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Bulletin of the [2i 7J
British Museum (Natural
Historical series
Vol 6 No 1 29 September 1977
Emanuel Mendes da Costa (1717-91) and
the Conchology, or natural history of shells
P. J. P. Whitehead
British Museum (Natural History)
London 1977
The Bulletin of the British Museum {Natural History), instituted in 1949, is issued in four
scientific series, Botany, Entomology, Geology and Zoology, and a Historical series.
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World List abbreviation : Bull. Br. Mus. nat. Hist. (hist. Ser.)
© Trustees of the British Museum (Natural History), 1977
ISSN 0068-2306 Historical series
Vol 6 No 1 Pp 1-24
British Museum (Natural History)
Cromwell Road
London SW7 5BD Issued 29 September 1977
Emanuel Mendes da Costa (1717-91) and the
Conchology, or natural history of shells
I 2 8 SEP J977
P. J. P. Whitehead W, library a.
Department of Zoology, British Museum (Natural History), Cromwell Road, London SW7 5BD
Contents
Introduction .
Sources .
George Humphrey .
E. M. da Costa
King's Bench Prison
Later years
The Conchology
Authorship
Illustrations
Dating
Acknowledgements
References
1
2
5
6
11
13
16
19
20
22
22
Introduction
To earn a respected place in both the Society of Antiquaries and the Royal Society was not, in
the eighteenth century, an uncommon achievement; but to be then expelled from the one and
sent to prison by the other is altogether rare. Such was the fate of Emanuel Mendes da Costa
(1717-91), 'that wayward Hebrew genius . . . whose scientific enthusiasm atoned for less honour-
able traits of character' (Fox, 1919:212). Da Costa has so far received only brief biographical
treatment although, like many of his colleagues, he was an avid letter-writer and his carefully
preserved correspondence (over two thousand letters) still survives. His life and career are here
explored in connection with his authorship of the Conchology, or natural history of shells.
The true authorship of the Conchology - said to have been the first work in which this term
was used (Dance, 1966 : 271) - has always been a puzzle since the book is undated and merely
'By a Collector'. Two possible authors have been suggested. The first is George Humphrey
(? 1745-1825), collector and dealer in shells. Among those who have favoured his authorship
have been Sherborn (1904) and Jackson (1937: 333). The second possibility, more frequently
cited, is da Costa and among those who put his name to the work were Schroter (1774: 156),
Chemnitz (1795 : 181, 184-8), Roding (1798 : 1-7), Maton & Racket (1804 : 200-1), and Iredale
(1915 : 307 & 1922 : 86). Dillwyn (1817 : ix) settled for joint authorship and Swainson (1840a :
154) implied it, while Sherborn (1902 : xx, xxx) had initially been even more cautious and given
the work under each of these two authors, but with a reference to possible authorship by the
other. Dance (1966 : 271), who enjoyed such enigmas but never explored this one, opted for joint
authorship.
In spite of this difference of opinion, no very convincing arguments have been offered. Certainly,
Humphrey himself once claimed authorship, referring to the work as 'HUMPHREY'S Con-
chology' in his sale catalogue, the Museum Humfredianum (1779, 36th day). Da Costa, on the
other hand, actually disclaimed authorship, giving the work as 'A new anonymous Conchology'
(da Costa, 1776 : 51) or as merely the 'Anon. Conch.' (da Costa, 1778b : 1-24). However, there
are reasons for believing that the statements of both Humphrey and da Costa are misleading.
The key to the mystery lies in the highly unusual circumstances that attended the production
of the work, for it was during this time that da Costa fell into disgrace, being convicted of em-
Bull. Br. Mus. nat Hist. (hist. Ser.) 6 (1): 1-24
Issued 29 September 1977
bezzlement and spending four years in prison. In itself, this merely suggests that anonymity is
more consistent with da Costa's authorship than with Humphrey's. It does not explain what
role Humphrey played and why he attached his name to it. The real solution to the puzzle, and
a source that seems to have been overlooked by previous writers on the subject, can be found in
the eleven volumes of da Costa's correspondence in the British Library.
On the basis of these da Costa letters, a number of which were written from prison during the
critical period when the Conchology was being produced, together with hints in letters to other
naturalists, the conclusion is reached here that the true author was da Costa and not Humphrey.
The latter saw the work through the press and acted as editor, but it was actually written by da
Costa as an unrepentant debtor in the King's Bench Prison.
Sources
The principal source for information on da Costa is the collection of his letters in eleven bound
volumes in the Manuscript Department of the British Library. A note on the flysheet of the first
volume states:
This Collection, bound in Eleven Volumes, chiefly on Subjects of Natural history - addressed
to Emanuel Mendes Da Costa, F.R.S. Author of a Natural History of Fossils, 4to 1757,
with copies of his answers, in his own handwriting - from 1737 to 1787 - contains Two
Thousand Four Hundred and Eighty seven Autographs. I purchased them from the late
John Nichols, Author of the History of Leicestershire - who procured them from J & B
White's Catalogue, Fleet Street - in exchange for other books.
1831 William Upcott
On a subsequent page is written 'Presented by the Rt. Hon. the Earl of Derby 8 Oct. 1870'.
This collection of letters is notable for its size, range of correspondents, variety of topics and
frequent inclusion of drafts of da Costa's replies. No biographer could wish for better. Da Costa
had a rather distinctive, angular, even childish hand and his drafts are easily read. Unfortunately,
rather fewer letters date from the prison period (1768-72) and one gains the impression that many
of his earlier correspondents fell silent when the blow fell.
The first to have this collection, Messrs J. & B. White, were the booksellers who, as B. White,
had retailed the Conchology many years earlier. This was Benjamin White (1725-94), publisher
at the 'Horace's Head' in Fleet Street, brother of Gilbert White and publisher of the first edition
of 'Selborne'. White may have bought part or all of da Costa's library, possibly in 1787 when the
letters cease.
There is no record of when the da Costa correspondence came to John Nichols (1745-1826),
its next owner, but it apparently remained at the booksellers until at least 1812. Thus, in the
third volume of Nichols' Literary anecdotes (1812b: 757) it is stated that 'Messrs. White and
Cochrane possess in fifteen large portfolios, a very curious collection of letters to Mr da Costa
from men of the first literary character of the time'. In the same year, Nichols published a
genealogical manuscript of da Costa's family, drawn up by da Costa himself and also some 'brief
memorials of contemporary Virtuosi' written by da Costa (Nichols, 1812a & b). Six years later
Nichols had evidently acquired the da Costa letters, as noted in the Advertisement of volume 3
of his Illustrations of literary history (1818 : viii). In that and in subsequent volumes he printed a
large number of letters to and from da Costa, as well as the 'brief memorials' where they were
appropriate to the letters.
Nichols' library was sold at Sotheby's on 16-19 April 1828, but apparently it was not at that
time that William Upcott (1779-1845) bought the da Costa letters (not in sale catalogue). Upcott,
natural son of Ozias Humphrey and a passionate autograph hunter, died without issue and his
huge collection of manuscripts, books, prints and drawings was sold at Sotheby's in June 1845
(priced catalogue, formerly owned by Dawson Turner, in the British Library). The da Costa
letters were amongst several important lots which the British Museum declined to buy. Instead,
they were bought by the Earl of Derby, to be presented to the British Museum in 1870.
Da Costa himself arranged his letters chronologically in 'large folio volumes of strong blue
papers on which the Originals are pinned (not pasted) & uniformly bound'; at the time that da
Costa wrote this (June 1782) there were eleven of these volumes (fide Add. Ms. 9389, f. 28). The
correspondence to 1787 when the letters end must have occupied a further four volumes, making
the fifteen bought by John Nichols. The letters are now alphabetically arranged, having pre-
sumably been rearranged and rebound by Upcott in 1831.
In addition to the main da Costa correspondence, the British Library manuscript catalogues
give ten other da Costa items. There are seven letters to the Rev. Thomas Birch (Add. MS. 4303),
a letter to Hans Sloane (Add. MS. 4439), an application for the post of Clerk to the Royal
Society (Add. MS. 4441), da Costa's diploma from the Academiae Naturae Curiosorum (Add.
MS. 6180), da Costa's catalogue of his library (Add. MS. 9389), a letter to him from Linnaeus (Add.
MS. 23102, f. 123), da Costa's genealogy and notes on collectors, being those used by John
Nichols (Add. MS. 29867), some historical notes on Jews (Add. MS. 29868), and his minutes
from the Royal Society, 1757-62 (Eg. MS. 2381).
Another useful source for information on the Conchology and its author is the letter-book of
his contemporary, the entomologist Dru Drury (1725-1804). Cockerell (1922) discovered this
book, then owned by Messrs Power, Drury & Co, wine merchants of Funchal, Madeira, and he
cited from thirty letters from Drury to Linnaeus, Moses Harris, Pallas and others, of which three
to Peter Simon Pallas (1741-1811) are relevant here (12 November 1767, 28 February 1768 and
14 January 1770). These report da Costa's intention to publish natural history plates and they
describe his subsequent disgrace. Parts of the second letter were also quoted by Iredale (1922).
The letter-book was presented to the British Museum (Natural History) in 1937 by Charles Dru
Drury, together with some other Drury papers and the latter's account book for the first two
volumes of his Illustrations of natural history (Drury, 1770-83), which shows translation fees paid
to da Costa. Sherborn (1937) reported this gift and indexed the recipients of the letters.
Pallas had met da Costa during his visit to England in 1761-62. Urness (1967) reproduced
seventeen letters written by Pallas to Thomas Pennant (1726-98) in the period 1766 and 1777-81
and in two of these Pallas speaks of having seen da Costa's collection and admiring especially his
Brazilian emeralds, specimens of which he later solicited but in vain. What would be of the
greatest interest would be the main body of Pallas' letters since he corresponded as widely as did
da Costa, but it does not seem to have survived. He did not leave his correspondence in Lenin-
grad, apart from a few letters to him now in the Archives of the Academy of Sciences (none rele-
vant here), and most probably he took all his papers with him when he retired to Berlin in 1810.
There are a few letters in the Manuscript Department of the Staatsbibliothek at Dahlem (West
Berlin). These include two from Pennant to Pallas (15 May 1753 and 26 November 1784 -see
Sig. Darmst. Lc(l) 1771), four long and interesting letters from John Ledyard (1787 and 1788 -
see Ms. Germ., f. 788), and six other letters (to Tilesius, to his mother-in-law and to four
unknowns). Of equal importance is Pallas' day book for 1762-63 (Sig. Darmst. Asien (4) 1768)
which contains, in German, French and English, Pallas' itineraries, the people he met, poems,
anecdotes and book titles (with five pages devoted to some of the most salacious literature then
purveyed by the Dutch bookshops!). There are references here to two letters and a parcel (of
amber) sent to da Costa (14 October and 28 November 1762, 12 February 1763); the final one is
in the da Costa collection.
The Zentralkartei der Autographen of the Staatsbibliothek in Dahlem has records of only five
other Pallas letters in the forty-six libraries so far covered (one letter in the Bayerische Staats-
bibliothek in Munich, the rest in the Germanisches Nationalmuseum in Niirnberg). Pallas letters
are not included in the East German catalogue Gelehrten- und Schriftstellernachldsse in den
Bibliotheken der Deutsch-Demokratischen Republik.
There must be da Costa letters in very many libraries and institutions, but an exhaustive search
has not been attempted here. However, the following items have been noted:
a. British Museum (Natural History), London. Twelve da Costa letters (? 1774 and 1776-78) are
in a bound volume of letters to Richard Pulteney entitled 'R. Pulteney Letters from Bryer,
da Costa, et al. 1776-1800'. There are no da Costa letters in the Joseph Banks collection, but a
letter from Thomas Pennant to Banks refers to da Costa's frauds (Dawson, 1958 : 662).
b. Linnean Society, London. The Linnaean correspondence includes two letters from da Costa
to Linnaeus and two of the latter's replies. There is also a letter from Peder Ascanius to
Linnaeus referring briefly to da Costa's earlier term in prison. All these were reproduced by
Smith (1821 : 482, 488-492 and comment on da Costa, p. 495). There is also a letter from da
Costa to John Ellis (1755, Ellis Correspondence, calendared by Savage, 1948) and in the
Pulteney Correspondence is one from Humphrey to da Costa concerning the purchase of
shells (31 January 1782).
c. Wellcome Institute for the History of Medicine, London. Three letters (1748-62) addressed to
Antoine Reamur, Isaac Romilly and A. P. Schrader.
d. Fitzwilliam Museum, Cambridge. In the Perceval Collection (L90, 91 and 93) is a letter from
da Costa to William Hunter, a copy of the latter's reply, and one from da Costa to Dru Drury.
e. Bodleian Library, Oxford. Reference to da Costa's possession of Edward Lhwyd's papers is
in a letter from John Fothergill to William Huddesford, Ashmole MSS. 1822, ff. 225-6.
f. Royal Society, London. There are fourteen letters or documents by da Costa, none relevant
here.
g. Haverford College, Pennsylvania. There is an oblique reference to da Costa in a letter from
John Fothergill to John Morgan in the Charles Roberts Autograph Collection (this and the
preceding Bodleian letter are reproduced, with footnotes, by Corner & Booth, 1971 : 250-1
and 294-6).
h. Mocatta Library, University College, London. There is no original da Costa material, but
amongst the Lucien Wolf papers are transcripts of wills and family records, of which four files
under the headings B 20 Cos and B 20 Men deal with the da Costas and Mendes da Costas
(including da Costa's will and that of his father). & \ j
i. National Library, Edinburgh. A letter from Peter Collinson to da Costa (No. 583, f. 695).
j. Derbyshire County Library, Derby. About sixty papers, including a number of letters, many
of which refer to Derbyshire minerals; about half the notes are written in Latin or French and
very few are signed (Parcel 9X).
Another useful source has been the Public Records Office in London. For the dates of da
Costa's second sojourn in prison a record appears in volume 4 (p. 203) of the Commitment
Books of the King's Bench Prison, together with a note of the indictment and a margin entry
recording his discharge. His name does not appear, however, in a book of admissions and dis-
charges (King's Bench and Fleet Prisons, Miscellanea, 1696-1862, PRO. PRIS. 7, 1776-1862,
79 bundles). For some reason his case was not recorded in the Great Doggett of the King's Bench
Crown Rolls (PRO. IND. 6660-1), nor in the Controlment Roll of that Court, nor in the King's
Bench Indictments (PRO. K.B. 10. 36 for Michaelmas Term, 1768). The Judgement Rolls (Plea
side) of the King's Bench for 1768 (PRO. IND. 6229-30) were also searched without success.
For details of da Costa's downfall there is a record in Lyons (1944), but the best source is the
Minute Book (vol. 5, 1763-68) of the Council of the Royal Society, which gives a blow-by-blow
account of the discovery of his frauds and the actions taken against him. Towards the end of the
affair, however, the Council's attention was increasingly diverted to the arrangements for obser-
vations of the transit of Venus by Captain Cook and others. One almost senses the relief with
which the Council turned from the last report on the da Costa affair (his imprisonment) to a
cheerful letter from Cook in Madeira blithely announcing his use of Society funds to purchase
wine for himself and Mr Green the astronomer.
For convenience when citing these sources, the following abbreviations have been used in the
text:
Add. MS. Additional Manuscripts, British Library
Banks Corr. Correspondence of Sir Joseph Banks (copies) in the British Museum (Natural History);
these letters are calendared by Dawson (1958)
DC. Corr. Da Costa's correspondence bound in 1 1 volumes, Manuscript Department, British
Library, Add. MSS. 28534-44; a number of these letters were published by John Nichols
{Lit. Anec. and ///. Lit. Hist., see below)
DC. Gen. Da Costa's genealogy, written by himself, in Add. MS. 29867; published by Nichols (1812a)
DC. Lib. Catalogue of da Costa's library, written by himself (final date, June 1782), Add. MS. 9389
Drury Corr. Letter-book of Dru Drury, British Museum (Natural History); 30 letters quoted by
Cockerell (1922), indexed by Sherborn (1937)
Drury AB. Dru Drury's account book for the Illustrations of natural history, British Museum (Natural
History)
///. Lit. Hist. Illustrations of literary history - see Nichols (1817-31)
Linn Corr. Linnaean correspondence. Linnean Society ; letters of Ascanius to Linnaeus, da Costa to
Linnaeus and replies - quoted by Smith (1821); also, Rev. J. Goodenough to J. E. Smith
mentioning da Costa - quoted by Smith (1832 : 267)
Linn. Arch. Linnean Society archives, containing records of members; also rule books and other
papers of the Society for Promoting Natural History
Lit. Anec. Literary anecdotes - see Nichols (1812-16)
Moc. Lib. Lucien Wolf papers in Mocatta Library, University College, London; wills of da Costa
and his father
Pult. Corr. Da Costa letters in Pulteney correspondence, British Museum (Natural History)
Perc. Corr. Da Costa letters in Perceval Collection, Fitzwilliam Museum, Cambridge
PRO.PRIS.4 King's Bench Prison Commitment Books, volume 4 for 1767-72, Public Records Office,
London
Well. Inst. Da Costa letters in Wellcome Institute, London.
George Humphrey
Of the two possible authors of the Conchology, George Humphrey was certainly the less qualified
to write it, at least at that time, since he was essentially a London dealer and collector of natural
history specimens and other 'curiosities', only later becoming a compiler of sale catalogues and
eventually an amateur conchologist. Humphrey has never found a biographer although he well
deserves one, having been at the centre of natural history transactions throughout the exciting
period when Captain Cook's ships were bringing back rarities from the Pacific (see, for example,
Whitehead, 1969). A summary of his career will be given elsewhere (Whitehead & Kaeppler, in
prep.).
Humphrey's sole scientific publication was a short note on the gizzard of Bulla lignaria =
Scaphander lignaria Linnaeus (Humphrey, 1794). Although he dealt in all manner of curiosities,
shells seem to have held a special attraction for him, at least in the latter part of his career. A
letter written by Humphrey to J. T. Swainson in 1815 (quoted by Jackson, 1937) is full of criticism
of da Costa and gives a list of errors in the Conchology. It was this that convinced Jackson of
Humphrey's authorship (although the reverse could be better argued). Towards the end of his
life Humphrey met John Edward Gray (1800-79), later Keeper of Zoology at the British Museum.
T recollect him well', wrote Gray, 'and was strongly impressed with his knowledge not only of
species of shells, but also of the affinities which the groups bore to each other. Though compara-
tively an uneducated person, he was far in advance of the state of natural history of his time'
(Gray, 1858). When the Conchology was being produced, however, Humphrey was most likely
a beginner, with a good collector's knowledge but no more. He certainly sought da Costa's
opinion in one instance when he was puzzled by a specimen in the British Museum.
Enclosed is a drawing of a small unperforated Ear which they have at the Museum - They
class it as such, perhaps you may think it a snail. If it is an ear please return it [symbol for
per] Bearer.
(Humphrey to da Costa, 6 March 1771, DC.Corr.)
Humphrey's first recorded address was 48 Long Acre, London, from at least 1769 and during
the period that he wrote to da Costa, as well as 30 St Martin's Lane from at least 1770 (DC. Corr.)
In May 1778 he opened his Museum Humfredianum at the second address, but he seems to have
kept the Long Acre residence since he wrote from that address again (at least in 1782) some years
after the museum was sold in 1779. Thereafter, he dealt in curiosities and he catalogued many
sales of mainly natural history specimens (Fothergill sale, 1782; Calonne sale, 1797; and many
minor sales). In about 1786 he moved to 4 Leicester Street, off Leicester Square. His final sale,
marking his retirement, took place in 1823 (all shells).
5
It has been suggested by Jackson (1937) that the abrupt cessation of the Conchology (in the
middle of the text for plate 5) stemmed from a quarrel between Humphrey and da Costa. This
may be so, and certainly the letters break off after April 1771, but their tone is always amicable.
In view of da Costa's authorship of the work and Humphrey's later claims to it, however, one
cannot help wondering if Humphrey even at this early date was not trying to reap more credit for
the work than da Costa cared to grant. Thus, da Costa's references to this 'Anonymous Con-
chology' may have been more pointed than modest.
E. M. da Costa
Emanuel Mendes da Costa (1717-91) came from a family of Sephardic Jews that had emigrated
to England from France (his father's side) and from Portugal (his mother's side) in the seventeenth
century. Like many such families, the genealogy of the da Costas and Mendes lines is complicated
by marriage between cousins or with uncles, but fortunately the family relationships were care-
fully detailed by da Costa himself in a manuscript (Add. MS. 29867) which many years later was
published by John Nichols in the Gentleman's magazine (Nichols, 1812a : 21-22).
Da Costa's paternal grandfather, Moses alias Philip Mendes da Costa, came to England from
Rouen in Normandy in about 1692. His son Abraham alias John (also born in Rouen, 1683)
came to England when he was 13 and in 1702 he married his first cousin Esther alias Johanna of
Budge Row, London, daughter of Alvaro da Costa (who had come to London in about 1660 and
whose sister had married da Costa's grandfather). This appears to have been the more successful
side of the family, for Alvaro's son Moses alias Anthony rose to a high position in the Bank of
England; he married his first cousin Catherine Mendes, who was born at Somerset House and
was named after her godmother, Catherine of Braganza, wife of Charles II. Joseph Salvador,
who later stood bond for da Costa, may have been the same that married Leonor, daughter of
Emanuel's first cousin on his mother's side, Isaac 2nd Baron of Auverne le Gras; da Costa's
aunt (on his father's side) also married a Salvador. The da Costa family, or at least the Alvaro
branch, was of sufficient standing for a grant of arms to be made on 20 February 1723; in a pun-
ning reference to their name, the shield is blazoned with six ribs (Rubens, 1949 : 90, pi. 9, fig. 34 -
da Costa's book-plate, of which examples are in Add. MSS. 9389 and 29867).
Emanuel da Costa was the eighth of Abraham and Esther's ten children (DC. Gen.). His
father claimed to have given him a good education (Moc. Lib.) and according to Goodwin (1887)
he was destined for 'a lower branch of the legal profession' and for period at least served in the
office of a notary. I cannot find any other reference to him before 1740 when Nichols {Lit. Anec.
3 : 757) recorded that da Costa, then 23, was a member of the Aurelian Society which met at the
Swan (afterwards King's Arms) in Cornhill. In 1746 da Costa was elected an Extra Regular
Member of the Spalding Society and in their lists is cited as a 'merchant' (history and list of
members, Lit. Anec. 6 : 81). By now he seems to have made his mark in quite high circles, for in
November the following year he was elected Fellow of the Royal Society, being recommended
as 'a Gentleman well skilled in Philosophical Learning and Natural Knowledge, particularly in
what relates to the Mineral and Fossil parts of the Creation'. His sponsors were the Duke of
Montagu, Martin Folkes (President of the Royal Society), Henry Baker, Peter Collinson and
several others.
In 1752 da Costa was also elected Fellow of the Society of Antiquaries; he is said to have been
something of an authority on old silver and jewellery (Lyons, 1944 : 169). He later presented the
Society with a sepulchral tablet of micaceous stone which was inscribed with the words 'Manilius /
Hilarius vixit / Annos L'. In a footnote, Way (1847 : 10) commented dryly, 'The authenticity of
this inscription may appear questionable'.
Da Costa was more than just a 'clubable' man and good talker. In 1752 he drew up an invitation
to subscribers for his first book, the Natural history of fossils, to be issued in two volumes at a
guinea each (Maty, 1752 : 236-238; also, Lit. Anec. 2 : 292), although the book was not finally
published until five years later (da Costa, 1757). However, even before seeing it, and on the basis
merely of a letter from da Costa, Linnaeus in his generous way was full of enthusiasm. He saw
to it that da Costa's letter (of 5 April 1757) was read to a full meeting of the Royal Academy of
Sciences in Uppsala and he reported how da Costa's 'unparalleled knowledge and rare learning
have excited so much esteem and respect in all those who were present' (English from Latin,
9 November 1757, Linn. Corr. ; quoted in Smith, 1821 : 488). In a subsequent letter, Linnaeus
claimed that in his preparation of the tenth edition of the Systema naturae he could not dispense
with da Costa's work 'as I intend to quote it with due commendation, throughout the fossil
kingdom' (Smith, 1821 : 489). Elated, da Costa basked in this praise and hinted that election to the
Royal Academy of Sciences would be gratifying; however, even a second and more pointed hint
the following year had no success (10 February 1758 and 5 October 1759, Smith, 1821 : 489, 492).
John Edward Smith commented on da Costa's subsequent antipathy to Linnaeus 'which the
writer of this has often heard him express' (Smith, 1821 : 495) and it may have been partly for
this reason that da Costa later castigated Linnaean terminology so strongly, insisting that he had
to 'explode the Linnaean obscenity in his characters of the Bivalves; not only for their licentious-
ness, but also that they are in no ways the parts expressed'. He went on (with perhaps just a hint
of a Pope couplet in mind)
Ribaldry at times has been passed for wit;
but Linnaeus alone passes it for terms of science.
{Elements of conchology : iv)
By 1763, at the age of 46, da Costa was already a well-known and much respected member of
the antiquarian and scientific worlds. In addition to his book on fossils, he also published eight
short papers in the Philosophical Transactions of the Royal Society and he was in correspondence
with many of the prominent literary and scientific figures of his day. For example, as early as
1747, Sir Hans Sloane (1660-1753) wrote to da Costa promising 'to entertain you without inter-
ruption with the sight of anything in the power of your humble servant . . .' (///. Lit. Hist. 4 : 84).
In the same year Martin Folkes (1690-1754), later President also of the Society of Antiquaries,
urged da Costa to join him at the Duke of Richmond's seat in order to help embellish a 'wild
receptacle and grotto' with fossils (///. Lit. Hist. 4 : 635-6). Another close acquaintance was the
antiquarian William Stukeley (1687-1765), whose command of Hebrew da Costa had once
criticized; Stukeley was obviously much impressed with da Costa's learning (///. Lit. Hist. 4 : 505,
566). Andrew Ducarel, the antiquary,' after visiting Paris in 1752, wrote to da Costa saying that
he had been to see the great Buffon 'at whose house your name was mentioned, and some other
handsome things said . . .' (///. Lit. Hist. 4 : 608). In fact, a review of the names in the volumes of
the da Costa correspondence shows the extent to which he was integrated into the intellectual
circles of his time.
By all accounts, da Costa was a devout Jew, receiving some good-natured teasing on one
occasion when Folkes suggested that the lobsters of Chichester might prove 'a temptation, by
which a weaker man might be seduced' during a visit to the Duke of Richmond (///. Lit. Hist.
4 : 635). Thomas Birch (1705-66) felt that 'your religious profession might possibly be a prejudice
to you with some persons; but ought not, I think, to discourage you from offering yourself as
Candidate [for Clerk]' (///. Lit. Hist. 4 : 540). The Jews Naturalization Act had been passed, but
rapidly repealed (due to ecclesiastical and commercial opposition) in 1753, but there was probably
little discrimination in the scientific community. Da Costa was able to assure Birch that he found
'no Objection on Account of Religion' (Add. MS. 4303, f. 182). The general tone of the letters
written in this period suggests that da Costa was genuinely popular among both scientists and
antiquarians and that he was considered to be something of an authority on a wide range of
subjects, from Hebrew inscriptions and Jewish uniforms, to volcanoes, rocks and fossils.
Da Costa married in 1750, within the Portuguese Jewish community, his wife being Leah the
third daughter of Samuel de Prado (on 14 Nisan 5510, being 20 April 1750 - Barnett, 1949 : 91).
They had no children and Leah died in 1763 (DC. Gen., date not given). In the same year he also
lost his father, on 1 1 February in his own records (DC. Gen.), but 1 1 January in the transcript of
his father's will (Moc. Lib.). The latter date is more likely since he wrote to Thomas Birch on
20 January and spoke of 'My Greif on this Occasion . . .' (Add. MS. 4303, f. 184). He married
again, about three years later, his second wife being Elizabeth Skillman (possibly Stillman) and
they had one daughter (Goodwin, 1887); his wife was a Gentile, but da Costa is said to have kept
the faith {Encyclopedia Judaica 5 : 986).
There seems to have been only one small peccadillo, small enough at the time but in retrospect
all too clear a pointer of what was to come. On the surface, or at least in the eyes of most of da
Costa's scientific and antiquarian friends, his career held fair promise. At another level, how-
ever, there were undertones, not yet of dishonesty, but of a recklessness over money that could -
and indeed would - lead to it. In a letter to Linnaeus of 7 April 1755, Peder Ascanius (1723—
1803) said that da Costa had been sent to prison for debt. Da Costa, he wrote, 'certainly possesses
an excellent collection of minerals; or rather, I should say, he did possess it; for he is at present
in prison for debt. But his collection is in the hands of a friend, who allows him partial use of it'
(Linn. Corr.; quoted in Smith, 1821 : 482). Peter Collinson (1694-1768) once exclaimed 'Thou
art the archest wag alive', referring to the way that da Costa had relieved an old don of fossils
and a hortus siccus (Fox, 1919:212), but it would seem that da Costa's passion for specimens
and books was already outrunning his resources.
The real indictment of the da Costa of this period is found in his father's will, a rambling
document in which the old man complains bitterly of the 'shocking misfortunes' he has had to
bear in his business life 'and not one son to give a helping hand for to retrieve, but, on the con-
trary, they have all set their hands who should destroy most and also their credit, which I had
taken so much care to settle and advise them to take care to keep' (Moc. Lib.). Emanuel and
David 'have done very bad' and he wishes they had followed his advice and found wives with
fortunes, for it shocks him to think of bringing so many beggars into the world in his family;
'you were all young and healthy and no father mother nor sister to maintain but your own sweet
selves and that you would not do'. The will is undated, but the first part appears to have been
written before 1752 when his brother Jacob died and then completed shortly afterwards, by which
time his son David is cut off with almost nothing (and only 5 shillings if he proves in any way
troublesome). If this dating is correct, then da Costa's imprisonment in 1754 must have marked
the end of his father's financial help.
Nevertheless, da Costa's personal troubles were either ignored or little known to his scientific
friends, for in 1763 the high regard in which he was held culminated in his election to the respon-
sible post of Clerk to the Royal Society. Among those who supported his application was
Stukeley, who wrote to a friend T know he has many friends. All my corner of the room unani-
mous: Sir William Browne, Collinson, Parsons, Baker, Clark, Van Rixtel &c. &c'. (///. Lit. Hist.
4 : 566). Thomas Birch appears to have backed him (presumed from Add. MS. 4303) and there
must have been many others. Rarely can the members of a society have so misjudged their man.
On 3 April 1763 da Costa was duly elected Clerk of the Royal Society, as well as its Librarian,
Keeper of the Repository and Housekeeper. He and his family were provided with rooms at the
Society's premises at Crane Court, off Fleet Street, and he received £50 a year for his duties. The
salary was not high, although Dr Johnson once pronounced £50 to be 'undoubtedly more than
the necessities of life require', but there was no rent to pay and he also received some small sums
for book-keeping and cataloguing. In addition - and ironic in the light of subsequent events - da
Costa was encouraged to solicit members' dues by a grant of a shilling in the pound for all he
collected. As a precaution, he was required 'to give a Security of One thousand pounds for the
performance of the Duty assigned to him'. The Minute Book of the Council, from which this
account is taken, shows that in June that year Joseph Salvador (his cousin^e letter to Salvador,
20 January 1786, DC. Corr.) and Samuel Felton, both Fellows of the Society, signed his bond,
little realizing that even before the bond was delivered, da Costa had already misappropriated
the first of what would eventually be more than a hundred members' subscriptions. In 1763 he
pocketed a dozen subscriptions; in the next two years he annually helped himself at twice that
rate; in 1767 nearly forty subscriptions failed wholly or partly to reach John West, the Treasurer.
Hilarius vixit no doubt, but it could hardly last. The wonder is that he was not found out sooner.
In a letter to Joseph Priestley of 14 June 1766, congratulating him warmly on election to the
Society, da Costa outlined the two methods by which dues could be paid (///. Lit. Hist. 4 : 541-2).
The first was by a five guinea admission fee and the signing of a bond for annual payments of
£2.12.0; the second was by a single payment of 25 guineas. 'The latter way is the most eligible,
and more agreeable to the Society', wrote da Costa, and the unsuspecting Priestley duly obliged.
According to Drury (28 February 1768, Drury Corr.), it was John Hope, Professor of Botany
at Edinburgh, who first asked why his name did not appear in the list of perpetual members.
Hope then asked someone to investigate this for him, and he too found that his name was given
as an annual and not a perpetual member. Questions began to be asked and an enquiry was
instigated. Da Costa must surely have been aware of this, but he seems to have been unprepared
when, on Thursday, 3 June 1 767, the axe fell. That morning the Council met, called in their Clerk,
and demanded an explanation for omissions in the books amounting to no less than five hundred
pounds. The unfortunate da Costa, 'after several excuses and prevarications', which were of
little avail, was finally forced to admit his guilt. He was then suspended from his duties and told
to hand over his keys of the Libraries, Repositories and Closets to William Kirkby, the Society's
solicitor. Kirkby was then instructed to contact da Costa's two bondsmen, Felton and Salvador.
The latter wrote back in evident astonishment and mortification, but he assured the Society that
he was ready to honour his covenant; Felton, with perhaps slight reluctance, agreed to do like-
wise. They then instructed their own solicitor, a Mr Le Breton, to have a Judgement entered
against da Costa and 'Execution issued against his effects'. As yet, they had no inkling of the true
extent of da Costa's frauds and were clearly determined to rescue their bonds at da Costa's
expense.
Meanwhile, however, the Council had probed further back into the accounts and had dis-
covered additional omissions which totalled the equally enormous sum of £472.10.0. On 14
December da Costa was brought once again before the Council and he now admitted what he
had previously denied, that Sir John Naesmith's was also one of the subscriptions that he had
appropriated. He also gave a brief list of his possessions (specimens - including, one supposes,
the Brazilian emeralds that Pallas so coveted - books, papers, etc.), being those on the Society's
premises. In return the Council handed him an account of their claims against him, which now
reached a grand total of £1090.19.0. Da Costa clearly saw the hopelessness of his position. He
came before the Council the next day, queried two small items in the list, but pleaded guilty to the
rest and said that he could not recall any further omissions. Two more were promptly cited and
he meekly agreed them.
By now the debt had exceeded the bond and the Council, fearing that worse might come,
demanded an account of his resources. Da Costa spoke of his personal possessions, now in the
process of being seized and sold by his bondsmen, and of a very small annuity, a life policy and
a copyhold in his wife's name, 'but no cash or any other effect'. His bonds were then taken from
the Iron Chest and handed to Kirkby.
Thoroughly alarmed, but determined to fathom the depths of these frauds, the Council heard
Kirkby report on 17 December that he had examined the official Checque Book and had dis-
covered another £266.10.0 not accounted for. Kirkby then showed the Council a bill of sale,
dated from the previous Sunday, for some four hundred books from da Costa's own library sold
to Dr John Letch, F.R.S. (and another whose subscription da Costa had appropriated). Letch
was called for and told firmly that the Society had no powers to deliver the books. The Council
then formally dismissed da Costa from his various posts and that afternoon the affair was made
generally known to the Society's members. Pennant was outraged and wrote to Joseph Banks that
T expect daily to see our Society in the Bankrupt's list, since the trick my worthy friend da Costa
has served us' (25 December 1767, Banks Corr.).
To what extent da Costa was able to call on his relatives and friends is not recorded, but it
must have been a bleak Christmas. The family moved out of Crane Court on Christmas Eve and
their possessions were taken across to Samuel Paterson the auctioneer at Essex House in Essex
Street off the Strand. As da Costa complained to William Hunter, he was later denied the chance
to manage this sale (Perc. Corr., 10 January 1771), which implies that his books made much less
than he had been offered by John Letch. Possibly it was during this period that he managed to
settle other debts by selling books and manuscripts not impounded at Crane Court. His patient
friend John Fothergill (1735-80), who had a reputation for helping lame ducks, said that he had
purchased Edward Lhwyd's papers from da Costa, or 'at least I accepted them as payment for a
large debt' (cited in Corner & Booth, 1971 : 294). Da Costa had bought these papers (about 500
letters in two large portfolios) in 1757 and had later lent them to William Huddesford for his
work on Lhwyd and his Lithophylacium. Similarly, da Costa may have been able to sell off a few
of his specimens, but from the evidence in his father's will he could expect nothing from his
brothers and probably not even sympathy from his sister Sarah.
Bad as things already looked, the new year brought to light still more discrepancies in the books
and on 3 January a further three hundred pounds was reported to the Council. Three weeks
later, on 28 January 1768, a full account of da Costa's debt to the Royal Society was drawn up,
comprising 122 entries and totalling £1492.14.2. Salvador and Felton, the latter now very reluctant,
managed to delay proceedings into the next term of the High Court, but on 10 May the case was
heard in the Court of the King's Bench and they were ordered to surrender their bond. Two days
after this, da Costa's 'entire library of printed books and MSS. and collection of prints and
drawings of Natural History' was sold at Paterson's auction rooms, a fact that significantly is the
only biographical detail given by da Costa against his name in his genealogical table (DC. Gen.;
also cited in Nichols, 1812a : 24). Da Costa's natural history collection had already been sold at
Paterson's on 25 April. Da Costa possessed catalogues of both these sales, but tantalizingly, in
his library catalogue, he did not record the amount raised (DC. Lib., f. 31r and v). Since his
debts seem to have been largely incurred by reckless buying of books and specimens (nowhere
is there a hint of high living, even in his father's disparaging will), these sales may have gone
some way toward placating his bondsmen, for on 2 June Felton attended a Council meeting and
after a little hesitation agreed that he and Salvador would pay costs as well as surrender their bond.
The accounts show that the Royal Society retrieved the thousand pounds from the bond, but
the Society was still considerably embarrassed by the remaining debt, stated to be £416.10.3.
Counsel's opinion was sought and it was decided to proceed against da Costa.
Some clue to da Costa's character emerges from letters that he wrote during this period to
John Anderson (DC. Corr.). Answering da Costa's letter of 14 January (no copy kept), Anderson
apologized for not replying sooner but he had heard that da Costa 'had gone privately to Portugal'.
Incensed, da Costa wrote back (14 July 1768) that 'the malice of my Enemies' invented this lie,
which 'was not the only infamous falsehood they engaged', but 'they were soon drove from these
lies in that I have never strayed a single step from the Metropolis and have dwelt ever since
within sight almost of Crane Court. I have always appeared publikly & have had the Honour to
be conversant with numbers of F.R.S. eminent not only for their learning but for their humanity.
A greater proof of which cannot be urged than that of giving Public Lectures or Courses on fossils
which I began last month [June] and have several F.R.S. my subscribers among which Drs Hunter
and Fothergill cannot be unknown to you . . .' The bravado is incredible, for by now da Costa
had been dismissed from his job, evicted from his home, expelled from the Society of Antiquaries
for 'infamous conduct' (24 May), and had had his possessions sold by auction, while among the
eminent names that accused him from the pages of his falsified accounts were none other than
those of William Hunter and John Fothergill.
Anderson wrote back to express relief that the reports were so ill-founded, but the days of da
Costa's defiant posturing before Crane Court were numbered. On 7 November 1768, by a Writ
of Special Capias, he was detained by the Sheriff and two days later he was committed to the
King's Bench Prison at St George's Fields (PRO. PRIS. 4, 4 : 203). The journey across Black-
friars Bridge did not end his career as a naturalist, but it rang down the curtain on all those
advantages to be reaped from having friends in high places. Like Johann Reinhold Forster
(1727-98) and Rudolph Erich Raspe (1737-94), his two equally unfortunate and subsequently
disgraced contemporaries,* da Costa was to find what a thankless task was science without the
blessing of the Establishment.
* Although da Costa, Forster and Raspe, so similar in their breadth of learning and temperaments, certainly
knew each other, their association has never been fully explored. Da Costa translated into English Forster's
Specimen historiae naturalis volgensis of 1767, while Forster examined da Costa's collections and commented on
them in his lectures at Warrington Academy in 1767-8 (Hoare, 1976 : 44, 55). Raspe stayed with the Forsters in
the summer of 1776 and helped with the German translation of George Forster's Voyage (Hoare, 1976: 165).
Seen in this light, the question of the authorship of the anonymous Travels of Baron Munchhausen (1785), which
Carswell (1950) attributes to Raspe, could well be re-examined. Perhaps all three 'tactless philosphers' helped to pen
this piece of mischief on some long summer evenings at 16 Percy Street back in '76.
10
King's Bench Prison
There were, however, some compensations. The King's Bench Prison, at St George's Fields on
the junction of Blackman Street and Newington Causeway, had at that time a reputation for
its lax rules. Writing of a slightly earlier period, Macky (1722) had noted that 'its rules are more
extensive than those of the Fleet' and by a 'Habeas Corpus you may remove yourself from one
prison to the other . . .', a practice apparently adopted by some inmates merely to provide a
welcome change of scene. Some impression of da Costa's circumstances in the prison, as well as
his still unrepentant attitude, can be seen in the draft of his letter to Stanesby Alchorne ( 1 727—
1800), Assay-master at the Mint and an amateur botanist, dated 'King's Bench Prison 21 Feb-
ruary 1769' (his deletions are placed in parentheses).
Tho in a prison placed by (the Royal) a Society founded for promoting Nat. Knowledge at
(the very time I was given a second course of . . . Natural History of fossils in order to destroy
... a kingdom of Nature not yet rightly explored) a *see infra I have been so fortunate to
meet a family in the same unhappy situation of Prisoners who not only delight in Nat. Hist,
but also in Music & painting & they having a fine large commodious & extreme pleasant
room commanding an extensive (& beautiful) prospect they have granted me leave to study
(to) read my Lectures in it. & Dr MacKenzie & other Gentn to the number of 20 generously
having subscribed I am now actually reading a Course wch meets with such approbation that
a new sett of Subscribers is forming for a subsequent one.
Then follows a request to borrow for a fortnight the Synopsis methodica stirpium Britannicarum
of John Ray in order to help Dr Colin MacKenzie to identify his large collection of marine plants.
The letter continues,
I have only to add that if you have at any time a spare hour and will pleasure me with a
visit I shall be extremely glad to see you & enquire for me at the Gunroom in the State house.
At the bottom of the letter is the final form in which da Costa, with a bland disregard for the
reasons behind his imprisonment, complains of the Royal Society's action.
* beginning of 2d paragraph supra
Tho placed in a prison by a Society founded for Promoting Natural Knowledge at a time
when I was promoting Natural Knowledge in a course of Lectures on fossils I have been &c.
(draft to S. Alchorne,
21 February 1769, DC. Corr.)
A number of other friends seem to have remained loyal to da Costa during his time in prison.
One of these was Ingham Forster (1725-82), brother of the natural history dealer Jacob Forster
(1739-1806) who had married George Humphrey's sister Elizabeth (see notes and family tree in
Whitehead, 1973). Ingham Forster, who was a dealer in Clement's Lane, Lombard Street, appears
to have corresponded frequently with da Costa and was designated 'My dear friend' in one of
the latter's brief biographical sketches (Nichols, 1812b: 515). Da Costa seems to have helped
Forster with his catalogues, for three weeks after his arrival in the King's Bench Prison, Forster
wrote saying 'you will likewise receive three volumes of your catalogue interleaved' (28 November
1768, DC. Corr.). Forster continued,
I wish you Health to prosecute your Studies, & Spirits to support you against the malicious
designs of your Enemies: - Be assured you'll ever find me
Your friend and obed1 Serv*
I shall call & see you the first opportunity
Two months later, da Costa told him that T have now finished the Catalogue of the large
Collection of Marbles' (11 January 1769, DC. Corr.). Their relationship seems to have been a
particularly warm one. In the summer of that year Forster wrote T will see you soon (please God)
for I long to have a few minutes conversation' and in the autumn T am sorry it has not been in
my power to pay my duty to your Fossilian Majesty this long time' (5 July 1769 and 2 October
11
1769, DC. Corr.). Although seven years younger than da Costa (who was now 52), Forster would
often adopt a flippant, almost patronizing tone in his letters. Referring to work that da Costa
was doing for him, Forster wrote 'You have been a very good Boy indeed! - Let us go on Briskly
while the days are long and the Weather fine' and 'As 1 have given you a large number of Holidays,
I hope like a good Boy you will apply closely to Business' (5 August 1771 and 24 January 1772,
DC. Corr.). That this was perhaps not resented is suggested by Forster's use, after an initial
period of signing himself 'I F', of the nickname 'Ferrum' (from 5 October 1772).
