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SMITHSONIAN INSTITUTION
BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY
BULLETIN 40
HANDBOOK OF
AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES
BY
FRANZ BOAS
PART 2
WITH ILLUSTRATIVE SKETCHES
By EDWARD SAPIR, LEO J. FRACHTENBERG,
AND WALDEMAR BOGORAS
WASHINGTON
GOVERNMENT PRINTING OFFICE
1922
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LETTER OF TRANSMITTAL
SMITHSONIAN INSTITUTION,
BuREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY,
Washington, D. C., February 20, 1911.
Sir: I have the honor to submit for publication, subject to your
approval, as Bulletin 40, Part 2, of this Bureau, the manuscript of a
portion of the Handbook of American Indian Languages, prepared
under the editorial supervision of Dr. Franz Boas.
Yours, respectfully,
F. W. Hopes,
Ethnologist in Charge.
Dr. CHartes D. WaLcorTt,
Secretary of the Smithsonian Institution.
Ill
envurneyl enone
waoiiovart 2zananek. ao aed ot
FERGAL .O8 eros), atgnekuall a
‘ Varios my foutdus tciatne ’uidue tot tierdie of Pas oily eved
mere dy iwveucaur oi!) cesiut! ail? lo Sao OF Witenes eae
pERONY sounuycnT anihol “eet! wiih. lo donald wit tou ited
; oot sqovt aC to melee gue leinottbe sain
el Linaigeo's vo a
ih
i
RE) Gincoll
re i) Ky sai! 4
ri "° rrpooa TT AT an. me)
Sn aed
a
orholtecth pippcegant al Yo adie q
Dh chs ue» Aes
a
. MTA ene ft ‘ ot ;
MLE eee a TREN NS Tae
CONTENTS
Page
The Takelma language of southwestern Oregon, by Edward Sapir......... 1
Bee ik Js HIACHLENDOLS .. .< 5-2 =. oven Se we ne bone gee eel dee eee 297
Siuslawan (Lower Umpqua), by Leo J. Frachtenberg...........-......... 481
fumes, by Waldemar Boporas).7 2...) -. 22... 2n4 4 woes. cece ec tes de teen) EOE
poy cite
biawbal vd anges, crpodan wily ui to cpa dal
ATWATHOD
ed
+. RIRC Dt yard HS vod
woiiaaioues Avand yd ferpqa} sowodl e
- yoo tamahlnl, va
THE TAKELMA LANGUAGE OF SOUTH-
WESTERN OREGON
EDWARD SAPIR
3045°—Bull. 40, pt 2—12——1 1
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CONTENTS
SNM ROMUMCLIOT Ea)... auras ot Ratna AE Rtn. SOS a cinin meng oe tiem nin Ameena See
See Ee GNOUYS. MNase -2e Sete S26 Sime ane cine = Se <i miee me e ee
aes MRTOTES Re Cle anata a hc ripe inc ee neve Sas aris eek
§§ 3-11. Vowels...... ial ey a Oedipal tency Jere neal ar at
0 VEEL EDs SPS) 2s a | pe lp ae ged ha whe a... palpaee ee O
Retin CMMONTOISC Ree ne ose oo erie x pumensinn = een me ene
COORDS 2 See OI OC] DEC TC 2: | ee a aa Re a SR
Divan. ViNGAliC pnGeeHnes estate ee ee ees mbewee
Rae Wer Wena eee ete ct Ns ee eee
So MME PSST ATL ES Toei NT 1 Dae Se aad J Alginate inte paar et ee
SIAL S EE OLE Siete ie ne te, elt Sie eleaktacepcempee ana ee. AE he
§ 9. K-sounds preceded by u-vowels...................---:----
Rey od Liem ey Mi ee eee en Ae ne eg eeeca ped ance eee
§ 11. Simplification of double diphthongs...._.................
peel te onanmaminee fee eet ee ep we weep kee Poeekee amie
Roe Pp Sioe OMCOMMP MAMA, onc ac ne ce se acne nee ange ahs renoees
Gales Mini Camagnnae aS ee eet eke. oe ogg nape oe Hee nee menos
be it. Consonant combinations... ...---------«-ce+cks Ge scukccewa
Seer Morag Weta Onn Anode ae kas ee rad aceon Meee cee eae
pio:, Indialecombmations......cod- --Lessssss -364-.--\.2-252%
SiG Bimal eomiemations... 36 el wos 8 Soap agar as epee ree
Soe, Medualccomsenahigna ee To ae wc ace tease seemene
Wal -ee, WumtinOMEREMeOReHeN Soe oe. eee g-spot ede nsec
Pils: Dronpine of final consonante.- oaks hen eee eee
§ 19. Simplification of doubled consonants...........--..-------
PCs Herre yA Sos oe ence: as iene eee ay
Rial Wanradation Of % to and Mo.) eee en ee ce ceee ees need
Pee Ci ME IROMEN TE ELOD ce eal ne nen feces Oe asa E tee eee
§ 23. Influence of place and kind of accent on manner of articula-
coe OLE RENO sa sarapn he qt BAR Sein vec coon as teens Shou
ee eee EOP R (OR Wri so) 2 atc Bases 4-aeee = oa win pp oan eh eee oedee
Pe REMMI MOOME DOU cyt ee tenes ates cen epec tic ers odenes toe apenas
pawe-oos (arammatieal processes. loo do. nen c rc eelecs peeecceuees
Bera EOC SEO MAGI ah or ee cee crm auld beats cee cece ceed ee
Re mekane (iKcONE A gem ie is ieee aes se i ein ene oe ee oe
NEL US, CUTEST i Ciclo) am ae Meee ingle ieee ta esa Maen ae
AGL. IMM ores os Cotes eee gear paid dh tone Ueceten eens ars ional een, See
Reem OOM a ee ee ores Shep nerant note Page es oee
Wrokemn Osea agivyose nS ene ee ey ce sore Se Re cs
Rice MOM ROMA ME- aA Wied cose teRot, a acer eae eek eran ode eee eee eae
Soeeoo Ld The: verb. - ct los.- 2... Be cage elite hee sa ma peer hayes fi Rot At) fare
ree POR IRCHOE Mae tS cue Mie Poe eee ee ce nee oan oe
eae chante Were premKed: i. ooo ect l se tae eee ek et See eens
§ 34. | SCRA Ca Te tg a pape pe page aeie ty icles, peahgt eA i GeMyh eh S peat
Mom mcnepOrred NOUN <1. enor cnaate ae ae etic sect eee ee wet
Bao. inode -parh reieed! Sct word oh ee hes bodes el
Rk ARG ES BORE Se td ore ret eres Detect. oes Seine Se eee
SAO CALMS CCUMON GAN Gas ets core eae nie oe ei et ae Sie Soe oa
4
§§ 25-115. Morphology—Continued.
§§ 33-83. I.
§§ 39, 40
§ 39.
§ 40.
§§ 41-58.
§ 41.
§ 42.
§ 43.
§$ 4
§§ 5
§ 58
§§ 59-67
§ 59
§ 60
§ 61
§§ 6
§ 67.
§§ 68-72.
§ 68.
§ 69.
§ 70.
§ 71.
§ 72.
§§ 73-83.
§ 73.
§ 74.
§§7
§§7
CONTENTS
The verb—Continued.
> 2. Hormation of verb-svemigess —- 2-2. 522 -4-42
(Generaleremankaec es. ss ay tere ya ee eee
‘Types of stem-formavion. ..025= 4. /-<22ee<6
3. Verbal suffixes of derivation..............--
(Generalinemarks: 222s. eees se es ee ee ERT eh
4-51.
§ 44.
§ 45.
§ 46.
§ 47.
§ 48.
§ 49.
§ 50.
§ 51.
2-57.
§ 52.
§ 53.
§ 54.
§ 55.
§ 56.
Indirective -d- (-s-)
Indirective -(a)n (an)- ‘“‘for”’
. 4, Temporal-modal and pronominal elements
.: Imtroductory.sen-.c a eee ee ee
. Tntransitaives, class ll ae ee oi
> Imtransitives: classless ae ee eee ee
Rramsit ives Class sleet sem. er may oe ee
General TOmiatkS co. wits ae te ees
Transitive subject pronouns......-.......
Connecting ~#- an@t-..28 262 sense sec. c-
Forms without connecting vowel......-.-
2-66.
§ 62.
§ 63.
§ 64.
§ 65.
§ 66. Passives
5. Auxiliary and subordinating forms.......-
Subordinating forms
Uses of potential and inferential
Introductory
5~78.
§ 75.
§ 76.
wee
§ 78.
9-82.
§ 79.
§ 80.
Passive participle in -zap‘ (-sap‘)
Frequentatives and usitatives.......--.---.-.-
ETTraM siti Vie SULUXCS* <5 nese as ee ee
Generaliremarke:. 22.4.5. ee ee
CaUsatlVve(@)iR. fas ssc wae Dee
Comatative =(0) QW. 22s. os sae eee
dnrdirectivie (G2 dasa. sea ee ee ee
Tndarecttve =(d))anda=.¢ Jacec ea cae ee
Indirect reflexive -gwa-......-...-.------
tran Sitihye SUiiXCH ae seen ee eee
General remuinks. 25.5 ome pee ee
ACHING AMT ram STi =e ee ee
Rietlexdivier=qwi=.ueee ee aeee eee See
Reciprocal “han: sia Seiatdines Latib
INOn-acentivelt==-5-ee ores see nee eee
SiO. qe OSERIONS a7 toa sae eee eee
~ Imipersonal, sae o.oo ae ee ee
Verbs:of mixed class: iclsa Viewer
Periphrastic fabures) 22a ee
Periphrastic phrases in na(g)- ‘‘do, act”’....--
Conditionals ..... 22 2cemse PSE SAB eh itn
6. Nominal and adjectival derivatives. .-..-.--
DSU VOS. «22. omen ks oe ee ee
Participles. 2.2.22. 220 eee ee
General remarks... 2 262. ee eee
Active participle im =0' 2. . Sacer
Passive participle in -(a)k‘Y, -i‘k°"......--
INOIIME-OL GPENCY .\. . .. 22. nce
Wmitodactory.. 22. .sn.\- 5. eee
Nouns of agency in -(a’)&s..........-----
CONTENTS
§§ 25-115. Morphology—Continued.
§§ 33-83. I. The verb—Continued.
§§ 73-83. 6. Nominal and adjectival derivatives—Continued.
§§ 79-82. Nouns of agency—Continued.
Sials Nomnsiot apeney im =F S00 os. 2 2s oc non oe ie wets
Sion. ONE Gi APONEY TH Pisco ote ote kee ee eae eben cde
SPCR Gs WR TT, hn tm ink Siew eal Ona 3 Eyal SL a Se Se
ert lee, TES re tener Sota hs apa SH wie Hire Sit ae ots =<
ie NEO MRROU YS Scie c eae oct 8 ei angele aie Meee eo op
Peay et el: MNGMINEAN BUPUES oe. 0 oon ae en cel meres tele se cance nee aes
Nsoce a eneralmemarkiiss 422 2. Soc. ieee ate a ee aoe ok eee
eee: Evpes of stem ormaiiene 2. ott ode sctek 2s oes os ee
Bete 2 OU CERWVARION. «<2 - cose c tee dap on ee csdesae ee she
praiy MOChivaline: SUibeesweces ener te Ot 25 2 a aoa oe ne he ee ear
AG 9 SFY 910101 SR ase ne a og Te
§ 89. 3. Noun-characteristics and pre-pronominal -7-...........-....
NTO Oost. HEGASCHSL VG SULCON: oe oases oe ciple eros siete ae eee eeu
Seine icra retake Sas Jee nc ay ete 2 Sent oe SOS Ah
hee Termns.ef relataonshipe<.c2- 3 lvu . acjavios - ae. - 1 Feweweh.. alexe
Nop echemes scan dulWlecc. nae. en ae No ee ee Sees oe
f- U3. POsscEsL Ves. With pre-positives . ......-2---:--.+.-+-.s5-5-2
eco. Dieiocal gmamnesssOui<s). 32h. 32 ed. 2b. Se.
P0d., JrOnerie TOMAR KE date ol eects. - Ee Semin Es be
ten Re (OCU 0c ae San aoe kg So Seen sweets See ee ee
PA ae MUL SRETINOMES eee Set ee a eet tk Soe oegee one cote debecas Clepite
§§ 97-102. 6. Post-nominal:elements... 2: 5). . 5522... -.26 22252 n-2 se
rere, POUIARR Es oe a es a a ee a
ier eeu RINE Cs ate cath eee SOR Gago MN Sk owl es eake
§ 99. Plural -t‘an (-han, -klan)..........------- EAN ES ee Se A
SNES ESB: 1 AE ae ee Sten dia et Ee Seo ey See rs 9.
Bet MCN er es tae ie SIs eS ce eae he reat
2) SUID fag D eS aL Sli Ne ts de Ol aah tag hence ih eararermar he: BN eso latent eet od
§§ 103-105. III. The pronoun....... Srevivaniea..- Savi: ..Totadine.”
§ 103. Independent personal pronouns. ...........-..----------+-----
§ 104. Demonstrative pronouns and adverbs.........-.-------------
§ 105. Interrogative and indefinite pronouns............-......-....
Peele, EV, The adiectivesccprk < ia -peeenee sires - setts eee tg
Bettis CeCMCEAr POMINRRE 4 cial Sc on pce hae oa on pe le
Beene NCC LiVEl PRENXES. +2. csc seec come ws ane oh cease dedse wale
S03: Adjectaval derivative sutiixes: 2.55.52. .2. 2202.24! 2h!
Rberaee Sita TOritOUG oc s Bes oe Re Sea Ap ap hae as ae ne
SES TUTIG) TET VS SUT ges el FS ete ot ae SG ag, ee ee eee ene
pee Cnrdrbaler. SOA REE Sled A OL eet AE A
pb itiewemoeralb adverbial... po. $4 Velen. Tcke-l.- Seseea.g
eee tie VE. Adverts and. particles... -.2 22 8. nee ah 9 a
Ss Liesl bng(eve otal bic wire es ae eo a arg eR ay ga cae
§ 113. Simple adverbs. ....:--..-...-:- et ATG 8s). Si eae
NeMRSE AEM Conk trees Coy a to ie Lee ee 32 ee Se ee
eRe UNG OTICE RINE (So 8 le vee eo oes is sic neve ce aepenea soe
eeeatiehisions’. 9s bY 0 vis EL QUEL LL BE a8 ae Sas
Appendix A: 1. Comparative table of pronominal forms.................-..-
2. Scheme of seven voices in six tense-modes.......-.....--.--
S.Sge AUS SE 2/60) 7) pai 21 gag 3 ela gegen ei a ane anny 62
Appendix B: Specimen texts with analysis.......-...-- Setid tet wie ee eee
PEE tie toh te has | MaUniteO) cae OPE
Cen a oo ‘Ue
bid hd, es 't
en ne ae
hy ey,
. pe T,)
\ f if
’ ae aie tie I
a 145 A ‘ io
< y : elo eel AR. i s ‘(7h th
¥ Re ¢ y . » ae
‘ ty iJ s
HEB one fies Sandtnoyl ) S2-ORe
-poamie in ude SeRy ey f'
af rion Yo nd TE BO"
st aa ara A AB'G”
2 Shady cml eet:
Wy Oe pps TURE: pee
et ee. tL TM HES
5x; ae ae i att Na eid ase
re yon RBH vies ; eo od T AT, SOtee
ae, Gy Tay STS ete p> roto imint » uC
a ey . ana Initinoet J oe ae ;&
; hee. ising - sete my Be Gin ie
¥
—-
nat
=
’
ot 7
4 4 .
~* hy <>
ce ia lk ee cosa Arist 1 SEE Soe “34
[SSS =A 'h
bow oho 3 “. Rovuiveebp eae < 88,5 ‘e
ir, Oe ia * ;
re exes Siti ieeis TB: = es:
bagel? Reg?
, *« x, Pray wt i, bite orl cied> aitD “¢70
poe “P39 oh Diy . Kaltes ont ‘ae
; Be Say pied Ratan ak, eee a _ ob uatiort farting ne a me
Pa fers! > ..,.. (ieoh eer keene te Org
oF Ay : nT Sale th eaaa 30.5
/ AS Rone caw parvieenaOT LOFT : m
_tmenty hoot 2 2a
inch ftseed Kea SK:
;
So Aleog-ant. Rag as
santo Cg Sie
. comels Teghinineet 8 SOnate
44 a Tseuin Wasadb iy bn ste A
NOT ly . mye rig eae
: ak i ’ Mf ea me se ics Oy. As
: ie ie tas Cite
4 giver fore i
pd sek ore pone P 2 ee Ea ae 4
: bens, as toon ah TIY woe ’
ECON Sales a) nia jagsoe Janhaogrbal, 80s
ot ie _-: pas oe uanocsy viata re
rales Saleh 6 Siete mR gS oe a en LO
i ted a |
“ae ‘siti levigaoyb atk
: A y i geste y ”
Bar tia ssn: nn edb as ee ole * ed ’ is :
eer aaa holo
* glace 4 * afd
os 2 i! Peat tip [i ane Lycee
an, Ot fue ron ; “Faneid
cae es aes x boo Wt ae N= eb sep ee Pa" ee
be ee ee
ih ae io
leith Pe )
. © ' a
bag aii
ee. Lianne:
5 9, ogee od aise furdts’ Rvs;
THE TAKELMA LANGUAGE OF SOUTHWESTERN
OREGON
By Epwarp Sapir
§ 1. INTRODUCTION
The language treated in the following pages was spoken in the
southwestern part of what is now the state of Oregon, along the
middle portion of Rogue river and certain of its tributaries. It,
together with an upland dialect of which but a few words were
obtained, forms the Takilman stock of Powell. The form “Takelma’”’
of the word is practically identical with the native name of the tribe,
Dagelma’*n THOSE DWELLING ALONG THE RIVER (sce below, § 87, 4);
there seems to be no good reason for departing from it in favor of
Powell’s variant form.
The linguistic material on which this account of the Takelma
language is based consists of a series of myth and other texts, pub-
lished by the University of Pennsylvania (Sapir, Takelma Texts,
Anthropological Publications of the University Museum, vol. u, no. 1,
Philadelphia, 1909), together with a mass of grammatical material
(forms and sentences) obtained in connection with the texts. A
series of eleven short medicine formulas or charms have been pub-
lished with interlinear and free translation in the Journal of Ameri-
can Folk-Lore (xx, 35-40). A vocabulary of Takelma verb, noun,
and adjective stems, together with a certain number of derivatives,
will be found at the end of the ‘‘Takelma Texts.’”’ Some manu-
script notes on Takelma, collected in the summer of 1904 by Mr.
H. H. St. Clair, 2d, for the Bureau of American Ethnology, have
been kindly put at my disposal by the Bureau; though these consist
mainly of lexical material, they have been found useful on one or
two points. References like 125.3 refer to page and line of my
Takelma Texts. Those in parentheses refer to forms analogous to
*the ones discussed.
7
8 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 40
The author’s material was gathered at the Siletz reservation of
Oregon during a stay of a month and a half in the summer of 1906,
also under the direction of the Bureau of American Ethnology.
My informant was Mrs. Frances Johnson, an elderly full-blood
Takelma woman. Her native place was the village of Dak‘ts!asim or
Daldani‘k*, on Jump-off-Joe creek (Dip!élts!v’lda), a northern affluent
of Rogue river, her mother having come from a village on the upper
course of Cow creek (HagwGl). Despite her imperfect command of
the English language, she was found an exceptionally intelligent
and good-humored informant, without which qualities the following
study would have been far more imperfect than it necessarily must
be under even the very best of circumstances.
In conclusion I must thank Prof. Franz Boas for his valuable
advice in regard to several points of method and for his active
interest in the progress of the work. It is due largely to him that I
was encouraged to depart from the ordinary rut of grammatical
description and to arrange and interpret the facts in a manner that
seemed most in accordance with the spirit of the Takelma language
itself.
PHONOLOGY (§§ 2-24)
§ 2. Introductory
In its general phonetic character, at least as regards relative harsh-
ness or smoothness of acoustic effect, Takelma will probably be found
to occupy a position about midway between the characteristically
rough languages of the Columbia valley and the North Californian
and Oregon coast (Chinookan, Salish, Alsea, Coos, Athapascan, Yurok)
on the one hand, and the relatively euphonious languages of the
Sacramento valley (Maidu, Yana, Wintun) on the other, inclining
rather to the latter than to the former.
From the former group it differs chiefly in the absence of voice-
less l-sounds (z, #7 x!) and of velar stops (q, g, g/); from the latter,
1 What little has been learned of the ethnology of the Takelma Indians will be found incorporated in
two articles written by the author and entitled Notes on the Takelma Indians of Southwestern Oregon, in
American Anthropologist, n. S., 1X, 251-275; and Religious Ideas of the Takelma Indians of Southwestern
Oregon, in Journal of American Folk-Lore, XX, 33-49.
2 Tn the myths, ? is freely prefixed to any word spoken by the bear. Its uneuphonious character is evi-
dently intended to match the coarseness of the bear, and for this quasi-rhetorical purpose it was doubtless
derisively borrowed from the neighboring Athapascan languages, in which it occurs with great frequency.
The prefixed sibilant s* serves in a similar way as a sort of sneezing adjunct to indicate the speech of
thecoyote. Gwi/di WHERE? says the ordinary mortal; /gwi’di, the bear; s-gwi/di, the coyote.
§2
BOAS] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES—TAKELMA 9
in the occurrence of relatively more complex consonantic clusters,
though these are of strictly limited possibilities, and hardly to be
considered as difficult in themselves.
Like the languages of the latter group, Takelma possesses clear-
cut vowels, and abounds, besides, in long vowels and diphthongs;
these, together with a system of syllabic pitch-accent, give the Takel-
ma language a decidedly musical character, marred only to some
extent by the profusion of disturbing catches. The line of cleavage
between Takelma and the neighboring dialects of the Athapascan stock
(Upper Umpqua, Applegate Creek, Galice Creek, Chasta Costa) is thus
not only morphologically but also phonetically distinct, despite re-
semblances in the manner of articulation of some of the vowels and
consonants. Chasta Costa, formerly spoken on the lower course of
Rogue river, possesses all the voiceless /-sounds above referred to; a
peculiar illusive q/, the fortis character of which is hardly as prominent
as in Chinook; a voiced guttural spirant 7, as in North German Tage;
the sonants or weak surds dj and 2 (rarely); a voiceless interdental
spirant ¢ and its corresponding fortis ¢¢/; and a very frequently oc-
curring @ vowel, as in English nur. All of these are absent from
Takelma, which, in turn, has a complete labial series (6, p’, p!, m),
whereas Chasta Costa has only the nasal m (labial stops occur appar-
ently only in borrowed words, bé¢i’ cat <pussy). The fortis k!, com-
mon in Takelma, seems in the Chasta Costa to be replaced by q!; the
Takelma vowel di, found also in California, is absent from Chasta
Costa; r is foreign to either, though found in Galice Creek and Shasta.
Perhaps the greatest point of phonetic difference, however, between
the Takelma and Chasta Costa languages lies in the peculiar long
(doubled) consonants of the latter, while Takelma regularly simpli-
fies consonant geminations that would theoretically -appear in the
building of words. Not enough of the Shasta has been published to
enable one to form an estimate of the degree of phonetic similarity
that obtains between it and Takelma, but the differences can hardly
be as pronounced as those that have just been found to exist in the
case of the latter and Chasta Costa.
This preliminary survey seemed necessary in order to show, as far
as the scanty means at present at our disposal would allow, the
phonetic affiliations of Takelma. Attention will now be directed to
the sounds themselves.
§ 2
10 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY (BULL. 40
Vowels (§§ 3-11) Ap,
§ 3. General Remarks
The simple vowels appear, quantitatively considered, in two
forms, short and long, or, to adopt a not inappropriate term, pseudo-
diphthongal. By this is meant that a long vowel normally con-
sists of the corresponding short vowel, though generally of greater
quantity, plus a slight parasitic rearticulation of the same vowel
(indicated by a small superior letter), the whole giving the effect of a
diphthong without material change of vowel-quality in the course
of production. The term PSEUDO-DIPHTHONG is the more justified
_in that the long vowel has the same absolute quantity, and experi-
ences the same accentual and syllabic treatment, as the true diph-
thong, consisting of short vowel + 2, u, 1, m, or n. If the short
vowel be given a unitary quantitative value of 1, the long vowel
(pseudo-diphthong) and ordinary diphthong will have an approxi-
mate value of 2; while the long diphthong, consisting of long vowel
+ i, u, l, m, or n, will be assigned a value of 3. The liquid (J) and
the nasals (m and n) are best considered as forming, parallel to the
semi-vowels y (¢) and w (u), diphthongs with preceding vowels,
inasmuch as the combinations thus entered on are treated, similarly
to i- and u- diphthongs, as phonetic units for the purposes of pitch-
accent and grammatic processes. As a preliminary example serving
to justify this treatment, it may be noted that the verb-stem bilw-,
bilu- sump becomes bilau- with inorganic a@ under exactly the same
phonetic conditions as those which make of the stem k/emn- MAKE
kleman-. We thus have, for instance:
bilwa’‘s jumper; bila‘uk* he jumped
klemna’*smaker; k!ema‘nk* he made it
From this and numberless other examples it follows that au and an,
similarly ai, al, and am, belong, from a strictly Takelma point of
view, to the same series of phonetic elements; similarly for e, 7, 0,
and # diphthongs.
§ £4. System of Vowels
The three quantitative stages outlined above are presented for
the various vowels and diphthong-forming elements in the following
table:
§§ 3-4
BOAS ] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES—TAKELMA tT
I. Short. |. II. Long. Short diphthong. III. Long diphthong.
a aa, (a) Gi, au, al, am, an ai, du, dal, dam, aan
e ee, (é) ei, eu, el, em, en ei, eu, eel, eem een
i tt, (2) iu, il, im, in wu, til, tim, tin
0, (uw) Ou, (0) oi, ou, ol, om, on Oi, Ou(w), dul, Gum, oun
(ou) (ul) (wm) (un)
oT} wu, (a) ui, tw, ul, wm, tn wi, wu(w), aul, tum, tun
(uu)
u tii, (ii) ui, tw, wl, tim, tn di, wii(w), wil, iim, iiiin
(i")
It is to be understood, of course, that, under proper syllabic con-
ditions, 7 and uw may respectively appear in semivocalic form as y
and w; thus 6” and au appear as ow and aw when followed by vowels;
e. g., in k/uwi"- THROW AWAY, iw and @ are equivalent elements
forming a reduplicated complex entirely analogous to -elel- in helel-
sine. Similarly ai, au, di, and Gu may appear as ay, aw, ay, and
a@*w; and correspondingly for the other vowels. Indeed, one of
the best criteria for the determination of the length of the first
element of a diphthong is to obtain it in such form as would cause
the second element (2 or u) to become semi-vocalic, for then the first
vowel will adopt the form of a short vowel or pseudo-diphthong,
as the case may be. The following phonetic (not morphologic) pro-
portions will make this clearer:
biliut’e’ I jump: biliwa't’ you jump=he*iu he went away from
him: hetwi’*n I went away from him
gaik® he ate it: gayawa’‘n I ate it =gaik* he grew: ga*ya’‘t‘ he will
grow
gayau he ate it: gayawa’'nI ate it = hant‘gau over land: Latg‘a*wa’*
one fronr Lat‘gau [uplands]
Sometimes, though not commonly, a diphthong may appear in the
same word either with a semivowel or vowel as its second element,
according to whether it is or is not followed by a connecting inor-
ganic a. A good example of such a doublet is haye®wa’xda%da or
hayéurda"da IN HIS RETURNING (verb stem yéeu-, ye*w- RETURN).
Tt is acoustically difficult to distinguish sharply between the long
vowel or pseudo-diphthong 6” and the w-diphthongs of o (both ou
and 6u are often heard as 6”), yet there is no doubt that there is
an organic difference between 6%, as long vowel to 0, and 6%=ou, du.
Thus, in lohd"na’*n I CAUSE HIM TO DIE, and lohona’n I sHALL CAUSE
HIM TO DIE, 6“ and o are related as long and short vowel in parallel
§ 4
12 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 40
fashion to the @ and a of ya?na‘t' You WENT, and yanada’* YOU WILL
co. On the other hand, the 6” of p‘6"p‘au- (aorist stem) BLOW is
organically a diphthong (du), the 6” of the first syllable being related
to the au of the second as the iu of k“iuk‘au- (verb stem) BRANDISH
is to its au. Similarly, the -o"- of s6’k'dp‘- (verb stem) sumP
is organic shortened ou, related to the -owo- of the aorist stem
s'o’wock‘6p‘- as the -e’- of he’!*x- (verb stem) BE LEFT OVER is to the
-eye- of heye‘x- (aorist stem). A similar acoustic difficulty is experi-
enced in distinguishing i#, (uw) as long vowel from the u- diphthongs
of ii, (a).
Examples of unrelated stems and words differing only in the
length of the vowel or diphthong are not rare, and serve as internal
evidence of the correctness, from a native point of view, of the vowel
classification made:
gai- eat, but gai- grow
verb-prefix da*- ear, but da- mouth
wa%xa his younger brother, but wa’za at them
It may happen that two distinct forms of the same word differ only
in vocalic quantity; ya*da’*t’ HE WILL SWIM, yada’*t’ HE SWIMS.
It is, naturally enough, not to be supposed that the long vowels
and diphthongs always appear in exactly the same quantity. Speed
of utterance and, to some extent, withdrawal of the stress-accent,
tend to reduce the absolute quantities of the vowels, so that a nor-
mally long vowel can become short, or at least lose its parasitic
attachment. In the case of the 2- and u- diphthongs, such a quan-
titative reduction means that the two vowels forming the diphthong
more completely lose their separate individuality and melt into one.
Quantitative reduction is apt to occur particularly before a glottal
catch; in the diphthongs the catch follows so rapidly upon the second |
element (2 or u) that one can easily be in doubt as to whether a full
i- or u- vowel is pronounced, or whether this second vowel appears
rather as a palatal or labial articulation of the catch itself. The
practice has been adopted of writing such diphthongs with a superior
i or u before the catch: a, a“, e“, and similarly for the rest. When,
however, in the course of word-formation, this catch drops off, the 2
or u that has been swallowed up, as it were, in the catch reasserts
itself, and we get such pairs of forms as:
naga’* he said; but naga’ida® when he said
sgele’“ he shouted; but sgele’uda‘ when he shouted
y 2
BOAS ] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES—TAKELMA _ 13
On the other hand, vowels naturally short sometimes become long
when dwelt upon for rhetorical emphasis. Thus ga THAT sometimes
appears as ga?:
ga" loho’t‘e* in that case I shall die
ga’ gafal for that reason
As regards the pronunciation of the vowels themselves, little need
be said. The ais of the same quality as the short a of German MANN,
while the long a* (barring the parasitic element) corresponds to the
a of HAHN.
A labial coloring of the a G. e., 6 as in German vo.) frequently
occurs before and after k'”:
gahok*’ planted, sown
tk‘wa'*kwok* he woke him up
But there were also heard:
sek‘ak‘” shot
malak‘wa he told him
The ¢ is an open sound, as in the English LET; it is so open, indeed,
as to verge, particularly after y, toward a.1 Also the long vowel e¢
is very open in quality, being pronounced approximately like the e7%
of English THErr (but of course without the r- vanish) or the é of
French F&TE; e*, though unprovided with the mark of length, will
be always understood as denoting the long vowel (pseudo-diphthong)
corresponding to the short e; while é will be employed, wherever
necessary, for the long vowel without the parasitic --. The close @,
as in German REH, does not seem to occur in Takelma, although it
was sometimes heard for 2; in the words /@%é\ HE Became, la“ét‘am
YOU BECAME, and other related forms, é was generally heard, and may
be justified, though there can be small doubt that it is morphologically
identical with the 7 of certain other verbs.
The 7 is of about the same quality as in English nit, while the
long 7’ is closer, corresponding to the ea of English Brat. Several
monosyllables, however, in -2, such as gwi WHERE, di interrogative
particle, should be pronounced with a close though short vowel (cf.
French rinr). This closer pronunciation of the short vowel may be
explained by supposing that gwi, di, and other such words are rapid
pronunciations of gwi‘, di‘, and the others; and indeed the texts
sometimes show such longer forms.
1The word yewe'i* HE RETURNED, e. g., was long heard as yawe’é®, but such forms as yeu RETURN! show
this to have been an auditory error.
§ 4
14 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 40
The o is a close vowel, as in German soHn, as far as the quality is
concerned, but with the short quantity of the 0 of vott. This close-
ness of pronunciation of the o readily explains its very frequent
interchange with wu:
its: !o’p‘al sharp-clawed
dets' !ugu‘t' sharp-pointed
and also the u- quality of the parasitic element in the long close vowel
6”. The short open 6, as in German VOLL, never occurs as a primary
vowel, but is practically always a labialized variant of a. Thus in
Takelma, contrary to the parallelism one ordinarily expects to find in
vocalic systems, e- vowels are open in quality, while o- vowels are
close.
The vowel @ is close, as in the English word rupg, the long mark
over the uw being here used to indicate closeness of quality rather
than length of quantity. The @ is not identical with the German ii,
but is somewhat more obscure in quality and wavers (to an un-
Indian ear) between the German short i of mMirTzE and w of Muss;
sometimes it was even heard with the approximate quality of the
short 6 of Gdrz. The long ii* is, in the same way, not exactly
equivalent to the long i of the German sts, but tends in the direc-
tion of @, with which it frequently varies in the texts. It is some-
what doubtful how far the two vowels @ and i are to be considered
separate and distinct; it is quite possible that they should be looked
upon as auditory variants of one sound. Before or after y or w, ti is
kliwt'® THEY. RAN AWAY, wyi’'s’ HE
LAUGHED, igiyiigi’'st, HE KEEPS NUDGING ME,
apt to be heard as 4@,
otherwise often as w.
The only short vowel not provided for in the table is @ (as in Eng-
lish sun), which, however, has no separate individuality of its own,
but is simply a variant form of a, heard chiefly before m:
he®ile’metxam he killed us off (for -am)
zim in water (for zam)
The absence of the obscure vowel z of indeterminate quality is
noteworthy as showing indirectly the clear-cut vocalic character of
Takelma speech. Only in a very few cases was the =z heard, and in
the majority of these it was not a reduced vowel, but an intrusive
sound between m and s:
dak't'be’<k'tbagames he tied his hair up into top-knot (in place
of -ams).
§ 4
BOAS] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES—TAKELMA 15
Even here it may really have been the strongly sonantic quality
of the m in contrast to the voiceless s that produced the acoustic
effect of an obscure vowel. The exact pronunciation of the diph-
thongs will be better understood when we consider the subject of
pitch-accent.
§ 5. Stress and Pitch-Accent
Inasmuch as pitch and stress accent are phonetic phenomena that
affect more particularly the vowels and diphthongs, it seems advisable
to consider the subject here and to let the treatment of the conso-
nants follow. As in many Indian languages, the stress-accent of any
particular word in Takelma is not so inseparably associated with any
particular syllable but that the same word, especially if consisting
of more than two syllables, may appear with the main stress-accent
now on one, now on the other syllable. In the uninterrupted flow of
the sentence it becomes often difficult to decide which syllable of a
word should be assigned the stress-accent. Often, if the word bears
no particular logical or rhythmic emphasis, one does best to regard
it as entirely without accent and as standing in a proclitic or enclitic
relation to a following or preceding word of greater emphasis. This
is naturally chiefly the case with adverbs (such as he'ne THEN) and
conjunctive particles (such as ganéhi® AND THEN; agas‘i® AND SO, BUT
THEN); though it not infrequently happens that the major part of
a clause will thus be strung along without decided stress-accent until
some emphatic noun or verb-form is reached. Thus the following
passage occurs in one of the myths:
ganéhi® dewenza 1a%lé hono® p‘ele’ra‘, literally translated, And
then to-morrow (next day) it became, again they went out to
war
All that precedes the main verb-form p‘ele’xa’ THEY WENT OUT TO
wAR is relatively unimportant, and hence is hurried over without any-
where receiving marked stress.
Nevertheless a fully accented word is normally stressed on some
particular syllable; it may even happen that two forms differ
merely in the place of accent:
_ naga’~ida* when he said, but
naga-ida’* when you said
The important point to observe, however, is that when a particular
syllable does receive the stress (and after all most words are normally
§ 5
16 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 40
accented on some one syllable), it takes on one of two or three musical
inflections:
(1) A simple pitch distinctly higher than the normal pitch of
unstressed speech (+).
(2) A rising inflection that starts at, or a trifle above, the normal
pitch, and gradually slides up to the same higher pitch referred to
above (=).
(3) A falling inflection that starts at, or generally somewhat
higher than, the raised pitch of (1) and (2), and gradually slides
down to fall either in the same or immediately following syllable, to
a pitch somewhat lower than the normal (-).
The ‘‘raised”’ pitch (=) is employed only in the case of final short
vowels or shortened diphthongs (i. e., diphthongs that, owing to
speed of utterance, are pronounced so rapidly as to have a quanti-
tative value hardly greater than that of short vowels; also sec-
ondary diphthongs involving an inorganic a); if a short vowel
spoken on a raised pitch be immediately followed by an unac-
cented syllable (as will always happen, if it is not the final
vowel of the word), there will evidently ensue a fall in pitch in the
unaccented syllable, and the general acoustic effect of the two
syllables will be equivalent to a “falling” inflection (+) within one
syllable; i. e. Gf — be employed to denote an unaccented syllable),
(+)+—=(¢). The following illustration will make this clearer:
YOU SANG is regularly accented helela‘t’, the a‘ being sung on an
interval of a (minor, sometimes even major) third above the two
unaccented e- vowels. The acoustic effect to an American ear is very
much the same as that of a curt query requiring a positive or nega-
tive apswer, DID HE GO? where the 2 of pip and e of HE correspond in
pitch to the two e’s of the Takelma word, while the o of Go is equiva-
lent to the Takelma a‘. The Takelma word, of course, has no
interrogative connotation. If, now, we wish to make a question out
of helela‘t', we add the interrogative particle di, and obtain the
form helela’t'idi Dip HE sinc? (The ¢% is a weak vowel inserted to
keep the ¢ and d apart.) Here the a’ has about the same pitch as
in the preceding word, but the % sinks to about the level of the e-
vowels, and the di is pronounced approximately a third below the
normal level. The Takelma interrogative form thus bears an acoustic
resemblance to a rapid English reply: so HE pzp GO, the o of so and
§ 5
BOAS] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES—TAKELMA 17
e of HE corresponding in pitch to the unaccented e- vowels of the
Takelma, the 7 of pip resembling in its rise above the normal pitch
the a’, and the o of go sinking like the 7 of the interrogative particle.
If the normal level of speech be set at A, the two forms just considered
may be musically, naturally with very greatly exaggerated tonal
effect, represented as follows:
he- _—Te- lat’ he- —le- la’- ¢ti- di
The “rising’’ pitch (~) is found only on long vowels and short or
long diphthongs. The rising pitch is for a long vowel or diphthong
what the raised pitch is for a short vowel or shortened diphthong;
the essential difference between the two being that in the latter case
the accented vowel is sung on a single tone reached without an inter-
mediate slur from the lower level, whereas in the case of the rising
pitch the affected vowel or diphthong changes in pitch in the course
of pronunciation; the first part of the long vowel and the first vowel
of the diphthong are sung on a tone intermediate between the normal
level and the raised pitch, while the parasitic element of the long
vowel and the second vowel (2 or u) of the diphthong are hit by the
raised tone itself. Itis easy to understand that in rapid pronuncia-
tion the intermediate tone of the first part of the long vowel or diph-
thong would be hurried over and sometimes dropped altogether; this
means thata long vowel or diphthong with rising pitch (@, at) becomes
a short vowel or shortened diphthong with raised pitch (a‘, a‘).?
Diphthongs consisting of a short vowel +/, m, or n, and provided
with a rising pitch, ought, in strict analogy, to appear as afi, al, aii;
and so on for the other vowels. This is doubtless the correct repre-
sentation, and such forms as:
nank* he will say, do
gwalt’ wind
dasmayam he smiled
wulz enemy, Shasta
were actually heard, the liquid or nasal being distinctly higher in
pitch than the preceding vowel. In the majority of cases, however,
1 Itis curious that the effect to our ears of the Takelma declarative helela't is of an interrogative DID rou
SING? while conversely the effect of an interrogative helela’t‘idi is that of a declarative YOU DID SING.
This is entirely accidental in so far as a rise in pitch has nothing to doin Takelma with an interrogation.
2A vowel marked with the accent ~ is necessarily long, so that the mark of length and the parasitic
vowel can be conveniently omitted.
3045°—Bull. 40, pt 2—12——2 § 5
18 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [puLn. 40
these diphthongs were heard, if not always pronounced, as shortened
diphthongs with raised pitch (a‘n, a‘, a‘m). The acoustic effect of a
syllable with rising pitch followed by an unaccented syllable is neces-
sarily different from that of a syllable with falling pitch (4), or of a
syllable with raised pitch followed by an unaccented syllable, because
of the steady rise in pitch before the succeeding fall. The tendency
at first is naturally to hear the combination — ~ — as — + —, and to
make no distinction in accent between yewe'1da’ WHEN HE RETURNED
and yewe?t'e’ I RETURNED; but variations in the recorded texts
between the rising and falling pitch in one and the same form are in
every case faults of perception, and not true variations at all. The
words tlomém HE KILLED HIM and yawait'eS I SPOKE may be approxi-
mately represented in musical form as follows:
to mo-um ya- wa- i tet
The falling pitch (+) affects both long and short vowels as well as
diphthongs, its essential characteristic being, as already defined, a
steady fall from a tone higher than the normal level. The peak of
the falling inflection may coincide in absolute pitch with that of the
rising inflection, though it is often somewhat higher, say an interval
of a fourth above the ordinary level. The base (lowest tone) of the
fall is not assignable to any definite relative pitch, the gamut run
through by the voice depending largely upon the character of the
syllable. If the accent hits a long vowel or diphthong not immedi-
ately followed by a catch, the base will, generally speaking, coincide
with the normal level, or lie somewhat below it. If the long vowel
or diphthong be immediately followed by an unaccented syllable, the
base is apt to strike this unaccented syllable at an interval of about
a third below the level. If the vowel or diphthong be immediately
followed by a catch, the fall in pitch will be rapidly checked, and the
whole extent of the fall limited to perhaps not more than a semitone.
As soon, however, as the catch is removed (as often happens on the
addition to the form of certain grammatical elements), the fall runs
through its usual gamut. The words
k‘wede't his name
yewe’ida® when he returned
yewe’** he returned
will serve to illustrate the character of the falling pitch.
§ 5
Kwe- de’- 1 ye- we’ - i - dat ye - we
The pronunciation of the diphthongs is now easily understood
A shortened diphthong (a%, a’*) sounds to an American ear like an
indivisible entity, very much like at and au in HicH and HOW; a
diphthong with falling pitch (@’7) is naturally apt to be heard as two
distinct vowels, so that one is easily led to write naga’-cda‘ instead of
naga’idaf WHEN HE SAID; a diphthong with rising pitch (a7) is heard
either as a pure diphthong or as two distinct vowels, according to
the speed of utterance or the accidents of perception. All these
interpretations, however, are merely matters of perception by an
American ear and have in themselves no objective value. It would
be quite misleading, for instance, to treat Takelma diphthongs as
“‘»ure’’ and ‘‘impure,” no regard being had to pitch, for such a classi-
fication is merely a secondary consequence of the accentual phenomena
we have just considered.
One other point in regard to the diphthongs should be noted. It
is important to distinguish between organic diphthongs, in which each
element of the diphthong has a distinct radical or etymological value,
and secondary diphthongs, arising from an 2, u, l, m, or n with pre-
fixed inorganic a. The secondary diphthongs (a, au, al, am, an),
being etymologically single vowels or semivowels, are always unitonal
in character; they can have the raised, not the rising accent. Con-
trast the inorganic au of
bila ‘uk* ( =*bilw‘k*,' not.*bilatik’) he jumped; cf. bilwa’*s JUMPER
with the organic au of
gayati he ate it; cf. gayawa’*n I ate it
Contrast similarly the inorganic an of
klema‘nk* (=*k!lemn‘k‘, not *k!ematik*) he made it; ef. k!emna’‘s
maker
with the organic am of
dasmayam he smiled; cf. dasmayama’‘n I smiled
Phonetically such secondary diphthongs are hardly different from
shortened organic diphthongs; etymologically and, in consequence,
in morphologic treatment, the line of difference is sharply drawn.
1 Non-existent or theoretically reconstructed forms are indicated by a prefixed asterisk.
§5
20 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 40
It was said that any particular syllable, if accented, necessarily
receives a definite pitch-inflection. If it is furthermore pointed out
that distinct words and forms may differ merely in the character of
the accent, and that definite grammatical forms are associated with
definite accentual forms, it becomes evident that pitch-accent has a
not unimportant bearing on morphology. Examples of words differ-
ing only in the pitch-accent are:
se’ black paint, writing; sé! kingfisher
la’*p* leaves; (1) lap‘ he carried it on his back, (2) lip‘ become (so
and so)!
sa@/t' his discharge of wind; sd‘ mash it!
wilv’* his house; wilt house, for instance, in dak‘wilt on top of
the house
he’ song; hél sing it!
Indeed, neither vowel-quantity, accent, nor the catch can be consid-
ered negligible factors in Takelma phonology, as shown by the
following:
waya* knife
waya’” his knife
waya’* he sleeps
wayan he put him to sleep
klwa*ya’ (=k!waia‘) just grass
It is impossible to give any simple rule for the determination of
the proper accent of all words. What has been ascertained in regard
to the accent of certain forms or types of words in large part seems
to be of a grammatic, not purely phonetic, character, and hence will
most naturally receive treatment when the forms themselves are dis-
cussed. Here it will suffice to give as illustrations of the morphologic
value of accent a few of the cases:
(1) Perhaps the most comprehensive generalization that can be
made in regard to the employment of accents is that a catch requires
the falling pitch-accent on an immediately preceding stressed syllable,
as comes out most clearly in forms where the catch has been second-
arily removed. Some of the forms affected are:
(a) The first person singular subject third person object aorist of
the transitive verb, as in:
tlomoma’'n I kill him
tlomoma’ndaé as I killed him
§ 5
BOAS ] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES—TAKELMA 21
| (b) The third person aorist of all intransitive verbs that take the
catch as the characteristic element of this person and tense, as in:
ya’* he went
ya’*das when he went
(c) The second person singular possessive of nouns whose ending
for this person and number is -‘t", as in:
t!v’*t* your husband
ela’*t’ your tongue
Contrast :
tlitk* my husband
ela‘t'k* my tongue
There are but few exceptions to this rule. A certain not very nu-
merous class of transitive verbs, that will later occupy us in the treat-
ment of the verb, show a long vowel with rising pitch before a catch
in the first person singular subject third person object aorist, as in:
klemén I make it
ditliigiién I wear it
The very isolation of these forms argues powerfully for the general
correctness of the rule. 7
(2) The first person singular subject third person object future, and
the third person aorist passive always follow the accent of la:
do"ma’n I shall kill him
tlomoma’n he was killed
Contrast :
zo“ma‘n he dried it
Like k/emé‘n in accent we have also:
klemén it was made
(3) The first person singular possessive of nouns whose ending for
that person and number is -t*k* shows a raised or rising pitch, according
to whether the accented vowel is short or long (or diphthongal):
k‘wedett'k* my name
plant'k* my liver
tlibagwa‘nt'k* my pancreas
Contrast:
k‘wede't his name
pla’*nt' his liver
tlibagwa’n his pancreas
§ 5
22 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 40
(4) The verbai suffix -ald- takes the falling pitch:
sgelewa'lda‘n I shouted to him
sgelewa’lt’ he shouted to him
Contrast:
gwalt’ wind
Many more such rules could be given, but these will suffice at present
to show what is meant by the “‘fixity”’ of certain types of accent in
morphological classes.
This fixity of accent seems to require a slight qualification. A
tendency is observable to end up a sentence with the raised pitch, so
that a syllable normally provided with a falling pitch-accent may
sometimes, though by no means always, assume a raised accent, if it is
the last syllable of the sentence. The most probable explanation of
this phenomenon is that the voice of a Takelma speaker seeks its
rest in a rise, not, as is the habit in English as spoken in America, in
a fall.t
Vocalic Processes (§§ 6-112)
§ 6. VOWEL HIATUS
There is never in Takelma the slightest tendency to avoid the com-
ing together of two vowels by elision of one of the vowels or con-
traction of the two. So carefully, indeed, is each vowel kept intact
that the hiatus is frequently strengthened by the insertion of a catch.
If the words ya’p!a MAN and a’ni* Not, for instance, should come
together in that order in the course of the sentence, the two a- vowels
would not coalesce into one long vowel, but would be separated by
an inorganic (i. e., not morphologically essential) catch yapla
fa’ni®. The same thing happens when two verbal prefixes, the first
ending in and the second beginning with a vowel, come together.
Thus: .
de- in front
xa*- between, in two
+7- with hand
generally appear as:
de%-
xar-
respectively. The deictic element -a‘, used to emphasize preceding
1 Those familiar with Indogermanic phonology will have noticed that my use of the symbols (+), (=), and
(=) has been largely determined by the method adopted in linguistic works for the representation of the
syllabic pitch-accents of Lithuanian; the main departures being the use of the (+) on short as well as on
long vowels and the assignment of a different meaning to the (+).
§ 6
Boas] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES—TAKELMA 93
nouns, pronouns, and adverbs, is regularly separated from a pre-
ceding vowel by the catch:
ma’‘a‘ but you, you truly
bo“a‘ nowadays indeed
If a diphthong in 2 or wu precedes a catch followed by a vowel, the 7 or
u often appears as y or w after the catch:
klwatya‘ just grass (= k!wai+-a‘)
a’‘ya‘ just they (= a- they +-a’)
hafwi- (= ha-u- under +7- with hand)
If the second of two syntactically closely connected words begins
with a semivowel (w or y) and the first ends in a vowel, a catch is
generally heard to separate the two, in other words the semivowel is
treated as a vowel. Examples are:
ge’® wok’ (=ge’ +wok') there he arrived
be watdi’* (= be’ + ward) day its-body =all day long
ge> ya'*hi (=ge+ya’*hr) just there indeed
Such cases are of course not to be confounded with examples like:
me'wok* HE ARRIVED HERE, and
mefyét, COME HERE!
in which the catch is organic, being an integral part of the adverb
me®> HITHER; contrast:
mesgun'*k* HE CAME HERE, with
ge gun'*k* HE WENT THERE.
The same phonetic rule applies even more commonly when the first
element is a noun or verb prefix:
ha‘wini’*da inside of him; but habe*bini‘ at noon
defwiliwia’“ they shouted; but dezxebe’*n he said so
abai°watyewenhi he returned inside with him; but abaigini’*k‘ he
went inside
wi'wa my younger brother; but wiha‘m my father
It is interesting to note that the catch is generally found also
when the first element ends in J, m, or n, these consonants, as has
been already seen, being closely allied to the semivowels in phonetic
treatment:
al‘wa%didé to my body; but als-6“ma‘l to the mountain
alfyowo’* he looked; but alz?’‘k* he saw him
ba%ge’l*yo he lay belly up; but gelk/iyi’*k* he turned to face him
gwen‘wat geits’ !tk*wa his (head) lay next to it; but gwenliwila’
he looked back
yin’ wo'k'e (=ywin speech + wé’k'1é without) without speech
§ 6
24 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY * [punn. 40
It goes without saying that the catch separates elements ending in
l, m, or n from such as begin with a vowel:
siniilats!agi’*n I touch his nose
alit‘baga’t bak‘ he struck them
§ 7. DISSIMILATION OF u
A diphthong in u tends, by an easily understood dissimilatory
process, to drop the u before a labial suffix (-qw-, -p‘, -ba*). Thus
we have:
wahawaxi'qwa’'n I rot with it, for *xvugwa’én
Compare:
hawaai’“ he rots
wahawaxiwigwa’n I shall rot with it
Similarly:
biltk’” he jumped having it, for *biliak“” (stem biliu-)
wilik’’ he proceeded with it, for *wiliak*” (stem wiliu-)
Observe that, while the diphthong aw is monophthongized, the orig-
inal quantity is kept, 7 being compensatively lengthened to 7. In the
various forms of the verb yéu- RETURN, such dissimilation, wherever
possible, regularly takes place:
yek’” he returned with it, for *yéak'’ (= yéa- gw- k‘)
metyép’ come back! (pl.), but sing. metyea
yecba’* let us return! for *yéuba’*
It is interesting to note how this u- dissimilation is directly respon-
sible for a number of homonyms:
yék*’ bite him!
(al) yép* show it to him!
A similar dissimilation of an -u- after a long vowel has in all proba-
bility taken place in the reduplicating verb la*liwi/‘n I CALL HIM BY
NAME (le‘la’usi HE CALLS ME BY NAME) from * lduliwi’<n (* léula’ust).
§ 8. I- UMLAUT
Probably the most far-reaching phonetic law touching the Takelma
vowels is an assimilatory process that can be appropriately termed
‘4- umlaut.’’ Briefly stated, the process is a regressive assimilation
of a non-radical -a- to an -i-, caused by an -7- (-7-) in an immediately
following suffixed syllable, whether the -i- causing the umlaut is an
original -2-, or itself umlauted from an original -a-; the -i- of the
§§ 7-8
any
Boas] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES—TAKELMA 25
pronominal endings -bi- THEE, -si- HE TO ME, -2i- HE MB, fails to
cause umlaut, nor does the law operate when the -2- is immediately
preceded by an inorganic h. The following forms will make the
applicability of the rule somewhat clearer:
wak layayini’*n I caused him to grow with it (but k/ayayana’*n
I caused him to grow, with preserved -a-, because of following
-a’*n, not -2’*n)
wak leyeya’nzi he caused me to grow with it
wak !ayaya’nxbisn I caused thee to grow with it
tyulu’yilién I rub it (from -yalan)
tyulu’yalhi he rubs it
It should be carefully noted that this 7- umlaut never operates on a
radical or stem-vowel, a fact that incidentally proves helpful at times
in determining how much of a phonetic complex belongs to the stem,
and how much is to be considered as belonging to the grammatical
apparatus following the stem. In: ;
warguur’'n I brought it to him (from -awi’*n; cf. wa%ga’sbitn
I brought it to you)
the -a- following the g is shown to be not a part of the aoristic stem
wag- by the 7- umlaut that it may undergo; on the other hand, the
corresponding future shows an un-umlauted -a-:
wagawi'n I shall bring it to him
so that the future stem must be set down as waga-, as is confirmed by
certain other considerations.
It would take us too far afield to enumerate all the possible cases
in which 7- umlaut takes place; nevertheless, it is a phenomenon of
such frequent recurrence that some of the more common possibilities
should be listed, if only for purposes of further illustration:
(1) It is caused by the aoristic verb suffix -7’- denoting position:
s‘as‘init he stands (cf. s‘a’s‘ant'a* he will stand)
tlobigi he lies as if dead (cf. future t/obaga’sda*)
(2) By an element -2- characteristic of certain nouns, that is added
to the absolute form of the noun before the possessive pronominal
endings:
buvbone't'k* my arm (cf. bi“ba‘n arm)
t‘ga'It‘giliadek* my belly (for * t‘galt‘gali-)
(3) By the common verbal “instrumental”? vowel -i-, which, for
one reason or another, replaces the normal pre-pronominal element
§ 8
26 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BuLL. 40
-a-, and often serves to give the verb an instrumental force. This
instrumental -i- may work its influence on a great number of preceding
elements containing -a-, among which are:
(a) The -a- that regularly replaces the stem-vowel in the second
member of a duplicated verb:
al<it'baga’t bigiin I beat him (cf. -t'baga’t'bak* he beat him)
ts‘lele’ts'!ilitn I rattle it (cf. ts-!ele’ts:!alhi he rattles it)
ismili’smilien I swing it (cf. ismi’lsmal swing it!)
(6) The causative element -an-:
wap!a*gint’*n I cause him to swim with it (cf. p/a*gana’‘n I cause
him to swim)
See above:
wak layayini’*n I cause him to grow
(c) The element -an- added to transitive stems to express the idea
of FOR, IN BEHALF OF:
wat!omomini’*n I kill it for him with it (cf. t!omomana’‘n I kill it
for him)
(d) The pronominal element -am-, first personal plural object:
alai’/‘ximiés one who sees us (cf. alzi/*xam he sees us)
4. By the suffixed local element -di’ on Tor or added to the demon-
strative pronoun ga THAT to form a general local postposition:
gidt on top of it, over (so and so)
Compare the similarly formed:
gada‘k* above
gada‘l among
and others.
5. By the pronominal element -2g- (-2k'), first personal plural subject
intransitive:
tlomoainik* we kill each other (cf. t!oméxa‘n they kill each other)
daxinigam we shall find each other (cf. d@xan‘t‘ they will find each
other)
This list might be greatly extended if desired, and indeed numerous
other examples will meet usin the morphology. Examples of a double
and treble 2- umlaut are:
loho“ninini’*n I caused him to die (i. e., killed him) for him (ef.
loho“nana’nhi he killed him for him)
tklimininint’nk’ he will fix it for him (compare tk/i"ma‘n he
fixed it)
§ 8
BOAS] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES—TAKELMA 27
The semivowel corresponding to 7, namely y, is also capable, under
analogous circumstances, of causing the 1- umlaut of a preceding non-
radical a. Examples are:
daxoyo'xiya‘n (=-xaya‘n) I scare them around; daxoyo'xi (=-xiy
=-zay) he scares them around
al®it'ge'it giyak’’ (=-t'gay-) rolled up
alhiyi' hi'x (=-hiyx =-hayzx) he used to hunt
sanya’ (=sanaya') to fight him
do’mk‘wiya (=-k*waya) to kill him; and numerous other infini-
tives in -k‘wiya (=-k‘waya)
§ 9. K-SOUNDS PRECEDED BY U- VOWELS
An u- vowel (0, u, ti, and diphthongs in -w) immediately preceding a
k- sound (i. e., g, k*, k!, x) introduces after the latter a parasitic -w-,
which, when itself followed by a vowel, unites with the k- sound to
form a consonant-cluster (gw, k'w, k!w, zw), but appears, when stand-
ing after a (word or syllabic) final k*, as a voiceless -‘”. The intro-
duction of the excrescent w simply means, of course, that the labial
rounding of the u- vowel lingers on after the articulation of the k-
sound, a phonetic tendency encouraged by the fact that the produc-
tion of the guttural consonant does not, as in the labials and dentals,
necessitate a readjustment of the lips. A few examples will illustrate
the phonetic process:
gelgulugwa’<n I desire it
gelgulu‘k’” he desires it (contrast gelgula‘k* he desired it, without
the labial affection of the -k* because of the replacement of the
-u- by an -a-)
gi«wi’* his heart
dii*gui't'qwa her dress
dik’” woman’s garment
yo"k !wa* his bones
As also in the upper Chinook dialects (Wasco, Wishram), where
exactly the same process occurs, the w- infection is often very slight,
and particularly before u- vowels the -w- is, if not entirely absent,
at least barely audible:
yok!”’oya’én I know it
yo’k*yan I shall know it
In one very common word the catch seems to be treated as a k- sound
in reference to a preceding wu when itself followed by an -7-:
s‘uewilz he sits; but
s-u’<alt‘a* he will sit
28 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 40
The first form was, for some reason or other, often heard, perhaps
misheard, as s‘2*udz.
§ 10. INORGANIC a
Tt frequently happens in the formation of words that a vowel
present in some other form of the stem will drop out, or, more accu-
rately expressed, has never been inserted. Consonant-combinations
sometimes then result which are either quite impossible in Takelma
phonetics, or at any rate are limited in their occurrence to certain
grammatical forms, so that the introduction of an “inorganic” -a-,
serving to limber up the consonant-eluster, as it were, becomes neces-
sary. Ordinarily this -a- is inserted after the first consonant; in
certain cases, after the two consonants forming the cluster. The
theoretical future of gini’k‘de’ I GO SOMEWHERE should be, for
example, *gink‘de®; but, instead of this somewhat difficult form,
we really get gina’k‘de*. That the -a’- is here really inorganic, and
not a characteristic of the future stem, as was at first believed, is
clearly shown by the imperative gi‘nk* (all imperatives are formed
from the future stem). Similarly:
kliya’k‘de? I shall go, come; aorist, k!iyi’k‘des
alxik!a’'lhik*’ (=theoretical *alxik!lik‘) he kept looking at him;
aorist first person alzik!ilhién I keep looking at him
klema'n make it! (=theoretical *klemn); cf. k!emna’n I shall
make it
baitiye'wa'n drive out sickness!; aorist, -yewén he drove out
sickness
sgela’ut‘e® I shalt shout (=theoretic *sgelwt'e*); aorist second
person, sgelewa‘t’ you shouted
As an example of an inorganic -d- following a consonantic cluster
may be given:
wisma’t'e® I shall move (stem wism-) ; aorist, wits: /ii7it‘e® I moved!
The exact nature of the processes involved in the various forms given
will be better understood when stem-formation is discussed. Here
1Such an -@ may stand as an absolute final; e. g., ba-imasga‘ START IN SINGING! (stem masg-), aorist
third porson, -mats/a‘k*. The form masga‘ well illustrates the inherent difficulty of delimiting the range of
a phonetic law without comparative or older historical material to aid in determining what is due to regular
phonetic development, and what is formed on the analogy of other forms. The finalcluster -sk* does occur
in Takelma; e. g., dink/a‘sk* (long object) lay stretched out; so that a phonetic irregularity must exist in
one of the twoforms. Either weshould have *ma‘sk", or else *dink/asa‘k* or *dink/asga‘ is to be expected.
On closer examination it is found that the -k‘ in forms like dink/a‘sk‘ is a grammatical element added on to
the future stem dink/as-; whereas in masga‘ the -g- belongs in all probability to the stem, and is no added
suffix; at least is not felt as such. It seems evident, then, that the quasi-mechanical juxtaposition of
grammatical elements does not entirely follow the same phonetic lines as organic sound-complexes.
§ 10
BOAS ] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES—TAKELMA 29
it will suffice to say that there are three distinct sorts of inorganic or ©
secondary a- vowels: the regular inorganic a first illustrated above,
inserted between two consonants that would theoretically form a
cluster; the post-consonantal constant a of certain stems (such as
wism- above) that would otherwise end in more or less impracticable
consonant clusters (this -a@ appears as -i under circumstances to be
discussed below); and a connecting a employed to join consonantal
suffixes to preceding consonants (such suffixes are generally directly
added to preceding vowels or diphthongs). The varying treatment
accorded these different secondary a vowels will become clearer in
the morphology.
§ 11. SIMPLIFICATION OF DOUBLE DIPHTHONGS
By a double diphthong is meant a syllable consisting of an ordinary
diphthong (long or short) followed by a semivowel (y, w) or by J, m,
orn. Such double diphthongs are, for instance, aiw, diw, auy, Guy,
ain, Gin, alw, alw; those with initial short vowel, like ain, have,
like the long diphthongs (e. g. @“n), a quantitative value of 3 morae,
while those with initial long vowel, like din, have a quantitative value
of 4 morae and may be termed over-long diphthongs. Double diph-
thongs may theoretically arise when, for some reason or other, a con-
necting or inorganic a fails to lighten the heavy syllable by reducing
it to two (see particularly § 65 for a well-defined class of such cases).
Double diphthongs, however, are nearly always avoided in Takelma;
there is evidently a rhythmic feeling here brought into play, a dislike
of heavy syllables containing three qualitatively distinct sonantic
elements.
In consequence of this, double diphthongs are regularly simplified
by the loss of either the second or third element of the diphthong;
in other words, they are quantitatively reduced by one mora (the
simple double diphthongs now have a value of 2 morae, the over-
long diphthongs 3 morae lke ordinary long diphthongs), while
qualitivetatly they now involve only two sonantic elements. An
exception seems to be afforded by double diphthongs in -uwy (e. g.
-auy), which become dissyllabic by vocalizing the y to 2, in other
words, -awy becomes -awi:
tslawi‘k* he ran fast; cf. ts!a-uya’‘s fast runner, ts/awaya‘t'
(aorist) you ran fast
yawi't‘e? I shall talk; cf. yawaya‘t’ (aorist) you talked
“ ge |
30 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 40
The -auwi- (=theoretic -awy-) of these forms is related to the -away-
of the aorist as the -ilw- of bilwa’*s JUMPER to the -iliw- of the aorist
biliwa‘t’ YoU JUMPED.
Such double diphthongs as end in -w (e. g. -aiw, -4%w) simply
lose the -w:
gait eat it! (=*gatw); gatk’ he ate it (=*gatwk‘); compare
ga~iwa’n I shall eat it
Other examples of this loss of w are given in § 18, 2. All other
double diphthongs are simplified by the loss of the second vowel (2, w)
or consonant (/, m, n); a glottal catch, if present after the second
vowel or consonant, is always preserved in the simplified form of the
double diphthong. Examples of simplified double diphthongs with
initial short vowel are:
gelhewe’ha'n (=*-hau‘n) I think; compare gelhewe’hau he thinks
imi'hain (=*-ham‘n) I sent him; compare imi’ham he sent him
mo’loomatn (=*mal*n) I stir it up; mo’l’man (=*-maln) I shall
stir it up; compare parallel forms with connecting a: mo‘lo‘-
mala'n, mo’lmalan, and third person aorist mo’lo‘mal
matnma’'n (=*-man‘n) I count them; compare dama¢nmini*n
(umlauted from -man-i’*n) I counted them up
klemza’t'e’ (=*k/emnza’t‘e*) I shall make; compare k/emna’‘s
maker and k/ema’n make it! (with inorganic a because accent
is not thrown forward)
Examples of simplified over-long diphthongs are:
daldi’n (=*daildi’n) I shall go to him for food; compare
dait‘e® I shall go for food
et t'gélzi* (=*t'géilzi’) wagon (literally, rolling canoe); compare
t'geeya‘lx it rolls
datlagatn (=*t!agai‘n) I build a fire; compare dat/agai he builds
a fire
klem&n (=*kleméiin) I make it; compare k/eméi he makes it
oyd'n (=*oyon‘n) I give it; compare third person oy6n he gives it
In the inferential, less frequently passive participle and impera-
tive, forms of the verb, double diphthongs, except those ending
in w, generally fail to be simplified. If coming immediately
before the inferential -k‘- the double diphthong is preserved, for
what reason is not evident (perhaps by analogy to other non-aorist
forms in which the last element of the double diphthong belongs to
the following syllable) :
§ 11
BOAS] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES—TAKELMA 31
ts‘!aimk‘* (but also ts‘!ayamk‘) he hid it; compare ¢s‘/a-ima’n I
shall hide it.
oink‘ he gave it; compare oina’n I shall give it
If the inferential -k*- does not immediately follow, an inorganic a
seems to be regularly inserted between the second and third elements
of the diphthong:
gelts:!aya’mzxamk‘na‘ since he concealed it from us
Examples of other than inferential forms with unsimplified double
diphthong are:
ts‘!aimhak'’hidden
oin give it! (yet ts'/aya’m hide it! with inorganic a)
Consonants (§§ 12-24)
§ 12. System of Consonants
The Takelma consonant system is represented in the following
table:
Aspirated! Voiceless| Fortis. | Spirant. |Lateral.| Nasal.
v. unv
ETE DGS AS SS a ee are oe Pp b p! w -“w | ™
Minrbatete PAE: LA LI AR AES) t . d t! l n
Renbele. BOGAN, J o LR Phe taf Creal
Reet ier ologry 49 31 y ead be
mmatiral NEP oS TL) IY Baal, ie g k! L |
comers. 20). AE. MOIR 8p aO. 8 2 h
The spirants have been divided into two groups, those on the left-
hand side of the column (labeled v.) being voiced, while those on the
right-hand side (labeled wnv.) are unvoiced. The rarely occurring
palatal lateral 7 (see § 2, footnote) is also voiceless. Every one of the
consonants tabulated may occur initially, except the voiceless labial
spirant -‘”, which occurs only with k at the end of a syllable. Prop-
erly speaking, -k*” should be considered the syllabic final of the
labialized guttural series (k‘w, gw, k!w); a consideration of the
consonant-clusters allowed in Takelma shows that these labialized
consonants must be looked upon as phonetic units. The catch (°)
as organic consonant is found only medially and finally; the 7 only
§ 12
32 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [RULL. 40
initially. In regard to the pronunciation of the various consonants,
w, 8, y,h,l, m, and n do not differ materially from the corresponding
sounds in English.
The first two series of stops—tenuis (p’, é', k‘) and media (6, d, g)—
do not exactly correspond to the surd and sonant stops of English or
French. The aspirated tenues are, as their name implies, voiceless
stops whose release is accompanied by an appreciable expulsion of
breath. The voiceless mediae are also stops without voiced articula-
tion; but they differ from the true tenues in the absence of aspiration
and in the considerably weaker stress of articulation. Inasmuch as
our English mediae combine sonancy with comparatively weak stress
of articulation, while the tenues are at the same time unvoiced and
pronounced with decided stress, it is apparent that a series of con-
sonants which, like the Takelma voiceless mediae, combine weak stress
with lack of voice will tend to be perceived by an American ear some-
times (particularly when initial) as surds, at other times (particularly
between vowels) as sonants. On the other hand, the aspirated tenues
will be regularly heard as ordinary surd-stops, so that an untrained
American ear is apt to combine an uncalled-for differentiation with a
disturbing lack of differentiation. While the Takelma tenuis and
media are to a large extent morphologically equivalent consonants
with manner of articulation determined by certain largely mechanical
rules of position, yet in a considerable number of cases (notably
as initials) they are to be rigidly kept apart etymologically. Words
and stems which differ only in regard to the weak or strong stress
and the absence or presence of aspiration of a stop, can be found
in great number:
dan- ear; t'a¢n squirrel
bd” now; p‘6%- to blow
ga that; ka what
di'- on top; ¢t?- to drift
bovd- to pull out hair; p‘od- to mix
da‘g- to build fire; da%g- to find; t'a%g-to cry
gai- to eat; k‘ai- thing, what !
1 These two series of stops are not at all peculiar to Takelma. As far as could be ascertained, the same
division is found also in the neighboring Chasta Costa, a good example of how a fundamental method of
phonetic attack may be uniformly spread over an area in which far-reaching phonetic differences of detail
are found and morphologic traits vary widely. The same series of stops are found alsoin Yana, in
northern California. Farther to the east the two series are apparently found, besides a series of true
sonant stops, in Ponca and Omaha (J. O. Dorsey’s p, t, k, and d, 7, y). The Iroquois also (as could be
tested by an opportunity to hear Mohawk) are, as regards the manner of articulating the two series, abso-
lutely in accord with the Takelma. A more accurate phonetic knowledge of other languages would doubt-
less show a wide distribution in America of the voiceless media.
§ 12
BOAS] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES—TAKELMA Jo
The fortes (p!, t!, k!, ts! [=ts'!], and *, which has been put in the
same series because of its intimate phonetic and morphologic rela-
tion to the other consonants) are pronounced with the characteristic
snatched or crackly effect (more or less decided stress of articula-
tion of voiceless stop followed by explosion and momentary hiatus)
prevalent on the Pacific coast. From the point of view of Takelma,
p!, t!, and k! are in a way equivalent to p‘, ¢*, and k*, respectively,
orrather to 6°, d*, and g*, for the fortes can never be aspirated.
In some cases it was found difficult to tell whether a fortis, or a voice-
less stop followed by a glottal stricture, was really heard:
yap!a’ and yap*a’ man
ga’ p!unv* and ga’ p%inr two
In fact, a final tenuis + a catch inserted, as between vowels, to pre-
vent phonetic amalgamation, regularly become, at least as far as
acoustic effect is concerned, the homorganic fortis:
ak!a‘ he indeed (=ak* he +deictic ‘a‘; cf. ma’‘a‘ you indeed)
sak !eit’ you shot him (= sa@k* he shot him + (‘)ezé* you are)
map!a‘ just you[pl.] (= map‘ you[pl.] + <a‘)
Nevertheless, p*, ¢*, k° are by no means phonetically identical with
p!, t!, k!; in Yana, for instance, the two series are etymologically, as
well as phonetically, distinct. One difference between the two may
be the greater stress of articulation that has been often held to be
the main characteristic of the fortes, but another factor, at least as
far as Takelma (also Yana) is concerned, is probably of greater mo-
ment. This has regard to the duration of the glottal closure. In
the case of p*, ¢*, and k* the glottis is closed immediately upon release
of the stop-contact for p, t, and k. In the case of p/, t!, and k! the
glottis is closed just before or simultaneously with the moment of con-
sonant contact, is held closed during the full extent of the consonant
articulation, and is not opened until after the consonant release; the
fortis p!, e. g., may be symbolically represented as ‘p* (or °b°, better
ec
as °b*, i. e., a labial unaspirated stop immersed in a glottal catch).
As the glottis is closed throughout the whole extent of the fortis
articulation, no breath can escape through it; hence a fortis conso-
nant is necessarily unaspirated. This explains why fortes are so apt
to be misheard as voiceless mediae or even voiced mediae rather than
as aspirated tenues (p/, e. g., will be often misheard as 6 rather than
p). The cracked effect of the fortes, sometimes quite incorrectly
3045°—Bull. 40, pt 2—12-——3 § 12
34 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 40
referred to as a click, is due to the sudden opening of the closed cham-
ber formed between the closed glottis and the point of consonant
contact (compare the sound produced by the sudden withdrawal of
a stopper from a closed bottle); the hiatus generally heard between
a fortis and a following vowel is simply the interval of time elapsing —
between the consonant release and the release of the glottal closure.
That the fortis consonant really does involve an initial glottal catch
is abundantly illustrated in the author’s manuscript material by such
writings as:
diili*thhéin = diili’thilien I stuff it
di’ thlin =dii'ltlin I shall stuff it
leme’*k lva-udas =leme’k ia-udaé as they go off
Many facts of a phonetic and morphological character will meet us
later on that serve to confirm the correctness of the phonetic analysis
given (see §13, end; also §$§ 30,4; 40,6; 40,13a, p. 113; 40,13b). Here
it is enough to point out that p/, t/, k!, ts’! are etymologically related
to b, d, g, s° as are *, “, ‘1, &m, £n to 4, u, l, m, n.
There is no tenuis or media affricative (ts—dz; ts, te—dz’, dj) corre-
sponding in Takelma, to the fortis ts/, ts‘!, though it seems possible
that it originally existed but developed to 2 (cf. yegwéxi they bite
me [upper Takelma yegwe’tcer]; ts:!c’xi dog [from original *ts-/2ts'2”’)).
Morphologically ¢s/, ts‘! stand in the same relation to s, s* that p/, #/,
and k! stand in to b, d, g. For example,
Aorist stems:
tlomom- kill, pliigiig- start (war, basket), k/olol- dig—are related
to their corresponding
Future stems:
dé"m-, bii#g-, goul-,—as are the
Aorist stems:
ts‘!adad- mash, ts*!elel- paint—to their corresponding
Future stems:
s'a%d-, s‘eel-
Of the other consonants, only z, -'”, and s, s* call for remark. 2 is
equivalent to the ch of German pacu, though generally pronounced
further forward (z). It frequently has a w tinge, even when no
u-vowel or diphthong precedes, particularly before 7; examples are
ha’ px”’t CHILD and haz”iya* (ordinarily haxiya‘) IN THE WATER. -k*”,
1Doctor Goddard writes me that an examination of tracings made on the Rousselot machine leads
to substantially the same phonetic interpretation of the fortes as has been given above.
2 See Notes on the Takelma Indians of Southwestern Oregon, American Anthropologist, n.s., IX, 257.
Tae
BOAS] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES—TAKELMA 35
in which combination alone, as we have seen, -"” occurs, is the
aspirated tenuis k* followed by a voiceless labial continuant approxi-
mately equivalent to the wh of English wuicu, more nearly to the
sound made in blowing out a candle. s is the ordinary English s as
in SELL; while s‘ is employed to represent a sibilant about midway in
place of articulation between s and ¢ (= sh in English sHELL), the
fortes ts! and ts’! corresponding, respectively, in place of articulation
to s and s. The two sounds s and s’ have been put together, as it
is hardly probable that they represent morphologically distinct
sounds, but seem rather to be the limits of a normal range of varia-
tion (both sal- wirH root and s-al-, e. g., were heard). The only
distinction in use that can be made out is that s occurs more fre-
quently before and after consonants and after °:
s‘a’s‘ant‘e* I shall stand
ogu’s't he gave it to me, but ogu’shi he gave it to you
lovs't’* his plaything 110.6
ilasgi’n I shall touch it
le*psi‘ feathers
yols steel-head salmon
ha-uhana’‘s it stopped (raining)
§ 13. Final Consonants
By a “final” consonant will always be meant one that stands at
the end of a syllable, whether the syllable be the last in the word or
not. Such a final position may be taken only by the aspirated tenues,
the voiceless spirants, the catch, the liquid (7), and the nasals, not by
the voiceless mediae, fortes, and semivowels (y and w); fA occurs as
a final only very rarely:
la‘h excrement
lohlaha‘nk‘ he always caused them to die
A final semivowel unites with the preceding vowel to form a diph-
thong:
gayatt he ate it (cf. gayawa’n I ate it)
gat grow! (cf. ga*ya’t’ he will grow)
A final voiceless media always turns into the corresponding aspirated
surd; so that in the various forms of one stem a constant alternation
between the two manners of articulation is brought about:
se°ba’'n I roasted it; sép‘ he roasted it
xebe’'n he did it; xép‘gaé I did it
zuduma’'lda‘n I whistle to him; suduma’lt‘, cuduma’lt‘qwa he
whistles to him
tlayaga’*n I found it; tlaya‘k* he found it, dak‘na* since he
found it
§ 13
36 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 40
A final fortis also becomes the corresponding aspirated surd (-ts/
becoming -‘s), but with a preceding catch by way of compensation
for the loss of the fortis character of the consonant. This process is
readily understood by a reference to the phonetic analysis of the fortes
given above (§ 12). Final p/, for instance, really °b(*), is treated in
absolutely parallel fashion to a final 6; the final media implied in
the p! must become an aspirated surd (this means, of course, that
the glottal closure is released at the same time as the stop, not sub- .
sequently, as in the ordinary fortis), but the glottal attack of the
still remains. Examples are:
wasga@’ p!in I shall make it tight; wasga’*p* make it tight
k‘ap!a’k‘ap‘na‘n I throw them under (fire, earth); future, k‘a‘p‘-
ka’ p'nan . .
ba%x0’t!an I shall win over him; 64776’ win over him! ba@7x0’*t'ga®
I won over him
alxi/k!in I shall see him; alzi’*k* see him! (contrast alzi’*gién I
saw him; alzi’*k* he saw him)
ha‘wiha'nts!in I shall cause it to stop (raining); ha‘wiha’n‘s
make it stop raining!
n0o’ts!at'gwan next door to each other; n6’“s* next door
haimi'ts!adan tlevmi’*s six times 100; ha*ima’ss six
Consonant Combinations (§§ 14-17)
§ 14. GENERAL REMARKS
Not all consonant combinations are allowable in Takelma, a cer-
tain limited number of possibilities occurring initially, while a larger
number occur as finals. Medial combinations, as we shall see ($17),
are simply combinations of syllabic final consonants or permissible
consonant combinations and syllabic initial consonants or permis-
sible consonant combinations.
§ 15. INITIAL COMBINATIONS
If, as seems necessary, we regard gw as a single labialized consonant,
the general rule obtains that no combinations of three or more con-
sonants can stand at the beginning of a word or syllable. The fol-
lowing table shows all the initial combinations of two consonants
possible in Takelma, the first members of the various combinations
being disposed in vertical columns and the second members, with
which the first combine, being given in horizontal lines. Examples
fill the spaces thus mapped out. Inasmuch as the mediae and fortes,
§§ 14-15
BOAS ] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES—TAKELMA 37
the liquid, nasals, semivowels, and / never appear, or with very few
exceptions, as the first members of initial combinations, it was not con-
sidered necessary to provide for them in the horizontal row. Simi-
larly the tenues and fortes never occur as second members of initial
combinations. A dash denotes non-occurrence.
py i | k 8 | z
b —— | tbdag- hit -—- sbin beaver iy
| = — s'd0’i s'dagwa- put onstyle | ‘ndet flute
_ —— | tgeib- roll -- th coyote | —
gw —— | tgwa*‘ thunder —— sgwini‘ raccoon —-
S| nieow mies te ea pokes
zs
1 — — — 2 Mss war feathers
m ; es tmila\pr smooth — sma-im- smile Abe ?
n Sa — Neen! anil mammal int oni’k' acorn mush ‘
y eat es a = reat
w — | Cwaplat‘wap’- blink | [k‘waagw- | swat‘g- pursue mae eG ?
awaken]
| It will be noticed that only ¢° (p‘ and k* were given mainly for
contrast) and the two voiceless spirants s and x combine with fol-
lowing consonants (k'w- is not to be analyzed into k‘+~w, but is to be
regarded as a single consonant, as also gw- and k!w-, both of which
frequently occur as initials); furthermore that s, z, and y never com-
bine with preceding consonants. The general law of initial combi-
nation is thus found to be: tenuis (¢‘) or voiceless spirant (s, 2) +
media (, d, g) or voiced continuant (J, m,n, w).! Of the combina-
tions above tabulated, only ¢'b- t'g-, sb-, sg-, and perhaps sgw- and
sw-, can be considered as at all common, t'm-, t'w-, sd-, sn-, 2xd-,
al-, and xwn- being very rare. sl-, sb-, zm-, and aw- have not been
found, but the analogy of zl- for the first, and of sb-, sm-, and sw-
for the others, make it barely possible that they exist, though rarely ;
there may, however, be a distinct feeling against the combination
z+labial (b, m, w). ;
Only two cases have been found of fortis or media + consonant:
t!wep!e’'t!wapz they fly about without lighting; future dwep'-
dwa’ pxda*
This may possibly serve to explain why the affricative ¢s- (to correspond to ts:/)is not found in Takelma.
§ 15
88 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [punn. 40
§ 16. FINAL COMBINATIONS
Final consonant combinations are limited in possibility of occur-’
rence by the fact that only aspirated tenues and voiceless spirants
(p‘, t, k*, k'”, s, and x) can stand as absolute finals after other con-
sonants. The following table will give examples of all final combi-
nations of two or three consonants that have been discovered in the
available material. .
p t k l m n 8 a
F — eit‘p' yeare| — | bélp‘ swa — sa’s-anp" Beat =
P vEo Pare stand! (pl.)
t __ | sgelewa’lt’ he | tsJelela’mt* | p/a’ant‘ his
shouted tohim]} he paintsit | liver
Neate RIES | aI Naict
Be lees ste chillies | ese eet a ae is Te ee brig ete
mon Sanee ¥. Rese kill him | her Saree
yank‘w he
k‘w — — — | Ugwelk‘w rat ? took it —- ——
along
ok __ | sualp’k* he se’nsanp'k*
P sat he whooped
tke __ | douma\t'k' my | raela‘mt'k* bilga‘nt‘k*
testicles my urine | my breast
s la‘ps blanket —- — | bils moss gims blind RAM —- ——
; : Nxt b hun-
t‘geya‘px round ee = FE ys Ix it | ya‘mx grease ore me =o aA
ays desipxk’ it gii’ik/alxk* it | dats-/@‘mxk* | tgwa‘nxk*
closed ied was blazing it hurt he drank
sgitlpx warm
(ihe any: a ay your back! =—_ ? me TaD
No examples of -mk‘” and -npx have been found, but the analogy
of -lpx makes the existence of the latter of these almost certain (/ and
nm are throughout parallel in treatment); the former (because of the
double labial; cf. the absence of -mp‘) is much less probable, despite
the analogy of -lk*” and -nk‘”. It is possible also that -lsk‘, -msk',
and -nsk* exist, though their occurrence can hardly be frequent. Of
final clusters of four consonants -nt‘p‘k* has been found in s-a’s-ant'p‘k*
HE STOOD, but there can be small doubt that.the -é- is merely a dental
tenuis glide inserted in passing from the dental nasal to the labial
tenuis; compare the morphologically analogous form se’nsanp‘*k* HE
WHOOPED. However, the combinations -lprk‘ and -npzk* (if -npa
exists), though not found in the available material, very probably
ought to be listed, as they would naturally be the terminations of
morphologically necessary forms (cf. des‘tpzk‘). Most, if not all, of
§ 16
BOAS] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES—TAKELMA 39
the preceding final combinations may furthermore be complicated by
the addition of *, which is inserted before the first tenuis or voiceless
spirant: of the group, i. e., after a possible liquid or nasal:
w*sk* he laughed
k‘o'<px dust, ashes.
ts‘!u’n‘s (deerskin) cap
As compared to the initial combinations, the table of final clusters
seems to present a larger number of possibilities. It is significant,
however, that only those that consist of /, m, or n + single consonant
can ever be looked upon as integral portions of the stem (such as
za‘mk* and t'gwelk*”); while those that end in -s can always be sus-
pected of containing either the verbal suffix -s (=¢+ 2), or the noun
and adjective forming element -s. All other combinations are the
result of the addition of one or more grammatical elements to the
stem (e. ¢., s'u/‘alp'k' =s-u‘al-+-p'+k'). Further investigation shows
that only two of the combinations, -¢‘p* (second personal plural sub-
ject aorist) and -¢‘k‘ (first personal singular possessive) are suflixal
- units; though -t‘p* might be ultimately analyzed into -t° (second per-
sonal singular subject aorist) + -p‘. It is interesting to note that
these clusters are at the same time the only ones, except t'gw-, allowed
initially, ¢b- and ¢‘g-. The constitution of the Takelma word-stem
may thus be formulated as
tenuis (or voiceless spirant) + media (or voieed continuant) +
vowel (or diphthong) + liquid or nasal + stop (fortis or
media—tenulis),
any or all of the members of which skeleton may be absent except
the vowel; h may also be found before the vowel.
§17. MEDIAL COMBINATIONS
A medial combination consists simply of a syllabically final com-
bination or single consonant + an initial combination or single con-
sonant, so that theoretically a very large number of such medial
combinations may occur. Quite a large number do indeed occur,
yet there is no morphologic opportunity for many of them, such as
k‘-l, np‘-m, and numerous others. Examples of medial combinations
are:
tlomoma’n-ma‘ when he was killed
hélk‘-na* when he sang
dak‘-t'qu/“ba‘n. I put hollowed object (like hat) on top (as on head)
§ 17
40 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 40
The occurrence of such clusters as -k'n- must not for a moment be
interpreted as a contradiction of the non-occurrence of the same clus-_
ters initially or finally, as they are not, syllabically speaking, clusters
at all. Had such combinations as, say, -t'gn- (in which -t' would be
the final of one syllable and gn- the initial of the next) occurred, we
should be justified in speaking of an inconsistency in the treatment
of clusters; but the significant thing is, that such clusters are never
found. A Takelma word can thus ordinarily be cut up into a definite
number of syllables:
gatk‘na* when he ate it (= gatk‘-na‘)
yo'k‘yan I shall know it (= yo’k‘-yan)
but these syllables have only a phonetic, not necessarily a morpho-
logic value (e. g., the morphologic division of the preceding forms is
respectively gai-k‘-naé and yok‘y-an). The theory of syllabification
implied by the phonetic structure of a Takelma word is therefore at
complete variance with that found in the neighboring Athapascan
dialects, in which the well-defined syllable has at least a relative
morphologic value, the stem normally consisting of a distinct syllable
in itself.
One important phonetic adjustment touching the medial combina-
tion of consonants should be noted. If the first syllable ends in a
voiceless spirant or aspirated surd, the following syllable, as far as
initial stops are concerned, will begin with a media (instead of aspi-
rated surd) or aspirated surd + media;i.e., for a cluster of stops in
medial position, the last can be a media only, while the others are
aspirated surds. As also in the case of single consonants, this adjust-
ment often brings about a variation in the manner of articulation
of the final consonant in the cluster, according to whether its position
in the word is medial or final. Thus we have:
xép‘ga‘ I did it; xép‘k* he did it
Contrast, with constant -k'-:
alzi’*k‘at I saw it; alzi/£k“! he saw it
the -g- of the first form and the -k* of the second being the same mor-
phological element; the -p‘ of both forms is the syllabically final 6
of the stem xe*b- Do, so that xép‘ga* stands for a theoretical *xzébk‘a*,
a phonetically impossible form. Other examples are:
1 This form is distinct from alx2/*k‘ LOOK At 1T!, quoted before. The imperative theoretically = *alzi’k!
the text form = *alai’k/k'.
§ 17
BOAS] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES—TAKELMA 4]
ga-wwa't'baé ye shall eat it; gayawa‘t'p* ye ate it
di’n‘xga‘ I (as long object) was stretching out; di’n‘ck' long object
was stretching
Consonant Processes (§§ 18-24)
§ 18. DROPPING OF FINAL CONSONANTS
There is a good deal to indicate that the comparatively limited
number of possible final consonant-clusters is not a primary condi-
tion, but has been brought about by the dropping of a number of
consonants that originally stood at the end.
1. The most important case is the loss of every final -¢° that stood
after a voiceless spirant or aspirated surd. Its former presence in
such words can be safely inferred, either from morphologically par-
allel forms, or from other forms of the same stem where the phonetic
conditions were such as to preserve the dental. Thus gwidi‘k'” HE
THREW IT represents an older reduplicated *guida‘k'“t' (= quid-i-qwd-),
as proven by the corresponding form for the first person, gwidi’k'"da‘n
I THREW IT and gwidi’k‘dagwa HE THREW HIM (122.13). Similarly
all participles showing the bare verb stem are found to be phonet-
ically such as not to permit of a final -¢*, and are therefore historic-
ally identical with the other participial forms that show the -¢':
sdk* shooting (= *sa@k't')
déx gathering (= *dézt'‘)
ha-tlilk* following in path (= *t/ilk‘t’)
sana‘p* fighting (= *sana‘p't’)
Compare:
yana‘t’ going
loho‘t’ dead
sebe‘t’ roasting
démt* having killed
se’nsant*’ whooping
yvlt’ copulating with
The combinations -k‘“t‘k* (-k‘“t‘g-) and -k‘’t‘x-, however, seem to
lose, not the -t*-, but the -k‘”-, whereupon -t‘k* (-t'g-) remains, while
-t'x- regularly becomes -s- (see § 20, 2):
he*quida't'k* (=*gwida‘k'“t'-k*, inferential of guidik‘“d-) he lostit
he*guida’t'gaé (=*gwida’k‘“t'-ga‘) I lost it
zamguidi'sgwide® (=*guwidi'k‘“t'-2-gui- or possibly *gwidi’k‘“t'-
gui-) I drown myself
§ 18
492 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BuLL. 40
2. Somewhat less transparent is the former existence of a -w after
consonants. The following examples have been found in the material
at disposal:
lal she twined basket (=*lalw); cf. lawa’‘n I twine it (that -w
really belongs to the stem is shown by the forms lé*wa’n
T shall twine it; léaaxz twine it for me!)
klel basket bucket (=*klelw); cf. k!elwi/* her bucket
k‘al penis (=*k‘alw); cf. k‘alwi’* his penis.
sgelél’ (=*sgelél°w) he keeps shouting; cf. sgelewa‘t’ you shout,
sgelwa'lt‘e® I shall keep shouting
alsgalk‘a* (=*sgalwk‘a‘) I turned my head to one side to look at
him; cf. alsga*lwi’n I shall turn my head to look at him
alsgelélai (=*sgelélwzi) he keeps turning his head to one side to
look at me; cf. alsgala*liwi’*n I keep turning my head to look
at him, future alsgalwalwi’n
This process, as further shown by cases like gat Eat IT! (=*gatw), is
really a special case of the simplification of double diphthongs (see
§ 11). Perhaps such ‘“dissimilated’”’ cases as la and le*- (for léu-
and léu-), see § 7, really belong here.
Other consonants have doubtless dropped off under similar condi-
tions, but the internal evidence of such a phenomenon is not as
satisfactory as in the two cases listed. The loss of a final -n is probable
in such forms as thegwe’hak‘” HE Works, cf. theqwe’ hak‘“na‘n I WoRK,
and thegwe’hak*’nana‘k* we work. Certain verb-forms would be
satisfactorily explained as originally reduplicated like gwidi‘k‘, if we
could suppose the loss of certain final consonants:
gun’*k* he went somewheres (= ?*gin-i’-*k‘n)
gelgulu‘k’” he desired it (= ?*-gul-u‘-k'¥l)
In the case of these examples, however, such a loss of consonants
is entirely hypothetical.t
§ 19. SIMPLIFICATION OF DOUBLE CONSONANTS
Morphologically doubled consonants occur very frequently in Ta-
kelma, but phonetically such theoretic doublings are simplified into
single consonants; i. e., k°+g become k* or g, and correspondingly
for other consonants. If one of the consonants is a fortis, the simpli-
fied result will be a fortis or aspirated surd with preceding catch,
according to the phonetic circumstances of the case. If one of the
1Many of the doubtful cases would perhaps be cleared up if material were available from the upper
dialect, as it shows final clusters that would not be tolerated in the dialect treated in this paper; e. g.
kti/tna ks't’ RELATIVES (ef. Takelma k‘winaxdé My KIN).
§ 19
Boas] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES—TAKELMA 48
k- consonants is labialized, the resulting k- sound preserves the labial
affection. Examples of consonant simplification are:
mo’t'ek* my son-in-law (= mo’t'- + -dek*)
lak‘wék* he gave him to eat (= lag- + -k‘w6k*)
dek hya’k': if it goes on (= dek!iya’g- + -k'2*)
litqwa’n I shall fetch them home (= /i*‘g- + -gwan); cf. aorist
ligugwa’*n
dt‘hila’k!wemén I make him glad (= hila‘k‘’ glad + klemén I
make him)
A good example of three k-sounds simplifying to one is:
ginak‘wit if he comes (= gindg-k*¥-k'7*)
The interrogative element di never unites with the -t' of a second
person singular aorist, but each dental preserves its individuality, a
light % being inserted to keep the two apart:
zemela’tidi do you wish to eat? (= xemela‘t +d?)
The operation of various phonetic processes of simplification often
brings about a considerable number of homonymous forms. One
example will serve for many. From the verb-stem sd¢g- SHOOT are
derived:
1. Imperative sak* shoot it!
2. Potential sé@k* he can, might shoot it
3. Participle saék* shooting (= *sdk't’)
4. Inferential sak‘ so he shot it (=*sdg-k*)
The corresponding forms of the stem yana- go will bring home the
fact that we are here really dealing with morphologically distinct
formations:
1. yana‘ go!
2. yana’* he would have gone
3. yana‘t going
4. yana‘k* so he went
Another simplification of consonant groups may be mentioned
here. When standing immediately after a stop, an organic, etymo-
logically significant A loses its individuality as such and unites with a
preceding media or aspirated tenuis to form an aspirated tenuis,
with a preceding fortis to form an aspirated tenuis preceded by a
glottal catch (in the latter case the fortis, being a syllabic final,
cannot preserve its original form). Thus, for the k- series, g or k‘ +h
becomes k*‘, k! (or *k‘) +h becomes *k‘; gw or k*” +h becomes k‘w,
k!w (or &k‘”) +h becomes £k‘w. Under suitable conditions of accent
§ 19
44 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BuLD. 40
(see § 23) the contraction product k* or k‘w may itself become g or
gw, so that all trace of the original h seems to be lost. Examples for
the k- sounds are:
tgunak'v (=t'gunik* + quotative -hi*) it became warm, it is said
nagana’*ka (=nagana’*k* + quotative -hi®; see § 22) he always
said, it is said
gwen-he'k*wagw- (=reduplicated he’gw-hagw-) relate; with ac-
cent thrown forward gwen-hegwa’‘gw-an-i- (=hegw-ha’*qw-) ;
compare, with preserved h, gwen-hegwe'hagw-an-i tell to
so’wotk' 6p’ (=s'o'wotk'-hap’ =*s‘o'wok!-hap’) he jumps (6=
wa; see § 9) he jumps; compare s‘owo’k!ana‘n I cause him to
jump
Similarly, d or ¢‘+h becomes ft’, t/ (or %*) +h becomes *t'; 6 or p’ +h
becomes p*, p! (or *p‘) +h becomes *p*:
gana’tt (=gana‘t‘ +emphatic -hi) of just that sort
yo't'. (=yot' being + emphatic -hi) alive; compare plural
yot ahi
he*sgu'™t' 6k°” (=sgu't!-hak*”) cut away; compare he“sgo’t!an
I shall cut it away
s' and « also generally contract with h to s° and 2g, e. g.:
nous'd/§( =nd“s' +-hi£) next door, it is said.
§ 20. CONSONANTS BEFORE x
No stopped consonant or spirant may stand before z, except p.
The dentals, guttural stops, and sibilants all simplify with « into
single sounds; the fortes (including ts!) followig the example of
the ordinary stops and of the s, but leaving a trace in the vicarious °.
1. All k- sounds (k'‘, g, k!, k‘w, gw, k!w) simply disappear before x
without leaving any trace of their former existence, except in so far
as k! and k!w remain as §; if x is followed by a vowel, the w of the
labialized k-sounds unites with x to form zw:
alxi/‘xi he saw me ( =al-xi’*g-ai) ;_ ef. alxi’*gaén I saw him
k'wa’¢ade’ I awoke (=k‘wa’*qw-a-de’) ; cf. tk'wa’*quwitn I woke
him up
gelgulu’xbiin I like you (=-gulu’gw-2-bi'n); cf. -gulugwa’én I
like him
ba*dini’*x (clouds) spread out on high ( =-dini’k!-x) ; cf. di’nik!atn
I stretch it out
lisewa‘ to trap (=lik!”-xa‘); cf. lo’k!wan I shall trap (deer)
yerwink® (=yegw-xink*) he will bite me; but yéada‘ ( = yégw-z-da‘)
you will bite me
§ 20
BOAS ] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES—TAKELMA 45
*
2. tx always simplifies to s, t/z to *s. Whether the combination tx
really spontaneously developed into s it is naturally impossible to
say; all that can safely be stated is that, where we should by mor-
phologic analogy expect t+, this combination as such never appears,
but is replaced by s. Examples are numerous:
lebe’saé she sews (=Tlebe’t-za‘); cf., for -t' of stem, lebe‘t’ she
sewed it, for suffix -ra‘, lobo’xa* she pounds
sgelewa'lsi he shouts to me (=sgelewa'ld-x1) ; cf. sgelewa’lda‘n I
shout to him
da‘tbodoba’sa‘n they pull out each other’s hair, with reduplicated
stem bodobad- + x-
ra*t'be’k'tbagams it is all tied together (=-t'bagam#-z); cf.
rat ba’*gamda‘n I tie it together
hansgo’/““s he cut across, lay over (road) (=-sgd’“t!-x); cf.
hansgo'“t!an I shall cut it across
This change of éz to s is brought about constantly in the course of
word-formation, and will be incidentally exemplified more than once
in the morphology.
3. sx simplifies to s, ts!z (=‘sx) to §s. Examples are:
imi’s‘aé he dreams ( =yimi’s‘-xza‘, with suffix -ra‘ as in lobo’xa‘
,
above .
ha-uhana’‘s it stopped (raining) (=*-hana’‘sz, stem hanats!-+
-2)
§ 21. DISSIMILATION OF n TO/ AND m
If a (generally) final n of a stem is immediately followed, or, less
commonly, preceded by, a suffix containing a nasal, it dissimilates
tol. The following examples have been found:
yalalana‘t’ you lost it (cf. yalnanada’* you will lose it, with n
preserved because it forms a consonant-cluster with /)
ha-gwal-a‘m in the road (cf. gwan road)
Didala‘m Grant’s Pass (probably =over[d7-] the rocks [da‘n])
xatla‘mt'k* my urine; xala’xamt'e® I urinate (cf. xén urine)
ba-is‘en-av’lik!witn I blow my nose, with 1 due to -n of prefix
s‘in- nose (cf. xin mucus)
sinp'vl‘s flat-nosed, alongside of s*inp‘t’nés
The possibility of a doublet in the last example shows that the
prefix swn- is not as thoroughly amalgamated with the rest of the
word as are the suflixes; probably, also, the analogy of forms in --p‘in‘s
with other prefixes not containing an n would tend to restore an
anomalous-sounding s‘inp‘v’l‘s to -p‘v’n‘s.
46 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 40
A suffixed -(a)n dissimilates to -(a)l because of a preceding m in the
stem:
simil dew (cf. such nouns as p/iyi‘n deer)
dak‘-s'6"ma‘l on the mountain (s‘o/% mountain)
do“malt'k* my testicles (d6“m testicles)
With these compare:
da*-ts!a%wa‘n by the ocean (ts/aa deep water)
In 2a*-gulma‘n aMonc oaxs, the J immediately preceding the m
seems to have prevented the dissimilation of the -an to -al.
It is practically certain that the -am of hagwatla‘m, Didala‘m, and
zatla‘mt'k* is at bottom phonetically as well as functionally identical
with the suffix -an (-al), seen in 2@%-gulma‘n (gulu‘m oak) and dak*‘-
s‘o"ma‘l, and rests on a second dissimilation of the nasal lingual (n)
of the suffix to a labial nasal (m), because of the lingual (2) of the
stem. The history of a word like hagwala‘m is in that event as
follows: An original *hagwa%na‘n IN THE ROAD (stem gwa%n- + nominal
characteristic -an) becomes first *hagwatla‘n by the dissimilation of
the first n because of the following n, then hagwala‘m by the dissimi
lation of this second n because of the preceding /. Similarly Didala‘m
and zala‘mt*k* would go back to *Didana‘n and *xa%na‘nt‘k* respec-
tively; with the second form compare the reduplicated verb zala/xam-
(=*xanazan-) URINATE. The probability of such a dissimilation of
n to m is greatly strengthened by the fact that nearly all nouns with
an evidently suffixal noun-forming element -(a)m have an l/ in the
stem as compared to an -(a)n of nouns not so affected. Contrast:
-m -n
he‘la‘m board (cf. dithe’liya daga‘n turtle
sleeping on wooden platform)
gela‘m river wigin red lizard
ts!ela‘m hail (cf. stem ts/el- plvyi'n deer (-n here as suffix
rattle) shown by p/iya‘x fawn)
zila‘m sick, ghost yutla‘n white duck (cf. yut!-
u’yidien I eat it greedily)
ts'!ii‘lm wart ' yu’xzgan trout
habila‘m empty adan eel (cf. ha*-ada’*xdagwatn
I throw something ney
far away)
lap‘am frog wo"p!un- eyebrows
1No other example of final -lm is known, so that this form was probably misheard for ts’ /uli‘m
(ef. gulu‘m OAK).
ged
BOAS ] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES—TAKELMA 47
yulu‘m eagle (also yula‘m is da*- n- ear
found)
gulu‘m oak bebe‘n rushes
k‘iiliim fish (sp. ?) ga’k!an house ladder
legem- kidney guwitlin- wrist
It should not be concealed that a few words (such as hiiliin ockAN,
tlaga‘m LAKE, and yuk!um-a- BONES) do not seem to conform to the
phonetic law implied by the table; but more exact knowledge of the
etymology of these and similar words would doubtless show such
disagreement to be but apparent. It is probable that in delga‘n-
BuTTOCKS, bilga‘n- BREAST, and do’lk‘vn-i- ANus, the g, (hk) im-
mediately following upon the J prevented the expected dissimila-
tion of n to m; in le’k‘wan- anus the dissimilation was perhaps
thwarted by a counter-tendency to dissimilate the two labials (k°¥
and m) that would thus result. *yalan-an- Lose (tr.), dissimilated,
as we have seen, to yalal-an-, fails to be further dissimilated to *yalal-
am- because, doubtless, there is a feeling against the obscuring of
the phonetic form of the causative suffix -an-. The great probability
of the existence of a dissimilatory tendency involving the change
of n to m is clinched by the form do’lk‘im-t- anus alongside of
do'lk‘wn-1-.
A dissimilation of an original / to n (the reverse of the process first
described), because of an / in the stem, is found in
yilt’nma’*n I keep asking for it (= original *yili‘lma’‘n [1 inserted
as repetition of stem -/- in iterative formation from yilima’‘n
I ask him])
le*ba’nadeé I am carrying (object not specified) (= original *le*-
ba’/lxde®) ; cf. identical suftix -al-z-, e. g., gayawa’lade‘ I eat.
In @gwa’/nade® I prinx (stem tgw-); it hardly seems plausible that
-an-x- is at all morphologically different from the -al (-an) -a- of these
words, yet no satisfactory reason can be given here for a change
of the J to n.
§ 22. CATCH DISSIMILATION
If to a form with a glottal catch in the last syllable is added a syn-
tactic (conjunctive) element, itself containing a catch, the first catch
is lost, but without involving a change in the character of the pitch-
accent; the loss of the catch is frequently accompanied by a length-
ening of the preceding vowel (or rather, in many cases, a restoration
of the original length). This phonetic process finds its most frequent
22 §
48 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 40
application in the subordinate form of the third person aorist
intransitive:
ya'*da* when he went (cf. ya’* he went)
gini'*k‘daé when he went to (cf. gini’*k* he went to)
yawa’ida* when he spoke (cf. yawa’** he spoke)
loho’idaé when he died (cf. loho’** he died)
The connectives -hi’ IT IS SAID, and -s‘7* BUT, AND are, in regard to.
this process, parallel to the -da* of the preceding forms:
naga’'thi* he said, it is said (cf. naga’* he said)
no"s'v’* but, so (he went) next door (cf. nd’“s* next door).
a’nis'1= but not (cf. a’ni*= not)
7’s'2s' but no matter how (often) (cf. £%’s‘7* even if)
dalwi’*s'i£ but some (cf. dal*un’* sometimes; -w7’'s'i* is related to
-wi'* as is ya'*daé to ya’*)
§ 23. INFLUENCE OF PLACE AND KIND OF ACCENT ON MANNER
OF ARTICULATION
The general phonetic rule may be laid down that an aspirated surd,
when not immediately followed by another consonant, can, with com-
paratively few exceptions, be found as such medially only when the
accent immediately precedes, provided that no consonant (except in
certain circumstances /, m, and n) intervene between the accented
vowel and the aspirated surd; under other conditions it appears
as a‘media. This phonetic limitation naturally brings about a con-
stant interchange between the aspirated surd and the correspond-
ing media in morphologically identical elements. Thus we have as
doublets -da and -¢‘a, third person possessive pronoun of certain nouns:
bémt‘a* his stick
se’ 1t‘a* his writing
wila’ut‘a* his arrow
ga’lt‘a* his bow
mo’t'a* his son-in-law; but
da’gaxda his head
and numerous other nouns with -z-. This consonant in itself, as we
have seen, demands a following media. Another pair of doublets is
-deé and -t'e®, first person singular subject intransitive aorist (-deé
and -t‘e* to correspond in future): ‘
pele’xade® I go to fight; p‘elxa’t‘e® I shall go to war
yant‘e® I go; yana’t'e® I shall go
nagait‘e® I say; na’t‘e® I shall say
§ 23
Boas] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES—TAKELMA 49
but:
wits !tsmade£ I keep moving; future wits:/e’smade® (contrast
wits: limite’ I move and wisma’t‘e® I shall move)
Other examples of interchange are:
sgo“t'sga’t't he cut them to pieces; sqgd’“t'sgidi‘n I cut them to
pieces
ts‘liimiimt‘a‘n I boil it, s*imt‘an I shall boil it (stem s*ii“m-t'a-) ;
s‘omoda’‘n I boil it, s‘omda’n I shall boil it (evidently related
stem s‘om-d-) .
s‘as'inip'tk* we stand; e°bi‘k* we are
This phonetic rule must not be understood to mean that a media
can never appear under the conditions given for the occurrence of a
surd. The various grammatical elements involved are not ail on
one line. It seems necessary to assume that some contain a surd as
the primary form of their consonant, while others contain an organic
media. The more or less mechanical changes in manner of articula-
tion, already treated of, have had the effect, however, of so inextri-
cably interlocking the aspirated surds and mediae in medial and
final positions that it becomes difficult to tell in many cases which
manner of articulation should be considered the primary form of the
consonant. Some of the medially occurring elements with primary
tenuis are:
-t'a, third person possessive
-t'a, exclusive (as in k/wa’lt‘a young, not old; younger one)
-t‘e®, first person intransitive aorist (future, -t‘e*)
-t'ek’, first person singular possessive (as in ga’lt‘ek* my bow)
Such elements show an aspirated consonant whether the preceding
accent be rising or falling; e. g., bémt‘a like he’‘t'a. Some of those
with primary media are:
-da, third person possessive with preceding preposition (corre-
sponding not to first person -t‘ek‘, -dek‘, but to -dé)
-a'ld- and -a’md- indirect object
-da*, subordinating element
This second set regularly keep the media whether the accent imme-
diately precedes or not. The first two of these generally, if not
always, require the preceding accent to be a falling one:
dak‘wilt’‘da on his house
hat'ga'¢da in his country
za*sa'lda between his toes
za*ha’mda on his back
3045°—Bull. 40, pt 2-124 § 23
50 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 40
hawa’nda under him
sgelewa’ldaén I shout to him
ts!elela’mda‘n I paint it
The third retains its primary character as media when the preceding
verb form has the falling accent:
yewe'ida’ when he returned
naga’-ida> when he said
baxa’mda* when he came
hele’lda* when he sang
zebe’nda* when he did it
On the other hand it appears as an aspirate tenuis when preceded by
the rising accent:
lalét'a® as it became
s‘as‘init‘a® when he stood
The rule first given, when interpreted in the light of a reconstructed
historical development, would then mean that a rising accent preserved
an immediately following aspirated surd (including always those
cases in which i, m, or n intervened), and caused the change of a
media to an aspirated surd; while a falling accent preserved a simi-
larly situated media or aspirated surd in its original form. That the
change in the phonetic circumstances defined of an origina! media to
an aspirated surd is indeed conditioned by a preceding rising accent,
is further indicated by such rather uncommon forms as hadedil-t'a
EVERYWHERES. Here the -t‘a is evidently the same as the -da of
hawili’‘da IN HIS HOUSE, and the difference in manner of articulation
is doubtless in direct relation to the difference of accent.
A modification of the general phonetic rule as first given remains
to be mentioned. After 7, m, or n an original aspirated tenuis retains
its aspiration even if the accent falls on the preceding syllable but
one; also after a short vowel preceded by J, m, or n, provided the
accented vowel is short. Examples are:
alwe’k!alt‘e* I shall shine; alwe’k!alp‘igam we shall shine; alwe’-
klalk‘wa to shine
k‘e’p‘alt‘e* I shall be absent; k‘e’p‘alk‘wa to be absent
wiilii’hamt‘e® I have menstrual courses for the first time
zala’xamt'e® I urinate ;
i’mhamk‘am he was sent off (7 is short, though close in quality;
contrast démhigam he was killed)
imi’hamk‘wit* he sent himself
§ 23
BOAS ] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES—TAKELMA 51
ts liimii’ts !amt‘a’n I always boil it (cf. s‘omoda’‘n I boil it)
s'a’s.ant‘e° I shall stand; annem ‘“wgam we shall stand; s‘a’s‘an-
k‘wa to stand
sene’sant‘eS I whoop; se’nsant‘e* I shall whoop
detwwit'gank ‘wide I spread (it) out for myself
dasga’lit'a* (grain) will lie scattered about
With -t'd? and -t’e® above contrast the morphologically identical ele-
ments -dé* and -de® of the following examples, in which the same
accentual condition prevails but with a consonant other than J, m, orn
preceding the affected dental:
t‘ge’its' da (round object) will lie (there)
suk‘ dida*? (string) will lie curled up
dak'‘t'ek!e’xade® I smoke (but future -za’t‘e® because of immedi-
ately preceding accent)
§ 24. INORGANIC A
Whenever two morphologically distinct vowels come together
within the word (verbal prefixes and postposed particles, such as
deictic -a‘, are not considered as integral parts of the word), the first
(accented) vowel is separated from the second by an “inorganic”’ -h-:
it!ana’hi‘n I hold it (aorist stem ¢t/ana- + instrumental -i-), but
future it/ani’n (stem t!an-)
dak‘-da-hala’hin I shall answer him (future stem hala- + instru-
mental -2-), but aorist dak‘-da-hali’*n (stem ha“l-)
This inorganic / is found also immediately following an m,n, or l
preceded by the accent:
wayanha‘n I put him to sleep (cf. ‘same form with change of
accent wa-ya"na’'n)
da*aganhi‘n I used to hear about it (cf. -agani’‘n I hear it)
liwilhaut'e® I kept looking (cf. liwila’ut*‘e® I looked)
za-it gvlt'ga’lhi he broke it in two (cf. with identical -2- suffix
za*salt' gwi'lt' gwilt he broke [somebody’s arm] by stepping)
atmhamk‘am he was sent off (also in aorist stem imiham-)
wadomhik* he killed him with it (stem d6é“m- + -7-)
It will be observed that the insertion of the his practically the same
phonetic phenomenon as the occurrence of an aspirated tenuis instead
of a media after an accented vowel. The vowel, nasal, or liquid may
appropriately enough be considered as having become aspirated under
the influence of the accent, just as in the case of the mediae.
§ 24
52 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 40
MORPHOLOGY (§§ 25-114)
§ 25. Introductory
Takelma conforms to the supposedly typical morphology of Amer-
ican languages in that it is thoroughly incorporating, both as regards
the pronominal, and, though somewhat less evidently, the nominal
object. If by “polysynthetic”’ is merely meant the introduction into
the verb-complex of ideas generally expressed by independent ele-
ments (adverbs or the like), then Takelma is also polysynthetic, yet
only moderately so as compared with such extreme examples of the
type as Eskimo or Kwakiutl. The degree of intimacy with which
the pronominal objective elements on the one hand, and the nominal
objective and polysynthetic (instrumental and local) elements on the
other, are combined with the internal verb-structure is decidedly
different. The former combine as suffixes to form an indissoluble
part, as it were, of the verb-form, the subjective elements of the
transitive verb, though in themselves absolutely without independent
existence, being secondarily attached to the stem already provided
with its pronominal object. The latter vary in degree of independ-
ence; they are strung along as prefixes to the verb, but form no integral
part of its structure, and may, as far as grammatical coherence is
concerned, fall away entirely.
The polysynthetic character of the Takelma verb (and by discuss-
ing the verb we touch, as so frequently in America, upon the most vital
element of the sentence) seems, then, a comparatively accidental,
superimposed feature. To use the term “polysynthetic” as a catch-
word for the peculiar character of Takelma, as of many another
American language, hardly hits the core of the matter. On the other
hand, the term incorporation,” though generally of more value as a
classificatory label than ‘‘ polysynthesis,” conveys information rather
as to the treatment of a special, if important, set of concepts, than
as to the general character of the process of form-building.
If we study the manner in which the stem unites in Takelma with
derivative and grammatical elements to form the word, and the vocalic
and consonantic changes that the stem itself undergoes for gram-
matical purposes, we shall hardly be able to find a tangible difference
§ 25
BOAS] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES—TAKELMA 58
in general method, however much the details may vary, between
Takelma and languages that have been dignified by the name “ inflec-
tional.” It is generally said, in defining inflection, that languages
of the inflectional as contrasted with those of the agglutinative type
make use of words of indivisible psychic value, in which the stem and
the various grammatical elements have entirely lost their single indi-
vidualities, but have ‘
chemically” (!) coalesced into a single form-
unit; in other words, the word is not a mere mosaic of phonetic
materials, of which each is the necessary symbol of some special
concept (stem) or logical category (grammatical element).
In support of the actual existence of this admired lack of a one-
to-one correspondence between a grammatical category and its pho-
netic expression is often quoted the multiplicity of elements that
serve to symbolize the same concept; e. g., Lat. -7, - ae, -a, -és, -dis, all
indicate that the idea of a plurality of subjects is to be associated
with the concrete idea given by the main body of the words to
which they are attached. Furthermore, variability of the stem or
base itself is frequently adduced as a proof of its lack of even a
relative degree of individuality apart from the forms from which
by analysis it has been abstracted; e. g., German bind-, band-, bund-,
bdnd-, biind-. These two characteristics are very far indeed from
constituting anything like a definition of inflection, but they are
often referred to as peculiar to it, and hence may well serve us as
approximate tests.
As regards the first test, we find that just such a multiplicity of
phonetic symbols for the same, or approximately the same, concept,
is characteristic of Takelma. The idea of possession of an object by
a person or thing other than the speaker or person addressed is
expressed by -za, -a, -da (-t'a), t’, or +, all of which are best rendered
by HIS, HER, ITS, THEIR (the ideas of gender and number do not
here enter as requiring grammatical expression). Similarly, the idea
of the person speaking as subject of the action or state predicated
by the main body of the verb is expressed by the various elements
-te® (-de®), -t'e® (-de*), -*n, -n, -k‘aé (-ga‘), all of which are best ren-
dered in English by “I.” -¢‘e* is confined to the aorist of intransi-
tive verbs; -f‘e° is future intransitive; -'n is aorist transitive; -n is
future transitive; and -k‘a‘ is used in all inferential forms, whether
transitive or intransitive.
§ 25
54 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 40
As for the second test, it soon appears that the Takelma stem may
undergo even more far-reaching changes than we are accustomed to
in German or Greek. As examples may serve:
do“m-, dii“m-, t!omom- (tlomé"-), thiimii®- kill
na“g-, ne®-, naga-, nege- say to
The first form in each of these sets is the verb-stem, properly speak-
ing, and is used in the formation of all but the aorist forms. The
second is employed in non-aorist forms when the incorporated object
of the verb is a first person singular, and in several derivative forma-
tions. The third is characteristic of the aorist. The fourth is used
in the aorist under the same conditions as determine the use of the
second form of the stem in other groups of forms. It needs but a
moment’s thought to bring home the general psychic identity of such
stem-variability and the “ablaut’’ of many German verbs, or the
Latin stem-variation in present and perfect:
frang- : frég- break
da- : ded- give
If the typical verb (and, for that matter, noun) form of Takelma is
thus found to be a firm phonetic and psychic unit, and to be charac-
terized by some of the supposed earmarks of inflection, what is left
but to frankly call the language ‘‘inflectional’’? ‘‘ Polysynthetic”’ and
“incorporative” are not in the slightest degree terms that exclude
such a designation, for they have reference rather to the detailed
treatment of certain groups of concepts than to morphologic method.
Everything depends on the point of view. If chief stress for purposes
of classification is laid on the relative importance and fulness of the
verb, Takelma is polysynthetic; if the criterion of classification be
taken to be whether the verb takes the pronominal object within its
structure or not, it is incorporating; if, finally, stress be laid on the
general method of building up the word from smaller elements, it is
inflective. Not that Takelma is in the least thereby relegated to a
peculiar or in any way exceptional position. A more objective, un-
hampered study of languages spoken in various parts of the world —
will undoubtedly reveal a far wider prevalence than has been gener-
ally admitted of the inflectional type. The error, however, must not
be made of taking such comparatively trivial characteristics as sex
gender, or the presence of cases, as criteria of inflection. Inflection
has reference to method, not to subject-matter.
§ 25
Boas] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES—TAKELMA 55
Grammatical Processes (§§ 26-32)
§ 26. General Remarks
There are four processes employed in Takelma for purposes of
grammatical modification and word-formation: affixation (pre-, in-,
and suflixation), reduplication, vocalic change (ablaut), and conso-
nant change (consonant ablaut). Pitch-accent is of grammatical
importance, but is most probably a product of purely phonetic
causes. Of the processes mentioned, suffixation is by far the most
important, while the presence of infixation will have to be allowed or
denied according to the definition given of it.
§ 27. Prefixation
Prefixation is either of the loose polysynthetic type already referred
to, or of the more firmly knit inflective type. Loose prefixation is
extremely common, nominal objects, instruments, and local ideas of
one kind or another finding admittance into the word-complex, as
we have seen, in thismanner. Examples of such loose prefixation are:
gwen-‘a'l-yowo® he looked back (qwen- in back; al- is difficult to
define, but can perhaps be best described as indicative of action
away from one’s self, here with clear implication of sight directed
outward; yowo’* he was, can be used as independent word)
s‘in-i-lats!agi’/'n I touched his nose (s*in- nose; 7- with hand;
lats!agi’*n I touched him, as independent word)
gwent gem black necked (gwen- nape, neck; fge‘m black)
The first example shows best the general character of loose prefixa-
tion. The prefixed elements gwen-, al-, s‘in-, and 7- have no separate
existence as such, yet in themselves dire-tly convey, except perhaps
al-, a larger, more definitely apperceived, share of meaning than falls
to the lot of most purely grammatical elements. In dealing with
such elements as these, we are indeed on the borderland between
independent word and affix. The contrast between them and gram-
matical suffixes comes out strongest in the fact that they may be
entirely omitted without destroying the reality of the rest of the
word, while the attempt to extract any of the other elements leaves
an unmeaning remainder. At the same time, the first example well
illustrates the point that they are not so loosely attached but that
they may entirely alter the concrete meaning of the word. Pre-
fixation of the inflective type is very rare. There is only one
§§ 26-27
56 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [pune. 40
such prefix that occurs with considerable frequency, wi-, first person
singular possessive of nouns of relationship:
wiha‘m my father
hame’*t’ your father
§ 28. Suffixation
Suffixation is the normal method employed in building up actual
forms of nouns and verbs from stems. The suffixes in themselves
have for the most part very little individuality, some of them being
hardly evident at all except to the minute linguistic analyst. The
notions they convey are partly derivational of one kind or other.
In the verb they express such ideas as those of position, reciprocal
action, causation, frequentative action, reflexive action, spontaneous
activity, action directed to some one, action done in behalf of some
one. From the verb-stem such adjectival and nominal derivations
as participles, infinitives, or abstract nouns of action, and nouns of
agent are formed by suffixation. In the noun itself various suffixed
elements appear whose concrete meaning is practically nil. Other
suffixes are formal in the narrower sense of the word. They express
pronominal elements for subject and object in the verb, for the pos-
sessor in the noun, modal elements in the verb. Thus a word like
tlomoxinik’ WE KILL ONE ANOTHER contains, besides the aorist stem
tlomo- (formed from dé“m-), the suffixed elements -z- (expressing
general idea of relation between subject and object), -in- umlauted
from -an- (element denoting reciprocal action [-z-in-=EACH OTHER,
ONE ANOTHER]), and -ik‘ (first personal plural subject intransitive
aorist). As anexample of suffixation in the noun may be given
tlibagwa‘n-t'k‘ My PANCREAS. ‘This form contains, besides the stem
iliba-, the suffixed elements -gw- (of no ascertainable concrete signifi-
cance, but employed to form several body-part nouns; e. g., t/uba‘k'”
PANCREAS 47.17), -an- (apparently meaningless in itself and appear-
ing suffixed to many nouns when they are provided with possessive
endings), and -t‘k* (first personal singular possessive).
§ 29. Infixation
Infixation, or what superficially appears to be such, is found only
in the formation of certain aorist stems and frequentatives. Thus
the aorist stem mats!ag- (from masg- PUT) shows an intrusive or
§§ 28-29
BoAS] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES—TAKELMA 517
infixed -a- between the s (strengthened to ts!) and g of the stem.
Similarly the aorist stem wits!im- (from wism- MOVE) shows an
infixed 7. Infixation in frequentative forms is illustrated by:
yonoina’'n I always sing (aorist stem yonon-)
ts!ayaik* he used to shoot them (cf. ts!aya‘k* he shot them)
On examination it is found that the infixed element is invariably
a repetition of part of the phonetic material given by the stem.
Thus the infixed -a- and -i- of mats!ag- and wits’ !im- are repetitions
of the -a- and -i- of the stems masg- and wism-; the infixed -2- of
yonoin- and ts!/ayaig- are similarly repetitions of the y- of yonon
and -y- of ts!ayag-. It seems advisable, therefore, to consider all
cases of infixation rather as stem-amplifications related to reduplica-
tion. An infixed element may itself be augmented by a second
infixation. Thus we have:
Verb stem Aorist stem Frequentative
hemg- take out hemeg- heme’mg-
ts!a-im- hide ts!ayam- ts !aya-vm-
masg- put mats !ag- mats!a%sg-
yawi- talk yawa-t- yawa-vy-
baxm- come baxam- baxa*am-
§ 30. Reduplication
Reduplication is used in Takelma as a grammatical process with
surprising frequency, probably as frequently as in the Salish languages.
The most interesting point in connection with it is probably the fact
that the reduplicating increment follows the base, never, as in most
languages (Salish, Kwakiutl, Indo-Germanic), precedes it. It is,
like the infixation spoken of above, employed partly in the formation
of the aorist, partly to express frequentative or usitative action.
Some nouns show reduplicated stems, though, as a process, redupli-
cation is not nearly as important in the noun as in the verb. Some
verbs, including a number that do not seem to imply a necessary
repetitive action, are apparently never found in unreduplicated form.
Four main types of reduplication, with various subtypes, occur:
1. A partial reduplication, consisting of the repetition of the vowel
and final consonant of the stem:
aorist helel- (from he‘- sing)
. aorist t!omom- (from d6“m- kill)
The reduplicated vowel is lengthened in certain forms, e. g., hele‘l-,
tlomo”m-.
§ 30
58 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BucL. 40
1a. A subtype of 1 is illustrated by such forms as exhibit an
unreduplicated consonant after the reduplicated portion of the word,
the second vowel in such cases being generally long
aorist ts’ liimii“mt‘a- (from s‘ii#mt‘a- boil)
usitative aorist t/iilii“lg- (from verb stem ¢/ii#lg-, aorist t/iiliig-
follow trail)
usitative aorist gini'ng- (from verb stem ging-, aorist gimg- go to;
ging-, ginig- itself is probably reduplicated from gin-)
2. A complete reduplication, consisting of the repetition of the
entire base with a change of the stem-vowel to a:
aorist t/éut!au- (from t!éu- play shinny)
aorist bot‘bad- (from bé“d- pull out one’s hair)
aorist bd%- sal- xo(x)xag come to a stand (pl.); aorist sal-xog-7'-
stand (pl.)
3. A complete reduplication, as in 2, with the addition of a con-
necting vowel repeated from the vowel of the stem:
aorist yuluyal- (cf. verb stem yulyal- rub)
aorist frequentative hogohag- keep running (from hé%g- run)
aorist frequentative s‘wilis‘wal- tear to pieces; verb stem s-wil-
s'‘wal- (from aorist s‘wi'ls‘wal- tear; verb stem s‘wi'l-)
If the stem ends in a fortis consonant, the reduplicating syllable
regularly shows the corresponding media (or aspirated tenuis):
sgotlosgad- cut to pieces (from verb stem sg6“t!-, aorist sgo“d- cut)
3a. A subgroup of 3 is formed by some verbs that leave out the -a-
of the reduplicating syllable:
gwidik‘’d- throw (base gwid-)
4, An irregular reduplication, consisting of a repetition of the
vowel of the stem followed by -(‘)a- + the last and first (or third)
consonants of the stem in that order:
frequentative aorist t/omoamd-, as though instead of *t/omo-
tlam-; cf. non-aorist d6“mdam- (from aorist t!omom- kill)
frequentative aorist k/eme‘amg- (from k!eme-n- make; verb stem
k!lem-n-)
frequentative aorist p/iwi‘aug-, as though instead of *p/uwip!aug-
(from aorist p/iwuk!- name)
It will be noticed that verbs of this type of reduplication all begin
with fortis consonants. The glottal catch is best considered a partial
representative of the initial fortis; in cases like k/eme*amg- an original
§ 30
BOAS] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES—TAKELMA 59
-klam (i. e., --gam) may be conceived of as undergoing partial meta-
thesis to -‘amg.
Other rarer reduplications or stem-amplifications occur, and will be
treated in speaking of aorist formations and frequentatives.
§ 31. Vowel-Ablaut
Vowel-ablaut consists of the palatalization of non-palatal stem-
vowels in certain forms. Only o and a (with corresponding long
vowels and diphthongs) are affected; they become respectively
ii (4) and e. In sharp contradistinction to the 2- umlaut of an
original a to 2, this ablaut affects only the radical portion of the
word, and thus serves as a further criterion to identify the stem.
Thus we have we’ga’si HE BROUGHT IT TO ME (from stem wé%-,
as shown also by wd%g-wi’'n I BROUGHT IT TO HIM), but wege’sink’
HE WILL BRING IT TO ME (from stem waga-, as shown also by waga-
win VLL BRING IT TO HIM), both 7- umlaut and stem-ablaut serving
in these cases to help analyze out the stems. Vowel-ablaut occurs
in the following cases:
1. Whenever the object of the transitive verb or subject of the
passive is the first person singular:
mele’xt he told it to me 172.17, but mala’zbi‘n I told it to you
(162.6)
nege’s't he said to me 186.22, but naga’sam he said to us (178.12)
diimainas I shall be slain (192.11), but démaxbina‘ you will be slain
(178.15)
gel-lihiiigwa’ si he avenges me, but -lohoigwa’/‘n Lavenge him (148.3)
Not infrequently vowel-ablaut in such cases is directly responsible for
the existence of homonyms, as in yeweyagwa’si HE TALKS ABOUT ME
(from yaway-talk), and yeweyagwa’si HE RETURNS WITH ME (from
yewei-return).
2. With the passive participial endings -ak"™, -ik*v:
wase'gu'k*” wherewith it is shot (from sdé%g- shoot)
me’xak*” having father (from ma’aa his father)
wa‘-i-dixik'“dek* my gathered ones (= I have been gathering
them) (from d0“x- gather)
dal*-wa-p‘it'tlik’” mixed with (from p‘ét!- mix) 178.5
3. In some verbs that have the peculiar intransitive-forming suffix
-z-, by no means in all:
geyewa'lade® I eat (136.15) (cf. gayawa’'n I eat it 30. 11)
le*ba‘nx he carries 178.6 (stem 1a%b-)
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60 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BuLL. 40
didat be’ **k't'bag-ams (= -amtx) they had their hair tied on sides
of head (from base t'b@%g-) 142.17; cf. -t'ba’*gamda‘n I tie his
hair (27.1)
No satisfactory reason can be given why most verbs in -z- do not show
this stem-palatalization. It is quite possible that its occurrence is
confined to a restricted number of such verbs; at any rate, there is
some limitation in its employment, which the material at hand has
not been found extensive enough to define.
4. In nouns ending in -z-ap* (-s-ap‘= -t-a-ap‘), probably derived
from such verbs in -z- as were referred to under 3:
ale’ “sap belt (cf. cala’*daén I put it about my waist)
hali/“*x6p* (= -x”ap*) shirt (cf. halo’“k* she put on[her dress])
5. In verbs provided with the suffix -ra-, which serves to relieve
transitive verbs of the necessity of expressing the object:
li/*xwagwadinin (=lik!-xa-) Vl trap for him (stem lok!”-)
ili’ pragwank* she shall pound with (stone pestle) (cf. lobo‘p* she
pounds them)
kledeizade® 1 was out picking (cf. k/adan I pick them, k/adai he
picks them)
ts!eye’maade® I hide things (ef. ts!ayama’‘n I hide it)
6. In reflexive verbs ending in -gwi- or -k'wa- (-gwa-):
k!et'qwi'p’ pick them for yourself! (stem k/a%d-)
alts !eyek‘wit' he washed himself with it (cf. alts!ayap* he washed
his own face)
ilets!ék‘wide® I touch myself (cf. tlats!agi’*n I touch him)
kledéik'watn I pick them for myself (aorist stem k/adai-)
alna’“k'wa he painted his own face.(stem nd“gw-)
Yet many, perhaps most, reflexive verbs fail to show the palatal
ablaut:
plagank‘wit' he bathed himself
t'qwa*xa’ nt gwide® I shall tattoo myself (but lu/“gwant'quwide® I
trap deer for myself)
«a?-sgo'“t' qwide® I cut myself
igaxaga’xgwasn I scratch myself
We have here the same difficulty as in 3. Evidently some factor or
factors enter into the use of the ablaut that it has not been founp
possible to determine.
7. Other cases undoubtedly occur, but there are not enough of
them in the material gathered to allow of the setting up of further
groups.. All that can be done with those cases that do not fall
§ 31
BOAS] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES—TAKELMA 61
within the first six groups is to list them as miscellaneous cases.
Such are:
qwel-leisde? I shall be lame (cf. gwel-la’is k!emna’n I shall make
him lame
le*pst’ wing (if derived, as seems probable, from stem /é%b- carry)
tlemeya’nuia“ people go along to see her married 178.1 (cf.
tlamayana’‘n I take her somewheres to get her married [148.5])
Palatal ablaut, it should be noted, does not affect the -a- of the
second member of reduplicated verbs:
t‘galt'ga‘l it bounced from her 140.8
t‘gecltg'a’lst it bounced from me
The connecting vowel, however, of verbs reduplicated according to
the third type always follows the stem-vowel:
dak‘da-hele’ halxade’ I am accustomed to answer (stem -ha@-)
It is difficult to find a very tangible psychic connection between the
various cases that require the use of the palatal ablaut, nor is there
the slightest indication that a phonetic cause lies at the bottom of
the phenomenon. If we disregard the first group of cases, we shall
find that they have this in common, they are all or nearly all intransi-
tives derived from transitives by means of certain voice-forming ele-
ments (-2-, -xa-, -gwi-, -k‘wa-), or else nominal passives or derivatives
of such intransitives (-ak‘”, -x-ap‘); -k'wa-, it is true, takes transi-
tive pronominal forms; but it is logically intransitive in character
in that it indicates action in reference to something belonging to the
subject. The only trait that can be found in common to the first
group and the remaining is that the action may be looked upon as
self-centered; just as, e. g., a form in -za- denotes that the (logically)
transitive action is not conceived of as directed toward some definite
outside object, but is held within the sphere of the person of central
interest (the subject), so, also, in a form with incorporated first per-
son singular object, the action may be readily conceived of as taking
place within the sphere of the person of central interest from the
point of view of the speaker. No difficulty will be found in making
this interpretation fit the other cases, though it is not conversely true
that all forms implying self-centered action undergo palatalization.
The explanation offered may be considered too vague to be con-
vincing; but no better can be offered. In any event, the palatal
ablaut will be explained as the symbolic expression of some general
mental attitude rather than of a clear-cut grammatical concept.
§ 31
62 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 40
Besides these regular interchanges of non-palatal and palatalized
vowels, there are a number of cases of words showing differing vowels,
but whose genetic relationship seems evident. These vocalic varia-
tions have not been brought into the form of a rule; the number of
examples is small and the process apparently touches rather the
lexical material than the morphology. Variations of this character
between a and ¢ are:
gala-b-a’*n I twist it; p!i'-wa-gele-g-i’‘n I drill for fire with it
(88.12), di*al-gelegal-a’mda‘n I tie his hair up into top-knot
(17212)
da*-dala-g-a’mda‘n I pierce his ear (22.1); da?-dele-b-v’<n I stick
it through his ear
la‘ excrement 122.2; le’-k'w-an-t'k’ my anus
Variations between o (u) and ii are:
s‘omoda’'n I boil it (58.10); ts*/iimiimt‘aén I boil it (170.17)
zuma‘ food 54.4; xiimii’k‘de® I am sated (130.18)
An a—ii variation is seen in:
hau-hana’‘s it stopped (raining) 196.8; p/ai-huni’‘s he shrank
33.16
Variations between a and 7 are:
yawait'e® I talk (132.3); yiwiya’ut'es I keep talking, I converse
(194.5); yiwin talking, (power of) speech 138.4
laba’n I shall carry it (124.5); libin news (what is carried about
from mouth to mouth[?]) 194.9
Of o (u)—e variations there have been found:
lohoit‘e® I die 184.18; leheit‘e® I drift dead ashore (75.5)
aa"-huk!u’hak‘na‘n I breathe; xa@*-hege’hak'na‘n I breathe (79.2)
tlos’6’ little 180.20; al-t/esi‘t* little-eyed 94.3
An e— variation is found in the probably related:
pleyént'es I lie 71.5 (future p/é’t'e® [146.9]); gwen-pliyi’nk‘wasn
I lie on pillow (future gwen-p!ik*wan)
t‘gerya‘lz it rolls; a’l-t‘gi'ya‘lz tears rolled from (his) eyes 138.25
§ 32. Consonant-Ablaut
Consonant-ablaut, ordinarily a rare method of word-formation,
plays a rather important part in the tense-formation (aorist and non-
aorist) of many verbs. The variation is in every case one between
fortis and non-fortis; i. e., between p/, t!, k!, ts!, and b, d, g, s, respec-
tively. Three main types of grammatical consonant change are to
be recognized:
§ 32
BOAS ] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES—TAKELMA 63
1. An initial fortis in the aorist as opposed to an initial media in
non-aorist forms:
aorist k/olol- (stem go"l- dig)
aorist t/ebe- (stem de°b- arise)
aorist t/ayag- (stem da%g- find)
2. A medial fortis followed by a vowel in the aorist as opposed to
a medial tenuis followed by a consonant in non-aorist forms:
aorist lop!od- (stem lop‘d- rain, snow, or hail)
aorist lats!ag- (stem lasg- touch)
3. A medial media in the aorist as opposed to a medial fortis in
the remaining forms:
aorist nu“d- (stem nié“t!- drown)
aorist wi'g- (stem wik!- spread)
Needless to say, this consonant-ablaut has absolutely nothing to do
with the various mechanical consonant-changes dealt with in the
phonology.
A few examples of consonant-ablaut not connected with regular
grammatical changes have also been found:
s‘omod- boil; ts*/iimii“mt‘a- boil
hau-gwen-yut ‘wyad-i- swallow down greedily (like duck or hog)
126.10; hau-gwen-yunu‘yan-i- dit.
The second example illustrates an interchange not of fortis and non-
fortis (for n£ is related to n as is t! to d), but of non-nasal stop and
nasal.
I. The Verb (§§ 33-83)
§33. Introductory
The verb is by far the most important part of the Takelma sen-
tence, and as such it will be treated before the independent pronoun,
noun, or adjective. A general idea of the make-up of the typical
verb-form will have been gained from the general remarks on mor-
phology; nevertheless the following formula will be found useful by
way of restatement:
Loosely attached prefixes + verb-stem (or aorist stem derived
from verb-stem) + derivational suffixes + formal elements (chiefly
pronominal) + syntactic element.
This skeleton will at the same time serve to suggest an order of
treatment of the various factors entering into verb morphology.
§ 33
64 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [punn. 40
Before taking up the purely formal or relational elements, it seems
best to get an idea of the main body or core of the word to which
these relational elements are attached. The prefixes, though not
entering into the vital grammatical structure of the verb, are impor-
tant for the part they play in giving the whole verb-form its exact
material content. They may, therefore, with advantage be taken up
first.
1. Verbal Prefixes (§ § 34-38)
§ 34. GENERAL REMARKS
Verbal prefixes may be classified into four groups when regard is
mainly had to their function as determined largely by position with
respect to other prefixes: incorporated objects, adverbial (including
local) elements, incorporated instrumentals, and connective and
modal particles. These various prefixes are simply strung along as
particles in the same order in which they have been listed. Inasmuch
as the exact function of a prefix is to a considerable extent determined
by its position, it follows that the same prefix, phonetically speaking,
may appear with slightly variant meanings according as it is to be
interpreted as an object, local element, or instrument. Thus the
prefix 7- always has reference to the hand or to both hands; but the
exact nature of the reference depends partly on the form of the verb
and partly on the position of the prefix itself, so that 7- may be trans-
lated, according to the circumstances of the case, as
HAND(s):
i-p!i'-no'“k‘watn I warm my hands
WITH THE HAND:
i-o"dini’‘n I hunt for it with the hand (= I am feeling around
for it)
IN THE HAND:
pim-i-ho"gwagwa’*'n I run with salmon in my hand
In the first of these three examples the 7- as object precedes the
incorporated instrumental p/7 FIRE, so that the form means literally
I WARM MY HANDS WITH FIRE. In the third form the 7 as local ele-
ment follows the incorporated object p'im sALMON. Such a triplicate
use is found only in the case of incorporated nouns, particularly such
as refer to parts of the body. These incorporated elements are to
be kept distinct from certain other elements that are used in an
§ 34
—. PS ee See:
BOAS] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES—TAKELMA 65
adverbial sense only, and regularly occupy the second position.
The line between these two sets of prefixes is, however, difficult to
draw when it comes to considering the place to be assigned to some
of the prefixed elements. It is doubtful whether we are fully justified
in making absolutely strict distinctions between the various uses of
the body-part prefixes; at any rate, it is certainly preferable, from a
native point of view, to translate the three examples of 7- incorpora-
tion given above as:
J-hand-fire-warm (-as-regards-myself)
I-hand-hunt-for-it
J-salmon-hand-run-with
leaving in each case the exact delimitation in meaning of the element
HAND to be gathered from the general nature of the form. The fol-
lowing examples will render the matter of position and function of the
various prefixes somewhat clearer:
Instrument. Modal. Verb proper. |
: Locative
Object. adverb.
bém- sticks wa- together §j- hand tloxo’zi*n IT gather (them) (=I
gather sticks together)
hees- away wa- with it waagiwi’n she is bought (=she
is brought with it) 176.17
gwan- road ha-in yazra-continuously | t/iliiilga’*n I follow (it) (=I
: keep following the trail)
dan- rocks baa- up j- hand sgetle’sgidi=n L lifted (them) (=I
lifted up the rocks)
han- across waya- knife swilswa’lhi he tore him (=he
tore himopen with a knife)73.3
dak‘- above da- mouth wala’€sina- truly haali’ndaf I answering him (=I
did answer him)
za- between, | 7- hand mi’ “«wa- probably sgt’ ibien I cut him (=T’ll prob-
in two ably cut him through) 31.13
i
If two adverbial (local) elements are used, the body-part prefix
follows that which is primarily adverbial in character; thus:
ba-de'*didi’nk!at' did you stretch it out? (=ba-i-out+de-lip,
in front + di interrogative particle + di/nik/at' you stretched it)
In general it may be said that instances of a body-part prefix pre-
ceding a primarily adverbial element (like ba-i-, b@2-, he**-, and others)
are rare or entirely lacking.
From what has been said it might seem that the connective and
modal elements (like yaxa, mi’“wa, and di) are more closely associated
with the verb form than are the other elements, yet this is only
apparently the case. Properly speaking all these modal elements are
post-positives that normally attach themselves to the first word of
3045°—Bull. 40, pt 2—12 5 § 34
66 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY \ [BULL. 40
the sentence, no matter what part the word plays in the sentence.
Thus in a form like me’‘-di-giniga‘t’ DID YOU COME? (= me‘- HITHER +
di- interrogative particle + giniga‘t’ YoU WENT TO), the modal (inter-
rogative) element di regularly stands nearest the verb; but as soon as
another word is introduced before the verb, the interrogative particle
shoves back a step, and we have a form of sentence like, e. g¢., hoida’‘s
di me’‘giniga‘t’ DID YOU COME AS SINGER, i. e., TO SING? From this
it becomes fairly evident that the di in the first example is not prop-
erly a verbal prefix at all, but merely a post-positive particle depend-
ing upon the preceding me’*, in the same way that, in the second
example, it depends upon the noun hoida’‘s stncmr. This inference
is clinched by a form like giniga’t‘idi DID YoU GO (SOMEWHERE) ?
for here the di is evidently an enclitic element, not a prefix. .
In sharp contradistinction to such movability, the body-part and
adverbial prefixes occupy rigidly fixed positions before the verb;
they therefore belong to a class quite distinct from the modal parti-
cles. These latter are verbal prefixes only in so far as their post-
positive tendency may force them to become embedded in the
verb-complex, in which case they seem to cut loose the incorporated
object, adverbial prefix, and instrumental element from the verb.
Diagrammatically the last form tabulated may be represented by
za-i- [mi’“wa] -sgi’bien. We may then dismiss the modal elements
from our consideration of verbal prefixes, to return to them when
speaking of connective and adverbial particles.
§ 35. INCORPORATED NOUNS
It may seem strange at first sight to interpret in the examples
given above such elements as b@m STICKS, gw@n ROAD, and da‘n ROCKS
as incorporated objects, when they occur as absolute nouns in that -
form as well, though a faint suggestion of incorporation is given
by gwan-ha-yaxa-tliilii“lga’*‘n 1 KEEP FOLLOWING THE TRAIL, in that
the modal post-positive yaza follows not gwdan, but rather ha-, as
though the direct object were not quite felt to be an element inde-
pendent of the verb. Without laying particular stress on this latter
point, there are, it would seem, good reasons for considering the
nouns referred to as incorporated, though in any event the incor-
poration must be called a loose one, and not at all comparable with
the Iroquois usage.
§ 35
BOAS ] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES—TAKELMA 67
1. In the first place it is evident from such examples as 7-p/i'-
no'"'k'wain I WARM MY HANDS and han-waya-swilswa’lht HE TORE HIM
OPEN WITH A KNIFE, that nouns (in these cases p/7’ FrRE and waya
KNIFE) occur as incorporated instrumentals, for such elements as 7-
and han- can not possibly be isolated from the verb (han- does not
occur as independent adverb, but only as prefix; 7- is inconceivable
as independent noun); furthermore, if, in the forms just quoted, p/7
and waya be looked upon as absolutely independent nouns, they lose
all semblance of grammatical form, there being, indeed, nothing but a
definite position in a verb-complex that could here suggest the notion
of instrumentality. It is also possible to isolate waya, but that
would involve considerable readjustment of the verbal structure.
To be stamped as an instrumental, waya must in that case be fol-
lowed by a postposition wa witTH, so that the sentence then reads,
han-swilswa'lhi wa'ya wa‘ (the phrase wa’ya wa‘ may also precede).
If we wish to incorporate the instrumental idea into the verb, and
yet keep the noun outside of the verb-structure, we may let the wa,
which seems properly to denote wiru IT, occupy the place of the incor-
porated waya, which, as an appositive of wa, then either precedes or
follows the verb-form, wa’ya han-wa-swilswa’lhi, or han-wa-swilswa’lha
waya HE-ACROSS-WITH-IT-TORE-HIM (it, 1. e€.), THE-KNIFE. This con-
struction is identical with the well-known appositional structure of
Nahua or Chinook (e. g., -IT-KILLED THE-DOG), except that the incor-
porated element is here instrumental and not objective in character.
The noun and its representative can not both be incorporated in the
verb, such a form as han-waya-wa-swilswa’lhi, for instance, being
quite impossible.
It becomes clear, therefore, that an incorporated instrumental
noun like wa’ya is quite analogous to an instrumental body-
part prefix like 7- HAND, with the difference that wa’ya may
be isolated in that form, while 7 must, when isolated, be
provided with a possessive pronominal element. The form han-i-
swilswa'lhi 1 TORE HIM OPEN WITH MY HAND is strictly analogous to
han-waya-swilswa/lhi; the sentence tiirde‘k* han-wa-swilswa'lhi my-
HAND I-ACROSS-WITH-IT-TORE-HIM corresponds to wa’ya han-wa-swil-
swa/Thi; and, finally, han-swilswa’lhi tiiade’k* wa‘ 1-ACROSS-TORE-HIM
MY-HAND WITH (-1T) is parallel to han-swilswa’lhi wa‘ya wa’. What-
ever is true morphologically of 7- must be true of wa’ya; the evident
§ 35
68 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 40
incorporation of 7- involves the incorporation of wa’ya in the analogous
form.
As the incorporation of the noun as an instrument seems a rather
important trait of Takelma, a number of further examples may be
given:
ra*-be’-nd'"k'wain I warm my back in (really = with) the sun
(be® sun); cf. 188.20
he*-xi-le’meskt he destroyed them with water (21 water)
he®-p!t-leme’*k‘t he destroyed them with fire (p/7 fire) 98.12
za-dan-t' gi'lt‘ga’/lhi he broke it with a rock (dan rock) 24.4
gwen-waya-sqo't't he cut their necks off with his knife (waya’? wa‘
with his knife, apart from verb-structure) 144.5, 22
xat-be°m-k !wo"t k!widien I broke it with a stick (be’m stick)
da*-hel-yebebi’*n I sing for him, literally, I engage (%) his ears
with song (hel song; al-yebeb-i- show to)
da*-t'mii"gal-lewe'‘liwiin I shake my ears with twisted shells
(attached to them) (¢‘mié“gal twisted shell) 122.1
di'-k‘al-p‘ili’p‘wien I squash them with my penis (k‘al penis) 73.14
de-ye't'-baxamagwana‘k‘ we came crying, literally, we came hav-
ing (our) mouths with tears (yet* tears)
yap!a-dauya*-ts!aya’k*i he shot people with his shaman’s spirit
(dauya’¢k‘’da his shaman-spirit, apart from verb-structure) ;
ef. 164.14
All these, except the last, begin with elements (xa*-, he**-, gwen-, da?-,
di'-, de) that can not be isolated from the verb.
Instrumentals, whether nouns or body-part prefixes, can occur
only in transitive verbs. The forms norwa‘ yana-wa-lobobi’'n 1
POUND ACORNS WITH A PESTLE and nozrwa‘-i-loboxagwa’‘n I POUND
WITH A PESTLE, as compared with 10bd’zade® 1 POUND, will serve to
illustrate this. The first sentence reads, when literally translated,
PESTLE (norwa‘) I-ACORNS (yana‘) -wiTH-IT-pouND. The logical
instrument (nozwa‘) stands outside the verb-complex and is in
apposition with its incorporated instrumental representative (wa-),
yana. being the direct (incorporated) object. The form Jlobo’xades
I POUND is made intransitive by the element -za- (hence the change
in pronominal form from transitive -'n to intransitive -de‘), and
allows of no instrumental modification; a form like 7-lobo’xade® could
hardly mean I POUND WITH THE HAND; at most it could signify
I POUND IN THE HAND. If we wish, however, to express the logical
instrument in some manner, and yet neglect to specify the object, we
must get around the difficulty by making a secondary transitive of
§ 35 :
Boas] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES—TAKELMA 69
the intransitive in -za-. This is done by the suffixed element -gw-
HAVING, ATTENDED By. The grammatical object of a transitive verb
in -gw- is never the logical object of the action, but always dependent
upon the comitative idea introduced by this suffix. Hence the sec-
ond form is not provided with a true instrumental (WITH A PESTLE),
but takes the logical instrument (nozwa‘) as a direct object, while
the 7- is best rendered by IN THE HAND; to translate literally, the
form really means I POUND HAVING A PESTLE IN THE HAND.
It sometimes happens that a verb form has two instrumentals,
one, generally i- WITH THE HAND, expressing indefinite or remote
instrumentality, the second, a noun or demonstrative, expressing the
actual instrument by means of which the action is accomplished. In
such cases the second instrument is expressed outside of the verb-
complex, but may be represented in the verb by the incorporated wa
WITH IT following the first instrumental element (7-). Examples of
such double instrumentals are:
gwalt® ba*-*i-wa-x0’“t't wind he-up-hand-with-it-caused-them-to-
fall, i. e., he caused them to fall by means of a wind (that he
made go up) 168.2
ga *t-wa-molo*ma'lhi that she-hand-with-it-stirs-it-up, i. e., she
stirs it up with that (incidentally, of course, she uses her hand
too) 170.16
dan (object) k!ama (instr.) p!ai-‘i-wa-sga’*k'sgigitn rocks tongs
down-hand-with-it-pick-up, i. e., I pick up the rocks with the
tongs (and put them) down
2. The noun.as instrument has been shown to act in a manner
entirely analogous to the instrumental body-part prefix. The latter
can, without phonetic change, become the direct object of the verb
by occupying the proper position:
s-in-i-lats!agi’*n I touched his nose with my hand (s‘in- nose)
but, theoretically at least,
7-s‘in-lats!agi/én I touched his hand with my nose
If we bear in mind that such elements as s*¢n- and 7- are really nothing
but nouns in their stem form (with possessive pronoun: s‘in-i-a-da
HIS NOSE; 7/-i-z-da HIS HAND), the parallelism with such noun-
objects as bém and gwdan (see examples on p. 65) becomes complete.
The fact that they may occur independently, while sin- and 7-
never do, is really irrelevant to the argument, as a body-part noun
must necessarily be associated with some definite person. Entirely
§ 35
70 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL, 40
analogous to the nominal elements -i'-z- and -id-x- of s‘inizda and
vVuarda is, e. g., the -am- of gwal-a‘m-tk' my Roap. Just as they
drop off when the body-part nouns are incorporated, whether as
object or instrument, into the verb, so, also, the -am- of gwa4-am-
(=gwan-an-) drops off when the noun is used without pronominal
or prepositional modification. That the -am- has nothing per se to
do with the pronominal affix, but is really a noun-forming element
added to the stem, is proven by forms like ha-gwa*la‘m IN THE ROAD.
Thus:
object bém, in bém-wa‘-i-t!ozo’xi*n I gather sticks, is related to
object s‘in-, in sin-t-lats!agv’‘n I touch his nose, as
instrument bém, in 2a?-be’m-k!wot'k!uidiin I broke it with a
stick, to
instrument s‘tn-, in s‘tn-tlayagi’‘n I find it with my nose (=I
smell it) .
In view of the complete parallelism of noun and body-part element
and the transparent incorporation of the noun as instrument, nothing
remains but to look upon the simple noun without pronominal
affixes, when placed immediately before the local and instrumental
prefixes of the verb, as itself a loosely incorporated object. Exam-
ples of noun-objects in such form and position are to be found in
great number; in fact, the regularity with which the object is put
before the verb, as contrasted with the freely movable subject, argues
further for the close relation of the noun-object to the verb.
A few further examples of incorporated noun-objects are given by
way of illustration:
he‘l-gel-qulugwa’<n I desire to sing (literally, I-song-breast-desire;
hel song)
he‘l-yununa’*n I sing a song (106.7)
wili-wa-i-t!a’nida§ you shall keep house (literally, you-house-
together-hand-will-hold; wili house) 28.13
abai® xuma-k!emna’‘s cook (literally, in-the-house food-maker;
zuma food) 54.3
wai-s‘iigii’siizgwa'n I am sleepy (literally, I-sleep-am-confused ?-
having; waz sleep)
pli'-da-t!agat he built a fire (p/7 fire) 96.17
pli'-ba*-yank’” he picked up the fire (literally, he-fire-up-went-
having) 96.25
xi-iigwa’nk* he will drink water (zi water) 162.17
s-ia-ligi‘k’” he brought home venison (siz venison) 134.4
§ 35
BOAS ] ' HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES—TAKELMA TL
In none of these would the placing of the object after the verb-
form be at all idiomatic; in some (as in he l-gel-gulugwa’ ‘7 and wai-
siigi’siizgwasn) it would be quite inconceivable. The incorporation
must be considered particularly strong in those cases in which the
object is what might be called a root-noun identical in form with a
verb-stem of corresponding significance:
wav sleep, to sleep
he‘l- song, to sing
se‘l- black paint, to paint
likewise where the object gives special color to the verb, deter-
mining the concrete significance of the form, as in zuma-k!lemna’‘s
and wili-wa-i-t!a'nidas.
3. Besides being used as instrumentals and direct objects, a few
incorporated nouns are found employed in set phrases, apparently as
subjects. Such are:
ba*-be*-kliyi’*k‘da* forenoon (literally, up-sun-going, or when-it-
goes) (ba@%- is never used as independent adverb, so that be°-
sun must here be considered part of the verb-complex)
no"-be°-k iyi/*k‘da* afternoon (literally, down-river [1. e., west]-
sun-going)
mot'-wo‘k* as son-in-law he visits wife’s parents (= mot’- son-in-
law + wo‘k‘, probably identical with wok* he arrived) 17.13, in
which mot’- must be considered an integral part of the verb,
because unprovided with pronominal affix (cf. mo’t'@% his son-
in-law), and, further, because the whole form may be accom-
panied by a non-incorporated subject (e. g., bo’mai mot'wo'k'
Otter visited his wife’s parents, literally, something like: Otter
son-in-law-arrived)
4. Several verb-forms seem to show an incorporated noun forming
a local phrase with an immediately preceding local prefix; in such
cases the whole phrase must be considered an incorporated unit, its
lack of independence being evidenced either by the fact that
it is itself preceded by a non-independent verbal prefix, or else differs
in phonetic form from the corresponding independent local phrase.
Examples are:
da?-ts:!elei-sgalawi’‘n I looked at them out of the corners of my
eyes (literally, I-alongside-eye-looked-at-them)?; cf. d@%-ts:!e-
leidé alongside my eyes
1wai- indeed could not be obtained as an independent noun, its existence as substantive being inferred
from forms such as that cited above.
2Tt may be, however, that this form is to beinterpreted as I-ASIDE- (WITH-THE-) EYE-LOOKED-AT-THEM,
ts /elei- being in that case an incorporated instrumental noun.
§ 35
72 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY * Ctaunn. 40
ha-t'ga7-quidi‘k'” he threw it into the open (literally, he-in-earth-
threw-it) ; cf. Aa-t'gaa in the earth
ba-i-dak‘-wili-t!a¢di/«n I ran out of the house (ba-i- out, adverbial
prefix + dak‘- on top of + wilt house) 24.13; ef. dak‘*-wilt on
top of the house
ha-yau-t'ge’nets!a‘n I put it about my waist (literally, J-in
[under ¢]-rib-put-it-about) ; ef. ha-yawadé inside my ribs
Such verbs with incorporated local phrases are naturally not to be con-
fused with cases in which a local prefix is followed by an incorporated
(instrumental) noun with which it is not, however, directly connected.
Thus the ha- of ha-tga%-gwidi‘k’” is not directly comparable to the
ha- of a form like:
ha-p!i'-ts: lii/liik nn T set it on fire (p/% with fire) 73.9
Here ha-p/i'- cannot be rendered IN THE FIRE.
Some verb-forms show an evidently incorporated noun that has so
thoroughly amalgamated with the stem that it is difficult to make
out its exact share in the building up of the material content of the
verb. For example:
s‘omlohoya’lda‘n I doctor him as s‘omloho'lza‘s
doubtless contains the incorporated noun s‘o/ MOUNTAIN; but the
implied allusion is not at all evident, except in so far as the protecting
spirits of the s‘omloho'lxa‘s are largely mountain-spirits. The verb
itself is probably a derivative of the verb-stem loho- pie (aorist
lohot-).
§36. BODY-PART PREFIXES
Having disposed of the modal prefixes, which on analysis turned
out to be verbal prefixes only in appearance, and of incorporated
nouns, which one would hardly be inclined to term prefixes in the
narrower sense of the term, there remain for our consideration two
important sets of genuine prefixes, body-part elements and adverbial,
chiefly local, prefixes. The former will be taken up first. By ‘“ body-
part prefix”’ is not meant any body-part noun in its incorporated form
(many of these, such as ts‘/elei- EYE, tliba- PANCREAS, not differing
morphologically from ordinary incorporated nouns), but only certain
etymologically important monosyllabic elements that are used to indi-
cate in a more general way what body-part is concerned in a particular
action, and which may be regarded as in some degree verbal classifiers.
With the exception of 7- HAND and s‘in- NosE, classed with the rest
§ 36
Boas] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES—TAKELMA 73
because of their very extended use, they differ fundamentally from
other body-part nouns in that they have, besides their literal, also a
more formal, local value; in this capacity they are regularly employed,
also, as the first element of noun and pronoun local phrases, and, some
of them, as the second element of local postpositions. In the fol-
lowing list the second column gives the literal body-part significance;
the third, the generalized local meaning; the fourth, the correspond-
ing independent noun (in a few cases, it will be observed, there is no
such. corresponding noun); and the fifth column, an example of a
local phrase:
Prefix. Body. Local. | Noun. Phrase.
dak'- head over, above da’g-ax- dek‘ my head dak‘-wili over the house
da-, de- mouth, lips déx- deck‘
de- in front dét‘ gwa in front of himself
dda- ear alongside dda- n- x- de‘k* daa-gela‘m along the river
s‘in- nose s-in-ti-r-de‘k*
gwen- neck, nape in back,behind | [bo’k* dan-x- de‘k‘] caeey gate east side of the
an
i- hand 1-t1-x- de‘k*
xrqa- back, waist between,in two, 2@a-ha‘m-t'k* xada- gweldé between my legs
dii- back on top of —— dii-iidé over my hand
gel- breast facing gél- x- dek*, [bilg- an -x- de‘k'|| geldé facing, in front of me
dié- anus in rear [delg- a\n- t'k‘] i:-t'gat on west side of the
ha- woman’s pri- | in hat-x-dek’ ha-riya’ in the water
vate parts
gwel- leg under gwél-r-dek* gwel-xiya‘ under water
la- belly ?laa- excrement La-t'gat Uplands (=? front
of the country)
sal- foot down, below | sal-x-de‘k*
al- eye, face to. at [ts*/ elei- t'k* my eye] al- s*° 6u ma‘! to the mountain
[li’ugw- az- dek* my face
dital- forehead (= dit€a‘l-t'k* dit£a’lda at his forehead
above eye)
gwenha-u- nape (=neck gwenha-u-xr-de\k* gwenha-udé at my nape
under)
The last two are evidently compounded; the first of di’- ABOVE
ang al- EYE, FACE, the second of gwen-NECK and probably adverbial
prefix ha-u- UNDER. The noun hau-z- WOMAN’S PRIVATE PARTS may
possibly be connected with this prefix ha-u-, though, in view of the
fact that ha- appears as the incorporated form of the noun, it seems
more probable that the resemblance in form and meaning is acci-
dental. It is possible that other rarer body-part prefixes occur, but
those listed are all that have been found.
In not a few cases, where the body-part prefix evidently has neither
objective nor instrumental meaning, it may yet be difficult to see a
clearly local idea involved. This is apt to be the case particularly
§ 36
74 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [pubn. 40
with many intransitive verbs, in which the share of meaning con-
tributed by the body-part prefix is apparent enough but where the
logical (syntactic) relation of its content to that of the verb proper is
hardly capable of precise definition. Thus, from yowo’* HE Is are
formed by means of body-part prefixes:
al--yowo’* he-eye-is, 1. e., he looks 62.6
da7-‘yowo’* he-ear-is, i. e., he listens, pays attention 96.9
ba7-gel-‘yowo’* he-up-breast-is, i. e., he lies belly up 140.5
In these cases it is obviously impossible, yowo- being an intransitive
verb not implying activity, to translate al-, da*-, and gel- as instru-
mentals (WITH THE EYE, EAR, BREAST); nor is there any clear idea of
location expressed, though such translations as AT THE EYE, EAR,
BREAST would perhaps not be too far fetched. In many verbs the
body-part prefix has hardly any recognizable meaning, but seems
necessary for idiomatic reasons. In a few cases prefixes seem to
interchange without perceptible change of meaning, e. g., al- and
dak* in:
aldémxigam we shall assemble (186.7)
dak'démxia“t* people (indef.) will assemble (136.11)
Where two body-part prefixes occur in a verb form, they may
either both retain their original concrete significance, the first prefix
being generally construed as object, the second as instrument (e. g.,
s‘al-*t-lats!agi/*n I-FOOT-HAND-TOUCH-HIM, i. €., I TOUCH HIS FOOT WITH
MY HAND); or the first prefix may have its secondary local signifi-
cance, while the second is instrumental in force (e. g., de-*i-wi’*gi=n
I-FRONT-HAND-SPREAD-IT, 1. @., I SPREAD IT OUT); or both prefixes
may have secondary local or indefinite significance (e. g., gwel-ge’l-
‘yowo! HE-LEG-BREAST-IS, 1. €., HE FACES AWAY FROM HIM); rarely
do we find that two body-part prefixes are concrete in significance and
absolutely coordinated at the same time (see footnote to 12 below).
To illustrate the various uses of the body-part prefixes it seems
preferable to cite examples under each separate prefix rather than to
group them under such morphologic headings as objective, instru-
mental, and local, as by the former method the range of usage taken
up by the various prefixes is more clearly demonstrated. The
examples are in each case divided into two groups: (a) literal signifi-
cation (objective, instrumental, or local) and (0) general adverbial
(local) signification.
§ 36
BOAS ] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES—TAKELMA 75
1. dak'-
(a) HEAD, WITH HEAD, IN HEAD:
dak'‘ts!ayap‘de® I washed my head (literally, I washed in
my head
dak't'ba’¢gamt* he tied together (their head hair) 27.1
dak“ilats!agi’n I touched top of his head
dak‘hagait‘e® I felt thrill in my head (as when sudden cold
tremor goes through one)
aldak‘sé¢msa‘m he bumped (with) his head against it 79.7
dak*k'iwi’k‘auk‘wa‘n I brandish it over my head
(b) ON TOP OF, ABOVE:
dak'‘t'gu/“ba‘n I put rounded scooped-out object (like hat or
canoe) on top (of head) (61.9)
dak‘t‘ekle’xade® I smoke (literally, I raise [sc., tobacco-
smoke] over[one’s head]) (96.23)
dak‘limimagwat' it (i. e., tree) falls on you (108.12)
dak'wa%ga’‘n I finish it (literally, I bring it on top) (110.17)
wilt dak‘ya*ngwa’*n I pass house (?literally, I go with house
above me) (150.8)
dak‘dahali’*n I answer him (61.6; 180.18)
dak'‘t!eméaxik* we assembled together (43.9; 136.11)
dak‘hene*da’*n I wait for him
The last three or four examples can hardly be said to show a
transparent use of dak‘-. Evidently the meaning of the prefix
has become merged in the general verbal content, becoming
unrecognizable as such; cf. UNDER in English UNDERSTAND,
UNDERGO.
2. da-, de-
It seems possible that we have here two distinct prefixes to begin
with, da- INSIDE oF MouTH (cf. dats/ay@p‘ HE WASHED HIS
MOUTH) and de- tips (cf. de*ts!ayip‘ HE WASHED HIS Lips and
noun de*-z- Lips), from the second of which developed the
general local significance of IN FRONT; contrast also hada’t'-
gwa IN HIS OWN MOUTH with dét‘gwa in front of himself. The
strict delimitation of the two, however, is made difficult by
the fact that da-, alone in this respect among non-radical
verbal elements, undergoes palatal ablaut (thus becoming de-)
whenever the stem shows a palatal vowel, whether primary
or itself due to ablaut; observe also the stem-change from
da- to de- in hada’t‘gwa 170.2 and hadedé 1n My MoutH. These
§ 36
76
BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY ‘TBuLu. 40
apparently secondary de- prefixes will be listed together with
and immediately following the da- prefixes, while the true,
chiefly local, de-, (da)- prefixes will be put by themselves.
(a!) da-, (de-) MOUTH, IN MOUTH, WITH MOUTH, LIPS, TEETH,
TONGUE:
da‘ogothi he gave him to eat (lit., he mouth-gave him) (186.25)
de‘iigii’s't he gave me to eat 186.2
dat/aya’** he went to get something to eat 75.9
dada’k‘da*k* sharpen your teeth! 126.18; 128.23
dats/ala’ts!ilién I chew it
aldat!ele’tlilaén I lick it
dalats!agi’*n I taste it (literally, I mouth-touch it)
aldap‘dp'iwwitn I blow at it (194.1)
dadama’‘x he was out of wind 26.5
dasmayama’‘n I smile
hada‘*yowo'“daé (creek) going into (river) (literally, in- mouth-
being)
daldl* he lied (literally, he eens 110.23; 156.14
\dotanhind he lied to me
dayuwo’s he suddenly stopped een talking) (literally,
he mouth-started, as in fright) 138.23
dak‘daha%li’*n I answer him (180.18)
ee he answers me
(a?):
he‘dele’lek !0‘n I finished (story, talking) 50.4
deliimii’sgade§ I tell truth (184.3)
dexebena‘t’ you said it (literally, you mouth-did it) 14.10; 15.6
aldets:!ii/liik !uén I suck it
dedets:!ii‘liik in I kiss her (first de- as object, her lips; sec-
ond de- as instrument, with my lips)
dehememi’én I taste it (cf. 7-hemem- wrestle)
ba-idehenena‘t’ you are through eating (literally, you are
out-mouth-done) (136.16)
deligia/lda‘n I fetch it for him to eat (130.9)
dehe’yek!u'n I left food over
da- can not stand before 7- HAND, because of the palatal timbre
of the latter. Examples of de‘7-:
de‘ida’mklink* it will get choked
de‘tlats!agi’*n I touched his mouth (de- =da- as object; 7- as
instrument. Contrast above da-lats!agi'*n I tasted it, with
da- as instrument)
Similarly other palatal non-radical elements cause a change of
da- to de-:
§ 36
~ —
BoAS] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES—TAKELMA fia
de-his-qulu-gwa’'n I want it in my mouth (=I desire to eat
[hos = trying])
(b) de-,(da-) IN FRONT, AHEAD, AT DOOR OF HOUSE:
de‘tk!ala’k lin (house) was scratched on door 154.1, 2, 3
de‘ise’*k* he opened door of house (cf. alse’«k* he bowed to
him) 63.12
de%tp‘owo’*k* he bent it
batde’*yeweya‘k*” he started traveling again (literally, he
up-ahead-went-again-with it) 22.4; 24.9; 25.6
dewiliwa’lsi she is fighting me 27.3
de°’guidi‘k*” he stuck (threw) it into (fire) 27.8
dek‘wwi’k‘auk‘wa‘n I brandish it before my face (172.12)
gasa'lhi de’hits!a%ga’‘s fast stepper (literally, quickly ahead-
stepper)
ba-rde‘di’nixia“ they marched by in regular order (literally,
they out-ahead-stretched) 144.14
de‘twi’*gi'n I spread it out (120.1)
tga* de’ha kliya’k'vs if the world goes on (literally, world
ahead-goes-if) 146.4
damats!a‘k* he put it point foremost (into their eyes) 27.8
As in the case of dak*-, so also here, not a few forms occur in which
the meaning of the prefix da-, de- is far from being clearly in
evidence:
dat!aga*n I build a fire (96.17)
aldatc!lu’la“k* he caught fire 98.3
Pier nam T caught fire
degiilii’klalx it glows (142.1); 188.15
aldat'guyit’“si (fire) blisters my face (25.11)
de‘tt‘a’mak!in I put out the fire
dat‘ama’*x the fire goes out
dat!abaga’‘n I finish it (176.6)
dasgayana’‘n I lie down
As the first seven of these examples show, da-, de- sometimes
imply a (probably secondary) reference to fire.
3. dat-
(a) EAR, WITH EAR (referring to hearing), IN EAR, CHEEK, SIDES
OF HEAD:
da*ts!ayap* he washed his ear
da‘its'!ama‘k* he squeezed his ears
da‘tlats!agi/'n I touched his ear, cheek
dai**agand’*n IT heard it (55.3; 108.16)
da*da7qi’*n I am able to hear it (literally, I can ear-find it)
(100.12) ots
78 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BuLL. 40
——————————
dalelagwa’'n I listen to him (55.1; 96.2; 146.5)
dats’!@made® I hear big noise 90.21
ani‘ ge da’‘yowo* he did not listen to it (literally, he not there
ear-was) 96.9
da*sgek!etha‘n I kept listening (102.3)
da*yehét he went where he heard (noise of people singing or
gambling) 106.10.
datdele’ pt he stuck it across his ear
da?dalaga’mt* he made holes in his ears
di'da*t' be’ <k‘t‘bagams they had their hair tied on sides of head
(dt‘daé*- probably as incorporated phrase, over ears) 142.17 ©
da‘tbo’t'bidién I pull out his hair (from side of head) (194.7)
(6) ALONG, ON SIDE:
wi'lai di*wat'ba/*gamdina* arrows shall be tied along (their
length) with it (i. e., sinew) 28.1
4, s*ém= NOSE, IN NOSE, WITH NOSE:
s‘in‘igile’‘sgwa he scratched his own nose 14.11; 15.7
s‘int/ayagt’'n I smell it (literally, I nose-find it) (160.20)
s‘indalaga’mt’ he made holes in septum (cf. under da*-) 22.1
s‘inld’“k't he stuck it into nose
sinde‘le’ p‘gwa he stuck it up into his own nose
s‘ingeya‘n he turned away his nose
s‘inyuwo’*s he dodged with his nose (as when fly lights; cf.
under da-)
s‘int aiwak'de® I feel warm in my nose
s‘inzi’/ni‘xanp‘de* I sniff
sinwili’*k‘ap‘de> I blow my nose
als‘inld’“xa‘n they meet each other (24.12)
5. gwen-
(a) NECK:
gwensgd’"da'n I cut his neck (144.2, 3, 5, 22)
gwents!ayaga’'n I washed his neck
ha-ugwenyunu’‘yini*n I swallow it greedily (cf. 126.10)
gwenld’"ki he stuck it in his throat (cf. under s-in-) 25.4
ewen‘ilats!agi’‘n I touched back of his neck
ewenwayanaganhi he swung his knife over their necks 144.2
(6) BACK, BEHIND:
gwe’n‘alyowo® he looked back
gwenyeweit e€ I went back (152.13; 188.19)
ewe’nliwila”* he looks back (on his tracks) 59.14; 94.9
ewenhegwa’*qwanhi he related it to him 17.11
In gwena-ia’*s GOOD SINGER, the part played by the prefix is not
clear.
§ 36
BOAS ] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES—TAKELMA 79
6. - HAND, IN HAND, WITH HAND
No body-part prefix, except perhaps al-, is used with such fre-
quency as 7-, the scrupulousness with which verbs implying
action with the hand incorporate it seeming at times almost
pedantic. Only a small selection out of the great number of
occurrences need here be given:
its!ayap‘ he washed his hand
ipli'no’'“k'watn I warm my hands
wila’u ‘thoyodagwa’'n I dance with arrow in hand
nix thele*lagwa’‘n I sing with pipe in hand
igv’‘na he took it 15.1; 31.8; 44.8; 47.9
ik‘wa’*qwitn I woke him up 16.4
igaxagiat’'n I scratch him
igis'igis'v'n I tickle him
theqwe’hak‘’na‘n I am working
za‘its:!iwi‘t’ he split it open 26.6
iheme’m he wrestled with him 26.11; 27.10,11
iyond’“*k* he pulled it
iguyu’‘k* she pushed her 55.14
s‘elék’” ilu’ pxagwank* she shall pound with acorn pestle 55.9
he“ileme’‘k* he killed them off 55.1; 144.6.
itla’utliwitn I caught hold of her (29.12; 140.15)
it wi'yili’*n I make it whirl up
alsiyulu’yilven TL rub it
it qwanye’ *git' you enslaved her 16.14
In some cases one does not easily see the necessity for its use:
writ ge’year they are round about me (48.5)
aliwula’““xbi he ran away from you
7. HA, (LA-)
(a) BACK, WAIST:
xa*ts/ayap* he washed his back
pit xardat guyt’“sgwa his back got blistered 25.11
xa‘tlats!agv’én I touched his back
xa*p/t'nd'*k'wa he warmed his back 188.20
xa%la’"da‘n I put (belt) about my waist
(b) BETWEEN, IN TWO (in reference to breaking or cutting):
xa*p/a-its'!iudi’n I shall split it by throwing (stone) down
on it (140.7)
xA*wisd? go-between (in settling feuds) 178.11, 13, 18
xa*sgo’“da‘n I cut, saw it (21.2, 4) .
xa‘isgi’*p'sgibik’” (bodies) cut through 21.2 ae
§
80 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 40
xa*dant gi'lt'ga’'lhi he broke it with rock 24.4
xa*t'be’ “kt bagams it is all tied together 27.13
xasalt'qwe'lt‘gwilt he broke it by stepping on it 31.4, 5
xa*be*mk!ot'k liditn I broke it with stick
In xahege’hak‘na'‘n 1 BREATHE (79.2) and xahuk!u’hak‘na‘n 1
BREATHE, the za- may refer to the heaving motion up from the
waist.
8. dii-
(a) BACK:
The local uses of 2@¢- and di’- (IN MIDDLE, BETWEEN, and ABOVE,
respectively) would indicate that, in their more literal signifi-
cation, they refer respectively to the LowER BACK about the
waist and the UPPER BACK, though no direct information
was obtained of the distinction.
di'ts!ayap‘ he washed himself in back of ene
dithda his back is burning
diit'bd"k!a’lade® I have warts on my back 102.20
diidigwa‘nk* she will wear it (i. e., skirt) 55.9
(b) ABOVE, ON TOP:
dithe’liya sleeping on board platform 13.2
dida*t'ba’“gamt' gwide§ I tie my hair on sides of my head (see
under da@*-) (140.11; 142.17)
di‘“algelegala’mda‘n I tie his hair up into top-knot (172.2)
dituyu’ts!amda*n I fool him (aorist wyuts!- laugh)
dithinxo’“gitn I scare him
di‘mas (earth) is lit up (78.1)
diihili‘gwa’én I am glad 22.2
di- is used in quite a number of verbs of mashing or squeezing,
the primary idea being probably that of pressing down on top
of something:
diip‘ai’ pilin I squash (yellow-jackets) (74.3); contrast
gel- trier ili’ p'ilitn I whip him on his breast (literally,
J-breast-stick-whip-him) (cf. 76.1, 2, 3)
diit/vyttst’*n I mash them
ba-idigwibi’*k*wap* it popped all around 27.14
diit‘qumu’t'gimitn I squeezed and cracked many insects (such
as fleas)
In many cases, as in some of the forms given above, the primary
signification of di’- is greatly obscured. It is not at all certain
but that we are at times (as in di*uyu’ts!amdaé‘n) dealing really
with the phonetically similar prefix di*- REAR.
§ 36
BOAS] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES—TAKELMA 81
9. gel-
(a) BREAST, WITH BREAST (mental activities) :
gelts/ayap* he washed his breast
gel‘ilats!agv’*n I touched his breast
ba%ge’l‘yo lie down with belly up! (lit., up-belly-be!), 140.4
gelgulugwa’‘n I desire, want it 32.5, 6,7
gelhewe’hau he thought 44.11; 124.3; 142.20
gellohoigwa’‘n I avenge him (apparently =I breast-die-with
him) (146.8; 148.3)
gelt/aya‘k they thought of it (see under s‘¢n- and da) 152.10
gelyalaxaldi‘n I forgot him (lit., I breast-lost him) (77.10)
gelts:!aya’mzamk* she hid (certain facts) from us 158.7
geldulu’k‘de I am getting lazy
gelheye’*x he is stingy (literally, he breast-leaves-remaining =
keeps surplus to himself) 196.8
(b) FACING:
gelt/ana’hi she pushed him (? literally, she held him [away].
facing her)! (25.10)
gelwaydn he slept with her (literally, he caused her to sleep
facing him) 26.4; (108.3; 190.2)
wa't'gwan geltyowo’* they faced each other (literally, to
each other they breast-were) 26.15
gelkliyi’*k* he turned around so as to face him 170.2
10. dt-
(a) ANUS:
di‘ts!ayép* he washed his anus
ba-iditt'gats!a’t' gisi’n I stick out my anus (164.19; 166.1)
dithaz his anus is burning 94.13
di‘hagait'e® I feel ticklish in my. anus (as though expecting
to be kicked) (cf. under dak‘-) 166.1
difxd’"s (food) is spilling out from his anus, (acorns) spill out
from hopper 94.2, 4, 5
(b) IN REAR, BEHIND:
di‘salyomo’hin I shall catch up with him in running
bee di’*kliyi’*k* afternoon came (lit.,sun went in rear) (124,15)
da‘o'l dithiwiliat‘e® I ran close behind
As happens more or less frequently with all body-part prefixes,
the primary meaning, at least in English translation, of di‘-
seems lost sight of at times:
abaidi‘yowo’“da* coming into house to fight (abai- into house ;
yowo'“daé being) 24.14
1 Though perhaps better SHE HELD HIM WITH HER BREAST, taking gel- as instrument.
3045°—Bull. 40, pt 2-126 § 36
82 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 40
pla-idithana’‘s it stopped (wind, rain, snow, hail) 152.16
In a number of verbs di*- expresses: felling, digging under, or
erecting a tree or stick, the fundamental notion being probably
that of activity at the butt end of a long object: ;
* di‘sgot!dlha bém he was always cutting down trees 108.8
ditk/olola’n (tree) was dug under 48.5
diisgiyu'"k lin (tree) was made to fall by being dug under
48.7, 8, 12
pla-dilo’“gwa‘n I make (stick, pestle) stand up (by placing
it on its butt end) (116.18; 176.1, 2)
pla-idissgimi’sgam they set (house posts) down into ground
11. ha-
(a) WOMAN’S PRIVATE PARTS:
hats!ayap* she washed her private parts
ha‘tats!agv’<n he touched her private parts
ha‘twesga’hak'” she spread apart her legs 26.4
(6) IN:
(dénadagwa) hats!ayak‘ he washed inside (of his ear)
(déxda) halo’“k*t he stuck it into (his mouth)
(s-inixda) hadele’p‘t he stuck it up into (his nose)
halohdn he caught them in trap (literally, he caused them
to die in) (100.8)
(qwan) hatJiiliigwa’*n I follow in (trail) (96.8,9)
hald’“k* she put on (her dress), they put on (their skins,
garments) 160.6
ha‘thii’lu“hal they skinned them 160.5
haya-ut'ge’nets!af‘n I put on (my vest)
As the last examples show ha- sometimes conveys the special
notion of putting on or taking off a skin or garment.
12. gwel-
(a) LEG, IN LEG, WITH LEG:
ewelts!ayap* he washed his legs
owelle’ye°sde® I am lame
ewello’*k*” put on (your leggings)!
gwel*t'wi’'n I beat him in running (lit., I-leg-left-him) (184.14)
ewelsalt!eyésna‘n1 I have no fat in my legs and feet 102.22
(6) UNDER, AWAY FROM VIEW:
gwelmats!a‘k* they put (food) away (sc., under platforms)
124.22; (132.8)
ewelge’l*yowd"da‘ he having his back to him (literally, facing
him away from view) 122.7
1 This form is an excellent example of the rather uncommon coordinate use of two body-part prefixes
(gwel- LEG and sal- FOOT).
§ 36
BOAS] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES—TAKELMA 83
13. la-
(a) FRONT OF BODY (probably BELLY as contrasted with gel-
BREAST) :
lats!ayap* he washed himself in front of body
(b) BURST, RIP OPEN:
lat‘ba’¢x it burst 24,17
lastt'ba’*k it’baS you (pl.) shall rip them open (like game
after roasting) 118.5
lasalt'ba’¢gi'n I burst it with my feet (140.22
la‘wayat'ba’“gi7n I rip it open with knife (waya knife, as
incorporated instrument)
14. sal-
(a) FOOT, WITH FOOT:
sallats!agv’‘n I stepped on it (instrument sal-: I foot-touched
it) (196.18)
sal‘tlats!agi’*n I touched his foot (object sal-; instrument 7-)
salts!ayap* he washed his feet
salzugi they are standing 63.2
he“salt‘gan kick him off! (24.17)
alsalt*ba’¢k* he kicked him 86.16,17,18
gelbam salgwi’t'gwat kick it way up!
salywwo’‘s he suddenly lifted up his foot (as when frightened)
(cf. under da- and s‘in-)
salp/t'nd’“k'wain I warmed my feet
15. al- FACE, WITH EYE, TO, AT
This is in all respects the most difficult prefix in regard to the
satisfactory determination of its exact meaning. In a large
number of cases it seems to involve the idea of sight, not infre-
quently adding that concept to a form which does not in
itself convey any such implication. In most: of the verb-
forms, however, many of which have already been given
under other prefixes, the al- seems to have no definitely ascer-
tainable signification at all. In some cases it may be consid-
ered merely as an empty element serving as a support for a
post-positive modal particle. For example:
al-his-qulugwa’*n I am desirous of something
where his TRYING can not occupy an initial position
al-di-yok!oya‘t’ did you know him?
Here alyok!oya‘t’ in itself hardly differs in content from
yok!oya‘t’ YoU KNEW HIM. The most satisfactory definition
§ 36
84 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 40
that can be given of al- in its more general and indefinite
use is that it conveys the idea of motion out from the sphere
of the person concerned, whether the motion be directed
toward some definite goal (object) or not; an approximate
translation in such cases would be To, at. The correctness
of this interpretation is borne out by the fact that al- at
.
7
j
A
7
{
"
times replaces a more definite local phrase, as though it were
a ‘substitute for it, of the same general formal but weaker
material content.
watda lo“gwa’'n to-him I-thrust-it, where wa¢da definitely ex-
presses a local pronominal idea To, AT HIM.
Compare:
allo’“guwién I stretched it out to him
where the exact local definition of the action is not so clearly
expressed; the direct object of the verb being here not the
object thrust, but the person aimed at, while the indirectness
of the action is interpreted by means of al- as an adverbial or
local modification of the verbal content. The change of vowel
in the ending, a—+, is closely connected, as we shall later see,
with this change of ‘‘face’’ in the verb. The first form may
be literally translated as To-HIM 1-IT-THRUST; the second, as
I-HIM-TO-THRUST (iT). Similarly, in al‘iats/agi/'n 1 TOUCHED
HIS BODY, the al- is probably best considered as a general
directive prefix replacing the more special prefixes (such as
sal-, s‘in-, and so on) that indicate the particular part of the
body affected, or, as one might put it, the exact limit of
motion, The use of al- in local phrases shows clearly its
general local significance: als‘0“ma‘l AT, TO THE MOUNTAIN;
ga‘a‘l TO THAT, as postposition equivalent to TO, FOR, FROM.
(a) FACE, EYE:
al£o%dini’én I look around for him (cf. 6“da’‘n I hunt for him)
(92.27)
- alzi’‘gi'n I see, look at him (-ai‘g- never occurs alone) 186.7;
188.11.
algaya‘n he turned his face
alyebebo’*n I showed it to him (77.8)
alyowdt'e® I looked (cf. yowdt'e® I was) (64.3)
alts!ayaga’‘n I washed his face (64.5)
mane alni’k‘wa he painted his (own) face
§ 36
BoAS] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES—TAKELMA 85
alt/aya‘k* he found, discovered it (literally, he eye-found it;
cf. under s‘in-, da*-, and gel-) 47.10; 92.27; 194.13
alsgala*liwi’‘n I looked at them (moving head slightly to
side)
alt'bd“k!a’/lade® I have pimples on my face (cf. 102.20)
alt‘wap!a’t‘wap‘na‘n I blink with my eyes 102.20
alwe’k!ala‘n I shine
ad‘a'ltlanahi they watched it (literally, they-between-eye-
held it; za-‘al as incorporated local phrase[?]) 136.8
(b) To, AT:
It is at least possible, if not very probable, that al- To, at, and
al- EYE, FACE, are two entirely distinct prefixes. As many
preceding examples have incidentally illustrated the local use
of al-, only a few more need be given:
alp‘oap‘auhi he blew on it 15.1
alhtiyiarde® I go hunting (42.1; 58.14; 70.2; 126.21)
algesegasa’It'e® I was washing
alheme‘k* they met him 24.11
al‘izlep!e’xlap* he mashed it up into dough-like mass 94.11
al‘tts*!0’“di'n I touch, reach it
alse’ *gi'n I bowed to him (172.10)
16. dt“al- FOREHEAD:
di*alts!ayap* he washed his forehead
di*algelegala’ms he tied his hair up into top-knot 172.2
difalk‘a’*p‘gwa he put (dust) on his forehead 136.28
17. gwenha-u- NAPE:
egwenha’-uts/ayaga‘n I shoot off nape of neck
ewenha-ut'be’°gams he has his hair tied in back of his head
It will have been noticed that several of the body-part prefixes
have developed special uses that almost entitle them, at times, to
being considered verbal in function. Thus 2@%- BACK, BETWEEN has
been seen to develop, from its latter local use, the more strictly verbal
one of cutting, splitting, breaking, or rending in two; the ideas of
BETWEEN and of DIVISION IN TWO are naturally closely associated.
The specialized semiverbal uses of some of the prefixes may be thus
listed:
da-, de- activity in reference to fire (burn, set on fire, glow)
2a*- rend in two (cut, split, break)
di‘- crushing activity (mash, squeeze)
dié- fell, erect (long object)
ha- dress, undress
§ 36
86 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 40
la- burst, rip open
al- look, see
The resemblance between this use of the Takelma body-part prefixes
and the Siouan use of verb prefixes denoting instrumental activities
(e. g., Ponka ba- BY PRESSING WITH THE HAND, md- BY CUTTING, ¢a-
WITH THE MOUTH, BY BLOWING) is not far to seek, although in Takelma
the development seems most plausibly explained from the local, rather
than the instrumental, force of the prefixes. Neither the employment
of Takelma body-part nor of Siouan instrumental prefixes with verb
stems is in any morphologic respect comparable to the peculiar com-
position of initial and second-position verb stems characteristic of
Algonkin and Yana. The same general psychic tendency toward
the logical analysis of an apparently simple activity into its com-
ponent elements, however, seems evident in the former as well as in
the latter languages.
§ 37. LOCAL PREFIXES
The purely local prefixes, those that are not in any way associated
with parts of the body, are to be divided into two groups:
(1) Such as are used also in the formation of noun and pronoun
local phrases or of postpositions, these being in that regard closely
allied to the body-part prefixes in their more general local use; and
(2) Such as are employed strictly as verbal prefixes, and are inca-
pable of entering into combination with denominating elements. The
following table gives all the common prefixes of both groups, examples
of noun or pronoun local phrases being added in the last column:
Prefix. | Translation. | Local phrase.
han- across, through | hanwazga‘n across the creek
ha-u- under, down hawandé under me
he®- away, off | heees-Oumal beyond the mountain
dal- away into brush, among, between dan gada‘l among rocks
hatya- on both sides ha’yadé on both sides of, around me
| haas- yonder, far off
mes- hither
wi- around
hawi- in front, still
wa- together
baa- up
ba-i- out, out of house
p!a-i- down
aba-i- in house, into house
bam- up into air
zam- in river
§ 37
—_ .
a a i,
BOAS ] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES—TAKELMA 87
Of these, the first five belong to the first group, the last nine to the
second. The position of ha**- and me is somewhat doubtful; but
the fairly evident etymological connection of the former with haya
and the correlative relation in form and meaning between me‘- and
he*-, make it probable that they are to be classed with the first
group. While some of these prefixes (such as dal- and han-) are
inconceivable as separate adverbial elements, others (particularly
aba-i, which is apparently composed of demonstrative element a-
THIS + ba-i) are on the border-land between true prefix and inde-
pendent adverb. me‘- and he*-, though they are never used alone,
stand in close etymological relation to a number of local adverbs
(such as eme® HERE and ge THERE), which also, though not so rigidly
as to justify their being termed prefixes, tend to stand before the
verb. The difference between local prefix and adverb is one of
degree rather than of fundamental morphologic traits; in any case,
it is rather artificial to draw the line between me‘- in such forms as
me*yem% COME BACK! and ge in, e. ¢., ge *yowo'* THERE IT Is. Sometimes,
though not frequently, two local prefixes, neither of them a body-part
element, occur in a single verb form. See, e. g., p/ai-hau- under 2
below, also abai-ba*- 62.1.
1. han- THROUGH, ACROSS:
hanyada’t'e® I swim across
hangwidi‘k*” he threw it across 120.22
han‘wa‘alzi’*k* he looked through it
hanyewe’'* he went back across 178.16
gwan-hansgo’“sde® I lie stretched across the trail (literally, I-
road-across-cut) (148.8)
2. ha-U- UNDER, DOWN:
ha-ugwenyut!u’yidi*n I swallow it down greedily, making grunting
noise (126.10)
ha-usak’” he paddled him down river (64?- up river)
ha-uyowo’t'e® I sweat (literally, I-under-am)
ev p!a-tha’-ut'gu“px canoe upset 60.8
ha-uhana’‘s it stopped (raining) 196.8
3. he%= OFF, AWAY:
heileme’*k* he killed them off 14.13; 110.21; 144.6
he®sqo'“da‘n I cut it off (44.4); 72.10; (92.14,16)
he®gwidi‘k*” he threw it away
he*tak‘wa he went away from him (23.12; 146.18)
he®salt‘gant‘gini'n I kick him off (24.17) scar
88 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY (BULL. 40
he®thi’lup!isn I beat off bark (with stick)
he®tk‘ap!a’k‘abién I chipped them off (92.3)
he**wa%ga’'n I buy it (literally, I carry it off) (176.17)
he*t'guyw’*‘s it is blistered
4. dal- INTO BRUSH, AMONG:
dalyewe’** he ran off into brush 14.6; 110.10
dalgwidi‘k'’ he threw it into brush
dalp‘o’“dién I mix it with it (178.5)
dalzabilr’“* he jumped between them 106.20
5. hd*ya- ON BOTH SIDES:
ha‘yagini’*k* they passed each other
ha‘yawat!eméxia“ they assemble coming from both sides 144.23
6. ha“ FAR OFF:
ha’**yewe** they returned going far off 146.22; (47.4; 188.1)
ha‘eda’*adagwa‘n I threw something slippery way off
This prefix is evidently identical with the demonstrative stem ha?
seen, e. g., in hd’‘ga THAT ONE YONDER.
7. me’= HITHER:
me‘gint’*k* he came here 146.24 (ge gint’*k* he went there 77.7)
ha‘nme‘gini*k* they come from across (note two local prefixes;
hangini*k* they go across)
me‘yét come back! (yéa@ return!) (23.11,12,13,14; 96.5); 59.5
me‘hiwilt’“ he came running this way
Not infrequently me*- conveys the fuller idea of comE TO
as in:
me‘bép zip come (pl.) and chop for me! 90.16
8. Wt=- AROUND:
wi'tt' ge’yesar they are surrounding me (48.13; 190.14)
wit ge’ye*k't they put it round about 176.14
9. hawéi- IN FRONT, STILL:
a I go in front
hawiyana’‘s front dancer
hawibaza’*m still they come, they keep coming 146.1
bo” hawidegii’lk!alada* after a while it will blaze up (b6% = now)
10. wa- TOGETHER: .
wak/oydxinik® we go together
wa‘its’!o’/m*k* squeeze (your legs) together! (26.5)
ba*wawilik’’ he traveled up along (river) (literally, he went up
having it together with him) 21.14
waydnk'” he followed him (literally, he went having him together
with him) 23.11
§ 37
BOAS] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES—TAKELMA 89
wat/eméxia“* they are assembling together (110.3); 144.23
wa‘it/oxo’zi he gathered them together 112.6
wat/ilik‘ni she gave them one each 130.4
wa2himit' he talked to him 59.16; 63.10
da’ gaxdek* wasalt'geye’t' qryi'n I tied it about my head (literally,
my-head I-together-to-surround-it)
plats wak!e°wa'lagwa snow is whirling around
Sometimes wa- seems to indicate simultaneity of activity, as in:
wal@la’uhi she kept twining basket (while talking) 61.5
In many cases the adverbial meaning of wa- is hardly apparent, and
one is sometimes in doubt whether to look upon it as the prefix
here discussed or to identify it with the instrumental element
Wa- WITH, WITH IT; the two may indeed be at bottom identical.
11. 04% up (55.16; 59.10; 60.11; 63.6,12):
12.
ba*dini’*2 (clouds) were spread out in long strips (literally, they
stretched up) 13.3
bat/ebe’t'e® I get up 186.14; (196.1)
ba*wadawaya‘k'” he flies up with it
ba*ydnk‘” he picked it up 15.9; 24.3; 59.15
khyt'x ba*wok* smoke comes out (literally, up-arrives) 29.3
(danada) ba‘algwili‘s he turned up (his ear)
(dak‘wilt) ba*gini’*k* he went up (on top of house) 30.6
bas‘a’‘s* stand up!
ba*yewe’** he got better (literally, he-up-returned) (15.2)
ba*hawa’‘k* she dipped up (water)
ba-i- OUT, OUT OF HOUSE, OUT OF WATER TO LAND, FROM
PLAIN TO MOUNTAIN:
ba-iyewe’** they went out again
ba-irodo’rat‘ she took off (her garment) 13.4
ba-isili’xgwa he lands with (boat) 13.5
ba-isak‘” he came to land
ba-i‘a’lyowo* he looked outside
ba-ihemima’‘n I drive him out
ba-i guidi‘k'” he threw it out 92.15,16; (haxiya’dat') ba-igwidi‘k'¥
he threw it (from in the water) on to land (31.2)
ba-ibiliwa‘t’ you jumped out of house 24.15; (46.6)
(hadedé) ba-iyeweyini’*n I took it out (of my mouth) (literally,
J-out-caused-it-to-return)
ba-idehenena‘t’ you are through eating (literally, you-out-mouth-
are-finished) (132.14)
ba-it/1xi’22 he pulled (guts) out 92.17
(dak‘s'0"ma'l) ba-iwok* he got up (on the mountain) 124.4; (60.9)
§ 37
90 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 40
13
14
15
16.
In certain idiomatic turns the primary signification of ba-i- is as
good as lost:
(he‘l-) ba-imats!a‘k* he began to sing (lit., he-song-out-put) 102.17
ba-ik /vyi’*k* he comes 92.1, 2; 156.24; 168.13
. pla-i- DOWN:
p!aitt/ana’hién I held him down
pla-igwidi‘k*” he threw it down
p!a-iwaya’* he went to lie down, to sleep (lit., he down-slept) 25.9
p!a-ilohoit'e® I fell down (literally, I down-died)
p!a-iyewe’** (arrow) fell down back 22.5; 48.14
p!a-1'a’lyowos he looked down 26.14
p!aiyowo’* they sat down (literally, they down-were) 56.2
p!a-isgaya’ pxdeé I lay down
. aba-i- IN HOUSE, INTO HOUSE
It would perhaps be best to consider this an independent adverb
(demonstrative pronoun a- TuIs + ba-i-, formed analogously
to eme’ HERE [= demonstrative adverb e- HERE + me‘]); its
correlative relation to ba-2- makes it seem advisable to give
examples of its occurrence, here:
abaigini’*k* he went inside 25.8; 27.7,13; 64.3
abaihiwili’“* he ran inside 16.12
aba-iwdk* they went into house 29.6; (44.7); 160.19
aba-i1yowdt'e® I stay at home
abaits/a%k‘ts!a’*k* he stepped into house 31.3
. bam- UP INTO AIR
This prefix occurs often with preposed elements gel- or di‘- as
gelbam- or di‘bam-, which would seem to mean respectively
WITH BELLY SIDE UP and WITH BACK SIDE UP, or IN FRONT OF
and DIRECTLY OVER one:
bamgwidi‘k'” he threw it up
gelbamgwidi‘k'’ he threw it up
di‘bamguidi‘k'” he threw it up
gelbamsdak‘” he shot it up 22.5
gelbam‘a’lyowo® he looked up
gelba’ms‘i°ult he was sitting up (in tree) 48.7
2aM= IN RIVER, INTO WATER, FROM MOUNTAIN TO PLAIN:
xamalts!ayap* he washed himself in river
xamgwidi‘k'” he threw it into river (33.6); 108.5
xamhiwild’“ he ran to river 29.13; 94.16
xa/mhilaép‘iauk* they became in river (=were drowned) 166.16
xam‘a’/lyowo® he looked down from top of mountain 124.4 (con-
trast p!ai‘a’lyowo® he looked down from ground 26.14)
§ 37
BOAS ] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES—TAKELMA 91
§ 38. INSTRUMENTAL wa-
It is somewhat difficult to classify this prefix, as it does not belong
either to the body-part or the purely local group. Strictly speaking
it should be considered the incorporated form of the demonstrative
pronoun in its instrumental function. As was seen above, it may
represent an instrumental noun, but, while the noun may itself be
incorporated to denote the instrument, this is not the case with the
demonstrative pronoun. For example:
ga wede yap!a-wa-dimhiga* that not I-people-with-shall-kill (=I
shall not kill people therewith)
In other words, it would seem likely that such a form as ga al‘wa-
tslayagv’*n I WASH HIM WITH THAT is related to an al‘wats!ayagi’*n
I WASH HIM WITH IT as, e. g., 22 al’wats!ayagi’*n I WASH HIM WITH
WATER, to the form alzits!ayagi’*n I WATER-WASH HIM, i. e., the wa-
in al‘wats!ayagi’‘n is to be regarded as an incorporated ga THAT, IT
(such forms as *algats!ayagi’*n have never been found to occur). It
will be noticed that the verb-forms with incorporated wa- are nor-
mally characterized by a suflixed -2- or -hi-; as soon, however, as the
verb loses its instrumental “face,’’ this -i- is replaced by the normal
-a-. Thus:
wilau wats!ayagi’'n arrow I-shoot! -him-with-it (with incorpo-
rated wa-, wila‘u ARROW being outside the verb-structure and
in apposition with wa-)
but:
ts!ayaga’'n wi'law wa‘ I-shoot-him arrow with (in which also wa-
stands outside the verb-complex, acting as an instrumental
postposition to wila‘u)
Examples of instrumental wa- are:
(saladek*)sal‘walats!agi’'n I touched him with my foot (literally,
my-foot I-foot-with-it-touched-him)
(xt?) wa*a"gqwa’nhi I drink (water) with it
(yap!a)wat!omomi’<n I kill (people) with it (but yap!a t!omoma’/*n
IT kill people) .
alwats !eyék‘wide® I washed myself with it
ga his do“mia gelwagulugwi’‘n I try to kill him with that (literally,
that trying killing-him I-with-desire-it)
se‘l-wats!elelamda‘n I write with it
(wiade‘k') wagaya-vwi’*n I used to eat with (my hands)
1 Aorist ts/ayag- SHOOT and aorist ts/ayag- WASH are only apparently identical, being respectively formed
from stems sdag- and ts/dig-.
§ 38
92 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [ BULL. 40
(p‘im)wasana’/hink* they will spear (salmon) with it 28.15 (cf.
sana‘nk* they will spear it)
Although, as was suggested before, the prefix wa- as instrument
may be ultimately identical with the adverbial wa- TocrTHER (the
concepts of DOING SOMETHING WITH, BY MEANS OF IT and DOING
SOMETHING TOGETHER WITH IT are not very far removed), the two
can not be regarded as convertible elements. This is clearly brought
out in such forms as bém wa‘twat!/oro’xi‘n I PICKED THEM TOGETHER
witH stick. Literally translated, this sentence reads, STICK I-
TOGETHER-HAND-WITH-IT-PICKED-THEM; the first wa- is the adver-
bial prefix; 7-, the general instrumental idea conveyed by the
character of the verb (GATHER WITH ONE’S HANDS); and the second
wa-, the incorporated’ representative of the more specific instrument
bem stick. If preferred, 7- may be interpreted, though less prob-
ably, as a local element (-twa- =with it in hand).
2. Formation of Verb-Stems (§§ 39, 40)
§ 39. GENERAL REMARKS
By a verb-stem will be here understood not so much the simplest
possible form in which a verb appears after being stripped of all its
prefixes, personal elements, tense-forming elements, and derivative
suffixes, but rather the constant portion of the verb in all tense and
mode forms except the aorist. The verb-stem thus defined will in
the majority of cases coincide with the base or root, 1. e., the simplest
form at which it is possible to arrive, but not always. Generally
speaking, the aorist is characterized by an enlargement of the base
that we shall term ‘
this base in clearer form; in a minority of cases, however, it is the
aorist stem that seems to coincide with the base, while the verb-stem
is an amplification of it. Examples will serve to render these remarks
‘aorist stem,” the other tense-modes showing
somewhat clearer:
Aorist stem Verb-stem Probable base
tlomom- doum- doum- kill
naga- ndag- ndag-(nag-) say to
hdal- hala- haal- answer
oud- odo- oud- hunt for
lohoi- loho- loh- die
yuluyal- yulyal- yul- rub
§ 39
BOAS] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES—TAKELMA 93
By far the larger number of verbal bases are monosyllabic. Where
_ the simplest radical element that can be analyzed out remains dis-
syllabic (as in dawi- FLY, agan- PERCEIVE, yimi- LEND), the proba-
bility is always very great that we have to reckon either with ampli-
fications of the base, or with suffixes that have become so thoroughly
amalgamated with the base as to be incapable of separation from it
even in formal analysis; in some cases the dissyllabic character of
the verb-stem is due to a secondary phonetic reason (thus dawi- is
for dawy-, cf. dauy-; while in agan- the second a is inorganic, the
real stem thus being *agn-). Most bases end either in a vowel or, more
frequently, in a single consonant; such as end in two consonants (as
yalg- Dive, s‘omd- Bort, bilw- sump) may often be plausibly suspected
of containing a petrified suffixed element.
The few examples of verb and aorist stems already given suffice to
indicate the lack of simple, thorough-going regularity in the forma-
tion of the aorist stem from the base. Given the verb-stem, it is
possible only in the minority of cases to foretell the exact form of the
aorist stem. Thus, if dd“m- had followed the analogy of the pho-
netically parallel n@%g-, we should have in the aorist not t!omom-,
but domo-; similarly, the phonetic similarity of odo- and loho- would
lead us to expect an aorist stem /d¥h-, and not lohoi-, for the latter.
Nor is it safe to guess the form of the verb-stem from a given aorist
stem. Thus, while the aorist lohoi- corresponds to a verb-stem loho-,
yewei- corresponds to yéu- RETURN; nagai-, to na- SAY, DO; and
kleméi-, to k!lemn- DO, MAKE. Mere phonetic form has, indeed, com-
paratively little to do with determining the relation of the two
stems. This is clearly evidenced by the following cases of homony-
mous but etymologically distinct bases with corresponding aorist
stems.
Verb base Meaning Aorist stem
1. mock hemeham-
heem- io wrestle hemem-
1. work hegwehagw-
heegw- ie relate hegw(h)dagw- , hegwe-
hagw-
1. be finished henen-
heen- 2. wait for henee-
- 1. find tlayag-
ding, 2. build fire tlagai-
§ 39
94 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 40
The signification of the verb-stem gives almost no information
as to the form of the aorist stem, the various types of aorist forma- _
tion being each exemplified by a heterogeneous array of verbs, as far
as any discernible similarity of meaning is concerned. It is true that,
in a comparatively few cases, certain types of aorist formation can
be shown to be characteristic of intransitive verbs; but in these the
formation of the aorist stem involves the addition of a distinct pho-
netic element that has every appearance of being a worn-down suffix.
Not the least remarkable feature of tense-formation lies in the fact
that the most frequently used of the tense-modes, the aorist (equivalent
to immediate future, present, and past), generally shows the derived or
amplified form of the base; while the far less important tense-modes,
the future, inferential, potential, and present and future imperatives
employ the generally more fundamental verb-stem. In its naked
form the aorist stem appears as the third person subject third per-
son object aorist transitive. For example:
tlomém he killed him
naga’ he said to him
-hal he answered him
o’“t’ he hunted for him
The bare verb-stem appears as the second person singular (third per-
son object) present imperative intransitive and transitive. For ex-
ample:
do“m kill him!
odo‘ hunt for him!
na‘ say! do!
and as the first element of the periphrastic future, that will later
receive treatment.
In striking contrast to the extensive use in Athapascan of distinct
and unrelated stems for the singular and plural, only a very few such
cases have been discovered in Takelma; and even in these the singu-
lar stem may, it seems, also be used in the plural.
Sing. verb-stem Pl. verb-stem Sing. form Pl. form
s'as*- stand sal-rogw- s‘as‘ini he stands sal-rogwi they stand
bda-sdasa’sde® (= sdas- | bdasal-xro’tiginak®’ (=
sas-) I come to a xog-zag-) we come to
stand a stand
s‘ufal- sit al-zalit s'ufwilit'e€ (= s-ufali-) | al-raliyana‘k’ we are
I am seated seate
§ 39
BOAS] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES—TAKELMA 95
It is interesting to observe that, while sTanpD and sir are intran-
sitive in the singular, the plural stems sal-xog”- and al-zali‘- make
transitive forms with a third personal object (-ana‘k* first person
plural aorist transitive, -i‘k* intransitive; cf. tlomomana‘k* we kill
him, but s‘as‘inip‘tk* we stand and s-u*wiltp‘ik* we are seated, dwell,
stay).
The great majority of verb-stems are either necessarily transitive
or intransitive, or are made such by appropriate suffixes. Only a
few cases occur of verbs that are both transitive and intransitive,
the respective forms being kept distinct only by the varying pro-
nominal suffixes. Such are:
moytigw-a'n-t'e§ I am spoiled, and moyitigqw-an-a’*n I spoil him
ligi-n-t'e® I rest, and ligt'-n-a’*n I rest him
kliwi’* they ran away in flight, and k/uiwa he sowed, threw
them about
Certain forms are alike for both transitive and intransitive; e. g.,
second person plural subject: k/awiwa't'p’.
§ 40. TYPES OF STEM-FORMATION
In looking over,the many examples of verb and corresponding
aorist stems obtained, it was found possible to make out sixteen types
of stem-relations. Of this large number of types about half are of
frequent occurrence, while of each of the rest but few examples have
been found. It is not claimed for a moment that all of these types
should be regarded as being exactly on a par, but merely that they
have the value of forming a convenient systematization of the some-
what bewildering mass of methods of radical or base changes encoun-
tered. It is very probable that some of these are ramifications of
others, while some types show more or less petrified suffixes that for
some reason or other became specialized in certain tenses. As com-
parative linguistic material is entirely lacking, however, we can not
make a genetic classification of types; a purely descriptive classifi-
cation must suffice.
In the following table of types of stem-formation, c means conso-
nant; v, vowel; c!/, the fortis correspondent of c; ¢,, c,, and so on, other
consonants; v’ denotes pseudo-diphthong; other letters are to be
literally interpreted.
§ 40
96 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 40
Table of Types of Stem-Formation
Ys Formula verb-stem Formula aorist stem Example verb-stem | Example aorist stem
1 | v+e vv+¢e ob- dig up oub-
2 | v+(c) v+c+v yo- be yowo-
alineee: siverbetaies (iits!- laugh tiytits!- P
masg- put mats/ag-
4a | vet+e v+c+v+i t‘dag- cry tagai-
4b | vte+v v+c+ov+i loho- die lohoi-
5 | v+ce+v vo+e yana- go yaon-
6 | ve+ce! vv+e p ot!- mix p oud-
7a | c+vv+c) cl+v+a+v deeb- arise tlebe-
7b | c+ovv+cy cl+v+o+0+i diiugw- wear tligui-
8 | ctvr+cq : ce/+v+ej+v0+cy goul- dig kJolol-
9 | ctvv+c) cl+v+yt+0+c1 ddag- find t/ayag-
10a | c+v(+¢1) c+ov+e(+c) lou- play loul-
10b | e+v+c1 ce+v+cite(+v) sana- fight saons-
11 | c+v+eite c+0+¢c1+0+¢ yawy-talk yawai-
12 | c+vv+c1 c+vr+e}+c+a+¢c} t/éu- play shinny t/eutlau-
18a | c+v+ej+e+a+cy c+vu+ei+v+c+a+ec1 sensan- whoop "| senesan-
13b | c+v+eit+ce/+a+c1 ct+v+cei;+vtec/+atei | dilt/al- stuff with diiliit/al-
13¢ c+u+e+v+c+c) lobolb- be accustomed
to pound (also
lobolab-)
14 | v+e v+-c+v+n zeeb- do xeben-
(15a | — ti s-as‘an- stand s-as‘init-)
(15D | -as ti dink/Jas- lie spread out | dink /2i-)
(16 | v+e+e4+i v+-e+v+c1 klalsi - be lean k/alas-)
Not all forms find an exact parallel in one of the sixteen types
here listed. There is a considerable number of more or less isolated
cases left, particularly of frequentative or usitative forms, that it is
difficult to classify; but on closer examination some at least of these
are seen to be secondary developments. Verb-stem al-sgalwal(w)-
KEEP LOOKING BY TURNING HEAD SLIGHTLY TO SIDE, as compared to
aorist stem al-sgala“l(aw)-, looks anomalous because of its apparently
inserted first ~w-; but these two forms become explicable as frequen-
tative developments, according to Type 8, of their corresponding
simplexes, verb-stem al-sgalw- LOOK BY TURNING HEAD TO SIDE and
aorist stem al-sgalaw-. It will be convenient to dispose of such
anomalous and difficult cases under such headings as allow them to
appear as at least comparatively regular formations. It should not
be supposed that a particular verb-stem always and necessarily
involves a fixed aorist stem in all possible derivations of the verb,
though in probably the larger number of cases such a fixed parallel-
ism may be traced. As examples of the occurrence of more than one
aorist stem to match a verb-stem may be mentioned:
§ 40
BOAS] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES—TAKELMA 97
verb-stem -xik!- see; aorist Type 6 -ai‘g- and Type 2 -zik/i-xa-
see (without object)
verb-stem yéu- return; aorist intransitive Type 4 yewei-, causa-
tive Type 2 yewe*n-, and, according to Type 8, yewew-ald-
go back for some one
There are few if any verbs whose verb and aorist stems absolutely
coincide. If in nothing else the two differ at least in the quantity
of the stem vowel, the aorist stem always tending to show a long
vowel. In some cases the two (dissyllabic) stems seem identical in ~
phonetic form because of the persistence of an inorganic @ in the
second syllable of the verb-stem and the presence of a repeated
radical a in the second syllable of the aorist stem. Sometimes only
certain of the forms built on the verb-stem exhibit the inorganic a;
in such cases the secondary character of the a is directly proven by
the forms that lack it. A case in point is:
aorist stem ts*!ayam- hide; verb-stem ts:!ay[a]'m- and ts*!a-im-
Other verbs, however, are phonetically so constituted as to require
the presence of the inorganic a in all forms derived from the verb-
stem. Such are:
aorist stem agan- feel, hear; verb-stem ag[{a]n-
aorist stem p/ahan- be ripe, done; verb stem p/ah[a]n-
Under such circumstances ambiguous forms may result; e. g.,
wa‘agani‘t’ may be construed either as an aorist (YOU FELT IT) or as
a potential (YoU WOULD FEEL IT) derived from the stem ag[a]n-.
But evidence is not lacking even in these cases to prove the inor-
ganic character of the second a in the non-aorist forms. One test
has been already referred to in another connection—the incapability
of a secondary diphthong (a diphthong involving an inorganic a) to
have arising accent. Thus:
aorist da“agafi (-aga‘n) he heard it; but imperative da“ag[a’]n
hear it!
A second test is the failure of inorganic a@ to become ablauted to e.
Thus:
aorist p!ehen- a’nzi he causes me to be done; but future p!eh[ajn-
a’nxink* he will cause me to be done
The various types of stem-formation will now be taken up in the
order of their occurrence in the table.
1 Brackets indicate an inorganic element.
3045°—Bull. 40, pt 2—12——7 § 40
98
BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 40
Tyre 1. Verb-stem v+c; aorist v’+¢. In this type are embraced
partly monosyllabic and partly dissyllabic verb-stems that either
seem to undergo no change at all in the aorist or merely lengthen
the stem-vowel.
seem to be very great.
Verb-stem
woga’‘t’ he will arrive (196.20)
oba’n I shall dig it up
yi lt’ copulating 86.5
tigwa’n I shall drink it (162.17)
hogwana’n I shall make him run
(138.2)
hin‘a-niwa’‘s coward 76.5;
(160.19)
wit'e® I shall travel (178.11)
t!tla’maade* I shall go fishing
yimi’hin I shall lend it to him
(98.14)
huli’n¢‘e¢ I shall be tired out
hagait'e° I shall have a cold thrill
lohona’n I shall cause him to die
The number of verbs that follow the type does not
Examples:
Aorist stem
wo'k' he arrived 47.15
o'ba’*n I dug it up (48.7)
yi'la’‘n I copulated with her 26.3
tewa’'n I drank it 186.3 .
ho"ewana’*n I made him run
(79.2) |
hintx-ni'wa’*n I was afraid (17.7)
wit'e® I traveled (90.1)
t !la’maade® I went fishing
yiimiya’*n I lend it to him
(98.15)
hali/nt‘e® I was tired out (102.1)
hagait‘e® I had a cold thrill 166.1
loh6"na’*n I caused him to die
(100.8)
al- geyana
re
al-ge’yande® I shall turn my face n I turned my face
As regards the accent of the stem syllable, the examples show that,
whenever accented, it takes the rising pitch when long, the raised
pitch when short (and final). Compare further:
6“p' he dug it up 124.5, 12
ak*” he drank it 162.20
TypE 2. Verb-stem v+c; aorist v+e+v. If, as seems probable,
the second consonant of verbal bases ending in two consonants is in
many cases really a petrified suffix, a very large proportion of those
verbs that might be listed under Type 3 really belong here, thus
making Type 2 probably the most numerously represented of all types.
In some forms it is possible to detect the derivative character of the
second consonant by a comparison of etymologically related forms
that lack it; e. g., in ts‘lelm- RATTLE (aorist. ts*/elem-) , the -m- is
shown to be a suffix, though of no determinable signification, because
of its absence in the corresponding frequentative ts-/elets:lal-. A
corroborative phonetic test lies in the treatment of the first con-
sonant of the cluster, in so far as verbs following Type 3 show a fortis
in the aorist as against a media or tenuis in the verb-stem, while those
§ 40
hin‘a-nia he was afraid
al-geya‘n he turned his face
BOAS] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES—TAKELMA 99
of Type 2 suffer no change in this respect; e. g., verb-stem wism-
MOVE has aorist according to Type 3, wits'/im-, as contrasted with
verb-stem t'gism- GET GREEN with aorist of Type 2 fgisim- (tgism-
should therefore be analyzed as base ¢‘gis- + suffix -m-). This
criterion enables us to pick out an otherwise unsuspected suffix in
verbs like t/ap‘g- FINISH, aorist tlabag- (not Type 3, *t/lap/ag-), but
can be applied only where the first consonant of the verb-stem is s,
b, d, or g. A more general phonetic test would seem to be the
position occupied by the inorganic vowel -a-. In those cases in
which we have most reason to consider the second consonant as
part of the base, this -a- follows the cluster as ‘‘constant”’ a; while
otherwise, and indeed in the majority of cases, it is inserted between
the two consonants: wisma’t'e® I SHALL MOVE (base wism-), but
tgisa’mt'e’ I (AS PLANT) SHALL GET GREEN. An application of these
various criteria, were sufficient material at hand, would probably
show that but a comparatively small number of verbs follow Type 3.
Examples of verbs of Type 2 are:
Verb-stem Aorist stem
7-t !ani’n I shall hold him (28.11) 7-t!ana’/hi‘n I held him 73.16
wa-k'd"ya'n I shall go with him = wa-k!oyé‘n I went with him
(33.15)
o’sbin (= ? ok-s-) I shall give it ogu’sbi‘n I gave it to you 23.3
to you (178.15)
oina’n I shall give it oyona’*n I gave it (180.20)
yalzaldan I shall lose it (188.18) yalazalda*n Idost it (77.10)
' yo’t‘e* I shall be (33.10) yowot'e® I was (42.1)
nik‘ink’ he will say to him naga‘ he said to him 180.7
(94.16)
da-sgiipxrde? I shall lie down da-sgaya'pade® Tam lying down
t‘ti'ga’t it will get hot t'iwt’k* it got hot 94.15
s‘omda’n I shall cook it s‘omoda’‘n I cooked it (58.10)
Examples illustrating the intrusive -a- are:
Verb-stem Aorist stem
bila’ut‘e* I shall jump (160.17) __ biliat‘e® I jumped? (45.14)
milada’n I shall love her miliida’‘n I love her
kliya’k‘de? I shall come 196.1 -khyvk‘de® I came (156.24)
gina/k‘de° I shall go somewhere gini’k‘de® I went somewhere
14.3 21.10
diwa’k‘de* I shall be good diwtk‘de® I was good (146.7)
1 Perhaps best considered as belonging to Type 3 (verb-stem bilw-).
§ 40
100 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 40
Verb-stem Aorist stem
xuma’k* de* I shall be satiated xumi’k‘deé I was satiated
(130.18)
wiya’k‘de® I shall groan wiyi’k'de® I groaned (192.11)
xuda’mt'e® I shall whistle xudumit'e® I whistled (33.16)
ts:!ela’mt‘e® I shall rattle ts‘ !lele/7t‘e® I rattled (102.13)
ts‘!us.a’mt‘e* [shall make whis- ts‘!us-u7it‘e® I made whisthng
tling noise by drawing in noise (78.9,10,12)
breath between teeth and
lower lip
liiga’nt‘e* I shall rest ligint‘e® I rested (79.2,4)
yala’nt‘e¢ I shall be lost (cf. 14.3) yalant'e® I am lost (note differ-
ence in accent between aorist
and future)
It is to be understood, of course, that this -a- is in no sense a
characterizing future or non-aorist element, as, when the phonetic
conditions allow, it drops out altogether. This takes place when the
consonant following the intrusive —a- is itself followed by a vowel. —
Thus the second person singular future (-ada’‘) of some of the verbs
listed has no -a-: bilwada’‘, gingada’*, di“gada’*, wi'gada’*, yalnada’s.
Similarly the simple stem rud- WHISTLE appears in rut'ma’*s WHISTLER.
In regard to vocalic quantity it will be observed that the verbs of
this type divide themselves into two classes—those with short verb-
stem vowel (such as tlan-, og-, s'om-d-, gin-g-, yal-n-) and those with
long verb-stem vowel (k!/6“y-, yal-x-ald-, li‘g-[a]n-, t'a"-g-, mil-[a]d-).
The first and second stem vowels of the »aorist of verbs of the first
class are regularly both short (é/ana-, ogo-, s‘omo-d-, gim-g-, yala-n-) ;
the aorists of the second class seem generally to have a short first
but long second vowel (k/oyo"-, yala?-x-ald, ligv'-n-, tuwit"-g-, mili'-d-).
The verb na%g- (aorist naga-) say TO and perhaps a few others (sgdi-
p-«-, aorist sgaya-p-x-; al-ts!ai-g- wasH aorist al-tslaya-g-; but —
al-ts!di-p'- WASH ONESELF, aorist al-ts!aya*-p'-) do not follow this
rule. Of the verb yo- (aorist yowo-) forms of both accent classes are
found (ydt'e® as well as yo’t‘e’, yowo't'e® as well as yowédt'e®), and
indeed a lengthening of the second vowel of aorists of the first class —
seems to occur with considerable frequency. The rising for long and
the raised for final short stem vowels seem to be the normal accents
for verbs of Type 2, whether the stress falls on the first or second
(in aorists) vowel. If, however, the accented vowel is followed by a
§ 40
BOAS] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES—TAKELMA 101
glottal catch or fortis consonant the accent, as generally in such a
case, is a falling one. Thus:
s'°6’"*k'6p‘dee I shall jump (148.8)) s‘owo’"*k'6p‘de* I jump (48.15; 49.1)
Such forms as wa-kloyd*n are only apparently opposed to the rule
(see § 65).
Type 3. Verb-stem v+¢e+¢,; aorist v+e!+uv+e, The most
satisfactory test of a verb of this type is the intervocalic fortis
consonant of the aorist stem as contrasted with the correspond-
ing non-fortis consonant of the verb-stem. As only the minority of
base-final consonant-clusters begin with a consonant that is capable
of being changed to a fortis, there are in the material available only a
few verbs to which the test can be applied. Those showing an
intervocalic fortis (changed from non-fortis) in the aorist stem are:
Verb-stem Aorist stem
7-lasgi’n I shall touch it 7-lats!age’*n I touched it
masga’n I shall put it (102.15) mats!aga’‘n I put it 74.13
wismada’* you will move wits: lima‘t’ you moved 148.16
yo’k'yan I shall know it (162.6) = yok!oya’‘n I knew it 50.5
lop‘dia’“¢* it will rain lop!odza’/“ it rained 152.11
In other verbs of this type the only characteristic of the aorist
stem is the repetition between the consonants of the cluster of the
stem-vowel. The following verb-forms exemplify this group, with
the reservation that if in any case the second consonant of the
cluster be really a suffix, the form should be assigned to Type 2.
Verb-stem Aorist stem
t!amyana’n I shall go to get her t!amayana’*n I went to get her
married (150.5,19) married (148.5)
ts!a-uya’‘s fast runner 138.2 ts !await'e® I ran fast
di-i'its‘!amt* fool him! diiyi’ts:!amda‘n I fooled him
baxma’t'e*! (= baxm-)Ishallcome baxamt‘e® I came (114.16)
ga-iwa’n I shall eat it 128.18 gayawa’'n I ate it 30.11
moigwana’n I shall spoil it moyugwana’'n I spoiled it
(31.12)
yo’“snan Ishallscarehim (186.10) yowo’’sna'n I scared him
(186.10)
malgind’n I shall tell him malagini’*n I told him (30.15)
ba-i-xilgwi’n I shall snatch it ba-i-xiligwi’*n I snatched it out
out (33.4)
1 This verb clearly belongs to Type 3 because of constant -a- following -rm-. Had it belonged to Type 2
it would have assumed the form *baza’mt'ee.
§ 40
102 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BuLL. 40
Verb-stem Aorist stem
gwel-leisde* I shall be lame gwel-le’ye°sde* I am lame
dawit‘e® I shall fly (166.18) dawait‘e® I flew (166.18)
da-uya’ss flyer
ba-i-hemga’n I shall take (food) ba-i-hemega’*n I took (food)
out (16.10) out (58.9; 118.12)
han-gi'lba’n J shall put (beam) han-giliba’*n I put (beam) across
across (176.3)
ba-i-k!a2l1se’n I shall take it out ba-i-k!ala’si‘n I took it out
(25.4)
p‘elga’n I shall go to war against p‘elega’‘n I went to war against
them (124.19) them (110.4)
yamda’n I shall ask him (70.6) yamada’*n I asked him (56.3)
yi’ms‘aldan I shall dream about yimi’s‘alda‘n I dreamed about
him | him 186.3
ha-u-ha’n‘sda@* it will stop (rain- ha-u-hana’‘s it stopped (rain-
ing) (198.9) ing) 196.8
yoga’n I shall marry her (192.16) yowoga’¢n I married her (43.3)
As long as the first consonant of the cluster is a semivowel (w, y)
or a liquid or nasal (/, m, n), the question as to whether the verb
belongs to Type 2 or Type 3 is a purely etymological or historical one.
Descriptively it makes no difference whether a form like p‘elega’‘n
I WENT TO WAR AGAINST THEM is derived from p‘eleg- by the inser-
tion of the stem-vowel -e- between J and g (Type 3), or from p‘el-g-
by the addition of the -e- to a base p‘el- (Type 2). From a purely
descriptive point of view, then, the most typical aorist formation in
Takelma may be said to be characterized by the repetition of the stem-
vowel immediately after the first consonant following the stem-vowel.
From the point of view of vocalic quantity the verbs of Type 3
fall into the same two classes as those of Type 2—such as have a
short vowel in the stem (tlamy-, ts!awy-, malg-, p‘elg-, hants!-) and
such as have a long vowel (iiits‘!-, gi‘lb-, kla%s), these latter being
apparently much less numerous than in Type 2. The quantity of
both the stem vowels of the aorist is regularly short, even when the
verb-stem vowel is long (gilib-, k/alas-); only rarely is the second
vowel of the aorist stem long (leye’s-, iiyii"ts!-). The accent of
stressed stem vowels follows the same rules as in the case of verbs of
Type 3 (dowait‘e®, han-gili‘p* with rising or raised pitch; but hana’‘s,
he’*x-daé* HE WILL BE LEFT OVER, iiyii/“s'de 1 LauGH, with falling
accent because of the glottal catch).
§ 40
Boas]. HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES—TAKELMA 103
Typr 4. Verb-stem v’?+c(+v); aorist v+e+v+2. Verbs of this
type are intransitive, the -i-, though confined to the aorist, being
evidently in some way connected with the intransitive character.
That it is really a derivative element characteristic of the aorist is
shown by its conduct in transitive forms derived from the intransitive.
In the causative in -n- it drops out:
t‘aga*na’*n I make him cry
while in certain other transitive derivatives it is preserved:
t‘agayagwa’'n I ery having it
The contradiction in treatment is here only apparent, as the absence
or presence of the -7- would seem to depend not so much on the
transitive or intransitive form of the verb as on whether the action
expressed by the verb is logically transitive or not (in a causative the
action is necessarily directed toward an object, in a comitative the
formal object is not concerned in the action of the verb at all). Types
4a and 4b may properly be considered subclasses of Types 2 and 1
respectively, though it should be noted that the -2- occurs nowhere
except in one special tense—the aorist. Examples of Type 4a are:
Verb-stem Aorist stem
yée'tit‘ee I shall return (92.24) yeweit'e® | returned (58.9,13)
p!ak‘de? I shall bathe (58.5; 118.7) p!agait‘e® I bathed 58.2
t‘ak‘deé I shall ery (29.11) t‘agait‘e® I cried (29.13; 62.2
na’t'e¢ irregular)Ishallsay,do196.5 nagait‘e‘ Isaid, did 126.3; 180.1
Even less numerous are the examples of 4b that have been found:
Verb-stem Aorist stem
loho‘t’ dead (98.10; 170.1; 186.21) lohoi¢‘e® I died 184.18 :
lehe‘t’ drifting dead to land lehe’* he drifted dead to land
75.5
The aorist of verbs of Type 4 regularly have the rising accent on
the 2- dipthong formed by the repeated stem vowel and the 7- suffix.
The stressed stem-vowel of forms built on the verb-stem regularly
has the rising (4a) or raised accent (second vowel of 4b). na-, which
is irregular also in other respects, has a short vowel in the verb-stem
and takes the raised accent in non-aorist forms under appropriate
conditions (na‘t’ saying; na‘ say it!).
Tree 5. Verb-stem v+c+v; aorist v’+c. This type of verb is
morphologically very difficult to understand, as it is in effect the very
opposite of Type 2. Morphologically yana- go: t!an- HOLD = ya%n-:
§ 40
104 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 40
tlana-; but phonetically the proportion would gain in symmetry by
reversing the positions of its first and third terms.
Verb-stem
wagawi’n I shall bring it to him
(45.6)
wege’sink* he will bring it tome
yana’t'e® I shall go 14.3
haxa’t'e® I shall burn (92.29)
dak‘-da-hala’hin I shall answer
him
laba‘ carry it! (70.5); 192.8
sagwa’ paddle it! 112.3,9
wede’k‘ink® he will take it from
him (16.10,11; 17.10,11)
lebe’n I shall pick it up and eat it
sebe’n I shall roast it (44.6)
he*-Iwi/xink* he will go away
from me
hawaz-xiwi't‘e® I shall rot (194.8)
odo’n I shall hunt for it (116.7,11)
woo'nk* he will go to get it (162.8)
p'uyumda’n I shall smoke them
out
yomo’n I shall catch up with him
(46.7; 136.12,13)
Examples are:
Aorist stem
wa%eiwi’'n I brought it to him
(17617)
we’ga’st he brought it to me
(194.11)
yant‘e® | went 14.7
haxde® I burnt (98.1,4)
dak‘-da-ha?l?’'n I answered him.
(122.4; 146.14; 180.18)
lap‘ he carried it 160.9
sa“ewa’'n I paddled it (14.6)
wét'gz he took it from him 16.13;
(76.1) :
letba’*n I picked and ate it 94.5,12
se*ba’én I roasted it (118.10)
he®-itis‘? he went away from me
(184.14,15)
hawax-xitt eT amrotting (100.1)
o'da’én I hunted for it (13.9)
wot he went to get it 160.4
p Syamda‘n I smoked them out
(76.11)
yo"niya’*n I caught up with him
(final -7'- of aorist stem unex-
plained) (140.14)
The two stem vowels of the verb-stem are always short in quantity,
the second regularly having the raised accent (imperatives yana‘, lebe*,
odo’, woo’).1 The long stem vowel of the aorist, when stressed, takes
_the rising accent. To this latter rule there is one curious exception.
The verb odo- HUNT FoR always has the falling accent on the 6” of
the aorist (0’"t' HE HUNTED FOR IT 13.9; 88.8, never *6“¢'), but the non-
aorist forms follow in everything the analogy of other verbs of this
type. Can it be that a leveling
out of two originally distinct paradigms has taken place (*6%d- , odo*- of
Type 5 and 0’“d- , *o’“t!- of Type 6)?
Type 6. Verb-stem v)+¢/; aorist v?+e. Most of the verbs that
follow this type have as second consonant in the aorist one capable of
This anomaly is quite unexplained.
1Such forms as lebe’n, with falling accent on the second vowel, are only apparently opposed to this
rule, as in these cases the falling accent regularly goes with the personal ending-n. Practically all vio-
lations of the accent rules found in the examples are of this merely apparent character and will be readily
explained away when the subject of personal endings is considered.
§ 40
See eo
BOAS]
consonant in non-aorist forms.
HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES—TAKELMA
105
becoming a fortis; such as do not, introduce a catch before the second
transitive verbs of this type.
Verb-stem
7-k‘wa’*k !win Ishall wake him up
k‘wa’*ade° I shall wake up (190.5)
va*-la’t!an I shall put it about
my waist
la-%-t'ba’k!zn I shall burst it
(118.5)
wa-sga’p lin I shall make it tight
al-xi/k!in I shall see him (146.21)
de®-i-wi’k!in I shall spread it out
(120.1)
dak‘-t‘e’*k!in I shall give him to
smoke (170.13)
ba?-x0’t!an I shall win over him
(170.9)
al-16’k!wan I shall thrust it
dal-p‘6’t in I shall mix it (178.5)
de&-1-nii’t in T shali drown him
de-bi’k!in I shall fill it
v-gi'na take it! (102.14)
There seem to be no primarily in-
Examples of the type are:
Aorist stem
i-k'wa"gwiin I woke him up
kGi4: (75.6)
k‘wa’*zde* I woke up (16.3, 5)
2a?-la’*dain I put it about my
waist
la-%-tba’*gitn I burst it (24.17)
wa-sga’*be'n I made it tight(140.6)
al-xiigi'n I saw him 188.9
de-7-wi''igi'n I spread it out
dak‘-t‘e’egi'n I gave him tosmoke
ba?-x0’'"da'n I won over him
(168.5)
al-lo"gwa'n I thrust it (152.19)
dal-p‘d’"dién I mixed it
de-na'"diin I drowned him
(118.9)
de-bit’"gi'n I filled it (140.3)
i-gi’ina he took it 15.1; 45.13
Despite the change of the second consonant from fortis to non-
fortis, it is not certain that it is always an integral part of the stem;
in de-bii/“giin the g (k!) seems to be a verbifying suffix (cf. de-bii’e
FULL as adjective). The accent of the base of verbs of Type 6 differs
materially from that of verbs of types heretofore discussed. The
normal pitch-accent of most verb-bases is the rising tone for long,
the raised for final short, vowels, unless a catch immediately follows.
Thus in Type 5 dak'-da-hél HE ANSWERED HIM; Type 2 naga‘ HE
SAID TO HIM; but with catch Type 4 naga’* HE samp. The verbs,
however, of Type 6, as will have been noticed, all have the falling
accent in both aorist and non-aorist forms. This variation from the
accentual norm becomes intelligible if we remember that a fortis
is the equivalent of a catch+a media; e. g., alxi/klin I SHALL SEE
HIM; alzi’*k‘ sex nIM! As the catch tends to bring about a falling
accent before it, the falling accent peculiar to verbs of Type 6 may
plausibly be ascribed to the fortis (i. e., glottal catch) quality of the
final consonant of the stem. Compare also, in Type 3, he’iklin
i § 40
106 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BuLL. 40
I SHALL LEAVE IT OVER. The retention of the falling accent in the
aorist, although the presumable cause of it has been removed, is an
example of form-parallelism, and argues, at least in verbs of this.
type, for the secondary origin of the aorist stem. The relation
between 20’t/an and 2d’“daé‘n is, then, the same as that which obtains
between yowo’’ HE WAS and yowd'“da’ WHEN HE WAS 79.7.
The organic character of the fortis consonant of verbs of this type
is still further evidenced by many derivative forms (iteratives, con-
tinuatives, -xa- forms used to imply lack of object) which are reg-
ularly derived from the verb-stem, not the aorist stem, even in their
aorist forms. Thus from sgd’¥é!- 45.10 (aorist sgo’“d- 72.10) cUT are
derived the derivative aorists sgot!o’sgade’ I CUT FREQUENTATIVELY
(62.1), sgotlol-ha'n I KEEP CUTTING IT (108.8), sgiit/ii’xade® 1 ouT (with-
out object) -(92.2). Parallel forms are derived from most other verbs
of this type, such as 22*k!-, lo’/“k!-, sgi/*p!- cut, sge’t!- Lirt up. Afew
verbs of Type 6, however, form the aorists of these derivatives from
the aorist stems of the simple verbs. Such forms are the frequenta-
tives tbaga’t'bag- 14.12 (from t‘ba’*k!- 136.20) and sege’sag- 172.10
(from se’¢k!- NOD TO, OPEN DOOR 138.18).
TypE 7. Verb-stem c+v’+¢,; aorist c/+v+c¢,+v(+7). The second
sub-group (70) of this sparsely represented type of verbs is apparently
-related to the first (7a) as are verbs of Type 4a to those of Type 2.
It is very improbable, however, that the characteristic -i- element
of the aorist is morphologically the same in both Type 4 and Type 7),
as verbs of the latter type are clearly transitive, while in Type 4 the
-i- was found to be a clearly intransitivizing element. A further
difference between the two types lies in the marked length of the
repeated vowel in verbs of Type 7b. This vocalic length is perhaps
responsible for the loss of the -i- in certain forms; e. g., di-tlaguz
HE WORE IT, but di-t/iga'n I worE IT. (See § 65.)
Of Type 7a only the following examples have been found:
Verb-stem Aorist stem
ba*-dép‘de* I shall arise 196.3 ba2-t !ebe’t'e® I arose 186.14
wa-dilnhin I shall distribute wa-tiilik‘nién I have distributed
them . them (130.4)
dwe*‘p‘dwa’ pxda* they will fly t!weple’ t!wapz they flew with
without lighting out lighting
The last example follows also Types 6 and 13a.
§ 40
BOAS ] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES—TAKELMA 107
To Type 76 belong:
Verb-stem
da-dak* build a fire!
di-diiteva‘nk* she will wear it 55.9
t'gwa*xa’nt‘gwide® I shall tattoo
Aorist stem
da-t!agai he built a fire 96.17
di-t tigi she wore it 96.16
t‘gwaxaik‘wide® I tattooed my-
myself . self
k!a'da‘nk* he will pick them k!adai he picked them
(116.17) swadai he beat him in gambling
The last three verbs happen to have stems beginning with a conso-
nant or consonant-combination that doesnot allow of development into
A few
other transitive verbs have aorist stems like those of type 7), but
a fortis, so that there is no initial modification in the aorist.
form their non-aorist forms according to other models, as the aorists
kleméi- MAKE (only with third personal object; otherwise k!eme®-n-,
corresponding verb-stem k!em-n- of Type 2) and yehéi- HEAR SINGING
FAR AWAY (verb-stem yehi'-). In both aorist and non-aorist forms
_ the stem vowel or long i-diphthong, when stressed, bears the rising or
raised accent (k/@t‘ pick THEM! 6a%-t!ebe‘t’ HE AROSE).
Type 8. Verb-stem c+v’+c,; aorist c/+uv+ce,+v+c¢, The aorist
stem of this type is characterized by reduplication of Type 1 (see
-§ 30) combined, wherever possible, with change to fortis of the in:
tial consonant. Examples are:
Verb-stem
gait‘e® I shall grow (77.9)
go"da’n I shall bury him (118.3)
gd"la’n I shall dig it
gi"'wa’n I shall plant it (94.10)
do"ma’n I shall kill him (178.14)
wa‘-7-d6oxin I shall gather them
ba-i-dixin I shall pull (guts) out
datla’n I shall crack it
detewa/ldan I shall watch for
him (116.20; 126.20)
wasi-deemi’n I shall gather
them (for war)
ba?ba’n I shall chop it (90.16)
di-biitgwa’n I shall start (war,
basket) (110.21; 170.10)
s°a°da’/n I shall mash it
Aorist stem
klayait‘e® I grew (77.9)
k!ododa’én I buried him (96.16)
k!olola’*n I dug it 73.10,14
k!awiwa’‘n I planted it (132.10)
t!omoma/‘n I killed him 71.7
was-i-t !oxo’xi*n I gathered them
(112.6,11; 192.4)
ba-i-t !ixi’xi'n I pulled (guts) out
(92.17) |
t!alala’*n I cracked it
t!egwegwa’/lda'n I watched for
him (118.2; 158.12)
wa‘-i-tleme‘m he
them (for war) 110.3
p!ababa’én I chopped it (90.11)
di-pligiigwa’‘n I started it
gathered
ts‘!adada’‘n I mashed it (130.23)
§ 40
108
BUREAU
Verb-stem
s‘tumt‘an I shall boil it (170.16)
de:-i-s‘ibin I shall close door
(90.4)
ye°gwa’n I shall bite him (88.2)
l6"ba’n I shall pound them
(16.6)
liima’‘t‘ tree will fall (108.12)
hél¢‘ee I shall sing (106.15)
OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY
[BULL. 40
Aorist stem
ts‘limitimf‘a‘n I boiled it
(170.17)
de§-i-ts‘libibi’*n I closed door
(90.5)
yegewegwa’'n I bit him (88.3)
loboba’*n I pounded them
(16.9)
limi’*m tree fell (108.11)
helelt‘e® I sang (104.2, 5, 6)
In the transitive verbs of this type the repeated consonant of the
aorist is found only when the object is of the third person; otherwise
it is dropped, with lengthening of the preceding vowel. Thus:
tlomom he killed him 16.15; but tlomdabi'n he killed you(cf. 178.12)
Before certain intransitivizing derivative suffixes, particularly -2-
(see §56) and -xa- (see §53), the same loss of the repeated consonant
Thus:
plaba‘p’ he chopped it 90.11; but plebe’xa* he chopped 55.6
was-i-tlemem he gathered them together; but dak'-ileméx they
are gathered together 43.9; 136.11
With -«- the preceding vowel is lengthened, with -va- it remains
short.
involves a radical glottal catch, hence the falling accent is never
of the aorist stem is to be noted.
The second consonant of the stems of verbs of Type 8 never
found on either the first or second stem vowel.
Typr 9. Verb-stemc+v’+c,; aoristc!/+v+y+vu+e, This type is
It differs from Type 7a in that the added
vowel (in every case a, as far as the material goes) is put before the
not at all a common one.
last consonant of the base, the y serving perhaps merely to connect
the stem -a- and added -a-.
Of Type 9, examples are:
Aorist stem
t!ayaga’'n I found it (27.12)
Verb-stem
da*ga’n I shall find it (110.15)
sa?ea’n I shall shoot him
da-diait‘e® (-di*y-) I shall go to
get something to eat (33.9)
da-da%ldi’n (= daild-, see § 11) I
shall go to get it to eat (33.9)
ts! ayaga’*n I shot him (45.13)
da-tiayait‘ee I went to get
something to eat! (75.9)
da-t!ayaldi’*n (=t!ayaild-, see
§ 11) I went to get it to eat
(76.9)
1 This verb might be considered as entirely parallel to ga@ay- (aorist k/ayai-) of Type 8. The deriva-
tive in -Jd-, however, seems to prove it to be of Type 9; the -/d- forms, if belonging to Type 8, would
probably appear as *da-dasya‘ldin, *da-tlayaya/ldin.
§ 40
«
BOAS] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES—TAKELM4A 109
é FO lee.
c, +¢
This type embraces the few verbs that form their _aorist stem by
merely repeating the initial consonant of the verb-stem. Of 10a,
that is, those that introduce the initial consonant immediately after
the stem-vowel, there have been found:
Type 10. Verb-stem c+v (+c) (+¢,); aorist cto}
Verb-stem Aorist stem
16°x to play 31.7; (31.6, 8, 9) loult‘e® I played
lap‘de? I shall become (25.2) lalit‘e® I became (also of Type
15a) 186.19
la*wa’n I shall twine basket 1421wa’*n I twined basket (61.7)
he®-i-le’ (1)k!in I shall let him go he‘-i-le’lek lin I let him go
(182.20) (50.4)
The last verb differs from the others in that it repeats in the aorist
both the consonant and the vowel of the verb-stem; it is the only
verb known which shows perfect duplication of the verb-stem (as-
suming the suffixed character of the -k/-).1_ Perhaps -lek!-is misheard
for -lelk!-.
The only certain example of 106 is:
Verb-stem Aorist stem
sana‘ spear it! (33.9) sans he speared it (110.20)
The verb-stem here is of Type 5. The simple base (san-) is best
seen in the fully reduplicated s@%nsa’n-sinia“ THEY ARE FIGHTING
EACH OTHER 23.14. An aorist of Type 106 is probably also:
ha-u-qwen-yut!i’ha (=*yut!y-[h}0)
he gobbled it down (cf. fre-
quentative yut!uyad-)
See also aorist yo“mi‘- under Type 5. Stems of this type are more
frequent among nouns than verbs, e. g., bel/p’ SwAN (see § 86, 5).
Type 11. Verb-stem c+v+ce,+c,; aorist c+v+e,tv+e. Verbs
belonging to this type differ in the aorist from those of the preceding
type in that they introduce before the repeated initial consonant also
the vowel of the stem, thus approaching in form the more fully
reduplicating Type 13. Only a few examples of the type occur:
Verb-stem Aorist stem
loma’lt‘ee (a is inorganic) I lomdlt‘e® I choked
shall choke
xalxa’/mt‘e® I shall urinate (cf. xala’xamt‘e® I urinated ?
zal-am- urine)
1 There are many apparently perfect duplications of verb-stems in -a-, but the -a- of the second member
is never a repetition of the stem-vowel. See Type 12.
2 This verb is better considered as belonging to Type 13a, xalxam- and zalaxam- being respectively
dissimilated from * zanzan- and * ranaxan- (see §21).
§ 40
110 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 40
Verb-stem Aorist stem
yawi't'e® I shall talk (cf. base yawait'e® I talked (30.4; 126.2)
yiw- talk) (126.2)
da-bo’k!op‘na‘n I made bub-
bles (base bok!-) 102.22
:
ba‘-al-mo’l‘man I shall turn ba‘-al-mo’lo‘ma‘n I turned
things over (base molé-) things over
da*-ye’hi'n I shall go to where da*-yehéi he went where there
singing is heard was singing (see Type 75)
106.10
leewela’mda'n I suck it out
of it (186.18)
la?mala’‘n I quarrel with him
(27.2)
It is quite possible that many verbs whose verb-stem ends in a con-
sonant identical with their initial consonant (and that one would be
inclined to list under Type 2) really belong to Type 11. In such
cases as:
ging- go somewhere (aorist ginig-)
khylalg- go, come (aorist k!iyig-)
gel-gul[a]g- desire (aorist- gulug-) _
it is not easy to decide whether the final -g- is a suffixed element, as
in many verbs of Type 2, or a repetition of the initial consonant of
the base. As to the genesis of the form in verbs of Type 11, it seems
clear that it is only a secondary development of the far more richly
represented Type 13. This is indicated by the existence of second
forms of Type 13 alongside those of Type 11:
da-bok!oba’k‘na‘nI make bubbles yiwiya’ut'e® I talk (148.9)
mo’lo’mala‘n I turn things over
(170.16)
A form like mo’lo‘mat‘ you TURNED THINGS OVER may go back to
a *mo’lo‘mlat’ (Type 130), itself a reduced form of the fully redu-
plicating mo’lo‘malat'; but see § 65.
Typr 12. Verb-stem c+v?+c¢,; aorist c+v’+¢e,+¢e+a+c¢,. Verbs of
this type form their aorist by reduplicating the verb-stem according
to Type 2 (see § 30); the a of the second syllable of the aorist stem
is regularly umlauted to 7 by an 72 of the following syllable (see § 8,
3a). Morphologically such aorist stems are practically identical
with the verb-stems of Type 13a, though no further deductions can
be drawn from this fact. Contrary to what one might expect, most
verbs of the type show no marked iterative or frequentative signifi-
§ 40
BOAS]
cation.
Verb-stem
sana’n'! I shall fight him (28.15)
he*-sal-t‘gi'ni'n I shall kick it
off
t!éadt‘e* I shall play shinny
1-t!a2wi'n I shall catch him (33.8)
ba?-di'ga’n I shall make it stand
aDip
he*-s‘wilzk* it is torn
ts!a%ga’‘t* he will step
da®-i-b6"di'n I shall pull out his
hair
bG-7-sga%e7’n I shall pick it up
]a*wi’n I shall call him by name
HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES—TAKELMA
111
Examples of this rather frequently recurring type are:
Aorist stem
sa*nsa’nt‘e® I was fighting 184.13
he*-sal-t‘gint‘ginién I kicked it
off (24.17)
t!éut!a’ute® I played shinny
(47.7)
7-tlatitliwién I caught him 33.4
ba?-dik*daga‘n I made it stand
up (59.10)
i-s‘wils‘wili‘n I tore it (73.3)
ts!a*k‘ts!a’*k* he stepped 32.9
das-i-bét biden I pulled out his
hair (194.7)
ba-i-sgik‘sgigv'n I picked him
up (32.12)
latliw7’*n I called him by name
(for la*- =la@u- see § 7) (116.3)
‘There is a tendency to prevent a long u-diphthong of the first
syllable of the aorist stem from standing immediately before a
diphthong-forming semivowel or consonant (y, w, l, m, n) of the
second syllable. In such cases the w is either lost, as in the last
example above (dissimilation is also a possible explanation) or a con-
necting -i- is introduced between the wu, which now becomes w, and
the following consonant. Examples are:
Verb-stem Aorist stem
létixvink* he will call me by name _le*wila’usi ? he calls me by name
59.7
litit‘ee I shall look (142.18) liwila’ut‘e®* T look (59.14)
The stem vowel of verbs of Type 12 is regularly long, and, when
stressed, as it generally is in aorist forms, receives the rising accent.
The a of the second syllable of the aorist stem is stressed only when
forming a secondary diphthong with a following repeated radical
element, in which case it receives a falling (/@%a’uht HE CALLED HIM)
or raised accent (he%*-sal-t'gu"nt'ga‘n).
1 The various forms of this verb seem to be made up of three distinct stems. Thenon-aorist forms of both
transitive and intransitive (sana’p‘deeI SHALL FIGHT) employ astem (sana-) of Type 5. Most aorist forms,
including the reciprocal aorist, use the stem sdansan- of Type 12 (seensa’nsi HE FIGHTS ME; s@¢nsa’/nsinik*
WE FIGHT EACH OTHER). The stem sdans- of Type 100 is probably limited to such transitive forms of the
aorist as have a third person object (sdansa’*n I FIGHT HIM; sims HE FOUGHT HIM).
2 Parallel form, perhaps with iterative significance, to leela’usi, § 7.
3 This verb has a short 7 in the first syllable of the aorist, so that, as far as the aorist stem is concerned,
it seems to belong to Type 18a. Perhaps it is best considered a verb of mixed type (18a in aorist, 12 in
non-aorist).
§ 40
112 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BuLn. 40
Type 13. Verb-stem c+v+c,+¢+a+¢,; aorist c+v+e,+v+ce+a
+c, For 2 umlaut of the a see § 8, 3a.
large number of verbs, chiefly of iterative, usitative, or intensive sig-
This type embraces a very
nification. Of these, some are the iterative or usitative derivatives
of simpler verbs; others, again, are hardly found in simpler form,
the action they express being of a necessarily repetitive character
(e. g., RUB, RATTLE, CHEW); in still others the repetitive idea is not
strongly marked or is even absent. Of Type 13a, which covers prac-
tically the whole number of type-cases, examples will be given under
the characteristic stem-vowels.
Verb-stem
Chyna
i-gaxgixi’/n I shall scratch him
da-ts!a’ltslilin I shall chew it
he®-i-k‘a’*p'k‘iben I shall chip
them off
(2) e:
7-ts:!e/lts:lilon I shall rattle it
i-he°gwa’k‘vnan (see § 19) I
shall work
al-gesgasa’lt‘e* I shall be wash-
ing
se’nsant‘e* I shall whoop
hemhama‘nk* he will imitate
him
(3) o (u):
di-t‘gumt'ga‘m squeeze and
crack (insects)!
i-yulya'l rub it!
al-p!i-ts:!u’lts‘!alhap* do ye
put it on fire!
