressed by regular case-endings, suffixed to the noun
or independent form of the pronoun, both of which stand separate
and independent, outside the verb. That the marking of both
subject and object by means of a separate case-suffix is, for pur-
poses of clearness, not a necessity, seems to have been recognized
by all these languages. The Maidu is among those which distin-
guish by a special suffix the subjective, leaving the objective form
unchanged. To designate the subjective, the Maidu uses the suf-
fix -m. The following examples will render the use of the sub-
jective as used with nouns sufficiently clear:
sti nt has wo’kas I hit the dog (with a stick) (sti dog; ni 1)
stim has nik do’kan the dog bit me
mai'diim a o’kon the man is hungry
nisa’m has mai’ dit wo'notiankas we killed the man
mi kuli’di 6no’bene atso’ia thou must travel at night, she said
i’cyokas min I am kicking you
While all nouns and all independent pronouns, except the first
and second persons singular, form the subjective regularly in -m
(the objective being the simple stem), the two forms referred to
reverse the process, and are, besides, irregular. As shown in the
§ 29
hi? BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 40
above examples, the subjective and objective forms of the pronoun
in the first and second persons singular are, respectively, ni, nik
and mi, min. In the dialect here presented the independent sub-
jective forms of the pronouns above mentioned are somewhat rarely
used, the subject being, as a rule, expressed by the suffixed form
instead. That the -m used is really a subjective and not an agentive
case is shown by the fact of its universal employment with intran-
sitive as well as with transitive verbs.
The possessive relation is shown analogously to the subjective
by a case suffix -ki. In this instance there is no irregularity, and
all nouns and all forms of the independent pronoun alike take the
suffix:
sii’ki buki’ dog’s tail
moim mai’ diimbomobki vtusyo those people’s roast
niki hobo’ my house
mi'nki sii has wo'notias I have killed your dog
nisa’ki ka’do our country
The suffix is added always to the objective form of the noun
or pronoun (i. e., the simple stem), and, at least in this dialect,
is with few exceptions -ki. In the case of the interrogative form
WHOSE, however, we find simply -k; as,
homo'nik siim maka’dé whose dog is this?*
This possessive suffix may in some cases be added after a pre-
vious locative, as in the form
sa’-wono-na-ki. from-behind-the-fire’s; i. e., belonging to the one
who comes from behind the fire
§ 30. Locative and Instrumental Suffixes
In Maidu, locative and instrumental ideas are expressed by reg-
ular suffixes, continuing logically the indication of real syntactic
relations by the same means. The development of these locative
and instrumental suffixes in Maidu is not very great, there being
but three locatives, an instrumental, and a comitative. The fol-
lowing examples will illustrate the use of these different forms:
-di general locative, in, on, at.
mo’mdi in the water
beté’itodi in the olden time
1In the northwestern dialect the possessive is the same as here; but in the southern form there seems
to be a distinct tendency to its partial or complete abandonment. It there frequently becomes reduced
to -k, and in the most southerly of all the dialects seems to disappear completely, the subjective form of
noun or pronoun being used instead.
§ 30
/
BOAS] HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES Tio
hobo'di in the house, at home
kau’di on the ground :
noko’m ni’kdi ka the arrow is in me
tu’skitwonodi at the place where he had stopped
ong kanav’di underneath the rock
-na, -nak illative, to, toward; sometimes reduplicated..
o'lélokna toward the smoke hole
anv na hither (this-toward)
mi'nna toward you
kula’nana just before dark, toward night
-nan ablative, from, away from.
hébo’nan 6kov'tsoia he went away from the house
tikteté’nan from a little distance
tuswo’yepenan from the place where he stood
-né instrumental, with, by means of.
sii has tsa’ni wo’kas I hit the dog with a stick
moi'ky ono’mbuti’ini woma'ktikétsoia she measured with her
hair
-kan comitative, in company with, together with.
niki siikan 6koi’as 1 went away with my dog
kii'lékan 6di'k notsoia he arrived in company with the woman
mi nkan okov’as | went off with you
There is some question as to this being a regular comitative suffix,
its identity with the conjunction kan suggesting that the apparent
suffix is merely the conjunction closely combined with the noun.
§ 31. Personal Pronouns
The personal pronouns in Maidu are characterized by their inde-
pendence. In discussing the ideas of number, the independent
forms of the pronoun have already been given; but for purposes of
comparison, the subjective, objective, and possessive forms are here
given in a single table:
Subject Object Possessive
First person singular . ni nik ni’ ki
First person dual . . nisa’m nisa’ nisa’' kr
First person plural . . nisé’m Nise’ nise’ kr
Second person singular. mi min mo’ nke
Second person dual. . mi’ntsem mi’ntse mo ntseki
Second person plural . mi’nsim = mins mi’ nsokr
Third person singular . mdé’yem ~— md’ ye mo’ yekr
Third person dual . . mdéi/tsom md’tso mo’ tsoki
Third person plural. . mdé’sem m0’ se m0 sekr
§31
i BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 40
The third person is in reality more a demonstrative than a true per-
sonal pronoun; but its use is predominantly that of a personal pro-
noun, and the corresponding demonstrative wn? THIS is not used in
either the dual or plural forms. As has already been pointed out,
these independent forms of the personal pronoun take ail the locative
and instrumental suffixes, and are in every respect treated as
nouns. The personal pronouns also, in their independent form,
may take the suffix -wet(e), used chiefly with verbal stems in a par-
ticipial sense, but here giving forms like
ni’ wete | myself, I alone mo’ iiwete he alone
In speaking of the development of ideas of number, the fact was
referred to, that there were two forms of the personal pronoun—one
independent and one suffixed to the verb. The two series show
little in common, except that the first person dual and plural are dif-
ferentiated in both series by the same vowel-change from a to e.
The suffixed forms are always subjective, and are suffixed directly to
the verbal stem or to the various modal, directive, temporal, and
other suffixes which the verb may have, the pronominal suffixes,
with few exceptions, always coming last. In the singular the
resulting forms are clear enough without the addition of the inde-
pendent form of the pronoun; in the dual and plural, however, these
are usually added, although here the first person is always sufficiently
distinct. When the sense of the sentence renders the person clear,
this independent pronoun is frequently omitted. The following
indicates the use of the pronouns with the intransitive verb:
ni o’kasi or o’kasi | am hungry
mi oka’nkano or oka’nkano thou art hungry
méye'm oka’n or oka'’n méye'm he is hungry
msa'm oka'nkas or oka’nkasi nisa’m we two are hungry
mi'ntsem oka’nkano or oka’nkano mi’ntsem ye two are hungry
méo'tsom oka’n or oka’n métsom they two are hungry
nise’m oke'nkes or oke’nkesi nisé’m we all are hungry
mi’nsém oka’nkano or oka’nkano mi’nsém ye all are hungry
m0o’sem oka’n or oka’n mé’sem they all are hungry
As will be seen from the above, the position of the independent
pronoun is variable, it being placed either before or after the verb at
will. It will also be seen that the suffixed form is by no means as
fully developed as is the independent. This condition is instructive,
when the forms in use in the other dialects are compared. It then
appears that in the northwestern dialect the suffixed form is rare,
§31
BOAS] HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES (a's
with the verbal stem, but is universally added to the auxiliary verb;
in the southern dialect the use of the suffixed form of the pronoun
disappears. It seems, then, that the northeastern dialect here pre-
sented, in the matter of pronominal usage, lies at the extreme, toward
the close synthesis of pronoun with verb, the northwestern being less
so, and the southern entirely without it. As the northeastern dialect
is in close touch with the Achoma’wi, which shows much greater devel-
opment of the incorporative idea, we may be justified in regarding
this greater development of synthesis between the verb and pro-
noun as in part due to association and contact.
In the transitive verb, precisely the same conditions prevail. The
subjective pronoun, in the pronominal conjugation, is suffixed to the
verb in the northeastern dialect, the objective standing free and
independent.
yo'-kas min I am hitting thee-
yo-a'nkano méyé thou art hitting him
nisa’m min yo-a'nkas we two are hitting thee
mo'tsom nik yo'-kan they two are hitting me
yo-a'nkano nisa@’ thou art hitting us two
With a nominal object, the method is the same:
sii wo'notikas I am killing the dog
With a nominal subject, the pronominal suffix is always used:
siim has mai’dii do’-kan the dog bit the man
For emphasis, it is customary to use, in the first and second persons
singular of the pronominal conjugation, the independent form in
addition to the suffixed; as,
yo'-kas ni min I am hitting you
yo-a'nkano mi méyé’ thou art hitting him
Just as in the intransitive the dialect here presented tends more
strongly toward synthesis between pronoun and verb than do any of
the other dialects, so in the transitive the same conditions prevail,
if anything, more strongly marked, as both the other dialects have the
subjective as well as the objective pronoun entirely free and separate
from the verb which appears in a participial form.
§ 32. Demonstrative Pronouns
The demonstrative is not as highly developed in Maidu as in
many other American languages. But two forms are commonly
§ 32
716 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 40
in use, corresponding to THIS and THAT, and indicating position
near or remote from the speaker. For the former, uni’ is used,
and for the latter, ama’. Somewhat rarely a third form, anv’, is
employed to indicate position still more remote. The third personal
pronoun is often used in place of a demonstrative, and may take
the place of any one of the three. All three demonstratives take
all the nominal case and locative suffixes. The use of these demon-
stratives is shown in the following examples:
uni'm mai'diim yaha’ maka this man will be good
ama’m siim that dog
anim mai'diim that (far off) man
ama’'kan wondtitsoia and he killed that one
ani’ nan from here, hence
amda’'di there, at that place
amda'ki sii that person’s dog
mo’im mai’diim this, that man
§ 33. Relative and Interrogative Pronouns
A relative pronoun seems to be lacking in Maidu, its place being
filled by the use of a reflexive suffix with the verb. Such construc-
tions are, however, rare. An example is:
moim mai'diim has kaka’n i’sydtiusdom this man it was causing
to kick himself; i. e., he was the man who was kicked
Interrogative pronouns, on the contrary, are common. WHuicH
is expressed by homd’, and wHo by homé’n, both taking case and
locative suffixes, as do other pronouns. WHAT, WHY, and HOW
are formed from a different stem, being respectively hes?’, hesd’-,
and hesa’ti. A few examples of the use of these follow:
homo'mdi maka’ bii’spem in which (house) do you live?
homo'nim maka’ who are you?
homo’ nik siim maka'dé whose dog is this?
hesi’m maka’ dé what is it ?
hesa’mini kadi’kmenom maka’dé why doesn’t it rain?
hesa’ti eto’spem . . . howstrong... ?
§ 34. Adjectives
The adjective in Maidu is strongly nominal in character. In
many cases it is a true nomen actoris, formed from a verbal stem,
with or without duplication or reduplication, by the addition of the
§§ 33, 34
BOAS] HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES ys ye
suffix -pe. Apparently any verbal stem may thus be used in this
form to qualify or describe a noun; as,
o’k-pem mavr'diim hungry man (literally, hungerer man)
eto’spem mar’'dum strong man (eto’skasi I am strong)
di’ pdipem pa’ka smooth board (literally, slider board)
lala’mpem tsa long stick
Many adjectives, however, do not admit of the form in -pe, and
are formed from the verbal stem by merely adding to them the
nominal subjective suffix(?) -m. The majority of these forms are
made from verbal stems ending in a vowél. Examples of this type
of adjective are:
tete’m siim large dog ke’ yim hébo’ old house
tém siim small dog
Most, if not all, of the stems from which the adjectives are formed,
are capable of taking the regular pronominal tense and modal
suffixes and being used as intransitive verbs; as, ké’yimakas 1
SHALL BE OLD. Some stems, however, appear not to be used, except
as forming these nominal forms, as adjectives. Either of the nominal
forms of these stems (that in -pe or in -m) takes all regular nominal
locative suffixes, and probably also all case-suffixes as well, although
these have at present been noted only in the instance of those
ending in -pe.
ke’ yidi in the old one lala’mpeki the long one’s...
tete’ni with the big one
In some cases both the -pe and the -m forms are used with the
same stem; as,
la’mim tsa, lala’mpem tsa long stick
In these cases, the form in -pe is generally, but not always, redu-
plicated.
§ 35. Adverbs
Adverbs may be formed from adjectival stems by the suffix -t; as,
*
yaha’m good yaha’t well, nicely
wasa’m bad wasa't poorly, evilly
tete’m large tete’t much, greatly, very
Other adverbs, such as those of time and distance, etc., seem to
be from independent stems.
ti’kte slightly, somewhat, a béo again
little bér’duk by and by
had@ far away lé’wo a little, partially
be’nek to-morrow
§ 35
718 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BuLL. 40
§ 36. Connectives
With the exception of kan AND, connectives in Maidu are all
formed from the auxiliary verb @ To BE, by the addition of various
temporal, modal, and other suffixes. Very often the resulting form
is compounded with kan, which, while it may stand alone, is gen-
erally reduced to an enclitic. The more common of these con-
nectives are:
a-dom, ado’nkan so, and so a-tse’t, atse’tkan while, and
a-met but while
a-mendom if not, and if not a-we'ten, awete’nkan then,
a-mo'ni, amod’nikan then, and thereafter, and then
then
§37. Interjections
There are quite a number of interjections in Maidu, the following
being those most commonly in use:
héi halloo! ho well! all right
st look! well! ham an exclamation of rage,
@ exclamation of disgust practically equivalent to a
ettu’ stop! curse
hmm exclamation of disgust
VOCABULARY ((§§ 38-41)
§ 38. Classes of Stems
In analyzing the vocabulary of the Maidu we may divide the
stems into three classes:
(1) Those which admit of no suffixes, or only such as are neither
nominal nor verbal.
(2) Those which take nominal suffixes.
(3) Those which take verbal suffixes,
The first group includes merely a few adverbs, interjections, and
a connective. The second comprises nouns, pronouns, and most
adjectives. The third takes in all verbs (with a few exceptions),
some adjectives, and the remainder of the connectives. This
grouping, which, on the whole, seems to be the most feasible, breaks
down in so far as it is possible, in some cases, to use participial
suffixes with stems normally taking only nominal suffixes, and
also from the fact that there are cases where noun and verb are
formed from a single stem. The latter cases will be considered
§§ 36-38
BOAS] HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 719
in speaking of the stems of the second group; and as for the former,
all that can be said here is that it is the ordinary usage rather than
the extraordinary forms which should be given greatest weight.
§ 39. Stems Taking no Suffixes, or Only Such as are
neither Nominal nor Verbal
Of stems taking no suffixes at all, there appear to be very few.
Interjections include the majority of such stems. A list of these
has been given in § 37. Except for these interjections, the only
other stem taking no affix is the simple conjunction kan AND. This,
moreover, although it may, and often does, stand independently, is
at times so closely connected with the noun as to be enclitic.
Stems taking suffixes other than those taken by nouns or verbs
are few also and are only adverbial:
ber (ber’bim, béi’bd) again, also hi’kov still, yet
bev’duk by and by lé’wo a little, partially
A considerable number of adverbs are formed from adjectival
stems by the suffix -t; as,
yaha'm good; yaha’t well teté’m large, great; tete’t much,
greatly
Adverbial ideas, however, such as CAN, MUST, PERHAPS, ALMOST,
WHOLLY, ALWAYS, etc., are expressed in Maidu by suffixes added
to the verb.
§ 40. Stems Taking Nominal Suffimes Oniy
These stems may be further subdivided into nominal, pronom-
inal, and adjectival stems.
NOMINAL STEMS
Maidu possesses a large number of true nominal stems showing
no relation at all apparently to verbal or other stems. Deriva-
tives formed from verbs exist in considerable numbers; but the
greater mass of nouns are derived from purely nominal stems. A
few examples of nouns derived from verbal stems may be given
before considering the nominal stems proper:
hi to smell; hi’kwu nose mati to speak; maz’dii Indian;
b6 to blow; bé’wo wind mai'ki boy
In other instances noun and verb appear to be formed from the
same root; as,
ho’m heart ho’nsiptsoia she breathed
ho'nwé breath ho'nkodom coughing
§§ 39, 40
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BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY
a
[ BULL. 40
Nominal stems proper may be divided into three groups:
(1) Monosyllabic.
(2) Polysyllabic, duplicated or reduplicated.
(3) Polysyllabic, without reduplication.
1. Monosyllabic stems are not very numerous, but as a class
include some of the most common nouns. They may be grouped
under several heads:
RELATIONSHIP TERMS
son té
daughter po :
younger sister k/a
mother né
grandson pé
fire sa
salt ba
cloud ya
snow ko
ANIMALS, PLANTS, PARTS OF BODY
MISCELLANEOUS
dog sii
hand ma
flower y0
bush dé
willow pa
feathers yé
stone 0
road bd
raft nd
mortar-stone @
2. Duplicated and reduplicated stems are also not very numerous,
and refer chiefly to parts of the body and to animals and birds.
DUPLICATED
crow Ga
eagle ka’ka
quail yu" yu
nest tutu
rib tsi’tse
breast na’na
ankle po’lopolo
grass popo’
yellow pine 660’
twig toté
REDUPLICATED
yellow-hammer wolo‘loko
robin tsi’statatké
fly eme’lulu
shoulder da’daka
star Liilii’
ege pa/kpaka
cotton wood wilt’lt
smoke hole olo’loké
thunder witu’mtuma
Onomatopceia seems to be but little in force in Maidu, being not
particularly apparent in these duplicated and reduplicated animal and
bird names, where, in other languages, it frequently plays a very
important part.
3. Polysyllabic unreduplicated stems, in the case of nouns, form
probably a majority of the total number of nominal stems.
Although
a considerable number of polysyllabic nominal stems are quite clearly
descriptive, and hence analyzable into simpler stems, a large majority
have so far resisted analysis and must be considered stems.
The
following are examples of such apparently unanalyzable stem-nouns:
§ 40
HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES
head ond’
face misi’
eye hi'nt
mouth si/ma
PARTS OF THE BODY
back kiwi
nipples mini’
arm yi’mi
armpit howd’
721
teeth tsa’wa belly kami’
tongue é’nt hip mda’wa
ear bono’ penis kosv’
neck kii’yt leg toli’
foot pai’yt liver kula’
nails ¢sib7’ bone bé’ma
blood sédé dung pitt’
sinew paka’ fat ho’ti
tail bukw’ skin posa’la
MAMMALS
coyote wé’ pa
field-mouse yoso’
ground-squirrel hilo
chipmunk wi’sla
mole yu’tdili
grizzly bear pa’no
brown bear mé’dé
deer stimv’
fox hawi’
gopher hemé’
BIRDS, FISH, INSECTS
fish mako’
salmon mayv’
grasshopper t6’li
angle-worm kay7’
MISCELLANEOUS
woman kiilé’
baby kono’
house a’yr
coals hemi’
~ smoke suki’
arrow-point boso’
pack-basket wold’
snowshoe tsiwda’
meat waka’
sun poko’
evening kilii’
valley koyo’
As examples of nominal stems which are clearly analyzable, but not
yet entirely explained, the following may serve:
forehead siin-daka (perhaps from sén- referring in some way to
the head, as in sd’ntsetsopindom, HEAD-FIRST; and da’daka
SHOULDER, 1. e., head-shoulder)
beard sim-pani (perhaps from sim MOUTH, and pan-, a stem oc-
curring in pantsoia THEY MADE ROPE)
wrist ma-kuli’ (from ma hand and [?])
wild-cat hi’n-tsepi (from hi’ni eye, and [ ?])
otter mo’m-pano (from mo’mi water, and pda’no grizzly-bear)
rat 6’m-sape (from 6 rock, and [?])
jack-rabbit tsi’n-kuti (from tsi robe, and kuti animal)
shite-poke wak-si (from the verbal stem wak- to cry)
44877—Bull. 40, pt 1-10—46 § 40
C22 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [puun. 40
PRONOMINAL STEMS
A full paradigm of the personal and demonstrative pronouns has
been given in §§31, 32, and these need not therefore again be
referred to here. The interrogative pronouns ought, however, to be ~
noticed. These are homd’ wHicu, and homoni wuo. The interrogative
pronoun wHar is hesi’, but, besides taking the regular nominal suf-
fixes, it also may take certain verbal or semiverbal suffixes.
ADJECTIVAL STEMS
Adjectives are of two sorts: (1) those formed from independent
stems, with or without reduplication; and (2) those formed from
verbal stems, generally with the suffix -pe. The first of these classes
may be divided according as to whether there is or is not any redupli-
cation.
NO REDUPLICATION REDUPLICATION
little tem large tete’
small #157’ long la’lama
good yaha’
bad wasa’
short ni’st
old kée’yr
Quite a number of adjectives belonging apparently to this first
class have the suffix -pe, although the stem shows no relation to any
verbal stem, and seems never to be used as such. These are both
reduplicated and unreduplicated, and include all color names. In
some cases, two forms exist, one with, and one without, the suffix -pe.
NO REDUPLICATION REDUPLICATION
healthy eto’spe weak /é’lepe
heavy wéhd'lpe light hehe’kpe
thick kov'lpe thin t0to’ pe
short nu’spe wide da’ pdape
sour tstitsu’kpe
COLOR NAMES
black séu’séupe red la/klakpe
-green titi’tpe white da’‘ldalpe
NUMERALS
The numerals belong to this first class of adjectival stems, and are
as follows up to ten:
one site six sai’tsoko
two pé’ne seven to’pwr
three sa’/pwr eight pe’ntcdyé
four tsd’yr nine pe’lio
five ma@’wika ten mda’soko
§ 40
BOAS] HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES (es
The numeral adverbs are formed by the suffix -nini; as, sii’ténini
ONCE, péné’nini Twice, etc. Distributives are formed by reduplicat-
ing the final syllable; as, su’titi ONE EACH, pé’néné TWO EACH, etc.
§ 41. Stems Taking Verbal Suffixes
Verbal stems may be divided into two groups, according as to
whether they are treated always as stems pure and simple, or are
sometimes used in connection with other stems, modifying these
and serving as prefixes.
Stems of the first type are predominantly composed of consonant-
vowel-consonant. Many occur in pairs or groups, with similar or
nearly similar meaning, but with variable vowel; whereas a few
pairs show not a variable vowel, but a variable consonant. Besides
these tri-literal stems there are a number of bi-literal and uni-literal
forms and a few as yet unanalyzable dissyllabic stems. The follow-
ing list shows the tri-literal stems which have at present been deter-
mined, and indicates both the systematic character of these stems
and also the pairing or grouping spoken of above. In some cases
the meaning of the stem is yet uncertain, owing to the small num-
ber of instances in which it occurs. Tri-literal stems, as a rule,
take modifying stems or true prefixes before them.
-bak- to detach a flat thing; -bek-(%); -bdk-(%)
-bal- to mark, paint
-bas- to sweep (?); -bis- to live, stay ; dus(?)
-bat- to break ; -bot- to break
-dak- to detach a flat thing; -dek- to make hole
-dam- to give
-dip- to slide
-dis- to slide
-das- to split
-dat-(%); -dot- to overturn ; -dué-(?)
-hak- to tear; -huk- to whistle (?)
-hal- to lie, cheat; -hul-(?)
-hap- to move with friction; -Aop- to move with friction; -Adp- to
stretch ; -Awp- (?)
-has- to slide; -hes- to scratch; -Azs- to make basket; -Ads- to
seare(?) -hus- (7%)
-kal- (2); -kel- to perforate; -Xol- to bore(?); -Xdl- to roll; -ku- (2)
-kap- to move with friction (4); -kop- to move with friction (7);
-hip-(*)
-kes-(*)
-kat- to strike; -ket- to graze; -kot- to divide; -kut- to divide
-lak-(%); -lek-(#); -lok-(%); -lék- to creep; -luk- to creep
§ 4]
v
ie
724 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [pun 40
-lol- to cry
-lap- to crawl(?); -lep-(4); -dip- to cry out; -/op- to move with
friction (¢)
-los- (*)
-mak- to know, count, measure
-mal- (+)
-not- to bend
-pok- to strike; -pdk- to shake (4)
-pel- to perforate; -pol- dislocate; -pu/- dislocate, remove
-pin- to hear
-pes- to crumble
-pat-(*%); -pit- (4)
-sal-(?); -sel- to shake
-tul- to break flat thing
-tek- to jump (?); -¢szk- (4)
-tém-(*)
-tap to squeeze (4); -top- to break; -/ép- to jump; tup- to break
-tsap- to tear, rip
-tas- to slap(?%); -fes- to strip off; -tos-(%); -tds- (4); -tus- to break
-tsot- to rip off
-usu- to rub
-wak- to ery out
-yak- to crush; -yok- to strike
-yal- to split; er to break; -yw/- to rip, aah
-yat- (4)
Bi-literal and uni-literal stems of this first type are quite numerous,
and a partial list is here given. They are distinguished from the tri-
literal stems as a rule, by the fact that they rarely take any modifying
stems or true prefixes before them.
a- to say mo- to drink
a- to be (auxiliary verb) mo- to shoot
ap- to slip, slide o- (#)
bd- to blow 6- to go, travel
bd7- to leach acorns pe- to eat
bu- to stink pu- to sew
di- to swell -tau- to twist (?)
do- to bite, seize with teeth to- to burn
hi- to smell (%) -téi- to divide in strips
hdi- to spread apart (4) tse- to see
kai- to fly -tsot- to bend
k/ai- to be called, named -yau- to break flat thing
kd- to have, possess (#) yo- (2) .
kéi- (*) -yu- (*)
me- to take, seize ;
§ 41 N
i"
" Boas] HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 15
Special mention ought to be made, in speaking of stems of this
type, of the connectives. The simple connective AND, indicated by
kan, has already been referred to in speaking of the unchangeable
stems. All other connectives seem to be formed from the auxiliary
verb a To BE, by the addition of various verbal suffixes. A list of
these connectives, anv of which may take the simple connective kan
as an additional suffix, follows:
ado'm so, thus atse t the whiles, at this time
amé't but awé' bisim continually
amé'nt then awé'te then
Verbal stems which, although dissyllabic, yet appear to be unana-
lyzable, are not nearly as numerous as the other types. Some of the
more common ones follow:
hé'no- to die -pwi'li- to roll
kélo'- to rotate -tala- to crush
o'nkoi- to conquer -tibil- to wind around
ope'- (4) witle'- to run
peda'- to steal, to answer wo'no- to die
Verbal stems of the second type have already been discussed in
§§ 11-13, and need not therefore be taken up in detail here again. The
b, w, and y series seem to be the clearest and least doubtful, and to
offer the fewest apparent exceptions. The / series is quite puzzling;
the 7 form (//-), having no apparent relation to the others in the series
in meaning, falling as it does into the class of pure prefixes, indicating
parts of the body. The e and » forms (Ae- and hu-) are also very
irregular. Although the characteristic feature of these stems is, that
while they are most commonly used to modify another stem as a
prefix, they may yet themselves stand as independent stems on occa-
sion, there are one or more in each series which can not so stand
independently, it seems. The reasons for this exception are not yet
clear.
§ 41
TEXT
So’tim! neno’mmaidiim’ bii'sstsoia.* Wiso’tpinit he’nanté®
One - old people lived, it is said. Big Springs on this side of
ku’mmenim® hébo’kédom? mai’sem®’ bii'sstsoia.? Ama’fikan‘ s6’ti2
houseless ones bark hut owning they ’ lived, it is said. That one and one
pikiipem‘'! neno’mmaidiim? matsoi’am.” Amadikan™® m6o/i
daughter pos- old people it is related. There and she
sessing person
kiile’m” bii'sstsoia.? Amafkan® wmatsoi‘am” 6pé’kanbenini’
girl lived, it is said. That one and it is related always
1 s0’tim ONE (-m subjective).
2 neno’maidiim OLD PEOPLE; ne’no, ne’nope the usual adjective used for referring to animate things, and
standing for OLD PERSON if unaccompanied by a noun; -m the connective, euphonic consonant used in form-
ing compound nouns, etc.; mai’dii MAN, INDIAN, perhaps from root mai- TO SPEAK; -m the suffix of the
subjective case.
3 bii’sstsoia LIVED (from the stem biiss-, bis- TO LIVE. TO REMAIN, TO CONTINUE IN ONE PLACE); -fsoi-
verbal suffix indicating completed action, quotative, i. e., the knowledge is not obtained by the experience
of the speaker, but comes to him merely by hearsay; -a the usual suffix of the third person, -n (=kan),
is rarely used with -tsoi. This may bea contraction from -tsoi-an(?).
41 wiso’tpini a place known locally as Big Springs, one of the main sources of the North Fork of Feather
river, in Big Meadows, Plumas county, California. I am unable to analyze this name satisfactorily.
5 he’nanté ON THIS SIDE OF. Analyzable as follows: he- a demonstrative stem (confined chiefly to the
northwestern dialect) meaning THIS; -nan- the nominal locative suffix meaning FROM; -té probably from
-di, the general locative suffix AT, IN, etc.: hence the whole meaning THIS-FROM-AT, A SPOT BETWEEN
THIS AND THE ONE SPOKEN OF.
&ku’mmenim A HOUSELESS PERSON; kum- the name applied to the semi-subterranean, circular, earth-
covered lodges; -men the negative or privative suffix; to this is then added a euphonic 7, and finally the
subjective suffix -m
7 hébo'k6dom OWNING A BARK HUT; hébo’ the conical bark huts in which the poorer people lived; hé alone
seems to be used as synonymous with DWELLING. ANY SORT OF A SHELTER OR HOUSE; -k6 a suffix very
commonly used, indicating the quality of possessing, hence hébo’ké6 HAVING THE QUALITY OF POSSESS-
ING A BARK HuT; -do the suffix of the present participle; -m the subjective suffix. The whole might
be rendered OWNERS OF A BARK HUT. “7s
8 mai’sem THEY. This is apparently a form synonymous with m6’sem or méi’sem. The final m is the
subjective suffix.
9amda’ikan AND THAT ONE; ama’ the demonstrative pronoun THAT, referring to the old people, here in
the subjective case ama’m, the m being changed to 7% before k, in accordance with the regular rule (see _
§ 4, -kan AND).
10 s6’ti ONE. Here in objective case (cf. note 1).
1 pa’kiipem A PERSON HAVING A DAUGHTER; pd, po DAUGHTER; -kii the same as -ké, the suffix meaning
HAVING THE QUALITY OF POSSESSING; -pe the suffix used generally to form the nomen actoris, etc.;-m
the subjective suffix.
22 matsoi’am IT IS RELATED. This frequently appearing form seems to come from a verbal stem ma- TO
RELATE, TO TELL; -tsoi- the quotative suffix of completed action; -a- the suffix of the third person, gener-
ally used with -tsoi. The use of -m here is as yet not clear.
ama’dikan AND AT THAT PLACE; amd’ demonstrative pronoun THAT; -di the locative suffix Av; -kan
the conjunction AND.
1§m6n THE, THAT. The independent form of the third personal pronoun. This is used very frequently
almost as a demonstrative. Here méi, instead of mém, because of the following k
15 kiilé mM WOMAN, GIRL (here subjective).
10 6pé’kanbeniniv’ EVERY TIME, ALWAYS. It is difficult as yet to analyze this completely or satisfactorily;
Opé’ occurring alone means ALL; -kan seems to be derived from kani, meaning also ALL, EACH, EVERY;
-be is the same as -pe (the p changing to b after m); the final suffix -nin? appears to have a a signifi-
cance; as also in /é’wonint ONCE IN A WHILE (from le’wo SOME).
726
‘
BOAS] HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES pear
kalt’/nanamonihehe’’ piyée’tonokém* — sd’tim'™ ~—_—kuali/nanamaa’t ”°
evening-toward-when- one who went one evening-toward
almost bathing
wonod'mentsoia.*4. Ama/fikan® ti’itsoia.*?> Ama’fikan® népi’ustsoia.”8
missed-not, it is said. That one and slept, itissaid. That one and dreamed for her-
self, it is said.
Népi’wébissim** kaka’nim® po* népi’webissim** = mdépi'kno *7
Dreaming kept on every night dreaming kept on same one
népi’dom * népi'ustsoia.”* Amia’fikan ° piye’tonotsoia.”®
dreaming dreamed for her- That one and bathing went, it
self, it is said. is said.
Piye’tonopefikan ® oki’tmenpem *! é’kdatsoia.** Amafkan® be’nekto *
One who has gone one not returning it dawned, it That one and morning in
bathing and is said.
7 kila’nanamonihéh@’ WHEN IT WAS ALMOST DUSK; kali’ is the usual term for EVENING, the early part
of the night; -nana- a reduplicated form of the locative suffix -na, meaning TOWARD; -méni a temporal
suffix with the force of WHEN, AFTER; héhé’. a suffix of somewhat uncertain meaning, usually indicating
doubtfulness or approximation.
18 piyé’tonok6m ONE WHO WENT BATHING (from piye’-, piyé’lo- TO SWIM OR BATHE); -no is probably
merely the verbal suffix of generalized motion, although it may perhaps be a contraction from 6’no- TO Go,
TO TRAVEL, hence TO GO TO BATHE; -k6 the suffix indicating HAVING THE QUALITY OF POSSESSING; -m the
subjective suffix, this agreeing in case with the ama’m in ama’iikan.
19 s6’tim ONE. It is not clear whether this refers to the girl or to the evening. It is probably, however,
the former, as, if it meant ONE EVENING, the close connection of the two words would lead to the change
of the -m to -i =
20 kiili’nanamaa’t. The first portion of this is identical with the first portion of the word in note 17.
The final suffix is, however, a rather puzzling one. It would seem to mean INDEED, THUS, but its use is
obscure.
21 wond’mentsoia DID NOT LOSE, MISS; Wond’ Seems to Mean TO LOSE, TO MISS, and must be distinguished
carefully from w0’no, which means TO DIE. The -fsoi is the usual quotative. completed action, with the
suffixed form of the third personal pronoun.
22 tii/itsoia SLEPT (from the stem (tw’i- TO SLEEP); -tsoia (see above).
23 néD27/ustsoia DREAMED FOR HERSELF, IT IS SAID; Né€D2’ is A DREAM, néD2’m-maidii is A DREAMER, one of
the two classes of shamans. The use of the reflexive suffix -ws here is not wholly clear. It probably means
SHE DREAMED FOR HERSELF. This construction—a participle followed by a verb, or a continuative
followed by a verb—is one of the most frequent.
2% néDi’ wébissim KEPT DREAMING. The reflexive is not used in this case. The suffix -bissim is formed
from the verbal stem bis- TO REMAIN, TO CONTINUE, and is the usual continuative suffix employed, giv-
ing the sense of TO KEEP ON. It is very generally joined to the verbal stem by -wé, which is of uncertain
meaning. :
% kaka’nim EVERY. A reduplicated form of kani’m EACH, ALL.
266 NIGHT. This term is generally used in reference to the whole period of darkness, or, if restricted,
applies more to the middle of the night. p0’esto MIDNIGHT.
27 mépi/kno THAT SAME ONE; mo is the independent form of the third personal pronoun. The suffix
«pi’kno seems to be an intensive, and to mean THE SAME, THE VERY. It is here objective.
28 népi’dom DREAMING (here the present participle, formed with -dom).
29 piye’tonotsoia WENT TO BATHE, IT IS SAID (cf. note 18).
30 piye’tonopenkan THE ONE WHO HAD GONE BATHING; piye’tono- cf. note 18; peng the suffix of the
nomen actoris, -pem becoming -pen before k, the suffix -kan is the common connective.
31 oki/tmenpem ONE NOT RETURNING, okit- meaning TO RETURN, TO ARRIVE AT A PLACE. Analyzable,
perhaps, into o- (an hypothetical verbal stem connected with 6- T0 Go) and -kit the regular directive suffix
meaning DOWN, DOWN TO. We have, in addition, -men the negative, and -pe the suffix of the nomen
actoris, with the subjective -m.
32 e’kdatsoia IT DAWNED. The verbal form ekda- is related closely to ek?’ DAY.
33 bé’nekto IN THE MORNING (sometimes merely bé’nek). The suffix -to in use here is obscure. It occurs
in a number of similar cases, with apparently a temporal meaning.
728 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL 40
mako’** — hala’pweten* — ési/pindom** __ oki’tsoia.*7 ~=Mébe’ikéna *
fish earried having coming out of Arrived, it Her father to
toward house. is said.
bohiisitotsoia.*® Awete’nkan* bii’sstsoia.? B6doi’kinidom*! bii'sstsoia.?
handed over to, Thus having been stayed it is Sitting on ground remained,
it is said. and said. it is said.
Ama’m* maya’ken* tsai/men*! —tseme’npe(m)* oki’tkétsoia.**
That one say they by and by one unseen arriving-quali-
ty had, it is
: said.
Pi‘iyanan ‘7 maya’ken* ok6’kéinpintsoia.** A’fikanim* maya’ken*
Outside, from it was head lowered down to- Then it was
ward, gradually, it is
said.
34 mako’ FISH (here objective).
35 hala’pweten HAVING CARRIED. We have here the use of one of the troublesome prefix-stems, ha-.
Taken by itself, -lap- is a verbal stem signifying TO CRAWL ON HANDS AND KNEES, Or TO SIT, KNEES ON
GROUND. Combined with ha-, it means TO CARRY, perhaps TO DRAG, generally by a cord or rope, here
CARRYING FISH ON A STRING. The suffix -weten is a temporal suffix meaning AFTER HAVING.
36 Gsi’pindom COMING OUT OF TOWARD THE HOUSE. The verbal stem here is 6- TO GO,TO TRAVEL, to
which are added two directive suffixes, -si OUT OF (THE WATER), and -pin TOWARD. In -dom we have
the regular present participle.
37 oki’tsoia ARRIVED, CAME BACK. Okit- cf. note 31. While this is sometimes heard oki’itsoia, as a rule
the second t is elided.
38 mObe/ikéna HER FATHER TO. With relationship terms, the simple third personal pronoun is often
used in place of the regular possessive case, as here we have mé- instead of méki’. Bé’iké FATHER is appar-
ently analyzable into 62’i-, a stem meaning AGAIN, ANOTHER (bé’im AGAIN; bé’ibO ANOTHER; bé’duki
NEW), and the familiar suffix -k6 HAVING THE QUALITY OF POSSESSING. The final suffix -na is the locative
suffix meaning TOWARD, expressing the motion of the gift from the girl to her father.
39 oh’ isitotsoia HANDED OVER TO, ITIS SAID In bo- another of the prefix-stems appears. This usually
seems to signify ACTIONS DONE WITH A BULKY OR ROUND OBJECT. Its application here is obscure, un-
less the fist is thought of as a bulky thing, in which the string on which the fish are strung is held.
The main stem, -hai-, is uncertain in its meaning, this being the only place where it occurs. In conjunc-
tion with bo-, however, it has the meaning given above. The suffix -sito is one of the directive verbal
suffixes, meaning ACROSS, OVER.
40 awete’nkan AND AFTER HAVING BEEN THUS. All conjunctions, except kan AND, are formed in Maidu
from the auxiliary verb @ TO BE. Tere with the suffix -wete(n) we get the idea of sequence, usually
expressed in English by AND THEN. The -kan is, of course, the simple conjunction AND.
41 bédoi’kiniidom siTTING. In this case the initial syllable bé- is in all probability the same prefix-stem
which appeared in bohi’isitotsoia, in this case changed in accordance with some obscure vowel-harmony.
bé- as a simple verbal stem means, on the otherhand, To BLOW, asthe wind. The prefix-stem bd- here is
used as a stem, taking the suffix -doi, a verbal directive meaning UPWARD, and often appears thus without
further addition; as bédoi’tsoia HE SAT. It is not clear how the idea of sitting comes from the elements b6-
and -doi, unless we assume that the ideais of a round thing (the knees?) sticking up (as one sits on one’s
haunches). ‘The suffix (or suffixes) -kind is not clear. It is of quite frequent occurrence, but is still uncer-
tain. -dom is the usual present participle.
12 ama’m THAT ONE (subjective form of the demonstrative).
43 maya’ken 1% WAS. This frequently-appearing form seems to be derived from the stem ma- TO BE,
with the suffix -yak-, which indicates past time.
44 tsai/men AFTER A WHILE. Derived from tsai ANOTHER, and the suffix -men,—not the negative, with
which it is identical in form, but a suffix indicating TIME OF, which is used in the names of seasons, etc.
(yO’men SUMMER, FLOWER-TIME; ku’mmen WINTER, EARTH-LODGE-TIME, i. e., the period during which
the people live in the earth-lodges).
45 tseme’npe(m) ONE WHO IS NOT SEEN. The verbal stem here is tse- TO SEE, with the negative suffix
-men, and the -pe of the nomen actoris. It would seem to mean, therefore, ONE NOT SEEING, but is em-
phatically declared, in this instance, to be passive. No formal distinction of the passive has yet been
noted in Maidu.
46 oki’tkétsoia HAD THE QUALITY OF ARRIVING, IT IS SAID (from okit- TO ARRIVE, TO REACH; cf. note
31). The use of the suffix -ké has already been sufficiently explained.
47 pui'yanan FROM OUTSIDE; pui’ya means, in general, THE OUTSIDE, WITHOUT THE HOUSE. The suffix
-nan is the usual locative, meaning FROM, AWAY FROM.
48 ok6’kOinpintsoia LOWERED HEAD LITTLE BY LITTLE DOWN TOWARD, IT IS SAID. In this instance we
have the use of the prefix o- indicating actions done with the head. The verbal stem is -kdi-, meaning TO
LOWER, TO DEPRESS (kéitsono- TO SET, as the sun, i. e., to go down over the edge of the world). The
reduplication of the stem here indicates that the action took place slowly at intervals. The suffix -pin
is directive, meaning TOWARD. The 7 before the p is probably phonetic.
49 a/nkanim THEN. This is aconnective formed from the stem a- and the suffix -kanim, meaning TO
FINISH, COMPLETE AN ACTION.
,
BOAS] ' HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 729
16k6’npinwébissim®’ 16k6’npinwébissim*’ tsa’nwono*®! t!6iha’dom**
mama | in kept ans in kept one side coiling around
sawo’nona® opi'tinodom * pi'iyam® i’nkina® opi’tsipdom.** Awete’n
fire behind filling up door base to filling out. Then
towards
maya’ken* kiile’m®® inkinan*®* = ono’m*®® _ sé’ntseddniidom
it was girl beside, from head projecting
tsék6’nwébisstsoia.™ Ama’m* bii'ssyatan © 16’ksiptsoia®
looking-straight continued, That one staid after crawled out, it
it is said. having is said.
Lo’ksipébissim™ — tsai/men* l6’ksipbo’ stsoia? A’nkanim‘* md6/im
Crawling out continued by and by aia Lied out, Then he
it is said
50 16k0’npinwébissim KEPT CRAWLING INTO, TOWARD. The main stem here is /6k- TO CRAWL ON HANDS
AND KNEES, OR ON BELLY (l6’kdoi-tsoia CRAWLED UP). This stem is hereapparently combined with éno
TO GO, TRAVEL (from 6, the simple verb of movement) to form a compound verb, TO GO CRAWLING.
The suffix -pin is the regular directive meaning TOWARD, INTO (into the house, toward the girl), whereas
the -wébissim is the continuative already explained; cf. note 24.
51 ¢sa’nwono ON ONE SIDE OF THE HOUSE; tsan- is a stem referring to the side of anything, as tsa’na
(tsan’-na) SIDEWAYS. The suffix -wono is somewhat puzzling. There is a verbal suffix apparently iden-
tical, indicating the past participle. Here, and again a few words farther on, it occurs in terms indicating
the parts of the floor of the house.
82¢/0iha’dom COILING AROUND. The verbal stem is here ¢/6i- meaning TO COIL, TO TWIST, TO TURN, as
in o’ndtditdik6m ONE WHO IS CURLY-HEADED (0’nd HEAD). The force of-ha is not known. The final
suffix is the present participle -dom.
53 sqwo’nona TOWARD THE PLACE OPPOSITE THE DOOR; sd is the term for FIRE; the area back of the
fire, i. e., the other side of the fire from the door, is called sdwo’no, and is the place of honor. The final
suffix -na is the locative, meaning TO, TOWARD.
‘topi’tinodom FILLING UP. The sten\ opit-, meaning FULL, seems analyzable into -pit-, a stem entering
into several verbal forms (as hopi’t-waitodom FILLING AND BURSTING; kapi’tdom PINCHING SOMETHING
LIKE A BERRY AND BURSTING IT), and a prefix(?) o- of uncertain meaning, possibly the prefix o- indicat-
ing actions done with the head (?). The suffix -ino following is probably -no, the suffix of generalized
motion, with a euphonic i.
55 pi’iyam inkina TO THE THRESHOLD; pti’iya, meaning really THE OUTSIDE AS CONTRASTED WITH THE
INTERIOR OF THE HOUSE, is often used for THE DOOR, that which leads to the outside; -inki means THE
BASE, BOTTOM, of a thing; -na is the locative TOWARD.
56 opi’tsipdom FILLING It OUT. Thestem hereis thesame as above (note 54), with, however, a different
suffix, -sip, meaning OUT OF, OUTFROM. The idea would seem to be that of filling the space so com-
pletely as to overflow, as it were.
57 awete’n THEN; cf. note 40.
58 kiile’m i’nkinan FROM BESIDE THE WOMAN. This should probably be written as two words, although
in speech the two nouns are very closely run together. Aiile’ is the usual term for WOMAN, and -nan
the locative meaning FROM.
59 0no’m HEAD (the subjective form with the -m).
60 s6’ntsedo’niidom PROJECTING, STICKING Up. As yet not analyzed satisfactorily. S6- appears in a num-
ber of verbs as a stem whose meaning is doubtful. The -n is probably euphonic, while -tse may be the
common stem ¢sé- TO SEE. The following suffixes appear to be -ddi, meaning UPWARD, and the vague
suffix -nw or -nd, usually indicating simple motion (séwé’doitsoia CRAWLED UPWARD; séwé’kadoidom
STANDING UPRIGHT).
61 tséko’nweébisstsoia KEPT LOOKING STEADILY AT, IT IS SAID. The stem here is tsé- TO SEE, which, with
the suffix -kén (perhaps related to -koi AWAY), has the meaning TO LOOK AT, TO GAZE ON. The contin-
uative suffix -wé’biss gives the idea of steadiness and fixity of gaze.
82 bii’ssyatan AFTER HAVING STAYED. The stem biiss- has already been referred to. The suffix -yatan
is best translated by AFTER HAVING.
63 16’ksiptsoia CRAWLED OUT, IT IS SAID. The stem J6k- has already been discussed. The suffix -sip
OUT OF has also already been referred to in note 56.
5 16’ksipebissim KEPT CRAWLING OUT. Here the continuative -wébissim is shortened to -ebissim.
65 10’ksipbo’stsoia CRAWLED WHOLLY OUT, IT IS SAID. The suffix -bos gives the idea always of thorough-
ness, completion (see § 20, no. 39).
66 m6’im HE (in the subjective form).
730 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BuLL. 40
mo’mna®’ 6'tnotsoia.® L6’kmitnowé’bissim ® 16/kmitsoia.7” Atse’t™
water to wentinto,it Crawling downintocontinued crawled downinto, Meanwhile
is said, it is said.
kiile’m® )ii’sstsoia? = tini’di” héba’di.?. Tsai’men*t wé’yetsoia.”
girl stayed, it is said this-in bark-hut-in By and by spoke, it is said.
“Okoi'tap6" aka’nas®™ niki’”” atsoi’a.2 Amo'ni™ ~ “Hea
“Let us go away said (he) me-to”’ said she, it Then “All
is said. night,”
atsova.” ‘*Ama’m*” be’nék* Gnod’makasi® bé’nek® 6nd’tapo™
said (the ‘That one to-morrow go-shall-I to-morrow go away,
seer), it let us,
18 said.
aka’nas® nik”*® atsoi’a.77 Amo’/ni? mém® ne’nommai’diim? ** He’i™
said (he) me-to,”’ said she, it Then he old man “Yes,
is said.
6nd’bené*® — saa’”’®* = atsoi’a.77 Amd’ni? tsai’men* bii'ssyatan™
go-ought 9” said (he), Then by and by stayed after
it is said. having
& mo’mna TO THE WATER; mo’mi is WATER. The terminal euphonic 7 is dropped always before loca-
tive suffixes such as this; -n@ TOWARD.
68 Gtnotsoia WENT INTO, IT IS SAID. The stem here, 6é-, is apparently a derived stem from the common
6- T0 GO, (May not this be a contraction from 6mit- TO GO DOWN INTO?) The addition of the suffix -no
of generalized motion does not seem to add strength.
89 16’kmitnowé’bissim KEPT CRAWLING DOWN INTO. We have here the suffix -mit, meaning INTO, DOWN
INTO A HOLE, CAVITY, ETC., Which, it was suggested, may appear in contracted form in the preceding
verb. Again, the addition of the suffix -no seems to add little, although here perhaps emphasizing the
continuity of the motion. In -wébissim we have, of course, the usual continuative.
70 16’kmitsoia CRAWLED DOWN INTO, IT IS SAID. Here -mit-tsoia coalesces to -mitsoia.
Tlaise’t MEANWHILE. A connective formed from the auxiliary verb a- TO BE by the temporal suffix
~tset, meaning WHILE, AT THE TIME WHEN.
2iini'di IN THIS; unz’ is the demonstrative indicating objects near the speaker; -di is the locative
suffix meaning AT, IN, ON.
73 wé’yetsoia SPOKE. Of the many verbs of speaking or saying, wé’yen is one of the most commonly used.
The stem is in reality wé-, often reduplicated as wé’wé-. The suffix -ye is one of those verbal suffixes of
so general‘a meaning that no definite translation can be given for them.
11 6koi‘lap6 LET US GO AWAY. Here 6- TO Go is the stem, to which is added the directive suffix -koi
AWAY FROM; a further suffix, -fa, which generally seems to indicate motion upward or along the surface
of something; and finally the exhortative suffix -po.
aka’nas sai. The stem a- TO SAY is probably related to the stem ma- of similar meaning. The
suffix -kan is the ending of the third person of a verbal form (see § 19, no. 30). The terminal -as is the
indication of the perfect tense, here suffixed directly to the verbal form, and not standing independent
(see § 19, no. 32).
7s niki’ (t0) ME. Instead of the more usual form of the objective of the first personal pronoun, nik,
what is apparently an emphatic form is here used, distinguished from the possessive ni’ki by a different
accent and long terminal 7.
77 G@tsoi’a@ SAID, ITIS SAID. The stem G- TO sAy here takes the regular quotative past-tense suffix. Instead
of the usual ending of the third person, -a, as here, the form dtsoi’kan is sometimes used. As compared
with aka’nas above, the position of the tense and pronominal suffixes is reversed.
78am6/ni THEN. Another connective formed from the auxiliary with the suffix -méni, apparently best
translated by WHEN; hence WHEN IT WAS SO.
79 hG WELL! ALL RIGHT! YEs!
80 Gnd’makasi 1 SHALL GO. Here, from the stem 6-, the general verb TO GO, TO TRAVEL, 6n0- is formed,
of which the form given is the first person singular of the future, the -ma@ being the suffix of the future
tense, the -ka a suffix still somewhat obscure (see § 19, no. 30), and the-s(i) the suffix of the first person
singular.
Sl 6nd/tapé LET US GO (a form parallel to 6koi’tapé [see note 74], but formed from 6no’-).
82 nik (TO) ME. Here the usual form of the objective of the first personal pronoun is used, instead of the
emphatic niki’ (see note 76).
88 mim HE (THE). The subjective form of the third personal pronoun singular, used here as a demon-
strative.
84 hé’ YES!
8 Ond’bené OUGHT TO GO. The suffix -ben or -bené conveys the idea of MUST, OUGHT.
86 saa’ (?) Iam unable to explain this.
BoAS] HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 731
ti'itsoia.®? Ama’m*” bée’nekto*® momi’*® hénd’tsoia.82 Ama’m*”
slept, it is That one morning in water went to get, it That one
said. is said.
m6'i% médki’®” ye’pi® tsétsoi’a.” Am6’ni™® mako™ pi/luti® mé’tsoia.”
him her husband saw, it is said. Then fish many-very gave,itissaid.
Am0o’ni® tsa’/nan® momi’** hédoi’wet® tsa’nan® mako’*t so’doi-
Then on one side water carried up on other fish carried
having side
tsoia.” Oki'tweten ® momi’® sd’kitsoia.°° A’nkanim‘*? mako’ *
upinarms, Arrived after water set down, it is Then fish
itis said. having said. .
ha’psitotsoia.% Amd/ni™ mé/datotsoia.! Ama’m “” bée’nékto *
passed across Then took, it is said. That one morning in
(through), it is
said.
tseda’bosim'’” kani’m’* bii’sstsoia.* = Atse’t ~~ 16k6/npintsoia.'
breakfasted all © remained, it is Meanwhile crawled in toward, it
completely said. is said.
A’nkanim *° médka’ndi ! t!di’/kitsoia.'° Sawo’nonaki ' opi’tinodom *
Then same place at coiled up, it is Farther side’s filling up
said.
*7 tii'itsoia SLEPT (from the stem ?w/i- TO SLEEP). This presumably refers to the girl only, although of
course it might mean all the persons in the hut.
8 momi’ WATER. The objective retains the euphonic i (see note 67).
89 héno’tsoia WENT TO GET. As it stands, this is obscure. It seems possible, however, that it was mis-
heard for hano’tsoia, especially in view of the occurrence of the form hédoi’- two lines beyond, which has the
same meaning as the more usual hadoi’-. It is also possible that hé- is really correct, and is the equivalent of
ha-, in accordance with the system of vowel-shifts in prefix-stems. In either event, the analysis is not easy,
as ha-seems tO mean ACTIONS PERFORMED WITH THE BACK OR SHOULDER. With -no, the suflix of
motion, it seems to be specialized to mean GOING FOR THE PURPOSE OF CARRYING (ON THE SHOULDER?).
The more general use of hé- as a prefix-stem is to indicate actions that occur spontaneously.
9 mok?’ HER. This is the regular possessive form of the third personal pronoun in the singular, with the
suffix -ki (ef. note 66).
9 yé’pi HUSBAND (objective).
92 ¢sétsoi’a SAW, IT IS SAID. The stem here is ésé-, the usual form for To SEE.
9% pi'luti VERY MANY; pi alone means MANY, MUCH; -luti is an intensive suffix equivalent to the English
VERY.
4 meé’tsoia GAVE. TO GIVE, TO HAND TO, TO TAKE, is expressed by the stem mé-.
% tsa/nan ON ONE SIDE (literally, FROM ONE SIDE ts@n-nan), ON THE OTHER SIDE. T'sa’nan . *. tsa’/nan
ON THIS SIDE... ON THAT SIDE. ;
9% hédoi’wet HAVING CARRIED UP (from water). The more usual form is hadoi’- TO CARRY UP, gener-
ally on shoulder (see note 89). The suflix -wet here apparently gives the idea of sequence, in that,
after having taken upin one hand or on one side the water, she then took up the load of fish in the other.
% s0’doitsoia CARRIED UP IN ARMS. ‘The prefix-stem sd- generally indicates that the action is done with
the arms; as sd’doidom CARRYING WOOD UP; sdha’ndyewé'bissim KEPT LIFTING HIM ABOUT. The -doi
shows that the motion was up from the water toward the house.
98 oki’tweten AFTER HAVING ARRIVED (at the house). See notes 31, 35.
99 0’kitsoia SET DOWN, IT IS SAID. Here again the prefix-stem sd- appears, this time with the suffix -kit,
meaning DOWNWARD, i. e., action with arms downward, laying down whatever is being carried.
100 ha’ psitotsoid PASSED ACROSS, ITIS SAID. The stem here is hap-, meaning TO SEIZE, TO GRIP, TO HOLD
FIRMLY; with the suffix -sito ACROSS, THROUGH, it comes to mean TO HAND OVER TO SOME ONE, ACROSS
OR THROUGH AN OPENING, FIRE, ETC.
101 mé’datotsoia TOOK, ITISSAID. The stem here is mé-, apparently meaning both To GIVE and TO TAKE(?).
The use of -da here is not clear entirely. It often means MOTION DOWNWARD, and may here mean HE
TOOK DOWN, as the girl passed the fish to him through the smoke hole or doorway. The suflix -to is prob-
ably here indicative of a plural object; namely, the many fish (see § 21, no. 45).
102 ¢tseda’bosim WHOLLY BREAKFASTED; ¢tsed@ is TO BREAKFAST. The suffix -bos has already been alluded
to as meaning WHOLLY, COMPLETELY. In the present instance an adjectival form seems to have been
made. It is subjective as referring to THEY.
103 kani’m ALL (subjective).
" -10¢ 16k6’npintsoia CRAWLED IN TOWARD (he) (see note 50).
10 moka’ndi AT THE SAME SPOT; médka’ni is always given the meaning of THE SAME.
106 (/0i’kitsoia COILED UP ON GROUND, IT IS SAID. The stem t/éi- meaning TO COIL, TO TWIST, has already
been discussed (see note 52); here, ith the suffix -kit DOWN, ON THE GROUND, it is clearer than before
with -ha.
107 sawo’nonaki FARTHER SIDE’S. As explained before (note 53), sawo’no is the term applied to the por-
tion of the house opposite the door. With this we have here the locative suffix -na, meaning TOWARD, and
the possessive suffix -ki. This use of the possessive is curious, and it would seem that some word like
SPACE, AREA, ought to be understood. :
(a2 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 40
pwiyanaki *° — opi'tsiptsoia.° Awete’nkan “” bé@/ib6m "9 moi ™
doorward filled completely, Then and t again she (the)
it is said.
kiilé’m * inkinan 1” tséko’nweébisstsoia. ©! Awete’nkan ?°
girl beside-from looked straight continually, Then and P
it is said. ;
ti’ktena bii’ssdom '* bii/ssweten "* — 16’ksiptsoia.“ _L6’ksipébissim *
little while staying staying after cer lemon it is Crawling out kept on
said.
16'ksipbo’stsoia.® A’'nkanim * 16kd0’nutsoia.1%
crawled wholly out, Then crawled up, it is said.
it is said.
Hano’leknanteniké’doidi 1% ama’nantena '7 dno’ doitsoia. 4
Honey Lake from country in that from toward went off up, it is said.
Amo’nikan'® m6'ifi™ kilé’m *- wé’yetsoia.% “Sa ”° 6no’si?” #%
Then and she (the) girl spoke, it is said. “Well! going-I”’
atsoi’a.7” Amd’nikan™® m6/im® neno’m!” ‘*He'a”* atsoi’a,@
said (she), it Then and he (the) old man *¢ Yes? said (he),
is said. it is said.
Etta’ min™ basa’k6™ -ya'tisi”™*® atsoi’a.” A’nkeieanes
“Stop! (for) you staff make-I’’ said (he), © then ~*
it is said.
basa'k6 1 ya'titsoia. 1° A’nkanifikan 17 piwi’ 18 kan°
staff made, it Then and roots and
is said. (magic)
108 pi’iyanaki DOORWARD. A similar construction to that in note 107. For pu’iya, see note 55.
109 opi’tsiptsoia FILLED UP COMPLETELY, IT IS SAID (see note 54).
10 6@’ibOm AGAIN (from the stem bé’i- meaning AGAIN, ANOTHER, and the suffix -b6 of unknown
meaning). ?
1 m6’ ii SHE (THAT ONE). Subjective of the third personal pronoun singular, here used as demonstra-
tive. Phonetic change of -m to -fi before k.
12 j/nkinan FROM BESIDE; inki, meaning BASE, with the locative suffix -nan, meaning FROM.
113 ti’ktena bii’ssdom STAYING A LITTLE WHILE; ¢ikté alone has the meaning of SLIGHTLY, SOMEWHAT, A
LITTLE; (¢i’/kténa has a temporal meaning, A LITTLE WHILE (is this -na the locative?); the verbal stem is
biiss- TO STAY, TO REMAIN, and has here the present-participle suffix. ,
1M bii’ssweten AFTER STAYING (from the same stem biiss-, with the common suffix -weten, meaning
AFTER, AFTER HAVING).
1b 16’kd0'nutsoia CRAWLED UP, IT IS SAID. The directive suffix -ddn here also has the general suffix of
motion -no (-ni).
16 Hand’ leknanteiiko’ doidi IN THE HONEY LAKE REGION. It is not clear yet whether Hano’lek is merely
the Indian pronunciation of the English name, or a real Indian name itself, of which the English name is a
corruption. The suffix -nan is the usual locative FROM, apparently meaning THIS SIDE FROM, i. e., be-
tween here and Honeylake. The -te is a suffix of uncertain meaning, apparently nominalizing the locative
form preceding it. The -n is from -m before k, and is the connective. Kda’do, kodo, is the usual term for
PLACE, COUNTRY, WORLD, and frequently takes a euphonic 7 before the locative -di AT, IN.
17 ama’nantenad THAT PLACE FROM TOWARD; ama’ the demonstrative THAT, with the locative -nan
FROM, meaning THIS SIDE OF THAT FLACE, i. e., between there and here; the same suffix -fe, as in the pre-
ceding word; and finally the locative (exactly the reverse of -nan) -na TOWARD, i. e., the snake crawled off
toward some spot between here and Honey lake. ;
118 §no’doitsoia WENT OFF UP, IT IS SAID; 6no- TO TRAVEL, TO GO; -doi the directive UPWARD (north is
apparently always UP to these Maidu).
19 amo’nikan AND THEN.
120 si WELL! (an exclamation).
121 6n0’si I AM GOING (from the stem 6no- TO GO, TO TRAVEL). Here the suffix of the first person
singular is suffixed directly to verbal stem, without the -ka which is generally used (see § 19, no. 30).
122 neno’m OLD MAN. Here apparently refers to one or other of the parents; from context later, this seems
to be FATHER. See note 2. :
123 ett’ STOP A MOMENT! WAIT!
144 min FOR YOU. The objective form of the independent second personal pronoun.
12 basa’k6 A CANE, STAFF. This appears to be from astem bas-, which seems to mean WIDE SPREADING,
SPREADING APART, from which, with the suffix -k6, we have THAT WHICH HAS THE QUALITY OF POSSESS-
ING WIDE SPREAD, i. e., a staff, with which one spreads out one’s support. Here objective.
126 ya’tisi | AM MAKING. The stem yd- means TO CREATE, TO MAKE (Ko’doyapem THE EARTH-MAKER,
CREATOR), and, with the causative -ti, seems to mean about the same, TO PREPARE, TO MAKE.. Here,
again, we have the suffix of the first personal pronoun singular, without the usual suffix preceding, ka. Sn
127 a’/nkaninkan AND THEN. :
18 piw?v’ ROOTS (Objective). ~
129 kan AND.
BOAS] HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 1oo
basa’k6mostsa’mdi' wida’tpaitsoia.! ‘*Uni’!* ~— 6di’knodom "
staff (cane) end-on tied-to, it is said. “This arriving
o'lolokdi'** t6’sdadom'” _ tséhé’hétsonoweten *° ~=w6d6’minodom**?
smoke hole at standing up looking-over (into)-after throwing-into
having
w6d6’mkitmaa’nkano**® ~samod’estodi” °° atsoi’a.77 ‘Sika’ latset 1°
throw-down-you-shall fireplace-centre- said (he), ‘ Bother-while (if)
into”’ it is said.
min’* 6/héni'! min? opo’ktibés”'’? Nik® sika’lamen’!* ama’?
you something you eadache Me bother not’ that
mysterious cause I may.
with £ 5
aa’nkano” 1*4 atsola 7” Am0’nikan "° ““He'u” * atsol’a.”7
say-you”’ said (he), Then and ss Ves”? said (she),
it is said. it is said.
Awete’nkan* 6no’doitsoia. "
Then and went off up, it is
sald,
130 basa’komostsii’mdi ON THE END OF THE STAFF. Basda’/kd STAFF; -m the connective; ostsi’mi THE END,
POINT. The locative -di has the force of AT, ON.
131 wida’tpaitsoia TIED TO, IT IS SAID. The prefix-stem wi-, indicating actions done by force, generally
by pulling, is here combined with the stem -dat-, which, in its more common form, -dof-, is of frequent
occurrence. It has a meaning alone of TO KNOCK, apparently, but with wi- has the meaning TO TIE. The
suffix -pai means AGAINST, UPON, i. e., to tie or affix to, on.
132 {ni’ THIS (objective), the demonstrative pronoun.
133 Gdi’knodom ARRIVING, WHEN YOU ARRIVE (from 6- TO GO, and -dikno AGAINST, UP AGAINST; hence TO
REACH, TO ARRIVE); present participle suffix -dom.
134 9’lolokdi AT THE SMOKE HOLE. From 0’loloko is the smoke hole of the earth-covered lodge. The ter-
minal euphonic vowel (here o instead of the more usual i, probably depending on vowel-harmony) is
dropped before the locative -di.
135 ¢6’sdadom STANDING UP (present participle). From ¢ds- a stem meaning TO STAND; the suflix -da
indicates motion upward or position aloft; hence STANDING UP BY THE SMOKE HOLE.
136 tséhé/hétsondweten AFTER HAVING LOOKED OVER INTO. From tsé-, the stem of the verb TO SEE, here
with a suffix, -hé@hé, which is obscure. The suflix -tsono, however, is a common one, meaning OVER EDGE
OF, OFF OVER DOWN; hence TO LOOK OVER THE EDGE OF THE SMOKE HOLE INTO THE HOUSE. The -weten
is the common suffix indicating AFTER HAVING.
137 w6dd’minodom THROWING DOWN INTO. The prefix-stem w6- here refers to the staff, as a long thing;
wod6’m meaning TO THROW OR DROP A LONG THING. The stem dém- is obscure. The directive suffix
-mi, meaning DOWN INTO A HOLE, HOLLOW, ETC., follows, with the -no of general motion, and the parti-
cipial (present) suffix -dom.
138 26d6’/mkitmaa’nkano YOU SHALL THROW DOWN. Thesamestem as above; wéddm here takes the suffix
-kit, meaning DOWNWARD, TO THE GROUND. The future suffix -ma follows, with the regular ending of
the second person coming last (see § 28).
139 sqm0’estodi IN THE CENTER OF THE FIREPLACE; sd@ is the term for FIRE; s@m0’ THE FIREPLACE, appar-
ently sd-m-0 FIRE-STONE; -esto, often used independently, means THE CENTER OR MIDDLE OF ANYTHING,
here with the locative -di.
140 sika’latset WHILE, AT THE TIME WHEN HE BOTHERS; sikda’la- has the meaning of TO BOTHER, TO
TROUBLE, TO HURT, its analysis is not yet clear; s7-is a prefix of uncertain meaning (s?’kes- TO COOK,
stket- TO SEIZE, etc.). Thestem -kal- is also troublesome. The temporal suffix -tset here really gives the
idea of WHENEVER, IF.
141 6’hOni WITH SOMETHING MYSTERIOUS, BAD (magically); 6’A6 is anything which is evil in its effects,
or by magical means works harm to a person. The instrumental suffix -ni requires no explanation.
142 opo’ktibds I MIGHT MAKE HEADACHE; opo’k is A HEADACHE (probably from o-, the prefix referring to
the head; and -pok-, meaning TO STRIKE); opo’kli- TO CAUSE A HEADACHE. The suffix -bd corresponds to
our English MIGHT, the -s being the suffix of the first person, without, in this case again, the -ka. This
-ka is, however, never used, I believe, after -bd.
18 sika’lamen DON’T BOTHER, HURT (sika@’l-, cf. note 140). The negative -men is often used thus to indi-
cate negative imperative.
144 @a’nkano YOU SAY (from G- TO SAY, with the regular ending of the second person).
t
7134 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 40
PPranslatient
There was an old couple. They lived just this side of Big Springs,
and, having no earth-lodge, lived in a bark hut. These old people
had one daughter, who lived with them. Every evening, just at
dusk, she always went bathing, and never missed a single night. One
night she slept and dreamed of something; dreamed the same thing
every night. Then one night she went bathing, but did not return.
In the morning she came back, however, coming out of the water
toward the house, carrying fish. She handed the fish to her father
and then sat down. By and by a great snake came up unseen,
lowered his head through the smoke hole, and crawled in. He kept
crawling in and coiling around, till he filled all the space between the
area back of the fire and the door on one side of the house; then, stick-
ing his head up beside the girl, he looked steadily at her. After a
while he began to crawl out, and, crawling entirely out, went down
into the water and disappeared. Meanwhile the girl stayed in the
house still. After a while she spoke, saying, ‘‘That person said to
999
me, ‘ Let us go away. Then her father said, ‘‘ All right.’’—‘“‘ He said
) 5S ) DS 7
‘IT shall go to-morrow, let us go away to-morrow,’’’
oD oD d
said the girl.
Then the old man replied, ‘‘Yes; you ought to go.” Then they slept.
In the morning the girl went to get water. She saw her husband the
snake. He gave her a great quantity of fish. Then, carrying fish
on one side and the water on the other, she came back to the house.
When she arrived, she set the water down and passed the fish through
the smoke hole to her father, who took them. That morning, after
they had finished breakfast, the snake came again and coiled up in
the same place as before. He looked straight at the girl, and then
crawled out and went off toward the country between here and
Honey lake. Then the girl spoke and said, ‘‘ Well, [ am going now.”’
Then the old man said, ‘‘Yes.”” Then he added, ‘‘Stop a moment!
I will make-a cane for you.’ Then he made the cane and fastened
magical roots to the end of it. ‘‘When you arrive at the snake’s
house, stand by the smoke hole and look over into the house and
throw this staff into the center of the fire,’ he said. ‘‘‘If you trouble
me, [ might make your head ache with something mysterious.
Don't trouble me.’ That is what you must say,’ he said. Then the
girl answered, ‘“‘ All right.” Then she went off up north, after the
snake,
Lae
a ¥s
—
ALGONQUIAN
(HOX)
WILLIAM JONES
(REVISED BY TRUMAN MICHELSON)
CONTENTS
Page
MIRE ORM OOO: St... tere nen eatyew ae See NETL Ecce 739
TEM OCr Or Line Wai 7 Se mes as roe oe ot NS OR I OF sto 2 740
ETS Ta I A ee bi in A he Se 741
eet ateeetieral CHAPACTOLISICR. 1c sae eres ee ea eee ke ee Le SEES ge 741
Sn TEL a Ce Rd gia ee a Aas aah eee eC Sieg Fe ee ese go Pere ee 742
coy ET ET a a erie EA AR od le aaa ee eee Se ey 745
Tog fh hls 18 geese dae a taal aR dla erate Real ed pails Sale Hb ee ye 2 Sel Eh ey 746
RPMS See oh che eho hte Ft Se lay eee ee ote SNe ee ee me 747
ED oN Jon Fits me te Se AS Ae ey Sahota 748
sre ecu conan. Sere eS ow ee Sn eee 749
Saas! si 1 a Ra Ge Eee a Rk CARY Pa 749
Bia. V stn OF Cunsomamis: 225205502 ese32 i262 ee 753
SU Combet an assimilstion: =< 2222.22.'2 22 on 8s. ok FER at 754
Sepa nee GION To shiek ek he. ths oka Some Soyo Ss Shaws Beles 755
Rie ee aIMOH. ono fs ace oop oe Saat shee ee nts cee eae ste ae eee 756
PU RIMEMALIGAL PYOCCHIES. ci toe = <5 5 one ose sd ie bu Sonne es een te oes 758
§ 14. Ideas expressed by grammatical processes............-..----......0.-- 759
ee eee INC URRIUe OF PIAMITIAE J 5552. 2202 flo do Fis bce sad oda te che 762
eer POMONA S. - 5 Ja sess D258 S02 TS ee Redes RP poser se Ped 762
Seela a Netball compossiions $c... 222 sss toe scene ee wise stss ee oe 762
ei Eh ert anaes BINNS 02a otis, ee staan tae doles é. cs cw aewee pee 762
gle. AeA RRR e Se te Ot te ca a See oc ae oh eos Wom ok we Sane 763
AS Li-20. “eCORGAEYBLCUISs...5. was ctinen bee Sos 5 -2cjeece Seen es 793
$17.; Types of secondary stem: 2.0. ose22 2 ok ee 793
§ 18. Secondary stems of the first order..................... 794
§ 19. Secondary stems of the second order................... 797
§ 20. Secondary co-ordinative stems.-......... Sse ae 802
Sol. Instrumental parigcles= Jotot- 2 ope. feb Aid aya win owes 0 807
go 22-24. Substantival composition.<-.2 0.0.2.2 6 ccc eee seen ceed 809
Rose. WbIPACLer OF BUDRERDULVEsse> oath 22k looove she ood oe oes 809
Seo. mecondary Stems. J. 2-cce.ne esha acs eee eek ews 810
Soe OnsaiAl SUNRCR ce hoes ome eae! 3s. oles. sees 811
oo EOE Sr rn EE er eae ee ee re ee 814
eet eee NCE ig a o-oo ah ERE Coe ai ald Gd Sx maee whe Dhak 815
Space POHOME, WOICE, AN Modes a Fk Ses oo 8. oe bel sone ote wee 815
ee oe BRIS A 3 sibioleghi d >be ee eae ee ge a en 816
eeeae ee ooominal Lopes css 2 e S en os eos wee Bek 817
Macmieeenemient Medes sree ies 2Se eek ok Sule den on cae 817
§ 29. Conjunctive, aorist and future;subjunctive, presentand past. 820
§ 30. Potential, potential subjunctive, and prohibitive.......... 824
Ret META: 202 S08 5c eee em re oS Ee nan 2 x pled aaa 826
Mica) Se MternOpatiVe Made. 202. sr4s<o5!.\<- c a-ak boven eke 826
Paombarteuprils 202.0 8G 0s. hy. lee eee Poeiere 2a») 828
Sas Penieea NGIsON BIMINALGS 2.2 20.0 eos Sean's Shae Wo bidls ede eee 830
44877 °—Bull, 40, pt 1—10——47 737
738 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY
§§ 15-54. Discussion of grammar—Continued
§§ 26-41. The verb—Continued
§ 35. Syntactic use of modes and tenses ...........-..--.----
§§ 36-41. Pre-pronominal elements-.........- aS SS eee eves
§ 36. Formal value of pre-pronominal elements..-.......--
S.o7. ‘Catisal particles s2 4: Five 8 ees a er ee ee
$38. The reciprocal “verb. <3 24222 eee ee oe eee
$390 The reflexave: verbs:e 522. ee eneee oe eee
$'40., ‘Thermiddilevoicetatse at see aoa ee ee
§ 41. The. passive voice. 22.26.4525 £3 20... cee ee ee es
§ 42. Syntactic forms of the substantive. .-..............-.---.-
S43) The ad ectivie.s oe joie 8 Seren eee te oe
§$:44-49..Promoumg er: A822) be oe eee Sete ee ei ot ee ae
§ 44. The independent personal pronoun..........---..------
S45. he possessive Pronoun esc sae senna nae eee
$46. :'The refloxtve pronoun. -cen 2. e eas soe ks tee eee
§ 47. The demonstrative pronours.......-.-.---- a Uae
§ 48. Indefinite pronouns, positive and negative........-.-.-.--
$493 lnterrogative pronouns! "eter see et eee eee
§$$i50-52; Numerals) 225 4.2222". es Ae Ee Or Oe ee
S90” Cardimalimuimbers ites oe = gs eee ee
S (Dili (Ordinal os tee SST obs Sake Mcphee cir fea
552. Tteratives and. distributives.: x... 52 2¢< ses sage ee
SOS s PAUVELDS Es oh See eye Oe eeta ee epee el See aoe ea
N04; LLMLENIOCHIONS 42 5. ae see See ee ae ee ee
Sod Conclusionud.). 2 sees Fee Shae eee cot oe ee ae a
(BULL. 40
Page
Ja eee 842
teen 849
tata 850
Se aaee 851
Geer. 854
=i gehate 857
ALGONQUIAN
(FOX)
By Wir1amM JONES
(Revised by TrRuMAN MicHELSON)
IntTRopuctoryY NOTE
The following sketch of the grammar of the Fox was written by
Dr. William Jones in 1904. Shortly after the completion of the
manuscript Doctor Jones was appointed by the Carnegie Institution
of Washington to conduct investigations among the Ojibwa of Canada
and the United States, and it was his intention to revise the Fox
grammar on the basis of the knowledge of the Ojibwa dialect which
he had acquired.
Unfortunately Doctor Jones’s investigations among the Ojibwa
were discontinued before he was able to complete the scientific
results of his field-studies, and he accepted an appointment to visit
the Philippine Islands for the Field Museum of Natural History, of
Chicago. The duties which he had taken over made it impossible
for him to continue at the time his studies on the Algonquian dialects,
and finally he fell a victim to his devotion to his work.
Thus it happened that the sketch of the Fox grammar was not
worked out in such detail as Doctor Jones expected. Meanwhile
Doctor Jones’s collection of Fox texts were published by the Ameri-
can Ethnological Society, and Doctor Truman Michelson undertook
the task of revising the essential features of the grammar by a
comparison of Doctor Jones’s statements with the material contained
in the volume of texts.
On the whole, it has seemed best to retain the general arrangement
of the material given by Doctor Jones, and Doctor Michelson has
confined himself to adding notes and discussions of doubtful points
wherever it seemed necessary. All the references to the printed series
of texts, the detailed analyses of examples, and the analysis of the
text printed at the end of the sketch, have been added by Doctor
Michelson. Longer insertions appear signed with his initials.
Franz Boas.
Marca, 1910.
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740 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 40
§1. THE DIALECT OF THE FOX
The Fox speak a dialect of the central group of Algonquian Indians.
By ‘‘central group”’ is meant the Algonquian tribes that live or have
lived about the Great Lakes, particularly in the adjoining regions
west and south, and now embraced by the territory of the states of
Michigan, Minnesota, Wisconsin, Illinois, Indiana, and Ohio. The
group contains many dialects, some of which are the Ojibwa, Ottawa,
Potawatomi, Menominee, Kickapoo, Sauk and Fox.
The dialects present great similarity in the absolute forms of many
words; but marked differences are noticed in the spoken language.
Some of the differences are so wide as to make many of the dialects
mutually unintelligible. This lack of mutual comprehension is due
in some measure to variations of intonation and idiom, and in a
certain degree to slight differences of phonetics and grammatical
forms. :
The extent of diversity among the dialects varies; for instance,
Ojibwa, Ottawa, and Potawatomi are so closely related that a mem-
ber of any one of the three experiences only slight difficulty in acquir-
ing a fluent use of the other’s dialect. The transition from Ojibwa,
Ottawa, and Potawatomi to Menominee is wider, and it is further
still to Kickapoo and to Sauk and Fox.
Some of the dialects, like the Ojibwa, Ottawa, and Potawatomi,
are disintegrating. The breaking-up is not uniform throughout a
dialect: it is faster in the regions where civilized influences predomi-
nate or play a controlling force; while the purer forms are main-
tained in the places where ideas of the old-time life and associations
have a chance to live and survive. The dialect of the Mexican band
of Kickapoo is holding its own with great vigor; but not quite the
same can be said for Menominee or Sauk. Sauk and Fox are the same
speech with feeble differences of intonation and idiom. Kickapoo
is closely akin to both, but is a little way removed from them by
slight differences of vocabulary, intonation, and idiom. The dialect
taken up here is the Fox, which is spoken with as much purity as
Kickapoo. .
$1
BOAS] HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 741
The number of the Foxes is nearly four hundred, and they live on
Iowa River at a place in Tama county, Iowa. They call themselves
Meskwa’‘ki'a‘g‘ Rep-Eartu Propue, and are known to the Ojibwa
and others of the north as Utagaémi‘g PEOPLE OF THE OTHER SHORE.
Among their totems is an influential one called the Fox. It is told
in tradition that members of this totem were the first in the tribe
to meet the French; that the strangers asked who they were, and
the reply was, Wa’go'4‘g' PEopLe oF THE Fox CLAN: so thereafter
the French knew the whole tribe as Les Renards, and later the
English called them Foxes, a name which has clung to them ever
since.
PHONETICS (§§ 2-12)
§ 2. General Characteristics
There is a preponderance of forward sounds, and a lack of sharp
distinction between k, t, p, and their parallels g, d, b. The first set
leave no doubt as to their being unvoiced sounds: their acoustic
effect is a direct result of their organic formation. The same is not
true with the second set. They form for voiced articulation, but
their acoustic effect is plainly that of surds: when the sonant effect
is caught by the ear, it is of the feeblest sort. Sometimes / is sub-
stituted for n in careless speech. Vowels are not always distinct,
especially when final. There is weak distinction between w and y,
both as vowel and as consonant.
Externally the language gives an impression of indolence. The
lips are listless and passive. The widening, protrusion, and rounding
of lips are excessively weak. In speech the expiration of breath is
uncertain; for instance, words often begin with some show of effort,
then decrease in force, and finally die away in a lifeless breath.
Such is one of the tendencies that helps to make all final vowels
inaudible: consequently modulation of the voice is not always clear
and sharp.
The same indistinctness and lack of clearness is carried out in con-
tinued discourse, in fact it is even increased. Enunciation is blurred,
and sounds are elusive, yet it is possible to indicate something of the
nature of length, force, and pitch of sounds.
§ 2
742 ' BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 40
§ 3. Sounds
Consonants
The system of consonants is represented by the following table:!
Stop ee Ase ae Nasal Lateral
(GGT bale OS) Welne cate rer geet : ; = =
Post-palatal ov" 2529s k,g — - —
Palatal bAL Ried. ee 'k - - -
Adveol bitte Silene are” aah. - C8 - l
Dette: ) cba silos epithe, engin eh ena One ane me n -
Taal 20 5 84 ek ek aoe - m -
h, ‘hw,y
® a soft glottal stop resembling a feeble whispered cough. It occurs
before initial vowels: *a’tct! lacrosse stick.
[‘ intervocalic is presumably a spirant with glottal stricture ——T. M.]
* denotes a whispered continuant before the articulation of k, ¢, and p.
[The closure is so gradual that the corresponding spirant is
heard faintly before the stop, so that the combination is the
reverse of the fricative. Thus @ pydtc’ WHEN HE CAME is to
be pronounced nearly as dfpydte’ with bilabial f—T. M.]
It occurs also before h.
h an aspirate sound almost like h in hall, hail, hull. It is soft breath
with feeble friction passing the vocal chords, and continuing on
through the narrowed glottis: nahi’ hey! listen!
‘h an aspirate of the same origin as h, but without an inner arrest.
The tongue is drawn back and raised high, making the air-
passage narrow; it has a sudden release at the moment almost
of seeming closure: ma”hwdé‘w* wolf.
hw a bilabial, aspirate glide, starting at first like h, and ending with
the air-passage wider and the ridge of the tongue slightly
lowered: pa’nahwi‘w*% he missed hitting him.
k like the k-sound in caw, crawl. The stoppage makes and bursts
without delay on the forward part of the soft palate: kaho’
hist!
1It should be pointed out that in the Fox Texts d and ¢, g and k,b and p, often interchange. This
is due to the peculiar nature of b, d, g. Dr. Jones has simply tried to record the sounds as he heard
them when taking down the stories. Whereversuch fluctuation occurs, the actual sound pronounced
was undoubtedly 6, d,g. Asan example we may give wipA wdbA TO LOOK AT.—T. M.
§ 3
BOAS] HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 748
g ak-sound articulated in the same position ask. But the closure
is dull and sustained, with a pause between the stop and break,
leaving an acoustic effect of almost a medial sonant: @gw* no.
‘k an outer k-sound like the one in keen, keep, key. The articula-
tion is farther front than for & or g. The spiritus asper is
for a hiss of breath that escapes before complete closure:
U“kwai'w* woman.
e like the voiceless sh in she, shame, mash. The sibilant is made
with friction between the tongue and upper alveolar. The
opening is narrow, and the tip of the tongue is near the lower
teeth: cask? only.
s a hissing surd articulated with the tip of the tongue against the
lower teeth. The air-passage is narrow and without stop:
wa’ sest? bull-head.
tc like ch in chill, cheap, church. The articulation is with the ridge
of the tongue behind the upper alveolar, while the blade is
near the lower alveolar: tci’stcdé‘* or tcisteé‘* heavens and
earth! |
¢ a pure dental surd articulated with the point of the tongue against
the upper teeth and with sudden stress: tete’pisé‘w? he whirls
round.
da dental articulated in the same place ast, but delayed and with
less stress. It leaves the impression of ‘almost a voiced stop:
me’dasw' ten. :
‘t a dental surd differing from ¢ only in the fact that an audible hiss
is expelled just previous to a full stop: me’‘td’ bow.
l a lateral liquid sometimes heard in careless speech. It often
replaces the nasal n after wv, a, and the dull 4. The point of
the tongue articulates softly with the upper alveolar, the fric-
tion being so slight that the sound has much the nature of a
vowel. It is like 7 in warble: wa’biguli¢ for wabiguni‘+
mouse.
nm not quite like the n in English, the articulation being with the
point of the tongue at the base of the upper teeth: ni’n? I.
m a bilabial nasal consonant like m in English: ma’n* this.
p asurd like the sharp tenuis p in English; it is made with complete
_ closure, and the stop usually breaks with a slight puff of
breath: ‘pyd’w? he comes.
§ 3
744 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY _ [putt. 40
b a bilabial stop with almost the value of a sonant; it differs from
p in being dull and having less stress. The lips close and are
momentarily sustained, as if for a sonant, but break the stop
with a breath: wé@’ban‘ morning light.
‘y like p, but with the difference of having first to expel a puff of
breath before coming to complete closure: d’‘pydtct when he
came.
y like the voiced spirant y in you, yes. It is uttered without stress:
wi’ tciya‘ni whence I came.
w bilabial liquid like the English w in war, water: wawi'gewa'g’ at
their dwelling-place.
Vowels
a like the vowel-sound in words like loon, yule, you, and clue. It is
long and slightly rounded; the ridge of the tongue is high and
back, and the lips and teeth have a thin opening: w’wiyd4
somebody.
wu like the u-sound in full and book. The vowel is short, open, and
faintly rounded. It is the short of a: pyd’tusd‘w* he comes
walking.
6 like o in words like no, slope, rose. The vowel is long and slightly
less rounded than a; the ridge of the tongue is not so high and
not so far back as for @: a@’mow* honey.
o like 0 in fellow and hotel. It is the short sound of 6: nota’gosi’wa
he is heard. }
a like the short vowel-sound in words like not, plot, what. The
vowel suffers further shortening in final syllables; it is uttered
with the ridge of the tongue drawn back; the lips are passive:
na’ husé‘w* he can walk.
4 like the vowel-sound in sun, hut; it is short, dull, unrounded, and
made with the ridge of the tongue slightly lifted along the
front and back: ma’n? this.
4 as in the broad vowel-sound of words like all, wall, law, awe. The
ridge of the tongue is low, and pulled back almost to the
uvula; the lips make a faint attempt to round: wda’bamon*
mirror.
a like a in father, alms. The tongue lies low, back, and passive; the
lips open listlessly and only slightly apart: mahan‘ these.
§ 3
BOAS] HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 745
& longer than the a in sham, alley. The & in German Bar is probably
more nearly akin. It is broad, and made with the tongue
well forward; the opening of the lips is slightly wider than
for @; the quantity is in fact so long as to be diphthongal.
The first part of the sound is sustained with prolonged
emphasis, while the second is blurred and falling. The char-
acter of this second sound depends upon the next mould of
the voice-passage: ma@’ndw* there is much of it.
é like the a-sound in tale, ale, late. It is made with the ridge of the
tongue near the forward part of the palate; the lips open out
enough to separate at the corners, but the rift there is not
clear and sharp: nahé’* hark!
e like the vowel-sound in men, led, let. It is a shorter sound of @:
pe’m? oil, grease.
% with much the character of the diphthong in words like see, sea, tea,
key. It is the most forward of all the vowels; the opening
of the lips is lifeless: n7’n? I.
2 like the 7 in sit, mass, fit. It is the short of 7; it is even shorter as
a final vowel: di’cimi‘tc’ just as he told me.
§ 4. Sound-Clusters
Consonantic Clusters
The language is not fond of consonant-clusters. In the list that
follows are shown about all of the various combinations. Most of
them are with w and y, and so are not types of pure clusters of con-
sonants:
Consonant Combinations
kw kwi’yen* exactly
gw 4a gw' no
‘kw av’ kwdw* woman
hw keci’/*kahwé‘w* he stabs him
‘hw ma‘hwdaw* wolf
sw me’dasw* ten
cw 3 —-me’cw* rabbit
tw sa’ tw’ ouch
mw <A’mwdw* he eats him
nw no’tenw* wind
pw pwa’w' not
§ 4
746 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [ BULL. 40
pw wu’ ‘pwaga‘n' pipe .
bw = a’ bwatciga‘n* roasting-spit
ky kekyd’nena‘mw* he holds it
gy wgydn? his mother
‘ky a’‘kydn’ lands
cy me tegumicyd’n' oaks
my myd’w* road
ny nyd’w' four
py pyd’w% he comes
“py -d@‘pydtc’ when he comes
The following true consonantic clusters occur:
sk cd’sk* only
ck =ma’cicki‘w* grass
' ste tcistcd‘* my stars!
Diphthongs
Not more than two vowels combine to form a diphthong. Stress
is stronger on the leading member, and movement of the voice is
downward from the first to the second vowel.
ai like the diphthong in my, J; aiydént* opossum
Ai like the diphthong in turn with the r slurred; a’sai skin
éi like the diphthong in day, play; nahei’ now then!
di‘ like the diphthong in soil, boy; ma&’indhwa‘w‘t he went at
him
,au like the diphthong in shout, bout; hau halloo!
ou like the diphthong in foe, toe; pyand’u come here!
“$5. Quantity
Vowels vary in length, and in the analysis of sounds they have
their phonetic symbols ‘indicating quantity. A vowel with .the
macron (—) over it is long, as 6, @, G, and 7, and a vowel without the
sign is short. Some vowels are so short that they indicate nothing
more than a faint puff of breath. The short, weak quantity is the
~ normal quantity of the final vowel, and for that reason is in superior
letter, as %, «. Rhetorical emphasis can render almost any yowel
long—so long that the vowel-sound usually develops into a diph-
thong, as G@qgwé’i WHY, NO, oF couRSE! (from a@’gw* No).
Change of quantity is often due to position. Long vowels are
likely to suffer loss of quantity at the beginning of long combinations:
na’‘k* AGAIN becomes na‘ka in the phrase na‘katcdémegutdta‘gi AGAIN
§ 5
=
BOAS] HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 747
IT CERTAINLY SEEMED AS IF. Long vowels also shorten when placed
before a stressed syllable: a’‘kig‘ oN THE GROUND becomes a'‘kigé’hi-
nabi‘tc’ WHEN HE LOOKED DOWN AT THE GROUND.
Diphthongs undergo change of quantity. The accent of a diph-
thong slides downward from the first vowel, and the loss when it
comes is in the breaking-off of the second member: a’sai BUCKSKIN,
ne'tasa‘m' MY BUCKSKIN.
Consonants show evidence of quantity also. In general, the quan-
tity is short; but the length of time between the stop and break in
g, d, and b, is noticeable, so much so that the effect of a double sound
is felt. As a matter of fact, g stands fora double sound. The first
part is an articulation for an inner k, and in gliding forward comes to
the place for g where the stoppage breaks. Assimilation tends to
reduce the double to a single sound. Nasal sonant m and n sound
double before accented 7: mi/miw*% PIGEON, ni‘na I. |
A syllable consists (1) of a single vowel-sound, G; (2) of two or
more vowels joined together into a diphthong, ‘wai’ wHat?; and (8)
of a vowel-sound in combination with a smgle consonant or a cluster
of consonants, the vocalic sound always following the consonant:
ni’tei MY KIND. Two or more vowels coming together, no two of
which are in union as a diphthong, are broken by an interval between:
Ghi’owa‘tci SO THEY SAID.
§ 6. Stress
Force is but another name for stress, and indicates energy. It is
not possible to lay down definite rules for the determination of stress
in every instance, and it is not always clear why some syllables are
emphasized at the expense of others. Generally, in words of two
syllables, stress-accent falls on the first, ki’/n* rHou; for words of
three syllables, stress falls on the antepenult, kwi’yen* SUFFICIENTLY.
Beyond words of three syllables, only the semblance of a rule can be
suggested. The chief stress comes on the first or second of the
initial syllables, and the secondary stress on the penult; the syllables
between follow either an even level, or more often a perceptible rise
and fall alternating feebly up to the penult. In accordance with its
rising nature the principal stress can be considered as acute (’), and
in the same manner the fall of the secondary stress can be termed as
grave (‘). The sonorous tone of the voice on the penult is marked,
§ 6
748 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BuLt. 40
due perhaps to the extreme brevity of the final, inarticulate vowel.
The feature of the sonorous penult is apparent in extended combina-
tions like phrases and sentences, especially when movement is swift
at the start, and, gradually slowing up on the way, brings up at the
syllable next to the last with a sustained respite which ends with a
sudden break into the final vowel. The arrival on the penult creates
one or two effects according as the syllable is long or short. If the
quantity is long, the vowel is sung with falling voice; if short, the
vowel is brought out with almost the emphasis of a primary stress-
accent.
This makes a fairly normal order for stress in a single group stand-
ing alone; but it suffers interference in the spoken language where
the measure of a syllable for special stress often becomes purely
relative. The stress on one syllable brings out a certain particular
meaning, and on another gains an effect of a different sort. Stressing
the stem of wa’baminu LOOK AT ME exaggerates the idea of LooK;
stressing the penult -mv’-, the syllable of the object pronoun, centers
the attention on that person; and stressing the final member -nw’
THOU makes the second personal subject pronoun the object of chief
concern.
Special stress often splits a vocalic sound into two vowels of the
same or a different kind. This is common in the case of pronouns,
in words of introductive import, in vocatives of spirited address, and
in cries calling at a distance: iin‘ for in‘ THAT; nahéei’ for nahi’
HARK; neniwetige’1 for ne’niweti‘g? oH, YE MEN! pydago’" for pyd’g"
COME YE.
§ 7. Pitch
This Algonquian dialect does not fall wholly in the category of a
stressed language. Pitch is ever present in a level, rising, or falling
tone. The effect of pitch is strong in the long vowels of the penult.
Temperament and emotion bring out its psychological feature. For
instance, pride creates a rising tone, and a feeling of remorse lets it
fall. In the sober moments of a sacred story the flow of words
glides along in a musical tone; the intonation at times is so level as
to become a tiresome monotone; again it is a succession of rises and
falls, now ascending, now descending, and with almost the effect of
song. In general, the intonation of ordinary speech is on a middle
scale. The tone of men is lower than that of women and children.
§ 7
BOAS] HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 749
Sound-Changes (§§ 8-12)
§ 8. Accretion
In the course of word-formation, phonetic elements are taken on
that have the impress of mere accretions. The additions are the
result of various causes: some are due to reduplication; some to
accent; and others act as glides between vowels, and as connectives
between unrelated portions of a word-group. Instances of the accre-
tion of some of these phonetic elements are next to be shown.
Syllabic Accretion
A syllable, usually in the initial position, is sometimes repeated by
another which precedes and maintains the same vowel-sound. The
repetition is in fact a reduplication:
Uni wiydtu’geme‘g” and so in truth it may have been, for 7ni
yatu’geme‘g"
It is not always clear whether some accretions are but glides pass-
ing from one sound to another, or only additions to aid in maintaining
stress-accent on a particular syllable. The syllable hu is a frequent
accretion in dependent words, and occurs immediately after the tem-
poral article d:
dhugukahigdwa‘tc' WHEN THEY MADE A BRIDGE is the conjunc-
tive for ku’ ‘kahigéwa‘g' THEY MADE A BRIDGE
dhuke’ piskwatawadhoniwetc’ WHICH THEY USED AS A FLAP OVER
THE ENTRY-WAY [cf. 354.22] is a subordinate form of ke’ pis-
kwatawa’honamo‘g' THEY USED IT FOR A FLAP OVER THE
ENTRANCE
[Il am convinced that Aw is not a glide nor an addition to maintain
the stress-accent on a particular syllable, but is to be divided into
h-w, in which f is a glide, but wa morphological element. In proof
of this I submit the following: There is an initial stem wi7gi To
DWELL (wige also; cf. kiwe beside kiwi [$16]). Thus wegiw* HE
DWELLS 220.22 (-w7§28). Observe that we have wihuwigewdtc’ WHERE
THEY WERE TO LIVE 56.5 (future conjunctive, §29) beside dhuwigewdate
WHERE THEY LIVED 56.23 (for -wdtc'; aorist conjunctive, §29) ; dhuwigi-
watc! WHERE THEY LIVED 94.21; dhuwigiyadg WHERE WE (excl.) WERE
LIVING 216.1 (aor. conj. §29); éhuwigite WHERE HELIVED 42.20 (§29);
dhuwiginitc' WHERE HE WAS STAYING 182.8 (§34). That is to say, hu is
§8
750 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 40
found after w7- as wellas d-. Now, it should be observed that we have
hu after d@- in some stems regularly; in others it never occurs. Ash
is unquestionably used as a glide, we are at once tempted to regard
the u asa morphological element. But a direct proof is wiwtginitcin*
HE WHO DWELLED THERE 80.9, 12, 20; 82.10, 22; 84.10, 21; 86.2, 20.
This form is a participial (§ 33), showing the characteristic change
of wu to wé (§ 11). Hence the wé points to an initial uw, which can
not be a glide, as nothing precedes; and h is absent. Now, this wu is
found in d@ kiwi wigewatct WHEN THEY WENT TO LIVE SOMEWHERE
66.15 (é—watc', § 29; kiwi is an extended form of 7, an initial stem
denoting INDEFINITE MOTION, § 16; ‘k for k regularly after d).—T.M.]