However depressing the King's Bench Prison may have been, da Costa's time there seems to
have been extremely well spent; he certainly kept himself interested and in touch with outside
events and he both ameliorated his living conditions and helped to meet his debt. One of the
means that he adopted was the giving of courses of lectures, the second of which, scheduled for
some time after July 1769, was thought to be too expensive by Forster. Da Costa was urged 'to
endeavour to make the Expense of attending as reasonable as you can . . . the Proposal of 2
Guineas or 2/6 [symbol for per] Lecture I totally disapprove'; Forster recommended only 30
shillings the course or 1/6 per lecture (Forster to da Costa, 30 May 1769, DC. Corr.). The first
set of lectures (on fossils) had apparently taken place in February and one supposes that da Costa
continued to use the 'large commodious & extreme pleasant room' of his cultivated prison neigh-
bours. The lectures seem to have been a success and a third series was planned the following year.
Thus, George Humphrey, on behalf of Captain Thomas Cornwall, asked if da Costa could spare
one of his syllabuses and on what terms, since Cornwall could not attend the course (24 January
1770, DC. Corr.). Humphrey wrote again the following month reminding da Costa that Cornwall
would like a printed version of the lectures (February 1770, DC. Corr.) and da Costa duly dis-
patched a syllabus via Dr MackKenzie, who immediately paid the required 3 guineas for it (da
Costa to Thomas Cornwall, 4 April 1770, DC. Corr.). In 1771 da Costa gave yet another series
of lectures on fossils beginning in April, which was to be followed by a series on shells (da Costa
to John Fothergill, 4 April 1771, DC. Corr.).
If da Costa managed twenty subscribers to each of his courses of lectures, then even at the
reduced rate recommended by Ingham Forster he would have reaped over a hundred pounds,
not counting the profits made on the sale of printed versions of the lectures. Another source of
income was catalogues (such as that of marbles for Ingham Forster - see above) and also trans-
lations and revisions. Thus, he revised and prepared for press the English version of the Essay
towards a system of mineralogy by Cronstedt (1770 - translated by Gustav Engestrom, with a
Preface and notes by da Costa), for which he received 8 guineas and a promise that his name would
appear on the title page (Agreement dated 3 April 1769, DC. Corr.). His footnotes in this work
are marked 'D.C and it is interesting to note that in some copies of the second English edition
(published 1788), the printer, presumably on da Costa's insistence, pasted in a small label drawing
attention to this fact since da Costa's Preface was now omitted. According to his library catalogue,
da Costa's own copy had 'Mr Brunnich's and my MSS. additions & notes' but it was 'Stole from
me by Mr Debraw' (DC. Lib., f. 1 lv).
Of translation work in this period, the only recorded project (but there may well have been
others) was for Drury's Illustrations of natural history, for which da Costa did the parallel French
text for the first two volumes. A note in Drury's letter-book (Drury Corr., p. 150) lists payments
made in 1768-69, but a more complete record appears in Drury's account book, showing that da
Costa received three payments in 1768 (£4.14.6), two in 1769 (£4.4.0), and one in 1770 (£10.14.6),
all for volume 1 of the work, and a part payment in September 1771 (£5.5.0) for volume 2; Drury
also paid him a shilling for translating a letter (Drury AB.). Da Costa's knowledge of French may
have stemmed from his childhood, since both his father and grandfather had come from Rouen
(DC. Gen.). His letters to Antoine Reamur are fluent (DC. Corr.) and in a letter to Isaac Romilly
he jokes of professing 'some Antigallican Principles' but implies that he is perfectly capable of
conducting the business in French if he wishes (25 June 1748 and 22 December 1755, Well. Inst.,
No. 56485). Da Costa's French was in no way stylish and it was perhaps for this reason that the
publisher Elmsley 'found great fault' with it (Humphrey to da Costa, 12 April 1771, DC. Corr.).
He may at this time have been responsible for a translation from Latin of 'Principles of Testa-
ceology', a paper delivered at Uppsala by Adolphus Murray on 29 June 1771, of which the
12
translation exists as a 23 + 3 page manuscript (Linn. Arch.). Although in another hand, da Costa's
authorship is implied by the second part, the 'Author's Apology', which takes da Costa's familiar
anti-Linnaean stance against certain offensive terms borrowed from misplaced analogies with
human anatomy.
The length of da Costa's stay in prison has never been stated accurately in the literature. The
Writ of Execution (Capias ad Satisfaciendum), which had commanded the Sheriff to deliver da
Costa to the prison, ordered that he should remain there 'till he made satisfaction'. With his
library and collection sold to pay off his bondsmen and no other resources to fall back on, da
Costa's friends evidently did not expect to see him free for some years at least. Drury even wrote
to Pallas that da Costa was 'confined in ye King's Bench Prison at ye instance of Royal Society
and has been there near a year, from whence, I imagine, he will never return' (14 January 1770,
Drury Corr.). In April 1772, however, da Costa's friend Thomas Hughes of Gossamer End near
Berkhamsted wrote a delighted letter rejoicing at his 'soon expected enlargement' and inviting
him to spend a few days with him and his wife (16 April 1772, DC. Corr.). The lectures, sale
catalogues, translations, profits from the Conchology and fee for the Cronstedt book were surely
not enough to cover the four hundred pounds owed to the Royal Society, so perhaps friends like
Fothergill, Drury and others gave him some help. At any rate, by September da Costa was able
to write to another of his loyal friends, Mitford Flower of Bedlington in Northumberland, to say
T shall go from this place (where thou saw me) next month' (12 September 1772, DC. Corr.).
At last, on 8 October 1772 at the General Quarter Sessions at Kingston, da Costa was discharged
under the Insolvent Act (PRO. PRIS.4, 4 : 203 - note in margin) and he set about making a new
life. It was not to be easy, as he said to Thomas Hughes:
Tybo presents her [deleted] his Duty She [deleted] He says he is now clear of the World &
owes not a farthing to anyone but sighs and adds times are so hard he does not know how
soon he may be in debt again.
(27 November 1772, DC. Corr.)
Thereafter, for nearly twenty years until his death in 1791, da Costa struggled to make a living,
as a dealer in shells and minerals, as a writer and as a lecturer. Apart from patronage, which da
Costa had now largely forfeited, the eighteenth century offered to a man in his position little
enough beyond what could be scraped from freelance work. He might, like J. R. Forster, have
tried his luck abroad, but Forster had an energetic son to pave the way and was returning to a
land and a language that he already knew. If da Costa's pre-prison letter to John Anderson is
any clue, then da Costa was unrepentant and determined to brazen things out.
Later years
Some eighteen months after his release, da Costa asked the Oxford astronomer Thomas Hornsby
(1733-1810) to help him institute a 2-guinea course of 27 lectures on fossils at the university
(29 March 1774, DC. Corr.; also ///. Lit. Hist. 4 : 516-9). Hornsby found that the Vice-Chancel-
lor favoured the idea, but several people in the university advised him against it and he turned it
down. 'I am very certain', wrote da Costa, 'my attempt has not succeeded by means of some un-
friendly and sinister misrepresentations' and he swore that he would not try Oxford again 'at
least until his Vice-Chancellorship expires' (loc. cit.). Without such official support, da Costa
had to promote his lectures as best he could; he was certainly giving lectures in London in 1776
and 1777 (25 April 1776 and 4 September 1777, Pult. Corr.). A copy of the syllabus for his fossil
lectures, dated 9 October 1778, is bound in with a copy of his History of fossils now in the Paleont-
ology Library of the British Museum (Natural History). This syllabus (da Costa, 1778a) outlines
an introductory and 27 main lectures and was probably the course offered to Oxford four years
earlier and perhaps essentially that given in prison; a copy of the syllabus is recorded in da
Costa's library catalogue (DC. Lib., f. 25v) and another copy, again bound in with the History
of Fossils, is in the possession of Dr V. A. Eyles, who mentions it in commenting on da Costa's
contribution to petrology (Eyles, 1969 : 176, 178).
13
As Dance (1966) has shown, this was a time of brisk dealings in shells (as well as other natural
curiosities) and da Costa now decided to become a dealer. From prison he told Mitford Flower
that 'One article of my livelihood hereafter will be to buy and sell all the curious productions of
Nature to those who study Natural History and make Collections . . .' and he proposed acting
as Flower's agent; if acceptable, Flower could send him curiosities 'directed for me at Mr Ingham
Forster in Clement's Lane Lombard Street' (12 September 1772, DC. Corr.). Apparently 'Ferrum'
was continuing to help him. Da Costa's twelve letters to the physician, botanist and shell collector
Richard Pulteney (1730-1801) in the period 1775-85 are frequently concerned with offers of shells
(Pult. Corr., DC. Corr.) and da Costa's other loyal friend John Fothergill was forever being
importuned 'to spend on some fine new specimen' (Fox, 1919 : 212). In 1779 da Costa attended
the sale of Humphrey's Museum Humfredianum in St Martin's Lane and 'by my principles & self
bought near £150' (da Costa to Richard Waring, 6 July 1779, DC. Corr.); da Costa's annotated
sale catalogue (Hope Department, Oxford) shows that he bought 79 lots for himself and 64 on
behalf of Humphrey. Although his activities as a dealer never rivalled those of Humphrey, they
must have gone some way toward providing a living. In addition, his knowledge of shells and
fossils brought him work on the cataloguing of other people's sales and he catalogued the shells,
corals, fossils and cabinets of his friend Ingham Forster (March and May-June 1783, Lit. Anec.
9 : 799).
In 1776 da Costa published his Elements of conchology and two years later came his British
conchology (da Costa, 1776, 1778b). Both were well received and although he could no longer
place F.R.S. or F.S.A. after his name, he still managed 'Member of the Imperial Caesarean
Academy Naturae Curiosorum, by the name of Pliny IV* and of the Botanic Society of Florence'.
He raised 1 1 1 subscribers for the second work, of which no less than 22 were Fellows of the Royal
Society, and the list of names gives some measure of his rehabilitation. Joseph Salvador is among
them, as well as Fothergill, Drury, Anderson and Pennant. The book was dedicated, in flowery
terms, to Sir Ashton Lever, whose Holophusikon or Leverian Museum was then exhibiting in
Leicester Square; Lever must surely have bought many specimens from da Costa and he may have
helped him in other ways.
Da Costa wrote no more books, presumably finding his financial reward hardly justifying the
labour. His feelings on this come out well in a letter to Richard Hill Waring (? 1720-94?), a
friend and subscriber to the British conchology. Failing to receive either acknowledgement or
payment from Waring, he wrote testily :
Good God here is a strange Encouragement indeed to a poor devil of an author when
subscribers spurn him if he desires a subscription aforehand & deprive him of his due monies
by not receiving the book according to their honour when the work is finish'd . . . such doings
and similar fantastics for I have the luck to deal with such unthinking people has sour'd
my temper & depress'd my spirits so much that I am resolved to quit all Authorship &
be no more the Scape Goat of our English Literature Encouragement or Generosity.
(23 October 1779, DC. Corr.)
Many of the names of da Costa's subscribers to the British conchology appear some years
later, together with a rather shaky signature by da Costa himself, in a manuscript rule book for
the Society for Promoting Natural History (1783, Linn. Arch.; also printed rule books and much
manuscript material). Founded in October 1782, this society was a forerunner of the Linnean
Society, overlapping it for four years until it was wound up in May 1792. Da Costa never joined
the Linnean Society, but this may well have been his own choice, membership implying tacit
approval of Linnaean obscenity. However, it is clear that by perserverance and a stubborn refusal
to acknowledge his crime, da Costa had gradually wriggled his way back into the community
that had damned him in 1768. For example, the physician Thomas Percival (1740-1804) strongly
recommended da Costa to Josiah Wedgewood, urging the latter to be 'very civil to him', since he
* Nicknames, a curious relict from the days when scientific societies had need of secrecy, persisted in the present
case until 1870; Goethe was Arion IV, Linnaeus Dioscorides II and Prince Albert merited Fredericus secundus
Hohenstaufensis (Sarton, 1931).
14
was much esteemed. Unfortunately, things did not turn out so well, for Wedgewood took an
instant dislike to da Costa, thinking him 'the most disagreeable Mortal who bore the name of a
Philosopher, I had ever known' and he gained temporary relief 'by sending him two miles to see
a FlintmiH' (Wedgewood to Thomas Bentley, 6 and 16 August 1774, see Farrer, 1976 : 189-190;
also Meteyard, 1866 : 478). Percival was aware that 'there was some mistake in his [da Costa's]
accts. with the R: Society, but he hoped it was rather negligence than design . . . [he] is very
high in his encomiums of da C as a sensible Man, of the most extensive knowledge, & equally
extensive correspondence with the Literati all over Europe, amongst whom the Dr. says he is
very much esteemed' (loc. cit.).
Four years in the King's Bench Prison must have left some bitterness in a man so uncontrite
as da Costa. Accepted on his own terms, with sympathy for his misfortune and respect for his
learning, he could perhaps be again the popular figure of his Royal Society days. A hint of con-
descension (by Wedgewood?) or the tardiness of a subscriber (Waring) could draw forth what
Drury meant when he spoke of da Costa's 'Temper and Principle [which] was sufficient to over-
turn a Kingdom' (Drury to Pallas on the collapse of the first Aurelian Society, 28 February 1767,
Drury Corr.). Da Costa was not the only one to be thrown into bankruptcy, but there were
differences. Drury himself was to fall into debt (for ten times the amount owed by da Costa) in
his business as a silversmith and goldsmith 'the effect of which was O! terrible to relate, I was
obliged to be a bankrupt'; but since this misfortune 'did not arise from extravagance or dis-
honesty the world saw my distress and pitied me' (Drury to Robert Killingly, 21 December 1778,
Drury Corr.). George Humphrey also had his financial troubles, the sale of his museum in 1779
only a year after its opening being more or less forced on him by his creditors (who had to settle
for 12 shillings in the pound - da Costa to Richard Waring, 6 July 1779, DC. Corr.). Drury was
merely gullible and Humphrey perhaps over-ambitious, but da Costa had shown less honourable
traits of character and his misfortune must have long remained tainted with 'ignomy and dis-
grace' in the minds of all but loyal friends.
Very little can be gleaned of da Costa's final years. He had drawn up his will many years earlier,
on 13 December 1773, and he left everything to his 'dear and beloved wife Elizabeth Mendes da
Costa otherwise Elizabeth Skillman' (not witnessed but after his death attested by Elizabeth
Grigg and Charles Westricher - Moc. Lib.). His letters break off in the volumes of correspondence
in 1787 and possibly he sold them and some or all of his other books and manuscripts to Benjamin
White at this time. The catalogue of his library (DC. Lib.) shows that in 1782 he had something
over two hundred books, as well as pamphlets, sale catalogues and manuscripts, but there are
frequent deletions, presumably as he parted with some treasure to pay a bill. Among his books
was a copy of his Natural history of fossils with 'interleaved MSS additions', and two copies of the
British conchology interleaved and annotated, one coloured and bound in two volumes, the other
plain in one volume. These have not been traced, but Donald MacAlister (in Nance, 1935)
recorded an interleaved copy of the first inscribed 'Remarks and alterations made by Mr da Costa
and copied in the year 1781 by James Smirnove' (but did not say where it was located; it is, in
fact, in the library of the Geological Society of London). It would be of great interest to locate
other annotated books, as also such items as 'A folio Copy book of Accounts Current MSS',
'A folio Copy book of Litterary Expenses MSS' and 'Copy Old Catalogues of my Collection of
Animals & Vegetables' (DC. Lib.).
Da Costa evidently kept up as best he could with the scientific and antiquarian communities,
carefully pinning his letters on to the blue sheets of the letter-books, attending natural history
sales, lecturing perhaps, and joining in the discussions once a month at 19 Warwick Street where
the Society for Promoting Natural History met 'on the Monday before full moon at 6 in the
evening' (rule book, Linn. Arch.). His few recorded addresses (Arundel Street, 3 Bedford Street)
were around Fleet Street and the Strand, where rents were not too high ; there were compensations,
however, for the coffee-house life, booksellers and general bustle were attractive and even Dr
Johnson in his later years resisted the temptation to migrate to a more fashionable part of town.
Da Costa's final address was 463 Strand as recorded in the 1790 members list for the Society
(Linn. Arch.).
In May 1 791 , nearing his seventy-fifth birthday, da Costa died at his lodgings in the Strand and
15
on the 22nd he was buried at the Bethahaim Velho or Old Cemetery of the Spanish and Portuguese
Congregation at 243 Mile End Road, London ( Barnett, 1 962 ; see also Lysons, 1 795 : 478). Custom
would have required Psalm 51, David's cry of repentance - a broken and contrite heart, O God,
thou wilt not despise. Contrite or not, da Costa's name has outlived the opprobrium once attached
to it and his books take a modest but not insignificant place amongst those of his less wayward
contemporaries.
The Conchology
The Conchology, or natural history of shells is in no way a fundamental work, but it merits atten-
tion for its illustration of shells in particular collections, some of which are types. Its authorship
has been disputed, not very thoroughly, and its parts have never been dated. The authorship and
dating can now be cleared up, chiefly on the basis of the da Costa letters, and something can be
said of the illustrations.
Authorship
The authorship of the Conchology cannot be deduced from the work itself. The title page offers no
clue, the work being merely 'By a Collector'. The Preface, unsigned, refers to an 'Editor' and also
to an 'Author' in terms that imply that these were not the same person ('the Editor begs leave to
acquaint the curious . . .' while 'the Author thinks it is his duty to inform them . . .'). The only
names given on the title page are those of the printer (T. Jones, in Fetter Lane) and of the three
people from whom the work could be bought: Mr B. White, Bookseller in Fleet Street, Mr
Elmsley, Bookseller in the Strand, and Mr Humphrey, Dealer in shells and other natural curiosi-
ties in St Martin's Lane near Charing Cross. The Preface also implies that neither Humphrey
nor the two booksellers acted as Editor. Thus, shells for description are solicited from other
collectors and 'if they will honour the Editor to send them either to the Booksellers Messrs.
White and Elmsley, or to Mr Humphrey, to be conveyed to him [i.e. the Editor], he will return
them safe, and gratefully acknowledge the favour . . .'.
It is clear that two people were involved in producing the Conchology, an author who was a
collector, and an editor, the latter apparently not being Humphrey (who also by implication does
not admit to being the author either). As shown already (see p. 1), some writers have favoured
da Costa's authorship, while others have settled for George Humphrey.
Support for Humphrey's authorship stems in part from his claim in the Museum Humfredianum
where the work is given as 'HUMPHREY'S Conchology' (Humphrey, 1779 : 36th day). This is
repeated in the Portland Catalogue (Anon., 1786: v), which includes in its list of references
'Humph. Conch. - A Conchology or Natural History of Shells published by Mr. Humphrey,
17 ' (i.e. no date given). Although it was the Rev. John Lightfoot and not George Humphrey who
compiled the Portland Catalogue (Dance, 1962), da Costa noted that the 'natural history [was]
made by George Humphrey, and formed or corrected by the late Rev. Mr Lightfoot, her Grace's
Chaplain' (Add. MS. 29867; Nichols, 1812: 516). The reference in Humphrey's own sale cata-
logue obviously carries the most weight since there is no doubt that Humphrey himself penned it.
In fact, Humphrey had seven copies of the Conchology and, ironically perhaps, da Costa purchased
one of these -for 18 shillings (Lot 82, thirty-sixth day - annotated catalogue in Hope Department,
Oxford).
Another hint of Humphrey's authorship occurs in letters between himself and da Costa at the
time that the Conchology was being written. Among the repositories where there were shells for
inclusion in the work was the British Museum. Humphrey visited and found that it was necessary
to make a proper application to the Trustees 'in order to see the Shells, and Books relative thereto'
as well as for permission for an artist to make drawings. He then asked da Costa to draft out such
an application for him (April 1770, DC. Corr.). A copy of da Costa's draft is on the reverse of
Humphrey's letter and it ends with a promise that the applicant (i.e. Humphrey) will present 'a
copy of his intended work on its publication'. This letter is followed by Humphrey's rewritten
application, which says that he will acknowledge the courtesy 'by humbly presenting a Copy of
my intended work on its publication' (27 April 1770, DC. Corr.).
16
A further implication that Humphrey was the author comes in letters between Humphrey and
the conchologist and collector Henry Seymer (1745-1800). Humphrey apparently sent to Seymer
some kind of advertisement for the Conchology and the latter acknowledged 'your Proposals,
Feb. 1, 1769' and added a word of caution on the 'expense and time your 'History of Shells' will
take up' (16 February 1769, DC. Corr. ; also ///. Lit. Hist. 4 : 772). It would be interesting to know
whose name if any was on the Proposal since 'your' could be singular or plural.
Taken together, these hints would seem to add up to Humphrey's authorship, but the case for
da Costa's authorship is even stronger. In the light of what follows, Humphrey's name must be
seen merely as a device for concealing da Costa's involvement at a time when he could expect little
sympathy from certain potential subscribers or from the British Museum, the Duchess of Portland
or others who might supply shells for description. Prison lectures were one thing, but the handling
or loan of often rare and expensive shells might not be entrusted to a young dealer if it were
known of his association with a man of da Costa's reputation.
Nevertheless, da Costa announced his authorship to at least a few people since Drury told
Pallas that da Costa 'is at present engaged in writing a history of shells which he hopes will make
its appearance this summer' (14 January 1770, Drury Corr.; quoted by Cockerell, 1922 and also
by Iredale, 1922 : 86, who took this as evidence of da Costa's authorship). To Fothergill, da Costa
at first referred to the Conchology as a joint work, sending coloured copies of parts 1 and 2 'as a
present from us Editors'; but two months later he made it his own by dispatching 'No 3 of my
History of Shells' (6 February and 4 April 1771, DC. Corr.). Unfortunately, no indication of
authorship can be found in da Costa's own library catalogue, in which the only possible item is an
undated 'New Conchology' with manuscript additions (DC. Lib., f. 7). Although this is remini-
scent of his phrase 'a new anonymous Conchology' in the Elements of conchology (p. 51), the latter
work is not listed and by 1781, when this part of the catalogue was drawn up, it could well have
been dubbed as 'new' in contrast to the Conchology often years earlier. Johann Schroter, however,
writing only a few years after the Conchology had appeared, attributed it to da Costa and made
no mention of Humphrey (Schroter, 1774 : 15), while Chemnitz (1795 : 181) seemed to be in no
doubt about the authorship when he wrote 'Da Costa, Conchology or Natural History of Shells'.
Perhaps the strongest evidence of da Costa's authorship (in the strict sense of having written the
descriptions) comes from Humphrey himself. This is clearly proclaimed in a letter from Humphrey
to da Costa proposing an addition to plate 12. He assures da Costa that this will not be incon-
venient since 'it will be some time before you reach so far with the Descriptions' (1771, ? late
July, DC. Corr.). This is further borne out in comments made by Humphrey many years later in
a letter to John Timothy Swainson (cited in full by Jackson, 1937 - who wrongly gave William
Swainson as the recipient; I am indebted to Nora McMillan for pointing out this error). The
letter, dated 12 December 1815, contained a detailed list of the Conchology plates, with identi-
fications and comments against each figure (thus most useful for those plates which lack a text).
By this time, Humphrey had established his reputation and had no hesitation in criticizing the
Conchology. For plate 2, figure 3 he noted 'Scahrosa. Rough. Country Mediterranean. Da Costa
has omitted this in his Description'-and indeed the text for figure 3 has been completely forgotten;
of plate 3, figure 10, Humphrey remarked 'DC. confounds it with the Common Limpet and
European Auricula'; for plate 3, figure 12, Humphrey exclaimed 'How DC. came to call it the
Thorny I can't conjecture'; for the 'Cracked Limpet' of plate 4, figure 2, Humphrey says T never
saw any from Falkland Islands but a very small one, which is perforated at top' - whereas in
the text of the Conchology the 'author' states categorically T have also seen very fine ones from
Falkland Islands in the Atlantic Seas'.
Jackson (1937) made the curious mistake of assuming these comments to be directed, not at
the Conchology, but at da Costa's British conchology (1778). As a result, Humphrey's remarks
seemed quite consistent with his supposed authorship of the Conchology, whereas in fact they
would be quite absurd, as Jackson would have realized immediately. However, Jackson was then
able to assign authorship of the Conchology to Humphrey, largely based on Humphrey's phrase
'the Patella published by me' which appears at the beginning of the letter, together with the
annotation 'Humphrey's Patella etc' on the back of J. T. Swainson's copy of the Conchology.
Salisbury (1945 : 138-9) spotted Jackson's mistake and, realizing the contradiction between
17
Humphrey's comments and his supposed authorship, unhesitatingly gave authorship of the
Conchology to da Costa.
Da Costa's authorship of the parallel French texts seems certain in view of the very similar
translations that he made for Dru Drury's Illustrations. His close involvement in the project is
quite clear from the letters between Humphrey and himself, many of which will be mentioned
below in dealing with the dating of the work and its illustrations. Finally, if there was indeed an
editor and an author, it is much more likely that the author was the one who could not admit to
his authorship, while the editor was the one who was free to negotiate specimens and illustrations.
A case can also be made for considering the Conchology a joint work, in the sense of joint
authorship. Da Costa, after all, was in prison and the book could not have been produced without
outside help. Humphrey evidently organized the specimens and the illustrations and dealt with
the publishers, sending da Costa at least one account of the sales (12 April 1772, DC. Corr.).
The first intimation of a partnership comes in a brochure in French (in Humphrey's and not da
Costa's writing) addressed to the Secretary of the Academy of Sciences in Paris, and it states :
Nous avons l'honneur de vous envoyer les premieres feuilles [Enluminees - added by da
Costa] d'un ouvrage dont vous donnerons chaque mois un pareil nombre . . .
Below this da Costa added,
Londres ce 20th Decembre de 1770
Les Editeurs
Chez Mons. Humphrey dans St Martin's Lane, pres
de Charing Cross, Londres
(20 December 1770, DC. Corr.)
This formula is also followed in a note, possibly in Humphrey's hand, at the top of parts 1 and
3 of one copy of the Conchology (provenance unknown) where it is stated : 'Presented by the
Editors' (bound copy in British Museum (Natural History) with end papers but top of title page for
part 2 trimmed off). Some years later, in the Elements of conchology, da Costa conferred author-
ship on these editors, saying that 'the authors have laid it aside' (da Costa, 1776 : 52).
Once again, this cannot be taken at its face value since the letters show that da Costa's involve-
ment did not stop short merely at the descriptions. Of plate 4, Humphrey sent two proofs and in
a strangely formal letter said that 'Mr DC. will be pleased to number and return [symbol for per]
bearer' (2 October, 1770 DC. Corr.). Again, Humphrey deferred to da Costa's opinion on the
identification of shells. The correct determination of the 'unperforated ear' has been mentioned
earlier, but Humphrey also consulted da Costa on a dozen new species brought back from Captain
Cook's first voyage (1771, ? late July, DC. Corr.). Even the choice of subjects for the plates was
left to da Costa, Humphrey sending across various books and saying 'It lies with you to settle for
the 8th plate which is to contain all the ears' (6 March 1771, DC. Corr.). Da Costa's responsibility
for this is emphasized by Humphrey's later criticisms of figures copied from other people's works
(letter to Swainson cited above).
Joint authorship could also be inferred from the slight stylistic difference between descriptions
and the notes that follow, the former being impersonal in most (but not all) cases, the latter being
in the first person. Thus, 'Mr Da Costa found them [a species of Patella] in great quantities . . .'.
while in the note it says T do not find it described, or even mentioned, by any author' (text for
plate 1, figure 10). On another occasion (plate 4, figure 13), the description says 'the only one in
the British Museum', while the note reads 'In the same noble Collection I observed some small
Limpets not above one Quarter of an inch long'.
In the face of Humphrey's own attribution of the descriptions to da Costa, one might suppose
that the notes were afterthoughts added by Humphrey. This could be the case for the shorter
notes, but there is some doubt in the case of the Black Limpet (plate 1, figure 8), in which there is
a long and detailed criticism of Michel Adanson (1727-1806) and his synonymy of several species
because of similarities in soft anatomy, regardless of shell characters. As noted earlier, Gray
(1858) referred to Humphrey as a 'comparatively uneducated person' and Humphrey himself
admitted in the Preface to the Museum Calonnianum sale catalogue that the editor 'hopes that his
18
confession of being but little acquainted with the learned languages will be received as an apology
for such improprieties in the generic or specific names as he fears will be found' (Humphrey,
1797 : v). On the other hand, Gray also found Humphrey 'far in advance of the state of natural
history of his time' (Gray, 1858), while Swainson (1840b : 21-22) simply could not heap enough
praise on Humphrey's arrangement of shells in the Museum Calonnianum: it was an 'entirely
novel and very remarkable plan ... a most extensive improvement upon everything of the kind
which had hitherto been done ... as far exceeds that of Linnaeus, as Lister's exceeds Klein'; and
if that was not enough, he concluded 'As a purely conchological system, this was unquestionably
the best and most original of any that had appeared since the revival of learning'. Whether this
second Aristotle deserved such praise is a matter of opinion ; da Costa, after all, was given the
cognomen 'Plinius IV. In fact, Dall (1889 : 301) gave the real credit for the Museum Calonnianum
-or presumably the exhibition catalogue of 1788 on which it was based - to Christian Hwass
'whose manuscripts (by the aid of E. M. da Costa, an English writer on shells)' were then used by
Humphrey. Although Iredale (1937 : 417) rejected this, pointing to the evident lack of the 'learned
languages' shown in the catalogue, there is still the impression that the passage on Adanson in
the Conchology is more consistent with the work of a man who went on to write two books on
conchology than with one who merely published catalogues and a brief four-page note on the
gizzard of Bulla lignaria (Humphrey, 1794).
Finally, it can be noted that the idea of the Conchology appears to have originated with da
Costa. Two years before the Proposal was issued, Drury wrote to Pallas that 'Mr Da Costa is
going to publish plates of nondescript animals - shells, Insects, etc. in periodical numbers, five
plates with their descriptions being a complete number' (12 November 1767, Drury Corr. ; also
Cockerell, 1922 : 70). It seems likely that the Conchology stemmed from this larger scheme, being
later pared down by force of circumstances.
Humphrey's role in the Conchology seems to have been more akin to that of an editor. Thus, he
arranged for the illustrations to be done (perhaps paying for the artists), saw the book through the
press, and kept a watchful eye on sales. Da Costa, on the other hand, probably conceived the
project, certainly wrote the descriptions, made the French translations, chose some, if not all, of
the species to be illustrated, identified material to be included, and collated the figures with the
text. No doubt Humphrey put a lot of work into the book, but it seems reasonable to regard da
Costa as its true author.
Illustrations
The Conchology has 12 plates, with between 11 and 27 numbered figures on each (or up to 33
actual drawings when shells are illustrated twice on the same plate). Henry Seymer had supposed
that they could not have more than five shells on each plate, and if 26 genera with on average 50
species were to be figured, then a monthly issue of two plates would take nearly five and a half
years; he advised an issue every fortnight and then 'persons almost of any age might hope to see
the completion of it' (Seymer to Humphrey, 16 February 1771, DC. Corr.; also ///. Lit. Hist.
4 : 773). The advice was not heeded and in any case four plates had already been issued by then.
The first four plates were signed 'J. Wicksteed Jun. del'. This was James Wicksteed (1718-91)
from Dublin, who later worked in Bath and then London (Benezit, 1966 : 736). He exhibited at
the Royal Academy from 1779 to 1824 and is given by Graves (1906 : 263) as a gem engraver who
showed mainly portraits (Wellington, Johnson, etc.). There is no mention of his name in the
Humphrey/da Costa correspondence, but in a single letter of 1757 addressed to 'Mr James
Wicksteed (Seal Engraver) at Bath' da Costa states that he had sent him a copy of the History of
fossils and hopes that Wicksteed will oblige with a second half-guinea subscription for the
remainder of the book (4 October 1757, DC. Corr.). Thus, da Costa had known Wicksteed for
perhaps fifteen years and may have already approached him in 1767 when he planned the series of
plates mentioned by Drury to Pallas.
If the plates were drawn in the order that they were published, then Humphrey's brother
William was the second artist to be employed on the Conchology. William Humphrey drew for
plates 5 and 7 and the first record of his involvement in the project comes from George Humphrey's
application of 27 April 1770 for his brother to accompany him to the British Museum as his
19
artist (Humphrey to da Costa, DC. Corr.). In asking da Costa to draft out this application,
Humphrey had added 'Leave should also be asked for a person (my Brother) to be with me to
draw any particular Shell' (April 1770, DC. Corr.). There is no indication in the letter why William
Humphrey was employed at this stage or why he did not continue with the later plates. He was,
in fact, an extremely competent mezzotint engraver and had already (1765) won the prize of the
Society of Artists for an engraving after Rembrandt (Benezit, 1966 : 29), but he exhibited only
once at the Academy (as an Honourable Exhibitor in 1793 - see Graves, 1906 : 193).
The third and probably the best artist to work on the Conchology was Peter Brown, who later
turned increasingly to flower paintings and became Botanical Painter to the then Prince of Wales
(Benezit, 1966 : 162). He exhibited at the Royal Academy between 1770 and 1791 and his address
in the early 1770's was 'At Mrs Munt's milliner 16 Portland St.' (Graves, 1905 : 311). Among his
earlier pictures were 'Two drawings of shells' exhibited in 1777, possibly originals from the
British conchology, for which he did plates 1-2 and 4-17 ; they are referred to in a letter from Brown
to da Costa requesting permission 'to Exhibit two of your drawings of shells, there is room for
two, I think it would be an advantage to your Publication & would much oblige me' (16 April
1777, DC. Corr., the only Brown letter).
Plates 8 to 12 of the published parts of the Conchology are by Brown, but these well outrun the
text, which stops short in the middle of figure 2 of plate 5 ; as Humphrey remarked to da Costa
'great fault' was found by Elmsley 'that the Figures exceed the Descriptions so greatly' (12 April
1771, DC. Corr.). In fact, Brown went on to draw four more plates, but these were never pub-
lished. These four signed plates, together with the signed originals of plates 8 and 9, are now
bound in with one and a half copies of the Conchology in the British Museum (Natural History).
Brown was an excellent artist and the plates give little clue to the delicacy of his originals. A note
in the book (in pencil) states 'Six loose plates added May 1929'. These drawings, which are on
parchment, are probably part of the 'Ten original drawings on vellum by Brown (5 unpublished)'
listed as Lot 86 on the thirty-sixth day of the Museum Humfredianum sale. In the Hope Depart-
ment copy of the catalogue this lot (p. 168) is annotated 'DC for Dr Fothergill' and sixteen guineas
was paid for it. John Fothergill's library and paintings were sold at auction by Leigh & Sotheby in
April/May 1781, and the ten Brown drawings appear as Lot 72 on the eighth day. The annotated
sale catalogue in the British Library shows that they were bought by 'Dobello' for eight pounds.
This is probably a mis-writing for 'Rebello', who also bought an earlier lot, and would be the 'D.
Alves Rebello' who was a member of the Society for Promoting Natural History (Linn. Arch.).
I have been unable to find out when Rebello relinquished the drawings; they may have come to
the British Museum (Natural History) through Alexander Reynell (Peter Dance, in litt.).
The plates of the Conchology were all engraved by Peter Mazell, an excellent engraver who
worked also for Thomas Pennant and others and whose best work is probably seen in Cordiner's
Remarkable ruins and romantic prospects in North Britain. Mazell was sympathetic to natural
history subjects and himself exhibited two flower paintings at the Royal Academy in 1797 (Graves,
1906 : 220). He is only once mentioned by name in the Humphrey /da Costa correspondence,
Humphrey saying that 'Mazelle has promised me the 7th plate next Monday' (12 April 1771,
DC. Corr.).
It is disappointing that more cannot be gleaned of the history of the Conchology illustrations
since the employment of a third artist by the time of the eighth plate could imply dissatisfaction
over the first two artists or, conversely, their rejection of the contract because of the haste required
or the lack of payment. There is a hint that Humphrey's brother was not satisfactory in a letter
from Humphrey to da Costa in which he says that 'the Masks which are for the 7th plate . . . have
been Drawn twice, tho' some of them must be redrawn' (6 March 1771, DC. Corr.).
Dating
Like many other works of this type and period, no dates are given on the parts of the Conchology.
The title page is a wrapper of blue paper, of which those for parts 1 and 3 (two of the latter) are
bound in with the coloured copies in the British Museum (Natural History); the wrapper for part 6
is in the British Library (Joseph Banks' copy, uncoloured, possibly inscribed but top of wrapper
20
trimmed). Schroter (1774 : 1 56) seems to include 'a Londres 1771' in the title, but this is not printed
on the wrapper. Authors since then have variously dated the work 1770-71 or 1771-72.
The most direct dating, unfortunately only of parts 1 and 3, is that inscribed on the wrappers of
the incomplete copy in the British Museum (Natural History). The first reads 'Presented by the
Editors Jan. 18, 1771' and the second 'Presented by the Editors [May 31 deleted] June 14 1771'.
According to the wrapper, the work was to be issued in monthly parts containing two plates each.
The text was obviously meant to keep pace with the plates, but it breaks off in the middle of plate
5 and the remaining six plates seem to have been issued without text.
The letters between Humphrey and da Costa in the British Library provide the only other
method of dating the work. The result is shown in Table 1, which places the first five parts between
December 1770 and August 1771, the sixth and final part presumably being later in 1771 but not
in 1772. The earliest dates for each part can be summarized as:
Part 1, pis 1 and 2 20 December 1 770 Part 4, pis 7 and 8 7 June 1771
Part 2, pis 3 and 4 6 February 1771 Part 5, pis 9 and 10 5 August 1771
Part 3, pis 5 and 6 4 April 1771 Part 6, pis 11 and 12 ? October 1771
Part 2 followed part 1 after an interval of just over a month, but there was a delay over part 3
and da Costa must have taken Humphrey to task over this. The latter replied 'We are not in so
bad a pickle as you imagine (tho' bad enough)' (6 March 1771, DC. Corr.). Thereafter, the parts
appeared every other month, although the text had broken off in the third part at p. 26. Jackson
(1937) supposed that Humphrey and da Costa quarrelled and thus the work was never completed,
but according to da Costa (1776 : 52) the work was laid aside for lack of support. It remains now
something of a literary curiosity and a record of how a once prominent man employed his time
in a debtor's prison.
Table 1
Part 1 (plates 1 and 2, both by J. Wicksteed)
20 Dec. 1770 First sheets to Paris (DC. Corr. 5 : 229)
18 Jan. 1771 'Presented by the Editors' (Brit. Mus. (Nat. Hist.) copy)
6 Feb. 1771 Coloured copy to Fothergill (DC. Corr. 4 : 163)
12 Apr. 1771 One plain and four coloured copies sold by Elmsley (DC. Corr. 5 : 232)
Part 2 (plates 3 and 4, both by J. Wicksteed)
2 Oct. 1770 Two proofs of plate 4 to da Costa for checking (DC. Corr. 5 : 228)
6 Feb. 1771 Two coloured copies to Fothergill (DC. Corr. 4 : 163)
12 Apr. 1771 One plain and two coloured copies sold by Elmsley (DC. Corr. 5 : 232)
Part 3 (plate 5 by W. Humphrey, plate 6 by J. Wicksteed)
24 Jan. 1770 W. Humphrey not yet begun drawings (DC. Corr. 5 : 223)
27 Apr. 1770 Application for W. Humphrey to draw shells at British Museum (DC. Corr. 5 : 227)
6 Mar. 1771 Plate 6 engraved, plate 5 in a week or eight days (DC. Corr. 5 : 230)
4 Apr. 1771 Three coloured copies to Fothergill (DC. Corr. 4 : 168)
14 Jun. 1771 'Presented by the Editors' (Brit. Mus. (Nat. Hist.) copy)
Part 4 (plate 7 by W. Humphrey, plate 8 by P. Brown)
6 Mar. 1771 Plate 7 drawn, redrawn, but needs corrections; de Costa to choose subjects for plate !
(DC. Corr. 5 : 230)
12 Apr. 1771 Plate 7 promised by engraver 'next Monday' (DC. Corr. 5 : 232)
18 May 1771 Forster asks if published (DC. Corr. 4 : 1 14)
7 Jun. 1771 Two copies to Fothergill (DC. Corr. 4 : 163)
Part 5 (plates 9 and 10, both by P. Brown)
5 Aug. 1771 Forster has received copy (DC. Corr. 4:117)
Part 6 (plates 11 and 12, both by P. Brown)
late Jul. 1771 Humphrey to consult da Costa on contents of plate 12 (DC. Corr. 5 : 231)
21
Acknowledgements
I am particularly grateful to Mr Peter Dance (National Museum of Wales), not only for en-
couraging me to explore a corner of his domain, but for drawing my attention to the most
important of all da Costa sources, the letters in the British Library. For help with the Jewish
records, I am indebted to Mr Alfred Rubens (Chairman, the Jewish Library) and Mr R. Finkin
(Mocatta Library). Among those who have so kindly mined information for me have been Mr
Gavin Bridson (Linnean Society), Dr Helen Brock (University of Glasgow), Mr John Hopkins
(Society of Antiquaries), Mr John Mallet (Victoria & Albert Museum) and Mrs Kate Way of our
Mollusca Section. Finally, my sincere thanks to Dr Alex Keller (University of Leicester) for his
enthusiasm and help.
While this paper was in press, I received a typescript with almost the same title and conclusions
by Nora McMillan; with great generosity she withdrew her work and allowed me to use several
further references that I had overlooked.
References
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24
British Museum (Natural History)
Monographs & Handbooks
The Museum publishes some 10-12 new titles each year on subjects
including zoology, botany, palaeontology and mineralogy.
Besides being important reference works, many, particularly among
the handbooks, are useful for courses and students' background
reading.
Lists are available free on request to :
Publications Sales
British Museum (Natural History)
Cromwell Road
London SW7 5BD
Standing orders placed by educational institutions earn a discount
of 10% off our published price.
Titles to be published in Volume 6
Emanuel Mendes da Costa (1717-91) and the Concho logy, or natural
history of shells. By P. J. P. Whitehead.
Early mineralogy in Great Britain and Ireland. By W. Campbell
Smith.
The Forster collection of zoological drawings in the British Museum
(Natural History). By P. J. P. Whitehead.
John George Children, FRS (1777-1852) of the British Museum.
Mineralogist and reluctant Keeper of Zoology. By A. E. Gunther.
An account of the rock collections in the British Museum
(Natural History), and the historical collections acquired before
1918. By D. T. Moore.
Type set by John Wright & Sons Ltd, Bristol and Printed by Henry Ling Ltd, Dorchester
Bulletin of the
British Museum (Natural History)
The Forster collection of Zoological drawings
in the British Museum (Natural History)
P. J. P. Whitehead
Historical series Vol 6 No 2 30 March 1978
The Bulletin of the British Museum (Natural History), instituted in 1949, is issued in four
scientific series, Botany, Entomology, Geology and Zoology, and an Historical series.