(4) a:
7-smilsmilin I shall swing it
1-s‘wi'ls‘wilin I shall tear it to
pieces
ts'!i’nts‘!anzde* I shall be an-
gry
i-s 1'ls‘alhz distribute it!
de-k'itk‘auk‘wan JI shall
brandish it before my face
(172.11)
yiwiyawa’‘s one who talks
148,18
§ 40
Aorist stem
i-gaxagix?’*n I scratched him
da-ts!ala’ts lilién I chewed it
he®*-t-k‘ap!a’k‘ibién I chipped
them off (118.11; 120.16)
i-ts'lele’ts:lilon I rattled it
i-hegwe’hak‘’na‘n I worked
al-gesegasa/lt'e* I was washing
sene’sant‘e® I whooped (180.15)
heme’ham he imitated him
24.4, 8
di-t'gumu’tg‘ime'n I squeezed
and cracked (insects)
i-yulu’ yile‘n I rubbed it
al-p!i*-ts:tulu’ts:lilesn I put it
on fire (152.20)
i-smili’smili‘n Iswung it (72.10)
i-s‘wili’s ‘wilv‘n I tore it to pieces
ts‘lini’its‘lanade® I was angry
(24.16; 148.15)
i-s‘ili’s‘alhz he distributed it 31.1
de-k‘iwi'k‘auk‘watn J bran-
dished it before my face
(172.12)
yiwiya’™® he talks, makes a
sound 148.9
.
|
:
ee -
Boas] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES—TAKELMA 113
The verb-stem of the last example seems at first sight identical with
the aorist stem, but the second 7 is to be explained as a connective
element similar to the 2 of le*wilau- above (see under Type 12);
yiwiyawa’‘s is thus developed from a theoretical *yiwyawa’ss.
The verb k‘a‘p‘k‘ab- above illustrates a slightly divergent subtype
of Type 13a.
as a non-fortis (voiceless media or aspirated surd according to the
If the final consonant of the stem is a fortis, it appears
phonetic circumstances) when repeated. This phenomenon is best
explained as an example of catch dissimilation; *k‘ap/ak‘apl!-, i. e.,
k'a‘biak‘ab’- is dissimilated to k‘atb‘ak‘ab-, k'aplak‘ab- (see § 22).
In non-aorist forms, where the fortis becomes a syllabic final, it
naturally gives way to the equivalent catch aspirated surd. Further
examples of this subtype are:
Verb-stem
7-sg0’*t'sgidin I shall cut them
one after another (21.2,4)
ha-u-gwen-yu'‘t‘yidin I shall
gobble them all down
xa-i-sei’*p'sgibin I shall cut
them through (21.2)
ba?-t‘e®k‘t‘a’ada* (=-ta‘g-x-)
they will all bob up
ba-i-dis-t‘ga’*st*ga#s stick out
your anus! 164.19; 166.1,6
Aorist stem
i-sgot!o’seidién IT cut them one
after another (144.2,3)
ha-u-gwen-yut!u’yidién I gob-
bled them all down (126.10)
xa-i-sgip!i’seibién I cut them
through (22.9; 138.7)
ba?-t‘ek!e’t‘ax they all bobbed
up
ba-i-di*-t‘gats!a’t‘gisi*n I stuck
out my anus (166.8)
In regard to vocalic quantity it will be noticed that both the stem
vowel and the repeated vowel are generally short. Comparatively
few cases are found with long stem-vowel in non-aorist forms (he‘-
gwagw-, switlswal-, sgo“t'sgad-). Indeed the shortness of the vowel
of the verb-stem is about the only mark of difference between verb-
Thus:
7-s'wi'ls‘wal (non-aorist of Type 13) tear it to pieces!; but 7-s-wi'l-
s‘wa'l (aorist of Type 12) he tore it (with one tear)
stems of Type 13 and aorist stems of Type 12.
A few verbs allow the repeated vowel, particularly in third personal
forms, to be long; when stressed, as it generally is, it has a falling
accent. Besides ts*/ini’ts‘lana- (also ts‘ h’/ni'ts:lanax- or ts!’ nits: lanz-
190.19), may be mentioned:
gwen-hegwe’‘hagwanhi he related it to him 57.9; cf. 59.6
pliilii’plalhe they marched in single file 192.3
In non-aorist forms the vowel, if long and stressed, takes the ris-
ing accent; before a glottal catch, however, we regularly have the
3045°—Bull. 40, pt 212-8 § 40
114 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULD. 40
falling accent (sg0’“t'sgad-, sgi’“p‘sgab-). In the aorist the stress gen- :
erally falls on the repeated vowel.
Only two verbs have been found that at first sight conform to
Type 13 6. They are:
Verb-stem Aorist stem ;
de‘-i-ge’ukliwin I shall tie (a de*i-gewe’k!liwin I tied it bow-
salmon) bowstring-fashion string-fashion (cf. 88.5)
di’lttiln I shall stuf them intoit dilt’tlile¢‘n I stuffed them into
it (122.19; 138.17)
This curious type of verb is easily explained if we assume that
the bases are not gew- and diil-, respectively, but geu*®- and diil®-.
They are, then, strictly comparable to verbs like sgotlosgad- dis-
cussed above; instead of having a fortis consonant, 1. e., a stop with
glottal closure, as the final consonant of the base, they have a semi-
vowel or diphthong-forming consonant (w, y,/, m,n) as the base final.
The verb and aorist stems of geu‘- and diil*-, formed according to Type
13a, are theoretically *gew‘gaus-, *gewe'gaus- and *diil*dal-,*diilii‘dal-,
respectively. Allowing, as in the case of the forms like k'ap/ak‘ab-
discussed above, for catch dissimilation, these forms are seen to be
phonetically equivalent to geuk!au-, geweklau- and diilt!al-, diiliitlal-,
respectively (see § 12). If the initial consonant of the verb happens
not to be a media, then there is no opportunity for the development
of a fortis in the second syllable of the verb-stem. It is clear, then,
that the following verbs are further examples of Type 13 b:
Verb-stem Aorist stem
ba?-fal-mo’lfmalan I shall turn 064@2-‘al-mo’lo‘mala‘n I turn
things over things over )
da?-t' mii“gal-le’u‘liwin I shall dé*-t'migal-lewe’‘liwi'n I shook
shake shells in my ears shells in my ears 122.2
ha-u-gwen-yu’n‘yinin I shall ha-u-gwen-yunu’‘yinién I gob-
gobble them down bled them down (cf. yut!/wyad-
above)
The stem syllable of verbs of Type 136, when bearing the stress,
naturally have the falling accent.
Examples of Type 13 ¢ are not common and have also by-forms of
Type 13 a:
Verb-stem Aorist stem
gwida’k'*dan I shall throw it gwidi’k‘da‘n I threw it (122.13);
(a inorganic) ef. 7-gwidigwid2’'n (108.21)
lobo’lp‘na‘n I used to pound
them; cf. lobo’lap‘na‘n (57.14)
§ 40
~
Boas] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES—TAKELMA 115
It is very probable that the -a- in the second member of redupli-
cated stems (Types 12 and 13) is the imorganic -a- we have already
met with. Its persistence, even in cases where the otherwise resulting
phonetic combination is a possible one, may be ascribed to the ana-
logic influence of the probably larger number of cases where its
presence is phonetically necessary.
Typr 14. Verb-stem v+c; aorist v+c+tv+n. The -n of the few
verbs that make up this class is probably a petrified derivative ele-
ment, yet it must be considered as characteristic of the aorist stem
in an even more formal sense than, for example, the aoristic ~i- of
Type 4. The only examples that have been found are:
Verb-stem Aorist stem
xép‘de° I shall do so (110.22) xebenit‘e® I did so (14.10; 168.10)
wait'e*I shallsleep(71.15; 142.14) wayant‘e® I slept (188.22)
gwen-plik‘wan (=-pliy-) I shall gwen-p!iyi’nk'wa'n I lay on
lie on pillow pillow
plé’t’ he will be lying down p!eyénf‘e* I was lying down 71.5
146.9
The last verb seems to insert a -y- in the aorist, between the -e- of
the verb-stem and that of the aoristic addition, in the manner of
verbs of Type 9b. In regard to vocalic quantity these verbs differ
among themselves. The verb-stem of all but wai- is long in vocalism.
The first vowel of the aorist stem is short in every case, the repeated
- vowel is sometimes short (xeben-, pliyin-), sometimes long (wayd%n-)
pleyen-. The stressed stem vowel bears a rising accent.
The -n of waya@2n- and p/eye’n- is eclipsed before a catch in the
third person:
waya’* he slept 152.22; 154.6
pleye’* he was lying down 49.5
but:
xebe’'n he did it 78.9; 118.14
The loss of the -n takes place also in the third person aorist of yaé?n-
Go (Type 5). Thus:
ya’® he went 15.3,11; 59.1; 92.26
subordinate form ya’¢da* 58.8 and (rarely) y@’¢nda* WHEN HE WENT.
Typr 15. Verb-stem es coh ; aorist stem -?4%. The ending -7,
found in a considerable number of verbs of position, is not, properly
speaking, a stem-forming element at all, as shown by the fact that
§ 40
116 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 40
suffixed elements may intervene between it and the base; yet, being
wanting in the non-aorist forms of many verbs, it has something of
the appearance of such. The non-aoristic -as- of a few verbs has
absolutely no appreciable derivative force, and may be regarded as a
purely formal element characterizing the non-aorist forms of the
verb. As examples of Type 15a may be given:
Verb-stem Aorist stem
s‘a’s‘ant’e® I shall stand (cf. s‘as‘init‘e® I stand (34.1; 77.9)
23.6)
su/aléie? Iishall, sit.(S5:11; s‘u'wilit‘'e® I sat (21.1; 178.21)
186.21)
k‘e’p‘alt'e* I shall be long ab- k‘ebilit'es I was long absent
sent (124.20)
lap‘de* I shall become (92.11; lalit‘'e® I became (see also
166.14) Type 10a) 186.19
Of examples of Type 15d may be mentioned:
Verb-stem Aorist stem
dink! a’sd@* it will lie stretched dink!i it lies stretched out
out
t!obaga’sda@? he will lie like one t!obigi he lay like one dead
dead (148.8)
This non-aoristic -as- seems to occur also in:
da-sma-ima’sde® I shall smile - da-smayam he smiled
which otherwise belongs to Type 2 or 3 (if the second -m- is part of
the base). ”
Type 16. Verb-stem v+c+c,+7; aorist v+c+v+c,. This type
embraces only an inconsiderable number of verbs. They are:
Verb-stem Aorist stem
di-k\a'lside*® I shall be lean in di-k!ala’sna‘n I am lean in my
my rump rump 102.22
gwel-sal-t!e’iside® I shall be gwel-sal-tleyésna‘n I have no
lean in legs and feet flesh on my legs and feet
102.22
Several verbs of position that show an -7’- in the aorist show an ~-
in non-aorist forms. Whether this -i- is merely a shortened form of
the aoristic -i'-, or identical with the non-aoristic -7- of verbs of Type
16, is doubtful; but, in view of the absence of the -7‘- in non-aoristic
forms of verbs of Type 15, the latter alternative seems more probable.
Such verbs are:
§ 40
|
HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES—TAKELMA 117
Verb-stem
da-sga’lit'@7 it will lie scattered
about
p ildi’t'a¢ flat thing will lie
t‘ge’its' lid@* round thing will lie
s‘eini’t'@? it will he with open-
ing on top (like box)
s‘u’k‘dida? it will lie curled up
wi ‘k'dida@® it will lie heaped
Aorist stem
da-sgali it lies scattered about
p ildi flat thing lies
t'geits'!i round thing lies
(138.24)
s‘eini it lies with opening on
top
s‘ugwidi it lies curled up
wiktidiit lies heaped about
about
Of similar appearance, though the aorist (not the future) is transi-
tive in form, is:
Verb-stem
da*-sge’ktit‘e* I shall listen
Aorist stem
da?-sgek!iya’‘n L listened (third
person dé*-sgek !i 102.8)
in speaking of verbs of Types 15 and 16, the terms verb-stem and
aorist stem are used in a purely relative sense, the portions of the
listed forms printed in Roman characters not being really on a par
These last
two types have significance as such only in so far as certain elements
with those similarly marked in the first fourteen classes.
of an essentially derivative character (-7’-, -i-, -as-) are at the same
time formal means of distinguishing acrist. from non-aorist forms.
it is not difficult to show that in several cases these elements are
themselves preceded by non-radical elements.
One or two aorists have been found in the material obtained that
can not be well classified under any of the sixteen types illustrated
above. They are:
gwen- xoxog[w]a’*n I string (salmon) together (=fully redupli-
cated xogxog- ; otherwise to be analyzed as xoxo-g- of Type
10a) 74,14
sal-s’a°xs‘ix he slid
This latter verb with its mysterious 7 in the repeated syllable is
absolutely without known parallel.
verb ei- BE (see §60, fourth footnote).
Irregular is also the defective
3d. Verbal Suffixes of Derivation (§§ 41-58)
§41. GENERAL REMARKS
Although the absolute number of non-pronominal suffixes in the
verb is considerable (almost or quite thirty), the number of those
that have a well-defined, more or less transparent signification is not
large (hardly more than a dozen or so) when compared with what
§ 41
118 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [puLy. 40
one is accustomed to in certain other American languages. Of these,
barely one or two (a frequentative and a comitative) can be said to
convey anything like a material notion, the rest being of the more or
less formal or relational character met with in suffixes of inflective lan-
guages—intransitivizing elements, causative, reflexive, passive, recip-
rocal, and others of less easily described signification. Those suffixes
that have no clearly defined value may be put in a class by them-
)
selves as “‘petrified’’ suffixes, the justification for such a classifica-
tion being purely descriptive; genetically they probably form a
heterogeneous group.
§ 42. PETRIFIED SUFFIXES
In speaking of verbs of Types 2 and 3, it was pointed out that in
a large number of cases certain consonants that one would naturally
be inclined to consider part of the verb-stem could be shown by more
careful analysis to be really of a suffixal character. The criteria for
such a suffix are partly, as was there indicated, the existence of
evidently related forms in which the consonant is lacking, partly
certain phonetic features. In a considerable number of cases dif-
ferent suffixes are found joined to the same verbal base, yet hardly
ever determining so specific a meaning that their primary signification
can be detected. The following examples,
t‘geits' !7 something round lies (138.24)
t‘geyeba’*n I roll it
t‘ge°ya’lade® I run around
al-t‘geye’t giyasn I tie it arownd (my head) 188.5
wi-1-t geye’*k!in he is surrounded on all sides 48.13
evidently all contain the same radical element or base (¢‘gey-),
which has reference to circular action or position. The suffixes
-ts:!-, -b-, and -k!-, however, can not be shown to be directly respon-
sible for the specific meanings of the different forms, these being
determined chiefly, it would seem, by the succeeding suffixes, the
prefixes, and the general form (transitive or intransitive) of the
verb. Similarly, the forms he*-sgaya’prde® I LIE DOWN, da-sgaya-
na/'n I LIB DOWN, and possibly also da-sgalt Ir LIES SCATTERED
ABOUT (LIKE GRAIN), contain the same radical element (sga[y]-); but,
as in the examples first cited, the abstracted suffixes -p-, -n-, and_
-l-, refuse to yield anything tangible. The stems galb- Twist and
gelg- TWIRL FIRE-DRILL are very probably related, though neither
§ 42
BoAS] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES—TAKELMA 119
the difference in vowel nor the use of different consonants can be
explained. The same difficulty is met with in di’nik! a‘n 1 STRETCHED
IT OUT (62.1) and 642-din7’"t!a'n I HUNG THEM ON LINE (59.9). In
some cases a difference of suffix is associated with a difference
of direction of verbal action, transitive and intransitive. Thus we
have:
al-ts!ayaga’*n I wash him (64.5): al-ts!ayap‘de® I wash myself
(not reflexive in form)
plalaga’‘n I relate a myth to him: plala’p‘de® I relate a myth
ts!ayama’n I hide it (124.23): ts!ayap‘de® I hide
The various petrified suffixes found will be listed with examples
under each.
1. -b-. There seem to be two quite distinct -b- suffixes, one charac-
teristic of transitives, the other of a certain group of intransi-
tives. Examples of transitive -b- are:
t‘geyeba’'n I roll it (base t‘gey-), with secondarily intransitive
derivative:
al-t‘geya‘pz it is round (literally, it rolls)
he®*-sgaya’pade® I lie down (derived, like al-t‘geya‘px, from some
such transitive as *he**-sgayaba’*n I lay it down flat, that,
however, does not happen to occur in the material at hand)
de§-t-gene’ p‘gwa he lay curled up like dog (also -geneak*wa)
galaba’*n I twist it by rolling (cf. gelg- twirl fire-drill)
sgilpx warm your back! (seems to imply *sgi‘lba’n I shall warm
his back) (25.8, 9)
All intransitives in -b- (-p‘-), whether or not secondarily derived
from transitives, belong to that class of verbs to be later dis-
cussed as Intransitive Verbs, Class IJ. Among those with
primarily intransitive -p‘- are:
al-ts!ayap‘de® I washed my face
tslayap‘de® I hid
plala’p‘de* I tell a myth
sin-ziniaanp de® I sniff (cf. zt mucus)
s-as‘a’nhap‘de® I stand around (not trying to help anyone) (cf
s-‘a’s‘ant'e® I shall stand) *
sin-wi'litk‘ap‘de® I blow my nose
ba?-s‘o/wo“k‘ap‘de® | jump up (48.15; 49.1)
A number of Class II intransitive vervs show a suffixed -p*- in all
forms but the aorist. It is not possible to say whether this
-p'- is morphologically identical with the -p‘- of verbs like
§ 42
120 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 40
tslayap‘de or not, but such seems likely. Intransitives with
non-aoristic -p"- are:
lap‘deé I shall become (92.11) (aorist la%it‘e®) 186.19
sana’ p‘de¢ I shall fight (aorist sé*nsa’nt‘e* [184.13])
tgunp‘deé I shall be cold (aorist t‘gunak‘de® [90.3])
Finally, all Class IL intransitives have a -p‘- before the formal
elements in the first person plural and impersonal of the aorist
and future and in the imperative and inferential modes:
sas inip ik’ we stand
s'a’s'anp'ia“t they (indef.) will stand
s‘a’s‘anp: stand!
s:‘a’s‘anp‘anp* do ye stand!
s-‘a/s‘anp'ga’m stand! (future)
s-‘a’s‘anp'k* he stood, it seems
There is small doubt, however, that this -p‘- is quite distinct from
the non-aoristic -p‘- of verbs like la@p‘de*, which occurs in
the entire future. A form like l@p* Become! is in that event
perhaps to be analyzed as lé*-p'-p’, the first -p'- bemg the non-
aoristic element found also in lap‘de*, while the second -p’- is
identical with the imperative-inferential -p‘- of s-a’s‘anp’.
This analysis is purely theoretical, however, as contraction to
a single -p‘- is unavoidable in any case.
2. -pl-. This consonant is evidently a suffixed element in:
ha‘-i-hii'litp itn I skinned them (cf. ha*-hii’litthal they skinned
them all 160.5)
3. -m-. Apparently as transitive element -m- appears in:
ts!ayama/*n I hide it (124.23) (cf. ts!ayap‘de* I hide [24.2])
As intransitive suffix it appears in:
t‘gisv’*m it gets green
zudumt'e€ I whistle (base zud-; related to zdett' flute[?]) (33.16)
is‘!us‘umt'es I make noise by drawing in breath between teeth
and lower lip (78.9,10,12; 79.1,3,5; 96.9,10,12)
It may not be altogether accidental that the latter two verbs both
express the making of a noise. This idea is found expressed
also in: .
ts: !elemt'e® I rattle (102.13) (ef. 7-ts:lele’ts:!ilién I rattle it)
but the -m- of this verb may be really an older -n- dissimilated
to -m- because of the preceding -l-. The ~m- corresponds to
an evidently identical suffixed -am- of the related noun ts:/ela‘m
HAIL 152.12,16.
§ 42
Boas] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES—TAKELMA 121
4, -d-, -t'- seems to be found only with transitive verbs:
wathimida’'n I speak to him (but with unexpressed object
wathimi' cade> I was talking [to somebody]) (59.16; 63.10)
dak‘-hene*da’'n I wait for him (cf. hene’xade* I wait)
kliyitimida’‘n I call his name from distance, greet him (198.11)
(probably derivative of k/u’yam friend! 31.6, 8)
s‘omoda’'n I cook it (58.10) (cf. s-iimii’xade® I cook)
ts: liimiimt‘a'n I cook it (170.17,19); future s-éimt‘an * (170.16)
(cf. siimav‘ stirring paddle 170.14)
da*-minik‘daén I taught him; future da*-mifit‘an
lawadana’*n I hurt him (186.12)
yamada’‘n I ask him (70.6; 74.10; 120.16)
wiyimada’*n I “wish” to him, work supernatural power on him
(57.1)
milv'da’én I love her
za‘-i-ts*!iwi‘t* he split it (26.6) (ef. 7-ts:!7wi’ts:!au he split it up)
It will be noticed that most of the verbs listed imply, not direct
physical action, but rather the direction of one’s thought or
words toward another person. It is therefore highly probable
that the -d- (except possibly in s‘omd- cook) is identical with
the -d- implied in the -s-- (= -tz-) of the indirect object (§ 47).
Unlike the -d- here discussed, however, the -s‘- of the indirect
object can be used only if the indirect object is not of the
third person. It is clear that -d- is not really quite in line
with the other suffixes that we have termed “ petrified,”
this being shown, among other things, by the fact that it
may be preceded by other suffixes, as in daé*-mint-k*-da*n.
Evidently quite distinct from this indirective -d- suffix is the
-(a)d- suffix of a few intransitive class II verbs in which the
-d- is followed by -7’- in aorist, -2- in non-aorist forms (see § 40,
16). This aoristic -ad- appears always umlauted to -id-.
cugwid?'-, non-aorist cuk‘di- lie curled up
wiklidi-, non-aorist witk‘di- lie heaped about
tguplidt (box, canoe) lies bottom side up
5. -t!-. This consonant has been found as an evident suffix in:
ba?-di'nit!ana‘n I strung (dentalia) on line (59.9) (cf. dink!-
stretch out)
tgemat a“ it gets dark 188.14 (cf. tge’mt‘ga‘mz it is quite dark
[cf. 196.7]; alt‘ge‘m black 162.4; [196.6])
1 s‘om-d- and s‘téiiim-t'a- are parallel forms of one verb that seem to be used with no difference in mean-
ing, though their aorist stems are formed according to different types.
§ 42
122 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [punn. 40
6. -g-, -k'-. As in the case of -b-, it seems advisable to recognize
two distinct -g- suffixes, the one appearing as a transitivizing
element, the other as a verb-making element added on to
nouns or adjectives. Examples of its transitive use are:
plalaga’‘n I tell him a myth
al-ts!ayaga’*n I wash him (64.5)
p!v'-wa-gelegi’<n I drill for fire with it (88.12)
i-k!us-gi’aink* he will pinch me (116.8,12) (cf. 7-k!us-w’k!”as‘i he
always pinches me)
da-t!abaga’‘n I finish it (61.8; 176.6)
dé*-dalaga’mda*n I put holes in his ear (22.1) (cf. da*-dele’p‘t he
stuck it across his ear)
swadat' ga‘n I run after him (59.18; 75.3; 120.19, 20)
Examples of its use in adjectival intransitives are:
tuwi’*k* he feels hot, it is hot 94.15 (ef. t'@ hot 57.15)
diwi’‘k* it is good, he does right 180.11 (cf. da good, beautiful
58.7,8)
t‘gunak'de® I feel cold (90.3) (cf. t'ganp‘ta“*t* it will be cold)
xuma’k‘de® I shall be full, satiated (128.11) (cf. zu’ma food 54.4
and s‘tz-cu‘m dried venison 43.12,13)
gel-dulu’k‘de® I am lazy
Further examples of -k*- that are difficult to classify are:
de-liimii’sgades I tell the truth (184.3)
sin-wilik‘ap‘dam you blow your nose
yala’k‘de§ I dive (connected with yal- lose [?]) (60.10,11; 61.11)
In wa-tllik‘ni*n I GAVE EACH ONE (130.4) (future wa-dilnhin) and
in the morphologically analogous da*-minik‘da‘n I TAUGHT HIM
(future da¢mint‘an), the -k‘- is confined to the aorist. In wét‘gt
HE TOOK IT FROM HIM 16.13, the -g- is found only in the third ©
personal object of the various tense-modes (wét'gin IT WAS
TAKEN FROM HIM 13.11; wede’k‘ink* HE WILL TAKE IT FROM
HIM (17.10,11). All other forms of the aorist stem weéd- (verb-
stem wede-) lack it:
west (from *wét's?) he took it from me (17.3)
wede’sbink* he will take it from you (16.10,11)
7. -k!l-, -k!w-. These elements seem to be characteristic of tran-
sitives. Examples are:
wit-1-t'ge’ye*k!un he is surrounded on all sides (transitives and
passives are closely related) 48.5,13; (176.14)
al-p/t-ts:!u’luklén I burn it (73.9,12; 96.26) (cf. al-p/i*-ts:!u/l-
ts‘lalhip‘ do ye burn it! 198.10)
§ 42
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Boas] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES—TAKELMA 123
dé-7-sgii’ yitkv'n I make it fall (48.7,8,12)
he®-de-le'lek!2'n I finish talking 50.4
di/nik!a‘n I stretch it out (see under suffix -t/-) (59.9; 62.1)
he’yeklién I left it over (61.7; 196.8)
pliwi'™k!a*n I name him (158.5) (cf. p!a’wip!ausi he keeps calling
me)
ts*!int’*k* he pinched it 31.1; (32.7)
ba-i-yunu'kk én I pull it out forcibly
hee-t-le’mekv'n I killed them off (14.13; 43.1; 108.20)
i-go’ yok ién I pushed him (49.2) (cf. 7-goyogiyi’*n I kept pushing him)
ba-1-s‘in-ai’lik!wi'n I blow my nose (cf. xin mucus)
pla-i-tguwili’k!wana‘n I spill (water, blood) (58.1; 72.8) (cf.
tgwilt’t'gwal: it keeps dropping)
-k!- seems to occur also in the perhaps only secondarily intransitive:
ba7-sowd' k'ap'de® (=-s'owd'"k!-hap‘’-) I jamp up (48.15; 49.1)
(cf. s'o’wo%s'a% he keeps jumping [112.5,10])
8. -ts*/-. Only ina very few cases is this suffixed consonant met with:
t‘gerts:!t round thing lies (138.24)
di-t'gumu’'telven I squeeze and crack it (ef. di‘-t'gumu’t'gimien I
squeeze and crack many insects)
yowo'““s he starts 186.10; yowo’“ts!ana‘n I cause him to start
ha-yau-t'ge’nets!ien I put it about my waist
ha‘w-i-ha'nats in I made it stop (raining) (152.16)
Judging from these few examples, -ts-/- is characteristic, like -6-,
-g-, -p!-, -k!-, and -t!-, of transitive verbs; t‘getts:!< is probably
related to a transitive *t'ge’yets‘!a'n, as is dink!t 1v LIES
STRETCHED OUT to di’nik!a‘n.
-S- occurs as an evident suffix in:
di'-t!v'si’*n I mashed them (ef. di‘-t!iyi’tliya'n I mashed them
one after another)
9. =-(a)l-. This suffix includes both intransitives oa transitives:
al-gesegasa’lt'e® I was washing
k‘ebilit'e® I was long absent (124.20)
suewilit'e® I sit (1.1); (2.9; (Y78.20)
yamlit'e® I look pretty ([?]=fat, sleek; cf. ya‘mz fat, grease 54.5)
al-we'k!ala‘n I shine (126.3; 128.14)
-t'wi'yili’<n I make it whirl up
i-k!e°wile’*n I whirl it around
a-tge°yilt’*n I roll it around
al-t'gi‘ya‘lx (tears) roll down his face 138.25
ba‘-i-t'qwala‘lx (children) run about
k‘ewe'k‘awa‘l he barks
de-giili’k!alz it was blazing 188,15
124 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 40
The idea of unbroken continuity is fairly evidently shown by
these examples to be connected with the suffix -(a)L.
10. -(a@)n=-. Quite a number of intransitives are found that have
this element, to which no particular meaning can be assigned.
Such are:
s‘as‘intt‘e® I stand (34.1; 77.9; 144.14,17)
moytgwa’nt'e§ I’m spoiled
hit#li/nt'e. I am tired (102.1) (cf. hiilii’hilint‘e® I used to be tired
[48.11])
ligtnt‘e® I am resting (100.14) (cf. ligilaga‘nt‘ he kept resting 102.1)
In a large number of transitives a suffixed -n- is also found, with-
out its being clearly possible to identify it either with the causa--
tive -n- or the indirect objective -n(an)- FOR:
lawadana’‘n I hurt him (186.12)
ts: !ibina’*n I make a speech to him (146.11; 178.11)
wa-tlilik‘ni‘n I gave each one (130.4)
ktemna’n I shall make it (28.2,13,14) (aorist without object
kleme’nza® he makes)
was-a"guwini’'n T drink it with it (@gwa’nade® I drink)
he*-was-wa7gini’n she is bought with it
The last two examples are rather different in character from the
others. See § 64.
11. -w-. Two apparently quite distinct -w-suffixes must be taken
account of.
(1) A suffixed -w- is found to characterize in all forms a group of
intransitives belonging to Type 2; it is only in certain deriv-
ative forms that the -w- is lacking, and thereby possibly shown
to be a non-radical element:
hiwilitit’e® I ran to (24.1), but hiwililt‘e® I used to run to
sgeletit e€ I shouted (196.1), but sgelélt'e® 1 I kept shouting (59.3)
Examples of this group of verbs are:
Aorist Future (non-aorist)
sgele’* he shouted 59.4; 90.8 sgelwa’‘t’ he will shout
hiwili’* he ran to 47.1; 70.7 hiwilwa’t he will run to
(136.21)
bila’"* he jumped 48.9; 58.3 bilwa’*t* he will jump (160.16)
de-wiliwa'lda‘n I fight him (de- de-wilwa’ldan I shall fight him
rivative of intransitive)(27.3) (oo.245)
hili’™* he climbed (77.8) hilwa’‘t’ he will climb
1 Still, in these frequentative (usitative) forms the absence of the -w- may be accounted for by supposing
that it dropped off as a syllabic final after a consonant (see §18). Then sgelélt‘e® is for an older*sgelélwt'e®.
This supposition is greatly strengthened by the future sgelwa’It‘ee I'LL KEEP SHOUTING (cf. sgelwada’* rou
WILL SHOUT).
§ 42
i hee
BOAS] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES—TAKELMA 125
In non-aoristic forms the phonetic conditions may, as usual,
necessitate an inorganic -a-:
ge wila’u run there! (29.10)
sgela’ut'e* I shall shout
bila’ut‘e* I shall jump (160.17)
In these cases the evidence for the suffixal character of the -w- is
rather slim. In one verb, however, it has a clearly intransi-
tivizing influence:
tlemeyana’™ (second @ inor- : tlamayana’‘n I take her to her
ganic) he goes with woman husband (148.5)
to see her married 148.6
tlemeya’nwia“ they (indef.) go
with her to see her married
178.1
(2) -w- (-aw- after a consonant in the aorist) is characteristic of all
tense-modes but, in some cases, the present imperative and
inferential (probably for phonetic reasons, see §§ 11 and 18) of
a number of transitive verbs, provided the object is of the
third person. Such verbs are:
gayawa''n I eat it 30.11 (gayat he ate it 54.5); future ga-iwa’/n
128.18; noun of agent ga-cwa’‘s eater (of it) 94.3; but impera-
tive gat eat it! 32.4; gatk‘ he ate it (inferential) 142.19
al-sgalawi'‘n I turn my head to look at him; future sgélwi’n;
part. sgala’uk* (-a/- is inorganic) 144.17; but sga@lk‘a* I looked
at him turning my head (inferential)
al-sgala*liwi’'n (Type 8) I keep turning my head to look at him;
future sgalwalwi’n; but sgelélai he keeps turning his head to
look at me
ba-1-de-yeeqiwida’* you will drive (sickness) out of (body) 198.4,5;
imperative -yega’u
wargiwi''n I brought it to him (176.17); future wagawi’n; but
waga’sbeen I brought it to you (194.11)
la*la’uht he caused them to become (l@I- become) 43.1
It is very likely that the absence of the -w- is conditioned, at least
in certain forms, rather by phonetic than by morphologic mo-
tives (gai from * gaiw; sgalk‘a‘ from *sgalwk‘a®). This is ren-
dered plausible by a form like ga-iwawa'lsbink’ THEY WILL
ALWAYS EAT YOU 26.8 (repetition of -w- in frequentative as in
al-sgalwalwi’n), in which the object is not of the third person.
The -w- seems to have been retained here because of the follow-
ing vowel. The form wa%ga’'n 1 BROUGHT IT (110.17) as com-
§ 42
126
12.
BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 40
pared with wa*giwi/'n I BROUGHT IT TO HIM (future waga’n:
wagawi'n) suggests that the signification of the -w- in transi-
tive verbs is to indicate the indirect object, at least for the
third person. It is, however, almost certainly accidental that
wagiwi’'n stands by the side of wa%ga’sbi*n with -s- to indicate
the indirect object. That -w- is not the morphologic equivalent
of -s- is evidenced by the fact that it stands also by the side
of the transitive connective consonant -a- (cf. al-sgalawi’<n:
al-sgala’xbi'n I TURN MY HEAD TO LOOK AT rou). It must be
confessed that after all no very distinct signification can be
attached to either the intransitive or transitive -w-.
Constant -a. A number of verbs whose stem (including
petrified suffix) ends in two consonants add to this stem
an -@ that appears in all their forms, even though the con-
sonant combination is one that may stand in a final position
(cf. footnote, § 10). No reason can be assigned for the reten-
tion of the -a in all forms, except the ruling analogy of the
aorist; in this tense-mode the -a is in all probability directly
due to the consonant-cluster, as the aorist verb-forms to be
presently given differ in this very respect from the aorist forms
of other stems ending in two consonants (e. g., non-aorist
sii#mt‘a- BOIL with constant -a-, though ending in a finally
permissible consonant-cluster, because of aorist ts-/iimii“mt'a-;
contrast non-aorist s‘omd- Bort without -a- because of aorist
s‘omod-). The following are examples of verbs of the char-
acter described:
Aorist Non-aorist
swadat'ga he followed him 75.3. —swa’t‘ga follow him!
mats!Gsga he always put it 132.9 masga‘ put it! 104.5
ts‘ liimiimt'a he boils it 30.2 s‘imt'a boil it!
da*-minik‘da he taught him da*-mifit'a teach him! (con-
trast wathimt® talk to him!
with aorist -himid-)
If the verb is instrumental in vocalism (see § 64), the constant a
is replaced by the instrumental 7. Thus:
i-klos dsgi he keeps pinching him
That this constant -a is felt to be somewhat different in character
from ordinary inorganic or connective -a- (as in ts-/ela’mt'e* or
wa*ga’sbién) is shown by the fact that it is changed to ~7- when-
§ 42
.
BOAS] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES—TAKELMA rei
ever the object is not of the third person, in reciprocals, in
reflexives, and in verbs with non-agentive -z-:
swedét'gizt he followed me
da*-minik‘dizht he taught you
yowo'“snixbi*n I cause you to start (but — yowo'“tslanxbien
with connecting a)
wayanhixbiin I put you to sleep; wainhixigam I was put to
sleep
i-kliis tis gizt he keeps pinching me; 7-k/iis‘gi’xink* he will pinch
me
i-tlene’hisdam you hold me 86.13,14.
7-lasgi’zant'p‘ touch one another!
i-lesgi'k‘wit' touching himself
ba?-t' ek!élhixde® I keep bobbing up (60.11,13,14)
§ 43. FREQUENTATIVES AND USITATIVES
Frequentatives, continuatives, and usitatives are formed from sim-
pler verb forms in great part by various methods of repetition of all
or part of the phonetic material of the stem, to a somewhat less
extent by means of suffixation. In many repetitive forms a distinct
tendency to use a long vowel provided with a rising pitch-accent is
observable. As it has not been found feasible to draw anything like
sharp lines between the exact significations of the various repetitive
forms, it seems best to dispose of the material from a purely formal
point of view rather than to attempt to classify it rigidly into fre-
quentatives, iteratives, usitatives, and continuatives. The methods
of forming repetitives will be taken up in order.
1. Type 13 of Stem- Formation. It was remarked before that
most verbs of this type normally employed in that form are such
as to imply a repetition of the action they express. The type
may, moreover, be freely formed from bases implying non-repetitive
action whenever it is desired to convey a general frequentative or
usitative meaning. The frequentative idea may have reference
to the repetition of the act itself (iterative or usitative) or to the
plurality of the transitive object or intransitive subject affected
(distributive); any sharp characterization of the manner of the
frequentative action in each case is, however, doubtless artificial
apart from the context. The following examples of repetitive with
corresponding non-repetitive forms will illustrate the general fre-
quentative force:
§ 43
>
128 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY
Non-repetitive verb-stem
lebe- pick up and eat (seeds)
loho-n- cause to die
wog- arrive
t/oxox- (aorist) gather
do“z- (non-aorist)
hen-d- wait for
odo- hunt for
og- give to
déo"“m- kill
wi'- go, travel
platg- swim
ts: !vu-d- split
sgip!- cut
hiil-p!- skin, peel off bark
hog- run
heel- sing
al-hiii-x- hunt
[BuLL. 40
Repetitive
le’*p‘lap’ (non-aorist) pick
and eat many (seeds)! 34.2
loho’lahana‘n I used to kill
them
wogowa’*k* many arrived 112.2
wa*-i-t!oxo’thiain I used to
gather them
wa‘-i-doxda‘zk* they have been
gathering them (inferential)
hene’handa‘n I always used to
wait for him
odo’<at' she always hunted for
them 116.6
ogo’‘ak'1 he always gave them
112.17
do“mda‘mk* he used to kill
them (inferential) 25.1;
27.15
wiyiwit'e® I used to go (there)
(96.1)
plaga’p!atk* he used to swim
zas-i-ts'liwi’ts:‘!au he split it
to pieces
sqt*p'sga’ p gam they had been
all cut up (21.2; 138.7)
he*-i-hii‘lithal he kept peeling
off bark (160.5) _
hogo’hak‘de§ I am always run-
ning
hele’hal* he used to sing
al-hiiyi'hi‘x he always hunted
(-hi!-=-hay-, §8) 86.1
It will be observed that the repetitive form is, on the whole,
built up on the verbal base, not the verb or aorist stem. Thus,
e. g., the verb-stems /ebe- and loho- do not enter into the formation
of the frequentatives at all, which are formed, according to Type
13a, directly from the simple bases leb- (verb-stem le*p‘lab-, aorist
lebelab-) and loh- (verb-stem lohlah-, aorist loholah-). Similarly, a
form like p/aga’p!atk’ shows no trace of the aorist stem p/agai-
of the simplex; verbs of Type 6 generally show the fortis consonant
of the base in all forms of the frequentative (see §40, 6): sgot!o’sgidi'n
I CUT IT TO PIECES (144.2) (cf. sgo’“da'n I cuT IT 72.10, base sgdt!-
§ 43
Boas] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES—TAKELMA 129
45.10). Suffixes with no distinct derivative signification drop off in
the frequentative (cf. ts:!0u-d- and hiil-p!- above, also §42 passim),
but, if they are functional elements, are put after the reduplicated
complex (cf. loho-n- and hen-d- above); frequentatives thus become,
as was indicated in the treatment of petrified suffixes, criteria for
the determination of the simple base. Some verbs, however, retain
a petrified suffix in the frequentative without apparent reason:
ts: iimiimt'a HE BOILS IT; ts‘!iimii’ts'!amt'a HE ALWAYS BOILS IT.
The only use made of the aorist stem in the formation of fre-
quentatives is in the case of such forms as have an initial fortis
in the aorist as against a media in the verb-stem, mainly verbs of
Type 8. The aorist of the corresponding frequentative also shows
the initial fortis, but is not otherwise influenced by the form of the
aorist stem of its simplex; e. g., aorist of simplex, t/ozor-, but of
frequentative, t/ox-o-t!az- with retained ¢/-. Such verbs as aorist
tloxot!ax, non-aorist dé“xdax-, are to be considered as of mixed type
(in this case partly 8, partly 13a).
Verbs like odo‘ad- and ogo‘ag- with a secondarily developed glottal
catch in the aorist (see §6) seem to retain this catch in non-aorist
forms, a stop+the catch resulting in a fortis:
aorist ogo’‘ag- always give to; non-aorist o’k![w]ag-
A small sub-class is formed by those frequentatives that omit the
-d- of the repeated base (Type 13c). Such are:
Verb-stem Repetitive
wa-yanagwa’n I shall run after wa-yana-inagwa’'n I used to
him run after him
wait'e® I shall sleep (71.15; wayathide® I used to sleep
142,14) (-h- conditioned by accent)
hel-yo"na’n I shall sing a song yonoina’*n I always sing it
(106.7)
waga’n I shall bring it wagao’k‘na‘n I used to bring
it (2=*wagawg-, but see 4,
footnote) (45.6)
A very peculiar type of frequentative formation is illustrated by:
loha’lhik‘ (a’ is inorganic) they used to die (inferential) (168.9) ;
aorist stem doubtless loholhi-
derived from aorist lohoi- die, non-aorist loho- (contrast aorist loho-
lah-an-, non-aorist lohlah-an in the causative). The otherwise purely
aoristic -i- of Type 4 is here dragged into the non-aorist forms.
3045°—Bull. 40, pt 2-129 § 43
130 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 40
2. Type 4 of Reduplication. This method of forming the fre-
quentative seems to be but a variant of the first (the repeated initial
consonant coming last instead of immediately after the connecting
vowel, or the initial consonant not being repeated at all if there is a
petrified suffix), and is found in only a few verbs, where it takes
the place of the first method. A glottal catch generally separates
the repeated vowel of the stem from the immediately following a.
Examples are:
a cy ielenie!*omoa'y T alee make
kteme| 5” bake it Gnatead of *Memam
klama‘n) (77.5); klemsa‘mk*
(=-famg-k* he used to make
it (inferential) 122.18
tlomom- kill tlomo’amda‘n I used to kill
them (instead of *t/omo’-
tlamasn) (13.10; 54.3)
kliwiiw- throw away (pl. obj.) kliwi’*auga‘n I used to throw
them away (instead of *k/i-
wi klawa'n) (134.6)
pliwi-k!- call, name pliwi’*a-uga'n I keep calling
his name(100.21) (instead of
*pliwi’ plaukla'n; cf. pli’-
wiplaust he keeps calling
me by name)
de-is' !ina’-x-( = ts’ !uni-k!-x-) die de-ts'!ini’anz he always died
(instead of *ts*!ini’ts:lanx)
74.7
leme-k!- take along (cf. 108.10) leme’amk* he used to take
(everything) (instead of
*leme’lamk‘)
If the initial consonant is a fortis, it becomes a media when
repeated, as illustrated in the first three examples. This may be
explained by catch dissimilation (see §22)—e. g., a theoretical
*hliwi'tautk’ (from *k/liwi’k!lau) is dissimilated to klaiwi’auk'.
Similarly a theoretical * pliwi’‘au‘k* (from * pliwi’ plau‘k‘) is dis-
similated to pliwi’‘auk’. The non-aorist frequentative forms of
these verbs sometimes follow the first method of formation (cf.
do“mda‘mk* under method 1), sometimes the second (as k!em‘amg-).
3. e+v¥+e,+v+e. The few verbs that belong here differ from
the preceding in that they repeat only the initial consonant after
the repeated stem-vowel (Type 11). An example is:
§ 43
BoAS] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES—TAKELMA 131
Aorist stem
di-t!tigui- wear
Repetitive
di-tluigu’t' he keeps wearing
it, used to wear it
As in the first method, so also in the second and third, non-
radical functionless. elements of the simplex disappear in the fre-
quentative. Thus the suffixed -1- of k!emét HE MADE IT and -n- of
kleme'nxa’ HE MAKES, also the aorist characteristic of di-t!/agat HE
WORE IT, are not found in their corresponding frequentative forms.
4. v+e+vu"+e. The large number of verbs whose frequentatives
follow this formula (1a of types of reduplication) always have another
consonant, whether part of the stem or a petrified suffix, after the non-
fortis repeated consonant characterizing the frequentative, so that
the appearance at least of infixation is often produced. Externally,
frequentatives of this type resemble aorists of verbs of Type 8, but
differ from them in the consistent length of the repeated vowel. In
signification these verbs are generally continuative or usitative rather
than properly frequentative or iterative.
Aorist stem
k!oso-g- pinch
hima-d- talk to
baxam- come
tliilii-g- follow
al-sgal-aw- turn head to look at
gaya-w- eat
hene-d- wait for
plalag- tell a myth
hem-g- take out
ayt's’- laugh
ts!ayag- shoot
yilim- ask for
As examples may be given:
Repetitive
1-k!0s°6s'g i he is always pinch-
ing him
wa-himi‘mda’*n I used to talk
to him
bazdamia"* they keep coming
(194.13)
ha-tlilii“lga’*n I keep follow-
ing in (trail)
al-sgala*liwi’*m I keep turning
my head to look at them
gayaiwa’'n I used to eat it
hene*nda''n I keep waiting
for him
p!ala%lga’n the myth is always
told
ba-i-heme*mga’*n I
took them out
uyw’*t's-de® (dissimilated from
*uyu’ ts°- [2]) I keep laugh-
ing
ts!ayatk* heused to shoot them
154.14
yili‘nma’*n I keep asking for
it (see § 21)
always
§ 43
132 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 40
Aorist stem ° Repetitive
ts!aya-m- hide ts!aya-vma’'n I always hide it
(134.8)
gini-g go to gintnk* they went there one
after another 46.11
mats!ag- put mats!asga they always put it
away 132.9
wits’ !im- move wits: lismade® I keep moving
sgelew- shout sgelélt‘e® (see § 18) I keep
shouting (59.3)
hiwiliw- run to hiwililt'es (see § 18) I keep
running
The verb yewei- RETURN seems to form its frequentative according
to method 4, but with added -g-:
yewe’'ok* he used to come back 47.4; 116.2; yewéoga‘t’ you used
to come back; yewéo’k‘de, yeweak‘de®! I used to come back
There is not enough material available to determine in every case
the non-aoristic forms of the frequentatives of this group. As a gen-
eral rule, however, it seems that the non-aoristic stem of the frequen-
tative is formed by repeating a consonant or semi-vowel, but in such
a manner as to indicate the non-aoristic simplex back of it. Thus the
’ frequentative of the inferential ¢s‘!aimk* HE HID IT is ts‘!a-vmik* HE
WAS ALWAYS HIDING IT; of bil[djuk‘ HE JUMPED 160.17 it is bilwalk*
(2? = *bilwalwk') THEY ALWAYS JUMPED 160.16. From gaik* (inferential)
HE ATE IT 142.19 is formed gayatk* (if really inferential in form; per-
haps third person subject aorist gayaig- in contrast to -gaydiw-of other
persons, see above) HE USED TO EAT IT 54.6, which, though resembling
the aorist in the repetition of the stem-vowel, differs from it, probably
for phonetic reasons, in the absence of the -w-. The form wits:!é’s-
made* HE WILL KEEP MOVING, given as the future of wits:/ismade‘,
can not, for want of parallel forms, be accounted for. From sga@w-.
non-aorist of sgalaw-, is formed the frequentative sgalw-alw- (perhaps
according to Type 8, /w- being a consonatic unit).
5. Vowel lengthening. Many verbs, particularly such as be-
long to Type 2, obtain a usitative signification by merely lengthening
the short repeated vowel of the stem, this vowel, when stressed, as-
suming the falling accent. Examples of this simple process are:
1Jt is not at all certain that the -o- (-u-) of these forms really represents the -w-of the stem. Itis
quite probable that there is a distinct type of frequentative in repeated vowel+-og-, in which case wagao’-
k'naén I USED TO BRING IT (see above under 1) would be another example.
§ 43
BOAS] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES—TAKELMA 133
Simplex ; Repetitive
yumi's'a® he dreams yumi'*saé he is always dreaming
liiklii’xas he sets traps liik!a’“xaé he used to set traps
geyewa’ ladetdaé ba-ikliyv’*k'when geyeewa'lxdedat —ba-i-k yt’*k*
T ate he came whenever I used to eat he
came
k*ewe'k‘awa'l he barks k‘ewe'ek‘awatl he is always bark-
ing
As the last example shows, by this method verbs which are already
frequentative in form can be made to take on a usitative meaning.
6. ©+(c+) ha. The accented vowel (#) of frequentatives con-
forming to this formula is either the second vowel of the stem of the
simplex or the repeated vowel of the stem not found in the simplex,
and is followed by the last consonant (semi-vowel) of such verb-stems
asend in two consonants. The forms that belong to this group seem
in some cases to have rather a continuative than iterative force. Ex-
amples are:
Simplex Repetitive
lohén he caused them to die Jlohénha he keeps killing them
(100.8)
liwila’ut‘e® I looked (59.14) liwtlhaut'e§ I kept looking (144.19)
wolt' she went for (wood) (non- wo'd“ha she used to go for wood
aorist woo-) (162.8); 186.6 A315: 158.18
da*-sgek !% he listened 102.8 da*-sgek!etha he listened around
102.3
da*-aganv’*n I heard it (55.3) da*-aganha'n I used to hear about
it
s-talha‘ they always stayed (to-
s‘u'wilt he sits, stays 21.1 gether) 112.2
stalhibik* we always stay to-
gether
s‘as‘init'e§ I stand (34.1) s‘as‘a’nhap‘de® I stand around
The last two examples do not show a rising pitch-accent, because
the vowel (-a-) preceding the -l- and -n- respectively is inorganic
and therefore incapable of carrying a rising or raised accent (cf. as
parallel bila’ut‘e® 1 SHALL guMP, not *bdlaat‘e*, because of inorganic
-a-). They also illustrate the loss in the frequentative of a non-
radical element (-7‘-) of the simplex; in s‘@’‘alha‘ the loss of the -7?-
involves also the transfer of the verb to the first class of intransitives
(second person singular, Class I, s-a/‘alhat‘ you sTaAY AROUND; Class
II, s‘u‘wiltt‘am you sir).
§ 43
134 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY | [BULL. 40
7. 6+lha. It is very probable that the verbs that belong here
contain the continuative -/- treated under the head of petrified suffixes
(see § 42,9). The formula may then be considered morphologically
identical with that listed as method 5, except that the continuative
-l- is introduced before the -ha. Examples of this group are:
Aorist (or verb) stem Repetitive
tloxox- gather wa-i-tlordlhitn I always gather
them
bat-t'eklélhinia"* they all
emerged 60.11
(ba*-t'ek !-x emerge) ba*-t' ek lélhiade® I keep emerging
(60.14)
(sgip!- cut) xa-i-sgipliha he cut them all
through 26.11
klot‘k!ad- break xa-*i-ya"-k lodolhi he always just
broke them in two 29.1
(al-xik !- see) al-xik!ilhe'n I used to see him
guidi(k*’d)- throw guidilha he kept throwing it
(164.11)
(lok!- trap) lok!olha he was always trapping
them 78.4; 100.4
The non-aoristic forms of these frequentatives dispense with the re-
peated vowel (#) characteristic of the aorist, so that the introduction
of an inorganic -a’- is necessitated:
guwida'lthan I shall keep throwing it
al-xik!a/lhik’ I used to see him (inferential)
The remarks made under method 1 in regard to the formation of
frequentatives directly from the verb-stem rather than the aorist
stem apply also here (sgot!élha 108.8 from verb-stem sgdt!- CUT,
aorist sgd“d-, like sgot!o’sgat’).
8. v+w+ut+tlha. Only two verbs have been found that follow
this very irregular formula for the frequentative:
Simplex Repetitive
lap become! 25.9 li taiget ney beconaa (78.5)
Teaies ei, Wohees 2 sel ahoxa lawa Uhida whenever it
became evening 44.1; 78.6
ligugwa’'n I fetch (game) lwwi'Thagwain I always come
home (70.3,5; 164.4) home with (game) (136.2)
The latter of these shows at the same time an unaccountable loss of
the -g- of the stem; the future of the simplex, lz‘gwa’n, probably does
not exhibit an absolute loss of the -g-, but rather a contraction of
li‘g-gw- to lvgu-.
§ 43
Boss] _ HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES—TAKELMA 135
TRANSITIVE SUFFIXES (§§ 44-51)
§ 44. General Remarks
Under this head may be conveniently listed a number of suffixes
that either transitivize intransitives (causative, comitative, indirective
-amd-, -ald-) or are characteristic of transitive verbs (indirective
-s- = -tz-TO, indirective -an(an)- For, indirect reflexive). It must be
confessed, however, that the various suffixes may be so thoroughly
interwoven among themselves and with the purely formal elements
that follow, that a certain amount of arbitrariness can hardly be
avoided in treating of them. The suffixes will now be taken up in
order.
§ 45. Causative —(a)n—
Causatives are formed from intransitives by the addition of -n-
to the intransitive form, minus, of course, its formal pronominal ele-
ments. If the final sound preceding the -n- is a vowel, the suffix can
be directly appended, the vowel being generally lengthened; a final
consonant (or semivowel), however, generally, though not always,
requires a connective -a- (-t when umlauted) between it and the suffix;
doublets (with and without connective -a-) sometimes occur, the com-
bination of consonant + -n- then taking a constant -a (-2) after it.
If the accented vowel (#) of the aorist immediately precedes the -n-
in all forms, an inorganic -h- must be introduced, the combination
-nh- then necessitating a following constant -a; doublets, conditioned
by the position of the accent, here also occur. Certain suffixed ele-
ments (-2-, -7’-) characteristic of intransitives drop off before the caus-
ative -n-, yet in some forms they are retained; intransitivizing ele-
ments naturally remain, for without them the verb would itself be
transitive and incapable of becoming a causative. The aorist and non-
aorist forms of the causative, with the qualification just made, are
built up on the corresponding tense-mode forms of the primitive verb.
Examples of causative -(a)n- are:
Intransitive Causative
yelnada’* you will be lost (a yalnanada’* you will lose it
palatalized by preceding y
to -e-) 14.3
yowo’* he is 21.1 bas-i-yowoni’*n I woke him up
(literally, I caused him to
be up with my hand) 16.4
§§ 44-45
136
Totransitive
taiwi’k* he is hot 94.15
ba-i-biliwa‘t you ran out 24.15
hax it burns 94.18
t‘aga’** he cries 62.2
hoyo’t' he dances 46.12
lide! *t’ he will dance
ya*n- go (aorist)
yana- go (non-aorist)
hene’*n they were used up 184.6
yowo’*s he started, was startled
186.10
yo'“sda* he will start 186.10
tlobigt he lies like dead
tlobaga’sda* he will lie like
dead (148.8)
s‘as‘int he stands 144.14
s'a’s'ant'a* he will stand
de-giili’k!alxz it blazes 188.15
p‘ele’xa® he goes to war 126.13
dak‘-lumimagwaé (tree) falls on
him (108.12)
BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY
[BULL. 40
Causative
pa-i-yowona’*n I miss him in
shooting (?=I cause him to
be out) (138.5)
ba-i-yowonha‘n
t‘iwigana’*n I make him hot
ba-i-biliwana‘t’ he ran him out
haxna he burned it 98.8
hazank‘wa he burned him up
27.16
t‘agana’*n | make him cry
t‘egénai he makes me cry
hoyodana’*n I make him dance
hoidana’n I shall make him
dance
ya7na‘n he made him go; ya?-
nana’'n I made him go
yanha (= *yén-nha) he made
him go; yadnha‘n I made
him go,
yanana’n'! I shall cause him
to go
i-henenini’‘n I used them up
fv “tslanzbién I startled you
yowo'“‘snixbi'n (for change of a
to 4 see § 42, 12)
hc cean I shall startle him
yoX“snan
tlobiginha‘n I make him lie
like dead
t!obaga’snan I shall make him
lie like dead
s'as‘ininha'in I make him
| stand
s‘as‘Gnha‘n
s'a’s‘anhan I shall make him
stand
de-giili’k!alzna‘n I make fire
blaze
p ele’xana‘n I make him go to
war
dak‘-lumimagwadini‘n I chop |
(tree) on to him
1 Also yana’k'nan I SHALL MAKE HIM GO, with inserted and unexplained suffix -k'-.
§ 45
re
BOAS] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES—TAKELMA 137
Intransitive Causative
yewe'* he returned 49.10; ba‘-i-yewén. he cured him (lit-
88.5 erally, he caused him with
his hand to return up) 15.2
The causative in -#nha- is sometimes usitative in meaning:
lohénha he used to kill them; lohén he killed them 142.9
_ Examples occur of transitives in -n- formed from intransitives in
which no causative notion can be detected:
da-lonha‘n I lied to him; de-linhizi he lied to me (intransitive
da-lét‘e® I shall lie [110.23])
gel-wayatna’'n I slept with her (26.4); gel-wa-ina’n I shall sleep
with her (108.3) Gintransitive waydnt‘e® I sleep [188.22]; watt‘ee
I shall sleep [188.20]); but waya@nha‘n I cause him to sleep
(162.1); watnhan I shall cause him to sleep, wainha put him
to sleep! 106.4,8
The connective a of the causative suffix -an- in the aorist is treated
differently from the a of the non-aorist forms in so far as in the
former case the -an- diphthong, when stressed, receives a raised
accent, while in the latter the a, as a strictly inorganic element, takes
the falling accent. Thus:
Aorist Non-aorist
ho“gwa‘n he made him run hogwa’n make him run!
(yewén he caused him to return) yeewa'n make him return!
(plagan he bathed him [186.25]) _p/a%ga’n bathe him! 186.24
In other words, the phonetic relation between aorist and non-aorist
illustrated by several verb types (e. g., agan- : ag[a]n-) is reflected also
in the causative suffix (-an-: -[a]n-). The same is true of other -[a]n-
suffixes not causative in signification (see § 42, 10):
Aorist Non-aorist
1-kli“ma‘n he fixed it 150.13 i-k!ima’n fix it!
(kleménxbi'n I make you 27.9) k!lema’'n make it! 186.24
§ 46. Comitative -(a) gw-
Comitatives, i. e., transitive forms with the general meaning of To
DO SOME ACTION (expressed by verb-stem) TOGETHER WITH, AT-
TENDED BY, HAVING SOMETHING (expressed by object of verb), may
be formed only from intransitives by the suffix -gw- (final -k‘”, rarely
-k‘wa in monosyllables); after a consonant (including semivowel) a
connective -a- appears before the -gw-, though in a few cases (as in
aorist ya2n- Go) the -gw- is directly appended. Dissyllabic stems
ending in vowel +-g- or -w- often add the comitative -gw- directly, in
§ 46
138 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [puLy. 40
which case the preceding vowel is generally lengthened; doublets,
however, are sometimes found with connecting a. The second vowel
of aorist stems is apt to be lengthened in comitative forms, yet not
as consistently as in the case of causatives. Differing in this respect
from the causative -n-, the comitative suffix does not require the loss
of a final aoristic intransitive element (e. g.,-7-). From aorist lohoi-
DIE are formed loho¥-n- CAUSE TO DIE, but lohoy-aqw- DIE TOGETHER
with. Thereason seems clear. While the action of a causative verb
is logically transitive, that of a comitative is really intransitive, and
the verb is only formally transitive. In the former case the subject
of the verb does not undergo the action that would be expressed by
the intransitive stem (Johoi-); in the latter it does. Examples of the
comitative are:
Tntransitive Comitative
ya n- go (aorist) yank'* he takes it along (lit.,
he goes having it) 17.13
yana- (non-aorist) yanagwa‘nk‘ he will take it along
ligi‘k‘* he fetched game home
70.3
lvgwa’nk’ (=Iltg-gwa‘nk') he
will fetch game home(130.6)
gini(g)- go to ginv'ewa’'en I take it to (31.11);
also giniyagwa’'n (13.12); fu-
ture ginagwa’n (=ginag-
gwa’n with inorganic @ be-
cause of preceding n) (146.6)
(aorist)
ligi- come home from hunt
li‘g- (non-aorist)
dal-yewey- run away dal-yeweya‘k'” he ran away
with it
wi'- travel wik‘wa he travels around with
it 14.2
loul- play lolagwa’'n I play with him
(124.14)
daway- fly ba*-wa-dawaya‘k'* he flies
with it
henen- use up, be satiated henenagwa’‘n I eat it all (43.12)
yewey- return yeweyagwa’'n I fetch them back
(30.1; 47.13)
yaway- talk yawayagwa’'n I talk about it
(lit., I talk having it) 108.12
naz-i-he‘lagwa’n I shall sing
he‘l- sing (non-aorist) with pipe in hand
helel- (aorist) 1-helelagwa’‘n I sing with it in
§ 46 hand
BOAS] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES—TAKELMA 1389
Intransitive Comitative
tlobagas- lie like dead (non- naxz-da-tlobaga’sgwank* he lies
aorist) like dead with pipe in mouth
ayt‘s*- laugh uyu’‘s‘gwa‘n I laugh at him
baxam- come da-yawix baxama‘k'’ they
came talking (literally,
mouth-talking they-came-
with) 126.2
lo“x bilewagwana‘k* we play at
fighting (literally, play we-
biliw- fight, jump fight-having)
wa-bilt’gwa’*n I jump having
it (=*biliugwa’*n, see §7)
If the object of the comitative verb is other than a third person, the
suffix -gw- is followed by the indirective -d-, which does not ordinarily
appear as such, but unites with the immediately following transitive
connective -x- to form -s-; a connective -a- is inserted between the
-gw- and the -s-, so that the whole comitative suffix for a first or
second personal object is -(a)gwas-. Examples are:
dyii’*s‘gwasi he laughs at me
henenagwa’sam he ate us up (192.15)
ba?-wa-dawiyagwa’sbink* he will fly up with you
The form -gwad- of the comitative suffix appears as such preceding
-in- (umlauted from -an-) in the third personal object of indirect Fror-
forms built up on intransitive verbs derived from transitives:
liik Mi/xagwadini*n I trap for him (probably = I cause [-in] him
to be having [-gwad-] [some one] to trap [liik!ti-xa-] [for him)]) ;
but lik i’xagwasi he traps for me
pele’xagwadini*n I go to war for him; but p‘ele’xagwasi he goes
to war for me
It is highly probable, however, that in such cases the -gwad- is to be
definitely analyzed into a comitative element -gwa- + an indirective
element -d- (-t'-) To, FoR; this seems to be pointed out by the fact
that when the ror - object becomes identical with the subject, i. e.,
when the verb becomes an indirect reflexive (FOR ONE’S SELF), the -d-
immediately precedes the regular reflexive suffix -gwi-, leaving the
causative suffix -(a)n- between it and the comitative suffix -gw-:
lik !i’xagwant‘guide‘ I trap for myself (probably = I cause [-an-]
myself [-guwi-] to be having [-gw-][some one] to trap[Jliik!ti-xa-]
for [ -t‘-] [ me]) or
140 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BuLL. 40
Comitatives in -gw- are formed not only from intransitivized tran-
sitives in -xa- (e. g., 7-liibii/xak*” SHE POUNDS WITH IT IN HAND [55.10];
56.1), but also from non-agentive intransitives in -z- (see below, § 56).
Examples are:
Non-agentive
sgo'"sde& (=sgd'"d-x-de®) I cut
(without implied object),
am across (148.8)
he-me'-t'bo'"k'‘t' bax he lay
' down with his arms folded,
lay rolled up and put away
Comitative
sgo/"sgwa'n I got tired? of it
(21.6)
he**-wa-t' bok‘t'ba’xgwa he lay
down with it clasped in his
arms 154.6
(cf. hes-me’-t'b0'“k'tbagaén I
roll it up and put it away)
t‘geya ‘lx it runs around, rolls wa-t' ge°ya/lxgwa‘n Troll with it
wa-i-siigi’siizgwain I am
sleepy (literally, something
like: I am confused having
sleep)
ba-i-s‘ilr’xgwa he landed with
(his canoe) 13.5
The obverse, as it were, of these transitive forms in -«-qwa-, is given
ba-i-s‘ili‘x he landed
by certain rather curious Class I intransitive forms in -a-gwa- built
up on intransitive, not, like normal -z- derivatives, on transitive
stems; they may be literally translated as To BE WITH (or HAVING)
(SOMETHING) DOING or BEING. Thus from the intransitive aorist
dak‘-limim- (TREE) FALLS ON TOP OF is formed the intransitive dak’-
limimxgwade® IT FALLS ON TOP OF ME (108.12), in which the logical
subject (TREE) becomes an implied object, while the real object or
goal of motion (mz) is treated as the grammatical subject. The
form quoted would have to be literally translated as I aM wirH (or
HAVING) (IT) FALLING ON TOP OF (ME). I (AS TREE) FALL HAVING
IT, TOGETHER WITH 1T would probably be something like *dak*-
~ Limiimgwa’en. Morphologically similar to dak‘-limtmagwade* are
doubtless :
hewe’hoagwade‘ I yawn (literally, Iam having —[ ?])
yele’*sowade® (= yelet!-x-gwa-) I am sweating (literally, I am
—having it, i. e., perspiration [?])
With such an interpretation, the form dak‘-limimagwadinitn 1
CHOP IT ON TO HIM becomes readily intelligible as a causative built
1 sg0’usdeé and sg0’usgwa'n are morphologically quite clearly related, though in signification the latter form
has widely departed from what must have been its primary meaning.
§ 46
BOAS ] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES—-TAKELMA 141
up on an intransitive in -agwa-; literally translated it would read
I CAUSE (-in) HIM TO BE WITH (-gwad-) (IT) FALLING (limi'‘m-z-) ON
top oF (dak‘-) (a1m). This chimes in well withthe interpretation given
above of the really very perplexing ‘for’ forms in -gwadin- and
-gwant gw.
As will have been noticed from some of the examples already
_ given (yawayagqw- TALK ABOUT, wyis'qwa- LAUGH AT, sg0“sqwa- BE
g , g )
TIRED OF, henenagw- CONSUME), the primarily comitative meaning of
the -gw- suffix is sometimes greatly obscured, at times practically
lost. Other examples illustrating this weakening of the fundamental
signification are:
Intransitive Comitative
hoyod- dance hoyod-agw- dance (a particular
kind of) dance 100.15; 102.9
ba?-yan- go up ba7-yan-gw- pick up 24.3; 59.15
ba-i-ginig- go out to, come ba-i-gini-gw- take out (no leg
motion necessarily implied)
xeben- do (so) xebery-agw-' hurt, destroy 136.23
§ 47. Indirective -d-(-s-)
The -d- of the indirect object never appears in its naked form
(except, as we have seen, in certain forms in -gwad-; see also under
-d- in petrified suffixes), but always combined into -s- with the follow-
ing element -z- that serves to bind pronominal objects of the first and
second persons to the verb-stem with its derivative suffixes (see §64).
The indirect object of the third person is not normally expressed by
this -d-, but, like an ordinary direct third personal object, is left
unexpressed, the general character of the verb being impliedly indi-
rective. As a matter of fact, an incorporated pronominal indirect
object is used only when the direct object is of the third person, never
of the first or second; and, since the pronominal object of the third
person is never expressed in the verb, this means that what is trans-
lated as the indirect object is in reality morphologically the direct
object of the verb. The indirective idea is merely a derivative
development; or, more correctly, certain transitive verbs with indi-
rective ‘‘ face”’ require an -s- (=-d-+-2-) instead of -a- with an incor-
porated object of the first or second person. 1 GIVE IT TO HIMis, then,
really rendered in Takelma by I-HIM-GIVE; I GIVE IT TO YOU, by I-
1 For the change of non-causative -n- to -y- (-i-) ef. kleméi- and k/emeen- MAKE.
§ 47
142 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 40
YOU-GIVE; I GIVE HIM FOOD, by I-HIM-FOOD-GIVE, in which the
logically indirect object Hm must be looked upon as the direct object
of the verbal complex Foop-GivE (Foop, not being a pronominal
object, is loosely incorporated as a prefix in the verb); I GIVE YOU
FOOD, by I-yoU-FooD-GIvE, the pronominal combination I You
being expressed at the end of the verb-complex in the same form as in
a simple transitive like I-rou-sEE, except that it is preceded by -s-
instead of -z-; such combinations as I GIVE YOU TO HIM, ME and HE
GIVES ME TO YOU, HIM can not be expressed by one verb-form. In
these latter cases the grammatical object of the verb is no longer in-
directly affected by the action; hence another, though probably ety-
mologically related, verb-stem is employed, while the indirect object
is expressed by a local phrase outside the verb: I GIVE YOU TO HIM
(=1-You-GIvE [not indirective ‘‘face’’] HIM-TO), -ax-, not -s-, preced-
ing the combination 1 you. The idea of To in intransitives like eGo,
RUN, and so on, is regularly expressed by such an extra-verbal local
phrase. Many verbs that, from our point of view, seem ordinary
transitives, are in Takelma provided with the indirective -s-. Ex-
amples illustrating the use of this -s- are:
Aorist Future
ogoyt’*n! I give it to him 180.11 o’k‘en (170.13; 180.9,16)
[ons I give it to you 23.3 o’sbin (178.15)
(oydnxbe'n I give you) (otnxbin I shall give you)
wet'giin (for -g- see §42, 5) I wede’k‘in (17.10,11)
took it from him 76.1
weésbi'n I took it from you(17.3) wede’sbin (16.10,11)
al-da-p'o"p“twien I blew atit (15.1)
(radu ciate I blew at you
wargiui’'n I brought it to him wagawi’n I shall bring it to
(for -w- see §42, 11) (176.17) him
wa'ga’sam? he brought it to us wege’sink’ he will bringit tome
(194.11)
evyv’*n I hurt him
{eebitn T hurt you
gayat he ate him 54.5 ga-wwa'‘nk* 130.5
fea aleve I ate you gaisbink* he will eat you 26.8
ees showed it tohim(77.8) al-ye‘bi’n [shall show it to him
al-yebe’ psbién I showed it to you al-yzpsi show it to me!
1 The -y- is peculiar to aorist forms of this verb with a third personal object (ogoyi‘t’ YoU TO HIM; ogothi
HE TO HIM 122.11) and to the third personal passive aorist (ogoyi’n HE WAS GIVEN IT 15.2)
2 With connecting a before s. In o’sbin above -g- + -s-gives -8-, but *wésdam (=weeg-sdam) would be-
come confused with wésdam (=weed-sdam) YOU TOOK IT FROM ME.
§ 47
Boas] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES—TAKELMA 143
Some verbs that belong here show the -s- only in the aorist, other
forms having only -z-. Examples are:
Aorist Future
he*-t'ur’'n I went away from he -iwi'n
him 23.12
he*-iasbi'n I went away from he*-iwi’xbink'
you (184,14,15)
yvmisbién I lent it to you 98.15 yimr’xt lend it to me! 98.14, 21
eee I catch him 33.4 7-t!a%wi'n (33.8)
i-tlaut!a’usbi he caught you i-t!aaxbink* (140.15)
ee: T said to him 72.9 na%gi'n (15.15; 196.20)
naga’sbi*n I said to you 108.4 naxbin (60.3)
dak‘-da-ha*li''n I answered him dak'‘-da-hala’hin
(61.6)
a -da-halsbi‘n I answered you dak‘-da-hala’xbin
(134.20)
eet I fight him (110.20) sana’n (28.15; 33.9)
sa¢nsa’nshin I fight you sana’xbin
§ 48. Indirective -(a’)/d-
This suffix is probably composed of the continuative -/- (see § 42, 9)
and the indirective -d-, though, unlike the latter suffix, it is always
employed to transitivize intransitives, a characteristic intransitive
element of the aorist (e. g., -1-) regularly remaining. - After vowels, the
suffix appears simply as -ld-; after consonants and semivowels, a con-
nective -d- is generally introduced, which, when accented, receives a
falling pitch. The general idea conveyed by the suffix is that of
purposive action toward some person or object, so that it may be con-
veniently translated by MOVING AT or TOWARD, IN ORDER TO REACH,
GOING TO GET. Examples of its use are:
hiliat’e® I climb hiliwa’|da‘n I climb for it (77.8)
yadada’|ldaén I swim for him (to
yada’t'e® I swim (yadad-) save him from drowning)
yededa/|si he swims for me
bili’”* he jumped 32.13; 78.11 biliwa’lsa‘n they fought (liter-
ally, they jumped at, for each
other) 27.4
da-t!laya’* they went to get da-t!ayaldi’‘n I went to get it to
(something) to eat 75.9 eat; da-tlayalt* he went to get
it to eat (@ shows by its accent
that it is part of stem) 76.9
da-da*ya’*t* (future) (33.9) da-da“\di'n (future) (33.9)
sgele’“* he shouted 59.4; 90.8 sgelewa’lt* he shouted to, for him
59.4; (94.1)
§ 48
144 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 40
{wiliwa’lda'nI go andshow it tohim
\de-wiliwa’lda‘n I fight him (27.3)
cudu’*m he whistled zuduma/|da'n I whistled to him
(33.16)
ligi‘k'” hefetched home (game) de-ligia’lt‘ he fetched it for him to
70.3; 128.12; lig’ he came eat 126.9; 130.9
home (with game) 124.22
wiliw- go, run
yonoba’lt* they held nets waiting
for fish 32.1
In wo"lt’ HE WENT AFTER IT 29.12 the -ld- is confined to the aorist;
non-aorist forms have the stem woo- without suffix: woo’n I SHALL GO
AFTER IT (162.8,10).
§ 49. Indirective -(a’)md-
There hardly seems to be any significant difference between this
and the preceding suffix, except that the indirective force of -(a’)md-
seems in many cases to be much less clear and that it may be appended
to transitive as well as to intransitive stems. It is quite probable
that in some of the examples the -m- of the suffix is really the dissimi-
lated product of an original -/- because of an -I- of the stem (see § 21);
yet this explanation could not be made to apply to all the cases.
Those forms that contain a radical -l- are given first:
Simple form -(a@’)md-
t/i‘la’mdaé‘n I fish for(salmon)
ts‘lelela’mda‘n I paint him (=I
put paint—s-e’‘—on to him)
s‘in-delega’msdam you put holes in
my nose 22.2
malagia’“* they are jealous (cf. malaga’msbi‘n I am jealous of you
malag-, malagan- tell)
yala’k‘de& I dive (61.8) yalaga’mda‘n I dive for it (60.10)
(lagag- feed) lagaga’mda‘n I paid him (184.17)
leqgwe'l he sucked it (186.18) leqwela’mda‘n I sucked it out of him
(geleg- twirl) _ di‘*-al-gelegala’mda‘n I tie his hair
up into top-knot (172.3)
aytits!- laugh di*-tiyt’ts!amda‘n I fool him
ya‘mt’ ask him! 70.6 yamda’mt'* (go and) ask of him !74.10
poyamdain I smoke them out
(76.11)
klemen- make bat-k!emena’mda‘n IT make him
ready to go (76.18)
dak‘-t‘gu’“ba‘n I put (hat-like dak‘-t‘gi/“bamt* she covered it
object) over as covering (basket) over 61.9
§ 49
Rn eo
Boas] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES—TAKELMA 145
§50. Indirective -(a)n(an)- ‘‘for”’
From transitives, never from intransitives, are formed verbs in
-(a)n or -(a)nan- (the first -a- is the connective vowel already spoken
of) signifying To po (the act expressed by the verb-stem) FOR, IN
BEHALF OF (the object of the verb). No rule can be given as to when
-(a)n- or -(a)nan- is to be used, the two suffixes being frequently
found to interchange in the same form. It is not likely that -(a)nan-
is a mere duplication of the simpler -(@)n-, as no other case of suffix-
reduplication could be shown to exist in Takelma, but rather a
compound suffix consisting of two distinct elements that happen to be
homonymous. Neither of the -(a)n- elements in-(a)nan-, however,
can be identified with either the causative -(a)n- or the petrified -(a)n-
of certain transitive verbs (see § 42,10), for the full -(a@)nan- suffix is
found suffixed to them (e. g., lohd“ninini’/*n I KILLED HIM FOR
HIM[ =I CAUSED HIM TO DIE FOR HIM]). As in the case of the ordi-
nary indirect object-suffix -s-, only the third person (and that, as far as
the pronoun is concerned, by implication) is tolerated as the logical
object, the grammatical object being always the person in whose
behalf the action is done. If the formal (i. e., indirect) object of
the verb is of the third person, the -(@)n- or -(a)nan- is nearly always
followed by the ‘‘instrumental”’ 2 (see § 64), an umlaut of the suffix
to -(2)n- or -(7)nin- necessarily resulting (see § 8, 8c). The longer
form of the suffix -(@)nan is apt to be limited to the aorist forms
with third personal object; non-aorist forms and aorist forms with
first or second personal object generally have the shorter form of the
suffix, -(a)n-. What was said above of a phonetic character in regard
to the causative -(a)n- applies also here. Examples are:
Transitive Indirective
wa‘-i-tloxdainvn I gather
wa‘-i-t!oxdxi'n I gather them them for him
(192.4) was-i-tlixixanz. he gathers
them for me
-kli’mininini’'n I fixed it for
cite a lead t ifepraatbcs onde palit
(150.13; 186.16,18) i ee
1-kli“manan’xi he fixed it for
me
1-klimana’nhi fix it for him!
3045°—Bull. 40, pt 2—12——10 § 50
BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY
Transitive
la*ba’'n I carry it (178.4,5,6)
o’“ga'n I trap them (78.5)
k!adu- pick (aorist)
k!a¢d- pick (non-aorist)
de®-i-wi'‘quin I spread it out
(120.1)
klemen- make
limimana’'n I fell tree (cause
it to fall) (108.11)
loho“na’én I cause him to die
(142.9)
do"“mk'wank* he will kill him
(116.18)
sad4qwa’'n I paddle it (60.1;
112.9)
plahanana’*n I cause it to be
cooked, done
[BULL. 40
Indirective
{la*binini’*n I carry it for him
\la*ba/nhain
le°ba’nai he carries it for me
lo“ginini’*n I trap them for
him
lo’“gina'n
(pliyin) la/“ganai he
(deer) for me
lo’klinin I shall trap them for
him
[him I pick them for
traps
him
kladathini'n
kledeya’nai he picks them for
him
k!a¢dinini’n I shall pick them
for him
de*-i-wi'ganzt he spreads it
out for me
klemenini’'n I make it for
him
klemnini’n I shall make it for
him
limiminini’<n I fell it for him
loho“ninina’*n I killed him for
him
loho“nana’nhi he killed him for
him
lihina’naxr he killed him for
me
‘do“mana’nk‘wank* he will kill
him for him
han-se°qwa’nsin I am paddled
across (literally, it, i. e.,
canoe, is paddled across
for me)
plahayvnina’*n? JL make it
done for him
A number of transitive verbs in -(a)n(an)- in which the For (in
behalf of) idea is not clearly apparent nevertheless doubtless belong
here. Such are:
1 For the change of suflixed m to y see § 46, second footnote.
§ 50
Boas] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES—TAKELMA 147
al&-6%dini’én I look around for him
(92.27) yeetie I hunt for him
i-odoni’n I shall feel around [116.8])
for it
malagana’nhi he told him 30.15 (mala’xbi he told you [162.6])
It not infrequently happens in verbs where the logical relation exist-
ing between the subject and a first or second personal object can
hardly be other than an indirect one, that the ror idea is expressed
by means of the simple transitive form with -2- or -s- instead of
the more explicit indirective -(a)n(an)-, as shown in the following
examples:
ktedéisi he picks them for me (literally, he picks to me, along-
side of k!edeya’nai he picks them for me)!
me béep'xip' come and chop out (a hole) for me (to enable me to
get out) (literally, come and chop me!) 90.16
gel-ts!eye'mxi he hid it from me (158.7); but gel-ts!ayamini’*n I
hid it from him
The idea of DOING SOMETHING FOR SOME ONE when the action is an
intransitive one can not be expressed in the verb itself, so that peri-
phrases of one kind or another are resorted to; e. g., I GO FOR HIM is
expressed by I GO, HE HAVING SENT ME. In verbs that are intransi-
tive only in form, but logically still transitive, that is, in transitive
verbs with unexpressed object, the ror idea is expressed by the com-
plex suffix -gwa’dan- (with first or second personal object -gwas-), the
analysis of which has been attempted above (see § 46). Thus we
have (p/iyin) 16’“gin (in)i*n I TRAP (DEER) FOR HIM built up on a tran-
sitive in both form and meaning (i. e., l0’“ga‘n), but liik!ii/xagwa-
dint'n I TRAP FOR HIM built up on a formal intransitive (lik/ii’xa‘).
The idea of FoR, IN BEHALF OF ONE’S SELF is rendered in transitive
verbs by adding to the indirective suffix -(a)n(an)- the regular reflexive
suffix -k‘wi- (-gwi-):
dé“mana’nk‘uida* he will kill them for himself
thimak wank wide® I kill them for myself
de®i-wi''gank wide I spread it out for myself
han-se‘qwa’nk wide: I paddle myself across, really, I paddle (canoe)
across for myself
1There.must be a difference in signification, however, between k/edéisi and k/edeya’/nzi. The former
probably means “‘he picks them for me, i. e., in order to give them to me;”’ the latter ‘‘he picks them
in my behalf (perhaps because I am sick and can not do so myself.)’’ Compare also de‘ise’exi HE OPENED
THE DOOR FOR ME (i.e., inorder to let me in) (63.12) with deéise’eganzi HE OPENED THE DOOR ON MY
BEHALF (perhaps because I was unable to do so myself).
§ 50
148 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BuLL. 40
In intransitive verbs with implied transitive force a -t'- is inserted
between the indirective -(a)n(an)- and the reflexive -gui-:
litk !ii’xagwant‘guit’ he traps for himself
Also this form in -gwant‘gwi- was explained above.
§ 51. Indirect Reflexive -gwa-
By indirect reflexive is here meant action in reference to something
belonging to one’s self, not action in behalf of one’s self. From the
latter idea (expressed, as we have seen, by -[a]n[an]k‘wi- and -[a]n[an}-
t‘gwi-) the indirect reflexive in -gwa- differs in being always found in
a transitive setting; from the comitative -(a)gw(a)- it differs phonet-
ically in being formed only from transitive verbs with expressed object
and in the constancy of the final -a- (third person aorist -k‘wa, not
-k‘~), Examples of its use are:
s‘in-%7-t'gili’‘sewa' he scratched his own nose 14.11; 15.7
mane al-ni’/“k*wa (=gw-k'wa) he painted his own face (cf. nd“ gw-
in I paint it)
7-garaga’xgwatn I scratch myself, i. e., my own (cf. 7-gaxagixi’én
I scratch him)
i-p/7'-no/“k'wa warm your nands! (188.20) (cf. 7-pli-no’/"k'witn I
warm his hands)
s‘in-de‘le’p'gwa he stuck it into his own nose (cf. da*-dele’ pi he
pierced his — another’s — ear)
bils ‘al-giliga'Ik'wa‘n I covered myself with moss (48.14) (cf. bls
7-giligila’*n I covered him with moss)
bils 1-giliga’Ik‘wa‘n I covered my hands with moss
ewen-p/iyi’nk'wa he lies on pillow (probably = he causes his
neck to lie) ?
kledéik‘wa‘n I pick them for myself (literally, I pick my own)
de-k“iak‘auk‘wak* he brandished it before his face 172.11
i-kli“ma’nk‘wa he prepared himself, got ready 172.2 (cf. 7-kla"-
ma‘n he fixed it, got it ready 114.7)
lt will be noticed that whenever what in English we are accustomed
to consider a direct reflexive is really such only in form, not in fact, the
Takelmaidiom requires the indirect -k‘wa- form, not the direct reflexive
in-gwi-. Thus, I SEE or SCRATCH MYSELF is not logically a reflexive in
the same sense as I KILL, DROWN, Or HANG MYSELF, the former involv-
ing strictly action on what belongs to the subject, not on the subject
itself: I SEE or SCRATCH MY OWN (FLESH). Still such distinctions can
1The object, generally a body-part, to which the action refers is printed in Roman characters.
2 pliyin- connected with ~p/eyen- LIE?
§ 51
ie
Boas] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES—TAKELMA 149
hardly be insisted upon; much depends on idiomatic usage. The
indirect reflexive suffix, it would seem, is employed only when the
direct object is incorporated in the verb; if the direct object is taken
out of the verb-complex and provided with a possessive pronoun, all
ambiguity as to the relation between subject and object is removed
and the -gwa- falls out. Thus we have da*-de‘le’p'qwa HE PIERCED
HIS OWN EAR with indirect reflexive -gwa- to show the possession of
the object (da@*- nar) by the subject; da*dele’p‘t would mean HE
PIERCED ANOTHER’S EAR. The former sentence can also be expressed
more analytically by dénadagwa hadele'p'i HIs-OWN (-dagwa) -EAR HE-
IN-PIERCED-1T; ddnada hadele’p't would then have reference to the
piercing of another’s ear. In other words, the reflexive idea is
expressed in the verb or in the noun according to whether the latter
is incorporated or independent.
INTRANSITIVE SUFFIXES (§§ 52-57)
§ 52. General Remarks
Under this head are included such suffixes as intransitivize a transi-
tive verb by removing the object (-xa-), transferring the object from
without to within the sphere of the subject (reflexive, reciprocal), or
changing the character of the action altogether (non-agentive, posi-
tional). The passive intransitivizes by removing, not the object, but
the subject, the former remaining in exactly the same form in which
we find it in the corresponding transitive; the voice is characterized
by peculiar suffixes that differ for the various tense-modes, and which,
following as they do the pronominal elements of the verb, will receive
appropriate treatment in discussing the purely formal verbal elements.
The normal transitive, its ancillary passive, the active intransitive
(-xa-), the reflexive, the reciprocal, the non-agentive, and the posi-
tional may be looked upon as the seven voices of a transitive verb, of
which only the first five (possibly also the sixth), however, can be
freely formed from any transitive stem. Of the seven voices, the
first two are provided with a distinct set of pronominal object (and
transitive subject) suffixes; the third and the fifth, with Class I
intransitive subjects; the remaining, with Class II intransitive
subjects.
Before giving examples of the intransitive suffixes, it may be useful
to rapidly follow out a particular transitive stem (dink!- STRETCH OUT
[= base din- + transitive petrified suffix-k/-]) initsvarious voices. First
§ 52
150 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BuLL. 40
of all, we may form an ordinary active transitive verb with expressed
object by attaching to the verb or aorist stem the appropriate pro-
nominal suffixes: ba-i-de-di’ntk!a’n 1 STRETCH IT OUT (LIKE A RUBBER
BAND or the like) (62.1). Secondly, from this may be formed a pas-
sive by the addition to the stem (dinik!-) of the pronominal object and
characteristic passive suffix: ba-t-de-di’nik!an IT Is or WAS (ACTIVELY)
STRETCHED OUT. Thirdly, the transitive stem may be made intransi-
tive by a failure to specify the object: ba-t-de-di’ni*xade® I STRETCH
(SOMETHING) OUT. Fourthly, a direct reflexive is formed by the
suffix -gwi-: ba-i-de-di’nik'wide® 1 (actually, if such were possible)
STRETCH MYSELF OUT, in as literal a sense as in, e. g., I KILL MYSELF.
Fifthly, the transitive form may be made reciprocal by the compound
suffix -a-(or -s-)an-: ba-i-de-di’nitza'n THEY (actively and literally)
STRETCH ONE ANOTHER OUT. Sixthly, the non-agentive voice is
formed by a suffixed -a-: ba-i-de-dini/*x IT STRETCHES OUT (144.14),
in the sense in which a sore might be supposed to spread, without voli-
tion and without apparent agency; this particular form is idiomati-
cally employed to refer to the stretching out, advancing, marching, of
a single column, the figure here being evidently that of a long string-
like line moving out without distinctly sensed agency. Similarly,
bat-dini’*x (CLOUDS) SPREAD UP IN LONG STRIPS 13.3 are not actively
spread out by some one, do not spread out some unexpressed object,
are not conceived of as actually spreading themselves out, and are
not conceived of as being in the static, purely positional condition of
lying extended. Seventhly, the last, positional voice is expressed
by an aoristic -i’-, non-aoristic -as-: dink!t IT LIES SPREAD OUT,
referring to a long string or other elongated body extended on the
ground; future dink!/a’sda*. A synopsis for the second person
singular (and reciprocal plural) of dink!-(dinik!-) spreap of the
seven voices in the six tense-modes is given in Appendix A. The
intransitive suffixes will now be taken up in order.
§ 53. Active Intransitive -xa-
The -a- of this suffix is a constant element except before a per-
sonal ending beginning with a vowel: p‘ele’xik* WE GO TO FIGHT.
Like other non-radical -a- vowels it may be umlauted to 7: som-lii-
hitixiya“ THEY (indef.) OPERATE As s‘omloho’lxa‘s (class of medicine
men) 172.14. The final consonant of the aorist stem of verbs of Type
§ 53 | |
BOAS] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES—TAKELMA 151
8 falls out before the -ra-, also an indirective d (including the -d- of
-[a]md-, [ajld; a final radical -d-, however, unites with -za- to form
-sa-). Verbs of Type 5 employ not the aorist, but the verb-stem,
in the aorist of the -za- derivative (cf. the parallel phenomenon in
the formation of the frequentative, § 43, 1 and 6; for exceptions see
§ 40, 5), inserting the repeated stem-vowel between the fortis conso-
nant of the stem and the suffix; -ra- derivatives of Type 5 verbs
thus belong to Type 2. For the vocalism of the stem of -za- forms,
see § 31,5. Verbs in -xa- of Types 2 and 3 regularly have a short
second stem vowel, even if the quantity in the primitive verb is long;
this short vowel may, however, be secondarily lengthened, with fall-
ing accent, to express a frequentative idea. In non-aorist forms the
stress tends to fall on the -xa-. Verbs in -xa- can be formed, of
course, only from transitives, and, although in form they are strictly
intransitive, they always logically imply an object. Examples of
-vd- are:
lubi’xa‘ she pounded 16.9; 7-lii’pxagwank* she will pound having
it (pestle) 55.10 (aorist transitive lobo‘p‘ she pounded them
16.9)
tli‘la’mxade§ I went fishing (¢/%‘la’mda‘n I fished for them)
kla*wa'nxa* she sifts 57.15 (k/a*wa’nda‘n I sift acorn meal [16.10])
dak'‘-t'ek!e’xa® he smokes 96.23 (Type 5 dak‘-t'e’°gitn I give him
to smoke [170.13])
plebe’xa® he beat off (bark) 55.6 (p!abab- chop [90.11]})
lebe’sade* I sew (lebeda’*n I sew it) |
sgut!u’xa* he is cutting 92.2 (Type 5 aorist sgé“d- 72.10)
al-xik !t’xa* he looked around 102.12 (Type 5 aorist al-xi‘g- 124.8)
liik !ii’xa‘ he traps (Type 5 aorist 16g’- 78.5); future lii’/*xaqwa-
dinin I shall trap for him
wa'-himi’xade§ I was talking to somebody (wa*-himida’én I talked
to him [59.16])
dak‘-da-hele’halxade® I always answer (dak‘-da-hali’'n I answer
him [146.14]
dak‘-hene’xa® he waits; future dak‘-henxa’t‘eé I shall wait (dak‘-
hene‘da’*n I wait for him)
yimi's‘a®(= -s-xa‘) he dreams; future yims‘a’t‘e®; imperative
yums'a*
In k!leme’nxade’ I WAS MAKING, WORKING (future k/emxa’t‘e*) the
loss of the -n- in the non-aorist forms (cf. k!emna’n I SHALL MAKE IT
[28.14]) may be due to a purely phonetic cause (see § 11)
152 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 40
§ 54. Reflexive -gwi-
The final consonant of the aorist stem of some verbs of Type 8 is
eclipsed, with lengthening of preceding vowel, also before the reflex-
ive -gwi- (see § 40, 8), in the case of others it is preserved. Where
the -guwi- reflexive is derived from indirect transitives in -d- (-amd-,
-gwadan-), there is often practically no difference in signification
between it and the indirect reflexive -gwa-. Examples of -gwi- are:
tlomok'wide® I kill myself (from t!omom-)
al-yebe' p'gwit' he showed himself (yebeb-)
al-xv’*k‘wit' he looked at himself
plagank‘wide® I bathed (literally, I caused myself to bathe;
ef. plaga*na’*n I bathe him)
se‘la’mt'gwide’ I shall paint myself (se?a’mdan I shall paint him)
t'qwaxdik'wide‘ I tattooed myself (¢‘gwaxai he tattooed him)
alanine nt'gwide* I shall tattoo myself (=for myself)
i-gis‘iga’s gwides I tickle myself
al-wa-ts !eyék'wide® I washed myself with it
da?-delega'mt' gwide® (= da*-dele’ p‘qwa‘n) I pierce my ears
(yuk') kleménk'wit' they made themselves (strong) 27.12
zuma ogotk wide I give food to myself (=I food-give myself)
i-lesgi'kk‘wide® 1 shall touch myself
Before the imperative endings -p‘, -p‘anp‘ the reflexive suffix be-
comes lengthened to -gwi?-:
ket gwiip* * pick them for yourself!
deeqwa'lt gwi'p'anp’ take care of yourselves! 126.20; (128.24)
The reflexive of naga- SAY To is irregular in that is is formed not
from the transitive stem, but from the corresponding intransitive
nagai- SAY: nagatk'wit' HE SAID TO HIMSELF 104.1 (cf. nagatk‘wa, $62).
§ 55. Reciprocal - Xb an
The -gz- and -s- preceding the characteristic reciprocal -an- (umlauted
-in-) suffix are nothing but the connective consonant of direct and in-
direct transitive verbs respectively, the choice in the reciprocal form
between the two depending entirely upon which is used in the cor-
responding simple transitive. A difference, however, in the use of
this -x- (-s-) between the transitive and reciprocal is found in so far
as in the latter it appears with a third as well as first and second
1 Indirect reflexive (for oneself) in signification, though without indirective suffix of any kind. The
form is thus analogous to such as k/edéisi mentioned above (see §59). That the reflexive action is
thought of as indirective in character seems to be indicated by the ablaut of the stem (k/dad-); see §31, 6.
§§ 54-55
Boas] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES—TAKELMA 153
personal object. The phonetic form of what precedes the -a- (-s-) is the
same as in the transitive from which the reciprocal is derived. The
reciprocal element -an- is the only one of the verbal suffixes that is
placed between the connecting -z- and the personal endings, so that
it may rightly be looked upon as in a way equivalent to the incor-
porated objective pronouns. Examples of -z-an- are:
kloydxinik* we go together, accompany one another (33.15)
tléaxiniba‘ni let us play shinny!
7-lats!a’xinik* we touch one another
al-s‘in-lo’"xa‘n they meet each other (literally, they thrust noses
to one another)
tloméxa‘n they kill one another (33.10)
gel-wayanxa‘n they were sleeping together (literally, they caused
each other to sleep facing each other) 190.2
al-xi’‘xa‘n they looked at each other
Examples of -s-an-, i. e., of indirect reciprocals, are:
naga’sa‘n they said to each other 31.9 (cf. naga’sbién I said to you
[100.1]); future n@xan‘t* (cf. na@xbin [60.3])
sa¢nsa/nsa‘n they fight one another (23.14; 184.13) (cf. sa@¢nsa’/ns-
bién); future sana’xan‘t (23.15) (cf. sana’xbin)
he*-tas‘a'n they went away from one another (cf. he®-iasbi'n
[184.14]); future he®*-twi’xan‘t (cf. he°twi’/xbin)
la¢ma/lsa‘n they quarreled with each other 27.2; 86.10
wat-himi’sa‘n they talked to one another 124.14 (cf. wa*-himi’sbin)
lo“gwa’s‘inibas let us play 32.5 (cf. lo“qwa’sbin future)
t/i’lt!als‘inibaé let us play at gambling-sticks (¢/ii7) 31.9
al-sege’sak‘sinik* we keep nodding to one another; se¢k‘sa’k'-
sank* they nodded to one another (inferential) 172.10(but unre-
duplicated al-se’exinik® we nodded to each other)
§ 56. Non-agentive -x-
The difference in signification between the non-agentive -z- and the
intransitive -ra- may be well brought out by a comparison with the
distinctly double signification of English intransitively used transi-
tives. If such a transitive word as spLit be relieved of its object, it
may be employed in two quite distinct senses, either to indicate the
same sort of action that is expressed by the transitive, but without ex-
plicit direction (as, THE CARPENTER CAN SPLIT, i. e., can split beams,
boards) ; or to indicate a spontaneous non-volitional activity resulting
in a static condition identical with that induced by the corresponding
transitive action (as, THE BEAMS, BOARDS, SPLIT, i. e., spontaneously
§ 56
154 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 40
undergo motion resulting in that condition which is brought about
by corresponding activity from without: THE CARPENTER SPLITS THE
BEAMS, BOARDS). SPLIT in the former case is rendered in Takelma by
ga*-ts‘liwi’xaf (aorist transitive ts:/iwi-d-); in the latter, by 2a7-
ts‘lwi's: (= -ts:liwi‘d-z). It is true that in some cases the use of -z-
does not seem to be logically justified (e. g., al-hiyaade’ I HUNT 136.18;
al-ho-yoiya’*n I HUNT THEM) ; but something must be allowed for idio-
Such petrified suffixes as
-d- do not drop out before the -a-; the repeated consonant of Type 8
verbs falls off as usual (yet cf. forms like limtm-a-gwa-, §46). Ex-
matic, not literally translatable usage.
amples of the non-agentive are:
Transitive
7-k'wa’*qwitn I awakened him
16.4 (future 7-k‘wa’k!win)
Non-agentive
k‘wa'*xde> I awoke (16.3) (future
k‘wa/xde° [190.5])
leme’*k* they took them along
144.17
i-t geeyrlt’én I roll it
de-ts' !ibi‘p* he closed door
p!la-i-ha-u-t gi/“p* he upset it
was-i-t!eme’m he assembled them
110.3
ha®w-i-ha’nats!in I made it stop
di-sgii’yiikliin I knock it down
(48.7, 8)
i-gwidigwa’ti he threw them
(108.21; 138.3)
i-smili’smili'n I swing it
ba2-t'e’ egién L lift it up (Type 5)
leme’*x they all went 136.7
t‘ge°ya lx it rolls
de-ts' bv‘x (door) shut
pla--ha-u-t qi’/“px it upset 60.8
wa-tleméxia“* people assembled
144,23
ha-u-hana’‘s( =-a’ts!x)it stopped
(152.15; 198.9)
di-sgii’*xk* it fell (nobody push-
ing) (59.11; 62.1)
hit“lii/nk‘wa (tiredness) gwidig-
wa‘s (= -a‘tx) he was plumb
tired out (probably = he tot-
tered with tiredness) 120.12
smili’smalxde® I swing? (73.2)
ba?-t'ek!e’t'ax it bobs up and
down (60.11,13,14)
In some verbs -alz- (= continuative -al- + non-agentive -z-) seems
to be quite equivalent to the intransitive -za-:
geyewa’|xde® I am eating (31.3) (but, hortatory, gevxaba* let us eat)
le*ba’nxde® I carry (178.6) (a%ba’én I carry it [178.3,4])
d“qwa/nxde’ I drink (see § 21).
The non-agentive character of verbs in -z- may be reflected in
transitives (causatives) derived from them, in that in such causatives
1It may not beuninteresting to note, as throwing light on the native feeling for -z-, that this form sounded
somewhat queer to Mrs. Johnson, for, as she intimated, one can’t very well be swinging without either
actively swinging one’s self or being swung by some one.
§ 56
| alee
poas] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES—TAKELMA 155
the subject is not thought of as being the direct cause of the state or
activity predicated, but is rather considered as indirectly responsible
for it. Thus, from the aorist stem tgwilik!w- ((gwili’*-x waTrER,
BLOOD DROPS, DRIPS 58.1) are formed:
pla-i-t qwilt’k!wana‘n I (voluntarily) drop, spill it
pla-i-t gwilr'*ena‘n I have it drop (unavoidably), spill it (72.8,16)
§ 57. Positional-7 /-
As we have already seen (§ 40, 15), this suffix, though of clearly
derivational character, is generally, probably always, confined to the
aorist. A positional verb in -7/- may be defined as expressing the
state or condition resulting from the completed action of a transitive
or non-agentive; e. g., p/a-i-ha-u-t' gup!idi Ir (BOX-LIKE OBJECT) LIES
UPSIDE DOWN is a verb expressing the result of the action defined in
p!a-i-ha-u-t' qu’“ba‘n 1 UPSET IT and p!a-t-ha-u-t'gi/“px IT UPSET 60.8.
From one point of view the suffix -7‘- serves to mark off a class of purely
positional verbs, a different verb-stem being used for each general
form-category of the object described. Such verbs of position are:
dink !i long, stretched out object lies (transitive aorist dinik!-)
t‘geits:!i round object lies (138.24) (¢‘geyets:!-)
pudi flat object lies
t!obigi corpse, dead-looking body lies
s‘eini box-like object with opening on top lies
pla-i-ha-u-t'gup!idi box-like object with opening below lies
(t'gub-)
s-ugwidi curled-up object (like bundle of rope) lies
da-sgali scattered objects (like grain on floor) lie
wik !idi several objects heaped together lie (wi‘g-)
s‘as'ini erect object is, he stands 34.1; 45.12; 77.9
s'u‘wili sitting object (person) is, he sits, dwells 21.1; 57.2
k‘ebili absent object is, he is long absent 124.20
Not so clearly positional are:
la*li (generally heard as la*lé‘) it becomes 33.17; 45.3
yamli he looks pretty
Of these verbs those that are directly derived from transitives, it
will be observed, use in the aorist the verb-stem, not the aorist stem,
of their simplex (thus dink!-, not dinik!-).. The derivational -(a)d-
(see § 42, 4) that seems to characterize a number of positional verbs
can not be explained.
57 §
156 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 40
Certain Takelma place-names in -7 (or -t-k', -i‘-k' with suffix -k'
characteristic of geographical names) can hafdly be otherwiseexplained
than as positional verbs in -7‘-, derived from nouns and provided with
local prefixes defining the position of the noun. Such are:
Di®-dani1 Table Rock (probably = rock[da‘n] is[-7] west [d2-]):
west of the rock would be di*-dana* (cf. dana‘t'k* my rock)
Dak'-t‘gami-k* (cf. Dak'-t‘gamiya’® person from D.) (= place
where [-k'] elks[t'ga‘m] are[7] above, on top [dak’-])
Dal-dani‘k* (cf. Dal-daniya’* one coe D.) (=place where [-k'-]
in brush, away from creek[dal-] is[-t] rock [da‘n])
han-xilmi aneee land (= across river[han-] are[-7] ghosts[ala‘m])
de-di‘wi near the falls of Rogue River (=in front [-de-] are [-7]
falls [d7a])
§58. IMPERSONAL -/au-
Verging toward the purely formal (pronominal) elements of the
verb is the suffix -cau-. Forms in -tau- are intransitive, and may be
formed from all intransitives and all transitives with incorporated
pronominal object, the function of the suffix being to give an indefi-
nite, generalized collective, or impersonal, signification (cf. German
MAN, French on) to the always third personal pronominal (Class I
intransitive) subject. Examples are:
yania’§ people go 58.14; 152.5 future yanaya’"t'
was-i-tlemézia“ people assem- future wa‘-i-démaia"t®
ble 144.23
e*bia’** people are 192.7 (cf.
e°bo‘k* we are 180.13)
ts!aa yo"ya uk‘ there was (infer-
ential) deep water(cf. 188.14)
sa°nsa’nsinia® fighting is go- future sana’xinia"t®
ing on 23.14
domabiya"*t’ people will kill you
(intransitive; but transitive
with definite third personal
subject démxbink’ they will
kill you) (83.10)
In particular, states of the weather or season, necessarily involving
indefiniteness of subject, are referred to by forms provided with the
indefinite suffix -2au-. Examples are:
1This example is due to Mr. H. H. St. Clair 2d, from whose Manuscript Notes on Takelma it was
taken. Itis there written Di’tan7‘.
§ 58
BoAS] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES—TAKELMA 157
loplodia’* it is raining, hailing, or snowing 90.1; 152.11 (but
definitely néx lop/o‘t' it rains 90.1; (198.9); ts'lelam lop!o‘t’ it
hails; p/a’¢s lop!o‘t’ it snows 90.2; 196.7)
lep‘niya‘uk* it has gotten to be winter
samgia’*t* it will be summer (92.9)
samgiaugulugwa’n it is about to be summer (literally, it is sum-
mer-intended, see § 68) (cf. 48.13)
tiwugia’ it is hot (i.e., itis hot weather; but t‘awiu’'k* it, some
object, is hot [25.10]; 94.15)
we’égia-uda*® when it is daybreak 73.6; 126.13
4, Temporal-Modal and Pronominal Elements (§§ 59-67)
§ 59. INTRODUCTORY
Every Takelma verb except, so far as known, the defective copula
ett'e® 1 AM, has forms of six tense-modes—aorist, future, potential,
inferential, present imperative, and future imperative. Of these, all
but the aorist, which is built up on a derived aorist stem, are formed
from the verb-stem. A special tense or mode sign, apart from the
peculiar stem of the aorist, is found in none of the tense-modes
except the inferential, which, in all the voices, is throughout charac-
terized by a -k-(-g-) following the objective, but preceding the sub-
jective, pronominal elements. Each of the tense-modes except the
potential, which uses the personal endings of the aorist, is, however,
characterized by its own set of pronominal endings. It is for this
very reason that it has seemed best to use the term tense-modes for
the various modes and tenses, instead of attempting a necessarily
artificial classification into tenses (aorist and future) and modes
(indicative, potential, imperative, and inferential), the method of
distinguishing the latter being fundamentally the same as that
employed to form the former, i. e., the use of special pronominal
schemes.
The purely temporal idea is only slightly developed in the verb.
The aorist does duty for the preterite (including the narrative past),
the present, and the immediate future, as in NOW I SHALL GO; while
the future is employed to refer to future time distinctly set off from
the present, as in I SHALL GO THIS EVENING, TO-MORROW. A similar
distinction between the immediate and more remote future is made
in the imperative. The present imperative expresses a command
which, it is intended, is to pass into more or less immediate fulfill-
ment, as in GO AWAY! while the command expressed by the future
§ 59
158 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 40
imperative is not to be carried out until some stated or implied point
of time definitely removed from the immediate present, as In COME
TO-MORROW!, GIVE HER TO EAT (when she recovers). The uses of the
potential and inferential will be best illustrated by examples given
after the forms themselves have been tabulated. In a general way
the potential implies the ability to do a thing, or the possibility of
the occurrence of a certain action or condition (I cAN, couLD go if I
care, cared to), and thus is appropriately used in the apodosis of an
unfulfilled or contrary-to-fact condition; it is also regularly employed
in the expression of the negative imperative (prohibitive). The
peculiar form of the potential (verb-stem with aorist pronoun endings)
seems in a measure to reflect its modal signification, the identity of
its stem with that of the future indicating apparently’ tlie lack of
fulfillment of the action, while the aoristic pronominal elements may
be interpreted as expressing the certainty of such fulfillment under
the expressed or implied circumstances by the person referred to.
The inferential implies that the action expressed by the verb is not
directly known or stated on the authority of the speaker, but is only
inferred from the circumstances of the case or rests on the authority
of one other than the speaker. Thus, if I say THE BEAR KILLED THE
MAN, and wish to state the event as a mere matter of fact, the truth
of which is directly known from my own or another's experience, the
aorist form would normally be employed:
mena‘ (bear) yap/a (man) tlomék'wa (it killed him)
If I wish, however, to imply that it is not definitely known from
unmistakable evidence that the event really took place, or that it is
inferred from certain facts (such as the finding of the man’s corpse
or the presence of a bear’s footprints in the neighborhood of the
house), or that the statement is not made on my own authority, the
inferential would be employed:
mena’ yap!a dimk‘wak* it seems that the bear killed the man;
the bear must have, evidently has, killed the man
Inasmuch as mythical narration is necessarily told on hearsay, one
would expect the regular use of the inferential in the myths; yet,
in the great majority of cases, the aorist was employed, either because
the constant use of the relatively uncommon inferential forms would
have been felt as intrusive and laborious, or because the events
related in the myths are to be looked upon as objectively certain.
§ 59
BoAS] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES—TAKELMA 159
The inferential is also regularly employed in expressing the negative
future.
Not only do the pronominal elements vary for the different tense-
modes, but they change also for the two main classes of intransitive
verbs and for the transitive (subject and object), except that in the
present imperative and inferential no such class-differences are
discernible, though even in these the characteristic -p'- of Class II
intransitives brings about a striking formal, if not strictly personal,
difference. We thus have the following eleven pronominal schemes to
deal with:
Aorist subject intransitive I.
Aorist subject intransitive II.
Aorist subject transitive.
Future subject intransitive I.
Future subject intransitive IT.
Future subject transitive.
Inferential subject.
Present imperative subject.
Future imperative subject intransitive I and transitive.
Future imperative subject intransitive IT.
Object transitive (and subject passive).
The transitive objects are alike for all tense-modes, except that
the combination of the first person singular object and second person
singular or plural subject (i. e., THOU or YE ME) always agrees with
the corresponding subject form of intransitive II. Not all the per-
sonal forms in these schemes stand alone, there being a number of
intercrossings between the schemes of the three classes of verbs. The
total number of personal endings is furthermore greatly lessened by
the absence of a dual and the lack of a distinct plural form for the
third person. The third person subject is positively characterized
by a distinct personal ending only in the aorist subject intransitive I,
the future subject intransitive I, the future subject intransitive II,
and the future subject transitive; as object, it is never characterized
at all, except in so far as the third person object, when referring to
human beings, is optionally indicated by a special suffix -k'wa-
(-gwa-). In all other cases the third person is negatively characterized
by the absence of a personal ending. The second singular subject of
the present imperative is similarly negatively characterized by the
absence of a personal ending, though the -p‘ of the present imperative
intransitive II superficially contradicts this statement (see § 61).
§ 59
160 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 40
The pronominal schemes, with illustrative paradigms, will now be
taken up according to the verb-classes.
§ 60. INTRANSITIVES, CLASS I
This class embraces most of the intransitives of the language,
particularly those of active significance (e. g., COME, GO, RUN, DANCE,
PLAY, SING, DIE, SHOUT, JUMP, yet also such as BE, SLEEP), verbs in
-ra-, indefinites in -iau-, and reciprocals. The tense-modes of such
verbs have the following characteristic subjective personal endings:
Aorist Future Inferential ine sd tga
Singular:
First person . . | ~%é, -de* -t'ee, -dee -k‘-a&l
Second person . | -(a‘)f -(a)da’é -k* eit‘ — -(a’)ek*
Third person = = | -(a’)£t* kK
Plural:
First person . . .| -iK -(z)ga’m -k*-ana‘k -(a)ba’é
Second person . | -(a‘)t'p” -(a’)t'baé -k eit'p’ { )np* 2
1It is possible that this suffix is really -k‘a'n; -n after a catch is practically without sonority, and
very easily missed by the ear. The first person singular and plural inferential endings are then both
transitives in form (cf. -a‘n and -ana‘k‘ as first person singular and plural subject of transitives); the third
person is without ending in both. The ending -k‘-aén is made particularly likely by the subordinate in
-k‘-a/n-daé (see § 70).
The imperative is necessarily lacking in the first person singular and
third person. The first person plural in -(a)ba’* of the present imper-
ative is used as a hortatory: yanaba’* Ler us Go! 158.11; (cf. 168.11).
This -(a)ba’< is not infrequently followed by emphasizing particles: -nt‘
(e. g., yuba’**ni’ LET US BE! [cf. 158.8]) ; -ho (e. g., yeeba’*ht LET US RE-
TURN! 63.1; see § 114, 2), or -ha‘n (e. g., ya’naba‘ha‘n LET Us Go 64.1),
the last of these being clearly identical with the nominal plural ele-
ment -han (see §.99); -nthan is also found (ya’naba“niha‘n LET US ALL
Go, PRAY! [cf. 150.24; 152.6]). No true future hortatory and second
person plural imperative seem to exist; for the latter, the ordinary
indicative form in -t‘ba* (-daba‘ in the other classes) was always given.
The connective -a- is used with most of the consonantal endings, as
indicated in the table, when the preceding part of the word ends in a
consonant, otherwise the ending is directly attached; in the reciprocal
-t'p’, -t', and -t‘ba® are directly added to the suffix -an-. Before the
only vocalic ending, -i‘k*, a glide -y- is introduced if the preceding
sound is a vowel (e. g., al-yowoyi‘k’ WE Look). In the first person
plural of the future -iga’m (-aorist -ig-+-a’m; cf. -da’m in possessive
§ 60
Boas] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES—TAKELMA 161
pronouns, §§ 91-3) is used after consonants, -ga’m after vowels. The
first form of the second person plural imperative (-a‘np‘) is used to
follow most consonants (-‘np* to follow a “constant” -a- of the stem),
-‘p‘ being found only after vowels and probably m and n (e. g., yu‘p*
BE YE!; yana‘p' GO YE!).
In regard to the etymology of the endings, it is clear that the
second person plural aorist is derived from the corresponding singular
form by the addition of a characteristic -p‘ (cf. the imperative),
that the second persons of the future are differentiated from the
aorist forms by an added -a*‘, and that the first person singular future
is identical with the corresponding form in the aorist, except for the
lack of a catch. The second persons of the inferential are peri-
phrastic forms, consisting of the third personal form in -k* (mode-
sign, not personal ending) plus eit’ THOU ART, ett’ p’ YE ARE.
As paradigmatic examples are chosen a stem ending in a vowel
(aorist yowo- BE), one ending in a consonant (aorist baxam- COME), a
reciprocal (aorist s@?nsan-san- FIGHT WITH ONE ANOTHER), and an
indefinite in -2au- (aorist t‘iwi-g-tau- BE HOT).
AORIST
Singular: |
First person . . | yowo’t'eéIrun| bazafite® I
come
Second person. . | yowo't' barama‘t*
Third person . . | yowo’ | bara’*m facie they | tuwiigia’ut it is hot
Plural:
First person . . | yowoyi‘k‘ barami*k* sdansa’/nsinik*
Second person. . | yowot'p‘ bazama‘t'p* saonsa’nsant'p*
FUTURE
— : 2
Singular:
First person . | yu’tiee barma’t'ee
Second person . . yuda’é bazmada’é
Third person : | yu'et® barma’et* sana’rantt* taugia’uet*
Plural:
First person . . | -yuga’m barmaga’m sana’rinigam
Second person de | yu't ‘bat | barma’t'bat sana’rant bat
POTENTIAL
Singular:
First person - . | yu’ttes barma’t‘es
Second person Serra (ei ai barma't*
Third person sl egente barma’e sana’/xaen tijugia’ us
- Plural:
First person - - . | yuwirk* barmi*k* sana’rinik*
Second person CMR TST TAN oe os barma‘t'p* sana’zant‘p*
3045°—Bull. 40, pt 2—12——11 § 60
162 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 40
INFERENTIAL
Singular:
First person yu’ k'aé barma’k'a®
Second person yu’kleit* 1 barma’kleit*
Third person yuk* barma‘k* sana’xank* Uaugiaw‘k*
Plural:
First person yu’k‘ana‘k* barma’k'ana‘k* sana’xank'ana‘k*
Second person yu’ kleit'p* barma’kleit*p* sana’rank!eit'p*
1 -k'f =k!
See § 12.
PRESENT IMPERATIVE
Singular:
Second person yu’ bazma*
Plural:
First person yuba’s barmaba’é sana’rinibas }
Second person yup barma‘np‘ (?) sana’zananp*
1 The -i- of -ibaf evidently corresponds to the -i- in the first person plural aorist -zk', future -igam, but
appears, so far as known, only in the reciprocal, and, of course, in such cases as require connective -i-
instead of -a- (see below, § 64): ha®w-7-k/emniba’é LET US SWEAT, with -i- because of instrumental 7-.
FUTURE IMPERATIVE
|
|
barma’tk* |
Singular:
Second person yu'ek*
A few intransitives of this class add the consonantal pronominal
endings directly to the final semi-vowel (-y-) of the stem, instead of
employing the connective vowel -a-. Such are:
eit’! thou art 108.2, ett'p’ ye are 14.10 (contrast yeweya‘t thou
returnest [58.13], but yeweit‘e® I return [188.4] like ezt‘e® I am
198.2)
nagait thou sayest 56.5, nagait' p' ye say 170.4 (contrast fagaya‘t
thou criest, but t'agatt'e* I cry [180.5] like nagait‘e® I say 180.1)
To this somewhat irregular group of verbs belongs probably also /64-
PLAY, though, not ending in a semi-vowel in either the verb or aorist
£
stem, it shows no forms directly comparable to those just given; its
third person aorist, however, shows a rising accent before the catch:
louls * 70.4 (not *l0’“l*), a phenomenon that seems connected (see below,
§ 65) with the lack of a connecting vowel before the personal endings.
A few stray verbs, otherwise following the normal scheme of
intransitive Class I endings, seem to lack a catch in the third person
aorist:
1 This verb is defective, having only the three forms given above, the first person plural eebi‘k' 180,13,
and the (cf. class II) indefinite eebia’u* 192.7, the latter two with loss of 7 and intrusive -b-. The third
person and the non-aorist forms are supplied by yo- BE. ;
2 If appears also in certain usitatives: hiwililf HE USED TO RUN, sgelélé HE KEPT SHOUTING, in which the
rising accent is probably radical (see § 48, 4); these forms, furthermore, have lost aw, § 18 (ef. hiwiliiit'é
I RUN, sgeleut'e® I SHOUT).
§ 60
Boas] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES—TAKELMA 163
loplot'! it rains 90.1, 2 (yet loploda‘t’ you are raining 198.9;
lop'da’‘t* it will rain; lop‘da‘x to rain, § 74, 1)
hax it burns 98.1 (yet hazxa’‘t’ it will burn)
Several intransitive Class I usitatives seem to lack the catch of the
third person aorist also:
ginink’ he always went to 46.11 (from gim’*k* he went to)
witclisma he keeps moving (from witc!i’*m he moves 148,12)
yeweo‘k* he is wont to return 47.4; 116.2 (yet yewéoga‘t’ you are
wont to return)
No explanation can be given of this irregularity.
The inferential endings, as has been already remarked, are iden-
tical for all classes of verbs, so that the following applies to Class IT
intransitives and to transitives as well as to Class I intransitives.
The mode-sign -k* is added directly to the final vowel or consonant
of the verb-stem (or stem with its added derivative and pronominal
object suffixes) without connecting a. All combinations of conso-
nants are here allowed that are at all possible as syllabically final
clusters (see § 16); indeed some of the final consonant clusters, as
-sk’, -p'k’, -np‘k’, -lp'k’, hardly occur, if at all, outside the inferential.
If the resulting consonant combination would be phonetically impos-
sible an inorganic a is introduced between the two consonants that
precede the inferential -k'; secondary diphthongs with raised accent
may thus arise:
klema‘nk* he made it (verb-stem k/emn-)
bila‘uk* he jumped 160.17 (verb-stem bilw-)
Double diphthongs are often allowed to stand unaltered before -k*
(e.¢.,0ink"HE GAVE THEM; alsoimperative 0in GIVE THEM!) ; sometimes
doublets, with double diphthong or with inorganic a, are found (e. g.,
tslaimk* or tslaya‘mk* HE HID IT; also passive participle ts!/aimhak'”
HIDDEN, but ts/aya’m HIDE IT! ts!eya’mai HIDE ME! ts!aya’mxamk* HE
HID US [158.7]). With a final -g- or -gw- the inferential -k* unites
to form -k* or -k'”, but with lengthening of the preceding vowel;
-k!-+-k* becomes -’*k". Examples are:
heenak’’ (=-a‘gw-k‘) he consumed them (ef. 48.10); but heena‘k'’
consume them!
wa-yanak'’ (=yana‘-gw-k‘) he ran after them 98.10; but wa-
yana‘k’’ run after them!
1 This form can not possibly have been misheard for *lop/o/*t', the form to be expected, as the subor-
dinate is lop/ét‘a®, not *lop/o’uda‘, which would be required by a *lop/o’t‘ (see § 70).
§ 60
164 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 40
york’ (=yogw-k’) she married him 192.16
he'-a-le’mk’ (=lemk!-k‘) he destroyed them (146.20); 154.11;
also imperative (=*lemk!)
§ 61. INTRANSITIVES, CLASS II
Most verbs of Class IJ intransitives, unlike those that are most
typical of Class I, are derived from transitives, the majority of
examples falling under the heads of non-agentives in -2-, reflexives
in -gwi-, positionals in -7’-, and verbs with intransitivizing -p’- either
in all their tense-modes or in all but the aorist (see § 42,1). Besides
these main groups there are a straggling number of not easily clas-
sified verbs that also show the peculiarities of the class; such are:
sene’sant'e€ I whoop (110.20; 180.15)
wit'e IT go about (90.1; 92.29; 122.23)
ligint'e® I rest (48.11; 79.2, 4; 102.1)
hiitli'nt'e I am tired (48.4, 11; 102.1, 8; 120.11)
In a rough way the main characteristic of Class II imtransitives, as
far as signification is concerned, is that they denote conditions and
processes, while Class I intransitives are in great part verbs of action.
Following is the scheme of subjective pronominal endings character-
istic of Class IT:
: ‘ Present im- Future im-
Aorist Future Inferential perative perative
Singular:
First person . | -t‘e®, -des tee, -dee (-p‘)-gas
Second person . | -t‘am, -dam | -taé, -dat (-p‘)-k* <ett® (-—p') | (-p‘)-gaem
Third person . ia -t aa, -daa (=p‘)-k*
Plural:
First person . | (-p‘)-ik' (-p')-igam (-p‘)-g-ana‘k* (-p‘)-abas
Second person. | -t‘ap‘, -dap‘ | -t'abat, -dabat | (-p')-k* £eit'p* (-p')-anp*
In comparing these endings with those of Class I intransitives, it is
seen that the characteristic peculiarities of Class II intransitives
are: the -am of the second person singular aorist and future im-
perative (-t'am| =-t' +-am], -ga‘m[?=-k' +--am)) ; the -a- between the
-t'- and the -p’- (-b-) in the second person plural aorist and future;
the lack of a catch in the third person aorist; the ending -t°d* of the
third person future; and the presence of a-p’- (-b-) in the first person
plural aorist and future and in the inferential, present imperative, and
future imperative forms. The last feature is, however, absent in the
non-agentive -z- verbs and in the future of reflexives. The labial in
§ 61
HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES—TAKELMA 165
BOAS]
the first person plural of the aorist and future is evidently connected
with the -0- of e°bi‘k° wk ARE (see § 60, fourth footnote) ; the parallel-
ism is made complete by the fact that impersonal forms in ~iau-
derived from Class IT intransitives (except non-agentives) show a -p‘-
before the suffix, analogously to e*bia’™:
sene’sanp'va there is whooping, se’nsanp‘ta“t' there will be
whooping
In the third person of the aorist, positionals in -7‘-, non-agentives, and
verbs in -p’- and other consonants (except n and probably 2, m) lack
a positive ending, while reflexives and most of the miscellaneous verbs
(ending in a vowel or n, Z, and m) show a final -¢’. There is every
reason to believe that the absence of a -¢‘ in the former group of forms
is due to phonetic conditions that brought about its loss (see § 18).
As examples of verbs of this class will serve a non-agentive (aorist
ha-u-hana‘s- stop), a reflexive (aorist 7-lets!ek‘wi- TOUCH ONE’S SELF),
a positional (aorist s‘as‘ini'- sTAND), and one of the miscellaneous
verbs (wi'- GO ABOUT).
AORIST.
Singular: 4
First person . | hana’tsdesI stop | lets/ék‘wides I touch | s-as-init‘e:I stand | wit‘e® I go about
myself
Second person | hana’*sdam lets!ék'widam. Ssasinit'am wit‘am
Third person hana’és lets/ék'wit' sasini wit
Plural:
First person . | hana’ssik* lets!ék' wibik* sas inip‘ik* wip'ik
Second person | hana’ésdap* lets!ék widap* s'as‘init'ap* wit‘ap*
FUTURE
Singular:
First person . | ha/n‘sdee lesgi’k widee s‘a’s‘ant‘ee wit'ee
Second person | ha’nésdas lesgi’k widas s'a’s-ant'aé wit'at
Third person . | ha’ntsda lesgi’k* widae sa’s‘ant'as wit'aa
Plural:
First person . | ha’nssigam lesgi’k‘ wigam. sa’s-anp‘igam wip‘igam
Second person | ha’ntsdabaé lesgi’k* widabas : s-a’s-ant‘abas wit‘ abat
POTENTIAL.
Singular:
First person . | ha’nssdes lesgi’k‘ widest sra’s‘ant'et wit'et
Second person | ha’n:sdam lesgi’k widam. s-a’s‘ant‘am wit'am
Third person . | ha’nés | lesgi’k‘wit* sa’s‘ant’ (?) wit"
Plural: |
. First person . | ha’nésik* lesgi’/k‘wibik* sa’s‘anp‘ik* wip'ik*
Second person | ha’n‘sdap‘ lesgi’k‘widap*‘ sa’s-ant‘ap* wit‘ap*
§ 61
166 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY — [punn. 40
INFERENTIAL
Singular:
First person . | ha/nésga* lesgi’/k‘ wip‘ gaé s-a’s-anp'gaé wip‘ gat
Second person | ha’néskleit* lesgi’k‘wip‘kleit*® s'a’s-anp‘kleit* wip‘kleit*
Third person . | ha’nssk* lesgi’ k‘wipk sa’sanp'k* wip'k*
Plural:
First person . | ha’nssgana‘k* lesgi’k‘ wip‘ gana‘k* s'a’s‘anp‘gana‘k’ | wip‘gana‘k*
Second person | ha’nésk!eit‘p‘ lesgi’k‘ wip‘ kleit‘p* sa’sanp‘k!eit'p* wip‘kleit*p*
PRESENT IMPERATIVE
Singular:
Second person | ha’nés lesgi’k'wiip‘ s'a’s‘anp* wip*
Plural:
First person . | ha’nfsabaé lesgi’k wiip‘abat s'a’s‘anp‘abast wip abat
Second person | ha’nfsanp* lesgi’k‘ wiip‘anp* sa’s'anp‘anp* wip‘anp*
FUTURE IMPERATIVE
Singular:
Second person | ha’nssgasm lesgi’k‘witp‘gatm s‘a’s-anp‘gafm. wip gasm.
Those verbs of this class that are characterized, either throughout
their forms or in all non-aorist forms, by a suffixed p* have this ele-
ment coalesce with the -p* of the first person plural, inferential, and
imperative, but with lengthening of an immediately preceding vowel.
In the imperative this lengthened vowel seems to take on a falling
accent:
plala’“p* tell a myth! (cf. plala’p‘dee I shall tell a myth, with
inorganic second @)
sand’*p* fight! (cf. sana’p'de? I shall fight, with radical second a)
The verb wog- ARRIVE is peculiar in that the aorist is formed after
the manner of Class IT verbs (wok* HE ARRIVES 47.15; wdk‘dam you
ARRIVE), while the non-aorist forms belong to Class I (e. g., woga’*t
HE WILL ARRIVE). It is further noteworthy that many, perhaps
most, Class II intransitives form their usitative and frequentative
forms according to Class I. Examples, showing the third person
aorist catch, are:
s't‘alhaé they always dwell 112.2 (from s‘u*wilt 21.1; but first
person plural s‘ii‘alhibik’); contrast Class II s‘as-a’nhap* he
keeps standing (from s‘as‘int 34.1)
wogowa’*k* they keep arriving 112.2 (from wok’)
s‘o'wots'a they keep jumping (112.5,10) (from sowd’“k'ap’
48.15)
§ 61
BOAS } HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES—TAKELMA 167
Several non-agentives in -z- drop the -z- and become Class I intran-
sitives in the frequentative:
pla-i-t'gwili/*t'gwal’ (water) keeps dripping down (cf. pla-i-
tguwilt’*x it drips down 58.1)
wa*-sgot!o’sga‘t' it breaks to pieces 62.1 (cf. 2&%-sg0’"s =-sg6"d-a it
breaks [61.13])
2a-sgo'“*t'sgadat it will break to pieces (cf. x@*-sgo’“sda it will
break [148.8])
TRANSITIVES, CLASS III (§§ 62-66)
§ 62. General Remarks
The subject pronominal elements of the transitive verb combine
with the objective elements to form rather closely welded compound
endings, yet hardly ever so that the two can not separately be recog-
nized as such; the order of composition is In every case pronominal
object + subject. It is only in the combinations THOU or YE
ME that such composition does not take place; in these the first person
singular object is, properly speaking, not expressed at all, except in
so far as the stem undergoes palatalization if possible (see § 31, 1),
while the second person subject assumes the form in which it is
found in Class II of intransitive verbs. The pronominal objects are
decidedly a more integral part of the verb-form than the subjects,
for not only do they precede these, but in passives, periphrastic
futures, nouns of agency, and infinitives they are found unaccompa-
nied by them. For example:
démaxbinas you will be killed (178.15)
domabigulu‘k’” he will kill you
démxbi‘s one who kills you
domebiya to kill you
are analogous, as far as the incorporated pronominal object (-b7-) is
concerned, to:
domzxbink* he will kill you; tloméxbién I kill you
The pronominal objects are found in all the tense-modes, as far as
the meaning of these permits, and are entirely distinct from all the
subjective elements, except that the ending of the second person
plural coincides with one form of the second person singular present
imperative of the intransitive, -anp‘. These elements are:
Singular: First person, -27 (with third subjective) ; second person,
-bi; third person,
; third person (human), -k’wa. Plural: First
person, -am; second person, -anp’ (-anb-).
§ 62
168 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BuLL. 40
It does not seem that -k‘wa-, which is optionally used as the third
personal object when reference is distinctly had to a human being (or
to a mythical animal conceived of as a human being), can be com-
bined with other than a third personal subject (at least ‘no other
examples have been found); nor can it be used as an indirect ob-
ject if the verb already contains among its prefixes an incorporated
indirect object. These restrictions on the use of -k‘wa- enable us
effectually to distinguish it from the indirect reflexive -k*wa- which
has already been discussed, this element normally requiring an incor-
porated object prefixed to the verb. Examples of the objective —
-k'wa- are:
tlomok‘wa' it killed him 15.16; 28.11
he*-~iak'wa he went away from him
hdxank'wa he burnt him 27.16
sa°nsa’/nk'wa he fought with him 28,10
nagatk‘wa he said to him 152.3 (with very puzzling intransitive
-i-; contrast naga‘ he said to him)
wet gigwa she took (it) away from him (49.6)
lak’wak* (inferential) he gave him to eat
In several respects this -k‘wa differs fundamentally from the other
object suffixes. It allows no connective -x- to stand before it (see §
64); the indirective -d- of -a’ld- (see § 48) drops out before it:
gayawa'lk'wa he ate him; cf. gayawa’lsbi he ate you (26.8)
and, differing in this respect from the suffixless third person object, it
allows no instrumental 2 to stand before it (see § 64):
i-tlana’hagwa he held him (25.10); ef. +tlana’hi he held. it. 27.4
dak‘-da-halk‘wa he answered him 180.18; ef. dak‘-da-hali’*n J
answered him (146.14)
It is thus evident that forms with suffixed -k'wa approximate in-
transitives in form (cf. nagatk‘wa above). Withastem-final g, gw the
suffix unites to form -k‘wa, the preceding vowel being lengthened and
receiving a rising accent; with a stem-final k/ it unites to form -*k‘wa,
the preceding vowel being lengthened with falling accent. Examples
are:
tlayak'wa he found him 71.14; cf. tlaya‘k* he found it 43.4; 134.17
malak‘wa he told him 22.8; (72.14); cf. malagana’nhi he told it
to him (see § 50) 30.15
1 The final consonant of the aoristic stem of Type 8 verbs is regularly lost before -k'wa.
§ 62
Lo
Boas] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES—TAKELMA 169
da-k!os 6"k' wa they bit him 74.5 (aorist stem -k/os‘og-)
heé-ileme’*k'wa he destroyed them (50.2); cf. he*-ileme’klién I
destroyed them (110.2)
mil ik wa he swallowed him 72.16; cf. miilii’k!a‘n I swallowed
him (73.1)
Verbs that have a suffixed comitative -(a)gwa- show, in combina-
tion with the objective -k'wa-, a probably dissimilated suffix -gik‘wa
(-gigwa), the connecting a preceding this compound suffix being of
course umlauted to 2:
aebeyigr’k'wa he hurt him (cf. zebeyagwa’*n I hurt him [136.23])
ayu’sgigwa he laughed at him 27.5 (cf. wyi’*sgwatn I laugh at
him [71.7])
It is rather interesting to observe how the objective -k'wa- may serve
to remove some of the ambiguities that are apt to arise in Takelma
in the use of the third person. HE GAVE IT TO HIM is expressed in the
inferential by the forms o’k‘tk* and o’k‘iqwak’, the latter of which
necessarily refers to a human indirect object. If a noun or inde-
pendent pronoun be put before these apparently synonymous forms,
sentences are framed of quite divergent signification. In the first
sentence (noun +o0’k‘tk*) the prefixed noun would naturally be taken
as the object (direct or indirect) of the verb (e. g., ne’k'di o’k'tk,
HE WHO-GAVE IT? [=TO WHOM DID HE GIVE IT?]); in the second
(noun +0’k*igwak'), as subject, a doubly expressed object being inad-
missible (e. g¢., ne’k‘di o'ktgwak’ WHO GAVE IT TO HIM’). TO WHOM
DID HE BRING IT? with incorporated object ne’k'di reads ne’k‘di
me?-wak* literally, HE-WHO-HITHER-BROUGHT-IT? WHO BROUGHT IT
TO HIM? with subject ne’k‘di reads (as inferential form) ne’k‘di
wagawo'k*wak‘(-o- unexplained). HE FOUND THE ANTS is expressed
by thbis:t tlaya‘k’, but THE ANTS FOUND HIM by tlibis't! tlayak'wa.
The usage illustrated may be stated thus: whenever the third personal
object refers to a human being and the subject is expressed as a
noun, suffixed -k'wa must be used to indicate the object; if it is not
used, the expressed noun will most naturally be construed as the
object of the verb. An effective means is thus present in Takelma
for the distinction of a personal subject and object.
§ 62
170 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [punt. 40
§ 63. Transitive Subject Pronouns
The various tense-modal schemes of subject pronouns in the tran-
sitive verb are as follows:
Aorist Future Inferential ieee AY Aesterich
Singular:
First person . . . | -(a’)&n -(a’)n -k‘-a£
-(a’)t' -(a)daé ee -(a’)£k*
Second person -dam (1st sing.) -da£ (1st sing. obj.) \. a ————}}-ga‘m (1st sing.
obj.) obj.)
a)
Third person . . . |——-————— -(a‘)nk‘ -k*
Plural:
First person . . . | -(a)nak‘ -(a)naga’m k‘-anak* -(a) ba’é
2 2 [ane -(a’)t‘baé (-p
cean pelson -dap‘ (istsing.| -daba€ (1st sing. |e Feit p .
obj.) obj.) |-@np
Setting aside the peculiar second personal subject first personal
singular object terminations, it will be observed that the subjective
forms of the transitive are identical with those of the intransitive
(Class I) except in the first person singular and plural aorist and
future, and in the third person aorist and future. The loss in the
future of the catch of the first person singular aorist (¢'e&: fee=
-n: -n) and the addition in the future of -am to the first person
plural aorist (-2k*: -igam=-nak‘: -nagam) are quite parallel phe-
nomena. It will be observed also that the first person plural,
probably also singular, aorist of the transitive, is in form identical,
except for the mode-sign -k‘-, with the corresponding form of the
inferential, so that one is justified in suspecting this tense-mode to
consist, morphologically speaking, of transitive forms with third
personal object (see § 60, first footnote).
The forms of d6“m- (aorist t!omom-) KILL will show the method of
combining subjective and objective pronominal elements.
AORIST
Objective
Subjective
First person Second person : First person Second person
singular singular Third person plural plural
Singular:
ist per. tlomozbitn tlomoma/*n tlomozanbatn
2dper. | thimiizdam tlomoma\t® t/omoézimit*
3d per. tliimixi tlomézbi tlomom tlomozram. tlomozanp* }
Plural:
Jst per. t/omozrbinak* tlomomana\k* tlomozanbana‘k*
2d per. | t/iimiixdap* tlomoma\t'p* tlomézimit'p*
1 Not to be confused with t/omdzant‘p' YE ARE KILLING EACH OTHER!
§ 63
BoAS] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES—TAKELMA RE:
FUTURE
Objective
Subjective a f 2
irst person econd person S First person Second person
singular singular Third person pal ae
Singular:
Ist per. domzbin douma’n domzanban
2d per. | diimzdat doumada’* domzimidat
3d per. dimxink* domzbink’ douma‘nk* domzamank* domzanbank*
Plural:
1st per. domzbinagam doumanaga’m domzambanagam
2d per. | diimzdaba douma’t' bat domzimit' bas 1
PRESENT IMPERATIVE
Singular:
2d per. diimxi doum domzam
Plural:
1st per. doumaba/’é
2d per. diimxip* doump’ (al-x2’- | domzamp‘!
k/anp*
see him!)
FUTURE IMPERATIVE
Singular:
2d per. | dimzgatm douma’*k* 2a
1 These forms were not actually obtained, but can hardly be considered as doubtful.
2 Probably expressed by simple future démzimidaé®.
It is not necessary to give the transitive potential and inferential
forms, as the former can be easily constructed by substituting in the
future forms the aorist endings for those of the future:
diimaxi he would kill me
do"ma’'n I should, could kill him
dé“m he would, could kill him
The inferential forms can be built up from the corresponding future
forms by substituting for the subject endings of the latter those given
in the table for the inferential mode:
diimaik* he killed me
dimaxamk!eit’ you killed us
démk‘a* 1 killed him
dimxanp gana‘k* we killed you
The only point to which attention need be called in the aorist and
future forms is the use of a connecting vowel -2- instead of -a- when
the first personal plural object (-am-) is combined with a second
singular or plural subject (-it’, -it'p‘, -ida‘, -it‘ba*); this -7- naturally
§ 63
172 BUREAU OF AMERICAN BTHNOLOGY [BULL. 40
carries the umlaut of -am- to -im- with it, but -am- reappears when
-i- drops out, cf. inferential démzamk!eit’. With the -i- of these
forms compare the -i- of the first person plural intransitives -k',
-iga’m, -ibaé (§ 60 and § 60, second footnote).
§ 64. Connecting -x- and -/-
It will have been observed that in all forms but those provided
with a third personal object the endings are not directly added to
the stem, but are joined to it by a connecting consonant -z- (amalga-
mating with preceding -t- to -s’-). This element we have seen to be
identical with the -z- (-s-) of reciprocal forms; and there is a possi-
bility of its being related to the -va- of active intransitive verbs,
hardly, however, to the non-agentive -z-. Though it appears as a
purely formal, apparently meaningless element, its original function
must have been to indicate the objective relation in which the
immediately following pronominal suffix stands to the verb. From
this point of view it is absent in a third personal object form simply
because there is no expressed pronominal element for it to objectivize,
as it were. The final aoristic consonant of Type 8 verbs regularly
disappears before the connecting -x-, so that its retention becomes
a probably secondary mark of a third personal pronominal object.
The fact that the third personal objective element -k'wa- (-gwa-) does
not tolerate a preceding connective -«- puts it in a class by itself,
affiliating it to some extent with the derivational suffixes of the verb.
There are, comparatively speaking, few transitive stems ending in
a vowel, so that it does not often happen that the subjective personal
endings, the third personal object being unexpressed, are directly
attached to the verb or aorist stem, as in:
naga’*n I say to him 72.9, cf. naga‘ he said to him 92.24
sebe’n I shall roast it (44.6); future imperative odo’*k* hunt for
him! (116.7)
Ordinarily forms involving the third personal object require a con-
necting vowel between the stem and the pronominal suffix. Not all
verbs, however, show the purely non-significant -a- of, e. g.,t/omoma’*n,
but have ato a large extent probably functional -i-. This ~- occurs
first of all in all third personal object forms of verbs that have an
instrumental prefix:
ts!ayaga’*n 1 shoot him (192.10), but wa-ts!ayagi’*n I shoot (him)
with it
7-lats!agi‘t’ you touched it
§ 64
Boas] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES—TAKELMA 173
The greater number of cases will probably be found to come under
this head, so that the -2- may be conveniently termed INSTRUMENTAL
--. Not all forms with ~-, by any means, can be explained, how-
ever, as instrumental in force. A great many verbs, many of them
characterized by the directive prefix al- (see § 36,15), require an -i-
as their regular connecting vowel:
lagag2’‘n I gave him ‘to eat (30.12)
la*liwi’*n I call him by name (116.17)
lovginini'*n I trap them for him (and most other Fror-indirec-
tives in -anan-)
Examples of -i-verbs with indirect object are:
ogoyi’*n J give it to him 180.11 (contrast oyona’*n I gave it [180.20])
wargiwi''n I brought it to him (176.17) (contrast wa%ga’*n I
brought it [162.13])
A number of verbs have -a- in the aorist, but -2- in all other tense-
modes:
yUmiya’*n I lend it to him, but yimi’hin I shall lend it to him
naga’*n I said to him (second -a- part of stem) 72.9, but na@gi’n
T shall say to him; n@%qv’*k‘ say to him! (future) 196.20; na@k‘ik*
he said to him (inferential) 94.16; 170.9; 172.12
The general significance of -i- seems not unlike that of the prefixed
directive al-, though the application of the former element is very
much wider; i. e., it refers to action directed toward some person or
object distinctly outside the sphere of the subject. Hence the -7- is
never found used together with the indirect reflexive -k‘wa-, even
though this suffix is accompanied by an instrumental prefix:
ta7-p!i'-no'"k'wain IT warm my own back (188.20)
In a few cases the applicability of the action of the verb can be
shifted from the sphere of the subject to that of another person or
thing by a mere change of the connective -a- to -2-, without the
added -use of prefix or suffix:
¢a%-la’*t!an I shall put it about my waist, but 2@%-la’*t/in I shall
put it about his waist
In the form of the third personal subject with third personal object
of the aorist, the imperative with third personal object, and the
inferential with third personal object, the -i- generally appears as a
suffixed -ha- (-‘7-), incapable of causing umlaut:
malagana’nhi he told him 30.15, but malagini’‘n I told him (172.1)
wa-tlomomhi he killed him with it
§ 64
174 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BuLL. 40
1-kla“manana’nhi he fixed it for him
1-klimana’nhi fix it for him!
i-klimana’nhik* he fixed it for him (infer.), but 7-k!imininini'nk*
he will fix it for him
It should be noted, however, that many verbs with characteristic
-i- either may or regularly do leave out the final -‘7:
alxi/*k* he saw him 124.6, 8 (cf. al-ai/*gqi*n I saw him, 188.11)!
i-lats!a‘k* he touched him (cf. 7-lats!agi’*n I touched him)
bas-7-yeewa'n revive him! (15.2) (cf. ba‘-i-yeweenr/*n I revived him)
he&-i-lele’*k* he let him go (13.6) (ef. he&-i-le’leklién I let him go
[50.4])
he:-i-le’l’*k* let him go! 182.15 (cf. he’-7-le’lklin I shall let him go)
ba-i-di-t'ga’‘st'ga%s stick out your anus! 164.19; 166.6 (cf.
ba-i-di-t' gats!a’t' gisi’n I stuck out my anus [166.8}])
i-kla“ma‘n he prepared it 190.22 (cf. 7-k!ai“mini’*n I prepared it)
It must be confessed that it has not been found possible to find a
simple rule that would enable one to tell whether an i-verb does or
does not keep a final -A2 (-‘7). Certain verbs, even though without
instrumental signification, show an -2- (or -A2-) in all forms with third
personal object. Such are:
aorist ogoy- give to (ogothi he gave it to him 156.20)
aorist wect'-g- take away from (wét'gi he took it from him, 16.13)
aorist lagag- feed (laga’k't he gave him to eat 30.12; lak‘i give
him to eat! lak‘igana‘k we seem to have given him to eat)
and indirective verbs in -anan-. Irregularities of an unaccountable
character occur. Thus we have:
heet-ia he left him (cf. he%-twi’'n I left him); but imperative
he®-iwi’'hi leave him! (not *-twi‘, as we might expect)
In many cases the loss or retention of the final -hz seems directly
connected with syntactic considerations. A large class of verbs with
instrumental prefix (generally 7-) drop the final -hi, presumably
because the instrumentality is only indefinitely referred to (ef. §
35,1). Examples of such have been given above. Assoon, however,
as the instrument is explicitly referred to, as when an instrumental
noun is incorporated in or precedes the verb, the -Ai is restored.
Thus:
1 The -i- of these verbs regularly disappears, not only here but in every form in which the normal con-
necting vowel -a- fails to appear in other verbs: al-ai/£k‘ (inferential) HE SAW HIM (*al-r7k/-k‘ like domk* HE
KILLED HIM), homonymous with al-r7’<k* (imperative) SEE HIM! (=*alz7’k/). As soon, however, as the
verb becomes distinctly instrumental in force, the -i- is a constant element: al-wa-z?’k/ik* (inferential) HE
SAW IT WITH IT.
§ 64
BOAS] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES—TAKELMA 175
la-%i-t'ba’*k* he burst it (cf. -t'ba’*gi*n I burst it)
i-s'wili’s'wal he tore it to. pieces (cf. -s'wilt’s'wilitn I tore it to
pieces)
7-s'wi'ls‘wal tear it to pieces!
7-s'wi'ls'wa'l he tore it (once)
i-heme‘m he wrestled with him 22.10 (ef. -hememi’*n I wrestled
with him
despite the prefixed -7-; but:
la-waya-t' ba’¢k'i he burst it with a knife
han-waya-s'wils'wa'lhi tear it through in pieces with a knife!
(73.3)
Similarly:
ba-*i-sga7k'sga‘k’ he picked him up 31.11 (ef. -sga@k‘sgigi*n I picked
him up)
but:
_kla’mat dan ba*-sgatk'sga’k'i tongs rocks he-picked-them-up-with
(=he picked up rocks with tongs) 170.17
despite the lack of an instrumental prefix in the verb. Explicit in-
strumentality, however, can hardly be the most fundamental func-
tion of the -hi. It seems that whenever a transitive verb that
primarily takes but one object is made to take a second (generally
instrumental or indirective in character) the instrumental -2- (with
retained -hi) is employed. Thus:
ma’xla kiwi he threw dust
but:
ma'ela Salkliwthe dust he-threw-it-at-him (perhaps best trans-
lated as he-bethrew-him-with-dust) cf. 184.5
where the logically direct object is ma’zla, while the logically indirect,
perhaps grammatically direct, object is implied by the final -hi and
the prefix al-. Similarly, in:
k‘o&px bababa’t't wa%di'xda ashes he-clapped-them-over his-body
(perhaps best rendered by: he-beclapped-his-body-with-ashes)
182.9
the logically direct obiect is k‘o*px, the logically indirect object, his-
body, seems to be implied by the -7. This interpretation of the -hi
as being dependent upon the presence of two explicit objects is con-
firmed by the fact that most, if not all, simple verbs that regularly
retain it (such as GIVE TO, SAY TO in non-aorist forms, BRING TO,
verbs in -anan-) logically demand two objects.
§ 64
176 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 40
As soon as the verb ceases to be transitive (or passive) in form or
when the third personal object is the personal -k'wa, the instrumental
-1- disappears:
gel-yala’“xalt' gwit’ he forgot himself 77.10 (cf. gel-yala’*xaldi*n I
forgot him)
ogotk'wa he gave it to him 96.18 (cf. ogothi he gave it to him 188.12)
It is possible that in wét'gigwa HE TOOK IT FROM HIM the -gi- is a
peculiar suffix not compounded of petrified -g- (see § 42, 6) and
instrumental -i-; contrast 7-tlana’ht HE HELD 1T with 7-t!ana’hagwa
HE HELD HIM. Any ordinary transitive verb may lose its object
and take a new instrumental object, whereupon the instrumental -7-
becomes necessary. Examples of such instrumentalized transitives
are:
ga'lé wa-ts!ayagi’*n bow I-with-shoot-it (cf. ts!ayaga’‘n I shoot him)
wati"gur’'n I drink with it (ef. @gwa’n I drink it)
If, however, it is desired to keep the old object as well as the new
instrumental object, a suffix -an- seems necessary. Thus:
yap!a wa-sa%ginina’* people they-will-be-shot-with-it
xv’? wati"gwind’*n water J-drink-it-with-it
It isnot clear whether or not this -an- is related to either of the -an-
elements of -anan- (§ 50).
A final -'2 is kept phonetically distinct in that it does not unite
with a preceding fortis, but allows the fortis to be treated as a syllabic
final, i. e., to become *+ aspirated surd:
he®-i-le’mesk'the killed them off, but -le’mek /1¢n [killed them off
Forms without connective vowel whose stem ends in a vowel, and
yet (as instrumentals or otherwise) require an -t-, simply insert this
element (under proper phonetic conditions as -h2-) before the modal
and personal suffixes:
wa-woo'hin I shall go to get it with it (contrast woo’n I shall go
to get it)
i-tlana’hi‘n I hold it; 7-tlana’hi he holds it 27.4
di-s'al-yomo'hin I shall run behind and catch up with him;
di-s-al-yomo’hi catch up with him! (contrast yomo’n I shall
catch up with him)
wa-sana’hink* they will spear them with them 28.15 (verb-stem
sana-)
A constant -a- used to support a preceding consonant combination
is, in -2- verbs, colored to -7-:
i-lasgi‘ touch him! (cf. masga‘ put it! [104.8])
§ 65
BOAS] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES—TAKELMA dr
It is remarkable that several verbs with instrumental vocalism lose
the -7- and substitute the ordinary connective -a- in the frequentative.
Such are:
7-go’yokli*n IT nudge him; %-goyogiya’*n I keep pushing him
di-t!tsi’*n I crush it; di-thyi’tlya'n I keep crushing them
It can hardly be accidental that in both these cases the loss of the
-i- is accompanied by the loss of a petrified consonant (-k!-, -s-).
The following scheme of the instrumental forms of do%m- KILL
(third personal object) will best illustrate the phonetic behavior
of -i-:
Aorist Future Potential | Inferential inpetane ss erate i"
Singular:
First person . . | t/omomi’*n | doumi’n doumi’'n ddmhigat
Second person . . | t/omomi‘t” doumida’é doumi't® démhik!eit* | dombi domhbitk*
Third person . . | t/omémhi doumi‘nk* démhbi ddmhbik*
Plural:
First person . . | t/omomina‘k‘| douminaga’m| déumina‘k* | ddmhigana*‘k‘| ddmhibat
Second person . . | t/omomi‘t'p‘ | doumi’t'bat | ddumi*t‘p' ddmhik!eit'p'| domhip*‘
§ 65. Forms Without Connecting Vowel
A considerable number of transitive verbs whose aorist stem ends
in a long diphthong with rising pitch (long vowel +semivowel, nasal,
or liquid) treat this diphthong as a vocalic unit, i. e., do not allow
the second element of the diphthong to become semivocalic and thus
capable of being followed by a connective -a- before the personal
endings (cf. intransitive forms like ¢7-t', § 60). If such a long diph-
thong is final, or precedes a consonant (like -¢*) that is itself incapable
of entering into diphthongal combination with a preceding vowel, no
difficulty arises. If, however, the long diphthong precedes an -n-
(in such endings as -‘n, -n, -nak‘), which, as has been seen, is pho-
netically on a line with the semivowels y (2) and w (u), a long double
diphthong (long vowel + semivowel, nasal, or liquid +n of time-value
4) results. Such a diphthong can not be tolerated, but must be
reduced to an ordinary long diphthong of time-value 3 by the loss of
the second element (semivowel, nasal, or liquid) of the diphthong of
the stem (see § 11). Thus the coexistence of such apparently contra-
dictory forms as da*-yehéit’ YoU GO WHERE THERE IS SINGING and
da*-yehén (with passive -n) IT WAS GONE WHERE THERE WAS SINGING
(from *yehéin) can be explained by a simple consideration of syllabic
3045°—Bull. 40, pt 2—12-—12 § 65
178 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 40
weight. The rising pitch-accent, it should be noted, is always pre-
served as an integral element of the diphthong, even though a -'n
follow, so that the first personal singular subject third personal
object of such verbs (-3°n) stands in sharp contrast to the corre-
sponding form of the great mass of transitive verbs (-v’*n).1_ The
first person plural subject third person object and the third personal
passive are always parallel in form to the first person singular sub-
ject third person object in -‘n (kladaé¢na‘k’ and kladan like k!ad@‘n).
Examples of transitives with aorist stems ending in long diphthongs
not followed by connective -a- are:
t'gwaxatn I tattoo him
di-tliigtién I wear it
da*-yeh@n I go where there is
singing
da*-yehén (third person pas-
sive)
dat-yeheena‘k’
plural)
kladaén I picked them up
da-tlaga‘n I built a fire
(first person
swadin (passive) they got
beaten in gambling
t‘qwaxait’ you tattoo him
di-tliigiii he wears it 96.16
da*-yehéit' you go where there
is singing (106.10)
kladai he picked them up
da-t!agai he built a fire 88.12;
96.17
swadaisa‘n they are gambling
with one another
oyo'n I give it (= *oydn‘n)
but also oyona’*n with con-
necting -d-
klemén I did it 74.13 kleméi he did it 92.22; 144.6;
176.1, 4, 5, 7, 8, 9, 14
In aorist k/eméi- MAKE the -2-, actually or impliedly, appears only
when the object is of the third person (singular first, k!emé*n; second,
klemétt'; third, k!emét; plural first, k!eme*na‘k’; second, k/emétt'p');
all other aoristic and all non-aoristic forms replace the -i- by a -n-:
kleménabi*n I make you 27.9
kleménza'n they make one another; future k!emna‘nk* he will
make it 28.14
A few reduplicated transitives ending, in both aorist and verb-stems,
in a short diphthong (-al-, -am-, -an-, -aw-), lack a connective -a-
1]1t may be noted in passing that the Takelma reduction of an over-long diphthong (éin to een) offersin
some respects a remarkable parallel to the reduction of an Indo-Germanic long diphthong to a simple long
vowel before certain consonants, chiefly -m (e. g., Indo-Germanic *diéus = Skr. dydu’s, Gk. Zeéc; with pre-
served -u- becatise followed by -s, a consonant not capable of entering into diphthongal combination; but
Indo-Germanic acc. *diém= Ved. Skr. dyam, Hom. Gk. Ziv with lost -u- because followed by -m,a consonant
capable of entering into diphthongal combination). Ido not wish to imply, however, that the accent of
forms like yehén is, as in diém, the compensating result of contraction,
§ 65
Boas] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES—TAKELMA 179
before the personal endings, so that a loss of the final consonant
(-L-, -m-, -n-, -w-) takes place in third personal objective forms before
a consonantal personal ending. Such verbs are:
heme’ha'n I mocked him (= : heme’ham he mocked him
-ham‘n) 24.4, 5,8; 182.6, 7
mv ha‘n I sent him (=-am‘n) : imi’hamsin I was sent (43.2)
gel-hewe'ha‘n' I think (=-au‘n) : gel-hewe’hau he thought 44.11;
Ee hood bat you think 142.20
pla-i-di*-sgimi'sgan*Isetthem : pla-i-dit-sgimi’sgam he set
in ground (=-am‘n) them in ground
ba-‘al-mo'lo‘ma‘nIturnedthem : bd-‘al-mo’lo‘mal he turned
over (=-al‘n) them over (170.16)
ba-fal-mo’l’man I shall turn
them over (=-aln)
sa‘nsa’*n I fight him (=-an‘n) : sdansa‘n he fights him (28.10)
(but also sans, see § 40, 10b)
matnma'*n I count them : da-manmini’*n I count them
(=-an*n) up (156.14) (but also man=
*manm he counted them
78.8; 100.8)
How explain the genesis of these two sets of contract verb forms,
and how explain the existence of doublets like mo’lo‘ma‘n and mo’-
lo*mala‘n, mo’lo‘mat’ and mo'lo*malat’, oyd*n and oyona’*n, sé*nsa\n
and séns? The most plausible explanation that can be offered is
that originally the personal endings were added directly to the stem
and that later a connecting -a- developed whenever the preceding
consonant or the personal ending was not of a character to form a
diphthong. Hence the original paradigms may have been:
First person oyon mo'lo*matn
Second person oyona‘t’ | mo’lo&mala‘t
Third person oyon mo’lomal
which were then leveled out to:
oyona’*n | mo’lo*malatn
oyonat’ | mo’lo‘malat’
oyon mo'lo*mal
because of the analogy of a vast number of verbs with connecting
-d- in both first and second persons, e. g., ts!ayaga’‘n, ts!ayaga‘t'.
Forms like mo’lo*mat‘, sé*nsa‘t', would arise from leveling to the first
1This verb is transitive only in form, intransitive in meaning. The true transitive (THINK OF) employs
the full stem hewehaw- with connective -i- for third personal object, and -s- for other objects: gel-hewe’hiwitn
I THINK OF HIM; gel-hewe’hausdam YOU THINK OF ME.
2The form sgimi’sga‘n is interesting as a test case of these contract verb forms. The stem must be
sgimisgam-; it can not be sgimisg-, as sg- could hardly be treated as a repeated initialconsonant. No cases
are known of initial consonant clusters treated as phonetic units.
§ 65
180 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 40
person by the analogy of such forms as tlomoma’‘n, tlomoma‘t’. The
third person generally brings out the original diphthong, yet some-
times the analogy set by the first person seems to be carried over to
the third person (e. g., sins beside s@*nsa‘n), as well as to the third
person passive and first person plural subject transitive. Such forms
as oyo'n are best considered as survivals of an older “athematic”’ type
of forms, later put on the wane by the spread of the “thematic”
type with connecting -a- (e. g., gayawa’*n, not *gaya*n from *gayat*n).
Owing to the fact that the operation of phonetic laws gave rise to
various paradigmatic irregularities in the “‘athematic’”’ forms, these
sank into the background. They are now represented by aorists of
Type 2 verbs like naga’-‘n 1 say TO HIM and wa-k!oy6d-'n I GO WITH
HIM,! non-aorist forms of Type 5 verbs (e. g., odo’-n), and such iso-
lated irregularities as intransitive e7-t' and nagai-t' (contrast yewey-a't
and t‘agaya‘t’) and transitive contract verbs like k/ad@‘n and sa%sa’*n.
§ 66. Passives
Passives, which occur in Takelma texts with great frequency, must
be looked upon as amplifications of transitive forms with third per-
sonal subject. Every such transitive form may be converted into a
passive by the omission of the transitive subject and the addition of
elements characteristic of that voice; the pronominal object of the
transitive becomes the logical, not formal, subject of the passive
(passives, properly speaking, have no subject). The passive suffixes
referred to are -(a)n for the aorist, -(a)na‘ for the future, and -am for j
the inferential. Imperatives were not obtained, nor is it certain that
they exist. Following are the passive forms of d0“m-, instrumental
forms being put in parentheses:
Aorist Future Potential Inferential
Singular:
First person thiimiizin diimzinat diimzin diimzigam
Second person tlomoxbin domzbinat domazbin domaubigam.
Third person . tlomoma/n doumana’é douma’n domk‘am.
(tlomomi’'n) (doumina’é) (doumi’n) (ddmhigam)
Plural:
First person tlomoximin domazimina® domzimin démzamk‘am
Second person ,. . tlomézanban. domzanbanaé domzanban domzanp‘gam.
1Some verbs whose aorist stem ends in a vowel take a constant -a- with preceding inorganic h instead
of adding the personal endings directly. Such a verb is 7-i/ana- HOLD; the constant -a- or -i- of forms
like 7-t/ana’hagwa, 7-t/ene'hi-s dam is perhaps due to the analogy of the instrumental -7- of forms like
7-tlana’hien.
§ 66
Ee Sisertig rie ts a
Boas] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES—TAKELMA 181
The connective -a-, it will be observed, is replaced by -2- when the
formal object is the first person plural (-am-); compare the entirely
analogous phenomenon in the second personal subjective first per-
sonal plural objective forms of the transitive (§ 63). It is curious
that the third person aorist of the passive can in every single case
be mechanically formed with perfect safety by simply removing the
catch from the first personal singular subjective third personal objec-
tive of the transitive; the falling accent (rising accent for verbs like
klemé*n) remains unchanged:
i-tla’ut!iwwitn I caught him : 7-t/a’ut!iwin he was caught 29.12
naga’*n I said to him72.7,9 : naga’n he was spoken to 102.16
klemén I made it 74.13 : klemén it was made 13.12 178.12
Tt is hardly possible that a genetic relation exists between the
two forms, though a mechanical association is not psychologically
incredible.
Not only morphologically, but also syntactically, are passives
closely related to transitive forms. It is the logical unexpressed sub-
ject of a passive sentence, not the grammatical subject (logical and
formal object), that is referred to by the reflexive possessive in -gwa
(see §§ 91, 92). Thus:
dik!olola'n t' ga’*p'dagwan wa‘ he-was-dug-up their-own-horns (not
his-own-horns) with (an other words, they dug him up with
their own horns) 48.5
There is no real way of expressing the agent of a passive construc-
tion. The commonest method is to use a periphrasis with xebe’'n
HE DID so. Thus:
et salklomo’klimin pliywn xebe’*n canoe it-was-kicked-to-pieces
deer they-did-so (in other words, the canoe was kicked to pieces
by the deer) 114.5
§ 67. VERBS OF MIXED CLASS, CLASS IV
A fairly considerable number of verbs are made up of forms that
belong partly to Class I or Class II intransitives, partly to the transi-
tives. These may be conveniently grouped together as Class IV, but
are again to be subdivided into three groups. A few instransitive
verbs showing forms of both Class I and II have been already
spoken of (pp. 162-3, 166).
1. Probably the larger number is taken up by Type 13 verbs in
-n-, all the forms of which are transitives except those with second
person singular or plural subject. These latter are forms of Class
II (i.e., aorist singular -dam, plural -dap‘; future singular -da*‘, plural
§ 67
182 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 40
-daba‘). The -n- appears only in the first person singular and plural
(aorist -na‘n and -nana‘k’), yet its absence in the other persons may,
though not probably, be due to a secondary loss induced by the pho-
netic conditions. The forms, though in part morphologically transi-
tive (and, for some of the verbs, apparently so in meaning), are in
effect intransitive. The object, as far as the signification of the verb
allows one to grant its existence, is always a pronominally unexpressed
third person, and the instrumental -i- can not be used before the
personal endings. Among these semitransitives in -n- are:
gwen-sgut!wu’sgat'na‘n I cut necks
gwen-sgut!u’sgat' he cut necks 144.2 (cf. transitive instrumentals
gwen-waya-sgut!wu’' sgiditn, gwen-waya-sgut!w’sgat'r 144.3)
{ da-bok !oba’k‘na‘n I make bubbles (or da-bok !o’p‘na*n 102.22)
da-bok!o’p'dam you make bubbles
ba7-cada’xat‘na‘n I hang them up in row
ea opts I used to pound them (57.14) (or lobo’lp‘na‘n)
lobo’lp‘dam you used to pound them
{ 7i-laya’*k'na‘n I coil a basket 122.2
i-laya’*k* she coils a basket
k!ada’k!at‘na‘n I used to pick them up (116.11)
da-dagada’k‘na‘n I sharpen my teeth (126.18)
agu’*ak‘na‘n I always drink it
wagao’k'na‘n I always bring it 43.16; 45.6)
Morphologically identical with these, yet with no trace of transitive
signification, are:
i-hegwe’hak‘’na‘n I am working
is baie I breathe (78.12; 79.1, 2, 4)
ta-huk!u'hakna‘n (third person xa-huk!u’hak’)
pie at t'wap'na‘n I blink with my eyes 102.20
al-t'wap!a’t'wap'dam you blink with your eyes —
The following forms of i-hegwehagw- (verb-stem 7-he°gwagw- [ =
-he*gwhagw-]) worx will serve to illustrate the -n- formation:
Aorist Future Inferential Present imperative
Singular: ;
Ist per. | hegwe’hak'vnafn heegwa’k‘wnan inca (=ku'-
‘ae
2d per. | hegwe’hak'vwdam heegwa’k‘ wdat heegwa’k! weit‘ he’k'waak'w
3d per. | hegwe’hak‘w [?] heegwak‘w
Plural: |
1st per. | hegwe’hak‘wnana‘k* heegwa’k'wunanagam heegwa’k*wana‘k‘ hegwa’k‘wabat
2d per. | hegwe’hak‘wdap* heegwa’k'wdabat heegwa’k! weit‘p* he’k' wdagwa‘np*
2. Practically a sub-group of the preceding set of verbs is formed
by a very few verbs that have their aorist like 7-heqwe’hak‘“na‘n,
§ 67
pa 6 Pe nghe
BoAS] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES—TAKELMA 183
but their non-aorist forms like Class II intransitives. They evidently
waver between Class II, to which they seem properly to belong, and
the semi-transitive -n- forms. Such are:
di-k!ala’sna'n (but also : future di-k/a’lside®
di-k!ala’sde*) I am lean
in my rump
di-k!ala’sdam (second per- : future di-k!a’lsida‘®
son)
gwel-sal-tleyésna‘n I have : future-t/eiside*
no flesh on my legs and
feet
It may be observed that the existence of a form like *gwel-sal-t!ei-
sinan was denied, so that we are not here dealing with a mere mis-
taken mixture of distinct, though in meaning identical, verbs.
3. The most curious set of verbs belonging to Class IV is formed
by a small number of intransitives, as far as signification is concerned,
with a thoroughly transitive aorist, but with non-aorist forms
belonging entirely to Class IJ. This is the only group of verbs in
which a difference in tense is associated with a radical difference in
class. Examples are:
da*-sgek !iya’*n I listened : future da?-sge’klit‘e®
da*-sgek liya‘t’ you listened
da*-sgek !t he listened 102.8
al-we'k!ala‘n I shine : future al-we’k!alt‘e®
al-we'k!alat’ you shine
al-we'k!alana‘k* we shine : future al-we’k!lalp‘igam (third
person inferential al-we’-
k!alp‘k’)
al-geyana’*n I turn away : future al-ge’yande®
my face
da-smayama’*n
da-smayaiiha'n
da-smayam he smiles
da-smayamana‘k* we smile
To these should probably be added also da-sgayana’‘n I lie down
(3d da-sgayan), though no future was obtained. Here again it may
be noted that the existence of *da-sma-vma’n as a possible (and indeed
to be expected) future of da-smayama’‘n was denied.
M smile : future da-sma-ima’sde®
1 There are in Takelma also a number of logically intransitive verbs with transitive forms throughout
all the tense-modes: al-raliyana‘k* WE ARE SEATED (56.2; 150.20); passive al-raliya’n PEOPLE ARE SEATED
152.18. Similar is sal-rogwi THEY STAND; cf. also gel-hewe’hau HE THINKS, p.179,note1. As these, how-
ever, have nothing to mark them off morphologically from ordinary transitives, they give no occasion
for special treatment. It is probable that in them the action is conceived of as directed toward some
implied third personal object. s 7
6
184 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 40
5. Auxiliary and Subordinating Forms (§§ 68-72)
§ 68. PERIPHRASTIC FUTURES
Periphrastic future forms are brought about by prefixing to the
third personal (unexpressed) objective forms of : the aorist stem
-gulug”- DESIRE, INTEND the verb-stem (if transitive, with its appended
pronominal object) of the verb whose future tense is desired. The
pronominal subject of such a form is given by the transitive subject
pronoun of the second element (-gulug’-) of the compound; while
the object of the whole form, if the verb is transitive, is coincident
with the incorporated pronominal object of the first element. The
form of the verb-stem preceding the -gulug”- suffix is identical with
the form it takes in the inferential. Thus:
ba-i-hema’k‘uluk'’” he will take it out (cf. inferential ba-i-he-
ma‘k‘ =-hemg-k'), but imperative ba-i-he‘mk* 16.10
but, without inorganic a:
i-hémgulu‘k’” he will wrestle with him (cf. inferential hémk‘)
Indeed, it is quite likely that the main verb is used in the inferential
form, the -k* of the inferential amalgamating with the g- of -gulug”-
to form g ork‘. This seems to be proved by the form:
loho'k'-di-gulugwa‘t' do you intend to die? (di= interrogative par-
ticle)
Morphologically the verb-stem with its incorporated object must
itself be considered as a verb-noun incorporated as a prefix in the
verb -gulug”- and replacing the prefix gel- BREAST of gel-gulugwa’*n
I DESIRE IT 32.5, 6, 7. Alongside, e. g., of the ordinary future
form dd“ma’n I SHALL KILL HIM may be used the periphrastic
do“m-gulugwa’n literally, I KILL (HIM)-DESIRE, INTEND. This latter
form is not by any means a mere desiderative (I DESIRE TO KILL
HIM would be expressed by do“mia‘ gel-gulugwa’'n [ =TO-KILL-HIM
I-IT-DESIRE]), but a purely formal future. Similarly, diimai-gulu‘k'”
is used alongside of the simpler diimzink’ HE WILL KILL ME. As a
matter of fact the third personal subjective future in -gulu‘k‘” is
used about as frequently as the regular paradigmatic forms here-
tofore given:
yana’-k‘ulu‘k” he will go (128.9)
sana’ p‘-gulu‘k” he will fight (cf. 48.10)
yomo’k'wagulu‘k'’ she was about to catch up with him 140.18
alxi’‘xbi-gulu‘k*” he will see you
§ 68
Boas] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES—TAKELMA 185
The reason is obvious. The normal futures (yana’/*t’ HE WILL GO;
sana’p'da*; alxi’*xbink*) imply a bald certainty, as it were, of the
future action of a third person, a certainty that is not in ordinary
life generally justifiable. The periphrastic forms, on the other hand,
have a less rigid tone about them, and seem often to have a slight
intentive force: HE INTENDS, IS ABOUT TOGO. The difference between
the two futures may perhaps be brought out by a comparison with
the English I SHALL KILL HIM (=d0“ma’n) and I’M GOING TO KILL HIM
(do"m-gulugwa’*n).
Though a form like dimai-gulu‘k'" HE WILL KILL ME is in a
way analogous to s‘in-t-lets!e’x1 HE TOUCHES MY NOSE, the incor-
porated object diimai- xKiLu-mE of the former being parallel to
s‘in- NOSE of the latter, there is an important difference between
the two in that the object of the periphrastic future is always asso-
ciated with the logically (do“m-), not formally (-gulug¥-), main verb.
This difference may be graphically expressed as follows: HxE-[ KILL-
ME]-INTENDS-IT, but HE-[NOSE-HAND]-TOUCHES-ME; strict analogy
with the latter form would require *d6"m-giilii’a? HE-[ KILL]-INTENDS-
ME, a type of form that is not found. It is not necessary to give a
paradigm of periphrastic future forms, as any desired form can be
readily constructed from what has already been said. The incorpo-
rated pronominal object is always independent of the subject-suffix, so
that YOU WILL KILL ME, for example, is rendered by diimzi-quluqwa‘ ,
the ordinary rou—meE forms (singular -dam, plural -dap‘) finding no
place here.
Inasmuch as all active periphrastic futures are transitive in form,
passive futures of the same type (all ending in -gulugwa’n) can be
formed from all verbs, whether transitive or intransitive. When
formed from transitive stems, these forms are equivalent to the
normal future passives in -(a)na*:
do"m-gulugwa’n he will, is about to, is going to be killed
diimxi-qulugwa’n I am to be killed, it is intended to kill me
As the intransitive stem in the periphrastic future is never accom-
_ panied by pronominal affixes, there is only one passive future form
that can be constructed from an intransitive verb. This form
always refers to the third person, generally to the intended or immi-
nent action of a group of people:
hoida-gulugwa'n (verb-stem hoid- + inorganic -a-) there will be
dancing
§ 68
186 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BuLL. 40
lov-gulugwa’n people are going to play (literally, it is play-
intended)
The passive future in -gulugwa’n can also be used with the indefinite
form in -iau-:
sana’xiniau-gulugwa’n it is intended, about to be that people
fight ore another; there will be fighting
The extreme of abstract expression seems to be reached in such not
uncommon forms as:
we'-qiau-gulugwa’n it was going to be daylight (literally, it was
being-daylight intended) 48.13
As the suflixed pronominal objects of reciprocal forms are intran-
sitive in character, the first element of a periphrastic future of the
reciprocal must show an incorporated intransitive pronoun, but of
aorist, not future form:
i-di-lasgi’xant' p'-gulugwa‘t p‘ are you going to touch one another?
(aorist 7-lats!a’xant'p‘; future 7-lasqi’xant ba‘)
§ 69. PERIPHRASTIC PHRASES IN na(g)- po, act
The verbal base na(g)' (intransitive na-; transitive nd@%g-) has
hitherto been translated as say (intransitive), say TO (transitive).
This, however, is only a specialized meaning of the constantly
recurring base, its more general signification being Do, ACT, BE IN
MOTION indefinitely. It is really never used alone, but is regularly
accompanied by some preceding word or phrase with which it is
connected in a periphrastic construction; the na(g)- form playing
the part of an auxiliary. As a verb of saying, na(g)- is regularly
preceded by a quotation, or else some word or phrase, generally a ~
demonstrative pronoun, grammatically summarizing the quotation.
Properly speaking, then, a sentence like I SHALL GO, HE SAID (TO ME)
(=yana’t'e® [ga] naga’** [or nege’s'2]) is rendered in Takelma by 1
SHALL GO (THAT) HE DID (or HE DID TO MB), in which the quotation
yana't'e® 1 SHALL GO, or else its representative ga THAT, is Incorpo-
rated as prefix in the general verb of action.
The most interesting point in connection with periphrastic phrases .
in na(g)- is the use of a number of invariable, generally monosyl-
labic, verbal bases as incorporated prefixes. The main idea, logic-
ally speaking, of the phrase is expressed in the prefix, the na(q)-
1Most of its forms, as far as known, are listed, for convenience of reference, in Appendix A, pp. 286-90.
It will be seen to be irregular in several respects. Examples of its forms are to be found in great number
in ‘‘Takelma Texts.”
§ 69
BOAS] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES—TAKELMA 187
element serving merely to give it grammatical form. This usage
is identical with that so frequently employed in Chinookan dia-
lects, where significant uninflected particles are joined into peri-
phrastic constructions with some form of the verb-stem -z- DO, MAKE,
BECOME (e. g., Wasco ?q/u’b itciux HE CUT Ir [literally, CUT HE-IT-
MADE]), except that in Takelma the particles are identical with the
bases of normally formed verbs. It is not known how many such
verb-particles there are, or even whether they are at all numerous.
The few examples obtained are:
naé do (cf. na’t'e* I shall say, do)
s‘as* come to a stand (cf. s‘as‘¢nt he stands 144.14)
sil paddle canoe (cf. e1-ba-t-s'tli’xqwa he landed with his canoe
13.5)
t‘gel® fall, drop
ts‘/el rattle (cf. ts‘ele’*m it rattles 102.13)
t‘bo’“z make a racket (cf. t'bd’“ade® I make a noise)
liwa’* look (cf. liwila’ut'e® I looked [60.7])
le’yas lame (cf. gwel-le’ye°sde® I am lame)
pvwas jumping lightly (cf. p'wwits!ana’*n I make it bounce)
we'klalk* shining (cf. al-we’k!ala‘n I shine)
sgala’uk* look moving one’s head to side (ef. al-sgalawi’n I shall
look at him moving my head to side)
The last two are evidently representatives of a whole class of quasi-
adverbial -k‘-derivatives from verb-stems, and, though syntactically
similar to the rest, hardly belong to them morphologically. The -k'
of these invariable verb-derivatives can hardly be identified with
the inferential -k‘, as it is treated differently. Thus:
we'klal-k* shining 126.3; 128.14, but inferential al-we'k!al-p'-k*
(Class IV, 3) he shone
Most frequently employed of those listed is na*, which is in all
probability nothing but the base na- po, to forms of which it is itself
prefixed; its function is to make of the base na(g)- a pure verb of
action or motion in contradistinction to the use of the latter as a verb
of saying:
ga-nak“t say that to him! 55.8, but ga-na‘nak't do that to him!
182.4; 184.4
ga-naga’* he said that 72.12, but ga-na‘naga’** he did that 58.3
gwalt’ a-na‘na’*t’ the wind will blow:as it is blowing now (liter-
ally, wind [gwadt'] this [a-]-do [na‘]-act-will [na’*t']) (152.8)
ga-na‘ne’x thus, in that way (literally, that do-acting, doing) 71.6;
110.21; but ga-ne‘x that saying, to say that 184.10
§ 69
188 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY | [puLn. 40
t
Examples of the other elements are:
ei-s‘i'l-naga’* 1 he paddled his canoe (literally, he canoe-paddle-
did) 13.5
sas’-naga’** he came to a stand 22.6; 31.14, 15; 55.12; 96.23
s'as'-na%gi'n I shall bring him to a halt (literally, I shall sas--
do to him)
liwa’*-nagait'e® I looked (55.6; 78.10, 13; 79.5)
t ge'l&-nagait'e I fell, dropped down
t gel naga‘na’“k* he always fell down 62.8
ts!e'l naga’* (bones) rattled (literally, they did ¢s/el) 79.8
t'bo’/“x naga’ they made a racket so as to be heard by them 192.9
we'k!alk‘-naga’* he shines
sgala’uk'-nagand@’“k* he looked continually moving his head from
side to side 144.14, 17
gwelada* le’yas-na‘k* his leg was laming 160.17
p'v'was-naga’* he jumped up lightly 48.8
Syntactically analogous to these are the frequent examples of post-
positions (see § 96), adverbs, and local phrases prefixed to forms of
the undefined verb of action na(g)-, the exact sense in which the lat-
ter is to be taken being determined by the particular circumstances
of the locution. Examples are:
gada’'k‘-naga’* they passed over it (literally, thereon they did)
190.21
ganau-nagana’*k* he went from one (trap) to another (literally,
therein he kept doing) 78.5
hawi-nak‘t tell him to wait! (literally, still do to him!)
haqwa‘la‘m (in the road) -naga’* (he did) (= he traveled in the
road)
haxiya’ (in the water) -naga’* (= he went by water)
dak'-s‘ini/tda (over his nose) -naba’“ha‘n (let us do) (= let us
[flock of crows] pass over him!) 144.11
da’k‘datda (over him) -na“ (do!) (= pass over him!)
dak‘-yawadé (over my ribs) -naga’* ( =he passed by me)
ge (there) -naga’** (= they passed there) 144.18
he®-wila’maa-hi (beyond Mount Wila’mxa) -nak'” (do having it!)
(= proceed with it to beyond Mount Wila’mxa!) 196.14
These examples serve to indicate, at the same time, that the particles
above mentioned stand in an adverbial relation to the na(g)- form:
s‘as‘-naga/** he come-to-a-stand-did, like ge naga’* he there-did
Compare the similar parallelism in Wasco of:
Pe I et Ne a
1s'i1 has been found as a prefix also in the comitative ei-s‘il-yaengwa’'nI COME IN A CANOE (literally,
I-CANOE-PADDLING-GO-HAVING).
§ 69
BOAS] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES—TAKELMA 189
k!wa’e gali’xux afraid he-made-himself (= he became afraid) (see
“Wishram Texts,” 152.9)
kw0’ba gali’cux there he-made-himself ( = he got to be there,
came there) °
Here may also be mentioned the use of verb-stems prefixed to the
forms of k!emn- MAKE and nd@%g- say TO. Such locutions are causa-
tive in signification, but probably differ from formal causatives in
that the activity of the subject is more clearly defined. Examples
are: 3
wede wok klemna‘t’ do not let him arrive! (literally, not arrive
make-him!)
wo'k* klemana’nxi let me come! (literally, arrive make-me!)
gwel-leis klemna’n I shall make him lame (literally, be-lame
I-shall-make-him)
yana nak’? let him go (literally, go say-to-him)
The forms involving k/emen- are quite similar morphologically to
periphrastic futures in -gulug’-, the main point of difference being
that, while k/emen- occurs as independent verb, -gulug”’- is never
found without a prefix. The forms involving n@%g- are probably best
considered as consisting of an imperative followed by a quotative
verb form. Thus yana nak‘ is perhaps best rendered as “Go!” say
1rTo HIM! The form hoida-yo’k‘yass (hoid- DANCE+ connective -a-)
ONE WHO KNOWS HOW TO DANCE suggests that similar compound
verbs can be formed from yok'y- KNow.
§'70. SUBORDINATING FORMS
A number of syntactic suffixes are found in Takelma, which, when
appended to a verbal form, serve to give it a subordinate or depend-
ent value. Such subordinate forms bear a temporal, causal, condi-
tional, or relative relation to the main verb of the sentence, but are
often best translated simply as participles. Four such subordinating
suffixes have been found:
-da‘(-t'a‘), serving to subordinate the active forms of the aorist.
~ma‘, subordinating those of the passive aorist.
-na*, subordinating all inferential forms in -k*. Periphrastic infer-
ential forms in ett’ and eit‘p* are treated like aorists, the form-giving
elements of such periphrases being indeed nothing but the second
person singular and plural aorist of ¢- BE.
-k'vF (-gi®), appended directly to the non-aorist stem, forming
dependent clauses of unfulfilled action, its most frequent use being
§ 70
190 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY (BULL. 40
the formation of conditions. Before examples are given of subordi-
nate constructions, a few remarks on the subordinate forms themselves
will be in place. :
The aoristic -da‘- forms of an intransitive verb like hog¥- RUN are:
Singular:
Independent Subordinate
First person. . ho’k'de’ run ho’k‘de*da* when I ran,
' I running
Second person . hégwa't’ hogwada’*
Third person . ho’k’ ho’k‘daé
Plural:
First person. . hogwi‘k’ hogwiga’m
Second person . hdgwa't'p’ hogwa’t'ba®
Impersonal . . . hoguia’ hogwia’-udat
Of these forms, that of the first person plural in -a’m is identical,
as far as the suffix is concerned, with the future form of the cor-
responding person and number. The example given above (hé-
guiga’m) was found used quite analogously to the more transpa-
rently subordinate forms of the other persons (alzi’‘xam hogwiga’m
HE SAW US RUN, like alzi’‘xi ho’k‘de*da’ HE SAW ME RUN); the form of
the stem is all that keeps apart the future and the subordinate aorist
of the first person plural (thus hoguiga’m WE SHALL RUN with short 0).
No form in -’k‘da‘, such as might perhaps be expected, was found.
The catch of the first and third person singular of class I verbs dis-
appears before the -da* (see § 22). The falling accent of the stem,
however, remains, and the quantity of the stressed vowel is length-
ened unless followed by a diphthong-forming element. Thus:
ya’*da* when he went 58.8 (ya’* he went 96.8); cf. 188.17
ba-i-kliyi’*k‘da* when he came (ba-1-k!iyi’*k* he came 156.24)
yawa’idaé as they were talking 130.13 (yawa’* they talked)
xebe’nda* when he did so 142.10 (webe’*n he did so 118.14)
The subordinate form of the third person aorist of class IT intransi-
tives ends in -¢‘a* if the immediately preceding vowel has a rising
accent. Thus:
s‘as‘wnit'a§ when he stood (s‘as‘int he stood 120.12)
lop!ot‘a® when it rained (lop/o‘t’ it rained 90.1)
In the second person singular the personal -t' and the -d- of the
subordinating suffix amalgamate to -d-. The subordinate second per-
son plural in -t'ba* is not improbably simply formed on the analogy
of the corresponding singular form in -da‘, the normal difference
§ 70
BOAS] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES—TAKELMA 191
between the singular and plural of the second person consisting
simply of the added -b- (-p‘) of the latter; similarly, e-ida’/* wHENn
THOU ART and e7f‘ba’ WHEN YE ARE. Judging by the analogy of the
subordinates of transitive forms in -dam and -dap‘ the subordinate
forms of the second persons of class II intransitives end in -t‘a* (-da‘)
and -t'aba‘ (-daba‘):
sasimit'a’ when you stood (s*as*wnit‘am you stood)
s‘asinit' bat when ye stood (s‘as’init'ap* ye stood)
Note the ambiguity of the form s‘as‘intt‘a®’ WHEN HE OR YOU STOOD;
compare the similar ambiguity in naga’-ida‘ WHEN HE SAID and
naga-ida’* WHEN YOU SAID 130.14; 132.23.
The transitive subordinates of the aorist are also characterized by
a suflfixed -da‘, except that forms with a third personal subject
invariably substitute -(a)na’* (-ina’* with first person plural object),
and that the personal endings -dam (THoU—mE) and -dap* (YE—ME)
become simply -da* and -daba‘ respectively. The latter forms are
thus distinguished from non-subordinate futures merely by the
aoristic stem (al-xi/'ada‘ WHEN YOU SAW ME, but al-ai/‘2da* you
WILL SEE ME). Analogously to what we have seen to take place
in the intransitive, -t‘p‘ becomes -t‘ba’. The subordinate aorists of
t!omom- KILL are: *
Objective
Subjective i q
First person Second person . irst person Second person
singular singular Third person plural plura!
Singular
ist per. tlombérbinda‘ tlomoma'nda*‘ tloméxanbandat
(tlomozbiEn) (t!omoma’en) (t/omoxanbatn)
2d per. | t/iimiixda‘ tlomomada’é tlombximida®
(tlhimiizdam) (tlomoma‘t') (tlomézimit')
3d per. | t/iimiixina® tlombxbina* tlomomana’s tlomoximinat tlomozanbanat
(tliimizi) (tlom6zxbi) (t/omom) (tlomézam) (tlomézanp‘)
Plural
Ist per. tlombxbinagam | t!lomomanaga’m tlomoxanbanagam
(tlomoxbinak’)| (t/omomana*k') (tlomézxanbanak' )
2d per. | t/iimiixdabat t!omoma’t'baé tlombximit' bat
(tliimiixdap') (tlomoma\t'p‘) (tlombximit' p )
The forms with first personal plural subject (-na‘k') and second
personal object were not obtained, but the corresponding forms in
-iga’m (first person plural intransitive) and -anaga’m (first person
plural subject third person object) leave no doubt as to their cor-
rectness. These forms differ from ordinary futures of the same
1 The corresponding non-subordinate forms are given in parentheses.
§ 70
4
192 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 40
number and person only in the use of the aorist stem. Only very
few examples of subordinate -anaga’m have been found:
aga’ hi ligigwanaga’m just-these which-we-brought-home 134.18;
contrast li‘gwanaga’m we shall bring them home
yewe xeberyagwanaga’ mif weshould slay him (literally ,perhapsthat-
we-slay-him) 136.23; contrast xe*bagwanaga’m we shall slay him
The use of the aorist stem in the subordinate, it will be observed, is
also the only characteristic that serves to keep distinct the third
personal subjective subordinates and the future forms of the passive:
al-ai/‘xbina® when he saw you, but al-ai’*xbina* you will be seen
It may be noted that the third personal subjective aorist forms of
the transitive may be mechanically formed, like the passives of the
same tense, from the first person singular subject third person object
aorist by merely dropping the glottal catch of the latter form and
adding -a*. Thus:
gel-hewe’hana* when he thought 45.2; 142.10, 13, 16 (cf. gel-
hewe’ha'n I thought); but gel-hewe’hau he thought 44.11
The subordinate of the form with personal object -k'wva is formed by
adding -nas:
malak*wana’ when he told him 72.14 (malék‘wa he told him 142.4)
The aorist passive subordinates cause no trouble whatever, the
characteristic -ma‘ being in every case simply appended to the final
-n of the passive form:
t!lomoma’nmaé when he was killed 146.22 (from t!/omoma’n he was
killed 148.3)
tlomdzanbanmas when you (plural) were killed
The complete subordinate inferential paradigm is rather motley in
appearance; -na* is suffixed to the third personal subject in -k’:
plak'na® when he bathed
laba’k'naé when he carried it 126.5
gaitk'naé when he ate it
diimaik'nat when he killed me
The first person singular in -k‘a‘(n) becomes -k‘anda‘; the first
person plural subordinate was not obtained, but doubtless has
-k‘anaga’m as ending. The subordinate of the passive in -k‘am is
regularly formed by the addition of -na*:
gaik‘amna* when it was eaten
dimzamk‘amnaé when we were killed
§ 70
BOAS] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES—TAKELMA 193
The periphrastic forms in e7t' and eit'p’ become -k‘ + eida’® and
ett ba’ in the subordinate; e. g., wda*hi'mt'k!eida’’ WHEN You
ANSWERED HIM. The active inferential subordinates of dd“m- with
third personal object thus are:
Singular:
First person, démk‘anda‘
Second person, do“mk!eida’é
Plural:
First person, démk‘anaga’m
Second person, do“mk!eit' ba‘
Third person, ddmk‘na‘; personal, domk‘wak‘na‘
Impersonal do“miank'na‘
The subordinating element -na‘ also makes a subordinate clause out
of a -t' participle (see §76):
gui na't'na® gas a’idi naga’n how-he-looked (gwi na‘t’ how-look-
ing) that all he-was-called 60.5; (cf. 78.3)
yapla ga na’tnaé that number of people 110.15
Also adjectives and local phrases may be turned into subordinate
clauses by the suffixing of -na‘: ©
ailam-na’* when she was sick 188.10
aga dé"k* gwelda-na’* this log under-it when (=while he was under
this log) 190.20
Examples will now be given of constructions illustrating the use
of subordinate forms. It is artificial, from a rigidly native point of
view, to speak of causal, temporal, relative, and other uses of the
subordinate; yet an arrangement of Takelma examples from the
view-point of English syntax has the advantage of bringing out
more clearly the range of possibility in the use of subordinates.
The subordinate clause may be directly attached to the rest of the
sentence, or, if its temporal, causal, or other significance needs to
be clearly brought out, it may be introduced by a relative adverb
or pronoun (WHERE, WHEN, HOW, WHO). Both constructions are
sometimes possible; e. g., a sentence like I DO NOT KNOW WHO KILLED
HIM may.be rendered either by Nor 1-IT-KNOW WHO HE-HIM-KILLING
Or NOT I-WHOM-KNOW HE-HIM-KILLING. Subordinate constructions
with causal signification are:
ts‘ lola (1) ii’s't (2) tlimiiadas (3) give me (2) dentalia (1), for you
have struck me (3) (ef. 15.8)
a’neé® (1) gel-giilii’xr (2) gayawa’ndaé (3) he does not (1) like me
(2), because I ate it (3)
3045°—Bull. 40, pt 2—12——13 § 70
194 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 40
giade® (1) gayawana’® (2) goyo’ (3) yapla (4) aldt (5) he&-i-
leme’k lit’ (6) you killed off (6) all (5) the people (4), because
shamans (3) ate (2) your wife (1) 146.11
a’ni® (1) ya’* (2) gi® (8) me’-wok'dedaé (4) ga‘a‘l (5) he did not
(1) go (2), because I (3) came (4); ga‘a‘l (on account of, for)
is employed to render preceding subordinate unambiguously
causal
a’ni® (1) s‘in-ho’k‘wal (2) yu’k'naé (3) ga (4) gafal (5) sbinéa (6)
za’m-hr (7) lap‘k* (8) not (1) being (3) nose-holed (2), for
(5) that (4) (reason) Beaver (6) got to be (8) under water (7)
166.18
A temporal signification is found in:
ha%-yewe’** (1) aldil (2) t!lomoma’nmaé (3) they all (2) returned
far off (1), after (many of them) had been slain (8) 146.22
goyo (1) gel-lohoigwa’nma* (2) when shamans (1) are avenged
(2) 148.2
ba--k lvyv’*k* (1) p'im (2) gayawa’ndaé (3) he came (1) when I
was eating (3) salmon (2)
al-aiv’*giin (1) gwiéne (2) ya’¢da* (3) I saw him (1) when (2) he
went (3)
Relative clauses of one kind and another, including indirect ques-
tions, are illustrated in:
a’ni® (1) nek* (2) yok!loya’*n (8) lege’xina® (4) I do not (1)
know (3) who (2) gave me to eat: (4) (literally, not I-whom-
know he-giving-me-to-eat)
yok!oya’*n (1) nek* (2) laga’zvmina® (3) I know (1) who (2)
gave us to eat (3)
man (1) mi’zal (2) ha-lohd“nana’* (8) he counted (1) how
many (2) he had trapped (3) 100.8
ani (1) yok!ot (2) gwi (3) giniyagwa’nmas (4) he did not (1)
know (2) where (3) she had been taken to (4) 13.12
ga’hi (1) dak* (2) di-tlagit (3) wa-k!ododi’nmas (4) they wore
(3) the same (1) garments (2) with which they had been
buried (4) 96.16
gi’ (1) na*nagait'eedaé (2) na‘na’*k* (3) do (future imperative) (3) -
what I (1) am doing (2)
i-k'we'°xi (1) ulum (2) watk‘andaé (8) they awoke me (1) who
(or while, when I) before (2) was sleeping (3) 74.5; 75.6
Purpose may be implied by the subordinate in:
pum (1) gayawana’® (2) laga’k‘t (3) he gave them (3) salmon
(1) to eat (2) 30.11
The subordinate serves very frequently as a clause of indirect dis-
course after such verbs as KNOW, SEE, DISCOVER. With a regular
§ 70
BOAS ] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES—TAKELMA 195
verb of saying, such as na(g)-, it is nearly always necessary to report
the exact words of the speaker.
al-ai/*qién (1) xebeyignr’k‘wanaé (2) I saw him (1) hurt him (2)
yokloya’*n (1) ptm (2) gatk'na® (3) I know (1) that he has
been eating (3) salmon (2) (literally, I-know-him salmon he-
having-eaten)
al-xi'‘xr (1) tlomdzanbanda‘ (2) he saw me (1) strike you (pl.) (2)
al-xi’*gi'n (1) dal-yewe’rda* (2) I saw him (1) run away (2)
Not infrequently an adverb is to be considered the main predicate,
particularly when supported by the unanalyzable but probably
verbal form wala’‘si(na‘), while the main verb follows as a subordi-
nate clause. Compare such English turns as Ir Is HERE THAT I SAW
HIM, instead of HERE I SAW HIM:
eme® (1) wala’‘si (2) eit'e*da® (3) I am (3) right (2) here (1)
(literally, here it-is really [ ?] that-I-am)
eme® (1) wala’‘si (2) erda’* (3) you are (3) right (2) here (1)
mi® (1) wala’‘si (2) t-k!uimanana’nhik'naé (3) he had already
fixed it for him (literally, already (1) it-was-really (2) that-
he-had-fixed-it-for-him (3) )
Examples of subordidates depending on predicatively used adverbs
without wala’‘si are:
a’ni® (1) wand (2) emes (3) né’rdaé (4) [it is] not (1) even (2) here
(3) that they did (4) (probably=even they did not get here)
61.3
hopleé’*n (1) pla’%s (2) hi‘s (3) loplot'a® (4) it used to snow long
ago (long ago [1] that snow [2] almost [3] stormed [4])
alt (1) he’-i-leme’klinda® (2) [it is] right here (1) that I destroy
them (2) 108.20
An example of a subordinate depending on a demonstrative pro-
noun is:
vdaga (1) yapla (2) s‘as-nit‘aé (3) that man is standing (literally,
fit is] that [1] man [2] that is standing [3])
The form wala’‘sina‘ is in all probability a third personal aorist
transitive subordinate form in -na‘, as is shown by its use as a sub-
stantive verb for the third person when following an adverb, appar-
ently to supply the lack of a third person in the regular substantive
verb e-:
eme® (1) wala’sinas (2) @k!a (3) he (8) is right (2) here (1)
(literally, something like: [it is] here that-it-really-is he)
ge (1) wala’*sina® (2) he is over there (literally, [it is] there [1]
that-he-really-is [ 2])
§ 70
196 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 40
Most astonishing is the use of wala’‘s‘ina* as a modal prefix of a ~
subordinate verb (of the movable class treated above, see § 34) to
assert the truth of an action in the manner of our English pip in
sentences like HE pip Go. Thus, from dak‘-da-halsbt HE ANSWERED
you, is formed the emphatic dak‘-da-wala’‘sina‘-halsbina’ HE DID
ANSWER you. The only analysis of this form that seems possible
is to consider the verbal prefixes dak‘-da- as a predicative adverb upon
which wala’‘sina‘ is syntactically dependent, the main verb -halsbina®
itself depending as a subordinate clause on its modal prefix. The
fact that dak‘-da- has as good as no concrete independent existence as
adverb, but is idiomatically used with the verbal base hal- to make
up the idea of ANSWER, is really no reason for rejecting this analysis, _
strange as it may appear, for the mere grammatical form of a sen-
tence need have no immediate connection with its logical dismem-
berment. The above form might be literally translated as (rT Is)
ABOVE (dak‘-) WITH-HIS-MOUTH (da-) THAT-IT-REALLY-IS THAT-HE-
ANSWERED-YOU.
§ 71. CONDITIONALS
Conditionals differ from other subordinate forms in that they are
derived, not from the full verb-form with its subject-affix, but, if —
intransitive, directly from the verb-stem; if transitive, from the verb-
stem with incorporated pronominal object. In other words, the con-
ditional suffix -k‘i* (-gi*) is added to the same phonetic verbal units
as appear in the inferential before the characteristic -k', and in the
periphrastic future before the second element -gulug”-. The phonetic
and to some extent psychologic similarity between the inferential
(e. g., diimzik‘ HE EVIDENTLY STRUCK ME) and the conditional (e. g.,
diimazigi® IF HE STRIKES, HAD STRUCK ME) makes it not improbable
that the latter is a derivative in -i° of the third personal subjective
form in -k* of the latter. The conditional, differing again from other
subordinates in this respect, shows no variation for pronominal sub-
jects, the first and second personal subjective forms being periphras-
tically expressed by the addition to the conditional of the third per-
sonal subjective of the appropriate forms of e- BE. From verb-stem
yana- Go, for example, are derived:
Singular:
First person, yana’k'v eit'e®
Second person, yana’k'v ett’
pe Third person, yana’k‘i¢
BOAS] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES—TAKELMA 197
Plural:
First person, yana’k‘2* e*bi‘k*
Second person, yana’k‘v eit'p‘
Impersonal: yanayaak‘ié
The conditional is used not merely, as its name implies, to express
_ the protasis of a condition, but as the general subordinate form of
- unrealized activity; as such it may often be translated as a temporal
or relative clause, an introductory adverb or relative pronoun serving
to give it the desired shade of meaning. Examples of its use other
than as a conditional, in the strict sense of the word, are:
yok loya’*n (1) nek* (2) laxbigré (3) I know (1) who (2) will give
you to eat (3)
dewe'nxa (1) al-xi’k lin (2) gwine (3) yana’k‘ié (4) I shall see him (2)
to-morrow (1), when (3) he goes (4)
al-ai/‘xink* (1) gwisne (2) yana’ks eit‘e® (3) he will see me (1)
when (2) I go (3)
gwen-t ga*-bo’k'danda (1) ts*!0’"tligi® (2) ya’* (3) he’ne (4) ya’ (5)
ze°bagwa’n (6) just (3) ‘when they touch (2) the eastern
extremity of the earth (1), just (5) then (4) I shall destroy
them (6) 144.15
It has a comparative signification (As THOUGH) in:
plv (1) de-gii’k!alxgi® (2) na‘naga’** (3) it was (3) as though fire
(1) were glowing (2) 142.1
Conditional sentences are of two types:
(1) Simple, referring to action of which, though unfulfilled, there
yet remains the possibility of fulfillment.
(2) Contrary to fact, the hypothetical activity being beyond the
possibility of fulfillment.
Both types of condition require the conditional form in the protasis,
but differ in the apodosis. The apodosis of a simple conditional sen-
tence contains always a future form (or inferential, if the apodosis is
negative), that of a contrary-to-fact condition, a potential. Examples
of simple conditions are:
ga (1) natnak'i® eit* (2) haxada’s (3) if you do (2) that (1), you'll
get burnt (3)
ak* (1) yana’k'v (2) gi? (3) hono® (4) yana’t'e® (5) if he (1) goes (2),
I (3) go (5) too (4)
wede (1) yana’k'v (2) gi# (3) hono® (4) wede (5) yana’k‘a* (6) if he
does not (1) go (2), I (8) won’t (5) go (6) either (4)
gwalt’ (1) mahar (2) wo’k't® (3) ga (4) na&%gi’*k* (5) if a great (2)
wind (1) arrives (3), say (5) that! (4) 196.19
1Just when = AS SOON AS.
§ 71
198 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY {puy. 40
The apodosis of such conditions is sometimes introduced by the de-
monstrative pronoun ga THAT, which may be rendered in such cases
by THEN, IN THAT CASE:
aga (1) xa*%-sgd’/"sgi= (2) ga (3) loho’t'ee (4) if this (1) string parts
(2), in that case (3) I shall be dead (4) 59.10, (11)
Of this type are also all general conditions referring to customary
action that is to take place in time to come, such as are often intro-
duced in English by words like WHENEVER, WHEREVER, and so on.’
Examples of such general conditions are:
wi'lau (1) klemniyaak's® (2) wa-t'ba’*gamdinas (3) whenever peo-
ple will make (2) arrows (1), they (arrows) will be backed
(literally, tied) with it (3) (with sinew) 28.2
watdi’* (1) da (2) ba-i-gindk'wié? (3) goyo* (4) he&ne (5) do
mana’® (6) whenever a shaman (4) goes out with*® (3) one
whose body (1) is good (2), then (5) he shall be slain (6) 146.6
goyo (1) gel-lohogwiaak'® (2) hesne (3) ya’%s% (4) yapla (5)
gama'adi (6) plée’*t (7) whenever one takes vengeance for (2)
a shaman (1), just (4) then (3) ordinary (6) people (5) will
lie (7) G. e., be slain) 146.8
wede (1) hono® (2) ne‘k* (3) al-xi/*k‘wak* (4) yap!a (5) loho’k'a (6)
no (1) one (3) will see him (4) again (2), when a person (5)
dies (6) 98.10
ganaine‘x (1) yo'*t' (2) yap!a (3) gatk'i* (4) thus (1) it shall be (2)
as people (3) grow, multiply (4) 146.15
Examples of contrary-to-fact conditions are:
aldi (1) yuk‘ya’k'i ett'e® (2) mala’xbién (3) if I knew (2) all (1),
IT should tell it to you (8) 162.5
nek* (1) yo’k'v (2) dak‘-limagwas (3) if it were (2) anyone else (1),
it (tree) would have fallen on him (3) 108.11, 13
v'daga (1) ge (2) yw’k't (3) wede (4) do“ma’‘n (5) if that one (1)
had been (3) there (2), I should not (4) have killed him (5)
gt! (1) ge (2) yu’k'vé eit‘e® (3) bd" (4) yana’* (5) haga‘ (6) if I A)
were (3) there (2), he would have gone (5) in that event (4)
In the last example, haga‘ is a demonstrative adverb serving to
summarize the protasis, being about equivalent to our IN THAT EVENT,
UNDER THOSE CIRCUMSTANCES. This word may be the adverbialized
1 General conditions, however, that apply to past time, or that have application without reference to
time-limit, are constructed by the use of the subordinate for the protasis, and aorist for the apodosis, both
verbs being, if possible, frequentative or continuative in form: ts: /ixi (1) k‘ewe’ ck‘awalda€ (2) he*ne (3) yap/a
(4) al-t!ayaik’ (5) WHENEVER THE DOG (1) BARKED (2), THEN (3) HE FOUND (5) A PERSON (4).
2 = -gindk'w + -Kis.
8 Causes the death of.
§ Zl
,
*.
x
©
BoAS] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES—TAKELMA h99
form of the demonstrative pronoun hd@’*ga THAT ONE; it is used also
with persons other than the third:
yana’t'e§ haga‘ I should have gone in that event
§'72. USES OF POTENTIAL AND INFERENTIAL
The potential and inferential modes differ from the aorist in the
negative particle with which they may be combined. An indicative
non-future statement, such as is expressed by the aorist, is negatived,
without change of the verb-form, by means of the negative adverb
a’ ni®:
yant e I went; a’ni® yant'e® I did not go
An imperative or future form, however, can not be directly negatived,
but must be expressed by the potential and inferential respectively,
the non-aoristic negative adverb wede being prefixed. Thus we have:
Negative future:
yana’*t’ he will go : wede yana‘k’ he will not go
yanada’* you will go : wede yana’k!eit’ you will not go
yana’'te° I shall go : wede yana’k‘a‘ I shall not go
démzbin I shall kill you : wede démzbiga* I shall not kill
178.15 you (cf. 178.15)
do“ma‘nk* he will kill him : wede (1) nek’ (2) yap!la (3)
gama’axdi (4) dé“mk* (5) no
(1) one (2) will slay (5) a
person (3) who is noshaman
(4) 146.16
Negative imperative:
yana go! (sing.) : wede yana‘t' do not go!
yana‘np* go! (pl.) : wede yana‘t p‘ do not go! (156.9)
dom kill him! : wede do“ma‘t' do not kill him!
ga na‘na*‘ do that! : wede ga na‘na‘t’ do not do that!
The particle wede is used with the inferential and potential, not
only to form the negative future and imperative, but in all cases in
which these modes are negatived, e. g., wede dd“ma’/'n I SHOULD NOT
HAVE KILLED HIM, I WOULD NOT KILL HIM. ‘There is thus no morpho-
logic distinction between a prohibitive po Not Go! and a second person
subject negative apodosis of a contrary-to-fact condition, you WOULD
NOT HAVE GONE. It is probably not a mere accident that the negative
particle wede is phonetically identical with the verb-stem wede- TAKE
Away. This plausible etymology of wede suggests that the origin of
§ 72
200 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 40
the negative future and imperative constructions lies in such peri-
phrastic sentences as:
Remove (all thought from your mind) that I infer exe)
(i. e., I shall not go)
Renard (all thought from your mind) that you might, would
go (i. e., do not go!)
The inferential, as we have seen above (see § 59), is used primarily
to indicate that the action is not directly known through personal
experience. An excellent example of how such a shade of meaning
can be imparted even to a form of the first person singular was given
in § 70; s*t-k'we' ait ulum watk‘anda’ THEY WOKE ME UP WHILE I
WAS SLEEPING! 74.5 In the myth from which this sentence is taken,.
Coyote is represented as suffering death in the attempt to carry out
one of his foolish pranks. Ants, however, sting him back into life;
whereupon Coyote, instead of being duly grateful, angrily exclaims
as above, assuming, to save his self-esteem, that he has really only
been taking an intentional nap. The inferential form watk‘anda‘
is used in preference to the matter-of-fact aorist waydnt'e*da® 1
SLEEPING, because of the implied inference, 1 WASN’T DEAD, AFTER ALL,
ELSE HOW COULD THEY WAKE ME? I WAS REALLY SLEEPING, MUST |
HAVE BEEN SLEEPING. Closely akin to this primary use of the
inferential is its frequent use in rhetorical questions of anger, sur-
prise, wonder, and discovery of fact after ignorance of it for some
time. Examples from the myths, where the context gives them
the necessary psychological setting, are:
geme’*di (1) gt (2) wayatixagwat' (3) yu’k‘a® (4) how (1) should
I (2) be (4) daughter-in-lawed (3) G.e., how do 1 come to have
any daugher-in-law?) 56.10 I didn’t know that you, my son,
were married!
gi’ (1) dv‘ (2) ha’miét'ban (3) do“mk‘aé (4) did I (1) kill (4) your
father (3) ? (2) 158.2
s-gwi dv’ (1) le’mk!liauk* (2) where (1) have they all gone (2),
any way? 90.25, 27 says Coyote, looking in vain for help
6+(1) mi (2) dv’ (3) samgia‘uk* (4) Oh! (1) has it gotten to
be. summer (4) already (2)? (8) says Coyote, after a winter’s
sleep in a tree-trunk 92.9
ga (1) da’ (2) xép'k* (3) ga (4) dv’ (5) giiade’k’. (6) gatk* (7)
so it is those (1) that did it (8) ? (2) those. (4) that ate (7)
my wife (6) ? (5) 142.18
15-&- merely marks the Coyote (see footnote, § 2).
§ 72
BY cas) HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES—TAKELMA 201
e’me® (1) daba’‘x (2) da (3) Seta (4) yu‘k* (5) are (5) canoes (4)
(to be found) only (2) here (1) ? (3) 114.7 G. e., why do you
bother me about ferrying you across, when there are plenty of
canoes elsewhere?)
ga (1) dv’ (2) plant (8) gatk‘a® (4) so that (1) was their
livers (3) that I ate (4) ? (2) 120.14 says Grizzly Bear, who
imagined she had eaten not her children’s, but Black Bear’s
children’s, livers, on discovering her mistake
A peculiar Takelma idiom is the interrogative use of gwi*ne WHEN,
HOW LONG followed by wede and the inferential, to denote a series of
repetitions or an unbroken continuity of action. Examples are:
gwitne (1) dv’ (2) wede (3) waik* (4) he kept on sleeping
(literally, when [1] did he not [3] sleep [4] ?[2]) 142.11; 152.24
gwi*ne’ (1) di (2) wede (3) ho‘k* (4) he ran and ran (literally,
how long [1] did he not [3] run [4] ? [2]) 78.14.
gwi’ne (1) di’ (2) wede (3) dak’am (4) he kept on being found,
they always stumbled upon him again (literally, when[1] was
he not [3] found[ 4] ?[2]) 110.15
Similar psychologically is the non-negative future in:
ge’medi (1) hono® (2) al-da*gi‘nk* (3) they never found him
again (lit., when[1] will they find him [3] again?[2]) 190.25
6. Nominal and Adjectival Derivatives (§§ 73-83)
§ 73. INTRODUCTORY
Although such derivatives from the verb-stem as infinitives and
nouns of agency should logically be treated under the denominating
rather than the predicative forms of speech, they are in Takelma, as
in most other languages, so closely connected as regards morphology
with the latter, that it is much more convenient to treat them imme-
diately after the predicative verb-forms. The number of nominal
and adjectival forms derived from the Takelma verb-stem is not
very large, comprising infinitives or verbal nouns of action, active
and passive participles, nouns of agency, and a few other forms whose
function is somewhat less transparent. The use made of them, how-
ever, is rather considerable, and they not infrequently play an
important part in the expression of subordinate verbal ideas. °
§ 74. INFINITIVES
Infinitives, or, as they are perhaps better termed, verbal nouns,
may be formed from all verbs by the addition of certain suffixes to
the stem or stem + pronominal object, if the verb form is transitive.
§ 73-74
202 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY (BULL. 40
Inasmuch as infinitives, being nothing but nouns in form, may take
possessive affixes, forms may easily result that combine a transitive -
object and a possessive pronoun; e. g., ddmaxbiyat'k’ my (-t'k* scheme
rt § 92) KILLING You (-bi-), FOR ME TO KILL you (cf. yéxbiyaxdek*
MY BITING you 116.9; -x-dek* scheme 1m § 92). The classification of
verbs into classes is reflected also in the infinitive forms, each of the
three main classes being distinguished by a special infinitive suffix.
The suffixes are:
Intransitive I -(a‘)z.
Intransitive II -k‘wa (-gwa).
Transitive -2a (-ya).
The peculiar sub-classes that were grouped together as Class IV
all form their infinitives in -k‘wa (-gwa). Besides these three main
suffixes, -(d)epz- (-apz-) with possessive suffixes is employed to form
infinitives from reflexives in -gwi-, while active intransitives in -xa-
form their infinitives by employing the bare stem-form with verbal
derivative -xa. Infinitives in -za’k‘wa also occur. The infinitive
often shows the stem in a purer form than the non-aorist finite
forms; in particular the non-aoristic -p‘- of Class II intransitive verbs
regularly disappears before the -gwa of the infinitive.
Examples of infinitives are:
1. From Class I intransitives:
wairde® your sleeping yana‘s to go
bat-dawi‘x to fly up hoida‘z to dance
hogwa‘z to run l6“x to play 31.7
tleewa‘x to play shinny naine‘x doing 94.10; 72.4;
148.13
ne‘x saying 108.16; 184.10 guna‘x to go (176.8) (from sim-
ple base gin-; contrast third
person future ging-a’‘t’)
Stems ending in long diphthongs either take -x or -ax. Thus we
have either ha-yéa-x-datda or ha-ye’w-a’x-dai"da IN THEIR
RETURNING 124.15.
2. From Class II intransitives:
k'wa’*xqwa to wake up (in- t'gélxqwa to run around, roll
transitive)
gewa'lzgwa to eat ba-i-di’n'«qwa to march
lak‘wa to become s'a’s'ank'wa to stand
plala’k‘wa to tell a myth sana’k‘wa to fight
§ 74
Boas] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES—TAKELMA 203
3. From Class IV verbs:
i-he*qwa'k'wa (= -he*g”’hag’- al-we'k!alk‘wa to shine
k‘wa) to work da-bosk‘ba’xgwa to bubble
under water (observe verb-
suffix -x- of infinitive; but
da-bok!oba’k'na'in I make
bubbles)
4, From -za- verbs:
la’*awa*’ (=lik!-xa‘) to trap pe'lza to go to war (but also
p elxa’k‘wa'*)
5. From reflexives:
tguwa%za’nt guideprdagwa to se‘la’mt guwidepxdek* to paint
tattoo himself myself
li’*xagwant' gwiapzde‘k* to trap han-se°qwa’'nt gwiaprdek* to
for myself paddle myself across
From non-reflexive verbs are derived:
ga-vwiapade’k* my eating wixiaprda’* his coming to get
me
6. From transitives:
plala’xbiya to tell you a myth 1-gaxga’xgwia to scratch one’s
self
ae to wake him i-qv's'gis‘ia? to tickle him
i-k'we' “xiya to wake me (164.20) wayanagwia‘ to run after him
da*-agania‘ to hear about it lo“gqwia’ to play with it
wa‘-i-doxia to gather them démk*wia? to kill him
The syntactical usage of verbal nouns of action is illustrated in the
following examples:
hali'nk'wat'k* klemna‘nk* he will make me tired (literally, my-
tiredness he-will-make-it)
tlomozacda wiyina’*n I help him kill (literally, his-killing [no ob-
ject] I-aid-it)
ho'gwaz gel-gulugwa’*n I like to run (lit., running I-like-it) (196.8)
a’ni® yok!0%t neade‘k* he does not know what I said (literally, not
he-knows-it my-saying)
xi-ugwia ga‘al in order to drink water (literally, water-drinking
for)
ba-1-k liyi’*k* al-xi/*xbiya gafa‘l he came to see you (literally, he-
came seeing-you for)
1Infinitives in -k‘wa seem sometimes to be formed from other Class I intransitives, e. g., wisma’k'wa
TO MOVE; haza’k‘wae TO BURN (also haza’rgwaa).
3? Umlauted from *7-gi’s'gas-ia.
5 -k‘wi- here represents objective -k‘wa- umlauted by infinitive ending -(y)a (see § 8). Similarly s imt‘ia
TO BOIL IT 170.16 from -t‘aya.
§ 70
204 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY ~— [BULL. 40
The normal method of expressing purpose, as the last two examples
show, is by the use of an infinitive followed by the general locative
_postposition ga‘al ro, aT. FoR. The infinitive, as its inclusion of the
object shows, preserves its verbal character almost compa aa and
may itself govern another infinitive:
klemnia’ al-we'k!alk‘waé* to make it shine (literally, to-make-it
its-shining)
Not a few infinitives have become more or less specialized as
regular nouns, though it is extremely doubtful if the transparently
verbal origin of such nouns is ever lost sight of. Such nouns are:
plala’k'wa myth 50.4; 172.17 ts‘ !ip‘na‘z speech, oration (cf:
ts'!t’p'nan I shall make a
speech to them [146.11])
t'ge°mt ga’mxgwa darkness sana’k‘wa fight, battle
gina‘x passage-way 176.9 ts‘ !e°ma‘e noise (cf. d&4-ts!é@m-
ade® I hear a big noise 90.21)
ye Esqwix sweat (cf. ye’l'sqwade®
I shall sweat [140.1])
PARTICIPLES (§§ 75-78)
§ 75. General Remarks
Participles are either active or passive, and may be formed with
considerable freedom from ali verbs. They have not been found with
incorporated pronominal objects, the active participles beimg more
adjectival than verbal in character, while the passives naturally hardly
allow of their incorporation. The passive participle is often provided
with possessive affixes that correspond to the transitive subjects of
the finite verb; the active participle, on the other hand, undergoes
no modification for person, but, like any adjective, is brought in con-
nection with a particular person by the forms of the copula e7- BE.
§ '76. Active Participle in -f
This participle is formed by simply appending a -t’, one of the
characteristic adjectival suffixes, to the verb-stem. Inferential and
imperative -p‘- of Class II intransitives disappears before this ele-
ment (e. g., se’nsant’ WHOOPING), but not the non-aoristic -p'-, which
is characteristic (see § 42, 1) of some of the verbs of the same class;
e. g., sana‘p’ FIGHT'NG (from *sana‘p‘t'). Participles in -¢° never
denote particular action, but regularly indicate that the action predi-
§ 75-76
BoAS] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES—TAKELMA 205
cated of a person is one that in a way marks him off from others, and
that may serve as a characteristic attribute. Not infrequently, there-
fore, a -t'- participle has the value of a noun of agency; the fact, how-
ever, that it never appears with pronominal elements, but is always
treated as an adjective, demonstrates its attributive, non-substantival
character. It is possible to use it with a preceding nominal object,
so that sentences may result that seem to predicate a single act
definitely placed in time; yet an attributive shade of meaning always
remains. For example, wihin démt' eit‘e® (literally, My-MOTHER HAV-
ING-KILLED I-AM) and wihin t!omoma’'n both mean I KILLED MY
MOTHER, but with a difference. The latter sentence simply states
the fact, the emphasis being on the act itself; the former sentence,
on the other hand, centers in the description of the subject as a matri-
cide, I AM ONE WHO HAS KILLED HIS MOTHER. The latter sentence
might be a reply to a query like wHaT pip you po? the former, to
WHO ARE You? ,
Examples of -¢* participles are:
gui-na‘t’ how constituted, of what kind? (gwi- [how, where]
+ nat [from na- do, act]) 14.4, 9, 10; 15.6
ga-na‘t’ of that kind, so in appearance 63.12; 192.7
want klemén I make him old (cf. wundnt‘e® I grow old)
tga* haxa‘t’ burnt field (not passive, but really=field that has
at one time burned) 92.29
helt‘ ett'e® I know how to sing (literally, singing I am)
yap!a lohént* ett'e® I have killed (many) people (literally, people
causing [or having caused]-to-die I am)
loho‘t’ having died, dead 148.13
hawa’x-xiwit* (it is) rotting
cuda’mt* ett'e® I am whistler
n'sca yv'lt’ having copulated with his mother (insulting epithet
applied to Coyote) 86.5, 6, 16
Examples of participles with lost -¢' have been given above (see
18).
; § 77. Passive Participle in —(a)k*™, -/\k°v
Nominal participial forms in -k'” of passive signification can be freely
formed from all transitive verb-stems, the stem invariably undergoing
palatalization (see § 31). The suffix -k‘” ordinarily requires a pre-
ceding connective -a- replaced, as usual, by an instrumental -i- in
such passive participles as are derived from verb-forms themselves
provided with -i-. Participles in -ak‘” tend to be accented on the
§ 77
206 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 40
syllable immediately preceding the suffix, in which case an inorganic
-h- generally appears before the -a-; -hak’” is also regularly used with
preceding fortis (see § 19). It isnot unlikely that the suffix is organ-
ically -hak“”, the -ha- implying continuity (see § 43,5). Instrumental
passives in -2k*”, on the other hand, are generally accented, with raised
pitch, on the -i- of the suffix. For example, dimhak‘” (aways)
KILLED Or STRUCK PERSON, but wa-dii“mi‘k‘” THING WITH WHICH ONE
KILLS (literally, KILLED-wirH thing). Inasmuch as -k‘”- participles,
differing in this respect from active participles in -¢*, are distinctly nom-
inal in character, they may be provided with possessive suffixes; e. g.,
dimhak*”-dek* MY STRUCK ONE. Forms thus arise which, like -¢‘-par-
ticiples supplemented by forms of e7- BE, have independent predicative
force. What we have seen to apply to -¢-participles, however, in
regard to particularity of action, applies with equal if not greater force
to predicatively used passives in -k*¥. While a sentence like 7’daga
tlomoma'n (démk‘am) THAT ONE WAS SLAIN, with finite passive,
implies the fulfillment of a single act, a sentence whose predicate is
supplied by a passive participle (like v’daga damhak‘” THAT ONE IS
[ REGULARLY] SLAIN, STRUCK) necessarily refers to habitual or regularly
continued activity: 7’daga damhak‘“de‘k* THAT ONE IS MY (REGU-
LARLY) STRUCK ONE thus approaches in signification the finite
frequentative 7’daga t!omo’amda'n THAT ONE I (ALWAYS) STRIKE,
but differs radically in signification from both 7@daga tlomoma’'n
I KILLED THAT ONE and 7’daga démt' eit'e I AM ONE THAT HAS KILLED
THAT ONE.
Examples of -k‘”- participles are:
gwen-sgi/“t 6k'* (those) with their necks cut off (21.2, 4, 5)
za-i-sgqv'**p'sgibtk'* (bodies) cut in two 21.2; 22.3
(mi*) gela’p‘ak‘* ! something which is (already) twisted
guhak'* na‘ne‘x like something planted, sown
wa‘-i-daxik'*dek‘ I have been gathering them (literally, my
gathered ones)
dal'-wa-p‘i’tk'* (manzanita) mixed with (sugar-pine nuts) 178.5
tan t'gqwil gat‘dk‘“da* squirrel has been burying (gd“d-) hazel-
nuts (literally, squirrel hazel-nuts [are] his-buried-ones)?
stkak'“de‘k* I (always) shoot (s@%g-) him (literally, my shot one)
mila’ shak'“dek* I love her (literally, my loved one)
1Cf. galaba’én I Twist IT; -a’- above is inorganic, hence unpalatalized to -e-.
2¢'gwil (HAZEL-NUTS) is the grammatical subject; giit'6k'wdaa predicates the subject; tn (SQUIRREL) is
outside the main core of the sentence, being merely in apposition with the incorporated -da@ (HIS) of the
nominal predicate,
i
BOAS] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES—TAKELMA 207
As the last example shows, the indirective -s- of verbs with indirect
object is preserved in -hak‘” participles (contrast mila‘t'-k* HE LOVED
HER [inferential]).
Participles of instrumental signification in -2‘k'" are freely employed
to make up instrumental nouns, such as names of implements.
Examples are:
do“k'-sgi/“thk*” log-cut-with (=saw)
se‘l-wa-se‘la’mdik'” black paint (writing) - therewith - painted
(written) (= pencil)
i-smi'Ilsmilik’” (thing) swung (=swing)
.dak'’-wa-sgu’/“tlk'” dress-therewith-cut (=scissors)
k!wai-bat-sgék'sgigik’” grass-up-pitched-with (= pitchfork)
yap!a-wa-do"mi‘k'” people-therewith-killed, e. g., arrow, gun
da‘ma’xau al*-wa-xi''k ik'” far therewith-seen, e. g., telescope
miilmili‘k’ something to stir (mush) up with
It is interesting to note that forms in -k'” may be formed from
the third person possessive of nouns, chiefly terms of relationship.
These are shown by the palatalized form of the stem to be morpholog-
ically identical with passive participles in -k'". Examples are:
* Noun Participle
ts‘ Jele’t his eye 86.7, 9 ts‘ Jele’tk** eye-having 27.9
nv’ra his mother 17.11; 126.7 —_na’xak‘¥ he has a mother
ma’ca his father 17.12; 126.6 me’zxak‘’ he has a father
k'a**la’ p'vk!%* his woman (178.8) k‘elée’piknk'* he has a wife
142.6
t/t*la’ p'ik!@ her husband 46.1 ¢/7**lé’p‘tkk'® she has a hus-
band
Such forms in -k'” may well be compared to English adjectives of
participial form in -ed; e. g., LEFT-HANDED, FOUR-CORNERED. They
may be further adjectivalized by the addition of -at* (see below,
§ 108); e. g., me’xagwat' FATHER-HAVING.
§'78. Passive Participles in -xap‘ (-sap‘)
Less common than passive participles in -(a)k'” are certain forms
in -rap’ (-sap‘), which, like the former, show a palatalized form of
the stem, and seem to be identical in function with them. Like
-k‘“- participles, again, they may be provided with possessive pro-
nominal suffixes, though these belong to another scheme of endings:
gel-giila’k*ak‘”-de‘k* my liked one, I like him (= gel-giila’xab-at‘k‘)
gel-giila’k‘ak‘”-da they like him (= gel-giila’xap‘)
§ 78
208 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 40
Forms in -zap‘ are in particular use as names of articles of clothing. —
Examples are:
qwen-wi'*xap* handkerchief, neckerchief 188.5 (cf. gwen-wi'*k lan
I shall wind it about my neck)
dak‘-wi/*xap‘ something wound about one’s head
va-le’<sap’ (=-t!-vap') belt (cf. va2-la’*t!an I shall put it about
my waist)
qwen-p!ixap* pillow (cf. gwen-p!tk‘wan I shall lie on pillow)
ha-li’/“xap* shirt (cf. ha-l0’/“k!"in I shall put on shirt)
ha-ya-u-t'ge’nésap‘ (=-ts!-cap‘) vest (cf. ha-ya-u-t'ge’nts!an I shall
put it about my middle, ribs)
sge’*xap* man’s hat
NOUNS OF AGENCY (§§ 79-82)
§ 79. Introductory
Four suffixes have been found that are employed to form nouns
of agency from verb-stems, -‘s, -sd%, -si’, and -a2. The first of these
is more strictly verbal in character than the other three, being capable, —
unlike these, of incorporating the pronominal object. -sa% and -s7,
probably genetically related suffixes, are used apparently only with
intransitive stems (including, however, such as are partly transitive
in form,i.e., that belong toClassTV). -®s and -ai are used with both
transitive and intransitive stems.
§ 80. Nouns of Agency in -(a’)&s
This suffix is used to form agentives with more freedom than the
others seem to be. The ending -‘s is added directly to the verb-stem,
with connective -a’- (instrumental -7-) if phonetically necessary. No
examples have been found of agentives in -*s from intransitives of
Class IJ. Examples are (49.4; 60.10):
hoida’‘s dancer hapai-t'a%ga’‘s child-crier (=
cry-baby)
heela’*s singer zut'ma’ss whistler
p!la%ga’‘s bather k‘aiwi’* wa‘-i-doxits one who
gathers everything .
yatda’*s swimmer auma-k!emna’‘s food - maker
(=cook) 54.4
ts!a-uya’‘s fast runner 138.2 démxbi‘s one who kills you
ei-sa"gwa’*s canoe paddler mala’xvmis one who tells us
The last two examples show incorporated pronominal objects; the
first personal plural object -am- is, as usual, followed by the connec- —
§ 79-80
BoAS] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES—TAKELMA 209
tive -7*. The strongly verbal coloring of the agentive in -‘s is perhaps
best indicated by its employment as a final clause. Examples of
_ this use are:
ba-i-k iyi’kde al-ai’**xbi‘s I came to see you (literally, as one-
seeing-you)
mes-gint'*k* al-xi’*xi%s he came to see me
hoida’‘s di me§-giniga‘t’ did you come to dance? (i. e., as dancer)
a’ni® mes-gini'k‘de® los: I did not come to play, as player 31.6
(cf. § 74 for another method of expressing this idea)
§ 81. Nouns of Agency in -s/?, -saa
These, as already observed, are less distinctly verbal in force than
the preceding. Some verbs have agentives in both -‘s and -sd%; e. g.,
he‘la’‘s and hélsa* stncEer. Not infrequently there is a distinct feel-
ing of disparagement in a -sd7- agentive as compared with one in -‘s;
e. g., hog’a’s GOOD RUNNER, but ho’k‘sé* ONE WHO ALWAYS RUNS
(BECAUSE OF FEAR). Both of these suffixes are added directly to the
stem without connecting vowel. If stressed, they have the falling
accent. -sd% is the regular agentive ending of Class II intransitives;
-p'-is or is not retained before it under the same conditions as in
‘the case of the participial -t° (see § 76).
Further examples of agentives in -s7’ and -s@% are:
i-he°qwa’k‘’sii worker
da-lési liar (but non-disparaging /6“s player)
Ws it (=i'*s'-s't') k!emén I make him laugh (literally, laugher)
al-t'wa%p‘t'wa’ p'‘si' blinker
Be oieen rue’ puss
ra?-wisa* go-between (settler of feud) 178.11
da‘-p!iya wisi? one going, dancing by side of fire (=medicine-
man)
yums'a’* (= yims’-s'@’%) dreamer (= medicine-man)
waisa* big sleeper
esetisa* big sneezer
se’nsansa* one knowing how to whoop
sana’ p‘sa* one knowing how to fight
s‘a’s‘ansa* one always standing
s‘u’/‘alsa* one always sitting
nots!adam yu'si* e*bik’ we are neighbors (literally, neighboring-
to-us being [stem yu-] we-are)
tlobaga’sa* (= -a’s-sd*) eit’ you are always lying like dead
A few nouns in -s7’, in which an agentive meaning can not well
be detected, nevertheless doubtless belong here: J6“si‘ PLAYTHING
3045°—Bull. 40, pt 2-12-14 § 81
210 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL, 40
(110.6,11) (cf. verb-stem /0“- pLay); less evidently, le*psi‘ FEATHER
28.2; ala/kst* HIS TAIL (86.21, 23)
§ 82. Nouns of Agency in -x/
Only a few verbal derivatives in -ai have been obtained. They are:
al-hiiyaxi (= -«-x) hunter
yexi* needle, awl (literally [?], biter [cf. verb-stem ye*g”- bite])
122.8
gel-dula’xi' eit‘e® I am lazy, one who is lazy
gel-he’*xi stingy (cf. verb-stem he*x- be left over)
s‘iimxi‘ paddle stirrer (cf. s-iim-t'a- boil) (170.16)
et t'gélxi' wagon (literally, canoe one-that-rolls)
§ 83. FORMS IN -/ya
Two or three isolated verb-forms in -2’ya! have been found that
appear to be of a passive participial character. There are not enough
such forms available, however, to enable one to form an idea of their
function. The few examples are:
t'ga* (1) haxani’'ya (2) mi (8) al-tlaya‘k’ (4) then (8) he dis-
covered (4) a burnt-down (2) field (1) 92.26
yap!a (1) dé"mi'ya (2) ‘al-t!laya‘k* (3) he discovered (3) killed
(2) people (1)
Both of these forms in -2’ya, it will be observed, are derived from
transitive stems (haxani’ya from causative haxa-n- CAUSE TO BURN,
BURN), and would seem to be best interpreted as attributive passives
corresponding to the attributive actives in -t. To these forms
belongs probably also:
di'-he'liya (1) wa-wwi’* (2) girl (2) who sleeps on a raised board
platform (1) (literally, perhaps, up-boarded girl [cf. heela‘m
board]) 13.2
II. The Noun (§§ 84-102)
§ 84. Introductory
Despite the double-faced character of some of the nominal deriva-
tives of the verb-stem (e. g., the passive participles), there is formally
in Takelma a sharp line of demarcation bétween denominating and
predicative elements of speech. This is evidenced partly by the
distinct sets of pronominal suffixes peculiar to noun and verb, partly
by certain nominal elements appearing before the possessive affixes
and serving, perhaps, to distinctly substantivize the stem. Only a
1 Not to be confused with transitive infinitives in -ia’.
§ 83-84
verbs.
HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES—TAKELMA 211
Such are:
Noun
se’*l black paint, writing
he’*l song 106.7; (164.16)
liw-a’* naga’* he looked (per-
haps = his-look he-did) 55.6
dak’ shirt 96.16
t/iil gambling-sticks in grass-
ame
ale’**p' dough-like mass of
camass or fat
xan urine
small number of stems have been found that can, without the aid of
nominal (or verbal) derivative elements, be used as both nouns and
Verb
se‘l-a’md-a‘n I paint it
hél sing! (170.12)
liwila’u-t'e® I looked (152.17)
(imperative /7a@ 14.11; [60.2})
di-dik'” wear it! (55.9; 96.16)
tlii‘ltlal-siniba® let us gamble
at grass-game 31.9
i-alep!e’xlib-ien I mash it into
dough (94.11)
xala’xam-t'e® I urinate
A number of cases have been found of stem + suffix serving as noun
and verb (e. g., wii“lha‘*m MENSTRUAL ‘“‘ROUND’”’ DANCE 100.10, 16:
— wiitlha’mt'e® 1 SHALL HAVE FIRST COURSES 162.7, 8); but in these it
is probable that the verb is a secondary derivative of the noun.
Even in the first two examples given above, a difference in pitch-
accent serves to distinguish the noun from the verb-stem: Aé/-gulu‘k‘”
HE WILL SING, but he’ gel-gulu‘k'” HE LIKES, DESIRES, A sonG. The
use of a stem as both noun and verb in the same sentence may
lead to such cognate accusative constructions as the English To LivE
A LIFE, DREAM A DREAM:
se’ l-se‘la’msi write to me!
duqui'* di-du“gwa‘nk* she shall wear her skirt 55.9
If we analyze noun forms like t!ibagwa‘nt'k* My PANCREAS and
da*nade‘k* MY EAR, we find it necessary to consider five more or less
distinct elements that go to make up a noun with possessive suffix,
though all of these but the radical portion of the word may be absent.
First of all we have the stem (¢/iba-; da*-) which may or may
not be similar in form to a verbal base, and which occurs either as
an absolute noun unprovided with a pronominal suffix (body-part
nouns and terms of relationship, however, do not ordinarily appear in
their naked stem-form), or as an incorporated noun; e. g., t/iba-wésin
I AM PANCREAS-DEPRIVED, MY PANCREAS HAS BEEN TAKEN FROM ME. .-
Appended to the stem are the purely derivational or formative
elements of the noun. Takelma is characterized rather by a paucity
than. an abundance of such elements, a very large proportion of its
nouns being primitive, i. e., non-derivative, in character. Of the
§ 84
212 _ BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [unn. 40
two nouns that we have chosen as types da“nade‘k* shows no forma-
tive element in the proper sense of the word, while the -gw- of t/ba-
gwa‘nt'k* is such an element (cf. from stem liu- Loox liu-qw-az-dek*
MY FACE). ;
More characteristic of the Takelma noun than derivational suffixes
is a group of elements that are never found in the absolute form of
the noun, but attach themselves to it on the addition of a pronominal
suffix or local pre-positive. The -n- and -(a)n- of da%made‘k* and
tlibagwa‘nt'k*, respectively, are elements of this kind (ef. ha-da-n-dé
IN MY EAR; ha-t!ibagw-an-dé IN MY PANCREAS), also the -a- of dana‘t'k*
My ROCK (cf. ha-dan-a‘ IN THE ROCK [from da‘n rock]), and the -w of
ha-t'g@% IN THE EARTH 33.7 (from t'g@ EARTH). The function of these
elements, if they have any and are not merely older formative suffixes
that have become crystallized in definite forms of the noun, is not
at all clear. They are certainly not mere connective elements sery-
ing as supports for the grammatical suffixes following, as in that
event it would be difficult to understand their occurrence as absolute
finals in nouns provided with pre-positives; nor can they be plausibly
explained as old case-endings whose former existence as such was
conditioned by the preceding pre-positive, but which now have
entirely lost their original significance, for they are never dependent
on the pre-positive itself, but vary solely with the noun-stem:
ha-dan-a’ in the rock; da&*-dan-a‘ beside the rock; dal-dan-a’
among the rocks; dan-a‘-t'k* my rock; dak‘-dan-a-dé over my
rock (with constant -a- from da‘n rock 16.12)
ha-qwa-a‘m in the road 62.6; da*-gwa4l-a‘m along the road;
gwat-a\m-t'k* my road (96.8); dak*-gwa%l-am-dé over my road
(48.6, 8) (with constant -am- from gwan road 148.7)
For want of a better term to describe them, these apparently non-
significant elements will be referred to as noun-characteristics.
Not all nouns have such characteristics:
ha-gela‘m in the river (from gela‘m river 21.14) as opposed to 2@?-
gulm-a‘n among oaks (from gulu‘m oak 22.10, 11)
Whether such nouns were always without them, or really preserve
them, but in a phonetically amalgamated form, it is, of course,
impossible to decide without other than internal evidence.
A fourth nominal element, the pre-pronominal -z-, is found in a
large number of nouns, including such as possess also a characteristic
§ 84
Bos] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES—TAKELMA FAS
(e. g., da%-n-x-de‘k‘) and such as are not provided with that element
(e. g., sal-x-de‘k* My Foot); a large number, on the other hand, both
of those that have a characteristic (e. g., t/ibagw-a‘n-tk‘) and of
those that lack it (e. g., bém-t'a* nis stick) do without the -z-. A
considerable number of nouns may either have it between the
characteristic and the pronominal ending or append the personal
endings directly to the characteristic, no difference in signification
resulting. In such doublets, however, the pronominal suffixes be-
long to different schemes: :
bilg-an-x-de‘k* and bilg-a‘n-t'k* my breast
se°ns-i-z-da’* and se°ns-i’-*t' your hair
wad-i'-x-da (92.24) and wa%d-7’* his body 146.6
The characteristic -a- never tolerates a following -z-. Where doublets
occur, these two elements seem to be mutually equivalent: ey-a‘-t'k*
(112.6) and e1-x-de‘k* My CANOE (from e7 CANOE 114.3). Such doublets,
together with the fact that nothing ever intervenes between it and the
personal suffix, make it possible that this -z- is a connective element
somewhat similar in function to, and perhaps ultimately identical
with, the connective -a- of transitive verbs. This, however, is con-
fessedly mere speculation. What chiefly militates against its inter-
pretation as a merely connective element is the fact of its occurrence
as a word-final in phrases in which no possessive element is found:
dagaz wé'k'1? head without
ha-da*-n-« molhi‘t' in-ear red (i. e., red-eared) 14.4; 15.13
If the local phrase involves a personal pronominal element, the -z-
disappears:
da*-n-x-de‘k* my ear, but ha-da-n-dé in my ear
This treatment marks it off sharply from the noun-characteristics.
Fifthly and lastly, in the integral structure of the noun, comes
the possessive pronominal suffix (the first person singular of terms
of relationship, however, is a prefixed wi-). The following tabulated
summary shows the range of occurrence of the various elements of
the noun:
1. Stem. Occurs as absolute noun (gwan), or incorporated in verb
(da‘-).
2. Derivative element. Occurs as ending of absolute form of
noun whose stem appears only in incorporation: t/iba-k'¥
pancreas.
§ 84
214
BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 40
3. Noun characteristic. Occurs with all increments of absolute
form of noun; i. e., with pronominal suffix (gwa4l-a‘m-t'k'),
with pre-positive (ha-gwa-a‘m), and with pre-positive and
pronominal element (ha-gwéal-am-dé).
4. Pre-pronominal -x-. Occurs with pronominal suffix (da%-n-a-
de‘k‘) and pre-positive (ha-da@*-n-x), but never with pre-positive
and pronominal element.
5. Pronominal suffix. Occurs in two distinct forms: one for
nouns without pre-positives (da*-n-x-de‘k’), and one for nouns
accompanied by pre-positive (ha-da-n-dé).
A tabulated analysis of a few typical words follows:
Stem Derivative Charade: pias bas Pronominal Meaning
(ha-) waz.-1} g-a‘n in the creek
le’- k'w- an- tk my anus
da-uwyG/a- k'w.- devk* my medicine-spirit
daa- n- z- de‘k* my ear
bo’k‘d- an.- I- dek* my neck
k‘at- la’p‘a.-k!- i- tks my woman
lou- 8t\.- tk my plaything
sge’ec- xab.- a- Ek my hat
li’u- gw- i ax- de‘ k* my face
raga ha’m- da on his back
ts:le'k'ts: lig- i- Niele? dek* my backbone
(ha-) yaw- a- | « dé in my ribs
doum.- a\l- tk my testicles
rad-(xan.) a‘m- | tk* my urine
- a- 2- de‘k* my hand
(has-) 7- i- | dé in my ae
1 A point (.) shows the absolute form of the word.
1. Nominal Stems (§§ 85, 86)
§ 85. GENERAL REMARKS
The stem is in a very large number of cases parallel in form to
that of a verbal base (e. g., with da‘n ROCK, s‘o7% MOUNTAIN, méx
CRANE, cf. t/an- HOLD, s‘om- BOIL, he’m- WRESTLE). An extensive
number of noun-stems, however, are apparently amplifications of a
simpler monosyllabic base, and have all the outward appearance of
an aorist stem in the verb. It becomes, then, not only possible, but
fundamentally important, to classify noun-stems into types that seem,
and ultimately doubtless are, entirely analogous in form to cor-
responding verbal types. The noun-stem wili- HousE, for example,
can be conceived of as formed from a base wil- in the same manner
§ 85
BOAS] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES—TAKELMA G15
as the aorist naga- is formed from the verb-stem n@%g- SAY TO SOME
ONE. Similarly, the noun yele‘r BURDEN-BASKET is phonetically
related to a hypothetical base *yelx-, as is the aorist leme-k!- to the
non-aorist lem-k!-. A small number of nouns appear in two forms,
one corresponding to the aorist stem, the other to the verb-stem of a
verb: gulu‘m oak, but with characteristic -(a)n-: gulm-an-(the non-
aorist gula‘m with inorganic -a- also occurs). Similarly, yulu‘m and
yula‘m EAGLE. In such variable nouns we have a complete morpho-
logic analogy to Type 2 (or 3)) verbs like aorist zudwm- WHISTLE,
verb-stem «zut'm- (with inorganic -a-:zudam-). In both gulu‘m and
audum- the -m- is almost certainly a suffixed element. It must be
carefully noted, however, that, while in the verb we very often have
both the aorist stem and the base (as verb-stem) in actual existence,
in the case of nouns we rarely can go beyond the stem as revealed in
an absolute or incorporated form. It is true that sometimes a
hypothetical noun-base phonetically coincides with a verbal base, but
only in the minority of cases can the two be satisfactorily connected.
Thus, yut!-, abstracted from yit!u‘n DUOK, is very probably identical
with the yut!- of aorist yut!wyad- SWALLOW GREEDILY LIKE HOG OR
puck. On the other hand, little is gained, by comparing the yul- of
yulu‘m EAGLE with the yul- of aorist yuluyal- ruB; the pliy- of
plv’yin DEER and p/i’yax FAWN with the aorist -p!iyin-(k'wa-) LIB
ON PILLOW (cf. gwen-p!ixap* PILLOW), unless the deer was so called,
for reasons of name-taboo, because its skin was used for the making
of pillows (or, more naturally, the reverse) ;‘ the way- of waya‘ KNIFE
with way- SLEEP; or the noun-stem yaw- RIB (occurring as ya-u- when
incorporated) with the verb-stem yaw- (yiw-) TALK. It is not justi-
fiable to say that noun-stems of apparently non-primitive form are
necessarily amplified from the bases that seem to lie back of them
(e. g., wilt- from wil-; yulu-m from yul-), but merely that there is a
strong tendency in Takelma for the formation in the noun of certain
typical sound-groups analogous to those found in the verb.
§ 86. TYPES OF STEM FORMATION
Though it is probably impossible to duplicate all the various types
of aorist and verb stem found in the verb, most of those that are at
all frequent occur also in the noun.
iImprobable, however, if aorist p/eyen- LIE and p/iyin-k‘wa- LIE ON PILLOW are radically connected (see § 31).
§ 86
216 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 40
1. The most characteristic type of noun-stem in Takelma is the
monosyllabic group of consonant (less frequently consonant-cluster) +
vowel (or diphthong)+consonant (less frequently cluster). This
type may be considered as corresponding to the normal monosyllabic
verb-stem. Out of a very large number of such primitive, underived
noun-stems are taken a selection of examples.
Occurring as naked stems only when incorporated:
s‘im- nose
da*- ear
gel- breast
gwen- neck
dag- head
s‘al- foot
Occurring as absolute nouns:
nox rain 90.1
pit fire 62.10; 78.13
bé sun 54.3; 122.15; 160.20
bem tree, stick 25.5; 48.7
av‘ water 15.1; 57.14
t‘g@ land 49.12; 73.9
tqwa* thunder 55.8
pla’s snow 90.2, 3; 152.16
pm salmon 17,12; 30.10
lan salmon-net 31.2; 33.4
mal salmon-spear shaft 28.7
t‘gwa‘n slave 13.12
gwan trail 148.7
bas fly
dél yellow-jacket 73.7, 10
méx crane 13.1 ©
xem raven 162.8, 12
s‘ém duck 55.2; 166.10
sél kingfisher
mél crow 144.9; 162.7
yak’ wildcat 42.1; 46.9
za‘mk* grizzly bear 106.14
dip’ camass 108.18; 124.12
k!wat grass 31.8
hiz roasted camass 178.4
0’*»* tobacco 194.1
k!wal pitch 88.13; 158.9
yup woman’s basket-cap 178.3
§ 86
gwel- leg
yaw- rib
7- hand
#a%- back
de*- lips, mouth
ha- woman’s private parts
mo‘x grouse
tqwelk’” rat (sp. %)
t‘i’ts gopher 78.4, 7
sbin beaver 112.1; 166.12
sax bird 22.4; 166.10
da‘n rock 13.6; 16.12
la’*p* leaves
ste venison 16.6; 55.1
vin mucus
la‘ excrement 122.2
t‘ga‘m elk 158.4; 196.6
t!ak* mussel 26.7
bd’n acorn-hopper
vo‘ fir 24.10; 54.6
halk* panther 42.1
bik” skunk 164.2
tGn squirrel 94.2, 4
s‘om mountain 43.6
2an urine
dé“m testicles 130.20
do“m spider
hoa jack-rabbit 108.8
ga’'l* bow
hat cloud 13.3
bia grasshopper 92.28, 29
eni‘k* acorn dough 16.12
gut thick brush 71.1
tgwil hazelnut 116.5, 11, 14
Boas] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES—TAKELMA 917
Occurring generally with possessive suffix:
wad- body 9224; 130.24;
1
sa father 17.12; 70.7; 158.3 146.6
cul- brains
ni- seen- skin
jmother Bios HMR pul; delg- buttocks 45.9; 72.10;
172.17 94.15
giui"a- wile 13.2; 45.3; 64.5; 142.12 balg- breast
t/v- male, husband 45.14; 126.14 k‘dvb- hair 24.8; 162.4
nv'- teats 30.14 (nv’ found as a-is-- property 23.2; 154.13
absolute form 130.9)
plan- liver 120.15 (plan found
as absolute form 57.9, 13)
Tuese lists might be very greatly increased if desired. It will be
hin-
noticed that a considerable number of the nouns given are such as
are generally apt to be derivative or non-primitive in morphology.
In regard to accent monosyllabic nouns naturally divide themselves
into two classes:—those with rising or raised accent, embracing the
great majority of examples, and those with falling accent. Of the
latter type a certain number owe their accent to a glottal catch of
the stem. Besides ga’l‘, already given above, may be cited:
t'go’* leggings
kla’l°s sinew 27.13; (28.1)
ple’? basket-plate 168.15
k‘o'*x tar-weed seeds 26.15
These offer no special difficulty. There is a fairly considerable num-
ber of monosyllabic nouns, however, in which the falling accent can
not be so explained, but appears to be inherently characteristic of
the nouns. Besides 0’“p‘, p!a’4s, t'i/'s, and la’*p', may be mentioned:
ne’ song 106.7 tle’ck’’ yellowhammer 90.18; 194.15
se’l black paint, writing tbe’k'” shinny-ball
ge’ xerophyllum tenax a’lk* silver-side salmon
ye’ tears ple’’s (with derivative -s? see § 87,
wa'%s bush (sp.?) 25.12 8) flat rock on which acorns are
pounded 74.13; 75.2; 118.17
For two of these nouns (he’@ and se’) the etymology is obvious.
They are derived from the verb-stems he7- srnea and_ se‘l-(amd-)
PAINT; it may well be that the falling accent here characterizes sub-
stantives of passive force (THAT WHICH IS SUNG, PAINTED). Possibly
la’*p* and 0’p‘ are to be similarly explained as meaning THOSE THAT
1 Most nouns of relationship show monosyllabic stems; none can be shown to be derivative in character,
§ 86
918 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BunE, 40
ARE CARRIED (BY BRANCHES) and THAT WHICH IS DUG UP? (ef. aorist
stems 1@%b- CARRY and 6¥b- DIG UP).
2. A very considerable number of noun-stems repeat the vowel of
the base, corresponding to aorist stems of Type 2 verbs. Such are:
wi'li house 13.1; 14.8; 192.6 gwit!i-(n)- wrist
ts‘ li’xi dog k‘aba- son 23.2; 128.5; 138.14
moxo* buzzard 105.23 vaga- maternal aunt
sgi’si coyote 13.1; 70.1; 108.1 _—_ali’wi war-feathers 110.18
sgwini’ raccoon waya’ knife73.3 ;144.20;172.12
k!a’ma spit for roasting 170.17 goyo‘shaman47.11;142.7;188.7
yap!a’ person 14,12; 96.2; 128.2 wd"“p/u-(n)- eyebrows
yana‘ acorn 15.16; 16.9; 58.9
With probably derivative final consonant are:
lege‘m- kidney daga‘n turtle
lap‘am frog 102.10; 196.3 ts‘!axa’*n blue-striped lizard
yulu‘m eagle 77.2; 122.153;164.8 wigin red lizard
gulu‘m oak 22.10 li’bin news 108.20; 194.9.
k‘iilim fish (sp. %) yl’win speech 126.10; 136.12
loro‘m manzanita 126.17; 178.5 ts:/amal mouse 102.10; 104.9;
142.4
yuatlu‘n white duck 55.5 simil dew
pli'yin deer 17.1; 42.2; 54.2 (k!el)mehel-i’* basket for cook-
ga’klan ladder 176.8 ing 178.4
Here again it will be observed that the rising or raised accent is
the normal one for the second syllable of the stem. But here also a
well-defined, if less numerous, group of noun-stems is found in which
the repeated long vowel bears a falling accent. Examples are:
t‘gwala’* hooting owl 194.9 thbis'i’! ant 74.4; 75.5
hasta chicken-hawk 142.6 da-uwya’*shaman’sspirit (? from
dawy- fly) 164.14
suha’" quail 70.2,5; 71.4 maya’?-k'’- orphan 154.5
Compare also t/ond’“s: below (Type 3); ts‘/ilt’*k!- and t'bele’*s (Type
3) owe their falling accent to the presence of a glottal catch.
Very remarkable is the stem formation of the noun ¢t/iix@’t DRIFT-
woop 75.5. It is evidently formed from the verb-stem dé“x- (aorist
stem t/ovoxz-) GATHER (Woop) according to aorists of Type 7b, at the
same time with vowel ablaut (cf. theoretic ¢/iixii-x1 HE GATHERS ME)
and falling accent, perhaps to give passive signification (see § 86, 1);
its etymologic meaning would then be THAT WHICH IS GATHERED.
No other noun of similar stem formation has been found.
1If this etymology of 6’up*‘ is correct, Pit River 6p‘ TOBACCO must be borrowed from Takelma.
§ 86
BoAS] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES—TAKELMA 219
3. It is not strictly possible to separate noun-stems corresponding
to aorists of verbal Type 2 from those that are to be compared with
aorists of Type 3. The doubt that we found to exist in the verb as
to the radical or suffixal character of certain consonants is present
also in regard to the final consonant of many dissyllabic nouns.
The following nouns with repeated vowel show final consonants that
are not thought to be elements of derivation. If this view is correct,
_ they are to be compared with Type 3 aorist stems.
libis crawfish 30.2 wlik!- hair 27.1; 140.6; 158.1
nihwik'” black bear 116.1; deges'- sifting basket-pan
118.1 196.13
ts: li/ik!- elbow k!aba‘s porcupine-quills
s‘idib-i- (house) wall 176.4, 9 t'qwaya’m lark 22.1; 160.3
lep!és cat-tail rushes ‘hiliin ocean 60.8; 154.14
tbele’®s pine-nuts oho‘p‘ black shells (sp.?) 55.9
tlewéx flea mot!o‘p* seed-beater
s‘elék'” pestle 56.1 yuk !um- salmon-tail 198.9
silk’ cricket dugu‘m baby 126.9
t/ond’"s: humming-bird (per-
haps with derivative -s)
4. Analogous to aorist stems of Type 4 verbs (e. g., yewei-) are a
‘few nouns with repeated vowel and following -7- to form a diphthong.