Other additions, like h, w, y, are clearly glides:
d/hutct‘tc’ WHENCE HE CAMB, the independent form of which is
u'tctw* HE CAME FROM SOME PLACE
a’hunapdmi‘te’ WHEN SHE TOOK A HUSBAND, a temporal form
for und’ pdmi‘w* SHE TOOK A HUSBAND
o’wiwa'n' his wife (from owi-4nt)
owl’ ‘tawa‘n' his brother-in-law (from ow?’ ‘ta-4nt)
ketasi'yuté‘w* he crawls up hill (from ketdsi-atéwa)
ki'yawd'w% he is jealous (from ki-dwiwa)
Consonantic Accretion
A frequent type of accretion is w or y with k, forming a cluster:
tea’ kwiwind‘w* he is short-horned (from tcagi-windwa)
tea kwapyd'w' it is short (from tcagi-apydwi)
sasi'ga'kyd*w* he scattered it (this is just the same in meaning
as sasiga@'kiiw’)
Intervocalic Consonants
The most common accretion is ¢.!_ It falls in between two vowels,
each of which is part of a different member in a word-group.
Examples:
Between 7 and e: a/‘kwitepyd‘g' top of the water
Between e and a: neta’*panid‘n’ I laugh
Between 4 and 6: @’watd‘w% he carries it away
Between d@ and u: pyia’tusdé‘w* he came walking
Between 6 and @: pi/toti‘w* he crawls in
1 tserves as a connective in an inanimate relation, and will be mentioned again.
$8
a
—eo a
BOAS | HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 751
[In so far as -dtd- is a secondary stem of the second order’ (§ 19),
the -f- can not bean intervocalic inserted phonetically. The same
applies to the s in ~isd- cited below.—T. M.]
When the vowel of the second member is 7, then ¢ usually becomes te:
Between 7 and 7: pi’tcisdé‘w*% it (bird) flew in
Between 4 and 2: kepa’tciga‘n' cork, stopper
Between d@ and 7: kugwi’tcisdé‘w* it (bird) tries to fly
Between @ and 7: kiwa’tcitéhd‘w" he is lonely
Sometimes n has the value of an intervocalic consonant. It often
occurs immediately after the temporal particle a:
tcagina’towdtcr‘g' PEOPLE OF ALL LANGUAGES, a participial with
the elements of tca’g’ ati, é having the force of the relative
pronoun WHO, and @’towdwa‘g' THEY SPEAK A LANGUAGE.
dndapatag’ WHEN HE SAW THEM 206.18 as contrasted with dédépa-
pAtsg HE HAD A FEEBLE VIEW OF IT IN THE DISTANCE 206.16
[Is d@pa- TO SEE related with waps- TO SEE, TO LOOK AT?—T. M.]
dnd pawatc’ HE DREAMED 206 TITLE; 210.17 (@— te? [§ 29])
contrasted with ind‘a“pawatc’ THEN HE HAD A DREAM 212.3;
dé a ‘pawatc! SHE HAD A DREAM 216.1
Sometimes n occurs between vowels much after the fashion of ¢:
Between @ and e: mya’negd‘w* he dances poorly
Between @ and e: wpyii’nesiw* he is slow
Between @ and @: myana'pawat® he that dreamed an ill omen
TITLE 210; 212, 17, 20; 214.1, 10 (my@+@'pawd- TO DREAM;
participial [§ 33])
See, also, 212.4, 5, 7, 9, 10; 214.20
Between 7 and a: ad peminawatenag’ then he went carrying it in
his hand 194.12 (@—ag? [§ 29]; pemi- awa- (Gwa) [§ 16]; -t-
[§ 21]; -e- [§ 8]; -n-[§ 21])
Between 7 and @: ke‘tcinapydyawatc when they drew nigh 152.2
(ke'tct- intensity; pyd- motion hither; ya- to go; é—watc'
[§ 29]; -? lost by contraction [§ 10})
Between 7 and @: ad cinipamegute as he was thus seen 76.6 (-te
for -tc’ [§ 10]; d—tc? [§ 29]; ici- THUS; Gpa- same as apa TO
SEE; -m-[§ 21]; -e- [§ 8]); peteginapi'kan* thou shalt (not) look
behind at me 382.9 (peteg’ BEHIND; -i'kané [§ 30])
[Is @ panipamawatc THEY LOST SIGHT OF HIM 180.19 for & panana-
pamawate (§ 12)? The analysis would be é—dwatc? (§ 29); pana-
(§ 16) TO MISS, TO FAIL TO; @p4- TO SEE; -m- (§ 29). Similarly
§38
752 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BuLL. 40
G panapatamatisuyan' YOU HAVE BEEN DEPRIVED OF THE SIGHT OF
YOUR BODILY SELF 382.7 (d—yan’ [§ 29]; -tisu- [§39]).—T. M.]
While these consonants seem to be inserted for purely phonetic
reasons, others, that appear in similar positions, seem to have a
definite meaning, at least in some cases.
[Though I also think that in a few cases intervocalic consonants
are inserted for purely phonetic reasons, yet I am convinced that in
bulk we have to deal with a morphological element. Take, for
example, pydtciséw* HE CAME IN FLIGHT. Here -tc- and -s- are
regarded as intervocalics. Such is not the case. It stands for
pyitci + -isdé-+w%, as is shown by pyatcine’kawdéw* HE COMES DRIV-
ING THEM HOME (§ 16). The secondary stem -neka- follows
(§ 19) pydtci-. A vowel is elided before another (§ 10); hence the
final - of pyédtci- is lost before -isd- (§ 19). Similarly -te- seems to
be added to pyd-. Note, too, d'pitigiétc’ WHEN HE ENTERED THE
LODGE, compared with pitcisiwag' THEY CAME RUNNING IN (pit-:
pite-: pi- = pydt-: pydtc-: pyd-. In short, pitc- stands for pitci-). I
can not go into this further at present.—T. M.]
It looks as if s plays the same rdéle as t, tc, and n, but on a smaller
scale. Instances of its use are:
Between e and 7: asda’wesi‘w* he is yellow
Between 2 and d: pyd’tcisi‘w% he came in flight (isd [§ 19])
Between 4 and 6: ne’maso‘w* he is standing up
Between u and G@: pyd’tusi‘w? he came walking (usd [§ 19])
In these examples s has an intimate relation with the notion of
animate being. It will be referred to later.
The consonant m is sometimes an intervocalic element:
nanahi’cimd‘w* he carefully lays him away
pa’nem‘amw* he dropped it
Other functions of m will be mentioned farther on.
[It would seem that me is substituted for m when a consonant-
cluster would otherwise be formed that is foreign to the language.
(For such clusters as are found, see § 4.) Contrast kewépame‘n? I
LOOK AT THEE, with newd’pama@w* I LOOK AT HIM; Gwadpamdtc HE
THEN LOOKED AT HER 298.20; note also newdpamegw* HE LOOKED
AT ME 368.19; contrast waépame’k” LOOK YE AT HIM 242.19 with
waipamin® LOOK THOU AT ME 322.3. Other examples for me are
kepydtciwapamen? | HAVE COME TO VISIT YOU 242.11; dgwapawapa-
megutc’ WAS SHE WATCHED ALL THE WHILE 174.17; punime’k” CEASE
DISTURBING HIM (literally, cease talking with him [see § 21]) 370.18.
§8
Boas] HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 753
There is some evidence to show that a similar device was used in
conjunction with ¢ and n, but at present I have not sufficient ex-
amples to show this conclusively.
On further investigation it appears that the device of inserting a
vowel to prevent consonant-clusters foreign to the Fox runs through-
out the language. The vowel is usually e, but always a before h
and hw. Thereis an initial stem nes TO KILL; compare dnesdtc’ THEN
HE KILLED HIM (d—ditc! § 29). Contrast this with dnesegutc’ THEN HE
WAS SLAIN (-gu- sign of the passive [§ 41]); nesegwa 190.3 HE HAS
BEEN SLAIN (independent mode, aorist, passive [§ 28]; -wa lengthened
for -w*); ndsegut* HE WHO HAD BEEN SLAIN 190.8 (passive participi-
al; -gu- as above; -¢* [§ 33]; change of stem-vowel of nes [§§ 11, 33)).
Other illustrations are kusegw* HE WAS FEARED 56.14 (-s- [§ 21]),
contrasted with kuséw* HE FEARED HIM (-dw% [§ 28]), ku'tamw* HE
FEARS IT (‘¢ [§ 21]; -amw* [$28]); ato kendtc THEN HE WAKENED HER
104.18 (for -tc’; -n- [§ -21]; per contra @ to kite’ THEN HE WOKE UP
168.11); @tagendte HE TOUCHED HIM 158.5; mi kemegutcin' HE BY
WHOM SHE WAS WOOED 142.6 (passive participial; mi‘k- [§ 16]; -m-
[§ 21]; -gu- [§ 41]; -tein? [§ 33]); mi kemdéw* HE WOOES HER (-déw%
[$-28]); démikematc’ WHEN HE WOOED HER 148.6 (dé—dtc’ [§29]);
kogeniiw* HE WAsHES uM (kdg- [§ 16]; -déw* [§ 28]; contrast kogiw*
HE MIRES). Fora as the inserted vowel observe pitahwdéw* HE BURIES
HIM (pit- [$16]; -hw [§ 21]; -dw* [§ 28]) ; kaskahamw* HE ACCOMPLISHES
AN Act (kask- [$16]; -A- [§ 21]; -amw* [§ 28]); @ pitahwawate THEN
THEY BURIED HIM 160.2 (@—dwatc? [$29]; -* elided).—T. M.]
§ 9. Variation of Consonants
Some consonants interchange one with another. The process is
marked among those with forward articulation. s and c¢ inter-
change in:
me’se kwaé‘w* she has long hair
me’caw’ it is large
Mése’stbo'w' large river (name for the Mississippi)
me’cimi‘n® large fruit (word for apple)
‘t and ¢ interchange:
me’ ‘tahwd‘w* he shot and hit him
me’ cwdw* he shot and hit him
‘t and s interchange:
ne ‘tamawdiw" he killed him for another
ne'sdw*” he killed him
[For the interchange of sonant and surd stops see § 3.—T. M.]
§ 9
44877°—Bull. 40, pt 1—_10——48
754 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [pun. 40
§ 10. Contraction and Assimilation
Contraction is a frequent factor in sound-change. Instances will
first be shown in the case of compounds where the process works
between independent words. The final vowel of a word coalesees
with the initial vowel of the next, with results like the following:
414 becomes @: ni’nactit® I in turn (for ni’n* a’ cit
4+ becomes d: naka‘ pya‘te again he came (for na@’*k? &/‘ pydte’)
‘+a becomes a: pyd'wagayo** they came to this place (for pyd’-
wag ayo); nd’gawa‘ki'w* it is a sandy place (for nd/gawi
a’ ‘kiw*)
*+ a becomes d: tte’ paha‘te he goes there (for 7’tep' a’ hatc’) ; nepii’-
nate‘g’ they go to fetch water (for ne’p' a/ndte‘g’)
‘+7 becomes 7: ka’ciw*? what does he say? (for ka’c i’w%?);
vnipiyo'w* so it was told of yore (for @’ni ipi i’yow?)
‘+4 becomes 4: nd@/wasku‘té in the center of the fire (for nd’wi
A’skut®); aqwa’mater‘n' he did not eat it (for dgw! amwater‘n*)
*+@ becomes @: Gé’gape’* and often (for dé’g' a’ pe’); wdatca’ gui
nenan the reason why I did not tell thee (for wd’te agwi’-
nena n*) t
*+u becomes u: negutu’kate‘g? on one of his feet (for ne’guti
u‘kate‘g’); tev’gepyadgu‘te’ away from the edge of the water (for
tev’ gepyd'g' u'te’) ;
The two vowels in contact may assimilate into a diphthong:
2+ becomes 42: ne’ci‘kaiyo’? alone here (for ne’cok? a’yd)
The result of the assimilation of two vowels may produce a sound
different from either:
¢+a becomes d: pyd’nutawiti‘y” if he should come to me here
(for pyd’nutawi't? a’yd"*)
?+q@ becomes d@: ma’tacr'kitci‘y” he might overtake me here (for
ma’taci kote! a’yo"*)
Contraction between contiguous words is usually in the nature of
the first sound suffering loss either by absorption or substitution.
In much the same way does contraction act between members that
make up a word-group. But in an attempt to illustrate the process
there is an element of uncertainty, which les in the difficulty of
accounting for the absolute form of each component; for many mem-
bers of a composition seldom have an independent use outside of the
group. They occur in composition only, and in such way as to
adjust themselves for easy euphony, and in doing so often conceal
§ 10
BOAS ] HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES NOO
either an initial or a final part. Nevertheless, hypothetical equiva-
lents are offered as attempts at showing what the pure original forms
probably were. Hyphens between the parts mark the places where
probable changes take their rise:
i+e becomes e: pe’megéw* he dances past (from pemi-egdéw*)
i+4a becomes dé: ma’netowigen’ sacred garment (from manetowi-
agen’); cd’skwige'n* smooth cloth (from cdskwi-igen’)
i+a becomes a: pema’hogd'w* he swims past (from pemi-ahogow”) ;
ta’gwahoto'w* he is trapping (from tagwi-ahdtow”)
i+4 becomes G@: maci’skiwaipod'w' tea, i. e., herb fluid (from ma’ci-
skiwi-apow'); wicku’ papow* wine, 1. e., sweet fluid (from wicku-
pi-apow’)
4+d becomes G@: a’nemaskd'w' it fell the other way (from anemi-
askdw')
@+0-becomes 6: pe’mdta‘mw* she passes by with a burden on
her back (from pemi-dtamw*)
i+u becomes wu: pe’musdé’w* he walks past (from pemi-uséw?)
t+% becomes w: pe’mittéi‘w*% he crawls past (from pemi-itdéw%)
[On the other hand, we find pemipahdow* he passes by on the run
(from pemi-pahow’).—T. M.]
Assimilation occurs between sounds not contiguous:
kiewini’cwihdé'w* after he had two (for kicini’ewihdw*)
§ 11. Dissimilation
Vowels often undergo dissimilation. A very common change is
0 or uto wi. The process takes place in the formation of participles
from words having o or w as initial vowels:
u’tciw* he came thence; wi/tcit? he who came thence
u’to ki‘m? his land; wi/td‘kimi‘t* he who owns land
u’gwisa‘n’ his or her son; wii/qwisi‘t® one who has a son
u‘katc' his foot; wi’ kdtci’* one that has feet (name for a bake
oven)
uwiwi'n’® his horn; wa’wiwind’ one with small horn
The vowel w becomes wé when preceded by a consonant:
ku’sigé‘w* she plays at dice; kwi’siga‘t* she who plays at dice
nu’wiw? he goes outside; nwii’wiwape** he always goes outside
The vowel w can also become wa:
uwi'gewa'w' their dwelling-place; waw?’gewa‘g’ at their dwelling-
place
§ 11
756 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 40
[It should be observed that @ appears as @ under certain conditions.
I can not determine at present whether this is a phonetic process or
whether there is a morphological significance. As an example I give
pyiiw* HE COMES; compare with this d pyatc’ WHEN HE CAME;
ad pyawatc’ WHEN THEY CAME; pyanu’ COME THOU! pyago’" COME
yE!—T. M.]
§ 12. Elision
Elision plays an important part in sound-change. It occurs at
final and initial places and at points inside a word-group. The places
where the process happens, and the influences bringing it about, are
shown in the examples to follow.
In some cases a vowel drops out and a vocalic consonant as a glide
takes.its place, the change giving rise to a cluster made up of a con-
sonant and a semi-vowel:
2 drops out: @waipwdgesi‘tc’ then she began to wail (from
diwipi-wagesitc’) ; a kyawd‘tc? and he grew jealous (from a@‘ki-
yawitc')
o drops out: dwa’wiswa‘tc' he singed his hair (for dwawiso-"watc')
u drops out: d’siswa‘tc’ she fried them (from dsisu-‘wate’)
Words sometimes suffer loss of initial vowel:
skoté‘g* in the fire (for a’skoté‘g’)
tocko’timwa‘g' at their fire (for utdcko’témwa'g')
kun’ gaégo™ nothing (for a’gwigaégo™)
na’ gwatc’ then he started away (for d’nagwa‘tc’)
The loss often includes both initial consonant and vowel:
cwa' cig? eight (for ne’cwacr‘g”)
aka'nigice‘qu’ all day long (for ne”kanigice‘gw’)
The second member of a consonant-cluster frequently drops out:
ad pa’windwa‘tc' when he did not see him (for é pwa@’windwa tc’)
pe'muta ‘mw? he shot at it (for pe’mwuta mw?)
The elision of m takes place before some formative elements:
ad pa’gici‘g? when it (a bird) alighted (a subordinate form of
pa’gici‘nw® it [a bird] alighted)
nand’hicimaéw* he laid him away carefully; nana’hici‘nw* he
fixed a place to lie down
To slur over a syllable frequently brings about the loss of the
syllable. In the instance below, the stressed, preserved syllable
moves into the place made vacant, and becomes like the vowel that
dropped out:
§ 12
BOAS] HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 757
A’c? take her along (for a’wac’)
G/wiipata’hogu‘te' then he started off carrying her on his back
- (for & wipawata’hogu'tc’)
The second part of a stem often suffers loss from the effect of
having been slurred over:
kiwai'yatci‘tc’ after he had gone (for kiciwa’iyatci'tc’)
ki‘ke'kd/nema‘tce: after he had learned who he was (for ki’cike'kd’-
nema'‘tc*)
G pwa’néwatc' when he did not see him (for dé pwa’windwa‘tc’)
G& pwa’cama‘tc' when he did not feed him (for @ pwa’wicamd*tc’)
To slur over part of a pronominal ending causes loss of sound
there:
uwi-’nemo* his sisters-in-law (for wwine’moha**)
Removal of the grave accent one place forward causes elision of
final vowel: :
neka'nitepek* all night long (for neka’nite’ pe kiw')
Suffixes help to bring about other changes in the pronominal end-
ings. A frequent suffix causing change is -gi: in some instances it
denotes location, in others it is the sign for the animate plural. The
suffix conveys other notions, and wherever it occurs some change
usually happens to the terminal pronoun. One is the complete loss
of the possessive ending nz before the suffix with the force of a locative.
At the same time the vowel immediately in front of the suffix becomes
modified:
0’san' his father; 0’seg* at his father’s (lodge)
u‘kata‘n' his foot; u’*kate‘g’ at or on his foot
Another change before -gi is that of a pronoun into an o or u with
the quantity sometimes short, but more often long. The change is
usual if the pronoun follows a sibilant or k-sound:
u'wana‘gwi hole; uwa’nago‘g* at the hole
ma'‘ka‘kwi box; ma’‘ka‘ku‘g* at or in the box
me’tegw' tree; me’‘tegu‘g’ at the tree
ki’cesw* sun; ki’ceso‘g* at the sun, suns
ne'nusw* buffalo; ne’nusd‘g* buffaloes
The suffix -gi affects inanimate nouns ending in the diphthong av.
The first vocalic member lengthens into @, and the second drops out:
u’ piskwai bladder; u’piskwa‘g? on or at the bladder
uta” wawga' ear; uta’waga’g’ at or in the ear
§ 12
158 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [pun. 40
The change of the pronominal ending into an o or u occurs in a
similar manner before n’‘, a suffix sign of the inanimate plural:
u'wana‘gwi hole; wwa’nago‘n' holes
ma’ ‘ka‘kwi box; ma’*ka‘ko‘n*? boxes
me’ ‘tegwi tree; me’‘tego‘n* trees
A k-sound stands before the terminal wa of some animate nouns.
To shift an 6 into the place of the w is a device for creating a dimin-,
utive:
ma’ ‘kw* bear; ma’*k6* cub ,
A’caskw* muskrat; 4’caskd™ a little muskrat }
ce’gagw* skunk; ce’gago“ should be the proper diminutive, but
it happens to be the word for onton, while KITTEN SKUNK
is cega’gohaé4, a sort of double diminutive.
The substitution of o or u for w occurs with great frequency:
pd’ gwaw' it is shallow; pé’gone‘g* the place of shallow water (the
name for St Louis)
nicwi ‘kwiwa‘g' two women; nico’ kwiwd‘w* he has two wives
me’ ckw? blood; me’ckusi‘w® he is red
wi’ pegwa'w' it is blue; wipe’gusi‘w7 he is blue .
§ 13. GRAMMATICAL PROCESSES
The principal process used for grammatical purposes is compo-
sition of stems. The stems are almost throughout of such character
that they require intimate correlation with other stems, which is
brought about by a complete coalescence of the group of component
elements. These form a firm word-unit. Excepting a number of
particles, the word-unit in Algonquian is so clearly defined that there
can be no doubt as to the limits of sentence and word. Phonetic
influences between the component elements are not marked.
The unit of composition is always the stem, and the word, even in
its simplest form, possesses always a number of formative elements
which disappear in newcompositions. Examples of this process are
the following: .
pe'nimiw* he imitated the turkey-call (from penédwa-muwa)
ma‘ hwimi‘w* he imitated the cry of the wolf (from ma‘hwiéiwa-
muwa)
kiuti’ gima’mipe’n® thou wilt be our chief (ugimaw* chief)
natund’hwitu'g’ he may have sought for him (independent
mode natu’néhwiw* he seeks for him)
§ 13
Boas] HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 759
pya@’gwén*' he must have come (independent mode pyd’w* he
came)
Most of the elements that enter into composition are so nearly of
the same order, that we can not properly speak of prefixes or suffixes.
Those groups that may be considered in a more specific sense as
grammatical formatives, such as pronouns, elements indicating the
animate and inanimate groups, are largely suflixed to groups of
co-ordinate stems.
Another process extensively used by the Algonquian is reduplica-
tion, which is particularly characteristic of the verb. It occurs with
a variety of meanings.
Modification of the stem-vowel plays also an important part and
occurs in the verbal modes.
§ 14. IDEAS EXPRESSED BY GRAMMATICAL PROCESSES
The extended use of composition of verbal stems is particularly
characteristic of the Algonquian languages. These stems follow one
another in definite order. A certain differentiation of the ideas
expressed by initial stems and by those following them, which may
be designated as secondary stems, may be observed, although it seems
difficult to define these groups of ideas with exactness.
It seems that, on the whole, initial stems predominate in the
expression of subjective activities, and that they more definitely per-
form the function of verbs; while, on the other hand, secondary stems
are more intimately concerned with the objective relations. It is
true that both initial and secondary stems sometimes refer to similar
notions, like movement and space; but it is possible to observe a
distinction in the nature of the reference. A great many initial
stems define movement with reference to a particular direction; as,
hither, thither, roundabout. Secondary stems, on the other hand,
indicate movement; as, slow, swift, or as changing to rest. Sec-
ondary stems denoting space seem to lack extension in the sense they
convey; as, top, cavity, line, and terms indicating parts of the body.
Initial stems refer to space in a wide general sense; as, distance,
dimension, immensity, totality.
Every stem is stamped with the quality of abstract meaning: the
notion of some stems is so vague and so volatile, as they stand in
detached form, as to seem almost void of tangible sense. Some stems
§ 14
760 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY teneae
can be analyzed into elements that have at most the feeblest kind of
sense; it is only as they stand in compound form that they take on a
special meaning. It is not altogether clear how these stems, so vague
and subtle as they stand alone, came to convey the sensuous notions
that they do when thrown together into a group; how, for example,
an initial stem introduces a general notion, and forms a group com-
plete in statement but incomplete in sense, as when in composition it
terminates with only a pronominal ending. Yet such a group can
be of sufficiently frequent use as to become an idiom; in that case it
takes on an added sense, which is due not so much perhaps to the
inherent meaning of the combined stem and pronoun as to an acquired
association with a particular activity. The psychological peculiarity
of the process is more marked in the wider developments, as when
initial and secondary stems combine for the larger groups. The
components seem to stand toward each other in the position of quali-
fiers, the sense of one qualifying the sense of another with an effect
of directing the meaning toward a particular direction. But, what-
ever be the influence at work, the result is a specialization of meaning,
not only of the single member in the group, but of all the members as
they stand together with reference to one another. The stems seem
charged with a latent meaning which becomes evident only when
they appear in certain relations: out of those relations they stand like
empty symbols. It is important to emphasize the fact that the order
of stems in a group is psychologically fixed. Some stems precede
and others follow, not with a freedom of position and not in a hap-
hazard manner, but with a consecutive sequence that is maintained
from beginning to end with firm stability.
The following examples illustrate these principles of composition.
A general summary of the process can thus be put in illustration:
pont is an initial stem signifying NO MORE, NO LONGER: its
original sense comes out best by adding the terminal animate
pronoun, and making pd’/niwa. The group means that one
has previously been engaged in an activity, and has now come
into a state of cessation, making altogether a rather vague
statement, as it stands unrelated to anything else. - But travel
has made a figure of speech of it, and so it has come to be the
particular idiom for ONE CAMPS, ONE GOES INTO CAMP. So
much for the simpler form of a combination.
An initial stem, pag-, has the general sense of srRIKING AGAINST
SOMETHING; -G@'kw- is a secondary stem denoting RESISTANCE,
§ 14
Boas] HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 761
and so paga’ ‘kw- is TO STRIKE AGAINST A RESISTANCE. ‘The
stem -twn- is a mobile secondary stem denoting the special
notion of PLACE ABOUT A CAviTy, and has become a special
term indicating THE PLACE ABOUT THE MOUTH; and _ so
paga’ ‘kwitu’nd- is TO STRIKE AGAINST A RESISTANCE AT A
POINT ON THE MOUTH.
Again, -cin- is a secondary co-ordinative stem, and refers to
change from motion to rest, but leaves the character and
the duration of the change to be inferred from the implica-
tions of the stems that precede; furthermore, it indicates that
the performer is animate, and serves as a link between the
terminal pronoun and what precedes; and so pagda’‘kwit-
unicinw* is a definite statement meaning that one strikes
against a resistance and is brought for a time at least to a
condition ofrest. Hr BUMPS HIMSELF ON THE MOUTH and HE
BUMPS HIS MOUTH would be two ways of putting the same
thing in English.
A rigid classification of the objective world into things animate and
things inanimate underlies the whole structure of the language.
Thus the terminal -a indicates an object possessing the combined
qualities of life and motion, and the terminal -7 designates an object
without those attributes. Thus:
pyd’wa he comes; pyd’miga‘twi it comes
i’neni‘wa man, he is a man; 2/neni‘wi bravery, it has the quality
of manhood
A’nemo\a dog; a’‘ki earth
Every verb and noun must fall in one or the other class. Forms
ending in -a are termed ANIMATE, and those ending in -7 INANIMATE.
The distinction between the two opposing groups is not rigidly main-
tained, for often an object regularly inanimate is personified as hav-
ing life, and so takes on an animate form. But permanent forms of
lifeless objects having an animate ending can not always be explained
by personification. The breaking-down of the contrast is best seen
in the names of plants; logically they fall into the inanimate class,
but many are used as animate forms, like 4’da@mi‘n? corn, 4’séma‘w*
TOBACCO, me’cimi‘n* APPLE.
The idea of plurality is expressed both in the noun and in the verb.
Subjective and objective relation of the noun are distinguished by
‘separate endings. A vocative and a locative case are also expressed.
In the pronoun the three persons of speaker, person addressed, and
person spoken of, are distinguished, the last of these being divided into
an animate and an inanimate form. Exclusive and inclusive plural
§ 14
762 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [pune 40°
are expressed by distinct forms, the second of which is related to
the second person. In the third person a variety of forms occur by
means of which the introduction of a new subject, and identity of
subject and of possessor of object (Latin swus and ejus), are distin-
guished. .
The pronouns, subject and object, as they appear in transitive
verbs, are expressed by single forms, which it is difficult to relate to
the singular pronominal forms of the intransitive verb.
While tense is very slightly developed, the pronominal forms of
different modes seem to be derived from entirely different sources
in declarative, subjunctive, and potential forms of sentences. The
discussion of these forms presents one of the most striking features of
the Algonquian languages.
In the participial forms, the verbal stem is modified by change of
its vowel.
Ideas of repetition, duration, distribution, are expressed by means
of reduplication.
A number of formative affixes convey certain notions of manner,
as—
-tug® in pyd’tug®’ HE PROBABLY CAME, which conveys the notion
of doubt or uncertainty; while -@pe"* in pyd’wape'* HE IS IN
THE HABIT OF COMING, expresses the frequency or repetition
of an act
Formatives are also instrumental, not merely in the formation of
nouns, but in giving to the nouns they form the quality of distinctive
designation. Thus:
-mina in a’dd-mi‘n* corn denotes FRUIT, GRAIN, BERRY; and
-gani in pa’skesiga n’ GUN (literally, exploder) is expressive of
TOOL, IMPLEMENT, INSTRUMENT
DISCUSSION OF GRAMMAR (S§§ 15-54)
Composition (§§ 15-24)
Verbal Composition (§§ 15-21)
§ 15. TYPES OF STEMS
The verbs and nouns of the Fox language are almost throughout
composed of a number of stems, the syntactic value of the complex
being determined by a number of prefixes and suffixes. Setting aside _
§ 15
Boas] HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 763
these, the component parts occur rarely, if at all, independently;
and only some of those that appear in initial position in the verb are
capable of independent use. In this respect they appear as more
independent than the following component elements. On the other
hand, the latter are so numerous that it seems rather artificial to
designate them as suffixes of elements of the first group. There is
so much freedom in the principles of composition; the significance of
the component elements is such that they limit one another; and
their number is so nearly equal,—that I have preferred to call them
co-ordinate stems rather than stems and suffixes.
Accordingly I designate the component parts of words as—
1. Initial stems.
2. Secondary stems of the first order.
3. Secondary stems of the second order.
4. Co-ordinative stems.
5. Instrumental particles.
§ 16. INITIAL STEMS
Initial stems are capable at times of standing alone, with the office
of adverbs. Some instances are—
u’te? whence
act hence
tagw’ together
Furthermore, an initial stem can enter into composition with only
a formative, and express an independent statement, though not
always with exact sense:
u’tctw* one has come from some place
Two or more initial stems follow in a definite order:
wi’ pusé‘w* he begins to walk (wdépi- to begin[initial stem]; -usd-
to walk [secondary stem])
wii’ pipyd'tusdw* he begins to approach on the walk (pyé- move-
ment hither [initial stem between wdpi- and -usd-; -t- § 8])
wii’ prpydtcitete’ pusdéw* he begins to approach walking in a circle
(tetep- movement in a circle [new initial stem]); initial stem
conveying the notion of movement in a circle
The consecutive order of initial stems with reference to a secondary
stem depends much on the sort of notions they convey. An initial
stem takes its place next to a secondary stem because the notion it
§ 16
764 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BuLL. 40
implies is of such a nature as to combine easily with the notion of a
secondary stem to form an added sense of something more definite
and restricted. It is as if both initial and secondary stems were
modifiers of each other. An initial stem coming before another initial
stem in combination with a secondary stem stands toward the group
in much the same relation as if the group were a simple secondary
stem. The place of an initial stem is at the poimt where the idea it
expresses falls in most appropriately with the mental process of
restricting and making more definite the sense of the whole group.
[Before proceeding to the examples of initial stems, it seems to me
important to point out that a large proportion of them terminate in
i. Thus awi- TO BE; Gpi- TO UNTIE; Agwi- to COVER; Anemi- YON
WAY; Api- TO SIT; cawi- TO DO; hanemi- TO CONTINUE TO; kaski- ABIL-
1ry; kici- COMPLETION; kiwi- (an extended form of ki) MOVEMENT IN
AN INDEFINITE DIRECTION; md kwi- FUTUERE; mdtcl- TO MOVE; mawi-
TO GO TO; meéci- LARGENESS; NAgi- TO HALT; pemi- MOVEMENT PAST;
pydtci- (an extended form of pyd) MOVEMENT HITHER; etc. It is
therefore likely that this 7 is a morphological element. But it would
require a comparison with other Algonquian languages to determine
its precise value. It may be added that -7 also occurs with the func-
tion of -i, and that the two sometimes interchange. Apparently this
-i always drops out before vowels.—T. M.]
Following is a selection of examples of initial stems which are quite
numerous and express ideas of great variety:
aski- early, soon, first.
d-a‘skime‘pug when it had first snowed 70.10 (d- temporal aug-
ment; me- initial stem common with words for sNow, ICE,
COLD; me‘pu- to snow; -g for -gi suffix with a location sense;
-i lost before initial vowel of following word)
dhaskanwig' while the snow was first on 70.10 (d- as above; h
glide; -i of aski- lost before vowel; -dénw- secondary stem, de-
noting STATE, CONDITION; -gi as above)
ca= freedom of movement, passage without friction or impediment.
ca’ pawiw* he cries out sending his voice through space
capu’/niga’n? a needle (literally, an instrument for piercing
through with ease)
césk- is used in several ways. In a special sense it denotes HORTI-
ZONTALITY, STRAIGHTNESS.
c0’ska‘kusdé‘w* he walks erect [-usd $19]
§ 16
BOAS] HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 765
coskd’ pydcr‘nw* he lies at full length (-cin- secondary connective
stem [§ 20]; -w% [§ 28])
cd’skapyd‘w’ is it straight (-w* § 28)
Another sense, closely related to STRAIGHTNESS, is that of SMOOTH-
NESS, LACK OF FRICTION, EASE OF MOVEMENT.
c0’skwaw* it is smooth, slippery
c0’skwici‘nw* he slips and falls
c0’skond‘w? he slips hold of him
dcdskondtc he slips hold of him 182.11
haAnemé to continue to.
dhanemipydnatc' he continued to fetch them home 38.6 (@- as
above; pyd- initial stem meaning MOVEMENT HITHER; -n- inter-
vocalic, instrumental [see § 21]; -d- objective pronominal ele-
ment; -tc’ 3d person singular subject; the form is an aorist
transitive conjunctive [see § 29})
Ghaneminesdtc’ he continued to kill 38.5 (G- as above; -nes-
initial stem TO KILL; -G@- objective pronoun; fc? 3d person sin-
gular subject)
wihanemicimesdnetamuwate they will continue to derive benefit
from them 376.10 (wi —amuwéate [§ 29])
dhanemimeguwatc' they kept riding 192.7
dhanemdadmuwatci they continued to fly for their lives (-d- [§ 19];
-m- [$§ 21, 37]; -u- [§ 40]; d—watc? [§ 29]) :
dhanemi‘a’gdstpahomi‘ga'k* he continued to climb up hurriedly
96.19
dhanemitetepetcisanitc' he continued to whirl over and over 288.14
(tetepe- [for tetepr-] allied with tetep- BELOW; -tc-[§8]; -dsd- from
-tisd- [= -isdé §19]; -nitc* [§34])
pacaéh anemine*kwd‘taminite gradually the sound grew faint 348.22
dhanemiwépusdwatc' then they continued to start off on a walk
108.8 (d- as above; wdp?- initial stem, meaning TO BEGIN, loses
terminal 7 before vowel; -usd- secondary stem of second order,
meaning LOCOMOTION BY LAND WITH REFERENCE TO FOOT
AND LEG [§19]; -wdatc’ 3d person plural animate subject; the
form is an aorist intransitive conjunctive [see § 29])
kAsik(é)- implies potency, ability, efficiency, and gets the meaning of
SUCCESS, TRIUMPH, MASTERY.
ka’skihd‘w? he succeeds in buying him (-édw* [§ 28])
ka’skimend‘w% he is able to drink
ka’skint’miéina‘mw* he can lift it (-amw* [§ 28}])
ka’skimd‘w? he succeeds in persuading him (-m- [§ 21.6]; -dw*
transitive independent mode, 3d person singular animate sub-
ject, 3d person animate object [see § 28})
: § 16
766 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [aur 4g
ka’skindwd‘w* he can see him (-ndw- to see, cf. éndéwatc then [the
man] saw 174.13; @ pwawindwugutc but he was not seen 158.1;
diniwiwiatcap* they would see habitually 182.14)
di‘ pwawikaskimadanetc on account of not being able to overtake
him 168.12
a ponikaske tawawatc' they could no longer hear their calls 192.6
kd s(t)- denotes the idea of obliteration, erasure, wiping. .
ka’siha‘mw*% he erases it (-A- instrumental [§ 21]; -amw®* transi-
tive aorist, independent mode, 3d person singular animate
subject, 3d person inanimate object [§ 28])
kasi’ gwaéhdw* he wipes his own face
kasi’ géci‘nw* he wipes his own foot
ki- indicates the general notion of indefinite movement round about,
here and there.
kiweskiwagadpe¢ they are always off on a journey 272.14 (for
kiwe- see § 17 end; -wag- for -wag' 3d person plural animate,
intransitive aorist, independent mode [S$ 28]; -ape¢ frequency
of an act [§ 14 end])
ki’wisd‘w® it (a bird) flies round about (-isd- [§ 19])
ki/witcimd‘w* he swims round about (-teim- [§ 19])
ki’weskd‘w* he goes a-journeying somewhere
ki/wamow* he sought safety here and there (-d- [§ 19]; -m- [§§ 21,
37]; -0- [$40]; -w* [§ 28])
kiwd’bamd‘w* he went about looking at one and then another
(waba same as wipa in kimawiwapatapen® LET US GO AND LOOK
AT IT 284.8 [mawi- below; ki—apena, § 28]; @kicitcagvwé pamate
and after looking for all [his ducks] 286.16 ee p- 766; tcage
p. 771; d—ate* § 29; -m- § 21.6)])
ki’'c(é)- expresses the completion, the fulfillment, of an act.
ki’/cdwi‘w* he has finished (a task, an undertaking)
ki’cetd‘w' it is done cooking (¢é- secondary connective stem, in-
animate, signifying HEAT [§ 20]; -w* [$ 28])
ki’ci'to‘w*% he has finished making it
ki’cipyd‘w* he has already arrived (pyd- [§16})
ki’cinepohi‘w* he has since died
kiciketci pe tawéwatc after they had built a great fire 158.21 (-wate’
[s29))
kicikigdnute after the feast is done 156.6
kicitcdgipya’nite after their arrival 90.13 (teagi all; pyd- to come;
-nite? [§ 34])
kicitcagiketeminagutc? after he had been blessed by them 184.4
(-gu--[§ 41)
§ 16
BOAS ] HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 767
kicinyd‘o-gunipwawisenitc’ four days had passed since he had
eaten 182.3 (for nyiior cf. nydw* 4 [$ 50]; pwa for pyawi Not
[$12]; -wisent BAT; -tcd [$29])
@ kicitagatamowate* after they have touched and tasted it 184.17
(i—amowatct same as d—amowatcr [$29])
kicipydtomate’ after she had fetched home her burden 162.16
(pyd- initial stem MOVEMENT HITHER; -t- [§ 8]; -m-[S$§ 21, 37];
-0- secondary stem expressing CONVEYANCE; -d- pronominal
animate object; -tc’ 3d person singular animate [§ 29])
kog- refers to an activity with a fluid, most often with water, in
which instance is derived the idea of washing.
koge’nigdé‘w? she is at work washing clothes (-gd- [§ 20])
k6g7/netcé‘w* he washes his own hands
kogend‘w? he washes him
kogige’nénd'w* he washes his own forehead
k0’giw? he mires (in the mud)
a kogendatc when he bathed her 300.15 (-n- instrumental; cf. also
§ 8; d—atc [§ 29])
na kikogenag’ she also washed it 178.21 (for nak? dkogenag’;
i—agé [§ 29})
kiwigdtakogenaw* you are to clean it (the dog) well with water
178.15 (ki—aw* [§ 28])
mawi- to go to.
kimawicicad’ pen* let us go and hunt 90.9 (cicé initial stem To
HUNT; ki—pen*® we inclusive, future independent mode, in-
transitive, used as a mild imperative [see §§ 28, 35.8])
kimawinepapen® let us go and spend the night 90.10
dmawinepawatc' they went to a place where they spent the
night 30.5 (d—wiate! [§ 29])
dmawi ketahwatc’ she went to dig for them 152.19 (-hw- [§ 37];
dé—atc! [§ 29])
dmawiga'kenaminitc they started off to peel bark 150.15 (-nitc?
[§ 34)
dmawiketcitc’ he went to look over the bank 182.9
dmawiwapamate he went to have a look 182.7 (@- temporal par-
ticle; waépa- same as wdaba cited under ki-; -m- [§ 21]; -dte
for -dtc' transitive aorist conjunctive, 3d person singular ani-
mate subject, 3d person animate object [§ 29])
dmawinandte he ran to catch him 182.11 (n4a- presumably the
same as nd- [§ 21.8]; -n- [see § 21])
me= snow, ice, cold.
d-a'skime‘ pug when it had first snowed 70.10 (explained under
aski-)
§ 16
768 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 40 _
mi k- conveys the sense of occupation, employment in the per-
formance of some activity.
mi ke’tcdéiwi‘w* he works, is busy =
mi’‘keta‘mw* he is occupied with a piece of work (-é-[§ 21]; -amw%
[$ 28])
mi ’keme’ kwiwiiw* he goes a-wooing (‘kwé [§ 18]; -w- [$ 37])
mi‘ke’tcihd'w* he is engaged in an attempt to heal him
mi kwé/nemd‘w* she dotes upon it—her child
nAg(i)- denotes the change from an activity to a rest, and is best
translated by words like HALT, STOP, PAUSE. ;
na’giw* he stops moving
nagici’nw* he halts on the journey (-cin- [$ 20])
na’gipahdw* he stops running (-pahd- secondary stem meaning
RAPID MOTION [§ 19]; -w® intransitive aorist, independent mode,
3d person animate subject [§ 28])
tcaginagigapawatc they all came to a halt 50.24 (for teagi [ALL]
d-; -gapa- [§ 19]; d—watc' [§ 29})
dnagiwate they stood 50.7 (aorist intransitive conjunctive [§ 29])
nag A= to follow after.
aépitcinagandatc’ when he went in following after it 70.13 (pit- ini-
tial stem meaning MOVEMENT INTO AN ENCLOSURE; pitci a col-
lateral form [see below]; -n- intervocalic instrumental; -d-
pronominal object; -tc’ 3d person singular animate subject)
dnagatag’ and he followed it (d- as before; -t- intervocalic ele-
ment indicating that the object is inanimate, here simply that
the verb is transitive; -4g' 3d person singular animate sub-
ject, 3d person singular inanimate object [§ 29})
pAs(é)= implies the notion of SWIFT, LIVELY CONTACT.
pa’siti’ ya hwa‘w? she spanks him
pa’si gwéhwdw* he slaps him in the face
pa’sigu’mé hwi'w* he barely grazes his nose (-gum- [§ 17])
pasimyd‘so'w* it (an animate subject) fries (-su- [§ 20])
pa’setéw* it is hot (-tdé- [§ 20]; -w* [§ 28])
pe kwi- density, thickness.
dé pe‘kwisasaka‘k* when it was thick with erowth 70.12
pem(éj= expresses the notion of MOVEMENT BY, PAST, ALONGSIDE.
pe’me' kdé'w* he passes by 278.1 (-‘kd- [§ 20])
pe’megdw* he dances by 280.5 (-egd- secondary stem of second
order, Meaning MOVEMENT OF ONE IN DANCING [§ 19]; -w% 3d
person singular animate, independent mode)
pe’minadgd'w* he passes by a-singing
§ 16
:
BOAS] HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 769
pe’mipaho'w* he passes by on the run (-pahé- secondary stem of
second order, denoting SPEED [§ 19])
pe’mutd‘w* he crawls past (-utd-, -otd- to crawl [§ 19])
a pemitepikickahugunite’ they went swimming by side by side
184.3 (--hugu- same as -hogo- [§ 19]; -nitc? [§ 34] )
pemisdw* it [the swan] went flying past 80.7 (-isd- secondary stem
of second order, expressing VELOCITY and associated with
MOTION THROUGH THE AIR [§ 19])
It comes to have the force of an inchoative.
pe’musdéw? he started off on a walk (-usd- secondary stem To
WALK [§ 19])
pe’mwdgesi‘w? she began to wail
ad pemiwdpusdtc then he started to begin to walk 194.19 (d- and
-tc' explained before; -wdp- for -wdpi- INCEPTION [§ 16]; -usd-
secondary stem of second order, TO WALK [§ 19])
pya- signifies MOVEMENT HITHERWARD.
pyaé’w? he comes
pyi’taci‘w* he fetches home game
pyite’*kwdwd‘w* he brings home a wife (-"kwaé- woman [§ 18];
-w- [§ 37])
pya’taskd‘w" it falls this way
pya’tewnekawdé‘w* he comes driving them home (for pyéitci- cf.
pitci- under pit-; -ne'ka- [§ 19]; -dw* [§ 28])
pyi’twawd’miga ‘tw’ it comes a-roaring (pyédt- collateral with
pya-; wawa [§ 20]; dmigatw* [§ 20]; -w* [§ 28])
pyindw* he has brought home 58.5 (-n- intervocalic; -d- 3d
person singular animate object; -w% as before)
a pyatc' when he had come 68.25 (d—tc’ [§ 29])
pr(t)=- conveys the sense of movement into an enclosure.
pi tase‘nw? it blows inside (-d- [§ 19]; -sen- [§ 20]; -w* [§ 28])
pi’ tciwend'w? he leads him within
pi ta hwa‘w* he buries him (-hw- [§ 21]; -déw* [§ 28])
pi'tigd‘w? he enters
@ pitci kawédnite they trailed (a bear into woods) 70.12
@ pitigdte as he entered 326.10 (-gd- [§ 20]; d—tc [=tc? § 29])
a pitiganate then he took her inside 42.20 [-ga- variant of gd;
-n- instrumental [§ 21]; é—datc* [$ 29])
pitciséwag there came running into 142.10 (-isd- as in pemisiw*;
-uAg for -wag' 3d person plural animate, intransitive inde-
~ pendent mode [§ 28})
4
§ 16
44877°—Bull, 40, pt 110 —49
770 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bunn. 40
pon(t)= also expresses the notion of cessation, but with more of
the idea of the negative temporal element No MORE, NO
LONGER.
po’negd‘w? he is no longer dancing (-egd- as before, p. 768)
pone’ndgia'w* he has ceased singing
pone’senyd‘w* he has done eating
po’nepyd'w*? he is no longer a drunkard
po’nimd‘w? he has stopped talking to him (-m- [§ 21])
a poninitawawatc they stopped hearing the sound 152.1
agwiponi kaquwatcin* never shall they be left alone 186.2 (agwi—
n‘ not [§ 29]; -gu- [$ 41]; -water [§ 29})
dG poniwatc’ they halted 164.13, 192.9
sdg(é)= implies the notion of EXPOSURE, MANIFESTATION, VISIBILITY.
sa’cise‘nw* it sticks out (-sen- [§ 20]; -w* [§ 28])
sa’gitepdci‘nw* he lies covered all over except at the head (-cin-
[§ 20]; tepé head; -w*% [§ 28])
sa’/giwind’gapa'w* but for the tips of his horns, he stands shut off
from view. [As wind- is a secondary stem of the first order
[§ 18] used to designate A HORN, and -g@pd- is a secondary stem
of the second order [§ 19] expressing PERPENDICULARITY, the
literal translation would seem to be HE STANDS WITH HIS
HORNS EXPOSED.—T. M.]
sa’citepd’hogd'w* he floats with the head only out ei the water
(hogo- [§ 19}
sa’cikumd‘w* he exposes his nose to view (-kum- same as -gum-
[§ 18])
sAg(é)= has a transitive force with the meaning of SEIZING HOLD.
sagecind‘w* he holds him by the ear (-cd- ear [§ 18]; -n- instru-
mental [§ 21])
sagine’‘kénd‘w* he leads him by the hand (-ne’ka- [$ 19]; -n-
[$21]})
sagi pwiw* he bites hold of him (-pw- [§ 21])
sagdne’‘kwindw* he grabs hold of him by the hair (-"kwd- head
[$ 18)
di‘ pe kwisasaka‘k* when it was thick with growth 70.12; (@—'k'
[§ 29)
dsagine'kdnate he then held her by the hand 134. 1B (-n- [§ 21];
di—datc [= -Gtc' § 29]; -nekd- as in dsagine'kaskatc’ 214.10)
dsagikandatc' she grabbed hold of one by the leg 292.2
td(wi)=- has to do with the sensation of physical pain.
tii’ wite’ pdci’‘nw* he fell and hurt his head (tepd- head ; -cin- [§ 20];
-w* [§ 28])
§ 16
_ Se
BOAS ] HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES Th
ti’ witana’sitdgapa'w* it hurts his feet to stand (-gapd- [§ 19])
ti’we'kwdaw* his head aches (-‘kwd- head [§ 18])
tcagi all, entirely.
teagiketenag’ she took off all 224.1 (n- [§ 21]; d-left out [§ 12];
é—ag’ [§ 29)
kicitcagipyanite after all had arrived 90.13 (kici- and pyéd- initial
stems [§ 16]; -nite for -nite’ 3d person plural, animate [§34])
ind teagipyanitc’ thus all had arrived 172.20 (td- thus)
kicitcagiketemindgutc’ after he had been blessed by all 184.5 (kici
completion; gu [§ 41]; d-omitted; -tc? [§ 29])
a tceagesutc’ then he was burnt all up 30.3 (s7- secondary stem
meaning HEAT, animate [§ 20])
dé teagihawatc! they slew them all 8.16, 10.2 (-h- [§ 21]; é—dwate
[§ 29])
tetep= movement in a circle.
atetepetcdsa'tote he started himself a-rolling 288.13
tetepusdn” walk around in a circle 376.12 (see 158.1) (-usd- sec-
ondary stem of second order, meaning TO WALK [§ 19]; -n”
2d person singular imperative, intransitive [§ 31)
dwapitetepusdtc’ he began to walk around in a circle 256.9 (wépi-
see next stem)
wdp(é)= signifies the idea of COMMENCEMENT, INCEPTION, INCHOATION.
wiping’ husdé‘w* he is beginning to know how to walk (nah to know)
wipike’miya‘w* the rain is beginning to fall
wii’ piw?’senv‘w* he is starting to eat (compare niwisen* do let me
eat 184.10)
adwipakwamatag’ he became sick 156.9
wiwipimatcaryawicimegowatc' they shall begin to have to put up
with their insolence 184.18 (wi—watc [§ 29])
dwapusdtc' he started off on a walk 126.3, 23; 278.8; 280.2
(-usd- [§ 19]; d—tc* [§ 29])
utci= whence, away from.
witcikesiyagiciséwa whence the cold came, then he speeds to 70.14
(change of vowel wu to wa on account of participial form;
analyzed in note 21, p. 869).
utciwip’ from this time on 34.14 (literally, beginning whence;
wdpi- see preceding stem)
wzt= expresses the sense of ACCOMPANIMENT, ASSOCIATION, COMPANION-
SHIP.
wi'démd‘w* he accompanies him (-d- for -t-; see below)
wi tcdwda'w* he goes along, too
§ 16
772 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [puny 40
wi pémd‘w* he sleeps with him
wi pumd'w* he eats with him (pu-[§ 21]; -m-[$§ 21, 37]; -dw* [§ 28})
wi ‘kumdw? he invites him to the feast
witémdtcin’ him whom he accompanied 70.14 (see text at end)
wi pumin” eat thou with me 266.19 (pu- act done with mouth
[§ 21]; -m- indicates animate object [§§ 21,37]; -n“ imperative,
2d person singular subject, 1st person singular object [§ 31})
pep= winter, snow, cold.
i‘ pepog’ in the winter-time 150.5 (a pepog 70.10; 136.3 is the same
form with elision of final vowel before initial vowel [see text
at end; also §§ 12, 42})
As! the small number of initial stems given by Dr. Jones seems to
me to be rather out of proportion to their importance, I take the
liberty of inserting here a hundred odd new examples taken from his
Fox Texts, arranged in the order of the English alphabet. For this
purpose a, G, 4, &, a, follow each other in this order. I would remind
the reader that there is considerable fluctuation in these vowels,
especially between a and 4; @ and 4. The variation of @ and @ is
slight; that of @ and @ does not seem to occur. The sound pro-
nounced was undoubtedly the same in any given fluctuation; Dr.
Jones simply has recorded the sounds as he heard them at a given
time. Examples follow:
a teted= distant.
‘rate tcikiweskatc’ hewent on a distant journey 74.5 (é—te? [§ 29];
kiwe- [§ 17], allied to kiwi- [see under ki- above]; -sk- [§ 21];
-a- [§ 19])
a‘tetcihdtc? she went far away 38.1 (d- dropped [§ 12]; @—te?
[§ 29]; Aa- from Ad- an initial stem meaning TO Go)
A‘te‘tcdwigiwatc’ they lived far away 160.i4 (d- dropped [§ 12];
wigi is an initial stem, TO DWELL)
awi= to be.
awinitc’ they were 50.18 (d- lost [§ 12]; -ni- [§ 34]; hence -tet
[§ 29] may be used for a plural)
iwitcig' they who were 358.8 (participial; -tcig’ [§ 33])
aiwiydn'? where I am 366.2 (for @dwiyan'; d—yan' [§ 29])
amt= to move.
na kihamiwdatc’ again they moved on 166.12 (for nak* d- [§ 10];
-h- a glide [§ 8]; d—watc? [§ 29])
'From here to p. 793, addition by T. Michelson.
$16
BOAS | HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES Tis
api to untie.
apinahamu4 she unties it 162.2 (-amw* [§ 28])
apinadhamwéa pe‘ * she always unties it 162.3 (for -amw* a- [§ 10];
-ape'*[§ 14])
dhapihag then he untied it 334.16 (for d—ag’ [§ 29]; -? lost before
an initial vowel [§ 10]; -h- first time a glide [§ 8]; second
time instrumental [§ 21])
See also 160.19; 170.4; 172.10, 14; 290.22, 25; 292.5
aw A= to carry away.
awandwag’ they were carrying them away 198.5 (-n- [§ 21];
-iwag [§ 28])
Gihawanetc then they were carried away 26.3 (é@—etc! [§ 41]; -h-a
glide [§ 8]; -n- [§ 21])
diwipra'watowdte they set to work carrying it 212.21 (é—watc’
[§ 29]; -* lost by contraction [§ 10]; wépi- an initial stem, To
BEGIN; -t0- [$ 37])
withawatoyan® | would have taken it with me 230.12 (for wi-
with the subjunctive see my note [$ 29]; -A- [§ 8]; -td- [§ 37];
-yan® [§ 29])
dhawandtc she took him 38.2 (for d—dtc* [$ 29] by contraction
[$ 10]; -n- [§ 21])
See also 162.15; 164.7, 8, 9; 166.1; 224.18; 230.12; 246.24;
348.9, ete.
Ag@st= to climb.
wihagosiyan' I shall have to do the climbing 90.19 (wi—ydan*
[§ 29]; -h- [§ 8])
dhagositc he climbed up 94.16 (for d—te [$ 29] by contraction
[§ 10]; -h- [§ 8])
See also 96.19; 274.24
AcAm- to give to eat.
AcAm? give it to him to eat 252.1 (-7 [§ 31])
dé a‘camegutc then he was given food to eat 70.2 (for d—tc? [§ 29]
by contraction [§ 10]; -e- [§ 8]; -gu- [§ 41])
See also 14.19; 106.1; 256.12
Agwi- to cover.
Agwihe'k” cover him up 294.18 (-A- [§ 21]; -e- [§ 8]; -"k“ [§ 31)
wihagwitcin’ for him to cover himself with 294.21 (evidently a
participial; see § 34 near the end; -h- is a glide [§ 8]; 2v7- is
irregular, as is its use with the subjunctive; see my note to § 29)
Amu to eat.
Amwitd he that eats me 272.19; 274.3, 7, 12 (for -ita [§ 33])
$16
174 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 40
ad: Amwatc? then he ate him 274.15 (é—datc? [§ 29])
wihamwagetc? we (excl.) shall eat him 58.11 (wi—agetc? [§ 29];
-h- [§ 8])
kadamwi'kan‘ don’t eat me 96.4 (for kat® a-; -v'kan* [§ 30])
See also 26.10; 58.24; 96.10, 11, 17; 166.3; 266.20; 274.5;
330.22
Anemi= yon way.
Anemicicdg” go ahead and hunt for game 294.8 (cted- from cicd-
to hunt for game; -g” [§ 31 ])
dhanema pitc: there he sat down 352.24 (d—tc! [§ 29]; anem- for
anemi-[§ 10]; api- is an initial stem, To sir; -h-[$ 8])
Api- to sit. .
wihapitc’ he shall sit 16.18 (wi—tc’ [§ 29]; -h- [§ 8])
nemenwap' I am content to sit down 370.12 (ne- [§ 28]; menw-
is an initial stem denoting PLEASURE)
hapite® let him be seated 370.11 (h- is glide [§ 8] after a final
vowel; -tc® [§ 31])
itcitabitc? he sat down 172.15 (d—+tc’ [§ 29]; for confusion of b
and p see § 3)
See also 370.7, 8, 9; 316.16
ASkwi- to save.
a A‘skwinesdatec he saved them from killing 8.12 2(é—a tc? [§ 29]; nes-
is an initial stem, TO KILL)
askunaman’ I saved it (for d@askunaman'; d—amédn’ [§ 29]; -u-
for ~wi- [§ 12]; -n- [§ 21])
cagw- to be unwilling.
a
dcagwinemutc’ he was unwilling 24.22 (4é—tc* [§ 29]; -dne- [§ 19];
-m- [$§ 21, 37]; -u- [§ 40])
cagwinemow* she was unwilling 170.1 (-0- [§ 40]; -w7 [§ 28])
See also 14.4; 34.10; 144.11
cawi- to do.
cawiw* he is doing 288.15 (-w% [§ 28])
dcawinitc? he was doing 322.1 (d—nitc? [§ 34])
dcawigwin' what he did 342.4, 5,8, 10(é—gwiin’ [§ 32]; my trans-
lation is literal)
See also 16.16; 24.20; 66.7; 76.5, 7; 250.7, 9; 280.8, 11;
356.16
ctcd= to hunt for game.
pydteiciciw* he comes hitherward hunting for game 92.7 (pydtei-
is an extended form of pyd-, an initial stem denoting MOTION
HITHERWARD; -w* [§ 28])
§ 16
Boas] HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 175
cicag” go seek for game 296.2 (cica- for cicd-, as pyd-g" COME YE
for pyd-; -g" [§ 31])
cicat® he that was hunting for game 38.8 (-t% [§ 33])
See also 38.14; 78.15
cim to tell.
dcimeguwatc’ what they were told 356.14 (d—watc? [§ 29]; -e-[§ 8];
-gu-[§4i])
dcimegutct what he was told 358.22 (d—tc’ [$ 29]})
hd to go.
wthiwag’ they shall go 338.10 (w7- [§ 28]; -wag' [§ 28])
kih* thou wilt go 284.21 (k7- [§ 28])
wihimigatw* it will start 224.4 (wi—w? [§ 28]; -migat- [§ 20])
kthapw? you will go 20.20 (ki—pw® [§ 28]; -a@- for -d-, as in
ki pyapw% you will come 29.16)
See also 22.18; 122.11, 18; 170.20; 338.9, 10, 13; 356.15, 17
hawi- to dwell, to be (not the copula).
hawiw® she is 108.6 (-w% [§ 28])
dhawitc? she remained 10.14 (a@—+tc’ [§ 29])
dhawitc? he was 10.18
hawik” remain ye 48.23 (-k¥ for -g” [§ 3]; -g” [§ 31])
See also 12.19; 22.20, 21; 68.9
fii= to speak (to).
hiw? he says 26.12, 14 (-w% [§ 28])
dhitc’ he said 26.19, 20, 21 (d—tc? [§ 29])
dhinetc’ he was told 26.11 (d—etc* [§ 41]; -n- [§ 21])
dhinatc’ he said to them 10.6 (d—dtc? [§ 29]; -n- [§ 21])
See also 8.7, 11, 14, 18; 10.22; 14.6; 16.4; 96.8; 110.9; 216.6;
218.2
é= to say.
kaciw* what does he say 242.15 (for kac! iw [§ 10]; -w% [§ 28])
écéi= thus.
wri cinagusintc! she wished to look thus 104.4 (wi—nitc? [§ 29];
-nagu- [§ 18]; -si- [§ 20))
aii-citéihdtc’ thus she thought in her heart 102.1 (é—tc? [§ 29]; ic-
for ici- [§ 10]; -itd- [§ 18]; -ha- [§ 20])
kdtu- sorrow.
ad‘ katusigan’ I felt grieved 158.8 (d—ydan’ [§ 29]; -si- [§ 20])
kaw A= to crunch.
dé kakawatag he crunched it 124.9 (for éd—ag* [§ 29] by contrac-
tion [§ 10]; -ka- reduplication [§ 25]; -t- [§ 21])
§ 16
776 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY . [BuLL. 40
ond kakawamegwitc' then it [the possessed object, i. e., his head]
crunched and ate him up 96.8 (for dni a- [§ 10]; a@—tc* [§ 29]
-ka- [§ 25]; -m- [§ 21]; -e [§ 8]; -gwr- [§ 34])
aka’ kawatamowatc' then they crunched them (the bones) up
296.5 (d—amowéatc! [§ 29]; -d- [§ 21]; -ka- [§ 25])
See also 124.4, 15; 294.10
)
k Anz to speak.
kanawin” speak thou 180.4 (-wi- [$ 20]; -n” [§ 31])
ad kandénetc? he was addressed 8.5 (d—etc? [§ 41])
See also 174.11, 13; 176.2, 20, 23; 180.6, 7, 11
ke‘ k- to know, find out. E
wike kdnemdate he desired to find out concerning her 46.9 (for
wi—atc’ [$$ 10, 29]; -dne- [§ 19]; -m- [§ 21])
agwi ke’kdnemagin I did not know concerning him 160.8 (agwi
not; -agi [§ 29]; -n for -na [§ 29] by contraction [§ 10]; &
omitted [§ 29]) *
Ghanemike'kahwate he continued to find them out 298.15 (literal
translation; for a@—dtc’ [$§ 10, 29]; -a- [§ 8]; -hw- [§ 21];
hanemi- an initial stem meaning TO CONTINUE TO)
See also 166.8, 9; 298.15; 326.20, 21; 328.1, 6, 7, 7, 8, 13,
15; 342.3, 7, 10, 15, 16; ete.
ke p= to enclose.
dé kepetundnanitc' she would close his mouth with her hand 324.9
(d—amnitc’ [$ 34]; -e- [§ 8]; -tun- [§ 18]; -@ as -e- [§ 8]; -n- [§ 21])
d'kepdgwatag after he had closed it by stitching it with cord
288.13, 18 (for d—ag’ [§ 29] by contraction [§ 10]; -t- [§ 21])
See also 138.12; 142.7; 290.9; 332.10
ke‘tci- intensity.
d'ke'tcipenutc he went at top speed 168.5 (for d—tc? [$§ 10, 29];
penu- is an initial stem, TO Go)
dé‘ ke‘tcimaiyotc? she then began to wail with sore distress 170.20
(d—tc’ [§ 29]; maryo- is an initial stem meaning TO WAIL)
See also 186.8; 188.17; 200.5; 284.19; 310.22; 314.11
kick(é)= to cut off.
di kickickecécwatcape'* from them he would cut off both ears 8.13
(for -tc? Gpe'* [§ 10]; d—@tc? [§ 29]; -ape'* [§ 14]; -kic- [§ 25]; -e-
[§ 8]; -cd- [$ 18]; -cw- [§ 21])
nakdkickigumdcwatcad pe’ and he would cut off their noses 8.13
(for nak? d-[§ 10]; nak* again, and; -gum- [§ 18]; -d- same as
-e- [§ 8]; the rest as above)
See also 8.17, 18; 10.4, 5
§ 16
~
¥
;
Boas] HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES TU
kim- to feel gently.
d‘kimendtc then he let his hand steal softly over her 322.21 (for
di—atc? [§ 29] by contraction [§ 10]; -e- [§ 8]; -n- [§ 21])
wikimendat® wishing to pass his hand gently over her, he began
to feel her 326.5 (-at*[§ 29]; for the use of wi- with the sub-
junctive see my note to $29)
kiné- to sharpen.
wikinihéw* he shall sharpen it (a moose-antler in a sacred
bundle; hence animate) 106.15 (a future form of a transitive
3d person subject with 3d person object; wi—dw* see my
note [§ 28]; -h- [$ 21])
kt‘ kinih@w* you shall sharpen him (it) 108.2 (ki—aw* [§ 28]; -h-
[§ 21])
a kinihatc? then he sharpened him 108.3 (d—dte’ [§ 29])
wasikinikumdyadg’ made sharp at the point 356.13 (-kum- same
as -gum- [§ 18])
kip- to fall.
d‘kipisaénitc then they fell through the air 332.4, 5 (d—mite' [§ 34];
-isd- from -isd- [§ 19])
kisk- to cut up.
di‘ kiskecutc’ then he was cut up 166.3 (é—wte? [§ 41]; -e- [$ 8]; -c-
[$ 21])
kiskecamw® he cut it off (amw? [§ 28])
ktwd- to turn back.
kiwatawe? let us go back 72.3 (-tawé? [§ 6] for -tawe [§ 31])
d‘kiwitc? then he turned back 94.4 (é—+tc? [§ 29])
di‘ pemikiwitc so he started to turn back 210.1 (for d—tc’ by con-
traction [§ 10]; pem- [§ 16])
kiwinw go back 208.15 (prolongation of -nwu [§ 31])
See also 166.9, 22
ku- to fear.
kusegw® he was feared 56.14 (-s- [§ 21]; -e- [§ 8]; -gw% [§ 41])
ku‘tamw* he feared it 214.20 (-t IS; ZU id [§ 28])
See also 120.8; 190.21; 214.1; 284.20
kut= to feel of.
di‘ kutendtc* then he felt of her 46.9 (d—dtc? [§ 29]; -e- [§ 8]; -n-
[§ 21])
matiyo=-, matyu= to weep.
maiyamalyohdw* it was common for him to make them cry 16.9
(maiya- [§ 25]; -h- [§ 21]; ~aw* [§ 28)
§ 16
778 _ BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY tpoxn. 40
dwdépimaty utc’ then he began to weep 330.14 (4d—tc? [§ 29]; wapi- — %
[$ 16])
See also 12 ae TAO GS.
ma Fewi= futuere.
dma‘kwitc' then he went into her 322.21
See also 56.17; 312.18, 24; 322.23; 324.7, 8, 16, 17
madnd= multitude.
maniwag’ many 40.1
dwipmmaniwatc they began to be numerous 52.9 (4d—watc? [§ 29];
wapi- to begin [§ 16])
See also 52.1; 54.1, 18
madtu-, mato= to plead.
dmamatomeguwate then they began to be entreated 152.10 (for
di—wiatc' |$§ 12, 29]; ma-[§ 25]; -m- [§ 21]; -e- [§ 8]; -gu-[§ 41)
dmamatomegutc then he began to be plead with 162.12 (for d—te?
[$§ 10, 29]
dmamatumegutc he was entreated 184.10
mvA= futuere.
nepydtcimandw® I have come to have sexual intercourse with her
44.24 (ne—aw* [§ 28]; pydtci- an extended form of pyd- MOTION -
HITHERWARD [§ 16])
Ghanemimandtc then he went first into one and then into another
56.14 (d—dtc? [§ 29]; hanemi- TO CONTINUE TO [§ 16]; -n-[§ 21])
dmanegutc' then she had sexual intercourse with 160.20 (really
a passive; G—tc? [§ 29]; -n- [§ 21]; -e- [$ 8]; -gu- [§ 41])
mAdA, mAtA- to overtake.
dmadanegutc’ as he was overtaken 168.5 (é—tc’ [§ 29]; -n- [§ 21];
-e- [§ 8]; -gu- [§ 41])
dpydtcimatanetc? they came and overtook him 196.4 (literally,
HE WAS OVERTAKEN; G—etc’ [§ 41]; pydtci- an extended form
of pyd- MOTION HITHER [§ 16]; -n- [$ 21])
dtacimAtanetc' as many as there were, were overtaken 12.3 (t4ci-
is an initial stem meaning AS MANY AS)
mec= to capture.
wikaskimecenatc: he would be able to capture him 24.6 (wi—date*
[§ 29]; kaski- same as kaski- apiviry [§ 16]; -e- [§ 8]; -n-[§ 21])
miicenemetc’* they that had been taken 12.12 (participial [§ 33];
hence the change in the vowel stem [§ 11])
dmecenetc: then he was captured 14.9 (d—etc’ [§ 41]; -e- [§ 8]; -N-
[§ 21)
§ 16
Boas] HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 779
mecenenagutc® let us be captured 14.5
See also 14.7; 20.18; 182.11
mecé- large.
mecime tegu* a large tree 162.6
dimeciketendnitc’ how large she was at the vulva 46.10; 322.21
(é—mitc? [§ 34])
mecu- tostrike with a missile.
dmecugutc? when he was struck by a missile (d—ic* [§ 29]; -gu-
[§ 41])
micugwinitc it hit him (-gwini- [§ 34])
. The construction at 94.18 is difficult.
megu-~ together.
dhanemimegusogisowate they continued on their way bound
together 26.4 (for d—watc* [§ 29] in accordance with § 10;
hanemi- to continue to [§ 16]; ségi- is an initial stem, TO
BIND; -so- [§ 40])
me'‘k-= to find out.
dime‘ kawatc! then she found him 160.15 (d—dtc? [§ 29]; -a- [8 4%];
-w- [§ 21])
neme'‘kawawag I have found them 94.13 (for ne—dwag? [§ 28] by
contraction [§ 10})
dime‘kawute he was found 146.11 (for d—uwtc? [§ 41])
dme‘kameg it was found 146.13 (for d—ameg’ [§ 41])
See also 122.7, 13, 20; 334.10
me kw-= to remember.
me‘kwdnemi' kan‘ thou shalt think of me 188.8 (-dne- [§ 18]; -m-
[§ 21]; -a‘kan? [§ 30])
dme‘kwiénemdtc then he remembered him 328.18 (for é—détc*
[$ 29])
See also 76.19; 188.7; 352.12
menw- to take pleasure in.
menwédnetamdgw* you may prefer it 32.15 (-dne- [§ 18]; -t- [§ 21];
-amigw* [§ 29])
nemenwap’ I like to sit 370.10 (ne- [§ 28]; api- to sit)
nemenwénet® I prefer it 136.3, 4 (ne—* [§ 28]; -t- [§ 21])
manwédnetag® he that preferred it 136.5
minwdnetag* he that preferred it 138.2 (participial; hence the
change of the stem-vowel [§ 12]; -4g* [§ 33])
minwdnematcin' she whom he loved 148.7 (participial; -m-[§ 21];
-dtcin' [§ 33])
See also 66.17; 136.13; 138.3; 176.12; 336.4
§ 16
780 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 40 }
mes= to derive real benefit.
wimesdinetamigw* ye shall derive real benefit from it 32.12
(wi—amdgw® [§ 29]; -dne- [§ 19]; -t- [§ 21])
metawd= to sulk.
indmetawiwatc' then they sulked 30.9 (for tn? d- [$ 10]; 4—wéte*
[$ 29])
mitawatcig’ they that sulk at him 30.12 (participial; hence the
vowel-change [§ 12]; -atcig* [§ 33])
See also TITLE 30; and 30.10
metd= to take pleasure in.
nemetatdnet? I am pleased with it 324.16 (ne—® [§ 28]; -t- [§ 8];
-dine- [$ 18]; -t- [§ 21])
metatinetamanin' don’t you take delight in it 324.15 (-amani
[§ 29]; -n* [§ 29])
m= to give.
minenaga'* I would give to thee 58.23 (-n-[§ 21]; -e-[$ 8]; -naga“@
[$ 30]) 3
kimineguwaw* he shall give you 32.13 (ki—quwaw?[§ 28]; -n-[§ 21];
-e- [§ 8])
minegutcin' they (inan.) that were given to him 24.28 (-gu- [§ 41];
-tcin’ [§ 34])
See also 24.23; 222.19, 20, 25
mic= to give.
miciydgdgu'* you might give to him 32.11 (-iydgdgqu‘? [§ 30])
migad= to fight.
dmigatitc’ he fought with 14.4 (d—tc’ [§ 29]; -ti- [§ 38])
dwipimigatiwatc’ when they began fighting with each other 22.18
(4- probably an error for d-; d—watc' [§ 29]; wéapi- [§ 16] to
begin; -ti- [§ 38])
waépimigatiwatc’ they began fighting with each other 34.8 (@-
dropped [§ 12])
wimigatite he would fight with them 24.23 (for wi—te [§ 29])
wimigatiyan’ you will fight 24.25 (wi—ydn' [§ 29])
See also 24.26
mUst= cacare.
dimisitc? when he eased himself 76.5 (ad—tc* [§ 29])
nimis' I am about to ease myself 274.15, 16 (ni- [§ 28])
misimisisé one would ease and keep on easing 272.20; 274.4, 8,
13 (reduplication [§ 25]; -sé lengthened form of -sa [$ 30])
See also 274.20, 21; 276.10
§ 16
BOAS ] HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 781
mitei= cacare.
dmitcinatc’ then he dunged on him 124.22 (mitci- is related to
misi- as potci- to posi-; d—atc! [§ 29]; -n- [§ 21])
kicimitcinadte after he had dunged on him 124.22 (kici- for kici-
COMPLETION; d- dropped [§ 12]; -dte for -atc* [$ 10])
mitci= to eat.
kemitc' thou hast eaten 122.3 (ke- [§ 28])
dmitcitc’ then he ate 14.23
wimitcite’® she was on the point of eating 96.3 (-te’* [§ 29]; for
the use of wi- with the subjunctive see my note, p. 823)
mitcin” eat thou 174.18 (-n” [§ 31])
See also 174.19; 184.16; 240.7, 18; 336.2; 374.18
muswe-= to suspect.
dmuswdnemawatc' they suspected them 150.14 (é—dwate? [§ 29];
-dine- [§ 18]; -m- [§ 21])
muswdnemdw* he suspects him (-m- [§ 21]; dw [§ 28])
nahi-= to know how.
nahiwiseniwatcin' they did not know how to eat 76.3 (d- omitted
on account of thenegative; -n‘ [§ 29]; -watci [§ 29]; wiseni- to
eat)
winahuwiwiyan' I desire to know how to get a wife 334.13
(wi—yan' [$ 29]; for the syntax see § 35; nah- for nali- by
contraction [§ 10]; wwiw?- to marry)
See also 336.3
nawi= to visit.
ninawihaw? I am going to visit him 228.1; 238.21; 244.12; 256.1;
262.20 (nti—aw* [§ 28]; -h- [§ 21])
winawihetiwag’ they will go visiting one another 242.5 (wi- for
wi- used with intransitive independent future [§ 28]; -h- [§ 21];
-e- [§ 8]; -tz- [§ 38]; -wagé [§ 28])
na= to fetch.
kepydtcinanen® | have come to take you away 40.12; 42.18; 44.1
(ke—n* [§ 28]; pydtci- an extended form of pydé- MOTION HITH-
ERWARD; -n- [§ 21]; -e- [§ 8])
nepydtcnanaw? I have come to take her away 42.4 (ne—aw*
[§ 28]; -n- [§ 21])
nepydtcinand pen® we have come to take him away 58.8 (ne—apen*
[§ 28])
natawu'k” go and fetch him away 58.7 (-t- [§ 8]; awu- same as
dwa-, awa- [7%]; “k¥ [§ 31])
nane k” go fetch her 354.15 (-n- [§ 21]; -e- [§ 8]; ‘k” [§ 31])
See also 40.7; 42.1; 46.22; 58.8
§ 16
782 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 40
ndci= to caress.
dnacitepdnatct he caressed her head with his hand 188.4, 9 (é—ate’ - ;
[§ 29]; tepaé head; -n- [§ 21])
nagtd-, nAg A= to sing.
dcinagitc’ thus he sang 110.18 (@—te? [§ 29]; ci for ict THUS)
dcinaginitc’ he sang 110.16 (é—mitci [§ 34])
dnagamutci then hesang 10.19; 110.18 (é—tc? [§ 29]; -m-[§§ 21,37];
-u- [§ 40]) |
pydtcmagamunitc’ he came singing 350.6
dkiwinagamunitce’ he went about singing 350.15 (d—nitc* [§ 34];
-m- [§§ 27, 31]; -u- [§ 40]; kiwi- an extended form of ki- [§ 16]
movement in an indefinite direction; [Jones’s translation is
free])
See also 110.13
nagwa-= to depart.
winigwayagw* we (incl.) should depart 62.23 (for wi—yagw®
[$ 29])
dnagwawatc' then they started on 138.14 (é@—2ate? [§ 29])
nagwagona now depart 170.6
winagwagwén' (who)'should depart 194.9 (wi—gwén’ [§ 32]})
nagwiwape'* he would go away 312.22 (for ndgwaiw* ape'® [§ 10];
-w* [§ 28]; nagwi- is presumably more original than ndgwa-;
cf. dpyawatc’ WHEN THEY CAME [from pya-] and my note § 11)
See also 44.16; 138.9, 11; 170.8
ni= to see.
dnitag’ then he saw it, them 38.8; 202.11; 240.1; 266.5; 278.1
(d—ag’ [§ 29]; -t- [§ 21]; derived from néw-? [see § 12])
nisd= whole, well.
winisihag’ I shall make them well, I shall heal them 356.5
(wi—ag’ [§ 29]; -A- [§ 21])
winisihdiw* she shall heal them 356.6 (-dw% [§ 28]; note the
irregular use of wi- as a sign of the future with the independent
mode transitive; note further that this is a future with a 3d
person subject and 3d person object; see my note to § 28;
-h- [§ 21])
nisite'* would that he were alive 12.14 (-te*¢ [§ 29])
See also 116.17; 158.13, 16
naw, ndu to see.
niwdap' they are seen 72.15 (-ap? [§ 41])
diniwdwate they saw him 198.2 (for d—awatc’ [§ 29])
§ 16
a
BOAS ] HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 783
niwagetcin’ we have not seen them 198.7 (d- omitted because of
the negative; -agetci, -n’ [§ 29])
niwdgwin did ye not see them 198.4 (for -dgwin’ by contraction
[§ 10]; d- dropped; -dguwi for -dgwe; -n* [§ 29])
dna‘u'gutc she was seen 162.22 (for d—tc’ [§ 29] by contraction
[$ 10]; -gu- [§ 41})
nawutiwatcin' whenever they see one another 276.16 (for nd‘u;
-w- is a glide [§ 8]; -t7- [§ 38]; the form is a participial; @ is
left out before watcin’ [-dwatcin'] [§ 33] because -t7- really repre-
sents the objects exactly as in Gwaépimigatiwatc’ 22.18 [for the
analysis see under miga-])
See also 38.11; 80.5, 16; 182.15; 276.14; 288.14; 340.6
nAnNa= ready.
nanahawigo” get ready 22.20 (haui- to be; -go" for -g” [§ 6];
—-g" [§ 31)
nanahauin” get ready 44.1 (-n” [§ 31])
nAto-, nAtu= to ask, summon.
dnatomegutc' she was summoned 146.15 (4—tc* [§ 29]; -m-[§ 21];
-e- [§ 8]; -gu- [§$ 41])
tedgdnatotiwatc’ all asked each other 60.13 (for te@g’ ALL +4-
[§ 10]; d—watc? [§ 29]; -t7- [§ 38])
nepydtcinatumaw? I have come to summon him 200.1 (ne—aw*
[§ 28]; pydtci- an extended form of pyd- [§ 16] MoTION HITH-
ERWARD; -m- [§ 21])
witcinatomendg’ why we (excl.) asked thee 336.11 (wdtci- from
utci- [§ 16] WHENCE [see § 11]; -m- [§ 21], -e- [§ 8]; -nag® [§ 29])
See also 40.5; 60.15; 240.7; 336.10, 13; 338.6, 7; 342.3, 6, 9;
366.19; 368.2, 13, 20, 22; 372.21
nemA-=, nema-~ perpendicularity.
nemasun” stand up 48.17 (-su- [§ 40]; -n” [§ 31])
nemasow*” he is standing up (-sd- [§ 40]; -w% [§ 28]; the explana-
tion in § 8 is wrong)
nematon” hang (it) up 240.5; 242.12 (-t [§ 8]; -0- [§ 19]; -n
[§ 31])
nemasdw*% he stood 216.9
pee also 48.18; 50.1, 9; 52.5; 54.3:. 112.21; 238.3; 278.2
nep= to die.
nepetc® may he die 68.14 (-e- [§ 8]; -te® [§ 31])
kinep® you shall die 68.17, 20 (k7- [§ 28])
nepege ° had he died 158.16 Gnanimate; for -‘ke'*[§ 29]; confusion
of g and k [§ 3])
§ 16
784 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY : [BULL. 40 4
nepwe he dies 332.18, 20 (-w% [§ 28])
nepeniwan she had died 208.20 (for -niwan’ [§ 34] by contraction
[§ 10})
See also 34.5; 114.16, 17, 20, 25, 26; 116.2, 3, 8; 158.15
nepd-, nepa~ to sleep.
ke'teinepiw* he is sound asleep 284.19 (ke'tci- intensity; -w?
[$ 28])
nepagwiéin* he must have slept 306.11 (@ for d, as in pyatc® LET
' HIM COME, etc.; -gwdn® [§ 32])
dnepatc’ he fell asleep 324.19 (éd—tc’ [§ 29])
kinepapend let you and I go to sleep 324.18 (prolongation by
stress [§ 6] of ki—pen® [§ 28])
See also 10.19; 284.3, 5, 24
nes-= to kill.
nesegus* he would have been slain 168.13 (-e- [§ 8]; -gu- [§ 41];
-s* [§ 30])
kinesapen* let us (incl.) slay him 94.7 (ki—apen* [§ 28])
wihutcinesagw*’ why we (incl.) should slay him 94.9 (wi—agw*
[§ 29]; -A- [§ 8]; wtci- [§ 16] whence)
nisawatci? they whom they had slain 196.15 (-dwatei" [§ 33];
participial; hence the change of the stem-vowel [§ 11])
See also 8.2, 3, 7, 12, 17; 10.3; 14.1; 26.13, 16; 350.2, 17
neski= to loathe, feel contempt for.
neskinamuw he felt contempt for them 168.19 (-n-[§ 21]; -amw*
[§ 28])
dneskinuwdanitc? she loathed him on that account 66.17 (é—amtc
[$ 34])
neneskinawaw* I loathe him on account of 68.14 (ne—a@w* [§ 28])
dneskinawatc! because you loathe him 68.17, 20 (d—ate? [§ 29])
kineskimaw* you shall scold at him 284.4 (literally, you shall
loathe him with your tongue; ki—aw* [§ 28]; -m- [§ 21])
ineskimegutc! he was scolded 60.8 (é—tc! [§ 29]; -m- [$ 21]; -e
[§ 8]; -gu- [§ 41)
See also 314.11; 330.23
nigi= to be born.
dnigitc’ he was born 18.4
nimi= to dance.
nanimihetiwatc: they had a great time dancing together 18.12
(na- [§ 25]; -h- [§ 21]; -e- [$ 8]; G dropped [§ 12]; -awate? [§ 29])
kinimipend" let us (incl.) dance 132.29 (the form is peculiar;
-pend" evidently comes from -penu [§ 6]; ki—penu is closely
§ 16
BoOAS ] ‘HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 785
related to ki—pena [§ 28]; perhaps the -a has been split into a
diphthong [§ 6])
kike‘tcinimipw* ye shall dance 280.17 (ki—pw? [§ 28]; ke'tci-
intensity)
See also 134.17; 220.15; 282.1, 3, 12
nis= to reach and take down. :
dnisenag’ he reached up and took it down 320.22 (d—ag' [§ 29];
-e- [§ 8]; -n- [§ 21])
See ee 160.17; 352.15
non-=, nun= to suck.
winodn® it (animate) shall suck 106.12 (wi- [§ 28])
See also 104.9; 106.11, 14; 196.13
nota-, nodad-= to hear.
dndtawatc’ when he heard him 110.16 (é—dtc* [§ 29]; -w- [§ 21])
nodagdnitc! when he heard 146.14 (-gd- [§ 20]; -nite* [§ 34])
ntcd= to give birth to.
dnucindtc’ she bore him 38.5 (d—datc? [§ 29] -n- [§ 21])
See also 38.4; 74.9, 10, 12, 15; 152.14
niwi-, nowi= out.
nuwi kdg” don’t go out 12.4 (-“kdg” [§ 30])
nuwiw? he went out 160.10
dniawine kawatc he drove them out 94.16 (for d—datc? [§ 29]; -ne‘ka-
[$ 19]; -w- [§ 21])
nowinodwiw” many a time he went out 160.10 (ndur- [§ 25]; -
[§ 28])
nwiwi tagéwatcinape * they continually went out to fight 12. 5
(nwiwi- for nuwi [§ 12]; -watc? [§ 29]; -n- [$ 8]; -ape*? [§ 14])
See also 10.25; 12.7; 38.18; 162.9, 10
pa k- to pluck.
dipa‘kenatc’ then he plucked it 274.14 (é—atc? [§ 29]; -e-[§ 8]; -n-
[§ 21])
pAnA- to miss.
ad panapinatc’ he failed & catch him 282.17
dtacipanapinatct where he failed to catch him 282.21
panahwdw* he missed hitting him (-Aw- [§ 21]; -dw* [§ 28])
panatakan? you must have let it fall astray 230.11 (-¢ [§ 21];
-akan' for -agan’ [§ 30]; confusion of g and k [§ 3])
See also 180.19; 382.7
§ 16
44877 °—Bull. 40, pt 1—_10——50
4
ee
786 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BuLu.40
pAg A-, pAgé= to strike.
wipapagamate 170.22 she was on the point of clubbing him to
death (for wi—dtc* [$ 29]; -m- [§ 21]; pa- [§ 25])
Gd papagamegutc’ she was clubbed to death 164.2 (-m- [§ 21]; -e-
[§ 8]; -gu- [§ 41]; d—te* [§ 29])
pAgisenu* it struck (-sen- [$ 20]; -w* [§ 28])
indpagicig’ it alighted over there 282.19 (for in’ G- [§ 10]; -g* for
-ki [§ 3]; d—‘k* [§ 29]; -ci- [$ 12] for -cin- [§ 20]; note the con-
tradiction: -cin- is animate; -‘k* inanimate)
See also § 14 and 146.16; 228.11; 232.9; 292.13
pAgt= ahead.
pagtsusdg” walk on ahead 338.18, 340.1 (-s- [§ 8]; -usd- [§ 19];
-g" [§ 31))
pagisusdn” walk thou on ahead 340.4 (-n [§ 31])
pa’guhwéw* he makes him run (literally, he makes him go for-
ward; -Ahw- [§ 21]; -dw% [§ 28])
pemw-=, pemwu- to shoot.
a pemwatc’ he shot him 22.23 (é@—datc? [§ 29])
ad pemwag’ when I am shooting at them 116.24 (@-—wag* [§ 29])
wi pemwutaman' I shall shoot at it 118.3, 5 (wi—aman’ [§ 29];
-t- [§ 21])
pemutamawint shoot him for me 204.9 (-t- [§ 8]; -nd& for -n%
[§ 31] by prolongation [§ 6]; -amaw- is the same as amaw- in
nitamawdw? 6’san’ [literally, he saw him who was father to
another; see § 34]; loss of -w- [§ 12])
See also 22.22; 118.8, 13; 204.1; 248.2, 5,8, 14
penu-, peno= to go homeward, depart.
wi penuydn' I am going home 232.23, 256.14 (wi—ydn [§ 29])
a pydtcipenutc’ then he came back home 18.1 (d—+tc? [§ 29]; pyédtei-
an extended form of pyd- [§ 16] MOTION HITHERWARD)
ni‘pend I am going home 266.20 (ni- [§ 28])
kt penopen® let us go home 304.18 (ki—pen® [§ 28])
See also 68.24; 160.3; 168.11, 15; 220.9, 14; 224.9, 6, 15;
252.12
pesw= to smoke out.
kipeswapen* let us smoke them out 142.10 (ki—apen* [§ 28])
paiswatci? they whom he was smoking out 142.16 (-atev** [§ 33];
participial; hence the change of the stem-vowel)
petawd- to kindle a fire.
d‘pe tawasuwatc’ they kindled a fire to warm themselves 138.10
(-su- [§ 40])
§ 16 ee
BOAS] HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 787
dwapipe tawatc then he set to work to kindle a fire 142.8 (for
ad—tc’ [$ 29]; wépi- [§ 16] to begin)
dhanemipe'tawiitc’ he kept on building the fire 142.13 (hanemi-
same as hanemi- [§ 16])
pe'tawik” kindle a fire 158.20 (-k” for -g” [§ 31]; confusion of
g and k [§ 3]) ,
ondketcipetawaiwatc accordingly they built a large fire 158.21 (for
on'd- [§ 10]; d—watc' [§ 29]; ketci- intensity)
See also 142.11; 146.4; 158.21
ptn-~ entrance into.
pinahwin” put me into 96.13 (-a- [§ 8]; -hw- [§ 21]; -in” [§ 31];
pin- is allied to pi-(t) [§ 16])
pinahaman' I put it in (d- dropped [§ 12]; d—améni [§ 29]; -a-
[§ 8]; -h- [§ 21))
a pinahwatc' he put him into 326.17 (@—dtc? [§ 29])
pog- to fall.
d'teapogisdmite she fell far out there 102.17 (for -nitc* [§ 34]; d*tca-
probably is to be divided into d--+ ‘tea-; ‘tea- is tca- by reason
of G-; tca- is allied with a‘tetcdé- DISTANT; -isd- is from -isd-
_ [§ 19] MOTION THROUGH THE AIR)
poku-, pok- to break.
dé papokuskahwaite he kept on breaking them with his foot 14.5
(for d—atc? [§ 29 and § 10]; pa-[§ 25]; -sk- [§ 21]; -a-[§ 8]; -hw-
[§ 21])
kepo kahapw* you break it open 176.9 (ke—adpw* [§ 28]; -a-[§ 8];
-h- [§ 21])
wipo kahag‘ one shall break it open 176.8 (wi—ag' [§ 29]; -a- [§ 8];
-h- [§ 21])
See also 14.8; and compare @ pwawikaskipapa‘kunag’ HE
WAS NOT ABLE TO BREAK IT 126.3 (@—ag’ [§ 29]; pwauwr-
NOT; kaski- same as kaski- [$ 16] apitiry; pa- [§ 25]; -n-
[§ 21])
post= entrance into.
dposi towawate they loaded it into 212.22 (for d—dwiatc? [§ 29];
- t0- [§ 37]; -w- [§ 8]) .
kicitcagiposi towate after they had loaded it into 212.23 (é-
dropped [§ 12]; kici- [$ 16] completion; tcégi- [§ 16] totality:
-wiate? [§ 29])
dpositc’ he got into it 214.2 (éd—+tc? [§ 29])
See also 214.21; 224.12, 17
$16
788 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BuuL. 40
potc(é)= entrance into (allied to pész- [see § 8])
a‘ potcisahutc? then he leaped into 164.15 (é@—tc' [§ 29]; -isahu-
same as -isaho [§ 19] ro Jump; -2 of potci- lost [$ 10])
potcisahow? he leaped into 164.16 (-w? [§ 28])
apdtcisahowatc then they embarked into 214.15 (-asaho- same as
-isaho- [§ 19]; d—watc* [§ 29])
sAnA- difficult. .
sanagatw* it is difficult 280.8 (-gat- same as -gat-)
sAnAgatw* it is difficult 280.12, 16; 332.17 (-gat-[§ 20]; -w* [§ 28])
sanaga‘kin* it is not difficult 284.17 (-n?, -"ki [§ 29]; -ga- [ef. § 20])
See also 172.22
Sdige= fear.
sigesiw® he was afraid 168.14 (-si- [§ 20]; -w* [§ 28])
dsigesiyani I am scared 312.14 (d—yan’ [§ 29])
sigihiya' kan’ you might frighten her 312.16 (-h-[§ 21]; -iya@kan*
[$ 30])
See also 336.8, 12; 344.7, 17; 346.1, 10
stg Atci-, stgatcéi= to freeze.
dsigatcitc’ when he froze to death 138.14
kicisigatcinitc’ after the other froze 138.15 (d- dropped [§ 12];
. kici- [§ 16] completion; d-nitc* [§ 34])
sogi= to bind.
dsogisowatc they were bound with cords 26.3 (d—wate! [§ 29]; -so-
[$ 40])
dsdgihate he bound her 140.7 (for d—4te* [§ 29 and § 10]; -A-[§ 21])
sdgisoyan* where I am bound 106.17 (a@- dropped [§ 12]; -so-
[$ 40]; -yan* [§ 29])
dsdgi'totc’ he tied a knot 334.16 (éd—+tc? [§ 29]; -'to- [§ 37])
See also 26.22; 108.6; 146.2; 338.21
tag-, t Ag= to touch.
dtagendtc he touched her 46.2 (for d—datc? [§ 29]; -e-[§ 8]; -n-[§ 21])
dkicitagatamowatc! after they have touched it 184.18 (for d—amo-
wate: [§ 29]; kici- [§ 16] completion; -4- same as -e- [§ 8%];
-t- [§ 21])
dimawitaga kwihag’ then he went to touch it with a wooden pole
196.10 (d—ag’ [§ 29]; ma@un- [$ 16] to go to; -a°kw-[§ 18]; -d-
for -a- [§ 8]; -A- [§ 21])
dtageskag then he stamped on it 158.2 (é—ag’ [§ 29]; -e- [§ 8];
-sk- [§ 21])
See also 158.5; 194.138; 194.19; 330.13
§ 16
BOAS] HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 789
t4Aci= as many as, number (cf. taswi-).
medaswiitaciwatc? the number was ten 164.4 (for meddsw* ten
[§ 50]+4- [§ 10]; d—watc? [§ 29])
dtaciwate as many as there were 166.3
Possibly in the following passages taci- is to be explained
in the same way, though this is not apparent from Dr. Jones’s
somewhat free translation: 90.12; 108.6; 110.4; 150.17;
152.20; 164.4; 166.3; 244.13; 336.9; 346.21. It is quite clear
that taci-is in some way connected with taswi-, as is shown by
dmédaciwatc’ THEY WERE TEN 78.14, as compared with me-
daswitaciwatc’ THE NUMBER WAS TEN 164.4 (for medasw' a-
[§ 10]).. The word for TEN is meddswi [§ 50]. For the inter-
change of s and c, see § 9; and for the loss of the second
member of a consonant-cluster, § 12.
tAgwi- together.
tagwi 10.2 together with
dtagwimecenetc’ they were taken captive together 26.3 (d—etc*
[$ 41]; mec- to capture; -e- [§ 8]; -n- [§ 21])
tagwitepdnetitiw' the land was owned in common 34.1 (-dne-
[$ 18]; -w* [§ 28])
ad tagwinatometc’ they were asked together 338.7 (d—etc! [§ 41];
nAto- to ask; -m- [§ 21])
witaguswage * that I should have put them together and cooked
them 158.8 (wi- irregularly used with the subjunctive; see my
note to § 29; -age'® [§ 29]; w for wi [$ 12]; -sw- for -si- [§ 20])
See also 178.8; 372.17
tAn-=, tan= to engage in.
ki'tanetipen® let us make a bet together 296.18 (literally, LET
US ENGAGE IN AN ACTIVITY TOGETHER; hence, by inference,
GAMBLE; ki—pen* [§ 28]; -e- [§ 8]; -t7- [§ 38])
a tanetitc’ he was gambling 314.6 (d—tc? [§ 29])
tanwd’wdémi'w* he quarrels with him (literally, he engages in
repeated noise with him; -m- [§ 21] -dw* [§ 28])
tanwd’wa'tow* he bangs away on it (-to- [§§ 21, 37]; -w* [§ 28])
@ tanwdé taminite’ cries were sounded 192.3 (d—nite' [§ 34]; wé-
sound)
ad tanenetig’ in the thick of the fight 168.1 (d- as ordinarily; -e-
- [$ 8]; -n- [§ 21]; -t7- [§ 38]; -g* locative suffix [§ 42]; the con-
- text alone suggests the idea of FIGHTING) .
dhanemitanusdtc’ as he continued to engage in walking 48.20
(d—tc? [§ 29]; hanemi- [§ 16] to continue to; -usd- [§ 19] to
walk)
See also 190.13, 23
§ 16
790 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY (worn. 40
tAp-= to place trust in.
netapdénem" I put my trust in 190.15 (ne- [§ 28]; -dne- [§ 18];
-m- (§ 21]; -* [§ 40])
tAswé= as many as, as much as, number.
dtaswipydnitcin’ as many as came 8.9 (why d- is used, is not clear;
pya- from pyd- [§ 16] MOTION HITHERWARD; -nitcin® [§ 34])
imitaswihatc’ and hast thou included as many as there are
298.16 (for in? d- [$ 10]; in? [§ 47]; -h- [§ 21]; d—ate* [§ 29])
taswi the number 20.7
taswiconiyad’ is the amount of money 34.16
imitaswi that is the number 252.9 (int [§ 47])
See also 8.14, 18;'10.5; 20.11; 32.13; 76.16; 246.21; 312.17,
21; 358.6; 374.3
td pwe= to speak the truth.
ketiipw® you were telling the truth 24.15; 322.9 (ke- [§ 28])
witipwiyan' I desire to speak the truth 324.13 (wi—yan' [§ 29])
See also 322.16
tctp-= to nudge softly.
dwdpitcipenatc’ then he began to nudge her softly with the finger
320.7 (d—atc? [$ 29]; wépi- [§ 16] to begin; -e-[§ 8]; -n-[§ 21])
ditcitcipetcindtc’ he gave her a nudge in the side 44.1 (é—4éte’
[§ 29]; -tcz- [§ 25]; -e- [§ 8]; -ted- [§ 18]; -n- [§ 21])
tctg(é)= edge.
tcigdskut* on the edge of the prairie 126.7
tcigike'tcigumiw’ by the shore of the sea 350.5 (ke'tci- inten-
sity; -gum- = -kam- [§ 18])
tcigike'tcikamiw* on the shore of the sea 100.14 (ke'tei- imten-
sity; -kam- [§ 18]; -i- same as -1- [§ 20]; -w* for -w* [§ 28];
literal translation, IT WAS THE EDGE OF THE GREAT EXPANSE)
See also 68.11; 110.7; 124.2
tcett=- down.
dtcitapisahutc there he sprang and crouched 188.15 (é—¢e? [§ 29];
-isahu- same as -isahd- [§ 19]; apisahu- for api+isahu- [§ 10];
Api- TO sIT [THERE HE SPRANG AND SAT DOWN Is literal])
d‘tcitapiwatc’ there they sat down 190.14 (é—wwate' [§ 29])
See also 332.13; 352.15
te= to say.
netegop* I am called 12.19 (ne—gop* [§ 41])
netegw* I was told 108.7 (ne—gw% [§ 41])
keten® I told thee 190.18 (ke—n* [§ 28])
netenaw® I said to him 216.5 (ne—aw* [§ 28]; -n- [§ 21])
§ 16
Boas] HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 791
netegog' they call me 322.12 (ne—gog’ [§ 28])
ketenepw* I declared to you 346.2, 10; 358.23 (ke—nepw* [§ 28])
ketekuwaw* he has told you 370.12 (ke—guwaw? [§ 28]; confusion
of g and k [§ 3])
keteneyow’ I told thee before 110.5 (for keten® iyow*; ryows
aforetime)
tepa- to be fond of, to love.
ketepanen* I am fond of thee 314.4 (ke—n* [§ 28]; -n- [§ 21]; -e-
[$ 8])
dtepanatc’ thou art fond of them 276.19 (d—ate? [§ 29]; -n- [§ 21])
tepandw® she was fond of them 170.1 (-n- [§ 21]; -dw* [§ 28])
tipanat* she whom you love 150.1 (-n-[§ 21]; -at*[$ 33]; change
of the stem-vowel, as the form is a participial)
See also 148.2, 5; 190.18; 174.3
te powd= to hold council.
kicitepowiwatc? after they had ended their council 338.5 (kiet-
[§ 16] completion; d- dropped [§ 12]; d—wate? [§ 29]; it is likely
-wd- is identical with wé sounD in § 20)
dtepowanetc’ he was debated in council 338.4 (é—etc’ [§ 41]; -n-
[§ 21]; -d- for -@- as in dcicitc’ THEN HE WENT OFF ON A HUNT;
di‘ pyatct WHEN HE CAME; etc.)