Parts are published at irregular intervals as they become ready. Volumes will contain about
four hundred pages, and will not necessarily be completed within one calendar year.
Subscription orders and enquiries about back issues should be sent to: Publications Sales,
British Museum (Natural History), Cromwell Road, London SW7 5BD, England.
World List abbreviation : Bull. Br. Mus. nat. Hist. (hist. Ser.)
© Trustees of the British Museum (Natural History), 1978
ISSN 0068-2306 Historical series
Vol 6 No 2 pp 25-47
British Museum (Natural History)
Cromwell Road
London SW7 5BD Issued 30 March 1978
in the
The Forster collection of zoological drawings
British Museum (Natural History)
P. J. P. Whitehead
Department of Zoology, British Museum (Natural History), Cromwell Road, London SW7 5BD
GENERAL ^
Contents
Abstract ....
Introduction .
Descriptiones animalium .
The drawings .
The artists
Banksian catalogues of drawings
George Forster's Observations .
The Forster animal drawings in the British
The Forster animal drawings in Gotha, Weimar and Jena
References
Museum (Natural History)
25
25
26
27
29
31
34
34
46
47
Abstract
Almost all the natural history drawings made by George Forster (1754-94) on Captain Cook's second
voyage around the world are now in the British Museum (Natural History). The two zoological volumes
contain 33 drawings of mammals, 140 of birds, 3 of reptiles, 81 of fishes and 14 of invertebrates, of which
191 are variously completed in watercolour and 80 are pencil sketches. The drawings, for the most part
unpublished, are an integral element in J. R. Forster's Descriptiones animalium (1844).
The bird drawings have already been catalogued by Lysaght in an earlier volume of this Bulletin (1959).
The remainder are listed here, with all annotations, references to the Descriptiones animalium and citations
from a contemporary list and from a notebook of George Forster's observations. In addition, the 26
gouaches in a series at Gotha are listed, as well as the 6 watercolours at Weimar and 2 at Jena.
Introduction
Early zoological and botanical drawings are often essential to the identification of Linnaean
and subsequent names because of inadequate original description and/or absence of type-speci-
mens. For this reason, the many hundreds of drawings of animals and plants made on Captain
Cook's three voyages, almost all of which are now in the British Museum (Natural History),
are fairly frequently examined in order to settle taxonomic or nomenclatural problems. Rela-
tively few of these drawings have ever been published, yet many are virtual if not actual icono-
types.*
The largest series of natural history drawings from Cook's voyages is that by Sydney Parkinson
(17457-71), natural history artist on the first voyage (1768-71); it comprises 18 botanical and
3 zoological volumes. Smaller, but equally important is the collection of drawings made on the
second voyage (1772-75) by Johann George Adam Forster (1754-94), son of the official naturalist
on the voyage, Johann Reinhold Forster (1729-98); the Forster collection comprises 2 botanical
* Iconotype: strictly, an illustration that formed the sole basis for a new species name, not necessarily with a
verbal description unless the illustration remained unpublished. An illustration is based directly or at one or more
removes on a specimen, but if this or another specimen was used by the author of a new name, then the illustration
is not an iconotype but merely an extension of the description. Nevertheless, where type-specimens have not sur-
vived, then their illustration, whether published or not, has great importance. Although not in the strict sense
semaphorants (i.e. name-bearers), such illustrations often provide more easily interpreted information than many
an early verbal description. In this respect, an original drawing is usually superior to a published one, hence the
continued value of early drawings to taxonomy.
Bull. Br. Mus. nat. Hist. (hist. Ser.) 6 (2): 25-47
Issued 30 March 1978
25
26 p- J- p- WHITEHEAD
and 2 zoological volumes. Fewer natural history drawings were made on the third voyage (1776—
80), but they include a small volume of 115 drawings by William Ellis (17357-85). These Parkin-
son, Forster and Ellis drawings are in the British Museum (Natural History), but there are also
a few natural history drawings in the Department of Prints and Drawings at the British Museum,
including 46 bv John (William) Webber (199* b 2) and a few by John Cleveley, John Frederick
Miller and James Miller (bound together, 199* b 4).
The natural history drawings from the Cook voyages were formerly in the possession of Sir
Joseph Banks (1743-1820). Together with the Banksian collection of books, manuscripts and
specimens, they passed to the British Museum in 1827 and they were amongst the Banksian and
other natural history drawings that in 1881 were transferred (with a few exceptions) to the newly
founded British Museum (Natural History) at South Kensington.
There is no published catalogue of all the natural history drawings from the Cook voyages.
For zoology, the nearest approach is that by Lysaght (1959) in her excellent study and listing of
all the Banksian bird drawings. An account of Parkinson's zoological drawings from the first
voyage was given by Sawyer (1950) and some useful information on George Forster's zoological
drawings was given by Steiner & Baege (1971) and also by Joppien (1976). Albert Giinther drew
up lists of all the fish drawings in the Parkinson and Forster volumes and these lists are now kept
with their respective volumes. More important, however, are five contemporary lists of Banksian
natural history drawings, the most complete being that made by Jonas Dryander (1748-1810),
Banks' second librarian. These lists are of great interest because they were based on information
that seems to be no longer available, such as the attribution of 9 first voyage drawings to Herman
Diedrich Sporing (1740 ?-71), assistant and amanuensis to Banks on the voyage (7 fishes, 2
crabs). The lists also contain information that must have been supplied by the Forsters, of which
the original document is no longer extant. The main Dryander list was used by Lysaght (1959)
and all were briefly enumerated by Whitehead (1969a : 186-187); they will be described in more
detail below (see p. 31).
The natural history observations made by George Forster during the early part of the voyage
are contained in a notebook now in the Bibliotheque Centrale of the Museum National d'Histoire
Naturelle in Paris. Some of the observations are relevant to the drawings listed here and will be
discussed below (p. 34).
The catalogue of the Forster zoological drawings given here is a further contribution to the
growing literature on J. R. Forster and his son George. The latter has been well served by an
East German Forster-Ausgabe justifiably determined to make a hero, resulting in a multi-volume
work on his life, writings and letters (Steiner, 1971 ; see also Kahn et alii, 1972 etc.). George has
always stolen the limelight, but J. R. Forster, maligned and underrated for much too long, has
now been rehabilitated in a full, detailed and superbly documented biography by Michael Hoare
(1976). Much information can be mined from Steiner and from Hoare on the circumstances of the
voyage and the production and fate of the drawings, and the value of this is enhanced by the
publication of J. R. Forster's manuscript Journal of the voyage, in which day-to-day zoological and
botanical discoveries are noted (Hoare, in press). Thus, the taxonomist has quite a range of primary
and secondary material with which to explore Forster's descriptions of animals.
Descriptiones animalium
The value of the Forster drawings is still immense. Few have ever been published, yet they
frequently provide the best means of identifying the species described by Forster or by later
workers who used Forster's manuscripts. The zoological drawings have a particular importance
because specific reference is made to them in Forster's original descriptions of the animals seen
during the voyage, many of which were described and named for the first time. Unfortunately,
Forster's descriptions remained in manuscript during his lifetime, being in the form of three
quarto and one folio volume (I, 98 ff- from August 1772; II, 134ff-from July 1773; III,
135 ff- from April 1774; IV, 86 ff - from December 1774). These four volumes were subsequently
acquired by the Koniglichen Bibliothek (later Preussischer Staatsbibliothek) in Berlin and after
the last war were among the manuscripts eventually deposited in the Staatsbibliothek Preussischer
THE FORSTER COLLECTION 27
Kulturbesitz at Dahlem in West Berlin (Ms Lat. qu. 133-136); Forster's manuscript Journal is
also in this library (Ms germ. qu. 222-227).
Forster's manuscript descriptions were seen and the ichthyological portions used by J. G.
Schneider (1801) for his Systema ichthyologiae, where they were cited by volume and page
number (but the drawings not seen). It was not until some seventy years after the voyage that the
Forster descriptions were published, being edited by M. H. K. Lichtenstein(1844) as Descriptiones
animalium. By this time, many of the species were no longer novelties, having long since been
described by Schneider and others, often as a result of further material brought back from the
Pacific. Lichtenstein was faithful to Forster's text, merely adding an asterisk and footnote when
the species had already been given a name. His additions on the manuscript were made in red ink.
They also include a serial number for each species, but there are a few errors in the numbering;
34 is missing and Perca lepidoptera is not numbered. In the published text there is also a careless-
ness over numbers; 102 is omitted, two species are not numbered (pp. 363, 388, although the
latter is merely a variety or subspecies), while male and female are sometimes numbered separately
and sometimes not. Forster occasionally had a change of mind over the name of a species, but
in at least one case it appears that the Forster name has been crossed out and Lichtenstein has
added another (vol. IV, f. 12 - cyprinoides for setipinna).
For the majority of species there is a reference by J. R. Forster himself to a drawing, cited as
'Fig. pict. G.' etc., and it is clear that the making of a drawing was an integral part of the process
of description. According to the Descriptiones animalium, drawings were made for 16 out of 46
species of mammals described, 121 out of 160 species of birds, 1 for the only species of reptile,
67 out of 86 species of fishes, and 5 out of 13 species of invertebrates, making a total of 211 species
drawn out of 306 described. This does not take into account species merely mentioned by name,
for which no indication of a drawing is given although such in fact exists. Only a few of the earlier
drawings are stated to have had a number, given as Fig. picta A.l, 2, 3, 4, 5, 6, then x (twice),
then A alone, then x alone, thereafter nothing. However, almost all the drawings can be related
to a description by virtue of a name and/or locality and date written on the drawing. The drawings
would have been better known and used had Lichtenstein added the number of each drawing.
The Descriptiones animalium, although fairly widely used by nineteenth-century zoologists,
has suffered from several disadvantages. The narrative sections, as well as the descriptions and
Lichtenstein's introduction, are written in Latin. Again, the arrangement is chronological and
not systematic and although there is an index, the names are keyed to generic allocations that
are not easily recognizable to modern workers ; in any future reprint edition the provision of an
index to species names, as well as a table of contents arranged systematically, would be a help.
The most serious drawback is the lack of illustrations, for the drawings have hardly been used by
non-British zoologists until comparatively recently. For these reasons, and because of the delay
in publication of the text, J. R. Forster's most important contribution to zoology has not reaped
the credit that it deserves.
The drawings
The Forster collection contains 33 drawings of mammals (Nos 1-31), 140 of birds (Nos 32-168),
3 of reptiles (Nos 169-171), 81 of fishes (Nos 172-251) and 14 of invertebrates (Nos 252-261),
making a total of 271 drawings (some folios given as a and b). Some species are represented by
more than one drawing and there are also a number that are not formally described in the
Descriptiones animalium, hence their added importance. The total might seem small for three
years' work, but Hoare (1976 : 104) has pointed out that only 290 days, or just over a quarter of
the voyage, was actually spent at anchor or on short landings, so that the Forsters were hard
put to collect, record, preserve, describe and draw the wealth of material that they discovered.
In addition, one should not forget the botanical collecting and the tedious pressing of specimens,
nor the 301 drawings of plants made by George Forster. Forster's Journal gives a graphic account
of the wet and cramped conditions of their cabin (see Hoare, 1976 : 87-88) and it is clear
that careful draughtsmanship was more easily achieved on shore.
Most of the drawings seem to have been made on the spot and while the material was fresh,
28 P. J. P. WHITEHEAD
but a few were evidently worked up afterwards. For example, Lysaght (1959 : 299) noted four
bird drawings that are dated after the Resolution had left the Cape of Good Hope (Nos 112, 115,
116, 129) and she concluded that they must have been completed at sea.* Despite the conditions
on board, it is still a little surprising that more of the zoological drawings were not worked up in
the intervening periods. Only 155 of the drawings can be considered complete, 36 have some
colour added (often little more than an indication), but 80 are mere pencil sketches (occasionally
with ink or brown crayon as well). Only very rarely did George Forster write an indication of the
colours on the drawing, so that it is hard to see how they could have been worked up later (which
was surely the intention).
Backgrounds are supplied for a few of the drawings (14 birds, 6 mammals). For the mammals,
this usually takes the form of a little hillock on which the animal stands, the colour being beige
or brown with rather sharp and dark shadows. For the birds there is often a low and sloping
foreground with small and curly lines of green or brown to suggest vegetation, but in two drawings
there is a complete background of land and sky (Nos 32, 133), while in some of the sea birds
there is an indication of water and sky (e.g. Nos 86, 89). In some of the pencil sketches there is a
tentative background (e.g. Nos 39, 90, 120, 143). The number of unfinished drawings suggests
that George Forster had no time for such embellishments and he probably also lacked the skill.
The drawings are on fairly heavy cartridge paper, originally of varying sizes but now mounted
onto sheets that are trimmed to 64-6 x 46-0 cm, the paper being cut to expose both sides of the
drawing. Occasionally there is a pencil sketch on the verso (e.g. No 191 Perca grunniens).] The
annotations are almost always on the recto, but occasionally there is a note on the verso (e.g.
No 32 Falco serpentarius, No 2 Phoca antarcticd).
The name given to the animal is usually written in pencil immediately below the subject, pre-
sumably by George or his father when the description was complete and a name found; the
generic name is sometimes in capital letters (of which a few are in ink) and the species name that
follows it was probably added later. In many instances another species name follows the first or is
written above it, with or without deletion of the first but often with an indication of the source
of the name (e.g. Bos Connochaetes Mas., followed by Antilope Gnu S.N. XIII : 189, n. 25, being
a reference to the 13th edition of Linnaeus' Systema naturae of 1788-92). Some of the other
additional names are qualified by 'Brouss. Ichthyol.', being a reference to Pierre-Marie-Auguste
Broussonet (1761-1807), who visited England in 1780 to work on fishes at Banks' house and at
the British Museum and whose published Ichthyologia appeared two years later (Broussonet,
1782). Yet another source for names is 'MS Brit. Mus.' or merely 'MS'. This may refer to the
manuscript descriptions begun by Daniel Solander (1733-82) as a result of his participation on
the first Cook voyage and thereafter expanded, on little slips of paper, to cover the entire plant
and animal kingdoms for a revised edition of the Systema naturae. Solander's zoological note-
books and slips, all now at the British Museum (Natural History), were listed by Whitehead
(1969a : 185). In a few cases an addition to a drawing is followed by the initials 'JB' for Joseph
Banks (e.g. No 232 Salmo myops, where the native name Erai is added).
The principal name on the drawings is usually that also used in the Descriptiones animalium
and must have been written at the time. The references to the Systema must have been written
after 1788-92, when Solander was dead and the Forsters were in Germany; they may have been
written by Dryander, but perhaps by Latham, Pennant or other zoologists who studied the
drawings. The Forster drawings were bought by Banks for 400 guineas in August 1776 (see
Forster to Banks, 9 August 1776 in Dawson, 1958 : 339) and it is unlikely that J. R. Forster sub-
sequently annotated them since he did not also change the names in the Descriptiones animalium.
He left England in July 1780 and probably did not meet Broussonet, who in any case could not
have worked through all the drawings by then. Thus, the references to the Ichthyologia were
either by Broussonet himself, or more likely, by Solander who, as Banks' first librarian, would
have had the drawings readily available.
* Four of the botanical sketches made at Madeira in August 1772 are stated on the completed drawing to have
been painted in February and March 1773, shortly before the ship reached New Zealand (Nos 45, 172, 175, 201).
t Most of the botanical drawings have been pasted directly onto sheets, but on the verso of four drawings where
this is not so there are the beginnings of a pencil sketch of a bird (Nos 18, 78, 82, 154).
THE FORSTER COLLECTION 29
The other annotations on the drawings include the locality and date, presumably made at the
time (bottom right) ; very occasionally a note on provenance or colours (bottom left or centre) ;
a native name, with diacritic marks to show pronunciation (usually bottom left or centre, occasion-
ally at the top); a reference in the case of fishes to Schneider's Systema Ichthyologiae (e.g. 'Schn.
178' - bottom left or right) ; a reference in the case of birds to John Latham's General Synopsis of
birds, 1781-86 (with or without a reference also to the Systema Naturae); and finally, in ink, the
name 'Ge Forster' written by Dryander (extreme bottom left, but sometimes partly or completely
trimmed off).
The drawings are now arranged systematically and numbered 1-261 consecutively through the
two volumes (top right). It is not clear if they were in this order when Banks received them or at
what date they were numbered and bound. Possibly they were still loose and in folders when
Lichtenstein edited the Descriptiones animalium, hence he could not cite drawing numbers.
The artists
Nothing is known of George Forster's artistic training, but he seems to have had a natural talent
for drawing that was reinforced by whatever encouragement he received from his brief periods at
school or from his father. However, his ability to draw seems to have been decisive in the Ad-
miralty's appointment of him as official natural history artist on the voyage (see Steiner &
Baege, 1971 : 53). Anders Sparrman (1748-1820), the naturalist who was engaged by J. R. Forster
at the Cape, later wrote envying George his 'drawing hand' (T. Forster, 1829 : 675).
The earliest drawings from the voyage, dating from August 1772 when George was not yet
eighteen, show good observation and neat draughtsmanship. As the voyage progressed, one gets
the impression that the pencil work becomes surer and more fluid, although even at the Cape of
Good Hope (30 October-22 November 1772) the several pencil sketches of a gnu drawn from life
are bold and at times fully confident. On the other hand, his finished and fully coloured mammal
drawings from the Cape are often small, restrained and even a trifle wooden, in striking contrast
to some (but not all) of his finished and coloured bird drawings. Aesthetically, his most pleasing
drawings are the large pencil sketches or the drawings of sea birds where only a wash of colour
has been applied. He rarely used pen and ink, but one botanical drawing (No 60) shows that he
was quite confident in this medium.
Over half the drawings are of birds and a third are of fishes, and in these groups he drew three-
quarters of all the species described. Although the zoology of the voyage was dominated by
birds and fishes, as can be seen from the descriptions, there was still plenty of scope for inverte-
brate studies. In fact, only 13 invertebrates were described, of which 5 were said to have a drawing,
and there are 14 invertebrate drawings. To some extent this may have reflected J. R. Forster's
interests and thus his instructions to his son; certain invertebrates, such as crabs, molluscs and
insects, could be fairly easily preserved and drawn later, but the paucity of descriptions suggests
that this was not the intention. To judge from the success of the drawings, it would seem that
George was happiest with birds, interestingly-shaped fishes and plants, excelling at lines and
contours but lacking the facility for colour-work so evident in Parkinson's drawings from the
first voyage.
Two of the early drawings (Nos 254 Doris laevis, 259a Medusa pelagica) are signed with a
pencilled monogram 'GF'. There are also a number of bird drawings, all with a foreground
sketched in colour and dating from the stay at the Cape, which also have this monogram (Nos
112, 115, 116, 118, 129).* Thereafter, the drawings are unsigned, but while most are clearly the
work of George Forster, there were in fact other hands at work.
Lichtenstein (1844: XIII) seems to have been the first to point out that the formula 'Fig.
pict. G.' is not invariable in the Descriptiones animalium, being replaced sometimes by 'Fig. pict.
F.'. The first, he stated, referred to 'Georgium filium', while the second 'vero Forsterum ipsum
significat'. There are 7 cases of 'Fig. pict. F.' (fishes Nos 191 recto and verso, 229, 231, 241 lower;
mammals Nos 17, 18a). All are pencil drawings and although quite competent lack something of
* Nine of the finished botanical drawings are signed in this way (Nos 5, 45, 103, 108, 120, 156, 172, 175, 201).
All of them seem to have been completed in New Zealand or shortly before their arrival there in March 1773.
30 P. J- P- WHITEHEAD
the artistic flourish of his son's drawings. The earliest is a fish drawn at the Cape Verde Islands in
August 1772, while the two mammal drawings were done at the Cape two months later. Possibly
J. R. Forster did these to show his son what was required of a scientific representation. He seems
to have attempted no more drawings until their visits to Tahiti and Tanna in mid- 1774, when he
drew four more fishes, possibly because of pressure of time. In two cases (Nos 241 lower Trigla
asiatica, 191 verso Perca grunniens) George later made a neat copy, probably traced (Nos 241
upper, 214). In three further cases the drawings are given a joint attribution as 'Fig. pict. F. et G.'
(fishes Nos 196 Harpurus nigricans, 183 Blennius gobioides; bird No 162 Motacilla seticauda - all
1774). Presumably, J. R. Forster made the original drawing, which was finished and coloured by
George.
Another indication, given twice in the Descriptiones animalium, is 'Fig. picta Schum.' and 'Fig.
picta Schumacher', which refers to three bird drawings (Nos 69 and 70 Anas montana $ and 6*,
115 Ardea palearis - all from the Cape). It was argued by Lysaght (1959 : 299) that since the last
drawing has George Forster's monogram on it 'we can scarcely doubt that he was the artist'.
However, there is no reason why George should not have finished off the drawing and, in con-
formity with the other bird drawings from the Cape, have put his name to it. I have been unable
to find any contemporary reference to the name Schumacher in the documents examined and
Lysaght (1959) seems to have had no success either. However, in Catalogue B (see below, p. 32)
there is a note against Anas montana which states that 'Mr Forster has a drawing in colour made
by a [word begun but deleted] soldier at the Cape'. This evidently refers to Schumacher, who was
perhaps an amateur naturalist and artist and possibly a friend of Sparrman's. In fact, a Johannes
Schumacher is listed as a Cape artist in the period 1776-77 by Gordon-Brown (1952 : 117) and
it is said that 56 out of 66 of his pictures in the Swellengrebel Collection at Breda have been
reproduced. This must surely be the same man.
A third and most interesting attribution in the Descriptiones animalium is the single reference
to 'Fig. pict. Hodges', which refers to drawing No 109 Larus scopelinus, described on 13 April
1773 at Dusky Bay, New Zealand. This was evidently drawn by William Hodges (1744-97),
official artist on the Resolution for landscapes and people. For several reasons this picture is sig-
nificant.
In the first place, this Hodges drawing emphasizes an already documented case of cooperation
between George Forster and Hodges, for on another bird drawing (No 32 Falco serpentarius
from the Cape) Dryander has written on the verso 'Ge. Forster. the background by Hodges'.
This is not stated in the Descriptiones animalium, but a note in Catalogue B reads 'The Back-
ground by Mr Hodges', which is certainly a statement originally made by either J. R. or George
Forster. Joppien (1976 : 10) has argued cogently that this may not have been the only occasion
when Hodges supplied a background, since in another Cape bird (No 133 Otis afra) there is a
stylistically almost identical background ; unfortunately, there is no confirmation of the latter in
Catalogue B. Joppien goes on to suggest that the little hillocks for some of the Cape mammals
(Nos 17 Antelope tragulus, 18b Antilope pygarga, 29 Antilope oreotragus) seem to 'exhibit landscape
elements in Hodges' familiar style', while the skies in some of George's sea bird drawings also bear
a close similarity to those in Hodges' paintings.
Secondly, this drawing by Hodges suggests that the latter, ten years older than George Forster
and an experienced draughtsman, took an interest in the boy's work and could well have offered
him advice, the drawing perhaps being by way of illustration. In fact, the drawing could well be
mistaken for one of George's later drawings of sea birds, so that perhaps he was influenced to
adopt this large and rather vigorous technique.
A third point of interest is the bearing that this Hodges' drawing may have on J. R. Forster's
inclination to defend his son's natural history territory. George seems to have got on well with
Hodges, but in his subsequent account of the voyage he commented a little scathingly that the
print from Hodges' drawings of Christmas Sound contained a falcon in the foreground that
'from its supernatural size, seems to resemble the rukh, celebrated in the Arabian tales, more than
any bird of less fanciful dimensions' (G. Forster, 1777, 2 : 494). William Wales, astronomer on
the Resolution, seized on this in his Remarks and used it also as a means to sneer at J. R. Forster's
treatment of so affable and polite a man as Hodges, alluding to an occasion when
THE FORSTER COLLECTION 3 J
Mr. Hodges had once before . . . experienced the Doctor's candour and politeness, on attempt-
ing to draw a penguin for his amusement, or, perhaps, for his improvement; I am verily
persuaded it was not with any design to rival Mr. George Forster. (Wales, 1778 : 99)
In George Forster's Reply to Wales' Remarks, he allows 'great merit' to Hodges as a landscape
painter 'but I think too well of him, to be apprehensive, that he will lay a claim to anything more'
(G. Forster, 1778b : 39). George was also critical of Hodges' figure work (G. Forster, 1777,
1 : 427), but the context in the Reply is surely natural history. However, the fact that J. R. Forster
gave credit to Hodges in the Descriptiones animalium argues that the Doctor, although careful
to preserve his son's official position, was quite prepared to acknowledge a contribution by
Hodges. One gets the impression that George, while heeding his father's insistence of scientific
accuracy, saw no reason why Hodges should not sketch in a background or offer advice.
Finally, this Hodges drawing, as well as the backgrounds in the other drawings, can be seen in
relation to the presentation set of gouaches on parchment which were copied after the voyage
from George Forster's drawings and intended as a gift for George III. Only 'about thirty' of these
copies were completed before the offer was rejected by the king, but by then George Forster
claimed that a hundred guineas had been paid 'to employ a painter to copy my sketches' (G.
Forster, 1778a : 7). These gouaches were eventually sold in 1781, through the good offices of no less
a person than Goethe, to Duke Ernst II of Saxe-Gotha-Altenburg for eighty louis d'or. The story
is documented by Steiner & Baege (1971 : 63), who showed that 24 of these presentation gouaches
are now in the Gotha Forschungsbibliothek (2 mammals ; 20 birds, which they reproduce as pis
1-20; and 2 fishes). Two other gouaches, formerly part of the Gotha collection (bird, fish), were
sold in 1936 and were on sale again in London forty years later (Joppien, 1976 : pis A, B). In
addition to the gouaches, the Gotha library also acquired 6 botanical drawings on paper, possibly
part of the collection sold by George Forster's widow Therese to Duke Ernst II in 1797 (Steiner
& Baege, 1971 : 66, note 47). There are also six Forster drawings on paper at the Schlossmuseum
der Staatliches Kunstsammlung in Weimar (KK 499-504 - all birds, of which three match pis
2, 3, 7 in Steiner & Baege, the fourth is their pi. 23, and two are European birds). In addition,
there are two drawings of penguins in the Universitatsbibliothek in Jena (Steiner & Baege's
pis 21, 22). A list of all these drawings is given here (p. 46).
The artist employed to make the gouaches has never been identified and his (or her) name was
not found by Hoare in all the manuscript and published material that he examined. Joppien
(1976: 10-11) has drawn attention to the stylistic difference between the subjects (very finely
painted) and the backgrounds (much broader treatment, sometimes carelessly overlapping subject
or frame), and he noted that the backgrounds had much in common with Hodges' known style,
as well as with some of the backgrounds referred to here. It would seem very reasonable that the
Forsters should ask Hodges to lend an authentic touch to the backgrounds since the latter had
made numerous studies for his own purposes. The subjects, on the other hand, are very far
removed from Hodges' style, at least to judge by the single bird drawing, and he was surely not
the copyist employed. However, there were in London a number of talented natural history artists
who would have been glad of such employment. E. M. da Costa, for example, had employed
William Humphrey, John Wicksteed and Peter Brown a few years earlier to draw shells (White-
head, 1977) and there were men like John Frederick Miller, Peter Paillou, Frederick Nodder and
others who would have welcomed both the money and the prestige of such a commission.
Although George Forster in no way rivals such masters of natural history drawing as Paillou,
Nodder and the Bauer brothers, his achievement is remarkable considering his youth, lack of
training and eventual career as a literary man. His father's drawings are careful, even hesitant, as
befits a scientific man; by contrast, the best of George's are accurate but vigorous and assertive,
as if presaging the scale on which his future literary talents would roam.
Banksian catalogues of drawings
Since Banks' residence at 32 Soho Square served virtually as a natural history museum (and
certainly had one of the finest natural history libraries in the country), Banks himself seems to
have been very conscious of the need for catalogues. Dryander's monumental Catalogus biblio-
32 p- J- ?• WHITEHEAD
thecae historico-naturalis (1796-1800) has brief references to some of the series of drawings in
Banks' collection (Forster drawings in vols. 2:17 and 3 : 69), but there are five contemporary
manuscript catalogues now in the British Museum (Natural History) which list the zoological
drawings from the Cook voyages. The first and most comprehensive is by Dryander, the second
(dealing only with the Forster drawings) is probably by Solander and the third is an abbreviated
version of the second ; the fourth, by Dryander, deals only with the third voyage, and the fifth lists
specimens related to drawings from the second and third voyages.
Catalogue A
MS. Catalogue drawings of animals Dryander (on spine)
Title page : J. Dryander's manuscript catalogue of the drawings of animals in the library of Sir
J. Banks arranged in systematic order (ink)
251 ff (numbered), 32-5 x 20-3 cm, BMNH., Zoology Library, 89 fd.
A second (unnumbered) page gives an alphabetical list of abbreviations used for localities, as
well as a list of six symbols used against each entry to denote the state of the drawing, i.e. finished,
with (x) or without (+) colour; sketch, with (/) or without (— ) colour; copy upon transparent
paper (o) ; from a spirit preserved specimen(s).
The entries are arranged systematically, apparently following the 12th edition of the Sy sterna
naturae (1766). Each entry begins with a symbol of its state, followed by the name of the animal
and author (but in many cases a generic name only), the abbreviated locality, the artist, and finally
in some cases a literature reference.
Attributions are made to the following 37 artists : P. d'Auvergne, J. Backstrom, Barnes, Bolson,
P. Brown, A. Buchan, J. Cleveley, N. Dance, T. Davies, G. Edwards, W. Ellis, Engleheart, G.
Forster, F. Frankland, S. Gilpin, J. Greenwood, W. King, G. Metz, J. Miller, J. F. Miller, U.
Mole, F. P. Nodder, P. Paillou, S. Parkinson, Chev. Pinto, Roberts, J. van Rymsdyk, A. Schou-
man, J. E. de Seve, J. Sowerby, Spalding, H. Sporing, J. Stuart, G. Stubbs, W. Watson, J. Webber,
G. Wright.
Both Hodges and Schumacher are absent from this list, which suggests that the Forster and
other drawings were in folders and Dryander merely took the names from the folders without
consulting a list such as the Forsters must have supplied. This is further borne out by the absence
of a locality for certain Forster drawings, even though such is entered on the list given in Catalogue
B. Dryander had presumably forgotten or felt that it was unnecessary to mention Hodges'
contribution to the background of one Forster drawing.
Catalogue B
M.S. Catalogue of Forster' s drawings, Cook's 2nd voyage, 1772-75. (on spine)
Title page : nil
28 ff (numbered), 32-0x20-0 cm, BMNH., Zoology Library, 89 f F.
The entries are arranged systematically (approximately the same as in Catalogue A). Each entry
has the name of the animal, followed by the locality and below this often the common name and
a size indication (most often 'Nat. Size'); below this again there are sometimes notes or 'Obs.'.
The list was not written by either J. R. or George Forster since the former is referred to in the
third person, e.g. 'Mr Forster has a drawing in colour . . .' and 'The largest Mr Forster saw
The writing closely resembles Solander's, but the list appears to have been carefully copied from
one supplied by the Forsters.
The list refers to 19 mammals, 127 birds, 3 reptiles, 75 fishes and 14 invertebrates. In some cases
more than one drawing is noted, so that the totals are not far short of those of the existing
drawings.
The notes are a useful supplement to the data written on the drawings (locality, size, colour).
Occasionally there are comments on the method of capture, habits, habitat and the accuracy of
the drawing. References to Hodges and Schumacher in this list have already been mentioned
(see above, p. 30). Extracts from these notes have been included here where they add data not
on the drawing.
THE FORSTER COLLECTION 33
Catalogue C
[Bound in immediately after the preceding]
Title page : nil
21 ff (numbered), same size, etc. as before.
The first page has a pencil note across the top 'Catalogue of drawings of animals collected on
Cook's 2d voyage by Geo. Forster'.
The entries are in the same hand as in the previous list, but they are arranged in a slightly dif-
ferent order. Each entry is preceded by a symbol (ticks in one column, crossed dashes in another),
followed by the name of the animal and an abbreviation for its locality. The ticks and dashes seem
to have been crossed off as if compared with another list or with the actual drawings themselves.
The list refers to 19 mammals, 132 birds, 3 reptiles, 76 fishes and 14 invertebrates; it appears
to be directly related to the previous list, the one being derived from the other, or both from the
same source.
Catalogue D
Unbound
Title page: (not contemporary) MS. Catalogue of the Birds and Fishes in the Drawings of J.
Webber and W. W. Ellis, made during Capt. Cook's third voyage round the World, 1776-80,
with descriptions and localities.
11 ff (pages numbered), 32-3 x 19-3 cm, BMNH., Zoology Library, 89 fS Sol. Z.6.
The first part (pp. 1-16), probably by Dryander, contains 161 numbered entries (and some
additions) dealing with birds and 2 mammals. For each is given the number of specimens, the
artist, the name of the species and its locality. There are listed 92 Ellis drawings and 37 by
Webber, being those respectively in the British Museum (Natural History) and the British Museum,
Department of Prints & Drawings (see above, p. 26).
The second part (pp. 17-22), possibly by Solander, contains diagnoses and lists of species for
three fish genera (Labrus, Perca and Sparus).
Of specimens listed in the first part, there are 220 birds and 3 mammals, presumably then in
Banks' collection.
Catalogue £
Unbound
Title page: 4 MS. Catalogues of the Birds in the Drawings of J. G. A. Forster & W. W. Ellis
[& Webber] from Capt. J. Cook's second voyage, 1772-75, and third voyage 1776-80.
24 ff (in four parts, each numbered separately), 32-3 x 19-3 cm, BMNH., Zoology Library, 89
fSSol. Z.3.
Part 1. 15 ff (numbered), containing 185 numbered entries giving the name of a bird, a brief
Latin diagnosis, usually a locality, sometimes a reference as 'Sol. Cat.' to the number of the species
in Catalogue D, and finally a number (up to 5, probably being the number of specimens). The
first page is headed 'Birds taken from the last voyage to be carried to the end of the Kingfishers'.
A whole page containing Nos 115-121 is missing, but these can be found in Part 2 (which is in
the same order).
Part 2. 5 ff (10 numbered pages), containing 121 numbered entries (as in previous list).
Part 3. Single page, virtual repeat of the above but with extra entries la, 5a, 6a, 6b, 8a.
Part 4. 3 ff (pp. 4 and 5 numbered), containing 65 entries, similar to the previous lists but the
order different.
These appear to be lists, in Dryander's hand, of bird specimens in Banks' collection, not only
from the second and third Cook voyages but also from Banks' voyage to Newfoundland and
Labrador in 1766 and from Masson's journeys in South Africa in 1772-76.
In addition to these five catalogues, there is a fourth which is a small notebook (17-5 x 1 1-5 cm)
kept with the others and containing a list of all the Parkinson, Forster and Ellis bird drawings
in the British Museum (Natural History). Each entry contains the drawing number, locality and
34 P- •>• P- WHITEHEAD
name used for the bird by Latham, Gmelin and Forster (and occasionally also by later authors).
The paper is watermarked 1859 and the list may have been compiled by J. R. Gray since an in-
complete catalogue of his papers occurs at the end, together with a note on exchanges of specimens
with the 'Warsaw Museum' in 1874-75.
George Forster 's Observationes
The Bibliotheque Centrale of the Museum National d'Histoire Naturelle in Paris possesses a
small notebook (MS. 189) in which George Forster wrote day-to-day notes on the animals and
some plants seen on the voyage in 1772 and during their stay at Dusky Bay (26 March-11 May
1773). The book is 18-1 x 11-7 cm and the title page reads:
Observationes / Historiam Naturalem / Spectantes / quas / in / Navigationes Terras Australes
/ instituere / coepit / G.F. / Mense Julio, Anno CI3ID33LXXII
The earlier pages are numbered 1-54 (55-72 missing), 73, then 74-101 unnumbered, followed
by two further unnumbered pages written in pencil (species 'in insula Ulietea' ; not examined).
The itinerary is paged in the following manner :
p. 1 13-22 July 1772 Bay of Biscay
p. 2 24 July Between Spain and Madeira
pp. 3-9 30 July-1 August Madeira
p. 10 2-13 August Madeira to Cape Verde Islands
pp. 11-15 14-16 August St Jago
pp. 16-41 17 August-30 October St Jago to Table Bay
pp. 42-53 22 November-1 January 1773 Table Bay to Antarctic waters
p. 54 (blank)
pp. 55-72 (missing)
pp. 73 [74-101] 26 March-3 May 1773 Dusky Bay
The notes are written in English up to p. 54 and contain mostly fairly brief observations on
species seen, sometimes with data or even species not given in the Descriptiones animalium. The
longer notes are usually concerned with birds, as for example the swallow that George befriended
and kept in his cabin (pp. 16, 18, 19). There is also a long and excited description of Noctiluca
(pp. 40-41). In one of the very few personal notes, George records his toothache of October 1772
which 'swelled my gums and cheek prodigiously' (pp. 27-28). Unfortunately, the notebook was
set aside at the Cape, so that none of the mammals is mentioned. The Dusky Bay section contains
full Latin descriptions which have been crossed out by one or more vertical or diagonal lines,
presumably when the information had been transferred to the Descriptiones animalium. The
contents of the notebook were recently published in the section 'Fragmente' (pp. 93-107) of
the fourth volume in the series Georg Forsters Werke (Kahn et alii, 1972).
One of the few to use this notebook was Dance (1971) in his very thorough paper on the
conchology of the Cook voyages. Not only is it a useful document for the supplementary informa-
tion that it contains ; it also shows the extent that George Forster participated in the natural history
observations, no doubt encouraged and helped by his father, but with a degree of enthusiasm
that lends further authority to his drawings.
The Forster animal drawings in the British Museum (Natural History)
The list given here omits the Forster bird drawings since they were very adequately documented
by Lysaght (1959 : 280-310). The remainder are placed in major groups (mammals, reptiles, fishes,
invertebrates) and thereafter are arranged alphabetically by the original (or principal) name on the
drawing ; the latter is usually that given also in the Descriptiones animalium, but where they differ
a cross-reference is given, as also for alternative names on the drawing or in Catalogue B.
Scientific names have been italicized, but spelling and punctuation have been retained.
The name is here preceded by the folio number of the drawing. All annotations on the drawing
are included, with an oblique to separate items apparently written at different times, or in different
THE FORSTER COLLECTION 35
hands, or on different parts of the paper. Unless stated otherwise, the annotations are in pencil.
Similarly, at least some colour has been applied to the drawing unless stated 'uncoloured' (i.e.
pencil sketch).
The second element in the description begins 'DA' and gives the page number and name in the
Descriptiones animalium, as well as any other relevant data, such as date or locality if these are
not on the drawing; if an exact date is not possible, then a range of dates is given from the
itinerary of the voyage (see Lysaght, 1959 : 362-365). Forster's attribution 'Fig. pict. G.' is omit-
ted, but reference is made to 'Fig. pict. F.', 'Fig. pict. Hodges' and to other variants.
The third element begins 'Cat. B' and contains any information from Catalogue B that is not
already on the drawing; species names have again been italicized, but spelling and punctuation
retained.
The fourth element begins 'Obs.' and gives the page number, date and locality in George
Forster's Observationes wherever his notes can be correlated with one of the drawings.
A final element refers to the Gotha gouaches, reproductions, etc.
The fate of the specimens brought back from the Cook voyages is extremely complex (White-
head, 1969). Very many have disappeared without trace, while for those that can be located there
is often an element of doubt whether they are indeed the specimens described or merely duplicates.
For this reason, no attempt is made here to indicate virtual or even actual iconotypes.
Mammals
17. Antelope Tragulus a. Melanotes / redunca S.N. XIII : 184 ? / Greis-bock in Dutch (and on verso
a note of ? locality).
DA p. 36, Antelope tragulus F, Fig. picta F, 30 October-22 November 1772; also DA p. 374
(second visit to Cape), 23 March-27 April 1775.
Cat. B: Obs The other Variety the [word missing] or the common Antelope Tragulus rupestris of
Forster, has brown ears and no white hairs intermixed; of which a Figure Pict. under the name
of Capra rupestris - by the Dutch called Stein Bock - from generally living on high Hills, &
Mountains. Obs. The Melanota lives on the plains.
Antelope dorcas (see Antilope pygargd)
Antelope oryx (see Antilope oreas)
Antelope pygargus (see Antilope pygargd)
Antilope dorcas (see Antilope pygargd)
Antilope gnu (see Bos connochaetes)
30. Antilope oreas S.N. XIII : 190 / Antilope Orix.
DA pp. 33, 379, Antelope oryx F (no drawing indicated; ? first or second visit to Cape).
Cat. B : Elandt. The figured animal was lean & the Belly too strait.
29. Antilope Oreotragus S.N. XIII : 189. n. 26. / Klip Springer (and on verso) . . . from a dead animal
DA p. 382, Antelope oreotragus F, 23 March-27 April 1775.
Cat. B: Fig. fr a wild dead Animal.
18a. Antilope Pygarga S.N. XIII : 187 / Antelope dorcas (and on verso) ... of Good Hope Tame.
DA p. 34, Antelope pygargus Pall., Fig. picta F, 30 October-22 November 1772.
Cat. B: Gregarious 2 Dr. from the Menagerie.
18b. Antilope Pygarga S.N. XIII : 187 / antilope Dorcas.
DA (as above).
19a. Bos Connochaetes. Mas. / Antilope Gnu S.N. XIII : 189.n.25 / from a drawing in the possession of
the Governor / at the Cape (and in ink) Copia {uncoloured).
DA p. 392, Bos connochaetes F; possibly also DA p. 40, Bos poephagus F, 23 March-27 April
1775.
Cat. B : 2 Copies. The other originals.
20. Bos Connochaetes femina.
DA (as above).
21 . (no caption ; incomplete ink drawing over pencil ; a copy of the previous one or taken from the
next ?)
36 P- J- P. WHITEHEAD
22. (no caption ; uncoloured, perhaps basis for previous one ?)
23. (no caption; uncoloured, same animal recumbent?)
24. (no caption; uncoloured, same, unfinished)
25. (no caption; uncoloured, same, whole animal, hind quarters, head)
26. (no caption; uncoloured, same, hind leg)
27. (no caption; uncoloured, same, head)
28. (no caption; uncoloured, same, head)
19. (no caption; no attribution by Dryander bottom left; ? the same animal as 19a)
Bos poephagus (see Bos connochaetes)
Capra rupestris (see Antelope tragulus)
15. Cervus Camelopardalis, Linn. / Camelopardalis Giraffe S.N. XIII : 181 / Hanc figuram factam
ad amusium picturae / apud Generos. Baron de Plettenberg, Gub. Capensis / emendavi in
respectu capitis ex Capite explicato {uncoloured).
DA (not included).
Cat B : The small figure copied from an oil painting. The large [i.e. the next one] from Nature.
16. Cervus camelopardalis (written twice; uncoloured, head only).
DA (not included).
14. Cervus porcinus S.N. XIII : 179 / Hog Deer Tomah (uncoloured, head only).
DA (not included).
Cat. B : Female without horns. Menagerie at the Cape - supposed from India. The head of
Natural Size.
31. Delphinus Delphis. © Octob. 9th. 1774.
DA p. 280, as Delphinus delphis Linn.
Cat. B: off Norfolk Isld South Seas Female Bottle Nose.
Dipus cafer (see Yerbua capensis)
Equus zebra (no drawing).
DA p. 40, as Equus zebra (no drawing indicated).
Cat. B: Equus Zebra a Var. C. b. Sp. copied [i.e. Cape of Good Hope].
5. Felis capensis S.N. XIII : 81 (and on verso) Cape of Good Hope.
DA p. 362, as Felis capensis Penn., 4 April 1775.
Cat. B: Colour a little too bright or yellow. Obs. 2 Drawings Natural size.