Of such nouns have been found:
ts‘ /elei- eye 27.8; 86.7; 92.20 da-k !olo’i-da-z- cheek
k*wedei- name 100.21 maha‘ (adjective) large 196.10
klelei- bark 54.6 (cf. plural mahmi 130.4 for
k!oloi storage basket 61.5; base)
138.17 ~
That the final -2- of these nouns is not an added characteristic,
but an integral part of the noun-stem, is proven by the facts that no
examples have been found of vowels followed by noun-characteristic
-i- (ordinarily -n- or -m- is employed), and that ¢s-/elei- has been
found incorporated in that form. .
5. A few nouns are found that show a repeated initial consonant;
they may be compared to Type 10 aorist stems. Examples are:
se*ns- hair 136.28 (cf. seen- bo‘p* alder (94.17)
skin)
lw4l- throat 25.2 (2 cf. aorist ts‘!u’nfs _ (ts‘!unts*!-) deer-
lomol choke) skin cap embroidered with
woodpecker-scalps
1 Absolute form dega‘s 178.4; ef. yula‘m 164.3 alongside of yulu\m 77.8?
§ 86
220 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 40
suis thick, deep (of snow) 90.3 ts‘!e’n‘s' (ts*lents*!-) wild-rose
berry 92.23
bebe‘-n rushes bap‘ seeds (sp.?) (84.1; 79.9;
94.19)
bi“b-a‘n arm 23.2, 4; (172.4) ts'!a’*s't bluejay (onomato-
poetic) 22.14; 102.10; 166.11
séns bug (sp. ?) be/p‘? swan 102.10; 104.14
Here may also be mentioned kla’mak!a* nis Tones (also k!a’ma*).
6. Reduplicated nouns are not frequent in Takelma, particularly
when one considers the great importance of reduplication as a gram-
matical device in the verb. Examples corresponding in form to Type
12 aorists (i. e., with -a- [umlauted to -2-] in second member) are:
t'gwi’nt gwin-i- shoulder (also ts‘ !e’k‘ts' lig-i- backbone 112.4;
t'gwi’'nt' gw-i-) 198.6
gelga‘l fabulous serpent (cf. g’agap’ medicine, poison
aorist gelegal-amd- tie hair (irreg.) 188.12
into top-knot 172.3)
si’nsa‘n decrepit old woman gwi’sgwas chipmunk
yuk'ya'k'w-a (place name) pat p'id-i- salmon-liver (with
188.13 dissimilated catch) 120.19,20
t‘ga'lt' gil-i- belly bot bid-i- orphans (also b6¢'ba)
Also wa-iwi’? GIRL 55.7; 96.23 doubtless belongs here; the -wi’* of the
second syllable represents a theoretic -wi’y, umlauted from -wa’y, the
falling accent being due to the inorganic character of the repeated a.
A very few nouns repeat only the first consonant and add a, leaving
the final consonant unreduplicated. Such are:
ba’k*ba&* red-headed woodpecker (onomatopoetic) 92.2, 6
ha’k'a* (=*hak!-ha*) goose 102.10; 106.2, 5
bot'ba* orphan 122.1, 5
A few nouns, chiefly names of animals, show complete duplication
of the radical element without change of the stem-vowel to -a- in the
second member. This type of reduplication is practically entirely
absent in the verb. Examples are:
ts‘ !e’*ts*!e€ small bird (sp. ?) al-kloklo‘k* (adj.) ugly-faced
60.5
daldal dragon-fly 21.1; 28.6 bobo‘p* screech-owl 194.1
paba’*p* manzanita-flour t'ga’nt gan fly (upper dialect)
Even all of these are not certain. Those with radical -a- might
just as well have been classified with the preceding group (thus
1That -‘s is felt to be equivalent to -ts-/ is shown by Bluejay’s song: ts: /a’its: %-G gwa'tca gwatca 104.7.
2bel-is felt as the base of this word, cf. Swan’s song beleldO+ wa’inha 104.15, which shows reduplication
of bel- like aorist helel- of hel- SING.
§ 86
BOAS] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES—TAKELMA 221
dalda‘l may be very plausibly connected with aorist ¢/alat/al- from
tlalal-, non-aorist dadal from dal- crack); while p‘aba’*p* and
bobo‘p’ may, though improbably, show Type 1 reduplication
(p‘ab-a%b- like plab-ab- cHor). This latter type of reduplica-
tion seems, however, to be as good as absent in the noun (but cf.
sgwogwo'k'” ROBIN ; mele‘lz BURNT-DOWN FIELD 92.27 may be morpho-
logically verbal, as shown by its probably non-agentive -z). The
fullest type of reduplication, that found exemplified in the aorists
of Type 13 verbs, has not been met with in a single noun.
2. Noun Derivation (§§ 87, 88)
§ 87. DERIVATIVE SUFFIXES
The number of derivative suflixes found in the noun, excluding
those more or less freely employed to form nominal derivatives from
the verb-stem, are remarkably few in number, and, for the most part,
limited in their range of application. This paucity of live word-
forming suffixes is, of course, due to a great extent, to the large num-
ber of nominal stems in the language. The necessity of using such
suffixes is thus greatly reduced. The various derivational affixes found
in the Takelma noun will be listed below with illustrative examples.
1. &(a)-. This is the only derivational prefix, excluding of course
such considerably individualized elements as the body-part prefixes
of the verb, found in Takelma. It is employed to form the words
for the female relationships corresponding to ELDER BROTHER and
YOUNGER BROTHER.
waza his younger brother 54.1,5 tawdza his younger sister 55.2
wi-‘obt my elder brother 46.10 wi-t'obt my elder sister (55.14)
2. -la’p'a(k!l-). This suffix is found only in a number of nouns
denoting ranks or conditions of persons; hence it is not improbable
that it was originally a separate word meaning something like prr-
SON, PEOPLE. That it is itself a stem, not a mere suffix, is shown by
its ability to undergo ablaut (for-é’p‘i- see § 77). -k!-is added to it
in forms with possessive or plural affix. For example, from t/ia’p‘a
178.7 MALE, HUSBAND are formed t/ila@’pikntk’ my HUSBAND
(142.7) and ¢/7*la’p‘ak!an HUSBANDS, MEN (130.1, 7). The fact that
the stem preceding -la@’p‘a appears also as a separate word or with
other elements indicates that words containing -la@’p‘a may be best
considered as compounds.
§ 87
222 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 40
Examples are:
t/7**la’p‘a male, husband 178.7 (cf. ¢/7?- husband, male)
k‘a*‘la’p‘a woman 25.9, 12; 108.4, 5 (cf. k‘a*s-o’k‘da girl who has
already had courses)
mologola’p‘a old woman 26.14, 16; 56.3 (cf. mologo old woman
168.12; 170.10)
bo"t'bala’p‘ak!an orphans (cf. bdt‘ba orphan and bd“t‘bid-i-tk*
my orphaned children)
lomt!7'1a’p‘ak!an old men 128.11; 136.1 (cf. lom#/i’* old man 24.11;
126.19)
os'0"la’p‘a poor people
3. -k*. A number of place-names with suffixed -k* have been found:
La’mhik* Klamath river
Sbink* Applegate creek (cf. sbtn beaver)
Gwen-p'unk* village name 114.14 (cf. p‘u‘n rotten 140.21)
Ha-t!onk* village name
Dak‘-t' gamik* village name (cf. t‘ga‘m elk)
Gel-yalk* village name 112.13; 114.8 (cf. yal pine)
Somolu‘k' ! village name |
Dal-dan‘k* village name (cf. da‘n rock)
4. -a’*(n). Nouns denoting PERSON COMING FROM are formed by
adding this suffix to the place-name, with loss of derivative -k’.
Examples are:
Ha-gwa“la’* person from Ha-gwal, Cow creek
Lamhi‘ya’* person from La’/mhik‘, Klamath river
Sbi‘na’* person from Sbink‘, Applegate creek
Dal-sa’lsana* person from Dal-salsai, Illinois river
Di-lomiya’* person from Di*-lomi
Gwen-p'u’nas person from Gwen-p‘uik*
Dal-daniya’* person from Dal-dani‘k*
S‘omola’® person from S‘omolu‘k* (see footnote)
Ha-t!0"na’* person from Ha-t!dnk*
La-t'ga*wa’* person from La-t‘gat, uplands 192.14
Dak'-t' gamiya’* person from Dak*-t‘gamik*
Ha-t‘v‘la’* person from Ha-t‘il
Gel-yala’* person from Gel-yalk*
Dak'-ts!é*wana’* person from dak‘-ts!a*wa‘n, i. e., above the
lakes (= Klamath Indian)
Dak'-ts!a@%mala’®
1The -u*- of this word is doubtless merely the pitch-accentual peak of the -/-, the -u- resonance of the
liquid being due to the preceding -o-. The word 1s thus to be more correctly written as Somolk*‘ (similarly,
wuit ENEMY was often heard as wulu‘r), as implied by S:omola’é ONE FROM SoMOLK‘. In that event
somol-is very probably a frequentative in v+J (see § 43, 6) from s‘ofi MOUNTAIN, and the placename
leans VERY MOUNTAINOUS REGION.
$87
~~
BoAS ] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES—TAKELMA 223
Da*-gelma’‘n person from Da*-gela‘m, Rogue river (= Takelma
Indian)
Di-dalama‘‘n person from Didalam, Grant’s Pass
Judging from the material at hand, it seems that -a’‘n is used only
when the place-name ends in -m, though the ease with which -a’‘n
may be heard as -a’‘ (see first footnote § 60) detracts from the cer-
Eeiaty of this generalization.
5. -gw-. This element occurs as a suffix in a number of terms
relating to parts of the body. Examples are:
tliba‘k™ pancreas 47.17; tlbagw-a‘n-t'k* my pancreas (47.5, 6, 7,
13) Gncorporated ¢/aba- 46.1, 9)
li’ugw-ax-dek* my face (cf. verb-stem liu- look)
da‘madagw-a‘n-t'k* my shoulder
da-wya’k'"-dek* my medicine-spirit (incorporated da-wyd*-
164,14)
le’k'w-an-t'k* my rectum (cf. la“ excrement 122.2)
ma’ plagw-a-t'k* my shoulder-blade
6. -(a)n- (or -m-, -l-). There are so many nouns which in their
absolute form end in -(a)n or its phonetic derivatives -(a)m- and -(a) l-
(see § 21) that there is absolutely no doubt of its suffixal character,
despite the impossibility of ascribing to it any definite functional value
and the small number of cases in which the stem occurs without it.
The examples that most clearly indicate its non-radical character will
be conveniently listed here:
he‘la‘m board 176.5 (cf. di‘-re’laya sleeping on board platform 13.2)
is‘ /ela‘m hail 152.12, 16 (cf. verb-stem ¢s:/el- rattle)
plr'yin deer 13.10; 42.2 (cf. pl’yax fawn 13.11; 49.111)
yi’win speech 126.10; 138.4 (cf. verb-stem yiw- talk)
li’bin news 194.9 (2 cf. verb-stem laba- carry)
yutlu‘n white duck 55.5 (cf. verb-stem yut!- eat greedily)
do’'lk*am-a- anus (also do’lk‘-i- as myth form 106.4, 8)
do'lk‘im-i-
do’lk'in-i- 106.6, 9
adan eel (cf. reduplicated ha‘-ada’*adagwa‘n I throw away some-
thing slippery, nastily wet [49.7])
sugwa‘n root basket 124.5 (cf. s-wgwidt it lies curled up like
bundled roots or strings)
dan ye’*wald-in-? rocks returning-to- them, myth name of Otter
160.10, 13 (cf. verb-stem yeew-ald- return to)
Other examples, etymologically untransparent, will be found listed
in § 21. The difference between this derivational -n (-m) and
§ 87
924 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 40
noun-characteristic -n- (-m) lies in the fact that the former is a neces- »
sary part of the absolute form of the word, while the latter appears
only with grammatical increments. Thus the -am of he‘la‘m BOARD
can not be identified with the -am of ha-gwa%la‘m IN THE ROAD, as
gwa‘la‘m has no independent existence. The exact morphologic cor-
respondent of gwa*l-am- is he‘lam-a- (e. g., he‘lam-a‘-t'k* MY BOARD).
A doubt as to the character of the -n- can be had only in words that
never, or at least not normally, occur without possessive suffix:
lege*m-t'k* my kidneys
worp!un-tk* my eyebrows *
7. -a. There are a rather large number of dissyllabic nouns or
noun-stems with final -a, in which this element is to outward ap-
pearance an integral part of the radical portion of the word.
The number of instances in which it occurs, however, is considerable
enough to lead one to suspect its derivational character, though it
can be analyzed out in an even smaller number of cases than the
suffix -n above discussed. The most convincing proof of the exist-
ence of a suflix-a is given by the word zu’ma FOOD, DRY FOOD, 54.4;
188.1, a derivative of the adjective zu‘m DRY 168.15 (e. g., p'um xu'm
DRIED SALMON; cf. also «xiimii’k‘de® 1 AM SATED [132.1]). Other pos-
sible examples of its occurrence are:
yola’ fox (? cf. verb-stem yul- rub) 70.1, 4, 5; 78.2, 3, 9
mena’ bear 72.3; 73.2, 3, 4, 5; 106.7, 10
plelda‘ slug 105.25
noxwa* small pestle
t‘e‘lma small pestle 62.1; 116.18, 19; 118.2.
ma’zla dust 172.3; 184.5, 9
kleda‘ grass for string (sp. ?)
t!ela’ shinny-stick (? cf. verb-stem ¢/éu- play shinny)
t!ela‘ louse (? ef. verb base ¢/el- lick) 116.3, 6, 7, 8, 11
t/iba- pancreas 46.1, 9; 49.7
ela- tongue (characteristic -a-?)
dola* old tree 24.1 f
yana* oak 22.11; 168.1, 2, 3, 6, 7 (cf. yangwa‘s oak sp.; with
-gwas cf. perhaps al-gwa’s-i- yellow)
Tt is of course possible that some of the dissyllabic nouns in -a
listed above (§ 86, 2) as showing a repeated vowel (e. g., ya’p/a) really
belong here.
1 These seem to be parallel to gwit/i‘n-t‘k* MY WRIST, in which -n-, inasmuch as it acts as the equivalent
of the characteristic -a- (cf. gwit/idxde‘k‘ MY WRIST with idzde‘k’ MY HAND), is itself best considered
characteristic element. .
§ 87
poas] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES—TAKELMA 295
8.-s. This element is in all probability a derivational suffix in
a fairly considerable number of words, as indicated particularly by
the fact of its frequent occurrence after a consonant. Examples are:
ple’*s mortar-stone fastened in ground (cf. verb-stem p/é- lie)
74,13; 120.17
la‘ps blanket (? cf. base lab- carry on shoulder) 98.14, 15, 19, 21
ple‘ns squirrel
gums (adj.) blind 26.14 (? cf. gomha‘k*” rabbit)
béls moccasin
k!uls worm (? cf. verb-stem g6“I-, aorist k/olol- dig)
yols steel-head salmon (? cf. yola*‘ fox)
bils moss 43.16; 44.1; 47.15
bami‘s sky 79.7 (cf. verb-prefix bam- up)
bals (adj.) long 14.5; 15.12, 15 (2 ef. da-balni’-za [adv.] long time)
Also some of the dissyllabic nouns in -s with repeated vowel listed
above (§ 86, 3) may belong to this set.
A few other stray elements of a derivational aspect have been
found. Such are:
-axz in p!i’yax fawn 13.11; 16.8; 17.1, 2 (cf. pli’yin deer)
-xi1 in bomai* otter 13.5; 17.13; 154.13; 156.14; @*22 seed-pouch;
ha*pai’ child 13.8, 13 (cf. hdp‘da his child 98.13 and ha*p*-
incorporated in ha*p'-k!emna’‘s Children-maker 172.15)
pluralic -z- in h@pxda his children 16.3; 118.1, 14
-x- varies with -s- in adjective hdpsdi small; ha*pxi’ hapsdi
little children 30.12
A large number of dissyllabic and polysyllabic nouns still remain
that are not capable of being grouped under any of the preceding
heads, and whose analysis is altogether obscure:
ba@adis wolf 13.1; 16.10; 17.10
domza‘u Chinook salmon
yik‘a‘t’ red deer
yiba’zam small skunk
biza‘l moon 196.1
k!a’nak!as basket cup (probably reduplicated and with deriva-
tive -s)
§ 88. COMPOUNDS
Of compounds in the narrower sense of the word there are very
few in Takelma. Outside of personal words in -la’p‘a, which we
have suspected of being such, there have been found:
lomt!7’* old man 24.11, 12; 126.19 (cf. t/2’- male)
k‘a*s-o’k'da girl who has had courses (cf. k‘ald’p'a woman)
1 Cf. -zi above, § 82.
3045°—Bull. 40, pt 2-12-15 § 88
226 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 40
Independent’ nouns may, however, be juxtaposed without change of’
form to make up a descriptive term, the qualifying noun preceding:
hapai-t!v’‘t'a? child male-person (=boy) 14.1, 6; 17.3, 6; 156.10
ha pai-wa-vwi'! child female-person (=girl) 29 23), SOsR; ine 3
hapzi-t a*ga’‘s child crier (=cry-baby)
da’n mologol rock old-woman 170.10, 15, 20; 172.1
dan hapzi-t!i’'t'a* rock boy 17.8
dan wi'li’t his rock knife 142.20
qwa’s’ wilt brush house (for summer use) 176.14
yar wilt graveyard house 14.8, 9; 15.5, 6
wilt‘ heela‘m house boards 176.5
zamk* wa-iwi’* grizzly-bear girl 124.10; 130.6, 7, 26
mena dap!a'la-ut'an bear youths 130.11
yap!a goyo’ Indian doctor 188.12
Examples of compounds in which the first element is modified by a
numeral or adjective are: ;
wili ha‘igo’ yap!a‘ house nine people (= people of nine houses)
150.16
yap!a ‘alt‘gu’*s* goyo’ person white doctor (= white doctor) 188.11 |
A certain number of objects are described, not by a single word,
but by a descriptive phrase consisting of a noun followed by an
adjective, participle, or another noun provided with a third personal
possessive suffix. In the latter case the suffix does not properly indi-
cate a possessive relation, but generally a part of the whole or the
fabric made of the material referred to by the first noun. Such are:
lasgu’m-iixgwat’ snake handed (=lizard) 196.4
tgwil ts: !v’*k‘da hazel its-meat (=hazel-nut)
t‘qwa he*lama’* thunder its-board (=lumber) 55.8, 10
pliyin sge’*xaba* deer its-hat (not deer’s hat, but hat of deerskin)
pliyin ts‘!u'nts'li* deer its-cap-embroidered-with woodpecker-
scalps
kai mologola’ p'axda* what its-woman (=what kind of woman?)
122.3
wi'li gwala‘ houses many (=village)
ts'i’xi maha dog big (= horse)
pim sinizde salmon its-nose (=swallow) (perhaps so called
because the spring run of salmon is heralded by the coming of
swallows)
mena’ ‘alt‘guna‘px bear +? (=dormouse [?])
xi’lam sebe't’ dead-people roasting (=bug [sp.?])! 98.13, 15
pun-yvlt rotten Soprlataseecttl (= reson pheasant)
1 See Appendix B, note 2 of first text,
838
a
BOAS] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES—TAKELMA 227
§ 89, 3. Noun-Characteristics and Pre-Pronominal -x-
As noun-characteristics are used four elements: -(a)n (including
-am and -al), -a-, -i-, and -u-. Although each noun, in so far as it
has any noun-characteristic, is found, as a rule, to use only one of
these elements, no rule can be given as to which of them is to be
appended to any given noun. Nouns in suffixed -(a)n, or -(a)m, for
example, are found with characteristic -i- (bi“bin-i- [from bia"-ba‘n
ARM]), -a- (he‘lam-a- [from he‘la‘m Boarp]), -(a)n (gulm-an- [from
gula‘m oax]), and without characteristic (bo’k'dan-1-dek” MY NECK
[from bo’k‘dan 15.12, 15)).
1. -(a)n. Examples of this characteristic erement are:
gwith-n- wrist (cf. variant gwit!i-7-)
tlibagw-an- pancreas 45.15; 46.5 (absolute tliba‘k’’ 47.17)
da'madagw-an- shoulder
lek‘w-an- rectum
da*-n-x- ear 14.4; 15.13 (incorporated da‘-)
ts!4%w-an- lake, deep water 59.16 (absolute ts/aa 162.9; 166.15)
gulm-an- oak (absolute gula‘m)
bob-in- 1 alder 94.17 (absolute bo‘p')
Its phonetic reflexes -al and -am occur in:
s'6’m-al- mountain 124.2; 152.2. (absolute so 43.6; 122.16)
do“m-al- testicles 130.8 (absolute d6“m 130.20)
ts!a¢m-al- (in Dak'-ts!a%mala’* Klamath Indian, parallel to
Dak'-ts!4%wana’*)
gwal-am- trail 48.6, 8; 96.8, 9 (absolute gwan 148.7)
zal-am- urine (absolute zan)
-am- is also found, though without apparent phonetic reason, in 7a@7-
ham- BACK (incorporated #@7-). Certain nouns add -g- before taking
-an- as their characteristic:
waa-gan- creek (absolute wa‘x)
del-gan-(z-) anus 45.9; 72.10; 94.15
bil-gan-(x-) breast
gel-gan- breast (cf. variant gel-z-)
2. -a-. More frequently occurring than -(@)n- is -a-, examples of
which are:
dana- rock (absolute da‘n 17.8; dal-am- as possible variant in
place-name Di-dala‘m over the rocks [?])
ey-a- canoe 112.6; 114.5, 13; 156.2 (cf. variant e7-z-)
t‘gwan-a- slave (absolute t'gwa‘n 13.12)
he‘lam-a- board 55.8, 10 (absolute he‘la‘m 176.5)
yo"k !w-a- bone 186.1; 196.17 (absolute y6“k*”)
1 This word happened to occur with following emphatic yd@’a, so that itis probably umlauted from bob-an-.
§ 89
998 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY
[BULL. 40
pim-a- salmon 31.1; 32.4 (absolute p‘e’m 30.10, 11; 31.3.)
do'lk'am-a- rectum (cf. variant do’lk‘im-i-)
ma’ plagw-a- shoulder blade (absolute ma’p!ak‘”)
yaw-a- rib 194.10 (incorporated ya-u-)
aiy-a- water 58.6; 156.19; 162.13 (absolute 22‘ 162.7, 8, 14)
pliy-a- fire 118.4; 168.19 (absolute p/7 88.12, 13; 96. 17)
All nouns in -«ab- take -a- as their characteristic; e. g., sge’ “xab-a-tk*
my HAT (from sge’ “xap* HAT)
3. =¢-.
Examples of nouns with -i- as their characteristic are:
di“gw-i- shirt 13.4; 96.26; 192.4 (absolute dak‘” 96.16)
bui“bin-i-, arm 31.4: 172.4, 5, 6 (absolute bi“ba‘n 23.2, 4, 9)
t'qwi’nt' qwin-i- shoulder
ts: !ugul-i- rope (cf. absolute és-!ak*)
kiivb-i- hair, skin 24.8; 160.6
iilitk!-i- hair 27.1, 4; 126.11; 136.20; 158.1; 188.4, 5; 194.7.
k!alts!-i- smew 28.1 (absolute k/a’lés 27.13)
ba%b-i- seeds (sp.?) 34.1; 79.9; 94.19 (absolute bap‘)
k!elw-i- basket bucket 170.14, 16, 18, 19 (absolute k/e 186.17)
mal-i- spear-shaft 156.1 (absolute mal 28.7, 9, 10)
du“l-i- spear-point (absolute dal 28.8, 9; 156.19, 20)
lit#l-1-(2-) throat 25.2
mu“l-i- lungs
tlegilia-i- skull 174.3
t‘galt'qil-i-(x-) belly
ts‘ lek‘ts: ig-i-(a-) backbone 112.4
ham-i- father 158.3 (e. g., ham-i’-t' your father, but wi-ha‘m my
father 138.19)
A number of terms of relationship show an -?- not only in the second
person singular and plural and first person plural but also, unlike
ham-i- FATHER, in the first person singular, while the third person in
-xa(-a) and the vocative (nearly always in -@) lack it.
wi-k‘abai my son (23.2, 3)
wi*-obi my elder brother
(46.10)
lwi-t'obi my elder sister
wi-k!a’si my maternal
grandparent 14.2; (15.12)
wi-addai my paternal uncle
wi-hasi‘ my maternal uncle
wi-t'adi’ my paternal aunt
22.14
wi-cagai my maternal aunt
wi-ts!ai my (woman’s)
brother’s child 22.1; 23.8,
10; my (man’s) sister’s
child 148.19; 150.4
§ 89
They are:
k‘aba’-xa his son 138.16
o’p-xa his elder brother 48.3; 62.2
t‘o’p-xa his elder sister 55.14; 56.6
k!a’s-a his maternal grandparent
16.1, 2; (154.18)
ada-xa his paternal uncle
ha’s-a his maternal uncle
t‘a’d-a his paternal aunt (63.9;
77.14)
zaga’-xa his maternal aunt
ts!a’-xa her brother’s child; his
sister’s child
added characteristic element.
HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES—TAKELMA 229
Still other terms of relationship have an -2- in all forms but the voca-
It is probable, though not quite so certain for these nouns, that
the -i- is not a part of the stem, but, as in the preceding group, an
Such nouns are:
Vocative
gamdi’-za his paternal grand- gamda
parent (170.21; 188.13)
siwi’-xa her sister’s child; his siwa
brother’s child
wak‘di’-xa his mother’s broth- wak'da@ 77.4
er’sson 77.6; 88.14; (188.9)
tlomaxi’-xa' his wife’s parent tlomaa
lamts!i’-xa her brother’s wife lamts!a
yidi’-xa her husband’s sister yida
nanbi’-xa his brother’s wife; nanba
his wife’s sister
aumni’-xa his relative by mar- xumna
riage after inking member
has died
The -i- has been found in the vocative before the -@ (but only as a
myth-form) in 0bty@ 0 ELDER BROTHER! 59.3; 62.4 (alongside of oda),
so that it is probable that the vocative -@ is not a mere transfor-
mation of a characteristic vowel, but a distinct element that is
normally directly appended to the stem. Other examples of myth
vocatives in -@ appended to characteristic -7- are ts/aya 0 NEPHEW!
23.1 (beside ts/@) and wé’k'dia‘ 0 coustn! 88.14, 15 (beside wak‘da).
The stem ham- with its characteristic -i- is used as the vocative:
hamt o FATHER! 70.5; 71.7; also 0 soN! Quite unexplained is the
not otherwise occurring -i- in the vocative of mot‘- SON-IN-LAW:
motia’ 166.6, 7. As already noted (see § 88, 2), nouns in -la’p‘a
regularly take an -2- after the added -k!- of possessive forms: -ld’ p‘ik!-i-.
4. -w-. Only afew nouns have been found to contain this element
as their characteristic. They are:
7-t-z- hand 58.2; 86.13 (incorporated 7-)
gwit!i-t-x- wrist? (cf. variant gwit!i-n-)
ha-u-x- woman’s private parts 108.4; 130.8 (incorporated ha-)
tgd-u- earth, land 55.3, 4; 56.4 (absolute ¢‘g@ 73.9, 11, 13)
-tlomaza‘u wife’s parent (cf. t/omai’xa his wife’s parent 154.16;
164.19; see footnote, sub 3).
1 The first person singular shows -w as characteristic: wi-t/omra‘u.
2Itis highly probable that this word has been influenced in its form by 7az- HAND, which it resembles in
meaning, ifit is not indeed a compound ofit.
§ 89
230 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 40
The pre-pronominal element -z- is in some words appended directly —
to the stem or stem + derivational suffix; in others, to one of the
noun-characteristics -(a@)n, -7, and -u (never -a). A considerable num-
ber of words may or may not have the -2- after their characteristic;
a few show variation between -a- and -z-; and but a very small
number have -z- with or without preceding characteristic (e. g., gel-z-,
gel-gan-, and gel-gan-a- BREAST). Examples of -x- without preceding
characteristic are:
dag-ax- head! 90.12, 13; 116.8; 188.4, 5 Gncorporated dak*-)
sal-x- foot 120.18 (incorporatéd sal-)
gwel-x- leg 15.15; 86.18; 122.10; 160.17 (incorporated form
gwel-)
de°-x- lips (incorporated de®-) 186.18
gwen-ha-u-x- nape (incorporated gwen-ha-u-)
ei-x- canoe (absolute e7)
di*mo-x- hips (incorporated di*mo-)
liugw-ax- face
bok‘dan-x- neck (absolute bo’k‘dan)
han-x-* brothers 136.7
Rather more common than nouns of this type seem to be ex-
amples of -z- with preceding characteristic, such as have been
already given in treating of the noun-characteristics. A few body-
part nouns in -z- seem to be formed from local third personal pos-
sessive forms (-da); e. g., di’*alda-x-dek* MY FOREHEAD from di‘alda
AT HIS FOREHEAD (but also di**a‘l-t‘k* with first personal singular pos-
sessive ending directly added to stem or incorporated form d7al-);
da-k !olo'ida-x-dek* MY CHEEK is evidently quite parallel in formation.
Body-part nouns with pre-pronominal -x- end in this element when,
as sometimes happens, they occur absolutely (neither incorporated
nor provided with personal endings). Examples of such forms fol-
low:
hatx woman’s private parts 130.19
da’ gax head
yu'klalx teeth 57.4 .
dayawa'ntlixi vie other hand 86.13
gwelz dayawa'ntlixi other leg 86.18
1-qgz- contains inorganic -a-, and is not to be analyzed as characteristic -a- + -r- (parallel to -i- + -1-).
This is shown by forms in which -z- regularly disappears; e. g.,dak‘-dé OVER ME (not *dag-a-dé as parallel
to -s‘in-i-dé).
2 Perhaps with pluralic -z- as in hd4¢p-z- CHILDREN, p. 225.
§ 89
Pe
Boas] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES—TAKELMA 23a
4. Possessive Suffixes (§§ 90-93)
§ 90. GENERAL REMARKS
The possessive suffixes appended to the noun embrace elements
for the first and second persons singular and plural and for the third
person; the form expressing the latter is capable of further ampli-
fication by the addition of an element indicating the identity of the
possessor with the subject of the clause (corresponding to Latin swus
as contrasted with éius). This element may be further extended to
express plurality. Altogether four distinct though genetically related
series of possessive pronominal affixes are found, of which three are
used to express simple ownership of the noun modified; the fourth is
used only with nouns preceded by pre-positives and with local adver-
bial stems. The former set includes a special scheme for most terms
of relationship, and two other schemes for the great mass of nouns, that
seem to be fundamentally identical and to have become differentiated
for phonetic reasons. None of these four pronominal schemes is
identical with either the objective or any of the subjective series
found in the verb, though the pronominal forms used with pre-
positives are very nearly coincident with the subjective forms found
in the future of Class IT intransitives:
ha-wilidé in my house, like s-a’s-ant‘e* I shall stand
ha-wili/*da in his house, like s-a’s-ant'G* he will stand
The following table gives the four possessive schemes, together with
the suffixes of Class II future intransitives, for comparison: !
Terms of relation- With pre- Future in-
ship Scheme II | Scheme III positives | transitives II
Singular:
First person . . . | wi- -dek “Yk -dé -dee
Second person. . . | -’ét* -dee ~/et* -daé -daé
Third person . . . | -ra,-a -da ~,-~t ~da -da
Plural:
First person .. . | -da’m -da’m -da’m -da’m -(p' )jigam
-dabas
Second person. . . | -t'ban -dabatn ~st'ban 5 ey \aabae
~tban |
Singular reflexive: 4
Third person -ragwa, -agwa -dagwa ~t'gwa ja teoras
Late : |t'gwa
Plural reflexive: ,
Third person -ragwan, -agwan -dagwan ~t'gwan rideaeaon
ae y ~t'guan
1A complete comparative table of all pronominal forms is given in Appendix A.
§ 90
232 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BoL. 40
It will be observed that the main difference between the last two
schemes lies in the first person plural; the first scheme is entirely
peculiar in the first person singular and third person. The first person
plural possessive suffix (-da’m) resembles the endings of the sub-
jective future of the same person (-iga’m, -anaga’m) in the falling
accent; evidently there is a primary element -a’m back of these
various endings which has amalgamated with other suffixes. As
seen from the table, reflexive suffixes exist only for the third person.
The plural reflexive in -gwan has often reciprocal significance:
wu'ladagwan their own enemies (=they are enemies)
The suffixes of the first and second person plural may also have
reciprocal significance:
wulada’m eebi‘k* we are enemies (lit., our enemies we are) cf.
180.13
§91. TERMS OF RELATIONSHIP
ham- (ma-) FATHER, hin- (ni-) MOTHER, k/as- MATERNAL GRAND-
PARENT, and beyan- DAUGHTER may be taken as types of the nouns
that form this group.!
Singular:
First person . . . . | wiha‘m wihi‘n wikJasi* wibeyan
Second person . . . | hami’st* hi’nst* kJasi’st* beya’nést*
Third person .. . | ma’za ni’ra kJa’sa beya’n
Plural:
First person. . . . | hamida’m hinda’m klasida’m beyanda’m
Second person .-. . | hami’t‘ban hi’nst‘ban k lasi/<t‘ban beya’nst‘ban
Singular reflexive:
Third person. . . . | ma’xagwa ni’ragwa kJa/sagwa beya’nt' gwa
Plural reflexive:
Third person. . . . | ma’xagwan ni'zagwan k/a’sagwan beya’nt‘gwan
Vocative.ss bs. « = ky | home age klas@ et
[sna] nai]
The first two of these are peculiar in that they each show a double
stem; the first form (ham-, hin-) is used in the first and second
persons, the second (ma-, ni-) in the third person. Despite the
phonetically symmetrical proportion ham- : ma-=hin- : ni-, the two
words are not quite parallel in form throughout, in that hin- does not
show the characteristic -i- found in certain of the forms of ham-.
1 Out of thirty-two terms of relationship (tabulated with first person singular, third person, and vocative
in American Anthropologist, n. s., vol. 9, pp. 268, 269) that were obtained, twenty-eight belong here.
§ 91
BOAS] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES—TAKELMA 233
Of the other words belonging to this group, only that for FRIEND
shows, or seems to show, a double stem: wikli“ya‘m MY FRIEND
and k!a/yam O FRIEND! 31.6, 8; 32.4, 6 but k/ii“ya’pxa HIS FRIEND
190.2, 4 and k!ayaba’*t (with inorganic rather than characteristic a)
YOUR FRIEND 198.2. Irregular is also wi-k!6“xza‘ My SON’S WIFE’S
PARENTS: k!0“ra'/m-r7a HIS SON’S WIFE’S PARENTS 178.9, in which
we have either to reckon with a double stem, or else to consider
the -m- of the latter form a noun-characteristic. Other terms of
relationship which, like hin-, append all the personal endings
without at the same time employing a characteristic are:
wa7- younger brother 42.1; 64.4 (also t‘awa*- younger sister
58.1, 5; 188.10)
k!e°b- husband’s parent
wayau- daughter-in-law ([ ?] formed according to verb-type 11
from way- sleep) 56.8, 9
s-vyd‘p‘- woman’s sister’s husband or husband’s brother
hasd-* man’s sister’s husband or wife’s brother 152.22
ktaya }"""\ friend 180.13; 196.19; 198.2
yaya
beyan- DAUGHTER 13.2; 70.1, 4; 118.1, 4 belongs, morphologically
speaking, to the terms of relationship only because of its first per-
sonal singular form; all its other forms (the vocatives really belong
to hin-) are built up according to Scheme III.
As far as known, only terms of relationship possess vocative forms,
though their absence can not be positively asserted for other types of
nouns. The great majority of these vocatives end in -@, which, as in
wad O YOUNGER BROTHER! may be the lengthened form with rising
accent of the final vowel of the stem, or, as in k/asé 0 GRANDMOTHER!
16.3, 5, 6; 17.2; 154.18 added to the stem, generally with loss of the
characteristic -2-, whereverfound. wayau- and s‘iya‘p'-, both of which
lack a characteristic element, employ as vocative the stem with rising
accent on the a- vowel: wayat O DAUGHTER-IN-LAW! and s‘iy@p‘
O BROTHER-IN-LAW! (said by woman). This method of forming the
vocative is in form practically equivalent to the addition of -@. s-na@?
MAMMA! and haik!@ o wire! HUSBAND! are vocatives without corre-
sponding noun-stems provided with pronominal suffixes. beyan-
DAUGHTER and k‘aba- son, on the other hand, have no vocative
1 wiha‘st*‘ MY WIFE’S BROTHER is the only Takelma word known that terminates in -sf‘.
2 Inasmuch as there is hardly another occurrence of s-n- in Takelma, it is perhaps not too far-fetched to
analyze s-n@ into s°- (cf. second footnote, p. 8) +a (vocative of ni- in ni’za HIS MOTHER).
§ 91
yoy! BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 40
derived from the same stem, but employ the vocative form of MOTHER
and FATHER respectively. Of other vocatives, k!u’yam'* o FRIEND!
31.6, 8; 32.4, 6 is the bare stem; hamt 70.5; 71.7, the stem with
added characteristic -i-; hindé 0 MOTHER! DAUGHTER! 56.7; 76.10,
13; 186.14 is quite peculiar in that it makes use of the first personal
singular ending (-dé) peculiar to nouns with possessive suffix and pre-
ceding pre-positive. Only two other instances of a nominal use of
-dé without pre-positive or local adverb have been found: mo’t'e? my
SON-IN-LAW! (as vocative) 164.19; and k‘wi’nard@ MY FOLKS, RELA-
TIONS, which otherwise follows Scheme II (e. g., third person
k‘wi'nazda‘).
The normal pronominal suffix of the third person is -za; -a is found
in only four cases, k/a’sa HIS MATERNAL GRANDPARENT, ha’sa HIS
MATERNAL UNCLE, f'a/da@ HIS PATERNAL AUNT, and ha’sda HIS BROTHER-
IN-LAW. The first two of these can be readily explained as assimi-
lated from *k/a/sxa and *ha’sxa (see § 20, 3): *t'adxa and *hasdza,
however, should have become *t'a’sa and *ha’sa respectively. The
analogy of the first two, which were felt to be equivalent to
stem + -a, on the one side, and that of the related forms in -d-
(e. g., ada and hasdd) on the other, made it possible for ¢‘a’da and
ha’sda to replace *t‘a’sa and *ha’sa, the more so that a necessary
distinction in form was thus preserved between ha’sa HIS MATERNAL
UNCLE and ha’sda (instead of *ha’sa) HIS BROTHER-IN-LAW-
The difference in signification between the third personal forms in
-ca and -agwa (similarly for the other pronominal schemes) will be
readily understood from what has already been said, and need not be
enlarged upon:
ma’za wa'-himi‘t’ he spoke to his (some one else’s) father
ma’ragwa wa%-himi‘t’ he spoke to his own father
There is small doubt that this -gwa is identical with the indirect
reflexive -gwa of transitive verbs with incorporated object. Forms
in -gwan seem to refer to the plurality of either possessor or object
possessed :
k‘aba’xagwan their own son or his (her) own sons
eiadagwan their own canoe or his own canoes
The final -n of these forms is the indefinite plural -an discussed
below (§ 99). Plural (?) -gwan is found also in verb forms (144.12;
150.24).
1k/aiyam- is perhaps derived, by derivational suffix -(a)m, from verb-stem k/éuy- GO TOGETHER WITH ONE.
§ 91
Boas] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES—TAKELMA 235
§ 92. SCHEMES II AND Ili
As examples may be taken dagaz- HEAD, which follows Scheme IT,
and wili- HOUSE, dana- ROOK, tlibagwan- LIVER, and xa@*ham- BACK,
which follow Scheme ITI.
Singular:
1st person | da’gaxdek* wilit'k* dana‘t'k* tlibagwa‘nt k* racha*mt'k*
2d person | da’gazdeé wili’st dana’st' tlibagwa’nst® zaaha’mét*
3d person | da’gaxda wili’t dana’a tlibagwa'n racha’m
Plural:
ist person | da’gardam wilida’m danada’m tlibagwa’ndam racha’mdam
2d person | daga’xdabain wili’*t' ban dana’st‘ ban tlibagwa’nst' ban racha’mst' ban
Singular reflex-
ive:
3d person | daga’xdagwa wilt gua « | dana’t'gwa tlibagwa’nt‘gwa racha/ mt gwa
Plural reflex-
ive:
3d person | daga’xdagwan | wili’t‘qwan dana’t‘gwan tlhibagwa’nt‘gwan raha’ mt gwan
A third person plural -dan also occurs, as in diimhak'’dan uts
SLAIN ONES Or THEIR SLAIN ONE 180.2.
Scheme IT is followed by the large class of nouns that have a pre-
pronominal -x-, besides a considerable number of-nouns that add the
endings directly to the stem. Noun-characteristics may not take the
endings of Scheme II unless followed by a -a- (thus -a‘nt‘k' and
-anadek‘; -i‘t'k* and -iade‘k*). Examples of Scheme II nouns with-
out preceding -z- are:
a-is'de‘k* my property (though -s-- may be secondarily derived
from -s‘x- or -tx-) 23.2, 3; 154.18, 19, 20; 158.4
mo’t'ek* my son-in-law (152.9) (incorporated mot'-)
se’ ¢lt'ek* my writing, paint (absolute se’ ‘/)
he’ lt‘ek* my song (164.16; 182.6) (absolute he’? 106.7)
ts: !7’*k‘dek* my meat (44.3, 6; 170.6)
wila’ut'ek* my arrow (45.13; 154.18) (absolute wila‘u 22.5; 28.1, 2;
77.5)
ga'li‘ek* my bow (154.19; 190.22) (absolute ga’l*)
la’ psdek* my blanket (absolute la‘ps 98.14, 15, 19, 21)
ts‘ liai-maha’it' ek‘ my horse (absolute ts: !2’xi-maha‘r)
Scheme III is followed by all nouns that have a characteristic
immediately. preceding the personal suffix or, in nearly all cases,
whose stem, or stem + derivative suffix, ends in -a- (e. g., tlela‘t'k*
MY SHINNY-STICK [from t/ela‘]), -2-, -ei- (e. g., ts:leleitk’ MY BYE
[from ts-/elei-]), -n (e. g., sent k* My SKIN), -m, or -l! (e. g., di*at'k*
1JIn most, if not all, cases the -n, -m, or -l is a non-radicalelement. It is not quiteclear in how far stems
ending in these vowels and consonants follow Scheme II or Scheme III.
§ 92
236 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BuLL. 40
MY FOREHEAD [from di‘<al-]). The third person is, at least super-
ficially, without ending in all nouns of this group whose pre-pro-
nominal form is not monosyllabic. The third personal form is
characterized by a falling accent on the final syllable, -a- and -2-
being lengthened to -a@’¢ and -2’‘ respectively. Other forms are:
ts: Jele’t his eye 27.8; 86.7, 9; (cf. 54.6)
do“ma’'l his testicles 130.8; 136.5
zala’m his urine
guit!e’n his wrist
There is no doubt, however, that these forms without ending origi-
nally had a final -t', as indicated by the analogy of third personal
forms in -da in Scheme II, and as proved by the preservation of the
-t‘- before the reflexive suffix -gwa and in monosyllabic forms:
pla’nt' his liver 120.2, 15
nwt’ her teats 30.14; 32.7
t/v’*t* her husband (17.13)
sa’“t’ his discharge of wind 166.8
Though the conditions for the loss of a final -¢° are not fully under-
stood, purely phonetic processes having been evidently largely inter-
crossed by analogic leveling, it is evident that the proportion wilt’*
HIS HOUSE: nit’ HER TEATS = S‘as‘int HE STANDS: Wit’ HE TRAVELS
ABOUT represents a by no means accidental phonetic and morphologic
correspondence between noun and verb (Class II intransitives).
The falling pitch is peculiar to the noun as contrasted with the verb-
form (cf. he’ sone, but hél stne!). Monosyllabic stems of Scheme
III seem to have a rising accent before -¢‘gwa as well as in the first
person. Thus:
lat'gwa his own excrement 77.1
tlit'gwa her own husband (despite tit’) 45.14; (59.16; 60.2);
128.22
Nouns with characteristic -7- prefer the parallel form in -2’-x-dagwa
to that in -2’-t'gwa. Thus: ,
bi“bini’xdagwa his own arm, rather than bia“bini’t'gwa, despite
ba“binit'k’ my ARM |
The limitation of each of the two schemes to certain definite pho-
netically determined groups of nouns (though some probably merely
apparent contradictions, such as ga’l-tt‘ek° my Bow and dia‘l-tk*
1-¢‘k* always requires preceding rising or raised accent. As gal- Bow seems to be inseparably connected
with a falling accent (very likely because of the catch in its absolute form), it is, after all, probably a phonetic
reason that causes it to follow Scheme II rather than IT.
§ 92
BOAS] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES—TAKELMA rey
MY FOREHEAD, occur), together with the evident if not entirely sym-
metrical parallelism between the suffixes of both, make it practi-
cally certain that they are differentiated, owing to phonetic causes,
from a single scheme. The -a- of -da (-dagwa) and -daba‘n (as con-
trasted with -¢* and -*t‘ban) may be inorganic in origin, and intended
to support phonetically difficult consonant combinations:
gixda his wife (from *gaa-t) 13.2; 43.15; 49.6, like 7-lasga‘ touch
it (from stem lasg-)
The -e-, however, of -dek* 32.6 and -de® 31.1; 59.3 can not be thus
explained. It isnot improbable that part of the endings of Scheme
III are due to a loss of an originally present vowel, so that the
primary scheme of pronominal suffixes may have been something like:
Singular: First person, -d-ek*; second person, -d-e; third person, -t*.
Reflexive: Third person, -¢-gwa. Plural: First person, -d-a’m; second
person, -t'-ba‘n.
It can hardly be entirely accidental that all the suffixes are char-
acterized by a dental stop; perhaps an amalgamation has taken place
between the original pronominal elements and an old, formerly
significant nominal element -d-.
§93. POSSESSIVES WITH PRE-POSITIVES
As examples of possessive affixes attached to nouns with pre-
positives and to local elements may be taken dak*- ovER, wa-' To,
haw-an- UNDER, and ha-‘iii- IN HAND.
Singular:
First person. . . . | dak‘d@overme | wadé tome hawandé under me | ha*tiidé in my hand
Second person . . . | dak'daé wada’é hawanda’é hasv’tidat
Third person .. . | da’k‘daada wa’ada hawa’nda hatv’tida
Plural:
First person. . . . | dak‘da’m wada’m hawanda’m hasitida’m
Second person . . . | da’k‘dabatn wa’at* ban hawa'nit ban hasv’ ast ban
Singular reflexive:
Third person .. . | da’k‘dagwa wa't' gwa hawa’nt‘gwa has?’ at'gwa
Plural reflexive:
Third person .. . | da’k‘dagwan wa't'gwan hawa’nt' gwan has?’ iit‘ gwan
The apparently double ending -da“da of the third person of dak'-
is not entirely isolated (cf. ha-ye°wa'x-da“da IN THEIR TIME OF RETURN-
ING; he’-da‘da BEYOND HIM), but can not be explained. The use of
Tt is possible that this wa- is etymologically identical with the verbal prefix wa- TOGETHER. The forms
of wa- given above are regularly used when reference is had to persons, the postposition ga‘aY being
employed in connection with things: wda’ada gini’*k‘ HE WENT TO HIM (56.11); 148.6; som ga‘al gini’ek
HE WENT TO THE MOUNTAIN (43.6). 3
§ 9
238 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 40
-dagwa and -daba‘n on the one hand, and of -t‘gwa and -*t'ban on the »
other, is determined by the same phonetic conditions as differentiate
Schemes IL and III. A third personal plural in -t‘an (apparently =-d-
+ -han) is also found: de’ ‘an IN FRONT OF THEM 190.13 (but de’da
BEFORE HIM 59.14); 2@°-s-ogwi’‘t'an BETWEEN THEM (see below, p.
240); wa’*t'an TO THEM 160.15. A form in -ra seems also to occur
with third personal plural signification: wa’xa ts:!int’ts:!ant HE GOT
ANGRY AT THEM; dihatixza AFTER THEM, BEHIND THEIR BACKS 132.13.
The number of local elements that directly take on possessive suf-
fixes seems fairly considerable, and includes both such as are body-
part and local prefixes in the verb (e. g., dak‘-) and such as are used
in the verb only as local prefixes (e. g., wa-, dal-); a few seem not to
be found as verbal prefixes. Not all adverbially used verbal pre-
- fixes, however, can be inflected in the manner of dak‘dé and wadé (e. g.,
no *hadz can be formed from ha-). A number of body-part and local
stems take on a noun-characteristic:
haw-an- under (from ha-u-)
2a%-ham-dé about my waist (from 2@7-)
The local elements that have been found capable of being followed
by pronominal affixes are:
dak‘dé over me (56.9; 110.18); 186.4, 5
wadé to me (56.15; 60.1; 63.14; 88.13; 150.18; 194.1)
rathamdé about my waist
gwelda‘ under it 190.17
gwe'nda (in Gwenda yu'sé* = being at its nape, i. e., east of it)
di’‘da close in back of him, at his anus 138.2
dindé behind me (?=verb-prefix di*- anus, behind + noun-char-
acteristic -n-) (86.9; 138.3; 170.1)
hawandé under me (71.1, 5, 12)
geldé in front of me, for (in behalf of) me
dedé in front of me (59.14; 124.20)
ha®yadé around me
he’«datda beyond him 148.9
ha’nda across, through it
da'lt‘gwan among themselves 98.2
‘nce ecaiin e at my nape; gwen-haat'gwa in back of his own neck
di-ha-udé after I went away, behind my back (132.10; 186.8;
192.4)
1It is only the different schemes of personal endings that, at least in part, keep distinct the noun zaaham-
BACK and the local element z@aham- ON BACK, ABOUT WAIST: racha’m HIS BACK, but zacha’mda ON HIS
BACK, AT HIS WAIST; radaha’mdam OUR BACKS and ON OUR BACKS.
§ 93
BoAS] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES—TAKELMA 239
di*-a’lda over his eyes, on his forehead (172.3)
no’ts!adam neighboring us (= stem ndots!- next door + noun-
characteristic -d-) (98.13)
When used as local pre-positives with nouns, these local stems drop
their characteristic affixes, and thus appear in the same form in which
they are found in the verb (e. g., 2&%-gweldé BETWEEN MY LEGS),
except that ha-u- UNDER as pre-positive adds an -a-: hawa- (e. g.,
hawa-saldé UNDER MY FEET). The various pre-positives found pre-
fixed to nouns with possessive suffixes are:
ha- in
hawa- under
dak‘- over
di'- above
da*- alongside
al- to, at
de-, da- in front of
x2a*- between, in middle of
gwen- at nape, east of
di®- at rear end, west of
dal- away from
han- across (*)
gel- facing
gwel- under, down from
The noun itself, as has already been seen, appears with its charac-
teristic. ¢tg@ EARTH, however, perhaps for some unknown phonetic
reason, does not retain its characteristic -u- before the possessive
suffixes (ha-t'ga% IN THE COUNTRY 33.7, but ha-t'ga¢dé IN MY COUNTRY
194.4) Examples of forms of the type ha‘vidé IN MY HAND are:
ha-di't'gwa in back of him, in his anus (incorporated di‘-) 94.11
da*-yawadé* aside from me (literally, alongside my ribs)
dak*-s-aldé on top of my feet 198.6; (cf. 44.8)
hawa-lii“lidé under my throat
dak‘-s-ini/*da over his nose 144.11
al-guxwida’m wok‘ we have enough of it (literally, to-our-hearts
it-has-arrived) 128.1
ha-wilide in my house (64.2; 88.18; 120.14)
ha-ye°waxdé in my returning (= when I return) (124.15)
di-delga’nt'gwa behind himself, at his own anus (72.10)
al-wa7di't'qwan at one another (literally, to each other’s bodies;
wad-i- body) (96.22; 146.2; 190.19)
1 Also dal-yawadé ASIDE FROM ME (with verb of throwing) (=literally, AWAY FROM MY RIBs).
§ 93
240 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Butn. 40
ha-sa’lda (thinking) of her Citerally, in her footsteps) 142.13
di'-dandé over my ear
di‘-ts: !eleidé over my eyes
ha-dedé in my mouth (170.2; 182.17)
gwen-bok‘dandé at my nape
ra*-s inidé resting on my nose (like spectacles)
gwel-‘wadidé down from my body 198.4
Several such forms with apparently simple local signification contain
after the pre-positive a noun stem not otherwise found:
za*-s-ogwida’m between us
ha-‘winidé inside of me (73.1; 92.17)
di-bo“widé at my side
da‘oldidé close to me (124.9) (cf. adverb da‘o‘l near by 102.6)
Such a non-independent noun is probably also ha-u- in gwen-ha-u-
and di-ha-u-, both of which were listed above as simple local elements.
Instances also occur, though far less frequently, of pre-positives
with two nouns or noun and adjective; the first noun generally
stands in a genitive relation to the second (cf., § 88, the order in
juxtaposed nouns), while the second noun is followed by the third
personal possessive -da. Such are:
gwen-t gi"-bo’k‘dan-da at nape of earth’s neck (= east) 79.6;
102.4
di-t'ga*-yw'k!uma?-da at rear of earth’s tail (= west) 146.1; 198.9
ha-t'ga*-yawa’?-da in earth’s rib (= north) (cf. 194.9)
da*-xi-ts' !ek‘ts: ligv’*-da alongside water’s backbone (= not far
from shore)
aa*-ai-ts !ek‘ts: igt’*da in middle of water’s backbone (= equally
distant from either shore) 112.4
Ha-ya“l-ba’'ls-da' in its long (i. e., tall) (bas) pines (yal) (= place-
name) 114.9
Di-ptol-ts!v'l-da over (di) its red (¢s!il) bed (plol ditch)
(= Jump-off Joe creek)
Al-dan-k!olo’i-da' to its rock (da‘n) basket (k/olot) (= name of
mountain)
Rather difficult of explanation is de-de-wili’/*-da DOOR, AT DOOR OF
HOUSE 63.11; 77.15; 176.6, which is perhaps to be literally rendered
IN FRONT OF (first de-) HOUSE (wili) ITs (-da) MouTH (second de-)
(i. e., IN FRONT OF DOORWAY). The difficulty with this explanation
is that it necessitates the interpretation of the second noun as a
genitive in relation to the first.
1 Observe falling accent despite rising accent (ba@ls, k/olot) of independent noun. -da with pre-positives,
whether with intervening noun or noun and adjective, consistently demands a falling accent before it.
§ 93
a
Boas] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES—TAKELMA 241
5. Local Phrases (§§ 94-96)
§ 94. GENERAL REMARKS
Local phrases without possessive pronouns (i. e., of the type IN THE
HOUSE, ACROSS THE RIVER) may be constructed in three ways.
A local element with third personal possessive suflix may be used
to define the position, the noun itself appearing in its absolute form
as an appositive of the incorporated pronominal suffix:
da’n gwelda‘ rock under-it (i. e., under the rock)
da’n handa through the rock
dan ha’/“yada around the rock
dan da‘oldi’‘da near the rock
dan ge’lda in front of the rock
dan di'nda behind the rock
There is observable here, as also in the method nearly always employed
to express the objective and genitive relations, the strong tendency
characteristic of Takelma and other American languages to make the
personal pronominal affixes serve a purely formal purpose as substi-
tutes for syntactic and local cases.
The second and perhaps somewhat more common method used to
build up a local phrase is to prefix to the noun a pre-positive, the
noun itself appearing in the form it assumes before the addition of
the normal pronominal suffixes (Schemes II and III). Thus some of
the preceding local phrases might have been expressed as:
gwel-dana‘ under the rock
han-dana‘ through the rock
ha’“ya-dana‘ around the rock
gel-dana* in front of the rock
di-dana‘ behind the rock
These forms have at first blush the appearance of prepositions fol-
lowed by a local case of the noun, but we have already seen this
explanation to be inadmissible.
A third and very frequent form of local phrase is the absolute
noun followed by a postposition. The chief difference between
this and the preceding method is the very considerable amount
of individual freedom that the postposition possesses as contrasted
with the rigidly incorporated pre-positive. The majority of the
postpositions consist of a pre-positive preceded by the general
demonstrative ga- THAT. da’n gada‘k* OVER THE ROCK is thus really ~
to be analyzed as ROCK THAT-OVER, an appositional type of local
3045°—Bull. 40, pt 2—12——16 § 94
949 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 40
phrase closely akin in spirit to that first mentioned: dan da’k‘da%da
ROCK OVER-IT. dak‘-dana‘, according to the second method, is also
possible.
§ 95. PRE-POSITIVES
The pre-positives employed before nouns without possessive suf-
fixes are identical with those already enumerated (§ 94) as occurring
with nouns with possessives, except that hawa- UNDER seems to be
replaced by gwel-. It is doubtful also if he*- BEYOND (also han-
Across ?) can occur with nouns followed by possessive affixes.
Examples of pre-positives in local phrases are:
han-gela‘m across the river
han-wazga‘n across the creek
han-pliya’ across the fire 168.19
ha’-waxga‘n in the creek
ha-xiya‘ in the water 58.6; 60.3; 61.11; 63.16
ha-bini’ in the middle 176.15 (ef. de-bi‘n first, last 150.15)
ha-p!ola‘ in the ditch
ha-gwala‘m in the road 62.6; 158.19
ha-s‘ugwan in the basket (cf. 124.18)
za’-s'o"mal halfway up the mountain
za*-gulma‘n among oaks
xa*-xo (ya’*) (right) among firs (cf. 94.17)
gwel-xv'ya under water 156.19
gwel-t' gaa down to the ground 176.8
da*-ts!é*wa‘n by the ocean 59.16
da*-t' gaa alongside the field
gwen-t' gaa east of the field 55.4; 56.4
gwen-waxga‘n east along the creek
Gwen-p'unk* place-name (=east of rotten [p‘w‘n]) 114.14
de-wilt in front of the house (= out of doors) 70.4
dak‘-s:o“ma‘l on top of the mountain 188.15
dak‘-wilt over the house 59.2; 140.5
dak‘-p!vya‘ over the fire 24.6, 7
he*-s:0“ma‘l beyond the mountain 124.2; 196.13
al-s:6"mal at, to the mountain 136.22; 152.8; 192.5, 7, 8
ha’*ya-p!iya‘ on both sides of the fire 176.12
ha’*ya-s:‘6“ma‘l on both sides of the mountain 152.2
di-t' gaa west of the field 55.3
di-waxga‘n some distance west along the creek
di-s'd"ma'l at foot ([?]=in rear) of the mountain
Di‘1-dala‘m place-name (= over the rock [ ?])
Gel-yalk* place-name (=abreast of pines) 112.13
1 Perhaps really Di-dala‘m WEST OF THE ROCK (7).
§ 95
:
3
BOAS] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES—TAKELMA 943
A few cases of compound pre-positives occur:
ha-gwel-pliya‘ under the ashes (literally, in-under-the-fire)
118.4
ha-gwel-xiya‘ at bottom of the water 60.12, 14
ha-gwel-t'ge’emt'gam down in dark places 196.7
An example of a pre-positive with a noun ending in pre-pronominal
-t is afforded by ha-dé%nz molhi‘t’ IN-EAR RED 14.4; 15.13; 88.2
(alongside of da%molhi‘t’ RED-EARED 15.12; 86.6). It is somewhat
doubtful, because of a paucity of illustrative material, whether local
phrases with final pre-pronominal -x can be freely used. |
§ 96. POSTPOSITIONS
Not all pre-positives can be suffixed to the demonstrative ga- to
form postpositions; e. g., no *gaha‘, *gaha‘n, *gagwe are found in
Takelma. Very few other words (adverbs) are found in which what
are normally pre-positives occupy the second place: me’‘al TowarD
THIS DIRECTION 58.9; ye’k‘dal IN THE BRUSH 71.3. Instead of -ha rn,
-na‘u is used, an element that seems restricted to the postposition
gana‘uin. The ga-postpositions that have been found are:
gada‘k* on 48.15; 49.1
gid’ (= ga-di') on, over 49.12
gidv’* (=ga-di*) in back
gana‘u in 47.2; 61.13; 64.4; 110.9
gada‘l among 94.12
ga‘al to, for, at, from 43.6; 44.4; 55.6; 58.11
gada* by, along 60.1
gaxa? between
gede in front (%) 28.8, 9
and possibly:
gasal in adverb gasa’lhi quickly 28.10; 29.14; 160.1
Examples of their use are:
wi'lr gada‘k* on top of the house 14.9; 15.5
da’n gada‘k* on the rock
t'ga* gidi upon the land 49,12
pit gada‘l in between the fire 94,12
da’n gada‘l among rocks
da’'n gad@ alongside the rocks (cf. 60.1)
wiitlham-hoidiguwia gada* gini’*k* he went right by where there
was round-dancing (literally, menstruation-dancing-with by
he-went) 106.13
et gana‘u in the canoe 96.24; 112.3
§ 96
944 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 40
dola’ gana‘u in the old tree 24.1
wa-iwi''t'a' gata to the female 15.14
ga’ ga‘a‘l for that reason 50.2; 124.6; 146.20, 21; 188.6; 194.11
bixal witin-wi’* gafal ya’* he goes every month (iterally, month
different-every at he-goes)
da’n gaxa* between the rocks
dia gede* right at the falls 33.13
Yuk‘ya'k‘wa gede' right by Yuik'ya’k'wa 188.17
Postpositions may be freely used with nouns provided with a pos-
sessive suffix; e. g., ela’tk’ gada‘k’ oN MY TONGUE; wilt’? gana‘u IN
HIS HOUSE, cf. 194.7. There is no ascertainable difference in significa-
tion between such phrases and the corresponding pre-positive forms,
dak'-eladé and ha-wili/‘da. Sometimes a postposition takes in a
group of words, in which case it may be enclitically appended to the
first:
kliyi’x gan‘au ba-igina’xda* smoke in its-going-out (=[hole] in
which smoke is to go out) 176.7
Although local phrases mvolving a postposition are always pro-
nounced as one phonetic unit, and the postpositions have become,
psychologically speaking, so obscured in etymology as to allow of —
their being preceded by the demonstrative with which they are them-—
selves compounded (cf. ga ga‘a‘l above), they have enough individu-
ality to render them capable of being used- quasi-adverbially without
a preceding noun:
gada’k* s-uéwilit'e€ I sat on him
gadak* ts!a%k'ts!a'k‘de= I step on top of it (148.17)
gid’ gatzgwa thereon eating (= table)
gidv'*-hi_ closer and closer (literally, right in back)
gada* yeweyak’” he got even with him (literally, alongside he-
returned-having-him) 17.5
mal yaa aba’ dal gede‘ salmon-spear-shaft only in-house, spear-
point thereby 28.7, 9
oe gana‘u I am inside
ga’nau naga’® wilitk* he went through my house (literally, in
he-did my-house [for naga’ see § 69]) cf. 78.5
Other postpositions than those compounded with ga- are:
dafol near (cf. da‘ol- as pre-positive in dafoldidé near me):
wili’t'k* dafo‘l near my house
wa with (also as incorporated instrumental wa-, § 38) 25.5; 47.5
1 Yuk'ya’k'wa gada was said to be preferable, whence it seems possible that gede isnot really equivalent
to ga THAT + de- IN FRONT, but is palatalized as adverb (see below, § 104) from gadda.
§ 96
Boas] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES—TAKELMA 245
ha-bini‘ in the middle: wilt ha’-bint*! in the middle of the house;
ha-be*-bint’ noon (literally, in-sun [=day]-middle) 126.21;
186.8
-di‘s away: eme’*dis away from here; dedewilt’‘dadv‘s (2 outside of)
the door 176.6
It is peculiar that mountain-names generally have a prefix al- and
a suffix -dis:
al-dauya’*k‘wa-dis (cf. dauya’*k*” supernatural helper) 172.1
al-wila’maa-dis
al-sawént‘a-dis
That both al- and -dis are felt not to be integral parts of these
mountain-names is shown by such forms as he*-wila’mza BEYOND
Alwila’mxadis 196.14 and al-dauya’*k'”. In all probability they are
to be explained as local phrases, at, To (al-) . . . pisTanT (-dis),
descriptive of some natural peculiarity or resident supernatural
being.
Differing apparently from other postpositions in that it requires
the preceding noun to appear in its pre-pronominal form (i. e., with
final -x if it is provided with it in Scheme II forms) is wa’k‘t® wirn-
out, which would thus seem to occupy a position intermediate
between the other postpositions and the pre-positives. Examples are:
ts: !eler wa’k'r® without eyes 26.14; 27.6
dagaz wa’k‘i= without head
yuk lalx wa’k'* without teeth 57.4
niza wa’k‘v* motherless
As shown by the last example, terms of relationship whose third
personal possessive suffix is -za (-a) use the third personal form as
the equivalent of the pre-pronominal form of other nouns (cf. also
§ 108, 6), a fact that casts a doubt on the strictly personal character
of the -va suffix. No third personal idea is possible, e. g., in maza
wa’k'vé ett‘e’ I AM FATHERLESS. wak‘i' is undoubtedly related to wa
wit; the -k‘2* may be identical with the conditional particle (see § 71).
On the border-line between loosely used preposition and inde-
pendent adverb are nogwa‘ BELOW, DOWN RIVER FROM (?=76" DOWN
RIVER + demonstrative ga THAT) : nogwa wilt BELOW THE HOUSE
76.7; and hinwa‘ ABOVE, UP RIVER FROM (cf. hina‘u UP RIVER): hi’nwa
wilt ABOVE THE HOUSE 77.1.
1-Properly speaking, ha-bini‘is a pre-positive phrase from noun-stem bin- (cf. de-bin FIRST, LAST, and
[?] bilgan-z- BREAST[ ? = middle part of body-front]) with characteristic -i-. bee-bin- SUN’S MIDDLE is
compounded like, e. g., t'gda- bok'dan- EARTH’S NECK above (§ 93).
§ 96
24.6 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 40
6. Post-nominal Elements (§§ 97-102)
§ 97. GENERAL REMARKS
Under the head of post-nominal elements are included a small
group of suffixes which, though altogether without the distinct indi-
viduality characteristic of local postpositions, are appended to the
fully formed noun, pronoun, or adjective, in some cases also adverb,
serving in one way or another to limit or extend the range of appli-
cation of one of these denominating or qualifying terms. The line
of demarcation between these post-nominal elements and the more
freely movable modal particles discussed below (§ 114) is not very
easy to draw; the most convenient criterion of classification is the
inability of what we have termed PosT-NOMINAL elements to attach
themselves to verb-forms.
§ 98. EXCLUSIVE -t‘a
The suffix -¢‘a is freely appended to nouns and adjectives, less fre-
quently to pronouns, in order to specify which one out of a number
is meant; the implication is always that the particular person, object,
or quality mentioned is selected out of a number of alternative and
mutually exclusive possibilities. When used with adjectives -t‘a has
sometimes the appearance of forming the comparative or superlative;
e. g., aga (1) t/os:0’"t'a (2) THIS (1) Is SMALLER (2), but such an inter-
pretation hardly hits the truth of the matter. The sentence just
quoted really signifies THIS Is SMALL (NOT LARGE LIKE THAT). As a
matter of fact, -¢'a is rather idiomatic in its use, and not susceptible
of adequate translation into English, the closest rendering being
generally a dwelling of the voice on the corresponding English word.
The following examples illustrate its range of usage:
hapzit!it'a child male (not female) Gi. e., boy) 14.1; 156.8
wa-iwi''t'a gafal yewe'* the-woman to he-turned (i. e., he now
proceeded to look at the woman, after having examined her
husband) 15.14 .
maha’it'a a’ni® gwi nafnaga’* the-big (brother) not in-any-way
he-did (Gi. e., the older brother did nothing at all, while his
younger brother got into trouble) 23.6; (58.3)
aga waxat‘a xebe’*n this his-younger-brother did-it (not he him-
self)
k!wa’lt‘a younger one 24.1; 58.6
§§ 97-98
BoAS] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES—TAKELMA 2947
wk'da dat'a gi!-s-ié ltslak'” eit'e’ he (ak‘) (is) handsome (da)
I-but ugly I-am
i’si ndadek* al-tsi/lt'a® give-me my-pipe red-one (implying
others of different color)
waga’t‘a* di which one?
aga tlos'd/“t‘a wdaga yara maha’it‘a this (is) small, that but
large (cf 128.7)
Vdaga sd“ maha’it‘a that-one (is) altogether-big (=that one
is biggest)
It seems that, wherever possible, -t‘a keeps its ¢° intact. To prevent
its becoming -da (as in a’ke'da above) an inorganic @ seems to be
added in:
k!ulsa’t'a* soft 57.9 (cf. k!uls worm; more probably directly from
klulsa‘t’ 130.22)
§ 99. PLURAL (-t‘an, -han, -k/an)
As a rule, it is not considered necessary in Takelma to specify the
singularity or plurality of an object, the context generally serving to
remove the resulting ambiguity. In this respect Takelma resembles
many other American languages, The element -(a)n, however, is
not infrequently employed to form a plural, but this plural is of
rather indefinite application when the noun is supplied with a third
personal possessive suffix (compare what was said above, § 91, in
regard to -gwan). The fact that the plurality implied by the suffix
may have reference to either the object possessed or to the possessor
or to both (e. g., beya’nhan HIS DAUGHTERS or THEIR DAUGHTER,
THEIR DAUGHTERS) makes it very probable that we are here dealing,
not with the simple idea of plurality, but rather with that of reci-
procity. It is probably not accidental that the plural -(a)n agrees
phonetically with the reciprocal element -an- found in the verb. In
no case is the plural suffix necessary in order to give a word its full
syntactic form; it is always appended to the absolute noun or to the
noun with its full complement of characteristic and pronominal affix.
The simple form -(a@)n of the suffix appears only in the third per-
sonal reflexive possessive -gwa-n (see § 91) and, apparently, the third
personal possessive -t'an of pre-positive local phrases (see p. 238).
Many absolute nouns ending in a vowel, or in 1, m, or n, also nouns
with personal affixes (including pre-positives with possessive suffixes)
other than that of the third person, take the form -han of the plural
§ 99
248 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [puny. 40
suffix; the -h- may be a phonetically conditioned rather than mor-
phologically significant element. Examples are:
Noun Plural
sinsan decrepit old woman sinsanhan
ts‘ !i’a dog ts‘ /iv/han
ya’ p!a person 176.1, 12 yapla’han 32.4
et canoe 13.5; 112.8, 5 ethan
wik!i“ya‘m my friend wik ivy’ mhan
wits’ !at my nephew 22.1 wits !athan 23.8, 10; 150.4
bot bidit'k* my orphan child bart bidit' khan
no'ts!adé neighboring to me no'ts!ade*han
hindé O mother! 186.14 - handéhan O mothers! 76.10, 13
A large number of chiefly personal words and all nouns provided
with a possessive suffix of the third person take -t‘an as the plural
suffix; the -t‘an of local adverbs or nouns with pre-positives has
been explained as composed of the third personal suffix -¢* and the
pluralizing element -han: n6’ts!@%t'an HIS NEIGHBORS. In some cases,
as in wa-wi''t'an GIRLS 55.16; 106.17, -t'an may be explained as
composed of the exclusive -t'a discussed above and the plural -n.
The fact, however, that -t‘an may itself be appended both to this
exclusive -t'a and to the full third personal form of nouns not pro- |
vided with a pre-positive makes it evident that the -t'a- of the plural
suffix -t‘an is an element distinct from either the exclusive -t‘a or
third personal -é. -t'a@%t‘a-n is perhaps etymologically as well as
phonetically parallel to the unexplained -da*da of da’k‘datda ovER
HIM (see $93). Examples of -t‘an are:
Noun Plural
lom#t!7’* old man 112.3,9; 114.10; lomt/7’‘t‘an
126.19
mologol old woman 168.11; mologo’lt‘an
170.10
wa-iw7'? girl 124.5, 10 wa-vwi'tt‘an 55.16; 60.2;
106.17
@i-hv‘ just they (cf.49.11;138.11) @it‘an they
is’ ai-maha’t horse ts‘ iai-maha’rt‘an
lo%si’* his plaything 110.6, 11 lost’*t'an
mo'“t'a* his son-in-law mo'tat‘an their _ sister’s
‘husband! 150.22; 152.4, 9
tlela’ louse (116.3, 6) tlela’%t‘an
hapxi-t!i/*t'a* boy 14.6; 156.8,10 hapxi-t!/i’'t'a*t‘an 160.14
aan ie youth 132.13; 190.2 dap/da’la-ut‘an 132.12
bala‘u young bala’ut*an
worna’k'” old 57.1; 168.2 wor'nd' k'’dan
1 mot'- seems to indicate not only the daughter’s husband, but also, in perhaps a looser sense, the rela-
tives gained by marriage of the sister.
§ 99
Boas] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES—TAKELMA 249
The plural form -k/an is appended to nouns in -la’p‘a and to the
third personal -za(-a) of terms of relationship. As -k/-1 is appended
to nouns in -la@’p‘a also before the characteristic -2- followed by a
possessive suffix, it is clear that -k/an is a compound suffix consisting
of an unexplained -k/- and the plural element -(a)n. Examples of
-klan are:
t/tla’p'ak!an men 128.11; 130.1, 7, 25; 132.17
k'a*la@’ p‘ak!an women 184.13
mologola’ p‘ak!an old women 57.14; 128.3, 10 (also mologo’lt'an)
o’pxak!an her elder brothers 124.16, 20; 134.8; 138.7
k‘aba’xak!an his, their sons 132.10; 156.14
ma’xak\an their father 130.19, 21; 132.12
tawaeak!an their younger sister 148.5
kJa’sak!an their maternal grandmother 154.13; 156.8, 15, 18, 21
§ 100. DUAL -di/
The suffix -dil(-di‘l) is appended to a noun or pronoun to indicate
the duality of its occurrence, or to restrict its naturally indefinite or
plural application to two. It is not a true dual in the ordinary sense
of the word, but indicates rather that the person or object indicated
by the noun to which it is suffixed is accompanied by another person
or object of the same kind, or by a person or object mentioned before
or after; in the latter case it is equivalent to AND connecting two
denominating terms. Examples illustrating its use are:
go"mdi'l we two (restricted from g6"m we)
gadil go"m thémainigam we two, that one and I, will wrestle
(literally, that-one-and-another [namely, I] we we-shall-
wrestle) 30.5
sgv’sidi'l two coyotes (literally, coyote-and-another [coyote])
wazadi'l two brothers (lit.,[he] and his younger brother) 26.12
sgist ni’xzadi\l Coyote and his mother 54.2
The element -dil doubtless occurs as an adjective stem meaning
ALL, EVERY, in aldil ALL 134.4 (often heard also as aldt 47.9; 110.16;
188.1); hadedilt‘'a EVERYWHERE 43.6; 92.29; and hat‘gadilt‘a IN
EVERY LAND 122.20.
§ 101. -wi’* every
This element is freely appended to nouns, adjectives, and adverbs,
but has no independent existence of its own. Examples are:
be*wi’* every day (literally, every sun) 42.1; 158.17
au’*nwit every night (2u’'n, xii’*ne‘ night, at night)
11t was found extremely difficult, despite repeated trials, for some reason or other, to decide as to whether
-k/- or -g- was pronounced. -k/i- and -k/an may thus be really -gi- and -gan.
§§ 100-101
250 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 40
bizal witinwi’® ba-i-wili’“ month comes after month (literally,
moon different-each out-goes)
qwel~wak'wiwit every morning (gwel-‘wak'wiS morning 44.1)
da-ho“xawi'* every evening
ha-be°-biniwi’* every noon
k‘aiwi’* everything, something (k‘a-, k‘ai- what, thing) 180.5, 6
ada’t‘wit everywhere, to each 30.12; 74.2; 120.13
As illustrated by k‘aiwyi’*, the primary meaning of -wi* is not so
much EVERY as that it refers the preceding noun or adverb to a
series. It thus conveys the idea of SOME in:
dal*wi’* sometimes, in regard to some 57.12
xaénewi’* sometimes 132.25
With pronouns it means TOO, AS WELL AS OTHERS:
gvwi’* I too
matwi'* you too 58.5
Like -dil, -wif may be explained as a stereotyped adjectival stem
that has developed into a quasi-formal element. This seems to be
indicated by the derivative wi*i‘n EVERY, DIFFERENT 49.1; 160.20;
188.12.
§ 102. DEICTIC -€a‘
It is quite likely that the deictic -‘a‘ is etymologically identical
with the demonstrative stem a- TuIs, though no other case has been
found in which this stem follows the main noun or other word it
qualifies. It differs from the exclusive -¢‘a in being less distinctly a
part of the whole word and in having a considerably stronger con-
trastive force. Unlike -t'a, it may be suffixed to adverbs as well as
to words of a more strictly denominative character. Examples of
its occurrence are extremely numerous, but only a very few of these
need be given to illustrate its deictic character:
) 26.3; 56.5; (ef. 49.8, 13)
masa you ({I am
maha'i‘a‘ big-indeed
ga‘a‘ ge wilt’? that one’s house is there (literally, that-one there
his-house [that house yonder belongs to that fellow Coyote, not
to Panther, whom we are seeking]) 55.4; cf. 196.19
6o“-a* but nowadays (so it was in former days, but now things
have changed) 50.1; 194.5
ge’-hi gi**a*‘ yok loya’*n that-far I-for-my-part know-it (others may
know more) 49.13; 154.7
pvméa‘ gayat he ate salmon (nothing else.
§ 102
,] but you
Boas] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES—TAKELMA 951
Ill. The Pronoun (§§ 103-105)
§ 103. Independent Personal Pronouns
The independent personal pronouns of Takelma, differing in this
respect from what is found to be true of most American languages,
show not the slightest etymological relationship to any of the various
pronominal series found incorporated in noun and verb, except in so
far as the second person plural is formed from the second person sin-
gular by the addition of the element -p‘ that we have found to be
characteristic of every second person plural in the language. The
forms, which may be used both as subjects and objects, are as
follows:
Singular: First person, gi 56.10; 122.8; second person, ma‘ (ma*)
26.7; 98.8; third person, Gk‘ 27.5; 156.12. Plural: First person,
go"m 30.5; 150.16; second person, map‘; third person di 49.11;
ailamana*’ 27.10; 56.1
Of the two third personal plural pronouns, di is found most fre-
quently used with post-positive elements; e. g., Gy@’/* susT THEY
(= @ ya’") 160.6; @*ya‘ THEY (= @i-‘a‘) 49.11. When unaccom-
panied by one of these, it is generally pluralized: @it‘an (see § 99).
The second, zilamana‘, despite its four syllables, has not in the
slightest yielded to analysis. It seems to be but little used in normal
speech or narrative.
All the pronouns may be emphasized by the addition of -wi* (see
§101), the deictic -‘a‘ (see §102), or the post-positive particles ya’¢
and enclitic -h2 and -s7° (see § 114, 1, 2, 4):
maya’? just you 196.2
ma‘hi you yourself
ahi‘ they themselves 104.13 (cf. 152.20)
gvs'a’ Tin my turn 47.14; 188.8; (cf. 61.9)
A series of pronouns denoting the isolation of the person is formed
by the addition of -da‘x or -da’‘xi (= -da‘x + -hi) to the forms given
above: ;
giida’*x(v) only I
matda’*a(v1) you alone
ak‘da‘x(i) all by himself 61.7; 90.1; 142.20; 144.6
go"mda’*x(1) we alone
map‘da‘x(t) you people alone
aida’‘x(1) they alone 138.11
§ 103
952 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 40
The third personal pronouns are not infrequently used with pre-
ceding demonstratives:
ha’‘ga (or i’daga) Gk‘da‘x that one by himself (@k‘ used here
apparently as a peg for the suffixed element -da‘z by one’s self)
haa@'rt' an and ida*a’it'an those people
ha‘- and ida-, it should be noted, are demonstrative stems that occur
only when compounded with other elements.
The independent possessive pronouns (IT IS) MINE, THINE, HIS,
OURS, YOURS, are expressed by the possessive forms of the substan-
tival stem dis’- HAVING, BELONGING, PROPERTY: a-is‘de‘k* IT IS MINE
23.2; 154.18, 19, 20; a-es'de’® Yours; a’-is'da HIS 23.2, 3; (156.7)
and so on. These forms, though strictly nominal in morphology,
have really no greater concreteness of force than the English transla-
tions MINE, THINE, and so on.
§ 104. Demonstrative Pronouns and Adverbs
Four demonstrative stems, used both attributively and substan-
tively, are found: a-, ga, ida-, and ha*-. Of these only ga THAT
occurs commonly as an independent word; the rest, as the first ele-
ments of composite forms. The demonstratives as actually found
are:
Indefinite. ga that 60.5; 61.2; 110.4; 194.4, 5
Near first. a’ga this 44.9; 186.4; alz this here 110.2; 188.20
Near second. 7’daga that 116.22; idalt that there 55.16
Near third. ha’“‘ga that yonder 186.5; ha‘lt that over there
a- has been found also as correlative to ga- with the forms of na(g)-
DO, SAY:
ana‘ne‘x like this 176.13 (ga-na‘ne‘x that way, thus 114.17;
122.20)
anaéna’*t’ it will be as it is now cf. 152.8 (ga-na‘na’*t it will be
that way)
perhaps also in:
ada’t'wi' everywhere ( = ada‘t ‘ this way, hither[see § 112, 1] + -wi’é
every) 30.12; 74.2; 120.13
ida- (independently 46.5; 47.5; 192.6) seems to be itself a compound
element, its first syllable being perhaps identifiable with 7- HAND.
idasa’it'an and ha“a’it‘an, referred to above, are in effect the sub-
stantive plurals of 7i’daga and ha’“ga. ha%*- as demonstrative pro-
noun is doubtless identical with the local hé%- YONDER, BEYOND,
found as a prefix in the verb.
§ 104
Boas] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES—TAKELMA 253
By far the most commonly used of the demonstratives is that of
indefinite reference, ga. It is used as an anaphoric pronoun to refer
to both things and persons of either number, also to summarize a pre-
ceding phrase or statement. Not infrequently the translation THAT
or THOSE is too definite; a word of weaker force, like rr, better
serves the purpose. The association of v’daga and ha’*ga with spa-
cial positions corresponding to the second and third persons respec-
tively does not seem to be at all strong, and it is perhaps more accu-
rate to render them as THAT RIGHT AROUND THERE and THAT YONDER.
Differing fundamentally in this respect from adjectives, demonstra-
tive pronouns regularly precede the noun or other substantive ele-
ment they modify:
a’ga sgv’si this coyote 108.1
vdaga yap!a‘ that person
ga ‘aldil all that, all of those 47.12
A demonstrative pronoun may modify a noun that is part of a local
phrase:
i'daga he*s “mal beyond that mountain 122.22; 124.1
Corresponding to the four demonstrative pronoun-stems are four
demonstrative adverb-stems, derived from the former by a change
of the vowel -a- to -e-: e-, ge, ide-, and he*-. Just as ga THAT was
found to be the only demonstrative freely used as an independent
pronoun, so ge THERE, alone of the four adverbial stems, occurs outside
of compounds. e-, ide-, and he*-, however, are never compounded
with ge, as are a-, ida-, and ha@*- with its pronominal correspondent
ga; a fifth adverbial stem of demonstrative force, me® (HITHER as
verbal prefix), takes its place. The actual demonstrative adverbs
thus are:
Indefinite. ge there 64.6; 77.9; 194.11
Near first. eme’® here 112.12, 13; 194.4; me*- hither
Near second. 27deme® right around there 46.15
Near third. he’“me® yonder 31.13
Of these, me®-, the correlative of he*-, can be used independently
when followed by the local -al : me’‘al ON THIS SIDE, HITHERWARDS
58.9; 160.4. he*- away, besides frequently occurring as a verbal
prefix, is found as a component of various adverbs:
he*dada’*, heeda’* over there, away from here, off 46.8; 194.10
he’*ne‘ then, at that time 120.2; 146.6; 162.3
he’*da‘t’ on that side, toward yonder § 104
954 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BuLu. 40
me®- can be used also with the adverb ge of indefinite reference pre-
ceding; the compound, followed by di, is employed in an interroga-
tive sense: geme/‘di WHERE? WHEN? 56.10; 100.16; 190.25. The
idea of direction in the demonstrative adverbs seems less strong
than that of position: he’ *me® baza’*m HE COMES FROM OVER THERE,
as well as he’ “me gini/*k* HE GOERS OVERTHERE. me*- and he“-(ha*-),
however, often necessarily convey the notions of TOWARD and AWAY
FROM the speaker: me’*-yewe* ha’*-yewe* HE CAME AND WENT BACK
AND FORTH.
Demonstrative adverbs may take the restrictive suffix -da‘x or
-daba’*x (cf. -da‘e with personal pronouns, $103):
emesda’*x 114.4, 5
eme‘daba'<x ae ee
§ 105. Interrogative and Indefinite Pronouns
As independent words, the interrogative and indefinite stems occur
with adverbs or adverbial particles, being found in their bare form
only when incorporated. The same stems are used for both inter-
rogative and indefinite purposes, a distinction being made between
persons and things:
nek‘ who? some one 86.2, 23; 108.11
k‘ai what? something 86.5; 122.3; 128.8
As independent adverb also PERHAPS: ;
kai tlimiai perhaps he’ll strike me 23.3
As interrogatives, these stems are always followed by the interroga
tive enclitic particle di, k‘ai always appearing as k‘a- when di imme-
diately follows:
ne'k*-di who? 46.15; 86.4; 142.9
k‘a’-di what? 47.9; 60.11; 86.8
kai. . . di occurs with post-positive ga‘*al:
k‘a’t ga‘al di‘ what for? why? 71.15; 86.14; 98.8
As indefinites, they are often followed by the composite particle
-s walk‘ di:
nek'-s'i°wa/k‘di I don’t know who, somebody 22.8
k'ai-s'°wa'k‘di I don’t know what, something 96.10
As negative indefinites, nek’ and k'ai are preceded by the negative
adverb a’ni® or wede, according to the tense-mode of the verb (see
$72);
§ 105
goas] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES—TAKELMA 955
a’n% ne‘k* nobody 63.4; 90.8, 25
a’ni k‘a nothing 58.14; 61.6; 128.23
we'de nek* ii’s‘ik* nobody will give it to me (cf. 98.10)
we'de k‘ar ii’s'dam do not give me anything
With the post-nominal -wi’* Every, k‘ai forms k‘aiwi’* EVERYTHING,
SOMETHING. No such form as *nek‘wi’*, however, occurs, its place
being taken by aldil, aldt ALL, EvERYBopYy. In general, it may be
said that k‘at has more of an independent substantival character
than nek‘; it corresponds to the English Turne in its more indefinite
sense, e. g., k‘a’t gwala MANY THINGS, EVERYTHING 96.15; 102.11;
108.8
The adverbial correspondent of kat is gui HOW? WHERE? 46.2;
78.5. In itself gui is quite indefinite in signification and is as such
often used with the forms of na(g)- Do, AcT 47.11; 55.7:
gui'di nagait’ how are you doing? (e. g., where are you going?)
86.17; (138.25)
As interrogative, it is followed by di:
gwi'di how? where? 44.5; 70.6; 73.9; 190.10
as indefinite, by -s‘t‘wa’k‘di (cf. 190.4):
gwis'i'wa'k‘di in some way, somewhere 54.7; 96.8; 120.21 (also
gui'hap* somewhere)
as negative indefinite, it is preceded by a’ni* or wede:
a’ni® gui‘ in no way, nowhere 23.6; 62.11; 192.14
we'de gui nat’ do not go anywhere!
As indefinite relative is used gwi/ha WHERESOEVER 140.9, 13, 15, 19.
IV. The Adjective (§§ 106-109)
§ 106. General Remarks
Adjectives can not in Takelma without further ado be classed as
nouns or verbs, as they have certain characteristics that mark them
off more or less clearly from both; such are their distinctly adjectival
suffixes and their peculiar method of forming the plural. In some
respects they closely approach the verb, as in the fact that they are
frequently preceded by body-part prefixes, also in the amplification
of the stem in the plural in ways analogous to what we have found
in the verb. They differ, however, from verbal forms in that they
can not be predicatively used (except that the simple form of the
adjective may be predicatively understood for an implied third per-
son), nor provided with the pronominal suffixes peculiar to the verb;
§ 106
256 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 40
a first or second personal relation is brought about by the use of —
appropriate forms of the copula e2- BE. They agree with the noun
and pronoun in being frequently followed by the distinctly denomi-
native exclusive suffix -t'a (see § 98) and in the fact that, when
forming part of a descriptive noun, they may take the personal end-
ings peculiar to the noun:
ts !iat-maha'it ek* dog-big-my (= my horse)
As adjectives pure and simple, however, they are never found with
the possessive suffixes peculiar to the noun; e. g., no such form as
*maha’it ek’ alone ever occurs. It thus appears that the adjective
occupies a position midway between the noun and the verb, yet with
characteristics peculiar to itself. The most marked syntactic feature
of the adjective is that, unlike a qualifying noun, it always follows
the modified noun, even when incorporated with it (see § 93). Ex-
amples are:
wa-iw7i't da girl pretty 55.7; 124.5
yapla daldi‘ person wild 22.14
sgv'si da-sga’xit' Coyote sharp-snouted 86.3, 20; 88.1, 11
pim cum yele‘x debii’* salmon dry burden-basket full (= burden-
basket full of dry salmon) 75.10
Rarely does it happen that the adjective precedes, in which case
it is to be predicatively understood: ’
gwa'la yap!a‘ many (were) the people 180.16 (but ya’p!la gwala*
people many 194.10)
Even when predicatively used, however, the adjective regularly fol-
lows the noun it qualifies. Other denominating words or phrases —
than adjectives are now and then used to predicate a statement or
command:
yi’ kala (1) wa’k'ié (2), ga (3) gasal (4) deligra’lt'r (5) gwas (6) [as
they were] without (2) teeth (1), for (4) that (3) [reason] they
brought them as food (5) intestines (6) 130.22
masv’* (1) al-né*na’*n (2) naga-rda’* (3) [do] you in your turn (1)
[dive], since you said (3) ‘I can get close to him”’ (2) 61.9
§ 107. Adjectival Prefixes
Probably all the body-part prefixes and also a number of the
purely local elements are found as prefixes in the adjective. The
material at hand is not large enough to enable one to follow out the
prefixes of the adjective as satisfactorily as those of the verb; but
§ 107
BOAS] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES—TAKELMA 257
there is no reason to believe that there is any tangible difference of
usage between the two sets. Examples of prefixes in the adjective
are:
1. dak'-.
dak'-maha‘t big on top
dak‘-dii'l‘s big-headed
2. da*-.
da*-molhi‘t’ red-eared 14.4; 15.12; 96.13
da?-ho’k'wal with holes in ear 166.13, 19
da?-maha’ big-cheeked
3. Sin-.
s'in-ho’k'wal with holes in nose 166.13, 18
s‘in-hii’s‘gal big-nosed 25.1; 27.5, 13; 28.6
s‘in-p'0l‘s flat-nosed
4. de-.
de-ts'liigii‘t', de-ts‘hiigi/” sharp-pointed 74.13; 126.18
de-tiilii’*p* dull
de-‘wini‘t' proceeding, reaching to 50.4
5. da-.
da-sga’xi(t") long-mouthed 15.13; 86.3; 88.1, 11
da-sguli‘ short 33.17
da-ho’k'wal holed 176.7
da-maha‘ big-holed 92.4
da-t/os:0’" small-holed
6. gwen-.
ewen-xrd2’lés slim-necked
gwen-t ge‘m black-necked 196.6
7. U.
1-ts‘!o’p‘al sharp-clawed 14.4; 15.13; 86.3
i-ge’wasx crooked-handed
i-kJok!o‘k* ugly-handed
8. LA%~.
xa*-mahai big-waisted, wide
xa*-zdi'l‘s slim-waisted, notched 71.15; 75.6
9 . dt Loot)
di'-k /éliz conceited
1 0 . adir- e
di*-maha™ big below, big behind
3045°—Bull. 40, pt 2—12——_17 § 107
958 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 40
di§-kla‘ls lean in rump
11. gwel-.
ha-gwel-bila‘m empty underneath, like table (cf. ha-bila‘m
empty)
gwel-ho’k'wal holed underneath 43, 9.
12. ha-.
ha-bila‘m empty (literally, having nothing inside, cf. bila‘m
having nothing 43.6, 8, 14)
13. sal-.
sal-t/a’t narrow
sal-ts‘/una‘pzx straight
14. al-. (Referring to colors and appearances)
al-t'ge‘m black 13.3; 162. 4
al-ts'/2‘l red
al-t‘gu’‘‘s* white 55.2; 188.11
al-sgenhi‘t' black 92.19
al-gwa’si yellow
al-t'gisa‘mt* green (participle of t‘gisz’*m it gets green)
al-k /iyi’z-nat' blue (literally, smoke-doing or being)
al-k!ok!o‘k* ugly-faced 47.2; 60.5
al-t/ees'i‘t' little-eyed 94.3; 4 6, 14)
al-¢'geya\px round
al-t‘mila‘px smooth
15. han-.
han-hogwa'l with hole running through 56.9, 10
A few cases have been found of adjectives with preceding nouns in
such form as they assume with pre-positive and possessive suffix:
da’k !oloi-ts' il red-cheeked
qgwit!id-t!a’2 slim-wristed
An example of an adjective preceded by two body-part prefices has
already been given (ha-gwel-bila‘m). Here both prefixes are coordi-
nate in function (cf. ha-gwel-pliya‘, § 95). In:
xa*-sal-gwa’st between-claws-yellow (myth name of Sparrow-
Hawk) 166.2
the two body-part prefixes are equivalent to an incorporated local
phrase (cf. § 35, 4) |
§ 108. Adjectival Derivative Suffixcs
A considerable number of adjectives are primitive in form, i. e.,
not capable of being derived from simpler nominal or verbal stems.
Such are:
§ 108
Boas] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES—TAKELMA 259
ho’s‘au getting older
maha big 23.1; 74.15; 146.3
bus: wiped out, destroyed, used up 42.2; 140.19
da good, beautiful 55.7; 58.7; 124.4; 146.6
t'a hot 57.15; 186.25
pun rotten 140.21
yo’ta alive ([?] yo‘t’ being + enclitic -h2) (128.16)
and many others. A very large number, however, are provided with
derivative suffixes, some of which are characteristic of adjectives
per se,’ while others serve to convert nouns and pre-positive phrases
into adjectives. Some adjectival stems seem capable of being used
either with or without a suffix (cf. da-sga’xi and de-ts'liigii‘t’ above,
§ 107):
maha’ and maha‘it’ big
al-qwa’si and al-qwa’sit yellow
1. -(é)¢. Probably the most characteristic of all adjectival suffixes
is -(2)t', all -¢° participles (see § 76) properly belonging here.
Non-participial examples are:
al-qwa’sit* yellow
al-sgenhi‘t* black 92.19
al-tle°s'1't' little-eyed 94.3
(2) ha‘nt* half ([ ?] cf. han- through) 146.22; 154.9; 192.7
t/ott’ one-horned 46.7; 47.7; 49.3.
da*-molhi‘t’ red-eared 14.4; 15.12; 88.2; 96.13
de-ts' ltigtit’ sharp-pointed 126.18
klulsa‘t* soft (food) ‘(cf. klu‘ls worm) 130.22
plala’k'wa-goyo't’ ett‘e’ I am story-doctor (cf. goyo’ shaman)
2. -al. Examples of adjectives with this suffix are:
7-ts'!o’p‘al sharp-clawed 14.4; 86.3 (cf. de-ts: /iigii‘t’ sharp-pointed;
for -p'-: -g- cf. § 42, 1, 6)
tiv’tal thin
(2) déhal five ([ ?]=being in front 7) 150.19, 20; 182.21
s‘in-ho’k‘wal with holes in nose 166.13, 18; (56.9; 166.19; 176.7)
s‘in-hii’s‘gal big-nosed 25.1; 27.5, 13; 28.6
hi’ p‘al flat
mt’xal how much, how many (used interrogatively and relatively)
100.8; 182.13
mica’lha numerous, in great numbers 92.28; 94.1
1 A few adjectives in -am (= -an) are distinctly nominal in appearance; bila‘m HAVING NOTHING; zila\m
SIcK (but also as noun, DEAD PERSON, GHOST). It hardly seems possible to separate these from nouns like
heela\m BOARD; ts-/ela\‘m HAIL.
2 Cf. American Anthropologist, n.s., vol. 9, p. 266.
§ 108
°60 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 40 .
3. -déi. A few adjectives have been found with this suffixed element:
hapsdi' little 192.6; ha’p'di 24.12; 60.15; 61.5 (cf. ha*pat* child
128.16)
yap!a daldi’ wild man (cf. dal- in the brush) 22.14
gama’rdi raw 94.3, 6; 144.5; 182.4
gweldi‘ finished (cf. gwel- leg) 34.1; 79.8; 94.18
4. -ts!-(-£s). Inasmall number of adjectives this element is doubt-
less to be considered a suffix:
Vlts!ak’’ bad, ugly 182.1; 186.22; 198.4 (cf. pl. a*a’lsak*™)
s‘in-pi'l‘s flat-nosed
za?-zdi'lés slim-waisted 71.15; 75.6 (cf. inferential passive zrd-7-
adi'ladalk‘am they have been notched in several places)
A few adjectives in -s, evidently morphologically connected with
the scattering nouns in -s, also occur:
gams blind 26.14
bals long 14.5; 33.16; 158.1
suis’ thick 90.3
—
so
5. -(a)a. This suffix disappears in the plural (see below, § 109), —
so that no room is left for doubt as to its non-radical character.
Whether it is to be identified with the non-agentive -z of the
verb is somewhat uncertain, but that such is the case is by no
means improbable; in some cases, indeed, the adjective in -x
is connected with a verb in -z. The -a‘px of some of the
examples is without doubt composed of the petrified -b- found
in a number of verbs (see § 42, 1) and the adjectival (or non-
agentive) -2.
al-t'geya‘px round (cf. al-t‘geye‘pz it rolls)
sal-ts*!una‘px straight
da-ts!amx sick 90.12, 13, 21; 92.5; 150.16
al-t'mila‘px smooth
da-p'o’a®x crooked (cf. p‘owo’*x it bends)
7-ge'wa®x crooked-handed
More transparently derivational in character than any of those
listed above are the following adjectival suffixes:
6. -gwat' wavinc. Adijectival forms in -gwa‘t' are derived partly
by the addition of the adjectival suffix -(a)t to third personal
reflexive possessive forms in -’t‘gwa (-ragwa), or to palatalized
passive participial forms in -‘*'", themselves derived from
nouns (see § 77), partly by the addition of -gwa‘t' to nouns in
§ 108
Boas] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES—TAKELMA 261
their pre-pronominal form (-r). The fact that these various
-gwa‘t’ forms, despite their at least apparent diversity of origin,
clearly form a unit as regards signification, suggests an ultimate
identity of the noun reflexive -gwa (and therefore verbal
indirect reflexive -gwa-) with the passive participial -k‘". The
-gwa- of forms in -a-gwat' is not quite clear, but is perhaps to
be identified with the comitative -gwa- of the verb. An
adjective like yu’k/al-z-gwat' TEETH-HAVING presents a parallel-
ism to a verbal participle like dak‘-lim-x-gwat' wiTH (TREE)
FALLING OVER ONE (from aorist dak‘-limim-a-qwa-de® I AM WITH
IT FALLING OVER ME, see § 46) that is suggestive of morphologic
identity. Examples of -gwa‘t’ adjectives are:
waya'uxagwat having daughter-in-law 56.10 (cf. waya’uxagwa
her own daughter-in-law)
tUgwana’t gwat’ slave-having (cf. ¢ gwana’t'gwa his own slave)
Da-t'Gn-ela’“t' gwat'' Squirrel-Tongued (literally, in-mouth squirrel
his-tongue having [name of Coyote’s daughter]) 70.6; 72.4;
75.11
nv'cagwat mother-having (cf. nt’xak*” mothered)
me’xagwat’ father-having (cf. me’xak'” fathered)
k'e*lée’p'igugwat* wife-having (cf. k‘e*leé’p‘igik’” wived 142.6)
gu"xgwa't’ wife-having 128.4 (cf. gu¥-2-de‘k‘ my wife 142.9)
dagargwa‘t* head-having (cf. da’g-az-dek* my head 90.13)
ts‘!u'lxgwat’ having Indian money (cf. ts:!u‘lz Indian money
14.13)
A form with -gwat’ and the copula e7- (for persons other than the
third) takes the place in Takelma of the verb Have:
ts'!u/lagwat' eit'e® | have money (literally money-having or
moneyed J-am
ts'!ula-gwa‘t’ he has money
Aside from the fact that it has greater individuality as a distinct
phonetic unit, the post-positive wa’k'* wirHoutT is the mor-
phologic correlative of -gwat' HAVING:
dagaz wa'k't* eit’ head without you-are
da’ gaxgwat' cit’ head-having you-are
Similarly:
nica wa'k'2 eit‘eS mother without J-am
nv’ cagwat eit'e€ mother-having J-am
: ee eee
1 The fact that this form has a body-part prefix (da- MoUTH) seems to imply its verbal (participial)
character. -f'gwat‘ in it, and forms like it, may have to be anaiyzed, not as -t'gwa HIS OWN+-t, but rather
as -t° HIS+-gwa- HAVING+-t. In other words, from a noun-phrase tan eld’a (older eld’at') SQUIRREL HIS-
TONGUE may be theoretically formed a comitative intransitive with prefix: *da-t'dn-eld’at'-gwade= I AM
HAVING SQUIRREL’S TONGUE IN MY MOUTH, of which the text-form is the participle. This explanation has
the advantage over the one given above of putting forms in -’t‘gwat‘ and -agwat' onone line; ef. also 73.15.
§ 108
262 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 40
7. -imikli. <A few adjectives have been found ending in this suffix
formed from temporal adverbs:
hop!énimik!i (men) of long ago 168.1 (hop/én long ago 58.4, 7, 11)
b6“*i/mik!i (people) of nowadays (66% now 188.8; 194.5)
8. ~(é)kli. This suffix, evidently closely related to the preceding
one, forms adjectives (with the signification of BELONGING TO,
ALWAYS BEING) from local phrases. Examples are:
ha-wili’yikti belonging to good folks, not ‘‘common” (from ha-wilt
in the house)
za%-bémik lif being between sticks
ha-bama’ sik 'if dwelling in air
2a%-da’nik!i belonging between rocks (e. g., crawfish)
dak‘-p !n’yak\iF staying always over the fire
ha-p yak lif belonging to fire
9. =i. <A few adjectival forms in -‘27, formed from local phrases,
seem to have a force entirely coincident with adjectives in-(kN:
ha-p!i’ya‘xi belonging to fire
ha-ai’yaxi mink (literally, always staying in the water [from
‘ha-xiya‘ in the water 33.4]) |
10. =“t’acé. This suffix seems to be used interchangeably with
-()kli and -‘1. Examples are:
ha-bami’'sa‘i’'xi® belonging to the air, sky
2a*-da'ni‘i''xi® belonging between rocks
ha-wili?v’*xi belonging to the house
ha-xi’ya‘i'ixi belonging to the water
ha-p!iya‘i’'xi belonging to fire
The following forms in -‘txi, not derived from local phrases, doubt-
less belong with these:
gel'‘xi belonging there 160.24
goyo'l''xi belonging to shamans (used to mean: capable of wish-
ing ill, supernaturally doing harm, to shamans) 170.11
§ 109. Plural Formations
A few adjectives form their plural or frequentative by reduplica-
pon: Singular Plural
de-bii’/“ full 49.14; 116.5 de-bii‘ba‘z (dissimilated from
-biiSba®x) 122.17
vlis!ak’” bad 182.1; 198.4 ia/lsak’” (dissimilated from
iW alts!-)
maha large 23.1; 74.15 mahmi 32.15; 49.10; 130.4
§ 109
——
BOAS] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES—TAKELMA 263
Of these, the first two are clearly verbal in type. The probably non-
agentive -x of de-bii‘ba‘z (also singular de-bii’“zx from *de-bii'“k !-a [cf.
de-bii/"k!in I SHALL FILL IT|) and the apparently passive participial
-ak'” of vlis!ak’” strongly suggest that the first two of these adjec-
tives are really adjectivally specialized verb-forms. mahmi is alto-
gether irregular in type of reduplication. t/os‘0/ LITTLE 56.15; 74.16
forms its plural by the repetition of the second consonant after the
repeated vowel of the singular: dak/oloi-tlos-t’s‘gwat' HE HAS SMALL
CHEEKS. In regard to tat’ 179.18, the plural of ¢@ Hor 57.15, it
is not certain whether the -t' is the repeated initial consonant, or
the -t' characteristic of other adjective plurals.
Most adjectives form their plural by repeating after the medial
consonant the vowel of the stem, where possible, and adding to the
amplified stem the element -it° (probably from -Azt‘, as shown by .
its treatment with preceding fortis), or, after vowels, -¢2t'; a final
non-radical -(a)z disappears in the plural. ho’s‘aw GETTING BIGGER
(with inorganic -a-) forms its plural by the repetition of the stem-
vowel alone, hos'6" 156.11; 158.11; similar is du*i%‘ 58.10 which seems
to be the plural of da pretty 58.8. yo’t's ([%] yot'-hi) ALIVE forms
the plural yot'a’hi ([%] yota-hv) 128.16. Examples of the peculiarly
adjectival plural in -(¢')2¢° are:
Singular Plural
al-t'geya‘px round al-t‘geye’ pit
al-t'mila‘px smooth al-t'mili’ p'it*®
sal-ts' !una‘px straight sal-ts'!u/nup‘it*®
sal-t!a’t narrow sal-tla’yat‘it®
da-p‘o’a*z crooked (= -ak!-z) quit'-p‘o'ock'it’ crooked-
armed
a-ge'wake crooked-handed i-ge'we*k‘it'
(= -akl-x; cf. aorist gewe-
klaw- carry [salmon] bow-
fashion)
de-ts'!iigii‘t’ sharp-pointed 126.18 de-ts:!iigahit‘
de-tiilii’*p* dull de-t tilii’*p'it®
al-ts' !i‘l red da’k !oloi-ts' !n’litit‘ he has red
cheeks
al-t'gu’**s* white 55.2; 188.11 da’k !oloi-t'quyuss'it’ he has
white cheeks
al-t'ge‘m black 13.3; 162.4 da’k !oloi-t'ge’met‘it’ he has
black cheeks
bals long 14.5; 15.12, 15 siniadatan ba@%la’sit’ their
noses are long
§ 109
264
BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY {[BULL. 40
That these plurals are really frequentative or distributive in force
is illustrated by such forms as da’k!oloi-ts'!’/lit'it’ RED-CHEEKED,
which has reference not necessarily to a plurality of persons affected,
but to the frequency of occurrence of the quality predicated, i. e., to
the redness of both cheeks.
V. Numerals (§§ 110, 111)
§ 110. Cardinals
FOoODOMWNAaaRwW bw
Cardinals
188.9
ga’*'m 22.7; 110.11
| patprinds 55,7,12; jana
. av’bine* 150.8
. gamga’m 148.5; 184.17
. déhal 150.19, 20; 182.21
. hasimi’*s 150.12
hasiga’*m
. hakiar’n
. hasigo* 150.14
. Vadil 13.1; 150.5; 182.22
. Vadil mi’*sgaé gada*‘k’
ten one on-top-of
. Vadil ga’*m gada‘k*
. yaplami’<s 182.23
. av'n adil
. gamga’ mtn ixdil
. dehaldan iadil
. hasimi'ts!adan ixdvl
. hakiga’*madan iadi'l
. hakiar’ndan radi'l
. hasigogada’n vadvl
. tleimr’£s 23.2, 4, 9, 12, 13
. ga'*main tleumi’*s
. ain tleimi’ss
400.
1, 000.
2,000.
gamga’'mtin tleimi’’s
Vadildan tleimt’'s
yap!lami'ts!adan tleimi’’s
Adverbs
. mi’*sga’ 13.2; 192.8; mts miixda‘n once 182.20; 188.18
ga'*mtin twice
aint
gamga’man
dthaldan
hasimi'ts lada‘n
ha‘iga’*mada‘n
ha%ixinda‘n
ha%igo“gada‘n
iadilda‘n
mi’*sga‘ is the usual uncompounded form of onz. In compounds
the simpler form mi’‘s (stem mits!-) occurs as the second element:
hasimt’‘s six (=one [finger] in the hand)
yaplame'*s twenty (=one man)
§ 110
1 Often heard as ga’p ini‘ 55.2, 5.
Boas] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES—TAKELMA 265
tleimi’‘s one hundred (probably = one male [t/7?-])
mel t gG%-mi'‘s crows earth-one (=land packed full of crows)
144.9, 11, 12, 13
de*mi’<s in-front-one (= marching in single file)
almi’‘s all together 92.23, 24; 190.17
Of the two forms for Two, ga@’p!ini‘ seems to be the more frequently
used, though no difference of signification or usage can be traced.
ga’ plint’ Two and «i’bini‘ THREE are evident compounds of the
simpler ga@/*m and zi‘n (seen in ha‘ixi‘n EIGHT) and an element -bini‘
that is perhaps identical with -bini‘ of ha’-bint‘ IN THE MIDDLE.
gamga’m FouR is evidently reduplicated from ga’*m Two, the falling
accent of the second syllable being probably due to the former
presence of the catch of the simplex. An attempt has been made?
to explain dzhal rive as an adjectival form in -al derived from de*-
IN FRONT. The numerals SIx, SEVEN, EIGHT, and NINE are best con-
sidered as morphologically verbs provided with the compound prefix
ha%i- IN THE HAND (see § 35, 4), and thus strictly signifying ONE
(FINGER) IS IN THE HAND; TWO, THREE, FOUR (FINGERS) ARE IN THE
HAND: No explanation can be given of -go‘ in ha*%igo‘ NINE, except
that it may be an older stem for rour, later replaced, for one reason
or another, by the composite gamga’m Two+Two. 2 xdil TEN is
best explained as compounded of 7-z- HAND (but why not 7dz- as in
wa-de‘k* MY HAND?) and the dual -d7‘, and as being thus equivalent
to TWO HANDS.
It thus seems probable that there are only three simple numeral
stems in Takelma, mi’/“s ONE, g@’*m Two, and 2i‘n THREE. All the
rest are either evident derivations from these, or else (déhal probably
and 7’xdil certainly) descriptive of certain finger-positions. While the
origin of the Takelma system may be tertiary or quinary (if -go‘ is
the original stem for rour and déhal is a primary element), the
decimal feeling that runs through it is evidenced both by the break
at ten and by the arrangement of the numerals beyond ten.
The teens are expressed by TEN ONE ABOVE (i. e., ten over one), TEN
TWO ABOVE; andsoon. ga‘a‘l THERETO may be used instead of gada‘k‘
OVER. Twenty is ONE MAN, i. ¢., BOTH HANDS AND FEET. One hun-
dred can be plausibly explained as equivalent to ONE MALE PERSON.’
The other tens, i. e., thirty to ninety inclusive, are expressed by
1 American Anthropologist, loc. cit., where FIVE is explained as BEING IN FRONT, on the basis of the
method of fingering used by the Takelma in counting.
2 Loc. cit.
§ 110
266 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY (BULL. 40
multiplication, the appropriate numeral adverb preceding the word for
ten. 2i’nixdil rurrty, however, uses the original cardinal zn, instead
of the numeral adverb zint‘. ‘The hundreds (including two hundred
and one thousand) are similarly expressed as multiplications of one
hundred (t/eimi’‘s), the numeral adverbs (xin instead of zi‘nt* in
three hundred) preceding t/evmi/*s. Numerals above one thousand
(=10 100) can hardly have been in much use among the Takelma,
but can be expressed, if desired, by prefixing the numeral adverbs
derived from the tens to t/eimi’§s; e. g., dthaldan iadildan t!evmi''s
510X100 =5,000.
As far as the syntactic treatment of cardinal numerals is concerned,
it should be noted that the plural of the noun modified is never em-
ployed with any of them:
wa-iwi’* géplini girl two (i. e., two girls) 55.2, 5, 7, 12 (wa-iwi't-
t‘an girls 56.11) .
mologola’ pa ga' plini old-woman two 26.14 (mologola’p‘aklan old
women 138.10)
ha’ pda ga’ plini his child two 154.17 (ha@’ pada his children)
Like adjectives, attributive numerals regularly follow the noun.
§ 111. Numeral Adverbs
The numeral adverbs denoting so AND SO MANY TIMES are derived
from the corresponding cardinals by suffixing -an (often weakened
to -an) to ga/'m Two and its derivative gamga’m FouR; -t', to xin
THREE; -da‘n, to other numerals (-ada‘n, to those ending in -‘m and
-is!- = -§s). ha‘ig@’/*m sEvEN and ha‘iai‘n EIGHT, it will be observed,
do not follow g@’*m and zin in the formation of their numeral adverbs,
but add -(a)da‘n.
It is not impossible that mii#z- in mii“xda‘n ONCE is genetically
related and perhaps dialectically equivalent to mi‘‘s-, but no known
grammaticor phonetic process of Takelma enables one toconnect them.
ha‘iqgo"gada‘n NINE TIMES seems to insert a -ga- between the cardinal
and the adverbial suffix -dan. The most plausible explanation of the
form is its interpretation as NINE (ha‘igo‘) THAT (ga) NUMBER-OF-TIMES
(-da‘n), the demonstrative serving as a peg to hang the suffix on.
From the numeral adverbs are derived, by prefixing ha- IN, @
further series with the signification of IN SO AND SO MANY PLACES:
=le
ha-ga'/'m@in in two places
ha-gamgama‘n 176.2, 3 in four places
ha-ha‘igo“gada‘n in nine places ©
§ 111
‘poas] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES—TAKELMA 267
Cardinals with prefixed ha- are also found, apparently with an
approximative force, e. g., ha-déhal aBouT FIVE 194.2.
No series of ordinal numerals could be obtained, and the prob-
ability is strong that such a series does not exist. debi‘n occurs
as FIRST (e. g., wilt debi’n-hi FIRST HOUSE), but may also mean LAST
49.2; 150.15, a contradiction that, in view of the probable etymology
of the word, is only apparent. debi‘n is evidently related to ha-bint‘
IN THE MIDDLE, and therefore signifies something like IN FRONT OF
THE MIDDLE; i. €., AT EITHER END of a series, a meaning that com-
ports very well with the renderings of both First and Last. It is
thus evident that no true ordinal exists for even the first numeral.
VI. Adverbs and Particles (§§ 112-114)
A very large number of adverbs and particles (some of them simple
stems, others transparent derivatives, while a great many others still
are quite impervious to analysis) are found in Takelma, and, particu-
larly the particles, seem to be of considerable importance in an idio-
matically constructed sentence. A few specifically adverbial suffixes
are discernible, but a large number of unanalyzable though clearly
non-primitive adverbs remain; it is probable that many of these are
erystallized noun or verb forms now used in a specialized adverbial
sense.
§ 112. Adverbial Suffixes
Perhaps the most transparent of all is:
1.-da‘t’. This element is freely added to personal and demonstra-
tive pronouns, adverbs or verbal prefixes, and local phrases, to
impart the idea of direction from or to, more frequently the former.
Examples of its occurrence are:
gvida‘t* in my direction (gi I)
wadédat* from my side (wadé to me)
ada‘t* on, to this side 112.17; 144.2
vdada‘t* in that direction, from that side (ida- that)
ha’da‘t’ from yonder (ha*- that yonder)
gui’ dat* in which direction? 190.18 (gwi how? where?)
geda‘t' from there 144.8
eme’*dat* from here
me’‘da‘t’ hitherwards 32.10, 11; 55.3 (me- hither)
he’*dat* thitherwards (he’- away)
no“da‘t’ from down river 23.9 (nd¥ down river)
§ 112
268 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 40
handa‘t* (going) across (han- across) 30.4; 31.16
ha*ndada‘t* from across (the river) (ha’nda across it) 112.17; 114.17
habamda‘t* from above (ha- in + bam- up)
haxiya’dat* from water on to land (ha-aiya‘ in the water)
dak‘-wili/‘dat* from on top of the house (dak‘-wilt over the house)
27.5; 62.5
gwen-t' ga*- bo’k‘dandada‘t* from the east (gwen-t'ga?-bo'k‘danda
east) 144.23; (cf. 146.1)
More special in use of -dat* are:
honoxdat‘ last year (hondx some time ago)
dewe'nxada‘t* day after to-morrow (dewe’nza to- morrow)
de‘dat’ first, before others 110.5
2. =a. A fairly considerable number of adverbs, chiefly temporal
in signification, are found to end in this element. Such are:
ho"xa‘ yesterday 76.9; 98.21
da-ho"xa‘ this evening 13.3; 16.15; 63.8; 78.4
dabalni’xa for a long time (ef. bal-s long and lep‘ni’xa in winter)
54.4; 108.16
ya’xa continually, only, indeed (cf. post-positive ya’* just) 54.5;
63.3; 78.10
dewe’nxa to-morrow 77.14; 112.15; 180.17; 194.1
dap!a’xa toward daylight, dawn 45.4
de’ ¢xa henceforth (cf. de- in front of) 196.5
sama’xa in summer (cf. sa’ma summer 188.13; verb-stem sam-g-
be summer 92.9) 162.16; 176.13, 15
lep‘n’xa in winter 162.20; 176.15
de-bixi’/msa ([ ?]=-t-xa) in spring ([? ] ef. 6t’xal moon)
da-y0“ga’mxa in autumn 186.3
ts‘/i’s'a ([?]=-t-aa) at night 182.20
zami*xa by the ocean (cf. zam- into water) 21.1; 55.1
(2) b6%-néxa-daé soon, immediately (cf. 66% now and ne* well! or
na-! do) 90.10; 108.2
(2) dafma’xau far away (forda‘- cf. da’-o‘l near) 14.3; 188.21; 190.6
In lep‘ni‘x 90.6, a doublet of lep'ni’xa, -xa appears shortened to -z;
this -x may be found also in hondx SOME TIME AGO (cf. hono’* AGAIN).
Here perhaps belongs also da-yawa’nt!i-xi (adjectival?) IN HALF,
ON ONE SIDE (OF TWO) 94.3.
It will be noticed that a number of these adverbs are provided
with the prefix da- (de- before palatal vowels, cf. § 36, 2), the apps
cation of which, however, in their case, can not be explained.
3. -ne’. A number of adverbs, chiefly those of demonstrative
signification, assume a temporal meaning on the addition of -ne’, a
1See Appendix A, p. 290.
§ 112
= i
BOAS] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES—TAKELMA 269
catch intervening between the suffix and the stem. Etymologi-
cally -ne may be identical with the hortatory particle ne* WELL, LET
(us) ——.
Adverb Temporal
he*- there yonder he’*ne‘ then, at that time 45.6;
49.14
ge there 14.3; 15.5, 12 gene‘ so long 92.10; 198.9
me*- hither - mene’ at this time 24.14 (cf. also
ma’nai around this time 178.4)
e’me® here 31.3; 192.9 eme‘ne (ya@’?-hv) (right) here ({?]=
now) 190.23
gui how? 46.2; 78.5 gwv'‘ne some time (elapsed), how
long? 44.2; 48.9; 148.7
To this set probably belong also:
zan, cu’‘ne‘ at night, night 45.3; 46.12; 48.10; 160.22
bén by day 166.2 (cf. bé sun, day)
hop!én long ago 58.4; 86.7,9; 192.15; 194.4
xasnew’* sometimes 132.25
bo"né now, yet 130.23 (cf. bd” now)
Vde ne’, which the parallelism of the other forms in -ne‘ with de,
monstrative stems leads one to expect, does not happen to occur-
but probably exists. Curiously enough, he’*ne not infrequently may
be translated as LIKE, particularly with preceding k‘ai (§ 105):
k‘a’'t he*ne bém something like wood 186.11
k'ai gwala he’*ne like various things 196.3
A number of other adverbial suffixes probably occur, but the
examples are not numerous enough for their certain determination.
Among them is -ada‘: .
no“qwada‘ some distance down river 54.2 (cf. nd“ down river and
no“gwa* down river from 75.14)
hinwada’ some distance up river 56.4; 100.18; 102.4 (cf. hina‘u
up river and hinwa‘ up river from 77.1)
ha’nt'ada across the river 98.5; 192.3; (cf. ha‘nt’ across, in half)
Several adverbs are found to end in -(da)da‘, perhaps to be identified
with the -da* of subordinate verb-forms:
bo"-néxada? immediately 90.10, 12; 108.2
he*(da)da’* away from here 92.5; 172.5; 194.10; 196.11
gwel-wak'wi' EARLY IN THE MORNING 44.1; 63.9; 77.14; 190.1 seems
to be a specialized verb-form in -k'2° Ir, WHENEVER. It is possible
that there is an adverbial -¢* suffix:
gwe’nt’ in back, behind 94.15
ha‘nt‘ across, in half 146.22; 154.9; 192.7 y P12
a ~
270 ; BUREAU OF AMERICAN BTHNOLOGY [BULL. 40
It may be that this -t' has regularly dropped off when final in poly-
syllables: .
da‘o'l near 100.15; but da‘o’ltt (=da‘ol[t]+-hi) 136.7
§ 113. Simple Adverbs
The simple adverbs that are closely associated with demonstrative
stems have been already discussed (§ 104). A number of others,
partly simple stems and partly unanalyzable derivatives, are listed
here, such as have been already listed under adverbial suffixes not
being repeated.
1. Local adverbs:
no” down river 17.9; 63.1; 124.15
no’“s next door ([?] related to n6”) 17.4; 188.2
hina‘u up river ([¢] compounded with n6”) 22.7; 23.1; 61.13;
192.14
da‘-o'l near (cf. -t', § 112, and see § 93) 100.15; 102.6; 126.2
dihau(ya’*) last of all (see § 93) 120.18
gi *wa far off 48.8; 192.1
aba’ in the house (cf. § 37, 14) 28.8; 43.13; 140.5
ha’“ya*‘ on both sides, mutually (cf. § 37, 5) 172.10; 176.6
2. Temporal adverbs:
b6” now, to-day 49.13; 50.1; 56.11; 61.11
ha'wi still, yet (cf. § 37, 9) 78.1; 126.21; 192.8; 198.11
ak te .
ik a soon 128.18
olo‘m (ulu‘m) formerly, up to now 43.11; 63.1; 71.15; 166.2
hemdi‘ when? 132.24; a’ni® hem never
mi now, already (often proclitic to following word) 22.4; 63.1;
190.9
gané then, and then (often used merely to introduce new state-
ment) 47.14; 63.1, 2, 16
A noteworthy idiomatic construction of adverbs or. phrases of tem-
poral signification is their use as quasi-substantives with forms of
lalt- Become. Compare such English substantivized temporal
phrases as AFTERNOON. Examples are:
sama’xa lip‘k’ in-summer it-has-become 92.11
hayewa'aedada la*lé’ in-their-returning it-became (=it became
‘time for them to return) 124.15
habébini diha’-uda la*lit‘a® noon after-it when-it-became (= when
it was afternoon) 186.8
§ 113
BOAS] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES—TAKELMA 271
3. Negative and affirmative adverbs:
hit’ no 134.19, 21
ha’-u yes 24.13; 64.1; 170.12
a’nié not (with aorist) 23.3, 6; 64.3; 78.1
andi not? 56.10; 90.26 (e. g., a’ndi k‘ai are there not any?) 56.8
ni‘ not? (with following subordinate): s*-ni’* naga’sbinda® didn’t
T tell you? 136.10
naga-di‘ do (you) not? 116.12
| wede not (with inferential and potential) 25.13; 122.22, 23
4. Modal adverbs:
hono’* (rarely heard as hond‘n 74.8; this is very likely its origi-
nal form, cf. -‘n for -*ne, § 112, 3) again, too, also 22.4; 58.5;
134.1
ganga only 54.4; 94.5; ganga’-hi anyhow 94.8; 142.13; ganga-s‘i’*
just so, for fun
wana‘ even 47.10; 61.3; 71.8; 76.4; 186.2
yaxa’“wa however (cf. yaxa, § 114, 9; for -wa cf. gt’*wa, § 113, 1)
72.11; 74.15
ha’ga explanatory particle used with inferential 28.10; 45.11
(e. g., ga haga wa'la* yu‘k* so that one was really he 170.8)
nak!a‘ in every way, of all sorts (e. g., k'adv’ nakla fa'ni® igi’*nan
what kind was not taken?, i. e., every kind was taken 60.11)
yewé perhaps 136.23; 180.8; 196.18
s‘o°, s' 6“ perfectly, well 136.20; 166.1 (e. g., s'o’* de*gwa'lt'gui'p*
take good care of yourself! 128.24)
amadv’(s:i£) would that! 142.10 (e. g., amadv’s-i® tlomoma’*n I
wish I could’ kill him; amadi loho’* would that he died! 196.2)
wi’sa'm (cf. wis, § 114, 8) I wonder if 150.2, 3 (e. g., mi* wi’sa*m
ya’* I wonder if he went already)
It is a characteristic trait of Takelma, as of many other American
languages, that such purely modal ideas as the optative (wouLD
THAT!) and dubitative (I WONDER IF) are expressed by independent
adverbs without modification of the indicative verb-form (cf. further
wriobiha‘n ye°wa’*t’ wi'sa’m MY-ELDER-BROTHERS THEY-WILL-RETURN
I-WONDER-IF 150.2, 3).
Several of the adverbs listed above can be used relatively with
subordinates, in which use they may be looked upon as conjunctive
adverbs:
bov-gwan* (1) ya*nia’-udaé (2) bar-yeweya‘k™’ (3) as soon as (1)
they went (2), she took him out again (3) 128.20
yewé (1) xebecyagwanaga’m (2) yewée (3) wa'tda (4) hiwilr’/™ (5)
perhaps (1) that we destroy him (2), perhaps (3) he runs (5)
1 Probably compounded of b6u Now and gan(i) NOW, THEN, AND THEN.
§ 113
Ad ba BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 40
to her (4) (=should we destroy him, perhaps he would run to
her)
waya’ (1) he®ne* (2) de-k'iwi'k‘auk'wanmaé (3) ga (4) na&nak‘ik*
(5) just as (2) a knife (1) is brandished (3), that (4) he did
with it (5) 172.12 (cf. he’ne‘ in its meaning of LIKE, §112, 3)
§ 114. Particles
By particles are nere meant certain uninflected elements that have
little or no meaning of their own, but that serve either to connect
clauses or to color by some modal modification the word to which
they are attached. They are never met with at the beginning of a
clause or sentence, but occur only postpositively, generally as enclitics.
Some of the elements listed above as modal adverbs (§ 113, 4) might
also be considered as syntactic particles (e. g., wana,ha’ga, nak!la‘,
which never stand at the beginning of a clause); these, however,
show no tendency to be drawn into the verb-complex. Whenever
particles qualify the clause as a whole, rather than any particular
word in the clause, they tend to occupy the second place in the sen-
tence, a tendency that, as we have seen (p. 65), causes them often
to be inserted, but not organically incorporated, into the verb-
complex. The most frequently occurring particles are those listed
below:
1. ya@’“ sust. This element is not dissimilar in meaning to the
post-nominal emphasizing -*a‘ (§ 102), but differs from it in
that it may be embedded in the verb-form:
7-ya'"-sge*t'sga‘t’ he just twisted it to one side 31.5
It only rarely follows a verb-form, however, showing a strong
tendency to attach itself to denominating terms. Though
serving generally to emphasize the preceding word, it does not
seem to involve, like -‘a‘, the idea of a contrast:
2a%-xo ya’* right among firs (cf. 94.17)
he'ne ya’ just then, then indeed 63.13; 128.22; 188.1, 18
do'“mexbin ya’¢ I shall just kill you 178.15
It has at times a comparative force:
gv ya’* nafnada’* you will be, act, just like me (cf. 196.2)
2. hi. This constantly occurring enclitic is somewhat difficult to
define. With personal pronouns it is used as an emphatic
particle:
ma’ hi you yourself (cf. 104.13; 152.20
§ 114
BOAS] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES—TAKELMA 973
Similarly with demonstratives:
ga’ ha just that, the same 64.6; 96.16; 144.3; 190.21
In such cases it is rather difficult to draw the line between it
and ya’*,! to which it may be appended:
ga ya’ hi gwelda‘ just under that 190.17
han-ya'*-hi ba*-t'e’*x just across the river she emerged 58.3
As emphasizing particle it may even be appended to sub-
ordinate verb forms and to local phrases: .
yant eda‘ hi‘ just as I went (cf. 138.23; 152.5, 7)
diha-udé hi‘ right behind me, as soon as I had gone
It may be enclitically attached to other particles, ya’?-he
192.1 being a particularly frequent combination:
gv’ yaxa’-hi I, however, indeed 71.8
Its signification is not always, however, so specific nor its
force so strong. All that can be said of it in many cases
is that it mildly calls attention to the preceding word with-
out, however, specially emphasizing it; often its force is prac-
tically nil. This lack of definite signification is well illustrated
in the following lullaby, in the second line of which it serves
merely to preserve the rhythm -’-:
mo’xo wa’/inha buzzard, put him to sleep!
si’mhi wa’inha (%) put him to sleep!
pelda wa'inha slug, put him to sleep!
The most important syntactic function of hz is to make a verbal
prefix an independent word, and thus take it out of its proper
place in the verb:
de’-hi ahead (from de- in front) 33.15; 64.3; 196.1; 198.12
ha’n-hi ei-sak*” across he-canoe-paddled
but:
ei-han-sak‘” he-canoe-across-paddled 112.9, 18; 114.11
where han-, as an incorporated local prefix, takes its place after
the object et. A number of adverbs always appear with suffixed
hi; e. g., gasa’lhiquickiy 16.10. Like -‘a‘, from whichit differs,
however, in its far greater mobility, 42 is never found appended
to non-subordinate predicative forms. With hz must not be
confused:
1 The various shades of emphasis contributed by -‘a‘, yd’a, hi, and-s-i£, respectively, are well illustrated
in ma‘a‘ YOU, BUT YOU (as contrasted with others); ma ya’a JUST YOU, YOU INDEED (simple emphasis with-
out necessary contrast); ma’ hi YOU YOURSELF; mas*’i© AND YOU, YOU IN YOUR TURN (108.13)
3045°—Bull. 40, pt 2—12——18 § 114
274 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 40
3. -héi*. This particle is found appended most frequently to intro-
ductory words in the sentence, such as mi‘, gané, and other
adverbs, and to verb-forms:
mi'-hit t'aga’™ then he returned 62.2; (cf. 188.15)
gané-hi® aba-i-gini’*k* and then he went into the house 55.16
naga’-i-hie = naga’ he said + -hi® (see § 22) 22.6; 57.1; 128.15;
192.9
As no definite meaning can be assigned to it, and as it is found
only in myth narration, it is highly probable that it is to be
interpreted as a quotative:
ga naga’ saén-hié that they said to each other, it is said 27.1, 3; 31.9
-hié is also found attached to a verbal prefix (22.1; 140.8, 22, 23).
4, -s*é® AND, BUT. This is one of the most frequently occurring par-
ticles in Takelma narration, its main function being to bind
together two clauses or sentences, particularly when a contrast
isinvolved. It is found appended to nouns or pronouns as
deictic or connective suffix:
aks‘ié he in his turn 61.11; (cf. 47.14; 104.8, 13)
halk’ sgi’sidil mzxs'i* Panther and Coyote, also Crane
An example of its use as sentence connector 1s:
ga nagathan ha-t' ga%dé hop!én, bov-s-v’* eme’* ani ga naga’n that
used-to-be-said in-my-country long-ago, now-but here not that
is-said 194.4; (cf. 60.9; 118.3; 122.17)
-s‘i° is particularly frequently suflixed to the demonstratives ga
THAT and aga THIS, gas‘i° and agas‘i* serving to connect two
sentences, thesecond of which is the temporal or logical resultant
or antithesis of the second. Both of the connected or con-
trasted sentences may be introduced by gas‘2*, agas1*, or by a
word with enclitically attached -si*. In an antithesis agas-a
seems to introduce the nearer, while gas‘ is used to refer to
the remoter act. Examples showing the usage of gasi* and
agas'i< are:
gasi* del ha-de-dilt'a di-bima’*k* (I smoked them out), and-—
then (or so-that) yellow-jackets everywhere swarmed 73.10
k'aiwi’® tlomoma’nda® gas‘i/* gayawa‘tp’ something J-having-
killed-it, thereupon you-ate-it 90.8
gas'i'* guxda hiilit*n wa-iwi’* tlomai'xas'i* aba‘ on-one-hand his-—
wife (was a) sea woman, her-mother-in-law-but (lived) in-the-
house 154.15
§ 114
a — -
BOAS] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES—TAKELMA 275
agas'i=§ york!’at hk’ ya’* xu’ma-sié a’ni® deiigii’s'. now my-bones
just (I was) (i. e., I was reduced to a skeleton), food-and not
she-gave-me-to-eat 186.1
agas'i= a/nié mi’ewa al-tleye’xi naga’® yuluméa’ aga’si® xamk* wa-
iwi’? mi al-tlayak‘wa on-one-hand “ Not probably she-has-dis-
covered-me,”’ he-said Eagle-for-his-part, but Grizzly-Bear gir!
now she-had-discovered him 124.9
gas'i® and agas‘* as syntactic elements are not to be confused
with the demonstratives ga and aga to which a connective -s*2
happens to be attached. This is shown by:
ga-s'v’* gasal that-so for (= so for that reason)
where ga‘al is a postposition to ga. There is nothing to pre-
vent post-nominal -s‘7* from appearing in the same clause:
aga’s'i® méls'i§ but Crow-in-her-turn 162.14
When suffixed to the otherwise non-occurring demonstrative ‘7-
(perhaps contained in ida- THAT) it has a concessive force,
DESPITE, ALTHOUGH, EVEN IF 60.1:
e7’si-hi som gasal ha-de-dilt‘a wit’ a’ni® al-tlaya‘k’ pliyi‘n
although-indeed mountain to everywhere he-went, not he-
found deer 43.6
Vs tslayak’ ani tlomom gaxdagwa although he-shot-at-her, not
he-killed-her his-own-wife 140.17
-hié (see no. 3) or connective -s‘i* may be added to ‘7s‘2°, the
resulting forms, with catch dissimilation (see § 22), being *7’s-ihi®
and *7’s‘is‘i£ 47.11; 148.12. When combined with the idea of
unfulfilled action, the concessive ‘is-7° is supplemented by the
conditional form in -k'2 of the verb:
*7’si° kat gwala naxbiyauk'e, wede ge litwat’ even-though things
many they-should-say-to-you (i. e., even though they call you
names), not there look! 60.3
Compounded with -s-7* is the indefinite particle:
5. -s:é'wa' ke dé 64.5. When appended to interrogatives, this parti-
cle brings about the corresponding indefinite meaning (see
§ 105), but it has also a more general syntactic usage, in
which capacity it may be translated as PERCHANCE, IT SEEMS,
PROBABLY:
ma’si'wak'di henenagwa‘t’ perhaps (or probably) you ate it
all up 26.17
§ 114
276 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 40
The uncompounded wak‘di also occurs:
ulu\m wé'k'di k'ai nék‘am formerly I-guess something it-was said
to him 166.1
ga wa'k‘di hogwa’‘sda* that-one, it-seems, (was) their-runner 49.3
Similar in signification is:
6. m2t“wa PROBABLY, PERHAPS 45.8; 63.15. This enclitic has a con-
siderable tendency to apparently be incorporated in the verb: ~
1-mi'*wa-t!aitliwin maybe he was caught (7-t/dat!iwin he was
caught) .
zas-i-mi'*wa-sgv'*bien mii*xda‘n ht V1l-probably-cut-him-in-two
once just 31.13
7. his, hts NEARLY, ALMOST, TRYING 44.7; 56.14. This element
implies that the action which was done or attempted failed of
success:
mi’* hono® tlomok*‘wa-his mal then also he-killed-him nearly spear-
shaft (personified), i. e., spear-shaft almost managed to kill
him, as he had killed others 28.11; (cf. 188.20)
A frequent Takelma idiom is the use of hi‘s with a form of the
verb of sayrne na(g)- to imply a thought or intention on the
part of the subject of the na(g)- form that fails to be realized:
“ha-aiya’ mitwa sga’t'ap'de®”’ naga’*-hi‘s “in-the-water probably
I-shall-jump,” he thought (but he really fell among alder-
bushes and was killed) 94.17
Sometimes his seems to have a usitative signification; prob-
ably the main point implied is that an act once habitual has
ceased to be so:
dak-his-t' ekle’exade® T used to smoke (but no longer do)
8. wis, wU's IT SEEMS, DOUBTLESS. This particle is used to indicate
a likely inference. Examples are: ,
mi'-wis dap%a'la-u moytigwana’n now-it-seems youth he’s-to-be-
spoiled (seeing that he’s to wrestle with a hitherto invincible
one) 31.12
mi! wi''s Gk!a tlomoma’n now apparently he-for-his-part he-has-
been-killed (seeing that he does not return) 88.9,(6)
9. YAXM CONTINUALLY, ONLY. The translation given for yaga is really
somewhat too strong and definite, its force being often so weak
as hardly to allow of an adequate rendering into English. It
§ 114
den: =
BOAS} HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES—TAKELMA 277
often does not seem to imply more than simple existence or
action unaccompanied and undisturbed. It is found often
with the scarcely translatable adverb ganga oNLy, in which
case the idea of unvaried continuance comes out rather
strongly, e. g.:
ga’-hi yaxa ganga naga’** that-indeed continually only he-said
(i. e., he always kept saying that) 24.15
From ganga it differs in the fact that it is often attracted into
the verb-complex: :
ganga ge'l-yaxa-hewe’ hau only he-is-continually-thinking (i. e. , he
is always thinking) (cf. 128.18; 146.15)
10. wala’*(sina®) REALLY, COME TO FIND OUT 45.11; 170.8. As
indicated in the translation, wala’* indicates the more or less
unexpected resolution of a doubt or state of ignorance:
ga haga wala’ wilt was-i-tla’nik* that-one so really house he-kept-
it (1. e., it was Spear-shaft himself who kept house, no one else)
28.10
Certain usages of wala’‘si(na‘), evidently an amplification of
wala’*, have been already discussed (§ 70).
11. di INTERROGATIVE. The interrogative enclitic is consistently
used in all cases where an interrogative shade of meaning is
present, whether as applying to a particular word, such as an
interrogative pronoun or adverb, or to the whole sentence.
Its use in indirect questions is frequent:
man tv's mizal di‘ tlomomana’: he-counted gophers how-many
had-been-killed
The use of the interrogative is often merely rhetorical, imply-
ing an emphatic negative:
k‘a-dv’ ma wilt wa*-i-tla’nidaé literally, what you house you-will-
keep? (=you shall not keep house) 27.16; (cf. 33.1; 47.9)
Ordinarily dz occupies the second place in the sentence, less fre-
quently the third:
yu klalade® mi di‘ ‘a'ni® kat your-teeth now (inter.) not any
(i.e., have you no teeth?) 128.23
Besides these syntactically and modally important enclitic par-
ticles, there are a few proclitics of lesser significance. Among these
are to be included mi* Now and gané THEN, AND THEN, which, though
they have been included among the temporal adverbs and may
§ 114
278 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 40
indeed, at times, convey a definite temporal idea, are generally weak
unaccented introducers of a clause, and have little determinable force:
gané ya’* then he went 92.26; 118.19; 152.7
mi loho’* then he died 71.13; 98.19; 122.13
The proclitic ne® wELL! is used chiefly as introductory to a hor-
tatory statement:
nee go"m-s't’* dak‘-sini'*da naba’“ha‘n let us-in-our-turn over-
his-nose let-us-do (i. e., let us pass over him!) 144.11
nee tlomoma’*n let me kill him. (ef. 96.4)
§ 115. VII. Interjections
Of interjections and other words of an emotional character there
are quite a number in Takelma. Some of them, while in no sense
of definite grammatical form, are based on noun or verb stems. Not
a few involve sounds otherwise foreign to the language (e. g., nasal-
ized vowels [expressed by “], @ as in English Bat, @ as in SAw, dj as
in JUDGE, voiceless palatal / [written ¢], final fortis consonant); pro- —
longation of vowels and consonants (expressed by +) and repetition
of elements are frequently used.
The material obtained may be classified as follows:
1. Particles or ADDRESS:
ama’* come on! 96.24
hene’ away from here! get away! 148.8, 10, 11, 13, 14
dit‘gwalam O yes! (with idea of pity) 29.13; du‘gwa’“lam witwa
my poor younger brother! 64.4
ha-i‘ used by men in talking to each other
ha’ik!a@ used by women in talking to each other (cf. ha-ck!@ wife!
husband!)
2. SrimpLE INTERSECTIONS (expressing fundamental emotions):
a+ surprise, generally joyful; weeping 28.5; 58.2; 150.2
di; & ; §d; °& sudden surprise at new turn; sudden resolve 28.6; 29.7;
55.7; 78.9
a‘* sudden halt at perceiving something not noticed before 26.12
o* doubt, caution 136.23
6+ sudden recollection; admiration, wonderment; call 92.9;
138.19; 188.17, 19
G+ fear, wonder 17.3
eee; €e* displeasure 27.16; 32.9; 33.6; 122.12
©; hé+ (both hoarsely whispered) used by mythological char-
acters (crane, snake) on being roused to attention 122.10;
148.17, 18
§ 115
Boas] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES—TAKELMA 279
hé+; é@+ call 59.2; 73.7; 75.10; 76.8
fen‘; Sen disapproval, “‘what’s up?’’, sarcasm 28.11; 32.10
mn &n" protest 112.6, 11; 114.3, 6, 13; £2’", *2’™ decided displeasure
198.2 |
he® scorn, threat 140.9; 152.14
e™ sniffing suspiciously 160.20
EM Er Er EM smelling suspiciously 124.23
dja‘ disapproval, warning 156.18
m+ m+ gentle warning, pity 29.8; 31.11, 14
hm+ hm+ reviving hope (?) 32.3
wi+ wé-+ (loudly whispered) cry for help 29.12
ha-i alas! 62.4, 7
A™+ groan 182.11
ho’® (hoarsely whispered) on being wounded 190.24
ha’ hé hé groans on being wounded 192.10
he’ he he he laughter 118.22; 120.6
Those that follow have a prefixed s*- frequently used by Coyote.
They are probably characteristic of this character (see also
71.14; 90.12).
s*°e’hehehe derisive laughter 71.7; 72.11; 73.15; 74.15
s‘be‘p' sharp anger 86.6, 22, 24
s'bé’ +” call for some one to come 92.1
ca'i say there, you! 92.18, 21
sga+ sorrow 100.3
3. Ser Cats (including cries in formulas and myths):
pdad+ (loudly whispered) war-whoop 190.15
bé+ bé+ (loudly whispered and held out long) war-whoop
136.26 bé wd’ du wa’ du..... (loudly whispered) war-whoop
110.19 gwd’ la lé lé lé (loudly whispered) war-whoop on slaying
one of enemy
wa wa wa cry to urge on deer to corral
bo+ yelling at appearance of new moon 196.5
hé+; bé+ (both loudly whispered) urging on to run 46.5, 7; 47.6;
48.1, 3, 9; 49.3
h’+ blowing before exercising supernatural power 96.19, 20, 22;
198.7
p + blowing in exercising supernatural power 77.9
p”’+ blowing water on person to resuscitate him 170.3
hé blowing preparatory to medicine-formula addressed to wind
198.4
do’ do do do do do cry (of ghosts) on catching fire 98.4 (cf. Yana du’
du du du’ du du)
xem’ +ax.mi ery of rolling skull 174.5, 6
§ 115
280 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [puun. 40
0’ + da da da da da cry of peopie running away from rolling skull
174.9, 10
do’lht dolhi‘ taunt (of Pitch to Coyote) 86.2, 8, 10, 17, 21, 23;
88. 1, 2
da'ldalwaya da ldalwaya da'ldalwaya formula for catching craw-
fish (explained in myth as derived from daldaY dragon-fly)
29.14, 16
wi'liklist “eut off!” (cf. witli’? his stone knife 142.21) Chicken-
Hawk’s cry for revenge 144.1
sgilbibi’ +-*« “come warm yourself!’ 25.7 (ef. sgilt’pade® I warm
myself 25.8)
gewe’klewe® (cf. gewe’kliwién I hold [salmon] bow-fashion) said
by Pitch when Coyote is stuck to him 88.5, 9, 11, 12
plidi-t-p'a't p'idit'k* “O my liver!”’ (cf. p'a‘t' p'id-i- salmon liver)
ery of Grizzly Bear on finding she has eaten her children’s
livers 120.19, 20
The last three show very irregular types of reduplication, not other-
wise found.
4. AnimAL Cries AND ImiTaTIVE Sounps:
wa'yant cry of Jack-Rabbit 108.9, 14, 17
(s')ha’u, ha’u cry of Grizzly Bear 106.12, 19; 140.12
wa’ +” (hoarse) death-cry of Grizzly Bear woman 142.3
ha” Bear’s cry 72.15
plak’ plak* “bathe! bathe!” supposed cry of crow
bak‘ bak‘ bak‘ bak‘ bak‘ bak‘ sound made by Woodpecker 90.11; 92.2
(cf. ba’k‘ba* red-headed woodpecker 92.2
plau plau plau p!au plau p!ausound made by Yellowhammer 90.19 ~
bum+ bum+ noise made by rolling skull 174.4
tcle’lelelele (whispered) sound of rattling dentalia 156.24 (cf. aorist
stem tc/elem- rattle)
tut t'ud t'ut noise made by Rock Boy in walking over graveyard
house 14.8
dzem+ dem+ drem-+ noise of men fighting 24.1
xa’-u (whispered) noise of crackling hair as it burns 24.8
t‘gi'l imitating sound of something breaking 24.4 (cf. xa-da¢n-t' gu-
t‘ga'lhi he broke it in two with rock 24.4)
tut’ tut® tut’ noise of pounding acorns 26.12
bak! “pop!” stick stuck into eye 27.8
hu™+ confused noise of people talking far off 190.7
ki’ didididi sound of men wrestling 32.14
5. Sone BURDENS:
wa’ yawene t0’“wana medicine-man’s dance 46.14
wainha round dance; lullaby (cf. watnha put him to sleep!)
104.15; 106.4, 8; 105 note
§ 115
Boas] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES—TAKELMA 281
klo’xinha round dance (said by Frog) 102.18
£o’cu *o’cu round dance (said by Frog} 1062.23
gwa’tca gwaica round dance (said by Bluejay) 104.7
tcla’ttclia round dance (play on te/a’*c bluejay) 104.7
be’ bebinibi’a round dance (said by Mouse; play on bebe‘n rushes)
104.10
beleldé round dance (play on belp* swan) 104.15
bi’gv bi’gi bi’gt+ Skunk’s medicine-man’s dance ([?] play on
bik’ skunk) 164.18, 22; 166.5
ha’*gwatcr ha’*gwatcr said by s‘omloho’lxa‘s in doctoring
§ 116. CONCLUSION
The salient morphologic characteristics of Takelma may be summed
up in the words INFLECTIVE and INCORPORATING, the chief stress
being laid on either epithet according as one attaches greater impor-
_ tance to the general method employed in the formation of words and
forms and their resulting inner coherence and unity, or to the par-
ticular grammatical treatment of a special, though for many Ameri-
can languages important, syntactic relation, the object. Outside of
most prefixed elements and a small number of the post-nominal
suffixes, neither of which enter organically into the inner structure
of the word-form, the Takelma word is a firmly knit morphologic
unit built up.of a radical base or stem and one or more affixed (gen-
erally suffixed) elements of almost entirely formal, not material,
signification.
It would be interesting to compare the structure of Takelma with
that of the neighboring languages; but a lack, at the time of writing,
of published material on the Kalapuya, Coos, Shasta, Achomawi,
and Karok makes it necessary to dispense with such comparison.
With the Athapascan dialects of southwest Oregon, the speakers of
which were in close cultural contact with the Takelmas, practically
no agreements of detail are traceable. Both Takelma and Atha-
pascan make a very extended idiomatic use of a rather large num-
ber of verbal prefixes, but the resemblance is probably not a far-
reaching one. While the Athapascan prefixes are etymologically
distinct from the main body of lexical material and have reference
chiefly to position and modes of motion, a very considerable number
of the Takelma prefixes are intimately associated, etymologically
and functionally, with parts of the body. In the verb the two lan-
guages agree in the incorporation of the pronominal subject and
§ 116
982 BUREAU OF AMERICAN BTHNOLOGY fBuLL. 40
object, but here again the resemblance is only superficial. In
Athapascan the pronominal elements are phonetically closely com-
bined with the verbal prefixes and stand apart from the follow-
ing verb-stem, which never, or very rarely, loses its monosyllabic
individuality. In Takelma the pronominal elements, together with
the derivative affixes, enter into very close combination with the
preceding verb-stem, but stand severely aloof from the verbal
prefixes. The radical phonetic changes which the verb-stem under-
goes for tense in both languages is perhaps the most striking
resemblance between the two; but even in this regard they differ
widely as to the methods employed. Neither the very extended
use of reduplication in Takelma, nor the frequent use in Atha-
pascan of distinct verb-stems for the singular and plural, is shared
by the other. Add to this the fact that the phonetic systems of
Athapascan and Takelma are more greatly divergent than would
naturally be expected of neighboring languages, and it becomes clear
that the opinion that has generally been held, though based on
practically no evidence, in regard to the entirely distinct character-
istics of the two linguistic stocks, is thoroughly justified.
The entire lack of nominal cases in Takelma and the lack of pro-
nominal incorporation in Klamath indicate at the outset the funda-
mental morphologic difference between these stocks. In so far as
nominal cases and lack of pronominal incorporation are made the
chief morphologic criteria of the central Californian group of linguistic
families, as represented, say, by Maidu and Yokuts, absolutely no
resemblance is discernible between those languages and Takelma. As
far, then, as available linguistic material gives opportunity for judg-
ment, Takelma stands entirely isolated among its neighbors.
In some respects Takelma is typically American, in so far as it is
possible at all to speak of typical American linguistic characteristics.
Some of the more important of these typical or at any rate wide-
spread American traits, that are found in Takelma, are: the incor-
poration of the pronominal (and nominal) object in the verb; the
incorporation of the possessive pronouns in the noun; the closer
association with the verb-form of the object than the subject; the
inclusion of a considerable number of instrumental and local modifi-
cations in the verb-complex; the weak development of differences of
tense in the verb and of number in the verb and noun; and the
impossibility of drawing a sharp line between mode and tense.
§ 116
BOAS] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES—TAKELMA 2838
Of the more special grammatical characteristics, some of which are
nearly unparalleled in those languages of North America that have
been adequately studied, are: a system of pitch-accent of fairly con-
siderable, though probably etymologically secondary, formal sig-
nificance; a strong tendency in the verb, noun, adjective, and adverb
toward the formation of dissyllabic stems with repeated vowel (e. g.,
aorist stem yowo- BE; verb-stem loho- DIE; noun mozo‘ BUZZARD;
adjective hos’6" [plural] GeTTine Bic; adverb olo‘m FORMERLY); a
very considerable use of end reduplication, initial reduplication being
entirely absent; the employment of consonant and vowel changes as a
grammatical process; the use in verbs, nouns, and adjectives of pre-
fixed elements, identical with body-part noun stems, that have refer-
ence now to parts of the body, now to purely local relations; the
complicated and often irregular modifications of a verbal base for
the formation of the most generalized tense, the aorist; the great
differentiation of pronominal schemes according to syntactic rela-
tion, class of verb or noun, and tense-mode, despite the comparatively
small number of persons (only five—two singular, two plural, and
one indifferent); the entire lack in the noun and pronoun of cases
(the subjective and objective are made unnecessary by the pronominal
- and nominal incorporation characteristic of the verb; the possessive,
by the formal use of possessive pronoun affixes; and the local cases,
by the extended use of pre-positives and postpositions) ; the existence
in the noun of characteristic suffixes that appear only with pre-
positives and possessive affixes; the fair amount of distinctness that
the adjective possesses as contrasted with both verb and noun; the
use of a decimal system of numeration, tertiary or quinary in origin;
and arather efficient though simple syntactic apparatus of subordi-
nating elements and well-modulated enclitic particles. Altogether
Takelma has a great deal that is distinct and apparently even isolated
about it. Though typical in its most fundamental features, it may,
when more is known of American languages as a whole, have to
be considered a very specialized type.
§ 116
BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY
284
Cop,
UDQ)2/-
Uynqnp-
W0q 13,"
W4,Ja;~ “UsDQDp-
,dup-
2,199 ,4-
30,1(D)-
.2,1(\D)-
d,- ‘,du(\p)-
9090 ,)-
909),1(D)-
TJ
2,1(,D)-
uosiod puooeg
[B10 [
wnob |
UL,Dp-
UL Dp-
uUL,Dp-
UL /Dp-
un-
youn Y-
wnbou(D)-
you(n)=
309(0)-
woby(-,d)-
uosised 4Sat iT
(w *1d) ,yYoo
dr ‘-
oDp-
D- ‘DI~
Dp-
Wt
, U(\D)-
0D,}-
sta )-
ee
r
uosi0d parqy,
37
39D-
43/7
3Dp-
1q-
M2 Y-
3/Dp(D)-
AQD)-
w;0b(-,d)-
’ 42(D)-
3D,)-
3/DP(D)-
Wo, j-
M\p)- |
29,)-
99,7-
39 J-
39 I-
sunouoid Juepusdepuy
18 8 aT ss0g
sos 8 + © aE -ssog
* drysuoyeper ‘ssog
soAtpisod-oid YQ *ssog
. . . . . *suedy ‘qo
“[qns *s0yuy,
‘+ * -sueiz*fqns "qn
* + * -sueiy ‘[qns “10v
* TL syuy sodury “yng
sueay pus fT *1yUr ‘soda “yn
uosied puoseg
repnsutg
mosi0d 4Sat if
. . . . . *‘yodurt "Id
"8 yp -aquy ‘fqns yng
‘5 geaquy ‘fqns “yng
‘+ Tp wquy‘fqns z0y
"+ + T-aquy ‘fqns oy
SULIOT [BVUIUIOUOIY JO 9[qBy, OATWBVIBdUIOD ‘T
V XIGNGddV
F a a aa i
285
HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES—TAKELMA
| =e)
Da
I
°
i}
UWsDbr3U,1p IsW,1p
wb drm, yst,1p 712M, 3b,1p
.YAsDTgU 1p D13;UAp
sD; YUP 3s 1p
9a esodurt omqn if | OAT}BIOdTAT JUOSAIT
(avauds -jyulp Jo
ULDPS Dj YUP
uUDprsu,1p
C,yuprsu ip
ULDPIN, Ys 1p
\J0rsu,1p
Ulgrst,1p
1D; YU tp
Teyu0}0q
“SUIS ‘10d
293 ,YSD] YU AP sDP8 Dj {UIP WD, 717 YUL
1193 YL3U 1p sDPXIsU 1p ULDPIsUl 1D
07193 ,YUD,ysU 1p 309, JUDISU,1D CjuvrsU,1p
M93 C1, YU 1p sDPiN Ys 1p UDP Yat 1p
F193 ,YDIsU 1p 3/DPDIsUtp FDI2U AD
: wnbigrsu 2p 3/DUIQISULD UQIsU 1D
As ,Ysl1p 3/Dpbdj UIp Dj YUP
[eluereyuy omyn yy 4slloy
PZ) SepoyT-esuey, 9 UI SeDIOA 4 Jo ouIeyIG
* [euory sod
AT} U03B-00 N
* (1d) adyooy
* OATXOpOIY
“TyUy “pov
* @AISSeg
* (fqns ‘rod pz) ‘suery,
G
286 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BuLL. 40
8. Forms of na(g)- SAY, DO
A. Intransitive
‘ ; ‘ Present Future
Aorist Future Potential Inferential imperative | imperative
Singular:
ist per. nagait' e€ na’t' ee na’t' es na’ kas
2d per. nagait® nada’= nat’ na’k leit na‘ na’ek*
3d per. | naga’i= na’et® na’é nark*
Plural:
1st per. nagayik* naga’m (?)nayik* | na’k‘ana‘k‘ naba’aé(han)
2d per. nagaitp* na’t’ bat na‘t'p* na’k leit p' nanp*
Imper. meeye’© (Ssub-| neeyatik‘ic
ordinate| (conditional)
neye’edas or
ne’ida*)
FREQUENTATIVE
: : Present Future
Aorist Future Inferential imperative | imperative
= - Z ws =
Singular:
Ist per. nagasna’k‘de= | naiit'ee nank ‘as
2d per. nagaenigit® nanada’é 1 nank leat nanha nanhatk*
3d per. nagasna’atk* nana’ét* 1 nank*2
Plural:
Ist per. nagaznigi‘k* nanaga’m } nank‘anak* nanaba’é
2d per. nagaénigi‘t'’p* | nana’t'baé 1 nank leit'p* nanhanp*
Imper. neenia’us
1 These forms are to be carefully distinguished from na‘-nada’‘, na*-na’*t‘,and so forth (see §69). Itis
of course possible to have also 72a'-nant'ee, na&-nanada’£, and so forth.
2 Also nankak* is found, so that it is probable that doublets exist for other non-aorist forms, e. g.,
nanhada’, nanhabas.
B. Transitive
Aorist
Subject
Singular:
ist per.
2d per.
3d per.
Plural:
1st per.
2d per.
Object
First person
Second person |
Third person
First person
singular singular plural
|
naga’ sbien naga’=n
nege’s-dam naga\t® naga’ simit*
nege’ si naga’ sbi naga‘ naga’sam
; nagasbina‘k* nagana‘k*
nege’s‘dap‘ naga‘t'p naga’ simit'p*
Second person
plural
naga’ sanbatn
naga’ sanp*
naga’ sanbana‘k*
.
|
:
:
HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES—TAKELMA
BOAS] 28 7
3. Forms of na(g)- say, Do
B. Transitive—Continued
Future
Object
Subject ‘d : 4 \ : ete aae
irst person econd person . First person Second person
singular singular Third person plural plural
Singular:
1st per. naxbin naagi'n nazanban
2d per. néxdas nak ‘idas naximidas
3d per. nézink* naxbink* nak*ink* naxamank* naxanbank*
Plural:
1st per. naxbinagam naaginaga’m nazanbanagam
2d per. néxdabas naagi't' bas naximit bat
Imper. condit. | néxiawk*ie naxbiauk ‘ie
Inferential
* |
Singular:
Ist per naxbigat | nak*igas nazranp gat
2d per néxik leit’ nak ‘ik !eit® nazamk !eit'
3d per. nexik* naxbik* nak‘ik* nacamk* naxanp'k*
Plural: |
ist per naxbigana‘k* | nak ‘igana‘k* naranp'gana‘k*
|
2d per nézik leit'p* | nak‘ikJeit'p‘ nazamk leit’ p*
«
Potential
Singular: |
Ist per nazbien naagi’=n naranbatn
2d per néxdam nak’ it’ naximit®
3d per next naxbi nak't nazram naranp*
Plural:
1st per naxbinak* nak‘inak*‘ nadzranbana‘k*
2d per néxrdap nak'it'p‘ naximit'p*
/ Present Imperative
Singular:
2d per nexi nak'i nazam
Plural:
1st per nak‘ibas
2d per. néxip' nak*ip' naramp
Future Imperative
Singular:
2d per. neéxgeem naagi’ek*
288 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BuLL. 40
3. Forms of na(g)- say, DO
B. Transitive—Continued
Passive
Aorist Future Potential Inferential
Singular:
ist per. nege'sin néxinas néxin néxigam
2d per. naga’ sbin naxbinat naxbin naxbigam
3d per. naga’n ndaagina’€ nak‘in nak‘am
Plural:
ist per. naga’simin naximinat naiximin nazamk‘'am
2d per. naga’sanban nazanbanat naxanban naxranp gam
FREQUENTATIVE
Aorist
Object
aie F Second F Second perso
irst person second person . First person econd person
singular singular Third person plural plural
Singular:
ist per. nagansbien naganhasn nagansanbarn
2d per. negens dam naganhat® nagansimit®
3d per. negens’t nagansbi naganha nagansam nagansanp*
Plural:
1st per. nagansbinak’ | nagaiihanak* naganisanbana‘k*
2d per. negens dap‘ naganhat'p*‘ nagansimit' p*
Future
Singular:
Ist per. nansbin nanhan nansanban
2d per. néns das nanhadas¢ nansimidas
3d per. néns'ink* nansbink* nanhank* nansamank* nansanbank*
Plural:
ist per. nansbinagam | nadnhanagam nansanbanagam
2d per. nénsdabat nadnhat‘ bat nansimit' bat
Passive
Aorist | Future
Singular:
ist per. negensin néns*inaé
2d per. nagansbin nansbinaé
3d per. 4 naganhan nanhanat
Plural:
1st per. nagansimin nansiminat
2d per. nagansanban nansanbanaé
:
;
HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES—TAKELMA 289
8. Forms of na(g)- SAY, DO
| C. Causative in -n-!
Aorist
Object
Subject [
hd bapa aay Third person ee Ji wiegperritioct o's
Singular:
SSESDED S| see: naganzbien nagaona’én naganzanbatn
(nagaani’sn)?
2Qdper. . . . | negénrdam nagaona‘t* naganzimit*
(nagaani't’)
ad per. . . . | negénzi naganzbi nagan naganzam naganzanp*
(naganhi)
Plural:
ig els: wc, nagadnzbinak* | nagdanana‘k* naganzanbana‘k*
(nagaenina‘k')
2dper. . . . | negénxdap* nagaana‘t'p* naganzimit'p*
(nagadani't'p‘)
Future
Singular:
ESUper, . . . nanxbin naoena’n nanzranban
(naani’n)
2dper. .. . | nénzdat ndaanada’: 8 nanzimidat
(ndanida’*)
3d per. . . . | nénzink* nanzbimk* naana\nk* nanzamank* nanzanbank*
(ndani‘nk*)
Plural:
ist per...) nanxbinagam | naenanaga’m nanzanbanagam
: (na@aninaga’m)
2dper. . . . | nénrdabat naona’t'bat nanzimit' bat
(ndani’t'ba®) |
Passive
Aorist Future
Singular:
BML EMME Rs et= lc, 0) (slop Nal icli Rese wie. se), 1 SREGCTIANTE nénzinat
PRICE ets, tis cst se si as fe) aii. ia. se ee. yia. |, AGOMRSDUE nanzbinat
Sdper, . . «© © «© » © © © © © © wo ws ew | Nagdena’n (nagdeni’n) | ndenana’€ (ndanina’e)
Plural:
ap IeTOD sc hy aie foi Pis! icy jer veufis he freh) aye) 510 te), sy! icet-o yh | MICO, nanziminat
aes fj lolered bawitey fave vey. avs dye Wie: Retsil lente | naganzannan nanzranbanat
1 Though these forms are simply derivatives of intransitive aorist naga(i)-, verb-stem na-, they have been
listed here because of their great similarity to transitive frequentatives, with which they might be easily
confused. In the aorist, the two sets of forms differ in the length of the second (repeated) vowel, in the
connecting consonant, and to some extent in the place of the accent, though this is probably a minor con-
sideration. In thefuture, they differ in the connecting consonant and partly again in the place of the accent.
2Forms in parentheses are instrumental.
3sImperative (sing. subj. and third person object): n@nha.
3045°—Bull. 40, pt 2—12-—19
se — Se oe
290 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY TBULD. 40
8. Forms of na(g)- say, DO
D. Reciprocal Forms
Aorist Future
Plural
TSEIMOR seats. Hic piaduauy dishes fe ce uel os «+ « «| maga’sinik‘ naxinigam
DORPORNT 5. oe MOM as Fe oe © oe wo |) Maga’sant}p* naizant bat
RABIES rs reyriaty “al tere tent arate Me ss Pe eer | naga’satn nazanst®
(frequentative nagai-
saén)
E. Nominal Derivatives
INFINITIVES
Intransitive: ne‘r
Object
First person | Second person : First person | Second person
singular singular Third person plural plural
Transitive: 1°). . . | nérivya naxrbiya naagia* nazimia nazanbia
PARTICIPLE
Active: nat
Other forms derived from verb-stem na(g)- than those given above
are of course found, but are easily formed on evident analogies.
Observe, however, intransitive aorist stem nagat- in transitive deriva-
tives nagatk‘wa HE SAID TO HIM (personal) and nagatk‘wit’ HE SAID
TO HIMSELF. Comitatives in -(a)gw- are not listed because their forma-
tion offers no difficulty; e. g., second person singular present impera-
tive nak‘” DO sO AND so HAVING IT! It is possible that }0%~
nézada’ IMMEDIATELY is nothing but adverb b6¥ Now + subordinating
form *néxada‘ of -xa- derivative from n@%g- with regular palatal ablaut
(see §31,5); literally it would then mean something like WHEN IT Is
BECOMING (DOING) Now.
APPENDIX B
THE ORIGIN OF DEATH
xi/lam‘ sebe't’? hap‘da* loho‘k*.4 sgi’sidi‘l® nd’tslat‘gwan°
Roasting-Dead-People his child it died. He and Coyote neighboring each
other
Wak.” ga-s*i** nak‘ik’:® ‘'* laps 10 yimi’xi™ hap‘dek‘” loho’ida®,*
they were. Andthat he Lara to “Blanket lend it tome my child since it died,
im:
laps’ yimi’xi,”" naga’-ihif* xilam‘ sebe't’.? ‘“‘ani®™ laps
blanket endittome,” hesaid,itissaid, Roasting-Dead-People. “Not blanket
1zi/lam. Used indifferently for sick, DEAD (asnoun), and GHOST. -am (= -an) is probably noun-forming
suffix with inorganic -a- (cf. han-rilmi ABODE OF GHostTs, literally, ACROSS-RIVER ARE GHOSTS as verb with
positional-7). As base is left zil- or zin- (-n- of radicalsyllable dissimilates to -I- before nasal suffix); zi’/lam
from * zin-an or * zil-an. This zin-is perhaps etymologically identical with zin mucus (verb-base rin- SNIFF).
2sebe't’. Participle in -t‘ of verb seeba’én Type 51 ROAST IT; aorist stem seeb-, verb-stem sebe-. ROAST-
ING-DEAD-PEOPLE is Takelma name for species of black long-legged bug. He is supposed to be so called
because responsible for death, as told in this myth.
8hap‘da. Base ha2p‘- SMALL, CHILD (cf. hap-s-di‘ SMALL). This is one of those comparatively few nouns
that add possessive pronominal suffixes of Scheme II directly tostem. With suffixed ((?] pre-pronominal)
-z-it becomes pluralin signification: haprda HIS CHILDREN. This sort of pluralformation stands, as far as
known, entirely isolated in Takelma. In its absolute form hacp*‘- takes on derivative suffix -ri, hapzi‘
CHILD.
4loho‘k’. Third personal inferential of verb lohoit‘es Type 4b 1 Dig; aorist stem lohoi-, verb-stem
loho-. -k* inferential element. Inferential mode used because statement is here not made on personal
authority, but only as tradition or hearsay. According to this, all myth narrative should employ inferential
forms instead of aorist. This myth employs partly inferentials and partly aorists; but in most other
myths aorists are regularly employed, probably because they are more familiar forms, and perhaps, also,
because myths may be looked upon as well-authenticated fact.
5 sgi’sidi‘l. sgi’si COYOTE, formed by repetition of base-vowel according to Type 2. -di‘l is dual suffix
si’ sidv‘l by itself might mean TWo CoyroTES, but -dz‘l is never properly dual in signification, meaning rather
HE (indicated by preceding noun) AND SOME ONE ELSE (indicated by context).
6n0’ts/at'qwan. From local adverbial stem ndts/- NEXT DOOR, NEIGHBORING; it is formed by addition
ofcharacteristic-a- and third personal plural reflexive pronominal suffix -f‘gwan (= -t'-[third person]+-gwa-
[reflexive] + -n [plural]). First person singular nots/adé; second person singular ndts/ada’©.
Tyu‘k’. Third personal inferential of verb yowo’t'e® Type 21 AM; aorist stem yowo-, verb-stem yo-
(yu-). -k' inferential element as in Joho‘k’. Corresponding aorist, yowo’¢.
8gasi®. ga is general demonstrative THAT, here serving to anticipate quotation: ‘‘laps (2) . . . yimi’zi-
(3).’’ -s*i€ as general connective indicates sequence of nak‘ik‘ upon Joho‘ (1).
9na@k‘ik’. Third personal inferential of verb naga’*n Type 2 I SAY TO HIM; aorist stem mnaga-, verb-stem
naog-. Corresponding aorist, naga‘. Non-aoristic forms of this transitive verb show instrumental -i- (see
§ 64).
10Japs. Noun of uncertain etymology, perhaps from base /ab- CARRY ON ONE’S BACK. -s nominal deriva-
tive suffix of no known definite signification.
ll yimi’zi. Present imperative second person singular subject, first person singular object (-zi) of verb
yitmiya’én Type 1 I LEND IT-TO HIM; aorist stem ytimii-, verb-stem yimi-. Non-aoristic formsshow instru-
mental -i- as in nGk‘ik‘; e. g., yimi/hin I SHALL LEND IT TO HIM.
1hap‘dek’. Seehap‘da(1). -de‘k' first person singular possessive pronominal suffixaccording to Scheme II.
18 Joho’idat. Subordinate form, with causal signification, of loho’® HE DreD. Aorist stem lohoi- =verb-
stem /oho- + intransitive element -i- characteristic of aorist of Type 4;-*, third personal aerist subject intran-
sitive ClassI, dissimilated because of catch in subordinating suffix -da*. Syntactically loho’ida‘ is subordi-
nated to yimi’zi.
14 naga’-ihi®. =naga’i* HE SAID+ quotative enclitic -hi*. naga’i third person aorist of irregular verb
nagait'e® Type 4a1 SAY; aorist stem nagai-, verb-stem na-. Both transitive and intransitive forms of na(g)-
SAyincorporate object of thing said; ga in gas’i€ (2) is incorporated as direct object in nd@k‘ik‘ (it would be
theoretically more correct to write ga [-s"i*]- na@k'ik‘); while quotation ‘‘laps . . . yimi’zi’’ is syntactically
direct object of naga’-ihit which, as such, it precedes. ga-ndk‘ik' anticipates ‘‘laps . . . yimi’xi’’ naga’-
ihi®. Observe use of aorist instead of inferential from naga’-ihié on.
15q/ni®. Negative particle with following aorist. True negative future would be wede yimi’hizbigat.
291
aes a
292 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Buby. 40
Tmisbi‘n’® gwidi’-s‘if’ yo't'® xila‘m! yétk‘i,”* naga’-ihi®™
lend it to you for where they will be dead people if they return?” he said, itis said,
sgi’si.© nd's'if?? yewe’®*! xilam’ sebe't’.2 klodo't'” hap‘dagwa™
Coyote. Andnextdoor hereturned Roasting-Dead-People. He buried it a yi chia
loho’ida®.* ganéhi®® dabalni’xa*® 14]é‘.27 mithi®* sgi ‘si hap‘da’
who haddied. And then, it long time it became. Now, s is oyote sa child
is said, said,
xi/lam! 141é‘.?7 mi® loho’!*,?® mi nd/fs:° gini’*k**° xilam! sebet*?
sick itbecame. Now itdied. Now next door e went Roasting-Dead-People
5 wa'*da.*2, ‘‘laps?® yimi’xi™ ha*p‘de‘k‘” loho’ida’.”%—‘‘k‘adi’*
to him. “Blanket lendit tome my Deana since it died.’——___ ** What
nagait',”*? xilam‘ sebe’t'? ga® naga’®.4 ‘*hotxa‘a‘*4 ma‘ta®
you said?” Roasting-Dead-People that he said. “* Last time you
16 yzimisbi'n. First person singular subject (-‘n) second personal singular object (-bi-) of verb ytimiya’*n
(see yimi’zi above). -s- indirect object used only in aorist of this verb, elsewhere -z-; e. g., future yimi'zbin
ISHALLLENDITTO YoU. Aorist is used because idea offuturity is here immediate; i. e., time of action is not
put definitely forward.
17 gwidi’-s'if. gwi- general interrogative and indefinite adverb WHERE? SOMEWHERE. di interrogative
enclitic serving to give gwi- distinct interrogative signification. -s'ifhashereslightcausaltinge: FOR WHERE
WOULD THEY ALL BE, IF THEY RETURNED?
18 yo’*t’. Third personal future of verb yowo’t'es 1 AM (See yu‘k' above). -‘¢' third personal subject
future intransitive Class I.
19 y2ak'ié. Third personal conditional (-k‘i®) of verb yeweti‘e’ Type 4a1 RETURN; aorist stem yewei-,
verb-stem yéu- (yeew-).
20nd/usif, =nOd’ués* (stem nodts/- NEXT DOOR) + connective -s"i*. 70’u*s* may best be considered as local
adverbial prefix to yewe’#.
21 yewe’i®, Third person aorist of verb yeweit'e (see yeik'it above (-i and ~ as in Joho’#* and naga’i above)
22k/odo%’. Third personal subject, third personal object aorist of verb k/ododa’*n Type 81 BURY HIM
aorist stem k/odod-, verb-stem gdud-.
2%hap'dagwa. See hap‘da (1). -gwa reflexive suffix. k/odo‘t’ hap'da would have meant HE (Roasting-
Dead-People) BURIED HIS (Coyote’s) CHILD.
241oho’ida®, In this case subordinate form serves merely to explain hap‘dagwa, and may thus be rendered
as Telative, WHO HAD DIED.
% ganéhit. =gané AND THEN (compound of demonstrative ga), used to introduce new turn in narrative,
+ quotative -hi€. 7
26 dabalni’xa. Temporal adverb LONG TIME. Like many other adverbs, it is difficult of satisfactory
analysis. da- is local body-part prefix, as in several other temporal adverbs; but its application here is
quite obscure. bal- radical element, cf. adjective b@/-s LONG. -za adverbial (chiefly temporal) suffix-
-ni- = ? (ef. lep‘ni’xa WINTER).
27]g@alé., Third person aorist intransitive Class II of verb Jaalii‘e® Types 10a and 15a 1 BECOME; aorist
stem /aalé-, verb-stem /aa-p'-. -é-= 7i-of positional verbs. Corresponding inferential /ap‘k’.
28 miihif. = mii weak temporal adverb NOW, THEN, Serving generally to introduce new statement, + quo-
tative -hi®.
29 foho’i*. See loho’idas (2).
30 gini’tk‘. Third person aorist of verb gini’k'de® Type 2 1 Go (somewhere); aorist stem ginig-, verb-stem
ging-, ginag- (present imperative gink'; futuregina’k'dee), -* third person aorist intransitive ClassI. Inas-
much as forms occur derived from base gin- (e. g., reduplicated giniginia’u*), -g- must be considered as either
petrified suffix, or as trace of older reduplication with vanished vowel in second member: gin-i-g- from
(2) gin-i-gn-. ginig- can be used only with expressed goal of motion (in this case no’u*s- and wa/ada), HE ~
WENT without expressed goal would have been ya’®, Similarly: bazam- COME, me*-ginig- COME HERE;
hogw- RUN, hiwiliw- RUN (somewhere); s'‘owd’uFk’ap'- JUMP, biliw- JUMP AT.
81 wa/ada, Formed, like nd’ts/at‘gwan (1), by addition of third personal pronominal suffix -’da to local
stem wa-; first person wadé. These forms are regularly used when motion to some person or persons is
meant: if goal of motion is non-personal, postposition ga‘a‘! TO, AT is employed.
32k‘adi’. k'a (before di, otherwise k'ai) issubstantival indefinite and interrogative stem (THING), WHAT,
corresponding to adverbial gwi- (4). di serves also here to give k‘a distinct interrogative force.
33 nagait’. Second person singular aorist of verb nagait'e® (see naga’-ihi above). This is one of those
few intransitives that take personal endings directly after stem ending in semi-vowel (nagay-), without —
connective-a- (see §65 end).
4 hourata’, =hdura‘ YESTERDAY, (here more indefinitely as) LAST TIME, FORMERLY + deictic a’. -xa is
adverbial (temporal) suffix (cf. dabalni’za above). -fa‘ serves to contrast LAST TIME with Now. L
% mata. =ma second person singular independent personal pronoun + deictic -fa‘, which here contrasts
you (as former object of supplication) with 1 (as present object of supplication),
_ Boas] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES—TAKELMA 298
ga 3% ~nege’s‘'dam*” ‘laps’ yimi’xi’ naga’sbinda‘:* ‘yapla*®
at you said to me ‘Blanket lend it tome’ when I said to you: ‘People
gwidi’™ vo''t'* yeak'i®. mi hawa’xi** ® ha*p'de'k’,”* naga’-ihi¢ ™
where they willbe iftheyreturn?’ Now it is rotting my child,’ he said, itis said,
xilam‘* sebe‘t’.? nd’'si° sgisi> yewe'®.44 “Ssoatt+” t'aga’i.4? gas
Roasting-Dead-People. pa next Coyote hereturned. “Sea +” he cried. - t
oor
ga‘al 48 bor = ‘a’/ni™5 yapla®® yewe'®*! loho’ida®.*
ecauseof nowadays not people they return when they die.
86ga, Anticipates quotation “‘yap/a (10)... yémk‘ié (11).”
37 nege’s'dam. Second personal singular subject, first personal singular object (-dam) of verb naga’én
(see n@k ik‘ above). mnege- shows palatal ablaut characteristic of forms with first person singular object.
-s*- indirect object in aorist only, elsewhere -z-; e. g., néxda® YOU WILL SAY TO ME. Direct object is ga.
88 naga’sbinda®. Subordinate form, with temporal force, of naga’sbi'n I SAY TO YOU. naga’sbi‘n = aorist
stem naga- + indirect object -s- + second personal singular object -bi- + first personal singular subject
~n. naga’sbindas is subordinated to main verb nege’s'dam; its direct object is quotation ‘‘laps yimi’zi’?
(10).
%9yap/a. Noun formed apparently by repetition of base vowel according to Type 2. It is employed for
PEOPLE in general without regard to sex.
40 hawa’zivé, Third person aorist intransitive Class I of verb hawaziiii‘ee Type 5 1 AM ROTTING; aorist
stem ziu-, verb-stem ziwi-, This verb is evidently compounded of hawa‘t MATTER, PUS and verbal base
viu-, whose exact meaning can not be determined, as it has not been found alone.
#1 sga+-. Words spoken by Coyote often begin with s-, which has in itself no grammatical significance.
“8¢aga’i* Third person aorist intransitive Class I of verb fagait‘eé Type 4a 1 cry; aorist stem f‘agai-,
verb-stem f‘dag-. -i© as in yewe’é, loho’*, and naga’é above.
#8 gafa‘l. Postposition To, AT, ON ACCOUNT oF, used with preceding demonstrative ga; ga ga‘a‘=there-
fore. ga‘a‘l is itself compounded of demonstrative ga and local element al at, TO.
4406u, Temporal adverb Now, TO-DAY. First of ‘a’ni€ Not intended merely to keep up distinct hiatus
between final -du and initial a-.
!
(Translation]
The child of Roasting-dead-people died. He and Coyote were
neighbors to each other. Thereupon he said to him, ‘‘Lend me a
blanket, for my child has died. Lend mea blanket,” said Roasting-
dead-people. ‘‘ I'll not lend you a blanket, for where are they going
to be, if dead people come back?” said Coyote. And next door
returned Roasting-dead-people, and buried his child that had died.
Then, ’tis said, a long time elapsed. Now Coyote’s child became
sick and died. Now next door he went to Roasting-dead-people.
‘‘Lend me a blanket, for my child has died.”—‘‘ What did you say?”
Roasting-dead-people said that. ‘‘ Yesterday indeed when I did say
to you, ‘Lend me a blanket,’ you, for your part, did say that to me,
‘Where will the people be, if they return?’ Now my child is rot-
ting,” said Roasting-dead-people. So next door Coyote returned.
*“Soa+!” he cried. For that reason people do not nowadays return
when they die.
294 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BuLL. 40
HOW A TAKELMA HOUSE WAS BUILT
aplat wi'l!? kleméi.* bém* pla-idilo’"k‘,> eme’s’i®® honos?
eople house they make it. Post they set it down, and here again !
p!a-idi‘lo’"k*, he’*me** hono’‘ p!a-idi‘lo’"k*, hagamgama'‘n® pia-idilo"k,
theysetitdown, yonder again they set it down, in four places they setthemdown.
he’‘ne?®? hono® hangili’p' gada‘k‘” hagamgama‘n, gada’‘k‘sif* —
Then also they place(beams) on top thereof in four places, and on top thereof
across |
mii®xda’nhi™ hangili‘p’. he‘ne ya’*sif® wi'li s‘idibi’'** kleméi;
just once they piace Then and just house its wall they make it;
(beam) across,
S5he'ne gada’k‘s‘i® mats!a‘k*” wili hela‘m,® t‘ga‘l’® ga?’ he*la’m
then pes on top they putthem house boards, sugar-pine those boards
ereo
kleméi. gané* dak‘da’t’” datlaba‘k‘,? ha’*ya™ datlaba‘k*. gané
cA make Andthen from on top they finishit, onbothsides theyfinishit. Andthen
em.
dedewili’dadi’s**> k!eméi dak‘dat‘s‘i’*”* daho’k‘wal” k!leméi k!iyi’x”
door they makeit, and from on top holed they makeit smoke
gana‘u*®® ba-i-gina’xdi*. ganés‘i®* ga’klan® kleméi, xa‘isgipli’-
therein its going out. Andthen “ladder they makeit, they notch itin
severa,
1 Bee note 39 of first text; § 86,2. yap/a is to be understood as subiect of all following finite verb
forms.
2 § 86, 2; quantity of final vowel varies between -i and -2i. Directly precedes verb as object.
3 Third personal subject, third personal object aorist of verb k/emé*n Type 3 I MAKE IT; §§ 63; 65.
4§ 86, 1; object of following verb.
5 pla-i- DOWN § 37, 13; di®- § 36, 10. 16’uk* third personal subject, third personal object aorist of verb
]o’“gwatn Type 61 SET IT; §§ 63; 40, 6.
§ eme’® HERE § 104; -s*i€ enclitic particle § 114, 4.
7 Modal adverb § 118, 4.
8 § 104.
9 Numeral adverb from gamga’m FOUR § 111.
10 Temporal adverb § 113, 3.
ll han- ACROSS § 37,1. -gili‘p* third personal subject, third personal object aorist of verb -giliba’én
Type 3; §§ 63; 40, 3.
12 Postposition with force of independent local adverb § 96.
13 See note 12; -s"i® § 114, 4.
14 miit*zgda‘n numeral adverb ONCE § 111; -hi enclitie particle § 114, 2.
15 y@’a post-positive particle Just § 114, 1; -s-i® § 114, 4.
16 sidib- (HOUSE) WALL § 86, 3; -2’¢ third personal possessive form of noun-characteristic -i- §§ 89,3;
92 III. HOUSE ITS-WALL is regular periphrasis for HOUSE’S WALL.
17 Third personal subject, third personal object aorist of verb mats/aga’*n Type 31 PUTIT; §§ 63; 40, 3.
18 Noun stem heel- with nominal suffix -am dissimilated from -an §§ 87, 6; 21. wilit heela‘m is eom-
pound noun § 88.
19 § 86, 1. Predicate appostive to heela‘m: THEY MAKE THOSE BOARDS OUT OF SUGAR-PINE.
20 Demonstrative pronoun of indifferent number modifying heela‘m § 104.
21 Temporal or connective adverb compounded of demonstrative ga and element -ni (?=7nee) of unknown
meaning §§ 113, 2; 114 end. :
22 Adverb in -dat‘ from local element dak’- ABOVE § 112, 1. .
23 da- § 36, 2 end; -t/aba‘k‘ third personal subject, third personal object aorist of verb -t/abaga’*n Type 3
1 FINISH IT; §§ 63; 40,3. |
24 Local adverb § 113, 1.
2 dedewili'ida DOOR, local phrase with pre-positive de- IN FRONT OF and third personal possessive suffix
-da § 93 end. -dz‘s postposition § 96 of unclear meaning here.
26 See note 22; -s-i€ § 114, 4. :
27 da- §107, 5; -ho’k‘wal adjective with suffix -al § 108, 2.
8 § 86, 3.
29 Postposition with k/iyt’r ba-igina’rdda § 96.
30 Third personal possessive form in -dda of infinitive ba-igina‘z. ba-i- OUT § 37, 12; gin- verb stem Type
2or11Go To § 40, 2, 11; -az infinitive suffix of intransitive verbs of class I § 74, 1.
41 See note 21; -s'i€ § 114, 4.
32§ 86, 2; suffix -n, §§ 21; 87, 6.
Boas] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES—TAKELMA 295
sgap’,” gwelt'oai* gina’x® kleméi; wili s‘idibrsif** kleméi. gané
places, downtotheearth going rey make house its wall and they py pnd
it; it. en
dat!aba‘k‘ ha‘it‘bi’xt‘bixik’¥.*7 gané lep!és* hahiwi’*k‘i,®* gana’t* *°
they finish it all cleaned inside. And rush they spreadthem ofthat kind
then mats out inside,
di*! alxali* yap!a‘; p!ii* yoga’® 4 has‘s'd",* gas‘i®** alxaliyana’ *7
thereon they sit people; fire its place in the center, so that they being seated
ha’*ya-pliya’.** gana‘ne’ x" “hop!é’'n © ‘yap!a‘a5* wi'll;? Jep‘ni’xa*
on both sides of the n that way long ago people, for their house; in winter
fire. their part,
will’ gana‘t®*. sama’xas‘i®™ ana‘ne’x®™ alxali, a’ni®®* wi'li gana‘u.* 5
their of that But in summer inthis way theysit, not house therein
house kind.
gwa's*®® wili yaxa™® wit‘ge’ye*ki,® gas‘i° pli! yora™ k!leméi
Brush house just they set it around, so that fire itsplace they makeit
habini‘.* gana’nex sama’xa alxali, ani® lep‘ni’xa nat’ ® wi’li gana‘u.
inthemiddle. Inthat way in summer they dwell, not in winter like house therein.
33 7d- § 36, 7b; -7- instrumental §36, 6; 1a@*7- with * to mark hiatus § 6. -sgip/isgap‘ third personal sub-
ject, third personal object aorist of verb -sgip/isgibitn Type 13a 1 CUT IT UP TO PIECES iterative of
verb -sg2’ ibitn Type 6; §§ 63; 40,13; 43,1. ;
% Local phrase with pre-positive gwel DOWN TO § 95 and noun-characteristic -w § 89, 4; tga § 86, 1.
85 See note 30; infinitive used as noun § 74 end.
36 See note 16; -s'i€ § 114, 4. s‘if is appended to s‘idibi’i rather than wili, as wili s‘idibi’i is taken as unit.
87 ha- IN § 36, 11 b; -7- instrumental § 36, 6; hati-§ 6. -t'biizt‘biz-ik‘w passive participle with instru-
mental -i- in -ik'w § 77 from verb -t'boxot'baz- Type 13a, verb stem -f‘bozt‘bar-; -t‘box- ablauted to -t‘biiz-
§ 31, 2; -tbaz- umlauted to -t‘biz- § 8, 3a.
38 § 86, 3.
39 ha- IN § 36, llb. -hiwii/utk'i = -hiwiivk!-hi § 19 end; third personal subiect, third personal object
. aorist of instrumental verb -huww’uklitn Type 31 SPREAD (MAT) OUT § 64.
40 Compounded of demonstrative ga THAT and na‘t participle in -t' § 76 of verb nagai- Type 4a DO, BE,
verb stem na-; see Appendix A.
41 Postposition § 96; gi- umlauted from ga- § 8, 4.
42 qgJ- § 36, 15b, here with uncertain force; -zrali third personal subject, third personal object aorist Type
1 in form, though intransitive in meaning § 67 footnote.
4 § 86, 1.
“Third personal possessive of noun yog- (?) § 86, 1 with noun-characteristic -a § 92 TIT. FIRE ITS-PLACE
is regular pariphrasis for FIRE’S PLACE.
45 Local phrase with pre-positive ha- IN; -s°6u §86, 1 does not seem otherwise to occur.
| 46 Connective compounded of demonstrative ga THAT and enclitic particle -s-i¢ § 114,4-
47 Subordinate form of alzali, note 42; § 70 (see transitive paradigm).
48 Local phrase with pre-positive hd‘ya- ON BOTH SIDES OF and noun-characteristic -a § 95; -p/iy-a‘from
| pit FIRE.
49 Modal adverb compounded of demonstrative ga THAT and na‘ne‘x infinitive of verb na*nagai-, verb
. stem na®na- §§ 69; 74,1; Appendix A.
2 60 Temporal adverb in -n § 112, 3.
51 yap/a see note 1; -£a deictic post-nominal element § 102 (people of long ago contrasted with those of
to-day).
52 wilt or wilt’t third personal pronominal form § 92 III of noun wi’li HOUSE see note 2. PEOPLE THEIR-
HOUSE regular periphrasis for PEOPLE’S HOUSE. Observe that predicate verb (third personal aorist of
TO BE) is not expressed in this sentence.
63 Temporal adverb in -ra § 112, 2.
54 sama’za cf. note 53; -s-i€ § 114, 4.
55 Modal adverb compounded of demonstrative stem a- THIS § 104 and na®ne‘z see note 49.
56 Negative adverb of aorist § 113, 3.
57 Postposition with wi’li § 96.
58§ 86,1. gwa’s wili BRUSH HOUSE form compound noun § 88.
69 Particle in -ra §$ 112, 2; 114, 9.
60 wi- §37, 8. -t'ge’yeetk'i = -t'geyeek!-hi §19 end; third personal subject, third personal object aorist of
instrumental verb -t‘ge’yeeklitn Type 21 PUT IT AROUND § 64; -k/- petrified suffix § 42, 7.
61 Local adverb with pre-positive ha- IN §95, noun stem -bin- not freely occurring § 86, 1, and noun-
characteristic -i § 89, 3.
& Participle in -t' § 76; see note 40.
296 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 40
[Translation]
The people are making a house. A post they set in the ground,
and here again they set one in the ground, yonder again they set one
in the ground, in four places they set them in the ground. Then
also they place beams across on top in four places, and above (these)
they put one across just once. And just then they make the house
wall; and then on top they place the house boards, those they make
out of sugar-pine lumber. Then they finish it on top, on either side
they finish it. Then they make the door, and on top they make a
hole for the going out of the smoke. And then they make a ladder,
they notch out (a pole), for going down to the floor they make it;
and the house wall they make.
Then they finish it, all cleaned inside. Now rush mats they spread
out inside, on such the people sit. The fireplace is in the center, so
that they are seated on either side of the fire. In that way, indeed,
was the house of the people long ago; in winter their house was such.
But in summer they were sitting like now,! not in the house. Just
a brush shelter they placed around, so that the fireplace they made
in the middle. Thus they dwelt in summer, not as in winter in a
house.
1 We were sitting out in the open when this text was dictated.
COOS
LEO J. FRACHTENBERG
297 |
‘ wv ‘f ‘
: ‘ ‘ d r te 2) ’ * fe
i f. i i f
aes ee aL ee eta ated een eee PMO) Uy thee orgs eet samen ear ee
naa anne aaaerare 5 hdeaml aes ia MERI 5D ite Segreyrt Re ey analy
S08 panei
DHNAVATAOA Ae, a OF OMT
Xu Ne ey te hate pny re Art pm -
ae men ee ee SN A Oe ee ee Le ae gene
CONTENTS
RAE ia oh nas inp oa dat <5 on mS wabtele «bapa awe capone alae eee
RISEN GT IBLOUY ns tame cass s aa schon bos o age eagaeeee see ae
RI NI nol ae tn mn pee me aii wings ms wen eels &
ER UMNOR CIS CT i aie Srna aaa args geo Sa ese ape oink gee SEG Ee
7b SF NCU Ras fede er OR ty a REN A ch PO TE
POL 2 ama agar teins Merny eal A ape i erence ror:
Ein eaCO GETTY ge ap Ss aly a a tl ae aces hgh RR cee
Sete ee NONCUCULWH ae aan San calc cans Sos ae eee ae ale ace aeee ls
TSS Ee gyi call allt pel tines SN oni aa se ah ee
SEE ROR! TREN oo Sn a 5 aie sic an am ent eeg ap manes ae vs
Re NS EMOREN(® BEPLETIIEIO 5 oc racine = ae a ae ie opiate b Dae
§ 8. Consonantization of i- and u- diphthongs ....-.....-.....-.--
EE ec Seo nie ham mais =x m caer tena ae aed age aioe Re
11 1S TI aa age aa aaa i er he I Ns a
§ 11. Processes due to change from terminal to medial position ---.
Seti 1s. JOOREONADTLC PTOCCHEOS 6 gn a mone = ma odes haemp pins <n aniain =
O22. vy ¥ nes. OF CORSONANTIC PIOCCHECS.... . ~~ -2---cen-sapaeee- onset
Beh st OUROMANIEG CUROGOY 2. fries aac conn sa nt nkisnp ann ekcsdeau
§ 14. Simplification of doubled consonants --........----.-.-------
LS is > Ge ea ee ea me a Ze ie PR ye
§ 16. Ideas expressed by grammatical processes .-.....---..----------------
IE PEEE EDO 5 ois ons og ain hata Ra xan ono a ea ae Spee hewn a acan seen
TCO i ne ee Hk ie i oe oi Vee Dae ae hams aes es
BP Ei Ae MT ICLES EO CRO TEs one ae ope oe A eae anced aeanes
Re AES RATA APS LIPCUNOEIS SS om om apn eerie ee sm 2 bis aig ays wets com
eR a nad os cya m0< w 3) 0 Ss ee a sw Se 2 einai ae
PRN RRL ss ete oe mie pita wine Caer macs ie
TERRE RATAN Sle ee aa ce un cian cm ms ep hea oan gs a ae
cel 107 TEETER sg PES lg Reng Gre eee il prin tee anel etait. BETES SP
PEC ACCIENIIVO D> oom act oes See = ake cis a as aes Sega eee
Retest LAC SLT =... oom remap ap dese cae qoneassaae=
REPRO ee es ein ae yo oo canis eee aes ee ao he ee
DRI ONO RRL ROMALRE 6 oc'5.5.5 5 cae cae 35K ae aes spp = cia uaiatncin
eae AN EE SEO cas = ea eee aa a ie 3 Shale
SOY Sey gia CETTE SBI TLR Ng al eR ERE
RL i VT a aS SR ene ee a a CES A
De et ARNON PII i en i i ay eee ew Se
Be el. SUPRERNLVO BURUKES oo ic ne ab an do ee er ageie gn one
Ree ELTON EIULUR OG. oo on 5 en ee ann oe nen megs apg? = = <4
BP SNM TPE OA Si er a cc cis ae on ara ee
Fy Oe 4
300 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BuLL. 40
§§ 17-95. Morphology—Continued Page
§§ 25-80. Suffixes—Continued
§§ 26-55. Verbal suffixes—Continued
§§ 28-31. Intransitive sufixes—Continued
§ 30. Suffixes defining the subject -qzm, -xEm; -u; -€m.....- 332
§ 81. Neutral -1, -€..cccccdecdietes. 2.22.22 oe 334
§§ 32-35. Semi-temporal suffixes .u.......-....-.-.-.2-tacceeen 335
§ 82. Inchoative™+iee) JL 28 Jie... 25+ + toes ocean 335
§ 33. Frequentatives -é*wa(t) -dUwa(t) ....------------------ 336
§ 34. Frequentative causative -aétwat .........------.------ 337
§ 35. Transitionals -iye, -1i8).-u......0..2.------ssaseeenee 338
$$ 36-43: “Modal suifixes oo 22 oi o2li0 i222. 252-2425 2ee ce 340
§ 36: “Modal 6 sio ca eceee cencds lati cen. 3. oan 340
§ 37. Distributives -né?, -ni; -Gni; -dyam; -waq ..-.---..----- 341
$$ 38-42: ‘The passive voice... i266 ici lois i 5. coe eee 343
§ 38. Present passive 2... ci. ooo soe 343
§ 39. Past passive -dyu, -étyu, -iyu --.------------------ _ 844
§ 40. Passive yeqem 6.1.2.6 clic col. a) eee 344
§ 41. Causative passive -eet, -el; -lyEm.......----------- 345
§ 42. The passive participle -dya¥.............-.--.----- 347
§ 43: The imperative... oc... ccecns os n5s->-sposqueeeeee 347
$5 44-45. Verbalizing sullixes ooo oo. co ok oe wigs oon = ee 349
§ 44) Atixiliary -¢ (-@).0. sce. 0... 2-0 s 00 n¢-25e= ee 349
§ 45. “Verbal --ent.o5. coccke ccoesasiceee cee 2 shee — 349
$5 46-50. .Pronominal suffixes. - 2.020006 25 0-2... \age ee 350
§ 46. Transitive subject and object pronouns. -.....-.----.-- 350
5:47. “Transitive verbs in -Gy0 _.-...---5..<.-2+--9neae eee 352
§ 48. Subject and object pronouns of verbs in -d@ya......---- 354
§ 49. ‘Transitive verbs 1m -G. 22 0... 4.<-- 3... -cene sone eee 354
§ 50. Verbs in -andya with direct and indirect object pronoun. 355
$9:51—-54, (Plural ‘formawons=--scse cass 2 aa aa a. 3s ee 356
§ 51. General remarks... .2...2..5-.5.5.-+ 20 p gee 356
$52. Reflexive plural’-ulocloi2 0c lili cic il co eae 357
§ 53. Causative passive plural -iyzm -.......--------------- 358
§ 54. ‘Direct plural object -izz ..-..-..-....----ssneeen ae 358
§ 55. Miscellaneous suffixes....-.. Vow eecedweas cose 359
§§ 56-80. Nominal suffixess: 222 sc .cc ooo S22 2 isk oa eae aoe ee 360
§§ 56-65. General nominalizing suffixes.............-.-.---.--- 360
$56; Nominal =i 25 cccceecces sc ecscesecc one ee 360
§ 57. Nouns of quality in-zs, -tzs, -enis........-----+------- 361
$58. Nouns of location im -nm, 22.2. .25 2 --5-=---- 5 aeeeeeee 362
§ 59. Verbal abstract -dwas, -nétwas .....------------------ 362
§ 60.” Verbal nouns in’ -onts; =80 - 22 osc o e222 Soe ae 363
§ 61. Nouns of quantity in-to. iio - ooo en cee 364
§ 62. Nouns of agency in -ayawa, -eydwe, -iyawa....-.------ 364
§ 63. Nominalizing suffix indicating place, -is.........----- 365
§ 64. Nominalizing suffix indicating locality, -wme......---- 365
§ 65. Terms of relationship in -Gte (-atc) .....-...-----------
§ 66. Suilixes -27,~1yke) WET scence oe nc os 4-8 3s 5
$$ 67-70. "Advérbial saffixé6si ico 2... o0- 5 oo a- scene eee
§ 67." Local and modal -6%¢, -10¢.. 2 oo oe te
§ 68. Local suffix, indicating motion, -eic...........----.---
§ 69. Local. <ewite:: .. oc Geese ook eededn Meese ee
§ 70.
Instrumental -zic
\
|
EE ee
-goas] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES
§§ 17-95. Morphology—Continued
—s«-8§ 25-80. Suffixes—Continued
§§ 56-80. Nominal suffixes—Continued
§-71. Superlative.-cylin.n woe rr rrr OOD A
§-72.- Distributive -tni oso ere LM
§-73.. Interrogative -itue oe eee SONI 10 2URUIDA
$§-74-77. Numeral suffixes .s.2 2s OTA Da
§-74. Ordinal 9a rere eet
§¥5. Maltipliertive-eniw 25.22) 02k. KOR ORLA 4
§ 76. Ordinal-multiplicative -enicis.......:.......----+-+-4-
fds SME DRUIV EG “MOMS Ao sc ae Be sicss 426 wes eek a mas
Se reso. Citiee 1OTMIsnOs = 2.552 02 e be ket cee s Comet Le ete
Sjx6, drveculan platals rye 2.930. doswaserue euetebe- veh 2
§ 79. Plural of terms of relationship, -iyas................--
I RS TTS i ETL Ga par ae a a yo ed Seared ali ene Panag
eeeeort, seapiention (M205. LSU eer. SAY oles Soa ote ete oc ERE
ieee a EROUELQEY 3220. sob as allte Upiddie Se Sam chediesiomme wan
Be AINA) SPATE OIA 2 ion k ie oo emedely # ak as ot ween es mas
ee PGE SEU IOM AON fa ins ie one PR AMR cae sien cetwey cece
Beee bose honetic changes)4.e billy. fs oo2. bees den aeethacmc uri
SETS UAE os: a ee eee EES wee aN Ce
ee UMA COMPOS noo coco cnat aktesuenes aasswos aay ee aices
fo e-oo.eyntactic‘particles 221 2007225202... fal. Pets COI. ARS.
err RRO CITY cert. «cc tat tn ob oe eee aaa ala dao Gearon
Rete PEMA DATA) PATCH os die ahaa a ng nee ols Uke tea cae ig auees cued
§ 88. Particles denoting degrees of certainty and knowledge......--
§ 89. Particles denoting connection with previously expressed ideas. -
§ 90. Particles denoting emotional states.....................-.--.-
§ 91. Particles denoting the conditional ...........--22.....2....22-
See, mottative particles. 0s 26 Ue) fhe LR EL AL
Rie. drarticias Cenotine pm phasis. . a2. sic eee cklene sie e Seeds see
REDE ANCHENNGE: TREGICUM OS ooo, chido ad eens eas b est way uae
ae, ane iierropauve particle t22 2502-5 seven tee. See. teres.
Pe PRE MrOnOUN sa.) .ti2475- wiseurarsi cede. baad. «se. Lie. oeliaie
§ 96. The independent personal pronouns .................-..--.--+eee-
Se CO PORRCEMIVG PFONOUHS..... <s05<ncaplanewdsacusuien savce been ce
POTS UhG sioti Of possessiOi; WS. Jo... eel. GOCe LUO A Tt TUE ROW
§ 98. The possessive pronouns proper..........--.-...-------------
Peer ne teMexIVG POROUS on. 2. -aeceumsbadcbinc a eacecauncuwens
eine i he demonstrative pronouns: -.: 22... 050. 28s. RIA
cee He MerAL 52). ceo 22 ae dos. Sawaya Sawaal Gaby ceowiecuds
METS RAT OL eA 2 ' 2o eo Se ae ol cle tel gS eS eg
LEE Ua Cos. S625 RR RED UN ca pets
een ecunewnverd. 26) Diis -Gln2ths Gost eee. Panevan, J
RM UEC CGE ab te Sic Bg Fe, ce ola edb ka wee shri
pute, ened! payers and phrases. 2.2. 2-2 dose sa sine ces ds ang cee ese
ean, Pree het in Ae DOE DS Sets is vee ae} Se RI My he
Pimcs wotaladvertisiwlcck or. x2 otros. seme pl caked. sduedeese. oe.)
LE gt Ee 05 ea a SS GS Se es ee, a
CE PRUE eee dh mua hte aa bullied eae cdkedecce cx
Pee ronmnvini al PATUCICS) 2 ese As. dade eek cwticnwadeadacc-se'cda oe
Sem pEreninerAl Dateien +2 shies ek aww ne alee occ a sweden nock Seacds
NET EE SR eee eC) Snes POR eae 2 Ae ee ee
ermine Men ao ee pe a kee tie og eS SR
et ee WA EROOUIS DACMOIOR 2 2.225 oi oo daa a eta cee assccadaciecgescevee
ne te
. The stem ee a. ee
. Verbs as adjectives.....------savarbidettn~gpebbse Inc cacl
. Nouns as qualifiers ..- ~~. ----s-nadaceenveuleoey Phdaveue J 5-p-5:
» Vocabnlary ip sdprenn siden ap aba cmeieptain osnld elinetel hi tame ae
« Strneture of sentences... --c----ncean cere OSabECEUHTEL backs
. Idiomatic expressions. .....«-2=-dtadmeenblns Levy asis VS 5-55-28
ad AO
: ett ORE
INTRODUCTION
The material on which this account of the Coos language is based
was collected at the Siletz reservation, Oregon, during the summer of
1909. I obtained nineteen complete myths and other texts with inter-
linear translations, and linguistic material consisting chiefly of forms,
phrases, and sentences. I have also had at my disposal a number of
texts and grammatical notes collected by Mr. H. H. St. Clair, 2d,
during the summer of 1903, which were of great assistance on many
points.
This material was obtained chiefly from James Buchanan and Frank
Drew, both of whom proved to be intelligent and reliable informants.
To the former especially I am indebted for the complete and rich
collection of myths and texts, while the latter was my chief source of
information on points of grammar and lexicography. Frank Drew’s
untiring efforts and almost perfect command of English made him a
very valuable interpreter, in spite of the fact that this advantage was
_ offset in a great many cases by his knowledge of the Hanis and Miluk
dialects of the Coos, and by his inability to draw a dividing-line
between the two dialects. Hence his information was very often con-
tradictory, and showed many discrepancies; but, on the whole, he
was found trustworthy and reliable.
In conclusion I wish to express my deep gratitude to my teacher,
Professor Franz Boas, for the many valuable suggestions made in
connection with this work, and for the keen and unceasing interest
which he has taken in me during the many years of our acquaintance.
It was at his suggestion that this work was undertaken; and its com-
pletion is due mainly to the efforts and encouragement received from
him. He it was who first imbued me with an enthusiasm for the
primitive languages of the North American continent, and the debt
which J owe him in this and in a great many other respects will be of
everlasting duration.
CotumBIA UNIVERSITY,
April, 1910.
303
ah
ay.
i vac t
ae
o 4 bri Ky, \ i : a elwoe ’ Ao
4 RN im ie i 1 ¥
ba th Oe oy doy ian
Lin 44 en . VOTTIDGORT A,
“Yo tous odd garish heer sollavieret soli oad ta De
ef} tol mesiesdian os diiw -oot beudmt deat odw enw $i
hoend ai aonirganl anol) odd to tanopen eidi dotdw oo Lat
“«otni dtiw etx} todio. ban adiys stalgneos weotsdin ‘a
mot To yhoisdts qui teiamoo lnitatont sitalsgii! hae eroite
to rodann & Prost: ps ro te bad oat ave T° 2oonstaee ba
be HID. 46. A TM yd betoafion voton mien
yas no condaiann teeny tO otew doidw ,8001- To vernon <a
peat ae hs
Jami bas oenedont! cocmal mort yields hosintdo eew tal af
#ianpriotsi oldatioy bas trogtttedat ad ot hevorq modw to doe
doix bin otelqraoo odt sot Pbatdebat ma I yllsinaqua ron OM
to-do totdo vin eew tottel edd olitw .2txed bas edi toe
ewer gael. piaeaet sizal bag tecdugary To etoiog O48 vib RL Be
eptid obs deilgat td buemees) dsebtaq: teomla big -nofhe
ai oguddavhe cidd tart et add To adiqe ai »seterqTolat em
Holi: bas ates He 9d} to oobolwodal eid vd geen yarn ‘asi
Siil-onibivib a woth of ydilideni aid vel bine 8000 ott 10 af adog
“109 notto yiov asw volietoteiaid wooo | .etoolsib ows oft fi oor
sd .sfodw ods ao ud yeoiomageinelh yor ‘hawode haem a:
< ldaifer bre vdixowdent k
f19dons) yor of Mottiets coob ya vaanyxe of dat T mor slonot m=
fi oham anoteoggue oldaulae qordi-odt rot snot a
meroint geirasonn bas moet odd tot: bas 2hrow ald diye 1
SHAK Atenpow wo to eiwoy yoR-edd gains om oi wets
“00 eti bis jaodptiobnn enw diow aidy Jodi nodeswaue sik
moit bevievey Joemnevexwoors bee atofie oft of ylainm on ef
tdob acl? hue tnoattnos macitearAé Mio odd to eoge |
to ad fiw etooquer sodto y.axet teem 8 oi bee eit of one
ae Bi
“recta d
LOL Move
®
= oo
:
COOS
By Leo J. FRACHTENBERG
§ 1. DISTRIBUTION AND HISTORY
The Kusan stock embraces a number of closely related dialects
that were spoken by the people inhabiting (until 1857) Coos bay and
_ the region along the Coos river. Their neighbors were Siuslauan,*
Kalapuyan, and Athapascan tribes. On the north they came in con-
tact with the Umpqua‘ Indians, on the east they bordered on the
Kalapuya, while on the south they were contiguous to the Rogue
_ river tribes, especially the Coquelle.2 In 1857, when the Rogue river
war broke out, the United States Government, acting in self-defence,
removed the Coos Indians to Port Umpqua. Four years later they
were again transferred to the Yahatc reservation, where they
remained until 1876. On the 26th day of April, 1876, Yahatc was
thrown open to white settlers, and the Indians of that reservation
were asked to move to Siletz; but the Coos Indians, tired of the
tutelage of the United States Indian agents, refused to conform with
_ the order, and emigrated in a body to the mouth of the Siuslaw river,
where the majority of them are still living.
Of the two principal dialects, Hanis and Miluk,’ the latter is now
practically extinct; while the former is still spoken by about thirty
individuals, whose number is steadily decreasing. As far as can be
judged from the scanty notes on Miluk collected by Mr. St. Clair in
1903, this dialect exhibits only in a most general way the character-
istic traits of the Kusan stock. Otherwise it is vastly different from
Hanis in etymological and even lexicographical respects.
The name ‘‘Coos” is of native origin. It is derived from the redu-
plicated stem £u’kwis soutH, which appears very often in phrases like
vkukwi' sume FROM WHERE SOUTH IS, kuisemi'tcitc SOUTHWARDS, etc.
1Erroneously classified by Powell as part of the Yakonan family. My recent investigations show
Siuslaw to form an independent linguistic group consisting of two distinct dialects,—Lower Umpqua
and Siuslaw. A grammatical sketch of the former dialect will be found in this volume.
Jan Athapascan tribe living on the upper course of the Coquelle river.
’Spoken on the lower part of the Coquelle river, and commonly called Lower Coquelle.
3045°—Bull. 40, pt. 2—12-———20 305
806 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 40
The Coos call their own language /a'nis 1/é'yis THE HANIS TONGUE.
The present work deals with this dialect only, as sufficient material
could not be obtained for the purpose of writing a grammar of the
Miluk dialect.
Texts of myths and tales were collected by Mr. H. H. St. Clair, 2d,
and by the author of the present sketch, and were published by Colum-
bia University.’ All references accompanying examples refer to page
and line of that publication.
PHONOLOGY (§§ 2-14)
§ 2. Vowels
The phonetic system of Coos is rich and fully developed. Clusters
of consonants occur very frequently, but are void of difficult compli-
cations. The vowels show a high degree of variability, and occur in
short and long quantities. The obscure vowel z is very frequent,
and seems to be related to short e and a. Resonance vowels occur
very often, and are indicated in this work by superior vowels. The
diphthongs are quite variable. Long é is not a pure vowel, but glides
from é@ to 7; it can hardly be distinguished from long 2, to which
it seems to be closely related. In the same manner long 6 glides
from 6 to %, and was heard often as a long @-vowel.
The following may be said to be the Coos system of vowels and
diphthongs:
Vowels Semi-vowels Diphthongs
E
ik <a ta ana wa aa: WwW, ¥ a, ay, e&
aa 6% 6 & a Ca
Short ¢ is pronounced like e in the English word HELMET, while the
umlauted @ corresponds to the open ¢-vowel in German wAHuEN. It
very often occurs as the umlauted form of long d. 7 represents the
short y-vowel so commonly found in the Slavic languages; while @
indicates exceedingly short, almost obscure wu. 6 can not occur after
the palatal surd / and fortis //.
§ 3. Consonants
The consonantic system of Coos is characterized by the prevalence
of the sounds of the % and 7 series, by the frequent occurrence of —
1Coos Texts, Columbia University Contributions to Anthropology, vol. 1.
Boas] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES—COOS 307
aspiration, by the abundance of long (double) consonants /, m, 7, and 7,
and by the semi-vocalic treatment of the nasals m, 7, and of the lateral
: sounds (indicated in this sketch by a circle under the consonant).
_ Surds and sonants were not always pronounced distinctly, especially
in the alveolar series. No aspirated consonants were found besides
| the aspirated ¢‘ and #*. The fortis is pronounced with moderate air-
pressure and glottal and nasal closure.
The system of consonants may be represented as follows:
}
, Sonant Surd Fortis Spirant Nasal
mepeins 22 USI CSL OB DS (g ?) q q! ¥ |b -
Seemintal ..- .-..-.-.-... g, g(w) &, ew) kl, hk! (w) —- -
Anterior palatal... __-. J’ ke kes x” ~
memaveolar!202009_ 220220 d t,t t! & 6 n,n
| Affricative.---..2...-....(dz?),dj ts, te ts!, te! ~ -
| ee b Pp p! ~ Mm,
ES 7 L Li aE ae ~
Meoriistop...-......-. §° - - - ~
iepiration.............- - ~ ~ % ae -
YY h w
The glottal stop, when not inherent in the stem, may occur inde-
pendently only before 72, m, n, and w. It always disappears before
velar and palatal sounds. The aspiration is always accompanied by a
stricture corresponding to the quality of the vowel preceding it.
_ After a,o, and u (and w diphthongs) it is of a guttural character; while
when following ¢, 2-vowels, or the 2-diphthongs, it becomes palatal.
It disappears before a following w or y.
nha”*ts J make it 10.4 pha*wé"’ wat I have it 18.4
és sd*titd’/nt we two trade mu-
tually 15.6
ntoia'ya I am watching it ddwiti’yequm he took care 66.3
26.11
pi* pt he went home 28.2 apiye ete backwards, homewards:
42.7
gai? ga'yond'ya he became
afraid of it 42.3
§4. Sound Groupings
As has been stated before, clusters of consonants are extensive, but
present few complications. Whenever difficulties arise in pronoun-
cing them, there is a strong tendency, inherent in the language, to
$4
=
4
308 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 40
simplify them. Thus, combinations of more than two consonants are
rare, except in cases where one of the component elements (fre- —
quently the middle consonant) is m, , or one of the lateral series.
Such combinations are made possible through the semi-vocalic charac-
ter of these consonants. I have also found xpq, xecx-.
helg- to arrive halgtso“ wat she would bring it
to him 72.8
a’lgas fear 66.4 agalgsito’ wat he scared him
92.20
dz'msit prairie 22.12 demste tc through a prairie 22.11
In the same manner initial clusters, of which m, , or Z is the first
element, are syllabified by vocalization of the first consonant either
initially or terminally. A similar process takes place in clusters con-
sisting of two consonants that belong to the same group.
The only consonantic combinations that are inadmissible are those
of a ¢, ts or s+m orn.
Terminal clusters of three consonants are admissible only in cases
where one of the component elements is a consonant easily subject to
vocalization (a lateral, m or 7).
tng 7.5 ga’mit 102.16
yrea'ntcnis 60.3 tga’ntis 28.1
Terminal clusters of two consonants are confined to the combina-
tions of m+t, m+s, m+z,; n+alveolar or affricative, n+k*, n+1;
/+alveolar or affricative (excepting 7+), +m, [+¢ and#+ite. All
other combinations are inadmissible (see $11).
The following examples of terminal sound groupings may be given:
L/é*simt 74.19 Vt 7.8
hata'yims 20.14 milt! 76.12
yt cuma 122.22 tcils
k /int 5.2 be’ldj
xwind) 6.8 he wilts 140.14
k/wints 96.11 te/iltc! 26.26
Lowe ente 6.1 thelm 136.7 (St. Clair)
denk* 82.9 xatt 10.9
hant 7.1 geltc 6.4 .
. An exceptional instance of a usually inadmissible sound grouping: |
was found in wyi’helg 20.21.
§ 4
a
.
j
|
- Boas] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES—COOS 309
All inadmissible terminal clusters are avoided through the insertion
of a (weak) vowel between the two final consonants.
dzmst- dz’msit prairie 22.12
helg- hélag he arrived 20.18
thinp- Lhi'7ap he went through 22.11
mita- mi'tax lunch 28.15
alg- +-s (§ 25) a’lgas fear 66.4
wing- + -s (§ 25) wi'ngas mat, spider 58.5
Inadmissible medial clusters are avoided through the insertion of a
~ weak vowel or vowels:
wing- + -xEm wind’ gaxEem itis spread out 32.14
helg-+-xEm hela’ gaxem it is the end 44.14
tng- + -a dx tna'ga they two went down
8.4
§ 5. Accent
With the exception of the monosyllabic particles, that are either
enclitic or proclitic, each word in Coos has its stress accent, designated
by the acute mark (’) or by the rising tone rendered here by ~. The
former accent is not inseparably associated with any particular sylla-
ble of a word. It may, especially in cases of polysyllabic stems, be
shifted freely from one syllable to another, although it is very possi-
ble that this apparent shifting of accent may be largely due to the
rapidity with which the words in question were pronounced by the
natives. The circumflex accent appears mostly on the last syllable,
and may best be compared with the intonation given to the word so
in the English interrogative sentence Is THAT so ?
The accent very often modifies the syllable on which it falls by
lending a specific coloring to the vowel, or by making it appear with
a long quantity. This is especially the case in syllables with the
obscure vowel, which, under the influence of accent, may be changed
to an @ or ane.
A very peculiar use of the accent is found in connection with the
verbal stem helag. This stem expresses two different ideas, that are
distinguished by means of the two kinds of accent. When occurring
with the stress accent (’), Aelag denotes To GET, To ARRIVE; while
_ helaiq with the rising tone of @ expresses the idea TO CLIMB UP.
§ 5
310 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 40
Phonetic Laws (§§ 6-14)
§ 6. Introductory
The phonetic laws are quite complex, and in a number of instances
show such appalling irregularities that they defy all attempts at
systematization. This is especially true of the contraction of two or
more vowels into one, and of the law of hiatus. Broadly speaking,
the phonetic processes may be said to be due to contact phenomena
and, in rare instances, to the effects of accent.
Vocalic Processes (§§ 7-11)
The processes treated in this division may be classified as follows:
(1) Vocalic Harmony.
(2) Consonantization of 7- and w- diphthongs.
(3) Contraction.
(4) Hiatus.
(5) Processes due to change from terminal to medial position.
§ 7. VOCALIC HARMONY
The most important phonetic law in the Coos language is the law of
vocalic harmony. This tendency towards euphony is so strongly
developed in the language, that it may safely be said to be one of its
chief characteristics. Its purpose is to bridge over as much as possi-
ble the difficulties that would arise in trying to pronounce in quick
succession syllables with vowels of widely different qualities. The
process may be of a retrogressive or progressive character; that is to
say, the suffix may change the quality of the stem-vowel, or vice versa.
Only the vowels of the a- and e- series are affected by this phenomenon,
which is not always purely phonetic.
The following suffixes cause a change from a to @, a process called
the z7-umlaut: .
-2 neutral § 31 -i pronominal § 46 -tye transitional § 35
nha'wits I make it grow hé'wi he grew up 64.24
ntscau' wat Lkillhim 26.22 ntsweweid she kills me 24.14
nha’ k!*tits I draw it up it hik/*ti'ye they were drawn
up 30.1
§§ 6-7
I
‘
7,
Boas] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES—COOS 811
A change of a-vowels into ¢-vowels due to other causes is effected
by the pronominal suffixes -a (§ 46), -ém (§ 30), and by the imperative
-E (§ 48). .
nha’ k!*téts I draw it up nha’ k/*ttisi he draws me up
k/a'wat he pecks at it 20.14 nke'witt he pecks at me
kwaa'niya he knows it 26.18 kwee'niyém they know it 24.22
pa'yat he shouted 32.1 L pri'te you must shout 32.2
tsxa"- to kill tsve'we kill him! 68.3
The following suffixes change the e-vowels of the stem into a-vowels:
-dmi, -@is pronominal § 46
-dyam distributive § 37
-andya § 50
tciné heni he is thinking 24.13, &tcinahand’mt I am thinking
14 of you
hé'wes a lie Ehawasanaé'ts you are lying to
me
x'neet itis on top 10.1 ne naata'ya Lam riding (a horse)
k/lées black kllaa'yam blackish (black here
and there)
xa'nis sick 42.18 xa'nana'ya he made him feel
sorry 42.18
pipd'wis hat 136.14 pLpa wisandya he made a hat
out of it
[Norr.—The suffix -andya is composed of -enz + -dya. Thelong &
of -dya affects the e of -en?, and the compound suffix changes the
quality of the stem-vowel. |
Here may also belong the qualitative change of yizé” onE and yi’xwa
TWO into yixahi’/na ONE EACH and yiixwahi’na TWO EACH (see p. 374),
and changes like —
ts we'lént hant we two fight will 116.11 (wéJ- to fight)
gameléni’we he commenced to swim around (mé/- to swim)
[Compare also the change of the possessive pronoun Jd, liye, into Ja,
liya, when preceding stems with a-vowels (see § 98). |
Progressive assimilation occurs very frequently, and affects almost
all suffixes that have e-vowels. The following suffixes change their
é-vowels under the influence of an a-vowel of the stem:
-e auxiliary §44
-ent verbal §45
-iye transitional §35
-etc adverbial §68
-tyawa nominal §62 S7
312
nw tine with blood it is (wé-
tin blood) 20.6
4 nic/wii'te they with fire are
(tc/wa't fire) 42.12
hitct/eni’yequm the story is
being told (Ad’tctt! story)
44,14, 15
tc hewese’ni you two are lying
28.13, 14 (he’wes lie)
gatima’ ye morning it got 20.4
(gatém- morning)
a’yu tx't’ye surely a canoe it
was (¢@@° canoe) 126.10
demste'te thi/nap through a’
prairie he went 22.11 (dz’m-
sét prairie)
yiad' weaxetc ta into the house
he went (ytxd’wex house)
28.10, 11
BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY
[BULL. 40
la" nk/a'ha they with ropes are
(k/a@ rope) 46.9
nm laga with an arrow he is (m#-
lag arrow) 20.18
a ganatcani'wag they began to
make fun (ga’natc joke) 50.12
tt kwa'watant they are making
bows (Awd’xat a bow)
qphainahda’' ya 1 active became (haz’-
na active)
ndowayaha’ya I happened to want
it (ddwa- to desire)
t"k/wi'l xa/*pate he dove into the
water (wa’"p water) 26.27
L/ta’ ate tseawi’yat on the ground
he put it down (z/¢@ earth,
ground) 36.20, 21
The same progressive assimilation may have taken place in the —
change of the transitive suffix -éwat into -d"wat (see p. 337) whenever
suffiixed to stems ending in w-diphthongs.
t’kwite’ wat he is following
him 22.2
gtcintcine” wat I am thinking
(of him)
nisxat’ wat I kill him (tsxa*- to kill)
26.22
€& wild” wat you are looking for it
(wél- to look for something) 54.3
Another assimilatory process of this type is the change of the par-
ticle @/ into e/ (hel) after a preceding 7 or x (see p. 388).
lx’ yi 21 good, indeed 5.3
an hel not so! 42.23
le'yt yti'tel good it would be
indeed 70.5
In spite of this great tendency towards euphony, numerous instances
will be found showing an absolute lack of vocalic harmony. Whether
these cases are the result of imperfect perception, due to the rapid
flow of speech or to other causes, cannot be ascertained with any
degree of certainty.
§ 8. CONSONANTIZATION OF I- AND U- DIPHTHONGS
The z and w of diphthongs are always changed into the semi-vocalic
consonants y and w when they are followed by another vowel. —
§ 8 |
al
Boas] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES—COOS 318
The only exception to this rule occurs in cases where the diphthong
is contracted with the following vowel (see § 9).
pEnLo' wat whale 30.10 pEnto'wayztc a whale with 88.30
dix tila'qai they two are living Adlag lz mé tila'gayetc he came
3 24.1 to the people (who) lived (there)
36.12, 13
t/=ct'ta” flint point nt/=ct! ta"we le mi'laq flint points
have the arrows 62.27
Lo"- to eat Lowa’ was food 22.14
awe lic head 30.14 aL /ts awe luxwite she hit him over
the head 66.5, 6
k« perhaps +7s we two kwis let us two 26.15
§ 9. CONTRACTION
In Coos the contraction of two vowels immediately following each
other is so uncertain that it is difficult to formulate any rule that
would cover all irregularities. The main difficulty lies in the fact
that contraction of vowels, and hiatus, seem constantly to interfere
with each other. The following rules may be said to apply in all
cases:
(1) Two vowels belonging to the w-series are contracted into a long @.
ator teu + UL xtcr'tcit how would (it be) 5.2
yiku+ ub yvkut perhaps it would (be) 17.7
(2) Two long 7-vowels are contracted into a long 7.
hak !“ti + -iye ia hi k/“ti'ye they were drawn up
30.1
heni + -tye héniye a while 42.17 (henthen
. many times 88.1)
(3) Long é or 7 are contracted with a following @ into long @ or @.
-eni + -dya -anadya (see § 50)
pipd'wisent he is making a pxLpdwisa'ndya he is making a hat
hat out of it
-né + -Gwas -né'was (see § 59)
(4) Vowels of very short quantities are usually contracted with the
following vowels of longer quantities, regardless of quality. The
quality of the longer vowel predominates in such amalgamations. In
the process of contraction, an A preceding the second vowel disappears.
oF + han canL a particle denoting certain
expectation (see § 90)
tst + hant tsant only then shall. . . 78.15
§ 9
314 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 40
An exception to this rule is found in the case of the v-vowels, which
change a following / into a w.
yu + he yuwe’ whenever 16.6
tso then tsowe’ as soon as 52.14
An interesting case of contraction is presented by the amalgamation
of the personal pronouns and the negative particle in.
n I + %m not is contracted into nZ.
é& THOU + Zn NOT is contracted into én.
2win WE TWO + Zn NOT is contracted into ewi'n.
tin wE + im NoT is contracted into f'n.
cin You + in NOT is contracted into c?'n.
ni tertc la” tsxatt'wat not I how that one (to) kill it 62.21
én hant dt you not will (be) something 10.5
ewe'n kwad'niya we two not know it 120.23
lin cant atcite sgats we (can) not seize her 56.18 .
ci'n k-etté’wat you not forget it 40.18
Following are examples of uncontracted negative forms:
ax in kwad'niya they two (did) not know it 22.9, 10
it in k-ito'wit they (did) not see it 32.3
§ 10. HIATUS
The same uncertainty that exists in the case of contraction of vowels
is found in the law of hiatus. Broadly speaking, it may be said that
the coming-together of two vowels of like quantities and qualities is
avoided by means of infixing a weak / between them. Two vowels of
dissimilar quantities and qualities are kept apart by means of the
accent.
Examples of insertion of 1:
kwad' niya+ -Gya kwai'niyaha'ya (they) came to
know it 102.29
n'ne+ -tye nnehi'ye I came to be (the one)
Sit'né + -iye sit'néhi’ye joined together it be-
came 13.4 .
ts/aa+ -a nts!ca'ha la kwa'ean (covered) |
with skin is the bow 62.27, 28
hit’mda’ he + -e da nhi'mi'kehe they two with
wives are 42.15 |
helmia + -és helmi’ his next day 6.7 {
§ 10
Boas] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES—COOS 815
Examples of division by means of accent:
li + -dtc ale'tie t/ats with it he spoke 16.2
t/té +-ate t/td’ate lemi'yat into the ground
he stuck it 64.1
§ 11. PROCESSES DUE TO CHANGE FROM TERMINAL TO MEDIAL
POSITION
Terminal consonantic clusters are avoided by inserting a weak vowel
between two consonants standing in final position (see § 4). But as
soon as a suffix is added toa stem thus expanded, changing the cluster
from a terminal to medial position, the inserted vowel is dropped, and
the consonants are combined into a cluster.
mé'taxw lunch 28.15 mitea’nem launch make me 114.5
dr'msit prairie 22.12 demste'te thi'nap to the prairie
he came 22.11
Lhi/nap he wentthrough22.11 dx thinpi’ye they two came
through 112.1
a'lqas fear 66.4 tex ulgsa’ya they two are afraid of
ith.
hii’tett! story 20.2 hitet/end'yequm a story is being
told 44.14, 15
telats he was astonished ‘ct’lts"x~zm he was astonished 128.
22.28 15
kwa'xat bow 60.14 te nkwa'xta they two have bows
42:9
mi'lat he swam 30.7 mi’ lt#qgzum he swam (out) 100.16
On the whole, Coos shows a marked tendency toward clustering of
consonants in medial position. Thus, when a suffix beginning with a
long vowel is added to a stem that has already been amplified by
means of a suffix whose initial vowel is weak, the vowel of the first
suffix is dropped, and its consonants are combined with the final con-
sonants of the stem into a cluster.
hd' tate elder brother 72.27 haztct’yas elder brothers
ek'rate father 20.25 | ek“xtct’yas fathers
la’*rés mud 52.10 xlysa’ rte with mud 52.13
phi’ mistts I marry her hit*mistso wat he married 26.14
This change from a terminal to a medial position effects sometimes
the dropping of a whole syllable.
mitkwi'ydte younger brother @# mizkwi'tcint they are younger
72.1 brothers (mutually) 84.20
§ 11
816 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL 40
tluwe'ticis heart 5.3 ili’ tceisite lo'g“tats in his heart she
was boiling 108.27
pi'yat be took him home «win &piita'mt hant we two thee
30.18 take home will 126.19, 20
Another effect due to this law is the weakening of the vowel of the
syllable immediately preceding the suffix. This change takes place
regularly when two or more suffixes have been added to one and the
same stem. .
thinptso’ wat he takes him gzhinpisd’witi he takes me
through through
hii"mistso’ wat heis marrying €Au"mistsowita’mét hant I marry
them 26.14 thee will 184.6
Consonantic Processes (§§ 12-14)
§ 12. TYPES OF CONSONANTIC PROCESSES
Consonantic changes are few in number, and due to contact phe-
nomena. The following are the processes affecting consonants :
(1) Consonantic euphony.
(2) Simplification of doubled consonants.
§ 13. CONSONANTIC EUPHONY
This law affects the palatal sounds only, and results from a strong
tendency, inherent in the language, to assimilate, whenever possible,
the consonants of the /-series to the character of the preceding or
following vowels. Asa consequence of this tendency, 2-vowels are
invariably followed or preceded by the anterior palatals, while w-
vowels change a following palatal into a #sound with a w-tinge (a
labialized £).
la'nik* river 14.6 tsd’yua" small 20.5
wie lis food 14.7 ma luk” paint 10.2
taha/lik: quiver 66.26 awe lux head 30.14
x nek* hair 50.3 mela’ kuk" salmon heart 34.25
gimg't’més rain gos all 9.3
Instances are not lacking where actual palatalization has taken
_ place, or where.an anterior #° has been changed into a palatal &% so as
to conform to the character of the vowel following it.
k/a'lat he shouted 36.7 gak:eleni'we i mén they began to
shout 24.22
k/a'wat be pecks at it 20.9 k: /e'witém some one is pecking
§§ 12-13
,
sf
a HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES—COOS 817
7
]
ha'kat he crawled 32.12 vha'ktte crawlingly 32.10
tha’ lmits he sinks it t#ke'lmiwem (a) deep place 84.24
k/axa'yées he is talking k: /ae'em ye'es talk to me
to him 30.23
pkak* grandfather 28.19 pki’ kate grandfather 30.6
taha'lik’ quiver 66.26 taha'likate into the quiver 116.19
ax‘v’axatc uncle axd’x uncle 34.9
k*ma’x* horn 86.25 nk*ma’xa it has a horn 88.7
The only cases of consonantic assimilation that occur in Coos are
the changes of sonants into surds, under the influence of a following
surd. ’
ya'bas maggots 40.12 aya'bas yapti'tsalad . . . maggots
ate up his . . . (literally, mag-
goted his . . . ) 40.6
bisk'e'tc yt'xcume he had it (the p*svk dtsem a cup give me 68.17
water) in a cup 128.25
§ 14. SIMPLIFICATION OF DOUBLED CONSONANTS
Doubled consonants are simplified in consequence of the tendency
to avoid the clustering of too many consonants. The process consists
in the simplification of a long (doubled) consonant, when followed by
another consonant. Owing to the fact that only 2, m, n, and y appear
in doubled (long) quantities, they are the only consonants that are
affected by this law.
milat he swam 30.7 mi'ltE=gem he swam (out) 100.16
tct/lats he was astonished tci’ltsExem he was astonished 128.
22.28 15
thi'rap he went through 22.11 Lhinpisd”’ wat hetook him through
nmd’ henet itis(crowded) with wmd'hentitc like a person 30.22, 23
people 20.1
§ 15. GRAMMATICAL PROCESSES
All grammatical categories and syntactic relations in Coos are
expressed by means of one of the five following processes:
(1) Prefixation.
(2) Suffixation.
(3) Reduplication.
(4) Syntactic particles.
(5) Phonetic changes.
$§ 14-15
318 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 40
The number of prefixes is very small, and by far the majority of
grammatical ideas are expressed by means of suffixes and syntactic
particles. Reduplication, although frequently resorted to, is used to
express only a limited number of categories; while the phonetic
changes are very rare, and exhibit a decidedly petrified character.
§ 16. IDEAS EXPRESSED BY GRAMMATICAL PROCESSES
All stems seem to be neutral, and their nominal or verbal character
depends chiefly upon the suffixes with which they are used. Conse-
quently two different suffixes—one of a verbal and the other of a
nominal character — may be added to the same stem, nominalizing or
verbalizing it, according to the requirements of the occasion. In the
following pages a distinction is made between verbal and nominal
stems, which is based solely upon the sense in which the stem is used.
All prefixes express ideas of an adverbial character.
By far the majority of verbal suffixes indicate ideas of action and
such concepts as involve a change of the subject or object of the
verb. Hence ideas indicating causation, reciprocity, reflexive action,
the passive voice, the imperative, etc., are expressed by means of suf-
fixes. The pronouns denoting both subject and object of an action
are indicated by suffixes. Only semi-temporal ideas, such as the
inchoative, frequentative, and transitional stages, are expressed by
means of suffixes; while the true temporal concepts are indicated
by syntactic particles. Instrumentality and agency are also indicated
by suffixes.
All local relations are expressed by nominal suffixes. Abstract
concepts are formed by means of suffixes.
Ideas of plurality are very little developed, and, with the exception
of a few suflixes, are expressed by different verbal and nominal stems.
Distributive plurality occurs very often, especially in the verb, and
is indicated by suffixes or by reduplication. Reduplication expresses,
furthermore, continuation, duration, and repetition of action.
A great variety of concepts are expressed by syntactic particles,
especially ideas relating to emotional states and to degrees of certainty.
In the pronoun, three persons, and a singular, dual, and plural, are
distinguished. Grammatical gender does not exist. The first person
dual has two distinct forms,— one indicating the inclusive (I AND THOU)
and the other the exclusive (I AND HE).
$116) ©.
. BOAS] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES—COOS 819
:
The demonstrative pronoun shows a variety of forms, but does not
distinguish sharply between nearness or remoteness in relation to the
three pronominal persons.
The numeral is very well developed, exhibiting special forms for the
ordinal, multiplicative, and the distributive, which are indicated by
means of suffixes.
The syntactic structure of the Coos sentence is very simple, and is
characterized by the facility with which the different parts of speech
may shift their position without changing in the least the meaning of
the sentence. Incorporation and compound words are entirely absent,
and the various parts of speech are easily recognizable through their
suffixes.
MORPHOLOGY (§§ 17-95)
Prefixes (§§ 17-24)
The number of prefixes is small. Three of the six prefixes found
in this language — namely, the local, discriminative, and modal 2- —
must have originally expressed one general idea incorporating these
three concepts, because the phonetic resemblance between these suf-
fixes is too perfect to be a mere coincidence. In addition to these
prefixes, the article and the personal pronouns may be treated in this
chapter, as they are loosely prefixed to the nominal (or verbal) stems,
and in a great many cases form a phonetic unit with the words that
follow them.
§ 17. The Articles lE and hE
The article /z, or hz, is used in the singular and plural alike, and
may denote a definite or indefinite object. The definite article
indicates an object that actually exists or that is intimately known
to the speaker. No fixed rules can be given for the occurrence of
the two different forms Zz and fz, but the following general prin-
ciple may be said to hold good: Az tends to occur at the beginning of
a sentence and after words ending in vowels, dentals, and sibilants;
while Zz occurs in all other cases.
he hata’ yims (1) mix'sd’ we! (2) k!a’ wat (3) hz to'gmas (4) the wood-
pecker (4) is pecking at (8) the lucky (2) money (1) 20.15
hi'nt sto“q lez di’ lot there stood the young man 22.27
wind) tcineheni hz aia thus was nacpani dl the eiieied man
24.13, 14
enek* lz L/ta abaaheing? vin was he pres 6. 7 §/17
320 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 40
The article very often performs the function of the personal pro-
noun of the third person singular, and in such cases is to be rendered
by HE, SHE, or IT.
Adit lz helag le wi'ngas % temié'snéic (in order) to gamble he
arrived, the spider’s grandson 66.20, 21
he tsv'tst he was killed 96.14
The article has a general nominalizing function, and when prefixed
to adverbs, adjectives, etc., gives them the force of nouns.
he gos dv't k-ynai's tsxrawi'yat everything separately he put down
48.18, 19
go's det tai’*tset hax kwi'na“te (of) everything was started the
appearance (i. e., everything began to have its present appear-
ance) 12.7
he qa'ttzs the length
ma tl lz ehe'nte ma ya'lani surely, (whatever) the far-off people
were talking 66.13
la” he'tt kwi'let le &h‘t't0"ts that (was) their sweat-house, which
you found 62.25
n'ne ite le &diwiyxzata'ts ga” wa I am the one whom you wanted
last night 50.25, 26
In some instances the article is prefixed to the personal pronoun of
the third person singular for the sake of emphasis.
ta lz’ xt la” gats t’nizw and he, he was just alone 68.2
ta le @tad la” pento'war @ Lowéwat and they, they whale are
eating 130.13
It is also prefixed for the same purpose to the demonstrative pro-
noun Ja”,
lela" gat /axex't’we these began to flop around 17.6
gante lela" taa'yam wherever these went 22.17, 18
In certain local phrases the article prefixed to the whole and fol-
lowed by the local term very often expresses local relation.
he dz'msit ntcene'nis ha til"gtst at the edge (of) the prairie they —
sat down 22.15
he tskwa'*tts nhax! sté'wagq at the lower part (of) the fir-tree he
stood up 26.17 ,
_ (For the article as a possessive prefix, see § 98.)
§ 17 id asew
HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES—COOS 3821
§ 18. The Personal Pronouns
The following are the personal pronouns in Coos:
FSU Person, 2/5) OR RGAE in, Ue N-
Sineulariie 7 1.) totver./<. be DOMPETSOW |. ¢ ico ies his Ainpesde es ee e-
Stlipeisomw! 2g ack oe SRR OE _
BRCIUBIVER ict ci) suse oh) Suet chee ts is-
7 Pm a, BLE | Exclusives aft) Wey Are rick & xwin
2G HCYEOM 5 ole. role hee taee dodo tc-
BC VSTSUE LRA PEN OYA oe as | tx-
WSb POLSON Ys <2: fon sPeerel e slcret a) Oey tin-
ELUBSLIL SG SEE Vs Gi. ZIHereon EBL Ae LETT OI. cin-
BU PETEOM his Sy eke tet eee ees it
There is no special form for the third person singular, which is
expressed by the mere stem or by the article.
héemis dvt nk-ito’wit big something I saw 62.21
tst ega'gat merely you are sleeping 68.19
a'yu to’ hits indeed! he hit it 13.3
4s ali’cant hant we (two) will play 38.11
ma xwin wutxai'yat a man we (two) brought home 128.8
tso ic lze'yi now you two (are) well 120.20
G'yu te L*Gin surely they two went down into the water 54.16
tin pi'* pi hant we will go home 120.21
cin sgats hant tz te/wat you will seize that fire 40.18, 19
aso’ tct tt wu'’twe again here they returned 30.5
)
.
|
— | es ee
The second persons dual and plural for the imperative form of
intransitive verbs are ice® and ciné respectively, instead of tc and cin.
icé sto“g you two stand up! 120.15
tst’a'ti ice’ djt here you two come! 82.13
cine’ Lo“g you get up! 30.19
OS ee
But compare—
tc hemi'yr you two lay him bare! 24.10
té tc g/mi'tse this you two eat! 120.16
tct cin Liew’ yx ten kve'ta there you put this my hand! 80.19
ie aw
The pronoun of the third person plural (#) very often precedes
the article or the possessive pronoun of the third person singular in
order to emphasize the idea of plurality.
go's dv't la” te/lé’ wat, it le méld’kuk", i le ptsa, le mi'l“xas
everything he is drying,—the salmon hearts, the gills, the tails
34.25, 26
3045°—Bull. 40, pt. 2—12——21 § 18
;
j
VAR as MAU,
for Ae
822 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BuLL. 40 —
le’ ite lipte' yap la a, la k'e'ta, tt la kela with it she painted their
faces, their hands, their feet 122.7 a
The numerical particle 7’4°2 BoTH very often precedes the dual pro- —
nouns in order to emphasize the idea of duality.
tso vk't gawa'nte ta xt’ ntset now both (of them) got on top 14.1
In the same way the particle go"s atu is placed before the plural
forms in order to bring out the idea of plurality.
la” go"s wind) tt L/a’exm these all that way are talking 50.9, 10
As has been remarked before, the pronouns are loosely prefixed
enclitics. They form no integral part of the word, although with a
few exceptions they precede immediately the noun or verb to which
they belong. They are always placed before the prefixes enumerated —
in §$§ 19-24.
vkt tix nkwa'xta both of these have bows (literally, both they
two [are] with bows) 12.9
tsd ngaLow?e' we now I commence to eat
ic xqgantci’wis you two from what place (are)? 126.14
it kh: /éxa’*p they have no water (literally, they [are] without —
water) 38.2
The personal pronouns are contracted with the negative particle in
into n% I NOT, én THOU NOT, etc. (see § 9). The prefixed personal pro-
nouns are also used in the formation of transitive subject and object
pronouns (see § 46).
§ 19. Inchoative qa-
This prefix denotes the commencement of an action. The verb to
which it is prefixed takes, with a few exceptions, the suffixes -2we or
-2ye (see $$ 82, 35).
a'Yyu qaLow?'we indeed (she) commenced to eat 24.11
gatcinehenit’we (he) began to think 20.7
ta qawelini’we they two commenced to fight
tso de qayuwate’ ye now they two commenced to travel 12.6
gamild ye (he) commenced to swim 30.3
ee ee ee ee
When prefixed to an impersonal verb or to a noun with a verbal
force, the suffix is omitted.
li t/aha'was la“ qa'xto" her garments (these) commenced to get —
stiff 110.3
qaytxumata'ts (he) commenced to travel around (literally, [he] com- —
menced the traveling) 32.10
§ 19
HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES—COOS ooo
§ 20. Privative k:‘\a-
It has the same function as the English suffix -Less. With the
_ possessive pronoun, it expresses ABSENCE (p. 399).
it kh: latc!wa't they (have) no fire 38.1
k: /é'tete mi! lat (she) swam around naked (lit., without clothes) 86.1
k: /éhuwa'was mitst'liz ye suddenly she became pregnant (literally,
without delay she became pregnant) 10.7
This prefix may be rendered by In, aT, TO, ON, WITH. When pre-
_ ceded by the article or those pronouns that end in a vowel, it is suf-
fixed to them, and the unit thus obtained is loosely prefixed to the
| noun. The same rule applies to the discriminative and modal z-.
|
; § 21. Adverbial n-
4
)
avuit le mdé ni/ta'yas he killed (all) the people in the village
% 112.9, 10
| a'yu yu kwe lin yivé'wex surely he came ashore at his house (and
not lé nyixi'weEx) 36.6
tow tat hz di'lot lit nmvk'e ran the young man to that basket
28.27
neala'wis la” he'lag with heat she arrived 24.9
- m- in the sense of witH very often exercises the function of our
auxiliary verb TO HAVE, TO BE. In such cases the noun to which it is
prefixed takes the verbal suffix -e or -a (see § 44).
nur'tine li k“hi'yeq his excrements are bloody (literally, with
blood [are] his excrements) 20.6, 7
is nhimid’k*ehe we two have wives (literally, we two with wives
are) 10.9
nant md la te!pa' ya" nk/a'ha many people have braided ropes
(literally, many people those braided with ropes are) 46.8, 9
nicla' ha dt animals (lit., with ‘‘walkers” something [that is]) 46.1
§ 22. Locative x-
The prefix x- signifies FROM.
agante la“ sv’**t"tsa from where that one scented it 22.24
agat tgantts from below he strikes it 28.1
When prefixed to nouns, the nouns usually take the adverbial suffix
-é'tc IN (see § 67).
akwile' réte ndjz I came from the sweat-house (literally, from in
the sweat-house I came)
aaa a TS
§§ 20-22
324 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [puLL.
In some cases the nouns take, instead of the suffix -étc, the adver-
bial prefix n- (see § 21).
ha lkwit he k!a hia nk/wi'nts he took the rope off his neck 98.23 —
(literally, he took off the rope his from on neck)
§ 23. Discriminative x-
The prefix z- occurs very often with the subject of transitive verbs, —
and denotes the performer of the action. (For x- preceded by the ~
article or pronoun, see § 21.)
hats to’ hits hex di'lot almost hit it the young man 20.20, 21
kwi' la" ha"'*ts lex miter’ tsindte ice made the father-in-law 26.27,28 —
ay xe damit la¥ ha'lgait one man to him came 15.5
in kwad'niya lex wi'ngas hi’ mik not knew it the Spider-Old-
Woman 58.9, 10 —
z- is always prefixed to the subject of the sentence when the —
sentence contains both subject and object, or when the person
spoken to may be in doubt as to which noun is the subject of the —
sentence.
hii*mistso’ wat lea di'lot le yi’awi hitmii’k'e married the young —
man the two women 26.14
k ito’ wit he wia«i/lis lex hi’ mis saw the food the woman 64.16, 17 —
kite’ wit lex dii'mit lz wé’nis saw the husband the sick (man)
128.11, 12
sqa'ts hit hi mik: lax swat seized that old woman grizzly bear
102.21, 22 |
x- is never omitted as a prefix when the subject of the sentence —
is an animal, an inanimate object, or any part of speech other than a
noun.
acaimt nk ito witt the bear saw me (but cxtmt nk-ito'wit I saw ©
the bear) |
aya bas yapti tsa lé pi’ likts maggots ate up his anus 40.6, 7
aka nak: he''lta hr x dwa' yas sticking out is (the) tongue the snake
42.1, 2 :
againe' Es ké%s tsxait’wat cold (weather) nearly killed him 32.7
xwit nto’ hits some one hit me
ni kwad'niya ewit I don’t know who (it is) ‘
anine «x L/o'wit Lopi'tete alone (they) got into (the) basket
34.19, 20
alala” to“*ta/ya that is the one (who) watched it 94.6
§ 23
HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES—COOS 325
in la yi xkwi'narte it does not look good (literally, not good [the
manner of] looking 34.18
anant la” 10"*L6“' wax many (persons) her were clubbing 80.4, 5
_ @- is always prefixed to the vocative cases of nouns when they
are used with the possessive pronouns. ‘This is due to the desire on
the part of the speaker to avoid ambiguity or obscurity of meaning.
d tat nex hi“ mis halloo, my wife! 54.2
Edji nex dé'mit you come, my husband! 70.16
élo*tiyzata'ts hant new cv't/& you shall take care of me, oh, my
pet! 86.20.21
Edji nex temad’mis you come, my grandsons 82.12, 13
ELO"k* nex k/o'la sit down, my father
While the vocative cases (especially for nouns expressing terms of
4 relationship) have special forms, the omission of the discriminative
_ prefix could nevertheless obscure the meaning of the sentence, as the
_ possessive pronoun coincides with the form for the personal pronoun.
Thus, if in the sentence ¢xd"h" new k/o'la, the nex k/é'la were
_ deprived of its discriminative prefix, it might mean you sir pown. I
(AM THE) FATHER. Since, however, the action is to be performed by
_ the person addressed (in this particular instance, ‘‘the father”), it is
% discriminated by the prefix #-. Such an ambiguity can not occur in
_ sentences where the vocative is used without the possessive pronoun,
§ where the prefix is consequently omitted.
&10"k" pka'k* you sit down, grandfather! 108.14
mitza’nem L uma make me (necessarily) lunch, grandmother!
114.5
§ 24. Modal and Instrumental x-
This prefix may be best translated by IN THE MANNER OF. Its
function is the same as that of our English suffix -ty. There is an
_ etymological relation between this suffix and the discriminative and
_ locative «-, although I was unable to ascertain its exact nature. The
suffix -tc is frequently added to stems preceded by the modal prefix
_ -@ (see § 36).
; xLowe'ente k/wi'nts entirely Lowe’entc Low?’tat all (seals) ran
he swallowed her 102.23 (into the water) 56.9, 10
atc tet &xa'tat how are ‘you? tev tcu ye tluwe'*tcis what do you
(literally, in what way you think? (literally, what your
do?) 36.13 heart?) 6.9; 7.1
aga lyegétc tt kwina’éwat as salmon they look upon it (literally,
in the manner of salmon they see it [ga'lyeq salmon]) 130.14
§ 24
326 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 40
apiye etc gatnuwdni'we backwards she commenced to pull them
(literally, in the manner of going home [p7’"p2 he goes home]) |
80.8, 9 ;
in wa! yuwite G'tsa a small amount she gave her (literally, not in j
the manner of enough [@’yw sure enough]) 64.21 .
na’ wits hex t/*ct'te I finished shoving (literally, I finished in the 7
manner of . . .) . |
This prefix is used frequently to express the idea of instrumen- —
tality. The noun is then usually followed by the adverbial suffix |
-ztc (see § 70). The idea of instrumentality is here so closely inter-
woven with that of modality, that the instrumental use of a modal
prefix is very natural. .
k/wint emi lagete he shot at him with an arrow (literally, he shot
at him in the manner of an arrow) 22.16
pad hit hr to’ pit xqa' lyeqztc full (was) the basket with salmon 36.1
lex tsyna' hete x /d'ts with the thunder language he spoke 18.9
wmik'e zte towitini'ye by means of a basket he was dropped down
28.9, 10
ee ee
Suffixes (§§ 25-80)
§ 25. General Remarks
The number of suffixes in Coos is quite small when contrasted with
the numerous suffixes found in some of the neighboring languages.
This number appears even smaller when we take into consideration
the compound suffixes that consist of two, and in some cases of three,
independent suffixes. A still more sweeping reduction may be obtained
through an etymological comparison between the different suffixes.
There can be little doubt that if the language, in its present status,
would lend itself to an etymological analysis, many suffixes, appar-
ently different in character and even in form, could be shown to
be derived from one common base. Thus it is safe to say that the
suffix -¢ primarily had a general verbal character, and that all the
other suffixes ending in -¢ are derived from this original form. This
assertion is substantiated by the fact that the present transitive suffix
-tsis added to a number of stems that have already been verbalized by
the general verbal -¢ suffix, and that the causative passive suffix -e¢ is
always preceded by the transitive -¢ or -ts (see § 26).
In the same manner it may be said that -s was the general suffix —
indicating nouns, and that all nominal suffixes ending in -s eventually |
go back to this nominal suffix.
§ 25
.
P
HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES—COOS 527
This theory of a close etymological connection between the different
if suffixes is practically proven by a comparison of the various adverbial
_ suffixes ending in -¢e. Such a comparison will show that all these suf-
fixes must have been derived from one universal form, which may be
_ reconstructed as *tc. Furthermore, all the suffixes expressing distri-
bution have the element 7- in common, which consequently may be
_ regarded as the original suffix conveying the idea of distributive plu-
_ rality; the more so, as in the following instances n- actually denotes
- distribution.
k-é'ta hand 48.17 kre'lnate tto“xits he rubbed her
in his hands (literally, with each
of his hands he rubbed her)
108.20, 21
djz it came 52.8 le dji'nit they came (singly) 52.17
k-tsas ashes kttsi'snete tépi'tit tet with ashes
he marked himself [all over]
28.16
cine tv’k'z you stand! 122.10 — tszx/né dw t'kine side by side they
two were standing 62.22
There also seems to be an etymological connection between the suf-
fix denoting neutral verbs and the suffixes expressing the passive
voice, although in this case the relation is not as transparent as in the
instances mentioned above; and there may have also existed an original
relation between the verbal suffixes that end in -7a.