See also 336.8, 9
tes- to trap.
kiteso‘tawapena let us set a trap for it 78.3 (ki—apena [§ 28])
tesdtci* trap (-dtc- [§ 23])
t0‘Ie(t)= state of being awake.
to‘ kig’ wake up 46.15 (-g” [§ 31])
ato‘ kiyan' when I wake up 284.1
to‘kitcé he might wake up 284.18 (for to"kitce probably ; -tce [§ 31])
dto‘kitc* then he woke up 126.1
dmawitd kendte then he went and woke him up 104.15 (d—Atc?
[$ 29]; mawi [§ 16] to go; -e- [§ 8]; -n- [§ 21])
See also 40.18; 44.6, 7; 104.18
wuwitw(é)= to marry.
uwiwiyaneh® if it had been you who married 216.16 (-yaneh*,
really -yane'¢ [§ 29])
dhuwiwitc: then he married 216.20 (é—itc* [§ 29]; -A- [§ 8])
kihuwiwemen* I shall marry you 148.19 (ki—n* [§ 28]; -h-[§ 8]; -e-
[§ 8]; -m- [§ 21]; -e- [§ 8])
uwiw? wife
See also 42.4; 44.13; 82.2; 148.8; 200.13, 18; 216.13, 16, 20
§ 16
7992 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [aun aa
(u)wigi=-, (u)wige= to dwell.
wigiw? he lives 220.22 (-w® [§ 28])
dwiginitct where he dwelt 160.15 (é—nitc? [§ 34])
adkiwvu'wigewdatc’ they went in an indefinite direction and
.
lived there 66.15 (d—watc? [§ 29]; kiwi motion in an indefinite
direction; cf. ki- [§ 16])
wiwigit? he who dwells 38.9 (from uwigi-; the change of the
stem-vowel is due to the fact that the form is a participial
[$§ 12, 33]; -t* [§ 33])
wiwiginitcin’ he who dwelt there 80.9, 20; 82.2, 10, 22; 84.10, ~
21, etc. (for the change of the stem-vowel see §§ 12, 33;
-nitcin' [§ 34])
wiwigitcig’ they who dwell here 194.7 (-tcig? [§ 33])
dhuwiginitc’ where they were living 194.5, 18 (é—mitc' [§ 34]; -hu-
is not an accretion, it is to be divided into -h-+u- [see my
‘note on this point, § 8])
See also 10.5; 38.7; 160.14; 320.3; etc.
wAni= to lose.
dwanihdatc? he lost him 182.12 (é@—dtc? [§ 29]; -h- [§ 21])
w Atcd= to cook.
dwatcahdatc’ then she cooked a meal 240.12 (d@—dtc? [§ 29]; -h-
[$ 21])
wiwatcahagw* we (incl.) shall cook for him 256.8 (wi—agw* [§ 29];
-h- [§ 21])
wiwutcahawawin® shall we cook for him 260.15 (indirect ques-
tion; wi—wagwan' [§ 32]; confusion of * and? unless wi7- is used
unusually with the subjunctive; -h- [§ 21]; -a- [§ 8])
See also 152.20, 21; 228.7; 232.3; 234. ai 244.7; 248.21;
262.8: 264.3; 266.1
wap A= to look at.
kiwapatapen® let us look into it 24.8 (ki—apen* [§ 28]; -t- [§ 21])
dwapamdatc' he looked at her 46.7 (d—4atc’ [§ 29]; -m- [§ 21])
wapamin” look at me 322.3 (-m- [§ 21]; -an” [§ 31])
See also 104.13, 19; 146.7, 9; 250.8; 316.20; 338.7
wica= to implore.
adwicimegutc he was implored 182.5 (for d—tc* [§ 29, also § 10];
-m- [§ 21]; -e- [§ 8]; -gu- [§ 41])
win Ani= to flay and cut up.
winanih? cut it up 58.2, 3; 162.13 (-A- [§ 21]; -* [§ 31])
§ 16
BOAS] HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 793
dwinanihdtc! then she flayed and cut him up 162.14 (d—4dite? [§ 29);
-h- [§ 21])
kiciwinanihdtc’ after she had flayed and cut it oP 162.14 (d-
dropped [§ 12]; kici- [§ 16] completion)
witne- filthy.
winesiw¢ she is filthy 292.15 (-si- [§ 20]; -w* [§ 28])
See also 320.3
witseni= to eat.
wiwiseniwag’ they shall eat 8.11 (-wag' [§ 28]; wi- used because
the form is intransitive [§ 28])
kiwiseni thou wilt eat 26.7 (ki- [§ 28])
dwisenitc’ then he ate 240.13 (d—te? [§ 29])
See also 14.18; 196.16, 20
ya= to go.
dyawate‘* that they went 72.2 (d- unexpected with the sub-
junctive, but see my note to § 29; -wate'* [$ 29])
dyamiga‘k? it went 224.17 (é—'k'[§ 29]; -miga- [$§ 33, 20; ef. § 28])
dyawdatc they went 166.5 (for d—watc' [§ 29])
See also 72.3; 176.20; 200.21; 262.2!
SECONDARY STEMS (§§ 17-20)
§ 17. Types of Secondary Stems
These stems are not as numerous as initial stems, but still their
number is quite considerable. They never occur alone, but are
found usually between an initial member and a formative, or else,
but much less often, in conjunction with only a formative. In a
combination like té’wici‘nw* HE FELL AND HURT HIMSELF, ¢diwi- is
initial, and denotes pain; while -cin is secondary, and expresses the
notion of coming to a state of rest. In the word tci’man* CANOE is a
less frequent example of a secondary stem occupying first place.
The stem tci or tcim comes from a secondary element indicating
movement in water, and the rest of the word is a suffix denoting
abstraction, both together referring to the object used for going
through water.
Just as a regular system of arrangement determines the position of
initial stems before secondary stems, so the same sort of order places
the representatives of one group of secondary stems before those of
another group. This peculiar method of arrangement rests largely
1From p. 772 to here, addition by T Michelson.
$17
794 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY tnoen.age
on the nature of the ideas expressed by the stems. It makes possible
a further division of stems into secondary stems of the first order and
secondary stems of the second order.
Secondary stems of the second class always stand nearest to the
terminal pronominal signs: -usd- in wé’pusd‘w* HE BEGINS TO WALK is
a secondary stem of the second class. Some secondary stems of the
first class, however, can occupy the same place, but only when a
secondary stem of the second class is absent: tca’gana’getu‘nw* HE
HAS A SMALL MOUTH contains two secondary stems of the first class—
one is -nag-, which expresses the notion of cavity; the other is -tun-,
which refers to the idea of space round about a cavity, and is a term
applied to the lips and mouth. A further division of secondary
stems of the first class might be suggested, in which -nag- would
represent one class, and -twn- the other: -nag- belongs to a more sta-
tionary type, which always stands next to initial stems when there are
other secondary stems in composition; and -twn- belongs to a more
mobile kind. The latter type is frequent in nominal form: w’ton*
MOUTH (literally, His MouTH). In kiwe’skwépydé‘w* HE IS DRUNK
are illustrated two types of secondary stems: kiwe- is an initial stem
meaning indefinite movement anywhere; -skwd- is a secondary stem
of the first class, denoting the neck and back of the head; and -pyé-
is a secondary stem of the second class, expressive of a subtle, attribu-
tive condition. [-pyd- belongs rather to the secondary nominal stems
(§ 23); -skwd- apparently cognate with -‘kwd- (§ 18), But why can
not -skwd- correspond to -nag-, and -pyd- to-tun-? At any rate, this
does not affect the statement made at the end of § 19—T. M.]
A fuller and more correct rendering of the combination would be
something like HE IS IN A STATE OF AIMLESS MOVEMENT IN THE
REGION ABOUT THE NECK AND HEAD.
§ 18. Secondary Stems of the First Order
-@ kw relates in a general way to matter at rest and in the form of
linear dimension, together with an uncertain implication as to
its state of hardness. The term is of frequent use, an example
of which comes out in the notion of Woop, TREE, FOREST.
pekwa' kwawi‘w' it is a place of clumps of trees
pigwa’ kwawi‘w' a grove stands dense in the distance
paga’ kwici‘nw? he bumped against a tree, post, bar (pdg- same
as pag [§ 14]; -cin- [§ 20])
§ 18
Boas] HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 795
pe’ cigwa kwa‘tw' the log, tree, stick, is straight ~
paga kwitundcinw* he bumps himself on the mouth (analysis
§ 14)
=n Ag= expresses the idea of an opening, as of a hole.
pa’ kana’ getd‘w' the hole gapes open
ma’ gana’getu‘nw*% he has a large mouth (-tun- mouth [p. 796])
ku’ qwéana’ guci‘w* he has holes pierced in his ears (-cd- ear [p. 796])
-t Ag- is another characteristic term of uncertain definition. It refers
to the idea of color without having reference to light, shade,
hue, or any quality attributive of color. It is simply the idea
in the abstract.
keta’gesi‘w* its color is spotted (animate)
waba'ta’gawd'w" its color is white (animate)
meckwa'ta’gawdw” its color is red (animate, meckwa red)
=dine- relates to mental operation.
keka’nemd‘w* he knows, understands him
muswi/nemdw* he suspects him (musw- suspect; -m- [$37]; -dw*
[$ 28])
menwi/nemdw* he feels well disposed toward him
na’ gatawa’nemdw* he keeps him constantly in mind
pani/nemd'w? he makes fun of him
dmianecitéhdte for she felt shame within her heart 38.12 (com-
pare 210.15)
dmuswinemawatc they began to suspect something wrong with
them 150.14 (musw- suspect; -m- [§ 37]; d—awatc' [§ 29])
-itd- refers to subjective feeling, and so finds place for manifold
application.
ici tihdw? thus he feels (.e., thinks; for ici thus+ itd; -hd-[§ 20];
w* [§ 28])
mydci’ tihdw* she is tearful, sad to weeping
méd’neci’ tihdw* he is ashamed (-édéne- above)
upi tihdw* he is joyful
kiwata’tihdé'w* he is lonely (kiwatc- lonely; see also § 20)
a@vcitihdtc’ he thus thought in his heart 202.10
-ndgu- stands for the idea of Look, APPEARANCE, RESEMBLANCE.
pe’ ‘kina’ gusi‘w* he looks like a foreigner (-s7- [§ 20])
a kwd’winigusi‘w*% he has an angry look (@kwé anger)
keca’tceina’gusi‘w* he has a gentle appearance
kiwa’tcuna’gusi‘w% he seems sad, lonely
.
*
796 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 40
-k: Ame expresses the idea of indefinite space as applied to such terms
aS SWEEP, RANGE, LATITUDE, EXPANSE.
ke'tc’kami‘w’ it is the sea; it is the great expanse
ta’ kamisdé‘w? it flies over an expanse (-isd- [§ 19])
ta’ kam7‘w? he crosses an open space
ka’ kami‘w* he makes a short cut across
= ka- imprint, track.
a‘ pitci kawéinitc they trailed (a bear into bushes) 70.12 (for piter
see under pit- [§ 16] and the analysis in text at end)
Tn the list of examples that follow immediately are stems relating
to parts of the body. Their inherent sense is concerned with space,
each form having to do with situation in a given relation.
-cd- carries the vague notion of something thin, as of a sheet, film,
blade. It is an association with this spacial sense that makes
it a term applied to the ear.
mama’ geciw* he has big ears
ki’skeci‘w*% he has no ears (literally, he is cut-ear)
kaga’noci‘w* he has long ears
nia kikickickecicwatcape’’ and he would cut off their ears 8.12
(reduplicated stem allied to kisk; for -atci [§ 29] ape'e [§ 14])
-kum- or -guim- conveys the intrinsic meaning of linear protrusion, —
projection out from a base. The use of the term for Nosk is
a natural application.
wagi’kumdw* he has a crooked nose
pagiku’mdci‘nw* he bumped his nose (pagi- see under pag- [§ 14];
-cin- [§ 20])
tatogv’ kumd‘w% his nose spreads at the nostrils (-g2 locative suffix)
kinigu’mdya'w' it is sharp at the point (kinz- [§ 16]; -w* [§ 28])
na kikickigumdcwatcape’* and he would cut off their noses 8.13
(for n@k* and G-)
=tun- is used for the external space about the mouth. .
mv setu‘nw* he has a mustache (mis- hair [§ 24])
kepa’getu‘nw® he has thick lips
pa’ ‘ketu‘nw* he opens his mouth
-wind- gives the notion of linear dimension, round of form, and of
limited circumference. It is a term for HORN.
tea kwi’ wi’ni'w? he is short-horned
po kwiwi naici‘nw* he fell and broke his horn (-czn- to fall [§ 20])
pa kwi’wini‘w* he is shedding his horns
§ 18
BOAS] HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 797
= kwd- is a spacial element expressive of the place back of the neck,
of the hair on the head, and even of the head itself. The
term has also a feminine meaning, taken, it seems, from the
notion of hair. The four different expressions—NECK, HAIR,
HEAD, and WOMANKIND—are thus shown in the order named.
nape’ kwihwiaiw* he lassoes him by the neck; compare 282.18
(hw [§ 21]; -dw* [§ 28) ;
ke'kite’ kwind‘w* he hugs her around the neck (-n- [§ 21]; +-dw*
[§ 28])
pena’ ha kwii‘w* she combs her hair
me’se kwi‘w*% she has long hair
té/we kwii‘w*% he has a headache (tdéwi- [§ 16])
matagu’ kwihd‘w% he covers his (own) head
pydate’ kwiwd'w* he brings home a wife (pyd- [§ 16]; -t- [§ 8]; -dw®
[$ 28])
mi ‘keme’ kwiwd'w* he is wooing (mi'k- [§ 16])
nico’ kwiwd‘w* he has two wives (nico- [§ 12])
=tcd- signifies a material body with volume more or less plump and
distended. It is used with reference to the abdominal region.
upv skwatciw* he is big round the waist
page’ tcici‘nw? he ran, and fell on the flat of his belly (the literal
translation would seem to be HE FELL AND STRUCK HIS BELLY;
see pag(i)- [§ 14] and pdgi- cited under -kum- [p. 796]; -cin-
[$ 20])
ke kite’tcind'wa he grabs him round the body (see ke'kite’-
‘kwindw* above)
mv setci‘w? he is afflicted with dropsy
§ 19. Secondary Stems of the Second Order
It is not always easy to determine the place of some secondary
stems, whether they belong to the first or to the second order. In
passing along the list, one should note that, in some respects, there is
a general similarity in the groups of ideas expressed by secondary
stems of the second class and by initial stems. There are, however,
differences in the apparent similarities, the differences being chiefly
of manner and degree. It is dotibtful which of these two groups is’
the more numerous one.
a in its naked form is so vague of sense that it is almost undefinable.
Its nature comes out well in the réle of an assisting element,
and as such often helps to convey the idea of motion. In
§ 19
i.
ae
798 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 40
one instance its help brings about the definite notion of flight
from danger.
ki/wamo'w" he flees hither and thither (for kiw- see under ki-
[§ 16]; -m- [$§ 8, 21, 37]; -d- animate middle voice [$ 40]; -w* —
3d person animate singular, intransitive aorist, independent —
mode [$ 28])
pe’mamow* he hurries past in flight (pem- [§ 16])
pyd’tamow* he comes fleeing hitherward (pyd- [§ 16]; -t- [§ 8];
-o- [§ 40)
wiwipamoyan' you had better begin to flee 98.5 (waép- [§ 16];
wi—yan' 2d person singular intransitive future, conjunctive
[§ 29]; -m- [§$§ 8, 21, 37]; -o- animate middle voice [§ 40))
pemamoyane in your flight 98.5 (pem- [§ 16]; -m-o- as in last
example; -yane 2d person singular intransitive present, sub-
junctive [§ 29])
Gpitimutc’ and in she fled 98.15 (d- temporal prefix; pit- into
[§ 16]; -m- as in last two examples; -u- animate passive [§ 40];
-tc' 3d person singular animate intransitive aorist, conjunctive
[$ 29])
kicipitamutc’ after she had fled inside 98.16 (kict- completion [§ 16])
wiwdpamuté'e it was her purpose to flee for her life 218.14 (wap-
[§ 16]; the form is explained in § 29)
-egd- is for the movement of one in the dance.
upyd’negiw* he moves slowly in the dance
niga’ negiw* he leads in the dance
di‘hd’wegiw* he dances the swan-dance
ca’wand'wegiw* he dances the Shawnee dance
dyipwiwiwi pegiyigw? but before you begin dancing 280.21 (wap-
[§ 16]; -ydégwe 2d person plural intransitive, conjunctive [$29])
-isdi- conveys primarily the notion of VELOCITY, SPEED, and is asso-
ciated with locomotion through the air.
hani’wisi'w* he runs swiftly
mydcisi‘w' it lacks a keen edge (-c- [$ 21.5])
nema’ swisiw* he alighted feet first
kuqwii tcisi‘w* he tries to fly
pi tcisiw* it blew inside (pit- inside [§ 16])
tcapo’gisiw* he fell into the water (for apo cf. apo [§ 24])
witcikesiyagicisiwa whence the cold comes, there he is speeding
to 70.14 (analysis note 21, p. 869)
pemisiw* it went flying past 80.6, 17 (pem- past [§ 16]; -w* 3d
person singular animate aorist, intransitive, independent mode
[§ 28)
§ 19
BOAS ] HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 799
dnuwisatc’ so out he went on the run 254.15 (d@—tc? [§ 29])
indnuwisate then she flew out 146.9 (see $11)
Ghanisanite’ it flew away 282.17, 19 (-nitc? [§ 34])
indipemanisanite thereupon they went flying up 76.14
-isaho- is swift locomotion through the air and of a kind that is
limited as to space and duration. The idea of the motion is
defined by such terms as JUMP, LEAP, BOUND.
‘pitei’saho'w* he leaps into an enclosure (pitc- see under pit- [§ 16];
w? [§ 28])
pydtci’saho‘w* he comes a-jumping (pydtc- see under pyd- [§ 16])
kwaskwi’'saho‘w* he dismounts
niwi’sahd'‘w* he goes out on the jump (nuw- out; dnuwitc’ he
then went out 38.13; dniwiwatc and they went out 50.2)
dtctpisahutc’ she leaped with startled surprise 68.18
-0- implies conveyance, portage, transportation. It has acquired the
specific meaning of CARRYING A BURDEN ON THE BACK.
ki’ yomd'w* she carries it (her child) about on her back (k7- [§ 16];
-y- a glide [§ 8]; -d- [§ 19]; -m- instrumental, animate [§ 21]; -dw*
3d person singular animate subject and object, aorist, inde-
pendent mode [§ 28])
pe'motamw* he passes by with a burden on his back (pem- to
pass by [§ 16]; -t- instrumental imanimate [§ 21]; -amw* 3d
person singular animate subject, 3d person inanimate object,
-aorist, independent. mode [§ 28})
kepydtonepw* I have brought you 90.1 (pyd- motion hither [§ 16];
-t- [§ 8]; -d- [§ 19]; ke—nepw* 1st person singular subject, 2d
person plural object, aorist, independent mode [§ 28})
-0td- is for locomotion along a surface, and attended with effort and
retardation. It is tantamount to the notion expressed by the
words TO CRAWL.
Ane’ motaw* he crawls moving yon way
ta/*kamotaw* he crawls athwart
A'gosv’ otaw* he crawls upward (as up a tree) (compare 6nd‘4’-
gositc’ and then he climbed up 274.24; dhanemi'a-gostpaho-
miga‘k* climbed hurriedly up the hill 96.19; wihagostyan' I
shall have to do the climbing 90.19)
ke’ tasv’6ti wt he crawls upward (as up a hill)
pv totaw he crawls inside (pi- [§ 16])
dhagwayitiwatc they creep forth 352.5 (-utd- same as -dtd-)
di pemagwayutinitc’ they started to crawl out 352.11 (pem [§ 16];
-nite’ [§ 34])
§ 19
800 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BuLL. 40 —
na kaipitotate then again he crawled into 290.4 (na‘k- again; d-
temporal prefix; pit- into [§ 16]; -tc for -tc’ 3d person singular
animate aorist, conjunctive mode [§ 29])
-usd- has to do with locomotion by land, with particular reference
to that of the foot and leg, and of such nature as to imply
lack of speed. The combination of ideas involved is synony-
mous with the word WALK.
coska@’‘kusi‘w*% he walks straight, erect (cosk- [§ 16]) .
wi’ pusii‘w* he starts off on a walk (wép- to begin [§ 16])
néhusi’w* he learns how to walk (compare nahitcuméw* HE
KNOWS HOW TO SWIM under -tcim- [p. 801])
tete’ pusii'w* he walks round in a circle (tetep- in a circle [§ i
pyd@’tusi‘w* he comes a-walking (pyd- motion hither [§ 16]; -
intervocalic [§ 8])
di pemiwipusitct then he started to walk 194.19 (d- temporal pre-
fix; pemi- wip- [§ 16])
kiyusin” walk thou about 300.2 (ki- about [§ 16]; -y- a glide
[§ 8]; -n” 2d person singular imperative [§ 31))
wi kiyusiw® it [animate] shall walk about 300.1 (wi- future)
pagiususin” walk thou on ahead 340.4
i kiwipusiydg’ after we proceeded on the way 342.13 (d- tem-
poral prefix; kici- wip- [§ 16]; see § 12 for loss of ci; for the
ending see § 29)
-hogo- is locomotion by water, and differs from -tceim- mm hava
more of the sense of CONVEYANCE.
pydta’ hogd‘w* he comes a-swimming (pyd- motion hither [§ 16])
kiwa’hogd‘w* he swims about (k7- motion round about [§ 16])
A’nema’ hogd‘w* he swims thitherward
sa’ gitepi’/hogd‘w* he swims with the head above water (sdgi-
exposed [§ 16]; tepdé head)
i pemitepikickahugunitc: they passed by swimming 184.2 (pem-
to pass [§ 16]; -hugu- same as -hogo-; -nitc! [§ 34])
-paho- is of the nature of -usd-, differing from it only in the degree
of locomotion. It denotes speed and swiftness, and is best
translated by the term TO RUN.
pe’mipahd‘w* he runs past (pemi- to pass [$ 16])
nA’gipahd‘w* he stops running (nagi- to stop [§ 16])
ki’wipahd‘w* he runs around (k7- motion round about [§ 16])
na’ gaskipahdw* he runs with back bent forward
pd’ cipahd‘w* he leaves a gentle touch as he flies past on the run
§ 19
Boas] HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 801
dwdpahowatc' then they set to work.to paddle 214.3 (for dwépi-
pahowatc [§ 12]; d-; wiapi- [§ 16]; -watc* [§ 29])
a pemipahutc' then he went running along 110.7 (pemi- [§ 16])
a pyd@ pahutc' then he came on the run 254.19 (pyd- [§ 16])
dhanemi'a'gostpahomiga'k' then (the head) climbed hurriedly up
the tree 96.19 (hanemi- [§ 16]; -a-gost see p. 799 under -dtd-)
dtetepipahutc' and round in a circle he ran 312.6 (tetep- [§ 16])
dtetepipahonitc’ then (his friend) was running around in a circle
(-nite® [§ 34])
pyd pahowag they came a-running 276.14 (pyd- [§ 16]; -wag for
wag’ [§ 28])
-pugo- is another term for locomotion by water. It expresses passive
conveyance, the sense of which comes out well in the word
FLOAT.
pe'mitetepipu’ gota'w' it floats past a-whirling (pemi- tetep- [§ 16];
-w' 3d person inanimate singular, aorist, independent mode
[§ 28])
nu’wipugo'w? he came out a-floating (niwi- out, see under -isd-
[p. 798] and -isaho- [p. 799])
nA’ noskwipu’gdta‘w' it floats about at random
ka’skipugo‘w? he is able to float (kaski- ability [§ 16])
-ne'ka- to drive, to pursue.
pdémine kawatcig' those who pursue, 70 TITLE (this form is parti-
cipial [§ 33], hence the vowel changes to pdémi- from pemi-;
-dtcig’ pronominal form 3d person plural animate subject, 3d
person animate object)
-tcim- is locomotion through water. It is equivalent in meaning to
the word swim.
kiwi’tcimd‘w* he swims round about (see under k7- [p. 766])
pemi'tcimd w? he swims past
nahi'tcimd’w* he knows how to swim (compare nahusiw* HE
LEARNS HOW TO WALK under -usd- [p. 800])
no téwi'tcimd‘w* he gives out before swimming to the end of his
goal
ondwdipacowitcimdtc’ then he started to swim out to the shore
276.7 (wap- [§ 16])
-gapa- is for perpendicularity, and its use is observed in situations of
rest with upright support. The term is rendered by the words
TO STAND. :
ne'nigwi'gapaw* he stands trembling
ne’maswi' gipa‘w* he rose to his feet
§ 19
44877 ° —Bull. 40, pt 1—10
51
802 BUREAU OF AMERICAN . ETHNOLOGY [BuLL. 40
nag’ gapaw* he came to a standstill (magi [§ 16])
poni’gapa‘w* he ceased standing (poni- [$ 16])
tcaginagigaipawatc' all came to a standing halt (¢cagi--nagi-[§ 16]) —
indnagikapawatc: and then they came to a standing halt 50.17.
(-kapa- for -gapa- [see § 3])
[To prove that any given stem is one of the second class of the
second order, from the definition laid down in § 17, one must —
find it after a stem of the first class of the second order.
Now, it will be noticed that not one of the stems given in this
section as belonging to the second class of the second order
in point of fact is found after a secondary stem of the first
class; or, at any rate, no example of one has thus far been
pointed out. Accordingly, it follows that at present there is
no reason why the so-called second class of the second order
should not be relegated to oblivion and the entire body merged
with the stems of the first class of the second order. The
proposed division of stems of the first class of the second
order into two subdivisions strikes me as sound in principle; —
but too few secondary stems have been thus far pointed out —
to make this division feasible at present.
following remarks were written subsequent to the preceding
comments. As it is admitted in § 14 as well asin § 17 that two
secondary stems of the first class can occur in combination,
there is no reason why ta’ kamisiw* (under -kam- § 18) should
not also fall into this class (-kam--+-isd-). It should be noted
especially that ta- is initial: see § 17 and mynote in § 14.—T. M.]
Th
(a>)
§ 20. Secondary Co-ordinative Stems
There is yet another class of stems that occupy a place Just pre-
ceding the terminal suffixed pronouns. They serve a double office, —
one as co-ordinatives between preceding stems of a purely verbal
nature, and following pronominal elements; the other as verbals
signifying intransitive notions of existence, being, state, condition.
Some express the notion feebly, others do it with more certainty.
Many stand in an intimate relation with the subjective terminal
pronouns, in a relation of concord, and one so close that they take
on different forms; some to agree with the animate, others with the
inanimate. Their nature and type are shown in the examples.
1. -cin- animate; -sen- inanimate.
-cin- is an animate term with much variety of use. Its essential
meaning is CHANGE FROM MOTION TO REST. The length of
§ 20 .
Boas] HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 803
the pause can be long enough to indicate the idea of RECLIN-
ING, LYING DOWN.
sa’gici‘nw* he lies exposed (sdgi- [§ 16])
ata’waci‘nw“ he lies on his back
kict/wici‘nw® he lies warm
dcegicinitc’ when he lay 116.9
tha pe kwihicinowatc' so they lay with a pillow under their heads
322.20
dcegicinowate as they lay there together 324.8
dcegicinig where he lay 326.1
The cessation may be only momentary, like the instant respite of
the foot on the ground during the act of walking. The term is
translated into sTEP, WALK, in the following examples:
pe'miwié'wici nw? it is the sound of his footstep as he passes by
(pemi- [§ 16])
pydtwd'wicinw* it is the sound of his walk coming home (pyd
[§ 16]; -t- [§ 8)
Anemwd wici nw? it is the sound of his step going away
Again, the rest may be sudden, and indefinite as to duration.
The meaning in this light comes out in words expressive of
descent, as FALL, DROP.
pa’gici nw? (the bird) lights (see pag- [§ 14])
& pydtcipagicinitc’ then the bird came and alighted 98.3 (pyétei-
see pyd- [§ 16]; -nite® [§ 34])
piv'taci‘nw* he dropped inside (pit- [§ 16])
co’skwici‘nw* he slips and falls (cosk- [§ 16])
-sen- is inanimate, and corresponds to -cin-. It is of wide use,
too. It can be applied in the examples illustrating some of
the uses of -cin-. To indicate REST IN PLACE -sen- is used in
the following examples:
sa’gise‘nu* it lies exposed (sdgi- [§ 16])
ata’wase‘nw’ it lies wrong side up
kict’wise‘nu* it lies in a state of warmth
Tt likewise expresses the notion of instant change coming from
rapid contact between two bodies. As in the illustrations for
-cin-, so in the following, the idea for sound is represented by
the reduplicated form of wd. The idea of contact and the
idea of interval between one contact and another are expressed
by -sen-.
§ 20
804 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 40 |
pe’ miwda'widse‘nu* it passes by a-jingling (pemi- [§ 16]; -w* [§ 28}) .
pydtwd' wise nw’ it comes a-ringing (pydt- see pyd- [§ 16])
Anemwd'wdse ‘nw’ it goes yon way a-tinkling
Some of its uses to express DESCENT are—
pa’gise nw’ it struck, hit, fell, alighted (pag- [§ 14]) %
pv'tase‘nw* it dropped inside (pit- [§ 16]; -a- [§ 19) £
co’skwise‘nw’ it slid and fell (cosk- [§ 16]) :
[Apparently -sen- can be used also with an animate subject:
dé pagisenetc’ 160.1.—T. M.]
2. -si- animate; -@- inanimate.
-si- implies in a general way the attribute of being animate. It
‘can almost always be rendered in English by an adjective
used with the verb To BE:
eS Se.
mo’wesiw* he is untidy (-w*% [§ 28])
ka’wesi‘w* he is rough, uneven, on the skin
ca’wesiw* he is hungry (i. e., feeble, faint by reason of being
famished)
kepa’gesiw® he is thick of skin
~
-d- is the inanimate correspondent of s?:
mo’waw? it is soiled, stained (w* [§ 28])
ka@’waw? it is rough, unpolished, prickly
ca’cawa‘w' it is pliant, yielding
ke’pagya'w it is thick
3, -si- heat, animate; -td- heat, inanimate.
-si- signifies that the animate subject is in a state of heat, fire,
warmth:
wi'cast‘w? he is sweating
a’‘kastii‘w* he is burned to a crisp
pa’sest'‘w* he is burned
ki cesti‘w* he is cooked done (kici- [§ 16])
dé ‘kasutct he was burned alive 160.1
kicitcagesutc’ after he was all burned up 160.2 (kici-, teagi- [§ 16])
-td- is the inanimate equivalent of sa:
wi'cata‘w? (weather) is warm
a’ ‘katiw* it burned to ashes
pa’setai'w* it is hot, heated (pas- [§ 16])
ki’cata‘w' it is done cooking (kic- [§ 16])
(-d-).—The da of té in the last illustration has been met before
in combinations like usé TO WALK, isd FLIGHT, 6t@ TO CRAWL,
§ 20
Boas]
HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 805
egd TO DANCE, and some others. In the form of kd, ‘kd, and
sometimes gd, it helps to express activity, occupation, exercise,
industry. It admits of a wide range of use with the three
forms, but everywhere is distinguished the idea of DorNG,
PERFORMING.
nenu’su'kit‘w* he is on a buffalo-hunt
kepv’hika‘w* he is making a fence (i. e., anenclosure). [kep-is an
initial stem denoting ENCLOSURE.—T. M.]
koge’nigi‘w* she is washing clothes (i. e., doing work with water
[kog- § 16])
There is no precise notion expressed by the vowel @ in such aug-
The
mented forms as -Ad- and -wd-. It is an empty sign so far as
standing for an idea goes; yet the vowel, like some others in
its class, plays an important function. It helps to define the
preceding stems and to connect them with the terminal pro-
nouns. A copula might be an apt term for it, for such is its
office. The following show some of its uses:
ki’water’téha‘w* he is melancholy (-itd- [§ 18})
a@ kwi'téhi‘w? he is sullen
ki’yawi'w? he is jealous
a‘ kwiw* he is angry
inanimate retains @ in -Gdmigat-. As in the animate, so in the
inanimate, the rendering is usually with some form of the verb
To BE. The inanimate admits of a further meaning, implying
something of the notion of vague extension, like prevalent
tone, pervading temper, dominant state of things. Such is the
essential idea that comes from the substitution of -dmigat- for
the animate in the forms that have just been given:
ne'nusu kii’miga‘tw* the buffalo-hunt is the all-absorbing topic
ke’ pthiki’miga‘tw* everything is given over to the building of
enclosures
ko’genigi’miga‘tw' the place is astir with the washing of clothes
ki’wateitahi’ mig a‘tw* the place is sad, dolefully sad
a “*kwitéhi’miga‘tw' the air is all in a spleen
kiyawi mig a‘tw' the place is mad with jealousy
akwa'miga‘tw’ it is aflame with anger
It is well to mention at this point an inanimate use of -gat-, a com-
ponent element of -démigat-. The form is sometimes -gwat-,
-kwat-, or -kwat-. In function it is not unlike the inanimate
§ 20
806 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [pun 40
-d-, shown a little way back as an equivalent of the animate
-si-. Furthermore, it has a very common use of expressing —
ideas of vague existence in space of such things as odor, fra-
grance, atmospheric states of the weather.
pect’ qwa' kwa‘tw* (tree, log, stick) is straight
mi cig a‘tw* it is fuzzy
me’nagw atw* it smells, stinks
mv cate’ yagwa‘tw? it is fragrant
me’'ca‘kwa‘tw' it is a clear day or starry night (literally, it is a
state of immensity)
neqwa'na' kw a‘tw' it is cloudy (more literally, a process of cover-
ing is going on above)
posa’na kwa‘tw* clouds hang heavy, look angry (literally, a con-
dition of enlargement, expansion, is taking place overhead)
(-¢-).—The vowel 7, in the forms -wi- and -hi-, is another element with
the office of a link auxiliary. It is a common characteristic
of 7, in one or the other form, to increase or to retain the
quantity of the vowel in the preceding syllable. It frequently
lends emphasis to the meaning of a whole combination.
kiwate’sthi‘w* he is so lonely (for kiwdate beside kiwatei, ef. pyéite
beside pydtci [pyd- § 16]; -st-=-si-, above)
sanage’sthi‘w* he is positively unyielding, incorrigible
The inanimate of the same is—
kiwa’tcahi‘w‘ the place is so lonely (-d- inanimate of -s7-)
sanaga tohiw? it is certainly tough, formidable
Some instances show that the use of 2 is not always in agreement
5
with the principle of strict pronominal concord; in other words, that
it is not a peculiarity of one or the other gender.
me’ ‘tosdne’nthiw* he is mortal, exists as a mortal
wawdne’ skahiw® he is bad, lives an evil life
me’ ‘tosine’nihiw it is in nature mortal
wawane’ skahi‘w' it has the stamp of evil on it
A common use of 7 conveys the idea of entrance into a state, or of
d ?
becoming a part of a condition.
ma'netowiw* he takes on the essence of supernatural power, is
supernatural power itself (personified)
ug’ mawiw* he becomes chief
ma'netowiw? it is charged with, is possessed of, supernatural
power; it becomes the supernatural power itself
ugi'mawi'w* it partakes of the nature of sovereignty
§ 20
BOAS] HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 807
§ 21. INSTRUMENTAL PARTICLES
A set of elements denoting different notions of instrumentality
incorporate after initial stems and after secondary stems of the first
class. They introduce a causal relation, and render verbs transitive.
Their nature and type come out in the illustrations.
1. -h- is for instrumentality in general.
ka’skaha‘mw* he accomplishes an act with the aid of means
pa’ nahamw® he failed to hit it with what he used
ha’ pi’naha‘mw* he unloosed it by means of something
-h- often gets so far away from its instrumental significance as
to be absorbed by a general causal idea.
kiwa’mohdé‘w* he puts them to wild flight (A7- [§ 16]; -a@- [§ 19];
-iiw* [§ 28)
mdne’ cthdé‘w* he disgraces him
nv cwthd‘w* he owns two (animate objects)
The instrumental form is frequently -hw- instead of -h-.
pv'tahwa'w* he buries him (pit- [§ 16]; -dw* [§ 28])
pa’ guhwdé‘w* he makes him run
potev’ gwéhwdw* he pierced him in the eye with something
2. -n- refers to the instrumentality of the hand.
no'tina’mw* he falls short of reaching it with his hand (amw®
[$ 28})
pa’ nenamw* he failed to hold it with the hand
Ata’ pena ‘mw* he takes hold of it with the hand
The use of -n- is socommon that its symbolism gets pretty far from
its original meaning. In some instances -n- refers just as
much to mechanical means in general as it does to hand.
na’ndw* he goes to fetch him
@’wandw" he carries him away
me’ cend‘w* he catches him
And in other instances the notion of hand becomes obscure.
mine’wandw* he loves her as a lover
ta’pand‘w* he is fond of her as a lover, friend, or relative
ka’nondw* he talks to her (kan- [§ 24])
3. -Sk- expresses the doing of an act with the foot or leg.
ta’geska‘mw* he kicks it
ta’geska‘mw* he touches it with the foot
pata’ ‘ketcd’skawé‘w* he spurs him in the side (literally, he pierces
him in the side with the foot)
§ 21
808 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL.40
4, =p-, -pu-, or -pw- denotes an act done with the mouth.
sa’gi'pwd'w* he bites him (i. e., he takes hold of him with the
mouth [sagi- § 16]; -dw* [§ 28])
sagv’‘puto'w* he bit it (-to- [§ 37])
ki ckiku’maé pwd'w* he bites off his nose (kicki- cut; -kum- nose
[$18]; -dw* [§ 28)
po'tetu’nd' pwa'w" he kisses her (-tun- [§ 18]; -dw* [§ 28])
5. -C-, -Cw-, or -Swe- signifies an act done with something sharp.
pe’ ‘teco'w* he cuts himself accidentally (with a knife)
kiskano'wicwd'w* he cut off the (animal’s) tail
ki’skeca‘mw* he cut it off
kiske’céswd‘w* he cut off (another’s) ear (-cd- ear [§ 18])
The association of the two ideas of something sharp, and some-
thing thin and film-like, affords an explanation of why c refers
not only to the ear, but also to the notion of the ear as an
instrument; usually, however, in an intransitive sense.
pe’seciw* he listens (compare -cd- [§ 18})
nana’tuci‘w* he asks questions (1. e., he seeks with the ear)
6. -m-,-t-. Farther back were shown a number of attributive ele-
ments indicating activities with reference to one or the other
gender. The elements were preceded by certain consonants,
which had much to do with indicating the gender of what
followed. There is an analogous process in causal relations.
Certain consonants precede pronominal elements in much the
same way as the instrumental particles that have just been
shown. These consonants serve as intervocalics, and at the
same time point out the gender of what follows. A very
common consonant is m, which precedes incorporated ani-
mate pronominal elements in the objective case. It sometimes
means DOING SOMETHING WITH THE VOICE, the act being done
with reference to an animate object.
po'nimdw* he stops talking to him (péni- [§ 16])
tanwd’wimd'w* he quarrels with him (literally, he engages in
repeated noise with him; for wdéwd- compare examples under
-cin-, -sen- |§ 20})
ka’skimdé‘w* he gains her by persuasion (kaski- [§ 16])
Corresponding with m on the inanimate side is ¢ or ‘t, but the
use appears there in a different sense.
§ 21
Boas] HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 809
po'nr'to'w* he stops doing it (poni- [§ 16])
tanwd’wi' tow he bangs away on it (-d- [§ 37])
ka’ski'to'w* he gets it, he buys it (kaski- [§ 16])
It is not always certain if the symbol stands for a genuine instru-
mental. Its causal force is so indefinite at times as to repre-
sent no other function than to make an animate verb transitive. .
wa'bamd‘w* he looks at him (wéba same as wi pa TO LOOK AT;
-<iw* [§ 28])
pa’gamdw* he hits him (pag- [§ 14]; see also examples under
-cin- -sen- [§ 20})
mi ‘kemd‘w* he is occupied with (an animate object). It is the
idiom for HE WOOES HER, HE ATTENDS HIM (in sickness)
(mi k- [§ 16])
The parallel of the same thing with ¢ and the inanimate would be—
wa'bata‘mw* he looks at it (-amw* [§ 28])
pa’gata mw" he hits it
mv keta*mw® he is busy with it
7. -s-,-t-. Another frequent consonant, indicating that the follow-
ing vowel represents an animate object, iss. In the inani-
mate, ‘¢ replaces s.
ku’séw? he fears him
A’séw* he owns something animate
ku’‘tamw® he fears it
a’‘tow* he has it (-0- [§ 37]; -w* [§ 28])
8. -n-, -t-. It was shown that n referred to activity with the hand.
The reference was clear when the object was animate: as
pydndéw* he fetches him (literally, he comes, bringing him with
the hand [pyd- § 16])
na’ndw* he goes to fetch him with the hand .
The instrumental notion of the hand is sometimes lost when the
object of the activity is inanimate. In that case ¢ replaces n.
pyd'tow* he fetches it (-0- [§ 37])
na'tow* he goes to fetch it
Substantival Composition (§§ 22-24)
§ 22. CHARACTER OF SUBSTANTIVES
A pure substantive in the strict sense of the word is wanting in
the Algonquian languages, but what is here termed a substantive is
only part of that. The composition of a so-called substantive-group
§ 22
is not at all unlike that of a verb. Initial and secondary stems com-
bine in the same kind of way; link-stems also fall in line; and the
element to indicate the notion of a specifier is a sort of designating
suffix that is susceptible of a comprehensive application. The suffix,
in turn, ends with one or the other of the pronominal signs to show
which gender the word is—a for the animate, and 7 for the inanimate.
Often there is no designative suffix at all, but merely a pronominal
termination to mark the end of the word, and leaving the idea of a
substantive to be inferred from the context. In the illustrations of
noun-composition, only the absolute form of the nominative is given,
and under the component parts of secondary stems and suffixes.
§ 23. SECONDARY STEMS
-@kw- has been met with before in another connection, meaning
MASS, usually in linear dimension, and referring to WooD, TREE.
It conveys much the same meaning in the noun.
me’ ciwa kw? dead fallen tree (meci- large [initial])
ma’ ga kwa\'k? tree of large girth (mag- large[initial])
md’ ckwa'kwi% red stem (the name of a medicinal plant) (méckw-
blood or red [for meckw-])
pe'mita kwt™ collar-bone (pemi- spacial notion of sIDE, BY, LAT-
ERAL [§ 16])
-6td- is probably akin to the same form met with in the verb, and
denoting To crAwL. It has no such specific meaning in the
noun, but refers in a general way to human interests, espe-
cially in an objective relation.
me’ go’tiwe'n' dress (of a woman) (meg- cover [initial])
me’sotiw* rain, wind, rumor, news, the whole world (mes-
totality [initial]; -w* [§ 28])
u’toti’m® or utd’tima‘n*® his eldest brother, his guardian, his
master, his clan tutelary, his giver of supernatural power (u—
man [§ 45])
0’tiiwe'n' Town probably belongs to this class
-na'k- refers to the spacial notion of TOP, CREST, APEX.
ka’wata’na‘ki’ brittle-top (the name of a medicinal plant) (kaw-
roughness, asperity)
mickwa'na‘ki“ red-top (the name of a plant used for medicine)
(méackw- red)
§ 23
ba
810 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [puty.40
BOAS] HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 811
-0tc- or -6t- conveys the idea of LaTENcy, and refers to something
used for a purpose. The -6- is the same as that met with
before, denoting the notion of passive conveyance.
te’sdtct™ trap (tes- to entrap [initial stem)])
Aca’motci% bait (acam- to give to eat)
na'neskwiputet’ dart (ndne- to poise; ndneskwé to poise by the
neck; ndneskwap to poise by a notch in the neck[done by a
knot at the end of a string used in throwing the dart]; for
-dtc- : -6t-, cf. pitc(2) : pit [§ 16])
-pyd-, a term incapable of specific definition, denotes something of
the vagueness implied in words like ESSENCE, QUALITY, CON-
DITION.
ki’wapya™ crawling vine (kiw- indefinite movement or space
[literally, a something with the attribute of movement almost
anywhere about])
kico’ pyaitd‘g’ hot water (kic- [initial] and té- [ef. -téd- WARMTH
[§ 20]). The objective idea of waTeER is transferred to the
acquired condition; and the term signifying the new state
stands for water, although it does not mean water—a common
process peculiar to the psychology of the language
=gi- or -ge- expresses the idea of SIMILARITY, RESEMBLANCE. With
the connective d, as -dgi- or -dge-, it is used to represent the
idea for some kinds of cloth.
ma’netowige’n’ like the mysterious (the name of an expensive
broadcloth used for leggings and breech-clout)
me’ ckwige’nu* like the red (the name of a red woolen broadcloth
with white edge)
co’skwagi’ like the smooth (a fine woolen broadcloth used for
garments by women on ceremonial occasions) (cdsk [§ 16])
-pda k- refers to the external structure of a dwelling.
pe’mitopa\ kw? side (of a lodge) (for pemi- cf. under -a'kw- above)
ted’ pa‘ kwa‘n*? wall (of a lodge) (¢cd- [ initial] refers to interlocation)
a‘kwi'tapakw? roof (of a lodge) (a’‘kw* on top, surface)
§ 24. NOMINAL SUFFIXES
The examples from this point on to the end contain formatives
that make a combination take on more of the character of a sub-
stantive. The stems that precede the formatives stand in a kind of
attributive relation.
§ 24
812 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [puty. 40
-ask- is a generic term for plants and herbs, and is common in the
names for medicines.
tane’tiwa‘skw' gambling-medicine (tanett MUTUAL acTIviry, by
inference GAMBLING; -t7- [§ 38])
micatcine’niwa'skw* ceeee (mic large; micat state of largeness;
micatcinent man in a feeling of ieee
wa'baskw' white medicine (wéb- white; also to look at)
=-ap- appears in combinations denoting CORD, STRING.
me’‘tegwa‘pi bow-string (me’tegw* wood, stick)
Atu’sita‘p moccasin-string (-dsi- is related to the stem -usd- To
WALK)
A’sapa‘pi string, thread, cord ’
-min- is a collective term for FRUIT, GRAIN, BERRY.
me’cimi‘n® apple (literally, large fruit; mec- initial stem)
A’dami‘n® corn
wa’ bimi‘n? white corn
Add@imi'‘n' strawberry (literally, heart-berry)
ka’wimi'n? gooseberry (literally, prickly, rough, or thorny berry;
cf. kawesiw* he is rough [§ 20])
=po-= or -dpo- refers to fluid, liquid.
ne’ pop’ soup (ne’p* water)
mA’ ciski’wapo'w* tea (literally, herb-drink or herb-fluid)
wicku’ papo‘w' wine (literally, sweet fluid)
maskuté’wapow' whisky, rum, alcohol (literally, fire-fluid; -td-
[§ 20])
wimeckwapogateniw' there shall be a red fluid 184.19 (meckw- red
[initial stem]; -gat-[§ 20]; w7- sign of intransitive future [§ 28];
-w' [§ 28]; -nt- [§ 34]; -e- to prevent the cluster -tn- [§ 8])
-mutd-= is a general term for receptacle as the notion is expressed
iN POCKET, POUCH, BAG.
micv’muta’ paunch (mic- littleness, shortness, as in fuzz, and so
fuzzy pouch)
maskv’mutai’ bag, sack (maski- as in ma’skiski‘w' grass, reed,
and so reed bag, grass bag)
ka‘ki’ muti bag made from linn-wood bark (ka‘k- to dry, season,
and so a bag of seasoned material)
pica’ganimuti parfléche (pi’cdga‘n? rawhide, and so rawhide
pouch)
-gAn- is a comprehensive term expressive of instrumentality.
kepando'higa’n’ lid (for a bucket, basket) (kep- to enclose; -an-
opening, and so an object for oe an opening)
§ 24
BOAS]_ HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 813
ke’ patev’higa‘n' lid, cork for small opening, as in a bottle
kept higa‘n' fence (kep- to enclose)
ka/wipu'teiga‘n’ file (kawi- rough, serrated; -pu- or -put- [see
§ 21; cf. pitci- beside piti-] bite, and so an indented tool for
taking hold)
Apwa’'tciga‘n’ scaffoid for roasting and drying meat on (apwa-
to roast, and so a thing for roasting)
-gAn- is a common element for many nouns denoting parts of the
body.
mv setu’naga‘n' mustache, beard (mis- hair, fuzz; -twn- mouth
[§ 18], lips, and so the hair or thread-like arrangement about
the mouth)
uw? piga‘n? marrow (-wip- form, length, and roundness vaguely
implied)
wu ‘kwéga‘n' neck (-‘kwd- the space back of the neck [§ 18])
-nd- refers in a general way to place, and is used to denote an inhabited
region or community.
Ca@’wand'ina\w* Shawnee village (Ca’wand‘w? a Shawnee)
Waca’cina‘w* Osage town (acdca an Osage)
O'tcipwi’ hinaw* Ojibwa country (O’tcipwaiw* an Ojibwa)
With the locative ending -g’, as -ndg’, the meaning becomes more
that of CoUNTRY, LAND.
aca@’hina‘gi in the country of the Sioux (4’ca@% a Sioux)
ki’ gapo’hina‘gi in the Kickapoo country (K7’gapo‘w? a Kickapoo)
-g@n- is another collective term for place. It refers especially to
enclosures.
Ada@’wdaga'n' store (adawda- to sell, and so selling-place)
ase’niga‘n® stone house (4’sen* stone)
pa ‘kwaiga‘n' flag-reed lodge (pa’*kwa‘ flag-reed or flag-reed
mat)
-1n-, -win-, -wen-, -An-, -wdn-, -On-. There is one suffix that
imparts an abstract meaning toa combination; it is analogousin
meaning to @’wahi'n', ademonstrative pronoun with an indefinite
sense of vague reference, allusion, and having a close parallel to
the colloquial “What d’ye call it?’’ The suffix appears in
slightly varying forms, as -in-, -win-, -wen-, -dn-, -wan-, -dn-.
A’papin' chair, seat (4p- to sit, and so something to sit on)
ka’nawi'n' word, talk, report (kan- to talk, and so something about
talk)
§ 24
814 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bunn 40
mi’tciwe'n' food (mi- or mit- to eat, and so something to eat)
pa’gan‘ hickory-nut (pag- to hit, alight [§ 14], and so something to
drop and hit)
pvtanwa'n® quiver (pi- or pit- to put into [§ 16]; -4n- receptacle,
and so an object to contain something inside)
wa'bamo'n? mirror (wéba- to look at [same as wépa-]; -m- [§ 21],
and so something to look at)
These few examples are perhaps enough to give an idea of noun-
structure. As in the verb, so in the noun, there is much the same
general character of vague implication in the component parts when
they stand alone. They offer no definite meaning by themselves: it
is only as they enter into combination that they convey specific
sense to the mind. The moment they fall into composition, they
acquire the force of precise statement, which they hold within defi-
nite limits. The method of procedure is to advance progressively
from one general notion to another, each qualifying the other, with
the result of a constant trend toward greater specialization.
§ 25. Reduplication
Reduplication is common, and occurs in the initial stem. Many
initial stems have more than one syllable; and, when reduplication
takes place, it may be with the first syllable only, or it may include
the syllable immediately following. This phase of the process can
be observed from the examples that are to be shown. In the exam- ~
ples the reduplicated syllable will appear in Roman type. The vowel
of the reduplication is often unlike the vowel of the syllable redupli-
cated.
Reduplication expresses—
1. Intensity of action.
kagi’ géndw* he held the clan ceremony with great solemnity
ta’tageskawdw* he stamped him under foot (cf. § 21.3)
2. Customary action.
mda’ micatesi’‘w* he always went well dressed (-s7- [§ 20])
wa'wi capendw* he is always hungry (-c@- allied to -cawe-; see -si-
[§ 20])
3. Continuity of action.
pe’ peskutciskdi'w* it (animate) keeps shedding hair of the body
mayo’ mayo‘w* he kept on weeping
§ 25
BOAS ] HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 815
4, Repetition.
na nagiw" he is constantly stopping on the way (nagi- [§ 16]; -w*
[§ 28)
pa‘ka’pa' kanoské‘w* it opens and closes alternately
5. Plurality, distribution.
kiski ‘skecdéw*% he cut off both ears (-cd- [§ 18])
sa’sagigact‘nw* he lay with both feet exposed (sagi- [$16]; -cin-
[§ 20)
manemanemeg” many a thing 112.11
sasagiseg’ they stick out 284.14
né’nesatc he killed many (animate objects) (nes- initial stem To
KILL; -dtc! [§ 29])
na’niwisawatc? they came flying out one after the other (nawi-
out; -isd- [§ 19]; @ lengthened before wate’ [§ 29]; d- lacking)
mid’ metaswitaciwa‘g’ there were ten of them all together (metaswi-
for medasw* [§ 50]; tact- [§ 16]; -wag? [§ 28])
6. Duration.
papo’nwwa‘g they made long stops on the journey (pona- [§ 16];
-wag’ [§ 28})
wa’ pawapama‘tc’ he looked at him a long time 116.6, ef. 278.2
(-m- [§ 21]; -Gtc* [§ 29]; d- lacking)
dhapihapitc? he sat there a long while 116.6 (é—te [§ 29];
-h- glide [§ 8]; api- initial stem ‘ro sir; -h- glide [§ 8])
7. Quantity, size.
ma'micine kié'w* he has a great deal of hair on the hand (mic-
[§ 24 under -min-])
papa’ gahenw? it is thin (-w* [§ 28])
8. Onomatopeeia.
kaska’skaha‘mw*" he files it, he scrapes it (-h- [§ 21]; -amw* [§ 28])
The Verb (§§ 26-41)
§ 26. Pronoun, Voice, and Mode
It has been stated before (§ 14) that animate and inanimate gender
are strictly distinguished, that there is a singular and a plural, and
that the exclusive and the inclusive first person plural are distin-
guished. The former is associated with the forms of the first person
singular; the latter, with those of the second person. Since both
subject and object are expressed by incorporated pronominal forms,
the intransitive verb and the transitive verb must be treated sepa-
rately. Active, middle, and passive voice occur. The pronouns
§ 26
816 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BuLL. 40
take entirely different forms in different groups of modes. Three
groups of modes may be distinguished —the indicative, the subjunc-
tive, and the potential,—to which may be added a fragmentary series
of imperatives.
§ 27. Tense
The expression of tense by grammatical form is slightly developed.
There is nothing in the simple form of the verb to mark the distine-
tion between present and past time. It may express an act as in
duration, as passing into a condition, or as momentary; but the
time of the action, whether present or past, is to be inferred only
from the context. This tense is referred to as aorist. It has its
peculiar marks, which will be pointed out in the section on modes
and pronominal forms. There may be said to be but one distinct
grammatical tense, the future, which is indicated by the vowel 7 or
the syllable wi. A fuller treatment of this tense will also be given
further on.
The extreme lack of grammatical form to express tense must not
be taken as an indication that the language is unable to make dis-
tinctions in the time of an action. On the contrary, stems of the
initial class [§ 16] express great variety of temporal relations.
Some of these relations are the notions of completion, with an
implication of—
Past time.
ki’cipyd‘w* he has come (literally, he finishes the movement
hither)
Frequency.
_ nahi’ndwd'w* he frequently sees him, he used to see him, he kept
seeing him
Continuity.
Anemita’ pena ‘mw? he is constantly taking it up with his hand
Incipiency.
wii’ pipyd'w* he began coming, he begins to come
Cessation.
po’nipydw* he no longer comes
Furthermore, temporal adverbs are used to express tense.
Present:
ne’ py* inugi I come now, I came to-day
§ 27
Boas] HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 817
Future:
— nv pytwabag? I shall come to-morrow
Past:
ne’ py7?a naigo w* I came yesterday
Pronominal Forms (§§ 28-34)
§ 28. INDEPENDENT MODE
Aorist
they, animate;
I we excl. we incl. thou ye he [it] [they, inani-
mate]
Intransitive) me—— ne——pena| ke——pena | ke—— ke—pwa uae meal 23
me — -—— — ke-i ke-ipwa ne-gwa ne-gogi
us excl. —. — - ke-ipena ke-ipena ne-gundana | ne-gunanagr
us incl. = — ke-gunana | ke-gunanagi
thee ke-ne ke-nepena | oo — —. ke-gwa ke-gogi
ye ke-nepwa | ke-nepena ke-quwawa ke-quwawagi
him ne-awa ne-apena | ke-apena | ke-awa ke-apwa -dwa -Gwagi
them ne-Gwagi | ne-apena | ke-apena ke-Qwagi ke-apwa -dwa -Gwagi
it, them, in-| ne-a ne-apena | ke-dpena ke-a ke-apwa -Amwa -Amogi
animate
In the line containing the intransitive verb the forms for animate
subject, third person, are given in the first line; those for inanimate |
subject, in the second line. In the transitive verb no forms with
inanimate subject occur.
The future forms have ni and k7 as prefixes in place of ne and ke.
The future of the intransitive has the prefix wi. No future forms of
the transitive third person subject with third person object have been
recorded.
[Such a form is winesiw’ HE SHALL SLAY IT (HIS DOG) 178.2. Ob-
serve wi- as prefix. It may be noted that intransitive futures
occur without this prefix; for instance, ni’“py*% (quoted § 27) 1 SHALL
comE.—T. M.]
The following examples illustrate the use of the intransitive forms:
ne’ py” I come, I came (see pyd [§ 16])
ni py* I shall come 270.21
ke’ py” you come, you came
pyadw* he comes, he came
hiw* he says, he said 26.12, 14
pyd’migatwi it comes, it came (-migat- of the inanimate is a
secondary stem of a connective, and is a peculiarity of gender
[see § 20])
7 § 28
44877°—Bull. 40, pt 1—_10——52
818 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BuLL. 40
pydiwag' they came 22.14
pyd pahowag they come a-running 276.13 (-paho- [§ 19])
The following examples illustrate the transitive forms:
kewapamen? I look at thee (wépa initial stem TO LOOK AT; -m-
[$§ 21, 37]; cf. also § 8 end)
kepydtcinanen® I have come to fetch you away 50.1, 10 (pyédtei:
see under pyd [§ 16, also § 8]; -nd- to fetch; -n- instrumental
particle [§ 21]; see also $8)
ke pydtciwadpamen® I have come to visit thee 242.11 |
ketepanen® I am fond of thee 314.4
kiwi'pumen® I shall eat with you 252.4 (wi- [§ 16]; -pu- [§ 21];
-m- [$§ 21, 37])
kihawihen® I shall lend it to thee 302.8
kepydtonepw* I have brought to you 90.1 (pyd- [§ 16]; -t [§ 8]; _
-0- [$ 19])
kinatomenepw? I shall call you 356.16
nekusaw* I fear him 366.2 (-s- [§ 21])
newdpamaw? I look at him (wépa and m as above)
ninawihiw* I am going to visit him 258.1 (nawi- to see; h for ha
‘[ktha-pw* you shall go 356.15], or -A- [§21])
nimadwiwapamaw* I shall go and visit him 230.22 (mawi- [§ 16];
-m- [$§ 21, 37]; nimawapamaw?* at 260.12, 268.19 is the same
form with loss of the syllable wi [ef. § 12])
nepydtcananawagi I have come to take them away (pydte for
pydtci- [§ 16]; -& [§ 19]; na to fetch; -n- instrumental [§ 21])
netenawagi I call them 330.6
niwapamawag' I shall see them 298.12 (a mild imperative, LET
ME SEE THEM)
ne’wapat* I look at it (-t [$§ 21,37])
nepydtcindnapen* we (excl.) have come to take him 58.8 (pydter
[$§ 8,16]; na@ to fetch; -n- [$21])
nenesapen® we (excl.) have slain him 160.4
kimadwiwapatapen® we (incl.) shall go look at it 284.8 (mawi-
[$ 16]; wapa- as above; -t- [§§ 21, 37])
ki'kiwiwapatapen* we (incl.) are going on a journey to see it
338.7 (kiwi- an initial stem denoting indefinite motion; [cf.
hi- § 16])
ke’wapa‘m' thou lookest at me (-m- [$§ 21, 37])
kinesapen* we shall slay him 90.6 (a mild command)
kiwdwapamipena-tca? thou wilt examine us (exel.) 290.23
(wiwapa a reduplicated form of wapa-; -m- [$§ 21, 37]), a
mild command
kewd’ pamaw* thou lookest at him
§ 28
Boas] HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES $19
kineckimaw* thou wilt scold at him 284.4 (mild imperative)
kipagwihaw* thou wilt run him off 284.5
kihinaw* thou wilt say to him 98.9, 382.12 (-n- is an inter-
vocalic particle [see § 21)
kiwépamawagi thou wilt see them (animate) 246.15
kitépihawagi thou wilt make them happy 276.23
kewé pat? thou lookest at it (-t-[$§ 21, 37])
newd pamegw? Le looked at me 368.19 (-me- [§§ 8, 21, 37])
kinaganegunan® he will leave us (incl. =thee and me) 178.18
pydniw* he brought (something alive) 58.5 (pyd-[§ 16]; -n- [§ 21])
kiyomaw? she carries it (her child) about on her back (k7- [§ 16];
-y- a glide [§ 8]; -o- [§ 19]; -m- [§ 21])
kaskimi‘w* he succeeds in persuading him (kaski-[§ 16]; -m-[§ 21])
wai patamw? he looks at it
kadsihamw? he erases it (kdsi- [§ 16]; -A- [§ 21])
netcagimanhegog' they took everything I had 276.15 (tcagi-[§ 16];
-gog for -gog')
kipydnutagog' they shall come to thee 348.2
kiwd pesthihegog' they will set thee crazy 309.20
kihamwahamwukog' they will often use thee for food 330.22
(reduplication to express frequency [§ 25]; -kog’ for -gdg';
confusion of k and g [see § 3]; amw- initial stem To EAT; h
[both times] a glide [§ 8]; -u- to prevent -wk-)
kihigogi they will call thee 110.9.
When the initial stem of a verb begins with a vowel in the aorist,
an intervocalic consonant -t- is inserted between pronoun and stem;
in the future this insertion does not occur.
Aorist:
ne'taw' I am, I remain; I was, I remained
ke’taw* you are, you remain; you were, you remained
a’wiw* he is, he remains; he was, he remained
awi’miga’tw* it is, it remains; it was, it remained (for -migat- cf.
§ 20)
Future:
nv-a'w' I shall be, I shall remain
kv’-a'w* you will be, you will remain
wi’ -a-wi‘w* he will be, he will remain
wrawi miga tw it will be, it will remain
§ 28
i=)
~x
|
w
=)
(--)
—
BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY
820
2,a7DMOUL ¥- a,b¥- D,nbpuv- 2,dUVULV- D,nbyuy- a abput v- 2,aUDUL ¥- a
ajDNowW ¥- aby- anbpwv- aUuVULY- anbyuy- abou v- aUDULY-
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10] DMOuL v{ % iv . anbpwv{ 5 YUU at 5 anbvu at ye aboury{ i rupurv{ |
“2 “2 -D “2 “D2 “2 |
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Dp, nbpu- p,nbou- a,abpu- a ae
ambpu- anbou- bs ae 7 abpu- pele Z - of
-un “um 1 |
anbou ambou abou amobvu * v4 |
“2D “2 -D
a,aY,- 3,4,- a,abpu- 2,auDu-
ay,- ay,- —- —— eee abpu- auDu- 5
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1, p 1, - ls WUE
o,nbyu- Dp, nbvu-
CORE aca catatew’ pet mares Eaee = + “oupen
ambvut ‘ ambvut 2
-D “D2
é- a,abphi- a ,abpfit-
ajaw Vhit- aja Whi- abphi- abpfit- a poe Ts TOS) Sos hp eciispa!
1m an “1M “un
1070 UL vit” 1979 UL vant abpi{ . aboiir{ ‘
“2 “2 “2 4
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sono ¥ 109) 5 ambit z WwW vat
“2 “2 “2D “2
2,24,-—— 2,aq7DM- a,a]- vp, nbphi- 2,auvii- pv nbvh- a ,abph- 2,auph-
a4,-—— ajpmn- ai- anboh- auvi- ambyh- aboh- auvhi-
- . -2 an - int ae
n-| at is Ce a ambi rua a andr - 2008 2 rwDhy, ~
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a} eUIUeUl 7 : ;
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LSVd GNV INASAUd ‘AAILONOALaANs ‘quUALAT ANV LSIMUOV ‘AAILONOLNOD ‘6z §
§ 29
BOAS] HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 821
The indicative negative has the same form as the conjunctive with
the negative, which replaces @ and wi. All the endings have i as
terminal vowel (never e), and take the additional suffix -ni.
[It is likely that @ and the 7 of wi are aspirated vowels. This
would account for the regular conversion of k, p, t, to ‘k, “p, ‘t, after
them; and also for the insertion of A after them and before a vowel.
The elements ni- and ki- have a similar effect (see § 28).—T. M.]
Intransitive forms:
windwiyani I shall go out 320.20 (conj. fut.)
wi pyayani I shall then come 296.21 (conj. fut.)
wi penuyan' I am going home 256.14, 258.23 (conj. fut.)
windgwayani I shall go (conj. fut.)
ai‘ pydyag® when we (excl.) came (conj. aor.)
wii-cimenwipemadtesiyag® that we (excl.) may have good health
(conj. fut.)
i‘ pydyagw® when we (incl.) came (conj. aor.)
ahiyan' when thou saidst 116.20 (conj. aor.)
winepeyan' thou wilt die 296.20 (conj. fut.)
wiwd pamoyan' thou hadst better flee for thy life 98.5 (conj. fut.;
wiip- [§ 16]; -d- [§ 19]; -m- [§§ 21, 37]; -o- [§ 40})
wid tevmoyani that thou talkest 322.16 (conj. fut.; -m- -o-
[$§ 21, 40]) :
wihinadmoyan' thou shouldst flee 98.8 (conj. fut.)
pemamoyan® in thy flight 98.5 (subj. pres.)
kicipydtoy an? when thou hast brought (it) here 320.20 (subj. pres. ;
kici- pyd- [§ 16]; -t- [§ 8]; -o- [$ 19])
waipikawusdyan® start and take another step 128.18 (subj. pres.;
wapi- [§ 16]; -usd- [§ 19])
pya’yan® if you should come 320.4 (subj. pres.)
a pemiwdpamutc' then he started to begin to flee 154.10 (conj. aor.;
pemi- wipi- [§ 16]; -d-m-u- [§§ 19, 37, 40])
a‘pemusdtc' then he walked along 104.19 (conj. aor.; pem- for
pemi- [§ 16] before vowel; -usd- [§ 19])
ahatc! then he said 48.21; 58.26, 27; 114.2,9; 118.21, 23 (conj. aor.)
a°kiyusdtc! then he walked about 252.17 (conj. aor.; k7i-y-usd-
[§§ 16, 8, 19)
indgwatc' then he started away 240.19 (conj. aor.)
apyatc' then he came 326.22 (conj. aor.)
a‘penutc! then he went away 326.2 (conj. aor.)
pyanit® should he come 156.21 (subj. pres.)
pitigdte’* that he entered 18.4 (subj. past)
wi pyanitc' when he would come 298.11 (conj. fut. ; -ni- [§ 34])
§ 29
822 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY (Butt. 40
ihanemiwipusdwatc' they continued to start off on a walk 108.8
(conj. aor.; hanemiwip- [wiapi-] -usd- [§$§ 16, 19])
a‘kiyuséwatc! they tramped about 136.14 (ki-y-usd- [§§ 16, 8, 19})
a‘pyawatc! when they came 120.7, 166.22 (conj. aor.)
i‘poniwate' then they halted to camp 166.13 (conj. aor.; poni-
[§ 16])
inagiwatec' they halted 166.7 (conj. aor.; nagi [§ 16])
inepawatc! they slept 334.19 (conj. aor.)
ai‘penuwatc! then they went away 334.19 (conj. aor.)
wi pemamuwatc' then it was their purpose to begin to flee (conj.
fut.; pem-d-m-u- [$§ 16, 19, 21, 37, 40])
Transitive forms:
witacinesag! I shall kill her 102.1 (conj. fut.; nés- to kill)
dgwitcé winesenanin' I do not mean to kill thee 54.23 (conj. fut. ;
-n' negative suffix)
iwawitamawiyani when you (singular) taunted me about him
330.16 (conj. aor.)
‘4a'camiyani you (singular) gave them to me to eat (conj. aor.)
wipapagamenag® we (excl.) shall now club you to death 160.6
(conj. fut.; papaga- reduplicated form of a stem allied to
paglil- [$$ 14, 20]; -me- [§§ 8, 21)
neciy An® if thou slay me 54.21 (subj. pres. ; nes-, nec- to slay [see §9])
wihdwanate! wilt thou carry them away? 54.21 (conj. fut.)
wiketeminawiyigw? that ye will bless me 380.7 (conj. fut.)
iwapamate he looked at her 298.20 (conj. aor.; -te for -tc’ before
a vowel)
a‘kusatc! he feared him 366.22 (conj. aor.; -s- [§ 21.7])
ahinatc' he said to him (her) 240.16, 290.18 (conj. aor.; -n- [§ 21])
a‘kicinesatc! after she had slain (an animate object) 254.19 (con].
aor.; kici- [$ 16]; nes- to slay)
Awe ame he then ate with them . (conj. aor.; wi-pu-m-
[$§ 16, 21, 37])
i" Pan she succeeded in i ewee her 102.6 (conj. aor.;
kaski -m- [$§ 16, 21]; -te for -tc’ before a vowel)
apydtohwatc! he then fetched (an animate object) 266.15 (conj.
aor.; pyd-t-0-hw- [§$§ 16, 8, 19, 21])
iwdpatag' he then looked at (the inanimate thing) 222.22, 248.3
(conj. aor.; -t- [§§ 21, 37])
na'kikogenagi she also washed it 178.21 (conj. aor.; na‘ka also,
again; -a lost before d-; kdg-n- [§$§ 8, 16, 21])
ipemwutag' so he shot at (the inanimate object) 252.19 (conj.
r.; -t [§§ 21, 37])
iwdpacimiwatc' when they poke fun at me 322.12 (conj. aor.;
wapa to look at)
§ 29
=", »-s.. ee
BoAS] HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 823
inacinatutamu'k thus they begged of thee 382.14 (conj. aor.)
inesiwatc! then they killed him 294.8, 296.2 (conj. aor.)
ahinawatc! then they told him 32.5 (conj. aor.; -n- [§ 21])
niwawat® should they see them 192.11 (subj. pres.)
_ [It would seem that under some conditions d- and wi- may be used
with the subjunctive (see § 35.4). Examples are:
i‘ pontwate’® when they had camped 96.2 (pronominal form of
subjunctive past)
wiwdpamute' it was his purpose to flee 218.14 (pronominal form
of subjunctive past; wiap-d-m-u- [§$§ 16, 19, 21, and 37, 40])
wimitcite’® she would have eaten 96.3
wipemwage ® I would have shot it 254.20 —T. M.]
§ 29
824
BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY _
OV RBULTUBU
“anjd pure ‘duis
“OATH Tord of) “Paly) olf) Soatjounfqns jeyuojod oy ‘puooos oY {yeIyUEZ0d oY} sy UTAOJ ASI OT, 1
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DSDMNOULV= DSV-
voypab v= . aanby-
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DSDND- DSD-
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DSIU- DSIU-
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ambvbvu- ambvbvu-
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DSDM,I- DSt-
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pn nbpuULv- od vbVv- pnb VULy~ a abu D,pby-)| oyeurpuBUy ‘Urey “YT
nypbv- wuvby- vnbvbv- aabpbv- D,pbV-
Ny, Dlir- ruvbplir- anbybphy- abpbphr- pbphi-
po nbpbpni- od vy ,phi- » nb Vvbphi- D abpbphi- vi OP BUTT UR “HEY “CUTT,
nbpy ply- uv ypht- ov nb vbphi- a abpyplr- D,DbDphi-
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ADDY I~ abDY r-
9, ADDY ,t- a, aBDY I~ ——- — ns oe SS TOxGieny
abDy .r~- abby t-
NBDY t= VUV Yt
D,OBDY I= vdVy,t- -—- —- —.- we BY oe eee
NBD .1- YUVY, I
nbpy,- rv y,- ambvy,- abpy,- DY,
v nbpbpl- od Vy,- vo nbvbvi- a abpbVh- DDY-;)| ° * SAISUBIQUT
p,nbpy ,- vdVvy,~ ambvy,~ a ,abDY,~ D,DY,~
of noyy *pouy om *]OX0 OA I
ANV ‘AAILONOLAOS IVILNALOd “IVILNGLOd ‘os §
§ 30
nw)
Boas] HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 825
Apparently these forms are distantly related to the other dependent
modes. This appears clearly in the forms for the third person ani-
mate, exclusive, inclusive, and second person plural. The character
of most of the potential forms is -"k-. Examples are—
nisé kap* you (sing.) would have come back to life 116.17 (poten-
tial)
mandhiyikap* you (sing.) would have much of it (potential)
kiyawami kan! you (sing.) might be jealous of me 216.15 (kiyawa
jealous; -m- [§ 21]; potential)
menaga'a I should have said to thee 314.3 (potential)
ugimauis* he would have become chief 26.16 (potential subjunc-
tive)
nesegus* he would have been killed 168.13 (nes- initial stem To
KILL; -e- [$8]; -gu- [§ 41]; potential subjunctive)
miciyigigu® you (pl.) might give to him (potential subjunctive)
32.11
kat* aiyapami ‘ai-yohipyd kani thou shalt not return to this place
again 146.20 (prohibitive; -pya- from pyd- [§ 16]) ; aiyo‘* here;
avyapami back).
kata kuse' kya kak" be ye not afraid 190.21 (prohibitive; -‘kak" for
-‘kag"; confusion of -g- and k [§ 3]; -se- [§§8, 21])
kata niwi kag" do not go out 12.4 (prohibitive; naw? initial stem
OUT)
kata, nesimdhetigé; sdpigwi'kaku don’t, oh my little brothers,
peep 282.4, 6, 8, 10 (prohibitive; -kw for -qu)
kata win® sapigwié'kitci let no one of you peep 280.25 (prohibi-
tive)
kata natawapi kan! thou shalt not try to peep at me 118.10 (pro-
hibitive; -wap- for wépa LOOK AT)
kata, ni'ka’ne, asdmihi'kani don’t, my friend, be too cruel with
me 330.17 (prohibitive)
kat® atevmi' kag? ye shall not tell on us (excl.) 152.10 (prohibitive)
kata wina natawapi kite wwiyat none of you shall try to look at
me 280.19 (prohibitive; wap for wapa)
§ 30
826 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY
§ 31. IMPERATIVE
we excl. thou ye he
y we « . |
ENUrADSIGLVEL ooo y. ements -tawe -nu’ -gu’ -tce -watce
MG! et i eo tae ees —. | -inw ku -itce -iwatce
MIS/OXGIE a) Mate tee map ae te —- -inage -indge -iyAmetce -iyAmetce
LUO ML Seat UAP ery ee FP . fiate = — — -nAgutce -nAgutce
Eee) 152 ca Pete Mayan ee ee een — —- — -netce -netci
VEO Wane corti ae ee eas Fok Jak 4 — a — -nowatce -nowatce
him, them, animate . . . | -dtd@we -i -ku wi-alci wi-awatci
-atce -awatce
it, them, inanimate... . . | -dtdwe -AnNU -Amu'ku wi-Agi wi-Amowatei
-Atce -Amowatce
It will be noted that in the third person these forms are similar to
those of the subjunctive, except that -tce is found when the subjunctive
substitutes -te.
pya taw® let us come (from pyd- [§ 16])
py@’nu or pydnu’ come thou 304.17
tetepusin® walk thou in a circle 376.12 (tetep- [§ 16]; -usd- [§ 19])
nuwinu out of doors with you 292.15 (nuwi- out)
kiyusén® walk thou about 300.2 (k7- [§ 16]; -y [$8]; -wsd- [§ 19])
hawin® stay thou 42.21 y
hapin® sit down 28.3 (4pi- initial stem To sir; h- really belongs to
ayo)
pya’gu or pyagu’ come ye
hawik" remain ye 48.23 (confusion of k and q)
nagwaku begone 58.13
mawinanego" go ye in pursuit 358.24 (ma@wi- [§ 16]; -n- [$21]; -e-
[$8]; -go" for -gu [§ 6])
pyatc® let him come
pyawatc® let them come
wapamin" look thou at me 322.3 (wapa- to look at; -m- [§ 21])
ponimi speak thou no more-to him 56.3 (poni- [§ 16]; -m- [§ 21])
mawinatumi ask him to come 366.19, 368.2 (mawr- [§ 16])
wapame'k" look ye at him 242.19 (wapa-; -m- [§ 21]; -e- [$ 8])
[In G@pinahwinage OPEN IT AND SET US (excl.) FREE 290.22 -nage
is a palpable error for -nige, for the subject is raou.—T. M.]
§ 32. THE INTERROGATIVE MODE
There is an interrogative mode that plays the réle of an indirect
question. It has some points in common with the conjunctive
mode; it is a subordinate mode; it makes use of the syllabic aug-
ments é and wi to express indefinite and future tenses; it has a com-
§§ 31, 32
Boas] HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 827
plete set of pronominal forms from which, in turn, are derived
others that are used to express further degrees of subordination.
The forms are as follows:
Interrogative Conjunctive, Aorist and Future
Singular Plural
© \wandni Excl © 1 eatnd
[st per. ee Uxclu. wor. f again
Inel. wr -foagodint
2d per. on 7_peandini 2d per. wi- haigeodini
s d-
3d per. an. oral \nwdin 3d per.an. 45 gwahigr
3d per.inan. yyz_ | evant 3d per. inan. wrproahini
These forms appear in various connections. An example of a
future is—
wiwd pipemutiwagwin' when we shall begin shooting at each
other 20.12 (indirect question; wdpi- [$§ 16]; pemu- in dwépi-
pemutiwatc' then they began shooting at each other 20.14; cf.
ni pemwawt IT am going to shoot at him 248.14; -t7- recip-
rocal [§ 38])
Three of those used for the aorist will be shown. One is an in-
direct question after an imperative statement.
kinandtucépw a’ ‘cisenogwé‘n*? you should inquire how the affair
stood
Another is in an indirect question after a declarative, negative
statement.
dgwinotagdéyanin' dicisowandn' I did not learn what their name
was
A third use is in the salutation of a first meeting after a long
absence.
dé pyawandn*! and so thou hast come!
Without d, this interrogative appears in
adgui meckwihiw* niwdgwin' did you not see a red swan 80.5, 16;
82.6 (nd- to see [§ 16]; -wagwz [§ 32]; -né [§ 29])
[No transitive forms are given in the above table for the interroga-
tive subjunctive. Note, however,
nesigwini (somebody) must have killed him 66.7
828
This is a form of this class; -@ corresponds to @ of -d@w* in this inde-
pendent mode; -gwén* as in the table; but d- is lacking. —T. M.]
The subjunctive of the indirect question omits the temporal prefix,
and has throughout final -e instead of -2 (-wanédne, -qwdhine, etc.).
[ndéisagwiin® SOMEBODY SLEW HIM 26.15 (the change of the stem
vowel e to d as in the participial nésa@t* HE THAT SLEW HIM 26.13)
BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY
should be noted.—T. M.]
§ 33. PARTICIPIALS
[BULL. 40
I we excl. we incl. thou
Intransitive .... -yani -yage -yAgwe -yAni
: res) | 2a
me. . — — — -iyAni
us excl —- — —. -iyage *
us incl. — —— — - —
thee | -nani -nage — —
ye . -nAgowe | -nage a —
him | -Aga | -Ageta -Agwa -Ata
them, an. | -agigi | -agetcigi | -Agwigi -Alcigi
it : | -Amani | -amage | -AmAgwe -AMANI
them, inan . -Amanini | -A magini -AMAQgwini -AMANINi
ye he they, an. it they, inan.
Intransitive .... -ydgwe -ta -tcigi -miga ki -migakini
me -iydigwe -ita | -itcigi -gwiydni -gwiydnini
us excl. . | -iyage -iyAmeta -iyAmetcigi -gwiydage -gwiydagini
us inel. . — -nAgwa -nAgqwigi -qwiyAgwe -gwiyaguwini
thee . -—— -ka -kigi -gwiyani -gwiyanini
rye « — -nagwa -nAgwigi -gwiydgwe -gwiydgwint
him -digwa -ata -dtcigi -gwitci -gwiwateini
them, an. . -aigwigi -ata -atcigi -gwiwatei -gwiwadiecini
Bw iey ees -Amadqwe | -Aga -Agigi -Amomiga ki -Amomiga kini
them, inan. -Amagwini -Agini -Agigi -Amomiga ki -Amomiga kini
It may be well to point out here some of the differences between
the participle and the conjunctive verb.
ticiple lacks the temporal augment & to denote indefinite tense.
In the first place, the par-
In
the second place, the vowel of the first syllable of the initial stem
undergoes change; this, however, is not always maintained if the
vowel bei, 0, or u. Finally, as observed from the table, the singular
of the third person animate intransitive ends in -a, the plural of the
same person and gender ends in -tcigi, and the ending of the plural of
the third person inanimate is -miga‘kini instead of -miga‘ki. Some
§ 33
Boas] HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 829
of these differences can be seen from a comparison of a few participles
with their related conjunctives:
@hanemiha‘tc’ when he went yon way
aine’miha‘t® he who went yon way
a’nemiha’tcig' they who went yon way
a/nemthamiga'ki‘n' they (the stones) that went yon way
a pe’me'ka‘te’ when he passed by
pai’me'ka‘t* he who passed by
@hutci‘tc’ when he came from thence
wa'tcit® he who came from thence
wa'tctmiga'‘ki‘ni they (the things) that came from thence
a@ki’wita‘tc’ when he staid around them
kiwi'tatci‘g' they who staid about them
kiwi’témiga‘ki‘ni they (the things) that remained about
pamine'ka’watcig! they that chase 70 TITLE (stem-vowel e)
ma‘kaddéwit? he who was fasting 186 TITLE (stem-vowel a)
minwdnetag? he who preferred it 136.5 (stem-vowel e) [ending
-ag* for -4g?—T. M.]
wapinigwat? the white-eyed one 150.1 (stem-vowel 4)
tipanat* the one whom you love 150.1 (stem-vowel e)
wanimat® the one whom he had forsaken 150.7 (stem-vowel 7)
naisat* he that slew him 26.13, 17 (stem-vowel e)
tcigdnatowatcig' they of every language 22.14 (tcag for tcagi
[§ 16})
mi kematcig they who had been making love to her 46.5 (mi‘k-
[$ 16]; -e- [§ 8]; -m- [§ 21))
The transitive pronominal forms differ most widely where the third
person is involved in the subject. The transitive participle of the
third person sometimes has the force of a possessive construction
combined with that of an objective. Its sense is then more of the
nature of anoun. Its pronominal endings are slightly different, as
can be seen from the table.
he they
lines OS ee ee eee IS. cea ee -dteini -awateini
CGI cee a oak lev oa gM. oars, Loe ER ee Nae cs -atci' -awatei't
LUptcama Mee ROE ce tee! elvis! ws suet ee pa eee ee mace ce | -Agi | -Amowatci
LICH eee ey eI, oss eso , Sel eee. Aetin ns «'s -Agini -aAmowatcini
These forms occur in situations like these:
tcinawd’matci‘ni his relative; viz., one to whom he is related
(-m- [§ 21])
§ 33
830 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 40
tcina’wa'ta‘g' his object of relation; viz., a thing to which heis
bound by a tie (-¢ [§ 21]) ;
tcinawima’ watci'ni their relative
tcinawd'ta’mowa'tc' their object of relation .
wipama’watci* the animate objects of his view; viz., the ani-
mate objects at which he is looking (wdapa- to see; -m- [§ 21])
wapa’tagi‘ni the inanimate objects of his view (-t- [§ 21])
witima’ watci' their companions; viz., ones with whom they —
were in company (w7- [§ 16]) |
witd/tamowatci'n' their accompaniments
witéimatcini he who accompanied him 70.14 (full analysis, note
23, p. 869; translation in Fox Texts not accurate )
pydnatcini she whom he had brought
pdigamemetcini he who was being hit 26.25 (from pag- [§ 14])
§ 34. THIRD PERSON ANIMATE
The third person animate, singular and plural, has two forms. The
first of these forms is -tci for the singular, -watci for the plural; the
second is -nitci for both singular and plural. The latter form is used
in two cases. One is syntactic, and occurs when the dependent verb
is subordinate to a principal verb. The other is psychological, and
occurs when the subject of the dependent verb plays a less important
role than the subject of another verb; it is a frequent construction in
narration. The subjective noun of the dependent verb takes on an
objective ending -w.ni for the singular, and -wa‘? or ha“ for the plural.
da’ pyatc’ a’ pyani‘tc' when he came the other was arriving
o’nr ne’gutenw d’naqwa‘te .. . kd’geya‘* d’pyani'te’ so then
once went he away ... then by and by here came another
ite’ pthi'w* dha’wini'te' i’‘kwaéwa‘n' he went over to the place
where the woman was
ug’ mawa'g G pit’gawa'te’, 6’ni uskina’waha* dnii’wini'tec' the
chiefs then went inside, and thereupon the youths came on out
The same thing happens to a transitive verb in the same relation.
The change takes place with the form representing the subject, but
the form representing the object remains unchanged. The change
occurs when the subject of a dependent verb becomes the object of
a principal verb. The subjective noun of the dependent verb has
the objective ending -4ni in the singular, and -a‘i in the plural. In
the following examples, the first two show the construction with an
intransitive dependent verb, and the next two show the construction
with a transitive verb.
§ 34
BOAS ] HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 831
wa’ pamiw* ine’niwa'n' a pyadni'tc! he watched the man come
wa’ pamaéw* ine’niwa d’‘pydni‘tc! he watched the men come
wa’ pamdwe ine’niwa'ni dne’sani‘te! pecege’siwa‘n' he watched the
man kill a deer
ni’ wiw* ine’niwa\ dwapa’mani'te: ne’niwa'ni dnesanite! pecege’-
siwa‘ni he beheld the men looking at a man killing a deer
In the third example, @ in dne’sani‘tc’ refers to pecege’siwa‘n', the
object that was slain. In the fourth example, @ in dwapa’mani‘te
refers to ne/niwan*, the object looked at by the plural ine’niwa*‘;
ne'niwa’n', in turn, becomes the subject of dne’sani‘tc’, and pecege’si-
wa'n' is the object. ;
[Dr. Jones is slightly mistaken regarding -nz¢c? in transitive forms.
From the Fox Texts I can make two deductions: namely, that when the
object is the third person animate, the form is -Gnztcz (as Dr. Jones
also saw); when third person inanimate, the form is -amdndtci (with
~ -aminitci as a variant). The -a- of -fnztcz is the same pronominal ele-
ment to be seen in d—Aarwdtci (§ 29), etc.; while -am7- is related to am-
in -amwa (§ 28); amo in d—amowdtc? (§ 29); -amd- -amaw- of the
double object, ete. Contrast d‘tcdgamanite! THEN THEY ATE IT ALL (ani-
mate) 294.10 (éd—nztc! [§ 29]; teag- for tcaégi- roraity [§ 16] by con-
traction [§ 10]; am- for amw- To BHAT [§ 16] by elision [§ 12]) with
ka kdwataminitc! THEY CRUNCHED THEM (bones: inanimate) 294.10 (4a-
reduplication [§ 25]; ‘Adwa- To cruncH [§ 16]; -¢- [§ 21]; a dropped
[§ 12]). And observe n@ hii‘ tcigamawatc! AGAIN THEY ATE IT (animate)
ALL 296.3 (for n@X% aGatn G-[§ 10]; d—a@wawtc' [§ 29]) and iihakawa-
tamowatc! THEN THEY CRUNCHED THEM (bones: inanimate) 296.5 (@—amo-
wiatc' [§ 29]), where no change in the third person subject occurs. Note
also Oniimenataminitc! THEN THEY VOMITED THEM (inanimate) 24.13 (for
oni-d-), but iimemenatamowatc! THEN THEY VOMITED THEM (inanimate)
296.6 (for @—amowdatc [§ 29]). Further compare é*4‘¢a@ penaminite!
172.19, i*4'da@ penaminitc! 172.16, THEN HE TOOK IT IN HIS HAND (4‘dap-,
A‘tap- initial stem; -e- [§ 8]; -n- [§ 21]) with é-4*da@ penag' THEN HE
TOOK IT 172.5 (d—ag’ [§ 29]; fi'a°tapenagi 174.15 is a variant; 7nii‘a*da-
‘penagi 172.12 is for in’ di-). See also 22.23; 68.13; 150.15, 17; 160.18;
166.19; 172.14, 17; 174.8; 188.21; 244.14; 348.18, 22, 23. This am
is also to be seen in an interrogative verbal form (§ 32); namely, @tan-
waitaminigwin'® 340.11, 17. The inserted -n/-isalsonoteworthy. The
analysis of this is d—gwdn* (§ 82); tan- TO ENGAGE IN (§ 16); wa
SOUND (§ 20). Hk SOUNDED IT (i. e., his voice) OUT is a close ren-
dering.
It should be observed that the same device of inserting -ni- is used
in the subjunctive; e, g., pyanit® 156.21 SHOULD HE CHANCE TO
comE,—T, M.]
§ 34
832 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BuLL. 40
Use of the Possessed Noun as Subject of a Verb
An independent verb with the possessed noun of the third person
used as the subject changes the form of its pronominal ending from
-w* to -niwan’ in the singular and from -wag’ to -niwa‘? in the plural.
The change is one of concord between the subject and the verb,
utanemo’heman* pyd’niwa‘ni his dog comes
utanemohe’mwawa'n' pyd’niwA‘n' their dog comes
utanemd’hema* pyd’niwa‘' his dogs come
utanemone’mwawa’* pyd’niwa‘' their dogs come
The next set of examples are of the independent transitive verb.
It is to be noted that the change of the pronominal ending concerns
only the one representing the subject; the one standing for the
object remains the same.
utanemo’hema\n' wa’ pamdniwa‘ni ma’ ‘hwdwa*n' his dog looked at
the wolf (@ in wé’paminiwa‘n‘ is an objective sign, and refers
to ma’ ‘hwiéwa‘n', the object of the verb)
utanemo’hema\* wé’pamdniwa’' ma’‘hwiwa’* his dogs watched
the wolves
If the object of the verb become in turn the subject of a dependent
clause, it will still keep its objective form; but its verb will be of the
dependent group. The object of the main verb will be represented
as subject of the dependent verb by -nitci (ni in -nitcr is the same as
ni in -niwan‘). Asin the case of the independent verb, so in that of
the dependent verb, the sign of the object is unmodified.
utanemo’hema ni wapamdniwa‘n' ine’niwan' dne’sani‘te! ma’ hwa-
wan’ his dog looked at the man who was. killing the wolf
(a in dne’sanrtc refers to ma’ ‘hwiwa‘ni, the object that was
killed; and nitci in the same verb refers to ine’nwwa‘n', the
subject who did the killing; the verb is of the conjunctive
mode).
If the verb of the possessed subject contain a dependent clause
with object, it will keep the singular -niwan‘, even though the
possessed subject be plural. .
utanemohe’mwawa: wé’pamdniwani ma‘hwdwa'n* ad pemine-
‘ka’ ‘wani'te! koko’ céha’n‘ their dogs looked at the wolf chasing
the pig
utanemohe’mwawa: wa’ pamdéniwa‘ni ma/‘hwiwa‘* da pemine-
‘kal ‘wani'te ko‘ko' cha‘? their dogs watched the wolves chas-
ing the pigs
§ 34
BoAS] HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 833
There is also a peculiarity of construction belonging to the pos-
sessed inanimate noun of the third person when used as the subject
of an intransitive verb. The pronominal ending representing the
subject of the independent verb is changed from -w? to -niw‘ in the
singular, and from -6n‘ to -niwan’ in the plural. These peculiarities
can be observed from an illustration of an independent intransitive
verb.
uta’seni‘m' pyd’migateni‘wi his stone comes this way
utase’nima n' pydmigate’niwA‘ni his stones come hitherward
The construction is not so simple with a transitive verb. If the
verb takes an object which in turn becomes the subject of a subordi-
nate clause, then its pronominal subject becomes -niwan‘* for both
the singular and the plural.
uta’seni‘m' mecugwi’niwa‘ni ne’niwa'n* da‘ pemine’ka!‘wani'te!
U‘kwawa‘n' his stone hit the man who was chasing the woman
utase’nima’n? mecugwi’niwa‘ni ne’niwas* da‘ pemine'ka’‘wani'te?
v'kwiwa** his stones hit the men who were in pursuit of the
women
If there be only the subject, verb, and object, then the verb
assumes dependent form. The ending of the pronominal element
representing the subject of an assertive verb is -nitci, which at once
looks like an animate form of the conjunctive. -But there are three
peculiarities which point toward a passive participial. One is the
presence of -gwi- before -nitc’. This -gwi- seems to be the same as -g- or
-gu-, which, occurring in the same place, expresses a passive relation.
Another peculiarity is that the first vowel of the initial stem under-
goes change. Finally, the syllabic augment @ is wanting. Change
of the vowel of an initial stem, and the absence of the augment G, are
the peculiar characteristics of a participial.
uta’seni‘m? micu’ewini'te! ine’niwa‘n’ his stone hit the man
utase’nima‘n' mic’ gwini‘tci ine’niwa‘n' his stones struck the man
The active transitive form of the verb is me’cwiw* HE HIT HIM
WITH A MISSILE. The animate passive conjunctive is dme’cugu‘tc
WHEN HE WAS STRUCK BY A MISSILE.
[Here should be mentioned the peculiar treatment of a possessed
inanimate noun of the first person with a transitive verb taking an
animate object. In this case the form of the verb is precisely the
same as in the passive [§ 41], but the incorporated pronominal object
§ 34
44877°—Bull. 40, pt 1—10 —_53
5
834 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 40
immediately precedes the final termination. An example is nipi-k
netawataigw* MY ARROW WAS CARRYING IT AWAY (FROM ME) 80.19; 82.
8, 21; nipiku’ netawatagw* MY ARROW WAS CARRYING IT AWAY (FROM
ME) 80.8. The analysis of the last is n- My; m- suffix omitted (§ 45);
tpi ARROW; -ku't VERILY; ne—gw* I AM (§ 41) ; the -d- before the -gw* is
the same objective incorporated third person pronoun met in §§ 28, 29
(e. g., dnesitc’ THEN HE SLEW HIM). Thetafter ne- is inserted accord-
ing to § 28; G@wa- Gwa- is an initial stem (§ 16) meaning TO CARRY AWAY;
the following ¢ seems to be a reflex of the inanimate subject (see § 21).