6. Felis capensis S.N. XIII : 81 {uncoloured, whole animal and one foot).
DA (as above).
10. Fossor capensis Forst. / Mus maritimus S.N. XIII : 140.n.40 / Spalax mordens Linn. fil.
DA p. 32, as Fossor capensis F, 30 October-22 November 1772.
Cat. B: C. b. Spei. 3 Drawings Natural Size Burrows in Sand-plaines.
Fossor leucops (see Talpa leucops)
Jerbua capensis (see Yerbua capensis)
Mus capensis (see Talpa leucops)
Mus dentex (see Talpa leucops)
Mus maritimus (see Fossor and Talpa capensis)
7. Mustela galina S.N. XIII : 95 / Viverra amphibia / Le Vansire (and on verso) Madagascar in
the Cape Managerie.
DA (not included).
Cat. B: Madagascar - seen in the Menagerie at the Cape Le Vansire ? Buffon. Lives also in
fresh Water. Fig. Natural Size.
2. PHOCA antarctica / ursina -potius volans (and on the verso) Dusky Bay / young animal / 8 to
10 feet in length.
DA p. 64, as Phoca ursina L, 31 March 1773.
Cat. B: Figure taken from a young animal. Gregarious. The largest in N. Zeld 6 feet. The same
species in Sth Georgia & Staten Island 10 feet long.
THE FORSTER COLLECTION 37
4. Phocajubata / Staten Land 2> 2 Jany 1775 (uncoloured).
DA p. 137, as Phoca iubata F.
Cat. B : New Year Isld near Statenland Gregarious.
3. Phoco leonina Linn. Jany 17th 1775 {uncoloured).
DA p. 313, as Phoca leonina (name only).
Cat. B : South Georgia only 2 individuals seen.
Phoca ursina (see Phoca antarctica)
Spalax capensis (see Talpa leucops)
Spalax mordens (see Talpa capensis)
Talpa asiatica (see Talpa versicolor)
11. Talpa capensis Forst. / Mus maritimus S.N. XIII : 140.n.40/ Spalax mordens Linn. fil. / . . .
Comment Petrop Jorn. XIV p. 409 Tab. IX p conf. (and on verso) Cape of Good Hope.
DA p. 32, as Fossor capensis F, 30 October-22 November 1772.
Cat. B: [see comment under Fossor capensis].
12. Talpa capensis Forst. / Mus maritimus S.N. XIII : 140.n.40 / Spalax mordens Linn. fil. (uncoloured,
sketches of head and feet).
DA (as above).
9. Talpa leucops / Mus capensis S.N. XIII : 140.n.39 / Mus dentax / Spalax capensis Lin. fil. (and
on verso) Cape of Good hope.
DA p. 364, as Fossor leucops F, 2 March-27 April 1775.
Cat. B: C. B. Spei Natural Size Lives in the same manner [as Fossor capensis] common near
the Cape.
8. Talpa versicolor / asiatica S.N. XIII : 111.
DA p. 30, as Talpa asiatica Lin., 30 October-22 November 1772.
1. Vespertilio tuber culatus.
DA p. 62, as Vespertilio tuber culatus F, New Zealand Bat, 22 May 1773.
Viverra amphibia (see Mustela galina)
13. Yerbua capensis (and in ink) Yerbua capensis J. R. Forster in Wet. Acad. Handl. 1778. pag. 108.
tab. 3 (and again in pencil) Dipus cafer S.N. XIII : 159 (drawing lightly squared up in pencil,
perhaps by the artist who copied it for the gouache now in Gotha).
DA pp. 365, 368, as Yerbua capensis F, 23 March-27 April 1775.
Cat. B: C. B. Spei near Stellen bosch. Larger figure very little less than nature. 2 Drawings.
Burrows in the ground.
Note: the gouache copy on parchment is No. 2 in the Gotha series (see below, p. 46). The
second of the two drawings mentioned was presumably that used in the description of the
species by J. R. Forster (1778).
Birds
Reptiles
(see list given by Lysaght, 1959 : 280-310)
Anguis laticauda (see Coluber laticaudatus)
171. Anguis platura. Linn / Toona Tore / Taheite May 10th 1774.
DA p. 229, as Anguis platura.
Cat. B: . . .Nat. Size.
170. Coluber laticaudatus $ / Eboohee a-a-oorou / Off Traitor's head in Eromanga $. Aug. 3. 1774 /
232 Scuta 2 Squ ante ... 31 Squa . . . pone a . . . [several words illegible].
DA p. 156, also 256-257, as Anguis laticauda.
Cat. B : Coluber laticaudatus Linn. Oceanus pacif. prop. Insulam Eromanga. Nat. Size.
169. Testudo imbricata Linn. / Namoko I.
DA p. 247, as Testudo imbricata (name only).
Cat. B: Dr. from a small specimen.
38
P. J. P. WHITEHEAD
Fishes
236.
246.
247.
187.
186.
183.
184.
182.
185.
175.
(lower)
175.
(upper)
197.
Atherina lacunosa / Brit. mus. / Caledonia. ?. 9th Sept. 1774 {uncoloured, with sketch of head in
ventral view).
DA p. 298, as Atherina lacunosa F.
Cat. B: Lacuna on top of the . . . [? nose] Silvery Nat Size.
Batistes fimbriatus / oiri / Batistes vidua mss. afilee Tua / Otaheitee.
DA (not included).
Batistes scaber j bctddeek / Queen Charlotte Sound / New Zealand {uncoloured).
DA p. 152, as Batistes scaber F, 2-25 November 1773.
Cat. B: Nat Size.
Batistes vidua (see Batistes fimbriatus).
Blennius capensis / Blenn. Super ciliosus. L. / Cape of Good Hope / Schn 175.
DA p. 408, as Blennius capensis F, 22 March-27 April 1775.
Cat. B: good Eating.
Blennius cornutus (see Blennius truncatus)
BLENNIUS fenestratus (ink, then in pencil) he Tarova / Dusky Bay / Schn 173.
DA p. 124, as Blennius fenestratus, 3 May 1773.
Note: the gouache copy on parchment, formerly in the Gotha series (see below, p. 46), was on
sale in London in 1976 and was reproduced in the catalogue by Joppien (1976 : pi. B).
Blennius gobioides / running fish / Tanna £ 17th Aug1. 1774 : / Schn. 176 {uncoloured, three
sketches).
DA p. 283, as Blennius gobioides F, Fig. pict. F. et G.
Cat. B: Skips and runs fast. Ob. 6 Natural Size Greyish.
Note: in his Journal for 18 August 1774, J. R. Forster wrote 'I drew & described this minute
nimble animal'.
BLENNIUS (ink; then in pencil) littoreus / Labrus gobioides MSS ? (then in ink) S.C.Q.C.S.N.Z.
3) Oct. 24th. 1774 (then in pencil) Kogop / Schn 177.
DA p. 127. as Blennius littoreus F, 7 April 1773 ; the dates are anomalous, but no other drawing
exists.
Note: reproduced in colour by Whitehead (1969b : pi. 30A).
Blennius superciliosus (see Blennius capensis)
Blennius truncatus. / cornutus ? L. / o-hod-o / Huahine. May 18th £ 1774 / Schn. 172.
DA p. 231, as Blennius truncatus F.
BLENNIUS varius (ink, then in pencil) he kdgop / Charlotte's Sound / Nov 9th / Schn 178
DA p. 127, as Blennius varius F, 4 June 1773; the dates are anomalous, but no other drawing
exists.
CALLIONYMUS acanthorhynchos. / Q. Charlotte Sound New Zealand. Kogohooee / Schn 41.
DA p. 117, as Callionymus acanthorhynchus F, 13 April 1773.
Cat. B: Nat Size.
Note: reproduced in colour by Whitehead (1969b : pi. 29).
Callionymus Trigloides j Terra del Fuego. 1774. © 25th December / Schn 44 {uncoloured).
DA p. 358, as Callionymus trigloides F.
Callyodon coregonoides (see Sparus pullus)
Chaetodon harpurus (see Harpurus literatus)
Chaetodon lineatus (see Harpurus literatus)
Chaetodon meleagris (see Harpurus inermis)
Chaetodon nigricans (see Harpurus nigricans)
Chaetodon. / Speciosus mss British mus. / Ch. vagabundus / Pariiharaha / Otaheite.
DA p. 155, as Chaetodon vagabundus (name only).
Cat. B: cfr Fig MS - and probably in Linn.
Chaetodon stellatus (see Harpurus guttatus)
Chaetodon vagabundus (see Chaetodon speciosus)
Clupea cyprinoides (see Clupea setipinna)
THE FORSTER COLLECTION 39
243. Clupea mystacina / setirostris Brouss. ichthyol. dec. 1 / Tanna © 14th August. 1774 (uncoloured) .
DA p. 295, as Clupea mystacina F.
Cat. B: Sea fish Nat. Size (and in another ink) Clupea setirostris Brouss. Ichthyol. Dec. 1.
242. Clupea setipinna / cyprinoides Brouss. ichthyol. dec. 1 / Tanna. © 14th August. 1774 (uncoloured).
DA p. 296, as Clupea cyprinoides F.
Cat. B : Clupea setipinna Tanna Herring colour Taken by angling in fresh water (and in another
ink) Clupea cyprinoides Brouss. Ichthyol. Dec. 1 (the name also pencilled in).
Note: reproduced in Whitehead (1969b : pi. 7).
Clupea setirostris (see Clupea mystacina]
Clupea sinensis (see Mugil salmoneus)
Cobitis gobioides (see Cobitis pacified)
231. Cobitis pacifica / gobioides ms otaheite p. 1 1 1 / o-dboo / Taheitee (uncoloured, lateral, dorsal and
ventral view; inset is an earlier drawing, uncoloured, the same views, entitled) Cobites pacifica.
DA p. 235, as Cobitis pacifica, Fig. picta F, 22 April-14 May 1774.
Cat. B: 2 Dr. Nat Size brownish (and in another ink) Gobioides MS Otaheite p. 111.
Note: the name gobioides is cited from p. 1 1 1 in the Tahiti section of the volume of ms descrip-
tions by Solander (BMNH., Zoology Library, 89 o S - Sol. Z 1).
Cobitis pacifica (see also Coryphaena / Gobius strigatus)
189. Coryphaena. / Gobius strigatus Brouss. Ichthyol / Taheitee / Schn 65 (uncoloured, sketches of
whole fish and mouth).
DA p. 235, a reference to Gobius strigatus under Cobitis pacifica F, but the description does not
fit this drawing and must apply to No 231, which is labelled Cobites pacifica; thus, no descrip-
tion can be found for this drawing.
Cat. B : . . . finely painted Specimen in Br. Museum (and in another ink) Gobius strigatus Brouss.
Ichthyol.
Coryphaena fimbriata (see Coryphaena / Gobius strigatus)
188. CORYPHAENA Hippurus (in ink; and in pencil) Atlantick Ocean.
DA pp. 3, 155, as Coryphaena hippurus (name only), 7 August 1772.
Obs. p. 22, 5 September 1772 (South Atlantic): Caught a Dolphin Coryphaena Hippurus . . .
Drew ... an outline of the Dolphin.
248. CYCLOPTERUS pinnulatus / More-adoo / S.C.Q.C.S.N.Z. © 23d Oct 1774 (generic name in
ink, rest in pencil; dorsal, lateral and ventral view, the last two uncoloured).
DA p. 301, as Cyclopterus pinnulatus F.
Cat. B: Nat Size.
172. Echidna variegata / Muraena variegata / Muraena echidna S.N. XIII : 1135 / Pipiro / Taheitee.
DA p. 181, as Echidna variegata, 17 August-1 September 1773.
Cat. B: Fig. MS. Eatable.
235. Esox alepidotus / he-para / Dusky Bay.
DA p. 142, as Esox alepidotus S; 10 April 1773 in Forster's Journal.
Cat. B : Fresh water fish In general not above J the size of the drawing also in the Rivulet in
Ship Cove Totararine.
234. Esox argenteus / Silvery. Fins Blackish, a yellow spot under & at (deleted) in the base of PP &
P.A. / Polynemus ? / Mohee / Taheitee (uncoloured).
DA p. 196, as Esox argenteus F, 17 August-1 September 1773; also, p. 257, Tanna (name only).
Cat. B : Frequently caught in the seine at Tanna.
233. Esox saurus / he-eeye / N.Z. Dusky Bay (No 1) March 27th 1773.
DA p. 143, as Esox saurus.
Cat. B : Willoughby's name.
Obs. p. 75, 26 March 1773 (Dusky Bay): (Latin description).
Exocoetus evolans (see Exocoetus volitans)
240. Exocoetus volitans / E. evolans L. / A. 1 / Atlantick (and in ink on verso the finrays are numbered ;
lateral view with below it an uncoloured dorsal view).
DA p. 3, as Exocoetus volitans, Fig. pict. A.I.G., 13-19 July 1772; also p. 155, Pacific (name
only).
40 P- J- P- WHITEHEAD
Obs. p. 10, 2-6 August 1772 (Atlantic): Had flying fish (Exocoetus volitans Linn) come flying
upon deck and drew it.
180. GADUS Bacchus / Ehdgda / Q. Charl. Sound / Schn. 53.
DA p. 120, as Gadus bacchus S, 18 May-7 June 1773.
Cat. B : Night Walkers, because - caught at night with hook.
181. Gadus colias: - New Zeland Coalfish / Perca ? colias / hera-warre / Schn. 54.
DA p. 122, as Gadus colias S, 27 March 1773.
Cat. B: Coal Fish - good Eating.
Note: the gouache copy on parchment is No. 28 in the Gotha series (see below, p. 46).
178. Gadus magellanicus / Terra del Fuego $ December 21st 1774 / Schn 10 (uncoloured).
DA p. 361, as Gadus magellanicus F.
Cat. B: Nat Size.
179. Gadus rhacinus j mus. Britannic. / Queen Charlotte's Sound {uncoloured).
DA p. 304, as Gadus rhacinus F, 29 October 1774.
Cat. B : Dusky blackish.
Gasterosteus glaucus (see Psetta glauca)
Gasterosteus rhombeus (see Psetta rhombed)
Gobius strigatus (see Coryphaena / Gobius strigatus)
Harpurus glaucopareius (see Harpurus nigricans)
198. Harpurus guttatus. / Chaetodon stellatus mss. Brit. mus. / Pa-a-a / Col olivaceo fuscus, postice
puritis albis, oculor irides aurea, subtus corpus pallidus. / Taheitee / Schn. 215 (uncoloured).
DA p. 218, as Harpurus guttatus F, about 15 March 1774.
Cat. B : Brown with light blue spots.
199. Harpurus inermis. / Chaetodon meleagris mss. Brit. Mus. / Anamocka. / Schn 210.
DA p. 286, as Harpurus inermis F, 28 June 1774.
Cat. B : . . . anomalous.
195. Harpurus lituratus. Hasselqu. / Chaetodon Harpurus MSS. British museum / Eooma tarei /
Otaheite / Otaheite Eparaha Chaetodon / Schn. 216 (and on verso) vide Nieuhoff voye in
Churchill.
DA p. 218, as Harpurus lituratus, about 15 March 1774.
Cat. B : Hasselquist described this fish and of Linnaeus wrongly quoted Ch. nigricans.
194. Harpurus monoceros / unicornis Brouss / Chaetodon Cornutus MSS. British mus / Eooma ootoo /
P.D. yellowish brown P.C. outer edge pale or greyish Scales as in the other species of this new
genus / Oteheite / Schn. 181.
DA p. 219, as Harpurus monoceros F, 10 May 173 r4 fide Forster's Journal.
Cat. B: Nov. Genus a Linneo sub Chaetodontidi genere (and in another ink) Balistoides
Rhinoceros MS. Chaetodon Unicornis Broussonet.
196. Harpurus nigricans Linn (last two words deleted) / glaucopareius mss / umbra MSS / Parai /
Otaheite / Schn. 212.
DA p. 214, as Harpurus nigricans F, Fig. pict. F. et G., 15 March 1774.
Cat. B : Chaet. nigricans Linn.
Harpurus unicornis (see Harpurus monoceros)
Labrus gobioides (see Blennius UttoreUs and B. gobioides)
239. Mugil albula ? / Dusky Bay (uncoloured).
DA p. 145, as Mugil albula F; 21 April 1773 in Forster's Journal.
Cat. B: not Linnei.
Obs. pp. 85-87, 12 April 1773 (Dusky Bay): (Latin description).
238. MUGIL cirrostomus / Taheitee / Schn 121 (uncoloured, sketch of head from front).
DA p. 198, as Mugil cirrhostomus F, 17 August-1 September 1773; also, p. 257, Tanna (name
only).
Cat. B: also seen at Tanna (forte idem cum M. albula a.).
237. Mugil salmoneus / Clupea Sinensis L. ? / Tanna. 2| 18th Aug* 1774 / Schn. 121. / Licht 299
(uncoloured).
DA p. 299, as Mugil salmoneus F.
THE FORSTER COLLECTION 4 J
Cat. B: whitish.
Note: reproduced in Whitehead (1969b : pi. 8).
173. Muraena caeca Linn. ? (repeated) / Para-owtee-Taheitee / Schn. 536 (whole animal and two
uncoloured sketches of head in ventral and lateral view).
DA p. 230, as Muraena coeca ? Linn., 22 April-14 May 1774; also p. 247 (name only).
Muraena echidna (see Echidna variegatd)
Muraena variegata (see Echidna variegatd)
Myxine glutinosa (see Petromyzon cirrhatus)
174. OPHIDIUM Blacodes. Licht. Forst. p. 1 15 / Ehokh / New Zealand / Schn 484.
DA p. 115, as Ophidium blacodes, 13 April 1773.
Obs. pp. 92-95, 13 April 1773 (Dusky Bay): (Latin description).
219. Perca boops / St Helena / Bull-Eye / E-do - Omai / Mus. Brit. / Licht 411 {uncoloured).
DA p. 411, as Perca boops F, 16-21 May 1775.
Cat. B : Reddish Omai said to be the same with EOo otaheitensis.
Perca colias (see Gadus colias)
Perca escarlatine (see Perca urodetd)
213. PERCA fulva ms. / British mus. {uncoloured).
DA p. 193, as Perca fulva, Tahiti; 17 August 1773 in Forster's Journal.
Cat. B : Forgot the place.
191. Perca grunniens / Tanna Aug 13 1774 {uncoloured).
(verso) DA p. 294, as Perca grunniens F, Fig. pict. F.
Note: this is drawn on the back of Zeus argentarius.
214. Perca grunniens / see the original of this on the back of the drawing of Zeus argentarius / Tanna
{uncoloured) (see previous picture, from which this was neatly copied).
DA p. 294, as Perca grunniens.
Cat. B : Obs. Fig copied from a drawing on the back of Zeus argentarius.
216. Perca maculata (deleted) variolosa ms. / EHeoa E Heeroa Eroee / Marquesas.
DA p. 220, as Perca maculata F, 7-11 April 1774.
215. Perca - polyzonias / mss Brouss. British mus. / vittata Mss / Taape / Marquesas / Licht Forst 225.
DA p. 225, as Perca polyzonias S, 7-11 April 1774.
Cat. B: Fig. MS.
218. Perca prognathus / Sciaena gadoides / Pato-t5ra / S.C.Q.C.S.N.Z. <3 Oct. 25. 1774 / Schn 301
{uncoloured).
DA p. 309, as Perca prognathus F, 15 October 1774.
Cat. B : . . . because long under Jaw.
217. Perca urodeta / escarlatina ms / Terao- Matapoo / Hoa / Marquesas.
DA p. 221, as Perca urodeta F, 7-11 April 1774.
Cat. B : . . . from the lines marked on the tail . . . Fig MS.
Perca variolosa (see Perca maculata)
251 . PETROMYZON cirrhatus / Myxine glutinosa ni faller JB. / he Todna / New Zealand Charlottes
Sound / Dusky bay / Schn. p 530 (whole fish with half-coloured ventral view of head).
DA p. 112, as Petromyzon cirrhatus F, 8 April 1773.
Cat. B : Obs. Mr Sparman says he has seen the same fish in False Bay near the C. b. Spei.
Pleuronectes meneus (see Pleuronectes pict us)
192. Pleuronectes pictus / meneus / mss. British mus. / Bode / Anamoka June 29th £ 1774 / Schn 161.
DA p. 285, as Pleuronectes pictus F, 28 June 1774.
193. Pleuronectes Scapha / Mohoa / Charlotte's Sound. / Schn 163.
DA p. 130, as Pleuronectes scapha S, 30 March 1773.
Polynemus quinquarius (see Trigla asiatica)
229. PSETTA Glauca (in ink, then in pencil) Scomber glaucus. Linn. (3. / A 4 / St Jago {uncoloured).
DA p. 5, as Gasterosteus glaucus, Fig. picta A.4.F, 10-14 August 1772.
Obs. p. 15, 15-16 August 1772 (St Jago): (name only).
42 p- J- p- WHITEHEAD
Note: another and better drawing made on the return visit in May 1775 - see under Scomber
glaucus, No 225 ; also under Scomber maculatus, No 228 (Tahiti).
220. PSETTA rhombea (in ink, then in pencil) Gasterosteus rhombeus / A 5 / St Jago / Licht Forst. 7,
257 / Schn. 33 S. glaucus (uncoloured).
DA p. 7, as Gasterosteus rhombeus, Fig. picta A.5.G., 10-14 August 1772; also, p. 257, Tanna
(name only).
Cat. B : Gasterosteus Rhombeus St Jago phps a new genus silver colour all over also at Tanna,
Ascension &c.
Obs. p. 15, 15-16 August 1772 (Sl Jago): (name only).
250. Raja edentula / Dark Red colour (meaning pelvic fin) / Light (meaning right pectoral fin) / Whai /
Tahaiti. May 10th 1774.
DA p. 227, as Raja edentula F; also, p. 256, Tanna (name only).
Cat. B: Nat. Size.
232. Salmo myops / MB 14. P.D.12. P.V.18. PP.12. P.C.22./Erai JB. / ground spearing. St Helena.
(uncoloured).
DA p. 412, as Salmo myops F, 16-21 May 1775.
Cat. B : called Salmo ob pinnam as posam - distinctum forte genus quod a . . . Dentex vocatum.
203. Sciaena argyrea / Tanna d 16th Aug*. 1774 / Schn. 344 (uncoloured).
DA p. 291, as Sciaena argyrea F, 15 August 1774.
Cat. B: Natural Size.
208. Sciaena aurata / Spar us pagrus Linn. / Sc. lata . . . / ghoo-parree / N.Z.Q.C.S. Oct. 18th <J 1774
(uncoloured).
DA p. 307, as Sciaena aurata F.
Cat. B : Obs. The fish that poisoned the Resolution's people at Malacolo was very like this, but
somewhat narrower & of a darker red, bordering on purple.
Note: in his Journal for 23 July 1774, J. R. Forster recorded the poisonous fish as 'Spams
erythrinus or Pagrus\ but seems not to have described it apart from its toxic effects (given
under Sparis in DA p. 249).
205. Sciaena ciliaris / salmonea MS / Moghee / Dusky Bay.
DA p. 137, as Sciaena ciliaris S, 26 March-11 May 1773.
Cat. B: 2 Dr. The little drawing a little too blue. The larger drawing (i.e. No 209 below) natural
large size.
209. Sciaena ciliaris / salmonea ms ? / S.C.Q.C.S.N.Z. S 25. Octo. 1774 (uncoloured).
DA p. 137 (see above).
212. Sciaena cultrata / Scomber clupeoides ms / British mus / Norfolk Island <? 11th Oct. 1774 /
Schn. 343 Licht. 292 (uncoloured).
DA p. 292, as Sciaena cultrata F, 10 October 1774.
Cat. B: whitish.
Sciaena gadoides (see Perca prognathus)
204. Sciaena lineata j Dusky Bay / Schn. 342 (part coloured with grey and yellow washes).
DA p. 134, as Sciaena lineata S; 27 March 1773 in Forster's Journal.
207. Sciaena macroptera. / living subject / Spams carponemus Brit. mus. / Queen Charlotte's Sound /
Schn. 342 (an outline of fish on verso).
DA p. 136 (as below).
206. Sciaena macropteras j Spams carponemus Mus. Brit. / a dead subject / Taraghee / NZ (No 2)
Dusky Bay March 27th 1773.
DA p. 136, as Sciaena macroptera F.
Cat. B: 2 drawings, a. fr a dead fish Dusky Bay b. fr a live - Head better Charlotte Sound
(i.e. the previous drawing).
Sciaena mulloides (see Sciaena tmtta)
Sciaena salmonea (see Sciaena ciliaris)
Sciaena sapidissima (see Sciaena trutta)
210. Sciaena trutta / sapidissima / Sciaena mulloides / S.C.Q.C.S.N.Z. 5) 7. N. 1774 (uncoloured).
DA p. 147, as Sciaena trutta S, 18 May-7 June 1773; also, p. 279, October 1774 (name only).
Cat. B: 2 Dr Grows to a large size.
THE FORSTER COLLECTION 43
211. Sciaena trutta j Sciaena mulloides ms. / inches 8 £ long 2. broad If head {uncoloured).
DA p. 147 (see above).
226. Scomber adscensionis. Osbeck. / 1. Ascension : May 28th ©. 1775 / Cavalle at St Helena / Licht.
412 {uncoloured).
DA p. 412, as Scomber ascensionis F.
Cat. B: ascensionis Osbeck - wrongly quoted by Linn, for Scomber glaucus.
224. Scomber1 capensis, Elft : / Scomber saltatrix / Cape of Good Hope {uncoloured).
DA p. 413 (name in index, but absent from text).
Cat. B: capensis C b Sp white.
Scomber clupeoides (see Sciaena cultrata)
222. Scomber dentex. / Scomber lanceolatus ms / Maga / Q. Charlotte's Sound. / Licht 141 {un-
coloured).
DA p. 141, as Scomber dentex S, 18th May-7 June 1773.
Cat. B : Pin maker Nantes because the dorsal spines very sharp 3 feet long Bony fish.
Scomber dimidiatus (see Scomber trachurus)
225. Scomber glaucus Linn. / 1. Ascension 28th May. © 1775 {uncoloured).
DA p. 5 (refers only to Gasterosteus glaucus of the previous visit to Ascension Island, in August
1772 - see under Pseta glauca, No 229; see also Scomber maculatus, No 228).
Cat. B : a. best Ascension.
p. St Jago (i.e. Psetta glauca, No 229) Silvery colour Linn.
227. Scomber helvolus / 1. Ascension. May 29th. 1775. / Schn 35 {uncoloured).
DA p. 415, as Scomber helvolus F.
221. Scomber hippos Linn ? Brit. mus. / Ahee / Otaheite / New Zealand ? {uncoloured).
DA p. 199, as Scomber hippos Linn. F, 17 August-1 September 1773; also, p. 155 (name only)
and p. 413 (diagnosis, comparisons).
Cat. B: Hippos ? Linn. Otaheite.
Scomber lanceolatus (see Scomber dentex)
228. Scomber maculatus / glaucus L. {uncoloured).
DA p. 195, as Scomber maculatus, Tahiti and environs, 17 August-1 September 1773.
Note: see also under Psetta glauca No 229 and Scomber glaucus No 225, both from the Atlantic.
Scomber micans (see Scomber trachurus)
230. Scomber Pelamys / Peeraru / A 2. / Atlantick (the finrays numbered in ink on the verso).
DA p. 3, as Scomber pelamys; 12 August 1772 in Forster's Journal.
Obs. p. 10, 13 August 1772 (Atlantic): Struck a Bonito {Scomber Pelamys Linn) and drew an
outline of it. Also, p. 22, 3 September 1772: Caught a Bonito . . . finished my drawing of the
Bonito.
Scomber saltatrix (see Scomber capensis)
223. Scomber trachurus Varietas / Dimidiatus ms Brit. mus. / Brouss. / micans ms / Horsemackerel or
Scad. - / nat size / Dusky Bay {uncoloured).
DA p. 155, as Scomber trachurus (name only); also, p. 257 (Tanna, name only) and p. 413
(diagnosis, comparisons).
Cat. B: var. Linn. . . . N. Zei Dusky Bay.
190. Scorpaena / SCORPAENA Cottoides / Cardinalis MS / Enohutara / NZ / No 8 Dusky Bay April
1 1773 / Schn 196.
DA p. 128, as Scorpaena cottoides F, 30 March 1773.
Scorpaena cardinalis (see Scorpaena cottoides)
Sparis (see Sciaena aurata)
200. Spams - / miniatus / Sparus miniatus Licht. Forst. p. 289 / Ehuroa / Namoka.
DA p. 289, as Sparus miniatus F, 27 June 1774.
Sparus carponemUs (see Sciaena macroptera)
Sparus erythrinus (see Sciaena aurata)
201. Sparus ornatus / The green Dark, bluish - purple dirty or greenish cast, the blue spots & lines
to strike out better, upper edge of dorsal fin of the same color as that of anal. / Pa-ow-dura
(or perhaps Pa-ovo-dora).
44 p- J- p- WHITEHEAD
DA (no species of this name under Sparus, Labrus, etc.).
Sparus pagrus (see Sciaena aurata)
202. Sparus pullus / an Callyodon Coregonoides mss / Q Charlotte's Sound (uncoloured).
DA p. 306, as Sparus pullus F, 28 October 1774.
Cat. B: Blackish Sooty -pullus.
249. Squalus striatus. / vittatus ms. Specim. in mus. Britanic. / Cape of Good Hope {uncoloured,
whole fish and sketches of head in dorsal and ventral views).
DA p. 407, as Squalus striatus F, 23 March-27 April 1775.
Squalus vittatus (see Squalus striatus)
245. Tetrodon hispidus. Linn. / Hooe-hooe Kills men / Raietea. June 3d 1774.
DA p. 247, as Tetrodon hispidus (name only).
Cat. B: The Inhabitants say he is poisonous and kills Men.
244. Tetrodon scleratus j Lagocephalus ? / 18 PP. 12 P.D. 6.C. 10.A / Poemanghee. 1774. & Sept.
7th / N. Caledonia / Schn 506 (uncoloured).
DA p. 282, as Tetrodon scleratus F; also pp. 254, 255, 257.
Cat. B : Poisonous. The effect lasted about 3 days - In a few hours a singular symptom took
place viz not being able to distinguish at all of weights - e.g. between a feather & a quart pot.
Note: the toxic effects of this pufferfish were more fully described by J. R. Forster in his Journal
for 8 September 1774, as also in DA p. 254.
The gouache copy on parchment is No 27 in the Gotha series (see below, p. 46).
241. Trigla asiatica Linn. / Polynemus quinquarius Linn. / dma / Otaheite (uncoloured, a fair copy of
an original sketch pasted below, entitled) Trigla Asiatica / Polynemus qUinarius / Otaheite
(uncoloured).
DA p. 236, as Trigla asiatica Lin., Fig. picta F, 22 April-14 May 1774; also, p. 247, Raiatea,
25 May-4 June 1774 (name only); also 20 August 1774 in Forster's Journal.
Cat. B: 2 Drawings Polynemus quinquarius Linn Probably twice described by Linn.
176. URANOSCOPUS maculatus Vid descript. in MSS from new Zealand 1st voyage / New Zeeland
/ Badee / Schn 49 (uncoloured, light brown crayon and pencil).
DA p. 118, as Uranoscopus maculatus F, 13 April 1773.
Cat. B: 2 Drawings.
Note: reproduced in Whitehead (1969b : pi. 28).
177. Uranoscopus maculatus j Q Charl Sound (uncoloured, light brown crayon and pencil).
DA p. 118 (see above).
191. Zeus argentarius j Tanna Aug 13 1774 / Schn 96 (uncoloured).
(recto) DA p. 288, as Zeus argentarius F, Fig. pict. F.
Cat. B : on the same paper is Perca grunniens - Fine Silver.
Note: on the reverse is the original sketch for Perca grunniens No 191 verso.
Invertebrates
252. CANCER / Otaheite (uncoloured, enlarged but with life-size sketch above, also uncoloured).
DA p. 155 ? (i.e. Cancer squilla, name only); 30 August 1773 in Forster's Journal.
Cat. B : In the Rivers 4 little bigger than the small figure.
258a. Clio conchacea / Atlantick (uncoloured, four views).
DA p. 29, as Clio conchacea F, 12 October 1772.
Obs. p. 30, 12 October 1772 (South Atlantic): Caught several specimens of a new Clio (Clio
conchacea).
261a. CNIDE hyalina (ink, and in pencil) Atlantick.
DA p. 12, as Cnide hyalina, 15 September 1772.
Cat. B: Dagyra MS.
Obs. p. 22, 8 September 1772 (South Atlantic): Also caught a new Zoophyte, which we called
Cnide hyalina.
Dagyra volva (see Thalia lingulata)
254. DORIS laevis (ink, and in pencil) Doris I / Atlantick / Sept. 4th 1772 / GF. (dorsal and ventral
views).
DA p. 10, as Doris laevis, 5 September 1772.
THE FORSTER COLLECTION 45
Cat. B: Nat Size. Fig MS.
Obs. p. 22, 5 September 1772 (South Atlantic): Caught . . . Doris laevis . . . Drew the medusa,
Doris . . .
Doris radiata (see Glaucus atlanticus)
254a. GLAUCUS atlanticus (ink, and in pencil) Doris radiata S.N. XIII. p. 3015.a.l3. / Atlantick
Ocean ; on the Line.
DA p. 11, as Glaucus atlanticus, 15 September 1772.
Cat. B : Mimus volutator MS. Fig.
Obs. p. 22, 8 September 1772 (South Atlantic): Caught a new genus of Mollusca & called it
Glaucus atlanticus.
256. Holothuria Physalis / Atlantick (uncoloured).
DA (not mentioned); 15 September 1772 in Forster's Journal.
Obs. p. 24, 15 September 1772 (South Atlantic): Caught the Portuguese Man of War, Holo-
thuria Physailia Linn. I drew an outline of it.
257. Holothuria tentaculata / tentaculis frondesis, verrucarum ordinibus quinque / Rai'etea May. 27.
1774 {uncoloured).
DA (not mentioned).
Cat. B: Ularetea Obs. Called Swallow & Berce de la Mer or Beche de Mer in the Moluccae
where dried for Chinese markets. Figure in Forskal.
Medusa passiflora (see Medusa porpita)
259a. MEDUSA pelagica. Linn, (ink, and in pencil) awe-awe Legs anohora Mouth / Atlantick /
Sept. 4th 1772 / GF (dorsal and ventral views).
DA (not mentioned).
Obs. p. 22, 5 September 1772 (South Atlantic): Caught . . . several Medusa pelagica . . . Drew
the medusa.
258b. Medusa porpita / Atlantick (three views).
DA p. 13, as Medusa passiflora, 27 September 1772.
Obs. p. 25, 27 September 1772 (South Atlantic): Caught . . . another species of Medusa which
appeared to be new.
259b. Medusa velella Linn / Hema-hema / Atlantick.
DA (not mentioned); 15 September 1772 in Forster's Journal.
Cat. B: Phyllodora velella MS.
Obs. p. 24, 15 September 1772 (South Atlantic): Caught a species of Blubber, by D. Browne
called a Sallyman & by Linnaeus, Medusa Velella.
260. Medusa vesia / Medusa orbicularis disco supra conregulari, limbo integerrima multiradiata,
subtus disco concavo, margine villoso. / Poo / off New Zealand (uncoloured, dorsal and ventral
views).
DA (not mentioned).
Cat. B: did eat it.
Mimus volutator (see Glaucus atlanticus)
253. Monoculus Squali / Tierra del Espiritu Santo (uncoloured).
DA (not mentioned).
Cat. B : among the New Hebrides near Terra des Sp. Sat.
Note: recorded by J. R. Forster in his Journal for 26 August 1774.
261b. Phosphorescent Animalicule. / a. natural Size b. magnified with No 4 c. ditto with No 1 / Cape
of Good Hope (uncoloured, three different sizes).
DA (not mentioned).
Cat. B: see Cooks Voyage, & Forsters Voyage.
Obs. p. 40, 29 October 1772 (off Table Bay): The Sea was illumined around us to a most extra-
ordinary degree [then follows a long description].
Phyllodore velella (see Medusa velella)
255. Thalia lingulata j Dagyra volva ms / In Oceano Atlantico / Febr. 16th 1775 (uncoloured, two
views).
DA p. 14, as Thalia lingulata.
Cat. B: Ocean South fr the Cape b. Sp. high latitude 50° S. Dagyra MS.
46 p- J- ?• WHITEHEAD
The Forster animal drawings in Gotha, Weimar and Jena
The following list has been compiled from the information given by Steiner & Baege (1971) and
Joppien (1976). The names used here are those given in the Descriptiones animalium; for the Gotha
series these are here preceded by the numbers used by George Forster in a German list of the
drawings (dated 17 June 1780 at Cassel - reproduced by Steiner & Baege); Nos 24, 27, 28 do not
occur in this list but are numbered according to another Forster list (in French - also now at
Gotha).
F folio number of original Forster drawing
DA Descriptiones animalium, page number
S & B Steiner & Baege (1971)
J Joppien (1976)
A. Forschungsbibliothek, Gotha (gouache on parchment)
1. [Antelope] Not seen; possibly based on F 30
2. [Jerbua] Not seen, but evidently Yerbua capensis, on F 13, DA 365
3. *Vultur plancus, on F 33, DA 321, J pi. A
4. Psittacus hysginus, on F 42, DA 159, S & B pi. 1
5. Cuculus nitens, on F 57, DA 151, S & B pi. 2
6. Alcedo cancrophaga, on F 60, DA 4, S & B pi. 3
7. Certhia cincinnata, on F 61, DA 78, S & B pi. 4
8. Certhia olivacea, on F 62, DA 79, S & B pi. 5
9. Sternus carunculatus, on F 144, DA 81, S & B pi. 6
10. Muscicapa dibapha, on F 150, DA 267, S & B pi. 7
11. Muscicapa ventilabrum, on F 155, DA 86, S & B pi. 8
12. Scolopax caffra, on F 118, DA 49, S & B pi. 9
13. Rallus coffer, on F 129, DA 50, S & B pi. 10
14. Tringa pyrrhetraea, on F 120, DA 174, S & B pi. 11
15. Tantalus capensis, on F 116, DA 48, S & B pi. 12
16. Tantalus melanops, on F 117, DA 332, S & B pi. 13
17. Procellaria antarctica, on F 95, DA 60, S & B pi. 14
18. Procellaria nivea, on F 90, DA 58, S & B pi. 15
19. Procellaria similis, on F 86, DA 59, S & B pi. 16
20. Diomedea alhatrus, on F 99, DA 27, S & B pi. 17
21. Diomedea chrysostoma, on F 101, DA 24, S & B pi. 18
22. Diomedea palpebrata, on F 102, DA 55, S & B pi. 19
23. Chionis lactea, on F 125, DA 330, S & B pi. 20
24. *Blennius fenestratus, on F 186, DA 124, J pi. B
27. Tetrodon scleratus, on F 244, DA 282
28. Gadus colias, on F 181, DA 122
* Sold 1936; offered for sale 1976 by Hartnoll & Eyre in London (see Joppien, 1976).
Schlossmuseum, Weimar (watercolour on paper)
KK 449 Charadrius glaucopus, on F 123, DA 176, S & B pi. 23
KK 500 Alcedo cancrophaga, on F 60, DA 4, cf S & B pi. 3
KK 501 Muscicapa dibapha, on F 150, DA 267, cf S & B pi. 7
KK 502 Cuculus nitens, on F 57, DA 151, S & B pi. 2
KK 503-4 [European birds]
Universitatsbibliothek, Jena (watercolour on paper)
1. Aptenodytes antarctica, on F 82, DA 56, S & B pi. 21
2. Aptenodytes magellanica, on F 83, DA 351, S & B pi. 22
THE FORSTER COLLECTION 47
References
Broussonet, P. M. A. 1782. Ichthyologia, sistens piscium descriptiones et icones, Decas 1. P. Elmsly,
London, 41 pp.
Dance, S. P. 1971. The Cook voyages and conchology. /. Conch. 26 (6) : 354-379.
Dawson, W. 1958. The Banks letters: a calendar of the manuscript correspondence of Sir Joseph Banks.
Trustees, British Museum, London, 965 pp.
Forster, J. G. A. 1777. A voyage round the world, in His Britannic Majesty's sloop, Resolution, commanded
by Capt. James Cook, during the years 1772, 3, 4 and 5. B. White, J. Robson, P. Elmsly & G. Robinson,
London, 2 vols (xviii + 602 pp. and 607 pp.).
1778a. A letter to the Right Honourable the Earl of Sandwich, First Lord Commissioner of the Board
of Admiralty, &c. G. Robinson, London, 25 pp. + Appendix 6 pp.
1778b. Reply to Mr. Wales's remarks. B. White, J. Robson & P. Elmsly, London, 55 pp.
Forster, J. R. 1778. Beskrifning pa djuret Yerbua Capensis, med anmarkningar om genus Yerbuae.
K. Vetensk Akad. Handl. 39 : 108-119 (translated from the original Latin).
Forster, T. 1 829. Johann Georg Forsters Briefwechsel. Nebst von seinem Leben. Edited by Th. H. [Huber]
geb. H. [Heyne], Leipzig, 2 vols.
Gordon-Brown, A. 1952. Pictorial art in South Africa. Charles J. Sawyer, London, 159 pp.
Hoare, M. E. 1976. The tactless philosopher. Johann Reinhold Forster (1729-98). Hawthorn Press, Mel-
bourne, 419 pp.
(in press). The 'Resolution'' journal of Johann Reinhold Forster, 1772-75. Hakluyt Society.
Joppien, R. 1976. Drawings from Captain Cook's voyages. An unrecorded collection of fourteen ethno-
graphical and natural history drawings relating to the second and third voyages [Catalogue of exhibition
and sale, 13 September-1 October 1976]. Hartnoll & Eyre, London, 57 pp.
Kahn, R. L., Steiner, G., Fiedler, H., Popp, K.-G. & Scheibe, S. 1972. Georg Forsters Werke. Sdmtliche
Schriften, Tagebucher, Briefe, 4 — Strietschriften und Fragmente zur Weltreise. Inst, deutsche Sprache
Literatur, Deutschen Akademie der Wissenschaften, Berlin, (Vol. 1, 1968; vol. 2, 1965; vol. 3, 1966;
vol. 5, not published; vol. 6, not published; vol. 7, 1963; vol. 8, not published; vol. 9, 1958; an as yet
incomplete attempt to publish all George Forster's writings, of which Steiner, 1971 is a compressed
version).
Lichtenstein, M. H. K. (ed.) 1844. Descriptiones animalium quae in itinere ad maris australis terras per
annos 1772, 1773 et 1774 suscepto collegit observavit et delineavit Johannes Reinoldus Forster. Dummler,
Berlin, xvi + 424 pp.
Lysaght, A. 1959. Some eighteenth century bird paintings in the library of Sir Joseph Banks. Bull. Br.
Mus. nat. Hist. (hist. Ser.) 1 (6) : 251-371.
Sawyer, F. C. 1950. Some natural history drawings made during Captain Cook's first voyage round the
world. /. Soc. Biblphy nat. Hist. 2 : 190-193.
Schneider, J. G. 1801. M. E. Blochii . . . Sy sterna ichthyologiae iconibus ex illustratum. Post obit urn
auctoris opus inchoatum absolvit, correxit, interpolavit. Berlin, 2 vols. (LX + 584 pp.).
Steiner, G. 1971. Georg Forsters Werke in vier Banden. Vol. 1 Reise urn die Welt, Vol. 2 Kleine Schriften zur
Naturgeschichte, Lander- und Volkerkunde. Ansichten vom Niederrhein, Vol. 3 Kleine Schriften zu Kunst,
Literatur, Philosophic, Geschichte und Politik, Vol. 4 Briefe. Leipzig.