The following list will serve to illustrate better the theory set
forth in the preceding pages. The forms marked with an asterisk (*)
represent the reconstructed original suffixes, while the other forms
indicate the suffixes as they appear to-day.
VERBAL SUFFIXES
*-¢ general verbal -né', -na distributive
*-¢ transitive -ini distributive
-ts transitive -ini distributive
-eet causative passive -hina distributive
-et causative passive *. modal (?)
-2, & neutral -u transitional
-dyu, -eyu, -2yu passive -% present passive
-aya" passive participle -%, transitive subject and object
-tyawa (%) agency pronoun
*-n general distributive -u reflexive plural
§ 25
828 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 40
NOMINAL SUFFIXES
*-s general nominal *-te general adverbial
-is nominal -te modal verbal
-Es, -tes abstract -dtc (?) suffix of relationship
-enis abstract -etce local
-awas abstract -é'tc, -2¢c local and modal nominal
-né'was abstract -ewite local
-0"nis verbal noun -Etc instrumental
-s2 verbal houn
-is local
-ts ordinal
All suffixes may be classified into two large groups as verbal and
nominal suffixes; that is to say, as suffixes that either verbalize or
nominalize a given neutral stem. Ihave included adverbial suffixes
in the latter group, on account of the intimate relation between nom-
inal and adverbial forms.
Verbal Suffixes (§§ 26-55)
TRANSITIVE SUFFIXES (§§ 26-27)
§ 26. Transitive -t, -ts
-t. This suffix may have been originally the verbal suffix par
excellence. It points out not only the active, transitive idea, but also
presence of the object of a transitive action. It has frequently a
causative meaning. It transforms impersonal or passive verbs into
transitives, and verbalizes any other part of speech. It is usually
suffixed to the bare verbal stems whenever these end in a vowel, nasal
(m, n), or lateral; in all other cases it is preceded by a or ¢, making the
suffix -a¢ or -it. No phonetic rule has been discovered that will show
when -a¢ or -¢ ought to be used. It may, however, be suggested that
-at denotes transitive actions not yet completed, while -é¢ designates
a finished, transitive action. These connectives disappear when other
suffixes are added to the transitive -¢.
np*c't I blow it away pc hz di'lot blew away the young
man 26.21
nh!’ twit 1 lose it k/utwi! le dx di'mét got lost their
(dual) husband 22.9
ne pit I burned it xpi it burned down 58.12
nga'lictt I slacken it age'lte slowly 17.7
tect L/khwit lit himi'k'cathere 1/kwi blanket 84.8
covered (them) that old wo-
man (with blankets) 82.14
§ 26
Le Se
a oe ee ee
Se
a ee a
|
!
;
|
Bos] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES—COOS 329
wa’/*pate Lowa'hat into the sLowa'hai le di‘lot ran the young
water she runs 56.8 man 78.27
Elo'kwit hantawe you will /o’wak lightning 18.5
make lightning 18.7
la¥ gand'tca Unuwit lz @la Unuwi very much 98.28
that one outside (it) pulled,
the child 11.1, 2
a nya’ alt Tam talking about wédndj ya’lani thus they are talk-
them ing 56.18
gamdt he bit her 100.16
yt xen L/x*t'nt once she examined it 86.18
k/wa%mt be heard it 24.8
nL/noXt hz tc/t’lz I opened the door 74.9
gad’ cite ha” i yu’ wilt into small pieces that thing they divided it
130.26
nha'mit I float it
mu'awit la kala she felt for wmu'awat I am feeling it
her foot 80.21
ntc/pit I braided a rope ntc/pat I am braiding a rope
wi luwit he tsstsékwin he nwi'lat I am looking (around)
looked for the cane 28.18
a“ gat he k!/“la’was he took off the shirt 78.11, 12
There are a few stems denoting intransitive ideas that occur with
this suffix.
pi’ nat le we'hel shaking was the stomach 58.24
kwilat (the bow) was bent 64.3
-ts. This suffix has the same function as the previously discussed
-t. Not the slightest difference could be detected in the use of these
two phonetically different suffixes.
-ts is either suffixed directly to stems ending in a vowel, nasal (m, 1),
or a lateral, or it is connected with the stem by means of a or?. The
only phonetic law that I was able to observe in reference to the two
connecting vowels, is that 7 can never serve as a connective between
the suffix -¢s and a verbal stem ending in the velar surd 9.
niso’*xtts I greased it tsowe'*L grease 122.6
ngad'nts I cool it ngai'na I am cold
neds lis | made him warm xai'la she became heated 108.26
Qha' wits lz tcci’mit I grew hé'wi he tcict'mit (it) grew up, the
the spruce-tree spruce-tree
t/ktts she poured it 102.12 x1/k7 it spilled 172.14
npo kwits Imade hima slave po“kwis slave
§ 26
a
330 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [punn.40
nhi mistts Imarry (her) | Av més woman 70.3
tc/wa'tetc tsi'w*tts in the fire ¢stv here 106.8
he held him down 106.5
in vlwats not he looked at it ¢sd e@lx now you look 17.3
40.17
da ta'ats le hi'mi'ke they ta he went (intransitive) 22.18
two went over (the water)
the women 128.4 |
np!i'wats I scatter it go's ganic la" p/i'yznx everywhere
it is scattered 46.16
pokwi'lné ti'lgats opposite 7% téla’gaz they were living (liter-
one another he set them ally, sitting) 84.20
down 112.12
ntta'ts I am painting it qiti'ts I painted it
There are a few stems that, in spite of this transitive suffix, are
sometimes translated as intransitive verbs.
in Lowa'kats she was not home (literally, not she was sitting)
(zo"k¥- to sit [down]) 58.7
hat'n'mis qa'lyeg la'ats lén xo'pit five salmon got into his basket
34.23 (but k/a hant yén k/wi'nts qla’ats a rope Tl put around
thy neck 94,12)
parts te g®ma' tés full (is) that fish-basket 36.7 (but p@%¢s le yixd’ waa
lax tc/la’ya" ga'lyequic he filled the house with dried salmon
36.3, 4)
go's mi’ lite he ga’ya“ts he always becomes afraid (of it) 126.1
That the transitive -¢ was originally a general verbal suffix, may best
be demonstrated by the circumstance that in a number of instances
neutral stems are verbalized by means of the suffix -¢s, after they had
previously been changed into verbs by means of the -¢ suffix. This
double verbalization may be explained as due to the fact that the verbal
- function of the -¢ suffix was so conventionalized that it had become
entirely forgotten.
mu'xwit she felt for it 80.21 &muatitsa’mt han I want to feel of
you 108.18
nyt’xwit I rub it i yWatits he'tttet they rub them-
selves 52.13
dx in ni’'xitém those two no ni’a*tits he touched him 106.20
one touched 122.25
nha'k!wat I draw it up nha’ k!*ttts I draw it up
W'cat he t/té shaking is the 27l’ctits I shake it
earth 16.2
§ 26
{
{
HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES—OCOOS ook
§ 27. Causative -iyat
This suffix is always added to the bare stem of intransitive or neutral
verbs. Stems ending in the palatal surd # or palatal spirant x pala-
talize these final consonants (see § 18).
a’ yu pw yat hét to’miz indeed, pi’**pi he went home 56.11
he took home that old man
30.13
Litaate tsxawi’yat on the tsxvit he lies 20.12
ground he laid (them) down
36.20, 21
ghwili’yat te klwa'stis 1 roll kwil"la’ni lx balti’mis continually
that ball rolling is the ocean 6.2
a'yu Litev'yat he @la surely 1/étc he went out 20.4
he took out the child 12.1
dv't plat’ yat something I start ta he went 22.18
tin helaqai’yat wetookhimup helag he climbed up 13.10
There is practically no difference between this causative suffix and
the transitive -~ts, except for the fact that -ts seems to be regularly
suffixed to stems ending in velar or palatal consonants. There is only
one verbal stem ending in a velar surd (g) that takes the causative
suffix -iyat; namely, the stem helag- To cLims. This stem infixes an
a between its final consonant and the causative suffix, as shown by the
last example above.
The reason why the causative -tyat is suffixed to this stem, and not
the transitive -¢s, may lie in the fact that there are two stems helag-
differentiated by accent only (see § 5); namely, Aelag TO ARRIVE,
and helig TO CLIMB UP.
Since the transitive -ts has been suffixed to he/lag TO ARRIVE (com-
pare hatayims halgts’ wat SHE BROUGHT THE MONEY 78.13, 14), the
causative -tyat may have been suflixed to helag To cLimp because
confusion is thus avoided.
When followed by the pronominal suffixes, -tyat is contracted with
them into -7a’mt, -ita’ts, -7’ ti, and 7'ta (see §§ 9, 11).
wwin Eprta' me hant we two will take you home 126.19, 20
Etsxawita'ts you laid me down
nhelaga’ttu he took me up
§ 27
332
INTRANSITIVE SUFFIXES (§§ 28-31)
BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY
§ 28. Intransitive -aai
This suffix signifies that a verb usually transitive is without an
object.
verbs.
It is consequently employed in the formation of intransitive
With the exception of one or two sporadic instances, it is
always suffixed to the reduplicated form of the verbal stem, thus
denoting a repetitive action.
tga’ ai lat to’mit he believes that, old man 28.16
tnta dit heewinne'ite yoyd*waai bad something with us is
stopping 24.3
yuwe’ yi'mat ha" go's mi’ late lok“lo’kwaai whenever he twinkles
(his eyes), there always is lightning 16.6, 7 (do’wak" lightning)
go's mi'late tsesta’gqaad le'tt
kwe'net always bathing
was their sister 84.21, 22
akla'laat le hit’mis shout-
ing is the woman 56.5
sitsa’ataar he lat himi'kca
she was usually dancing the
murder-dance, that old
woman 116.26, 27
ini’ naai (it is) nothing 122.27
kwitkwa'taat he was dream-
ing 98.6
sLaga'éwat she bathed him 60.6
k/a'lat he shouted 36.7
saat murder-dance
am not 10.8
kwa' tés dream 98.7
§ 29. Reciprocal me“
-me" is usually preceded by the transitive suffix -¢ or -ts. Owing
to the fact that the consonantic combination of ¢ or ts + m is not per-
missible, this suffix appears as -z7e" (see § 4).
at sqga'tsEme” they seize one another
a'yu tx haiti’teme” surely they two gambled together 38.23
7 tsv’xtseme" lz no“ sk*tlt hata'yims they divided among them-
selves the Giant-Woman’s money 80.29; 82.1
at a niye kweeni'yrxtume" they no longer know one another 46.9
de wi leme they two fight (together) 48.16
§ 30. Suffixes Defining the Subject: gem, -<xEm; U; -énv
-qEm (-xEm).
This suffix serves a double purpose.
to which this suffix is added must have a singular subject.
The stem
There is
another suffix, -%, which expresses the same idea for plural subjects.
This suffix will be treated in § 52 (p. 357).
§§ 28-30
Boas] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES—COOS 333
(1) When preceded by the transitive suffix -¢ or -ts, it assumes a
reflexive character, indicating that the subject of the action is at the
same time its object.
hin k'é'ta la’ atsezm lz x dwa'yas into her hand came the snake
(literally, put herself in) 86.4
Compare mik*e'etc nla’ats lz x*dwda'yas into the basket I put
the snake
yuwe hime alicani’ wag la“ tei he &’k't®xzem whenever children
played, she there would go among them (literally, put herself
among them) 70.19, 20
tga’ liszte panda’ gtsezm in the sun he is warming himself 32.8
tsad'yat LO” gtseem in the morning he got up (literally, got him-
self up) 34.22
ntc/o“tsczrm hant I will go to bed (literally, I lay myself down
will)
Compare ici if tc/o¥ there they went to bed 50.12
dv lotntsgem Aét to’miz is making himself young that old man 22.7
yigantce’ wite tctci'tsgem back she drew (herself) 64.29, 30
tsd the’tgem now it rested 88.16 |
tsd L!ha’tsqem lz hi’ mis then dressed (herself) the woman 86.6
Compare 21/ha’'ts lz ala I dress the child
hint t®kelmitsqzm there it let itself down 90.6
4
.
,
“a
;
y
-
:
—
(2) When suffixed to the bare verbal stem, especially to intransitive
_ stems or to.stems expressing motion, it conveys the idea TO BE IN A
. POSITION, TO BE IN A CONDITION, TO BE IN THE ACT OF. For this last-
named purpose the suffix -vzm is mostly used.
wi nd) t!ld’xem that way he d@’yw t!dts indeed he spoke 16.2
| is talking 15.8, 9
av’wa in kwi'l’xem still not wilt he bends it 62.29
bent (it is) 62.29
tsemi'x'Exem khwi'nts le kla’- tect he tsimix'to’ wat lx ta there
hat the neck is fastened with (they) fastened the canoes 46.6, 7
a rope (literally, fastened
condition, neck, witha rope)
92.4
hi'ni k* é'k'zwem there he may be among them 94.28
hats kwa t'yu la® wind’ g*xem just like a rainbow (it is) spread
out 32.14
ts0 be'ltc’xem now he is warming his back 32.18
in tellévem te ta/nik* not in a dry condition is that river 14.6
(tce/lis dry 166.2)
§ 30
334 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 40
ts le' tha: he lkwrxum now from there she came out 108.28 (ha’l-
kwit she took it out 60.1)
hats he'nthen ti’wixem % la“ tsxt just many times it coiled up
as it lay 88.1
In some instances the suffix -zzm is used to express the place of a
certain action. This use of the suffix is in perfect accordance with
its general function of indicating the condition, or position of an
occurrence.
gantc lz te!we'wzm where the ittc/o“ they went to bed 50.12
bed was (literally, sleeping-
place or place of lying
down) 86.7
hi'nt t®k:¢lmivem there was in t#k'elm it did not sink 136.7
a deep place (literally, the
place of sinking something
into the water) 84.24
cyitexem a circle (literally, nc'yttcto“’ wat I surround it
it is clear around [it])
(See also § 40.)
-ém. This suffix indicates that an indefinite person, unknown to
the speaker, is the subject of an action. It is always added to stems
expressing transitive ideas, or to stems that have already been verbal-
ized by means of the transitive suffixes -¢ or -ts (see § 26). The
pronominal objects of actions performed by an indefinite subject are
expressed by prefixing the personal pronouns (see § 18) to the verb.
kwad'niya he knows it 26.19 da kwee'niyém those two some-
body knows 19.10
niat- touch te im ni'x'itém those two not
somebody touched 122.25
latsa'ya he goes after it 94.7 tatsd¢ém somebody went after it
92.13
-hvk/“t- to draw up hi'k/witém somebody draws him
up 92.9
§ 31. Neutral -7, -é
-7 (-é ) is employed in the formation of neutral verbs. It changes
the a-vowels of the stem to e (see § 7).
yo gélz ka’ wil it split, the bas- dx yd’gat they two split it 7.9
ket 8.1
hats kwate/hé almost asif it te/hats he put it out 128.26
went out (the light) 128.19
Lowe entc «ti the whole thing a‘tit I slide it down
(wholly) slid down 26.19
§ 31
:
|
|
y
5
‘
4
{
:
j
HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES—COOS 335
kwa kwi'nis p"ci lz di'lot like np¥c't I blow it away
(a) feather blew away the
young man 26.21
go's dv't hi’wi everything xhd’wits I grow it
grew up 9.3, 4
apr lu yivd'wer it burned -api’tst débris 58.19
down, the house 58.12, 13
wiicwehe'*tct la ala it took waha’*tcas sickness
sick, his child 42.17
épi'ctct hant you will get pi'ctctts tet he warmed himself 32.8
warm 100.27
In a few instances verbs having this suffix were rendered by the
passive voice, which may have been due to the fact that my informant
could not express in English the intransitive neutral idea implied in
the suffix.
yu hi'k!ti xqa'wax indeed, nha’k!“tits I draw it up
he was drawn up from
above 98.2
me"aahi & xwi'lua was mau'xat he chewed him up 68.10
chewed up his head 124.3
klu'*wi le hi’mis was lost k/u'*wit he lost it
the woman 54.19
SEMI-TEMPORAL SUFFIXES (§§ 32-35)
§ 32. Inchoative -iwe
-twe indicates the commencement of an action, and is suffixed to
verbal stems expressing active or transitive ideas. If the stem to
which it is to be suffixed does not express such an idea, it is preceded
by the verbal -ent (§ 45), but never by -¢ or -¢s. It may also be pre-
ceded by the distributive -dni (see § 37). The verbal stem must always
be preceded by the prefix ga (see § 19).
G'yu gaLow?'we indeed (she) begins to eat 24.11
480 hant gac*%alcti'we now (he) will begin to work 26.18
gaini'we (he) commenced to hunt 106.16
a gaskweyini'we they begin to talk (among themselves) 66.21
gatcinehen?'we (he) began to think 20.7
gax'intetini'we (he) began to jump about 102.15
gakeliint/we & mén began to shout at each other, the people
(literally, mutually) 24.22
gamelini'we (he) began to swim around 176.16
§ 32
; : ae
336 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bunn 40 —
§ 33. Frequentatives -éwa(t), -dvwa/(t)
-é'wa(t) indicates repetition, frequency or duration of action. The :
verbal stem to which it is suffixed is very often reduplicated, thus
bringing out more clearly the frequentative idea. It is added to stems
regardless of whether they express real transitive actions or not.
thwité’ wat te to'gmas he is nt#®kwizts I followed him
following that woodpecker
22.2
aso’ tiné” wat again he is set- itnts I set the basket
ting the basket 34.23
aga’ wax la" kwina'é'wat from ge'lic tx kwi'nait down they two
above these are looking at _—_ looked 6.4
it 6.4 3
go's dv't avwée" wat everything az’wit he killed (them all) 112.9
he is killing 68.23
a’ yu awind) ha“wet'wat surely yixd’wex hats a house he built
that way he has been doing 32.18
it 92.8
tor tt kta’ t/owée’ wat le hime na't/o"t I put it in
there they are putting in
the children 52.9
Ltehée’ né' la” hithitowé" watside Ja% hi'to“ts she put them down
by side she put them down 60.4
60.4 :
ke: link liné’wat he parla'ye tek lint they two try it 7.4 |
he was trying the weight 4
78.18
This sufix appears sometimes as -twat. Foran explanation of this
seeming irregularity, see § 2.
dx kwiskwi'wat they two are nskwi’wat hant I will inform
informing him 20.25 him 74.4
neL/i'wat I am hitting him zz/ts he hit her with a club
with a club 64.28 .
Instead of an initial reduplication, the verbal stem very often
appears with a reduplication of the final consonant, denoting continuity —
and distribution of action (see § 83).
gt!/®cict’wat I am shoving it ¢/cits he shoved it 32.24
(back and forth)
it pictcatc?’ wat they are warm- pi'ctcits tet he warmed himself —
ing (themselves singly) 32.8
§ 33
i.
if
hi
4
ue
‘poas] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES—COOS 337
tect tsivta't’wat there he was holding him (for a long time)
104.15, 16 (¢sta* here 24.4)
-6"wa/(t) exercises the same function as -é'wat. The only differ-
ence between the two suffixes is, that -d“wat is added to the verbs
already amplified by the transitive suffixes -¢ or -ts, while -éwat can
be suffixed only to the stem.
tsd ta thwittso’ wat now they two tkwizé’ wathe follows him 22.2
follow him 9.9
teléete hit!®tso’wat he peEn- hi'yet!/ he came ashore 32.5
L0’wai ashore it brought a whale
88.22, 23
tci halqtso’ wat there sheis bring- Aélag he arrived 22.22
ing it to him 72.8
agalgsito’ wat he is frightening a’lgas fear 66.4
him frequently 100.24
In a few cases -6”wat is suffixed to the verbal stem.
itislo’ wat lz té x/ta he recognizes this (here) land 30.28
k!went ya" wwilo” wat food I am looking for 54.4
niscau' wat hant I will kill him 26.22
The suffixation of -d%vat instead of -éwat in these instances may
have been caused by the law of euphony, as these stems end in a
u-diphthong. Thus, the stem of ¢sxaii’wat is tswa-, as shown by the
form tsvaw?i'yat (86.21) HE LAID HIM DOWN, consisting of the stem
tsea“- and the causative suffix -iyat.
Whenever the pronouns expressing both subject and object are
suffixed to verbs ending in -d“wat, this suffix changes to -d"wit
(see § 11).
Ehi"mistsowita’ mt hant I will marry you 184.6
nhalgtso’ witt he brought me frequently
§ 34. Frequentative Causative -aéwat
There can be little doubt that the -éwat in -aéwat is identical with
the frequentative suffix -é’wat, discussed on p. 336. Owing to the
fact that a number of verbal stems ending in a take the suffix -é'wat,
there is a good deal of confusion between these two suffixes.
xaip la" tad’ éwat water car- ia he went 22.18
ried them away 46.16, 17
3045°—Bull. 40, pt 2—12——22 § 34
338 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [puLL. 40 |
tc sta’ éwat you two are hid- ta szni’yat they two hide him
ing him 24.11 24.9
la" telictlad’@wat he (on) that te/i’cil mat 7.3
(they) are sitting usually
(literally, they caused it to
be a mat) 38.3
Compare, on the other hand,
aga’ wax te kwina’éwat from kwina- to look
above they two are looking
at it 6.9
§ 35. Transitionals -tye, -nts, -w
-tye indicates a transitional stage,—a change from one state into
another, that has already taken place. It is suffixed mostly to nouns
and particles, although frequently it is found added to verbs. It
may best be rendered by IT BECAME, IT GOT, IT TURNED OUT TO BE,
or by the passive voice. Stems ending in a vowel other than 7 insert
an / between the final vowel and the suffix (see § 10), while stems
ending in -2 contract this vowel with the following -2 of the suffix —
into a long 7 (see § 9). When suffixed to a stem that has an CPOE
it changes into -aya (see § 7).
demste'te tw thinpi’ye they two came through a prairie (liter-
ally, through a prairie they two went through, it got) 112.1
(zht’rap he went through 22.11)
kwinad'é'wati'ye he began to look at him
tin kwine'weri’ ye we became poor 28.21
tstimi’ ye c* it got summer, indeed (¢stim summer 162.20) 30.20
a yu Vae'tye surely it was a canoe (tz canoe 44.20) 126.10
yive'n gatima’ye one morning (literally, once morning it got) 20.4
it he'tiye they became rich 84.17
nhat'naha'ya I became active (nha’na I am active)
gat'wahd'ya in the evening (literally, whenever evening it got)
(ga” wa evening 50.26) 82.7
sitné'hi'ye ld’ tia mi/laq joined Jle'dx mi'lag sit’né their (dual)
together became their two ar- arrows joined together are |
rows 13.4 ihe bs As
i hi’k/*ti'ye they were drawn ithd’k/“tithey are (being) drawn ~
up 30.1 up
tsd cil awindji’ye now surely it was that way (literally, that ve
it turned out to be) 8.2
gnehi'ye la“ t6 I became the owner of that thing (literally, me it
became [to whom] that belongs)
§ 35 .
‘
HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES—COOS 339
gost ye la” tsxatt’wat all (of them) he killed 68.9
ayu cil in di'tz’ye surely, indeed, nothing it turned out to be
tsd la" it kwad'niyaha'ya now they came to know it 92.14
When sufiixed to the negative particle 7m, or to the contracted forms
of 7 + the personal pronouns (see § 9), it forms new particles, 2’nzye,
mi ye, Eniye, etc., which were always rendered by NO LONGER, I NO
LONGER, THOU NO LONGER, etc.
it a niye kwada'niya they no longer know it 50.18, 19
ni’ ye ned’ nis Tam no longer sick
éniye hant dit you will no longer (be) something 104.1
It appears as a suffix to the stem Ae’n?-, forming a compound
he'niye A WHILE, LONG TIME.
he'nihen ti'wixem many times it coiled 88.1 (-en multiplicative
suffix [see § 75]).
he niye tx we lini a long time they two fought (together) 132.8
in he niye xi’ nis la Gla not very long sick (was) his child 42.17, 18
It takes the place of the inchoative suffix -2we (see § 32) in verbs not
expressing a transitive, active idea, or not transitivized by the transi-
tive suffix -e’nz. (See also § 19.)
gamtid’ye (he) commenced to swim 30.3
tx gayuwati'ye they two commenced to travel 12.6
-nts conveys an active transitional idea. The difference between
this suffix and -zye lies in the fact that the change indicated by the
latter came about without any apparent active cause; while -n¢s
expresses a change from one state into another, that presupposes a
subject of the action. It is hence best rendered by TO CHANGE ONE
INTO.
nto’mitnts nte't I into an old to’miz old man 22.7
man change myself
advlotnisgem lat to’/mix be is dv'lot a young man 22.11
making himself young that
old man 22.7
le hi” me t la'mak: tst la” yixa'- yixe' ntce together, one by one
ntcnts (of) the children the 64.8, 9
bones only she gathered up
(literally, she changed into
one) 60.3
§ 35
ol
.
340 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BuLn. 40 |
-w indicates a change from one state into another, that has not yet
been completed. It is often preceded by the transitive -t.
he’ mistu lz yiad’ wen getting big- hem’ts big 14.5
ger is the house 34.14
na'*ntu le mdé multiplying are nant many 44.18
the people 12.4
tc tattd’ mittu hant you two will dé'mit (strong) man 14.7
get strong 120.17, 18
gar’'cu it is getting small gaic small, a chunk 128.29
MODAL SUFFIXES (§§ 36-43)
§ 36. Modal -tc
:
4
z
y!
:
t
This suffix appears in four different forms, as -ttc, -wtc, -tc, and —
-cetc.*
-ttc is added to verbal stems ending in a consonant, except m, n,
and any of the laterals; -wéc is suffixed to stems ending in vowels; -éc —
is suffixed to stems ending in laterals; and -eefc, to stems ending in
morn. This suffix is always added to the bare stem. There can be
little doubt that this suffix is identical with the adverbial suffix -tc
(see § 25); the more so, as it implies, to a great extent, an adverbially
modal idea. The Coos expresses by its means our participial ideas.
The verb taking this suffix is usually preceded by the discriminative
and modal prefix 2- (see §§ 23, 24).
gawilai'we wxha'kttc (he) commences to look around crawling
(literally, in the manner of crawling; Aak- to crawl) 32.10
gtai'yat hex ni'xttc I commenced to touch it (literally, I com-
menced in the manner of touching)
tstxa”te % dowa'ya to kill they want him 66.22
in le yi xkwi'na“te it does not look good (literally, not good as to
the manner of looking) 34.18 | ;
na’ wits hex te’ctte 1 finished splitting (tcicze’wat I am split-
ting it)
na’ wits hex heme'etc 1 stopped bringing it out (phami'yat I
brought it out)
gai’ nis wine' ete L®Gn into the water wading out she goes (literally,
she goes down into the water in the manner of wading; gwt'nat
lam wading out) 58.2
§ 36
1[This is obviously the adverbial -ic, and might have been discussed with —
§§ 67-70.—Eb. ]
BoAS] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES—COOS 341
This suffix is often used in certain phrases to express abstract ideas.
Thus, for instance, the Coos will express our sentence I AM GET-
TING HUNGRY by I AM GOING INTO HUNGER. (See § 118.)
tigate nla Lam getting hungry (niga I am hungry)
. pi /ite nta I am getting heavy
§ 37. Distributives -néi, -ni; -dini; -dyam; -waq
-=né', -n12, indicate distribution of an intransitive action. They are
_suffixed to intransitive verbs. Related to this suffix is the distributive
int (§ 72).
! kat'e'mis thwit'ne le dji'nit thwit -to follow
five (winds) following each
other (they) keep on com-
ing (singly) 52.17
tsEL'né' tx tt'k-ine side by side
they two were standing
62. 22
le ta mi’ laq six'né their (dual)
arrows are joined together
(literally, one after the
other) 13.7
kia yent het xwi'lux te
L/é'** simtagainst each other
with their two heads resting
they two go to bed 72.14
pokwi'lnée’ Ltowaka'é'wat op-
posite one another (they)
were sitting 120.4, 5
hitco'nthi'ye % mén were as- hite- (*)
sembled people, came to-
gether people 46.1
tsEL- (?)
siz- to join together
klay- (1)
pukul- across
It is often
accompanied by duplication of the final stem-consonant (see § 83).
-dntv is suffixed to stems expressing transitive ideas.
it tsa’ktnd'nt they help one
another (mutually)
iu tle ind'nt they examine
one another
it tsak"kwd'ni they continually
spear one another
a tgantia@’ni they mutually
strike one another
tsak*in- to help
L/x‘t'n- to examine
niskwits I speared him
tga'ntts he struck it 28.1
§ 37
342 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 40
it kh! wanx*«d' ni they mutually k!wa'nxat he cut his hair
cut one another’s hair
This suffix often changes the quality of the vowel of the stem
to which it is suffixed (see § 7).
ayu tt gqaheyani'we surely ha'yat he gambled 66.15
they began to gamble 66.25
at tscewd'nt they kill one tsxau'wat he killed (them) 68.9
another
da wélint they two fight wi#l- to fight
106.13
When suffixed to intransitive verbs or to verbs expressing motion,
it denotes an idea that may best be rendered by BACK AND FORTH,
TO AND FRO, UP AND DowN, etc. It is hardly necessary to dwell —
upon the close relationship that exists between the idea of mutu-
ality and the idea expressed by these phrases.
tso'nd kwil®la'ni le balti’mis kwil- to roll
both ways is rolling the
ocean 6.2
ga'nis laX yag®qd'ni away yeq he runs away 182.27
from the shore they run con-
tinually 36.18, 19
hint sqaitré'nt 1® wa'wa _ sqairé was the space between
there is going back and two fingers
forth (through his fingers)
the little girl 108.21
nL/éictted’ nti I keep on going L/éte he went out 20.4
out and coming in
pstowag@gd'ni I keep on rising sto'wag he stood up 20.7
and sitting down
tiyeti’ ni lr wi/ngas hi’ mik: continually looking for some supply
was the Spider-Old-Woman 60.12
-ayam is suffixed to intransitive verbs and to adjectives only. Its
exact function is obscure. With verbs, it invariably denotes an action
performed by more than one subject; while when suffixed to adjectives, it
seems to convey the idea of the English suffix -1su. Most likely it has
——_ ” ———_
——
a distributive character, which the informant, not well versed in the —
English language, could not bring out.
yu'ewd himi' ke djinad' gam kid’ wit two women coming (towards
him) he saw 126.13, 14
ayu kwe'yat U tad yam surely now they were walking (slngly .
’yu kw yat Ut tad’ ] th Iking (singly) 32.7
§ 37
Boas] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES—COOS 342
tsoXt a Limd'yam wi’ petc he washed it with luke-warm water
120.9, 10
xgad' yam whitish, gray (literally , white here and there; xga’s white)
-wagq. 1am not quite sure whether this suffix really expresses dis-
tribution. All attempts to explain it have proved unsuccessful. Itis
suffixed to verbal stems, and may be preceded by the suffix -ent
_ (see § 45). The best explanation that may be offered is that it implies
a continual action performed by more than one subject, although
instances have been found where the action was performed by a single
subject.
——__—_——— a
ts0 it ganatcani’ waq now they make fun (of one another) (ga’nate
joke) 50.12
yuwe hime alicani’wag whenever children played (together?)
70.19
cima éwag lz c't/a dragging (them singly?) was the pet 88.7
Compare also the nouns
sitsa’wag a whale (?) 28.7
qaléeta'wag ferry-men 140.15
The Passive Voice (§§ 38-42)
§ 3S. Present Passive -i
This suffix expresses the present tense of the passive voice. It is
suffixed directly to the verbal stem with initial reduplication (see § 82).
asd’ tei tet’ kliletc/Vlzagain tv’k/wits he shut (the door) 74.6
there is shut the door 74.27
go's gantc la* qrqat'ctt lé wi'- qaic a piece 128.29
tin in all directions that is
being clubbed his blood
10.5, 6
eVa inti le te/wiét is being «x‘intt’yat he runs with it 42.5
taken away quickly the fire
42.5
crcl Li lett yiad'wee fire is ciz- to burn
being set to their house
58.11, 12
By adding to this suffix the transitional -iye (see § 35), the past pas-
sive is obtained. The initial 7 of -tye is contracted with the -w into a
long w (see § 9).
guqaici’ ye lé tluwe'*tcis it was beaten to pieces, her heart 76.8
mé pepilsu’ye the person was torn to pieces 48.16 (péls- to crush)
§ 38
4
ped > ia
i)
,
344 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BuLE.40
§ 39. Past Passive -ayu, -éiyu, -iyu
These suffixes are added directly to the verbal stem, which is inva-
riably reduplicated. Stems ending in w, 7, m, and n, immediately pre-
ceding these suffixes, appear with a glottal stop, no matter whether the
stop is inherent in the stem or not (see §§ 81-82).
mi qesga’yu the person was sga’ts he seized it 68.8
seized 10.4
it aac waiyu they were killed awit he killed them all 68.11
58.8
gawi/t’yu he was struck 96.14 «wz/ts he hit her 64.29
tso katt yulemin'sd’weia'lec na'ti'ts I slide it down
now was slid down the lucky
stake 94.3
kwilkwé'léeyu le hata'yims nkwili'yat I roll it down
a’lec was rolled down the
money stake 92.11
a yu kwitkwd'yu surely it was nikwa'at I cut it off
cut off 76.15
yEayiwentcene” yu it was gath- yixa'ntcpts she gathered up 60.3
ered up 84.16
hemhémé” yu it was brought hemi’yat she took it out 62.23
out
§ 40. Passive -iyeqrm
This suffix is composed of the transitional -tye (see § 35) and the
generic -gzem (see § 30). It serves a triple purpose, according to the
manner in which it is suffixed to the verbal stem.
(1) When suffixed to the bare stem, it expresses a verbal conception
of a continued character, which may best be rendered by the passive
voice. This rendering is due largely to the fact that the -tye-element
of the suflix predominates in these cases.
lo"*t- to watch lowiti' yegem he is watched 40.26
kwina- to see lin kwind’yegem hant we shall be
seen 30.238, 24 |
wil- to look for go's gante wili’yeqem everywhere . |
she is looked for 56.1, 2 ;
tgantts he strikes it 28.1 teganii yeqem awa’ lwalyste she is —
continually struck with a knife
80.5
§§ 39-40
Boas] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES—CcCoo0s 845
The verbal stem is often reduplicated in order to bring out more
clearly the passive idea and the idea of continuation (see § 82).
when that was being bought
their food 88.13, 14
méintc- to ask miteminict yeqem xtcr'ted ye tlu-
we'*tcis he is being asked con-
) tinually, ‘‘What do you think
about it?” 70.9
L6"x- to club nk inete Lo“eLo'ewi'yegem with
sticks she is being struck con-
tinually 80.6
(2) When preceded by the transitive suffix -t (see § 26), it denotes
an intransitive action, of which the person spoken of is the object.
Hence it was sometimes rendered by the reflexive.
q e phe A aA
L0"- to buy 4 la” LO“LO"wi' yegem lett wix't lis
f
;
J
4 da tidjiti’yequm when they two are fighting 122.25
tsd sdwiti’'yegrm he ga'yis now it is changing, the weather
ts0 lowit?'yegum now he took care of himself 66.3
(3) When preceded by the verbal suffix -enz (see § 45), it denotes
a continued action, the subject of which is not intimately known to
the speaker.
hitcit! story 20.1 wind) hitet!/ent'yeqem that way
they are telling the story44.14,15
skw- to inform, to tell la“ skweyeni'yequem le te!wiit
they are talking about the fire
38.5, 6
§ 41. Causative Passive -eet, -et; -lyEm
-eet expresses the passive voice of causative concepts. It is suf-
fixed to the verbal stem. The object that is caused to perform the
action is always in the singular. The suffix -iyzm is used for plural
‘objects (see § 53). This suffix may best be rendered by TO BE CAUSED
to. When suffixed to stems with a-vowels, it changes to -aat (see § 7).
qa wae L!e' et le ta e k“idtc high up was their (dual) father (literally,
was caused to be high up; z/a- to be in an upright position) .
22.1
held résite suné et hr di lot in a corner hidden was the young man
(literally, was caused to be hidden; szn- to hide) 24.12
ga’ ytsute ts*né et lz k/& to the sky was stretched out the rope
(tsn- to stretch) 28.20
§ 41
PUNE vit
346 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY (pune. 40
vaya na La kito' wit tana’at old dog-salmon only he saw washed
ashore (penzd'wae ta'ntan whale came ashore) 130.3
a’'yu tclild et tz tc/wdt surely it was burning, that fire (literally,
was caused to burn; pfc/2lt’yat I kindle the fire) 38.8
t/nowa'at nkt' Lots lz te/¢’lz open I found the door (literally,
caused to be open I found the door; 1/nd"- to open)
x'ne'et he is on top (nxtni'yat I put it on top) 10.1
nta’at I was carried away (literally, caused to go; nla I go)
In certain instances this passive causative idea is not so apparent,
owing, perhaps, to the fact that the verbal stem can not be analyzed.
a’yu L/le’et surely he kept his eyes shut 17.3
wind) Lowe’ et telinne’tte that way it is eaten among us 130.11
Unizx hewe'et Lowa'kats alone it was supposed she lived 60,10,11
-et. This suffix is always preceded by the transitive -¢ or -és.
Under the influence of the a-yowels of the stem, it changes to -at
(see § 7).
go's dit tar'**tset everything was started (literally, caused to go
[start]; nta I go) 12.7
wiap he'mtset water was laid bare 42.8
yuwe g™ to" tset he lakwetc whenever it got caught on a limb (lit-
erally, was caused to hang on a limb) 46.24
tsi’yuxwite pi'lstat to pieces (the tree) was smashed (literally, was
caused to smash to pieces) 124.14
héhats t/no“ tat lz tc/v’lz suddenly came open a Wire (literally,
was caused to open [itself]) 62.5
tele etc sto gtset hat to’méz ashore was put that old man (literally,
caused to stand [up] on the shore) 32.4, 5
In certain cases the passive idea is hardly recognizable.
g'?’mtset it commenced to rain 42.9
&ha'k“tat you were left 62.20
qu lyeg ha'lisat salmon came into the river 34.13
Lay zta't he became hungry 32.9
Low? tat she ran (literally, was Lowa hai lz di'lot wasrunning
caused to run [?]) 56.9 the young man 78.27 |
la¥ hant tx c¥a'lctet these two awind) ca’ lcit lax tloxgat’n
shall work 68.26 that way doctors him the
medicine-man (literally,
works on him) 128.16, 17
§ 41
HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES—COOS 847
§ 42. The Past Participle -ayau
The past participle is formed by means of the suflix -a@ya" added
directly to the transitive or intransitive stems.
te/pa'ya" k/a braided ropes ntc!/pat 1 braid it
44,22
ita’ya" & a painted face 10.3 niti’ts I paint it
gleté tetcLa’ Ga" k /“hi'lé (with) ntct’ctt I split it
split pitch-wood she lighted
them 84.1
xd! *pute L®Gn lete/la'Ga" into te/lis dry 166.2
the water go down the dried
4 (salmon) 36.18
| hemisa'ya" enlarged hémis big 50.17
2 § 43. The Imperative
The imperative of transitive verbs is expressed by means of suffixes
added directly to the verbal stem, or, more frequently, following the
transitive suffixes. Intransitive verbs, with the exception of a few
stems indicating motion or ideas like TO HEAR, TO LISTEN, have no
special suffixes. The imperative of such verbs is brought out by the
(prefixed) pronouns of the second persons singular, dual or plural.
wle'ite &xi/dts with it speak! 16.5
ét#@qga wake up! 68.18
ciné Lo“g you (pl.) get up! 30.19
Eali’cant you play! 60.21
The following are the imperative suffixes in Coos:
-E. It follows the transitive suffixes -¢, -ts, and expresses, beside
the imperative idea, the presence of the object of the verb. The
causative verbs in -tyat, and frequentatives in -é’wat and -0"wat,
lose their final (transitive) -¢ when followed by the imperative
suffix. It very often changes the broad a-vowels of the stem
into e-vowels (see § 7).
k/wi'ntze shoot it 13.3
cin sits’ ntz le wi'ngas hi“ mik’ you go and see the Old-Spider-
Woman! 64.12, 13
té tc q/mitsz this you two eat! 120.16.
ic hemi'yz you two bring him out! (literally, cause him to come
out!) 24.10
§§ 42-43
4
BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY
cine’ tgalt'yz you wake up!
122.4
tci cin LJe'ynten ke'ta there
you put this my hand! 80.19
kwin te tsve'we let us quickly
kill him! 68.3
sgaiLto’weE stick itin a crack!
té' 1 Lo“ we this you must eat!
LO ni'cite xa%p ha” we in ita
little water have! 68.17, 18
[BULL. 40
tqga@’'lis sun 24.4
t/avyat she put it 72.11
niscat’wat I kill him 26.22
. nsqarLtto’ wat I stick it into
a crack
Lowe wat she is eating it
24.5, 6
te ha“we'wat you two have
him 128.9
-én expresses, besides the imperative, the absence of the object of
the action.
tohitsén you must hit!
Lowén eat! 28.26
gvkwa qa'nas te t'altsin a little closer to the fire you two
dance! 82.19
-Ex, -Eq, suffixed toa few stems, expressing MOTION, or ideas like To
HEAR, TO CLOSE ONE’S EYES, etc.
ék/a'yrx temi’st listen, O grandson! 114.7
tsta't tc/o” wee here you must lie down! 126.20, 21
L/le’e t shut your eyes! 16.9
cin ta’ nx you (pl.) go! 30.23
hamit the’'teg (you) may take a rest!
-7t suffixed to verbs that are transitivized by means of the transitive
suflix -dya (see § 47).
tex tatsa’'ya they two went to
get him 20.14, 15
to“*ta’/ ya he watches it 92.3
ta'tsit e&pkhak: go and get your
grandfather! 28.19
to“’“tit_ye®tet watch yourself!
74.3
in dowa’tt don’t desire it! dowa'ya he wants it 92.12
-Em expresses, besides the direct object, the indirect object of the
first person. It is hence suffixed to verbal stems expressing
ideas like To Give, TO MAKE. It is highly probable that this
suffix may be an abbreviated form of the pronominal -dmni
(see § 46).
§ 43
goas] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES—COOS 349
p*si'k: @tsem a cup give me! 68.17
tsa’ yuat kwa' var &ha”’*tsem a small bow make me! 60.14, 15
mitaa'nem L t%’mad lunch make me, you must, O grandmother!
(mi’tax lunch) 114.5
-Ets. This suffix expresses a command involving the second person
as the actor, and the first person as the object of the action.
From a purely morphological standpoint, it is a modified
form of the pronominal suffix -dis (see § 46).
ten ngatgar'L yiauxewe'is by this my belt you hold me! 54.12
tcit taz’ts teha’*tst there take me, O granddaughter! 80.14
Compare &tsak*inta'ts hanz you shall help me 80.16
In addition to these suffixes, the Coos language very often empha-
sizes the imperative idea by means of the particle z (see $ 92).
VERBALIZING SUFFIXES (§§ 44-45)
§ 44. Auxiliary -e (-q@)
This suffix exercises the function of our auxiliary verb To BE. The
noun to which it is suffixed invariably takes the adverbial prefix
n- WITH (see § 21). The phrase thus obtained expresses the idea to
HAVE. This suffix is always changed to -a whenever added to a stem
having an a-vyowel (see § 7).
nt/*ct’ta"we lz mi'lag flint points have the arrows (literally, with
flint points [are] the arrows; ¢/¥ci’ta” flint point) 62.27
nur’ tine lé k" hi’ yeg bloody are his excrements (wi'tin blood) 20.6, 7
nk“ma' wa le ci't/&é horns had the pet (literally, with horns was the
pet; k“ma@’a horn) 88.7, 8
nant ma telpa'ga" nk!a' ha many people have braided ropes (liter-
ally, braided with ropes [are]; 4!@ rope) 46.8, 9
It very often transforms nouns into intransitive verbs without the
aid of the prefix n-. In such cases the -a form of this suffix is mostly
used. .
wba'ltidj la” klwisé’sa from the west it blew (k!wd’sts wind) 52.4. 5
nkwaatt’sa I dream (kwaa'tis a dream)
we y*tcite la” alt’sa clear around him (he put) slime (zis slime)
128.18
§ 45. Verbal -ent
This suffix expresses the idea TO DO, TO MAKE SOMETHING. It is
usually suffixed to nouns and to verbal stems that do- not imply an
§§ 44-45
q
350 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [putn.40
active, transitive action. This suffix is changed to -ant whenever
added to stems having an a-vowel (see § 7).
npLipdwise'nt Iam making a hat (prpd’wis hat)
nytad' weeent I am making a house (yiadé’wex house)
nkwa'carant Tam making a bow (kwa’wat bow)
Elaqa“wiya' tant you tell a story (Lega“wiya'tas story) 38.13, 14
ghitcitle’ nt I tell a story (Ad’tcit! story)
wind) tcinehe'nt that way he is thinking (écin[e]- to think) 40.14, 15
tst k“ ic hewese'nt merely perhaps you two are lying (he’wes a lie)
28.13, 14
dt alt’cani they play (a’lze toy) 30.25
gawenise' ni Unuwi he got mad very much 98.28
it ya@'lant they were saying 76.17; tz hd’nis ya'la ma those
(who) talk Coos (literally, those 4a@’nts [Coos] talker-people)
50.3
awindje'nt that way she was doing it (awéndj that way [modal])
164.6
PRONOMINAL SUFFEIXES (§§ 46-50)
§ 46. Transitive Subject and Object Pronouns
The Coos pronouns expressing both subject and object of a transi-
tive verb are, morphologically speaking, suffixes added to verbal
stems, or to stems that have been verbalized by means of some transi-
tive suffix. The transitive suffixes may, liowever, be omitted, as the
mere addition of these pronominal suffixes is sufficient to transform an
intransitive stem into a transitive verb. These suffixes occur in four
different forms, expressing the first, second, and third person as
subject, and the first and second persons as object, of the action,
regardless of number.
First person subject—second person object (sing., dual, plural) -amt
Second person subject—first person object (sing., dual, plural) -as
Third person subject -, -#
Third person object—first, second, third person subject, no suffix.
Since these suffixes are frequently preceded by the emphatic or
abbreviated forms of the personal pronouns (see §§ 18, 96), the pho-
netic unit expressing the combined pronouns may be said to consist of
the following elements:
(1) Personal pronoun for the subject.
(2) Personal pronoun for the object.
§ 46
~ poas] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES—COOS oo.
(3) Verbal stem.
| (4) Suffixed form of the combined pronoun.
. The following peculiarities in the manner of expressing the transi-
tive subject and object pronouns are noteworthy:
(1) The forms having the third persons as object indicate the
subject by the pronouns 7 for the first persons, & for the second (see
§ 18), regardless of number.
(2) The form expressing the second singular subject and the first
singular object uses for its pronominal prefix the second singular ¢é*.
(3) All other forms indicate the object by prefixing. the personal
pronouns according to number.
(4) The pronominal prefixes expressing the subject occur in singular
form regardless of the actual number that is to be indicated (see § 96).
The following is a complete table showing the formation of the
combined pronouns for the different persons:
TNT Dro, Toms He, They Two, They
& -dis n- U n-it
Me
’ Thee é- -ami et e&-il
| Him p- od. bbs -294 ea -Loniawy ee
b., Us (Incl) (Dual) ae is-i is-2t
; Us (Excl) (Dual) xrwin-dis rwin-h xwin-it
; You (Dual) tc-- ami te-% te -it
Them (Dual) tien--- | tee--- | ta - Ux -
Us tin-dis tin ~% tin -i
You cin-ami cin -% cin -it
Them il p--- it € - = i= - ut -
.The personal pronouns are usually omitted for singular subjects.
They always occur, however, when the subject is dual or plural.
ne xkan wind) &dlta’mt I that way told you 17.2
Emuatitsa’mt I (want to) feel of you 72.10
élaa’ mit I take you along
nto hits I hit it 64.5
éto' hits you hit it 20.19
to’ hits he hit him (or it) 20.19
nto’ hitsi me he hit
eto hitst thee he hit
cin kwina’tt you he sees
cwin &prita'mt hant we two thee will take home 126.19, 20
tin &sitst'nta’mi we thee (came to) see 130.19, 20
§ 46
352 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY Faun. 40
The personal pronouns for the objective third persons dual and
plural always precede the subjective pronouns.
de nto’ hits them two I hit it to’ hits them you hit
The suffixes for the combined pronouns are added either directly to
the bare verbal stem or to the verb amplified by the transitive -¢ and
-ts. This double system of adding the suffixes for the combined pro-
nouns to the verb serves as a means of differentiating the duration of
the action indicated by the verb. The bare verbal stem amplified by
the pronominal suffixes denotes an action that has been performed
more than once, or that has not yet been completed; while the verbs
to which the pronominal suffixes are added after the transitive suffixes
indicate actions that have been performed only once, or that are com-
pleted. The same purpose is served by the double forms of the com-
bined pronoun having the third person as its subject. The suffix -i is
always added to the verbal stem; while -w% is suffixed to the stem, in
addition to the transitive suffixes. It must be understood, however,
that this interpretation of the double system of adding the combined
pronominal suffixes does not apply to each individual case. Verbs
with the pronominal suffixes added to the bare stem are frequently
employed to denote past, completed actions, and vice versa.
ne xkan ewila’mt I am look- Ewtluwita’mt I have looked
ing for you for you
Ewiwind’mt I am cheating Ewrntsa’mt I have cheated
you you
&k/wind'ts you were shooting &k!/winta’ts you took a shot
at me at me
ésg@'is you were seizing me ésqatsa'ts you seized me
nk!/wi'nit he was shooting at nk/wi'ntti he shot at me
me
The imperative transitive pronouns have been described in § 43.
They are -zm TO ME, -zis ME.
§ 47. Transitive Verbs in -aya
Language in general has a number of verbal ideas, which, strictly
speaking, do not imply any actions on the part of the subject; or de- |
note actions, that, while intransitive, may be performed for the benefit of 4
or in connection with a certain given object. Verbs like To KNOW, TO :
UNDERSTAND, TO DESIRE, TO BELIEVE, TO WATCH, TO BE AFRAID, etc., —
*§ 47 }
Boas] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES—COOS 353
express ideas that are not real actions, but which may be used as such
in connection with some object. Thus, I may KNow HIM, UNDERSTAND
THEM, DESIRE IT, BELIEVE HER, WATCH MYSELF, etc. On the other
hand, verbs like TO GO, TO RUN away, etc., express intransitive
actions that may be performed in connection with a given object.
Thus it is possible TO GO To HIM, TO RUN AWAY FROM ME, etc.
Coos treats the stems expressing such ideas as intransitive verbs,
which do not take any of the transitive suffixes; but since these
intransitive verbs may, without the aid of any additional grammatical
device, become transitive, and imply the existence of an object (which
is usually that of the third person), there is a special suffix -dya which
indicates the (mental) process described above. This suffix, always
added to the bare verbal stem, denotes an intransitive action that has
become transitive by being used in connection with the third person
object. It may therefore be called the ‘‘pronominal suffix,” ex-
pressing, besides the subject, the third person object of an intransi-
tive verb.
ta algsa'ya they twoareafraid a’lgas fear 66.4
of it 7.5
ndowa'ya I want her 70.6 tsivtt’ §=dd’wa wu'txe ti'ye
pi'yate here wants to come
back thy uncle 122.15
nEga'ya he ran away from it neq he ran away 100.16
42.4
nenata'ya | am riding (a x'ne'et he is on top 10.1
horse)
1ga' ya lex swat believed it the tq- to believe
grizzly bear 94.25
mitsist'ya she knows it 60.1 mi'tsis wise 132.6
in kwaa’niya (they) did not kwadn- to know
know it 86.12
tatsa’ya he went after it 94.7 ta he went 22.18
to"*ta' ya he watched it 94.6 tov*t- to watch
it Lo"kwa’ya he x/ta they e&Lo"k” you sit down! 38.22
occupy the country 44.21
The plurality of the object is expressed by the affixed numerical
particle hzma atu (§ 109), or by the separate suffix -itzx (§ 54).
nto“*ta' ya he'ma I watch them all
The imperative of this form has the suffix -7¢ (see § 43).
3045°—Bull. 40, pt. 2—12 23 § 47
354 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 40
§ 48. Subject and Object Pronouns of Verbs in -aya
The corresponding suffixes for the above discussed verbs, express-
ing, besides the object, also the subject of the first, second, or third
person, are etymologically related to the suffixes treated on p. 351.
They appear, however, in such changed form, that they require
separate discussion. These forms are -—
I, We Two, We | Thou, Ye Two, Ye| #®& They, We
Me - e&-yExtais n-y Ext
Thee é&-yExtami - ef-yExtii
Him - - —
They are suffixed directly to the verbal stem.
Edowa'yzxta’mi thee I want
elo*tiyexta’ mi of thee I take care
elotiyrata’is you take care of me 86.20
nkwee niyexti me he knows
dowd’ yextu thee he wants
The etymology of the first element in these suffixes (-yzzt-) is quite
obscure. It may be suggested that -yzx- is the adjectival suffix (see
§ 66), and -¢ the transitive (see § 26), although we are no longer able
to understand the psychological principles underlying this peculiar
formation.
§ 49. Transitive Verbs in -a@
This suffix is preceded by the transitive suffixes. Its function is
varied. It may have expressed originally the indirect object; but
verbal ideas requiring both a direct and an indirect object are very few
in number in the Coos language, and the functional scope of this
suffix is much wider now, permitting its use for other purposes.
Thus it is very frequently suffixed to transitive verbs where the
object of the action is actually expressed, and not merely understood;
and it is often, but not as a rule, used as a suffix denoting plurality of
the object. The most plausible suggestion that can be offered in
explanation of this suffix is that it may denote an action performed
upon an object that possesses another object. At any rate, there can
be no doubt that the predominating function of this suffix is that
of a special characterization of the pronominal object.
§§ 48-49
—BOAS]
nmitaa’'na I made lunch for
him
@isa he gave it to him 28.7
HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES—COOS O55
mi'tax lunch 28.15
dts- to give
tetc c£alcta'trxa clothes he made for (his child) 108.5
kwind’ was si'*'t#tsa smoke he scented 22.23
kwa' wat ha'*tsa le temi'snéte a bow she made for her grandson
112.25, 26
a'yu t/ha'tsa lé tetc surely (he) put on his clothes 28.23
Af. =
hats yi xé pe’ nita le tsi’yen nearly he tore off one handle 30.4
pita le mé ad’wit he took to his house the people (pl.) whom he
killed 112.11
Ewutaa’ta liye wmac tex
pkak* you (should) take
home, thy grandmother
them two (and) grandfather
68.26
a ni’ lExtsa at them I looked
usqa'tsa lz quwat's I seized
the boards
thiwa yieu'awa fern roots she
had 64.14, 15
wutaayat li pki’kate he
brought home his grand-
father 70.2
ni’ lwats I looked at him
nsqats le quwar's I seized the
board
hi'nt yiauawé’ wat there he
was holding it 64.3, 4
Compare, on the other hand,
tc/wa'tete t/ctts into the fire
he shoved it 32.24
tc/wa'tetc t/ci’tsa into the fire
he shoved it (no object is
‘actually expressed here)
32.26
or
yt ewe wutear'yat he tcd’xicox two he brought home the rabbits
pokwi'lné té'lgats opposite each other he set (them) down 112.12
§ 50. Verbs in -andya with Direct and Indirect Object Pronoun
This suffix is composed of two suffixes, -en2 (see § 45) and -aya
(see § 47). The broad a-vowel of the second suffix effects the retro-
gressive assimilation of the -enz into -anz, and the final vowel of -enz
coalesces with the initial of -dya into a long @ (see § 7). It may best
be rendered by TO DO, TO MAKE SOMETHING OUT OF SOMETHING.
nkwixatand'ya 1 am making a bow out of it (kwa'xaz bow)
nyixdweaand'ya I build houses out of it (yivd' weer house)
la" k!weniyawand' ya lz qa'lyey he is making a supply out of the
salmon (4/we'niya" supply) 34.24
§ 50
2 eee
3856 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 40
yantawe art &ga"wenisa'naya whenever something you will get
mad at (ga"wentse’n? he got mad) 16.4
la" hant él nuwand’ya at that thing you shall pull (ww? very)
72.2
it wa'lwalana'ya they (would) make knives out of it (wa'lwal knife)
136.14, 15
The a-vowels of this suffix very often change the e-vowels of the
stem to which they are suffixed into an a (see § 7).
xa/nana'ya he made him feel sorry for it (aé’nis sick) 42.18
npipa’ wisana'ya I made a hat out of it (prpa’wis hat)
Whenever suffixed to reduplicated stems, this suffix is changed to
-onayd.
aga'lgsona'ya la a@’la he became afraid of his child (a’lgas fear)
28.24, 25
mitsma'tsona’ya lex di’lot he became acquainted with him, the
young man (mi’tsis wise) 116.1
qgar*qa'yona'ya he became afraid of it (nga'yats I am frightened
[I fear]) 42.3
PLURAL FORMATIONS (§§ 51-54)
§ 51. General Remarks
The question of plurality, as exhibited in the verbs, is, compara-
tively speaking, a complicated matter. The chief difficulty arises
from the fact that Coos accords'a different treatment to transitive and
intransitive verbs, and that the phenomena connected with plural
formation are by no means of a uniform character. As in most other
American languages, the Coos intransitive verbs express plurality
of subject, while stems expressing transitive concepts distinguish
between actions relating to a singular object and those relating to
plural objects.
Asa rule, plurality of the subject of verbal ideas is not indicated.
One and the same stem is used in the singularand plural alike. There
are, however, a few verbal concepts that express such a plurality
by means of different stems. While this question ought to be more
properly treated under the heading ‘“‘ Vocabulary,” it may neverthe-
less be found useful to give here a few examples of such different
stems. .
§ 51
Boas] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES—COOS 857
Singular Plural
ttsém 26.20 ne'tst T4.1 to do
yicu'me 10.3 yuwt tit, yuwat- 12.6 to travel
tsxti 28.12 ha'yati 58.19, 20 to lie
ga' gat 40.2 tst'msimt T4.1 to sleep
ane 't- ‘74.30 ewaitt- 22.17 to fly, to jump
leqa” we 42.18 ége 84.14 to die
L/G-, 14.6 ya'la- 50.3 to speak
Lowa’ kats, 38.10 tila’ gai 36.11, kwee'ti 50.7 to sit, to live
On the other hand, there are a few stems that seem to express
singularity or plurality of subject by means of a grammatical process
the history of which is not clear. This process may be said to consist
in the change of the vowel connecting the suffix with the stem.
. Singular Plural
é&tc/a’at you walk 120.18 it te/a’it they walk
nea’ yat I am whittling it xa’yit they are whittling
nt‘a'lats I dance tcé t'a’lit you two dance 82.18
nut'nat I wade out it wi/nit they wade out
This process is the more puzzling, as it also seems to be used for
the purpose of distinguishing between duration of action (see § 26).
It is quite conceivable that there may be an etymological relation
between these two phenomena, and that the phonetic similarity exhib-
ited by them is more than accidental.
§ 52. Reflexive Plural -t
In a number of cases intransitive verbs indicate plurality of subject
by means of a suffix which is phonetically different from the suffix
expressing the corresponding singular idea. This is especially true
in the case of the suffix -gum, -xzm (see § 30). This suffix is applied
to singular subjects only, while the same idea for plural subjects is
expressed by means of the suffix -%, which is always preceded by the
transitive -¢ or -és.
Singular Plural
the tqgem it is resting 88.16 it the’ tu they are resting
nwe'lextxem I went to bed ic& we'lextti you two go to bed
82.13
Lo” k“tsxem I sat down ti’ l£qtsu% (they) sat down 22.15
nhwe et=tsexm I settled down itkwe'et#tsti they settled down 48.5
nsin'tezm I hide myself it stn’té they hide themselves
§ 52
358 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY
§ 53. Causative Passive Plural -iyEm
[BULL. 40
The same principle is applied to intransitive verbs expressing pas-
sive causative ideas. Singular subjects are expressed by means of the
suffix -eet (see p. 345), while plurality of the subject is indicated by
the suflix -tyzm. The most perplexing problem connected with this
suffix is the fact that its initial 7 disappears before u-diphthongs with-
out changing the w of the diphthong into a consonantic w (see § 8).
SLn-
dex st~ni'yat they two
hide him (caus.)
24.9
xv EN-
neini'yat I put it
on top
lem-
te lemi’yat they two
set it up 8.10
g"tor-
ng tow yat I hang
it up
(x)n0'we, right 44.9
L/a- to be on something
it t/atyat they put it
on 80.20
Singular
sine et 24.12
xne’et 10.1
leme et 90.18
g"towe' et 46.27
nowe' et
Lieet 29.1
Plural
SLNVyEM
xn yEM.
lem yam
g"to’ yum 84.15
nou'yEm 44,22
L/e'yEm 144.4
§ 54. Direct Plural Object -ttrx
The idea of plurality of objects in transitive verbs is not clearly
developed. The treatment accorded to the different stems is so irregu-
lar that no definite rules can be formulated. The majority of stems
make no distinction between singular and plural objects, and occur in
one form only. Other stems have different forms for the singular
and plural; e. g., éswa"“- TO KILL ONE, @iw- TO KILL MANY, la- TO ©
PUT IN ONE, x'L/6"- TO PUT IN MANY, etc.; while a number of stems
seem to express plurality of object by means of the affixed numeral
particle hema (see § 109), or by means of the suffix -itza.
This suffix expresses the plural third person object, and may be add-
ed directly to the verbal stem, or after the transitive suffixes -t, -és.
wut’ tsxit cima'itex (many) deer he pulled 88.12
a'yu ut Lana'itex surely they headed them off 56.16
hats Lowe’ entc la“ taav’ tex just all (wholly) she dragged them 80.9
§§ 538-54
‘
|
AN
19 Ve RAR ty)
HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES—COOS 359
§ 55. MISCELLANEOUS SUFFIXES
While the functions of the verbal suffixes discussed in the preced-
ing pages are clear, and could be described fairly accurately, there
are a few others that appear only now and then, and express ideas
of a varying character. It is possible that these suffixes may repre-
sent the petrified remnants of grammatical formations that have
become obliterated in the course of time. The following is a list of
these suffixes:
-a. This suffix seems to express in a number of instances our infini-
tive idea.
iné’ wat xwi’tsxtit he is habit- tn’ta ehe lz dé’mét hunting (had)
ually hunting deer gone the man 108.9
helmi’ his aso' ta tn’ ta next day again
he went hunting 110.10
staga’é'wat she is bathing yiwve'n sza'ga ta once bathing she
him (caus.) 60.6 went (literally, to bathe) 84.24
In a few cases it has been found suffixed to neutral stems, and seems
to denote impersonal actions.
log"- to boil logu’qwa lz s*at/ was boiling the
pitch 102.11
kwind'was smoke 22.23 in kwi'na not it smokes 110.14
It is possible that this suffix may have the identical function with the
-a (or -e) suffixed to the modal adverbs (see § 106), and it may
consequently be related to the auxiliary -e (see § 44).
-€. Iam ata loss to detect the exact nature of this suffix and its
etymological connection with any of the other suffixes. In the few
instances in which it occurs, it was rendered by the passive, or else
as an abstract verbal noun.
k'tto'wit she saw him 54.2 a’yu k'tto'we 4 la” dj surely it was —
seen as it was coming 52.7, 8
kt'10"ts he found it 32.10 la tx’ k*’ te her canoe was found
54.19
hé'wi he grew up 64.12 tat ha” we it grew up (literally,
goes its growth) 20.16
k/a'lat he shouted (at it) 36.7 a wi nk-ele I quit shouting (lit-
erally, the shouts)
mi’ lat he swam 30.7 a'wi &mi'le stop swimming (liter-
ally, finish your swimming)
§ 55
860
=AnNU.
both of them the infinitive.
suffix -ent (see § 45).
yu'weLt a pack 70.22
alae toy 92.10
BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY
[BULL. 40
This suffix occurs in two instances only, and expresses in
It seems to be related to the verbal
la" yu"'te'nu he (went out in or-
der) to pack (enw > anu [see § 7])
162.25
mé he'lag tct alt’canu people came
there (in order) to play 90.26
-«m occurs very rarely, and seems to denote the absence of the
object of an action.
q/mits he eats it 32.9
Lo¥- to eat 17.2
hats hant &q/a'mtsam just will
you eat 42.23, 24
la¥ tsiv he Lo’wiyam she usually
here eats 24.4, 5
Nominal Suffixes (S$ 56-80)
GENERAL NOMINALIZING SUFFIXES (§§ 56-65)
§ 56. Nominal -is
This suffix may be said to have a general nominalizing function. It
is found suflixed to a great number of stems, and expresses general
nominal ideas, including many of our adjectival terms.
For a discus-
sion of its etymological nature, see General Remarks, § 25.
ha’wi he grew up 64.12
sto“q he stood 20.4
L/dis he spoke 16.2
tluwe'*tcis heart 5.3
wiax't' lis food 14.7
hele'yis salmon-roe 34.27
hi“'mis woman 24.6
baltt’mis ocean 6.2
pi lik-ts anus 40.7
porkwis slave
pipé'wis hat 136.14
tama'tis custom, fashion 19.8
tg@’lés sun 24.2
sik'e’®kis shield 28.7
tskwa’*xis fir-tree 9.2
tcéne’ nis edge 22.15
g'ilo'mis breakers 8.1
§ 56
hd’wis ready 5.4
stowa' quis wall 90.18.
L/é'yis language 16.1
kvele'tis corner 58.13
ktna’wis laziness 34.17
(k't'nwis lazy)
kwdyé ts ridge, mountain 22.13
kwd' sis ball 38.19
kwi' nis feather 26.21
k/wéai' sts wind 22.11
ga'yis day, sky, world 6.1
gav'nés mouth of river 58.1
g’ma'tés fish-basket 36.7
zvala’wis heat 24.9
la’*ris mud 52.10
ltce'ts ocean beach 7.11
toa’ lis sand beach 58.1
t
Boas]
he'mis large 14.5
hii'wis poor 42.5
puis heavy
mi'tsis wise 132.6
t#ga" tis solid 7.6
te/ici' lis sweet 32.27
te/lis dry 166.2
HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES—COOS 361
kt'nwis lazy
kat'e'mis five 5.4
x't'lwis deep
xa'lwis hot 24.6
avié'nis sick 42.18
Le’ mis raw 32.23
§ 57. Nouns of Quality in -Es, -tEs; -enis
-Es, -tEs. This suffix changes adjectives (or adverbs) into abstract
nouns.
tween the two suflixes.
hémis big 14.5
né*nt much, many 50.13
nga’na Lam cold
he’ ntye a while 38,15
hethé'te rich 26.2
paa- to fill 15.7
éhente far 26.23
gat long
k/le'es black 162.13
gat below 36.11
No explanation can be given for the phonetic difference be-
hats kwa wx'nek* hemi'stzs hz
2 owa'yas the snake was just as
big as a hair (literally, just like
a hair [is] the size [of] the snake)
86.2
in kwee' niyém tse’ ts he tt na” ntzs
no one knew how many they
were (literally, not knew they
how [was] their quantity) 78.2
againe’rs ka%s tsxaii’wat cold
nearly killed him 32.7
ta” heni'yers qyixu'me (for) such
length of time I travel 26.9
hethe' ters wealth
ta i paa'wes hr xi%p the water
reached its full mark (literally,
goes its fullness [of] the water)
44,19
ehe'ntczes distance 52.16
ga’ Ltrs length
k/lé estzs black color
gates, the lower part, half 16.10
-enis transforms adjectives expressing sensations and emotions
into abstract nouns.
cin tgayouare hungry 70.12
ge’ net he got angry 32.25
té xwin aya tage'nis these we two
died from hunger (literally,
these we two [are] hunger-dead)
36.13, 14
ga"we'nis anger, wrath 16.4
§ 57
Ph ad
362 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 40
§ 58. Nouns of Location in -zm
This suffix expresses the abstract conception of a local idea. It is
suffixed to adverbs only, and is (with one exception) preceded by the
adverbial suffix -éc. It may best be rendered by THE PART OF, THE
SIDE OF.
lexa'tca kwi'nait inside he Jlewa'tcnmhanz yqa'qat inthe inside
looked 62.6 (part of my eye) will I sleep
40.2
heyiad' wrx lzxa'term of the house
the inside (part)
yigantce’wite backwards 32.13 prnid’wai yiga'nicem dji a whale
behind it was coming 88.22
wla before, first 56.9 a ktto'wit ila’ hatcem adi they
saw it in front coming 88.5
le'wt &% tla’ hatcem dowa’ya lié &-
nite he liked his mother best
(literally, it is [as] his first[-ness]
he likes his mother) 120.19, 20
gat below 36.11 vwind) yalant le ma& ga'tum
tila'gat that way are talking
the people (who on the) lower
part (of the river) live 66.12
§ 59. Verbal Abstract -awas, -nziwas
-@was changes the verb into a noun. It expresses the abstract
concept of a verbal idea. If the verb expresses an active, transi-
tive idea, it is suffixed to the bare stem, while in intransitive verbs it
is preceded by the intransitive suffix -en? (see p. 349). In such cases
the final vowel of the transitive suffix disappears, and the a-vowel of
-dwas effects the retrogressive assimilation of the stem-vowels and
suffix-vowels (see § 7).
c¥a'lctet he is working 22.26 4 la” &' wi c®alcta@/was when he quit
(the) work 34.6, 7
Lowe” wat sheiseating 24.5,6 wi & Lowda'was she finished (her)
food 24.13
nt/hats I put it on lé t/aha'was her clothes 110.3
ds ali'cant we two play 38.11 alicana’'was tin hats a game we
(should) arrange 90.14
ége dead 42.19 agand'was funeral
ha'yat he gambled 66.15 hayand'was Indian game
§§ 58-59
Boas] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES—COOS 363
In one instance this suffix has been changed to -dwaz.
ga'yats he is scared 126.1 in ytt At gqayawa' wat hardly any-
thing can scare him (literally,
not very something scaring [to
him] 40.24; gayawa@’waz a thing
that scares)
-né'was. Composed of the distributive -né (see § 37) and the
nominal -Gwas. Hence it expresses an abstract concept that has a
distributive character.
hé gis’ nlaxané’ was Lowa’ kats she was sitting between his teeth (lit-
erally, his teeth in the [mutual] between[-ness]) 102.18
sdwe't laxané” was between the fingers 108.21 .
sqgaitné' was the space between the fingers, a crack (sgaz'L=xem it
was sticking in a crack 62.8)
§ 60. Verbal Nouns in -dnis, -st
-Onis. This suffix indicates that something has become the object
of acertain action. It may best be rendered by WHAT BECAME THE
oBJECT OF. Kither it is suffixed to the verbal stem directly, or it is
preceded by the transitive suffixes -f, -¢s (see § 26).
itya@lanithey aretalking 90.16 Ja it yaalté’nis they begin to talk
about it (literally, this they
[have as their] object of speech)
76.22
pk tits I cut it kititsd'nis la kala she commenced
to cut her foot (literally, object
of cutting her foot [became]
80.21)
Lo"- to eat 17.2 la“ tou'nis 4 ha'k-tte laY yiau'™me
this became his food while he
walked crawling (literally, that
object of eating [it became]
while crawling that one tray-
eled) 32.11
atsa he gave it to him 34.10 s0’nts gift 188.26
-s?t is used in the formation of nouns from verbal stems. The best
rendering that can be given for this suffix is THE RUINS, THE REM-
NANTS OF.
§ 60
364 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 40
at’wit he killed them 68.11 — is. aé’witsi itz we two (are the) rem-
nants of the slaughter 62.18
xpi it burned down 58.12 gauilat'we le yixd'wra napi' tsi
she commenced to look around
(of) the house the débris 58.18, 19
It is very likely that the following example may belong here:
kitst’mis, kitsimd’mis half Ag kttst’mist ac’wit half of them
32.11 he killed (literally, the remain-
ing half he killed) 112.10
§ 61. Nouns of Quantity in -in
This suffix occurs in a few instances only. It is added to stems
expressing adjectival ideas, and may be translated by PrecE, PORTION.
ted’ yux” small 42.6 Vk% ted’ yuawin a'tsa (to) both a
small portion he gave 120.17
gaic small 128.29 guic’nis te. yay in a small
place they two are stopping 6.3
é' hente far 26.23 na’ yim ehentcesi’néte dji'nit be-
cause quite far apart it keeps
coming (literally, because dis-
tance-portion-modality, [they]
are coming [singly]) 52.18
§ 62. Nouns of Agency in -ayawa, -eydwe, -twawa
These suffixes indicate the performer of anaction. ‘The -eydwe form
is added to stems with e-vowels (see § 7). Since the informant was
frequently at a loss how to express in English the idea conveyed by
this suffix, he invariably translated it by To Go AND (perform the
action in question).
t‘a’lats he dances taliya’wa a dancer
tie tnt he examined it 32.93 1/x*tniya’wa examiner
ni'kin wood 102.2 mi Lan wnik*ineyd’we permit me
to get some wood (literally, let
me wood-getter be) 102. 1
mi'lag arrow 12.10 is milagayd’ we we two go and get
arrows (literally, [we two are]
arrow-makers) 160.6, 7
Lo"- to eat 17.2 nLowiya'wa I am an eater
nte*tits Lowiya‘wa I go in and
eat 168.2, 3
§§ 61-62
aa
HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES—COOS 3865
§ 63. Nominalizing Suffix Indicating Place, ~ts
It is never suffixed to verbal stems.
ga'ntct where? 94.25 ic agantctwis from where are you
two? (literally, your two selves’
whence place) 126.14
te'tex medicine zwin t#lxeydwe'wis we two have
been after medicine (literally,
our two selves’ medicine-makers
place) 126.15
tsd’yuc™ small 20.5 tsiyuawi'nis envkvecrm le tite
on a small place is sticking out
the land 44.26
gatc small 128.29 gaicl’ nis te yt'“'yi on (some) small
place they two are stopping 6.3
§ 64. Nominalizing Suffix Indicating Locality, -wme
It signifies WHERE THE... Is. It is added to nominal (or
adverbial) stems only.
kii"s south ekukwi' sume hi'yet / he came ashore
on the south side (literally,
from where south is, he came
ashore)
tse tix’ over here tseti’x ume 16 hehe" ha” we here
on this side make a knot! (liter-
ally, where this is, on it, a knot
make) 92.7, 8
aut lux head 30.14 ewilucu'me where the head is
146.26
§ 65. Terms of Relationship in -ditc (-atc)
Terms of relationship appear with the suffix -dtc or -atc (see § 7),
except in the vocative case, where the stem alone is used. <A few
nouns exhibit in the vocative case an entirely different stem, while
others occur in the vocative form only.
The phenomenon so characteristic of many American and other
languages, whereby the different sexes use separate terms for the
purpose of denoting corresponding degrees of relationship, is not
found in Coos. This may in part be due to the fact that the language
does not differentiate in any respect whatsoever between the two sexes,
and that grammatical gender is a concept entirely unknown to the
Coos mind. On the other hand, Coos has one trait in common
§§ 63-65
BOTTA koe a
366 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 40
with some of the languages of the neighboring tribes, namely, in so
far as two different stems are used to denote the same degree of
relationship by marriage. One is employed as long as the inter-
mediary person is living, while the second is used after the death of
that person.
The following table shows the nouns expressing the different
degrees of relationship:
English Coos Vocative case
Father e’kutdte k/o'la!
Mother e&ndtc ni'kla!
Son (?) Lowa!
Daughter kwayd’ cite kwa’ya!
Older brother ha@'Late haiti!
Younger brother miLkwi'yate ma’Lik!
Older sister heni'kundte he'nikwi!
Younger sister kwiya’zite kwe’éz!
Grandfather pka’‘kate pka'k!
Grandmother tuma'cate, &'mae u’ma!
Grandson temt’sndtc, temi’sin temi’si! (sing.)
temé’mis! (pl.)
Granddaughter tek itsi/ndtc teka’ztsi!
Paternal uncle pt'yate, pris pi’st!
Maternal uncle ax‘t/axate axa'x:!
Paternal aunt a’tate a’at!
Maternal aunt ‘ aukwi'nate kwa/kwi!
Father-in-law mitcL'tsindte yalk! (2)
Mother-in-law qali'ksdte kwa'lik!
Son-in-law mi’nkate (?)
Daughter-in-law mEtiendte 1 (2)
Brother-in-law ha‘lik! hal!
Sister-in-law kwi'hate kwi/hat!
Relative, by marriage, after | «a/yusLdtc (2)
death of person whose mar-
riage established the relation-
ship.
Nephew (son of sister) tewi’tate teu!
Nephew (son of brother) (2) kwine'wit! (2)
nexleu! (2)
Niece (daughter of sister) upxana’cate (?)
Niece (daughter of brother)
(?)
pEkwi'nri!
1 Alsea mastiin.
Besides the above-enumerated terms of kinship, there are two stems
that are used as such, although they do not, strictly speaking, denote
any degree of relationship. One of these is the term sla’ate (vocative
sla), employed by the Coos in addressing a male member of the tribe,
and even a stranger; and the other is awif, used in the same way in
addressing females.
§ 65
Boas] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES—COOS 367
In one instance the term kwe'néz is employed to denote sisTER,
without mentioning the rank of her birth. All attempts to obtain
the corresponding term for BROTHER have proved unsuccessful.
§ 66. SUFFIXES -éx, -iyEx, -iyetEx
These three suffixes, occurring in a few instances only, seem to
express the idea PERTaINING TO. They are suffixed to nominal and to
adverbial stems.
beldj north le la’mak* lala” tz bildji’yex the
bones those (are) the Umpqua
Indians (literally, the Northern
Indians) 50.5, 6
yi gante behind yiqga'ntciméx mé the last genera-
tion 9.6
Llan- L/a'néx qa'lyeq new salmon 36.25
ga lu winter (?) 162.20 ga'léx old 38.18
ga’ xan- up 14.1 gaxanv yetew mé from above the
people 150.5
ga’'yis sky 6.1 gayisa'yex ma the sky-people
ADVERBIAL SUFFIXES (§§ 67-70)
§ 67. Local and Modal -étc, -déc
This suffix indicates rest, and was rendered by IN, AT, ON, UNDER.
It is added to nouns and (very rarely) to verbs. For the parallel
occurrence of -é‘te and -iic, see § 2. (See note to § 36.) |
yiad' wee house 22.25 yiad waxe'te Lowa’ kats in the house
he is sitting
tlt@ country 30.28 year’ Lita'tic pitse'ts in another
country I stay 26.8, 9
Adwilis road 138.17 hewi'ltsitce sto“g on the road he
stood 36.16
g’war's board 52.14 4 la" quwat' site tci!cile’ ct while she
under the board was 58.25
xvip water 6.9 wa” pite djt % mile in the water it
was swimming 88.21
ia canoe 44.20 ast'L Vatte te tclowi’yat in the
middle (of the) canoe they two
laid him down 126.23
kwi/lex sweat-house 62.25 kwiléd ré'te tse lat to’méx in the
sweat-house lay that old man
98.11, 12
$§ 66-67
Mee) ee "q
368 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BuLE. 40
tila' gat (many) live 36.11 hi'nt: rowa' hats ln tit le mi axqat
tila'gayitc there lived the kins-
men (among) the people (who)
below lived 60.11
By prefixing to the noun the local prefix x- (see § 22), and by
suffixing to it the suffix -é¢c, -ttc, the idea FROM is expressed.
ga'yis sky 6.1 aga'yisite he'lag from the sky he
came
L/t@ country 30.28 eyEa’ L/ta'tte from another coun-
try 26.6
pgav'’ back 82.13 ayt’aewd ma L/ok ine" wat apqai'-
hite two men were supporting
him from the back 40.9
When preceded by the discriminative x- (see § 23), this suffix
assumes a modal significance, exercising the same function as the
English adverbial suffix -Ly or the word LIKE.
nmi henet itis populated 12.4 hats kwa xmihe'ntitc sto'’wag just
like a person he stood up 114.23,
24
amihentitie kito'wit lz ma like
personsshe saw the beings (look)
54.18
a'yu sure enough 7.4 go's ditt in xa'yuwite tswat'wat he
killed a little of everything
(literally, [of] everything not
: enough-ly he killed) 64.19, 20
ga'lyeg salmon 34.14 aga'lyeqéte it kwina'éwat as
salmon they look upon it 130.14
ata nuxwite Lowa'kats sideways he
was sitting 38.10
yive” one 5.5 ayt'xétte di'mit wxyi'wette he'tt
hii“md’k’e each man has one
wife (literally, one [modal] man,
one [modal] their wives) 48.5
The prefix may sometimes be omitted, as shown by the following
examples:
gante where 8.8 yvkwant qgantei'te ten ta perhaps
shall which way this I go 100.18
gate small 128.29 gat'cite ha tt yi wilt into small
pieces they divided it 130.26
tsii'yua" small 20.5 isd’ yuawitc pi lstat to pieces it was
smashed 124.14
§ 67
ul
poss] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES—COOS 369
Owing to its modal significance, this suffix expresses the idea of
our collective numerals IN TWOS, IN THREES, when added to the cardi-
nal numerals.
go"s ga'ntcitc cytwwa' hé'te tt ta everywhere in pairs they went 48.8
ayipse' né'te in threes (yt’pszen three)
§ 68. Local Suffix, Indicating Motion, -eéc
The suffix -efc indicates motion, action, and may be rendered by art,
IN, THROUGH, ON, INTO.
tcict’ mit spruce-tree 20.5 Llav’yat lz tsi’ yua" tcict’mitete he
put it on the small spruce-tree
| 20.8
dx’msit prairie 22.12 le’yt demste'te thi’nap a good
prairie through he goes 22.11
yiad’ wee house 22.25 yiaxd’ wexetc ta into the house he
went 28.10, 11
yiad’ weeete Aji to the house he
. came
telwiét fire 38.8 telwia'lete tlctts into the fire he
shoved it 32.24
G face 10.3 kwina’éwat a hete he is jooking at
(his) face
When suffixed to a stem with an a-vowel, the suffix is changed to
-atc (see § 7).
xa*p water 6.9 t¥k!wil xa” pate into the water he
dove 26.27
tlta@’ ground 6.7 L1ta ate lemi’yat on the ground he
put it 64.1
In some cases it may be suffixed to verbs.
tila’ gat (many) live 36.11 tet he'lag lx mé& tila’qayete there
he arrived, where the people
were living 36.12, 13
sto"q he stands 20.4 ts0 le mé& gat sto“ gete he lag now
to the person (that) below stood
he came 92, 4, 5
ali’ cant (they) play 94.8 he lag lz mé alicanv’ wagatc he came
to the people (that) were playing
98, 14, 15
3045°—Bull. 40, pt. 2—12——24 § 68
1 Pe te ae
370 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 40
§ 69. Local -ewitec
The local suffix -ewittc is rendered by TOWARDS.
belay north bildje'witc gai'cit to the north he
scattered 48.24
é'gatce aside 26.20 égatce’wite kwilkwele’yu to one
side he was rolled 94.19,20
yi’gante behind yigantce'wite te backwards he
looked 32.13
gaits inside 140.24 gai'tsowite Ut te’*tits (inside) they
entered 22.29
yied’wEe house 22.25 yiadweee'wite gla towards the
house I am going
§ 70. Instrumental -Etc
It expresses our ideas wITH, AGAINST. When suffixed to a stem
with an a-vowel, it is pronounced more like -atc, while, if suffixed to
a stem with an e-vowel, it invariably sounded like -etc. When the
instrumental idea wiTH is to be expressed, the stem to which this
suffix is added is very often preceded by the prefix w- (see § 24).
ma' luk" paint ma'lukwete tta'ya" la & red paint
with was painted his face 10.2, 3
iw’ canoe 44.20 ma xrve'n'te yixu'me people in
canoes travel (literally, with ca-
noes) 90.3
te/tltc/ hammer 26.26 tganuts tc/v’ltc/zte lz kwi'la" he
struck with a hammer the ice
28.1,2
mia'so’we? lucky 20.14 hata'yims mix'sd'wete ali'cant &
mén lucky money with they are
playing 94.27
g/e’té pitch 82.23 g/edé'yxte laY pa%s with pitch it
was full 74.25
mike basket 28.27 amik'e’nte towt’tiniye in a basket
he was dropped down (literally,
with a basket) 28.9,10
ga’yis sky 6.1 ga'yiszte tskwt against the sky it
struck 22.4
tqg@'lis sun 24.2 tqa@'liszic pand'gqtsvzm in the sun
he is warming himself 32.8
te/ilz door 62.5 xne' tits te/tle'hzutec she jumped
against the door 76.2
§§ 69-70
HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES—COOS 371
-poas]
In the following instance the suffix is changed, without any apparent
cause, to -yztc.
wa'lwal knife 78.11 t¥ganii'yeqem xwa'lwalyzic they
hit her with a knife 80.5
In another instance it occurs as -a%éc.
go's dv't tsiyd/nehate nt! pene dit with all kinds of small birds 46.2
When suffixed to the article or to the personal pronouns, this suffix
is changed to -ite.
lz it 5.1 ale'ite ta k* lint with it they two
try it 7.4
n’ne I 50.25 nne'tte he'lag with (or to) me he
came
&ne thou 15.7 yéne'ite with, to thee 18.11
xa he 15.10 hewii'tte with, to her 86.3
xwin we two . hetwinne’ite with, to us two 24.3
§ 71. SUPERLATIVE -eyim
This suffix indicates great quantity or quality. It corresponds to
our superlative.
tsa’ yua” small 20.5 he tséyurwe yim ala the smallest
child
hée’mis big 14.5 he hemise'yim yiai'wex the big-
gest house
It is added mostly to terms of relationship that denote either a
younger or an elder member of the family. In such cases it implies
that the member spoken of is the younger (or elder) in a family con-
sisting of more than two members of the same degree of kinship.
heni’k"ndtc elder sister wind) Lidts he henikuntce’yim
(out of two) 50.8 that way spoke the eldest sister
126.16
§ 72. DISTRIBUTIVE -tnit
-tni is suffixed to nouns of relationship only, and expresses a degree
of mutual kinship. It is etymologically related to the verbal dis-
tributives -né’, -dnit (see $§ 25, 37).
sla’ate cousin 42.21 hex sla’tcint they two were mutual
cousins 42.15
ha’ tate elder brother 72.27 lin haéxict/nt we are brothers mu-
tually
mitkwi'yadte younger brother kat'z’mis tt mitkwi'tcini five they
72.1 (are) brothers (mutually) 90.8
§§ 71-72
372
BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 40
§ 73. INTERROGATIVE -@
It is added only to the particles tcitc, ganic, mi'ldtc, dv't, wit, ite, to
the adverb ni’citc, and to the stem Zse’ts (see pp. 406, 407, 408, 411).
tev tc wa'tat % mén what are they doing? 92.18
xtcv tet ten xa’nis how is it that I am sick ?
la” ga'ntci ta that one where did he go? 94.25
mi létct hant &wu'twe when will you return? 28.3,4
di'ti he tz &wilo” wat what usually are you looking for? 54.3
di'ttc’ tei hant tzeis k°/int with what shall we two try it? 7.1, 2
(ditttce tc = dv't + -te+ -ntc+,-t (see §§ 108, 25, 70, 11)
cu tu tstxte'yat who did it?
7 teu &dowa' ya akan which one do you want? 50.17
iE nt/ctcté how many are they? (literally, [are] they a few?)
2tse' tsa hemi’ stes tt’ ye yixad’wex how big is your house? (literally,
how [the] largeness [size] of your house’)
NUMERAL SUFFIXES (§§ 74-77)
§ 74. Ordinal -ts
The ordinal numerals are formed by adding to the cardinals (see § 101)
the suffix -ts. The first two numerals are irregular, especially the
ordinal for onz. The adverbial stem 7/a anEaD, the temporal adverb
yuwint BEFORE, or the same adverb with the adjectival ending -2yzz,
are used in lieu of the missing regular ordinal numeral for ONE.
The
ordinal for Two is formed by adding the suffix -is to the adverb
aSO AGAIN.
Vla, yuwi' nt, yuwr ntiyex first
»Y 3Y y
aso’wts second
yipse nis third
hect” és fourth
kat‘ e'mésts fifth
hé wi v/la tow?’ tat she first ran (literally, ahead) 56.9
len yuwi'nt hi” més my first wife (literally, my wife [whom I had]
before)
len asd'wis hit’ mis my second wife
Compare also helm2’ his next day (he’lmi to-morrow 162.9) 6.7
Of an obscure composition is the indefinite ordinal ¢s?’wts THE LAST.
Its first component can not be explained, while the ending is plainly
the ordinal suffix -és.
tsd cku tst’wts now (this) must (have been) the last one 120.1
§§ 73-74
HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES—COOS 373
§ 75. Multiplicative -en
the suffix -en TIMES.
The multiplicative numerals are formed by adding to the cardinals
1. yixe'n 6. yixe wiegen
2. tsd%xe'n 7. ydawd' wiegen
3. ytpsE’nen 8. yrue ahiiten
4, hect” Len 9. ytawd' ahdten
5. kat‘ z’misen 10. Lep/ga'nien
The numeral for Twice is irregular. It seems to be composed of
the conjunction ¢sd Now, of the inclusive personal pronoun @z, and
of the multiplicative suffix -en.
yixe'n sta’ga ta once bathing she went 84.24
tso%xe'n hant qou'tee in two days will I return (literally, twice)
28.4
kat‘ misen ga'xante «ne tits five times upwards (they) jumped
76.4
tso k* kwa nictee'n gatimi'ye then, perhaps, in a few days...
(literally, now, perhaps, it seems, a few times, morning it got)
56.21
To this group belongs also the indefinite weste’n 80 MANY TIMES,
_ formed from the stem wes SO MANY.
his weste'n tsix’ ta his westen yea’ L/ta'ite nitse’ts I stay here
just as long as in the other country (literally, also so many
times here, and also so many times in another country, I stay)
26.8, 9
§ '76. Ordinal-Multiplicative -entcis
The ordinal-multiplicative numerals, expressed in English by at
THE FIRST TIME, AT THE SECOND TIME, are formed by means of the
compound suffix -entcis. This suffix consists of the multiplicative -en
(see above), of the modal -tc (see § 36), and of the ordinal suffix -is
(see § 74).
ayine whege nicis L/étc lé tluwe'*tcis at the sixth time went out
her heart 76.6, 7
chat e'mise'ntcis at the fifth time
The ordinal suffix -?s may be omitted, as shown in the following
example:
hect" rente gatimi’ye la taaté’ya li sla'ate on the fourth day he
went to his cousin (literally, four times [at|]morning it got... )
42,20, 21
§§ 75-76
374 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 40
§ 77. Distributive -hina
Distributive numerals in the sense of ONE EACH, ONE APIECE, are
formed by adding to the cardinal numerals the suffix - hina (see General
Remarks, pp. 326, 327). The first two numerals, yivé and yiawd,
change their final vowels into a before adding the suffix. This change
may be due to purely phonetic causes (see § 7). The numeral for
THREE, 7?’ psEn, drops its final x before taking the suffix.
yiaaht’ra one each
ytawahi’na two each -
yipsehi’na three each
hect'thi’ra four each
hat emishi/na five each
gos yiaxahi’na Uh nhimi'k'e le wi'ngas 0 hime all of the Spider’s
children have wives each (literally, all, one apiece, they with
wives [are], the Spider’s children) 58.9
yiaahi’na he'ts mi/laq we two have one arrow apiece
PLURAL FORMATIONS (§§ 78-79)
§ 78. Irregular Plurals
The majority of nominal stems have the same forms in singular and
plural. There are, however, a number of nouns and adjectives that
show in the plural a formation which is distinct from the singular
form. This formation is based upon two grammatical processes,
suffixation and phonetic change, and may be said to be of a petrified
character. It is impossible to describe, or even suggest, the pro-
cesses that may have taken place in this formation; hence no attempt
will be made to discuss them in detail.
The following is a list of nominal stems that occur in two distinct
forms, — one for the singular, and the other for the plural:
Singular Plural
ala 10.8 hime 20.3 child
hi’ mis 24.6 hit*md' ke 20.3 woman
to'miz 20.2 tema’ Le 24.1 old man
de mit 14.7 ti’mitt 56.18 man
mé 10.1 mén 24.22 human being
k-nes k-ené’ yese 30.16 hunchback
tsi yua" 20.5 tsdiyd’ne 48.7 small
tce' wet tce'niwet 46.19 short
gal kate'mka 134.25 tall
att’mag 112.27 ati’maga 44.20 - big
tcite 10.9 titcd'ne 46.3 kind, manner
§§ 77-78
a
se
4 o
Boas] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES—COOS 875
This distinction is not consistently carried out. Cases where the
singular form is applied to denote plural concepts are quite numerous.
_ This phenomenon is very natural, since in place of the idea of plurality
we find rather the idea of distribution developed in Coos.
§ 79. Plural of Terms of’ Relationship, -iyas
The only substantives that form a plural by means of a specific
plural suffix are the terms of relationship. The suffix employed for
this purpose (-tyas) may be added directly to the ‘stem, or may be
preceded by the suffix of relationship, -dtc (-atc) (see pp. 365, 366).
meEani'yas parents 86.12
kwiya'*tte younger sister 50.14 kwiztci'yas younger sisters 82.14
ha’ tdéic older brother 72.27 hixtci' yas, haxi' yas older brothers
130.23
ék"iratc father 20.13 ek“ xttct' yas, ek“1i yas fathers
é’ndte mother 68.16 éntcv'yas mothers
This suffix may be present in the stem 1/té@’yas VILLAGE, derived
from 1/¢@ EARTH, GROUND, couNTRY. ‘The initial? of the suffix would
amaloamate with the final @ of the stem into @ (see § 9), and the noun
would express a collective plural.
§ 80. MINOR SUFFIXES
Besides the suffixes discussed in the preceding pages, Coos has a few
suffixes of obscure function, that occur sporadically only, and that are
confined to certain given stems. These suffixes are as follows:
-é occurs in one or two instances, and is rendered by AND ALL.
mi lag arrow 12.10; nmi'laga hemi'yat le mé 0 kw! war nmi! laqai
with arrow he is 20.18 she took out a person’s bow and
arrow and all 62.23
la’mak* bones 40.12 ntet ta nla’mak*t with flesh and
bones and all
-ca is suffixed to the noun hu’ mik* oLD woman. It was explained to
me as having an endearing character, but instances are not
lacking where the suffix is used in a derogatory sense.
wind) L!/é'aem le hii*mi’kca thus talking is the (dear) old woman
82.19, 20
Leant te!wite tc lz hiimi’k'ca (she) threw it into the fire, the (bad)
old woman (the Giant- Woman)
$§ 79-80
876 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY {BuLL. 40
-aytms occurs in three instances, and seems to have a nominalizing
character.
tc/hats he put it out (the light) %°/dtc/ha’yims la” te/lé et it (the
128.16 fire) is burning continually (Iit-
erally, without [being] put out
it is caused to burn) 40.25, 26
icé tite! you two come in! titea’ yims ndowa'ya to come in I
82.14 (should) like
hethé te rich 26.2 hata'yims money 20.15 —
-tyaL, -GyaL, are suffixed to a few verbal stems, and seem to
denote the performer of an action.
in- to hunt 24.26 ini’ yaL mé a hunter
ali’cani he plays alicant’yaL a player
Lo"- to eat Lowv'yaL a person that eats
gacqayG@'yat a shadow (%) 104.9
-tye, -dye. This suffix is added to a number of stems expressing
adjectival ideas. It is idiomatically employed in the formation
of comparison (see p. 417), and in some instances it is used to
indicate plurality of adjectival concepts. When used for the
purpose of expressing comparison, it seems to have a nominal-
izing function.
piiis heavy yt kwu pairlé'ye ckwi'natte they —
(pl.) look very heavy (literally,
muchas if weight [according to]
appearance) 64.8
xt/lwis deep ast’1 ta t w'tluwi ye lax ya'bas the
maggots go halfway deep (liter-
ally, middle, goes its depth [of]
the maggots) 40.12
av’us light his wi ta he'te wwi’wiye la Ene —
they two are as light as you
(literally, also he and their two
light weight [as] yours)
Singular Plural
puis puiLli'ye heavy
mi tsis 128.20 mits’ ye wise
wil Us cwdw ye light
-ytya is suffixed in one or two instances to local adverbs, giving them
an adjectival coloring, as it were.
§ 80
Boas ] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES—COOS 377
hi’nt there 5.2 hind yiya mé At la” mi'tsis from
there the people something
know 128.19, 20
tst het tama'tis hind yiya ma just
their fashion (of the) people from
there 130.8, 9
The function of this suffix may best be compared to that of
the German suffix -zge in phrases like —
der heutige Tag this day
die dortigen Einwohner the inhabitants from there
-t has heen found suffixed to the article only. It seems to express
the idea of instrumentality, although this idea may be due to
the prefixed instrumental n-.
lz it, he, the 5.1 nlé hi ta with it he went 42:8
nlé hi wu'twe with it she returned
70.23
The ‘infixed / is due to hiatus (§ 10).
Reduplication ($$ 81-83)
§ 81. Introductory
Reduplication as a means of forming grammatical processes is
resorted to frequently in Coos. The reduplication may be either
initial or final. Initial reduplication affects the consonant, vowel, or
whole syllable. It consists in the repetition of the weakened vowel
or consonant of the stem, or in the duplication of the first stem-
syllable. The connecting vowel between two reduplicated consonants
is the obscure z-vowel; but, owing to the great tendency of Coos
towards euphony, this obscure vowel is frequently affected by the
stem-vowel (see § 7). Final duplication is always consonantic, and
consists in the repetition of the final consonant by means of a con-
necting obscure vowel, which very often changes its quality in accord-
ance with the stem-vowel preceding it, or with the vowel of the suffix
that follows it (see § 7).
The grammatical use of reduplication is confined chiefly to the verb.
§ 82. Initial Redu plication
Initial reduplication expresses, in connection with the proper verbal
suffixes, intensity of action, repetition, duration, and customary
action. It is employed, furthermore, in the formation of the passive
§§ 81-82
378 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 40
voice. Syllabic reduplication is used very often in addition to a pho-
netic device (see § 84) for the purpose of forming a number of verbs
expressing transitive ideas of continuous duration. These verbs do
not then require any of the transitive suffixes. This latter application
may be of a later, secondary origin.
Examples of reduplication of initial sound, or of initial consonant and
following vowel:
wrn- to cheat Ewiwind'mi I am cheating you
gave small 128.29 geqar' ct lé wi'tin clubbed (into
pieces) is his blood 10.6
at' wit (he) killed them 124.4 @# aiai*wa’yu they were killed 58.8
pils- to tear up pEpilst’ye he was torn up 48.16
ti¥- to coil ntitiwe”’ wat I am coiling it
L0%- to buy LO“LO“w7yeqgum it is being bought
88.13, 14
Examples of syllabic duplication:
tciné heni he is thinking 24.18, éx.hant teintcinad’ts you sha’n’t
14 think of me 88.29
cim- to attract cimeima’é'wagq it was attracting by
means of its breath 88.25
itislo’ wat he recognized it i¢v’tist’li (she) is being recognized
30.28 56.5
tax hi’to“ts they two put it Ja” hithitowé’ wat these he.is put-
down 7.4 ting down 34.8
té‘p- to paint ale'ite tipti’'yap lé & with it she
painted their faces 122.6
Lo%xr- to hit andnt la” Lo“xLo” wax many that
one were hitting 80.4, 5
pov kwis slave ma porkpow wak” people she was
enslaving 70.15
wéL- to twist age'ltc witwe’yat slowly she is
twisting him 60.7
st’xtts he shook it off 42.3 nsiv'st'yax* lam shaking it off
Owing to the fact that reduplication and duplication are based upon
the principle of consonantic or stem weakening, the repeated element
occurs very often in a changed form. The following rules have been
observed in this respect:
(1) The semi-vocalic y reduplicates into a long 7.
yiwe'ntce together 64.8 iyixantct’ye it was gathered up
yaté’ wat he is coaxing him wdndj it wyati thus they were
coaxed 98.4, 5
§ 82
"a, Weer) as Vito a *
‘ >
oe
”
Boas] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES—COOS 879
(2) The spirant 2 in consonantic combinations, when reduplicated,
becomes k*. In the same manner alveolar s becomes the affricative ¢s.
is x'L/0"t we two put it in i ktu'1t/dwée" wat they are putting
26.25 them in frequently 52.9
x'tt it slid down 26.19 k-ixti’yu it was slid down 94.5
yiwe'n sta’gata onceto bathe itstsza’gaai she was bathing 84.21
she went 84.24
sto“q he stood 20.4 tsestogé” yu he was made to stand
on his feet
(3) The reduplication of the fortis palatal k! consists in the mere
amplification of the consonant by means of a prefixed a-vowel.
kla'lat he shouted 36.7 akla'laai le hi’ mis shouting is the -
woman 56.5
(4) Combinations of two or more consonants, of which a velar, a
palatal, a nasal (m, 2), an A or Z, form the second element, reduplicate
the second consonant. ‘The lateral (7) is in such cases preceded by a
vowel, since initial combinations of 7+ velar are impossible.
skwit'wat he informed him wdndj kwiskwi’wat that way he is
164.22 informing her 60.19
tscawv'yat he put it down wzeztsxawe’ wat he is putting it
36.21 down
tkwa'at he cut it off kwitkwa’yu it was cut off 76.14
sgats he seized it 36.20 ma geEsga@yu the person was
seized 10.4
L/eant he threw it 42.10 xaLlaeane’wat he is throwing it
frequently
digas fear 66.4 aqa'lgsdna@'ya he became afraid
of him 28.24, 25
tlha'tsa he put on 28.23 hatlha'yu it was put on
ament yat he tipped it over mzamené’ wat he is tipping it over
46,26
g/mits she ate it 24.16 mEg/mi'yu it is eaten 142.6
x® ali’ yat he hugged him 116.4 elwelé” yu he was hugged
Compare also —
lat’ewit she jabbed him 112.17 itlzzxii’ye he was jabbed
t!no“t he opens (the door) noL!lnowe’ wat he is constantly
opening (the door)
(5) Syllables ending in an m, , 2 + consonant omit the m, n, and Z in
the repeated syllable.
kwilt- to roar kwitkhwt'ltaai it is roaring 114.6
gals- to cut gasqa'lsaat he is cutting
§ 82
h
4
oe
a 4 ‘a )
380 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [puLL. 40
ane tits he jumped 382.4 x ited’ntaad he is jumping
mi'ntéts she asked him 62.15 ™mitcmi’ntci'yegem he is asked
70.9
ha“ma- to dress hides tie ha” xha"ma"« they two are
dressing hides 68.27, 28
dé’mit man 14.7 ic tatid’mittu you two (will) get
strong 120.17, 18
klwana"- to cut (the hair) kiwa'ck!wanace he is cutting his
hair
tsilk* to tie a knot tsi’k'tstlak’ he is tying a knot
silp- to comb (hair) si'psilap he is combing (his hair)
A number of stems occur in parallel forms showing both conso-
nantic reduplication and syllabic duplication.
yiwe'ntce together 64.8 iyiwantcené” yu it was gathered
up
yExyixentce’né'yu it was gathered
up 84.16
aene'et he is on top 10.1 xine iné wat he is putting it on
top
xix inti it is being put on top
mintc- to ask mitemi’natc she is asking 80.12
meEmintci' ye he was asked
ciitts he set atire citct’ Laat it is burning
cecu’Lu fire was set to 58.11
§ 83. Final Reduplication
Final reduplication is used for the purpose of expressing distribu-
tion, mutuality, and, in intransitive verbs, an action that is performed
now and then (see § 37). It is also employed as a means of forming
neutral verbs that indicate actions of long incessant duration.
yzg he went away ga'nis laX yag@qd'nt from the
shore they are running away (one
after the other, singly) 36.18,19
so¥*t- to trade is s0“*titd’nt hant we two will
trade (mutually) 16.7, 8
hi“ mis woman 26.7 inizxa’nad laX hi*misisdé’ni them-
selves they marry 12.5
sto“ wag he stood 20.7 stOwa'gegdnt he is continually
standing up and sitting down
kwilv’yat he rolls it kwil®ld'nt lz balti’mis rolling is
the ocean 6.2
kwta'tis dream 98.7 la¥ kwa%t#stsd’ni he is constantly
dreaming (literally, now and
then) 72.1
§ 83
|
|
|
7
Ble 8
« iciigiae
4 BOAS]
tk/wi te xa%p runs down the
water 16.9
ept le yiad'wer it burned
down, the house 58.12, 13
wu' tae he came back 28.9
kftyi! lz hi mis the woman
was lost 54.19
neg he ran away 100.16
HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES—COOS
381
th /wa' kh" tz wap is continually run-
ning down the water 17.4
apaap le yied'wee burning
(down) is the house
wutad' aa telis hime came back
(one by one) our (dual) children
44,7
hen pipdé' wis k/u' wax my hat got
lost (impersonal)
i neqa’ga they ran away (sever-
ally)
There are a number of stems expressing verbal, nominal, and adjec-
tival ideas, that appear invariably in reduplicated or doubled form.
Some of these expressions are onomatopoetic in character; others
may have been borrowed from the neighboring languages; while still
others may be new formations, necessitated by the introduction of
new ideas and concepts through the contact of the Coos with the
white people. (See also § 116.)
The following is a partial list of such stems:
e’geq killing spot 80.14
(compare e’ge- to die)
yi’myim eyelash (compare
yim- to twinkle)
wa'lwal knife 78.11
ha'ehax* wagon (compare
hatx’- to drag)
hethe’te rich 26.2
he’ he* knot 92.8
pu’ spis' cat
pi’ xpuxe a spout 30.25
mius’mus' cow
ta’ ta” basket 112.4
tsEtse’kwin cane 28.18
tselt'mtsElim button
ti’ptip white man’s paint (com-
pare 7é‘p- to paint)
tcd’xtcdx rabbit 60.23
g'imgt’mis rain (compare g‘i’mit
it rains)
ki'nk-in stick
kisk'a’sit fish-hawk
ku'’kum raven
gatgar’i belt 28.7 (compare tga't-
to put a belt on)
ga'lgat digging-stick 26.17
xi’nein saddle (compare
w*ne’et it is on top)
wa’ Laat AX (compare Lxat- to chop)
awa'lawal eye 40.1
xu tseut deer 64.19
ta'ntan to come ashore (whale) 128.28
pv pi to go home 28.3
yit'yu to stop (while traveling) 5.2
1Chinook jargon.
§ 83
382 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 40
Phonetic Changes (§§ 84-85)
Grammatical processes by means of phonetic changes are few in
number, and not clearly developed. The phonetic change may be of
a vocalic or consonantic character.
§ 84. Vocalic Changes
Vocalic change is confined to the verb, and consists in the amplifi- .
cation of the stem by means of a vowel (usually the a-vowel), or in
the modification of the vowel connecting a suffix with a stem. Stem
amplification is employed for the purpose of forming active or transi-
tive verbs from verbal stems, and of denoting duration of action.
The latter application occurs in verbs that have already been transi-
tivized by means of some transitive suffix. The stem is frequently
duplicated before amplification is applied to it (see §§ 82,83). For
another explanation of this phenomenon see §§ 4, 11.
thwit- to follow in tettc thwi'yat (they) can not fol-
low him
tcint- to reach yiad’weeete te’nar la k*ma’a.
to (the roof of) the house reached
its horn 86.25, 26
sto“q he stood 20.4 nhat! sto’wag at the foot of the
tree he stood 26.17
te yt'yt they two stopped dx yi’”yu they two stopped (for
(for a moment) 5.2 a long time) 5.5
k/a¥- to peck kito’wit k/a’wat he saw him (in
the act of) pecking at it 20.9
silp- to comb one’s hair si'pstlap he is combing his hair
mintc- to ask wind) mitemi'natc that way she is
asking 80.12
wit- to twist agelte witwée’yat slowly she is
twisting him 60.7
Modification of a connecting vowel, whenever it occurs, is employed
for the purpose of indicating duration of action. As this phenomenon
has been discussed more fully in connection with the transitive suffixes
-¢ and -ts, the reader is referred to the chapters dealing with those
suffixes (see § 26 and also p. 357), in order to avoid repetition.
da li'cit they two shake it 13.8 Ui’cat hz 1/taé (he) is shaking the
earth continually 16.2
nmu' «wrt I felt it nmu'xwat I am feeling it
nttits I painted it nitats I am painting it
§ 84
“athe V eg ti) ale eM A
A) ea m
i nO fy
Boas] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES—COOS 8838
§ 85. Consonantic Changes
The application of consonantic changes as a means of forming gram-
matical processes is a very peculiar phenomenon, characteristic of
the Coos language. Its use is confined to a very few instances; and
the process, while to all appearances consisting in the hardening
of the final consonant, is of such a petrified nature that it is no longer
possible to analyze it. It occurs only in a few nouns of relationship,
and its significance may be said to be endearing and diminutive. The
following examples of consonantic change have been found:
kwé''s a young woman 86.1 wé'tk’ a young girl 12.2
hi’mis woman 24.6 hi mik* old woman (used in the
same sense as we use our phrase
MY DEAR OLD WIFE) 58.5
damit man 14.7 ‘to’mit old man 20.2
dvlot young man 22.6 dv'lot young boy 60.2
Syntactic Particles (§§ 86-95)
§ 86. Introductory
By syntactic particles is meant here the great number of enclitic
and proclitic expletives that are employed in Coos as a means of
expressing grammatical categories and syntactic relations. They
cover a wide range of ideas, and refer more properly to the whole
sentence than to any specific part of it. With the exception of two
particles, none of them are capable of composition; that is to say,
they can not be used with any suffix or prefix, although two or even
three particles may be combined into one. Such combined particles
usually retain the functions of each of the component elements. All
syntactic particles are freely movable, and may be shifted from one
position to another without affecting the sense of the sentence.
§ 87%. Temporal Particles
1. han azovut to. It denotes actions that will take place in the im-
mediate future. Its position is freely movable, and it may be
placed before or after the verb. |
ts0 han kwitit he k*ttstma’mis now he was about to bend the half
62.29 ;
Pali’ yat han he di’lot he is about to hug the young man 114.26.
$§ 85-87
384 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 40
2. hanL sua, witt. It is regularly used to denote a future action,
and it is the sign of the future. It either precedes or follows
the verb.
nen pki’ kate hant pkito’wit I will see my grandfather
go's ditt hant hé’wi everything will grow 9.3
cin sgats han te tc/wat you shall seize that yonder fire 40.18, 19
ts alt’cant hant we two will play 38.11
in ln’yt hanz not good will (it be)
3. Ett INTEND, ABOUT TO. It gives the sentence the force of a peri-
phrastic future. It either precedes or follows the verb.
4 gantc uit &ta when anywhere you intend to go 15.3
4 dit Ut Lowe’ wat zit when something they intend to eat 38.2
gaik" te wutaa’wa Ett te'is hi*’me I thought that they two should
come back, those our (dual) children 44.7
4, nik!wa UsED TO (BE). It denotes an action that took place long
ago. It is often usedasasign of the past tense. In such cases
it is always preceded by the particle Ae UsuALLY (see below),
and it follows the verb which is used in its repetitive form.
te nik/wa yen” na'hin this used (to be) your shinny club 38.16
vay plu’ quit nik/wa water I used to boil
nuiwi' naa he ntk!wa I used to cheat
nsi'psilap he nane'k* nik/wa I used to comb my hair
By suffixing to nik/wa the obsolete suffix -/i, the temporal adverb
nik oa’ li YESTERDAY is obtained.
nik! wia'li pgqa’la yesterday I crossed (the river)
hit’ mis he'lag ln nik/wa'li a woman arrived yesterday 142.10
5. he USUALLY, FREQUENTLY, HABITUALLY, denotes an action that is
performed very frequently. The particle either precedes or
follows the verb. The verb is very often used in the repetitive
form, whenever possible.
go's mi lite he 1/d’wem always usually he is talking 15.4
temid' Le ma la tclicila’éwat he old people on that sit habitually
38.3
When following the future particle hanz, or its potential form yanz
(see p. 391), Ae coalesces with them into hanzawe and yanLtawe
respectively.
yantawe adit &ga*wenisa’naya, hantawe ale'tic Unuwt &t!/a'xEem
whenever you will get mad at something, you will talk with it
§ 87
HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES—COOS 385
loud (literally, if shall usually something you get angry at it
shall usually with it hard you be talking) 16.3, 4
yanLawe agantc ma& hi'yam, lalaY hantawe &kwi'nand’ya when-
ever a person gets ready to come from somewhere, this you
shall usually tell (literally, if shall usually from where a person
get ready [to come] this shall usually you tell it) 19.3, 4
The particle he amalgamates with the adverb yi VERY into a tem-
poral adverb, ywwe WHENEVER.
xa'lwis he yuwe la” yivu'me warm usually (it is) whenever that
one travels 24.6
yuwe yi’mat ha gos mi'léte lok“lo’kwaat whenever he twinkles
(his eyes), it is always lightning 16.6, 7
The same process may have taken place in the rare adverb towe
WHEN. The first component may bea stem, ¢o-, while the second
element is the particle he. The example given below will sub-
stantiate this assertion. We have here a complex of two sen-
tences stating a fact of frequent occurrence. In the first sen-
tence the repetitive particle occurs clearly, while it seems to be
missing in the subordinate sentence. And since, according to
the examples given above, all the components of a complex of
sentences must show the particle he, it is safe to assume that the
frequentative particle is one of the two elements in towe. The
example follows:
ayna’ Litiite he te yiew ime towe hi” mis hik!a'mtiye from
another country usually they two travel when(ever) a woman
gets her monthly courses 26.6, 7
§ 88. Particles Denoting Degrees of Certainty and
Knowledge
6. Kwa IT SEEMS, AS IF, LIKE, KIND OF, denotes an object or an action
the quantity or quality of which is not intimately known to the
speaker.
hats kwa to’ hits just as if he hit it
has kwa li’ cat hz 1/t&é almost as if he shook the earth 16.2
hats kwa i’'yu wina’qaxem lét rowé" wat just like a rainbow is
spread out that (which) he was eating 32.14
hats kwa yto’miz just like an old man I (am)
1. ytku, k” MAYBE, PERHAPS, I GUESS. Both forms appear without
any apparent distinction. This particle may apply to any part of
speech in asentence, and its position is freely movable. Ithasa
3045°—Bull. 40, pt. 2-12-25 § 88
A}
386 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 40 _
dubitative character. It expresses the possibility of a certain
action taking or having taken place, and at the same time doubts
the certainty of its occurrence.
hi'ni k¥ @'k'nxem liye hi’ tate there perhaps amongst (them) is
your elder brother 94.28
tst k” tc hewese’ni merely perhaps you two are lying 28.13, 14
ta’ yetat k" (she) may get hungry 64.15 |
Ea’ nis k* maybe (that) you are sick
This particle is very often followed by the negation tm Nor.
yiku in xii/nis he is probably sick (literally, maybe [or maybe]
not he is sick)
- When followed by the future particle Aanz, it amalgamates with it
into yikwant or kwant (see $§ 8, 9), and it is translated by
(1) WONDER WHETHER, (I) SUPPOSE IF.
ni kwant a’ ya nqa'ya won't I loose my breath? (literally, not I
perhaps will [be] gone my breath) 54.13, 14
la¥ nat /ts kwant suppose I hit that one with a club (literally,
that one I hit it with a club perhaps shall) 124.16
yikwant di'lté yLowe wat I wonder what I shall eat (literally,
maybe will that there I eat it) 32.19, 20
It is contracted with the following az into yikiiz, kiiz (see § 9 and
p- 391).
yikit in lz’ yi perhaps that will be good (literally, perhaps would
[be] that not good)
yikiL atctte yit rim nha“ts I wonder how it would be if I
should make a dam (literally, perhaps would [be] how, if should
a dam I make) 34.16
in kit qaic ha“ pit ten wmi’nkate could not my son-in-law cut off
a chunk? (literally, not perhaps would a chunk cut off this my
son-in-law) 128.29
When followed by the particle #7 suRELY (see p. 388), it is contracted
with it into yikwtl or kwil (see § 8), and lends to a statement a
high degree of probability.
qa' wax kwil li’'ye ha rétc above may (be) surely your elder brother
96.4, 5
The particle yiku, kX, appears sometimes as yikwa, yikwe, or kwe.
The reason for this phonetic change could not be found.
yikwa gantc ta where may it have gone? (literally, perhaps some-
where it went?) 88.3
§ 88
048] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES—Coos 387
yikwe di't te yk'ito’wit what may it be that I see? (literally, per-
haps something this I see it) 108.11
kwa kwe yi in G'yu 1 sla? (1) wonder if it is not so, cousin? (liter-
ally, as if perhaps very not surely [it] must be, O cousin!) 38.21
8. hakwat, kwat. A compound particle having the same signifi-
cance as kwa. It consists of the unexplained prefix ha- (which
seems to occur also in hamiz, see p. 392), the particle kwa, and
the abbreviated form of dz't (see p. 407).
hakwat xia’ yam lz l’kwit kind of reddish (were) the feathe.s 20.10
k!/watnt hakwat ga'l“atat he heard some kind of a noise (literally,
he heard as if a noise were made) 60.29
9. gén denotes suspicion. It is very difficult to render it in English
otherwise than by a whole sentence.
kwa gén dit u/t’mzg she suspected some scent (literally, as if,
suspicion, something [a] smell) 24.10
kwa gén mé te stna’é'wat it seems as if you two are hiding a per-
son (literally, as if, suspicion, a person you two are hiding) 24.11
10. gaiku expresses a supposition on the part of the speaker. It
was invariably rendered by 1 THOUGHT. Its first component
can not be analyzed, while the second is clearly the particle k”.
gaiku te wutaa'xa Bit te’ts hime I thought they two were going
to come back, these our two children 44.7
gaiku in il yeéne” t6 I thought not surely (this was) your property
112.7
11. gaint. Neither of the two elements of this particle can be
analyzed. It indicates that a certain fact came suddenly into
one’s recollection, and may best be translated by oH, I RECOL-
LECT, I REMEMBER. It is usually amplified by the particle
(see p. 392), which either follows it immediately or else is placed
at the very end of the sentence.
guint L nwa'wata % gays he recollected that this was a spider
(literally, recollection, must be, with [its] spider, world) 30.3
gaint k* nto’we & qa'yis t he came to remember that there was
such a thing (literally, recollection, perhaps, with such a thing,
the world, must [be]) 32.9
12. natst. Itis used by the speaker for the purpose of expressing
doubt. It was rendered by 1 pousrT.
§ 88
388
13.
14.
15. ckw indicates knowledge by evidence. It is used whenever the
§ 88
BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [ponn. 40
natsi edit la Lowe wat I doubt (whether) some one (will) eat it.
36.9
nats2 xtcite tin sqgats (we) doubt (whether) we (shall) catch it
56.19, 20 |
h@n uearsay. It denotes that a certain occurrence or fact is
known to the speaker from hearsay only. It may best be trans-
lated by I WAS TOLD, IT IS SAID.
hi! wi hén lez wi'ngas & temi’sndtc grew up the Spider’s grandson |
it is said 66.11, 12
pENLo wai hén ta’ ntan whales are reported to (have) come ashore
128.28
yéne tle hén la” nac’wit your enemies (as I heard you say) those I |
killed 110.16, 17
7l SURELY, CERTAINLY, confirms a statement, and gives it the |
appearance of certainty. It is often used in apposition to hén,
whenever the speaker wishes to imply that he himself was a wit-
ness of a certain occurrence. It denotes knowledge by experi-
ence, and may be translated by r1sawir. It either follows or
precedes that part of a sentence which it is to specify more
clearly.
mit tl nLdwé” wat persons I do eat, indeed 24.18 |
niloxqgai’nis mé il I am a doctor, surely 10.2 !
tct tl &16"k" there, indeed, sit down 38.22
nkito’ wit tl I saw him, for sure
xd’nis il he is sick (I saw it)
lze’yi hantel it will be good certainly 15.9 (hantel= hee ae
see § 7)
in hel sla not so, cousin 42.23 (see § 7)
4
.
speaker wishes to state a fact that occurred beyond doubt, but
whose causes are not known to him. It is composed of c” (see
p. 389) and &*. It may be rendered by IT MUST HAVE BEEN
THAT. |
yl awii chu hit“mi’ke yu’kwe two women must have gone ashore
126.11, 12 (the speaker knows this fact to be true by sna
the ele on the sand beach)
hats chu kwa «mé la tet hithitowe” wat just it must be as if a per-
son that thing there put it 112.2 (the evidence of this fact was
the finding of the object in question) |
HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES—COOS 889
§ 89. Particles Denoting Connection with Previously
Expressed Ideas
16. yiqax, ytqa. The exact significance of this particle is not clear.
It was rendered by sTILL, ANYWAY, AT ANY RATE, NEVERTHE-
LESS, RIGHT AWAY, Just. In some cases it denotes a continual
action.
yiga in to'hits he to'gmas still not he hit the woodpecker 22.5
yiga hant tsix: &hak"to“’ wat ti'ye iz’ at any rate, you will here
leave your canoe 54.10, 11
yigax hant gta right away I am going
ma yt’xwe ma ta, yiga tt tsxat'wat even if two persons go, never-
theless they kill them 90.10
hats yiga xqa' wax te kwina'éwat jast continually from above they
two look at it 6.9
17. gats HOWEVER, NEVERTHELESS, NOTWITHSTANDING.
agawax hi'k!witém, la“ gats kwa Wyu Lowa hai ga'xante from
above, some one pulled him, however, it seemed as if he surely
ran upwards (by himself) 92.9, 10
gats kwitkwa'yu, hats laqa” we lz @'la nevertheless it was cut off
(and) it just died, the chiid 76.15, 16
18. md BUT, EVEN IF, REALLY.
ma yt’xwi ma ta, yiga tt tsxat’wat even if two persons go, never-
theless they kill them 90.10
ma yantawe ti'miti dvt éto'hits, yiga hantawe la &tsxat'wat
even if strong something you will strike, still you will kill it
124.11, 12
ma with the negative particle im is rendered by Nor AT ALL.
ma in m&é kwad'niya, ma wind) L/d'xzem not at all people he
saw, nevertheless that way he was talking (making believe that
he saw them) 30.27
19. nad, nadyim BECAUSE.
Ealgsita'mi, ndyim wind) &i/ad'xem you scare me, because that
way you are talking 110.15, 16
n@, a'yu ga'lyeg ha'ltsat because surely salmon (will) come into the
river 36.26
§ 90. Particles Denoting Emotional States
20. ec” expresses slight surprise at a state of affairs that has come into
existence contrary to one’s expectations.
hi” mis c¥ la ala a female (was) his child (a boy was expected in
this case) 108.6 §§ 89-90
‘
390 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 40
dd mit c G'yu a man (it was) surely
tstimi’ye cE summer it got 30.20
tso c¥ rg/ now it was cooked 34.2
ytt c# re &k/a'lat too loud you shout (literally, very contrary to my
expectations you shout [the speaker ordered the whale to shout
loud, but he did not expect such a noise; hence the use of ¢” in
this sentence]) 36.15
hi'wi c® le wi'ngas & temi'sndéte grown up (has) the Spider’s
grandson (this statement was made by a person who believed
the boy to have been dead) 64.24, 25
c¥ is combined with the future particle hanz into canz, and with the
potential wz into ciiz (see § 9). These new particles express
expectation that will certainly be fulfilled, and may be trans-
lated by I HOPE, IT OUGHT.
élz'yit cant you will be all right (I hope) 124.14
ni cant tcite xa'ttd (I hope) he won’t do anything to me (literally,
not to me, it ought, what he does) 116.2
yt cit nk lak ina wis yiit yr1i’mlet I ought to get very tired, if I
keep on spearing (literally, very much, it ought to be, I with-
out laziness, if should I spear it) 34.17
lz’ yi cit 1 la” in kwitkwa'yu good it might have been if that one
not had been cut off 76.16
la" cit ni'citc is pid'yat (of) that a little we two ought to take
home 112.3
c¥ is frequently prefixed to the demonstrative pronoun ¢z, forming
a new particle ctz or cta. This particle often follows the
interrogative forms of ¢citc, dit, and wit (see pp. 407, 411),
giving the interrogation a tinge of surprise, as it were.
ew’ tit cta who are you? (literally, you, who is it?)
di’ ti cta te nkito’wit what do I see? (literally, what is it that I
see?) 106.16, 17
ater’ tet cta tr laY in L/nd“ tat why does it not come open? (liter-
ally, why is it that that one not comes open?) 76.4
21. ctl InDEED. Composed of c¥ andi. It has retained the signifi-
cance of both of its component elements. It consequently
denotes a fact known by actual experience, at the occurrence
of which the speaker is surprised, as it came into existence
contrary to his expectations. |
his cil Ene ye mé'li’ kuk" ta & x'na’at also indeed, thou, O heart of ©
salmon! runnest? 36.19, 20
tso cil ewindji'ye now, indeed, that way it is 8.2
ene cil you it is, indeed 10.3
§ 90
BoAS] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES—COOS 391
This particle occurs frequently with the transitional suflix -iye
(see § 35).
hi'nt cili’'ye mandj k!wa%mt there, indeed, already he felt it
32.16, 17
22. hétte indicates surprise. The native Coos is unable to render it.
Its meaning was deduced from the sense of the sentences in
which it occurred.
héethats da’ mit k-tto' wit tsxi hite lin heni’/k"ndte suddenly a man
she saw lying with her elder sister 50.22, 23
mé hem'tset hite a person was laid bare 58.22
§ 91. Particles Denoting the Conditional
23. ML woud, SHOULD. It puts the sentence in which it occurs in
a potential mode. It may either precede or follow the verb to
which it belongs.
kat'e’misen gatimi'ye UL wu'twe ten a’la in five days, if should
return my child 42.22, 23
la¥ tit qkito'wit alt’ cant & mén (1) should be the one to see them
play, if— 92.16
nkv’ to“ts tx I should find it if—
xtc'tciL how would it be if— 5.2 (contracted from atci/tci + az;
see § 9).
24. yuL 1F—SHOULD, IF—WOULD. Itgives the sentence a conditional
tinge. It occurs usually in the subordinate sentence whenever
az has been used in the co-ordinate sentence, although it is fre-
quently used independently of dz. It always precedes the verb.
xtc tcuL yu ts s0*titdé’nt how would it be if we two should trade?
15.6
yuL kwina’éwat laX in tit aatwa'yu le hime if she had seen it,
they not would have been killed, the children 58.10, 11
le’ yi yt ynzi'me good (would it be) if I should have a fish-trap
34.19
25. yan L iF expresses the conditional in the present or future tense.
It usually precedes the verb, and it is used in subordinate sen-
tences in apposition to hanz. It also occurs independently of
hant. Since the native Coos does not distinguish between the
conditional present and future tenses, yanz is used to express
also the present conditional.
i nt hant kwina't, yant yc®a'letet they will not see me, if I [will]
work 128.23, 24
§ 91
392
26.
BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 40
yan én dowa'ya xwind), yice” av't hant eémitsmitsta’mi if you
don’t want it that way, one thing I will teach you 124.7, 8
... yant yrad’ L/ta/atc és hélag when in another country we
two shall arrive 28.23
nk: lint yantel I guess, I will try, surely (literally, if I shall try,
surely; yantel=yant+i, see § 7)
§ 92. Exhortative Particles
I MUST, NECESSARILY. It signifies that a certain state of affairs
or an action must take place. It has therefore the force of an
emphatic imperative. It is placed either before or after the
verb (or noun), no matter whether the verb is used in its impera-
tive form or not. -
ttcila’ats t cin ta'zx close to the shore you (must) go 30.23
ga xante L pevte loud you (must) shout (literally, shout upwards)
30.26
in t tcite wa'tte ten da’mit don’t you do anything to my husband
(literally, not [must], manner, do it, [to] that my husband) 26.15
ciné tila'gat b you must stay (here)
elaga“wiya' tant L you (must) tell a story 38.13, 14
46 1 ut le’yi this must be good (literally, that thing, necessarily,
should be good) 40.25
27. hamtL, m@tL,7L. The exact function of this particle defies all
attempts at an explanation. It was usually translated by Let
ME, I SHOULD LIKE TO, BETTER (IT WILL BE, IF), whenever it
referred to the speaker. When referring to the person spoken
to or spoken of, it was rendered by BETTER, YOU MAY, PLEASE,
A WHILE.
hamit nkwina'éwat I should like to look at him
mit ditté” to’ hits better hit this one 124.15
hamit éne «ale ite &k: /’ntqgem you may with it try 92.1
hamit et/dts please, speak 16.2
mit halt! éne ale'tte &L/ats now you with it speak (a while) 16.5
2L hant «xtcitc va'tad? what (would be) better to do? 86.10
In examining these sentences one must arrive at the conclusion that
§ 92
hamiz (or mit) is of an exhortative character. By its means the
speaker either. asks permission of the imaginary person spoken
to, to perform a certain action, or he conveys a polite command
to the person spoken to. In both cases the granting of the
—
desire is a foregone conclusion.
MAN) MIE Sie hy
Boas] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES—COOS 393
hamit and miz are contracted with the periphrastic han into hamitan
and mitzan, adding to the particle a future significance.
hamitan yi /étc let me go out 28.26
hamiztan nv'kin pwild” wat let me look for wood 102.3
mitan &muatitsa’mi permit me to feel of you 72.17
28. kwts tet ustwo. This particle is composed of the particle k*
PERHAPS and of the inclusive form of the personal pronoun és
WE Two. Its function is that of an imperative for the inclusive.
The verb, which it always precedes, takes the imperative suffixes.
kwis txa’te let us two chop wood 26.15, 16
kwis tsz'mtitse tz taha’ lik \et us two loosen that quiver 122.27
29. kwtn LET Us (ALL) exercises the function of the imperative for
the first person plural. The first.component is, beyond doubt,
the particle 4“ pernars. The second element can be no other
than the personal pronoun for the first person plural fin. The ©
contraction of k*+ tin into kwin may have been effected by the
analogy of k¥+ 74s into kwis.
kwin te tsxé’we let us kill him quickly 68.3
kwin sqa'tsz \et us seize it
§ 93. Particles Denoting Emphasis
30. he’. By its means the Coos emphasizes any part of speech. It
usually precedes the word to be emphasized.
hé yu xtc yua” mé a very insignificant man (literally, emphasis,
very small man) 42.6
hé' xi Ula Lowi’ tat xa/*pate she first ran into the water 56.9
hé' cil kwék'v'ye surely, indeed, it was a girl 12.1, 2
Whenever Aé precedes the conjunction hats, it forms a new particle,
which is rendered by SUDDENLY.
héhats mé k*tto’wit suddenly a person she saw 54.2
héhats t/no” tat lz tc/’lz suddenly came open the door 62.5
31. hé'kwatn wxcreEepinety (like the English colloquial awFuLty).
This particle consists of the following three independent and
separable components: /é, kwa, and in. Literally translated,
the particle means VERILY, IT SEEMS NoT. Since the phrase is
used as a sort of an exclamation with an interrogative character,
it may best be compared to our English exclamation 1sn’r THIS
A FINE DAY! which really means THIS IS A FINE DAY.
§ 93
894 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bunn. 40
A
hékwain lz’ yi & tluwe'*tcas she was awfully glad (literally, what,
as if not her heart good?) 64.9, 10
hékwain xhi'wis m& avery poor man (literally, what, as if not
a poor man?) 42.5
h&kwa tt in dowa'ya they liked him very much (literally, what,
as if they not liked him?) 24.29
32. tfE is used in direct discourse only. It always follows the word
that is to be emphasized.
n'ne ite le E&dowayrxta'ts ga“’wa I am (emphatic) the one you
wanted (last) night 50.25, 26
&hi” mis itz! you will (be) a woman (emphatic) 24.20
té itz kwa’war li'ye ek“tdic this (emphatic) (is) the bow (of) thy
father 62.24
ga' lyeg itz in tte pEnto’war it is salmon, not whale (literally, sal-
mon [emphasis], not [emphasis] whale) 130.12, 13
§ 94. Restrictive Particles
33. La onty. It limits the action to a certain object. It always fol-
lows the word so limited.
la" ta tn tcite walt (to) that only not anything he did 68.13
wa'lwal ta a'tsem a knife only give me 80.14, 15
wind) ta te kwee'niyém that way only people know them two
19.10
34, ts? SIMPLY, MERELY, Just. It has a slight restrictive character.
tst &ga'gat you were merely sleeping 68.19
yriae'n gattimi'ye tsi in dv't one morning, it was simply gone (lit-
erally, once, morning it got, simply, not something) 88.3
tsi contracts with the following hanz into ¢sanz (see § 9).
tsanz éta’tcints only then shall you have it 78.15
§ 95. The Interrogative Particle i
35. @ This particle, exercising the function of our sign of interroga-
tion, is used only in sentences that have no other interrogation.
It is usually placed at the end of the sentence.
a’yu &tloxqar’nis % surely (art) thou a doctor? 10.4
tsix ta tat did they two go (by) here? 96.18, 19
Eekwind éwat % nen ha’ tate have you seen my elder brothers?
96.18
When preceded by the particle han, 7 is rendered by may 1?
ng/mits han 7 may I eat it?
§§ 94-95
1 Bae DRC MESA cl Segre A Re
te bo 2 Lh) aah) ial wy A is abd ta *
Wed
- poas) HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES—COOS 395
THE PRONOUN (§§ 96-100)
§ 96. The Independent Personal Pronouns
Coos has two sets of independent personal pronouns, formed from
two different stems.
The first of these two sets is formed from the stem -zkan for the
first and second persons, and -xka for the third person, to which are
prefixed the personal pronouns (see § 18), giving the following series:
Ist person, . . . nE'xkan
Singular .... (2 person t!) Grit: e’xkan
BG: Person.) ous ve xi ka
Inclusive . ... . isnE’xkan
=a ery 2 xwinnE’xkan
PPR CAP See sd oars
Za Person: <' 435s ice/xkan
3d person... « « Head ke
Ist person. .. . tinnzE’xkan
Ploral se oe J cies . PCTSOR shee cine/xkan
3d person. .. . tka’ ka
The obscure vowel in nz’xkan is due to the law of consonantic clus-
ters (see § 4).
For the dropping of the glottal stop, inherent in the second person
singular, see § 3.
The peculiar vowels in the third person singular may be the com-
bined effect of accent and of the dropping of the final n.
It will be seen from this table that the singular forms are the basis
for the corresponding dual and plural forms. Thus, the inclusive is
formed by combining the inclusive pronoun és with the singular for
- the first person nz’xkan, the second person dual is composed of the
personal pronoun for the second person dual tc, and the singular for
the second person akan, etc.
These pronouns have the force of a whole sentence, and may be
translated by I (THOU, HE... ) AM THE ONE, WHO
ne akan hant la" yeinti’yat te xi*p I will be the one to run
away with that water 40.20, 21
his hant éukan yiwé” &k!wint also thou shalt be the one to shoot
one (arrow) 13.1
§ 96
P
¥
a
396 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 40
That the dual and plural forms of this set are not felt to be integral
units, and may easily be separated according to their component ele-
ments, is best shown by the following example:
ts} hant nz'xkan awin &vlta’mi now will we two tell thee
126.21, 22 (nz’xkan xwin instead of ewinne’xkan)
This use of the singular pronouns in place of the plural has been
referred to in § 46.
The second set of independent personal pronouns may be called the
‘*verbal set.” These pronouns are formed by prefixing the personal
pronouns 2, ¢, etc., to the stem -ne, which seems to have a verbal sig-
nificance. The pronouns thus obtained may be translated by Ir Is 1,
IT IS THOU, etc.
The third persons singular, dual, and plural have no special forms
in this set; but they are replaced by 2d, dawxd, xi, forms related to
ai ki, hand’ ki, and itxd’ ka.
The series follows.
Istiperson 2). n/ne
SIMO ES el oF ote rf person! 2) a0 So. ene
3d person. ... Evad
Inclusive... . i/sne
OY Een a as no te ees xwin'ne
2d) PETSON fe) 40) 4) vs acne
3d person... . Wadi
Ist person. . ... tin’/ne
Plural . fs PEVSOW oii eo est cin’ne
3d person’; )i) 5.) 4 Wad
his hant y’ne tct nla I too will go there 94.22
halt! ene tstx* esto“qg now it is thy turn to stand here 64.32
his xi c®a’'letet she too is working 22.26, 27
The Possessive Pronouns (§§ 97-98)
§ 97. The Sign of Possession,
The idea of possession is expressed in Coos by means of the posses-
sive particle 7, which follows the term expressing the possessor, and
precedes that indicating the possessed object. The possessor is not
infrequently preceded by the article.
§ 97
Boas] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES—COOS 397
k!lwe he t t'nék’ ktx0''tsa leaves of a willow he found 30.17, 18
he hi icit! 4 la wi’ntset Hetcit’s child got on top 24.23
ta lem? yat le mead’ ye 1 kwii'x" they two set up the eagle’s feathers
8.10
ewind) i ty'nas he tsa’ yux" ta’nik* such (was) the name of the small
river 46.10, 11
The possessive sign very frequently takes the place of the possessive
pronoun for the third persons singular and plural.
le’ y2 % tluwe*icis he was glad (literally, good his heart) 32.5
aya chu % gaya she must have lost her breath (literally, gone must
be her breath) 58.24, 25
ta t ha“ we lz tcict’mit the spruce-tree is growing (literally, goes
its growth, the spruce-tree) 20.16
ta & paa'wes lz xad%p the water is filling up (literally, goes its
fullness, the water) 44.17
G’wi & Lowa’ was she finished eating (literally, it ended, her food)
24.13
he é'stis m& art’maqa t tx* some people had large canoes (liter-
ally, some people, large their canoes) 44.20
yiawd' t hii*mi’k'e he has two wives (literally, two [are] his
wives) 20.3
Qi a xna' at le no'sk'vli the Big Woman came quickly (literally,
comes her quickness, the Big Woman) 78.26
The possessive sign is employed in impersonal sentences, where the
subject of the sentence is g@’yis WORLD or mén PEOPLE. In these
cases the subject is placed at the end of the sentence, and the posses-
sive sign is affixed to the possessed object, immediately preceding the
subject. The sentences are rendered by THERE WAS, THEY ARE.
k: lax/ta' & ga’ yis there was no land (literally, without [its] land
the world) 5.5; 6.1
in telle'wzm & g@’yis there was uo low tide (literally, not [has] its
dry condition [the] world) 15.8
nod wata & ga@'yis there was a spider (literally, with its spider
[is] the world) 30.3
guict' nis kwee'ti % mén people were Living in a small place (liter-
ally, in a small place their living [place have] people) 50.7
tct t'kine % mén there they were standing (literally, there their
standing [place, severally have] people) 74.28
§ 97
=
398 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 40 |
§ 98. The Possessive Pronouns Proper
The possessive pronouns proper are formed by prefixing to the
personal pronouns 2, &, etc., the article Zz or Az, or the demonstrative
pronoun ¢z. These forms may be regarded as loose prefixes.
ist person . hen len ten
Singular. .. (2 Personis. |e) 7 li’ye li’/ya ti'/ye
8d person... , ha ld, la ta (?)
Imclustyer (7 '. ve es he’is le’is te’is
Ba eo — of te beans he’xwin le'xwin te/xwin
2d person. ... he’ic le/ic te’ic
3d person, .. .; « he’tix le’ix te’tz
Ist Person. ie vein he’tin le'tin te/lin
Plgral yy cys5 iy e PETSOR« 4 aye yey/s he'cin le’cin te/cin
3d person... . he’it leit te/it
The second person singular /z’ye has resulted from the combination
le+eé. This phonetic irregularity remains unexplained. The forms
li'ya and da occur before nouns having a-vowels (see § 7).
a'yu cili’'ye hen kw%a'tis surely, true came my dream 100.14
la” kwina’é'wat li’'ye Uuwe'*tcis that one is looking into thy heart
14.8
pi nts li'ya kala bend thy foot 120.13
han ye'es la t/ktts into his mouth she poured it 102.12
la¥ hant he’ts kata’lis these shall be our two subjects 124.6
halt!yt na?nt he'tin c¥®alcta’was too great (is) our work 68.27
Lowa kats he'tt &ndte living is their mother 84.21
lé t/aha’was her clothes 110.3
Lowa’ kats la @’la his child remained 110.10
aii’ nis le'awin e'k“Late sick is our (dual) father 126.18, 19
ic ta’ tsit le'te e'k“Ldte you two go and get your (dual) father 20.13
dx kwiskwi' wat le'tia e'k"tate they two were informing their (dual)
father 20.25
Hyuwi'ltz le’cin sd'wet! wiggle your fingers! 122.8
gtsxat’ wat hant tey mi'nkatc 1 will kill that my son-in-law 26.22
ti'yex ek" tate hant la” ki’ to“ts ti’ye tx thy father will find thy
canoe 54.11
A peculiar form of the possessive pronoun for the first person singu-
lar is the frequently occurring ney. This form may be explained as a
reduplicated stem, in which the first 7 is, so to speak, the article for
the first person singular, formed in analogy to /z or Az.
nen pka' kate hanzt pk ‘ito’ wit my grandfather I shall see
acatwa'yu ney hime killed were (all) my children 62.18
§ 98
TLce Vo OS bel, oly! eR he oe! AEA
it See Be os 1 i
RMR Pte sy sh :
HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES—-COOS 399
The personal pronouns without prefixes are often employed as pos-
sessive pronouns. In such cases the second person singular ¢* occurs
as ye.
vtct nda’ mit? which one (is) my husband? 80.3
aya nga'ya I am out of breath (literally, dead my breath) 66.27
nant hant yé Lowa'was you will have much to eat (literally, much
will [be] your food) 54.6
ka hant yén k/wints yla'ats a rope around thy neck I’ll put 94.12
In two instances the possessive pronoun of the third person singular
is amplified by the addition of the possessive sign.
lz'yi hé % tluwe'*tcis he is good-natured (literally, good [is] his
heart)
dzu'lt lé t kwi'yos a fur-seal (as) his dog 132.2
A possessive pronoun expressing absence is formed by prefixing to
the personal pronouns the prefix £:/d-. The form for the first person
singular only could be obtained in this series. .
nt kwiskwi'tt tex kin wma not me informed that my (absent)
grandmother 62.12
Besides these pronouns, there is another series of independent pos-
sessive pronouns. They are formed by prefixing to the verbal form
of the personal pronouns n’ne, ene, etc., the article hz or Jz, or the
demonstrative ¢z, and by suffixing the possessive sign 7.
stperson. ...
Singular. .. ZO Merson.) jy.)
sd person’...
Exclusive. . . .
20" Person’. 3/60
3d person .
Dual .
= Sabie earns
Plural. .
2d person .
fa person. .
3d person .
hen’new
yerneu!
headiu’
heisneu’
hexwin’neu
heicnev’
hetiaacu!
hetin’neu
hecin’neu
hettxdu’
The second person singular shows a phonetic irregularity which I
am at a loss to explain.
These pronouns are independent, and have a verbal significance.
They may be rendered by IT Is MINE, IT IS THINE, etc.
§ 98
400 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL 40
hen'ne“ 16 te gz'mé my property is that camas 112.6,7
&hen’ne* z/le you (are) my enemy 118.3
yéne pit L/a'néx thy cradle is new 38.17
hexii”’ 16 hén it is his property (it is said) 116.21, 22
§ 99. The Reflexive Pronouns
The reflexive pronouns are formed by prefixing the possessive pro-
nouns to the stem ¢e¢ Bopy. The possessive pronominal prefixes for
the first and second persons singular are n- and ye®- respectively.
The third person singular has no pronominal prefix. The rest is
regular.
Ist person. .. . ntet
Singular. .. 2a Person): ).,.'. yetet
8d person... . tet
Inclusive... . he’istet
Dual Exclusive. . . |. he/xwintet
Gitte Qdperson.... he’ictet
30 PETSODN re) (ees he’ tatet
: Ist person. .. . he’tintet
Ploral pn se Zaiperson lenge it. hetcintet
SOUPEREOIM ses he’ittet
nto’ hits ntet I hit myself
tow’*ttt yetet watch thyself 74.3
wind; pi'ctcits tet thus he warmed himself 32.8
de L/a't/nx'it he’ dxtet they two examine themselves 84.3
it yu'atits he'tttet they rubbed themselves 52.13
The particle #’nizw ALONE is not infrequently placed before the verb
(see § 108), and emphasizes the subject.
x nizx nto’ hits ntet alone I hit myself
§ 100. The Demonstrative Pronouns
The demonstrative pronouns exhibit a variety of forms. Attempts
have been made to discover whether the different forms may not
indicate position from the standpoint of the speaker; but they have
proved unsuccessful, owing to the fact that this idea does not seem to
be clearly developed in Coos. Only the first two pronouns seem to
accentuate this distinction. The following demonstrative stems have
been found.
§§ 99-100
-) Tihany ta en th
Boas] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES—COOS 401
té denotes an object that is near to the speaker, and may be translated
by THIS HERE. It always precedes the object to which it refers.
té* hant to’ hits this here he shall hit 20.14
té e&pa%ts this here you fill up 78.12
It is frequently employed as an adverb in the sense of HERE.
te nyiau’me here I travel 26.9
ntée haz? I (am) here, O elder brother! 72.26.
tE indicates an object that is away from the speaker, and may be
rendered by THAT THERE. It usually precedes the object.
thwite”’ wat tz to’gmas he is following that (there) woodpecker 22.2
tie kito'wit tz 1/taé they two saw that (there) land 6.5
dv'tice'te te ni/aga’éwat with what (shall) I point my finger (at)
this one (there?) 40.24
tz often exercises the function assigned in English to the conjunc-
tion THAT.
xtcv'tchi te gd"s mi’ldte &yiau’me why (is it) that always you
travel? 48.14
xtci’ tet te wind) évlta’ts why (is it) that thus you tell it to me?
(For ¢z asa prefix in possessive pronouns, see § 98. See also under
la“ below, and lewi, p. 402.)
ditté’”. A compound pronoun composed of the indefinite particle dz‘
SOMETHING (see p. 407) and the demonstrative ¢é THIs HERE. It
may be translated by THIS HERE.
ditte” k“tt'yex this stone here 124.16, 17
ditte’. Acompound of dit someruine (see p. 407) and ¢z THAT THERE.
It is usually translated by THAT THERE.
ditte’ te ki’ yex that stone yonder
ditte’ m& the person yonder
la“, ha“. This pronoun has the force of a whole sentence. It
applies to both subject and object, and it is used in singular and
in plural alike. It invariably precedes the subject or object
to which it refers. It may be translated by HE, THAT IS THE
ONE; HE IT IS.
yiae'n gatimi ye laX L/éte hét to’miz one morning that one went
out, (namely) that old man 20.4.
agantc la” sv’**t¥tsa la” tct ta from where he (was the one to)
scent it, there he (was the one to) go 22.24
la® lé awi' lux” ba’na“tat that (was the one) his head became bald
30.14
3045°—Bull. 40, pt. 2—12——26 § 100
ee a
402 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 40
la” temi'te ma la” tc/icila'éwat he it is the old people (it is they
who) sit (on) that, usually 38.3
la” in la“ Vixats he did not look at it (literally, he was the one,
not, it was the thing, he looked at it) 40.8
la" hant te c#®a'letet it is they two (who) shall work 68.26
ktda' minate ha" xi /it into the bowl she put it 102.6, 7
la¥ and ha” are frequently emphasized by the prefixed article or by
the demonstrative pronoun Zz.
lz la’mak:, lala” tz bildji'yxx the bones, those are the Umpqua
Indians 50.5, 6
lala" he Lowe" wat that’s what she usually eats 24.5, 6
tela” nha*ts te L/té I am the one who made that land 10.3, 4
In composite sentences having one and the same subject, /a” and ha
are used in the subordinate sentence to avoid the repetition of
the subject.
kwina’ was sv'*'t#tsa (le di'lot) 4 la” hint sto“g smoke scented (the
young man) as he stood there 22.23, 24
ad’ nana'ya la a@'la 4 laY leqga”’we his child made him feel sorry,
when it died 42.18, 19
lew?, a demonstrative pronoun with verbal force. It is invariably
followed by the article or by the demonstrative pronoun ¢z,; and
it is sometimes, for the sake of emphasis, preceded by Ja”. It
may be translated by IT IS, THAT IS.
lewt lz eni’k*exem that is it, sticking out 46.11
hé ctl lewi’ye lz tc/v'le surely, indeed, it was a door 72.25
lat, hat, a demonstrative pronoun used for subject and object, singu-
lar and plural. It precedes the subject or object. It denotes
objects that have been previously mentioned. It is composed
of the article 7z, Az, and of the abbreviated form of the particle
dit SOMETHING (see p. 407).
ga' note sto“g lat to’mizt outside stood that old man 20.4, 5
wind) L/déts lét hi”’mik: thus spoke that old woman 102.10
aso’ sgats hit hi’mitk lux swat again seized that old woman
the grizzly bear 102.21, 22 }
te nuga'ga hit tumi'te they two ran away, those old people
24.12, 13
hét and /ét have a nominalizing function, and often take the place
of our relative pronouns.
hats kwa la” i'yu wina'qaxem lat rowe*’wat just like a rainbow
was spread out (that thing) which he was eating 32.14
§ 100
Boss] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES—COOS 403
tev'tcu ta la” atoXs hat &i/aha’éwat why (is it) that that thing stiff
(is) which you have on 110.4, 5
#6 has a nominal force, and denotes THAT KIND, SUCH A THING. It
always precedes the object.
a'yu 16 kt’ 16"ts he pa’xwiya surely, that kind he found, the man-
zanita berries 32.10, 11
tsd @'yu 6 hats now surely, that thing she made 60.16
When preceded by a possessive pronoun, 40 expresses the idea of
property.
hen'ne" 16 tz qe’md that camas belongs to me 112.6, 7
L6 has a local meaning, and may be translated by in iT, on rv. It
always follows the object to which it refers.
p’ sik wtsem 10 ni'ciic xa*p ha” wea cup give me, in it a little
water have 68.17, 18
tsett’x*ume LO he’ he“ ha” we! on this side make a knot (literally,
where this side is, on it a knot make) 92.7, 8
k!dm my apseNtT. The prefix of this possessive pronoun may be
regarded as a demonstrative pronoun (see pp. 323, 399).
THE NUMERAL (§§ 101-102)
§ 101. The Cardinals
1. yive” 20. ytawd' ha
2. ytawd’ 30. yipsz’nka
3. yt psEn 40. heci tha
4, he'cr't 50. hat‘ x/miska
5. kat‘ ’mis 60. yixe” wiegha
6. yixe” wieg 10. ytawd' wiegka
7. ydawd' wieg 80. yive” ahitka
8. yive” ahat 90. ytewd' ahitka
9. ytawa' ahit 100. yiwé” ni’kin
10. rep/ga'nit 111. yixé” ni’h-in tep!ga'nit
11. tep!ga'ni yixet gist yriaet! gtst
12. tep!ga'ni yiawst gtsi
The Coos numeral system is of a quinary origin, and, strictly
speaking, there are only five simple numeral stems; namely, those for
the first five numerals. The numerals for SIX, SEVEN, EIGHT, and NINE
are compounds, the second elements of which can not be explained.
In the same manner the numeral for TEN defies all attempts at analysis.
Besides the cardinals, Coos exhibits special forms for the ordinal,
multiplicative, and distributive numerals, formed by means of adding
certain numeral suffixes to the cardinal numerals (see §§ 74-77).
§ 101
404 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 40
The collective numerals expressed in English by the phrases In
TWOS, IN THREES, etc., are formed in Coos by means of suffixing to
the numerals for Two, THREE, etc., the adverbial suffix -é‘te (see § 67).
yiawd' hé'te la” hithitowé” wat in pairs he is putting them down
34.7, 8
xyipse’né'tc in threes
The collective numeral for onE, yize'ntce, shows a peculiar forma-
tion. It consists of the cardinal yivé”, the distributive suffix -n (see
pp. 327, 341), the modal suffix -tc (see pp. 327, 340, 369), and the suffix -e
(see p. 359).
yiae'ntce sgats together he seized them 64.8, 9
yrixe'ntce it ni /ta’yas together they (live) in (one) village 122.18.
§ 102. The Decimal System
The units exceeding multiples of ten have forms exemplified by TEN
(TWENTY) ONE OVER. Thus sep/ga'ni yixe'd’qtst ELEVEN literally
means TEN ONE OVER, etc. The “‘tens” are formed by means of
suffixing to the numerals from ONE to TEN (exclusive) the suffix -ka.
The numeral for ONE HUNDRED, translated literally, means ONE
STICK, which indicates that the Coos may have used counting-sticks
for the purpose of counting up to one hundred. Two HUNDRED
would mean Two stTIcKs, etc. The numeral ONE THOUSAND does not
seem to have been used at all. There is no special stem for it.
The natives to-day form this numeral by adding the noun ni’k-in
sTIck to the numeral stem for TEN, expressing ONE THOUSAND by the
phrase TEN STICKS.
THE ADVERB (§§ 103-106)
§ 108. Introductory
The dividing-line between adverbs and particles can not always
be drawn very definitely. This is especially true in the case of the
three particles expressing locality, time, and modality (see § 112).
Adverbs express local, temporal, and modal ideas. A few of them
may be said to express local phrases. In a number of cases two
adverbs have been combined for the purpose of indicating a new
adverbial concept, which is nothing more than an amplification of
the ideas conduced by each of the two separate component elements.
Some of the local adverbs seem to distinguish slightly between the
idea of locality that is near the first, second, or third person; although
§§ 102-103
wk Re ve oH Lt ¥,* iP
Boas) HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES—COOS 405
I am somewhat doubtful on that point, owing to the fact that this
idea is hardly recognizable in the demonstrative pronouns.
The great majority of modal adverbs occur with the adverbial suffix
of modality -tc (see §§ 25, 36), and are often preceded by the modal
prefix w- (see § 24). It is conceivable that this suffix may have been
originally adverbial par excellence, and that it gradually became con-
fined to adverbs expressing mode and manner. This opinion may be
substantiated by the fact that the adverbial suffix -tc, when added to
nouns, expresses other adverbial ideas besides those of modality. It
is also suffixed to a number of stems expressing local phrases.
The following is a complete list of adverbs that have been found in
Coos:
§ 104. Local Adverbs and Phrases
asi’L between, halfway 5.1 ga’ wax high up 8.11
é’gatce to one side 42.3 ganas close to the fire 82.19
tla before, ahead, in front gai’nis away from the shore 36.18
56.9 gaits inside the house 140.24
yt helg close by 60.21 gat below 36.11
yiga'té close there (?) 90.23 gapw'kul the other side, across
yiga' ltsix: close here 104.12 140.18
yiga’'nt sofar,righthere14.4 ga’xan up 34.4
hi’nt there 5.2 gat down, below, under 116.9
ti” over there 90.21 xtse' tix’ from here 136.3
tsi’ here 24.4 aga’ wax from above 6.4
tst'x"t? over here 13.5 xga'tin from under 90.4
tse'tiw* over here ale’ tia’, létix: from there 12.2;
tct there 7.4 ° 78.28
tele etc back in the woods 88.11 tcila’azs close to the shore 30.23
gaya'*tc, gatite down the 1/ha'wais near, close to 50.20
stream 24.24; 54.1
§ 105. Temporal Adverbs
aso’ again 6.1 te’ma at the same time 17.3
ai’wa still, yet 7.6 ti’**tse to-day 19.9
yuwe whenever (yi+he [see kwi7’yat now 9.1
§ 9]) 24.4 lEat'wa while (z+ aiwa, the arti-
yuur'nt before 178.25 cle is prefixed here for the
hats"yt always (hats+yi [see sake of emphasis)
§ 110])
halt! now 15.6
mandj already (used for the
purpose of expressing the
past tense) 20.1
§§ 104-105
406 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL.40
§ 106. Modal Adverbs
G’yu sure, enough 16.2 ewe lixetc in a stooping position
yu very, very much 11.5 118.15
halt!ya (halt! + yi) too «piyeete homewards 42.7
44.18. txa'nuxwitc sideways 38.10
wind), xwindj thus, that way @ema'ate crossways 64.28
68.16; 6.8 xno'we right 44.9
pH lukwite entirely 130.7 ect ytciic clear around it 128.18
ta”, ta so, such 52.16 age’ltc slowly 60.7
nat much, many 44.18 ata’ gatc belly up and mouth open
ni’ dic a few, a little 68.17 ° 102.11
tso’nd both ways 6.2 aeLeye ente truly 148.1
tsge'yiwetc edgeways wLowe'entc wholly 44.17
g%, gvkwa a little 36.6; tar’sama quickly, hurriedly 30.1
98.10 tnuwt very, very much 15.6
kas almost 20.19 L¥*péwetc belly side down 58.14
at, yt, yoat ket hardly 28.17 Lowe’ entc entirely 30.11.
A number of purely local adverbs occur with the modal suffix,
implying the modal character of a local idea.
ga’ wante upwards (literally, in the manner of up) 14.1
ya'note outside 20.4
gelte downwards 6.4
yv'gante backwards
la'wate inside 62.8
e’hente far off (compare e’he he was gone 108.9) 26.23
ga’ tite down stream 54.1
teqac'te up stream 160.15
The temporal phrase xtemi’towetc FROM THAT TIME ON 42.12 may also
belong here, although the original stem is no longer recognizable.
Whenever these modalized local adverbs are used in connection with
verbs expressing motion or active ideas, they take the verbal suffix -e
(see § 55).
éhente sto“q far off he stood in & ehe’ntce yixu'’me not you far
26.23 away go 112.24 |
ga'notctin tsxi outside welay gand’tcait Lléte outsidethey went
50.10 50.11 |
gétic tx tle down they two ge'tice tst’x'ti he'lag down right —
looked 14.2 here it came 13.5
§ 106
i BoAS] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES—COOS 407
PARTICLES (§§ 107-112)
§ 107. Introductory
No formal distinction can be made between the stems that were
termed ‘‘syntactic particles” (see §§ 86-95), and the words treated
in the following chapters. Both exhibit practically the same phonetic
structure. There is, however, a vast difference between these two
sets of words, which asserts itself in the grammatical use to which
they are applied, and in the morphological treatment that is accorded
to them. None of the syntactic particles can be clearly and definitely
rendered when used independently; or, in other words, the syntactic
particles are capable of expressing concepts only in a complex of
words. On the other hand, all particles proper express definite ideas,
regardless of whether they are used independently or not. However,
the most important point of distinction between syntactic particles and
particles proper lies in the fact that the latter are capable of word
composition. Hence all grammatical processes may be applied to
them; and, as a matter of fact, the majority of them occur with a
number of nominal and verbal suffixes.
-§ 108. Pronominal Particles
By means of these particles Coos expresses the ideas conveyed by
our indefinite, interrogative, and relative pronouns. The following
particles are employed for this purpose:
wtt SOMEBODY is applied to persons only. It often exercises the
function of a relative pronoun, and is then translated by wHo.
in awit la" kitt’wita nobody that one can overtake 92.21, 22
kwaa'niya wit lit hi” mik* she knew who it was that old woman
102.20
dtl SOMETHING is applied to objects other than persons. It always
follows the object to which it belongs.
he'mis dv't yk-ito’wit big something I saw 62.21
go's dit hant hé’wi everything will grow (literally, all something
will grow) 9.3
yt’ awd ditt pk tho’ wit two things I saw 112.26, 27
ntcla' ha dt tei he'lag animals arrived there (literally, something
[that is] with legs [walkers] arrived there) 46.1, 2
nL!pe'ne di't tci he'lag birds arrived there (literally, something
[that is] with wings arrived there) 46.2, 3
§§ 107-108
408 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BuLL. 40 -
dv't is very often abbreviated to 7..
k!went' yat pwil’ wat for some food I am looking
(See also under ld, Adi, p. 402.)
By suffixing the interrogative suffix -@ (see § 73) to dv‘? and wit,
two interrogative pronouns are obtained that may be rendered
by wHatT and wHo respectively (see also p. 390).
ditt he te &wild” wat what are you continually looking for? 54.3
awe th tstati'yat who did it?
wictce’ takes the place of our interrogative pronoun. It always
stands at the beginning of the sentence, and may be rendered
by WHICH ONE.
wictce’ &ddwa’ya which one do you want? 50.16
ttc WHICH occurs very rarely. It may be said to exercise the func-
tion of our relative pronoun.
ite yu hems whichever is the biggest (literally, which [is] very
big) 30.21
itc he nq/é‘ltse whichever had a handkerchief 70.19
@/N7Ex ALONE. This particle exercises the function of the reflexive
pronoun in intransitive sentences. It is usually placed at the
beginning of the sentence, and precedes the verb. It is then
rendered by MYSELF, THYSELF, etc. (see also p. 400).
at’ nina la¥ t¥Gn alone they went down into the water 36.18
inizx ncFXa'lctet alone I work, I myself work’
inizx Lowa’ kats alone he lived 106.24
This particle occurs sometimes as inizxa’ma or inizxa’na. These
forms frequently precede verbs having reciprocal suffixes.
iniexca’ nd la” hi“misisé’ni they marry one another 12.5
inizxa’ma dw ya’ lant they two speak to each other
inizxa’na tin toXsisé’nt we are hitting one another
When used in connection with possessive pronouns, 7’/ntzv assumes
the function of a reflexive possessive pronoun, and may be
rendered by my (THY) OWN.
wi’ niza nha“ts nyiad’wex I build my own house
x nizca’ma hats wiad' wee I build my own house
§ 108
Boas] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES—COOS 409
§ 109. Numeral Particles
Vk't BoTH, gO“s ALL, hE'M7a ati, denk* BACH, EVERY, and yEai’
ANOTHER, may be called numeral particles. hz’ma is used to
indicate plurality of the object, and immediately follows the
verb, while g6“s precedes the verb and usually denotes plurality
of the subject (see § 18).
go's wind) tt r!é’xem they all that way talk 50.9, 10
xgo"s ma la” kwaa'niyaha'ya all people came to know it 102.29
nk iti wita he'ma I overtook them all
algsa’ya hz'ma he is afraid of them all
denk* kiwi'lis every night 82.9
halt! yzad’ xné’'tits ga'xantc now another one jumped upwards
76.3, 4
halt! yzav’ mé Lowi’ tat now another man runs 78.28
Vk't expresses the idea of duality in both subject and object of the
sentence.
Vkt to’ hats he hit both of them 114.4
ége Vk‘t dead (are) both 120.5
2kt tx te/a’at both walked 120.19
§ 110. Conjunctions
Coos has a number of stems that must be classed as conjunctions.
The following may be regarded as such:
his also hats just
ta and tsO now, then
A s .
4 when, as, since, while
his and ta serve as copulas between nouns and sentences.
his xa c¥a'lctet also she is working 22.26, 27
kwad' niyaha' ya liw hi’ rate his liw &nite his liz e'k“réte (they)
came to know it, her elder brother, also her mother, also her
father 86.22, 23
sgats ta tcelwiite'tc /xant he caught and into the fire he threw him
104.15
@ connects subordinate clauses with the principal clause.
aYa t tluwe'*tcs 1 la th!wa'k" lz xi*p he was tired (waiting),
while it was running down, the water 17.3, 4
lagtso”’' wat 1 djt he waited, as he came 118.9, 10
4 la” sqats la” xihi'ye la“ to when one seizes it, it belongs to him
(literally, when that one seizes it, that one becomes he [to
whom] that thing belongs) 92.22
§§ 109-110
410 ; BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 40
hats serves to introduce a new idea. It was conventionally rendered
by gust, although it hardly conveys the idea expressed by our
English word.
Lgd' at ¢ te!wii'tete kwi'nait. Hats kwa mila le wa'wa t la wai’la
he opened his mouth, as into the fire he looked. Just like a
liver the little girl as she became warm 108.24, 25
a yut nuwi te!/tli'yat hz te!wat. Hats yi’ gax qa’ qat lz swat surely,
she built a big fire. Just right away fell asleep the bear
100.27, 28
hats... hats is usually rendered by as soon as. Hats prefixed
to the adverb yi very forms a new adverb, hats?yi, which was
invariably rendered by auways (see § 105).
tsO indicates a syntactic division with a continuation of the same
thought. It was translated by now.
“ham tan n'kin pwilo“ wat” wind) L/dé'cnm le hi mitk:. Tsd
a'yu tsa yux" mi'ke sqats *‘ (please) for wood I will look,” thus
said the old woman. Now, surely, a small basket she took 102.3,
4, §
mitsist'ya lat hi’ mik: law swat, tsd asd’ sgats hat hi’ mik: lax swat
knew that old woman the bear, now again he seized that old
woman, the bear 102.21, 22
tsd &t'lia’mt tsd hant &ilw when I tell you, then you shall look
(literally, now I tell it to you, now shall you look) 17.2, 3
§ 111. Interjections
a@'nta LOOK, BEHOLD! It is always placed at the beginning of the
sentence.
a'nta té ti'ye mi'laq look! here (are) your arrows! 22.28
a’nta k*tto'witz behold, see it! 94.25
ta’? the greeting formula of the Coos. It was rendered by HALLoo.
ta’t sla’ halloo, cousin! 44.3
ta’t nex Gla halloo, my child! 28.21
§ 112. Miscellaneous Particles
7M NOT, a particle of negation. The particle of affirmationis En. This
is, however, rarely used, being supplanted by the syntactic par-
ticle 12 SURELY (see p. 388).
in k't'L0“ts he did not find it 22.18, 19
te in kwad'niya they two did not know it 22.9, 10
(See also § 9.)
§§ 111-112
Th Phe ae
BOAS] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES—COOS 411
qante PLACE, WHERE.
gante lela" taa’ Yam, la” his xi tci ta wherever they went, he also
there went 22.17, 18
pkwaa' niya gante I know where (it is) 80.14
go"s gante everywhere 46.22
in gantc k-t'x0"ts nowhere he found it
mildte TIME. It is used mostly in connection with the numerical
particle go%s, and is then rendered by ALWways.
gos mi'léte t/a’ xem always he is talking 14.5, 6
mv léitet hant &wu'tee when will you return? (literally, time,
question, shall, you come back) 28.3, 4
tctt€ MANNER, KIND, WAY, MODE (see also p. 390).
gos tcitc tt alt’cani all kinds of (games) they are playing 30.25
tcite he Lowe” wat whatever he is eating (habitually)
it in tcite tsxat’wat they can not kill her (literally, they [have]
no way [to] kill her) 80.24
@’ watu WHETHER OR Not. ‘This particle is very rarely used.
a watu pdjt I may or may not come
G'watu in tsi'x'ti he'laq (they) may or may not come here 90.15
§ 113. The Stem 7Ztse’ts
Morphologically speaking, it is a verbal stem 7s-, transitivized by
means of the suffix -¢s, but its application covers such a wide range
of different ideas that each of them will have to be enumerated
separately.
(1) It is used as an expletive particle with a significance that adapts
itself to the sense of the sentence.
in kwee'niyém itse'ts he'tt na” ntzs no one knew how many they
were (literally, they [indefinite] not know it, what [was] their
number) 78.2
yea’ L/ta'tte pitse’ts in another country I stay 26.8, 9
xtcv'icth itse'ts hz no“sk't'li what is the matter with the Big Woman
72.28
itse'ts yt’ k" il laY heni' yers hint’ Lowa’ kats he may have been sit-
ting there for a long time 40.14
kwaa'niya xtcite hant lz itsém he knew what was going to happen
(the -ém in ttsém is the indefinite subject suffix [§ 30]) 26.19, 20
da in kwaa'niya gantc ha“ itsem they two did not know where he
was 22.9, 10
én hant tcite itsém to you nothing will happen 66.5
§ 113
412 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [putL. 40
(2) When the transitive suffixes, other than -ts, are added to it, its
significance is clearly verbal.
yt kwant xtcite pitsitst’wat I wonder what I shall do with zt 86.8
yvkwant xtcite xewin &ttsitsa’mt I wonder what we two shall do
with you, how we two shall keep you 24.3, 4
atcv tech &itsito’’ wat tye wiai’lis how did you get that your
food? 64.17, 18
in kwee'niyém atcite & itseti no one knew what became of them
52.1, 2
§ 114. Verbs as, Adjectives
The use of verbs as adjectives is confined to a few sporadic instances.
These verbs are, as a rule, intransitive, although they occur with the
transitive suffzx-¢. (See also § 117.)
thu’ lit ha” yiau'me she travels blazing (red-hot) (ikwil- to burn)
24.18, 19
thwi'lit tsaxa'lisetc la” lo'q'tits by means of red-hot pebbles she
boiled it 102.6
Whether the phrases pad’hit lz yiad’wex THE HOUSE IS FULL,
gimg mit IT IS RAINING, belong here, is a problem which is hard
to decide, although the psychological relation between these examples
and those quoted above is not inconceivable.
§ 115. Nouns as Qualifiers
Substantives are often used to qualify other nouns. In such cases
the qualifying noun always precedes the qualified substantive, and
both nouns retain their nominal character.
dv'loz ala a young boy (literally, a young male child) 60.2
hi’ mik: mé Lowa’ kats there lived an old woman (literally, an old
female being) 100.20, 21
to’ mit dd’ mit tse an old man lay (literally, an old male man)
50.21
tsiiyd’ne ti’milt le’ tia hi’ me their (dual) little children were boys
(literally, little male children) 42.16
§ 116. Vocabulary
All Coos stems are either monosyllabic or polysyllabic (mostly
bisyllabic). Monosyllabic stems consist of a vowel followed by one
or two consonants, of one or two consonants followed by a vowel, or
of consonants, vowel, and consonants. Some of the bisyllabic stems
that are found in the language have been expanded by means of
grammatical processes (see §§ 4, 84).
§§ 114-116
Boas] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES—COOS 413
Examples of monosyllabic stems:
ai”- to kill (many) 58.8
a’- to quit 14.4
ék*- to be among 46.13
ila- to look 14.2
vl- to tell 7.8
tin- to set up 34.23
ha'- to gamble 38.23
hi- to be ready 19.3
pa?- to fill 15.7
sga- to seize 10.4
tga- to believe 28.13
tsxa%- to kill (one) 14.7
yEq- to run away 36.19
yoq- to split in two 7.3
win- to wade 58.2
Examples of polysyllabic stems:
éhe to be gone 38.15
hak- to crawl 32.10
ha“p- to tear off 58.14
pin- to shake 58.24
mu- to swim 24.27
te*t- to enter 22.29
tcil- to be ashamed
k/al- to shout 24.22
wing- to weave, to pile 18.1
minte- to ask 62.15
tsimx'- to fasten 46.7
k*imst- to pick 17.1
tkwit- to follow 9.9
tganz- to strike 28.1
tga‘t- to put a belt on 28.22
kwit'na- to look 6.4
yVaeuxt- to have, to carry 54.12 = ak‘a'nak: to stick out 42.1
wu'txe to come back 28.4
ha k“t- to leave 30.8
sitstn- to go and see 9.7
k:t'lo“- to see 6.5
itistl- to recognize 30.28
yrau'me to travel 10.3
kine to stand 62.22
With the exception of the terms of relationship, the nouns indicat-
ing parts of the body, and all other words of a denominative character,
the Coos stems are neutral and receive their nominal or verbal
character through the suffixes.
sto“q- to stand 20.4
Lt/d- to speak 9.3
L/ha- to put on 28.22
lo’ wak" lightning 18. 5
stowa'qwis wall 90.18
L/é’yts language 14.5
L/aha’was clothes 110.3
lo’kwit it lightens 18. 8
In a few instances nouns have been formed by reduplication or
duplication of a neutral stem.
tgaiz- to put around 28.22
tco¥- to jump
teat- to chop wood 26.16
pua"- to spout
lé‘p- to paint
x*in- to be on top
yim- to twinkle
ga tgait belt 28. 22
tcd’atcox rabbit 60. 23
aa’ Laat ax
pu” xpia a spout 30. 25
ti'ptip paint
winx in saddle
yt myim eyelash
§ 116
414 ' BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 40
§ 117. Structure of Sentences
The structure of the Coos sentence is very simple, owing chiefly to
the fact that in the absence of incorporation, subjects, objects, and
predicates are expressed by means of independent words. No strict
rules can be laid down for the consecutive order in which the differ-
ent parts of a sentence occur. It may, however, be said in a most
general way, that all adverbial ideas precede the verb, and that the
subject of the sentence tends to appear at the very end, especially in
subordinate clauses. The object may either precede the verb or
follow it.
kwile' Lé'te tswit lit to’méx in the sweat-house was resting that old
man 28.11, 12
yiad’ wexetc ta lz hi’ mis into the house went the woman
lex tspna’'hete L/dts le ma@’gat with the thunder-language spoke
the crow
awind) t th'nas he tsi’ yux" ta’nik: this is the name (of) the small
river 46.10, 11
sqgats le hi’ mis law swat seized the woman the grizzly bear
102.21, 22 |
ma xwin wutxai'yat a person we two brought home 128.8, 9
nto hits lz di'lot I hit the young man
Nominal attribute complements precede the noun. When following
the noun, they assume a predicative function.
tsi’ yua” ta’nik* asmall river %a’nik: tsd’yua" the river is small
hems yixd' wee the big house yiad’ wrx he mis the house is big
ad'nis mé a sick person ma xaé'nis the person is sick
No formal distinction is made between coordinate and subordinate
clauses, nor is the succession of the parts of speech changed in dif-
ferent types of sentences. Subordinate clauses may precede the
principal clauses whenever the occasion requires it. Subordinate
clauses are distinguished by means of conjunctions that are placed
at the beginning.
kt Lo"ts ln gz'méé lex di'lot 4 la” hi’ni he'lag the young man found
the kamass when he arrived there
4 la” tsxtt Le hi mis ktto'wit le yu’m2 as the woman lay (there)
she saw the stars
§ 117
HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES—COOS 415
§ 118. Idiomatic Expressions
An exhaustive discussion of the Coos idiomatic expressions is lim-
ited a priort by the scope of the present work. Consequently only
the most salient features of this phase of the Janguage will be pointed
_ out in this chapter.
Perhaps the most striking examples of idiomatic phraseology are
found in the manner of expressing verbal concepts, like rr GRows, IT
FILLS UP, IT RUNS, etc. These ideas are expressed in Coos by means
of a phrase which consists of the verbal stem To Go or To RUN and of
the abstract derivative of the particular verbal concept preceded by
the sign of possession @ (see § 97).
hd@’wi he grew up 64.12 ta tha” we he tcict’mit the spruce-
tree grew up (literally, goes its
growth [of] the spruce-tree)
20.16
ta tt ha” we le'tx ha’ wis 1 /té their
(dual) ready land began to grow
(literally, goes its growth [of]
their [dual] ready land) 8.10, 11
x4t'lwis deep asi’ ta & x tluwi'ye lex ya'bas the
maggots went halfway deep
(literally, halfway went its
depth [of] the maggots) 40.12
paa- to fill ta t paa'wes le ~a%p the water is
filling up (literally, goes its full
[mark of] the water) 44.17
xin- to run nlehitla @ xna’at with it he ran
(literally, with it went his swift-
ness) 42.8
ta @ wnaat he cx‘imt the bear
ran (literally, went his quick-
ness [of] the bear)
mil- to swim djt &% mile [it] swam [towards her]
(literally, came its swimming
[motion of]) 86.3
hamt- to float ta t hamiara' was lit tsi yha 1 /ta
that small piece of land kept
floating (literally, went its [con-
ception of] floating [of] that
small place) 46.10
§ 118
416 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 40
Another idiomatic expression worth while mentioning is the manner
in which our terms THERE IS, THEY ARE, are expressed. The Coos
subject of such a sentence is either the noun g@’yis WORLD or mén
PEOPLE, which are invariably preceded by the sign of possession (see
§ 97).
tc/l- to be dry te/li % ga’yis there was low tide
(literally, dry its [condition of
the] world) 18.6
in tellexem % ga'yts there is no
low tide (literally, not dry its
[condition of the] world) 15.8
n'k*in wood, tree 26.25 k: linv'k-in & qa'yts there were no
trees (literally, without trees its
[appearance of the] world) 8.7,8
wa'waL spider nwa'waLta t% ga@yis there was a
spider (literally, with spider its
[condition of the] world) 30.3
6 that thing 32.10 nto’we & ga'yis there was such a
thing (literally, with that thing
[was as] its [asset the] world)
32.9
kwee'tt. many live gaici'nis kwee'tt 4 mén they were
living in asmall place (literally,
a small place [had as] their liv-
ing [place the] people) 50.7
k/al- to shout gak'elent'we % mén they began to
shout (literally, began their
shouting [act, of the] people)
24,22
kine many stand tci tk-inet mén they were stand-
ing there (literally, there [the]
standing [place was of] people)
74.28
To the same group of idiomatic expressions belong phrases like 1
(THOU, HE . . .) AM GETTING HUNGRY, I (THOU, HE . . .) AM GETTING
HEAVY, etc. The verb of such phrases in Coos is always the stem fa
To Go, which is preceded by the attributive complement amplified by
means of the modal suffix -tc (see § 36). Consequently such a phrase,
literally translated, means INTO A STATE OF . . . I(THOU, HE. . .)GO.
tga- to be hungry igate nla I am getting hungry
pu!- to be heavy pulite ta he is getting heavy
§ 118
realy ate
hoe ous
BOAS] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES—COOS AL]
A very peculiar expression, though by no means confined to Coos
alone, is the manner of forming sentences that have dual subjects.
Such sentences present two possibilities. Either both subjects are
actually expressed, or only one is indicated while the other is under-
stood.
1. In sentences where one subject is understood, duality of subject
is indicated in Coos by using the verb in its dual form, followed imme-
diately by the (expressed) subject.
yiad' wextte tix wu'txe hat to’miz into the house they two returned
(the whale and) that old man 30.15, 16
tso a'yu tci tex ta, le timd'catc now, surely, there they two went
(he and) the grandmother 66.19
yv'xen galimi ye tst Unta te ta lé hu“ mis one morning just hunt-
ing they two went (he and) his wife 110.26
a'yu tet tix ta le tekitst'ndte surely, there they two went (she and)
the granddaughter 80.15, 16
2. If both subjects are expressed, it will be found that, in addition
to the dual form of the verb, the dual pronoun is placed before either
one or both subjects.
hi'nt hant tx tila'qai le imac tx pkik* there shall they two live
(namely) the grandmother (and the) grandfather 68.28
wind) La ti kwee'niyém te tax tsy'na tx ma'gat thus only they
two are known, that Thunder (and) Crow 19.10, 11
In a few instances a similar treatment has been found in sentences
with plural subjects.
yiad'wexetc it ta le dd'mit into the house they went (the two
women and) the man 128.7
tsi i huwe'itsém le hu”’més just they got ready (he and) the (two)
women 130.17, 18
The last idiomatic formation worth mentioning here is the manner
of expressing comparison of adjectives in accordance with the three
degrees,— the positive, the comparative, and the superlative.
A comparative statement in the positive degree is expressed by means
of a whole sentence in which the adjective is treated as a noun appear-
ing with the nominal suffixes -zs, -tzs (see § 57), or -zye, -dye (see
p. 376), and is placed between the subject and object with which it is
compared. The sentence is invariably introduced by means of the
conjunction Ais atso (see § 110); and its comparative character is
3045°—Bull. 40, pt. 2—12——-27 § 118
418 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 40
further indicated by the use of the modal adverb Za, ta”, so, sucH
(see § 106), which immediately follows the subject of the sentence.
his n'ne ta nhethe'ters te ene I am as rich as you are (literally,
also I such I [have] wealth [as] this you)
his n'ne ta nwd’nises le ene | am as sick as you are
his n’né ta” nln yites te ene | am as good as you are
his n'ne ta” nhe'mistes le &ne I am as tall as you are
his xi ta ewi'wiye le ene he is as light as you are
his xa ta" pit /d'ye le éne he is as heavy as you are
his te la'nik: ta” wviluwi'ye te balti’mis that river is as deep as
that ocean
In many instances the abstract noun expressing the adjective con-
cept is repeated after the object, in which case the object (and also
the subject) assumes the function of a possessive pronoun (for pro-
nominal subjects and objects) or of a genitive case (for nominal objects
and subjects).
his n'ne ta ngaine’ zs li’ye qaine’zs I am as cold as you are (liter-
ally, also [of] me such [is] my cold [condition as is] your cold
[condition ]})
his ene ta yene” glana’tzs te hen'ne¥ q!ana'tes you are as young
as I am (literally, also [of] thee such [is] thy youth [as is] that
my youth)
The comparative degree is expressed by means of a sentence in which
the adjective is used in its simple form, while the object is indicated
by the use of the instrumental suffix -ztc (see § 70). There is a
marked tendency to place the object at the beginning of the sentence.
yéné ite plz'yt Iam better than you are (literally [as compared],
with you I [am] good)
hexti'ttc ylz' yi I am better than he is
gne'ite &gax you are taller than I am
xa nne'ttc tsa’ yua” he is smaller than I am
awin ti’ mite y‘ne'itc we two are stronger than you are
The superlative degree may be expressed in two ways. Either the
numeral particle go“s atu (see § 109), amplified by means of the
adverbial suffix -ztc (see § 70), is placed before the simple form of
the adjective; or else the nominalized adverb @a'hatcum (see §§ 58,
104) is used for that purpose.
ago” site ylz' yi I am the best of all (for the use of the prefix a-
see § 24)
ten té ka’ po «go site pi /is this here is my heaviest coat
ad Ua’ hatcem he'mis hethe'te he is the biggest chief
xd ila hatcem to'mit ma L/ta’yasitc he is the oldest man in the
village
§ 118
TEXTS
ORIGIN OF DEATH
Ox! sla’tcini.2 Lat? {t4 kwee’ti.® Lat? k‘i® Ox! nhamii’k-e-
They cousins(were) These they lived These both theytwo with wives
two mutually. together.
he.” I’k'1° tsiya’ne® le’fix® ti’mili’? hi’me.4t Yi’xen” qalimi’ye
are, Both small their(dual) malebeings children. Once morning it got
ter *"witewehetci*® Ja‘ a’la. In” ‘he’niye* xa’nis” la" ’a’la.
just sick it is his child. Not a long time sick his child.
Tsi* hats® Inga” wm” la‘ a/la. Xanana’ya” Ja’ a’la, 173 la?
Merely just died his child. Sorry (it)makes his child, when that
him (feel) one
Inqa’we.* Tso* ft* aqana’ya.> Helmi/his”® in‘ 1L0d’wtyam.”
died. Now they buried it. Next day not (he) eats.
La"® maha/éiwat® Im” a’la. Hecri’tentc® gqalimi/ye™ la"
That is looking after it the child. Four times at morning it got that
one frequently one
fata’ ya 14° sla’ate.? «Ke tcine’heni.* “Ta'i™ sla!®" Xtci'tcn®
wentto him his cousin. “Thou thinking art. Halloo, cousin! How
1 Personal pronoun 3d person dual (§ 18).
2 sla- COUSIN; -atc suffix of relationship (§ 65); -inz distributive (§§ 72, 11, 7).
3 Demonstrative pronoun (§ 100).
4 Personal pronoun 3d person plural (§ 18).
5 Plural stem (§ 51).
6 Numeral particle (§ 109).
™m- WITH (§ 21); hiwmtik-e WIVES (§ 78); -e auxiliary (§§ 44, 10, 7).
8 Plural formation (§ 78).
9 Possessive pronoun 3d person dual (§ 98).
10 Plural formation (§§ 78, 115).
11 Plural formation (§ 78).
12 yixét ONE (§ 101); -en multiplicative (§ 75).
13 galim- MORNING; -iye transitional (§ 35).
14 Restrictive particle (§ 94).
15 witewahazte- sIcK; -i neutral intransitive suffix (§§ 81, 7)
16 Possessive pronoun 3d person singular (§§ 98, 7).
17 Particle of negation (§ 112).
18 heni- A WHILE; -iye transitional (§§ 35, 9).
19 ydm- SICK; -is nominal (§ 56).
20 Conjunction (§ 110).
21 Singular stem (§ 51).
22 xdim- SICK; -andya direct and indirect object pronoun (§§ 50, 7).
28Conjunction WHEN, AS, SINCE, WHILE (§ 110).
24 Conjunction (§ 110).
% ege DEAD; -anaya direct and indirect object pronoun (§§ 50, 7).
26 helmi TO-MORROW; -is ordinal (§§ 74, 10).
27 L.0u- TO EAT; -am (§ 55).
28maha- TO WATCH; -éiwat frequentative (§ 33).
29 Definite article (§ 17).
30 he’cLiL FOUR; -entcis ordinal multiplicative (§ 76).
31fq- TO GO; -t transitive (§ 26); -dya non-active object pronoun (§ 47),
32 Personal pronoun 2d person singular (§ 18).
33¢cine- TO THINK, -ent verbal (§ § 45, 10).
34Interjection (§ 111).
35 Vocative (§ 65).
36 ~- modal (§ 24); tcite particle (§ 112); -az interrogative (§ 73).
419
420 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 40
e® 7 fluwe’*tcis,*> kat‘n’misen * qalimi’ye iL * wu’txe ten* a’la.”
y
thy heart, five times morning it gets should return that my me ie
Wandj® iai’xem.“ ‘In hel sla.™ Hats” e°* qla’mtsam
Thus talking “Not surely cousin. Just thou eat!
condition.
La"? ni’wets hani*® yet” ifluwe’*tcis.”* Wandj? Tit
That happy will (be) thy heart.”’ Thus (he) told
one it tohim.
Tso* qats*® i’niye* telte? f°. Thiwetcis.° Hats was
Now still no more manner his heart. Just thus
tceine’heni.* ‘‘E&®? palaha’mi* hanrel.”* A’yu®, in” yu™
thinking (he) is. “Thee get ove with, shall surely.” ausely not very
—thee
he’niye’® a’yu®™ witcwehe’tci® la 4’la. In” he’niye*
long time surely sick it is his child. Not long time
xi’nfs.° Mandj® Inqa”we. Heéeikwainta®® °° fluwe’*tcis,*
sick, Already (it) died. Very bad his heart
PA la leqa’' Ww wE” Ja a/la. A’yu* cili'ye* In” windj”
when that ied his child, Surely indeed he thus
one it was
Lig’xmm,@ 1% Tat?“ dowalya™ ,wutxe la** ala. ‘Tso> same
talking when that wants it (to) return his child. Now surely
condition one
tel ia. eT a'Ts* “slat Ayu coL™ wotxea xa) ee
there me. “‘Falloo, cousin! Surely ought (to) return singly about to
went.
te’is® a’la. Kat'r’misen® gqalimi’ye’® fix' wu'txe hani* te’is®
thisour child. Five times morningitgets they return shall these our
(dual) two (dual)
a’la.” enapo wit. “In hel#* slal® “Hate?0eammam
children.” Thus (he) told “Not surely cousin! Just shalt
it to him.
ef? qla’mtsam!* La"? ni’wets hant.‘® ye®*” fluwe’tcis.”** Wand)”
thou eat! That happy _ will (be) thy heart.” Thus
one
Lid/xem.“ ‘“Qaiku“ fx! wutxa’xa™ rit? te’is®* hime,” ta®
talking “(I) thought they return singly aboutto these our children, and
condition, two (dual)
37 Possessive pronoun 2d person singular (§ 98).
38 jlwweztc- HEART (?); -is nominal (§ 56).
39kat'E’mis FOUR; -en multiplicative (§ 75).
40Syntactic particle denoting the optative (§ 91).
41 Possessive pronoun 1st person singular (§ 98).
42 Modal adverb (§ 106).
487,/G- TO SPEAK; -xEm generic (§ 30).
44Syntactic particle denoting degree of certainty (§§ 88, 7).
45q/m- TO EAT; -ts transitive (§ 26); -am (§§ 55, 11).
46 Syntactic particle (§ 87).
477il- TO TELL TO; -t transitive (§ 26).
48 Syntactic particle (§ 89).
4977 NOT; -iye transitional (§ 35).
60 Sign of possession (§ 97).
51Lala- TO GET EVEN WITH; -dmi transitive subject and object pronoun I—THEE (§§ 46, 10).
§2hanL SHALL; 71 SURELY (§§ 87, 88, 7).
§3 Modal adverb (§ 106).
54 Modal adverb (§ 106).
55 Temporal adverb (§ 105).
56 Syntactic particle (§ 93); ta so [literally, VaRILY, NOT SO] (§ 106).
57 cil syntactic particle (§ 90); -iye transitional (§ 35).
58 d6w- TO WISH, TO DESIRE; -dya non-active object pronoun (§ 47).
59 Local adverb (§ 104).
60 Syntactic particle (§§ 90, 91).
61 Reduplicated stem wutxve TO COME BACK (§ 83).
62 Syntactic particle (§ 87).
63 Possessive pronoun inclusive, dual (§ 98).
64 Syntactic particle denoting degree of knowledge (§ 88).
6 Conjunction (§ 110).
Boas] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES—COOS 421
qats*® Ja"? én dowa’/ya®® xwindj.” Hei® hanu*® yiqa® in”
however _ that thou didst want thus. (Emphatic) shall still not
thing not it
witxa’xa® Eit® yantawe” mi leqa’wn,”? nayim™ én ddwa’ya®
return singly going to whenever beings die, because thounot didst want
it
xwindj.” Xnowe” 1% cil® tm’ xwaindj® e§* rltais.”% Wandj
thus. Right when indeed that thus thou didst tell it Thus
there to, thou—me.’’
teine’henl.* Mai” xndwe” Ilela"® windj®? flt.47 Kat‘r’misen®
thinking (he) is. However right that’s thus (he) told it Five times
(the thing) to him.
galimi’ye* an*° wutxa’xa”™ nit,” yuu” xwindj®” Llits.” Ly'yi a1,*°
morning it should return singly going if thus speak. Good would
gets to should be
yuu” kat w’/misen * qalimi’ye'* wutxa’xa® rit? hr mii leqa” we.”
if five times morning it return singly inten- the people die.
should gets tion (who)
Tso* yigai’ni”® hela’qaxem.” Wiindj® hiitctleni’yequm.*°
Now so far it got (the story). Thus the story is being told.
[Translation]
Once upon a time there were two cousins. They lived together.
They were both married, and each had a little boy. One morning one
of the boys became sick. He was not sick long before he died. The
father felt sorry when the child died. Then they buried it.
The next day he (the father of the dead boy) could not eat. He was
merely looking at the dead child. On the fourth day he went to his
cousin. ‘‘Halloo, cousin! Whatdo you think? Should my child re-
turn after five days?”—‘‘Oh, no, cousin!” answered the other one.
‘*You simply eat, and you will feel happy.” He did not know what
to answer. He was merely thinking to himself, ‘‘I will certainly get
even with you.”
After a short time the other man’s child became sick. It was not
ill very long before it died. The father was very much grieved when
his child died. He therefore went to his neighbor and said to him,
‘*Halloo, cousin! I think our two children ought to return. They
ought to come back after five days.” But the other man answered,
6 ef THOU (§ 18); % NOT (§ 112, 9).
67 z- modal (§ 24); wadndj THUS (§ 106).
68 Syntactic particle (§ 93).
69 Syntactic particle (§ 89).
70 yanL IF (future)(§ 91); he CUSTOMARILY (§ 87).
11 Syntactic particle (§ 89).
72%- modal (§ 24); nOwe ALL RIGHT.
73 Demonstrative pronoun (§ 100).
“47il- TO TELL, -t transitive (§ 26); -dis transitive subject and object pronoun (§ 46).
75 Syntactic particle (§ 89).
76 Particle denoting the optative (§ 91).
™L/d- TO SPEAK; -ts transitive (§ 26).
78 Adverb (§ 104).
79helaqg TO ARRIVE; -xEm generic (§§ 30 4. 11).
80 hdtcit! STORY; -ent verbal (§§ 45, 11); -iyegzm passive (§ 40).
499 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 40
**Oh, no, cousin! You just eat and you will feel happy again. I
had intended that our dead children should come back, but you did
not wish it that way. And now, whenever people die, they will not
come back, because you objected to it. You were right when you
spoke against it.”
He was justified in thus addressing him. People would have come
back after five days if he had originally consented to it. It would
have been good if the dead people could come back. Here the story
ends. In this manner people relate this story.
THe THEFT oF FrRE AND WATER
Nmii’henet? bY, «lol bee (z0%s*)-). teite* 1i’mxnei® mi.
With people it that land. All kinds mixed up (they (the)
(mutually) was there were) mutually _— beings.
Tie k-late!wat.7 it? k*laxd*p.7 Ts dit? i rowel watt
They without fire. They without water. When something they eat frequently
Br ete it® wLipéqaqa’eiwat.2 Xlettc t'a’lats.4 “Lat?
intend, that they in the arm-pits to be, With it with (they) dance. Those
thing cause it frequently.
temi’te mi lat? tclicila’étwat® he. Tsd® he pi’ctci,”
old people that cause it to be under- custom- Now custom- warm it
thing neath, frequently arily. arily gets,
tso® he! lat? q!imits.%* Yuwe® qa’lyeg L!’le, lat? het pais
now custom- that (they) eat. Whenever salmon comes theyare usually they
arily thing out, theones
Ltulée”yat.22. Windj" yuxtik-* he'll” Lowa’ was.” La"?
scoop it out. That way barely their food. That
thing
skweyeni’yeqem™ Im” tclwil. ‘*Xtci’tcei?® in,” yan” lat? tin
it is talked about the fire. “How would if that we
itbe, should thing
1m- adverbial (§ 21); md PEOPLE; -e auxiliary (§§ 44,10); -n distributive (§§ 87,25); -¢ transitive
(§§ 26, 4).
2Demonstrative pronoun (§ 100).
3Numeral particle (§ 109).
4Particle (§ 112).
5timax’- TO MIX; -néi distributive (§ 37).
6Personal pronoun 3d person plural (§ 18)
1k: /G- privative (§ 20).
8Conjunction (§ 110).
®Pronominal particle (§ 108).
107,6u- TO EAT; -é?wat frequentative (§§ 33,8).
Syntactic particle (§ 87).
127,/péq- TO BE IN ARM-PITS; -aéiwat frequentative causative (§ 34); see also reduplication (§ 83).
13z- instrumental (§ 24); /z article (§ 17); -zte instrumental (§ 70).
14¢‘al- TO DANCE; -ts transitive (§ 26).
15Plural formation (§ 78).
1l6tc/icil MAT; -aéiwat frequentative causative (§ 34).
17 pictc- TO BE WARM; -i neutral intransitive (§ 31),
18q/m- TO EAT; -ts transitive (§ 26).
19yi% VERY (§ 106); he CUSTOMARILY (§ 87); see also § 9.
207tL/- TO SCOOP OUT; -iyat causative (§§ 27, 2).
21 Modal adverb (§ 106).
22 Possessive pronoun 3d person plural (§ 98),
2%37,6u- TO EAT; -@was verbal abstract (§§ 59, 8).
24 skw- TO TALK ABOUT; -eni verbal (§ 45); -tyegem passive (§§ 40,9).
2 Article (§ 17).
%6y- modal (§ 24); tcitec MANNER (§ 112); -@ interrogative (§ 73).
27Syntactic particle (§ 91).
38 Personal pronoun Ist person plural (§ 18).
Boas] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES—COOS 423
Pata’ ya?”%—**Tci® hanu® iin”? ta.” Tsd® a’yu? tcl f° Ia.
go to it?”’— ““There shall we go.”’ Now surely there they went.
mya ta if he'laq. A’yu™ teliiaae te? tclwil, i i
Surely there they arrived. Surely to burn it is that fire, when they
caused there
te*tits.= Hats® yiqax* k-ilo’wit® Ie xa*%p. Lodwa’kats®
entered. Just right away (he) saw it the water. Sat
ter? lm mi halgait.” Xta’nuxwite® Lowa’kats.** ‘*Ta’T*:
there the person (he) came to. Sideways (he) was sitting. “ Halloo,
sla! Ts‘ alf’cani*t hanz.”*! Hats® kwa* tht klayaha’é'wat.
cousin! We play shall.’’ Just as if not (he) hears it.
two
Xpekwi'ltcume** Lowa’kats.*%° Tsd* he’niye, tsd® flxats.*
From the opposite side (he) sat. Now (after) a while now (he) coed
at him.
**Qaniya’ta*? e°* hen’ne’* sla hitc®? cante?”** Wandj” wiats.®
Stranger thou my cousin (surprise) (7? Thus (he) spoke.
** HF lega"wiya’tani® 1.” ‘*Ma™* cku® e®# hen* nila’hateem™
“Thou story tell must.”’ “But it pa thou my at priority
e
fa yee ha we.”*” Tsd® qats** xié'te. He’niye* e’he qand’tca.®
goes thy growth.” Now, however, (he) went Awhile (he) was outside.
out. gone
Tso® aso’ te’*tits.® ‘*Tai® sla! Anta® te? ni’k!wa*! ye’ne™®
Now again (he) entered. ‘“‘Halloo, cousin!’ Look pis used (to be) thy
ere
sg Tm yene’” pill “la? -uila’néx.” ‘Pa? "hen’ne®* pit lat?
ndian That thy Indian that (is) new. That my ndian that
cradle, there cradle one there cradle one
qa léx®; ta® tei? ni’k!wa*! yene®®* nahin, ta® tei? ni’k!wa*
(is) old; and fae used (to be) thy shinny-club, and ee used (to be)
ere ere
29%a- TO GO; -t transitive (§ 26); -dya non-active object pronoun (§ 47).
30 Local adverb (§ 104).
81Syntactic particle (§ 87).
82¢c/il- TO BURN; -eet causative passive (§§ 41,7).
38tert- TO ENTER; -ts transitive (§ 26).
3iSyntactic particle (§ 89).
35k-{26u- TO SEE; -t transitive (§§ 26,8).
%6LOuku- TO SIT; -ts transitive (§§ 26,11).
37 helg- TO ARRIVE; -t transitive (§§ 26,7,11).
88y- modal (§ 24); tanwaxu- SIDE; -ite modal (§§ 67,8).
39TInterjection ($111).
40Personal pronoun inclusive, dual (§ 18).
41qlEc TOY; -eni verbal (§§ 45,7).
“2Syntactic particle (§ 88).
8k/ayaha- TO HEAR; -éiwat frequentative (§ 33).
44z- locative (§ 22); pzkwil- OPPOSITE; -tc adverbial (§§ 25,104); -wme nominalizing (§ 64).
‘Sheni- A WHILE; -iye transitional (§§ 35,9).
48{/x- TO LOOK; -zs transitive (§ 26).
‘7ganiya/ta BELONGING TO A DIFFERENT TRIBE, A STRANGER.
48Personal pronoun 2d person singular (§ 18).
49 Possessive pronoun Ist person singular (§ 98).
S0Syntactic particle (§ 90).
51Can not be analyzed.
527,/d- TO SPEAK; -ts transitive (§ 26).
53/Eqauwiyatas STORY (compare lZqavwE TO DIE); -ent verbal (§§ 45,7).
54Syntactic particle (§ 92).
55n- adverbial (§ 21); 7la BEFORE (§ 104); -tc adverbial (§§ 25, 103, 10,7); -zm adverbial abstract (§ 58).
56 Possessive pronoun 2d person singular (§§ 18, 98).
57hau- TO GROW; -e (§ &0); see also §§ 8, 118.
58gand- OUTSIDE; -tc adverbial (§§ 25, 104); -a directive (§ 55).
59Temporal adverb (§ 105).
%7/an- NEW; -éx adjectival (§ 66).
81 gal- OLD (compare galu WINTER); -éx adjectival (§ 66).
494 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 40
hen’ne?# na”hin, ta® tei? ni’k!wa® ye'ne®®* kwia’sis,” ta® te!?
my shinny-club, and _ this used (to be) thy ball, and this
here here
ni’ k!wa*! hen’ne"* kwii’sis.” Lla’néx® ye'ne™®* kwi’sis. Qa/lex®
used (to be) my ball. New (is) thy ball. Old (is)
tei? hen’ne"* kwa’sis.@ Kwa* kwe” yu” In‘ a’yu# L* sla.”
this my ball. Asif perhaps very not surely must cousin.”
here (be)
Ter: hito"tsa‘texa.®) A’yu7* kilo’ wit... ** A’ yu oneiliye™ slay
There (he) putthemdownfor Surely (he) saw it. “Surely indeed cousin
him. ‘ it is
Ter T1® ef rok’. . a&s* alicant™ han.” . Tso* a) gene
There surely thousit down. We play shall,’”’ Now surely they
two two
haiti’teme’.*~ “‘Yi’kwant® diltcn’tc® ten” Lilaqa’é'wat,”
gamble together. “Perhaps shall something that I Le my finger at
with im frequently,
Th dat? el tate, » ln, names? Tcine’heni.% ‘‘Y?kon”™
when that puts (his) hands the players?” (He) is thinking. ‘* Perhaps
one’ behind (his) back would be
(one of)
xteite® yin” wi'yete mnxwa’lxwal® yn” x‘Llowa’eiwat?”®
in the if would a piece of in eye I cause it to be inside?
manner abalone shell
Lexa‘term ® hann® n7” qa’qal. Cin ® L!o*k‘ina’ts ® han,* yann”
Inside, the part shall "T sleep. You support you—me shall, if shall.
on”, ul teta.?”? . Wandj?ula/xem.”. Wandj 7 ilt® lm? .ma/nat,
I put (my hands) Thus talking, Thus (he) told the crowd.
behind (my) back.” condition. it to
A’yu** yiga’x ™* windj.2t. Tsd® a’yu™ tulaqa’é'wat,% 7§ law?
Surely just that way. Now surely (he) points (the) finger when that
at him, frequently one
uitn’/ta.” . A’yu yixwi’° ma xlo*k-tne’ wat,“ Teter = ¢** dri?
puts (his) Surely two persous support him steadily. How sur- things
hands behind prise
(his) back.
itsém:*’ Xya’bas® yapti’tsa ® li © pi’lik-ts,* li °° ye’es, 14° teal, la”
happened. Maggots ate up his anus, his face, his nose, his
&2kwdis-? ; -is nominal (§ 56).
8 hitdu- TO PUT DOWN; -ts transitive (§ 26); -tzx direct object pronoun plural (§ 54); -aindirect object
pronoun (§ 49; see also § 7).
6i¢eil syntactic particle (§ 90); -iye transitional (§ 35).
6 Syntactic particle (§ 88).
66 Personal pronoun 38d person dual (§ 18).
6’ hai- TO GAMBLE; -¢ transitive (§ 26); -¢ transitive (§ 26); -meu reciprocal (§ 29; see also § 4).
6 yikw syntactic particle (§ 88); hanL SHALL (8$§ 87, 8, 9).
69 (zit SOMETHING (§ 108); -tc adverbial (§ 25); -ztc instrumental (§ 70).
70 Personal pronoun Ist person singular (§§ 18, 98).
71L/aqga- TO POINT AT; -€twat frequentative (§ 33).
72 L/tEta TO PUT ONE’S HAND BEHIND THE BACK (during a game).
73tcin- TO THINK; -en? verbal (§§ 45, 10).
74yiku PERHAPS (§ 88); ZZ WOULD BE (§§ 91, 9).
75 ¢- modal (§ 24); tcite particle (§ 112).
76n- adverbial (§ 21); xwalxwal EYE (§§ 83, 116).
7 Personal pronoun Ist person singular (§ 18).
78 aL /Ou- TO BE INSIDE (§ 54); -aéitwat frequentative causative (§§ 34, 8).
79lexatc INSIDE (§ 104); -em adverbial abstract (§ 58).
80 Personal pronoun 2d person plural (§ 18).
811, /6zk*in- TO STEADY, TO SUPPORT; -dis transitive, subject and object pronoun THOU-ME (§ 46).
82 7/d- TO TALK; -2Em generic suffix (§ 30).
837i]- TO SAY TO; -t transitive (§ 26).
847, /6rk*in- TO SUPPORT; -€twat frequentative (§ 33).
85 tcite particle (§ 112); -& interrogative (§ 73).
86 Syntactic particle denoting surprise (§ 90).
8/7ts- TO DO, TO BE (§ 113); -@€m sufiix defining the subject (§ 30).
88g- discriminative (§ 28); yabas MAGGOT.
89yab- MAGGOT; -t transitive (§ 26); -ts transitive (§§ 26, 25); -a indirect object pronoun (§ 49).
90 Possessive pronoun 3d person singular (§ 98).
% pilik'- ANUS; -is nominal (§ 56).
Boas] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES—COOS 495
ktha’nas. His® intheni/yers® xya’bas® q!mits.% lLa%? in* la®?
ears. Also (in) no time Inaggots ate him. That not that
one thing
Vlxats.° Hats® yi’qa™* tci® wLowa’‘kats.° Xyixwi’* mi
(at) looked. Just continually there (he) sat. Two per-
sons
L!o*k ‘tne’ wat** xpqai’hitc.™ Wi'yax x‘nlowa’é'wat™® lin®
support him steadily from (the) back, Abalone shell (he) pees to be his in
inside
xwa lxwal. Lexa’tcem” qa’qal. La"? gates kwa” a’yu
eye. Inside, the cw (he) slept. That one just as if surely
kwi’nait.° Hite®® wi’yax ln® x‘Lii’ye™ lin® xwa’lxwal. Hats®
looked at it. Surprise ene it inside it is his in eye. Just
she
la’mak: Lowa’kats.** Asi’L® ta i® x‘fluwi’ye® lex? ya’bas, 7°
bones sitting. Halfway goes its growth (of) the yeti ? when
la"? xya’bas®* Lowe’ wat.!? —_Itse’ts*% yiku® i1® la? heni’yers
that the maggots eat him continually. May be surely he for some time
one
hi’ni °Lowa’kats.*° Tso’ windj* tcine’heni.” ‘*YikwanL® di'ltcn’te®
there (he) sat. Now thus thinking. ‘Perhaps shall pug
wit
ten” Llaqa’é'wat?”™ Hats® kwanu’? in‘ ya™ dil® qaya”wiye,*®
that I point my finger at Just as if not very something scared,
him frequently?”® shall he becomes
aL” xle’ite* n” Llaqa’é'wat.”" Wiindj* tcine’heni. Yi’qa* in*
if would with it rt point my fingers at Thus thinking. Still not
with him frequently.”
Vlxats*® Im ya’bas; ma™ f1® hats® la’mak: siv’né.1* Yiqa* int
(he) looked the maggots; how- surely just bones joined Still not
at ever together.
Vlxats.46 ‘*Ciin?® kellie’ wat.' Cin® sqats hant* tm? te!wal, yanu”7
(he) looked “You not forget it. You grab shall that fire, if shall
at it. there
Dee tide,” = La"? = his* te? § xa°p cin™ xaaatat hant.”*
we win (game). Thatone _ also punt water you causeittorun shall.”
ere
Wandj” w!a’xem.” Ytxe! mi windj™ Lid’xem.? ‘‘Nr’xkan#°
That way talking, One person that way talking, it
condition. condition.
hana" la"? pn” x‘inti'yat™! tm? xi°p.—Teé!? lat? e°“* x“inti’yat™* hant*
shall(be) the i Tun, causeit that water— This the you to run, cause it shall
one there here one
in negation (§ 112); ? abbreviated form of dit (§ 108); heniye A WHILE; -£s noun of quality (§ 57).
93 - discriminative (§ 23); ya@’xwd TWo (§ 101).
%47- FROM (§ 22); pqgai BACK; -itc local suffix (§§ 67, 10).
%]@ possessive pronoun 3d person singular (§ 98); n- adverbial (§ 21).
% kwina- TO LOOK; -¢ transitive (§ 26).
9 @L/- TO BEINSIDE (§ 54); -zye transitional (§ 35).
88Sign of possession (§ 97).
99 a°j/u- DEEP; -7ye nominal suffix (§§ 80,8).
1007 article (§ 17); x- discriminative (§ 28).
101 See § 113.
102 kwa AS IF (§ 88); hanL SHALL (§§ 87, 9).
103 gayau- TO BE AFRAID; -2ye transitional (§§ 35, 8)
104 s?Z- TO JOIN; -néi distributive (§ 37).
105 ein personal pronoun, 2d person plural (§ 96); 77 NoT (see § 9).
106 k-el- TO FORGET; -éiwat frequentative (§ 33); see § 83.
107 ¢g- TO WIN; -ts transitive (§ 26).
108 ¢-Ent- TO RUN; -iyat causative (§ 27); -a indirect object pronoun (§§ 49, 11).
109 Cardinal numeral (§ 101).
10 Personal pronoun Ist person singular (§ 96).
41 y Ent- TO RUN; -zyat causative (§ 27).
426 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 40
tE? te!wil.” Tso® xwindj” rlt.®® ‘*Kwi’yal? halt!% ene het
that fire.” Now thus (he) told “Now now thou custom-
there to arily
hint
Litr’ta.”? Wandj” rlt.® ‘Yi’ kwan.® diitcr’te ®ten” Llaqa’e'wat?”™
put (thy) Thus there ton “Perhaps shall something this fore the finger at
hands behind with here I im continually?”
(thy) back.” fens
‘“‘“Hats® int ya” dil® yi? qayawa’wan.** Lot wi on™” In’yi,
“Just not very some-- very scaring. That mneces- would _ good,
thing thing sarily be
you” x‘dwa’yasrtc™® ny” xlaqa’éiwat.”" K-litc!ha’yims® lav
if snake with I point (my) finger at Without dying down thatone
should him continually.” (the fire)
telila’at.° Tsd® a’yu” x*owa’yasntc'® Lia’qat. Lowiti’yequm.™
to burn, it is Now surely snake with (be) pointed (He) is watching
caused. (the) finger himself.
at him.
X‘dwa’yas hin’? dji/lete xa’‘l*mats..% Hats” kwa® xtcite’
Snake his at thighs wraps around. Just looks like something
itsém.2?7 Ma*t ai’wa’* int k:‘itd’wit.® Han’? we'hel la”
happened How- still rot (he) sees it. His to waist that
ever one
he’lag In* x‘Odwa’yas. Han ye’es lat? kwa® fnuwit.
arrived the snake. His to mouth thatone as if oat
to go).
Ak‘a/nak" .,he"lta, hex ..x:owa’yas... Hats®: .han™*.), kwae
Sticks out (the) tongue the snake. Just will as if
hin!” teat la"? te’*tits? Im x'dwa’yas. Qai*-qa’yona*ya,™ 1°
his in nose that one énter the snake. Afraid, (it) made him; when
laY? k-ito’wit.* Si’x‘its? é!’gatce.%? Nuqa’ya.™ L!xana’yém™®
that (he) saw it. (He) shook it one side to. (He) ran away Throw (indefinite)
one off from it. (People shout at him)
yes. XTx‘inti® Im tclwii. Hékwain’’ xhi’wis** ma
mouth. (It) is being taken the fire. Very poor person
away quickly (is)
lat?» x‘inti/yat?*! Im telwah Hetya > xtei’yux"™ may Tam
the (to) run, causes the fire. Very small person the
one (he is) one
u2Temporal adverb (§ 105).
3 Temporal adverb (§ 105).
114Personal pronoun 2d person singular (§ 96).
115 gayau- TO FEAR; -@waz nominal suffix (§ 59).
16 Demonstrative pronoun (§ 100).
u7Syntactic particle (§ 92).
11896wadyas SNAKE; -£tc instrumental (§ 70).
119k Jd- privative (§ 20); tc/ha- TO EXTINGUISH; -dyims nominal (§ 80).
120 tc/il- TO BURN; -adat passive causative (§§ 41, 7).
1217,/aga- TO POINT AT WITH ONE’S FINGER; -¢ transitive (§ 26).
122 JOurt- TO WATCH; -iyeqEm passive (§§ 40, 3, 11).
123h@ possessive pronoun 3d person singular (§ 98); m- adverbial (§ 21).
124¢7q]/m- TO WRAP AROUND; -ts transitive (§ 26).
125Conjunction (§ 110).
126 Temporal adverb (§ 105).
1272inwwi VERY, modal adverb (§ 106); -t transitive (§ 26).
128 q@k‘ank'- TO STICK OUT (§ 4).
129hF article (§ 17); z- discriminative (§ 23).
130Syntactic particle (§ 87).
181 gayau- TO SCARE; -andya direct and indirect object pronoun (§§ 50, 3, 82).
132 sja"- TO SHAKE OFF; -ts transitive (§ 26).
133 Local adverb (§§ 104, 103, 55).
1347. 2g TO RUN AWAY; -dya non-active object pronoun (§ 47).
1357,/can- TO THROW; -aya (§ 47); -é€m suffix defining the subject (§§ 30, 9).
136 7 Ent- TO RUN; -i present passive (§§ 38, 82).
137Syntactic particle (§ 93).
138 g- discriminative (§ 23).
139hé syntactic particle (§ 93); yZ VERY, modal adverb (§ 106).
Boas] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES—COOS 427
tikwi’tsa”? Im xa*p. Xpiye’etc’ L°wa/hait’? hm mén.'*
kicks it the water. In the manner of run the people.
going home
K*ha’nasate** hat? Jexalxa’yu'* hm” te!wal. Nle’hi#® la 0%
Ear in that one was put in the fire. With it goes his
x'na/at.447 Lm xa*p ha’kwai® hn’mtset,“* 1% Jat? tlkwi’tsa.1#°
quickness The water as if (to) lay bare, when that kicked it.
(he runs). caused, it was, one
Maindj'* hats® gi/mtset’! In’tsix’.6? K*mene’iletc’*® 1!xa’na14
Already Just to) rain caused right here. Brush into (he) threw it,
it was
fa. tciwal, Kiwehete* la®?." rlxant.° Hats*, “alxanf,**
the fire. Willow into that threw it. Just (be) threw it,
- one
mange?) tkwilita.*? + Dsd8: >) aso? y GP )owu'txe’ bitet/xrti.?
already to blaze, it begins. Now again they returned here.
Xtemi’towetc™® Ill? ntc!wa’le.1* Xtemi’towetc’® towe'®
From that time on they with fire are. From that time on usually
mami La"? xwand|7). towe'? .gtimit* ..Xwindj”! . tai
(it) rains, That (is) thus (the usually (it) rains, That way only
manner how)
kwee’niyém.’® ‘T’sd® tci® &’wixem.1
know it (indefinite). Now there end, condition.
[Translation]
The earth was full of people. All kinds of people lived in a
mixed-up fashion. They had no fire or water. Whenever they
wanted to eat, they would put the food under their arms (in order
to heat it). They would dance with it, or the old people would sit on
it. And when the food became warm, then they would eat it. When-
ever salmon came ashore, they used to scoop it out.
140¢/kw- TO KICK; -ts transitive (§ 26); -a indirect object pronoun (§ 49).
141 7- modal (§ 24); p7z*- TO GO HOME; -eetc modal (§ 36; also § 3).
142 powahai- TO RUN; -t transitive (§ 26).
143 Plural formation (§ 78).
144 kuha’nas EAR; -etc local (§§ 68, 7).
145 /az- TO BE INSIDE (singular object); -dyw past passive (§§ 89, 83, 54).
146m- adverbial (§ 21); -lz article (§ 17); -7 instrumental (§§ 80, 10).
147 See § 118
148 Syntactic particle (§ 88).
149hEm- TO LAY OPEN; -ts transitive (§ 26); -et causative passive (§ 41).
150Temporal adverb (§ 105).
151 g-im- TO RAIN; -ts transitive (§ 26); -et causative passive (§ 41).
1827z article (§ 17); tsiz* HERE, local adverb (§ 104).
163 kwumene/it BRUSH; -etc local (§ 68).
1647,/zan- TO THROW; -a indirect object pronoun (§ 49).
155 k/wehe- WILLOW; -etc local (§§ 68, 9).
1667,/van- TO THROW; -t transitive (§ 26).
157 fiwil- TO BLAZE; -t transitive; -w transitional (§§ 35, 114).
158 Local adverb (§ 104).
1597- FROM, locative (§ 22); temitowete (see § 106).
160/z article (§ 17); 72 personal pronoun 8d person plural (§ 96).
161 2- WITH, instrumental (§ 21); tc/w&t FIRE; -e auxiliary (§ 44).
162 See § 87.
163 g°im- TO RAIN; -t transitional (§§ 26, 114).
164Syntactie particle (§ 94).
165 kwaan- TO KNOW; -dya Lon-active object pronoun (§ 47); -@m suffix defining the subject (§§ 30, 7).
166 G@w- TO FINISH, TO END; -xEm generic (§ 30).
498 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 40
In this manner they had hardly any food. They were all the time
talking about fire. ‘*‘ How would it be if we should go after fire?”—
‘‘Let us go.” They went. When they arrived, they found the fire
burning; and one of them saw the water. The chief of the people
(to whom they came) was sitting indoors. He was sitting sideways.
‘* Halloo, cousin!” said the earth-chief. ‘‘ Let us gamble (for the fire
and water)!” The sky-chief acted as if he did not hear. The earth-
chief sat down opposite him. After a short time the sky-chief looked
up and said, ‘‘ You belong to a different tribe, so in what way are you
my cousin? You must tell a story.” But the earth-chief answered,
‘You are older than J,” and he went out. After a while he came
back and said, ‘‘ Halloo, cousin! Look! this here is your Indian cra-
dle.t Your Indian cradle! is new, while mine is old. And this here
is your shinny-club,? while that there is my shinny-club.? This is
your ball,’ and that one is my ball.? Your ball? is new, but mine is
old. Isitnotso?” Then he put all these things before him. The sky-
chief looked at them, and said, ‘‘ Indeed, it is so, O cousin! Sit down
here, we will gamble.”
They began to play. The earth-chief thought to himself, ‘* With
what shall I point my finger at the player who puts his hand behind his
back? Suppose I put a piece of abalone shell into my eye? I will
sleep in the inside part of my eye.” Then he said to his followers,
**You shall support me when I put my hands behind my back;” and
what he demanded was done.
Then he pointed his finger at him (the sky-chief) when he put his
hand behind his back. Two men were supporting him. Thus things
happened. Maggots began to eat up his (the sky-chief’s) anus, his
face, his nose, his ears. Soon the maggots ate him up; but he did
not notice it. He kept on sitting there. Two men were still sup-
porting him from the back. He had an abalone shell in his eye, and
was sleeping in that inside part. Now it seemed as if the sky-chief
were looking at it. To his surprise, he saw an abalone shell in the
other man’s eye. By this time only bones had remained of him, for
1“Cradle”’ or ‘‘ bed” is a piece of canvas (in former days tanned hide) spread on the ground and
stretched by means of pegs or nails, before which the player participating in the so-called ‘‘ game of
guessing”’ was squatting, while mixing the sticks in his hands, which were held behind his back. Upon
receiving the guessing-signal from a player of the opposite side, the sticks were thrown on the “cradle,”
usually one by one, while the marked stick was laid bare.
2 ‘he informant was mistaken in the use of these terms. ‘‘Club”’ and ‘‘ball” are used in a game
of shinny, while the game played by the two chiefs was the favorite game of “ guessing.”
a
BOAS] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES—COOS 429
the maggots had eaten up almost half of his body. The earth-chief
was sitting there for a while, and began to think, ‘‘ With what shall
I point my finger at him? It seems that I ought to point at him with
some very terrible thing.” The sky-chief still did not look at the
maggots. Only his bones, joined together, were sitting there. Still
he did not look.
Now the earth-chief said to his people, ‘‘ Don’t forget to seize the
fire as soon as we win the game.—And you take hold of the water.”
One of his men said, “‘I will run away with the water, and you ought
to run with the fire.” The earth-chief said to the head man of the
sky-people, ‘‘Now it is your turn to put your hands behind your
back.” All the time he was thinking to himself, ‘‘ With what shall I
point my finger at him? It seems that nothing terrifies him. It will
be very good if I point at him with a snake.”
In the mean time the fire kept on burning. He then pointed at him
with a snake. But he (the sky-chief) was on the lookout. The snake
coiled around his thigh. Still he did not mind it. It crawled up to
his waist and threatened to go into his mouth, all the while sticking
out its tongue. Soon it seemed as if it were about to enter his nose.
The sky-chief became afraid when he saw this. He shook off the
snake and ran away. People were shouting at him.
The earth people quickly seized the fire. A very poor man ran away
with the fire, while a little man kicked the water. They were running
homewards. The man put the fire into his ear while running. As
soon as the water was spilled, it began to rain. The fire was thrown
into some willow-brush, and soon began to blaze. Thus they returned.
From that time on, people have had fire; and from that time on, it has
rained. Thus only the story is known. This is the end of it.
oisg- nnn, ot
fp het en
Mage en. ry, eae pn a poe ben,
) sidiy, aid {u.taiog- ot dyno T tapehi, ang Ea iL :
and ip, ook fou. bib ita Jaide-aale QA canidlt oldirjot:
ins tripe ymittiz, PLOW, Daily: f att i9 eno aid aber.
1 eae dtu wile ach Se paige,
od, aii oH Ave laxgint 9 noch’ “ anne pid: iM bin: hatth, isan
“sate aut iy blog. oles fbx btubiys TAL PS), che oF, oy
a dou no 6: ria glow rags hd 1} care sire Hie 1, bier mont sid,
gid to Gai bagd, oft ot dive Laidy-attao pdt" eo, oda ly
tue, bnidad | abowd Tet lug; ok Maps tie 2145 wowias
i Ses aie (ih Uoxcatd oF gultoids » RE Od Least ahs, ire Mi
lity 4 Mid aeiirion waidion jade anpoee tf Said tn” ‘oust ieee
sa SVR T yal Wiki at hdtv sgtit) Lae dy og. I 1 bone 7.9
mi 18 betniog nads ot). apie ae defor oii ede OC RO 3.0
solace eet dupyool emt ae, Bas 7, Qottin ye oth?) ol judd | han th
Oo) qe balyrers Th. Mt bode Jou tah “ih, Rite ,. duidt ad Aga
aiidoids, slider sdt, Ue isout ald eta org ot beans hy edd hewn s a
orange 4
ailt. Ho. foot, ofl. .cilt ese od aps, pacar qunnond), tol 03
ld Fae LOB nel trode Men gost | .tewe MUST ate 03
LAYER Et ae Ase wr 1% Ay ait ould hosis+ 7) daiupalqoog d
4
QOH nish +t 9)1t6 of anode acer af. tier sap il i opor
5 als Bs
Soc rept iar i alae eit) haghuta Ces] ils al tal te ge A objet:
Bh ‘Unione? aiden tee eid oink aan aol juq cnc of FT eb
a Se
awed! eaw.oviod® niet os maged ti boliicn poe naka “iy
Mogren pont atdT — .ospid of sLesradh age ‘fi ie u jend Rolle
enc A sco, Orit; tds ito’ bug vertit bael aves olcpo: 2 tht? one
At te bap Siniuidh wookel riot off gion ep ut
if : ¢ : im ve ¢ " A } ye
{
' S 4
I
an if
i 4 .
1¢% *
¢ i shins
i ee ie a,
gtk Gt te
‘ ‘ ¢ } + Olay
; ;
Hh % gy’ Mee Pty J Bit Piyie:
my he Won?! me Dyer ae phi bet At wha, aTeg
at ie he Oe A le Pd at aa Se a , 7
A f ‘ aN A ha)
I fOotatiuais Me i a ee ree a Sopa TORR
C1 aha ida eae RAN Pe
SIUSLAWAN (LOWER UMPQUA)
BY
LEO J. FRACHTENBERG
431
CONTENTS
Page
SRITOR oth, ote St seat aida yon tnd eRe er Je cou oh ace bueeeen 437
Pele PaeryOn ton and TMShorye. S26) taf t 0.4 paid byes See eee = 6 obese eae 44]
Eee PHOMGIOgY - >. eS A RE bo. a rpepiiin SE eee ioc ddwadotie 443
SVEA-GINHO (RIE is Se ne es pe eyelet any =e I ir fl See ete 443
Deere CRIN TUGRIOES ELE Ne Ral hc RIC SELL ig Durwteitwks ven 444
BOW Praiipinces i ey oli de ee SS Sa ee owe k 445
ay, SINGGTO SNOT RII VS PRS Sie a8 I Ae Oe We ea a eee 447
OTM ETE SOC nn, ee ne Ree oo Te, | i 447
aio. VGCALIC DROGERSES. = & wit bplcadat at Gop mee one ikem oun oec css ess 448
Bi, Diphthonetsstionial 2) angi t..20..6 -octg ett aaocb ose s ee oe sees 448
§ 8. Consonantization of 7- and u-.........-! fe ae ee 449
SO se ORTA CLONE che ie heise oa. t tara 293 pe EVI Fa oe ILN 450
ULES een Nae ore 1S eS 2 ee eee Oe i ce eae 452
Ball. PV OPALIC DAMON Ya crs aslo desoxis.< ad Sfp MEO oR Ese .< Sale ec 452
Nelo. . MiteCtLs OF ACCOM. o8 . OA ASticljqweigh atigeees Saeed cou cowe wae 452
Beria—t 72) CONSOnATITIC PrOCeSHes Oe... 2 au a epee SO bok Saas ue 454
Gala.) A OUROnaTIIG MieiAthOsis..... 1... .«deerewteek tae desajiecssvecdes 454
Slt, Consonantieemp ony ese non levishy aie endeed acc esocews lease 455
§ 15. Simplification of double consonants ....-...-.-----.----...--- 455
SOM Modiicahions Ofwean Giese je.cc 2. Gate eben ees ee a ae aloes chet 456
Held {Manor consanantic hanes’. ... .0iccsecaple-Shek<soc~s. 552-455 458
Sista remiraaiedl PrOCESSCS - <n Ges detec Sas dyogag-- cess seh Se bee 4 6h8 SG 459
§ 19. Ideas expressed by grammatical processes -....----.---.-------------- 459
Reet) MOT OOO on as IR. aod aes Sov wee eee es ehs oh osoea oe 461
SS ZIDEPATE W EN ei nod S15) aie ae ae Al eae Oe ee eS Sd 2 461
Se Eten x OL retiOMsMin ies 24.5 02 teen ote es ceded eeseees 461
pais Diseriminative .g-i (qa) 244+ +4 Reeeef Seed iso. eececcesd 462
Nea Oo SULIKCS!s oo eaten or hie te 5 o.o7t ee amee sicits ak koe he 463
igieed Cs CRCLA ROCA EA ch aeas 5 oih smi. aa Se MERC S cos a escae et 463
Seid OL. Wer PAL PMEIROS! #22 6. pens dee ee cise boc Sbs cedemeked’ 465
§ rca ILOGNCEONY, ec oie cite c> saciabyyteehe BAR S- co skesce acess 465
S$ 24-26; Pronomimal sufiixes... .-nwtaeeibecti-2sssedsceede5s 467
§ 24. The subjective pronotings sedi lew. 526 95-222 224-- 467
§ 25. Theobjective pronouns. secu sweeter -0s-8s sk oe ees 472
§ 26. Position of pronouns in verbs accompanied by adverbial
POTS. 2220... = - Hae ee RO ce be 479
SS 27-38. Objective forms. « .- .\..- debated bekl: s Sate Bisa een e ss 480
Sot, GRTOGUELOTY .. 2. . 2 Sa eee — eS. Lk tote 480
§§ 28-31. Indicative suffixes denoting personalinterrelations. 481
§ 28. Direct object of third person -iin (-a%n)......-.--. 481
§ 29. Direct object of first andsecond persons -iits (-a%ts). 482
§ 30. Indirect object of third person -ix (-a%xr).......-- 483
§ 31. Indirect object of first and second persons -zmts... 483
3045°—Bull. 40, pt 2—12-——28 433
434 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 40
§§ 20-136. Morphology—Continued Page
§ 22-105. Suffixes—Continued
§§ 23-81. Verbal suffixes—Continued
§§ 27—48. Objective forms—Continued
§§ 32-37. Indicative suffixes expressing possessive interrela-
tions between object and subject........-...... 484
§ 32: Introductory tt Seidl... 2. ccl ceed 484
§ 33. Suffix indicating that the object forms an insepa-
rable part of the subject -itz (-attx), -ty........-- 485
§ 34. Suffix denoting that the object is possessed by the
subject, but separable from it -iitsm- (-attsm-).... 487
§ 35. Suffix indicating that the object is possessed by a
third person object -iit (-a%l)............2..--- 489
§ 36. Suffix expressing an object possessed by a first or
second person object -ilts (-a¥%its).......-..---- 490
§ 37. Suffixes denoting possessive interrelations for tenses
other than the present -isiti, -aiti, -yaxatti....- 491
§§ 38-39. Passive suffixes indicating pronominal and posses-
sive interrelations ~~... 2202279, Tee 2 eee 493
§ 38. Passive suffixes for verbs requiring in the active a
double object -tmz, -wmz (-atmez)........--.-- 493
§ 39. Passive suffixes denoting possessive relations of the
subject iti; --camti2 ~.. 2210. SE ee 494
§§ 40-48. Imperative forms denoting pronominal and posses-
sive interrelations .-... 20.25.1225 ee 496
§-40.- Introductorye set... SEO. Oe ee 496
§ 41, Exhortative suffixes expressing the direct object of
the third person -yiin, -iyiin, -ini........-.--- 497
§ 42. Imperative suffix expressing the direct object of
the first-person: -2é3'(-atis). -2 25.2 A ee 499
§ 43. Imperative suffix indicating the indirect object of
the -third person -yiv.... 22°) oo eee 500
§ 44. Imperative suffix denoting the indirect object of
the first ‘person -tnte ....::-... IPO R eee 501
§ 45. Imperative suffix denoting that the object is pos-
sessed: by a third ‘person -if. 20.25.0257. 0g. 8 501
§ 46. Imperative suffix indicating that the object is pos-
sessed by a first person -tlis......05...2..202..2 502
§ 47. Imperative suffix expressing possessive interrela-
tions between object and subject -tsv.........-- 503
§ 48. Exhortative suffix expressing possessive interrela-
tions between object and subject -itsmz (-attsmz). 504
$§ -49-64.- Modal-suffixes' SS 2 VOUS LOU. See eee 504
§ 49.- Introductory 220220 o 4. SOI 0 28. ee ee 504
§ 50. Reciprocal -naw(a), -muzt- .... 222-2222 ee eee -e 505
§-51.- Distributive fem s<tce=2- 24.502. eee 507
$-52.- Dentative--te" .scces eesti 22d. a 508
§:63.- Negative ~it-(-ait) 2522222 012 L201 ULL Us Bee eee 508
§§ 54-59. Modal elements of the passive voice.........----- 509
$°54. Inifrodtictory tte -s- cet cet oo: Sone eee 509
$65. ‘Present passive “vam S282... S22. ese eeee 509
§ 56. Future passives in -atam, ~-7 (-a?), -aat......------ 510
e 57)" Past passive -Zaniyjat. S2TLI Le... 5.-- 5. eee 512
§ 58. Passive verbs in -itn- (-attn-), -ii‘nz (-a%'nz) .---- 512
§ 59. Durative passives in -isiitn- (-isti‘nE) -isn--...--.. 514
ae —————
BOAS] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES—SIUSLAWAN 435
§§ 20-136. Morphology—Continued Page
§ 22-105. Suffixes—Continued
§§ 23-81. Verbal suffixes—Continued
§§ 49-64. Modal suffixes—Continued
§§ 60-64. Modal elements of the imperative and exhortative
1.510, |: ae Se 8 a 516
$ 60,;imtreductory~: <4 = 23% SSeS ee. el 516
§ 61. Imperative suffix for intransitive verbs -zem-.--.--. 516
§ 62. Imperative suffix for transitive verbs -is (-a%s)..... 517
§ 63. Intransitive exhortative -ixmi (-atamt).........--- 518
§ 64. Exhortative -f...... Se eam eS ote kes 519
$§ 6b—/4. ‘Temporal suffixes «= = 2. -sac2 ce OPO a PL 520
§ G0.- Introductory: -2<.<2::22:22beae- Cees. SE 2. 520
$§ 66-70. Semi-temporal suffixes ..................22.-2.-- 520
§ 665. Inchoative sts) (2.00 EO ip ata th Bo 520
§ 67. Terminative -ixat (-atzat) ........22..2222...2---- 521
§ 68. Frequentatives -atfi, -ity (-attr)............-.---- 522
§ 69. Duratives:-is (-ats),,- is .22e AUT Ll ga 524
§ 70. Intentionals -awaz, -aMiin.......2.....----------- 526
§§ 71-74. True temporal suffixes ...............2.-----22-- 527
$ -G.wintrodsctory: .-. 22. «22 seen Ole UL 527
$72; «Present Hef UJ Soe OU as Suk RLS 527
S four PUGRTO Pus . ==... SUPT a, a LZ 528
B74) Best yee ass 0 J UE See ek dO S = Oge
$5-75-77,. Verbalizing suffixes... ..44234/2SRSOU ES lL 531
$:70;- Vorbalizing .-of, -i! . .2<<.2240neUtieren OE oto 2. 531
BOL SNES MARY 8, mb. sche es os 2 LO LE 2. 532
§ 77. Suffix transitivizing verbs that express natural phe-
NOMENA lod )52ic5 5s a= cian bee ee eh BN 533
$$ 78-80. - Plural formations « -- 2.221 eee eee LSU ZL 534
S78, ‘introductory i 2... :. 2.52 sR 534
$49; Plural tied. 2 2 os oc 23555 sae eee ee: 535
$180.5 Blural -te--55-2 ¢: 25022535505 sec Seek ee 537
§ 81. Irregular suffixes -n (-in), -myax (-m) .-.--.-------------- 538
5582-100. Nominal. suffixes: +... .... .2eseT papel ee 539
§ $2, -Introdnetery- «..2 24: 524--- «>< sabes wR. 539
S000: INME Ve tak tec asics 2222 sceucae ole ess. dou. 20. 539
$i84. Augmentative l'md.... 222. = SoU Awe 09. 540
RU SSS) (Case-Gadinge 95... 2 Lue Ree Pee. Bee 540
SSor Tnurcduetery Ut Pit eae eee A 8. 540
$'86,°The locative case.-a, -is - FOES el RA. 541
§ 87. The relative or genitive case -zml, -Em..........------ 544
§.88.. The possessive suffixes... .0jyiset Adee le AL 2. 545
§ .89-96.-Adverbial suffixes |.) SASS eee AE So 549
SS0i+ Introductory... 5... 3s vee seas took SOO DIE ID. 549
§ 90. Local suffix indicating motion -te........-.2.22.2.2.-- 549
§ 91. Local suffix indicating rest -@ (-a#).....222.2222..-2-. 551
§'02.: Local sutux -i¢ (-a'z,--yos) Sees Wee OO Oe. 552
§ 93: Tocalisuffixes-ya;.-ne ssleLedikenld.. Jol 2S eee. 583
§ 94. Adverbial suffixes indicating modality -ite (-attc), -‘na. 554
§ 95. Adverbial suffixes indicating time -fita, -tta...... BULL Moog
D0. MOOR AGVCEDEAD «Gi. aise Spe saisiancrenamausinecacacce= 5d7
§§ 97-105. General nominalizing suffixes............-..--...---- 557
Spiers = (a). Ue ee oe See Sceneeeace 557
Sey AMMAR 26 (-t8)) 5 os een oe da ha wet amos seem aaes 559
436 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY *® [BULL. 40
§§ 20-136. Morphology—Continued Page
§ 22-105. Suffixes—Continued
§§ 82-105. Nominal suffixes—Continued
§§ 97-105. General nominalizing suffixes—Continued
§ 99. Nouns of quality in -?’i@ (-Pivt)..-...2.2222.-------- 560
§ 100. Nouns of agency in -yaua, -it (-a’l), -t/, -t!wi...-...---- 561
§ 101. Nouns in.-a7. ._._-.-eeaie posta? - 4) 2-5 2-2. eee 562
§ 102... Nounsdn, int (Haire Sieidceca cic bp 2-2 - - 2 eee 563
§ 103. Nominalizing suffix indicating place -afmi...--..----- 563
§ 104... cidjectiyes inj +h pote cnesthnce stil. RA. eee 564
§ 105. Irregular suffixes -zm, -ist, -wi, -yiwi, -iwi ....-..----- 564
§§ 106-109. Reduplication, .. ........ 2 --ueeehar sews serry - ieee ps SBE 2. 566
§ 106. Introductory... ...-.....222----e%eueshos tet eo ee 566
§ 107. Duplication of the initial sylable...:...2. 2... 352... 22228 567
§ 108. Duplication of final consonants, <..~ 2.2). jo: J----- = -aseeun 567
§ 109, Duplication of stemai,-2243< o-425 22ceee! - wy 3-- <2 eee 569
§§ 110-112. Vocalic changes. 5... jtame<sepise see tiewint - yok Jo Se ceca eee 569
§ 110: Introductory, ...-- --j--.sasmeee ices hiiteft- Be 4... ee 569
§ 111,. The discriminativercasenecn. a62-153i24:5- {b> 4-2 ee 570
§ 112, Intensity and durationini action, «.! ..220 . 22 32. eee 572
$$ 113-115, .The pronoun, : ....-- onecsgeeateeees Mee - a9 - 2 575
§ 113. The independent personal pronouns time t. te 35... 575
§ 114. The possessive pronouns. ---. . 2.4- J2,/st - J 4 - 2 - 577
§ 115, The demonstrative pronouns ...-c...- sof. 4-¢ 2-2. ee 579
§§ 116-117. The numeral ......... - -swese en ge seteclses - 2 ee 586
§ 116, , The cardinals... .-- 02... deeoct-~yase MaeOee «ae a 586
§ 117, .The decimal system... 22... -'- st tener tee a 587
§§ .118-191:»The adverb. -j3.1). tue tee ieistie a et- ae8 ee - oe re 588
§ 118. ‘Introductory. .2.. .--.<g¢rase0s--5 4° 4useetGa-=- +0 e eee 588
§ 119, Local adverbs,and phrases. - 22.ciis-:%<) (ou22t - see eee 588
§ 120. Temporal adverbs... 25... -.-+-tispeitbeztel- 2 eee 589
$121, Modal.adverbs..<..-..css0<. = -Ge-.s- Love iy <1 ee 589
§$ 122-133... Particles ..-.<.<-.--5seue5e+-2-5-+-%+- sete ee- toe 589
§ 122. Introductory (2c-\ ssneid. 252 o-.-we- Dies al poe ee 589
§ 123,. Pronominal particles. - 2. ......--=s+/3hs-lsuaieeee = ae ee 590
§ 124, Numeral particles... ...2¢.--2--=----22otseheutas- eee 591
§ 125, Canjunctions .-- .-s<.<esgeco-2-5* 262= 364 Soe ee 591
§ 126, . Temporal particles ..-..2.2-.<css J2<3.ldeeeee hk ee eee 593
§ 127. Particles denoting degrees of certainty and emotional states... 594
§ 128. Particles denoting connection with previously expressed ideas. 596
§ 129. Exhortative particles. 12. 2 t<ec asdte<el a.) - 256 oe eee 597
§ 130. . Restrictiwe, parficlesiz.. saitieue: 22-2 eedss bP - pe oo eee 598
§ 131; Miscellaneous particles .... aas-2bic. -<sesees- se eee 598
§ 182. The suffixed particle’ -a,(-a) sax 2huis Jaitsosh- Se eee 601
§ 133., The stem zJar@ . 2 nee wes= 5 StS eMERO Sea ~ oe oe 602
§ 184.. Nouns and. verbs as-qualifiersis2} 2/2/52). 224s5-6.2- sue See 603
§ 135., Particles.as verbs. J. buee ele eee eel o28 cafes tS rere 604
§ 136.. The conditional clause, f=... 495.5 an\- 22 Sho cen B= See oe 604
$7137. Vocabulary. -.--. -0-<- cs ees Ste™ Pe- HORSE a> be ge 606
§.188. Stmicturé:of sentenGes)..<. 4 Led bade Dies Latins Bl ee Pee 607
§:189. Idiomatie expressions) ./:-1- =<). tecifuslees fs se Jase 2h. - 288 $2 eee 608
INTRODUCTION
In 1884 J. Owen Dorsey spent a month at the Siletz reservation,
Oregon, collecting short vocabularies of the Siuslaw and Lower Ump-
qua, as well as of other languages. Prior to Dorsey’s investigations
the linguistic position of Siuslaw and Lower Umpqua was a debated
question. Some investigators believed that these two dialects belonged
to the Yakonan family; while others, notably Latham and Gatschet,
held them to forma distinct stock, although they observed marked agree-
ment with some features of the Yakonan. After a superficial inves-
tigation, lasting less than a month, Dorsey came to the conclusion
that Siuslaw and Lower Umpqua were dialects belonging to the
Yakonan stock. This assertion was repeated by J. W. Powell in his
‘‘Indian Linguistic Families” (Seventh Annual Report of the Bureau
of American Ethnology, p. 134), and was held to be correct by all
subsequent students of American Indian languages. This view, how-
ever, is not in harmony with my own investigations. A closer study
of Alsea (one of the Yakonan dialects) on the one hand, and of Lower
Umpqua on the other, proves conclusively that Siuslaw and Lower
Umpqua form a distinct family, which I propose to call the Siuslawan
linzuistic stock.1 The term ‘‘Siuslaw” was given preference over
‘**Umpqua” or *‘ Lower Umpqua,” in order to avoid the ambiguity of
meaning which might arise from the fact that we have become accus-
tomed to call the Athapascan dialect, spoken on the upper course of the
Umpqua river, the ‘‘ Upper Umpqua.”
The material on which the following sketch is based was collected,
under the joint auspices of the Bureau of American Ethnology and of
Columbia University, on the Siletz reservation, Oregon, during the
months of March, April, and May, 1911.
My principal informant was Louisa Smith, a Lower Umpqua
Indian over 70 years of age. Her advanced years, her absolute
lack of knowledge of the English language, her ill health, and, above
all, the fact that prior to my arrival on the reservation she had
1It is not at all impossible that this stock, the Yakonan, Kusan, and perhaps the Kalapuyan, may
eventually prove to be genetically related. Their affinities are so remote, however, that I prefer to
take 4 conservative position, and to treat them for the time being as independent stocks.
437
438 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL 40
not used her native tongue for a considerable period, rendered her
a poor, though willing informant. In the course of this investiga-
tion it was therefore necessary to employ such additional inform-
ants and interpreters as were available. By far the most important
of these was William Smith, an Alsea Indian and the husband of
Louisa, who had spent his childhood among the Siuslaw Indians,
from whom he had gained a fairly good knowledge of their language.
But he, too, was far from being an ideal informant. His command
of English was imperfect, his degree of intelligence rather limited,
his pronunciation of Lower Umpqua was affected by Alsea pho-
netics, and he was only too often unable to keep apart the Siuslaw,
Lower Umpqua, and Alsea forms of a given word. However, in
spite of these deficiencies, his services proved highly valuable,
because, having previously assisted me in my work on the Alsea
language, he knew more or less what was wanted of him. My
other informants were Spencer Scott, a son of Louisa; Louis Smith,
a full-blooded ‘Lower Umpqua Indian; and Hank Johnson, the son
of a Lower Umpqua father and of an Alsea mother. The three
last mentioned were, comparatively speaking, young men, whose
knowledge of Lower Umpqua was imperfect and rather vague.
They were employed solely for the purpose of settling questions
that pertained to phonetics, and of.disentangling the frequent diffi-
culties that were involved in the collection and translation of texts;
and if I add that throughout the progress of this work, Louisa
Smith was suffering from a severe ear-ache (which at times ren-
dered her absolutely deaf), that William Smith had to undergo
frequent surgical operations because of a poisoned finger, and that
my other informants could give me only part of their time, I shall
have mentioned all the difficulties under which the following mate-
rial was collected. Should this sketch, therefore, be found deficient
in completeness of treatment and clearness of interpretation, it will
have to be accounted for by the extraordinary circumstances under
which the work was conducted. ,
But if the actual work involved in this investigation was rather
trying and tiresome, there were other features connected with it that
rendered it pleasant and enjoyable. These features consist of the
many courtesies and helpful assistance received from the inhabitants
of Siletz; and it is a great source of pleasure to me to record my deep
gratitude to these kind friends. My greatest obligations are due to
B08] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES—SIUSLAWAN 439
Superintendent and Mrs. Knott C. Egbert, to the former for his
untiring efforts to assist me, both officially and personally, in
whatever way he could, and to the latter for the motherly care with
which she attended to my personal wants throughout my stay at the
reservation. My sincere thanks are also due to Dr. Maximilian F,
Clausius, the physician of the Siletz agency, for the numerous tokens
of friendship received at his hand.
CoLumBIA UNIVERSITY,
September, 1911.
AS Sea Daeg BE iy
“ald ‘sok touinat. uk ot ‘sein o
ak aliimeoecroy: ban’ > Ulaiaitto, dtoud.
iy, Miedo os o eh vita adh of ‘Dos. blnos a %
f tO ‘art oy ost
Le oO aaltinizal. mud He ob ovle or. pats Palast y.| Mi
| HAG) atononiue Gel, 14108, komo BM odd to sinioter alex
onl ple «4s tor omga
y oe) eR 5 4aet :
ne repeat
i rita: ae Aa Pas his TIN a
5
RYN Woy OR TEMAS he Reed BCL) ee RE ie pe aie
mf wat 7? on y pty 0 Pe ay -
rh PLN ae UIT: 2S Hh es ere core a 1 Mahdi: iO. Mov. lcd sone
APA ie teh eiyectaes, dete, sees ete Ary Opiate! earl ae
SIUSLAWAN (LOWER UMPQUA)
By Lro J. FRACHTENBERG
§ 1. DISTRIBUTION AND HISTORY
The Siuslawan stock embraces two closely related dialects—Lower
Umpqua and Siuslaw—that were spoken by the people living on the
lower courses of the Umpqua and Siuslaw rivers, in the southern part
of Oregon. Their northern neighbors were the Alsea Indians? (whom
they called Hani's hitc*), on the east they came in contact with the
Kalapuya (chiefly the Yonkalla tribe, known to them as the Qa” xgaz),
and on the south they were contiguous to the Coos(Qii'yaz). The terri-
tory of the Lower Umpqua was bounded on the north by Five Mile lake,
on the south by Ten Mile lake, while on the east they claimed the whole
region adjoining the Umpqua river as far as Scottsburg. The posses-
sions of the Siuslaw Indians extended as far south as Five Mile lake, on
the north they bordered on the Yahach river, and eastwards they
extended as far as Mapleton. Thus it may safely be assumed that
these two dialects were spoken in the western parts of what are known
today as Lane and Douglas counties. No information pertaining to
the previous strength of these two tribes could be obtained. Their
numbers have been so greatly reduced, that, besides the four indi-
viduals who served as my informants, and the two or three Siuslaw
Indians said to be living near Florence, Lane county, there are no
other members living; and since these people no longer converse
in their native tongue, the Siuslaw family may be looked upon as an
extinct linguistic stock.
1 One of the two members of the Yakonan family.
2 For explanation of alphabet see pp. 443, 444.
441
442 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY. [BULL. 40
The Lower Umpqua call themselves Qw'ttc, and refer to their lan-
guage as Qu/itcax wa'as. These terms are of native origin, and are
formed from the stem gai or go’ soutH. The Alsea called them 7ku-
mask’, and they were known to the Coos as Bildji'yeEz, i. e. NORTHERN
Indians. The Siuslaw refer to themselves as C@’yuczta, and were
called Ca'yticze by the Coos and Qwas or Kwas by the Alsea Indians.
The etymology of these names could not be ascertained.
Judging from the scanty notes on Siuslaw obtained by Dorsey and
myself, the differences between this dialect and Lower Umpqua were
very slight and of a purely phonetic and lexicographic character. No
distinct morphological formations were found. The chief phonetic
feature that seems to separate these two dialects is the change of a
Lower Umpqua z into / in Siuslaw.
Lower Umpqua Siuslaw
pa' nid pa'l-% well, spring 76.12
ganiv'nat 19.6 gala'nat knife 50.19
ga'nnt ga'int (D.)* face
tsna wi tsla’we (D.) bone
thwa'nug tkwa'luk” (D.) hat
The lexicographical differences cover a limited number of stems and
words, of which only a few examples may be quoted here.
Lower Umpqua Siuslaw
ta’n- 23.7 itcin- to call by name
atp- yiq/a¥- to split (pitch wood)
Lv u- 8.3 zumc-to come,toapproach 23.2
t/ame 40.19 t/vlmis (D.) child
ewa'ka 29.5 gami' tis (D.) head
t’tla*’ 34.28 wits /i'we (D.) food
k!wi'yos? cga'xte* dog
ko'tan* 34.10 ta” wea (D.)* horse
Texts of myths and tales in the Lower Umpqua dialect were col-
lected by the author, and were published by Columbia University.®
All references accompanying examples refer to page and line of that
publication.
1 Words marked (D.) are quoted from Dorsey’s manuscripts in possession of the Bureau of American
Ethnology.
2 Coos kwi’yos.
3 Apparently related to Alsea tegénz.
4 Chinook jargon.
5 Related to Alsea t/awd’yi.
6 Lower Umpqua Texts, Columbia University Contributions to Anthropology, vol. 4.
§ 1
BoAS] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES—SIUSLAWAN 443
PHONOLOGY (§§ 2-17)
§ 2. Vowels
The vowels have short and long quantities. Resonance vowels,
marked here by superior vowels, are employed often, as is also the
obscure vowel z, which seems to be related to short a In some in-
stances, due to contact phenomena, the obscure vowel partakes of the
quality of a short 0, and is represented here by °. The open e vowel
appears to be lacking, while the long é frequently glides from @ to 7
and resembles a long 7. Significant pitch appears in a few cases (see
p. 447).
The a@- and a” diphthongs occur in two distinct forms, one with the
initial element short or long (a’, a¥, a, a), and the other with the
first element short and the second long (a and a*). The latter two
forms are closely related to the long 7 and @ with which they constantly
interchange. This interchange usually takes place after a, 1, m, n, 9,
x, and /, although numerous instances will be found where the substitu-
tion of a and a” for 7 and @ respectively has taken place after vowels
and consonants other than those enumerated, or where the interchange
does not occur at all.
Examples of interchange between 7 and a’:
img/a't 80.23 ing/a'a’ river 30.20
mita'itin gamita atin my mother 100.12
st'nait 46.18 ct'neva't he thinks 90.15
twk®nx here thou 56.19 ta”k*ns here we two (incl.)
56.6
hatev'xam he was asked 66.16 skwaha" vam it is placed (in)
tsv’klyan hi' siti ha’ 1 am very ta"kEns aya'ga'ti sv'wa* here
glad 25.8 we two (incl.) shall leave
our canoe 56.5
Examples of interchange between @ and a:
waa'tn 7.4 waa’ an he says to him 20.7
waca'yttsme he gave him tkwiha’ha*tsmnr he buriedhis.. .
nis... «76.9 40.22
kimi” Lin kiima*i" tin I am hitting him
h‘yatsi'tstin he put it on 11.8 dga’ga*n he took it off 13.1
pitqtsti’nt made of raccoon hame«a’nt made of tied (grass)
(hides) 70.23, 24 8.6
ka'tiitin I tire him out ha'ta*tin I am tired
yak iskind’ tlaya’ onasmall mik/a®’ 1/aya’ in a bad place
place 38.19 12,10; 13.1
§ 2
444 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 40
The Siuslaw! system of vowels and diphthongs may be represented
as follows:
Vowels Semi-vowels Diphthongs
BAP
G: {ent oA u wy aa". a at. we
Gh 6.40 a a vas uw
The umlauted @ occurs rarely, and is pronounced like @ in German
wahlen; 4 is pronounced like the Slavic short y-vowel; and @ indicates
very short quantity.
§3. Consonants
The consonantic system deviates in a great many respects from
those of the neighboring tribes. Its chief characteristics are the total
absence of the anterior palatal series (g°, X*, /*/, ~*); the absence of
all sonants excepting d; the presence of a palatal lateral (7°); and,
above all, the occurrence of a double series of glottalized explosives
differing in the quality and amount of stress employed in their
production. The real explosives are followed in this sketch by the
sign of exclamation (!), while the glottalized stops of ordinary strength
will be found accompanied by the apostrophe (’). The latter seem to
be confined to the consonants of the dental series and to &. The surds
¢ and & occur also as aspirated consonants.