I may add, nipi-k is merely a reduction of nipr-ku™ by stress (§ 6).—
T.M.]
Use of the Possessed Noun of the Third Person as the Object of a Verb
Ambiguity is likely to arise when a possessed noun of the third
person, like 6’san* HIS FATHER, becomes the object of a verb. In a
sentence like néwéw* 6’s4n* HE SAW HIS FATHER there are two possible
fathers: one is the father of the subject, and the other is the father
of somebody else. The sentence, however, implies but a single
father, but which one is meant is not made positive by any special
form. As the sentence stands, the reference is rather to the father
of the subject. But if the father of another be in mind, and there
be a desire to avoid ambiguity, then one of two methods is employed.
In the one the name of the son appears before the possessed noun,
the name ending with the sign of the objective:
né’wiwt Pagwa'niwa‘ni 6’sani he saw Running-Wolf’s father
In the other, use is made of an incorporated dative construction.
nita’mawaw o’san', the literal rendering of which is HE SAW IT
FOR HIM HIS FATHER; and the sense of which is HE SAW HIM
WHO WAS FATHER TO ANOTHER. The vowel 4 after ¢ is an
inanimate pronominal element. It is objective, while @ of
the penult is animate and in a dative relation. [nd- is an
initial stem, TO SEE; -t- is an intervocalic (§ 8); -dw% (§ 28).—
T. M.]
The! -amaw- of ndt-amawéw* is identical with the -amaw- of
Apv AMawin® UNTIE THIS FOR ME 312.12 (ap- UNTIE [§ 16]; -in"
[$ 31]); @a'pr-Amawdaict THEN HE UNTIED THE THING AND TOOK IT
OFF FROM HIM 312.13 (é—datct [§ 29]); pemutamawintu SHOOT HIM FOR
ME 202.18; 204.9 (pemu- for pemwu- [§ 12]; -t- [§ 21]; -ini, a pro-
longation of -in” [§ 31]); sigahamawin POUR IT OUT FOR HIM (ME?)
236.8 (-a- [§ 8]; -h- [§ 21]; -in for -in” [§ 31] by contraction [§ 10] and
stress [$6]).
1 From here to p. 838, addition by T. Michelson.
§ 34
Boas] HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 835
The question of the double object in Algonquian is not raised by Dr.
Jones. It surely is found, but I have been unable to gather more than
a fragmentary series from the Fox Texts. The pronominal form of
the third person object, singular or plural, animate or inanimate, is
-amaw- before vowels, -4md- (-4mu-) before consonants. This occurs
_ immediately before the other suffixal pronominal elements. It is clear
that -amaw- and -amo- are related to the -am- in -Amzw*% of the inde-
pendent mode (§ 28), -amd@n’, -amagw*, -Amowdic', etc., of conjunctive
and subjunctive (§ 29); -amdge'’, -amdgu'%, -amowds*%, etc., of the
potential, potential subjunctive, prohibitive (§ 30); -amdg*, -amdgin’*,
-amagiw’, -Amdgw*, -amomiga k', etc., of the participial (§ 383);
-Amw hk”, -amowdtc®, etc., of the imperative (§ 31). Following are
examples:
kesakahamon? I burn him for you (sing.) 380.1 (Ae—né [§ 28];
sa@k- initial stem; -a-[§ 8]; -A-[§ 21])
kesa'kahamonepw* I burn him for you (pl.) 380.6 (de—nepw
[§ 28]; the rest as above)
pemutamawind shoot him for me 202.18 (pemu- for pemw- To
SHOOT; -¢- [§ 8]; -emw for -cm” [§ 31] by prolongation [§ 5])
dhawatenamawdtc then he handed it to him 348.8 (with sHE as
subj. 174.17) (for d—@tc' [§ 29] by contraction [§ 10]; -A- [§ 8];
awa for Gwa, an initial stem [§ 16]; -te-[§ 8], -2-[§ 21]); see
also 348.10, 12, 14
kisa kahamawapw* ye will burn him for them 180.14 (47—dapw*
[$28]; sa‘k- an initial stem; -a-[§ 8]; -/- [§ 21])
Api A*mawin" untie it for me 312.12 (api [Gp7-] to untie [$16];
-in™ | §31])
G'a‘pe ‘A*mawdatc then he untied it for him 312.13 (é—datc! [§ 29])
a pydtenamawiwatc then they brought it to me 376.9 (@—iwate!
[$ 29]; pyd- motion hitherward [$16]; -¢e- [§ 8]; -n- [$21])
pydtenamawiydgw? when you (pl.) brought me it 376.1 (@- dropped
[§ 12]; d—iydgue [§ 29})
dndgonamawaic' then he shoved it into them 358.1 (d—dtc!
[$ 29]; -n-[§ 21]; the initial stem is nédégo- [ndgu- 358.3] To
SHOVE)
pydtenamawin" hand me them 242.13 (graphic variant for pydten-
Amawin", pyd- [§ 16]; -te- [§ 8]; -cn” [§ 31])
nimawinatutamawaw* I shall go and ask him for it 252.20 (ni—
aw [§ 28]; mawi- to go [§ 16]; natu- [nato-| to ask [§ 16}]);
kenatotamon’ I ask it of you 380.2, 4 (ke—né [§ 28])
dsa kahamawGic' when he burns him for him TrrTLE 380 (é@—datcé
[$ 29]; sa‘k- initial stem TO BURN AS AN OFFERING; -a- [§ 8];
-h- [§ 21])
836 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BuLL. 40
isa kahamawawatct when they burn him for them TITLE 380
(d—dwatc' [§ 29])-
ketectnatutamoné such is what I ask of thee 380.5 (graphic variant
for ketacinatutamon’®; ke—n® [§ 28]; ¢acz- initial stem mean-
ing NUMBER)
indcinatutamu k* is what they beg of thee 382.14 (for in? a-ze?-;
an? [§ 47]; d—‘A* [§ 29]; ccc thus)
witamaw?n" tell them to me 350.19 (the stem is w2¢- [or wi-; -t- as
in § 8 2]; -en¥[§ 31])
kewitamon I told it to you 114.22 (for Ke—né [§ 28] by contrac-
tion [§ 8])
kiwitamawaiw* thou wilt tell it to him 178.1 (47—dww* [§ 28])
awitamondn' I tell it to thee 314.1 (4@—ndni [§ 29])
kiwitemone-ma” go ahead and tell it to me 112.15 (42—ne [§ 28];
-emo- variant of -4md-)
kiuitemonepwa I will tell it to you (pl.) 356.6 (Ai—nepwa [§ 28])
wei'ciwitamonagow? what I should tell you (pl.) 280.13 (wz—
nagowe [§ 29]; écé- initial stem THUS; -amd- variant of -4md-)
dwawitamaw/yan' when thou tauntedst me about him 330.16
(éd—tyan* [§ 29]; wa-[§ 25])
wiurtaAmawiyag? what we (excl.) would you (sing.) declare to us
364.20 (wi—zydg? [$ 29])
akiciwitamonan' I have nothing more to say to thee 330.13 (é—ndan
[§ 29]; k2e7- an initial stem denoting COMPLETION [§ 16]; an ex-
cellent example to show that 42c?- in Algonquian is not (as
is assumed in some purely practical grammars) merely a tense-
prefix to form the perfect)
kiwitamaw?-tcameg" I should merely like you to tell it to me
328.14 (k7—7 [§ 28])
I do not understand awitameg” witamdnenaga* I OUGHT NOT TO
HAVE TOLD you 314.2. It isclear that naga@‘* belongs in § 30; -amdé-
also needs no elucidation. The -ne- is a puzzle; I wonder if it stands
for -n/- and is the same as the negative suffix -nz in § 29?
According to Dr. Jones, é keteminamawiydgw® 374.14 (and similarly
inicindkaketeminamawiydgw? 374.9) means, not IN THAT YOU HAVE
BLESSED THEM FOR MY SAKE,—which the analysis would require,—but
IN THAT YOU HAVE DONE THE BLESSING FOR ME.
wiwitamawageeé at 350.17 is clear enough in structure (wi—age®
[$§ 29, 35]), but certainly does not fit well with Dr. Jones’s explana-
tion (Fox Texts, p. 351, footnote 3). I suspect that the real sense is I
MEANT TO HAVE TOLD ‘(o0) ABOUT THEM FOR HIS SAKE.
This -amaw- is also to be seen in indefinite PaaS conjunctive
mode [§ 41]. Examples are:
§ 34
BOAS] HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 837
dike kahamawig' when I was pointed it out 374.16 (d—7g*; he‘k-
an initial stem, TO KNOW, TO FIND OUT; -a- [§ 8]; -/- [§ 21})
ad ke kahamawutc it was pointed out for him 62.8 (@—ute; -amaw-
represents the inanimate object)
kicesamawutc' when it was done cooking for him 14.18, 21 (Kice-
kici- COMPLETION [§ 16]; -amaw- variant of -amaw-; ad- dropped
[§ 12]; d—utc*)
ipapakenamawutc’ then it was taken away and torn off him
158.19 (d—ute"; pa-[§ 25]; -e-[§ 8]; -n-[§ 21]; pa‘k- to separate)
é* a ‘kassmawutc' they deprived him of it and burnt it up 158.19
(d—utc'; contrast with this @ a“kasutct HE WAS BURNT UP 160.1)
& ‘pa kwaicamawutc then it was sliced away for him 14.22 (-c-
[§ 21]; contrast 14.23 dhanemisa’kwicutc!; hanemi- [§ 16])
Also this -amaw- is to be seen in the pronominal termination
of a transitive verb with possessed noun of the third person as object
(§ 34):
- dmetamawagw? osiman' because we slew his younger brother
344.10 (d—agw® [§ 29]; ne't- a variant of nes- TO KILL [§§ 9, 16];
osiman'; o for u; u—man' [§ 45]).
The -amo- is certainly also to be seen in a transitive form of the
interrogative mode, which, though not given by Dr. Jones, neverthe-
less existed:
keke kinetamowandn' you knew all about it 288.5 (ke- [§ 25]; ke'k-
initial stem; -dne- [§ 18]; -¢-[§ 8 or § 21]; a dropped [§ 12];
ad—wanin' |§$ 32])
ndtawdnetamowandn® what you desire in your own mind 180.9
(ndtavw[7]|- to desire; -wandné [§ 32])
In this connection the peculiar use of -amd@- in certain cases should
be mentioned:
a kiciwitamigutc' when he was told about them 54.13 (é—tdé
[§ 29]; A%cc- completion; wit- to tell; -gu- [§ 41])
Ondsigahamagutc then she poured it for her 316.23 (for 6n#
asigahamagutc' by contraction [§ 10]; d—tc* [§ 29]; szg- an ini-
tial stem meaning TO PouR; -a- [§ 8]; -A- [§ 21]; the English
idiom prevents this being translated as a passive)
pydtanamagutc she was fetched it 318.1 (pyd- [§ 16]; -¢-[§ 8];
-A- variant of -e- [§ 8]; -n- [§ 21]; -d—tc? [§ 29]; -gu-[§ 41])
kenatawdinetamagog’ they ask it of you 382.12 (ke—gig* [§ 28];
nataw- a by-form of nétu- TO ASK; -dne-[§ 18]; -2- [§ 21])
niwitamagwa-ma of course he will tell me it 328.21 (ni—gwa
[§ 28]; w2¢- to tell)
§ 34
838 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 40 |
dnii papakahamigutc then it was tapped on by him 346.15 (for on#
i papadkahamagutc; d-—tc* [§ 29]; -gu- [$ 41]; pd- [§ 25]; pak-
[cf. a papagepydihaminitc 68.13] to tap; -a- [§ 8]; -A- [§ 21];
note that the subject grammatically must be animate)
A double object is clearly to be seen in 344.5, 7, 15, 24; 346.8: but
unfortunately I can not completely analyze the form; papakatamaw-
is a variant for pdépagatamaw-, and the double object is clear (pa-
[§ 25]; paga- [pag7-| to strike with a club).
A couple of examples where the subject is the third person plural,
and the direct object third person singular (or plural), with the second
person singular as indirect object, are—
kipydtigog! they will bring them to you 348.3 (47—gog* [§ 28]; pyd-
motion hitherward [§ 16]; -¢- [§ 21] and
kihawataigog they will fetch them to you 348.4 (for 47—gog* [§ 28]
by contraction [§ 10]; -A- [§ 8); awa- variant of G@wA- TO FETCH
[§ 16]; -é- [$§ 8, 21]). oe - is the same objective pronominal
element seen 1 7 apwa, ete. [§ 28]; d—atc?, d—awater,
etc. [§ 29]; -asa, -aevasa [§ ain -ata, -atcigi, -atcini, Pe ete.
[§ 33].
Allied to the double object is the treatment of a possessed noun as
the object of a transitive verb. Dr. Jones has treated the possessed
noun of the third person as the object of a transitive verb of the third
person [§ 34]. But there are other cases.
Thus nemicam' netdwatigw* SHE CARRIED MY SACRED BUNDLE AWAY
326.24; 328.5, 14; 330.2 (ne- [§ 45]; nme—qw*% [§ 28]; -ad- as above; -¢-
[§ 28]; Gwa- [awa-] TO caRRY AWAY; -t-[§ 8 or § 217]). As far as the
verb is concerned, the structure is the same as in neka'kitigw* SHE HAS
HIDDEN IT FROM ME 826.17 (/a‘7- is an initial stem meaning TO CON-
cKAL). Furthermore, it should be noted that although the noun is
inanimate, -d- is animate. An example of where the possessed noun
is the first person plural (incl.) and the subject is the second person
singular is ke¢a‘ko'honan' kihawaniw* THOU WILT TAKE OUR (incl.)
DRUM ALONG 348.9 (Ae—ndin' [§ 45]; -¢- [§ 45]; 27—G@w [§ 28]; -A-[§ 8];
awa-a variant of Gwa-; -n-[§ 21]). Observe that a‘ko‘kon? (348.10, 17)
DRUM is inanimate, as shown by the termination ¢ (§ 42); and that the
pronominal elements of ke¢a‘o‘onin' are inanimate; nevertheless the
pronominal elements incorporated in the verb are animate.*
Two kinds of participles drop the final sign of the subject, and take
on a lengthened termination when it becomes necessary for them to
gnter into a relation involving the use of -n* as a final ending. One
is the transitive participle with an animate subject and an inanimate
object; the nominative ending of this participle i is -g".
‘From p. 854 to here, addition by T. Michelson.
§ 34
Boas] HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 839
padmiwa’ siska‘g* one who passes by flashing a light
na’ wiwt pdémiwasd'skaminitci‘n' he saw him that went past
flashing a light
The same ending with similar change occurs with an intransitive
participle.
pa@’waci‘g? one who shakes his (own) body while lying down
wa’ paméiw* pawacimrnitci‘ni he looked at him who lay shaking
his own body
The other kind of participle is with the subject ending in -¢?.
The dropping of -¢7 is common with the indefinite passive participle.
mi’net* one to whom he was given
dhigutc! mine’metci‘n' and so he was told by the one to whom he
was given (-m- [§ 21]; see also § 8)
§ 35. Syntactic Use of Modes and Tenses
1. Future.—The future sometimes denotes expectation, desire, and
exhortation.
ni py? I hope to come
kv‘ py? may you come
wit pyadw? let him come
2. Conjunctive-—Tense for the present and past is indicated by the
syllabic augment d-. If the conjunctive preserves its purely sub-
ordinate character, as when it stands in an indirect relation to an
idea previously expressed or to an independent statement, then the
augment d- is more likely to refer to an action as past. Thus:
A’skatc* &/‘pyatc’ in course of time he came (cf. 38.14)
ne'‘py® a’ pyaya‘n? I came when you arrived
But if the conjunctive departs from its subordinate function, then
the syllabic G- may, according to context, refer to an occurrence as
past, or as extending up to, and as taking place during, the present.
This is the same indefinite tense of the independent verb.
ine’ paya‘n* I slept; I am sleeping
ine’paya‘n* you slept; you are sleeping
i/nepa‘tc’ he slept; he sleeps
It is to be observed that the translations are finite assertions, and
are in the indicative mode, as would be the case for an independent
verb of the same tense. They illustrate a peculiar use of the con-
§ 35
840 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 40
junctive,—a use that belongs to all narrative discourse, as in the
language of myth, legend, tradition.
This finite use is parallel to that found in the Latin construction
of accusative with infinitive.
The conjunctive has a future tense, which is indicated by the
prefix wi-. The temporal prefix also occurs with the third person of
animate and inanimate independent forms. [See my note to § 28.—
T.M.]
As in the independent series, so here, the future can be used to
express vague anticipation and desire.
wi haya‘n'? dost thou expect to go?
wihatc’ he wants to go
3. Dependent Character of the Pronominal Forms of the Negative
Independent Verb.—It is convenient at this point to make mention of
the negative forms of the independent intransitive verb. The negative
adverb is Ggw‘ No, Not. Its position is before the verb, and its use
involves a modification of the conjunctive. In the first place, the
temporal vowel d- drops out, and so there is no sign to indicate
indefinite tense. In the second place, all the pronominal elements
take on a terminal -nz, all the terminal vowels of the conjunctive
being e. |
The following examples show some of the forms with stem:
a’/owi pya’yani'n' I do not come; I did not come
a’owl pya’yani’n' thou dost not come; thou didst not come
a’owi pya’tcin? he does not come; he did not come
a’ewi pydmi’gaki‘n' it does not come; it did not come
a’ewi pya’yagr’nt they and I do not come; they and I did not come
For the future, the negative independent verb has the prefix w7-,
The negative of the conjunctive verb is indicated by pwa’wi. Its
use brings about no change in the form of the verb. It stands
between the tense particles G- and wi7- and the verbal stems.
a! pwawipyadya‘n* when I did not come
wt pwawipyd'‘tc’ while he has no desire to come
4. The Subjunctive-—The subjunctive has a variety of uses. In one
it is used to express an unfulfilled wish.
ni’ sdit® may he get well
po'nepyadt® would that he ceased from drunkenness
In another it is employed to express a wish, as of a prayer. In
§ 35
BoAS] HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 841
its use, it occurs with an adverb tai’ydna, which conveys the desid-
erative sense of WOULD THAT! OH, IF!
tai’yana pya’t*! oh, if he would only come!
The subjunctive is also used to express the possibility of an action.
pe'musét* he might pass by on foot
tetepu’sdéya‘n® thou shouldst walk around in a circle
The same subjunctive is employed to express two kinds of condi-
tions. In the one, where the condition is assumed as possible, the
subjunctive stands in the protasis; while the future indicative of an
independent verb is in the conclusion. The tense of the subjunctive
is implied, and is that of the future.
wiu pi tihiw* pyd’migak* he will be pleased if it should come
In the other, where the condition is assumed as contrary to fact,
both clauses stand in the subjunctive. The tense of both clauses is
implied; that of the protasis is past, and that of the conclusion is
present.
upvtiha't® pyd’miga‘k* he would be pleased if it had come
The forms of this subjunctive are connected with past action.
The idea of relative time is gathered more from implication of the
context than from the actual expression of some distinctive element
calling for past time. Some of the uses to which this subjunctive is
put are the following:
It is used to express an unattained desire. It occurs with taiyana.
tar'yana ki'wiite*! oh, if he only had turned and come back!
It is used as a potential.
takamusd’yane* thou mightest have gone by a short way in
your walk across country
It frequently has the force of an indicative, and, when so used, the
verb makes use of the tense particles @ and wi. [See my note to
§ 29.—T. M.] But the action is always represented with reference
to an event in the past.
Unt te’ pe'kw' da’ pemamute* it was-on that night when he fled
for his life (pem- [$ 16]; -dmu- [see -a- § 19])
In this connection it often occurs with an adverb, ke’ydéha‘p?,
which has such meanings as IT WAS TRUE; IT WAS A FACT; WHY, AS
A MATTER OF FACT.
§ 35
842 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 40
ke'yaha‘p® wi-a-ceno’wate* now, as a matter of fact, it was their
intention to be absent
5. The Potential.—The potential is used to express a possibility.
nahind’ ga'ke‘tc? he might learn how to sing
pya’‘ka’* I am likely to come
The potential subjunctive is used in a verb that stands in the con-
clusion of a past condition contrary to fact, while in the protasis
stands a verb in the past subjunctive.
nahind’' gite° tte’piha‘st had he known how to sing, he would
have gone to the place
6. The negative of the verb in the protasis is pwa’w', and the nega-
tive of the verb in the conclusion is a/wit*.
pwa’ wi nahind’ gate ° a’ wit* ite’piha‘s® if he had not known how
to sing, he would not have gone to the place
7. The prohibitive imperative is introduced by kat*, a negative
adverb with the meaning NOT or DO NOT. ;
8. The Imperative.—It was observed how the future independent
was used as a mild imperative. There is still another light impera-
tive, one that is used in connection with the third person animate. It
is almost like a subjunctive (see § 31). The forms of this impera-
tive have a passive sense, and are best rendered by some such word
as LET.
Pre-pronominal Elements (§§ 36-41)
§ 36. FORMAL VALUE OF PRE-PRONOMINAL ELEMENTS
In §§ 20-21 a number of stems have been described which precede
the pronouns, and which have in some cases the meaning of a noun,
or less clearly defined instrumentality; in others, a classificatory
value relating to animate and inanimate objects; while in many
cases their significance is quite evanescent. Many of these elements
have more or less formal values, and correspond to the voices of the
verbs of other languages; while still others seem to be purely formal
in character. For this reason these elements, so far as they are
formal in character, will be treated here again.
§ 37. CAUSAL PARTICLES
-m- animate, -f- inanimate. (See § 21)
As has been stated before, these particles sometimes imply that
something is done with the voice, but ordinarily they simply
§$ 36, 37
;
4
BOAS] HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 843
indicate the transitive character of theverb. The animate -m-
immediately precedes an animate, pronominal element. When
the object is animate, it comes before the form that represents
an objective relation; but when the object is inanimate, then
it stands preceding the sign that represents the animate sub-
ject. The intervocalic ¢ stands in front of the vowel that rep-
resents the inanimate object. (See examples in § 21.)
The consonant ¢ often has a whispered continuant before articu-
lation (#). With one form or the other, the consonant has
an inanimate use which is peculiar to itself alone. It often
conveys the idea of work; of the display of energy; of activity
which implies the use of some agency, but without expressing
any particular form of instrumentality. This use of the inter-
vocalic consonant involves a difference in the form of the
objective pronominal sign. In the examples that were just
cited, the sign of the objective inanimate pronoun was a
or 4. With this other use of ¢ or ‘t, the inanimate sign of the
objective pronoun is 0 or 6.
po'ni'to'w he no longer works at it; he no longer makes it (pdni-
16
Pa. Thad a hard time with it; I had trouble making it
h, hw, w.
There is one group of causal particles which have a common func-
tion of reference to instrumentality in general. They are h,
hw, and w. Comparing the use of one of these with that
of ¢ or ‘t brings out clearly the difference between causal par-
ticles with the instrumental sense limited and ¢ or ‘t that has
the instrumental function unlimited. With h, for example,
the emphasis is rather upon the connection of the action of
the verb and the means taken to act upon the object. On the
other hand, with ¢ or ‘t the connection is closer between the
action of the verb and the object of the verb. The idea of
instrumentality is so vague as to be left wholly to inference.
ka’skaha‘mw*% he accomplished the work (by the help of some
kind of agency) (kask- [§ 16]; -amw* [§ 28])
ka’skv'to'w* he accomplished the work
a pydtohwatc' he then fetched it 266.15 (pyd-t-0- [$$ 16, 8, 19];
-dtc* [$ 29])
§ 37
844 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [punn. 40
One more comparison will perhaps suffice upon this point.
There is a causal particle m which has already been men-
tioned. It has a common use associated with the instrumen-
tality of the mouth, more particularly with that of speech.
po’nimd'w* no longer does he speak to him
po'nr‘to'w* no longer does he do it
§ 38. THE RECIPROCAL VERB
Now that the tables of the transitive pronominal elements have
been shown, it will be convenient to take up the other two classes of
transitive verbs; viz., the reciprocals and reflexives. They can be
dismissed with a fewremarks. Both have much the character of an
intransitive verb; in fact, their form is that of an intransitive. The
reciprocal expresses mutual participation on the part of two or more
subjects, and so the verb does not occur except in plural form or
with a plural sense. The reciprocal notion is expressed by # incor-
porated between the stem of the verb and the final, pronominal sign.
[It should be noted that in all the examples given, -f7- is the incorpo-
rated element, not -ti--—T. M.] The reciprocal has a reflexive sense,
in that it represents the subjects as objects of the action. Its force
as a transitive is gathered from the context.
miga’tiwa‘g’ they fought together; they fought with one another
ne’wapatipe'n® he and I looked at each other
ke’nimtheti'pw% you danced together
d‘tanetig’ at a place where gambling one with another is going on
nawthetiwagape’* they always visit one another 238.23
dhitinitc' they said one to another 76.14 (-nite® [§ 34])
dindiwutiwatc as one was eyeing the other 112.8
mineticig’ they who played the harlot with each other 150 TITLE
[so text; error for -tcvg’]
i kakanonetitc’ she and he talked together a great deal 176.21
(kan- reduplicated)
mamitiwagape they are always taking things from each other
276.16 (-4g- for -agi before -dpe)
ki‘tanetipen® let us make a bet with each other 296.18
dhitiwaic! they said one to another 358.25
dé ponikanonetiwate so with no further words to each other 62.6
nimigatipen® he and I shall fight against each other 60.6
tcagdnatotiwatc’ then an invitation was extended to all, every one
asking every one else 60.13 (tcag- for tcagi- ALL)
§ 38
BoAS] HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 845
§ 39. THE REFLEXIVE VERB
In the reflexive verb the action refers back to the subject. The
sign of the reflexive is -tvsu- or -tiso- with the u or o vowel in either
case sometimes long. The reflexive sign occurs in the same place as
the reciprocal; viz., between the stem and the final pronoun. The
difference of meaning between the two signs is, that -tisu- represents
the subject solely as the object of the action, and does not, like -#i-,
convey the reciprocal relation which two or more subjects bear to
one another. Reflexive -ti- in -tisu- is plainly the same element as
the reciprocal -t2-.
waba’tiso'w* he looked at himself (waiba- same as wépa)
paga’ tiso‘w* he hit himself (paga allied with pagi TO sTRIKE)
dhitisutc' he then said to himself 286.22 (hi to say)
§ 40. THE MIDDLE VOICE
Thus far the description has been of verbs in the active voice. Two
other voices are yet to be mentioned,—the middle and the passive.
The middle voice represents the subject in close relation with the
action of the verb. It is a form of construction of which the dialect
is especially fond. The form of the verb is active, and mainly of a
predicative intransitive character; but the meaning is passive. The
voice is distinguished by animate and inanimate signs. Only two
sets of signs will be taken up, the two most frequently met with.
The animate sign is o and u long and short, and the inanimate is d.
These vowels are immediately preceded by intervocalic consonants,
among which are s for the animate and ¢ for the inanimate. It is
perhaps better to refer to the combinations of so and sd, su and su,
and ¢dé, as some of the signs of the middle voice. These forms are
incorporated between the stem and the pronominal ending. The
combinations of s% and té were met with before in the section on
secondary connective stems (§ 20). They appeared there in the réle
of co-ordinative stems, and the sense they conveyed was that of HEAT
and WARMTH. They were used with reference to an existence or con-
dition of the subject, and occurred among verbs of an intransitive
nature. The same verbs used in the examples there can all be classed
in the middle voice. The same signs can be used without the mean-
ing of HEAT and WARMTH.
§§ 39, 40
846 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [aunt 40.
di’ wéwdpisu‘tc? when he swung
wi' to kdsoya'n® if thou shouldst help
ka’ kisa‘w* he is in hiding
ne‘tow* he killed himself 66.8 (-‘¢- [§ 9])
kiwa’gqwatiw? it lies on the ground
Ane’ mipugotiw* it floats yon way; it moves away, carried by the
water (anemi- [§ 16]; -pugo- [§ 19]; -w* [§ 28])
The middle voice sometimes represents an animate subject as
acting upon itself in an indirect object relation. The action of the
verb refers back to the subject in something like a reflexive sense.
In this use of the middle voice appears the instrumental particle, and
it stands in the place of s.
ko’ gitepént‘w* he washes his own head (with the help of his hand)
(kog- [§ 16]; -n- [§ 21])
ka’ sitepiho‘w* he wipes his own head (with something) (kdas?-
[$ 16]; -A- [§ 21])
pe’ ‘tecd‘w* he accidentally cut himself (with something sharp)
(-c- [§ 21])
The subject of a verb in the middle voice is often expressed as if
acted upon in a passive sense.
= =\
tagwa’hoso‘w*% he is caught in a trap
pemt' pugo'w* he floats by (more literally, he is carried past by
the water; pemi- pugo- [§§ 16, 19])
kiyo’mego'w* he rides about on horseback (literally, he is carried
about; ki- [§ 16]; -y- a glide [§ 8]; -o- [§ 19]; -m-[§ 21; also
§ 8])
§ 41. THE PASSIVE VOICE
The use of the passive voice proper is confined to an agent in the
third person. The sign of the passive is g or gu; it occurs between the
stem and the final pronominal ending. The sign with pronominal
element can be seen in the tables of transitive forms. It is to be
observed that the sign occurs more frequently with independent
than with dependent forms.
The Passive with Subject and Object
A peculiarity of the passive construction is the difference of the
form of the animate agent when the action of the verb is directed
against the first or second person, and the form of the animate agent
when the action is directed against a third person. If the action of
the verb be directed against a first or second person, then the agent
§ 41
BOAS] HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 847
keeps the normal form of the nominative; but if the action of the
verb be directed against the third person, then there is a change in
the form of the agent: -n2 is added to the nominative singular to
mark the singular agent, and ‘2 is added to the same to mark the
plural agent. Furthermore, if the object of the action be singular
and the agent plural, the form of the verb will be singular. If the
object of the action be plural, then the form of the verb will be
plural. A few examples will illustrate the use of the passive forms
with an animate agent.
newd’ pame‘gw* ne’niw* I am seen by the man
kewd’ pame‘ew* ne’niw* thou art seen by the man
wa’ pame‘ew? ne’niwa'n' he is seen by the man. [In this and the
next case, -w% is the pronominal termination; -g- the passive
sion; i. e., g-w%, not -gu? (for gu+qa), as in the first two exam-
ples.—T. M.]
wa’ pame'gw? ne’niwa*' he is seen by the men
waipa’mego‘g? ne’niwa‘n' they are seen by the man
wapa'mego‘g’? ne’niwa*'' they are seen by the men
The same examples turned into the conjunctive mode would be—
dwipamegwag ne’niw* when I was seen by the man
dwipamegwatc? ne’niw* when thou wert seen by the man
G/wapamegu'tc! ne’niwa‘ni when he was seen by the man
G@’wapamegu'tc! ne’niwa‘' when he was seen by the men
dw’ pameguwa'tc? ne’nvwa‘ni when they were seen by the man
dwa’ pameguwa'‘tc’ ne’niwa‘' when they were seen by the men
The Indefinite Passive
There is an indefinite passive—indefinite in the sense that the agent
is referred to in an indefinite way. The forms of two modes will be
shown,—one of the indefinite tense of the independent mode, and
another of the same tense of the conjunctive mode.
INDEFINITE PASSIVE INDEPENDENT MODE
Singular Plural
Ist per. ne-gopr Excl. ne-gopena
Incl. ke-gopena
2d per. ke-qgopt 2d per. ke-gopwa
3d per. an. a ad SiN
3d per. ners me ae Bi
It is to be observed that some of the independent forms end with a
final -pi, which may have some relation with i’pi, a quotative with
§ 41
848 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BuLL. 40
such meanings as THEY SAY, IT IS SAID. The quotative sometimes
occurs alone, but is most frequently met with as a suffix. Some of the
forms just shown are the same as the ones seen in the independent
transitive list; viz., the forms of the plural of the first and second
persons. The following examples illustrate some of the uses of this
passive:
ne’wapamego'p' I am looked at (-me- [§§ 8, 21])
ke’wapamego‘pw* you are looked at
wa’ pama*p' he is looked at; they are looked at
wa’ pata‘p' it is looked at; they are looked at
kenatomegop' you are asked 368.4 (-me- [§§ 8, 21])
The conjunctive forms show the passive sign in the plural. The
first and second persons singular end in -gi,—a suffix denoting location
when attached to substantives, and indicating plurality of the third
person of the independent mode. It is possible that there may be
some connection between this ending and the passive sign; but it
has not yet been made clear. The following are the indefinite passive
forms of the conjunctive of indefinite tense:
INDEFINITE PASSIVE, CONJUNCTIVE MODE
Singular Plural
Ist per. a-igi Excl. d-qwiyage
Incl. d-qwiyagwe
2d per. di-negi 2d per. di-qwiydgqwe
3d per. an. d-(u)tcr 3d per.an. d-gwiwater
di-(e)tcr
3d per. inan. d-amegi 3d per. inan. d-amegi
ainatumene ki when you were asked 372.12 (k for g, as in -kapa-
for -gapa- and in other similar cases)
nitumik I being asked 374.1 (-m- [§ 21])
iha‘kasamegi they (inan.) were set on fire 16.1
The third person animate singular of the indefinite passive can
refer to four different relations. The form is the same, whatever
may be the number of the object and the agent. The number of the
object and the agent is often inferred from the context, but in the
two examples to be shown each passive expression will appear with
agents. If the agent be singular, then the ending will be -nz; if
plural, then the noun ends in -‘2. It will be observed that this con-
struction is much like that of the passive with g and gu, The object
§ 41
BOAS] HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 849
of the action of the verb will be omitted; if expressed, it would be in
the nominative.
@hine'tc' ne’niwa‘n' he was told by the man
@hine‘tci ne’niwa'' he was told by the men
@hinete' ne’niwa‘ni they were told by the man
ahine‘tce! ne’niwa*' they were told by the men
d’ndwu'te' v’“kwdéwa‘ni she was seen by the woman
a@ndwu'te' i“ kwiwa*'' she was seen by the women
@niwuate' vkwiwa‘ni they were seen by the woman
G’néwu'te' 7“ kwdawa‘' they were seen by the women
§ 42. Syntactic Forms of the Substantive
Substantives have forms to distinguish gender, number, and four
case-relations. The case-relations are the nominative, the vocative,
the locative, which is the case of spacial and temporal relations, and
the objective. All these forms are expressed by suffixes. They are
thus shown in the following table:
Animate. Inanimate.
Singular. Plural. Singular. Plural.
PPORUBAGIMO Ns Gos si) on Se we | -gi -i -ni
Vocative . | -¢, -é -tige (-e), -i -ni (-ne)
Locative . -gi -nigini -we, -€, -gi | -gini
Objective . -a, -ni -gi, i -i ni
These forms will be shown with two nouns,—a’ndgw% sTar, and
A’sen' STONE.
Star. Stone.
Singular. Plural. Singular. Plural.
Nominative | A/nagwa A/nagwa gt A’sent A’senyant
Vocative And ‘gwe | And’gweti'ge Ase‘ni A’senya'ni
; |[A’nagwi'gi | E Entre Pe ae ects
Locative | nae iS asnaaend-niga tng A’senigi Ase/nigini
|4 nagu'gi |
ae A’nagwa \|a’/nagwa gt
Objective Lee 9 a | ae a ane A’senya nt
: A’naga ‘ni Anagwu't
There is no difference of form between the objective and some forms
of the possessive.
Thus:
6’san’ his father (animate)
u’wic' his head (inanimate)
44877°—Bull. 40, pt 1—10.
54
§ 42
850 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY. [BULL. 40°
The ending -gi to express animate plurality is no doubt the same as
the one denoting location, thus suggesting the probability of a com-
mon origin.
§ 48. The Adjective.
The attributive relation is expressed by a form analogous to an
inanimate construction, which does not inflect for number or case.
There are primary and derived adjectives. The former contains the
descriptive notion in the stem; as, ke’‘tet GREAT, tc4’gi SMALL. The
derived adjective is one that comes from a noun; as, ma’netd'w? (from
ma’neto'w* MYSTERY BEING), A’ca* (from A’ca‘* a Sioux). Both
kinds of inanimate adjectives agree in form and function; they have a
singular, inanimate ending, and they occur in an attributive relation.
ke’‘tci ma’neto'w% a great mysterious being
tcagr wigryapd® a little dwelling
ma'neto'wi a’‘kt a mysterious country
A’cahi ne’niw* a Sioux man
As has been said, such adjectives do not change their form to agree
with nouns for number and case.
ke’tct ma’neto'w*! O great mystery!
ma’neto'wr a’kydn* mysterious lands
A’cahi ne’niwa'‘g' Sioux men
By virtue of its position, the adjective of inanimate forms takes
on the function of an initial stem, and as such it enters into combi-
nations with secondary elements to form—
Nouns:
tcagr’naga* small bowl
me’cimi‘n? apple (literally, large fruit) .
ase’nigan' stone dwelling
Aci’hind'w* Sioux country
Verbs:
tca’gahenuhi‘w' pi’caga. it is a tiny buckskin string
ne'niw* me’ cindgusi'w* the man looked big (-nagu- [§ 18]; -st-[§ 20])
Adjectives, when used as predicates, have the form of an intransi-
tive verb. The verb is built up on the regular order of stem-
formation with the qualifying notion of the combination resting
mainly in the initial member. The sens> of the stem undergoes
restriction by other elements, and concord of gender and pronoun
§ 43
HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 851
is maintained. Such a combination agrees with a noun in gen-
der and number. It stands before or after the noun it modifies.
me’ cawi si’pow? large is the river (mec- large; -d- [$20]; -w2 [§28})
i ‘kwiwa‘g kénd’siwa‘g’ the women are tall (-s7- [§ 20]; -wag’
[$ 28])
Pronouns (§§ 44-49)
§ 44. The Independent Personal Pronoun
The incorporated forms of the personal pronoun have been treated
The independent pronoun is closely related to the
in §§ 28-34.
pronouns of the independent mode of the intransitive verb (§ 28).
Laine
we (exclusive) ni’nan*
we (inclusive) kinan®
thou kin®
ye ki/nwaw?
§ 45. The Possessive Pronoun
he (an.) in®
it (inan.) in?
they (an.) @’nig?
they (inan.) i’nin?
Possession is expressed by prefixes and suffixes which are related
to the pronouns of the independent mode.
The suffixes differ for
nouns of the animate and for those of the inanimate class, and for
singular and plural of the object possessed.
OBJECT POSSESSED
|
. | :
Animate. | Inanimate.
|
Singular. Plural. Singular. Plural.
my ore ne-ma Ne-MAGi ne-mi Ne-MANt
ours (excl.) ne-menana ne-menanaAgt ne-menani ne-menanAant
ours (incl.) ke-menana ke-menanagi ke-menani ke-menanani
thy ke-ma ke-magi ke-mi ke-mani
your ke-mwawa ke-mwawagi ke-mwawi ke-mwawani
his U-MANL u-ma't u-mi U-MANt
their U-MWAWANI u-mwawa't U-MWAWANI U-MWAWANI
A few examples wiil serve to illustrate the use of the forms. The
word for dog is 4’nemo‘*, a noun of animate gender.
[The inserted
-t- in the following examples is presumably the same as in ne’taw*
1 Am (§ 28).—T. M.] The forms of the three persons of the singu-
lar used with the noun in the same number would be—
ne’tanemohe\m* my dog (-t- [§ 8])
ke’tanemohe‘m? thy dog
uta’nemohema‘n' his dog
§§ 44, 45
852 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 40
Let the same persons remain in the singular, and let the noun be
in the plural, and the forms would be—
neta’/nemohema’g' my dogs
keta’nemohema‘g' thy dogs
uta’nemohema’" his dogs
The word for rock is 4’sen‘, a noun of inanimate gender. The forms
of the three persons of the singular used with the noun in the singular
would be—
neta’seni‘mi my rock
keta’seni‘mi thy rock
uta’seni‘m' his rock
The forms with the same persons in the singular and the noun in ~
the plural would be—
ne’tasenima‘ni my rocks
ke’tasenitma‘ni thy rocks
u’tasenima‘ni his rocks
The consonant m of the suffix is often omitted with certain classes
of substantives: as—
In terms denoting relationship.
no’s* my father
ke’gy? thy mother
u’taiya‘ni his pet (referring to a horse or dog)
In words expressing parts of the body.
ne’té'' my heart
ke’ga'ki thy chest
u’wici his head
In some names of tools.
neto’‘pwaga‘ni my pipe
ke’me'taé‘' thy bow
uwipa ni his arrow
[1t should be observed that under special stress the vowel of the m
suffix is split into two vowels (§ 6); likewise it should be noticed that
under unknown conditions ¢ is not inserted after ne, ke, u, before initial
vowels: then the terminal e of ne and fe is elided, while a glide w (§ 8)
is inserted after w.
Examples of possessives with the m of the suffix, from the Texts,
are—
nes7mii’ my younger brother 330.16
netekwdm*® my sister 84.2, 12, etc.
nes7miihag! my little brothers 282.13
§ 45
« Stet eer ee he | ill.
— see
BOAS] HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 853
neciczpemag' my ducks 284.2
nes7mihenan* our (excl.) younger brother 90.12; 96.1
nodcésemenanaAn' our (excel.) grandchild (obj. case) 160.9
kestmiihenan®* our (incl.) little brother 90.6; 96.7
k?nemunan? our (incl.) sister-in-law 92.16 (-w-=-e-)
ketOgemamenan our (incl.) chief 300.24 (¢ inserted)
kestmihenanag' our (incl.) younger brothers 122.5, 11, 18
ketugimamenanag' our (incl.) chiefs 62.22 (¢ inserted)
kenapdim? thy husband 162.15, 23; 178.1
kécisem? thy grandson 290.24
kes?mi* thy little brother 252.1
kete'kumagi thy foods 314.14
unapdman' her husband 162.23, 24
usaman his younger brother 314.17
usamiihi his younger brothers 90.14, 15
us7ma‘ his younger brothers 90.10
ucisema' her grandchildren 160.11
ututdma'' his sisters 208.15
uwinems" his sisters-in-law 96.11 (w a glide)
uto‘kaneman' his bones 16.5
utvkaneman his bones 16.1
utahinemani his garments 274.20
uszmiwawan' their younger brother 156.13, 16; 160.2
ustmihwawani their younger brother 94.19
uwimemowawan' their sister-in-law 92.8 (w a glide; -o- inserted)
Examples from the Texts, of possessives without the m of the suftix,
are— -
negwei my son 182.4; 184.8
nemecomes* my grandfather 206.6
necisé* my uncle 12.14
negy? my mother 38.15 (for negz4, cf. ugiwawan' their mother)
ni kdn* my friend 14.12; 26.17
nip! my arrow 84.20
nzpani my arrows 290.20
nemecomesenin*® our (excl.) grandfather 160.5
kendtawinonenini our (incl.) medicine 308.22
ketazy*? thy pet 178.14
ketotdwen' thy town 16.4 (contrasted with 16.18)
kegwisag' thy sons 172.6
kesesihwawa your elder brother 294.18
ucemisan' his niece 12.17, 20
ugwisa? her sons 170.1; 238.6
uw? kana his Se 14.53'6,-8; 20.1; O44 (w a glide)
§ 45
‘
854 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BuLu. 40
uwitcimdskotiwa" his people 16.6
ug¢wawan' their mother 154.9
ugwiswawan' their son 172.17
ugwiswawa' their sons 172.20
unitcdneswawa® their children 160.13
It should be observed that in certain terms of relationship, w- of the —
third person is not used. Contrast 6c¢semwaw ' THEIR GRANDCHILDREN
154.18 with kdc/sem* THY GRANDSON 290.24; OsAn' HIS FATHER 208.15
with késwawani YOUR FATHER 232.5 (owing to the exigency of English
grammar, Dr. Jones is forced not to be strictly literal in his transla-
tion); 0’ omesan' HIS GRANDMOTHER 234.4, 6 and 0‘kumeswawaAn' THEIR
GRANDMOTHER 160.7 with kd°*komesenana ouR (incl.) GRANDMOTHER
262.3.—T. M.]
§ 46. The Reflexive Pronoun
What stands for the reflexive pronoun in the absolute form is in
reality an inanimate, possessive combination. The thing possessed
is designated by a-, which has an essential meaning of EXISTENCE, ~
BEING. The forms are—
ni'yaw' myself
ki'yaw? thyself
u'wiya'w? his self
kv/yana‘n* ourselves (I and thou)
nv yana‘n? ourselves (I and he)
ki’yawa'w' yourselves
uwv yawaw' their selves
These forms appear frequently as the object of a transitive verb;
and when so used, the combination of both pronoun and verb is best
rendered by an intransitive form.
neti’ pinet® ni’yaw* I am independent (literally, | own my own
bodily self)
wa’ paci towa‘g? uwi’yawa'w* they are bad, sinful (literally, they
defame their own bodily selves)
§ 47. The Demonstrative Pronouns
Demonstrative pronouns occur in absolute form, and number and
gender are distinguished. Some of the forms are slightly irregular
in passing from singular to plural and from one gender to another.
Three of the pronouns point to an object present in time and space
with much the same force as English THIS, THAT, YONDER,
§§ 46, 47
ee ae ee ss
Boas] HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 855
Animate. Inanimate.
Pronoun.
Singular. Plural. Singular. Plural.
this - LASROS MITRE Bente een mmm mea 5 0/00 mahagi mMmAnNi mahani
icy) SSNS etree a eee maa 3/777 tnigt ini tnini
AUER og Se lca een ee (20077 tnamaha gi mamani tnamaha ni
The demonstrative ina is also the third person, personal pronoun.
These demonstratives are used in the following relations:
ma’na ne’niw* this man (who is in the presence of both speaker
and person addressed, but not necessarily within the imme-
diate presence of both, or within their hearing)
Una ne’niw* that man (who is farther removed, or who is sub-
ordinate in point of interest)
tnaga ne’niw* yonder man (who is farther still removed, and
who can be out of hearing, but not out of sight)
One demonstrative is used in answer to a question, and corre-
sponds to English THAT, YONDER, when both are used in a weak,
indefinite sense. The object referred to is present and visible.
Animate. Inanimate.
Pronoun. +5
Singular. Plural. Singular. Plural.
that RET ee so ee kia, ah de URAMa inimahagi | inima inimahani
This pronoun is used when reference is made to a particular object
selected from a list; as, 7’nama ne’niw* THAT MAN, as in the question,
Which of the men do you wish to see?
Another pronoun has a temporal force, and refers to an object as
invisible and in the past.
Animate. | Inanimate.
Singular. Plural. | Singular. | Plural.
that Bre tnted ots crete rete gee Sci V ey chs wv PRUE. tniyaga | iniye tniydne
I'niya ne'niw* THAT MAN refers to a man known to both speaker
and person addressed, but who is at present absent, or is no longer
alive.
§ 47
856 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY
~ Me
[BuLL. 40
A demonstrative performs the function of an adjective; and when
one is used alone without some noun, it still retains the force of a
qualifier.
mane &vcindgdétc this is the kind of song he sang
int éiciseg’ that is how the affair stands
§ 48. Indefinite Pronouns, Positive and Negative
There are three sets of indefinite pronouns.
number and gender, and means OTHER.
One inflects for
The second inflects for
number, but has separate forms for each gender; the animate answers
to SOMEBODY, SOME ONB, and is used of persons; while the inanimate
refers to SOMETHING, and is used of things without life. The third
expresses the negative side of the second set, as NOBODY, NO ONE,
NOTHING. The negatives are compound forms of the second set with
the adverb dgwi No, NOT, occupying initial place.
The three sets of
demonstratives stand in the table in the order named.
—
other
Animate. Inanimate.
Pronoun. z
Singular. Plural. . Singular. Plural.
Hee as ee ku’taga ku’taga‘gi ku’tagt ku’taga ‘ni
somebody, something . W wiyaa ww yGha gi kd’ got ka’goha ‘ni
nobody, nothing . agi’ wiyad'a a’ guwi yaha‘gt dgwi'gago%% a@'gwiga’goha ‘nt
The first of these
forms usually plays the part of an adjective,
while the others often stand alone and appear as nouns.
ku’taga ne’niw? the other man
u'wiyd* pyd’w* somebody is coming
= —/ ° og ap —ty .
dgu’wiyd* av’yo* nobody is here
agwikago.*
a’ ‘tégi’n* nothing is left
§ 49. Interrogative Pronouns
The interrogative pronoun asks about the quality of a noun, and
inflects for number
and gender.
There are two pronouns used
absolutely.
Animate. Tnanimate.
Pronoun. =
Singular. Plural. Singular. Plural.
|
who, what wand ‘a wanahagi wagunag i wagunaghani
which . tana tanigi tani tanigi
§§ 48, 49
|
—s ee eee,
BOAS] HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 857
The first pronoun asks of quality without reference to limitation.
wa'ndé* tca’ tina ne’niw* who is that man?
wigund pydtoyani what dost thou bring?
The sécond pronoun expresses quality with more of a partitive
sense.
ta’ nated Una ne’niw*? which is the man? where is that man?
ta’nv pyd’toya‘n’? which didst thou bring? where is the thing
that thou broughtest ?
The examples show the predicate use of the pronouns. The pro-
nouns have also an attributive function.
wi ni? ne’niw?? what man? Also, who is the man?
ta’na ne’niw?? which man? Also, which man of several?
Numerals (§§ 50-52)
§ 50. Cardinal Numbers
The numeral system as exemplified in the form of the cardinals
starts with a quinary basis. The cardinals in their successive order
are as follows:
ne’ gut’ one
nv’ cw* two
ne’su* three
nyd’w* four
nya’nanw’ five
ne’ gutwacrg® six
no’hig? seven
ne’ cwacr'g® eight
ca’g* nine
ae aon
kw’ te?
medaswi'negu't!
medaiswineguiinestw*
medaswintcw*
medaswinicwi’ nesiw*
medd’swine'sw* :
| thirteen
! eleven
| twelve
medaswineswi'nestw*
meda’ swinyd wt
BN Creo, “* 5 SE Bent
medaswinydwr'nestw*
medaswi’nyana nw*
medaswi’ nyananwi’ nesiw*
medaswinequ’twacr'g* :
aiete prettiest ee ESL OCL
medaswinegutwaciga’ nest'w
|fifteen
§ 50
> i a
858 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [pone
medaswin ohigt
SREP ot a alt age OW CMC Et,
medaswinohiga’ nest wt
medaswine’ cwaci\g*
medaéswinecwaciga’ nestw*
meda@’swicag? ,
Hovis a ey | ey oT Oeen
medaswicaga’ nesiw
niwabitag’ twenty
nicwabitaginegu't®
nicwabitaginegutinest'w*
neswa’ bita‘g? thirty
neswabitaginicw*
neswabitaginicwinesiw"
nydwa'bita‘g forty
nydwabitaginesw*
ya rds . _, ,+forty-three
nydwabitagineswinesiw :
nyanand’ bit\ag*
a haf by:
cegu kanaw* :
nydnanabitaginyaéw*
ya yo ge ya Ble: Sa | fifty-four ‘
nyananabitaginydwinestw*
negutwacigd’ bita\g’ sixty
negutwacigabitaginyana nw
negutwacigabitaginyananwi’ nest'wi
nohiga' bita‘g? seventy
nohigabitaginegutwacrg* :
oe eee aes = oc | 1a SOVEDLY-GLe
nohigabitaginegutwaciganestw'
necwacigd' bita‘g* eighty
necwacigabitaginohig® :
ON Eee Mer geeta Srl), ig ce EE ea ie
necwacigabitaginohiganesiw*
caga@’ bit‘agi ninety
cagabitaginecwacr‘g? : :
spo a pee _, _,sninety-eight
cagabitaginecwaciganesiw*
ne’ gutwa\'kw* one hundred
negutwa' kwe'nequt®
negutwa kwenequti‘n*
nv cwa'kw* two hundred
nicwa kwemedaswinanicwi'n® two hundred and twelve
ne'swa kw? three hundred
neswa kwenicwabitagineswi'n? three hundred and twenty-three
negutwacigataswa‘ kw? six hundred
nohigataswa kw’ seven hundred
nacwacigataswa‘kw®* eight. hundred
cag4'taswa\‘kw* nine hundred
me'dadswa\‘kw* ten hundred
negutuma'ka‘kw* one box
§ 50
eighteen
} twenty-one
thirty-two
|sixty-five
Jone hundred and one
hone thousand
BOAS] HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 859
medaswinegutinesiwitaswa kw*
me’ daswa\ kwe na’ ‘kana ne’ gutwa\ kw eleven hundred
ne’ gutima‘kakwe na kana ne’ guiwakw,
The cardinals from one to five terminate with the inanimate end-
“ing -i. They begin with the consonant n, a symbol that has already
been shown to be intimately associated with the hand. The symbol
is valuable for the suggestion it throws upon the probable origin of
the numeral system. It has some connection, no doubt, with the
method of counting with the fingers. Furthermore, it will be noticed
that within the quinary series (viz., within one and five, inclusive)
there are four different vowels standing immediately after n. What
part and how much vowel-change may have played in the formation
of the system is yet uncertain.
Negu’twaci‘g*, the cardinal for srx, contains three elements.
The first is negut-, and stands for onE. The second is probably an
initial stem dc-, and means OVER, ACROSS, MOVEMENT ACROSS.
a’cow* over, beyond, an obstruction or expanse
a’ cowt'w" he wades across a stream
a@’ci‘ta‘m? again, in turn, by way of repetition or continuity
The third element is the ending -g%; it is a frequent termination for
words expressing quantity. It is to be found in all the series that
SIX, SEVEN, EIGHT, and NINEenter; and its vowel sometimes lengthens
to @ when another element is added.
medaswineguiwaciga’nesiw' sixteen
But the vowel does not lengthen in negutwacigataswi‘kwe six
HUNDRED.
No’hig*, the cardinal for sEvVEN, does not yet admit complete
analysis. Initial n- and final -g are the only intelligible elements
that can be reduced at the present.
Ne’ cwaci‘g*, the cardinal for EIGHT, has three parts, as in the case
of the cardinal for six. The first is nec-, and stands for THREE; the
second is dc-, and is the same as the one in the word for srx; the
third is the numeral ending -g’.
Oa'g*, the cardinal for NINz, is difficult to analyze. The numeral
ending -g* is clear, but cd- is doubtful. It is possible that cé- may
be the same as c@-, an initial stem conveying the idea of freedom of
movement, passage without friction, without obstruction, without
impediment.
§ 50
BuO. => BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY (Buu. 40
ca’ powd'w* he cries out, sending his voice through space
capu’nigan’ a needle (that is, an instrument for piercing through
an obstacle with ease). This explanation is offered for the
reason that, in counting hurriedly from one to ten, an adverb
kwi'tc' is given for TEN. The adverb means THE END, and cd-
may possibly express the idea of an easy flow of the count
up to the adverb kwi’tc’, which marks the end of the series.
Me’dasw’, the word for TEN, is in the form of an intransitive verb
of the third person singular inanimate. Its middle part -dés- may
be the same thing as fas-, which signifies quantity, usually with the
notion of AS MANY AS, AS MUCH AS. An explanation of initial me- is
as yet impossible. [The element tas- occurs always in the form taswi-,
which is an initial stem. See § 16.—T. M.]
With the cardinal Ten the numeration apparently changes over to
a decimal system. After every new decimal, the cardinals take one
or the other of two forms. One is a cumulative compound, wherein
the part indicating the decimal comes first, and the smaller number
second.
medaswinegut’ ten one (meaning eleven)
nicwabitagine'sw* twenty-three ;
negutwa'kwenegu‘t’ one hundred one (meaning one hundred and
one)
The other is also cumulative, but in the form of an intransitive
verb of the third person singular inanimate. Furthermore, the com-
bination incorporates nesi-, an element used in the word for FINGER,
between the pronominal ending and the part expressing the numeral.
me’dasw it is ten
medaswinydwinesi wi it is ten four
The initial member indicating the decimal can be omitted, if the
numeration is clear from the context. For example, negutinesi‘wt
can mean ELEVEN, TWENTY-ONE, THIRTY-ONE, FORTY-ONE, and so on
up to and including NinETY-onE. It jumps such numbers as a
hundred and one and a thousand and one; but it can be used to
express a hundred and eleven, and a thousand and eleven, and all the
rest of the one-series, as in the instances just cited. In the same —
way nicwinesi‘w* can be used to express a two-series; neswinest'w', a
three-series; and so on up to and including céga@nesi‘w", a nine-series.
§ 50
— eee ee
BOAS] HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 861
The element expressing HUNDRED is -@'kw*, the same thing, prob-
ably, as the collective suffix used to indicate things which are wooden:
as—
cega'kw* pine [literally, skunk-tree.—T. M.]
ma’ ‘kwa'kw* bear-tree
pa'sigakw* board
The suffix ends with e, which is characteristic of an adverb.
Numeration in the hundreds is expressed with the smaller number
coming after the higher. ‘ There are two forms,—one with simply the
combination of high and low number:
nicwa ‘kweni‘cew' two hundred two (for two hundred and two)
the other with this combination terminated by the local demon-
strative adverb 7’/na‘ THERE, IN OR AT THAT PLACE:
nicwa kwe'nicwin® two hundred two there —
The suffixed adverb has very nearly the force of ALSO, TOO, as
used thus with numerals. In the series between six and nine, inclu-
sive, where the numeral ending is -ga, the quantitative element -tas-
[taswi-, see § 16. —T. M.] comes in between the cardinal and the sign
for the hundred.
negutwacigataswa kw* six times hundred (for six hundred)
cag4’taswa‘kw* nine times hundred (for nine hundred)
It takes the same place in hundreds after a thousand.
medaswinegutitaswa\ kw’ ten one times hundred
medaswinegutinesiwitaswa‘kw* one ten times hundred
Both of the preceding examples mean ELEVEN HUNDRED.
THOUSAND is expressed in two ways,—one by the combination of
. TEN and the sign for HUNDRED, meddswi'kw*; the other, and the one
more usual, by a compound expressing ONE BOX, negutima‘ka‘kw?.
The word for Box is ma‘ka‘kw', of inanimate gender. With the
meaning A THOUSAND, it takes the form of an adverb by ending
withe. The termisof recent origin. In some of their earlier sales of
land to the government, the people received payment partly in cash.
This money was brought in boxes, each box containing a thousand
dollars. From that circumstance the term for ONE BOx passed in
numeration as an expression for A THOUSAND. The term is now a fix-
ture, even though its form is less simple than the more logical word.
§ 50
862 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [puLe. 40
The psychological reason for the preference is not altogether clear.
The fact that the word for ONE BOX stood as a single term for a
definite high number may have had something to do with its adapta-
tion. The word for TEN HUNDRED, on the other hand, represents
ten groups of high numbers, each group having the value of a distinct
number of units. To use one word that would stand for a high
decimal number may have seemed easier than to express the same
thing by the use of smaller integers in multiple form. As a matter
of fact, very little is done with numerations that extend far into the
thousands; yet, in spite of the little effort to count with high num-
bers, it is within the power of the language to express any number
desired. To express TEN THOUSAND, and have it generally under-
stood, is to say—
ne’ gutima‘ka“ kw* me’dase‘nw' ini'tase‘nw*, which is, in the order
as the words come, ONE BOX, IT IS TAKEN TEN TIMES, THAT IS
ITS SUM
A number like FORTY THOUSAND TWO HUNDRED AND THIRTEEN
would be—
ne'gutima‘ka‘kwe nya’ wabitagita’swima'kaVkwe ni’ cwa kwa'n4
meda'swineswint. The words in their order mean ONE BOX,
FORTY IS THE NUMBER OF TIMES THE BOX IS TAKEN, TWO
HUNDRED PLUS, TEN THREE ALSO [Tsui is the same as the
initial stem taswi.—T. M.]
The more intelligent express such high numbers in shorter terms.
Cardinals occupy initial place in composition when they stand in
an adjective relation: as—
ne’ gutt’nentw* one man
nv cwi'kwa‘g? two women
negu’'tihiw* he is alone
ni’ ciwa‘g’ they are two
Cardinals are used freely as nouns, and it will be observed that in
this connection they do not inflect for number or gender.
ne'niwa'w* ne’ gut? I saw one animate (object)
ne'niit® ne’ gut? I saw one inanimate (object)
nepyd'nawa‘g' nyd’wt I fetched four animate (objects)
ne’ pydt? nyd’w* I fetched four inanimate (objects)
§ 51. Ordinals
The ordinals are combinations with the initial parts derived from
cardinals; but the first ordinal has a separate, distinct word. Begin-
§ 51
——a SS he
Boas] HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 863
ning with the second ordinal is an incorporated -dnameg' or -dnameg’,
the final ending of which is the suffix -g’, met with so frequently in a
locative relation; that is the sense of it here. With the eleventh
ordinal, and every other after, occurs the numeral element tas-
between the cardinal and the compound ending -dnameg? or -dnameg’.
Ordinals do not inflect for number or gender. They are as follows:
me’ne't® first
nico’name'g*? second
neso’name'g? third
nydo'name'g’ fourth
nyananona meg’ fifth
negutwaciga’name'g’ sixth
nohiganameg seventh
necwaciganame'g® eighth
caga/name‘g’ ninth
medaso’name‘g’ tenth
medadswinegut'tasonameg’ ,
TS PRE Wap eae eleventh
medaswinegut'nestwitasonameg*
nicwabitagitasoOnameg’ twentieth
negutwa kwetasoname'g’ hundredth
medaswakwetasonameg’
tole i h
negutima'ka'kwetasona mnegis thousand
§ 52. Iteratives and Distributives
Iteratives indicate repetition in point of time, as ONCE, TWICE,
THRICE. They are derived from cardinals, and take the form of an
inanimate, intransitive verb. With the sixth iterative occurs the
numeral element -tas-, denoting quantity; it is incorporated after the
cardinal elements, and is found with all the rest of the iteratives.
The iteratives follow thus in order:
ne’gute’nw? first time
nv cenw* second time
ne’senw’ third time
nyd’wen* fourth time
nya’nanenu* fifth time
negutwacigatase nw’ sixth time
no’ higatase nw? seventh time
ne’cwacigatase nw? eighth time
ca’gatase’nw* ninth time
me’dase‘nwi tenth time
medaswinegutitase nw* :
aAWs "RO eleventh time
medaswinegutinesiwitase nut
864 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY © [BuLL. 40 q
P
nicwabitagitase nw’ twentieth time
negutwa kwetase‘nw' hundredth time
nicwa kweneswabitaginydwinestwitasenw! two hundred and thirty-
fourth time
negutima katkwetase nw*
medaswa kwetase‘nw*
|thousandth time
Distributives express the number of things taken at a time, as |
EACH ONE, TWO AT A TIME, EVERY THIRD ONE, FOUR APIECE. The
distributive idea is expressed by reduplication of the first numeral
syllable. In the following are some distributive cardinals:
na’negqut? each one
nanicw each two
ninesw* or nd’nesw* each three
ni’ nydéw* or nanydw* each four
na’ nyana nw? each five
nanegutwaci'g? each six
na’ nohr‘g? each seven
ni’ necwacr‘g? each eight
ca’cag? each nine
mié’meda‘sw* each ten
mi’ medaiswinequt®
if Gre Pettey. Jeach eleven
mid’ medaswinequtinestw*
na’ nicwabita.g’ each twenty
na’ nicwabitaginicw*
gear MT ee Spiga Ro each twenty-two
na’ nicwabitaginicwmnest w'
ni’ neswabita‘g’ each thirty
ni’ nydwabita’g’ each forty
na’ nyananwabita\g each fifty
na’ negutwacigabita‘g’ each sixty
na’ nohigabita‘g’ each seventy
nd’necwacigabita'g’ each eighty
ca’ cagabiia\g’ each ninety
na’ nequtwa\kw* each hundred
md’ medadswa kw
ny sth tee ane leach thousand
na’ negutima ka kw?
Examples of distributive ordinals are—
miimene t® every first .
na’niconameg’ every second
niinesdnameg every third
md’medasoname'g’ every tenth
~ na/nequtwa' kwetasoname'g’ every hundredth
Distributive iteratives are expressed in a similar way.
na’ negute’nu* it is once at a time
§ 52
Boas] HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 865
na’nice‘nw* it is twice at a time
ndé’nese‘nw* it is thrice at a time
These distributives are often followed by the local demonstrative
adverb 7’c‘, denoting TOWARD, MOVEMENT AWAY TOWARD SOMETHING.
The adverb adds to the distributive notion the idea of movement
by groups.
na’nicwr'c two at a time
né’neswi‘c' three at a time
md’ medaswinicwinesiwic' thirteen at a time
nanicwabitagitasonamegi'c' every twentieth
na’ nohigatasenwi‘ct every seventh time
In the multiplication of two numbers, the cardinal is the multipli-
cand, and the iterative the multiplier.
ne’guti na’negute‘nw? one is taken once at a time
ni’ cwr na’nice‘nw two is taken twice at a time
ne'swi ni’nese nw‘ three is taken thrice at a time
Norre.—Half and fourth are the only fractions made use of by the
dialect. The word for HALF is expressed absolutely by @’pe‘ta‘w*, an
adverb denoting half. It forms the denominator, while a cardinal
is used in the numerator.
negutd’ pe'ta‘w* one half
nicwd’ pe‘ta‘w* two halves, two parts
The word for FOURTH is d’sepa‘n®, an adverbial form of d’sepa‘n®
RACCOON. The term comes from the fourth of a dollar, which was
the price paid for a raccoon-skin at the trading-store. It is the
denominator, while the cardinal is the numerator.
negutd’sepan® one-fourth, quarter of a dollar
neswi’ sepa ne* three-fourths, seventy-five cents
There is a demonstrative adverb ina‘ with the meaning usually of
THERE, AT THAT PLACE. When it comes after such phrases as have
been given, it has the meaning of pLus; the fraction is partly broken,
and the terms then express addition.
negutape ta’wina* one and a half
negutdsepa’nina’ plus a fourth
§ 53. Adverbs
There are numerous adverbs that express great variety of relation-
ship. By far the greater number of them are used as adjuncts. As
§ 53
44877°—Bull. 40, pt 1—10 ay)
866 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [punn. 40
adjuncts, some have great freedom of position, and others have not
that freedom. Among the adverbs of free position are those express-
ing time.
Unug’ a pyaya'n* to-day was when I came
pyd'w* a’cawa’iy*® he came long while ago
aska’teima’* ni‘py* by and by I will come
Other adverbs are less free as to position. Such are those that do
the double office of prepositions and conjunctions.
ne’‘kani pe’pon* during the whole year
ne’‘kan d/‘pemdatesi‘tc’ during all the time that he lived
a/yai' pwa'wi nd’wa'kwa'g' before noon; before mid-day
a/ya‘pwaw! pya‘tc’ before he came
These limited adverbs occurring in first position really perform the
office of initial stems. The following examples show adverbs in
composition with secondary stems:
tcl’ gepyd‘g’ at the edge of the water
a‘kwitapa‘kwi on top of the lodge
Some adverbs express a modal sense, and have the force of either
a clause or a sentence.
kaciZyito‘wi of course it is true (said in answer to a question)
k i'to‘wi I don’t care what happens; it makes no difference
ma/satci pydéw* he had a hard time getting here
The qualifying force of some adverbs is so extensive as to make
them into conjunctives. Amongst their many values as conjunctives
are— 8
General connectives:
na'‘*k* AND, aS—
kina na’ kani’n® thou and I
ce’win® BUT, in which an objection is implied, as—
Gtci/moha‘p* ce’wina wa'nikd'w* he was told, but he forgot
Introductives:
nahi’ WELL, | say, as—
nahi’, nidtesd/‘kana’w* —— well, I will tell the story of
him
kaho’, with much the same meaning and use as nahi’
ka’cinad way! How Now! as—
ka/cina, a’ gwinagwat’yani‘n' why, thou hast not gone yet!
ka’ cind\gw* is much like ka’cona
§ 53
BOAS] HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 867
§ 54. Interjections
There are also numerous interjections.: Naturally most of them
have to do with the expression of subjective states of the mind.
There are two interjections of very common use, and they will be
the only ones to be mentioned. One is tat’yana“ wouLp tHat I
HAD MY WISH! It is used with the subjunctive to express a prayer.
Tar'yana‘* pya’te! oh, I wish he would come!
The other interjection is ¢ci, expressing wonder. It can and often
does occur alone, but it is more common as a suffix,
G@ pyatcitct! when, lo, here he came!
§ 55. CONCLUSION
On account of the limitation of space, the description of the gram-
matical processes of this Algonquian dialect is to be taken rather as a
general summary. A good deal of matter has been lightly touched
upon, and much has been wholly left out. It has been the plan to
point out in as few words as possible such features as would give an
intelligible idea of what the grammar of this one reaeea Aare
is like. The description will close with the text of a mytthat was
purposely abbreviated in the telling. It is told in a straightforward
idiom without any attempt at rhetorical emphasis, which often goes
with the language of myths. The translation keeps close to the order
of the ideas expressed in the text. There is also a short anal¥is of
some of its morphology and syntax.
eae
ae
yf
§§ 54, 55
TEXT
[Cf. Fox Texts, pp. 70-74.]
Ma‘kwani! —— pamine‘kawatcigi.?
Bear they who are in pursuit of him.
Inip?® acawaly** negutenw'® 4'pepogi® 4-a‘skime'pugi?
It is said long ago it was once when it was when first it had
winter snowed
a'a‘skanwig'® neswi® neniwagi” acicawatc!"! mamaiy*” kegiceyap*."
while the first three men they went to early in the morning.
snow was on hunt for game
Apata'kigi# a‘pe‘kwisasaga‘k'® ma‘kwan'!® = 4‘pitci‘kawanitci.7
On the hillside where it was thick bear he went in making a
with growth trail.
1ma’‘kwAni object of the following participle (ma’‘kwa animate noun, nominative singular; -n? objective
animate singular suffix [§ 42}).
2 pdémine ka’ wdici\gt third person plural, animate, transitive participle (pdmi- for pemi- [initial stem
denoting MOVEMENT PAST; e of pemi- becomesd in the participle, § 33]; -neka- a secondary stem meaning
TO DRIVE, TO PURSUE [§ 19]; -w- [§ 21 (?)]; -d@- refers to the animate object ma‘kwaAni; -tcigi animate, third
person, participial plural [§ 33]).
3 Inipi combination of an introductive and a quotative (7’ni [§ 47] singular, inanimate, demonstrative
pronoun used as an introductive; i’p? impersonal quotative, occurring usually as a suffix [§ 41]).
4 a/cawai‘ye temporal adverb expressing remote time in the past (§ 53).
5 ne’gute‘nw? iterative (§ 52) in the form of the third person singular, inanimate, intransitive verb of
the independent series (§ 28).
6@'‘pepo‘gi third person singular inanimate intransitive verb of the indefinite conjunctive mode (a@-
temporal augment; pep- initial stem used to express notions of WINTER, COLD, SNOW [§ 16]; -gi suffix with
a locative sense [§ 42]).
7G A‘ski’me pu‘gi same kind of verb as in note 6 (aski- initial stem signifying EARLY, SOON, First [§ 16];
me- initial stem common with words for SNOW, ICE, COLD; meée‘pu- TO SNOW).
8 @’ Askanwi‘gi an impersonal verb of the intransitive conjunctive mode (Ask- same as in note 7; -anw-
secondary stem denoting STATE, CONDITION; -gi suffix with locative sense).
9 ne’swi cardinal used as an adjective to the following noun.
10 ne’niwA‘gi animate, plural noun, subject of the following verb (ne’niwa nominative singular; -gi
suffix denoting PLURALITY [§ 42]).
ll Gci’cawatci (cicdé initial stem TO HUNT; third person plural, animate, intransitive verb of the con-
junctive mode [§ 29]).
12 ma’/maiya temporal adverb expressing relative time.
13 kegi’ceydp« temporal adverb referring to that part of the morning just before and immediately after
sunrise. : F
14 @pA’téki'gi independent, intransitive, verbal combination used like a noun (apat- akin to @’peta‘wt
signifying HAL?, PART OF; -dki- akin to a’“ki meaning EARTH, GROUND, LAND; -g? locative suffix).
1b Gpekwisasaga‘'ki same kind of verb as in note 6 (G- vowel augment same as in note 6, but used here,
as in other places of the text, with a relative force; pekwi- initial stem denoting DENSITY, THICKNESS
[$16]; sas4g- reduplicated form of the initial stem s4g-[see s4gi- § 16], which has taken on the sense of
TAKING HOLD oF; -k? third person, inanimate, pronominal ending of the conjunctive mode [§ 29]).
16 ma"kwAni objective form of an animate noun used as the subject of the subordinate verb that follows.
11 @‘pitci‘ka’wéani'tci third person singular, animate, intransitive verb of the conjunctive mode, used
with a subordinate subject in the objective relation (p7t- initial stem denoting MOVEMENT INTO AN
ENCLOSURE [§ 16]; for the tci- of pitci- cf. pydtci- under pyd-, also § 8; ‘ka- secondary stem expressing the
notion of MAKING AN IMPRINT, SIGN, TRACK, and of MOVING, GOING [§ 18]; -wd- connective stem [§ 20]; -ni-
incorporated representative of an objective relation, and parallel in construction to -nt in ma‘kwani.
It belongs with -tci in nitci, and so enters into a subjective relation [§ 34]).
868
BOAS] HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 869
Neguti® 4‘pitcinaganatc'” a-a‘ci kahwatc'.”? “Wiatcikesiyagicisiwa!’’*!
One he went in following he set him to going. “To the place whence the source
after him of cold is he going fast!”
ahinate!” witimatcini.”8
said he to him whom he
him accompanied. :
Watcikesiyagi*™* wise'kag,” ‘ Watcinawa‘kwigicisiwa!” ** ahitci.?7
From the place he who went “Towards the place whence the mid- said he.
where it is cold round by way of, day is he hurrying!”’
Ini* na‘ka”* waitcinawa'kwigi*® wise‘ kag?” ‘‘A‘pagicimugicisiwa!’’*
And another to the place whence he who went “towards the place of the
then the source of the noon- round by falling down is he hastening!”
day way of
alate 77
said he.
Aiyaco'k* a kiwinamo'tatiwatc.’ Askatcipi*® petegipyayat**
To and fro long did they together keep Later on it is said behind he who was
him in flight from them. coming
a kigihinapitc',® a a‘skipagame kwisenigitci!** keyaihapaiy" 4‘pemegi*?
on the ground as he it lay with a green surface lo, it was the fact to a place
looked, above
18 ne’gut? cardinal (§ 50) used as an adjective modifying a noun understood.
19 @pitcind’gAna‘tct third person singular, animate, transitive verb of the conjunctive mode (pit- same as
in note 17; nag4- initial stem meaning TO FOLLOW AFTER [§ 16]; -n- an intervocalic causal particle [§§ 8, 21];
-d- objective pronominal element referring to the bear; -tci pronominal sign standing for the third person
singular subject, conjunctive [§ 29]).
20 G-a'ci'kahwatct same kind of verb as in note 19 (-"ka- secondary stem, same as in note 17; -hw- causal
particle [§ 37]; -d- same as in note 19; -tci same as in note 19).
initial stem [from wfci, a locative adverb meaning WHENCE, SOURCE FROM, AWAY FROM (§ 16)]; kesiyd-
initial combination expressing COLD; -gi locative suffix denoting PLACE WHERE [§ 42]; wéitcikesiyagi
WHENCE COMES THE COLD is an inanimate participial construction; ici a locative adverb denoting HITHER,
AWAY, TOWARD; it often occurs as a suffix [§ 52]; wdtctkesiyagici TOWARD THE PLACE WHENCE COMES
THE COLD takes the place of an initial stem to the rest of the combination; -isd- secondary stem expressing
SWIFT MOVEMENT [§ 19]; -wa third person singular, pronominal sign representing an independent animate
subject, lengthened from wa [§§ 6, 28]). :
22 Ghinatc? same kind of verb as in notes 19 and 20 (@- asin note 15; hi-initial stem meaning To say [§ 16];
-n- as in note 19; -d- as in note 19; -tci as in note 19).
23 witdmatcini third person singular, animate, transitive participle (w7- initial stem denoting com-
PANIONSHIP [§ 16]; -t-[§ 8]; -d- secondary stem denoting CONDITION; -m- animate causal particle [§§ 21, 37].
a- animate objective sign; -dtcini contains both subject and object, being a possessive, transitive parti-
cipial [§ 33]).
24 Explained in note 21.
2% Participial (§ 33), intransitive animate: hence the termination -ga, not fa (see § 34); -‘ka- a second-
ary stem meaning TRACK, IMPRINT (§ 18).
26 wdtci- as in note 21; nawa‘kwdgi (§ 53); the final ¢ elided (§ 12) before ici- (§ 16), the final ¢ of which
is likewise lost; -isG@wa as in note 21.
27 hi an initial stem as in ahindtci (note 22); the form is the third person singular animate intransitive
of the conjunctive mode (§ 29).
28 See note 3.
29 An adverb (§ 53).
30 See note 26.
31 q@- prefix; pAgi-an initialstem meaning TO STRIKE (§ 14); -iciséwd as in notes 21, 26; gi locative suffix.
82 @- prefix; kiwi- an initial stem cognate with k7- (§ 16); -n- intervocalic (§ 8); -d- a secondary stem
often used to indicate FLIGHT (§ 19); -m- instrumental particle (§§ 21, 37); -d- sign of middle voice (§ 40);
~t- an intervocalic (§ 8); -d- is not clear; -t2- sign of reciprocity (§ 38); -wdtci sign of third plural
animate intransitive conjunctive mode (§ 29).
33 For askAtci+ipi; AskAtci cognate with aski- (§ 16); ipi as in note 3.
34 petegi- an adverb; gi locative suffix, as in notes 7, 8, 14; pydydta contains py an initial stem denot-
ing MOVEMENT HITHER (§ 16); yda- an initial stem meaning the same (see below Gydwate'e, note 41); from
the analogy of pyadyAne (from pyd) it is likely that the true stem is yd; -t¢ termination of the animate
intransitive participial, third person singular (§ 33).
3 For a'kigi + dhinapitct; a‘'kigi ON THE GROUND; -gi a locative suffix (§ 42); dhinadpitci (4—tc? [§ 29]);
-h- (§ 8); -i- for ict THUS (§ 12); -n- (§ 8); @pi TO SEE.
36 ~sen- a connective stem meaning RECLINING, LYING DOWN (§ 20); d—gi as in note 6; -tc7 (§ 54).
37 T have altered a‘pemegi of Dr. Jones to G@pemegi. The first can not be analyzed; the second can,
and is supported by a pemeg of the Fox Texts (72.1). The a‘pemeg of the Fox Texts at 72.2 apparently
is a typographical error. The analysis is d—gi, as in note 6.
we
870 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BuLn. 40
-
ii'ciweneguwatci*® ma‘kwani! Sasaganigi®® a‘tetepine' kawawatei/?
was the way along which the bear. At the thick while round in a circle they
they were led by growth ; drove him
keyihapaty" &“pemeg!*” iyawatee.*!
was really the into the when they
time above went.
Ini a*kowepyayat** a‘ kowatcini# a kwagohomate’,“ “Matapyel,
There- behind he who him who was then did he ery out to “*O Union-of-
upon came next him, Rivers,
kiwitawe'l** A‘pemegiku*” keteciwenegonana!” * ahinatc'” Matapya-
let us turn Into the sky truly he is leading you and said he to Union-of-Rivers
back! me away!” him
han, cewiina® a‘ pwawipeme tagutci.*!
him, but not a reply did he get from him.
Matapya® tciwine'k' pimipahut*™ wisagenthihani® ahutaihite®!
Union-of- in the middle he who ran past little Hold-Tight did he have for a
Rivers space his pet. :
Tagwaginig’® smatanawatc!® ma‘kwani;! ainesawate! ; 57
In the fall of the year then they overtook him bear-him; then they killed him;
kicinesawatc'** me‘tegumici u'te‘kunani A‘kickickahamowatei,®®
after they had slain him oak boughs much did they cut them,
na ka®? ma‘komicyin'; ahapackinanihawatc'® ma‘kwani;! kiciwina-
likewise sumachs; then they put ae to lie on bear-him; when they |
top o
38 ici initial stem THUS (§ 16); -we- variant of wA (from awa [§ 16] by § 12); -n-(§ 21); -e- (§ 8); -gu-
sign of the passive (§ 41); d—wadtci (§ 29).
89 sasag- reduplicated form of s4g- an initial stem (§ 16), as in note 15; -4- as in pag4- beside pagi- To
STRIKE; -ni- (§ 34); -g? locative suffix (§ 42).
40 G- temporal particle; tetepi- a collateral form of tetep- (§ 16), an initial stem denoting MOVEMENT IN A
CIRCLE (cf. pemi- and pem-); ne‘ka- (§ 19) asin note 2; -w- apparently a glide (§ 8); G@watct termination
of the conjunctive mode (§ 29), showing that the subject is the third person plural animate, and the object
the third person animate, singular or plural.
4. Third person plural animate past subjunctive intransitive (§ 29).
42 Compare ad kowdtcini note 43; pydydaia as in note 34.
43 A participial (see § 33). ‘
44 G@—Gtci (§ 29); -m- (§§ 21, 37).
4 For ap cf. apo (§ 24); the form is a vocative singular animate (§ 42); see also § 6.
46 For kiwé+tawéi, kiwd- initial stem TO TURN BACK (§ 16); -t@wéi for -tawe (§ 6) sign for first person
plural (excl.) intransitive imperative (§ 31).
47 di‘ pemig?, explained in note 37; -ku VERILY.
8 For ke—gunand with prolongation of the final vowel as in -isdéwd (see note 21); ke—gundna is the pro-
nominal sign showing that the subject is the third person singular animate, and the object the first per-
son plural inclusive independent mode (§ 28); teci- variant of taci- (§ 16); -wene- as in note 38. j
49 ani sign of the singular objective case singular animate (§ 42).
50 See § 53.
51 pwawi- the negative of the conjunctive verb; it stands following the particles d- and wi7-, and before
the verbal stems (see § 35.3); -gu- sign of the passive (§ 41); @—4dtci (§ 29).
52 A participial (§ 33); pdmi- for pemi- by reason of the change of vowel in the participle; pemi- (§ 16);
pahu- same as -paho- (§ 19).
53 -4ni as in note 49; wi- sAg- (§ 16).
54 G—tci (§ 29); -h-a glide (§ 8); -u- possessive pronoun Hits (§ 45); for the omission of the suffix, see
p. 852.
55 -gi locative suffix; -ni- as in note 39. ,
56 d- temporal prefix; -n-~ an instrumental particle (§ 21); -awatci pronominal sign showing the subject
to be the third person plural animate, and the object the third person, singular or plural, animate, con-
junctive mode (§ 29); mAtA TO OVERTAKE (§ 16).
§7 nes- an initial stem meaning TO SLAY (§ 16); G—dwatci as in note 56.
58 kici- an initial stem denoting COMPLETION (§ 16).
59 G—A mowatci(§ 29); kic- (§ 25); kick- (§ 10); -a- (§ 8); -h- (§ 21).
60 d—awatc? (§ 29); -h- ($ 8); see note 91.
4
3
F
|
:
|
BoAS] HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 871
nihawatc'™ awipinenyiskwa‘kawatc!.” Watapagic'® ahina'kiwatei
finished skinning then began they to throw them Eastwar was where they
and cutting him up everywhere. threw
uwic';** papogini® a katawiwapagi® anagwagi™ ketciwagape’e;®
hishead; inthe wintertime when nearly morning stars are they accustomed
to rise;
Inipiyow?® ini ma‘kowic!.” Na‘ka” uta‘tagagwani™ 4-e'gi?
itissaid intimes that bear-head and his back-bone also
past
witapag’® ahina‘kawatc’. A‘é-gape’e™ pepog'® niwap'” anigwagi?
to the east was where they threw. Alsoitis wont inthewinter they are seen stars
asipocigigi.7”7 Inipiyow®® ini uta‘tagagwani.”
they that lie close anditissaidofold that his back-bone.
together.
Inipi* naka” iyowe winwaw** inigi” nigani nyiwi anagwagi
It is said also in the past they these in front four stars
Ina makw*® na‘ka” petegi neswi_ inigiplyOwe*! ma‘kwani!
that bear and behin three they are said in bear-him
the past
pamine kawatcig'.” Tciwine'kitca® ina’ tceagi anago** acita kwago-
they who were in pursuit Truly inthe middle there little tiny star near to does
of him. space
teimw*. Inapi® anemoha,®° utaiyin®? Matapyéi*? Wisagenohani.*
it hang. It is said little dog, his pet Union-of-Rivers Hold-Tight.
that one
Tagwagigin'*®* me‘tegumicyin™ na‘ka”? ma‘ kumicyin‘*® witcimeck-
Every autumn oaks and sumachs why they are
61 kici- as in note 58; -@wdtci pronominal] termination of conjunctive mode (§ 29), as in notes 56, 57;
-h- (§ 21); winAni- (§ 16).
62 For d—dawatci; wdpi- an initial stem denoting INCEPTION (§ 16).
6 wiitapAgict for witapAg? (note 73); ict ($§ 10, 52).
64 u- HIS; for the absence of the m suffix see § 45; -7(§ 42).
65 Compare @ pepogi (note 6) and pepdgi (note 73); the form is a locative (§ 42).
6 A locative; cf. pacd'kdtawiwadpAnig UNTIL NEARLY MORNING 298.2; -wdap4- is the same as the initial
stem wapA- TO SEE; note, too, dwdadbA-nig AT BREAK OF DAY 222.15, with the common fluctuation of 6
and p (see § 3).
6 Noun, animate plural (§ 42).
68 For ketciwagi+ape'e; for apee see § 14; ketctwagi (-wAgi is the sign for the third person plural inan-
imate intransitive of the independent mode [§ 28]).
69 For ini+ipi+iyowe; see note 3 and iyodwe next paragraph.
70 ma‘kwa+uwici (see § 12).
7 u—aAnt (§ 45).
72 See § 10; d—g? as in note 6. :
73 A locative.
74 See §§ 10, 14.
75 See note 6.
76 ndw- an initial stem meaning TO SEE; cf. Gndwdwate(i) THEY BEHELD HIM 198.2; -a@pt the termina-
tion of the third person plural indefinite passive, independent mode (§ 41).
7 See -cin- (§ 20) and also § 12.
78 Accidentally omitted in § 44.
79 Animate plural of ina (§ 47). :
80 T have altered inini ma‘kwAni of Dr. Jones to ina ma‘kwa (see 72.8), as is required by the analysis
(cf. §§ 42, 47).
81 For inig? ipi iyowe see notes 69 and 79.
82 -tc@ VERILY.
83 See § 12 for the formation of the diminutive formation of anagua.
84 -cin- (§ 20?); -wa (§ 28).
85 For 7na+ipi see notes 3 and 80.
86 a shows that the noun is animate singular (§ 42).
87 See § 45.
88 -gint termination of the locative plural (§ 42).
89 Inanimate plural (§72).
872 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 40
wipaga'ki® ajhapaskinanicigawatc'®™ ameskowig™ ta‘tupagon.i® Ini”
red at the leaf when they put to lie on top of then bloody became leaves That
tagwagigin' witcimeckwipaga‘k® me‘tegumicyain®® na‘ka”®
in thefall ~ why the leaves became red oaks and
ma‘ komicyan'.®® :
sumachs.
Ina‘kwitei.®
That is the end.
[Translation]
THEY WHO ARE IN PursuIT OF THE BEAR
It is said that once on a time long ago when it was winter,
when it had snowed for the first time, while yet the first fall of snow
lay on the ground, there were three men who went forth to hunt for
game early in the morning. At a place on the side of a hill where
there was a thick growth of shrub did a bear enter in, as was shown
by the sign of his trail. One (man) went in after him and started
him going in flight. ‘Away toward the place from whence comes the
cold is he making fast!”’ called he to his companion.
He who had gone round by way of the place from whence comes
the cold, ‘‘In the direction from whence comes the source of the
mid-day time is he hurrying away!”’ he said.
Then another who had gone round by way of the place from
whence comes the noon-time, ‘“‘Toward the place where (the Sun)
falls down is he hastening away!”’ said he.
Back and forth for a long while did they keep the bear fleeing
from one and then another. Aftera while, according to the story, as
one that was coming behind looked down at the earth, lo! the surface
of it was green. For it is really the truth that up into the sky were
they led away by the bear. While about the place of the dense
erowth of shrub they were chasing him, then was surely the time
that into the sky they went.
Thereupon he who came behind cried out to him who was next,
“QO Union-of-Rivers, let us turn back! Verily, into the sky is he
leading us away!” said he to Union-of-Rivers, but no reply did he
get from him.
Union-of-Rivers, who went running between (the man ahead and
the man behind), had Hold-Tight (a little puppy) for a pet.
90 wdtci- as in notes 21, 26, 30; meckwi- BLOOD, same as meskwi (see § 9); -p4- as in t@tupAgont LEAVES;
~ga- (§ 20); “kt (§ 29).
9t G—watct (§29;) -gd- (§ 20); -ci- for -cinz (§ 20); loss of nm (§ 12); -h- presumably a glide (§ 8);
apAskinani same as apackinant in Ghapackinani-hawatc above (see note 90). ;
2 Gmeskowigi a variant for Gmeskdwi' ki; G—ki (§29); mesko- for meskwi (note 90, § 12 near the end);
-wi- (20).
% Plural of ta‘twpAgwi (see §§ 12, 42 ); -pA- asin wdtcimeckwipaga' ki.
94 See note 3.
% For ini dkwitct (§ 10); d—tct (§ 29).
Boas] HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 873
In the fall they overtook the bear; then they slew nim; after
they had slain him, then many boughs of an oak did they cut,
likewise sumachs; then with the bear lying on top (of the boughs)
they skinned him and cut up his meat; after they had skinned him
and cut up his meat, then they began to scatter (the parts) in all
directions. Toward the place from whence the dawn of day hurled
they the head; in the winter time when the dawn is nearly breaking,
(certain) stars were wont to appear; it has been said that they were
that head. And his back-bone toward the east did they also fling.
It is also common in the winter time for (certain) stars to be seen
lying close together. It has been said that they were that back-bone.
And it has also been told of them (viz., the bear and the hunt-
ers) that the (group of) four stars in front was the bear, and that
the three behind were they who were in pursuit of the bear. There
in between (the star in front and the star behind) a tiny little star
hangs. They say that was a little dog, Hold-Tight, which was pet
to Union-of- Rivers.
As often as it is autumn the oaks and sumachs redden at the
leaf for the reason that when they (the hunters) place (the bear) on
top of (the boughs), then stained become the leaves with blood. That
is why every autumn the leaves of the oaks and sumachs redden.
That is the end of the story.
SIOUAN
DAKOTA (TETON AND SANTEE DIALECTS)
WITH REMARKS ON THE PONCA AND WINNEBAGO
BY
FRANZ BOAS AND JOHN R. SWANTON
875
CONTENTS
0 LEE Se Sea ees SS eae
Nee EON EU Cs ee 6 A 2 Se oe ee eae ok eS re SR Sek aie
DeeEEERe OL SOUROS 2 See weet eee 28 5 Ake DP eicinc ans Se ee
emer anicn and accent: Verne. 2547 ooo cebesqen teeta cs seu n es vek
NEE enonetcy Chances) 2c eee eee See eto rs SE OE om, rocco ate
MECEEAIIION Ab Gal ROCESSCH on seen e ee See eae ee eee et he
§ 6. Ideas expressed by grammatical processes. .........-.---.-----------e-
eae etree GARIOTY Cl, RAMANA 9 See on ee oe ere od au neesak
§§ 7-10. Juxtaposition and composition: Santee ..........--.-.---------
Sh hos NG fst ek els RO RE Cg ed Ber ee ee A ee Re an IS Ae.
MG MCR DS ANOUNOUNA Le a4 ea 5.2 ces 5k aoe oat nee eee
Wy Gls PM GUU TT SS Seo Soa ey ea lA a Bes la cee Be Pe
§ 10. Note on certain verbal compounds-.................-.--.-----
PMUMEIREGINNIOAIOI 2 he Sos Pos Sake aoc Sooke ecko doen deecckewaeas
Nee lire TOURS soo eae ee ects PASS Seance Sits oc accel aie
Pra eODUEORAL PRORMNOS of) e no nel cee an oe bbe okk eee
ppl lms tiinomll, DECEROR 6a din homo ea get ete oo. Wes clee dee
leer eet Se Teer ee MOE 2 oo oath Swale ca ims Seen ascod suse Ss
Neiuay exieninnmees Wout (ota. co. 3 Saat ees ee cane see deck lee cee
SN 1G—20ssPersonal pronouns'in Dakota: .222 222. 2s. 222 acs8 a5 - Sees
S 16> Subjective andi objective pronouns... .-.-.-.-....s2c-2--.--.0--
SNe Spel STE 25) 1S Ea 2 ge a a ene eee ea Se
rhe s kr Omani, OF EMI EN Yeo o2 SOs. 25 3526 be. i eese eos epee
S192 Other. exeepiimmnl aati 208 sows be a dae
§ 20. Verbs with indirect object and reflexives. .._.-.. Bae eae
Roel —ag. Personal proguumealtrr ones 9.0 < 00 ooo. one aes-sedennes
§ 21. Subjective and objective pronouns: first class...............--
Rie ny RANI VG WET eet oe LG eg Obl eo ke es
‘20. Eronouns of verbs 1m ¢. second class.” .. 2... 2.2.2 2k. voesntes
24.’ Pronouns of verbs iG, d,.9° third:class.....-......2.2... 22202.
25. eronouns of, verbs ilies fourth Glags=. - ... 2.2... c<<-4 veseuce8
20: PTOROUNS:- Of Verbs Til te ttihdt CLASH <5. 5 222 cs ond owte ne peek eeens
Biew eter ular Vers. aan ee a ae. eee et des Saco ceed an
28. Forms expressing object possessed by subject..........-..-----
ZO: SVEEDA WIE, IUGIEC CIGCIS aie -6 a eo cele oS oe eee see
§§ 30-34. Personal pronouns in Winnebago .........-..-...-..---------
§ 30. Subjective and objective pronouns: first class.................-
SMES NITES Fg 21g 5 Seen 2 Ne Scale ad eae ee er gm
§ 32. Pronouns of verbs taking § in the second person: second class- -
Sod. seunbracied pronominal corms = 700 5 620. one Secon
Sot nGireeonject and rellemiyes!ss. + J... 225.0-5-2 220 bk Sees
S do) Independent personal: pronouns. _ 2. <. - =... 2-522. 2-2.--2 fe necte~s
As, A Pa
DS
878 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY —
§§ 7-47. Discussion of arantenab Cattannen pe
§§ 36-37. Position of pronoun 7
- .§ 36. Position of pronoun in Dakota’: - 2-22. 5..2<252.-. 8st oe
§ 37. Position of pronoun in Ponea ....--.2+2:..--4-.02 2-2
> $§ 38-40. Modal suffixes and ‘particles .......:-2. 2522-22253 eee
§ 38: General characteristics .....22.5.4.5 22-2 cs 2ct a =e see ee
*§.39.. Phuralitys. -c402 2252 (See ee ee
§ 40. Particles expressing tenses and, modalities .. 22.1.2
§ 41. Adverbial suffixes: Teton... 0-5-2 .2c52 22. 2 odes ocass- soo
§ ao-Asticles Sook Ses BR ee eee idole eter
543. Demonstrative Pronouns) --2 ==. o24-e sae ae eee ee eee
§. 44. Possession osn2 see oe eee oo ae Te alet vst
§°45;Adverbs? Teton... 222520222 -52's- asec oe
§ 46. Connectives: Teton 2. 242.22 3 set ceeee poe PP
§ 47: Interjections: Teton: = 22) 25.222. Ae a ee eee
$48. Vocabulary: Teton. 2. 522-215 322Sece saad tee ee
PLeton texts s25 Jos Ja5 252 See denied esses ose sees ys sae ee ee ee eee
Winnebaeo itext 2 25.02.3622 tested cag ee enema Seas Sn eae ee eee ee
| SIOUAN
DAKOTA (TETON AND SANTEE DIALECTS)
WITH REMARKS ON THE PONCA AND WINNEBAGO
By Franz Boas and Joan R. Swanton
§ 1. INTRODUCTION
The Siouan languages are spoken in a considerable number of
dialects. One group of tribes speaking Siouan languages lived on
the western plains, extending from the northern border of the United
States far to the south. Another group of dialects was spoken by
tribes inhabiting the southern Appalachian region; and two isolated
dialects belonged to the coast of the Gulf of Mexico, east of the
Mississippi river and the lower Yazoo river, respectively. At present
the last two groups are on the verge of extinction.
The following sketch of Siouan grammar is based mainly on the
Santee and Teton dialects of the Dakota language, which embraces
four dialects—Santee, Yankton, Teton, and Assiniboin. Santee and
Yankton are spoken by the eastern Dakota bands, Teton by the west-
ern bands, and Assiniboin by those of the northwest. The material
for the present sketch is contained mainly in the grammar, texts, and
dictionary of the Santee, published by S. R. Riggs (Contributions to
North American Ethnology, vols. vi, 1x). This account has been
the basis of Dr. John R. Swanton’s studies of a series of Teton Texts,
in possession of the Bureau of American Ethnology, written by
George Bushotter, a Teton Dakota. In the summer of 1899 Doctor
Swanton revised these texts on the Rosebud Indian reservation with
the help of Mr. Joseph Estes, a Yankton Dakota, who had been long
resident among the Teton, and who was at that time teacher in one of
the Government schools. Doctor Swanton’s notes, contained in the
present account, refer to the Teton dialect, while the material based
on Riggs’s published Santee material has been discussed by F. Boas.