& Baege, L. 1971. Vogel der Sudsee. 23 Gouachen und Aquarelle nach Zeichnungen Georg Forsters,
entstanden wahrend seiner Weltumsegelung 1772 bis 1775. Insel-Verlag, Leipzig, 79 pp., 23 pis.
Wales, W. 1778. Remarks on Mr. Forster's account of Captain Cook's last voyage round the world, in the
years 1772, 1773, 1774, and 1775. J. Nourse, London, 110 pp.
Whitehead, P. J. P. 1969a. Zoological specimens from Captain Cook's voyages. /. Soc. Biblphy nat.
Hist. 5 (3) : 161-201.
1969b. Forty drawings of fishes made by the artists who accompanied Captain James Cook on his three
voyages to the Pacific 1768-71 1772-75 1776-80, some being used by authors in the description of new
species. Trustees, British Museum (Natural History), London, xxxi pp., 36 pis.
1977. Emanuel Mendes da Costa (1717-91) and the Conchology, or natural history of shells. Bull. Br.
Mus. nat. Hist. (hist. Ser.) 6 (1) : 1-24.
British Museum (Natural History)
Monographs & Handbooks
The Museum publishes some 10-12 new titles each year on subjects
including zoology, botany, palaeontology and mineralogy.
Besides being important reference works, many, particularly among
the handbooks, are useful for courses and students' background
reading.
Lists are available free on request to:
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of 10% off our published price.
Titles to be published in Volume 6
Emanuel Mendes da Costa (1717-91) and the Conchology, or natural
history of shells. By P. J. P. Whitehead.
Early mineralogy in Great Britain and Ireland. By W. Campbell
Smith.
The Forster collection of zoological drawings in the British Museum
(Natural History). By P. J. P. Whitehead.
John George Children, FRS (1777-1852) of the British Museum.
Mineralogist and reluctant Keeper of Zoology. By A. E. Gunther.
An account of the rock collections in the British Museum
(Natural History), and the historical collections acquired before
1918. By D. T. Moore.
The entire Historical series is now available
Typo set by John Wright & Sons Ltd, Bristol and Printed by Henry Ling Ltd, Dorchester
V. 5 i
Bulletin of the
British Museum (Natural History)
Early mineralogy in Great Britain and
Ireland
W. Campbell Smith
Historical series Vol 6 No 3 29 June 1978
The Bulletin of the British Museum (Natural History), instituted in 1949, is issued in four
scientific series, Botany, Entomology, Geology and Zoology, and an Historical series.
Parts are published at irregular intervals as they become ready. Volumes will contain about
four hundred pages, and will not necessarily be completed within one calendar year.
Subscription orders and enquiries about back issues should be sent to: Publications Sales,
British Museum (Natural History), Cromwell Road, London SW7 5BD, England.
World List abbreviations: Bull. Br. Mus. nat. Hist. (hist. Ser)
© Trustees of the British Museum (Natural History), 1978
ISSN 0068-2306 Historical series
Vol 6 No 3 pp. 49-74
British Museum (Natural History)
Cromwell Road
London SW7 5BD Issued 29 June 1978
Early mineralogy in Great Britain and Ireland
W. Campbell Smithy
Department of Mineralogy, British Museum (Natural History),
Cromwell Road, London SW7 5BD
Contents
Early natural histories and catalogues 49
Eighteenth-century and nineteenth-century mineral collections 53
Other important collections made in the nineteenth century 54
Early mineral analysts 56
The influence of Werner on the classification of minerals 58
Systems of mineralogy and text-books 59
The teaching of mineralogy in the nineteenth century 62
The development of crystallography 64
Acknowledgements 69
References 69
Early natural histories and catalogues
Minerals, apart from their use as charms and as materia medica, had attracted little attention
among scientifically-minded men in Britain before the last quarter of the seventeenth century.
An early work published in Oxford in 1661 was Robert LovelPs Panzoologico-mineralogia, or a
compleat history of animals and minerals containing the summe of all authors both ancient and
modern, galenical and chymical, touching earths, metalls, semi-metalls, with their natural and
artificial excrements, salts, sulphurs and stones, more pretious and less pretious, etc. The part
dealing with minerals is chiefly devoted to their 'medicinal' uses with the sketchiest indications
of where they are to be found. The list, under Lithologia, of 'stones or jewels more pretious' is
quite extensive beginning with Achates, Amethyst, Berill, Bezoarstone and ending with Topaz;
while the list of 'stones less pretious' runs from Alabaster to Unicorne-stone and Whetstone,
and includes Load-stone of which Lovell's account is quoted by Miss Jessie M. Sweet (1935) in
her description of Sir Hans Sloane's Materia Medica.
Another of the early works which were brought to my attention by Dr Roy Porter is Christopher
Merret's Pinax rerum naturalium Britannicorum continens vegetabilia, animalia, et fossilia in hac
Insula reperta inchoatus; published in London in 1666, with another edition in 1667. Here the
author is more concerned with their uses and, to some extent, with localities where some of the
'fossils' are to be found. Thus he records that lead and manganese occur in the Mendip Hills,
and under Diaphani, the first entry is 'Adamantes quos vocant Bristoll stones'. Irish slate (Lapis
Hibernicae) is listed but its use is described, not as in Lovell, 'often used against bruises etc.',
but for 'writing down things to be remembered'.
Another seventeenth century work, John Webster's Metallographia: or an history of metals, etc.
1671, treats of metals and their ores and mines with a chapter on 'other stones' including chryso-
colla, Magnes, the Load-stone, Blood-stone, Schistum, the Lazul-stone, etc., and a final chapter
on the transmutation of metals.
There is some mention of minerals in Robert Plot's Natural history of Oxford-shire (1677),
and in his later work, The natural history of Stafford-shire (1686), both of which are referred to
below, but of more particular interest, because of its detailed treatment of minerals, is the cata-
logue of the minerals (and fossils) in the Royal Society's Collections by Dr Nehemiah Grew
Bull. Br. Mus. nat. Hist. (hist. Ser.) 6(3) 49-74 Issued 29 June 1978
49
50 W. CAMPBELL SMITH
(1681). This collection was commenced very early in the history of the Royal Society, founded in
1660. Robert Hooke was appointed curator in 1662. His chief duty was to furnish the Society
with experiments at their meetings, but he was himself very wishful to have 'as full and complete
a collection of all varieties of Natural bodies as could be obtained'. The use of such a collection is
'for the most serious and diligent study of the most able proficient in natural philosophy' (Edwards,
1931 : 56).
The whole collection was transferred to the British Museum in 1781. Some of the fossils are
still identifiable but none of the mineral specimens with any certainty. However, Grew's Cata-
logue shows something of the state of the knowledge of minerals as it was in England nearly
three hundred years ago. The catalogue of the 'Minerals' is divided into three Sections: of Stones;
of Metals; and of Mineral Principles and each Section is divided into chapters.
In Section I the first three chapters deal with fossils, as now understood, and then follow three
more : of Gems ; of Regular Stones ; and of Irregular Stones.
The first entry under Gems is 'Diamonds' but whether the specimen really contained diamonds
seems doubtful. Then come: Crystal, including Amethyst, both pale violet and white are men-
tioned; The Granate; Topaz, Smaragdus, Agate, Calcedony, Onyx, Sardonyx, Jaspis [a 'geo-
metric jaspis', figured in pi. 20, appears to be chiastolite], the Nephritic Stone, and Turcois.
They are briefly described and their medicinal properties are frequently mentioned.
Chapter V, of Regular Stones, deals with a great variety : here are some Stalagmitic Stones,
Eagle Stones, Toadstones, Belemnites, a flint arrow head, and also various Spars. A 'Silver Spar'
figured in plate 21, is a group of quartz crystals 'composed into the figure of a great bud of the
colour of grey crystal'. Talk, and the 'foliated Talk' (figured in pi. 21), are gypsum, but 'a great
crystalline Talk-spar' sent by Dr Erasmus Bartholinus is Iceland Spar 'dug out of a very high
mountain in Island, one whole side of which consists of this Spar'. Another 'Spar' is 'a rhomb of
Muscovy Glass. By most called Selenites, used in Saxony and other places in Germany in
Windows'.
Grew also describes several kinds of Septarian nodules, which he names 'Waxen Veins'. One
of these is the 'Starred Waxen Vein' that was given by Sir Rob. Moray (a founder member of the
Royal Society) 'Found in the Isle of Sheapy'.
The starred waxen vein is a name for the radiating groups of crystals of baryte found on the
septa of some of the septarian nodules 'waxen veins', from the Isle of Sheppey. Grew noted that
'This star is of quite different nature from the stone on which it grows, as making no effervescence
with acids . . .'.
Another name for these radiating barytes was Astrapia. They were so described by the Rev.
Dr John Walker, Jameson's predecessor as professor in Edinburgh. Jameson mentions having
seen specimens so labelled in the Leverian Museum on his visit to London in 1793 (Sweet, 1963).
Chapter VI, of Irregular Stones, includes a great variety of minerals not exhibiting any regular
form. So here are brought together: Emery; Flint; Serpentine Marble, called Ophites; Lapislazuli,
i.e. 'blewstone'; 'Loadstone' from Magnesia 'a country between Thessaly and Macedonia';
Soapstone, Pumis Stone, and a 'cynder' from Etna.
Section II, of Metals, is treated in three 'Chapters': Of Gold, Silver and Copper; Of Tin,
Lead and Iron; Of Antimony, Mercury and other Metallic bodies. In this last are found Cinnabar,
Marchasite, Mundick, and Pyrites.
Section III, Of Mineral Principles, includes: Chapter I, Of Salts (Sal-ammoniac, Salt, Blue and
Green Vitriol) ; Chapter II, Of Ambers and Sulphurs, under which head are also : Bitumens, and
also 'Flake Stone Coal, by some called Black Amber', [Jet], 'found in Misnia, Bohemia'. Lastly,
Chapter III, Of Earths, includes various Boles (Lemnian, Armenian, etc.) Volcanic Ash from
Vesuvius, presented by J. Evelyn Esq., and 'earth which rained lately upon Teneriff' ['Blood
Rain'; see Bannerman, 1922]. This Catalogue, then, gives an indication of the nomenclature and
of some of the ideas in vogue with such persons, doctors and others, as had any knowledge of
minerals in those days. The names and ideas were derived no doubt in part from Theophrastus,
Pliny, Agricola, and Aldrovandi and, of seventeenth-century writers, Boetius de Boodt and
John de Laet, to all of whom Grew refers.
At the very end of the seventeenth century there was published Edward Lhuyd's Lithophylacii
EARLY MINERALOGY 51
Britannici Ichnographia . . . (1699). It is chiefly of importance to palaeontologists but its first
chapter is a catalogue of the mineral specimens in the collection at the Ashmolean Museum,
made in part at least by Richard Dyer and labelled by Lhuyd who was Under-Keeper in 1684
and became Head-Keeper in 1690 (Gunther, 1945 : 222).
The entries are in Latin and the catalogue lists various specimens of quartz (crystallus and iris),
including 'Iris vulgaris, Adamas Bristoliensium vulgo dicta' (pi. I, fig. 15), a doubly terminated
crystal of quartz; and a much larger crystal, from Snowdonia; 'Crystallus maxima Britannica, . . .
Invenimus Alpibus Arvoniae juxta lacum Fynnon Vrech, . . .'. There are also listed several varieties
of 'Fluor' of which some called Fluor triquetrus appear from their figure (pi. I, fig. 34) to be
dolomite or calcite. Other specimens are numerous Stalagmites, Selenites, and Talcum (gypsum).
The collection contained ninety specimens.
References in the catalogue are made to Aldrovandi, Agricola, Dr Greb [i.e. Grew] and to
Plot. The last mentioned reference is to Robert Plot's Natural history of Oxford-shire (1677 : 96),
referred to above, in which he describes a few minerals encountered in the county. They include:
'Chrystals, Selenites, and Spars' of which some are 'by the Miners called Cawke and the Latins,
Fluor es; which (say they) yet retain so much fluid, that with the heat of fire, like Ice in the Sun,
they melt and flow'.
In his later work, The natural history of Staffordshire (1686), Plot wrote at length on the coal
and iron-stone of the county. Of crystals he describes Selenites of several kinds of which one
(pi. xi, fig. 1) is a cleavage rhomb of calcite 'of a cubico-rhomboidal form, all the pieces being
constantly Hexaedra of equal obliquangular sides, or oblique angled Parallelopipeds'. He gives
a good description of quartz crystals 'sometimes stained a violaceous colour . . . found in digging
in Barrow-hill in Pesnet-Chase' (pi. xi, fig. 8); also of a group of scalenohedra of calcite 'from
limestone rocks near Dudley'.
In addition to his notes on these minerals in the two county 'natural histories' Plot has two
short papers in the Philosophical Transactions. One is on the sand in the brine of the salt works
in Staffordshire (1683); the other, 'on Black-Lead, found only at Keswick and there called Wadt
or Kellow' (Plot, 1699).
Two other county natural histories a little later than Plot's Stafford-shire are Charles Leigh's
Natural history of Lancashire, Cheshire, and the Peak in Derbyshire, published in 1700, and the
Reverend Thomas Robinson's Essay towards a natural history of Westmorland and Cumberland,
published in 1709.
Leigh's work, illustrated with many plates of antiquities and some 'fossils', gives some account
of numerous 'Spars of several sorts', Fluor in Derbyshire, Salt Rocks in Cheshire, Iron ores,
Lead ores, Copper ores, Vitriol, Pyrites and Potters' Clay, and many others, listed in an extensive
index.
Robinson's book gives some account of 'several mineral and surface productions' of the two
counties but perhaps its interest is more theological than mineralogical, for to it is annexed 'A
Vindication of the Philosophical and Theological paraphrase of the Mosaick system of Creation'.
There were some 'minerals, stones and earths' in the collection of Sir Hans Sloane, commenced
probably about 1690, and also 'Pretious stones, agates, jaspers, etc' and 'Vessels' of the same,
probably from the still earlier collection of William Courten (or Charlton) which was bequeathed
to Sloane in 1702; this collection contained over 10 000 items listed under Mineralogy in the
synopsis prepared after Sloane's death in 1753. Such specimens from Sloane's collection as can
be identified in the Department of Mineralogy of the British Museum (Natural History) have
been recorded and described by Miss J. M. Sweet (1935), formerly of that Department, with
illustrations of several of the bowls and rings in agate, mocha-stone, carnelian and jasper, and
two beautiful pieces in jade (nephrite); a two-handled bowl and a carved mirror-frame.
Another collection of about the same period but devoted entirely to 'minerals and extraneous
fossils' was started about 1696 by the remarkable Dr John Woodward, Professor of Physic in
Gresham College in London. This collection was bequeathed to the University of Cambridge in
1728 together with a sum of money to found a Professorship, now the Woodwardian Professor-
ship of Geology. The collection has been retained in its original arrangement, and with it is kept
Woodward's own catalogue.
52 W. CAMPBELL SMITH
Most valuable to the study of this collection and its classification is a book, published in
two parts in 1728 and 1729, after Woodward's death, which comprised A catalogue of the English
fossils in the collection of John Woodward and lists also of the foreign minerals and fossils therein.
Earlier, 1695, Woodward had produced An essay toward a natural history of the Earth and in
1696 a remarkable pamphlet which gave detailed instructions for making scientific observations
and for ''Collecting, preserving, and sending over natural things', in fact instructions for collectors
of geological, botanical and zoological material.
Something of the same kind with particular reference to mines and quarries appears in chapters
of another book by Woodward published in 1728 entitled Fossils of all kinds digested into a method.
The 'method' classifies the minerals into 1, Earths; 2, Stones; 3, Salts [Fossil salt; Salammoniac,
and tincal (borax)]; 4, Bitumens [liquid naptha, Barbadoes Tar]; 5, Minerals; and 6, Metals.
The Earths are subdivided into (i) 'Those found in Strata'; and (ii) 'Those found in smaller
masses', which are again subdivided, the first division being 'such as do not exceed marble in
hardness'. These are 'Bowlder stones, clay-stones and stony nodules'. Most of the semi-precious
stones are referred to this division.
Dr Y. A. Eyles in an article on John Woodward remarked that Woodward was the first British
author to publish a work solely devoted to the classification of minerals (Eyles, 1965). A more
nearly contemporary comment is made by Thomas Pennant who, in a letter to Edward Rawstone
in 1753, wrote that he favoured Woodward's System and considered it now 'generally esteemed
the most plausible' (Smith, 1913).
Another 'classification' not much noticed, perhaps in consequence of its truly remarkable
nomenclature, is that of John Hill, the King's gardener at Kew, who published a general Natural
History in three folio volumes (1748-1752), the first of which is devoted to 'The history of fossils'.
Emanuel Mendes da Costa (1717-1791), curator of the Royal Society's Collections, also
attempted A natural history of fossils but only the preface and the first volume was published
owing, da Costa implies, to lack of sufficiently numerous subscribers. The published volume
(1757) deals only with Earths and Stones: Marbles, Marmora profer a (basalts, etc.) and Granites.
It is chiefly notable for its description (with a plate) of the Giant's Causeway, quoting observa-
tions by Dr Richard Pococke, Bishop of Ossory, and Mrs Susannah Drury.
John Morton, who published A natural history of Northamptonshire in 1712, treats of minerals
on somewhat similar lines to Woodward ; Chapter I dealing with Earths, including the Earths of
the Lower Strata; Chapter II with Stones; and, Chapter II, part 2, with 'Stones in lesser masses'.
Here are included Pyritae, Sparry Nodules, Belemnites, Bezoar, Aetites (Eagle Stones), Geodes,
and Enhydros, and Selenitae. He remarks that 'Selenitae, found at Worthrop [WORTHROP =
Wothorpe 1 mile west of Stamford-Baron, Northants] in the lane leading to Stamford are there
called 'Worthrop diamonds'. With an eye to possible economic uses for the minerals in the
county he opines that Selenitae are composed of the same matter as Talc ['Laminated gypsum'
was sometimes called 'Talc' ; see p. 4] and 'we may fully make use (in medicine) of the Selenitae
our County affords in plenty instead of the Talc of Italy and other foreign countries'. He also
suggests that if the silver-coloured 'pyritae, which are generally stored with vitriol particularly
of the copperas kind, are found in sufficient plenty a copperas work for making of ink might be
set up in the County' (Morton, 1712).
Another county natural history and one which deals mainly with rocks, minerals and mining is
The natural history of Cornwall by William Borlase, Rector of Ludgvan, published in 1758.
Here again are chapters on Earths, Clays, Steatites or Soapstones, and then: Stones of use, Stones
of ornament and curiosity, and Stones of profit. Spars and crystals of various kinds are described
and there are plates of several. Borlase distinguished between crystals plain (i.e. massive), in-
crustations, stalactitic forms, etc., and figured crystals (i.e. showing crystal form). Stones of
profit are the products of the mines. Here are described : Bismuth, speltre, naptha, antimony,
manganese, loadstone, molybdaena, cobalt, and Mundic, ... a long account of this last. Chapters
on metals deal with: tin, iron, copper, silver, lead and quicksilver, and gold, as they occurred in
Cornwall. Borlase had made a considerable collection of antiquities, fossils, and minerals, which,
during his lifetime, he had given to the (old) Ashmolean Museum. It seems that none of them has
survived (Gunther, 1925 : 223).
EARLY MINERALOGY 53
Eighteenth-century and nineteenth-century mineral collections
Here may be mentioned also several other mineral collections made in the eighteenth century,
and the early part of the nineteenth, by various gentlemen in Cornwall, some of whom were
adventurers in the Cornish mines, and with them I shall mention also Thomas Pennant, zoologist
and author, of Whiteford in Holywell, Flintshire, who, while an undergraduate at Oxford,
visited Borlase in Cornwall in 1746 or 1747, and started to make a collection of minerals from
that time.
Most of our knowledge of these early collections we owe to Sir Arthur Russell, who in the
course of time incorporated parts of the Cornish ones into his own collection which with his
manuscript notes he bequeathed to the British Museum (Natural History) (Kingsbury, 1966).
These collections were being made at a time when splendid specimens were obtainable from
the higher levels of the mines of Cornwall and Devon. One of the earliest was that of Philip
Rashleigh of Menabilly (1729-1811), to which I shall refer again. Others, slightly later, were the
collections made by John Hawkins of Trewithen (1761-1841), Edmund Pearce (1788-1856),
and the three members of the Fox family of Falmouth: George (1784-1850), Robert Were Fox
(1789-1877) and Alfred (1794-1874). Still others were those of John Williams of Scorrier (1753-
1841), Sir John St Aubyn (1758-1839), and Joseph Carne of Penzance (1781-1858).
John Williams of Scorrier was principal agent for the North Down and Gwennap mines.
Charles Hatchett visited him in 1796 and records in his diary that at that time Scorrier was said
by C. S. Gilbert to 'contain the most valuable variety of mineral specimens of any house in
Europe' (Raistrick, 1967). The collection was added to by John Williams' son, John Michael
(1813-1880) and by his grandson, John Charles of Caerhays Castle (1851-1939), who in 1893
presented 550 selected specimens to the British Museum (Natural History). In 1948 a further
selection of 585 specimens was purchased by Sir Arthur Russell.
The St Aubyn Collection, one of the many catalogued by Bournon (see below), was in 1876,
according to Sir Arthur Church, in the Town Hall at Devonport and it was then accompanied by
Bournon's catalogue (Church, 1877). All that now remains of it is in the Plymouth City Museum,
where it is being carefully curated by the Keeper of Natural History. Two of the original volumes
of Bournon's catalogue have been saved, though both Plymouth and Devonport suffered severely
from bombing in the 1939-1945 war: xerographic copies are in the Mineralogy Library, British
Museum (Natural History).
The Carne Collection now forms part of the mineral collection of the Department of
Mineralogy and Petrology at Cambridge. Also in the same collection is that made by Sir Abraham
Hume (1749-1838) which, together with his collection of diamonds (see p. 59), was presented to
the University by Viscount Alford in 1841. The Mineral Collection in the British Museum
which, up to the end of the eighteenth century, consisted almost entirely of the minerals from
Sir Hans Sloane's collection, received three notable additions in the period 1799-1810. A collec-
tion containing many choice specimens formed by the Rev. Clayton Mordaunt Cracherode
(1730-1799) was bequeathed to the British Museum in 1799. In that same year the Museum
purchased the large collection of minerals and rocks formed by Charles Hatchett and which
included a fine set of Russian minerals. A much larger addition was made in 1810 when the
collection of Charles Francis Greville (1749-1809), said to contain 20 000 specimens, was pur-
chased for the nation by a special vote of £13 727. By that time Charles Konig had been appointed
an assistant in the Natural History Department and had been given charge of the Mineral
Collection and its arrangement (Smith, 1969)1.
The Rashleigh Collection, which, as mentioned above, was the earliest of the Cornish collec-
tions of this period, is important not only because it contained splendid specimens from Cornwall
and from other parts of Britain and from abroad, but also because it was carefully catalogued by
Rashleigh himself. The main part of this collection was acquired by the Royal Institution of
1 There was also in the Royal Institution founded by Count Rumford in 1799 'a museum of more than 3,000
mineral specimens and fossils, including a special collection of minerals, presented by Sir Humphry Davy*
(Woodward, 1907 : 9). This may have been incorporated in the collections of the Geological Museum, Institute of
Geological Sciences.
54
W. CAMPBELL SMITH
Cornwall and is in the County Museum and Art Gallery in Truro. The original catalogue, and
also a later one compiled by Arthur Aikin in 1814, are preserved with the collection; a xerograph
copy of Rashleigh's original catalogue is in the Department of Mineralogy at the British Museum
(Natural History). Another part of the original collection, given during his lifetime by Rashleigh
to his son Jonathan, was lost sight of until 1923 when it was traced and purchased by Sir Arthur
Russell. The original catalogue contained entries for 3902 specimens. It followed a simple classifi-
cation into 'ores of various metals, followed by the principal non-metallic species' (Russell,
1952a).
Philip Rashleigh himself published in two parts, in 1797 and 1802, a beautifully illustrated book
entitled Specimens of British minerals selected from the cabinet of Philip Rashleigh.
Another collection, important also because it was accompanied by a contemporary catalogue,
is that of Thomas Pennant (1726-1798). The collection did not contain many specimens re-
markable for their beauty such as were found in Rashleigh's collection but it was rich in minerals
from the mines of Pennant's home county, Flintshire. It had remained in its original cabinets for
over a century since his death. The catalogue, in two volumes, by Pennant himself was started
about 1757 and contains some 1250 entries. As mentioned above (p. 52) the classification
'favoured Woodward's System'. It is set out in full in a short account of Thomas Pennant written
in 1913, the year in which the Earl of Denbigh presented the collection to the British Museum
(Natural History) (Smith, 1913).
Crystal form did not enter into Pennant's classification though he did divide the Spars into:
'crystalliform or cubic' and 'Spars breaking into rhomboid or parallelopiped masses'. However,
calcite specimens are found entered under both divisions and it is evident from an entry under
spatum Islandicum, from Pen-y-Bryn mine, that he did not distinguish between cubic and rhombo-
hedral cleavage. It is, however, perhaps only fair to remark that this was sixteen years before
Torbern Bergman wrote his celebrated paper (1773) 'Variae crystallorum formae, a spatho
ortae, explicatae', in which he demonstrated that prisms and scalenohedra of calcite could be
built up from cleavage rhombohedra suitably arranged.
Other important collections made in the nineteenth century
The collecting of fine mineral specimens continued to be fashionable throughout the first half of
the nineteenth century and was greatly stimulated by a celebrated mineral dealer, Henry Heuland.
Sir Arthur Russell has given an interesting account of him (Russell, 1952b) and, more recently'
Frondel (1972) and Whitehead (1973) have written about Heuland's uncle, Jacob Forster.
Forster's collection, with additional material supplied by Heuland, was sold in 1820 to C. H.
Turner. Heuland employed Armand Levy to compile an illustrated catalogue of the collection.
Levy began, but failed to complete it and the catalogue was finished by H. E. Brookes and
published in three quarto volumes in 1838. This collection, and another made by William Nevill,
was acquired by Henry Ludlam to add to his own already fine collection. The whole was be-
queathed to the Museum of Practical Geology. At the time of Ludlam's early death in 1880 it
was regarded as 'the most complete and probably the finest collection of minerals ever made by
a private collector' (Davies, 1881).
A fine collection made by Lady Louisa Aylesford (1761-1832) was bought by Heuland, and
specimens from it along with others from Heuland's own collection were auctioned at Heuland's
sales between 1833 and 1839. Many were bought by the British Museum.
Another collection in which most of the specimens were bought at Heuland's sales between
1826 and 1847 was made by Isaac Walker (1793-1853) of Arnos Grove, Southgate, London,
and added to, perhaps by his sons. It was purchased in 1912 by S. Henson, mineral dealer of
London. Many of the finest specimens were acquired by the Department of Mineralogy, British
Museum (Natural History), a considerable number being presented by F. N. Ashcroft (Anon.,
[Spencer], 1913a).
In Edinburgh Thomas Allan (see p. 60) was making a notable collection. He collected minerals
in England, Ireland, and the Faroe Islands, as well as in Scotland. He had bought Giesecke's
first Greenland collection (see p. 57), and Haidinger had travelled in Europe with young Robert
EARLY MINERALOGY
55
Allan (see p. 61) in about 1825 to procure more specimens. The whole collection was purchased
in 1835 for £1300 by Robert Hyde Greg. It was added to later by his son R. P. Greg who, with
W. G. Lettsom, was co-author of the Manual of the mineralogy of Great Britain and Ireland
(1858). This collection, known as the Allan-Greg Collection, was acquired by the Department of
Mineralogy of the British Museum in 1860. It was one of the earliest and perhaps the most im-
portant purchase arranged by Story-Maskelyne in his early years as Keeper of Minerals (see
below, p. 68).
A large collection of minerals was made by Robert Jameson during the long period during
which he was Regius Professor of Natural History in Edinburgh and it formed the main part of
the general collection of minerals in the Royal Scottish Museum. It incorporated the still earlier
collection made by Dr John Walker. He had published two editions of a classification of 'fossils'
for use in the University (Sweet, 1963).
Elsewhere in Scotland, about the middle of the century, M. F. Heddle, then newly returned
from studying at Clausthal and Freiberg, was adding to his earlier collection of Scottish minerals,
collecting much material from the islands as well as from the mainland. After 1850 he was often
accompanied by his friend Patrick Dudgeon of Cargen, who had himself built up a fine collection
of minerals which he gave to the nation in 1890 (Heddle, 1897). Heddle's Collection was also
acquired by the Edinburgh Museum of Science and Art, now the Royal Scottish Museum,
partly by purchase and partly by gift. It was arranged by Heddle himself a year or so before his
death in 1897 (Goodchild, 1900).
Another collection of minerals, probably chosen mainly for their aesthetic appeal, was made by
John Ruskin who as a student at Oxford had attended Buckland's lectures on geology and
mineralogy in 1837. His published diaries show that in 1866 and 1868 he was buying specimens
from such well-known dealers as Bryce Wright, Tennant, and Tailing of Lostwithiel, and that at
that time he was living at Denmark Hill in South London. He retired to Brantwood on Lake
Coniston, in the English Lake District, in 1884 and at about that time he presented specimens to
the British Museum (Natural History), St David's School, Reigate, and the Kirkcudbright
Museum, each collection being provided with a catalogue. Other specimens were presented to
the St George's Guild and to the Museum of Science and Art at Sheffield. Many specimens once
belonging to Ruskin came to the Mineral Collection in the University Museum at Oxford when
the collection of Mr George Allen of Orpington, Kent, was purchased in 1908. The main part of
the collection that remained at Brantwood was bought by Sir Arthur Russell in 1931.
In north-east England there were many collections of minerals, some rich in the minerals of
the mines of Yorkshire and Durham. I have no personal knowledge of these collections except
that made by C. O. Trechmann (1851-1917) part of which, including many specimens of the
sulpharsenites of the Binnenthal, was bequeathed to the British Museum (Natural History) in
1917, and a greater part presented by his son C. T. Trechmann in 1926.
At Chatsworth there was a collection of specimens from the mines owned by the Dukes of
Devonshire which included some fine and large specimens.
William Phillips' mineral collection (see p. 65) which was sold by private treaty at Sotheby's
in London in 1829 was purchased by Dr Rutter of Liverpool. He presented it to the Medical
Institution of Liverpool and eventually it was transferred to the Liverpool Museum. It consisted
of small, mostly well-crystallized specimens. Many of the crystals had been measured by Phillips
and the results published in his books. It was destroyed by bombing in May 1941.
There was also a mineral collection at Alnwick Castle made by the Duchess of Northumberland,
Lady Charlotte Patricia Clive, who married the 3rd Duke in 1817. This was part of a larger
collection of natural history specimens and 'Curiosities' sold by auction at Sotheby's on 9 July
1968. Among the specimens were ores from Alston Moor, fluorite from Allenheads, malachite
and beryl from Siberia, rock crystal, axinite from Dauphine, calcite from Andreasberg, and two
gold nuggets from Co. Wicklow.
A collection of minerals and fossils was located at Wallington Hall, one of the homes of Sir
Walter C. Trevelyan (1797-1879), primarily a botanist but also an active geologist. He presented
many specimens to the Museum of the Natural History Society of Northumberland, Durham,
and Newcastle upon Tyne, now the Hancock Museum, in Newcastle upon Tyne.
56 W. CAMPBELL SMITH
For notes on other collections in the Hancock Museum I am greatly indebted to Miss Susan
Turner of that Museum. A very early collection, containing some minerals, is the Cookson
Collection which seems to have been in existence at least since 1743. Some fine specimens were
presented by Thomas Sopwith (1803-1879), manager of Beaumont's mines in Allendale from
1845 to 1871. More important, however, is the collection formed by William Hutton (1798-1860)
which was on loan to the Hancock Museum from 1831. After Hutton's death it was purchased
from the executors by Sir William Armstrong and presented by him to the Museum in 1880.
It is rich in minerals from the north of England, including well-known localities in Weardale,
Alston, and Carrock Fell. It was owing to Hutton's efforts that 'a splendid collection of minerals
and geological specimens illustrative of the mineral productions of the Russian Empire made
by the command of His Imperial Majesty, Tsar Nicholas I, and presented by him to the Society
[The Natural History Society of Northumberland, Durham, and Newcastle upon Tyne]' was
secured for the Museum on 15 October 1838. This collection was catalogued by the late Dr S. I.
Tomkeieff in 1935.
Early mineral analysts
By the end of the eighteenth century some chemists in England were becoming interested in the
analysis of mineral substances. Such was William Gregor, a Cornishman, born in 1761, a graduate
of St John's College, Cambridge, and for many years Vicar of Creed, near Grampound, Cornwall.
As a result of his analyses of menaccanite from a stream-bed at Menaccan he discovered a new
metal, later re-discovered by Klaproth and by him named titanium (Russell, 1955).
Other chemists in London, chiefly interested in the analysis of mineral substances, formed, in
1799, the British Mineralogical Society, in a sense the predecessor of the present Mineralogical
Society. The Minute Book of the Society is in the Mineralogy Library, British Museum (Natural
History). An account of its brief existence (1799-1806) is given by Professor W. W. Watts in his
address on the occasion of the Jubilee meeting of the Mineralogical Society (Watts, 1926 : 108—
109). Among the members of this earlier Society was Charles Hatchett who had sold his collection
of minerals to the British Museum in 1799 (see p. 53). Three years previously he had made
a remarkable journey through England and Scotland visiting mines, smelting works and foundries
and recording his observations (Raistrick, 1967). Hatchett was the discoverer of columbium
(1802a); the story of this discovery has been told by Miss J. M. Sweet (1935), whose account of
the Sloane minerals has been referred to above (p. 51).
Hatchett published numerous analyses of minerals between 1797 and 1804, the first, read
before the Linnean Society, being 'On bituminous substances . . .' (Hatchett, 1798). His papers
on columbite and columbium appeared later (Hatchett, 1802a, b). Unfortunately he seems to
have given up chemical analysis a few years after this.
While members of the British Mineralogical Society were active in London there was working
in Scotland, and for a time also in London, a chemist and mineralogist, Thomas Thomson
(1773-1852). In his younger days he was a friend of John Dalton and of Wollaston and is credited
with some share with them through his work on oxalic acid and certain oxalates, in the establish-
ment of the Law of Multiple Proportions (Thomson, 1808a, b). He also published a System of
chemistry in 1802 and lectured on chemistry in Edinburgh; in 1807 he opened a laboratory for
practical instruction. He was editor of Annals of Philosophy from 1813 to 1820, went to Glasgow
as a lecturer in 1817 and was appointed the first Professor of Chemistry there in 1818.
In 1836 he published Outlines of mineralogy, geology and mineral analysis in two volumes.
The first volume, on mineralogy, is noticed later. Part 3, dealing with the methods of analysing
minerals, has an introduction giving a history of mineral analysis and of the methods and recent
improvements by European chemists including Berzelius and his pupils, Gmelin, Klaproth and
H. Rose. Of British contributions he wrote: 'If we except Mr Hatchett and Mr Chenevix, Great
Britain has produced very few analytical chemists. Almost the only modern chemists . . . who
have published analyses of minerals are Mr R. Phillips, Dr Turner and Mr Connell.' Among
Thomson's numerous mineral analyses are those of a native carbonate of strontium from
Strontian (1816), of emmonite, a variety of strontianite from Massachusetts, and of holmite
EARLY MINERALOGY 57
( = seybertite), a brittle mica. He wrote also more general papers giving mineralogical observa-
tions on Cornwall (1814) and on minerals from the neighbourhood of Glasgow (1840), and in a
paper on 'The needlestone from Kilpatrick in Dumbartonshire' (1820), he presented an extensive
study of various zeolites: natrolite, scolecite, mesolite, and thomsonite, the last named for him
by H. J. Brooke.
Between 1811 and 1816 he published in the Memoirs of the Edinburgh Wernerian Society
three analyses of minerals from Greenland: sodalite, allanite, and magnetic iron-ore. Sodalite
and allanite were new minerals, the latter named in honour of Thomas Allan of Edinburgh.
The history of these specimens is sufficiently interesting to allow a digression from the subject
of early mineral analysts. A Danish ship, on its way from Iceland to Copenhagen, was captured
by a French privateer, retaken by a British frigate and brought to Leith harbour. In the cargo
was a collection of minerals which was sold by auction and bought for £40 by Thomas Allan,
an Edinburgh banker, and Colonel Imrie. All that was known about the collection was that it
had been shipped by a missionary from a harbour on Davis Straits. Allan concluded from the
abundance of specimens of cryolite in the collection that it had come from Greenland and it
subsequently transpired that it had been made by Karl Ludwig Metzler (afterwards Giesecke)
during a six years' residence in Greenland. In 1813 Giesecke returned with another collection
and visited Allan in Edinburgh. Soon after this, perhaps helped by Allan, he was appointed
Professor of Mineralogy to the Royal Dublin Society (Sweet, 1967, 1974; Greenough, 1838).
Another Scottish chemist, who made many contributions to the analysis of minerals, was
James Finlay Weir Johnston, born in Paisley in 1796. He had studied at Glasgow University,
and was a pupil of Berzelius in 1812. In 1833 he became the first Reader in Chemistry and
Mineralogy in the University of Durham, and was also Chemist to the Agricultural Society of
Scotland. Among his numerous papers are two on minerals named by him: plumbocalcite (John-
ston, 1832), and barytocalcite ( = alstonite) and its dimorphism (Johnston, 1835). He reported the
discovery of vanadium in Scotland and a vanadate of lead (1831), and described various hydro-
carbons and mineral resins among which middletonite (1838a), guyaquillite (1838b) (the present
spelling is guayaquilite), and pigotite (1840) were named by him as new.
Blow-pipe analysis seems to have been well developed in Britain for the determination of
minerals. Edward Daniel Clarke, the first Professor of Mineralogy at Cambridge, became an
internationally recognized authority on the 'gas blow-pipe', and J. G. Children, in 1822 an
'Assistant Librarian' in the Natural History Department of the British Museum, translated,
through the French translation by Fresnel, a book on the use of the blow-pipe by J. J. Berzelius
which had been published in 1820 (Children, 1822). In the Elementary introduction to . . .
mineralogy, third edition, 1823, by William Phillips, there is a description of the methods of
blow-pipe analysis as applied to minerals complete with details for beginners on how to 'blow'
so as to produce 'from the flame of a common candle, a steady stream of flame': quite a difficult
accomplishment.
Richard Kirwan F.R.S. (1733-1812), studied chemistry for some time in London but settled
in Dublin in 1789 and became President of the Dublin Society (Sweet, 1967 : 122). In the second
edition of his Elements of mineralogy, 1794-1796, whilst tracing the growth of mineralogy as a
science, he refers to the debt the science owed in the decade 1774-1784 to Scheele and to Bergman,
and in the subsequent period to Klaproth and to Werner. Had he been writing a little later he
would surely have added 'and to Berzelius' for, far more important than Berzelius' work on blow-
pipe analysis, just referred to, were the great improvements he introduced in the methods of
gravimetric analysis. The high standards obtained by him must have given to mineralogists in
this country a great incentive to achieve better analyses themselves.
We know of at least two early links with Berzelius, both from Scotland. One was J. F. W.
Johnston, already mentioned, who was a pupil of Berzelius in 1812; the other a Scottish physician,
William MacMichael, 'who worked in Berzelius' laboratory learning analytical procedures' in
the winter of 1812/1813 (or 1813/1814). It is recorded that he stimulated his host's interest in
mineralogy by giving him a collection of minerals he had bought, after he had selected those he
wanted for the British Museum ; and with reference to this incident Berzelius noted T accepted
his friendly gift. Some time later, in order to arrange my collection, I began to study mineralogy.'
58 W. CAMPBELL SMITH
The further progress and improvements in the chemical analysis of minerals has recently been
very well reviewed by Dr M. H. Hey in his Hallimond lecture to the Mineralogical Society
(Hey, 1973), and though more is said later on British contributions to the chemistry and to
classification based mainly on chemical composition one must give some account at this point
of the influence of A. G. Werner on British mineralogists about the turn of the century.
The influence of Werner on the classification of minerals
Abraham Gottlob Werner had been appointed Inspector of Mining and Instructor in Mineralogy
at the Mining Academy in Freiberg in 1775, at the age of 25. His great reputation as a teacher is
always associated by geologists with the Neptunian or Plutonist controversy around which so
many heated arguments arose in the early part of the nineteenth century, and in which both
Richard Kirwan and Robert Jameson took very active parts. However, this discussion concerned
mainly 'geognosy' and what is now called 'petrology', and Werner's great contribution to
mineralogy is his first book: Von den ausserlichen Kennzeichen der Fossilien, published in 1774,
of which a new translation by A. V. Carozzi has recently appeared (Werner [1962]).
The controversy which raged in Edinburgh between supporters of Werner and those of James
Hutton indirectly did a considerable service to mineralogy and petrology, for it inspired Sir
James Hall, a friend of Hutton's in Edinburgh, to make experiments on the fusibility of certain
lavas, basalts, and dolerites, by which he demonstrated that on being cooled very slowly the
fused products solidified not wholly as glass but were partly crystallized and stony (Hall, 1805).
Later under extremely difficult experimental conditions he studied the effect of heating powdered
limestone and chalk to high temperatures under pressure and showed that they could be melted
under these conditions without dissociating (Hall, 1812). Thus, as Sir John Flett pointed out, he
became the founder of experimental petrology although very many years were to elapse before
his work was followed up with the much better facilities available in modern laboratories (Flett,
1922; see also Eyles, 1963; and Sweet & Waterston, 1967).
Hall began his experiments about 1790 but, apart from a paper read to the Royal Society of
Edinburgh in that year, he refrained from publishing his results in full until after Hutton's death
in 1797. In the meantime his experiments on the fusion of basalt had been repeated by Gregory
Watt, using Clee Hill dolerite in very large quantities, one or two hundredweight at a time (Watt,
1804).
To return to Werner's first book On the external characters of minerals: this has been described
as a manual of determinative mineralogy, utilizing the external characteristics, colour, form,
lustre, streak, hardness, and specific gravity (Eyles, 1964). Werner's method of identifying minerals
could be studied by means of collections of specimens selected to illustrate the 'characteristics'
relied on to distinguish one mineral from another. Such was the first of the five 'Collections'
comprising the Leskean Collection formed by N. G. Leske, a Professor of Natural History in
Leipzig in 1775, and a friend of Werner's from their student days.
One of the earliest personal contacts made with Werner by any mineralogist in the British Isles
seems to have been by Richard Kirwan (see p. 57) who visited him in Freiberg and through him
was able, in 1792, to arrange for the purchase by the Royal Dublin Society of the Leskean Collec-
tion. Kirwan intended this collection to be used in the teaching of mineralogy at the Mining
Academy which it was proposed to form in Dublin. George Mitchell, a native of Belfast, and a
student and graduate of the University of Dublin, worked there on the Leskean Collection and
translated Karsten's catalogue of it in 1798.
In the previous year Robert Jameson visited Dublin and spent eight days carefully examining
the Leskean Cabinet with Kirwan and Mitchell. He found some of the colour differences too
minute; also among the different kinds of 'fractures' he 'found some beautiful distinctions but
in many instances run into by few too great minuteness' [sic] (Sweet, 1967).
It was probably Jameson's meetings and discussions with Kirwan and Mitchell that encouraged
him to enrol in 1800 as a student at Freiberg, where George Mitchell had also matriculated in
1798. Mitchell became one of Werner's favourite and most promising pupils. Unfortunately he
died in 1803, and the Dublin Mining Academy was never established.