The following table illustrates the Siuslaw consonantic system:
Sonant Surd Fortis Aspirated Spirant Nasal
Welan. ows oye. 4492 - g - - z -
Palate go sc. BS k(w) k!(w) i - -
Adyeolar 2a 43 -cp t tlt t 8: n
Affricatiye ja in\-'exs - ts, te») ta! te! - - -
ts’, tc’
gibtal - Sa BR ate - p pl (4) - - mM
Eiteral-. eee a uf U, t,t -
Glottal stop_. 222! .: e
Aspiration. -___-_-- .
y she. a |
The palatal 2: is pronounced like Z in the English word lure. The
glottal stop occurs seldom, and seems to be associated with the explo-
sive character of the consonants following it, although I did not suc-
ceed in verifying this connection definitely. The aspiration corre-
1 Whenever the term ‘‘Siuslaw”’ is used, it is to be understood as referring to the whole group, and
not to the dialect only.
§ 3
Boas] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES—SIUSLAWAN 445
sponds to the character of the vowels and consonants that precede or
follow it: that is to say, after palatal vowels it is of a palatal character;
while before the vowels a, 0, and uw, and before velar consonants, it
becomes guttural. When followed by a vowel, it is changed into an h.
tu‘tc- to spear 62.2 tuhatca’ yin he spears it
gaqgu n- to hear 30.18 qa gthantin he heard it 36.23
st‘ to grow (intr.) 98.10 sthi'tein xintyax 1 began to grow
up 100.17
gni'- to find qnit’ hin (they two) found it 56.9
wa' ‘tix again shall...11.2 waha'hin h'yatsi'tstin again he put
it on 12.1
In some instances the aspiration results from the dropping of a 7
before a following (see §§ 16, 58, 59).
. § 4. Sound Groupings
Clusters of two consonants are admissible, except w-+any conso-
nant other thann. Whenever a w is followed by a consonant other
than n, it changes into a voiceless w, represented here by *”. Clusters
of three or more consonants may occur medially or finally, provided
a nasal or lateral forms the initial sound of such groupings.
When, owing to grammatical processes, three consonants that can not
form a cluster come into contact, an obscure or weak vowel (mostly
E, a, or 4) is inserted between two of the three consonants, thus facili-
tating the pronunciation of the cluster.
A similar insertion takes place in initial clusters beginning with m
or 7, and between two consonants belonging to the same series. The
latter rule applies to clusters in initial, medial, and final position.
Examples of clusters consisting of w+ consonant:
a‘tenaw- to trade mutually + a'tena’™tixts you two will
tix + -ts trade mutually
Lotnaw- to hit mutually + -zm Lotna’’’matci you hit one an-
+ -tct other!
zni’’na he does 11.11
Examples of avoidance of clusters in initial position:
m- (prefix of relationship) mita father 54.22
+ta father
m- (prefix of relationship) mita mother 54.23
+ta mother
§ 4
446 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 40
Examples of avoidance of clusters in medial position:
wina- (to be afraid) + -nawa"x wintxna' wate they two were
afraid of each other 86.1,2
qatw- (to ery) +-tia ga tetta he will cry
Examples of avoidance of clusters in final position:
gatcini'tx (to keep on going)
+
qa‘x (night) +-na
gatcini'tvan I keep on going
ga" v®nex (at) night thou .
70.18
ta’ k=ns here we two (incl.) 56.6
ha’'g=naan ashore we (excl.)
88.13
. hatea'ytinatc ye ask her 74.10
ta’k (here) +-ns
hatg (ashore) +-nxvan
hate a'yin (he asked him)
+-ter
tcin- (to come back) + -nx tct'nanx they came back 72.23
Examples of avoidance of clusters of consonants belonging to the
same series:
kumi'nte (not) +-te
ants (that one) + c@'ya
pitta’ wax (he intends to hunt)
+-xvtin
tit!- (to eat) +-tua
tcint (how much) +¢zx
sFa't (such) +1/a'%
kumi'ntc®te not his 92.15
ants ca'ya that penis
prita' wax"xtn we two (excl.)
intend to go hunting 54.22
ti’ t!*tua (you) will eat 50.2
tcint® tex suppose 88.20,21
stat® t/a’™ such a place 15.1
Examples of clusters permissible in medial or final position:
Final Medial
tsing/¢ poor 16.10 tst'ng/tanz you are poor
takwa'itta (their) . . . was takwa'ittean my . .. was
taken away 50.22 taken
tohwi'xamite his . . . was takwi'xamltwa'e theirtwo...
taken away from him 54.14 were taken away from them
The only consonantic cluster that does not seem to be permissible is
the grouping of nz+k. Whenever these three consonants would
appear together in the above-named order, the 2 is always changed
into a.
ts‘ya't/inx (you will be shot) tstya’L/ina k“ni youmight get
+kend
kh" wa’ ninx(they will be beaten)
+k'nd
§ 4
shot
k*wa'nina kn they may be
beaten
Oe ee
BOAS] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES—SIUSLAWAN 447
An exception to this rule is found in the following sentence:
tkwa’' yinane k¥ t’ia* you may get (some) salmon 48.18
In like manner the combination nw+7@ is changed into a” (see § 132).
tor
ya’ qu yinane (thou art seen) yaqu yu' nana" thou art seen
+ -% (-a*) here
§ 5. Accent
Siuslaw exhibits a stress accent, represented here by the acute mark
(’); and a pitch accent, designated by the mark (‘). Only a limited
number of enclitic and proclitic particles show no accent whatsoever.
The pitch accent occurs mostly in monosyllabic words that have a
short vowel, and lends to the syllable a sharp, abrupt intonation. Both
accents are freely shifted from one syllable to another. It seems,
however, to be a fixed rule that in the past tense the accent is placed
on the first syllable, and that the locative case-endings and the adver-
bial suffixes must be accented.
ha‘qa'gq he goes ashore 58.17 ha giqyax (having) come a-
shore 56.13
gvat'x it gets dark 64.19 qa" wiayax it became dark 34.4
Pwatc tcina“« they two are Pwa'tctcyaxa"n I have been
spearing it 56.15, 16 spearing it 66.17
ts/atn pitch 26.6 ts/ttnd’ (locative case) 94.18
ti’t/a* food 34.23 tit/aya’ (locative case) 13.7
tga” ‘tt log 32.21 igatiwiyit’s (locative case)
88.16
pki tt lake 62.18 pk itiyi's (locative case) 34.11
si'xa’ canoe 56.5 sExa” te into the canoe 34.5
qa’ xtin above, up 34.21 gaxtintca’te upwards
s£q’tsa thus 8.7 sfatst’te in that manner 8.1
yack /i’sk’in very small 36.23 yak /isk’int’ in a very small
mie 38.19
§ 6. Phonetic Laws
In both dialects a number of phonetic laws are found which affect
both vowels and consonants. All phonetic processes are due either
to contact phenomena or to the effects of accent. They may be sum-
marized as follows:
Vocatic PRocEssEs:
(1) Diphthongization of 7 and @.
(2) Consonantization of 7- and w-.
§§ 5-6
448 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 40
a
(3) Contraction.
(4) Vocalic hiatus.
(5) Vocalic harmony.
(6) Effects of accent.
CONSONANTIC PROCESSES:
(1) Consonantic metathesis.
(2) Consonantic euphony.
(8) Simplification of double consonants.
(4) Modifications of ¢ and /.
(5) Minor consonantic changes.
§§ 7-12. Vocalic Processes
§ 7. Diphthongization of i and wt
This is by far the most important phonetic change, owing to the fact
that it gives rise to a double form of stems that contain these vowels,
and because it is employed in certain grammatical processes (see
§§ 111, 112). The principle may be described as follows: For the
purpose of expressing (in nouns) the discriminative case and (in
verbs) intensity or duration of action, long 7 and @% are changed into
ya and wa respectively.
Examples of diphthongization of 7:
hina yin he brings him 23.2 hiya'nyiitsane Vl take thee
along 58.6
hitsv'vanr it is put on 11.8 h‘yatsi'tsin he is putting it on
11.8
ilga" he digs 84.2 a’ nisux ya'tga"n those two (who)
are digging (a hole) 84.5
citx- to flop cyate it flops around 36.23
ya g*hitine thou shalt see yoo ya'wax he intended to see
36.25 70.8
4Ene klvnkit they went to klink‘ya'wax(I) intend to go and
look for 60.5 look for 60.5
Qa atciz along the North Fork ge’ xtnyax along the sky 32.19
32.19
Examples of diphthongization of a:
gu ni'vxamime it was poured qua’ nytx pour it into his...
into his . . . 29.2 29.2
Llai’xii“n he knows it 40.16 humi'ntc’ax te'q Lie’ wae" not
they two anything knew it
54.16
ae
BOAS] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES—SIUSLAWAN 449
taku'kiin he takes it takwa' kin he took it 64.10
tu tca'yiin he spears it 64.12 watci tcina“x they two are
spearing it 56.15, 16
“a'x tkima'yin they two “Ins thwa'misiin we two (incl.)
made a dam 48.8 will keep on making dams
48.14
“ttt snow 76.10 watt it snows
pEki'ya vitla’ L!a'% people antsux padkwa'war those two
make shinny-sticks 78.5 (who) are about to play
shinny 78.10, 11
Owing to the interchange between 7 and a’ and @ and a® (see § 2),
these diphthongs are subject to the same amplification.
hi'q/a't he started 22.6 hiq!ya'a" it will be started 32.1
meEgq/la'te they dance 72.13 mEq /ya' wax (1) intend to dance
72.12
ga'tkin te a'ga'ga%ts (from) ta"k*ns aya'qyin here we two
here he left me 60.4 (incl.) will leave it 56.16, 17
katsi's he keeps on following kiwas'yt’tsana® you will follow
92.7 me 92.3
The change of 7 into ya often takes place in the third person sin-
gular, which ends in -7 (see p. 468).
tv watlin I come frequently w'wat!t 68.5, (zi'wat/ya) , he
came frequently :
c'nxyat/in I am thinking (ci'nixyat!/2), ciniayat!ya 17.6
he is thinking
ha'kwat/in 1 fall frequently (ha'kwat/t), ha’ kwat/ya 90.12 it
falls continually
av l-acin I work x'lact 50.9, (avi'l-ecya) he was
working
- petitcin I (am) ahead pe#ti'tcya he was first 48.11
ya ghin IT look ya'g’ ya he looked 70.16
si'nain I want si’nixya he desires
§ 8. Consonantization of i- and u-
The z- and w- elements of the diphthongs are changed into the semi-
vocalic consonants y and w whenever they are followed by vowels of
different qualities. This law affects also the simple short or long 7-
and u- vowels.
dpb
3045°—Bull. 40, pt 2—12 29
450 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL, 40
Consonantization of 7-:
pirtca” (he goes over) + -a%x = pitca'ya"x they two go over 88.15
ti't/a* (food) + -a ya'watcistenxy tit/aya’ for food
you will always try to look 13.7
kii* (not) + -a%x hi ya“x not they two. . . 98.11
gnuhi’- (he finds) + -a# gnthi'yiin (they) found it 60.7
teamiu'ni (mate) + -a la’hkukyax trami’nya she took a
mortal man 60.23
ail aci- (to work) + -a* xilacya”’ (they two) worked 48.10
t/t (bear) + -tint tliyt'nt made of bear (hides) 70.24
st'nxi- (to desire) + -in si’n‘xytin I want it 15.8
Consonantization of w-:
tiya’ a” (fire) + -a +-te ha gmas tiya'watc alongside of the
fire 25.4, 5
witi- (to affirm) + -avam witwa'xam he was assured 80.11
xa’u (he died) + -a# kumi'ntc xa'wit not he dies 15.8
xa’ ts!u% (two) + -a%x xa ts!"“wa"e two of them 40.18
A peculiar case of consonantization seems to have taken place in
the objective case tct’wa 32.20, formed from the noun ¢ci WATER 36.20.
§ 9. Contraction
Contraction of two or three vowels following in immediate suc-
cession does not seem to be of regular occurrence, and there are no
X , :
fixed rules governing this process. The following usages may, how-
ever, be stated to prevail:
(1) Short or long z or w following a vowel of different quality form
diphthongs.
a <ate ui<ute
a’ <atu
The combination 7+, however, does not form a diphthong (see
§ 10).
temii’- (to assemble) + -ttc temi''te aint (they) assembled
30.15, 16
ga'ntcya (from where) +-ite gantcya'te from where
gatcé- (to drink) + -t¢xa*®n gatck" tra"n (they) drink (from) it
76.12
(2) A short vowel preceding another short vowel or a diphthong is
contracted with the following vowel into a short or long vowel or
into a diphthong.
§ 9
BOAS ]
a'tsa (thus) + -a%x
waana'wa (to talk to each
other) + -a%a
s®i (this) + -a'wax
xa'ts/& (two) + -a%x
yalga'a" (a hole) + -un
a” tctst (camas) + -a%x
HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES—SIUSLAWAN
451
a'tsa“x# thus they two...
waana'wate they two talk to each
other 10.4
sta’’aa"2 on this they two...
88.18
xa'ts/ie they two...
ya'tga"n (they) dig holes 84.5
a" tcisa"x yuwa" camas they two
dig 96.18
(3) The obscure vowel z is contracted with all vowels preceding
it into a vowel of a clear quality.
hau- (to quit) + -zm
. na (1) +-zmt
s2a"’na (him) + -zmé
An exception is
wa- (to speak) + -zm
ha'uim quit!
nam*t of me 20.6
staina’mt of him
wa'am speak!
(4) Two long vowels of similar qualities immediately following each
other are contracted into one long vowel.
preku- (to play shinny) + -s
peEki'4s (locative case) 78.18
A peculiar case of contraction has apparently taken place in the
genitive case f¢/ani'’mt OF HIDES 102.1, composed of ?g/a'n% HIDE, and
-Emi, the genitive case-ending (see § 87).
Another process of contraction takes place whenever a personal pro-
noun (see § 24) is added to the suffix -yaws, which expresses the past
durative tense (see p. 526).
bly contracted into -ias.
In such cases the suffix -yazxs is invaria-
Attention may be called to the fact that in
this case we are dealing with a process that is of a character opposite
to the diphthongization of -?, which has been discussed in § 7.
a%s- to sleep 24.1
gatcu- to drink 76.13
perkiu’- to play shinny 9.4
tit/- to eat 13.10
a“ sixsin I have been sleeping,
instead of a” syaxsin
qa tewa'asin I have been drinking,
instead of ga! tctiyausin
pukuesane you have been play-
ing shinny, instead of pa’ kuyax-
sana
fi't/tas he has been eating, instead
of li’t!yaxs
§ 9
452 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 40
§ 10. Vocalic Hiatus
In cases where contraction has not taken place, two vowels occur-
ring in immediate succession are separated by means of an inserted /
or by means of the accent. No definite rules could be found that
would show under what circumstances either of these processes may
be employed. Separation of two vowels by means of an inserted h
occurs more regularly than separation by means of accent. .
Ai'q/a (dentalia shells)+-a%nt hig/aha"ni consisting of dentalia
shells 70.6
Ltaaw' (pole) +-inz tra“ hinr with a spear (in his
hand) 64.11
mekti’ (mother-in-law) + -itin mekli'hitin my mother-in-law
tt’2'a* (salmon) + -anz iat’anz xcaya*’ salmon they catch
82.13, 14
Li’&@ (he came) + -in Liu'un he arrived 16.3
§ 11. Vocalic Harmony
The tendency towards vocalic euphony is so inconsistent in Siuslaw,
that one is almost tempted to deny the presence of such a process.
The two examples I have been able to find are extremely unsatisfac-
tory and do not permit the formulation of any clearly defined rules.
ha’ mit (all) + -emd ha'mutu'mdt of all
ga'xtin high up, above 34.21 ga” xin on top 32.19
§ 12. Effects of Accent
Besides the frequent tendency to lengthen the vowel of the syllable
on which it falls, or to lend to it a clear quality, the loss of accent
shortens or obscures the quantity of the stem-vowel as soon as it is
shifted to one of the suffixed syllables. This law appears with such
regular frequency as to make it a characteristic trait of Siuslaw
phonology.
While examples covering the whole vocalic system could not be
obtained, the following rules seem to prevail:
(1) The a-, 2-, and w- vowels of the stem, when they lose their
accent, are changed into open 7 (written here 7) or obscure vowels
whenever they precede or follow non-labialized consonants.
(2) These vowels are changed—for the sake of harmonization—into
short ~ whenever they appear before or after labialized consonants
or w.
§§ 10-12 a si
Boas]
HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES—SIUSLAWAN
453
(3) The unaccented diphthongs lose the second element, especially
in cases where the stem-vowel is followed by the accented verbalizing
suffixes -a and -w? (see § 75).
Examples showing the change of a-, ¢-, and u- vowels before or
after non-labialized consonants:
ma’ ti dam 48.10
ts/atn pitch 26.6
matte it lay 32.22
yax- to see 34.4
tcin (they) came back 7.7
tstL/v’ arrow 50.11
sv'va’ boat 56.5
smut - to end 20.5
hi“n- to be dark 34.8, 9
stin- to dive 64.21
Change of a-, 7- (and u-) vowels
nants or w:
ma’ gut crow 34.28
ya wistin (you) will pick 36.18
iqwa'*tem trunk of a tree
92.5, 6
mi k*tuce he will cut
Treatment of diphthongs:
xa'tc- to roast (meat) 90.8
prain- to hunt 15.3
as- to sleep 23.9
tc/ha%c- to be glad 23.3
quv- to dream 68.21
miti'yu' the art of making dams
48.11
meEti'teax they two always made
dams 50.12, 13
ts/ttna'te with pitch 24.1
mitcu’” many were lying 36.27
meEtca’'wanx they intended to lie
down 38.23
yixa’ yin he saw it 58.13
tcenv’' te xint he went back 58.15, 16
tsit/a” he shot 50.20
tsiL/v’te by means of an arrow 15.8
sExa“'te into (a) boat 34.5
smit a” it ends 14.6
hwint” it is dark
sind” he dives
before or after labialized conso-
mqwa’Lem of crow 34.21
yuwa"” he digs 96.18
itqutmi’at« gaa” into the stem
they two went 92.6
mkwa” he cuts
xatca” he roasts (meat)
“nx patni'te they are hunting
82.16, 17
asi” he sleeps 70.2
te/hact” he is glad
guta" he dreams
Shortening of the stem-vowel frequently takes place after the suf-
fixation of an additional syllable,
had been shifted or not.
regardless of whether the accent
§ 12
454 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 40
ya” xa‘ much, many 8.5 ya «tia (ye two) will multiply 32.6
yEeco" tc’ax «i'ntis they (dual) con-
tinually multiply 98.12
t/ame infant 40.19 t/i’met/tui« (they) will raise chil-
dren 32.3
teimtca’mi ax 27.10 tcimtct’/mya (locative case) 29.1
In a few instances accent and suffixation have caused the loss or
addition of a vowel, and hence that of an extra syllable.
grvutct’nt woman 30.21 gvitcna” (when) he marries 76.8
mit/a'sk’in step-father mit la! sk’ni' tin my step-father100.5
waa! mux” (they two) talk to waa'yzmwust (they two) begin to
each other 10.7 talk to each other 56.4
waa" mausta (they) began to talk
to each other 64.20, 21
ayt'”'nts stone ay“na ts'te upon the rock 62.11
gay gay p
§§ 138-17. Consonantic Processes
§ 13. Consonantic Metathesis
This change affects mostly the subjective suffix for the third per-
son dual -a%x (see § 24), and (very seldom) the consonantic combina-
tion n+s or n+%s.
In the first instance -a“az is transposed into -“awx (contracted some-
times into -wa) or whenever it is added to stems or words that pre-
cede the verbal expression (see § 26). This transposition never takes
place when the pronoun is suffixed to the verb.
tstm (always) + -a%@ tst’m”ax always they two...
50.10
penis (skunk) + -a%x ants pent's’ax those two skunks
88.6, 7
ants (that one) + -a¥x a'ntsux those two 52.3, 5
sFatst'te (thus) + -a%a sFatsttc’ax thus they two 50.15, 16
uf (and, then) + -a%x u/Par and they two
an'tsite (this his) + -a%x a'ntsitca” these their two 50.4
This transposition is seldom absent; and parallel forms, like a’ntsa“x
and a/ntsux 50.12, sti’ma%x 50.21, and sti’m”ax 52.20, are extremely
rare. As a matter of fact, the tendency towards the metathesis of
-ae is so great that it takes place even in cases where -a%« is suf-
fixed to stems ending in a vowel.
§ 13
.
Boas] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES—SIUSLAWAN 455
qwoa'txa* (beaver) + -a%x qwoa'twa’ax they two (he and)
beaver 52.4
tsimi' la (muskrat) + -a%x tsimil'a'wax they two (he and)
muskrat 54.19
The transposition of 7+s and ¢s actually occurs in a few instances
only, although I have no doubt that under more favorable con-
ditions a greater number of cases could have been collected (see
also p. 599).
ants... haga” ... when tsa’na® 1i'itézx when it will come
he comes ashore 82.5 (this way) 62.21, 22
. ants tkwa'myax when it tsa'ntci if you... 74.8
closed up 78.3
kit nats if not... . 29.7
§ 14. Consonantic Euphony
This law requires that the consonants of the #-series should corre-
spond to the quality of the vowel preceding or following it. Hence
all velar and palatal &-sounds following a u-vowel become labialized.
Owing to the fact that Siuslaw does not possess anterior palatal
sounds, harmonization of consonants does not take place after or
before 7-vowels.
thlanu'k” screech owl 86.1 thwa'nug” hat
tew'as vulva 90.16 ta'ntig/wt moccasins
go'x"m off shore 34.6 ts/u'2wt spoon
cugwa'an roast 90.12 k/utwina" ice appears 76.13
go'g" knee cwkwa sugar?’
§ 15. Simplification of Double Consonants
Double consonants, when not kept apart by means of an inserted
weak vowel (see § 4), are usually simplified. This process especially
takes place between two ¢ and sounds, in which case the repeated
consonant is dropped. This phonetic law is of great importance; and
it should always be borne in mind, because it affects the subjective
suffix for the first person singular -n, when following the transitive
form in -tim. In such cases the subjective pronoun is invariably
dropped; and since the third person singular has no distinct suffix, it
becomes at times rather difficult to comprehend by which of these two
persons a given action is performed (§§ 24, 28).
1 English loan-word.
§§ 14-15
BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY
hatca't (tall, long) +-?%
yikt (big) + -?uv
wan (now) + -nxan
si'ntxytin (he wants it) +-n
anaxa' xan (he gives it up) + -2
mi ttcist (he begins to burn) +
tx
yak/vte (in pieces) + -yax +
-1am
Compare, on the other hand,—
Ukwa'ytin (he takes it) + -nx
L/wa'nisiin (he keeps on tell-
[BULL. 40
ha'tet'u/% a long (time) 48.2
yikt a large size
wa'nxan now we (excl.) 30.13
si'ntxytin I want it 30.4
anxa'xa"n I give him up 60.11
mi'ticista taa’ his mouth be-
gins to burn 29.3
yak /itcya'xam into pieces it
was cut 29.4
tikwa'ytinane you get it 48.18
L/wa'nistinane you keep on
ing him) + -na telling him 17.2
§ 16. Modifications of t and k
Siuslaw seems to have a tendency to avoid as much as possible
the clusters tz and kn. Since the phonetic character of certain
suffixes causes ¢ and » to come into contact frequently, there are
many cases of sound shiftings due to the influence of m upon the pre-
ceding ¢. Combinations of this kind are the passive suffixes -dinz and
-istitne (see §§ 58, 59). In these cases the ¢ closure is not formed,
but replaced by a free emission of breath, thereby changing these suf-
fixes into -i'ne and -isii‘nz respectively. It is not inconceivable that
this process may have a dialectic significance, differentiating the Lower
Umpqua and Siuslaw dialects, because it was noticed that William
Smith (who spoke the latter dialect) never used the forms -dnz and
-isitnn; while his wife! (a Lower Umpqua Indian) invariably hesi-
tated to acknowledge the correctness of the use of -%'nz and -isii‘ne.
But as I had no other means of verifying this possibility, I thought it
advisable to discuss this change as a consonantic process. The dialectic
function of the process under discussion may be borne out further by
the fact that in a good many instances these two suffixes occur in
parallel forms.
waa'yine he is told
72.3
sUnizyt'ne it is de-
sired 20.4
waa" he says 8.9 waa’ yttnEe 20.6
si/nwi- to desire 18.5 st’n‘xytitne 13.4
1 See Introduction.
BOAS]
. hate - to ask 66.16
ani”n- to do 10.5
wad” he says 8.9
1ti’u- to come 8.3
gatz- to count 8.5
k/aha" he invites
ti tca’’ he spears
62.2
hakwa" he drops
tqutu” he shouts
92.6
hati't~ they shout
13.11
HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES—SIUSLAWAN
457
hated yttne 68.3 hateayt'‘nz he is
asked 66.23
ant'’ni ne it is done
wan" st'ne he is con-
tinually told 23.10
Li wisi nr he is con-
tinually approached
26.6
ga Lxist'nz (they) are
continually counted
62.11
tanx k/aha'yitne this one you are invited
24.3
tii‘tea'yutne it is speared 8.7
anv’™’nttne 62.9
waa" sting 24.3
L/it/wi' stitne 26.2
ga Letine 62.8
hakwa'yi‘ne it is thrown 8.7
tquli'yi'nz he is shouted at 78.3
that?’sti'nz he is continually shouted at
14.2
cil‘z- to move 27.3
hiyats- to put on
11.8
c/l-wisiitne he is continually shaken 27.2
h‘ya tsistitne it is continually put on 11.7
The verbal suffix -f expressing periphrastically the idea TO HAVE, TO
BE WITH SOMETHING (see § 76), is very often dropped when followed
by the subjective pronouns that begin with n (see § 24; see also § 88).
atsi'tcitin ha thus | think statsi'tcin ha’ thus | think 21.7
na'm*titin wa'as my language na'm*tin wa'as my language
36.13
L/a'tianxan
100.3
our residence na'm#tinvan our... 102.5
hi sinxan hitst!* good (was) our
house 100.13
The same tendency of dropping a consonant prevails in clusters con-
sisting of £+n.
tanz this one thou 20.6
ta’nvan these ones we. .
ta%k (this here) +-nx
tatk (this here) + -nzan . 25.3
The dropping of % in these instances may also be explained as
having resulted from the abbreviation of ¢a%k into tz (see § 115);
the more so, as an analogous case is furnished by the local adverb
§ 16
458 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 40
stimk THERE, which usually loses its # before all following sub
jective suffixes (see § 119).
stimk (there) 30.18 +-nz stt'mEnz there they . . . 32.3
stimkts (there you two) 32.12 stimts there you two .. . 32.6
stt’mtci there you (pl.) 32.8
§ 17. Minor Consonantic Changes
In this section those changes affecting the consonants will be dis-
cussed, for which not enough examples could be found to permit the
formulation of clearly defined rules.
Here belongs in first place the apparent change of a sonant into a
fortis in initial reduplication, a process exemplified by only three
cases.
Li’'%- to come 9.2 L/it/wi'sitne he is continually ap-
proached 26.2
Lt/it/wa'zam he is approached
16.3
temu’- to assemble 7.3 tlemt/ma’xam people assemble
about him (passive) 23.3
Another sporadic change is that of g and g/ into & before the suffix
of place -a®mt (see § 103).
yag"- to look 9.1 yikyaiméi a place from where one
can see, a vantage point
ma’g/i- to dance 28.7 meEkyaimt a dance hall
Compare, however, on the other hand,
yag" ya’ waxan I intend to look 25.8,9
mi'ng!yem buy a woman!
A third doubtful process consists in the change which the modal
adverb ki’ wyal‘x ALMOST, NEARLY (see § 121), undergoes whenever
used with the subjective pronouns for the second person singular or
third person plural (see § 24). In such cases the form obtained is
always kwi’n¥x yal‘e THOU ALMOST, THEY ALMOST, which may be ex-
plained as a result of a simplification from ki‘ + -nxw+axyal-a (see § 15).
ki’ eyal’e smi/Pa it almost is kwi'n®a yal-x kii‘na’in youalmost
the end 10.9, 11.1 beat him
kwine yale 1i’wit they had al-
most arrived 66.25
Say
BOAS] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES—SIUSLAWAN 459
§ 18. GRAMMATICAL PROCESSES
All grammatical categories and syntactic relations are expressed in
Siuslaw by one of the following four processes:
(1) Prefixation.
(2) Suffixation.
(8) Reduplication.
(4) Phonetic changes.
Prefixation as a means of expressing grammatical categories is
resorted to in only two instances. Almost all grammatical ideas are
expressed by means of suffixes. A singular trait of the suffixes in
Siuslaw is presented by the fact that the adverbial suffixes are added
to the locative form of the noun and must precede the pronominal
suffixes. Reduplication is practically confined to the formation of
intensive and durative actions; while phonetic changes are employed
for the purpose of forming the discriminative case and of expressing
duration and intensity of action.
§ 19. IDEAS EXPRESSED BY GRAMMATICAL PROCESSES
By far the majority of stems that constitute the Siuslaw vocabulary
are neutral, receiving their respective nominal or verbal significance
from the functional character of the suffix that is added to them. All
stems expressing our adjectival ideas are in reality intransitive verbs.
Of the two prefixes employed as a means of expressing grammatical
categories, one indicates relationship, while the other points out the
performer of an action.
The suffixes are overwhelmingly verbal in character; that is to say,
they indicate ideas of action and kindred conceptions. Hence they
are employed for the purpose of expressing activity, causation,
reciprocity, the passive voice, the imperative and exhortative modes,
etc. The pronouns denoting both subject and object of an action are
indicated by suffixes, as are also the possessive relations that may
exist between the object of a sentence and its subject. All temporal
ideas are conveyed by means of suffixes, and Siuslaw shows a remark-
able development of this category, having distinct suffixes that
express inception, termination, frequency, duration, intention of
performing an action, as well as the present, future, and past tenses.
Other ideas that are expressed by means of verbal suffixes are mainly
§§ 18-19
460 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY {Bunn 40
modal in character, indicating distribution, negation, location of
action, and the attempt to perform a given act.
Nominal suffixes are, comparatively speaking, few in number, and
express chiefly adverbial ideas, such as local relationships and instru-
mentality. They are used, furthermore, for the purpose of forming
abstract concepts, diminutive and augmentative nouns, and also ex-
press cases of nouns.
Ideas of plurality are hardly developed; for, with the exception of
two suffixes that express plurality of the subject of the sentence,
Siuslaw has no other grammatical means of indicating plurality of
action or of nominal concepts. Distinct verbal and nominal stems for
singular and plural subjects or objects, such as are employed in other
languages, do not exist. Plurality of subject and object is sometimes
indicated by particles.
Reduplication expresses primarily repetition and duration of action;
while phonetic changes serve the purpose of denoting the performer
and intensity of action.
The grammatical function of particles covers a wide range of ideas,
pertaining chiefly to the verb. Some express finality of action, sources
of knowledge, emotional states, connection with previously expressed
ideas, others have an exhortative and restrictive significance.
In the pronoun, three persons, and a singular, dual, and plural, are
distinguished. Grammatical gender does not exist. The first per-
son dual has two distinct forms,— one indicating the inclusive (1 AND
THOU), and the other the exclusive (I AND HE). In like manner the first
person plural shows two separate forms,—one expressing the inclusive
(rt AND YE), and the other the exclusive (I AND THEY).
The demonstrative pronoun, while showing a variety of forms, does
not accentuate visibility or invisibility, presence or absence, and near-
ness or remoteness, in relation to the three pronominal persons.
The numeral is poorly developed, exhibiting forms for the cardinals
only. Means of forming the other numerals do not exist. They are
expressed mostly by the cardinals. The ordinals are sometimes indi-
cated by means of an adverbial suffix.
The syntactic structure of the sentence presents no complications.
The different parts of speech may shift their position freely without
affecting the meaning of the sentence. Nominal incorporation and
§ 19
BOAS] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES—SIUSLAWAN 461
words that are compounds of independent stems do not exist, and
words denoting nominal or verbal ideas can be easily recognized
through the character of their suffixes.
MORPHOLOGY (§§ 20-136)
Prefixes (§§ 20-21)
Siuslaw has only two prefixes,—a fact that stands out most conspicu-
ously when we consider the large number of prefixes that are found
in some of the languages spoken by the neighboring tribes. Of these
two prefixes, one is employed for the purpose of denoting nouns of
relationship, while the other forms the discriminative case of nouns
and pronouns.
§ 20. Prefix of Relationship m-
This prefix is found in a limited number of terms of relationship.
All these terms occur also in Alsea,! and it is quite conceivable that
they represent loan-words assimilated by means of this prefix. By
far the majority of nouns expressing degrees of relationship occur
without the prefix m-. Owing to the fact that Siuslaw does not permit
an m to appear in initial consonantic clusters, the prefix is often
changed into m#- (see § 4).
The following is a complete list of all terms employed in Siuslaw
for the purpose of denoting the different degrees of relationship.
English Siuslaw
Father mitir?
Mother mitiz®
Elder brother mat /r! 4
Younger brother mit’ ske ®
Elder sister misi'a? ®
Younger sister mictcr'
Grandfather LipL, Lipt'mé (see § 84)
Grandmother kam, kamt'mé (see § 84)
Grandson timi'sk’in (see § &3)
Granddaughter tizko'n
Paternal uncle, stepfather mit/a'sk’in (see § 83)
Maternal uncle t/a’*stis/47
Paternal and maternal aunt ki'la
1See p. 437, note 1. 4Alsea haétt!. 6 Alsea safa, kink
2 Alsea ta‘a, 5 Alsea mii/tsik-. 7 Alsea t/d/atsa.
3 Alsea isi,
462
BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY
Parent-in-law
Son-in-law
Daughter-in-law
Brother-in-law, sister-in-law
meEkti! 1
mi’ n{%) ?
te’maan (?)
ta’maaxt®
[BULL, 40
Stepmother mitash’t'l'md (see §§ 88, 84)
Stepbrother mi"sku'l*md (see § 84)
Stepsister (2)
Nephew (son of brother) tip
Nephew (son of sister); step- tlat*
son
Niece (daughter of brother) ti’pxan (2)*
Niece (daughter of sister); tint ®
stepdaughter (?)
Term of relationship, by mar- vay’ si"
riage, after the death of the
person that caused this kin-
ship
In addition to these terms of kinship, I have obtained a few other
stems, whose exact rendering did not seem to be very clear in the
Thus, William Smith maintained that
q/aist’nti® denoted ELDER sISsTER; while Louisa Smith thought she
remembered that ¢aqg/7’wi signified BROTHER-IN-LAW. Other terms that
may belong here are the nouns ¢emda’ni (rendered by my interpreter
by cousin), that seemed to be used in addressing a non-related member
of the tribe; ¢s’t/-mu’t FRIEND, referring to a person outside the
minds of my informants.
consanguinity and affinity group; ¢st’mgma PEOPLE, FOLKS; and tz'q¢
RELATIVE (see § 123).
§ 21. Discriminative q- (qa-)
This prefix is added to all terms of relationship and to all independ-
ent pronouns for the first and second persons, whenever they are the
subject of a transitive action or whenever the presence of both a
nominal subject and object in one and the same sentence necessitates
the discrimination of the subject. The discriminative case of nouns
1 Alsea mak-l.
2 Alsea min.
3 Alsea temazt SISTER-IN-LAW.
4 Likewise so by Dorsey for ‘‘nephew.’’ The use of this term for ‘‘stepson’’ contradicts the term for
“‘stepfather.”’
5 Frequently rendered cousIN.
6 The same contradiction as mentioned in note 4.
7 Coos xa’yusLdte.
© Alsea ga’sint.
§ 21
BOAS] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES—SIUSLAWAN 463
other than terms of relationship is formed by means of an internal
phonetic change (see § 111). The same case for the independent per-
sonal pronouns for the third person will be found discussed in § 113
(pp. 575 et seq.). The rules of consonantic clusters change this prefix
frequently into ga- (see § 4).
mita father 54.22 gamita'te wi'ttcistin her father
sent her 92.20
m*i'sk¥ younger brother 56.6 “ wan waha' han qa’msk*tc now
again (said to him) his younger
brother 56.20, 21
mitt mother 54.23 a’ltg gute l-mda ta'yin gamita’-
atin one old woman kept (in
her house) my mother 100.12
ni I 21.8 ts’klyanz gna si'n'zytits very
much thee I like 22.7
na han I 40.14 L/aet'ytin qna'han I know it 19.9
nivtts thou 50.16 hi" sana ma'nisiits gni'x%ts well
thou shalt always take care of
me 22.2, 3
“ina gni' arts xni’nistin and you
will continually do it 98.10
gna'win LEtu'yiits we two (excl.)
hit thee
qna'nzan ya'ghisits we (excl.)
will watch thee 72.6
wate who, somebody 10.1 quate L/ait'yiin he who knows it
44.8
kumi'ntcEnt gwatc ki nisiits not
us (excl.) anybody will ever
beat 72.17
na’ xtin we two (excl.) 36.15
na’nxan we (excl.)
Suffixes (§§ 22-105)
§ 22. General Remarks
Besides the few ideas that are conveyed by means of other gram-
matical processes (such as prefixation, reduplication, etc.), Siuslaw
employs suffixation as a means of forming practically all of its mor-
phological and syntactic categories. These suffixes are either simple
or they are compounded of two or more distinct formative elements.
The compound suffixes usually have the cumulative significance of
their separate component parts. In many cases, owing to far-reaching
§ 22
464 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bunn. 40
phonetic changes, the derivation of the compound suffixes can not be
given with certainty.
From a functional point of view all suffixes may be divided into a
verbal and a non-verbal group; the former used in the formation of
verbal ideas, the latter employed for the purpose of conveying gram-
matical concepts of a nominal, adjectival, or adverbial character. In
one or two instances we do find a suffix denoting both verbal and
nominal ideas. This is especially true of the suffix -a@, -@, which
may indicate an act performed by several subjects, or else the abstract
concept of that action (see §§ 79, 97); and of the auxiliary -¢, which is
also employed in the formation of a number of words denoting adjec-
tival ideas. (See §§ 76, 104.) While it might have been more proper
to discuss such suffixes in a separate chapter as ‘‘ Neutral Suffixes,”
practical considerations have induced me to treat them in accordance
with their functional values, notwithstanding the fact that this treat-
ment entails some repetition.
The majority of Siuslaw stems are neutral, and receive their respec-
tive nominal or verbal meaning from the nature of the suffix that is
added to them. There are, however, a few stems denoting adverbial
ideas that can under no circumstances be amplified by nominal suffixes.
Furthermore, it seems to be a general rule that nominalizing suffixes
can not be added to a stem that has already been verbalized by some
verbal suffix; while numerous instances will be found where a stem
originally developed as a verbal idea, and nominalized by means of
suffixes, can again be verbalized by adding to the derivative noun an
additional verbal suffix.
The following examples will serve to illustrate the three possibilities
that prevail in the derivation of verbs and nouns.
(1) NEUTRAL STEMS:
Stem. Verb Noun
tstz/- to shoot 8.6 fstz/a"” heshoots10.3 = ¢s7’z/t arrow 50.7
kit /- to eat 13.10 tit/a" he eats 44.19 ti’'t/a* food 34.23
hits- to live hiyatsi’™ they live hitst!* house 25.2
aitt- to snow watt it snows a'ttt snow 76.10
tsxa'- to shine (7%) tsraya” Lida day tseayu'’ day, sun
breaks 50.3 6)
itq- to dig 80.6 antsux ya'tga"n they yatga'a* hole (in the
two dig (the ground) ground) 84.6
84.5
§ 22
BOAS] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES—SIUSLAWAN 465
(2) ADVERBIAL PARTICLES:
sta'tsa thus 8.7 yd'tsa sta'ts*yaw for a long time
he did it thus 11.3, 4
stats xamyax thus it was done
32.16
waha again 19.5 waha' ha'n ga'msk"te again (said
to him) his younger brother
56.21
wa'‘tine m%qwa'temtc wa'as
you will again (talk) Crow’s
language 38.8, 91
(83) Nouns: Noun Verb
gvitc female qiitct/nt woman qititena” (when)
52.17 30.21 he marries 76.8
picte-? pictcem summer pictcima” (when)
46.11 it gets summer
54.2
waa- to speak 7.1 waas language ska'na’ mite wa'as
34.21 wa syaxa'n his
language he
spoke 36.14
Verbal Suffixes (§§ 23-81)
§ 23. INTRODUCTORY
The study of the verbal suffixes of Siuslaw brings out a strong ten-
dency to phonetic amalgamation between different groups of suffixes,
by which the component elements are often obscured. For this
reason the question of an ultimate relationship between many of the
suffixes that occur in Siuslaw can not be ascertained as easily as
might seem at first sight, owing chiefly to the fact that in most of the
compound suffixes the originally separate elements have undergone
considerable phonetic changes and have become to a large extent
petrified. However, a careful examination of the phonetic composi-
tion of those suffixes that convey kindred psychological and gram
matical concepts will show that certain phonetic elements of a given
suffix may have served originally to conduce one leading idea, and
have amalgamated, in the course of time, with other suffixes, thereby
showing a genetic relationship between many of the verbal suffixes.
1 See also § 135,
§ 23
3045°—Bull. 40, pt 2—12——30
466 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 40
Thus, -% may have had primarily a transitive indicative function
occurring in the suffixes -iin (see § 28), -tits (see § 29), -wa (see § 30), ete.
In like manner, -¢s- may have been the proto-suffix that indicated pro-
nominal! relations between subject and object, being present in suffixes
like -aits (see § 29), -zmts (see § 31), -titsm- (see § 34), -ults (see § 36),
-its (see § 42), etc.; and -/- seems to have been originally a modal
suffix, denoting chiefly the possession of the object of the verb by
another person or thing, because it is found in suffixes like -d
(see § 35), -aits (see § 36), -a (see § 45), -itts (see $46), etc. To all
appearances -? must have been an independent suffix implying a com-
mand, for it enters into composition with imperative and exhortative
suflixes like -is (see § 62), -tts (see § 42), -imts (see § 44), -id (see § 45),
-ilts (see § 46), -iamé (see § 63), -tni (see § 41), etc.; and -te was
undoubtedly the general adverbial suffix.
The following table will best illustrate the plausibility of relation-
ships between some of the suffixes that occur in Siuslaw. The forms
marked with an asterisk (*) represent the probable original suffix,
while the other forms indicate the suffixes as they appear today.
*_q% indicative
-tin direct object of third per-
son (see § 28)
-tits direct object of first and
second persons (see § 29)
-ax indirect object of third
person (see § 30)
-titsm object possessed by sub-
ject, but separable from it
(see § 34)
-al object possessed by a third
person object (see § 35)
-ults object possessed by a first
or second person object (see
§ 36)
-yiin, -”yin exhortative (see
§ 41)
-¢’tn intentional (see § 70)
*_¢s pronominal relations be-
tween subject and object
§ 23
-uts direct object of first and sec-
ond persons (see § 29)
-emts indirect object of first and
second persons (see § 31)
-itsm object possessed by subject,
but separable from it (see § 34)
-ults object possessed by a first or
second person object (see § 36)
-its imperative with direct object
of the first person (see § 42)
-imts imperative with indirect ob-
ject of the first person (see § 44)
-ilts imperative with object pos-
sessed by a first person (see § 46)
-tsv imperative expressing posses-
sive interrelations between ob-
ject and subject (see § 47)
-ttsmz exhortative expressing pos-
sessive interrelations between
object and subject (see § 48)
*.4 imperative
BOAS] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN
-Wytin, -int exhortative with
direct object of the third
person (see § 41)
-its imperative with the direct
object of the first person (see
§ 42)
-imts imperative with indirect
object of the first person (see
§ 44)
-it imperative denoting that
object is possessed by a third
person (see § 45)
-itts imperative denoting that
object is possessed by a first
person (see § 46)
-itsmer exhortative with posses-
sive interrelations between
object and subject (see § 48)
-is imperative for transitive
verbs (see § 62)
-iami intransitive
tive (see § 63)
exhorta-
LANGUAGES—SIUSLAWAN
467
*-£ possessive interrelations be-
tween object and subject
-iit object possessed by a third per-
son object (see § 35)
-iitts object possessed by a first or
second person object (see
§ 36)
-iilte, -camiltx passive with posses-
sive relations of subject (see
§ 39)
-it imperative denoting that object
is possessed by a third person
(see § 45)
-itts imperative denoting that
object is possessed by a first
person (see § 46)
-t (?) exhortative (see § 64)
*_te adverbial
-tc’ tentative (see § 52)
-te local (see § 90)
-ite modal (see § 94)
In discussing these suffixes it seems convenient to begin with the
group that appears in the sentence in terminal position and proceed
backwards with our analysis.
distinguish—
(1) Pronominal suffixes.
(2) Objective forms.
(3) Modal suffixes.
(4) Temporal suffixes.
(5) Verbalizing suffixes.
(6) Plural formations.
(7) Irregular suffixes.
According to this treatment, we may
PRONOMINAL SUFFIXES (§§ 24-26)
§ 24. The Subjective Pronouns
The pronouns denoting the subjects of an action, transitive and
intransitive, as well as pronominal objects, are expressed by means of
suffixes that invariably stand in terminal position. The third person
singular has no distinct form. The first persons dual and plural have
§ 24
468 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 40
distinct forms for the inclusive and exclusive. The same pronouns
are used for all modes and voices. In the imperative the second per-
son singular is omitted.
The following table will serve to illustrate what may be called the
fundamental type of the subjective pronouns:
Singular Dual Plural
1st person sing.
¢ . -n -8 -nt
Inclusive du. and pl.
ma person ee hess ga -ts -tch
ad person .=40 8 ae -a"y -N&
Exclusive du. and pl. . - -a'xin, -axin =-nxan
It would seem that the exclusive forms are derived from the third
persons dual and plural and the first person.
These suffixes appear also in the independent personal pronouns (see
§113). The suffix for the first person singular, -», disappears regularly
after the transitive -d (see § 15), and the confusion that might arise
from the fact that the transitive form for the third person singular
ends in -% also, is avoided by accentuation of the first person singular
as the subject of an action by the additional use of the independent
pronoun that either precedes or follows the verb.
The second person singular and the third person plural happen to
consist of the same phonetic elements, -nz. Ambiguity of meaning in
both forms is avoided by addition of the independent personal pro-
nouns. The suffix for the third person dual undergoes frequent
changes, which have been fully discussed in § 13.
The rules regulating consonantic clusters require the insertion of an
obscure (or weak) vowel between stems ending in a consonant and
any of the subjective suffixes that begin with a consonant (see § 4).
According to the manner in which the subjective pronouns are
added to a given verbal stem, the verbs may be divided into the five
following distinct groups: |
(1) Verbs that add the pronominal suffixes directly to the stem or
that take them after the verbalizing suffixes -a‘ and -w’.
(2) Verbs that end in -7.
§ 24
Boas] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES—SIUSLAWAN 469
(3) Certain verbs that end in z.
(4) Verbs that express the third person singular by means of stem
amplification (see § 112).
(5) Verbs that end in -a.
The first group presents no difficulties whatsoever. The subjective
pronouns are added directly to the stem or else follow the verbalizing
suffixes -a‘ and -w (see § 75).
A number of verbs seem to end in -2, which undergoes a pho-
netic change whenever the pronominal suffixes are added to it. Thus,
it is shortened when followed by the pronoun for the first person
singular, and it undergoes the process of diphthongization (see §7)
whenever a pronoun for any of the other persons is added to it.
Whenever the third person singular is to be expressed, the verb
appears with -7, which is often diphthongized into -ya. Verbs that
take the tentative suffix -tc’ (see § 52) and the frequentative -at/i
(see § 68) are treated similarly.
A peculiar treatment is accorded to certain verbs that end in z.
Here belong only such verbs as have been amplified by means of the
modal suffix -i/’ax (see § 51) and of the temporal suffixes -awaz, -tiz,
and -yaz (see §§ 70, 73, 74). These suffixes do not change their pho-
netic composition when followed by the pronouns for the first person
singular and second persons dual and plural. However, as soon as
the subjective pronouns for any of the other persons are added to
them, the final x disappears. An exception to this rule is offered by
the future -ix (see § 73) when followed by the pronoun for the third
person dual. In this case the final z is always retained. Whether
the disappearance of the z is due to contraction or to other causes,
can not be said with any degree of certainty.
The last two groups comprise verbs the stems of which undergo a
process of amplification whenever the third person singular is to be
expressed. Verbs belonging to the fourth group show an internal
change of the stem, while those of the fifth group add an a to the
barestem. A full discussion of the phonetic character of these two
processes will be found in § 112, p. 574.
§ 24
BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY
470
[BULL. 46
In accordance with these five types of verbs, the following tabular
arrangement of the pronominal suffixes may be presented:
1st type
Gide Sulfa ue veces THA -n
1st person; Dual (inel.) . . -ns
Plural (inel.) . -nt
Singular . . -N&
2d penn Da ae -ts
Plurals. 4 -tct
Singular . . . |—,-at, -w
38d person nual | . -aux
Pluralaas7 Nx
Dual i apie 7
Exclusive ~axtin
PIprala., a -nxzan
|
a
2d type 3d type 4th type | 5th type
in -xan nN n
yans -ns N8 Ns
yank -nt mt nt
yank nx Nx nx
yats -ats ts ts
yatet -xtet tct tet
-1, -ya 2 eer ee -a
~yaua -2aue,-aua| -aua -auz
-yanx -nt -nx -Nx
yaurtin -auxtin auxin auctin
-yaxtin -axun -axtin -axtin
-yanzran -Nxan -nzan “Nan
(1) Pronominal suffixes added directly to the stem or following the
verbalizing -a‘ and -d’:
wina- to be afraid 17.6
waa- to speak 7. 1
winz- to be afraid 17.6
ina“w- to be rich 76.3
gay- to pass wind 86.7
tsing/- to be poor 16.10
t/a’ he eats 46.5
tsing/- to be poor 16.10
tcin- to come back
skwa‘- to stand 10.9
tgud- to shout 52.8
smit’- to end 8.8
ga'te'nt he goes 12.
xint- to start 23.1
tsing/- to be poor 16.10
yuwa"’ he gets pitch 96.18
neg’ tx- to be cold
§ 24
wi'nxin I was afraid 58.22
waa''n I say
wi'nains we two (inel.) are afraid
ina“ want we (incl.) are rich
tga’ganx thou passest wind 86.14
tsi'ng/ats you two are poor
lit/a'yats you two eat
tsit/ng/atct you are poor
tsing/ he is poor
tcin he returned 7.7
skwaha" he stands 14.4
tgulu” he shouted 92.6
smitvi” it ends 14.6
ga’ tc'nta“x they two go 23.1
xt'ntanex they started 88.20
ts’ng/a“xtn we two (excl.) are
poor
yuwa'yaxtin we two (excl.) will
get pitch 94.17, 18
nEgit teanxan we (excl.) are cold
76.20
BOAS]
HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES—SIUSLAWAN 471
(2) Pronouns added to verbs that end in7:
at'l-xci- to work 50.3
st/nai- to desire 18.5
wi nki- to work 50.6
xr’ l*aci- to work 50.3
at'l-xcin I work
xt’ l*xcyans we two (incl.) work
x lxcyant we (inel.) work
si'ntxyanex (if) you desire 44.6
si'nixyats you two desire
wi'nkyate you are working
wi'nki he is working
avlact (ai’l-xcya) he is working
50.9
at’ l-acyaa they two work
xt'l‘xcyane they work
wi l-xcya"xin we two (excl.) are
working
xi l-acyanzxan we (excl.) are work-
ing.
(3) Pronouns added to certain verbs that end in z:
gatc®n- to go, to start 8.2
dg- to run away 52.10
1i’u- to come 8.3
dg- to run away 52.10
awwiL /- to return 12.6
hitc- to play 8.8
Li’u- to come 8.3
ta’ it lives 32.21
miki'- to cut 82.14
temt’'- to assemble 7.3
1v%- to approach 8.3
dg- to run away 88.38
ta’ it lives 32.21
1i’u- to approach 8.3
dg- to run away 88.3
ga'te'ntixan I shall go 22.2
aga’waxan I intend to run away
90.21
Li tyaxan I came
a’gtins we two (incl.) shall run
away 92.2
dga’wans we two (incl.) intend to
run away 90.23
ewi'L/tint we (incl.) shall return
60.9
xwi'L/yant we (incl.) have returned
hi’ tctint we (incl.) shall play 7.2
Liwa'wanex you intend to come 25.8
ta” yanex thou didst live
mi'k*ttiats you two will cut 90.5
tem tiatct you shall assemble 30.7
ti’ uti he will come 8.9
dga’wax he intends to run away
86.15
ta’ yax (if) he lives 44.12
Liu’ tuxa“x they two will come
Lv tya"x they two came
aga’wa'x they two intend to run
away 86.18
§ 24
472 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 40
dg- to run away 88.3 aga’ wa"xtn we two (excl.) intend
torunaway |
Liv/u- to approach 8.3 Lvitinxan we (excl.) will come
30.11
Li’tiyanxan we (excl.) have come
(4) Amplification of stem:
ilq- to dig 80.6 yatg (they two) dig 84.7
citz- to flop cyat« (they) flop (around) 36.23
ha”’- to be ready 8.10 ha'wa it is ready 23.10
tlon- to tell 16.9 t/wan he relates 16.6
(5) Verbs that end in -a-:
hau'- to quit 11.4 ha'wa it is ready 23.10
wa- to speak 7.1 waa’ he said 12.10
ga'tc'n- to go 12.1 ga’tc#na he goes 36.1
witw- to afirm 17.7 witwa’ he affirms 58.9
§ 25. The Objective Pronouns
The same forms as those discussed in § 24 are used to express the
pronominal objects. In these terms the verbal stem is followed by
an objective element, which in most cases is followed first by the
pronominal object, then by the pronominal subject. In all cases
where this composition would bring two consonants into contact they
are separated by a weak vowel (a or 2).
The objective elements here referred to are -in, which expresses the
relation to the third person object, and -a%s, which indicates the rela-
tion to the first and second persons. ‘These will be treated more fully
in §§ 27-29.
In all forms that express a relation of a second person subject or of
an exclusive subject to a singular pronominal object, the latter is
omitted, and the pronominal subject follows directly the objective
element before referred to. Perfect clearness is attained here, since
the objective element defines the person of the object. Thus the
forms THOU, YE TWO, YE, acting upon either first or second person,
can refer only to the first person; I anD HE, and I AND THEY, only to
the second, for otherwise they would be reflexives. In the combi-
nation I-THEE the subject is omitted. In the combinations ]-n1m,
I-rHEM Two, I-THEM, the subject pronoun -n seems to have been con-
tracted with the n of the objective element (see § 15); while in
THEY-ME the order of subject and object is reversed.
§ 25
473
Boas] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES—SIUSLAWAN
These phenomena may be indicated in the following tabular form:
I. OBJECTIVE FORMS FOLLOWED BY SUBJECT
Third person object First and second persons objects
Subjects Subjects
Singular Dual Plural Singular Dual Plural
Inclusive . - -UnNans ~unant Inclusive . - - -
Exclusive . - -inauztin | -inanzxan | Exclusive . - ~utsauxtin | -citsanzxan
2d person -unane | -unats ~unateci 2d person ~uitsanx | -ttsats ~aitsatct
3d person . | -in -UNAUE ~UNANX 3d person . = = =
II. SUBJECT OMITTED
I-THEE— -dtsanz.
III. INVERSION OF SUBJECT AND OBJECT
THEY-ME— -ttsanzin.
IV. SEQUENCE: OBJECT-SUBJECT
All dual and plural objects; all third person subjects (except THEY-
ME).
The following table may serve to illustrate more fully the forms
that are used in Siuslaw to express relations between subject and object.
Suffixes marked with an asterisk (*) are forms reconstructed by analogy.
SINGULAR
IT Thou He
“4 Me . - -uitsanz -iitsin
Ls
BS Thee ~iitsant - ~utsane
bo Z A :
Him -ain -inanr -in
Inclusive . - - -~itsans
ee Exclusive. - *-Utsaurunanr ~uitsauzan
Ss =
B You. -iitsatsin - ~uitsats
-unaurin ~UNaLTanT ~Unaur
Them . ‘ é a
|| ~in -inant un
Inclusive . | - - -~utsant
= Exclusive. - *-(itsanzananr ~itsanztan
5 You. -titsatcin - -titsatct
—
Ay -inanzin ~Uinanranz nant
Them . 3 z :
aun ~inanr -in
§ 25
474 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 40
DuUAL
Inelusive Exclusive We They
ms Me = - -iitsats ~utsinaur
Lo x a =
5 7 | Thee - ~utsaurin - *itsanzaur
2) | Him -~inans ~inauztin ~inats ~inaur
Inclusive - - - ~utsansavr
aa Exclusive - - -utsaurinats RU tsaurainaur
2 You - -iitsatsauzin - *-itsatsaur
-unarrans -Unaurauran ~unaurats -
Them. ui a =
-inans -inaurain ~unats =
Inclusive - - = *-titsantaur
= Exclusive - - -~utsanzanats ~utsanranaur
f| You. = ~itsatcyarin - ~titsatcyaur
Pu The ~inanrans ~tinanzaurin -unanzats ~UNANTAUT
m. S = =
~unans ~ainarzin ~inats ~Unaur
PLURAL
Inclusive Exclusive You They
~iitsaict e
‘3; Me ~ = -utsanzin
43 -ttsinatci
aS = r
“ae | Thee - -itsanzan - *iitsanzant
Him ~inant -inanzran ~inatet -UNanr
Inclusive - - - *-7itsansanr
oy Exclusive - - *-utsaurtinatet *-Utsaurinanr
Ss = =
5 You - ~iitsatsanzan - *-itsatsanz
Them -inaurant -unauranzran -~inarratci ~UNAUTANT
; -inant ~inanzan ~inatet -unanz
Inclusive - - - ~itsantanr
= Exclusive ~ - -iitsanzanatct *-tsanzananzr
| You = ~itsatcyanzan = -iitsatcyanz
aad ni ~inanzant -~imanranran -~inanzatet ~imanzanz
em. € : _
-inant -inanzan ~inatet ~Unane
While all these forms may actually appear suflixed to the verb,
there prevails a tendency (discussed on p. 479) to suflix the subjective
pronouns to adverbial terms preceding the verb rather than to the
verb itself. This transposition of the suffixes for the subject of the
action considerably lessens the syllabic quantity of the whole verbal
expression.
The pronoun I-THEE coincides phonetically with the form for
THOU-ME; and in order to avoid ambiguity of meaning, the subjects
§ 25
BOAS] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES—SIUSLAWAN 475
of these combinations may be indicated by means of the discrimina-
tive forms of the independent personal pronouns (see §§ 21, 118).
All forms having a third person as the object do not, as a rule,
indicate the number of the subject. This is rather done by means of
the numeral za’ts/u Two for the dual, and the nuneral particle ha’ mit
ALL for the plural.
The difficulty arising from the fact that the suffix -dnanx may
express THOU-HIM, etc., and THEY-HIM, etc., is bridged over by
the additional use of the independent pronouns for THoU and THEY
(see § 113). This rule applies to all cases, so that it may be stated
that, whenever, by some process of contraction, simplification, or
abbreviation, two or more suffixes expressing identical relations be
tween subject and object are phonetically alike, their subjects are
indicated by the use of the independent pronominal forms. Thus,
for instance, the form -dtsana may express I-THEE, THOU-ME,
and HE-THEE. These are usually distinguished by means of the
pronouns gna I, gnix%ts THOU, and s*ds HE (see § 113), that are placed
before or after the verb, denoting that the first, second, or third
person respectively is the subject of the action.
The third person singular has no subjective element, owing to the
fact that Siuslaw has no distinct form for that pronoun (see § 24).
Wins te desiredis.5 stniaytitsane gna hitca'wax I
want thee to have fun 21.6
wad he says 19.8 statsi'tcenx waa'yuts (when) thus
thee I tell 36.19
tikwa he gets, he takes 82.6 s*a’tsanx tanz Ukwa'yiits gna that’s
why I (came to) get thee 21.3
hin- to take along 9.5 h'ya'nyiitsanx hitst'stcin Vl take
thee into my house 58.6
teag- to spear 68.18 yak'sin tcaga'ga'n a seal I was
spearing 68.8
yag"- to look, to watch 9.1 ya qu yutsats gna I will look at you
two
yax- to see 34.4 yiaa yinaxzin gna I see them two
nin. to do. 9.7 sFa'tsaXxin xniyuni’’yiin thus to
them two I will do it 88.17
temu’- to assemble 7.3 kumt'ntc®tci nictci'te ta’tct temii'-
ats not you in vain these you I
assembled 30.18, 19
§ 25
476 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 40
sta’tsa thus 8.7
waa’ he says 8.9
temu’- to assemble 7.3
tgut- to shout 52.8
man- to take care of 38.18
t/wa%n- to tell 16.5
zetia’ he is hitting
yag"- to look 9.1
waa’- to speak 7.1
hin- to take along 9.5
L/et- to know 19.9
yax- to see 20.10
skwa‘- to stand 10.9
yax- to see 20.10
LEtu’ he hits
yax- to see 20.10
aintm- to travel 13.3
kii‘n- to beat 78.18
§ 25
statsa'titsatci thus I (do it) for you
32.14
ha" mut'nxan waa'yuin (to) all them
I tell it
temu'unanain I assemble them
tqulu'yitsane gni'x%ts thou art
shouting at me
hi'sana md'nisiits gni’x%ts well
thou shalt always take care of
me 22.2, 3
L/wa'nistinane s®atsi'te thou wilt
keep on telling him thus 17.2
ina'tine § elt'yutsa"xtin always
thou art hitting us two (excl.)
Lett yinane ti ax «d'ts/% thou art
hitting those two
ya ghisttsanxan hi'‘sa thou shalt
always watch us (excl.) well
70.14, 15
ya'quytnane gni’xts thou wilt
look at them
waa a*tsin he told me 58.18
ats tein waa'a*ts thus me he told
58.20
“tn stas hi'niwa"ts gatha'ntc and
me he took way off 66.18
L/eiyitsane sas thee he knows
twvkenx yiaa'yiits ma'g*t “tne
wa'a'sits tstm wherever thee
sees Crow, to thee he will keep
on talking always 38.16, 17
skwaha' han s£us he set it up
yrca'ytin he sees it 70.2
Lett'yiitsans s*us he is hitting us
two (incl. )
yiaea yiitsa"xin he is looking at us
two (excl.)
“ate at'ntmisin he takes them
two along 92.16
kumi'ntc?nt qwite ki’ nists not
us (incl.) any one will ever beat
42.17
BOAS] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES—SIUSLAWAN 477
yag"- to look 9.1
Li/ui- to come 9.2
Letu” he hits
ani”n- to do 9.7
Leti" he hits
xa’ he died 40.21
tEeti” he hits
ya'qu'ytitsanxan s®us he looks at
us (excl. )
hiydtcenvan Lii'ilits people us
(excl.) came (to see) 100.8
LEti’yitsatct he is hitting you
sta'siitsata Lett'yits he is hitting
you
Lett’ ytinane s*as he is hitting them
Stas ha’ mit teti'yiin he hits all
eni”ni’’ytns 10.5 (abbreviated
from ani”’ni/”’yiinans) we two
(inel.) will do it
LEtt yitsa“xtn we two (excl.) are
hitting thee
gna’ xin Leli'yiits we two (excl.)
are hitting thee
ca naxtin ants mi’kla hite we
two (excl.) killed that bad man
96.8.9
gna’ xtn xLeEli'yitsats we two
(excl.) are hitting you two
gna’ wtn Letii’yin we two (excl.)
are hitting him
Lal yuna vin til'a"e wi’ts!/i we
two (excl.) are hitting those two
qna' xin xxii’ yitsate) we two
(excl.) are hitting you two
gna’ win “txtn Leti’ yin ti’a Lla’™
we two (excl.) are hitting those
(many)
LHti'yitsats qni’xts you two are
hitting me
Leti'ytnats you two are hitting
him
qni’atts LEti'yiitsa"xin you two
are hitting us two (excl.)
Lett'yunats ti/a"e wa'ts/i you
two are hitting those two
gni'atstts ha mitinxan Leti'yits
you two are hitting us (excl.) all
Lett’ yinats ha mit you two are
hitting (them) all
sFa's’ae Letu'yitsin they two are
hitting me
§ 25
BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 40
ya'x- to see 20.10
gnu - to find
LEtu" he hits
Llemiya” he kills
k/a‘’- to invite 16.3
hate- to ask 66.16
yag- to look 9.1
st’nai- to desire 18.5
Ltaui’- to drv 60.19
LEti" he hits
anx- to give up 54.12
yag"- to look 9.1
hatc’- to ask 66.16
yag’- to look 9.1
waa" he says 19.3
§ 25
yiaa'yina“x they two saw him
62.20, 21
“are gni'hin they two find it 56.9
sta's’ax Leti'yitsans they two are
hitting us two (incl.)
sta’s“ax Leti'yittsanran they two
are hitting us two (excl.)
tia's’ax LeEti'yitsatc? those two
are hitting you two
tia’s’ax Leti'yin ha’ mit those
two are hitting (them) all
Llamiya'yinant we (incl.) will kill
him 28.3
gnant L/amiya' yin ti’ anex we (incl.)
will kill those (all)
sta'tsanxan k/aha'yits that’s why
we (excl.) invite thee 24.10
a'tsanwan te hate a'yits gna that’s
why we (excl.) ask thee 74.15
gna'nxan ya ghisits we (excl.)
will continually watch thee 72.6
si niaytinanxan Li'itia we (excl.)
want him to come 17.2, 3
ya" xca'ncan ia Leuyi' yin lots
we (excl.) salmon dry it
gna'nvan Leti'yiutsats we (excl.)
are hitting you two
gna'nean Leti'yin ti'ata xi'ts!u
we (excl.) are hitting those two
gna'nxan LEti'ytitsatct we (excl.)
are hitting you (pl.)
ha'mit'nxan xati'yin gna we
(excl.) are hitting (them) all
a'nxa"tsatc? you (shall) let me
alone 27.5
yag yi’ yitsatc? haya'mut you all
shall look at me 72.11, 12
hate’a'ytinatc you (shall) ask her
74.10
ya' q yttsa"xtin qni'ats®*tct you are
looking at us (excl.)
ats’tc®nxan waa'yits thus they
told me 46.20, 21
BOAS] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES—SIUSLAWAN 479
si’/nai- to desire 18.5 Llama'yanxin si'n'xyiits (to) kill
me they want 21.9
ts*ha'yin he kills it 46.5,6 ts*ha'ytinanx ants Li’mna‘g they
kill that elk 82.17, 18
t/watm- to tell 16.5 tiia’s*naz L/ona'yitsant these told
us (incl.)
§ 26. Position of Pronouns in Verbs Accompanied by Adverbial Forms
As has been stated before (see p. 474), the pronominal suffixes stand
in terminal position, and theoretically are added to the verb; but
whenever an adjective, an adverb, or a particle precedes the verb, the
pronouns are preferably suffixed to these and precede the verbal
expression. The verb appears in all such cases in what may be called
the fundamental type (see pp. 470, 474).
ni'ctcim because 18.8 ni ctcimin merg/ya'wax because I
intend to dance 72.12
kumi'nte not 12.2 kumi'ntceEne pina” not you are sick
86.14
ta'k here ta” kns aya'qa'ti tz si'wa’ here we
two (incl.) will leave this (our)
canoe 56.5
sqa’k there 14.6 sgvkts ga'tcEntta, sqakts ¢t/im-
ct/*ttix there you two shall go,
there you two shall raise chil-
dren 32.5
statsi’tc thus 8.1 sFats'tc’an waana'wa thus they
two speak to each other 10.1, 2
hana different 58.9 ha'nant hi'tctix differently we
(incl.) will play 11.2
ya" ea much 8.5 ya" xa'nean hitch” lots (of games)
we (excl.) play 70.19
tctkh where 34.2 tevhtct hitch’, s®atsa’tct xni/”nis
where (ever) you play, thus you
will keep on doing it 72.20, 21
“{ and, then 7.4 “nx wan tci'n then they finally
returned 60.10, 11
The same tendency to suffix the subjective pronouns to adverbial
expressions that precede the verb is shown even in cases where a
verbal expression is preceded by a nominal subject or object.
hiya'te people 60.25 hiya tce®nx tt /isiits teh people thee
will eat just 13.10
L/°wa'e messenger 7.7 L°wa'c*nxan te Lit’ (as) messen-
gers we (excl.) these come 30.6, 7
§ 26
480 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 40
itqwavtem root, alder tree ilgitmi'ax gaa" an alder tree they
92.5, 6 two entered-92.6
yaks seal 62.4 yEki's*ng tutca” sea-lions they
spear 62.2
qgav'ex night 40.14 ga’ ene al di ya qhitia (at) night
likewise you will watch 70.18, 19
OBJECTIVE FORMS (§§ 27-48)
§ 27. Introductory
In sentences containing subject and object the interrelation between
them is expressed with great definiteness by means of suffixes that
precede the subjective and objective pronouns. My original inten-
tion was to treat these suffixes as pronominal elements; but the chief
objection to such a treatment lies in the fact that the pronouns, sub-
jective and objective, are repeated after them. Hence it was found
advisable to treat them as objective elements. In the expression of
the relations a distinction is made between third person objects on the
one hand, and first and second persons on the other. Furthermore,
the indirect object is distinguished from the direct object, and the
same classification of persons is found. The possessive relations
between the subject and the two objects are also expressed with great
clearness; and, finally, a sharp line of demarcation is drawn between
the indicative, imperative, and passive modes.
It would seem that the following table represents all the suffixes
belonging to this group:
INDICATIVE IMPERATIVE PASSIVE
Personal Interrelations
Object ist & 2d per. 3d per. ist per. 3d per.
Directs... .. -uts -n -its -yun, -int
, -wyun
Indirect. . -Emts UL -imts -Yue -ImE,
-UME
Possessive Interrelations
Forms of
possession
Notown . -uilts -tul -itts -it -ultx
Own insep. . ~ita, -t2 ~ttsx
Own sep. . -utsm -itsm -camltx
§ 27
BOAS] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES—SIUSLAWAN 481
Some of these forms are applicable to the present tense only, show-
ing different suffixes in other tenses. Thus, an entirely divergent
treatment is accorded to the suffixes denoting possessive interrelations
for the durative, intentional, and past tenses (see § 37).
For the purpose of greater clearness, these forms have been sub-
divided into the following four groups:
(1) Indicative forms denoting personal interrelations.
(2) Indicative forms expressing possessive interrelations between
object and subject.
(8) Passive suffixes indicating pronominal and possessive interrela-
tions.
(4) Imperative forms denoting pronominal and possessive interrela-
tions.
Indicative Suffixes Denoting Personal Interrelations (§§ 28-31)
§ 28. Direct Object of Third Person -in (-a%n)
This suffix transforms nouns into verbs, transitivizes all verbs
expressing intransitive actions, and changes a transitive idea into a
causative concept. In all these cases the object must be a third person.
All stems ending in ¢-diphthongs change the 7 of the diphthong into y
before adding the transitive suffix (see § 8). This suffix immediately
precedes the subjective pronouns, and hence invariably follows the
tense signs. For the interchange between -in and -a%n see § 2.
k/v*wina” ice appears 76.13 =k /u*wi'niin t/a’ ice he made all
over 94.2, 3
tek /a’kx/ trap 100.4 tek/a'ku/in he sets traps
yatqa'a® hole 84.6 a'ntsue ya'tga*n those two (who)
dig holes 84.5
sFa'tsa thus 8.7 sfatsa'tin thus (he does it)
hi'sa well 12.2 hisa'tin he cures him
wine he is afraid 17.6 wi'nea"n she was afraid of him
86.1
cil‘x it shook 36.10 ci'l‘xtin she shook him 58.4
mattc- to burn 25.2 ma'ttct"n tiya'wa he made a fire
94.23
va’ he died 40.21 xau'tn he killed him 96.13
mate it lay 32.26 qga"x ma'tein on top (they) put it
80.9
3045°—Bull. 40, pt 2—16——31
482 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 40
ani'’ne (they two) do 48.12 ani'’ntin he did it 94.14
Lt/wa%n he tells 16.5 “aa L/wa"'niin they two told her
96.10
waa’ he says 12.10 waa'a"n he said to him 20.7
waa he said 8.9 waa'yin he told him 36.26
tt/a” he eats 44.19 t't/a'yun he devoured him 15.2
yixa” (they) look 66.6 “ yica'yin and he saw it 58.13
tu‘tca” (they) spear 62.2 “Ena ti tca'yun they spear (them)
62.5
ta’ it sits 32.21 taytin gamita'a'tin my mother
kept her 100.12
qnthi be finds tag gnihu'ytn something he finds
tqiti” he shouted 92.6 tqiti yin he shouts at him
ya ¢ha't he looked 25.3 yd ¢ha'tin (1) look at them 25.5, 6
“ave wi'lat they two affirmed “ md’q“z wi'titin Crow answered
90.6 him 36.6, 7
wa'ayax he spoke wa” yaxa"n he spoke to him 36.11
at ntmiyax he traveled “ ai'ntm'yaxa"n he took (them)
along 92.13
at'ntmis (you) will continu- gni'ats*nx xi'ntmisin you will
ally travel 13.3 always carry it 14.3
wa'a's he says continually 26.8 wa’a'stin (you) keep on telling him
19.5
vu (they) came 9.3 tvi'tin he got (there) 16.3
xvau' he died 40.21 cad’ naxin we two (excl.) killed
him 96.8, 9 .
yiaa" he sees yixa' yina"« they two see it 62.20,
21
hatc’- to ask 66.16 hatcea'yuinatct you ask her 74.10
§ 29. Direct Object of First and Second Persons -its (-a%ts)
This suffix indicates that an action has been performed upon a first
or second person as object. The person of the actor is expressed by
suffixing to -zts the corresponding subjective pronouns (see § 24). Its
use corresponds to that of -in for the third person object.
An explanation for the interchange between -vs and -a%¢s will be
found in § 2. This suffix follows all other verbal suffixes excepting,
of course, the subjective pronouns. The @% unquestionably denotes
the indicative mode, and is identical with the @ in Bo -tix, -iitts, -iit, ete.
(see §§ 23, 28, 30, 35, 36).
This suffix has been referred to in § 25, where a tabular presentation
of the different combined subject and object pronouns will be found.
§ 29
BOAS] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES—SIUSLAWAN 483
st/nai- to desire 18.5 si’nixytitsane gna hitca’wax I
want you to have fun 21.6
yaqu'- to look 9.1 ya' qu yttsats gna I will look at
you two
man- to take care 38.13 hi’ sanx ma’ nisiits well thou shalt
always take care of me 22.2
yaqgu - to look 9.1 ya gthisitsanzan hi'tsa thou
shalt always watch us (excl.)
well 70.14, 15
waa'- to speak 7.1 waa a"tsin he told me 58.18
yax- to see 13.7 te'hEnax yixa'yiits ma'g“t where-
ever Crow sees thee 38.16, 17
For further examples see § 25.
§ 30. Indirect Object of Third Person -ix (-aix)
Each language has a number of verbal expressions that require the
presence of a direct and indirect object. Such verbs are, as a rule,
distinguished from other stems by means of some grammatical con-
trivance. Siuslaw uses for that purpose the suffix -%a added to the
bare stem. This suffix, however, is used only when the third per-
son (singular, dual or plural) is the indirect object of the sentence.
As soon as the first or second person becomes the indirect object,
another suffix, -zmts, is used (see § 31).
The pronoun expressing the subject of the action always follows
the suffix -az.
waxaxv- reduplicated stem of “ wawa'xa"x ants mi'n‘xwi then he
waw- to give 18.5 gave him that lightning 38.2 (for
: da = ae see § 2)
hamts- to dip out stas ha'mtsia he dipped it out for
him 46.6
h‘yatsi’ts- reduplicated form h*yatsi/tstixan I put it on him
of hits-, h‘yats- to put on,
to wear 11.8
tak"- to take, to fetch 7.5 lakwa'kivan I took it away from
him
hame- to tie 8.6. hamei' xix he tied it on him
§ 31. Indirect Object of First and Second Persons -Emts
This suffix is used only with verbal stems that require a direct and
indirect object. The direct object expressed by this suffix is always
the third person, while the indirect object must be either a first or
§§ 30-31
484 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [puuL. 40
a second person, regardless of number. The suffix expressing the
same idea with the third person as the indirect object has been dis-
cussed in § 30. The pronominal suffixes denoting the subject of the
action and its relation to the direct object are the same as those used
in connection with the suffix -its (see § 29). The verbal stem to which
this suffix is added has frequently terminal reduplication.
hamz- to tie 8.6 hamzxi'vemtsanax | tie it on thee
wazx- to give 18.2 gna hamts*nx wa'xa'semts to thee
I will keep on giving it 44.15
waixa'xemtsanain they gave it to
me
hitsa” he put it on hitsa'yemtsanx gnixts you put it
on me
sta'sin h*yatsi'tsemts he put it on
me
sta's*nx hitsa'yemts he put it on
thee
a‘q- to leave 56.5 a‘qa'qemtsin he left it to me
wax- to give 18.2 waxa'cemtsane ta'la he gives thee
money
Indicative Suffixes Expressing Possessive Interrelations Between Object
and Subject (§§ 32-37)
§ 32. Introductory
The phenomenon of expressing possessive interrelations between
object and subject of a sentence through the medium of distinct suf-
fixes is by no means of uncommon occurrence in the American Indian
languages. From a logical point of view such a formation is per-
fectly justifiable, and may be said to have its origin in the actual
difference that exists between the concept of an act performed upon a
given object and the conveying of the same act performed upon
an object that stands in some relation to the subject of the sentence.
Thus the English sentence I wHre My Horse states a fact that is
fundamentally different from the sentence | wHIP THE HORSE, in so
far as it expresses, besides the act performed by the subject upon the
object, also the possessive relation that exists between object and sub-
ject. In the Indo-European languages, in which each idea maintains
an independent position in a complex of grammatical concepts, such
1See, for example, Sioux, Chinook, Kutenai.
§ 32
Boas] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES—SIUSLAWAN 485
relations are indicated by means of independent words, as a rule pos-
sessive pronouns; but in Siuslaw these relations are relegated to the
verb, and consequently we find them conveyed by means of certain
suffixes that are added to stems denoting verbal! ideas.
The possessive relations that may exist between object and subject
of a sentence are of a threefold nature. The object may form an
inseparable part of the subject (I wasH My FACE); the object may be
separably connected with the subject (I LOSE My KNIFE); or the ob-
ject may stand in a possessive relation to another object (I LosE HIS
KNIFE). Siuslaw distinguishes clearly between these three types of
relationship, and expresses each of them by means of a distinct suffix.
§ 33. Sujjix Indicating that the Object Forms an Inseparable Part of
the Subject -itx (-aitx), -tx
This suffix indicates that the object of the sentence is inseparably
connected with the subject. Hence all stems expressing an action
performed by the speaker upon any part of his own body (and even
upon his name) occur with these suflixes. Now and then they will
be found added to stems denoting actions that do not necessarily
involve an integral part of the subject as its recipient. All such
formations must be looked upon as ungrammatical; that is to say, as
due either to analogy or to an unintentional mistake on the part of
the informant.'
The verbal ideas which are expressed in this manner need not
always be transitive in our sense of the word. They may, and asa
matter of fact they do, denote conditions and states in which an inte
gral part of the subject may find itself. Such expressions are possi-
ble, because to the mind of the Siuslaw they convey transitive ideas.
Thus the sentence I am sorry expresses, according to our interpre-
tation, an intransitive idea. The Siuslaw treats it as a transitive
sentence, and expresses it by saying I MAKE My MIND sick. In
the same manner Siuslaw conceives of our expressions MY HAIR
BURNED, HIS CHILD DIED, IT IS COLD, etc., as transitive sentences,
and renders them by (1) BURNED MY HAIR, (HE) CAUSED HIS CHILD
TO DIE, THE EARTH MAKES ITS BODY COLD, etc.
No specific reason can be given for the occurrence of the parallel
forms -itz and -¢z, nor has any distinction been detected in the use of
1 My informant made such mistakes rather frequently, but corrected them promptly whenever her
attention was called to them.
§ 33
486 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 40
the two forms. It seems, however, that -tz tends to appear after
other suffixes, while -i/a is added to bare stems.
This suffix must not be confounded with the frequentative -ita (see
§ 68). -it# interchanges frequently with -a'tz. For an explanation
of this interchange see § 2.
kuts- to paint kutsa’’ tan ga’nni I paint my face
tk/- to open (mouth) 28.2 th/ate aa’ he opened his
mouth 96.1
skwa‘- to stand 14.4 ha’mit=ne ta’gat = skwaha"’ te
xwaki’ they all had feathers on
their heads (literally, all they,
feathers to stand caused on their
heads 10.9
k/u*win- ice 76.11 kiutwina’'te tla’™ ice appeared
(literally, ice made on its body,
the earth) 76.10
pin- to be sick 40.21 pinata ha they were sorry (liter-
ally, sick they made their minds)
15.4
ya” xa* much 8.5 ya'catean ha I am crafty (liter-
ally, much I have in my mind)
20.7
tcanhati- to club tcanhati'mautaca"a g*ti'mt ants
preni’s they two were clubbing
each other’s anus, those skunks
86.9
tin- to boil, to be ripe 98.7 tintw hv his heart cooked 96.9, 10
hamzx- to tie 8.6 ha'miatwan hi'qi* I tie my hair
mi/tictst he commenced to mé’‘licista ha''’mit hi'qi* his hair
burn 29.3 began to burn (literally, it began
to burn on him his all, hair)
29.4
haw- to end, to make 14.6 ha'’na hai'tz ha* his mind had be-
come different (literally, differ-
ent on him it had made itself,
his mind) 60.21
In the following examples, terms of relationship are treated as in-
separable parts of the subject:
pin- to be sick 40.21 ptatntx ants t/ame (he) got sick
his boy 40.20
§ 33
Boas] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES—SIUSLAWAN 487
- st/naxi- to desire 18.5 st'nxitae ants tlame xwi't!/tixtc he
wanted that his child should
come back (literally, he wanted
his, that child, return shall his)
49.5, 6
waa’- to say 7.1 stats?’ tc’ax waa" te ants mila thus
their (dual) mother told them
(literally, thus their two, told,
that mother) 54.23
hant‘- to call ha'nt‘ttx mat/i’ he called his elder
brother 58.16
zat’ he died 40.21 teg*nx cawa" te (when) their rela-
tives died (literally, relatives
they, die theirs) 68.13
waa’- to say 7.1 statst'te wa' atx ants Lea” yax thus
he said to that his friend 42.7, 8
§ 34. Suffix Denoting that the Object is Possessed by the Subject, but
Separable from it -itsm- (-attsm-)
This suffix seems to be a compound consisting of two separate suf-
fixes, -its- and -m. While the original function of the second element
is unknown, the first component is undoubtedly the suffix expressing
the direct object of the first and second persons (see § 29 and also § 23).
It expresses a transitive action whose recipient is possessed by the
subject without forming an integral part of it. Terms of relationship,
and all concrete nouns, excepting those nominal stems that denote
parts of the body, are thus considered; but, owing to frequent errors
on the part of the informant, this suffix will be found used also in con-
nection with objects expressing parts of the body. All subjective pro-
nouns are added to this suffix by means of a connecting weak vowel,
as a result of the law regulating the use of consonantic clusters (see
§ 4); and, as the third person singular has no distinct form, this suffix
appears in final position as -d¢smz. The @ of this suffix often inter-
changes with the diphthong a” (see § 2). The suffix follows the tense
signs, and is frequently added to reduplicated stems.
ta’k¥- to take, to get 7.5 takwa'kittsmin k®a'nt I take my
bucket
gnu - to find 56.9 gnu’ hittsmin gal‘te I found my
knife
L/ema’’- to kill 15.3 Llema'yiitsmane = mi'sk™ you
killed your younger brother
1See § 33, p. 485. §
34
488
tak¥- to take 7.5
L/da- to send 16.10
waa" he says 8.9
Lz'u (they) come 9.3
waa - to speak 8.1
mi'ttcast he begins to burn
29.3
x’'l-xci- to work 50.9
BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY
[BULL, 40
takwa'kiitsme k#@’nt she took
her bucket 90.21
Lloxa'xa"isme hite he sent his
people 30.1, 2
atsvte waa'ytitsme gi’ute thus he
said to his wife 48.17
ya"ea te Wtla riwi'witsme
lots (of) this (their) food (they)
are bringing 100.9, 10
Liw/disme hitsi’ste she came to
her (own) house 58.7, 8
wad atsmE ants L/a'™ hite he said
to his many people 7.1
“% glad mi'ticistitsme then her
pitch began to burn 90.22
wil act’ yttsmaa a'nis*icax mati
they two worked at their (dual)
dams 48.10
In the following instances this suffix has been used in connection
with nouns that form an integral part of the subject:
t/ema¥- to cut
pax- to close (eyes) 36.16
ya gha't he looked 58.1
wi'ttcist he begins to send
pin- to be sick 40.21
minx"- to lighten 38.5
tcv'?’7 wind
§ 34
“Ena tlamat'yitsme hi'gi' then
they cut their hair 68.14
paxa'vitsme koipxe he shut his
eyes 36.20
yo quhvti™’tsmz kopx he opened
his eyes (literally, he looked
with his eyes) 36.20
we'ticistu’tsmE wa'as
sending his
92.19
planya tistitsme hate he was
sorry (literally, he begins to
make sick, his mind) 40.21
UY wan mi'naeati’tsme t/a’ now
he made lightning (literally,
then finally caused to lighten
her body, the world) 38.6
tei?’a’Vitsme tla’ ants tseu'n-
pri TsxunpLi made a wind
(literally, caused to blow his
world, that Tsxunpti) 94.6, 7
he began
message (word)
Boas] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES—SIUSLAWAN 489
§ 35. Suffix Indicating that the Object is Possessed by a Third
Person Object -tt (-att)
This suffix expresses an act performed upon an object that forms an
integral part of or that is separably connected with another object.
Hence it indicates the possessive relation that exists between two
objects as seen by the subject of the sentence. The possessor of the
object of the action must be the third person, regardless of number.
If, however, it is absolutely necessary to indicate the number of the
possessor, this is accomplished by means of suflixing to the possessed
object the possessive suffixes for the third person singular, dual or
plural (see § 88). lt is noteworthy that the possessed object appears
in the absolutive form, and not with the locative case endings, as might
be expected. The pronominal suffixes expressing the subject of the
action follow the suffix -d; and as this suffix ends in a consonant, and
some of the subjective pronouns begin with a consonant, the pronouns
are frequently preceded by a connecting, weak vowel (see § 4).
There exists undoubtedly an etymological connection between the @
of this suffix and the @ of the direct object of the third person -dn
(see §§ 23, 28). For the @ of -a the diphthong a is quite frequently
substituted. This interchange has been discussed in § 2.
si/nai- to desire 18.5 st'nixyttn hitst'* J like his house
hamz- to tie 8.6 ha'mxa%n tcit I tie his hands
yax- to see 34.4 yiea'yttane mité you see his
father
hin- to take along 23.2 hina'yitanx tlami/ti you took
his bow along
ya’ g*- to see 23.9 uw ya guyit mi'ckh’la* and he
saw her vulva (bad thing)
90.10
yax- to see 34.4 ya vitta"x tcu'a“s he saw their
(dual) vulvas 90.15
yatk!- small 36.23 yak/vtictit xwa'ka she cut his
head into pieces 96.11
haw- to end, to make 14.6 ha'na haw’ut ha different she
made his mind 58.9
tak"- to take 7.5 tlvya’ takwa'kit ants mat/v
bear had seized that his older
brother 58.16
§ 35
490 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 40
gwa’‘n- to pour 29.2 “wan qwa' nit Laaya' tc®tc (they
two) now pour it into his
mouth 96.7
hate’- to ask 66.16 “ict hatea'yit ha you ask her
(literally, and you ask about
her mind [opinion]}) 74.8
§ 36. Suffix Eapressing an Object Possessed by a First or Second
Person Object -ilts (-atlts)
This suffix has the same function as -a, but differs from it in so
far as the possessor of the object must be either a first or asecond per-
son. The number of the possessor, when required, is indicated by the
possessive suffixes added to the possessed object (see § 88). Owing to
the variability of the person of the possessor, this suffix conveys,
besides the idea of a possessive relation between two objects, also the
connection that exists between subject and object. Hence it assumes
a function, limited in scope, but similar in character to the suffix for
the combined subject and object pronouns. This functional similarity
is indicated even in the phonetic composition of the suflix. -dats is
undoubtedly a compound suffix consisting of the previously discussed
-it and of the suffix for the subject and object pronoun -d¢s (see § 29).
It is not inconceivable that the original form may have been -ultts,
contracted later on into- ats. A comparison of the Siuslaw transi-
tive indicative suffixes shows that the majority of them have the @
in common. Hence it may be claimed that the &% originally con-
veyed the idea of a transitive indicative action (see § 23); and as the
uw was already present in the first element of this suffix (-a), it may
have been omitted as superfluous in the second part.
Owing to this additional function of this suffix as a medium of ex-
pressing subject and object pronouns, the subjective pronouns are
added to it in a method similar to the one employed in the suffixation
of the subjective pronouns to the suffix -dts (see § 25). After certain
consonants this suffix is changed into -a%zs (see § 2).
hin- to take along 23.2 hind yittisanx L/ami'tt Itake along
thy bow
yax- to see 34.4 yiaa'yiltsane ga'nni I look at thy
face
L/a(u)- to know 40.16 Lie yitsane mits gna I knov
thy father
§ 36
RoAS] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES—SIUSLAWAN 491
waa- to give 18.2 waca' yitisane takin mi'ntewi I
will give thee my lightning
38.1, 2
L/amai- to kill 15.3 Llama yittsane musk” qniats
you killed my younger brother
tswan- to comb tscana'yiltsane hi'gi* youcombed
my hair
tak"- to take 7.5 likwa'yiltsin ants gal*te he took
that my knife
L/a(i)- to know 40.16 Lieu'yittsin mite he knows my
father
stus Llat/yitisane mita he knows
thy father
yas- to see 34.4 nas yiea' yiltsane ga'nni he looks
at thy face
§ 37. Suffixes Denoting Possessive Interrelations for Tenses other
than the Present -isiti, -aWiti, -yaxa'ti
When possessive interrelations that occur in tenses other than the
present are to be expressed, the Siuslaw language resorts to an inter-
esting form of composition of suffixes. Thus the durative suffix -is
(see § 69), the intentional (see § 70), and the past -yawz (see § 74), are
combined with the possessive suffix -777 (see § 88), forming new com-
pound suffixes -ts?¢i, -a”iti, and -yawa'tt, that indicate semi-reflexive
actions performed constantly, or about to be performed, or performed
longago. In these new suffixes no sharp line of demarcation is drawn
between objects that are inseparably connected with the subject, and
objects that are possessed by the subject.
yavk/- small 36.23
yak/is he is constantly (get- kwi’tct yd'k/isitt ha’ don’t ye be
ting) small downhearted! (literally, not you
small always make your mind)
66.5
haw- to finish 14.6
ha” wis he makes continually “na kumi'nte atsi'te ha” wisiti
ha and you don’t believe it thus
(literally, and you, not thus,
make continually your mind)
46.24
gav'xante ha” wisiti ha’ downward
make continually your hearts
8.10
§ 37
492
hin- to take along 23.2
hints he always takes along
ani”n- to do 10.5
xeni'’nis (we) always do it
79.15
hamz- to tie 8.6
hamxa”- to intend to tie
pax- to shut (eye) 36.16
paxa”- to be about to close
ya’ xate- to try to look 13.7
yavate’a”- to intend to try to
look
tguya”- to intend to boil
hama- to tie 8.6
ha'mayazx he tied
pax- to close 36.16
pa'xyax he closed
BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY
[BuLL, 40
niarts 4*nx gani'nat hi'nisitt you
willtake along your knife (liter-
ally, you, and you, knife, take
along will always yours) 50.16,
if
“Ent ani’’nisitt still we will keep
on doing our. . . 72.17
hamad'itin hi'qi' I intend tying
my hair
paxa'itin kipe 1 intend to close
my eyes
yanatea” witin tlame k!'1% 1 in-
tend to try to look for my boy
tomorrow 60.1, 2
“Ens tquya'’itt we will cook (our
camas) 98.3
ha'maxyaxa'ti hi'g@ he tied his hair
pa'xyaxa'tin képex 1 closed my eyes
A similar process is resorted to whenever the prohibitive mode
(see § 40) of an action denoting that the object is possessed by the
subject is to be expressed.
In such cases the durative -is (see § 69)
is combined with the possessive -7¢t- (see § 88), and the whole verb is
preceded by the negative particle ha’, humi'ntc nor (see § 131).
tscanu- to comb
tk/a- to open 28.2
hin- to take along 23.2
haw- to finish, to work 14.6
§ 37
kwine tsxa'nwisiti hi'qa don’t
comb thy hair!
kitts th/aa'siti taa’ don’t you
(pl.) open your mouths!
kwine hi'nisiti si’xa' don’t take
thy canoe along!
kumi'ntcttc = ga'wante ha” wisitt
ha’ don’t ye be continually
downhearted (literally, not ye,
downwards, make continually
your, hearts) 8.10
BOAS ] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES—SIUSLAWAN 493
Passive Suffixes Indicating Pronominal and Possessive Interrelations
($$ 38-39)
§ 38. Passive Suffixes for Verbs Requiring in the Active a Double
Objecé -imE, -imE (-atmE)
-tme. This suffix invariably follows the verbalizing -% or -a* (see
§ 75), and seems to express the passive voice of verbs that require in
the active the presence of a double (direct and indirect) object,
although it will be found suffixed to verbal stems that do not neces-
sarily require such a double object. Whenever the subjective pro-
nouns are added to it, the obscure z of this suffix is changed into a
weak a@ or%. The form -imz occurs in terminal position only. This
suffix follows all temporal suffixes.
wax- to give 18.2 wana yimanx gani’nat it (will) be
given to you, (a) big knife 19.6
hi’q/a waxa'ytisime a’nts®tc mita
dentalia shells are usually given
to him, to that her father 74.19
hits- to put on 11.10 hitsa'yimin it is put on me
haw- to end, to make, 14.6 tating hi’sa hawa'yime ha’ they
are just good-minded toward
thee (literally, just thee well it
is made towards, mind) 21.1
In two instances this suffix has been added to a stem without the aid
of the verbalizing -? (-a’).
hats easy atsi'te ha’usime thus it was agreed
upon (literally, thus it was
[made] easy) 24.1
haw- to finish, to end 14.6 ha’isime ants ts/ain ready (made
for him is) that pitch 26.5, 6
This suffix may be preceded—for the sake of emphasizing its passive
function—by the present passive -vam (see § 55). In such cases the
verbalizing suffix is omitted.
hits- to put on 11.8 waa’ ants hitsi'camime said that
one on whom it was put on 11.10
gu n- to pour “ wan gu'ni'xamime and now it
was poured down into his . . .
29.2
aq- to take off 13.1 aga" xamime it was taken off him
§ 38
494 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 40
-ame has the same function as -7me, and is used in connection with
similar verbal stems. It differs from it only in so far as it is added
directly to the stem. An explanation of the parallel occurrence of
-ime and -a"mr has been given in § 2.
wax- to give 18.2 tz’ ‘gin waxa” me what do you give
me (literally, something to me,
it is given?) 18.2
gani'nat waxa” manz a big knife is
given to you 21.4
pvi- to be noisy 36.24 war yavaa tug “t pi'ume they
made noise with everything (lit-
erally, although many things
[they have], still it is made noise
with) 29.1
§ 39. Passive Suffixes Denoting Possessive Relations of the Sub-
ject -iltx, -xamitx
These suffixes express, besides the passive voice, also the fact that
the recipient of the action is either possessed or forms an integral
part of a given object.
-iittx seems to be composed of the suffix -ii?, which indicates that
the object forms an integral part of or is possessed by another object
(see § 35), and of the suffix -tz, denoting that the object is an integral
part of the subject (see § 38). If this is the origin of the compound
suffix, the amalgamation of these two independent suffixes into one
new formative element that expresses the passive voice, and at the
same time contains the idea of a possessive relation between object
(grammatical subject) and object, presents a problem that must remain
unexplained. The person of the possessed subject is indicated by the
suffixed subjective pronouns (see § 24). The stem to which this suffix
is added occurs frequently in an amplified form (see § 112). Stems
ending in 7 (short or long) change it into y before adding the passive
suffix (see § 8).
tak*- to take, to get 7.5 kumi ntc’ax takwa'itt« ants quite
not their (dual) were taken,
those wives 50.22
lakwa'iitiwa"x ta'te’ae qi'ute taken
away were these their (dual)
wives 52.3, 4
§ 39
/
Boas] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES—SIUSLAWAN 495
tit'- (also t/a‘) to buy 74.8 kumi'ntena tei tliha'iittwanex
t/ame not for nothing will they
buy your child (literally, not
[of] thee just bought [will be]
thy child) 74.5
wat /- to make 50.8 sintayt'”™ wat/aatte they try to
find some remedy (literally, they
desire [that] made [cured] be
his mind) 15.5
hiya alte ha’ his mind will be
made different 19.2
si’nai- to desire 18.5 siniayittvane t/ame thy child is
desired (asked for) 74.4
tst'nx2- to scorch “aXe tsina' a yutte gti’ mt and their
(dual) anus [will] be scorched
88.7
hate- to ask 66.16 ha'teyaxatte ha ants giitci’nt
(when) asked was her opinion,
that woman 74.16
(-a"tta = -dittx see § 2)
In many instances this suffix is preceded by the verbalizing -a‘ (see
§§ 75, 8).
skwaha" he stands 14.4 “~ skwaha'yittx teqyi’/” then is
stood up its (of the house)
frame 80.7
tkwi‘- to bury 80.10 tkhwtha'yilte qaw'nti'yiwite ants
hitsv’* dirt is put on both sides
(of) that house 80.10, 11
hatc- to ask 66.16 ... ants haica yitte ha (when
of) that one is asked his opinion
74.4, 5
waa" he says 8.9 wad yittxan mita my father is
spoken to
-xamltx is undoubtedly composed of the suffix for the present
passive -zam (see § 55), of the abbreviated -dé (see § 35), and of the
suffix -ta (see § 33). When it is remembered that this suffix can be
added only to verbs that require a double object, the amalgamation of
these three independent formative elements into one suffix for the
purpose of expressing the passive voice of an act whose recipient
(grammatical subject) stands in some possessive relation to one of
§ 39
‘
496 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL 40
the three persons (speaker, person spoken to, or person spoken of),
becomes at once apparent.
The use of this suffix may be illustrated by an example. The verb
TO PUT ON requires a double object, because it implies the idea To pur
SOMETHING ON SOMEBODY, or vice versd. Hence Siuslaw renders the
English sentence HIS HAT WAS PUT ON (really, HIS HAT WAS PUT ON
HIM) by a complex consisting of the verbal stem and the compound
suffix -vamitx. In this suffix the first element, -vam, indicates that the
action is passive (performed by somebody upon the recipient); the sec-
ond element, -/-, denotes that the direct object (in this case the noun
HAT) is possessed by the recipient of the action; while the last element,
-tv (which when used alone indicates that the object forms an integral
part of the subject), serves to bring out the idea that the action is per-
formed upon the indirect object (on HIM) which (in this case) can no
be separated from the (logical) subject (HIS HAT).
The persons that are implied in the possessive relations as indicated
by this suffix are expressed by means of the subjective pronouns
added to it (see § 24). Since the first element of this compound suffix
is the present passive -zam, the manner in which it is added to the
verbal stem is similar to that employed in the suffixation of -zam
(see § 55).
aq- to take off 13.1 aya" xamltxan thwa'nug taken off
(me) is my hat
hits- to put on 11.8 hitst'xamttaan thwa'nug™ put on
(me) is my hat
t/ema«"- to cut off t/emawa'xamttcane tecit cut oft
(thee) was thy hand
tak"- to take (away) 7.5 statsv'tc’ax waa'xam a'ntsuxe to-
kwi'xamite gi'ute thus were told
those two from whom the wives
were taken away (literally, thus
they two were told, those two
[of] whom taken away were
[those their dual] wives) 54.14
Imperative Forms Denoting Pronominal and Possessive Interrelations
(§§ 40-48)
§ £0. Introductory
In the following sections there will be discussed suffixes that express
not only the imperative mode, but also the exhortative.
§ 40
Boas] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES—SIUSLAWAN 497
Besides separate suffixes indicating the imperative of intransitive
and transitive verbs (see §§ 61, 62), Siuslaw shows distinct suifixes
that express the pronominal and possessive interrelations between
subject and object.
Another interesting feature that may be noted in connection with
the formation of the imperative mode is the presence of a distinct
negative form of the imperative or prohibitive mode, and the man-
ner in which it is expressed. Generally speaking, the durative suffix
-2s (see § 69), used in connection with the subjective pronouns for the
second persons (see § 24), and in addition to the particle of negation
(see § 131), expresses the prohibitive mode. This idiomatic expres-
sion may be justified by the fact that a prohibitive command addressed
to the second person has much in common with the negative form of
a durative action performed by the same person.
Owing to the fact that the imperative suffixes express other cate-
gories than a command, the prohibitive form of the imperative
referring to such categories is expressed by adding to the durative
-ts the respective suffixes that denote the non-imperative idea (see
§§ 29, 30, 33, 35, 36, 87). Examples of the prohibitive mode anda
detailed description of its formation will be found in §§ 60-62, 42-46.
§ 41. Exhortative Suffixes Expressing the Direct Object of the Third
Person -yin, -i¥yiin, -ini
These three suffixes express an admonition to perform an action
having a third (not mentioned) person as its object. The difference
between -ytin and -7”yiin could not be traced to any particular cause,
owing chiefly to the fact that the latter form occurs very seldom. The
informant always rendered the first two suffixes by a transitive future,
and they seem to have been employed quite extensively in this second-
ary function.
-yw&n is suffixed to verbs expressing transitive ideas only, and the
stem to which it is added always occurs in an amplified form (see §§ 7,
112).
a‘q- to leave 56.6 ta’ kEns aya’ qyiin tz tti’a* here we
two (incl.) will leave this salmon
(literally, let us two leave)
L/da- to send 16.10 L/°wa'xytin hite I will send these
people (literally, let me send)
30.19
§ 41
3045°—Bull. 40, pt 2-12-32
498 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY (BULL. 40
anx- to give up 60.11 kumi'ntcant ana’ xytin not we (incl.)
will give it up (literally, don’t
let us two) 16.8
Lt/amai'- to kill 15.3 Ltlamiya' yiinant we (incl.) will kill
him (literally, let us kill him)
28.3
tt /- to eat 15.2 kumi’ nte t’t/iyun not he will eat
it (literally, don’t let him eat it)
34.22
hamz- to tie 8.6 hama'xyiin he will tie it (literally,
let him tie it)
-t’yun exercises apparently the same function as the first suffix,
but does not necessarily require amplification of the stem to which it
is added.
ani”’n- to do 11.11 eni’n?’”’ytins we two (incl.) will do
it (literally, letus two doit) 10.5
eniyuni'’ytin I willdo it (literally,
let me do it)
gate'n- to go 12.1 gatcind”’yin I will make him go
(literally, let me make him go)
kwak'n- to bend down 13.5 hi ni'”’ytin I will bend it down
In an analogous manner Siuslaw seems to have formed an exhorta-
tive suffix expressing the direct object of the first person. This is
done by substituting -ts (see § 23) for the -n. As but few examples
of this formation were obtained, a ful! discussion is impossible. The
examples follow.
yag"- to look, to see 25.3 yagyi'’yutsatct ye look at me
72.11, 12
L/ai- to know 40.7 Llawa'eyttsa'tct ye shall know
me 30.17
ka*s- to follow 92.7 k'was'ytttsana® you shall follow me
92.3
hin- to take along 9.5 h‘ya'nyttsanez Iwilltake you along
58.6
-tnt is suffixed to transitive verbs, and is always used in connec-
tion with the exhortative particle ga‘t (see § 129). The subjective
pronouns for the first and third persons as the performers of the
action are always added to the particle (see § 26). This suffix appears
frequently as -a'nt (see § 2).
§ 41
Boas] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES—SIUSLAWAN 499
tak*- to take, to seize 7.5 qa''tate takwi'ni let them two take
(them)! 52.12, 13
waa’- to speak 7.1 gat waa''ni let him speak to him!
tqut- to shout 52.8 ga"'tns tqttt'nt let us two (incl.)
shout at him!
hits- to put on 11.8 ga Enex hiyatsi'ntletthem putiton!
tin- to invite 16.2 ga"'tEent tu‘ni'ni let us (incl.) invite
§ 42. Imperative Suffix Expressing the Direct Object of the First
Person -its (-alts)
This suffix is added directly to the stem, and commands the person
addressed (subject) to perform an act upon an object which must be
one of the first persons. The -és of this suffix is undoubtedly identi-
cal with the -ts found in all suffixes that express first and second
persons objects (see §§ 23, 29, 34, 36). The combined pronominal
forms that are added to this suffix can be only those indicating the
second persons as the subject and the first persons as the object of
the action (see table, pp. 473, 474). In this connection the following
peculiarities may be noted:
(1) The singular subject is not expressed, being understood in the
command.
(2) Dual and plural objects are not expressed in the suffixes, but are
indicated by means of the independent personal pronouns for the first
persons.
(8) For a singular object the subjective pronoun for the first singu-
lar (-7) is added to the imperative suffix.
(4) For dual and plural subjects the subjective pronouns for these
persons are added to the imperative -its. .
The following table will best serve to illustrate these four rules:
Thou Ye You |
Ee ebcoks; a aaeba a's 3 -itsin -itsats -itsatci
Us two (exclusive). . -itsavxtin -ttsats -ttsatci
Us (exclusive) ... -itsanxan -itsats -itsatct
The subjective pronouns beginning with a consonant are added by
means of a weak a-vowel (see §§ 4, 24).
This imperative suffix occurs often as -a’ts (see § 2).
§ 42
500 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 40
waa’- to speak 7.1 wa'atsin ta'kin wa'as speak to me
(with) this my language! 36.10
hin- to take along 23.2 hi'nitsin take me along!
t/wan- to tell 7.3 L/wa'nitsin tell me!
L/wa'nitsanxan tell us (excl.)!
yag"- to look 23.9 ya quhitsats te na look ye at mel
a‘g- to leave 56.5 a’ qa'tsatct you leave me!
The prohibitive form is expressed by combining the durative -is
with the objective form -ds and by placing the particle of negation
ki‘, kumi’ntc, before the verbal expression (see §§ 69, 29, 60). The
pronominal suffixes are those used to express the second person as the
subject, and the first person as the object, of an action (see § 24 and
table, pp. 473, 474).
hin- to take along 23.2 kwine hi'nisits don’t take me
along!
kwi'nxan hi'nisiits don’t take us
(excl.) along!
gn“ - to find 34.12 kwine gni’‘wistits don’t find me!
§ 43. Imperative Suffix Indicating the Indirect Object of the Third
Person -yix
This suffix is etymologically related to the suffix -da discussed in
§ 30. It is added to verbs requiring the presence of a direct and in-
direct object, and it expresses a command that involves the third person
(singular. dual and plural) as the recipient of the action.
wanx- to give 18.2 wa'xyta give it to him!
wa'xyuxane give it to them!
gu n- to pour 29.2 quwa'nyte Laaya'te pour it down
into his mouth! 29.2
hits- to put on 11.8 , h‘ya'tsytx put it on him!
hame- to tie 8.6 ha'maxytiex tie it on him!
The prohibitive mode is obtained by combining the durative -2s (see
§ 69) with the suffix -da (see § 30) and by placing the particle ku‘ or
kumi'nte (see § 131), before the verbal expression.
wax- to give 18.2 kwine wa'xa'stia don’t give it to
him!
hits- to put on 11.8 kwine h‘ya'tsisia don’t put it on
him!
qu n- to pour 29.2 kumi'ntcenx qwa’‘nisia don’t pour
it (into his mouth)!
§ 43
Bos] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES—SIUSLAWAN 501
§ £4. Imperative Suffix Denoting the Indirect Object of the First
Person -imts
This suffix expresses a command to perform an act the indirect
recipient of which is the first person. It is etymologically related to
the imperative suffix -7s (see § 42) and to the objective form -zmis (see
§ 31), being composed of the initial element of the former suffix and
of the whole of the latter formation (see § 23). The method of adding
the pronominal forms to this suffix is identical with the method dis-
cussed on pp. 472-475.
wax- to give 18.2 wa'ximtsin give it to me!
wa'ximtsanxan give it to us!
hits- to put on 11.8 hiya tsimtsin put it on me!
hamex- to tie 8.6 ha'maximtsatc? you (pl.) tie it on
me!
The suffixed particle -%@ (see § 132) is frequently added to this com-
bined suffix. Im such cases it denotes an act performed near the
speaker.
xwiL/- to return 12.6 xwiL!t'mtsind give it back to me!
hamu- to tie 8.6 hamxi'mtsini tie it on me!
The prohibitive mode is expressed by combining the durative -is
(see § 69) with the suffix -zmts (see § 31 and also § 40).
wax- to give 18.2 kwine wa'xa'semts don’t give it to
me!
hits- to put on 11.8 kwine h'ya'tsisemts nite don’t
put it on me!
§ 25. Imperative Suffix Denoting that the Object is Possessed by a
Third Person -it.
This suffix indicates that the possessor of the recipient of the action
is the third person singular. Duality and plurality of the possessor is
expressed by suflixing the subjective pronouns for the third persons
dual and plural (see § 24) to the possessed object (see § 35). This
suffix is added directly to the stem, and is related (phonetically and
etymologically) to the suffix -d, indicating that the object is possessed
by a third person object (see §§ 23, 35). Duality and plurality of the
subject of the action are expressed by adding the subjective pronouns
-ts and -tct (see § 24) to the suffix -77,; and as these pronouns begin with
§§ 44-45
502 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL, 40
& consonant, they are merged with the imperative suffix by means of
a weak a-vowel (see § 4).
yt"'L/- to break 94.4 yw'L/ut gal‘te break his knife!
tscanu- to comb tsca'nwit hi'gi* comb his hair!
hin- to take along 23.2 hi'nit 1 /ami'tt take along his bow!
tan- to call 23.7 ta’nit ti'ntc’aw call their (dual)
names!
hama- to tie 8.6 ha'mxit tci'ttc'nx tie their hands!
hamvi'tats tcit you two tie his
hands!
t/z’maxu- to cut 48.12 tlemat"'latct xwa'ka you cut (off)
his head!
The prohibitive mode is expressed by combining the durative -is
(see § 69) with the suffix -u (see § 35) and by placing the negation
ki‘, kumi'ntc Nov before the verb (see § 40).
yu"'L/- to break 94.4 kwine yi L/isit gal‘te don’t break
his knife!
hame- to tie 8.6 kumi'nte'ne ha'maisiit tan don’t
tie his hands!
tscanu- to comb kwine tsxa'nwistt hi'gu' don't
comb his hair!
§ 46. Imperative Suffix Indicating that the Object is Possessed by
a First Person -ilts
It expresses a command to perform an action, whose recipient is
either possessed or forms an integral part of the first person. It is
related to the imperative -t¢s (see § 42) and to the suffix -dits discussed
in § 36. The combined pronominal forms that are added to this suffix
for the purpose of indicating the number of subject and possessor are
identical with those discussed on pp. 472-475.
wai /- to make 50.8 wa'L!/dtsin gal‘te fix my knife!
wamt- to wash wa’ miitsin ga'nnt wash my face!
hin- to take along 23.2 hi'nittsatci si'xa* you take my canoe
along!
hamz- to tie 8.6 ha'maxittsanxan tcit tie our (excl.)
hands!
The prohibitive form is obtained by combining the durative -is
(see § 69) with the suffix -déts (see § 36). The negative particle i’,
kumi'nte Nor must precede the verb, while the pronouns expressing
§ 46
Boas] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES—SIUSLAWAN 503
the person spoken to may be suffixed either to the negation or to the
combined suffix (see §§ 40, 26).
tscanu- to comb kwine tsxa'nwisilts hi'gu* don’t
comb my hair!
hamz- to tie 8.6 kumi ntctts ha'mxisiitis tcit don't
you two tie my hands!
hin- to take along 23.2 kwi'ta = hi'nisitts tlemi'tt don’t
you take along my bow!
§ 47. Imperative Sujjix Expressing Possessive Interrelations between
Object and Subject -tsx
In the imperative the suffix -tsv is used for expressing possessive
interrelations between object and subject in both cases, when the object
forms an integral part of the subject and when it is only separably con-
nected with it. Considering that actions involved in such a command
presuppose the presence of a pronominal subject and object, it is not
improbable that the suffix -¢sv may be related to the suffixes -its
and -itx (see §§ 23, 29, 38). For subjects other than the second person
singular, the different subjective pronouns are added to -tsz (see
§§ 24, 4).
hi’nék/y to rain 78.1 hi'ntkitse t/a’ cause (thy) rainto
come down! 76.18
tscanu- to comb tsea'nutse hi'gi* comb thy hair!
th/a’a- to open 28.2 tk/a'atse Laa’ open thy mouth!
tak¥- to take 7.5 ta'kutse k®@'ni get thy basket!
L/ox- to send 16.10 L/0xtse hite send thy man!
pi«- to close 36.16 paxtsx kopex shut thy eyes!
ming- to lighten 38.5 minetse t/a'™ make lightning!
38.5
a‘tc- to trade 36.4 aicna™tsxans let us two (incl).
trade!
tak#- to get 7.5 ta'kutsvats gi'uite you two take
your wives! 52.17
hi’nék!y- to rain 78.1 hi'ntk itsxats t/a'™ you two cause
your rain to descend 76.19
hintk/i'tsxata t/a’ you fellows
make rain!
For the formation of the prohibitive mode see § 37.
§ 47
504 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BuLL. 40
§ £48. Exhortative Suffix Expressing Possessive Interrelations Be-
tween Object and Subject -itsmE (-aitsmE)
This suffix may be called the imperativized form of the suffix -titsm
denoting that the object is separably connected with the subject (see
§§ 23,34). It expresses, however, possessive relations between subject
and object regardless of the kind of possession, and is used only
in connection with the particle gat (see § 129). By its means Sius-
law expresses a desire addressed to the first and third persons that a
certain act be performed upon an object that either forms an integral
part of or else is separably connected with the third person. All
subjective pronouns are added to the particle ga‘d (see §§ 24, 26).
Siuslaw has no distinct suffixes for the purpose of expressing posses-
sive relations with the first or second persons as the possessor, or rela-
tions between subject and object. For the interchange between -2¢smz
and -a*tsme see § 2.
pax- to close 36.16 gat paxa"tsme kope \et him shut
his eyes!
xax/- to build 50.8 ga"'tns xaL/vtsme hitsv* let us two
(incl.) fix his house!
wami- to wash ga"'ina cami tsme ga'nné let them
wash their faces!
hits- to put on 11.8 ga'la'x h‘yatsi'tsme thwanw’ g" let
them two put on their (dual)
hats!
MODAL SUFFIXES (§§ 49-64)
§49. Introductory
In the succeeding chapters will be discussed, besides the suffixes
that indicate the passive voice and the imperative and exhortative
modes, also the formative elements expressing such concepts as recip-
rocality, distribution, and tentative and negative actions. A separate
section might have been devoted here to a discussion of the formative
elements -% and -2, the former expressing the indicative and the latter
indicating the imperative mode. Since, however, these two elements
never occur alone, and since they have been fully discussed in connection
with other suffixes (see §$§ 28, 28, 29, 30, 34, 35, 36, 41, 42, 44, 45, 46,
48), it has been thought advisable to call attention here to their modal
functions, but not to treat them separately.
§§ 48-49
BOAS] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES—SIUSLAWAN 505
§ 50. Reciprocal -naw(a), -muau-
-naw(a) precedes all other suffixes, and is followed by the subjec-
tive pronouns. Owing to the fact that Siuslaw does not permit clus-
ters of w+ any consonant (excepting m), the w of this suffix changes
into a voiceless w (written here ’“) before all consonants except n (see
§ 4). For that reason the reciprocal -naw(a), when followed by the
present -¢ (see § 72), the future -¢u# (see § 73), or by the imperative
-Em (see § 61), is heard as -na’t, -natiw, and -na’m respectively.
The stem to which this suffix is added is not infrequently followed by
the reflexive particle ¢s’ims (see § 123). The full form -nawa is added
when the suffix stands in final position; that is to say, when it ex-
presses the subjective pronoun for the third person singular (see § 24).
Lot- to hit Loina'wans we two (incl.) hit each
other
Lotna'wa"xtn ts’ims we two (excl.)
hit each other
Lotna’ wats ts’ims you two hit each
other
wing- to be afraid 17.6 wintana' wate they two were afraid
of each other 86.1, 2
waa'- to speak 7.1 waand wae they two talk to each
other 10.4
statsv'tc’ax waana'wa thus they
two speak to each other 10.1, 2
waana'wisa"e ants ma'tt they two
keep on talking to each other,
those chiefs 78.8, 9
st’nai- to desire 18.5 atsant kumt'nte mvkla‘na sinix-
na'wis thus we (incl.) won’t try
to abuse one another (literally,
thus we not badly will desire
[to abuse] one another continu-
ally) 78.12, 18
wine- to fear 17.6 wintana'wanzan tims we (excl.)
are afraid of one another.
igud- to shout 52.8 tgtiina'wanx they shout at one an-
other.
a‘tc- to trade 36.4 a‘tena'™ tins we two (incl.) will
trade 36.7
“atx a'tena'ha“t then they two
traded 36.7
§ 50
506 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 40
Lot- to hit Lotna'tiats you two will hit each
other
Lotna' mats you two hit eachother!
tgit- to shout 52.8 tgiina'tinxan we (excl.) will
shout at one another
yag"- to look 23.9 yaghina™ mate look you at one
another!
waa'- to speak 7.1 waana™taane wa'as they speak
one another’s language
In two instances this suffix is followed by the verbalizing -a* imply-
ing the commencement of a reciprocal action. . For an explanation of
this inchoative idea see § 75.
waa'- to speak 7.1 ats tc’ax waanawa” thus they two
(begin to) talk to each other
18.13
khii‘n- to beat 72.17 Wing wan ki‘na'wat now they
(begin to) beat one another 80.1.
Ina few instances this suffix is used to express distribution of
action.
t/n’mai- to cut 48.12 “ t/ema%na’’ti'n he cut it into
pieces (literally, he cut it here
and there) 52.23, 24
igu’nwt knot tgunwina’ tin ya" «a he made
lots of knots (literally, he made
many knots here and there)
sii’qu- to join 80.9 siig’na’tin he joined it together
Lapq- (¢) 80.15 Lapqana'tuin he put them side by
side
aq- to take off 13.1 dqna'™tiin he took it apart.
-muca- has the same function as the preceding -naw(a), but is
employed less often, and seems to be confined to a limited number of
stems. This suffix is frequently affected by the shifting of the accent
(see § 12).
waa" he says 8.9 waa’ muxwate they two talk to
each other 10.6
stats tca"a waa’ mua” thus they
two talk to each other 10.6, 7
ats tc’ax waa'yemeust thus they
began to talk to each other 56.4
waa’ yema«"sta“x they two began to
talk to each other 48.13
§ 50
BOAS ] . HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES—SIUSLAWAN 507
tcanhati- to club tcanhati’mautxax g'ti’mt ants
peni's they two were clubbing
each other’s anus, those skunks
86.9
kima*z/- to hit hima” t/muawane they hit one
another
§ 51. Distributive -it’ax
This suffix expresses the distributive of intransitive verbs. Owing
to the fact that most nouns, even without the aid of any specific device,
may have the function of intransitive verbs, this suffix will be found
added to nouns, especially to terms of relationship. The initial 7 is
frequently changed into @ (see § 2).
The form -if’az followed by certain subjective pronouns is subject to
a peculiar law of contraction (see § 24).
k/in- to hear 70.5 kina taate wa'as xa'ts!% tng!a'-
a’ two rivers will have one
language (literally, hear mutu-
ally their language [the people
of] two rivers) 32.6, 7
stigqu- to join st’qu'?ax ants hitsi’* xait/i'yiisne
adjoining these houses are built
80.9, 10. ,
Lapg- (*) atqa’te tlaya’ “t cintx hitsi’* xa-
Lia'yine 1La’pqa'?ax on one
place three houses are built side
by side 80.14, 15
nactc- to fight ni cteata“e si’ntxytin (to) fight
mutually they two want (with
them) 52.2
mi’ sk” younger brother 56.6 md’/skwita%x ad’ts/“wa"x younger
brothers mutually they two
(were) 40.18
nv cteata'a, ma’ skwit ata = ni’ ct-
catana“e, maskwitaxa“e (see
§ 24)
mictci'* younger sister 40.2 ma ctei?anxan (=ma'ctci? axan-
xan) sisters mutually we (excl.)
are
§ 51
508 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY . BULL. 40
§ 52. Tentative -tc’
This suffix indicates an attempt on the part of the subject to perform
a certain action, and may best be rendered by TO ATTEMPT, TO TRY. . .
The native Siuslaw, unable to express its exact meaning, rendered it
by various phrases, chiefly by sentences like TO DO SOMETHING SLOWLY,
To ‘‘KINDOF”’ ...,etc. Verbal stems ending in a consonant insert a
weak vowel between its final sound and the suffix (see § 4). In ter-
minal position this suffix appears as -¢e’ya (see § 24).
yax- to see 34.4 st’m™?nx ydxatca wax there they
intend to try to look 60.7
ya xatcist*ene tit/aya’ you (will)
try to begin to look for food 13.7
yaxcate a” witin t/ame I intend try-
ing to look for my boy 60.1, 2
teat- to run 12.3 Laa'tateist k/éxt'te Lt/aya'te he
begins to attempt to run every-
where 13.8, 9
kii'n- to beat 72.17 ut sta tsv’'k!ya ki'nt'tswa that one
very (hard) tries to beat (them)
78.18
t/uiha’- to sell, to buy 74.5 tlihatc ntaa“« (they two) try to
sell their (dual) many (hides)
tit/- to eat 13.10 ti't/atc’in I eat slowly
mix- to swim mi'xateya he is ‘‘ kind of” swim-
ming
§ 53. Negative -7¢ (-a’2)
This suffix expresses negation of action, and is used with intransitive
verbs only. Negation of transitive verbs by means of a special suffix
is not exhibited.. The verbal stem to which this suffix is added must
be preceded by the negative particles hiu', kwmi’nte Nov (see § 131).
An explanation of the parallel occurrence of -i and -a‘tis given in § 2.
as- to sleep 23.9 kumi ntcEenxan a“ sit not we (excl.)
sleep 70.19
xintm- to travel 12.10 kumi nic ni'k/a xi'ntmit not alone
he traveled 94.11
ci’nxi- to think kumi'nte nictci'te ct’nxitt not (of)
anything he was thinking 60.
20, 21
ci’/l‘x- to move, to shake 27.2 ki‘ ci’l-zit not he moved 27.2, 3
§§ 52-53
BOAS] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES—-SIUSLAWAN 509
witw- to affirm, toanswer 17.7 ki! ya’tsa wi'twit not (for) a long
time he answered 74.4
ta'- to live 32.21 squ'ma “t kumi'nte ta'tt ing!a'tic
pelican did not live in the bay
44.1
sing!- to be hungry 44.11 "in kumi'ntc si'nq/a't I (am) not
hungry 44.15, 16
xau- to die 40.21 kumi'nte xa'wil he does not die 15.8
Modal Elements of the Passive Voice (§§ 54-59)
§ 54. Introductory
Siuslaw employs a great number of suffixes for the purpose of
expressing the passive voice. Many of these suffixes express, besides
the passive idea, some other grammatical category, and according to
this secondary function they may be divided into the following classes:
(1) Pure passive suffixes.
(2) Suffixes conveying the passive voice and temporal categories.
(3) Passive suffixes indicating pronominal and possessive interrela-
tions.
The suffixes of the last category have been fully discussedin §§ 38
and 39.
§ 55. Present Passive -xam
It expresses the present tense of the passive voice, and may be added
directly to the stem or may be preceded by the verbalizing suffix -a‘
(2) (see §§ 75, 2). In the latter case it conveys an inchoative passive
idea. In narratives this suffix assumes the function of an historic pres-
ent. Stems ending in a consonant insert a weak vowel between their
final sound and the suflix (see § 4).
L/°wa’e- to send 7.7 “wan L/oxa'xam then finally he
was sent 16.10
gaa- to enter 44.4 sExa'te qaa'xam into a canoe it
was put in 34.5
waa’- to speak 7.1 wad xam s®atsi'te he was told thus
8.1
wiw- to affirm 17.7 witwa'xam he was answered “‘yes”’
30.11
skwa'- to stand 10.9 skwaha'xam ants xa‘tca'a®* placed
was that roast (in the fire) 90.9
hatc’- to ask 66.16 “t hatc’’xam he was asked 66.16
tak"- to get, to take 7.5 teimtca’mt tokwi’xam an ax was
seized 27.10
§§ 54-55
510 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 40
In two instances the verbal stem, to which this suffix is added, has
been reduplicated (see § 107).
1% he comes 9.3 “ wan L/it/wa'xam finally he was
approached 16.3
temi- to assemble 7,3 t/emt/ma'xam wan they come to
see him now (literally, he is
assembled about, now) 23.3, 4
For forms in -wamlta, expressing passives with indirect object, the
grammatical subject being the property of the indirect object, see § 39.
§ 56. Future Passives in -atam, -i (-a!), -aat
These suffixes indicate the future tense of the passive voice. No
explanation for the occurrence of the variety of forms can be given.
Similarly, all attempts to correlate these different suffixes with certain
stems have been without results.
-atam is added directly to stems. Stems ending in a-vowels con-
tract this vowel with the initial a of the suffix (see § 9). Final 7
and @ of the stem are diphthongized into ya and wa respectively
before the addition of the suffix (see § 7).
temi- to assemble 7.3 noctor' tc®tc te tem™wa' tam
why these you, will be assem-
bled 30.17
gn“'- to find 34.12 gn“ wa' taméin I will be found
sta’tsa thus 8.7 sFatsa’tamin thus it will (be done)
to me
k/a‘- to invite 16.3 k/aha'tamanex you will be invited
waa'- to speak 7.1 waa'tam he will be told
hin- to take along 23.2 hina’tam it will be taken along
By adding to -atam the objective form -iim (see § 28) a compound
suffix -atamiin is obtained which exercises the function of a causative
passive for the future tense. No examples of this formation have been
found in the texts.
hin- to take along 23.2 hina’ tamiin he will cause him to
be taken along
skwa'‘- to stand 10.9 skwaha'tamin I will cause him to
be placed
skwaha' tamiin = skwaha'tamiinin
(see § 15)
§ 56
BOAS] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES—SIUSLAWAN 511
tu‘n- to invite 16.2 tu‘na'tamin I will cause him to
be invited
-t (-a’). This suffix must not be confounded with the nominalizing
suffix of identical phonetic value. The stem to which it is added
invariably undergoes a phonetic change, which may be called stem-
amplification (see § 112). An explanation for the parallel occurrence
of -7 and -a’ is found in § 2.
hin- to take along 23.2 h‘ya'nin I shall be taken along
kit'n- to beat 72.17 k*wa’‘nin I shall be beaten
Lat- to hit L°wa' tine you will get hit
hakw- to fall 8.7 “tata tev’wate hakwa'a* they two
into the water will be thrown
88.7, 8
ana’x- to give up 16.8 nicte k" a'naxa* suppose he be
given up 64.26
L/eva"- reduplicated form of 1/a"wa'xwin I shall be known
L/ai- to know 40.16
-aa” occurs more frequently than the two previously discussed suf-
fixes, and is added to the bare stem. Stems ending in a contract their
final vowel with the initial a of the suffix (see § 9). Sometimes, but
not as a rule, the stem is amplified before adding the future passive
-aa". This suffix usually requires the accent.
ani”n- to do 10.5 ya’ aca hitca” ani”na’a" much
playing will be done 9.6, 7
t/emai’- to kill 15.3 “nm kumi'nte st/ntayiin L/amaya’ a
I not want it (that) he shall be
killed 15.8, 16.2
tii‘n- to invite sFa’tsa ti‘na’a” thus he will be
invited 16.2
ma’ q/i- to dance 28.7 atsi'te waa'xam mezg/éna'a* thus
it was said, ‘‘A dance will be
arranged for him” 19.1, 2
L/6x- to send 16.10 a nixyat!ya ants hite t/oxa' a” was
thinking that man (who) was
going to be sent 19.8, 9
xau- to die 40.21 Vniayi' ne cawa'a* it was desired
(that) he be killed 24.1
hin- to take along 9.5 wan hina’a" now he will be taken
along 25.1
§ 56
512 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 40
tit‘tc- to spear 62.2 twatca'a” it will be speared 62.8
tak"- to get 7.5 kumi'ntceena txt takwa'a", tuha'-
a'nx ya" xa not for nothing they
will get you, they will buy you
big (literally, not you just taken
will be, bought you will be
much) 74.16, 17
§ 57. Past Passive -xamyax
This suffix is (loosely) composed of the present passive -xam (see
§ 55) and of the suffix for the past tense -yam (see § 74).
gnu - to find 56.9 Limna'‘¢ gn“ wa'vamyax elk was
found 34.12, 13
tak"- to seize 7.5 ants hite tokwi’xamyax that man
(who) was seized 60.12
s®q/tsa thus 11.10 statsi’xamyax thus it was (done)
32.16
hig/- to start 15.1 sa'tsa hiq!a'wamyax thus it was
started 32.16
xau’ he died 40.21 caw xamyax he was killed 29.6
That the composition of this suffix is felt to be rather loose may be
best inferred from the fact that the sign of the past (-yax) may pre-
cede the passive suffix -wam, as is shown in the following instances:
ct’/nat- to think 60.21 cl ntayaxam sFatsi'tc it was thought
thus 27.6
hi?- (2) to lose hit*’yaxan (1) got lost 68.2
yak /vte- in pieces 96.11 yak /itcya' cam xwa kate into pieces
was (cut) his head 29.4, 5
tc/hac- to be glad 27.1 tc/ha"cya'xam wan gladness was
felt now 23.3
In all these instances the suffix -yaxam has resulted from an origi-
nal -yaxxam (see § 15).
§ 58. Passive Verbs in -itn- (-attn-), -i‘nE (-at‘nE)
These suffixes are extensively employed in the formation of the
passive voice; alone they do not express any particular tense.
They may be added either directly to the stem, or to the stem ver-
balized by means of the suffix -a! (see § 75). The subjective suffixes
are added to these suffixes by means of a weak vowel (see § 4); but
since the third person singular has no distinct form, and as clusters of
§§ 57-58
BOAS]
HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES—SIUSLAWAN
513
consonants in final position are inadmissible, the form of this suffix in
terminal position is always -dtnez (-a®inz).
The form -%'nz has resulted from the change of the ¢ of -an- to a
weak aspiration (see § 16).
been discussed in § 2.
gaLex- to count 8.5
ani”’n- to do 10.5
waa- to speak 7.1
gatci" tx he drinks
thati’tx- to shout continually
11.10
waa" he says 8.9
tu tca” he spears 62.2
vat /a” he makes 50.8
xni”n- to do 10.5
mittc- to burn 26.9
waa" he says 8.9
vat /a” he makes 50.8
k/a‘- to invite 16.3
sé'nxi- to desire 18.5
L/6nitx- to tell continually
The interchange between @ and a” has
“{ ga'Lxvitne then it was counted
sZa’tsa wni/”’nitne thus it was done
62.9
kumi’ nte nictci'te wa" a"tne noth-
ing was said 18.3
pala qgatck'txa"tne (from the)
well it is drunk 76.12
thati'twa*tne he is continually
shouted at
atsi'te'n waa'yiitne thus I am told
20.6
tit tea’ yiine it is speared 8.7
ts't/t tla “4 adt/a'yittine
many arrows are made 78.6
sFa'tsa ani’’nii'ne thus it is done
74.2
mailici nz ants hitsi’* a fire was
built (in) that house 25.2
statsi’te wad'yti'ne ants hite thus
was told that man 30.2, 3
kliw tag wat/a'yi'ne everything
is made 78.5, 6
k/aha'yi‘nin I am invited 17.9
klaha'yi'nane thou art invited
16.3
k/aha'yit‘natci you are invited
30.10
sintaytnane xLi'iitie you are
wanted (to) come 19.7, 8
atsi’te L/6ni tea“ ne thus it is fre-
quently said 16.9
When preceded by the sign of the past tense, -yaw (see § 74), these
suffixes denote the passive voice of the past tense.
hate’- to ask 66.16
3045°—Bull. 40, pt 2—12——33
atsv'te waa” ants ha'teyaxa*’ tne
thus said that one (who) was
asked 66.24, 25
§ 58
514 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 40
haw- to finish 14.6 » . . ants hitst” hawa" styaxa*ine
(when) that house began to be
finished
§ 59. Durative Passives in -isiitn- (-isii‘nE), -iisn-
-tsttn- (-tsii'nez). This suffix is composed of the durative -is (see
§ 69) and of the passive -dtn- (see § 58). It denotes a passive action
of long duration. Owing to its durative character, the verbal stem to
which this suffix is added is frequently amplified (see § 112) or dupli-
cated (see § 107). -isiitn- interchanges constantly with -a'sitn- (see
§§ 2, 69). The subjective pronouns are added by means of a weak
vowel. In final position it occurs as -tsitnz, because a final cluster of
¢+n is inadmissible (see § 4). The change of the ¢ to a weak aspi-
ration in -isi‘nz has been fully discussed in § 16 (see also § 58).
tan- to cal] by name la’nisitne ants hitc he is constantly
called, that man 23.7
cil'x- to shake 27.3 ci l-wistitne he is constantly shaken
27.2
waa’- to speak 7.1 atst’'te wa’ a'si'ne thus he is always
told 24.2
hits- to put on 11.8 hiya'tsistitne it is frequently put
on 11.7
rit (they) come 9.3 Liit/wi'stine he is being ap- .
proached 26.2
yag"- to look 23.9 ya ghisi‘ne he is continually
watched 26.1
gaLx- to count 8.5 gv Leisti'ne it is being counted
62.11
waa’- to speak 7.1 atsi'te waa" sine thus he is being
told 23.10
hat- to shout 13.11 thati’sti'nz he is continually
shouted at 14.2
L/xié- to know 40.16 hit tilat’ai'sii°ne tcartc’te ants
xint not it was known where
that one went 64.15, 16
-i%isn= isa combined suffix. Its first element is undoubtedly the du-
rative -ts (see § 69); while the second component seems to represent
an abbreviated form of the passive suffix -an-, discussed in § 58. It
indicates a passive action of long duration or frequent occurrence, and
may best be rendered by Ir WOULD... .
§ 59
BoAS] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES—SIUSLAWAN 515
This suffix is always added to the verbal stem by means of the ver-
balizing -a’ (changed into -2; see § 75). Both -7 and -a’ are subject to
consonantization before the initial vowel of the passive suffix, so that
this suffix invariably occurs as -Zviisn- or -aytisn- (see § 8). Ina few
instances it appears as -é*ytisn- (see § 2). The subjective pronouns
beginning with a consonant are added to this suffix by means of a
weak vowel; and asa third person singular has no special form, and
since a terminal cluster of s+ is inadmissible, these suffixes in termi-
nal position always appear as -tsnz, -iyiisnz or -ayusne (see § 4).
tgut- to shout 52.8 tquti'yisne ants tcieni'nz he is
always shouted at, that raccoon
76.16, 17
hat- to shout 13.11 thati'yiisne he would be shouted
at 70.22
waa’- to speak 7.1 atsi'te waa'ytsne thus he would
be told 24.7
tan- to call 23.7 tanat!i'yisne he is continually
. called 76.17, 18
tii'- to buy 74.17 tiha'yuisne she would be bought
- 14.18, 19
ani”n- to do 10.15 sta'tsa ani”’ni'yisne thus it would
be done 76.5
itg- to dig 84.2 age ytisne ants t/a’ dug would
be the ground 80.6
xat/- to make 50.8 avaL!vyisne ants hitsi'’ made is
that house 80.13
In one instance this suffix has been added to a verbal stem by means
of the verbalizing -w’ (see § 75).
tein"- to pack tein’i' yusne “4 gatcEni'yiisne they
pack it and go (literally, it is
packed and carried off) 100.20
In another instance the suffix appears as -wiisne.
vu (they) come 9.3 Limvket tiwi'wisne flounder is
brought continually 100.10
This occurrence of the w before -tisnz may be explained as due to
retrogressive assimilation; that is to say, the original y has been
changed into w to agree in character with thew of the stem riwa"”’ HE
COMES.
§ 59
516 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 40
Modal Elements of the Imperative and Exhortative Modes (§§ 60-64)
§ 60. Introductory
Attention has been called in § 40 to the variety of suffixes that are
employed in Siuslaw for the purpose of expressing the imperative
mode. By far the majority of these suffixes indicate, besides the im-
perative idea, also pronominal and possessive interrelations between
subject and object. These have been treated as primarily objective
forms, and have been fully discussed in §§ 40-48. In the following
sections only such suffixes will be discussed the primary functions
of which are those of an imperative mode.
Siuslaw makes a clear distinction between a true imperative, a pro-
hibitive, and an exhortative mode, and expresses these three varieties
by means of distinct formative elements.
The difference between the ideas expressed by the imperative and
exhortative is one of degree rather than of contents. The imperative
expresses a command more or less peremptory; while the exhortative
conveys an admonition, a wish. Furthermore, the exhortative rarely
applies to the second person as the subject of the action. All exhor-
tative expressions are preceded by the particle ga‘t (see § 129) and are
rendered by LET ME, HIM... . ,PERMITMETO... ,MAYI... , ete
§ 61. Imperative Suffix for Intransitive Verbs -Em
This suffix is added to intransitive verbs only, regardless of whether
they express a real active idea or a mere condition. It is suffixed di-
rectly to the verbal stem; and when added to stems that end in a
vowel, the obscure z of the suffix is contracted with the vowel of the
stem. Insuch contractions the quality and quantity of the stem-vowel
usually predominate (see § 9). The second person singular is not ex-
pressed. The imperative for the second persons dual and plural is
obtained by suffixing to -zm the subjective pronouns -fs and -¢ci re-
spectively (see §24). These pronouns are added by means of a weak
a-vowel (see § 4).
ft/- to eat 13.10 ii’t/zm eat! 40.26
kwis- to wake up 40.9 kwi'sem wake up! 58.5
waa’- to speak 7.1 wa'am speak!
gatcEn- to go 8.2 ga'tenem gol
ma’q/i- to dance 28.7 mag !yzm dance!
§§ 60-61
B0AS] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES—SIUSLAWAN 517
haw- to quit, to end 14.6 ha'tim quit!
gatc*n- to go 8.2 qa tenemats you two go!
tqud- to shout 52.8 tqu'temats you two shout!
gatx- to cry 58.15 ga tazmatc you cry!
vat'n- to climb up 12.4 xa'tnematci you climb up!
In negative sentences the imperative suffix -zm is replaced by the
durative -zs (see § 69). The whole phrase is preceded by the particle
of negation kit’, kumi'nte Not (see § 181), to which are added the sub-
jective pronouns for the second persons (see §§ 24, 26).
wintm- to travel 12.10 kwi'nx xi'ntmis don’t travel!
as- to sleep 24.1 kwine a” sis don’t sleep! 23.9
gatha'ntc far 10.3 kwine gaha'ntcis don’t (go) far
away! 56.21
waa’- to speak 7.1 kwine statsi'te wa'a's don’t thus
say! 50.1
gatcEn- to go 8.2 kit‘ts ga'tc®nis don’t you two go!
54.93, 56.1
ma’g/t- to dance 28.7 kumi'ntcttct ma'q/is don’t ye
dance!
By suffixing to the imperative toe subjective pronouns for the first
persons dual and plural (see § 24), an exhortative mode for these per-
sons is obtained.
tea’xum go! tca'xumans let us two (incl.) go!
58.5
ti’'t/zm eat! 40.26 ti't/zmans let us two (incl.) eat!
ti't/zmant let us (incl.) eat!
na'tem start! na'temané let us (incl.) start!
§ 62. Imperative Sujfjix for Transitive Verbs -is (-ais)
This suffix expresses an imperative transitive idea. It must not be
confused with the durative suffix -is (see § 69), the phonetic resem-
blance between these two suffixes being purely accidental. It must
be borne in mind that the durative -%s indicates an intransitive action,
and is made transitive by the addition of the transitive -iin (see § 28).
The student is easily apt to confuse these two suffixes, because in
the prohibitive mode the transitivized durative -isiin (see p. 518) is
used; but this use is perfectly logical, since a transitive prohibitive is
intimately connected with the idea of a (negated) action of long dura-
tion performed by a second person as subject.
§ 62
518 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 40
The following table may best serve to distinguish at a glance be-
tween the different suffixes in -7s that occur in Siuslaw:
Notsrelated’ . % see. -is transitive imperative -is intransitive durative
Tel br iste | AS Te ek ae OEE ES -isin transitive prohibitive -isin transitive durative
The imperative for the second persons dual und plural is not often
expressed by suffixing to -is the subjective pronouns -ts and -éct re-
spectively (see § 24), because the subjective pronouns are usually suf-
fixed to attributes and particles that precede the verbal term (see § 26).
The interchange between -7 and -a’ has been discussed in § 2.
waa’- to talk 7.1 wa'a's talk to him! 76.18
t/wan- to tell 7.3 L/wa'nis tell him! 30.13
hi'satct t/wa'nis well you tell
(them)! 30.3
tu tc- to spear 62.2 Pwa'tcis spear it! 64.2
hin- to take along 9.5 hi'nis take it along!
skwa‘- to stand 10.9 skwa’'ha’s set it up!
hamez- to tie 8.6 ha'meis tie it!
gatcEn- to go 8.2 ga'tcEnisats you two make him go!
' tit/- to eat 13.10 ti't/tsatct you eat it!
In negative sentences the imperative suffix is replaced by the tran-
sitive form of the durative -istin (see § 69). The verb is preceded by
the negative particle ki’, kwmi'ntc, used in connection with the subjec-
tive pronouns for the second persons (see §§ 131, 40).
t!/wan- to tell 7.3 kwi'na t/wa'nistin don’t you tell
him! 17.1, 2
gatcEn- to go 8.2 kwine ga'tcenisin don’t you make
him go!
hin- to take along 9.5 kumi'ntc'ne hi'nisiin don’t you
take it along!
The exhortative for the first persons is formed by adding to -2s the
subjective pronouns for these persons (see § 24).
tak¥- to take 7.5 ta'kwisans let us two (incl.) take it!
haw- to quit, to stop 14.6 ha’ wisant let us (inel.) stop it!
§ 638. Intransitive Exhortative -Ixmi (-alxmif)
This suffix expresses an admonition, addressed to a first or third
person, to perform an action that has no object. The verb must be
preceded by the exhortative particle ga’t (see § 129), and the subjective
§ 63
BOAS] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES—SIUSLAWAN 519
pronouns indicating the subject of the action are added to this parti-
cle and never to the exhortative suffix (see § 26).
The reasons for the interchange between -tiwmit and -a‘ami are
discussed in § 2.
gatcEn- to go 8.2 ga't gatcEni’ emi let him go!
a“s- to sleep 23.9 ga'tn avsi’xmi let me sleep!
waa’ - to speak 7.1 ga"'tns waa" xm let us two (incl.)
speak!
ma'g/% to dance 28.7 ga’ naan mag !/i'amé let us (excl.)
dance!
hat- to shout 13.11 ga'tent hati'emi let us (incl.)
shout!
gatcu- to drink 76.12 ga" nx gatet" «mt let them drink!
tit/- to eat 13.10 gat tit /Vami let him eat!
In one single instance the exhortative for a second person (singular)
occurs. The suffix is followed by the future passive -7 (see § 56), and
the exhortative particle is missing.
mattc- to burn 25.2 mit’ amine you may get burned
(literally, to burn [exhortative,
future passive] thou) 26.9
§ 64. Exhortative -t
This suffix admonishes the speaker to perform an act, the object of
which must be one of the second persons, and may best be rendered
into English by LET ME, THEE .... The object of the action is
expressed by adding the subjective pronouns to this suffix (see § 24)
by means of a weak a-vowel (see §4). Singular subjects are not ex-
pressed phonetically; duality or plurality of subject is indicated by
means of the independent personal pronouns (see § 113). The particle
k (see § 127) frequently follows these exhortative forms, and, when
preceding a form with the second person singular as the object (-danz),
it changes the final z into a (see § 4).
t/wan- to tell 17.1 L/wa'ntanz let me tell thee!
Lot- to hit totz’tats let me hit you two!
hate’- to ask 66.16 hu'tctlatea let me ask you!
L/wan- to tell 17.1 L/wa'ntanak* let me tell thee!
<1/wa'ntanex kv
For other devices employed in Siuslaw for the purpose of express-
ing the exhortative mode, see § 129.
§ 64
520 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 40
TEMPORAL SUFFIXES (§§ 65-74)
§ 65. Introductory
Siuslaw shows a rich development of the category of time, and em-
ploys a variety of suffixes for the purpose of denoting the different
tenses of actions and conditions. The simple form of the verb has
an indefinite character and is used to denote past and present occur-
rences, but otherwise the temporal classification is strictly adhered to.
All temporal suffixes may be divided into semi-temporal and true
temporal suffixes. Primarily, each of these suffixes expresses the tense
of an intransitive action only; but by suffixing to the tense sign
transitive suffixes, such as -tn, -dts, etc., the same idea of time for
transitive occurrences is obtained. The only exceptions are found in
the intentional and future tenses, which show two separate forms—
one for intransitive verbs and the other for transitive actions (see
§§ 41, 70, 73).
Semi-temporal Suffixes (§§ 66-70)
§ 66. Inchoative -st
This suffix denotes the commencement of an action, and assumes in
some instances a transitional significance. Stems ending in a con-
sonant insert a weak vowel between the final consonant and the initial
element of the suffix (see § 4). When it is desired to express the
inchoative tense of a transitive action, the transitive -din or any of the
other transitive forms is added to the suffix (see §§ 27 et seq.).
gwaaxtc- to go towards 62.8. “t qwa'xtcist tci'watc and she began
to go towards the water 90.22
maité- to burn 25.2 mi'ticist he began to burn 29.3
L/watate- to attempt torun Laa'tatcist kléxii'te 1t/aya'te he
begins to attempt to run in all
directions 13.8, 9
ga'nt- to be tired qa’ nist a’nts*tc mii'sk” he began
to get tired, his younger brother
58.11
gata- to cry 58.15 “ax stim ga’txast and they two
there began to cry 58.17
wittc- to send gamita'te wi'licistin her father
(discriminative) began to send
her 92.20
matc- to lie 38.21 statsi'tc mitcistin ... thus he
began to fell... 94.7, 8
§§ 65-66
Boas] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES—SIUSLAWAN 521
ha'ninit!- to believe 78.1,2 “tt wan ha'n¥ni’t/istiin and finally
she began to believe him 46.3
In a few instances this suffix will be found added to a stem after the
same has been verbalized by means of the suffix -a’ (see § 75).
xintm- to travel about 12.10 k/éwii’te t/aya'te “®nx xi’ntmatst
everywhere they began to travel
about 72.20
stati’ nt petite at’ntma‘stin the
big one first he began to take
along 92.18
wusi- to be sleepy wusya' ast ants mi’k/a hite began
to feel sleepy that bad man 26.
1, 2
wusya a'stin I begin to feel sleepy
26.8
wa’ nwits tt/v’ sttin already he (had)
commenced to devour him 94.19
(t=a* see § 2)
tit/- to eat 13.10
It sometimes follows the other true temporal suffixes, lending to the
inchoative action a definite tense.
ptanya‘t- to be sorry (present planya’’ tistitsme ha‘tc he began
tense) to feel sorry for his (boy) 40.21
mattc- to burn 25.2 “t matte’ ust he will begin to build a
fire 90.6
In a number of cases this suffix expresses an adjectival idea.
pin- to be sick 40.21 ants ptnast he (who) begins to get
sick, he (who) is sick: hence the
sick (man) 86.15
yi'g/a"- to split yv'q/ast g/a’tt pitch (that) begins
to split, split pitch
haw- to finish 14.6 ha“wa" st finished
tsima’st any kind of a place (sic)
66.6
§ 67. Terminative -ixai (-aixai)
This suffix expresses termination of an action. The stem to which
it is suffixed must be preceded by some form of the verb Aaw- To END,
TO FINISH. For the interchange between -txa‘ and -w'za' see § 2.
§ 67
pitc- to go over 88.15
gatx- to cry 58.15
walt- to snow
hat- to shout 13.11
hamex- to tie 8.6
tn- to call
waa’- to talk 7.1
hatin pitca” xa’ I quit going over
(logs)
hat’tin gatwa" xa’ I quit erying
haw'tx watti'xa' it stopped snow-
ing
hai'txan hata xa‘ I stopped shout-
ing
hawin ham«i’xat I quit tying
(ot
haw'tn tna” xa’ tinte I quit calling
his name
haw’in waa’ «a I quit talking to
him
It seems that the terminative suffix is frequently subject to the law
of vocalic harmony, in spite of the fact that Siuslaw makes but little
attempt at the harmonization of its vowels (see § 11). I have found
a few examples showing that the initial vowel of the suffix has been
assimilated to the quality of the vowel of thestem. Whether this rule
applies to all cases could not be determined with any degree of cer-
tainty.
aun- to snore 27.9
hiin- it gets dark 34.8
temiu’- to assemble 7.3
hat’ tan viini” «a (and not wina” -
xa’) I quit snoring
hat’ ta hint"'«xat L/a’™ (and not hi-
na xa’) it stopped getting dark
haw'ta tematya’aa hiti’te (and
not tema%ya’ca‘) he quit as-
sembling (the) people
§ 6S. Frequentatives -at!i, -itx (-altx)
-at!t denotes frequency of action, and may best be rendered by
FREQUENTLY, ALWAYS. In the first person singular the final long
vowel of this suffix is shortened (see § 24). In terminal position the
suffix -a¢/7 is often changed into -at/ya (see §$§ 7, 24).
ct’ nai- to think 60.21
hakw- to fall 8.7
gatc*n- to go 8.2
nakwa‘- to be poor
§ 68
a n'ayat/ya he is always thinking
12.4
ha’kwat!ya it always falls down
90.12
ga'tc'nat!ya he frequently goes
14.5
nikwa'yatyanvan we (excl.) are
always poor 76.19
q
522 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bune 40 |
Boas] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES—SIUSLAWAN 523
ii'a- to come 9.2 nv'ctctm sqa’k xi’wat!t because
there he came frequently 68.4, 5
tat- to live 16.2 pi'tsis ta'yat/i in the ocean he
always lived 44.18
gaa’- to enter 34.5 nictci'tcanx tanx kiié gaa’t!t in-
g/vate why do you, this one,
not frequently come into the
river? 44.3, 4
In one instance this suffix occurs as -¢/7.
k/ap- low tide 36.18 te k/apa’ t/t ing/a’@ (so that) al-
ways dry (may be) this river 38.2
When frequency of action in transitive verbs is to be expressed,
the transitive suffixes are added to the frequentative -at/z7. This
suffix amalgamates with the transitive -tn into -at/ytn (see § 8).
c’nxi- to think 60.21 cin'xyat!ytin mita’in Tam always
thinking of my father
cil*x- to shake 27.2 eV l-ayat!yun gna Lalways shake it .
planya” he is sorry ts’k/ya ptanya't!yin hate (ev-
erybody) is very sorry for him,
(everybody) hates him 19.2, 3
(< planya'ya't!ytin).
ta’- to sit to live 16.2 ants tlv'tlyin (<taya'tlyin) that
(on which) he was sitting 94.6
-7tx has the same function as -a¢/7, and was invariably rendered by
CONSTANTLY, ALWAYS. It is usually preceded or followed by the tem-
poral adverb éndt atways (see § 120). The phonetic resemblance be-
tween this suffix and the objective -itx (see § 33) I believe to be purely
accidental. This suffix occurs often as -a’tw (see § 2).
gatc*n- to go 8.2 ya" rate Llona"” a'ntsux gatcEni’ tx
much they two talk, those two
(who) keep on going 56.7
pra’ tn- to hunt 15.3 tst’mgmate “nx patni'tz some of
them are constantly hunting
82.16, 17
ma’ q/t- to dance 28.7 mEg/at« he always dances 86.2
§ 68
524 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 40
xil‘aci- to work 48.10 av lacitaa“e a'ntsitce” matt they
two were constantly fixing those
their (dual) dams 50.3, 4
si’nxi- to desire 18.5 s’naita tate mictci’* he always
wants that her younger sister
92.18, 14
taqgn- to be full 60.19 tagani'te hiti'ste it is always full
of people 70.3, 4
yiaum- to watch yiaumi'txana"« they two were
constantly watching him 94.1
gatc¥n- to go 8.2 gatcini'txea"n tndt I always make
him go
In a few instances, especially when following other suffixes, the
frequentative -itz seems to lose its initial 7.
hawa" it ends 14.6 hawa" stz ants tiya'wa he beging
to finish (kindling) that fire
(hawa" stx << hawa" st +-tx, see
§ 15) 90.7, 8
t/ithatein- to try to sell sev- yaxa”ixa"a ta’tc’ae tg!a/nti “tata
erally (¢) tlihatevntza“z (when) they
begin to multiply (have much)
these their (dual) hides, then
they two constantly tried to sell
them 100.19
yu /- to break yu Lla'te ga“zanw’ it constantly
broke on the top 94.4
These three examples may also be explained as demonstrating the
application of the pronominal suffix -itzx (see § 33).
§ 69. Duratives -is (-ais), -iis
Duration of action is expressed in Siuslaw by means of the suffix -s,
which, however, never occurs alone. It invariably enters into compo-
sition with other suffixes, such as the suffix for the past tense, for the
passive voice, etc., or it is preceded by either? or % It is not in-
conceivable that this durative -s may be related to the auxiliary -s (see
§ 76). The difference between -is and -ds seems to be of a true tem-
poral nature.
-ts (-a@'s) denotes duration, continuation of action of a clearly
marked future significance, and, owing to this future character, it is
employed extensively in the formation of the imperative mode (see
§ 69
BOAS] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES—SIUSLAWAN 595
§§ 60, 62). Transitive verbs add -in or its equivalents (see § 28) to
the durative -is. For the interchange between -is and -a’s see § 2.
xint- to travel 23.1
ta'- to live, to stay 16.2
ma’q/i- to dance 28.7
ani”n- to do 10.5
waa'- to speak 7. 1
skwa'- to stand 10.9
ant”n- to do 10.5
waa'- to speak 7. 1
tkim- to make a dam 48.8
gaLx- to count 62.8
tci'wans «i ntis to the water we two
(incl.) will keep on traveling 92.9
stim ta’ts there he kept on staying
70.12
we ydtsa “tn ma'g/is even for a
long time I still keep on dan-
cing 72.10
sFa'tsant xni/’nis thus we (incl.)
will do every time 72.14, 15
atsi'te wa'a’s ants hitc thus kept
on saying the man 25.9
skwa'ha's ants hite continually
standing is that man 64.11
gni'xts*nz xni’”’nistin you will con-
tinually do it 70.11, 12
atsi’te wa’a'sin thus he kept on
saying to him 64.14
“ns tkwa'misin and we two (incl. )
still will keep on making dams
48.14
ga Lxéstin ants tsvayt’” (they)
keep on counting those days 8.5
-%s is suffixed mostly to stems that have been verbalized by means
of the suffix -a (see § 75), and expresses a continuative action per-
formed in the present tense. It applies to transitive verbs having
a third person object. Examples for similar forms with a second
person object were not obtained.
itqa” he digs 84. 2
Lt/amay- to kill 16.1
lreay. to eat 13.10
tkiim- to make a dam 48.8
1% (they) come 9.3
ha“wa'na'- to finish
a'ntsuz tga'yts ants t/a’% those
two (who) continually dig that
ground
ut stas L/amai’yis “t tit/i'yus and
he would kill and devour him
15.3, 4
tc’ k’ax tkwami'yiis t/a’ where-
ever they two were making dams
52.24
Yael? a L/it/wi'yis tothemtwo
salmon continually came 98.16
ha“a'ni' yisa"z wan they two fin-
ish it finally 84.6, 7
§ 69
526 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL, 40
yax- to see 20.10 yaui'tis'n te si’xa* (whenever) I
saw that canoe (coming) 100.8, 9
gn“'w to find 34.12 “Ene gniiwi'wis yav rat hitcu’
they would find lots of people
(gnt'wi' wits < qniiwi'ytis) 66.22
By suffixing the durative -s to the sign for the past tense, -yaa (see
§ 74) a compound suffix -yaxs is obtained which denotes an action of
long duration performed in the past. This suflix is often contracted
into -ias (see § 9).
ats- to sleep 24.1 a” syaxsin, a” sizsin I had been
sleeping
gate’’- to drink 76.11 ga'tewa'as, ga'tewayaxs he had been
drinking
tit/- to eat 13.10 ti’t/yaxsin I have been eating
peki'"- to play shinny 9.4 pa kitzsin, pa'k"yarsin I have
been playing shinny
§ 70. Intentionals -awax, -a¥in
-awax. This suffix indicates intention to perform a certain action.
Hence it was usually rendered by I (tTHov). . . am axsourT TO, I
(THOU)... AM qgornc TO, L,(THOU). .. wit, | (THOU) Se
WANT TO. It is used with intransitive verbs only; and it is contracted
with the subjective pronouns, for persons other than the first person
singular and the second dual and plural, into -awanz, -awans, -awa"a,
-awant, -awanxan, and -awanz (see § 24).
dq- to run away 52.10 aga’waxan I intend to run away
90.21
ants pina’ st 44 cA’n'xyat!ya aqa' wax
that sick (man) always thought
of running away 86.15
1% (they) come 9.3 Liwa’ wane you intend to come 25.8
yag*- to look 23.9 yoo" ya’ waz he intended to see 70.8
yag ya'wanean we (excl.) are go-
ing to see
gaqu n- to listen gagt na' waz L/a’™ they were go-
ing to listen 30.18
hitc- to play, to have fun 7.2 Aid’tcawans we two (incl.) are go-
ing to play 10.5
pril- to hunt pitta’ waxxtin we two (excl.) in-
tend to go hunting 54.22
mik"- to cut 90.5 mikwa' waxts you two will cut
§ 70
BOAS ] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES—-SIUSLAWAN 527
za'tc- to roast 90.9 “ate xa'tca’wa"e and they two
finally intend roasting 90.8
1i'% (they) come 9.3 Liwa' want wan we (incl.) are about
to arrive now 66.1
temi’- to assemble 7.3 temia’ waxtct you will assemble
matte it lay 32.22 metca'wanz they intended to lie
down 38.23
-a”’tin. This suffix expresses the same idea as -awazx, from which
it differs in so far only as it implies a transitive action that has a
third person as its object. It is probable that by some process of
contraction this suffix represents an abbreviation from an original
-awaxa"n or -awartin.
hin- to take along 9.5 hina’”’iin ants pina’st she intends
taking along that sick (man)
88.1, 2
waa’- to speak 7.1 “t waa'’iin ants hite t/a’ and he
was about to talk to these people
tak"- to take, to get 7.5 yavra tlame takwa'’in many
children he wants to have (to
get)
temit’- to assemble 7.3 temtia’’in ants L/a’™ hite many
people are about to assemble
30.8
yag" - to look 23.9 sgatma"a yo ya'’un from there
they two intended to watch
62.18, 19
True Temporal Suffixes (§§ 71-74)
§ 71. Introductory
Siuslaw distinguishes between three true temporal categories,
namely, present, future, and past. Excepting for the first of these,
which is used to denote present and past, this differentiation is clearly
marked and strictly adhered to.
§ 72. Present -t
It denotes an action performed at the present time. Stems ending
in a vowel lengthen the vowel before adding the suffix -¢,; stems ending
in a ¢ insert an obscure (or weak) vowel between their final consonant
and the suffix (see § 4). Transitive present actions are expressed by
adding to the -¢ the transitive suffixes -uin and -dts (see §§ 28, 29).
§§ 71-72
528 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 40
witw- to affirm 30.11 “a's wan wi'tit they two finally
affirmed 90.6
hiq!- to start 15.1 sFatsvte waa’ “4 hi’q/at thus he
talks and starts (off) 22.5, 6
st'nzi- to desire 11.7 si'nait taga'na he wants some-
thing 18.5
wa’sisi- to be angry wa'sisit ants tsimvl'G was angry
that muskrat 52.17
tca’xu- to turn back 58.5 “4 tca'xa"t he turns back 16.5
gatc®n- to go 8.2 gv tce'nt he goes 12.9
ga'te'nta“x they two are going 23.1
zain- to climb up 62.7 txt xa'tint he just climbs up 12.4
ga'ha'ntc way off 10.3 gv'ha'ntctant wan we (incl.) have
come far now 66.3, 4
mattc- to burn 25.2 ha mut ma'ttc't everything burned
(down) 34.18
gagu n- to listen 30.18 ga ghantin pi’'% hite he heard
(make) noise (the) people 36.23,
24
tit/- to eat 13.10 ii’t/#tiin he ate him (up) 94.19
yag™- to see 23.9 yo' fha'tin ants ingla’a he
looked at that river 36.21, 22
witw- to affirm, to agree 30.11 “4 mda’q*t wi'lutin then Crow
agreed to it 36.6, 7
§ 73. Future -taix
This suffix is added to intransitive stems only, and it denotes an
action that is to take place in the future. Stems ending in a vowel
lengthen the same before adding this suffix. When added to stems
that end in a ¢, an obscure (or weak) vowel is inserted between the final
t of the stem and the initial consonant of the ending (see § 4).
Whenever -uz is to be followed by the subjective pronouns for the
second person singular, inclusive and exclusive dual and plural, and
the third person plural, it is contracted with them into -tinz, -tins,
-ta"xtin (%), -tiint, -tinxan, and -tiine respectively (see § 24). The
transitive future is rendered by means of the suffixes -yiin, -i”ytin
(see § 41).
gatcEn- to go 8.2 ga'te nvtixan I will go 22.2
ga'te'ntine thou shalt go 22.2
t/wdan- to tell, to relate 17.1 1/wa’ntinz thou shalt tell 30.12
L/wa'ntiatct you will tell 7.3
§ 73
q
Boas] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES—SIUSLAWAN 529
smut- to end 9.1 smu’? =tux it will end 20.5
Luu- to come 9.2, 3 LV atix he will come 9.2
Lvutinzan we (excl.) will come
30.11
qwazte- to go down to the ni’'k/ant qwa'xtcitix alone we
river 48.18 (inel.) will go down 62.14
hitc- to play 7.2 hi'tcttins we shall play 10.6
hi’ tctiint we (incl.) shall play 7.2
dq- to run away 52.10 a’qtins we two (incl.) will run
away 92.2
sing/- to be hungry 44.11 st'ng!/ta“xtin we two (excl.) will be
hungry
mik"- to cut mi'k'tixts tiaya’ you two will
cut salmon 90.5
zat’ he died 40.21 za‘utuxa“s they two will die 88.7
zwiz/- to turn back 12.6 wui'L/tunt we (incl.) will turn
back 60.9
k/ink‘y- to look for 16.1 tqa’wi'te'ns k/i'nkitia upstream
we two willlook for .. . 56.17
§ 74. Past -yax
This suffix expresses an act performed long ago. The idea of a past
transitive action is conveyed by suffixing to -yax the transitive -in
and -dts (see §§ 28, 29, 2). It is subject to contraction whenever fol-
lowed by the subjective pronouns for the second person singular, in-
clusive and exclusive dual, third dual, inclusive and exclusive plural,
and third plural (see § 24). The contracted forms for these persons
are -yanx, -yans, -ya"xtn, -ya"x, -yant, -yanzan, and -yanz. This
suffix always requires that the accent be placed on the first syllable of
the word.
gu't- to dream hite qi”?yax a person dreamt
68.21
tkiim- to close 48.8 ants tkwa’myaz (when) it closed
78.3
tiha- to pass by 80.12 Qa’a' cix i'hayax along North
Fork it passed by 32.19
ta'- to live 16.2 méyokts ta” yar L/aya’ in the be-
ginning (they) lived in a place
82.11, 12
axint- to start 20.3 “in sthi'te xi'ntyax (when) I began
to grow up (literally, then I
[into] growing started) 100.18
Lvu (they) come 9.3 Liv’uyans we two (incl.) came
§ 74
3045°—Bull. 40, pt 2—12——34
530 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 40
hitc- to play 7.2
Li'% (they) came 9.3
zintm- to travel 12.10
si/nai- to desire 18.5
hin- to take along 9.5
waa’- to speak 7.1
t/wan- to relate 17.1
hi'tcyams (when) we two (incl.)
play 78.9
hi'teyant (when) we (incl.) play
F812 «:
Li’ tyanzan we (excl.) came
“4 at’ntm'*yara"n and he took (them)
along 92.13
tcina’ta” si’n‘xyaza"n whoever de-
sired it 11.6, 7
ga'ha'nte hi'nyaxa"n yatk"s way
off took him seal 68.17, 18
Satsite wa'yara"n thus he told
him 36.11
s®atsi' te L/wa"’nyaxa"n thus he re-
lated to him 38.8
The past suffix is frequently added to a duplicated stem, denoting
a past action of long-continued duration (see § 108).
tak¥- to get, to have 7.5
hig/- to start 22.6
ha‘g- shore 44.7
ga‘x darkness, night 38.21
tii‘te- to spear 62.2
ta’kkyax hiti’te tzami'nya she
was taking a male person
staltsa hi'g/aglyax thus it started
15.1
tc'wanze ha giqgyax from the
water ashore it had come 56.13
ga xiayar te L/a’™ it was getting
dark 34.4
wa tciteyaxa"n te yatk“s I have
been spearing this seal 66.17
In a few instances it has been found following the present -4,
although for what purpose could not be ascertained.
hig!/- tostart 22.6 hi'q/a't 22.6 a'ntsux hi'g/attyax p*kwa"t
t/imet/*- to raise _t/t’met lit
children 30.23
witw- to affirm wilt 90.6
30.11
those two who had started
to play shinny 78.15
“ate wan t/t! met/ityax
then they two finally
raised children
wi'tityaran J agreed
gatc*n- to go 8.2 ga' tent 12.1 ga'te'ntyaxan I went away
mat%ic- to lie32.22 mez'tcit
xva'tc-toroast90.8 za’ tctt
§ 74
mi'tetyaza"n Llayi’ste I
laid itdownonthe ground
za'tcityara"n he roasted it
Boas] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES—SIUSLAWAN SOL
(For the idiomatic use of the past suffix in conditional clauses see
§ 136.)
VERBALIZING SUFFIXES (§§ 75-77)
§ 75. Verbalizing -ai, -wi
While the majority of Siuslaw stems do not require the addition
of a specific verbal suffix in order to convey a general verbal idea,
these two suffixes have been found added to a large number of neutral
stems, especially in the present tense. They may therefore be ex-
plained as verbalizing a neutral stem and as expressing an intransitive
action of present occurrence. They are frequently used to denote an
action performed by the third person singular, for which person Sius-
law has no distinct suffix (see § 24). There can be no doubt, however,
that these suffixes are identical with the Alsea inchoative -ai, -di,! and
that -a' bears some relation to the Coos intransitive -aai.1. While no
difference in the use of these two suffixes could be detected, it was
observed that -w is never added to stems that end in a gq, p, or in a.
pin- to be sick 15.4 ptna” he was sick 40.21
hiitc- to play 7.2 hittca'’ 72.6, hitci’ 23.8 he plays
waa’- to speak, to say 7.1 waa" he says 8.9
tit/- to eat 13.10 t’t/a” he eats 46.12
ha‘q- shore 44.7 ha‘qa” he comes ashore 82.5
yaz- to see, to look 20.10 yiza” he looks 66.6
skwa'‘- to stand 10.9 skwaha" he stands 14.4
smiut- to finish, to end 11.1 smitu” it ends 14.6
a“s- to dream, to sleep, 23.9 asi” he dreams 68.22
tzas- to fly, to jump Least” he jumps
tqut- to shout 52.8 tqiti”’ he shouted 92.6
stin- to dive 64.21 sint” he dives
That these suffixes are not essentially necessary for the purpose of
expressing a verbal idea, but that, like their Alsea equivalents, they
may have originally conveyed inchoative ideas, is best shown by the
fact that all such verbalized forms are parallel to bare stem-forms.
In all such cases the amplified form seems to denote inception afd
(at times) finality of action.
wan witwa' now he affirms58.9 wan witwa” he begins to affirm
17.7
“Et tcin and he came back 7.7 = ¢cina*’ he came back 68.16
1 See Coos, p. 332.
§ 75
aoe BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 40
iia (they) arrive 9.3 tei'nta" hite riwa" whatever per-
son came 24.7
zai’ he died 40.21 azawa” hitc (when a) person dies
42.11
atsv'te L/wa% thus he tells ya@”’xa"x 1/dna much they two
58.22 begin to talk 56.7
a'nts*nz zni/ne those (who) sa’tsanz zni”na” thus they begin
do it 78.20 to do (it) 78.19
ta* he is sitting, he lives 16.2 7ga“'wite taya" upstream (they)
commence to live 82.12, 13
kum ntc yax not (he) sees 34.4 ytxa"’ wan (they) commence to look
66.9
“ine hat’ they quit 11.4 sqa'k wan hawa” here finally it
ends 14.6
“4 wan skwaha' now he stands skwaha” he stands 14.4
(up) 28.8
“{ waa’ then he says 11.2 waa" he says 8.9
smu'?a it ends 11.1 smiti’ it ends 14.6
§ 76. Auxiliary -s, -
These suffixes express our ideas TO HAVE, TO BE WITH. A peculiarity
that remains unexplained is the fact that they are always added to the
locative noun-forms that end in -a or -ds (see § 86).
-s is always added to the locative form ending in -a, and never to
the -us form, which may be due to phonetic causes. The use of this
suffix is rather restricted. It is not inconceivable that it may be related
to the durative -7s (see § 69).
Absolutive Locative Auxiliary
tst’'L/tarrow 50.14 — tsi /ya’ 50.9 na’ han “tn tsit/*ya's I will
have an arrow 50.16
gal‘te knife galteya’ ga'l‘tcyas he has a knife
tkwa’ni pipe thwa' nya tkwa'nyasin | am with a
pipe
» tga’’°tu log 32.21 tga’ t“wa tga’ t’was he has a stick
-¢ occurs very often, and is added to all forms of the locative case.
It can never be confused with the sign of the present tense -¢, because
it is invariably preceded by the locative forms in -a or -ds, while the
suffix for the present tense follows vowels and consonants other than @
or s (see § 72).
§ 76
j BOAS]
HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES—SIUSLAWAN 533
Absolutive Locative Auxiliary
gvitci’nt woman giutci’nya 76.7 guitcinya’t he has a
30.21 '
ko'tan horse 34.9 kotana’
iz tooth Lica’
yikivl-ma big 40.6 yikti'l-ma
ti't/a* food 34.238 = tit /aya’ 13.7
klt/nt ladder ktt’nwa
te gq something taga’’ na 18.5
13,2.
stxa’* canoe 56.5 sExa” 48.18
tev't/7 wind tert !yit's
mita father 54.22 mita’yts
mita mother 54.23 mita’ytis
iga*‘ti log, stick tgatiwiyi's 88.16
Spa Ah
hitst’* house 25.2 Aitst’s 48.7
Li’ msti raw Limsti's
wife 48.8
kumi'nte’ kotana’t not
they had horses
100.20, 102.1
Vica't ca’ya teeth has
(his) penis 90.19
yikti’l-mat ca'ya he has
a big penis 92.1
kumi'nte tit /aya't(they)
had no food 34.10
ktt/nwat ants hitsi’* a
ladder has that house
80.12
ha mit kumi'nte taga’-
nat'te hi'qit* they all
had no hair (literally,
all not with something
is their hair) 68.12
sExa tin I have a canoe
kumi'nte tctt!yi'st
(there) was no wind
mita'yust he has a father
mita'yist he has a
mother
iqgatiwi'yuist he has a
stick
hitsi’st he has a house
tcik ants simi'stist
t/a’ where (there
was) that green place
34.9, 3
§ 77. Suffix Transitivizing Verbs that Express Natural Phenomena -z/
A suffix with a similar function is, as far as my knowledge goes, to
be found in but one other American Indian language; namely, in
Alsea. This suffix is added exclusively to stems expressing meteoro-
logical phenomena, such as IT SNOWS, IT RAINS, THE WIND BLOWS, NIGHT
APPROACHES, etc.; and it signifies that such an occurrence, otherwise
impersonal, has become transitivized hy receiving the third person
singular as the object of the action. Its function may best be com-
pared with our English idiomatic expression RAIN, SNOW OVERTAKES
§ 77
534 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 40
HIM, NIGHT COMES UPON HIM, etc. By adding to -z/ the subjective
pronouns for the first and second persons (see § 24), the same expres-
sions with these persons as objects are obtained® This suffix always
follows the tense signs, and immediately precedes the pronominal
suffixes.
gvx night, darkness 38.21 “ein stimk ga’ xtixt! us two
(excl.) there night will overtake
94.18
tet’ wind tci't’tx/ a storm overtook him
tscaya” day breaks 50.3 tscaya"’L/a“e (when) day came
upon them two 48.9
k/ap- low tide 36.18 k/a'ptixt! low tide will overtake
(them) 36.18
a'ttt snow 76.10 wa'lt#tt«Li/in snow will overtake
me
hi'n®kit it rains hi'ntk /it't/anx rain pours down
upon them
It is not inconceivable that this suffix may represent an abbreviation
of the stem 1/a’%’ PLACE, WORLD, UNIVERSE (see § 133), which the
Siuslaw always employs whenever he wants to express a natural phe-
nomenon.
tstraya” Lla’™ day breaks 50.3
hi'ntk/ya t/a’™ it rains 78.1
k/uwina”’ t/a'™ (there was) ice all over 76.11
ga" wiayas te L/a’™ it got dark 34.4
PLURAL FORMATIONS (§§ 78-80)
§ 78. Introductory
The idea of plurality in verbal expressions may refer either to the
subject or object of the action. In most American Indian languages
that have developed such a category, and that indicate it by means of
some grammatical device, plurality of subject is exhibited in intransi-
tive verbs, while plurality of object is found in transitive verbs.
Such plurality does not necessarily coincide with our definition of this
term. It may,andasa matter of fact it does, in the majority of cases,
denote what we commonly call distribution or collectivity. Thus the
Siuslaw idea of plurality is of a purely collective character, and seems
to have been confined to the subject of intransitive verbs only. Even
the contrivance so frequently employed by other American Indian
languages, of differentiating singularity and plurality of objects by
§ 78
i —
Bos] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES—SIUSLAWAN 535
means of two separate verbal stems—one for singular and the other
for plural objects—is not found in Siuslaw.1 One and the same
verbal stem is used in all cases; and when it becomes necessary to in-
dicate that there are more than one recipient of a transitive action,
this is accomplished by the use of the numeral particle ya@’zxa! (see
§ 139) or of the stem 1/a’™ (see § 133), as may be seen from the follow-
ing examples:
yuwa'yiin ants g/a'tt he gath- yuwa'yiin ya" xa‘ ants q/a'it (they)
ered pitch gathered lots (of) that pitch
88.5, 6
yita'ytin hite Lsawa person = yiaa'yiin ya xa hite 1 saw many
people
wa atsme ants hitc he said to waa'a"tsmz ants t/a'™ hitc he said
his man to all (of) his people 7.1
Loud’ xa*tsme hitc he senthis 1/dxa'xa"tsme hite t/a'™ he sent
man many people 30.1, 2
But if Siuslaw does not employ a distinct grammatical process for the
purpose of pointing out plurality of objects of transitive actions, it
has developed devices to indicate collectivity of subjects of intransitive
verbs. For that purpose it uses, besides the numeral particle ya” xa?
(see § 139) and the stem 1/a’% (see § 133), two suffixes (-& and -tz) that
are added directly to the verbal stem. These suffixes are always added
to verbal stems that denote an intransitive act, and their functions may
best be compared to the functions exercised by the French on or
German man in sentences like on dit and man sagt.
§ 79. Plural -au, aut
This suffix expresses an action that is performed collectively by
more than one subject. Etymologically it is the same suffix as the
verbal abstract of identical phonetic composition (see § 97), and the use
of one and the same suffix in two functions apparently so different
may be explained as due to the fact that there exists an intimate psy-
chological connection between an abstract verbal idea and the concept
of the same act performed in general.? The following example, taken
1T have found only one case of such a differentiation. I was told that the stem gaa- TO ENTER, TO
PUT IN, refers to singular objects, while the stem zxaa- can be used with plural objects only. But
as this information was conveyed to me after much deliberation and upon my own suggestion, I am
inclined to doubt the correctness of this interpretation. Itis rather probable that these two stems
are synonymes.
2 The same phenomenon occurs in Dakota.
§ 79
536 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Buwr. 40
at random, will serve to illustrate the comparison more clearly. The
Siuslaw word xil‘xci’” (stem xil-xct- TO WORK) may have two distinct
meanings. When used nominally (as a verbal abstract), it may best be
rendered by THE CONCEPT OF WORKING, WORK; when used verbally,
it is to be translated by TO WORK IN GENERAL, ALL (MANY)
work. This psychological connection between such terms as WORK
and TO WORK GENERALLY, COLLECTIVELY, may have led to the use of
one and the same suffix ina nominal and verbal capacity (see § 22).
This suffix is added directly to the verbal stem, and its double form
may be due to rapidity of speech rather than to any phonetic causes.
It is frequently preceded by the temporal suffixes, especially the pres-
ent -¢ (see § 72), and it was always rendered by trHrEy ... The sub-
ject of the action is usually emphasized by the use of the numeral
particles ha” mit ALL, yi” xa MANY (see § 124), and of the stem 1/a’™
(see § 183). The particle either precedes or follows the verb. This
suffix requires the accent.
temi’- to assemble 7.3 temu’ they came together 30.16
hitc- to play 7.2 hutcu’™ t/a’% they play 8.8
perki’- to play shinny 9.4 peki'’* tila’@ they play shinny
70.10
h‘yats- to live ya’ ca htyatsi’”* lots (of people)
live
hat- to shout 13.11 hati’ ants hite t/a’% shout collec-
tively, those people 70.9
ma’q/t- to dance 28.7 merq/yt’™ L/a'™ they dance 28.8
rni”n- to do 10.5 sta'tsa sni”’ni’ ants t/a’ thus
do it collectively, those people
70.22, 23
mik- to cut 90.5 gritct'ni Lla’Y “4 miki’ Wiata’
many women cut salmon 82.14
gatc*n- to go 8.2 gatcEnatu'™ they walk about 34.19
tsit /- to shoot 10.3 tsit/atu’ ya"xat t/a’ they are
shooting 8.6
ma*te- to lay 32.22 ya gyin ants ti'tla mite’
t/a'™ he saw that food lying
(around in great quantities)
36.26, 27
Owing to the frequent interchange between the u-vowel and the
diphthong a (see § 2), this suffix occurs often as -aa", -aa™.
§ 79
BOAS] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES—SIUSLAWAN 537
skwa‘- to stand 10.9 stim skwaha”” t/a’ there they
are standing (collectively) 28.9
hig!/- to start 15.1 sta'tsa hig!/ya"”™ ants t/a’% thus
they (will) start
s®a/tsa thus 11.10 statsal”* tz hite t/a’! thus (they
do it) these people
k/ink’- to go and see 16.1 kiink‘ya'a® ni'ctca te tat many
(were) going to see how this (one
was) living
§ 80. Plural -tx
This suffix exercises the same function as the preceding -w”, differ-
ing from it in so far only as its subjects must he human beings. It is
added either to the bare stem or to the stem verbalized by means of
the suffixes -a‘, -@# (see § 75), or it follows any of the temporal sufiixes.
The function of this suffix as a personal plural is substantiated by the
fact that the verb to which it is added must be followed by the col-
lective forms of Aitc PERSON, Aitcti’’, hitci’” (see § 97). Whenever
this suffix is added to a stem that has been verbalized by means of the
suffixes -a’, -v‘, it coincides in phonetic structure with the temporal
and objective form -ttz (see §§ 33, 68). But the following collective
hitct'” differentiates these two forms. Stems ending in an alveolar or
affricative add this suffix by means of a weak a-vowel (see § 4). This
suffix is always rendered by THEY, PEOPLE.
temt’- to assemble 7.3 “ wan temi’ta hitci’™ finally the
people assembled 7.6
‘ tem'wa"'ta hitci’’* sqa’k people
assembled there 66.15
s®q'tsa thus 11.10 “t wan s®atsa’ta hitci’’* now they
(began to do it) thus 7.5, 6
hiitc- to play 7.2 “ wan hitca’tx« hitci’ now they
(commence to) play 9.3
waa’- to talk 7.1 “4 wan waa'te hitei’” then finally
people said 16.1
atsv'te waa’ meustxe hitci/™ thus
they began to talk to each other
64, 20, 21
gatcen- to go 8.2 “wan ga'tents finally they went
16.2
ta'- to live 16.2 ha mit tga” wite taya” tu hitci’™'
all up-stream they lived 82.13
§ 80
538 ' BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 40
peki'"- to play shinny 9.4 pakwa''txe hitcu’™ te t/a’™ these
people play shinny 78.7
hat- to shout hati'ta hitct!™ people shout 13.11
§ 81. IRREGULAR SUFFIXES -n (-in), -myax (-m)
Here belong two suffixes whose exact function and etymology can
no longer be analyzed. It is even impossible to tell whether they
represent petrified formative elements, or elements of an exceed-
ingly restricted scope, which may be responsible for their sporadic
appearance.
The first of these suffixes to be discussed here is the: suffix -n- or
-in-. It never occurs independently, being always followed by another
verbal suffix, such as the transitive -din (see § 28), the temporal (see
§§ 65-74) and the passive suffixes (see §§ 38, 39, 54-59). It seems to
be related to the reciprocal -naw (a), and its function may be charac-
terized as expressing a transitive action involving reciprocality or
mutuality.
t/i’ hatc- to try to sell tlihate niin I try to sell it
“ae tlihat’c’ntza“x* they two
try to sell their (hides) 100.19
ma’g/t- to dance 28.7 mag léna'’uin I will cure him (lit-
erally, dance for him)
meq /é'na’a" a dance will be ar-
ranged for him 19.2
s®a ata’s ants ma’q/initne (for)
him only this dance is arranged
28.7
ming!- to buy (in exchange “t mi'nq/int'nr tsvaz“ she is
for a slave) (%) bought in exchange for a slave
76.3
LvU- to come 9.3 titina”’’ya"x? (when) they two
come together 46.7
The other irregular suffix is -m, which, however, occurs by itself in
only one instance. It is usually followed by the suffix for the past
tense -yaz (see § 74), and expresses in such cases an action that almost
took place. It was invariably rendered by ALMOST, VERY NEAR.
1 The use of this suffix may be justified here by the fact that the idea To SELL requires a seller and
a buyer.
2 The -n is used here because the action involves two persons—one that comes, and another that is
approached.
§ 81
a
'poas]’ HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES—SIUSLAWAN 589
zint he goes, he travels 20.3 pi’‘tsts xi’ntma in the ocean he
travels (around ?) 44.1, 2
hakw- to fall 8.7 ha'kumyazan I almost fell down
a%s- to sleep 24.1 a’sm'yazan I very nearly fell
asleep
gatcEn- to go 8.2 ga'ten'‘myazan I very nearly went
kii'n- to beat 72.17 ki ‘namyaza*n Lalmost beat him
gat«- to cry 58.15 ga'tx?myax he very nearly cried
Nominal Suffixes (§§ 82-105)
§ 82. INTRODUCTORY
The number of nominal suffixes found in Siuslaw is, comparatively
speaking, rather small, and the ideas they express do not differ mate-
rially from the ideas conveyed by the nominal suffixes of the neigh-
boring languages. There is, however, one striking exception, for
among the neighboring languages (Coos and Alsea) Siuslaw alone
possesses nominal cases. Another interesting feature of the Siuslaw
nominal suffixes is the large number of suffixed formative elements
that require the accent, and their phonetic strength (see § 12).
§ 83. DIMINUTIVE -itsk’in
This suffix conveys our diminutive idea, and may be added to stems
that express nominal and adjectival concepts. Under the influence of
the consonant preceding it, it may be changed into -ask’in.1 When
added to stems that end in a vowel, the vowel of the suffix is con-
tracted with the final vowel of the stem (see § 9). When followed by
the augmentative -i/-md, the -in- element of this suffix disappears (see
§ 84). This suffix requires the accent.
t/ame infant 40.19 tlamct’sk’in a little boy 94.16
i?’i’a’ fish 56.1 i'sk’in tla’ many small fish
46.6, 7
gritcu’nt woman 30.21 guiitcint’ sk’in a little woman, a girl
mita father 54.22 mit!a' sk ni' tin my step-father (lit-
erally, my little father) 100.3, 4
ti’pxan niece (2) 92.17 tiprant sk’intc’ax they two (were)
his little nieces 92.15, 16
ko’tan horse 34.9 kotani’ sk’in a small horse, a pony
10wing to the fact that most of the texts and examples were obtained from William Smith, an
Alsea Indian (see p. 438), whose native tongue has no true alveolar spirants (s, c), this suffix appears
frequently in the texts as -ick’in.
§§ 82-83
540 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 40
Lt /mak’- short Lt!/mak’t'sk’in very short 50.18
yGk- small 29.4 yak /4’sk’in very small 36.23
ayal'x almost, very nearly 11.1 zyal-xi’sk’in ga'tc'nt gatha'nte he
went a little ways (literally, al-
most, a little, he goes, far) 12.1
hi'catca a while hicatca’ sk’in a little while 64.8
§ 84. AUGMENTATIVE -?tl-mdéi
=tl-md expresses the idea of LARGENEss, and, in terms of relation-
ship, that of AGE; and it may be suffixed to stems expressing, besides
nominal, also adjectival ideas. When added to stems that end in a
lateral; the lateral of the suffix disappears in accordance with the law
of simplification of consonants (see § 15). This suffix requires the
accent.
gv ite woman 48.17 giiic'l‘maé old woman 94.22
Lipt- grandfather LipL’mé grandfather
kami grandmother 96.22 waa’ tx ants kamt'mate she said
to that her grandmother 96.21
t/ame infant 40.19 tlamc'l-mé old infant, hence
young (man) 54.22
tex*m strong 10.1 texmi'l‘maé very strong (man),
hence old (man) 40.10
peni's skunk 86.1 penis’ l'méa a large skunk
yikt big 48.8 yikt’l-ma very big 40.6
The diminutive suffix is not infrequently added to the augmentative
for the purpose of mitigating the impression made by the augmenta-
tive, and wice versa.
t/ame infant 40.19 t/ameil‘ma'sk’in little big infant,
hence little boy 94.20
mila mother 54.23 mitask’t’l-mé+ step-mother (liter-
ally, little old mother)
CASE-ENDINGS (§§ 85-87)
§ 85. Introductory
Unlike the languages spoken by the neighboring tribes, Siuslaw
shows a rich development of nominal cases. Two of these, the geni-
tive or relative case and the locative, are formed by means of sepa-
rate suffixes, while the discriminative case is formed by means of a
vocalic change (see § 111). In addition to these distinct case-endings,
1 The contraction of mitask’i/l:‘mdé from mitask’ini/l-mG may be explained as due to the assimilation
of n tolfollowing the contraction of the vowels.
§§ 84-85
Boas] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES—SIUSLAWAN 541
there exists a great number of nominalizing suffixes indicating nom-
inal ideas of an absolutive (nominative) form; so that the Siuslaw noun
may be said to show four possible cases,—the nominative or absolutive
case, the discriminative, the genitive or relative case, and the locative,
which has an extended meaning. In discussing these case-endings it
will be found preferable to begin with the locative case, because of
the important position it occupies in the language.
§ 86. The Locative Case -a, -tis
These two suffixes indicated originally local ideas of rest, and, as
such, are best rendered by our local adverbs on, In, AT, TO, etc. It
would seem, however, that this primary function was extended so
that these suffixes may also mark the noun as the object of an action,
thereby exercising the function of an accusative case-ending. The
use of these suffixes for the purpose of expressing objects of action
and the adverbial idea of rest may be explained by the intimate psy-
chological connection that exists between these two apparently dis-
tinct concepts. The following example will serve to illustrate this
connection. The sentence | cuT SALMON may, and as a matter of fact
does, denote the idea I cur ON THE SALMON.
The correctness of this interpretation is furthermore brought out
by the fact that the verb, upon which these suffixes are dependent,
can under no circumstance appear in transitive form. Should, how-
ever, such a verb appear with a transitive suffix, the noun will then
occur in the absolutive form; and, since confusion might arise as to
the identity of the subject and object of the action, the subject of the
action is always discriminated (see §§ 21, 111).
The importance of these two suffixes as formative elements may be
deduced from the fact that they enter into the formation of the forms
expressing our periphrastic conjugation TO HAVE, TO BE WITH (see
§ 76) and that the adverbial suffixes (see §§ 90, 91, 98) can be added only
to nouns that occur with these locative endings.
-@ expresses, besides the nominal object of an action, also the local
idea of rest. There isa tendency to have the accent fall upon this suffix.
it’7'a' fish 56.1 mi’ k*tixts t’iaya’ you two shall
cut salmon 90.5
tiya'a® fire 25.5 ha'qmas tiya'wa near the fire 26.1
ts/atin pitch 26.6 yuwa'yaxtin ya'xa' tslitna’ we
two (will) get much pitch
94.17, 18
§ 86
542 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BuLL. 40
giutcu'nt woman 30.21
peki’’- to play shinny 9.4
tat water 36.20
t/a'™ ground, place 7.1
ko'tan horse 34.9
ta tooth
tct water 36.20
teimtca’mt ax 27.10
hite si’n'zya giutct’nya (a) person
wants a woman 76.7
peEki’ ya vai/a’ t/a’ many shinny
sticks (they) make 78.5
tci'wa matte ants . . . in the wa-
ter lay that . . . 32.22
te'wa “t k/utwina” on the water
ice appeared 76.18
mikla” xtlaya’ in a bad place
12.10; 13.1
kumi'nte kotana’t not they had
horses 100.20; 102.1
Piaa't (it) has teeth 90.19
“ae tci'wate hakwa'a’ they two
into the water thrown will be
88.7, 8
tc’ wane ha" giqyaz from the water
(it) came ashore 56.13
tcimtca’myate cawa' a” with an ax
(he) killed will be 28.1
-uis. Like the preceding -a, it is employed for the purpose of form-
ing the locative case of nouns and of expressing the local idea of rest.
It is suffixed to nouns in -i% (see § 97) and in -27 (see § 98). When
added to nouns in -7, the -% of the noun is consonantized, so that the
suffix appears to be -7yiis (see § 8); while, when suffixed to nouns in -@,
the -a% of the suffix is contracted with the @ of the noun (see § 9).
klutwi' ni ice
pk'i'tt lake 62.18
ts0’t? sand beach
peki’" shinny game
hiitca’”* fun 8.5
aw mit thunder
§ 86
ga'ca’'x k/utwiniyii’s on top of the
ice 76.14, 15
tsi’sqan pkitiyt’s tami’yax deer
at (the) lake assembled 34.11.
ta'is tsitiyi’s (you) will keep on
living on the sand beach 46.15
sFa ku‘ni'tswa peki’s tlaya’ he
always beats (people) at shinny
78.18, 19
al titing hitci™ stcthou also shalt
come to the fun 22.8
umtiyt ste vii’ to thunder (it) came
36.8, 9
BOAS] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES—SIUSLAWAN 543
A number of nouns undergo unexplained phonetic changes when-
_ ever the locative suffix is added, while others employ an abbreviated
form of this case-ending. Since no fixed rules can be given that
will cover each of these cases, it will be best to tabulate all such nouns,
giving their absolutive and locative forms. These nounsare as follows:
Absolutive case
misi’a* elder sister 90.23
mictci’* younger sister 40.2
mita father 54.22
mita mother 54.23
t/a’™ earth, many 7.1
tga" tu log 32.21
a“ tcist camas 96.20
hite person 15.2
si’max” landing-place
tszha”'ya grass 8.6
ya" xa fern-root 80.18
hitst’* house 25.2
Locative case
misa'ytis 40.12, 13
mictca' yis
mita' ytis
mita' yis
tlayt’s 76.10
tgatiwiytt’s 88.16
a“tetyt’s 98.11, 12
hiti’s 66.14
sima’xs 48.21
tsEha ya's
ya" cas
hitsi’s 58.8
In many cases one and the same noun shows in its locative forms
both case-endings, as may be seen from the following examples:
t/a’™ ground, many 7.1
a“ teist, camas 96.20
hitc person 7.1
L/aya’ 13.1 and 1/ayti’s 76.10
atersya and a“tciyt's 98.11, 12
Aité’s 66.14 and hiti’te 7.5
A few nouns appear with locative case-endings that seem to bear no
relation to the suffixes -a, -ts.
Absolutive
st'xa* boat 56.5
ham ‘tct whale 82.5
tiqwav'tem alder tree 92.5, 6
zwa’ka head 29.5
Ltxau’ spear 64.7
The following have been found:
Locative
sExa”’' 48.18
sexa”'te gaa’zam into a canoe it
was put 34.5
hamitew
ha’ mit hamitci’ Ukwa" all (some)
whale got 82.6
dlqutmi’
tigitmi as gaa" an alder tree they
two entered 92.6
awaki’
ta’ gat skwaha'tx awaki’ feathers
(they) placed on their heads 10.9
rea” hi 64.11
1 The locative form szzaii/ may be explained as a noun with the local suffix of rest used as the
object of an action (see § 91).
§ 86
544
hite person 7.1
ma’ q't crow 34.23
gayw’™”'nts stone
g'ti’mt anus 86.9
yatk"s seal 62.4
Lav’ mouth 28.2
BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY
[BULL. 40
hiti' te
ta k"t/wit hiti'te a sheriff 7.5
m'qwa't 34,21
gayuna’ts 62.7
guLimi t
yEkii's 62.2
Ltaaya’ 29.2, 96.7
Nouns that end in the augmentative suffix -7/-md (see § 84) change the
final @ into a clear a-vowel whenever the locative is to be expressed.
yikt’l-ma very big 40.6
yiktt’l:mat ca’ya he has a big penis
92.1
qititci’l-mé old woman 96.15 gititci’l‘mate to the old woman
94.16
In a few instances the locative suffix -a has the function of an ad-
verbial suffix of instrumentality.
tcimtca'mit ax 27.10
“aX «wan tcimtc’mya ga'te'nt and
they two now an ax take along
(literally, with an ax go) 96.10,
11
skwaha’’* tla’™ ha” mit ants tei-
mtcit’mya they are standing, all
those who have axes 28.9; 29.1
§ 87. The Relative or Genitive Case -Emt, —Em
These suffixes have the function of the Indo-European genitive case-
endings.
-Eme is suffixed to the absolutive form of the noun; and when
added to nouns that end in a long vowel, its obscure z is contracted
with the long vowel of the noun and disappears (see § 9).
The noun
to which this suffix is added is always the object of the action.
i?’7’a’? salmon 56.1
tq/a’ntt hide 100.15
t/t, t/'ya bear 56.11; 58.14
prtq'ts raccoon
teamti’nt man 30.21
tt’tayr’mt txa'n€ salmon’s tracks
kg /anii’mi* yiai’* many hides (lit-
erally, of hides a multitude) 102.
1,2
tliyaysn'mt txa'n’ bear tracks 56.10
pitqtsx’ mt lq /a'n& raccoon-hide
team nyemd tami’ ti a man’s bow
1 See § 9.
§ 87
BOAS] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES—SIUSLAWAN 545
This suffix may be added to pronouns and particles, as may be seen
from the following examples:
na I 21.8 nV ctcimEnz na'm®t tz‘g because
thou (art) of me (a) relative 21.5
ha’ mit all 10.9 ha'mitié’ me! matt of all (the)chief
This suffix is also employed in the formation of the independent
possessive pronouns (see § 114).
-Em differs from the preceding -zmtin so far as it can be added
only to the locative form of the noun, and that in the few examples
that were obtained it denotes the subject of an action.
Absolutive Objective : Relative
mia’ gL crow 34.23 m%qwa’L m'qwa’teEm wa'as Crow’s
Janguage 34.21.
u’ mitt thunder umti'ytis umi'ytsem wa'as Thun-
der’s language 36.8
hitc a person 7.1 hita’te 7.5 hitu’teem L/ami’tt (an) In-
dian’s bow
hitst’* house 25.2 —hitsi’s 58.8 hitsi’sem teqyt’”’* of house
(the) frame
When followed by other suffixes, the obscure z of -zm drops out,
and the consonants are combined into a cluster.
Absolutive Objective Relative
mita mother 54.23 mita'yiis _ mita'yismitin mita of my
mother (her) father; my
grandfather
mat/i elder brother mdat/i’yits mat !yismitin tlime my
58.11 elder brother’s boy
§ 88. THE POSSESSIVE SUFFIXES
Possessive relations of the noun are expressed in Siuslaw by means
of the suffix -i that is followed by the subjective pronouns (see § 24).
Posssession for the third person singular is expressed by the suffix -tc
added to the noun without the aid of the sign of possession, -7. Pos-
session for the third persons dual and plural is indicated by adding
the subjective pronouns -a“z and -nz to the suffix -tc. Thus it would
seem that Siuslaw employs two distinct suffixes for the purpose of
expressing possession: -? used for the first and second persons, and
-tc for the third persons.
1 See § 11.
§ 88
3045°—Bull. 40, pt 2—12-——35
546
BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 40
The possessive suffixes are verbalized by adding the auxiliary suffix
-t (see § 76) to the sign of possession; so that Siuslaw may be said to
possess two sets of possessive suffixes,—one purely nominal set and
one with a verbal significance. In the latter set the suffixes for the
third persons are missing.
All possessive suffixes stand in terminal position following even the
case-endings and the adverbiul suffixes.
The following table will serve to illustrate the formation of the pos-
sessive suffixes:
Nominal Verbal
-itin
-itins
-te =
2d person
38d person
Singular ..
fa person
eipe © 8 &
Exclusive
2d person
a usive
3d person
2d person
3d person
mj 10) (ey te ete
we) wo) es Re
-itins
-itauztin
-itits
Cer. eu ty)
MCASIVEY cai. a inte
Exclusive
e gity lye th apeye
-int
-inzxan
-itci
-tcEnz -
The pronominal suffix for the exclusive dual -a"xtin, -azdn, has been
abbreviated here to -rQn. This abbreviation may be the result of
contraction. The 7 of the possessive suffixes appears frequently as a
diphthong a (see § 2). The possessive suffixes follow all other nomi-
nal suffixes.
ts’il-mi't friend 23.4 ts’il'mi’' tin my friend 36.15
mita father 54.22 mita atin ... mita’a'tin my fa-
ther . . . my mother (literally,
I have a father . . . a mother)
100.1
tca’xumans hitsi’stcin let us two
go back to my house! 58.5
ti’tc®t ti’ninz cougar (will be) thy
name 13.5, 6
matic txa'ni’tcing it lies in thy
path 48.22
misi'a’te her elder sister 40.11
statsi’te wa’aste thus he said (lit-
erally, thus his language) 40.26
hitsi’t house 25.2
tin name 13.10
txa'n® track, path 56.10
misi’a elder sister 90.23
wa'as language 34.21
§ 88
BOAS] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES—SIUSLAWAN 547
t/ame child 40.19 t/ameins tev’ntix our (dual incl.)
boys will return 42.7
kopa eye 36.16 kopea’xtn our (dual excl.) eyes
tctt hand 50.18 ici’ Lits your (dual) hands
mitd father 54.22 mita’tc’ax their (dual) father 52.8
waka head 29.5 xwa’ka'né our (incl.) heads
mt tt chief 11.2 mati’nxan our (excl.) chief
matted your chief
au'nha’ a bet 78.15 au’ nha'tcenex their bets 70.7
The possessive suffixes may be added to particles and attributive
elements that precede the noun. This is due to a tendency inherent
in the language to keep the principal parts of speech free from all
pronominal elements, and which finds its counterpart in the tendency
to add all subjective suffixes to the adverbs that precede the verb
instead of to the verbal stem (see § 26).
In many instances the independent possessive pronouns (see § 114)
are used in addition to the possessive suffixes. This is done for the
sake of emphasis; and in all such cases the suffixes are added to the
independent pronouns, and not to the nominal stem.
s®atsi’tc thus 8.1 statsi'tcin ha’ thus I think (liter-
ally, thus my mind) 21.7
na I 21.8 wo'a's*na na’ m*titin wa'as you will
continually speak my language
36.13
nictci’tc how, manner 36.4 nictc'tcinz ha* how (is) thy mind
40.3
his good 38.21 hi'sint ha hai’tix you will feel
better (literally, good thy heart
will become)
s=a'tsa thus 11.10 sta'tsate nictcima’mié. thus (is) his
custom 38.16
s=a'’na he, that one 15.4 sta'na'mite wa'as wa” syaxa*n his
language he spoke 36.14
na I 21.8 na'm#tins kd'tan our (incl. dual)
horses
kizts ten 8.1 ki’a®ste’ax hai yax t/amethey two
had ten children (literally, ten
their two, had become, children)
60.16, 17
his good 38.21 hi''sint ha we are glad (literally,
good our [incl.] heart) 72.18
§ 88
548 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [puuy. 40
his good 38.21 hi sinzxan hitsi’* good (was) our
(excl.) house 100.13
na I 21.8 — na'm¥tinzan te‘g our (excl.) rela-
tive 102.5
ants that there 7.1 tlv'ya* takwa’ kin a'ntsin mat /i’
(a) bear caught that there my
elder brother 58.18
Nominal possessive suffixes are added to verbal stems in many cases
when the object stands in some possessive relation to the subject of
the sentence (see § 33). Siuslaw uses for that purpose the verbal set
of possessive suffixes (see table on p. 546); and, since the pronouns in-
dicating the subject of the action are added to particles and attributive
elements preceding the verb (see § 26), these suffixes occur mostly in
terminal position.
ag- to leave ta’ kens aya’ gat tz si'za* here we
two (incl.) shall leave our canoe
56.5
hai- to become ha’nanz ha’ tiza'ti ha different
will become thy mind 60.14
ya"xat much 8.5 sta’ tsan “tin ya’ ca'ti hav that’s why
J (know) much (in) my mind 20.9
his well 38.21 tsi'k: /yanxan hi’ sitt ha* we (excl.)
are very glad 24.5, 6
waa’- to speak 7.1 atsi’te2nz wa'a'sitt tst’mgma thus
you shall tell your people 78.10
ya’ ca’ much, many 8.5 “Ene ya’ catte ti't/a* they have
much food (literally, and they
much their food) 80.17
tei’is dry 60.19 LaiistcEnz ants tvi’a* dry (is) that
their salmon 80.17, 18
The possessive suffixes are sometimes added to the verbal stem, es-
pecially the suffix for the third person singular.
wi’ L/téa he will return si’naite ants t/ime xwi'L/tizte he
wanted his boy to come back (lit-
erally, he desired his, that boy,
shall come back, his) 42.5, 6
waa" he says 8.9 kumi'ntc wa'a'te ants gasti/% not
she said (to) that her husband
L/zix"- reduplicated form of ki‘ 1/zii’x*tc ha’ not he knew his
L/zu- to know 40.16 mind 58.4
§ 88
Boas] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES—SIUSLAWAN 549
The subjective pronouns may at times perform the function of
the possessive suffixes. This is especially true in the case of the
pronoun for the first person singular when used in connection with a
demonstrative pronoun.
ta¢k this here 32.13 tli'ya' takwa' kii“n ta’ kin tame (a)
bear caught this my boy 60.9, 10
wa'a'tsin ta’kin wa'as speak to me
(with) this my language 36.10
ants that there 7.1 tli’ya* takwa' kin a'ntsin mat!
(a) bear caught that there my
elder brother 58.18
ADVERBIAL SUFFIXES (§§ 89-96)
§ 89. Introductory
Siuslaw expresses all adverbial relations derived from nouns by
means of suffixes, that precede even the pronominal suffixes. Of
these, the local suffixes indicating motion and rest, and the local suffix
expressing the ablative idea From, can be added only to the locative
forms of the noun (see § 86). Itis rather interesting to note that there
is no special suffix denoting instrumentality. This idea is either ex-
pressed by means of the locative -a (see § 86), or itis conveyed through
the medium of the local suffix of motion -ée (see § 90) and of the local
-ya (see § 98), or it may be contained in the suffix of modality -ttc
(see § 94). All these ideas are so closely interwoven with that of in-
strumentality, that the instrumental use of elements denoting primarily
objects, motion, and modality, presents no difficulty whatsoever.
§ 90. Local Suffix Indicating Motion -te
It is added to the locative forms of the noun (see § 86), and may be
best rendered by TO, INTO, AT, ON, UPON, TOWARDS.
tc water 64.24 “ave tci’'watc hakwa'a’ and they
two into the water will be
thrown 88.7, 8
hitsi’* house 25.2 “Inez wan tci'n hitsi’ste they now
returned into the house 60.10,
11
misi’a’ elder sister 90.23 ui'licistiin misa’yiste he sent her
to her elder sister 92.20
§§ 89-90
550 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 40
Lt/a’™ ground 76.10 L/ayw'ste to the ground 94.8
sv'za* canoe 56.5 sEza” te gaa'xam into a canoe were
put 34.5
pk'v tt lake 62.18 pkitiyt’ ste temii'yax at the lake
(they) came together 34.13, 14
guitci'l-mé old woman 94.22 iu’ wax gititct'l-ma’te they two
came to an old woman 94.16
gayt’”’'nts rock zatna’ gayuna'ts'te (one) climbs
up the rock 62.7
ma’ g4L crow 34.23 Li’ m*qwa'ttte he came to Crow
36.3
klix t/a’ everywhere kléxi’'te t/aya’te waa'in every-
where he said . . . 7.2
Local adverbs and stems denoting local phrases are not considered
as nouns. Hence they can have no locative forms, and the adverbial
suffixes are added directly to such words.
ha‘g shore 44.7 yiaa” ha‘gtc (they) looked ashore
66.6
int outside 38.23 “Wnz int’te Liha’ and they outside
went 38.23
go'x"m away from shore 34.6 g0’x"mtc ha’ mit quwa'ate'st out
into the water all went 34.15
ga’xtin up, above 34.21 gu xante hakwa'yi‘ne upwards it
is thrown 8.7
gv'ha'n far 56.8 ga'ha'nte tsit/a” he shot far 10.38
In like manner the local suffix is added to the independent pronouns;
and all such pronouns, when followed by this suffix, have the function
of objective pronouns (see § 113).
na@ I 21.8 temu'tiaztc ndtc you shall come to
me 72.11
nixtts thou kumi'ntc hi sa ni’x%te not good (it
is) on you 12.5
In a few instances the local suffix -t¢ has been found added to the
absolutive form of nouns. This ungrammatical suffixation may be due
either to imperfect perception on my part, or to errors on the part
of the informant. The instances referred to are as follows:
pada” wi sand beach pact witciz gatc*nati’/™ along the
sand beach they walked 34.14
tk/v’a* mouth of the river Lit’ wane tk /i’a*tc they came to the
mouth of the river 66.11
§ 90
Boas] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES—SIUSLAWAN 551
ing/a’t river, creek 30.23 “qe tit’ ing/a’ite and they two
came to a creek 56.4
In many instances the locative form of a noun or pronoun followed
by the local suffix of motion -¢c indicates the idea of instrumentality.
tct water 64.24 hitsv’* ta’ qnis tciwa'tc the house (is)
full of water
hitc person 7.1 tagani'tx hitu'stc it was always full
of people 70.3, 4
teimtca’mi ax 27.10 tcimtca'myate xawa’a" with an ax
he will be killed 28.1
ti’t/a* food 34.6 ta'gnis tit/aya'te ants hitst’* full
with food (was) that house 54.5
tslain pitch 26.6 svnizyii'ne tslitna’te xawa'aY it
was desired (that) with pitch
he should be killed 24,1
s®a@ that one 10.1 sta'na’te xawa'a” with that (thing)
he will be killed 26.6
§ 91. Local Suffix Indicating Rest -w@ (-a”)
This suffix is added to such stems as are not considered nominal,
and hence can not express the local idea of rest by means of the loca-
tive -a or -ts (see § 86). It is consequently suffixed to adjectives—
which are really intransitive verbs—and it performs for such terms
the additional function of a locative case-ending. The only noun to
which this suffix has been found added in its local and objective mean-
ing is the stem si’xa* CANOE (see § 86). This apparently exceptional
use of the local suffix -@ in connection with a noun may be due to the
fact that the informant, unable to recall a single instance of the noun
sv'xa' in its proper objective form (stxaya’?), and not conscious of the
grammatical processes of her language, has endeavored to form the
objective case according to her own idea. The idea implied by this
suffix may be rendered by IN, AT, ON. The interchange between -a
and -a" has been discussed in § 2.
mik/a bad 14.7 ni'ctat tex xi’ntmis hite mik/a”
t/aya’ how (can) always travel
a person in a bad place? 12.10;
13.1
k/ia each, every 24.4 tat’na kext’ tlaya’ «i'ntmis just
you everywhere will continually
travel 13.6, 7
§ 91
552
k/tz each, every 24.4
s®q't# such, in that manner 15.1
yavk /i’sk’in very small 36.23
si'xa* boat 56.5
BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY
[BULL. 40
kléxt’ t/aya’ “ s®a‘t# on each place
such (was the world) 14.6; 15.1
“Leng soak t/a” stati’ and they
eat on such (a place) 62.5, 6
yak isk’ind’ L/aya' “ tiyi’/” on a
very small place they lived 38.19
tga” tu tx matte ants srxa” sticks
merely were lying in that boat
48.20, 21
Instances where this suffix has the function of a locative case-
ending may be given as follows:
k/ix each, every 24.4
mv'k/a bad 14.6
st’za@* canoe 56.5
k/é'xit’ te /aya'te t /oxa'xa*tsme to
each place he sent his . . .30.1
wt mi’'k/a%tc t/aya'te he came to
a bad place
sExza’ n si'nizya a canoe I want
seca’ te gaa'xzam into a canoe were
put 34.5
§ 92. Local Suffix -ix (-a@x, -yax)
This suffix is used chiefly in connection with verbs of motion, and is
added to nouns, adjectives, and adverbs.
Its function may best be
compared to the function performed by our adverbs on, OVER, ALONG,
when used in connection with verbs of motion.
The long 7 of the
suffix is often changed into a (see § 2) or diphthongized into ya
(see § 7).
Qa'vtc a tributary of the Sius-
law river called at present
North Fork
pad wi sand beach
ha‘g shore 44.7
gax high, up 80.9
his well, straight 38.21
ga“ xin sky
tcik where 34.2
§ 92
Qa'a'teix puti’te rtiha’yax along
North Fork at first it passed
32.19
pad” witci« gatcenati’™ along (its)
sand beach they walked 34.14
ha qa'xant tca’xwitiz along the
shore we will go back 66.12, 13
gaza’e k/utwintyi’s on top of
the ice 76.14, 15
tc'wate hi’sa’x tit’ to the water
on (a) straight (line) it was com-
ing 32.20
ga” xinyax xint along the sky it
traveled 32.19
tcv'kyaz tha" tr hite whereon
climb up people 80.13
Boas] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES—SIUSLAWAN Shite
In one instance this suffix is added to a demonstrative pronoun.
s*a@ that one 10.1 sta xa" pitca” over that one they
two stepped 88.18
§ 93. Locai Suffixes -ya, -nzx#
=ya is added to those locative forms of the personal pronouns and
nouns that end in an alveolar or affricative consonant (¢, s, tc) and to
adverbs the final consonant of which belongs to the same series.
g'ti’mt anus 86.9 g’timi’ tyate Liha’ from his anus
he came out 94.20
pi'‘tsis ocean (locative form) pi'tsisya ha'ga” from the ocean he
44,1 came ashore 82.4
gu’ ite Umpqua river qu'ttcyaa* from the Umpaua river
(they came) 100.15
hitst’* house 25.2 hitst’sya from the house
na I 21.8 na'tcya from me
hag shore 44.7 ha’ qa'tcya go away from the fire!
(literally, what isshore like from
it you go away) 26.7
gantc where ga'ntcyane Lv’ from where (dost)
thou come 66.16
-NE is suffixed to nouns and to personal pronouns whose locative
forms end in a vowel (see § 86), and to such stems as form the loca-
tive cases by means of the local suffix of rest -@ (see § 91).
klix tla’ every plase k /éxt’/ne L/aya'ne from each place,
from everywhere 8.2
tci water 64.24 tev’wane ha" giqyax from the water
he came ashore 56.13
zwa'ka head 29.5 rwaki/ne from the head
sv’za’* canoe 56.5 sEza”’ nz from the canoe
These local suffixes are frequently used as implying the idea of
instrumentality.
gal‘tc knife L/amai’ytn ga'ltcya he killed him
with a knife (literally, from a
knife)
tcit hand 50.18 tce’ine Lotn'tun with the hand he
struck him
taau’ spear 64.7 tra“ hing ants hitc skwaha” with
a spear (in his hand) that person
stood up 64.11, 12
§ 93
554 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 40
§ 94. Adverbial Suffixes Indicating Modality -ite (-atc), -‘na
-ttc. This suffix has both a nominal and a verbal function. Asa
nominal suffix it signifies Luxe. It is found suffixed to a number of
modal adverbs (see § 121), and it invariably requires the accent. The
interchange between the longi and the diphthong a‘ has been dis-
cussed in § 2.
cko‘te bill 46.10 ga'xiinte qa'te'nt cko‘tc’te he went
up a hill (literally, upwards he
goes, hill-like) 12.9
txa'n® tracks, road 56.10 tctk ants tga’tu L°wa" tratni'te
wherever that tree falls across
the road (literally, road-like)
84.2, 3
aig one 18.7 alga'tcin L/xu’ytn gna half I know
. it (literally, one [half] like I
know it) 92.12
s®a’tsa thus 11.10 waa'xam s®atsi'te he was told thus
8.1
ni’ ctca something, how 16.2 kwi’nx nictci’te Lt/wa'nistin don’t
you tell him anything 17.1, 2
My informant frequently rendered this suffix by the phrase WHAT
YOU WOULD CALLA..., SOME KIND OF... , especially in cases
where the noun employed did not convey the exact idea that was
wanted.
ma’ ti chief 10.2 ma'tite te gwo'txa’ beaver (was)
(what you would call a) chief
a06; T
mati’ yu” chief, general statsi'te waa’ ants mati'wite ants
siv’xv@ thus said that (what you
would call) captain (of) that
boat 64.26; 66.1
ina”? rich man 86.4 ina“ wite ants hitc (what you would
call a) chief (was) that man 76.3
teqgyu’™ frame 80.7 teqyt’wite (what you would call a)
frame
tk /t’a* mouth (of river) tk /t’a'wite ants pki’ tt (something
like the) mouth (of) that lake
When added to adverbs that convey local ideas, it must be preceded
by the local suffix of motion -¢e (see § 90).
§ 94
Boas]
sgav’k there 14.6
ganis- down
tqga"wi’- up-stream 56.8
HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES—SIUSLAWAN
555
sga'kict’te ga’téntix there (they)
will go 30.22
ganistci'te txt sLozu'z* down sim-
ply he went (slid) 12.6
ga’ tce®nt tga"witci'te he went up-
stream 58.12
This modal suffix may also express the idea of instrumentality, as
will be seen from the following examples:
tst’L/% arrow 50.7
tsa” slave 76.3
kumi'nte za’ wit tsiz /i’tc not he can
die through (literally, with) an
arrow 15.8
tiha' ha'n tsexwi'te he bought her
in exchange for a slave
When added to verbal stems, -i¢c is almost invariably followed or
preceded by the verbs zint- To Go, To sTaRT, and hig/- TO sTART, TO
BEGIN; and the idea conveyed by such a phrase may best be compared
with our English sentences I Go INTO A STATE OF .
The Siuslaw informant, unable to express this native phrase in
-LY.
evan ee PAIR es
English, usually rendered it by I, THoU, HE ALMOST... .
tci'n- to go home, to return
1210
temiu’- to assemble 7.3
17VU- to arrive 9.2
tcaz*- to go back, to return
30.14
zat’ he died 40.21
gatz tceni’te xint he cried as he
went home (literally, he cries
when homewards he starts)
58.15, 16
temu’te xint t/a’ people came
together (literally, into a state
of coming together go many)
30.15, 16
Liwi'tc’ax wan xint they two are
almost home (literally, in the
manner of arriving they two
finally go) 23.1
ki'x®s tscayt/”* antsin tenewi'te
zint for ten days I was going
back (literally, ten days this I
returningly went) 66.20, 21
zEewi' te*ne hi'g/ya (when) you are
near death (literally, [when] in
the manner of dying you start)
34.25
§ 94
556 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 40
k/ap- low tide 36.18 “ k/api'te xinti’t ants tci and the
water began to get low (liter-
ally, into a state of low tide
went that water) 36.20
si'- to grow 98.10 sthi’tein «i/ntyax (when) I began
to grow up (literally, [when]
into a state of growing I went)
100.17
In one instance this suffix occurs as -a%tc, and is preceded by the
stem gatcn- TO GO.
yaz- to see 20.10 4 ga’te®nt yexa” te a’'nts‘te tema’ nit
he went to see his cousin 40.24
The verbs zind- and hig/- may be omitted, as is shown in the fol-
lowing example:
tcdg- to spear 68.8 gtha'nte hi’nyara"*n yatk's tea-
gate the seal took him way off
as he speared him (literally, way
off took him, seal, spearingly)
68.17, 18
-‘na is added to adjectives only, and expresses an idea similar to
that of the English suffix -Ly.
mvk/a bad 14.7 kwi'nz L/wa'nisin mi'k/a'na don’t
tell it to him badly 17.1, 2
kumi'nte mi'kla‘na sin‘ana’ wis not
badly (we shall) keep on think-
ing of each other 78.12, 13
t/i’sa grease ni'cteim t!v’sa‘nana tit!a’wax be-
cause greasy (things) they are
going to eat 82.8
§ 95. Adverbial Suffixes Indicating Time -tila, -ita
These suffixes are added to nouns that indicate division of time, and
to verbs expressing celestial phenomena, and they may best be ren-
dered by TOWARDS, WHEN THE TIME OF... Comes. Both suffixes
require the accent.
prctcem summer 46.11 pictcemtita’ “nx sqa’k taya” to-
wards summer (hence, in the
spring-time) they there live
62.2, 3
§ 95
BOAS] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES—SIUSLAWAN iW
q/zxa"yt’wi salmon season q/eca'yu'witita “4 tga” wite taya”’
when salmon-time comes (they)
up-stream live 82.12, 13
givu'nem winter 80.18, 19 git'nemtita’ towards winter
hi'n'k /i- to rain 76.18 hin'k ‘ita’ in the rainy season
gvx night 38.21 qu'xita’ towards night-time
nictcinwa” spring comes nictcinawita’ “tae s®a’tsa xni!”’ne
towards spring-time they two
thus do it 98.5
§ 96. Modal Adverbs in -a
This suffix may be called the suffix of modality par excellence. By
its means all stems expressing adjectival ideas, and all particles, are
transformed into adverbs. Many of these stems (amplified by means
of the modal suffix -a) do not occur in their original form, being
used adverbially only. All such stems are denoted here by an
asterisk (*). Whether this suffix may not be ultimately related to
the locative -a (see § 86) is a debatable question.
his good 38.21 kumi'nte hi*’sa nadtc not well (it is)
on me 12.2
1i’% near 40.12 rit wa k"nad ingla'tic tz ta’ near,
perhaps, the creek, these live
66.7, 8
ya” xa’ much, many 8.5 hi tetiins ya” xa we shall play a
great deal 10.6
yikt big, large 48.8 ganistev'te tga'yisne yi’kta very
deep it would be dug (liter-
ally, down-like it is dug largely)
84.3, 4
*rimq- quick Li’mqan tei ntiz right away I shall
return 56.22
*ha‘'n- different hana differently 58.9
*nik/- alone niv'k/a alone 94.11
*stats- thus s®q’tsa thus, in that manner 18.4
*tsik/- much, very tst'k /ya very, very much 13.9
GENERAL NOMINALIZING SUFFIXES (§§ 97-105)
§ 97. Nominal -a (-at), -wwi
This suffix conveys a general nominal idea, changing any neutral
stem into a noun, and is employed extensively in the formation of
verbal abstract nouns. It is also used to express collectivity of action,
§§ 96-97
558
BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY
[BULL. 40
an application that is in perfect harmony with its nominal character,
as has been explained in § 78.
The forms -% and -u”' may be
explained as due to imperfect perception on my part, while the
double occurrence of -i% and -a” is caused by the phonetic relation
that exists between the @ and the diphthong a” (see § 2).
hiite- to play 7.2
temu’- to gather 7.3
patn- to hunt 82.17
vilaci- to work 48.10
st- to grow 98.10
taat- to run 12.3
zintm- to travel 12.10
yatg- to dig 84.5
xa‘te- to roast 90.8
anxi- to sing
hitca’’', hutct’ fun, 8.5; 16.6
tcik ants tia’ temi’™ where
(there is) that big assembly 88.3
qua’ te L/ati’yin patna’? (he) who
knows (the art of) hunting 82.18
ts’'klya Liet’yin xil-acyt’/™ very
(well) he knows (the art of)
working 52.22, 23
sta/tsatc st‘ya'a" such (was) her
growth 98.6
tzatu’”* a race 78.18
wi nzane tei’ wa zintmey’™* thou art
afraid to go to the ocean (liter-
ally, thou fearest to water the
journey)
yaga’a® a hole 84.6
za‘tea’a" roast 90.9
anzyt’”* a song
This suffix is found in a great number of nouns whose original
stems can no longer be analyzed.
ha“wi'yt shaft
paa’u% sand beach 34.14
pahi’’* codfish
pa'l'% spring, well 76.12
ma’'tcii bed (place of lying ?)
ma'ltci chimney, stove (place
of burning?)
teqyi’/" frame (of a house)
80.7
tigya' a" up the river 32.22
Cu’ nizytt pocket
nictcimaima% custom, fashion
36.28
cimi’ Ltzu upper lip
tscrayu'”' day, sun, weather 8.1
$97
The following list may be given:
temitqu’”* ring (temilg finger)
ktsu’¥* saliva
ki’ct hog (from French through
medium of the Chinook jargon)
ku'tciyt sea-otter
kmu'kt pipe-stem
kctkyi’”* wall
kti’nt ladder, stairway
kwint’ntzt throat
k/a’l-apt navel
gasti’'% husband 48.20
gvwa'a® bay, down-stream 80.6
gat'& bark 90.8
q/exa"yu' wi salmon-time 82.12
ina” rich man, chief 86.4
BOAS] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES—SIUSLAWAN 559
th¥una'atsii live-coals tiya’a® fire 25.5
tga" tit tree, log 32.21 taau’ pole, spear 64.7
tg/a’nt hide, skin 100.15 L/mv’ket flounder 100.10
When added to the numeral particle y@”’xat MucH, MANY, it denotes
the idea expressed by a noun of quality. This particle is to all
appearances a stem amplified by means of the nominal suffix -a’
(see § 98); and since two nominal suffixes of a similar function
can not be added to one and the same stem, the -a? disappears, and
the suffix -a” is added to the bare stem yaz-.
ya” ca* much, many 8.5 tc’nt#te ya’za" zaina” how many
had climbed up (literally, what
their number climbed up) 62.11
tei'nt®tc ya' aa" tz‘gte ants qiutct' nit
as many relatives as that woman
had (literally, how much their
number [of] her relatives [of]
that woman) 76.1
Lxa'' p'ste ya'va" five their number
100.15
§ 98. Nominal -7 (-a?)
This suffix is found in a large number of nouns expressing a variety
of concepts. It occurs with nouns indicating instrumentality, with’
verbal abstract nouns, with nouns of relationship, with terms desig-
nating animals, with stems expressing natural objects, etc. It is not
altogether inconceivable that this nominal formative element may be
identical with the verbalizing suffix -a* (see § 75), even though its
nominalizing function can no longer be explained in a majority of cases.
In many instances the original stem to which this suffix has been
added does not occur in its independent form. The substitution of
the diphthong -a’ for the long 7 has been discussed in § 2.
peEki’- to play shinny 9.4 pa'kwi shinny stick
tsit/- to shoot 8.6 tst’L/% arrow 50.7
minx"- to lighten 38.5 min'zwt lightning 38.2
wi nki- to work 50.6 wi naki work
ta’ he sits 16.2 tv’ta* chair
§ 98
560
tt’t/- to eat 13.10
hi’ te- to play 7.2
aswit wt’ blanket
ing!/a’a’, ing/a’i, river 30.20,
23 |
umiv’ thunder 36.8
atti snow 76.10
hami’*tct whale 82.4
ha’kwi mussels 82.2
hi’ a* clouds
hitsiv’* house 25.2
ha heart, mind 8.9
pki’ tt lake 62.18
mekti’ father-in-law
ma’t kidney
ma’ tt chief 10.2
mati dam 48.10
mat/v’ elder brother 58.11
misi'a* elder sister 90.23
mictct’* younger sister 40.2
mi ck’la* something bad, vulva
26.5
tqa@’'ti hook
tqu’nt smoke
BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY
[BULL. 40
tv’t/a’ food 34.23
haitca” fun 10.5
st’xa’? canoe 56.5
tsali’swalt beads (*)
tsitv’* sand heach
tso’tt waves, breakers
tsxu'npLt coyote 88.9
tet water 36.20
tev't/% wind
ts/a'zwi spoon
kza’nt basket 90.21
ga’xt chicken-hawk
ga’wi blood
gniti’* perforation in the ear
geunaxi’* cheek
quo'tza* beaver 48.6
q/a'tctt cedar
i¢’v’a* salmon 56.1
tq/a’st eel
t/a’“ ground, world, earth, place,
many 7.2
L/v'nt floor
L/ami' tt bow
When added to stems that express adjectival ideas, this suffix forms
nouns of quality.
his good 38.21
yikt big 48.8
yax- much, many 8.5
hisi’* goodness
hitsi’sem yikti’* of the house the
large (size)
iq/ant’mt yiai’* of hides a great
number 102.1, 2
§ 99. Nouns of Quality in -#ux (-? Uv?)
There can be little doubt that the vocalic elements of this suffix are
identical with the nominalizing suffix discussed in § 97. The etymol-
ogy of the initial consonantic element is obscure.
This suffix is added
to adjectives and adverbs only. Owing to the fact that a number of
adjectives end in -¢(see § 104) and that double consonants are invariably
simplified, these adjectives drop their final consonant before adding
the suffix (see § 15).
§ 99
BOAS ] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES—SIUSLAWAN 561
hatca’t long 76.1
ina“? rich 86.4
yikt large 48.8
qv xan high 8.7
ga'n- deep
his good 38.21
gv'ha'n- far 10.3
tei'nt#te ha’tct?’i'” for a long time
(literally, how much its long
period) 48.2
tna“wita’’* wealth
yikv’u'™ large size
gaxtn?u’? height
ga'nva'¥* depth
histu’”* kindness
qvhantva' distance
§ 100. Nouns of Agency in -yava, -2t (-att), -t!, -t!wi
Nomina actoris are formed by means of the following suffixes:
-ya“x ‘This suffix seems to have been used frequently.
tak- to fetch, to catch 7.5
vi"n- to snore 27.9
ta’wat/- to gamble
in- to call (?)
temu’- to gather 7.3
ta’k“kya“x sheriff (literally, a
catcher [of people])
zu'nya"e & snorer
ta’wat/yate a gambler
ina'tya“x an interpreter
tema” ya"x a person who assem-
bles (people) 30.2
-U (-a't). This suffix iseasily confounded with the verbal negative
suffix of similar phonetic structure (see § 53); but this similarity is
purely accidental.
we’ nki- to work
vil-xct’- to work 48.10
zinim- to travel 12.10
waa’- to speak 7.1
peki’- to play shinny 9.4
s8a tsi’k/ya wi'nkit he (is a) very
(good) worker 50.5, 6
«i/l-actt a workingman
xi/ntmit a traveler
wa'a't a speaker
pa kwit a shinny player
-t! It is quite possible that this suffix may have some connection
with the initial element of the suffix for nouns of quality, -7’u" (see
§ 99).
L/win to tell 8.2
tstz /- to shoot 8.6
yuw- to pick, to dig 96.18
patn- to hunt 82.17
t/ame child, infant 40.20
3045°—Bull. 40, pt 2—12——36
t/want/ an informant
tstt/¢/ a marksman
yt ya"t/ a person who picks (ber-
ries [reduplicated stem ])
pat'nt/ a hunter
t/imct! one who raises chiidren
30.23
§ 100
562 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 40
-t/w? seems to be another form of the preceding suffix.
tak"- to fetch ... CE ta k*t/wi hAiti’te this
gatherer of the people 7.5
ta'k“t/wt a fetcher 22.9
§ 101. Nouns in -ax
This suffix is used for the purpose of forming nouns from verbal
stems, adverbs, and stems denoting geographical terms. When added
to verbs or to adverbs, it is best rendered by PERSON, PEOPLE; while
when used in connection with geographical terms, it denotes a tribal
name and may be translated by INHABITING, BELONGING TO.
zai’ he died 40.21 kit’ nats xa’ wa%xa"tne if he had not
been killed (literally, not had he
been a person [who was] killed)
2u.1
L/62z- to send 16.10 tcin ants hite t/wa'e returned
this human messenger (literally,
returned that person [who was]
sent) 7.7
(z/°wa's instead of 1/°wa’xax, see
§ 24)
a” stiix he will sleep 27.7 sinizyii‘ne tslitna'te zawa'a" a-
stizaz it was desired (that) with
pitch killed shall be the person
(who) will sleep 24.1
wa'nwits long ago 14.7 ni'ctcim sta'tsa wa'nwitsax be-
cause thus (did it) the old-timers
(literally, [people belonging to]
long ago) 68.13
nictcima'mié custom, fashion s£atsi’tc wa’ nwitsax nictcimaimwax
36.28 thus (was) the custom of the old-
. timers (literally, thus [of people
of] long ago the [things pertain-
ing to their] customs) 76.6, 7
peii’te first 32.19 peti'tcax a first settler
raat? taa“ yaz the other one, friend 42.8
gu'-, gi’ite south gu yax, gt'itcax an Umpqua Indian
(literally, a person inhabiting
the south)
gpa‘- north gpa’ yar an Alsea man
ga'zg- east ga"'xqgaz a Kalapuya Indian
pv'‘tsis ocean 44.1 pv ‘tstsaz inhabitants of the ocean
cko‘te mountain 46.10 cko'‘tcitcax a mountaineer
§ 101
BoAS] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES—SIUSLAWAN 563
§ 102. Nouns in -t%nit (-ani)
This suffix is added to adjectives, a few adverbs used in an ad-
jectival sense, and to nouns. It has a double function. When added
to adjectives or to adverbs, it transforms them into nouns, just as
any adjective is transformed into a noun by adding one to it (com-
pare our phrases THE BIG ONE, THE GOOD ONE, etc.). When used
with other nouns, this suffix has an adjectival character, which may be
best rendered by MADE OF, COMPOSED OF.
tex*m strong 10.1 tzamu’nt the strong one, a man
30.21
taza” yax other 42.8 Ltaa"yaxa" nt the other one 86.18
yikt big 48.8 yiktu'nt the big one
sta't large sha'tu’nt the larger one 92.18
yak /- small 38.19 ti yak/a" ni that small one 88.12
timni'te behind 86.11 timnitcu’nt mictci'* the youngest
sister 40.2
hi’q/a beads, Indian money, hig/aha” nt consisting of dentalia
dentalia shells 74.19 shells 78.14
pi'iquts coon pigttsi'ni taha'nik made of rac-
. coon (-hide) quivers 70.23, 24
t/t bear 12.4 tliyt’'nt taha’nik made of bear
(-skin) quivers 70.24
kia tz‘g everything 24.4 k léxt'ni te‘ga" ni hitca” composed
of every sort (of) fun 10.5
ta’ qtaq boards taqtaga” nite hitst’* made of some
kinds of boards the house 80.7
This suffix may be added to verbal stems provided the verb has
been changed into an attribute of a following noun.
hamz- to tie “t hamaa” ni ants tseha”’ya and
that made of tiedgrass. . . 8.6
§ 103. Nominalizing Suffix Indicating Place -a‘mt%
This suffix indicates the place where a certain action is performed.
When added to stems ending in a velar or palatal consonant, it appears
as -ya*mit, and changes the final velar of the stem (¢, ¢/) into a palatal
k(see §17). After all other consonants it occurs as -a®mi. The short
u-vowels following velar and palatal consonants disappear before this
suffix. It is possible that the final @ of the suffix may be related to
the general nominalizing suffix -i% discussed in § 94 (see § 23).
§§ 102-103
564 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULD, 40
ma’q/i- to dance 28.7 meEkya'mé a dance-hall
ya'qu- to see 23.9 yEkyaimé a vantage point
peki’- to play shinny 9.4 pekya'mi a place where shinny is
played, ball-grounds
nictcat!- to fight nictcat/a’mu& battlefield
tiihatc’- to try to buy tihatea’mi a store
Ltaat- to run 12.3 taata’mé track (literally, a place
where people run)
nictcima’mé custom, fashion 29.9
§ 104. Adjectives in -é
Siuslaw has no true adjectives. All stems denoting adjectival ideas
are intransitive verbs, and may be used as such, as may be seen from
the following examples:
mi'k/a hitethat bad man 23.2,3 tsi’k/ya mi'k/a very bad it was
14.7
hatca’t hi’q/a long (strings of) hatca't ants iga*’t% there was a
dentalia shells 76.1 tall tree 92.21
Owing to this verbal significance, the Siuslaw adjective shows no
special suffixes. A few stems denoting adjectival concepts appear in
duplicated form, mostly those expressing color (see § 109). There will
be found, however, a number of words expressing attributive ideas
that end in -¢.1. Whether this consonant is related to the auxiliary -¢
(see § 76) or whether it may be looked upon asa true adjectival suffix,
is a question open to discussion. The following is a list of such ad-
Jectives:
yikt big, large 48.8 ?euti’t straight
hawa’tsit new stat big, old 92.18
hatca’t long, tall 76.1 tsing/t poor 16.10
hixt wild tsitt thick
parla'st? spotted ki’k'tt heavy 11.9
pini'lt sharp k/wi'act proud
meket fat 90.16 g*ci'ct thin
timsqaya’'t bitter, sour tqut red
tint ripe L/agt wet 56.13
tgatiya't dear, expensive L/nuwa' tit deep
§ 105. Irregular Suffixes -Em, -isi, -wi, -yuwi, -iwt
These suffixes occur very seldom, and, while their function is to all
appearances nominal, it can not be explained accurately.
1 See also § 124. 2 Dorsey: p’dl-last gray.
$§ 104 -105
BOAS] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES—SIUSLAWAN 565
-Em occurs with a few nouns.
iiqwa’tem root, alder tree tsami’tsem chin
92.5, 6 git’nem winter 80.19
pu ctcem summer 98.8 za" tsem woman’s basket
=7s? seems to denote an abstract idea.
ptn- to be sick 40.21 ptni'st sickness, cough
ga‘x dark, night 38.21 ga'xi’st darkness, night
hwu'nhwun black ho'nist dusk
— ni'ctea (?) how 16.2 nv ctcist arrival (7) 40.16
nictcinwa” spring comes nictcant’ wisi year 92.12
The following nouns have analogous form:
a’ tcist camas 96.20 L/ntt’ ‘tcist crawfish
ti’xisnist small-pox
The nouns ¢swa’st Frost and 1“wa’st NOSE may also belong here.
-w7 is found in a small number of nouns.
si/na“wi grouse k/0"’xwt gnat
tsna’wt bone gtha'qui broom
In a few instances this suffix seems to form nouns of agency, and
may be related to the suffixes discussed in §§ 97 and 99.
tstan- to comb one’s hair tsza'nwt a comb
gatcu'- to drink 76.12 gatcw’wt a person who waters
animals (?)
e“gi- to drive away, to scare ctlewa'wi a driver (#)
56.11
itg- to dig 80.6 atga’wé one who digs holes
-yuut, -twi. These two suffixes have a peculiar function. They
seem to denote the nominal object of an action performed by a noun
of agency (see § 100). The most puzzling phenomenon connected with
their function is the fact that they can be added only to the discrimi-
native form of a noun (see § 111), which seems to stand in direct con-
tradiction to its objective significance, because the discriminative
case points to the noun as the subject of the action.
Absolutive Discriminative . Objective
peni’s skunk 86.1 pEna’'s 86.7 tsit/t! prnasyt’wi a
skunk-shooter
§ 105
566 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 40
Absolutive Discriminative Objective
hite person 7.1 Atya’te 18.10; 15.2 teiz/t/ htyatci’wi a
man-killer
tema” yas hyatcv’ wt a
gatherer of people
swat grizzly bear swat 15.2 tstLit! swalyt'wi a
grizzly-shooter
(?) huckleberries te’ xya ta’ktlwt taxyti’wi a
picker of huckle-
berries
gwo'tea’ beaver quwoa’tra’ 52.4 tstL!it! qwoatei’wi a
48.6 beaver-killer
Another nominalizing suffix that seems to be confined to one stem
only is -as in the noun wa’as LANGUAGE, WORD, MESSAGE 84.21, formed
from the verbal stem waa- TO SPEAK, TO TALK.
Reduplication (§§ 106-109)
§ 106. Introductory
Reduplication as a factor in the formation of grammatical categories
and processes does not play as important a réle in Siuslaw as in many
other American Indian languages.
Considered from a purely phonetic point of view, the process of
reduplication may affect a single sound, a syllable, or the whole
word, while from the standpoint of position of the reduplicated ele-
ments it may be either initial or final. In accordance with these pro-
cesses, a given language may show the following possible forms of
reduplication: Vocalic or consonantic initial reduplication; consonantic
final reduplication, commonly called final reduplication; syllabic redu-
plication, usually referred to as doubling or reduplication of the sylla-
ble; and word-reduplication, better known as repetition of the stem.
Of the forms of reduplication known actually to occur in the Ameri-
can Indian languages, Siuslaw shows only duplication of the (first)
syllable, duplication of the final consonant, and repetition of the stem.
Syllabic duplication occurs rather seldom, final duplication is resorted
to frequently, while repetition of the stem plays a not unimportant
part in the formation of words.
Reduplication is confined chiefly to the verb; its use for expressing
distribution—a phenomenon commonly found in American Indian
languages—is entirely unknown to Siuslaw, which employs this pro-
cess solely for the purpose of denoting repetition or duration of action.
§$ 106
Boas] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES—SIUSLAWAN 567
§ 107. Duplication of the Initial Syllable
This process occurs in a few sporadic instances only. The repeated
syllable occurs in its full form, the original syllable losing its vocalic
elements. Initial stops of both the original and repeated syllables are
usually changed into fortis (see § 17).
temié’- to assemble 7.3 t/emt/ma'xam wan they come to
see him (literally, he is assem-
bled about) 23.3
1% (they) come 9.3 L/it/wa'zam he is approached 16.3
L/it/wi'sitnz he is continually
approached 26,2
sta’ tsanz te L/v'1L/iitits that’s why
I came (to see) you 21.6, 7
h'ya’tentaan x/t'i/its people us
came (to see) repeatedly 100.8
ta‘- to sit, to live 16.2 ants Tsxuna’ pri t/7't/yiin (that) on
which Coyote was sitting 94.6
had- to shout 13.11 thati’yisnz he would be shouted
at 70.22 (this form may be ex-
plained as derived from an origi-
nal hathati’ytisnz)
thati’txa“‘nz he is continually
shouted at 11.10
yuw- to pick 96.18 yu’ ya”t/ one who picks
§ 108. Duplication of Final Consonants
This process is employed extensively, and consists in the repetition
of the final consonant with insertion of ‘a weak a- or 7- vowel. In
many instances the quality of the connecting vowel is affected by the
vowel of the stem. This is especially true in cases where the stem
ends in a u-vowel, after which the connective vowel is assimilated and
becomes a weak uw. The short vowel of the stem is not infrequently
changed into a long vowel. This duplication plays an important
part in the formation of the past tense (see § 74), and, in addition to
denoting frequency and duration of action, it seems to be capable of
expressing commencement, especially of intransitive actions.
a“s- to sleep 23.9 a“’si’s he began to sleep 26.9
gaz dark 38.21 gv'xi’x wa'nwits it got dark long
ago 64.19
§§ 107-108
BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY : [BULL. 40
xint- to go 20.3
sLox"- to go down
ha‘g shore 44.7
loqw- to boil 96.1
mk /a bad 14.7
smit’- to end 11.1
tcit’- to blow 94.5
hitc- to play 7.2
k/ap- low water 36.18
awit /- to go back 42.6
nat- to start
hi'q/- to start 22.6
tak“- to take 7.5
xzumc- to come, to approach
hits- to put on 11.8
tu‘tc- to spear 62.2
tcag- to spear 68.18
yax- to see 20.10
gnu - to find 56.9
“4 wan vinti’t he kept on going
now 56.23
“t stocu’a" wit/a'aLt/ he came
down again 12.6
haiga'g wan he then went ashore
58.17
“ txt logwa'g’ and just he was
boiling 96.7, 8
mik/ak! ants tstayt’/”' began to
get rough that weather 64.15
wan smit'a’t it ends finally 9.1
tcit‘a’t' the wind blew 94.5
“UEnx at hitca’teand they now be-
gan to play 72.28, 24
k/api’p low water (comes)
zwit/a’t! wan he finally came
back 12.7
sq@' tem naii’t he started from there
68.10
sta’tsa hi'g/aqg/yax thus it began
15.1
was takwa'ki'n they two took
(them) away 52.16
ta’kukyaz she took 60.23
cumeca’ca“x wan they two are ap-
proaching now 23.2
hiyatst’tstin ants ta’ gat he is put-
ting that feather on 11.8
wat tcinas they two began to
spear it 56.15, 16
twa’ tcitcyaza"n I have been spear-
ing it 66.17
“atx tcaga’ga"n and they two be-
gan to spear it 56.19
“ae yaxi'xin they two saw it
56.15
“in gnihw’ hi"n I am finding it
A very interesting case of duplication applied to formative elements
is presented by the nominal suffix -az. This suffix signifies PEOPLE,
BELONGING TO, and, when added to the adverb wda/nwits LONG AGo, it
was invariably rendered by oLp-TrmERS (see § 101). Whenever the
speaker wants to imply the intensive idea PEOPLE OF VERY LONG AGO,
he usually repeats this suffix.
§ 108
*
BOAS] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES—SIUSLAWAN 569
wa’ nwitsax old-timer 68.13
wa/nuitsazax people of long, long
ago 29.9
stadtsa ani’ nitne wa'nwitsaxax
thus it was done (by) people of
long, long ago 62.9
wa'nwitsazax nictcima?mt (of) old,
old-timers their custom 68.19
Similarly the modal -7¢c (see § 94) is found repeated in a few instances.
tcaé where 34.4
teaitc’'te ni'ctiz where he will go
64.20
§ 109. Duplication of Stems
While this process is, strictly speaking, of a lexicographical char-
acter, and as such ought to be treated more properly under the head-
ing ‘‘ Vocabulary” (see § 137), it will nevertheless be found useful to
give here a list of doubled stems. Barring a few nouns, most of these
terms are adjectives denoting color and quality.
hwu'nhwun black
pet pri’ sorrel, yellow
tu'ktuk deaf
in'k/ink! soft
kv’k'tt heavy 11.9
pina pind’ gopher, mole
96.19
miu’ smis cow +
t/a'lil al: tongue
tsiyi’kisiyv’k wagon?
ga'sqas stiff, hard
gu'Ltqut white 40.10,11
gtsi’ngtsin blue, green
zu’sxus naked
tima’tim blind
tsini'Ltsini’ it? little beaver (%)
50.15
tcimtca'mié ax 27.10
gla't'g@la't otter from ocean (%)
tagtag board 80.7
Vocalic Changes (§§ 110-112)
§ 110. Introductory
Siuslaw expresses two distinct grammatical categories by means of
vocalic change. Of these two categories, one is nominal, while the
other has a strictly verbal character pertaining to intensity and fre-
quency of action. When applied to nouns, vocalic change expresses
the discriminative case.
1Chinook jargon.
2Chinook,
§§ 109-110
570 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 40
§ 111. The Discriminative Case
The discriminative case is that form of the noun which singles it
out as the performer of an action directed upon an object; i. e., it
designates the nominal subject in sentences containing pronominal or
nominal object.
The discriminative form of pronouns and of nouns of relationship is _
expressed by means of the prefix g- (see § 21). All other nouns express
the discriminative form by means of a vocalic change that varies accord-
ing to the quantity of the stem-vowel, and in polysyllabic stems
according to the quantity of the vowel of the accented syllable. The
following rules may be said to apply in all cases:
1. The discriminative form of nouns the stem-vowel of which is a
long i or @ is obtained through the diphthongization of these vowels
into ya and ‘wa respectively (see § 7). For purely physiological reasons
a weak vowel corresponding to the quality of the diphthongized
vowel is inserted between the diphthong and its preceding consonant.
hite person, people 7.1 uw ya'gyin h*ya’te and people
looked on 70.4
ii’tc®¢t cougar 13.3 liya'te't h*yatsi'tstin Cougar put it
on 13.4
mi'k/a bad 14.7 miyak/a hiya'te #ila’yuin a bad
person devoured him 15.2
hig’ wild-cat 34.17 hiyatst’tstin hiya’g® Wild-Cat put
it on 11.11
tklant’k” screech-owl 86.1 ts’klya wi'nza'n ants penis tk!-
an“wa'k" Secreech-Owl feared
that Skunk very much 86.3
hina’’tn ants ptna’st tk/an"wa'k"
Screech-Owl intended to take
along that sick man 88.1, 2
gvatcu’nt woman 30.21 wlan gitttcwa'nt (a) woman
shook him 58.4
teamii’né man 30.21 wi'lin trxam“wa'nt (the) man
agreed with her 58.7
tscayu’”? sun, day 8.1 mitkwi titsin tsray“wa' u% (the) Sun
had pity on me 72.14
Somewhat irregular discriminative forms are shown by the nouns
t!i GRIZZLY BEAR and gi’ute WIFE, which occur as t/iya” and ga’yttc
respectively.
§ 111
BOoAS ] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES—SIUSLAWAN 571
t/t grizzly bear 12.4 . tliya” h'yatsi’tsin Grizzly Bear
put it on 12.3
gv'ute wife 48.17 matte ga'yttcttc (he and) his wife
had lain 60.13
2. Nouns with short stem-vowels, or with short vowels in the ac-
cented syllable, change these vowels into an a in their discriminative
forms. Short a-vowels of the stem are lengthened into G.
' penié’s skunk 86.1 UnaX’’t hitc 4 tgaga” txa*n pena’s
(at) a rich man he always broke
his wind,(namely) Skunk 86.6, 7
tst’sgan deer 13.9 hiyats@'tstin tsa’sgin Deer put it oa
13.8
gwo'txa* beaver 48.6 a’tsa *t kumi'nte st’nixytin qwoa't-
za ants g*tit'te that’s why not
liked Beaver that Otter 54.8, 9
pitgts raccoon 70.23, 24 pa'lgts hyatsi’tsin Raccoon put
it on
q/a’xa“xt wolf 13.2 q/a'xatat hiyatst’tsin Wolf put it
on 12.8
swat grizzly bear swal l't/a'yin Grizzly Bear de-
voured them 15.2
sguma’ pelican 44,1 wada'n sgima’ ants tglald'ma
said Pelican to Sea-Gull 44.17
3. Stems containing diphthongs, or stems whose accented syllables
end in the diphthong a‘, add a short a to the diphthong for the purpose
of forming the discriminative case.
ha’ mit all 9.5 haya’ mit h*ya’'tc t/xit'yin all peo-
ple know it 60.24, 25
yag yt“ yiitsatc haya'mit you all
shall look at me 72.11, 12
ha‘’na different 58.9 haya’ na h*yatst'tstin another (one)
put it on 12.8
4. Polysyllabic stems whose accented syllable ends in a consonant
and is followed by a syllable beginning with a consonant form the dis-
criminative case by inserting a short a between these two consonants.
tszu'npLi coyote 88.9 ants Tsruna’ pri t/i’t/yiin that (on
which) he was sitting, (namely)
Coyote 94.6
teami'l‘méd old people 58.25 texmil'a' mi L/ei’yuin an old man
knew it 76.15, 16
1 Probably misheard for qwa’txai, § 111
572 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 40
wm'tt thunder statsv’te waa’a"n uma’ti thus said
to him Thunder 36.9
giutc'l‘ma old woman 96.15 — gititcél-a' mi ta'ytin ants tsi’L/% the
old woman kept that arrow 96.2
tcé’nta” which one 90.1 tcina’ta” st’nzyaza"n ants...
whoever wanted that...
LEO, t
§ 112. Intensity and Duration of Action
Vocalic change as a means of expressing intensive and durative
actions is of a twofold character. The change consists either in the
diphthongization of the long 7- and a- vowels of the stem (see § 7),
or in stem-amplification. In both cases the underlying principle may
be described as the change of a monosyllabic root into a stem having
two syllables.
Diphthongization is applied to those stems only whose vowels are
either longi or %. A verbal stem with a diphthongized vowel expresses
durative actions only in connection with other proper devices, such as
the temporal suffixes or duplication of final consonants (see §§ 41, 56,
69, 108). Owing to the fact that certain temporal suffixes—nota-
bly the inchoative, the frequentative, the durative, the present, the
future, and the imperative—imply to a certain extent intensive
actions, or actions that are being performed continually, the suffixes
for these tenses are frequently found added to the verbal stem whose
vowel has been diphthongized, while all other tenses are formed from
the simple root.
L/on- to tell 16.9 statsi’ tc L/wa%n thus he was speak-
ing 16.6
kit‘n- to bend down “4 tri kwa'nt and (they) would
just bend down 11.9
“t kwana't/ist and he would con-
tinually lower his head 13.5
tkim- to close, to shut 48.8 “ns tkwa’misiin and we two shall
keep on making dams (literally,
closing [the river]) 48.14
ti‘tc- to spear 62.2 bwa'tcis wan spear it now! 64.2
Pwatc'tcina“et they two are
spearing it 56.15, 16
gun- to pour 29.2 gua ‘nyix pour it intohis... !
29.2
L/dx- to send 16.10 L/°wa'xytin (1) shall keep on send-
ing (them) 30.19
§ 112
BOAS] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES—SIUSLAWAN 573
Lt/zu- to know 19.9 L/2"wa'x"yttsa'tct you shall know
me 30.17
tak¥- to take, to get 7.5 wan takwa'kii'n now (they two)
were taking them 52.16
hits- to put on 11.8 h‘yatsi’tstin heis putting it on 11.8
cita- to flop c‘yatz it is flopping 36.23
itga” he digs 84.2 ya'tqa"n (they two) are digging
(holes) 84.5
tsit/- to shoot 8.6 ts‘yaL/- to shoot
Intensity and duration of action of verbal stems whose root-vowels
are vowels of quantities and qualities other than 7 and @ are ex-
pressed by means of amplification of the root by the insertion of a
weak vowel between its two final consonants. This process occurs
in a few rare instances.
anz- to give up 60.11 kumi! ntcint ana’ xyiin not we shall
give it up 16.8
hamz- to tie 8.6 k/*'tin hama’syiin tomorrow I
will tie it up
ant”n- to do 10.5 Sa'tsaxtn xniyuni” yin thus to
them two I will do it 88.14, 15
sFa'tsa“ztn aniyuna’’in thus to
them two I intend doing it
Another example of stem-amplification for the purpose of express-
ing duration of action is furnished by the stem ag- TO LEAVE, which
is changed into ayaq-.
ta” k=ns aya’ qytin here we two (incl.) will leave it 56.16, 17
Stem-amplification may have also caused the change of the root
Lt/rma'- TO KILL into L/zmiya'-.
ya" za hite L/emiya'yiin ants Swat many people he is killing, that
Grizzly Bear 94.9
L/amiya'ytinant we (incl.) are going to kill him 28.3
Siuslaw possesses a number of stems that occur in such double forms,
and I give here a few of the most important.