879
ce
880 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [ BULL. 40
The Ponca material has been gleaned from a study of J. Owen Dor-
sey’s work, The (egiha Language (Contributions to North American
Ethnology, vol. v1). The Winnebago material is based on the unpub-
lished collections of Mr. Paul Radin. The notes on both of these
dialects have been written by F. Boas. Page references in the sections
describing Santee and Ponca refer to the publications by Riggs and
Dorsey referred to before.
PHONETICS (§§ 2-4)
§ 2. System of Sounds
Since Riggs, in his grammar and dictionary, does not distinguish
the aspirates and surd stops, which were first discovered by J. Owen
Dorsey and which are of such frequent occurrence in American lan-
guages, we give here the description of the Teton as obtained by
Doctor Swanton. In order to preserve as nearly as possible the usage
employed in printing Dakota books, Riggs’s alphabet has been adhered
to; but p’, 4°, ¢, and ¢ have been added to designate the aspirates of
the corresponding surds. Doctor Swanton also distinguishes a fortis
sand §,; 4 is an obscure vowel, related to short 6 and @.
TABLE OF SOUNDS OF TETON
CONSONANTS
Stons Continued
2 2
~ = oe — oO
=I a with e 1E a = 8 we
age £2 2 oe
a 2 < & @ 2) ee eee
Balnal’ isi tea jac = bpp p---m™ - w
Dental att t @. 8s § S¢.gee
- Dorso-palatal . woe Fe Fe ee HH eH Se
Affrieatives . . . . . ww. = € ¢€ ¢ = =| =e
miveolat ti ees chan ile ae 2 § \§) =e
Palatal... . 0 OPS GN ag SR Sic
Velay = wet wees § -—o= (?)-= fb ieee
Open breathing . . . . . .--- -~- A == = = &=
VOWELS
A
PRIIG 7, | Sicdns Vata! Cone é e a 0 64
Nasalized .. 02 2-3 .0% =) 8" = go ee
1See F. Boas, Notes on the Ponka Grammar (Congrés International des Américanistes, xve session,
Québec, 1907, vol. 11, pp. 317-3387).
§ 2
BoAS] HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 881
The affricatives have been placed in the group of stops because
they are closely associated with them. It is doubtful whether the
fortis velar occurs.
The affricative é series corresponds to the English cH in CHURCH;
the 4, § series to z in AZURE and to sH in sHORE; /i to the velar cu in
German.
The phonetic system of Santee is quite similar to that of Teton,
except that / is absent and is replaced by dand 7. Teton » is either
initial or follows fi or g.
In Ponca, y of the series of sounds enumerated before is absent,
and is throughout replaced by ¢ (English sonant Tit). According to
Dorsey, this sound approaches the / and 7 of other dialects; i. e., it is
pronounced slightly laterally and with a tendency to a trill. The
sonant of the affricative series, /, occurs in Ponca, and Z is absent.
In Kansas, which is closely related to Ponca, the Teton y is replaced
by /.
In Winnebago the Teton y is replaced by a weakly trilled linguo-
apical 7. Two nm sounds are found, one, 7, more strongly sonant
than the other n. In the velar series the sonant continued sound ;
occurs besides the surd /i.
In the printed Ponca texts published by Dorsey an alphabet is used
that does not conform to the Dakota alphabet used by Riggs and in
later publications based on Riggs. Dorsey’s alphabet agrees in many
respects better with the systems of transcription used in rendering
American languages than Riggs’s alphabet. Nevertheless we have
adhered here to the Riggs system and have avoided the awkward
inverted letters used by Dorsey.
Riggs Dorsey
a ad, 2, 7
8, 8 8, 2
é 99
eT i p, t,.h
s, §* (4)
ae te
Ds t, k Ps t’, ke
ois te
Z H)
ia dj
hi q(*)
g z(%)
1Supplementary symVols used in this sketch.
44877 °—Bull. 40, pt 1—10 56
882 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 40
We are not quite certain whether the sounds s and § occur in Ponea.
The sounds s and c of Ponca have been rendered here by analogy by
sand s’, but their character has not been definitely ascertained.
In Santee consonantic clusters in initial position are common, while
they are absent in terminal position. In these consonantic clusters
three groups may be distinguished,—clusters with initial surd stops;
those with initial » and /,; and those with initial s, §, i. The first
of these groups never occurs in Ponca, the second shows a remarkable
variability in different dialects, while the third seems to be common
to Dakota, Ponca, and Winnebago.
The following table illustrates these three groups of consonantic
clusters:
SANTEE
a |
S4 | Second consonant of cluster
ake De ee Is A Settee aen 0 ie
POY OWeA DR: Ses Hpeeige pe |
t tp + th - = = |
k kp kt. -— -ks k& ke
m mad mn
h hd hn | hb hm
ee es es) es
8. 8p 2n-6hy (8h oe 8b 1g 80% Sl Se
é Sp. $b 4. So SE Sd $n. Sb ee
hi Vip ht hk “= he ids hin” ties
|
Besides these clusters which belong to the stem, or to pronominal
forms, others are admissible. These originate by composition of a
stem ending in a consonant with another stem beginning with a con-
sonant. We have found in this series—
th
mt mk ms me mh
sk
ik
gs gé gb
np
and it is likely that others occur.
~ It will be noticed that in the stem, sonants, affricatives, and do not
occur as the first sound of a consonantic cluster; that sonants, except d
eo ee ee ee,
ios
and 4, and/i, do not appear at the end of a consonantic cluster. Fortes
occur neither in initial nor in terminal position. No sound except
§2
Boas] HANDBOOK OCF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 883
s and § occurs with another one of the same class. Clusters of three
consonants may occur when a stem beginning with a biconsonantic
cluster follows a stem with terminal consonant, but these combina-
tions are rare.
In Ponca and Winnebago stems the following consonantic clusters
oceur, which, however, are never terminal.
| PONCA
pe Second consonant of cluster
On
ae Dp t Bree: We dasa bem
& wo,
b | bd
g y¢
h hn
ey Se Sk sn
ee VR CEL EK ee sn
hk. | hp he he’ hi¢
WINNEBAGO
e 2 Second consonant of cluster
ee 2 , s
E Ge Ot & it Bal Sot a
| th ég
| k ks ké kj
||
| fs sd sg
é &q sj
hi lig hg lif
§ 3. Syllables and Accent: Teton
Syllables of Teton may consist of single vowels, a consonant fol-
lowed by a vowel, or two consonants followed by a vowel. In the
last case the first consonant is nevera sonant or fortis (see p. 882). In
other instances an obscure vowel-sound is heard between the two con-
sonants, which may either be inserted for euphony or be a sign of
composition. On the other hand, such stems may be considered as
having been originally dissyllabic.!
1This view, expressed by Doctor Swanton, does not seem to be supported by the phonetic character-
istics of other dialects. It has been pointed out before that the consonantic clusters beginning with
the surd stops, p, ¢, k, do not occur in Ponea and Winnebago; while those with initial s, §, i, are
quite common in these dialects. Winnebago has a strong tendency to repeat the vowel of a syllable
between certain consonantic clusters (see pp. 888, 923), but it does not seem probable that this is an
original condition from which the consonantic clusters of Dakota and Ponca have originated.—F. B.
§ 3
884 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY © [BULL. 40 —
The sounds é and / are almost the only consonants found closing a
syllable in which no contraction is known to have taken place, although
it seems significant that both these sounds result from supposed
contraction of syllables.
The placing of the accent is said sometimes to constitute the only
difference between words, but it is possible that other vocalic modifi-
cations, not hitherto observed, may be involved.
§ 4. Phonetic Changes
In this section we give a summary of the phonetic changes occurring
in Teton, Ponca, and Winnebago.
TETON
1. After a nasalized vowel or the syllable nz there is a strong tend-
ency for the following vowel to be nasalized; and this tendency is
particularly marked in the causative auxiliary ya, as in the following
cases :
kim’ ya” to fly
toha” hu™ni’ ya” as long as
iciteha™” ya” far apart
ta” ya" well
wati™ ya"pi they trusted to him
niya” he cures him (literally, causes him to live)
wiyuskim’ ya” in a holy manner
lipatya” pi they caused it to be softened with water
teu™ ya"pi we catised him to die
. Ya vo Go sometimes changes similarly, as—
urya” pi We go.
2. After o, wu, 0%, vu”, the semivocalic y is apt to change to w, espe-
cially in the imperative forms, as—
uri, u wo be coming, O grandmother!
tanya” eéa'no™we well have you done
Here may belong forms like—
no” wa" he swims
lowa™ pi they sing
3. The final a of most verbs is changed into 7” when followed by
na AND, or kta (the future particle).
Eeya'-u pi” na you roast and— (instead of Ceya'-u™pa' na) ~-
yar kim na he sat and— (instead of ya” ka na)
§ 4
ee
BOAS] HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 885
keyi”’ na he says that and— (instead of heya’ na)
yu zi" kta he will take her (instead of yu’za h'ta)
Final a” is usually treated similarly.
hec’o™ him na she was doing that and— (instead of hec‘o” ha” na)
é to™wi" na he looks at and— (instead of ¢to™va”" na)
4. Terminal a very often changes to ¢, but it is not certain that this
change is of a purely phonetic character. It occurs before the sounds
of the s and § series:
slolayé ni he knew not (for slolaya’ &n7)
yuzi" k‘te &ni he will not take her (for yuzin k'ta &nz)
kind’ k'te se'ée he will revive perhaps (for Ain’ k*ta se'e’e)
ki" ye se it flew, as it were (for kz"ya se)
ye liéeha” he went just then (for ya hiéeha™)
This change also occurs when the following word begins with e:
uryi” k'te eéi'ya she said to him, ‘‘ We will go” (for u®yz” k'ta
eCt' ya)
k'te ei™ **T will [travel], he thought (for X'ta e'7”’)
le eha” tas if you go (for la eha™ ta”s)
It occurs before the articles 47" and ko", and before the conjunction
keya’s. In all these cases it is connected with a change of the initial
k: sounds of these verbs into the corresponding affricative. Examples
are given under 5.
Since verbs change into nouns by a transformation of final a to e
(or by change of suffix a to suffix ¢), it is not certain that these
phenomena can be considered as purely phonetic in character.
The change from a@ to e usually accompanies word composition.
Examples are :
tuwe’ni whoever (for fwwa’ nz)
tuwe wak'a™ what is holy (for twwa’ wak‘a”’)
liceha” just then (for fica-ha”)
ak ap eya to throw beyond the bounds (from a’h'ap'a the outside)
ak'a'sp'a and ak‘a' sp eya to be provoked
The rules relating to terminal a suffer many exceptions. The verbal
stem Aw TO HAVE, and some verbal stems, like wa and ta, seem to be
invariable :
baluha’ sni I have not
wit'a'yak'u' wa k'te you will treat them (w7é'a them ; ya thou)
tye’ kita sni he did not cause him to behave
§ 4
a |
vy
886 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BuLL. 40
5. The palatals %, k, and 2", when preceded by ¢ or 7, change to the
corresponding dental affricative.
le¢‘o™ he did this khak‘o™ he did that
le'é'a this sort to’k'a that sort
This happens most frequently in the case of the articles 47” and ko,
and the conjunction keya’s BVEN, THOUGH.
sta’ gamuze ¢7 the eyes closed (instead of ¢sta’gamuza ki”)
k‘te €i™ha™ if he will (for k'ta ki"ha”)
yurka' he éo™ he was lying in the past (for yu"ha’ha ko")
hi'yuye €o™ha” he caused it to come forth (for hz’yuya ko™ha”)
yarké éaya’s although he sat (for ya"ka’ kaya’s)
This change is regular only when the preceding ¢ stands in place of
a of the independent forms of the verb; but the change also takes
place at times, although not regularly, when the verb ends in e.
k'te 6im kill the (for Z'te ki)
According to Riggs, the same change takes place after 7, in verbs,
when the /: is followed by a vowel.
icalu fan (from 7-, prepositional prefix [see §12]; /alu’ to blow -
away with hand)
iéasla a scythe (from 7-; kasla' to cut off)
kiéableca to break for one by striking (from %7- for; kableéa to
break by striking)
The analogous changes occur throughout in Santee.
6. Contraction. Words ending in certain consonants followed by
a, when compounded with other words that follow them, and when
duplicated, lose their final @ and change their consonants as follows:
p to dorm GAGs
6: FiO. of BOX
tO 9 BUatOrSS
Examples;
tob p asala'tapi they stick four into the ground (for to’p‘a)
wasa'g-i¢ila’ he thought himself strong (for wasa’ha)
kali-wi'é asi he told them to make (for /a’ga)
yus-ige'y holding him, he sent him (for yw’za)
p asp a" za soft (reduplicated from p a”’Za)
ap si’'l and ap‘st’éa to jump on
oyw'l and oyu'ta to eat
§ 4
BoAS] HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 887 .
When a word ending in one vowel is compounded with another one
beginning with the same vowel, the two vowels are generally con-
tracted.
hiyota"ka to come and sit down (for Az Zyota"ka)
Terminal « before the particle Zo (see p. 933) changes to e because it
requires a preceding particle ye, which with @ is contracted into e.
bala'he lo Tam going
PONCA AND WINNEBAGO
Ponca and Winnebago have vocalic changes analogous to those of
Dakota.
The negative auxiliary, the future, the quotative, and the plural of
Ponca change terminal ¢ and ai to a. ;
tk agewi¢ai | have you for friends 711.13
tk dgeawa¢a-mazt | do not have them for my friends 711.13
sk‘ age thou doest
¢i sk aga-bda2% thou doest it not 711.19
nét az you will go 689.6
nd-bazi you “@iural) do not go 689.3
The same change takes place in verbs followed by -7, -béama
IT IS SAID.
ai he said 60.8
d-biamd he said, they say 60.7
in¢ésk' age thou makest for me 640.1
gaga-biama he made, they say 60.5
a¢é he went 9.1
a¢ab he went, it is said 9.10
Zug¢e with him
Zug¢a-bi he with her, they say 331.18
da"bai-ga see him! 60.6
da"ba-biama they saw, they say 58.10
The change of terminal e to a occurs also in Winnebago in the
plural, when the verb is followed by the negative and is in the
present tense, and when followed by @ nafiga AND.
del go da'wi we go (-w7 plural ending)
ralie thou buriest ralia’wi ye bury
In Winnebago, 7 changes regularly to n when following a nasalized
vowel. This 2 differs in the strength of its nasal aspiration from
the ordinary x.
hinu'gas he tears me by pulling (for A72”-ru-gas)
§ 4
888 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BuLn. 40
The dialects here treated demonstrate a close relationship between
certain groups of sounds. These are notably—
m ob »p
yf ee eh ORC STE
Gli Ae DO Oe). on
These relationships appear partly in consonantic changes required
by the rules of euphony of each dialect. It has been shown before
that, in cases of contraction in Teton, p may change to m, ¢ and é
ton; and that and & after a transformed into e, and in a few other
cases, change to ¢ and ¢.
When discussing consonantic clusters, we called attention to the
peculiar groups of clusters which occur in Santee, beginning with m
and 4. These show a great variability in different, closely related
dialects, and exhibit some of the relationships of sounds to which
attention has been called. Thus we find the corresponding groups in
Santee, Yankton, and Teton:
Santee Yankton Teton Ponca
————————— S aEEEEEEEE EEE
mad mn mad mn b/+ mn bég
Ad. hin, “kd dem gl! gn g¢ -
DO... hat SPY Fem gb gm - =
The close relationship between ¢ and /: appears in Santee whenever
the sound precedes a p. Thus we find—
i*kpa and 7tpa end of a thing
wakpa and watpa river
The relations between » and 7 in Santee and Teton, and those be-
tween y, ¢, 7, /, in Santee, Ponca, Winnebago, and Kansas, have been
mentioned before.
An important phonetic law relating to the Winnebago was formu-
lated in 1883 by J. Owen Dorsey in the following words:’
‘CA triliteral monosyllable in goiwere (and often the corresponding ones in
Dakota and @egiha) is changed into a quadriliteral dissyllable in Hotcafigara
(Winnebago), when the first letter of the monosyllable is a mute, a palatal spirant,
or a spirant sibilant, and the second consonant is a labial or dental mute, or a
dental spirant. The first consonant of the Hotcafigara dissyllable is always a surd;
the second is, as in the corresponding jiwere word, a labial or dental mute, or
else a dental spirant; and each consonant (in Hoteafigara) must be followed by
the same vowel sound. In no case, as far as examples have been gained, can any
mute stand next to one of the same order; e. g., a labial can not precede a labial.”
1 Swanton hears here an indistinct vowel between the consonants of the cluster. This is true of a
great many groups of two consonants.
2J. Owen Dorsey, The Comparative Phonology of Four Siouan Languages (Annual Report of the
Smithsonian Institution for 1883, p. 923).
§ 4
GOAS] HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 889
Examples illustrating this law are:
Sa’ rasis thou breakest with mouth (s-7- equals Ponca sn-,; ra- Win-
nebago WITH THE MOUTH)
Suru’sis thou breakest by pulling (s-7- equals Ponca sn-, ru- Win-
nebago BY PULLING)
haku'rugas 1 tear my own (k- ONE’S Own, followed by the vowel of
the first syllable of the verb; 7w- BY PULLING)
haka'rasis 1 break my own with mouth
Compare also—
hawi'nafiga for kéwé a'nafiga AND HE ENTERED
hitata'nanga for hivevé a'nafiga AND HE SPOKE
§ 5. GRAMMATICAL PROCESSES
Grammatical relations are expressed by juxtaposition, composition,
and reduplication. The limits between juxtaposition of words in a
fixed order and of word composition are’ ill defined, since the inde-
pendent words that enter into the sentence are liable to considerable
phonetic modification, which is due entirely to the closeness of the
connection of the adjoining elements. ‘The phonetic decay of different
words, under these conditions, is not the same everywhere; and cer-
tain elements appear exclusively in combinations, so that they may be
considered as affixes. Prefixes, suffixes, and in some cases infixes,
occur, although the latter may have been originally prefixes which
appear now as incorporated in a compound, the parts of which are no
longer discernible. The total number of affixes, however, is small, the
entire number not reaching thirty-five. Composition of independent
words is resorted to with great frequency. In these compounds the
subordinated element is usually modified by the elision of the terminal
vowel and the correlated modification of the preceding consonant, so
that the component parts form a very firm unit. Modifications of
terminal sound of one word and initial sound of the following word
occur in many cases, and express the syntactic relations of parts of
the sentence. Phonetic modification of prefixes and of suffixes, par-
ticularly of the pronominal elements, and irregularities of their posi-
tions, make the verbal forms of the Siouan languages very irregular
in appearance. Far-reaching substitutions in the labial and dental
series occur in all dialects.
Duplication of stems occurs in verbs and in some nouns derived from
them. It is almost always confined to the principal stem. The final
§ 5
890 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BuLL. 40
consonants, which in the unduplicated word are followed by terminal
a, are modified as in other types of composition (see § 4).
The syntactic relation of words is often expressed by position. On
the whole, there is a strong tendency to place particles indicating the
function and relationships of groups of words following those groups.
§ 6. IDEAS EXPRESSED BY GRAMMATICAL PROCESSES
The categories of noun and verb are clearly distinct, although in
some cases the same word may be used both as a noun and as a verb.
In other cases there is at least a slight modification of form, which
consists in a change of suffixes. In the Dakota dialects there is no
classification of nouns, except in so far as verbs of existence imply
form; but in Ponca the classification, which is expressed by particles,
is elaborate. Animate and inanimate—the former at rest and moy-
ing; the latter as round, upright, horizontal, etc.—are distinguished.
Plurality of the noun is expressed, not by means of a nominal
plural, but rather by a device which expresses the plural idea of the
whole sentence. In the possessive pronoun the ideas of inalienable
and alienable possession are distinguished. Distributive forms of
verbs expressing states or conditions are often expressed by redupli-
cation.
The subjective and objective personal pronouns are clearly distin-
guished. The former are the subjects of all verbs expressing activi-
ties; the latter are the objects of transitive verbs, and the subjects of
verbs expressing conditions. The Siouan languages have the tendency
to include in the former class all declarative terms, even those that
imply only a slight amount of action.
The pronouns are not well developed. There are only three funda-
mental forms,—I, THOU, THOU AND I. Forms with incorporated
object are generally composed of the subjective and objective forms
of these elements, but a few cases occur of combinations that can
not now be explained as compounds of subjective and objective pro-
nouns. The pronominal forms give rise to new combinations, owing
to the marked exactness with which the action directed toward an
object possessed by the subject is differentiated from other actions
directed toward objects not so possessed.
In the verbal stem a few instrumentalities and locatives are ex-
pressed. Complex ideas are expressed very frequently by means of
composition. Some of the elements entering into such composition
§ 6
ce
BOAS ] HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 891
appear with great frequency, and might be called auxiliaries. To
these belong verbs like TO CAUSE, TO BECOME, and nominal classifiers
like RumMINANT. Temporal and modal ideas are almost wholly ren-
dered by means of enclitic particles.
Demonstratives seem to have designated originally four distinct
positions, but these are no longer clearly recognizable. The demon-
strative ideas are very closely associated with some verbs with which
they enter into composition.
While in Dakota there is no indication of the existence of a gram-
matical distinction of the nominal subject and object, the Ponca
differentiates these forms through the use of distinct particles.
The local relations of nouns are expressed with great nicety by
means of post-positions, in which Doctor Swanton finds the ideas of
rest and motion clearly and sharply distinguished.
Adverbs of various kinds, and a few special adjectival ideas, are
expressed by means of suffixes.
DISCUSSION OF GRAMMAR (S§ 7-47)
Juxtaposition and Composition: ‘Santee (§§ 7-10)
§ 7. Verbs
In the Dakota sentence the component elements are often placed side
by side without any connective elements, but so closely connected that
two successive elements influence each other phonetically. Composi-
tions of this type appear with great frequency when a number of predi-
eative terms enter into combination. Whenever an element of such
a series, that is followed by another element, ends in the vowel a,
preceded by one of the consonants p, ¢, ¢, 4, g, 2, 2, contraction (see
§ 4, no. 6) takes place.
snayeli yumden iyeya it snapped and broke suddenly IX? 88.9
(sna ringing sound; yumde’éa to break to pieces; zyeya to do
suddenly)
wased ti he lived and was rich IX 95.1 (wase'éa rich)
thpihnag u he came putting them in his blanket LX 88.14 (¢hpv’-
hnaka to put in blanket)
ikpihnag u® it was in the blanket LX 88.26
waryag nazi” to stand and see (wa"ya'ha to see)
1These references indicate page and line in Vol. IX of the Contributions to North American
Ethnology.
§ 7
892 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BuLL. 40
When the first verb ends in a syllable that can not be contracted,
the two verbs stand simply side by side.
wimant hi to come and visit IX 87.22 (7’éimaniz to visit; hi to
come)
odé' + he went hunting LX 117.2 (ode’ to hunt; 7 to go)
ape ya"ka he stayed and waited LX 117.3 (ape to wait)
éeya wiwakorza she cried and wailed LX 117.16 .
When the first and second verb end in the same vowel, contraction
may take place.
Adiyota"ka to come home and sit down (Adz to come home; 2%o-
taka to sit down)
hihu™ni to come to the shore (Az to arrive; zhu” nd to land)
While ordinarily the terminal @ in verbs that can not form contrac-
tions remains, and the two verbs appear simply in juxtaposition, a
few verbs, which otherwise do not differ in their usage from those
discussed heretofore, require the change from @ to ¢, and thus indi-
cate a more intimate association of the component elements of the
group. These are ¢yeya SUDDENLY}; yd (ya”) TO CAUSE; kiya TO CAUSE;
u”® TO BE; 7 TO GO; wv TO COME.
The following forms are analogous to the preceding groups, and
show contraction:
kaptus cyeya to put down (from haptuéza)
yuolidog iyeya to open out TX 83.15 (from yuolidoka)
kak kiya to cause to do (from haga)
sam ya to blacken (from sapa)
pus ya to dry (from puza)
warya g ya to cause to see (from wa"ya' ka)
No change of the first verb occurs; for instance, in—
nazi” kiya to cause to stand
Changes of « to e in words in which contraction is impossible are
found in—
te ko™ to wish one dead
ye kiya to cause to go (from ya)
niwe kiya to cause to swim (from nzwa")
niwe u® he is swimming
bakse « he went to cut (from baksa) TX 115.10
wanase aya they went buffalo-hunting IX 88.11
hihnaye au they came to marry him IX 144.3
ani~e watim to forbid he intended IX 111.17 (this should be,
according to analogy, anin wacéi”)
§ 7
cial
Boas] HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 893
Judging from the published texts, the usage is not quite regular,
and some verbs seem to take both forms.
§ 8. Verbs and Nouns
In many compounds of this group an intimate phonetic relation of
the noun and verb exists, so much so that the noun sometimes appears
in a fragmentary form which never occurs alone, or, at least, with a
termination that has undergone far-reaching modifications.
éante' HEART. From this word are formed—
éanti™’ za to have courage (with t7”’za staff)
éanze’ to be troubled (with ze disturbed)
éa"to' hnaka to love (with ohna’ka to push in)
The complete word appears in—
éate'asni to recover one’s mind (with asnz’ to recover)
hayé tu NIGHT
ha” mani to walk in the night (with ma’nz to walk)
ha*wa” ka to remain over night (with wa’"ka to be)
wi ya" FEMALE
wt hdastaka to strike one’s wife (hdasta’ka to strike one’s own)
we'inalima to conceal a woman (with zna’lima to hide)
wiki sdeya to molest a woman (with k7sde'ya to molest)
wita” sna a virgin (ta” sna alone)
The terminal @ of the noun does not change to e, but contraction takes
place in compounds of this type.
mahki’éanya” to till a tield (from ma’ga field; kiéa"’ya" to culti-
vate)
maki’ puskiéa to lie on the ground (from maka’ ground; tpuskiéa
to press on; with contraction of «@-7z to 7)
In still other cases the noun modifies the initial sound of the verb.
teca'ga to pitch a tent (from ¢i dwelling; “aga to make)
mi nicapi a well (from mz’ni water; ka to dig) .
The transition between these forms and others consisting of object
and verb, or subject and intransitive predicate, is quite gradual. A
number of nouns are used like classifiers, when the sense of the sen-
tence does not require the noun. Thus we find, from—
éa” WOOD
éa"ka’' Ska to tie wood together
éa"ba’' sdeéa to saw wood
wid HUMAN BEING
witata” sna bachelor (compare the true compound wita” sna virgin)
§8
894 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [punn. 40 ‘
At the other end of the series we have forms like—
hihna’ to” to have a husband (Azhna’ husband; to” to have)
hihnd’ ya to have for a husband.
In the latter form the same verb that forms the causative compound
appears combined with a noun.
§ 9. Nouns
Nouns enter into composition in the same way as nouns and verbs,
and presumably there is no fundamental difference between these
groups. We find here also abbreviated or contracted forms, more
probably stems. These nouns often have a classificatory function.
t@ RUMINANT
tapa deer-head
taceczv’ butffalo-tongue
taha’ deer-skin
hoga” FISH appears in the form ho
howa'mduska eel (literally, fish-snake)
hoa’ pe fin (literally, fish-leaf)
hoée'spa fish-scales (literally, fish-warts)
$u™ ka DOMESTICATED ANIMAL appears in the form éu%g
Su™gwe'ye mare
Sug’ ka” bridle (literally, horse-rope)
wita' HUMAN BEING
wica'nasu brain of a man
wica' pe liver of a man
wi ya" FEMALE appears in the form wz
wisa” vagina
wito'ka a female captive
éa” WOOD
éa"ha’ bark (literally, wood-skin)
éa™ ha"pa shoes (literally, wood moccasins)
éa”ha'sa cinnamon-bark (literally, wood-skin red)
ti DWELLING
teéa'tku rear part of tent
tihw'la framework of tent (literally, tent skeleton)
§ 10. Note on Certain Verbal Compounds
Compositions similar to those here described occur in other Siouan
dialects. Perhaps the most peculiar ones are the Winnebago verbal
compounds, in which the position of the subject is described as sitting,
lying, or standing. Following are a few examples.
§§ 9, 10
BOAS] HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 895
ra'size-na'niksena” he breaks it with the mouth, sitting (ra- wirn
MOUTH, S?s TO BREAK, na’/7iksena” HE IS SITTING, only in com-
pounds)
rasisje'na” he breaks it with the mouth, standing (jena” ux 1s
STANDING, only in compounds)
ra sizaiksena” he breaks it with the mouth, lying or walking
(from wa'7ikcnna" HE IS LYING, WALKING, only in compounds)
Similar forms are not quite absent in other dialects, but they are
much less developed.
ta waka to be dead IX 111.19
In Dakota we have, for instance,
ya waka he went (literally, going he reclined) LX 110.1
za ha” to speak (literally, speaking to stand)
wawa'yaka ha” en ¢ looking on standing in he came IX 86.12
wyeliya yanka it is shining (literally, shining he sits)!
§ 11. Reduplication
SANTEE
Reduplication in Dakota consists essentially in the doubling of the
principal theme of a word.
In the process, all monosyllabic words
ending in a vowel, pure or nasalized, are doubled.
ko
pa (Santee)
po
(so)
pa
mau
Tibu
(Sta)
tete’ blue
bubw’ to make a noise
pepe’ prickly, jagged
dodo’ soft, damp
gigr’ brown
gugw’ to burn
Kaha’ curling
2020’ to whistle
huhu’ made of bone
ko'ko quick
papa’ (Teton) to bark
po'po foggy
soso’ to cut into strings
kaka’ uneven
pa™pa” to yell
po™po'™ rotten
mdumdu’ pulverized
hbuhbw’ to make a crunching noise
Stasta’ weak, brittle
1The form han has been classed by Dorsey with the articles (IX, p. 25, footnote), while Swanton
classes it as a continuative suffix, because it occurs not only with verbs, as stated before, but also
after other parts of speech, especially after demonstratives; as, e/han THEN, tohan’ WHEN. These uses,
however, agree with the use of articles.—F. Boas.
§ 11
896 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 40
$da sdasda’ bare
sn snisnv’ cold
snd snasna’ to ring, to rattle
lipu lipulipu’ to pick off
(yu) lipa (yu) ipalipa to throw down
- Bisyllabic words ending in @ lose this ending in the reduplicated
syllable and modify their last consonant in accordance with the rules
described in § 4.
So’ ka Sokso'ka thick
keza keskeZa smooth
60’ 2a éosco'za warm, comfortable
ko!™2a ki’"ski’™za to grate
kega _kelike’ga to scrape
ye ga ycliye'ga to shine
te’ pa | temté pa worn off
go' pa gopgo' pa to snore
hapa lamla' pa to make a rustling noise
sa’™pa samsa'™pa raore
sa’ pa sapsa' pa black
ce’ pa éemée' pa or Cepée'pa fat
liota hotho'ta gray
(ya) po'ta (ya) po! tpota or (ya) po'npota to tear
to pieces (with mouth)
When the terminal consonant and the initial consonant form inad-
missible clusters, the former is omitted.
dopa dodopa miry
(ya) Su'Za (ya) &u’Suza to crush (with teeth)
ka’ ka khaka’ka to make a dull noise by
breathing
ko'ka koko’ ka to rattle
In bisyllabic words beginning with a consonantic cluster the conso-
nant of the terminal syllable is not repeated:
(yu)lida’' ta (yu)lida’idata to scratch
(ka)lide'éa (kajlidéhdeéa to tear
mdeta mdemde'éa broken
pst Ca psipsi’éa jumping
psa ka psapsa' ka(ha") broken
lido’ ka lidolido’'ka to make a hole
thu’ ga thutku'ga to cut short
ptuza ptuptu'éa cracked
Snu! Za énumsnu'Za indistinet
hsi'2a ksiksi'2a to double up
§ 11
BOAS] HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 897
Amu'™za Amu™hmu'za slimy
ksa' pa ksaksa’' pa wise
Sko' pa Skhosko' pa crooked
An exception to this rule is—
(ya)sma' ka (ya)sma'gsm@ka to indent (with
teeth)
When the consonant of the second syllable is a dental or affricative
(¢ or é) and the first consonant a sibilant (z, s, 2, §), the dental or affric-
ative is transformed into a / (¢).
so’ ta sokso’ ta clear
suta’ suksu'ta hard
4 Be ene PE ie
Zuta Zagza' ta forked
&i2a &iks7'Za bad
(wanéi’ one ware’ gzi some)
In compounds, only the stem is reduplicated; prefixes and suffixes
remain unaffected.
s7” in sight kas” has’ is” to appear in sight
mdu pulverized abo’mdu abo'mdumdu to bubble up (a-
on; bo- by blowing)
gu to burn agu agugu to burn out something
Ade to plan véiyahde “éiyahdehde to reach one to
. another
Sa red au’ desa a'desasa in the red flames
(a- on; 7dé to blaze)
to” to give forth aho'to™to™ to ery out (ho voice)
(pta”) to roll po' pta"pta” to. shake head ([po]
head)
The following examples illustrate the use of reduplication of words
with suffixes:
to’ keca tokto’heéa different
yukta kiya yuktakta"kiya to cause to bend
yupta' ya" yupta'™ptarya™ to roll over
It would seem that in a limited number of cases the component
both the reduplicated stem and
the prefix. Instances of stems that do not seem to occur alone will be
elements have lost their independence
found in the preceding list. The following cases illustrate the oceur-
rence of prefixed elements that have apparently now no. independent
meaning:
ho’ ska hoska' skapi youth
qua gugaga proud
$11
14877°—Bull. 40, pt 1—10
a
-!
°
898 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 40
sdoha'™ sdoha'"ha® to crawl
thitka’ thitha’ tka slushy
Reduplicated numerals show very clearly these principles of redu-
plication:
ware’ one waréi gzi a few
ya'mni three ya mnimni by threes
za’ pta™ five za’ pta™pta” by fives
Sa’ kpe six Sa’kpepe by sixes
Sako’ wi" seven Sako'wimwim by sevens
sakdo'ga® eight sakdo’lidoga® by eights
napei’™warka nine nape ™wargwarka by nines
wikée’'mna ten wikée'mnamna by tens
PONCA
In Ponca, monosyllabic words ending in a vowel, pure or nasal-
ized, are doubled:
ga"sa™ always 207.10
sna™ sna” level 25.3
ligéli¢e spotted 315.11
da” ¢a” each time 264.12
huhu’ fish 280.8
Apparently most stems ending in a consonant are reduplicated
without the terminal consonant:
bihw’ hut'a® blowing on 260.15
u¢a’*utude he bit holes in them 267.7
pu pulidhé'c drawn up much 282.16
gagigige coiled up 282.16 (gagigzje 320.3)
udu kthehébe one after another 307.9
a™ sa"sa"dema” shake me repeatedly 310.3
jujinga little ones
wast’ sige active 9.14
lithige to crush often 20.3
bié‘7é'i’je to break in by pressing 20.4
na djaje kicking out with the legs 24.1
ndgigi¢a made people afraid to carry 756.5
wakekega sick ones (wakega sick)
Since the suffixes of Ponca are not well known to me, it is quite
likely that some of these stems may be monosyllabic. We find also
examples of reduplication, including the terminal stem-consonant.
wddabdaze 267.6 wadabddbeaze 267.13
§1]
oo fae
—_—-,'—
Boas HANDBOOR “GFA MERIECRNY 4NDPAN “PANGUAGES 899
ae) '
~ —
a
In compouiids} only the xtémis reduplicated; prefixes and suffixes
remain 'dnateétad ! © OV O\.
ia oa” sudae? nih ot de Plarly 9
wit ean big © pane ave
disp asp a me to pieces 17.3 29)891 «i
ukili¢ali¢ve they runwnequal distances 756.16
usk' a” shi gn ola Jing ARASAAC8 tioned ot
ak aggimgge” s sitting on one another 320.4
idish' i! ski much Eatsled 591.16
ugd@ haha floating in little waves 279.5 (see uga'ha 282.4)
sa" §arlit'c withoutstopping 26438917
pipia ji bad Ces (ge Sons as
Had
ukig¢isarsa" he turned round and t ¥ouhid 260.8
AOTAT
WINNEBAGO
wbite.s . elowev stugq od) to enijeianoo .46
ener stems with rete vowel are doubled:
so Isrd194 28 TO IBMOMTEOGo 1 SO LOLs ote aT
stem o ta
| STUION Ie ¢ O44 noqu sogouttat on Lee
0 rap op’ wa’ ae to puff
» od kidvigs vol) ,bodoastis ors yptomuno’ to skip about
Erg wari” rina the ball
lenis « ei otsotrbai od bovol gidigzhg? to walk over something
ce
ta} beatol fe BSt 0. 99d 9tototsds 08 ASORS? to disturb
Ay) ruzize to point at
aa al: yey’e earring
high” (-matlignh’ ligh” to hear often
Bisyllabic stems with repeated sti owel (see p. 888) are treated
in the same manner as monosyllabic stems:
stem hzri (odor hepsehon ? he comes again and again
“< pnt ruprapine to turn
* $ara hgneiqre bald
“* pone worupondpond to smell
Bs odiaitop ayior diiw soslq a: A iondporo round
“HF ONT HUSESHP tarde & nding {iS ébiig8riant do not repeat the terminal
alle. 124: ysot df esmitemocd .elsaibro es
stem /iné horulia’hué he looked again and again
ye pak yaya ksé to shriek
She. B46 (Hodzr’z1é8é to strain one’s eyes
sas raodiruga’ gas to tear in pieces
°° kes rukstinkstiésé to shake
5 26GS (gebol edt oint Aivacacas to chatter
at 82 bosisiz to shoot
se giné diiw ostei"é to sweep
ee yeyre to squeak
§ it
900
{
: BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY iBuLn. 40
stem Asap manksaksa' psé to slit open
stale 11) Jul lyisénuna” to whisper
HF ears hosa'sak to shoot
ful washulu’lisé to smash
In the same way is treated
stem s’urutci” Surusurutci” naked
In the following the terminal consonant is repeated:
stem gli giligth to touch
Prefixes (§§ 12-14)
§ 12. Prepositional Prefixes
TETON
There are three prefixes, consisting of the pure vowels a, 2, and a,
which have very general meanings of prepositional or adverbial char-
acter. Since these elements have no influence upon the structure of
the following word to which they are attached, they might be con-
sidered as proclitic particles.
/
1. @ signifies on. It is also employed to indicate that one thing is
accompanied by another, and therefore becomes a kind of
plural.
au“ pi they put on (many sticks)
wi éayuta he looked at them
ana'tan she ran (thither)
aée'ti he put on the fire
awa k‘eya he covered it (with a robe)
aw? éac wa-u I bring them
aka'sta™p? they poured on him
é indicates that an action has taken place with some definite object
in view, and therefore often occurs in words denominating in-
struments; it also forms ordinals. Sometimes it may be trans-
lated by For. .
ipa't'a sewed with
zya' ha” he was going to (a hill)
iye'wita kiya’ he passed it to them:
ilowa™ pi they sing of it
ina'é2” he stood there (to look into the lodge)
iya kaskapi they hid it there
za'pe thing that they strike fire with
ica'sAlohe stone balls
§ 12
— ay
BOAS] HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 901
iza'p ta the fifth time
ito'pa the fourth
ty ha all
twa” kab above it
3. O signifies IN, WITHIN, INSIDE OF. It is frequently employed with
verbs signifying TO SPEAK; and also when indefinite actions are
! to be expressed, when it becomes partly antithetical to 7.
osAlo'he coasting (into the water)
opa'witalita’ she packed them up
oma hi™ipa'ya 1 fall into
ao'nawiéat a'ka he closed them in
oha” hepi night-time
oéu' ha place for a certain article (bag)
oya'te people
oya'si™ all
ohu™” kaka" myth
o' gale coat
obala'ye level place
oma'ni he walked (about)!
PONCA
_ The corresponding elements are also found in Ponca:
| 1. a (Dakota a) on
| d¢e to glue on 84.19
ag¢e" to sit on 84.6
a¢ia to drop on 234.18
agig¢a lit‘a® he poured on his own 234.19
2. @ (Dakota 7) from, with, out of, by means of
igaga to make of it 97.22
ite to hit with 433.3
tk‘ide to shoot with 369.10
ite to die from 690.11.
3. wu (Dakota 0) in, into
ubaga" to push into 232.6
udgaude I broke a hole in it 96.17
ugasne split inside by hitting 81.18
ubasna" to push into 75.8
ug¢e” to sit inside 85.17
1Probably in oma/ni one is represented as traveling about WITHIN a certain area, for the word for
PRAIRIE OF LEVEL PLACE is obAla/ye.
§ 12
902 )/ BUREAU OFU AMERICAN) (ET NOLOGY Gy /.11 [noite 4
§ 13. Instrumental Prefixes, 9\)5 ‘yyy "ey WSs
firnot odd ng'orsy
ITs wa\ ‘sys
1. na- to do a thing by means of the foot. tt svodss Swi yas ~
nalita’ ‘ite he.k iacisef the, BAPUNGD sa ZI .“INTIW ,“~r eoiliavia © .&
naho' to he made it cry by ste pin n it
, fe OF TL DAL meh ons B eh nde OT yniyvtiogie ediev
TETON
nata’ pe the ey, ram her to « | a |
a q 972 gc
na Binh Ltt y it ViSteq 2oto: Hem i sodw .bsex91qx9 9d of
nabu! bu stamping often (" 19ST RW add ota) ‘emidego: 9A OS K20
2. wa- (Santee ba) to accomplish by cu witti he2tos q ore ‘ndilndons'nge
: . OSE Het Toy wash ss\ woo
wabala'zapi they cut it
oabala zapr they ¢ ae: a i 9d} hezoly 9d wi y twdsasyse'on
wahu” hu” she cut it in gees a aces omit-ictutn saute
1 AOS )
ce she cut it out (iy, e. Saat he gro und) \
wak sa’ he cut it off i199 8 10t slg uX'W8o
slqosq gy! MO
3. wo- to accomplish by shooting or punching, also by blowing, and
derivatively by the falling of rain. Adve “wily ysho
wogala'kinya” to cause to glance (as a bullet) : ie: Wee |
wohi™ lipaya to make fall by shooting nam vt - poise MS Nera
woko' kela to make rattle by shooting’ (jnoda) beallew odneny aia |
This prefix seems to be used lessvoften in Teton than does its cor-
responding form boi ntee
HO Sante Si wInomale ontbaoqzottos od T
4, pa- to push with the hands. 110 (» stodn) » |
pasala'tapi they drove it into the ground; ), ,,, aulg od <
o'pawiéalita’ she packed them up
palialo'kapi they punch a hole BE4ES ao qotb of hyp
é'pata he cut it up or butchered; it,,,, }). ruog od “ysil'wdoysyis
pau" kape they pushed it down
o zusg9oia vd lo duo .ditw .mort u one $y .g
5. Ka- to accomplish by striking; alga. applied to ctions by
8 A he DOS
derivation. &.S&4 dtiw did oF "9X3
kahu™ hupi they gashed it in manyy. (pllace¥ vr Joode of sys \\
kahu'ga he broke it up L.0@0 o1ort sib of si\
kako'ga he made a grating noise
kapo'ga" it puffed out.
0.48 m0 die of Vi hy
otat .at (0 stodasd) w .&
0.88 ont dang ot “ypinds
6. ya- to accomplish by means of fhaimeuth: oo1d I shiv *wyinas
aya'sta" he stopped singitig!® wiidiid yd obtani dilge ssviyyys
at’ yapt they talk about it 2.67 otal daug oF Snscaindss
iya' kaskapi they tied it there by means of thermouth “\yy\s
me aes they spoke about. their-own {here el of ya re
" either been omitted before’? or changed into it) vs no
ATT IGVGd TO ATHIAAD
$113
Boas] HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 903
7. yu- to accomplish by any means, but more especially by handling.
yu'za she took hold
yuu" kapi they pulled him down
yuha' he bad him
ayu sta” she let him alone
yuau'2u he pulled apart
éiyu'ta I choke you to death
Most of these have come to have uses varying considerably from the
significations given above, which seem to be the original meanings.
PONCA
In Ponca have been found nine instrumental prefixes, all of which
form transitive verbs, like the analogous Dakota prefixes:
1. na”- (Santee na-) by pressing with the foot.
na"ha he kicked 314.16
wana” te stepping on them 235.19
wana" kilitge crushing them with the foot 235.19
na*sndha he slipped in walking 97.14
na"gdge to make ery by kicking 96.11
2. ma- (Santee da-) by cutting.
ma’ sa he cuts head off 11.1
wémab¢azai-ga rend it for us with a knife 76.6
umasnai-ga split it with a knife 318.14
3. mu- (Santee bo-) by shooting.
mu¢inge to exterminate by shooting 628.6
umust a to remain from shooting 399.14
4. ba- (Santee pa-) by pressing with the hand.
basnv he pushed along 318.3
baliia¢a he pushed down 80.14
ubdasna” to push (a tail) into (a tree) 75.8
basibe he forced a way out 369.13
bahi¢é¢a he pushed it away 331.3
bagut'a” to make straight by pushing 234.14
5. ga- (Santee ia-) by striking (and by action of wind and water).
gaté to die by falling 163.9
ugasne he split by hitting 81.18
ugak'iba he made a crack by hitting 81.12
gasa¢u to strike a rattle 315.10
gasnu wind blows 324.7
gamu to empty by pouring out 17.11
gap vk't to make sound by hitting 266.10
§13
904 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BuLn. 40
6. ¢a- (Santee ya-) with the mouth, by blowing.
¢aliv to drink 266.18
¢asni” to swallow 79.12
¢ahek'i¢a he made him put it in his mouth 99.7
wat¢ab¢ab¢azad he bit and tore them in many places 267.13
¢ac¢a"ba he made it emerge by biting 124.9
7. ¢é- by pulling.
disnu to drag 306.3
¢isp asp at he pulled pieces apart 17.7
¢ipan'de he shook by pulling 318.8
¢idan'-ga pull on it! 96.9
¢ili¢uda he pulled it out 131.5
8. na- by heat.
ndte to die by heat 222.7
nasabe blackened by fire 259.5
ndzi¢a made yellow by heat 237.2
na¢inge it is consumed by fire 673.6
nali¢e” it burns brightly 235.15
nddaddze fire sends out sparks 234.18
natubewa¢e he cooked them to pieces 232.19
9. bi- by pressure.
bette to break in by pressing 20.4
bihihut'a® blowing on 260.15
WINNEBAGO
In Winnebago eight instrumental prefixes have been found:
1. na"= (Santee na-, Ponca na”-) by pressing with the foot.
nA*si’s he breaks by pressing with the foot
naiga’s he tears with the foot
na"sja” to accomplish with the foot (to dance)
na"t’a" p to push with the foot.
2. mA”= (Santee ba-, Ponca ma-) by cutting.
maAsi's he breaks by cutting
manga’s he tears by cutting
manégu'l to cut to pieces
3. bo- (Santee bo-, Ponca mu-) by force, by blowing.
bo’ sis he breaks by shooting
boct’p he pushes
| 4. wa (Santee pa-, Ponca da-) by pushing with the hand.
wa'sis he breaks by pushing with the hand
waég?'s he saws
§13
BoAS | HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 905
5. gi- (Santee ka-, Ponca ga-) by striking.
qv ss to break by striking
gisa'k to kill by striking.
giége’s he cuts by striking
6. ra- (Santee ya-, Ponea ¢a-) with mouth.
rasis he breaks with the mouth
racgis he cuts with the mouth
rasja” he accomplishes with the mouth (he sings).
7. ru- (Santee —, Ponca ¢?-) by pulling.
‘pi’ sis he breaks by pulling
ruga's he tears by pulling
8. da- (Santee —, Ponea na-) by heat.
dasé'p'i to blacken by heat
dat’ ki” to wither by heat
|
The pronominal forms of all these pretixes show certain peculiar-
ities, which will be treated in § 32.
§ 14. Modal Prefixes: Teton
Two elements may be mentioned here which are difficult to classify.
The one (1) might seem to be better classed as a proclitic particle,
while the other (2) is closely related to syntactic forms of the verb that
will be found treated on p. 909.
1. hé"- indicates that an event happened suddenly, as—
hitlipa'yapi they dropped it at once
himna'pa he came out quickly
higala’ it became suddenly
hitha” ni early in the morning
hit’ ya"ka po now wait ye!
2. wa-. Verbs, especially when used with other verbs, sometimes take
on a passive or infinitive form by prefixing wa-. It is probable
that this prefix is equivalent to SOMETHING or THING.
Thus we have—
wayd tape kta you will have something (just referred to) to eat
tahu’ aka'nl nalita’g wae” what he wanted was to kick on her neck
‘Si’ ye” Eoke' ya wana gi ** wae miyé cigana kit k‘te” eya’ the ghost
said, ‘‘You will have something put down for me first”
uma sAloha” watakpe hiya’ ya the other went slipping along
Often this is used in the formation of nouns and adjectives, as—
waste’ good, beautiful (from ste to esteem highly)
waki” ya” the thunders (from 47” ya” to fly)
§ 14
906 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [pun 40
wand gi ghost (from na’gz soul, spirit)
waki”’ a pack of goods (from kz” to carry)
waka” holy
wap alta bundle
wap a’ ha war-bonnet (from p*a’ha human hair [ 4])
With the prefix o- it forms wo-:
wo'yuha property (from yuha’ to have)
wo’ siéa cause of trouble (from s2’éa bad)
wok‘ oya'ke clothing
§ 15. Verbal Suffixes: Teton
Although the existence of verbal suffixes is not so readily recognized,
a careful examination of the language renders it almost certain that sey-
eral verbal elements exist which are analogous in form to the verbs hiya
and ya, which will be referred to later (p. 931). These are ha, pa, ga, ta,
za, and Za (or gq, 6, li, /, s, and &), and are identical with those referred
to in the section on phonetics as undergoing certain morphological
changes. The ¢éa there mentioned I do not include, because it is
nothing more than /a after a weak vowel. Of the remainder, I can
only suggest the significance of the first two or three with any plau-
sibility, and am obliged to infer that the others were of similar char-
acter merely from the similar manner in which they are used.
-ka (or éa) is practically equivalent to the English To BE; as—
ya” ka she sat
yu ka he lay
ta” ka it is large
é7™ ka (however) he did wish
owd sakapi they have no strength
o™ Sika poor
ta’ kuka whatever it is (¢a’ku what)
2i"gzi™ éaw snorting
wawa'teéala gentle
p téliéaka they were real bison
Siéa'ka it was bad (s7’éa bad)
oya' ka he told it (ya to say)
telir’ka difficult
niya' ka alive (niya caused to live)
wikimiéa' pi they scrambled for them
ana'p'teéa to hinder or obstruct
§ 15
— es a
Boas] HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 907
-pa probably means TO GO AND DO; or, at any rate, some sort of
motion.
ukow?'yuspapt we two take hold of you
tate'ya"pa the wind blows
ewt'Eau"pa' pi they lay them down (i. e., they go and lay them
down)
kaw?’ € awapa 1 excel them in it
yuo gipa it (branches) closed on his hand
wato' papi they paddled
-J@ appears to mean TO MAKE or TO DO, although it is used so often
in referring to a harsh noise or rough action that something of
that sort may be connoted. Examples are—
ti” ga he grunted
naliuliu’ga he broke it with his foot
yamenu' ga making a crunching noise
oma’ go"ga | awoke
wago' gapi they gashed it
ka'ga he made
hake’ ga to make a grating noise
ayu™ ga he asked her a question
yakogaha” pi they were gnawing the hard substance
owd khalianige &ni 1 did not understand
igAlagalé gapi they painted themselves in all styles
patku' ga to break in two by striking
-ta is exemplified in the following :
pakv™ ta he brushed it
pasala'tapt they set the pole in the ground
naga lgata he kicked out his feet
ogAluzu™ ta he put his hand in his
ayu'ta he looked at it
wita yuliala' tapi they pinched them
yupo ta she cut to pieces
haski'ta to press
olo'tapi they borrowed
kaza'ta to make forked with an ax
kapo'ta to tear in pieces
“20.
wobala’za it burst
ov yokpaza dark
wahu'k'eza war-spear
hagwe'zapt they painted in many lines
iya'za he went to each one
908°. BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY * [pubn. 40
kamada'za to make burst by throwing down
ici'éonza she determined for herself
akalu'syela caused to flow out rapidly (from ahaluza)
éatte’ ti za brave heart
naicr baleza po stir yourselves by running
“2M.
duvyd ktuzapi you forget us
peéani'éa e flash of fire (from pe'ta fire; $4nz’2a dried up)
ot’ gAluksi'éa he tucked it around himself (from /2’2a bent)
wak' a’ yeza children
kakéi'éa to bend up by striking (from £sz’Za bent)
ka"he' Za poor, distressed (from ka” aged?)
hata/éa to make waves as the wind does (from ¢a’Za rough water) *
Personal Pronouns in Dakota (§§ 16-20)
§ 16. Subjective and Objective Pronouns
The development of the personal pronoun in the Siouan language
is very weak. Distinct pronominal forms occur only for 1, THOU,
THOU ANDI. The first person is designated by a labial sound, the sec-
ond person by a dental, and the inclusive by a nasalized vowel.
Subjective pronouns, which designate the subject of an activity, are
differentiated from objective pronouns, which express the object of
an action or the subject of a condition or state. In Santee these forms
are—
Snbjective Objective
pronouns pronouns
Let SESE wy Non Jo: ade ay eee ee wl ma (mé Or m)
Pa eVaOM | Als a, ee who oes ees ya ne (or 2)
Pre liypeiye few ges Boe ag ee Me: un
There is no pronoun of the third person. The plural object of the
transitive verb is expressed by wiéa. This term, however, is not a
pronoun, but signifies PERSON, as is evidenced by the occurrence of
the terms wiéa MALE, HUMAN BEING, and wiéasa MAN. The plurality
of the pronoun is expressed by the suffix (or enclitic) p72, which will
be discussed in § 39. Added to the inclusive, this element forms. the
inclusive and exclusive first person plural.
1This attempt to reduce the bisyllabie words of Sioux to compounds of two monosyllabic elements,
each ending with a vowel, does not seem to me quite successful. The unity of idea claimed for the
groups in -ka, -ta, etc., isnot convincing. It seems to me more plausible that we are dealing here
with stems ending in a consonant which are amplified by the terminal vowel a, so that the so-called
contracted forms are rather the stems. There is good evidence that -ka is a suffix of very weak
meaning, since many words occur with and without it. I doubt, however, if this element occurs in
tan’ka, yan'ka, yun’ka.—F. BOAs.
§ 16
a
—s
oe 1. ee ee ae
x
ee E——————S—s se ee
BOAS] HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 909
Examples in Teton are—
tz he dwells
wa t% 1 dwell
uӢ% thou and I dwell
u” tipi we (he and I, or plural) dwell
fe’ pt they dwell
mas?’ ca | am bad
oma’ hilipa’ya I fall into
nit a” kapi ye are large
murka I lie
yu ka he lies
e¢a’mo” I do it
uku™ we live
§ 17. Transitive Verbs
Transitive verbs with pronominal subject and object form combined
pronominal forms in which the first person always precedes the
second. The combination I—THEE is expressed by ¢é7. The object
wiéa, expressing the third person plural, precedes all pronouns.
I thou © we
me = MaAYa- =
thee é62- _ uni-
us = Un yd —
them wicuwa- wicaya- wicaun-
Examples in Santee:
hte to kill.
maya k'te thou killest me
maya ktept ye kill me
wita' k'teha” she was killing them
maya kaska thou tiest me (from /aska to tie)
witu” kaska you and I tie them
éiéa' ska I tie thee (kaska after 7 changed to ¢éasha [see § 4.5])
§ 18. Pronouns of Verbs in y-
Verbs beginning with ya or yw in the third person—with very few
exceptions—haye pronouns of a different form. These are—
Teton Santee
I bal- md-
thou l- d-
he y- Yy-
§§ 17,18
AS
iam .
‘
~ =
2
as
910 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BuLL. 40
Examples are—
Teton: yu'za he takes
balu'za I take
lu’za thou takest
yawa he counts
bala’wa I count
la’wa thou countest
ya he goes
bala’ I go
la thou goest
Santee: yusta” he finishes
mdusta™” I finish
dusta” thou finishest
yaksa’ he bites in two
mdaksa’ I bite in two
daksa’ thou bitest in two
The most important exception is the verb ya To causE, which
occurs in last position in compounds, and which has always the pro-
nouns as described in § 16.
Santee:
napsi’nya he makes jump napsi’nwaya | make jump
§ 19. Other Exceptional Forms
Other exceptional forms may be grouped as active and neutral
verbs. Irregular active verbs are the following:
- ; TO START : :
TO ARRIVE to Go (future) nO CORE TO SAY
eis. ——- n 2
Teton pop) Teton (Riggs) Santee Teton ae
1st person. . | mand’ | wahi mnt kta hibu' e' pa
2d person. .| nz yahi ne kta hidu' aha
3d person. ». | At = hi yim kta hiyw' eya
The Santee verb ya”ka TO WEAVE BASKETRY, TO WEAVE SNOW-
SHOES, is analogous in its forms to Teton mane’:
1st person: mna'nka
2d person: na” ka
§ 19
BOAS] HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 911
It will be noticed that in all these forms, except in e’ha THOU SAYEST,
the labials and dentals, respectively, appear for the first and second
person pronouns. In the forms in mn for the first person we have
apparently verbs in y, in which for the regular / (Santee @) the nasal
n is substituted; while in Azbw’ I start TO CoME and epa I say, the
dental element has been lost. Perhaps all the forms of the verbs in y
may be explained as a transformation of the pronominal labial and the
stem-dental into 64/- (Santee md-) in the first person, and as a loss of
one of the dentals in the second person, so that instead of yy-, /- (Santee
d-) remains. As pointed out by J. Owen Dorsey,! this theory is sub-
stantiated by the correspondence of the following forms:
Santee: da- (2d person of verbs in ya-)
Ponca: sna- hna-
Winnebago: cara-
All verbs beginning with yu- generally drop this prefix (see § 18) in
the inclusive. yw'ta to mAT drops it also in the first and second
persons.
Two Santee verbs—yuvka™” THERE IS and yako”—are defective, and
similar in their treatment to Acyu’.
daka'no™ thou art
daka'no™pi ye are
urya' ko", uya'ko"pi we are
yako'™pt they are
yuka” there is
uka"pt we are
duka pi ye are
yaka"pi they are
Among the neutral verbs the following have to be noted: The verbs
beginning with a vowel use m- and n- instead of ma- and ni-. The
few neutral verbs beginning in y drop this sound in the first and
second persons; those beginning in wa- and prefixing the pronoun
change wa- to u- in the first and second persons. Examples in Santee
are—
TO USE TO SMOKE TO BE TC LIE DOWN
1st person mun urmu™ pa | maka! muha
2d person num unu™ pa | naka nurka’
Inclusive urkum | uthu™pa | uryaka | u™wa'nka
3d person un upa' yarka warka’
1Comparative Phonology of Four Siouan Languages (Smithsonian Report for 1883, p. 924). See
also §§ 21 et seq.
§ 19
912 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 40
Quite irregular are the following Santee verbs:
|
| topo! | To THINK? TO WEAR
fet peeson oscil 25 Pee Oe) Cake -€arme himme'
2d (person af SA rissa! Se Ta ed ent -ca"nt | ha™nd!
Tnelusive. 60S 8 or eee eG eee unin umhir’
BAUMEESOM 5, ia, by letves iy oy Hs patel anes -€1" an
§ 20. Verbs with Indirect Object and Reflesxcives
Whenever a verb takes an indirect object or when the object belongs
to the subject, one of two peculiar forms is used. One of them is
regular, and is characterized by the introduction of the element /7 after
the compound pronoun expressing subject and object. When the pro-
noun ends in an ¢, this form changes to ¢é7. Thus we have—
bawa'kiksa I cut off my own
ééidowa"pt I sing for you IX 110.14 (from dowa” to sing)
A second set of forms is irregular. The forms are in Santee—
I thou he we
to me ~ maye- — ma- -
to thee é/- - ni- u™ni-
to him we- Yye- hi- urke-
to us ~ uN ye- unki- -
The /# of the third person seems to be characteristic of most Siouan
dialects; but it seems doubtful whether it is justifiable to explain the
forms we-, ye-, mi-, ni-, aS originating through contraction of wak/-,
yaki-, maki-, niki-, as Riggs does. The Ponca forms are not in favor
of this theory.
The uses of these two forms are peculiarly irregular. It seems that
etymologically both must be considered as distinct, since their rela-
tion to the pronouns as well as to the stem is different. The 47 which
enters into regular composition with the pronouns forms exceptional
forms with certain stems.
(1) Before stems beginning with / and y (and Az in Teton) it forms
gAl (Teton) and Ad (Santee).
1With the demonstratives e, he, ke, to, this verb forms eéon’, heéon’, ke’éon, to’kon (see § 48). It does
not occur alone.
2With the demonstratives e, he, ke’, and wa, awa, this verb forms e’¢in, he/éin, ke’cin, wa’éin, awa’éin
(see § 43), Itdoes not occur alone.
§ 20
Boas] HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 913
(2) Before stems beginning with yp, it forms xp.
According to Riggs’s Dictionary, these forms always indicate that
the object belongs to the subject. |
Swanton gives the following Teton examples of these forms before
yu-, ya-, and hi:
gAluha’ they had their own gAla'ska he tied his own
gAla ha” he was going back gAlu' he got back
The forms in /7 which form an irregular pronominal series, accord-
ing to Riggs, express sometimes the same relation:
3d Person 1st Person
kiéa’ wea to mean one’s own (from fia)
kiéa'ga weeaga to make one’s own (from haga)
kiéa' kéa wecakea to count one’s own (from hakéa)
kiéu'wa weluwa to follow one’s own (from /wwa)
hikte’ wekte to kill one’s own
Ordinarily these forms express an indirect object with the mean-
ing of our preposition TO or FOR:
ki'éahi to rammage for one (from /ahz)
kihna'ka to keep for one
There are, however, many cases in which the /7 that does not
form irregular pronouns is used in this sense.
e'ya to say
eci'ya to say to some one
ewakiya I say to him
emayakiya you say to me
dowa™ to sing
wakidowa" I sing for him
In still other cases both forms are in use with the same meaning:
kito™ to wear weto” and wakito™ I wear
kiso™ to braid for one’s self weso” and wakiso™ 1 braid
kihma’ to look like wehma and wakihma I look like
It would seem, therefore, that a considerable amount of confusion
between these morphologically distinct forms has developed.
Related to the pronoun 7, which tends to become assimilated by
the stem, is the reflexive 7¢7, which, before verbs beginning with /
and y, assumes the forms 7g/ (Teton) and zd (Santee), while before
verbs beginning with p it becomes z/. It will be seen that this form
is simply the first 42 with the prefix 7.
44877°—Bull. 40, pt 1—10——58 a
914 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 40
hai’ éiksa to cut one’s self in two (from sa)
ikpa' pta” to turn one’s self over (from papta")
ihda'ksa to cut ‘one’s self off
The following Teton examples are given by Swanton:
oi¢iya' pi they paint themselves
miéi’ caga I have made myself
u ki¢iya’ we two exchange between ourselves
These forms are neutral verbs, and take the objective pronouns.
Derived from the second /7 is also the form 7é7, meaning almost
always For, which forms the pronominal forms weéz, yec?.
ki’ écyusna to make a mistake for one
ki'éiso™ to braid for one
Another form //é7 means WITH, TOGETHER, and is generally followed
by the pronoun:
3d person 1st person
ki’ éitida” kiéiwatida”™ to ride with one
hiée’ yuta hiéiwata to eat with some one
Swanton considers COMPANIONSHIP as the original significance of
the form, which occurs also as a post-positive meaning WITH, ACCOM-
PANIED By. ‘Teton examples are—
oko lakiéiye society (literally, friends to one another)
oki éiyusiéa they two got into trouble with each other
hits’ k'tepi they killed each other
Personal Pronouns in Ponca (§§ 21-29)
§ 21. Subjective and Objective Pronouns: First Class
The two classes of pronouns, subjective and objective, occur here
in the same way as in Dakota, but the modifications of their forms
with various classes of verbs are more numerous. By far the
majority of verbs may be combined in one group, which show what
may be called the normal pronominal forms.
Subjective Objective
5 ze pronoun pronoun
ist person singular)... 2+. 5 ee a”.
2d person sin@alar * 2° 0. 3S ee ¢i-
Inclusive dialer ss Uso ee te see eee ene wa-
The plural of all these forms is made by the suffix -7, correspond-
ing to the Dakota -pi. The inclusive, by addition of this suffix, is
transformed into the first person plural. While the object, third
§ 21 |
ee — eee —eEEEEEE eee
Boas] HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 915
person plural, is expressed by wa-, this form does not occur as sub-
ject of the neuter verb. Examples of verbs of this class are the
following:
Subjective pronouns:
anda" I heard it 670.2 (from ndéa”" to hear)
ati I have arrived 671.6 (from ¢% he arrives)
¢at‘t thou hast arrived 715.3
¢dand-a" thou hearest it 665.1
amangime we walk 713.5
Objective pronouns:
a™¢vn' ge I have none 715.2 (from ¢77igé he has none)
awarlp‘ ani | am poor 719.2 (from wa*lip‘ani poor)
¢i¢in' ge thou hast none 70.17
wawak' egat we have been sick 662.1 (from wak'ega sick)
§ 22. Transitive Verbs
Transitive verbs with incorporated object appear in the same
forms as in Dakota. The object has the same form as the subject of
the neutral verb. In the combinations of subject and object the
first person precedes the second and third, and the third person pre-
cedes the second. As in Dakota, the combination of the first person
subject and the second person object is expressed by a special form,
wi-. The object of the third person plural after the inclusive dual
and first person plural is always wa”. The plurality of the object is
expressed by the suffix -7.
I thou we
me - an¢a- =
thee wi- ~ ; an¢e-
us - waca- -
them awa- waga- awan-
Examples:
I—THEE:
winda" I hear thee 87.14
uwit 7 I hit thee 62.3
weit 1 give you 706.10
I—THEM:
awdnasa" I have heard about them 676.1
awd ¥ gave them 652.14
THOU—ME:
a¢dsi¢dj¢ thou dost not remember me 652.6
§ 22
Bike
916 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [puut. 40
THOU—US:
wa¢dsi¢a¢d-bi it is said you remembered us 687.5
udwataka™? you have aided us 751.9
THOU—THEM:
wa¢dnaéa" thou hearest about them 692.7
WE—THEE:
aei’*i we give it to thee 439.3
a¢i'si¢at we remember you 687.4
WE—THEM:
awa hga¢di we desire them 750.7
- awa” da”bat we saw them 705.10
§ 28. Pronouns of Verbs in é: Second Class
Corresponding to the Dakota inflection of the verb beginning with
y, we have the following forms of the verb in ¢:
ist person singular? >. "A 8) ae Beeie aes
2d person sincular . . «ew ss eB
od person simeUlar \ TiAl ts Pak oa es ee
faciusrve dual ye a ee
According to Dorsey,‘ sn- is the oldest form of the second person,
while An- and m- are more modern forms. | The sound An- has not an
oral A, but expresses a very full breathing through the nose with n
closure of the tongue.
Examples of these forms are the following:
bdizé I receive 670.1 nizé thou receivest it 745.3
ka” b¢éa * 1 wish 704.4 ma™nim’ you walk 744.5
ma bein’? I walk 706.2 Anista% ye finished 436.9
ka"b¢éega"? I hope 706.4 hnai ye go 436.8
eb¢éga"* I think that 706.6 ga” ¢a* he wishes 50.8
sne you went 738.2 e¢éga™* he thinks that 757.13
usné thou tellest 58.17 a” ¢i@ we were 727.5
ska” na* thou wishest 741.10 a"¢da” dat we think 727.8
§ 24. Pronouns of Verbs in b, d, g: Third Class
Verbs in 4, d, and g, provided the pronoun is not infixed, are
treated in the following manner:
ist:person singular’ 5 i...) ©. 325g t- m
9d person sinewlar i.) oo cd eh ae eSB §t'- Sk-
3d person singular: .° 61 Ai fake d- g-
Inclusive dual: iicg5, epyceziitn, eke eee and- anig-
1See the Cegiha Language, note on page 534. 2Double conjugation. See § 24,
3Infixed pronoun. 4Compound verb,
§§ 23, 24
:
|
fi
BoAS] HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 917
The second persons of this group reveal their close relationship to
the verbs in ¢, a relationship which is still clearer in Winnebago
(see § 32). Following are examples of this class:
pagu I write 488.8 k'a™ béa* I wish 704.4
piga” I blow it 575.7 sk'a'ge thou makest 582.14
ispaha” thou knowest ga” ¢a* he wishes 50.8
435.14 gage he made 10.13
St'a"be thou beholdest 635.10 afigagai we do 686.5
dabe he saw 116.3 a™da™ be we see 132.8
In verbs beginning with ¢-, d-, d-, g-, the objective form, and also
the combined form w? I—THEE, are prefixed to the subjective forms,
which take the pronominal subjective according to the second and
third classes, as described before (p. 916).
Examples:
wita™ be I see thee 644.16
wibtaha” i I pray to you 775.4 (from ¢aha™ to pray 189.14)
wibagu I write to thee 750.11
wabdim I have them 751.2
wast abe you saw us 752.6
wak av bea I desire them 751.3
§ 25. Pronouns of Verbs in i-: Fourth Class
In verbs beginning with z we find modified forms of the pronoun,
due principally to the insertion of an intervocalic ¢ in cases in which
the inserted pronoun begins with a vowel:
SUBJECTIVE PRONOUN
ietpemmom ciOCUAP. ke. kw ew eee + OE -
RPintsive Wal a i Linchiwtc. oy hc an in ew kee OEE
OBJECTIVE PRONOUN
: , 1 Nb ym
Par perso smal) S/N G6 ope ene Ske Pq, oe MEGA
imporsait MNete C ets Oy we a 4 9 DO
OBJECT
Sappersear prime fy se he. ek ek eee CME
SUBJECT AND OBJECT COMBINED
eet ee ee ee rr” oe ee eee
All other persons are regular. Examples are—
i¢amage I ask him a question 737.5
1Double conjugation.
§ 25
ee
918 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY ate
a¢ap aha": I know 659.12
a¢a’wank égat | am sick on account of 714.8
aéa™ baha™! ke knows me 475.6
ata” baha™! we know it 657.9
wedbaha™ i+ they know us 389.13
wedta¢at they hate us 679.19
wémage he questioned them 40.5
we¢ar they found them 440.14 :
wed¢a-mazi I do not find them 151.20
wea” gaz we found them 440.15
Other regular forms are—
iwip aha" 1 know thee 728.4
tbaha”t they know him 728.8
§ 26. Pronouns of Verbs in u-: Fifth Class
In this class the following modifications occur:
Objective pronoun, Ist personsingular . . . . a™wa*-
Subjective pronoun, inclusive dual 2
Examples are—
awa" bit'a™ he presses me down 23.15
awa" nasa" he heard about me 39.19
an guinka"t we aided him 748.3
Other regular forms are—
ubit'a™ he pressed him down 23.15
undéa" he heard about something 40.8
§ 27. Irregular Verbs
The following verbs are irregular :
pt arrive 453.6 minke I who 13.4
si thou arrivest 555.7 nink é thou who 758.1
hi he arrives 555.7 dink’ é he who 11.5
mank a we who
nak 667.8 |
Anak’ ad 231.5)
dank a they who 624.3
ma” I do 245.10
ye who Za” thou doest 13.8
a” be does 13.7
ehé I say 665.6 anda” we say 678.6
ese thou sayest 674.12 e¢ai ye say 678.18
e he says 194.5 ai they say 667.4
Here seems to belong the negation
mazi I not
baz thou not
azi he not
1The stem takes at the same time the forms described in § 24.
$§ 26, 27
Ke \
BOAS] - HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 919
Examples of its use are—
ik dgeawd¢a-mdazi 1 do not have them for my friends 711.18
¢i Sk’ aga-bd2i thou dost not do it 711.19
§ 28. Forms Expressing Object Possessed by Subject
Possession of the object by the subject is expressed by forms
analogous to those of the Dakota.
1. In most verbs g7- is prefixed. Examples are—
£7” he carries 306.6
gi he carries his own 296.13
agi®i” 1 carry mine 45.15
¢dagi*i thou carriest thine 45.11
Zug¢e with him 305.5
Zugig¢e with his own 305.3
uhd he follows 289.4
u¢tigiha he follows his 306.14
dk‘ipa he met him 50.1
dgik‘ipa he met his own 299.3
a” ¢ga he abandons 84.3
aa” b¢a I abandon it 50.5
agia"b¢a” I abandon mine 756.2
2. Verbs in ¢- have the form g¢ .
¢ize to take 298.3
g¢ize he took his own 298.16
gi” to have 288.15, 290.11
ageab¢i” I have my own 755.10
3. Verbs in ga- have probably also forms in g¢, but I have not
been.able to discover examples illustrating this point.
4. Verbs in b-, d-, g-, have the forms gip-, git-, gik-.
da™be he saw .
agita"ba-mdzi I do not look at mine 756.2
gita” bai she saw her own 306.7
zabaha" he knows
igipaha” he knew his own 295.1
wégipaha” she knew them 289.8
ga' ge to make
gika' ge he made his own 299.9
ubet a” he wrapped it
ugipet'a" he wrapped his own 208.4
uta” to put on 47.3
tagita” I put on my own 43.9
§ 28
920
§ 29
BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY
$29. Verbs with Indirect Objects
‘ll thou he we
for me ~ ande- {n— -
for thee 20t- - ¢i- ing? -
for him e- ¢e- gi- qn
for us - wet¢e- we- -
for them ewe we¢e- we- wean-
Examples:
I FOR THEE:
wipage I make for thee 723.10
wik' a"b¢a I desire for thee 725.3
I FOR HIM:
ek'a"b¢e I desire for him 778.3
I FOR THEM:
ewéb¢iea I fail for them 673.8
ewtk abée I wish for them 663.8
THOU FOR ME:
in¢ésk age thou doest it for me 726.2
ingéwask a” thou makest an effort for me 758.2
THOU FOR HIM:
éga’¢e’<a” thou doest so for him 439.5
THOU FOR US:
we¢ésk age thou doest it for us 752.7
wedéniat thou hast failed to do it for us 752.8
THOU FOR THEM:
we¢e ska ma thou desirest it for them 767.3
HE FOR MB:
2” tei it is difficult for me 755.4
7te he dies for me 775.1
HE FOR THEE:
¢iga"¢ai they work it for thee 741.11
é¢i¢i™ he has it for thee 741.6
¢ét elit it is difficult for thee 517.10
HE FOR HIM:
git cht it is difficult for him 729.4
giuda” it is good for him 758.5
[BuLn. 40 —
I give here only a series of the most important forms, since the |
total number of modifications and combinations is very large, and
itis hardly possible to reconstruct from the texts each separate —
series.
1. The indirect object is ordinarily expressed by the following
series of forms:
BOAS]
HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES
HE FOR US:
wéuda” it is good for us 758.4
wét elit it is difficult for us 752.12
HE FOR THEM:
wegagar they do it for them 767.3
WE FOR THEE:
indiliuka we sing for thee 439.4
imdibagu: we wish for you 680.13
WE FOR HIM:
tn’ ga"éa we wish for him 758.13
WE FOR THEM:
weangap ai we wait for them 454.16
. Verbs in w- have the following forms:
I thou he we
to me = ami” ¢a- ami - =
to thee uwrt- = ugi- angurge
to him ué- uceé- Ue- 2
to us - uwadagi- = udwagi-
to them uawaki- uwagaki- wagi- g
Examples:
uwibéa I tell thee 755.10
uébda I tell him 443.7
udwak ia 1 say to them 437.17
2wi™ ganda thou sayest to me 671.1
iwi" ¢dahna thou savest to me 500.6
u¢éhna thou sayest to him 497.8
wwadagisnd thou sayest to us 633.1
uwatagihna thou sayest to them 507.4
iwi" ste it remains to me 501.2 (from ucté 501.2)
u¢gik'a™ he helps you 508.3
ui¢a he says to him 656.8
udwagi¢e he says to us 503.1
awa" hie they say to me 670.2
u¢i¢at they say to thee 678.12
3. Verbs in g- lose their g after the pronominal forms.
he
to me a” age 39.12
to thee didgat 735.13
to him giaga 152.9
to us wagar 735.18
921
they
a"wa"-
ugi-
ui-
udwag?-
uwagi-
§ 29
929 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY Laveen
Personal Pronouns in Winnebago (§§ 30-34)
§ 30. Subjective and Objective Pronouns: First Class
The principles of classification of the verbs are the same as those
found in the Ponca dialect. The most common forms of the sub-
jective and objective pronouns are as follows:
Subjective Objective
pronoun pronoun
ist person. singular... Gs whip a0 gel ees hir-
Od: personsingular le ee es we Tae nin-
Tnelusive Chal) piuct" 7 Zea we Oe ee waniga- :
The plural of all these forms is made by the suflix-w7, except the
third person plural, which has the suffix -77e. By addition of this _
suffix the inclusive dual is transformed into the first person plural.
The third person plural object is wa-. This does not occur as sub-
ject of the neuter verb. Examples are:
hilie’ 1 bury
ralie thou buriest
himanga's you and I tear with a knife
hi'stbre 1 am falling
ni’ "sibré thou art falling
wa figasibra' we we are falling
§ 31. Transitive Verbs
The transitive forms of the Winnebago verb resemble those of
Ponca and Dakota in the development of the combined form1I—THEE,
and the occurrence of the third person plural object. The forms
for the first person plural subject has the same pronominal forms as
the corresponding singular forms, from which they differ by the
plural ending -w?. The forms Ha—THEM and I—THEM differ in
accent. I—THEM, evidently originating from wa-ha-, is always
accented wa’-, while the third person has the accent on the stem.
wia'lie 1 BURY THEM, but walie’ he buries them.
I thou we
me = hina- -
thee nin- = ni™-we
us - hina—wi -
them wa - warda- wa’ -we
Examples:
nin'le Il bury thee
hi/nake thou buriest me
§§ 30, 31
BOAS] HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 993
ninha'wi we bury thee
wa'ralie thou buriest them
hinha’ire they bury me
ha'ni™p‘a I hit thee (from ha’p‘a he hits)
§ 32. Pronouns of Verbs taking s in the Second Person:
Second Class
Verbs corresponding to the Dakota verbs in y- and to the Ponca
verbs in ¢-, and those corresponding to the Ponca verbs in 6, d@, and
g, are treated alike, thus suggesting a later differentiation of the
second and third classes in Ponea. Verbs of this class begin in the
third person with a vowel w, 7, or with 7, ¢ or g. If we indicate
the first vowel of the word by rv, the pronominal forms may be rep-
resented as follows:
Type Vv Ww r j v g
Ist per. sing. . Av-— p'v- dv- év- Cy- hev-
2d per. sing. . sv- Sywv- 8vrv- Sév- S@v- &gv-
3d per. sing. . v- wv- rv- jv- vy- gv-
Inclusivedual. A2"v- hi®wv- hi™nv- hainiv- hitty- himgv-
The plurals are formed as in the verbs belonging to the first
class—by the suffix -w7 in the first and second persons, by -¢re in the
third person. The first person plural, instead of being formed from
the inclusive, as in the first class, is formed from the first person
singular by suffixing -w7. The repetition of the vowel in the
second person which is characteristic of the first three types of this
class in Winnebago has been referred to before.
a" he does
hvi” I do hvi™wi we do
&a” thou doest hiva”’ you and I do
wa’ égis he saws
pags I saw p acgizwi we saw
$a’ wacgis thou sawest hi” waégis you and I saw
hiwu'siné he is near
hip‘u'siné I am near hip‘u' sinjwi we are near
hisu'wustiné thou art near hiwustinjiré they are near
we' wi he thinks
péwi" I think pewi™ wi we think
$éwew" thou thinkest hit’wewi" you and I think
§ 32
924
vases he breaks with mouth
da'sis I break with the
mouth
$a’rasis thou breakest
with the mouth
ru’gas he tears by pulling
du' gas I tear by pulling
$u’rugas thou tearest by
pulling
ré he goes
dé I go
Seré thou goest
haja’ he sees
haéa’ I see
haséa’ thou seest
Pena” he is dead
@ena” I am dead
$@e'na” thou art dead
gu'na” he comes
k‘u'na"™ I come
§gu'na” thou comest
to the first class of verbs.
To break with
mouth Sitting
Ist p. sing. . dasizEend/’Tiks Ena
2d p. sing. .. sdrasiznsa’/nariksenan
3d p. sing... rasizena/ik&Enan
treated as described before.
hi®waégis he saws me
belongs to the first class of verbs.
§ 32
BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY
[BULL. 40 os
da’ Sizwi we break with the mouth ~
hi’nases you and I break with the
mouth
duga' zwi we tear by pulling
hi'nugas you and I tear by pulling
da’ wi we go
hi’né you and I go
Verbs belonging to the second division of this class are rather rare.
haéa' wi we see
hi ja you and I see
Ca'wina” we are dead
hitt’e'na™ you and I are dead
kuna’ wi we come
hifigu'na” you and I come
To this class belong also the verbs expressing the position in which
the act is performed, as sitting or lying; while standing belongs
rasis TO BREAK WITH MOUTH
Lying or walking Standing
dasizEma/iksENAn dasigaje/nan
SdrasizEsa’wanksEnan sdrasigprajenan
rasiza/TiksEnan rasisje/nAan
Verbs of this class take their objects, including the composite
form n7z®- I—THEER, preceding the subjective pronoun, which is
nip a’égis | saw thee (from waégzs he saws)
nip wr" I think of thee (from we’w2" he thinks)
hivsu’rugas thou tearest me by pulling (3d per. 7u’gas)
hitgu'wustiné thou art near me (from Azwu’siiné he is near)
10ccasionally the verbal forms expressing a lying position are formed with mi’nksé, which
Boas] HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 925
§ 33. Contracted Pronominal Forms
In many cases the verb begins with a prefix which forms con-
tractions with the pronominal forms here described. Contractions
also occur with infixed pronouns. These may be grouped under
the following rules:
1. Verbs in gz with preceding pronoun lose the g in the first and
second persons.
ha-gi becomes hai
ra-gv becomes raz
had'égis I cut in two by striking
rav'égis thou cuttest in two by striking
gicgis he cuts in two by striking
hi'figtégis you and | cut in two by striking
2. Verbs with prefixes ending in a or «and followed by a pro-
noun beginning with / lose the pronominal aspirate. At the same
time two as that are thus brought into contact form a single
accented (or long ?) a, while a andz forma diphtbong. When one of
the vowels is nasalized, the contracted form is also nasalized.
ma’'igas I tear with a knife
manga’s he tears with a knife
mai’ figas he tears me
maind gas thou tearest me
na'"sis I break by pressure
na"si’s he breaks by pressure
nat’ ™si8 he breaks me by pressure
nai™na’sis thou breakest me by pressure
3. Verbs with prefixes ending in o (except /o- and wo-) also
eliminate the 4 of the pronoun, but form no diphthongs.
boa’ sip I push down
bo’ Sip he pushes down
boisi'p he pushes me down
roa' ga” I wish
rogi” he wishes
roigt” he wishes me
4. Words with the prefix ho- contract:
1st person subjective. . . . . . ho-ha- into wa-
1st person objective . . . . . . Ao-hi™- into hu
Dual inclusive... . 1)... A™ho- into -Ad’-
3d person plural object . . . . . wa-ho- into wo-
1st person plural object. . . . . wanga-ho into wafigo-
§ 33
ea
926 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL.40 —
ry
wa'jim I strike
hoji” he strikes
ho'ji" you and I strike
hurji™ he strikes me
wodji™ he strikes them
5. Verbs with the prefix wo- contract:
First person subjective wo-ha- into wo-. I have no example of
the treatment of the first person objective.
wa' hi 1 win
word hi thou winnest
wo’ hi he wins
6. Verbs in which the pronoun follows an initial Az form con-
traction illustrated by the following examples:
yapé réz I know (for hi-ha-peréz)
himpe'réz you and I know (for h2"-hi-peréz)
ni™pe réz I know thee (for n7”-hiperéz)
hini'peréz thou knowest me (for hina-hiperéz)
hi'™peréz he knows me (for hi-hi-peréz)
wea’ peréz I know them (for wa-hi-ha-peréz)
wa ngiperé'ziré they know us (for wanga-hi-perézire)
The third person plural object wa- is always contracted with Aa.
to we.
7. Verbs in which the pronoun follows an initial ’@”- contract the
first person *#"-ha into ’wwa"-:
-mwwang? gi I compel (for °4”-ha-gi’gz)
>u/e™nage’ gt thou compellest me (for °@”-hina-gi’gi)
8. The causative suffix iz has the forms ha and ra for the first
and second persons, respectively.
Pe ha I killed him
?eé'ra thou didst kill
Pe'hi he killed
The causative suffix g2’q7 is regular.
rea gigt’na® I send him
rera’ gige’na” thou sendest him
régig’ nA” he sends it
§ 34. Indirect Object and Reflexives
The indirect object is expressed by the same forms that are used
to express the direct object, but the indirect object is indicated by
the prefix gz which follows the pronoun. The initial g of this prefix
is never elided,
§ 34
|
|
BOAS] HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 997
n'iilie I bury thee nig? tiie I bury for thee
hinai’égis thou cuttest mein Aénazgigéis thou cuttest it in
two two for me
boist’p he pushes me down boig?’ sip he cut it down for me
hina’ p'd thou hittest me hina’ gipa thou hittest for me
ninp'éwi" I think of thee ningip e'wi" I think for thee
The reflexive forms take the regular subjective pronouns followed
by the prefix /7-. In these forms the prefixes are contracted in the
usual manner with the pronouns; /7- and the prefix g7- BY STRIKING
combine to form 7-.
haki’le I bury myself
haki'égis I cut myself (for ha-ki-gi-égis)
boa’ kisip I push myself (for bo-ha-ki-8ip)
mAnki' gas I tear myself (for ma”-ha-ki-gas)
yakipe réz I know myself (for hi-ha-hi-pé’réz)
waki' jim I strike myself (for ho-ha-ki-j7”)
hakip'a'égis I saw myself
hakidu'gas I tear myself
The last two examples show that in the reflexives of verbs of the
second class the stem takes its pronominal forms in addition to the
pronominal forms prefixed to hv-.
The forms indicating that the object belongs to the subject are
formed by the prefix /ara- in all verbs of the first class, while verbs
of the second class take /v- when v indicates the first vowel of the
stem. All these verbs have the ordinary subjective pronouns which
are contracted with the pronouns in the usual way. The prefix
kara- and gi- BY STRIKING combine to form karaz-.
haka’ralie 1 bury my own
hakarad'égis T cut my own (for ha-kara-gi-égis)
boaka' rasip 1 push my own (for bo-ha-kara-sip)
manka'ragas I tear my own (for ma"-ha-kara-gas)
ha karap‘a 1 hit my own (for hi-ha-kara-p'a)
ya karapé rez know my own (for hi-ha-hara-peréz)
waka’ rafi™ I strike my own (for ho-ha-hara-j7")
Examples of the second class are the following:
haka' waégis | saw my own (from waégis he saws)
yaku' wusiné Lam near my own (from hiwu'siné he is near, for
hi-ha-ka-wusiiné)
haka' rasis I break my own with mouth (for ha-ka-ra-s78)
haku'rugas I tear my own (for ha-ka-ru-gas)
7.3
ey
928 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [puLL. 40
§ 35. Independent Personal Pronouns
The independent personal pronoun is derived from the objective
forms of the pronoun. In Teton we find—
mi'ye I
nye thou
aye he :
urke'ye thou and I |
The suffix -p7 is added to express the plural. It stands either with
the pronoun or with some following word. Emphatic pronouns are
formed with the ending § (see § 41): ms, nds, 78, and w™ki’s or uki’ yes.
The independent personal pronouns in Ponca are:
wi 1 736.8, 715.5
¢¢ thou 711.18
angu We
Position of Pronoun (§§ 36, 37)
§ 36. Position of Pronoun in Dakota
Ordinarily the pronouns are prefixed to the stem, other etymological
prefixes preceding the pronouns; but there are a number of cases in
which the pronoun precedes other prefixes. A number of verbs of
more than one syllable that can not be reduced to compounds of an
etymological prefix and a monosyliabic stem place the pronoun after
the first syllable, so that it appears as a true infix.
According to Riggs’s Grammar and the material contained in his
dictionary and texts, the following groups of forms may be distin-
guished: |
1. In monosyllabic words the pronouns are always prefixed. Ex-
amples of this class have been given before (§ 16).
2. Verbs of more than one syllable, that can not be shown to be
compounds, prefix or infix the pronoun, the position being determined
to a certain extent by the initial sound of the word.
Verbs beginning with / or / prefix the pronoun:
TETON EXAMPLES
laka to consider in a certain walaka I consider
way
lowa” to sing walowa” I sing
kaga to make yakaga thou makest
§§ 35, 36
BOAS] HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 929
Verbs beginning with é, 8, m, or n, or a vowel, often infix the pre-
nouns after the first syllable:
SANTEE EXAMPLES
éapa to stab éawa'pa I stab
ett to build a fire éewati I build a fire
éeu™tipt we build a fire
copa to wade éowapa I wade
Suta to miss Suu™tapr we miss
mano” to steal mayano™ thou stealest
ma'ne to wall mawant I walk
opa' to follow owapa 1 follow
asni* to be well anisnz thou art well
Although Riggs states that verbs with initial » belong to this class,
I have not found a single instance of this kind. On the other hand,
some verbs, apparently not compounds, beginning with other sounds,
infix the pronoun.
SANTEE EXAMPLES
palita? to bind pawalita I bind
toksu to transport towaksu I transport
to"ha” to be to™ waha" Lam
to™wa" to go to see wato™wa” I go to see
Prefixed pronouns before the sounds here enumerated are, how-
ever, not rare: :
SANTEE EXAMPLES
éeka to stagger maceka I stagger
éeya to cry waceya I cry
Skata to play waskata 1 play
nuni to wander wanunt | wander
In verbs of this class the first person dual is often prefixed, even
when the other persons are infixed.
u™kopapt or ou™papi we follow (from opa)
3. Verbs containing the prefixes a- and pa- (see § 13), and Teton
verbs in kpa- (tpa-), gla- (Santee Ada-), and glu- (Santee Adu-) (see
§ 20), prefix the pronouns.
1Jn this word the vowel is not a prefix. 2Tn this word, pa- is not a prefix (see § 13).
§ 36
44877°—-Bull. 40, pt 1—10———_59
930
BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY
[BuLL. 40
SANTEE EXAMPLES
kaksa to cut off
haliu'ga to break by striking
paga to part with a thing
pasipa to break off with the
hand
kpaga” (tpaga") to part with
one’s own
kpapuza to dry one’s own by
wiping
Aduta to eat one’s own
wakaksa | cut off (from ksa)
wakaliu'ga I break by strik-
ing (from /iuga)
wapaga" I part with a thing
(from ga”)
wapasi'pa 1. break off with
the hand (from s2’pa)
wakpaga” I part with my own
(from ga”)
wakpapuza 1 dry my own by
wiping (from pw'za)
wahduta I eat my own
TETON EXAMPLE
glukéa” to form an opinion
about one’s own
waglukéa” | form an opinion
about my own (from /éa”)
4. Verbs which take the prefixes a-, 7-, -o- (see § 12), and pre-
fix the demonstrative e, have the pronouns in the same position in
which they would be if the verb had no prefix.
SANTEE EXAMPLES
apalita to bind on
tnalini to hurry
apawalita I bind on (from
palita)
tnawalhné T harry
5. Verbs with the prefixes wa- (Santee ba-), wo- (Santee bo-), and
na- (see § 13) have the pronouns following the prefix.
wak' sa (Teton) to cut off
boksa (Santee) to shoot off
wayak sa thou cuttest off (from
k'éa)
boyaksa thou
(from ksa)
shootest off |
6. Compound verbs consisting of two verbs of equal order either
take their pronouns each independently of the other, or the second
verb is used without pronoun.
§ 36
SANTEE EXAMPLES
hdiyota"ka (contracted from
hdi and tyota"ka) to come
home and sit down
tyo'lipaya (from 7- on account
of; o- in) to alight in some-
thing
wahdimdotatka 1 come home
and sit down; but also
wahdiyota"ka
tyowalipamda alight in some-
thing
P Boas] HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 931
hiyo'lipaya to come and wahiyowalipamda I come and
alight in alight in; also wahtyohipaya
hiya kapta to come over a wahiyawakapta | come over a
stream stream
zyaya to have gone imdamde I have gone
kiyu'se to hate one wakimduse I hate him
kiyu'ska (from yuska) to re- wakimduska and wakiyuska I
lease release
7. Compounds having the auxiliary verbs kiya, ya, ya", place the
pronoun preceding these, while the first verb is often used in contracted
form.
SANTEE EXAMPLES
iy pa(ka) to be offended iya' paya to offend
tyamapaka 1 am offended cyapawaya L offend
qya'pe to wait for cyapeya to cause to wait for
v'yawape I wait for tyapewaya I cause to wait
for
sdoéa’ to know sdonya’ to know
sdonwaya I know
warya'ka to see wa"ya'gya to come to see
wa'mda'ka I see waryagwaya 1 came to see
§ 37. Position of Pronoun in Ponca
The position of the pronoun in Ponca is quite similar to that found
in Dakota.
1. Most monosyllabic verbs prefix the pronoun.
¢* he gave it to thee (*’ to give) 739.9
waii™ he earried them (*7” to carry) 10.7
até I die (té to die) 630.9
até I have arrived 671.6
2. Verbs of more than one syllable, that can not be shown to be
compounds, prefix or infix the pronoun, the position being deter-
mined by the initial sound of the word.
Verbs beginning with 7, 8, 4, m, or n, or a vowel, often infix the
pronoun after the first syllable.
jug¢e to be with somebody juwig¢de I am with thee 739.6
305.5
jahe to stab jatahe you stab
Sig¢e to unload Siag¢e I unload
nanpe to fear nan¢ape you fear
mane” to walk marb¢i” I walk 706.2
uha to follow uaha J follow
kuhe to be frightened kuahe I am frightened
§ 37
932 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [aun 400m
Modal Suffixes and Particles (§§ 38-40)
§ 38. General Characteristics
The Siouan languages have a large number of elements which may
be in part considered as suffixes, while others are undoubtedly enclitie
particles, which express modalities of the verb. These are evidently
related to similar particles that appear with the noun and with adverbs,
and which will be treated in §§ 41 and 42, and from which they can
not be sharply separated.
§ 39. Plurality
TETON
Plurality of animate objects is indicated in both verbs and nouns by
a suflix, -p2.
ta he died ta’ pr they died
slo'laya he knows slo'laya' pi they know
koska'laka young man ki oskalaka' pi young men
éa'p a beaver cap a’ pt beavers
There is, however, an evident disinclination to employ -p7 with
nouns, except possessives, and. it is by preference placed upon a
following adjective.
koskalaka’ yamani'pi three young men
capa’ ta"k‘a'pi large beavers
This seems to indicate that the suffix is properly verbal, and that
when it is employed with nouns the signification is THEY ARE YOUNG
MEN Or THEY ARE BEAVERS. It might be said that this element
pluralizes the whole sentence. Examples in Santee are—
wikoska nom kupi they gave him two maidens IX 86.6
Siyo keya hiyaha"pi grouse of that kind alighted IX 99.24
PONCA
The corresponding element in Ponca is -2.
¢ingé-hna™ they have none regularly 335.12 (¢¢agé there is
none; Ana” regularly)
It is not used with nouns, since the articles (see §42) express
plurality.
§§ 88, 39
BOAS] HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 933
§ 40. Particles Expressing Tenses and Modalities
TETON
Temporal and modal relations are marked in Dakota by: particles
placed after the verb.
1. Future. For the future, /“ta is used.
bala’ I go bala’ k‘ta (Teton) I shall go.
(According to Riggs, the Santee use /e instead of ‘te [the a of kta
being changed to e] before eé2” and epéa.
‘*tto de wa'ka ke,” eee” “lo! this I will dig,” she thought LX 83.13
‘*mda ke,” epéa **1 will go,” thought I)
2. Habitual. Habitual action is indicated by sa.
tha’ kab cya’ya sa he went after it habitually
3. Regular repetition is expressed by sna.
4. Imperative. 'The imperative is expressed by four elements:
I b
Singular Plural
yo po
ye pe
ye ni yo go not thou! wakta' ya upo’ on guard be ye!
The forms yo and po are used by men; while ye and pe, which seem
to express a milder form of request, are used by women.
‘lena’ awa" ukiciyakapt ye,” eya’ ‘watch these for us, please,”
she said
After wand 0, yo and ye change to wo and we, respectively, in
accordance with the phonetic tendencies mentioned in § 4.
Probably po and pe contain the plural particle p7; and it is
_ possible that yo and ye are derived from the pronominal prefix
of the second person, ya-. |
5. Declarative Particle. Declarative sentences in direct forms
of address are generally closed by fo. This is usually preceded
by ye.
uko' kitiyaka' pi k'te &ni ye lo we will not tell it to her
hosi'Evéa hi ye lo I have come to tell you the news
(In Santee this ending is generally used by young men without pre-
ceding ye.
waht kte do I will come
In this dialect, ye is sometimes used instead of do by women and
older men.)