EARLY MINERALOGY
59
A year or two after his return from Freiberg, Robert Jameson was appointed Professor of
Natural History in the University of Edinburgh. He had already published An outline of the
mineralogy of the Shetland Islands, and of the island of Arran (1798); and also Mineralogy of the
Scottish Isles in two volumes (1800). Both of these were written before his Freiberg visit, but his
more important, three-volume System of mineralogy (1804) belongs to his 'Wernerian' period.
In the preface to this work, he reviews the classifications of Cronstedt and Wallerius and intro-
duces Werner's classification which he then adopts. In the following year he published A treatise
on the external characters of minerals.
In Glasgow there was another supporter of Werner's system, the chemist Thomas Thomson,
mentioned above (p. 56). He was a Vice-President of Jameson's Wernerian Natural History
Society, and in the first volume of his Annals of philosophy (1813) he published a lengthy and
somewhat violent attack on Richard Chenevix who, writing in Paris in the Annales de chemie in
1808, had criticized Werner's system of mineral classification and extolled that of Haiiy.
Richard Kirwan published the first edition of his Elements of mineralogy in London in 1784,
before his meetings with Werner. In this he follows the system of Cronstedt, 'founded almost
entirely on chemical characters' as being 'received by all Europe', but he refers also to 'classifica-
tion by external characters of which some able patrons have appeared of late among whom I
shall mention only Werner and Mr Rome de Lisle'. In his second edition, however, he follows
Werner's method.
Neither in Cambridge nor in Oxford were there active enthusiasts for Werner's methods.
E. D. Clarke, the first Professor of Mineralogy in Cambridge, had learnt some crystallography
from Haiiy in Paris and probably left the classification of rocks to the Woodwardian Professor.
However, I am indebted to Dr Roy Porter for pointing out that John Hailstone, Woodwardian
Professor at Cambridge before Sedgwick, had studied at Freiberg and that his Plan of a course
of lectures in mineralogy (1792) is highly Wernerian in tone and emphasis. It appears, however,
that 'although he gave demonstrations to residents and strangers who visited the Woodwardian
Museum, he never gave a single lecture' (Woodward, 1907 : 54). Meanwhile, in Oxford, John
Kidd, the Professor of Chemistry, had carried on the teaching of mineralogy and geology begun
by Sir Christopher Pegge, Professor of Physic. Kidd's teaching was given in a subterranean class-
room under the Ashmolean Museum where 'nearly all the scientific teaching at Oxford had been
accomplished since the days of Robert Plot' (Gunther, 1925 : 266). Kidd, in his Outlines of
mineralogy, which he published in 1809, while acknowledging his indebtedness to Haiiy,
Brongniart, and Kirwan, followed a classification of his own. Kidd's famous successor, William
Buckland, had he entered into the Wernerian controversy, would have been a 'plutonist'.
Systems of mineralogy and text-books
In London mineralogists, many of them members of the British Mineralogical Society (see p. 56),
seem to have been interested chiefly in the minerals themselves, their chemistry, and crystal form.
They had contacts with Europe, particularly with France, in spite of the wars, and they were
hearing of the publications of Rome de ITsle and the newer writings and teaching of the Abbe
Haiiy in Paris (Haiiy, 1822). Haiiy was able to send to Sir Joseph Banks in 1809 three copies of
his Tableau comparatif des resultats de la cristallographie et de V analyse chimique relativement a
la classification de mineraux. One copy was for Greville, one for Bournon, and the third for Banks
himself. This copy Banks put at the disposal of his geologist friends in his library. It is now in the
library of the Department of Mineralogy in the British Museum (Natural History) (de Beer,
1960 : 184).
The rapid increase in interest among London mineralogists in minerals and crystals was partly,
and perhaps mainly, due to the arrival in 1794 of a French royalist refugee Jacques Louis, Comte
de Bournon, a pupil of Rome de ITsle. He was soon employed 'curating' the mineral collections
of Sir John St Aubyn, Sir Abraham Hume, of whose diamond collection he published a catalogue
in 1815 (see p. 53), and the great collection of the Rt Hon. Charles Francis Greville (Woodward,
1907). Also he gave lectures in London, where he became associated with the leading mineralo-
gists. Among these was William Babington, a busy London doctor, who arranged meetings of his
60 W. CAMPBELL SMITH
mineralogical friends at seven in the morning to fit them in before his patients claimed his atten-
tion (Whewell, 1842 : 65).
From these friends Babington raised a fund for the publication of Bournon's monograph on
the crystal forms of carbonate of lime (Bournon, 1808). The original sponsors with Babington
were William Allen and William and Richard Philips, and the other subscribers were: Sir John
St Aubyn, Robert Ferguson, G. B. Greenough, Charles Francis Greville, Charles Hatchett,
Luke Howard, Sir Abraham Hume, Richard Knight, Richard Laird, and John Williams, Jr.
There were also Dr Crichton, Physician to the Emperor of Russia, and three other Russian
patrons of science (Greenough, 1838 : 42).
Bournon had also been engaged by E. W. Gray, head of the Natural History Departments in
the British Museum, to give help in selecting specimens from the Collection of Minerals for
preservation, for duplicates, or for rejects, and in working on the catalogue. This engagement
seems to have ended with the death of Gray in 1806.
When the Greville Collection of minerals was purchased in 1810 (see p. 53) Bournon hoped
he would be put in charge of its removal from Greville's house to the British Museum. In the
event the removal was done by the recently appointed 'assistant librarian', Charles Konig.
Bournon complained that his 'tickets' were displaced, and certainly the only relic we have of
Bournon's twelve years' work for Greville is a set of crystal models in wood accompanied by
labels in Bournon's handwriting.
Perhaps it was the growing popularity of minerals among amateur collectors and students of
the work of Rome de ITsle and of Haiiy that induced James Sowerby (1757-1822), first of a long
line of naturalists, to produce his British mineralogy, with 550 plates in colour and descriptions of
the specimens illustrated. This work ran to five volumes, the first appearing in 1804 and the last in
1817. He also published in 27 numbers Exotic mineralogy . . ., as a supplement to British mineralogy
(Sowerby, 1811-1817 [1820]). The plates in British mineralogy were not arranged in any systematic
order but there was a systematic index with each volume and this was completely revised in volume
5 and a separate, systematic Catalogue of British minerals was published in 1819 as a kind of
appendix, to be used in making out labels for specimens in mineral collections (Sowerby, 1819).
Others attempted similar 'systems' to help collectors in the baffling task of arranging their
specimens. William Babington had published A systematic arrangement of minerals in 1795,
and an enlarged edition in 1799. This is described on the title page as being 'in the form of a
catalogue after the manner of Baron Born's systematic catalogue of the collection of fossils of
Mile Eleonore de Raab'. The first edition seems to have been written when the author was arrang-
ing the mineral collection of the Earl of Bute ; according to Greenough, Babington had purchased
the Earl of Bute's collection, 'the finest, perhaps, which at that time existed in England'
(Greenough, 1838 : 5). This collection passed into the possession of Sir John St Aubyn to whom
the second edition of Babington's work was dedicated (see p. 53).
Arthur Aikin had also attempted a system, under which minerals could be arranged, in his
Manual of mineralogy in 1814; this book included the substance of lectures given in the winter of
1813-1814 to some members of the Geological Society. He had been President of the British
Mineralogical Society, and was Secretary of the Geological Society from 1812 to 1819. Aikin
gave a general synopsis setting out a classification under which the minerals are described and
chemical analyses quoted. The introduction discussed the characters of minerals and the means
of testing them, with instructions on the use of the blow-pipe.
Thomas Allan in Edinburgh had published in 1808 An alphabetical list of the names of minerals
. . . with tables of analyses and another edition in quarto in 1819 giving more space to the columns
showing chemical composition. The names were listed in groups of: Saline minerals, Earthy
minerals, Inflammables (Amber, Bitumen, Coal, etc.), and Metallic minerals. Synonyms were
cross-indexed.
Another systematic mineralogy following to some extent the system of Werner was The
characteristic of the natural history system of mineralogy by Friedrich Mohs. He was one of
Werner's most successful students and succeeded him as professor in the Mining Academy of
Freiberg. An English translation of this work was published in Edinburgh (Mohs, 1820a, b).
Lastly, one may mention the system of Berzelius 'based on his electro-chemical theory and the
EARLY MINERALOGY 61
doctrine of definite proportions' (Berzelius, 1814). This was published first in 1814 but was later
(1824) modified as a result of Mitscherlich's discovery of isomorphism. This modified system
'with occasional slight deviations' was adopted by Konig for the rearrangement of the British
Museum collection of minerals in 1828 (Smith, 1969 : 249).
Whewell, who, in his report on the recent progress and present state of mineralogy (1833),
had given a critical review of the various systems of classification that had been proposed by
European mineralogists, while paying tribute to Mohs as well as to Berzelius and Beudant,
thoroughly approved of Konig's adoption of the Berzelius system (Whewell, 1833 : 360). He had
made an attempt at a system of classification himself in 1 828 but probably he was far from satis-
fied with it for, with unusual modesty, he made no mention of it in his own review of the
numerous classifications devised by others. A. J. Berry has given a brief account of it in his oft-
quoted review of mineralogy in Cambridge. 'In the long introduction the author states that it is
not his intention to propose a new system of classification, but rather to work out a system of
nomenclature along the lines adopted by Linnaeus in botany, and to correlate these orders and
species with the chemical constitution of the minerals. He used modifications of the names
adopted by Mohs . . . and related these to the chemical composition obtained by Berzelius and
others' (Berry, 1960 : 7).
A work belonging to a later period which aimed at providing a key to the identification of
minerals was published in London in 1843 by E. J. Chapman, a young mineralogist who found
previous authors' methods unacceptable. It was entitled Practical mineralogy, or a compendium
of the distinguishing characters of minerals by which the name of any species or variety in the
mineral kingdom may be speedily ascertained. Chapman was then 22 and an engineer; later he
lectured on minerals at University College London and became Professor of Mineralogy and
Geology at Toronto from 1853 to 1895.
Other books on mineralogy, more concerned with the description of minerals, to some extent
with crystallography, and with localities at which the minerals were known to occur, soon became
available in England and Scotland. Early and important among these is William Phillips' Ele-
mentary introduction to the knowledge of mineralogy, first published in 1816. A second edition
appeared three years later and a third in 1823. Phillips' work will be referred to again below.
A little later appeared Haidinger's translation of Mohs' Grund-Riss der Mineralogie, published
in Edinburgh in 1825 and followed, also in Edinburgh in 1834, by Robert Allan's Manual of
mineralogy. This Robert (1806-1863) was the eldest son of Thomas Allan at whose invitation
Haidinger had come to Edinburgh to translate Mohs' work. With his father and Haidinger he
had visited the Cornish mines in 1821. He studied crystallography with Haidinger and with him
toured the mines and mining academies of Europe, visiting also the volcanoes of Italy and
Sicily in 1825-1826. With his father's splendid collection available for study he was well equipped
for his task and his Manual must have been a very useful text-book. He went on in 1837 to
publish a fourth edition of Phillips' Elementary introduction. In his own Manual he had discussed
classification and concluded that until chemical composition was better known the Natural
Historical System of Mohs was adequate though confessedly defective. In his edition of Phillips,
however, he retained Phillips' own arrangement, contenting himself with the addition of some
150 more minerals and many figures of crystals in the text. By curtailing the descriptions of mere
varieties he produced a volume not very much larger than the third edition.
Other text-books of mineralogy emanated from Scotland in the first half of the nineteenth
century. Perhaps the most considerable was Outlines of mineralogy, geology and mineral analysis
in two volumes by Thomas Thomson of Glasgow (see p. 56), published in London in 1836.
The work had been ten years in preparation. The Outlines of mineralogy (Volume 1, 726 pp.)
contains an introductory discussion of the characters of minerals and Mohs' system of classifica-
tion. Thomson himself opts for a chemical arrangement, classifying minerals in genera under
three classes: acid bases, alkaline bases, and neutral bases. Descriptions of the minerals included
notes on chemical constituents, and on the simple crystal forms, and there are extensive tables in
an appendix. The first of these tables lists for all the minerals: specific gravity, hardness and,
where known, the primary crystal form. Two others give lists of minerals in order of increasing
specific gravity from scheererite to native iridium, and in order of increasing hardness.
62
W. CAMPBELL SMITH
A few years later, in 1849, James Nicol, at that time Professor of Geology at Queen's College,
Cork, published in Edinburgh a Manual of mineralogy. His Elements of mineralogy followed in
1858, when he was Professor of Natural History at Marischal College, Aberdeen.
In England, in that same year of 1858, there appeared Greg & Lettsom's Manual of the
mineralogy of Great Britain and Ireland the first and only British mineralogy since Sowerby,
except for The mineralogists' directory by Townshend M. Hall (Hall, 1868) and F. W. Rudler's
Handbook to a collection of the minerals of the British Islands, mostly selected from the Ludlam
Collection . . . (1905).
The teaching of mineralogy in the nineteenth century
Evidence of the growing interest in mineralogy is found in the preface to the second edition of
William Phillips' Elementary introduction to the knowledge of mineralogy (1819), where he is
able to record not only that 'lectures are given at public institutions' in London, but he also lists
three persons in the metropolis who give private instruction in crystallography. One of these was
Thomas Webster, the curator of the Geological Society's Collection (1812) and draughtsman to
the Society, whilst another was Mrs Lowry of Titchfield Street, whose daughter Devalle Lowry
wrote a popular book in two volumes entitled Conversations in mineralogy (1822). Furthermore,
'models cut in box-wood with great accuracy and beauty by N. J. Larkin, may be had of Bate
in The Poultry and Mawe in the Strand, at one guinea each, as well as complete sets of models
of all crystals described by Haiiy in his Treatise on Mineralogy at the price of sixteen pounds the
set'. John Mawe, a mineral dealer, had published small books on mineralogy and mining. One
of these on The mineralogy of Derbyshire (1802) gave a description of mines in the north of
England, in Scotland, and in Wales, including Ecton, and Parys mine in Anglesey, and also 'an
analysis of Mr Williams's work intitled 'The Mineral Kingdom" (Williams, 1789, 1810).
In London colleges mineralogy was probably not taught apart from geology. University
College, founded in 1826, did not establish a Chair in Geology until 1841, although the
question had been discussed in 1828. At that time, according to Prestwich, the only nominal
instruction in geology and mineralogy was to be had in three lectures by Dr [Edward] Turner
at the end of his course on chemistry. John Phillips gave a course of twelve lectures there in 1831
but these were all on geology (Edmonds, 1975). The first professor appointed at the College was
Thomas Webster, referred to above and he probably included mineralogy in his course.
We know that E. J. Chapman taught mineralogy in the College for a time before he went to
Toronto in 1853 (p. 61) and T. G. Bonney, Professor of Geology from 1877-1905, could hardly
have resisted giving some lectures on petrology, of which he was one of the pioneers.
King's College, founded two years later than University College, had Sir Charles Lyell (1831-
1834), John Phillips (1834-1840), and D. T. Ansted (1840-1853) as its first three geology pro-
fessors. Of these Ansted also practised as a consulting geologist and mining engineer, and his
successor James Tennant (1853-1869) was a well-known mineralogist and mineral dealer. For a
time, after the death of Charles Konig in 1851, he had been curating the Mineral Collection in
the British Museum.
This seems the place to record also the work of F. Rutley and F. W. Rudler. The former was a
lecturer in the Royal School of Mines in 1882 under J. W. Judd, who had been appointed pro-
fessor there in 1876. Rudler had been lecturer in Natural Sciences in the University College of
Wales, Aberystwyth, from 1876 to 1879 when he returned to his earlier appointment of curator
of the old 'Jermyn Street' Museum of Practical Geology. He had made his first catalogue of the
collections there in 1864.
Away from the metropolis Durham had a Reader in Mineralogy, J. F. W. Johnston, from 1833
(see p. 57). In Scotland, Robert Jameson, Professor of Natural History in Edinburgh from 1804,
inspired great interest by his lectures on mineralogy and geology and continued to do so until
1847 when deteriorating health limited his activities. He died aged 80 in 1854. The Regius Pro-
fessorship of Geology in Edinburgh was not founded until 1871 and Sir Archibald Geikie was
the first occupant of the chair.
EARLY MINERALOGY 63
In St Andrews, M. Forster Heddle, already an enthusiastic mineralogist, succeeded to the
Professorship of Chemistry in 1862. Whilst there he made, and had made, a great number of
mineral analyses. He relinquished the Professorship in 1883 but soon returned to St Andrews
devoting himself to adding to his collection of minerals, to writing, and to working on his
Mineralogy of Scotland, which was published in 1901, four years after his death.
Glasgow had appointed Thomas Thomson Professor of Chemistry in 1817 and doubtless he
gave lectures on mineralogy and mineral analyses on the lines of his Outlines of mineralogy,
geology, and mineral analysis published in 1836 (see p. 56).
The important part played by the Royal Dublin Society in promoting the study of mineralogy
has been described above (p. 57). Here William Higgins, who had followed Kirwan to Dublin
in 1792, became curator of the Leskean Collection of Minerals in 1795 and subsequently Pro-
fessor of Chemistry and Mineralogy. In 1812 a separate Professorship of Mineralogy was de-
cided on. The post was offered to Robert Jameson who appears to have accepted it, but he was
prevented from taking up the post and it was then offered to Charles Louis (Lewis) Giesecke.
He was appointed in 1814, and his lectures and teaching of mineralogy became famous (p. 57).
On his death in 1833 Dr John Scouler, Professor of Natural History in Glasgow, took his place.
Queen's College, Cork, then the Cork Institution, had a lectureship in mineralogy for which
we learn one of Jameson's students, James Ogilby, had applied in 1816 (Sweet, 1967, 1974).
James Nicol was Professor of Geology there in 1849.
At Trinity College, Dublin, Samuel Haughton had succeeded Thomas Oldham as Professor of
Geology and held the post from 1851 to 1881. His work in mineralogy was chiefly concerned with
chemical petrology. He was an original member of the Mineralogical Society.
The teaching of mineralogy formed part of the wider instruction in mining which was organized
in Cornwall at Truro, Redruth, Penzance, and Camborne at various times from 1838 onwards.
A mining school for part-time students was established in Truro in 1838 by Sir Charles Lemon
and was carried on for some years at his expense. Additional information on this subject has
been provided by Dr L. P. S. Piper, Vice-Principal of the Cornwall Technical College at Redruth,
who reviewed the history of technical education in Cornwall, and has recently published 'A
short history of the Camborne School of Mines' (Piper, 1975).
In 1859 the Miners' Association of Devon and Cornwall was founded, largely through the
initiative of Robert Hunt and the Fox family of Falmouth. Mining classes were arranged in
Camborne, Redruth, and Penzance and many distinguished lecturers were engaged. These in-
cluded Richard Pearce, Robert Hunt, Sir Warrington Smyth, Sir Clement le Neve Foster (1865—
1867), and J. H. Collins (1868-1870). The Camborne School of Metalliferous Mining was founded
in 1888, partly through the efforts of J. J. Beringer who became its Principal in 1892 and so
remained until 1910, when the School was taken over by the County Council of Cornwall.
Beringer continued as Vice-Principal until his death in 1915. Others who taught mineralogy in
this school in recent years were H. R. Beringer, brother of J. J., E. H. Davison, John Robson,
and K. F. G. Hosking.
In Penzance A. K. Barnett was lecturing on mining in 1873, holding his classes in the rooms of
the Royal Geological Society of Cornwall. He had been a student under both le Neve Foster
and J. H. Collins. In 1890 the Penzance Mining School was opened and it was due to Barnett's
enthusiasm that this school survived. In the opinion of Dr Piper, Vice-Principal of Cornwall
Technical College, A. K. Barnett was to Penzance what J. J. Beringer was to Camborne (Piper,
L. P. S., pers. comm.).
Some reference has already been made to the teaching of mineralogy at Cambridge and
Oxford in the early years of the nineteenth century (p. 59). The first professor of the subject at
Cambridge, Edward Daniel Clarke, began to give lectures on minerals in 1807 and their success
was such that a Chair in Mineralogy was founded in the following year. He published a syllabus
of his proposed lectures in the preface to which he gave some idea of their scope and aims. To
quote from A. J. Berry's Sketch of the study of crystallography and mineralogy in Cambridge
(Berry, 1960), his principal object was to 'call the attention of the University to the history of the
materials used by architects, sculptors and lapidaries, in the remotest periods, and in modern
times; the mineralogy of the ancient poets and historians; and then finally to suggest the means
64 W. CAMPBELL SMITH
of pursuing this branch of knowledge without the expense and encumbrance which have usually
been its attendants'.
Clarke also published A methodical distribution of the mineral kingdom (1806) devised by him-
self, the divisions of which were, to quote his own words 'as old as the time of Avicenna (979-
1037), and which with little variety have been adopted by almost all succeeding writers' (Clarke,
1818).
Clarke died in 1822 when only 53; he was succeeded by J. S. Henslow, naturalist and botanist,
who became Professor of Botany in 1825. His place was taken by William Whewell, later (1841)
to become a famous Master of Trinity, a brilliant mathematician who had been attracted by the
symmetry of crystals and had turned his attention to crystallography. Under Whewell the teach-
ing of mineralogy at Cambridge developed in the crystallographic direction and so continued
for very many years under W. H. Miller (1832-1880) and W. J. Lewis (1881-1926).
In Oxford the same thing happened, though at a later date. William Buckland, who had carried
on the teaching after John Kidd from 1813, had handed over the duties of Reader in Mineralogy
in 1850 to one of his pupils, Nevil Story-Maskelyne, a grandson of Nevil Maskelyne, the
Astronomer-Royal. He graduated in mathematics in 1845, but was also actively interested in
science, and he had worked for a time in Faraday's laboratory at the Royal Institution in London.
He was officially appointed Reader in Mineralogy in 1856 and became the first Professor of
Mineralogy in 1861 when the Waynflete Chair was founded. His main interest was the study and
teaching of crystallography.
Maskelyne's duties as Professor were not such as to necessitate his residence in Oxford for long
periods and thus he was able to accept an appointment as Keeper of Minerals in the British
Museum in 1857 when the former Department of Mineralogy and Geology was made into two
separate departments. He resigned this Museum appointment in 1880 but he continued as
Professor at Oxford until 1895. He numbered among his pupils L. Fletcher, W. J. Lewis, and
H. A. Miers (Anon. [Spencer], 1913b).
Thus in Cambridge and in Oxford the teaching of crystallography was well established and it
is to the further development of crystallography in Great Britain that one can now turn.
The development of crystallography
Rome de ITsle and Haiiy had established their 'laws' by observing and measuring a great number
of crystals and cleavage forms: Rome de ITsle, for example, had described over four hundred
crystal forms. All their measurements had been made with a contact goniometer designed by
Carangeot. With well-developed crystals or good cleavage forms it was possible to get tolerably
reliable measurements but it was a tedious process and one needed to be quite adept at handling
the crystal and the instrument, and the accuracy obtainable was not good. Miers (1902 : 100,
fig. 200) illustrates a contact goniometer exactly like Hauy's. It was given by the Duke of Bucking-
ham in 1824 to Buckland, Reader in Mineralogy and Professor of Geology at Oxford. The Duke
bought Hauy's collection of minerals in 1822 (Smith 1969 : 247).
One can imagine how slowly crystallography would have developed if the only instrument for
the measurement of crystals had been goniometers of the contact type. Fortunately, the situation
was saved by the invention by W. H. Wollaston in 1809 of the reflecting goniometer familiar
now to every student of mineralogy (Wollaston, 1809). With this instrument very good accuracy
can be obtained and very small crystals can be measured. In his report on the state of mineralogy
made to the British Association in 1832 William Whewell wrote: 'The invention of the reflecting
goniometer by Dr Wollaston, was an invaluable gift to the crystallometer; and every step of our
progress makes us more sensible of the importance of this elegant and well-designed instrument'
(Whewell, 1833 : 352). Later Whewell wrote: 'Wollaston by the invention of the reflecting
goniometer, placed an entirely new degree of accuracy within the reach of the crystallographer' ;
and further 'In the use of this instrument, no one was more laborious and successful than William
Phillips . . . and Mr [H. J.] Brooke, a crystallographer of the same exact and careful school . . .'
(Whewell, 1857).
EARLY MINERALOGY 65
In fact William Phillips, as early as 1814, published an elaborate paper on the different modifica-
tions in the crystalline forms of cassiterite based on measurements made with the new goniometer
(Phillips, 1814). Two years later he published the first edition of his Elementary introduction to
mineralogy; a second edition appeared in 1819, and a third in 1823.
In his third edition he was able to include measurements of the interfacial angles of crystals
of a great many minerals illustrated by figures 'engraved on wood by W. Hughes', and for most
species he endeavoured to give the primary form, usually with a figure. 'The letters on each plane
of the larger figures have been so placed according to the system of notation adopted in the
'Familiar Introduction . . .' by H. J. Brooke' (see below, p. 65).
In the 'Advertisement' to the third edition he gives his appreciation of the accuracy obtainable
with Wollaston's goniometer. 'Experience', he wrote, 'leads to the conclusion that the limit of
error is considerably within one degree, — that it rarely exceeds 40 minutes, and that it is frequently
confined to a minute or two . . . but where those (the interfacial angles) of the primary form have
been obtained from planes produced by cleavage . . . they may be considered as approximating
to the truth much more nearly than when taken by means of natural planes.'
H. J. Brooke, the second of the two so favourably mentioned by Whewell as having contributed
so many measurements of crystals in the early days of the 'reflective goniometer', was responsible
for many papers on various minerals between 1820 and the year of his death, 1857. Many of these
deal with crystalline form and include a series of twelve papers 'On the crystalline forms of
artificial salts' in Thomson's Annals of Philosophy for 1823 and 1824. Two later papers are on
crystallization, and on isomorphism (Brooke, 1825, 1831). In the latter he makes some comments
as to the degree to which measured interfacial angles bear out the claims made by Mitscherlich
for isomorphous groups.
He also published in 1823 A familiar introduction to crystallography, dedicated to Wollaston.
In this he used a system of letters and subscript figures as indices of crystal forms. He used the
capital letters P, M, T, for the primitive, or primary forms, and other letters in small type for
secondary and other faces. The system may have been suggested to him by the method used by
Bournon in his treatise on the crystal forms of calcite and aragonite (see p. 60), wherein he
allotted numbers to each of the forms he found.
In his calculations of the laws of decrement producing secondary planes, Brooke showed how
this could be done using the formulae of spherical trigonometry which, as Whewell remarked
in his 1832 report, 'has in great measure been followed by others' (Whewell, 1833).
Brooke also wrote a treatise on crystallography and an article on mineralogy in the Encyclo-
paedia Metropolitana (1845a, b). In the former he reduced the number of primary forms from the
sixteen in his Familiar introduction (1823) to six, corresponding to the six crystal systems.
Brooke was co-editor with W. H. Miller of a new edition of Phillips in 1852. Evidently anxious
to make it clear that Professor Miller had contributed the major share to the arrangement and
re-writing of the book, Brooke wrote a postscript to the preface in which he states that his share
in the work consisted of 'such information relating to the minerals described as a long acquaintance
with them enabled me to afford, and in having supplied such specimens and crystals as it appeared
desirable again to examine and measure'. Brooke's collection was presented to the University of
Cambridge in 1857 by his son. It was kept in its own cabinet in accordance with his son's wishes.
Also in the Cambridge collection are some of W. H. Wollaston's mineral specimens. They formed
part of Henry Warburton's collection presented by H. W. Elphinstone in 1858.
William Whewell who, as mentioned above (p. 64), succeeded Henslow as Professor of
Mineralogy at Cambridge, wrote all his important papers on crystallography before his formal
appointment to the professorship. In 1822 he read a short paper explaining the interpenetrant
twin cubic crystals of fluorite, in the course of which he offered some pertinent criticism of
Haiiy's theory of integrant molecules (Whewell, 1822). His three next papers, 1825-1827, all
deal with a system of notation for crystal faces and with calculations of interfacial angles.
In the Philosophical Transactions for 1825 he gave 'A general method of calculating the angles
made by any planes of crystals, and the laws according to which they are formed' (Whewell,
1825a). An abstract of the paper was published in the Edinburgh Journal of Science and in this
Whewell added 'formulae for calculating the angles made by any secondary faces of a crystal
66 W. CAMPBELL SMITH
when the law of its derivation from the primary is known' (Whewell, 1825b). Whewell, starting
from Haiiy's theory and his method of developing secondary faces by decrements of the 'integrant
molecules' parallel to two or more of the edges of the primary form, set out to express such
secondary planes by algebraic equations. Taking as origin the angle of a primary form and the
three edges of, for example, a rhomboid as axes XYZ he showed that 'the equation of a plane
arising from the decrements will be such that the coefficients of the three co-ordinates in it (when
reduced to its simplest form) will be the reciprocals of the numbers of the molecules subtracted
on the edges to which they correspond; or put in another way: if the three edges of a rhomboid are
X V z
taken as axes, X, Y, Z, then any face P Q R making intercepts T, y, - has for its indices -, -, -,
h k I h k I
or (p; q; r), written with semi-colons between them and in parentheses'.
There were two more papers read before the Cambridge Philosophical Society (Whewell,
1827a, b). In these Whewell sought to explain and to improve upon the system of notation
proposed by Mohs (1825) and by Naumann (1826), and he proposed a modification of Mohs'
notation doing away with the + sign which had encumbered it. He gave a 'specimen of the use
of notation in the analysis of crystalline forms taking as an example crystals belonging to the
rhombohedral system' (Whewell, 1827c). He also, very briefly, explained his method in his
History of the inductive sciences (1857 : 184-185).
Whewell resigned the professorship in 1832. In the same year he presented a report to the
British Association on 'The recent progress and present state of mineralogy', which was published
in 1833. In this he was very critical of British contributions to mineralogy but he knew that he
had in W. H. Miller a successor for the Chair of Mineralogy who would establish in Cambridge
the crystallography he had begun to develop.
William Hallows (or Hallowes) Miller, who succeeded Whewell, was only seven years his
junior. Like Whewell he was a mathematician; he had been fifth Wrangler in 1826. He wrote
books on hydrostatics and on the differential calculus and was best known for his extremely
accurate work in the preparation of new standards for the pound weight.
Miller had also written papers on the position of the axes of optical elasticity in crystals
belonging to the oblique-prismatic system (Miller, 1835), and on the unequal expansion of
minerals in different directions by heat (Miller, 1837). His first paper relating to crystallography
on the forms of ammonium bicarbonate was published in 1829, the year after Whewell became
professor. After this he wrote only some 24 papers on crystallography, some of which are men-
tioned below, but his very important early work was A treatise on crystallography completed in
1838 and published in 1839. In this he announced his method of describing the position of any
face with reference to three axes parallel to possible edges of the crystal by three numerals,
rational whole numbers, which are, in the words of Nevil Story-Maskelyne, 'the denominations
of three fractions with unity for their numerator and in the ratio of the multiples of the para-
meters' (Maskelyne, 1880).
Miller explained in the preface to his Treatise that he took the idea for the Millerian indices,
as they are always known, from Whewell's paper (1825a), referred to above (p. 65) and also
that he owed to Neumann (1823) the method by which crystal faces are indicated by the points in
which radii drawn normal to the faces meet the surface of a circumscribing sphere. In this
Treatise, making use of the methods of spherical trigonometry, he developed a great many
formulae for the calculation of interfacial angles, face symbols and zone symbols, all adapted
for the use of logarithms.
Miller's next great work was the 1852 edition of Phillips' Mineralogy which he wrote with
Brooke as described above (p. 65). The full title of the book, An elementary introduction to
mineralogy, was now somewhat misleading. It was a new book and far from 'elementary', it
contained a vast number of results of crystal measurements by Miller and Brooke. In it Miller
further developed his system of indices and methods of calculation and established the funda-
mental formulae in the general case and went on to demonstrate the simplified formulae applicable
to crystals in his six systems of symmetry.
The descriptive mineralogical parts of the book recorded the principal localities at which each
mineral had been found, provided some chemical analyses, gave tables of measured angles,
EARLY MINERALOGY 67
recorded the fundamental angles (but not parameters), and gave lists of forms identified, illus-
trated by figures and by stereographic projections. The book with index ran to 697 pages with
647 figures. Story-Maskelyne described it as 'a monument to Miller's name. It will not be super-
seded and will always be referred to' (Maskelyne, 1880).
After the publication of this book Miller wrote several important papers on crystallography.
One was his first statement 'On the anharmonic ratio of radii normal to four faces of a crystal
in one zone' (Miller, 1857a). A second paper was a development of this: 'An improved method
of finding the position of any face in crystals belonging to the anorthic system'. It uses 'the an-
harmonic ratio of the axes of four zones having a face in common' (Miller, 1858).
These and two later papers on the gnomonic and stereographic projections, published in his
Cry stall ographic Notices in the Philosophical Magazine between 1857 and 1860, were incorporated
in Miller's last book, A tract on crystallography, published in 1863. This, in Miller's own words,
'contains an investigation of the general geometrical properties of the systems of planes by which
crystals are bounded, and of the formulae for calculating their dihedral angles, indices, and ele-
ments, given without demonstration in the last, 1852, edition of Phillips' Mineralogy; or of
equivalent expressions in more convenient shape'. It was in fact a supplement to 'Brooke &
Miller'. The Tract also included two chapters on geometrical and analytical investigations of a
system of planes suggested to Miller by a paper by C. Q. Sella in 1856 on which Miller had already
published a short paper in 1857 (Miller, 1857b).
Miller died in Cambridge in 1880 at the age of eighty. He had held the professorship for 48
years. There were many tributes to the man and to his work; several of these have been referred
to, and quoted from, by A. J. Berry (1960) in his paper to which I have so often referred and from
which I have derived so much information. Notable among these is one by T. G. Bonney in the
St John's College Magazine (Bonney, 1880), and one in Nature by Story-Maskelyne who wrote:
'He placed the keystone in the arch of the science of crystallography. Future development of that
science will follow on the lines laid down by Miller' (Maskelyne, 1880), a prophecy which has
been abundantly fulfilled.
At Oxford, Maskelyne had been appointed Professor of Mineralogy in 1861 (see p. 64).
He published little on crystallography at this time but preferred to concentrate on his teaching.
However, he had in hand a book, parts of which formed the basis of his lectures on crystallography
in the 1860s and, as Maskelyne states in his preface, was indeed in print. Unfortunately, it was
not published until 1895 and then only as a result of persuasion and assistance from Lazarus
Fletcher and Henry Miers, both pupils of his and colleagues at the British Museum (Natural
History) (Maskelyne, 1895). Even as late as 1895 it seems to have been the first text-book in
English to deal in detail with the subject since Miller. The chapters on crystal symmetry received
high praise from A. E. H. Tutton in his review of the book (Tutton, 1895), but he criticized
Maskelyne for setting his axes with OX to the right of the origin and OY to the front instead of
making OX the front and OY to the right, which was the orientation used by P. Groth in, for
instance, his Physikalische Krystallographie (1876), which continental crystallographers followed,
and which Lewis adopted in his Treatise in 1899. However, it is only fair to Maskelyne to remark
that when he actually wrote parts of his book and had had it set up in type he was following the
orientation used by Miller whose last book, the Tract, was published probably about the time
Maskelyne was writing.
Tutton describes as almost prophetic a passage which Maskelyne wrote when considering the
ultimate significance of symmetry {op. cit., p. 171). Tutton quotes from the passage the most
important sentence, but it seems worthwhile to reproduce the whole passage here: '. . . the whole
treatment of crystallographic symmetry on the assumption of planes and axes of symmetry,
actual or potential, represents a geometrical abstraction; an abstraction that needs for its de-
velopment and due expansion a complete science of position applied to the molecular mass-
centres, competent to embrace not merely the relative distribution inter se - the intermodular
distribution - of the chemical molecules constituting the crystallised substance, but also the
intromolecular arrangement of the atoms, or molecules of secondary order, whereof the molecules
of the substance are themselves composed. Then the true significance of the ideal planes and axes
of symmetry will be understood; and they will assuredly retain a place in the explanation of
68 W. CAMPBELL SMITH
crystalline symmetry, since they rise into recognition directly from the fundamental principle of
rationality of indices and are controlled by its consequences.'
The classification of crystal forms into the six (or seven) systems of symmetry now in use by
geometrical crystallographers was developed from the early ideas of Rome de l'lsle and Haiiy
mainly by Mohs and Weiss and later by Naumann in Germany and Austria, and by Michel
Levy in France. We cannot claim any considerable contribution to this classification by British
mineralogists in these early days.
At first Mohs had grouped all crystal forms in four systems: Cubic (or Tesseral of Whewell),
Pyramidal (Tetragonal), Rhombohedral, and Prismatic (Rhombic), considering as hemihedral
those forms with half the number of faces of the holohedral forms. These he later brought into
two more Systems, Monoclinic and Triclinic. These six systems were those adopted in 'Brooke &
Miller' (1852) and only slightly modified by later authors. W. J. Lewis in Cambridge and Alfred
J. Moses in Columbia University (both writing in 1899) divided the Rhombohedral System into
two, Rhombohedral and Hexagonal; but E. S. Dana (1892) had adhered to the single system
naming it Hexagonal, and H. A. Miers (1902) had the same six systems but preferred the name
Cubic to the Isometric adopted by American authors.
After this short digression on the names of the crystal systems one must return to the early
years of the nineteenth century to record something of the work of Sir David Brewster, whose
discoveries of the optical properties of crystals established the correlation of these properties
with the symmetry of the crystals. His work on these phenomena commenced about 1815 and
some of the most important results were brought together in a paper read before the Royal Society
in January 1818 (Brewster, 1818). In this paper he showed that whereas minerals and salts crystal-
lizing in the Hexagonal and Tetragonal systems had a single optic axis parallel in direction to the
principal axis of the crystal, those crystallizing in the Prismatic, Oblique, and Anorthic Systems
possessed two optic axes the positions of which he described.
Without any of the conoscopes or polarizing microscopes later available, but using plates of
glass as polarizer and analyser, and a candle-flame or the sky as a light source, he described
most of the phenomena now familiar in our text-books on crystal optics. He observed and
described the coloured rings and the black cross shown by uniaxial crystals, the lemniscates and
brushes of biaxial ones; the properties displayed by sector twins of amethyst, aragonite, and
analcime; and he wrote on the value of all this in the determination of mineral species: an almost
endless list of observations and all new (Brewster, 1834). All these and more were briefly recorded
by Whewell in his report to the British Association already referred to (Whewell, 1833), and in
the same report he summarized Sir John Herschel's demonstration of the dispersion of the optic
axes, the rotatory polarization of light, and the correlation of the direction of rotation of the
plane of polarization with right- and left-handedness in crystals (Whewell, 1833, 1857).
These observations of Brewster's, and of Herschel's must have had an effect on mineralogists
comparable to that of von Laue's demonstration of the diffraction of X-rays by the crystal
structure of zinc-blende in 1912. Herschel himself wrote of Brewster: 'The discovery of crystals
which possess two axes of double refraction, . . ., is perhaps the greatest step which has been
made in physical optics since the discovery of double refraction itself by Bartholinus. ... It has
opened new views on the structure of crystals, and will in all probability be the means of leading
us to a more intimate knowledge of the nature and laws of those forces by which the ultimate
particles of matter act on light and on each other' (Herschel, 1822 : 21).
To return now to the work of Nevil Story-Maskelyne, Professor of Mineralogy at Oxford;
he had been appointed also Keeper of Minerals in the British Museum in 1857 (p. 64) but still
carried on his teaching. Since the death of Charles Konig in 1851 there had been no one on the
staff of the old Department of Natural History in the British Museum interested in minerals.
With the appointment of Maskelyne the Department began to play a more important part in
the progress of mineralogy and crystallography in London.
In spite of miserably poor conditions for testing minerals or measuring crystals Maskelyne
succeeded in getting some reliable work done. He had to assist him with the Collection only
Thomas Davies, then a complete novice of 21 but who, under Maskelyne, became a very compe-
tent mineralogist. Davies was appointed in 1858. In 1862 Maskelyne invited Viktor von Lang
EARLY MINERALOGY 69
(later Professor of Physics in the University of Vienna) to join him as an 'Assistant'. Together
they produced numerous 'Mineralogical Notes' in the Philosophical Magazine for 1863 and 1864.
It was not until 1867 that Walter Flight joined the Department as a chemist and a laboratory
was set up at no. 46 Great Russell Street because neither gas lights nor burners were allowed in
the rooms of the British Museum.
In the Philosophical Magazine von Lang's papers were on the crystal forms of numerous
minerals, while Maskelyne contributed one on connellite and one on columbite, all giving angular
measurements and all well illustrated by crystal drawings. In his paper on connellite Maskelyne
describes how he succeeded in measuring extremely small crystals by attaching to the Wollaston
goniometer a small plano-convex lens in front of a small telescope 'which converts that telescope
into a sort of microscope of low power', so introducing a device later used in horizontal gonio-
meters by Fuess and others.
Maskelyne's other papers in this series of 'Notes' gave a general account of stony meteorites
and descriptions of fifteen stones in the British Museum meteorite collection. He followed these
with a paper read before the Royal Society in 1870 on the mineral constituents of meteorites.
In connection with his work on meteorites, as early as 1861, he had a binocular microscope fitted
with a polarizer and analyser and a rotating stage to assist him in the identification of minerals
in thin sections of stony meteorites, the preparation of which he describes.
Maskelyne reclassified the great mineral collection following the crystallo-chemical system of
Gustav Rose and replacing the system of Berzelius adopted by Konig in 1828. The rearrangement
of the collection was made with the move of the Natural History Departments to the new
Museum at South Kensington in mind but the actual move was not completed in Maskelyne's
time. He had to give up his appointment at the Museum on the death of his father in 1879.
In the last few years he had two of his old Oxford pupils as Assistants: W. J. Lewis, from 1875 to
1877, and Lazarus Fletcher, who was appointed in 1878 and succeeded to the Keepership in
1880 on Maskelyne's retirement.
This completes my account of early mineralogy in Great Britain, covering a period of 200
years and bringing us to the foundation of the Mineralogical Society of Great Britain and Ireland
over a hundred years ago (Smith, 1976).
Acknowledgements
In conclusion I have to acknowledge my great indebtedness to Dr A. Clive Bishop, Keeper of
Minerals, and to Dr D. R. C. Kempe, Deputy Keeper, Mr R. T. W. Atkins and Mrs E. V.
Brunton, Librarians, for their help in revising the list of references and reading the typescript and
seeing it through the press; also to Mr Peter G. Embrey of the Department of Mineralogy,
particularly for his notes on Sir John St Aubyn and his collection, and to the staff of the General
Library of the Museum. I am also indebted to Dr L. P. S. Piper, Vice-Principal of Cornwall
Technical College, to Dr Roy Porter of Churchill College, Cambridge, and to Miss Susan Turner
of the Hancock Museum, Newcastle upon Tyne, for their help, which I have also acknowledged
in the text.
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EARLY MINERALOGY 71
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74 W. CAMPBELL SMITH
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Woodward, H. B. 1907. The history of the Geological Society of London. London, 336 pp.
British Museum (Natural History)
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Emanuel Mendes da Costa (1717-91) and the Conchology, or natural
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Early mineralogy in Great Britain and Ireland. By W. Campbell
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The Forster collection of zoological drawings in the British Museum
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John George Children, FRS (1777-1852) of the British Museum.
Mineralogist and reluctant Keeper of Zoology. By A. E. Gunther.
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^UM
<* *\ .1?
Bulletin of the
British Museum (Natural History)
John George Children, F.R.S. (1777-1852)
of the British Museum. Mineralogist and
reluctant Keeper of Zoology
A. E. Gunther
Historical series Vol 6 No 4 29 June 1978
The Bulletin of the British Museum (Natural History), instituted in 1949, is issued in four
scientific series, Botany, Entomology, Geology and Zoology, and an Historical series.