L/6n- 16.9 Lt/wa%n- to tell 16.6
kii‘n- kwa*“n- to lower one’s head 11.9
tkiim- 48.8 tkwam- to close, to shut 48.14
ti te- 62.2 twate- to spear 56.15
gu'n- 29.2 qgwa'n- to pour 29.2
§ 112
BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 40
L/°waax- to send 7.7
L/6x- 16.10
k%ts- kwats- to paint one’s face
LOt- L°wat- to strike
kats- 92.7 k*was- to follow 92.3
att- 76.10 watt- to snow
tak"- 7.5 takwa’- to take, to get, to fetch
52.16
zat’- 40.21 zawa’'- to die 15.5
hait’- 11.4 ha’wa- to be ready 23.10
t/i'- 74.5 t/uha’- to buy 74.5
t/z’mau"- 48.12
t/emawa- to cut into pieces
wi'ti- 58.7 witwa’- to agree 30.11
yau- 40.11 ya'xa- to see 20.10
hits 11.8 hiyats- to put on 11.7
hin- 9.5 h‘'yan- to take along
itq- 80.6 yatg- to dig 84.5
tsi /- 8.6 tstyat /- to shoot
ql ti'p- g/uyap- to twinkle 36.14
cita- 36.23 c'yatz- to flop 36.23
tit /- 13.10 t'yat/- to eat
tct'n- 12.10 tc'yan- to come back
ag- aya'g- to leave 56.5
hama- 8.6 hamaz- to tie
anz- 60.11 ana’z- to give up 16.8
eni”’n- 10.5 xniyun- to do 88.14, 15
Lleit- 19.9 Lla“wa- to know 30.17
Llama‘- tlamiya'- to kill 28.3
Amplification of the stem seems to have been used in a few in-
stances for the purpose of expressing intransitive actions performed
by the third person singular. It will be remembered that this per-
son has no special suffix, the same being understood in the stem or in
the verbal suffixes. In some cases, however, Siuslaw adds a weak a to
the stem, provided the same is not followed by any of the subjective
suffixes (see § 24).
hai’ to quit, to be ready 28.2 wa'/nwits ha'wa long ago it (was)
ready 23.10
zau’- to die 22.5 tein xa’wa si’n*xytitne just I to
die am wanted 20.8, 9
yax- to see 40.11 txine ya'ca si'n'zyitne merely
thou to (be) see(n) art wanted
20.10
§ 112
BOAS] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES—SIUSLAWAN 575
tli‘- to buy tsa'ntct ti’ha si’n‘xyiin if you to
buy want her 74.8
waa’- to speak 7.1 “t waa’ and he said 12.10
In one instance the quality of this weak vowel has been assimilated
to that of the stem-vowel.
tgut- to shout 92.6 mita'te’ax ants tguti’ waa’ their
(dual) father, that one shouted
(and) said (¢qu’tu instead of
tqt’ta) 52.8
The Pronoun (§§ 113-115)
§ 113. The Independent Personal Pronouns
The independent personal pronouns occur primarily in two forms,
according to whether they are used as subjects or objects of an action;
but, owing to the fact that from the subjective pronouns there is
obtained by means of the prefix g- (see § 21) a discriminative form,
the independent personal pronouns may be said to have three dis-
tinct forms—the discriminative, subjective, and objective or loca-
tive sets. Both the discriminative and subjective pronouns refer to
the subject of the sentence, differing, however, in so faras the former
applies to subjects of transitive actions, while the latter is used mostly
in connection with intransitive verbs. The discriminative form, more-
over, is employed whenever the sentence absolutely requires that sub-
jectivity of action be indicated (see §§ 21, 111). To be sure, cases
where the subjective pronouns are used with transitive verbs are by
no means rare.
Siuslaw, like so many other Indian languages, has no distinct pro-
noun for the third person singular, this person being supplied by the
demonstrative pronouns sd, s?a‘na, s®ds (see §115). The first person
dual has two separate forms, one for the inclusive (I AND THOW), and
the other for the exclusive (I AnD HE). Similarly, in the first per-
son plural are distinguished the inclusive (I AND yr) and exclusive (I
AND THEY).
These pronouns perform the function of a whole sentence, and may
be rendered by I, THov, HE, etc., AM THE ONE WHO... .
§ 113
576 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BuLL. 40
The tabular presentation of the independent personal pronouns is as
follows:
Subjective Objective Discriminative
Ist person.. . na'‘han, n& nite qna’han, qna
Singular. . . 2d person.. . nixats niatte qnixats
3d person. . . sEu sE£qi’na, s"ai’nate| s”ds
Inclusive. . . nans na'tcEns qnans
Dual Exclusive. . . naulctin na’tcavatin qna/xtin
; 2d person. . . niacats ni'xtc¥ ts qnixats
3d person. . . sZq/wax, sZaux sZaina’tcaux s%q/saux
Imehist vers ac nant na’teint qnant
Plural Bxelusive™. .:\« na/nxan na‘teinzan qna/nxan
al." S a = }
2dperson. . . nixats™ tet ni'xtc™tct qni’xats" tet
8d person. . . | sanz sZaina/tcina sE/as"Enz
This table shows that the independent pronouns are derived from
two stems—vnd for the first persons, and nt or nixts for the second per-
sons; the first singular and all dual and plural persons being obtained
by suffixing the subjective pronouns for these persons (see § 24) to the
singular forms. Thus the inclusive and exclusive dual nans and
nazin are composed of the first person singular nd@ and of the subjec-
tive suffixes -ms and -2@n. In like manner the inclusive and exclusive
plural nané and na’naan consist of nd +-nt and na +-nzxan respectively.
The second person dual niz%ts is abbreviated from an original
ni'xts*ts. This abbreviation is due to simplification of double conso-
nants (see § 15), causing a phonetic similarity between the pronouns
for the second person singular and dual. In order to avoid possible
confusion, duality of subject is indicated by suffixing to the verb the
subjective pronouns for the second person dual. The second person
plural is regular, consisting of the singular form for the second person
plus the subjective suffix plural for that person.
The third persons dual and plural are obtained by adding the
subjective pronouns for these persons to the subjective form of the
demonstrative pronoun sd.
The objective forms of the personal pronouns—that is to say, those
forms that are used as objects of a sentence—are formed by adding to
the subjective pronouns the local suffix indicating motion -¢c (see § 90).
The form for the second person singular is the result of an abbrevia-
tion from an original ni’xts?tc caused perbaps by a reduction of the
cluster of final consonants.
§ 113
BOAS] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES—SIUSLAWAN 577
It will be noticed that the subjective suffixes employed in the forma-
tion of the corresponding dual and plural persons are added after the
adverbial -tc, a trait which Siuslaw has in common with the Alsea
language. The objective pronouns for the third persons have as
their basis the corresponding forms of the demonstrative pronoun.
For the sake of emphasis the subjective suffiixed pronouns are some-
times used in addition to the independent forms.
Examples of subjective pronouns:
na’ han “tn tsi /*ya's | have an arrow (literally, Iam the one who
[1] is arrow-having) 50.16
a tsan te na L/oxa'xam that’s why this I was sent 21.8
na' han a'nts*ne si’n‘zyiits 1 am that one whom you wanted 40.14
kumi’ ntcin na nictc?’ te wa’ at not I anything will say (literally, not
I, Lam the one whoanything will say) 74.9
k xa” na alone (was) I 100.3
nixrts tnx gani’nat hi'nisitt youll take along your knife (liter-
ally, you are the one, you, knife take along will, yours) 50.16,
17
nix ts tt /a” you are eating
“f s*q peli’ tc'tiax and he will be first 10.1
nans hi'sa we two (incl.) are well
na” xon xa’ts/i we two (excl.) are two 36.15
state ata’s L/xii'ytin they two only knew it 98.9
sanz tsv'k/ya t/att' yun they very (well) know it 72.1, 2
Examples of objective pronouns:
kumi'nte hi*’sa nate it is not good for me 12.2
“Ing nate 17’wis then you shall come to me 44.6
kumi nte hi’ sa ni'x%te it (does) not (look) good on you 12.5
kumi’nte na’tcEns si/nixya te gittct’nét not us two (incl.), like
these women 52.13
Examples of objective and discriminative pronouns for the third
persons will be found under ‘‘ Demonstrative Pronouns” (see § 115),
while the discriminative pronouns for the first and second persons
have been illustrated in § 21.
§ 114. The Possessive Pronouns
The independent possessive pronouns are compound forms con-
sisting of the following three separate elements: the independent
personal pronoun (see § 113), the relative case-ending -zmd (see § 87),
3045°—Bull. 40, pt 2—12——37 § 114
578 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 40
and the sign of possession -7 (see § 88). The sign of possession is not
present in forms that express the third persons as the possessor.
To these compound forms are added the suffixed subjective pronouns
(see § 24) for the purpose of indicating the person of the possessor.
The suffixed pronouns, to be sure, agree always with the independent
pronouns that form the initial elements of the compound. The fol-
lowing peculiarities will be observed in connection with the pro-
nominal forms that enter into the composition of the independent
possessive pronouns:
1. For the first and second persons (singular, dual and plural) the
subjective forms of the independent pronoun are used. The stems
na and nix are employed for that purpose.
2. For the third person (singular, dual and plural) the objective
form of the independent pronoun (s#a*’na) is used.
3. Singularity, duality, or plurality of the person is expressed, not
in the initial pronominal element, but in the suffixed subjective pro-
noun. Consequently the initial element remains unchanged for all
numbers.
Owing to the fact that Siuslaw has no distinct subjective suffix for
the third person singular, the suffix -tc is added without the aid of the
sign of possession -2. Duality and plurality of the third person are
indicated by adding to -tc the subjective suffixes -a"x and -na respec-
tively.
In § 88 the fact has been mentioned that possessive phrases are
verbalized by adding the auxiliary suffix -¢ (see § 76) to the sign of pos-
session. This -¢ often figures in the composition of the independent
possessive pronouns, especially those for the first and second persons.
The following table shows the independent possessive pronouns:
Ist person . . . .| na’m=lin, na’m=titin
Singular . 2d person ... .| nixamlinz, ni’xamlitins
3d person . . . .| s¥aina’mitc, sZaina’mt
Inclusive .. . .| na’m*tins, na’m=titins
Exclusive . . . .| na’m=lizdn, na’m¥litauzdn
Dual is ul x = +
2d person ... .| nixamlits, ni’/xamlitits
3d person . . . .| 8¥aina’mltcwax
Inclusive . . . .| na/’m*” lint, na’m=titint
snide Exclusive . .. .| na’m¥tinzan, na’m¥litinzan
right at 2d person . . . .| ni’xamlitet, ni/xamlit¥ tct
3d person . . . .| s¥%aina’miten™x
§ 114
BOAS ] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES—SIUSLAWAN 579
It will be noticed that the obscure z of the relative suffix -zm# has
been contracted with the preceding vowels of nd@ and s?a‘’na into a
clear a-vowel (see § 9). The weak vowel in na’m#tin, na'm*tins, etc.,
is due to the law of sound-groupings (see § 4).
The third person singular often loses its distinct suffix for that per-
son (-tc). This loss is due to the fact that the form s#a‘na’md is in
itself capable of expressing a possessive idea that has the third person
as its possessor.
These possessive pronouns have the force of a whole sentence, and
may be properly translated by It 18 MINE, IT IS THINH, etc. They are
frequently used for the sake of emphasis in addition to the possessive
suffixes that are added to nouns, and in such cases invariably precede
the nominal concept.
wa'aistna na’m*litin wa'’as you shall continually speak (with) my
language 36.13
na'm*tin q/a’it my pitch, this is my pitch
na’ m*titin tkwa'nug” this is my hat
na m#tin mité (he) is my father
ni zamiing ko’tan your horse
ni'zamtine mila (she is) your mother
sta'na’ mite wa'as wa” syaza"n his language he had spoken 36.14
sta'na'mite Laa’ his mouth
sta'na’mt ko’tan his horse
na'm*tins ko’tan our (dual, incl.) horses
na' mixin tcit our (dual, excl.) hands
nv camtits kwiyd’s your (dual) dog
sta'na’mitc’ax ko’tan their (dual) horse
na'm#tint ko'tan our (plural, incl.) horses
na'm*#tinzan te‘g our (plural, excl.) relative 102.5
nv'xamtitct te’g your (plural) relatives
sFa'na’mitc'ne qal‘tc their (plural) knives
§ 115. The Demonstrative Pronouns
Although Siuslaw has a number of stems that are used as demon-
strative pronouns, there could not be detected in them such cate-
gories as visibility or invisibility, presence or absence, nearness to or
remoteness from the speaker. It is true that in some instances the
informant would render a certain demonstrative pronoun as indicating
nearness or remoteness; but this rendering was invariably caused by
§ 115
580 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bunn. 40
o
the leading character of my questions, and never appeared spontane-
ously.
The demonstrative pronouns, however, present another striking
feature that is not commonly found in the American Indian languages.
This feature consists in the fact that some of them occur in two dis-
tinct forms, one being used with subjects of the sentence, while the
other is applied to objects only. This fact serves as another instance
illustrating the extent to which the category of subjectivity and ob-
jectivity permeates this language.
The following demonstrative pronouns have been found in Siuslaw:
tak has been invariably rendered by THIs, and in some instances
by HERE. It may be used in connection with subjects and objects
alike. Duality and plurality of subjects and objects are indicated by
the suffixation of the subjective pronouns -a%z and -nx respectively
(see § 24).
ta°k penis this skunk
tak trxmi'nt this man
ts’ klya his te'g ti’kin takwa’kin (a) very good thing this here I
have obtained 72.15, 16
L/°wa' tan takin Lid’ as a messenger here I come 17.6, 7
ta” k’ax ga’'te'ntiz these two will go 32.10, 11
ta’ king teamt'nt these men
tE applies to subjects and objects. There can be no doubt that it
is an abbreviated form of the demonstrative pronoun /@7% (see above).
It was usually rendered by TH1s or THE. When followed by the sub-
jective pronouns (see § 24), the obscure vowel assumes a clear tinge
and appears as a distinct a-vowel.
“E megla''te hat’gmas tiya'wa tz thlani’k" and she danced near
the fire, this Screech-Owl 86.11, 12
tiha' yax te riya’a* it passed (by), this fire 32.19
ti'k'n tx ta* this here is my house (literally, here I, this one, live)
58.8
sta’ tsa hi’tc®te nictcima’mu tz tli that’s why bear acts like a per-
son (literally, thus [of a] person his fashion [has] the bear) 60.26
wi'nza'n te peni’s she was afraid of this skunk 86.1
hina’ yin tr mi’kla hitc he took along this bad man 23.2, 3
ni’ ctcanz tanz ya" xa‘ gatxz why do you cry much (literally, how [is
it that] you this, much cry) 94.16, 17
§ 115
BOAS] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES—SIUSLAWAN 581
sta’ tsa tang st’n‘zytitne that’s why this you are wanted 18.4
takwa'iltxa"s ta'te’ax gviite ta“e tsimi'ldé qwoa'tea™ax taken
away (were) these their (dual) wives, (namely of) them two,
Beaver and Muskrat 52.3, 4
.. +» ta’nzan hitci” ... . (as) these we (here) play 70.12
In some instances this pronoun may have a verbal force, and is
then best rendered by THIS WHO. . .
sta’tsa t'tla” tz ta” yax thus ate those who lived (there) 82.12
Y
s¥as is used with subjects of transitive verbs only, and seems to
have a distinct discriminative character. In this capacity it exercises
the function of the missing independent pronoun for the third person
(see § 113). It may either precede or follow the verb, although there
is a prevailing tendency to place it at the end of the sentence. It
may be translated by THIs or HE.
“ ttla'yin s®us and he devours him 94.10
mv kla te'g satin s*us bad something this (one) had killed 96.12,
13
Stas k"nd c'aii'yin ants t?i’a' he, perhaps, has scared away that
salmon 56.11
stds gata’ytn ants Lxau’ he hooks that spear 64.7
sta’ sEnt kl'xa’yiits he killed us 28.3
s¥q@ refers to subjects of both transitive and intransitive verbs.
The difference between this pronoun and the above discussed s¥ds lies
in the strictly discriminative character of the latter. It may best be
rendered by THIS, HE, and is mostly employed as a personal pronoun
for the third person singular (see § 113). Duality and plurality of
the subject are indicated by suflixing to s#@ the subjective pronouns
-a"z and -nz respectively (see § 24).
sq tramt’né this man See e pet
“4 tstm sta ya'g“ yin always he sees it 68.22
uf sta pel tc'tia and that one will be first 10.1
save ata’s Lixi'yin ti’'t!a* these two only know (where) food (is)
98,9
sane ts’klya tlxi'yin hitci/™ these very (well) know (how to)
play 72.1, 2
In four instances this pronoun has been used as referring to objects.
I believe this use to be the result of erroneous application on the part
of the informant. The examples follow.
§ 115
582 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOUGY [BULL. 40
s*a Liat’ yin thlan“wa’k* him she knows, Screech-Owl 86.7
s*a, “in gi/ite hawa'yin that one I (will my) wife make 90.1, 2
sta, ata’s ants ma’glinitne (for) him only the dance was arranged
28.7
bwa'tcis win s*a ytkt'l:maé spear now that big (one)! 64.2
sEa‘’na refers to objects only, and serves as the objective form of
the missing personal pronoun for the third person (see § 113). Hence
it may be rendered by THIS, THAT, HIM. By adding the subjective
suffixes to it (see § 24), the dual and plural persons for this pronoun
are obtained.
ya’ zai hite plna'tz ha s*a”na many people were sorry for that
15.4
kumi'ntcin na nicte'te wa'at petite sta’na not I anything will
say first (without) her 74.9
sta'tsa"a “t kumi'ntc tz‘g s®a’na“x that’s why they two (cared)
nothing about them two 54.11, 12
tu, tt’a, a demonstrative pronoun that may best be rendered by
THAT ONE. It denotes subjects and objects alike. A comparison be-
tween this pronoun and the previously discussed s*a@ suggests that the
initial elements ¢ and s may be petrified prefixes having the function
of demonstrative pronouns. This assertion receives further substan-
tiation from the fact that Siuslaw forms, in analogy to s#ds, a discrimi-
native pronoun ¢u’as, and that it has two other demonstrative stems
whose initial elements are ¢- and s- respectively. These pronouns are
ti’a’t THAT KIND and s#a‘¢t THIS KIND, and they may be explained as
being composed of ¢- (¢u-)+-a't and s-+-a*t. The function of the
second element can not be explained. The ¢- occurs, furthermore,
independently as ¢z (see p. 580).!
The pronoun 2d, zi’a, occurs also in dual and plural forms, obtained
by adding the subjective suffixes -az and -nz (see § 24) to it.
th yakla" ni qiitci’nt that small(est) woman 88.12
kumi nte his ta texemi’ni not good (is) that man 90.23; 92.1
tu’a teame'ni that man
gna’ naan Leté' yin ti'a“x 2a'ts!% we (incl.) are hitting those two
tu’ane texmi’ni those men
Lett’ yitsin ti’as that one is hitting me
tu’at that (is the) kind 102.2
kumi'nte his nite te s*a'‘t tla’“ not good (is for) me this kind (of
a) place 44.4, 5
1 The s as a demonstrative element has been also found in Alsea.
§ 115
W
;
Boas] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES—SIUSLAWAN 583
stait® tla’™ such (a) world 15.1
wa ya"xa' te hite, s®a‘ti’ st’n‘zya although many (are) these
people, that kind (of a thing every one) likes 102.2, 3
ants is the only pronoun that may be said to contain a locative
force. It is invariably used in connection with objects that are away
from the speaker, and may be rendered by THAT onE. It may refer
to subject and object, and is used in the singular, dual, and plural,
although in most cases duality and plurality are accentuated by suffix-
ing the respective subjective pronouns -a¥x and -nzx (see § 24). This
pronoun may also have a verbal force, and is then best rendered
by THAT ONE WHO... , THOSE wHo.... It always precedes
the noun.
hamaa" nt ants tsrha”’ya that tied (up) grass 8.6
s“kwi'te tsing/t ants hitc very poor (was) that person 16.10; 17.1
ants ga‘z last night (literally, that night) 40.14
tk /an"wa'k" wi'nza*n ants peni's Screech-Owl was afraid of that
Skunk 86.5
ants iqa”*ti ants Tstuna'pri t/v't/yin that tree on which
Tsxunpti (Coyote) was sitting 94.6
cau’ naxtn ants mi'k/a hite we two killed that bad person 96.8, 9
takwa'kii“n ants qititcii’nt anise tsini'ttsini’L those two otters
took away those women 52.16
ants L/a'% hitc those many people 7.1
ants prki’“' those who play 70.6, 7
atsi'te waa'xam ants hite tca’xa*t thus was told that man who was
going back 30.13, 14
tklanw’k¥ ya' gyn a'ntsuz muq/a’ te Sereech-Owl watched those
two who kept on dancing 86.8
sfa'tsa ani’’nis a'nis*nx pukwa” thus keep on doing those who
play shinny 78.17
In a number of instances two demonstrative pronouns are used, fol-
lowing each other in immediate succession. This is done primarily —
for the sake of emphasis. In such sentences the second demonstra-
tive stem may be rendered by a relative pronoun.
ha nate a’ sxa t’'t/a* te s®a g'i/ite that otter is eating a different
food (literally, different her, also, food, [of] this here sea-otter)
54.7, 8
“d s*a, te t/dmei'sk’in and this here (is) the little boy 94.16
ut waa'xam ants s®a ga’tc'ntix and was told that man who will go
16.7
§ 115
584 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 40
kumi'ntc’az si'nizyin 1i’% ta'ts ants 6*a4 they two don’t want to
stay near here (literally, not they two, want it, near [to] keep
on staying, that one here)
Parallel to these forms are the indefinite, interr pontine: and waa
pronouns. The following have been observed:
wate. It has the function of an interrogative, relative, and: in-
definite pronoun, and applies to animate beings only. When-wused in
an interrogative sense, it is best rendered by wno, while as an ‘indefi-
nite pronoun, it is to be translated by sommBopy. The interrogative
character of this particle can be recognized only by the interrogative
tone of the sentence in which it occurs.
wate'te ko’tan whose horse (is it)?
wate «a’intix somebody will climb up
wate te’ x*mtc ha (he) who strong (is) his heart 10.1
wate L/xi'yin ceatu’’ (he) who knows (the art of) running 78.18
tE'q is used as an interrogative and indefinite pronoun, and ap-
plies to animals and inanimate objects only. It may best be rendered
by WHAT or SOMETHING.
te'q what (is it)?
ha mit tr‘g everything 9.5
tsk /ya his tz‘g (a) very good thing 72.15, 16
kumi'nte'ne tz‘g you (will be) nothing 13.2
ats te'g waxa'yaxayim when something will be given to him 18.5
uw sta’'tsa te g qnuhi’ytn that’s why something he finds
In a few instances ¢z'g has been rendered by RrELatTiIvE. This free
rendering is perfectly justifiable, because in the instances quoted ¢z‘¢
implies the idea of BEING SOMETHING TO the person spoken to or
spoken of.
na’ m#ling tug you (are) my relative (literally, my something
you [are]) 20.6
ts'imste tz'g ants tg!al‘o'maé her own relative (was) that pelican
(literally, her own something) 46.1
An objective form of this particle has been found in one instance.
te ga“na'nt ta’kwistin something we (incl.) will always get 72.17,18
taqa’na is the regular objective form of ¢z‘g, and occurs fre-
quently.
§. 115
Boas] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES—SIUSLAWAN 585
kumi’ ntexin taga’ na wi'’nz not we two (excl.) anything fear 94.17
s'nxit tiga’ na he wants something 18.5
wa’ siisyanz taga’’na (when) you get mad at anything 36.11, 12
wa’ a's*nx taga’na (when) you will say something 38.4
Another objective form of this particle may be the form ¢a’gan,
occurring in one single instance.
ta'qan tee teaitci'te xt’ntmis why do you want to go anywhere
(literally, for something, perhaps, somewhere [you] keep on
going) 48.1, 2
teint, tct’nta”, serves primarily as an interrogative pronoun,
in which case it is rendered by wuicu onE? Its scope, however, has
been widened, permitting its use as a relative pronoun and in some
instances as a numeral adverb. In the latter sense the form ¢ciné is
invariably used. It is then translated by WHOEVER, WHATEVER, or by
HOW MUCH, HOW MANY?
tci'nta'n tex tikwa’'yiin which one I (wonder) shall I take? 88.20;
90.1
te’ nta’na si’n‘xyiin which one do you want? 40.4, 5
te’nta” nictca” ants hitc whatever does that man 70.22
tci'nta” hite tiwa’ whatever person came (here) 24.7
tc’nta® yVkt'te . . . whosoever... is big 90.1
teint hite ga'ntcya Liwa’wax whatever person from somewhere is
going to come 38.10, 11
tci'ntine hi’g!a how many shells have you? (literally, how many
thy dentalia shells?)
teint ko’tan how many horses?
. . teint tsrayt’/”* . . . on such a day (literally, [on] whatever
[a] day) 7.3
ts’tms has the function of a reflexive pronoun, and is best ren-
dered by (1) MysELF, (THOU) THYSELF, etc., or, when used with nouns,
by (ary) own, (THY) OwN, etc.
ts’tms s®atsi’te ci’n*xyat/ya to himself thus he always thinks 88.11
Lett’ ytin ts’ims I hit myself
ts’imste tz'g ants tq/al‘o'ma ants sgiimda’ her own relative that Peli-
can (is of) that Sea-Gull 46.1, 2
Llamav yttsmin tsims mi’ sk” I killed my own brother
qa'w'nti, qa’wntite, imparts the idea of reciprocality, and is
best rendered by HACH OTHER, MUTUALLY. The difference between
the two parallel forms lies in the fact that the latter has been amplified
by means of the modal suffix -iic (see § 94).
§ 115
586 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BuLL. 40
“Wt kia te‘g skwaha'yisne ga’winti everything was placed on both
sides 80.8
gaw'nti tcv’ax winFxna'wa each other they two feared 86.2
ga’ w*ntt on both sides
The Numeral (§§ 116-117)
§ 116. The Cardinals
1. altg 18.7 16. ki’x?s “t ga'tima
2. 2a’ts/% 30.23 17. ki’x®s 4 2a’ts/a% gta’/maz
3. ci’n% 62.12 18. ki’x¥s “2 ci’n%x gta’max
4, 2a’ts!/tin 40.23 19. ki'x?s “4 kumi’nte al%g ga'nat
5. taa"'p's 72.8 20. xa’ts/i& kixe’ stim
6. ga’ time 21. 2a’ts/u kize' stim “t at%g
7. 2a’ts/% gta’max 30. ct’n%x kine’ stim
8. c’n%x gta’max 40. 2a’ts/iin kixe' stim
9. a’l*quavt 50. taa’ pis kine’ stim
10. kix®s 8.1 60. ga’tima kixe’ stim
11., ki/a¥s, “44 .a't¢ 70. xa’ts/i gta'maz kize’ stim
12. ki’'x¥s 4 xa’ts/i 80. c/nax gta’maz kixe' stim
* 18. hi’ aFe' tl Gt nts 90. a/lgxa%t gta’max kixe’ stim
14. ki’x¥s“txd'ts/inteatzwi'yu 100. ki’x?s kize’stim
15. ki’e?s “lt tea" piste a'xwi’yu 101. ki’x?s kize'stim 4 al?
By origin the Siuslaw numeral system is probably quinary,
although there seem to be only four simple numeral stems; namely,
those for ONE, TWO, THREE, and FIVE. The numeral z@’ts/iin FoUR
is to all appearances a plural form of 2a@’ts/i Two. The numeral
ga’ timz sx could not be analyzed. It is not improbable, however, that
it may signify ONE (FINGER) UP, in which event sEVEN could be ex-
plained as denoting Two (FINGERS) UP, while EIGHT could be rendered
by THREE (FINGERS) UP. In spite of incessant attempts, the numeral
for NINE could not be analyzed. Its probable rendering may be sug-
gested as ONE (LACKING TO) TEN. The numerals for FOURTEEN and
FIFTEEN may be translated as by TEN AND FOUR ITS ADDITION and TEN
AND FIVE ITS ADDITION respectively. The exact rendering of NINE-
TEEN is obscure, while Twenty evidently denotes Two TIMES TEN, etc.
Siuslaw does not possess the series of ordinal numerals. These and
the numeral adverbs, such as the multiplicative numerals, are expressed
idiomatically by means of adverbs or adverbial suffixes. The adverbs
pHi/te AHEAD and timni'tc BEHIND (see § 119) are very often used as
ordinal numerals for the first two numbers.
§ 116
Boas] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES—SIUSLAWAN 587
penis perlite “t tk/anw’k” timni’te Skunk (doctored) first, and
Secreech-Owl second 86.11
stati’ nt peHti’'te xi’ntma'stin the biggest one first he took along
92.18
Qa'atax petite riha'yax te tiya’a* along North Fork at first it
came, this fire 32.19
Multiplicative numerals are sometimes formed by adding to the car-
dinals the modal suffix -itc (see § 94).
rats /iwi'tcin yiza’ytn twice I saw him
aigatcin L/xu'yiin gna once I knew it 92.12
Ordinal numerals in the sense of AT THE FIRST, SECOND, etc., are
sometimes formed by suffixing to the cardinals the suffix -a‘tu.
alga’ ‘ti tsrayt’/”* on the first day, in one day
zats/iwa’ ‘th tsxayt’”* on the second day, in two days
zats/ina’ tu tsxayt’”* on the fourth day, in four days
The suffix for the numeral FIVE appears in a somewhat changed
form. Instead of the expected -a‘ti, this numeral takes the suffixes
-ta‘ti, -tya‘ti. The suggestion may be offered that the inital ¢- of
these suffixes is the adjectival suffix -¢ (see § 104), and the -a‘tu the
regular modal suffix. Of course, this does not explain the occurrence
of the semi-vowel y in -tya‘tu.
t/ameins tei’ntiz tza'pista’ tu tscayt’/™ our (dual, incl.) boys will
return in five days 42.7
Ltaa'p'stya’ ‘tu “t wan tci'n hitsi’stc on the fifth day he finally came
home 72.9
te ntia Ltxa'pistya’‘tu tsrayt’¥' he will come back in five days
40.25, 26
Two stems, k/'z and hai’mit, are used as definite numerals. The
former is best rendered by EACH, EVERY; while the latter, to all
appearances an adjective in -t (see § 104), is best translated by ALL.
klix tz‘g everything 24.4
termi nitc’ax ants t/ame k/iz they two had each a boy (literally,
males their two, those boys, each) 40.19
ha’ mit ma'tte't ants Limna’‘g all elks got burned 34.18, 19
ha mut ga'te'nt sqa'ktci'te all go there 23.6
§ 117. The Decimal System
The units exceeding multiples of ten are expressed by forms whose
exact rendering would be TEN (TWENTY) AND ONE (TWO) as, for instance,
ki'x#s “t a’l4g TEN AND ONE, etc. The ‘‘tens” are formed by means of
§ 117
588 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 40
the suffix -¢im, that is added to the cardinal numerals for TEN. The
numeral thus amplified is preceded by the cardinals from Two to TEN
(inclusive). Thus twenty, literally translated, means TWO TIMEs TEN,
THIRTY signifies THREE TIMES TEN, and ONE HUNDRED denotes TEN
TIMES TEN. The numeral for THOUSAND was, naturally enough, never
used. The informant invariably gave the English equivalent for it.
The Adverb (§§ 118-121)
§ 118. Introductory
Siuslaw has, comparatively speaking, a small number of adverbial
stems. These express ideas of a local, temporal, and modal character.
A few of them are compounds,—that is to say, they consist of two or
more adverbs that occur independently also,—while others occur
with the adverbial suffixes whose function is always in harmony
with the ideas expressed by the bare stem. Thus a few adverbs indi-
cating local ideas appear with the local suffix -te (see § 90), while most
of the modal adverbs take the suffixes of modality -te or -a (see $§ 94
and 96).
It is quite conceivable that the final & in the local adverbs zk, stumk,
and sga’k, may imply some local idea, especially in view of the fact that
both stim and stimk occur.
A very important law applying to local adverbs (and phrases) is the
fact that, whenever they are used in connection with nouns, the nouns
invariably take the locative case-endings (see § 86).
§ 119. Local Adverbs and Phrases
a mha‘tx in the middle tiitt’m there 72.3
ha‘g ashore 44.7 tuga’tme over there, across
ha’gmas alongside, near 25.4 tugya’a"? up-stream 32.22
ha“wi's beyond ga’ titce® across the river, opposite
peti'tc ahead, first 32.19 80.16
m*york"s in the beginning gda’tki from here 60.4
82.11 ga’ zantct under, down, below 8.10
tiu’ts? here 17.3 ga’ xin, ga” ziin® high up, above,
tik, ta’k here 56.5, 19 on 8.7; 34.21
1 Probably related to the Coos tiu OVER THERE.
2 Alsea to’qui.
3Coos ga’tite DOWN THE STREAM.
4Related to Alsea gé/ran UNDER, BELOW.
5Coos gazan- UP.
§§ 118-119
BOAS]
ga“x' on top 76.14
gavu'te? below,
stream 62.17, 18
ga‘'wa'a" below, down stream
down the
80.6
tqga"wi', tga” wite up-stream
56.8, 12
stim, stimk there 30.23; 32.12
sqa@'tum from there 34.3
sga'k, sgék there 14.6
HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES—SIUSLAWAN
589
ga'ha'n 56.8, qa‘ ha'ntcfar 10.3; 56.5
gan, ganistcte down, below 12.6
go xm off shore, out in the water
34.6
qgtsi inside
timni'te behind, after, second 86.11
init outside 38.23
1tv% near (used also as a verb in
the sense TO COME, TO APPROACH)
40.12
§ 120. Temporal Adverbs
ats? at that time, when 16.8
a’ lat then, afterwards 34.3
hi’ nak!‘ right away 20.1
wa'nwits long ago, already
14.7
we yt still, yet
ya tsa a long time 11.3
ta'tits after a while 50.2
tit awhile
tsd/nxa'ts yesterday
tsim always 15.5
tsi’ xtits early in the morning 40.9
te’kyae tla’™ sometimes 100.7
kit‘yd@tsactia’“* after a while,
soon 7.7
kl'sa’t today 38.16
k]®’ra* tomorrow 60.2
inat always 13.3
Lv mqa quick, right away 19.6
§ 121. Modal Adverbs
a’ tsa, atsv’tc thus 15.5; 11.2
hi’ catca a little
ya” ca much, many 8.5
yux” too much 12.2
ti’mwa together 40.18
nictcama’ nave differently
9.3, 4
sta’tsa,® s®atsi’tc thus 8.2, 7
s“kwi'te very, very much 16.10
ci’ntcata in a circle
tsi’k!ya very, very much 13.9
ayal'x, ku* xyal‘x almost, very
nearly 11.1; 10.9, 11.1
Particles (§§ 122-183)
§ 122. Introductory
Siuslaw has a great number of particles which serve to define more
clearly a certain part of speech or even a whole sentence. Their
1Alsea gavz HIGH.
2Possibly related to Coos gaya/atc DOWN THE STREAM.
3See § 136.
4A compound adverb consisting of the negation kit Not, the adverb yd’tsa A LONG TIME, amplified
by the obscure suffix -c, and of the stem L/a’ai (see § 138).
5 By prefixing to this adverb the demonstrative pronoun ants, Siuslaw forms a compound adverb
ants k!©’1i, which is best rendered by YESTERDAY.
6 See § 125.
§§ 120-122
590 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 40
meaning was deduced mostly from the sense of the sentence in which
they occurred. These stems are either monosyllabic (in which case
they may be enclitic or proclitic) or they consist of two or more syl-
lables. A limited number seems to be composed of two or more
originally independent particles. As arule, particles are not capable
of word-formation—that is to say, they can not be amplified by means
of any of the grammatical processes, such as prefixation, suffixation,
etc. But owing to the fact that Siuslaw shows a tendency to keep
the verbal stem free from all subjective suffixes, these suffixes are
preferably added to the particles that precede the verb (see § 26). »
Some of these particles seem to be in reality verbal stems, but do not
convey a clear verbal idea unless used in conjunction with a proper
verbal suffix (see § 135).
In accordance with their syntactic function, the particles may be
conveniently subdivided into the following categories:
(1) Pronominal particles.
(2) Numeral particles.
(3) Conjunctions.
(4) Temporal particles.
(5) Particles denoting degrees of certainty.
(6) Particles indicating connection with previously expressed ideas.
(7) Exhortative particles. -
(8) Restrictive particles.
(9) Miscellaneous particles.
(10) Suffixed particle -@ (-a”).
(11) The stem z/a’%,
§ 123. Pronominal Particles
The pronominal forms treated in § 115 are used sometimes without
formative prefixes, and appear then like true particles. The follow-
ing are particularly used in this manner:
tak this, here tz'q what, something
tz this tcint, tct’nta” which one, who-
tu that ever, whatever, how much,
ants that one how many
wate who, some one ts’ims (reflexive) self
ga’w"nti mutually
§ 123
a Nieccns
BOAS] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES—SIUSLAWAN 591
Related to tcint are the particles tcitk WHERE, and tcd@, tcaitci'tc
WHERE TO.
tctk, a local particle denoting rest. It may be used indicatively
and in an interrogatory sense. It is best rendered by WHERE.
tctk s*a‘na’mét ko'tan where is his horse ?
tcik gnihi’ yin hitc where (ever) he finds a person 94.9, 10
ki tctk nowhere 56.11
tctk ants k/alata/ where that fun (is) 88.2
tcik ants yiktt'l-md tqa’‘té where that big log (is) 88.17, 18
tca, tcartci'te, a local particle indicating Motion. It is used in
an interrogative and indicative significance, and is best rendered by
WHERE (TO). The form ¢caitci’tc may be explained as caused by the
double suffixation of the adverbial suffix -itc (see §§ 90, 94). Such
double adding of a suffix occurs in only one other instance; namely, in
the case of the nominal suffix -az (see § 101).
kumi’ntec tea yax nowhere (anything to) see 34.4
kumi’ntextn gatha'nte tea ni’ctcis not we two (excl.) far some-
where will go 56.2
. . tein te rit’ . . . where this I arrived 66.19
teaitei’ te LoL ni’ctux (I) wonder where he will go 64.20
tcaitci’ te ga’tcintyax he went somewhere
§ 124. Numeral Particles
Here belong the following stems: yada‘ Many (see also § 12),
te’maut, tst’nzxma, tst'nizt HALF, and k#a't HOw MANY. The particles
serving as fractional numerals invariably follow the noun they define,
while the two other numeral particles may either precede or follow it.
yiaa' yin ya"xa't hite I saw many people
te’ maut ta’la half a dollar
hi’ tc®tc tsi/nzxma ants t/t that bear is half a person (literally [a]
person [is] his [one] half, that bear) 60.16
hate tst’/niat ants t/t half human (is) that bear 60.22
These forms might also be considered as adjectives. It will be
noted that most of them end in the adjectival suffix -¢ (see § 104).
§ 125. Conjunctions
Only three particles were found that may be properly said to have
the function of our conjunctions. These particles are a’/‘di, a‘’sxa,
and “4.
§§ 124-125
592 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 40
a'l:da@ refers to nouns only, and its function is of an inelusive
character, indicating that the defined noun is included in the action.
It always follows the noun and is best rendered by Likewisx, It is
frequently used as a verb (see § 135). |
Y t/2 a’l-dit ma'tic't Bear likewise got burned 34.16
hi’ qt a'l-di mi'ticist Wild-Cat likewise burned 34.17
ya" cave al dit t/a’ yin fern-roots they two likewise eat 98.15
qe'sene a'ldt ya g*hitix at night you likewise shall watch 70.18,
19
ai'sxa serves the same purpose as the preceding a’l‘du, but
may either precede or follow the noun to which it refers. It is best
rendered by ALso, TOO.
a’ttg termini “te a/l%g qiiteu'ni “t asta sqakici’te ga'tc'ntix one
man and one woman too will go there 30.21, 22
ha''nate a sxa ti’t/a* her food belonged to some one else (literally,
different her, also, food) 54.7
“£ has various functions. Its chief function is that of a copula
between nouns and sentences, and in that case is best rendered by anv.
Its position is free, although it tends to follow the noun and to
precede the verb.
a’ltg team’ ni “t a't*q gtitci’nt one man and one woman 380.21, 22
mita atin “t mita' atin my father and my mother
peni's petite “4 tklanwk” timni'te Skunk (doctored) first, and
Screech-Owl second 86.11
statst'te waa’, “t hi’¢/a’t thus he said and started 22.5, 6
ta’ “t t't/a” he sits and eats
It serves, furthermore, to introduce a new idea, in which case its
functional character may best be compared tv that of our syntactic
period. Its exact rendering is a rather difficult matter, unless the
arbitrary THEN be excepted.
Liait’yin mvklatsvklya. L/ai'yin hi'sa tk !an*wa'k" ants peni’s.
Ena’ hitc “t tgaga"’ txa"n pena's she knew him (to be) very bad.
Screech-Owl knew that Skunk very well. Atarichman Skunk
was breaking his wind 86.5, 6, 7
stats te waa" ants tklani'k". Ants pina’ st “t ct'n'zyat!ya aga’ waz.
u% statsi'te wad’ ants tk!anw'k". Thus said that Screech-Owl.
Then that sick man thought of running away. Then thus said
that Screech-Owl 86.14, 15, 16
§ 125
BoAS] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES—SIUSLAWAN 593
Finally, it may denote a connection with a previously expressed idea,
especially when used in conjunction with the particle wa‘ (see § 128).
wa’ yikt ants hitsi'*, “4 ta'qnis hitu’stc although big (is) that house,
still (it is) full (of) people 25.2, 3
wa tci'wa majte ants tqa*’ ti, “t mitica* ‘although in the water lay
those logs, nevertheless (they) began to burn 82.22
wa ya" ta? hite, “t ha mit s®as t't/a’'yin although many (were)
the people, still he devoured (them) all 94.10, 11
This subordinate function, as it were, is particularly brought out
when “ is followed or preceded by the modal adverb a’ tsa, s?a’tsa THUS
(see § 121). This phrase is invariably rendered by THAT IS WHY.
a tsa “Ewan tem tx hitch” that is why now people assemble 15.5, 6
Ww tsan “tn kumi ntc si’nizyiin that is why I don’t want it 15.8
sta/tsa “Ekumi'nte ni'k/a xi'ntmit hite that was why not alone
traveled a person 94.11
“ stq'tsa “t haya’ mit h'ydte L/xi’yin and this is why all people
know it
§ 126. Temporal Particles
While Siuslaw employs distinct suffixes for the purpose of express-
ing the different tenses in the verb, it has a few particles that are
used to define more clearly the time, duration, or occurrence of a
certain action. These are used mostly in conjunction with the proper
temporal suffixes. The following particles serve this purpose:
aL denotes commencement of an action, and has been rendered
rather freely by Now.
a’ Lan tit/a’wax now I commence to eat
GL sita’wax now he commences to swim
“nx GL hittca’te now they began to play 72.23, 24
wan indicates finality, completion of action. It either pre-
cedes or follows the verb. The informant invariably rendered it by
NOW, THEN, but the most proper rendering would be FINALLY.
“Ewan tct'n he finally returned 68.12
dqa'qa"z wan they two finally ran away 92.5
wan smiva'?’ finally it ends 9.1
sgv'k wan hawa” there finally it ends 14.6
wa’, waha’, expresses repetition of action, and is best rendered
. by acarn. It rarely occurs as an independent particle, being mostly
used as a verb (see § 135). The explanation for the occurrence of the
double form has been given in § 3.
3045°—Bull. 40, pt 2—12——38 § 126
594 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 40
ga'te'nt ants hite waha' that man went again 19.5
kink’ ya'waxan waha'wax I will look again 56.20
“twin waha ha'n ga'msk“te finally again (said) to him his younger
brother 56.20, 21
“tn kumi'nte xawi'L/tix wa’ ‘tix I will not go back again 46.8
waha" zatna" ants ya‘k“s again climb up those seals 62.10
Yiyasx= indicates short duration of action. It always occurs in
verbal form (see § 135), and is best rendered by a WHILE.
'yaxem gag nem! listen a while!
i’ yaxtxyacan a” sisyax I slept a while
tiyara'waxan asa’ wax I intend to sleep a while 27.5, 6
§ 127. Particles Denoting Degrees of Certainty and
Emotionat States
a'ck/ati indicates a supposition on the part of the speaker, and is
best rendered by PERHAPS, (I) THOUGHT. It consists of two etymologi-
cally obscure stems, a’ck/a and %. The subjective pronouns, when
added to this particle, are always suffixed to the initial element, and
never to 7. It is invariably placed at the beginning ofthe sentence.
a'ck lant tt zai’ (1) thought you (had) died 68.14, 15
a'ck!/att. atsi’te xwit/a'war ants t/a’mcins (1) thought thus were
going to return our (dual, incl.) boys 42.9, 10
a’ ck!latt ga’tc'nt he went (away) perhaps
ha'’nhan emphasizes a statement as having actually occurred.
Hence it is rendered by INDEED, TO BE SURE. It precedes the verb.
ut wan ha'nhan s®atsa' ta hitci/” now, indeed, thus people play 7.4
ut wan ha'nhan tii’ wane hitsi'ste finally, sure enough, they were
coming to different houses 30.6
hank! ‘xp or,’’ L1H, has a double function. When used with
verbs, it implies that the action is not intimately known to the speaker.
When referring to nouns (objects), it expresses a comparison between
the defined noun and one already known to the speaker. It always
precedes the noun or verb.
hank! tctktc hat he is in a way glad (literally, “kind of’ some-
where his mind?) 70.15
hank! wi'na'te ha’ he is rather afraid
§ 127
BOAS] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES—SIUSLAWAN 595
hank! hi’ tc®te nictetma‘mi tz qwo'taa' the beaver acts like a person
(literally, like a person his actions [of] this beaver) 54.11
hank! hite (he is) like (an) Indian 102.5
tEx (1) WONDER, SUPPOSE (IF), (1) Don’t KNow. This particle
has a dubitative character, expressing doubt on the part of the speaker
as to the possibility or advisability of a certain action. It may refer
to any part of the sentence, but must always precede the verb.
tet’nta’n tex t’kwa'ytin I wonder which one (shall) I take 88.20;
90.1
ni ctct tex xt’ntmis hite (1) wonder how (a) person (can) keep on
traveling
nv ctcan tex nictca’ wax (I doubt whether we) shall accomplish (any-
thing) 60.9
ni’ ctcant tre xawa'tn (1) wonder how we (incl.) can kill him 15.7
kit. This particle occurs in the texts only once; but, judging
from the examples obtained in conversation, it seems to express
agreeable surprise.
hi" san kit win waa'yits well he told me (I was agreeabiy surprised)
46.18
ta’ kit wan he is here (literally, he stays, surprise)
kh (1) May, perHaps. This is a dubitative particle, occurring
also in Coos,! and denoting possibility of action. Owing to its dubita-
tive character, it has often an interrogative significance.
ni ctca k“ what is the matter? (literally, how, perhaps . . .) 90.12
klink‘ya'wacan tqa*wi' te k® waha’wax I may look again up-stream
56.20
nv ctxan k” a'ntsin mat /i’ tz kit' tci’/nit what may (be the cause that)
that my elder brother, this here, not comes back? 58.11, 12
thwa'ytinane k¥ ivi’a* you may get salmon 48.18
k*nda, a compound particle, consisting of the preceding one and
of the particle of interrogation nd (see § 131). Its significance is
dubitative, and it may be rendered by IT SEEMS, PERHAPS, MAYBE, (I)
GuEss. Its position is freely movable.
wan k'na ta’kin s®atsz’ te a¥st’s now it seems, this I thus dream 70.1
yaa Wa tga¥wi’ k“ni much salmon may be up-stream 56.8
1 See Coos, p. 385.
§ 127
696 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 40
Stas k*na cxt/ytin he, I guess, drove it away 56.11
takwa' kin k“nd he took him (away), perhaps 58.14
kumi’ nte k*nd s®atsi’te not thus (it is), I guess 21.10
at has the same function as the previously discussed hank/ (see
p. 594). It may best be rendered by (IT) LOOKS LIKE, As IF.
za ts/i at hite tz ki’nna (it) looks as if two people here were talking
pinata zi (it) looks as if he were sick
tgaLa” tran «it I feel rather warm
LOL (1) wonper, (I) pon’r Know. It either precedes or else
follows the verb.
tceattcv’ te Lo°L nz’ cttix (1) wonder where (he will) go 64.20
tc& Lo'L 17/utix (1) wonder where he will stop (arrive) 64.24
pina” 16*t (1) wonder whether he is sick
§ 128. Particles Denoting Connection with Previously
Expressed Ideas
Siuslaw has only two particles that serve this purpose. These are
nv’ ctcim and wa.
ni’ ctctm indicates causality, and is best rendered by BECAUSE.
. ni'cteim sqa’k ri’wat/i . . . because there he frequently
came 68.4, 5
. ni'ctcim stas k/txa'ytin tz hite . . . because he made disap-
pear these people 18.8
. ni'ctcimin meq/ya' wax . . . because I intend to dance 72.12
. ni'ctimEns nam*t te’g . . . because you are my relative 21.5
wa is best rendered by ALTHOUGH, EVEN, IN SPITE OF. It may
refer to the sentence as a whole or to any of its parts. The complex
of ideas dependent upon wa’ is invariably introduced by the conjunc-
tion “4 (see § 125).
cuqwa'an hawa' yin, wa' ca'yate he passes it as roast, although
his penis [it was] (literally, roast he makes it) 90.13
ni'cteim sgak xi'wat/i, wa ya'tsa, because there he frequently
came every time (literally, because there he came frequently,
even for a long time) 68.4, 5
wa mi'k/a* tlaya’ “ reata” even on a bad place he runs 14.1
wa yikt ants hitsi’* “t ta’qnis hitd'ste although big (was) that
house, nevertheless full (it was of) people 25.2, 3
§ 128
Boas] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES—SIUSLAWAN 597
war gaz, “t xint in spite of (the fact that it was) night, (they) kept
on going 64,24
we te'g mi’'k/a 4 Utla’ytin s®as even (if it is) something bad still
she eats it 44.20
§$ 129. Exhortative Particles
qa expresses a polite command addressed to the first and third
persons. It is hence employed in the formation of the exhortative
mode. The verb usually occurs with exhortative suffixes (see §§ 41,
48, 63, 64), although instances of idiomatic expressions are not lacking
where these suffixes have been omitted (see § 139). This particle is
best rendered by LET (ME, HIM, US, etc.). :
gat gatc'nv’xmi let him go!
ge tax takwi'ni let them two seize (them)! 52.12, 13
gatn xaiL/vtsme hitsi let me fix his house!
gat wan a” sttiz let him sleep now! 27.8
teu serves to emphasize the imperative and exhortative modes.
It invariably follows the verb, which must occur in either of these two
forms. It can not betranslated easily. Im someinstances the inform-
ant rendered it by TRY TO.
gagi’ ‘nem tctt listen now!
tv’t/zmans tect let us (incl. dual) eat!
ga'txem tct cry!
a“ sem ict try to sleep!
tEma indicates a polite command addressed to any person.
The informant rendered it by 1r Is BETTER TO. ... Although it
usually followed verbs having imperative suffixes, I was able to ob-
tain examples showing the use of this particle in conjunction with
verbal expressions of a non-imperative character.
gua’ ‘nytiz tema: Laaya’tc better pour it into his mouth! 29.2
a“ sem tema‘ (you had) better sleep!
tema wa’ tix it is better (that) he should talk
akha'n is apparently a compound particle, whose component
elements can no longer be analyzed. It has an emphatic character,
implying that a certain command addressed to the second person must
be obeyed. It is best rendered by MUST, NECESSARILY.
ti’t/zm ak"ha’'n you must eat!
L/wa'nis ak*ha'n you must tell him!
L/vtis akha'n you must hit him!
§ 129
598 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 40
§ 130. Restrictive Particles
ata’s limits the action to only one object, and is to be rendered
by ONLY, MERELY. It usually follows the restricted object.
iga’qa'nx ata’s your wind only (is sick) 86.16, 17
palit ata's gatcik’ tea“tnr from (one) well only it is being drunk
(plural) 76.12
sqa’k wan ata's hawa" only there now it ends 29.7
stus ata's L/xit'yiin he only knows it 44.8
ha‘’tst has a restrictive function, and is best rendered by NoTHING
BUT.
higlaha’ ni ants xu'nha ha’tsi nothing but dentalia shells these
(people) bet 78.14
ha tsin ko’ tan yixa'yiin nothing but horses I saw
txt MERELY, ONLY, Just. It refers mostly to the verb, and may
either precede or follow it.
tai xyal’at’ sk’in qa’tc'nt just a little ways he went 12.1
txt ti’ tc#t ti’/ninez just Cougar (will be) thy name 13.5, 6
zawya" tat hicatca'sk’in he merely came out for a little while 64.8
ti't/em txt just eat! 40.26; 42.1
wv nizyat/ya tet he was only continually thinking 42.2
kumi’nte txt gititctinya’t hitc not for nothing a person gets a wife
(literally, not just a woman has [gets a] person) 74.1
§ 131. Miscellaneous Particles
kit', kumi’nte, No, not. These are two etymologically related
stems that are used as particles of negation. The final ¢e in kumi’ntc
is the adverbial suffix (see $§ 23, 94)
ki ct/lait he did not move 27.2, 3
kit ni’ctca ni’ etciitne nothing could be done to him 94.12, 13
kiiya’tsact/a’™ not long then . . . 7.7
kumi nte hi*’sa not good (it is) 12.2
kumi'nte titlaya't ants ko’tan not food had the horses 34.10
When followed by the subjective pronouns (see § 24), ku‘ is con-
tracted into kwi. This contraction is not based on any distinct phonetic
law, but is the result of rapidity of speech.
kwi' ya's ya'za4t mi’ck’la* not he saw their (dual) vulvas 90.3
kwine ya’ tsa s*a’ts*yax not they long (did) thus 11.3, 4
§§ 130-131
Boas] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES—SIUSLAWAN 599
In certain cases the negated verb takes, beside the negative particle,
the distinct suffix of negation -t/ (see § 53).
ha“, ha’ nik, Yks, ALL RIGHT, are used as particles of affirmation.
ha® yes, all right 21.8
ha’nik yes
ha® 1i’mqan te'ntiz all right, Pll come back right away 56.21, 22
ha® wa'nzan hate a'’tin yes, now we (excl.) shall ask her 74.12
nq@ serves as a particle of interrogation, and refers to the sentence
asa whole. Its phonetic similarity to the independent personal pro-
noun for the first person singular (see § 24) is merely accidental.
nictei'tcin tex nd wa'a's | wonder what shall I say? 74.7
pina’ na is he sick?
paikwa' wane na are you going to play shinny?
a“, hé, have an exclamatory character, and may be called inter-
jections.
a®, nictci’'te platn na waha'’ what! is he sick again?
hé, kumi'nte At’tsa ni’x%te Hey! it (does) not (look) well on you
13.5
ka’'tt, katv'xtt, an emphatic particle. It never occurs alone, being
always preceded by the negation ki’, kumi’ntc (see p. 598), and is
then best rendered by NoT aT ALL.
kumi'nte katt ca“ wit not at all he came out (from water) 64.7, 8
ki kati’xti t/ema* ants yatk“s he did not entirely kill that seal
64.12, 13
ku’ kati’ ett ca” wit not again he floated up 64.16, 17
mitnitc, a temporal particle indicating time in general. It is ren-
dered by WHEN, somEetIMES. The final ¢c is the adverbial suffix par
excellence (see § 23).
mintc L/aya’ some time
minte Lo°L Lv/utix (1) wonder when he will arrive
mi'ntc'ng tca'xatityax when did you go home?
tsan, ants, kit‘ nats. These three particlés are etymologically
related. The last one is composed of the particle of negation ku
not and of ndts. The forms ants and ndts resulted from the law of
consonantic metathesis (see §13); ants is easily confused with the
demonstrative pronoun of similar phonetic structure (see § 115).
§ 131
600 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 40
These particles serve to introduce conditional clauses, and are best ren-
dered by 1F, since. ki! ndts is rendered by 1F nor (see also § 136).
tsa'ntct ti’'ha s’nizyiin . . . if you want to buy her. . . 74.8
tsa’ nici sn'xyaxa"n, “ict hate’ a'ytn since you want her, (go and)
ask her 74.10, 11
yaaa hite tem*wa" sqa'k, ants ha‘qa’ ants hami'‘tci many people
assembled there, when (if) those whales come ashore 82.21, 22
. ants tkwa'myazx ants ing/a'a* when (ice) closed up that river
78.3
Whenever the subordinate clause is introduced by the negative ki
nats, the co-ordinate sentence that follows must be preceded by the
particle nats.
kit nats xa’ wateattne, “t nats ts’k/ya mi’k la t/a if he had not
been killed, it would have been a very bad country 29.7, 8
ku nats i’tiyax, “in nats nakwa'yatiti ha’ if he had not come, I
should have been sorry
nv'ctca, ni'ctca, nictx. These three forms are undoubtedly
etymologically related. Their primary function can not be easily de-
fined, owing to the fact that they are used for the purpose of ex-
pressing grammatical concepts of a varying character. The most
frequent uses made of these particles are those of an interrogative and
indefinite pronoun. ‘The function of an interrogative pronoun is
chiefly confined to the form ni’ctca when followed by the demon-
strative pronoun ¢z (see § 115), while it serves as an indefinite pronoun
whenever it is preceded by the negative particle ku‘, kumi’ntc nor.
ni’ctca is frequently amplified by means of the modal suffix -tte (see
§ 94). |
ni’ ctca k” ta cugwa’an te ha'kwat!/ya what may (be the reason that)
this roast here continually falls down? 90.12
nv’ cteans tane ya" 2a' gatz why do you (this one) cry (so) much?
94.16, 17 '
niv'ctcan tre nictea’'wax I doubt whether (we) shall accomplish any-
thing 60.9
ni ctcant tex zawa’in how can we kill him? 15.7
. niv'ctca tz tat. . . how this one was living 16.2
kit nit’ctca ni’ ctctitnr nothing could be done (to stop) him 94.12, 13
ki’ ni'ctca ga’tc’it not able to get a drink 76.11
kit‘ ni'ctea ta’kwit tit/aya’ she could not get food 96.16, 17
nictcv tc®tct tz tem“wa'tam . . . why you have been gathered 30.17
§ 131
-— .
Boas] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES—SIUSLAWAN 601
kumi'nte nictc’'te c/nxit he thinks of nothing (else) 60.20, 21
kumi'ntctta nictc'te ta’tet temi’uts not for nothing did I assem-
ble you (here) 30.18, 19,
nicte occurs in two instances only, and to all appearances has an
interrogative significance.
nv ctzan k¥ a'ntsin mat!V tz ki tct’ntt what may (be the reason that)
my elder brother here does not come back? 58.11, 12
nicte k® a’naxa’ how (would it be if) he were given up? 64.26
Ina great many cases ni’ctca and ni’ctea are used as verbs with a
significance that adapts itself to the sense of the sentence (see § 135).
The particles are then verbalized by means of some of the verbal
suffixes.
kit’ ni’ ctca ni’ ctctitne nothing could be done (to stop) him 94.12, 13
kit nit’ ctca teaitct'te ni’ ctcit not can anywhere (they) go 76.14
kumi'ntcxin ni’ ctcis not we two (excel.) will keep on going 56.2
ni ctean tex nictea’ wax I doubt whether (we) are going to do (any-
thing) 60.9
nv cteat ate si'ntxytin to fight mutually they two want (it) 52.2
In one instance the addition of a nominal suffix has transformed
né'ctea into a noun.
kumi’ ntc qwate L/au’'x"n ni’ ctcate ants ni’ ctcist no one knows what
happened to them (literally, how their arrival) 40.15, 16
§ 132. The Suffixed Particle -t (-a")
It indicates an action, transitive or intransitive, that is performed
near the speaker, and may be added to stems other than verbal. It
always stands in final position as a loose suffix. Since similar forma-
tive elements expressing other locative categories were not found in
Siuslaw, and in view of the fact that Alsea employs, besides this suffix,
many other suffixes denoting location of action, 1am inclined to believe
that this element represents a formative element borrowed from Alsea.
The Siuslaw render it by HERE, THIS way. A peculiar phonetic
law seems to be intimately connected with this particle. When follow-
ing the consonantic cluster nz, it causes the dropping of the z (see § 4).
The interchange between @ and a® has been discussed in § 2.
kas =to follow 92.7 k'was'yt'tsana® you will overtake
me 92.3
ga” ztin above 80.12 yt /a'te ga¥xtinw’ it broke ontop
94.4
§ 132
602 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 40
ga’ teintix he will come ga’ te'ntiza® natche will cometo me ©
zwi'L/zm come back! xwit/zma* come back this way!
Liu/unane they come (trans.) x1/dnana* tc’wa'ne they come
out from the water
zi’ntane they travel 88.20 xi'ntana" tt’mwa they travel this
way together
ya'quyt nang thou art seen = ya’ qu‘yti'nana* thou art seen here
gav'ha'n from afar 56.8 ga’ ha’ hana* ri’ he came from afar
sqa@'tem from there 34.3 sq@’tmant, tsit/a’t/a¥n I shoot at
him from there
§ 133: The Stem u!a’
The original function of this stem is that of a noun denoting PLACE,
COUNTRY, GROUND, WORLD, and it occurs in this function in a great
many instances. Its locative form is z/aya’ or t/ayti’s (see § 86).
mik/a t/a’™ a bad world 29.8
yak /isk’ini’ tlaya’ “t tiya’/’* on a small place they were living
38.19
mi testiin L/ayii'stc he made (them) fall to the ground 94.7, 8
In most cases, however, it is used with a significance which, while
intimately connected with its original meaning, seems to lend to it a
peculiar function. Thus it is employed in the formation of verbs
expressing meteorological phenomena, and serves as the (impersonal)
subject of such verbs.
hi’ntk/ya t/a’™ it rained 78.1
k/utwina” t/a’™ ice (appeared) all over 76.11
ga" vieyar te L/a’™ it got dark 34.4
na'qutyax L/a'™ it got cold 76.10, 11
hi” nyaz t/a’ it was dark (foggy) 34.8, 9
kumi’ nte wi’ Lit ants t/a’ there was no low tide 34.22
giinema” t/a’ (when) winter begins 78.5
From the Siuslaw point of view this application of 1/a’%‘ is perfectly
justifiable, because to his mind verbs expressing natural phenomena
represent real actions performed by the UNIVERSE as a personified sub-
ject. Consequently he renders our neutral phrases IT RAINS, etc., by
THE WORLD RAINS, etc., using the noun 1/a’% as the general subject of
the action.
As a further consequence of this general significance, z/a’™ is used
to denote plurality of subjects and objects, especially in cases where
the verb is used in its singular form (see §§ 78, 79, 139).
§ 133
Boas] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES—SIUSLAWAN 603
tlamel-mé t/a’™ all the children 34.6, 7
giutci’ni t/a’ many women 82.14
sexa™ te gaa’xam ants L/a’™ tug into the canoe were put many
things 34.5
metci'tc#te «wa/ka ants t/a’ one-sided their heads (of) those
(people) 70.5, 6
ya" rat xu'nha t/a'™ they bet a great deal 70.6
hig/aha” ni t/a’ many dentalia shells 70.6
ts’ k/ya mi'k!a wa’ nwits t/a’ very bad (things existed) long ago
14.7
stim Lla’™ ma'q/is there they keep on dancing 29.3
waa a"isma ants L/a'% hitc he said to all his people 7.1
pEku'" t/a’ they play shinny 9.4
Lioad'zatsme hite u/a’™ he sent all his people 30.1, 2
k/utwi'niin t/a’@ he made ice all over 94.2, 3
teit’a tin t/a’ he caused the wind to blow all over 94.5
This stem occurs also as a suffix. In such cases it is abbreviated
into -z/ (see § 77).
§ 184. Nouns and Verbs as Qualifiers
Siuslaw has no means of indicating by a grammatical device the
sex of a given noun; that is to say, it does not exhibit grammatical
gender. Hence, whenever it is desired to distinguish between the
male and the female of a Species, the nouns tzxmii’/nt MAN and
gvutct’nt WOMAN are used as qualifying a given appellative term.
The qualifying noun either precedes or follows the qualified term.
grutei'ni kwi'yos a female dog
tezmi'nt ko’tan a male horse, stallion
tsi'sqgan qvitcu'nt a female deer, doe
ta’kukyax hiti'te teemt/nya she took a male person 60.23
texmu’'nitc’ax ants t/ame k/iz they two had boys each (literally,
male their [dual] those infants each [are]) 40.19
Not infrequently verbs are used to qualify the actions implied
by another verbal stem. The qualifier has then the function of a
modal adverb, and its significance may best be compared to that of
our adverbs ending in -ty. The position of the qualifier is freely
movable.
“stoxu’x" awit/a’Lt! so down(-wardly) he came back (literally,
he slid down and came back) 12.6
§ 134
604 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 40
cawa" hite 4 kumi’nie tei’nit awi't/it (when) a person dies, (he
will) not come back (by way of) return(-ing) (literally, not
he comes back [and] returns) 42.11
mita’tc’ax ants tguti’ waa’ their (dual) father, that one, shout-
ed, saying (literally, shouted [and] said) 52.8
§ 185. Particles as Verbs
The frequent use of particles as verbs constitutes a characteristic
feature of Siuslaw that is chiefly due to the fact that the majority of
stems are neutral, deriving their nominal or verbal significance from
the nature of the suffix that is added to them (see § 22). Conse-
quently any particle (or adverb) may serve as a verb when occurring
with the proper verbalizing suffixes, mostly the pronominal and tem-
poral elements.
ha‘g shore (§ 119) ha’ giqyaz it was (coming) ashore
56.13
s®q’tsa thus (§ 121) yatsa s®a’ts*yax for a long time
thus they (did) 11.3, 4
ya” ca' many (§ 124) stimts ya'xtix there you two will
multiply 32.6
a’l‘da likewise (§ 125) al‘twa'wanz also you (come) 16.4
al titineg hitci” ste also you will
(have) fun 22.8
Yaz al'twa hiti’ste they two
again were among people 98.17,
18
wa, waha’ again (§ 126) “4 wan waha' han ga'mskte finally
again (said to him) his younger
brother 56.20, 21
wa tine m'qwa'Lemte wa'as you
will again (talk with) Crow’s
language 38.8, 9
tt’ yax- a while (§ 126) tiyaca'wacan asa'waz a little
while I intend (doing it), (namely
to) sleep 27.5, 6
nv’ ctca (§ 181) tanta” nictca” ants hite whatever
does a man 70.22
kumi'ntcxin ni'ctcis not we two
(excl.) will keep on (going) 56.2
§ 186. The Conditional Clause
The rendering of the conditional clause in Siuslaw is accomplished
in so many different ways, that it was thought best, for the sake of
§§ 135-136
Boas] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES—SIUSLAWAN 605
conciseness, to devote a separate section to this subject. The usual
procedure is to introduce a conditional clause by means of the tem-
poral adverb afs AT THAT TIME, WHEN (see § 120), or by means of
either of these three related particles: tsan, kit nats, ants (see § 131).
ats te‘g waxa'yexayim if something (will) be given to him 18.5
tsa'ntch ti ha si’/ntxytin if you (to) buy want her 74.8
ya 2a’ hite tem*wa" sqatk, ants hatqa” ants hami’‘tct many peo-
ple assemble there, when those whales come ashore 82.21, 22
kit nats 2a’watea"tne if he had not been killed 29.7
There are, however, other ways of expressing a conditional clause
that are resorted to more frequently than the process just mentioned.
Of these, the use of the past tense as conveying conditionality is of an
exceedingly frequent occurrence, and is due to the participial function
that is assigned by the Siuslaw to that tense (see § 74). In such cases
the conditional clause tends to precede the sentence expressing the
co-ordinate thought, although instances of a reversed order are by no
means rare. The verb of the co-ordinate clause takes usually (but not
as a rule) the durative suffix (see § 69).
tv'k!nxe ya'xyaxa'n hitc, 4=®nx L/wa’'nisiin if somewhere you see a
person, you will tell of it (literally, having seen . . . ) 88.12, 13
wa'si'syana taga’ na, “nex tsi’k/ya ga” xin wa'a's if you get mad
at anything, you very loud will always talk (literally, having
become mad. . . ) 36.11, 12
ti’ wayane ing!a'ite, “nx gni‘wi'wis whenever they came into a
river, they would find (literally, having come . . .) 66.21, 22
titna”’”’yatx, “t sFatsi’/te waa'ytin when they two came together,
then thus she said 46.7
ing!a'ite hite ta” yax, 4 ya” ra* sing! if in the ocean a man lives,
(very) much he is hungry 44.12, 13
tsv'k ya his atsi'te wat’'yax very good (it would have been) if thus
he had said 42.13
The conditional clause is also expressed by the use of the future
tense.
si n'ayt ne tslitna’te awa’ a", a” sttixax it was desired (that) with
an arrow he (should) be killed, if he should (be a) sleep(er) 24.1
tsi'k ya his t/a’meins tei'ntiiz very good (would it be) if our chil-
dren (dual incl.) should come back 42.6, 7
hawa'' tix tz tsi’i/t, “Ens tsit!a't#tuixz when finished will (be) these
arrows, then we two (incl.) will shoot 50.14
sv‘tine, “tnx gni’x%ts xni’’nistin when (if) you will grow up, then
you will do it 98.10
§ 136
606 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 40
The conditional clause may also be expressed by the verb in its
present tense.
sVn'ayane titlaya’, “inex nate Li’ wis if you want food, then you will
always come to me 44.6
tag cawa"” pi''tsis, “4 stas t't/a’yin ha’ qyax if something dies in
the ocean, he eats it (it) having come ashore 44.19, 20
wita” Lia’% “4 ha’qmas tei’wa «i’ntme when the water is low,
alongside of the beach he travels 46.16
tein hitst’ste ants qwo' taxa", atsi'te waa'yiitsme qi’iite vrhen he gets
home, that Beaver, thus he says to his wife 48.17
§ 137. VOCABULARY
All Siuslaw words may be divided into two distinct classes, those of
a denominating character and neutral stems. To the former belong
all nouns of relationship, terms denoting parts of the body, animal
names, words expressing natural objects, etc. These nouns never con-
sist of more than three syllables. By far the greater part of the
vocabulary consists of neutral stems, whose nominal or verbal function
depends solely upon the sense in which they are used ina sentence and
upon the functional value of the suffix with which they occur (see § 22),
These stems are mostly monosyllabic, and consist of a vowel and con-
sonant, of a consonant or consonantie cluster followed by a vowel, or
(in most cases) of a consonant vowel and consonant.
a%s- to sleep 24.1 aq- to take off 13.1
anaz- to give up 16.8 a‘g- to leave
aq- to go away 52.10 a'tc- to trade 36.4
it /- to break 94.4
wa- to speak 7.1 qaa- to enter 34.5
ta'- to sit, to live 16.2 xau- to die 16.8
st'- to grow 98.10 tk /a- to open (one’s mouth) 28.2
mezq/- to dance 19.2 xintm- to travel 12.10
aat/- to do, to make 50.8 tgid- to shout 52.8
yax- to see 20.10 cil‘x- to shake 27.2
winx- to be afraid 17.6 t/wan- to tell 17.1
gatcEn- to go 8.2
As examples of bisyllabic stems, the following may be given:
wast's- to be angry 36.11, 12 tzmd@- to assemble 7.3
gaqu'n- to listen k/a'ta"- to be tired 36.21
sinai- to desire 11.7 xil‘act- to work 48.10
ha'nEnit/- to believe 46.3
§ 137
Boas] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES—SIUSLAWAN 607
Onomatopoetic expressions are exceedingly rare, being confined to
three anima] names and one verbal stem.
mv'temite grouse (probably called so from its ery mét-mit)
pipuhi'nik! owl
qo'qoq swan (white)
xun- to snore “t wan xu“n now he snores 27.9
A few terms appear in a reduplicated form (see § 109).
§ 188. STRUCTURE OF SENTENCES
The absence of nominal incorporation and polysynthesis as gram-
matical devices renders the Siuslaw sentence subject to easy analysis,
and prevents the many complications that are met with in many other
American languages. Each part of the sentence—such as subject,
nominal object, predicate, and attribute—is expressed by means of a
phonetically independent word. The successive order in which these
parts of a sentence are arranged is arbitrary and exempt from any
well-defined rules. The subject may be placed at the beginning or at
the end of the sentence, usage favoring its occurrence at the very end,
especially in cases where the sentence contains a nominal subject and
object.
tk lanwk" “4 maq!/a'te ha’ gmas tiya’wa Screech-Owl was continu-
ally dancing alongside of the fire 86.2, 3
th/an“wa'k" wi’nxa"n ants peni’s Screech-Owl fears that Skunk
86.5
tsv'k/ya wi'nava"n ants penis tk/an"wa'k" very much is afraid of
that Skunk, Screech-Owl 86.3
pited’ yaa tgatiwiyt's ants qidtct’nt they two go over logs, these
women 88.15, 16
Nominal objects may either precede or follow the subject of the
sentence.
hina'’in ants ptna'st tk/an“wa’k" she intends to take along that
sick man, Screech-Owl 88.1, 2
waa'a'n sqima’ ants tq!al-o'’ma said Pelican to that Sea-Gull 44.17
Of a similar free position are those parts of the sentence that
express adverbial ideas. They may precede or follow the verb.
“tax tev’ wate hakwa’a’ they two into the water will be thrown
88.7, 8
wa'tint ga’ winte tgatiwiyi’ ste he climbs up on a tree 12.4
yak iskind’ tlayd “ tiyi’”* on a small place they live 38.19
tkwa'yiinane k“ t?’i’a* srxa” you may get salmon in the boat 48.18
§ 138
608 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY | [BULL. 40 |
a {
#
;
Nominal and adverbial attributive complements may precede or fol-
low the noun or verb, excepting the demonstrative pronouns ants, tz
(see § 115), which are usually placed immediately before the noun.
Owing to the fact that all adjectives are intransitive verbs, they seldom
refer to the noun, and are freely movable.
ya" xa hite ptna'te ha’ many people were sorry 15.4
yiaa' yin hite yaVaa' he saw many people
wi'naxa'n tsi’klya te peni’s she was very much afraid of Skunk 86.1
tsk yaa wat’ si’n*xytin very much they two wanted him to die
86.19
yuwa' yin ya" xa’ ants ¢/a't they collected lots of that pitch 88.5, 6
Laeayaxa" né ants peni’s that other skunk 86.18, 19
yikt ants hitsi’* big (is) that house 25.2
hi'tc®te nictcima’mu tz t/t a person’s fashion (has) this Bear 60.26
The same freedom of order as is exhibited by the different parts of
the sentence is found in the relative position of coordinate and subordi-
nate sentences. Subordinate clauses are usually introduced by parti-
cles, and they may precede or follow the principal clause.
we tet’wa matte ants tga ti, “4 miltca” although in the water lay
those logs, still (they) burned 32.22
ni'ctcim sqavk xi’wat!/i, wa yd’tsa because there he came fre-
quently, even for a long time 68.4, 5
ya" xa’ hitc,4t tem’wa"” sqak, ants ha'ga" ants hami'tct many
people assemble there, when those whales come ashore 82.21, 22
te'g cawa’ pi'‘tsts, “% stas ttla’ytin ha’ qyaw when something
dies in the ocean, he eats it after it has come ashore 44.19, 20
§ 1389. IDIOMATIC EXPRESSIONS
Here belongs in first place the manner of expressing comparison of
adjectives. The comparative degree is expressed by using the objective
form of the pronoun (or noun) for the compared object, which is in-
variably placed at the end of the sentence. In some cases the idea of
comparison is brought out more forcibly by the adverb pazti'te AHEAD,
FirsT, following or preceding the object.
s®a, his natc he is better than I (am)
na han hi’sa ni’x*tc I am better than you (are)
yikti’l-mén s*a'na pxti’te I am taller than he (is)
yikt s*a pxti’te na’tc2nt he is taller than we (are)
§ 139
BoAS] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES—SIUSLAWAN 609
The superlative is expressed in the same manner, although the aug-
mentative or diminutive suffixes (see §§ 83, 84) or the suffix -ainté (see
§ 102) are preferably used to indicate the superlative degree.
Una? s8a na’tc=nxan he is (the) richest of us all
s*a yak /i sk’in teemtt’nt he is the smallest man
na’ han yikti’'l-mé Lam the tallest
s*a yikti'ni that biggest one
tt yak/a’ni that smallest one 88,12
A very important example of idiomatic phraseology is the (collo-
quial) use of the singular number for the plural. It will be remem-
bered that Siuslaw has only two suffixes expressing plurality, neither of
which is used consistently (see §§ 79, 80). In many cases the adverb
ya” zat MUCH, MANY (see § 121), the numeral particle Aa’ mit au (see
§ 124) or the stem z/a’™ PLACE, WORLD (see § 133), is employed for the
purpose of denoting plural subjects and objects, and, while these stems
are at times used in conjunction with one of the plural suffixes, they
more frequently express plurality without the aid of these suffixes;
that is to say, the verb is more often used in the singular form.
ya’ xa L/a'™ hite yiaa'ytin he saw many people 70.2
ya" xa’ hitc pina’tz ha’ many people were sorry 15.4
ha’mit ... tkwa” all get it 82.6
ta” qat skwaha te xwaki’ ants t/a’ feathers have on their heads
those people 10.9
Very often, however, the singular number has a plural function,
even without the aid of any of these particles, as may be seen from the
following examples:
sFa'tsa tt la” tz ta” yax thus eat those who lived here 82.12
ut tga” wite taya” they lived up stream 82.12, 13
“4 tem”wa” sqa'k they assemble there 82.21, 22
ai’ nate ya’ xa" ants yatk"s three were the seals (literally, three his
number, that seal) 62.16, 17
za’ts/% hite iuqa” two people dig 84.2
si'n'zytin tq/a’nt they wanted (to buy) hides 100.15
hig!aha” ni ants zu'nha' ha‘’ist nothing but dentalia shells these
(people) bet 78.14
Another peculiar idiomatic expression is found in the manner of
expressing an act performed by two subjects, both of whom are men-
tioned. This is usually done by adding the subjective pronoun for
§ 139
3045°—Bull. 40, pt 2—12 39
610 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 40
the third person dual -a%x (see § 24) to one of the subjects, using the
other in its absolutive form. The noun taking the pronominal suffix
occurs invariably in its discriminative form (see § 111). It is not abso-
lutely necessary that these two subjects should follow each other in
immediate succession.
sFa'tsate nictcima’mt& te sqima’ wa'nwits tglal-oa’ma%sz thus was
long ago the custom of pelican and sea-gull (literally, thus his
custom, [of] this pelican long ago, [of] sea-gull, [of] them two)
48.4, 5
qwo' tzu’ tsimil-a’wae ta’ beaver and muskrat lived 48.6
sFats’tc’an hatk! ma'q't.te uma’'tv’ax thus is told the story of
Crow and Thunder (literally, thus their two, story, Crow [of]
this [and] this Thunder [of them two] 38.18
grite’ lima ttek°wa' ntc’az tat tt’mwa an old woman and her grand-
child lived together (literally, old woman, her grandchild, they
two, lived together) 96.15
“atx stim ga'teast ants taxmt’nt qayi'tcic’ax they two there
commenced to cry that man and his wife (literally, they two,
there, commenced to cry, that man, his wife, they two) 58.17, 18
taa“yara” nt ants pEeni’s tsvklya"a caw’ st'ntzytin ants ptnast (he
and) that other skunk very much they two wanted (that) that
sick man (should) die 86.18, 19
An idiomatic expression of irregular occurrence is the formation of
the imperative mode of a verb that is preceded by the stem hau- To
stop. Such a phrase consists of the imperative form of the verb ro
stop followed by the demonstrative pronoun s#a, and of the past tense
of the verbal stem that expresses the prohibited action.
ha'im s*anx ga’tryax quit crying! (literally, stop, this one you
[who] has been crying)
ha’im s®anz tsi'L/yax stop shooting!
ha’'im s®anx ga’ Layax stop counting!
The verb expressing the prohibited action may sometimes occur
without the suffix for the past tense.
ha'iimatcd s®a’tct waana’wa stop talking to one another!
ha'im sanz Cat'ytin tz ko’tan stop scaring these horses!
As the last instance of idiomatic phraseology may be mentioned the
use of the durative as a negative imperative, a use that has been fully
discussed in §§ 40, 60, and 61.
§ 139
BOAS] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES—SIUSLAWAN 611
TEXTS
Tue DratH or GrizzLy BEAR!
Wa’nwits.? Tsi’k!ya? mi’k!a wa'nwits? wila’i.4 Kilexa’® Llaya’?
Long ago. Very bad long ago world. Each on place on
uy? sFait? Lia/!.4 S®a'tsa® hi’q!aq!vax® wa’nwits.? Miya’k!a’® hiya’tc!
then such world. Thus it had started long ago. Bad person
Fila’yun.2 Swai® . Ftla’yin’ . hite. tla’@* wa’nwits.? ,.Hitc
devoured him. Grizzly devoured people many long ago. Person
Soom gatcnaly >) "1 sas ulematyus” “L,.., ditifyas."
to hunt goes, then he would kill him and would deyour
him.
een xa bite pina’ix” ha’ s*a’na.7) “L temi’tx” hitcu’.*
Many persons sorry their hearts for that. Then assemble (pl.) people.
eva = 6xania’Gdix.” Tsim” | xawaa".” A‘tsa* “Ft. wan?
Desire (pl.) be fixed his Always killed That’s why now
(disposition). shall be.
team tx? | hitea’rts? © Hy waa’ tx % mayors? “ta © nla
assemble (pl.) people. Then say continually chiefs (of) this region.
“Pla’ntxan™. ha! tsi’k!ya.° Ni'ctcani® tmex®* xawa’in?*? = 4
‘‘Sorry our hearts very. How we doubt kill him? For
1See Leo J. Frachtenberg, Lower Umpqua Texts, Columbia University Contributions to Anthro-
pology, Vol. IV, pp. 15 et seg.
2 Temporal adverb (§ 120).
3 Modal adverb (§ 121).
4 See § 133.
5 klix EACH, EVERY (§§ 124, 2); -@ local suffix of rest (§ 91).
6 rJa/at particle (§ 133); -a locative case (§§ 86, 8).
7 Conjunction (§ 125).
8 Demonstrative pronoun (§ 115).
9 hiq!- TO START, TO COMMENCE (§ 108); -yax past tense (§ 74).
10 Discriminative form of mi’k/a (§ 111).
11 Discriminative form of hitc PERSON (§ 111).
12 {it/- TO EAT (§ 12); -at verbalizing (§ 75); -an direct object of third person (§§ 28, 8).
13 Discriminative form of swat GRIZZLY BEAR (§ 111).
14 Transposed from patna’ (§ 14); paLtn- TO HUNT; -ai verbalizing (§ 75).
15 gatcn- TO GO, TO START; -a@? verbalizing (§§ 75, 136).
16 Demonstrative pronoun (§ 115).
7 yJemai- TO KILL; -at verbalizing (§§ 75, 9, 2); -as durative (§§ 69, 8).
18 {7t/- TO EAT; -at verbalizing (§§ 75, 2); -as durative (§§ 69, 8).
19 Modal adverb (§ 121).
20 pln- TO BE SICK; -aitx suffix indicating that object forms an inseparable part of the subject (§ 33).
21 Demonstrative pronoun (§115).
22 {Emt- TO ASSEMBLE; -tz plural (§ 80).
23 hitc PERSON; -&u plural (§ 79).
24 sinai- TO WANT, TO DESIRE; -tu plural (§§ 79, 8)
25 gaL!- TO MAKE, TO FIX; -aitz passive (§ 39).
26 Temporal adverb (§ 120).
27 zaui- TO DIE; -aau future passive (§§ 56, 8).
38 Modal adverb (§ 121); a/tsa uf FOR THAT REASON (§ 125).
29 Temporal particle (§ 126).
30 hitc PERSON; -w%wt plural (§ 79).
31 wad- TO SPEAK; -aitz frequentative (§§ 68, 9).
32 mad/tt CHIEF (§ 98); -au plural (§§ 79, 8).
33 Demonstrative pronoun (§ 115).
%¢ Abbreviated; for pla/ntzanxan; pin- To BE SICK (§ 112); -tz suffix indicating that object forms an
inseparable part of the subject (§ 33); -nzan exclusive plural (§§ 24, 4).
35 né’/ctca particle (§ 181); -n# inclusive plural (§ 24).
*6 Particle (§ 127).
37 zau- TO DIE (§ 112); -wn direct object of third person (§ 28).
612 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [puun. 40
kumi nte%8 xa/wil*®® tsi !i’te.*° A’tsan*!’ "hn* kuminte™
not he die not arrow through. Thus [ sol not
si’/nixyin® tein!i’te* Lixmaya’a".”@ ““f wan”) waa'tx® hiteq
want it arrow with killed he shall be.’”” Then finally say (pl.) people,
klink*ya’at** ni’ctcea” tu tal.® Sta/tsa® tinea’. "i. wee
it will be gone how this lives. Thus he will be Then now
and seen invited.
qa’tentx’® klink’t’a’*o! of wan™. wiin!wa'’xam.” "11g ae
go (pl.) searchers. Then now he is approached. He got there.
“K laha’yti‘nanx™ al‘twa’wanx® hitci'’stc®® tlaya’tc.”*7 Kumi’ntc®
“Tnvited art thou, also about thou fun to place to.” Not
a’mhatc® hai. + tca’xat®® “t ten ants® hitc. “t s®atsi’te™
willing his mind, So goesback and goeshome _ that man. And thus
L!wa’n. ‘Kumi/ntc®® a’mhatc® hal.” S®atsi’tc® wiwa8n® ants
relates. “Not willing his mind.” Thus relates that
hite. . Yaxai!®. hutea’*® , tla’!*, ants . tem!) Oh pea
man, Much fun they (of) that assembly. Then is told
ants® "8° ga’tcintix.” ‘‘Kumi’ntcini® ana’xyin.® Ats”
that who go will. “Not we give it up will. When
wa otux inl? ada yoni oA ter te? Lioni txa® nm.
he die will, then we giveit up will.” Thus it is repeatedly said.
38 Particle of negation (§ 131).
39 gau- TO DIE; -22 negative (§§ 53, 8).
40 tsi/L/7 ARROW (§ 98); -2tc adverbial (§§ 94, 9, 12).
41 q/tsa THUS (§ 121); -n Ist person singular (§ 24).
42 uk THEN (§ 125); -n 1st person singular (§ 24). a/tsan uln FOR THAT REASON I (§ 125). Singular in-
stead of plural (§ 139). Should have been a/tsanzan ulznxan.
43 sinxi- TO DESIRE (§ 4); -an direct object of third person (§§ 24, 28, 8).
44 L./xmat- TO KILL; -aauv future passive (§§ 56, 8).
45 wad- TO SAY; -tx plural (§ 80).
48 k/ink'7- TO GO AND LOOK; -aau future passive (§§ 56, 8).
47 Particle (§ 131).
48 {-(?) TO LIVE, TO RESIDE; -ai verbalizing (§ 75).
49 tii'n- TO INVITE; -aau future passive (§ 56).
50 gatcn- TO START, TO GO (§ 4); -tx plural (§ 80).
51 k/ink‘t- TO GO AND LOOK; -?’awi nominal (§ 99).
52 L7a%- TO COME, TO APPROACH (§§ 107, 112); -zum present passive (§§ 55).
53 L7i1- TO ARRIVE, TO COME; -an direct object of third person (§§ 28 10).
54 k/a‘- TO INVITE; -a? verbalizing (§§ 75, 3); -i'nz passive (§§ 58, 8); -na 2d person singular (§§ 24, 4).
55 Contracted; for aliwa/waxanx(§ 9); a/l-d&% LIKEWISE (§§ 125,185); -awaxz intentional (§§ 70, 8); -na
2d person singular (§§ 24, 4).
6 hiitcdé’u FUN (§ 97); -ds locative case (§§ 86, 9); -tc local (§ 90).
57 1. /a/ai GROUND (§ 138); -a locative case (§§ 86, 8); -éc local (§ 90).
58 a/mha WILLING; -tc possessive 3d person singular (§ 88).
59 tcaxti- TO TURN BACK; -t present (§§ 72, 2
6 Demonstrative pronoun (§ 115).
61 sEq/tsa THUS (§ 121): -ite modal (§§ 94, 9).
62 L/0n- TO RELATE (§ 112).
6 hiitc- TO PLAY; -%u nominal (§ 97).
6 temil- TO ASSEMBLE; -i%”? nominal (§§ 97, 9).
6 qwad- TO SPEAK, TO SAY; -zam present passive (§ 55).
66 Demonstrative pronoun (§ 115).
6&7 gatcn- TO GO (§ 4); -tu@x future (§ 73).
68 kwmi/nte NOT (§ 131); -né inclusive plural (§§ 24, 4).
© anz- TO GIVE UP; -yin exhortative with direct object of third person (§§ 41, 112).
70 Temporal adverb (§ 120).
11 wau- TO DIE; -tiéx future (§ 73).
72 uk THEN (§ 125); -nz inclusive plural (§§ 24, 4).
73 q/tsa THUS (§ 121): -iée modal (§§ 94, 9).
74 L/0n- TO TELL, TO SAY; -2txz frequentative (§ 68); -a@‘nz passive (§ 58).
BOAS] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES—SIUSLAWAN 613
ut wan” Lidxa’xam™ waa’xam® ants® hitc. Stkwi’tc” tsing!t”
Then finally is sent is told that man. Very poor
ants® hite L!oxa’xam.” ‘“Hi'’sanx™ L!wa/nistin.”? Kwinx®? nictci’te®!
that man who is sent. “Well thou shalt tell him. Not thou what-like
L!wa/nisin” mi’kla‘na.® Liwa’nistinanx® s"atsi’tc,4 ‘Si’n"xyit-
shalt tell him bad-ly. Shalt tell him thou thus, ‘Desire
sanxan™ r1i'itix® tit’ts.** Tsi’k!yanxan®™ si’n'xyiin* hiitca’a’.’®
we-thee come shall here. Very we want it fun shall be
(had).’
Atsi’te®nx®® L!wa/nisin.”® Kwinx®® L!wa/nistin?’® mi’k!a‘na.®?
Thus thou shalt tell him. Not thou shalt tell him bad-ly.
Ya" xaitc® ha}, tsi’k!ya® mi’k!a.” t wan” ga’tcint™ ants*®
Much his mind, very bad.” So finally starts that
bite. . Winx’ tsi’k!ya.*)) “ulewa’xan™, ta’kin™, id’.” tb. wan”
man. He fears very. “Messenger I this I come.’ Then now
wilwai’.™ “‘Nictci’tcanx® wa*yaxa"ts® ants® Li’iyax?”’"—
he assents. “What-like thee told he-thee that (who) came ?7’?—
“Kumi’ntc® nictci’tc® wa’/ait.© Txtin® xidna’yitne’™ s*atsi’te:%
“Not what-like he said. Just I am told thus:
‘klaha/yi‘nin.”** Atsi’tcin'? Llona’yits.1° ‘Tsi’k!yanx’!™ sf’nixytin®
‘invited am I.’ Thus me he tells he-me. ‘Very they want it
% L/0x- TO SEND; -ram present passive (§§ 55, 4).
76 Modal adverb (§§ 121, 94).
7 tsing!- TO BE POOR; -t nominal (§ 104).
78 htis GOOD; -a modal (§ 96); -nz 2d person singular (§ 24).
79 ./6n- TO TELL (§ 112); -is durative (§ 69); -in direct object of third person (§ 28).
80 kg%i NOT (§ 181); -nw 2d person singular (§ 24).
81 ni/ctca WHAT ($181); -2tc modal (§§ 94, 9).
8 mi’/k/a BAD (§ 96): -‘na modal (§ 94).
83 7./On- TO TELL (§ 112); -7s durative (§ 69); -ain direct object of third person (§ 28); -nx 2d person
singular (§§ 24, 4).
8 sinzi- TO DESIRE; -Utsanxan direct object of first and second persons WE-THEE (§§ 29,8, and
Table, p. 473).
& Liu- TO COME; -ti&x future (§ 78).
8 Local adverb (§ 119).
87 tsi/k/ya VERY (§ 121); -nxan exclusive plural (§ 24).
88 hiitc- TO PLAY, TO HAVE FUN; -aau future passive (§ 56).
89 atst/te THUS (§§ 121, 94); -ra# 2nd person singular (§§ 24, 4).
90 yqa/xat MUCH (§ 121); -tc possessive 3rd person singular (§ 88).
91 gatcn- TO START (§ 4); -t present (§ 72).
92 Contracted; for L/o’waxaxan (§ 24); L/6x- TO SEND (§ 112); -axnominal (§ 101); -n 1st person singular
($§ 24, 4).
93 {aak THIS (§ 115); -n Ist person singular (§§ 24, 4).
% wilt- TO AFFIRM, TO AGREE, TO ASSENT; -at verbalizing (§§ 75, 8).
% ni/clca WHAT (§ 181); -itc modal (§§ 94, 9); -nx 2nd person singular (§§ 24, 4).
% wad- TO SAY; -yax past (§ 74); -aits direct object of first and second persons (§ 29).
97 Lizi- TO COME; -yax past (§ 74).
98 wad- TO SAY; -att negative (§§ 53, 9).
%9 tzu JUST (§ 130); -m 1st person singular (§ 24).
100 7,/6n- TO TELL; -a? verbalizing (§ 75); -utnz passive (§§ 58, 8).
101 k/a‘- TO INVITE; -at verbalizing (§§ 75, 3); -ti‘nz passive (§§ 58, 8); -m Ist person singular (§ 24).
102 ats2/tc THUS (§§ 121, 94); -n 1st person singular (§§ 24, 4).
103 /@n- TO TELL; -ai verbalizing (§ 75); -aits direct object of first person and second persons (§§ 29, 8,
and Table, p. 480).
104 ¢s7/k/ya VERY (§ 121); -na 3d person plural (§ 24).
614 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 40
Liwa’wax.! §¥atsi’tcin?® w!owa’x!” ta’kin® wxia’.’” S#¥atsi’te™
intend to come Thus I messenger this I come.’”’ Thus
(thou).
waal’.°8 TT n/gin?® = =waxat’mE? ta’kin® = klaha’yi‘ne?”24—
he says. “Something I be given this I (who) am invited ?’’—
“Kumin’ntc® nictci’tc®! wa*a"tne.4? Txt! wan? hiuten’™!
“Not anything is said. Just nOW have fun
Lla/4,4 S*a’tsa® tanx’ si’n*xyitnn™® Li’itax.”*—. “S*atsitemx
many. Thus this thou art wanted come shall,’”’? — “Thus thou
L!wa/nis,¥® ‘Sfnxit™® tiqai’na.’° Ats” tq! waxa’ymxayim,™! 4"
shalt tell, ‘He wants something. When something be given to him, then
wane? >) Li titix’® (S*atsi’ te*nx?: Swaa’yiits.”2
finally he come will.’ Thus thee tells he-thee.”’
“by s"atsr’te™ waa’ ants™ \a'q* hite.’ ‘xa " Styar sais
Then thus Bays that one man. «Just much his
hat, S*atsi’te™ si’nixya,* ni/cteim™* s"ist® kl'xa’yon?? Ge
mind. Thus he desires, because he kills these
hite. A’tsa"t?? ya?/xaitc® hal.” Atsi’tc™ waa’ ants® “hite.
people. That's why much his mind.” Thus says that man.
Atsi’tc? waa’xam,® ‘Mxq!éina’a".27 Hiya’iltx?® ha’, Tsi’klya®
“Thus he is told, ‘It will be danced Changed his mind. Very
for him. (will be)
planya”’tlyun’® hate. S¥atsi/tc™ waal’.'®. ‘Ate’ opm
sorry qoutinually for mind his.’ Thus he says. ‘When something
im
wa xyaxa’mn) "] LY atix.” © (S"ater’ tein wa" amie
be given to him, then hecome will.’ Thus me tells he-me.”’
1% 777- TO COME; -awaz intentional (§§ 70, 8).
106 sEqts7/te THUS (§§ 121, 94); -n 1st person singular ($§ 24, 4).
107 Contracted; for L/owa’xax (§ 24); L/6x- TO SEND (§ 112); -az nominal (§ 101).
108 waa- TO SAY; -at verbalizing (§§ 75, 9).
109 ¢z‘q pronominal particle (§ 123); -7 1st person singular (§§ 24, 4).
110 wax- TO GIVE; -@umz passive (§ 38).
lll k/a‘- TO INVITE (§ 8); -at verbalizing (§ 75); -u‘nz passive (§§ 58, 8).
112 waa- TO SAY; -autnz passive (§ 58).
113 Restrictive particle (§ 180).
114 hiitc- TO HAVE FUN; -av plural (§ 79).
115 {g@ak THIS (§ 115); -nx 2d person singular (§§ 24, 16).
116 sinaz- TO DESIRE; -Utne passive (§§ 58, 8).
U7 sEqtsi/te THUS (§§ 121, 94); -nx 2d person singular (§§ 24, 4).
118 7,/6n- TO RELATE (§ 112); -is durative (§ 65).
119 s3n27- TO DESIRE; -a? verbalizing (§§ 75, 2); -t present (§ 72).
120 Pronominal particle (§ 123).
121 Mis-heard for w@/xyaxaimE; waix- TO GIVE; -yax past denoting conditionality (§§ 74, 136); -atmz
passive (§ 35).
122 wag- TO SAY; -at verbalizing (§§ 75, 9); -as direct object of first and second persons (§ 29, Table,
p. 466, § 8).
123 Numeral (§ 116).
124 sinai- TO DESIRE (§§ 112, 8).
125 Particle (§ 128).
126 k/ig- TO DISAPPEAR; -ai verbalizing (§ 75); -din direct object of third person (§§ 28, 8).
127 maq!- TO DANCE; -7n verbal (§§ 8], 2); -aaw passive (§ 56).
128 hiiya- TO CHANGE; -tltz passive (§ 39).
129 Contracted; for planyaiya’t/yin; pln- TO BE SORRY (§ 112); -at verbalizing (§§ 75, 8); -at/7 frequem-
tative (§ 68); -an direct object of third person (§§ 28, 8).
130 hai- MIND, HEART (§ 98); -ic possessive 8d person singular (§§ 88, 139).
131 waa- TO GIVE; -ya% past denoting conditionality (§§ 74, 135), -aumz passive (§ 38).
132 qyaa- TO SAY; -aiits direct object of first and second persons (§ 29 and Table, p. 480).
BOAS] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES—SIUSLAWAN 615
uf wan” ga’teint™ ants® hite waha’.* “S*atsi’tc*nx?”
Then now starts that man again. *‘Thus thou
wa/aistin.'** ‘Waxa’yimanx!® qani’nal.’ Atsi’tc"nx® L!dna’yiin.'*
shalt tell him. ‘Is given to thee knife.’ Thus thou tell him.
fa maanx*” qga’tcintix,” ,. klaha'yi' nanx.™ .. Hated’ . .i!a/a4
‘Quick thou start shalt, invited art thou. Play many
ya” xai.? Si’nixyi‘nanx™® i’itix.’® Atsi’tce*nx® L!dna’yin.”
much, Wanted art thou come shall.’ Thus thou tell him.”’
Ci’n'xyatilya’® ants® hite Lidxa’a".° ‘*Qna’han™! waa’yiin.'”
Thinks continually that man (who) sent will be. ook say to him.
Rianyun « gqna/han™,. nictci‘tc™..waayun,’ “dL, bi’nak li
Know it I what-like say to him, and right away
Beacntox. 7? “h.. wan? . ga’te"nt". ants®. dite... ‘Qnathan™
he start will.” Then now goes that mean. oc
maavun, 2, 4. hijnak!" ga’tc®ntax.77%
say to him, and Tight away he start will.”
Atsite™. ci/nixyat!ya*® ants® hitc. “L xint “ft Lit’. Lii’in.™
Thus thinks continually that man. So he goes and arrives. He comes to him.
‘lowa’xan™ ta’kin® Lid’. Tsi’k!yanx’® si/nixyi'nn™® Liwa’wax.'!®
‘‘ Messenger I this I come. Very thou art wanted intend to come.
meye teecalati! ot smii't"tix's ants ula’ * . hutca.©
Pretty soon then end will that big fun.
Atsitcin’? ...waa’yitnn.. Na’m*linx*® tug.” . Nictci’tcanx™
Thus I am told. Mine thou relative. What manner thou
fanx*., ki!?5* a’mbati#? .ha!?? .Atsiie™ . waa’a"n =. “Yar-
this thou not willing (thy) mind?” Thus he says to him. “Much
xaitxan' ha‘. S®a/tsan™ te? kumi’ntc®® a’mha'ti# hal. Txin®
(thinkin my) mind. Thus I this not willing (my) -mind. Just I
133 Temporal particle (§ 126).
134 waa- TO SAY; -ais durative (§§ 69, 9); -ain direct object of third person (§ 28).
135 qwax- TO GIVE; -ai verbalizing (§ 75); -tmz passive (§§ 38, 8); -nxz 2d person singular (§ 24).
136 1/6n- TO RELATE; -ai verbalizing (§ 75); -ain direct object of third person (§§ 28, 8).
137 11/mqa RIGHT AWAY (§§ 120, 96); -na 2d person singular (§ 24).
138 sinzi- TO DESIRE; -&'nE passive (§§ 58, 8); -nx 2d person singular (§ 24).
139 cinxi- TO THINE (§ 4); -at/t frequentative (§§ 68, 8, 7).
140 7./0x- TOSEND; -aqu future passive (§ 56).
- M41 g- discriminative (§ 21); na’/han personal pronoun Ist singular (§ 118).
142 wad- TO SAY; -ai verbalizing (§ 75); -tin direct object of third person (§§ 28, 8).
143 7,/~u- TO KNOW; -ii verbalizing (§§ 76, 9); -un direct object of third person (§§ 28, 8).
144 Temporal adverb (§ 120).
145 tsi/k/ya VERY (§§ 121, 96); -na 2d person singular (§ 24).
146 sinxi- TO DESIRE (§ 4); -a'nz passive (§§ 58, 8).
147 Temporal adverb (§ 120).
148 smit’- TO END, TO FINISH; -tiix future (§§ 73, 4).
149 waa- TO SAY; -ai verbalizing (§ 75); -dtnz passive (§§ 58, 8).
150 Contracted; for na/mElinEnx (§ 15); n& I (§ 113);-zml relative (§§ 87, 9); -in possessive Ist singular
(§ 88); -na 2d person singular (§§ 24, 4).
151 Particle of negation (§ 131).
152 q/mha WILLING; -ait? possessive (§§ 88, 9).
153 waa- TO SAY; -aun direct object of third person (§ 28).
154 y@a’/xai MUCH (§ 121); -tw suffix indicating that object forms an inseparable part of the subject
(§ 83), -m 1st person singular (§§ 24, 4).
155 s£q/tsa THUS (§ 121); -n 1st person singular (§ 24).
616 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 40
k'na* xa/wa!” si/nixyitne."® S*a’tsan'®® "In'® ya’xaiti®® hal.”—
perhaps to die am wanted. Thus I and I much (think mind.”’—
in my)
‘“Kumi'nte™® s®atsi’tc, txitinx?® ya’xa'®™ si’n'xyitnn."® S*a’tsanx’”
“Not thus, just thou to see art wanted. Thus thou
te klaha/yi‘ne." Txinx’ wan” hi’sa’® hawa’yime’ hai.
this art invited. Just thee now well (towards) it is made mind.
TE’‘q?nx'!® waxa’me."° S*a’tsanx’? te klaha’yi'ne.™* Na’m*-
Something thee it is given. Thus thou this art invited. Mine
jinx °° “Eg, s"a'tsank’®? tanx**® tkwa’yits*®” qna.*) (Sater
thou relative, thus thee this thee fetch I-thee is Thus
tein? =ta/kin® xi’mqa?® it’. Qani’nal waxa"’manx.*® S*a’-
I this I quickly come. Knife is given to thee. Thus
tsanx!® tanx’® klaha’yo‘nn,™ s*a’tsa® ta’kin™ wit’, nictcr
thou this thou art invited, thus this I come, because
m'nx? na’mfl*" te'g.”° S’ateane’” th Lig its ee
thou me of relative. Thus thee this come I-thee Le
Si/nixyiitsanx!” gna‘? hitca’wax.'™ S¥a’tsanx’?® te® ii’Llutits.™”
Want I-thee I intend to play. Thus thou this approach I-thee.
Sfatsrtcin?” ha’: .. kumi/’nte®>~ kena**'~ teq??” mie eee
Thus my mind, not perhaps something badly
nix*tc.17” A’tsan® tm nai” Lloxa’xam.”” — ‘“*Ha®l!?? Tsi’klyanx’®
thee to. Thus I this I am sent.” — “Yes! Very thou
mi’k!a. x~!xma’yanxin'®° si’nixyits.%* S*a’tsan’® ka!'! a’mbhati??
bad. Kill they me want he-me. Thus I not willing (my)
hal.” —'““Kuminte® k*nk* “s*atsi’te.” S°s’tsan*® ta’ kin™ sme
mind.” — “Not perhaps thus. Thus I this I I
156 Dubitative particle (§ 127).
187 gat- TO DIE (§ 112).
158 ul THEN (§ 125); -n 1st person singular (§ 24); sZa/isa ul THAT’S WHY.
159 yGa/xat MUCH (§ 121); -aitz possessive (§§ §8, 9).
160 tra JUST (§ 130); -nw 2d person singular (§ 24).
161 yax- TO SEE (§ 112).
162 sEq/tsa THUS (§ 121); -nx 2d person singular (§ 24).
163 h7is GOOD; -a modal (§ 96),
164 haw- TO MAKE, TO FINISH; -ai verbalizing (§§ 75, 8); -imz passive (§§ 38, 8).
16 tz‘g SOMETHING (§ 123); -nx 2d person singular (§§ 24, 4).
166 {aki- TO TAKE, TO FETCH (§ 12); -at verbalizing (§§ 75, 8); -ats direct object of first and second
persons (§ 29, Table, p. 480 and § 8).
167 g- discriminative (§ 21); n& personal pronoun Ist singular (§ 113).
168 Modal adverb (§§ 121, 96).
169 ~wax- TO GIVE; -aimE passive (§ 38); -nx 2d person singular (§ 24).
170 n7i/ctcim BECAUSE (§ 128); -nx 2d person singular (§§ 24, 4).
171 n& personal pronoun Ist singular (§ 118); -Emé relative (§§ 87, 9).
172 L7%j- TO COME; -tits direct object of first and second persons (§ 29, Table, p 480, § 10).
173 sinaz7- TO DESIRE; -titsanz direct object of first and Second persons I-thee (§ 29, Table, p. 473, § 8).
174 hijtc- TO PLAY; -awax intentional (§ 70).
175 L7%- TO APPROACH (§ 107); -t present (§ 72); -dits direct object of first and second persons (§ 29 and
Table, p. 480).
176 sZqtsi/te THUS (§§ 121, 94); -2m possessive Ist singular (§ 88).
177 Objective form of personal pronoun 2d singular (§ 113).
178 Personal pronoun Ist singular (§ 113).
179 Particle of affirmation (§ 131).
180 1 /ami- TO KILL; -at verbalizing (§ 75); -nx 8d person plural (§ 24); -n 1st person singular (§§ 24, 4).
181 sjnaz2- TO DESIRE; -uts direct object of first and second persons (§§ 29, 8, Table, p. 480).
Boas] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES—SIUSLAWAN 617
Lioxa’xam.” S*atsi’tc™ nats, kai! nats’? na‘ L!lo’xyaxa"'ne. 18
am sent. Thus if not, not conditional AL had been sent.
‘Qa’tcintiinx'** wan?”*— “Qa’tcintixan.*® Hi’sanx’ ma’nisiits'®*
Start wilt thou *now?” _ “Go will I. Well thou shalt wateh
thou-me
meet S*aterte™ *waa‘ain 8 See Atsr'tein © ha:
thou.”’ Thus he tells him. “Allright! Thus my mind.
Puminic® . k'na'® ptaig?°? . mi‘klaing? te? hotea™; nia’? 4
Not perhaps something bad-ly this fun big.”’ —
“Hatt? ga’tcintixan’® wan.” Kumi’nte® wan” tz‘q,” xat’-
“Yes, start will I now. Not now something, die
tiixan.” 1*° S®atsi’tce®™ waai ut hi’q!ait.%° “Kumi’nte’® k'na‘?
if will I.” Thus he says and starts. “Not perhaps
wan” sfatsi’te.“ Qa’tcintinx?”'** <Atsi’te” waa/a'n.? ‘Tsi’k!-
now thus. Go wilt thou?”’ Thus he tells him. “Very
yaux’® gna’? si/nixyits. <A’l-titinx®™” hitci’ste.”** Atsi’te™
thee I like I-thee. Also shalt thou fun to.” Thus
waatun.” ‘“Qa'te'ntixan’®® wan.” “tl wan” qa’tent.™ Ci’n'x-
he tells him. “Go will I now.”’ Then finally he starts. Keeps
yatlis’® ants® hite ta’k't!wi.' S¥*atsi’tc™ ci/nixyattlis.‘
on thinking that man fetcher. Thus he thinks continually.
Qa’tcinta"x'! wan.” Liwi’tc¥ax'® wan” xint. “la"x'” s"atsitc™
Go they two now. “Approach,man- now go. So they two thus
ner of, they two
waa’xam.© ‘“ Xumeca’ca"x' wan.” Hina’yin'® wan” te® mi’‘k!la
are told. “Come they two now. He brings him now this bad
hitc.” Tclha"cya’xam? wan.” Wan” tein. T!emt!ma’xam?™ wan.”
man.” Gladness was felt now. Finally he Heisassembled about now.
returns.
taeiyanx**. his tanx™ win’, tetl-mut. Huo'tetuni* ya’xa.”
“Very thou good this thou comest, friend. Play will we much.”
182 Particle (§ 131).
183 7,/6x- TO SEND; -yax past denoting conditionality (§§ 74, 136); -ad'nz passive (§ 58).
184 Contracted; for qa/tc¥ntizana (§ 24); gatcn- TO GO (§ 4); -i#x future (§ 73); -nax 2d person singular
(8§ 24, 4).
18% gatcn- TO GO (§ 4); -tuéx future (§ 78); -2 ist person singular (§§ 24, 4).
186 mdn- TO WATCH; -is durative (§ 69); -@ts direct object of first and second persons (§ 29,Table, p. 480).
187 g- discriminative (§ 21); nixats personal pronoun 2d singular (§ 113).
188 qts?/ic THUS (§§ 121, 94); -in possessive 1st singular (§ 88).
189 gai- TO DIE; -tuix future denoting conditionality (§§ 73, 186); -n Ist person singular (§§ 24, 4).
199 hiq!- TO START, TO COMMENCE; -ai verbalizing (§§ 75, 9); -t present (§ 72).
191 Contracted; for a/l-tétuixanz (§ 24); a/l'da LIKEWISE (§§ 125, 136); -ttx future (§ 73); -naz 2d person
singular (§§ 24, 4).
192 wad- TO SAY; -iin direct object of third person (§ 28).
193 cinxi- TO THINK (§ 4); -at/i frequentative (§§ 68, 8); -ts durative (§§ 69, 9).
194 Jaku- TO TAKE, TO FETCH; -t/wi nominal (§ 100).
195 gatcn- TO GO (§ 4); -t present (§ 72); -aux 3d person dual (§ 24).
196 72%- TO APPROACH; -2tc modal (§§ 94, 8); -wax transposed for -avz 3d dual (§§ 24, 13)
197 uf THEN (§ 125); -ave 3d dual (§ 24).
198 gwmc- TO APPROACH, TO COME (§ 108); -auaz 3d dual (§ 24).
199 hin- TO TAKE ALONG; -ai verbalizing (§ 75); -in direct object of third person (§§ 28, 8).
200 Abbreviated; for tc/haucyarzam (§15); tc/hacu- TO FEEL GLAD (§ 12); -yax past (§ 74); -zam present
passive (§§ 55, 15).
201 {Emii- TO ASSEMBLE (§ 107); -cam present passive (§ 55).
2022 Contracted from hi’tctixant (§ 24); hitc- TO PLAY: -tix future (§ 73); -nt inclusive plural (§§ 24, 4).
203 yqax- MUCH; -a modal (§ 96).
618 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [puLL.40
Atsi’te” waa’ ants® hite. Temi’/tx” hitca’'™ ants® bla’4i.4 Wai204
Thus says that man. Assemble (pl.) people those many. Although
ya’’xa'” ants® hite, “t ha’’mut’* qa’tcint™ sqa'ktci’te,* ants ® ila’*i,4
many those people, still all go now there to, manner, that crowd.
La’nisitnn?” ants™ hite. ‘‘Tsi’k!ya? his tanx’" xia’. Ya?/xanxan?%
Is called con- that man, “Very good this thou comest. Much we
tinually
hitct’.2°° Hi’tctiins.”?°—‘‘ Hat!” 179 S¥atsi’te® waa’ ants hite.
have fun. Play will we two.” — ‘ Allright!” Thus says that man.
“Ya’quhitinx,?” kwinx®°a”sis.2 Ya*xanxan? hitcii’.”2" Atsi’te
‘*Look shalt thou, notthou = shalt sleep. Much we play.” Thus is
waa"st'nE*? ants® hite. Wa’nwits? ha’wa.?4 Si’nixyu‘nn“
repeatedly told that man, Long ago it is ready. It is desired
ts!iIna’te* xawa’a",” a” stiixax.”° Atsi’tc”ha/isimn.™7 ‘Tsfl‘mi’t,
pitch with killed heshall when sleeper he Thus it is agreed. ‘Friend,
be, will be.
kwinx *° a’sis.?2 Hi’tctiins.”7!° Atsi’te” wa/aisii‘nn.23 ‘¢ S®a’/tsanx 1
not thou sleep con- Play will we two.”’ Thus he is repeatedly told. “Thus thou
tinually.
tanx’ klaha’yiitnn.”748 S¥atsi’te®™ waail’sttnn.29 ‘* Ya?/xail® plq/ei4
this thou art invited.’ Thus he is eer continu- “Many they
ally.
nictcama” nat’i’™!?”° ants © tiya’™! hatea’™22_ K lix 3 ta‘g 12° hiiteal’ 224
different of) inhabitants games. Each some- fun
those thing
"t*nx?* yixa’yin.* S*a’tsanx’! tanx*® klahe’ yong.) Terie
and thou seest it. Thus thou this thou art invited. Very
anxan®? hi’siti??7 ha’. Kumi’ntc® tm‘q?° mi’k!a‘na.”® Atsi’te?
we good is (our) heart. Not something badly.” Thus
wa'aisu ne?” = Teci’/nta®”® hite Liwai’,?® “t atsi’tc™ waa'yisne.?°
he is repeatedly told. Whatever person comes, so thus he frequently was
told (by him),
204 Particle (§ 128).
205 Numeral particle (§ 124).
26 sgaik THERE (§ 119); -te local of motion (§ 90); -zte modal (§ 94).
271in- TO CALL BY NAME; -isiitnEz durative passive (§ 59).
208 yGGa- MUCH; -a modal (§ 96); -naan exclusive plural (§ 24).
209 Riite- TO PLAY, TO HAVE FUN; -i? verbalizing (§ 75).
210 Contracted; tor hu’tctixans (§ 24); hiite- TO PLAY; -tix future (§ 73); -ns inclusive dual (§§ 24, 4).
21 Contracted; for ya’quhitdixanx (§ 24); yagu’- TO LOOK ($3); -ai verbalizing (§§ 75, 2); -tax future
(§ 73); -nx 2d person singular (§§ 24, 4).
212 qug- TO SLEEP (§ 12); -2s durative (§ 69).
213 wad- TO SAY; -atsii‘nz durative passive (§§ 59, 9).
214hau- TO MAKE, TO HAVE READY (§ 112).
215ts/aln PITCH; -a locative case (§§ 86, 12); -tc adverbial (§ 90).
216 qus- TO SLEEP (§ 12); -tux future denoting conditionality (§§ 73, 136); -az nominal (§ 101),
217 hau YES (§ 131); -ais durative (§§ 69, 9); -%mz passive (§ 38).
218k/a‘- TO INVITE; (§ 3); -at verbalizing (§ 75); -atnz passive (§§ 58, 8).
218 wad- TO SPEAK; -aisiine durative passive (§§ 59, 9).
220 nictcamai/nat’- DIFFERENT; -ivz plural (§ 79).
221tqai-TO LIVE (§ 2); -uwt nominal (§§ 97, 8).
22hiic- TO PLAY, TO HAVE FUN; -u~wvt nominal (§ 97).
223 Numeral particle (§ 124).
224 hiitc- TO HAVE FUN; -a? nominal (§ 98).
225ud THEN (§ 125); -nx 2d person singular (§§ 24, 4).
226 yaa- TO SEE (§ 12); -ai verbalizing (§ 75); -uin direct object of third person (§§ 28, 8).
227 his GOOD; -2t7 possessive (§ 88).
228pronominal particle (§ 123).
229 L7u- TO COME; -aé verbalizing (§§ 75, 8).
230 waa- TO SAY; -ai verbalizing (§ 75); -isnz durative passive (§§ 59, 8).
Boas] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES—SIUSLAWAN 619
a 2 — - 2.
Pterktya® ? histanx’?!) Lia’, tsil-mua’t. “Wai? « -ya’tsa ants®
‘Very good this thou come, friend. Although long time that
me? “toxin "nis. Ya'qthitinx.”?” (ft s"atsi‘tc™ -wa'aist'nn.?
crowd, still does continually. Look shalt thou.” Then thus he is told repeatedly.
oe tsanxan” Klaha’yits.“ Ya"xa'? hotcu’?”® Wan? hina’a®5
“Thus we invite we-thee. Much fun.” Finally hetaken
will be
rok? ants “hitea’® |, nla/!.4~ Sqatk?)| hina’a.*Ma/itci' nn?
where that fun great. There he taken Fire is made (in)
will be.
See ist Nae Viktor iter, SE fans
that house. Although big that house, still full
Migs. Sum” ‘ya'qtha't** “ants” . chitc. Tr k*nxen?@
people with. There looks that man. ‘Here we
ta’nxan”* hitci’,?® ta’oxan’* klaha’yiits™ qna.”!* Hai’qmas?4*
these we play, these we invite we-thee ir.” Alongside
ti’xam?” Liya’wate.**® Qlait ants® Liya’a®.%? “Yaxa®’witce°
he is seated fire at. Pitch that fire. “Multitude kind of
Lia’4 hite ya’qtha'tin.”?! Atsi’tc™ ci/nixyatlis'*® ants® hite.
many people look at now I.” Thus keeps on thinking that man.
Ma‘itct‘nn”* ants® hitsi’!.2°° ** Kwinx®® a'sis? ts’fl-mi’'t. Atsi’te™
Fire is built (in) ‘that house. “Not thou alwayssleep, friend. Thus
ta/nxan”* waa’yits’?? qna'” Liwa’wanx.”22— ‘* Ha®!7 tsi’k!yan 7
these we tell we-thee I intend to come thou.’”’— ‘ All right! very I
hi’siti?”” ha’, Yaq"‘ya’waxan”™ hitca’’stc® Llaya’.” > Atsi’te™ wa’ais”*
good (my) mind. Intend to look I fun at greatat.’”’ Thus says continually
ants -hitc. Ha'’qmas™”® ti’xam”’ iya’wa.”’ Ya’q*hisi‘n:.”®
that man. Close by he is seated fire. Heis continually watched.
231 Temporal adverb (§ 120).
232 gniwn- TO DO; -is durative (§ 69).
233 sEq’tsa- THUS (§§ 121, 96); -nxan exclusive plural (§ 24).
234 k/a‘- TO INVITE (§ 3); -a% verbalizing (§ 75); -ats direct object of first and second persons (§ 29,
Table, p.480, § 8).
235 hin- TO TAKE ALONG; -aaw future passive (§ 56).
236 Particle (§ 131).
231 Local adverb (§ 119).
238 maltc- TO BURN: -ti'nE passive (§ 58).
239 See § 98.
240 See § 104.
1 hitii’s locative form of hitc (§ 86); -tc adverbial (§ 90).
242 Local adverb (§ 119).
243 yaqu'- TO LOOK (§ 3); -a? yerbalizing (§§ 75, 9); -t present (§ 72).
244 tik HERE (§ 119); -nzan exclusive plural (§§ 24, 4).
245 ta@ak THIS (§ 115); -nxan exclusive plural (§§ 24, 16).
246 Local adverb (§ 119).
247 fat TO SIT (§ 2); -xam present passive (§ 55).
248 Liya/au FIRE (§ 97); -a locative case (§§ 86,8); -tc local (§ 90).
249 See § 97
250 yda2- MANY; -auwi nominal (§ 97); -ite modal (§§ 94, 9).
%1 yagu'- TO LOOK; (§3); -a? verbalizing (§ 75); -tpresent (§ 72); -ain direct object of third person (§ 28)-
22 Contracted from Liwa/waxanz (§ 24); Liti- TO COME; -awaz intentional (§§ 70,8); -nz 2d person
singular (§§ 24, 4).
253 ts7/k/ya VERY (§ 121); -n 1st person singular (§ 24).
254 yaqu'- TO LOOK (§3); -awaz intentional (§§ 70, 8); -n 1st person singular (§§ 24, 4).
%5 z/a/at particle (§ 133); -a locative case (§§ 86, 8).
256 waa- TO SAY; -ais durative (§§ 69, 9).
257 Liya/au FIRE (§ 97); -a locative ease (§§ 86, 8).
238 yaqu‘- TO LOOK (§ 3); -asi‘nz durative passive (§§ 59, 9).
620 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 40
Wusya’aist?? ats mi/k!a bite. Liin!wi’siitne?* wan.” ‘* Kwinx®
Begins to feel that bad man. He is continually now. ‘Not thou
sleepy approached
a” sisy?”? ya’qthis*nx.” A’tsanxan”? ta’nxan™> waa’yits!?
always sleep, always look thou. Thus we these we tell we-thee
Liwa’ wanx. 7°? Kwinx® a”sig.2¥ ya’ qthis*nx.?% Atsi’te*
intend to come thou. Not thou sleep always, watch always thou. Thus
tanx'® klaha’yi‘ne.™! Hi’s*nxan?* hawal’tx?™ hal.” Wusya’aist2
this thou art invited. Good we make our heart.’’ + Begins to feelsleepy
ants™ mi’ ck’Jat 2)" /"°Yarqthisu ae Ha’/tsimn** ants ts!ain.
that bad man. He is constantly watched. Ismadereadyforhim that pitch,
S"a'na’te*”.... xawa’a".?” _Li/wis"nE** ants® mmq!yn’™ 7) Sila
That with killed he willbe. He is constantly those dancers many.
approached by
** Ha gaitcya,?”? ts’il‘mu’t, miltcl’xminx.”?7 Atsi’te™ wa/alsi‘nn.?"
‘*Shore-like from, friend, thou mayest get burned.’’ Thus he is constantly told.
““Kwinx® asis?2 — ts’il-‘mii’t.”—“* Wusya’aistin.”?? Muq!ya’2®
“Not thou always sleep friend.” — “Begin to feel sleepy I.”’ Dance (pl.)
Lila’ Ausi’s.28 ** Hal’ qaitcya,?”? miltci’xminx.”?" Te!ha’’cisttnE.?4
many. He sleeps. ‘*Shore-like from, mayest get burned Gladness is constantly
thou.” felt.
S¥a’tsa® xawa’‘a’.?”7 Wusya/aist”® wan.” Atsi’tc™ wa/alsutnE,?!?
Thus killed he will be. He begins tosleep finally, Thus he is constantly told,
ci’ -xistittnn.”*.... ‘* Hai’ qaitcya,?” miltci’xminx.”?7. Kui! ciIi-xie
he is shaken con- ‘«Shore-like from, mayest get burned Not he moves not.
stantly. thou.’’
“| wan * qaa’xam?” ants® ilyaxa®’/¥i7§ tslain. Magq!lyn’s2e
So finally is brought in that boiled pitch. Dance (pl.)
Lia/"* .** Hal qaiteya?”? — ta’il-mi’t.”- Kai! kwi'sil,?”— terklya-
many. ‘«Shore-like from friend.’’ Not wakes up not, _ very
a'si’s.?273 Atsi’tc” waa’. ‘‘A’nxa"tsatct.2°° Liyaxa’waxan”*! a%sa/ wax.” 28?
he sleeps. Thus hesays. ‘‘ Leave alone you-me. A while intend I sleep intend.”’
259 wust- TO FEEL SLEEPY; -at verbalizing (§ 75); -st inchoative (§ 66).
26077%- TO APPROACH (§ 107); -tsitnz durative passive (§§ 59, 8).
2%lyaqu‘-TO LOOK (§ 8); -7s durative (§ 69); -nx 2d person singular ($§ 24, 4).
262 q/tsa THUS (§ 121); -nxan exclusive plural (§ 24).
268 hiis GOOD; -nxan exclusive plural (§§ 24, 4).
264 haii- TO MAKE; -attz suffix indicating that objectformsan inseparable part of the subject (§§ 33, 8).
265 See § 98.
266ha/is READY, DONE; -2mz passive (§ 38).
267 sEq i/na HE, THAT ONE (§ 115); -fc adverbial (§ 90).
2877u- TO APPROACH; -isii‘nE durative passive (§§ 59, 8).
269maq/i- TO DANCE; -t%i¥ nominal (§§ 97, 8).
210haiq SHORE (§ 119); -atée modal (§ 94); -ya local (§ 93).
271mattc- TO BURN (§ 12); -txmi intransitive exhortative (§ 63); -2 future passive (§§ 56,9); -nx 2d
person singular (§ 24).
22wust- TO FEEL SLEEPY; -a? verbalizing (§75); -st inchoative (§ 66); -n 1st person singular (§§ 24, 4).
273 qsu- TO SLEEP (§§ 12, 108).
%4¢c/hacu- TO BE GLAD (§ 12); -istitne durative passive (§ 59).
25 cil‘x- TO SHAKE, TO MOVE; -?siitnE durative passive (§ 59).
216 cil-x- TO MOVE, TO SHAKE; -7 negative (§ 53).
277 gaa- TO ENTER; -wam present passive (§ 55).
2787 /{xu- TO BOIL (§§ 112, 7); -auwt nominal (§$ 97, 9).
279kwis- TO WAKE UP; -2 negative (§ 53).
280 ana- TO LET ALONE; -autsatct direct object of first and second persons you-Me (§ 29, Table, p. 473, and
§§ 24, 4).
81 fiyax- A WHILE (§§ 126,185); -awax intentional (§ 70); -n 1st person singular (§§ 24, 4).
282 qsu- TO SLEEP (§ 12); -awaz intentional (§ 70).
BoAS] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES—SIUSLAWAN 621
“| wan? ci/n'xyaxam” .s*atsi’te:® ‘‘Qatih?* wan? a’ stiix.” 285
Then now it was thought thus: * Let now he sleep shall.”
Ra’qgwis*® ants® tslain L!'yaxa’¥!,278 Atsi’tc™ waa’xam,® ‘‘Qai}2s
Boils con- that pitch boiled. Thus it is said, “Let
tinually
wan” pa’ stix.”°* Ha’ qaltcya,”” tsil*mua’t. Kol! ‘er |-xik 2? “uy
now he sleep shall. Shore, manner, from, friend.” Not he moves not. Then
wan”? xiu"n.
now hesnores.
Ha’ mit?” la’!* tag ?° lokwi’xam.”*? Tcimtca’m??® lokwi’xam.”*7
All many something is seized. Axes are seized.
Pea ertox,”? “"t txa™ tcimtca’myate™ xawa’a®.” "tf wan” xu"n,
Get up willhe, then just ax with killed he will be. And now hesnores.
miclaate rae! xan. tL wan “han’tix?? “hiten’,?° Tsi’klya®
Open his mouth hesnores. Then finally quit (pl.) people. Very
tcima’nisii‘nr.?* ‘3 !xmiya’yinanl.2* S¥a/s"nl? klixa’yiits,2%° f
he is watched “Kill him will we. He us kills he-us, sO
constantly.
s*a/tsani?*” 1L!xmiya’yin.” 7 Lokwi’xam”*’ wan” ants™ L!iyaxa®/wi,278
thus we kill will him.” Is seized now that boiled (pitch).
“Ha qaltcya?” ts il‘mu’t, miltci’xminx.”?7 Kumi’ntc® cf’]-xil.276
‘*Shore-like, from friend, mayest get burned thou.’’ Not he moves not.
“} wan” xwaki'tc” ti’xam™’ ants® Lityaxa®/“1,278 Tethatcii’¥i 300
So now head on is placed that boiled (pitch). Glad are (pl.)
ants™ ia’*S"a ata’s®* ants® maq!’nutnr.*? Hiya’altx
those many. He only that it is danced for. Is changed on
(one) him his
283 cinzi- TO THINK (§ 4); -yaxz past (§§ 74, 8); -ram present passive (§§ 55, 15).
234 Exhortative particle (§ 129).
285 qsu- TO SLEEP (§ 12); -tux future (§ 78).
286 faqu- TO BOIL; -is durative (§§ 69, 8).
27 Instead of takwi/xam (§§ 11, 14); taku- TO TAKE; -ai verbalizing (§§ 75, 2); -zam present passive
(§ 55).
288 See § 109.
289 kast- TO GET UP; -tix future denoting conditionality (§§ 73, 136, 4).
230 tcimtca’mi AX (§ 109); -a locative case (§§ 86, 8); -tc adverbial (§ 90).
291 ¢/;/a¢- TO OPEN ONE’S MOUTH; -fc possessive 8d singular (§ 88).
22 hau- TO QUIT; -tx plural (§ 80).
293 (cimdn- TO WATCH; ~isu'nE durative passive (§ 59).
24 L/xmi- TO KILL; -ai verbalizing (§§ 75, 8); -yun exhortative with direct object of third person
(§§ 41, 8); -né inclusive plural (§§ 24, 4).
295 sEq’s HE (§ 115); -né inclusive plural (§§ 24, 4).
296 k/iz- TO DISAPPEAR; -@i verbalizing (§ 75); -ats direct object of first and second persons (§ 29, Ta-
ble, p. 480, and § 8).
27 sEq/tsa THUS (§§ 121, 96); -nE inclusive plural (§ 24).
298 1. /amt- TO KILL; -at verbalizing (§§ 75, 8); -yinm exhortative with direct object of third person
(§§ 41, 9).
299 zwak? locative form of xwd/ka HEAD (§ 86); -tc local (§ 90).
800 ¢c/hacu- TO FEEL GLAD (§ 12); -ivz plural (§ 79).
801 Restrictive particle (§ 180).
802 magq/i- TO DANCE; -2n verbal (§§ 81, 9); -uitnz passive (§ 58).
622 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 40
ha! g¥a’tsa.2 S¥a’tsa® ants® mxrg!ya't?® Lla/@i* “t wan? skwaha’,%
mind thus. Thus those dance (pl.) many. Then finally he stands up.
Lokwi xam*"“ants® ‘Liyaxal 28 Up) stim?” skwaha’ = Fig
Is seized that boiled (pitch). And there stand (pl.) many
ha’ mat?” .ants*,..tcimtci’mya:**. Wai?) ya? xa'!. 554mg eee
all those axes with (are). Although much something, still
primsr.** “% kumi/nte® kwi'sil.?” ‘Qwa'nyix*% temaee
noise is made Still not he wakes up not. “Pour it it is better
with it.
Laaya’tce!”5 ut wan® qi‘ni’xamimz.* Txt" mifitcistx® aa’.
mouth intol’’ So now it is poured into Just begins to burn mouth.
(his mouth). his
Stim?? nla’!4,.ma‘qlis.*7. MYVitcist®™.. ants® white: Militeistxes
There many keep on dancing. Begins to burn that man. Begins to burn his
ha’ mat? hi’qii. Stim’ wan” yak!i’tcyaxam** xwa’katc*®
all hair. There finally was cut into pieces head his
tcimtca’myate.? Stim?” tqii’nis**® ants® mi’k!a hite. Xa*wi’-
ax with. There diffusessmoke that bad man. Killed
constantly
xamyax*7 te® mi’k!a _hite.
was this bad person.
Sqav'k#7 win”? ata’s** hawal’.* Kai! nats s*a/tsa®
There now only it ends. Not if thus
xa/wa'xa“tnn,*!® 4 nats? tsik!ya?)mi’k!la owvila/.* S"a’tsa
he had been killed, then conditional very bad world. Thus
xa'wi xamyax*"” ..mi'kla, hite., S*atsi’tc® ‘wan ates
was killed bad man. Thus finally only
wa’ nwitsaxax®?? nictcimaf‘mi.** Sqa'k?8? wan”? smit’ii’.%??
old-timers (of) custom. There finally it ends.
303 skwa‘- TO STAND (§§ 3, 112).
304 skwa‘- TO STAND (§3); -auwi plural (§ 79).
303 teimtca’mi AX (§ 109); -a locative case (§§ 86, 12, 8).
306 niii- TO MAKE NOISE; -WmE passive (§§ 38, 9).
307 gii‘n- TO POUR (§§ 7, 112); -yuix imperative with indirect object of third person (§ 43).
308 Exhortative particle (§ 129). ;
309 raaya’ locative form of Laa’ MOUTH (§ 86); -te local (§ 90).
310 gii‘n- TO POUR; -2 (-at) verbalizing (§§ 75, 2); -eam present passive (§ 55); -2mz passive (§ 38).
311 Contracted from mi/ItctstZta (§ 15); malic- TO BURN (§ 8); -st inchoative (§§ 66, 4); -tx suffix indi-
cating that object forms an inseparable part of the subject (§ 33).
312 maqg/i- TO DANCE; -ts durative (§§ 69, 9).
313 maltc- TO BURN (§ 8); -sé inchoative (§§ 66, 4).
214 Contracted from yakli/tcyaxxam (§ 15); yak/- SMALL; -tic modal (§ 94); -yax past (§ 74); ram
present passive (§§ 55, 57).
315 7wa/ka HEAD; -tc possessive 3d singular (§ 88).
56 tqiin?/t SMOKE (§ 98); -%s durative (§§ 69, 9).
317 gau- TO DIE; -at verbalizing (§§ 75, 2, 8,11); -camyaz past passive (§ 57).
318 haw- TO END, TO FINISH; -a@? verbalizing (§§ 75, 8).
319 Hvidently for ra/xyaxattnz; xati- TO DIE; -yax past denoting conditionality (§§ 74, 136); -attnz
passive (§ 58).
320 wa/nwits LONG AGO (§ 120); -ax nominal (§§ 101, 108).
821 See § 103.
822 smit’- TO END, TO FINISH (§ 12); -& verbalizing (§ 75).
BOAS] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES—-SIUSLAWAN 623
[Translation]
(It happened) long ago. The world was very bad long ago.
Everywhere it was so, and this was the cause of it: A bad person was
devouring (the people). Grizzly Bear was devouring them long ago.
Whenever aman went out hunting, he would kill and devour him.
Many people felt sorry because of that. So one day the people came
together and tried to devise some remedy. (They all agreed that
Grizzly) must be killed. For that reason they came together. Then
the chiefs of that region said, ‘‘ We feel very sorry, but how are
we going to kill him? He can not be killed by means of arrows:
hence we don’t want to kill him with an arrow.” Then finally some-
one suggested to go and see how Grizzly lived, and to invite him (to
come to the meeting-place). So one man went in search of him. And
(when the messenger) came to Grizzly’s residence, (he said,) ‘* You, too,
are invited to come to the play-grounds.” But Grizzly Bear was not
willing to go: hence the messenger went back, and, upon returning,
related thus: ‘‘ He does not want (to come).” (Inthe mean while) the
people who had assembled had lots of fun. (Then after a while an-
other messenger was sent), and the man who was about to go was told
thus: ‘‘We won’t give up. When he is dead, then we will give up.”
Thus it was repeatedly asserted.
Then finally the man was ordered to go. He was a very poor man.
**Speak to him carefully, don’t tell him anything bad. Tell him thus:
‘We want youto come here. Weare going to have lotsoffun.’ Thus
you shall tell him. Don’t tell him anything bad. He is shrewd and
very bad.” Then that man started out, thinking (a great deal) to him-
self, for he was very much afraid (of Grizzly). (And when he came to
Grizzly, hesaid,) ‘‘Icome hereasa messenger.” (He thentold him his
mission and departed. Not long afterwards Grizzly’s friends came to
visit him and inquired about the messenger’s mission). One of them
said, ‘* What did the man tell you who came (here) ?”—“ He said nothing
(of importance). I was simply informed that 1 am invited (to some
games). Thus he told me: ‘People want you to come very much.
For that purpose I came here as a messenger.’” (After a while an-
other messenger was sent to Grizzly, requesting him to come at once.)
Then (Grizzly) said thus (to the messenger): ‘‘ Will anything be
given to me, if I come?”—‘‘ Nothing was said (about that). People
624 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BuLL. 40
are just playing,and that’s why you are invited to come.” (Then
Grizzly said), ‘‘ You tell them thus: ‘He wants something. If some-
thing be given to him, then he will come.’ Thus he says to you.”
(The messenger went back to his people and told them what Grizzly
said). And he (furthermore) said, ‘‘He is shrewd. He thinks (of
not coming), because he has killed (so many) people. That’s why he
is shrewd.” Thus the messenger said. ‘‘ He was (evidently) told (by
some friend) that a dance had been arranged for the purpose of
changing his (mean) disposition, and that everybody dislikes him.
That’s why he replied, ‘If something be given to him, then he will
come.’ That’s why he told me (so).”
Then another messenger went to Grizzly. ‘‘ You tell him thus:
‘A knife will be given to you.’ Thus tell him. ‘You shall start right
away, you are invited tocome. Many people are playing (there),
and it is desirable that you should come.’ Thus you tell him.” And
that messenger kept on thinking, ‘‘I will speak to him. I know
what to tell him, so that he will start right away.” Then the mes-
senger started. ‘‘I will speak to him, and he will start right away.”
Thus he was thinking as he kept on going. Finally he came to (Griz-
zly, and said), ‘‘A messenger I come. You are wanted very much.
Pretty soon the games will come to an end, and for that reason I was
told (to come here). You are my relative. Why don’t you want to
go?” And (Grizzly) answered him thus: ‘‘I am wise, that’s why I
don’t want to go. It seems to me that I am simply wanted (there)
to be killed. That’s why I am wise.”—‘‘ Not so, they want you to see
(the fun). For that purpose (only) you are wanted. Their intentions
toward you are good. A present will be given to you. For that
reason you are invited. You are my relative, hence I (came to) fetch
- you. That’s why I came quickly. A knife will be given to you,
because you are invited. I came right away, since you are my
relative. The reason why I came to you is because I want you to
have some fun. That’s why I came to you. I don’t think that any-
thing bad will happen to you. That’s why I was sent.” (And Grizzly
answered,) ‘‘Yes, you are a bad man. They want to kill me, that’s
why I don’t want (to go).”—‘‘I don’t think (it will be) thus. (Not)
for that purpose I was,sent. If it were as you say, I should not have
been sent. Will you go now?”—‘‘I shall go. You will have to take
BOAS] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES—SIUSLAWAN 625
good care of me.” And (the messenger) said thus to (Grizzly):
** All right, I don’t think that anything bad will happen (to you) on
the part of those who play (there).”—‘‘All right, I will go, I don’t
care, even if I die.” Thus said (Grizzly) as he started. ‘I don’t
think (it will be) as (bad as you imagine). Are you coming?” Thus
said (the messenger) to him. ‘‘I should very much like to have you,
too, at these games.” Finally (Grizzly) said, “I will go.” So he
started. And tbe man who came to fetch him was thinking continually.
He was thinking thus.
Now they two kept on going; and when they were almost there,
the two (chiefs) were told, ‘“‘They two are coming. He is bringing
that bad man.” So everybody was glad; and when he arrived, people
assembled about him. ‘‘It’s very good that you came, O friend! We
shall have a great deal of fun.” Thus everybody said (to him). Many
people assembled (around him). Although there were many of them,
still they all went there (to Grizzly), shouting, ‘‘It’s very good that
you came. Weill play a great deal. We two will play.” (Then
Grizzly would say,) ‘‘Allright.”—‘‘ You shall watch (us). You sha’n’t
sleep. We will play a great deal.” Thus he was constantly told.
(Everything) had been made ready long ago. It had been decided to
kill him with pitch during his sleep. Thus it had been agreed upon.
‘*Friend, don’t sleep! we two will play.” Thus people kept on telling
him. ‘For that reason you were invited.” Thus he wastold. ‘‘Peo-
ple who live here know different kinds of games, and you will witness
all kinds of fun. For that purpose you have been invited. Weare
well disposed (towards you). No mishap will befall you.” Thus he
was constantly told. Whoever came in would tell him thus. ‘It’s
very good that you came, O friend! You will see, they will play for
along time.” And he would (also) be told, ‘‘That’s why we invited
you. There is going to be a great deal of fun. ”
At last he was taken to the play-grounds. A fire was started in
the house, which, although very large, was nevertheless full of people.
Grizzly Bear was looking there. ‘‘Here we play, those who have
invited you.” He was seated near the fire, which consisted of pitch.
**It seems to me I see (too) many people.” Thus Grizzly was think-
ing. And the fire in the house kept burning. ‘Don’t sleep, O
friend! (Not) for that purpose we asked you to come (lere).”—“‘All
3045°—-Bull. 40, pt 2—12——40
626 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 40
right! 1 am glad. I intend to watch the fun.” Thus Grizzly was
saying, seated close to the fire. He was constantly watched.
(After awhile) he began to feel sleepy. Then people kept on
approaching him, (saying,) ‘‘ Don’t sleep, lookon! For that purpose we
invited you. We have abandoned all our hatred.” (Again) he began
to feel sleepy, (and again) he was constantly watched. The pitch with
which he was going to be killed was made ready; while many dancers
went to him, (saying,) ‘‘ Move away from the fire, you may get burned,
friend!” Thus they were telling him. ‘Don’t sleep, friend!’—‘‘I
feel sleepy.” People kept on dancing, while he began to fall asleep.
‘“Move away from the fire, you may get burned!” Everybody was
glad, because he was going to be killed. At last he began to sleep.
Then people kept on shaking him, saying to him thus: ‘‘ Move away
from the fire, you may get burned!” But he did not move. So the
boiling pitch was brought in, while the people kept on dancing (and
saying), ‘‘ Move away from the fire, friend!” But he did not get up.
He was very sleepy, and (merely) said, ‘‘ Leave me alone! I intend to
sleep a while.” So the people thought thus: ‘‘ Let him sleep.” And
while the pitch kept on boiling, they said, ‘‘Let him sleep. Move
away from the fire, O friend!” But he did not move, and (soon) com-
menced to snore.
Then people took hold of all kinds of things. They seized axes,
(because it had been decided that as soon as) he should wake up, they
would kill him with an ax. He was snoring, keeping his mouth wide
open. Then the people got ready. They watched him closely.
‘We will kill him, because he has killed (so many of) us.” Then the
boiling pitch was seized, (and one man shouted,) ‘‘ Move away from
the fire, friend, you may get burned!’ But he did not move. Then
they held the boiling pitch over his head, and everybody was
glad, for the dance had been arranged with the purpose in view of
getting rid of (the consequences of) his mean disposition. For that
purpose so many people had been dancing. Finally (one man) stood
up and took hold of the boiling pitch. And around Grizzly there
were standing many armed with axes. They made noise with all
kinds of implements, but he did not wake up. (Then one man said,)
‘*Better pour it into his mouth!” So it was poured into his mouth,
which began to burn (right away). And the people kept on dancing,
BOAS] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES—SIUSLAWAN 627
(as Grizzly Bear) was consumed (gradually) by the fire. His hair got
burned, and then his head was cut into pieces with an ax. And while
suffering death, he was constantly diffusing smoke.
Here (the story) ends. If (Grizzly Bear) had not been killed, this
would have been a very bad place. Thus that man was killed. Such
was the custom of people living long ago. Here at last it ends.
INVOCATION OF Ran?
Klutwina’tx? ula’. Yaxai = Gi/iti* = Llayii’s.° Na’qutyax®
Ice (has on) its (body) world. Much snow ground on. Cold became
bia’ 3) klu*wina!’’ ila’t.3 Kii® ni’ctca® qa’tewil’® ants wia’,3
universe, ice has world. Not how drink not that crowd.
Pali ata’s* I qatci’txa"tnn.* Haya’mit’® hiyate’ qatci’’-
Well only then it is drunk from. All people drink
txatn.© Wal'?? ya" xe’ hitc, "I sqa'k*® gatci’’tx.*" . Tel’wa”, “11+
(from) it. Although many people, still there drink (pl.). Wateron then
klutwina’.? Ki'® ni’ctca® tcaitci’tc ni’ctcil* ants" tiya’".*
ice appears. Not manner where manner go not those inhabitants.
Qa"xa’x* klo*winiyt’s”’ gqatc™nata’"* ants" hite wia’%
Top along ice on go (pl.) those people many. Then
wan” texmil‘a’mi* Lixt’yin* ants" wa’nwitsaxax® nictcima‘mi.*
now people old know it that long ago people custom.
1 See Leo J. Frachtenberg, Lower Umpqua Texts (Columbia University Contributions to Anthro-
pology, vol. Iv, pp. 76 et seq.)
2 k/uzwin- ICE (§ 12); -attz suffix indicating that object forms an inseparable part of the subject
(§ 33).
3 Particle (§ 133).
4See § 98.
5 LJa/aé GROUND (§ 133); -d@s locative case (§§ 86, 9, 8).
6 naqut- TO BE COLD; -yax past (§ 74).
7 kluzwin- ICE (§ 12); -at verbalizing (§ 75).
§ Particle of negation (§ 181).
9 Particle (§ 181).
18 gaicil- TO DRINK; -2? negative (§§ 53, 8).
11 Demonstrative pronoun (§ 115).
12 See § 97.
13 Restrictive particle (§ 130).
14 Conjunction (§ 125).
15 gatcii- TO DRINK; -t@i verbalizing (§§ 75, 9); -tx plural (§ 80); -atiinz passive (§ 58).
16 Discriminative form of hai/mit ALL (§§ 111, 124).
1 Discriminative form of hitc PERSON (§§ 111, 7).
18 gatcti- TO DRINK; -t@i verbalizing (§ 75); -tz plural (§ 80); -atm direct object of third person (§ 28).
19 Particle (§ 128).
20 Local adverb (§ 119).
21 gatcli- TO DRINK; -t? verbalizing (§§ 75, 9); -tx plural (§ 80).
22 tc) WATER (§ 88); -a locative case (§§ 86, 8).
33 Particle (§§ 181, 94, 108).
24 ni/ctca, MANNER (§§ 131, 185); -22 negative (§§ 53, 9).
%5 tai-, ti- TO LIVE (§ 2); -iwt nominal (§§ 97, 8).
36 qaux HIGH, TOP (§ 119); -atx local (§ 92).
7 k/uzwi'nt ICE (§§ 98, 12); -ds locative case (§§ 86, 8).
28 qatcn- TO GO (§ 4); -¢ present (§§ 72, 4); -a plural (§ 79).
2 Temporal particle (§ 126).
%0 Discriminative form of texmi’l-ma (§ 111); texam STRONG; -il‘mé augmentative (§ 84).
51 L/ru- TO KNOW; -t7 verbalizing (§§ 75, 9); -iin direct object of third person (§§ 28, 8).
22 wa/nwils LONG AGO (§ 119); -az nominal (§§ 101, 108).
83 See § 103.
628 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BuLn. 40
“4 tqili’yisne™ ants" tcixni’nk, “t* tqili’yisne* a/l-da® ants!
Then is shouted at that Raccoon, and is shouted at also that
constantly constantly
tsxu’npxi.*® Lainatli’yisnn,” ‘“Tcixni’nr, tcixni’nz, hi’n‘k!litsx®
Coyote. He is called constantly, “Raccoon, Raccoon, to rain cause thy
Lia’! Wa/’ais®® te’ mod’luptsini’sla!*! Hi’n'k!itsxats’? ila/ails
world! Tell to this Coyote! To rain cause ye two world!
your ;
Nakwa’yatyanxan,* nEqt’txanxan “4 ya"xa.? op ee
Poor we cold our (bodies have) we muchly.” Then now
linat!i’yisne:” ‘Tecixni’nr, tcixni’nz, hi’nklitsx®® tila‘sils
he is called continually: ‘« Raccoon, Raccoon, to rain cause thy world!
Mo’luptsini'sla,“’ hi’n‘klitsxats’? la/#!”3 “Ht wan? hi’ntk!lyai‘¢
Coyote, to rain cause ye two world!”’ Then finally begins to rain
your
tla’i.s = Haya’mit*® hiyate’ ha’ntnit!in.’7 S®a’tsa*® Yarx4?
universe. All people believe it. Thus and they
. two
tqili’yisnn,* 4 wan” hin*klya”tx® la’ Sa'tea® 7 4
are shouted at then finally causes to rain world. Thus then
continually, its (body)
tqili’‘nz,** ants tkwa’myax® ants! inq!a’at.®
it is shouted, when closes up that river.
Sqatk?? wan” hawai’. Smit’i’** wan” sqatk.2? Ta’kin’ @
There now it ends. It ends finally there. . This I
L!xt’ytin.*!
know it.
34 tqil- TO SHOUT; -at (-7) verbalizing (§§ 75, 2); -isnz durative passive (§§ 59, 8).
35 Conjunctfon (§ 125).
36 See § 98.
37 In- TO CALL; -at/i frequentative (§ 68); -asnz durative passive (§§ 59, 8).
38 hintk/7- TO RAIN; -a@i (-7) verbalizing (§§ 75, 2, 9); -tsx imperative (§ 47).
® wad- TO SPEAK; -ais transitive imperative (§§ 62, 9).
49 Demonstrative pronoun (§ 115).
41 Alsea term for COYOTE.
42 hintk/i- TO RAIN; -ai (-2) verbalizing (§§ 75, 9, 2); -tsx imperative (§ 47); -ts 2d person dual (§§ 24, 4)
48 nakwa/yat- TO BE POOR; -nxan exclusive plural (§§ 24, 4, 8).
44 Contracted from nzqutt?’/txanxan (§ 15); naqut- TO BE COLD (§12); -wi verbalizing (§ 75); -ta suffix
indicating that object forms an inseparable part of subject (§ 33); -nzan exclusive plural (§§ 24, 4).
45 yadx- MUCH; -a modal (§ 96).
46 hinsk/7- TO RAIN; -ai verbalizing (§§ 75, 8).
47 haninit!- TO BELIEVE; -tn direct object of third person (§ 28).
43 Modal adverb (§§ 121, 96). om
49ul THEN (§ 125); -aux 3d person dual (§ 24).
© hintk/i- TO RAIN; -at verbalizing (§§ 75, 8); -ta suffix indieating that object forms an inseparable,
part of subject (§ 33).
51 tgul- TO SHOUT; -%‘nE passive (§ 58).
52 Particle (§ 181).
53 tkiim- TO SHUT, TO CLOSE (§§ 7, 112); -yax past denoting conditionality (§§ 74, 136).
54 See § 98. ,
5 hat- TO END; -ai verbalizing (§§ 75, 8). 2
56 smit’- TO END (§ 12); -@7 verbalizing (§ 75). iF
& taek THIS (§§ 115, 12); -m 1st person singular (§§ 24, 4). i
ee
a. re
x
Boas] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES—SIUSLAWAN 629
[Translation]
(When in forraer days the) ground was covered with ice, much
snow (lay) on the ground, and it became very cold, then the people
had no way of drinking (water freely). From one well only could
they drink, and all people drank from it. Although many were the
people, still they all drank there. (And when) ice began to appear
on the water (of the rivers), then all inhabitants could not go any-
where. They were forced to go along the surface of the ice. Then
(at such times there would always be some) old man who knew that
(ancient) custom of the people of long ago. (He would then tell it to
his people.) And Raccoon would be invoked, and Coyote likewise
would be invoked. He would be called by name, ‘‘Raccoon, Raccoon,
cause thy rain (to flow)! Speak to Coyote! Cause ye two your rain (to
flow)! We are in straits, we are very cold.” Then (once more Rac-
coon) would be invoked, ‘‘ Raccoon, Raccoon, cause thy rain (to flow)!
(You and) Coyote cause ye your (dual) rain (to flow)!” Then at last it
would rain. All people believed in (the efficacy of thisformula). For
that reason they two would be invoked, (until) it would commence to
rain. Thus people were shouting whenever (ice) closed up the rivers.
Now there it ends. It is the finish. (Thus) I know it.
owen oat na aybves est! P baie . at
; Bkfoag: ayisd woltt blo Cry ‘ort not panes foxy banality
. FE attvemigs, Pier oot
bhigs. Mino, ity oat AQT, slilaanh sadam) > zssial pages Ao. 7
Od Now vtuns dydodthAc! Jt cmarkilimend olg joodp’ le bate
~
7 wsgie od noved oot (aed, bra) youl mnach, Tin yout
atin OM 200d Bh ssidgand tie wang: (x79 niet odd 40) 19
ae, eee! wet? to obkPrier ay dole oa Ob has 10P etre vat
Re: ae) 1 Wars 3} one Tar BRS: ond avcwln isl ttm o1oat WE it,
ik of Hi Ub) te alt Wow ott ORS 2 wigol eh piaoaty ould to nO fh
ne senredil oioroD bes hatounl od binew noose f i é
ie ron AXOOU DDS ' oes 70 Jetiea ed Hiirow oH Soe
pa.) 09) nint TOY Owl-o% HAH) loko yodop tdsae, |(wolt.ad)
8 sto, 6on0)-.aodT.. “ bluo wiememay .etiawa: nt Z ve
a vied OF) wiley yild cee doooanay, 1OO5Hs:51 ”. bodoval ed Bane
a dt Meal 3h todd (woh o 5, alot Cais Mey oy Gnu soya
a to © Agsts abaineg 26 fbn Julho 43 ash fury: lee! alti ma bjutivn
q Od sotaninion filvo yw Ji faa) | ofS ed birsw pei (ae n
Dh yi BIOeet ba | i ries TSy¥ous ty Ses it in YOK BE p
Meetit ord: +:
CHUKCHEE
BY
WALDEMAR BOGORAS
631
HHHOMUHO
CATOOOR AAMAC LAW
Editor’s pref:
Introduction
§§ 1-24. Pho
§§ 1-13.
$§ 14-18.
§ 14.
§ 15.
§ 16.
§ 17.
§ 18.
§§ 19-23.
§ 19.
§ 20.
§ 21.
§ 22.
§ 23.
§ 24. Ac
§§ 25-129. Morphology
ace
we tee ee ee ee ee ee ae ee ee ee eee ee ee ee we ee eee eee eee eee
MG CSc ac yas ae cil. tir: tes ee Oe ER
Chukchee
Kamchadal
Vowels
Consonants
cent
Comparison with Chukchee
Vocalic ablaut
Other phonetic processes. .......424ht sidenser. eli leis. 2S0.¢.
CONTENTS
Comparison with Chukchee and Koryak..._.................
Vogalieablgut......-.--0: 34 o9ts Bet Je rire ae
Other phonetic processes
fz Morgnelosiral processes... --.---s-s+o<c2s- HLeBOOMLEZE ELE...
fe (Campanson.of dialects . 3+ 2-34) iucsed adh Jn noqetaed tl wo? O82.
8§ 27-55.
Nouns.....
Sia General remarks... ...-.------Sysoueani BAVIG MA e Lk
§§ 28-32.
§ 28.
§ 29.
§ 30.
§ 31.
§ 32. Special
The absolute form
Absolute form expressed by stem
Reduplicaied forms... ¢.-s4 se sonsh CON A$. 2.2222
Suffix -n, -7iz
Absolute form with loss of phonetic elements. ...........-
HOS 8 0 fo Serge alae AE, deel Cal On eee
633
Page.
637
639
643
643
643
644
646
651
652
653
653
657
658
659
659
660
665
666
666
667
667
671
672
675
675
676
677
678
679
680
681
681
684
686
686
687
687
688
691
692
693
634 CONTENTS
Page.
§§ 53-35. Dualiand plural... o.c.7etvs bets bon stead ee 694
$33. General remarks... 26 5 sean tegen aKe se does eee 694
$34. Pluralof common nouns’) 23-3242 42 4245-¢e sees eee 694
§ 35. Plural of personal nounssjs23: j2.0.5.- a:-2a 24.2 2eecs eee 696
$06. Exclamatory form of nowns22 22224... 24. 22. Sassen 696
§.37. Subjective forms....-... 5255222.) bs. be eae 697
§§ 38-39. Locative form....-. 22.22.62. 20.2. bac a ee 698
§ 38. Common nounst.) With Swan 2... 4st. cha ee eee 698
§ 39. Personal noube): . ssc: G2egene sacs cecun oc eke 1 701
§§ 40-43. Allative and ablative 22s tees aces cect oe ce ch lee 702
§ 40. Allative of common nouns, Chukchee and Koryak........ 702
§.41, Allative of personal nouns....-.<-.6.0 40 «sess rete 703
§ 42. Ablative in -gtipit..<cs-eese wow ane dorsessaaee eee 704
§ 43. Post-positions in -nk, nq, —fig.----.----2+.2 2d RE 705
§ 44. Postpositions of plurals of personal nouns. ...........-....---- 706
§§, 45-90. Porm s 10 toxin etre nett ne ererereratoreicrat Ae 707
§.45. General remarks... ... soecuncwcne—~n ~~ nS 707
$46. Ser tB 67a a nen arate rrmiere terre rl LE 708
§.47. Suffix —hin.._.....-... Soe Jao ore Da 711
§.48. Saffix =i n.- a... cine inreceteesuk Ves LAs DERI A ae 712
$49. BG SG occa ceentemnnnnion wee JU S2G DUE ee 713
§ 50. Kamchadal suffixes ...... eee es0ng. 1. Lea eee 714
§§ 51-55. Suffixes in.-2(7) .....2.cce, cee on SU ER 714
§ 51. General remarks......... <2. ..<--~<.-2< <<. vere ae eee 714
§ 52. Suffixes -lh- and —lfi-......-- wedded OO, Se 715
§.53. Suffixes -th- and: -ér®—seeew fas os 0 AL ee 716
§ 54. Suffixes —Irn .(—len, denned o. 2 Sis 717
§ 55.. Suffix -érn-— (-€e£n) cise. Same 2208.2. 1 A ee 718
$$'56-60., Pronouns, <2. 22-00. + -ccemeeencicess cehwncee = ae ee 719
$ 56.. Personal, pronoun. .. -.<2c22.cn......0t2 245s. Se 719
§§ 57-58. Demonstrative and interrogative pronouns.-..............- 723
§ 57. Particles and absolute forms..-................--.------- 723
§ 58. Plural and post-positional forms...............---.----.. 725
§.59. Indefinite pronoun. rgq...... 28220 2.. 9. Deu SO ee 729
§ 60. Other indefinite_pronouns ................./ ea 731
$§$:61-82.. The. predicate . 2-3-2. concccetheecs- s< 52 een ce eee 733
§ 61. Introductory. remarks .......<sse<cc-...+... SUSOQOR2 eee 733
§ 62. Structure of. the: intransitive verbec:../.U< “22a ee 735
§ 63.. Structure of the transitive -verb...-.--.--.J8..¢ 2 6ne2. ae 736
§§ 64-66. The forms of the intransitive verb.-.........--..--....---- 738
§:64. Chukchee . 2... 2222-- ates Sgokee kein toe 738
§ 65. Koryak .... 22-25. ---scnicwes cones s..n+ oe SRO 739
§ 66.. Kamchadal: -_-. 22-22 2... 5520 eee eee 740
§§ 67-71. The forms of the transitive verb.---..-..-..2...222222.-4 741
§ 67. Chukehee 22 coc che ee ptece cee ck ect eee 741
§ 68. Koryak,. Kamenskoye. ........<..<52 38029 JOSgRose ee 742
§§ 69-71.. Kamehadal........22.s feo Aa 744
§ 69. Types of transitive verbisus22 1232. Ol A See 744
§,70., Type Tl... 22225222 cep OTR eR 744
§ 71. Type Ils... 2s. ene ese aes als Sth QU See 746
§ 72. Phonetic changes of verbal suffixes...-........22-.-.-..----- 748
CONTENTS 635
Page
§§ 73-74. Predicative form of nominalized verb.................--- 758
§ 73. Forms derived from intransitive verb.---..---.--.------- 758
§ 74. Forms derived from transitive verb..........-. POA IMA & 760
S5 75-81. Notes on certain verbs',..... esa mm aeheereriel UL 762
S.7o. TOBE $6.21... --- 2-50 eee eee in eee) A 762
§.76. To niyr 06... ...---2+-.-s025eeeeegaian Perez ALL Ss 763
$77. Lo Become —meél...- ..-.- ..-5. Se RL 764
§ 78. To TAKE OR HAVE SOME ONE AS —lfi...-...2-222.-222-------- 765
§ 79. To MAKE SOME ONE SOMETHING -?ié._-..-.--------2-------- 765
§ 80. To HAVE SOME ONE FOR SOMETHING -rt ...-.-.--.--.-------- 765
§ 81. Notes on certain Kamchadal verbs...........-......---- 766
§ 82. Predicative forms of pronouns and of numerals...............- 769
§§ 83-90. Syntactic use of tenses and modes-.....-..-----....--..------- 770
fe. Declartinve (iome..- <5... 0 = en Oe BORG. Ce 770
ARS VEN Sg 208 Se A A hd S's us 5 3 5 gS See RN 772
Raog Lhe GUI ETS .o224-)2 22. 2. LLU ee 773
5-86.. The.imperiiver) 2222-203 zon ga sdeer hn seeieds. 22 774
§.S/e Derived formes .a2:i2 044i soba edyag de Bee al oe 774
Soo. Nominalized verb (@) ..........<-. RQ beet soe. Le 776
ween tiommmalined vers (0)... 25 < eeca, eee eee eee Mee en ke 778
Soe weeeaipye; fomiae Otic. 2... 35 eS Doro teeeee ates es 779
§§ 91-95. Syntactic use of mominal forms-.----...........-0 22.2200 02.- 779
Bo De NEON IEe) FOF 6... 2 nc a wid S Se oe Ue 4 779
SURES EDS ES a oe ae ere abies 2) eae Ane ee Hee Oe 780
aon wuocative, Allative, and ablative......-incasmcewremee Jeon! 782
op ELLA aie te nee § erent eg hine Sar” a. 783
Soe ey eorial MOURA: SUS. .52 5.252222. Rp ae = tangle a) 3. eae SS 784
See ate i penmini sts. 92 2k... . Se Bees 8 A. 788
Rie MERGE LORY \FOWIBTNG 0 2... - scene ener eeesag eon seem nnen 788
NNR Nn ee REM Ny nS no a nisin m Se ee Sn es ch tk 789
$6 97-105, Nominal suffixes of nouns -..-_-....2- 2. 5.-..---.+..2- 789
ete OMe MOAN IE oe. 8 2. ce ge eee eee einen cack oe oe 789
6.98.) Aupmentative and diminutive 22202202 ee es. 789
Agee POOMeCLNes cept luc... ..-. coe a Pe 792
Rte Commi taniwes pce te. = = Ha eid de se wat ee 793
VETER) ah ho ee ee a Sy S| Na a ea mA 794
Cou) Ai STEEL Ch ga a I ap Rn a 798
EE PATE IIS ans ees ae o> ae Cane eS eee ns wena hoe 798
ers eey ee RSENS SOLS oe 2. Se J Ee we 800 ~
Sobtes NieeHANCOUS, 22.222. .-2) Ul Sateeeets eoke oo. ae 801
f7,tee—ine, Neminalanitixes: of verbs..2.22--A2 s28l.2 5022 (so ceeeees 801
ple eORRONGn MOM 2 <i. 2... 2 siete ce woe seen eee oo 801
Barta eve PARHCIDIC ...-....5s ns. se beee Ses eee eee eee 803
UAC LIE Ss CUTLER, aca fe rien 804
SOc OSIL ELE Ce URNS) ie Oe eR fe atch ae ey chs 2 805
Sere obet Verbal puttixes:. ......-..22 ieee ee hs 805
Bote Oey eebiAl eMINOS . . ... 02 sate oU eee: eee ee ee ae. 805
Sah), Werbal armed Or NOUNS...“ _ See pe eee os 811
Bohl CE MVER an BIWOrbe: 2... 2522 se eee eee oe Sek 813
ees eR REA at oe ss a os wn oon meee ee 2. 815
ep EeLBSUG aGieed. .iis5 25222) Se Ree ee. Uke ae 819
636 CONTENTS
$§ 11b-121°' Word compositions ute ore 20. eRe ee Se
§ 115.) Introductory. remarkke) 2) seis SS POs Wie 1 Beas
§ L1G. Attributive com pesition opCars kr Dey Mad AIO Pee eee
§ 117. Incorporation. of mouns. $2723 520 Be: 0 BOI, a eae
§ 118. Composition of. verbal.stemé.:zo2222521222:02 VISA See
$4119: Adyerbialcomposition:::2..2222sJ22s22 22 AEE eee
§ 120, Multiple:camposition 2 2..ce55c ee: 2 PIO OA eee
§ 121. Compasition,. KamGhadalaiey 26.07 524 85. SAAT EL Ree
§ 122, Consonantic shift...) fee. DAF Ae A OE eee 383
§§ 123-124. Numerals -.--........222. PIS AAS OS TT OD
§.123, Introductory remarks ly: Seber re zt Tn), 2) MOE A eee
§ 124. Cardinal numbers and derivatives.............-.------2222.leeee
§§ 125-181 “Adverbs... 5.232.) SSD. eee: fo 0) See
§ 125, Modal ad verhs' Lohr ceed Aor EULA Sea
§ 126. Locative adverbs .- Coe Re a aia a
§ 127. Temporal Hdverba.. or EE ge
* § 128. Miscellaneous adv erba mer caajueetions: Chukehea! Lib Ma ds ARS
§ 129. Miscellaneous adverbs and conjunctions, Koryak ........-....-..
¢§ 130. Kamchadal conjunctions < :+..252552-0) (oe. dee i.
$ 131. Negative adverbs... 22.2.2. ccc (t) ae DES R e
at
EDITOR’S PREFACE
The following grammatical sketch of the Chukchee group of lan-
guages is based on a manuscript by Mr. Bogoras, in which all the
main facts presented here are contained. Since the principal object
of the series of sketches presented in this Handbook is an elucida-
tion of the grammatical categories found in the present condition
of each language treated, I thought it best to re-arrange the material
on the basis of an analytical study. Iam therefore responsible for
the essential form of arrangement and presentation here given. The
re-arrangement was, however, made in consultation with Mr. Bogoras,
the final form being given to the description of the grammar in ac-
cordance with his criticisms and suggestions. The references to the
Chukchee and Koryak Texts have also been added by me in order
to prove the statements contained in the grammar. These also were
revised, supplemented, and corrected by Mr. Bogoras. Finally I
have added sample texts with explanatory notes. These have also
been revised by Mr. Bogoras.
It seemed important to add the Chukchee to the sketches contained
in the Handbook, because it proves conclusively that those features
which are most characteristic of many American languages are found
also on the Asiatic continent. It seemed essential, furthermore, to
present material for determining the position of the Eskimo language
in relation to all its neighbors.
The war has delayed the publication of this work beyond expecta-
tion, and the final revision had to be made by the editor.
Franz Boas.
New Yorn, December, 1921.
637
‘WOAT TAS BHOTI CE ni oie
pi rs BA. ‘a
mek: By epic greotinsiioe ed) To fodovix fants NuENTY VAIS *
id’ Fas: ef re hy eee a Ve Marian ascr Bao ‘boebd? pk ;
Joalcrd laqtogi AG is esini® ier Wie! lye cl bat aatrig ® non i
~ebioole cape doodourell eit al hadstoay vodoteda da ae
GOT hed; deaacy. edt ot seat patioyet:: “teen a
Me latrodat: Set oina stot and sPgeoh Lihat oyebgdl
. 402 ‘aft Prmtirer Site nay Tiny Bite thoi) [Avie can toe
oT rowdy siad BGs bs ieeorg Kia daetitoyuaerie to arty
eecronod 1M diiw octinliesoowtebam 19 vovod yey ‘joa Lage,
Of ali sRenannge a() te colluabrosob, afd) of soviy oniodss
ont <a teverrata: sft... 29 eoguoes baa ecciaioijem eid it:
yabto dient vd “bebhia ped: oefe oyad BixoT oy row ‘has
ata em dele peal tecaneny bar Ae Banari crornadate
Eovehnat eseion th aMhovd: Heteartie ban bet tomelqqaia f
Guinoovrasd ozad' t aotan Viste ipignee dither: ed ey oie
L tht yl bys
} Hit
hotiniwos sedajode add of. cododiamii wed ti phe is
detifest awlt dads vlevieulonos aga song
Pigol oti esyercesh) seobreniA yoae to vl ici oyado ‘one
OF Retdrerithont: Hanes bodied BE) tasatt how’ oe
- | Pee A ee bie Ot Nid q EIS Sanne 4 toe
WRT th OTSA et ae Pinot mele is rd ty yi} aby OF Ieee!
DAGYOM ALONE VAL LO HOLES O44 na
CHUKCHEE
By Watpremar Bocoras
INTRODUCTION
The material for the following study was collected by me in 1895-97,
when I was a member of the Sibiryakov Expedition of the Russian
Imperial Geographical Society; and in 1900-01, when I was engaged
in anthropological researches for the Jesup North Pacific Expedition °
of the American Museum of Natural History.
The group of languages treated in this sketch includes the Chuk-
chee, the Koryak, and the Kamchadal. Of these, the first two are
closely related, while the Kamchadal shows markedly divergent
forms. Its phonetics are more complicated than those of the other
two languages, and it seems to have preserved some ancient traits.
Its morphology, however, is obscured by the recent process of Rus-
silanization, which has had a marked influence upon the language of
the people.
Since I spent several years among the Chukchee on the Kolyma and
Anadyr, and attained full command of the language in a practical
manner, my Chukchee material is much fuller and also more accurate
than that collected in the other languages. The work on the Chuk-
chee is also facilitated by the fact that the language has no dialects,
the dialect of the maritime Chukchee of the Pacific coast being almost
identical with that of the reindeer-breeders of the Kolyma river.
Besides grammatical and lexicographic data, I have collected a large
number of texts. I have also collected texts from the Asiatic Eskimo,’
with literal translation into Chukchee, made by natives and carefully
revised with their aid, as a means of avoiding inexactness in the trans-
lation of the Eskimo material.
1 Some of these have been published in my paper, ‘‘The Eskimo of Siberia’ (Publications of the
Jesup North Pacific Expedition, vol. vill, part 111). Leyden, E. J. Brill, 1913.
639
640 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 40
My work on the Koryak was done during the months from Decem-
ber, 1900, to March, 1901. While Mr. Waldemar Jochelson studied
the ethnology of the Koryak on behalf of the Jesup Expedition, the
morphological study of the language was assigned to me on account
of my familiarity with the Chukchee. I left the Anadyr in Novem-
ber, 1900, joined Mr. Jochelson at Kamenskoye, and spent about a
month with him. From there I proceeded to Kamchatka and studied
the Kamchatka Koryak and the Kamehadal. On account of the neces-
sity of devoting some time to the Eskimo of Indian Point, I could not
devote more time to the study of these dialects.
The Koryak is spoken ina number of dialects, which may be classed
in two groups, the western and the eastern. The western group
includes the maritime villages on Penshina Bay of the Sea of Okhotsk,’
some of which are the largest of the Koryak settlements, and the
reindeer breeders on the rivers flowing into the Pacific Ocean. Here
belong, for instance, the villages of Qa’yilm, Cimi’tqa, and Po’gaé.?
The eastern group includes all the maritime Koryak of Kamchatka
and the villages of the Pacific shore, mainly around Alutor Bay.
The Kerek may form a third group, which, although situated farthest
to the east, is more closely related to the western branch.
I shall call the western group ‘*‘Koryak I;” the eastern group ~
‘*Koryak II.” Since the majority of the former group are reindeer
breeders who live north from the maritime villages, and, along the
northern border of the country, come into contact with the Chuk-
chee, I have elsewhere called the Koryak I the northern group; the
Koryak II, the southern group.
The bulk of my Koryak material and all the texts are principally
from the village Kamenskoye on Penshina bay, and also from Paren,
50 miles farther to the west. I have marked this material, respec-
tively, ‘‘ Kor. Kam.” and ‘‘ Kor. Par.” Ali words and forms marked
simply ‘‘Kor.” are common to the various dialects. The chief dif-
ference between the dialects of Kamenskoye and Paren—both mem-
bers of the eastern branch—lies in the rules governing the harmony
of vowels. My material on the Koryak of Kamchatka is not exten-
sive.
1 See W. Jochelson, The Koryak (Ibid., vol. v1), pp.487 et seq. Leyden, E. J. Brill.
2Tbid., p. 440. See also map at end of volumes vi and vii of the Publications of the Jesup North
Pacific Expedition.
Ee
BOA 8] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES—CHUKCHEE 641
The Kamchadal material that I have been able to collect is not very
full. The study of this dialect is at present very difficult on account
of its corruption by the introduction of Russian elements.
In Krasheninnikofi’s time there were three dialects of the Kamcha-
dal—a southern, an eastern (spoken on the Kamchatka river), and a
western. ‘The first two are extinct, the language of the natives hay-
ing been replaced by Russian. The eastern dialect is spoken in 13
villages on the coast of the Sea of Okhotsk. The largest of these is
Kharghiusova (Kamchadal, P16’x6n), where I stayed 20 days. Another
dialect is spoken in the village Sedanka, on the upper course of the
Tighil river. Apart from phonetic differences, the chief features of
this dialect are due to a strong Koryak influence. This, however, is
also quite strong in the dialect of the Sea of Okhotsk. During the
last 50 years, Koryak reindeer breeders have been living on the
tundras of the eastern part of Kamchatka. The Kamchadal visit
them, and purchase from them reindeer meat and skins for clothing.
These Koryak are not Christianized, and speak only their own lan-
guage. Thus it happens that the Kamchadal of the eastern shore, as
far south as the village Kol, speak more or less the western Koryak
dialect (1); and that among the half-Russianized Kamchadal, remnants
of Koryak have almost completely replaced the old, native Kamcha-
dal. Ina few folk stories, fragments of which I was able to collect,
the Kamchadal names have been forgotten, and Koryak names have
taken their places. Sometimes it is not easy to determine whether we
are dealing with Kamchadal or with Koryak terms. In the Sedanka
dialect the influence of Koryak is felt even more markedly. The
people are in the habit of using whole Koryak sentences, or begin a
sentence in Kamchadal and end in Koryak. The dialect that has
influenced the Sedanka people is the Kamchatka Koryak II.!_ Besides,
there is a strong intrusion of Russian into both dialects. The Kam-
chadal has lost many of its numerals, several pronouns, and a consid-
erable number of nouns and adjectives, all of which have been replaced
by Russian terms. These have not been assimilated so as to conform
with the morphology of Kamchadal, but remain unaltered. A Rus-
sianization may also be observed in the grammatical structure.
Nevertheless the Russian spoken by the Russianized natives of
Kamchatka also bears evidence of the influence of the Kamchadal.
1Sedanka Kamchadal g’ava’telkal THEY PERISHED (-lk inchoative in Koryak II, -fivo in Koryak I)
8¢qi/tIti HE WILL FREEZE TO DEATH (se- future prefix Koryak II, ye-in Koryak I).
3045°—Bull. 40, pt. 2—12——41
642 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 40
The Russian suffixes for case and gender do not occur, and all nouns
and adjectives are used in the nominative singular masculine. All
vowels are strongly marked as long, short, or obscure.
In the following study I have confined myself to the main points of
the morphology. The description is based mainly on Chukchee and
on a comparison of Chukchee and the western Koryak of Kamenskoye.
Kamchadal has been utilized only so far as to indicate the peculiar
characteristics of this dialect.
Notes on the Koryak are indicated by a single, those on the Kam-
chadal by a double marginal vertical rule. Examples without refer-
ence are taken from field notes.
All references for the Chukchee indicated by page and line (for in-
stance, 21.3) are to my Chukchee texts contained in the Publications
of the Jesup North Pacific Expedition; those marked R, followed by
page and line (for instance, R 23.5) are to my collection of texts pub-
lished by the Russian Imperial Academy of Sciences. All references
to Koryak (marked, for instance, Kor. 27.6) are to my Koryak Texts
published by the American Ethnological Society. The following
previous publications on this family of languages may be mentioned:
L. Rapuiorr, Ueber die Sprache der Tschuktschen (Memoirs of the Imperial Acad-
emy of Science, St. Petersburg, 1861, Series vi, vol. m1, No. 10).
B. P. Boropass, O6pasnu MaTepias0Bb WOMsYeHixO GyKOTCKaTO ASEIKau OTbK-
ZOpa, co6panuarxh Bb KommmecKkoms oxpyr’. Orrucks usp Ussberitt Amne-
patopcxor Axayemin Hayxs T. X. No. 3 (Maprp 1899).
[WatpEMaAR Bocoras, Sample Text for the Study of the Chukchee Language and
Folk-Lore, collected in the Kolyma District. Reprint from the Memoirs of
the Imperial Academy of Sciences, vol. x, no. 3 (March, 1899).]
Marepiasst 10 usy4eHitO UyKOTcKaro ABEIKa U PobKIOpa, co6panHue Bb KoswHM-
cKOM® oKpyrb. Us3zanie Mmneparopcxou Axafzemin Hayxp. B.1. C.-Herep-
6yprs 1900.
[Materials for the Study of the Chukchee Language and Folk-Lore, collected in the
Kolyma District, Part 1. Imperial Academy of Sciences, St. Petersburg, 1900.
Chukchee Mythology (Publications of the Jesup North Pacific Expedition, vol.
vu, Part1). Leyden, E. J. Brill, 1910.
Koryak Texts (Publications of the American Ethnological Society, vol. v). Ley-
den, E. J. Brill, 1914.
Ienacy Rapuinsxy, Ze zbiorow Prof. B. Dybowskiego. Slowniki Nazzeczy Ludéw
Kamezackich, 5 parts, Krakow, 1891-94.
C. KpamenuHuuxkoss OnucaHie semim Kamuatxu. C.-[erep6yprs 1819. T.1. 1.
[S. KrasHENINNIKOFF, Description of the Land Kamchatka, vols. 1 and. St.
Petersburg, 1819.]
B. H. Tromozns, Ho x3amaquomy Gepery Kamuarxn, C. I. B., 1906.
[W. N. Tusnorr, Along the Western Shore of Kamchatka. St. Petersburg, 1906. }
PHONETICS (§§ 1-24)
Chukchee (§§ 1-13)
§ 1. Vowels
The vowels of the Chukchee language may be divided into three
classes:
(1) Weak vowels: % ¢ e & u
(2) Strong vowels: é a4 6 0
(3) Neutral vowels: 1 £ 4 %
The vowels of the first and second classes are always long.
z, ێ, u, have their continental values.
disa long obscure vowel, in rest position of all the muscles of
the oral cavity, posterior nares closed, teeth and lips slightly
opened.
¢¢ is a glide from ¢ to 7, with long, accented 2. It is always com-
bined with a glottal stop.
é is the open ¢ of hell, but long.
a has its continental value.
o like 0 in nor.
¢au with very slight rounding of lips, with the acoustic effect
of a sound between o and w.
1, E, 4, obscure, short vowels corresponding to the respective long
vowels.
% an @ with rounded lips, short; somewhat like the Russian 51.
Unusual length or shortness of vowels is indicated by the maeron
and breve respectively (a, @).
Diphthongs are formed by the combination of any of the vowels
with following 7 and w:
a like 7 in hide. au like ow in how.
ez like ez in vein. ew like ew in Italian leucojo.
oz like o2 in choice.
The z and uw of diphthongs belong to the neutral vowels. Combina-
tions of the vowels with the weak vowels z and u do not form diph-
thongs.
The ¢ and w of true diphthongs must be considered as voiced con-
sonants, because, in all intervocalic positions where they are not lost,
and in proper position before certain consonants, they have conso-
nantic character; and because they often modify following conso-
nants in the manner of the preceding consonants y and w (see §§ 5, 9).
§1
643
644 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY (BULL. 40
Generally the accent of diphthongs is on the first vowel, although
it is often placed on the second vowel.
gatlo'grm indeed. upau'ma while drinking
When the diphthong is followed by a consonantic cluster, the ter-
minal vocalic sound of the diphthong is lengthened. This gives the
effect of an accent on the first vowel.
upa’urkim thou drinkest
Before vowels, the w of the diphthong becomes w.
nipa'w-é-wm Lam drinking (stem wpa)
Norre.—In many cases 7 neutral, which does not form diphthongs,
originates from contraction of yr (see § 10).
Doubled vowels are also of frequent occurrence, particularly
az in te'rkiir (male pronunciation *) sun
ee in e'ek lamp
uu in rntu'ulpir son-in-law
2é in éé'thtipi: from the skin intended for clothing
aa in pa'arkin thou ceasest
oo in ro'olgal food
1 in ¢adfr'rrgen sinful action
After the loss of %, y, or g, between two vowels (see § 10), clusters
of three repetitions of the same vowel may appear.
miya'aakk <mrya'agatk I will use
A comparison with Koryak suggests that whenever two vowels
appear in contact, an elision of a consonant has occurred. Examples
of this are given in § 16, no. 18, p. 670. It would seem that in all
these cases the Chukchee has the tendency to assimilate the vowels
(see § 18, p. 665).
§ 2. Consonants
Stop Affricative Nasal Lateral
Contin-| 4 ffricative Trill
Surd | Sonant |} Surd |Sonant|/Sonant] Surd 2 pa
Surd | Sonant
Labial ..| p oo — — m v — —
Alveolar . | ¢ — [d] (5) sCualied n n — L L l 7,
Palatalized
alveolar | ¢ —[d°] é j n _ 8 _ = = z
Palatal .. | k, wkw* | — — — th tt — — = = ses
Velar ...|q 9 9(u,0) || — _ — — = cg te ie pe}
Glottal ..| — e — = — — — _ as a =
h, wy
1See § 13. 2 Written kw before and after wu.
§2.
BOAS] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES—CHUKCHEE 645
p, m, a8 in English.
v bilabial.
¢ as in English.
§ like z in German Zezt, used only in female pronunciation.
é like English ch in chotce.
j like English 7 in joy.
n as in English.
Lt stop produced by the tip of the tongue touching the upper
alveoli, back of the tongue pressed against the hard palate, and
sudden lateral release with slightly continued stricture.
L like xz, but sonant.
¢ as in German.
ras in French (hard trill, roue).
* dental 7 with weak trill.
t*, d*, 8°, 7°, n°, the corresponding consonants strongly palatalized,
similar to ty, dy, sy, Jy, ny.
é* strongly palatalized, intermediate between ¢* and ¢, but weaker
than either.
kas in English.
wkw \abialized k.
f like n in stnging. Voiceless 7% is always terminal, and appears
after terminal 7,£.
9,9 | velars corresponding to £ and g; g in this combination
g (u, 0) { is often labialized.
A, w, y, consonantic, as in English. Initial w is sometimes pro-
nounced nasally, as in wo'tgan THIS ONE. In my Russian pub-
lications I have indicated this nasalization; but it has not been
indicated here, since it is not morphologically significant, and
seems to be a characteristic feature of the sound, which appears,
however, of varying strength.
dand d’, which are bracketed in the table of consonants, appear
only as the development of a strong palatalization of 1’, as in
ta'nd'an <ta'n-yan a good one
In only one case is initial d@ found,—d?’ndin Fire (from stem ym;
compare gay'nla‘n THE ONE THAT HAS FIRE). The reduplicated
form yimyin changes to yimd’m, from which develops—by assimila-
tion, d*mmd‘m, and by intensification of the obscure vowel, di’ndin.
Norr.—Examples of the importance of the glottal stops are—
é'rirkin he comes across vrirkin he hits
ré'tirkin he rejoices rétrkin he brings
yo"'rkim thou overtakest yo'rkin thou puttest in
ye'tirkin the sky becomes ye tirkin thou comest
overcast
été cold ée'ée lengthwise
éée'purkin it shows itself ete'piirkin it grows damp
646 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULt 40
The consonants / and ¢ are intimately related, and frequently re-
place each other, sometimes with a slight change of meaning (see § 122).
vétéa'rkin and véza'rkin (from vét-la'rkm, see § 7, no. 17, p. 654),
he stands
vilus'tirm and viéus'ttim (from stem vilu- ear) ear-bone
éev’wurkin he walks; lez’wurkim he wanders about
laé'ler winter; éd§’ Een cold
Initial ¢7 is sometimes replaced by ér.
trui-tto'oéa > éréréo'oéa in front of the entrance
Notr.—In words borrowed from the Russian, the following substi-
tutions occur:
For Russian 6 (2), Chukchee v is substituted.
For Russian (f), Chukchee p or g is substituted.
For Russian x, Chukchee £ or g is substituted.
For Russian c, m (s, sh), Chukchee é is substituted.
For Russian ¢ (s), Chukchee ¢ is substituted.
Examples:
Chukchee Russian
carvan caida (storehouse)
Apo'n Aoonpka (Athanasius)
Ge than @Megbna (Teddy)
éa' gar caxap? (sugar)
éol coAb (salt)
tré’n*non cpejne (middle)
§ 3. Vocalic Ablaut
The vowels have been classified in three groups,—weak, strong,
and neutral. The weak ones are indicated by 4, the strong ones by ,.
A word, simple or compound, must contain only strong vowels and
neutrals, or only weak vowels and neutrals, or only vowels of one of
the three classes. When, in composition, weak vowels and strong
vowels come together in the same word, the former are changed by
the ablaut into strong vowels.
*¢ and 7 into
e and & into
U into
>> >Q 3
or @
The sound @ differs in origin, therefore, from q, the latter being
the ablaut of ¢ ord. This process is not confined to preceding or fol-
lowing vowels, but pervades the whole word. Elements containing
only weak vowels are combined without ablaut. The same is true of
elements containing either neutral vowels alone or neutral and weak
§3.
- ee ee
SS a
Boas] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES—-CHUKCHEE 647
vowels. A polysyllabic stem which contains a single strong vowe
must have all its vowels strong.
Examples of such compositions are—
Weak vowels or weak vowel and neutral vowel:
priri-rkim he takes agdint-tvi'rkin the weather grows
ten-teki'éhin good meat warm
mee ni-timkitim great piie'pi snowstorm
hummock 145.1. nu'nun blade of knife
zul-u'tiuut long wood
Ablaut of weak vowel and strong vowel:
péré'yo (from pirt-yo) taken
péna'ypu (from pite-tpi) from a snowstorm
nono'tpu (from nu’ny-ipi) from the blade of knife
agqiné'nma (from ggdinit-m@g) while the weather is growing
warm
awkwa'tinok (from ewkwet-rig) at the beginning of leaving
eu'lu-wa'lat (from zul-vgla) long knives 15.2
tan-martu-mé'mil good, big seal
gizé'-aga'ti-gor greedy’ right-hand driving-reindeer
There are a number of words with neutral, probably auxiliary
vowels (see § 8), which produce the ablaut, as ¢7m TO KILL; and
quite a number of suffixes of the same phonetic character that have
the same effect. In these cases it is therefore conceivable either that
a strong vowel has been lost or that the phonetic effect is primarily
due to other reasons. I give here a list of strong stems of this
character: ?
1m rising of water wurg dwarf birch
mm glue wukw stone 68.36
rprift first dawn pitv doubled
ytp to put on 37.8 pifl (-mfirl) news 78.4
yit (-gtr) to get pili ripples, to bubble 41.1
yim fire pilvint iron, metal
yin? steep bank pilm darkness produced by a
ytkirg mouth 18.12 storm
ytggt bountiful pilhirr flat, flattened 84.25
wit leaf pig float of sealskin
wilh thin, with short hair puigl large, round, wooden
102.12 bowl
wulhrp to fling ming hand
wur branching mit nimble
1Greedy for urine given in a small vessel. See W. Bogoras, The Chukchee (The Jesup North
Pacific Expedition, vil, 85).
3 Forms preceded by a hyphen are those in which stems appear when in medial position (see § 12)
§3
648
miLih five 107.23
tim (-nm) to kill 23.5
timg (-mg) to choke
trmlz to get near to 44.1
tinp to stab
¢trz door
tirk testicle
tuw (-tvw) word, promise 49.6
-tkim to crouch
érmy bitter
éuw bruise
lrp neck (bone)
lim something kept in re-
serve, spare material
lrgiip deadfall (trap)
lufw to vanquish
-lpinf (pint) to give
-Upil (pil) to drink
rithil bridge of nose.
rinn tusk, antler R 3.31
rinnim gums
ring shy
rmn‘f to whittle (moving knife
toward hody)
Prefixes of the same character are—
ym- all
kyt- (-gtj-) much, strongly
BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY
[BULL. 40
rl (-z) to enter the sleeping-
room
rilh finger 22.7, 47.2
rir to hunt down; (71r[-rr1] To
UNTIE has a weak stem)
rirvit sinew-thread
rig hair
riggit to be too narrow, to
have no room.
ruv (-nv) to scrape; (ruv
[-nv] TO PUSH OFF is a weak
stem)
-rkipl (krpl) to strike 45.12
kit hard
kitér to hatch (eggs)
kilt middle part of sternum
kirg dry
krrgil fibrous
git thin, sparse
git lake
gilh skin
giml (kimi 33.12) marrow
fini stanchion of sledge
ful smoke R 32.38
firkil shame.
There are also a number of suffixes with neutral vowel, that are
strong:
-gtf, -ét4, -wts, allative (§ 41)
-ipit, -épit, -giipit, ablative (§ 42)
-Th(1n), -lrfi(rn), substantival suffix (§ 52)
-éh(in), -G17i(1n), substantival suffix (§ 53)
-in-, -tfiin, augmentative (§ 98, 1)
-gurg(mm) verbal noun (§ 106, 44)
-tkin surface (§ 101, 19)
-8'g, -s'gdn over, top of (§ 101, 20)
-nv, -n, place of (§ 109, No. 50)
Still other suffixes are strong because they have strong vowels:
-(1)ng allative of personal nouns (§ 41)
-ngg ablative, adverbial ( § 43)
-g9 augmentative, (§ 98, 3)
ul -lganin, -lgafin, space of, (see § 101, 20.)
Boas] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES—CHUKCHEE 649
-livio diminutive (§ 98, 7
ga—ma comitative (§ 100, 15)
-maér comitative (§ 100, 17)
-gat, -gal, by the side of (§ 101, 26)
-yanv, -yan, provided with (§ 104, 38)
-yoth, -ooth, receptacle (§ 105, 40)
-yo passive participle (§ 107, 47)
fivio, -7i9. inchoative (§ 110, 63)
-that, verbal suffix expressing contempt (§ 110, 66)
In the following sketch the symbols , and , have been used wher-
ever clearness seemed to require the exact statement of the character
of the vowels. Wherever the character of the vowel is irrelevant or
the changes due to harmony of vowels are obvious, the symbols have
been omitted.
In a few words, 7 is apparently a neutral vowel; as in
ya'tergin (stem ye't) the act of coming
kanka' éirgm (stem kenkel-) the act of descending
In these cases the 7 has originated through palatalization of the
preceding consonant and the elision of g, which, after ¢ and , has
hanged to / (see §§ 7 and 10).
ya tergyn <ya't-hyrgyn < y@'t-girgyn
hatha’ tirgyn < kanka't*-hygyn < kanka'é-gyrgin
In pronunciation, ¢, and é, @, differ very little. ‘The pronunciation
of the last two 1s, of course, identical. The manner in which the ablaut
occurs with ¢, while it is absent in @, demonstrates, however, their
etymological difference.
elere'rkin he feels dull
alara'ma while feeling dull
mérémér tear
méré'gtt to a teal
ine'pil snowstorm i
‘pina bert from a snowstorm (stem 276)
kéto'rkin (stem kéto) he remembers
In most cases é precedes or follows g, or is followed by the
glottal stop £, which has probably originated through a loss of ge
With few exceptions, @ is a weak vowel.
(stem elere)
(stem méré)
a®gd’-mi'mil bad water, brandy
a®’qdlpe quick! hurry!
gaia’ fawn
a‘lge'p nail
Gmu'lin workingman
650 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 40
This @ is probably developed from e under the influence of the
following glottal stop.
In several suffixes @ appears without connection with q or *.
vilu'té by means of an ear
vala'ta by means of a knife
Ina few cases @ belongs to the group of strong vowels, and is
probably derived from é@ under the influence of the glottal stop.
d/o’ day
a*ttwér'-fian interjection, WHAT DO YOU CALL IT!
In several compounds & appears as connecting vowel instead of 1.
This happens also generally before or after g. The sound of &@ in
these cases is short, and it belongs to the neutral vowels.
In the words a*ttim Dog, a*’tt1m BONE, the a® replaces the weak a,
and is therefore also weak.
u of diphthongs is generally a nequivalent of w«, vocalized when pre-
ceding a consonant. Therefore it is neutral, even if the accent is on
the first part of the diphthong, which increases the vocalic character
of the wu.
terke'urkin he wrestles
tackaulé'pt from the wrestler
upa'urkim he drinks
In other cases wu is by origin vocalic, and therefore changes too or e.
vufrkin it thaws éo°'m@ while thawing
but consonantic
vurkin he speaks éu'ma while speaking
This i’u* may be explained as originating from r’yy‘, where, accord-
ing to the rule, the intervocalic y dropped out, strengthening at the
same time 1 to 2.
Consonantic w, especially when initial, requires a ~ preceding it.
This ~, which is simply a strong glottal intonation, is neutral, and
drops out after prefixes.
uwv'rkin he cooks uwé’ma while cooking
éuwi'rkin he cuts it off éuwé'ma while cutting
ge'évilin he cut it
luwa'urkin he can not gglvgulén being unable to do
something
§3
Boas] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES—CHUKCHEE 651
Russian loan-words also conform to the rules of vocalic harmony.
ov lken fork (Kor. Kam. wz'lka); stem vi'/ke; Russian Baia
éu'men bag (Kor. Kam. éu’ma); stem éwme,; Russian cyma
koma'k paper; stem komak,; Russian 6ymara
mu'lemul soap (Kor. Kam. mu’la); stem mule; local Russian my.o,
instead of mpI410
yekw'tilin Yakut; stem yekut; Russian Axryts
préka' érk commercial agent (Kor. preka'ssek); Russian upaKallans
(Kor. Kam. éa2’n‘ek) teakettle;! Russian gaiaaKt
Compositions conform to the rules of harmony, with very few
exceptions. The particles zzo'’n and wan enter into close combination
with other particles without affecting their vowels: emizo’n< emi ELo'n
where is he? eufia’n<eun fian so then R41.96. The former com-
pound may even form an augmentative emizonatnin where is he then?
43.6.
In pice'g-tuwa'rkin THOU TAKEST OFF THE BooTs, the second part
alone has the ablaut.
In éé9-a’mniién IN DIFFERENT DIRECTIONS, both parts have the
ablaut, while the weak forms iq and emninzn would be expected.
The separate words of the sentence are not affected by these rules.
§4. Initial and Terminal Consonants
All sounds occur in initial position, except the consonants 1, Z,
é*, 7, which are not found in uncompounded stems, but seem to be
due throughout to assimilation (see § 7).
L<t+l e<tty
L<J/+l or r+l I< ad+y
All sounds occur as terminals except
Tai Gy Gi, (2), a], 6% 7, 7°, ww, F
v,h
1 presume the absence of the former group is due to the fact that
they are by origin double consonants (see § 5).
Voiceless m and % appear only as terminal sounds after 7 and z.
No clusters of more than two consonants occur. Terminal conso-
nantic clusters are not admissible, and are broken either by the intro-
duction of an obscure vowel or by being placed in medial position by
the addition of a terminal obscure vowel. It is important to note
that the glottal stop does not count as a consonant in these clusters.
It always follows a long vowel.
1Chukchee pi/larkuk throat-kettle. §4
652 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL, 40
Terminal #, particularly after 1, becomes voiceless, and hence very
weak.
kefiu'new’ STAFF ends in voiceless #, but in the plural hefiu'nefirt
the % is voiced
This may account for the slight nasal character of unaccented
terminal 7.
§ 5. Medial Consonantic Clusters
The following consonants never appear in clusters:
bh, L, t',* [a], [d'],? &, 7, J, wkw
This proves again that all of these must be considered as double
consonants (see § 4).
Besides this, the following do not occur as the first member of a
medial cluster:
A eens
The medial cluster ¢7 occurs in some derivations of the loan-word
tré'n*non (Russian cpeque).
gatré'n‘nonta'len they went to Sredne Kolymsk
The following do not occur as second member of a cluster:
oe nN, €
The consonantic medial clusters that have been found are con-
tained in the following table, in which dashes indicate inadmissible
clusters.
Pp t k q é m n 7) v 1 r,¥ y w h
p | pp | pt | pk | pa | pg | pé =>) = pl | pr | py
t tt tk tq té — — — tv — |(tr)—| ty tw th
7 = gt 97 | 99 HN Alo he = = gl gr gy | —
e et tk &q €9 em en (a7 él ey
é _ — -- _— cé — — év — |—— th
s | sp sk | sq | sn
m | mp | mt | mk | mq | mg | mé | mm} mn | mi | . ml mr | my | mw
nT np nt nk nq _ ne nm |) nn _ nv nl \(mr)nF| ny
n | np nk | mq | ng nm mi | nv —
fii | — | — | fik | aq] ag | — — | mm | —} —}|——-|} —| —
lp lt lk lg — lm lv — ly lw lh
f _ rk rg = - rv — TT — rw
i ug ym | — yn ===
wt | (wk)| wg | wg wm | wn — wr — | ww
1Except th. 8 Except kk, and in one case kr, which is probably an affricative q.
3 Except nd’. 4 Except gq.
§5
'
‘
q
Boas] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES—CHUKCHEE 653
§ 6. Vocalic Contraction
When sounds that form inadmissible combinations come into contact
through composition, phonetic changes occur.
(1) Of two weak or strong vowels in contact, the first one is elided.
gat-aa' éék < garé'-aa'éék lazy boy
Géq-u' ttuut < a§qa-w'ttuut bad wood
(2) Obscure 1, £, %, A, d,a*, following another vowel are elided. The
glottal stop is always retained.
anga-nna'n < anga'-Enna'n sea-fish
gapau'lén < ga-uipa'ulén he drank
ée'rl < ée'ri-G*’ tel muddy snow
neu®' ttin < te u-a*'ttin female dog
§ 7. Medial Consonantic Processes
When two consonants come into contact, certain changes occur.
The consonants given on the left-hand side form, when followed by
the consonants at the head of the columns, the following combinations:
p m v w bt ety nay at k Rh q g
p forms with mn mh
v forms with wkw
w forms with wkw wkw wg fateh
t forms with nm nn Cr) Lb nn ni
A Jnr . .
n Sorms with nd ao nit ng
é forms with sD ic } tt fn Jer L sk th sq th
y forms with gt gn gc gr gl
Tr Sorms with divnn atey Te i
: j L lq lh
l Sorms with {4 or i; lh sg ly
k ! gn wkw
k 4! 99
\ Sorm with wp wm wkw wkw gt gn 99 gr gl ] {8 ii aq 99
. « fnd> nr
i Jorms with mp wm mv mw nt gn née { ny nF nl
&r
qg Sorms with LL &y &w fn 8 ty fF & *e =e © («q) "9
These changes may be summarized in part as follows:
(1) Voiceless labial and dental stops before nasals become nasals.
(2) k and g before labials become w; with v and w, they form a
labialized 4%.
(8) 4, g, and y before dentals become g.
§6, 7
654 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 40
(4) g before consonants becomes *; only gq occurs. |
(5) % before labials becomes m, before dentals, 7.
(6) é before labials, palatals, and n, becomes s*. When / replaces é,
it is treated in the same manner.
(7) Dentals before palatals are palatalized.
(8) w with following v, , and sometimes also with g, forms labial-
ized k.
(9) y following v, w, and g, becomes g.
(10) ¢ (é), and 7 with following y, form é°.
(11) 2 with following y forms 7’, or ly.
(12) ¢, é, and (7) with following 7 form 77.
(13) (¢), é, and 7 with following ¢ form #¢.
(14) 7% Set following n and % forms gn and gf.
(15) m and % with following y form nd°.
(16) m and % with following 7 form often nz.
(17) ¢, é, 7, and 2 with folloevine 2 form zt. The last two with fol-
lowing / also form Z.
(18) 2 with following 7 forms 77.
(19) 2 with following #% forms /h.
(20) rv with following » forms vn.
(21) » with following é forms ¢é.
(22) & with following % and ¢ form gk and gy.
(23) % and g with following 7% form 7.
(24) k with following g forms gg; with following gu, wkw (u).
(25) g with following g forms 99.
(26) Zand ¢ with following g form /A, /y, and th, ty.
Examples:
pn > mn (1) gemne'lin whetted < ge-pne'-lin
valamna'lin < vala -pna'lin the knife-whetter
AA. 4
rimné' pt from the inner skin (71’pim inner skin)
pn > mi (1) gitte’miew < gitte’p-nrew clever woman
namnilo’ain < na-phulo'-atn they asked him
66,24
tm >nmm (1) mini'nmtk < min-i't-mik let us be! 57.1
ni’ lodn-murr < ni-y1'lydt-murr we slept |
na'nmuan < na-tmu-dn they killed it 8.2
mne’wkwenmik < mn-e'wkwet-mik let us go
away! 17.8
tu > nn (1) er’mainnin < er'mit-nin he took it 117.9
in >nn'(1,7) ree’ lgdn: fut < re-yl'lqat' fut they will sleep
gen'tn’ulin < ge-thiy-lin he sentit 104.10 (cf.
"19.1; 104.3)
kp > wp (2) mitwpe'nvel < mitkpe'nvel many two-year-old
reindeer-bucks |
§7 ,
Boas] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES—CHUKCHEE 655
km > wm (2)
kv > wkw (2)
kw > wkw (2)
gp > wp (2)
gm > wm (2)
gv > wkw (2)
gw > wkw (2)
kt > gt (8)
kn > gn (8)
kr > gr (8)
ki >gl (3)
yt >gt (3)
yn> gn (3)
yé >gé (3)
yr >gr (8)
yl >gl (3)
q before conso-
nants > € (4)
mivwmo'oqgor < mtk-mo'oqgor many pack-rein-
deer
pitawkwa' gliitim < pita'k-va'gliitm boot-grass
(i. e., grass insole)
miwkwe't hau < mik-wé't'-haw (too) many
words
éw-péra’rkin < ég-péra'rkm he looks wolf-like
eLe’w-mi'tgimit < exe’g-m1'tgadmit sweet blub-
ber (honey)
cé'wmak < cég-mak egg-shell
ara’ wkwa'nau < ata’g-ve'nau chewing-gum (lit.
sweet gum)
alawkweé't' hau < alag-wé't'hau sweet talk
wwi'g trmné’n < uwi'k trmné’n she killed herself
12.27
miig-ne'nnet < miik-ne'nnet many otter (skins)
mitg-re'w < mitk-re'w many whales
m tug hi'glig <mitk-li' glig many eggs
See ae vereem < cai-tar' oé-hyn tea-bag
ma'gnt < mav'-ni property piled up outside of
house.
fe'gnit < fed’-nr mountain
wetg-eul'rmin < véi-éu'rmim grass border
vat gran <va‘i-ran grass house
va glftin < vai'r-lyfim grass
narko gipy <nerkug-gipy from the swan
rE Py ee Saree from the fish-hook
= € + ae O_%. A =
maimé'ipt <miqmé-ipt, from the arrow
ao
geli'kerin < ge-gli'ket-lin he has married
A few stems, when preceding consonants, change g to £, and their
vowels become subject to ablaut.
For instance:
tip > mp (5)
hw > mv (5)
nw>mw (5)
nt>nt
nE>neé
te® < tig to cast metal
ye < yig quick
me>< mig small
tr'girkim he casts metal
te’’nin he has cast it
tampera'é < tan-péra’é he appeared well
gempe' lin < ge-nipe'-lin they landed 12.9
tam-vg'irgin< tan-va'irgin good being, good
state of things
tam-wané irgin < tan-wané'rrgin good work
ranto'a‘t <ra-nto'-a%t they went out 56.8
tan-tac < tan-éai good tea y
656
87
=
BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY (BULL, 40
hy >ny
rr > nt
nl >nl
ép >s'p (6)
%m > sm (6)
én > sn (6)
ék>s'k (6)
ég>s‘q (6)
ni >n‘ir (7)
ng>n'g (7)
lq >s‘q,whenl re-
places aé
wv > wkw (8)
ww > wkw (8)
wg >wkw (8)
vy >vg (9)
wy >wg (9)
gy>9g (9)
ty>& (10)
ry >é* (10)
ly>j* or remains
unaltered (11)
tr>rr (12)
ér>rr (12)
é¢t> tt (13)
tele’n-ye' p< tele’h-ye’p long time ago
tele’n-remkin < tele’h-Fe’mkin ancient people
tan-Fa'n<tan-ra’‘n a good house; but tan-
roolgal < tan-ro' olgal g ‘good food
ten-le' ut <ten-le'ut good, clever head
mas’-pa’' aé < mat-pa’aé he seemed to cease
mes*-kinpr’s*-mié < mes'-kirpr’é-mré of about the
size of a cake of brick tea; but also mes’-
kirpr’n-mr€é
mes*nt’mpligin < met-ni'mpaiqin somewhat slow;
but also menaz'mpdgin
kirpi's'kin<kirpi'tkin belonging to a cake of
brick-tea; but from va’rigaé THERE is derived
the adjective vaniiga'tkén
kirpi'sgai < kirpi'é-qaéi small piece of brick-tea
(see 29.8)
gun ne ekik <qun-iie'ekik single daughter (see,
however, gun-fe'ekrk 29.8)
gon-gitka’ panel -gitka'ta one-legged
wu's'quus’ <wu'lquul darkness
raqgnawkwa'rgin <raa'naw-va' irgin straight act-
ing
law lawkwa'irga<lau'law'-va'irga by mischiey-
ous being 117.21
Tawhwané'irgin <naw-wané'irgin female work
trmar a rokwark < trmar au’ - -gatk I quarreled
evme rwokwit <ezme’u- git it approached 9.12
nungé ntogénat <n-vyi-nto-ginet their breath
went out 34.6
awgo'lika < dé-wyol-ké without assistant 124.5
na’wgél <7iaw-yél female cousin
égga "hin< &g-ya'ilhin wolf’s paw
axa'ggan <ara'gyan the sweet one
yl’ lgaé'¢ an< < yt lgat-yan the sleeper
ko'&-0<ko'r-yo the one bought
a'lkrj‘o<a'lkilyo the one recognized. The unal-
tered form occurs also.
gir-ra'ttam <git-ra'ttam thin curried reindeer.
skin
marra’ Enki < maé-ra' Enki somewhat back of you
mat-toré'tu-wa' lin < maé-toré'tu-wg'linsomewhat
crazy
ma’ néngat-taé <ma'hénggé-tgé® in what direc-
‘tion he moved on
®
™
nr > nF (16)
Boss] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES—CHUKCHEE 657
rt> tt (13) tut-ter' kik < tur-tei'kik newly made
fin > gn (14) teg-né thin < teri-nélhin good skin
Tin > git (14) teg-Tie'us gat <ten-né'us' gat good woman 62.13
ny > nd (15) mind! lgdnmrk <minyt'lgénmtk let us go tosleep!
a’ ndilhd'n < G'nyilhéén let us give it to him!
ny >id: (15) tand'a'n<tai-ya'n a good one
fu’ ni <Tu'nri there (to the right or to the left
side from the speaker)
t>x (17) ge'lgdtin < ge’-lgdt-lin he departed
él> 1 (17) mat’ miun-va' lin <maé-li’ miut-va'lin some-
what lazy
rl>t (17) tuLu'k <tur-lu’’k just on seeing it
> (17) atto’ ota’ ut < atto'ol-la'ut front head (the star
Arcturus)
gene mee nee -né'l-lin he has ei phate 116.21
lr>rr (18) girgo'r-ra ‘mkin< girgo'l- -ra'mkin “upper peo-
ple” (i. e., the beings supposed to live in the
world above)
lm>th (19) ge lhilin > gé liulin (auxiliary verb, active)
rm>nn (20) tun-ne'lhin < tur-ne'lhin new skin
ré>té (20) tet-tar < ter-cai new tea
walka' téviiin <walka'r-ti7im the jaw-bone house
59.8
kk> gk (22) miig-huke'ti <mik-kuke't1 numerous kettles, a
number of kettles
kg > 9q (22) mutg-gora’ tu <mik-qgora’iu a number of reindeer
kit > iii (23) pe tévaii-fia' luiil < pe éévak-fia' Wwul one-year rein-
deer-herd
gi > Ti (23) één-futo'rkin < tég-iuto'rkin egg goes out; i. e.,
kg >wkw (24)
kg >99 (24)
g9>94 (only in
suffixes) (25)
1g >ly (26)
tg >ty (26)
young bird hatches
mitkwui' gun <mitk-gui'gun many block-houses
mitg-ga 'LE<muUk- ga'Le many birds
ee gqii <a g- gi little wolf; but %®g-guli’qul
wolf’s voice
ne'ly® it became 9.11
rvtyd® thou shalt be
§ 8. Auxiliary Vowels
(1) When clusters of more than two consonants are formed by com-
position, the clusters are broken up by an auxiliary vowel, ordina-
rily 7.
Before w, v, the auxiliary vowel is wu.
Before or after a p which forms part of a consonantic cluster, the
auxiliary vowel is #. §8
3045°—Bull. 40. pt. 2—12——-42
658 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [puLL. 40
Before or after g, the auxiliary vowel is d.
tr'mk-1-le' ut (t1'mkrlgi-le’ut R 278) hummock-head
a'té-1-pilvr'ntin precious metal (i. e., gold)
gél-1'-tkin-1-k on the top of the sea-ice 9.1
jia' lvitl-1-chin the herd 79.6, see also fa'lvilféhin 32.11
eleu't-1-k&é without head 47.8 (<e-lewt-kd)
d'té-u-wil precious ware
éul-u-wa'lat long knives 15.2 (<7wl+valat)
n-1'-np-t-qin old one
n-ti-plu'gin small one 10.2
lélanpina’éhagaz eyes (had) the small old man
n-w'té-d-qin heavy, dear
(2) Consonants that can not form clusters—like 1, 2, wkw, @d, d*, t,
é*, Jj, j'—take also auxiliary vowels when in contact with other
consonants.
mu'timul blood 117.12
ti't-1-til the entrance 105.15
mingi’ Lint hand 57.10
ga'tilén he entered into the sleeping-room 109.22
ge’wkuxin they have tied him up 20.10 (< ge-wkut-lin)
(3) When two consonants forming a cluster come to stand in final
position, an auxiliary vowel is introduced.
pi'ful news
pi kil big bowl
ev’ rit dresses 7.8
In some cases, however, there is a terminal obscure vowel, which is
derived from an older, stronger vowel.
ga’ LE bird (stem ga/hq)
ri'rkr walrus (stem rirkq)
ve'LE raven (stem velve)
ki'rfit buck, male (stem Arrfie)
§9. u,w
Short, obscure u may change to w or v.
tu'urkin thou sayest tu'wtuw word ga'tvilén he has said
ru'urkin thou splittest ru peop the splitone ga’r 'ryslén he has split
TU ‘urkin thou scrapest ru ‘wgo the scraped ga hnphléen he has
one ser aped
ru'urki thou displacest ru'wgg displaced ge'nyrlin he has dis-
placed
ro'orkin thou pluckest 79’wgo plucked getgo’lén he has
plucked
§9
BOAS] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES—CHUKCHEE 659
§ 10. Intervocalic Elision
(1) Intervocalic w, y, (7), and g are either much weakened or drop
out altogether. This happens particularly when the vowels preceding
and following these sounds are alike. After an elision, the two vowels
are often assimilated.
je ckik <fiew-ekrk daughter
gaala'lén < gagala'lén he has passed by
gaa lhinén < gaya'lhizén he has moved away
muwa' geatk < muwa'gegatk let me sit down!
ya' thin and ya'gilhin foot
mitr'nmuut < mit-1-tmi- -git we killed thee 10.12
pe giu-w'7gir gin <pe'gti-wu'rgirgin runner- noise 32.10
éime! erkin < éimé trrkin thou creakest
(2) t+y followed by a vowel, and y+17 preceded by e and 17, form
neutral 2 (see § 2, p. 644). The preceding 7 is assimilated by this
neutral 2.
ge'tLin < ge'yiLin given
tio'lhin <tryo'lhin vein
qua'lhin and grya'lhin heel
gev loadin < ge-y'lgdtin he slept
mi ilhit <mu'ylhit I will give thee
§ 11. Phonetic Influences between Words
The changes described in §§ 6-10 occur not only in word composi-
tion, but also between the end and beginning of words that form parts
of a syntactic unit.
gimni'n ewkwewkwala'é < gimni'n e'wkwew gala’é my left-hand
driving-reindeer aah by
ya'ran mu'ri nan ‘Rena pi-me'ré << ya'rat mu'rt we grew too
angry (ya’rat too ‘much; mu’rt we; an‘fiénad'pi to become
angry)
Enne'n’ tm alge’ m futo’é < alge p firto’é a nail went out (znne’n*
one; dlge'p nail; nto, “futo to go out; -7* 3d per. sing.)
ni mnimi*-a' lhityakt < ni’ mnimit Vatinnart the neighboring
camp moved away
Sometimes 7 or ¢ is inserted between two vowels—one terminal, the
next initial—that: come together in a sentence.
tele’ g-vi*' ta-ni-v’irkin gradually dying he is
Such insertions, as well as the assimilation of sounds belonging to
different words, are used with a great deal of freedom.
§§10, 11
660 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 40 '
a
§ 12. Initial Consonantic Clusters ?
I have found the following initial consonantic clusters:
| Pr Second sound
| Initial
| pane é m n a r l
Pp pé pn ph pr pl
| t tn th tr
‘hiatal km kr kl
q qn qr ql
§ gr
m mn mh mr mi
n nr
fi fil
It appears from this table that the stops and nasals, with following
nasal 7 and 7, are the only admissible classes of initial clusters, and
not all the combinations of these are found. The combination pé
seems exceptional in this series. Combinations which occur in initial
but not in medial position are printed in italics.
Examples:
pr interjection 88.17
pré'rem meat pudding
pldég' that is all 107.21
pla kilthin boot
ptégtuwa'rkin thou takest off the boots
- pne'rkn thou whettest it
pho'rkin thou imbibest
tni'rkin thou sewest
tnairgé tr to the dawn 135.16
traya'aatn shall I use it? 93.19
trennike’wkwé'n I shall do to it 99.10
km %agdi small son 126.11
kr1'tkin upper course of a river
kloka'lhin a kind of berry
gra'gu to the disowning 94.30
gres'gt wkwe git enter! 102.35
gla'ulgai little man 9.6
gro'é she brought forth 104.8
mle'rkin thou breakest
mire-erie flim sacrificing-shaman 42.5
mneéwkwenmik let us go away! 17.8
mra' gtiatk I shall go home 99.2
mra'yo®fiin shall we visit him? 108.10
§12
BOAS] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES—CHUKCHEE 661
nre'q-t-git what dost thou want? 125.6
file'n filet flame
qnaunra' gtatyé take wife home 115.8
Since many stems consist of consonantic clusters that are not admis-
sible either medially or initially, a great number of very curious pho-
netic changes of stems occur, either by consonantic assimilation or
dissimilation, or by the insertion of auxiliary vowels. Since these
changes are not so frequent in Koryak, the latter dialect often shows
the original form of the stem, which can not be recognized from the
Chukchee forms alone. I will give here examples of a series of pho-
netic changes of this type.
(1) Medial modifications.
| Initial cluster of stems
|
|
Initial form Probable stem Medial form
pn *pn | mn
in *tn nn
th #th rh
km *km i wm
ql *ql a)
(2) In the second group the stem, when in initial position, loses the
. first sound of the consonantic cluster.
Initial form Probable stem Medial form
k *rk rk
Pp *lp lp
k ¥1k lk
q *lq iq
l *tl til
kand tik *tk tik
w *wkw (wkw)
v *tv (tv)
(3) In a few cases a substitution of sounds occurs, partly due to the
phonetic laws described before.
Initial Probable stem Medial
+r ni
g *9 hy
1 Not in all cases,
§12
662 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 40
(4) In a great many cases an auxiliary vowel is introduced between
the members of the cluster.
Initial Probable stem Medial |
pr and pir *pr pr 4
piik *pk pk i
pm *pnr mi ;
v and tuw *ty tv
trtt *tt tt |
kand tik *tk tk
til *tl l
kit *kt gt ;
yt *yt gt ’
kiy *ky 99 |
trm *tm nm
git *gt gt
mtk *mk mk :
nIp *p mp
jut *7it nt |
no aT) mg
rg *rg rg
gil *gl gl
tr or rir *rr rr
qry *qy fy
vti(t) Evy ug |
wily Fwy wg ;
lil al L |
yu *ug ig
cuw *ev cv :
un *In th
Stem
*pne pne'rkn thou ninemne'gin she whetted it 44.4
whettest it
*tne tni'rkim thou sew- ge'nnilin he sewed
est it
* tra tre'urkin thou gen'tiu'lin he sent it
sendest it
*kminet kmifie'tirkin she gewm?'fierin she brought forth :
brings forth !
glikkin twenty (lit., that ¢likkeu’kitlin nineteen (lit., one
of a man) lacking to a man)
*pkile or) kilénnin he fol- gerkele'lin she followed him 37.1 |
*rkele lowed them 50.8 —
*pkur ku'rirknm thou gérkuzin he bought
buyest it
*rkupl kr'plinén she ga'rkrplilén he had struck 86.7
struck her 86.5
*loint prntirknm thou galpi'niilén he gave
givest to him nilpr'ntygénat they gave them 14.3
g12
BOAS]
Stem
HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES—CHUKCHEE
663
*lpinit or| pindirkin thou nelpini'tydén they bound him 8.1
*Upinit
*loat
*laain
*thu
*whut
*tua
*tvétéa
bindest him
ga'tyz® he left
100.16
gdineu'nin he shot
at it 78.13
ku'rkin thou con-
sumest it
wuti'lhin tying
stick 104.24
va'rkin he is 125.2
vétéa'rkin he
stands
wétéa'lin standing
48.3
prrgdn thou hast
plucked it
pri'rkin he tears
out
pike rgiakt
came 64.2
pinlo'nén be asked
him 80.3
tu'wnén she prom-
ised it 49.6
tittu’rkim he blows
tile'at they moved
64.9
trké'rkin thou
smellest of
yito'nén he pulls it
out 45.2
krye'wkwit he
awoke 55.8
timné'n he killed
him 43.11
giti'n-lu'lqaGal
' pretty face
mi kiéin more nu-
merous 12.3
jupe dt they came
ashore 7.8
juto'e& he went out
56.4
they
ge lqazim he left 59.1
nilgdineu'nin they shot 78.10
ge'tkulin he consumed it 7.2
ge'wkurin they had tied him 20.10
gatva'rkin stay! 57.3
gatvé'téalén he stood
nitvé' téagén he stood 48.1
gé'prilin plucked out
ne'prian they tore off 30.7
ge'pkitin he came 8.6
namiulo'a'n they asked him 66.24
gq'tvylén he promised 101.21
getiu'lin he blowed
minleé git let me move thee! 89.7
ga'tkélén he smelled
gagto'lén he had been pulled out
42.8
geggewlin he awoke 55.3
nanmuain they killed him 8.2
ni'gtingin he is pretty
nii’mkagin numerous 12.7
gempe'lin they landed 12.9
ganto'lén he has gone out 8.4
§12
664
Stem
* At fiitr'rkin it de-
taches itself
*fivo jo'orkim he begins
7g ri'girkin he digs
out
*g'lo gilo'lén the one sor-
rowing 27.12
i r'rig untying
63.12
*ol rirri'lirkin he puts
down
rivri'inin he let
him go 121.33
vya wttia'arkin he lets
go (an animal)
*wyo wi' yow? sling
*llep lile’pge® he looked
7.6
ygu yu'urkin thou
bitest it
*éor éuwe’pit piece cut
off 72.19
*lh likin he has
him as
The change
verbs:
ré'urkin thou pier-
cest it
ru'rkin thou eatest
it
but rine rkin he flies
BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY
ge ntilin it has detached itself
gamge'lén he has begun
ge 'rgilin he has dug out
niglo'gén she sorrowed 27.10
nerri'net they were untied 63.11
gerre'Lin he has put down
nerri lhdén they set him free 8.2
gavga'zén he has let go
gawgo'ta with a sling
gaxe'pge* look! 79.11 (stem /ile eye;
—p to put on)
geigulin he has bitten it
nine évigin they cut it 72.18
tr'lhigrt I have you as 15.8
from initial 7 to medial 2 occurs only in transitive
geneu'lin he pierced
genu' lin he ate
ger’ fielin he flew
Initial tz is sometimes replaced by ér (see § 2, p. 646).
é1'€r-€0’ o€a before the entrance (lit., os before), instead of
tr’ x1-tto’ oéa.
In a number of cases stems seem to be reduplicated when initial,
and lose this reduplication in medial position.
me’ rinre slow
201! Hy,
yn Shy house
yoro'tu sleeping-room
§12
ni'nfegin the slow one (stem ne)
garg'lén having a house (stem 7g)
garo'lén having a sleepirig-room
"(stem 79)
[BULL. 40 ©
BOAS] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES—CHUKCHEE 665
Perhaps the initial y of the last two examples is derived from 7, as
in Koryak it replaces 7.
Irregular is—
#rerkin he arranges a rein- gerd*'lelin he has arranged a rein-
deer driving-match. deer driving-match
When a stem consisting of a consonantic cluster stands alone, auxil-
iary vowels are introduced after the initial and before the terminal
consonant.
priul news (stem pil)
ku’ kil one-eyed man (stem 42)
§ 13. Pronunciation of Men and Women
The pronunciation of the women! differs from that of the men.
Women generally substitute § for é and 7, particularly after weak
vowels. They also substitute §§ for rk and éh. The sounds é and r
are quite frequent; so that the speech of women, with its ever-recurring
§, sounds quite peculiar, and is not easily understood by an inexperi-
enced ear. Women are quite able to pronounce é and 7, and when
use these
quoting the words of a man,—as, for instance, in tales,
sounds. In ordinary conversation, however, the pronunciation of men
is considered as unbecoming a woman.
Examples are—
Men’s pronunciation Women’s pronunciation
ra'mkréhin §a'mk188n people
Pa'rkala Pa' ssala by Parkal
ctuim*na' ta Stim*na'ta by a buck
Catv urgmn Saivul ussin (a name)
The men, particularly in the Kolyma district, drop intervocalic
consonants, principally m and ¢. In this case the two adjoining vow-
els are assimilated.
nitva' gaat < nitva' génat
geu' miteet < ger'miLinet
te’ rkiir < te'rkitir
1An example of woman’s pronunciation is given in my Chukchee Mythology (Publications of the
Jesup North Pacific Expedition, vim, pp. 144, 145); and more fully in my Chukchee Materials
pp. 121-126, Nos. 26, 27, 28.
§13
666 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 40
It would seem that this process of elimination of intervocalice con-
sonants has been very important in the development of the present
form of the Chukchee (see § 10).
Among the maritime Chukchee, the men use both the fuller and
shorter forms. Among all the branches of the tribe, women use only
the fuller forms.
Koryak (§§ 14-18)
§ 14. Vowels
The system of vowels of the Koryak is considerably reduced.
Corresponding to the Chukchee, we may distinguish three classes
of vowels:
(1) Weak vowels a a wu
(2) Strong vowels e Onna
(3) Neutral vowels t ‘
I E a u
In this series, 6 and % are rare
6 is generally replaced by o
w@ is generally replaced by r or a
A comparison of the table of Koryak vowels with that of the
Chukchee vowels shows that the glide & is missing, e has taken the
place of @, and a neutral that of e weak and a strong (see § 3).
Diphthongs formed with terminal ¢ and w occur, but the w of the
Chukchee is often replaced by w or ».
Kor. Kam. apa'vekin Chukchee tipa'urkin
In the dialect of the Kerek, 7 often replaces strong e, and is a
strong vowel.
Kor. Kam. Kerek Chukchee
me’ mil thong-seal mt'mil thong-seal mé’mril spotted seal
tanne' tr tania’ tr tanné'tr toa tani
I have observed that the Asiatic Eskimo, when speaking Chuk-
chee, also have a tendency to replace @ by 7. They say—
mt’ mil instead of Chukchee mé’mz/ spotted seal
tirga'arkin instead of Chukchee ¢érga’arkin he cries
I do not know whether this peculiarity of the Eskimo is related
to that of the Kerek.
$14
;
i
BOAS] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES—CHUKCHEE 667
§ 15. Consonants
Stop | Affricative Nasal
| —__—____|Centin-| Tateral || Trill
Surd ae Surd |Sonant|} Surd |Sonant
Seeebog eee [feed
TOS et ee |p — — }— Vee m v — —
Alveolar". 02. Nt — — = | — n 8,€ (LE) EL] —
Palatalized alveolar || ¢ da || — |— | — n° sé == _
Pulgtals . 4 oy. k — - — = a ~ — —
Melnna. Bis. Bens q g } —- _ — — x — -
GH Gttal ry ee oss is — é ! _ — | — — = — _
h, Ww, yy
§ 16. Comparison with Chukchee
The principal differences between this system and that of the
Chukchee are found in the series of affricatives, laterals, and trills.
The laterals and trills are absent in the Koryak of Kamenskoye.
(1) éis often replaced by ¢ (in Kor. I, pronounced like English sh).
Koryak II ota’kocxk Kor. 96.22 (Chukchee wwatgoée'gtr Kor.
95.6)
ora’ cek, Kor. 102.17 (Koryak I oya’éek Kor. 101.1)
(2) & and 7° are replaced by a strong and long yy.
ko'yyon the one bought (Chukchee ko''o)
(3) As in Chukchee, J is closely related to é, s*, s, (see § 2).
la'xlan winter éx'xéex cold
gayr'sqata sleep! Kor. 31.8 — tryayr'lqatim I willsleep Kor. 31.8
pipe’ kaliin mouse Kor. 58.7 pipi’ kéa-tiaw Mouse-W oman Kor.
23.3
valvr'mtilainai to Raven- va’évi-ta’ut Raven-Woman Kor.
Man Kor. 12.4 18.4
Correspondences of Koryak / and Chukchee ¢, s°, s, and vice versa,
are also not rare.
Koryak yalgr’wikim he entered Kor. 13.9 (Chukchee resqe’whwi
11.2
vos'ge’ i to darkness Kor. 57.6 (Chukchee ww’lgrk 126.1)
(4) Koryak 7 is pronounced almost like Polish 2? (Russian 4), the tip
of the tongue touching the upper teeth, the posterior part of the
back of the tongue being depressed at the same time. The tip of
the tongue is a little farther back than in the corresponding Polish
sound. This sound may be recognized even preceding an 2.
’yalin he has died (Chukchee ale
gavi'yalin he has died (Chuke geve''lin) §§15, 16
668 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 40
The ordinary post-alveolar / is also found.
haw'anpil little woman.
milya’gptl small shell Kor. 23.8
(5) The Chukchee z and z are replaced by a sonant sound produced
by contact between the tip of the tongue and the upper teeth and
between the back of the tongue and the palate. The sound is con-
tinued, and accompanied by a slight trill of the back of the tongue.
Although this sound replaces both 1 and £4 of Chukchee, I have
retained for it the second Chukchee symbol, Z.
(6) The Chukchee 7 is replaced in Koryak I by y, which, with pre-
ceding vowels, forms diphthongs. *
The y of the Koryak is always pronounced with a raising of the
tip of the tongue, which gives it a somewhat sibilant, strongly as-
pirated effect. In Paren it sounds sometimes almost like é.
Kor. Kam. Chukchee
kow' hin kow'ftin cup
va'ykin Kor. 13.10 va'rkin there is
nito’ykin Kor. 12.5 fito'rkin he goes out
yalqr'wikin Kor. 13.9 resqi'wkwit 11.2, 19.3 he entered
ya’ grykin Kor. 66.14 régarkin 18.6 what has happened
to you?
tryaya'tin Vl go home vra’gtié* he goes home 122.7
Kor. 30.5
Paren
yélr Kor. 60.1., 64.14 ée'lr there
ya lvifinen ééluvtinin he will vanquish him;
but ya'lvufinen Kor. 92.20
In a number of cases 7 is replaced by s’, s, ¢, or é.
Koryak Chukchee
gayr' téalin Kor. 17.3 geyrrre' Lin 96.21 it was full
ga'éérlin Kor. 15.10 ge'lhilin 64.4 he had him for
giégolat'tr to a high place gérgo’lgén 124.1 from above
~ Kor. 20.1 Mr ¥
fiatiin Kor. 60.9 fa'rgin 49.7 outside
gapi's‘galin Kor. 84.11 gepr'rqilin she fell down
yl'sstk Kor. 39.2 rr'rik to untie something
gr'ssa Kor. 18.7 gir thou
ina’ ssrnaf Kor. 24.10 ine'rrmme marline spike, awl (in-
strument to untie with)
wu' ssi’ Kor. 30.3 wt'rrt on the back
-gitit(1n) -girg(in) abstract noun
palqa'thitiin palgqa'tirgrn old age
1I have written the i corresponding to Chukchee diphthongs with 4, while for the sound cor-
responding to r I have retained y.
§16
BOAS] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES—-CHUKCHEE 669
The sound 7 appears in Koryak I folk-lore as characteristic of
several monsters and evil spirits. It is alsoused in Russian loan-
words.
ka'rman pocket (from Kkapmaut)
preka'ssek commercial agent (from npaKamaKs)
éa'gar* sugar (from caxap>)
In the last of these the 7 is palatalized.
(7) In Koryak II, 7 is used in the same way as in Chukchee, and
also sometimes replaces the 7 of Koryak I.
ka'mak-ru (village Rekr’nnok) De eacakia, uandian
ka'mak-lu (Kamenskoye) 8 S
In other cases 7 is replaced by ¢, s*, é, as in Koryak I.
Chukchee Kor. Kam. Voyampolka, Kamchatka
te'rkitir sun te'ykitiy Kor. 19.3 te’ tkrtet
e'fer star a’hay ener
mu'rt we mu’ yz (dual) mu're (dual)
(8) The Chukchee # is replaced by y or by palatalization of the
preceding consonant in Koryak I, by ¢ in Koryak II.
Koryak I, gape’nyilen he attacked him. Kor. 96.8 (Chukchee
pé'ntinén Kor. 95.10, Koryak II, gape’ntilen, Kor. 96.26)
(9) In the dental series, s appears chiefly in place of Chukchee 7,
é sometimes replaces y, ¢é often replaces ¢h.
missaa'lomr we shall hear (Chukchee mrrraa'lom1)
ér’lirl tongue Kor. 56.4 (Chukchee y2’lz2d 7.10)
gitéa’t legs Kor. 57.2 (Chukchee gitka’t 51.4)
gilu'téu drum! Kor. 59.4 (Chukchee galu'tkuz*)
(10) y often replaces Chukchee g.
ytkéa'vekin he makes haste (Chukchee gazéa’urkim)
tayyenrvo'ykin he began to cough Kor. 84.20 (Chukchee ¢égga
102.35)
(11) » often replaces Chukchee w. Initial v is much more fre-
quent than initial w.
valo'm Kor. 55.7 (Chukchee walo’m 32.7) to hear.
(12) ad: of the Kamenskoye dialect is analogous to the same sound
in Chukchee, and appears after palatalized n.
Kor. Kam. fiaw-1'nd‘ulatn < fiaw-1-nyu-lafn the one serving for
a wife (stems iiaw woman; nyu to watch the herd)
Chukchee fieund-w'lin < fieu-nyu-lin (stems new, -nyu [riw])
§16
670 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 40
The Paren x in this position is simply palatalized, and we have
the corresponding word tewr'nn'ula‘n.
In the same way,—
Kamenskoye fta’nd‘en, or even hta'njen (from fia'’nyen)
Paren nia'n°en that one
(13) A is almost a velar continuant, and after consonants sounds
similar to g.
paga'thenun and palga'tgenin
qiya' thi Kor. 21.10 come! (Chukchee géye’ty7* 15.11)
(14) wg or g® (labialized g) replaces Chukchee labialized k, (wkw).
Koryak Chukchee
yiwgrce'ta Kor. 32.1 twkuée'té 37.3 drinking
gawgu'Lin Kor. 23.4 gu wkurin 20.10 they tied him
gakya'wgi Kor. 28.9 gigge' wkwit 75.31 wake up!
(15) x often replaces Chukchee ¢.
(16) In place of the glottal stop of Chukchee, when due to the
elision of g, the older g is often retained or replaced by z.
éz'xtex cold (Chukchee éd*'ée%)
ma'gmit arrows (dual) (Chukchee md mt, plural)
The glottal stop of Koryak is always stronger than the corre-
sponding sound of Chukchee, and has a tendency to lengthen the
preceding vowel.
yo"'ekin he overtakes (Chukchee yo®'rkin)
(17) ’ indicates a pause (glottal stop), which does not occur in
Chukchee. wpin’ale'nin he kicked him
(18) The marked tendency of Chukchee to lose intervocalic consor
nants like y, g, and w — a tendency which in the men’s speech affects
also n and ¢ — is absent in Koryak; and consequently many fuller
forms occur which presumably explain the frequent vocalic clus-
ters of Chukchee. In all those cases in which the Chukchee loses
intervocalic consonants, these are found in Koryak.
Kor. Kam. tyd®’gaSan 1 overtook him (Chukchee tryo*’a‘n)
Other words that retain no trace of the intervocalic consonant in
Chukchee have it in Koryak. |
var'am river (Chukchee ve'emm)
yawa'ykin he uses it (Chukchee ya'arkin)
a*lalaxe (Chukchee a*al, but also a‘lha’ttz, a‘l-ga'ttr, ga'tt
hatchet)
uyrévat to play Kor. 32 7 kchee uuévet 43.3)
§16
BOAS] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES—CHUKCHEE 671
These older forms are even more pronounced in Paren.
Kor. Paren e7'ek lamp tntu'welpry son-in-law
Kor. Kam. a'ak tntu'ulpry
Chukchee ¢’ek: tntu'ulpir
The Chukchee cluster // is replaced by /7% in Kamenskoye.
Kor. Kam. ke'nmuilfirn root (Chukchee ké'nmilhin)
§ 17. Vocalic Ablaut
The range of the ablaut is more restricted in the Koryak of Kam-
enskoye than in Chukchee.
z changes into ¢,
wu changes into 0;
gi wlinat they said Kor. 21.2 gewiirvg’len he said Kor. 14.4
nu'tanut country, land ya nya-nota'lo foreigners
but a@as ablaut of e does not occur, both sounds being represented
by aneutral a. The Chukchee é is replaced by ¢, the same sound
that represents the ablaut of 7.
The neutral ais exemplified in the following words of the Kam-
enskoye dialect:
Kor. Kam. Chukchee
kali'ykin (stem kali) keli'rkin (stem ke/2)
nu'tanut land (stem nuta) nu'tenut (stem nute)
akkat sons (stem a'kka) e'kket (stem ekke)
aima'wikin thou approachest (stem ezme’urkin (stem edmeu)
aimaw)
kama'tia dish (stem kama) keme'nz (stem heme)
Since @ is neutral, these stems are also combined with weak vow-
els. For instance,
7'tér-kama'ha heavy dish (from itér heavy, dear)
There are, however, cases in which the a represents the type g,
which requires the ablaut,
e'uil-ta'mtam goitre, long tumor (stems 7'e71 long, ta’mtam
tumor); Chukchee ¢a’mtam
gata'p—e'mat load of food for winter use Kor. 86.17 (stems gatap
fish for winter use; iit load); Chukchee gata’ p-é’mit
An example of the occurrence of ¢, corresponding to Chukchee @,
is—
me'yemey tear (stem meye); Chukchee mé'rémér (stem inéré)
gape'nytlen she attacked her, Kor. 96.8 (stem peny); Chukchee
pe niinén Kor. 95.10 (stem pénz’) 7
672 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 40
Since the vowel-pair e-a, and the vowels é and @ of Chukchee,
are much more common than the 2 and w groups, the ablaut is not
as striking a feature of Koryak as it is of Chukchee.
In the Kamenskoye dialect the ablaut of 7 and w is not as rigidly
required as in Chukchee. Particularly in word composition the
weak vowels often remain uninfluenced by the strong vowels with
which they come into contact. We find, for instance,—
napela'-mu'yu instead of napela’-mo'yo we are left.
The weak 7 of Chukchee, which is due to the contraction of thr
and éAz into ¢¢ and é2, does not occur, since the consonantic cluster
remains unchanged.
palga'thitiin or palgathéfim old age (compare Chukchee
palqa'tirgin < palga'thirgin)
Initial w inserted before w, labialized & (wkw), and y, occurs here
as in Chukchee, and is neutral.
Koryak Chukchee
uwa'trkin he kisses (stem wwat) ukwe'erkin (stem ukwet)
uyG’qué husband (stem wya*’qué) uwd®' qué (stem wwd*'guér)
Several dialects of both groups of the Koryak have retained the
vowels ¢ and @. These have the ablaut analogous to that of the
Chukchee.
Kor. Kamenskoye gatai’kilin (stem tazkr)
Kor. Paren getez’kilin (stem ¢ezkz) + he has made
Chukchee getee’kilin (stem ¢ezkr)
§ 18. Other Phonetic Processes
Lack of Vocalice Contraction.—When two vowels come together,
contraction rarely occurs.
Chukchee Kor, Kam.
anga'-nna'n < anga'-Enna'n afiga'-Enna'n sea-fish
heu®'ttin < heu-a® ttin jiaw-a"'ttin she-dog
Medial Consonantic Processes.—The alveolars ¢ and é are not pala-
talized by following g or h (see § 7, 26).
Chukchee j Koryak
palqa'ti-rgin < palgat-girgm palgath-e'-iuun old age
f generally remains unchanged before other consonants.
Chukchee Koryak
tam-pera'rkin < taii-pera'rkin tan-peye'ykin he looks well
ginere'mpei take meat out of hokatipalai'ke they take meat
kettle for me (stem mpe) out of kettle Kor. 27.5
k before other consonants occurs.
§18
BOAS] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES—CHUKCHEE 673
Chukchee Koryak
nagtégen<ni< kt-gén nikté'gen hard
The medial clusters km, pi, pn, which are absent in Chukchee,
occur in Koryak.
Chukchee Koryak
gewmine' Lin < ge-kminel-lin gakmi'halin she brought forth
; ~ acchild
amiulka < a-piil-ka apiulka no news
namiula'tinat 78.4 <na-pil- —_ gapitulaiivo'lenau they told
atinat ~ about Kor. 26.1
Auxiliary Vowels.—The most frequent auxiliary vowel is 1; but
a, which replaces Chukchee d, also occurs.
Chukchee Koryak
yara he yaya'ia house
natédgunr ni'téagin heavy
The terminal vowel z in Koryak often assumes a more per-
ceptible nasalisation than the corresponding Chukchee sound
(see § 2, p. 645).
ee'tr and ee'tim to the sky Kor. 14.9, 10.
(Compare Chukchee wiga-tormé’ti to the seashore 67.17)
Initial Consonantic Clusters.—I have found the following initial
clusters in the Koryak of Kamenskoye:
Second sound
Initial |__
sound
é m n nh y if v
Dp pe pn ph py pl
t tn mH ty tv
k km ky kl
q qu qd
g
m ml
n nl
; sv
It will be seen that this table agrees well with the corresponding
table in Chukchee (7 being throughout replaced by y), «xcept that
tv occurs, which is impossible in Chukchee.
Kor. Kam. Chukchee
twi'tikin he stands véete'a'rkin (stem -tvétéa)
éottad'ntk-tve'tekin he stands gatvé téalén
on the outer part of the
house Kor. 43.5
gatvi'lin he stood
3045°—Bull. 40, pt. 2—12——43 §18
674
The changes that occur in consonantic stems in medial and initial
BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY
However, va'ykin Kor. 13.10 < tva-ykim loses its initial 7.
[BULL 40
position are quite analogous to those of the Chukchee, except that k
appears with following consonant in initial position. Other differ-
ences are shown in the following table: }
Chukchee Koryak
Initial Stem Medial Initial Stem Medial
a
pn *pn mn pn *pn pn
km *km wm | km *km km {
k or trk *tk tik = || Ss kortrk * th té
k *rk rk k | *yk yk
|
q neg iq q *1q lq
v or tuw *tv tv v or tv #tv tv
pin *pn mi pin * pi pir
fio * hv mg RIV ¥* Rv nv
rg *rg rg sh or ylg * sh sh
i | * :
tr or rir *rr rr | | uly | YY vy
YyIss * 8s Ss
vu (%) *vy ug vly ioe vy vy
yu *ug ig yg «J g tg
§18
Examples:
pnaikin he whets
tni'ikin thou sewest it
the’ vikin thou sendest it
kmina'tikin she brings forth
ku'yikin thou buyest it
pinyékin thou givest to him
gat’ you left Kor. 18.5
kwitkmm thou consumest it
ki' plik striking Kor. 62.4
va tkin he is
vanvo'ykin he begins to stay
Kor. 13.6
twe'tékin he stands
twe'trk to stretch Kor. 38.8
pyr'tkin thou tearest it out
piiilo'tkin thou askest him
trttu'tkin he blows
tila'tkin he moves
trke'tkin thou smellest of
gapna'lin he has whetted
ganni'lin he has sewed it
ganitiu'lin he has sent it
gakmi'ialin she has brought
forth
gatku'ylin he has bought it
galpr'nyelen he has given
ga'lgazin he has left Kor. 17.3
ga'téulin he has consumed it
gaykrpla' grtéa strike him! Kor.
23.8 4,
ga'tvalen he has been
gatvanvo'lenau they began to
stay Kor. 23.1
ga'tvilin he stood
ga'tvelen they stretched it Kor.
| 88.8
gapy!'lin he has torn it out
gaptitlo'len he has asked
gettu'lin he has blown
gala'lin he has moved Kor.
14.9
ga'téelen he smelled of
HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES—CHUKCHEE 675
yito'tkin he pulls out
trme’krn thou killest it
futo'ykin he goes out
jivo'tkin he begins
y1gt' kin or shi'kin he digs out
yl'y7kin thou untiest it
yl'ssik to untie Kor. 39.2
yrssi'likin thou puttest down
vrya'tekrn he lets go (an ani-
mal)
vuyalaniuvo'ykin a snow-
storm set in Kor. 13.10
yigu'tkin thou bitest it
ya'wikin thou piercest it
yu'kka to eat Kor. 57.1
ywikin he eats
yina’'tkin he flees
lelapittonvo'ykin he Jooks
up Kor. 42.8
Irregular is—
dya'tkin he arranges a rein-
deer driving-match
gaito'len he has pulled out
ga'nmilen he has killed it
~ Kor. 43.6
ganto'len he went out Kor. 48.6
ganvo'lén he has begun Kor.
48.3
ga'shilin he has dug out
gayy1'lin he has untied it
nassi'fivogium they are untying
me Kor. 39.3
gassi'lin he has put down
gavya'len he has let go
gawya'lyolen there was a snow-
"storm Kor. 13.1
gaigu'lin he has bitten
gana'wlin he has pierced it
ganu'linat they have eaten
' (transitive) Kor. 57.2
gay falin he has fled (intransi-
' tive)
agaLapiuvo'ykin he looks bad
Kor. 13.8
gali'yatlin he has arranged a
reindeer driving-match
Dropping of Suffires.—It may be mentioned here that all dialects
of the Koryak tend to drop the last syllables or sounds—mostly
suffixes—when these are not accented
Kor. Kam. mrni'lganmrk or mini'lgat (Chukchee mrn1'lganmik)
let us go!
Kor. Kam. gaa'ztin, Kor. II (village Qare’fiin) geye'Lin or
geye'Z1 (Chukchee ge'ezin), he has come
Kor. Kam. v2’tvztpil1, Kor. II (village Voyampolka) w?’tvitpz,
small seal
Kamchadal (§§ 19-23)
§ 19. Vowels
(1) Weak vowels 4 @ € wu wt &
(2) Strong vowels € @ @ 0 6 6 U
(3) Neutral vowels f c£ r & A Ut
a oO uU
§19
676 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 40
The symbols designate the same sounds as those in Chukchee.
i almost like a diphthong ze, long; a glide from long 7 to long 0,
é like English a in make, long, lips wide apart, corners of mouth
much retracted.
# French ew in beurre.
6 German 6 in 6ffnen.
i French wu in dune, but harder; more like the Yakut 7.
6 English short 0 in not.
uv English w in hut.
a as in Chukchee.
a,o,% indicate the resonance of the respective vowels; for instance,
in k/txl koju’eéEn.
Unusual length and shortness are expressed by the macron and
breve respectively.
§ 20. Consonants
Stop Affricative | Continued |
Nasal ||———-_————_ || Lateral]| Trill
Surd| Fortis | sonant | sura! Fortis Surd | Sonant
ihebiaks o34-/4542 --4 p p! — —_ | — m if v oe
Alveolar.. >.<.) <5 t a — —| — n 8 z I r
é c! c 4)
Palatized alveolar.; —— | —— = —_|— n s
Anterior palatal...; —— | —— — —_—;| — — fis
Pilately.c. enseaces k k! — —_| — ft —
Velarc saith. ti. q q! g —_—_ | — — te
Glottal ).- 222-2 5-2-2 3 | | | |
w,Yy,h
J is rather rare; for instance, in /zé a fish of the genus Coregonus.
ae German ch in Bach.
x’ German ch in 7ch.
j French j in jour, but with a weak preceding trill, somewhat like
Polish rz in rzeka.
z sonant s, as in French rose.
las in Koryak.
w, y, always consonantic.
«,’, glottal stops, the former only after short vowels, the latter
after consonants, as in v2'Dvel.
I‘, &, mn‘, are pronounced with strong initial aspiration.
§20
BOAS] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES—CHUKCHEE 677
Jj, ¢, €, are often pronounced with the tip of the tongue in dental
position, so that they attain a lisping character,—
j between 2° and z
¢ between s° and s
é between s* and §
I am inclined to attribute this mannerism, which is affected by
| many individuals, to the influence of the speech of the Russian
creoles and half-bloods, who have this peculiarity in the whole area
between the Kolyma and the Sea of Okhotsk. In Krasheninni-
koff’s records there are only slight indications of this tendency.
It may be, however, that some of the older dialects had this
tendency. Thus Krasheninnikoff writes (in my transcription)—
cemt (Western dialect)
semt (Southern dialect)
At present in the western dialect, the only one surviving, the
earth, ground
word is pronounced both czmt and sdmt.
§ 21. Comparison with Chukchee and Koryak
(1) Chukchee 7, Koryak I 2, ¢, s, or ¢, is replaced in most cases by J,
Chukchee Kamchadal
git, gir ki'ja thou
mu're mu'ja we
(2) Chukchee and Koryak g is replaced by & or z.
Chukchee Koryak Kamchadal
giim gum ki'mma I
gu hinge yigi'ngin xe ligin fish-net
(3) Initial g of the comitative and verbal prefix (see §§ 48, 64, 66)
is replaced by kl.
Chukchee Koryak Kamchadal
gene wind gana’ wana k lite tum with a wife
genu'lin ganu'lin kInwkinin he has eaten
(4) Chukchee gw (Koryak gv) is replaced by wv.
xo’xval thence
(5) Chukchee and Koryak w and v are replaced by hv.
Chukchee Koryak Kamchadal
watta'p vata'p hvata'pé —_- reindeer-moss
va' lz va'la hvalé knife
we'ut viut hivt whalebone
ve nvr wl nva hui’ nve secretly
§21
678 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY (BULL, 40
(6) The glottal stop following the initial vowel of Chukchee and
Koryak is often replaced by a or & preceding the vowel.
Chukchee Kor. Kam. Kamchadal
er©’ tin ’nntin wer ten neck
al 4 gir, Egi'liun xe’ hini wolf
G®’ Lel alatl ko'lol snow
ele ala®'al ké'lal excrement
(7) Chukchee z and z are replaced by ¢/ and Zé.
Chukchee Kamchadal
tite’ atk téek I entered
ose tle there!
(8) In Kamchadal, 7, ¢, c, and 7 often replace one another (see § 2,
p. 646).
éhijé thou art l‘7é thou wert
tecjm I strike him telin 1 struck bim
(9) In the Sedanka dialect, ¢ changes to 7; s changes to 2; and
sometimes k, k/ change to g, q/
Examples:
Okhotsk dialect Sedanka dialect
cuncjéren juneern they live
sonk z0nk into the wood
ct'la-tuma zla-toma brother
kona % gunn one
k/o'lkrian glo lkriin he has come
(10) In the Sedanka dialect there is also a tendency to drop the last
syllables of suffixes. Notas many auxiliary vowels occur as in other
dialects, and of double consonants one is always omitted.
Okhotsk dialect Sedanka dialect
a tintin a'tnom village
te vsaicjk te! vsxis I ascend
ki'mma kima' I
(11) Instead of the pure », we findan 2 with somewhat lateral pro-
nunciation.
Okhotsk dialect Sedanka dialect
E'nu E nu then
§ 22. Vocalic Ablaut
In Kamchadal the ablaut affects almost all the vowels, which are
much more numerous than those of either Chukchee or Koryak.
~ changes to é. u changes to 9.
2 changes to é@ or a. ti changes to 6.
e changes to a. # changes to 6 or g.
§22
BOAS] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES—CHUKCHEE 679
Examples:
ki’ stenk at the house ké’stank to thehouse (stem kis¢
house)
stink in the wood s6nk to the wood (stem stin)
tat’ ink by them txa’ankk to them (stem JZ@)
ki’ px'knk in the trough ki'pe'bnk to the trough (stem
kipe’)
ki/xenk in the river ké'x-ank to the river (stem kiz’)
kuke’-hiimnin he cooked it koka-jo-hitimnén he began to cook
| it
The obscure vowels 1, £, 4, %, are neutral, as are also e,a, 6. In
this respect Kamchadal differs from Chukchee, in which dialect
vowels that are hard or weak never appear as neutral.
In Kamchadal the initial vowels of suffixes, and auxiliary vowels,
are also subject to the ablaut, their form being determined by the
vocalic character of the stem, which is generally monosyllabic.
Thus a system develops which is somewhat similar to the vocalic
harmony of the Ural Altaic languages.
ki'stenk at the house ké'stank to the house (stem kisZ)
ko’l'wonk at the lake ke'px'knk at the trough
(stem £6/‘x) kG’ px onk to the trough (stem kEpe.)
tistinitilo' trjk I always live in the woods (¢z I; stim wood; di auxiliary
vowel; Zo to live; ¢ always; —7k 1)
§ 28. Other Phonetic Processes
Consonantic Clusters.—In Kamchadal consonantic clusters are of
frequent occurrence. I have found, for instance, ktxt, txcj, tacjh,
tactx, ntwejh, k/lkis.