§ 40
>, a
934 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BuLL. 40
6. Interrogative. The particle he indicates the interrogative.
waréilicin Cupe mita”’kapi he is there one with large marrow?
When the person addressed is at a distance, /wo (compounded of he
and wo) is used.
to'kiya la hwo whither do you go?
Riggs mentions also ¢o in the same position in Santee.
duhé sni to? why dost thou not have it?
The particle ée (Santee ¢7) is an interrogative particle, calling for an
immediate reply.
7. Negative. The negative is expressed by the particle snz.
slolayé &ni he knew it not
tuwe' ni él no™we'’ $ni no one swims there
8. Optative. The optative exclamation tok?” On IF requires a
terminal nz, which in position and form is analogous to the
other particles here discussed.
toki”’ pagi’ eta” cy waya ni oh that I might find some sunflower
roots! (¢ye'ya to find)
9. A number of other particles appear in the same position. They
seem to merge gradually into adverbial expressions and con-
junctions.
se’ca (Teton) evidently.
tiyata'ne lipeya wahi'yu se'éa lo evidently I have come to an
abandoned lodge (¢’7 lodge; ya'ta at; Aiyw’ to come to)
nace’ ée (Teton) perhaps.
owe kitahars he nita' kuyepi naée'ée lo perhaps those are your
relatives (owe kitaha"s perhaps; he those; taku'ye relative)
hivéa very (see § 41.3).
ki*ha” (Santee) when, if.
yahi kitha” when thou comest
éa, eéa (Santee); 6a”, éa*naha” (Teton). According to
Riggs, this particle is used ‘‘ when a general rule or something
customary is spoken of, and is generally followed by ée or ee at
the end of the sentence.”
yahi 6a piwada ée when thou comest, I am glad
waniyetu éa wapa ece when it is winter, it snows
keeha” (Santee), ko"ha” (Teton), wHEN; according to Riggs, this
particle always refers to past time. ,
cok (Santee) when.
kes although.
§ 40
Yad
~~
Boas] HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 935
The corresponding forms in Ponca are as follows:
PONCA
1. Future. te[ta, €ai| designates the future.
ga té te he will die from a fall 236.1
&né te ha you will go 230.3
widat e gu ta aka he will be sitting eating them 235.16
uzeti sk dget at ye will make a hole for a pole 615.1
sa” sh dge tat d¢a indeed, ye will do enough 144.14
t'e changes, according toa general phonetic rule, to ¢a before the
article and also before the plural-7. Thus ¢‘a7 is the regular
plural future.
By the use of a double future, ¢'a7'é and ¢'az¢'é, the idea of futurity
with certainty of the event happening is expressed.
ga” htt Fat'é it will be that way 227.4
a*spana™ tat é you surely will gaze on me 230.5
ast a ¢izide Cait'e hé your eyes will (shall) be red 578.2
ag¢e’ bd2i Sa” Sa” tart’ é they shall not come back continually 235.5
2. Imperative. ga and a express the imperative, ga being used
by men, @ by women.
i¢a-ga/ send it here! (said by a man) 702.15
thé¢ai-ga! \ay ye it down! (said by a man) 231.19
gig¢ai-a! enter your lodge! (said by a woman) 614.1
g¢i" ki¢ai-a hé cause ye him to sit! (said by a woman) 591.18
3. Oral Stops. A number of particles perform the function of
oral stops. Asin Dakota, some of these have distinct forms,
according to the sex of the speaker. Their principal function
seems to be to give a certain tone or modality to the predi-
cate, and for this reason they might be more properly con-
sidered with the modal particles.
a and é are used to mark emphasis. They occur either as stops
or within the sentence.
ha and he express the period.
aha” and éha” express the exclamation.
Inall of these the g-forms are used by men, the e-forms by women.
an¢ir t¢anahi”’ a&/ truly, I am fat (said by a man) 567.9
¢itadéwddée i¢danahi™ ¢ é truly, you hateful one! (said by a woman)
152.2
Sa" zant wibéaha” i ha now I petition you all (said by a man) 690.1
§ 40
936 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 40
wakanda wh¢igé st éwa™ agik' a" b¢a-mdzi hé I do not desire to
take any mysterious power for my husband 614.12
gaté sti ga”-na® dha" she has done that regularly! (said by
a man) 591.7
wandn de¢ag¢azi cha"! you do not loathe him! (said by a woman)
591.18
ha and he are frequently used following imperatives.
1 bf g 1m}
mang¢in’ -ga ha begone! (said by a man) 620.17
gig¢ai-& hé enter your lodge! (said by a woman) 614.13
They are also used as interjections. Since /@ and /é are found
printed occasionally instead of Aa and /e, it seems justifiable
to consider the exclamations Ad and /é as the same particles.
hé, tugp’a! ho, grandchild! (said by a man) 620.9
hé, §pa¢a™ / ho, grandchild! (said by a woman) 589.7
4. Interrogative. a marks the question.
gag¢i” edéga” ad? what does that one say? 233.1
tt d? has it come? 709.2
edt a” ¢anazi™t &? why do ye stand? 23.4
ada” (commonly translated THEREFORE) occurs also apparently
as an interrogative particle.
Ear htc &ni” dda”? what great (person) are you? 23.12
edt a” adda”? why? 27.20
chédi *i” ¢é da"? to whose lodge does she go carrying it? 591.3
§ 41. Adverbial Suffixes: Teton
1. -S is an emphatic suffix. Its use with the personal pronoun has
been noted in § 35.
Very often emphasis is added toa word or clause by means of a
suffixed s, and this sometimes involves a change of meaning.
wa'nd Now wana's now the story runs as
follows
ak'e' again ak’é'8 again (with emphasis)
ke'ya those or some keya's although
to yes tos yes, indeed!
taku what taku's oh, bother! or, my good-
ness!
tha but tk'as but then
hé'éél so or in that way he éélés therefore
e¢a'nl as soon as, during eéa'nlés at that particular mo-
ment
§ 41
Boas] HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 937
mi ye I (independent pronoun) mis 1 (emphatic)
urki'ye we two uki'yés or u"ki's we two
dye he zyé’s he himself
2. -la is usually given as a diminutive suffix; but its use is very
much broader, and sometimes it seems to be rather intensive
than diminutive. The English adverb Quire translates it best,
though at different times it is found equivalent to ALMOST or
LITTLE. Possibly the independent adverb /2/a@ very is this
same suflix doubled.
Examples:
wid’ liéala an old man twa stela nicely, in good order
hok'si’la a small boy z&na'la alone, or only
kita” la a little more ite’ yela exceedingly
hake'la youngest toye'la bluely
hena'la enough a'tayela directly
wire éala a girl aévk'¢'yela near to each other
3. héa, liéi". Although their proper meaning is REAL, TRUE, or
GENUINE, more often they have the force of very. Originally
their difference in form was probably nothing more than a
euphonic change, but it has now been seized upon to mark a
distinction in use; /ica being always employed after nouns
either expressed or understood, and /ic?” after adverbs and
connectives. They occur independently or in composition.
l’la, which also means very, always depends directly on a
verb, or an adjective used as such.
Examples of the use of fica are the following:
Capa wa" tavkaléa a‘ very ma'za léa’ka veal iron (i. e.,
large beaver (beaver, a, steel)
large, very) mila wa" gi héa a very rusty
waste’ liée é/™ the very beautiful knife
(beavers) wita' héala an old man
wase’ liéaka’ kim the real red ta'liéa deer (the real ta, or ani-
paint mal of the deer genus)
Examples of the use of /ici”:
cha’ keliéi" lastly ware héi whether there is one
eée'lici™ just in the same way dye’ € ehiéi” just like
énakéc" right there he'éenahéi immediately
sca"tula’héc” just then héeha'nl as soon as
§ 41
938
4, -l.
BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY
[BULL. 40
When it is desired to express motion to the situation which
demonstrative adverbs and post-positions indicate, -/ is suf-
fixed: viz.,
aka” on
eha”
leha™” |}then something was
heha™
toha™” when (state)
teha” for a long time or over
a long space, more often the
former
ea” then
5. =a.
aka'nt on to
eha'nt rs hi
leha'nt hen something was
' done
heha'nl
toha'nl when (something is
done; e. g., under one’s own
volition)
éoka'nt into the middle
teha’nl over a long
somebody passed
space
eCa'nt then (something was
done)
Some adverbs appear to have a separate suffix, -na, for
the stationary form, but it is probably only an adverb meaning
THERE, which never occurs independently.
/
oe there (something was)
aft
ren \nere (something was)
e ena pre in this condi-
leé'e'na} tion
heée' na Nae in that con-
kak‘ ena} dition
toh ena being in an indefinite
condition
él
lél
hél
kal
ae booing along in thi 7
égyf Song g in this way
hé€el
ha’ k*él
to’'k'cl going along in that indefi-
nite way
|nore (something went)
jthere (something went)
\eoing along in that way
I have tried to translate these rather in accordance with the evident
intent than in the most literal manner, they being among the
hardest words in Dakota to render properly.
6. -t@ TO, AT, Or INTO, is possibly
identical with the -/ just consid-
ered, into which it would change according to the laws of
euphony.
Examples:
mak a'ta to the ground
tiya'ta to the lodge
tok‘a'ta in future
waka takt’'ya upward
§ 41
wana’ giya' ta to the spirit land
éoka'ta to the middle
wazt'yata at the north
oliala'teya under
BoAS] HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 939
4%. -ta” FROM.
Examples:
eta” from this eta” ha” from
cha” tas or cha” ta®has if (lit- heta™ from that time
erally, from being in the heta"ha" from that time on
preceding position) akata” ha” from on the outside
Many independent post-positions appear to contain a suflix -ab;
but this is probably nothing more than the verb ka’pa To EXCEL, SUR
PASS, GO BEYOND, contracted in composition.
tha’ kab behind or after wa” kab above
at o'kab before ako’ kab before the time
§ 42. Articles
These important elements are only weakly developed in Dakota,
while they are very important in Ponca. °
In Dakota we find three articles — 7” (after an @ or a” transformed,
including the preceding vowels, into ¢é/”); ko" (after an a or a” trans-
formed into e é¢ko” [Santee], éo” [Teton]); and wa”. The following
Santee examples illustrate their use:
ki” expresses the idea of the definite article.
wea” lipi hi” tye ga waryd kapi they saw the stars shining IX 83.2
(wiéa” lpi star; zye’ga to shine; wa"ya’ka to see)
hi' tana tyeliya yake’ é™ the one that shines a little IX 83.4
(ke’ta™na a little; zye’liya to cause to shine; ya"ka’ to be)
ico” indicates the definite article in the past.
u™ma ko" the other aforesaid one LX 83.8
nina tye ge €iko" the one aforesaid that shines much IX 83.7
wa” is the indefinite article.
oya'te wa” a people IX 83.1
mako'ée wa” a country.
The articles of Ponca are much more highly developed. We
have to distinguish between inanimate and animate articles; and the
latter are differentiated as subjective and objective, singular and
plural.
Following is a general review of the forms that I have found:
I. Inanimate articles.
1. ke horizontal objects.
2. fe standing objects, collective terms.
3. ¢a” rounded objects.
4. ge scattered objects.
§ 42
940 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL 40
II. Animate articles
A. Subject.
1. ak‘ singular animate object at rest.
2. amd singular animate object in motion; plural.
B. Object.
1. ¢a" singular animate object standing.
2. ¢2” singular animate object moving.
3. ma plural animate objects.
4, ¢ink'e’ singular animate object sitting.
5. ¢ank‘a’ plural animate objects sitting.
Ill. Indefinite article.
we, |
Following are a number of examples of the use of these articles:
ke (1. 1) is used regularly of horizontal objects.
tan'de ké the ground 24.4 uhé k'é the path 566.6
ma” ge k’é the sky 26.4 ti k°é a line of lodges 289.7
ni k'é the water (i. e., stream) ma” /é the arrow 50.6
555.1 si k’é the foot 35.3
ua he k’é the cradle 560.14 musa” k'é the feather 52.8
wahi k°é the bone 564.8 pahé k’é a long hill 28.11
pahi ké the neck 564.10 niasiga k’é a line of dead per-
2ibe k'é the leg 564.10 sons 10.7
The following animate nouns appear used with the inanimate arti-
cle k'é:
wésa k'é the snake 27.1
singazin' ga k'éa child lying down 560.13 (in this case, the child
being dead, the article may refer to the body of the child
stretched out)
The following expression is peculiar:
a“ ba k'é the day 611.6
t'é (I. 2) is used with several classes of nouns.
(a) It denotes standing objects.
ti t'é the lodge 555.17
lidabé t'é the tree 277.2
tizebe t'é the door 46.12.
(6) It is used to express plurality and collectivity of inanimate
-terms. According to Dorsey, it expresses in this sense a
single rectilinear collection of horizontal objects. This idea,
however, is not brought out clearly in the examples.
kande t'é the plums 559.4 pa té the heads 123.12
te-dnit'a t'é animal limbs 565.1 mdga” ¢'é the feathers 26.19
§42 |
,
BOAS] HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 941
sthé t'é the feet 570.9 gida té that (pile) yonder
sibe t'é the entrails 279.4 33.16
wi¢aha té the clothing 559.12 wasi” ¢é pile of fat 33.18
¢éze t'é the tongues 123.12 uma” e té provisions 10.11
(c) It denotes abstract nouns.
tégé t'é the killing 16.8. te t'é the word 667.14
twask'a” ¢é strength 611.3 watit a” té work 699.2
waz” t’é disposition 583.2
(d) It denotes acts ‘‘as past and as seen by the speaker” (see
Dorsey, The (Jegiha Language, note 246.6, p. 250).
gage t'é he did the (act) 554.13 hit'a® €é he cried out 600.14
aja" t'é he lay for me 561.1 at ai té he exceeded 609.1
géa" ¢é he did to him 583.7 agia¢ai té they went for him
wai” ¢é he wore as a robe 246.6 .
BIS
¢a” (I. 3) denotes rounded objects and parts of objects.
(a) It denotes rounded objects.
ukianée ¢a” the snare 13.12 tie ¢a” the camp-circle 16.13
mi” ¢a” the sun 13.12 pahe ¢a” the (round) hill 15.3
ict a ¢a” the eye 171.7 hi bé da” the moccasin 279.12
nask'¢ ¢a” the head 91.6 maza” da” the land 508.12
wali’ ha ¢a” paper 773.1
(>) It denotes part of an object.
basa” ¢a” the bent part 598.8
sindéhi ¢a” part of the rump-bone 611.5
indé ¢a” face part 624.10
wail” hahage ¢a” the part of a buffalo-hide towards the feet
469.7
ge (I. 4) denotes a collection of scattered objects.
tenan'de gé buffalo-hearts 33.4
wasi™ gé pieces of fat 572.2
tati”’ ge. . . gé (scattered) scum 593.9
waht gé bones 278.16
mikaha gé raccoon-skins 559.3
na'za gé fences 735.7
aka (11. A. 1) denotes the animate singular subject at rest (see
, Dorsey, note 633.3, p. 634).
[st‘inik'e ak'a tki¢a-biama Ishtinike awoke, it is said 549.4
tasnin’ ge ak‘ a ** tsi-tsi-tsi!” a-biama the chipmunk said, ‘‘tsi-
tsi-tsi,” it is said 549.9
wai” aka. . . agi-biama the’ robe (considered as possessed of
voluntary action) had returned 549.6
a-biama Usni ak‘a the cold said 9.6
§ 42
942 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BuLL.40
pthe-wa¢ahuni aka ibaha”-biama the hill that devours knew
him, it is said 32.6 ,
With numerals aka is used in a plural sense.
dabei ak‘ a, the three 164.14 :
ama (II. A. 2) denotes the animate singular subject in motion, or
the plural subject, both at rest and in motion.
(a) It denotes the animate singular object in motion.
mas€é vii ge-i” ama a¢é amama the rabbit was going, it is said 9.1
Ist‘inikh'e ama a¢a-bi Ishtinike went, it is said 549.1
Zabe ama niata a¢a-bi beaver went to.the water 553.9
ki wiuhe ama wait and the woman was following close behind
615.15
amd is also used when the predicate does not express motion, but
when the subject is conceived as moving.
utadi ama igipaha™ -biamda, it is said his father recognized him
610.18
a-biama mase in™ ge-i” ama rabbit said, it is said 10.2
(6) ama denotes the animate plural subject, both at rest and in
motion.
wazin'ga ama gia” a¢d-biama the birds went flying, it is said
588.3
e-na -biama niasi"ga ama the people said often, it is said 574.9
Paka ama ag¢i the Ponca have come back 723.2
Umaha ama u¢ugig¢at the Omaha are sorrowful for their rela-
tions 772.4
nik agahi ama gi¢a-bazit the chiefs are sad 649.2
ta” (II. B. 1) denotes the animate singular object standing.
nuzinga ta” é wagtk a-bt the boy meant that his own 556.2
Sist'e, héga ¢ét'a” fie! this buzzard! 549.5
te-dige ta". . . nazi” a scabby buffalo was standing 582.5
syu Sét'a” k‘ida-gé@ shoot at this prairie-chicken 117.19
¢é” (II. B. 2) denotes the animate singular object moving.
dada” ¢i” piga” ¢” dha"! Vil blow that into the air 575.7
lida ¢i” set‘a” ama the eagle was that far, it is said 581.3
edada" ¢i” st ewa” té¢e-na™ -biamad whatsoever he usually killed,
it is said 586.6
witande ¢i” adi” giigé bring my son-in-law here 589.3
niasirga ¢i” wasisige dha"! he is active! 9.14
niasinga ¢i” i¢atab¢é ha 1 hate that person 13.9
hage di” édihi the crow reached there 599.8
¢c” is sometimes used with generic or collective terms.
§ 42 .
BOAS] HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 943
wanit a ¢i” the quadrupeds 628.6
Pai kia ¢” the Ponca 748.9
ma (II. B. 3) denotes the animate plural object. This form is
regularly printed as a suffix. The examples, however, do not
indicate that it differs in character from the other articles.
wanit a-ma wéba"-biama it is said he called to the animals 571.5
tanga-ma a¢ut a” wadiza-bi a” he took the large ones at once,
it is said 578.4
wazinga-mda wéba"-biama it is said they called the birds 580.1
wazinga-ma .. . méewazi he put the birds in his belt 586.4
nik'asivga-ma wal igage ewék' a*b¢a I wish the people to dance
601.5
wagali¢a"-ma wi" one of the servants (obj.) 616.2
wilie-ma usk a" etait k°é a%¢a*baha"-bazi we do not know the cus-
toms of the white people 629.2
nik asi” ga-ma ¢é-ma ski a® man¢i’-ma wata’be hd I have seen
these people walking about 756.1
¢ink’é (II. B. 4) denotes an animate singular object in sitting
position.
Zabe dink’ édi b¢é tase I must go to the beaver 552.2
égi¢e titan’ ge ¢ink'é walip‘anilitia” ¢imk'é ama and behold! his
sister was very poor 144.18
war dink é enad-lhét ust'é ama only the women remained, it is
said 11.5
¢ank'a (I. B. 5) denotes the animate plural object in sitting
position.
ui¢a-biamd Istinik'e ak’dé niasimga ¢ank*d it is said Ishtinike
told the persons 64.17
i2in' ge ¢ank* é wawagik' d-biamdé meaning his sons, it is said
100.4
aki¢aha mast in ge ¢daiik' a wi" wasi-ga ha give them one of the
rabbits 119.16
é wat ¢ank' a twak ie ga” ¢ai té he desired to talk to the women
624.3
waigazr sinuda” ¢ank'd he commanded the dogs 111.8
The two forms ¢/7k'é and ¢aik'd are not true articles, although
they seem to perform their function. They are true verbal
forms, as is proved by the occurrence of the pronominal
forms.
Se ORS SNOT ia ig eg a ag! TUTTE
Pg BeTARMAUEOUIAE gos ek eg eats | OME?
Pel erem DUE ne) Naas vac ce i dee), «oe, pT
§ 42
944 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 40
bdé ta mink‘e I who will go 13.4
pita minke I who will arrive there 496.2
Padi nikiagahi nank ase ye who are Pawnee chiefs 685. 9
It would seem that these forms correspond to the Dakota verbs
yank ad, wank’ da.
wé (III) denotes the indefinite article.
saa” wi" a Dakota 367.8
niasimga we" a person 267.1
way wim a woman 166.1
Cawang¢a tangdlit': wim a very large village 166.14
$43. Demonstrative Pronouns
TETON
The demonstrative pronouns proper are e, /e, he, ka, and-to. The
first of these always refers to something that has just been said,
and its use is more syntactic than local; /e corresponds very nearly
to English THis, and fe to English tTHar; but when an object is
very remote, the proper form is xa. to indicates that what is re-
ferred to is indefinite; and it would not have been classed as a
demonstrative had it not been employed ina manner absolutely par-
allel with that of the other demonstratives. Plurals are formed for
all of these by suffixing -na.
The demonstratives are employed regularly as prefixes to the verbs
meaning TO SAY, TO THINK, and TO Do.
to say cya léya heya kéya (not found)
fothink ¢'a"" lee a hec'e™ kee a “tok
to do eo leo™ helo” kako" tok’o"
The forms with care used after the statement of what is said, thought,
or done; and the forms with /e or he, before. heya'pi THEY SAY is em-
ployed like a quotative, though there is a true quotative s/'e. The
element ¢o occurs rarely with these verbs.
In addition to these forms, there is a syllable ¢'e, meaning FAR in
space or time, which is employed in an analogous manner.
te’ha" a long time
tehanl far \
The definite article 47” is probably formed from the demonstrative
ka by rendering the phonetic change to 7” permanent. To indicate
something which happened in the past or some person or thing
spoken of in the past, this article takes the form ko" or ¢iko™, but
the latter rarely in Teton (see § 42).
§ 43
Boas] HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 945
In the plural, and when combined with certain particles, to performs
the function of an interrogative pronoun.
to'na how many
to’ kelici® however much
In fact, the regular interrogative and relative pronouns ¢w’wa or
tu’ we wWHo, and ta’ku WHAT, are properly indefinites, and so related to
to; and from these, or parts of these, other relative and indefinite
pronouns are compounded: viz.,
tuwe'nt whoever (probably wHo LIVES)
tuk té’l somewhere
tuk tek tél sometimes
ta’hu kece' yas whatsoever
PONCA
The most common demonstrative pronouns are ¢é, $e, gd, and
é. The first three of these are very often followed by the article;
and in this case they are always printed in the texts as one word,
although there is apparently no difference between the use of the
article with the demonstrative and that with nouns. Demonstratives
also take enclitic adverbial terms in the same way as nouns, and in
these cases also the demonstrative and the adverb appear in print as
one word. The demonstrative ¢ does not seem to be followed by
the article. As in Dakota, they form part of a few verbs.
1. ge refers to what is near the speaker.
¢e égima” I do this 9.6
de asta” bai ¢é this (is) as you see me 26.14
¢éak' a ¢ab¢i zani téwa¢a-biama it is said he killed all three of
these 46.16
¢déama na” ¢ip'ac these fear thee 23.17
¢éma juba these few! 28.9
ha” ¢’hét agita’be kia” b¢a I desire to see mine this very night
367.5
déga” and, thus they say 35.2
2. $6 refers to what is near the person addressed.
8é égija” you do that 26.14
§é u¢gai you told him that 26.19
sé wiwita that my own 89.4
séak' & masé ifige-i” aka pade wagazi that rabbit told us to cut
it up 23.10
sé¢ink e k‘ida-g& shoot at that! 109.1
sé¢u there where you are 640.4
maza” séta ¢a” the land yonder by you 487.7
§ 43
44877 °-—Bull. 40, pt 1—_10—60
946 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. o
3. ga@ refers to the unseen, also to what follows; it designates prob-
ably originally what is near the person spoken of.
ga ta” be t'd I shall see that 28.2
gagé hnat e t'ai-ede you should have eaten those 28.10
ganiiike haz ¢i¢ade tat (that) you shall be called grapes 550.7
gad” THagige is ai ga teki¢at that one Hagige killed his brother
for him 235.8
gata” i¢in' g¢an-ga put that on something for me 121.14
| 4. é refers to something referred to before.
é nt that water (referred to in line 2) 559.12
é gi¢a-biama it is said she rejoiced at that 21.1
é Sti manga" i t é that too they stole 85.8
| éga” gaga-bazii-ga ha do not ye do thus! 618.8
5. dw is a form which is comparatively rare, and seems to designate
what is near the speaker.
duak‘a this one here 58.5
ulip'é té duat’é the bowl on this side 574.1
dida this way 191.8, 192.15
didiha this way 553.3, 556.5
6. gu is also comparatively rare, and designates what is farther off
than du.
gudiha that way 587.15, 614.1, 630.20
$44. Possession
TETON
Inalienable or at least very intimate possession is indicated by pre-
fixing the objective personal pronominal prefixes, and suflixing -p2 for
plural forms. The dual is distinguished in the same manner as in
the subjective and reflexive pronominal prefixes.
Examples:
mice” k $i my son
hu his leg
t'a"ke' yap? their sister
uréa" te our two selves’ two hearts
uré'a™ tept our hearts (more than two)
Sometimes mz is used instead of m7, and, according to Riggs, this
is when those parts of the body are referred to which exhibit no inde-
pendent action.
ma'p'a my head mano’ ge my ears
§ 44
BOAS ] HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 947
Alienable or more distant possession is indicated by another prefix,
ta, which occurs in conjunction with the prefixes above given.
tawi'éu his wife nit a’ su"ke your horse
tawo' wasi his servant
Often, however, these forms are prefixed to a syllable wa placed
after the noun.
wo'k‘oya ke Fa’ wa ber clothing
The noun to which f‘a’wa, etc., refers may be entirely omitted; as,
wino” leala t'a’wa kim iyo'ta” waste’ the old woman’s was exceed-
ingly good
nit a’ wapt kim tiyo'ta" lu'ta yours is exceedingly scarlet
Terms of relationship take in the third person a special suflix -/w.
hu’"ku his mother
higana’ku her husband
atku'kupe their father
su"ka’ku her younger brother
tibalo’ku her elder brother
ku™ ku his mother-in-law
tak‘o' sku his son-in-law or daughter-in-law
This suffix is probably identical with the /w in taku wHat, which
is used entire in ¢'7fa’kuye HIS RELATIONS and takw'wieaye KINDRED.
After ¢ or e, pure or nasalized, the / of this suffix either changes to
éin conformity with the tendency already noted, or a ¢ is inserted
just before it.
fawi'éu his wife ku" sitku his grandmother
leks’ thu his uncles ti"hiiyée thu his master
Many terms of relationship have a syllable 7, which evidently had
once some special significance, though it is now impossible to say
whether it is properly an affix or part of a descriptive term. Such
are leksi’thu, ku” sithu, and probably tak‘o’sku, above given; as also—
moci™ ksi my son ha™ kasi female cousin
hoksi’ boy tu”kasila grandfather
tak’ sc’ younger sister tawo' was: his servant
ta"ha™ si my cousin (male)
PONCA
The following independent forms were observed in Ponca:
wita my 633.11, 635.6
wiwita my own 477.9, 492.12, 493.1
dita thy 485.2, 635.4 | § 44
948 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 40 7”
di¢ita thy own 485.5,6, 492.9, 495.7 :
eta his 491.8, 642.2, 679.11
[arguta thy and my] 1
angutar our 16.19, 678.1, 679.9 .
ta” wang¢a” aiguta-ma our own gentes 502.12 :
[¢étaz]
¢e¢itad your own 495.8, 630.8
etaé their 633.6, 675.3, 642.7, 523.5
The possessive pronoun appears without the suffix -7a as a prefix
in terms of relationship.
wi- my ¢e- thy 7- his
Examples:
wika” my grandmother 9.3
witimi my father’s sister 9.3
winégt my mother’s brother 10.16
witan'de my daughter’s husband 349.12
winisi my child 44.13
¢inégi thy mother’s brother 10.15
¢iha” thy mother 348.3
¢ik‘ age thy friend 487.4
egali¢a” his wife 348.13
i2in' ge his son 345.2
Zan’ ge his daughter 345.1
With the words FATHER and MOTHER the first person possessive
has an exceptional form.
i” na™ha my mother 481.1, 638.1 |
edad: my father 26.5, 151.15
$45. Adverbs: Teton
Adverbs may be divided into several classes. Some are quite
simple, and are used much like corresponding adverbs in English:
wana’ now lica and
ak‘é again k‘o also
li'la very nak‘o™ also
hice” very
while others are compounded from other parts of speech; notably,
verbs and demonstratives. The former of these are usually changed
into adverbs by using the auxiliary ya.
su'taya firmly a'taya entirely
ha"ké ya at last kaa’ beya in all directions
tarya” well uganda hakeya suddenly
waka takiya upward kha' kiya there
§ 45
Boas] HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 949
waréa'g AT ONCE appears to be compounded of wa”éa ONE and the
auxiliary ka.
Others take Za either alone or in conjunction with ya.
déna'la alone uganda hayela suddenly
e€e'la only ite’ yela exceedingly
urgand hava suddenly
Demonstratives are usually adverbialized by means of another
particle, ¢'a (or k'a) SORT or KIND; as,
heéél that sort to’k él how
hé'é'ena right off tok esk'e in what way
é‘a is also used after entire clauses, where it may almost equally
well be described as an adverbial particle or a connective.
§ 46. Connectives: Teton
Connectives are so closely related to adverbs as to be at times indis-
tinguishable. Yw™k'a" AND THEN, and ¢'a"k"e' so, are most often used
to introduce sentences; while na AND, naz’s or, and ¢tk*a BUT, are the
ordinary co-ordinate conjunctions. Subordinating conjunctions, such
as Ga” or €a”na WHEN, kés or keya’s THOUGH, follow the subordinate
clause, and are to be correlated with the post-positions like o” on
ACCOUNT OF, FOR THE PURPOSE OF; 06 wiTH; mahé’l Into. The definite
articles 47” and ko", and the adverbial particle ¢'a@ sort or KIND, are
employed in such a way as to suggest a relationship to these.
Nearly all of the simple subordinating conjunctions and post-posi-
tions are given above. The rest—and there is a very large number
of them—are principally compound. Some are formed by means of
demonstratives; as,
eca’nl during (from e, é a", eta” from (from e and ¢a”)
and /) heo” therefore (from he and
él at (from ¢ and 7) o”)
eha” then (from ¢ and ha”) toha’nl when (from to, ha”,
ek'ta’ to (from e and ta) and 2)
Another long series contains the verbal prefixes a, 27, and o (§ 12),
and are in some cases, probably the majority, taken from verbs.
Among these are—
ai'nam on the other side of twa" kab above
aka” on aye’ él like
d'tehanl far from ak’ yela near to
§ 46
950 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BuLL. 40
oliala'teya under o'peya among
o'p' ta across o'ha™ among
ogAna’ in (a stream)
kiéi’ WITH Or TOGETHER (see § 20, p. 914) is also used as a post-position; .
while the suffix -/ (see § 41. 4) appears in that réle after ¢°7 LopGE; as, |
t‘7l into the lodge
From 72z’éa:TO BE DESTITUTE OF is formed the post-position wanz'éa
WITHOUT.
§ 47. Interjections: Teton
ho is introduced when there comes a change in the thread of the
narrative, and so may be said to mark a paragraph. The following
are used quite frequently in Teton:
ato’ suppose! hu®hé’ alas!
tho’ well! howo' now!
yu” oh! (indicating pain) wa” now! why!
For a long list of Dakota interjections, see Riggs’s Dakota Gram-
mar, p. 54.
§ 48. VOCABULARY: Teton
The simplicity of grammatical forms in Dakota is necessarily accom-
panied by the use of great numbers of stems.
Verb-stems usually consist of single syllables such as the following:
tf to dwell u” to live, or be accustomed to
ya to say ya to go
k'te to kill pa to flee
Ai to arrive coming z to arrive going
ha to have, possess § to command
2” to stand p so" to break off
ksa” to bend nv to live, exist
ta to eat p ta to answer
ka to dig k‘sa to break
u to be on route coming gt to rust
to” to cover o to wound
The stems with terminal a have been treated in § 15.
The causative ya may be placed after any of these, as also after
nouns.
lipaya'pi they were caused to lie
kaki’ syapt they made him suffer
waste ya to cause to be good
§§ 47, 48
BoAS] HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 951
want lya caused to be without
kaliya’ caused to be made
Sana'ya he had it for a robe (Sana robe)
Sawiéaya he caused them to be red (sa red)
ée™cawréd yapt those that they had for children
Su'"ga nap eyape they caused the horses to be frightened
Very naturally it is often used in the formation of adverbs.
Sogya’ thickly (literally, caused to be thick)
toye' la bluely (literally, caused to be like blue)
kultkiya’ caused to be down, or downward
to'kiya anywhere, or caused to be in an indefinite direction
A considerable number of substantives consist of but one syllable.
Such are the following:
ta general name for animals p te bison; specifically, female
like deer bison
ho voice tC lodge, dwelling
p a head éa” tree
t'o™ robe Ac” fur
hu leg Z mouth
we blood * mnv’ water
hi” hair ; wa SHOW
he horn
A much larger number, however, have two syllables:
we'éa male wi ya” woman
maka’ ground si’ ha foot
no™ ge ear éa'pa beaver
ma’ za iron pahd hill
éate’ heart mato’ grizzly bear
p é ta fire a” p'a daylight
7” ya” stone asta’ eye
site’ tail ma’ ya cliff
wi’ ka" rope €uw?' small of back
Cupe’ marrow ahw’ neck
page diaphragm Siyo’ prairie-chicken
pel grass kav ta plum
é2™ ca child t‘ate’ wind
mt' la knife €oku’ flesh
$o’ta smoke to'ka foe
It is quite possible that many or all of these were originally com-
pounded from simpler words, as is still done in numerous cases.
p ehi” hair of the head, or head-hair
€abo't'¢ beaver-house (literally, in which dwell beaver)
§ 48
952 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BuLL. 40
ma’ za waka” supernatural iron (i. e., gun)
suvka waka” supernatural dog (i. e., horse)
ma’ za waha’ a” ka iron shield
wititegale’ ga raccoon (literally, spotted face)
tata” ka buffalo bull (literally, big ¢a)
wit a'héala old man (very much of a male)
wirér™ éala girl (literally, female child)
hupa' wakigalakela bat (literally, little leather wings)
pasw’ nose (literally, head-seed)
wiéa' ho human voice
mani’ waka” supernatural water (i. e., whisky)
ma’ za wah’ osta™ pt ivon arrow-head fitted in (i. e., flintlock gun)
wié'o’t't many lodges (where people go after death [literally, in
them they live])
ta’liéa deer (literally, true ¢a)
wino™ éa old woman (very much of a female)
helia’ta elk (literally, branching [/ia’ta] horns [/e])
In those descriptive terms which contain a substantive and adjective,
the latter may be regarded equally well as a verb. Many other
nouns, however, are taken from verbs (or adjectives) in a much more
direct manner, as follows: '
kaliam?’ an inside corner, a bend; verb the same, meaning TO
BEND BY STRIKING
olo’wa" song (from lo’wa” to sing)
tehie’ka hardship (from ¢e’fiz hard)
woe a tesiéa sorrow (from ¢'a"te’ heart, and &2’éa bad)
ot’ yokpaza darkness (from kpa’za it is dark)
wana k aska" animals (from mak‘a’ earth, and ska to move; i. e.,
_ things moving on the earth)
wita ganakapi or gAnaka'pt burial-scaffold (from gana’ka to lay
up)
ohu™ kak'a® myth (from hitu™ kak‘a” to tell tales)
ila’ hla rattle or bell (from /i/a to rattle)
wake” a pack of goods (from kz” to carry)
wakim ya" the thunder-bird (from /2"ya” to fly)
Verbs ending in a, when they become substantives, sometimes
change the a into e:
ak‘a'lip‘a to cover ak‘a'lip‘e covering
e'ya to say oé'ye a Saying, verse, sentence
wad to"wa" to be observing wad to™we an observer
wad skap‘a to stick on wad skap'e a sticking-plaster
a'p'a to strike oa’ pe strokes, beatings
obala’ya it is flat obala’ye a level place or prairie
k‘oya'ka to have on wok oya’ke clothing
§ 48
pose’ HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 953
Stripped of their affixes, the terms of relationship are the follow-
ing (see Riggs’s Grammar, pp. XVIII-Xxx):
tu"ka” grandfather
ku” grandmother
koiéza grandchild
ate father and father’s brother
Au” mother and mother’s sister
tu™wi™ father’s sister
lek&i mother’s brother
évye man’s elder brother
tumdo woman’s elder brother
tu™ke man’s elder sister
Cu™we woman’s elder sister
suka younger brother
ta™k&8i man’s younger sister
taka woman’s younger sister
C1™k8t son
éu"ksi daughter
ha® man’s brother-in-law
$iée woman’s brother-in-law
ha"ka man’s sister-in-law
iepa” woman’s sister-in-law
to"ska woman’s sister’s son
toska woman’s brother’s son
tu”Za" man’s sister’s daughter
toza” woman’s brother’s daughter
kos son-in-law and daughter-in-law
hih™na husband
wi" wife or woman
In direct address several terms are used slightly different from the
above; as, w"¢i’ GRANDMOTHER. ‘
§ 48
TETON TEXT
SPIDER’s ADVENTURE WITH THE WATER MONSTER
[Originally transcribed by George Bushotter, a Dakota]
Ik‘to’? he’c‘éS? wana’? ka’k‘end‘ isna’la> oma/ni-ya’ha™® §&k'e.?
Spider it happened now ina Sern alone traveling was going itissaid.
place
Yu™k‘a™® wana’ ¢‘o™Soke® iya’za wol-ya’ha®.1°® Yu™k‘a®® ake’
And then now forest from one eating was And then again
to another going.
wak‘pa’la* o’huta” 6]!* ina’Zzi?* na mani’ k‘owa’kata"ha"” ya-¢i7™® |
river shore or there he stood and water on the other side to go wished
edge 7
keya’s’” to’k‘ani® iya’ye’ Sni na heya’ha®”® sk‘e,’ ‘“*'To’ki" =m
although there was he might start not, and hewassaying it is said, ‘Oh that :
no way as follows
kowa’kata™® matka’” ni® e@i”@i2@™ nawa’zi?,”™ eya’.° Yu" ee
on the other side I sit might fhinking this I stand,” he said. And then
often
1A shortened form of Jk‘to’mi (the Spider), who is the great trickster and charlatan among the
Dakota.
2he’é°éS HE THAT; ¢'a SORT; -§ emphatic.
3wana’ perhaps contains the passive prefix wa-.
4ka demonstrative indicating something that happened at a remote time or in a remote place; Ke éa
SORT OF KIND; na probably a locative particle used instead of -l to indicate that he was already at the
place where the event happened. §
5/a- diminutive suffix.
6 9- prepositional prefix meaning IN, the idea being that the traveling was done within a certain
region; when there is a definite object in view the form is iéima/ni; ya motion away in general. as
distinguished from starting and arriving; -han continuative suffix.
7 $k'e quotative.
8 Introductory connective.
9éon an altered form of é‘an woops; §o’/ka THICK, the final yowe) being altered in nominalizing.
10 wol wa- SOMETHING, and yu/ta TO EAT, contracted into U.
11 wa- perhaps passive prefix; -la diminutive.
12 9- prepositional prefix; hu’/ta SHORE.
13¢ demonstrative; -/ motion to that place.
147- prepositional prefix indicating purpose; na- instrumental prefix indicating action done with ~
the foot; Zin TO STAND.
1 K‘owa/ka ON THE OTHER SIDE OF THE RIVER; -tav FROM; -han CONTINUING TO BE.
16 A compound verb; «in TO WISH.
17 keya’s; ke’ya usually equivalent to SOMETHING and the emphatic suffix -é.
18 fo indefinite demonstrative; éa SORT or KIND, which is altered to ka after 0, and a syllable nz
often suffixed to adverbs of this kind when the verb is followed by the negative particle. It may be
the stem of the verb ni TO LIVE. ;
19 This seems to contain the ordinary stem of the verb To Go and the causative auxiliary. Final a
is altered to e before §n2.
20 he demonstrative referring to what follows; ya TO Go; -han continuative.
21 to indefinite demonstrative; kin perhaps the definite article.
22ma- objective pronominal prefix before yan’ka.
2 The sign of the optative.
* e demonstrative; ¢in TO WISH, duplicated to show repetition of the mental process.
% na TO DO WITH THE FOOT; wa- subjective personal pronominal prefix; Zin TO STAND.
% e demonstrative; stem ya.
954
Boas] HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 955
mani’ é]* ta’ku?? wa" he ha?’skaska*® ¢‘a no®wa™®® tato’heya®
water there what a horns long that wasswimming against the
(or something) sort current
hiya’ya.*? Yu™k‘a?® ak‘e’ heya’,”° ‘‘To’ki?*! k‘owa’kata™® maka’ ni?8
passed by. And then again ne pala as “Oh! that on the other side I sit might
ollows,
oer er nawa'ai",”* eya’.*
thinking often I stand,’’ he said.
Yu™k‘a"® ié‘a’nl® ta’ku he ha™skaska kit e’na™ ina’zZi®
And then just then something horns long the there stood (or
stopped)
ma heci'ya,> ““Ho, mani’ kit Je o’p'ta® aéi’yi™ k'ta, tka
and = said to him “ Ho! water the this across I take you will, but
as follows,
Pkiawarnt twa kiaé iyi” * kte™ lo,” eci'ya.” . Yu”k‘a® . Ik‘to’
certain one Icause you to be on will = he said to And then Spider
thing guard against him.
ki heya’, ‘‘Ho’wo! misu™,* to’kéa* ta’ku e¢‘o®’-ma’yasi’ ki®*
the said as “Come! my younger by and by what todo youcommand the
follows, brother, - me
Peel eGamo"” k'te lo,” eya’. Ca™k'e® wana’ _hedi’ya,
so I doit will oy said he. So now he said to him
as follows,
“*Ho! to’ha"ni p‘a ta®ka’l* hiyu’ye™® Sni mani’ ogana’*! no®wa”-
“ Ho! wheneyer head outside send it not water in swimming
wau" we lo. He’éél wamiye’¢ikita’ k‘te lo,” eya’.
Iam indeed q So you be on the watch will oy? said he.
for me
Ho he’é‘éS wana’ ‘‘To,” eya’.
So ithappened now PAYiegu2 said he.
27 Used indifferently as an interrogative pronoun meaning WHAT? and an indefinite pronoun mean-
ing SOMETHING.
*% The final syllable of han’sk'a LONG is duplicated for the plural of he.
29 wan is probably the causative auxiliary ya altered to wan after on.
30 tate’ WIND AGAINST THE CURRENT, AGAINST THE WIND; ya causative: he perhaps a contraction of
hano.
31hi TO ARRIVE AT A PLACE APPROACHING ONE.
327- the prepositional prefix; é‘az conjunction; -/ suffix indicating motion.
33 Definite article referring to ta/ku he han’skaska.
34 Alternate form with ¢/, indicating something already in place.
35he demonstrative; ki- changed to éi after e, indicating that the verb takes an object; ya stem.
36 Post-position containing the prefix o- and referring to le. :
37q- prepositional prefix, which indicates here that the subject of the verb went in company; ¢‘i-
I-YOU; ya TO GO, altered to yin before kta, the sign of the future.
387- prepositional prefix; wa/kta TO BE ON GUARD; i I-YOU; causative ya, changed to yin before k'te.
39Future participle kta altered to k‘te by incorporating the ye of ye lo.
40ye lo is usually employed in closing declarative sentences in direct address.
41e demonstrative referring to what has just been said; é¢ for ki To or FoR; stem ya.
#2mi- possessive prefix, first person singular.
43 Probably the indefinite demonstrative fo.
44¢ demonstrative; on To DO (probably compounded of a prefix é‘a@ and on); ma- objective, first
person singular; ya- subjective, second person singular; §7 TO COMMAND, TO BID.
Tt will be noticed that kin is used referring to the entire preceding sentence.
46e demonstrative; ¢'a@ SORT, KIND; -/ indicating motion.
47e demonstrative; é‘a (see note 44); ma- first person objective; on (2).
48 Conjunction introducing the next sentence.
49 Contraction of tanka’ta. :
50ht TO ARRIVE COMING; U TO BE COMING ALONG WITH A CONTINUOUS MOTION; ya causative, changed
to ye before snt.
519- verbal prefix.
52 wa- first person subjective; ux usual or customary condition or state.
956 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY levi
C'atk‘e’ wana’ leya’® ‘Toha/nl® malipi’ya wazi’ tuk'té’]®
So now he said this, ‘““When cloud one somewhere
éi’kala®* tatit’ya"®’ yat’ke Gi@®® e¢i2’° oma’kiya’ka yo.” He’ cel
small dens sits the in that case tell me thou.
edi” nawa’p i" k'te na mani’ Sme e’ltkiya® waki’yaki® ® k‘ta cme
in that I flee will and water deep thither I go back to will Rh
case
eya’. _Yu"’k‘a™ heya’ ‘*Misu”™ heé‘a’no?® kitha” ® mié * to’keske’ 8”
said he. And then he ei as ‘‘Myyounger you do that if I in what way
follows, brother,
walia” k'ta he”® eéi’ya. Yu™k'a"™ “‘to’kSa toha™ omayakila’ke”
Tunder- _ shall TY he said to And then “in that when you tell it to me
take him. case
Githa” leéé’l ehe’™ éiha” wa? éag” kipa’s ibala’bale™ éi" to’k Sa
when in this you say when at once doubling [start togoso the by and by
way up (when)
o’huta ek‘ta’™ iy ya lipayi ® k'te I, ” eya’. ‘**Misu™ nitu”k‘atéila™®
Sates at you fall then will a” said he. ‘“ ‘My younger your grandfather
brother =
u we lo,’ ehe’ ¢ihe’” waki’ya"® ¢a hoto’pi™ kijhm
iscom- in- Pa you say when Thunders that roar when
ing deed sort
hehi”’® k‘te lo,” eya’.
you say will ,” said he.
that
53le THIS; yd.
5tto the indefinite demonstrative; han continuative; -/ suffix indicating motion.
‘tu indefinite particle, also found in tu’wa wHo; /- suffix indicating motion.
56-/@ diminutive suffix.
57 tanin’ VISIBLE; adyerbialized by means of the auxiliary ya, which is here nasalized after the pre-
ceding nasalized yowel.
58The é in éim has been changed from k after the vowel e.
59e- the demonstrative; kin article altered as above.
60 9- prepositional prefix, often used with verbs meaning TO say; ma- first person objective; ki-
dative sign; ya; ka auxiliary; yo imperative particle singular.
‘1na- instrumental prefix, indicating action by means of the foot; wa- first person singular objec-
tive; p‘a changed to p‘in before kta.
6 Probably e demonstrative; -/ suffix indicating motion; ¢- -ta To; ki- the dative sign; ya caus-
ative in waki/yakin,
63wa- pronominal prefix; ki- the dative sign; ya To Go; kin- ka TO BE.
61 Kvidently ¢a altered before hee in eya’.
8 he THAT; a (see note 2); -n2- pronominal prefix; on stem.
66 kin article; -han continuative particle.
67 Emphatic form of the independent personal pronoun, -§ the emphatic suffix.
68¢o indefinite pronoun; k‘e- éa SORT.
69 Interrogative particle.
709- prepositional prefix; ma- objective pronoun; ya- subjective pronoun; ki- dative sign; ya TO SAY,
la in the second person singular; ka, auxiliary. In this case both the final vowel is altered to e, and
the initial consonant of the succeeding word is changed from k toéin sympathy. This often hap-
pens where there is no apparent necessity.
71Second person singular of eya To SAY; e demonstrative.
72wan'éa ONE + g, perhaps the contracted form of the auxiliary.
73{- perhaps from the verb 7 TO ARRIVE, though the sense of this verb is quite distinet; bAld’ first
person of ya, which is doubled.
74e demonstrative; -ta post-position; k* inserted for emphasis.
75¢- prepositional prefix; ya- pronominal subject; ipa stem; yin probably causative, altered before k‘ta.
76mi- possessive pronominal prefix, first person; -/a diminutive suffix.
77 Here han is contracted to he without the usual phonetic reasons.
®The wakin’yan are the famous thunder-birds. The word means literally FLYING THINGS (from
kin'yan TO FLY, with the passive prefix wa-). Possibly the final syllable of kin’yan is the causative
auxiliary.
79 ho voice; ton stem; -pi plural suffix.
80he demonstrative THAT; second person singular of the verb ya To say, the final vowel being
furthermore altered to in before K'te.
Boas] HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 957
C'atk'e’ wana’ ka’k‘él®! mani’ ki® o’p‘ta he ki® ak‘a/nl®
So now in that way water the along horn’ the on
ya*ki? na ya. Yu™k‘a® wana’ mani’ o’huta ik‘i’yela® ye
he sat and was And then now water shore near to . was
going. going
Gi" leha’nl* malipi’ya Sabye’la® au’.® C'atk‘e’ heya’, ‘‘ Misu™,
the at this time clouds blackly were So he saidas ‘My younger
coming. follows, brother,
nitu”k‘a"si’/la®7. u we_ lo,” eya’. Gatk'e’ agana’ mani’
your grandfather iscom- indeed Ra said he. So all at once water
ing
mmueve ia sk a’ sk'a"®® hi@eale’.® Yu™k’a® Ik'to’ ko*™ to/ki™
roaringly moving about suddenly did. And then Spider the whither
(in the past)
jya'ye Gi a/taya_ kik‘su’ye® 6ni. Yu”k‘a" i’teha*li¢eha”
he started the altogether remembered not. And then very long afterward
mAnio’huta ek‘ta’ le’ée mani’ a’ope’ya® lipa’ya he*® eha? ”
edge of water at behold water partly in e was lying then
kik’su'ya. Yu™k‘a™ heha” mani’ ekta’ e’to®wa?.® Yu™k‘a® mani’
he remembered. And then then water at he looked. And (then) water
ki" wa"ka’tkiya® Holye’la’® hi® na ta’ku he ha”sk‘ask‘a ko®
the upward grayish being and some- horns long the
thing (in past)
watya’ke'™ Sni na él nako™” waki"ya® hoto”pi nalio”.
he saw not and there also Thunders roared he heard.
Ho él wana’ Ik‘to’ ki® heta®’'” he’éélé§!? ak‘e’ oma/ni-
Now es now Spider the from that just as usual again was travel-
place
ha" sk‘e. Leha®’yela'* wek'‘su’ye.?®
ing itissaid. Only this far I remember.
8ika demonstrative, indicating something distant; ¢a sort, changed to k'e; -l suffix indicating
motion.
82q- prepositional prefix; -/ suffix indicating motion.
837- prepositional prefix; ya causative altered to ye; -la diminutive.
8i/7e demonstrative; -han continuative particle; -/ suffix indicating motion.
% §a’pa (also sa’pa) DIRTY OR BLACKENED, contracted to sab; ya causative; -ta diminutive.
8q- before u- indicates that a cloud was coming accompanied by others, and thus indirectly
plurality.
87 ni- THY; -la diminutive.
8 /imun TO BUZZ OR HUM; ya causative; -/a intensive auxiliary.
89 Duplicated to express the distributive.
90 hin- indicates rapidity or suddenness of motion.
Article used in referring to some past action or aforesaid person.
® to indefinite demonstrative.
% Although kik‘su/ye is now used as a whole, it is probably to be analyzed in ki- ONE’S OWN; k‘su
stem; ye causative.
%7- prepositional prefix; te particle indicating something far off in time or space; -han continuative
suffix; jicin or lice REALLY, TRULY; -han continuative suffix employed a second time.
% q@- and o- prepositional prefixes; p‘a TO FOLLOW OR PURSUE; ya auxiliary.
9% -han changed before e.
% e demonstrative; -han continuative.
% e demonstrative.
9 This word contains -ta To, contracted to -t; ki- the dative sign; ya causative.
100 fiol contracted form of the adjective /io/ta GRAY; ya causative; -la diminutive suff
101 wan probably a prefix; ke an auxiliary.
102 he demonstrative; -tan FROM, AFTER.
103 he demonstrative; a; -/ suffix indicating motion; -s emphatic suffix.
14 Je demonstrative; han continuative particle; ya causative; -la diminutive suffix.
105 we- FOR ME.
958 _ BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 4
[Translation]
Spider happened to be traveling along alone in a certain place, it is
said. And he was going along through a forest, eating. Then he
stood on the edge of a river; and, although he wanted to get across,
thero was no way; and he said, they say, ‘SI stand thinking continu-
ally, ‘Oh that I might sit on the other side!’” Then something with
long horns came swimming up against the current. And he said
again, ‘‘I stand thinking continually, ‘Oh that I might sit on the
other side!’”
Just then the creature with long horns stopped there, and said to
him, ‘‘ Ho! I will take you across this water, but I will have you be
on the watch for a certain thing.”
Then the Spider said, ‘‘Come! my
younger brother, I will do whatever you command me.” So he said
to him, ‘‘ Well! I always swim in the water with my head not
extended above it. So you shall be on the watch for me.” Then he
said, ‘* Yes.”
So he said, ‘*‘ When one small cloud becomes visible, tell me. Then
I will flee and go back into deep water.” Then he said, ‘* My younger
brother, what will become of me?” And he said, ‘‘In that case,
when you tell it to me, and 1 double up and start off, you will fall
close to the shore. When you say, ‘ Your grandfather is coming,’ it
will mean that the Thunders roar.”
So he was going along in the water sitting upon the horn. And
when he was going along near the shore, black clouds were coming.
So he said, ‘‘ My younger brother, your grandfather is coming.” So
all at once the water moved about roaringly. And whither the Spider
went, he did not at all remember. And a long time afterward, lo! he
came to himself lying partly in the water. Then he looked at the
water. Then upward the water was grayish, and he did not see the
thing with long horns, and he alse heard Thunders roaring.
Now the Spider traveled on from this place just as usual, it is said.
I remember only this far.
WINNEBAGO TEXT
By Paut Rapin
~ Hid” jihi’wira’ jagu’? hamina’figiresga’nank’fi®* hi’perésjina’fiksé;4
Our father what does he sit on, it seems e came to, he knew;
@’gi° isja’nialid” jé° ya’kSé;7 @’ gi ké si’ wewi’ni;® hanké’® waja™ nija®®
and tears flowed he wept; and not long he oueht not anything
of it;
hajani’jé;?° haiké’® waja™nija",® ké’? waja™nija™ nif’ géna’igenijé."
he did not not anything, not anything was (there) anywhere.
see;
Ja’gwamina’figiresga’nafiksé gi/ji” hamina’figenafka, €’ja wajai’ ja"
What he sat on it seemed he sat on that which, there something
hanigu’jé, hanigu’nafka'! mana’figeré® éjat nin’génink”
he took from, he took that which the earth there a little piece
wa’ eit’ 7é;8 6’o1!° homina’figEnanka” k‘uthathi’regi* howahuhi’jé.”
for them he ‘and that which he sat on below him towards he sent it.
made;
1hi/6né FATHER; hihi/wird 1st plural of possessive pronoun of terms of relationship;é softens to /
when followed by any syllable.
2,agu’ regular interrogative and relative pronoun.
3Contraction for ha-minank-hire’sgé-nank-tin; ha ON; min/afik HE sits; hiré IT SEEMS; -sgé a suffix
implying uncertainty; -nank suffix denoting sitting position; ’# HE DOEs, auxiliary verb (1st person
ha’ tin, 2d person §’tin, 3d person ’un),.
4hi-perésji-nAnik-sé; hi prefix generally meaning WITH; perés HE KNOWS; ji HE COMES; -nAnk suffix
denoting sitting position; -sé or -/é temporal suffix denoting present completed action.
5é@’gi conjunction, sometimes with the force of THEN. Composed of two elements,—e, the demon-
strative pronoun of 3d person; and -gi, an adverbial suffix. Forthe demonstrative expressing position
near the Ist person it is me’gi, and for that near the second person de’gi.
6 (h)isja-ni-hahén’-jé EYE-WATER-IT FLOWED ON—preseut time.
7 ya’/k-Sé HE WEPT—present time.
8 wé'win HE KNOWS; ni negative particle following adverb hanké’ or ké Nov, and always inserted at
the end of the stem of the following verb.
9 wajan’nijAn indefinite pronoun composed of wa/jan, SOMETHING; and hi/jAn ONE, A.‘ ‘The n follow-
ing the nasalization is a glide.
Whaja-ni-jé HE SEES; negative particle; present (1st person haéa’, 2d person hasja’, 3d person haja’).
Uningénafik-ni-jé ANY (THING); sitting position; negative particle; present.
2 gi’ji an adverb generally meaning so. Oftener used asa stop.
18Contraction for wa/jan hi/jan, The elision of the h, the union of two vowels to form a diphthong,
and the shifting of the nasalization, are very common in Winnebago; for example, nan+hi'jan form
nain'jAn A TREE; mAn+hi/jan form main’jan A YEAR.
Mhani-gu-natika TO HAVE, TO TAKE FROM; ha FROM (1st person ha/ni, 2d person ha/sini, 3d person
hani’). This verb is used also as one of the possessive pronouns. gw IT COMES IN DIRECTION TOWARDS
SUBJECT OF ACTION (Ist person hak‘u’, Sgu, gu); nAn’kd, sitting form of demonstrative pronoun ga
THAT. Here used with force of relative pronoun.
bmanna’igEré EARTH; demonstrative plural pronoun from ga; idiomatically used as the plural
definite article.
Wé/ja adverb. Probably composed of demonstrative e and hija’ THERE.
Unitigé-nink A PIECE, A LITTLE; nifikis the regular diminutive suffix. Sometimes used to express
an indefinite object.
Bwa-g’ién-jé plural objective personal pronoun; FOR; HE DID; present time. There are four ele-
ments of gi that have to be carefully distinguished,—the instrumental prefix, the preposition FoR or
TO, the temporal suffix, and the verbal stem. 959
960 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BuLL. 4
Hoku’ruhujega’ja"*? = mana’fignré = =jé’ésg8* ~—S jina’iksé; = Gg
He looked at his own (to) this earth let similar it became; and
ké’waja™nija" hayébeni’jé* ~iusarana’iksé,** @’gi ~—kégise’ weni-
nothing a upon it bare it was, and not still it
(i. e., grew)
nanksé?7_ mana’ fieeré horupi’ninaiksé; e’gi + ‘‘mejegi”’ hagiji™
was this earth turning it was; then me tee way I
gise’wé jinai/fikjanagaja",”®? hiregi’ji.®°
quiet it will become,”’ he thought so.
F’gi higi’fi”jé* homina’figenafka; @’ja Ha"wi'ja®® ru’zana/figa®
Then he made forit that which he sat on; there a@ grass he took and
hi’g’a™jé ma™no’wahu’hijé* jegai™ hia’na’figa® hoku’ruliuéga’ja®
he made toward the earth he and then he did he looked upon his own
sent
hank’ gise’weni nafikse. . ... dJigija"® ti’ jé 0" Gébigi'ji” ke¢t’ngega®
not still it was. eis seaid one hedid when he finished the tortoise
him
19¢/gi may begin a sentence. Its force is that of a conjunction connecting more or less inde-
pendent sentences, as distinguished from d/nAfigd, which connects closely related sentences. The
translation AND or THEN is always inadequate.
2 ho-minAnk-nankd; ho is a nominalizing prefix. Nominalization, however, requires generally not
only this prefix or its related wo, but also the suffixing of the definite article ra or some demon-
strative, as in this case.
aAkeun’han-hi-re'gi BELOW; hi auxiliary or causative (1st person ha, 2d person ra or §’, 3d person hi);
regi is an adverb with a prepositional force not very clearly shown in this case because the yvari-
ous elements in the word have been closely united to form a distinct preposition. In spite of this
close union, however, the auxiliary is regularly conjugated for the Ist, 2d, and 3d persons; i. e.,
keun'hanha’regt, kun'hanna'regi, kun'hanhi'regi. The -re’gi denotes that it is immediately below the
subject of action; re is a demonstrative pronoun, which seems to denote immediate proximity, and to
be stronger than me THIs (for the first person). But its exact meaning is uncertain.
2 howa'-huhi-jé; howa’/ adverb denoting TOWARDS, AWAY FROM subject of action; huhi’ TO SEND (1st
person huha’, 2d person hwra’, 3d huhi’), TO SEND AWAY FROM SUBJECT OF ACTION; for TO SEND TOWARDS
SUBJECT OF ACTION, the verb Ist person reha’, 2d person rera’, 3d person rehi’, is used.
33 ho-ku-ruliu’é-gadjAn; ho preposition generally meaning IN; ku pronoun referring to what belongs
to one’s self, either of one’s own person, property, or relations. Its yowel conforms with the follow-
ing vowel (see § 4); rwliw’é; ru is in this case either the instrumental prefix or part of the stem. If
it is the prefix, its original meaning WITH THE MOUTH has been entirely lost. A similar case is found
in the verb duhu’rig, $u’ruliu’rig, ruliu/rig, TO OBTAIN, TO ACCOMPLISH; ga’djan an adverb almost
always used as a stop.
34 je/ésgé an adverb Meaning THAT KIND, THAT WAY.
%ha-yépni-jé; ha ON; yép IT PUSHES, IT GROWS, APPEARS; ni negative particle; jé present tense.
% jiu! SKIN; §@/rad BARE, NAKED; nA/iiksé SITTING POSITION.
27 hanké or ké NOT; gise’wé QUIET; ni negative particle.
22me THIS NEAR ME; jegin’ an adverb meaning THUS, INDEED; ha causative Ist person; gi/ji
conditional.
2947 TO COME; naink from nafik, which becomes lengthened in the future; -kjane future particle.
The simple future particle iskja, but to express an indefinite future the particle nan is always suf-
fixed. Without the nan it has the force of a mild imperative. (Cf. also note 43.)
301st person ya’ré, 2d person hira’ré, 8d person hi/ré TO THINK.
31 hi’ in TO DO WITH; gi FOR.
32},4n/wi WEED, GRASS; -j7A” contraction for hi/jAn.
3 ru/z or rus (1st person dus, 2d person su/rus, 3d person rus) TO TAKE; d@/nAfiga, a conjunction con-
necting closely related sentences.
34 man'/na-ho'wa-huhi'-jé; na for ra, the r of which changes to 7 after a nasalization (see note 22).
3 je'gin hid/nanigd a common connective phrase; hi causative 3d person.
36 Contraction for jigé’ hi’jan.
37Contraction of #n’éép TO FINISH and the third person of the causative Ai. Both elements of the
verbare conjugated. Thus ha’tin’ééba/nAn, § tin'éébra/nAn, ’tin'éébi/n An; -gi’ji is used here as a temporal
particle.
8ke/Cink or keét/igé large species of turtles; ké alone is also found meaning TURTLE; -gd a regular pos-
sessive pronominal ending, used with terms of relationship, or for persons to whom respect is to be
shown. It is always used in indirect address, somewhat in the sense of MR. SO AND So. It is ap-
pended to all proper names; for instance, ku/ntifiga ELDEST BORN, etc. But in direct address the -ga
is dropped,
BOAS] HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 961
higé’jé.2°, Hunubi’mani*? wowe’wi"hojejai" ja‘! wagd/"zEra.” ‘*Jeja™
he one him. Two-legged walkers at the end of his thinking he made. “1o end
karéhoa’ksana™* mana p'i"s’0"“ Se’rekjane’na™® ke’¢t’/figrra.” *
they are about the earth you makeitgood you are going to you, tortoise.”’
Jegt’*hia’nafiga mahi” ja" hanigi’gijé.“* Ma™ negi ‘jigi’ji*® wona’ yiré*°
And after he did a knife to possess he gave On earth when he wars
him. came :
avjé wogi"zrra hanké’ ho'giruliuj jni’jé;** @’gi jigé’ hanké’
ne did the creation not ooked he for him: and again not
hogi’ruliujni‘jegé’ —& sge enh sani \-saartr sce... 38> Ege
e looked for him again “fen he took him back. There at
A
éi’ra*® hoiké’wejé.*7 oH atha® 8 k‘wnika,® hid%a’/ra k'u mika wa/ré
the house went hein. “Say grandmother, my father grandmother work
hu’iigigira®™ duhurt’kSana"; wogt™zEra pi’0® hu'ifigigi’ra
he sent me for I have accomplished; his creation fix it aright he sent me for
391st person ya’gé, 2d person hi/ragé, 3d person hi’gé, TO CALL.
49Contraction for hu-nin’p-hima/ni LEG-TWO-HE WALKS WITH. As it has nonominalizing prefix,
correctly rendered, it ought to read THE TWO-LEGS-TO WALK WITH. It is used here idiomatically asa
noun. The verb is Ist person hi/mani, 2d person hima’sini, 3d person hima’ni.
41wo/- is a nominalizing prefix probably composed of wa indefinite pronoun and ho. It is used far
less frequently than ho. jejain’ja is a contraction for jejan’ TO END and é/ja THERE, with preposi-
tional force.
42wa indefinite pronoun; ginz or gins (1st person ha/gtins, 2d person ra/gtins, 3d person gts) TO
CREATE; the article -ra has the force of a relative pronoun here.
431st person hakd/reho, 2d person rakd/reho, 3d person kd/reho, TO RE READY, TO BE ABOUT; Ak or Ank
8d person singular of suffix denoting WALKING or LYING. (lst person -mAfk, 2d person Sa/waiik, 3d
person -Ank); -$4 is a suffix of uncertain meaning that never appears alone, but is always followed
by nan, It is generally suffixed to the elements denoting sITTING and LYING or WALKING. Indeed, I
know of no instance where -nA” is directly suffixed to the above forms of the verbs, -§4 being always
inserted before it. It must not be confused with se, from which in actual conversation it can hardly
be distinguished. -nAn is a suffix denoting general indefinite action.
44From p‘in GOOD, TO BE GOOD, and §’@n 2d person singular of auxiliary ’% (see note 3).
45From irregular verb, 1st person de, 2d person Se’ré, 3d person re, TO GO; kja future; -ne a suffix
of the same nature as §4, never appearing alone, but always followed by -nan; it is generally suf-
fixed to verbs in the standing form.
46 -ra is the 2d person singular of the possessive pronoun. Used here ina vocatiye sense. For this
reason the regular -ga is omitted.
4imAnhin AN IRON KNIFE. This term was used to designate the first white people with whom the
Indians came in contact.
4#hani with prepositional force of WITH, POSSESSING; gi/gi an auxiliary verb (1st person ha’gigi,
2d person ra/gigi, 3d person gi/gi) TO MAKE, with the idea of some force being used in the action.
49 Contraction for man-ra-égi-ji-gi'/jt EARTH-THE-HERE-HE CAME-WHEN; -é’gi is an adverb here, used
in a prepositional sense; for ji see note 4.
50 This means literally SOMETHING TERRIFYING (from nafliire TO BE SCARED).
51ho- preposition IN; gi- prepositionFor. Thedemonstrative e is occasionally used for the 3d person
singular when it is to be expressed. -ni negative particle.
8 Regular adverb, meaning THEREFORE THUS, ON THAT ACCOUNT.
63 Contraction for jigé’ and higtn’ THEN.
5tku reflexive (see note 23).
55 Adverbial expression; ha in composition often means AT.
56é{ (1st person ha/éi, 2d person ra/éi, 8d person ¢7) TO LIVE. It is also used as a noun.
571st person wai/kéwé, 2d person horai’kéwé, 3d person hoi’kéwé; ho means In; 7 is probably gi For,
with the g elided (see § 33). It may, however, be an idiomatic substitution for ki, a possessive
particle. The verb means HE IS GOING TO HIS OWN House. If it were not his own house, the forms
would have been Ist person wa’giké’wé, 2d person hora’giké’wé, 3d person ho/giké/wé. The stem of
the verb is ké’wé.
58 Used in the sense of HALLOO, Say, and often simply to begin a narrative.
59GRANDMOTHER is hiké’roké; but in direct address k'u/nikd is used, just as ja/ji and na/ni are em-
ployed for FATHER and MOTHER,
1st person wa/dé, 2d person wa/seré, 3d person wa/ré, TO WORK. The 3d person singular of verbs is
at the same time the absolute form, to be translated by our infinitive.
61hi objective personal pronoun Ist person. For -gi’gi and -ra see notes 48 and 46.
62’¢4n has participial force.
44877 °—Bull. 40, pt 1—10—61
962 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 40 _
~
hana®’é dulurfi’kSana" va’iksigo-1’na® hidegwaha’ra®™ hiuni’wahara
all I have accomplished it their life my uncles my aunts
wiakaraki/sgé® 7uinekjane’na".”—‘‘E’oi é@sga’no jasgera/nanga
the same as myself they will be.”— “An grandson how did you
hidegwa’raga_ va’fiksigo-i”na® wiraki’sgé jasge’kjejé" ke’jesga’-
my uncles their life make justas you how could you it is not
nina® hid’ jihiwi’ra jegit?” gfit’soé® jegu’na® hafké’ jegut-
that way our father indeed hecreated(them) thatisso (but) not he made
higi’” p‘ini’na®.”"—“K*unika’ga waja” wahigu’ni,” esgé™ hanké’
it thus could he.’’— ‘*Grandmother something tothem she for not
must be,
gip i nigé wananku’ni™ t’e’wagigi’ra.”” Hirana’fiksé. ‘* Hanka’a™®
like a does she is saying that I killed them.” He thought. “No, no,
she
é0"Sga’no, hafke’jé jé/ésgé ya’ré wahanina’fikSana",” é0°Se¢a’no
grandson, not that way am I am I saying, grandson
thinking ;
hid’ jihi/wira ro’ra haké"’na’™® hirgi’ssana® 7 wa/rué® hi’ kira‘ jie
our father bodies the Sealine e made me eating to fall short
(to die) :
k‘inekj6’nat®! hegé’jini,? é@’sgé hoké™’na ¢éa"wahi’gé® wa’u’na®.
they would make one because of that, there: death for them to have he made.
another ore
887 Ank Means MALE HUMAN BEING; UAfkéi’/k is generic name for HUMAN BEINGS, and secondarily
for INDIANS. (h)o-in’na is the nominalized form of the verb 1st person a/in, 2d person ra’‘in, 3d per-
son in, TO ACT, TO LIVE.
64 hide’k UNCLE; -waha/rd@ 1st person plural of possessive pronoun, used for terms of relationship.
6 Contraction for wa-ya-ka/ra-ki’sgé; wa indefinite pronoun; kara reflexive-possessive; 1st person
yaki’sgé, 2 person hi’raki/sgé, 3 person hiki’sgé.
66 See note 63.
67 ja/sgé HOw; kjé future; -jé interrogative particle. The whole expression has acquired a force in
ordinary usage which makes it practically an exclamation.
68 je’sgé ha/ninad THAT IS NOT MY WAY; ha’nina is a possessive pronoun.
69 9f/ms HE CREATED; -gé a causal suffix, BECAUSE, FOR THAT REASON.
70 An expression similar to jegin'hia/nAfiga; gi has adverbial force.
71p‘in TO BE GOOD is often used as an auxiliary verb with the force of TO BE ABLE, CAN.
72This means SHE MUST BE RELATED TO THEM; wa plural objective personal pronoun 3d person; -hi
causative. It must not be forgotten that the causative is really an auxiliary verb and is often
used assuch. -gu/ni a temporal sufix implying a probability that is almost a certainty. The other
suffix denoting probability, -sgu’ni, has no element of certainty in its meaning.
74we SHE SAYS changes to wa after a negative. The verb is irregular, 1st person hihe’, 2d person
hige’, 3d person he. The hof he is always omitted. The w preceding a indicates that the subject
of the principal verb and of e is the same. If they had been different, the e would have remained
unchanged; nafiku/ni is a contraction for nank gu’ni, the suffix denoting SITTING POSITION and the
suffix denoting PROBABILITY. K‘u’nika does not actually say the above words, but the supposition
seems so true to Wasjifige’ga, that it almost amounts to a certainty, and therefore -gu’/ni is used instead
of -§gu’ni.
%t'e DEAD; wa THEM; hagi’gi I DID (see note 48); -ra THAT (see note 46); 1st person t’e’ha, 2d person
Ve’ra, 3d person t’e’hi, TO KILL.
76 The short e is changed to @ on account of emphasis.
77 See notes 74 and 43.
78 1st person ha/kénné, 2d person ha/rakén’né, 3d person hakén/né, TO FALL.
i9hin ME; gins TO MAKE; §AnA” (see note 43).
801st person du’é, 2d person §u’/rué, 3d person rué, TO EAT. The wa is indefinite.
8a 1st person hi/fAkirujis, 2d person hi/nifiki/rujis, 3d person hiiki/rujis. :
81Goes with the preceding verb. k‘in auxiliary verb (from Ist person ha/k'in, 24 person ra/k‘in, 3d
person k‘in, TO DO, TO MAKE; 7é, i’/né, ré, w’ré, suffix used to indicate 3d person plural of almost all
verbs. Itisreally an auxiliary verb. Forman see note 48. When suffixed to future, it makes the
latter more indefinite.
829é’jini or hegé'jini conjunction. The latter form is rarely found.
83¢%n MANY, really an adverb; wahi/- HE MADE THEM; gé causal suffix.
Boas] HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 963
Mana’figeré hakinikine’kjénégé’jini.** Wa’u’na®® hot’e’®* é("wahi’gi.’
The earth crowded they would not make one Hemade aplaceto forthemtohave.”
another. die
E’gi hisgé’ijm’’ wasjfige’ga® hanke: gip inina’fiksé. ‘‘K‘unika’ga
And eruly the hare he liked it. “Grandmother
hisgé’lij™ hanké’ gipininanka’ san e’waj6",°°* wahigé’ wakarasi’-
really and not like it she does this something, to them she she is tak-
truly must be
genafka’ja",”® hirana’iksé. “Kaa, Gi"Sea’no ké’jesgani’na® haga’-
ing their part,”’ he thought. “No, no, grandson it is not so
wojAigaja”naija"™ narége’ra® nitdegi’ja", éako’™ hidegowa’raga
for a long time (your) heart a sore one, therefore my uncles
hiuniwa’raga vuAnksigo-i"na’ As HipOonai’rekjena®® — hog’a’grra”
my aunts life to live. They will get enough their age
hirahi’*hdine’kjé” ® wagé’jé.° ‘Hatha’ é0%%ga’no naji’né'
they will go up to she said. “Well grandson stand ‘up
hiroik6’ naik’uwina’ nihekjane’na*. K'gi hironi’ k6naifikjanihe’-
they will follow me thus forever. I shall follow you for-
na®,1 ¢f$¢a’no hidajé’'? wa uan’ye 104 UafgErani’na?,’ hanké’
ever, grandson with your strength a man you are, not
81 First ki reflexive pronoun, referring to the fact that the people are regarded as related; ni is the
negative particle. As I have never found another instance of ni appearing without hafké’, I assume
that I overheard the latter word. For -ge’fini see note 82.
8 See notes 3 and 43.
86 Referring to the Winnebago ghost-village.
87 hisgé’ TRULY; -Aijin intensive suffix.
8 wa’sjink A HARE (see note 88).
89 Verb Ist person hai’p‘in, 2d person rai’p‘in, 3d person gi’/p'in. The force of giin verbs that elideitin
the first and second persons is obscure, although it is generally the instrumental prefix. In this case
it is the gi, meaning FOR, TO; IT IS PLEASING TO ME. nt negative particle; ka’/jan, contracted for
-nAfik-ga/jAn (see notes 74 and 23).
89a demonstrative THIS.
9 The verb is found only in the reflexive form, Ist person wa’kara’sik, 2d person wa/raka’rasgik, 3d
person waka’rasik; wa indefinite pronoun; kara reflexive pronoun; -E- is a glide.
90a This should be hi’rena’nksé, the change from e to a being due to the presence of the negative.
91An idiomatic expression with force of anexclamation. Probably a contraction of haga/+wajan+
ga'jAn+mai'jan; haga’ isan exclamation employed by women (see note 115); maijan A YEAR, TIME.
2nAnégé’ HEART.
93 1st person hin’dek, 2d person nin’dek, 3d person dek, TO BE SORE; 7/jAn, hi/jAn, ONE, A.
% Conjunction, meaning IN SPITE OF, NOTWITHSTANDING.
% See note 12; -ji, concessive conjunction meaning IF; -gi’ji is often used with the same force.
% 1st person hin'’pénafikje/nAn, 2d person hini’pénankje’nan, 3d person hipdé/nafkje’nan. The initial
hi- in the first person is a contraction of the prefix hi- and the pronoun hin; -iré personal pronoun 3d
person plural (see note 81).
From §’ak TO BE OLD. The fact that it has the nominalizing prefix would indicate that sak isa
verb.
Ist person hi’rahi’, 2d person hira/rahi, 3d person hira’hi, TO REACH; -fi¢in or -ijin superlative par-
ticle; for mesee note 81. The simple future -kje is used because the limits of the action are con-
ceived as having been set. The suffix -nav would have made the future indefinite.
% Ist person wa’gé, 2d person wara’gé, 3d person wagé’, TO MEAN.
100 jst person nan‘jin, 2d person nAnna/jin, 3d person nanjin’, TO STAND. The-né orré is the impera-
tive. There are two kinds of imperatives, immediate and general. The immediate is -né, and the
general is -An’jé.
101 Contraction for hira-ho’-hin-kéna/fik- ininé-ha/nihe-kjane/nAn; hi/ra prefix meaning WITH, in sense
of accompaniment; ho prefix, meaning obscure here; hin objective personal pronoun Ist person singu-
lar; ko/nAfik stem of verb TO FOLLOW; nihe’ is an auxiliary verb and is used to imply repetition. It is
regularly conjugated 1st person ha/nihe, 2d person ranihe, 3d person nihe’. It must not be confused
with -ni’he, which is not conjugated and appears as a suffix with the meaning of HAD; ’wni/né THEY
bo; for ne/nAn see note 43.
1022-ni objective personal pronoun 2d person singular. The stem appears either as -naifik or nAfik
(h)a/nthe (see note 101).
103 Adverb. The ending -a’/jé would seem to indicate that it is really the imperative form of a verb.
104 Tmperative form (see note 100); wa indefinite pronoun.
10 From wAfik MAN, and hani/nAn TO HAVE, TO POSSESS (see note 14).
964 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 40
hakja"benia™ jé."2 Hogigi’ii rawi’gi. ‘*Hanké’ hakja*’beni”
look back.”’ Around they started. ‘Not look back”
Sia’ka18 k‘unika’ga jacu’’an wegunihiregé’ jini."
she said grandmother why she said it he thought.
Cowe’lijintiik hoira¢ge’ja 1” hakja"pga’ja" hagohu’ ra 18
Just a little to the Br look Yet (he did) to where started
horulidnujike’rejé. * ** Casea’no, hagagasge}a’ nije va’ figura
it caved in instantaneously. ‘* Grandson, h, my! oh, my! aman .
niga’jA" = wajA™nukana™"* — hanika’ rajiahfitios’ ja.47 Gaisea’no,
you are (but) something great I had encouraged you much, Grandson,
déére’Sg6"8 hanké’ karu’s¥° = duliurfigni’na® ~—hokdéna’jané,” ”°
this even not take it back Ican these falling.’’
Hot’a’jo°né. waga’kéé" = ai’rena®.” = Hogigi’ih _harai’regi™
The ee she meant itis said. Around they went
pejicée’jmra; hogi’wé wa’u-ine’je ai’rena®.
the edge of the fire; that way they went they say.
106 From ha/kja BACK, and jAnp TO LOOK; ni negative particle; An’jé imperative.
1077rq, for ré, which changes in the plural; from verb To Go; -wi is the sign of the plural, but is
rarely used for the 3d person. The usual form would have been ra/iré.
108 ist person ha/ési, 2d person ra/si, 3d person s7, TO SAY, TO CALL OUT; -aka or -A’fika is the walking
or lying form 3d person singular.
10 Tnterrogative pronoun.
1l0See notes 74 and 82.
111 69/we IN FRONT; -/ijin intensive particle; -nifik diminutive.
12 Roira’/égé LEFT; e/j4 THERE.
113 hakor hakja’ IN BACK; hohu/ra TO COME FROM (nominalized),
M41st person hunnu/iénan (for ho/+hinnuliénan), 2d person honi/nulidnan, 3d person ho’ruliénan,
meaning TO FALL IN, like the bank of a river; -aji- a particle meaning IMMEDIATELY, IN THE TWIN-
KLING OF AN EYE; -ke/ré an auxiliary verb, never appearing independently.
15 An exclamation of a woman.
16 ;ukAnAn adjective, GREAT, MIGHTY.
117 ha preposition; né objective personal pronoun 2d person singular; kara reflexive-possessive pro-
noun, used because the hare is related to K‘unika/ga; jin stem of verb TO ENCOURAGE; -/ijin intensive;
-ga’/jAn a stop.
8 qé’é demonstrative of 1st person; -re’$gé EVEN; for -re see note 21.
lig See note 23.
10 hAk6n/NG THE FALLING; ja’né standing singular form of demonstrative de.
121 From wage’ TO MEAN, and a’/ksé walking form of verb 3d singular.
12From he TO SAY. The echanges toa in the plural; i/ré 3d person plural. Is always used as
quotative in sense of IT IS SAID.
123 re TO GO (see note 107); -gi WHEN.
124 peé FIRE; Ceé THE EDGE.
1% Used as an adverb, but really a verb; 1st person wa’giwé, 2d person hora’/giwé, 3d person ho’giwé,
TO GO AROUND AND AROUND.
[Free Translation]
As our father came to consciousness, he thought of the (substance)
he was sitting on. His tears flowed and he cried, (but not long did he
think of it). Hesaw nothing. Indeed, nothing was there anywhere.
He took something of the substance he was sitting on, and made a
little piece of earth for them (our ancestors), and from the place on
which he sat (he) cast it down below. Then he looked at what he had
made, and he saw that it had become very similar to our earth. But
nothing grew upon it; bare it was, and not quiet, but revolving. ‘* How
shall I make it become quiet?” he (Earth-Maker) thought. ‘Then
(from what he was sitting on) he took some grass and cast it toward
the earth; and he looked upon what he had made, but it was not quiet.
BOAS] HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 965
Again he made a man; and when he had finished him, he called
him Tortoise. At the conclusion of his thinking (i. e., when he had
come to consciousness) he had made the two-legged walkers (human
beings). (Then he spoke to him thus: ‘‘ The evil spirits) are about to
destroy (my creation), and you, Tortoise, are being sent to bring order
into earthly things again.” Then (Earth-Maker) gave him a knife.
When he came on earth, he began to make war, and did not look after
the creation (of Earth-Maker); indeed, he did not look after it; so(Earth-
Maker) took him back. ... There he (the Hare) went into the house.
‘*Say, grandmother, the work my father sent me to do I have now
accomplished; his creation I have fixed for him, and (all that 1 was
sent out for) I have accomplished. The lives of my uncles and my
aunts (human beings) will be like mine (i. e., immortal).” (Then the
grandmother answered,) ‘‘ Grandson, how did you make the lives of
your uncles and your aunts like your own, for how could you do some-
thing in a way our father had not (intended) it to be? He could not
create them thus.”—‘‘ My grandmother must be related to them (those
I have killed); she does not like what I have done, for she is saying
that I killed them (the evil spirits).” The Hare thought to himself.
‘*No, grandson, I am not thinking of that, I am saying that our
father made death, so that there should not be a dearth of food on earth
for all, so death he made to prevent their overcrowding each other.
He also made a spirit-world (in which they were to live after death).”
But the Hare did not like what she said. ‘‘ Surely,” he thought to
himself, ‘‘ grandmother (does not like it); she must be related to the
(evil spirits), for she is taking their part.”—‘* No, no, grandson, it
is not so; but as you have been sore at heart for a long time, (to
appease you) your uncles and aunts will obtain a sufficient number of
years, and they will attain to old age.” (Thus she spoke:) ‘‘ Now,
grandson, stand up, (you) they will follow me forever, and I shall
follow you forever; so try, grandson, to do (what I tell you) with all
your power; and (remember) that you area man. Do not look back
after you have started.” Then they started to go around (this earth).
** Do not look back,” she said. (Thought the Hare,) ‘‘(I wonder) why
she said it!” And then he turned just the least little bit to the left ;
and as he looked back toward the place from which he had started,
everything caved in (instantaneously). ‘*Oh, my! oh, my!” (exclaimed
the grandmother), ‘‘ grandson, a man you are, but I thought you were
a great man, so I greatly encouraged you. Now, grandson, even (if
I wished to), I could not prevent death.” This, it is said, she meant.
Around the earth they went to the edge of the fire (that encircles the
earth); that way they went, it is said.
on
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ESKIMO
BY
WILLIAM THALBITZER
7
CONTENTS
Page
RMIT TNE IICHAN. 053 ope totes eke ee eee OT De od Set 971
Bem DUNS so ie Sone a Sec ene we ee ode whoa wee oluew nes owe 974
Rae OOUNCE ane Gold -Hpmiele 22-2 FL aa od ois occa chee ee bce one 974
pet Pa enon tn aiaiity oe ee tw swe we pean Edict rs 981
ay oy (nanioes Of palatal Consonames 2.455 .° ue. ne see bende de 983
§ 5. Changes of dental and labial consonants.-_.... ............-------- 987
§ 6. Shifting of voiced and voiceless fricatives...................-...-- 988
§ 7. Shifting of voiceless fricatives and stopped consonants...........-- 991
§ 8. The Greenlandic s sounds........ ee ree ere ore a ee te ees 992
§ 9. Shifting of consonants with change of place of articulation.......-. 993
Seen Nes MERLEES Sto 2k Wa oe cae Ones a ewetee aoa ee a setts To See 994
ene TRIAD 52 92a 2s vanish d sence Sao tae hice Be bans ba aaa oe ee 996
pelt HeLCOpECESIVeS TVUIATIZHNON ov sce ae ence cet e cess e- ieee ese 998
eeio—lo. Classes of ‘words, base and stem..-...-.25.........2---+------=c0 1002
§ 13. General remarks on the structure of the Eskimo language --.....-- 1002
Reena taet BUEN ets ote oa dw ob ene assent kt ERGs oe ae tia ce meets 1003
fel eiinplon OF bases ANG HleMs'... 02-2. .2s-.ccren-ascueasnccensca~ 1004
Puen ee WOR IS 2eae poe sci apes as tenes nen eolasccbcesants 1006
SE REMNN (he oleae nite ae ee ES ene docs sey aa aa sgaetes se angen 6 1007
Sn Sele SICAL MINIROCINORD «2 os oes eden awcns scence ehezenchwoe 1007
mr Laas) aud: Gin MmAeChon 22992. 22264 beckon cece: 1007
SO rOepeIN OLIN reer see rts re eee Sk Seve Ay HA See ey ee cee 1010
§ 18. Class I. Plural inflection without shift of stress ........-. 1010
§ 19. Class II (a). Plural inflection with shift of stress .....-.-- 1011
§ 20. Class II (6). Plural inflection affected by retrogressive
Cpt AA TEy Ses Se ae Ah erate Ria donee he sedi a awa s 1013
§ 21. Class 11. Irregular plural inflection -...:..............- 1014
§ 22. Characteristics of the irregularities in the formation of the
era Seta ee re ae eee AN ls he 1015
S25. Pe UG Ve GG PORMIVGs 20. sec ols cnc se meena Sen 1016
ec n NL AGI hacia lege Meee BP Sore a ons wena eee 1017
S25. Docal cases—Comhinvieds 2246s. So Sess fe hn sew ees 1019
§ 26. Personal cases, or possessive inflection, of nouns........--- 1021
§ 27. Paradigm of the possessive inflection of nouns........----- 1023
§ 28. Irregular possessive inflection.............-.....---...--- 1024
§ 29. Local cases of possessive forms of nouns...---...-..------ 1028
TEE US SS i ete ie LON AY ee ae en eo gee 1031
Pate On OAM on cen uae ween rer oe ce UL ak Sb Te) eee 1031
§ 31. Synopsis of possessive endings of nouns (N. )and verbs(V.). 1032
§ 32. Synopsis of verbal modes of conjugation (dialect of West
Sroceinnd ) Safe cst acne tia aoe tacos aware ewe a euee 1036
Sans ie key Rin Terai Ves sume ee 2800 ih oleae Be 1038
S34; Mode IT. \ Indicative. intransitive... ....2..-.--<5...+2-. 1038
Sop-5 Mode LL; “indicative; transitive: fo. 5-.2-252.s2s2 sees 1039
970 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY
§§ 17-50. Inflection—Continued Page
§§ 17-44. Typical inflection—Continued
§§ 30-44. Verbs—Continued
§ 36. Mode IV. Interrogative 2-2 55202 te cee See eee 1040
$37; Mode Vi." (Optativect se fvcn eee eer eee 1041
§ 38. Mode VI. Contemporativecc.°: 2224222556425 eee 1042
§ 39. Mode VII. Verbal noun or verbal adjective --.-...-.-.--- 1042
§ 40. Mode VIII. -Passive participle......-. 2.2 2622 5.236 eeee 1043
§ 41. Mode IX. ‘Trangitive participle: ....:..2.-2-2--.5-s5eeee 1043
§ 42. Mode X. Past tense and causal proposition ..-.-..------- 1044
§ 43. Mode XI. Future tense and conditional proposition. - ---- 1045
§.44. Mode XAl..~ Abstract noun". 5). 2se2 e222 1045
§§ 45-48: Defective inflection) .. 2... 022 fo ese-s2 ste. a oe ee 1046
§ 45. Prevalence of possessive or absolute inflection in certain words. 1046
§ 46. Interrogative and personal pronouns .........-.-------------- 1046
§ 47. Words signifying ALONE, WHOLE, ALL..i....---+-4----+-sseeee 1047
S485 (Numerals, . 323 220 Soh 2 tig a eee ee ee ee 1047
$$ 49-50. ‘Irregular inflection... 2.2.5 < 202.5. s3o> reece ace eee ee 1049
$49: Interrocative! pronouns. <2... 25: - 252 5- 4ose sess ee ee 1049
§ 50. Demonstrative pronouns and adverbs.......------------------ 1049
SS 554) Particles) <..c222:cueeocesmccese- eee] case hee oleae ae eee 1050
S51. Interjections 2.2 0.065.2c0 soos S0 eee pea obne ee ee 1050
62, Modal particles ..i.52 502.22 jin mee tenes bee ee oe = ae 1051
$53. Temporal particles: + 3255. cc.0- 0 cciie soe wus ee 1052
§ 54. Particles for expressing question and answer ......-.-------------- 1052
S595-00., Derivative sullixes..- 2.222005 <022 so Rane get Sone eee eee 1052
§ 55. General characteristics of suffixes........0..-2.00---4.-c: oe 1052
§-56: Classes. of derivative suffixes: ....:......s..02.--052- 26.5550 1054
§ 57. Comparison of Eskimo and Indo-European derivative suffixes ---- - 1055
§ 58. Inflection and polysyuthesis: -: ... 02. 06t54-6~-4-0-45-5ee eee 1056
$59), Noun ‘and verb 22022 2st-.c-tensoseteteooseace so—5 =e 1057
5.60: Last OF SGHIKeR 2 6).50 0 sa oo ee teen eee oe = ee 1059
ESKIMO
By WicuiAM THALBITZER
Wy,
g 1. INTRODUCTION
The Eskimo language is spoken by hardly forty thousand individ-
uals, who live in small groups on the northernmost shores of America,
from Alaska to East Greenland. Their territory extends south of
Bering sea and includes the easternmost point of Asia. Since the
main groups have been separated for at least six hundred years,‘ more
likely for a thousand years or longer, it is but natural that their lan-
guage should have split up into a number of dialects. It becomes evi-
dent, from a comparison of these widespread dialects? as recorded by
different authorities, that their differentiation has developed largely
through phonetic and sematological changes, and only to a slight
degree through intercourse with Indians. The dialectic differences
are important, although not so extensive as to obscure the identity of
the Eskimo languages of Alaska and of Greenland. We even find
dialectic deviations from fiord to fiord. Nowadays an East Green-
lander does not understand a West Greenlander until both have
become accustomed to each other’s speech; and the Greenlander has
to learn the peculiarities of the dialect of the Baffin-land Eskimo to
carry on conversation with him.* The dialects of western Alaska
differ fundamentally from the Greenland dialects, about as much as
English and German or English and French differ from each other.
Owing to lack of material, it is at present difficult to draw safe conclu-
sions concerning the historical relations of these dialects as regards
1The ancestors of the present Central and South Greenlanders (the Kalaazzit tribe) appeared in
Greenland in the fourteenth century, but they must have separated more than a hundred years
before that time from their fellow-tribes on the opposite shores of Davis strait (G. Storm, Monumenta
historica Norvegiz, 76, 205; Thalbitzer III, 111-112, and IV, 208).
2H. Rink, in his ‘‘Eskimo Tribes”’ (Meddelelser om Grénland, XI, 1887-91), was the first to under-
take such a comparison; Thalbitzer, I, 181-269 (Phonetic differentiations in the Eskimo dialects).
3This was tested by a Greenlander who had an opportunity to meet with some Eskimos of Baffin
land. See Atuagagdliutit (the Greenlandic periodical), No. 1, pp. 2-3 (Godthaab, 1861).
971
972 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BuLL. 40
their common origin. All that can be done is to indicate some of the
main lines of dialectic differentiation.
It is not known how many dialects there are. In Greenland at least
five may be distinguished, three of which (those of Upernavik, Disco
bay, and Ammassalik) have been closely examined by me.' In this
sketch I shall describe the dialect of the largest two fiords of West
Greenland,—that of Disco bay (69°-70° N. lat.) and of the neighboring
Oommannagq fiord (70°-71° N.). Of course this does not imply that
that dialect is more typical than any of the others.
Notwithstanding the fact that the dialects of western Alaska differ
essentially from the Eskimo dialect which is spoken at the mouth of
the Mackenzie river, yet these dialects have certain peculiarities in
common which show that genetically they belong together. We may
speak of a western Eskimo group of dialects, comprising the many
different dialects of Kadiak island, Bristol bay, the mouth of the
Yukon river, Norton sound and Kotzebue sound, Point Barrow, and
the mouth of the Mackenzie river, as opposed to the eastern Eskimo
group of dialects; namely, those of Labrador, Baffin land, and Green-
land. Within the eastern Eskimo branch I have presumed a closer
relationship to exist between the dialects of Labrador and Central or
South Greenland (from about 63° to 66° N. lat. on the western coast)
than between those of the other parts of the group.” The latter com-
prises the four northernmost dialects, which are now widespread, but
which perhaps less than a thousand years ago were still a unit,—the
dialects of Baffin land, Smith sound, Upernavik, and Ammassalik
(East Greenland). It is probable that these Eskimo reached the shores
of Davis strait at a later period than the Labrador and South Green-
land Eskimo. Finally, I shall only touch on the group of dialects
that are spoken on the western shores of Hudson bay, Southampton
island, Melville and Boothia peninsulas, and in part of Baffin land,—
properly the central dialects. It remains undecided as yet with which
group these dialects must be classed.
It is fitting to add here that I feel indebted to Professor Franz Boas
for his kind and valuable assistance in the revision and finishing of this
grammar.
1The Danish Commission for the Direction of Geological and Geographical Explorations in Green-
land arranged for two investigations of the Eskimo language in Greenland,—first, in 1900-01, in West
Greenland (see Meddelelser om Grénland, XXXI, Copenhagen, 1904), ana again, in 1905-06, in East
Greenland.
2 Thalbitzer I, 237, 260, 262-265.
§1
BOAS] HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 9738
The abbreviations Al., Gr., Lab., M., stand throughout for Alaska,
Greenland, Labrador, Mackenzie river, respectively.
Authorities have been quoted as follows:
L. Adam, 5° Congrés International des Américanistes, Compte-
Rendu. Copenhague 1884.
F. Barnum, Grammatical Fundamentals of the Innuit Language...
of the Western Coast of Alaska. London 1901.
F. Boas, I. The Central Eskimo (6th Ann. Rep. Bur. Ethnol.
Smithson. Inst.). Washington 1888.
F. Boas, II. The Eskimo of Baffin Land and Hudson Bay (Bull.
Amer. Mus. Nat. Hist. XV). New York 1901 and 1907.
F. Boas and H. Rink, III. Eskimo Tales and Songs, in Journal of
Amer. Folk-Lore, vol. I], 1889, 123-131.
F. Boas, [V-V. Eskimo Tales and Songs, in Journal of Amer. Folk-
Lore, vol. VII, 1894, and X, 1897.
F. Boas, VI. Der Eskimo-Dialekt des Cumberland-Sundes (Mitteil.
anthropol. Gesellschaft in Wien, vol. XXIV, 1894),
F. Boas, VII. ‘*‘ Language,” in Handbook of American Indians
(Bureau of American Ethnology, Bulletin 30, 1, 757-759). Wash-
ington, 1907.
T. Bourquin, Grammatik der Eskimo-Sprache . . . an der Labra-
dorkiiste. London 1891.
P. Egede, Dictionarium Grénlandico-Danico-Latinum. Hafniz 1750.
P. Egede, Grammatica Groénlandica Danico-Latina. Havnie 1760.
F. Erdmann, Eskimoisches Worterbuch...in Labrador. Budissin 1864.
0. Fabricius, Forsog til en forbedret Gronlandsk Grammatica. Kjoben-
havn 1791. 2ed. 1801.
0. Fabricius, Den Gronlandske Ordbog forbedret og forgget.. Kj¢ben-
havn 1804.
V. Henry, Esquisse d’une grammaire de la langue Innok. Paris 1878.
S. Kleinschmidt : I. Grammatik der grénliindischen Sprache. Berlin1851.
S. Kleinschmidt: 1]. Den grgnlandske Ordbog, udg. ved H. F. Jér-
gensen. Kobenhavn 1871.