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World List abbreviations: Bull. Br. Mus. nat. Hist. (hist. Ser)
Trustees of the British Museum (Natural History), 1978
ISSN 0068-2306 Historical series
Vol 6 No 4 pp. 75-108
British Museum (Natural History)
Cromwell Road
London SW7 5BD Issued 29 June 1978
John George Children, F.R.S. (1777-1852) of th
British Museum. Mineralogist and reluctant
Keeper of Zoology
A. E. Gunther
c/o General Library, British Museum (Natural History) London SW7 5BD
This Essay has been written to Commemorate the 200th anniversary of the birth of John George
Children on 18 May 1977
Contents
Introduction 75
Family and education 76
The Royal Institution, 1800 78
Mineral chemistry at Ferox Hall, 1806 78
Mr Humphry Davy at Ferox Hall, 1808 79
Failure of the Tonbridge Bank, 1812 81
Children at Montagu House, 1816 82
Sir Humphry Davy as Trustee of the British Museum, 1820 83
Children's transfer to Natural History, 1822 84
Lamarck's Genera of Shells, 1824 85
Children as zoologist 86
Entomology and the Entomological Society, 1830 90
The new British Museum, 1828 91
Secretary of the Royal Society, 1830 94
Select Committee on the British Museum, 1835-1836 94
The new British Museum, transfer, second phase 1838-1841 99
Retirement, 1840 100
Acknowledgements .101
Notes 101
Bibliography of the works of J. G. Children 104
List of portraits of George Children (1742-1818) and John George Children (1777-
1852) 105
References 105
Introduction
Much of what is known of the personal life of John George Children may be found in the bio-
graphy of a dutiful daughter, Anna Atkins, written in the year after her father's death (Atkins,
1853). It is one of those mid- Victorian biographies which add so much to our understanding of
the period. The author inherited something of her father's intelligence, and her work is more
objective and better documented than many of its genre. A modern assessment would still find
Children to be a man of character, cultured, highly intelligent, sociable and god-fearing. What it
does for a scientist of unusual ability, even by present-day standards, is to place his life in per-
spective against his achievements in science and the institutions with which he was associated.
If, because of the unusual circumstances of his career, he contributed relatively little to the science
of zoology, he should be remembered for having the care of the natural history collections during
the unsettled period following the Napoleonic wars. His eighteen years as Assistant and as Keeper
included the transfer of the collections from the old British Museum in Montagu House to the
new building on the same site, the first phase taking place in 1830, and the second in 1840.
While he may have taken a larger place in the story of the British Museum than in the advance-
Bull. Br. Mus. nat. Hist. (hist. Ser.) 6(4) 75-108 Issued 29 June 1978
75
76 A. E. GUNTHER
ment of its science, his contribution to neither was negligible. In his chosen field of mineral
chemistry, however, he was a pioneer, with a critical and creative mind which today would have
brought him eminence as a research chemist in either the academic or the industrial fields.
The events in this essay which have been taken from Anna Atkins' Biography may be easily
traced in its pages whether dates are given or not. But reference to two outstanding omissions in
it must be made. The first is the failure to link the Royal Institution with Humphry Davy's and
Children's experimental work ; the second is the failure to give weight to the need for an enquiry
by the Select Committee of the British Museum in 1835. This essay aims also to examine more
closely the circumstances in which John Edward Gray (1800-1875) served his apprenticeship
before succeeding Children as Keeper of the Zoological Collections in 1840.
About a tenth of the volume of Anna's biography comprises her grandfather's and father's
verse which does much to reflect their attitude towards life. On the paternal and maternal sides
of both families, it is worth noting, there were parsons, a fact that may account not only for the
Christian response in both their lives, but also to the evangelicism which formed a part of John
George's character (Anon. 1970; Woodgate & Woodgate, 1910 : 493).
Family and education
The Childrens (the name is a typically Kentish one, although brought, it is said, by a Duke of
Gloucester from the Chiltern Hills) had been established in Kent at least since the 14th century.
In the 17th century, an early George Children (1606-1670) went to Tonbridge School and to
Oxford, later becoming Curate of Tonbridge,1 and was the first member of the family to live at
Ferox Hall. This was a large, handsome, brick and stone Georgian house with a fine staircase ris-
ing out of a two-storied hall, built by him nearly opposite the School on the site of the old tithe
barn at least of Elizabethan age (Woodgate & Woodgate, 1910 : 279).2 George Children (1742-
1818), the father of John George Children (1777-1852), also went to Oxford and, he inherited
Ferox Hall (Harrison, 1887).3 Although called to the Bar in 1753 and becoming a Bencher of the
Middle Temple and Treasurer (or head of the Society) in 1804 (Hart, 1933), he never practised,
but instead became Justice of the Peace and Under-Sheriff of the Counties of Kent and Sussex.
He was an example of the cultured 18th-century country gentleman, giving his time to the affairs
of the town and to the upbringing of his son. However, he was interested in experimental science,
being chiefly excited by the electrical discoveries of Volta. A wealthy man, he was also one of the
proprietors of the Med way Navigation Company, a flourishing concern that during the 18th
century brought increasing trade to Tonbridge. Feeling that the town needed the services of a
bank to encourage its expansion, Children together with two friends established 'The Tonbridge
Bank' with himself as senior partner, in 1792 (Woodgate & Woodgate, 1910 : 376). But being
country gentlemen without financial expertise, their firm fell a victim to the recurrent financial
crises of the Napoleonic Wars, an event that plays a significant part in this story.
John George Children was born at Ferox Hall on 18 May 1777. His mother died a few days
later and the boy was brought up in the freedom of the estate by an indulgent father and by the
family nurse to whom he gave a boy's warm affection. After attending Tonbridge School (1786-
1790), John was sent at the age of 13 to a tutor at Cambridge (a Mr Maud), who was to prepare
him for Eton. The only one of Mr Maud's reports to survive suggests unusual promise, in that
the boy
*. . . is far the best of those who read with him, and by the time he has fulfilled his year, he
will be better qualified for his place at Eton than any boy I have ever sent there . . .'.
(Atkins, 1853 : 10)
While at Cambridge, the boy's interest in science appears to have been awakened by his uncle,
the Rev. J. T. Jordan.4 His letters to his father at this time contain an element of precociousness :
T think I may venture to say that I understand the Rule of Three, both direct and inverse,
perfectly, as likewise everything else I have gone through.'
(Atkins, 1853 : 13)
JOHN GEORGE CHILDREN
77
Fig. 1 George Children (1742-1818) of Ferox Hall, Tonbridge, Kent in 1806. Oil on canvass by
A. J. Oliver R.A. (1774-1842). Donated to the National Portrait Gallery by Mr John Charles
Children in 1977.
7g A. E. GUNTHER
His years at Eton were active and happy, but his health, never robust, was not improved by the
river climate. In 1795, at the age of 18, he passed into Cambridge as a Fellow Commoner of
Queens' College, but preferring marriage to a university education, he did not proceed to a
degree. Instead he courted a young lady, Hester Anna Holwell, daughter of a Lieut-Colonel
Holwell whose father, Governor Holwell, had in 1756 been one of the survivors of the Black
Hole of Calcutta. They were married in June 1798.
The Royal Institution, 1800
In March 1799 was founded a national institute, named the Royal Institution, which aimed at the
'promotion of science and the diffusion and extension of useful knowledge' and was destined to
have a vital bearing on Children's life. In framing its constitution, Lord Romford, the founder,
set up Committees of Managers and Visitors, and sought subscriptions from wealthy men with
an interest in science. On Friday, 21 March 1800, at an Extraordinary Meeting of the Institution,
George Children senior of Tunbridge (sic), Kent, was admitted as a 'Life Subscriber', and at a
Meeting of the Managers on 7 April 1800, John George Children was also proposed by Sir
Joseph Banks, one of the Managers, as a 'Life Subscriber' (Anon., (Royal Institution) 1800-
1836; Archives of the Royal Institution, 28, 47). There is no record of Children senior having any
further contact with the Royal Institution, nor of John George until his election as Visitor in
1826. But it is significant that the appointment of Humphry Davy (1778-1829) early in 1801 as
lecturer in chemistry was followed on the last day of that year by a New Year display of fire-
works of John's own manufacture at Ferox Hall (Atkins, 1853 : 37). The assumption could be
that John attended Davy's lectures during that year. However, John's early scientific pursuits were
interrupted when, after a protracted illness following the birth of a daughter, Anna (1799-1871),
his wife died, after only 18 months of marriage. For solace John spent much of the next two years
in travel, first to Portugal, then to Ireland, and in 1802 to the United States and Canada. There he
received the Colonial style hospitality accorded to the son of a country squire, but his constitution
again faltered during the passage on Lake Ontario from York to Kingston when he went down
with a severe attack of 'lake fever', presumably malaria. Cutting short his visit, he returned to
England in November with an odd miscellany of 'plants, a canoe, and among other things an
eagle' (Woodgate & Woodgate, 1910 : 301).
Mineral chemistry at Ferox Hall, 1806
The year 1802 found the country in an unsettled state following the improvised peace of the
Treaty of Amiens, and the counties were recruiting militia against the possibility of a French
invasion. The West Kent Militia, which Children joined on his return from America, was a key
force in the country's defensive system, fortified by contributions from the landed gentry including
Children's father. A force of 6000 men was commanded by these gentlemen and their sons,
among them Lord Camden (1759-1840) (Rigg, 1896):5
'Probably no mess-room contained a more gentlemanly set of men, not any better qualified
for duty had they been called into active service.'
(Atkins, 1853 : 59)
In 1805 a recurrence of fever forced John George to resign and it is possible that the realization
that he could never serve his country in a time of crisis brought him, now approaching 30, to a
more purposeful frame of mind than hitherto. Significantly, Anna Atkins implies in her biography
that 1805-1806 was something of a turning point because, forced to leave the militia, her father
'. . . now began to devote himself principally to science and mechanics, the great delight of
his life, neither of which he ever ceased to pursue as opportunity permitted.'
(Atkins, 1853 : 66)
JOHN GEORGE CHILDREN 79
When his father's neighbours heard after his wife's death that John was off to Lisbon, they
gossiped in their letters that:
'John George Children is gone to Lisbon and means to proceed to Italy. If he never returns
it will be no loss in my opinion.'
(Woodgate & Woodgate, 1910 : 357)
'I suppose you have heard now all about John George ; he will never come back again in a
whole skin, in my opinion.' And later: 'John George, a little bird told me, is coming home.'
(Woodgate & Woodgate, 1910 : 390-391)
The character of a young man of exceptional intelligence, greatly spoilt as a boy, may have been
misjudged by his neighbours, but it required the shock of the loss of his wife, followed by having
to leave his friends in the defence of the country, that led him to seek his real vocation in science.
Hence forward Children's main interest appears to have lain in the chemistry of minerals. In
1806, to acquire material for its study, he set out on a tour of the better known geological ex-
posures of Wales and Cornwall. Starting from Oxford, where he presumably went to visit the
Old Ashmolean Museum (Gunther, 1925:331), proceeded into central Wales - Shrewsbury,
Ludlow, Much Wenlock - 'to hunt for dog's tooth spar in limestone rock' ; thence he travelled
down the Wye by boat on to Cheddar, and by Exeter into Cornwall, the terra firma mineralogica,
and the main objective of the tour. The collection of rocks and minerals he returned with was the
first and only collection his daughter records his having made (Atkins, 1853 : 66).
In view of his interests, it is surprising that Children had not joined the embryonic Geological
Society, which came formally into being in 1807, since it was heavily biased towards the study of
minerals (Woodward, 1907). One would also have expected some record of his attendance at the
Royal Institution where Humphry Davy was lecturing on geology as well as on chemistry, and
gathering together a collection of some 3000 mineral specimens. Virtually the next record is of
Children's election, on 12 March 1807, to the Fellowship of the Royal Society. Whether there is
any significance in the citation recommending him as 'likely to become a valuable member of the
Society',6 rather than one who had already made some major contribution to science, is open to
question, but his sponsors did not include any who were to witness his experiments with the voltaic
battery a year or so later. Two of Children's sponsors were titled. Lord Romney (Charles,
Viscount Marsham) (1744-1811), F.R.S. (Anon., Burke, 1970), was M.P. for Maidstone and
Kent as well as Lord Lieutenant of Kent, and was well known to Children senior. Charles
Stanhope (1753-1816), the 3rd Earl, Viscount Mahon, was the troublesome, democratic politician,
but also the brilliant scientist, a prolific inventor and F.R.S. , who in 1779 contributed a paper on
the Principles of Electricity to the Society, but is not mentioned in connection with Children's
own work (D.N.B. 54 : 1). The others included Edward Rudge (1763-1846), F.R.S., a botanist
and antiquary (D.N.B. 49 : 383), and Matthew Smith, F.R.S., a captain in the Royal Navy
(Thompson, 1812). The remaining two, Edmund Antrobus, F.R.S., and Thomas Harrison,
F.R.S., are lost to view.6 Whereas, two years later, after the presentation of Children's first
paper to the Society, there could have been ample grounds for recommending him for election,
the bestowal of such an honour in advance suggests an element of patronage not uncommon in
those days, albeit in his case justified in the event.
Mr Humphry Davy at Ferox Hall, 1808
In 1800 news arrived in England of Professor Volta's (1745-1827) discovery of the galvanatic
pile, which by providing a source of 'electric fluid' offered an additional tool in chemical analysis.
It was a discovery of the greatest importance to a practical chemist such as Humphry Davy at
the Royal Institution, but the problem remained of how to build a battery large enough to give a
high voltage. One should ask what were the relations between the Childrens and the Royal
Institution, and possibly Davy, from 1800 until their known collaboration with Davy in 1808 in
his experiments using the voltaic battery built by the Childrens. It is a strange omission from
gO A. E. GUNTHER
Anna Atkins' life of her father that she makes no mention whatever of the Royal Institution,
or of any connection her father or Davy may have had with it. It seems scarcely conceivable that
the Childrens could have embarked on so complex and costly a technical venture as the building
of a large voltaic battery without consulting an experimentalist of Davy's ability or even some
of his colleagues who were working in the same field. Yet there is no evidence to suggest other-
wise; indeed, there is no record of Davy's collaboration with Children until his first visit to
Ferox Hall in 1808. If John George had attended Davy's lectures at any time in the previous seven
years, Davy could well have been the inspiration not only of Children's interest in mineral
chemistry but also for invoking electricity to aid him in his studies. Yet on this subject the Atkins
biography, and other sources, including Children's obituaries, are silent.
In Atkins' biography, Humphry Davy is first mentioned in a paragraph on page 74 as '. . . that
great chemist whose career from an early period Mr. C. [Children senior] had watched with
great and sincere interest'. The page deals with events (undated, but in chronological order) of
around 1808, and mentions the existence of the laboratory, the suggested date for which is
c. 1806. It is suggested that the reason why Davy did not enter the biography earlier was the fear
that John George's collaboration with him might detract from the importance of the latter's
achievement.
The construction of a voltaic battery larger and more powerful than any previously built
called for money and considerable technical knowledge, and these father and son are on record
as having provided. Children senior
'. . . retired from the active exercise of his business and gave his energy and money to aid
his son in constructing new and large galvanatic batteries.'
(D.N.B. 10 : 249)
A special building was required, and sometime after 1801, perhaps as late as 1806, a laboratory
was built in the grounds of Ferox Hall, and it probably stood between the Hall and the Priory,
a stone's throw down Bordyke (Hoole, 1970). In October 1808 Davy visited Ferox Hall for the
first time and stayed for some days, afterwards writing enthusiastically of Children's 'magnificent
experiments and apparatus', the results of which 'Banks, Cavendish and Wollaston desire to be
published'. His letter also expressed feelings of unusual warmth, which led to a bond of friend-
ship between the two men which lasted for the rest of their lives :
'. . . the days I have passed in your society are some of the pleasantest of my life. I look
forward with a warm hope to our next meeting.'
(Davy, 5 Nov. 1808, BL. Add. MS. 38,625, f. 1)
Even if Davy and Children had known each other previously, the first days spent in joint activity
created especially strong personal ties. The formal address of 'My dear Sir' gave way to 'My
dear Friend' and to 'My dear Children', and so it remained.
As a result, on 24 November, Children's first paper was read to the Royal Society, being An
Account of some Experiments performed with a view to ascertain the most advantageous Method
of constructing a Voltaic Apparatus for the purpose of Chemical Research (Children, 1809, Phil.
Trans. 99 : 32-38), and received, as had Davy's describing previous experiments, marked atten-
tion. The experiments were continued during 1809 and were observed by such notables as
Cavendish, Herschel, Wollaston, Allen and Pepys. Davy wrote :
'I hope you will not suffer these beautiful and satisfactory experiments of the capacities of
metals to remain still. Write me a letter as egoistical as I have given you. You are pledged to
do good and noble things, and you must not disappoint the men of science of this country.'
(Davy, 1809, BL. Add. MS. 38,625, f. 5)
The records of the Royal Society Club show that Children dined as Davy's guest on 22 September
1808, and having been proposed by Davy and seconded by Banks, became a member of the Club
after the Anniversary Meeting of 29 June 1809 (Davy, 1808-1824, f. 5; Anon. (Royal Society),
1808-1809; Geikie, 1917).
JOHN GEORGE CHILDREN 81
The success of Children's experiments led Davy to construct a still larger voltaic battery at the
Royal Institution. This was followed by an even larger model built by the Childrens at Ferox
Hall and the biggest of its kind ever made:
'In 1813, George Children put in action the greatest galvanitic battery that has ever been
constructed. . . .'
(Anon., Ann. Phil. 1813, 2 : 147)7
Davy continued to visit Ferox Hall to participate in the experiments which found a record in
his papers in the Philosophical Transactions, and the Annals of Philosophy or in Children's final
paper to the Royal Society in 1815 (Children, 1815, Phil. Trans. R. Soc. 105 : 363-374) most of
which were witnessed by one or other members of the Geological Society.8
These early experiments, in which an electric charge was directed onto various chemical or
mineral substances, were not without danger, one such could have deprived Children of his sight
(Children, Anon., 1808). In 1812 Davy's life was put at risk by the explosion of a 'new detonating
compound' (nitrogen trichloride), which confined him to his room at Ferox Hall for several days
with damage to an eye and to a finger. A letter warning Sir Joseph Banks of these dangers was
read at the Royal Society's meeting on 5 November 1812 (Phil. Trans. R. Soc. Nov. 1812,
103 : 1-12). That Children's early experiments had more than passing value is clear from
references made to them in standard works appearing twenty-five years later, notably in Heat
and Electricity (Thompson, 1840, 2 (6) : 372) and Manual of Chemistry (Brande, 1841 : 299-300),
as well as in the earlier History of Galvanism (Bostock, 1818 : 92-96, 99-101).
It was during this period of intense scientific endeavour, attended by success and recognition,
that on 20 December 1809 Children married a second time; sadly, however, his wife Caroline
Wise died in August of the following year.
Failure of the Tonbridge Bank, 1812
The growing instability of the Tonbridge Bank, first evident in 1 807, its continued management by
country gentlemen with little knowledge of finance but, it was said, with extravagant standards
of living and entertaining, brought the bank finally to close its doors in 1812. In an attempt to
maintain his position Children decided to put his knowledge of chemistry to commercial use and
entered into a partnership, which was to include Humphry Davy, with a Mr James Burton,
intended to establish a manufactory for gunpowder. The story of Davy's initial interest in the
project, of his revising the recipe for gunpowder to yield a more effective explosive mixture, and
of his decision, ultimately, not to participate in the venture, is recorded in his letters to Children
between 1811 and 1813. The story was later described in detail elsewhere (Fullmer, 1964); the
transaction, which ended in commercial failure, is not one that does Davy credit and would have
broken a friendship of a less charitable man than Children.
In 1816 the Tonbridge Bank was declared insolvent, and George Children senior became bank-
rupt. At the age of 74, broken in health, he was placed under the care of Sir Everard Home
(1756-1832) (D.N.B. 27 : 227) of the Royal College of Surgeons. Ferox Hall was sold and a
house in Long Acre was lent to him by Charles Hatchett, F.R.S. (1765-1847), until health made
a move to Chelsea, to escape from the smoke of London, desirable, and at 'Cook's Ground
Cottage', the old gentleman died in August 1818. The tablet erected to his memory in the Parish
Church of St Peter and St Paul, Tonbridge, is an eloquent and touching memorial to a cultured
and great-hearted country squire (Anon. 1970).
A few weeks after his father's death, John George Children, accompanied by his daughter
Anna and escorted by Samuel Forfeit Gray (1798-1872), John Edward Gray's brother, took a
trip to the Continent and visited the site of the Battle of Waterloo. There, the party was taken to
see the elm tree under which the Duke of Wellington had stood during part of the battle. When
informed by the guide that the farmer owning the land was intending to fell the tree because
tourists trampled his crops whilst seeking mementos, Children immediately made the farmer an
offer to purchase the trunk and had it shipped to England (Atkins, 1853 : 193-197). To com-
82 A. E. GUNTHER
memorate the event, Children engaged Chippendale the Younger (1749-1822) to make various
items of furniture out of its timber. Three chairs were made: one, called the Wellington chair,
was presented to King George IV (1820-1830), a collector of continental furniture. It stood for
a time in the Guard Room at Windsor Castle and has since remained in the Royal Collections
at St James Palace (Anon., 1967). The second, presented to the Duke of Wellington, was used by
him when sitting for his portrait and is kept by the present Duke in his private apartments in the
Wellington Museum, Apsley House, Hyde Park Corner. The third chair was in the possession
of the Duke of Rutland at Belvoir Castle. Children also had a cabinet made for his mineral
collection, which passed to his daughter, Anna, and is now in the room of the Keeper of
Mineralogy at the British Museum (Natural History) (Anon., 1852).9
Children at Montagu House, 1816
The bankruptcy of his father brought Children to seek 'honourable employment'. Three years
before, seeing the writing on the wall, he had approached Davy to enquire whether there could
be an opening for him in the British Museum at Montagu House. On writing to a friend, Mr
Payne Knight (1749-1824) (Edwards, 1870 : 401-412), an antiquary, collector and politician,
and one of the Museum's Trustees, Davy learned that application should be made to the Arch-
bishop of Canterbury, and, in the case of a scientist, the support should be sought of Sir Joseph
Banks. He wrote to Children :
'I wish it were in my power to serve you more. If the election [of an assistant to Taylor
Combe in Antiquities] had been in the Trustees in General I might have been of some use
Be of good courage, for if the Museum should fail, you have always claims on the gratitude
of men of science, and though there are few of them [as] liberal as Mr. Hatchett yet there
are some who will not cease to exert themselves on your behalf.'
(Davy, 1813 (?), 30 Aug., BL. Add. MS. 38,625, ff. 40-41)
When in 1816 the need for employment became urgent, Davy was again approached. In February
he called twice on Sir Joseph Banks to find him in bed ; he again wrote to Children :
'Be assured that if any place connected with science [opens up] no time should be lost in
urging your claims. . . . Believe me you may trust to my zealous exertions and I hope to be
able to persuade others of your friends to act whenever the opportunity shall occur.
Sincerely Dear Children,
very sincerely yours,
H. Davy.'
(Davy, 1816, 6 Feb., BL. Add. MS. 38,625, ff. 44-46)
Davy's next enquiry was made at the Society of Arts, of which he concluded that '. . . except
in a scientific question my recommendation would have no weight and political patronage only
belongs to political men' (Davy, 1816, 26 Feb., ibid. f. 47). Alternatively the professorship of
chemistry of the Dublin Society was likely to fall vacant; but nothing came of that. In August he
learned that the Trustees of the British Museum were looking for a print librarian, but required
the applicant to be an artist (Davy, 1816, 23 Aug., ibid. f. 49). These further applications having
failed it was thanks finally to the good offices of Lord Camden, a friend of the West Kent Militia
days,5 that Children was offered a post as Assistant Librarian in the Department of Antiquities
at Montagu House whose Keeper was Taylor Combe (1774-1826) (Wroth, 1887, 11 : 429).10
The date on which the Trustees accepted Children's Bond of Surety was 14 December 1816; he
was to receive £30 a quarter and a further £112 for extra duties. Under-Librarians were expected
to attend for six days a week, and to give six hours a day, 9-3 or 10-4. On three days a week
four hours a day would go in conducting parties of visitors through the departments, the balance
of the day going in routine work such as in display or in labelling. The other three days would go
in 'extra duties' such as making catalogues, what we would call 'research' or approving the
application of those who came to use the Reading Room. Since it was Children's habit to apply
JOHN GEORGE CHILDREN 83
himself with assiduity to whatever he undertook, he offered the usual service on the three 'free'
days of the week.11 His knowledge of chemistry was put to immediate use in a novel field, in
analysing the Nature of the Pigment in the Hieroglyphics on the Sarcophagus from the Tomb of
Psammis (Children, 1821); this may have been the first of many subsequent times that analytical
chemistry was used in the British Museum. Nevertheless, the final letter from Davy in the series
quoted above, written sometime in 1817, found Children restless:
'You may be assured that whenever a favourable opportunity [of an opening in science]
occurs I will not lose it; but I pray you do not adopt so despairing a tone. You have numerous
friends, a fixed station in society, a comfortable income, more than many men of science can
command and prospects of better things.'
(Davy, 1817, undated, BL. Add. MS. 38,625 ff. 52-54)
In general, however, it seems that the five years in the Department of Antiquities were contented
ones ; when Children's future there was brought to a close it was much against his wishes. Mean-
while in 1819, Children married on 31 May for the third time; his new bride was a Mrs Eliza
Towers, and they lived at Montagu Place, Russell Square, until 1821 when apartments became
available at Montagu House.
Sir Humphry Davy as Trustee of the British Museum, 1820
In 1821, Sir Humphrey Davy again entered on Children's working life, on this occasion in his
little known capacity as a Trustee of the British Museum. Davy had risen to prominence at the
early age of 23 through his appointment in 1801 as the first Professor of Chemistry at the Royal
Institution, founded two years earlier. He was elected to the Royal Society in 1803, succeeding
Edward Whitaker Gray (1748-1806), Keeper of Natural History (Gunther, 1976), as one of the
Secretaries of the Society. In 1 820, on the death of Sir Joseph Banks, Sir Humphry, as he became
in 1812, was elected President of the Royal Society, which, also brought him, ex officio, onto the
British Museum's Board of Trustees as Banks' successor. On 9 December it was decided that:
'. . . the names of Sir Henry Halford12 (D.N.B., 24 : 39) and Sir Humphry Davy be added
to the Sub-Committee appointed to look after the present state of the specimens of Natural
History in the Museum still remaining unpreserved.'
(Trustees Minutes, C.2766, 9 Dec. 1820)
Davy's function was to exercise a general supervision of the Natural History branch, then under
the Keeper, Charles Konig (1774-1851), in matters of money, purchases, sales of duplicates, etc.
To Davy were also referred problems of a technical nature that came before the Trustees, among
which was the defective heating system of the newly built Townley Gallery of marbles and
antiquities.13 He was asked also to suggest methods for preserving stuffed animals from further
decay,14 for which he designed a model show-case 'composed of permanent materials [which]
shall be perfectly air tight'.15 He was generous with gifts to the Museum, passing on specimens
that came his way and, in return, occasionally taking samples of minerals for his experiments.16
As President of the Royal Society, Davy was able also to bring his authority to bear on prob-
lems arising between the two institutions. Not the least of his services were those he undertook
towards the end of his life in representing the public in negotiations with Robert Brown (1773-
1858), Banks' executor, for the immediate use of the Banksian Library and collections (Edwards,
1870:508; Miller, 1973:226). Davy was also responsible in 1826 for initiating the transfer
from the Royal Society of the Sir William Jones' (1746-1794) (D.N.B. 30 : 174) collection of
oriental MSS.,17 which, although left to the Society, lay outside its competence, and came finally
to the British Museum in exchange for duplicate publications which the Royal Society lacked.
For a man who devoted his life to advancing the experimental aspects of natural philosophy,
it was natural that Davy should find the atmosphere of Montagu House somewhat static. Whether
he expressed his feelings to his fellow Trustees is not on record but a year or two before his death
he certainly delivered his opinion with some force. His brother's biography of Sir Humphry
84 A. E. GUNTHER
(Davy, 1836, 2 : 342-344), published after his death and a few months before the sittings of the
Select Committee of 1836, contained Davy's dictated disparagement which added to the ammuni-
tion used by the Museum's critics. In return, it gave Antonio Panizzi, then Assistant Librarian,
the opportunity of saying what he thought of scientific Trustees, including Sir Joseph Banks, for
their excessive interference (Parliamentary Papers, 1836, 4945, 7 June).
On his appointment as Keeper of the Department of Natural History and Modern Curiosities
in 1813, Charles Konig, who was primarily a mineralogist, had been allocated an assistant in
natural history, William Elford Leach (1790-1836), a young medical student from Edinburgh.
Leach was to establish an international reputation both for the quality of his original work and
for his translation of the works of the French naturalists working with the Baron Cuvier in Paris.
In the spring of 1821 Leach was taken ill, and although given every facility for recovery by the
Trustees, his illness, reputed to be venereal disease, had taken too strong a hold. After leaving for
Italy in the autumn, he formally resigned from the Museum in March 1822. Leach's place in this
account is important because he not only surpassed any of his predecessors in ability as a
naturalist, but he left an example which both his successors, Children and Gray, were to follow.
Furthermore, the impression he made on the Trustees may be judged by the generosity with
which he was treated both in the matter of his remuneration and in the purchase of his collections
after he had left their service.18
Children's transfer to Natural History, 1822
The problem of replacing Leach was less of the shortage of zoologists in the country as of the
poor pay and working conditions in Montagu House, which were not those a man of independence
could accept. Dr William Hooker (1785-1865), at that time aged 31, still almost as much a zoolo-
gist as a botanist, was said to have been invited to apply, but the principal contender was William
Swainson (1789-1855), then working on his collections at Liverpool. Swainson had much to
offer, having worked in Sicily and recently returned from Brazil, but to some he lacked culture ;
he knew no foreign language and had acquired a reputation for inaccuracy (Gunther, 1900).
Faced with the lack of suitable alternatives, the Trustees decided to transfer Children, who was
after all a scientist, from the Department of Antiquities to that of Natural History.19 It emerged
that the prime mover in this was Sir Humphry Davy who, wishing to do his friend a good turn
by bringing him back into the field of science, persuaded the Trustees that it was more important
to have a man of wide culture acceptable to the Museum's circle than a rough-edged outsider.
Children's version of the move was told to the Select Committee 15 years later:
4I do not consider myself anything like the first naturalist in the country. My appointment
was not originally to the Natural History department, but I was removed (I believe by the
act of the Trustees generally in committee) from the department of Antiquities to the
Natural History. This was due at the suggestion of Sir Humphry Davy, a man whom, of all
others, you would probably consider as the fittest person to be a Trustee of the British
Museum. The transfer was effected, as I have said, at his suggestion, and almost without
my being consulted on the subject, and it has proved very much to my disadvantage. It
took place after Dr. Leach's illness prevented his remaining any longer at the British Museum;
it was not made in consequence of any wish of my own.'
(Select Committee, C.3070, 24 July 1835)
The disadvantage was that, since Taylor Combe died in 1826, Children would have succeeded
him as Keeper of the Department of Antiquities. Nevertheless, Children remained unswervingly
loyal to Humphry Davy, coming to his friend's defence whenever Davy's work was criticized
as in the matter of the Safety Lamp (Children, 1816), or in that of the protection of ships' bottoms
from corrosion with copper sheeting (Children, 1824).
Among naturalists, Children's appointment in 1823 as the new Assistant Keeper was the cause
of comment. Swainson's principal supporter was a certain Dr Thomas Stewart Traill, M.D.
(1781-1862) (D.N.B. 57: 151), a young medical man from Edinburgh who had taken up a
JOHN GEORGE CHILDREN 85
practice in Liverpool but was also making a name as an educationalist in the cause of science.
He was given to writing and lecturing and had been one of the movers in the foundation of the
Liverpool Literary and Philosophical Society and the Mechanical Institute. He had struck up a
close friendship with Swainson and, angered at the appointment to the Department of Natural
History of an Under-Librarian, as Assistant under the Keeper, Charles Konig, without any
zoological qualifications, he wrote a well-informed and scathing attack on conditions within
Montagu House and on its management, which appeared in the influential Edinburgh Review
and, being unsigned, received more attention than it might otherwise have done (Traill, 1823).
'With the highest respect for the acquirements of his [Leach's] successor, we cannot approve
his appointment to that department, in which he has certainly little previous experience, and
which, we are told, he has even professed his entire ignorance. No talents, and no industry,
without long previous study, and practical application, can qualify a man for the charge of
the Zoological Collection in the British Museum. His duty is not (in the present state of
things) to be confined to comparing the articles with a catalogue. . . .'
{Edinburgh Review, May 1823, p. 392)
Traill even suggested that the failure to provide
'. . . a permanent provision for an extra Librarian being the cause of the removal of Mr-
Children, from the antiquarian to the zoological department. . . .'
{Edinburgh Review, May 1823, p. 393)
Some time after these events, the Principal Librarian, Joseph Planta (1744-1827), was assured
by Konig that Children, of whom he had a high opinion, had come to welcome the change
(Smith, 1969 : 19); all things considered, however, this appears unlikely. Of those who had
charge of the natural history (zoological) collections between 1765 (with the death of James
Empson) and 1900, Children was the only one not to have entered the field of natural history
through a medical training, and it does not look as if a detailed interest in animal life, except in
its broader philosophical implications, would have occupied a major part of his analytical and
literary mind. Nevertheless, when Charles Konig was asked by the Select Committee in 1835
whether there were 'any more eminent naturalists of the day officially connected with the British
Museum', he replied 'Mr. Children's merits are very great. Mr. Children has done much for
science. He is also well versed in several branches of Natural History', and 'I think he is a good
zoologist.' (Parliamentary Papers, 1835 : 203).
Lamarck's Genera of Shells, 1824
During the five years Children had been at Montagu House, he would have learned much from
Leach of the general international situation in natural history, particularly in Paris where Leach
was in 1818. Entering the field of zoology at the age of 40 without it seems even a schoolboy's
penchant for collecting animals, Children may have seen the advantages in following Leach's
habit of translating the works of the French natural history masters as he himself had already
done in the field of chemistry ; in this way he would learn about a new subject.
The first task to which Children put his hand after his transfer was to continue the rearrangement
of the shell collection which Leach, with the help of his student friend, Gray, had started, based
on the new classification put forward by the French savant, M. le Chevalier Lamarck (1744-1829)
(Leach, 1852; Lamarck, 1815-1822). The Linnean system was inadequate because it was not based
on the living animal - the natural classification used for other living animals - but on the protec-
tive exoskeleton, the shell or test in which the occupant enclosed itself. A major reason at that
time for the importance of shells was their increased use in geology for the correlation of strata.
A sound anatomical classification for Recent shells, as a basis for ordering fossils, had not been
available in Linnaeus's day.
Children was fortunate in that his appointment in March 1822 was followed by the completion
of Lamarck's text on Mollusca in the following August; realizing its value, not only to scientists
86 A. E. GUNTHER
but to the many English amateur collectors as well, he set about writing an English version.
Being himself one of the editors of the Quarterly Journal of Science, he was in a position to
assure its immediate publication (Children, 1822-1824). Accordingly, Children's abstract of the
sixth and seventh volumes of the Histoire Naturelle des Animaux sans Vertebres (1819-1822)
appeared in the Journal in instalments between October 1822 and January 1824. It is a work
with which, not unjustly, Children's name has come to be closely associated. But there was more
to it than a literal translation of Lamarck's system now available to English collectors. The large
number of shells being collected from all over the world called for a revision of genera: an increase
in their number, their more precise definition, and for their illustration, lacking in Lamarck's
work. This, an introduction to Lamarck's system, is what Children's Genera of Shells provided,
including some 250 wood-cuts of the Museum's type-specimens carried out by Children's daughter,
Anna (Dance, 1966). That Children had in his work an eye to a wider public than would be
attracted to a literal translation of the French is clear from his attempt to make it something of a
companion for the average educated but unscientific collector. Many hundreds of notes adorn
the pages ; the etymology of Greek and Latin names are given with aids to understanding the
mythological events from which they derived. Thus Argonaut is explained:
'From argo, the name of the ship which carried Jason from Thessaly to Colchis, and nauta,
a sailor.'
(p. 164)
If a name implied a function, that was described, and Lamarck's French was adapted to use by
an English reader. From the scientific viewpoint, Children refers to the elder James Sowerby's
(1757-1822) current work and took his help in resolving Lamarck's ambiguities whether in
nomenclature or in explanation - that is, if they could be resolved. How wide a use was made of
the Genera of Shells in subsequent decades is not at all clear. It provided the basis for the 1838
edition of the Synopsis of the Contents of the British Museum, signed by Children, but is not
referred to in Gray's Genera of Recent Mollusca of 184720 (Kennard, Salisbury and Woodward,
1931). Today, copies of the Genera of Shells are rare; few could have been printed, and therefore
Children's influence on the malacology of his day was even less than it might have been.
Children's bent for translating foreign works, seen in his approach to minerals as well as to
insects, calls for some comment. There can be few members of the Museum's staff who over the
years translated as much material as did Children, they being concerned rather to add foreign
data to their own. Children, on the other hand, evidently translated solely for the pleasure
derived by a man of culture from adding to a scientific text, since for much of his keepership he
had some work of translation on hand. When did he undertake it ? Perhaps in the long winter
evenings after the Museum closed at 3 p.m.
Children appears to have been actively concerned with the shell collection up to 1 829 when the
Trustees were asked to provide an additional 20 table cases, of which 17 were approved.21 How-
ever, his Genera of Shells remained his only published contribution in this field. In his Miscel-
laneous Autobiographical MSS. (Gunther, in press, f. 10), John Edward Gray tells how, in the
summer of 1823, he called at Montagu House to identify some shells and, meeting Children for
the first time, who found him to know something of the collection, was encouraged to spend his
spare hours helping in the work of rearrangement. From then on any lack of descriptive work on
Children's part was, in the words of Dr Guy L. Wilkins, 'amply rectified by his new assistant,
J. E. Gray' (Wilkins, 1957). Thereafter Children turned his attention to insects.
Children as zoologist
Since there are no departmental records in zoology for the period under review, or indeed until
1835, the work of the Assistant Keeper and his staff must be learned from their publications.
The appointment of J. E. Gray as a daily paid assistant in December 1824 relieved Children of
much of the taxonomic and other details. In the 19 years of Children's service, however, only
three zoological papers other than his work on shells appeared under his name. The first was the
JOHN GEORGE CHILDREN 87
translation of a French paper by Augustus Odier On the chemical composition of the corneaus
parts of insects (Children, 1825) which disproved the authors' conclusions that nitrogen was an
element present only in vegetable and not in animal organisms. The second was the Appendix XXI
to Travels in Central Africa (Clatterton & Denham, 1826). The third pointed out that the Esqui-
maux dog illustrated in St Hilaire and Cuvier's VHistoire Naturelle (Children, 1827) was not
what it purported to be ; it had, in fact, a Newfoundland dog mother.
In each of these contributions Children's part calls for examination. His literary style is generally
detectable but the accompanying appendices on Botany and Rocks in Travels in Central Africa
were by Robert Brown and Charles Konig respectively and it would therefore hardly have been
appropriate for the zoological appendix to be by his daily paid assistant, Gray, who was making
mammals his study. Similarly in the case of the Esquimaux dog, criticism of the work of such
eminent French naturalists should not rightly have come from a junior assistant. In c. 1830
Children's name appeared also on the title page of Illustrations of Ornithology (Jardine, & Selby,
1830) with those of a further half dozen collaborators, but apart from a reference to the Museum's
collection, there appears to have been no need to give Children co-authorship.
In November 1826, Children was elected Chairman of the Zoological Club of the Linnean
Society which, a year later, called for an anniversary address (Children, 1827; Atkins, 1853 : 239).
The meeting was held in the Society's rooms in Soho Square, and Children took the occasion to
define his status as a zoologist, confessing that he
*. . . began the fascinating pursuit of zoological science too late in life to expect to make
great proficiency in it. ... I yield to no man in point of ardent attachment to zoology and
zeal for its success. Circumstances compelled me to abandon a darling pursuit .... I will
not deny that the sacrifice was a painful one, and not made without considerable reluctance;
but were I to begin life again, and had the option of devoting myself to chemistry or zoology
... I think I should prefer the latter as opening up a more extensive view, if possible of the
works of nature ... to a deeper sense of adoration of the Power through whom we live, and
move, and have our being.'
Much of the address provided a useful review of the year's work of British zoologists both at
home and abroad, in phrases more felicitous than was usual at scientific meetings. But in contrast
to his superior, Gray was producing a steady stream of some twenty papers a year and was,
perhaps, so aware of his lead that at the end of a long Monograph on the Cypaediae, which in-
cluded 14 pages of references, he thought it appropriate to refer to his chief's qualities thus:
T take the opportunity of dedicating this curious species to my excellent friend, J. G.
Children Esq. whose extensive acquirements and zeal in science need not my feeble praise.'
(Zool. Jn. 1-3, 1824-1828)
In spite of Children's lack of contributions to zoological literature he gave much to others, and
what he did for John James Audubon (1785-1851), the ornithologist, was typical. In May 1827
Audubon arrived on his first visit to London with the original folios of his work on the Birds of
America, and within a month had been taken to the Linnean Society and to the Royal Society's
Club. It was also on Children's initiative that the drawings were shown to the king, William IV,
and so received royal patronage. Discussions led to the transfer of work on the plates from
Lizars in Edinburgh to Robert Havell in London at an improved quality and price; to restricting
the text to 'nothing more except the biographies of my birds' to save time, and before Audubon
left for the States in April 1829 he had 'given the agency of my work to my excellent friend
Children of the British Museum who kindly offered to see to it during my absence' - of two
years (Audubon & Coues, 1898, 1 : 252-258, 276, 342). It was also Children, with Lord Stanley
(1775-1851) (D.N.B. 54 : 66), who sponsored Audubon's election to the Royal Society and gave
him the news immediately on his return to England in April 1831 (Herrick, 1938, 1 : 437).
In 1829, following his return to the States Audubon 'sent many bird skins, insects and live
specimens to the British Museum and to the British Zoological Gardens' (Herrick, 1938, 1 : 420).
But it was an unfortunate accident that the bird which Audubon named after his friend, Sylvia
Childreni, proved to be a young of the species Sylvia AEstiva (Atkins, 1853 : 239).
88 A. E. GUNTHER
In 1823 Children was called in to help establish the Zoological Journal, the first number of
which appeared in March 1824 and which was 'conducted' until 1826 by Thomas Bell (1792-
1880), James de Carle Sowerby (1757-1822) and himself. From 1827 the Journal was edited by
N. A. Vigors (1785-1840), the first secretary of the Zoological Society, with the 'cooperation' of
nine others including Children. But the journal Children preferred was the Annals of Philosophy,
a Magazine of Chemistry, Mineralogy, Mechanics, Natural History, Agriculture and the Arts,
first issued in 1813. In view of his earlier work, this preference was hardly surprising, since the
Annals had been the first to bring to the public news of the Ferox Hall experiments. From the
start of the New Series in 1821, Children is believed to have assisted R. Phillips and E. W.
Brayley in the editorship (Atkins, 1853 : 208-211).