Sometimes auxiliary vowels are inserted, or some of the consonants
have a decided vocalic resonance, but more often the clusters are free
from vocalic elements. The peculiar consonantic character of pro-
nunciation may be observed also among the Russianized Kamchadal;
and the natives are taunted by the Russian creoles, and even in the
intercourse of various villages, on account of this peculiarity of their
speech. Nevertheless not all consonantic clusters are admissible.
l/ changes to nl.
ko'lol (absolute form), kolo'nl* < kolol-l' (instrumental), snow
| elherm (absolute form), ind <1/-/ (instrumental), ear (pl. 7*2)
§23
680 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 40
Note, however,
lil (absolute form), liile'l‘ < liil-l' (instrumental), eye
Auailiary Vowels.—Auxiliary vowelsare introduced to avoid con-
sonantic clusters originating by composition, although the corre- ‘
sponding clusters may be admissible in the stem itself. All neutral —
vowels perform this function. Although z is more frequent than
all the others, %, 2, ¢, (a), are also found rather often.
litle'l’ < lil-l' eye
tweta' tik < tveta't-jk I work
Initial Clusters.—The prefix k/ is omitted before k and k/ p
klo'lkiiin he has come
The prefix k before initial k and k/ changes to @.
xke'jxtik accept him ;
The prefix ¢ of the first person singular is dropped before verbal
stems with initial ¢.
talin < ttxlin I struck him
The prefix ¢ of the first person singular changes to é before
verbal stems with initial é7 or 7.
kr'mma éréi' nifurjk < t-cinii-jk 1 sew
Compare also
Chukchee Kor. Kam. Kamchadal :
é'tqun a’ ceri é' heli the bad one
wuweélka'lhin éetée' livin é2 xéaa shrew
Stems with the initial clusters 7k and rk, when appearing at the
beginning of a word, add a preceding vowel.
ilkaruje < lk-r-jc (Chukchee gédtr'rkin < lgadt-rkin) he leaves ,
In other cases the Chukchee 7 or 7 of these clusters is replaced —
by ¢ and ¢ respectively.
ckla'ujk < cklau-jk (Chukchee kila'urkin < rkilau-rkin) he runs —
§ 24. Accent
In all three languages the accent usually recedes to the beginning of
the word, even as far as the fourth or fifth syllable from the end.
Chukchee pa’rrzifiim shoulder-blade
Kor. Kam. nige’shigenat those two that have been bought
Kamchadal k/ta’tilkajukiian they began to perform the cere-
monial
§24
Boas] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES—CHUKCHEE 681
To give emphasis to the word, the accent may be thrown upon the
last syllable, the vowel of which then changes to o.
Chukchee trpéntrrko’n < trpé'ni'irkin
Kor. Kam. trpenn‘eko'n < tipe’nnekim} I attack him
Kamchadal trpencijo'n < trpe’nerin
MORPHOLOGY (§§ 25-129.)
§25. Morphological Processes
The Chukchee group of languages uses a great variety of morpho-
logical processes for expressing grammatical relations. The unity of
the syntactic group which forms a close unit is maintained by a law
of vocalic harmony which requires that if one vowel of the unit is
strong, all the others, that may be either weak or strong, must also
take the strong form. This Jaw does not act in any particular direc-
tion; but whenever a strong vowel appears in any part of the word,
it strengthens all the other preceding and following vowels. In the
present condition of the language, this law is not quite strictly con-
fined to certain vowels; but a few stems and endings that have no
vocalic element except auxiliary vowels are always strong. It may
be, of course, that here strong vocalic elements have been lost.
Stems appear almost always with morphological affixes. Only par-
ticles and a number of nouns occur as independent members of the
sentence in the form of the simple stem, their independence being
indicated by their failure to modify their weak vowels in conformity
with the strong vowels of those words with which they are most
closely associated. The general occurrence of nominal affixes, and the
restriction of stem forms occurring independently to certain phonetic
types of nouns, make it plausible that we are dealing here also with
a loss of older affixes. If this view should be correct, there would be
no forms of nouns or verbs and related classes of words without affixes.
Either the stems consist of consonantic clusters or they are monosy]-
labic or polysyllabic. Only predicative stems consist of consonantic
clusters. Denominative stems have fuller phonetic values. In all
polysyllabic stems a certain symmetry of form is required by the laws
of vocalic harmony ; so that in the same stem we find, besides neutral
vowels, only strong vowels or only weak vowels.
§25
682 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY
Owing to the inadmissibility of extended consonantic clusters, and
to the avoidance of initial consonantic clusters, stems undergo im-
portant changes due to the insertion of auxiliary vowels, to elision
of consonants, or modification of consonants, according to the position
and connections of the stems in the word.
Composition of stems is of extended use; and we find many types
of composition of denominative, predicative, and of denominative
with predicative stems, which form firm units. Owing to the signifi-
cance of some of these stems, they never appear outside of such com-
pounds, and therefore take on the aspects of elements that are no
longer free, although their phonetic character and general appearance
are such that they might appear as independent elements. Certain
particles are also incorporated in the word complex. The stems
which are united in such synthetic groups influence one another ac-
cording to the laws of vocalic harmony and by contact phenomena,
which often modify the terminal sound of the first member of a com-
pound, and the initial sound of the following member, or cause the
introduction of auxiliary vowels. Although ordinarily these com-
pounds originate by a simple juxtaposition of stems, there are cases
in which certain formative elements may be recognized.
The function of a simple or compound nominal or verbal unit in
the sentence is further determined by reduplication, prefixes, and
suffixes.
Reduplication is confined to denominating concepts, and is of pecu-
liar character, the first part of the stem being repeated at the close of
the stem as far as the first consonant following the first vowel. This
gives the impression of a partially suppressed repetition of the stem:
for instance, stem o7'go SLEDGE, reduplicated orgo-or.
Both prefixes and suflixes are numerous. The same phonetic laws
that cause a differentiation of the forms of the stem cause differentia-
tion in the manner of joining affixes to the stems or to the compounds.
In some cases a distinction between compounds and words with aftixes
is difficult to draw, neither is it possible to carry through a rigid dis-
tinction between nominal and verbal affixes. There is great freedom
in the use of stems for either predicative or denominative purposes.
In the Chukchee language nominal concepts are classified as
common nouns and proper names. A nominal singular and plural
occur, but in Koryak we find besides these a dual. As in many
§25
[BULL. 40 1
3
X
‘
J
'
BOAS] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES—-CHUCKCHEE 683
American languages, the relation between subject and predicate is
conceived differently in the case of the transitive and of the intransi-
tive verb.
The relation between noun and verb is expressed by inflection of
the noun. A subjective form of the noun expresses the subject of
the transitive verb and an absolute form designates the subject of
the intransitive and the object of the transitive verb. The subjective
form is primarily instrumental. It expresses also the object which
is used in the performance of an action as: COOKING (WITH) MEAT.
It would seem that the transitive verb has primarily a passive sig-
nificance, but this view does not satisfactorily explain many of the
forms.
Locative ideas—in, at, towards, from—are expressed by means of
nominal postpositions. These are given extended meanings and are
applied to express a variety of relations between verb and indirect
object. The genetive relation is not ordinarily expressed by post-
positions and is not analogous to a case form, but is rather expressed
by derivatives which signify, PERTAINING TO, BELONGING TO. These
elements are even added to the personal pronoun to express posses-
sive relations. The characteristic American incorporated possessive
pronoun is not found. Demonstrative ideas are expressed with
great nicety particularly in the Chukchee dialect. The syntactic
forms of the personal demonstrative and indefinite pronouns are
analogous to the corresponding forms of proper names.
In the predicate are expressed singular and plural, (in Koryak also
dual), tense and modality. There is no distinction made between
inclusive and exclusive first person plural. Declarative and inter-
rogative have the same forms. Among the tenses only the future is
derived from the verb theme in a manner analogous to the formation
of modes. A continuative is expressed by a derived form, the
verbal theme being expanded by the suffix-irkin. Other temporal
concepts are expressed by nominal derivatives, and temporal subor-
dination is often expressed by syntactic forms of the verbal noun.
Other modes are a subjunctive, expressing conditional and other
subordinate clauses—which, however, is very rarely used,—an
exhortative and an imperative.
The verb complex consists of pronominal prefixes which enter into
combination with temporal and modal prefixes. These are followed
§25
684 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 40
by the verbal theme which takes additional temporal and modal
suffixes. The end of the verbal complex is a pronominal suffix. In
the transitive verb, the pronominal prefix designates the subject, the
pronominal suffix the object. There is a strong tendency to express
the predicate in the form of a predicating noun analogous to a rela-
tive clause. For instance, instead of I KILL THE REINDEER, the
Chukchee will say, THE REINDEER ARE THE ONES WHOM I KILLED.
These forms receive a treatment different from that of the true verb.
Stems may be developed by affixing subordinate elements. There
are a number of attributive elements of this class such as LARGE,
SMALL, NUMEROUS. Furthermore, we find locative terms such as,
WHAT IS ON, WITH, ON TOP OF, NEAR, INSIDE OF SOMETHING ELSE
and also, WHAT IS SIMILAR TO, WHAT IS USED FOR, WHAT IS PRO-
VIDED WITH SOMETHING, A RECEPTACLE FOR SOMETHING. Nominal
forms derived from verbs are abstract nouns, results of actions,
instruments. The verb is developed by adverbial suffixes expressing
for instance, reciprocity, a desiderative, single action, intensity,
beginning, duration, causation, negation and also ideas like, To
FEEL LIKE SOMETHING or the bad temper of the speaker. Verbs
derived from nouns are TO BRING, TAKE OFF, LOOK FOR, CONSUME
SOMETHING. Prefixes are quite numerous and are largely of an
attributive or adverbial character as, A LITTLE, QUITE, ALL, EN-
TIRELY, MERELY, SOMEWHAT, TRULY, NOT.
Furthermore, words may be compounded quite freely, adverbs
with verbs, verbal stems among themselves, nouns among them-
selves. Nouns are also incorporated in the verbal complex, both
as the subject of the intransitive verb and the object of the tran-
sitive verb. Such incorporated themes are used both for habitual
and single actions.
§ 26. Comparison of Dialects
The chief differences between Chukchee and Koryak lie in the lesser
amount of consonantic decay of stems in Koryak, the modification of
stems due to phonetic processes being considerably less extended in the
latter dialect; in the lesser extent of the occurrence of the ablaut in
the Koryak; and in the substitution of other consonants for the Chuk-
chee 7, which process is more pronounced in Koryak I than in Kor-
yak II. Besides this, Koryak I is characterized by the restriction of
the forms of the Chukchee plural to the dual, while a distinct form
§26
BOAs] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES—CHUCKCHEE 685
is used by all the Koryak dialects, even those that have no dual
for expressing the plural.
Chukchee and Koryak are so much alike, that the languages, are
mutually intelligible at least in part. On the northern border of
the Koryak territory a considerable amount of lexicographic bor-
rowing may be noticed, which extends even as far as the Anadyr
country. Thus we find-—
Kolyma Chukchee tegge'nirkin he desires
Anadyr Chukchee legge’ furkin or gawma’ tirkin
Koryak, Kamenskoye tajja'fickin or gatima'tekin
Of these words, the first one is common to Chukchee and Koryak,
while the second is Koryak and is borrowed from them by the Anadyr
Chukchee.
Kolyma Chukchee — wétha'urkim he speaks
Anadyr Chukchee —wétha/urkin and vanava'tirkin
Koryak, Kamenskoye vetha'vekin and vanava'tekin
The lexical differences between Koryak and Chukchee are consider-
able. Still certain Chukchee words that do not occur in the Kamen-
skoye dialect re-appear in other dialects, some even in remote villages
in the valleys of Kamchatka.
AGAIN NEGATION WHALE
(refusal)
Chukchee .. . hit’ mia garé'm réw
Koryak, ReamBirsleo ve gi’ mla gaye'm yuh (stem yuyu)
Koryak II Qare’im . @nnik 2’ hut yu fia (stem yuriyu)
Koryak II, Lesna
(Kamehaths). ~ . drgi'mmen qate'mm1
Kerek . . —— — yaw
Kamchadal . yu'hyu (stem yunyu)
On the whole, however, all branches of the Koryak, even in their
most distinct dialects,—like those of the Kerek near Cape Anannon on
Bering Sea, and of Voyampolka on the Sea of Okhotsk,—are much
more closely related among themselves than to the Chukchee.
In the pronunciation of men of the Kolyma district many intervocalic
consonants are dropped (see § 13). This is not so common among
the men of the Anadyr Chukchee, who use both the fuller forms and
those with dropped consonants. Among the Kolyma people the dif-
ference between the pronunciation of men and that of women is so
regular that the use of the fuller forms by the eastern people lays
them open to ridicule as using the speech of women.
§26
686 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 40
Nouns (§§ 27-55).
§ 27. General Remarks
The noun appears in a number of forms and with a number of suf-
fixes, the interpretation of which is not easy. A few of these have
clearly purely syntactic meaning, while others appear rather as post-
positions which are somewhat loosely connected with the noun. Some
elements of this group seem to form compound nouns, while I suspect
that others may have a verbal character.
The forms which are clearly syntactic are—
(1) The absolute form, which expresses the subject of the intransi-
tive verb, and the object of the transitive verb.
(2) The absolute form, plural.
(3) The subjective form, which expresses the subject of the transitive
verb, and the instrument with which an action is performed. In
several cases our indirect object appears as direct object, while our
direct object appears as instrument, somewhat as in the two expres-
sions I GIVE IT TO HIM and I BESTOW HIM WITH IT. In Kamchadal
this form is not used for the subject of the transitive verb, but the
locative-possessive. In Koryak sometimes the one form is used,
sometimes the other.
(4) The locative possessive expresses the place where an event hap-
pens or where an action is performed. With terms designating living
beings it expresses possession.
Suffixes which express the allative and ablative form a second group.
These are not so distinctively syntactic forms, but give the impression
of post-positions, particularly since they appear sometimes in compo-
sition with syntactic forms of the first group.
A third class, quite distinct from the first two in form as well as in
function, comprises derivations of nouns find verbs which express
WHAT BELONGS TO, WHAT PERTAINS TO, THAT WHICH HAS THE QUALITY
OF SOMETHING, THE POSSESSOR OF, THE MEASURE OF BEING IN A CER-
TAIN CONDITION. These are frequently used to express the relations
between two nouns or between an adjective and a noun.
The fourth class expresses mainly various types of emphatic forms
of the noun.
We shall first take up the syntactic forms.
§27
BOAS] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES——CHUCKCHEE 687
The Absolute Form (§§ 28-82).
§ 28. ABSOLUTE FORM EXPRESSED BY STEM
The absolute form of the noun serves to express the subject of the
intransitive verb and the object of the transitive verb. It shows a
great variety of formations.
The absolute form is expressed by the nominal stem. This form
can occur only in those cases in which the terminal sound is a vowel or
a single consonant. Since no ending occurs, the stem has no ablaut.
Examples are—
(1) Stems with terminal vowels:
diphthongs in ¢ and wv).
kitve'yu old walrus 8.12, 14
ELa’ mother 30.6
géli cap
lo'lo penis 45.1
7ULu carcass 65.14
ds‘geku a barren doe 97.17
venke'niu a mother doe
(2) Stems or compounds with single terminal consonant (including
Gt, ba 1, Ky Co Ts Oy be
rxLq'qai little mother 35.5
jia'ngat little child 37.14
mu'rgew a suit of armor 116.24
re'w whale 73.4
mprinew old woman 19.5
tinu'p blue fox 96.17
rélup quid
vel'em river 37.3 (Koryak ve’-
yem, va'yam Kor. 17.6, ac-
cording to dialect)
rét trail 37.1
le'ut head 44.11 (Koryak [a’-
wut Kor. 82.11)
fe'wan wife 36.3 (Koryak fia’-
wan)
A?d'wan the Ai’wan 7.1
na'ngan belly 43.9
uwda®'qué husband 105.12
ke'per wolverene 78.2, ge'per
92.21 (ke'perdé 78.11) (Kor-
yak gapay)
kri'mgor three-year-old doe
117.9
wanga's'gor two-year-old doe
117.10
To this class belong words ending in y, w,
é'lhar polar fox 92.19
tntu'ulpir son-in-law 80.6
u'nel thong-seal 70.7
pénvel two-year-old buck
117.12
mé'mil seal 96.4 (Koryak me’-
mil Kor. 90.6)
lii’miul story 61.5
pékul butcher-knife 85.23
(Kor. pa'qul Kor. 78.23)
ne'lvul herd 49.3
ge'ptiril backbone 51.3
gla’ul man 43.1 (Kor. gla’wul
Kor. 17.4)
uwi'k body 35.11 (Kor, 32.5)
ka'mak evil spirit 61.6 (Kor.
35.5)
at'mak carcass 81.17
ginni'k game 84.28 (Koryak
gr'ynik Kor. 61.8)
é'ek lamp 68.12, 106.18
puwreg white whale 96.9
0’ Lag Sea-lion 65.16
§28
688 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL, 40
(3) Stems ending in two consonants generally insert a vowel in the
terminal consonatic cluster.
gé' pil football (stem gepl); (Kor. Kam. ga’pil; Kor. Par. geprl)
méa*'grm arrow 15.23
lo'firl walrus-blubber 47.4
prj tidings 61.5
él trunk 96.3
§ 29. REDUPLICATED FORMS
Some stems are reduplicated.
(1) Monosyllabic stems are doubled. When the contact between
the last consonant of the repeated word and of the stem form an inad-
missible cluster, the usual changes occur.
Stem
nim
hér
yn
él
lig
r1g
om
lin
pon
tuw
oé
cot
wut
gil
Koryak:
kil
pip
vu
nar
wy
Reduplicated absolute form
ni'mnim settlement 7.7
ké’rkér combination-suit 37.8
di’ndin' fire 39.11
e’lél excrement 80.11; (elu 81.12)
li'glig (Kor. lglg) egg
rrgrig hair
o’mom (Kor. o'mom) heat
li’nile heart (see §31, 3)
po'mpo fly agaric (see §31, 3)
tu'wtuw word
o’€0é chief
¢o'téot bag-pillow 29.5
wit’ twit leaf
gilgil sea ice 8.14
(ci*’tit Anser segetum)
ki’Tkil navel string Kor. 63.10
pi’ pip comb Kor. 78.9
v'tvit ringed seal Kor. 17.12
nai’niat mountain Kor. 42.2
wi'yrwi breath Kor, 33.8
(2) Stems ending in a consonantic cluster always insert an auxiliary
vowel (§ 8), and therefore appear in dissyllabic form. The redupli-
cation consists in the repetition of the beginning of the word at the
§29
1Compare §2, p 645.
Boas] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES—CHUCKCHEE 689
end, including the initial consonant, vowel, and the first consonant
following the first vowel.
Stem
pilh
gerg
tirk
térg
urg
tumg
mitk
(Kor.) ye’lk
muL 19.3
*wilq
*gérg (Kor. Kam. gesh)
vryil (Kor. vyzl)
Reduplicated absolute form
pe'lhipil famine
gé'rgigér light
ta rkitir sun
té’rgitér crying 20.12
t'rgitir meat 48.8
tu'mgitum companion 103.35
mui'tkémit blubber 47.4
ye lkryel pudding Kor. 34.2
mu' Lumut 25.3 blood
wr'lquul 22.7 coal (Kor. Kam.
wit Tkuul, cf. Kor. 31.9)
gérgigér light (Kor. Kam.
ge’ shrges)
vr'yilviyl =image (w1'yilvryel
Kor. 32.3)
A number of words of this group, particularly those beginning with
a vowel, repeat the stem vowel before the repeated syllable.
Stem
org
omk
wus'g (Kor. Kam. vus'q)
el
al
yaq
(yil) yr’luil language 7.10
yIr
Related to this group are—
ew
Enn
Reduplicated absolute form
o'rgoor sledge
o'mkoom 79.5 willow
wu's‘quus (Kor. vuw's‘quvus
ef. Kor. 57.6) darkness
éleel summer (Kor. Kam.
a'laal)
litt rain( Kor. Kam. mu'gamugq)
yaqa'g
in ei
yr rir a full one 86.29
ev'veet part of meat given to
neighbors, alms (Kor. Kam.
a'vaai cf. Kor. 63.12)
enné'n fish (Kor. Kam. znnd’n)
(3) Some bases which end in inadmissible sound-clusters have initial
or terminal reduplication, and insert auxiliary vowels.
Stem
aml (Kor. tml)
mult (Kor. mlit)
elu, rlv (see elve'tulé 89.32; ge'l-
vulin 88.1)
3045°—Bull. 40, pt. 2—12——44
Reduplicated absolute form.
mt'milt water (Kor. mz'mr1l)
mitt'mil louse (Kor. mimi;
mi'mré Kor. 55.1)
tluilw’ wild reindeer 88.4 (Kor.
Kam. ilhu'lu, elhu'lu)
§29
690 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 40
(4) Dissyllabic words repeat the first syllable at the end of the
word:
Stem Reduplicated absolute form
mere mé'rémér tears 116.8
gorlé 41.5 goklé gol snuff 41.4
yile (see 90.2) yu'lect marmot 89.33
yilt (Kor. él) yt lial tongue 48.8 (Kor. é7'lzl
Kor. 56.4)
qulr qule'qul voice 44.7
nute nu'tenut land
yl lga(t) (Kor. Kam. yilga{t)) yr'lgaéil sleep (Kor. Kam. yr'l-
gaytl)
Koryak:
ma'tqa mi'tgamut oil Kor. 90.17
ganga ga'ngaqan fire Kor. 30.8
ka’ Ika ki'lkakil shell-fish Kor. 70.2
(5) Some polysyllabic words double the whole word.
efte'nefien southeast wind
In Kamchadal analogous forms are derived principally from ad-
jective stems:
o'mlax warm o'mom heat
atatlax bright a twatex light
teu'nléa dark teu'ntwun darkness
tpilhe'tijk I suffer from hun- = p2’JArpil and pé'lhépél famine
ger
Other Kamchadal forms of duplication and reduplication for the
absolute forms are:
éu'wéux rain (stem éua)
pa lapal leaf (stem pal)
ko'mlokém marrow (Chukchee ki'mil; Kor. Kam. k1'mzil)
lu'iiulurulé heart (Chukchee lz’ili; Kor. le’nlin)
Nore 1.—A number of stems which in Koryak form their absolute
form by duplication have different forms in Chukchee.
Chukchee Kor. Kam.
go'pkr elk ve pkavep
ri'rkr walrus yt'ykayrtk
Presumably the Koryak has retained here the older forms.
Nore 2.—In a few cases the reduplicated or doubled form is used
not only in the absolute form, but also with otber suffixes and in com-
position.
§29
Boas] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES—CHUKCHEE 691
ké'rkér combination-suit (stem %ér); Kor. I key'key (stem key) ;
kérké'rqipi and ké'rgiupi from the combination-suit; ké’rkérik
in the combination-suit
fa'wkér woman’s suit
nimne'mgipri from the settlement 10.12
gélgélr'tkintk on the ice fields 7.3; gél1'tkrnik on the sea-ice 9.2
mémi1'tkinik on top of the water 9.3
Nore 3.—It is not impossible that the forms
yara'ju house
yoro'tu sleeping-room
ya'rar drum
(see § 30)
contain reduplicated stems in which the initial 7 has changed to y.
§ 30. SUFFIXES -n, -/v1
Stems ending in a vowel take the suffixes, in Chukchee —n, —fiz, in
Koryak —fte, -fia, according to dialect.
Iw'metun name of a spirit 22.6
kuke'fir kettle (ku'kek 75.18); Kor. Kam. kuka’ia; Kor. Par.
huke'fie
yoro'fu sleeping-room 107.9
yara'fu house 7.8; 30.11 (Kor. yaya'iia Kor. 22.4)
keme'fit dish 86.23; 87.31, 33 (kama'gtr to a dish 88.24) (Kor.
kama’fir Kor. 64.3)
gora’tu reindeer 51.6
ripen stone hammer 77.13, 16 (Kor. yzpa’iia Kor. 43.2)
¢¢"’'nr wolf 78.2, 96.28
tpa'fir broth (Kor. ¢zpa’ia Kor. 28.6)
Stems ending in two consonants, or in consonants that can not form
clusters with the terminal n, take the ending -n with a connective
vowel, 7, £; after g the connective vowel is @ (Kor. Kam. a).
pot'gin spear 97.27 (por'ge 117.29) (Kor. pot'gin)
na'ngan belly 43.9 (Kor. Par. na’ngdan)
r1ggo'lgrn cellar 36.8 (riggolgé'tz to the cellar 36.10)
re'mkrn people 8.8, 10 (re'mku 107.20) (Kor. ya'mkin Kor. 39.7)
tu'mgin companion 38.12 (¢u'mgd 37.7)
gr'thin lake 37.4 (g@'thik in a lake 37.5)
upa'lhin tallow 87.4 (téipa'lha 86.23)
ge'lhin skin 23.9
géla'rgin gray fox 96.14
é'érm fat (Kor. a’tim Kor. 15.4)
eI’ grn father 73.10 (stem z)
; §30
692 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL 40
!
ke'tirévrn boy 11.7
kopa'lhin walrus-blubber 12.6 (kopa'lha 14.11)
yv'lgrm month 7.2
a'ttin dog 135.20 (a®’ttu 185.20) (Kor. atta'n Kor. 48.8)
keifiin brown bear 78.3 (kezfiu 1386.20) (Kor. Kam. kaz’firn)
réLow' fun big old carcass 136.19
kokat'fim big kettle 33.10
d’rin fur shirt 83.24 (2’rw 116.26)
wu'kwun stone (stem wukw R 3.19) (Kor. vu'guin)
fi'lhin thong 41.10 (Kor. fiz'lim Kor. 40.5, 8)
To this group belong the endings -/Aim, -yfirn, -thin, -girgin,
-yrtn -lin (see § § 52; 58; 98; 1,99,8; 106, 44)
§ 31. ABSOLUTE FORM WITH LOSS OF PHONETIC ELEMENTS
(4) Stems ending in a vowel weaken their terminal vowel or lose it
entirely. Those ending in ¢ often change it to z slightly nasalized.
va'le knife 15.13; 16.4; 43.7 (stem va'/a)
ri'rkr walrus 8.5
ke'lz an evil spirit 61.6
éa/mfirt buck (stem éumfia)
krrmi'nti three-year-old buck 117.11
u’mkr bear 110.11
wi'ur scraping board (stem w2wr?)
e'wié small bag (stem ew7éw)
In case the loss of terminal vowel results in an inadmissible terminal
cluster, auxiliary vowels are introduced:
éekrk son (stem ekke)
e'rmm, e'rem chief (stem erme)
ku' kit one-eyed (stem huwle <*kukle)
lwkil driving-reindeer, not properly broken in; (stem /wwle
<*lukle?)
(2) Stems ending in —nv lose their terminal v.
é’wgan incantation 129.18 (stem éwganv)
é'tin master 122.38 (stem étrnv)
(3) Stems ending in % with preceding vowel drop the terminal 7% or
at least reduce its pronunciation to a voiceless %. This occurs par-
ticularly in Chukchee.
§31
BOAS] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES—CHUKCHEE 693
Chukchee Kor. Kam.
éna’nvina scraper (stem éna’n- ena'nvina (stem enanvinan)
vind’)
hetwu'ne staff (stem kenu'neh) 101.9
le'nlé heart (stem 777) linlin
po'mpo mushroom (stem pom) po'nporn
pi'mpt powder (stem pz)
(4) A number of stems with consonantic ending have a double form
of the stem, one ending with the consonant, another one ending in a,
_é, or 2, which are suffixed to the stem. The absolute form is the stem
form without terminal vowel.
Ai'wan an Asiatic Eskimo (stems az’wan and atvwana)
intu'ulpir son-in-law (stems rmtuulprr and mtuulprre)
uwa'qué husband (stems wwd*’gué and uw ®quéc)
zlir island (stems zr and zr?)
(5) Irregular forms are—
Chukchee Kor, Kam.
¢¢©'nr wolf (stem [/].¢2£g) yry (stem 2&y)
etn neck (stem “i£nn) e’nntin (stem [2]2&nn, 2&nn)
ELu’é nephew (stem zLuwgo) 1Lo'yo (stem Loy)
mté’ daughter-in-law (stem mmtryo)
a’ kan fishhook (stem an <*aqgn?)
ga'ze bird (stem gglha)
ve’ LE raven (stem velve)
*u*’tt anser segetum (stem “1*/u)
tu’mgin stranger (stem tumith);
compare, however, the redupli-
cated form tu’ mgituwm COMPANION
formed from ¢u’mgrn (in com-
pounds -tw'mgin, as yite'mit-tu' -
mgin BROTHER) tu’mik serves
also as possessive form.
§ 32 SPECIAL FORMS
A number of pronouns form the absolute form in a special manner.
(1) Personal pronouns.
gim 1 (Kor. gtimma; Kamch. kr'mma)
git thou (Kor. gr'ssa; Kamch. k1'ja)
(2) The personal pronoun zna'n (Kor. z’nnw; Kamch. ena’) HE is
formed from the stem zn-.
(8) The personal pronouns of the plural are formed with the suf-
fix -2. In Koryak the dual has the suffix -2; the plural, -v. In Kam-
chadal we find -a for the first, and second persons.
§32
694 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 40
mu'ry (Kor. dual mu’y2, pl. mu'yu; Kamch. mu'ja) we (stem murg-
[Kor. muéh-, Kamch. mzjg-}) |
tu're (Kor. dual tu'y?, pl. tw'yu; Kamch. tw/ja) ye (stem turg- [Kor.
tuth-, Kamch. t1yg-]) '
E'rri (Kor. dual a’ééz, pl. a’ééw; Kamch. r¢x) they (stem z7g- [Kor.
ath-, Kamch. tz-])
(4) Interrogative personal pronoun.
meé' tin who (stem mzk-) (Kor. ma’ki [stem mzk])
(5) Indefinite pronoun.
rad&nut what (stem req) (Kor. yi'nna [stem yaq))
ni'rkivut a certain one (stem nirke) (Kor. ne'yka, ni’ykrivvut [stem
niyka))
ni'kiviut a certain thing (stem nike)
Duat and Plural (§8 33-35).
§ 33. GENERAL REMARKS
Chukchee, Koryak II, and Kamchadal have only two numbers;
while Koryak I has also a dual, which corresponds in form to the
plural of the Chukchee. The plural of the Koryak, both I and II,
presents a set of distinct forms.
§ 34. PLURAL OF COMMON NOUNS
The plural of common nouns occurs only in the absolute form. In
Chukchee it is formed by the suffix -¢. Stems ending in /, 7, n, é, y, é,
take -2z instead.
lile't eyes pe kultt butcher-knives 84.21
e'kket sons ne'ngdite children 112.10, 15;
113.12
qu'tte the others 115.17 ne'ngagte 51.10
gla'ulté men 121.9 a’ ttrgdgtt pups 122.18
yitemre' tte brothers 64.3 inpriie'wadgts little old women
fe'wiinti women 50.4, 6 45.100
feus'gd’tta women 112.5 le'uttz heads 86.8
Words which have a double stem form (see § 31, 4), have also double
forms in the plural.
Ad’wan an Asiatic Eskimo (stems azwan, aitwana); plural ac’ wanie,
av'wanat
uwé’qué husband (stems wodfgué, uwd®gquéd); plural wod*qutie,
wwe" quéit
dlir island (stems zir, clerz); plural 2le'ttz, v’leret
§§33-34
BOAS] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES—CHUKCHEE 695
Koryak:
The dual of Koryak [ has the same suffix.
lila't two eyes
qo'yat two reindeer (Chukchee ga’at reindeer)
vai' amit two rivers (va'amti Kor. 17.1, Chukchee ve'emrt rivers)
The plural is formed in many Koryak dialects by -w after termi-
nal consonants, -wg?, -vvi (according to dialect), after terminal vowel.
qla’wulu men Kor. 44.3
ha'witgatu women Kor. 44.2
qai-pipr kali little mice Kor. 25.6
nawa'kku daughters Kor. 27.1
a'gimu bags Kor. 28.5
kmi'fiu children Kor. 44.7
vai'amu vivers (stem vaiam)
lila'wgi eyes
mimlu'wgi lice Kor. 25.4
iméanala'wge ermines Kor. 66.18
qoya'wge reindeer (stem goya; goya'we Kor. 22.4)
gapa'au wolverenes (<qgapay-u) Kor. 12.7
u'kkamau vessels Kor. 28.5
ke'plau mortars Kor. 51.5 (kipla'wi Kor. 53.8)
Kamchadal:
The plural suffix of Kamchadal is -(r)®n.
uth tree u"hitn trees
kocx dog kexo'n dogs
kist house ka'str’n houses
Stems ending in 7 or / take the glottal stop before the terminal
consonant, and take no ending, but may modify the last vowel of
the stem.
lil eye lusl eyes
kélv'lan spotted seal kéli'lién spotted seals
mémil ground-seal memirl ground-seals
In the material collected by Dybowsky? in southern Kamchatka,
¢ and d occur as plural endings.
zauin ear zvut ears
kosch dog kosgut dogs
uan stone uad stones
1Stowniki Narzeczy Ludow Kamezackich Rozprawe Widziatu filologicznego Akademii Ume
jetnésci w Krakowie, 1892, vol. xvii, pp. 107, 113, 120.
§34
696 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 40
The Kamchadal dialect of Sedanka also has the ending -z.
veta’tilan workman veta’tilat workmen
sit/nkil the one who flies sit/nkilat those who fly
This can not be due to the influence of the neighboring Koryak
II, which has no dual, and uses only the u ending of the plural.
§ 35. PLURAL OF PERSONAL NOUNS.
-(Z)nté (Kor. Kam. the same) [-(z)n + tz ; for -(z)n see § 39], expresses
a group of people belonging to and including a person of the name to
which the smffix is added. In Koryak Kamenskoye the ending
designates two persons only. This form is also used with the inter-
rogative pronoun.
Ye'trlinti Yetilin and bis family
(Kor. Aéte’pinrntz) Aéée’pin and his wife
fie'wainti their wives
mé'kinti (Kor. Kam. ma’kinti) who? (see p. 726)
Koryak Kamenskoye:
Valvrmitila®’ninti Raven-Man and his wife Kor. 12.1
Vini'a-ia'wgutinti Yini'a-fiawgut and her husband Kor. 19.5
A group of more than two is expressed in Koryak Kamenskoye
by the plural ending -ewgi, but also by -cnw.
Aééepina'wge Acée'pm and his family.
Quyginnaqu'wge Big-Raven and his people Kor. 39.10
Amamqu'tinu Ememqut’s people Kor. 43.7
pip kéa-ha'wgutinu mouse-women Kor. 23.3
§ 36. Exclamatory Form of Nouns
Nouns may be given an exclamatory form by transferring the
accent to the end of the stem, especially with the last word of the
sentence.
kimilhi’n worms 39.3
When the accentuation is stronger, the last vowel is changed to o.
In this case, proper names lose their suffixes, and have the accent on
the last vowel of the stem.
Yeto'l O Ye’tilin! remkilo’n a guest! 111.19
Quto'w O Qutu’wgi!
Koryak:
miko'n vanniliio'n! whose tooth Kor. 34.4
jawako'k! daughter! Kor. 22.7
trlago’n! I found! Kor. 24.1
§§35-36
BOAS] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES—-CHUKCHEE 697
In some cases, when the noun ends in a vowel, an -% is added,
and the accent thrown upon the end of the word.
Ararov’ O Ara’ro!
Upenker’ R 72.15 O Upe’nke!
Miter’ 83.12 Kor. 37. 2 O Miti!
Kor. Quge'/ Kor. 74.29 O Quygqinn’a’qu
Kor. Yiner’ Kor. 88.1 O Yini'afia’wgut
also glet O man! (from glk, which other-
wise is used only in compounds)
§ 37. Subjective Form
-€, -t@, @ (Chukchee). Instrumental; used in place of object when
the verb is intransitive (e. g., she cooked with meat = she cooked meat);
subject of transitive verb.
(a) After terminal vowel -¢d:
ekke’taé by the son 18.9 vala’ta with knives 16.4
temu'netaé with shell-fish 9.8 r1'rkata by walrus 9.9; 10.6
umd quéita eunin the hus- tar-ga’ata ge'rkutin bought with
band told her how many reindeer
lile'té with an eye
(6) After terminal consonant -é:
ene’nilaé by a shaman 7.5; evirdé clothing (obj.) 13.6
14.12; 15.9 u'tté with wood
wu'lgaé by darkness 18.12 Ext gé re'nnin the father brought it
#x1'g& by the father 18.4 —_pod’/ga with a spear 12.9
ré'yipé with a drill 8.1; 11.2 kopa’lha with walrus-blubber 14.11
yv'lga by sleep 10.6, 7 Aiwhuyanpina' tha by an old
a’ttwilé by the boat’s crew: St. Lawrence man 13.9
10.9; 12.4 Eiwhueli by the St. Lawrence
ré'r1laé by the bow-man 10.10 people 11.10; 12.3, 11; 17.1
ene’id with the spirits 16.3
(c) After terminal consonant -e. This ¢ may be part of the stem
that drops out on the absolute form.
ete uwi'e® with fat she cooked (i. e., she cooked fat)
(zd) After terminal » often, after 7 sometimes, -e¢d. Words of this
group are those with double-stem forms § 31.4
gélétkina'ta along the ice-top 13.7
rimne'té and r1'mnd with the inner skin
1 For proper names, see § 39. Compare nominal forms of verbs, No. 3, § 64.
§37
698 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BuLy. 40
avwana'ta the Aiwan 46.6; 49.2
intu'ulpiretad by the son-in-law 80.22 and métu’ulprra
-ta, -a (Kor. Kam). Instrumental and subject of transitive verbs
(as in Chukchée).
lila'ta with an eye
-w'tta with the wood
alata with excrement Kor. 12.5
éakeé'ta by the sister Kor. 18.10
fe'lia with a line Kor. 41.3
yita'myt-tu'mga by the brother Kor. 20.6
ja'witgata by the woman Kor. 21.5
ya'mka by the people Kor. 39.7
yt'pna with the inner skin Kor. 48.8
With these endings are also found, formed from locatives (see
§§ 38, 58) —
Chukchee Kor. Kam.
minke ta minka' ta by which place
wutke ta wutéa' ta by this place
En‘ke' ta Enka'ta by that place
vi aitkata vaieha' ta by that place (midway)
niki'té 12.9; 14.10 niki ta at night
gine't-a‘lo’ gino't-a‘lo! at mid-day
nunge’té there, by itself
fo’tingata there, behind the speaker
jo'onkata there, farther on
fhenke’té there, far off
Here belong also the Chukchee forms—
funge ta there, by itself
fio' tingata there, behind speaker
fio’ onganata there, farther on
fenke'té there, far off
=-l* Kamchadal. Instrumental.
| usl* with wood (from ufA wood)
lile'l‘ with the eye (stem /i/)
Locative Form (§§ 38-39)
§ 38. COMMON NOUNS
-(¢)k, -kI,-qI (Koryak the same) expresses the locative.'
vel'emrk nitva'gén he lives on the river
ELa'gt nitva'gén he lives with the mother
nu'tek (Kor. nu'tak) on the land
§38 1See also Nominal Forms of Verb, §§ 64, 65,
Boas] . HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES—CHUKCHEE 699
The forms -k} and -gy, also -ek¥ and -eg¥ are used after some stems,
but no definite rule in regard to their use can be laid down.
“ius ‘miik and git’'mugi in my isiiiah nave
yo Las in the wind (from yo’o WIND)
ELa’g1 at the mother’s (from zz@’ MOTHER)
feloiile kt at the herd (from fte'lviil HERD)
vélr' the-laula'kr at the merchant's (from vélitke-la'ul MERCHANT)
Stems with the terminal clusters A, ¢h, th, rg, ng may drop the
terminal sound in the locative: earls,
pi lhin throat plik in the throat
gu’ thin lake gt’ trk at the lake
mu’ NGILITIN hand mi'nik at the hand
The forms pi'lirk, gi'thik, mi'ngrk, however, are also in use.
Verbal nouns with the suffix -gyrg(zm) (§ 106.44) have in the locative
-Inkror -ritk: oil)
kattka' éirgin descent hanka éirinks and kanka éirrk
tutta'tirgin climbing up titta'tirinki and titta'tirik
Notre.—These two forms appear with distinctive meaning in the
locative of grto'lhin SIDE:
gito'linkr on the side of the mountain
gito'lhik on the side of a person
This suffix is often weakened to -g, or even disappears entirely.
Thus we find nw'tek, nu'teg, and nu'te IN THE COUNTRY; ya’rak and
ya’ra AT HOME; the k may also be replaced by 1. The leu’tr ON THE
HEAD 44.5; a’figa-co’rmI ON THE SEASHORE 12.4
walga'rik in the jawbone house, 44.14
nute's‘gak on the ground, 15.5
rag-to'rmik on the house border, 12.12
a'igak on the sea, 13.3; Kor. 25.7
gi'lgtlik on the sea ice, 13.3
tu'wkrk on the ice-floe, 13.3
tr’mkik on a hummock, 62.7
ga tekréhrk on a thong of young walrus-hide, 62.8
lile'k (Kor. dila’k) in the eye
Koryak:
va'amik in the river Kor. 32. 1, 2
ée'éhifirk in the armpits Kor. 18.9
ya'yak in the house Kor. 19.9
ulgu'vrk in the cache Kor. 80.10
yaga'lrk in the porch Kor. 80.18
d'ya‘g in the sky Kor. 19.3
qas'wuge iki at the foot of the stone-pine bushes Kor. 21.7
§38
700 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 40
With nouns designating animate beings, the suffix -k expresses the
possessor.
éekkek va'rkin (Kor. Kam., a’kkak va'ykin) it is the son’s
mad lrk va'rkin in the neighbor’s (house) he is 19.2
ge'mge-ni' kek whosoever 20.7
Kor. a'al tu'yrk va'ykin have you an axe? Kor. 63.5
Kor. Trke'nvrytk va'ykin With-Smell-Pusher-A way hasit Kor. 63.4
Personal pronouns also have this ending, while proper names and
personal demonstrative pronouns have the ending -(r1)nd (see § 41).
The personal pronoun is used with the ending -k, particularly when
the noun to which it is attached with possessive significance has a suffix
(-7d, -gtz, etc.), while in the absolute form the suffix -2n BELONGING TO
Or MADE OF 1s used (see § 46 and also § 47). In similar cases nouns
designating animate beings are often used with the ending -z.
gumi'k ekheg ralvilé' pi, qae'mithin take from my son’s herd
gimi’k akka'ipi from my son (gitm 1; -k possessive; ekke son;
-%pit from [§ 42])
Ent'g-nu' tek ne'rmegin ke'lz in his own country the kele is strong
123.25
me'rég-rak in our houses 84.16
Kor. mama'nak teted'trm on mamma’s needle Kor. 25.2
Kor. Mite’nak éai'uthu into Miti’s work-bag Kor. 38.4.
Here belong—
wu'tku (Kor. wu'téuk) here
E’n'kr (Kor. dnkz, Kamchadal £’nkz) there
va’ Giikr (Kor. vai’er?) there (midway to)
fio’ onkr there (farther on)
ra dk there (behind the person addressed)
jo'tinkr, wo’ trvigr, there (behind the speaker)
fiu'nkr (Kamchadal fio'nke) (aside by itself)
m'fikr (Kor. mi’nk?) where
fie’ n'ku there (far off)
All these form allative, ablative, and instrumental, see § 58.
-nk (Kamchadal); after terminal n, -k, also in some other cases.
Locative, and subject of transitive verbs.
li'lenk on the eye taw'ntwunk in the darkness
(from tau'ntxun)
cv’mtenk on the land. atintink and a’tintk in the
village (from atrnim)
§38
Boas] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES—CHUKCHEE 701
With nouns designating animate objects, the suffix -nk designates
the possessor.
plvélink thi'zkhinin it is the son’s
The suffixes expressing DIRECTIONS TO AND FROM of the Kam-
chadal also contain the ending -nk, while in Chukchee and Koryak
they are formed by the endings -gé, and -guipti (see §§ 40-43). The
distinct origin of these elements may still be recognized in Kam-
chadal by the fact that the termination for TowaRD always, that for
FROM generally, causes ablaut, while the -n% of the locative is
neutral. For DIRECTION FROM we find, for instance—
kist house kt'stenk in or from the house
ké'stank to the house
kia’ river kt'x*enk in or on the river
ké'x:ank to or from the river
teu'nteun darkness tzu'ntwunk in the darkness
tao'ntzonk to the darkness
a'tinim village atintink or atinik in, to, or
from the village
These forms may be related to the possessive form of the
Koryak proper names (see § 39).
§ 39. PERSONAL NOUNS
-(I)nd. Subjective and possessive of proper names of persons and
of a few appellative nouns.
Ye'tiliné Yetilin’s
q'téna father’s (a'tz FATHER, in the language of children)
apai'fiina grandfather’s (apai’fiin <epe-yhin GRANDFATHER, in
the language of children)
epeqd yind grandmother's (epe'gdi < epe-qdt? GRANDMOTHER, in the
language of children)
tumge ing friend’s (¢umgr'nind, in the pronunciation of women)
Telpittie'nd lo®’o things seen by Telpiiie R 379, no. 142 title
Tro’ tirgina tr'lgétyak I go to Tiio’tirgm 120.36
ni'rke- a certain one, gut another one (§ 60), all personal demonstra-
tives and interrogatives (§ 58) have the same forms.
-(I)nak (Kor. Kam.). Probably formed from the suffix -(r)na
and the possessive -k.
Miti'nak Miti’s Kor. 15.11
Préi'qala'nak Bird-Man Kor. 16.4
Aéte’prnak Aéée’pin’s
wu'tininak this one’s
mi kinak who Kor. 12.7
§39
702 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 40
Nore.—The subjective of the personal pronoun in -nan may be
related to this form. The possessive form of these pronouns, how-
ever, is formed in -n (see § 56)
Allative and Ablative (§§ 40-43.)
§ 40. ALLATIVE OF COMMON NOUNS, CHUKCHEE AND KORYAK
-gt I, -€tZ, -wt (Chukchee); -¢#1(%), -etI(n) (Koryak), expresses
THE DIRECTION TO, also THE INDIRECT OBJECT, ON ACCOUNT OF, FOR
THE BENEFIT OF.
In Chukchee -g¢y is used after vowels, except 0;
-étj after consonants;
-wtf, after o.
Examples of -g¢j after vowels:
gaa gt, tr'lgatydk 1 went to the reindeer
aiiqa' gt eifie'utkus® he called to the sea 8.5; also 49.5; 25.5
afiganiyaéa' gty to the seaside 49.6
nota'gty to the country 51.2
cauéuwa' gt, to the reindeer-breeder 48.9
yara'gt, to the house 105.27
léla'gty to the eye
ala- -qopla' gtj on an excrement-pile 45.5
hala’ gty to a kele 97.12
gir gola’ gty upward 16.5
girgogéa'gtr upward 47.4
anvé 'mauka' gtj to an unbroken one 50.12 (¢—k@ not)
ta! lwa-pa' lko- vé' gtr to one merely dying of old age 21.7
akka' gtr tre'tya’n I brought it for the son
qaa' gti on account of the reindeer 48.12
uwagoce gt, on account of the husband 48.12
Examples of -é¢z after consonants:
kalté’tz to the bottom 9.7
naranéntitko'firtonin notas’gé’ ty it shall be thrown on the ground
25.3; also 16.7
mémlé'ts to the water 48.5
ratulé'ty to the whaler 46.5
atga' kamaanvé'ty to the owners of bad dishes 96.7
rimné'ti to the inner skin
joéé'te to the poor ones 96.26
Exigé ti gdtr' he went to the father 109.3
yé éamét-to'mgét: gdtr’ he went to the brothers 110.1
tiarrgé tr to the dawn 41.7
yélhé'tr to the moon 41.11
§40
Ee ———<— errr ss
BOAS] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES—CHUKCHEE 703
péenyolhé'tr on to the hearth 32.7
gino'nétr to the middle 10.7; 16.8
ergip-ya'lhétr on account of the bright moon 14.11
Examples of -wiéz, -utz, after o
gaaracéikou'tr under the sledge-cover 110.8
yorou'tr to the sleeping-room 39.10
mémlrétkou'tr into the water 17.4
-it1, -etI (Koryak)
-ttr used after all vowels.
yaya'itr to the house (yaite’ti verbal, from yazte’kin Kor. 17.3)
yoyo'ttr to the sleeping-room
lela'itr to the eye
giégolac'tr to the upper part Kor. 20.1
ytnot'tr to the rear storeroom Kor. 35.6
-elr after consonants.
yipné'ti to the inner skin
olhrwe'tiv to the cache Kor. 36.3
yinootie tr into the vent-hole Kor. 43.3
Here belong the allatives of the locative demonstratives and inter-
rogatives, which take -72 in Chukchee.
Chukchee Koryak Kamchadel
whither me Rkri menket' tr ma'nke
hither wotéat' tr
, Atend . (inka tin
thither Eivlert Enkad't1 Kor. 17.2
thither (midway) wa’ dnié vaienar' tr
thither ne’nhr jankat' tr
§ 41. ALLATIVE OF PERSONAL NOUNS
-(I)na@ To, Towarvs. Used only with proper names, personal
demonstratives, and with a few appellative nouns.
Ya'tiling to Yeti 1n
a'téna to father (a’tz FaTHER, in the language of children)
apa fina to grandfather (apat'iiin [ < epe-yfiin], GRANDFATHER in
the language of children)
apaqa'ying to grandmother (epe’gdz [ < epe-gdi] GRANDMOTHER in
the language of children)
temgé'éna to the friend (te’mginmina, in the pronunciation of
women)
wo'tganéna (Kor. Kam. wo'tenena) to this one
mé'kéna (Kor. Kam. me’kena) to whom
-(I)na(f#) (Kor. Kam.) towarps, to. Used only with proper
names. Pronouns belonging to this group have na like the corre-
sponding Chukchee form.
§41
704 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 40
Atée'pina(ii) to Aééepmna
| Mete' na to Miti Kor. 43.2
The related suffix, -(1)% or -na(m), may be used with a few appel-
lative nouns; -%tr (see § 40) occurs as well.
ta'tai or ta'tanan to father; ta’tana Kor. 74.15 (ta'ta FATHER,
in the language of children) ; but rza’tz to the mother
§ 42. ABLATIVE IN -gipi
-{ ptt, -@'pit, -gii py (Chukchee) From, OUT OF, ACROSS, ALONG. :
-ipt with stems ending in a vowel.
léla'tpi, from the eye pottinai' pi by the holes 47.2
Roliannénai' pi from Rulte’n- afigarigatai’pi from the seaside
nin 124.8 (see § 31, 4) 49.8 (see § 31, 4)
gaai'pt lei'wulin along the gaatrkoi’pu from the herd 51.2
reindeer (herd) the walking pagtalkot’pi along the crevices
one 22.6
nhargino’’pt from outside éottagnrérkot’pu from the outer
12.10 (see § 31, 4; of Rargr- tent 131.5
no'lin that staying in the éuéaz’pi from below 131.5
outer tent) En‘kéérkor' pi from there (inside)
golé-notai'pu from another 131/12
land 14.12; 113.11; 136.21
notai'pi nilei’vuginet they
walked along the (open) d
land 17.9
-gipi mostly with stems ending in a single consonant.
va'amgtipt from the river
nimni' mgtipt ni'pkir-mu'ri we came from the settlement 10.12
pepe’ ggripi by the ankle 50.11
-épii mostly with stems ending in two consonants.
orgé’pu from the sledge
lauté’ pit kr'plinén he struck him across the head (see 8.1)
ronmé'pit from under the outer tent-cover 12.9
yrkirgé’ pu across its mouth 115.1
éot-tagné’ pit from the outer tent
gamga-va' rrgé’ pi among all beings 22.2
ranmé’ pi from the border of the house 130.16
épr'nmépi from under the wall 130.16
-e'pu (only in Koryak I, in anumber of dialects; for instance, in the
village of Av’éhin in Kamchatka).
nute’pu galat'vulin he walked along the open land
$42
Boas] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES—CHUKCHEE 705
§ 43. POST-POSITIONS IN -nk, -nq, -iiq, -(n)qo, -fRigorl
-figo (Koryak I) From, our oF (not with the meaning across,
ALONG).
lela’'vigo from the eye
ega’iko from heaven Kor. 33.4
krpla’ grgiiko out of the bottom of the mortar Kor. 53.3
menka'iigo (maie’nko Kor. 33.7) whence
wotéa figo from here
janka'figo thence
na’nakango Kor. 42.3
dnka'ngo from there
vai ego from there (not very far)
-nqo, -figo'rI (Chukchee) rrom, not free; only in the following
adverbs:
méngo and méngo'rr whence (mé’fiko 113.19)
fio’ongo and no'ofgo'r1t from there (far oft) (70’onko 76.5; 131.8)
va’ Engo va'dnigo and va'dngorr from there (not very far)
fo’tengo and vo'tivigorr from behind the speaker
ra’engo from behind the person addressed
jiu'nqu and wungu'ra from there
E’7igo, 86.18 En‘go’ro 65.18 and zngo'rr from there 125.3;
wo'tgo, wotgoro 124.10 and wotgo'rr from here
(ta’ngo means, however, simply HERE)
na'nko 12.7 From this is formed the ablative wan‘koi' pi.
na’niko there Kor. 32.1
goro’ COME HERE! (Kor. goyo is probably the exclamatory form
for fa'ngorr HITHER. ‘The latter form is rarely used. Kor.
Kam. go’yin HITHER is perhaps the ablative of the same form.
goro’ na'nko then come here! Kk 73.76 go’ro 101.3 ;
-nk (Kamchadal). Used in most oblique cases. Since all Kam-
chadal stems end in consonants, this suffix requires a connecting
vowel which corresponds in character to the vowel of the stem.
| 1, 7, ¢ u, ti, #, are found in this position.
The allative always has the strong form of the connecting vowel.
The suffix often takes the termination -e.
siin the wood lud the eye
stink from the wood lit’lank from the eye
8d'nke to the wood lit’lank to the eye
kix the sea E'nki there
ki’xenk from the sea jio'nke there, thus
ké'xanke to the sea ma'nke whence, whither, how
3045°—Bull. 40, pt. 2—12——45 § 43
706 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [aur. 40
§ 44. Post-positions of Plurals of Personal Nouns
The plurals of personal nouns form their locative, allative, ablative
(§§ 39, 41), and possessives (p. 709) by adding the stem of the pronoun
(1)rg THEY (Kor. Kam. [z]y) to the stem. The allative and ablative
forms differ, however, somewhat, from the forms of the independent
pronoun.
stem (1)rg THEY
Independent pronoun. Suffix of plural of
personal noun.
absolute E'rrl —
allative Erika’ gti —eErik
ablative Erikav’ pit —1'rgtipt
gla’ ul man glaulr'rgupi from the people
ora’ wéLan person orawéLa'rgén belonging to men
Tria’ p (a name) Tifa’ perth with Tifia’p and his family
(locative and allative)
Tria pirgén belonging to Tifa’p’s fam-
. > . ~~ 7 1
ily, belonging to Tifia’p
kor. Kam.:
Pipi kéa-na'wgut Mouse-Woman Pipi'kéa-na'wgutiyrk by Mouse-
Women Kor. 81.1
Annimaya't Frost-Man Annimaya' tiyik by those with
the Frost-Man Kor. 38.9
Ai'ginvr_ With-Odor-Pushing- Acgimv1i'yrkii to the people of
Away With - Odor- Pushing - A way
Kor. 63.6
Quygqinn‘aqu Big-Raven Qoyqinn aqoytkai' tr to the Big-
Raven’s people Kor. 19.9;
35.6
The x in the suffixes of these forms is evidently related to the &
which appears in the allative and ablative of the independent pronoun
derived from the stem (z)7g (Chukchee), as given in § 56.
Miti's*hin belonging to Miti Kor, 28.7
Quyqginn‘aqu' thin belonging to Big-Raven Kor. 28. 7
Here Koryak s‘f and é/ are analogous to Chukchee rg.
1In cases of this kind the plural is often used to refer to the person himself.
§44
Boas] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES—CHUKCHEE 707
§§ 45-50. Form in -in
§ 45. GENERAL REMARKS
A considerable number of forms ending in -7 occur, which are
seminominal in character. I have found—
Chukechee Koryak Kamchadal
-in -1M -1n possessive
-kin -kin In, -n pertaining to
-lin -laén measure of a
quality
nI—ginr ni—'gun quality of
ge—lin ga—lin possessor of
All of these form their plural and post-positional forms by adding
the vowel ¢ before the affix added to -iz. For example:
Chukchee Koryak Kam.
mete. | Cw Ee loin nima'lgin
Subjective ..... . . nimelqine’tad nimalgina’ ta
Meme: .) S.C. rma tgiiele nima'lginak
Praag Gmc . . . 5. nameltpiger nima'lginat
Paremeey eh, (NASR 8 48 nima'lginaw
On the whole, forms of this type with post-positions are rare.
mi'tikri-valit plekrt tegge’nu ninelgrgit? Nime’yritginet mei'-
mitinet. How do you want your boots? I want large ones
(mi'itkrt how; va'lit being, pl. (§ 54); ple’krt boots pl.; teggen
desire; -w serving for; mz- prefix of nominalized verb [§ 73];
-nelg to have; -git thou; nzr—gz¢net nominalized form of verb,
pl.; mein large, m- 1st per. exhortative; eimit to take;
-net {I]— them, exhortative)
To the question rd*-ne'lhG gerkurin? With what kind of skins has
it been bought? (reg what; ne’lAen skin; -@ instrumental; ge—lin
nominalized verb [§ 73]; -rkur to buy) one may answer—
nitengine'té with good ones (mz—gin nominalized verb; n1—
qineté instrumental of this form; tem good);
but it is better to avoid the nominalized form with suffix, and to say,
ten-ne'lhé with a good skin
em-tén‘tula niked the sportful people teased him (em- mere;
te'nfula subjective form of ¢e’n*fiulin sportful [the correspond-
ing verb with the suflix -ew is ten‘fie'urkin To LAUGH]; nike’ é
indefinite pronominal verb, nzke'rkin TO DO SOMETHING)
1Men’s pronunciation rIme’lgeet.
§45
708 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BuL. 40
These forms, however, have definite, augmentative, and diminutive
forms.
ten good nite'ngin definite form nrtangé-
na’ thin (see § 53)
te’firéin (see § 55) augmentative form
taficr'yhin (see
§ 98, no. 1)
ta’iium-va'lin (see§76) augmentative form
ta’Rum-valr' yin
tand'ya’n(see $104.38) diminutive form
tand-ya' nvugar
In Koryak these forms are not found, as a rule. |
§ 46. SUFFIX -in.
-in (Kor. -in; Kamchadal -é7) expresses material of which an
object is made, and possession.
(a) Material.
u'ttin wooden (Kor. u/tzin)
gg ‘gen wm evi'rit bird dresses 7.8
9g Then vrin bird clothes 14.3
qo'rén ne'lhyn reindeer-skins 14.4
ele!’ lin gla’yl man of excrement 39.6
yorg ju wy'kwén house of stone 92.5
ko'nén made of horse (hair) (stem ko’né from Russian Kons)
ry grygén made of hair
Koryak:
kuka’kin gatai'kilin it is made of a kettle Kor. 78.1
mi'méin (made) of a louse Kor. 78.1
The same idea is also expressed by composition.
ga'iga-na'lhin bird-skin
u' tt1-yu'ti1 wooden whale Kor. 40.9
(b) Possessive. Used only in absolute form.
e'kkin the son’s (Kor. Kam. a ‘kkin)
(Kamchadal z’cain the father’s)
go'vén the reindeer’s (Kor. Kam. go'yen; Kamchadal k/o'jan)
égu'éuwén fie'wan the reindeer-breeder’s wife 48.6
Keen yoro' fr the son’s sleeping: room 53.8
inping chéén x1 ginén yoro'fu the old man’s, the father’s sleeping-
room 53.9
tw’ mgin stranger’s (see p. nee 53.9
gra’ wéLén aimaki'yin a man's big body 90.14
§46
— BOAS) . HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES—CHUKCHEE 709
haus'ga'tértinén exa’ the woman’s father 85.22
ne'ekkin ya'nra yoro'i daughter’s separate sleeping-room 28.3
je'ekkin éo'téot the daughter’s bag pillow 29.4
ora'wéLén ga'mga-tz'tirgyn man’s every source of illness 24.3
Ice le- jie'us atin ké'rkér the combination-suit of the kele-woman
85.33
qla'ulgaién v'rmm the man’s suit 85.35
fuinga'yin evi'rin the child’s clothes 25.8
Ku'urkilin kik Ku'urkil’s son 79.23
Tio'tirginén Tiio'tirgin’s 120.16
Umgigét'in U'mqiagqii’s 63.12
Koryak:
tami’ nfir-qla’wulen Rawa'kak an artisan’s daughter Kor. 24.10
awa'ti-na' win hawa'kak the daughter of a seamstress Kor. 25.2
tu’mginau kawa'ssothu other people’s wallets Kor. 46.1
go'yen gitéa'liurn reindeer-leg Kor. 53.3
Proper names form their possessives of this type also with the suf-
fix -(z)n, especially when the terminal sound of the stem is a vowel.
A’nna (a name) A’nnan belonging to A’nna
Qutu’wgi (aname) Qutw’wgin belonging to Qutu’wgi
Aiftianwa't (a name) Aifanwa’tm and Adianwa'tén belonging
Upe’nken belonging to Aifia’nwat.
to Upenke R72.13
Niro'nén belonging
to Niro’n R377,
141 title.
In Koryak the suffix —im, characteristic for the postpositional
forms of proper names, is sometimes inserted before the possessive
suffix —rn.
Amamqu'tinin ha'witqat Ememqut’s woman Kor. 45.1.
Quyginn'aqu’nin hawa’kak Brig Raven’s daughter Kor. 76.14
The plural takes the regular plural ending -e¢ (Kor. Kam. -a¢ dual,
-au plural, Kamchadal -e’*n instead of -77)
e'kkinet those of the son (Kor. Kam. a’kkinat dual, a'kkinau pl.)
(Kamchadal 2z’cxé*n those of the father)
Often, however, the singular is used instead of the plural.
The possessive forms of proper names have no plural.
The possessive pronoun is evidently based on this suffix. It has,
however, somewhat irregular forms.
$46
710 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 40
Chukchee t Kor. Kam. Kamchadal
Per. Pron. Poss. Pron. Per. Pron. Poss. Pron. | Per. Pron. Poss. Pron.
Ist per. sing. . gm giimni'n | gimma gtmni'n | ki'mma kima'n —
2d per. sing. . git gini'n gi'ssa—gtni'n kerja kini'n
3d per. sing. . zna’n Eni'n E'nnu ani'n Ena’ Ena'n
Ist per. pl. . . mart mu’rgin |mu'yu mu'thin |muja mui'jgin
2d per. pl. . . ¢u'r2 tu'rgin tu'yu = tu’éhin | tu'ja tr'jhin
3d per. pl. .. err z'rgin ‘a'étu a’thin ta txe'in
The Koryak dual has no possessive forms.
Plural and dual are formed in the same way as in all attributive
terms in -77:—
Chukchee Kor. Kam. Kamchadal
my . . . . gtmnt'net (pl.) gumni'nat (dual) krma* n (pl.)
gumne’nau (pl.)
From these possessives, forms with suffixes originate.
gumnineté (Kor. Kam. giimnina’ta) with mine.
It is, however, more customary to use the personal pronoun with
the suffix instead.
gomokat' pt, gat mityin TAKE IT FROM MF! (instead of TAKE IT FROM
MINE) (gomokatpt see § 56; g—grn imperative; emt to take)
Demonstrative pronouns form two possessive forms:
pea wo'tqanén and wo’ tganEnén hee
this |(men’s pronunciation wo’ tqdéén and wo’ tqaznén)} to this
Enga’n Enga’nén and z’nganEnén ere
that [(men’s pronunciation zngi'én and sngaznén) to that
The forms in —znin may be considered as compounded with the
possessive of the third person singular personal pronoun Eni’n, so that
they would be parallel to the plural forms of the demonstrative
possessives discussed in § 58, p.729: wo'tqaner gén (man’s pronunciation
WO ‘tqadrrgén) and z’nganergén (man’s pronunciation E ‘ngdergen).
The possessives of proper names in Koryak are formed in the
Same manner; as
Quyginnaqu' nin hawa' kak Big-Raven’s daughter Kor. 76.14.
Amamqu'tinin na’ witqat Ememqut’s woman Kor. 45.1.
Kamchadal uses the suffixes with the possessive pronoun quite
frequently.
kima'nl'int’ with my ears (kiman my; -/ instrumental; 2m ear)
m'nenl x va'nl’ with which knife ?
Uknint’ keaol’ with other dogs
346
BOAS] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES—CHUKCHEE 711
§ 47. SUFFIX -kin
-kin (Kor. Kam.-kin; Kamchadal -¢n, =”) PERTAINING TO. This
suffix is added to all kinds of stems,—nominal, pronominal, verbal,
and adverbial.
anqa'kén of the sea 69.9 (Kor. Kam. gfigg’gen Kor. 76.17)
tele'nkin pertaining to the remote past (¢ele’n-yep long ago); Kor.
Kam. ankrye'pkin (stem anki-ye'p)
erga'tkin pertaining to to-morrow (Kor. Kam. mitc’wkin)
pi'lhikin pertaining to the throat 9.3
atitwile' kin pertaining to the people of the boats 11.9; 12.1
a'ttwukin pertaining to the boat 14.6
géptikin pertaining to the back 16.10
tile'kin pertaining to motion 16.10
mé'mlikén pertaining to water 25.6
kele'kin pertaining to spirits 104.26
o'rgukén pertaining to a sledge 62.11
qov'ma-ro'kén pertaining to the rear sleeping-room 55.8
nutes gakin tr'mkrlhin a ground hummock 62.5
telenye'pkin belonging to olden times 61.5
ménko'kén whence belonging? 113.20
wané’ken working, referring to work (from wané)
yilqa'tkin referring to sleep
Forms with post-positions are rare.
girgolkéng'ta by the one belonging above 126.6
The possessive of the personal and of some demonstrative and in-
terrogative pronouns, with the suflix -kim (Kor. Kam. -kin) expresses
THAT PERTAINING TO—
Chukchee
murtkekin muyka'kin (dual)
Kor. Kam.
mutka' kin (pl) —~-
tate’ kin tita’ kin
minke’ kin } minkakin Kor. mi’nein
ménko'kén 66.11
wutke’ kin wutta' kin ta’nin
minka'kinau —.
— ya gkinau —
— nanka' kenat ———
Kamchadal
rte'an, rte’nan |
one being with us,
one of ours
one of our country
from what time be-
ing
from where be-
ing, belonging
to what country
belonging here
whose? Kor. 60.4
of what kind (pl.)
Kor. 64.14
the two belonging
there Kor. 70.22
§47
712 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 40
Here belong also the following Chukchee forms:
En‘kée’kin belonging there
jen'ku'kin belonging there (farther on)
raEnga' kén belonging there (not very far, midway to)
vaEnga’'kén belonging there (behind the person addressed)
notinga'kén belonging there (behind the speaker)
Such Koryak forms as minka’kila‘n BELONGING TO WHAT COUNTRY
(Kor. 40.7), ganka’kila‘n BELONGING TO THAT CouUNTRY (Kor. 40.7),
combine two suflixes,-kzm and-la‘n, and refer to persons.
Temporal adverbs also take this suffix.
Chukchee Kor. Kam.
a’ gitkin a’ éhikin what belongs to the
; present
tite’ kin tita’kin belonging to which
time
Numeral predicates with the ending -kin express ordinal numbers.
mitinkau'kén or mitinka’ulim the fifth
§ 48. SUFFIX -lin
-lin (Kor. Kam. -fa‘n) (oblique cases formed from -/, Kor. -I)
expresses the measure of a quality.
minke’mil ge’tvulin what likeness strong? (i. e., how strong);
Kor. Kam. menke’mié ga’tvulatfn; Kor. Par. menke’mis:
ge’ tvulaen
en*ke' mil gitte’pilium that likeness J am sensible (i. e., I am so
sensible) (en'ke that; -cim [§73]})
With the prefix ge- it indicates the possessor of an object.
ge—lin (Chukchee), ga—fin (Kor. Kam). This is identical with the
verbal forms given in § 73. It expresses possession.
ga-qa'g-lén (Kor. Kam. ga-goya'-len) he who has reindeer
g- “eke! lin (Kor. Kam. g-akka'-lin) he who has sons
gara’ git thou who hast a home 89.7 (see § 73).
ga-péla’- -i-gim I have left
ga-qaa'-c-gim I who have reindeer.
Koryak:
gavaginiia'len with nails Kor. 24.2
gaLa'lin with eyes Kor. 24.2
§48 —
Boas] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES—CHUKCHEE 713
§ 49. SUFFIX -qin
n(T)—qin and -lIn (Chukchee), 2(1)—qin (Kor. Kam.), are added
to stems, most of which express a quality. Many of these are
also bases of intransitive and transitive verbs which are formed
with the suffixes -ew or -e¢ (see p. 810). Some verbs, however, are
formed without these suffixes.
The attributive terms in 2(z)—gqin are identical in form with the ver-
bal mode in n(1)—gin, discussed in § 73. When the verb has no
verbifying suffix -ew or -e¢, the verbal form and the attributive
term are the same, and the verbal form seems to assume nominal
functions. It may even take post-positions.
Examples of stems that are verbified by means of the suffixes -eu
or-et:
Stems 7érg-; térgat to weep - mr-te’r-i-gén ltearful
te’rg-1-lin
Stem krm-; kume'u (Kor. nr-kei!m-a-gin :
Kam. kima’w- [tkrn]) plow ni-ki'’m-a-gin |slow-going
x e y a ss uy 7 oe a
Stem ayilh-; ayithay Ord fra qd n eb l-d-gén | Peat
Kam. aylhav) n-ayil-a-gen |
Examples of words that take no verbifying suffix:
Stem fio-; n1-fio'-gén poor, needy
Stem tam-péra; ni-tam-péra'gén pretty
A number of words expressing qualities do not take the forms in
nI—qin.
aplr'lr (stem wplil); (Kor. Kam. rpli'lr [stem rplz/]), yellowish
étgih (stem e*’tgin and dyad); (Kor. Kam. a®’té7m [stem a*’téa];
Kor. Par. &’tgen [stem dgd]); bad
gimne'n qa'at é'tqimit my reindeer are bad
also wwe'lr (stem wwele) and nu’ugen (stem wu) Kor. Kam. nu'gqin
[stem 7%]), black
When used in nominal form, such adjectives take the usual suffixes.
é’tgii a bad one
étqr fuiérn or dgd’tin a worse one
attigé jui-va'lin or aga’m-va'lin a bad or worse one
attgénd'ya'n or agaya’n one who is bad
Examples of forms in -/im are given in § 54.
For other adjective forms see §76.
1 This stem consists of two consonants wu < ww which form a vocalic unit.
§ 49
714 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 40
§ 50. KAMCHADAL SUFFIXES
-ldx,-[da, is added to stems expressing qualities:
6’m-laz (from 6m) deep (cf. Chukchee num-qin broad)
— duléz (from iul) long (cf. Chukchee n-ww’l-d-qin
o’lo-laz (from olo) small.
The plural of these is formed with the usual suffix -(7)én
ololaxz-1'n ki’sti'né small little houses.
In post-positional forms the attribute forms a compound with the
noun:
o'lolax-ké' stéanke to the small houses.
Several adjectival forms borrowed from Russian and Koryak
I are also used.
vo'stroi’ xvalé, ni'rugin xvalé a sharp knife.
nve'thagén ush a straight tree.
Here vo’ stroi is Russian, n2’rugin and nvé'’thagén are Koryak 11.
The last forms the Kamchadal plural nvé’thalatn uf’hien.
k:!—in (-ffan) corresponds to the Chukchee and Koryak forms in
n(i)—gin (§ 49), and is used with verbal themes expressing
qualities as well as with intransitive verbs.
k!-ni'ta-in (Chukchee n1-gite'p—qin) clever
k!-nu'-in (from nu To EAT) voracious
k!-véta't- an (from vétat TO work) laborious
k!-k1ftin seems to correspond to the Chukchee and Koryak forms
in ge—lin (§ 48), and is used with intransitive verbs.
k!-nu'-krtin (from nu TO EAT) the one who ate
Both of these suffixes are also used with the transitive verb, k!—in
with verbs of Type I (see § 70, p. 744), k!—kiiin with verbs of
Type I] (see § 71, p. 746). These forms have a passive meaning.
-kil', pl. -kil‘a'n, forms the personal noun of intransitive verbs.
nu'kil’, pl. nw kil‘aén, the one who is eating
véta’' tkal’, pl. vétatkal‘aén, the one who busies himself
colkél’, pl. colkél‘a&n, the one who lies down
With transitive verbs it expresses the same idea.
talkil’ the one who beats
ke'jkil’ the one who keeps
Sufjixes in -1(n) §§ 51-55
§ 51. GENERAL REMARKS
A considerable number of nominal suffixes have the termination -n
in the absolute form. Some of these occur only in the absolute form.
-Lhin (Kor. -lfirn)
-lyfitn,- 1Liftin (Kor. -lyfirn)
-Chin (Kor. -é/in)
§§ 50, 51
BOAS] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES—CHUKCHEE 715
-Efun (Kor. -é7rn)
-J7ium augmentative (§ 98, No. 1)
-girgin (§ 106, No. 44) (Kor. -gefim, -gitfim -giéiin) abstract noun
-Cn
-lin
-tkin (Kor. Kam.-ééin) surface
§ 52. SUFFIXES -lh- and -lin-
-“Uh(z n) (Kor. -J# IFN), the absolute form of a suffix -Uh-, which occurs
with great frequency as the absolute form of certain words.
In most cases it is not retained with other suflixes, although cases
of its retention are also numerous.
léla'lhin eye (stem ile)
_ta'mkilhin (and ti'mkit1m) bummock 79.2 (stem timk 62.7; but
timkilhé'tr 62.5)
mélota'lhin hare 78.24 (stem milute 78.15)
régoga'lhin fox 78.3 (stem riguge 78.12)
wu'kwulhin stone 35.11 (stem wukw 35.11)
kr'milthin' worm 37.3 (stem kim 36.11)
tamona'lhin a bivalve shell 9.7 (stem temune 9.8)
Koryak:
lela'liin eye Kor. 49.5
gitéa'liin leg Kor. 53.3
pipi'kalaim mouse Kor. 58.7
va'nnilniin tooth Kor. 34.3,4
-lIn (IN) (Kor. -[ 77H [12], sometimes =1LIV{ TN] is used in the same °
way as the preceding suffix.
va’ givin (stem ve*g) (Kor. Kam. vg*y-lyfirn [stem vety]) grass
It is not always easy to determine whether the -/A belongs to the
stem or not.
tipa'lhin tallow 86.23 (tipa'lha 87.4)
kopa'lhin walrus-blubber 12.6 (kopa'lha 14.11)
répa'lhin walrus-hide 13.13
péenyo'lhin hearth 31.13
fhawgo'lhin old woman 39.5; 40.1
vamulga'lhin lip 14.5
pénaka'thin tassel 16.10
auta'lhin obsidian scraper 39.12
pérka'lhin bowlder 129.6
rr'lhi' tiiin and rélizinin wing (stem rilh, ril) 15.2
Of these, the first five stems retain the suffix /h with post-positions.
The primary stem, however, is without this suffix: for instance,
1The text has krmithi’n because emphasis is laid on the word which is the last in the sentence. If
there had been more stress this form would have been kimilho’n (see § 36). § 52
716 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 40
pényo'lhin hearth (stem pin, absolute form pe’mpi powder, ashes)
The following have weak vowels, and it may be assumed that the ZA
belongs to the stem.
pi'lhin throat (stem pilh); (Kor. Kam. p’lhin [stem pilh]). Loca-
tive: pi'lhrk', pi’lik; (Kor. Kam. pi'lhrk)
fi'lhin thong 48.4 |
né'lhin skin 7.9
§ 53. SUFFIXES -ch- and -é1/-
~ €h(In),-ETH (IN) (Kor.-éR [LT nj, yn [In]; -t# [12);-8'h | N),—
according to dialect). This suffix seems to express an em-
;
L
|
4
phatic form. Sometimes it corresponds to the definite article
or designates an object as referred to before. In other cases it
might be translated as A PARTICULAR ONE, in contradistinction to
other objects of the same or other classes. Some words seem
to have the suffix throughout.
Etymologically it may be related to the suffix -dh-, since é and /
(Kor. é and /) replace each other frequently (see § 122).
vala'thin knife (stem vala, absolute va'lz); Kor. Kam. vgla'-ciirn
(stem vala, absolute vg'la)
ra'mkréhin people (stem remk, absolute re’mkrn); Kor. ya'mkréqin
(stem yamk, absolute ya’mkin)
ELI giéhin the aforesaid father 19.11
ora'wetachin the aforesaid man 18.11
pényo'lhithin the aforesaid hearth 32.9
yélithin the aforesaid tongue 40.10, 12
léla'lhithin the aforesaid eye 106.19
golo-a*'ttithin a particular kind of dog 121.11
kala'éhrn a particular kele 105.14
va'amithin a particular river 40.12
lolo'thim a particular penis 26.8
fa’ lviili¢hin a particular kind of herd 79.6
Koryak:
goqglo'wiéiun hole Kor. 15.8
lawtrkr'léréiim head-band Kor. 17.12
-€Ih (In).
fiawa'néyiun a particular wife 38.4
fiaus'ga'téyfun the aforesaid woman 39.7
pako'lésfim a particular kind of woman’s knife 44.3, 5
Nore 1.—A number of stems end in éA, and are not related to this
class.
ta'othiéhin the bag mentioned before (stem Zezuch, absolute tev’ -
uchin); Kor. Kam. éaz' o¢hréfiygn (stem éaiuch, absolute éac'wuéhin)
BOAS] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES—CHUKCHEE 717
Nore 2.—In words which have the absolute form in -/h-, -1j%-, the
suffix -ch-, -é7i-, may be added to the stem or to the suffixes -Jh-, -lii-.
léla'thiéhin 106.19, or léla'thyn eye (stem /ile, absolute lé/a'lhin);
Kor. Kam. lelalhjénin or lela’ ciim, (stem lila, absolute lela'Thin)
§ 54. SUFFIXES -/I- (-lefn, -éeen)
-(I-, -le‘n, (Kor. Kam. =la‘n, -[a|la‘n, =[é]]a*n are similar to the
participle of the intransitive verb. As suftixes of substantives,
they indicate a person related in some more or less direct way
to the object.
After stems with terminal vowel -/im is. used; after the terminal
consonant of a stem (except /, 7, n, and ¢) the auxiliary vowel r is in-
serted before -din. After terminal /, 7, n, and ¢, the suffix -lén is used,
which forms with terminal / or 7 the ending -zén, with terminal ¢ the
ending-ze*n. With names this ending expresses A PERSON ACTING(?).
Chukchee Kor. Kam.
r'ten (<ril+-le'n; base ri) yi’Lasn (base winged
reli’ Linin yu) yelr' lin wing
fiaw-kérat’n (< kér-len) jaw-ketla’n clad in woman’s dress
ya’ aLain (<ya'al-laén) ya aLan that in the rear
ve'emtilin vaya'milain River man
a'tigalin a'igalatn Maritime man
ha’ éhila genpelqu'wlin by a left-handed man
was he vanquished
Numeral terms with the ending -/rm express ordinal numbers.
mitinka'ulin or miLinkau'kén the fifth
With intransitive verbs this suffix forms the expression THE ONE
WHO —.
upa'ulm the one who drinks (stem pau to drink) (Kor. apa’ulatn
[stem apau])
Here belong also
e'éeln the one who is fat (Kor. Kam. gaéa'lin)
gai'mréilin the rich one!
Plural, dual, and oblique cases are formed like those of the adjec-
tive in -din (§ 49).
Verbal stems terminating in 7 and 7 are contracted with this suffix,
and form -Ze‘n.
une'Leén < uhel-lin wood-carrier 27.5
te’Le*n < tel-lin the suffering one 34.7
r1lté'La'n one who is lying there 28.6
1See §§48, 49. The two examples here given have no corresponding forms in n(r1)—gin.
§ 54
718 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 40
Len <ir-lin the one who crosses over '
attooxé tr qi’wkwi* say to the one in front!
In Koryak the corresponding forms are not contracted.
te'Lafn the suffering one
é'ylafn the one crossing over
In Koryak the same suffix is used with transitive verbs to express
the actor.
pela'la'n the one who leaves
In Chukchee the same form, when derived from transitive verbs,
requires the prefix ie- or the suflix -tku.
énapéla'lin
péla'tkelin
In some cases both forms in -dim and in -kin (see § 47) are used
the one who leaves
indiscriminately.
jal éhilin (Kor. Kam. fia’thalaén) or fia'éen*kén that to the left
mra'lin (Kor. Kam. mya'la‘n) or mra'kén that to the right
Similar forms in -/a£n occur in Kamchadal. These seem to be due
however, to the influence of the Koryak.
ki'strla'n and ki'strin that of the house
atino'la§n and atino'an that of the village
§55. SUFFIX -émn- (-ée&n)
-é1n (-Ge'n) (Kor. Kam. -éa’n, Kor. Par. -sa*n) is used principally
to express the comparative. The form -ée'n is used after the
single terminal consonants n, 7, /. With this ending, the
object of the comparison assumes the locative form.
me'léen the better one (Kor. Kam. ma'léa‘n)
metiuéin the larger one (Kor. Kam. mav’firéa'n; Kor. Par.
me hirsaén)
ia'm mi'krérm ine'ilirkin ta'aq, met firtin wn gine ilhit why do you
give me the smaller bundle of tobacco? Give me the larger one
(ta'm why; mk large; ine-yil-1-rkin you give me [§ 67]; ta’ag
tobacco; mer’? large; wm particle expresssing slight emphasis;
g-ine-yil-gi= give me! [§ 67]); (Kor. Kam. me’ngangaé rplu'ta‘n
ine'ytlr ta'waq, marfirtatn gine yl; Kor. a ééénréatn the worst
Kor. 30.7)
ga'mga-gla'ulik ge'twiéiim I am stronger than all others (gemge-
every; gla'ul man; -k locative; ge'tvw strong; -cim [§ 73]);
Kor. Kam. ga'mga-qla'wulak ma'n ga'tvuéegim)
It would seem as if the older meaning of this form were related to
-¢hin THE PARTICULAR ONE. We find, for instance,
§ 55
BOAS] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES—CHUKCHEE 719
e'rmecin the strong man (stem e7me)
fio'érm the poor man (stem 79)
This ending has oblique cases:
yaée'pt gdévi' gin érmqitk cut off some rawer part (ya* raw; -épu
from; gd-évi-gin [stem év] to cut [§ 67]; ér’mgik some)
armaté tr to the strong man
armaéé' pit from the strong man
The ending appears also in composition without formative endings.
i'npré-akkai' pt from the elder son (np old; ekke son)
The subjective form of the third person pronoun combined with the
suffix -ér or va'lin (Kor. Kam. -éa'n or dtala’n) expresses our
superlative. .
gna'n mai'fuéin (Kor. Kam. ma'n-mai'iiéatn)
zna'n-ma'yinku-wa'lin (Kor. Kam. ma'n-ma'yiikii- the largest one
d'tala‘n)
-€et (Kamchadal) expresses the emphatic comparative form of the
adjective, and replaces the ending -/az. As in Chukchee and
Koryak, the object of comparison is expressed in the locative
form.
ki'mma krni'nk éinifiée:’ I am prettier than you (krmma' J;
kini'nk on thee; éinz'iildx pretty)
Pronouns (§§ 56-60).
§ 56. Personal Pronouns
The personal pronouns are —
Chukchee Kor. Kam. Kamchadal
ih am = [Gin gimma, gim k1'mma
phon |... git gt’ ssa, gi kr'ja
he . . . Ena’n? a'nnu End’
Por mu'yt (dual) mu'ja
we. . .mu'rt (om (plural)
: tu’yt (dual) tu'ja
Wien ahY Pie js tur’? heal (plural) :
, a’ééi (dual) 1tx
Pye * eer tack, (plural)
From these absolute forms, forms analogous to those of the noun are
derived. The locative, subjective, and possessive are derived from the
stems; while the forms in -gfz, -7pu, of Chukchee, require the suffix
ka after the pronominal stem. Thus we find the following forms:
1The Koryak of Paren has gitéa, although ordinarily té is characteristic of Kamenskoye, ss of
Paren. :
2The particle £z0’n is also used in the absolute form of the pronoun. Otherwise its meaning is
generally weakly concessive, like that of German doch. , 56
[BuLL. 40
BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY
720
————
obu,pav ‘obu,ny420 obu,ny20} ‘obu.,ny210} obu,oy20wm ‘obu,pyv0w ObU,DYUI oby,oyurd obupyunb | * * * QATBIQYV
—— eS
11199,D 119,01 “UI4,/20} UI7,0Ul “UTY,20UL UIYU,I uryt,16 ee . eae,
1}/4099D 12,040} ‘1},Y0420} Tppgou ‘17,2Dy2,0UL 1},VOYUL 1,wyus6 nawywns ey
S| EE
u2y2/0 Ury2,N} UIYD, NUL U/W ujurb unuunb | * * 9ATSBOSS0g
U/DUIYQD U,DUIYIO} U,DUIYIOUL U,0UuL uourb uuunb | * > gatpoafqne
4122,D y1hn} yr nu YIU,T yru,16 yrunb | * * + 9AT}BO0']
— SE | ee Oe roy : :
naa,D 292,D niin win} nh nur rh, nu | NUU, 16 ‘nss,16 pununb | * * * 9ynposqy
MVAUOM
nd nywob
nd wy nd 70Y3.10} nd voy21ew nd oylUr ndoyrurb ndanynunb | ° * * dANBIQV
16 ,oy6wd56
196 DyTLI 136 pbe10} 176 pyeseu 6 pyrusa 196 pyrurb 6, pynwnb | * * + 9QANRITY
Ub, 1 unrbun} urbu, nu Ue uuib uuunb \ - + QATssassod
UuDUrbue UDUI6.10} U,DUTHLEU UDUT ujourb ujouunb | * * gAnoofqngs
YT) IYI} TYTL, NU 14 TUT 1y,1urb jem - - + gAtR00T
Grae ‘4,0 Brung ‘yx1Ln} Bran ‘yrs nu 6, rum ‘y,1UH 6,rur6 ‘y,ru26 B mums ‘ynunb ;
Tl, X ub} 1b NU U/DUT 116 916 wnb | ° * + eqnjosqy
uosied pg uosiod pz wosied 48T uosied pg uosi0d pz uosiod 4ST
Bie eins Se
[einid IB[nsutg
aqHONWNHO
§ 56
HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES—CHUKCHEE 2a
BOAS]
ee
Yur} ryu,bl1} yuri 1YU/DUA Yu, TUTY YU DWUTY 4 dATIBIQV
ay DUWIY Sy
ayn 0x} ayw,ob 01} ayu,ob (ru | OY DUT aYU,DUIY OyU,DWAULTY cael
UL} ul,1) UBC, | DUT WU UIY U/DUIY SATSSOSSOg
uny Ung unrilu | D/DUNX UNITY U,NPIULTY . dATOo[qns
yuna} yublry yu blr YU, DUE YU, TUTY YU OULU Y - * 9AnROOT
xy olny plynu DUT ply DULUb TY ainposqy
uosi0d pg uosiod pz uosiod 4sT uosied pg uosied pz uosi0d 48T
[eintd IB[nsulg
TIVQVHONVi
856
46
3045°—Bull. 40, pt. 2—12
722 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 40
In Chukchee and Koryak there is also a form expressing the aequa-
lis i. e. similar to, of the same size as, according to the wants of. —
They are generally used with this suffix—mzé,—mil (§ 102, 30).
Chukchee Koryak
similar to me = gi/muw git’ muw
similar to thee gr/nmw gi'niw
similar to him z/nzw a'niw
similar to us mu'ruw
similar to you twruw not known
similar to them z£’riw
In both Chukchee and Koryak the plural forms of the first and
second persons are often used in place of the singular, without, how-
ever, conveying the idea of respect.
amto', geyr' lgdt-tu're well, have you slept? (singular or plural)
| In Koryak the dual and plural forms are not sharply distinguished.
In Chukchee the plural subjective forms are, in the pronunciation
of men, as follows:
mergda'n, tergéa'n, Ergda'n
In several dialects of Korak II the following forms of the third
person plural occur:
Absolute zthu
Locative sthik
Subjective zthina'n
The Kamchadal forms in réz, and the Chuckchee forms derived
from z£rg., are evidently related to this series.
In both Chukchee and Koryak of Kamenskoye the subjective form
is used in some compounds.
gimna'n éini't myself (Ch. and Kor. Kam.)
In other cases the possessive forms are used:
gimnin Cini’'thin (Kor. giimni'n éini’nkin) my own.
The idea of sELF, however, is expressed differently in oblique cases.
kata'm-gomo ka' gtr (Chukchee) just to me (i. e., to myself)
cint't uwi'k ga'nmilén he killed himself, (lit. his own body;
uwi'k body)
Kor. w’wik qnu’ivon he consumed himself (literally, his body)
Kor..56;10.
Kor. gitéa’t uwi'kinat ganu'linat he consumed his own legs, lit.
legs body belonging to he consumed them Kor. 57.2
The term ww’kin BELONGING TO THE BopyY is thus used to express
OWN.
§ 56
BOAS]
HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES—-CHUKCHEE
723
We find, however, in Koryak, the pronoun also used in oblique
cases to express OWN:
git’ mkinh éini’nkina with my own.
Personal pronouns have also definite, augmentative
and diminutive
forms, which take the suffix -onazolh following the possessive form
of the pronoun.
gumiuk-onarolh-réh-é-tin big I
These forms are used in jesting, in children’s play, ete.
Demonstrative and Interrogative (Indefinite) Pronouns
($§
57-58)
§ 57. PARTICLES AND ABSOLUTE FORMS
The idea of position is expressed with great nicety, and in Chukchee
there are nine terms expressing the position of an object in relation to
the speaker.
found only two.
in all of these.
In Koryak there are only five, and in Kamchadal I have
The exact relation to the speaker is not quite clear
In Chukchee the independent form of all of these is
formed by the suffix -gan (with m belonging to the suffix); only one
has the ending -gin.
-kin, -gen, -qala'ken.
In Koryak a few have the corresponding, endings
this .
that
that yonder .
that yonder
that there (not very
far)
there (quite far)
that there (midway to
some other object)
that behind the person |
addressed . 2
that behind the person
speaking
that apart from the |
speaker
who, noe oh a
| Chukchee
Particles| = Kor. Kam. /|Kamchadal
Stem Independent form
vai wu't- wo’tgan, 65.22; 187.1; wu'ssin baie tien
138.4 wu’tcrn (Paren) ||
lc eaters Enga’n 115.21; 71.13, | ia’nyen hé/niin
1 fi-
Enqan : 29; 63.7, 10
noon fig’gn- fig'gngan 70.22; alsoas | Enka/kin
adverb
fia’an-, less | ia’angan
frequent-
ly nia’n
i fa/ngan 133.3
ga’ngan 63.13
|va’En- va/Enqgan 121, 24 va/yengen
vai y
Inet \va’zn
| rai ra/En-,ra’/En | ra’/Engan
if o/tl fo’tim 70.21 | no’tingan jotingala’ken
nun Tua! n- fiu/ngin 137.3
(mik-) me/nin 11.4 min-
§ 57
124 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 40
It may be noted that all demonstratives, except wut-, zn’f-, and
fio' tim, end in -2 which remains in all forms.
The demonstrative stems have strong vowels, except wut-, En’ii-,
and fun. The last of these is treated more frequently as an un-
changeable stem; for instance,—
fiu'nin-notar' pt from that land,—
although the two vowels w and z belong to the weak, changeable group.
When the demonstratives enter into composition, they take the
ending -in, except io'tim. The same ending is found in the interroga-
tive me’fiin, which, according to the forms with suffixes, must be
derived from a stem mzk- (see §58, p. 1726). These forms appear in
adjectival form in oblique cases.
wo'tin-notanga’'tkén that one belonging to this country 7.1
wo'trn-rrgiro'k that (morning) dawn 10.3
wu' tin-nu'tek (Kor. Kam. wu'tin-nu'tak) in that country
mané'n-notad' pt (Kor. Kam. ma'iten-nota'iigo) from what country.
Kor. ma’iin-ni'kli-yélkryel which stone-pine nut pudding? Kor.
ot. 2
Kor. ma’itin-qai-hna'wis'qatitk to which small woman? Kor. 34.5
For greater emphasis the independent, absolute forms of the demon-
strative may be used with the corresponding particle, as given on
p. 723, or with repetition of independent form, connected by the
particle tim (see also p. 726).
fo'ongan tm hoon
Enga'n tm Enga'n 130.9, etc.
The particles are, however, used also independently or combined
with various other forms.
rat 61.8 wé'tén-rai 29.1
vat 61.9; 62.7; 63.6; 66.30, 35; ELO'n tim var 66.29
71.15; 76.25, 30 ELO'n vai 67.33
fiam 71.8, 16; 62.4, 8; 65.1; 66.32 vat tim fha'n(1) 181.38, 10
nha’an 63.13 enme Ran 66.32
fo'on 64.1 Enga'n- tim vai 130.7
wot 81.12 wo'tganm wm var 45.12
var Ran 62.9
wu tku-m vai 120.11
Norr.—The Koryak form in -gala’ken given in the preceding table
of demonstratives is derived from the post-position -gal,- gaé (Chukchee
-gal,-qa¢) CLOSE TO, BY THE SIDE OF. The Koryak suffix -gala’ken cor-
§ 57
Boas] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES—CHUKCHEE 725
responds to the Chukchee form -qatkén, which is used to form a great
many derivatives. The following forms derived from demonstrative
pronouns may serve as examples:—
Adverbial form va’ zngaé (Kor. Kam. va’yefqal) by the side, half-
way
Independent form waenga’tkén (Kor. Kam. vayeftiqala’ ken)
Adverbial form wo’téngaé (Kor. Kam. vo’ tefqal) here
Independent form wotingqa'tkén 14.2 (Kor. Kam. votenqala' ken)
wotgani'rgipt (pronunciation of men wofqaz'rgtipt) from those
§ 58. PLURAL AND POST-POSITIONAL FORMS
Plural and suffix forms are derived from the forms in -gan adding
the -e (Kor. Kam. -a) to the terminal 2 that is found in all words with
terminal n of the stem (§§ 31, 4; 34). For personal forms the con-
nective vowel is 2.
As examples may serve,—
Chukchee Kor. Kam.
Mibgolute = . 2 6 6 6 wR dayte he 8 NLS TTEA COTE | ang, tigen wu’ssin Kor. 49.9
Plural. (Dual Kor.) . eye eyes) me ee ee oe ee) | wotqanat} wu'tissat
Ldipen 20) (Saya. #6) a ih ie em ee — wu’trssau Kor. 32.2
Subiectivesmot personal . . . . « . s . ss 8 5 « wolgana’ta wutissa’ta
Subjective, personal . 2. 2 1 2 whet bw Heit. TA [lenoliqanéna2 wu'tininak
ocaisve. BOlPErsOnal og 6 he ech «ue eyes | oO tganan wu'tissak
Allative,mot personal . . . . ~~... . + s+ + » | wotgana’gty wotessar’tl
Allative, personal. . . . 2. , . . . 1. - + ss + 5) | woltganéng? wo'tenena
Anlative: not/personall ys ute ee Po ae Sy oe | eolganat pit wotessa’/ igo
SPIBEIVE,PEISOUGL ~ oe aM en ea ee e's Se) OLganal Du wotenena’igo
1 Pronunciation of men wo/tqaat. 2 Pronunciation of men wo/tqgazna.
Also enga’nat 49.5; 53.10; 96.6; zengaa't those 62.10; snga’néna
by that one 44.8; wo'tgana this time 76.18
Koryak:
jia'nyen that one (absolute) Kor. 17.5, 9; 51.2, 5
na'nyeu (pl.) Kor. 21.1; 44.6; 62.4; fia’nyau 25.6, 9; 42.4
na’ nyenata (subjective, not personal) Kor. 43.5
jia’nenenak (subjective, personal) Kor. 34.11; fa'nyenena Kor.
76.16
The plural of the demonstrative is used in nominal, adjectival, and
predicative expressions.
enga’nat gani’ntininet throw away those! 49.5
wo’ gaat qanu’utki eat these! 33.12
Enqd'at qa’at those reindeer
Kor. Kam. tia’nyenau a‘'ttu those dog's
§ 58
726 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 40
In some cases the singular form is used when we should expect the
plural: |
rnga'n gittile'tr nine'l-i-tim there I give to those who are hungry
96.24 (cf. 96.9, 12, 17).
enga'n orawéLat these men 63.5
enga'n Umgdagdi'’ rnti these people of Umqiaqiai 63.10
erga’n tu'rég ora’ wéLat these two men 7.10
The corresponding forms of the personal interrogative WHO, SOME-
Bopy, and of the Kamchadal impersonal interrogative, are—
| Chukchee Kor. Kam. Kamchadal Kamchadal
WHO WHAT
Absolute:}y sep ey abt) tif. Osa Leki et) cee nin ma’ki Kor.17.6 | ke (min)
Plural (Dual Koryak) . mi'kinti ma’ kintt kleen mi'nien
BAIA (ORV a). Me gs ees —— maku'wgt — ==
SUbjeCCHVes .: 5 5 + ome es ts 1 RRENIU mi'kinak Kor. | klink mi’nent’
76.16
AllAtIVGss Hier eh te «doe anane | NRIRO MENG me’kena kla’nke mé/nank
PAIDIERVE: au. cabs 2 =) «ol ge p Bo, || ER ER OL tt mekena'tigo klink mi’nenk
Examples:
me'fhin tim eva’ who is (your) mother? 113.14
mi'kin yaarkiné'tkr kanéi/irgin whose lullaby are you singing?
120.14 :
mi' kind ganto'lén by whom born? 142.1
In Kamchadal the form corresponding to the stem mzk- signifies
the inanimate interrogative.
Nominal forms of the plural, when appearing with suffixes, have,
instead of the regular plural, forms compounded with the third person
plural personal pronoun (see p. 706).
In Chukchee we find also ma’kirgin, pl. ma'krrginté, WHOSE HOUSE’S,
WHOSE FAMILY’s; related to the Koryak stem mak-, and formed with
the stem -z7rg of the personal pronoun third person plural (see § 44).
These particles doubled, and connected by tm, are also used as ex-
clamations.
fan tim fan! you there! na’an tim han 95. 35 yonder
vai tim vai! halfway there!
jioon tim fioon!/ far off there!
They occur in the same way with interrogative pronouns.
me iin han ye'tirrkin? who comes there?
ra’nun fot wurre'erkin? what is visible behind there?
mi'nkri rai ne'lhit? how then became he? 29.7
mi'nkri fot afga-ras'gé'um-va' lit? why! those are bad ones to
g5g pass! 130.3
BOAS] | HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES—CHUKCHEE 727
Demonstrative and interrogative adverbs are derived from the par-
ticle stems by means of the locative endings. From these are derived
others by means of nominal suffixes (see examples below).
Chukchee Kor. Kam. Kamchadal
MONG ie es. Ne ey poy wo fon het (oy | eoulekeu 7.5 wu'ttuk, @/nki nua, te’a
GMM he oc se ee le R UAE 119.81 fia'nko, ia’nako, ie’- | E’nki, wu, (xo0/xval
niko therefrom)
there (midway to some object) . | va/dnkr vai'en
there (behind the person ad-
dressed) 2°: 0. 4%. 2°. 2°. | ra/a@nkr
there (behind the speaker) . . | no’linkr
there (away from the speaker) . | mwu/nkr
Where ..-. .... =. + « | mi“kI, me'RKI12.2 | mi nkt, Kor. 20:1 ma, mas
In Chukchee two forms in -gan are also used as adverbs.
there (some distance away) . fo'ongan
iuere (iar awayyoe; .|.. ga'ngan
Derived from demonstrative elements are also—
Chukchee Kor. Kam. Kamchadal
ine En‘fie'n 63.18; Eniid’an Kor.13.1, fio'nke
65.22 10
Adverbs with suffixes derived from the locative forms are the fol-
lowing:
HERE THERE WHERE
Chukchee | Kor. Kam.|} Chukchee | Kor. Kam.|; Chukchee | Kor. Kam.|Kamchadal
Stem . .). wut wute En fan, dn mik mik ma
Instrumental |} wutke’té wutéa’ta Enke’té fianka’ta, || minke’ta minka’ta -_—
dinka’ta
Allative. . a wotéat’ tr Entkri nankat'tr, || minkri 60.6, | menkei/tr | ma/nke
dnkai’tin 61.8
Ablative . wo’ tgorl wotta’igo || E’n qo, | tanka’/igo,|| mé’ngo 60.5, | menka/fiqo| ma/nke
Enigo’rl, dnka’tigo ib er ALPAi
Ei qo’ro 72.12 mén-
| 65.24 qo’rl
Also in the same way Chukchee va’dfikata, va'én7é, va'dfigo or
va Gngorr; Koryak vaiena’'ta, vaienai'tr, var'eigo from stem vai.
Examples:
wo'tko from here 43.1; wo’tgo xEn‘qo’ro thence 49.2; 65.18, 24
121.20; 131.14; wwu’tgu here zn-ke'ggi thither 71.23
73.14 en‘fiata’l from that time on, after
En'ke' éiku in there 73.20 that 64.19; 65.31
En‘no't 64.7; 66.3; 72.6 no'onré thither 76.20
en*gékin one from there 67.3 = ta’nko hither 137.13
§ 58
728 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 40
Koryak:
wi'téu this time Kor. 41.2 z’nke here (vocative form) Kor.
na'nko there Kor. 41.6 13:7; 58.7
je’nako there Kor. 19.11 Enka'ta at that place Kor. 21.8, 9
ja’ntko there Kor. 32.1; see renka’tr to that place Kor. 17.2;
Kor. 62.7 19.1
fanika?’ tim thither Kor. 36.5 menkeito’' whither (vocative
fa'nakango from that one Kor. form § 36) Kor. 64.21
42.3 matie'ngo whence Kor. 60.10
The forms m2’nikri (Chukchee), me’fikahi (Kor. Kam.), ma'nke
(Kamchadal), also signify How.
Derivatives with suffixes are—
méitko'kénat where are you from 65.10
mitke'-mil 66.34
menke'mié, mafu'nn*aé (Kor. 66.1)
men'ke'ml*, also lact (Kamchadal)
to what degree, in what
manner
Demonstrative elements with the verbal noun va’lin (Kor. Kam.
d'tala‘n) THE ONE WHO ISs—, are also used to express demonstrative
terms.
En‘iit'n-va'lin 128.24 (Chukchee), enna*’an z'talafn (Kor. Kam.),
one being thus; i. e., such a one
Enio't-va'lin (Chukchee) being near here thus; i. e., such a one
nearer to the speaker than the preceding
En‘hu-wa'lin such a one (expressing reproach)
en‘fvu’-wa’'lé-grt such a one art thou 21.11
me'ikri-va'lin (Chukchee 14.4), meAikat italafn (Kor. Kam.) what
kind of (also in oblique cases)
In Kamchadal only a few forms of the demonstrative survive,
and these take the nominal suffixes.
THIS THIS HERE WHICH, WHAT
Alpsaluitie tect: ten werecet lot ec Me Pals nut tiEn<tiEnu min(<minu)
eleirsile es wee th ce) Sous) fame ie mi'niEn
POSSESSIVeyys .Rrea sive’ - Tosiotte nuthe'nk ti€/nuhenk mi/nenk
Subjective! Jeena +.) kee cei ae nuthe'nk ti=/nuhenk mi'nenk
Instrumental’ icra.) vauhel Sues tae nus’ hel ti=/nuhel mi'nent
LAV EN Thy nome On ty Comore a) 0 ae ee notha'nk ténohank mé'nank
AUEIV Ee lis cep cs; io) tie] mn «olay ao urs nushe'nk ti=/nuhenk mi!'nenk
Most of the other forms are replaced by the corresponding Rus-
sian forms, which are usually taken in the nominative singular
masculine; such as e’kot (axoit), edakot (agaKoil).
§ 58
———— Ee
BOAS] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES—CHUKCHEE 729
As in Chukchee and Koryak, the interrogative appears in syn-
thetical form m2’nen, which corresponds to Chukchee me’fin
(see p. 726.)
mé'nan-ktxoj-gol which road along ?
but the oblique cases are also used in attributive form.
mi'nenl’ hvanl’ ckan with which knife have you made it?
From the demonstrative and interrogative pronouns verbal forms
are derived in the same manner as from nouns. I give here a number
of examples. The verbal forms will be found discussed in § 82.
enganav’-git this art thou 20.7.
wotganat'-gim this am I 43.5, 121.14
wotgana'-me’ré here we are 69.5
mu k-2-tm who am I
mi'k-i-git who art thou; mi’k-t-or 127.11
mi'w-mu're who are we
me' g-tu're who are ye 120.9
| Kor. Kam. wutrnnalai-gim this am I Kor. 22.1
Possessives:
env'n his 17.13
enga’nen of this one 50.10
mi'kin whose (possessor sing., object possessed sing. and pl.);
Kor. Kam. mi’kin, dual mzkinat, pl. mikina'wgi (possessor
sing.; object possessed sing., dual, pl.), vocative mzko’n (§ 36)
Kor. 34.4
mi'kirgin (possessor pl., object possessed sing.), mz’kirginet
(object possessed pl.), whose; Kor. Kam. m’kiéhin, dual mi’-
kithinat, pl. mi’kithinau (§ 34); Kamchadal k/en, pl. k/eén
§ 59. Indefinite Pronoun rdq
The non-personal interrogative and indefinite pronoun is, Chukchee
rig; Kor. Kam. ya(q), yax; Kor. II ta(g); Kamehadal seg.
The following are the forms with post-positions: |
Chukchee Kor. Kam.
STRETEES ep Gi Micke 0 See et Sn ae OPM aera C170) yaq
PANDSONEEC cls, eee ww ice ee, OER, ESOS aiaelraens yl/nna
laraii(@usl Kor) 2. 6 es wt wo Mth LY OS Bee Snnche rdé/nutet ya’qat
LPLUTESTE US GUEY R03 GOON OO: Ohi cp eRe Re, 5E — yaqu’wgt
MBI TULUM Co, specs ese st sss, ssw ley ee rdenute'ta ya'qa
DMCRELV EC Rcer nage RNa ay ce, clOs ee Ms 3, os, ete ee Re C@ae rdénutek ya’/qak
mE Pray eis Ao) arb. . wh ay ca ey oy «ooh AMS Bibpelenacetan rasnota’gtt 2 yage'tl
Mamntineie logs Os.) <. s, a . . £08. Tones if ratnotat'pis | yagt'itgo
ragé'pu
Designative (see'§.Os)> TN AAP ES ER nero ya’ qu
OMMOaEVe (SEG GUI0O) as RS BP es ck ed SOS garae/ma gaya’ qa
1 Men’s pronunciation rd/neet. 2ratnaa’gtl. 3raknaat'pu.
§ 59
730 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 40
The set of forms derived from rdénut, except the plural, are not
often used.
e'me-rd'nut whatsoever; i. e., of every kind 13.18; 133.18
rdé'nut what? object 29.1, subject 111.4; something obj. 29.5
ra'nut tm what was it then? 34.1
ré'nut tim gineilhé® give me something
ré'nutet whatever kind of things obj. 32.5; intr. subj. 58.2
reqgd by what means? 22.1; 23.5; 14.2
re'qd what? 34.8, 9; whatever 32.5
ra'qa-fiot with what there 139.8
régaGk at what? 26.1
requm why 88.7
ré'qu how 17.5, 7; why 23.1
Kor. Kam. ya’ga with what Kor. 46.9
Kor. Kam. ya’qkin-ki what for Kor. 26.10
| Kor. Kam. ya’qin-yaq what then? Kor. 45.9
These forms are also used in composition:
ra‘'-qa'at (Chukchee), yav-goya'wge (Kor. Kam.), seg-ko'ju'n
(Kamchadal), what kind of reindeer
rég-a''tté ge'etin (Chukchee) with what kind of dogs has he come?
ra'-ni'mnim what settlement, obj. 33.7
ra’-pr'ful what tidings? 11.2
rénota'éhit what kind are 14.3
Koryak I:
ya qlau what are they doing Kor. 24.5
yaqlackine'tik what are you (pl.) doing? Kor. 24.8
Koryak II has the same forms as Koryak Kamenskoye, derived
from the stem tag.
Verbs derived from these stems are used with great frequency
(see § 82); for instance,—
re'garkin (Chukchee), ya’qrykin Kor. 28.10 (Kor. Kam.), ta'gatkin
(Kor. IL) what do you want? what are you doing?
re'7® what is the matter 19.11
ré'garkin what is the matter with thee 18.9
re'q-i-git what do you want? 18.12
rrraga'unve what for? 19.1, 6
ré'qalit which ones 139.9
réqal-i-git what do you want? 22.8
nre'g-i-git what are you doing? 33.1
| Kor. Kam. nrya’gi-gi what are you doing? Kor, 39.5
§59
BOAS]
HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES—CHUKCHEE
731
Kamchadal has another form for WHAT, SOMETHING, evidently
corresponding to the demonstrative in znk-.
Absolute
Instrumental .
Locative
Allative
Ablative
Verbs derived from
Koryak.
E'nka
E'nkal
Enka'nk
Enka'nk
Enka'nk
enka'nejé what are you doing?
this stem are formed as in Chukchee and
Under Russian influence, these forms are going out of use, and
are being replaced by post-positional forms and verbs.
Enka'nke k/6jé why, or for what do you come?
§ 60. Other Indefinite Pronouns
1. The stem n7rk- (Kor. Kam. nzyk-) expresses a certain well-known
person, THE ONE WE THINK OF, THE ONE REFERRED TO, nik- A CERTAIN
WELL-KNOWN THING OR ACT WE THINK OF, OR REFERRED TO.
These form post-positional forms analogous to demonstrative pro-
nouns.
PERSONAL
Chukchee Kor. Kam.
| =
Absolute Aas ni'rkiiut ni'yka, ni/ykinvut
Plural (dual Koryak) . ni’rkentt ni'ykanti
Plural Koryak — niyka’wgi, ni/ykau Kor.
50.4
Subjective ni'rkena ni/ykanak
Allative né’/rkana | ne'ykana
Ablative anew nérkai'pit neyka/niqo
Designative (see § 94) | nirke/nu | niyka’nu
NON-PERSONAL
Absolute . ni/kinut
Plural ni’ ket
Subjective nike’'ta
Locative . ni'kek
Allative néka’ gtr
Ablative nékai' pit
eT ganéka'ma
100) . f
Comitative (see § 100) lgenike’ ta
Designative (see § 94) nike’nu
§60
732
Examples:
ni rkefut a certain one 90.20; 119.12
ni'kek somewhere 12.12
Also derived forms, as
ni'rken (Kor. Kam. niyka'nen) belonging to the one referred to or
thought of
BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY
[BULL, 40
ni'kin belonging to the thing referred to or thought of 20.8
ai've nérkai' ptt gora'iu tet'mitydn yesterday 1 took reindeer from
the man we are thinking of
Verbal forms are also derived from this pronoun; for instance,—
nike'rkin (Kor. Kam. nika’ykm) he does the thing referred to or
thought of
rinike'urkin whatsoever shall be 21.10
| Kor. Kam. mnzkak Vl do something Kor. 42.1
Kor. Kam. nekativo'ykin he did something Kor. 51.9
same way.
In Kamchadal, svw'z1jé YOU DO A CERTAIN THING is used in the
2. gol (Chukchee), golla’ (Kor. Kam.), k/ola®’ (Kamchadal) OTHER.
In Chukchee the synthetic stem gu/z is used throughout with non-
personal nouns.
qult’-nikek afterwards (=at another certain one)
golé't-a‘lo’ some future day (=in the other day)
gol yara' thin a house 86.17
gol yv'lgin another month 7.2
It is also used in adverbial form in temporal adverbs.
Post-positional forms occur only with personal nouns, while in
Koryak these are used for all kinds of nouns.
Chukchee—Personal
Absolute . Ot:
Plural (dual Koryak) .
Plural Koryak. .
Subjective... .. -
Possessive (locative)
Allative .
Ablative .
Designative. .
qgl
qu’ ttt
quti’ (n)ind 1
quti’ (n)ind 1
goté’(m)éna }
qoté(n) énat/pu 1
quti’(n)inu 1
Personal
Koryak
Non-personal
Kamchadal
quti/ninak
quti’/ninak
qolla’
qu'ttt
qu’ téau
qutinina’ta
quti/ninak
gote’nInan
gotenIna’figo
qutinina’nu
klola’
klola’nk
klola’nk
klola’ a
1 Without m in men’s pronunciation.
gol ex1'grn another father, a certain father 107.22
gol wim na'nmirkin they kill the other one 8.1 (see also 8.12; 15.6;
14.9; 17.1)
$60
Boas] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES—CHUKCHEE Too
qu'ttz others (subj. intr.) 12.5
gutti'ind by one of them 8.11 (see also 7.4; 15.3), on one of them
8.13
| Kor. Kam. go'lla another one Kor. 24.9
Synthetic forms:
golé-notar’pu from another land 14.12
golé-ra’ gtz to another house 12.11
golé-tke’ unvuk on another sleeping 13.5
3. elve (Chukchee), alva (Kor. Kam.), éknén (Kamchadal), orHER,
occur in synthetic form as given here, and in the forms—
elve'lin (Chukchee), 117.7, elve'linet 113.3, alva’lin (Kor. Kam.)
Kor. 76.19.
| © éek-a'lvam-va'lin how differently it is Kor. 80.9 (Kor. Kam).
a'lva triva/ivok I was in a different way Kor. 18.6
4, A number of prefixed particles express also ideas related to the
indefinite pronoun (see § 113, nos. 6, 7, 14, 24):
mm- all gemge- every
em- mere ter- how much
Most of the interrogative and indefinite pronouns take the definite,
augmentative, and diminutive forms, the same as nouns, and some of
these are used with great frequency.
manéna' chin that one, who is he (from me’7izn wHo)
rad" nutgdi (from rd®’nwt WHAT) or
re ggar some little thing
ya epil (Kor. Kam.)
goLai'fim another big one
qu' Lega another little evel aro UacH amitenaton
The Predicate (§§ 61-82)
§ 61. Introductory Remarks
The predicate appears in two distinct forms, according to the char-
acter of the word forming the predicate. The first class is formed
by verbs; the latter, by nominal terms which are used as predicate.
While all verbs may appear in nominalized forms, and therefore may
take the form of the noun as predicate, nouns can not readily be trans-
formed into verbs—except by the use of verbalizing suffixes, which give
the compound stem a verbal character. Thus we find that true verbal
forms are confined to verbal stems, to the numerals (except oNnr), and
§61
TOs BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL 40 _
to the indefinite (or interrogative) pronouns, which may be used as
nouns as well as verbs.
The structure of the first class of predicative forms is quite com-
plex. We have to distinguish between intransitive and transitive
verbs. The following structural elements may be recognized. We
have—
I. Intransitive verbs: II. Transitive verbs:
1. Pronominal prefix. . Pronominal subjective prefix.
2. Temporal or modal prefix. Temporal or modal prefix.
3. Verbal theme. Verbal theme.
4. Temporal or modal suffix. Temporal or modal suffix.
5. Pronominal suffix. Pronominal objective suffix.
Spe ee
The following simple modes and tenses may be distinguished:
Indicative. . . . . without prefix, no suffix
Subjunctive:
(a) Exhortative . . with the prefix (z) the suffix gi
(6) Subjunctive . . with the prefix © the suffix gr
iiiperaive 7. > with the prefix ¢ the suffix gi
Wah apS oe Log a UCTS with the prefix re the suffix 7(z)
Besides these, there is a peculiar series of derived modes in -rrkin
(Koryak I -2ykin, -tkin; Koryak II -1tkin, Kamchadal -7k), the pro-
nominal endings of which differ from the ordinary forms, many of
them being dropped. Insome cases the Koryak drops the terminal
-In, as is done in all forms in Kamchadal.
The second class, predicative nominal terms, consists either of
nouns or of verbal stems, which are nominalized by certain prefixes,
and which take suffixes expressing the terminal relations. The simple
nominalized forms are used as predicative terms of the third person.
These have been discussed before. They are the nominalized forms
in -in, -kin, -lin, n(1)-gin (§§ 45-49). In the first and second persons
singular these take a suffix -2-, which may be derived from the verb
-it' to BE. In the first and second persons plural the nominalized
form appears in composition with the personal pronouns muri WE,
and turz you; so that the whole complex represents in the same way
a nominal form with predicative function, as in the third persons.
The nominalized form has no true tenses.
1I consider this unlikely, since in Koryak the ¢ should be preserved, although in Chukchee it
might disappear according to the phonetic laws governing the pronunciation of men. Mr. Bogoras
points out that thei can not be an auxiliary vowel, since this would have to be r. — F. Boas.
861
BOAS] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES—CHUKCHEE 735
§ 62. Structure of the Intransitive Verb
1. The pronominal prefixes of the intransitive verb are confined to
the first person, singular and plural: ¢- for the singular, m¢- for the
plural. The m of the plural may perhaps be related to the same ele-
ment in mur, we, while the ¢ of singular and plural may be the same.
The element mé- conveys the idea of plurality of the first person with
such energy, that, in Koryak at least, the suffix -mzk, which repeats
the same idea, may be omitted; the same omission occurs rarely in
Chukchee.
2. The temporal and modal elements enter into close relation with
the pronominal prefixes. Most of these follow the ordinary phonetic
laws. Thus
t+vre becomes tre-
mt+re becomes mirre-
mt+ © becomes mzn(z)&-
The last of these is not quite regular, since mz¢(z)§ would also seem
to be possible. ‘The forms of the exhortative can not be explained by
phonetic laws. Here we find that the expected .
t+n becomes 7
mt+n becomes min
In the subjunctive (0), when the verb begins with a vowel, the aux-
iliary vowel disappears, and the glottal stop follows the initial vowel
of the stem. This occurs both in Chukchee and Koryak:
tuéwr' ak (stem uwr) I should cook
3. The verbal themes may be simple or compound. The former
undergo peculiar phonetic changes according to their position, the forms
in initial position differing from those found in medial position.
This subject has been discussed in § 7 and §12. A number of forma-
tions, however, are irregular, and not due to the action of phonetic
laws.
gami-plitku eating finishing (stem gam, from gamitva)
tara’figa‘t they built a house (from ¢ezkr to make, yara house)
kinmi’rkin he kills children (kindfirn trmrrkin)
kuwt'’rkin he has dead children (kmifirn, viérkin)
The vocalic elements of prefixes, personal and modal, are modified
by the vowels of the stem (see § 3).
The terminal phonetic character of the stem also influences the
temporal, modal, and the pronominal suffixes (see § 72).
§62
736 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 40
4. The temporal and modal suffixes have been mentioned before.
Through contraction between them and the pronominal suffixes origi-
nate forms the historical development of which is not by any means
clear. It would seem that there is also a suffix -g2- which appears in
many forms, and does not seem to form part of the pronominal
element. This, however, has undergone so many changes that its
character and function are not clear.
5. The pronominal suffixes do not show a very close relation to the
personal pronoun, and, furthermore, are somewhat differentiated in
different modes of the verb. A comparison of the various forms
suggests the following as the essential elements of the suffixed pro-
nominal verbal forms:
INTRANSITIVE
Tndicihern .o3'o3k we -mk
CHOD eubianass 4 ye -tk
hey eh oot adtbes they -¢
It may be that the m and ¢ of the first and second persons plural are
related to muri and ¢uri, which may contain the same endings as zrrz
(see pp. 706, 719, 726). The second person singular is quite doubtful;
but it is conceivable that it may contain by origin a form in -gi related
to the pronoun git. In the intransitive verb the second and third per-
sons singular are, in their present forms, identical. The third person
plural has clearly the element ¢,* which is not the same as the ¢ of the
second person plural.
§ 63. Structure of the Transitive Verb
The structure of the transitive verb is, on the whole, analogous to
that of the intransitive.
1. For the first persons singular and plural, the same pronominal
prefixes as in the intransitive appear, as subjects. The transitive
forms of the third person, singular and plural, have the prefix ne-.
The clearness of the picture is obscured by the fact that the transitive
forms
THOU—US; YE—ME, US and
THOU, YE, HE—ME
do not exist, and generalized intransitive forms are used in their
place. These are formed with the prefix ine- or with the suffix -tku
(see p. 819, no. 28; p. 808, no. 67). It is possible that the peculiar
form YE—HIM, THEM has the same origin (see p. 809). I presume this
1 See plural of nouns, p. 694.
§63
j
5
.
Boas] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES—CHUKCHEE Tot
form has originated from -tku-tzk and is parallel to -tkui* THou—vs.
The g of the intransitive endings disappears in the series of forms
THOU—US because its position is intervocalic; for instance—
-tku-gi* becomes -tkuz®
2. The temporal and modal prefixes are the same as those of the
intransitive.
3. The stems are treated like those of the intransitive verb.
4. The temporal and modal suffixes enter into compound forms
with the pronominal suffixes. The intransitive g is apparently absent,
owing to its frequent intervocalic position.
5. The analogy between the transitive pronominal suffixes and the
intransitive suffixes is fairly clear, if we consider only those forms
which have true pronominal suffixes. We find then the object
-git thee -mik us -tik you
which evidently correspond to the subjects of the intransitive verb.
The correspondence is strict for the two plural pronouns: -gr¢ may
be the older form of the second person intransitive pronoun -gi (pp.
71 et seq.; p. 710).
The third person object shows forms in -n which recall the nominal
forms in -in (§§ 45-49), and, like these forms, form their plurals in -et.
In a way these forms seem related to the nominal predicate. To the
same group belongs the form in -%in THEY—ME, which contains the
pronoun gin, like the nominal forms.
Attention may be called to the fact that the number of the pronomi-
nal suffix, which designates the object, is naturally determined by the
number of the object.
qa'at trpé'lanat (Kor. Kam. qoya'wge trpe'lanau) [left the reindeer
For the first person object the intransitive form with ime- is used.
ré'nutgai gine'ilé give me something
The Koryak forms resemble the Chukchee forms. The Koryak
dual corresponds to the Chukchee plural. The plural -la- of the
Koryak is always placed immediately following the stem. It indicates
plurality of subject or object, but occurs once only in each form, even
if both subject and object are plural.
Certain verbal stems may be used both as transitive and as intransi-
tive, generally with a slight change in meaning.
3045°—Bull. 40, pt. 2—12-——47 §63
738 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 40
tuwalo'mirkin I know, hear, obey (intransitive)
tuwalo’mirkinegit I know thee (transitive) |
tuwa'lomgdtk I heard .
tuwa'lomgaén I knew him
The Forms of the Intransitive Verb(§§ 64-66)
§ 64. CHUKCHEE
PRINCIPAL MODES
Subjunctive
Person Past I Prefixes Imperative Future
— | Suffixes
(a) (6)
PGW aeligh ec —tk z n (If, uf, ti) —tik q (1,4,a)—gittk|| re—futik
Sdiply i. Mare —gatt nm (1,u,t%) | n (fue, a) —net re—fut
|
i or “ ue tie Bush } ‘i, re) 9
2d, 3d sing. . | te . led m (If, uF ti) poate | q(1,d,a**)—gi “| me 2
—gitk ” —gatk —gat
Ist sing. . . We mI Bod Ries tre
Ist pl. . . . | mit—mik min min (1£,uf,t£) —mik mirrg—gae
* No 2d person. **No 3d person.
DERIVED MODES IN -irkin (PREFIXES AS IN PRINCIPAL MODES)
Zaipley it: eats —itik ——— — —itik —ttik —intik
35 a yay eS —t* — — —et — —ifut
Otherforms . —— — — -—- —— plats
*t takes the place of final n: Irkit.
The prefix ¢- of the first person singular appears without auxiliary
vowel when it forms an admissible cluster with the initial sound of the
verbal theme.
The derived form -vkim is used after vowels. After terminal con-
sonants an auxiliary s is inserted between stem and suffix:
gami'tva-rkin he eats
walo’m-1-rkin he knows
NOMINAL FORMS
—é'tl
—iIk,-I
—(t)d ge—(t) &
—ma
—ma!ti
aor WO Ne
BoAS] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES—CHUKCHEE 739
§65. KORYAK
PRINCIPAL MODES
INTRANSITIVE VERB
Subjunctive
Present
Person Past I Prefixes. ee Future tadet
nite
Suffixes.
(a) (0)
2d dual —tk * nat —tik q—(g1)trk ya—futik ky-***
2d pl. . —la’tik || * nat —latik q—latik ya—lantik ku-
3d dual —gi n(I) | naé —nat ya—hit ku-
t or
3d pl. . | aie hace) nas —nau ya—lafie ku-
2d, 3d sing. . =i *n naé —In q**¥—(g1) ya—I ku-
Ist sing. . tr—1k mi taf —Ik tya—t | tiky-
Ist dual mit—mik || mIn | mIna® | —mik mIssa—mik mitku-
1st pl. . mit—lamtk|| min | mina* | —la(mik) mIssa—l a(mik) | mitky-
() May be omitted.
* No 2d person.
*** Also qu. This form does not exist in Koryak II.
** No 8d person,
DERIVED MODES IN -rrkin (PREFIXES AS IN PRINCIPAL MODES)
2d dual —ikinitik —ikinitik —ikinitik —intik
2d pl. —latkinetik || —latine’trk* —latkinetik || —latkinentrk
8d dual —iki —ikinat —tkiniiii
3d pl. —latke —ikininau** —latkinefie
Ast, 24,34 ||| —skrn | —ikin —ikin —ikin
sing.;1std ual
Ist pl. . —laikin —laikinemtk* —latkinimik
*Subjunctive (6) has Ja-t instead of la.
** Subjunctive (b) has au instead of inau.
The prefix ¢z- of the first person singular appears without auxiliary
vowel whenever it forms an admissible cluster with the first sound
of the verb.
The ending -2krm (Koryak I) of the derived forms is used mostly
after stems ending in a single consonant, as walo’m-ekin HE KNOWS,
After terminal vowel the 7 changes to a neutral 7, as va-tkin HE Is.
In many cases, however, the 7 is also weakened to 7% or y after a ter-
minal consonant and an auxiliary 7 is inserted preceding it, as in
ya qrykin WHAT ART THOU! Kor, 29.1; e’tzykin art THOU? Kor. 29.2
§65
740
NOMINAL FORMS
BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY
(a) (b)
\ —Ik
3 a—a
4 g
5 —mati
§ 66. KAMCHADAL
INTRANSITIVE VERB
Subjunctive
Person Past I
(a) Exhortative | (6) Conditional
2d sing. —é ys énien or
un
2aiplu. —cx ki—ex
¢In or énen or
sd pl. . ln an— | ki—un
3d sing. 2 zan—| o ki—un
un
kor kor
ist sing. . t— l—
oe pee main ees
k k
Astipl. “lem min—{ in nk!—k
[BULL. 40
Impera-
tive
k—xé
k—jcx
The subjunctive (4) of modern Kamchadal takes in all forms the
terminal particle -41, which is the Russian conjunction On.
tk /nukbr if I eat.
The future is compounded with the terminal verb 0/, (6) To
DESIRE, which may form modes and tenses like the others; the
The third person
present, with the terminal verb (or suffix) 7.
plural of this form is -jérm or ji‘n.
The numerous Kamchadal verbs ending in -/ change this to -ce
in the derived present.
sitive verbs (see § 122).
tlk I left
tiiiklk I slept
tcolk I lay
ticjk I leave
tiviikcjk 1 sleep
tco'locjk 1 lie
VERBAL NOUN
me wn
|r
k!—enk
This occurs both in intransitive and tran-
tujuk nu'koj I began eat-beginning; i. e., I began to eat (¢- 1;
uju to begin; -k I; nu to eat)
1 This is the inchoative terminal verb (see p. $08, no. 63).
out it.
$66
The verbal noun never appears with-
741
BOAS] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES—CHUKCHEE
The Forms of the Transitive Verb (§§ 67-71)
§67. CHUKCHEE
Transitive Suffixes
TRANSITIVE FORMS
FIRST AND SECOND PERSON OBJECTS
Obiect Indicative I; | Impera- | Future | Derived Modes
y Subjunctive Ia) tive II III in -IrkIn IV
moythee © 6. as -git — -git -tgit
Bevo ee HOLE Gs, he -tik — -ntik -itik
(3) us (except thou, ye—us) -m1k — -mik -imik
THIRD PERSON FORMS
(4) him (except he, ye—him) . . -gGFn “gin hin (no ending)
(5) them (except he, ye—them) . -net -ginet ~fhinet -¢t
(6) he—him -nin — -hinin 1m
(6’) he—them -ninet — | -filninel | -inet
INTRANSITIVE FORMS
Object Indica- |Subjune-|Impera- | Future |Derived Modes
J tiveI | tivela | tive II III in -rrkin IV
(7) he—me . je si A ie (no endin
: : -gi 2 gs)
(8) thou—me, us . o ok: ls ae
(9)ye—me, us! -tik -tik -tik -ntik -itik
(10) ye—him, them -tki -tk1 -gItkt Ruth -itki
1 With -tkw preceding pronominal suffix.
NOMINAL PREDICATIVE FORMS
(11) they—me? . -%m ~tm ee | -tim -ium
2See § 73. This form takes the prefix ne-.
Transitive Prefixes
TRANSITIVE FORMS
Subjunctive I a
Subject Indicative I Emperor are 1
(a) (0)
|
LS Rae re | {(1)- mi- tré- — tre-
we mut- | mIn- mInie- — mirre-
he. ne- | d€n- nane€- —- nere-
INTRANSITIVE FORMS
Object me. (ine)- (nine)- (niEne)- q-ine (ring)-
Other forms . -— nI- -nié- q- re
§67
742 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY
The form -g2* (I7; 117) is rarely abbreviated to -t.
qenapélaé and génapélai’ leave me!
This shortening is quite frequent in Koryak I (see below).
NOMINAL FORMS
I II
1 —*oiy
2 —k
3 —tt oe—ta,
4 —mag
5 —matl
Besides this there are a number of impersonal forms.
Woture! vse «ke re—T
Exhortative, sing. . nI—atn
Dit ahi. nI—nat
Exhortative, derived
sing. . nI—rkin
pista nI—rkinat
§68. KORYAK, KAMENSKOYE
Transitive Suffixes
TRANSITIVE FORMS
FIRST AND SECOND PERSON OBJECTS
[ BULL. 40
c Indicative I; -
Object BabiunGHYE {q| Imperative | Future Ill
CIDR GNI w tah cuits Mucins ee tee etre | gt oo =I
(2)IVOU a a) Sh Rh es Fes eh (th aaa —(la)ntik
(3) US. 5 3 5 8 ow ols ws || ——(F) nk —(La) tik —(la) mik
THIRD PERSON FORMS.
Derived Modes
in -ykin IV
ae
—(la)—itik
—(la)—imik
(4) him (except he, ye—him) . . —gatn? —gm —hin no ending
(5) them dual (except he, ye—them) | —nat —ginat —nnat —inat
(5’) them pl.(except he, ye—them) .| —nauw —ginau —rinau —inau
(6) he, they—him, them .... —nin — —iinin —(in)
INTRANSITIVE FORMS
A Indicative I; Pe Derived Modes
Object Subjunctive Ia Imperative IT Future III in ykrn IV
G7) DEMO sen Cah ne itis teraio vie: ts —t —gatn — no ending no ending
(8) thou —me ve core ee gy a eg —gi —gatn —(g?) no ending no ending
— A
@)ive—mer Fae is sce Mite, te —(lLa)tik —(la)tik —(la)ntrk —(la)—itik
(9): vo—Us'! “Atte Reh sae ee ites 2 —(lLa)mik —(la)mik —(la)mik —(la)—imik
(10) ye—him, them ...... —(la)tta —(la)gitéa —(la)fitéa —((lg)—itéa
§68
BoAS] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES—CHUKCHEE 743
NOMINAL PREDICATIVE FORM
(11) they—me ....... . | —giimt | — | —gim igtm
1 we—thee -lage 2 we—him -laga*n
In the derived modes, Ja occurs in the same places as in the sim-
ple modes, but preceding -ikin.
The suflixes -g2 and -ga‘n(I 8, 4; II 8) of this series are often con-
tracted to -~ and -n. The former is similar to an intransitive form.
genapela'eé& and genapelaz’ leave me!
In Chukchee these forms are quite rare (see p. 741)
PREFIXES
Subjunctive ‘
Indicative Imperative | Future
I Il I
I (a)Exhort.| I(b) Subj.
Ae ae eee lt Fk. t , miI- taé- tya-
WiCapste vor sy eb yeiue | yoy ves .lemert- min- | mInas- mIssa-
thou, ye,yhe—me . . .- | ina- nina- | natina- gina - yina-
they, he—thee, you, us
thou, ye—us | na- asn nanas- naya-
6 ees oo no prefix nI- nat- qa- ya-
thou, ye—him, them
The second indefinite of Koryak has the prefix qu-, ku- (k- before
vowels) and the future endings, except that
he, thou—me has the ending -”
I, he—you (dual, pl.) has the ending -7tzk
NOMINAL FORMS
I il
1 —k
2 —k
: hn ssing ga—ta
4
5 —matl
OO
§68
744 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 40
As in Chukchee there occur also a number of impersonal forms.
SOUGEITCS Coates ee Mile) Waren ya—nh
Exhortation, sing ... . | mI—a'n
Dual A ni—nat
Exhortation, period, pl. . . . | nI—nou
Sing. » « + | nI—tkin
Dual « + « | nI—tkrnat
nI—tkInau
KAMCHADAL (§§ 69-71)
3 69. Types of Transitive Verb
The Kamchadal transitive verb shows peculiarities of structure
similar to those of the Chukchee and Koryak. Only the forms with
the objects THEE, YOU, US, are formed with the pronominal forms
corresponding to the intransitive suffixes. The combination YE—
us is here also excepted, although no indication of a change of the
verb into an intransitive form by means of a special suffix is found.
Instead of that, the forms THOU, YE—ME have the ending -miik,
which does not occur in the intransitive verb, but seems to corres-
pond to -mrk we of Chukchee-Koryak. It may be mentioned here
again that in Koryak this ending tends to be dropped. In the
Kamchadal forms here discussed it may express the intransitive
first person plural, as though we had, for instance, instead of
THOU LEAVEST ME, WE PART. When used for the singular THou—
ME, the ending is often pronounced -mr%, which may be an older
form. The form yE—wk, Us takes, in addition to -mink, the end-
ing -cz YE, which corresponds to the intransitive subject. In
agreement with the nominal forms, the third person plural object
has -'n. The nominal-predicative form is used here for both singu-
lar and plural of the third person with the object ME.
The forms of a second type of conjugation are not quite so clear.
§ 70. Type lI
TRANSITIVE SUFFIXES
TRANSITIVE FORMS
Object Indicative Subjunctive Imperative
Present
-hin f — --hin
THES Mean he euetn et Her lock tee a \-nin he, they,n
SOU Meee ere Hel eye ietrics ye’ lies te -cx“In -CxIn — -cxIn
us (except ye—us). . . . . | -mifik -miiik -m nik -miiik
§§69, 70
Boas] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES—CHUKCHEE 745
THIRD PERSON FORMS
Object Indicative Subjunctive Imperative Present
him (except he, they, ye—him) . | -n mn -£ n
them (except he, they, ye—them) | -*n -~n -xIn -~n
he, they—him . ...... | -nin nin — -nin
he,they—them. . .... . | -nitn ~niEen ——— niin
INTRANSITIVE FORMS
PhOU—ME" 2 5. 8 te ts «| ok — -mifik -mifik
VO—IMGWHS:. sy cn SRA Mths | -neikes — -miiikex -minkex
VTE E aw ie bys fe uel yap, ab pe oe. | “CLIN — -Cx -cxIn
Me—them ors, ss o Me «<< | -CRren — -cxIen -cxen
NOMINAL PREDICATIVE FORMS
Heme", 2 5 se be sw | RMN humni'n — humni'n
they—me . ... s: «s . . | -hkumni’‘n humni'n eS humni'n
PREFIXES
Subject 5 Indicative Subjunctive Imperative Present
Naeem sieerts ck Mele? te, rstha OM RMS t- m- — t-
SO Cues Motich ral meet iew st bral ath cx fre: 4 319] "88 min or x°an- — n-
EVO TMEGUMEEM S| an C8 ga ons fap ta —— xan — -—-
7 TCOR A 8S sh ae OO PER WE xan aa din-
thou, ye. eiacait + seis — a k- —
A comparison between this table and the one on p. 740 shows that
all the prefixes, except dn- of the third person plural, are the same
as those of the intransitive verbs.
An example of this type of verb is the stem ¢a/- (present txc-) To
BEAT. In verbs beginning with ¢, the prefix ¢ of the first person
singular is dropped.
Indicative forms have the theme taz-.
Subjunctive forms have the theme ¢zdz-.
Present forms have the theme ¢acj(z)- with auxiliary vowel 1
before terminal n and before glottal stop.
Indicative : .
tali'hin I beat thee
taleén he beat thee
talihimni'n he beat me
teli'mink you beat me, us; he beat us
dntxli'cxin they beat you
ntalin we beat him
dntxle'nin they beat him dh
746
BUREAU: OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [eiit. 40
Subjunctive :
mtaxli'hin let me beat thee
x antali'nin let him beat him
xantali'mink let him, them, beat us
xantalihimni'n let him, them, beat me
mintalr' cam let us beat you
Imperative:
ktalr'mink beat thou me, us
ktxlimi'ikcx beat ye me, us
kixlix beat him
ktelrce beat ye him ;
Present:
tecjhin I am beating thee
ntacjhin we are beating thee
trcj1én thou art beating them
tacjnin he is beating him
dntecjexi'n they are beating you
ntacjin we are beating him
§ 71. Type II
TRANSITIVE SU. FIXES
TRANSITIVE FORMS
Object Indicative Subjunctive Imperative Present
thee th “akin -xkin Sess -xkin
he -Clnin
I -xkIsxin
you | = -xkisxin — -xkIsxin
he -cxININ
us (except ye—us) . te ~ckemtiik -ckmiiik -xkmiiik -xkm ink
he -xkIminik
THIRD-PERSON FORMS
ee ie -nIn — -nhIn
-k1éIn -kIéIn -k1éIn
thou—him . -CInIn -xéIk Ain
-fiin — a
we—him “fn (i eis
Shean ea -7IEN —— -hIEn
P -k1é1En -k1éEn -kIéIEn
thou—them ; -CInIEn — ire Ten
-xtn'n
Lie -nlen —— -hIen
we—them . “nN |tréren
he—him -tInnin -Cinnin —_— nin
they—him . -Ininin -IfinIn —- -I7inin
he—them -Cinnien -Cinnien = -niEn
they—them -InniEn -ifinien ss -Innien
§71
wR eee
BoAS] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES—CHUKCHEE PART.
INTRANSITIVE FORMS
Object Indicative Subjunctive Imperative Present
PHOW—ME) 5). hc Meet tcwyas ave |) ahora — -rkmiiik -xkmink
ye—me,US . . « » ¢PEHT).. Dl ekrmiiiker —— -xkmiiikex -akminikex
Me gn se inl eal sre, | =CCLININ —- | -CcxInin -cxInin
yethem {12-6002 CONG | -eexriiten —- -€cxInien -CxINIEN
NOMINAL PREDICATIVE FORMS
he,, they—me 6 we) eats -rkumni'n | -zkumni'n | — -xkumni'n
Evidently these forms are closely related to those of Type I, but
the symmetry is disturbed by a number of peculiar contractions,
some of which seem to be due to misunderstandings. The prefixes
are the same as those of Type I.
As an example may be given forms of the stem ke7 TO ACCEPT.
Indicative and subjunctive have the theme ke7-.
Present has the theme kejz-.
Indicative:
the'jxkin I accepted thee
ke'jérm1n he accepted thee
dnke’jakrmink they accepted us
nke'jfiin we accepted him
the'jn'n or tke’jkré1n 1 accepted them
kejécarfirin ye accepted them
Subjunctive:
mke’jrkin let me accept thee
wankejxkimni'’n let him accept me
minke’ jin or minke jkréien let us accept them
wanke’jxkin let him, them, accept thee
Imperative:
tkejxti’k accept him
rkejxctki'n or xkejxtir'n accept them (k before k changes to 2)
vrkejxkm1'ik accept me, us
vkejxkmi'aikcax accept ye me, us
wke' jécxinin accept ye him
tke jécaimikn accept ye them
Present:
tkejrijxkr'sxin I am accepting you
nke'jrjfim we are accepting him
dinke'j-1j-17inin they are accepting him
ke'jrjnien he is accepting them
ke'jrjién thou art accepting him, them §71
748 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 40
The nominal forms of these two types are—
Type I Type II
a Gece heel einer aes
3 . . . -éka (rare) -txeka (rare)
As in the intransitive verb, the future is expressed by the pres-
ent of the desiderative.
txlavin I shall beat thee tkeja'xkin I shall accept thee
talalin I shall beat him thejalfin or tkejalkrérn I shall
accept him
The two types of conjugation depend upon suffixes which pre-
cede the pronominal elements. Some verbal stems are used with
and without these suffixes, with a modification of meaning.
téald'j1n (Type I) I take away my boots
téali'jrim (Type II) I take away something from the table
The loss of modes in Kamchadal may be due to Russian influence.
There are a number of Kamchadal forms, evidently remains of
| older forms, which resemble the Chukchee even more closely than
the forms just described. Thus we find—
Kamchadal Chukchee
giyin yl lirkin thou givest him
qrlyjhim nel ytlhiim they gave me
(a)ngr'ljrmitk ~— ne'yslmik they gave us
§ 72. Examples of Verbal Suffixes
CHUKCHEE
The phonetic rules discussed in §§ 1-23 bring about frequent
changes in the verbal suffixes. As a matter of convenience I will sum-
marize here the most common modifications, a few of which can not
be explained by the general phonetic laws.
1. Verbal stems terminating in a vowel add the verbal suffix with-
out auxiliary vowel. Whenever the initial g of the suffix stands in
intervocalic position, it is either dropped or pronounced very weakly.
telere'a‘k < t-elere'-ga‘k I felt lonesome
nayo"'nnoe <ne-yornng-gie he began to be overtaken 10.7
In stems ending in a double vowel this may lead to trivocalic clus-
ters, which are never contracted.
trpa'aa‘k < tr-pa'a-ga*k I ceased 21.1
trya'aatk < tr-ya'a-gatk I used
§72 i
BOAS ] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES—-CHUKCHEE 749
2. When stems ending in consonants would form consonantic clusters
of more than two consonants, when combined with suffixes, an auxiliary
vowel is inserted before the suffix.
pé'ntinén < pénr-nin he attacks him
tev'kinin < teik-nin he made it
vwAS
A , : € A bP s Ce !
géena'nmié < géna-tm-gi* kill me!
3. In a few cases auxiliary vowels are also introduced when two
consonants come into contact that would form inadmissible clusters.
pegtime' tilin < pegtr-met-lin hauling a sledge 15.3
Among the types of assimilation of sounds may be mentioned —
4. Stems with terminal w diphthong transform the combination wg
into wkw. The following auxiliary vowel is 2.
trma'rawkwatk < t1-ma'rau-gaFk I quarreled. i
trmara'wkut < t1-marau-git | blamed thee
2’ wkwit <iu-gi* he spoke 8.14
res'qu'wki <res'qiu-gi* he entered 11.2
When the diphthong is accented, and followed by a consonant with
which w would form an admissible cluster, the w has a vocalic char-
acter.
mara’ urkin he quarrels
With those stems in which wu is by origin a weak vowel or an unchange-
able vowel, the g of the suffix, being an intervocalic sound, drops out.
v’urkin he rows (perhaps from iyu)
té'urkin he shakes
tté’ua‘n I shook
5. Stems ending in ¢ change the initial g of suffixes into y.
ewkwe' tyr® < ewkwet-gi* he left 8.7
trye’ tyatk < tr-yet-giitk I came 124.11
tewkwe' tya*k < t-ewkwe't-gitk I left
6. Stems ending in / change the initial g of suffixes into yor h.
une’ lydt < uriel-gat they gathered fuel 30.6
ne’ lydtt <nel-giét it became 12.2
quive'lhi® < q-uiel-gié gather fuel! 27.1
méibhit <mr-yil-git let me give thee 121.24
7. Stems ending in J, 7, é, ¢, with following Z, form x or Z.
gi Lin < g-i®r-lin he has gone across
gene’ Lin < ge-nel-lin he became 10.8 §72
750 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BuLL. A
ge'lgdzin < ge-lgdt-lin he left 59.1 .
gak' timaLén < ga- ke’ trmat-lén he had his hand extended 47.6
8. Terminal 7 of the stem before Z changes to n.
gataaronlén < ga-taaron-lén he has brought sacrifice
9. In the pronunciation of men, among the Reindeer Chukchee, ¢
and 7 between vowels are dropped, and the vowels are assimilated to
aa, ee, v2, and after preceding q to de.
ewkwe'erkin < ewkwe't-1-rkin he leaves
génatva' Laat < ge-ne-tvgt-lingt they promised 71.4 (see § 73)
ninenlipe tgdet < n-ine-r- “Urp- et-ginet he broke them 20.11
I give here a series of examples of the forms described before.
INTRANSITIVE VERB
Past I:
2d pl. pkxntrgdttik you appeared 74.21
3d pl. puki'rgat they came 64.2
tara'nga‘t they pitched a tent 56.9
hipe Gt < frpe-gaé‘t they came ashore 7.8
tile’ G®t < tile- gakt they walked 64.9
gum ‘tvaast < gamt- tva-ga*t they ate 87.32
yrilgd’ tya*t < yilqat- git they slept 8.4
Od sing. ye'tyi® < yet-gi* thou hast come 37.6
gaétr' thou art going 82.23
gitte'wkwe < grtteu-g7* thou art hungry 9.13
3d sing. e'gripyi she felt pain 63.8
arg he crossed over 13.13
piki'rr he came 90.26
ng'wtingé he married 58.8
pike’ rgi he arrived 57.8; 58.1
lile'pgeE he looked 7.6
ké'rgtipgé she dressed up 52.9
ethe utkuit < etite'u-tku- ge he called 8.5
wa’ qeé < wage-gé he sat down 15.7
euno'é <iu-niio-gi* he began to say 117.25
ra’ gre <ragti- “gis he came home 122.7
ewkwe' tyi® < ewkwet- -gi* he left 8.7
térga' tyé < térg-et-gi* he cried 7.6
kiye'wkwi? < kiyeu-git he awoke 9.4
ki'wkwit <kiu-gi® he passed a night 8.4
notas'ga'wkwé§ < nute-s‘qeu-gi* land approached 8.8
Ist sing. te'gripgdtk I felt pain 101.17
trye tyd®k < t-yet-gatk I came 124.11
teiu' Gtk < t-eiu-gdtk 1 revived 83.14
tilva'wkwatk < t-luau-giitk I could not 16.9
§72
BOAS] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES—CHUKCHEE 751
1st pl.
Subjunctive
3d pl.
3d sing.
1st sing.
Ist pl.
Subjunctive
Imperative:
Future:
2d pil.
3d pl.
2d sing.
3d sing.
1st sing.
1st pl.
mityt'greumek we are thirsty 71.14
mitve’mik we died 64.15
(a):
niyilgd'tinet <n-yrlgat-1-net let them sleep
n1'lgdtyd'n < n-lgdt-gd'n let him go! 13.12
niéa'atvaatn < n-éaa-te a-gda‘n let her be a castaway 39.3
niyl lgdtydén < n-yrlqat- gain let him sleep 9.1
milimala iinoatk < m1- -lrmala-itito- ga‘k let me obey 21.10
mi'lgadtya®k < mr-lqgat- giitk let me go 125.5
muanta'atk <m1-gnla-gdétk 1 may ask (for help) 135.19
mine etyatk < mi-neet-gitk let me turn black 23.6
mne'wkwen 1k <mn-ewkwet-mrk let us go away 17.8
minute lmik let us gather fuel 30.6
minra’ gtimtk let us go home 126.4
mra’gtiatk let me go home 99.2
mita’aqoa‘k let me smoke 99.26
(0):
nittva'nat if they had stayed 68.27
nulwi'd'n < nié-vit-géén she would die 37.12
quwe'tik die ye! 64.16
gdlé'tik walk ye! 65.29
gamit <q-mii-gi® celebrate the thanksgiving ceremo-
nial 60.5
ganto' <q-ntg-ge* come out! 26.3
gagno'pge sit with head bent down! 32.4
revi ntik ye will die 64.20
re'pkirga: they will come 10.5 (sing. used as plural)
recipe tyd® < re-tip-et-gd= thou wilt dive 114.22
reviti® <re-vit-git thou wilt die 65.6 (cf. 21.12 revi*'a* 37.8)
ra'tvaa® < re-tva-gd* thou wilt live 108.25
remit aie <re-miii- -gé° he will celebrate a thanksgiving
ceremonial 118.12
ratopa'wkwat < re-topau-ga> she will be pregnant 104.5
rara lécétya® < re-ralé- -Cit-gdF he will slide down 114.15
TEUrre ty it <re-urr-et-git it will appear 119.10
trara' gtra® < t-r abe gG I shall go home 99.14
trevi" dé < t-re-viE -giié I shall die 108.1
trene'lhié < t-re-nel-gd* I shall turn to 24.12
mirreyr lgatyd® < mirre-yilq-tit-giif we shall sleep 9.3
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752 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY (BULL. a4
Derived Modes in -rrkin.
Past I:
inenregeurkine'trk < ine-r-req-eu-rkin-itik what are you doing with
me 10.10
ewkwe erkit < ewkwet-rrkit they leave 13.6
miw'rkit they celebrate the thanksgiving ceremonial 67.29
pilqd'erkin he dived 9.7
va'rkin he is 19.2
rrgamitva'urkinén he was made to eat
kime'urkin thou causest delay 18.6
re'qarkin how art thou? 18.9
tingde'rkin I refuse 19.7
mittegimi niirkin we suffer 32.2
mitteniée erkin we feel merry 69.8
mingami'tvarkin let us eat 65.4
gatva'rkin stay! 57.3; 67.23
remevne'erkin he will grow up 21.7
Koryak:
Past I:
3d pl. 18s*hrmlavaz' fala they shout aloudand dance Kor. 24.6
2d sing. yz thou hittest Kor. 26.1
tr thou wert Kor. 16.3
ya'te thou camest Kor. 68.12
gate’ you went away Kor. 18.5
3d sing. vanninta'tr she lost a tooth Kor. 34.1
a'wyenvor he begins to eat Kor. 20.7
vi*'gz he is dead Kor. 22.1
Ist sing. ¢rvi*’yak I died Kor. 84.14
titua' jivok I began to be Kor. 18.6
twva'nnintatrk I lost a tooth Kor. 33.1
tapka'vik I could not Kor. 35.2
te'yak I hit Kor. 26.2
tina®'lik I remained Kor. 16.2
1st dual. murtqugria't we are hungry Kor. 74.17
Subjunctive (@):
2dsing. xnzna‘’lim may it become Kor.20.2
3dsing. ne’wrrvon he would begin to say Kor. 27.6
1st sing. mulga’tik let me go! Kor. 33.10
mas hi'ntilik (ll walk along the shore Kor. 82.19
minan‘aéo'mik let us try the divining-stone! Kor.
80.20
1st dual mznui'lqat let us go! Kor. 22.5 (see § 62,1)
mina'wy? let us eat! Kor. 28.9
§72
Boas] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES—CHUKCHEE 153
1st pl. minilgala'mtk let us go! Kor. 28.5; 62.6
mino'yrévala let us play! Kor. 32.7
mintkya'wla let us get up! Kor. 39.4.
mina'wyela let us eat! Kor. 27.7
minno'tantala let us go for a walk! Kor. 86.8.
Subjunctive (6):
nitva®'an it should be Kor. 34.12
nani’ win one could say Kor. 24.10
te*’wik I should say 45.9
Imperative:
sing. quoryas'qi'wgi die! Kor. 35.1
ga'lgathi go away! Kor. 35.3
gimla'we dance! Kor. 37.6
gamla'wge dance! Kor. 45.9
gita' pa cook soup! Kor. 42.10
gawas‘vu'gi look in! Kor. 27.3
dual gamalitva'thitrk make it better! Kor. 13.2
ganto'trk go out! Kor. 74.15
gryai' tittk go ye two home Kor. 21.1
qu'thitrk be ye two! Kor. 21.2
pl. gawas‘vila' tik look ye in! Kor. 27.1
gikyawla'trk awake ye! Kor. 39.3
gaivilala'trk carry ye meat as a present! Kor. 63.12
galgala'tik go away! Kor. 14.7
Future:
3d pl. yewnrvola'fe they shall tell Kor. 22.5
Ist sing. tyave®’yar I shall die Kor. 33.1
tryayad' tim 1 will go home Kor. 30.5
1st pl. missavi*'yala we shall die-Kor. 16.9
Derived modes in -rykin:
2d pl. yaqlaikine'tik what are you doing? Kor. 24.8
3d dual vaz'ke they two are Kor. 48.7
3d pl. krya’wlaike they awoke Kor. 12.6
vanvolai'ke they lived Kor. 43.7; 45.5; 62.7; 12.6.
kokaivilai'ke they are cooking Kor. 27.4
Enkayalai'ke they are snoring Kor. 28.4
3d sing. lelaprttéorvo'ykin he looks up Kor. 42.8
kara’ trykrn he is fishing Kor. 45.1
va'ykin he lives Kor. 18.4
Ist sing. trgrtta'trykin Iam hungry Kor. 35.5
tryanlanfirvo' ykin I shall feel smoky Kor. 37.10
1st pl. mititvanvola'kin we remain Kor. 17.11 $72
3045°—Bull. 40, pt. 2-12-48
754 ‘ BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BuLL. 40 '
Subjunctive:
Ist sing. manrnmula'trykin I should feel elated Kor. 84.17
Imperative:
Qd sing. giwrykrn-v'-gi say! Kor. 25.4
TRANSITIVE VERB
Transitive Forms
FIRST AND SECOND PERSON FORMS
Past I and subjunctive:
tr'lh1-grt I have thee for something 15.8 (I 1*)
ne'ntr-git they bid thee 19.5 (I 1)
minieté ttrk let us carry you away! 74.15 (I 2)
ne'ntitrk he bid you 74.24 (1 2)
nayo'miuk they visit us 34.6 (I 3)
nantimla'nmik they press on us 63.9 (I 3)
Future:
nara'nmigit they will kill thee 37.10 (III 1)
nara'nmintrk it will kill you 70.12 (LII 2)
Derived modes:
nayo"'rkin-é-git they visit thee 52.4 (IV 1)
nanmirkiné mk let them kill us! 67.33 (1V 3)
THIRD-PERSON FORMS
Past I and subjunctive:
tre'tydén I brought it 20.1 (I 4)
trlhi'Gén if 1 should do for it 88.12 (la 4)
milué'dén let me see it 19.5; 20.2 (la 4)
mipé'ntrafn let me catch him 66.16 (Ia 4)
mitlu'dén we saw it 33.7 (I 4)
napéla’atn they left it 30.12 (I 4)
minpé'laaén let us leave him 29.11 (I 4)
gina'n li'ngdéén thou hast put it 38.11 (I 4)
tule'tinet thou hast stolen them 18.1 (I 5)
nenu'net they ate it 14.8 (I 5)
dénlut’nét they might see it 62.1 (Ia 5)
yopa'nnén he visited him 7.4 (I 6)
luf'nin he saw it 18.11 (I 6)
nifyo"'nén they would visit it 53.1 (Ia 6)
trmné'nat he killed them 34.1 (I 6’)
pinlo'nénat he asked them 13.9 (I 6’)
iu'ninet he said to them 8.10 (I 6’)
* Numbersin parenthese refer to the table of forms on pp. 741-743.
§72
Boas] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES—CHUKCHEE
Imperative:
gagtr'gin fetch it! 30.9 (II 4)
gérri'lhin put it down 40.6 (II 4)
gar’ piigun put it on! 16.6; 37.8 (11 4)
gute’ kiginet make them! 49.4 (II 5)
gre trnet fetch them 73.11 (II 5)
Future:
tre’ ntifiim I will manage him 67.22 (III 4)
murraio’ fin we shall see him 66.30 (III 4)
mirrt'wkut-hit we shall bind thee 23.8 (IIT 1)
repli tkutiinet thou wilt finish them 49.5 (LII 5)
ra’ nmugnén he will kill him 37.14 (III 6)
Derived modes:
gov pitkot'virkin thrust it in all! 72.24 (IV 4)
tilhi'rkinet I do them 29.2; 30.5 (1V 5)
nata'rkinat they left them 68.17 (IV 5)
trmi'rkinén he kills him 23.5 (IV 6)
te'grirkinin he threw him 10.10 (IV 6)
trmr'rkrnénat they kill them 44.8 (IV 6’)
nelu'rkin they saw it 7.8 (IV 4)
Intransitive Forms.
Past I, and derived form:
ine lhiee thou hast for me 25.1 (I 8)
gina'n inelu®'e thou hast seen me 22.10 (I 8)
énapélarkiné' tik ye are leaving me 10.5 (IV 9)
tnenregeurkini tik what are you doing to me? 10.10 (IV 9)
tnente’e'urkin thou causest me pain 31.11 (LV 8)
mitiwku'trrkin-t-git we bind thee (IV 1)
Imperative:
gineilhe® give me! 15.12 (II 8)
genata’ gé move to me! 37.10 (II 8)
genankérgipa'tyé dress me! 48.9 (II 8)
qigite tkui® look at us! 35.7 (II 8)
qeiné tkutrk carry ye us away! 74.12 (II 9)
qinerrd' Lhitik (qinerri ltrk 23.7) let ye me go! 24.1 o 9)
génagta'tyrtrk haul ye me up! 67.8 (II 9)
ginelu®' tik look ye at me! 70.31 (II 9)
qgaivalponaurkiné'tkr hit ye them on the head! 69.32 (LV 10)
qganw'utkr eat ye it! 14.7; 33.12 (11 10)
gata’ yitkr pass it! 70.10 (II 10)
gata’ tim,stkr answer ye them! 11.11 (II 10)
qdninle'wkutkr light ye them 68.13 (II 10)
755
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756 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY Tt
\
Future:
raala'jitkr ye will pass it 64.20 (III 10)
relu®'firtkr, ye will see it 64.21 (III 10)
Nominal Predicative Forms
napéla’-%m they left me 31.9 (I 11)
nanéaatwa'wkim they cast me off 31.10 (I 11)
nanlimalawa't-é-im they make me obey 21.3 (1 11)
For examples of verbal nouns, see § 95.
KORYAK
1. Stems with terminal vowel form a diphthong with the ending
-ykin of the derived forms.
tr-tva'tkin < ti-tva'-ykin | am
t1-évv'tkin < t-évi'-ykn 1 cut
va'ykrn he lives Kor. 18.4
2. The g of the suffix is never dropped.
tr-évi'-gan I cut off —
3. Stems with terminal consonant have for the derived forms in
-ykin the form -ikrn, an auxiliary vowel being introduced on
account of the formation of a triconsonantic cluster.
trvalo’mekin (Chukchee twwalo'mirkin) < ti-valom-ykin 1 hear
tapatekin (Chukchee tapatrrkin) < t-iipat-ykin 1 cook
to’vikin (Chukchee tiurkin) < t-iw-ykn I say
4. Terminal v of the stem (which corresponds to Chukchee zw) is
not regularly assimilated by the initial g of the suffix.
ti'vgiak 1 said
In other cases vg is changed to wg, which corresponds to the
Chukchee wkw.
ty?'wgi (Chukchee trt’wkut) <t-y-dv-gi (Chukchee < ¢-r-2u-git)
I shall say to you
queryas'qi'wgt die! Kor. 35.1
5. Terminal ¢ does not influence the g of the suffix.
pelqa’tgi he grew old
6. Stems in terminal 7 of Koryak I, which correspond to stems
in 7 of the Chukchee, form the derived modes in -i2kim (Chukchee
-rirkin).
Kamenskoye Chukchee
te’ yikin ti*rirkin I cross over
§72
poas] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES—CHUKCHEE 757
7. Terminal ¢ before / either forms the Koryak analogue of £ or
drops out.
gapu Len < ga-pat-len he has cooked
gape’ lgalin < ga-pe' lgat-lin he has grown old
Examples:
tryanu’wgt 1 shall swallow thee Kor. 78.18; 84.24 (I 1)
muiti'mtingi I shall carry thee Kor. 21.4 (Ia 1)
mininyai' tala-ge let us take thee home Kor. 33.3 (Ia 1)
a'ntai'kr-gi one should make thee Kor. 38.4 (Ia 1)
naliilaikrne’ tik they do to you Kor. 64.17 (IV 2)
minyat tattk P\l carry you two home Ine. 4 line 6, p. 63'(Ia 2)
nenenela’mik he appears to us Kor. 29.9 (I 3)
nanatyrva’wmtik he is reproaching us Kor. 74.19 (I 8)
| naliilaikine'mik they do us Kor. 64.16, 62.5 (IV 3)
luf’watn thou sawest it Kor. 23.8 (I 4)
miyo* ogan let me visit him Kor. 20.7 (Ia 4)
mitlawlafn we found it Kor. 26.9 (I 4)
giya'thin bring it here! Kor. 29.4 (II 4)
minu’mkawin I will lay it aside Kor. 49.10 (I 4)
tryae'linin Vil give him Kor. 12.3; 76.17 (III 4)
tryaniawtinia' nim Vil give you your wife Kor. 13.3 (III 4)
ya nmin you will kill it Kor. 76.7 (III 4)
natalaikiné mik it has caught us Kor. 66.7 (IV 3)
tr’nmin I killed him Kor. 20.5 (I 4)
luf’nin she found it Kor. 24.3 (I 6)
tad’kinin he made them Kor. 20.9 (I 6)
nayo*onau ye visit them Kor. 24.7 (I 10)
gute’ kivimmau you are making them Kor. 50.7 (I 10)
qgupka' wiunenau it could not do them Kor. 40.2 (I 6’)
nayorivo' ykinenau they visit them Kor. 61.8 (1V 5’)
yilenvo'ykinen she turns him Kor. 19.2 (IV 6)
yawa'ykinen she has him for Kor. 22.6 (LV 6)
ina’ nut he swallowed me Kor. 84.13 (I 7)
tenanikyo' nirvot he wants to awaken us Kor. 39.4 (I 7)
ninanuva’an let him swallow me! Kor. 84.15 (Ia 7)
yena'nmi she will kill us Kor. 96.14 (III 8)
gina'nu swallow me! Kor 84.22 (II 8)
ginanu'wgi swallow me! Kor. 84.24 (II 8)
genanyaikrni' gi cheer me up! Kor. 84.27 (II 8)
ginamlila’ tik ye louse me! Kor. 24.9 (II 9)
ginatinufla’trk prepare ye provisions for me Kor. 13.4 (II 9)
quuta’' gitéa tie ye her! Kor. 23.4 (II 10)
1 Waldemar Jochelson, The Koryak. Publications of the Jesup North Pacific Expedition, Vol. VI.
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758 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 40
qu'wgutéa tell ye him! Kor. 74.20 (IL 10)
qryo*ola’ gitéa visit ye her! Kor. 23.7 (II 10)
EAR UO, gum they will keep me back Kor. 60. 5 (I 11)
naya'nuw-giim they will eat me Kor. 78.21 (I 11)
For examples of verbal nouns, see § 95.
$$ 73-74. Predicative Form of Nominalized Verb
§ 73. FORMS DERIVED FROM INTRANSITIVE VERB
Nouns, adjectives, and pronouns are combined with the suflixed per-
sonal pronouns of the first and second persons, and thus express the
idea TO BE . Verbal stems are nominalized in the same manner,
In the third person such verbs take the aflixes—
1. sing. 21-—gin
pl. ni—gqinet
2. sing. ge—lin his who has attained a condition or who has
pl. ge—lanet} performed an action
one who is ina condition or performs an action
The second form may also be used with nouns, and expresses ONE
In the singular a connective 2 occurs between the
In the first person singular of
WHO HAS
verbal stem and the suffixed pronoun.
verbs ending in a consonant the connective 7 forms a syllable and the
initial g of the suffix gum drops out. In Koryak, on the other hand,
it is retained. When the stem ends in a vowel, the 7 forms a diph- |
thong with it and the g of giimisretained. The following table illus-
trates these forms.
Prefix Suffix
Nominalized Verbs Nominalized Verbs
Noun Noun =
(a) (b) (a) (b)
Sd sing. < (3 -iteiwa bees ees — -gin lin
SGCD. vag scl eae men ae a | -et,-t,-ti_ | -qinet -linet
TStISIN Ge 4k kta k eee END |e gé- | -i-um
DO Si x. +55 Maan fee -igit
TSE one re ken cone am acetic -muri
D0 fi 0) Rg wryain Sait & Beate > Bo eho. -turt
iy
Ist pl.
BoAS] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES-—CHUKCHEE 759
KORYAK
Prefix Sufix
Nominalized Verb Nominalized Verbs
Noun Noun
(a) (0) (a) (b)
Sih ee — -gin -lin
Bdveaay A! sete hee, Ole -at,-t,-li | -ginat -linat
SST SA a 3 ee a -aU,U, | -ginau -linau
-wwi,-wgi
BASU a ral ery tcPr ed MW ee art wit os -igim
Sites). g, K Nh MOREE dined ~igi
ishdual? 2a) sac213 48 — ni -muyi
710 UG 01 PS al er -muys, muy, mu!
LAT AR ee -tuyt
2 TOU: a A maa gS) -tuyu, tuu, tu}
Pe The contracted forms mu and tu do not change their vowels in harmony with hard vowels of the
stem
Examples:
Nouns:
Ist sing. o’rgukdl-é-tim I am one who has no sledge 78.6.
ke’lei-(q)tim < kele-i-gitim I am a kele
gla’ul-é-tim I am a man 116.32
2d sing. “fe’us gét-i-gir thou art a woman 136.15.
ke’lei-git thou art a kele 15.11
ila’ Ld-mu’ri we are islanders 11.11.
Nominalized verbs (a):
3d sing.
3d pl.
lst sing.
2d sing.
Ist pl.
2d pl.°
nignopitva’gén he was one who remained crouch-
‘ing 7.4.
nine’lgin he is one who becomes a —- 8.7.
nimitva’génat they were those who lived in a
camp 13.3.
n1'lqdét-i-tim I am one who was there 66.36.
na‘laiov’ gim <n-a‘laio-1-(gyim I defecated 76.5
wu’tku nitvai'-grr you are one who stays here 7.5.
nine'l-i-git you are one who becomes a — 10.11.
n1'pkir-muri we are those who came 11.1.
me’itkr ni’t-turt where are you? 12.2.
Nominalized verbs (6):
3d sing.
3d pl.
1st sing.
Ist pl.
ganto’lén he was one who had gone out 8.4.
ge’tkulin he was one who had spent time 7.2.
gi'ulinet they were those who had said 11.11.
gene’ Linet they were those who had become — 9.4.
gene’ l-i-tim Tam the one who has become a — 17.6.
gelerei'- -gitm < g-elere-i-(g)tim I was feeling dull
ge'lhi-muri we were the ones to whom it happened
[Gai t. §73
760 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY | BULL. 40
Koryak:
Nouns:
Ist sing. gla’wul-e-gim I am a man Kor. 22.1.
Ist pl. kmi’ir-mu'yi we are children Kor. 70.20.
Nominalized verbs (a):
3d sing. naséafivogen he was the one who was urinating
Kor. 14.2.
nigahaiaivogen he was the one who began to
cry aloud Kor. 78.10.
3d du. nalirga’tvuqinet they were the ones who were
quite successful Kor. 88.21.
3d pl. nanyaméa'éagenau they are chore that taste of
fat Kor. 25.5.
Ist sing. nanfiévina’w-gim I am one who is getting
angry Kor. 31.2.
2d sing. mnita’witkifii-gi you are one who is doing mis-
chief Kor. 82.9.
Nominalized verbs (0):
3d sing. gaya’lqrwlin he was the one who had entered
Kor, 14.1.
3d du. gata’wanlenat they were the ones who had
' moved on Kor. 19.9.
3d pl. gaqi’telinau they were the ones who were frozen
Kor, 14.2.
ist sing. gatuyrkmina’ t-i-gim I am the one who has
given birth to a child Kor. 64.12.
Ist pl. gano’l-mu’yu we are the ones who have be-
| - come — Kor. 37.4.
2d sing. galu’tai-gi you are the one who has urinated
Kor. 66.6.
§ 74. FORMS DERIVED FROM TRANSITIVE VERB
The nominalized form of the transitive verb has in the n(z)- form
throughout the prefix ive-, which makes the verbal theme passive.
Prefix
ae ae oa (a) (0)
| (@) (0)
SdUSING. Vs ese (ine)—qin || (ine)—lin
Hoo) a (ine)—qinet (ine)—linet
Ist SINE (1p /2¢ je | (ine)—i-gum —i-(g)um
2G SUE ela. | tT) ge (ine )—igit || (¢ne)—tgrt -tky-igit
SG DU sac caso. alll (ine)—muri | —muri
240 yo) ee BA (ine)—turi | (ine)—turi -tku-turi
y |
§74
BOAS] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES—CHUKCHEE 761
KORYAK
Prefix
(a) (0)
(a) (0)
Sd sinpel] - Peni a+) ina—qin -lin
SA Ghali he ina—qinat -linat
aia hg) I, See ina—qinau -Linau
TeteSiniers Meet te? vss ina—igiim -Igtim
Pa Rings Pe: GIR [n(d) ga ina—igit ~igit
SLICE on fe Dal ice ne we ina—muyu -mMuyuU
EStAplegeer ue tb cents | ina—tuyw -tuyu
Sadrduale shar ee tna—muyt -muyt
20' pla J -14))..05) « ina—tuyt -tuyt
In meaning this form agrees with the intransitive nominalized verb.
It may be translated THE ONE WHOM I —, etc.
ELO'n nénapéla'igim he is the one whom I leave
git nénapélai' gim you are the one whom I leave
qa'at ninet'mititim the reindeer are the ones whom | take
néna'nmé-git they are the ones whom you kill 23.4
Accordingly, when the object of the verb is in the plural, the nominal
third person appears also in the plural.
The third person plural subject occurs also without ive- and has
active sense.
qa’ at nrpéla'génat the reindeer are the ones whom they leave (or,
perhaps, the reindeer are in the condition of being left).
ga'at nined' mitqginet the reindeer are the ones whom he takes
ni'nmigén ora'weLan Hiwhue ld the St. Lawrence people were the
ones who killed the men 12.11
pipe’ kilkin néna'nmigén a mouse was killed by him 89.24
m'uginet qu'tti several were the ones who said to them 59.2
nind'uginet they were told by him 73.13
tr'tik neime'ngdet they were those who were approaching (to) the
entrance (intransitive) 103.1
nineimeu'gin wa'lgar he was one who approached the house
«57.6
tayo'lhit nénaimé’génat he was one who hung up the needlecases
82.10
The nominalized transitive verb in ge- has two forms—one the
passive, meaning I, THE ONE WHO HAS BEEN—, etc.; the other active,
derived from those forms of the transitive verb which are replaced by
intransitive forms (see p. 741), except -ckr.
The third person, with or without-ine-may be used in an active or
passive sense.
§74
762 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BuLL. 40
gapé'lalén he was leaving him, or he was left
genlete’ n-muri he was the one who took us away 74.23
geniggewgu’ulinet he was the one who awakened them 12.12
[Mxamples, Koryak:
( (a) nenaarnawisivo’gen she was the one who called him Kor. 74.29
nenanunvo’ genau she was the one who ate them Kor. 59.9
ninataikinivo’ genau she was the one who made them Kor. 59.5
nassi’jvo-gim they are the ones who are untying me Kor. 39.3
nenemeye’ye-ge art thou the one who is seeking it? Kor. 49.9
nenavo®’ivo-mu'yu we are those who find them Kor. 59.9
(b) géwnivo'lenat they were the two whom he told Kor. 13.2
‘ga’nmilenau they were the ones whom they had killed Kor. 12.8
ganta'witkinau-mu'yi we are the ones whom they have defiled
~ Kor. 29.6
ganta’witkiniaw4-g-r thou art the one whom they have defiled
Kor. 31.1
S$ 75-81. Notes on Certain Verbs
§ 75. To be, —jt
The Chukchee verbal stem -2¢, Kor. Kam. -i¢, expresses the idea
to BE. In the pronounciation of men the ¢ is lost in Chukchee in
intervocalic position. The women say instead of 2’rrkin of the men
a'tissin. In other words with terminal t of stem they may drop it,
as in yilqaessin he sleeps.
virkin, Kor. Kam. ¢t1'ykin he is
meé'vikr nit-turi? where are you?
m'nkri ni'tqin? how was he? 17.12
It is used with the verbal noun in -¢é, and with the noun in -nw (see
§ 95, p. 784, § 103, no. 34).
éauéuwa'-va'rat &r'mgiig viri'taé-i virkin the Reindeer Chukchee
people are partly self-destroying
Ta'ntithit wm em-vi*'té ni'tqginet the Russians are just dying
ler-qgami'tvata vty? he could not eat 80.7
aqgam tvaka qi'tyttik don’t ye eat (of it) 64.19
e'rmu ti'tydtk 1 was achief (literally, I was what serves as a chief)
gai’ miéile tri'tya* 1am going to be rich
garéména'ne ri'tydé thou shalt not be it 23.6
lr'é-fiaraw'tile mini’nmik (<min-tt-mik) let us really ra to get
wives 57.1
éna'nmiéu 2 tkal-i-im 1 am not a murderer 24.8
§75
Boas] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES—CHUKCHEE 763
It seems possible that the element 2 in the nominalized verbs is
derived from this stem (see note 1 p. 734).
nu-wa'lom-é-um I am hearing
ni-yr'lgat-i-im I am sleeping
§ 76. TO LIVE, TO BE -tva
This stem occurs both in Chukchee and Koryak. It expresses a
longer duration than i¢.
agdline ta ti’ tya®k I was in fear
em-agdaline' ta titva'atk I was continually just in fear
va’ rkim (Chukchee), va'ykin (Kor. Kam.) he lives
awgo'lika trtwa'rkin 1 remain without an assistant 124.5
ni'mnim vai é'méegai va'rkin a settlement then quite near is 7.7
Uluké gatva'rkim remain without motion! 57.3
me akri mitrtva'rkin how shall I be? 124.3
em-nu'firtin mi'nakri ni'tvagén how are those from the mainland?
13.9
wu'tku nitvar' grr you stay here 7.5
It is used as a synthetic element in many verbs.
ratva'rkin (<vra-tva) he house-lives (i. e., he is at home)
oratva'rkin (<ora-tva) he stays long
wagotva' lik (waqgo-tva) he (remained) seated 102.24
angak nimitva'génat (<nim-twa settlement remains) they lived
on the sea 13.3
nuwkotitua'gén (<wkot-tva) he was tied
gawketitva’ta being tied 122.24
gamitva' to eat
éulétée’l-va'lin being of elongated form 91.15
In Koryak the stem i# occurs much more frequently than ¢va in
independent form.
En’ fit'n-va'lin (Chukchee), entia’*an v’ talaén (Kor. Kam.) one being
thus
Still in compounds the stem ¢va occurs with great frequency.
vaha'le-tva'ykin (Kor. Kam.) he is seated
Some stems when combined with vg’lzn do not take the ablaut:
minkri-va'lin of what kind
me’ éen'ku-wa'lé-tim I am a fairly good one
A number of stems expressing qualities form adjectival forms by
composition with -tva- (it- Koryak), in the form va’lin (0’tala‘n
Koryak) (see p. 814). §76
764 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BuLL. 40
koulo’qu-w1'lin (stem koulo’gr) round
wi éhin-vi'lin (sten wi'éhri) flat
Koryak: :
go'lon-v'talan (stem go’lon) round -
vichryim-v'talafn (stem viéhryim) flat.
In all thes2 cases the stem takes the suffix—(s)%, which in some _
positions undergoes phonetic modifications; as ta’ium-va'lin a good
one, from ta’firi-va'lin.
The stem in composition with va’lin may also take postpositions.
é’mpum-va'lin or émpa’qu-wa'lin (stem amp) the one who is ~
downcast
vicha’ qu-wa'lin flat
This form frequently expresses the comparative:
ga’tvum-va'lin (stem getv) the stronger one
Kor. ga’turi-v'tala‘n (stem gatv) the stronger one
ga’mga-qla’ulr’ ga’tvum-va'l-é-tim I am stronger than all (the
' other) men
gim gini’k mar’ eiku-wa'l-éim I am greater than you 92.11
The allative with va’lin signifies possession of a quality to a slight
degree.
ééuté’tu-wa'lin (stem éiut) somewhat low
tané’tu-wa'lin (stem tev) somewhat good, moderately good
§' 77. TO BECOME nel
The stem Chukchee ne/, Kor. Kam. nal is used much more fre-
quently in Chukchee than in Koryak. It is combined with the noun
in -nu (see § 103, no. 34).
- git’imitk émiio'l-te’ingo gqine’lhi® become ye what serves as my
spleen companions! (i. e., became ye my friends)
rirka’ne nine’ ligit you have become a walrus 10.11 (also 10.8)
ginni’ku ne’ lyiét they ,became the quarry 12.2
fie'usgdtu gene'Lin he became a woman 116.21
me'mlu gene! Lin it became water 101.27
aga’ -rkerla gene'littm I became one to be pursued hard 17.6
em-ginu'n-niki'té nélyé it came to be just midnight 9.11
girgo'l gene'Linet they came to be high 9.4
a‘tto'oéa nine'lgin he came to be in front 8.7
ne'lirkin (Chuckee), na’liékin (Kor. Kam.) he becomes, turns into
The corresponding Koryak stem is used but rarely.
1See The Chukchee, Publications of the Jesup North Pacific Expedition, Vol. VII, p. 563, Note 2.
877
BOAS] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES—CHUKCHEE 765
§ 78. TO TAKE OR HAVE SOME ONE AS Mm
The Chukchee stem /7 (medial 7A), Kor. Kam. 17, signifies To TAKE OR
HAVE SOME ONE AS SOMETHING. The direct object is in the absolute
form; the indirect object, in -nw (see § 103, no. 34).
lr'firrkin (Chukchee), l:ftrykin (Kor. Kam.) you take him for
grtta'p- gla'ule mr'lhigit let me take you for a clever man
giu ni'lhaginet neat as unknown ones they had their skins (i. e.,
they did not know them)
pu'relu nalhifno'afn they began to have him for a slave 8.2
va'lat ri'the nine'lhdgin he has knives as wings 15.2
wi'yolu ginelhi'rkin have me as a servant 95.7
leule'wu ine'lhi® he has me as something to be wronged 25.1
With nouns expressing emotions this verb is used throughout as
indirect object, to express emotional conditions.
yer'veéu li'firkin (Chukchee), yatra’éu litr'ykrm (Kor. Kam.) as
one serving as (an object of) compassion you have him
te’niiu lr'fiirkin (Chukchee), ta’Aiu liii'ykin (Kor. Kam.) as one
serving as laughing-stock you have him
vega leule'wu ge'lhiim what made me a laughing-stock? 117.19
peger'riu tr'lhigit 1 have thee as an object of interest 15.8
pegér'nu ine'lhiz® you have meddling interest in me 22.9; also 15.8
§79. TO MAKE SOME ONE SOMETHING 7rté
The stem, Chukchee r¢é (medial ¢é), Kor. Kam. y¢é (medial ¢é), Kor.
Par. yss (medial ss), signifies To MAKE SOMETHING INTO SOMETHING.
The direct object is in the absolute form; the indirect object, in -nw
(see § 103, no. 34).
ritér'rkin (Chukchee), yrtér'ykin (Kor. Kam.), yrssr’ykin (Kor.
Par.) you make him into
Enga’'n vai rawku'témin moo-ga'ane mitéi'rkin that here doe, one
serving as sledge train reindeer I shall make her
elqu'tké ritémin he made him not standing 115.4
ena’ ngadiké nere'térmik they will make us childless 39.4
pai'wake ri'témmin he rejects it 136.28
§ 80. TO HAVE SOME ONE FOR SOMETHING rt
The stem, Chukchee 7¢ (medial nt), Kor. Kam. y¢ (medial nZ) takes
the direct object in the absolute case, the indirect object with the
ending -nu.
ekke'nu tr'ntrdéén Ri'nto I have Ri’nto as what serves as a son
§§78, 79, 80
766 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 40
It is often combined with the verbal noun of transitive verbs in -t@
to express the same idea, thus forming a periphrastic expression.
The verb r¢ is referred directly to the object of the transitive verb,
to the nominal form of which it is joined.
gumna'n cini't lu&’té trenti'fimet qa’at myself as something to
~ look on I shall have the reindeer (i. e. I myself shall lock on
the reindeer)
lun-lu'ta ni’ntdginet not having seen they had them (i. e., they
had not seen them) 11.9
ritr'rkin (Chukehee), yrts'ykin (Kor. Kam.) you have him for
en‘he’ gina'n ennée’ k& gant1' grnet do not you carry them out 88.3
ringéta' ta nine nti-im I have them to look after 92.36
tule’ té nine’ ntr-im ora’ wézat I also treat the people as something
to steal (i. e., I can steal people) 93.14
gind'n tule'té nine’ntr-git you steal them 93.15
em-ginti' tis nine’ nti-git you lay in ambush for them 93.21
§ 81. NOTES ON CERTAIN KAMCHADAL VERBS
The special verbs discussed in the preceding pages are repre-
sented in Kamchadal by a number of very irregular forms of a num-
ber of evidently related stems: ¢h, ck, for the present or derived
forms; 7‘, 7h, /k, for the indicative and exhortative. The forms
with k correspond, on the whole, to the transitive forms of the
paradigm on pp. 744-745, although not all the forms can be inter-
preted in this manner. The derived form of the intransitive form
is defective, only the second person singular and the third person
plural being found. The verb, when relating to objects or animals
(i. e., not to persons), has forms which recall the transitive forms.
Their use corresponds to the use of the Chukchee stem twa.
Kamchadal Chukchee
kima'nk éhi'j1n git’mik va'rkin it is (belongs) to me
kima'n Uin gumni'n vale it was mine
Both constructions, with the locative-possessor’s and with the
possessive cases, are found.
The personal form is transitive, but has peculiar endings.
tcki’nin p!e’ki Iam to him (as) a son
§sl
BOAS] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES—CHUKCHEE 767
VERBAL Srem ¢h, ck, I’, lh, lk
PRESENT
Non-personal Personal
Intransitive
TO BE TO ng, TO BE TO HIM | TO BETO THEM
IT Is, ete.
MINE (A8) A— (AS) A—
1st sing. —_— kima’n(k) Chi/jin tcki/nin tcki’pnin
2d sing. Chije kini’n(k) Chi'jin cki/nin cki/pnin
3d sing. a Ena’'n(k) Chi'jkinen cin cki’pnin
1st pl. — mi'jhin(k) éhi/jin neki/nin neki/pnin
2d pl. tr'jhin(k) €hi'jkisxin Cisx Cisx
3d pl. Chijeien txi/in(k) Chi'jkipnin cin cki/pnin
PAST
1st sing. tik kima’'n(k) Uin tlki/nin tlki/pnin
2d sing. ie kini’n(k) thin lki/nin lki/pnin
3d sing. Ui Ena'n(k) Ui'nin thin lki’pnin
1st pl. nik mi'jhin(k) Cin nlki/nin nlki'pnin
2d pl. Vicx tr'jhin(k) Uki/sxin Visa Visa
3d pl. UéiEn txi/in(k) Uki’pnin thin lki'pnin
| —
EXHORTATIVE (ALSO FUTURE)
1st sing. ml ik kima'n(k) xantli’hin mikinin mlki’pnin
2d sing. kV izxé kiki/nin klki/pnin
3d sing. xanl't’hin Ena’n(k) xanlki’nin wanthi'n ranlki’pnin
1st pl. mini k mintki’nin minlki/pnin
2d pl. kl'icx \ kU isa kU isx
3d pl. xan i/hin xanthi/n xanlki/pnin
| tavin(k) x:anlki’pnin
VERBAL STEM le
The auxiliary verb /e ro BECOME has also an intransitive and a
personal transitive form, like the last stem.
tlejk I become something
tle'jkipnin I become something for them
VERBAL STEM SI
The stem si TO BE lacks the present, but has otherwise regular
intransitive forms.
sié you were
VERBAL Stem Is, il
The stem is, 7/ corresponds to the Chukchee d”-, and 7¢-. It is
used often with the nominalized verb 2, 3 (see p. 748). With the
intransitive verb it has intransitive forms, while the corresponding
Chukchee verbs are always transitive. §81
768 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 40
xvi k/o'lki milk not coming I will be
dletalka tisjhin I like thee (dlxtalka modalis of Lrxine; (é- I;
is stem; -j- present; -Aim thee); compare Chukchee dhu-
tilhirkini' grt (alhu as object of LiKING@; ¢- I; lh- to have for—;
-rkin present; -zgrt thee)
a'mal malin I will kill him (/'a’mal to killing; m- let me; a
stem; -72 him); compare Chukchee @m-tma’ mi'ntid?n (am-
merely ; ¢m- to kill; -a modalis; m- let me; -n¢ medial stem;
-@°n him)
VERBAL STEM issI
This stem corresponds to Chukchee 7#é-, Kor. Kam. ssz-, and ex-
presses nearly the same idea as the last verb.
gam ke'jkek ti'ssrhin I do not accept you (gam not; ke to
accept; -kek negative ending; ¢- I; ¢ssr stem; -/Ain thee)
compare Chukchee ehn-ed’mitkd ti'térgit (ehn—ka nega-
tion; ed’mit to take; ¢- 1; té stem; -git thee)
VERBAL Stem tel
The stem ¢e/ has a meaning similar to the last two, but expresses
prolonged action. It follows Type II of the transitive verbs.
present; -firm [I1j—him)
THE PERSONAL TRANSITIVE FORMS.
A number of intransitive verbs have forms analogous to the
personal transitive of the auxiliary verb (p. 767), which are used to
express relations to a personal object.
tvetatkoju'jkripnén I am busying myself on their behalf (¢- I;
vetat to be busy; -kdju inchoative; -7- present; -krpnén see
p. 767.
sx teilin no'nul’ intilrtkdjujkrpni'n they always bring food
to their father (28sz father; ¢x’in their; no’nul‘ modalis,
with food; intrl to bring; -¢ durative; -kdju inchoative; -7-
present; krpnin as before)
The Chukchee sentence
tu'mgitum eée muwi'iétn I will cook fat for my companion
(tu! mgrtum absolute form, ComPaNIon; e’ée modalis; wITH
FAT; 7- LET ME}; wi TO COOK; -d'n HIM) is quite comparable
to this (see p. 741).
§81
atel trte'lrjfirn I came to fear him (ated fear; ¢- 1; tel stem; -7-
BOAS] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES—CHUKCHEE 769
§ 82. Predicative Forms of Pronouns and of Numerals
Indefinite (interrogative) pronouns and numerals are frequently
used in predicative form, and take all verbal forms. They may also
take verbal affixes, but of these only a few are in frequent use.
Chukchee Koryak Kamenskoye
req yag* WHAT
re'garkin (req+rkin) ya'gikin'(yag+ikim) what do you do,
ya grykin Kor. 28.10 want?
riregéurqin (ri—eu yryaqa'wikin what do you make
to cause) him do?
raging'rkin (-itig to yaghrvo'ikin what do you begin
begin) to want? (expres-
sive of annoyance)
ragiéna'tirkin (-éhat yagréna'tekrn what do you want?
annoyance) (expression of
strong annoy-
ance)
nike nika Kor. 80.9 SOMETHING
nike'rkin nika'ikin you do a certain
thing
rintke urkmn nika'tkin you make him do a
certain thing
jireq hiyeqg TWO
hirege urkin jiyegr'wikin you are the second
mi’ Linen mi’ Linen FIVE
mitinkau’kin mitinka'wekin you are the fifth
Here belongs also
terke'urkin tatika'wikin what number in the
series are you?
Koryak:
ya'glau what are they doing? Kor. 24.5
yaqlackrne'trk what are you doing Kor. 24.8
ey ‘qlinat what happened to them Kor. 30.9
niya'gi-gi what is the matter with thee Kor. 39.5
The predicative numerals are freely compounded with other verbs.
gimni'n é'kik krtu'r mingrtka'wkwe* (Chukchee) my son last year
"ten reached (gimni'n my; ekck son; krtu'r last year; mrngrt
ten -kew verbal suffix of numerals; gi* 3d sing.)
kiu'kr trmrtinka'wkwatk 1 stayed there five nights (k7w'kr passing
nights; ¢- 1; mrzrn five; -keu verbal suffix of numerals; -gda‘k
Ist sing.)
1 Koryak II tag WHAT; ta/qatkIn WHAT DO YOU DO, WANT?
3045°—Bull. 40, pt. 2—12 49 §82
770 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL 40
KAMCHADAL
The indefinite (interrogative) pronouns of Kamchadal occur also
in predicative form. At present only a few forms of the present
tense are used.
Enka'nejé what are you (sing.) doing?
enka'nejex what are you (pl.) doing?
lajé how are you (sing.)?
la'jé1'n how are they ?
sxuzrjé you (sing.) do a certain thing
men seu'sytm Orja'l-ku' twain there the people of Crja’l-kutx
live (7ufn there; sxu'srjérn they do a certain thing; -a‘n plur al)
The use of pronouns or pronominal adverbs is much more com-
mon, perhaps due to Russian influence.
Enka'nké k/éjé for what do you come?
lact cunljé how do you live?
Sentences which contain the verbalized and the nonverbal pronoun
also occur, and are probably the result of a mixture of Kamchadal
and Russian syntax.
enka’ kimma te'nrjmm what now have I done to hind
E'nkaj z'nin what now has he done to him?
E'nkaj enk/o'lérim why did you (sing.) come to him?
We find even the following compound of the pronoun with
allative post-position and verb:
Enkank/6'lérviin = enka’nke k!6'lériuin (cf § 59, p. 731)
There are also two demonstrative verbs:
tea here te'a-s1jk here I am
het look here! hé'yrsijk here I am (close to the
person addressed)
Both contain the auxiliary verb sz (see p. 767).
§§ 83-90. Syntactic Use of Tenses and Modes
§ 83. Declarative Mode
Declarative forms of the simple, derived, and nominalized forms are
used to express the predicate in declarative and interrogative
sentences.
Simple forms:
fjawané' tr ?’wkwe he said to his wife 83.23
gr'thin lu®’nin he saw a lake 37.4
§83
Boas] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES—CHUKCHEE 771
fi’ngai ra’nmignén she will kill the child 37.14
ralaulawa’ trioa® thou wilt do wrong 21.5
kuwi' én tre’ tyd&n I brought children’s death 20.1
Derived forms:
mié'rmgumge erkin we are terrified 63.4
tingde'rkim 1 refuse 19.7
ér’mquk péla'arkin some are leaving 8.9
Nominalized forms:
nagidlile tgin re’mkin the people were at war 97.23
nré s‘qiuqin fe’us' gat the woman entered 63.3
ééq-a'lvam-va'lr-te'ré ye are quite strange 63.4
ew’ rd getule' Leet they have stolen clothing 13.6
elere'i= dost thou feel lonesome? 96.2
Examples of interrogative sentences are—
Simple forms:
enenrtvi'7= hast thou become a shaman? 18.4
mé' nko pi'ntigdttik whence did ye appear? 74.21
mu’iki-m ra’tvaa’ where wilt thou live? 108.25
Derived forms:
re'garkin what are you? 18.9
rég@ timr'rkinén what has killed him ? 23.5
Nominalized forms:
mi nkri gewkwe't-i-git where have you gone?
mi'nkri ni’ tvagén how is he? 13.10
ré'q-i-git what do you want? 18.12
gev' éemit-tu’ mgt-gir hast thou brothers? 99.18
Koryak:
Simple forms:
nawa kak naya'tin they brought the daughter Kor. 86.20
tapka'vik oliaga'tik 1 could not strangle myself Kor. 35.2
tiyay1'lgatim 1 shall sleep Kor. 31.8
tiga’ payuk 1 killed a wolverene Kor. 59.1
Miti'nak ena'nme, enapa'te Miti has killed me and cooked me
Kor. 96.7
Derived forms:
tigitta'trykin Lam hungry Kor. 35.5
Eniia'an Amamqu'tinu vaiivolai'ke thus Eme'mqut and his peo-
ple were living Kor. 45.5
penyekinen talac'vik he rushed at it to strike it Kor. 53.3
milu'ykininau she was looking for lice Kor. 59.4
pelhaniirvolai'ke they began to have nothing to eat Kor. 95.17
$383
Ti2 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Buut. 40
Nominalized forms:
va'yuk gayo"'olen vai'amnagu then they found a large river
Kor. 21.3
galatwkali'lin wit'lka they painted her face with coal Kor. 31.9
) gaqqaika' makata gana®'l-mu'yu we came to be with (to have) a
small kamak Kor. 37.4
ha' chin nenanyopaniirvo' genau outside they were hung up Kor.
60.9
atau’ fia'no Enna'an nitva'fivogen that one was living thus
Kor. 61.3
fa'no nitinma'tgen that one is telling lies Kor. 62.3
In the indefinite nominalized predicate the subject pronoun may
be repeated to emphasize the question.
geet-tu'ri tu'rt have you come?
Impersonal verbs do not differ from the ordinary intransitive
verbs.
ile’erkin (Kor. Kam. muqa'tekin; Kamchadal éxu'jin or Cxuje) it
is raining
dle'ty® (Kor. Kam. muga’thi®; Kamchadal ¢éxvun) it has been
raining
léfleuru’2 winter came 14.9
éélhiro’éE it becomes red 23.9
§ 84. Tenses
Tenses are not clearly distinguished. The declarative form of the
verb, unless modified by the future prefix, is used to express a past
action, although cases occur in which only a present can be meant.
tiqgéwganno’atk I begin to be called 94.31
In Koryak the declarative form is rarely used in narrative, while
it is in common use in direct discourse.
mai, ya’ti halloo, have you come? Kor. 68.12
Valvr’mtila‘n tr'nmin I killed Raven-Men Kor. 20.5
In Chukchee its use in narrative is very common.
e’nmen niki'rur: then night came 36.12
lu’ur wéthau’noé then he began to speak 31.11
The derivative is generally used to express a present continued
action, but it occurs also frequently in narrative. This use is more
frequent in Koryak than in Chuckchee (see § 87).
The nominalized verb (a) expresses a continuative regardless of
time. When coordinated with another verb it expresses contempo-
§84
Boas] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES—CHUKCHEE 173
raneity (see § 88). The nominalized verb (b) is used commonly in
narrative to express the progress of an action. When coordinated
with another verb, it expresses an antecedent (see § 88).
The future is formed by the prefix re- and the correlative pro-
nominal forms. Quite commonly the future is given the form of an
exhortative.
§ 85. The Subjunctive
The subjunctive (a) and (4) are, the former an exhortative form, the
latter the form used in conditional and other subordinate clauses. The
former is frequently used for expressing the future, particularly when
it implies the idea of intention.
Subjunctive (a):
nuwa'lomgatn let him know
va'nivan nuwa'lomga’n he would not hear anything
mewkwe' tyatk let me depart 17.10
milrmala'jinoatk let me begin to obey 21.4
minranto'mtk let us leave the town 56.8
niyt'lgatydn let him sleep 9.1
nica’ atvaaen let her be cast away 39.3
mi'whir let me give thee 15.13
mimata' grr let me marry thee 77.1
minlete tik let us carry you away 74.15
furo'g ya' rat va'névan &nlué'net three houses, not at all they could
see them 61.10
fieuwi'rit a&nei'mityd'n she would take the soul of the woman
37.11
Koryak:
minyaitila'mik let us go home! Kor. 26.8
nayanva'niiinin let them skin it! Kor. 26.10
munilgala'mik let us go! Kor. 28.5
mikrplis*qewla'trk 1 will stun them with blows Kor. 29.7
ya' qu-yak quwat'matin afntai'ki-gi into what desirest thou one
should make thee? Kor. 38.4 —
Subjunctive (2) does not appear very often in the texts.
cur En'ii'n' ni'tydin, gora'tr mini 'yrlhit if you were like this,
we should give you reindeer
Enga'n niégite'nin, nuswi'dén if she should look upon that one, she
would die 37.12
cam leule'wu tilhi’dé'n why should I harm her ? 38.12
va'nzvan nute's‘gdn nifyo®'nén he would not at all reach the ground
52.12 §85
774 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 40
Ajyy ¢
Enga'n ora'wéLtat é'ééa niétva'nat, niévitkui'vunet viu'ta if the
men had stayed on the surface, the whalebone would have cut
them down 68.26 (znga'n THAT; ora'wéLan MAN; -tv@ TO REMAIN;
ni -for full form nani‘-; év?- ro cuT; -tku suffix ALL; -iv suffix
GREAT QUANTITY; viut WHALEBONE; -a subjective)
caté’un 1m gtimna’n wu'tku tienit’gd’n if only I could keep it
R 45.21
cité’un krnta’irga memilga’a netna’lprnire if only good luck
wouid give me seals R 46.42
éité’un véwgento’é in order that he should give up his breath
R 49.15 —
ekena’n gimna'n tre pi'redén I wish I would (rather) take it
Koryak:
me igan niitvas'an how could she be? Kor. 34.12
nanie’win one might say Kor. 25.2
§ 86. The Imperative
The imperative expresses command, but also the idea of obligatory
future.
nota's'gét1 gdérpe'ty2® into the ground plunge! 17.2
ginete'nuee haul me up! 131.22
ne'lvil gagti' grtkr bring ye the herd! 129.19
ginilhe'tyitkr lower ye me! 131.15
Koryak:
appa’, gakya'wgi grandfather, get up! Kor. 31.9
quwa'fiulat open your mouth! Kor. 34.7
ga'lgathi go away! Kor. 35.3
neé'nako qryo*oge éaéa'me then you will find an old woman Kor
51.1
Quygqinn'aqu' nak qryaiprla'trk live ye with Big-Raven! Kor. 62.2
ganto't1k go ye outside! Kor. 74.12
q'wgutéa tell ye him! 74.20
§ 87. Derived Forms
The derived forms express continued action. For this reason they
are found most frequently in direct discourse when a continuous
condition is described.
ca'm térga'arkin why art thou weeping? 48.12
giim ne'uk tile'rkin | am walking about to get a wife 57.2
mithitte'urkin we are hungry 70.24
kele'té nayo*rkin-é-grt the kele are visiting thee 52.4
§§86, 87
Boas] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES—CHUKCHEE 775
Koryak—
mutrpaslaa’kinen we are thirsty Kor. 16.9
yagqlaikime’trk what are you doing? Kor. 24.8
kokaivilar’ke they are cooking it Kor. 27.4
trta®’liykin I am feeling unwell Kor. 84.26
In Chukchee the derived forms are not often used in narrative as
an historical present, while in Koryak this use is quite common.
temyw’turkin exa’ she was deceiving her mother 29.2
ptikirgit. Awana’ thin tim niévi'tkurkin rew. He arrived. The
Aiwan was cutting up the whale 46.10
e’nmen yé' gi¢chin rinfr’'rkimmm he was carrying about a walrus
penis 67.10
See also 8.1, 9; 9.7, 8; 16.3
golé-tke' unvuk ewkwe'erkit, evi'ré getule' treet. E’nmen ewkwe' tyast
during another night they were about to leave, having stolen
clothing. Then they left (qu ANOTHER; tkiu TO PASS THE NIGHT;
-nv PLACE OF [§ 109, 50], -k LocaTIVE; ewkwet TO LEAVE;
evirit CLOTHES; -G subjective [§ 387]; tulet TO STEAL; getule' Leet
< ge-tulet-linet) 13.5
Koryak—
gaimanitivo'ykin he had a desire Kor. 12.2
himneua’ykrn she was following Kor. 23.3
vanvolai'ke they were beginning (and continued) to live Kor.
43.7
nanoiwo'ykinenau they were beginning to consume them Kor.
42.7
This form is used even when it is difficult to conceive of the
action as continued:
futo’ykin he went out Kor. 12.5; 72.15
fivo'ykin she began Kor. 72.16
yalgr’wikin he entered Kor. 13.9
newnivo’ykinenat they began to say to both of them Kor. 12.7
A habitual action is expressed in the following example:
éa’man Enga'néna grnnig-gilt'liqd’ gti trm1'rkinénat also by this
one are the little game-procurers killed (i. e. he is in the
habit of killing the hunters) 44.8
With the imperative the derived forms express a continued con-
dition, or a repeated action.
tlu'ké gatva'rkn stay without motion! 57.3
qawvalponaurkiné'tkr you will hit (the children) upon the head
69.32
quwalo’mirkrn listen! 32.1 §87
"76 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 40
Koryak—
aqalhai'aka gitr'ykin~’-gi do not cry! (not be without crying)
| Kor. 37.1
The derived forms in.the future are sometimes used to express a
remote future.
migami'tvaak 1 shall eat now
migam'tvarkin 1 shall eat later on (perhaps to-morrow)
enenregeurkini'trk what are you going to do with me? 10.10
t1'gtirkin I am going to bring it 57.4
Koryak—
tryanto’ykin I shall go out Kor. 14.5
tryaftilaniivo'ykin I shall begin to feel smoky Kor. 37.10
In some cases it seems to express a repeated or customary action.
trérévilitku’frkin I shall (occupy myself with) selling R. 46.43
The exhortative of the derived forms is used like the future.
mingami'tvarkin let us continue to eat! 65.4
nunvwkurkini' git let us tie thee! 20.9
§ 88 Nominalized Verb (a)
The nominalized form (a) of the verb, ne—qin expresses the con-
dition of an object or a person, or the condition of performing an
action. Its use is not confined to intransitive verbs which in this
form often have the meaning of an attributive term (see p. 713), but
it is also used with transitive verbs. When the noun to which the
nominalized verb stands in an attributive relation is the subject of
a clause, the nominalized verb often indicates that the two verbs
express contemporaneous conditions or actions and may be trans-
lated by the conjunction wHitze. Examples of the attributive use of
this form have been given on p. 713. Additional examples are the
following:
u’nel va’rkin nime’yefgin (there) is a large thong-seal 70.7
nitu'ugin ké'rgdgqat a bright little hole 74.2,3
Koryak:
nEpplu’ qin a small one Kor. 15.2
gatar’kilin nrma'yriqin he made it (one that is) large Kor. 15.4
nima’yingin fai'nai the largest mountain Kor. 42.2
Examples in which the form (a) has a predicative meaning are
more numerous.
gata'ken le®’qaé nu’uqin, gol wm niée’Logén lef’gaé one-half was
black, the other half was red 88.15,16
§88
:
Boas] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES—CHUKCHEE Lb
mu'légin it was long 91.24
yara'fr nite’igin the house is good 92.9
mi'nkri ni'tvagén how (of what kind) are they 13.10
wu'tku nitvai’-gir you are staying here 7.5
niggi'ngin meréga’ gtr they are eager for us 8.9
mnpinaér' yin neife’tgin the old man was the one who called out
86.13
niner'’mitgin u’nelti he was taking thong-seals 67.18
Koryak:
nilhikyu'gin it is watchful Kor. 39.9
nima'lgin it is good Kor. 64.24
nanirévina'w-gim I am angry Kor. 31.2
nitiiipuvaga'tgen she is one who is striding and pecking Kor.
47.11
Taniio nigala’genau the Chukchee were the ones who passed
by Kor. 66,12.
Examples of relative clauses:
inpiiawqa'géinin . . . pako'lériin nine’néagin it was an old
woman . . . who was carrying a butcher knife 85.20,21
git kele'té nayo®’ikin-é-git you are one who is being visited by the
~ kelet 52.4
yara’qa ... kele’té néna’yo*gén it was a small house .. . which
was visited by the kelet 51.9
Koryak:
velr'lnu nenataikrivo’ genau (those are) thimbles that had been
made Kor. 60.8,9
Miti'’nak nenaainawhirvo’ gen; e’wan it was Miti who called him
she said Kor. 74.29
mgalhar'agen he was the one who was crying Kor. 37.1
ninnipfivo’gen they were the ones who began to keep it Kor.
41.9
Examples of temporal coordination:
tr’ttrl nénarkrpéeu’gén, z'nki fe’win ure’wkwrt (at the time)
when he pushed the entrance, then the wife appeared 53.5, 6
gan-vér fa'ngar nité’rgilatgén, gén've’r 1’wkwit uwat’qué when
the child cried, the husband said 38.3
quia’gah e’ur neimeu’gin, éwkurga niginteu’gin whenever he
was coming near, again he fled (was in flight) 66.14
nitinpricé'tgénat . . . en‘qa’m .. . qgolé-ra'gtr qa'tyd*t while
they were stabbing them . . . then . . . to another house
he went 12.9, 10
§88.
778 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 40
Koryak:
nenavotivo-mu'yu ec’en ganu'linaw when we find them they
have been eaten Kor. 59.9, 10
mi’mla ninu’gen, qalie-key gate’wlalen when a louse bit (ate)
her, then they shook her combination suit Kor. 76.4,5
On the whole the forms in ne—gin are used much more frequently
in Chukchee than in Koryak, in which dialect the progress of the
narrative is more prominent.
§ 89. Nominalized Verb (b)
The nominalized verb-(b) ga—lin expresses a completed transition
and may often be translated by TO HAVE BECOME.
ya’ rat qatio’twetlen she was one who had (become poor), R 45.22
no’é-e-um gene'l-t-um poor (I) I had become R 45.28
Koryak:
gama'lalin it had grown better, Kor. 14.11
gaqv'tilinau they had became frozen Kor. 14.3
In narrative it expresses the progress of action, but apparently
not with the same intensity as the verbal forms.
gimni'n pe'nin-he’w géwié'lin my former wife died R. 45.29.
yicemre’ th gettwile’ rinet a company of brothers went to sea in a
boat 64.3
e’ur girgironta’Ltén a*’ttwilé then day broke while the boat’s
crew was approaching 10.9
Koryak:
vat’yak gaya'lqrwlhin afterwards he entered Kor. 14.1
ga'Igatin he went Kor. 16.3
In a number of cases it clearly expresses temporal sequence.
e’nmen gequ’pqdntetin i’wkunt after she was quite starved she
said 39.1
Ai'wan-a'kkata f'lthin gethevulu'ulin a’iga-éo’rm1, Eenfa’g tim
ni'thin getiius qite’tin e’ur tim néthétau’gén mémlé’tr the
Aiwan’s son had hidden a thong on the sea-shore, then (when)
he had tugged the thong, then he made him fall into the
water 48,3-5 .
gitte'ulit im fan, ki’pu-ri'tu nelut’G*n after they had become
’ hungry they saw a whale carcass 65.1
gaa'lomlén, i’wkuit after he had heard it he said 56.12
qanto’s'géulén e’ur enga’'n... ninerkile'gin after he had rushed
' out he was being pursued 57.11
§ 89
BOAS] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES—CHUKCHEE 779
Koryak:
miti’w gectha'ten enka'ta tilat’vikin ne’ta next day, after it
had dawned, at that place a herd was walking Kor. 21.8
With nouns the form ga—lin expresses possession (see p. 712.)
§ 0. Negative Forms
Negative forms are partly expressed by adverbs with the ordinary
forms of the verb, partly by the derivative in e—kdé, which is either
nominal or forms nominal predicative terms. The particles which
_ may take the ordinary verbal forms are—
va'névan not at all (see p. 882)
ga'rém always with the future or exhortative (see p. 882)
éa’mam always with the future (see p. 883)
See also e’ze, en*fie, ui’id (p. 883).
The forms in ¢—ké and in egn- will be found discussed on pp. 818,
821 et seq.
In Kamchadal the negative is expressed by the derivative in
«x é—ki for intransitive verbs, 2é—kic (see p. 826) for transitive
verbs. These are nominal in character. Predicative terms are
formed by means of auxiliary verbs.
wénu'ki mlik I will not eat
x énu'kr kst'xé do not eat!
§§ 91-94. Syntactic Use of Nominal Forms
$91. The Absolute Form
The absolute form of the noun and pronoun is used to express the
subject of the intransitive verb, and the object of the transitive verb.
Independent pronouns may be added to the verb in this form for the
purpose of emphasis.
Subject of intransitive verb:
yaar pit ye ty? ri'rk1 from afar a walrus came 8.5
kitve'yu v’wkwit the old walrus spoke 8.14
mu'rt . . . mirreyr'lgdtyd we shall sleep 9.3
rirkanpina'¢hin prlgée’rkin the old walrus dived 9.6
rémkin ni'lqatyan the people shall go 13.12
'rgeé re'mkin the people crossed over 13.13
ri'rkt ge pkitin a walrus arrived 8.6
nite’ rmetingin ramki'yhn the great people are doing acts of vio-
lence 11.3
§§ 90, 91
780 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 40
Koryak:
| attatyol-ya'mkii galat’vitivolen people (from) down the coast.
walked about Kor. 41.1
Ama’ mqut e' war Eme’/mqut said Kor. 40.7
r'npr-qla’wul gewrirvo'len the old man said Kor. 47.1
faloila'n'aqu.. galanvo'ykmn a great herd began to pass Kor.
51.9
ja’ wis'gat va'ykim a woman was there Kor. 52.1
Object of transitive verb:
u'ttuut trévd'd&n I cut wood
yo'nén lauti'yfin She pushed the big head into it 28.6
uwi'lkan gatei'krgin make a woodpile! 31.12
wit'rgrrgin walo' mrmonén she heard a noise 32.10
kokad fin yrre'nnin she filled the kettle 33.10
Reuwi'rit a'ner’ mityd'n she would take the woman’s sou! 37.11
mat-ewga'n trtvu'rkin I tell it as an incantation 39.13
u'ttuut ne'nptid*n they stuck a stick into the ground 40.9
Koryak:
tryo"an 1'npr-gla’wul I found an old man Kor. 52.4
gaga’ yréulin lo’lgal he chopped up the face Kor. 53.6
qai-m1'mr1é gayo'olen she put into it a small louse Kor. 55.1
ér'lul évitéu'ykinin he cut the tongue Kor. 56.4
Eni'n kmi'firpil gagulumtc'lin he carries his son Kor. 57.9
The absolute form is also used for the indirect object.
tu'mgitum muwi'dén let me cook for (my) friend
giimni'n ekik keli'tulé mr'lpinfrga‘n I will give money to my son
§ 92. The Subjective
The subjective expresses the subject of transitive verbs.
wo'tgan fan a'aték ent'k-zx1'gé kr'plinén the father struck this
young man (wo'tgan this; fan here; a’aéék youth; znz’k sub-
jective third person singular pronoun; e£zz'gin father; rkpl
to strike; -nzén he—him)
rnilo re'mké napé'laaén ni'mnim the whole people left the camp
to'urgin trLo'mnén kele'té the kele opened the door-flap 106.16
kitve'yuta i'unin the old walrus said to him 8.7
Aiwhuyanpimna'tha prnlo'nénat a St. Lawrence old man asked
them 13.9
Tanta gato laat the Ta’n‘firt attacked them 97.25
mergina'n me'rég-ra'k he’ winti gi’waé we in our houses to our
wives say 84.16
§ 92.
BOAS] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES-—CHUKCHEE 781
Koryak:
atta’ yol-yamka gava'lomlen the people down the coast heard it
Kor. 39.7
Amamgu tinak u'ttr-yw fr gatai’kilin Eme’mqut made a wooden
whale Kor. 40.8 '
ita’ ga ini’wi mother told me Kor. 46.1
an‘a' nak ini'wi grandmother! told me Kor. 46.2
npr-gla'wula gai'litin kr'plau the old man gave him mortars
Kor, 51-54 /,
kmi'nra gama’talen the son married her Kor, 80.1
mi'mla nrmugin the louse ate her Kor. 76.4.
gumna'n Rawa'kak tryai'liim 1 will give (him) the daughter
Kor. 12.3
In passive constructions with -cne, the actor is expressed by the sub-
jective form.
Ta'n‘ha nini'ugin she was told by the Ta’n‘filt 98.8
The subjective is used with some transitive verbs to express the
object with which something is done to some one. In these cases the
person to which something is done is given the absolute form.
Such verbs are -(l) pin? TO GIVE, 0’/nti TO REFUSE.
gimni'n ekrk keli'tulii m1'lprn#rga‘n 1 presented my son with
money
tek’ thi géna'lprn#rgé I present thee with meat
This form is especially used when an intransitive verb is made
transitive .
tu'mgitum e’ée muwi'dn I shall cook for (my) companion (with)
fa, 120 .
gla'ulgat rigamitva'urkinén tenm'neté he made the little man eat
(with) a shellfish 9.8
/ In Kamchadal also the subjective form is used with transitive
| verbs to express the object that is used in the performance of the
action expressed by the verb.
he'ulil’ xkoka-ju'jex (with) a fish-head cook! compare Chukchee
e'nni-leu'té quwi'trk
The subjective is used to express instrumentality and modality.
anga' ta leule’wu ge’ lhi-mu'ri by the sea we were badly treated 65.27
genilule’nnslin keriunene té he moved it with the staff 101.8
etin yrki'rga pi'rinin it took its master with the mouth 104.33
qrilu' tkut vala'ta move about with the knives! 16.4
mu'Lé gakanov’palén with blood he is besmeared 19.3
1Treated here like a personal name.
§ 92.
782 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 40
Koryak:
va’ ga tyanérma’wikinifiun I shall tear him with (my) nails
Kor. 84.16
tut-rir'lna gata’ kyrlin they throw (it) with the harpoon line Kor.
41.3
ma’ gmita tuva'nnintatik I lost a tooth by means of an arrow
Kor. 33.1
ala’ta awyenvo' ykrn he eats (with) excrements Kor. 12.5
av’krpa gapr'wyalin she threw about (with) fly-eggs Kor. 45.2
vala' ta gaga'yréulin he chopped it up with a knife Kor. 53.6
vai éita gatha'ai they two went on foot Kor. 22.8
§ 93. Locative, Allative, and Ablative.
The locative expresses the place where something is or happens.
éotta' gnik in the outer tent 52.7
ro'éen‘kt nitva'gén it stays on the other shore 52.11
énno'tkintk tara'ngast they pitched their tent on the slope of a
hill 56.9
Telgd'prk . . . gekenrlrt in the Telqi’p country they were driv-
ing reindeer 61.8
em-fit'lhin nuwotitva'gén tr'mkik only the thong remained tied to
the hummock 62.7
he'wintk péla'nén he left him with the wife 105.7
re'mkik oratva'é he stayed long with the people 54.2
gini'ke Cauéu ge eLin a reindeer-breeder came to thee 46.11
Koryak:
a'ya'g ga'plin to the sky it was fastened Kor. 19.3
ose n ya'yak valai'ke my things are in the house Kor. 19.9
git! mma a'igak ti'yak I hit (on) the sea Kor. 26.2
ha'niko va'amik yiwgréi'ta there in the river have a drink! Kor.
32.1
gala'lin va'amik he arrived at the river Kor. 32.2
gawga'len ena'trk he was caught in the snare Kor. 36.6
The allative expresses—
1. The direction toward.
aéga' -kamaanvé'tr nine il-i-im I give them to the possessors of bad
dishes 96.7
kala’ gtr gaine'utkurkin call to your kele 102.5
kala’ gtr nrpéntréé tgén it rushed at the kele 104.25
éet'vutkui® nimnime’tr he went to a camp 105.5
notas'gatikow tr nitipe'tgin he dives into the interior of the surface
of the ground 131.7
Tiiarrge't1, grrgola’ gtr nuwéthaw’ gen he talks to the Dawn, the One
on High 135.16
§ 93
Boas] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES—CHUKCHEE 783
Koryak:
ga'lgatin é&e'tr he went to the sky Kor. 14.9
ée'tih gani'hlalin he threw it to the sky Kor. 14.10; 15.7
galte'nitin gangu'lin yayatrkov'tim the stopper was hate out
into the house-interior Kor. 15.2
panenai' tin gayr'fialin to the same place he flew Kor. 15.5
yaite'tr ga'lgatin he went to the house Kor. 17.3
gata'wailenat Qoyginn‘ugoyrkai'tr they moved to Big-Raven’s
~ Kor. 19.9
2. For, on account of.
gaa’ gtr gilo'lén sorrowful on account of the reindeer 48.12
uwagoté! gtx gilo'rkin do you sorrow on account of the husband
48.12
nilvau'gén ergrp-ya lhéti he was tired on account of the bright moon
14.11
The allative is often used to express the indirect object, correspond-
ing to our dative, even if in the incorporated pronoun the direct object
is used.
git’ muk-akka’ gtr kele'tulti me'clinet I will give moneys to my son.
The ablative expresses the direction from; also along.
géti-notas'gé'pt nipiu'riqin from the frozen ground he emerged
102.18
golé' -notat' pt nua'lomga‘n I heard it far and wide 104.14
térkrra'irgépt nrye'tgin he came from sunset 105.14
yorotikod pit nuwa'lomgén he heard from the sleeping-room 106.13
éucad’ pit mivinio'a'n let us begin from below 131.5
pepeggipt net’mityd'n they took him by the ankle 35.3
pottinai' pi. etmi’nnin he took it by the holes 47.2
Koryak:
ega'ttko nalgaine'w-gtim from the sky have I been shot Kor.
33.4
krpla' grgiiko gaée'pritolen out of the mortar it peeped Kor. 53.3
matte'ngo yathat'an? nuta'ngo. Whence did you bring her?
from the country Kor. 60.10
§§ 94. Designative.
On account of its nominal character I have not included in the list of
post-positional suffixes the element -nw (see § 103.34), which, however,
is used syntactically very much like the suffixes treated in the last
section.
§ 94
784 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 40
Taaro'ni- Va'rrgu tim qan‘ve'r he became Sacrifice-Being thus 41.9
Var'rgu ne'Lén (destined) to (be) a ‘‘Being” he became 41.10
yara'ne nélyié it became a house 43.5
ririra'nnén .. . taikaus-gro'lou he spread it for a place to wrestle
47.4
wi'yole mi'lhigit let me have thee as assistant 124.2
gaganga'ane niya'anat \et him use them for driving reindeer
124.8
Koryak:
mal-1’/yu nina*'lin a good sky let it become! Kor. 20.2
ya'qu mintatkila'-gi into what shall we make thee? Kor. 37.9
kména'trnvu no'tan nilai'-gam for delivery in the country I
went away Kor. 60.6
d'ssu gana'‘linau they became dresses Kor. 60.10
a'nku nalaslaikrne'mrk we are rejected (put to refusal) Kor. 62.5
§ 95. Verbal Nouns
As stated under the sections dealing with various post-positions
nominalized verbs appear often with these endings. Following is the
series of forms observed.
Chukchee Koryak Kamenskoye
A Mative: 3 8st See ae or SBN, MARMOT -étI
s -(1)k, -(a)k, -ka, kka
Locativey fie chewage ee eee -(1)k, -k(1) (2), -(a)k,
Subjectivel sr rcr Te ii (ese. Geis fie -td, -G -ta, -a
Comitetivel “5 5 . me. PE welt -ma
Consitativedlnty, ace ase be fay elena -macl -macl
Among these forms, the last one does not correspond to a nominal
post-position; the Comitative I is analogous to the nominal suffix,
which, however, has the prefix ga-, which is absent in the verbal noun.
ALLATIVE
In Chukchee the allative of the verbal noun is used with verbs ex-
pressing attempt, desire, preparation.
awkwate'tr trgaiéa'urkin I make haste to depart (ewkwet to hove
t-1; gaikau to hasten; -rkin present)
le‘y' tr lile'pgi® he looked to see; (us to see; lile eyes; -p to put on;
-git he) —
nen‘fi'udin takéthé’tr they sent him to get provisions 66.32
The Koryak uses the locative instead.
| penye'kinen talat'vik he rushes to strike it Kor. 53.3
§ 95.
;
Ld
:
Boas] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES—-CHUKCHEE 785
It expresses temporal coordination:
krle’nin e’ur vai térgaté'tr he pursued, however, while he (the
pursuer) was crying 57.9
eur enga'n térgaté’tr ni’nerkile’ gin while he was crying he pur-
sued him 57.11
gevin'vutenfie’ulin furtou'tr he laughed secretly as he went
~ out 71.30
futou'tr ki’tkit niten*tew--im as I was going out I laughed a
little 72.13
a’un-trpainou’tr niéu'ugin ké’rgaégqai wurre’tyi® girgo’l while she
was singing, a little hole appeared above 74.2
le’utti firtou’tr ri’nfrninet he carried the heads going out 86.8
a’un-wéthawé’tr . . . while they were talking, he . . . 100.9
LOCATIVE
In Chukchee and Koryak the locative seems to signify AT THE
PLACE, AT THE TIME.
gaine't yr'lgafiiok roar at the time of beginning to sleep 10.6
geri helin puké’riiok he flew up when (the other one) arrived 15.4
piké'riiok riérpeu’nin when he arrived, (the other one) made him
dive 19.12
awkwa'tiiok nimeiieu ga’ tvitlén a&'ttim when he left, he promised
to sacrifice a dog 101.21
a’mkin-wolqatvé’niok every time when it began to be evening
104.12
gaa’ gtr ga'tik aa’laka z’tye® he had no knife while going to the
reindeer (gaa’ reindeer; -gtr to; gat to go; a-—ka without; va’la
knife; 2¢- to be; -gz he)
e’mkin -kiyeu'kr nénaio’gén whenever she awoke, she shoved it
in 29.2
gemi'-plr’tkuk at the time of having finished eating 33.11
Koryak.
gas's'alurye'lin vifya'turk she remained all day, being dead Kor.
64.9
The stems /vaw NOT TO BE ABLE, nk& TO REFUSE, always govern the
verbal locative:
lutk nilva'w-é-tim I could not be seen 22.9
nénalwau’gén lu&k he could not find her 38.7
upawk tilva'urkin 1 can not drink (paw to drink; ¢- 1; wau to
be unable; -rkin present)
— gai'rtk trlwa'urkin I can not seek for her 38.8
vele'rkilek luva'wkwé he could not pursue him 15.6
3045°—Bull. 40, pt. 2—12——50 § 95
786 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 40 1
taq-aimé'tik pinle'tke mitilva'urkin we can not divine how to get
provisions 101.13
pintiqd' tik nilvau'gén he could not disengage himself 101.34
glike’tik n'nkdgin she refused to marry 26.1
ninki' tginet piki'rik they refused to come 106.3
glike’trk aa/lomk#lén not (listening) consenting to marry 26.2
In Koryak the verbs fiwo TO BEGIN, plz TO FINISH, nkau TO CEASE,
pkau NOT TO BE ABLE, always govern the verbal locative.
gatwo'len grya'péak she began to sing Kor. 16.10
gatvo'len éilala'trk it began to bubble Kor. 17.2
ganvo'len iawalkak kita iiak they began to scold the daughter
Kor 0018
ganwvo'len tenma'witéuk she began to prepare Kor. 18.3
gana nkaulen tinala‘'tik they ceased to carry it out Kor. 41.8
ganka’ wlinau tula'tik they stopped to steal Kor. 41.9
quoka'witunenau yantkya'wiak it could not awaken them Kor.
40.2
tapka' vik oliaqa'tik I could not strangle myself Kor. 35.2
napkawirvo'ykin tula'trk they could not steal it Kor. 39.8
tawi' tkriurk gava'nnintalen when pilfering she lost a tooth Kor.
34.3
gana" linau pa'yittok they came tobe eating blackberries Kor, 41.6
gaplr'téulin kukat'vrk she finished cooking Kor. 51.2
gatwo'lenau yu'kka he began to eat them Kor. 57.1
It serves also as iterative of numeral verbs.
Chukchee
fireqeu'kr the second time
furogau'kr the third time
In Koryak it is also used in those cases in which the Chukchee uses
the allative.
valo’mik trgaima'teki I want to know (valo'm to know; ¢- 1;
gaimat to want; -ekrn present)
THE SUBJECTIVE
The subjective is used to express an adverbial idea.
wa'geta tuwane'rkin I work sitting (wa'ge to sit; ¢- I; waite to
work; -rk2n present)
am-tpa'wa nitvad' gum 1 was just drinking (am- merely; uipau to
drink; mr- indefinite tense; ¢va to live, be; -egum I)
lun i ee 7'tyié not drinking she was (1. e. she did not drink)
37.3
lun-t'ré <’tyi® not crossing it was 41.5
§ 95
BOAS] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES—-CHUKCHEE 787
lun-lut’té ni/ntéginet not seen they had them 11.9
wétha’wa gdnt1' gin speaking do to her (1. e. speak to her!) 29.12
li’en: dq-eite’wa quli’té only badly crying (and) sounding 57.6
The analogy between this form and the nominal subjective ap-
pears very closely in those cases where the adverbial idea expresses
instrumentality.
taéat’wewa lautr'yfiin nineninnuteu’gin by means of striking he
made the big head swollen 48.10
ettr-kipée’wa by striking with a stick 48.10
The verbal noun in ge—/¢@ is often used both in Chukchee and in
Koryak as an imperative.
ganto'ta, g¢’wé go out and say!
g?'wa say! 21.11
gaa'neta he shall go first! 84.13
In other cases it has the meaning of a present.
mergina'n ge'wi we are wont to say 84.16
Koryak:
gayr's-qata sleep! Kor. 31.8
gala’ atata wu'téau, gda'nitrvota take these along, haul them away!
Kor. 51.6
The corresponding forms of the transitive verb occur in the past,
future, exhortative, and in the derived present and exhortative (see §
68, p. 741). They are also used impersonally.
amto', mi'ikri re'ntin, ra'nmiii well, how will it be done? will
there be killing?
ga'nma killed
ra’nut gelu'té whatever seen
tu'mgttum ra*nutgdié ga'lpinfa give something to (your) com-
panion
COMITATIVE I AND II
These forms express an action done while the subject of the sen-
tence performed another action. Comitative I is used when the
subject of both actions is the same; Comitative II], when the two
subjects are distinct.
Examples of comitative I:
sail nma ninegepcrygr’ugin weeping she kicked it 31.8
uwé'ma takrmla’gqnénat when cooking she prepared marrow for
them 33.11
§ 95
788 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 40 :
ginmil yr'lkama garétélac'gum recently, while I was sleeping, I
dreamed it (gz'nmul recently; yr/qa to sleep; ga—zgum I; rétéla
to dream)
krye'wkwi éaamya'ma he awoke while they (he himself and his
dog) were galloping about 104.36
Examples of Comitative IT:
tpau' mati equ'likaé while (the others) are drinking, be silent (pau
to drink; e—ké negative; qulz noise)
Nouns, adjectives, and adverbs, when used in verbal forms, may
have the Comitative II, which is used when the subject is the same as
well as when two distinct subjects are concerned.
minke'kin lut’dén haus‘ gatima’¢ér when you have found this, bring
a woman 99.23 |
equ liké rolma'éz be silent, since you are weak (¢—kdé negation;
gult noise; rol weak)
minke'kin pot’ grn lut'dn taus gatrma’ér where did you find the
spear being a woman 99.22.
KAMCHADAL
nikémaér at night 56.8
Kamchadal has only two forms.
-k6j (intransitive); -c, -2 (transitive) and
k/—enk
The former is simply the inchoative of the verb, which is used
as a noun in absolute form.
getel’ nu'kéj enough to eat
tu'tun talil I could not beat him
In the negative form the ending -k6j is not used.
xé nu'ki it is impossible to eat (vé—ki negative, p. 826)
wé tale'kic it is impossible to beat him (wé—kie negative of
transitive verb, see p. 826)
wé nu’blki it is impossible to eat (-62 to desire, p. 808, no. 64.)
The second form expresses an action done at the same time with
the one expressed by the predicate of the sentence. It is derived
from the k/- prefix of the corresponding form of the noun, and the
suffix of the possessive.
k/-nu'enk gam gélkek while eating I do not talk (mw to eat;
gam not)
S§ 96-129. COMPOSITION
§ 96. Introductory Remarks
We have seen that in the formation of grammatical forms both pre-
fixes and suffixes occur. Their use is much more extended, and they
§ 96.
Boas] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES—CHUKCHEE 789
serve to express a great many modifications or amplifications of the
meaning of the stem. It is difficult to draw a sharp line between the
grammatical endings and those that add new significance to the word.
From a purely morphological point of view the two classes merge into
each other; and neither can a sharp line be drawn between the nomi-
nal post-positions treated before, and others of similar meaning, like
-nu (p. 798, no. 34), -mzl (p. 798, no. 30), -2m (see below); nor can the
nominalizing endings in -27z and -n be sharply separated from other,
analogous forms. For this reason I repeat the nominal endings here in
their proper places with reference to the sections in which they are
more fully treated.
Neither is the line of demarcation clear between affixes and compounds
of independent elements. This appears most clearly in those cases in
which the same element may appear either as a prefix or as a suflix,
like g@ and mil; and also in those cases in which an element appears
rarely alone. The line of demarcation between particle and incorpor-
ated adnominal or adverbial element is indicated through the occurrence
or non-occurrence of vocalic harmony in the group.
The use of affixes is very extended, and a series of prefixes as well
as of suffixes may appear combined.
gamitva-that-1-fio'-rkin he begins to gobble down
ru-wake-s gé-chat-a'u-rkim he makes him sit down once with great
force.
$$ 97-112. Suffixes
S$ 97-109. Nominal Suffixes
$§ 97-105. DERIVED FROM NOUNS
§ 97. Nouns in -in and -n
These have been discussed in §§ 45-49, pp. 707-7138, and in §§ 51-
55, pp. 714-719. Here belong also the nominalized verbs (a) and (6),
which have been discussed in §§ 73, 74, pp. 758-762.
§ 98. Augmentative and Diminutive
1. -¢f-, subjective -¢7In, AUGMENTATIVE. The suffix forms plural
and oblique cases regularly.’
va'lz knife valarfin large knife
a’tin dog aéttr yim large dog
aéttryné’ pu from the large dog
re’'mkin people 13.10 ramky'yrin big people 11.3
Aiwhuyanpinathyyiim old big
St. Lawrence man 13.11
1Mr. Bogoras thinks that this suffix may be related to meifi. This does not seem quite probable ,
because the vowel e of this word is weak. —F.B.
§§ 97,98.
790
Some words do not take the suflix -i7-, but use the definite form in
9. -na'ku, -n'aqu AUGMENTATIVE (Kor. Kam.).
Se -9Q AUGMENTATIVE.
4. -gd% piminuTIve. Plural, oblique cases, and definite, are formed
§ 98
BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY sve
its place.
fie’win woman fiawa'némim the woman, the
Kor. Kam. i®iue’nin large woman
big nose Kor. 72.12
va'la knife vala’'n'aku large knife
a'ttan dog atta'n'aku large dog
glawul man glawuln’a'quiigo from the
vai'amn'agu big river Kor. 21.3 big man
Quyginn'a'qu Big Raven Kor. 24.5
kuka'-yrém'a'qua big kettleful Kor. 43.1
mawgo'lhin the big wife 39.5; 40.1
pétti-walkaé olhé’ tz to the big old jaw-bone house 59.8
from this freely. This is evidently related to the stem gdvu
SMALL. It may also precede the noun, and be used in both
positions at the same time. When preceding the noun it
means THE YOUNG OF AN ANIMAL; compare also gdin FAWN;
ge'yigel FLEDGELING.
kuke'-gdi a little kettle
gi'lg1-gaét a small skin 45.6
gla'ul-qai a small man
wa'lgara-qai small jaw-bone house 44.13
mpri'fie'w'gaytk to the little old woman 45.2
fi'ngdt child 42.8
jiungdstile' kr to those with children 20.7
Inpiniawga' géyrim the small woman
gai-u'nel young thong-seal 70.26
gai-a*ttigd. pup
gai-1-lit’ggai cub of wolf
qaé (Koryak) is used only as incorporated adjective. Its use
is very frequent.
gai-qla'wul-pel a very small man
gat'-ha'wis' gat little woman Kor. 33.10
gai-ka' mak little kamak Kor. 38.9
gai-pipr'kalivu little mice Kor. 25.6
gai-ka' mak-pel little kamak Kor. 37.2
Boas] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES—CHUKCHEE
-aé SMALL AND MISERABLE (Kamchadal).
kv’stav a miserable little house (Azs¢ house)
kexai a miserable little dog (kocx dog)
5. =ptl DEAR LITTLE.
ekke' pil sonny
tu'mgapul dear little friend
Koryak:
791
-pil (Kor. Kam.) dual and pl. -pélagq (with the endings -¢ and
u); -=pt (Kor. I1),—express the DIMINUTIVE.
nawa'n-pil small woman (Kor. Kam.)
hawan-pila'git two small women (Kor. Kam.)
nawan-pila’qu small women (Kor. Kam.)
qla'wul-pel small man
milya'qpil a little shell Kor. 23.8
va giliipel a small nail Kor. 23.7
ot tvitpil a little ringed seal Kor. 24.4
suffix -2n—conveys the sense of ENDEARMENT.
atta’pylin doggy
vai'ampili’ a little river Kor. 17.2
dlu®' pilin little (shaman’s) wand Kor. 27.7
fi' larpilih little thong Kor. 39.4
-pilim (Kor. Kam.)—the last suffix -pil with the additional
6. -Cax, -€X, -C DIMINUTIVE (Kamchadal). The diminutive of the
plural is formed by the suffix -é added to the plural form.
in a doubled form.
atino’caxiéax a very small village
a’ trnocxané very small villages
kexo&né
hu’rnikiené
a’tInoené
Diminutive
| Singular Diminutive Plural
|
dog kocx ko’ cxéax | kexo&n
game hu’rnik hu'rntkéax hu’/rnikEn
village a’/tintim a’/tInocx | a’tinofn
|
To intensify the degree of diminution, this suffix may be used
7. =lIno Tiny. It always precedes the diminutive -gd (No. 4 of this
section), and intensifies the idea of smallness.
gaa-lifo’-gai tiny reindeer
fiawan-lirig’-qar tiny woman
§ 98
792 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 40
§ 99. Collectives
8. -yirin or -ytrin acompany; (Kor. Kam. -yIssan) the stem of
the noun yi/riir or y1'riir FULLNESS, CONTENTS,
fewd'nyirin a company of women
ra’yirm a houseful 45.13
Kor. Kam. nzmyr’ssaén people of a village Kor. 70.9
Compare walga’érrwr a jaw-bone-house-ful 54.18.
9. -gingiw croup oF (Kor. Kam. -gintu).
raé'néu (Kor. Kam. rq-ge’new) group of houses (i. e., village)
yara’-gé'néw a group of houses 111.15
u'mga-gr'niw a set of polar bears 113.29
ye’ Cemit-tu'mgr-ge'niw a set of brother-companions 113.28
uwi'ritgdi-ge'niw a lot of little souls 122.31
Kor. Kam. gafa'tila-gi’'nzw a lot fishing with drag-nets Kor. 70.10
10. -7él (Kor. Kam. -yé]) set, collection (used only for inanimate
objects).
o’rgurél a caravan of sledges
a’mril (Kor. at’m-yil) a set of bones, 7. e. a skeleton
Koryak mu’u-yil a line of sledges, a caravan Kor. 78.5
11. -veé set, LirreR (Kor. Kam. -yat).
va'rat (Kor. Kam. va'yat) a group of beings (i. e., family group)
yitemre’ ttt a set of brothers 64.3
ple’gret a pair of boots
li’liret a pair of mittens
12. =thw INDEFINITE COLLECTIVE.
ne'lhitkun all kinds of skins
gi'nntkitkun various kinds of game
orawéta’tken men living in various places, people
This suffix is also used with adjectives and pronouns:
mainrya’nitken everything big
ré*’nutetkun (raé*’/neetkun) all kinds of things
cine’wag panta’tkegaia tet’mitya*n somehow with all kinds of
small leg-skins I bought it (i. e. I succeeded in buying it
with a small number of leg-skins, 1. e., cheaply).
13. -mk NumMEROUS (Kor. Kam. -mk) is used to express plurality.
yara'mkin (Kor. Kam. yaya’mkrn) a cluster of houses (collective)
rirka'mkiéhin several walrus 102.17.
atiwilr'mkréhin the great assembly of boatmen 11.5
§99.
vw
a
Boas] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES—CHUKCHEE 793
Compare the stem mk in the independent forms
mikrér yim the more numerous ones 11.7
mit'kiéim more numerous 12.3
wmkdgin numerous 12.7
_ and in the compound form
mitg-grtka’k with many legs 119.9
14, -/f'rg, the stem of the third person plural pronoun z'777, serves to
form the plural of proper names and of some other words
designating persons, when these appear with the suffixes
-gupu and -k and with the particle ve'en TOGETHER (p. 794,
no. 18). (See § 44, p. 706.)
qlaulr'rgupt < glaul-1rg-gupt from the men
qla'ulirik < gla'ul-rrg-k by the men, with the men
qla'wrrig-re'en < gla'ul-1rg-k-re'en with the men
The possessive form z'7gin is used in the same manner.
orawéla'rgén that belonging to the (human) people
§ 100. Comitatives
15. ga—mea comitative (Kor. Kam, aweun—ma) not used with
names of persons, for which re’en is used.
eed ma (Kor. Kam. a’wunlela'ma) with the eye
gg'rguma@ with the sledge 15.4
gata’ ttrwalma with the aplintens of thigh-bone 33.11
game’ LImg with blood 43.8
ganéngas!’ma with children 50.6
gapro'rma with the aorta R 2.2
ga*'twuma with the boat 71.4
gala! trma with the head; i. e., the whole body 137.8
Kor. Kam. awun-qgama'ma with the dish 64.7
Kor. Kam. a’wun-e’fivelma with the nostrils
Compare the nominal derivatives of verbs, in -m@ (S64, p. 738;
§ 95, p. 787).
_ki—m (Kamchadal). Comitative.
| k/li’lim with the eye
16. ge—(t)@ comirative (Kor, Kam. ga—(t}a); not used with names
of pace for which re’en (p. 794, no. 18) is used. (Com-
pare § 37, p. 697.)
gelvle’té (Kor, Kam. galila’ta) with the eye
Se ‘thin geherwind an old man with his wife 28.1 (subject)
ex’ git gene’wind the fathers with the wife, i. e. the parents
28.4 (subject); 39.11; 33.9
§ 100.
794 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 40
_ Kor. Kam. gaqqaika’makata with a small spirit Kor. 37.3
| Kor. Kam. ga’ttata with a hatchet Kor. 56.3
| Kor. Kam. gagla’ wula with her husband Kor. 68.7
Verbal:
ie! us* gat genutegts’ ta, notar'pi geler'vdé the woman while walk.
ing in the wilderness, while walking in the country, she —
28.5
notai' ptt geler'va he’ usgat, var ELa'—while the woman was walk-
ing in the country, her mother—29.4
En‘gam ELI'hin gette’té gr’wai—then the father with sudden
doing, with saying—29.11
17. -maéT verbal noun expressing MEANWHILE (Kor. Kam. -ma@’€T)
(see pp. 738, 788.)
18. -ve’en added to the locative, TocrTHER. It is used principally
with nouns designating persons, and replaces the comitative.
Its vowel does not form an ablaut.
giumu'g re'en eee with me
Omru ed ré'en together with Omru’wgé
tu'mug-re'en with the strangers 59.1
ni'lhr-re'en together with the thong 44.12
§ 101. Locatives
19. -t&I MN suRFAcE (Kor. Kam. -tk In, -t€In); used chiefly in oblique
cases.
orgu'tkyntk on the sledge
or gutkyna' ta along the surface of the sledge
uweké é’tkintk on the body 8. et
gélr theyntk on the sea-ice 9.1,
gélgél' tkintk on the sea-ice 1. A 5
kano’ tkjngupu on the crown of ‘the head 8.2
mémly tkynik on the water 9.3
éo'titkyntk on the top of the pillow 44.2
In the absolute form the suffix designates THE POINT OF.
ydqa'tkyn point of nose
riéhi'tkin finger-tip (stem rh)
yétr'tkréhin tip of tongue 40.4 (stem yl )
Koryak:
va' giténu yu'kka eating points of nails Kor. 57.1
o'pitéimrk on the point of a beam Kor. 72.13
20. -s*q- absolute form -s:gdn; -édq absolute form—é€dqan ToP
OF; OVER, ON Top OF (Kor. Kam. - /q, absolute form -/qan)
§ 101
Boas] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES—CHUKCHEE 795
etti's‘qan tree-top
gtt1's‘gd'k on the top of the tree
tiLi's‘gak over the door
gi'this'gé-notae’ hyn lake-top-big-land, i. e., the land over (near)
the lake 144.3
tne'sgd-re'mkin people of top of dawn R 2.11
nute's‘gék on top of ground, i. e., on the ground 98.24
Koryak:
ja'nkalgak the top of it Kor. 78.15
va'yamilgak on top of river Kor. 25.8
wu’ gwulgak on top of pebbles Kor. 25.8
yas ‘qalkai’ tit (ya-s‘qa-lqa-ét1) to the house top Kor. 36.1
ya's qalqak on the house top Kor. 84.12
wapis qalqak on top of slime Kor. 25.7
21. -gt, -givt THE BASE OF; in oblique cases, UNDER
uttr'gin base of the tree
gtirgé’ngipu from under the tree
uttrgi nkr under the tree
éothé'nkr under the pillow (< éot-gin-kr)
nute's'gdgvnkr underground
notas gaye ngiipt from underground 143.6
Koryak:
e'n'migenka under a cliff Kor. 13.6
gas'wuge'ikr at the foot of the stone-pines Kor. 21.7
plakgend tim into the bottom of the boots Kor. 14.2, 6
gankageiie tr into the bottom of that one Kor. 40.9
atvrgene ti into the bottom of the boat Kor. 41.5
22. “git TOWARD; not in oblique cases
anga’ggét toward the sea
uttr'ggit toward the wood
yaka’ ggét noseward 45,2
tine! ggé toward the entrance 62.9
e ‘eleeg git toward the lamp R 2.6
23. -yl’/wkwi (absolute form -y#/wkwin) THE SPACE ALONG —.
angayé’wkwén the space along the sea
a’ figa-cormiyé wkwr along the seashore 66.12
aigayéwkwé'ta along the sea, on the sea
notas gatiyeu’kr along underground 44.12
I have found also the form—
reti!wkwi < ret-yé’'wkwé along the tracks
(See r2é*éu’kr 106.24.)
§ 101
796 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 40
24, -€Tku (Chukchee, Kor. Kam.) Instpk oF; also with neutral w.
u'térku in the wood
uttr' érku within the tree
yard érku or ra’étku within the house
kegri'érku inside of palm 20.3
kona'rgrérku inside of leg of breeches 28.6
wus'gt'mérku in the dark 34.5
ytlhr'érku in the moon 41.8
plékrétku in a boot 43.4
This suffix appears often combined with locative elements.
onmittkowt1 (Kor. Kam. aninkaérko'tti from anrnka-tiku)
inward, into the inside
o'nmtérko'tpt from within
ériérkow'tr into the clothes 32.4
dinétkow'tr into the fire 31.13
yorocikou'tr into the sleeping-room 28.7; also 28.8, 35.3
ytkirgriétkow tr into the mouth 50.3
qaattkoi' pi. from the reindeer-herd 51.2
mémlrérkou'tz into the water 17.4
notas gaéikou'tr into the ground 18.7
notas gatikod' pi from underground 44.12
Koryak:
wus'gt/mérku in the dark Kor. 16.10, 17.5
yayacikor tim into the house Kor. 15.2
gaya érku in a covered sledge Kor. 52.1
aia’ érku in the storehouse Kor. 55.5
The Kamchadal ééck rnsipB corresponds to Chukchee érku. Itis »
used as an independent adverb.
ct’mtenk ééck in the ground, inside.
Here may belong also Kamchadal é%¢exve’ INWARD.
. -lI1ku AMONG THE MULTITUDE, one of the suffixes of plurality.
gaa'lrku among the reindeer
uttr’-liku among the trees
muri g-liku among us
I -qae, -qal BY THE SIDE OF (Kor. Kam. -qal)
“Gar near, close to (Kor. Kam. -qaca)
gu ptengaé by the side of the back 11.8
ya’ aliigqaé by the rear side 12.3
ti’tingaé by the side of the entrance 53.3
gitka'fiqaé (Kor. Kam. gitka’figal) at the feet
me’ riqqaé (Kor. Kam. me’riggal) by our side
ginikga’¢ by thy side 9.3
§ 101.
8048] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES—CHUKCHEE 797
gitkaqa’ér near the foot
meriqga’é1 near us
Nota'rmengaéa near Notarmen 121.10
ra-gro'lmingal from the rear side of the house 51.10
A great number of adverbs are derived from this suffix.
wo' tingaé (Kor. Kam. wo’tefigqal) on this side
va Enqaé (Kor. Kam. vazefigal) halfway on this side
All forms with -gaé (Kor. Kam. -gal) may also form oblique cases.
meriggatar’ pit (Ch.) from our side
Kor. Kam. wotefiqala'tr to this side
angaiiqata’ gtr to the seaside 49.6
angatigatai’ pi from the seaside 49.8
ya alingaéar’ pi. from the rear side 12.4
yaraw -ltha'nlingaé-va'lin being from the other side of the
houses 11.7
gatéa’kén the other one of a pair
gata’kénata with the other hand 20.5
With the adjective suffix -kin they form adjectives which are in
frequent use.
merigga tkén being at my side
wo'tinqa'tkén being from this side 14.2
Kor. Kam. wo’tefiqala'ken being at this side
Kamchadal:
qo’'lI% NEAR TO, CLOSE BY, corresponds to Chukchee ga’ér, Kor.
Kam. ga’éa. It is also treated as an independent adverb.
ki'mank go'lit (Chukchee gtimu'k-ga'éz) near me
27. -tul PART OF, PIECE OF (Kor. Kam. -tzf).
menigr’tul (Kor. Kam. manzgr'tol) a piece of calico
qa’atol (Kor. Kam. goya'tol) a piece of reindeer (meat)
mt’ mirtulgdi a little particle of water 134.17
teki' éhitulqdi a little piece of meat 134.31
Kor. Kam. pélhrnolni’tola piece of reindeer mane Kor. 92.11
\| The Kamchadal uses a separate noun for expressing this idea.
a'nctax txa'ltxalrm a small piece of meat (anc- piece; -éax small;
txa'ltxalin [adjective] of meat)
28. -kit (Kamchadal) INSTEAD, IN PLACE OF.
| vt'le-kit in place of payment
! ; “ae § 101.
:
798 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 40
29. -a0l (Kamchadal) aLona.
cémt-«6l along the ground (stem cmt ground)
é-x6l along the water (stem 2° water)
ktxo'j-6l along the road
§ 102. Similarity
30. -mmil IN THE SIZE OF, AT THE DISTANCE OF (Kor. Kam. =mié.
-mis). (Compare § 113.10,11); also § 105, 42 -mié which is a
variant of this stem.)
fier’ mil as far as the mountain
minke mil (Kor. Kam. menke’mis) of what size? how much?
94.32
Er’'wmil like them 14.9
muru'wmil like us 10.6; 16.7
gumu'wmil like me 16.13
utte'mil size of a tree 20.2
rora'mél size of reindeer-fly 23.3
orawéra'-mél like men 64.11
rrrka’ mél like a walrus 10. 8: 12e0
gaa ‘mél size of a reindeer 122.23
Possessive forms with the suffix—kin added to the suffix—mil are
gumuwmi'tkin according to my wants
muruwmi'tkin according to our wants
31. -wurréin SIMILAR TO, LIKE.
pin-wurrin flour (literally cINDER-LIKE)
See zna'n éind't wu'rri nitgin thus she was 26.9
q
32. -wad*t SIMILAR TO.
33. -€htiéd stmivar To (Kor. Kam. -éhina).
gacpkr'éhééa (Kor. Kam. gla'wuliéhe'na) similar to a man (i. e.,
transformed shaman’)
§ 108. Purpose
34. -NU, -U& MATERIAL FOR; WHAT SERVES AS SOMETHING; SERVING A
PURPOSE; SERVING AS SOMETHING.
pléku qiét’mitkin take it for boots (i. e., to make boots of it)
This suffix is used with various verbs to express the idea TO MAKE
p
SOMETHING OUT OF, TO CONSIDER AS SOMETHING, TO BECOME
SOMETHING.
ekke'nu at'lhigit let me have thee as a son
1 gdérk or glik is an obsolete form for gla/ul MAN.
§§ 102, 103
BOAS] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES—CHUKCHEE 799
-nu after stems ending in a vowel.
lile’nu serving as an eye
rirka'ne as a walrus 10.8
gaganga' ang for a driving reindeer 124.8
garéména’ng ri'tyd® you will not be the one to serve this pur-
pose 23.6
ko’ ikon-ra'ne serving as a ball-shaped house 130.22
ke'7izévinu that which serves as a bay 133.4, 9
aéqa’-gé'lérne that which serves as a bad ice-floe 133.10
ter-1rga't-palo‘ta'ne what serves as a beaver that has just shed
hair 137.2
-u after stems ending in a consonant.
ne'wanu for a wife
taikausqro’lvu for a place to wrestle 47.4
Lumetu'nu ri'tyd you will be for me like Iumetun 23.7
kei’ iu what represents a bear 136.20
gorarnré tile to be used as herdsmen 50.9
le’nve for looking on 19.2; 23.1
rrraqa’ unve what for? 19.1
énagya' gtache va'irge what serves as life-giving being 21.6
w1'yole for assistant 124.2, 4
Koryak Kamenskoye:
-nu, -u. The use of this suflix is the s me as in Chukchee.
lila’nu as an eye
akka’nu as a son
fia’ wanu as a wife
gova’no as a reindeer
tomfena’hu as a cover for the roof-hole Kor. 37.9
kulipéina'fiu as a vent-hole plug Kor, 38.1
gangekrplena'fiu as a means of striking the fire Kor. 30.7
ya’gu into what Kor. 38.4
éai/uchu into a working bag Kor. 38.4
35. -kti (ka) (Kamchadal) corresponds to -nuw, - (No. 34) of
Chukchee.
pliki as a gon
niki as a wife
olé'naka as a reindeer (olen from Russian ozenb; the old
Kamchadal word koj is also still in use)
litle'ki as an eye
36. -sa (Kamchadal) is synonymous with the last, but is less frequent.
plése as a son \
jiesw as a wife
§ 103
800 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BuLL. 40
37. -lgal DESTINED FOR —, MATERIAL FOR —, (Kor. Kam. -{qaf).
This suffix implies the future.
ple'krigil (Kor. Kam. pla'kilqal) material for boots
uwi®'querlgal bridegroom to be, destined to be a husband
eLa'lgél stepmother, serving as a mother
Kor. Kam. zawa'nilgal bride to be, destined to be a wife
lutlqal (Kor. Kam. lo®’Igal Kor. 53.5) a face (perhaps; some-
thing destined to be looked on) 88.14
répa’'lhrlqél destined to be a dried walrus hide 46.11
With verbal stem, in most cases with the passive participle -(y)o:
tai’ kryolqa! material (for work)
rirré lyolgal destined to be put down R 2.5
yrmé'yolqal destined to be hung R 2.6
ro'olqal food R 44.11
malé' thilgal means of getting well 135.10
trmyo'lgal (Kor. Kam. trmyo'lgal) destined to be killed (epithet
used like SCOUNDREL)
§ 104. Possession
38. -yanv-, absolute form YQN PROVIDED WITH (Kor. Kam. yanv-,
absolute form yana)
(2) As a nominal suffix, yanv means PROVIDED WITH.
éa'g-gan (Kor. Kam. éat-ya'na) one who has tea, rich in tea
qa'a-yan (Kor. Kam. goya-ya'na) one who has reindeer
tan-kamaanvé'ti to those provided with good dishes (¢e% good;
keme dish) 92.21
(2) With intransitive verbs it indicates the person who performs an
act once or habitually.
upa'w-gan (Kor, Kam. apaw-ya wie the one who ayiaky
gami'twa-yan (Kor. Kam. awye-ya'na) the one who eats
(c) With transitive verbs it indicates the object of the action, and
has a passive meaning.
yi'l-yan (Kor. Kam. y1l-ya'na) what has been given
ro'mkaw-gan (Kor. Kam. yomkaw-ya'na) what has been hidden
(dz) With adj ectives it indicates a person having a certain quality.
gatvu-ya'n the one who has strength
mairir-ya'n that which is big
a'tgend'an (Kor. Kam. a*’téen-ya'na) the one who is bad
Oblique cases are derived from this form. In Koryak these forms
are not of frequent occurrence.
mainrya'nvuk at the big one (Koryak the same)
tnpiya'noit the older ones 108.12
§ 104.