A. L. Kroeber: I. The Eskimo of Smith Sound (Bull. Amer. Mus.
Nat. Hist. vol. XII). New York 1899.
A. L. Kroeber: II-III. Tales of the Smith Sound Eskimo (Journ.
Amer. Folk-Lore, vol. XII). 1899.
E. Petitot, Vocabulaire Francais-Esquimau, dialecte des Tchiglit des
bouches du Mackenzie et de Anderson .. . précédé de notes
grammaticales. Paris 1876.
C. Rasmussen, Gronlandsk Sproglere. Kjobenhayn 1888.
P. H. Ray, Report of the International Polar Expedition to Point
Barrow. Washington 1885.
H. Rink: I. The Eskimo Language, etc. (The Eskimo Tribes IJ, in
Meddelelser om Grgénland XI). Copenhagen 1887.
§1
974 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 40 —
H. Rink: IJ. Comparative Vocabulary (The Eskimo Tribes II, ibid.
Supplement). Copenhagen 1891.
A. Schultze, Grammar and Vocabulary of the Eskimo Language
(Alaska, Kuskoquim District). Bethlehem, Pa., 1894.
Schultz-Lorentzen, Kalatdlit okausinik okausilerissutit (Greenland
grammar). Ningme 1904.
W. Thalbitzer: I. A phonetical study of the Eskimo language, based
on observations made on a journey in North Greenland (Meddelelser
om Grgnland, vol. XX XI). Copenhagen 1904.
W. Thalbitzer: II. Studiet af et primitivt sprog (Forh. vid 6. nord.
filologmétet, Uppsala 1902). Uppsala 1903.
W. Thalbitzer: II]. Eskimo dialects and wanderings (XIV Ameri-
kanisten-Kongress 1904). Stuttgart 1906.
W. Thalbitzer: IV. Skrelingerne i Markland og Grgnland, deres
Sprog og Nationalitet (Kgl. danske Videnskabernes Selskabs For-
handlinger, Oversigt 1905). Kgbenhavn 1905.
W. Thalbitzer: V. The Eskimo Numerals (Journal de la Société Finno-
ougrienne XXV). Helsingfors 1908.
C. Uhlenbeck: Ontwerp van eene vergelijkende vormleer der Eski-
motalen. Amsterdam 1907.
Wells and Kelly, English-Eskimo and Eskimo English Vocabularies.
Bureau of Education. Washington 1890.
PHONETICS (§§ 2-12)
§2. Sounds and Sound-Symbols
Following is the system of sounds, or phones, of the dialect of
Disco bay, West Greenland, symbolized by phonetic symbols:
CONSONANTS
Bilabial Dental Velar Uvular
t fe. 0 voiceless
Stopped consonants . . . ~p 4 ;
m n y G[n] voiced
saat w[b] 2 vj ria] voiced
Open consonants (fricatives) . 2) J J :
F Lss x fz] voiceless
VOWELS
Normal U ularized, being followed byr, R, q, or q.
“uu
Closed vowels ah?
pemi-closed . 7; «4 é 0 E 0
. P :
Seini-open “95.1. 202° "G é 2
a
ROAR kn vraar, dated Boal a
§ 2
BOAS] HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 975
The majority of the symbols here used are in accordance with the
signs employed by the Association phonétique internationale. I prefer
the simple 7 instead of the wz, and w instead of 6 of the Association,
that the Eskimo words may not look more difficult than necessary;
nevertheless, 7 and w in the Eskimo language mean something very
different from the English 7 and w. The same is true of my signs for
the s- and a- sounds, and, of course, of all the uvularized vowels, all
of which only in part agree with sounds of any other language that
I know of.
: indicates length of the preceding vowel or consonant; e. g., a: =aa
or d; m:=mm or mM.
I prefer in ordinary orthography to double the sign to indicate
length of sound: thus, aa, mm, ss, etc. A single consonant is
- always to be considered short.
’ stands before the stressed syllable of a word. Degrees of stress are
indicated thus: ‘a, strong stress; ’’a, very strong stress; ,@ or
a, weak stress.
~ indicates nasalization: @, 7, 7.
#4 mean glides of the preceding vowel: a [a%] or [az], a” [a’| or [au].
“, 7 mean labialization and uvularization.
Following is a detailed description of these sounds:
4 uvularized a, or followed by a uvular, in my ordinary? transcription
ar, or pronounced with the soft palate (the velum) strained
and lifted. Itis like a in English rar, followed by the Eskimo
fricative 7 (or g); see under 7.
Arssaq a ball
a as in French AmEx, PATTE (rarely like French pArs, pas, or English
FATHER).
Arnad his woman, mother
ataa beneath it
@ about as in MAN; a short a modified by closed consonants and point-
consonants (or dentals) (Sweet, ‘‘A Primer of Phonetics,” §§ 50
and 190).
gilak sky
nanog bear
pimmat as he came
1Le Maitre phonétique, 1905: Exposé des principes de 1’ Association phonétique internatiouale.—
Cf. Paul Passy, Petite Phonétique comparée (Leipsic et Berlin, 1906).
2In my ordinary transcription I have tried to avoid diacritical marks.
§2
9'76 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 40
meergat children
aappaa his companion
& about like the vowels in French Lait, German DENN; between ¢ and
a of the Association phonétique internationale (Passy, ‘‘ Petite
phonétique comparée,” §§ 241 and 248; Jespersen, ‘‘ Lehrbuch
der Phonetik,” §§ 152 and 156), rather wide than narrow.
arndt [arn:dat| plural of arnag woman
‘ndttseq a seal
hist’ dane but
e stopped front palatal, voiceless (Passy, 1. ¢., § 187; Jespersen,
l.c., $§ 118 and 168); in ordinary transcription ¢7 or 47. Com-
mon in some Eskimo dialects; for instance, Mackenzie river,
tgitamat [citamat| rour; also in the dialects of Upernavik and
Ammassalik in Greenland. (Thalbitzer I, 90, 190-191, 209,
221, 259.) 71s the same sound very far forward.
¢ as in German ICH.
7xxia [2¢:2a] his throat (see under x).
9 see after o.
é more closed than e in French rf, and alittle more forward. When
it is used long, it sounds about like a Jong 7.
gaane over it, on its surface
neesay [n1:8ag| a porpoise
The ‘‘ European” e, as in German sEr, may, however, occasionally
be heard. Notice the different pronunciations of my ee pure,
and eer which I use in my ordinary transcription for zzr. The
first sound is about like a long 7; the latter, rather like a.
E=e, uvularized a (cf. 4 and 7).
erneq [Ern: Eq| son
meerag [meE-:raq| child, plural meergat [mz-rqat]
é=e uvularized, farther back than 2, and sometimes like @ (Thal-
bitzer I, 107, 109) on account of the rounding of the innermost
part of the mouth.
peerpog |pé:rpoq| it is free, it is off
?=2 uvularized, short mid-vowel.
F bilabial fricative.
sarragq|sarr: Ag|a current (Central and South Greenland, Labrador)
9 isa articulated as deep in the mouth asa, voiced. It is usually
symbolized as g in North German REGEN, BOGEN, and in Danish
§ 2
BoAS] HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 977
DAGE, VIGE. Central and South Greenland, East Greenland,
Labrador, Mackenzie river. g occurs rarely in the northern part
of West Greenland instead of y. The corresponding voiceless
sound is x or partly ¢.
tga (South Greenland), zya (North Greenland), a pot
h is heard sometimes in interjections.
2 high narrow vowel (Bell and Sweet), as in French FINI.
ittag Many years ago
exit thou
1 between 7@ and e, especially before n, m, y.
inaa [1na: | its (the bird’s) nest
7 like y in YARD, or like 7 in German ga.
ajaa his aunt
pujog smoke
g, 7, R, and w are uvular consonants, so called because they are articu-
lated at the uvula. The posterior part of the velum and the
root of the tongue are drawn back and up toward the back of
the fauces, whereby the space in that part of the mouth seems
to become larger. g is a stopped voiceless consonant (TENUIS),
probably identical with the qor of the Arab (Passy, l.c., § 189).
gagqgagq [gaq:Aq| mountain
arga |4q:a] his name
erqaane [Eqa:ne| in the vicinity
X as in French cas without aspiration; only before 2, e, and wu, it may
be heard aspirated.
kaapog he is hungry (pronounce & like voiceless g), but
keewaa it bit him (more like [A¢e- wa: ])
2 and z are articulated nearly alike, bilaterally, with the tip of the
tongue against the back of the upper teeth. They have the
latter feature in common with the Eskimo ¢ and n. The voice-
less 2 [z] is of rare occurrence in Indo-European languages,
but it is well known from many other languages both in
America (/A of the Nahuatl, 2 of Kwakiutl) and in Africa.
ala certainly
ulo woman’s knife
2LLo house
arLuk grampus
L, see J.
§2
44877°—Bull. 40, pt 1—10——62
978 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BuLL. 40
“4a sort of 7, with the tip of the tongue bent up toward the alveolar
arch, in some districts assuming the character of an untrilled
palatal », like the English 7 in aras, but with a firmer
pressure against the palate; for instance, in the southern part
of Egedesminde district (Disco bay) aa”’pasaartog instead of
aa” palaartog RED.
mas in English, but it is often long in Eskimo.
ammassat [am as: dt| capelans.
n articulated like ¢and 1, at the lower edge of the upper teeth or at
their posterior surface.
y like ng in SING, SINGER (notice that the combination yg does not
occur in Eskimo). Frequently this sound is so loosely articu-
lated that it may be described rather as a nasalized g [7] fricative.
ayakkog shaman
eya pot
ayut man, father
paniga or paniga my daughter
w see g.
o is a little more closed than the French o in Rose.
sakko implement (used for hunting)
anore wind
oo is more like a long uv (q. v.); but oor means, in ordinary transcrip-
tion, uvularized o [0] or [9], which is more open.
ooneg [usnEg| a burn
o uvularized o rather closed like o in so, followed by the Eskimo
fricative 7 or q.
goog urine
ornippaa he comes to him
2 uvularized v, more open, like 0 in English Mor®, or like @ in ALL,
followed by rorg. See o, 0
orssog [ors:oq| blubber
p as in French pas without aspiration.
paa mouth of a river
g uvular nasal =—w (Passy, I. c., § 196).
ernit (dialect of Disco bay) lakes=erm7t, singular imeq fresh
water; in Oommannaq fiord also intervocalic: anone=anoge
WIND, instead of anore.
BOAS] HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 979
r uvular fricative, voiced, is related to g as g is to k and w to p;
usually articulated as far back in the mouth as g. It is quite
another sound than the English 7, but it has some resemblance
to the French and German back -7, when untrilled, and espe-
cially to the Danish 7, produced by friction right by the back of
the fauces(Jespersen, ‘‘ Lehrbuch der Phonetik,” § 141; Passy,
l. c., § 222). Itis the x of the Association phonétique inter-
nationale. Its articulation is especially tense when it is fol-
lowed by 9; e. g.,
sargag the sunny side
aargat gloves
rq is nothing but a modified form of long g [g:]; other combinations
with 7 in Greenlandic are 7¢, rs, rr, TL, TY, TM, TN, TY, TN.
A vowel preceding one of these sound-groups is always strongly
uvularized. The 7 modifies the character of the vowel, and is
anticipated in its pronunciation. The two sounds—the vowel +
the v—in reality make up a phonetic whole (Thalbitzer I, pp. 110
and 152), and the following consonant is nearly always gemi-
nated (long). It might be symbolized thus:
arga his name =a'qga [ag:a]
orssog blubber =[9"s-2q]
erneg son =[z'n- £q|
When the 7 stands alone between vowels, its place of articulation
is often somewhat advanced, and the friction not very tense;
e. g., In neriwog EATS. In some districts (for instance, in the
Oommannaq fiord) the outgoing air is apt to escape through
the nose-passage, causing 7 to be nasalized, or [7]; this nasal is
related to ¢ [w] as 7 to y or as @ to.m.
neFiwog (Oommannagq) eats
R indicates a voiceless 7, short or long, =z of the Association pho-
nétique internationale (Passy, l. c., § 222). It is something like
ch in German (Swiss) BACH.
marrag clay
errorpad washes it
/ see after ZL.
s is usually voiceless. In 7s it resembles the English s, only that the
articulation is a little looser and the aspiration stronger. In
ts the articulation of s is tenser and it is farther forward than
§ 2
980 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULD. 40-
the English sound, because the ¢ is nearly interdental. There-
fore there is a difference between the s-sounds in arssaq A BALL,
and ndtseg A SEAL. In other words, an s [s] is heard, which,
although not quite identical with the s or ./ of the phoneticians,
as in English sHE, bears some resemblance to it; e. g.,
aaseet [a:se:t] (West Greenland) of course
ad’saq [a:”saqg| summer
saa [sa:]| its front
In the articulation of this s, not only the blade, but the whole anterior
portion of the surface, is raised; the blade of the tongue being a
little retracted and formed like a shallow groove, through which
the air escapes without any strong pressure.
tas in French, without aspiration, especially before the vowels a and 0.
taa”na [da:”na] that there
toog [do-:q| a mattock
But before 7, e, wu, often aspirated, especially when the ¢ is long,
as in the imperative plural -ct¢e in Northwest Greenland (= -dtse
in Central and South Greenland). It might be symbolized as 7.
areg & name
nateg the floor or bottom
Tikeq forefinger
aterpog he goes down
tarrit the lakes (nearly like [¢d¢sz¢])
The articulation of ¢is very different from that of the English é,
the tip of the tongue being stretched against the lower edge of
the upper teeth. The Eskimo /, like the n, 2, x, are alike in
this respect, being sometimes nearly interdental.
r see 7; 2 see ¢.
u like ou in French Jour, ROUGE.
uFrra there!
una he (she, it)
vu between o and w stands for long w [w-]; e. g.,
kook |kuvk] river
oommannag [u:m-:an:aqg\| common place-name
w is the voiced sound that corresponds to r, articulated alike, the
lips hardly touching each other; but in West Greenland often
so that the under lip is slightly drawn toward the upper
front teeth. It differs from the English w in that the lips are
§ 2
BOAS] HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 981
not rounded and there is no raising of the back surface of the
tongue. w is the [6] of the Association phonétique interna-
tionale (Passy, |. c., § 210; Jespersen, lL. c., § 125).
awaa the back part of the head
sawtk iron, knife
x the ¢ of the Association phonétique internationale, see under c. It
stands also for the w of the Association (Passy, |. ¢., § 2215.
Thalbitzer I, 86-87).
axxertog (Central and South Greenland, Labrador) approaching
u% between [uw] and [y] in French sour and Ruz, German FRUH; mid-
vowel with slight lip-rounding. Occurs especially between
8, n, 7, t; for example:
toyostinnippog it is sweet (to taste)
toossiit a beam of the house
niijtittog tame, not shy
itiiippog goes across
yY is related to wi as 7 to 7, v to wu.
suna [syna] what
tuttut [ty¢ttyt] reindeer
z voiced s, occurs rarely, if ever, in the Eskimo dialects (Thalbitzer I,
209, 215).
$3. Accent and Quantity
In the Eskimo language two or more long sounds may follow each
other in a word without being shortened. Every sound of the lan-
guage, whether consonant or vowel, may be short or long (geminated),
apart from the fact that the voiced consonants, in case they are length-
ened, become unvoiced (the nasals only excepted). The combination
of the sounds being thus entirely independent of their quantity, four
types of combinations are possible, and do occur (the same, e. g., as in
Finnish):
(1) Short vowel + short consonant, as in nwna LAND.
(2) Short vowel + long consonant, as in manna THIS.
(3) Long vowel + short consonant, as in maane HERE.
(4) Long vowel + long consonant, as in maanna Now.
§ 3
982 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BuLL. 40
The dynamic accent in a great many words is uncertain or only
slightly differentiated. Examples are:
pania his daughter
nulia his wife
awoya toward the north
unnummat as it became night
ornippaa he comes to him
There is always a marked stress on the vowel before a long (gemi-
nated) consonant, or on a long vowel. Accordingly, all the syllables
of the words just mentioned—unnummat, ornippaa—are stressed.
Besides, the final syllable has a tendency to attract the stress to itself:
ti’keg, pami'og, seqt’neq, ty'ut'"taq, a'niya''me. Words of irregular
form prove, if distinctly pronounced, to be very irregularly stressed;
or the stress undulates through the syllables in varying degrees of
strength, according to the psychic importance of each syllable or
according to the traditional rhythmical formation of the language.
But even the longest Eskimo word, in the flow of conversation, is
kept together as a whole, or stamped as a unit, by means of a true
word-stress concentrated on a single syllable, which in most instances
will be found to be near the end of the word. In most words consist-
ing of more than three syllables we may distinguish at least three, or
even four, degrees of stress (1, weak; 2-3, middle; 4, strong); e. g.,
sede ise i 2 Ak, 8 othe we Ge oe 124
Kaasasorujoyuag artineg ajormat tigumissaraluarLoyo attamut tyttar-
B AB 1124 8 114 93 3° 8.41 4) So
paa't ilaai ogassapput ujaraayyittog aLLiumaarpog tLLut ayi-
OS le ee eas ge Sle Na Deg Tae
sorsuit piniartunik ulikaartut.
According to their stress, we may distinguish between two kinds of
‘primary words or word-stems,—oxytone, having strong stress on the
last syllable; and paroxytone, having stress on the penultima.
Oxytone:
tu'peq tent ti'keq forefinger
a’ teq name a’ put snow
a’yut man, male a'naa her elder brother
te’ pik smell ne'ge meat
sa’wik knife
Paroxytone:
‘orssog blubber ‘tippik piece of the framework of
‘aLLo house a kayak
‘erneg Son 'sakko implement for hunting
§3
BOAS] HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 983
It is noteworthy that in the development of the language, in a great
many words a shift of stress has taken place, whereby oxytones have
become paroxytones, or wice versa. This is shown by many inflected
forms and derivations in the Greenland dialect here mentioned, and
also by comparison of other dialects.
Greenland a@’meqg a skin > plural ‘ammit skins
Greenland ma'lzk a wave > verbal ’maxterpog the seais rolling
Greenland ’¢zx2¢ thou <casus obl. 2’linnut to thee
Greenland a’teg a name = Alaska ‘dtéq (Barnum 325)
Greenland akw'tag bastard =Alaska a’/utak mixed dish
Greenland ¢/w’mut yes, truly = Alaska z’lwmun (ebid. 336)
Greenland wkz’og winter = Alaska ‘ukshuk (ibid. 372)
Greenland ‘tézLimat five = Alaska tax’ Leman (2bid. 367)
Greenland a’taa”seq one = Labrador attauseg ='attaa”seq ?
Labrador ’s/ttamat four = Alaska st/amen (ibid. 365)
GE oth
Greenland nd’teg isch By Pe [sie (cid. 355) boot:
floor 'natitk (ibid.) floor
Greenland 'w’ztwme to-day =Caribou lake! wpélumz to-day
Beet sone ee "PP"! — Caribou lake kpalépit (superposés)
Alaska aggé@irgtoa [ak:éeirt:oa]
(Barnum 319) I draw near,
come in view
Greenland ‘axxerpog ap-
proaches
§4. Changes of Palatal Consonants
The following instances show that shifting of consonants occur
partly in connection with the shifting of stress and partly without
such.
If the final syllable of a word that ends in g or & becomes penultima
by the addition of a suffix, the syllable loses its stress and the conso-
nant May assume an intervocalic position. In these cases the con-
sonant becomes voiced, g shifting to the voiced 7, and & to g, which, in
_turn, changes to y. The same changes of these sounds sometimes
occur when the part added is not a suffix, but an independent word.
q>r. g becomes r in the plurals of many nouns; e. g.,
Singular Plural
te’ keg tikerit forefinger
ner Ley nerLerit goose
1 Mackenzie river, Petitot Vocabulaire, p. 7.
§ 4
984 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL 40
For further examples see Thalbitzer I, 245.
ga' nog how; gano'rippa how is it; gano’runna how is that; ganor-
o'garpa how did he say
‘ern'neg son; ‘ernne’ra (<erneg+a) his son
soog why; ‘sooruna yes, certainly (soog una why do you ask)
ogarpog (West Greenland) he says; orarpog (East Greenland);
orarpog (Mackenzie river, Petitot, p. xxx1v, opakluartuark)
segineg (West Greenland); serincktenga (Baffin land, Boas I)
the sun
nege (West Greenland) meat; neriwoya (West Greenland) I eat
(cf. Southwest Alaska nugrhda I eat)
g>r. The shift g>r in the Mackenzie-river dialect is doubtful; e. g.,
in wwagut (Southwest Greenland) we, wwarut (4) (Mackenzie
river, Petitot) WE.
Q>G[N]. This shift is found in the terminal sound of many words
of the Baffin-land, Smith-sound, and Ammassalik dialects, which
have their terminal sounds nasalized, whereas the other dialects
keep the oral tenuis g. Also the dialect of the Mackenzie-river
Eskimo bears evidence of a similar tendency, as shown by some
few examples of it; e. g.,
Smith sound tuluang [tuluan| raven Central Greenland tuluw’ag
Baflin land strinirn[serinin]the sun Central Greenland segineg
Mackenzie river atev [atew] a name Central Greenland ateg
r>q. This shift takes place in the dialect of Oommannagq fiord in
North Greenland in those words in which 7 occurs between
vowels; e. g., in—
Oommannaq Fiord Disco Bay
neqguwog neriwog he eats
anoge anore wind
k>g. This shift appears in a comparison of some of the possessive
and verbal endings of the Greenland and Southwest Alaska
dialects.
Southwest Alaska South Greenland
-ka my, I -ga my, I
atkuka dtordkaé (Barnum 312), kapitaga atoriga my coat I
my coat I put it on (atkuk na- who use it (kapitak a kayak-
tive fur coat) ing coat)
-ku, -ké it, them _ -go, -git it, them
atorlukué (Barnum 312) atortugo he using it
atoryakonaki (ibid. ) atoginago do not use it
atog luke (abid.) atorLugo he using them
§ 4
a
Boas] HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 985
k>y, probably through an intermediate g, is a shift well known in
the Greenland grammar; e. g.,
Singular Plural Possessive
kittik boundary kittigit kirtiyaits boundary
toottik loon tooLLinit
assik picture, portrait asstyit asstya his portrait
The older g, from which the y developed, may be traced in the long
vowel in the plural of such words as mannik EGG, plural man-
neet, probably <mannigit (Thalbitzer I, 250).
The shifting from terminal / to y is known in many other dialects.
y appears as a final sound in nearly all the dialects, excepting
those of West Greenland, Labrador, and Mackenzie river; but
most of the dialects that present forms with y abound in
examples of other words ending in’. We get the impression
that either the speakers’ own pronunciation must have been
somewhat fluctuating on this point, or else the recorders must
have vacillated in their interpretation of the sounds heard.
Baffin land savzy; West Greenland and Labrador sav7’/: knife
Baftin land ¢nwy; West Greenland and Labrador inuk man, ete.;
(y passim in Baffin land); but also—
Baffin land ¢xaluk (Boas IV, 47); West Greenland and Labrador
eqgaluk salmon
Baffin land gaxodluk (ibid. U1, 127); West Greenland and Labra-
dor gaquiituk fulmar
Baffin land uk (ibid. IV); West Greenland and Labrador kook
river
[The differences in pronunciation in Baflin land are individual differ-
ences. In 1884 the old men from the east coast of Cumberland
sound used throughout the oral stops; while women and young
men used nasalized consonants. It seems that the nasalization
is in this case due to an extension of the characteristic pronun-
ciation of women to the male sex.—F. B. |
Smith Sound gopanung [gopanuy]| Greenland gupalu (arsw) spar-
row
Smith Sound martuy or maqqgoy Greenland martiuk two
Point Barrow madririn [-riy | Greenland marzoreek twins
Point Barrow warih [waray| Greenland warak a stone
Point Barrow -wi% [wiy] Greenland -w2/: place (suftix)
§ 4
986
BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY tauren 4
For examples of forms ending in y from Southwest Alaska, see
g>n.
Barnum, ‘‘Grammatical Fundamentals,” the stories passim,
e. g., p. 286; but in his vocabulary, and elsewhere in his gram-
mar, the words end in & or q.
In most of the dialects the fricative g is frequently used; but
in the northeastern group it is regularly replaced by y, some-
times by 7. g is found also in Labrador and in the southern
part of West Greenland, between Holstensborg and Julianehab
(61°-66° N. lat.); whereas north of Holstensborg the same words
are pronounced with y instead of g.
Southern North of
West Greenland Holstensborg
ajagaq ajayag cup and ball
naalagag naalayag master
igippaa zyippaa he throws it away
iga éya (tga) kettle
paniga paniya my daughter
gaqugo gaqoyo when (in the future)
Cf. the Labrador forms ajagagq, iga, panniga, gaqugo, toogag walrus-
tusk
Another example is:
South Greenland ogarrigaa he says to him; North Greenland
ogarriygaa (Upernavik ogarpiyaa; Ammassalik orarpeewaa)
g and w shift in the Labrador and North Greenland forms; e. g., in—
Labrador (and
South Greenland) Northwest Greenland
tulugay tuluwag raven
oogagq oowag codfish
inugag muwak toe
The interchange between y and g in wwaya 1, and wwagut Ww, may
also be appropriately mentioned here. It suggests that -ya in
UWwayna may have originated from -ga, although at a very early
period, since the Southwest Alaska form of this word is hwéngd
(Barnum 68); i. e., “wea.
§ 4
Boas] HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 987
§ 5. Changes of Dental and Labial Consonants
t>n as terminal sounds: e. g.,
West Greenland zput Baffin land ¢pun oar
West Greenland aput Smith sound apun snow on the
ground
West Greenland gulit Smith sound godin ten
West Greenland gamutit North Alaska gamotin (Thal-
bitzer I, 225) sledge
West Greenland ayut Mackenzie river aywn man,
male
nm takes the place of ¢ at the end of words in all the dialects except
those of Labrador and West Greenland, but including that of
Smith sound, though terminal ¢ may occur sporadically in most
of the dialects.‘ The x may have originated through the nasali-
zation of ¢, corresponding with the shifting of /:> y.
We see this shift in the Northwest Greenland dialect, too, in some
instances:
kikkun uko who are they; soon wko what are they. Avkkun and
soon are special forms of k7kkut and soot (in the singular ‘ina
WHO, and swna@ WHAT).
The same shift may have stamped the declension of nouns in the
plural, since the suffixes in the oblique cases are added to a
nominal plural stem ending in ~ instead of 7; e. g., .
gaqggat mountains; gagganut to the mountains; gaggane in, on, the
mountains (but in the singular gaggamut, gaggame)’
p>m. This shift is of rare occurrence now in Greenland. It may
occasionally take place in the relative (or genitive) juxtaposi-
tion of two nouns, the latter of which begins with a vowel (cf.
Egede, ‘‘Grammar,” p. 2, ‘‘ & finale mutatur in J/, sequente
voce a vocali incipiente” [this B means p]; e. g.,
tLLum isertarria the entrance of the house (instead of 7z1rup)
The same shift is attested by records from other dialects; e. g.,
West Greenland aap yes; Ammassalik aam or eem in aamila,
eemila yes, certainly; Cape York eem yes
[In Baftin land the old pronunciation of men was ¢; that of women and of younger men is n (see
p. 985).—F. B.]
2In some irregular plurals these suffixes, -nut -ne, really seem to be added to the full plural form; e. g.,
kikkut wwHo, plural kikkunnut (<kikkutnut) To WHOM, kikkunne (<kikkutne) IN, AT WHOM (plural).
The above-mentioned regular endings may have been formed after the analogy of these ‘“‘irregular”’
ones.
§ 5
988 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 40
Southwest Alaska am’im kol'anun [amim got... | above the
door (Nelson, tale from St. Michael, Norton sound, in ‘*‘ Eskimo
of Bering Strait”); cf. Greenland ammip qulaanut above the
skin
Southwest Alaska nunam of the land (Barnum, 9), cf. Greenland
nunap
[In Baffin land both p and m occur in the same way as 7>@,
R>y,t>n, are found. See p. 985, and note 1, p. 987.—F. B.]
m>w or ”:
Labrador zmnaqg Gr. 2’nnaq steep declivity
Baftin land taimna Gr. taa”’na that one
Baffin land zmna (Boas IT, 348) Gr. na that
Baffin land uwvamnule but to me Gr. uwa’nnut to me
(zbid.)
North Alaska wimnun [wamnun| Gr. uwa”’nnut to me
(Ray 56)
Southwest Alaska kimlok Gr. ku” tiog thumb
Southwest Alaska pekdmkin mine Gr. piya”kkit I have thee
thou art
ey) wor “.
Greenland (Egede, 1750) zblit Gr. (1900) ‘¢xz2¢ thou
Greenland (Egede, 1750) 2lipse Gr. (1900) 2’27”sse you
Labrador (nowadays) zgvit Gr. (1900) ¢zz72¢ thou
Labrador uzbvak Gr. (1900) w’¢rrag a fern
Baffin land ¢azpkoa : ot
Mackenzie river ae he ee
North Alaska kablun Gr qa” LLut tle alan
Greenland (Egede, 1750) kablo|~ * eee y
Greenland (Egede, 1750) kablunak Gr.
Mackenzie river kpapt¢2 \ca
qgaLLunaag Kuropean
r. ga”ssit how many
Southwest Alaska kafchin [garcin|
Southwest Alaska ‘chupplu Gr.
Southwest Alaska ‘apriin main Gr.
trail, regular passage
Mackenzie river (coast of Hudson Gr.
bay) nippiakkiak
su”’LLog tube
a”’qqut or a’qqut pathway
niwiarsiag girl
§ 6. Shifting of Voiced and Voiceless Fricatives
It is a characteristic feature of the Greenland language, and prob-
ably of the Eskimo language as a whole, that no voiced consonant
occurs which is long (geminated), with the sole exception of the nasal
consonants, m (ammit SKINS), n (anneg THE GREATEST ONE), y (¢yyvk
§ 6
Boas] HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN
LANGUAGES 989
TOP OF A MOUNTAIN), W (onNad ARMPIT). The other voiced consonants
of the language (w, /, 7,9, 7) are always short, and are found only
between weak (unstressed) syllables or in the transition from a weak
to a strongly stressed syllable. If the weak syllable has the stress
owing to derivation or inflection of the word, the fricative consonant
becomes unvoiced and long; e. g.,
Yr> KR.
West Greenland
morass, swamp
West Greenland ner2’wogq eats
ma raLLuk
West Greenland taag dark-
ness, shadow
Mackenzie river
OMBRE
tapapk
Southwest Alaska a’riftaka
I quarrel with him
g>XXx.
Southwest Greenland nz’ gag a
snare
Southwest Greenland 7’ga a
pot
Southwest Greenland n2’geq
south wind
Mackenzie river nzyepk east
wind
t>LL.
West Greenland a’log a sole
West Greenland 7’inne at,
by thee
W> FF:
West Greenland
blade of) grass
West Greenland awa north
Uwik (a
West Greenland a’wippaa
divides it in two pieces
Mackenzie river avitoak
DIVORCER
Greenland 'marragq clay
Greenland ‘neRRIWwik
place (table, etc.)
eating-
Greenland ‘tarrag shadow, re-
flection
‘arriwog hastens
‘arrappog flies into
a passion
Greenland
West Greenland
(plural)
West Greenland “xxawik the
pot-place (kitchen, etc.)
'‘nixxdt snares
West Greenland 'nixxerpog it
is south wind
West Greenland aztut soles
(plural)
West Greenland ‘¢zz7¢ thou
West Greenland ‘trrit grass
(plural)
West Greenland ’arra there in
the north
West Greenland ‘arrag the half
part
§ 6
990 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY
G>8.
[BULL. 40
In the evolution of the Greenland group of dialects the shift
j>s appears to have been of special importance.
In a great
many words the dialects west of Davis strait have 7, which has
grown into voiceless s in Greenland.
Mackenzie River Labrador Greenland
(2) puije puise — seal
(?) angmajet ammassat capelans
dyth (pl. cyt) Sek ilaHeg « ; ae
or iyipk tuje (or 77) 2’ se (pl. v’stt) eye
nuviiya, pl.
nuvuja, pl.
‘nuca (pl. nu’tssat) cloud
nuviiyat nuvujet
kpéyuk gejuk qe'suk wood
mikiyophk mikijoq mikisoog little
ce (€c) >ss.
Mackenzie River Labrador Greenland
tamadja or madjia
[mac.:a] VRAIMENT,
CERTAINEMENT
hpapiopk FLECHE
PHOQUE
itjek [tc: ek] FROID
todjiapk [to-re:aq|
POUTRE
(2) -tuapk (verbal
ending)
(2) -yuaph
}>s.
22 > ts.
North Alaska (Ray)
nut)a [nup:a|
tamadja (Bourquin
hargjok arrow
ugiuk =ogjiuk loc:uk| ugjuk seal
atje frost
tootjaqg beam
-djuag big, great
tamassa here it is
massa here is; to
wit
garsog arrow
ussuk seal (Phoca
barbata)
asse frost, cold
toossag beam of a
house
§ 192) here it is
-ssuaq big, great
Mackenzie River
tgetamat [getamat]
toeuna [guna]
nutget or nud jiat hair
four
what
netyd natgepk or nad jépk seal (Phoca vitulina)
naityud naitopk (FIN) short
akityud apitopk soft
1 The original sound may still be traced in some words of the dialects of Ammassalik (kijcarma 1
ALONE; -kajik [suffix] BAD) and of Smith sound (Thalbitzer I, 192, 215).
§ 6
BOAS]
Northwest
Labrador Greenland
sittamat sisamat
su'na ‘suna
nutset nuttat
netseq niatteg
niaitok naa ttog
akkitok aqittog
HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES
Central and South-
ern Greenland
sisamat
‘suna
nutsat
nitseqg
naa'tsog
aqitsoq
991
four
what
hair
seal (Phoca vitulina)
short
soft
In Southwest Alaska the 7 seems to have changed to s, too, in some
few words; e. ¢.,
‘kashprik (Barnum 341) water-
proof shirt
hashbruk
Southwest Alaska
‘uksuk winter <*[ukjuk]?
nesgog head <*[niéjqgoq\?
(Schultze)
coat <*(kaj*rak|
Greenland
ukv’og winter
niagog head <najagoq?
storm-
Mackenzie River
khaypak ROBE DE POIL
§ 7. Shifting of Voiceless Fricatives and Stopped Consonants
The rz, x, and 7 do not exist in the dialects of Upernavik, Smith
sound, and Ammassalik.
are replaced by q, 4, and p.
In this ‘‘ northeastern group” these sounds
Tn addition to this, the Ammassalik dialect
has even carried this shifting of open and stopped consonants through
in changing z to ¢ (Thalbitzer I, 202).
Central and South-
west Greenland
R=.
X-k.
F-p.
L-t.
arreetumik
€RROPLOYO
NAAX XA
axxerpoq
saxxaq
SarFag
arragq
Oar FLY ad
Ln nerLune
LLU
Upernavik
agqeesumik
egYOrLOyo
naakka
akkerpoq
sakkaq
sarpay
arpaq
ogarplyaa
Ammassalik
eqqertiyo
akker poq
sikkag
sarpag
arpaq
ogarpeewaa
enyertine
ittiwa
slowly
washing it
no
approaches
a thin-haired skin
current
whale
he says to him
singing
his house
§7
992 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 40
The following words of the Baffin-land and Labrador dialects may be
compared with those just mentioned:
North Labrador naa’kak (South: aukak)=Upernavik naakka no
Labrador magguk [marruk] Bourquin § 6=Smith sound magqoy=
Central West Greenland marzuk two
Baffin land ztirbing [ttirpiy] Boas I, 660= denaannatits iserpik =
West Greenland ¢serr’k entrance- Snlads
Baffin land majoartune, ingertune Boas Il= Ammassalik -éine (ver-
bal ending) = West Greenland -zune
§ 8. The Greenlandic s Sounds
The Greenlandic s (ss) sounds may be traced to different sources.
Some have originated from j, others from c, and others again from ¢.
ss[s:| has in many cases originated from a consonant j (voiced or
voiceless ?).
Greenland Labrador Mackenzie River Alaska
S<t.
sisamat sittamat tgitamat [c7] stamen four
sisit sitte lair of tchiti [cit?] ANTRE _
a fox
iserpog atterpog etertoapk he en- wtrautaka Y bring
ters it in with me
ss<tj [el
temmissit timmitjat (sing. tinmiapk) (sing. tingméiyak
[¢im «+ 2’aajaq))
bird
$<ts [2].
apersoot appertsuk Patepktgion (‘dpprin) question
ss [S:|<kj, gj.
nassuk: nakjuk antler nagiuk or nakd- (4=néshkok head
Jiuk [nac:uk| [Barnum 355] ef.
§6)
SUSSAY siqjak shore — tgigd japk RIVAGE —
YSS< Pj, UW).
ti’ssarLuk tipjarluk a —
driftwood
SS<7rC.
essaak iggak [¢ixxa:k] (cte¢papk Lu- (‘chehadun [irca:”n]
snow-goggles NETTES) medicine for the
eyes)
§8
Boas] HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 993
The shift ¢>s may be observed in those grammatical forms, in which
a suffix the usual initial of which is ¢ has to be added after a word
ending in 7, since ¢ between two 7’s will change to s; e. g., in the opta-
tive takulisit WOULDHE WOULD SEE YOU, <*-l/-t7¢ but takulittit wouLD
THEY WOULD SEE YOU, <-Wit-tit. Likewise in takoyamisit ASHESAW YOU
(cf. takoyamittit AS THEY SAW YOU).
ad’ Lawsit your gun, the guns (<a@”’zaa't a gun)
iLLuasigut through his houses (<¢zLwatiyut through his house)
kamisit = kamitit (both in use) your boots
-sippaa = -tippaa (verbal suffix, causative)
The shift 7 >s has left few traces only in the Greenland grammar;
e. g., in the inflection of some few nouns.
kana'joq, plural ka'nassut (<*kanajjut) a sea-scorpion
garajaq, locative garasame (place-name in Oommannagq fiord)
piyasut three, plural <*piyajog (ef. piyajuat the third, etc.)
(Thalbitzer I, 177)
§9. Shifting of Consonants with Change of Place of
Articulation
The shifts mentioned in the preceding sections are all alike, in that
the place of articulation does not change. The following examples of
shift are chiefly due to a shifting of the place of articulation:
k-q.
Labrador Mackenzie River Greenland
gikkertaq kpikepktapk géqerttaq island
nellunaikutag nélunaykutapk (ste- nalunaarqutag a
NAL) mark
ergerqog kpikeptkpopk = ék- e'gergog fourth
kaikok coast of finger
Hudson bay)
The latter word may be compared with the Alaska forms of the
same word, northern Alaska yztikutko (Ray), northwest Alaska et:tkook
(Wells and Kelly), southwest Alaska ¢kkilthkok (Barnum) [2k-¢zqo0q],
ef. Thalbitzer I, 263.
The same shift may be observed by a comparison of the West Green-
land tegerqgog A CORNER OF A HOUSE, and the East Greenland ¢7’herqog.
These differences are probably due to analogy, and not to successive
shiftings of the parts of articulation. The same is true of the examples
44877°— Bull. 40, pt 1—10——63 Se
994 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 40
of this shift in the Greenland language, where it appears in double
forms of words, like nwertog=nuertuk, etc. (Thalbitzer I, 176).
Labrador East Greenland
w F- Xe
ubva uppa
West Greenland
uxxa or urra perhaps
Mackenzie River
X F-ss,
nagvarpog nadjuvaptopk
[naxra:r-]
wX-F.
hivgak kivgapk
hi” rraq
g-w. As for this shift, see § 4.
§ 10. Vocalic Shifts
na’ssaarpog
finds, invents
something
a servant
The shifting of 0 > e, u > 7, is one of the principal differences between
the dialects of West and East Greenland (Thalbitzer I, 196 et seq).
Likewise many words of the western dialects, as spelled by the dif-
ferent recorders, bear evidence of vocalic changes of no less impor-
tance. In Alaska we often find ~ in the base of the word, corre-
sponding to 7 or e in Greenland.
U-%.
West Greenland
aLLerqut
sikut
MarLLuk
aLLdttoog
nanog
U-4 e
Southwest Alaska
(Barnum)
nuppa (sound, noise)
tuppsakok (it stinks)
timchinak
nig’ yugtod
kiw larstok
mammok
iv rkichék
hel liig?vok
§ 10
East Greenland
atteqin
sikin
martik
attatteeq
naneg
West Greenland
nipe
tipe
ti’sinak
Neri suppoya
get” LLertoy
mamippog
¢ erisaag oY
ermalisaq*
hi'lirraq
jaw-bones
sea-ice
two
a seal
a bear
voice
smell
fun
I want to eat
it glitters
it heals .
waterproof boots
the mammoth
1 = Baffin land ¢trmadlin a piece of skin used to lay in the bottom of a kayak,
BOAS] HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 995
a-i, e.
West Greenland East Greenland
imanna tminna thus
; aamila ‘
aap ila Pear yes, certainly
aa” yoog Cen Yyood yes is said
Bafiin Land East Greenland
aqaarpog he says no* eerge no
Southwest Alaska West Greenland
a-i.
amdandk or muk ¢ = a'muk milk
U-€.
muk or moq a’meq water °
natuk na teq floor
néeguk nu gey north
‘liwruk ili'veq grave
’kinok ike neq fire
hainiik qa' neq mouth
uj-ui.
Mackenzie River Labrador Greenland
nuviiya (pl. nuva- nuvuja (pl. nu- nua (pl. nu'issdt)
yat) vujat) cloud
iWw-U)j.
walok (pl. cwvalut)
évalo (pl. ivaluit)
ujalo or ujalog
sinew
Vowel changes like those here mentioned have left distinct traces
in many derivatives of the present Greenlandic language; e. g.,
a-t.
aa”’saq summer
upernaag spring
iLLu“tta our house’s
ernerata of his son
aput snow on the ground
ernutag grandchild
tkumawog is on fire, burns
kapuiwog is one who stabs
itwippoy goes over land,
crosses over the ice
dliwaa lays it (or him) down
aa’si-wik summer-place
uperni-wik spring-place
iLLu“ttigut through our house
erneratiyut through his son
apiwog (the ground) is covered
with snow
erniwog gives birth to a child
erneg son
tki-ppaa sets it on fire
kapiwaa stabs him
v' ti’iLeg place where one crosses
iliweg or tluweg a grave
1Boas II, 334.
§ 10
996 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 40
The same sounds are used vicariously in several words in West
Greenland.
a-i.
khamik and kamak boot (hammikka=kammakka my boots)
Uni.
halu’ssarpog =kali’ssarpog pulls and jerks in order to advance
isu”tterpaa = isi”’tterpaa untolds or stretches it out
gappror pog = qappuarpog foams, froths; chatters incessantly
$11. Mutation
Thus far I have treated the established vowel-shifts belonging
to older periods of the language. In addition to these, there is a
steady tendency to produce certain slight shiftings of the vowels, in
order to accommodate them to the following sounds. ‘This is the
Greenlandic (or probably general Eskimo) form of mutation. There
are two classes of mutation, based on the same principle as the bipar-
tition of the vowel system :
a> & (a) a>aA
Sa CG SSB)
o> u 0,u > 0 (9)
u> «(y)
Examples:
a>d.
nda’saa his hood nd'sdt pl.
arndt women
'téttt pl.
si”’ssdt a dike, dam
a wattit pl.
uwettut asl w'wai”nne at me
arnaa his woman (mother)
ta’ seq lake
sapiwaa to dike, dam
awa'tag a sealing bladder
uwaya I
a>a.
a torpa is it used
sisa’maat the fourth
qu laane above it
e>i.
puise seal
tupeg tent
sule yet
taleg arm
$11
a torpat are they used
‘sisamat four
qu lanne above them
puisit pl.
tupine his (own) tent
sulilo and yet
talia his arm
Boas] HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 997
O>U.
a'log sole alua his sole ‘a~Lut soles
7LLo house zz~Lua his house éLLut houses
a'torpog it is used a'torput they are used
U>.
nuju arpog (a dog) is shy niijtiittog not shy, tame
aju-bad, useless a'jiissiisee how bad it is
A shifting in the vowels produced by the intrusion of a following
uvular consonant may be termed UvuLAR MUTATION. ‘The
result of this juxtaposition of a vowel + 7, g, or z is the uvu-
larization by which the vowel changes according to the scheme
just mentioned, The uvularized vowels are symbolized in ordi-
nary transcription as ar (ag, ap), er (eq, er), or (0g, or). The
vowel and the consonant in reality make up a phonetic unit.
The vowel is pronounced with uvular friction, while an enlarge-
ment of the innermost part of the mouth-chamber takes place
(cf. § 2 under gand 7). The vowels which are affected in this
way have a remarkable hollow and grating sound; in case of 0
and ¢ it is occasionally somewhat like 6 on account of the
rounding in the posterior part of the mouth. An e between
two n’s and an e between two 7’s are acoustically widely dif-
ferent sounds.
a>A.
nasaa his hood; nasag a hood
arnaa his woman (mother); arnaqg [arn:4aqg] woman; arnara
[arn: ara] my mother
garssaag [gars:A:q\|a loom; pl. garsaa‘t [gars:adat]
gaggame [gag:ame| on, in, the mountain; gaggag [gag:aq] a
mountain
e€> FE.
amia or amee his (its) skin; ameg [a’mzq] a skin
e’ ge=e geq [eqzq| corner; egia his corner of the mouth
neriwog eats; neré reerpog [nar3'ré:rpoq| has finished eating
ernikka my sons; erneralernera| my son; erneglzg|ason; erne
[zrne| his (own) son
o>O.
niaqua his head; néagog [niagoq] a head
nano=nanog a bear
itto a house; 7xLLorsswag [iL:ors:uag] a big house
Kaasasuk (name)+rujuk+yuag: Kaasasorujoguag the little poor
wretched Kaasasuk
§ 11
998 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [punn. 40
§ 12. Retrogressive Uvularization
Retrogressive uvularization is the name of a phonetic tendency
toward uvular anticipation,t which may have begun in the earliest
history of the language, since it can be traced in all dialects. Its
transforming activity has asserted itself at different stages in the
development of the language, and has penetrated the eastern dialects
in a far higher degree than those of the west. It shows itself in the
present state of the Eskimo language, in that many words in the
Greenland and Labrador dialects have ar, er, or (uvularized vowels),
when the western and partly also the central dialects have retained
the original sounds, a, 7, u. In the majority of cases this change may
probably be traced back to a shift of the word-stress whereby the
vowel of the syllable that lost its stress has in the course of time dis-
appeared. By this contraction of the word, two consonants have
come into contact, and either have been assimilated or have shifted
places (cf. Alaska n¢mra* and Greenland nerma HIS [ITS] BINDING, both
formed from nimeg + suffix a, HIS, ITs). The Alaska form suggests
that the 7 of nerma may be explained as the final uvular of nzmeg,
shifted to 7; and this supposition is strongly supported by the fact
that the Mackenzie-river dialect (cf. the vocabulary of Petitot), and
the dialects west of Hudson bay, contain some transitional forms
stressed in the original manner; e. g., atépeit [a’tercet], the plural of
atén [a'teg| NAME, regularly formed, likewise atéoa@ MY NAME (in
Alaska atga, in Greenland argqa). A metathesis of the consonants has
taken place in the Greenland marzuk two, which may be compared
with Alaska malruk and Mackenzie-river malwrok. On account of the
assimilation or metathesis of the consonants, the uvular consonant
which belonged originally to the suffix or final part of the word has
been displaced, and is now found in the middle of the word in the forms
east of Hudson bay. In most of the eastern dialects the preceding vowel
has thus been uvularized: nzrma has become nerma, gitga ITS MIDDLE
(Mackenzie river) has become gerga (through *gzqqga). Intermediate
forms are found in the Baffin-land dialect (2g, 77; wq, ur; ete.); but
in some instances the assimilation of the consonants (7z) has been car-
ried further, in the dialects of Labrador and Baffin land (Smith sound),
than in West Greenland.
1The uvular position of the palate, which originally belonged to the end of the word, is anticipated
in the base of the word (Thalbitzer I, 241-242).
2Ray nimza THE LASHING OF THE HARPOON-SHAFT.
§ 12
~
!
BoAS] HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 999
Examples: !
West Eskimo East Eskimo (Greenland and Labrador)
aly, aLr>arl, arlL.
malruk (Barnum) two marLuk (Gr.) two; marruk (Lab.)
two
alpané (Petitot Vocab. LXIT)
JADIS arLtaane (Gr.) in the other one;
alththraki |atra:ko| (Bar- arraane (Lab.) last year
num).next year
nalthkirtok [natgirtog| (Bar- nartwwog(Gr.) itis straight; (wv >
num) it.is straight see § 10)
naxxowog (Erdman: naggovok)
(Lab.) it is straight
hatlrad|katra:| (Barnum 342) | ga’gortog (Gr.) white
white
katicha (Schultze 66) white garsortog (Gr.) bleached
elr>erL.
amelrartut (S. Al. Woldt-
Jacobsen 328)
amalleraktok (N. Al. Woldt-
Jacobsen 328) many
amthlerrit (Barnum 75) many
naklrit (Rink II, 83, no. 21)
amerLasoot (Gr.) many
amerLaqgaa“t (Gr.) they are many
geese
nokdleret (Schultze 55); kdl =
[z] or [rz]?
négalek (Ray 55) goose-town
nerLeq, pl. nerLerit goose
alr, uLr> orl.
kulthkrvet (Barnum 348)
[gutqwit] the shelves in
native houses
kulva'raka (Barnum) I put it
up high [gulwaraka|
gorLor- e. g., in gorLorpog (Gr.)
water falling or streaming down
quLLarterpaa (<*qu*tiar-)* (Gr.)
lifts it up in the air
a tulraa (Barnum 327), verbal *atorz-, e. g., atortune (Gr.)
form <dtogtod I sing, use, using
wear, etc.
1The abbreviations Al., C., Gr., Lab., M., stand respectively for Alaska, Coast of Hudson bay,
Greenland, Labrador, Mackenzie river.
2Terhaps the same word as Lab. kugvartipa LIFTS UP IN HIS TROUSERS, etc., Which becomes more
evident by comparison with Gr. gaLLerpaa COVERS IT (=Lab. kagvirtipa |Thalbitzer I, 230]=Al.
alvagtaka [l. c., 231; Barnum 339] ).
§ 12
1000
West Eskimo
enr, emr, enr>ern, erm, er).
openrak (Rink) spring-time
openachkak (Schultze 43)
‘up nagkak (Barnum 373)
penruk socks woven from
grass (Barnum)
chipingratok (Barnum) it is
nothing, it is not an actual
thing
ingrik (Barnum) mountain
péninra (Barnum 67) the
stronger, its stronger one
‘enrt (Barnum) a talisman,
a charm
nimaa |nimra| (Ray) its lash-
ing, band
UN > Orin.
un kia[unra|(Barnum) his arm-
pit
katunra (Barnum) son
tungra (Barnum) a spirit
kinggnunra (Barnum) that or |
those behind
kiviunwpa (Petitot) |
SY>YVS, gYV (Cr)> *7j>PS>S8S.
tery
dzhratigna PECCARE CONTRA VI
ezrekoak (Wells a. fens
frost-bite
katzrak(W oldt-Jacobsen) white
egra (Wells a. Kelly) il
az racharak (Barnum 327) adul- /
eye
égka|wirka| (Barnum) my eyes
(tgka my eye)
nazruk (Wells a. Kelly) abdo-
men ’
ee, ru (Wells a. Kelly) a swan
ugru (Wells a. Kelly) bearded
seal
aggru (Wells a. Kelly) testicles
§ 12
BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY
[ BULL. 40
East Eskimo (Greenland and Labrador)
u'pernaag (Gr.) spring-time
pinne (Gr.) straw that is
peryit (Lab.) stuck in the boots
saperna- (Gr.) it is impossible
(to do)
tyyik (Gr.) top of a mountain
pimmak (Gr.) skilled through
practice
pimariovok, pimmariuterpok
(Lab.) thinks he is astrong man
aarnuag (Gr.) charm, amulet
aar <eer? .
nerma (Gr.) its band, lashing
orna (Gr.) his arm-pit
qutornag (Gr.) child
toornag (Gr.) a spirit
kiyorna (Gr.) after that
arssaarpaa (Gr.) deprives him
violently of something, robs
irsekau (Gr. Egede, 1750)
isseqaa”’g (Gr. now) it is strong
cold
garsortog (Gr.) bleached
erse (Gr. Egede, 1750) eye
(< *7rje)
isse (Gr. now) eye; 2’stkka my
eyes
nassdt (Gr.) abdomen (<*»ar-
jit)
qussuk (Gr.) aswan (< *gurjuk)
ussuk (Gr.) seal (<*urjuk)
issuk (Gr.) testicles (< *éjuk)
a se ee
BOAS] HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 1001
Here I may mention an Alaska word, part of which is apparently
influenced by retrogressive uvularization: 77’shninhrdt (Barnum 337)
MOUNTAIN SPIRITS is the same word as Gr. dsserqat (< *irsinenqat?),
singular Zsseraq, spelled by Egede (1750) irserak. The same is true
of the Al. ’kakrlok (Barnum) THROAT, /kachluk (Schultze} Lap=Gr.
garLog LIP.
tq, Lg, sq > rq.
Alaska Mackenzie River BaffinLand Labrador Greenland
(Petitot) (Boas) (Bourquin)
atkra (Woldt- atkpa his name
Jacobsen) arga arga his
atra (Barnum) atépa my name name
his name
natrok (Bar- natkpo FOND (netteq, nat- narga floor,
num) DU BARK teq) bottom
mittgon (N. Al.,
Woldt-Jacob-
sen) metk pon miqun merqut merqut
mingon (S. Al.,{ AIGUILLE needle
W oldt-Jacob-
sen) needle
mith popk migung mergog merqog hair
POIL of animals
tkkilthkok [ik:
ixqgog| (Bar-
num) ckkaikok (C.)
ekkithaurak kpikeptk popkixiqog ergerqog eqgerqog the
(Woldt-Jacob- (M.) little finger
sen) the little
finger
‘tkqua (Schultze) (¢tguk: Fry) igo erqua erqua the
the end back end
of it
(40’ka[ Barnum] kp7tkpa *qiqa gerqa gerga the
middle) MILIEU middle of
it
tirk'kla (Bar-jepklo INTESTIN tgawik erchavik ertawik in-
num) evil testines
‘guluk (Schultze) ler:awik| erLog rec-
intestines . tum
(‘gta [Barnum] (¢tchuk ANGLE) ge erge ege, egeg Ccor-
his den) ner
§ 12
1002 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY tpunn. 40
Alaska Mackenzie River Baffin Land Labrador Greenland
(Petitot) (Boas) (Bourquin)
akhizhzhigtk axi'girn aqigeq a’ gisseq
[aa-is-igiq] [are xq | ptarmigan
(Barnum)
ptarmigan
’chiskoka [cisqo-|tehttkpopk si’ qoq S€Erqog seerqog knee
ka| (Barnum); GENOU
my knee |
’okok ~— [og soq ||opktgok uxsug orssog orssog blub- —
blubber GRAS Lursuq | ber
uskogtoqtiha ugsirn — orsseq orsseq bone
(Barnum) I ring for
hold him with fastening
a cord (dog, the traces
etc.) (sledge-
dog)
The importance of retrogressive uvularization in the evolution of
the Eskimo language is evident. Indeed, this phonetic process has
deeply impressed itself on the morphology of the eastern dialects,
the vocabulary as well as the grammar. The following sections,
treating of the general grammatical features of the language, contain
many examples of inflectional forms, that may be understood only
when we bear this fact in mind.
Retrogressive uvularization is one of the most influential forces of
transformation, due to the change of the word-stress mentioned in § 3.
CLASSES OF WORDS, BASE AND STEM (§$§18-16)
§ 18. General Remarks on the Structure of the Eskimo
Language
The structure of the Eskimo language is of a highly synthetic char-
acter, which apparently testifies to a typical tendency of the Eskimo
mind to concentrate and condense its notions into as few word-com-
plexes, or units of speech, as possible. Therefore a single Eskimo
word may represent a whole sentence as compared with our usual
mode of expression; e. g.—
anerquwaatit he (a) begs (guwa) you (tt) to go out (aner)
anevaargerquwaatit he begs you again (ger) to go out early (aar)
As arule, such an Eskimo word or word-sentence can be analyzed
and divided into an initial base-word (aver TO GO OUT), one or several
§ 13
BOAS] HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 1003
middle suffixes (¢aar, ger, gquwa), and a final element (até). In this
chapter we shall consider only the final elements, which are the proper
inflectional forms and represent the most important, because the
most frequently used, grammatical elements of the language.
§ 14. Base and Stem
Most words of the Eskimo language have two or several inflectional
stems. The shortest stem is often identical with the base, and may
be an obsolete stem. The base, from this point of view, is the primary
stem, or the smallest number of sounds of which the word can consist,
without losing its close resemblance to the actual forms of the word;
we will call this the BASE OF DERIVATION.
The inflectional stem, or stems, are the secondary or expanded
stems, which have originated in the history of the language, owing
partly to suffixation and partly to phonetic changes in the bases of
the word.
In the dialects of West Greenland (the northernmost at Smith
sound excepted), all words end either in one of the vowels a, ¢, 0, or
in one of the consonants p, t, 4, g. © Of these sounds, only final p is
confined to a certain class of words (viz., nouns), whereas the other
final sounds are common to all classes of words. Words that end in a,
é, or 0, or ing, whether nouns or verbs, are always singular forms; %
is the dual character, ¢ the plural character; but there are nouns that
end in & or ¢ in the singular; e. g., cwwk A MAN, AN ESKIMO; sanndat
TOOL.
In studying the bases of Eskimo words we shall soon see that sev-
eral of them end in other sounds than we are accustomed to find in
actual words of modern Eskimo; e. g., inz, wu, or Z (z) (see § 15). The
Eskimo bases are either monosyllabic or bisyllabic; the stems appear
to be bases widened by one or two sounds, and sometimes also affected
by change of stress. From this point of view, the bases are hypo-
thetical forms, secondary as compared with the words of the modern
language; i. e., they have been reconstructed from these words for
purposes of comparison. They are the explanatory connecting-links
between related modern words, which may often be found to be very
dissimilar.
On the other hand, if bases of this language occur which may end
in other sounds than those nowadays found as the terminations of
modern words, we are not bound to think that they end thus merely
§ 14
1004
because they have been artificially obtained by analyses, nor that
such endings have never existed. There may have been a period in
BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY
[BULL. 40
the development of the Eskimo language when the words occurred in
forms different from any words that exist now.
§ 15. Examples of Bases and Stems!
Bases
Derivative stems
Vocalic or conso- Stage I Stage IL Stage III
nantal. (a, €, 0). (k, t, p). (q) ; Stage IV.
*ciu eel *et/uk, ct'ut *ciUag *clor
Al. chéa front, bow Al. ché@/itika my
of a boat ear
M. teivulepk the first, Gr. siut ear
foremost
Gr. siua, syua bow || syuaq front | Gr. si/wLLeqfore- | sywarpog is be- | s¥Yoraq front
of a boat tooth most fore
* hut *kuik (>ku:k) *kooq
Gr. kuiwaa pours it Gr. kooppoq | koorog valley =
streams down
Al. kwiq river=Gr. Al. ‘kwégum of | M. kopkinepk
kook <*kuik the river
*anute, *anuteq
anu Fal’ put abu
Al. ‘agniin man, Al. a/gnitfak stag, anutit the men
male big buck
Gr. ay/ut, man, male aputaa his father
4 3 anuterput our
a ae a er father
*ca(*ca?) *caa-*cao *cak * caak
| Gr. saqaitsfront | sdéizLteq < *sakleq Gr. saappog
| the front-most, turns front
foremost
Al./chaoklek the sa * cee
first, foremost OSE 0
| Al. chaokakdthe
| one before me
kea-*can cana *canri >sanni sanneq
Al. chai what thing? Al. chd'ndstin | Al. chdin’rttnok
knife nothing
Al. /chtiptk an ac- Gr. sdnawog cuts,| Al. chcn’rilgnok
tual thing works a thing ot no
Al. cheinék a thing
1The abbreviations Al.,
Gr., Lab., M.,
Mackenzie river, respectively.
2 sanik thus appears to be a derivative of the plural collective sannit.
3sanerpaa may haye been formed after the analogy of i/maaerpaa TO EMPTY (TAKE [THE CONTENT]
[ima] AWAY), cf. immerpada FILLS IT (with ima).
§ 15
value
Gr. sannit dust
(sanik a mote
of dust) 2
‘sannerpaa soils
it with dust
(sa/nerpaa cleans
it of dust) 3
stand throughout for OTS, Greenland, Labrador, and
P
>
A
BOAS]
Bases
HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN
INDIAN LANGUAGES
Derivative stems
1005
wards (on the sea)
Al. t/mda torso, body
timia his body
Voealie or conso- Stage I Stage II Stage III
nantal (a, €, 0) (i, t, p) (q) mine TY.
*/cane *sa/nik *sanneq
Gr. sania its side Gr. sani/yerpaa sannerpoqg turns
takes place at athwart ofit!
his side
Gr. sanimut side- Al. chein’nikdmy | chd/nirqnitk cross-
wards, athwart nearness, vi- way
cinity
¥qul *qula—*qule *quigq >*qorL *qulva >*quola
Al. ‘kalmdé my ele- || Al. /kild straight Al. ghlalrad | Al. quilvdraka 1
vation up above a waterfall put it up high
Gr. quLLeq the up- || Al. ka‘léné up Al. kigtdg it is
permost high
Gr. qummut <*qul- Gr. qulaaneabove Gr. orLortog | Gr. quLLarpara I
mut upwards, up it watertall lift it, elevate it
Gr. qulequtupper
appurtenance
*at (or atj) *ata-atje *atq, *ateq *arq (Gr.)
Gr. aLLeq nethermost Gr. ataa under Al. ditrdgtéa I Gr. argarpoya I
it come down descend
Gr. ammut < atmut Al. d/ché below
downwards Al. a/chédiné un- Gr. a/terpoya I Gr. arquppara I
der it go down bring it down
Al. 2mm kautaka 1 Al. achimné un-
throw it down der me
*tim *tima-* time *timak * limegq
Gr. time body; in- timaane in the Al. t’mdthlik | Gr.timerLeq near-
land inland dried fish est to the in-
Gr. timmuf —land- land
*aw
Lab. uwFFa or ux xa
there
Lab. wbva perhaps
Al. ind he
ya (?) tothere;
ooma < *uwo-
ma (?) of him
there; wwx00-
na through
there
Al /hwcné here;
hwakin from
here
* awa-* awo *awat or *awak *awata
Gr. avnna < *awna Gr. ‘awane in| Gr.awammutout- Gr. awataaneout-
he in the north the north wards side of it
Gr. arra < *awra Gr.awoyatothe | Gr.awaLLeg out- Gr. awatag, in pl.
there in the north north | ermost Catamaon pind.
Al. a’wdné over | Gr.awayyafrom der2
there some- the north
where
Al. a/wdvtitover | Gr. awannaq
there north wind
(Fu)?-*uw (or uwx)? ||*uwa-tuwo, *uvxo |*uwak
Gr. wna he there Gr.wwane there; wwanpa from
oona < *uwo- there
1Gr. sannerut a crossbar.
2awatag means properly SOMETHING THAT HAS ITS PLACE OUTSIDE; i. e., on the deck of the kayak.
§ 15
1006 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 40
Bases Derivative stems
Voealic or conso- Stage I Stage II Stage III
nantal (a, é, 0) (k, t, p) (q) ieee
*uwa—* wwe *uwap or *wwat
or *uwak
Gr. uwaya J;}| Gr. u’wdnnut to ia
wwaput we me
Ale pening I; | Gr. wwédtta of our
winkita we ee,
Al. hwé 1; hwén- rt ung Ja
ga of me aes
*ta-tax (?) *taa—*tao *tQ0S80
Lab. tagvua<*taxFra? Lab. tdva< *tao- Gr. taawsuma of
then va then, so it him thére
was
Lab. tagga [tax-a] Gr. taawa so it
there it is was
Gr. taavna<
*taona he
there
oe ——— |
*tatj *tdtja—*tatjo *tiitjak
Gr. tdssa Gr. tdssa it is—, tiissanna from
it is enough there
Gr. tdssane
, there; tdssoo-
na through
there
*ma *mad-mao \*maak
Al, mdntok it is here Gr. maane here maayya from
here
Al. mdhiin hence Gr. maavna< maanna< *ma-
by this way (cf. maona through akna now, the
Gr. maona through here present mo-
here) ment
*mat) *natja—matjo *matjak
Gr. massa-this is—; Gr. massa Gr. massakkut
here is— now, for the
Gr. manna< *matna Gr. massame time being
this one certainly, of
course
M. tamadja surely Gr. matuma=
masuma of
this here
e
§ 16. Classes of Words
The lines of demarcation between classes of words are vague, because
a great many of the inflectional and derivative endings (suffixes) are
common to words that we are accustomed to consider as belonging to
separate classes, such as nouns and verbs. On the other hand, we
can not assert that the evolution of this language has not tended
toward a fixed grouping of some of the suffixes around certain classes
of words (e. g., demonstratives; temporal particles; the terms 1 and
THOU; WHOLE and ALONE). No doubt the Eskimo language shows
$16
BOAS] - HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 1007
a tendency similar to that of our own, of distinguishing between
nouns and verbs; but this tendency has been crossed by other tenden-
cies toward demarcation which partially neutralize the former, as will
become evident in the following discussions.
Accordingly, instead of basing the distinction between Eskimo word-
classes on the same principles as those of Latin grammar, I have
chosen to depart from the category of the latter without completely
giving up its technical terms of expression, which are useful because
they are easily understood. In all branches of science, when pro-
ceeding from the known to the unknown, it is necessary to interpret
the latter in the light of the former.
Following this method, we may distinguish between the following
classes of words:
a, Basr-Worps
I. Words with full typical in-
2. s (iki
eos, Verbs (¢kiwog Is IN, aterpog GOES
{2 Nouns (¢LL0 HOUSE, ateg NAME).
DOWN).
Il. Words with defective inflection (¢amaq ALL, wwaya 1, the numer-
als, etc.).
If. Words with atypical inflection: demonstrative and interrogative
words (wna@ HE THERE, /:’na WHO).
1. Interjections.
2. Particles, temporal (gaya WHEN),
modal (ganortog UTINAM),
local (wrrd THERE), etc.
IV. Words without any inflection
8. Surrrxes (AcTUAL AND OBSOLETE)
I. Common to all kinds of words.
Il. Confined to certain groups of words.
INFLECTION (§§ 17-50)
Typical Inflection (§§ 17-44)
$17. Plural and Dual Inflection *
This is the most general kind of inflection in the Eskimo language,
applying to all sorts of words with the exception of particles and
interjections.
§ 1%
1008 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 40 —
There are two set of typical signs of the plural common to both
nounsand verbs. Here we are concerned chiefly with the firstset, or the
pure dual and plural endings. The dual or plural signs of the other
set are closely connected with or incorporated into the other inflec-
tional endings, for which reason they have been more or less com- —
pletely united with them in form as well as in meaning: e. g., the
plural n in ¢zLwne IN THE HOUSES, as compared with the m in ¢zzume
IN THE HousE; or & in erntkka MY SONS, as compared with 7 in ernera
MY SON.
Singular Dual Plural
' 02 @ byaddingk) ak uk tk | at ut a
ee ree anil. | UP eve ct ce meet es k t
Examples:
Nouns: nuna land nunak two lands nunat lands
7LLo house tLLuk two houses z~Lut houses
isse eye isstk. two eyes issit eyes
Verbs: atoraahe using it atoraak they two atoradt they us-
using it ing it
atorpog it is used = atorpuk they two atorput they are
are used used
atorvk he using two
Singular Dual Plural
1 2 3
Baffin land " we rae yy on 19> y Pts yi
Examples:
‘nina land (Boas VI, 109) 7irdning son (zbid., 102)
*7igdlu house (zbid., 101) Sangun paddle (Boas I, 659)
Sqle'rtse stocking (2bid., 98); ®* patalaugluk \et us two strike
anu're wind (ibid., 99) (Boas II, 347)
*tulugag raven (2bid., 113) inung magong tikitong two
>nig¢rn south wind (Gr. nzgeq); men are coming(Boas 1,621)
nirdlirn goose (Boas I, 664), “gingmit dogs (Boas VI, 105);
ef. Gr. nerLeq ujarpaé he searches for
Sugjuk a thong-seal (Boas VI, them (22d.)
114) 2 tigmidjen the birds (Boas II,
340)
Singular Dual Plural
Mackenzie river{ a! e é&
(cf. Petitot p. L)| g>ax° A >y" P>n? kK or g™ ee
$17
Boas] HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 1009
Examples:
1tcilla weather — %ipun oar
2 eaklo intestines Mnunak two lands (Petitot
3apné woman XLIX)
* talepk arm 4 atekpepk two names(zb7d., L)
° atem name “tupapkp two tents (cbid.,
S wyapak stone XLIX)
" apa father 2 nunat lands; tupkpeit tents;
S aggut man amit skins; ublut days
Singular Dual | Plural
Alaska (see Bar-( a@ ww # ,
num) . | g(t) Fn hi(y8?)q°? t°(m1")
Examples:
1 sla weather Siydrolitiing, see Barnum 281-
*irkkli evil 282
singlu half *chivoagka my upper front
5 sné [snz] its bank or edge teeth (Barnum 6); cf. the
* piiyok smoke k=[g]? verb forms
>ingrik mountain ” nunat village (lands)
Sipptin native spoon or ladle = ¢ngrz¢ mountains
6 cha’nasun native knife 41m occurs as plural sign only
6 slin whetstone in the numerals: stdémén
7 sndk the banks (dual); ef. also four, etc. (Barnum 219)
Barnum 283
In the Greenland dialects the formation of the plural of nouns is
often accompanied by change of stress: e. g.,
a’ meq a skin pl. ‘ammit
The dual form is much less used than the plural; and I think a great
many nouns are never used in the dual, this form being replaced by
the plural. On the other hand, there are some few words that occur
only in the dual form: e. g.,
marLuk two; marLtoyyuik two small ones
pussook the claw of a crayfish; the thumb and the foretinger
issaav’k gogeles
The following words are collective plurals:
attaét a dung-hill nassdt the stomach
norLut ligature qa tixxat the back (of man or
uLLut a bird’s nest (especially animal)
the down in the nest) assaa't the hand (<assak a fin
arssarnerit aurora borealis ger)
paa’tita paddle. umiit the boat rowed by women
nurrit a bird-dart (< umiag the empty boat)
$17
44877°—Bull. 40, pt 1—10 —64
1010 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 40
Examples of words that form no plural are:
orssog blubber oquk mould
nilak freshwater ice nuak snot
Nouns (§§ 18-29)
§18. CLASS I. PLURAL INFLECTION WITHOUT SHIFT OF STRESS
The examples given in § 17 show that two principles are applied in
the formation of the plural,—single addition of the plural sign to the }
singular form; and substitution of the plural sign for the final conso-
nant. We observe the first principle in ¢zz0, pl. ¢zzut; the latter, in
uLLog, pl. uzLut. In the latter instance, ¢ has been substituted for g.
These two principles may be observed in the whole inflectional treat-
ment of the noun.
On the whole, the plural stems of the nouns are prototypes of their
inflection. Many nominal stems are affected by a shift of stress in
the plural, which has often been followed by phonetic shifting in the
stems of the words. We shall first treat words that show no shift of
stress.
The plural ending is regularly ¢, but in some cases 2¢.
1.
Singular Plural
pana panat knife
tutto tuttut reindeer
SUSE sisit fox’s den
2.
gagqaq qaqqat hill, mountain
ayakkog ayakkut pagan priest
qunmeg qunmit dog
tikippog tikipput (they) he has come
3. -it isadded to the consonantal stem (i. e., the absolutive) of words
ending in ¢ (which ¢, when following an 2, is regularly changed
into s [ef. § 8]) and to the absolutive of certain words that end
in -eg and -7k (the g and / being changed into 7 and y [cf. § 4]).
Singular Plural
sannat sannatit tool
merqut merqutit needle
SiLLit StLLisit whetstone
§18
BOAS] HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 1011
4.
Singular Plural
ikeq akerit bay, sound
erneg ernerit son
tikeg tikerit forefinger
tL LEY eLLerit sleeping-place in the
house
5.
upptk uppeyit owl
nukik nukeyit sinew, tendon
mamik mamiyit or mamit the fleshy side of a hide
whkik khiyit eum
assik asseyit image, picture
6. -it is added to the vocalic stem of many words that end in / in the
absolutive case:
Singular Plural
unnuk unnuit night
tnuk inuet or innuit man (human being)
assak assaa't (<assait) finger
7. -itis added to many words that end in aq in the absolutive, espe-
cially to all words ending in -¢mnag and -ttiag:
Singular Plural
sorqaq sorqaa't whalebone
utorqaq utorgaa't old (man or woman)
naa” jaa'nnay naa”jaannaat only a gull
<naa”ja + innagq
umiittiag umidttaat <umiadt+ a medium-sized boat
_ <umiag+ttiaq —ttaait< ttiaait
8. -it is added to some words ending in -oy or -eg in the absolutive
case:
Singular Plural
nulog nuloot <*nulort rump
ilorLeq dlorLeet <*ilortett innermost
§19. CLASS II (a) PLURAL INFLECTION WITH SHIFT OF STRESS
The following nouns all agree in having in the singular strong stress
on their final syllable, and weak stress on the preceding syllable; but
in the plural the latter becomes strongly stressed, and accordingly, as
a rule, lengthened (cf. § 3). The stress shifts, being thrown back
toward the beginning of the word; and this shifting is combined with
a change of the quantity of the sounds of the last two syllables, the
short consonant between them being either geminated or changed, or
displaced by auvular, in the plural.
§ 19
1012
9.
10.
Singular
a’ meq
e’mag the sea
na’ nog
sa’ nik
ka’ mik
ul mik
uwe' nik
awa’ taq
/
jtaalu’' taq
BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY
Plural
‘ammit
“immat
‘nannut
‘sannit or sanyit
‘kammit
‘ummet or uyyit
u'winnit or ul'wiyyit
a wattat
‘tad luttat
[BULL. 40
skin, hide
places of open water
(in the ice)
bear
dust
boot
~ beard
flesh (of a living animal)
a buoy
little sledge
11. Inthe next following examples the penult consonant of the words
becomes unvoiced in the plural:
12.
fine
i4.
Singular
ist yak
‘naala’ yaq
‘ALL yag
ne’ gag
gate yak
ta’ leq
uka' leq
ma lik
‘nattora’ lik
a'log
ut’ log
asa’ log
n wag
ku’ jak
nara’ jag
§ 19
Plural
a sikkat
nad lak!’ kat
‘aLtLak' kat
'nixxdal
ga ttxxat
taLLit
u' kaLit
'maLLit
'natto’ raLLit
‘aLLut
wiLLut
a’ saLLut
‘nuttat (South Gr.=
nutsit)
"huttat
"na rattat
foot
one who is obeyed, mas-
ter
letter
a snare, gin
back (of man)
arm
hare
wave, billow
eagle
sole
mussel
place of the harpoon-
line on the kayak
hair
loin
bait
BoOAS] HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 10138
15.
Singular Plural
na’ saq ‘nattit (South Gr. hood, cap
nitsat)
ki'saq 'kittat anchor
ta’ seq "tdittit lake
o' gaa” seq o' gaa” tsit word
youd’ seq go’ yattsit neck
16.
apy aq a’ jussat boil
saatu’ aq ‘sad’ tus’ sit crab
kant’ oq ka’ nissut sea-scorpion
luli’ aq alu’ lisstit iceberg
Uxxv' aq ‘7x’! xissit throat, gullet
qaseyiag qase yissat Phoca vitulina
napare' aq napa rissit upright, rear piece of
| the sledge
nu’ kappe' aq nu,kap' pissit bachelor
In the last-mentioned examples the ss of the plural seems to have
originated from a semi-vowel (or /) that has become audible
between the vowels, instead of the hiatus of the singular; so
that, for instance, /a/nissut has developed from a plural form
kanyjut, corresponding to a singular kanz’jog, which form may
sometimes really be heard instead of Aaniog. The shift 7>s
has been treated in § 6.
a oe
Singular Plural :
iwik ‘irrit grass, reed
sa’ wik ‘sarrit or sa’ weet knife, iron
18.
qu ptk ‘qe’ kkit feather-bed, blanket
cnw’ wag i nukkat toe
tulu’waq tu'lukkat raven
§ 20. CLASS II (b). PLURAL INFLECTION AFFECTED BY RETRO-
GRESSIVE UVULARIZATION!
In the following examples (nos. 19-24) the plural stems admit a
uvular which causes a shifting of vowel (uvular mutation) in their
penultima.
1 See §12, p. 998.
§ 20
1014
19.
Singular
sto’ rag |siorag|
pia'raq
o'qaq
tale’ roy
20.
a'teg [ateq|
na’ teq
pa teq
a’ teq
qe teq
mt teg
v’ peq
tu’ peq
alu’ weg
BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY
Plural
sv’orqgat [siq: at]
pi argat [ piaq:at]
‘orqat [Oq: at]
ta'lerqut [talzq: ut]
‘arqit [Aq ¢ at|
‘nargit
‘parqit
‘erqit
‘gerqut
"merqut
‘egqit
‘toa it or ‘torgit
7 lor rit or tlorrit
ni’ geg (South Gr.) ‘nerret
qa tik
23.
a’ leq
qoyu' leq
a’ meq
arr neq
ne meq
ga neq
saa” neq
u'neq
‘garrit or ‘gakkit
‘arLit
qoy' OrL it
‘eryit
‘ar’ reryit
‘neryit or nermit
‘garnet
‘saa”’ryit or saa”’rnit
‘oryit or ornit
{puny 40 3
sand, granule
a young one
tongue
fore-paw of a seal
name
floor, bottom
marrow
anus
center, middle
eider-duck
dirt, filth
tent
grave.
south wind
bird’s breast
harpoon-line
cabbage
lake
six
binding, string
mouth
bone
arm-pit
§ 21. CLASS III. IRREGULAR PLURAL INFLECTION
Plural inflection on irregularly amplified stems, without any shift-—
ing of stress (aside from the single exception ga’jaq), takes place in
the following nouns:
25.
Singular
qu jag
26.
ha laaleq
ma'neelag
§ 21
Plural
‘ga'nndat
kal laatyit
ma'neeLLat
kayak
a South Greenlander
uneven land or ice
BOAS] HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES ‘ 1015
27.
Singular Plural
‘qaateq ‘qaarqut ferrule
"meeraq ‘meerqat child
a' kunneq a koryit interval
28.
poog puxxut bag (cf. Al. pugyarak)
u'naag u'naRRat harpoon-shaft
29.
aaq atsit sleeve (Al. ‘amrak)
naag nassdt abdomen (the skin of) the belly
cya laag ig’ lassit window
‘anno'raaq ‘anno'rassit shirt, dress
30.
The suffixes -yway LITTLE, -swag GREAT, and -a/waqy FORMER, ELSE,
form their plurals by changing -wag into -w7t: e. g.,
Singular Plural
nunayyuag nunayyuit a little land
NUNAPSUAY nunarsuit a great land
nunayaluag nunayaluit former land
§22. CHARACTERISTICS OF THE IRREGULARITIES IN THE FOR-
MATION OF THE PLURAL
The formation of the plural of nouns is very irregular, notwith-
standing the fact that the plural forms all end in 7. The chief ele-
ment in these irregular formations is a shift of the word-stress, com-
bined with a consonantal increase in the stem of the word. From
this we may conclude that there must be some connection between
these phenomena. Since the psychical factor must be considered the
primus motor in the life of the language, we see the cause of the quan-
titative change in the shift of the stress. I have set forth elsewhere
(Thalbitzer I, § 34) how I think this differentiation in the formation of
the plural may be explained. It is not necessary to suppose that the
general principle of the plural inflection by adding ¢ or 7¢ has ever
been set aside, or had to struggle with some other principle, but in
certain words the plural ending ¢¢ was added after the full singular
stem (the absolutive) of the word instead of after the vocalic stem:
e. g., instead of making mali A WAVE assume the regular plural
form maliit, the ending 7¢ was added after the final /, no matter if this
k properly pointed out the singularity of the notion; and thus a new
§ 22
1016 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BuLL. 40
plural form, malzkit, was introduced. The /: that came to be between
vowels changed to g, and maligit lost the vowel of its central syllable.
when the stress was drawn back to the first syllable. malgit became
maxiit in Greenland, the /g (or /x?) being assimilated into one sound.
In the same manner I think most of the geminated consonants in plu-
rals have originated from the final syllable of the singular, the terminal
consonant (97 or #) of this syllable having been retained in the plural.
In mm, kh, tx, etc., then, two different consonants appear assimilated
in accordance with the phonetic laws of the language, but each of them
maintaining its existence in the lengthening (gemination) of the sound.
§23. ABSOLUTIVE AND RELATIVE
The relative case, or p-case, of nouns is formed by adding p or up
to the same stem of the noun as that from which the plural is formed.
In most instances, in forming this case, the plural sign ¢ is. simply
replaced by p. /
By the addition of the p, the a-stems take the ending -ap; the
o-stems -wp; the e-stems, -7p; e g.,
Absolutive Relative
arnag woman arnap of the woman
nuna land nunap of the land
ayakkog shaman ayakkup of the shaman
7LLo house 7LLup of the house
taleq arm tattip of the arm
asse [’ise| or [7’se] eye issip of the eye
-ip is added after those words that end in ¢ in the absolutive (ef.
§ 18.3): e. g.,
Absolutive ; Relative
ayut man, male ayutip of the man
-up is the relative ending of all the nouns of the series nos. 4, 5, 6,
7, 8, 20, 21, 22, 23, 24, 80 (§§ 18-21): 4 g.,
Absolutive Relative
erneg Son ernerup of the son
inuk man inoop of man (<7inu-up)
serrik entrance iserriup of the entrance
nunayaluag former land nunayaloop of the former land
nateg floor narqup of the floor
tupeg tent to”’qqup of the tent
§ 23
Boas] HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES TORY
\
In the western dialects, m stands for p in this grammatical function:
Alaska um dchadné beneath Greenland nip ataane
the house
(Barnum 13) chikum wlloané of the Greenland s¢kup cluane
ice in its interior
(Lbid., 33) slam of the world Greenland sé/ap
Mackenzie river nwunam of the land Greenland nunap
(Petitot XLIx) tupkib of the tent Greenland to’gqup
XXXIV) anopem of the wind Greenland anorip or
ANORRUpP
§ 24. LOCAL CASES
The local case-endings are alike in the singular and the plural, but
they are added to different stems of inflection, the nominal stem
in the singular ending in m, in the plural in ». This is the same
in the Greenland and in the Alaska dialects. Only the prose-
cutive case is excepted; since in the singular it shows a consonantal
stem ending in /, but in the plural either a lengthened stem ending in
-te, or a lengthened suffix (-f/yut).
Northwest Greenland Southwest Alaska
Singular Singular
Absolutive gaqgaq Mountain ingrik mountain
(Barnum 10)
Allative ut ygaggamut to the un ingrimin [iyri-
mountain mun |
Locative e gaqgamein the moun- e tngrimé [iyrime]
tain
Ablative at gaqqamit from the g
mountain
Instrumentalis ik gaqggamik by the uk ingrimik |tyri-
mountain muk|or[-mik]?
Prosecutive hut gaqqakkut over or kun ingrikiin [iyri-
through the moun- kun|
tain
Conformative tut gaqqatutlikeamoun- tun ingritin [lyri-
or Aqualis ats Cela tun |
Plural Plural
Absolutive gaqgat Mountains ingrit mountains
Allative ut gagganut to the un tingrinin
mountains
Locative é gagqgane in the moun- e wimgriné
tains
1018
Ablative at
Instrumentalis ik
Prosecutive ! cnut
Contormative tut
or Adqualis
Absolutive
Allative -ut
Locative -€
Ablative -it
Instrumentalis = -7/
Prosecutive -hut, -yut
BUREAU
Northwest Greenland
Plural
gaqganit from the
mountains
gaqganik by the
mountains
gagqatiyut over the
mountains
OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY
tihun
[BULL. 40
Southwest Alaska
Plural
uk ingrinikh
ingritthiin [iyrit-
Chun |
tun ingrittin
Northwest Greenland
gaqgattut like the
mountains
Singular
2~Lt0 ~6©a house, the
house
iLLumut to, into, the
house
¢7LLume in the house
‘LLumit from the
house
itLumik by (with)
the house
iLLukkut through the
house
Plural
z~tLut houses, the
houses
7LLunut to, into, the
houses
7~Lune in the houses
itLunit from the
houses
iLLuntk by (with) the
houses
iLLutigut through the
houses
There is only one kind of irregularity, or of deviation from this
type of inflection, arising by the retention of the final consonant of
the absolutive case in the other cases, this consonant being assimilated
with the initial consonant of the case-suffix. Accordingly, only such
words as end in a consonant in the absolutive singular may show irregu-
larities: e. g., wZL0q, which retains its final g, assimilated into 7 in
four of the singular cases, but is quite regular in the plural.
Singular Plural (regular)
Absolutive uLLog a day, the day uLLut days
Allative uLLormut to the day uLLunut to the days
Locative uLLorme in the day, on wxzzune in the days
the day
Ablative uLLormit from the day uLtLunit from the days
Instrumentalis wzLormik with the day uLLuntk with the days
Prosecutive uLLukkut in or through wzzLutiyut through the
the day
Nore: wrLorme on that day; wxrztume to-day.
days
1The prosecutive plural ends, in Southwest Greenland, in -tigut (=Labrador), which form is nearer
to the Alaska -tihun (or tixun?) than is the north Greenlandic form.
§ 24
Boas] HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 1019
Other examples:
na'tseq floor ‘ukkag front wall of house
na'termut to the floor ‘ukkarmut to the front wall
na'tserme (or nargane) on the ukkarme at the front wall
floor
ukkakkut through the front
wall
ukkatinut through the front
walls
u'meg fresh water
z'mermut to the water
2’merme in the water
emikkut through the water
Words ending in -zeg (local superlative ending):
sv’uLtLey the foremost one kiy'utteg the last one
st’uLterme at the foremost one hiy'utterme at the last one
stuLttermik firstly kiy’uttermik the last time
vlorteg the innermost one ‘kitteg the most western one
2 lortermit from the innermost one
tlorternut to the innermost ones ‘/kittermut to the most western
one
dlortikkut through the innermost ‘Aizxékkut through the most
one western one
dloriertigut through the inner- Avxzert/yut through the most
most ones western ones
§25. LOCAL CASES—OContinued
In nouns ending in -/: this sound has been assimilated by the forma-
tive endings:
Singular Singular
Absolutive . . sawika knife katak inner doorway in
the house
Allative . . . sawimmut katammut
Locative . . . sawimme hatamme
Instrumentalis . sawimmik katammitk
Prosecutive . . sawikkut katakkut
Conformative . sawittut hatattut
Examples:
‘sarpimmik by means of the tail (of a whale) (<sarpih,
uilu’'limmut to the mussel-place (<uzlulék place where there are
mussels) .
noommit from the point of land (< nook)
‘nuttut as a human being (especially Eskimo) (<énwk)
§ 25
1020 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [puLn. 40
Nouns ending in -¢ either retain this sound in assimilated shape
in the singular declension, or form their cases on a lengthened stem
(-ée); e. g.,
aput snow on the earth (apummut, apumme, apummik)
oommat heart (oommammik or oommatimik by the heart; oomma-
tintk by the hearts; vommatikkut through the heart; oomma-
titiyut through the hearts)
nappaa’t illness (nappaa”’mmit or nappaa”’timit from [because of ]
illness; nappaa’tinit from illnesses; nappaa”’tikkut through ill-
ness; nappaa”titiyut through illnesses)
A few words ending in final ¢ are regularly declined after the type
of ixL0; e. g., kammeeumik or kammiumik with the boot-stretcher
(<khammiut).
All nouns belonging to Class II (§§ 19-20) and most of the nouns
belonging to Class III (§ 21) form their local cases, both singular and
plural, on the plural stem. The absolutive case stands isolated among
these formations, being apparently irregular. The explanation of
this fact is similar to the one set forth in § 22, and I have treated the
question more fully in ‘A Phonetical Study,” § 34.
Singular Plural
Absolutive . . ameghide, skin ammit
(Relative) . . (ammip) (ammit)
Allative . . . ammimut amminut
Locative . . . ammime ammine
Ablative . . . ammimit amminit
Instrumentalis . ammimik amminik
Prosecutive . . ammikkut ammitinut
Absolutive . . warag stone wargat
(Relative) .. . (wargap) (wargat)
Allative . . . wargamut ujarqanut
Locative. . . wargame ujarqane
Ablative. . . wargamit warqganit
Instrumentalis . wargamik ujarqanik
Prosecutive . . warqgakkut ujarqatiyut
Absolutive . . koorog valley, ravine koorqut
Allative . . . koorqgumut koorqunut
Locative. . . hoorgume koorqune
Ablative. . . koorqumit koorqunit
Instrumentalis . oorgumik koorqunik
Prosecutive . . hoorqukkut koorqutiygut
BOAS] HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 1021
Singular
ADeOIIVE Ss et Gee 4s =... » eerog stale urine
PCV nO eee ny 5k CMOrQumut
BOGMINE eee es SC ierqume
DIMEN rede win Ves itserquinit
fretrimicttalig s,s. Ct ergqumik
Presecutive Sige. ee. Berqukkut
§ 26. PERSONAL CASES, OR POSSESSIVE INFLECTION, OF NOUNS.
GREENLAND
Absolutive Relative
=
ase ar.of plural of Dual Singular Plural Dual
1st per. sing. ya, ra kka kka~ ma ma mma
2d per. sing. . t tit kit || wit, rpit wit ppit
4th per. sing! . new | ne nne || me me mme
Ist per. pl. . rput, pput wut, nut pput wtta wtta wnnuk
2d per. pl. rse, SS€ | se Sse€ wsse WS8E wttik
4th per. pl. . rtik, ttik tik ttik mik mik mimik
3d per. sing. a ee k ata isa kit
3d per. pl. at e, et gik(<gik) ata isa kit
ALASKA (BARNUM 19-25) 2
fae
Singular Plural Dual Singular Plural Dual
1st per. sing. ka nka rka ma ma mma
2d per. sing. . im tin rkin hpit, hfit fit rpit
4th per. sing. . ne ne nne me me mme
Ist per. pl. . wut, hput put rput mta, mta mmta
2d per. pl. Sé, 2€ ce rce hpice, fee pice, fce rpice
4th per. pl. . sin, Zin tin rtiy min min XRMin
3d per. sing. a, € ai, € ak, ik an, in ain rkin
3d per. pl. at ain, ait rkit ata, ita aita rketa
It will be clear from this synopsis that some of the Greenland
singular and plural endings must be accounted for in the dual forms
of the Alaska dialect. I have especially in mind the endings begin-
ning in 7(<q), rput OUR, rse YOUR, 7tik THEIR OWN, rpit OF THY,
which in Greenlandic indicate the singular of the thing owned; in
Alaska, duality. Likewise the Greenland y7/: THEIR OWN TWO ONES,
which does not agree in form with the Alaska rket, originally must
have meant THEIR TWO SELVES’ Two, since it is in form in accord-
1T designate by “fourth person” the reflexive, the form expressing that the subject of the sen-
tence is possessor.
2JT have here hypothetically transcribed the paradigms of Barnum in accordance with my own
spelling of the Eskimo language. §
26
1022 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY
ance with the Alaska possessive suffix of this meaning: 77h (in the
relative rkenka). The dual system is disappearing in Greenland, but
it has been recorded by Paul Egede and §S. Kleinschmidt, so that
all the original Greenland forms are known. I have only cited two-
fifths of the forms in the synopsis above presented; namely, such as
express duality of the object possessed. The other forms express
duality of the possessor: e. ¢.,
POSSESSIVE DUAL ENDINGS
[BULL. 40 .
ty
|
Greenland Alaska
Possessor dual Object possessed. Absolutive Object possessed. Absolutive
—— |
Singular Dual Plural || Singular Dual Plural
1st puk ppuk | wuk wuk | rpuk puk
2d | tik ttik | tik atk | rtuk tuk
3d k kik | kik k | hil kek
4th ? ? ? zik | tik tik
—_ -- — = | —— ——
Object possessed. Relative Object possessed. Relative
a Be 2. : :
1st wnnuk | wnnuk wnnuk || muanuk | amucnuk | muanuk
2d wttik wttik wttik | hpituk rpituk pituk
aioh ata kit isa nnuk rkinka kinka
4th . ? ? | ? muxnuk amuanuk | muxnuk
In the absolutive first person the two dialects of Greenland and
Alaska apparently have interchanged their singular and plural forms,
puk meaning in Greenland oUR TWO SELVES’ ONE, in Alaska THOSE
BELONGING TO OUR TWO The double
duals especially (of both object possessed and possessor) have been
contracted in Greenland, 7p being assimilated to pp, rt to tt, ete. The
Greenland /7t, OF THEIR TWO SELVES’ TWO, may be the remnant of
the Alaska riin(ka), exactly as is the Greenland dual absolutive kk a
remnant of the Alaska ri7/; whereas the last syllable, fa, of rkinka,
SELVES, and ewzwh vice versa.
seems to be a special suffix, perhaps formed in analogy to the nka of
It is astonishing to find that the
relative endings of the fourth person in the Alaska dialect are iden-
the absolutive plural first person.
tical with those of the first person. The dual forms of that person are
probably lost in the Greenland dialect.
The consistent use of the uvular as the general sign of the dual in
the Alaska possessive suffixes is worthy of notice, while in the other
forms, in the Alaska dialect as well as in the others, the palatal / per-
§ 26
BOAS] HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES O33
forms the dual function. Does this fact perhaps justify us in assum-
ing that the uvular (i. e., 7) was once used for marking the dual in the
Eskimo language? (cf. $17.)
§27. PARADIGM OF THE POSSESSIVE INFLECTION OF NOUNS
GREENLAND DIALECT
Absolutive Relative
iLLO HOUSE iLLUp OF THE HOUSE
Singular Plural Singular | Plural
|
Ist per.sing. . | 7ZLoya my house iLLukka my houses iLLuma | iLLuma
2d per.sing. . | izLut thy house iLLutit thy houses iLLuwit | (LLwwit
4th per.sing. . | izLwne his own (suvus) | izZune hisown houses iLLume | iLLwme
house f |
: iLLuwut or] , le,
Ist per.pl. . . | iZLorput our house ; our houses iLLwetta | iLLuwtta
iLLonut |
2d per.pl. . . | izLorse your house iLLuse your houses ILLUwsse iLLWwsse
4th per.pl.. . | izzortik their own (suus) | izbutik their own || izzumik iLLumik
house houses
3d per.sing. . | izLwa his (HJUS) house iLLue his(EJUS) houses |) inLudta iLLwisa
F é : i it or ;
8dper.pl. . . |lizzwét their (zorum) |)%2“€0'|their(zorUM) ||| 5, min | inbumik
house iLLue houses | |
It will be noted that most cases are formed from the vocalic stem of
the word, except three; namely, the first, second, and fourth plural
possessive, singular object, absolutive, which are formed on a length-
ened consonantal stem, *¢zz0g, as if to emphasize the idea of the
singular of the object (ONE HOUSE) as against the plurality of the
personal endings (OUR, YOUR, THEIR) or of those plural cases which
end in wut (put), se, tik.
The possessive inflection of nouns is apparently always regular,
because the endings are invariably the same. The peculiarities in the
inflection of many nouns are due to shifts in the word-stems, not in
the endings of the suffixes. Exceptions are such occasional assimila-
tions of the initial sounds of the suffixes as follow the linking to dif-
ferent stems: e. 9., -ét¢¢ THY; 7LLutét THY HOUSES; -és7¢ in uwisdt THY
HUSBANDS (< wwe); the shifts of e>7, o>u,a><d, ete. (cf. §§5 and 10);
aaq A SLEEVE, aai<*ade HIS SLEEVES (7<e HIS).
Only two of the possessive suffixes have alternating forms dependent
on the word-stem to which they are to be added:
First person, singular possessor; singular object possessed, abso-
lutive, ya or ra
Second person, singular possessor; singular object possessed,
relative wit, or rpzt or ppit
§ 27
1024 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [nuLy. 40
-ra is the form of the suffix of the first person singular my in such
words as end in ¢ in the absolutive:
erneg & son ernera My son
arnag. woman arnara my mother
garssog arrow garssora My arrow
All words ending in a vowel add ya; e. g., zz0ya my house.
-ya is added to the vocalic stem of words ending in / in the
absolutive: ;
pantk daughter paniya my daughter
Words ending in¢# in the absolutive form their first person and
some of the other personal cases on a longer stem ending in -te:
ayut man ayuteya my father
A remarkable fact is the constant identity of the form of the
second person singular possessor, singular object possessed, absolu-
tive (¢xLu¢t THY HoUsE) and of the plural form of the word (¢zzLué
HousEs). There is probably no exception to this rule. Since many
words form irregular plurals, either because of retention of the ter-
minal consonant of the singular or owing to internal changes of their
stems (cf. § 22), the same irregularity also appears in their second
person singular forms:
taleg arm taLLit thy arm=taLiit arms
tala his arm
§28. IRREGULAR POSSESSIVE INFLECTION
Following are some deviations from the typical paradigm given
above:
(a) Many words ending in e form their third person possessives ex-
actly as if they were vocalic a-stems (ef. § 15 *¢7m).
ise [‘ise] or [2’se] BYE.
|
Absolutive Relative
Possessor = = a = ; a eae
Singwar Plural Singular Plural
gee | pice tatee ie _|_ 2
3d per. sing. . isaa | isaai isaata isaaisa
3d per.pl. . . isaat | iscaait | dsaata isaaisa
§ 28
. Bs 2
a
w
Pes
1025
BOAS] HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES
anut MAN, FATHER <* anute.