Boas] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES—CHUKCHEE 801
39. -lq(@n) aBouNDING IN (Kor. Kam. -[g[dn])
me’ mulgdn (Kor. Kam. mz’mlilgan) place abounding in water
wata'pilgin (Kor. Kam. wata’pilgan) place abounding in
reindeer-moss
§ 105. Miscellaneous
40. -yg¢h, -99€h rEcEPTACLE (Kor. Kam. -yoéh); perhaps from
the verbal stem yo- To puT INTO, yo’rkin (Kor. Kam. yo’ykin)
HE PUTS INTO.
mutgo’othin (Kor. Kam. mitgqr'yoéhin) blubber-bag (stem muitq
blubber)
tac’ oth1-poka’tkinrk in bottom of bag 29.3
Kor. Kam. kawa’ssothu for wallets Kor. 46.2
41. -%it aspace of time (Kor. Kam. -%#f).
a‘lo’nét the whole day 21.1 (stem a‘lo day)
(Kor. Kam. g2’winzt) the whole length of the year (from gewek
[only in the locative] in the year)
42. -méié€ A CERTAIN AMOUNT, with nominal and pronominal stems
indicating persons; also with verbal stems (compare § 102, 30
to which the suffix is clearly related).
qadineu'mié at the distance of a shot :
gimu'wmdé as much as I need
gimuwmi' tkin it is as much as I need (i. e., I have nothing to
spare)
43. =kwu, -wkw- PROTECTOR, AVERTOR
mutu'kwun shirt made of calico (lit. louse-avertor, because the
Chukchee think that the shirt is worn to collect lice from
the body).
taifizkwut charm-strings (lit. misfortune avertor)
§§ 106-109. DERIVED FROM VERBS
§ 106. Abstract Nouns
44. -gIrgIn. If the base contains an /, it is often changed to ¢.
ABSTRACT NOUN; CAUSE, SOURCE, OBJECT OF AN ACTION (Kor.
Kam. -gefwIn, -g1tmIn; Kor. Par. -gewIn, -gIénIn).
Note that the initial g follows the phonetic rules § 7.
t+ gi>ti; E+ g1>éi; ut gr>wkw; u,0+ gr>ou
galhilo'urgégrt you are source of sorrow 20.7
palgqa'tirgyn (from pelgat) old age (Kor. Kam. palgathe’nim or
palga'thitin [from palgat])
3045—Bull. 40, pt. 2—12——51 § 105, 106
802 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 40
péré jrgin the place which he had taken 23.9
te’ dhgrgyn or ¢z’éirgrn 24.3 (from tel) illness, pain, cause of pain
yqeog’ corgyn (from yeiveé) (Kor. Kam. yaiva'thitirn [from
yai'vac}) compassion, cause or object of compassion
limurtte rrgin object of pity 11.3
wit'rgirgin noise 32.10
vérrgin death 22.1
ve" 1rge- -git thou art source of death 22.7
ginta ‘whurgé é’git (from ginteu) (Kor. Kam. grnta’whitiiege) thou
art the cause of my flight (i. e., you have frightened me)
te Curg-te’re (from tzl) ye are ae source of my pain (i. e., you
have hurt me) (Kor. Kam. te’éhitiie-to’0)
yé mgumgr'irgin object of fear 29.8
ana’ érrgé-git thou art source of trouble 21.2; 23.11
Koryak:
vantige' iin dawn Kor. 18.1
vethe' giéiun annoyance Kor. 20.9
This suffix may be added either to the simple verbal stem or to the
verbal stem with added suffixes. The latter form expresses more
particularly the process of an action. The former is sometimes used
to express the object or the source of the action.
furkila'tirgin the feeling of shame
furki'éirgin the object of shame
wit'rgirgiéhin noise 15.1
am-vrye' irga only by breathing 24.4
With the stem ¢va To BE, this suffix expresses the idea of QUALITY.
Yai'vaé-va'trgin quality, substance of compassion; Merciful
Being
(Kor. Kam. vage’tim or va'gitien) being, mode of life, sub-
stance, deity
With adjective bases this suffix also expresses qualities.
atgé’ngirgyn (from e’tgyn) (Kor. Kam. a*tge’ngitfimn [from
a’ééim or a®’tgii]) badness, spite
éuéu’rgin (from tw’l) length
mnpu’urgin (from rap[it}) old age
With substantives it expresses the condition or state of the object.
a’mgirgin (from a*’ttrm bone) condition of the bones (i. e.,
of the body)
ettr’1rgrn (from u’ttwut wood) degree of woodiness
§ 106
BOAS] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES—CHUKCHEE 803
The range of abstract nouns compounded with these nominal suf-
fixes is quite considerable, and these are in common use.
va'irgin (Kor, Kam. vage’firn) being, substance, custom, be-
nevolent being, deity
yar'vat-va'rrgin (Kor. Kam. yad’vat-vage’iim) compassion-being,
merciful deity
a’han-vg'rrgin (Kor. Kam. a’fian-vage’fin) shaman’s spirit deity
tam-va ‘Irgim goodness, condition of goodness
taviir’ <o (Kor. Kam. tazfirge’im) sin
gas‘mu'urgin (Kor. Kam.) misfortune
There are also a number of concrete nouns which are formed with
this suffix:
ytkr'rgin (Kor. Kam. érkr’tirn Kor. 56.8) mouth
Kor. Kam. péa'ggitnin (plak boot) boot-string Kor. 59.3
45. -j, -~ (Kamchadal) form abstract nouns of simpler and more lim-
ited sense than those of Chukchee and Koryak. This suffix is
probably identical with the c, 2, of the transitive verbal noun
I (p. 748) which has the sense of the infinitive.
co'nlej life tcuncjk I live
ta’ kale} song téakacjk I sing
o'j1laj blow tujiljim I strike him
no food tnujk I eat
pilhetej hunger tpilhe'trjk 1 suffer from hunger
pe thetel nid Caratne
pu'lhipil
46. -ni%, absolute form -n%m (Kamchadal). Abstract noun.
no'ntim (stem nu) food
hé'intim (stem hi/) drink
|| condintim (stem cunc, cunt) life
§ 107. Passive Participle
47. -y@ (Kor. -yg, absolute form -¥97) expresses the PASSIVE PARTI-
CIPLE; (in Koryak with the meaning of the future). It forms
plural, dual, and oblique cases like all substantives.
péla’yo the one who is left (Kor. Kam. pelayon the one to be left)
In Chukchee the suffix is contracted with terminal consonants, and
elided after vowels, according to the phonetic rules given in
§§ 6-10.
Chukchee Kor. Kam.
tar’kio < tac’k1-yo the one made az’kiyon that to be made
yz Lo<yz'l-yo the one given y'lyon that to be given
1 This word is applied almost exclusively to dried fish as the food par excellence.
§ 107
804 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BuLL. 40
Chukchee Kor. Kam,
rpa’wgo<ipa'w-y9 that which apa’vyon that which is to be
has been drunk drunk.
ko’ j'0<kor-yo that which has ko'ryon that to be bought
been bought
yrto’ot born ones 42.7
oraio’érinat born ones 21.2
a'n‘*hiéne l1r’nyo made to be the
object of anger 42.3
trmyo’ one killed 43.8
ripalga’wgo one drowned 49.9
Norr.—Several transitive verbs with the prefix ¢m- MERE, ENTIRE,
and the suffix -/zm, express the passive participle, the same
aS -Yyd. .
em-re'tilin (stem ret to buy) what has been brought; or
ra’ jo or am-ra’j‘o all that has been brought
(-yanu, see § 104, No. 38.)
§ 108. Instrumentality
48. -inen, suffixed to verbal stems, expresses INSTRUMENT (Kor.
Kam. -inait).
téwé’nan (stem téu) (Kor. Kam. ¢ewe’nanr [stem ¢ew]) paddle,
oar 73.11
geli'nen (stem geli to paint, engrave, write); (Kor. Kam.
galiée’ner [stem galzéit]}): pen
ter'kinen (K. K. inatatki'nan) instrument (for work)
wanié'nan instrument for work
lé'é-téwénaiia'ta with a genuine paddle 31.4
(Kor. Kam. tomfiena'iiu as cover for roof-hole Kor. 37.9)
me stems use with this suffix the prefix inme- (Kor. Kam. ia-)
See pp. 736, 819, no. 28
éna/nvénat (stem nv [initial ruu); tinvr'rkin I scrape); (Kor.
Kam. ena’nvenan [stem nv; trnve'kin I scrape]) scraper
49, -¢éh instrument (Kor. Kam. =ét%).
gitte'within (stem gitteu to wipe, -rm absolute form); (Kor.
~ Kam. gitta' within [stem gittaw]) wiping-cloth
unetiéhin thong of thong-seal hide 102.13, 30 (from unel thong
seal)
mémiéé' thin thong of seal-hide 134.31 (from memzt seal)
Kor. Kam. yrnootfie’ngo from the vent-hole Kor. 54.7
§ 108
Boas] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES—CHUKCHEE 805
§ 109. Place
50. =v PLACE OF (absolute form -7) (Kor. Kam. -nv [absolute
form -nu)).
van (stem tva-); (Kor. Kam. va’na [dual, plural, va'nvit]) place
of being
waketva'n (stems wake and tva); (Kor. Kam. vagalztva'na [stems
vaga'lz and twa]) place of sitting
notagténvé'pu while walking in the wilderness 29.4
ralga'firnwuk on the house-site 31.6
raléya’n sliding-place 114.16
tila'n (Kor. Kam. ti/a'n) place of moving, trail
tila'nvun place of trail 36.12
tila’nvuk on place of traveling 43.1
taikaus'gio'lwu for a place to wrestle 47.4
ootvé'nvipt (better ooévi’nvrpt) from the playground 74.17
ootur'nvrk on the playground 74.18
ooévinvée'ti to the playground 74.20
It also expresses an action in progress. In this case it appears #
generally with the designative suffix—w.
étrnva’tinve trye’tydétk I came to get the position of house-
master R 287, footnote 1.
yagqat’ am yagta'linve trye'tyatk did I come for the sake of
living? R 239, footnote 2.
riraga’unve for what purpose ? 19.1
Koryak:
kmena'tinvu nilat’-gtim I came away to bear children Kor.
60.6
krplo'nvu for the purpose of striking them Kor. 31.3
S$ 110-111. Verbal Suffixes
§ 110. ADVERBIAL SUFFIXES
51. -wulhT expresses Reciprocity (Kor. Kam. -vI[#Z).
penfuu'lhirkit (stem péni‘r to attack wrestling) (Kor. Kam.
penn'r'vilnirikit [stem penn*|, dual) they close for wrestling
lu ulhirkit (stem Juf to see) (Kor. Kam. lué’vrlnikit [stem lu‘)
they see each other, they meet
gale‘olhroéma'-me'ré we have seen each other 121.15
52. -s*qéiu expresses AN ACTION PERFORMED ONCE ONLY (Kor. Kam.
=S'qiw).
yetis*g?’urkin (Kor. Kam. yatrsgi’wikin) he comes once
tymis*gé'urkin (Kor. Kam. tymrs*ge’wekin) he kills once
§§ 109, 110
806 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 40
tatkaus*qio'lvu for a place to wrestle once 47.4
ganiggeus qiwkutkr make them wake up all at once 56.3
ganto's'géulén rushed out 57.11
Koryak:
mincréatis quwnau Vil look at them once Kor. 33.10
queryas'qu'wgt go and die! Kor. 35.1
gawyis'gi'wa eat! Kor. 36.1
mintu'las*qewlan let us steal it! Kor. 39.1
myalitéus'g’wak I will slide down-hill Kor. 42.1
Also in the form—lqiu
gatomnalgr’wlinat they stopped the smoke-hole Kor. 57.7
53. -leé expresses & FREQUENTATIVE, DURATIVE, or more generally
INTENSITY OF ACTION (Kor. Kam. -/at, less frequently -éat).
futola’tirkin (Kor. Kam. firto-la'tekin) he goes out often
tymila'tirkin (Kor. Kam. tymila‘tekrn) he kills many
nintetele'tgin it flashed out always 32.8
gulile’tyz® gave voice repeatedly 33.1; 55.8
niqulile'tgin they are noisy 60.9
nité'rgilatgén he cries aloud 38.3
niteplenile tgin she made many boots for him 112.24 (stem plek-
boots; te—n to make [§ 113, 2, p. 821])
Koryak:
ganwvo'len éilala' tik it began to bubble Kor. 17.2
yiykula'té you were soft Kor. 26.7
galalaniiivo'ykin she passed by often Kor. 84.19
niqulila’tgin he sang vigorously Kor. 68.17
54. -YW(U), -YU(W) expresses a FREQUENTATIVE (Kor. Kam. -yvt),
tala’iwurkin (Kor. Kam. tala’ivekin) he strikes many times
ninemilkr'ywunin let it bite him! 104.29
Kor. Kam gaitoi’vilenau she brought forth many Kor. 44.7
55. -t (Kamchadal) expresses the durative.
| te’nteletrim I bring it always (¢- I; ¢ntzle® to bring; -¢ always;
-r auxiliary vowel; -7zn I it)
56. -€et weakens the intensity of the action, A LITTLE, RARELY.
futoéa’tirkin or futoéa’arkin he goes out rarely
ten*ieuce’tirkin or tenieuce’erkin he laughs on the sly
marauta’arkin he fights rarely
pénfiéa’arkin he wrestles rarely
minpo'ntocééta let us eat liver! 43.7
maraucétino’é he began to chide 56.1
§ 110
BOAS] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES—-CHUKCHEE 807
57 =i expresses a frequentative or intensive.
ten‘neuci’rirkin he laughs all the time
waloméé'rirkin he gathers news continually
maraucé’érkin he fights always
pénrréé’érkin he rushes at him
| Kor. Kam. gulumtititalat they carry something large on
their shoulders (qulu large; wmti to carry) Kor. 57.9
58. -ntet indicates INCREASED ACTION, often with somewhat altered
meaning; and with intransitive meaning (Kor. Kam. -ntat).
éuwe'rkin (Kor. Kam. évi’i- éwninte’tirkin (Kor. Kam. évin-
kin) thou cuttest it ta’tikin it is cut through in
several places); it is divided
into several parts
ro’orkin (Kor. Kam. ého’t- roonta’arkin (Kor. Kam. éhon-
kim) he tears out hair ta’tekin) he becomes bald
mrgrro’k at dawn 10.4 girgironta’Lén dawn came 10.9
qu'pgilin lean 80.5 gequpgdnte' Lin she has been quite
' starved
59. -s:qi-€et—a compound suffix formed of -s*gi SINGLE ACTION, -éet
homologous to -/e¢ INTENSIVE ACTION—expresses an action
performed suddenly with great force and rapidity.
qu'tirkim he stands up qutrs‘quée'tirkin he jumps up
futo'rkin he goes out jutos géca'tirkin he rushes out
ganto's‘gatazén he rushed out 57.117
gapé'nfrsgiéatén he rushed on 44.4
getifius'giée'tin he gave a sudden tug 48.4
gerelt's'gitexin she suddenly pushed it in 89.4
60. -ala (Kamchadal) weakens the intensity of the action.
| tnu'alajk I eat but little (¢ I; nw to eat; -7k I)
thé'lalajk 1 drink but little (¢ 1; 2é to drink)
61. -qdet, with verbs, expresses ENDEARMENT and DIMINUTION;
evidently related to -gdz (§ 98,4).
ma'ién-netai' pt yetgdetr from what country hast thou come,
my dear?
62. -keu, with transitive verbs, gives them a PASSIVE meaning, and
conveys the idea of DERISION of the subject.
kéma’wkurgéum re’ tkewitim I am a source of delay, my humble
self has been brought here
valo'mkaute’ré, equ'liké they will hear your despised self, do
not make a noise
1 Evidently better, ganto’sgécaLén.
§ 110
808 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL, 40 1
63. -%O, -fio expresses the INCHOATIVE (Kor. Kam. -fivg; Kam-
chadal -keju, -kej, -kju,-ju). Since these elements occur
independently, the forms are in reality compound verbs. The
independent stem in initial position is f00, in medial posi-
tion —mgo, (Kor. Kam. fiwo-, Kamchadal wjw-)
fio'orkin (Kor. Kam. firvo’tkin, Kamchadal wjujk) he begins
In all three dialects the idea of the beginning of an action is ex-
pressed with precision, and the inchoative forms are there-
fore very common.
yilganno’rkin (Kor. Kam. yilgannivo'tkin, Kamchadal iiiiker-
kju'jk) he goes to sleep
tipaina’ninoé he begins to sing 59.9
nimné ihoé he begins to take part in the thanksgiving cere-
monial 59,3
gaplitko' fing’ lénat they begin to finish 30.12
Koryak:
gewrirvo'lenau they began to say Kor. 22.7
gata’ nfirvota haul them away! Kor. 51.6
gepriivolai’ ke they began to go upstream Kor. 61.7
64. =6l, -6 (Kamchadal), with transitive verbs -al, -a, expresses the
desiderative. The same form is used to express the future.
tiiikeralk
tivtikcrojk
tce'jajk (stem tce’7; I leave tce’j1jk) I wish to leave
(stem “iikc) I wish to sleep, 1 am going to sleep
65. -vatg (Kamchadal) expresses intention to act, and beginning of
an action.
tiltkva'tojin (stem wlék) I am going to have a look at him
tno'vatojk (stem nu to eat) Iam going to eat
66. -€hat expresses ANGER OF THE SPEAKER. (Kor. Kam. -€fiat)
gamitvatha'tirkin or gamitvacha’arkin confound him! he eats
pintigaacha'tya’n the bad one appeared 27.3
garagécha'tén what has the bad one done 31.9
vétha'tyé the bad one perished 43.11; 44.5
trmi'éhannén he killed the bad one 44.5
am-ravétha'n fia nalitha'tyé& you bad one want to die 65.23
Kor. Kam. fitotéfia'tekin he lumbers forth
67. -tky. This suffix has been discussed on p. 736 (Kor. Kam. -téw).
péla'tkolit those who had left her 33.8
This suffix also transforms transitive verbs into intransitive
verbs. The subject is then placed in the absolute form; the
object, in the possessive form. These forms, however, are
used only with personal pronouns.
gimu'kr git péla'tkerkin you leave me
§ 110
BoAS] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES—CHUKCHEE 809
The suffix -tku (Kor. Kam. -téu) also indicates prolonged or
increased action.
vili'urkin (Kor. Kam. wlr'vikin he makes peace with) he buys
wilr' tkurkin (Kor. Kam. vilitéutkin) he trades
getlitkor'vulin u'kkaém they distributed vessels 14.1
trmitkoi'vuk slaughtering 49.3
tim tkenénat he killed all 61.4; 112.3
minranmiitko'iinat let us slay them all 101.19
vétkoéa'ast they all died 112.2
trmi'tkerkin (Kor. Kam. trmuz'téotkin) he kills many
Koryak:
gatv?' ttulinau they are all cut entirely Kor. 47.7
gaplitéu' linau they finished it Kor. 50.1
lelaprtéonvo'ykrn he looks up Kor. 42.8
gaLapitionvo'len she looked around Kor. 44.9
yenotéonvo'ykin he is eating Kor. 13.6
gaganfutéonvo’len she was jealous Kor. 96.1
Paren gigitetkrn’grn look at it! Kor. 101.11
tigiliu-éu’ éu-haw+-wm snow-shoe-strings-verily-eating-woman
‘am I (tigi/lam snowshoe-string; -u to consume -¢u’éu [< tku-
tku] verily; fiaw women) Kor. 59.7
The suffix -tku is always used in the transitive verb to indicate the
forms THOU—US; YE—ME, US (see § 63). It gives the verb
a generalized form. For instance:
péla'tkeé thou leavest a number (meaning ws)
péla'tketik ye leave a number (meaning ME or Us)
The element iné- has the same sense, but the two are never used
together (see § 113, 28).
68. -tvé TO ATTAIN A CERTAIN QUALITY, TO BECOME (Kor. Kam. -tv4).
uemitei’rkin (stem uém) (Kor. Kam. umitvi’kin [stem um]) he
becomes broad.
gitrtvé’rkim (stem gyt) (Kor. Kam. gjtrtve’tkin) he becomes thin
ene’ netvii= he acquired shamanistic power 19.12; 18.4
ene frtvi-tur? you acquired shamanistic power 18.3
nimgritue’gqin it diminished 20.2, 4
niplusted’ qin it becomes small 20.3
wulgatui'e it grew dark 54.9
Kor. Kam. gamalrtva'thitrk cause it to become better Kor. 13.2
Kor. Kam. vitya’tuik to fainting Kor. 64.9
69. -éet with adjectives: TO FeEL—(Kor. Kam. -é€at).
mittenrée’ erkin we feel good 69.8
tenice’tirkin (tem good) (Kor. Kam. tafiréa’tiki) he feels good
tanréé'tingé he began to feel well 33.5
omicé’trrkin (Kor. Kam. omréq’tekin) he feels warm
§110
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BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY
[BULL, 40
70. -ew, =et, are often added to the stem, but the meaning of these
suffixes is not clear.
ezme'u to approach
evneu to call
ureu to appear 53.6
omau to get warm
ulveu to remain motionless
37.2
yigreu thirsty
wéthau to talk
puulgeu to float
ptkeu to hit
marau to quarrel
meteu to be unable
teikeu to wrestle
terifreu to laugh *
tumgeu to become friendly
numekeu to gather
notas‘gau land approaches
lrmala'u to obey
lvau unable
lgaineu to shoot
kryeu to be awake
kimeu to cause delay
korgau to be glad
yjlhau fear
terkeu to be a certain num-
ber on a series
evmet to take
evnet to roar
ureut
gl'ttew hungry
gittekau guide
ginteu to flee
lpuuret to exchange
ewkwet to depart
eret to fall
ergewet to be submerged 17.4
ytret full
yopat to visit
yuulet alive
wéttat to tear with antlers
ventet to be open
vintet to help
pelgadntet to return
pékagtat to fall down
penet tired
tautauat to bark
térgat to cry
tulet to steal
éipet to plunge
Possibly related to the preceding is »Z—eu (Kor. Kam.-a@u) adver-
bial suffix.
The Koryak form is not used very frequently (see p. 842).
nime'leu gatva’é be kind (to us)! a common form of prayer
nite’lew tirkrpli'a'n I struck him painfully (ted to suffer, to
have pain)
niglau gatva'rkin be sorrowful! (glo soRROWFUL, here con-
tracted with au; tva to be)
nime' lew well (m2 good); (Kor. Kam. nima’leu [mal good])
ni'téew heavily (¢té heavy); (Kor. Kam. nz'téau)
Some adverbs are formed in an irregular manner.
a'tgéuma (from e'tgim bad; stem dgd’ R
62.72)
Kor. Kam. a’tériau (from a'téim bad; stemfbadly
aqa)
Kamchadal Ad’ga* (from e'é/kelax bad)
$110
Boas] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES—CHUKCHEE 811
me'éen'kr (Chukchee meé<mel good; zn*kr thus) well
e’na® (Koryak nz’nagin quick) quickly
71. -rw forms the INcHOATIVE of impersonal verbs expressing phe-
nomena of nature (Kor. Kam. -yz).
ile'erkin it is raining dliru'rkin it is beginning to
rain
you arkin(Kor. Kam.yoyoa'- yooro'rkin (Kor. Kam. yoyo-
tekrn) the wind is blowing yo'ekrn) the wind begins
to blow
léflenru't® winter came 14.9
awvé' trrok in the evening 26.3
irgrro'tinok (stem rrg 27.13) at the beginning of dawn 26.9
la‘la*'nroma at the beginning of cold 33.6
githaro'k in the beginning of the autumn 33.6
rgiro'ka not dawning 56.9
aliru'2® it begins to rain 116.8
galigtrygiro'lén the snow began to drift 94.28
The same suffix is used with stems of different character.
éélhrro'é it becomes red 23.9
nitérgrre’gén he began to cry 55.3
Koryak:
gawyalyo'len a snowstorm set in Kor, 15.1
laglaiiyo'ykin winter came Kor. 72.5
pina’ tiki it is snowing penayo'ékin it is beginning
to snow
72. =r is used also to express GREAT NUMBER. This suffix is differ-
ent from the preceding.
garru’dt they came in great numbers 67.16
wagero’at they were sitting in great numbers 68.29
Kor. Kam. gawya'lyolen a strong snowstorm came Kor. 15.1
laglatiyo'’ykin winter came strongly Kor. 72.5 (see above).
§111. DERIVED FROM NOUNS
73. -%1ta To retTcH (Kor. Kam. the same).
ran-tuta'’rkin what are you going to fetch? why do you come?
ananalinta’lit shaman fetchers 45.7
Koryak:
| yax-futa’ykin what are you going to fetch ? §111
812 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL 40 _
74, -tuwe, -tv TO TAKE OFF (clothing) (Kor. Kam. -tIva).
ké’ttuwa’é he took off his clothes 109.15
kéttuwa’ nnén he undressed her 50.11
nrévituve’gin he took off his outer coat 57.3
wutt'éhitvué he took off his overcoat 35.5
mérégtuwa’é he brushed away the tears 49.9
ninetingetuwe'gin (n-ine-cinke-tuwe-gin, éinke saliva) he re-
moves saliva 134.27
Koryak:
nimeyeyrttva' gen he brushed off the tears Kor. 36.10
gatamtrva'len he spit out bones Kor. 56.8
ptai-trvai’ he took off his boots
75. =tp (-€p, -gtip) TO PUT ON CLOTHING; -ip, after vowels; ép,
after consonants; -gup, after diphthongs ending in i and in
a few other cases (compare the ablative -ipi § 42, p. 704)
trgalév’ piiatk < t(r) -gelt -%p, -(at) -d&k I put on my cap
téréptiatk <t -ir -ép, -(%) -Gk I put on my fur-shirt |
trkonav’ gitpgatk <i(1) -konai-gicp-gaek I put on my breeches
kérégupgé < kér-giip; -g® she put on her dress 52.9
76. -gilé- TO SEARCH FoR (as in hunting) (Kor. Kam. the same).
kulte’-cli’rkrt they are looking for thong-seal sole-hide
ginne'g-gilr'ligdgti little game-procurers 44.8
pilrgile'lit food-procurers 44.9
ginni'g-gili'lit_ game-procurers 44.9
77. -W& TO CONSUME, TO EAT (Kor. Kam. -@) (perhaps related to the
verb nu [initial ru], Kor. Kam. yy [initial nw]).!
ennurkin (Kor. Kam. snnu’tkin) he eats fish
ponto'rkin (Kor. Kam. ponto’tkin) he eats liver
kimlu’ dt they ate marrow 33.12
minpo'ntoééta let us eat a little liver 43.7
nipo'ntogén he ate liver 43.9
gaponto'trk eat liver! 64.21
also
gamémele'lén he caught a seal 43.2
Koryak:
mutattayr'pnula we eat inner skin of dog Kor. 48.9
trya'yilku Vil eat pudding Kor. 30.2
also
trga'payuk I got a wolverene Kor. 59.1
lyu/rkin (Kor. Kam. yu’ykin) he eats it.
gl1l
BOAS]
19.
HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES—CHUKCHEE 813
§112. Adjective and Adverb
ADJECTIVE (Kamchadal)
Adjectives are formed with the sufix—
78. -ldax (sometimes -{a@x)
6’mlax deep (cf. Ch. wm broad)
iu’ léx long (cf. Ch. cul long)
o'lolae small
The plural is formed with the usual suffix -(z)‘n.
o'lolaxi'n kz’ st1'né small houses (diminutive form)
This usage differs from that of Chukchee and Koryak, where the
plural attribute is used in synthetic form.
qai-yaraga’ gté (Chukchee) small houses
In forms with post-positions the adjective in -/ax is placed before
the noun.
o'lolax-ké’ stéanke to the small house (diminutive allative)
It seems not unlikely that the synthetic use of attributive stems
has disappeared under Russian influence. Russian and
Koryak adjectives are often used by the Kamchadal, in
their foreign form, almost without change.
niru’gin xva’lé a sharp knife (néru’gin is Koryak)
nmi'tgin kléa’mjan’? a wary man (n’in2'tqin is Koryak)
nve' thagen ukh a straight tree (nve’thagen is Koryak)
nve'thalain uf hifn straight trees (nve’thalafn is a Koryak
form)
vo'strot xvalé a sharp knife (vo’strot is Russian)
There is no phonetic assimilation of any of these adjectives.
A few predicative forms correspond to the Chukchee-Koryak
forms in n1—gq/n.
k/ni’ tain the clever one (from nz’ta sense, wit); cf. n1-gitte’p-
gin (Chukchee) the clever one. ,
-q, -aq, are sometimes found with attributive stems. These
forms are generally compounded with verbs. This form is
probably identical with the locative form of the stem.
witha'qu-wa'lin the flat one
pe tea lim the round one
émpa’qu-wa'lin the downcast one
koulo'qr qatei'krgrn (Kor. Kam. go'lon gatai' kigrn) make it round
em elvula'g re'mkin ralai'viinoé only in a different manner
people shall begin to walk about 86.14 g112
814 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 40
80. -yut DISTRIBUTIVE NUMBERS (K. K. -ywt dual, -ywwgT pl.)
(See also § 123, p. 839)
Kor. Kam.
CHUKCHEE || —
Dual Plural
Enne/nyut Ena’/nyut Ennanyu/ wot one each
fiire'yut Riye'yut Riyeyu'wgt two each
filro’yot filtyo'yot RIyoyo'wgt three each
nfra’/yot fhaya'yot Rayayo'wgr four each
mILI'nyot mILI/nyot mILInyo!wgl five each
mingt'tjot mingt'yot mInglyo'wgt ten each
The Chukchee distributives have also the prefix em- (see § 113, no. 7,
p. 816; § 123, p. 839).
em-fire'yuta ganpitvaarke etkr just two each make it double
(the clothing)
These forms take post-positions, definite, augmentative, and diminu-
tive forms.
Ennanyou'tr to one each
Ennanyou'pi from one each
81. -ée, -€@ NUMERAL ADVERBS (Kor. Kam. -éqa).
Chukchee Kor. Kam.
qune' a} enna'néa, qu'n'aé *Kor. once
53.2
hire 6a tiye' ta twice
htro' ta fryo' ba three times
fira'éa 12.8 haya’ ca four times
miLi'néa MILE nea five times
. mings téa mingr'téa ten times
Kor. Kam. ezune’ée all the time Kor. 92.19
82. -(1)#% (Chukchee and Koryak) is a suffix which is often added to
the stems of adjectives when compounded, in Chukchee with
the form va'lin (< tvat+lin) THE ONE WHO Is, in Koryak with
i'tala‘n (it + lan.) (see p. 764)
In Chukchee the % before v generally changes to m. In other
cases the suffix is dropped entirely. The connective vowel
then changes to uw before the v, which in turn changes to w.
qa'tvum-va'lin (Kor. Kam. qga'tvui-i'tala‘n) being strong
ta’‘num-va'lin or ta'iu-wa'lin (Kor. Kam. ta'firii-i'tala‘n) being
good
1 Derived from qun single.
? The corresponding Chukchee form i/ti/iIn THE ONE WHO Is is not used in compounds of this type.
g112
BOAS] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES—CHUKCHEE 815
_A number of predicative stems do not form the nominal form in
-lin (§ 54, p. 717), but always use the form in -(z)% com-
pounded with valrn.
wi éhim-v@'lin (Kor. Kam. v1'éhryrfi-c'tala‘n) the flat one
émpum-va'lin the one downcast
Kor. Kam. go'lofi-ttala‘n the round one
These Chukchee forms may also take the ending -g or -ag (see this
section, No. 79). The compounds with v@’lin, when referred
to a locative case, express the comparative. They are used
frequently in this connection.
ga'mga-gig'ulik ga'tvum-va'léim I am stronger than everybody
(gemge- every; gla’ul man; -k possessive; getv strong; -t-
um I[§ 73, p. 758])
§ 118. Prefixes
1. @t0- A LITTLE.
éto'-gaia'gari a little afterwards 45.11, 136.24 (zto’ 51.4)
mac-éto'pél a little better 135.7
2. e'mkIn- EVERY.
a'mkin-awéethé'tr every evening 28.9
e’mkin-kryew'kr at every awaking 29,2
3. tIlv- QUITE.
tilv-am-gina'n quite you only 30.4
tilv-a'minan quite alone 31.6, 13; 58.9
tilv-ud' id quite nothing 56.4; 60.1
4, ¢1#ki—svst is used less frequently, generally with a deprecatory
meaning.
tink-am-giimna’n just I only
tink-ui/id just nothing
tink-ui'nd rénut he has nothing at all R 63.88
tink-a’tqéuma quite badly (see § 125, p. 842)
5. pré- only, merely.
6. Im- (Kor. Kam. ImIfi-, Kamchadal mFni'l) aw.
Ume-ré' nut all kinds 111.28
umu-ginni'ké all kinds of game 128.9
Koryak
rmu1-pla'ku all boots
r'mih noo'wge all the boiled meat Kor. 28.6
mit gat-var' amie all little rivers Kor. 17.1
The form rmzlo’ 28.9 occurs as a particle, and independently with
noun and without; rmz’lim takes the same kinds of forms as
nouns in -/rn (see p. 717). §113
816 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 40
The Kamchadal form minz'? forms—
Allative minela'nke
Allative, possessive, instrumental ménz'link, less often mz‘.
7. em- MERE (Kor. Kam. am-, Kamchadal em-). The prefix is
always used with Chukchee distributive numbers.
em-fe'us qdtte (Kor. Kam. a*m-na'wis*gatu, Kamchadal ém-fiz’m
cai'n) mere women
em-a®’ttrm mere bones 35.5
em-mu'Lité all with blood 40.10
em-he'nri all these 41.10
em-nu’frért those from the mainland 64.12; 65.26
éig-em-nu'figt far inland 114.25
em ginu'n-niki'té midnight 9.11
am-none’ ty just inland 67.19; 114.24
am-gina'n only thou 30.3
am-taaro'iva with all kinds of sacrifices 41.9
am-ravétha'n‘ia merely to die 65.23
am-ya'ata only by using it 143.3
Koryak:
am-¢erepro nau entirely silver Kor. 22.10
am-ma'kil-fie' eta only with two diaper-strings Kor. 23.5
am-ma'na just in different directions Kor. 25.6
8. plr- (with nouns) EVERY.
gaplikov'frlén every one has a tea-cup
niplitante nmitgen they were applying everything 41.3
9. mer-, MIQ- SMALL.
10. meé- SOMEWHAT.
met*-kv'it somehow 40.7
met-telenye pkin somewhat of old 61.5
mat-ya'a far enough 62.12
mat-éwga'n as an incantation 39.13
met-d*' giélpe somewhat quick 45.10
11. mel- Lik (Kor. Kam. ma]-).
mel-uwa*'qué it seems like a husband 49.9
12. mite- ACTUALLY.
mite'-vilrn actually dead
mite'-ginni'k actually game 84.28
13. tJ mfie'’= any (Kor. pala’).
timiie’-me’ iin whosoever
time’ -ra'nut whatsoever
§113
Boas] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES—CHUKCHEE 817
14,
15.
1G.
if.
18.
19.
20.
21.
22.
tiimin-alva'lag wheresoever 24.11
ti’ miné-mée'mlikén ginni'k any kind of water game 25.6
trmii-anga’' gtr somewhere to seaward 13.1
ter- How MANY (Kor. Kam. ta‘y-).
tar-qa'ata ewkwe'tye® with how many reindeer did he drive away ?
€iq- EXCESSIVELY.
cégi-ya’'a too far
éé9-a'lvam-va'lag how very strange! 76.5; 63.4
éig-em-nu'fige far inland 114.25
ééq-a'lvam va'lin being very strange 29.8; 38.8; 63.4, 6; 86.27
éiq-eltuwa'k all at once 43.10
€hi- HARDLY, always used with the negative (probably from
gichi, as in nigr'chigin RARE).
athégamitvaka almost nothing eaten, hardly anything eaten
tr- (only with certain pronouns and pronominal adverbs) tvErRy.
li-mé'nkr everywhere
li-mé’itko from everywhere
lii-, Uhd-, LII-, IhI- TRULY (Kor. Kam. [Tgé-, [hi-).
li'1-teni-evr' rélin really well closed 33.3
I1'é-tanréé' trnoé she began to feel truly well 33.5
nilhini’mkdagin really quite numerous 111.16
lé'é-téwénana'ta with a genuine paddle 31.4
lr'é-narau tile really wife seeking 57.1
le'i-c'ppe quite truly 57.2
Kor. Kam. nilheni'ktagen a very hard one
ptil- (Kamchadal) quickly.
|| aprl-nu'xé you eat quickly
at- (Kamchadal) quite, very.
| w*é-plow very large
w'i-ini' lade very pretty, very good
Uhi-, Uiéi (Kamchadal) actually, truly.
| t-l't-tpi'lijk LI really shake myself (i. e., 1 can shake myself
properly)
kJt- (after prefixes -gtJ-) very (Kor. Kam. kI¢é- [after prefixes
-ktI-]).
nigtilaulau'gen he mocked much 143.1; 144.4
gagtan nina’ piilén she was very angry 89.3
gagti-palka'La‘n very decrepit 111.26
gagtrgamt' tvatik eat ye enough! 65.16
3045—Bull. 40, pt. 2—12-——52 $113
818 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 40
When this prefix is used with the nominalized verb in ni—gqin,
kyt either precedes the prefix nz-, or the nz- may be repeated initially
kim-nimat' rhgén or nigti-nimar'Engén it is quite large
23. qun- SINGLE (Kor. Kam. gun-).
gon-m1'nga with a single hand 67.19
gon-qa’a with a single reindeer
gon-ra’lin with a single house 34.1
gona’éimkina with nine (i. e. with a single [finger remaining]
behind) 147.1
24. gemge- EvERY (Kor. Kam. ga’mga-).
ge'mge-ginni'k every kind of game 41.11
ge'mge-ni'kin everybody 66.28
ga'mga-ni'mgupt trom every settlement 36.1
ge’mge-nute'qen from every land 11.5
Koryak:
ga'mga-qai-na'wrs gat every little woman Kor. 34.9
ga'mga-olgrwe'tri to every cache Kor. 66.17
25. paLa- (Koryak) any (Chukchee ¢Zmoft'e- (see No. 13, p. 816) ).
paLa’-ma'ki whosoever
pata’ -yt'nna whatever
26. lwfi- NEGATIVE PARTICLE, always used with nominal forms of
the verb. There is no corresponding form in either Koryak
or Kamchadal.
lui-c'rd not crossing 41.5
lui-twkuée’taé not drinking 37.3
lun-res*gt'wiai'tyat they did not want to enter 115.19
lufi-luf’tdé not seen 11.9
tegge' iu lut-r'lhilmm has no desire 93,32
lui-éer'vaé without walking
lon-éna’tvata without promises 101.23
loti-rpa’ulin not drinking
lon-wa'loma not heeding 21.13
With the auxiliary verb -n¢- (initial r7¢-), it is the usual form of ex-
pressing the negative of the transitive verb.
lun-lué'té tr'ntigit 1 had thee an unseen one (i. e., I did not
see thee)
27. egn- sometimes replaces the negative particles w’Nd, e'ze, and
ene’.
agn-agami'tvakg do not eat!
) agn-a'nmika without killing R 44.11
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BOAS | HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES—CHUKCHEE 819
28. ine- transforms transitive verbs into intransitives, either without
other change of meaning or with the significance TO DO ON
BEHALF OF ONE’S SELF. The object, when retained, is
expressed in the locative.
tineniete'erkin ki'mitik I take the load away for myself (¢- I;
nlete to take away; -rkin present; kz’mat- load)
The use of ime- in the transitive verb has been discussed in § 63,
p- 736.
Examples are:
énapéla'é thou leavest some one (namely, me)
énapéla'tik ye leave some one (namely, me)
See, also, § 110, 67.
29. inen- TRANSITIVE (see te—f(z), § 114, 2, p. 821).
30. Jajk- (Kamchadal) HOw MANY, SOME; used independently in
the plural.
la'li&n kexo’n how many dogs?
lalitn klxol olxta'tockepitin he passed there a few days
$114. Inclusive Affixes
1. To cause to.
(a) With intransitive verbs.
Chukchee. B Kor. Kam.
r(r) — wu (after terminal vowel) y(1) — v
r(1) — ew (after terminal consonant) y(1) — aw, av
rz) — et (after terminal w diphthong y(1) — at
wu, eu, au)
After verbal prefixes, the 7(z), y(z), changes to n(z).?
r1-gamutvd'-u-rkin-en he was made to eat 9.8 (from gamitva)
r1-tel-e'u-rkin you cause to be unwell (from ¢z£/)
ri-nelkiwe'-n-nin he was made to sit on it 8.11
ri-gg-eu'-nin he awakened him 7.5
ni-nto-w'-nén he made him go out 60.3
ri-pintik-eu'-nin he made it appear 9.8
ga-n-€éhét-auw'-lén he made it jump off 47.7
riytrrau'nénat they caused them to be anointed 74.33
tnegdlr'keukr (we) induced her to marry 26.5
gante’mgaulén has been created 42.1
anintona'tkelén she does not make it go out 54.6
ganintona’tyé cause him to go out! 54.7
1See also p. 735.
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820 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL 40 ’
Koryak:
y-awy-a't-ikim you cause to eat (from awy?)
y1-tal-a’w-ikin® you cause to be unwell (from ¢al; ta‘l-1'-ikin
you are unwell)
ytyrgicha'wek tickling (him) Kor. 18.9
ginathileu' make it warm! Kor. 29.3
ganva' kyrntat tear him up Kor. 30.7
tenantkyo'nfivor it begins to awaken us Kor. 39.4
gantpga'wlenau he made them climb up Kor. 43.4
ganvagyila'wlen she made him stand with legs apart Kor. 80.20
(6) With transitive verbs.
Chukchee Kor. Kam.
(1) — ret y(t) — w, v
r1-kéto-fia't-1-rkin you re- y1-keto-v-e’kin you remind him
mind him (from kéto to (from keto)
remember)
(c) A number of verbs have no suffixes, but only the prefix 7(z)-Kor.
Kam. y [7]-)
r-ereerkin you cause it to fall down (from ere’e)
ra'tvunén she carried it in 28.7
reimeu'ninet it approached them 41.4
rintininet she threw them out 87.30
Kor. Kam. yi-kima'w-ckm you detain him (from kimaw to be
(2) A number of intransitive verbs belonging to group (a) become
transitive.
ru-wethaw-a't-4-rkin you speak to him (from wéthaw to speak)
ru-wet hawau'nén it talked to her 32.3
In Kamchadal two prefixes are found, n- and /in-. Of these,
the former corresponds to the Chukchee-Koryak forms—
t-1-n-ki'le-j-m I surround him (from kile; ¢-ke'le-jk [turn around)
t-li’-nu-j-rn | feed him (from nu to eat; t-nu-7k I eat)
t-lin-hi'l-1-j-in I give him to drink (from Az/, t-ha'l-1-jk I drink)
t-o-n-cl-1'-j-mn 1 cause him to lie down (from cl; ¢-col-o-jk I lie
down)
Norre.—Certain verbs may be used both intransitive and transi-
tive: .
tipa’urkin I drink na’ rig éa' gté napa’unea they have
drunk two pieces of bark tea
ne'us git gi’ulin the woman Ta’n'fia g.i’ulin the Tan-nit told
said 98.7 him 98.5
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2. te—M(I) TO MAKE SOMETHING (Kor. Kam. ta—f[I]). This may
be related to the verb ¢e/kr (Kor. Kam. tackr) TO MAKE.
tirvu'nirkin he makes sharp things, i. e., arms (stem irv);
Kor. Kam. tisvr’/nckin
nitepleniirile’tgin she made boots for him 112.24 (stem plek-
boots; -det frequentative [§ 110.53])
When this prefix is used with verbs, the additional prefix inen- (Kor.
Kam. inan-) is generally inserted. It indicates the transitive.
The meaning of the compound is causative.
tinenye’niirkin (Kor. Kam. tinanya’nfiikim) you make him
come
ténantemgr’furkin you cause it to create itself, and from this
the noun Zénanto’mgii! (Kor. Kam. Tenanto’mvin) one who
causes things to create themselves (i. e., Creator)
ténanye'li-ora’wéLan a person who causes one to give (i. e.
beggar)
3. re—?i(T) expresses the desiderative (Kor. Kam. ya—*f{[1I]). The
prefix and suflix of these forms are identical with those of the
future, but the suffix is placed immediately following the
stem and is itself followed by the suffixes belonging to the
tenses.
rapa'wiurkin (Kor. Kam. yapa'wiiekin) he desires to drink
(stem: Ch. zpau, Kor. Kam. apaw)
rerku'rfurkin (stem rkur) (Kor. Kam. yatku’yickin [stem tkuy])
he desires to buy
ranto'firnov he wanted to come out 83.10 (stem nto to come out;
-niio to begin)
ravecha'n'ia do you want to die? 67.1 (stem v2 to die; -Chat
[§ 110.66])
nire’virigin he wants to die 99.27
nerelu‘furkin-i-git they want to see thee 19.6
Koryak:
tryayr'lqatim I want to sleep Kor. 30.3
tryayat' tim I want to go home Kor. 30.5
ganka'wlinau ya's'qantik they ceased to wish to go Kor. 58.2
4. e—ki, e—kd@ (Kor. Kam. a—ki, a—ka; Kor. Par., e—ki,
a—ke; Kamchadal —ki —k, —-(f)kin, fikan) Necation,
expressing WITHOUT —.
1This form is different from the form for HE CREATES THEM. The ‘‘Creator’’ is therefore, even in
grammatical form, only a ‘* Weltgestalter.’’ g14
822
BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 40
The compounds formed with e—ki are nominal. They are
formed from both nominal and verbal basis.
anvénauka' gt1 gewku'tin he tied her to an unbroken (reindeer)
50.12 (nvinew to break a reindeer; —gtr allative [§ 40]; ge—
lin [§ 74]; wkut to tie) ;
elile’ki eyeless
aa'laké a person without knife
eni’nniki nameless one (=fourth finger)
Koryak:
| a’agrtke kuma’tr the hairless one grew angry Kor. 24.8
The compounds formed with e—kd are used as complements of the
verb.
equ'liké gdne'lhitik make yourselves voiceless 60.10
i'mutka trtva'atk I was without water
_ aké'rrka ne'lyi® it became lightless 94.11
éniu'ngdiké nere’térmuk we shall be made childless 39.4
res'qi'wkwi a'kérka he entered without clothing 35.10
a’kérka tian ra’ gtré he came home without clothing 35.10
giwa'nka mitine'l we came to be without an Aiwan 47.12
agamt'tvaka titva'ak not eating I was
awgétkinka not saying anything 26.6
e'te élgdété not going 46.8
aurriké' gti not appearing 66.10
aa'lomka heedless 67.9
e'Le ew rretka& not appearing 62.1
akérkitvr"'at they took off clothes (they became without cloth-
ing) 47.5
é ‘gripge: awgéntoya'nvuka she felt pain the breathless one 63.8
(e'grip to feel pain; -g* [$ 64]; wgi- breath; fizéo to go out;
-yanv verbal noun [§104.38])
egdine thé gene'Lin he had become without moaning (i.e., he
had ceased moaning) 34.7
ete'lké nine'lgin he came to be without suffering 25.11
Koryak:
akm'huka gi'tinat childless they were Kor. 43.8
aqalhai'aka qitr'ykrn-v'-gi not crying be! Kor. 37.1
akle'woka tina*'lik without bread I remained Kor. 16.2
ava'leika yanasla'ntrk you will be without blubber Kor. 80.13
sch n u'na yi'nna e'lrka ti'ntiga’n (Chukchee gumna'n
é'Le ra nut eilké tr'ntiién) I not anything (not) given I had to
him
In some cases, particularly with w2’?d NOTHING, THERE IS NOTHING,
the forms in -ka appear apparently predicative, presumably with
g114
Boas] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES—CHUKCHEE 823
omission of a predicate of existence. More frequently the forms in
-kalin are used as predicative forms (see p. 824)
uid aa'raka nothing, houseless (i. e., there was nothing, not
[even] a house) 31.7
ul KG eleu'tiké nothing, headless (i. e., there was nothing, not
[even] a head) 47.8
ul Ta epi'ika (Kor. Par. e' te ep?'tike) there is no powder
Koryak:
ui'ha aa'wtiika he had no wife Kor. 50.5
uefa a'nvilka he did not stop Kor. 51.8
ui'fia ava'leika ? is there no blubber? Kor. 80.12
u'fia kama'kanu ana‘’ka (1) did not become a kamak Kor. 88.10
ue'fha ane'lhiryrpnuka (we) do not eat inner skin Kor. 49.1
Transitive verbs, when adding e—kdé to the stem, have a passive
meaning; with the prefix zne- placed immediately preceding
the stem, they have active meaning.
Passive:
anintona'tka ri'tirkin you make him one who is not caused to
go out (i. e., you do not make him go out) 54.10
evegi'thkukd téu'lanén he shook what was not dug out with the
nails 47.2
enfii'ukaé mi'ni'ntinet let us have them not sent over (i. e. I
wish we had not sent them) 58.2
e'Le enu’ka not being eaten 48.8
alotka' gtr va'lz-c%im I am not seen 22.10
elu’ké not seen ones 62.1
e'Lte vlomka it was not heard 60.10
Koryak:
| weta e’wka ga'ntilen he was not told so Kor. 62.3
Active:
éna'nmitka rine'ntre® thou wilt be one who does not kill 99.9
menvente tkal-i-git thou art one who has not caused it to be
open 88.27
inenu'kali-muri we are those who do not consume it 35.1
gumna'n énalwaw kil-é-tim I am not unable to do it 92.30
tnelu'kélinet he has not seen them 70.33
inegite'kdlin, e’Le she does not look at me 88.31
The form e—ké is always used for the negative imperative, with the
particle en'iie’.
en*fie' exe'pk& do not look 32.6
en*fie! enegite ka do not look at her 37.9
en'fé' ae’piika do not put it on 37.8 §114
824 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 40
en‘fie! aa'geka do not sit down 37.13
en'fie’ a'turtkoka do not tell 66.29 hs
en‘fte’ agami'tvaka qi'tyitrk do not be without eating 64.19 —
(without verb 65.30)
en‘fie’ rirrowa’ta ata’ka ganti’gitkr do not pass it at a dis-
tance 70.9
en'fie’ gi’inu e'lhiké do not attock it 70.14
ene éna'nmika don’t kill me! 103.30
en‘he' inege'pluké do not kick me! 31.12 (81.11isthesameform
without en‘fie’)
kitta’ atawaliila'ka do not look back! Kor. 51.6
kitt-a' wytka qu thé do not eat!
Kamchadal:
|| jak-nu'kek (ksrwc) do not eating (be)!
Without en‘tie’, we find—
até'rgatka do not ery! 7.6
inege' pluké do not kick me! 31.11 |
Koryak:
;
‘
Koryak:
| annuwae'ka do not leave anything! Kor. 46.2
Here also the auxiliary verb is usually omitted.
Apparently in the form of an adjective, we find—
na'gam tim e'un agora nrétka Ac'wan then, however, the Aiwan,
careless of the reindeer,.. . 48.6
gorda fu envineukd yilhe'nnin he attached an unbroken reindeer
50.11
Derived from the negative suffix -k@ are -kélin, -kdlin (Kor. Kam.
-kdla‘n), formed with the suffix -/in (see §§ 48, 73, 74). This
form, in accordance with the character of -/in, is more mark-
edly predicative.
imlr'kélin he is waterless
Koryak Kamenskoye:
| wotta’kin ake'ykila‘n that one had no cloths Kor. 78.14
Kamchadal:
iléilkin without tongue
gage'kan without nose
ki’'mma gam ni'kin 1 am not wifeless
The verbal character appears most clearly with pronouns of the first
and second person.
anto'kil-é-git you do not go out 54.10
aa'lomkil-é-git you do not hear 54.11
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HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES—-CHUK CHEE 825
alima' lkil-é-git you do not obey 54.11
ete éna'nmiéu i tkal-i-tim I do not become a murderer 24.8
é' Le enpilku'wkél-c-tim I am not vanquished 15.9
inenvente' tkdél-i-git thou art one who has not caused it to be
open 88.27
gimna'n énalwau'kél-é-im I am not unable 92.30
eiwule'tkelr-mu'ri we do not know it 34.8
inenw'kéli-murt we do not eat 35.1
é'Le agamu'tvakdl-é-im I did not eat
Koryak Kamenskoye:
uina awyrkalac’ gum I did not eat, but we’ia a'wycka t'tik not
eating I was
ura api'tikélacgim I am without powder
Kamchadal:
Examples of verbal forms of the third person are—
gam nu'kek tstk not eating I was
gam nuke'ikin (kr'mma) I did not eat
é'Le alimalaw'krlén he is one who does not heed 15.12
agla’wkilén she was without a man 28.2
amata'kélén she was unmatried 28.2
aa'lomkilén she did not listen 26.2; 54.7; 56.2
éit evr kdlin re’mkin formerly people were death-less 42.2
Enfa'g tm ELa' evi‘’kdlin now the mother was immortal 41.12
é'Le anto'kiéilén she did not go out 54.9 (without exe 54.5)
va'névan anto'kélén not at all she went out 54.8
emite't-um ataa'nkilén té'rgilrm since she did not touch the cry-
ing one 56.6
va'névan eu'rrekélin it does not appear at all 62.2
eres'giukdlin ena'n éini't he himself did not want to enter
103.17
emitkatvu'kélin the blubber was not scraped off 47.1
nene'negadt anintona'tkrlén she did not cause the child to go
out 54.6
aa lomkslénat they did not listen 13.5
ey! lgakzlinet they were not sleeping 34.3
inelu''kilinet he has not seen them 70.33
inegite'kdélin she did not look at me 88.31
A few constructions of -kdlin with w2’Ma& seem quite analogous to
forms in -kdé with this particle (see p. 823).
uti aa’ lomkilén they do not listen 56.2
uv iid aké'rrkdlén there was nothing, without light 40.9
§114
xe
5
826 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bunn 40 '
Enga'n ulna bit ene'Akadlin that one was nothing, before not
with guardian spirits 60.1
Kor. u7’iia ama'yinkdle-r-gim I am not large
Decidedly nominal is—
elile’ kildqdgt: little eyeless ones 45.1
| In Kamchadal the adjective suffix -/aw ($112, 78) before the negative
| changes to -lix.
ke’mma gam ululi’xkin Tam not small
| Kamchadal «:é—ké with intransitive verbs, «'€—kKée with transi-
tive verbs, form the negative. These are nominal forms,
which are given predicative forms by means of auxil-
| iary verbs (see p. 779).
wénu’kt impossible to eat
wétalekic impossible to beat him
| we is presumably of the same origin as the particle x‘éne.
§§ 115-121. Word-composition
§ 115. Introductory Remarks
Stems may be compounded in such a manner that one stem which
qualifies another is placed before it. The two stems together form
a unit which takes morphological affixes as a whole—prefixes pre-
ceding the first stem, suffixes following the second stem. The first
stem, therefore, always terminates without morphological suffixes,
the second one begins without morphological prefixes. If in the com-
plex of stems a strong vowel or syllable occurs, the whole complex
takes the ablaut.
main-a' é1-kalé'lr-ét’mng (Kor. Kam. mazii-a't1-kale'li-6i’miia) a
big fat speckled buck
Each stem may retain the word-forming suffixes or prefixes enumer-
ated in §§ 97-114.
Composition is used particularly for the following purposes.
1. When the second stem is a noun, the first element is an attri-
bute of the second.
2. When the second element is a verb, the first element is an
adverbial qualifier of the second. Here belongs particularly the case
that when the first stem is a noun, the second a verb, the former is the
object of the latter.
§115
E
BOAS] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES—CHUKCHEE 827
$116. Attributive Composition
Attributive composition of two nouns is used when the first noun
expresses the particular species of the class expressed by the second
noun. These are used in the absolute form as well as with post-
positions.
1. The first element expresses the particular species of the class
expressed by the second term.
ga'lga-na'lhin bird-skin 7.9
ri'rka-ka’la walrus spirit 8.4
pa nvar-ri'rkat two-year-old walrus 8.10
rt'rka-npina thin walrus old man 9.6
aiwhua’ -npina éhaéqgai Kiwhue old man 11.10
evwhue’-ora'wéLan Kiwhue person 12.4
eiwhue' -ie' ut Kiwhue woman 12.5
wo'lqr-vairgé tt to the Darkness-Being 18.11
ora’ wer-ra'mka by human people 21.8
a'nga-va'irgin sea-being 25.4
ke'ln-fie'wiin kele wife 38.11
al-gla’ul excrement man 39.9
poig-e' tteet (Kor. Kam. porg-o’ttoot) spear wood
piler'nti-pna'wkun iron file’
ra’ -pr'7il (Kor. Kam. yag-pr’ fil or yaqa’-piirl) what news 11.2
lile'-éu'rmitdé on the sight border (=just out of sight) 11.8
ra'g-¢o'rmik on the house border 12.12
Koryak:
nawa'kak daughter Kor. 12.4
pilvi'nti-y1'nnalaén with iron antlers Kor. 21.8
yt lhiliu finger-gloves Kor. 22.2
lawt1-ki'léréiin head-band Kor. 17.12
vai-kr'ltrpili’ little grass-bundle Kor. 27.8
The following special cases deserve mention:
The words g/au/ (Kor. Kam. gla’wul) Man, few (Kor. Kam. jaw)
WOMAN, are used to express the idea of the nomen actorzs, and are com-
pounded with verbsas well as with nouns. Thus we find—
tu’li-rew (Kor. Kam. tuw'lr-fiaw) stealing-woman (=female thief)
vi'n‘vi-riaw (Kor. Kam. vi'n*vu-fiaw) secretly-acting woman
(=female lover)
Kor. Kam. tala’-qla’wul striking-man (= blacksmith)
Compounded with a noun is—
pilvr'ntr-qla’ul iron-man (= blacksmith) nc
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828 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL, 40
The stems glaul and glik (Koryak glzk) in first position express also
MALE.
qla'ul-keiviin (Kor. Kam. glik-kai'firn) male bear
For most animals the word ¢i’mnra (Kor. Kam. éti’mfia) is used to
express the male.
éumna-ri'rkr male walrus
Kor. Kam. éiimia’-me’mil male thong-seal
For females the stem few (Kor. Kam. faw) is used.
fie-e'kik (Kor. Kam. fiaw-a'kik) daughter 28.2
fiew-ket'firn (Kor. Kam. naw-kai'fiirm) she-bear
neuwi'rit female soul 37.11
The Koryak word mtala‘n (Kamchadal mix’) is a contraction of
oya' mtavilain PERSON (gla’wul in Koryak desi atesa male adult
person), and means literally THE ONE WHO WALKS OPENLY, and
is meant to designate man as walking visibly, while the spirits
walk about invisibly.t. The Chukchee has the corresponding
word ora'wéLan, which has the same derivation. Compositions
with -mtala‘n are applied to a number of mythical personages.
enni'-mtalaén Fish-Man, Fish-Woman
Valvi'-mtalafn Raven-Man
The Chukchee use in these compositions the element g/aul.
E'nnt-gla'ul Fish-Man
E'nni-niew Fish-Woman
The Kamchadal forms in -mii/a are probably borrowed from the
Koryak.
Elr'he-mtile’ (Koryak slve'-mtala‘n) Wild-Reindeer-Man
tépa' -mtalx* (Koryak kitepa'-mtala‘n) Wild-Sheep- Man
2. In nouns with suffixes, composition is used to express a number
of relations.
(a2) The material of which an object is made.
ré®-kupre'té ty’mnén with what kind of a net did he kill it? (rag
what; kupre net; tym to kill)
ko'né-kupre'té t,’mnén he killed it with a net of horse-hair (kg
horse [from Russian Kout])
(6) The idea PERTAINING TO.
tala'n-ramké'pi, tuwa'lomga‘n I beard it from people of past times
(telenyep long ago; remk- people; walom to hear)
r A
née
ie)
1The Koryak have also the term oya’mya for PERSON, which is supposed to be used by the hostile
spirits only, and designates man as the game pursued by the spirits. In Chukchee myths the term
ora/wér-va/rat BEINGS WALKING OPENLY (=MANKIND) is used
§116
Boas] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES—CHUKCHEE 829
(c) Parts of a whole.
ya'al-gitka'ta geggil-gé pislin he has kicked him with the heel of
the hind-foot (ya’al hind; gitka foot; -ggil heel)
(d) Possession.
gimi'k e'kke-fialvitlé'pt gdimi'tyin take it from my son’s herd
(gtimik my [possessive]; ékke son; nelviil herd; -giipi from
[§ 42, p. 704])
Notr.—In Koryak the possessor may take the same suflixes
as belong to the possessed object. This seems to be always the case
in the locative.
gumi'k kme'iutgo halvila'ngo qakmi'tin take it from my son’s
herd
3. An intransitive verb (adjective) may be combined with a nomi-
nal stem so that it qualifies the latter. These compositions are used
particularly in oblique cases.
iul-w'tté (Kor. Kam. iwl-u'tta) with a long stick
meini-lile't (Kor. Kam. mazfir-lila't) big eyes
Kamchadal pléx-kz’-stenk in the large house
tan-glaul, pl. tat-gla’ulté (Kor. Kam. malgla'wul, dual mal-gla’-
wulte) good man
ta’n-tim-va'lin good one
maifu-wa'l a large knife 16.1
pit gli-lauti’yrin big bare head 27.13
Géqii -ke'le-he' us'giét bad kele woman 37.11
dqa-gre' pat bad little song 59.5
teg-iie' us*qdt a nice woman 62.13
juto' -€u' mir a shy buck 49.5
korga’-éa’ut a lively man 40.3
lii-tef-evi' rdlin really good cloths having 33.3
rig-a‘'ttin a shaggy dog 72.28
élh-u'kwut a flat stone (=anvil) 77.12
yitko’mk-u’kwun divining-stone 101.3
Koryak:
E'nnu mal-ia'witkata this is a good woman Kor. 19.1
mal-qla’wul a good man Kor. 19.10
tan-e'yu to (be) a good sky Kor. 20.2
ka'li-ga'nyan ornamented (spotted) palate Kor. 20.2
gai-na’ wis'gat little woman Kor. 25.1
gai-ka’ mak little kamak Kor. 35.5
mal-kal-yekot' gu-wal knife with well ornamented handle Kor. 46.8.
§116
830 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 40
4. When the theme of a transitive verb appears as the first part
of a compound, it has a passive meaning:
teik-evi'rin (ready) made clothing 86.22
a tti-yio-kamaanvée' tr to (by) dog-snifted-(at)-dishes 96.10
tot-tar' ka-kamaanvé'tr to newly made dishes 96.18
ter-1gto’-gave'ne to anewly born fawn 129.13
§ 117. Incorporation of Noun
A nominal stem may be incorporated in the verbal complex, and
then forms a unit with the verbal stem which it precedes. The incor-
porated noun may express the subject of intransitive verbs, the object.
or instrument with transitive verbs.
(a) Intransitive verbs which incorporate an inanimate noun as sub--
ject express a verbal concept relating to a person.
uwi'k pli'tkurkin the body becomes ready
but twuwe'k-ii-pér'tkurkin I become body-ready (i.e., [am grown
up)
va'lr furto'rkin (Kor. Kam. va'la jfirto'ykin) the knife comes out.
but wala-nto'rkin (Kor. Kam. vala-nto'ykin) he is knife-coming-
out (i. e., he draws his knife)
nuwgée’ ntogén he is one whose breath goes out 126.9
awgéntoya'nvuka he is without breath going out 63.8
nigolénto'an bis voice goes out 127.8
(2) Verbs with incorporated nominal object. It is hardly feasible
to draw a sharp line of demarcation between verbs with incorporated
object and the verbal suffixes which form derivatives of nouns (§ 111,
Nos. 73-77). These are -fiita TO FETCH, -twwe TO TAKE OFF, 7 TO PUT
ON -gili TO SEARCH FOR, -v TO CONSUME, TO EAT. Owing to their
meaning, these would hardly be expected to occur without object, and
they are always suftixed to it—or the object is always incorporated with.
them. In the texts the incorporated object is used most frequently in
phrases in which the action is performed habitually on a certain ob-
ject, although incorporated forms that express single actions that are
not performed habitually are not absent. On the whole, this process.
does not appear very frequently in the texts.
trgaanma'tirkin (Kor. Kam. trgoyanma'tekrn) or) slaughter rein--
tinmi'rkin ga'at (Kor. Kam. trnme'kin qoya'wge) deer
géna-také'éhi-lpr'nfigé me meat give!
gitmni'n kirk qa-kalé'tel-lpr'ntt-gin my son money-give him!
wu tti-ml/rkin (Kor. Kam. u-mla'ykm) he breaks a stick
§117
Boas] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES—CHUKCHEE 831
rr lhr-évi'rkin (Kor. Kam. y1'lAr-évi'ykim) he cuts a finger
kale -tpirkin (Kor. Kam. panka-tpe'kin) he puts on a cap
gaa-nma' arkin (Kor. Kam. goya-nma'tekin) he slaughters reindeer
ttkovirnto'rkim I take out glasses
tileu'trp1' gtirkin I have a headache
geleu’trlvilin he cut off her head 86.7
nilautrpa’ tgén she boiled heads 43.12
natipa'tinat they boiled fat 14.7
nénavéripa’'tgén he put cloths on him 127.1
minpéeéaré' ra let us search for food 119.18
valamna’'lin knife-whetter (vala knife) 44.4
nigaa nmatgén he slaughtered reindeer 48.8, 11
niguimeviriu'gin he turned the upper part of his trousers outside
(gu’yim upper part of trousers; viriu to turn out) 46.7
geleutirgr’tkutaé scratching the head 126.7
nénavéruwania'gén he asks for clothing 126.10
ké'rgipgé he put on the dress 52.9
gare ‘thipge * follow the trail! 52.8
trt1-lo’k looking for the entrance 131.1
nitiLaré’rgén searching for the entrance 131.1
ghaunra’' gtatyé take your wife home! 115.8
va'la-rr'néa knife holding 106.13
gind'n inenmurigrelé t-i-git thou art the cause of blood-vomiting
93.11
omga’-pénra’' tyé they attacked the bears 115.12
Koryak:
gayuhyupe’ nytlenau they attacked the whale Kor. 41.3
gagoleya’ wage (gole voice; rya’wa to use) use your voice! Kor, 48.7
gangekrplena'iu (to be eh to strike the fire with Kor. 30.7
gavannintalen she lost a tooth (va’nnilaim tooth) Kor. 32.8
The attributes of the object may be included in the compound.
tr-maini-lau'ti-pr' gtirkin (Kor. Kam. t1-mat 'fir-la'wt1-pr'ktikin) I
much head suffer
Verbs with incorporated object are intransitive. They may be made
transitive, however, when they are referred to a new object.
gaanma'arkrn he slaughters reindeer
gaanmi'rkin he slaughters reindeer for him
turt' lhrévi' git (Kor. Kam. try1'lhrévi' gz) I finger-cut thee (i. e., I cut
your finger)
In a number of Koryak examples verbs with incorporated object
appear as elements of incorporated complexes. In these cases they
are always treated as intransitive verbs.
§117
832 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 40
gim-a'lu-éw' éu-aw-i-im hard-excrement-eating-woman am I Kor.
47.4
tig?’ liu-ha'w-iy-im snowshoe-strings-eating-woman am I Kor. 47.4
(ce) Verbs with incorporated noun expressing instrumentality. ;
etti-kipéé’wa by striking with a stick 48.10 x
n1-ke' g-tegilinitku’ginet groping about with the palms 73.26 .
gamozétino' laat they are covered with blood 91.27
Koryak:
| érlinmilula'tikin he licked with the tongue Kor. 56.3
§ 118. Composition of Verbal Stems
Compounds consisting of two verbal stems are quite common. In
all of these the first stem appears as qualifier of the second stem.
té’rg1-pli'tke finished crying 27.11
a’un-ré'ia-tila’ gtr with easy flying motion 16.8
nu-wage-tva' génat sitting they were 62.9 ;
gami-pli' thuk (Kor. Kam. a’wyi-plitéuk) eating finishing (i.e.after
the meal) 33.11 contains the stem of the compound verb ~
gami-tva TO EAT.
or yi-tiur’wunin breathing he drew them in 61.4
Koryak:
ga-mlawa-nka' w-len she ceased to dance Kor. 48.6
g-awya’ -nkaw-len he refused to eat Kor. 51.3
gen avinéat-paa-Tvo' -lenat to send them away ceased began they
Kor. 72.2
§ 119. Adverbial Composition
Intransitive verbs are combined with verbal stems in the same
manner as they are with nouns, and then assume adverbial functions.
Stems expressing modality, quality, quantity, appear frequently in
this position. The forms are quite analogous to those treated in
§ 116.3.
ine-ten-inpi'lkuum thou hast well vanquished me 17.7
ga-tan-yoro-tukwa't-yé arrange the sleeping-room well 58.6
tur-qv'tilin newly frozen 13.7
tur-ure' tilin newly born 21.6
ter-kalénio' qénat newly adorned ones 29.1
hé-narau'tile truly wife-seeking 57.1
a‘ga’-rkila badly pursued 17.6
tur-ewkwe' ty? he departed just now
t1-ten-yilqd’tya®k (Kor. Kam. t1-mal-yrlga'trk) I slept well
§§118, 119
Boas] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES—CHUKCHEB 833
Koryak:
agaLapfivo'ykin looks badly Kor. 13.8
ga-aqgat' pazen it fitted badly Kor. 34.9
ga-qayr¢hilaniirvo'len it began to be a little light Kor. 18.1
ga-qa'y1-éulin he chopped it small Kor. 53.6
tat-a' wyenvoi he began to eat well Kor. 20.7
ga-mal-rnai'vulen be bit well Kor. 41.4
ga-mal-hinta’wlen he fled well Kor. 41.7
ga-tuyr-kmina! t-c-gim I have recently given birth Kor. 64.18
Verbal nouns are treated in the same way.
a’ rithr-tva'rkin (Kor. Kam. a’yrtiir-tva'ykin) you are lying on the
side
§ 120. Multiple Composition
Compound terms may include more than two elements of the classes
described in the preceding sections.
G§gia’*-lit’ mii-fe'us'qat (Kor. Kam. aga’-lii'/mia-fia'wrs‘qat) a bad,
lazy woman
éaucuwa’-gai’mrér-lau'lériin reindeer -breeder-rich-man R59.4.
tai-é' té1-tén-por gin a good, heavy ice-spear
tr-mei' fir-lew' ti-prgtirkin (Kor. Kam. tr-mazfr-lau'tr-pi'ktikin) I
greatly head am aching
gine-€v’in-m2'mlr-v' lhe give me warm water!
téu-wgi-ne'lirkin heavily breathing he becomes (i. e. he sighs)
nél-ép-rilhr'lifiim thimble-put-on-finger, the second finger
t-uwa*' quéi-lqar-re'thit I husband-destined for brought to thee
(i. e. I brought you a suitor)
Other examples have been given before.
§ 121. Composition in Kamchadal
| The composition of words in Kamchadal is quite similar to that
|| of Chukchee and Koryak.
| ke'lr-yu'nyuéx (Chukchee kelz’li-rew) spotted whale
| However, the collected texts show that the use of compounds is
|| much more restricted. Besides, constructions are found that do not
|| agree with the synthetic method of Chukchee and Koryak.
fi mca'in plié! child being a woman (i. e., daughter)
(Chukchee ftee’kik, Kor. Kam. fiaw-a'kak woman-child)
In Kamchadal ololawién ke'sti'né SMALL LITTLE HOUSES the adjec-
|| tive remains an independent word, as is indicated by its being in
j| the plural form.
3045°—Bull. 40, pt 2-12-53 §§120, 121
8384 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BuLL. 40
§ 122. Consonantic Shifts
It has been stated before that the consonants / and é are closely re-
lated. A comparison of the parallel forms in / and é show that the
former sound applies often to generalized terms and continued actions,
while the latter expresses the special term and single momentary
action. This explanation applies well enough in some of the follow-
ing examples, but not by any means in all of them.
It would seem as though this process were no longer free. Still, a
few times I heard the change introduced as though it were still
functional: ;
palomte'lirkin and patomte'lirkin he listened
The following examples will illustrate the differences in meaning of
the parallel forms:
leivu, éevvu TO WALK
¢ forms:
ga'mga-notar' pi nilee'vuginet they traveled through every country
17.9
gamga-vairgé pt nilec'vugin he traveled to every being 18.5
nutels'gik pagtalkot' pit nilei’vugin he traveled through the clefts
of the ground 22.6
yet velgéi ku'liké ralad'viitioti an orphan child shall (from now on)
travel alone 24.10
keimi'tilaé lei'vuk ré§'nutgditi ge'ilé to traveling shaman small
things must be given 25.9 —
giimna'n atéa'ta le'wukin me'ilhar
~ eling secretly 93.4
atta'ta gdlet’wue® walk about in secret! 93.5
notad’ pit lei'wulit lu’'ninet he saw them walking about in the coun-
try 113.11
ia'm nilei'vutku-t-gir why don’t thou wander about (all the time)?
87.18
é forms:
lautitkina'ta ée:'wutkuc® he walked (for a little while) on the heads
8.6
krta'm miéet'vutkudtk let me go 79.27; 80.10
gla'ul puke'rgi éevvutkulin a man arrived walking 86,26
rga tik eéei'vutkukdé mi'tydk tomorrow not walking let me be!,
j. e., tomorrow I shall not go 87.9
ne'me Ced'vutkut again he went 87.25; 88.1
ne'me évet'vutkurkin again he was going (for a short while and
once only) 88.7
§122
> give you the means of tray-
Se ee eee
Boas] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES—CHUKCHEE 835
luwzé (initial), Zvc (medial); éwwe (initial), éve (medial) To cur
¢ forms:
gelew'tilvilin the head was cut off 86.7
é forms:
netvitkui'vuden they cut it off 27.3
nine évigin, nine'nugin he cut it and ate it 43.10 (see also 72.18)
niévi'tkurkin reéw he was cutting the whale (when the other
arrived 46.10)
léla'lhichin geévi'lin he cut the eye 106.19
ginoné' tr éuwi'nin he cut it in the middle 109.33
kile (initial), rkzle (medial); kré (initial), rkrée (medial) TO FOLLOW
a'ga'-rkila difficult to be pursued 17.6
kileu’ milva'wkwatn I should not be able to follow 17.5
kila'wké she followed 31.2 (here a single act)
kile'nin he gave pursuit to him 57.8
é form:
kréauéa’'tyé he ran off quickly 57.5
krpl (initial), rkrpl (medial); krpé (initial), rkrpé (medial) To sTRIKE
l forms:
kr’plinén wim leu'trk he struck it on the head (as he was accustomed
to do) 110.26
ga’'rkrplilén he struck her (until she let go) 31.4
é forms:
E'nikit krpé1'tkenén suddenly he struck it 35.11
neneninnuteu'qin etti-krpéé’wa he makes it swollen by striking
with sticks 48.10
nénarkipéeu'qin he gave it a push 53.5
lilep (initial), rep (medial); ézéep (initial), ep (medial)
¢ forms:
lile'pgi* she looked up 7.6; 79.11; see also 107.14
gaze pgit look up! 79.11; see also 107.14
ile’ ptrkinghe looks‘on
é form:
éiée’ pgi* they looked about 86.22
riéiéeurkin he inspects
talaiwu, taéaiwu to strike
nitalav’wugén they strike him 59.7
natatai’wuan they struck him once 59.5
pl, pér to finish
uwi'k pli’ tkurkin his body becomes ready
tuwe'k-1-pé1' tkurkin I become ready-bodies, i. e., grown up
§122
836 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 40
-lqiu verbal suffix expressing requested action; -s‘qg7w verbal suffix
expressing single action
¢ form:
nitule’ lqiuginet they would come to steal 13.4
é (s‘) forms:
ganto'sqéulén he rushed out 57.11
géniggeus-qe'wkutkr go and wake them up at once 56.3
-liku AMONG A NUMBER; -érku INSIDE
¢ form:
utti'liku among the trees
é forms:
ple krérku in a boot 43.4
wus* gi’ mérku in the darkness 34.5
-gal, -qaé by the side of
ragro'lmingal from the rear side of the house 51.10
ginikga'é by thy side 9.3
-lgan, -s‘gin TOP *
¢ form:
kowz2'lgan top of glacier 91.16
é form:
gi'thrs‘gan surface of lake 144.3
nute's‘gin surface of ground 98.24
mel-, meé LIKE TO
i form:
mel-uwéa'' qué it seems my husband 49.9
é forms:
met-a' galpe somewhat quick 45.10
maé-éto' pél somewhat a little better 135.7
A number of nouns show generally the 7 forms, but have in cases
when parts of the object or special forms of the object are named
é forms.
yélithin tongue 40.10 yeti tkiéhin tip of tongue 40.4
ri'lhin fingers ri¢hi'tkin finger-tips
(gltk) man qa¢jkr'éhééa the man trans-
formed (similar to a man) ?
u'nel thongseal uneti' éhin thong of thongseal
skin 102.13, 30
mémuil seal mémiéé thin thong of seal skin
134.31
1See also -lgdin ABOUNDING IN (§104.39).
2 See Publications of the Jesup North Pacific Expedition, Vol, VII, p. 449.
§122 .
ee eS ee Se ee oO ee m
BoAS] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES—CHUKCHEE 837
mutt blood gamoéeé'prlén full of dried blood
68.2
Also:
tel sick te'¢irgin disease 133.7
la'lz winter éa®éx cold
To this group may be added, as also differing in regard to the spe-
cific character of the term:
éus-tu'mgin or lué-tu'mgrn old
acquaintance (=seeing com-
lu®'rkin he sees
panion)
lélé'lhin mitten éé-mingi'Linin glove (=mitten
hand)
le'glig egg é1g-1'-ttim egg-shell (=egg-
ae ‘bone)
véld’lhin ear vilu'-ttrm or vitu'-ttrm auricu-
lar bone
vilu'ptirkin he marks the ear evitu'ptiki (reindeer) without
(of the reindeer) ear-mark
Attention may also be called to the relation between the nominal
endings -¢Ain and -lhin, which have been treated in §§52, 53, and which
may also be considered from this point of view, -/Ain being used in
nouns with indefinite meaning, -¢irm in those indicating particular
representation of the class of object.
In other cases the forms in Zand é, while related, do not differ in
their more or less specific character, but in other ways:
gulile'erkin he cries
gemle' lan it is broken
timui'lin Glo'nét the whole day
afgali-ra'mkin maritime peo-
ple
le'iurlin the hearty one, avenger
(from l2’ndin heart, lfrle'er-
kin he avenges)
quéiée'erkin he shouts, makes a
noise
gemée'tkulin broken to pieces
tm ér-Co'nét or timr'é-G8éo' Ret
a long time
ana’ é1-ra'mkin reindeer-breed-
ers who come in summer to
the seashore
cone’erkin he yearns for some-
thing
§§ 123-124. Numerals
§ 123. Introductory Remarks
The system of numbers is derived from manual concepts.
Even
the expression To CouNT really means TO FINGER (Chukchee r¢’lhirkin,
Kor. Kam. yilié’kin, HE counts [from stem ril/h-, Kor. Kam. yrlii, FIN-
§123
838 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BuLL. 40
GerR]). In a number of cases the relations between the numerals and
manual concepts can easily be given.
Chukchee Kor. Kam. From stem
mui’ Linen mi’ Linén five ming HAND (con-
tracted from the
absolute form
ming’ Lifhin)
am-turo’ otkén —— eight am-tiro'kén © JOST
THE THIRD (i. e.,
of the second
hand)
gona’ brvikén gonya’atifiim nine qgon-ya’aéi = ( Kor.
Kam. gon-ya’watr
probably ONE BE-
HIND i. e., one fin-
ger left over)
ming’ tkén mingt’ téén ten BELONGING TO THE
. HANDS, refers evi-
dently to the com-
pletion of the
count on two
hands
kilhi'nkén a fifteen may be derived
from stem gitka’lh
Foor, referring to
the five toes of
the first foot,
added to the ten
fingers
qli’kkin BELONG- glk twenty a man, refers to all
ING TO A MAN the fingers and
toes. The form
glik is obsolete in
both languages.
Larger numbers are composed with gli’kkin or with the ordinary
modern word gla’ul (Kor. Kam. qla’wul) Man.
The term glig-qli’kkit or qla’kkin gla’ul FOUR HUNDRED is the high-
est term of the older Chukchee numeration. Every number higher
than four hundred is called gryew' -te' gin LIMIT OF KNOWLEDGE. In
modern times this term, under Russian influence, has-been applied
to express the idea of ONE THOUSAND. This recalls the old Russian
term for TEN THOUSAND Ta (Greek pJocac), which literally signifies
DARKNESS.
$123
BoAS] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES—CHUKCHEE 839
In Chukchee, 11, 12, 13, etce., contain the particle pa’rol (also pro-
nounced pa'roé) BESIDES. This element, however, may be omitted.
It is not used in Koryak. The numbers 9, 14, 19, 99, are negative
verbal forms containing the negative prefix and suffix e—kzlyn (see
§ 114, 4).
amingitkau'kilén not being the tenth
aktlhinkawkélén not being the fifteenth, etc.
When used as nouns, all numerals may take post-positions. When
“numerals stand with nouns with post-positions, they form compounds
with the nouns for which the stems without affixes are used.
mingtt-kalé tela tatrf1-pli'tkea®k I pay my debt with ten rubles
paper money (mrngit ten; kalé'tol scratched one; -a instru-
mental; ¢- I; aéz% debt; plitko to finish)
Numerals are also compounded with personal pronouns.
Chukchee Kor. Kam.
hire-mu'ri fd! ye-mu' yt we two
fitro'-mere firyo'-mu'yu we three
fa're-tu're fee ye-tu' yr ye two
hore'rgert niye' the tr they two
Numeral adverbs are formed with the suffix, -ée, -éd (Kor. Kam. -éa)
(see § 112, 81), from the stems of the cardinal numbers, except gune’éa
oncE (Kor. qu’n‘aé Kor. 53.2), which is derived from gun SINGLE.
fira’éa giun’kinek on passing the year a fourth time 12.8
Distributives are formed with the suffix -yuz; (Kor. Kam. -yut
[dual],-yu'wgr [pl.], see § 112, 80), from the stems of the cardinal
numbers. In Chukchee they have also the prefix em- susr (§ 113, 7).
Ordinals are expressed by the verbalized numerals, except ONE.
firege'urkin (Kor. Kam. fizyegr'wikin) he is double, he is the
second
Collective forms are derived from the numerals with the suffix,
-nlevwi (Kor. Kam. -lav) (see § 124, p. 841).
The Kamchadal numerals have almost been lost, and their place
has been taken by Russian numerals. Only the first four numer-
als are still in use, side by side with their Russian equivalents.
The word liine'jim HE CounTs is also derived from the stem /izx
FINGER (absolute form Jiialiizé).
§123
840
§
DTI oD or he OO bo
14
15
§124
BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY 5 [BULL. 40
Numerals Cardinal Iterative Ordinal
1 kinz'h gun -
2 kasx, ka'cra ntel nte' livin
3 tok éol to'latva
4 tak éal éa' latvia
ka' crx kexo'n two dogs
ka'caakn I'l two mittens .
éo'ka'n kexo'n three dogs
Kamchadal gun may be compared with Kor. Kam. gun SINGLE.
Kamchadal éok may be compared with Kor. Kam. fifyo's THREE.
Kamchadal éak may be compared with Kor. Paren fiya'x Four.
(perhaps from an older form fiféa’z)
124. Cardinal Numbers and Other Derivatives
Chukchee Koryak Kamenskoye Koryak Paren
Enné'n', Enne’- Enna'n Enné'n*
nm’ ten
hi’ rag jie’ yax fe' tax
fitro'¢ fityo'x filyo'x
jira’ gq ha’ yar firya’x
mu’ Linén ma’ Linen mui’ Linen
Enna'n mui'Lifién Enna'n-mi'Lifien
Réra’-mi'Linén = fia’ a-m' Liten
am-frro' otkén fityo’-mi' Lien
gona titikén
amingitkau'k &- gonya’ aéiiin
lén
mingt'tkén ming’ téen ming’ tken
mingi'trk En- mingi'tik enna'n
ne'n* pa’ rol
ming tik fe'raé mingi'tik ni'yax
pa’ rol
ming'tik Riro’ mingi’tik Riyo'x
pa'rol
mingr'tik firra’
parol ming’ tik fa’ yax
akilhink awk &- :
lén
kilhi'nkén mingr tik m1'Lifien
——_—
BOAS] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES*—-CHUKCHEE 841
16
19
20
21
30
40
50
60
80
99
100
200
400
Chukchee. Koryak Kamenskoye.
kilhi'nitkenne'n* = maingr'tik enna'n m1'-
parol Lifien
kilhi'nik fitra’
pa rol | maingt' tik gonya’' atriin
elikkew'kilin
qli'Kkkin qlik
ql’kkitk Enneé’n*
pa' rol
thén pa’rol firyo'x mi'ngitu
nilrag-qlikkin {%’yax gli’krt
ha’ yax mi'ngitu
nie’ rag-g li’ kkrg ez gli'kit enki
qli'kkrg =mrngr'- eg mingt' téen
‘i ; ngr’tkén mingr'téen
perol mi'Liien mr'ngitu
i firyo'x ql'ku—
Taro’ q-qle'kkén fae’ miLinen mi'n-
gitu
na'yax gli'ku
ftra'g-qle'kkén a mu Liften mi'n-
gitu
amiLifiglékkau'-
kélén
miLinglé' kkén eae Eahen, gu ky
mingi'téen ni'ngitu
mingitglékkén = maingr'téen gli'ku
qlig-qli'kkin guk-qli'ku
Numerals are verbalized by the suffix -ew (Kor. Kam. -aw, -(1)w).
Chukchee Kor. Kam.
furege urkin hiyegr'wikin he is double, he is the
second
fitroga’urkin fityoga'wekin he is threefold, he is
the third
-nlen (Kor. Kam. -lav) with numerals form collective terms.
Chukchee Kor. Kam,
Enneé nlen Enna'nlan a single one
jrre nler jiuya glar two together
hiro'nlan jiyo' qlan three together
fitra'nlan jaya’ glar four together
§ 124
842 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [puLy. 40°
§ 125-131. Adverbs.
§ 125. MODAL ADVERBS.
Modal adverbs are formed by means of the inclusive affix
n(1)-eu, (Kor. Kam, n(z)-aw) (see p. 810.) These forms are parallel
to the adjective form n(z)-gin (see § 49).
nime’leu well (Kor. Kam. nima’lau) stem Ch. mel (Kor. Kam mal)
nime'leu gatva’é be kind (to us)! a common form of prayer.
nimer'heu ga’'tvilén a’ttrm he made a great promise, a dog 101.21
nit'mkeu ki’wkiw ni’nelqin the nights passed (there) became
many 108.8 (k0’wkiw is sing.; nt&’mkeu adverb).
These forms however are not used very frequently, especially in
Koryak. In most cases they are replaced by adverbial composition
(see § 119, p. 832).
Kamchadal -¢ designates adverbs.
dmg deeply (adjective 6’mldax deep)
me'éag far (adjective me'éalax distant)
kli'jhrq shallowly (adjective k/1'jh1lax shallow)
Norr.—I have found a few forms in Kamchadal which corre-
spond to Koryak forms:
nvmi'ta (Kor. Kam. n’m’tau) warily (adjective ’mz'tqin)
nu'ra® far.
Other adverbs of modality are derived from verbal stems in an
irregular manner.
a’tgéuma (Kor. Kam. atéifiau regular) badly R 62.72 (stem d*qd,
Kor. Kam. afga; adjective form e’tgin, Kor. Kam. a’téri)
me’éen'kr (meé<mel good; en*kr there) well 67.22
me’éun'ku-wa'l-é-tim I am a fairly good one 114.34. Here meé
does not assume ablaut (see p. 763)
me'rinte slowly (stem-n#; adjective form ni’nidqun slow)
A number of synthetical bases are used as adverbs, either without »
any change or mostly with added -1,-q1,-akr,-étz which are locative and
and allative suffixes (see § 95). The same bases are used also with
va'lin (Kor. Kam. i’talatn), (see § 76).
As adverbs they always have the ablaut, those without suffix as
as well as those with the suffix -i,-qi, although the locative generally
is used without ablaut.
Adverbs without suffixes are —
o’ra openly 121.30; stem ure (Kor. Kam. o’yaft) (see p. 862.)
oma’ka (Kor. Kam. oma’ka Kor. 61.2) together; stem wmeke
§ 125
Boas] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES—CHUKCHEE 843
yé’ta in readiness 105.20, slowly 64.17 stem yite
a‘lva (Kor. Kam. a’lvaf) wrongly, go away! Kor. 37.5 stem elve
(Kor. Kam. alva)
With suffix -kr, -qr
té’kr of cylindrical form; stem tik.
koulo’q: (Kor. Kam. ko’lon) round; stem kuwl.
a’rkré1 (Kor. Kam. aykiéa) aslant, stem arkré (Kor. Kam. aykié)
a’rkiér gata’é (Kor. Kam. ay’kiéa gata’wat) more aslant!
vé'tr truly 120.24 (vé’té 107.8); stem véth
vée'tiré straight (irregular) ; stem véth (adjective form nuwé’thagén)
gé’me without my knowledge; ge’mu 103.5 (Kor. Kam. a’mu
' Kor. 55.3). This form is designative; stem -(t)hém not to
know.
rathéma'un without my knowledge 11.9. The affix re——eu is
causative.
géwé’tr without my knowledge 120.37; stem -(t)hiu not to know;
~ allative.
pulhurra’kr flatly; stem pjlhirrr
apaga’1i(m) (Kor. Kam. apaga’ér) face downward; stem apaga.
pi'tvr, pitva’kr double; stem pjtv
é’mpti(n), émpa’kr downcast; stem imp
tr’mla, timla’kr close to; stem tml
yt'téhi(m), yréha’kr uninterrupted, stem yrch
and several others.
Those with the suffix -étr, -gtr express a diminished intensity of
the adverbial term: ;
céeuté’tr somewhat low; stem ¢éiut
gaxé’ git somewhat lazy: stem gai
yorgé' tr somewhat foolish; stem yurg *
géwrégtr somewhat hasty; stem giwrt
tané’tr somewhat better; stem ten
All these forms combined with -va’lin (Kor. Kam 7’talan) are com-
monly used to express the absolute form of the adjective.
In Chukchee some of these adverbs may form with the prefix
tr’nkr quite (§ 113, 4) a kind of superlative.
tink-a’tqgéuma quite badly
tink-d*'qdlpe with great hurry
tinki1-me’rinie quite slowly
1 See also yorgéiu-wa'lichin a foolish one 65.3.
§ 125
844 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULI. 40
Some others may form dimunitives, as—
kitkinn-w’ gai very little 118.6
gaiagan‘e’ gai a trifle more 106.6.
ér'méeqdi very near 100.15
vi'n'vegdi very cautiously 106.16.
§ 126. LOCATIVE ADVERBS.
For demonstrative adverbs see ay g
Chukchee. Koryak Kam.
Cr mer 103-9 near. 225244). . Seek. 4 2M A ae I OEE: éei’mik
geo; BIS 20 fares23 A). ceetGto. tee pce hse ce eee es; es. fetes tk te doc ya'wak
ya'al yo acer 119.20) Che Tear... os cc oe vencsc comncccch oscseacouecess asthe ya’ wal
atto‘olin the front, earlier; atto’oéa 8.7 in the front, down the coast...... ...--| atta*’yol Kor. 39.7
girgo'l 68.35; gIrgo’géa 123.7 above... ...--.--.. 2-2-2222 2 ee eee ee ee cece ence eeee githo'l, gicho'éa
BEE ILE CLO Wieerntca deen daettts® ohne Seman oe aes somnets ae eenee ema aee stele cer i/wetil
Aurn-eueat py from below Mal... sone 2 oie ones atin iad ecbososseFoesssee
PICK CPEUA AOEYS LEI SE RETESET | Rs Oe es a a I ah SEES Sa SSSS Ane SS mya’
fia'éen'k1, Tac(h)-e'n‘k1; stem fiach, on the left side ..................-..--- ee ae. fatie'tl; stem
faé
ro’éEnkI 52.11; stem roth!,on the other shore................---.---------- yothe'tI; stem yotn
fa'rgin; stem fia'rgrn outside......... 2-2... 20-0222 eee e ee cee eee ee ee eee eee fa's*hin Kor. 64.8
O’MNUMT ANSIGE. « . oc ceeeeinesea vtec sosskaessecccos's debEe te doaae des oe Pees anInka’éiku Kor. 60.9
onmicEekor piu from within'$9.9!2)2 5205. 9a. ace- sosas soma dees = cae n sees ee bee
Emi WHere (isis) SUG sles SASS. Soc core c on eue canes cnmeonecneees
&téa,é'ctag near the surface. .. ...ges..-c000--= see soa ddated Ce hbs oes abe
é’ééa nitva’nat if they had remained on the surface 68.27..............-.-.
1G TAAL SETAID HL ANCAGKECE Me ooiaic So oe ao nine Sea neces wee ER ne otc 7s an ya'nau, Kamchada}
ih
TMU CLOSE) DYes sae ce tes kee eee Bee a Re, Ba he (K. K. t1'mla, Kamchadal
ti’mal)
fia’Thil on both sides, on all sides 129.24. .........2...--2.-cceececceeeenes --| ga’lnil Ker. 58.2
Tima gi farther OW, /PSYOUG. «scan acces ane banc nen sae tan aane ceo esanernes = yImai' tl
CCRILG SIGS. DY, SIOG. .o oe os cece cetacbs cele c tse canes eae aaccep kena: a’ ciIta
CTT WRENN A126 ee ER Pe Ea TD ee ee aaa daceocansek ene am-nuntk
WU TrL.ON The Dak... <6 a ein.co Snares oinraia woe Seas ee Hee oe toes be ee wit'ssI% Kor. 30.3
yaigna in the presence. 2 < -o- 2.6.3. 02 - Se eae- fateh oe -n Jae Ee Pee
riagnau’kt (rI-yagna-u-kI; rI—u causative opposite to 100.28 .............-
Ramil IT Around). Jos hates ca bee ctackts eae AES SS OEE ene Jaee sauce canals
GM UU galnil DACKALO DECK trie larm Sakraicie c 3-los = Saate tele > Melee eer sa = ates
gerlir hali-way AOS i. je icc an cata show epee anaes Sace eapatecee pe acea-igeeisic
TINETE” ASKANCE o56 seas cce sce racers tea ees oe Ie Soe RESIN? cman Ore ceete meee te
wolva’ ki.across: Stem wosly ls 20258). 305. 8048 BA se Bh . ee mal-volve'tI, volva’kI
Sulepe lr lene enwise 22. =< tecee san cea see cencap eae ee ea tocds speeseeereses eu’letin
fi dt 2 (0 a A ea eR ca RR ee ph a, UR 5 oR ke
qa'tr, ga'ta close to)(see; $100.26)... .. esos a leem seems tag wae ek = oe oa
ai'gépt& windward 111.10 (¢ig odor coming with the wind; -épt ablative)...
Most of these may form compounds with nominal and verbal
stems, or with the locative of the noun.
1 The form roché’iz to the other shore 30.11 suggests a nominal stem.
§ 126
—— —E——————e eee
Boss] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES—CHUKCHEE 845
nuwolvénana’tvagén across sitting was carried 145.3 (n(u)—qin
nominalizing prefix; wulv across; inefie to sit on a sledge; tva
to be)
gumigga’ gna in my presence
éulété’I-va'lrn of elongated shape 91.15
ya'rau-ltha’nlingaé-va'lin to the houses from the other side
being 11.7
té’rk1-1rgo’l at sunrise 104.16
va’ am-girgogéa’ gtr up river 119.14
kamié’lr -ya’rak around the tent 104.20
yoro’wtr kamle'lr sleeping room all around 12.10 (yoro’wtr al-
lative)
ve’emik va’é ga’éa he lived close to the river 122.8
Nota’rméfiqaca close to Nota’rmefi 121.10
§ 127. Temporal Adverbs.
Chukchee Kor. Kam, Kamchadal
te’ te te'ta Kor. 27.7 ate when
E'n'kr E'nki Kor. 39.2 knakh, fur then
En’ fute’gq of late
li!mial9.1 — git’mlar Kor. 84.11 te'nax again
oe double again, i.e.
the third time
pr’ tkd-lumiva
ya'net 43.9 ya' not — at first
yep ye’ ppe -—— still
te’le 7.1 —- —-- in olden times
telenye’p 112.20 ankryep — long ago
tite’ep titoo’n — from what time
on, afteralong
time Kor. 57.5
gi'nmrl 83.19 —— ane recently
ginmrye'p —— -— from recent time
on
7'g1t21.1;36.9 a’thi Kor. 30.9 nen now, at present
Qi VE ai' give Kor. 78.26 a’éintk yesterday
aweEnd'a’p from yesterday
(aiven-yép) — on
acgo'on — glank lately
aigoond:a’p — from late times
(gigoon-yep) a on
irga'tik mite’'w Kor.21.8 a'jujk to-morrow
kitu'r vo' tin-ai' fun U'erltu last year
kituje’p from last year on
(kitur-yep)
§ 127
BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY
Chuckchee Kor. Kam.
kitur-fo’on
yawri' nak ya'wymn
pe’Le 20.2 —-
pr'tké-yawnak
cit 17.6
pa'néna 54.9
v’ne, t’/new 113.11
guli'ninek
avek 118.20
ja'nEengaé
golé-t-atlo'
aivE fa'nen-
gaeé
tmiéiéo nét
a’mkiniéo 112.8
(e’mk mnevery)
¢éo probably
analogous
to é@ nu-
meral ad-
verbial;
a suffix)
quli’-the’wik
éig-etuwa’k 44.4
pa'nena
Kor. 15.6
qule’nikak
vatyuk Kor.
21.3 vat'ak
Kor. 56.5
gole'-alo!
argrv-ai' gi-
Veena
a'miueé, Kor.
538.1, a’wun
a’mivut Kor.
54.5
ai’num Kor.
61.1
a’ minh
yu'laqg Kor.
16.2; 64.10
wit’téw Kor.
31.2; 41.2;
47.9; 80.2
wof’tvan Kor.
96.8
Kamchadal
tala'nank
{BULL. 40
many a year ago
next year
soon
the year after
next
before this
another time
early
afterwards
day after to-mor-
row
day before yes-
terday
always
all the time
long ago
after that Kor.
II
in future years
all at once
(é1g. see §
1138.13)
for a long time
just then
BOAS ] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES—-CHUKCHEE 847
Chuckchee Kor. Kam. Kamchadal
unt’ thu itut’ pil after a while (see
éto’pel Ch.)
— akilat’é Kor. as just now
27.4; 28.3
—— akilat’t Kor. ——
27.5
— vé'tha-qo’nom ao just now
Kor. 56.10 oa
—- piée’ Kor. 14.11 © —— for a while
—— gota Kor. 70.14 —— after a while
—— qu’'lin Kor. 60.2 —— afterwards
—— fuinvo’¢g Kor. 13.5 —— many a time
A number of these are adverbial phrases:
quli'ninek at something else (from quli some, nz'kek see p. 731).
golé-t-a‘lo' another day
mmréréo'hét all days
irga'itk on to-morrow, etc.
Other adverbial terms are derived by means of post-positions from
the forms here given.
irgaté'tr1 towards to-morrow
irga'thipi from to-morrow
Others, like luéimfia aGatn, yanet aT FrIrst, do not take post-positions.
Seasons of the year, sections of the day and night are expressed
by the locative—
wulgdtvi’k in the evening time 120.3 (wu’lq darkness -tvi to at-
tain a certain quality §110, 68)
lé&le’ikz in the winter 51.1 (stem /d‘len)
irgiro’k at dawn (grg dawn; -ru: phenomena of nature (§110, 71)
Following are some examples of their use.
yep still
yep wu'kwu ya’ranr na’gam but the tent was still stone 107.11
yep mrgiro’ka while (the day) was not yet dawning 56.8
mu'nkri re'lqu va'ma yep while he is still in the inner room 135.15
telen-ye’p in olden times 61.5
telen-ye'pkin belonging to olden times 61.5
yep e’éhi not yet
§ 127
848 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 40
gt'nmtilkin lately
e’nmen lu’ur gi’nmilkin ro’o then there was the one who had
lately been eaten 35.9
me'melgar gr'nmilkin env'n trmyo’ yarro’nén the seal he had lately
killed, he put in his bosom 43.8
gr'nmilkin lot’o the one recently seen 104.8-
pe'nin(e) as before
pe’nun nima’yenganachin of large size as before 20.5
pe’nin Eni’n 2’ gitkin lut'Iqal it was his face as before 77.14
pe'nin tautawa'tilin as before he barked 104.13
peniner’-git ler'wul-i-git from olden times on thou art travelling
ERP
pa'néna releulewe’urkin will you as before do wrong? 20.12-21.1
pa'néna nikitrma'tgen he was as before extending his hands 47.8
gan ve'r e’nmen irga’trk pa’néna wulgétvié at this time then in
the morning it became as before dark 54.9
go’onqan panéna’ gtr genlete’té that to the former (place) is carried
Pee: shee
Koryak:
assa’kin pa’nin gayo®’olen the one of the other day (who)
before had found him Kor. 52.6
pa'nena . .. ga’npilen another time he stuffed it in Kor. 15.6
ga'wun pani'ta mi’kinak nayamata’ge though some time thou
wilt marry some one Kor. 78.17 |
pa'ninau vata'’pgiéiu . . . the scars of former times Kor. 86.1
€it FORMERLY
a’meEn Git gimu’w-éi’mguté atga’-rkila gene'lr~im before this, in
my own mind, I have become one who can hardly be pursued
17.6
znga’n urna cit ene’nkdlin that one formerly had no spirits 60.1
éit vat ke'lz zééaka’ta nilei’wugin formerly there ke’le wandered
outside 61.6
gailo’qum éit kvme’k me’éen‘ku-wa'l-éum in truth formerly I was
a fairly good one 114.34
cit im wutkekiner’-gim formerly I belonged to this place 97.10
guiwele’ti’n it one who had formerly had evil charms 50.11
Cit mitu’ren-mik é11 ge'nu ni'ri-mu'ri before we were born to
father, we two R44.2-3
The following example seems to refer to the future:
éit ELAgiqar’ gipt ta’a‘t e’un ur’ia after some time they passed by
the father’s place and (there was) nothing 109.34-35
tele in olden times
te’‘le e’nmen . . . ndgdlicr’tqinet in olden times, then they were
at war 7.1
§ 127
BOAS] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES—CHUKCHEE 849
pe’ Le soon
naga'm pe’ Le nimaitvi’ qin but soon it decreased in size 20.2
pe’Le heut’tirn topa’wkwé soon the bitch was 104.7
a’ chi va'n this time
athi va’n go’np% mala’tr this time it grew much better Kor.
20.5-6
e’éhi-van ti’nmin this time I killed her (Lesna) Kor. 97.13
athi va'’n gaye’m this time not Kor. 54.3 (see also Kor. 20.5;
54.3)
a’ €hé just now (i. e. before a little while)
a’ thi ni’w-i-gi ganga’tiykin now you said, ‘‘it burns” Kor 30.9
athi'kin nenenaye’ye-ge? wert thou looking for it just now?
Kor. 49.8-9
athikr’éu-ai’iaka now do not cry! Kor. 60.7
See also Kor. 68.13
§128. Miscellaneous Adverbs and Conjunctions, Chukchee.
On the following pages I give a list of adverbs and conjunctions
without attempting to differentiate between the two groups. The
meaning of many of the adverbail or connective particles is so un-
certain that a division seems hardly possible. Many of them have
such nice shades of meaning that they can not be rendered ade-
quately in English.
The use of such particles is much more extended in Chukchee
than in Koryak. In Kamchadal most of the particles, particularly
most conjunctions have been lost and replaced by Russian loan-
words.
The particles occur frequently in groups as will be seen for in-
stance in the use of tim, Ezo’n, a’men, etc. Some are always post-
positional and tend to unite phonetically with the word they modify
(see examples under tim)
am, Im, -m an emphatic adverb. It is always postpositicnal
and seems to emphasize the word to which it is attached
Following nouns:
Enfa’q fe'usgit tim... ganra’gtarén then the woman...
took it home 28.5-6
Berio, phan tim nlete’tyié the hearth blazed up 32.3
wi'rgirgin tim var ge DIAM, the noise reached there 32.13
mprina’ thin tim B11 ‘gin gene'wind the old father and his wife 33.9
3045°—Bull. 40, pt. 2—12——54 § 128
850 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 40
mnga'n g'n'kr erre’é fe’us'qat, . . . gora’k tim uwdé’qué there was
only she the woman, . . . with the reindeer (was) the hus-
band 51.9-10
uwd?’quéité tim by the husband 39.6
yorou’tr im to the sleeping room 39.10
Following pronouns:
wo'tgan tim vai this one here 45.12
Eenga’n tm vi'n'v1 te’rgilin this one who was weeping secretly 49.1
gimna'n tim I 137.1
Following verbs:
tege'lignin tim a’mi she made a cap too 28.8
ye'tti-m vai she came there 29.13
gapléta’t tim gora’ii the reindeer fell down 51.6
guq, gemr's‘qdlin tim, a’nr it is deep! 53.1
minpéla’atn tim let us leave it 53.1
The emphatic %m appears frequently in combination with other
particles. Examples of these will be found on the following pages.
I’mT also, furthermore,
r’m1 am-viyé'irga gi'Thrn naranauno’iin furthermore, by only
breathing on the skin, he shall be cured 24.4-5
agit r'mr yer'velqaér ku'liké ralat’vniot furthermore, from now
‘on an orphan child may travel alone 24.10
mm fountiou'lin mm e'te wu'tku epki'rkdlin g t%’nurk not even a
hair here would reach me 93.6
v’gir r’mr Nota's'qa-Va'irgin narataaro’iinofiin from now on,
furthermore, the Ground-Beings shall be given sacrifices 25.1-2
Enga’at gev'lqazeet 1’mift they also were sleeping 55.2
Ina'n exhortative particle
pu’ru ma’n wo'tgan va'lz mi'idhir in exchange let me give thee
this knife 15.12 (see also 93.30; 103.31; 104.3)
ma'n am-taaro’fha gdtér’ gitkr no'ta-mla'rrgitkon only with sacri-
fices provide the ground-crevices 24.1-2
le’uti-teLe*n rna’n nanwa'geatn let the head-sufferer be seated!
45.11
In the following example mna’n appears with the future:
ma'n tre'etyd® meé-d*’qalpe I shall come quickly 45.9-10
The following are probably derived from the demonstrative
stem En-
E'nTk1it all at once
na'gam B'nikit poi’ ga nitr'nptigén tim but all at once they struck
him with a spear 36.2
§128
|
|
f
|
ee eee
BoAs] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES—CHUKCHEE 851
In most cases z’nikit appears in coordinate clauses and may be
translated AS SOON AS
e’nmen z'nikit rilu'tku then all at once he moved 16.5
E’nikit uwi'k kipér'tkenén (as soon as) he struck the body (i. e.
himself) 35.11
B’nikit im naramata'git (as soon as) they will take thee 36.9-10
n’nikit gav'mr'érn nigite’dén (as soon as) they looked upon the
wealth 107.16
E’nikit recipe'tyd (as soon as) you will be submerged 114.22
E’nikit ne'rgidén ilule'tyré as soon as he was loose he stirred 102.25
E’nikim gite'nin ... as soon as he looked on it 23.9
Enna’nT in like manner
Enfa’q then (see under e’nmen)
Enqana’ta therefore (instrumental of znga’n, BY THAT)
engana’ta z’ngu tilgr'rkinét therefore I gave them up R46.39
engana'ta fio’ é-e-im gene'l-i-im therefore I become poor R45.28
gano'twey-gim engana'ta qo'n'pu therefore I became quite poor
ee ee
Engana'ta ilva'-neta’ gt: titéggé’iurkin therefore I wish for the
wild reindeer country R46.52
zngana’ta éaucuwa'-ra'mkicha af’tiin niggi'pqin therefore the
reindeer breeding people keep dogs R53.31
En‘ke’mTr, En-qe’'mir, Enske’mir e’ur moreover (see also
athé’mira)
En-ge’mir e'ur atga’-ra’mkiéhin yat’rat moreover, they are very
bad people R 53.20-21
En-qam then (see under e’nmen)
En‘fiata'l THIS TIME.
En‘fata'l tim le’itr'lhr -gir from now on I shall know thee 93.21
en‘fhata’l enga'n ru'nin this time she ate 90.6
gn‘fata’l anganqaéagt ... rr'ntrninet this time she threw them
seaward 49.6
En‘ fata’l kirvete'ru gineter’kitik from now on jostle me! (literally
with elbow jostling do me) 61.3
En‘fhata’l tim revit’ntrk this time (if you do so) you will die 64.19
en‘fata’l tim galhégamr'tvatik of that you may eat your fill 65.31
en‘fata’l im ga'sqaée’wkwit this time he did it in earnest 83.20
En‘ nata’l tim lu-ora’wértan this time they were real people 84.29
En‘hata'l tim w’ppe grna'n i’me ra&’nut em-gini'té nine’ntr-git
this time evidently you for everything lie in ambush 93.20 —
en‘ fata'l im na'’nmirkin-é-grt this time he will kill you 114.32
En‘hata'l enga’n érréttégin this time it is ended R4.50
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852 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 40
‘nkri gratis
En fi’ thus
nignopitva’gén enta'n’ orr'érku he remained crouching thus in
his coat 7.4
En hi'n’ tim fan nipiw’rigun thus that one plunged along 8.11-12
gagno'pgé . . . En’ia’n* crouch down thus 32.4
ere En‘hi’n: va'la inenu’kédli-muri not of [thus being] such we
eat 34.9-35.1
Also 9.4; 15.4; 90.1, 10; 94.1; 95.34; 105.17
En-‘fiu thus
E'n hu-wa'l-é-git such a one art thou 70.25
En‘ ftu-wa'li-te’ré such are you 106.28
E'n fot thus
nv'wkwitn e'n'fot they spoke thus 78.4
ti’wkwatk z’nfiot I say thus 15.8
ELO'n emphatic particle
gtk zto’n oh! 10.1
ELO'n ginni'ku ne'lydt now they became (our) game 12.2
gtk, e’nmen firpe’at. ELo'n re’mkin tumge’wkwit oh, they landed.
' Now the people became friendly 14.1.
ELo’n En‘fvu'-wa'lé-girt such a one art thou 21.11
exon mirrr'wkut-hit let us bind thee 23.8
ia'm Eto’n tenie'urkin why doest thou laugh? 30.3
ELo’n nara'nmiigit they will kill thee 37.10
EL0'n vai try1/lurkin-i-git this one I give thee 104.1
ELO’n gina’n ELo'n Piti'yn-i-git thou art Rheum 103.21
i’ git tim zxLo’n but now! 123.18
Here belongs also—
e’miton somewhere 97.23; 121.1 (< emt-zL0'n)
e’mitonai’fhin (augmentative of e’mizon) 43.6
awe'tuwagq suddenly, at once
awe’tuwaq éwkwé’tyr® suddenly he left R 13.27
yilg-awe'tuwaq fiaus‘gatr'yfhin orgit’tkint kenema'nnen at once
he tied the girl to the sledge R 13.23
a’'meEn tm ELOo'n expresses displeasure, somewhat like German
‘‘aber doch” without disjunctive meaning.
gtk, a’men tim exo'n notas‘qa’wkwé Oh, the land is near 8.8
' (“aber das Land ist doch nahe’’)
guq, a’men tim ELo’n ér'mquk péla’arkrn oh, some are leaving 8.9.
guq, a’men tim exo’n . . . re’mkin géinunre’lqié oh, the people
~ will come 10.3-4
gug, a’men tim xLo’n minrwkurkin-i'-git let us tie thee 20.9;
see also 23.13
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a’meEn tim Exo'n e'tqi nintewimin: ge’t-i-um I was badly tortured
by them 21.9
a’men tim EeLo’n Nota’s‘ga-Va'irga ini’wkwit I am told by the
- Ground-Beings 23.11-12
guq, ELO'n tm a’mEn ga ‘mga-vairgé'pi timete ‘wkwdétk among
all beings I could not do it 18.9
ELo'n tim a’men, wotganair'iin uLo'n garagétha’Lén that big one,
what has the bad one done! 31.9 —
amen im ELo’n wot uwét’quéité ai’mak em e&'lu geter'kilin this
husband made the whole carcass into excrement 81.11
a’men tim ELo'n he'us' gét-i-gir so you are the woman 136.15
a’mEn seems to introduce an unexpected event—AND THEN UNEX-
PECTEDLY—or to intr duce an entirely new idea, to which emphasis
is given 40.4; 41.12.
amen tin e'nmen pényo'lhin nuurgirge tqin and then unexpectedly
the hearth made a noise 32.8
e’nmen tin uwa'qué gla’ul a’mnn wm nitvétta'gén wilh-é ragaia
a’men tm vai l'i-ten-evirdlin then the man, the husband, was
standing there unexpectedly with a little thin fur shirt, unex-
pectedly really well clothed 33.2
also 24.1 5"29.11; 33:11; 39.3, 4, 55°38.9; 115 81:15' 88.8
am, aman oh! (another idea) 56.8
—, ameEn-! 58.7
a’meEn-tim 8.10; 9.5; 138.10; 9.13; 39.3; 58.5; 65.20; 77.29; 80.25;
89.9; 98.31; 99.1; 101.2
a’minam (= ameEn-iim 15.10)
a’meEn tim fot! such a one 98.33
a’mEn wim ELo'n 8.8, 9; 10.3; 39.1, 138; 41.6; 64.1; 81.11; zx0’n
wm a’meEn 31.9 (see under zz0’n) it should not be expected, but
a’men tim garé’m 16.9; a’men garém but I will not! 16.1
a’mEn tim naga'm 39.4; na’gam a’meEn 63.11; however
venli’'t im a’mEn 40.7
a’mr
eee um a’mi she made a cap too 28.8
nananaqa’ gerfirn um a'mr geggeu'lin the little child awoke 55.3
telenye’p wm a’mr long ago 61.5-6
kirga’m tm a'mi . . . well Gf you had found him) 121.4
a’nI an emphatic particle (?)
e’nmen ani génu’r qun nute’s qin then certainly just like ground
8.6
e’nmen ani gilu’tkulin then she practised shamanism 39.7 (see
also 39.8, 9; 40.4; 102.15; 104.35; 105.2, 15; 109.32)
geéentte’ a “wm eo she was aed 29.6-7 én
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854 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 40
genpeu'lin wm a’ni he became quite decrepit 107.26
a’n1,geilitkov’ vulin u’kkém so they distributed vessels 14.1
a’nt,gilu'tkulin he beat the drum 107.9
a’n1,getrpeine'lin he continued to sing 102.17
a’nz a'ttau for no particular object 30.4
a’nr gu’num,ganto’é oh, look here! come out! 81.27
atau’ without purpose; for no particular reason; it does not matter
atau’, lt’en re’ gérkin (you went to no purpose) what is the matter
with thee? 18.6
atau’, le®’nve (to no purpose, only) in order to be looked at 19.2
(also 19.6; 23.1; 30.4; 48.12; 125.1,6)
ata’um ni'rgrpa’tgén to no purpose was he discussed 15.7
gitnkeli'y-gir, a’ttau it is your (own) tattooed face; (you act) to
' no purpose 77.8
attau’ girgo’l-qla’ule nine’lhigin for no particular reason he
takes it for the man above 124.6-7
guq, attau’-qun o’rgoor yé'tagatér' gin just get (your) sledge ready
* 105.20 (see also 119.18)
e, gu'nd, a’ttau oh, well, it does not matter 78.7
guk , atiau’ gumi’k oc it does not matter, with me (sit down) 78.24
athé'miIra, athé'mira-fi-e'ur moreover (see also en‘ke’mr)
a’'lImT disjunctive
a/lrmt alotka’ gtr va'le-im although I am invisible 22.10
w’lrmr va'lz ra’ galgal however, there is no need of the knife 57.4
ka’ko, a'limi inelu’kaélinet he has not seen them anyway 70.32
ya’am tile’lit a’limi lu’ur han titga’nninet but it swallowed them
71.3
a'lrmr quwalo’mirkin tim vé'tr do obey! 88.10
a'lrmr efte'flin however, he was a shaman 105.1
a’'limr kamagra’inor he really gave a start 101.16-17
a-l&' mfia expresses surprise (see lii’miia)
g.ugq, a-lit’mia gar’ve git oh, is that so, is it thou? 97.13
a-lit/mna is that so? 121.1; 125.7
a-lit’miva fo’on me’fin who was here? 109.21
a‘’qdlpe quickly 122.2
et'uk, ai’'ek
ma'n ai'ek feuttte’prk trenurete’ur let me in due time make it
appear (be born) through a female dog 121.31
gtk, yr k et’uk ekdlu’k oh, in due time (I see) thee at last 19.4
En‘ga'm ina'nai/ek . . . re’etyd® then after awhile . . . he shall
come 83.5-7
Also 118.20
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e’un seems to be a connective with weak temporal tone.
mi'fkri, e’nmen, ge’mge-m’' kin ta'ngdi néna’ gtogén, e’un navit’ gin
how, then to whowiaceben a child is born, and (then) it dies 20.8
m'lhaé ge’wkurin e’un ninenlrpe’ tqéet with ‘thowigs he is tied and
he breaks them 20.9
e’ur piike’rgit e’un nelki’nké:t then she came and they had gone
abroad 31.2
e’ur Enga’n G*'ttwet getr’neneLin, e’un geplr'tkuleet and that boat
was loaded and they had finished 31.1
gagno’pgé . . . e’un exe’ pké sit with head bent down . . . and
do not look 32.4—5
‘en‘iie’ exe’ pkd,”’ e’un walo’mgé “Do not look!” and she obeyed
e’un nine’ évigin and they cut it 72.18
e’un gepelgdruceu'linet ne’want. and their wives had become de-
crepit with age 72.29
éeq-alvam-va'lit, e’un 1’ pe kele’té gayot’laat how very extraordi-
nary! and evidently they are visited by kelet 106.8
e’nmen e’un z’n'kr nitva’gén 1’me-ré*’nut and then there was
everything 106.32
e’un yara’ne nine’lqin and it became a house 107.14
gtk, rrpe’t tim e’un! snow 1 are coming!) 11.10
gtk, nege’m e’un garé’m e'un, grk oh, but it was not there 27.11
gar'’mrérn nigrte’ Gen, e’un kukwa’'t- koko’ nalhrn they looked at the
' wealth and all was turned into dry leaves 107.16
Norte: Not to be confounded with the prefix e’wn- ACTUAL, PRIN-
CIPAL, as in e’un-fie'lviil PRINCIPAL HERD; @/wn-géta’ gtr JUST IN THEIR
SIGHT 83.28
eur, eur-tim is connective AND with the added connotation aT
THAT TIME; it always refers to two events taking place at the
time.
ra’ gtiast, en‘ga'm eur limnéna’é they went home, and at the same
time he also followed 120.26
eur girgironta’Lén, a’ ttwild niéamitagén at that time the dawn
came, (and) a boat’s crew crept up to him 10.9
dur rirka'ta unin, E’ur yr liga narayo" git, muru'wmil qainre i”
at that time the walrus said to him, ‘‘At the time when sleep
overtakes you, roar like we (do)” 10.6
eur tim golaro'at, Avwhuanpina’ éhagai gi'ulin at the time when
they began to make a noise, the little old St. Lawrence Island
man said 11.10
a’ tiwu-ye’nikr nigiteqin, eur tim geyr'retin they looked into the
canoe and at that time it was full 67.6
e’ur is used also quite frequently as conditional,
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856 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 40
eur Lumetu'nu ri'tyd®, rine'newkwd* at the time when you are
Jumetun, you shall make me black 23.6 (ai you are the same) ;
also 24.2
kita’m e'ur lr'é-va' rriikt ganau’tin-é-git, var u’mkr qagtr’ gin this
time if you have indeed married among real gods, then bring
a — bear 110.5
“tk e'ur tegge’nurkin, gina’n &’mnuté if actually you want it, do
as you plone
eur’ mia<e'ur lté’mia or, or again
eur’ mnha e’kik or again the son R 23.88
but e’ur limnha 98.9
Before the initial m of the following word e’ur changes to e’un (see
§ 7.20; § 11). See 20.8; 72.18
Still e’wn and e’ur are not identical, e’ur being used as connective
AND between separate nominal (or verbal) forms while e’wn is not
so used.
gettu'té e’ur geleu'tirgrtkuté with blowing or with scratching the
~ head 126.7
tlh-a''ttin éun, dur tm uneti’éhin also the white dog and the
thong-seal 102.29; also 97.18
also 8.7; 9.2; 21.6; 31.1, 2, 3; 98.9
Note: Between proper names, instead of the connective e’ur, the
plurals of the personal pronouns may be used.
Gi'thilin errr Tha'irgin genewtu'’mgd Sunset and Dawn are con-
nected by group marriage R 228, footnote 1 (lit. Sunset they
Dawn)
mu'ri Qla’ul I and Qla’ul (lit. we Qla’ul)
eple’un
kr'tam qun eple’un li't enenitvr'e® well, did he really obtain
shamanistic power? 18.4
éwkurga, éwkurga-m however
é’wkurga tu’mgitum ur’nd however, companion none (i. e. my
companion is not with me) 11.1
é'wkurga ginentenititew--git however, you have frightened me
15.10
é’wkurga tilv-a’minan trene'lhé (if I do so) however, I shall be
all alone 31.13-32.1
é’wkurga Nota's'qa-Va'irga nénanwéthawa'tgén however, the
Ground-Beings spoke to me (against my will) 24.9
eget’, &’wkurga éa’mam all right, however, (it will be) in vain
108.30
é’wkurga-m ¢éotoléu’ o’te nine’lh-i-tim, however, that under my
pillow I have for my leader 128.13
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BOAS ] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES—CHUKCHEE 857
éwkurga-m r10'n vai nitermece’ngin however, he does much vio-
lence 66.26
See also 45.7; 66.14; 79.20; 84.6; 85.8
e’ pte likewise, in the same manner
ganve'r kime'k éna'’nmué® e’pie gim at this time almost you
killed me likewise 121.16,17
attau’ a’ttu milhr’atn e’pte gim simply as a dog I'll use it (I)
likewise 135.20-21
e’pte ginnr’g-gur'lit ne’magdr gina'n néna'nmé-git likewise the
game procurers also thou has killed 44.9-10
a’men tim ELO’n e'pte giim miftau’tingatk let me likewise take a
wife R12.8
emIte’t at once, just now
emute’t tim muwé'fifiitaag I shall go for (my) body 31.12 (see
32.2 emite’t im in final position
emite’t tim té’rgilin ra’gal tian even thus crying for what ? 27.12
guq, emrte’t tim evi'rit gater’kiginet oh, at once clothing make!
49.4
emute't-tim trpéla’nat nrme’lqinet I just left them in safety (= good
ones) 53.4
emite’t-im ataa’nkélin té’rgilin they did not touch the one who
cried, (so at once . . .)
emite’t tim gagtr’gin bring it at once 111.3
emite’trm tigite’ dn I looked on her 88.30
e’tI evidently, probably.
e'tim vai nipa’tgénal vén'va’kr evidently they cooked them
secretly 9.9
e'tim nu'tenut minner’meukwdtn evidently we are approaching
land 9.11
e’tim am gemge-nute’ gin evidently from every country 11.4
e’tim a'mrn kuwi’érn tret’tydén evidently I brought Children’s
Death 20.1
e’trm ke'lek qélv’ketyi* evidently thou wilt marry a kele 26.2
é’trm wu'tku evidently he is here! 125.2
e’trm filro'rgarr there many have been three 97.26
eLo’n tim é’trm evidently that! (a term expressing annoyance)
31.10; 108.22
é’trlim necessarily
éto—
Eto’gaia’gan ripkire’nnin after a while he brought her back
51.4
e'nmen éto'qaia’ gah tim gre'lgit after a while he vomits 136.24-25
gqai’ve-mact-éto’pél indeed I am a little better 135.7-8 Reef
858 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL 40
erre’é git éto’pél thou art most fit 135.19
sto’pél enki iwkuéi'® she better drank then (i. e. she could
drink then) 37.4
é’togon wo'tgan qdvmi'tgin will you take this one?
é’togon mirrenu’tergi-git shall we bury thee rather in the ground?
R 60.23 oh
e’nmen, En'gam, EN’a’qd THEN, coordinating conjunctions. Of
these enme’n seems to express the most definite temporal
sequence, en‘ga’m a closer temporal connection, while znja’q
should be translated in turn and indicates a still closer con-
nection. It seems to depend upon the liveliness of the narra-
tive which of these three is used. The first one is the most
frequent connective conjunction, although a constant use of
En‘gam is not rare 62.6 et seq.
The difference between e’nmen and en‘qa’m appears most clearly
when their use alternates; as in the following examples.
en'qa’m enga'n Umgagdar'inaé rilhindigiwe'nnin ne‘us gat. e’nmen
lu’ur e'gripgié At that time U’mqiiqii pointed with his finger
at the woman. Then thereafter she felt pain 63.7-8
en‘ga’m xEnga’n Um@dagdi' mnt. geginteu'linet; e’nmen qu’ttirgin
ga’ at nerri’net at that time U’maiiqii and his people fled; then
the others untied the reindeer 63.10—11
en‘ga’'m nite’gingin ... e’nmen nitenhe'w-i-im . . . En'ga’m
gi’ulin At that time she sniffed ... . then I laughed a
little; . . . then she said 72.11-13
e'nmen ya’yak qamitvata’gén mri'tqak, en-qa’m Eenga’n rryrrrai’-
nénat then the gulls ate all the blubber and at that time they
anointed them
en’men uwi'lkan qdter’kigin . . . En‘qa’m dincikou'tr quneni’ntir-
then make a woodpile and throw me into the fire! 31.12-13
In all these examples, the impression is conveyed that zn-ga’m sig-
nifies a closer connection than e’nmen.
The form znfa’g is parallel to me’rgrn-faqg WE NEXT 69.22 and
gumt*aq 1 NEXT 77.21 Its meaning IN TURN THIS TIME appears
clearly 17, 23, 96.11.
Enfa’g appears also together with e’nmen
e’nmen nute's'qin enta’g nuwéthau'gén then this time he spoke
to the ground 15.9-10
e'nmen Enta’g ya'yakit namingukwa’arkrnat then in turn he re-
warded the gulls 74.28-29 _
In the beginning of a story e’nmen means ONCE UPON A TIME.
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Boas] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES—CHUKCHEE 859
e’nmeé because
va'névan ni'tvinén, e’nmeé tim nayrilhau’nén she did not tell him
anything because she feared his anger 88.22—23
e'nmeé tim e'un pitki’rgit ya’rak garanéémau’lén uwét’qué when
she came home, her husband had broken the tent 30.10-11
e’nmeé tim fan e'thi wulqdtvi'it, kenkele’nnin because of this,
before evening came, he made her descend 97.5-6
e’nmeé G’galpe because of this, hurry up!
e’nmeé geplr'tkulin and already it is finished
e’nmeé qui'mik tala’iorkin already I soil my trousers 94.19
e’nmeé wi'yolu gi’nelhi’rkim already you shall have me for a
servant 95.7, also 95.15
eée’'nur etu'ur
eée’nur vintuwr'lin it shall be (this way) a well trained one 24.6
ece’nur . . . veime’nu nere’lhifirn it shall be (this way) one who
is kandly treated 25.8-9
gugq, ece’nur yé'ta gile’trk it shall be this way! (you shall) move
on slowly 65.28
ecu'ur yep var atévga’tka var yegte’ zest it shall be “ way! as yet
without crying (shall be) those living R 54.40
echi before
e'Chi rasgéuno’att cit nepi’rirkin qla’ulqai before they could
enter they attacked the man 85.15
e' thi yilqd’tyat ganto’lén before they had gone to sleep he went
out 8.4
e’thi eime’wkwit irgiro’iiot before it approached the dawn
came 9.12
See also 10.9, 12.10, 11; 13.3; 20.3; 31.3; 55.6, 8; 97.20
Followed by -rkin WHEN ABOUT TO—
e'thi pelgante’erkin . . . gapékagta’rén when about to come
back, she fell down 97.20
e'éhi Git gamr’tvarkin lu'ur pi’rinin when she was about to eat,
after that he caught her 87.12
e’'nmen e’¢hi res’nild te'grirkrnin lu’ur 2’wkwit then, when the
bow-man was about to fling the harpoon, after that he said
10.10
elhile’niki in case, if
elhile’nikr relus’frn in case you should see him
erre’é only
erre’é gun fhe’ ekrk an only daughter R 12.10
erre’é enga’n fe’ekrk (there was) only that daughter 28.2
erre’é furo'rgarr there were only three of them 34.3
na'qam erre’é yi' lil ru’rkinin he eats only tongues 49.3
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860 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 40
erre’é tm am-gitka't gegnu'linet only just the legs were left 51.4
erre’éai'kolak moxs’yfrn tim on the bedskins was only blood 56.4-5
erre’t-te’ gin limit of end (i. e. it is the end); from -tegn limit (only
in compounds) 64.2
erre’é mi'mil, yat’rat mi’mil mine'uqin a’mkiniéo only water,
verily water they were consuming in quantities R 32.28
eke'In but (weaker than naga’m)
eke’rn git niru'l-1-git; gi'newin tim gtimna'n me’ éenkr tre'ntriun
but you are weak; I, on the contrary, shall do it very well
ekdlu’k
gini'k: ex'uk ekdlu'k at last for thee 19.4
eketia'n, e€ena'n I wish I could (with subjunctive 6)
ekena’n giimna’n ti pr’redén I wish I could take it
eke’upéT and now, but now
eke’upeér trplr’tkurkin and now I am finishing it
ta’m>Tyam why 19.5
ia’m ELo’n ten fie'urkin why are you laughing 30.3
ia’m pegér'iu nine'lhi-gir ora’wéLtan why doest thou meddle with
man? (lit. to meddling interest doest thou become) 23.11
va'm gemge’-ginni'k go’nmusfan why do you kill all the game?
92.32
tu'kd oh if! I wish—
guq, w'kdé gaa’gah mingamr'tvarkin I wish we could eat more
65.4
gugq, w'ké minpontorkin-é-git I wish I could eat of your liver!
95.19
wu’'ké Ro’ongan mint'nmirkin I wish we might kill this one 70.22
a/ppe, yI' pe actually
Enga’m v'ppe mikiér’yniin . . . gata’lén then actually very
many ... moved 11.7
enfnata'l im v'ppe grna’n this time it is really thou 93.20
e’un r'pe kele'té gayo®’laat now really kele visit them 106.8
a’ pe-qun really 45.3
gum, gu'né l'rr’ppe tr'urkrn I, indeed, quite truly say 57.2
“tik
a’trk a’men Grunte’erkin in reality thou desirest 24.11
garé’mén ora’wétan, i'trk im ke’lz (she is) not a human being,
in reality she is a ke’lm 29.9
garé’mén 'trk lit’ mfirl this is not a real myth 61.5
gtk, attau’ i’trk wm tiéluf’dén in vain, if in reality I had seen
~ him 121.6
galefoérna’-meré 1*’trk wm in reality we have met 121.23
§ 128
Boas] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES—CHUKCHEE 861
Nota’s:qa-Va'irga leule’wu ine'lhiit li’en v¢’trk the Ground-Beings
induce me to do wrong, just really 25.1
hi’en: 1¢’trk amir'évinla git’mrk rimke’urkin garé’m milrmala’i-
joatk just really the angry ones order me to do something,
let me not obey them 21.10
a®’trg lit'mna Tro’tirgé-git in reality again, thou art Tiio’irgin
if’tig lit’mna qailhina'n'gét ene'fetvii in reality again he has
acquired real shamanistic power 19.11-12
4#'nqun lest
nénaio’ gén i#’nqun nere’lutnim she shoved it in, lest they should
find it 29.3
*42/nqun vai kintaya’n ragno'urkin vé'tr ginni’k lest even the
lucky one should feel great scarcity of game 42.3
ninr’uqinet, titt’t remle’ gitkr, i’nqun nere’lusiun he said to them,
“You will break the needles!’”’ lest they should look at them
82.12
vgIt now
gir 1'm1 Nota’s:qa-Va'irgin narataaro’iinonin now also the
‘Ground-Beings shall be given sacrifices 25.1-2
qu'num «git %m minra’ gtatya‘n let me now take it home 121.28
a git~itm-1L0'n ora tryo’’wkut now I have come to thee openly
123.18
ya'net first
go,gim tm ya'net oh, I first 43.9
ya'nra separately, alone
mtkiu’' qin ya'néa she passes the nights by herself 28.3
ya‘'rat very (sometimes ya‘’éat)
mithr'lqinet yat’rat very hot ones 9.9
yas’rat nite’nginet very good ones 14.8
nite’ngin yas'rat a very pretty one 36.3
ehenitri’i® yat’rat he acquired great shamanistic power 35.10
yas’ran niglo’gén she sorrowed very much 27.10
a’men tim yat’rat verily! 85.2
yaka'n'-kIn probably 9.13
ydqqdi a particle giving a slightly emphatic shade to the phrase,
like German ‘‘ja”’
yaqqdi’ en‘qa'm pe're tre’etyé* Ill soon be back (ich werde ja
bald wiederkommen) 30.8
yaqqai’ tim qu’num tu’ri garé’ména-teré ye are not (human
beings) (ihr seid ja doch nicht Menschen) 85.4-5
ymi'nkri-m-e’un yaqqar' giimna’ n milut’atn tuwélvacta’arkin how
is it then? I shall find him. I am unable to do it (ich soll
ihn ja finden) 124.3
§ 128
862 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 40
yaqqdi’-nan git tratara’nnat for thee I'll pitch the tent (fir
dich will ich ja das Zelt aufstellen) R 61.38
yaqqat’ ora’ wéta-tainatréha'til-é-git you are a murderer of men
(du bist ja ein Mérder) 94.6 —
yaqqda' tim ré'nut what is it? (ja, was soll das denn ?) 111.3
ydgqqda’ tim yagtalé’n'vo trye’tyak have I come for life? (bin ich
etwa gekommen, um mein Leben zu erhalten) 113.26
yelé'é (evidently containing the element /i’1 TRULY, REALLY, see also
uLr's, venli’s, mitelr’t, gaLi'r, quLr'2)
e’nmen yeli’t enga’n is he the only one? 21.13
yels's gimna’n rather (let) me (be the one)
Also R 12.7
yu’rag perhaps.
0 po’ pe exhortative
opo’pe garai'-grt mrnle’git thou hast a home, let me take thee
there 89.7 | :
opo'pit minpa’awkut let us stop! 98.6
opo'pe mitalai’ruut let me give thee a beating R 61.50
o’ptIma like (see Koryak Kamenskoye opta)
o’ra openly
gina'n ganra’gtatya‘n o’ra if thou shouldst take it home openly
pee
a’ grt-tim-1Lo'n o’ra tryot’wkut I have come to thee openly
'123.18-19
uru’ur it seems that
wu’rré thus, so
u'rri nitpluftri’ gin it was so small 20.3
u’rri Lr’ akr nimaitevi’qin thus becoming it decreased in size 20.4
gagno'pgé ériérkou't u'rri ef nin sit with head bent down in
your clothes thus 32.4
u'rri mingr’ Linim rr’nnin thus he did (with) his hand 57.10
u’rrr fan gini’n .. . thusit is yours . . . 93.9-10
wu'rrt thus
na'gam tim neyule’tgin wu’rrr still he was alive (although he
was) in this condition 50.3
e'nmen vai wu'rrt Eenga’n gama’trholén there thus that one
dragged her 51.1 ;
rnga'n gna'n éini’t wu'rri ni’tgin that one there herself was
thus 26.9
e’nmen wu'rri puulge’wkwit then he floated thus 77.23
e'nmen x! nuikit rilu'tku wu'rri grrgola’ gtr there at once he moved
thus upward 16.5
u'nmiuk greatly, strongly
§ 128
BoAS] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES—CHUKCHEE 863
uLi’é in this case indeed (or besides indeed 2) (containing the ele-
ment Ji’ REALLY, TRULY; see also yeli’d, venli’s, mitele’i, qaxv'2,
quit)
uit yara’fir gamata’ gin wu'kwén then take also my stone-house
92.4 (in the same way 92.14, 24; 93.3, 8, 18, 26)
ve'tI really, truly, very, at once; an intensifying particle
ve'tr verme’nu nere’lhifun truly friendly he will be treated 25.9
vétr ginni'k tim a’men nenankéttuwa’tgén truly they made game
scarce by means of magic 42.4
vé'tr nimei’ Engin he was very large 73.9
vé'tr nige'tutigin he was very strong 47.3
vée'tr nara’nmiintrk it will kill you at once 70.12
vé'ti-m re'w néna'nmiigén he killed really (many) whales 73.3
a’lim1 quwalo’mirkin tim vé'tr but obey me strictly 88.10-11
tranauti’ furkin vé'te qun I shall marry at once 57.2
nire'vitngin vé'ti he really wanted to die 99.27
vé'tr, gaya’ arkinat ran do sing it again! 120.24
vetéi'in tim, veléi'in for my part granted!
vé'’nom
vé’nom ergina’n let them (be) 55.11
Also 56.1
vén'va'kI secretly (see vi’n'vz)
venli'é unexpectedly 60.7; 61.2; 69.33 (Bogoras: still, meanwhile,
notwithstanding), (containing the element li’ REALLY, TRULY;
see also yeli’2, wx1i’2, mateli’s, = ‘0, quia't)
gan've'r met:-ki’ it nee i tim a’men rima'gtr nine'lgin at this
time somehow unexpectedly to the other side it came (i. e.
nevertheless it came across somehow) 40.7
venlr’s leu’ti ki’ plinén unexpectedly he hit him on the head 45.12
qav've teinele'erkin, venli’i aa’'lomka 1’irkin indeed, I blame him;
pase peobedhy he does not obey
na'gam pa'néna venli'i nuurgermeu'gin but unexpectedly more
thunder approached 69.30
ne’me éuwi' prt nimei/netqin venli’’ unexpectedly the remaining
piece also was growing in size 72.18
venli't nitiu’ gin unexpectedly he is persistent 137.15
Also 74.4; 137.13
vele'r, vele'r-tim, vele'r tm fiau at LEAST (Kor. Kam. va'lan)
limited qualification of action)
gailo'kim mé'nkri, vele'r-tim wo'tgan indeed, how then, at least
this one?
vele’r-um miéagaro’atk at least I will eat some sugar R 65.124
vele'r-1m yara’tr ga’tvata although a house had been there
(lit. at least with house’s being) 31.6
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864 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 40
vele’r érmée’té génata’gé* at least move near! 37.10 (see also
37.9,13)
vele’rim mitwét ha'urkin at least I can talk with thee 32.1
vele’r-qun, vele’s*-qun at least (with a shade of anger) R 72.20
viens < viyen just, simply
trkimiée’erkin am, vi'en’ mewkwe'tya*k I am staying too long,
just let me depart
oven’ piki'rgit éuno’att he just arrived (and) they began to
ee 110.3
9, vi’ en’ gra’ gtitrk just go home! 45.9
ven aa'lomkil-é-git thou just doest not listen 54.11
VI'nvl, vén'va'kI secretly 108.14
pila’, pILa’q apparently, pretending
pita’ vit'‘lin pretending death 82.4; 124.6
pldgi’ that is all! 107.21 (from stem pl— to finish)
mel, meé, like, somewhat like (see § 113.10, 11).
met
ka’ko mei oho, there! 14.5
met -ki'tkhit, met'-ki'it (?)
me’ €iéu besides
v'tkenin um me’ &éu érga'wkwé he robbed him and ridiculed him
besides
maé exhortative particle
maé gumna’n let me be the one!
maé irgina’n let them be the ones! R 62.70
ma’ érman< maé-Ena'n let it be (impersonal)
ma’érnan éei'vé let it be (done) on foot R 60.21
mite’ of course 121.6
miteli’é undoubtedly (containing the element /1’1 REALLY, TRULY; see
also yeli’t, w1i’2, venli’i, qa1i'i, qui’)
miteli's tila’nvu va'rkin rizu undoubtedly there is a stranded
carcass 64.18
miteli’i ranto’a€ undoubtedly she will come out 82.21
matelr's kitkin-u'qai rakérga’tya® undoubtedly a small bright spot
will appear 118.6
mitiu’ (perhaps mithiu’) I eheapRe
mitiu’ ene’irlr-git I thought thou wert a shaman 22.3
mitiu’ ke'leai-grt I thought thou wert a kele 15.11
miti'iim ELo'n qdigi'pe viri’irkin we thought he really wanted
to die R 52.7
§ 128
BOAS] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES—CHUKCHEE 865
tam, tagam all right!
ge, tam! oh, all right! 121.28
gt, tam, a’men! oh, all right then! 84.14
1, tam! yes, all right 84.19
te’nagq if perhaps (always with future)
te’nag nara’nmi-im if perhaps they should kill me
te’ée-fi how many times
ne'me te’ée-n giiur'® again how many times a year passed (i. e.
after several years) 12.8
naqa’m however, but
utte’mil nrmayengana’éhin naqa’m pe’Le niimgitvi’gin like a tree
was he large, but soon he decreased (in size) 20.2
nara’nmingén na’gam ... nénalwau’gén they wanted to kill
hp but . . . they could not do it 36.1-2.
na’gam nin fa’ugin ne’me but they ordered him again 59.6
u’ttdgai—na'gam Enga'n gelelu' géglin it is little piece of wood !—
But it has whiskers 75.4—5
na’gam éemr’ngrt yito’nenat but (this time) she pulled out a pair
of gloves 111.5-6; also 76.4, 6, 24
na’gam wm is more strongly adversative
guq, naga’m wm re’gé but with what then? 34.9
naga'm tim fo’ ongan but this one 35.1
na’ gam wm tew-mu' tilin but this one’s blood was good 117.14
na’'gam wm nige'tvugin but this one was strong 66.20
With a’men it is strongly adversative
e’nmen qu'ttrgrn qa’at pe’Leqéi nerri’net, na’gam a’meEn
Umaigda’in . . . nénalwau’gén then the others’ reindeer
quickly were untied, but on the other hand Umgdqdi’’s
. . could not 63.11-12
a’men im naga’'m inpilu’tkul4-grt you on the other hand, are
an old shamanistic practitioner 39.4
naga’m lima (literally but again). In this complex the adver-
sative meaning is not alwaysmarked. Itseems to mean AFTER
ALL THAT HAS HAPPENED.
nagar’ ‘m limna fa’wtingé after all, he married 58.7-8
naga’m lit'mia gaa ‘gqolén after all ‘he sat down 98.24
na'gam lii'mia inennike’wkwit after all I am treated thus
98.28-29
na’ gam li'mna éeq-é’ééaq after all, quite on the surface (?)
102.25-26
inenpelqu’utkdlin wm wot, naga’m lii’mia he can not be van-
quished, after all 114.27
na’ gam li'’mia i/liil u’nd ne'lyré after all, the rain stopped
116.11-12
3045°—Bull. 40, pt. 2—12-——55 §128
866 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 40
naga’m lit’mna ginni’k reurre’tyd® after all that has been
done game shall appear 25.6
Clearly adversative are:
naqa’m lii’miia awgé’tkinka nevertheless they did not say
anything 26.6
e’nmen im-niké'rét ntkamagra’gén, naga’m lit'’mia vat glinin
no’mrdgén then the whole night he struggled, however
the grass (with which he was tied) was (too) tough (to be
torn) 20.10-11.
It is also used before nominal forms, pronouns, and nomi-
nalized verbs
kiéauca'tyé na’gam wus qi'médku, na’qgam niki'té he
galloped off notwithstanding the darkness, notwith-
Gee 6 the we 57.5
na’ gam yo'yo gan've'r . . . naa’lomga’n notwithstanding
the wind, ys at that time they heard it 34.4
ene’fulin naga’m go’rgulén but the shaman had a sledge
14.10 mahtek
naga’m am-grna’n but only thou (i. e., but you are all
alone) 30.3
Apparently following the verb to which it belongs:
gapé'nrilén na’gam, ganmitkoi'vulén but they were at-
tacked, they were slaughtered 12.4
ni'nigin wm naga’m but this one was swift 40.4—5
ne’me again
ne'me gitte’wkuié again thou art hungry 9.13
ne'me cipe'tyié again he dived 10.1
gu, ne’me oh, again 36.6!
ne'mdqdi also
e’nmen im Ai’wanat im ne’maga’s they are also Aiwan 7.9
e’nmen ne ete, gerv’felin then he also had flown up 15.3
e’pte ginnv'g-gilt’ lit ne’méaqdr gina'’n néna'nmé-git likewise the
game Wels ea also thou hast killed 44.9-10 ©
nemagér giumna’n I also 93.13
ne'migii enga’n efie'hulrn nipe’ gtrmet also that shaman is hauling
a sledge 14.12-15.1
neqge’m but, nevertheless
gik,nege’m e'un garé’m e’un, gtk oh, but it was not there 27.11
nege’m wim Ir'1-véniolin nigtagin vé &-re'mké nevertheless having
just died, he is taken away by the dead people R 52.12
éI'mqtq partly, somewhat
ér’mqig mii'mkaqin re’mkin nrmitva'lin somewhat many people
were encamped 58.9
§128
SS
BOAS] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES—CHUKCHEE 867
ér’mgig enga’n niqulile'tgin in part they were noisy 60.9
ér’mqik kuke’trku e’ret nitva'gén partly in the kettle boiled meat
was (left) 75.11
e’nmen vai yé'tvué® ci’mqik then it grew somewhat brighter
94.22-23
éa’ma also
éa’ma Eenga’n mat-éwga'n titvu’rkin also this is an incantation I
tell 39.13 ;
éa’ma mu’La e’ur also with blood (they sacrifice) 41.11
éa’ma lo'en: ai’makrk na‘lar’ogén he also defecated on the carcass
81.6
éa’ma qu’tti ga’nmilaat also the others were killed 98.3
trntn-la'li-me'ré vai éa’ma we come here also carrying antlers
121.20
ca’ma nuwethau’ gaat orawéza’-mél they also talk like men 64.10
guq, amen im na'gam tim gar'mré-ai’wan éa’ma oh, he was how-
~ ever a rich Aiwan 50.7
See also 42.3
ée’mit therefore
ce’mit git’muk éna’tvat epki'rké nitva’gen therefore to me prom-
ised gifts do not come 93.16
go, eur qu’num ée’met lr’ wulule’tyi*® lit’miva walga’tiftrn oh, and
' therefore really has become long again the jaw 45.8
éé’nét since, because
éé’nét rm vinrée'tilit nit’mgdqdet since there are many helpers
R 4.44
éé’nét wm qaalvilu’ enii’n fu'rri nitva’gen since the buck is there
on its back R 4.34
cé/nét vée'lichin, va’m minyos’atn since he is dead, why should
we visit him? 108.13-14
éé’nét wmeEnné'n'-mi’/mlé giwkuér’té since they drink one water
R 45.13-14
cé’nét gumni’n u’nni-ku'prén und enméqa’ ets tralva’whin since
I have no fish nets, I cannot trade in fish R 46.47-48
gu, ée’iet im ili’Ld-muri oh, since we are on an island! (an
' exclamatory phrase) 11.11
éite’un
at gumik ga'tvalen, cite'un ta’n'nik trtva'rkin am i'grt before it
was with me, and later (now) with the Russians I am staying
now R 45.19
it aa’vanana me’tal rinfirkinin . . . Gite’un im gimna’ n wu'tku
tufniy’qa'n before the Aivan kept the medal, . . . and later
(now) here I should (like to) keep it R 45.20-21
§128
868 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 40
éite’un akka’ gtr titéggé’iirkin and later (now) with (my) son I
should like (to be) R 46.38
éite’un krnta’irga memilqa’a natna'lpini‘re® later on (now) good
luck may give me seals R 46.42
éite’un af’ttilu a’lwangqan nita’génat and later on some dog-drivers
were moving on in unwanted directions R 32.38
mpré-ekke'té rirr’'lpinnén éite’un vé*-wgénto’é the eldest son was
with him later on then he gave up his breath (i. e. that he
might die an easier death) R 49.15
le’nITtaq already (2)
le’nitag wm napéla’an wm var fne’ekrk already they had left this
daughter 30.12
lenrta’g im... cimina’thin na’nmuga*n already they had slaugh-
tered the reindeer-buck R 52.7 —
léi’en: and simply, and only; restricted action
ninermew’ ginet, li’en’ at’tté gape’nréilén they approached, the dogs
just jumped at them 111.21
li’en: élhipéra’rkin e’ée it is simply white with fat 81.27
ta’yolhin tim lo’lo li’en’ the needle-case was simply his penis 82.13
See also 67.19; 81.6; 86.8, 12, 25; 87.1, 28.
li’en: é't1k (see i*’trk tim) I tell you what (implying contempt)
R 61.1
li'en: &'trk kéma’wkurgé-git and let me tell you that you are caus-
ing delay aba
li’en’ if’tik ra’ifrtaét and may I ask you what do you want here?
li’en’ tim 2£'trk e*’tqi and really, as I tell you, it is bad 11.3
attau’ lv’en* utterly in vain (see atau’ p. 854)
luu, before vowels lu’un just, just like
leen-ai'veE just yesterday
li’é really
en nata’l im lt tr'lhi-gir from now on I shall really know thee
93.21—22
li’t enenrtvi'ié he has really acquired shamanistic power 18.4
lu’ur AFTER THAT, THEREUPON always refers back to a preceding
event.
enmen ai gépt, evite'utkuc®, gog, lu'ur ga'at ye tyat and he called to
the east; oh, thereupon reindeer came 108.32
atéau’ luwau'nen, lilur yopa'tyé she could not wait, thereupon
she went to look 30.13
lu'ur wéthau'fioé thereupon he began to speak 31.11
lu'ur pintigoro'a’t thereupon they began to emerge 102.23
krye'wkwast. e'nmen lu'ur qla'ul ye'tyt they awake. ‘Then, after
that, a man came 66.11
§128
ee
noas] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES—CHUKCHEE 869
rilhindigiwe'nnin,; e'nmen lu'ur égripgé he pointed at her with a
finger; thereupon she felt pain 63.7
See also 8.5; 10.8, 10; 15.1; 29.6; 61.9; 68.11; 70.27
lu’un matalr’ynin éunor’ thereupon the father-in-law said 114.9
la’mifia again
gu, mé'nko li’mha pr'ntiqétyié oh, whence doest thou appear
" again? 10.12
ra’*nota’éhit lit’miia what are these again? 14.3-4
naga'm lit’miia .. . ergewe’tyi® but again he dived 17.4
See a-lti’mfa p. 854. —
ripe’t even
ripe’t térga’tyé he even began to cry
eyr'lqakilinet rrpe’t rx1'git without sleep were even the parents
34.3-4
lile’-mi'’mlaé nipyucr’tqin rrpe’t the eye fluid even spurted out
106.19
rrpe’t ge’mu lr'ngd&n you did not even mind it 109.25
e’nmen rrpe't ténalai’ okwut I even eased myself over you 109.23
rattan :faunIn enough 65.6
re’en I confess
-Fam with personal pronouns MY, THY, HIS TURN (perhaps < Enfaq
tim, guim-ra’g tim it is my turn)
ein nipamprée'tegen enta'm ¢i’thinérku atinra’'lin he puts on
tufts of reindeer hair in their turn in the armpits of the owner
(i.e. the owner puts on...) R 4.46
Enfa’m rimne'té gaikola’ eet this time they spread the skins the
inside upward R 59.13
enfa’m nimtu'mgdqdi eningé'ikélin on his part their camp com-
panion has no child R 12.11-12
kime’l, qime’l at once (?)
krme’l e’lhu ine’téiié at once he has a liking for me 137.14 (see
also 137.5, 11)
enga’m fiaus gaté’tr grme’l then at once (he said) to the woman
58.6
kIme’k almost
krme’k mitr’nmuut almost we killed thee 10,11
a’meEn-tim-1L0'n tr’nma ine’ntrit kime’k but now you did almost
kill one 123.17-18
ginve'r kime’k énanmié e’pte gum this time you have almost
killed me 121.16-17. See also 66.35; 71.6; 85.27; 128.12.
kita’, kita'm, kitau
kitau’
kitau’qun, mi’nkri ni’tqin now then! how was he? 17.12 (kita’m
qun 18.1) §128
870 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Buby 40
kitaw’ qun attti/yna ninenyegtele’nmik well then! the big dog
saved us 106.26
kita’
kita’ ia'nko go ahead! (bring him) here! 20.1
kita'm 46.4; 79.1; 80.10; 87.8; 94.9; 110.20; 113.21; 124.2; krta’m
qun 16.6; 18.4; krta’m qu’num 21.5 well then!
kita’m fiu'n now then (bring home) here! 23.2
gugq, krta’m lit’mia well! now then again! 68.17
It may be separated from the imperative or subjunctive by a
clause
kita’m e'ur li’é-va' iriitkr gatau'tin-é-git qailhina’n: gét, vai w!mkr
gagtr’grn now then, if among real being (gods) thou hast married
really, here a pOloe bear bring! 110.5-6. Compare 110.9-10.
kIta'tkE unfortunately 25.12
k1'tvil-qun notwithstanding
kI'nmal together (7?)
k1r’nmal minuive'lmrk let us go for fuel! 30.6
kr'nmal . . . piligila’lit . . . grna’n néna’nmé-git thou wert
killing ae once (?) the food procurers 44.9. See also 83.26
kirga’m tm a’mEn, kirga'm tm a’mi well now! 121.4
kite’ seldom
ki'tkit a little
ki’ tkit nitente’w-i-iim I laughed a little 72.13
ki'tkit qanve’ntetyr® open it a little 94.21, 34
ko'thit nuurre’tqinet they were a little visible 95.30
kw’ likd alone 24.10.
qaia’qath a while
e’nmen gaia’ gan tile’dst they walked a while 64.8. See also 66.8.
guk,w’'ké gqaia’gah mmgami'tvarkin I wish we could eat a
' while 65.4
gaia’gan e’ur nevmeu’gin for a while he approached 66.13
gara’gan eili-gélénno’é ven-timi’a'’chin for a while the trained
reindeer-buck was looking for urine R 13.26
Eto’-qaia'gan rripkire’nnin after a while he brought her back 51.4
gar’ éto’-qara'gan gewkwe'tin after a while he departed 45.11
qat’vE indeed, truly, really.
gai’ve qine’Uhit really, give (it) to me 16.1
enga’n gai’ve Iu'metui-gir thou art really Iu’metun
gai’ve-m 1'mr yer'velqadi nu'tek tumn-alva'lag rayr'lgaino indeed,
also a little orphan in the country anywhere may (will) sleep
24.10-11
§128
BOAS] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES—CHUKCHEE 871
gugq, gat’ve-m han me’éEn‘kr tre’ntr'im oh, indeed, I shall be able
' to manage him 67.22
Also 23.6; 80.27; 85.3; 92.23; 97.14
qailo’kIm
gtk, qailo’kim re'gé gata’tifitkr with what will you answer 14.2
gailo’kim mi’nkri mini’ntin how shall we act 53.1
quilo’kim wu'tku mr’nt1-gir how should I keep thee here 409.30
qailo’kim pe’nin wolvitva’lin before he was motionless 125.4
gailo’kim exe’nyuté rirr'lpimnen the younger brother accom-
panied him R 50.22-23
qailhina'ngét, gagléna'ngét and actually
gailhina’n: gét lr’é-taniéé’tinoé and actually, he began to feel quite
well 33.5
guq, qailhina’ngét im ne'luén and indeed, they saw it 10.3
gailhina’ ngét n1’rgrpatgén and actually, he was talked about
Raf
Also, 15.7; 18.3; 67.22; 80.27; 104.9
ga’tin just so 127.10
qaléelE vertically
qai-1' sib qdigit’' pe really, in truth
qai-1' pe li’é-va' rrinkr gahau'tri-é-grt really among the gods (real
beings) yn married 110.30-31
miti'tim eLo’'n géigi’pe viri’irkin we thought he really wanted to
die R 52.7 ;
qdai’fiun it seems (Kor. II, Pallen ga’ifiun Kor. 90.2)
ga’inun tu’rgin re’mkrw e§'tqi it seems your people are bad 8.9-10
tu’rgin re'mkin gé'imun re’lqié it seems your people will appear
10.4
qa’inun meti’u rine'lhiié certainly I shall not be believed by
them 19.8
Also 21.2, 5, 12; 24.2.
qdnu’r like, as
gene'Li'net ginu'r be ‘welti they became like bladders 9.4
mi'nkri va'lit ginu’r at'ttwukin pu’ttinet how big! like holes of a
boat (cover) 14.6
naga’m lit’mia ginu’r mémlrérkou’tr ergewe'tyi® but again as into
[the inside of] water he dived 17.4 —
ginu'r vélé'tr gilo’lén as for a dead one she mourned 27.12
e’nmen qinu'r a*’ttrn aré'ta n1'ntéigin then like a dog they held
him back 66.17 |
kele’té va'névan elut’ké génu’r mergina'n v'git ka'mak va'névan
eu’rrekilin to the spirits they are invisible, as to us now an
evil spirit is invisible 62.1-2
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872 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 40
-. . gdnu’r vai mu'rgin re’mkrn like our people here 61.6
e’nmen a'ni ginu'r qun nute’s'gén then it was just like earth 8.6
ginu’r gun wi'lquul just like coal 22.7
ganu’r gun nithr'lqunet they were like hot ones 9.10
e’nmen gol génu’r mprna’ thin gene'wind then another one, like
the last (namely in the preceding story) an old man with his
,wife 28.1
ganu'r lo’en ne'ntidn just as though simply they did to him 35.4
e’nmen gdnu'r qun niciite’rugin then it was as though they were
heated 9.8
qdn‘ve'r the fundamental meaning seems to be AT THIS MOMENT,
AT THIS TIME
gan've'r gale‘olhioéina’-me'ré just at this moment we have met
19445,
gan've'r ginmi'lkinek til-erme’wani'tqinet at this time they drew
nearer 103.8
gan‘ve'r gitte’préin kele’kin 1’wkwié at that moment the leader of
the kelet said 104.26
enmen ginve'r neime’wkwdin gdén've'r wim aéttr’ytin wm
wethau’noé at that moment they approached and at that
moment the dog began to speak 103.19
Taaro’ii-Va'irgu wm gqanve'r . . . Va'irgu ne'Leén a Sacrifice-
(receiving-) Being at that time . . . a (spiritual) Being he
became 41.9-10
Often it may be translated therefore.
gan've'r wm térgila’tinoé therefore (at this moment) she began
to"try 31/70" :
lu'ur wo'tgan génve'r wit'rgirgrn walo’mifonén afterwards, there-
fore, she began to hear this noise 32.9 (in the following lines,
however, the translation AT THIS MOMENT is suitable)
qaéI’-qu’num as you like it(?) R 54.36
QaLi't (<qaf{f]-li’i) but in fact (containing the element Ji’i REALLY,
TRULY; see also yetli’i, uri’d, venli’s, miteli’t, quri’t)
ne’mnrm vai ér'méegdi va'rkin, Kiwhue'n géxi't a settlement is
quite near there, but in fact St. Lawrence Islanders 7.7
gaé1's git but in fact, it is you 23.5
gar’ Re'kkent but in fact, they were Rekken 34.5
gars éto’-qaia'qanh gewkwe'Lin in fact after a short time he de-
parted 45.11
ga1i"s rié’lin in fact (it was) the dead one 52.2
gait enga’n .. . é’trn ye'tyi® in fact this was the master
70.28-30
gaxr't pinle’nénat in fact, he asked them 70.30
§128
BOAS] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES—CHUKCHEE 873
gaéxi't notas’ga’urkit in fact they were digging the ground 71.9
gata’ qun Eenga’nat tei’n'nicit in reality they were murderous
68.20
gati't im qun gai-a*'ttrqét in fact it was (only) a pup 80.4
qari’ enga’n . . . Exa’ in fact that was the mother 85.21—22
gari’t pala’wkun yara’ fir in fact a funeral circle 108.17
qgetew’ even now
garagétha'Lén geteu’ what has the bad one been doing, even
~ now 31.9
_ gete’m, qette’m, kete'm just, just like
gette’m git’/(mnin yara’fir just like my house
kete’m pli'tku just as it is finished R 3.24
qo'nIrl, go'nIrI-m, go'nIri e'ur (contracted also gi’en-e’ur)
since
gol got’maron wii'thrér, tu’mgin enga’n go'nirim gehewtu'mgereet
gnga’nat the other rear sleeping room was in the middle, a
strange person’s (not a member of the family) that, because
they were wife-companions (lived in group-marriage), these
53.9-10
go'nirrm éa’ma go’ ter-gqla'wl-e-im Engana’ta fo’o-e-tim gene'l-1-%im
because also a gambling-man I was, therefore poor I became
R 45.27-28
go’nirim gumni'n i’ git i’rélgal wind . . . tré'Igityatq Velew-
kway go’ v1 because my now clothing material nothing .
T’ll go to Merchants Point (i. e. because I have no material)
R 46.43-44
go’nirt tilv-e'tqifi-i-git since you are utterly bad
qo’nirmm e'un Er’ gin 1'mi viri'tégi’Lin since (the) father has also
died a voluntary death R 49.11. See also R 32.37
go'nirrm Ene'nene citte'wi ta'ma i’liil tim, qa’ko because he calls
the East wind, it rains 132.20-21. Also R 13.21
qo'n* pt quite
ge vie’it he was quite dead 83.21
go’n' pt. nimi'tvafino’att they began to be quite a camp 107.19
re ninenmelewe’tgin he is made quite well 127.3; 135.12-13
qun, qu'num, qun=-t%m probably an emphatic nariete! stronger
than wm (p. 849) and z10/n (p. 852). It stands in second posi-
tion, generally following another particle
ganu’r qun wr'lquul just like coal 22.7
e’nmen ginu'r qun nicvite’rugin they were just as though they
had been heated 9.8—9
qinu'r qun nithr'lqinet just as though they were hot 9.10
gé'’nur gun m1'mlik just as though (they were) in water 101.32
§128
874 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL 40
e’nmen a’nr ginu’r qun nute’s gin they were just like land 8.6
a’ni gun grilu'tkui valata thus it is! they move about with the
knives 16.4
a’ni gun li’en’ re'pkirgé® ratopa’wkwat thus it is! simply you will
come home, she will be pregnant 104.4
a’nt qu'num te’kithin qénu'utkr thus it is! then eat the meat!
14.6
a’nit qu’num ganto’é§ come out! 81.27
a’nt qun, 1’ppe qun thus it is! really! 94.8; also 45.3
térga’tyé: qun wm he cried 116.7
kr'tam qun eple’un lit evevistvi4é did he this time attain shaman-
istic power? 18.4
kita’m qun mi'nkri ni’tqin how is he this time? 18.1
kita’m qun &’nnithin qai’pigun this time put on the necklace
16.6
kita’m qu’num miairri’l-hit this time we will let thee go 21.5-6
kita’m qu’num inexe’tti gatvu’grnat this time what shall there be
for payment? 102.11
kitau’qun attti’yna ninenyegtele’nmrk this time the big dog saved
us 106.26-27.
krtau’ qun mi’ikri ni’tgin how is he this time 17.12
attau’-qun tion tim Tho’tirgrna minpétaré'ra we are just going to
Tin on for food 119.18
attau’-qun o'rgoor yé'ta age. gin just get the sledge ready 105.20
e’nmen -qun ra’ gtie® ELa’ then the mother went home 30.10
gaL'i’t tim qun qéi-a*'ttrqdi in fact, it was only a small pup 80.4
In the following examples gun follows verbs, verbal nouns and
pronominal forms. .
fipe' dt qu’aum z'n'kr they went ashore there 71.12
panéa’trk nimpe’qinet qu'num gi leaping it went ashore, indeed!
122.16
a’un -géta’ gtr pilhirra’tyé: qu’'num he makes himself flat before
them 83.28-84.1 |
ti’nunin qu’num he pulled it out 84.7
ev’miunin tm qun he caught him 121.13
vie‘lin tm qu'num enga’n nine’lqin dead that one had become
(he had died) 125.10
yit Thin tim qu'num, ré?’nut it was the moon, what was it ? 86.26-27
ré?/nut qu'’num lo’%il what was it? walrus-blubber 47.4
1/me-réé’nut qu’num everything 107.2
mi'nkri qu'num mithitte’urkin it is because we are hungry 70.24
éer/vutkuicnimnmeit:, qu'num attto’rguqaia he went to the camp
with a dog sledge 105.5
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BOAS ] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES—CHUKCHEE 875
According to punctuation gunum is in initial position in the
following example
ge, tam! qu’num 1 gitiim mrura’ gtatya‘n let us take it home now!
merle .27
It seems, however, that instead of ge, tam we might read kita’m
as p. 21.5
quii’t in this case indeed (containing the element (/2’i REALLY,
TRULY; see also yeli’2, w1i’d, venli’s, miteli’, ga10'2)
quiat va’ angan as’tiin miilhrt in this case indeed I will give you
that dog 121.24
gecew’'kI together.
githite’ against one’s will
gi‘newdn besides
fie'wdq strong emphasis
he’wig gi’waé you do say 21.11
ne'wig ninemirke'w-i-tim I have been working hard 81.9
gar’vn he’ wig Ena’n cini’t minr'ugin indeed, he himself did say
it R 50.23
ne'wig qar’ve and indeed
§129. Miscellaneous Adverbs and Conjunctions; Koryak
ImT also
r’mr1 gaagat'paLen also it fitted badly Kor. 34.9
r’mih yuqya'nu ganas'linau they also become bumble bees Kor.
45.3
imim gayar'tilen nevertheless he came home Kor. 42.8
min... pla’ku wu'gwa gayr'lin also (her) boots they filled
with stones Kor. 28.7
Also adj. Kor. 66.8, 72.14, 76.19
Ina'n-awit'wut quickly Kor. 70.12
Enna’'n that one alone
mnna'n koro'wapel ganas’lin only the cow was left Kor. 78.12
Enna’niku from that time on Kor. 80.7
Enqa'ta
enka’ta tilat/vikin ne’La then a herd was walking about Kor.
21.8
Enga’ta gassa'len gata’p-var’am then he dragged a net along
the bottom of the river Ker. 70.11
E'nki then, at that very moment
E'nki yu'la'n gaplitéu’linau then they finished what was to be
eaten Kor. 50.1
E’nki tryanu'wgi then I shall eat you Kor. 78.18 §129
876 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 40
E’nki enni'mtilatn pipi'téuykin 2'nki gata’ p-e'mat va'ykin then
Fish-Man was combing his hair; then a load of winter-fish
was (there) Kor. 86.16
Enke’ enni'mtilatn then (there was) Fish-Man Kor. 88.15
Efina‘’an thus
Enna’’an thus it is! Kor. 78.2 '
galgarin gaiéayicr’ha Entat'an wis qt'mérku she went groping
thus in the dark Kor. 16.9-10
Enhat'an vanvolai’ke thus they lived Kor. 43.7
Eenfia’an gayrltelnrvo'lenat thus they began to lie down Kor. 82.10
gina’n eniat'an ina'nt: thou didst thus to me Kor. 88.2
go’La Enfat’naé Yayo'ta-awgut gai'litin after a while they
gave Fox-Woman to him Kor. 70.14
ennat’nvot gani’'kalimau all at once something happened Kor.
70.17-18
Dual forms:
Enfiat’anet gana’tvilen thus they brought him in Kor. 59.2
mnfat’anet pattat’'la mani'ti gayr'ssalinat thus the two filled
with dried meat two bags Kor. 70.21
ayt'kvan at least Kor. 18.1
Tna’'n-awit'wut quickly Kor. 70.12
avi'ut Kor. 44.5
a’wun (Kor. II, Kor. Paren, Lesna e’wun Kor. 96.30; 97.17)
a’wun gaya'lqrwlinau and so they entered Kor. 80.18-19
a’wun im-la’wtalin and so his head became hairless Kor. 82.13
a’wun ui’na and then there was no one Kor. 96.12 (=e’wun
i’tka Kor. II, Kor. 96.30: e’wune’ze Paren, Kor. 97.17
awnu'p (%) Kor. 64.11
a’wgét falsely Kor. 88.14
am (Paren 1m)
qun-am nu’tak ui’na ane'lhiyrpnuka even in the open country
we eat no inner skin Kor. 49.1
pe'nin qun-im Uwe'npilin the same (former) little U’wei
(Paren) Kor. 92.7
a’men
a’men gawgu’Lin and they tied her Kor. 23.4
a’men e’wan and they said Kor. 23.6; 28.1
a’men y1'nna and now what! Kor. 28.2
a’éhi a’men git/mkih ni’wi-gi just now like me thou wert talk-
ing Kor. 29.2
a’mu I do not know Kor. 55.3
atau vainly Kor. 61.3
ata’mtrim in vain Kor. 30.8
§129
_
a
Boas ] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES—CHUKCHEE 877
| as°s*o’ since
as’s'o’ gati’ since you went away Kor. 18.5
a’Cé1LE, aGéo’E (Ch. erre’é) that is all, only, no more Kor. 62.8;
70.8 aééo’é Kor. 66.19; 68.19
a’nam then, and so
me'igan a'nam gi’zinau how then did they become? Kor.
61.9-10
a’nam . . . gala’lin then he came to him Kor. 63.6
Also Kor. 66.6; 78.1
a’nam-e®’en all right then! Kor. 30.5; 31.8
e-’en a’nau all right then! Kor. 32.1
a’naqgun and so Kor. 36.10
anuva’t just as, just when
anuva’t nryatilqy’wqin, z’nki mrityr’lqala just when he was
about to come, we went to sleep
a’'{ImT I wish it were!
a’lrmt1 vai’ érta I wish (we would go) on foot Kor. 21.2-3
gina'n a’limii geti’gin IT wish thou wouldst take it Kor.
72.24-74.1
alva’ other
alva'lin it is of different material Kor. 76.23
a’kyel also
gayo’olenan, a’kyel ipa’na they put it into it, also into the
soup, Kor. 28.6
e°’en (Ch. e’ur) then, and
gayor’olen, e&’en gavit’yalin he visited him and he was dead
Kor. 20.8
ya'nya e’en ha’witgatu partly also women Kor. 44.2
even . . . gumlawanka’wlen and she ended her dance Kor. 48.6
gakya’wlinau e&’en yag fi'liin. ni'tin they awoke and what
thong was there? (7. ¢. and there was no thong) Kor. 40.5
e’enaé once upon a time Kor. 58.4
e’wun (see a’wun)
matula’tin e’wun missaitila’firn they stole it but we shall bring
it back Kor. 40.8
4’ pa really; indeed Kor. 37.8
v'pa a’nam gr'ssa but really thou Kor. 66.6
Also as adjectives:
i’pa kmi’farn the real child Kor. 68.11
gumn'nt'pa qla’wul vie’ go my real husband died Kor. 21.10-22.1
v'pa lr’ ge-ta’ta our real father Kor. 74.20
é’/naé quickly Kor. 39.2
gaye’m i’n‘a nrya’tin he did not come back quickly Kor. 72.19
§129
878 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY ‘BULL. 40
éi/n-aé enough! Kor 30.4; 86.11, 18; 88.15
inya’'wuet (%) Kor 16.5
i/nmtigq really, in truth
i/nmig tapanafisrvo’ykin in truth it began to be heavy Kor. 51.8
i’nmiqu’niim all right! Kor. 28.1-2.
Also Kor. 61.3; 62.3
ini’nninik in this manner Kor. 14.3 (from imi’nfiin such)
o’ya openly
ui’na o’ya a’tvaka she was not (there) openly Kor. 76.14
0’ pta also (Lesna: THE WHOLE; Kamchadal o’ptrma THE WHOLE) ;
Chukchee o’ptrma LIKE)
a’érn o’pta ger'lizin he also gave him fat Kor 15.4-5
qla'wul o’pta enka’ta tilai’vikim a man also was walking there
Kor. 21.9
Quygqinn'a’qu o’pta e’wan Big-Raven also said Kor. 29.5
qo’La ai’ak o’pta . . . gayo’olen an other one she also put into
the storeroom Kor. 55.1
See also Kor. 56.5
oma’ka together
Ama’mqut a'nke o'maka kana’trykin Ememqut was fishing
together (with them) Kor. 44.10
e’en fia’nyeu oma’ka r’'ssa and then together they (were her
children) Kor. 61.2
o-nnen verily, indeed, Kor. 59.9
w’'nmé (*%) Kor. 74.10
ya'wae (%) Kor. 64.9
y'anya (Ch. ya’na) partly, separately
yagq (indefinite pronoun, see § 59) and now
wu'téin yag yr'nna and this now, what is it? Kor. 36.9
ame'yag fa'wrs gat well, how is the wife Kor. 68.2
gin-ya’g thy turn Kor. 46.7 (See yagq, § 59, p. 729)
ya'qam only
ya'gam ai'kipa gapr’wyalin only (with) fly-eggs she scattered
Kor. 45.2 ,
ve'lo ya’gam ninataikiivo’genau she was only making thimbles
Kor. 59.5
ya'qan why
ya'gan ya’ti why hast thou come Kor. 64.1
yaqqai'-qun (Paren yaégqqai’-qun Kor 92.5) then
yell
ye'lr gayi’nalin and so she flew away Kor. 46.5 .
e’en yell ganekela‘len and so she felt ashamed Kor. 60.1
§129
BOAS] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES—CHUKCHEE 879
Ul’ yan, ve’ en (7%)
vr'yan iskula’ti (if that is so) then you were cold Kor. 26.2
vi' yan lelapr’téonvo’ykin nevertheless he looked up Kor, 42.8
fa’no vi'yan krsva'étk va'ykin of course, it is there on the
cross-pole Kor. 68.5
vi'yan gapangar’pilen (without clothes) but with a cap Kor.
76.22
vi'n'va, vi'n'vT secretly Kor. 61.1; 76.14
va'yuk afterwards Kor. 14.7; 19.5
vas'ak Kor. 56.5; 64.9
van (never in initial position; perhaps related to the Chukchee
demonstrative particle nan which is also used adverbially).
ui’/na-van minka’kila not by anybody else Kor. 40.6—7
qaye’m ha'no-van minutiana’wge not those I shall be able to
eat Kor. 55.8-9
a’mlini-van kitve’-lr' ga penér’ykin after that he rushed at her
every time (Paren) Kor. 92.10
pa’ La perhaps Kor. 60.5
macéi maybe
ma’ ti wu’ttuk mayhap (it was) here? Kor. 49.7
ma’ éér vi'lka va'ykin mayhap a fork is there Kor. 19.7
me’ée mima'tage mayhap I'll marry thee Kor. 32.6
mal well
mal-kit properly Kor. 15.6; 74.6; 88.9
mal-kr'trl very well! Kor. 21.5
Also met:-ko'tkit
matle’ta quietly Kor. 54.7
ma’kiw somewhere Kor. 80.9
me’nqanr how Kor. 82.4; 84.21; 88.1
me’ngaé mi'qun mai’mik how indeed shall I get water? 16.7-8
_me’higan mi’qun how, indeed? Kor, 17.12
mi’ qun (Paren mu’qun Kor. 92.23) indeed; an intensifying particle
mi'qun nana’ngin indeed he is a shaman Kor, 42.9
mi’qun Ama’mqut e’wat, Ememqut said even (this) Kor, 64.11
ya’qu mi'qun gatai’krgim what indeed will you do? Kor. 76.7
Also 16.3, 8; 17.12; 39.10; 84.21; 86.12
(té’wgak literally: I say] it seems Kor. 57.9)
té’ta when
ilué’pilin ti'ta minelo®’éola when we find a shaman’s wand Kor.
27.7
ti’ta git’mma tra’trk when was I at home? Kor. 68.13
ti’ta o’pta ninanuva‘’an let him also swallow me Kor. 84.15
ti’tag mu’yu mitatttayr’pnala when did we feed on inner skin of
dogs Kor. 48.9 §129
880 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 40
tito-o'n after a long time Kor. 57.5
nIme’ very; very much Kor. 16.1, 8
éa’myegq indeed Kor, 24.2
éemya’g really Kor. 56.1
éemeée:’n it is so! Kor. 46.4
éini’t since
cini’t enfiat’an qv’tr since thou art so Kor. 56.9-10
[x'gTqaé much less Kor. 49.1
[T’gan simply
Ix'gan mimtelhryalat’ke simply they were resplendent Kor. 44.3
kima’k almost Kor. 21.7; 84.13
kalé’ LE, qalé’LE vertically
ke'nam Kor. 39.3; kena’m Kor. 40.3 already
ki’wan truly Kor. 26.9
kit, ki’t1tl see mal-kit
kei, k1é (never in initial position) and
ya'gkin-ki and what for? Kor. 26.10 (for ya’gkin see §§ 47, 59)
ki’tan; kitia’ then (2)
ki'tan amyagalhene'trn taya’hikrn then she wanted to go to the
ee Kor. 33.8-9
git’mma kitta’ tu’kwak I am gaught Kor. 36.10
kitta’ atawalfila’ka do not look back by any means Kor. 51.6;
52.10
kr'tta negative particle; see § 131.3, p. 883 (Ch. en-fie)
ki'tkit a little
ki' kit; ki’kié as soon as 84.3
ki'kit gayr'ltilen as soon as he went to sleep Kor. 84.3
ki’ kié gaya'lqrwlin as soon as they entered Kor. 72.21
qat’gut indeed Kor, 84.23
qa’wun though
qa’wun pani'ta mi’kinak nayamata’ge though later on hia
wilt marry someone Kor. 78.17
qacI'n }
qat1'n plakgene'tim nat’éatvogen for he had passed water into
the boots Kor. 14.2
gaér’n go'npt niki’ta ganat’zen therefore altogether it became
night Kor. 16.6 —
ga’érn milya’gqpil because it was a small shell Kor. 23.8
gayor'olen, gaérn vi'titpil they visited her, for there was a
small ringed seal Kor, 24.4
gaér'n ena'n tawi'tkinik for she (had been) pilfering Kor. 34.3
§129
BOAS] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES—-CHUKCHEE 881
fa’nyeu gacr’n Yaqyamtila*’nu for those were Bumble-Bee-Men
Kor. 44.6
ga’érn ui'na ana’luka gatr'kalen for without chewing he swal-
lowed her Kor. 84.1
qa’ étk
gi'ssa ga’étk ui’na a’'lva a’tvaka for this reason will you be
' (feel) wrong Kor. 18.7
git’mma qa’érk oyamya’-gum for am I human game Kor. 42.6
qun, qun=-am
gina’n gun nita’witkini-gi’ so thou art playing mischief Kor. 82.9
qu’nam nu’tak ui'na ane'lhi-yrpnuka even in the open country
we eat no inner skin Kor, 49.1
pe'nin qun-1m Uwe'npilit, the same (former) little U’weii
(Paren) Kor. 92.7
qu’nam mu’yi .. . oya’myan mitr’nmin even we too (alone)
have killed a man Kor. 68.3
qu'nam qun Kor. 74.17
vé'tha-qo’nom just now Kor. 56.10
qo’npt very, quite (gon’pu Chukchee; xé Kamchadal); Kor.
13.10; 15.8; 41.8, etc.
gumjan again Kor. 15.8; 18.8; 19.8 ete.
fa’nyen then 63.10; 72.8; 74.3 ete.
§130. KAMCHADAL CONJUNCTIONS
Most of the Kamchadal conjunctions have been replaced by the
Russian (local) forms.
2, dai (u, Wan) and
qe (He) but
tolko (rompKo) merely, only
dotopera (qo Tonepa) until now
potom (aoroms) after that
Other conjunctions of Kamchadal origin are still in use. Among
these I mention
halé, hdléégq it is time! then, now, altogether Kor. 99.5
This particle is used quite frequently with a great variety of mean-
ings. Its use has even influenced the local Russian dialect inasmuch
as the Russian adverb nopa IT Is TIME is used also as a conjunction,
although this does not agree with Russian usage.
-rlme, -me (never initial) AND, AND NOW, corresponds to the
Chukchee -iim K. K. -am.
-ke (never initial) anD, AND Now, but more emphatic than -me.
3045°—Bull. 40, pt. 2—12——56 §130
882 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 40,
-ven (never initial) Kor. 98.9. This emphatic particle cor-
responds to K. K. van, and may have been borrowed from
Koryak.
kat THEN in the beginning of tales corresponds to Chukchee
e’nmen.
e’wun AND, AND so corresponds to Ch. e’un, K. K.; a’wun, K.
Paren e’wun, but may also have been borrowed from Koryak.
lact HOW IS IT, WHEREFORE.
§131. NEGATIVE ADVERBS
1. va'névan negative particle, Nor aT ALL (stem probably vané).
This occurs either alone or with other negative elements.
va'névan ninutewurre erkinen not at all land appears 7.3
va névan nuwa'lomnén he would not hear anything
va'névan gina'n lit giilhi'grn? have you no knowledge at all? 38.4
yi'liil rurkinin tékithin va'névan tongues he eats, meat not at
all 49.4
val nevan nute's*gin niyo®'nén they did not at all reach the ground
52.12
va'névan nénlut'rkinet kele'té the kele could not see them at all
100.29
va'névan natnaytlhau'nén af'ttm they were not at all afraid of
the dog 105.25
va'névan anto'kélén he us'qadé the woman did not go outat all 54.8
val névan garé'm nuwa'lomnén he would not hear anything
va'névan dnluf'net they could not see them at all 61.10
va'névan exe a'lomka they did not hear anything 60.10
va'névan elu’'kaé they are invisible 62.1
va'névan eu'rrekélin it is not visible 62.2
2. garé’m; Kor. Kam. qaye'm; Kor. Par., geye'm; Kor. IL
(village Qare’fimn and others in Kamchatka ¢’gwt); Kamchadal.
aéné, v*é. Used always with the exhortative, or alone with
exhortative meaning, and ignifying negative future.
garé'm mini'nmitik we shall not kill you 13.4
garé'm mine etya*k I shall not become black 23.6
garé'm milhritio'afn I shall not treat him 24.10
gare m minmu'ut I will not kill thee 98.25; 99.7
gare’ m mra'gtratk I will not return home 99.2, 24
gare’ m Ext gi rinenyegtele tyd* father will not ilies me to live 99.15
Le m milithéen I will not do it 99.20
garé'm mvilhit I will not give it to thee 15.13; 16.9
garé'm mryeé tyék I will not come
amen garém!/ but no! (i. e., I shall not do so) 16.1
§131
Boas] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES—CHUKCHEE 883
garé'm v'git/ not now! (i. e., I shall not do so from now on) 21.1
garé'm! no} (i. e., I shall not do it) 99.13
Kor. Kam. garé’m mlak, Kor. LU. d'hut mlek, Kamchadal wéné
mnuk 1 will not eat
Koryak.—
athiwa'n gaye'm this time I shall not! Kor. 54.3
gaye'm ha'no-van minutiana’wge I shall not be able to eat
them Kor. 55.8
gaye’m enalha’Imik he will not catch us Kor. 72.19
Even future imperatives take this particle.
garé’m quwe'trk do not die! (i. e., you shall not die) 64.16, 17
Derived from garé’m is the verbal form garé’mén (Kor. Kam.
giyme'en Kor. 38.5, Kor. Par. gisme'nen) it is not so, not true.
garé'mén “tik lii'miul it is not really a story 61.5
garéménai'-gim I am not this one 23.5
garé'mén ora'wétan he is not a human being 29.9
garéména'igim gla'ulétim I am not a man
garéména'tgrt gla'tilégit thou art not a man
garéména'igim niru'litim I am not feeble
garé ména'igrt nrry'ligrt thou art not feeble
garé' én niru'lgin he is not feeble
gareménar gim Re usgdtitim I am not a woman 116.31
Kor. Kam. gryrme’w un impossible! Kor. 14.3.
3. en:fe Kor. Kam. kI'tta, Kamchadal jak, «é do not! (see § 114
p- 823)
4. @lo’ no elo’ (Reindeer Kor.) 30.9
elz no 30.8
rét'uri?-élo’ what is the matter with you’—nothing 53.6
4a. €a’mam No! I DO NOT WANT TO (referring to future events) 78.6;
used with future indicative. There is no corresponding form
in either Koryak or Kamchadal.
éa’mam I do not want to 98.5, 8
éa'mam trétlhit I shall not give thee
5. e’Le nov, signifying simple denial Kor. Par. e’Le, Reindeer Kor.
e’Le, Kor. II., village Qare’fim and others in Kamchatka el{a,
Kamchadal gam Kor. Kam. wé/%d instead (see below). See 15,
12, 21.3, 24.8 i
6. ué'fid NONE (with nouns; substantives and adjectives). (Kor.
Kam., wé'fia, Kor. Par., ué'fia e'Le, Kor. II., village Qare’fimn
and others in Kamchatka em, e’mma nor. The Kamchadal uses
gam (see above, under ¢’ze). Kor. Par. uses also e’Ze alone
§131
884 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 40 :
und epi'nké I have no powder
See also 18.5; 22.3; 27.9
Without the negative prefix-suffix we find—
ar uid, ta’'ag u'nd, tam-va'irgin giimni'n no tea, no tobacco,
mine is a good life!
(Kor. Par.) eZe epi'iike I have no powder
Derived from this particle is w2’filim HAVING NONE.
ul'tiliim epr'rikiliiim I have none, I am without powder 59.2
§ 132. Interjections
Chukchee and Koryak are rich in interjections. These may be
divided into several groups; namely, a) ejaculations expressing a
state of strong emotion, without definite tone; 6) exclamations
expressing assent, disapproval, surprise, fear, pain, question, call,
and answer, etc.; c) onomatopoetic interjections, sound pictures,
imitations of sounds, such as singing of birds, thumping of stones,
swishing of rapidly moving slabs, etc.; d) words and phrases used as
exclamations. Some of these are derived from pronominal or con-
junctional stems, while others can not be reduced to such sources,
at least not at present.
a. Ejaculations
a! 45.3 (Kor. a! a! Kor. 55.5) oh!
ga! R 104.48 oh!
o! 63.9 oh!
e! 85.12; 90.6; 91.7 ah!
e/ 101.20 all right
go, go! R 65.119 (call)
ga, ga! 122.1 call
gt, gu! R 72.16 ah, ah!
get! 69.4 oh!
ggg! Kor. ggg!) yes!
guq! 10.3; 52.3; 53.1; (Kor. gek! Kor. 50.4) ugh! oh!
gog! 24.1 108.32 : aE 10.1; 11.2; gi! 68.30; R 69.35; Kor.
PT pee MS j
gu! 26.4: go! 69.7; 108.19
ogogogogoi! 70.2 an oh, oh!
ugugugugu! 29.7 paeloriat
Koryak
e! oh! Kor. 47.1
ye! ah! Kor. 49.2
efia’! oh! Kor. 64.19
§132 ate’! Kor. 49.3 ine’! Kor. 27.6
|
CHUKCHEE 885
BOAS] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES
b. Exclamations
Their stems are independent and some of them form derivatives.
go! expresses ignorance: I DO NOT KNOW!
gona’arkin to speak always of one’s ignorance; to answer: “TI
do not know.”
Assent:
1! 9.6, 138; 66.25; 84.10 (Kor. o/ Kor. 30.2; 38.6) yes.
1! 84.19 ah!
eger’! 183.24 R 71.5; R 73.34 (Kor. wga’) all right!
assent and approval.
egev'! 75.30 oh!
taga ‘m! R 59.9, 16; R 66, 1384 (Kor. tog! to! Kor. 35.3;
Kor. 45.8) tail well!
taga’m is used also as the usual leave taking.
taga’ m tewkwe'erkin! R 41.98 (in Koryak tog is used as
leave taking) good-bye! I am going.
The usual greeting is ye’tz? or less frequently ge’et-i-git;
R 62.62; R 76.25 (Kor. yati? HavE you ComE? as
phapting))
The answer is 1! yes! or 1, trye’tyd&k! yes, I Hes come!
Greeting borrowed from Buses toro’ma (sfopono) (Kor.
toro’va) how do you do?
tam contracted from taga’m, mostly with an ejaculation
preceding, comE! WELL!
ee, tam! 30.9; 89.23; e tam! 90.3.
1, tam! 84.19.
gi, tam! 84.14.
Assertion:
gu’né! 82.16; 85.6; R 76.27 sure!
gu'né, qgai’'vz 24.8 indeed, yes!
Calls:
mei! 76.22 R 73.32; R 59.11, from man to woman 53.6;
Kor. mai! Kor. 64.24 amet! Kor. 63.6; mei! Kor.
32.5; here addressed from aman to a woman; me! Kor.
100.5 K. Paren ve! Kor. 101.13; Koryak IIL Qarefiin
mer Kor. 102.4 there, you! you! halloo!
fa'ul 45.3 (Kor. na@’wal) call among women
wut’! 83.13; R 72.15; gov 60.2 (Kor. gov’!) answer to call
yago’! 67.8 (Kor yawo’! Kor. 33.9) halloo
wago’! R 125.22 halloo! there, take it!
Disapproval:
e’wi! 120.10 so!
ee’! 81.17; 83.14; is it? (doubt and disapproval)
eezv’! 108.19 aha! (doubt and disapproval) §132
886 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 40
Surprise:
Used by men )
ka’ko'! generally reduplicated kako, kako! 8.5; 12.6; 68.31
oho!; gako! 84.10; gako, gako! 77.26; 104.14; ga’ko 21.4
kako, mei’! 14.7; R 64.93. ga’ko mei!, go'éo mei!
Used by women
he! ke’ $5202 1226.
ke’ke, na’ul!
keke’, keke’, keke’! 29.7 great surprise and fear
Koryak, for both sexes.
ée Kor. 47.6 (surprise and disapproval) ugh.
gee Kor. 82.14 surprise
Fear:
gokkov’! 63.1 oh, oh!; gogoi’! 18.8
kokkow’! 22.5 surprise and fear
akakaka! 87.14 sudden fright
Question:
wa? (Kor. va? Kor. 46.10) would you?
amto’? 13.9; 80.4; R 92.18 (Kor. amto’ ?) well? what news?
also used as a conjunction: amto’ gitka’lhin? how is
your leg?
Pain:
gt,gi,gt R 74.46 (Kor. mrkrkrkik! Kor. 29.1) sudden acute
"pain
ge, ge, ge! 63.8 (Kor. 2gigz’! Kor. 23.9) crying
Wien e:
ga, ga, ga! 85.17,28 (Kor. got!) off! look out!
Laughing: |
ga, ga, ga! R 79.10
gigi! 30.2
gm! 30.2 laughing of a skull.
Anger:
gm! R 72.20 (Kor. gm! Kor. 31.2)
gum! (terminal) 61.2
taga’m, gapa’ae, giim! 61.2 well, cease, will you!
Miscellaneous:
go! (Kor. go! Kor. 49.6) I do not know
yau yau! 66.17; R 73.385 wait a while! (Kor. ya’wo)
c. Onomatopoetic Interjections
ga,ga,ga! R 140.10; R 277.8, yapping of fox
gin, gin! 105.27 barking of dog
m-m! 106.15 mumbling of ke’le (hence derived a noun
mi'timgin KELE’S MUMBLING)
kabeu’, kabeu’! R 307.8 cackling of ptarmigan §132
Boas] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES—CHUKCHEE 887
ana’, afia’, afta’! 84.8 crying of small infant
ew, ew, ew! R 104.47 singing of thanksgiving ceremonial
éig, €g! 68.25 swishing of slabs of whalebone
piw, pw! 68.8 thumping of stone on the ground
pig, pg! 76.3 thudding of small objects on the ground
pr! 88.17 sound produced with lips
(Koryak) vakikik1'! Kor. 46.1 jabbering of magpie
Shaman’s calls
egegegeger’! 15.7; 68.28; (Kor. ogogogogot’!); 66.35 (here
merely fatione, shoudl borrowed also from shamanistic
practice)
ototototototor’! 59.4
otatatatatatar’! 59.4
Answer to shaman’s call
git, git, git, grge’t! 39.9
ge’ we, gewe! R 306.1 raven’s shamanistic song
go roft-leale’ , go'on-kale’ R 314.23 (Kor. go’on, go’om Kor.
48.2; ann, ann! Kor. 47.2; Koryak, oe aiion. 90.15;
Kor. II Pallan, raven’s caw) raven’s shamanistic song
ge’we, egegeger'! R 122.2 mosquito’s shamanistic song
© BR 306.7 ©
gara’gat, gara’gan! foxes shamanistic song (a little more!
at the same time onomapoetic)
ge'wye, ge’wye ko’onin R 315.31 polar bear’s shamanistic
~ song |
Calls of reindeer-herders
gO, gO, go, gog, gog, gog! 32.11 for driving the herd
92, 94, 92, 929, 924, gaq!
eia’, eia’, eta’! R 307.13 for calling a broken reindeer
(hide 3 in offering it urine)
grr! R. 4.38 the same; also reindeer’s snorting, onomato-
poetic
Interjections are often used in groups
guq, 1! 9.13; grk, 1’! 65.26 oh, yes!
ee, ta’m! (see before)
gei, gu’né! 69.4 oh, indeed!
d. Words and phrases used as interjections
1na'nkén, rna'nkén tim 9.5; 64.7, 14; 68.16 oh, my!
trte’net! 64.15; 68.16; 80.22 (great emphasis) used also in com-
pounds with personal pronouns in verbalized form
trte’net-i-git it is wonderful with you
trte’net-tu’ri (plur.) it is wonderful with you
trte’net-ve'rin it is wonderful with him (stem verin unknown
otherwise) §132
888 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULI. 40
2, tu'n-nikek! oh, my! sudden surprise; (tur new; nikek verbal
noun of indefinite verb nike (§82)
echinre'wan! 80.23 oh, goodness!
am no’t amen! R. 73.27 (surprise and anger; em mere
§113.5) wot demonstrative particle (§57) amzn adversative
conjunction p. 853) how is it then!
ééq-a'lvam va'lin! 76.5 ($113.15) how very strange!
vé’nom wonder and blame; in compounds with subjective form
of personal pronoun
vénom gina’'n 55.11; 109.24 something like out wirH rou!
alti/mna! 120.16,23 (a ah, luimfa again) only think of it!
sudden surprise (see also p. 854)
nire’gin-tim! I do agree! 84.19; R 62.58; R 65.112 regular
nominalising form of indefinite verb reg (§82)
rere’'q-im R 75.6 I do agree! (causative re-reqim)
re’qu lit’mna the same! R 73.24 (re’qu designative of reg what;
limnha again)
ra’gal 80.25 what of that; (reg what; al otherwise unknown)
u'nmuh a’ni, u’nmtifi a’ni-m e’un 84.26; 87.7 Oh, how bad it
is! (u’nmuf very, a’ni-m even so; e’un and so)
KAMCHADAL
tea there! qu call; ha lloo!
tle there, take it! hé, hei answer to call
nux here! ga what do you want?
ee yes at surprise
§ 183. Euphemism
For diseases, dangerous animals, and unfortunate events or condi-
tions, euphemistic phrases are in use, some of which express the
idea to be stated by the opposite idea.
nigitte'pqin (literally, clever) fool
érkayé'tu-wa'lin (from érka'yon-va'lin intelligent) silly
ermé'urkin (literally, he acquires force) he becomes possessed
by madness
also
emtine'urkin (literally, he reposes) he dies of hunger
uulvilu' (literally, black wild reindeer) brown bear
let’wulin (literally, the one who walks about) wolf
ré gatkurkrn . (literally, something is happening) contagious
disease is spreading
va'irgitkerkrn (from va'rrgin being) disease
§133
BOAS] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES—CHUKCHEE 889
§ 184. New Words.
On the whole, Chukchee and Koryak have not borrowed many terms
from the Russian, but have rather coined new words for new ideas.
Following are a few examples of these.
Chukchee Kor. Kamenskoye
e’rem a’yim commander (literally, strong
man)
te’ genai ta’ gana tribute (literally, thing for
bowing down with)
teg-e'rem taga’-a’yim chief officer of district (liter-
ally, tribute-strong-man)
anian-ra'n aian-ya'n church (literally, spirit-
tin-kow'nin
wu’ gun
tin-uw' kkam
d§g-v' mil
heli’ kel
keli’ tul
ta’ aq-kow'huin
é' tte-kov' fin
gue’ vin
puti'Tkan
akga'-mi' mil
kali’kal
kale’ tul
ka'néa
house)
glass (literally, ice-cup)
fortified log-house
bottle (Russian 6yrsl4iKa;
in Chukchee literally, ice-
vessel)
brandy (literally, bad water)
letter, book, writing (literally,
carving)
ruble, paper ruble (literally,
piece of carving)
tobacco-pipe (local Russian
rau3za, borrowed from
Turkish, in Chukchee
literally, tobacco-cup)
(one side of) horse-pack (liter-
ally, carrying-side)
flat brandy-keg (literally,
drum-vesse’ )
long brandy-keg (literally,
thigh-bone)
plate (literally, white vessel)
émté’ -gal
yara'r-e’kkam
aima'lgal
ilh-u'kkam
Russian loan-words are always modified to suit the phonetic charac-
The Koryak, even those that have no 7, retain,
ter of the language.
however, the Russian 7.
Chukchee Kor. Kam. Russian
ta’ gar éa’ gar caxapb sugar
ta’ aq ta’ wax Tadakb tobacco
Ear car wail tea
ko'nekon ko'n'*e KOH horse
ko’ érr ko’ é1r Ko3bIpb (trump) cards
§134
890
BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY
éol
toro’ ma
éé éver
koro’walhin
ka’ éak
Etto'l
toré'lgan
éol
toro’wa
be’ Gver
koro’ wa
ka’sak
stol
tore lka
Ce al .
2 pr ayo core
COIb
340POBO
4eTBePTb
KOpoBa
Ka3akb
CTOMS
Tapeika
salt a.
how is youl
health?
quarter
cow
cossack
table
plate
CHUKCHEE TEXT
THE Woman WuHo MarrieD THE Moon!
E’nmen? gqol® yara/éhin,* fie’us‘qit® tm® gqol® ora’wera-
Once a certain house, woman certain human
fa’us‘qat? uwii’quéité® n’nku® ge’téilin,’? e’nmen? gequ’pqiLin,™!
woman the husband to rejection ~ used her, then “she was starving,
elvetifie’tii’? gene’Lin® em-qu’pqiti.* E’nmen? gtte’.% Qén-ve’r
crawling on “she became just by starving. Then ‘she was After that
all-fours hungry.
tm® yara’éhin* lunin,® res-qi’wkwi',” éiée’pgi®,® e’ur’ teik-
a certain house she saw it, she entered she looked at the made
about same time
evi'rin® gaiméi’viilén,” e’ur’® tipa’lha” keme’fir” geyr’reLin,”
garments * were hanging, at the with tallow a dish “was full,
same time
nigami’tvagén® tm® e’nmen,? li’en: nipli’tkugin,”® niginteu’qin”
she eats and then, just she finished, * she fled
nota’gtr.”8
to the country.
1 From W. Bogoras, Chukchee Texts; Publications of the Jesup North Pacific Expedition Vol. VIII,
pp. 86-89.
2 ONCE UPON A TIME, also connective AND THEN, THEN; always in narrative (p. 858).
* Absolute form; with non-personal nouns the synthetic quli is also used (§ 60, p. 732).
4Stem ra HOUSE; yara probably reduplication from rara; -€hiIn A PARTICULAR ONE (§ 53, p. 716),
absolute form; here in predicative sense THERE WAS A PARTICULAR HOUSE.
5Stem flew FEMALE; -s'qdt a suffix, probably related to others in -s‘g-, but not free. Absolute form
as before.
6Particle, indicating that the whole story is well known to the narrator, and is supposed to be
known to the hearer (§ 128, p. 849).
T ora/wer+la‘n WHAT BELONGS TO THE HUMAN RACE (§ 54, p. 717);r+/ in contact form L (§ 7, 17; p.654)
the strong vowels of the word produce ablaut in the second part of the compound (§ 8, p. 646)
The first part of the compound has dropped the suffix -n of the absolute form (§ 115, p. 826).
8 Subjective form in -ta (§§ 37, p. 697); here as subject of transitive verb (§ 92, p. 780).
9 E/nku; verbal stem Enk TO REJECT, TO REFUSE;—w suffix (§103.34) expressing purpose, depending.
upon the following verb.
10 rz¢é1’rkin or ritéi'rkin to make some one something (§ 79, p. 765); stem rié—initial; ¢é medial ;ge—lin
nominalized verb (b) (§ 73, p. 758).
UStem qupgq(dt) TO STARVE; ge—lin SHE WHO HAD ATTAINED A STARVING CONDITION (§ 73); Z<t+
(§7).
12Stem elvetif, -et adverbial suffix (§ 110.70, p. 810); @ Nominal Form I,3 (§§ 64; 95, p. 786).
18 Stem nel (§ 77); ge-lin (see note 10); L</-+1 (§ 7).
4 em- MERE (§ 113, 7, p. 816); qupqdt TO STARVE (see note 11; -@ Nominal Form I, 3 (§§ 64, 95).
18 gitteu TO BE HUNGRY.
16Stem luf TO SEE; -nin HE—HIM (§ 67, p. 741).
Stem res‘qiu TO ENTER; -gif HE (§ 64, p. 738); wkw<utg (§§ 7.2; 72.4).
18 Stem ézéep related to lilep TO LOOK (§§ 2; 122, p. 834), also Ciée TO LOOK; -git HE (§ 64).
19§ 128, p. 855.
2Stem teik TO MAKE; evi/rIn GARMENT, absolute form (§ 30, p. 691), here subject of intransitive verb
(§ 91, p. 779); composition see § 116, 4, p. 830.
Stem yJm TO HANG; suffix—yv(u) frequentative or intensive (§110.54); ga—lén (§ 74, p. 760); with
ablaut (§3). i
2upa'lhIn TALLOW; subjective form in -G expressing modality (§§ 37, 92); with ablaut (§3).
Bkeme’fiI DISH, absolute form in -fz (§ 30); absolute form as subject of intr. verb (§ 91).
4Stem yIr FULL; with suffix -et (§ 110, 70); ge—lin (see note 10); L<t+l.
*Stem gam, compounded with tva to be; n—qin ONE WHO IS PERFORMING AN ACTION (§ 73, p. 758);
with ablaut (§3).
Stem pl and suffix -tkw (§ 110, 67), compare pldgi it is ended; n—gqin see note 25.
27 Stem gint; with suffix -ew (§ 110, 70); n—qin see note 25.
*Stem nute; -gty after vowel, allative (§ 40); ablaut (§ 3).
891
892 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 40
Qla’ul?® piiki’rgi®® éeivutku’lm.* Yi*’lhin® tim® qu’num, rinut.*
Aman came walking. The moon really, what.
“‘Guq, ééq-a’lvam-va/lin,* ranut® lei’vurkin® qamuitvala’arkin,*
“Ob; quite extraordinary being, what is walking is eating much,
uw kkam-yrriir®” te’lprrkm.*” © Ne’me _ irga’ttk® ewkwe’tyi’.®
vessel-full is finished.’’ Again in the morning he started.
Elve’lin*! li’en’ ple’kit* nénai’piiqénat,*® na’qam _ eu’rrekélin®
Other ones just boots he put on, however not appeared
fie’win.® Ne’me qiiti’,*© e’ur’® kEnga/n” fie’us‘qit® piki’rgi®,*?
a wife. Again he went, at the same then the woman came,
time
tipa/Ihin” ne’me lu®’nin.'® Qamirtvala’tyé®,* giin-ve’r gm‘kew’kwi’.®
the tallow again she saw it. Sheate much, after that ~° she grew fatter.
Qla’ul?? tim® ne’me ragtré®.®° ‘‘Guq, u’nmuii a/ni.*! Céq-a'lvam-
The man again came home. “Oh, how bad! Quite extraordinary
va'lm.* Ré®’nut* mo’n” qamitvala’arkin #° Kita’m e’ur’ rirga’trk*®
being. What then is eating much? Well then this in the
time morning
ecei’vutkuki®® mi’tya&k! Ne’me am-gtnotilo’® ne’lyi®.°* Lu’ur®”
not going let me be!”’ Again mere mid-day it became. Thereupon
ne’me fio’t® ye’tyi®, res‘qi/wkwi*!? tim® ne’me, takéthé’t1® qiiti’.**
again behindthere she came, she entered again, to the meat she went.
29 Probably reduplicated absolute form from a stem gla (qla‘l) (§ 29); g before consonant becomes *
(§ 7); absolute form as subject of intransitive verb (§ 91).
30Stem pukir in initial position; pkir in medial position (§ 12, p. 662).
31Stem Geivu, related to leivu (§§ 2, 122); -tkw (§ 110, 67); -lIm ONE WHO (§ 54). See note 35.
32 Absolute form; predicative.
83 See § 59 p. 729; absolute form.
34 Gig- EXCESSIVELY (§ 118, 15); elve DIFFERENT; alvam-va'lin EXTRAORDINARY (§ 112, 82, p. 814) stem
tva- TO BE, initial va- (§ 12.2, p. 661); -dzm (§ 54).
35 Stem leivu, related to Geivu (note 31); -rkin derived form (§§ 64, 87).
» 86 See note 25; derived form (§§ 64, 87); -lef FREQUENTATIVE, (§ 110.53 with ¢ dropping out in interyo-
ealic position (§ 10).
37 u/kkiim DISH, stem yir FULL, here reduplicated absolute form (§ 29).
%8 Stem telp; derived form (see note 35).
39Stem Irg dawn; a locative form (§ 388). Compare Irgiro'ihot IT BEGAN TO DAWN 9.13; Irgtro’k at
dawn 10.3.
£40 Stem ewkw with suffix -et (§ 110, 70); ty<t+ 9 (§ 7. 26, p. 654).
41 elve DIFFERENT, OTHER; -lin absolute form (§ 60.3); singular and instead of plural (§ 46, p. 709). The
strong form alva signifies AwAyY!
42 Plural.
4Stem ipt; prefix ine- making transitive verb intransitive, here passive (§ 113, 28);n—gin, ONE
WHO IS PERFORMING AN ACTION (§ 73), plural because referring to ple’/k1t: THOSE THAT ARE BEING PUT
ON (§ 74); with ablaut (§ 3).
4Stem wrr(ew) often medially wurr; c—k#lin negation (§ 114, 4; p. 824).
4 Derived from fiew FEMALE.
46 Stem medially qdt; 34 person past, more frequently qd’tyi®; ty<t+g (§ 7. 26, p. 654).
47 Demonstrative (§ 57).
48 See note 36, ty<t+g (§ 7. 26, p. 654).
49 Stem gink+eu (§110, 70); wkwcu+g (§ 7.2).
50 From ra house, probably the allative form rag which serves here as verbal stem: t1é<t-gi® with
ablaut (§§ 3, 7).
51 Particles (§ 128, p. 853).
52§ 128, p. 852.
53 Stem éeivu, see notes 31 and 35; -tku (§ 110, 67); e—kd negation (§ 114, 4), see also note 44.
Stem it to be, Ist person subj. (a); ty<t+g (§ 7. 26).
55em- MERE (§ 113, 7); gIno’n middle; Ilo’-, aslo’ DAY.
56 Stem nel- TO BECOME; ly<1+g (§7): see Note 13.
87 § 126, p. 868.
58 Demonstrative particle (§ 57).
59Stem yel- TO COME.
© teki'éhin MEAT; allative form in -étz (§§ 53, 40).
a
Boas] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES—CHUKCHEE 893
Ne’me e¢hi ¢it™ qam1’'tvarkin,? lu’ur® pi’rinin.®
Again before ~ Lag she ate, thereupon he took her.
**Akakaka’! ilu’ki* a/lya!’#t ntqama’gragén.® ‘‘Gu, e’ufian ©
‘*Ah, ah, ah! motionless away!”’ she struggled. “Oh, so
gina’n.”°’—** Gu'na, a/lva,* qine’rrilhi®!*—‘‘Gu'ni, ilu’ki. Qaré’m®
thou.” — “Oh, away! let me go!”’ — “Oh motionless. Not
minre’qewkur,” mimfilo’ur.% Grk, ia’m — oilei’vutku-i-grr?”
I shalldoanythingtothee, I will question thee. Oh, why art thou walking about?
Qai'vé gétr'nvé-gar 2? — “Ui na.” *— “KE mim ?”—“‘U wa queité® n’nku®
Indeed thou hasta master?’ — =No.7" ‘‘Where is he?” — “My husband torejection
gine'téilin,”® génanéaatvau’lén,” ginenqu’pqeulin.”” — ‘‘rn‘qa’m’®
used me, he cast me off, ~ he let mestarve.” — “Then
va’névan”? wu’tku® yara’érku® re’qiin®? qinelu’’rkin.” &—‘‘ Va’né-
not at all here rede oF he something thou hast seen.’’ — ‘‘Nothing.”
van.”” ‘*Guq, a’mén®™ tim, mimata’gtt.” *
“Oh, then let me marry thee.”
Ma’tanén.** Ne’me éei/vutkui®.*7 Wulqiitvi/k® tm® piki’rr.®
He married her. Again he walked. In the evening he came.
6 Before, formerly (§ 127, p. 848).
82 See notes 25, 36, 48; here gamitva, derived tense in -rkin (§§ 64, 87).
6% Stem piri to take; -nin he—him (§ 67).
% iu TO MOVE; e—ka negation (§ 114, 4). The initial e is contracted with the i of the stem.
Stem gama’gra; n—gén (§ 73); with ablaut (§ 3).
66 § 126, p. 855.
61 Subjective form (§ 56); presumably as subject of an idea like YOU HAVE EATEN IT.
6 Stem initial rzrri/, medial rril; ine- (§§ 67; 113. 28); q—gi® imperative 2d person sing.
® Negation with exhortative meaning (§ 131.2).
70 Medial form of the causative prefix—n; stem rag WHAT, SOMETHING; —eu (§ 110.70); predicative
form of the indefinite pronoun; m—git LET ME—THEE, subjunctive (§ 67); whucu+g; in place of git
we have here and in the next word the alternating form grr.
Stem *pilo; initial form prnlo-: medial form -miilo-; m—git LET ME—THEE, see note 70.
72Stem leivu, see notes 31, 35, 53; -tkw (§§ 110, 67); predicative form of nominalized verb (§ 73).
73 Stem éi7nv MASTER (§§ 48, 73).
74 NO (§ 131.6).
75See note 10; here with the prefix -ine- referring to the first person (§ 73).
76 See note 75, the same form; stem ~Caatv-; ’—au CAUSATIVE (§ 114, 1).
77See note 75, the same form; stem gupq TO STARVE (see note 11); r—ew CAUSATIVE (§ 114, 1).
78 Conjunction (§ 128, p. 858).
79 § 131.1.
8 Demonstrative (§ 57); as particle vai; stem wut-; locative in -k,
81 See note 4; -¢érku inside of, nominal (§ 101, 24).
827Gq SOMETHING; here absolute form (irregular) used as object with the verbs iu TO SAY, luf TO SEE
8 Stem luf TO SEE; derived tense in -rkrn (§ 64); ine- (§ 113. 28); g- imperative (§ 64); here used as a
past (§ 85).
* Conjunction (§ 128, p. 853).
8 Stem mata TO TAKE, TO MARRY; subjunctive (a), m—gIt LET ME—THEE (§ 67).
8% Stem mata TO TAKE, TO MARRY; -nin HE—HER (§ 67).
81 Stem Geivuttku, see notes 31, 35, 53. The g of the ending -gi* has dropped out on account of its
intervocalic position.
Stem wulg EVENING, compare wu/s'g DARKNESS; a locative form (§ 38); -tui to become (§110, 68)
8 Initial stem pukir, medial pkir; abbreviated termination for “gt.
894 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL 40
I’wkwi® En‘iio’t™ fiawané’ti,”’®” ‘‘En‘fie’* a/ntoka“ ralkoérkor’pi.®
He said thus to his wife, “Don’t not going from the inside of the
out inner room.
Minre’s‘qrumik,® li’en: Got-tagné’tr” ple’kit*? qini/ntrfimet.”®
Let us enter, just pillow ‘edge to boots throw them.”
E’/nmen? ri’ntininet.® E’/nmen? lu’ur®” vai! keme’fir, em-keme’fi®®
Then she threw them. Then there- here a dish, a mere dish
upon
res‘qi’ wkwi‘,!” e’un'™ ere’té!? geyr’reLin.’% Qamr’tvaa‘t,. ne’me
came in, then with ‘ being full. They ate, again
boiled meat
li’en* ne/nvuifn!® keme’fir,?? mrga’tik®® tim® krye’wkwa't.!% E’un'
just they put out the dish, in the morn- they awoke. At that
ing time
keme’fr™ gite’nin'” fe’us‘qité,’® genu’mkeulin’™®.
the dish she saw it the woman, it was put in its proper place.
Ne’me éei'vutkui’.*” Ge’lvulin,!!°—‘‘Gik,1rga’trk®* im® minine’témm1k™
Again he went, He obtained a Oh, to-morrow let us have a thanks-
wild reindeer,— giving ceremonial.
Tai/fitkwut'? en‘fie’* gima’n™ enne’kaé' qinti’ginet.”"* K’un'
The charm-strings don’t * thou not carry have them for And so
out ones being thus.’’
nayopa’tya‘n’ éna/téryo!® rvilu’,1!”7 e’un tai/firkwut!” gene’Linet."®
they went to it made to be the wild rein- and so the charm- * were on it.
thanksgiving deer, strings
ceremonial
Guq, yilgi’tyat.“* Irga’trk*® tim® kiye’wkwaé't,’ ne’me
Oh, they slept. Next morning they awoke, again
Stem iw; suffix -gié; wkw<utg ($7).
91 See § 58, p. 727.
Stem fhewdn wife: ~8ti ALLATIVE (§ 40).
9 § 131.3.
%JTnitial stem fi1to, medial nto TO GO OUT; e—kd not (§ 114.4).
Stem relku; -érku interior (§101. 24); -rpu% ablative (§ 42).
96Stem res‘giu TO ENTER; subjunctive (a), mIn—mlk LET US (§ 64); see Note 17.
% Cot PILLOW; te’gin edge; -éti ALLATIVE (§ 40); PILLOW-EDGE i. e. THE OUTER TENT.
9 Stem int; r- to cause to (§ 114.1 ¢); gé—firmet THOU—THEM, imperative (§ 67).
Stem and prefix as in note 98; -ninet HE—THEM (§ 67),
100 Demonstrative particle; stem wut- (§57, p. 723). See note 80.
101 § 128, p. 855.
102 ¢’ret boiled meat; -d instrumental (§ 37).
10 Stem yIlr FULL. See note 24.
104 See notes 25, 36, 48, 62; here 3d per. plur. ending -gditt, with intervocalic g dropping out; ablaut (§3).
10 Stem nvu.
106 Initial stem kry+eu, medial gg+eu, suffix -eu; wkw<utg (§7).
107 Stem gite TO SEE, -nin HE—HIM (§ 67).
108See note 5, -@ SUBJECTIVE as subject of transitive verb.
109 Transitive prefix r—, in medial position -n -(§ 114.1); Stem wmk-+-eu (§110. 70); ge—lin (§ 73).
110Stem Ilv WILD REINDEER, -w to consume (§111, 71); ge—lin ($73).
11Stem ineté TO HAVE A THANKSGIVING CEREMONIAL (perhaps ine+té but never used without ine;
ef. Kor. Kam. ina- éaré-at); subjunctive (a), mIn—mik LET Us (§ 64).
U2tqi/AIkulhin pl. tai/Arkut MISFORTUNE-PROTECTOR; Stem {aifia TO TRESPASS; -kwk protector (§105.43),
13 e—_kd@ negation (§114,4\. Ifit were affirmative this would be a verbal noun in -(¢)d@ dependent upon
following verb (§ 80, p. 766); stem, initial rne, medial nne.
14 Tnitial stem rt, medial nt; géi—ginet THOU—THEM, imperative (§ 67).
15Stem yopat to visit; ne—gd'n THEY—HIM (§ 67).
116 Stem ineté, see note 111; -yo past participle (§ 107, 47); ablaut (§38).
117 Stem lv, absolute reduplicated form (§ 29).
usStem nel; ge—linet, 3d person plural (§ 78).
nsStem yilqdt TO SLEEP; ty<t+g (§7).
ROAS] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES—CHUKCHEE 895
éei’vutkurkin. ‘‘Refqtim® a’mén* i’unin,??° ‘No’ongan™ ée’firl!??
he was going. “What then he said to her, ‘That trunk
en‘fie’ enve’ntetkaé! ganti’rkin.% En‘fie’* pegér’fiu’® e/lhika.’°
don’t not opened have it for one Don’t for object of not having it
that is thus. concern as one,
A’limt”’ guwalo’mtirkin”’ tim® vé’tr.’’?°
However obey truly.
Gik, e’nmen? éei’vutkui‘,*” éefirl!?? ruwenteéewiu’nin.*° E’un'™
Oh, then he went, the trunk she opened it. And so
B/n‘ki! fie’usqat® nénanva’tqén,' en’men? lu&1qal"* érfia’ta!* va'lim,™*
there a woman was placed then destined to split being
be a face
qaéa’kén'*> Jo qac** nu’uqin,'” qol® tim® niéé’Logén™® lo’qaé. 8°
one side side of face black, the other red side of face.
E’nmen’ fie’us’qat® yrki'rga® puke’nnin:*! “Pri!”
Then the woman with mouth made a noise at her: se pri?
H’/nmen? gite’nin,’*” e’ur™® fan’ vail vili®, pékagta’tyé®.
Then she saw her, atthat that one here died, she fell down.
time
E’nmen? rinénnoma’nnén, mifikri nayrilhau’gén,\” qailo’qim.™
Then she closed it, how she was afraid of course.
Piki'rgi*-m1” uwa*’qué. Res-qi’wkwa't.*!. Va'névan” ni'tvinén,'!”
He came the husband. They entered. : Nothing she told him,
120 Stem iu TO SAY; -nin HE—HIM (§ 67).
121 THAT YONDER, independent form (§ 57, p. 723).
122 Absolute form (§ 28).
18 Stem vent TO BE OPEN; r—el CAUSEATIVE (§ 114, 1); e—k& negation (§ 114, 4).
124 Stem rt, see note 114; derived form (§ 67).
129 pegeIi CONCERN; -nwU SERVING FOR (§ 103. 34).
126 Stem -/f (§ 78); e—kd& negation (§ 114, 4).
127 Disjunctive conjunction (§ 128, p. 854).
128 Stem walom TO HEAR; imperative of derived form (§ 64).
129 Particle (§ 128, p. 863).
130Stem vent TO BE OPEN; r—ei CAUSATIVE (§ 114, 1); -tewiw contracted from—tet—yw(u), (§100.54,56) ;
she opened with great care and after several attempts; -nin HE—HIM (§ 67).
131 Locative.
182 n-éna-n-va-t-gén (§ 74; also § 114.1).
183 § 103.37.
184 Stem éri; suffix—at; verbal noun in -(¢)@ dependent on the following participle va’lin.
185 gata’kén belonging to one side (§ 47).
136 /y£ FACE; -qaé SIDE OF (§ 101, 26).
137 See § 49,
138 See § 60, p. 732.
139 n—gin (§ 49)
M40 yTkI'rgIn MOUTH; -a subjective (§ 37).
141-772 HE—HIM (§ 67).
142 Demonstrative (§ 57).
148 Stem vif TO DIE, vie/i® <vit’gi with loss of intervocalic g (§ 10).
144 Stem pékagt-; suffix —at
145 Stem om(r); r—at (§114.1); n-én-n prefixes, n—n transitive, én- intransitive (?).
146 Stem mik (§ 58, p. 727)
147 aytlhau; n—gin (§ 73).
M48 Particle (§ 128, p. 871).
149 Contraction of wm.
160 Absolute form (§ 28).
1 Ending wkwdtt <u-gdtt.
162 Initial stem tuw, medial tvw; ni—nén (§67, Ia 6).
896 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 40
e/nmeé*? tim® naytlhau’nén.** Ple’kit* ri’ntminet® éot-tagiié’tr,®”
because she feared him. The boots she threw pillow-edge to,
them out
e/nmen? a’téak-'* luwa’wkwa‘t® kama’etr. 57
then to wait they were unable for the dish.
Guq, uwii’qué® ure’wkwit,”*® ‘*Gugq, qa’ko. Tite’fiet-ve’rm.”
Oh, the husband appeared, “Oh It is wonderful
Enfa’q?® e/mi?* Qai’vE e’Le!? ée/frl i/nenvente’tkil-i-git?”4 —
Now where is it? Indeed not the trunk not you opened it?” _
*°K’/xe.”42 — ‘*Na’/qgam tm e’mi? Gu’ni quwalo’murkin,™
SINOL 2 -- “ However where is it? Do listen,
qatvu’gun! = Qén've’r tu’wnén,!® ‘‘Emrte’tim'®” tigite’a*n.1™
tell!” After that she told him, ‘““Namely “T saw her.
Inegite’kilin,1® e’Le.?? .:. Yiki’rga... tipuke’tya°k,?® + tue
She did not see me, no. With the mouth I made a noise, thereupon
kapléta’tyé.©!7!
she fell down.”
Guq, ¢’éq-a'lvam-va’l-é-g1t.17? Ia’m agéro’lkil-é-g1t?! Atta’um'”
Oh, quite extraordinary you are. Why * dost thou not obey? With reason
e'un™ uwii’quéiti® e’nku® ge’térgit.' Ya'rar’”® rai qine’ilhi.”*”
and so the husband oe deserted thee. Drum behind there give me.”’
there
E’/nmen? rintrgtrgeu’nin.*% E’nmen? ei’ui®.17) = En-qa’m’s_— lu’ur*?
Then he drummed on it. Then she revived. Then there-
upon
gagtan ‘finai’piilén,*? keme’f1™ gereli’sqiéeLin.™
she was quite angry, the dish ‘she pushed in strongly.
153 See § 128, p. 859.
154 See note 147, transitive form; n—nén (67, Ia 6).
155 q/téa TO WAIT (§ 95, p. 786).
156 [Initial stem Juw+aw, medial /v+au TO BE UNABLE ; 3 p. pl.
17 rom keme’ir dish; -gt] ALLATIVE; with ablaut (§ 3). ‘
158 Initial stem wr-+euw.
159]Tt isa wonder! (Interjection).
160 From demonstrative stem En.
161 Interrogative adverb.
162‘Negation (§ 131.5).
168 Stem vent, see notes 123, 130; r—ef CAUSATIVE (§ 114, 1); i—kdlin NEGATION (§ 114, 4); 2d person
verbalized noun (§ 73).
164 Stem walom TO HEAR, LISTEN, OBEY, see note 128; derived tense, imperative.
165 Stem tuw, see note 152; imperative.
166 Stem tuw,; -nin HE—HIM; with ablaut (§ 3).
167 em-Ite’t-um (§ 128, p. 857).
168 Stem gite TO SEE; tl—gdi£n I—HIM.
16 Stem gite To SEE; ine- (§ 67); i—kédlin negation (§ 114, 4).
170Stem puket; ti—gd*k I—, intransitive (§ 64).
i71 3d person sing. :
172 See note 34; 2d person, nominatized verb (§ 73).
173 Stem gérgl TO OBEY; e—kdlin negation (§ 114, 4); 2d person sing.
14 gtau/-tim BUT WITH SOME REASON (§ 128, p. 854).
175 2d person nominatized verb (§ 73).
176 Absolute form, perhaps for rar-rar (§ 29).
17 Stem yil; q-ine—gi* THOU—ME, imperative; transitive form.
178 y—eu TO CAUSE; -nin HE—HIM.
179Stem ei’u, with vocalic wu; therefore with loss of intervocalic g of the suffix -gis.
180-git very (§ 113, 22); stem an‘filn ANGER; ipti TO PUT ON; ge—lin* (§ 78).
181 Stem reli; -s'qiéet INTENSITY (§ 110, 59); ge—lin (§ 73).
Boas] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES—CHUKCHEE 897
Irga’tik®® tm® kiye’wkwa‘t,® rile’rkinin.** T’unin,’” ‘“‘Atta’um'”
In the they awoke, he carried her He said to ‘With reason
morning (back). her,
uwa’quéita® e’nku’ ge’térgit.% Opo’pe garai’-git,** minle’grt.”*
the husband from he deserted thee. Let! thou hast a let me carry thee
there house, (back).”
ELI'gétr® rile’nnin,’’ ripkire’nnin,’®® mata’lin’® i/unin,’”° ‘‘Guq,
To the father he carried her he took her, to the father- he said to “Oh,
(back), in-law him,
a’mén™ tim giimna’n! i*trk!™ ginfr'tik!™ tilva’wkwa‘n.”**
then ; BE indeed “watching I could not do her.”
1s2Stem *rie; initial rz/e, medial nie; derived form; -nin HE—HIM (§ 67).
183 An exhoriative particle (§ 128, p. 862).
181 Stem ra HOUSE; gara’lin HE WHO HAS A HOUSE; 2d person sing. (§ 73).
18 Stem *rle, see note 182; min—git LET ME—THEE,
186 ELI/gIn FATHER; allative (§ 40). >
187 Stem *rile, see note 182; -nin HE—HIM.
18 Stem pkir to come; ri—eu causative (§114, 1); -nin HE—HIM.
189 From mata TO TAKE, TO MARRY; absolute form.
199 Subjective form (§ 56).
19 Adverbial.
192 ginfit TO WATCH verbal noun in -k depending on the verb lwau.
193 Initial stem luv+au, medial lv+au cannot; ti—ga*n I—HIM.
3045—Bull. 40, pt. 2—11——57
KORYAK TEXT
Lirrite-Brrp-Man AND Raven-Man?
Valvimtila*ninti! n/éér Pidi’gqala‘n? fawinyofivo’yke* Quyqinn‘a
Raven-Man the two they Little-Bird-Man wanted for a wife at Great-
qu’y1k.5 Quyqtnn‘a’qu Piée’qala‘nai® gaimaniivo’ykin,’ e’waii,®
Raven’s. Great-Raven to Little-Bird-Man 7 had desired, he said,
Gtimna’n® fiawa’kak! Piée’qala‘nafi® tiyai’lifiimn.”!! Miti’ e’waii,®
oT daughter to Little-Bird-Man I shall give her.”’ Miti said,
“¢Giimna’n® fiawa’kak” Valvi/mtrla‘naii® tiyai’liiin”" Va‘ yuk Val-
5 § daughter to Raven-Man I shall give her.’”’ Afterwards Raven-
vi’ mtilafn® vi'n‘va fittoi’kin,” a‘la’ta!®’ awyefivo’ykin,“ atta’ wawa®
Man secretly went out, with excre- he ate, with dog carrion
ment ’
awyefvo’ykmn.* Kryaw’laike,' n’nkr” vajivolai’ke® gapa’au”® qu’tti?®
he ate. They awoke, there are lying wolverine some
: (skins)
ifu'wi.2!, Newfivo’ykinenat,” ‘‘Mi’kinak® ga’nmtlenau?”* Valv1’m-
wolf (skins). They began to say to both, “Who * killed them?” Raven-
tila®n,® ‘‘ Gumna’n.” °®
Man, Fo,
a¥From W. Bogoras, Koryak Texts; Publications of the American Ethnological Society, Vol. V, pp.
12—19.
1-la!n HAVING THE QUALITY OF (§ 48); -inéi dual of personal nouns (§ 39).
2 Personal pronoun, 3d person dual, absolute form.
3 -la€n as in note 1;
4fiaw WOMAN; I auxiliar vowel; -nyu TO WORK AS A HERDSMAN; -fivo TO BEGIN (§ 110, 63); -yke derived
form, 3d person dual (§ 65). See Publications Jesup Expedition, Vol. VII, p. 579.
5 Quyqin RAVEN; used only inaugmentative; -n‘aqu AUGMENTATIVE (§ 98.2); y(z) personal plural suffix
for-wgi (§ 35); -k LOCATIVE (§ 38).
6-naii ALLATIVE used with personal nouns (§ 41).
7 gaimat TO DESIRE; -fivo TO BEGIN (§ 110.63); -ykin derived form (§ 65).
8 Stem iu To say. Irregular adverbial form, used as a quotative, SAYS HE.
9Subjective form (§ 56).
10 jaw FEMALE; akak son.
11 {I- I; ya- FUTURE; yJl- stem To GIVE; -fiIn Him, future (§ 68).
12 7Ito TO GO OUT; -ikIn derived form, 3d person singular.
13 Subjective here as instrumental; stem a*] EXCREMENT.
4 Stem awyi; -fivo TO BEGIN (§ 110.63); -ykrn derived form, 3d person ing. (§ 68).
15 atta DOG; awaw CARRION; subjective here as instrumental.
16 Stem kryau TO AWAKE; -laike 3d. per. plural, derived form.
11 Locative adverb.
18 Stem tva TO BE, in initial position va (§ 18, p. 674); -fivo TO BEGIN; -latke 3d per. pl., derived form.
19 gapa’au, plural in wu (§ 34, p. 732).
2 Non-personal form, dual (§ 60, p. 695).
2 For iu/wgi plural (§ 34).
2 Stem iw TO SAY; -filvo TO BEGIN; n—ykinenat derived form, 3d per. dual (§ 68, p. 744).
23 Subjective form (§ 39).
% Stem izm, in medial position nm TO KILL (§ 18); ga—linau nominalized form of transitive verb, 3d
per. pl. (§ 74).
898
BOAS] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES—CHUKCHEE 899
Va®’ yuk gawya’lyolen,”> qo ‘npit Enfia’’an?* ama’latéa.2”7, QuyqiInn‘a-
Afterwards “asnowstormcame, altogethe thus es getting Great-
etter.
qu’nak”® gewfitvo’lenat,” ‘‘Toq, qamalitva’thitrk!** Ma’ki®! yamalt-
Raven “told the two of them, ‘There, ye two make it better! Who makes it
tva’tif, fia’nyen*® tiyanfawtifia’nfiin.”** Valvi’mtrla‘n, ‘‘Gti’mma*®
better, to that one I shall give the wife.” Raven-Men, ph?
mimalitva’tik.”8* E’wai,® *‘ Qinatinufla’trk!”’7 Ninvo’q pla’kilfiu®
shall make it better.’’ He said, ‘Prepare the provisions for A number of boots
me!”
gatai’kilinau.*® Ga’lqatin.*® B/nk?’” yafivo’ykm* e’n'migenka,’?
* they made them. He went. There he stayed under a cliff,
yenotéofivo’ykin.* Préi’qala‘n® fitofivo’ykm,* Enke’” vyafivo’ykm,*
he wanted to eat. Little-Bird-Man went out, there he stayed,
awyefivo’ykin.* Cemya’q Piéeqalanai’tii*® Valvi'mtila‘n’ aqa-Lapor-
he ate. Of course on Little-Bird- Bei Raven-Man badly
vo’ykm.** Piéi’qala‘n yalqr’wikin,*” ui’ia i’wka* enfitvo’ykin.*
looked. waa? -Bird- entered, not saying he was.
an
Valvi'mtila‘n e’nkr” va’ykin.*! Enfia‘’an?® qo’ npti vuyalanfitvo’ykin,*°
Raven-Man there stayed. Thus altoget there was a snowstorm,
ui’fia ama’latéa.?” Go, va’yuk gaya’lqiwlin,® 1’m1-pla’ku” gaqi’'tilinau,®
not not “ became Oh, then heentered, all _ boots * were frozen,
etter.
qaci’'n plakgefie’tii** na’éafivogen,® ifi’nfiintk pla’ku® gaqi'tilinau.®
while into the boots he urinated, therefore, the boots —° were frozen.
while
**Qiyime’wun, i’ya‘n” gaéi’malin.” Va‘yuk Piti’kala'n gewfivo'len,®
“Tmpossible, heayen ~ is broken.” Then Little-Bird-Man ~* they said to him,
% Stem in initial position vwyal medial wyal; yu verbal suffix, phenomena of nature (§ 110.71, p.811)
ga—lin nominalized form of intransitive verb (§ 73).
26 Demonstrative adverb (§ 129, p. 876).
7 Stem mal Good; a- iéa negative (§ 114, 4).
2 Subjective in -nak (§ 39).
2 Stem iu TO TELL; -RIvg TO BEGIN; ga—linat nominalized form of transitive verb, 3d pers. dual (§ 74).
30 Stem mal GOOD; tva TO BE; q—gitik imperative, 2d pers. dual (§ 65).
31 Absolute form (§ 58, p. 726).
32 ya- future.
38 Absolute form of demonstrative (§ 57).
34 ¢trya- 1st pers. sing. future; -fizn 3d pers. sing. object.
35 Absolute form (§ 56).
36 1st person sing. exhortative, intransitive.
37 gina—latik imperative, YE—ME; {(@)—fi TO MAKE (§114.2); inw PROVISIONS.
Stem plak BOOT; -liin (§ 52); -w PLURAL; more frequently pla’ku.
89Stem taikI TO MAKE; ga—linaw nominalized form of transitive verb, 3d pers. pl. (§ 74).
49Stem /qat TO Go; nominalized form, 3d pers. sing. (§ 73).
41 Stem tva, in initial position va TO STAY; -fivo TO BEGIN; -ykin derived form.
#2-9if BASE (§ 101.21), locative.
48 ye- DESIDERATIVE; nw TO EAT; -téw intensive action § 110.67); -Rvg TO BEGIN; -ykin derived form.
44Stem filto TO GO OUT; -ivo TO BEGIN; -ykIn derived form.
45 -it1 allative (§ 40); with nasalization added to terminal vowel (§§ 18, 41).
46 Stems aga BAD; lila TO SEE; yp TO PUT ON; filvo-ykin as in note 44.
47 ya'lgqiu, Ch. re’s-giw TO ENTER; derived form.
48 Stem iu TO SAY; a—ka NEGATION (§ 114, 4); @ contracted with / toi.
49 Stem it; -filvo-ykin as in note 44.
soStem vuyal in medial position wygl; -at (§ 110.70) (see note 25).
51 yalgiw TO ENTER (see note 47); ga—lin nominalized verb (§ 73).
52ImI ALL (§ 113.6); -w plural (§ 34).
58 git FROZEN; ga—linau nominalized verb, 3d pers. pl. (§ 73).
54 plak BOOT; gift BOTTOM; -itI ALLATIVE (§ 40).
5 afCa URINE; -fivo TO BEGIN; n—gqin nominalized verb (§ 73).
56 Compare note 29; here 3d pers. sing.
900 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BuLL. 40
“Tog, ginya’g®? qmalatva’t!”*—‘Qiyime’en, gi’niw® gti’mma®®
“Oh, thou now make it well!” — ‘Impossible, like to thee i I
/ = ~ Me = oes ~
tiyanto’ykmn,” plakgefie’tii™ tryaa‘¢afivo'ykin?’*! Gewfirvo'lenau®
shall go out, into the boots shall I urinate?” He said to them
Quyqinn‘aqu’nak,* ‘‘Qalqala’trk,® kitta’fi afia’wtifika!”* Va*’yuk
Big-Raven “Go away, there unmarried!” Then
gewfitvo'len,” ‘‘Atau’-qun.” Qo’La® aéa’pil® ga’kmirin,®” galte’niim,®
i he said, “Well now.” Some small fat * he took,” a stopper,
wtlpa’pel;® ga’Iqanin” efe’tr, gayr'fialin,”? gala’lin, iya®’kin”™
@ little shovel; he went tothe sky, ~° he flew up, “he came, the sky’s
ééma’thitfiin® qalte’nfia” gai’prlen,” aéa’pil® eet! gani‘filalin;”
cleft with thestopper * he closed, little fat tothesky * he threw;
piée’ gama’lalin.”
fora “it grew better.
while
Gi'mlafi = gayai’ttlen,*°s gi’/mlafi’ = gawyalyo’len.”® Na’nyen*®
Again “he went home, i again there was a snowstorm. That
galte’nfiin® ganqu’lin™ yayaérkoi'tii,” nupplu’gin® mi’qun. E/waii,®
stopper came out into the house, small one even. He said,
‘“Qiyime’wun. J’yafn™ gaéi’malin.” Quyqinn‘aqu’nak* gqalte’nfim®
“Impossible. The sky “is broken.” Big-Rayen the stopper
va'sqin gatai’kilin** nrma’/yifiqin® gei’liLin,™ a’éin® o’pta nima/yifigin®
anotherone he made a large one ” he gave it, fat also large
gei'litin.* Ga'lqaLin” gii’mlaf, panenai’tii® gayi’falin.” Gala’lin,”
he gave. He went again to the former place he flew. He came,
pa’nena® jfia’nyen® gqalte’nfimn® mal-kit®® ga’nprlen,®’ tala’wga®
that time that stopper well ~ he closed it, with a mallet
51 gim- thou; -yaq indicates that another person is to perform an act which the subject has performed
before.
58 Stems mal, tva WELL, TO BE; imperative.
59 Second person personal pronoun gin- (§ 56; 129, p. 878 under yaq).
6 trya- 1, future; stem fizto, medial nto; derived form.
61See note 55, 1st pers. sing. future, derived form.
6 See notes 29, 56; here 3d pers. pl. instead of dual.
6 Stem lgat To GO; ga—latik imperative, dual.
6 a—ka NEGATION (§ 114, 4); fiaw WOMAN.
6 Indefinite pronoun (§ 60, p. 732).
66 aéa FAT; -pil SMALL (§ 100.15).
6 Stem akmit; ga—lin nominalized verb (§ 74).
6 Absolute form (§ 30).
6 -pil small (§ 100.15); here with ablaut. .
7 Stem Igat TO Go (see note 63); ga—lin nominalized verb (§ 73).
1 Absolute form z/ya&n SKY; -éli allative.
m2Stem yifia TO FLY UP; ga—lin nominalized verb.
73 Stem initial t7la, medial la TO MOVE, TO GO; ga—lin as before.
7 Belonging to the sky (§ 47).
7% Absolute form.
16 Subjective as instrumental (§§ 37, 92).
™ Stem aip TO STOP UP, CLOSE; ga—lin as before, here with ablaut.
78 Stem inla (Ch. int) TO THROW; ga-lin nominalized verb.
79 Stem mal Goon.
8 Stem yait (allative of ya HOUSE) TO GO HOME.
81 Stem yrqu, medial ngu TO COME LOOSE, TO COME OUT (like a plug out of a hole),
82 Stems yaya- HOUSE; -érku INSIDE; -it] ALLATIVE, with terminal nasalization,
83 plu SMALL; n—qin (§ 49) ma’y(I)fi LARGE.
% Stem yil, medial ylz To GIVE; geiliLin instead of gai’lizin irregular.
8 nanina before, former; absolute form pa’nin; adverb pa’nenad AGAIN, ANOTHER TIME; t#1 ALLATIVB,
with terminal nasalization.
86 ma'l-kit WELL, ALL RIGHT (Ch. met'-ki'tkit, met'-ki'it SOMEHOW); mal (Ch. meé, mel) see § 113.10 and
11; (Ch. ki’tkit, adverb, A LITTLE).
81 yip, medial-np TO STICK INTO, TO STUFF INTO; ga-lin with ablaut.
8 Subjective as instrumental (§§ $7, 92); stem fala TO STRIKE.
Boas] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES—CHUKCHEE 901
gata/lalen,® fia‘nyen® a’éin® efe’tri’! gani/flalin,”® gi’mlafi 4*lala®
” he struck it, that fat tothesky ~~ he threwit, * again with snow
ga‘’Imelin® qoqlo’wiéiin;* qo’npit gama’lalen.”
he shoveled the hole; altogether it became better.
Gala’lin;” fia’nyen® Valv1’mtrlfan aqa’nn‘u® ga/éérlin.* Miti’nak®
He came; that Raven-Man to hate they had. At Miti’s
efiyei’fia vaga’lekin,* newftvo’ykin” Valvi’mttla‘n, ‘*‘ Mefiqafiqa’ée ”
near he was sitting, she said to Raven-Man, “How
enii‘tvo’ykin,* nime’ a‘laté1fivo’ykin?” ®—“ Mi’qun,” ui/fia yu’laq*”
it happens to thee, quite thou smellest of “Why, not a long time
excrement?’’—
akle’woka’™ tma‘’]tk.”! Gewifitvo’len®™ ‘“‘I’n‘aé, ga’Iqata!* Ui’fa
without bread I have been.” She said, “Enough, —~ goaway! Not
mi’qun amalatva’téa™ itr!” Ga’lqaLin.” Pici’qalafnak”* fia’nyen®
even not making better thou wert!’’ He went. Little-Bird-Man that
Yini’a-fawgut gama’talen.*
Yini’a-fiawgut : married.
Toq, galai’ulin,” inya’wut gamugai’ulin.® Valvi’mtrla‘n
Oh, “summer came, then “it was raining. Rayen-Man
ti’ykitiy* gaya’luplin." Qaéi’n qo’npi niki’ta gana‘’Len.*?
the sun * took in mouth. So altogether night * it became.
Vai’yuk gewntvo'len,®® ‘‘Can‘ai’, gaimt’ge!”'?—‘* Me’fiqaé mi’qun
: 1Cn, ’ :
Then they said, “Gan-ai’, fetch water!”’ — “How even
mai’mik?”"% Va‘’yuk gewfiIvo’len,® ‘‘Me’fiqan nime’ mitI-
let me draw water?”’ Then . they said, “Why quite we
pa‘lai’kmen.** Va‘’yuk missaviyala.” 5 Ga’IqaLin” qaiéayi¢i’ fia,
are thirsty. Then we shall die.”’ She went groping,
Enfa’an wis‘qi’mérku,"” va’yuk ga’fivilin,'® gafivo’len'”®
thus in the dark, then ” she stopped, * she began
89 Subjective as instrumental; absolute form 4é’ldl, a‘ta‘l
9 Stem a‘lme.
%1 Absolute form as object.
%2Stem mal Good.
93 aga'nn'In hate, stems probably aq BAD,a’n‘filn ANGER; designative form in -u (§ 94).
% See § 114.4.
% Locative form (§ 42).
% Stem vagal, medical tvagal TO SIT DOWN.
97 Stem mik WHERE; -qaéa NEAR (§ 101.26).
98Stem a*] EXCREMENT; -f¢ TO SMELL OF. ,
Stem mik (§ 58, p. 726).
100 Stem yul LONG; -ag adverbial suffix (§ 112, 79).
101 a—ka negation (§ 114, 4).
102 Stem nal TO BECOME (§ 77).
103 Verbal noun in -a used as imperative (§ 95, p. 787).
1044 From a—ka negation (§ 114, 4); mal GoopD; tva TO BE.
10 Stem it TO BE (§ 75).
106 Stem mata TO TAKE, TO MARRY.
10 ala SUMMER; -yu suffix. phenomena of nature (§ 110,71).
108 muga RAIN; -yw as in note 107.
109 Reduplicated absolute form (§ 29).
10 yalu TO CHEW; yop TO PUT ON (see Note 46); yalup A QUID.
111 Stem nal TO BECOME(§ 77); ga—lin nominalized verb (§ 73); BE <<o4 (§ 18).
112 Stem aim TO DRAW WATER; q—ge imperative.
118 Subjunctive (a), Ist pers. sing.
114 Derived form, Ist person pl.
16 Future, without ending -mrk (§ 65).
16 Verbal noun in -a expressing modality (§ 95).
UTStems wiis DARKNESS; -2ikw INSIDE (§ 101.24); dim is an unusua) form of the connective vowel (see
$ 18, 1); the parallel form wiis-qii’mérku is found in Chukchee,
8 Stem fiwv, medial fiv TO STOP.
19 Stem fivo TO BEGIN.
902 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 40
gtya’péak.’° KE’ waii,® “‘1’min qai-vai’amti™! alfia’we'ye.”’? Vatyuk
singing. She anil “Al the little rivers are stingy.’’ Then
gani’kalin”’ Enkai’tr’* vai’ampilif,’* gafivo’len’® — Gilala’tik.’°
it did so to that place a small river began bubbling.
Gayr’ééalin 7 milh-u’kkam,™” yaite’tr’® ga’IlqaLin,” milh-u’kkam 1
She filled a Russian vessel, to the house * she went, a Russian vessel
gemtei’prlin;** qla’wul gala’lin.% Gapkau’len,’* e’wafi,® ‘‘Gtmna’n,°
she carried on her aman came. She could Tot he aaa soe
back; (carry),
gtimna’ n mi’mtin.” Gayai’tilen® wis‘qi’/méiku."” Na’nyen*
will carry it.” oho. came home in the dark. That one
non len*3 vai/am. Gewifitvo’len,*® ‘‘mni’n ma’ki?” E’waf,
5 followed the river. She was told, “That one who?”’ He said,
‘*Gt’mma*® Vaiamenai’-giim.’* Gimna’n® yai’vaéu® ti’tém** pna’n
‘or am the River. I pity had that
grya’péala'n.” 7 Gafivo’len™® fiawa’kak kuitai’fiak.%* Na’nyen®
singer.” They began daughter scolding. That one
Vaia’minak *8 gama ’talen.1%
River married her.
To, va’ yuk qo/npt wis‘qi’mé1ku ™” vafivolai’ke.'® Gewifitvo’len *
Oh, then altogether in the dark they remained. He was told
Vai'am, ‘‘Me’fiqan® niki’ta!*° mititvanvolai’ kin ?”"*! E’ wan,’ ‘‘Men’qan”
p) - 0)
River, “why in the night we remain?” He said, “Why
mi’qun?” Lawtikr'léréfiim vi'tvitin’* gai’ptlen,“ ganto’len,“ ayi'-
indeed?” Head- band of ringed sealthong he puton, he went out at
kvyan gaqayrthilanfitvo'len;* vantige’fiim ‘” gato’mwalen. “* Va*’-
least “ asmall light began to be; dawn "was created. Then
yuk gewiitvo’len,®® ‘‘Me’fiqaii®? mz’/ntin?”° Yini’a-fia’wgut
* they talked, “How shall we do it?” Yini’a-fia’ wgut
120 Stem glyapéa; verbal noun, locative form (§ 95, p. 785).
121 gai- SMALL, related to Chukchee suffix -qdi (§ 98.4); -nti, after terminal m of vaiam, -ti dual (§ 34).
122 3d pers. dual (§ 65) instead of plural; stem alf sTINGY.
123 nika SOMETHING (§ 60); ga—lin verbalized.
124 .it7 allative (§ 58). i
126 Diminutive in -pil, absolute form in -77% (§ 30).
126 Stem ¢ilal+at TO BUBBLE; verbal noun, in -k, dependent on fivo TO BEGIN (see notes 138, 150).
127 Stem yiIé¢é TO BE FULL.
128 mIlh STRIKE-A-LIGHT, FIRE (See Publ. Jesup Exp. Vol. VII, p. 18); u/kkdim VESSEL.
129 yait TO GO HOME (See § 95); verbal noun allative.
120 Stem imt, imti TO CARRY; —yop TO PUT TO; ga——lin with ablaut.
131 Stem pkau TO BE UNABLE. ;
132Stem imt TO CARRY; subjunctive (a) Ist pers. sing. subject, 3d pers. sing. object.
183 Stem limfiena TO FOLLOW.
14 Stem vaiam RIVER; -ena suffix for living being; nominalized verb, Ist pers. sing. (§ 73).
135 yqi/vaé TO HAVE PITY WITH; designative in -w (§ 94).
136¢—m I—HIM (§ 65); stem -té (§ 79).
137 Compare note 120,
1388 Verbal noun in -k dependent on five TO BEGIN (see notes 126, 150).
139 Stem tva, in initial position va TO BE; fivo TO BEGIN; -laike 3d pers. pl., derived form.
40 Stem nrki night; probably verbal noun in (¢)d, although the verb has usually the suffix yu ex-
pressing phenomena of nature. (Ch. niki—ru’—rkin NIGHT COMES).
141 Stem tva TO BE; Ist pers. pl., derived form.
42 Compound noun lawt HEAD, ki’léléfiIn BAND (from kilt TO TIE (§§ 53; 106.44). .
143 Reduplicated form retained in a derived form in -in (§ 29, p. 690, note).
144 Stem yop TO PUT ON.
145 Stem nfo, in initial position filto TO GO OUT.
146 gai- SMALL; Ich TO DAWN, TO LIGHT filvo TO BEGIN; ga—lin nominalized verb.
47 Stem vant TO DAWN; ge’ iin (§ 106.44).
148 tomwa TO BE CREATED.
149 Stem yt, in medial position né TO DO, MAKE (§ 80).
Boas] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES—CHUKCHEE 903
gafivo'len"® tenma’witéuk,’ Valvimtila‘yrkm'* gala’lin.% ‘Mai,
began preparing, to Raven-Man she reached. ‘‘Halloo,
Valvi'mtila'n = va'ykm?” = Va/évi-fia’ut' e'waii,? ‘‘Va'ykin.”
Raven-Man is staying?’”’ Raven-Woman said, “He is.”
Gewitvo’len Valvr'mtzila‘n, ‘‘As‘s‘o’ gati’,* qo’npti a’lva titva’fivok.”15>
He was told Raven-Man, “Since youleft, altogether wrong I was.”’
Gayo*olen ** Valvi'mtrla‘n, gewiftvo'len, ‘‘Gr'ssa’ qa/éik ui’fia
She found Rayen-Man, he was told, “Thou really not
al’va a’tvaka?*® Qe’nfitvo?”** Qa’pten’ gayr'ltilen,* ~yai’na’™
wrong wert? Wilt thou stay so?’”? The back he turned, to the front
yili’ykinin.’” Gi’mlafi qa’pten li’ylm.%* Va‘’yuk gafivo’len 1”
she turned him. Again the back he turned. Then * she began
éithi’nrk** ytytgiéha’wik,** gaéechefiqatvifivo'len; = Gake’ta 17
in the armpits tickling, putting her hands in his armpits; the sister
gewntvo'len,® ‘‘Quya’qr?!** I’naé! &’nnu mal-iia’witkata.”!° Va*’ yuk
said, “What is the Enough! This one a good woman.” Then
matter with thee?
Enkai'tr™ gafivo’len,® ‘‘Gm, gm, gm!” Qo’y1i!” yilefivo’ykinen.!!
there to ~ he began, “Gm, gm, gm!’ To the other side she turned him.
Va‘ yuk gaktaéa’thaten,’” “‘Ga, ga, ga!” Ti'ykrtiy gaée’pnitolen,”
Then he laughed aloud, “Ga, ga, gal’ The sun peeped out,
iyato'4 ga’plin,® qo’npu geéha’Len.!”
tothe sky it fasteneditself, altogether it became light.
150 Stem tenm TO PREPARE; verbal noun in -k dependent on “vo TO BEGIN (see notes 126, 1388}; -téu in-
tensity of action.
151-yIkI7 a personal allative form (see §§ 41 and 44).
152 Derived form of stem tva, in initial position va TO BE.
153 Va/évr< Valvi (§§ 16.3; 122).
154 Stem /gat TO WALK, in initial position ga; 2d pers. sing.
155 Stems tva-fivo TO BE-TO BEGIN, tl—k Ist pers. sing.
156Stem yo TO VISIT.
187 Absolute form (§ 56).
158 Stem it TO BE 7iIvo TO BEGIN; g (u)—(§ 68), no personal ending.
159 Absolute form.
160 y11t TO TURN; ga—lin nominalized verb.
161 yainad TO MEET; adverbial: face to face.
162 yJ—cauSative; li TO TURN; derived form, HE—HIM,
163 Stem li TO TURN; derived form.
16 Locative.
165 yI——aw causative; yIgIch TO ITCH.
166 Stems i¢hinI ARMPITS; gatv TO PUT IN; -7vo to BEGIN.
167 Subjective as subject of transitive verb.
168 yag WHAT; predicative form (§ 82); second person (§ 68).
169 mal GOOD; aw +Iigat WOMAN; here subjective.
110 go’y1i allative of goyo’. (See § 43, p. 705.)
171 See note 162; the same form with added fivo TO BEGIN.
172 Prefix kti—VERY (§ 113.22); aéaéhat TO LAUGH; ga——lin with ab!aut.
173 Stem /ilep, medial Lep; for Gep, see § 16.3; 122. fIto TO GO OUT.
174 Locative (see note 71).
5 Stem ap TO FASTEN ITSELF.
176 Stem ech, Iéh TO DAWN (see note 146).
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