Absolutive Relative
Possessor
Singular Plural Singular Plural
1st per. sing. ayuteya anutikka aynutima anutima
2d per. sing. . anutit anutitit anutiwit anutiwit
4th per.sing. . aynutine anutine anutime anutime
1st per. pl. . anuterput anutenut anutivtta anutivtta
2d per. pl. aynuterse ayutise anutivsse agnutivsse
4th per. pl. . anutertik anutitik anutimik anutimik
3d per. sing. . ayutaa anutaat aynutaata anutaaisa
3dper.pl. . . | agutaat anutaait anutaata ajutaaisa
| |
In some of the personal cases this word has double forms, its stem-
terminal being assimilated with the suffix-initial.
4th per. sing. ayutine=anunne his (suvs) father
anutime=anumme
4th per. pl.
1st per. pl.
1st per. sing.
anutimik =anummik
anuterput=aynupput our father
anutima=anumma
2d per. sing. ayutiwit=ayuppit
(6) ta’leq (pl. ‘td L Lit) arm.
Absolutive Relative
Singular Plural Singular Plural
1st per. sing. ta’lera my arm taiLLikka my arms | téLLima taLLima
2d per. sing. téitLit thy arm earceeeet thyarms || tdzziiwt teinLiwit
. "taLLine or his or her |\tdéZzine or\his, her, own | téittime taLtLime
4th per.sing. . {iazze or eoaiek own arm \ taine arms
1st per. pl. ta’lerput our arm taéLLiwut our arms taLLivtta tdLLivtta
2d per. pl. ta’lerse your arm tdLLise your arms taLLivsse taLLiwsse
. ve . |\(taLLititk or\ their own || taL~Limik taLLimik
4th per.pl. . ta’lertik their own arm \ tattisik f arms
|
3d per. sing. ta/lia his, her, arm ta’lee his (EJUS) arms taliata ta’leesa
Epes : (ta’leet oe their (EORUM))| talidta ta’leesa
3d per. pl. ta’liat their arm \ ta’lee aad
Thus the word taleg is in most of the personal cases declined on the
plural stem ¢ézze, with shifting of the word-accent and change of the
medial consonant (/ > 11), which becomes geminated and unvoiced in
the forms here in question.
44877 °—Bull. 40, pt 1—10——65
§ 28
BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 40
1026
The following nouns are declined after the analogy of taleq:
Plural or second person singular
Singular Sansone: Third and fourth person possessive
First and second person possessive
|e ees
a’loq ‘atLut soles, thy sole; azLukka my soles aLLuneé or ale his own sole
a’meq ‘ammit skins, thy skin; ammiwui our skins
ammiwit of thy skin (or skins)
qa’jaq . “ag rai kayaks, thy kayak; gainnakka my | qainnane their own kayak (or kayaks)
cayaks .
nu'jaq . ‘nutidt hair, thy hair; /nuttatit thy hair (pl.) ee his (own) hair
nu'jaai his (another man’s) hair
o’qaq o’qqat tongues, thy tongue o’qaa his, its tongue
o’qaawseq . | o’qaawtsit words, thy word
| o’qaavtsikka my words
Most of the words that end in one of the suffixes -yaq, -yak, -waq,
-raq, -rog, belong here, but others as well; for instance,
aLLayag something written; eserag the upper part of the
a letter foot
esiyak (pl. e’sikkat) a toe, the akerag enemy, opponent
foot enuwag a toe (¢ruwar his toes)
Likewise the words ending in -¢aq and -wagq (-wak); e. g.,
uluak cheek
(c) The next paradigm is peculiar, in that the third person is declined
assiliag picture
on the plural stem throughout.
a'teq (pl. ‘arqét) a NAME.
Absolutive Relative
Possessor
Singular Plural Singular Plural
Ist per. sing. . atera atikka aterma atima
2d per. sing. . arqit atitit aterpit ativit
4th per. sing. . atine or arge atine aterme atime
1st per. pl. aterput atiwut ativtta atiwtta
2d per. pl. aterse atise atiwsse atiwsse
4th per. pl. atertik atitik atermik atimik
3d per. sing. arga arge arqata arqisa
3d per. pl. arqat arqit or arge arqata arqisa
The explanation of the development of the irregular forms has been
given in § 22.
§ 28
1027
BOAS] HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES
This is the method of declension of the following nouns:
Plural or second person singular
Singular Third person possessive
Second person possessive
a’leq ‘arLLit harpoon-lines, thy harpoon-line arLLa (a’/likka my harpoon-lines)
na'teq . ‘narqqit floors, bottoms, thy floor, bottom nargga (naterput our floor)
pa'teqg . ‘pargqgit marrow (pl.), thy marrow parqqa
qi'teg .« ‘gerqgit middle, mid- (pl.), thy middle gerqqa
vteq ergqgit anus (pl.), thy anus erqqa
ni'meq /nermmit bindings, string, thy binding nermma
qa’neq garnnit mouths, thy mouth garnna
saawneg . saaornnit bones, thy bone saaornna (also saaorypit, ete.)
u'neqg . ‘ornnit armpits, thy armpit ornna, (also oryyit, ete.)
tu’peg - ‘towgqit tents, thy tent towqqa (also tupit, etc.)
iluweq ilorFRit graves, thy grave iloRFRa or iloRRGA
The following numerals also belong here:
arrineg 6 arreryyat the sixth (properly their num-
ber 6, or the number 6 of the fingers)
arqaneg 11 argaryat the eleventh
arrersaneq 16 arrersaryat the sixteenth
(d) The peculiarities in the declension of the following paradigm
remind us of that just mentioned, ateq, pl. argit, A NAME, to which
it is evidently closely related.
kiLLik (pl. kKéiLLiyit) a Limit, BOUNDARY.
Absolutive | Relative
Possessor |
Singular Plural Singular Plural
1st per. sing. kiLLeya kittikka kitLemma kitLima
kitvitit or
2d per. sing. kiLteyit hein it kitLiwi
2 Sea 4 ae a gay
4th per. sing. kiLLine kittine kitLimme kitLime
1st per. pl. . kitLipput kitLeyut kittivtta kittivtta
2d per. pl. kiLLisse kittise kitLiwsse kitLiwsse
Sane kitiitik poe eee
4th per. pl. . kinvittik aca ag kittimmik kiztimik
kintisik
3d per. sing. kiLtLeya kitLeye kiLtLegata kittenisa
: kiLLeye or
3d per. pl. kitLeyat j a kiLLeyi.
per. p wLLegna | [kizcenit jeizrenata iLLenisa
The paradigm of A/xx¢k will serve as a model for the following
noun:
assik picture; asseyit or assit thy picture; ass/tit or assisit thy pic-
tures; asseya my picture, his or its picture; assipput or asserput
our picture
§ 28
1028
BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY
[BULL. 40
Some few other nouns that are rarely used except in the third per-
son are treated in the same manner.
*tukik (third person tukeya) the long side of it
*missik (misseya or missaa) line between two points, propor-
tional line
*terLiik (tertteya) his or its safe side (the side from which
nothing evil is expected)
quik (qileya) its bone peg (viz., the bone peg of the throwing-
stick)
milik (mileya) that which obstructs a passage or channel
nalik (naleya) its equivalent
erneg A SON, ti’keg FOREFINGER, 't7LLey PULSE, PULSATION, also
belong here:
ernegq (pl. ernerét) A son.
Absolutive
Singular
1st per. sing. .
2d per. sing. .
4th per. sing. .
ist per. pl. .
2d per. pl. .
4th per. pl.
3d per. sing. .
3d per. pl. .
ernera my son
ernerit thy son
erne his own son
ernerput our son
ernerse your son
ernertik their own son
ernera his (EJUS) son
ernerat their (EORUM)son
Relative
Plural Singular Plural
ernikka my sons ernerma ernima
ernitit or : sin
a. thy sons ernerpit erniwit
ernisit
ernine his own sons ernerme ernime
erniwut or ‘
; our sons ernivtta ernivtta
ernigut
ernise your sons erniwsse erniwsse
fernitik or | their own P
ane ernermtk ernimik
lernisik sons
ernere his sons ernerata ernerisa
fernere or : ;
i their sons ernerata ernerisa
lernerit
§ 29. LOCAL CASES OF POSSESSIVE FORMS OF NOUNS
The local case-endings (§ 24) may be used with the possessives, the
local ending always being placed after the possessive one: (HOUSE)
MY IN, YOUR FROM, etc.
The combination is not brought about by a
mere addition of the endings, but the forces of assimilation and analogy
have modified the compounds in the development of the language.
The local endings -ut, -c, -it, -2/:, are augmented by an n (thus, -nwd,
-ne, -nit, -nik’) when joined to a possessive inflected noun; and the
prosecutive ending -yut or -/ut is apparently augmented by -é2 (thus,
-tinut). In first, second, and fourth persons, -nut, -ne, -nét, -nek, seem to
be joined to the relative possessive forms of the nouns (though the first
§ 29
BOAS]
HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES
1029
person plural and the second person singular take a very irregular
form in the compounds), but in the third person the same endings
seem to be joined after the absolutive possessives.
Absolutive .
Relative. .
. . . .
Fourth per. possessive .
Allative. .
Locative. .
Ablative . .
Instrumentalis. .. .
Prosecutive
Conformative
. . . .
7LLo a house, the house
7LLup of the house
itLume his (her) own house
or houses
7LLuminut into his own house
or houses
7LLumine in his own house or
houses
tLLuminit from his own house
or houses
iLLuminik: by his own house or
houses
itLumiynut through his own house
or houses
7LLumisut like his own house or
houses
Endings
-sut
THE LocatrvE Cask (-7¢) PossESSIVELY INFLECTED
4LLo House; ¢L Lame IN A HOUSE, IN THE HOUSE.
Singular and plural
4th per. sing.
2d per. sing. .
1st per. sing. .
4th per. pl.
2d per. pl..
1st per. pl.
3d per. sing. .
DU per ple ons
3d per. sing. .
3d\per. pl: ...
| Old Eskimo
Modern pos-
sessive forms
itLumine in his house or houses
iLLunne (also iLLorne) in thy house or houses
itLuvnne in my house or houses
iLLuminne in their house or houses
iLLuwvssinne in your house or houses
itLwwttinne in our house or houses
iLtLuine in their houses
Singular, house
iLLuane in his (EJuS) house
itLuanne in their (EORUM) house
Plural, houses
itLuine in his houses
<*iLLumene
<*ittuwitne?
<*iLLumane ?
<*itLumikne
<*iLLupsine ?
<*itLuptane?
<*iLLUane
<*itLuatne
<*iLLuene
<*iLLUene
iLLume
ILLuwit
| iLLuma
iLLumik
ILLUMSSE
iLLuvtta
(Absolutive)
ILLUG
iLLuat
iLLUe
ae we or
iLLuit
In the second person the possessive locative ending -rne is also
common; e. g.,
ki’rrarne (=ki¥ rranne) at thy servant (< 47”’rrag servant, porter)
§ 29
1030 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BuLL. 40
THe PROsEcUTIVE CAsE PosskEssIVELY INFLECTED
siut BAR; Stuta-d HIs EAR; Stutinut THROUGH AN EAR.
Singular and plural Old Eskimo (Relative)
4th per. sing. siutimiyut through his (own) ear or ears <siutimeyut | siutime
2d per. sing.. | stutikkut through thy ear or “ars <siutitkut stutit
1stper. sing.. | stwtiwkkut through my ear or ears <stutipkut? or siutima
siutimakut
4th per. pl. . | siuwtimikkut through their own ear or ears <siutimikkut | stwtimik
2d per. pl. . | stwtiwssiyut through your ear or ears <siutipsenut | stutiwsse
Ist per. pl. . | stwtiwttiyut through our ear or ears <siutiptayut | siutivtta
Singular, ear (Absolutive)
: {stutaayut or | A {<siutaayut? or | S
3d per. sing. . through his (EJus) ear ‘siutaa
P = igs J : rene | siutaatayut ||
3d per. pl. . | siutaatiyut through their (EOoRUM) ear
Plural, ears (Relative)
3d per. sing.. | siutaaisinut <siutaaisayut?| stutaaisa
3d per. pl. . | siutaaisinut siutaaisa
All the other endings beginning with m are joined to the noun in
the same manner as -7e.
Other examples:
-nNe.
i'serriane at the entrance (¢serrc/’) of it (a)
umiap ataane of the umiak, in (ne) the under-space (ata) of it (a)=
under the umiak
gilaa’p kittiyane of the sky, in (ne) the border (Azzxz2h) of it (a)=
on the horizon
ga’nne on the top.(gak) of me
-nut.
iLLuminut iserpog he goes into (nut) his (me) house (¢zz0)
kittinanut to the border of it (a)
dlaminut to his or her own (me) house-mate (2/a)
thinuti”’nnut to my (“n) friend or friends (¢kzyut [e])
-nit.
iniminit from his or its own (m7) place, nest, etc. (7ne)
kittiyanit from the border of it (a), especially from that time
noop kujataanit of the point of land (nook), from its (a) southern
space (Aujat[a])=from the south of the point of land
gaqqap qaanit of the mountain, from its (2) top=from the top of
the mountain
§ 29
BOAS] HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 1031
-nik.
‘amminik with his own (me) finger (assak) or fingers
sa’ wimminik with his own knife (sa’w7k) or knives (sa’weet)
alermminnik with their own (mn) harpoon-line (a/eq)
amé torgaminnik with their own (mzn) old skin
ammetorgaminnik with their old skins (ameq, pl. ammit)
-yut, -kut, -tinut.
giyaminut through or by his own (me) nose (g¢yaq)
keenamiynut through or over his own (7) face
goyasvayut through or about his (a) neck (goyaseq)
keenaatinut through his (rsus) (a) face
niagoaatiyut through his (a) head (nzagoq)
timaatinut through his body (¢/me)
stutinuakkut through or by my little ear or ears
Verbs (S$ 30-44)
§ 30. CONJUGATION
The conjugation of the Eskimo verb is based on a set of slightly
different stems; i. e., they are derivatives from a common base, which
in itself need not be of the character of a verb. The personal verb-
suffixes follow the stems as termiuals. The suffixes (the verb-signs)
have different meanings, constituting at the same time the modes of
the verb. Accordingly the stem of the verb alternates during the
conjugation. From the base api are formed the verb-stems kapiy,
kapt’wo, kapt'wa, kapi'le, ka'pitto, etc. (see § 31). Since each of
these stems has its own set of six or eight personal endings, it becomes
evident that the system of conjugation must be very complex. More-
over, there are four classes of conjugation, according to the differ-
ence in form of the bases. Examples of these classes are—
Class 1, *kapi, the last syllable weak (unstressed), and invariably
ending in a normal vowel (a, 7, ~).
Class Il, *pzye (pzya), the last syllable weak, and ending in e alter-
nating with a.
Class III, *t2’k: (kik), the last syllable strongly stressed, but never
ending in a uvular.
Class IV, *a’tog (ato), the last syllable strongly stressed, and ending
in a uvular (7>7).
Thus the differences in the classes of conjugation depend not only
upon the final sound, but alsc upon the stress, of the bases. These
differences affect the constituting suffixes. Class I, for instance, adds
§ 30
1032 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [puLn. 40
in Greenlandic wog in the same modes in which Classes III and IV
add pogq.
A consideration of the endings of the conjugated verb proves that
most of them coincide, partially at least, with the possessive suffixes
of nouns. The etymological researches strengthen this hypothesis
concerning the common origin of these elements. Only some few
of the personal verb-endings deviate absolutely from the present sys-
tem of possessive suffixes of nouns. They may be elements of a foreign
origin or obsolete suffixes.
Of a neutral character, lacking any mark of personality, is the ending
of the third person singular -og (-poq, -wogq), dual -wk, plural -wt, which
quite agrees with the common absolutive ending of the noun; and in
so far we might speak of an absolutive of the verb, but it should
be noted that we find no corresponding suffixless relative (-wp) in the
conjugation of the finite verb. On the other hand, we find, in the
system of verb conjugation, not one set, but two or three sets, of
absolutive possessive endings, and another set of relative possessive
endings.
The modal suffixes are inseparable from the personal endings; but
they may be, and really often are, severed from the base by the
insertion of other suffixes. Many of these infixes are of a modal
character; but since they do not affect the endings of the words, we
shall not treat them here.
The only indication of tense in the simple forms of the Eskimo verb
is expressed by modes x and x1 (see § 32). As for the other modes,
the past tense may sometimes be expressed by infixing -aluar(poq),
-sima(wog); and the future tense, by infixing ssa (-ssawogq, in the third
person singular contracted to -ss90q), or -wma(wog), -umaar(_poq).
§31. SYNOPSIS OF POSSESSIVE ENDINGS OF NOUNS (N.) AND
VERBS (V.)!
The paradigms in the next following sections are confined to the
West Greenland dialect.
1The dual endings are left out here (cf. § 26). The Roman numerals refer to the modes (see § 82).
§ 31
BOAS] HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 1033
A
Simple Absolutive Possessives, or Compounds made up of one of the Absolutive Singular or
7 Plural Signs, q, k, t, +-Possessive Suffix
N. V.
Singular Plural Singular Plural
1st per. sing. ./| yara kka ya YI VI VII ra II V} kka trv 1x
VIII XII Iv Ix
2d per. sing. .| itt tit sit tit II VI VII sit V it III 1X
it I rit XII
¢ II VII VIII Ix
3d per. sing..| a et qg II VI VII VIII 7 Tit
@ WI VII VIII IX ra xII
4th per. sing. . ene ne ne VI VIII nne Ix ne IX VIII
1st per. pl. ..| rput pput gut wut rput WII V VIII XII gut II VII
| pput Ix wut III V VII Ix
2d) per. pl. ... | se se se rsé III VIII XII se IL III IV VI VII Ix -
ssé IX tte I
Saeper. pl. s... || at it e at III VIL Ix rat XII tIrivv
at III VIII Ix
4th per. pl... | rttk ttik tik sik rtik VIII XII
tik ttik Ix tik VI VIII IX
In the compounds, g changes to 7 before a consonant or between
vowels (§ 4).
ks is assimilated to ss
tk is assimilated to //:
kn is assimilated to nn—
kt is assimilated to ¢¢
kp is assimilated to pp
B
Relative Possessives
N. Ve okeasn
Singular Plural Singular Plural
Ist persing: . . ma rma ma Ne —
2d per; sing: .. . wit rpit wit wit _
8d per.sing. . . ata tsa at —
4th per. sing. . . me rme me me —
EREper: Pll e e wta wta — wta
BO MDer ler sire. wse wse = wee
sa peraples =... ata isa ~ ata
Ath per, pli. . mik rmik mik -_ mik
1034
BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY
C
{BuLu. 40
Compound Verbal Endings, Composed of an Unascertained Element (<p?) +a Pos-
sessive Ending, or of Two Absolutive Possessives, or of a Relative Possessive + an
Absolutive Possessive (B+ A or B+ D)}
SINGULAR OBJECTS
thou—me you—me he—me they—me
rma It sina I aga Il IX X | ayya(<*tya)
me mmatX X XI | wstya III 1X XI EIR Se KT
(yypa 1?) XRT
| I—thee we—thee he—thee they—thee
| wkit(<*pgit?)| wtinit (< atit 111 1X X | attit III Ix X
thee 2s: or * wtagit?) III xI XI
anit IIL IX X IX X XI
XI
| I—bim we—him thou—him you—him
oe | wko X XI wtino X XI kko (<*wgo) | stuk liv
.
; D.p. 4 | wsiuk X XI
| I—him (se)? | we—him (sE)| thou—him |you—him (sE)
him (sk)? wnne IX X XI} wtinne IX X (SE) wsinne IX X
| xI mne (<*tne) xI
TEX: Ke ke
PLURAL OBJECTS
| thou—us you—us he—us they—us
ie | wtiput 111 IX | wsigut 111 IX | atinut Il 1x | atiyut WI 1x
be Sean X XI pea! x ae
sigut I
I—you | Wwe—you he—you they—you
you (pl.) . J} wse III V IX ! wse III V IX } ase III IX X ! asé III 1X X
x kt x KI XI XI
I —them we—them thou—them you—them .
them wkit Wl V X | wtinyik iv x | kkitv xX x1 sintk IV V
!
XI XI wsinik X XI
I—them (sE)?} we—them thou—them | you—them
wtik IX X XI (SE) (SE) (SE)
them (SE) 2 Whe TS KY TA LK: OK SL ideile Ts
|
he (SE)2—me /|they (SE)—me
mina X minngna (<
nina XI *mikya) xX
nigna (<
*nikya) XI
he (SE)—thee! they (srE)—
misit X thee
nistt Xi mittit X
nittit X1
he (sE)—him | they (s—E)—
miuk X him
j niuk XI mikko Xx
nikko X1
he—him (sE) | they—him
ane 1X X XI (SE)2
anne (*<tne)
TEX: SSK
he (SE)2—us_ |they(SE)2—us
misigut Xx misinut X
nisinut XI nisinut XI
he(sE)—you | they (sE)—
mise X you
nise XI mise X&
nise XI
he (SE)—them| they (sE)—
mipit X them
ninit XI mikkik Xx
nikkik Xi
he—them (sE)| they—them
atik 1X X XI (SE)?
atik IX X XI
(i)sinik (<
*isayik?) Vv
1TIn this table wt, ws, wk, stand throughout for wtt, wss, wkk, which are phonetically more correct.
2(sE) i. e., the Latin reflexive pronoun, here only used to indicate a like grammatical function
of the Eskimo me, mik, tik, ne, nik.
§ 31
Boas] HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 1035
D
Simple Personal Suffixes Peculiar to Certain Parts of the System of Conjugation
VI (Vv) Ix Ie: Sa IIVV ae >.
Ist per.sing.. . . | (ya) — = — a
Zaeper: SINE... >: (tit) kit, pit (a) — =e _
8d per.sing. . . . | yo<go 90(<go) ko,uk | iwk (<*iw) suk (<*juk?)
4th per.sing. . . | ne — — — —
ist per.pl. . .-. | ta(v) (iput) _- tinut, sinut —
Zaperoples <5... | (se) — _ _ =
pit (<git), kit | pit (<git) =
3dper.pl.. . . . | yit<git ’ - tpi (<gik), kik | pik (<gik) gik (<*gik)
4thper. pl... . . | (ék) — -- — —
yo(go) in -mayo, -payo, -loyo (South Greenland -mago, -pago, -lugo),
seems to be of the same origin as suk, 7uk, answering to the Alaskan
form -ghwi, -éu (Barnum 148, 142). The same may be true of -w/ in—
atoruk use it!
takuwiuk do you see it?
atorsiuk you use it!
Thus the original form of this suffix may have been a single 0; but
between ¢ and o a glide sound (semi-vowel) has sprung up and become
self-existent, changing to g, /, 7, s, y, at different stages in the history
of the language.
nik, kik, probably belonged originally to the dual, but have assumed
a plural meaning and stand for y7¢, to avoid confusion with the second-
person forms ending in -y/t. The initial y of yzk, nit, of course, is
derived from g, which sound is otherwise used in these endings instead
of y, except in North Greenland.
§ 31
*xigns Aus ynoyqyta posn A[durs ‘re_nsuis uosied pity} Oy} UT +e “PULOD 72792427 IO 724721] ¢
S 5 ‘9WM0d Jou ISpIP NOYY PACA ALYY 10 YMYLAAIYN ¢ “Tg § 01 doyor ‘qd ‘DO ‘a ‘Wr
4 l
2 | (an toy" Air — DT DIT D} | p| °° * ‘sad 4s
Z, ‘QATIISUBA] PUB OATLISUBIIUT ‘sanwido| F ist
= O ‘¥ () — aT! aTT ey Eye meee Leotierag ah ON
a y| vrnad | _ — — | odd | + + dé -1ed pg
“QATJISUBI] PUB BATPISUBIZUL ‘OATBSO1I0} UT () | paa Dds pdd pa Di | = “redupe
4 (a a ayaa ads add wa a0! |) 2 oe redipg “Ad
O
fs ATIISUBIT-1SBND o'y | ppaa vd pad » his) Sa epee ae
4
; : ‘gArssed-isenb 10 ‘aAtoB-1sBub V| vITaa = — _ —| * ~ “1d-zed\p¢s
5 aAT}BOIpUL-Iseub Leer ‘(UINTpeu) ddIOA pa vy! eppada ods odd 7) C77 a ce ais eee aM
& | Be. G = a wally is eet y ES
jo) ‘OATPISUBI] PUB ‘BATIISUBIQUT ‘sanwoduiy| . ; 43 | ; 4 : xad 151
p a‘o‘v — +) sa b6>4 P30) 2 Ore ean
a GUGA ALINIA |
= ed
fam —
a (A) AI IL fe a I
‘ uoTesn[Woo JO ssB[O
1d ‘0 ‘a ‘V woes
apoum 9y} JO UOTIUYSp pus oUIBN ‘sgurpue wosieg eiteaa sefeado ts
BAT}BSON SALLBULIND Y
SIOMOBIBILO [BPG fon]
| OD
On
1036
(ANWINATUD LSAM AO LOAIVIC) NOILVDOLNOD JO SHAOW TVAUAA AO SISZONAS “GE N
1037
INDIAN LANGUAGES
HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN
BOAS]
*xigns Aue ynNOYIIA posn oq AVI z
*BUTUIOD JOU OY (IIT SSBTO) awnuU2yr ING
‘Qu-D-dasU>Ul Su103 Jou (AS) oY awuas? AI SSBlO JO SqIOA 9} JO ‘[BIn{d suosied pity) puB ‘puod—aS ‘JsIy BY} PUB ‘IV[NSUIs UOsied pIly} 9) Ul 19JOVIBYO BAI} BSOU 9} ST V 7
“JORBIISAB Io A
QATINGIII}V ‘OATISUBIJUT IO BALJISUBI} /UOTISOdoid [BUOTYTPUOD 10 9sU94 oman
QATINGII}JV OATIISUBIJUL JO BATIISUBIY ‘UOTIISOdozd [esnB) IO 9sUA} rena
4qoe(qo pus yoofqns yjoq Surstaduro0o sXemy[e ‘oaAyou-isenb ‘ardroyaed sATISsuRLy,
‘AATINGIAYR ‘apdroysed oAtsseg
‘QAT}BOTpaid IO VAYNGIIIYB ‘[RIpeu JO yUASB ‘aATpOoLpv [BqI9A IO UNOU [Bqza A|
‘QATIISUBI} “Iod pg ‘BATIISUBIZUI ‘Lod ‘YF
‘pz ‘IST ‘eAIssed-Isunb 210 dAtjOB-IsUND aATNqI1}}B ‘9ATVBIOOSSB IO BAT}BIOdUID}U09 ) |
ATdIOILY Vd
apoul sy} Jo UOTJIUYyep pus ouIBN
|
{
|
|
V6 auuda au auu au
o‘'g | vddiaa pda odd vdd
aytee nyyvad Nb NYY nb >na
O's | puuiaa DULL DULUL DULUL |
O‘'d | Dvumda Dl pyy | va >vd |
y | pyy2aa DL pyy | Db>va
a‘o| saa a my | b>4
Vv nsiia | wb>va | va vs Ds
Vv onad OM >H os(s)
Vv (z) 9p | #9 | 8s)
‘rod |
a oe 123
td ‘sod 481 ;
1) ‘pw OTL OTT 02
+ ‘rod UIP ‘pz |
“Suls ‘10d 4s]
(*A) AI III II
|
uoyesn[t0od JO ssBiO
Maud av;
‘ssuIpue UOSIEg
DATIIBSIN DAV BULLY
S10]OvIBY) [RPOW
au
vdd
nb>na
puLut
vb >va
pb >a
26>10
ps
0s(s)
+28 (8)
OTT
Jee eS oye
. . ‘lod ps
‘rod U}F ‘pZ ‘IST ‘TX
. . . ‘lod ps
‘dod WF ‘pz ‘IST Xx
. . . ‘lod pe
‘10d UF ‘pz ‘ISL ‘XT
toe ee OTA
. . . . . g
tees + oTTA
Py to ae oe
u0olyed
-n{uod JO sapoy,
§ 82
1038 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL.40
§ 33. MODE I. IMPERATIVE °
INTRANSITIVE (A-ENDINGS)
(Class Ill. ka’ta, kata af ist
. i P ‘ ; i 9 TO BE IV. i’ser, isiy TO
hiro I. Pte Fa as DROPPED, Or TO SHED ENTER, TO GO
jus HAIR, HORNS, ETC. IN
tion)
2d per. sing. . kap?i’yit (thou) stab! kata’pit drop! ise’rit enter!
2d per. pl. . kapv’ yitte (you) kata’ pitte ise’ritte
TRANSITIVE
Singular Plural
thou—me you—me
Li ka’ pin’ya ka,pisi’ pa
me iil ka’tay’na katasina A C-endings
IV U sin’ ya isisina
thou—us you—us
I kapisinut kapisinut
us III katattinut katattinut D C-endings
IV isertinut isertinut
thou—him you—him
I kapinuk kapisiuk
him . Til katanuk \ katassiuk D C-endings
IV iseruk isersiuk 4
thou—them you—them
I kapikkit kapisinik
them III katakkit katasinik D C-endings
IV tsikkit isersinik
|
1Some verbs end in -sswk in this class; e. g., tikissuk(<tikippaa) COME TO HIM OR TO THERE.
§ 34. MODE II. INDICATIVE
INTRANSITIVE (A-ENDINGS )
Negative (yyila)
I (wo) III (ppo) IV (rpo)
I Ill IV
lst per. sing. | kapiwoya katappoya | tserpoya kapinyilaya katanyilaya| tsennilana
Ist per. pl. . | kapiwoyut katappoyut iserpoput || kaptinpilayut | katayypila- tsenpilanut
gut
2d per. sing. kapiwutit katapputit iserputit || kapiypilatit katayyilatit | isenyilatit
2d per. pl. kapiwuse katappuse tserpuse kapinyilase kataypilase | tsenyilase
3d per. sing. | kapiwoq katappoq | tserpoq kapiyyilaq katanyitlaq isenyilaq
3d per. pl. kapipput katapput | tserput kapiyyittat katanpittat| isennittat
In the positive dual the first person ends in -yui:; the second person,
in -¢vk; the third person, in -pwk.
§§ 33, 34
Boas] HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 1039
§35. MODE III. INDICATIVE
TRANSITIVE (C-ENDINGS)
thou—me you—me he—me they—me
i kaptwarma kapiwaussiina kapiwaaya kapiwaanya
me TEE katapparma katappavssiya katappaaya katappaanya
BY: iserparma iserpavssiga iserpaaya iserpaanya
thou—us you—us he—us they—us
I kapiwavttinut kapiwavssinut kapiwaatinut kapiwaatinut
ws ey Il katappavttinut katappavssigut katappaatinut katappaatinut
IV iserpavttinut iserpaussinut iserpaatinut iserpaatinut
I—thee we—thee he—thee they—thee
kapiwavkkit
I ae Said ~ kapiwauttipit kapiwvaatit kapiwaattit
ee ar sh Ras oF katappawttiyit katappaatet katappaattit
katappaayit
iserpavkkit or
IV ae iserpavttipit iserpaatit tserpaattit
I—you we—you he—you they—you
I kapiwawsse kapiwausse kapiwaase kapiwaase
you (pl.) Til katappawsse katappawsse katappase katappaase
IV iserpausse iserpavsse iserpaase iserpaase
I—him we—him thou—him | you—him he—him they—him
I kapiwara kapiwarput | kapiwat kapiwarse kapiwaa kapiwaat
him . Tit katappara katapparput | katappat katapparse | katappaa katappaat
IV iserpara iserparput iserpat iserparse iserpaa iserpaat
I—them we—them | thou—them | you—them he—them | they—them
I kapiwakka kapiwawut | kapiwatit kapiwase kapiwaai kapiwaatt
them . III katappakka | katappawut | katappatit katappase katappaai katappaa it
IV iserpakka iserpawut iserpatit iserpase iserpaat iserpaait
§ 35
SAP ©. Pai
oo j a Baer,
1040 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY ~ (Bune.
§ 36. MODE Iv. INTERROGATIVE ae
INTRANSITIVE
if III TV Negative
2d per. sing. . kapiwit katappit iserpit -yyippit
2d per. pl. kapiwise katappise iserpise -yyippise
3d per. sing. . kapiwa katappa iserpa -ynila
$d'per.pl. . ; kapippat katappat iserpat -ppiLtat
TRANSITIVE
one
of con- :
juga- Negative
tion. i
thou—me you—me thou—me you—me
I kapiwiya kapiwistya | ie ie.
yr | IV | iserpiya iserpisina eliga heeds
thou—us you—us thou—us you—us
I kapiwisinut kaptwistyut Re Ess,
eo 1 IV iserpisinut iserpisinut | -ppitisigut ae
thou—him you—him thou—him you—him
i I kapiwiuk kapiwisiuk He te
Ec: IV | iserpiuk iserpisiuk Ba ores
thou—them you—them thou—them you-them
i kapiwipit kapiwisinik |
t on TV) ieetpliptt ierpisinik gyilivit gyilisinik
§ 36
BOAS] HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 1041
§37. MODE V. OPTATIVE
INTRANSITIVE
I Til IV Negative
1st per. sing. . kapilaya wish I kataLLaya iserLaya wish I -ypikkile
would stab my- might enter
self
2d per. pl. kaptlata katatLata iserLata -yyikkilit
TRANSITIVE
he—me they—me
| I kaptlina kapilinya
me : ; é .
IV iserLina iserLingna
\ | he—us they—us
/ I kapilisinut kapilisigut
WI ae : ae c ae
IV iserLisinut iserLisinut
I—thee we—thee he—thee they—thee
kapilittit
I kapilawkkit kapilawttiyit kapilisit Barre
kapitlisit
thee iserLittit or
IV iserLawkkit iserLawttinit iserLisit : Be.
iserLisit
| I—you we—you he—you they—you
I kapilawsse kapilawsse kapilise kapilise
you (pl.) 4 : 2 z ; : :
IV iserLawsse iserLawsse iserLise iserLise
I—him we—him he—him they—him
it I kapilara kapilarput kapiliuk kapilissuk
IV iserLara iserLarput iserLiuk iserLissuk
I—them we—them he—them they—them
Aaa I kapilakka kaptlawut kapilinit kapilisinik
; IV iserLakka iserLawut iserLipit iserLisinik
Negative forms are—
-ynikkiliuk he—him -yyrkkilinit he—them
§ 37
44877 °—Bull. 40, pt 1—10 66
1042
BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY
[ BULL, 40
\
§38. MODE VI. CONTEMPORATIVE
Stabbing or being stabbed
Intransitive (Active or Passive)
1st per. sing. . kapiLLoya
1st per. pl. . kapitLuta
2d per. sing. kapiLLutit
2d per. pl. . kapiLLuse
4th per. sing. . kapitLune
4th per. pl.. kapitiutik
Transitive or Passive
3d per. sing. kapiLLojo?
3d per. pl. . kapittopit®
Negative
kapinnaya -
kapinnata
kapinnatit
kapinnase
kapinnane
kapinnatik
kapinnayo
kapinnapit
1That is, 1 WITHOUT BEING STABBED.
2That is, WE, HE, I, etc., STABBING HIM, Or HE BEING STABBED BY US, HIM, ME, etc.
3That is, STABBING THEM, Or THEY BEING STABBED.
§ 39. MODE VII. VERBAL NOUN OR VERBAL ADJECTIVE
a (noun).
Examples:
* asasse[a'sase|, with third person possessive suffix asass¢a THE ONE
WHO LOVES HIM, < asawod
*?kiorte, in third person possessive ¢kiortua THE ONE WHO HELPS
HIM, HIS HELPER, < ¢hvorpoq
6 (noun or adjective).
Negative
I IV
ist per. sing. kapisoya isertoya I who enter
Ist per. pl. . kapisonut isertonut we who enter
24 per. sing. kapisutit isertutit thou who dost enter
“a per. pl apisuse isertuse you who enter
ed per. sing. kapisog isertog he who enters
sd per.pl. . kapisut isertut they who enter
-ynittoya I who don’t ——
-pnittonut
-ynittutil
-ypittuse
-gnittog
-ypittut
§§ 38, 39
BOAS]
HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN
INDIAN LANGUAGES
1043
§ 40. MODE VIII. PASSIVE PARTICIPLE
Examples:
asassag one who is loved
asassara may beloved
asassat thy beloved
asassaa his beloved, ete.
III
ist per. sing.
Ist per.pl. . -
2d per. sing.
2d per. pl. .
3d per. sing.
3d per. pl.
4th per. sing. .
4th per. pl. .
katdttara my dropped one (the thing I dropped)
katdttarput our dropped one (the thing we dropped)
katdttdt thy dropped one (the thing thou droppedst)
katdttarse your dropped one (the thing you dropped)
katdttaa his dropped one (the thing he dropped)
katdttadt their dropped one (the thing they dropped)
katdttane his (SE) dropped one (the thing he dropped)
| kaldttartik their (sr) dropped one (the thing they dropped)
All the typical endings of the possessive inflection of the nouns
(§ 26) are available in this mode.
§41. MODE IX. TRANSITIVE PARTICIPLE
kapiyina (S. W. Gr. kapig/ga) 1 WHO STAB HIM Or THAT I STAB
(STABBED) HIM
thou—me, us you—me, us he—me, us they—me, us
kapinimma kapipivssina kapiyaaya kapinaayya
kapipivttinut kapinivssinut kapiyaatinut kapinaatinut
I—thee, you we—thee, you he—thee, you they—thee, you
kapintekkit kapipivttinit kaptyaatit kapiyaattit
kapipiwsse kapinivsse kapiyaase kapiyaase
|
I—him, them we—him, thou—him, you—him, he—him, they—him,
(SE) them (SE) them (SE) them (SE) them (SE) them (SE)
kapinivnne kapipivttinne | kapipinne kaptyivssinne | kapinaane kapiyaanne
kapipivttik kapinivttik / kapinittik kapinivttik kapiyaatik | kapiyaatik
. | | . |
him—I, we them—I, we him—thou, you them—thou, you
kapipina kapinikka kapinit kaptyitit
kapinipput kapipiwut kapipisse kapinise
him—he (SE), they (SE)
kapininne
kapipittik
them—he (SE), they (SE)
kapinine
kapipitik
him, them—he
kapiyaa
kapiyaat
him, them—they
kapinaat
kaptyaatt
§§ 40, 41
1044
BUREAU ,OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY
[BULL. 40
§ 42. MODE X. PAST TENSE AND CAUSAL PROPOSITION
kapijama WHEN (AS) I STABBED MYSELF, BECAUSE I STAB
(STABBED) MYSELF
INTRANSITIVE
I iil IV Negative
Ist per.sing. . . kaptyama katakkama iserama kapiyyinnama
Stiper.spls cs. v. kapinyautta katakkavtta iseravtta kapinyinnavtta
2d per. sing. . . kaptyawit katakkawit iserawit kapinyinnawit
Za pers Pls. jw. kapinawsse katakkawsse iserawsse kapinyinnawsse
4th per.sing. . . kapiyame katakkame iserame kapinpinname
4thper.pl... . | kapiyamik kattakkamik iseramik kapinpinnamik
3d per. sing. . . kapimmat katammat isermat kapinnimmat
3d per. pl... . | kapimmata katammata isermata kaptyyimmata
TRANSITIVE
thou—me, us
you—me, us
he—me, us
they—me, us
he(sE)—me,us
kapiyamma kapiyawssiya kapimmaya kapimmaynya | kapinamiya
kapinavttinut kapinaussinut kapimmatiynut kapimmatiynut| kapiyamisinut
| I—thee, you’ | we—thee, you he—thee, you they—thee, | he (s—E)—thee,
kapiyavkkit or you you
kapinaayit kaptiyauttinit kapimmatit kapimmattit kapinamisit
kapinavsse kapinavsse kapimmase kapimmase kapiyamise
= ee =
I—him (SE), we—him (sE), | thou—him (SE), | you—him (SE), he—him (SE),
them (SE) them (SE) them (SE) them (SE) them (SE)
| kaptyawnne kapiyauttinne kaptyanne kapinavssinne kapimmane
| kapiyavttik kapinauttik kaptpattik kapipavttik kapummatik
I—him, them | we—him, them thou—him, you—him, he—him,
them them them
kapiyawkko kapinautiiyo kaptyakko kapiyaussiuk | kapimmayo
kapiyavkkit kaptyettinik kapiyakkit kapinausstyik | kapimmayit
they (SE)—me,
us
kapipaminyna
kapiyamisinut
they (SE)—
thee, you
kaptyamittitor
kapiyamisit
kaptyamise
he (SE)—him,
them
kapiyamiuk
kapiyamipit
§ 42
they—him (sE},
them (SE)
kapimmanne
kapimmatik
they—him,
them
kapimmassuk
kapimmatinik
they (SE)—
him, them
kapinamikko
kapiyamikkik
*
BOAS]
HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN
INDIAN LANGUAGES
1045
§43. MODE XI. FUTURE TENSE AND CONDITIONAL PROPOSITION
kapinuma WHEN (in future) I SHALL STAB MYSELF, IF I STAB
if
1st per. sing .
1st per. pl.
2d per. sing.
2d per. pl.
4th per. sing.
4th per. pl.
3d per. sing.
3d per. pl.
kaptyuma
kapinuvtta
kapinuwit
kapinuevsse
kapipune
kapinunik
kapippat
kapippata
thou—me, us
kapiyumma
kapinuvttinut
MYSELF
INTRANSITIVE
Iil VI Negative
katakkuma iseruma kapiynyikkuma
| katakkuvtta iseruuvtta kapinyikkuvtta
katakkuwit iseruwit kapinnikkuwit
| katakkuwsse iserwwsse kapinnikkuwsse
| katakkune iserune kapinpikkune
| katakkunik iserunik kapinnikkunik
katappat | tserpat kapinyippat
katappata iserpata kapinnippata
TRANSITIVE
you—me, us
kapinuvssina
kapinuvssinut
he—me, us
kapippaya
kapippatinut
they—me, us
kapippayya
kapippatinut
kapinuniga
kapinunisinut |
he (SE)—me, us | they (SE)—me,
us
kapinuninna
kapinunisinut
I—thee, you
we—thee, you
he—thee, you
they—thee,
he (SE)—thee,
you you
kapinuvkkit kapinuvttinit kapippatit kapippattit kapinunisit
kapinuwsse kapinuwsse kapippase kapippase kapinunise
I—him, them | we—him, them thou—him, you—him, | he—him, them
(SE) (SE) them (SE) them (SE) | (SE)
kapinuenne kapinuvtlinne | kapipunne kapiyuussinne | kapippane
kaptynuuttik kapinuvttik kapinuttik kapinuvttik | kapippatik
I—him, them | we—him, them tee, you—him, them) he—him, them
them
kapiyuvkko kapinuuttiyo kapinukko kapinuwssiuk kapippayo
kapinuekkit kapinuuttinik kapinukkit kapinuvssinik | kapippayit
they (se)—thee,
you
kapinunittit or
kapinunisit
kapinunise
they—him,
them (SE)
kapippanne
kapippatik
they—him,them
kapippassuk
kapippatinik
he (SE)—him,
them
kapinuniuk
kapinunipit
§44. MODE XII. ABSTRACT NOUN
they (SE)—him,
them
kapinunikko
kapinunikkik
kapineqd THE ACT OF STABBING ONE’S SELF; THE BEING STABBED
(BY ANOTHER); A STAB, WOUND.
Absolutive
singular
kapineq
II
Ill
pinineg
kutanneq |
nV?
iserneq
Negative
-pninneg
§§ 43, 44
1046 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [puLy. 40
These forms are inflected alike, following the paradigm of erneg
(§ 28); for instance,
Ist per. sing. . . . kapinera my stab (stabbing, being stabbed)
Ist per. pl. . . . .. kapinerput our stab
3d per. sing. . . . kapinera his stab
3d per. pl. . . . . apinerat their stab, ete.
Defective Infiection ($$ 45-48)
§ £5. Prevalence of Possessive or Absolute Inflection in
Certain Words
Some words, or groups of words, can take only certain series of
the suflixes previously described. All true nouns may take any of
the inflectional suffixes of nouns, though of course in many cases the
meaning causes one series to be used more frequently than others, or
prevents their being inflected equally through all the forms of declen-
sion. We have already mentioned some words that are confined either
to the plural, or to the dual, or to the singular (§ 17).
Likewise there are words that are nearly always possessive, while
others occur generally without possessive pronouns. To the first
group belong such words as signify parts of objects; as, for example,
itsia the white of an egg zsaa (<ise) the eye of a man
siua the bow of a boat or animal; eye of a needle
znua the inhabitant or owner
of a thing
To the latter group belong, for example—
tiseg a lake sila weather
nuna land nammineg selt
ukiog winter nalininnag every body
Altogether incompatible with possessive inflection are the demon-
strative words (§ 50) and kina WHO, sun@ WHAT, @LLG@ OTHER.
§ 46. Interrogative and Personal Pronouns
The interrogative pronouns have irregular plurals. They form,
however, regular local cases from the stems 47 (singular), A7Ahut*
(plural), sw (singular and plural).
kina wHo, plural ktkkut (Al. kinkiit [Barnum 77]); Aémut To WMoM,
plural Azkkunnut
1The suffix -kut seems to mean SOCIETY, FAMILY.
$$ 45, 46
BOAS] HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 1047
suna WHAT, plural soot [sv:t] or [sy-t] (M. cuna, plural cuvit);
sumut TO WHAT OR WHERE (sw7ié WHERE)
The Alaskan cha [ca], plural chat (Barnum 80), which is perhaps
related to the Greenlandic swna@ WHAT THING, is presented by Bar-
num as having both local and possessive inflection; but in Greenlandic
these words have no possessive inflection.
Combination of first and second persons and local declension is seen
in the personal pronouns:
uwaya 1; plural wwayut we; wwa’nne at me, ud”ttinne at us;
ud’nnut to me, udé’ttinnut to us; ud”ttut like me
éxLit thou; plural ¢7“sse or 7z’lisse [tlisse| you; éllinnut to thee,
ivssinnut to you; dittut like you, etc.
$47. Words Signifying ALONE, WHOLE, ALL
The following three nouns, signifying the abstract concept ALONE,
WHOLE, ALL, in relation to persons or things, receive exclusively rela-
tive possessive endings, aside from the third person singular. They
remind us of the inflection of modes x and x1 of the verbs.
1st per. sing. | kisimalormealone(only) ilooyarma I or me whole | tamarma I or me whole
(all over the body) (wholly) :
Ist per. pl. . | kisiwtta iloonautta tamavtta all of us
Ast per. dual | kisiunnuk
2d per. sing. | kisiwit | ilooyarpit tamarpit
2d per. pl. .| kisivsse | iloonawsse tamavsse
2d per. dual | kisiwttik |
4th per. sing.| kistme iloonarme tamarme
4th per. pl. . | kisimik ilooparmik tamarmik
3d per. sing. kisidt | ilooyaat tamaat
3d per. pl. .| kiseesa iloonaasa tamaasa
$48. Numerals
The distribution of the Eskimo numerals! may be symbolized in this
Manner:
beats Wests] 1 2.3 45 6 7 8 9 10)
112345 1V 234 5(=11 12 13 14 15 16 17 18 19 20)
The word for 20 is znwk naa”’Loyo A MAN BROUGHT TO AN END, all
his fingers (or hands, I and If)'and toes (or feet, III and IV) being
counted.
1Thalbitzer V (1908), 1-25.
§§ 47, 48
[BULL. 40
1048 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY
The numeral system of the Eskimo is quinary, closely following the
fingers and toes of man. An Eskimo always has recourse to his
fingers in counting, lifting his hands in front of him. Nevertheless
the terms for the numerals are not identical with those for the fingers
or toes. (See examples below.)
The numerals lack the possessive inflection except in the third
person, by means of which the ordinal numbers are formed.
The following numerals quoted from Thalbitzer (V), Bourquin,
Petitot, and Barnum, are slightly transcribed according to my pho-
netic orthography.
Cardinal 7 : é “ter
= Fyne West Greenland Labrador Mackenzie River Southwest Alaska
I 1 | ataawseq attauseq ataociq atauceq
"Luk or uk
2 poarene naw oe aaarak malruk
larzaa agga [axxa]? J
3 | piyasut pinasut piyacut pinnajun
4 | sisamat sittamat citamat stamen
5 | tazzimat tellimat [tdz~Limat]? | tallémat taLLimen
arFineg or rvingat 4
II(6) ‘ d Z ss eps Vipucnenade arvinlixxin
arFinivit) [arriyat] J
aypak or pee
7) | marLuk ts nalrunlixxin
(7) SIGONEs eos ; :
(8) | piyasut pipasut piyacunik pinpayunlixxin
stsamat or citamat or i
9 sittam olnnunraata
(9) lames me ee ne [aare
tell Tr
10 | qulit3 ¢ sia : : Vout qgoln
qollit [qoLLit]?
arqaneq or
TH(11) | arganiLLit or arqapat or itiannerat or ataucimik cipLuku
istkkaneg or itikkane itiannelarit
isikkaniziit (15) akimiak
Iv (16) |{arFrersaneg or ighuin-itiannelarit or
\|arrersanizvit itidnnerat arvenelarit
Vel) | funna or ungna or iglut-certut or juinok ataucimik
% unnisut ungnijut innuy-cikpag & cipLuku &
1-zit, plural of -lik HAVING, SUPPLIED WITH; in plural also -/eef, Leet; same as M. -lerit, Al. -lixxin
(Petitot LIV) (Barnum 41: /ik, plural ligat).
2 qule UPPER ONE, in third person possessive qulaa + iluwat INNER ONE (i. e., the fourth finger, the
forefinger).
3 Plural of guile THE UPPER ONES (the hands or fingers as opposed to the toes).
4 Corresponds to the Greenland ordinal arreryat THE SIXTH.
5 Cf. agga TWO = Gr. arzaa (ordinal).
§ cikpag, cf. cika RESTE, RETAILLE, Al. ciptog IT EXCEEDS, GY. sivnnera SURPLUS.
$48
at
Boas] HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 1049
Ordinal
ae West Greenland Labrador Mackenzie River Southwest Alaska
hl |sivorveg civuleq caokleq
2 | aippaa aipaya ajpak aipa
3 | piyajuat pipajuak pinnajuak
4 | sisamaat sittamayat stameek
5 | tazLimaat tellimayat taLLimeek
farFernat or a.
arvininat arvinrag
larreryat
1 | or
argaryat
arFersarnat or
34 ns
Jar gayndrtuat
|
J
arvertaydrtuat
Irregular Inflection (§§ 49, 50)
§ 49. Interrogative Pronouns
The interrogative pronouns kina and suna have irregular relative
cases formed without p or other labial modification; thus —
Absolutive
kina who
suna what
Relative
kia of whom
sua of what (or soop <*so-up?)
$50. Demonstrative Pronouns and Adverbs
The demonstrative pronouns are inflected in the following manner:
SINGULAR
Cases Endings elle) it) See ei this here that yonder
or thought)
Absolutive na, Ha una taawna manna inya
Relative (ssu)ma ooma taawssuma matuma issuma
Allative . mupya oomonya taawssumoynya matumonna issumonya
Locative mane oomane taavssumane matumane issumane
Ablative mayyna oomanya taavssumanna matumaynya -« issumanya
Instrumentalis | miyya oominna taavssuminyna matuminna issuminga
Prosecutive moona oomoona taavssumoona matumoona issumoona
PLURAL
Absolutive ko or ‘uko taavko makko ikko
(Relative) . koa ‘ukoa taawkoa makkoa ikkoa
Allative nuyya ukunonya taawkonoynya makunoyya ikkunonya
Locative nane ukunane taawkunane makkunane ikkunane
Ablative NAVA ukunanya taawkonayya makunaynya ikkunayya
Instrumentalis ninna ukuninna taavkoninyna makuninga ikkuninya
5 noona ukunoona taawkonoona makunoona tkkunoona
Prosecutive 3 : i ‘
(natinut) ukunatinut taawkonatinut makunatinut tkkunatinut
§§ 49, 50
1050 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BuLL. 40
In the same way is inflected 7’nna (relative 7”sswma) THE ONE PRE-
VIOUSLY MENTIONED (Latin ILLE).
There are some other demonstrative pronouns—
a’nna he (she, it) in the north
ganna he in the south; he in there (in the house); he out there
(outside of the house)
panna he up there in the east
sa”’nna he down there in the sea
khanna he down there
kinya he there in the south
piyya he up there in the east
All of these follow the paradigms of taa’na and ¢yya. And just
as the latter forms with the prefix 7a ta‘nya (THE ONE PREVIOUSLY
MENTIONED WE ARE SPEAKING OF), So all these pronouns may take the
prefix ¢@ and signify THE ONE WE ARE JUST NOW SPEAKING OF (OR
THINKING OF); as tamanna, taga”nna, tasa”’nna, takanna, ete.
These words have no possessive inflection. Still more defective is
the inflection of the demonstrative local adverbs, in which three of
the inflectional endings of the demonstrative pronouns appear; e. g.,—
Cases Endings here there yonder in the north
ne
Locative ne | maane Uwane ikane awane
Allative na | maavyya oo7na ikona awona
Ablative 0Ha | maaypya Uwaynya ikayya awayya
Prosecutive ona | maona uwxoona ikoona awoona
PARTICLES (§§ 51-54)
Although words lacking inflection are not in themselves affected by
the manifold changes due to inflection, some of them at least exert
a certain influence on the syntactic structure or on the grammatical
forms of the words governed by them. This applies especially to the
modal and temporal particles (§ 52 and §53), and will become clear
from the examples given below:
§51. Interjections
a@ amazement or bewilderment.
issse ajtissiisee ‘a how terrible the cold is! (literally, the cold its
badness, 4!)
ta, ata, calls attention to something: LOOK HERE!
§ 51
BOAS] HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 1051
aja sighing, especially used by women and children.
aja gasogaa”’ya how tired I am!
eeq or teed expresses Scorn or irony.
na ‘aa sudden pain.
kakkaak, assaasakak, surprise, wonder, admiration (M. apkpalé
ah ! [admiration. })
For hunters’ calls, see Thalbitzer I, 323-326:
ARRR... ARRR... used in decoying young gulls.
qu'tteeq qu’teeq to old female gulls.
tauka’teeq taka'tseeq qrq to the three-toed gulls.
hakem hakem to auks.
qa? qa? to ravens.
§ 52. Modal Particles
aa calling attention to something. In some cases it is used as a prefix:
au na, '‘aaund LOOK HERE, HERE IT (wna) 1s! the same as aajuna
In other cases it is used as a suffix; e. g.,
ooma-aa you there, come here! (voma is the relative case of wna,
thus meaning OF HIM THERE)
aa is very much like the sign of the @ vocative in such cases as—
ataata-aa father!
aa-makko they, there!
atayo lo! behold! (with future tense of the verb following it.)
atayo usissayit try it and you shall see you will be all right
sun’aa” Fa (<suna what + urra there) expresses surprise.
w'se (bringing something back to his memory) now I remember.
ust UF Fa (<use + urra) 1 thought that
followed by a participle or a noun.
This particle is always
usiurra takussayina I thought (expected) I should have seen him
qanortog Latin utinaM, followed by optative of the verb.
nak
massa although (followed by participle).
urennit
massa takussariya tlisariyyilara although I have often seen him,
I do not know him
soorLo as, as if.
1052 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 40
§ 53. Temporal Particles
éttaq a long time ago (South Gr. ztsaq).
ip passagq yesterday (M. ckpektgiaph).
ULLume to-day.
gilamik soon (M. kpillamzh).
siorna last year (literally, the one just before).
kinorna hereafter (M. kifiunepagun).
gaya when (in the preterite).
qaqovyo when (in the future).
qa’ qutcnut at times, from time to time
aqayno to-morrow.
§ 54. Particles for Expressing Question and Answer
aap yes (M. 7A).
naazsxa no, no(M. tchuitop, diunak; West coast of Hudson bay naaga).
naamik no (there is no; it is not there).
na”’k where
sooq why
sooruna certainly.
massame certainly, indeed.
ilumut indeed, I do not lie.
éimmagqa perhaps (M. tabliu; West coast of Hudson bay zluukunz).
asukiak I do not know, maybe.
tdssaqa I hardly believe.
ai is it, do you (M. tutchayotin ain COMPRENDS-TU 4).
qga'noq how (M. naw-kut, naw-naw, kpano-kpano).
4'laa isn’t it so?
quijanag thanks (M. kpoyanapa).
| a. tchupavit, tchuma).
DERIVATIVE SUFFIXES (§§ 55-60)
§ 55. General Characteristics of Suffixes
In the Eskimo language suffixes (and infixes) are used to an extent
quite unknown to European languages. It has been shown in the
preceding chapters that all the grammatical and syntactical ideas
of our languages are expressed by this means, and that these forms
differentiated into a highly elaborate system. Besides this, many
concepts that enrich the subject-matter of our sentences, and which
1 Thalbitzer IT, 50-62.
§§ 53-55
BOAS] HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 1053
we express by means of adjectives and adverbs, are in Eskimo suffixes
attached to the words expressing fundamental ideas. Nearly one-sixth
of the Eskimo ‘‘ words” (bases, stems, and suffixes) are suffixes.
One suffix may be linked to another, and in this way the funda-
mental idea of the base-word is gradually more and more specialized
and enriched. A whole sentence may be expressed in a word—in a
word-sentence.
All suffixes are imperfect words—i. e., sound-complexes or single
sounds—each of which has a definite signification. Without much
practice it is difficult to recognize the suffixes included in compound
words, because at the beginning and at the ending of the suffix
phonetic assimilation by the preceding and following sounds occurs.
The order of the suffixes is of importance, and full freedom is not
allowed in their use. The independent fundamental word must be
placed at the beginning of the word-sentence, and the suflixes are
attached to it to explain it more fully. Such suffixes as describe the
qualities of the fundamental idea or its modes of action, or which
refer to size or time, follow these, and appear inserted between the
leading stem and the inflectional endings. These, in turn, are attached
more closely to the whole word-cluster than the syntactical suffixes
which may terminate it; e. g., -/o AND, -ttaa°g ALSO.
The majority of the suffixes may be freely attached to any word.
Thus- /iorpog TO MAKE OR CREATE may be attached to any word which
signifies something that can in any way be made or created. But
there are also many suffixes the use of which is restricted to a certain
class of ideas, and which may be attached to these only. The suffix
-(r)nar- Means FOR THE FIRST TIME, but only in the sense of noticing
something for the first time: takornarpara, tusarnarpara 1 SEE IT
FOR THE FIRST TIME, I HEAR IT FOR THE FIRST TIME. With other
words, like TO USE A THING, OR TO MAKE A JOURNEY, FOR THE FIRST
TIME, another suffix, -(7)gaar-, is used: atorgaarpara I USE IT FOR THE
FIRST TIME.
There are many adjectival and adverbial notions for which no
suffixes exist. When for this reason it is not possible to express a
group of ideas in one word, or in one compound, then the cluster
will be broken up, or the expression will be divided into two or
several parts. The logical relations between these parts are often
shown in the inflection of the word expressing the idea that has been
separated. In some cases, however, it can not be recognized by the
§ 55
1054 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 40
inflectional form, but must be deduced from the connection. If the
Eskimo wants to say I HAVE A LARGE KAYAK, this may be expressed
in one word, because there are suffixes to denote LARGE (sswaq), HAVE
(gar[poq]), and 1 (ya, 7a); but I HAVE A RED KAYAK must be expressed
in two words, because there are no special suffixes to signify colors,
so that the idea RED must be isolated and expressed by an independent
word. The former sentence is expressed by gajarssuagarpoya (KAYAK-
LARGE-HAVE-1); the latter by aa”palaartumik gajagarpoya,; here the
first part (RED) is a participle of the verb aa”palaarpog IT I8 RED,
used in the instrumentalis (-mzk), so that the whole phrase translated
literally means RED (or REDLY) KAYAK-HAVE-I, very much as one
would say I ROW QUICKLY IN A KAYAK.
§ 56. Classes of Derivative Suffixes
The suffixes are divided into two classes, according to their use.
Some are employed to ¢runsform the nominal or verbal quality of
the independent words, so that nouns are turned into verbs, and verbs
into nouns; others, merely to further develop the independent words
by enriching them with attributive ideas, but without transforming
their nature. Thus it may be seen, in regard both to the suffixes and
to the initial stems, that a distinction may be drawn between nouns
and verbs, nominal and verbal suffixes, and consequently four funda-
mental types of arrangement may be observed, and symbolized thus:
N>v= VJ; i. e.,a noun transformed by a verbal suffix, and so forming
a verb:
7LLoa house + -liorpogmakes, izLuliorpog he builds a house
builds
pujog smoke + -sunnippog it pujorsunnippog it has the smell or
has a smell or taste of taste of smoke
ameg skin + -erpaa deprives ameerpaa takes the skin off it,
it of something skins it (e. g., the seal)
nassuk horn + -miyarpaa nassumiyarpaa horns him, butts
makes a motion with a part him
of his body toward some-
thing
V>n=N;3 i. e., a verb-transformed by a noun suffix, and so makin
’ ; J ’
a noun:
tikippoqgarrives + -gat(e)com- t/kergataa his arrival-companion,
panion + -a his his fellow-traveller
§ 56
BOAS] HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 1055
V+wv= JV; i. e., a verb developed more fully by a verb suffix, the
whole constituting a more complex verbal notion:
uter(pog) he returns + -asuar- uterasuarpog he hastens to re-
(oq) hastens turn
N+n=WN; i. e., anoun more fully developed by a noun-suflix, the
whole constituting a more fully developed noun:
2LL0 house + mzo dweller 7LLumio house dweller
7~Lo house + korest,remnant 7zzLvko a ruin
iLLo house + yyuag little tLLoQyuag a small house
Any compound ending in a suffix may be transformed or further
developed. The suffixes thus used for purposes of development and
transformation may even succeed each other within the same group.
Thus pisiwog HE GETS (s2) A THING (pe), of the formation VV > v, may
be further developed by verbal suffixes and become pisinialerpog HE
BEGINS (-/er-) TO TRY (-72a7-) TO GET A THING (i. e., he begins to buy a
thing), which is consequently the formation V>v+v-+v. The latter
is again transformed by a noun-suflix into pisinialerrik A PLACE, or
THE PLACE (-Fr7/), WHERE ONE (HE) BEGINS (or BEGAN) TO BUY A THING
(or THE THING), in which change the formation V>v+v+v>~ is pro
duced; and this may again be transformed into a verb (pis¢ndaler-
riyaa) by means of the verbalizing -a (in the third possessive singular)
HE HAS IT (or HIM) AS A PLACE WHERE HE BEGAN TO BUY THE THING
(i. e., it was in that place where, or of that person of whom he began
to buy the thing). In this case the last change gives the formation
N>v+o+v>n>v.
§ 57. Comparison of Eskimo and Indo-European Derivative
Suffixes
In the first instance the Eskimo suffixes are distinguished from those
of our own languages by their number; but they differ no less in the
vitality of their meanings and intheir movability. Thus the diminutive
endings in the German ROsLEeIn, HAuscHEN, in the English BROOKLET,
and in the Latin HOMUNCULUS, SERVULUS, impress us as being fossils
in comparison with the Eskimo adjectival suffixes, which may be
attached freely to all words. In quite another sense than in our
languages, the words of the Eskimo are born on the tongue on the
spur of the moment. Where we possess finished, fully developed
words or phrases, the Eskimo create new combinations specially
§ 57
1056 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 40
formed to meet the claim of every situation. In regard to word-
formations, the language is incessantly 7 statu nascendi.
The greater number of the suffixes of our languages may be proved
to have been originally independent words (e. g., the English -ty,
-SHIP, -DOM, -SOME, -FUL, -LESS, etc.). How far the Eskimo suffixes
have ever been independent words is extremely doubtful; at any rate,
there is nothing to show that such is the case.
The Eskimo mode of expression differs essentially from ours in the
peculiar power that the suffixes have of linking themselves not simply
to an independent word-stem, but to each other, with the result that
a complex of ideas may be developed and enlarged within the limits
of asingle word. We think in sentences, but the Eskimo’s thought
lives and moves in the word as an embryo in the womb. Even the
object of the verb is included in the word-sentence; e. g., ULLogarpoya
I HAVE A HOUSE.
§ 58. Inflection and Polysynthesis
These peculiar characteristics have determined the viewpoint taken
by philologists in regard to the Eskimo language. This may be seen
in the work of the Danish scholar Rasmus Rask, who knew the lan-
guage through the grammars of the missionaries Paul Egede (1760)
and Otho Fabricius (1791, 2d ed. 1801), and who has described it in a
chapter of his ‘‘ Underségelse om det gamle Nordiske eller Islandske
Sprogs Oprindelse” (1818).
H. Steinthal! referred the Eskimo and the Mexican languages to a
special type, the so-called EINVERLEIBENDE type of W. v. Humboldt,
which ‘‘ draws the object into the verb and usually also combines the
governing word (regens) and the attributeintoawhole. . . . The
word-formation has swallowed up the sentence-formation, the sentence
merges into the word; those who use these languages do not speak in
sentences, but in words.” According to Steinthal, this type of lan-
guage belongs neither to the agglutinative nor to the stem-isolating
type; it must be called a ‘‘ formless” type of language.
Lucien Adam, who, at the Americanist Congress of 1883, spoke on
the relation of the Greenland language to other languages, arrived at
the conclusion that the Eskimo language is not polysynthetic, as are
many other languages of North America, but is only a derivative lan-
1H. Steinthal, Charakteristik der hauptsichlichsten Typen des Sprachbaues (Neubearbeitung von
Misteli, Berlin, 1893).
§ 58
BOAS] HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 1057
guage. He set forth that the DeRIvaTION A L’rNFINI of this language
is due only to exaggeration of a method which is common to all poly-
syllabic languages, and that the Eskimo language differs from other
American languages, and from the Ural-Altaic language, merely by
the exaggeration of the derivative method.
As regards the descriptive term POLYSYNTHETIC, it would seem that
it very appropriately expresses the conglomeration or clustering of
ideas which occurs in Eskimo word-sentences. To use this term as
applying to the Eskimo language as a whole is an exaggeration, only
in so far as that not all ideas are expressed polysynthetically, but artic-
ulate sentences also occur.
Weare no doubt as fully justified in speaking of form-endings and
inflection in the Eskimo language as we are in speaking of them in
those languages that are specially regarded as inflectional. Thus in
the Eskimo language both nouns and verbs are inflected to indicate
number, case, person, etc., and, as mentioned above, the syntactic
relation may likewise be expressed by means of special endings.
On the other hand, it can not well be denied that in the signification
and use of the forms certain logical and fundamental differences from
the grammatical system of our languages occur, which differences give
evidence of marked peculiarities in the psychic basis of the Eskimo
language.
§59. Noun and Verb
In the Eskimo mind the line of demarcation between the noun
and the verb seems to be extremely vague, as appears from the whole
structure of the language, and from the fact that the inflectional end-
ings are, partially at any rate, the same for both nouns and verbs.
This is especially true of the possessive suffixes.
The part played by the possessive suffixes in the Eskimo language
extends far beyond the use which our languages make of the ‘‘posses-
sive pronouns.” The person-suflixes of the Eskimo verbs prove to be
identical with the possessive suffixes of the nouns (equivalent to my,
THY, HIS, OUR, etc.), which may be regarded as an evidence of the
noun-character of the verb. Even the verb-forming suffixes -wog and
-pog (third person singular, mode 11) appear to be inseparable from the
structure of the noun. Therefore these endings for the third person
indicative must be regarded as impersonal forms (Lap?wog THERE IS A
STAB, ONEIS STABBED), or as marking the neutral form of the finite verb,
§ 59
44877°—Bull. 40, pt 1—10——67
1058 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 40
which assumes a personal meaning only when the purport of the
sentence as a whole forces upon the speaker and hearer the idea of a
third person that is in a certain condition (passively or reflexively).
Thus it happens that personal and impersonal verbs show the same
forms throughout.
si'aLLerpog rain is, it rains
atorpog use is, it is used
tikippog arrival is, he arrives
kapiwog stab is, he is stabbed, or he stabs himself
Accordingly the inflected verb in the indicative intransitive is prop-
erly translated in this manner :
atorpoya my use=I am used
atorputit thy use= thou art used
atorpog use = one is used
=he, it, is used
tikippoya my arrival=I arrive
tikipputit thy arrival = thou arrivest
tikippog arrival=one arrives
= he arrives
The same applies to the transitive forms of the finite verb; thus—
atorpara my its use=I[ use it
atorpai thy its use = thou usest it
atorpaa his its use = he uses it
hapiwara wy its stab =I stab it
kapiwat thy its stab =thou stabbest it
kapiwaa his its stab =he stabs it
In case an independent word is added as subject, it is used in the
relative case:
Peelip kapiwaaya Peele’s my-his-stab = Peele stabs me
Peelip kapiwaatit Peele’s thy-his-stab = Peele stabs thee
Peelip kapiwaa Peele’s his-his-stab = Peele stabs him (another)
It is worth noticing that the base of the verb seems to have a passive
or reflexive sense; e. g., Peele kapiwog P. STABS HIMSELF, or P. IS
STABBED. Our transitive sentence construction (HE STABS ME) is based _
on the idea of an active relation between subject and object. The
corresponding Eskimo form of speech is based on a passive or
reflexive relation between the subject and the object; that is to say,
in the Eskimo language no strictly transitive use of the verb is
§ 59
BOAS] HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 1059
known. The verb is treated as a noun + a verb-forming suffix
(-wo, -wo; -po, -pa) which gives the noun a passive or reflexive signifi-
cation, + the mark of the absolutive (-7) or of the person. If we
translate an Eskimo verb as an active relation between subject and
object, it is only guast-transztwe. Its fundamental idea is rather that
of a passive than that of an active verb. The Eskimo does not say
HE STABS ME, HE SEES ME, but rather MY BEING STABBED BY HIM IS,
MY BEING SEEN BY HIM IS.
Judging from these considerations, we get the impression that to
the Eskimo mind the nominal concept of the phenomena of life is
predominant. The verbal idea has not emancipated itself from the
idea of things that may be owned, or which are substantial. Any-
thing that can be named and described in words, all real things,
actions, ideas, resting or moving, personal or impersonal, are subject
to one and the same kind of observation and expression. We are
_ accustomed to conceive activities or qualities as essentially different
from the things in themselves, and we have a special class of words
(viz., the verbs) to express them. They seem to impress the Eskimo
mind, or to be reflected by it, as definite phenomena of the same kind
as the things, and accordingly are named and interpreted by means
of the same class of terms as are used for naming things. The
Eskimo verb merely forms a sub-class of nouns.
§$ 60. List of Suffixes
The foliowing abbreviations have been used in the list of suffixes:
vy. is suffixed to verbs only.
N. is suffixed to nouns only.
N>v is suffixed to nouns after they have been transformed into verbs.
If neither v. nor n. is added, the suffix may be attached to either
class of words. The nominal or verbal character of the suffix
may be determined by its signification or by its form.
INTR. = intransitive.
NTR. = neutral, i. e., transitive or intransitive, according to the signifi-
cance of the leading word.
aet, ait N. or V. (marks a question or a polite invitation) how?
please; e. g., ¢zx7t-a¢t you, how? i. e., is it.you (or yours) ?
ajuppog V. NTR. frequently
aluag (N.), aluarpog V.N>vV, NTR. otherwise; former (with proper
names); late; although; certainly, it is true—but —— (forms
conditional mode in verbs)
§ 60
1060 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BuLy. 40
aLLarpog V. NTR. preliminarily, provisionally; first, yet
arag N. miniature, diminutive; a young one; a little
araaog V. NTR. is in the habit of. In mode x, first person sin-
gular arvyama or araayama.
asuarpog V. NTR. hastens to ; in a short time, speedily
erpaa N. deprives it of, removes the of it
erpoq has lost its -——; sells
erserpog has lost something he possessed
ersiwog has some part of his body frozen
rik, rrik Vv. place or time
Fiyaa V. has him (or it) (B) for his (A) place to , he (it) is his
place to , 1. e., he (B) is the object of his (A’s) action.
g-, See Y
Laarpog, See jaarpog
iaq, liag, siag N., in third person possessive, MADE BY HIM; in
first person possessive, MADE BY ME
tag (V.), cagarpog, tariagarpog V. INTR. he (it) is to be ed (the
sense of this suffix corresponds to that of the gerundive in
Latin)
zarpaa N. deprives it of several parts, or deprives it of its ——
several times (cf. erpaa)
earpog N. has got it (his weapon, etc.) injured; broken
zarpog, liarpog N. INTR. goes to (a place); is out hunting
cartorpog V. NTR. goes or comes in order to ; more and more
imiwog V. NTR. somewhat, very little more
innag N., tnnarpog V. NTR. only; exclusively, constantly; without
hesitation
zog V. NTR. also, too; indeed
dorpoq, liorpog N. WORKS, MANUFACTURES; transitive, WORKS (SOME-
THING) FOR HIM
duppada, liuppaa N. works or makes a
ing a
ippogq, lippog N. tnTR. has arrived at (a place)
tppog is without; is not
esorpog N. INTR. has gone or come to fetch ——
éssarpoq, lissarpog N. INTR. takes a —— with him; carries (some-
thing) with him
jaarpog V. NTR. early
yawog V. INTR. is apt to, may easily ——
Juippog, suippog V. INTR. never
gaa’ V. NTR. (intensive) very much, strongly
garpog N. INTR. has ; there is
gat, in third person possessive, HIS COMPANION, FELLOW; ANOTHER
OF THE SAME KIND
gatiyaa has him as (for) his companion
§ 60
of it, uses it for mak-
BOAS] HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 1061
qattaarpog V. NTR. Many in succession; several times
qunawog V. NTR. it might easily come to pass; wish he (it) would
not
qut N. or V. appurtenance; instrument by means of which ——
kanneg N., kannerpog v. towards; nearly, not far from
karpog V. INTR. suddenly
kaarpog V. INTR. with long, equal intervals
kasik X., kasippog Vv. NTR. vexatious, bad; odiously, badly; unfor-
tunately
ha” ssak N., ka’ssappog V. INTR. vexatious, vexatiously; ugly
katappog NTR. has got too much of ——-; is sick of ; is tired
by
kippog N. INTR. has (a) little; has little ——
ko N. refuse, waste; remnant; cast off, left off
kootaarput or -rpaat N. (by numerals) at the time
kuluk n. pitiable; wretched
kuluppog V. NTR. rather little, tolerably
kkuppaa v. regards, deems, takes him for ——
kkut n., family, society, company
LLappoq, LLattiarpog V. NTR. a short time, a moment
LLattaarpog NTR. now and then, from time to time
LLarpog V. NTR. with speed; with might and main
LLargippog V. NTR. he is very clever in
laarpog V. NTR. but little; slowly
lawoq V. INTR. impulsively; in an unsteady state
le N. or v. but
leriwoq, eriwog N. INTR. is occupied with, has something to do
with
LtLeg N. (local superlative) the extreme one as to place, the
most
lerpog V. NTR. begins to ; 1s about to
lerpaa, serpaa (cf. erpaa) N. supplies him (it) with a
a on it
lerssaarpog V. NTR. intends to
lertorpog V. NTR. in short time
liaq 1, see tag; liarpog, see carpog
liag IL n. one who travels to a (place); one who is out hunting
or gathering
liorpoq, see corpog
lik, pl. rxi¢ N. having ——, supplied with
lon. or v. and; do—lo, both and
looneet or; looneet—looneet, either or
LLuarpog V. NTR. well, right; opportunely; completely; at all
LLuinnarpog V. NTR. wholly; completely
; places
§ 60
1062 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BuLL. 40
LLuppogq, luppog N. INTR. has (a) bad ; Vv. INTR. badly ——;
has a pain (in some part of his body)
lussinnarpog V. NTR. in vain
lusoog N. or V. like, as if it were
mmaag V. one who is practised in ——,, skilled in
mmaawog V. is practised in , Skilled in
mawog V. NTR. is in the state of
me N. or vy. (intensive) indeed, then
mmersorpog V. NTR. long time, long
mmippog rmippog N. (instrumentalis) makes a movement with
—— (that part of his body)
mineg N. a piece of ——, a fragment of
mio N. inhabitant of
misaarpog V. NTR. by little and little; weakly
mmioq, rmiog V. NTR. (rare) after all
mMiwog See imiWog
mukarpog, mmukarpog N. INTR. goes (is gone) in the direction
of ——
mukaarpog N. INTR. is situated in the direction of , faces
nag, rnag N. peculiar.
nnaaqg, nnaayua N. his dearest one, favorite, pet
nnaarpog V. NTR. enjoys to ——, with pleasure, continues to ——
naarpad, nnaarpa Vv. Makes it too ; finds it beyond his expec-
tations
narpog, nnarpog V. (this suffix gives the third person of the finite
verb a subjective sense; the third person is used thus for 1 as a
form of modesty; the impersonality =1); (passive; thus used in
all persons) is to be ——ed, is ed
naraa Vv. he thinks it ing
nawiarpog V. NTR. there is a risk that
will
naweerpog V. NTR. there is no longer any risk that
he (it) can not more
naweersarpaa V. prevents him from ——
ney (verb abstract; mode x11)
negarpog (passive suffix, especially of such verbs as are not used in
mode 11)
nerarpaa V. says that he (it) , says that he is
ner’ Luppog V. NTR. wrongly (cf. LLuppoq)
nerpoy V. NTR. I wonder whether , or if ——
neruwog V. NTR. (comparative) more
nag, niarpog NTR. aims at; endeavors
nnarpog (suffixed to local adverbs) goes (to) there
nnippoy (verbal derivative, of the verb abstract, mode x11)
§ 60
; most probably it
; now
BOAS] HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 1063
yaa, raa has him (it) for , he (it) is his
for ——; thinks him (it) to be
ynajak N., yajappog V. NTR. nearly, almost
yasaarpog N. is much frequented, full of ——
yaarpog V. NTR. in a high degree, very much
neck, yeet, reet; yeeput, reeput N. (or V.) pair, joined in pairs;
reciprocally, mutually
ynilag V. NTR. not (forms the negative conjugation in the verbs;
see §§ 32 et seq.)
Hippog, Tippog N. NTR. is good, has good ——- or nice ——
yoog (goog), roog N. or V. it is related, it is said to be ——
yyorpog N. INTR. becomes, grows; TRANS. makes him (it) be-
come —— .
Hyuag N., Yyuarpog V. NTR. little ——, dear little; with pleasure
yuppog (guppog) N. INTR. longs for ——
pait, passuit N. a multitude, a great many
palaag N., palaarpog Vv. NTR. worthless; trash
paLtLappog, paluppogy NTR. looks as if ——., sounds as if ;
behaves as if
pat’ Laarpog, See WaLLaarpog
piluk N., piluppog V. NTR. evil, bad
Pppog, rpog N. has caught a —-—; has put
Tad, See Yaa
reerpog V. NTR. has done with , has already ——
riarpog V. NTR. (in epic style) eagerly
rippog V. INTR. is skilled in -——, is master at ——
rgaa'niooput V. NTR. in emulation; they contend with ——
rgajarpog V. NTR. nearly, had nearly
rgammerpog V. NTR. just, just now
rgarpog V. NTR. hardly, with difficulty
rqgaarpog V. NTR. first
rquppog V. NTR. again
rgippog (cf. LLargippog) V. NTR. is able to
rqgissiwog V. INTR. is or can better now than before
rqissaarpog V. NTR. doing to the best of one’s ability; dili-
gently
rqgoorpog V. NTR. presumably; most likely
rgortoog N. hasa large ——, has a great ——
rquppog, rguppaa N. goes that way, along that side of it
rquvdaa V. NTR. wants him to ——, bids or asks him to; INTR.
wants himself to be —— ed by some one else
rLaag V. newly, recently .
rujuk N., rujuppog V. NTR. improper, improperly
rujonnuag wretched; miserable, pitiable
Trujussuag enormous; awfully
; takes him (it)
(one’s clothes) on
§ 60
1064 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [puny 40
rusuppog V. NTR. is inclined to ——, should like to ——
sarpaa Vv. (causative) works that he (it) ——
sarpog, see tarpog
ssaq N. future; something that may be used for ——
*ssawog V. NTR. (future tense) shall, will (cf. ssoog and ssua)
ssaarpog V. INTR. manifoldly
ssaarpog V. NTR. has ceased to ——
ssanawog V. NTR. thinks that he shall or will
serpad, see lerpaa
siaq N. bought; got into one’s possession
simaiwog V. NTR. (preterite, especially the perfect tense) pre-
sumably, likely
sinnaawog V. NTR. is able to; can
siorpog N. is out hunting ; is in search of ; moves, travels
in or on
siwog, ssiwog gets or has got ; comes into possession of ——;
comes across ——
ssippaa N. manufactures (that) to him which he shall have
ssoog <*ssawog (q. V.), 1 sing. ssooya,; 2 sing. ssootit; 3 sing. ssoog;
1 pl. ssoonut; 2 pl. ssoose; 3 pl. ssapput
soraa, soyaa Vv. thinks that he (it) ——, supposes that ——
ssuaa<*ssawaa (see ssawog), mode m1, 1 sing. sswara,; 2 sing.
ssuat; 3 sing. ssuaa; 1 pl. sswarput, ete.
ssudq N., ssuarpog v. great, big; large; wide; greatly, strongly,
largely
sunnippog N. INTR. has a smell or taste of
ssuseg V. (verb abstract, cf. neq)
ttaa°g, ssaa°g N. and v. also, too
taailiwaa Vv. prevents him (it) from
tag, sag, ssaq V. (passive participle, mode vur)
taq, sag, N. a part of ——; belonging to
taaq, saag N. a new ——
taurpog, saarpog N. has got a new ———
tarpog, sarpog V. NTR. (iterative) often, frequently; used to ——,
is in the habit of ——; knows how to
tev. (verb noun, mode vi)
tiyaa’y V. INTR. is so, is such
tiyaa Vv. is to him such; has him for his
tippaa, sippaa Vv. (causative) occasions him (it) to ——, makes
him ; INTR. makes himself ——
togaq, sogag N. old
torpog, sorpog, rssorpog employs it several times; eats it; uses it
toorpog V. NTR. it occurred to him that
tterpada, serpaa,; tteewog Vv. waits for
ttiag N., ttiarpog V. NTR. middling, moderate; pretty; a short time
§ 60
BOAS] HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 1065
twag N., tuarpog V. NTR. the only one; only, only one time
tuinnarpog V. NTR. assiduously, continuously
tuwog N. INTR. has a great ; has many ——
uarpog N. has too many
umaarpog, jumaarpog V. NTR. (future tense) will or shall in the
future, not immediately, but later on
umawog, jumawog V. NTR. (future) will, wishes to ——
unnarpog, junnarpog V. NTR. probably, most likely
unnaarpog V. NTR. no longer, no more
uppaa Vv. (this suffix transforms an intransitive verb into a transi-
tive, or gives the transitive verb another object) with regard
to him (it); and the other one too
useg V. State of , quality of
USAG, USSAG; TUSSAag, Qussag N. similar to ——; imitation of
usaarpog, ussaarpog N. represents , makes it represent -——;
plays that it is
ut (ssut; t) v. vehicle, instrument, medium, means by which ——;
the cause of ——
utiyaa V. by means of that; on that occasion, for that reason
ut N. owned; belonging to
uwog N. INTR. is , is a ——
WALLaarpog, paLLaarpog Vv. too much; in a very high degree
wik, see rik
winad, see Finaa
wik N., wippog V. NTR. proper; properly, strictly
§ 60
TEXT
KAASASSUK
(Fragment of a tale from North Greenland, recorded in Disco bay, 1901.)
Kaasasorujonuagq ' aLLineq”* ajormmat?’ tinumissaraluarLono‘ attanut®
Kaasasuk wretched little growth because not although they oughttohave onthedung-
able to taken him up hill
initarppaa't® ilaai? o,qas’sapput® ujaraannittoq® aLLiumaarpoqg
they used tothrow his place- used to say he being not a stone later on he will grow
him fellows :
intut = ani’sorssu’it’® pini/arttunik" ulikaartut’? naakisarppaait
houses very large with hunters filled they used to pity him
aLLisarumaLLono™ tinussarpaa‘t’ aLLineg ajormmat nulee’ o,gar-
wanting tomake himgrow theyusedtotake him growth because not his wife he
to them able to
Fen’issuaa’? aLLineq ajukasippoqg’* attanut in’issuk’ inippaa‘t”®
used to say to her growth he is unfortunately onthedung-° throw him they threw him
unable to hill out
tinusissaiirimmat*! arnarquasaap~ tinowaa*? okkarme*™ ineqarLLune ”
(she) being without any an old woman she took him in the front- having her place
hope of (any other) foster to her wall platform
child
1 Kaasasorujonuaq< Kaasasuk + ruju(k) POOR WRETCH + yuaqLiITTLE. u>v before r and y (§§ 10-11).
K. is the object of tiyumissaraluarLoyo tyitarpaaitt.
2aLLiwog GROWS, aLLineg verb abstract.
3 ajormat mode Ix of ajorpog IS UNABLE TO.
4tigumiwaa (= tiyummiwaa) HE TAKES HIM WITH HIS HAND Or INTO HIS ARMS. Suffixes: ssa(r)
+ alwaqg + loyo (mode VI).
5 Allative of attdt (only in the plural).
6{yi(ppaa) + tar(paa) mode 111, third person plural.
7 ila COMPANION, FELLOW (house-fellow or place-fellow), third person plural possessive.
8o0qa(rpoqg) +ssa(wog).
Sujara(k) + a<u(woq) + yyi(lag) mode vil.
l0qyi(wog) IS BIG + sog (mode VII) + ssuagq, in plural sswit.
ll pé THING, SOMETHING + niar(poqg) + to(q) mode VII + nik instrumentalis.
2 yulikaar(pog) IS FILLED + tog, plural tut, mode v1I.
Bpnaak(aa) (conjugation Il) + sar(ppaa).
l4qzuLi(woq) (cf. note 2) + sar(paa) + uma(wog) + Lovo (mode v1) third person singular,
15 tinu(waa) + sar(pad) mode III.
16nule + e fourth person singular,
Noqa(rpoqg) (see note 8) + Fey(aa) (conjugation 11) + ssua<ssawaa future tense, mode 111, third
person singular, :
8 ajo(rpog) + kasi(k)(poq).
19Imperative transitive singular (cf. note 6).
20 Cf. note 6.
21 tinusi(woq) TAKES HIM TO HERSELF (e.g., as her foster-child) [ef. notes 4,15] + ssa + erup(paa),
mode x, third person singular (AS, SINCE).
2 arna(q) WOMAN + quasaa(q) (obsolete) OLD.
23 The transitive verb corresponding to the intransitive liyustwog (ci. note 21).
24 Locative singular<okkag.
ine PLACE + qar(poq) + Lune mode YI, fourth person singular.
1066
BOAS] HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 1067
tinummanulo” piniartut kamaéLuutik”” arnarquasaaq Kaasiissummik
and after having the hunters they being angry the old woman : Kaasassuk
taken him
tinusimmat** torssoonut*® pissippaa't torssooneelerppoq* uLLaakut *
because she had into the entrance- they moved he began to live in the on the morrow
taken him to her passage him entrance-passage
anilerunik®? kammiut tinussuaat** anaataralono* gqimmit*® torsoo-
when they were the boot- they would take using it to thrash the dogs because they
about to go out stretcher it with
neetarmmata*® arnaquasaarLo*” ilanuLLono* anaalerttarppaa't*
usually stay in the and the old woman considering her as they used to thrash her
entrance-passage his partner
anuniarunik* tikikkunik*! anusimaLuutik*? katammik Kaasassuk
when they caught when they came having caught seals from the inner Kaasassuk
seals home entrance-hole
nuisso0q * ginasinut*! assamminik* qaqissuaat*® anussatik*? qalatta-
heshallascend bythenostrils withtheirfingers they wouldlifthim their capture when it
rinnata*® natsermmut*® poonutaq ilissuaat nererqu’siLLu’tiLLo™
was boiled on the floor a dish they would and when they were invited
put it to eat
neRRisissapput®*! Kaasassuk kisime*® saweqarane®* mikaainar-
they would get the meat Kaasassuk he only having no knife using only
LLune* neresarppoq® arqalannera®® sualuppat®’ kinutaai peear-
his teeth he used to eat the tearing it off if he scolded histeeth they taking
26 Cf. note 23, mode x + lo AND.
21 <ka'map(poq) mode v1, fourth person plural.
28 The object of an intransitive verb is set in instrumentalis ( Kaastissummik).
29 <torssoot (only in plural).
30 forssoo(t) + ne (locative) + ip(poqg) Is THERE + ler(poq) BEGINS TO, mode II, third person singular.
31 wLLaa(q) in the prosecutive.
22 ani(woq) + ler(poq) mode x1, fourth person plural.
33Cf, note 23, + ssu(aa) mode I11, third person plural.
34*qnaawvie A STICK TO BEAT WITH + ra + loyo VI, third person singular.
35 <gimme(q).
36 Cf. note 30, + tar(poq) mode x, third person plural.
37 L0 AND indicates that they thrashed both Kaasassuk and the old woman.
38 <ilayup(paa) mode vi, third person singular, MAKES IT (Or HIM, HER) A PART (ila) OF SOME
OTHER THING,
39 anaaler{paa) + tar(paa) mode i111, third person plural.
40 ayu(woqg) CATCH + niar(poqg) mode XI.
4. <tikip(poq) mode x1.
2 ayu(woqg) [cf. note 40] + stma(woq) mode VI.
8 nui(woqg) + ssu(oq) (future).
44 giya(q) in the prosecutive.
4 assak in fourth person possessive and Iacieorueatalle plural.
46 gaqi(wad) + ssu(ada).
47 Cf. note 40, in mode VIII, fourth person plural.
48 galap(poqg) + tar(e) irregular, mode x, third person plural.
49 na’tseq in the allative.
50 neri(woq) EAT + qu(waa) INVITE + si(woqg) mode VI + lo AND.
51 <neri( = nege?) + si + ssa(oq) mode I, third person singular. nerri-, cf. nerrikippog IS ACCUSTOMED
TO EAT ONLY LITTLE (Kleinschmidt, Ordbog, p. 426).
52 See § 47.
53 sawi(k) + gar(poq) + a negative.
54 mikkappog especially PLUCKS THE HAIR OF A SKIN BY MEANS OF THE TEETH.
5 neri(woq) + sar(pog).
56 argalap(paa) + neq verb abstract, third person possessive.
57 Mode XI, third person singular.
1068 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 40
Lonit®’ kittinneq ajulissuaa®® nerissane® _kinotaarotariname “
them out the biting he began to be his food because he was deprived of
unable to his teeth
ataatip’ nivinileraanamiuk® sawimminik™ tunisarppaa® isu-
one because she (orhe) usedtopity him her (or his) knife she used to give him he
maliulerppoq® innuit pissiissartartut® nakuarsuanorLLutitito®
begins to ponder men using to train their and growing very strong
strength
ilaaine®® itSerame”? gaqqamut majuarppoq qaqiLLonolo™ torLLo-
onceupona whenheawoke onthemountain he ascended and climbing he called
day
laarppoq pissaap inu”a” mnaa”k maaneepona alakkarppaalo”
loudly strength’s its genius where here I am and he made his
(are you)? appearance to him
teriiinniag anisorujussuaq’! maaneepona ersilerporLo” qaarquaalo”
a fox immensely big . here I am and he begins to fear and he calls on
him to approach
ersenaqunnane™ ofnnippaa” tikikkaane™ oqarppoq’ pa’miuma *
bidding him not tofear he went towards he arriving at he (the fox) said “Of my tail
him him him
nooiittinut®! tenoonna® tinuwaa immuppaalo* ’pi’ssipporLo®
by the end of it take hold of me’’ He took hold and he wrapped it and (the fox) made
of it around himself a jump
silaa’narmilo* qa’nattarppog ‘tukkamilo® anninnilaq® ogarFinaalo
and in the air he rose aloft and falling down he felt no pain and he said to him,
on the earth
8 pe (ef. note 11) + éar(poq) mode v1, third person plural.
59Cf. note 18, + ler(poq) + ssu(a).
60 Cf. note 55, mode vill, fourth person singular.
61 kinuta(q) + erup(poqg) + tare (cf. note 48).
®ataaseg ONE (in the relative ataatsip or ataatip).
8 ndéLLiy(a) conjugation I + ler(pog) + aa(y) mode x, fourth person subject, third person object,
singular.
64 sawi(k) third person possessive, instrumentalis.
6 tuni(waa) + sar(paa).
66 jsuma THOUGHT + lio(rpoq) MAKES + ler(poq).
67 pissa(k) STRENGTH + sar(poq) GET + tar(poq) in mode vil.
8 nakua(q) STRONG + sua(q) GREAT, VERY + yor(poq) mode VI, fourth person plural + lo AND.
69 {Ja in the locative, literally IN (ON) ONE OF THEM (viz., the Gays).
707’/terpog mode X, fourth person singular.
11 ga/gip(paa) (mode VI, third person singular) + lo.
72 inuk in third person possessive singular.
73-10 AND.
74ayi(woqg) IS BIG + so(q) (mode VII) + ruju(k) + ssuaq.
76 -Jo AND.
76ersin(@) IS AFRAID OF + qu(waa) + na negative, fourth person singular.
77 = ornippaa mode m1, third person singular.
78 Mode 1x, fourth person singular HE (Kaasassuk) ARRIVING AT HIM (the fox). The object of
ARRIVING AT is the same person as the subject of the governing verb (ogarpog), viz., the fox; there-
fore the fourth-person suffix is used. If the meaning of the word had been HE (the fox) ARRIVING
AT HIM (Kaasassuk), the compound suffix would have been (k)inne.
79 The fox is of course the genius of strength.
86 pamiog TAIL first person singular, relative.
81 nook (the third person possessive singular nooa) prosecutive case.
8 Mode 1, first person singular <tiyuwaa = tiguwaa.
83-19 AND = Lo (1 becomes unvoiced after k, q, t).
8! sila THE SPACE OUTSIDE OF THE HOUSE, THE AIR, THE WEATHER + -innag ONLY, MERE + mé
(locative) + lo AND.
85 tup(poq) mode x, fourth person singular + Jo.
86 anner(pog) SMARTS, ACHES + ypilaq negative.
87 ogar(poq) SAYS, TELLS + -Fiyaa + lo AND.
Boas] HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 1069
kenumut* qiviareet® takuvaalo pennuit katasimmaLiono™
“back look behind you!”’ and he saw playthings (the fox) shaking it off
teriinniarLo ogarpoq aLLineq*® ajootitit®? penuaaro’mattoona’wit®
and the fox said, “ srowing the reason why because you have been without
you are unable to any plaything
aLLineq ajorputit aamalo™“ pa’miu’ma nooattiyut tinumma®
growth youare unable Once more of wy tail by the tip of it take hold of me.”
to.
immuppaa pissipporLo orLonnilaq ogarFinaalo tiissa nakuarsuannog™
he wrapped it and he (fox) he(K.)didnot andhesaidto ‘‘thisis growing very strong
around made a jump fall down him
a’ternearit” at*erLune imminut® malonilerpog® nakoannortune™
go down” he going down to himself he began to feel himself growing strong
ujarassuiLLo™ ani’sorssuit’” sarmmiLLonit!® artonnilaai! inLuLLo!®™
and the big stones enormous upsetting them he mastered them and of the
(bowlders) house
kittinanut’® pimmat’” meeraqataasa’® aluttoraat!, ete.
the border of it as he came his fellow-children they were fascinated ete.
with him,
88*keyo (in possessive keyua) THE BACK OF IT; keyomut allative.
89 — giwiarit mode I, second person singular.
%7 AND HE SAW THE FOX SHAKING PLAYTHINGS OFF HIS BODY (out of his fur) katap(paa) + sima-
(waa) mode VI, third person singular.
%t aLLiwog mode XII.
® <ajoolippaa? IS UNABLE TO CARRY OUT A WORK, OR TO BUY SOMETHING = djooppaa, mode Ix
irregular (obsolete form).
8 penua(q) + er(paa) + up(paa) + ma(woq) + toor (poqg) mode x.
Sfqama AGAIN + lo,
% Cf. note 82, same mode and person, irregular.
Snakua(q) STRONG + sua(q) VERY, GREATLY + oq rare form for -y00q IT IS SAID.
7 ater (poq) +niar(pog) mode I, second person singular.
8imme SELF, allative.
99maloy(aa) + ler(poq).
100 nakua(q) + yor(poqg) mode VI.
lol wjara(k) + swa(q) (in the plural swit) + lo.
12 qyi(wog) IS BIG, mode VII + sua(q) plural.
103 sarmip(paa) mode yi, third person plural.
lof artor(paa) DOES NOT MASTER, negative, mode 111, third person plural.
105 7zLo relative + lo.
106 kizLi(k) (possessive kintiya) allative NEAR TO, CLOSE TO.
107 pi(woqg) mode x, third person singular.
108 meera(q) + qat(e) relative, third person plural.
109 qluttoraa mode 111, third person plural.
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