One gathers the impression that, by 1821, after five years as an Assistant Librarian in the
Department of Antiquities Children found the call of chemistry too strong to resist, and he may
have been stimulated by his new colleagues on the Annals. A year before his transfer to natural
history he returned in his spare time, as his daughter records, to practical mineral chemistry. His
analysis of the Egyptian pigment already mentioned was, after all, of interest to the Department
of Antiquities, but his translation of Jean Rey's of Bazas (1582/3-1645) (Children, 1821;
Partington, 1961, 2 : 632) essay on the Calcination of Metals of 1630, occupying some 50 pages
of the Quarterly Journal of Science, could scarcely be said to be. On the other hand, his translation
of the latest edition of volume 4 of L. J. Thenard's Traite de Chemie Elementaire (Children, 1821)
as a version for the use of a contemporary public, subtitled as 'comprehending the latest dis-
coveries and improvements in this branch of science', served as a preparation for the work he
was about to do. Indeed, in the next 5 years (1821-1825) Children contributed no less than a
dozen papers and notes on mineral chemistry to the Annals of Philosophy, so adding considerably
to his earlier reputation. With the blow-pipe he worked on the newly discovered elements,
cadmium and diaspore, examined the minerals baryto-calcite, babingtonite, torrelite, brochantite
and roselite; he discovered selenium in Anglesey pyrites and silica in sponges (Partington, 1962,
3:715-716). It was all this that inspired Henry James Brooke, F.R.S. (1771-1857) (D.N.B.
6 : 427), the mineralogist, to name a new mineral Childrenite :
'Mr. Brooke has lately described two new mineral bodies; to the first he has given the name
of Childrenite, on account of the attention among other inducements, which Mr. Children
has shown to mineralogical chemistry. . . .'
(Annals of Philosophy, 7 : 316, April 1824, Scientific Intelligence, New Minerals)
For much of his life, Children had no need to turn his chemical expertise to commercial ends'
but two occasions in the 1820s demonstrated the high opinion others held of his competence*
On the first he was partly moved by the ethics of the case, whilst the second was a response to a
challenge that came his way. In 1820, he was asked to act as consultant in a notable legal case
between a firm of sugar refiners, Messrs Severn, King & Co., and a group of insurance companies.
He joined six well-known chemists and others to dispute the evidence of an eminent chemist,
Samuel Parkes (1761-1825) (D.N.B. 43 : 307) who was acting apparently unethically on behalf
of Messrs Severn, King & Co. (Children, 1821). The second instance of Children's involvement
with commercial interests came in 1823-1824 when, as a result of silver speculation in South
America, the mining concerns were seeking a process for extracting the silver from its ores without
the expensive use of mercury which had to be imported from Spain. In his spare time from his
Museum duties Children evolved a suitable process, the sale of which helped to restore his
depleted finances (Atkins, 1953 : 233-237).
These problems continued to engage him until about 1826, but he published nothing more on
the subject. Instead there appeared in the Annals of Philosophy an essay based on the atomic
theory hypothesis being put forward in France by the Swede J. J. Berzelius (1779-1848), and the
Frenchman F. Beudant (1787-1850) (Children, 1825).
In July 1826, after four years in the Natural History Department, Children applied to the
Trustees on the grounds of ill health for two months' absence for a tour of the Continent, which
was to take him down the Rhine into Switzerland and Italy.22 But at Schaffenhausen, on the
Swiss frontier, he was taken grievously ill and had to abandon his journey. After several weeks'
JOHN GEORGE CHILDREN 89
rest he 'bought an easy carriage' in the charge of an experienced courier - for French inns did
not provide the comforts to which an English gentleman was accustomed - and took the road
to Paris. Here he planned to call on Baron Cuvier and to visit the Museum d'Histoire Naturelle,
of which he would have heard much from Leach, Owen and others. In Paris, however, he was too
indisposed to carry out any but the scientific part of his programme and the only social invitation
he accepted was an evening with Cuvier who had previously shown him, together with J. E. Gray
who had happened to be in Paris, around the museum (Atkins, 1853 : 235). On his return a
period of convalescence overran his grant of leave but, since it had been occasioned by ill-health,
the Trustees refrained from deducting any sum from his 'extra allowance'.23
Children had never been constitutionally robust, but from the age of about 45 there is increasing
mention in his biography (Atkins, 1583 : 234) of uncertain health, but the breakdown on the
continental trip was the first occasion on which he had been completely incapacitated for any
length of time.24 The strain on Children's nervous energy from the extra-mural duties which he
undertook is evident from letters to J. W. Lubbock, his fellow Secretary at the Royal Society:
T have been obliged to give up for a while every sort of exertion in the hope of recovery the
tone of my nerves, which, whether from bilious derangement or whatever other cause seems
suddenly to have given way. I hope rest and quiet will restore them but they are not right yet.'
(Letter: Children to Lubbock, 22 July 1832. Royal Society, LUB.C.134)
But the trouble persisted for at least another month.
From the start of his work at Montagu House Children had found it necessary to live outside
the polluted air of central London; shortly after 1821, although granted the use of Leach's
apartments, he rented a house at Hampstead in 1823.25 Thereafter, in summer, he maintained
various/?/^ a terre outside Bloomsbury; if not at Hampstead he lived at Burford Bridge, near
Dorking (1831), Norwood (1832), off Regent's Park (1833), at Wimbledon (1835), Mill Hill,
near Hendon (1837), or at Blackheath (1838).
At the Museum there was more than enough to occupy a Keeper's time. If the structure of
Montagu House made it impossible to refute all the criticism levelled against the Museum at the
time of Children's appointment, considerable improvements had been made in the displays,
as for example the shells; whilst the 'lists', as the early catalogues were known, were providing
some basis for classification and arrangement. Nevertheless, it still had to be reported to the
Trustees, in 1826, that 'sturTed animals still stood on the tops of the glass cases in Room 8'
(Zoology) before sanction was given to enclose them.26 There was still no Classed Catalogue of
the department's books and, to illustrate the close watch kept by the Trustees on what went on,
Children found it necessary to ask their permission to use two of his three spare days each week
(days on which he had no peripatetic duties) to compile such a catalogue. This was despite the fact
that the Trustees in 1 827, and in the interest of a Classed Catalogue for the Museum as a whole,
had requested each Keeper to prepare one such for his department ; the Classification of Zoological
Works which Children and Gray proposed, written (in Children's hand ?) in Latin on four quarto
cartridge paper sheets with Gray's handwritten annotations in red ink, is preserved in B.M.
MSS. 1835-1853, 45 : ff. 3-6.
In November 1826, in spite of his breakdown that summer, Children consented with some
misgiving to become one of the Secretaries of the Royal Society, replacing William Thomas
Brande (1788-1866), who had succeeded Sir Humphry Davy at the Royal Institution some years
before. It seems likely that pressure to accept this appointment came from Sir Humphry himself,
still President of the Society, and who, about to leave for Italy on the grounds of health, wished
to have a friend at the seat of power. He died on his return in Geneva in May 1829. But the
accumulation of duties at the Museum, the Zoological Club and the Royal Society proved too
much for Children's health, and he gave up the Society's secretaryship at the first opportunity,
in November 1827.
In 1826, Children after a long interval was again involved with the Royal Institution by being
elected a Visitor (Anon., 1800-1836). In 1828 he received a unique honour in the award of the
first John Fuller27 Medal (Anon., 1800-1836). The founder's intention was that the medal should
90 A. E. GUNTHER
be awarded every other year for major discoveries in chemistry, but on the first occasion, 21 April
1828, Mr Fuller decided to present Gold Medals himself to the following members:
'Sir Humphry Davy, Bart.
Dr. Wollaston
Chas. Hatchett Esq.
William Thos. Brande Esq.
John George Children Esq.
John Frederick Daniell Esq.
Michael Faraday Esq.'
(As listed in Minutes of Managers Meeting, p. 196)
It was thus that Children's work at two periods of his life found recognition in the company of
the great natural philosophers of the day: in 1806-1816 at Ferox Hall in the development of the
voltaic battery, and in 1821-1825 at the British Museum in the pursuit of mineral chemistry,
leading, happily in his own interest, to a new method of extracting silver from ores without
amalgamation.
In 1830, and again in 1836, Children was appointed a Manager of the Royal Institution and
served on the Committee for the regulation of the Friday evening lectures ; however, he did not
attend the meetings regularly and gave the Institute little of his time.
Children is recorded as having suggested in 1828 that a commemorative dinner be held on the
bi-centenary of the birth of John Ray (1628-1705); it would not be surprising, however, if the
idea came instead from Ray's possibly collateral descendant, John Edward Gray. On 29 November
'. . . a public dinner at Freemasons' Hall was attended by about 130 of the most distinguished
cultivators and patrons of Science, including several of the officers of the learned societies
[including John Gray] and the Professors of Oxford, Cambridge and London.'
(Anon., 1828)
Children was not amongst the eminent speakers, but his health 'was given with hearty approba-
tion'.
Entomology and the Entomological Society, 1830
On the completion of his work on shells, Children appears to have turned his attention to insects.
What initiated this interest is not clear; it may have derived from his father, perhaps as a hobby
of the prosperous Ferox Hall days, since a family in that position would have had no difficulty
in building up a sizeable collection. An obituary asserts that Children
'. . . devoted a considerable portion of his time to the study of entomology, and formed a
very large private collection of insects [put at 37 000], as well as one of the most complete
entomological libraries in Europe.'
(Westwood, 1852)
Children's first contribution to entomology seems to have emerged suddenly in 1828 with a
condensed translation of Ochsenheimer's Genera (Children, 1828-1830) stimulated by the in-
adequacy of the Entomologists Useful Companion (Samouelle, 1819). Thus it might appear that,
as with the Genera of Shells, Children used a contemporary standard work to provide himself
with up-to-date knowledge on a subject, but his approach, as on the previous occasion, was that
of a man of culture with a knowledge of the work of English entomologists, principally Stephens,
Leach and Curtis. The first section of the Abstract appeared in the Philosophical Magazine and
Annals in July 1828, and continued through another 14 numbers into the volume for July-
December 1830. Then, when another Ochsenheimer volume failed to appear, the series came to
an abrupt end. The translation, comprising 150 pages together with innumerable notes and
'Observations', some of considerable length, was no small achievement for a man in charge of a
JOHN GEORGE CHILDREN 91
department currently moving into a new building, who was never strong in health. The work was
followed in the same year by the last of his abridged translations, of Fabricius' Systema Glossa-
torum (Children, 1830). These works of translation by the Keeper of the national collections,
together with the readiness with which he allowed others access to his library, marked him if not
as the first entomologist in the country then at least as the logical focus for the founding of an
Entomological Society. A preliminary meeting of the new association is believed to have been
held in his apartments in the Museum on 3 May 1833 (Neave & Griffin, 1933). At this time a
resolution was passed to form a Committee, which in turn called the First General Meeting of
the Society on 22 May at the Thatched House, St James Street; J. F. Stephens (1792-1852) took
the Chair and a Council was appointed. Children was elected as the Society's first President and
as such addressed the first Anniversary Meeting on 26 January 1835. This address, adjuring the
members of the Society to do their duty by their science, and, in a reference to the unity of nature
reflecting the mind of the Creator, bearing Children's personal stamp of ethics, sought also to
mend the differences between those within and without the Society (Neave & Griffin, 1933 : 86),
namely, whether the Society's transactions should be exclusively devoted to entomology or not.
Children contributed an Introduction to the first volume of the Society's Transactions \ he also
served on the Council from 1837 to 1838 and as Vice-President in 1838.
Whether Children's interest in the state of the collections and in the work of his insect specialist,
Samouelle, was on the same level as his concern with his own rather peripheral activities de-
scribed above remains in doubt because the deficiencies of both were brought forcefully to his
attention by the enquiries of the Select Committee in 1836.
His own single practical contribution was the identification of some two dozen insect species
brought by Capt. George Back from an expedition to the Arctic in 1833-1835 (Back, 1836);
that was virtually all. His final concern with entomology appears almost casual. When he retired
from the Museum in 1840, he put his collection of insects and entomological books up for sale,
resigning from the Entomological Society the next year. In the words of its history he 'appears
not to have further interested himself in Entomology after that date' (Neave & Griffin, 1933 : 120).
The new British Museum, 1828
From the mid- 1820s the East Wing of the new British Museum, the first part of Robert Smirke's
quadrangle, was to be seen rising to the north of Montagu House and plans were under discussion
for the transfer of the collections. In July 1828 the books of the King's Library from Kensington
Palace were the first to be moved in. In December the Trustees enquired of the Natural History
Branch on the then size of the collections and their expected growth, to judge whether they would
fit into the galleries reserved for them.28 An inspection early in 1829 by Konig and Children, who
had evidently not been consulted earlier, revealed so serious a lack of light that the architect was
asked whether a row of windows could not be let into the east wall.29 When told that this was
structurally impossible, a partial solution was suggested in the removal of the interior fittings to
the sky-lights.30
It was anticipated that the new galleries would be ready for the zoological collections by April,
when the Trustees ordered that the
'. . . zoological collections should immediately be transferred to the New Gallery, fully
expecting that sufficient space will be found for the Collections.'31
In June, however, Children was still being told 'to commence forthwith arrangements for Zoology
in the New Gallery', and in July, for 'the Shells to be transferred as soon as possible into that
part of the New Gallery that is over the MS Library'.32 There were, of course, the usual problems
involved in such a move. For the new galleries the old upright cases needed to be deepened and
the sides glazed. There were to be 20 new table cases, new bird stands and stoppered bottles for
reptiles. All these - if not too large - were to be displayed to the Trustees at their Meetings.33
In spite of these urgings, the birds were not moved until February 1830 when it was decided
that the mammals, reptiles, molluscs and fishes were to remain in Montagu House in the three
92 A. E. GUNTHER
rooms previously occupied by the Banks Library.34 Thus the staff were as much occupied with the
rearrangements in Montagu House as with the transfer into the new galleries. But by November
1830 progress was sufficiently advanced for the question of specimen labels to be raised. When
it was found that the cost of printed labels 'greatly exceeded' hand-written ones, a Mr Mackenzie
was engaged at a guinea a week to write them.35
Work on the Montagu House collections was always in arrears because of the lack of general
assistance; moreover, the complicated procedure for adding staff further delayed any formal
application until 1828, when:
'Mr. Children having respectfully submitted to the Trustees that a person is extremely
wanted in the Zoological Branch of the Department of Natural History, who in addition to
his normal duties of the servants of the Department possesses a knowledge of preserving
animals, and that a person of the description might be obtained at the pay of one guinea a
week.
Resolved
'That Mr. Children's representation be laid before His Grace the Archbishop of Canterbury
with a request from the Committee that his Grace and the Principal Trustees will take the
propriety of making such an appointment into their consideration.
Ordered
'That the Principal Librarian undertake the reprinting of the Acts and Votes of Parliament
relating to the British Museum, with the Statutes and Rules thereof, and the succession of
Trustees and Officers; and that an 100 copies of the same be printed for the use of the
Trustees.'36
As a result a Mr Dietrichsen was appointed a year later as stuffer and preserver of animals at
25 shillings per six-day week; although this is the first and last we hear of him, once the collections
housed in the new building started to expand, there was more than enough work to employ an
attendant full time.37 Now that the ice had been broken, requests for additional staff became less
of a formality and soon Children was again indenting for an Attendant, perhaps to replace Mr
Dietrichsen, as he was to do yet again with increasing urgency in the 1830s with the second stage
of the move in prospect.38
In fact, two additional naturalists were engaged in 1831, before the move, George R. Gray
(1808-1872) and Adam White (1817-1863). Gray was the brother of John Edward Gray, and
he at once took over the bird collection from his brother. His presence in the Museum on the
morning of 21 October 1830 does not appear to have received the approbation of the head of the
Department :
'Mr. Konig presents his complements to Mr. Ellis [Principal Librarian] and begs to acquaint
him that there is at this moment, that there has been for a considerable portion of this morn-
ing, a person unknown in Mr. Konig's Department (but who he understands is the brother
of Mr. Gray, extra assistant in that department) engaged in arranging objects of Nat.
History, in two of the rooms adjoining the Saloon. Hearing from the secretary that no
appointment of an additional assistant in his Department has taken place, Mr. Konig
considers it his duty to give this information not doubtful that Mr. Ellis will see the necessity
of immediately putting a stop to this enormous irregularity.'39
The intruder was to give 42 years' service. For the first 12 months, however, he was employed
without pay until in September 1831 he was placed on probation for another 12 months at 15
shillings for each working day. In May 1835 Children's 'indispensably necessary' appeal to the
Trustees led to the appointment of Adam White, an Edinburgh boy of 19 who was paid £70 for
his probationary year, £80 for his second and thereafter at the regular assistant's rate of 1 5 shillings
per day.40
JOHN GEORGE CHILDREN
93
Fig. 2 John George Children (1777-1852), Keeper of the Natural History collections at the British
Museum 1822-1840. Oil painting by an unknown artist of Children during his time as Secretary
of The Royal Society (1830-1837). Presented to the Royal Society by John Edward Gray in 1873.
(Portrait not at present available).
94 A. E. GUNTHER
Secretary of the Royal Society, 1830
By the end of 1830 the transfer of the collections to the East Wing was complete and the new
galleries were to be opened to the public in January 1831. The result was to attract a flood of
specimens from collectors all over the world, such as those sent by General Hardwicke from
Africa in 1830, Gould's from the Himalaya in 1832, Audubon's from North America, A. H.
Haworth's (1768-1833), John Macculloch's (1775-1835) and those of many others.41
Children was now 54, within a measure of retirement. With this major undertaking completed
but lacking an interest in the systematics of natural history, such as kept his principal assistant,
J. E. Gray, endlessly busy at his lists and catalogues, one suspects he looked for a wider field of
activity than offered by the department. He found it, accepting for the second time and, it is
said, both unwillingly and against his better judgement, the Secretaryship of the Royal Society,
which he held for the next five years. The pressure came on this occasion, one must assume,
from Augustus Frederick, Duke of Sussex (1773-1843), the sixth son of George III and Queen
Charlotte and who, himself a scientist, had been elected President of the Royal Society in
1830, remaining so until 1838 (Henderson, 1885). Children had met the Duke, then on a visit
from Rome, in Lisbon in 1801 and a friendship of some warmth was preserved over the years.
Unfortunately, in deference to royalty, his family felt it incumbent upon them to destroy the
Duke's letters (Atkins, 1853 : 33). The record of the lists of Officers of the period show that he
served with J. W. Lubbock (1803-1865), Vice-President and Treasurer (Clerke, 1893), Peter
Mark Roget (1779-1869) as Joint Secretary (Webb, 1897), and with Charles Konig as Foreign
Secretary (Anon., Royal Society, 1837, 3 : 90,360).
This period of Children's secretaryship was not marked by any outstanding event, unless by the
Presidency of the Duke of Sussex. In 1832, the Catalogue of the Royal Society Scientific Books,
to be published in 1839, was put in hand and, together with Lubbock, Children joined in editing
the Abstracts of the Papers of the Philosophical Transactions, Vol. HI, 1830-1837 (Anon., Royal
Society, 1837), a task which could not have been other than a tedious chore. Children's relations
with the President, to judge from a series of letters to Lubbock, were those of a dutiful and tactful
personal secretary rather than of an eminent scientist assuming a secretarial function. He would
wait on the Duke at the royal apartments at Kensington Palace to receive his commands, if
need be taking breakfast there 'at half past ten exactly'. Children's resignation in 1835, partly on
the grounds of health and partly because of the demands of the Select Committee, drew a unani-
mous resolution from the Council :
'That the thanks of the Society be given to their Secretary, John George Children, Esq.
for the zeal and ability which he uniformly displayed, and the many valuable services he has
rendered, in promoting its objects.'
(Proc. Roy. Soc. No. 23, 1835-1836, 10 Dec. 1835)
In 1833, Children was largely responsible, as honorary secretary of the committee, for organiz-
ing the commemoration of the birth of Joseph Priestley (1733-1804) by a dinner at the Freemasons'
Hall, where he joined others in speeches and replied to the toast of the British Museum (Anon.,
1833).
Select Committee on the British Museum, 1835-1836
The Minutes of the Trustees of the British Museum of this period are a constant reminder of how
closely the Trustees were involved in the day-to-day running of the Museum, and how the
consciousness of their responsibility seemed to prevent them from delegating decisions to the
Keepers or even to the Principal Librarian. The latter's duties were rather more those of what
would be called today an 'Assistant to the Directors', rather than of a director himself. Thus,
they did not hesitate to reprimand him in formal minutes if they considered he had erred or,
in the contemporary jargon, that he had merited their opprobrium. At a lower level, the Keepers
were subject not only to detailed control of their expenditure, which was natural enough, but
they had also to seek the approval of the Trustees for the way in which they allocated their 'free'
JOHN GEORGE CHILDREN 95
time, for which they were paid. Approval for their suggestions would come via the Minutes from
the Secretary, the Rev. Josiah Forshall, in the form of a formal resolution. It could happen also
that instructions to Keepers would go beyond what was practicable, but there seem to have been
few examples of this.
Criticism emanating in May 1833 from outside the Museum probably led the Trustees to
enquire about the state of the Shell Collection :
'That Mr. Children report how far the several Collections which he more especially super-
intends are arranged and ticketed with their proper names; and this particularly with
respect to the Shells, and within what time the last mentioned Collection will be completely
named and the names attached to the several specimens.'42
In great haste Children turned to Dr Gray :
British Museum
4th June 1833
(Draft)
'My dear Mr. Gray,
I have received an order from the Trustees of a very unpleasant nature. It refers more
particularly to the general Collection of Shells. I shall report in a way that I hope may be
satisfactory, but I must request at all events that you will suffer nothing to interrupt the
progress of naming the Collection with the utmost possible dispatch. What I require is that
you will have the goodness to give George [G. R. Gray] the names (written in pencil at the
bottom of the boards) of all the Species which you know off hand, and in the meantime I
will make out such of the others as I can find figures or descriptions of, so that ( ?) they be
all working at on a definite object, (for I shall leave the Corals for the present), and I again
must most positively insist on no other interfering with its progress till every shell in the
Collection be named unless an order to that effect, be given by the Trustees themselves.
Your brother's whole time must be devoted to writing the names on the boards, and I beg
he may not be employed in any other manner whatever, without my express approbation.
Ever my dear Gray
faithfully yours
John Geo. Children.
PS. There is no necessity for placing the Shells first purchased, on boards, till they have been
laid before the Trustees. I beg they may be shown in the Lots, exactly as purchased.
J. G. C.
The price of each Lot must be given in at the same time.'43
If it is thought that Gray, because of his lack of status, escaped the opprobrium of authority,
the following note to Children from the Principal Librarian serves to straighten the record:
'The Persons who come to Mr. Gray's Room are stated to me to be so very numerous,
that they must, interfere with the performance of his official duties.'44
To provide details of most of the years of Children's Keepership this account has relied on
records from outside sources, as well as the few publications from his own hand. However,
from 1835, and including a few from 1828, there have survived, not only the official memoranda
and letters of the Natural History Branch which passed between the Secretary of the Trustees
and the Keeper, but also Children's personal Report Book in which he made notes or drafts of
his replies. Here an untidy handwriting, which deteriorated over the years, reveals some of tne
strains to which he was subject until, in 1837, corrections to his drafts begin to appear in the
hand of J. E. Gray.45
These records coincide with the appointment in 1835 of a Select Committee of the House of
Commons to 'enquire into the Condition, Management and Affairs of the British Museum'
(Parliamentary Papers, 1836). The move into the new building had utterly changed the pace of
Museum life, exposing it to the public gaze and showing up the deficiencies in what was now
recognized as a national institution. Its fine new galleries were attracting, from proud donors, an
96 A. E. GUNTHER
avalanche of gifts and collections from all over the world; a wider public thirsted for cultural
'amusement', as it was called, and the work of the staff was becoming progressively subject to the
critical attention of a growing class of scientists, both professional and amateur, who had estab-
lished a number of learned societies in the subjects studied at the Museum. It was, of course,
difficult for a body of elderly trustees, dependent on a strictly controlled Treasury grant, to
realize that the provision of a new building was merely the first step towards what the new public
- who had seen what the French, defeated in war only twenty years before, were making of their
Museum (THistoire Naturelle in Paris - were now calling for.
O^
a#*«i3S^«—— at — -&£s^T ^>*c^ ^wc^^c
J? ^C^y
**>C/<l ^j>~- £l
-1
Fig. 3 Letter from J. G. Children to G. Samouelle, from Letters and Reports, Zoological Branch
British Museum, being memoranda exchanged between the Secretary of the Trustees and the Keeper,
J. G. Children, 1 828-1840, ff. 58, 59. (British Museum (Natural History), General Library).
The Committee's enquiry began in May 1835 and concerned itself first with the literary side
of the Museum's work. In July came the turn of natural history, Charles Konig was called first,
followed by Children on 24 July, and then the other members of his staff. For Children the
exposure to public questioning, which continued until the 1836 Session of Parliament, could not
have been other than a chastening experience. He was then in his 58th year and not in the best of
health. Technically unqualified for the position he held, he did not have the command of detail
that would sit more lightly on a younger man involved in the day-to-day work. Moreover, his
examination by the Committee, lasting one full day, was followed by that of his assistant, J. E.
Gray, for two days in 1835 and again for another four in 1836; finally he was recalled to reply to
the outspoken criticism of Dr Robert E. Grant (1793-1874) (Boulger, 1890), Professor of Com-
parative Anatomy and Zoology in the University of London :
JOHN GEORGE CHILDREN 97
'I conceive that, compared with the corresponding institutions of our Continental bretheren,
the zoological collection of our National Museum, and the management of that collection,
are an opprobrium to the British nation and these enlightened times'.
(Parliamentary Papers, para. 315, 25 Feb. 1836)
It was an accusation that visibly nettled the Trustees who sent at once to Children asking for an
explanation and received the answer that if the collections were to be looked at in detail rather
than generalized about, then the generally accepted truth would emerge; that the zoological
collections at the British Museum had at that time no equal in the world. (P.p. 1836 : 2781-2897,
28 April; Children, 1835-1837, ff. 33, 37). But this was Gray's work, not his, and it was Gray
who gave the Committee what it was seeking : a detailed analysis of the situation relating to the
science of zoology in Britain and on the Continent, followed by a clear and purposeful outline
of the policy for its organization and development within the Museum.
Little wonder, then, that in the life of her father Anna Atkins dismisses the work of the Select
Committee (incidentally one of the most important in the Museum's history) as
*. . . a great and by no means agreeable consumption of valuable time.'
(Atkins, 1853 : 264)
The adjournment of the sessions of the Select Committee from August 1835 to February 1836
gave those involved time to take stock of what had so far emerged; as concerned as any were
Children, Keeper of Zoology, and J. E. Gray his assistant, still without a formal position and still
paid only 15 shillings per working day. In the dozen years since Gray had joined Children, their
personal relations had been, on such evidence as there is, harmonious. But the evidence given by
each before the Committee, if not contradictory, was at least very different in tone and could
hardly leave things as they were ; for this there is evidence in the draft of a letter found amongst
Gray's papers (Gray, c. 1862-1874, MSS.).
In his annual report of March 1836, required by the Trustees from each assistant, Gray had
appended a Memorial (Gray, 1836). This, after explaining the nature of his duties and situation in
the Branch since he joined it in 1824, asked that he be considered for the post of Assistant Keeper.
As courtesy required, he showed the Memorial to Children, who made no objection. But when the
Trustees turned the petition down Gray, without Children's knowledge, wrote a personal letter
to one of the members of the Select Committee, probably its Chairman, Mr Benjamin Hawes,
M.P. (1797-1862) (Boase, 1891), complaining both of Children's competence as Keeper and of
his personal behaviour. Although there remains some doubt as to whether this letter was actually
sent, the questions Children was asked when recalled for an extra examination by the Select
Committee on 28 April 1836 suggest that it was. Omitting charges of a purely personal nature,
since to include them would be making too much of a transient tension between the two men,
the following is a fair statement of Gray's case.
Letter from J. E. Gray to some person, either a member of the Select Committee on the
British Museum 1835-1836 or to someone close to its affairs.
'Dear Sir,
I am extremely sorry again to trouble you with a letter but ... I wish to draw your atten-
tion [as you] asked [during] our conversation . . . knowing that you are a friend of Mr.
Children, and one interested in the business of the British Museum. I greatly regret that I
feel myself under the necessity of complaining of the conduct which I have received from
Mr. Children, because I feel myself greatly indebted to his former kindness; indeed I may
say that I have almost all the regard for him that a son would bear a father, but still I cannot
allow these feelings to prevent me from doing my duty towards the Museum and acting
honestly with myself.
'It was this feeling which induced me always to keep as much as I could from the public,
both in the Museum and in the evidence before the Committee, the little attention that Mr.
Children paid to the Department, to leave out any mention of his recent conduct towards
me, or my official services to the Museum in my late Memorial to the Trustees, as I felt
assured that if the Trustees placed me in any situation on the establishment, that then Mr.
98 A. E. GUNTHER
Children would not think of acting towards me [as he has of late] (?)... but the Trustees
having seen fit to refuse my request, I am now placed even in a more uncomfortable situation
than I was before, as Mr. Children, though he [was] pleased to say, when I showed him the
Memorial, that nobody could deserve to be promoted more than I did. . . .
'It must be well known to you that Mr. Children has given very little attention to the study,
or very little time to the business of the Department, especially since he has been Secretary
of the Royal Society, his time being much occupied (once a week at least) on attending on,
or conducting the business of the President, and on reading and correcting the papers to
be read or published by the Society. Seeing that this was the case, I have exerted myself to
the utmost (often by working during the greater part of the night), to do my own duties as
well as those which ought to belong to Mr. Children, so that the business of the Department
should not be neglected, always consulting Mr. Children and letting him have as much
credit in the Museum as he wished, and I have always followed his directions, only mildly
giving him my reasons why I thought that some other plan might be better. . . .
'. . . and further, when the conduct of the junior assistants of the Department are taken out
of my hands and they are made quite independent of me, through Mr. Children, from his not
being in the Museum cannot exercise sufficient control over them ; and lastly when the only
attendant in our Department is often sent away during the private days, the only one I
could employ for any more laborious occupations, is being usually sent out on Mr.
Children's private business. . . .
'I presume, moreover, [I have been presumptious when,] hearing that he has often denied
to persons who came to consult the Collection etc., I have always held myself in readiness
to see everybody and give him every facility (?) in my power, and it is my pride that I am
able to say that during the time that I have been in the Museum, I have used every endeavour
that the Collection should be [in] the best possible condition for public reference . . . and
we are now in the Committee, receiving the praise of all parties for this facility and attention
to the public.
I am Dear Sir,
Your humble servant,
John Edward Gray.'
(Gray, c. 1862-1874, MS. ff. 124-125)
The third day of Gray's resumed examination by the Select Committee, 28 April 1836, was
interrupted by Children's recall. Children, asked a question about his work as Secretary of the
Royal Society, replied that it occupied only one day a week, and even that after the Museum
had closed its doors at 3 o'clock; however, this denial is hardly borne out by mention in Children's
letters of the calls made on his time by the Duke of Sussex, then President of the Society. When
Children was asked whether Gray was conscientious in his duties, he emphasized that gentleman's
'fidelity to his task' by asserting that he 'never saw Gray otherwise engaged than in the interests of
the Trustees when in the Museum' (P.p. 1836, para. 2895) - a sentiment that may have helped
their friendship but did little for Children's health; the publication of the Select Committee's
Report in July found Children on a month's absence on sick leave.
There were undoubtedly other occasions of friction than that of Gray's refused promotion
between a tired and ageing Keeper and his assistant; one such occurred on 7 April 1837 when
Children, complaining that Gray had not followed the directions of the Principal Librarian in
completing his monthly report with the 'actual duty performed', had refused to accept Gray's
reason and returned his letter.46 But the best testimony to their relationship appears in the support
given by Children to Gray's candidature for the Royal Society:
'Mr. Gray is the best naturalist that I know, especially for his very extensive acquaintance
with species in almost every department of Natural History, including fossil remains. He is
also a good physiologist and comparative anatomist, and will be very useful in all these
branches of science. He is attached to the British Museum. His name was suggested by Dr.
Roget.'
(Royal Society, Lubbock Letters, LUB.C.179, 12 July 1833)
JOHN GEORGE CHILDREN 99
Between the publication of the Select Committee's Report in July 1836 and his retirement in
1840, Children was concerned firstly with the rearrangement which the Trustees accepted from
the Committee's recommendations, and secondly with the next phase of the move of the collec-
tions from Montagu House to the new building.
The Natural History Department was divided in 1837 into three equal and autonomous
Branches - Departments from 1856 -of Mineralogy and Geology, Zoology and Botany which
made Children, now Keeper of Zoology, finally independent of Charles Konig. Each Branch
received an allocation for the purchase of specimens, Zoology receiving £800 a year, and another
£800 for preservation.47 From 25 March 1837, a Catalogue of Accessions was maintained by
the Zoological Branch, the first volume being in J. E. Gray's hand, which continues to this day.48
A revision of salaries in March 1837 gave Keepers £600 a year and Junior or Assistant Keepers
£450, with an extra £30 after 15 years' service. At that time, J. E. Gray, still not rated as Assistant
Keeper, was paid £275 a year, to include Saturdays, and allowed one month's vacation (28
March, f. 55).49 The departmental Assistants were also upgraded from 7 shillings a day in the
first year to 1 1 shillings a day after 5 years, finally after 10 years receiving £180 a year. From then
on the system of 'free days' was abolished, and staff were required to place their 'whole time and
service at the disposal of the Trustees' for 6 days a week, being allowed 6 weeks' vacation each
year.50
Instructions to staff were received, if not through the Secretary of the Trustees, from Henry
Ellis (1777-1869), the Principal Librarian since 1827, an able and hard-working man devoted to
the betterment of the Museum. Orders to Keepers were passed on to the remaining staff in the
form of letters, thus :
'From J. G. Children [Draft] British Museum
7 April 1837
To Messrs. J. E. Gray
G. Samouelle
G. R. Gray
A. White
... a letter which has this morning [been] reed, from the P.L. from which they will perceive
that their Reports must in future specify the actual amount of Duty performed from Month
to Month - and that they must state to me (Sir Henry Ellis' own expression) "where they
began" at the commencement of each period, and "where they ended at its conclusion".
These gentlemen will, therefore, henceforth report the number of Genera and Species
which they have named, catalogued and arranged in the cases, Month by Month, as Mr.
Children will reject every report which does not strictly comply with the direction of the
Principal Librarian.
John George Children.'51
In December this order was amended to require the keeping of Diaries signed by the Keepers
which, as Work Books, were retained for many years.52 In May 1839 staff were accorded the
privilege of submitting their own Annual Reports,53 whilst in January 1840, perhaps in anticipa-
tion of Children's successor, the Principal Librarian required
'. . . a precise Statement of the progress made in the arrangement of the collections . . . and
of the printing, or preparation for printing, Catalogues of the Collections subsequent to the
reports made to the Trustees in June 1838'.54
The new British Museum, transfer, second phase, 1838-1841
Plans for the second phase of the move from Montagu House into the North Wing of the new
building had been outlined in 1835 when the estimate, in Gray's hand, of the display space required
was two to three times what there then was: glass-fronted show cases increasing from 633 to
1828 linear feet, and table cases from 42 to 68. 55 Meanwhile the Trustees urging a revised edition
100 A. E. GUNTHER
of the Synopsis of the British Museum, Children's reply was that this could not be carried out
until the move had been completed, and would then require two separate publications: a syste-
matic catalogue for the student and a popular guide for the public.
In 1837 a provisional allocation of space in the North Wing gave Minerals and Fossils (then
in the Long Gallery of the East Wing) the northern row of galleries; into these, with some difficulty,
Konig fitted them in May 1838.56 Natural History (zoology) presented little difficulty; the furni-
ture was ordered in 1838, the dispositions agreed in 1839, and in 1840-1841 the collections in
the East Wing were rearranged to allow for the final transfer from Montagu House. Apart
from an extension of mammals into the South Wing as far as the Pediment, the collections re-
mained approximately as Children and Gray ordered them until the move to South Kensington
in the 1880s. But Children's request for a room for the Assistants and for three study rooms for
zoologists fell on deaf ears.57 A point of incidental interest is that, in preparation for the move,
Children turned his attention to the fish collection.
Retirement, 1840
It may be asked why Children, now approaching 60, did not retire in 1837 after the findings of
the Select Committee had been implemented. 'Le fin', he was fond of saying, 'couronne tout.'
Whether in view of the shortage of staff he had the Museum's interest at heart, or whether he
wished to share in the historical event of the final transfer of the Collections from Montagu House,
must remain a matter of conjecture. Children's inclinations were those of an 18th-century man
of science, used to dilettantism rather than the mundane day-to-day affairs of the 19th century,
made increasingly burdensome by a precarious health.
'The increasing business in his, as in every department of our national Museum, consequent
on the almost daily acquirements of fresh objects of every kind, required exertions which were
serious in the state of his nerves and health.'
(Atkins, 1853 : 268)
It was the death of his third wife, Eliza, in September 1839, and the three months of disability
which followed, that finally led him to the decision to retire.
*. . . by necessity, not choice, a man of considerable toil . . . for some time desirous to quit
the Museum ... yet he was now daily feeling how needful rest and leisure were becoming
for him.'
(Atkins, 1853 : 271)
At the end of the year he waited upon Dr William Howley (1766-1848), the Archbishop of
Canterbury (Barker, 1891), who prayed that he should not find freedom from labour more
tedious than labour itself. The manner of his going reflected the respect the Trustees had for the
man, socially one of themselves, since expressions of approbation are not usually found in their
Minutes. Children's letter of resignation of 25 March 1840 inspired the General Meeting of the
Trustees to a resolution :
'That the Trustees received with regret the announcement of the resignation of Mr. Children
of his Office of Keeper of the Zoological Collections, and think it due to Mr. Children to
record upon their Minutes the sense which they entertain of Mr. Children's meritorious
services in the Museum during the long period of 24 years.'58
In retirement, poor health denied Children the chance of doing productive work. He retained
his London residence at 48 Torrington Square, but resided mainly with his son-in-law, John
Atkins, who married his daughter, Anna, in 1825, at Halstead Place, Enfield, then out in the
countryside.59 Although he frequently travelled for 'change' on medical grounds, his life was
one of enforced leisure; he rarely enjoyed consecutive days of health but when he did he ex-
pressed his relief in verse. On being invited in 1847 by the Rev. F. P. Bliss, of St John's College
to stay at Oxford during the British Association Meeting, he replied :
JOHN GEORGE CHILDREN J 01
'I really am in that uncertain state as to health, that I cannot answer for myself from day
to day, my old complaints have brought on a distressing state of the general surface of the
mucous membrane of the throat and nostrils and which kept me for some days in almost
constant state of coughing and nose bleeding - to the great discomfort of myself and an-
noyance of all around me. . . .'60
With such strength as remained to him, he returned to the lathe-work of his school days, but the
subject which absorbed him was astronomy and he bought a fine new telescope. As in the case of
chemistry, he had lectured in the subject with an amateur proficiency.61 In 1844 he supported the
founding of the Ray Society62 and in 1847 made a final contribution to the PhilosophicalJournal,
appropriately enough on an explosion which followed 'the use of a mixture of spirits of wine and
camphine and oxygen gas as a light for optical purposes' (a magic lantern) (Children, 1847). In
November 1 848 he spent nights observing the transit of Mercury.
Towards the end of 1851, at the age of 74 the years took their toll and John George Children
died on New Year's Day, 1852. His burial service was held in St George's Bloomsbury on 9
January.63 It is believed, but not certain, that Children was buried in the same grave as his third
wife, Eliza, in the St George's Burial Ground, north of the Foundling Hospital, now named
St George's Gardens. Several other members of the staff of the British Museum lie interred in
the same place, but no trace of a monument to Children remains.
Acknowledgements
The preparation of this paper has depended on access to records at the British Museum, the
British Museum (Natural History) and the Royal Society. At the Royal Institution its archives
and minute books have also been placed at my disposal by the Librarian, Mrs I. McCabe. The
officers of the Kent County Council in the County Library at Tonbridge-Malling (Miss S. J.
Hardy and Mrs G. Hodge) also gave me free access to their records.
At the British Museum (Natural History), in the Department of Mineralogy, the Keeper,
Dr Clive Bishop, and Dr Peter G. Embrey suggested additions to the text which also received
most helpful criticism throughout from Dr David Kempe. Thanks are due to Dr J. G. Sheals,
Keeper of Zoology, Mr John F. Peake and Dr Peter Whitehead for various suggestions. Mr
M. J. Rowlands, the Chief Librarian of the General Library, has given constant support to the
research both within and outside the Museum. Mr John Charles Children of Tonbridge, now
head of the family, and Mr Michael Bushby, Housemaster of Ferox Hall, have both contributed
valuable information.
Notes
1. Confusion between the spelling of the names Tonbridge (earlier often written Tunbridge) and
Tunbridge Wells calls for an explanation. Tonbridge, important because on the Medway and on the
road from London to Hastings, goes far back into English history. On the other hand, the chalybeate
springs at Tunbridge Wells (the wells of Tonbridge/Tunbridge), discovered in 1606, brought the start
of a town there in 1680, which in the 19th century outgrew Tonbridge. There was no uniformity in the
spelling of the names of the two places until 1893 when the Tonbridge Local Board responded to ap-
proaches by the Post Office and the South Eastern Railway Company.
2. Ferox Hall, Tonbridge, dates at least from the 13th century; every century since has seen changes.
Its appearance today is that of a building with an 18th-century core, enlarged to the needs of a boarding
house for a school, founded in 1553 (Hoole, 1970).
3. Harrison, William Jerome, F.G.S. (1845-1909), Who Was Who. On George Children, Dictionary of
National Biography, 10 : 249, 1887.
The present head of the Children family, Mr John Charles Children (b. 1919) has a Pedigree going
back to about 1400, but his is a different branch from that of John George Children. The Pedigree was
compiled by G. M. G. Woodgate (Woodgate & Woodgate, 1910) in 1927, and has since been added to.
The records, Children MSS. (U 1866), are preserved in the County Hall, Maidstone.
102 A- E- GUNTHER
4. Jordan, John Thomas, Queens' College, Cambridge, 1772-1775, later Rector of Hickling, Nottingham-
shire. His niece married Lewis Madden, brother of Sir Frederick Madden of the British Museum
(Graduati Cambridgensis, and Atkins, 1853 : 11, 170).
5. Camden, Marquis of (1759-1840), John Jeffreys Pratt, 2nd Earl; seat, The Wilderness, Sevenoaks,
Kent; politician, later Secretary of State for War. Joined Children sen. in founding the Society for
Encouragement of Agriculture in Kent; Trustee of Tunbridge Wells chapel etc. (D.N.B., 1896, 46 : 209;
Woodgate & Woodgate, 1910 : 334, 351, 353 etc.).
6. Royal Society, Register of Election, 12 March 1807. See also, Thompson, T., 1812, History of the
Royal Society.
7. Writers on the history of galvanism seldom fail to describe the Childrens' voltaic battery. It consisted
of 20 copper and zinc plates, each 6 ft long and 2 ft 8 in. wide, which, suspended from the roof, could
be lowered into a tank containing 945 gallons of dilute acid (Children, 1815 Phil. Trans. R. Soc. 105 : 363-
374).
The acid solution used by Children comprised 3 parts fuming nitrous, 1 part sulphuric acid, diluted
with 30 parts of water.
8. The Fellows of the Geological Society who are on record as having attended experiments were:
William Babington (1756-1833), who suggested the use of vessels of Wedgewood ware, William Hyde
Wollaston (1766-1828), William Allen (1770-1843), William Hasledine Pepys (1775-1856), Henry
Warburton (1748 7-1858) and William Thomas Brande (1788-1866). Of these Allen and Pepys were the
most frequent witnesses.
9. An account of this visit was written by Children in a letter from Brussels on 30 September 1818; it
was intended for The Times but was not published until 27 November 1852 when it appeared in The
Illustrated London News, a month after the Duke of Wellington's death (Atkins, 1853 : 193).
Publication was preceded by the gift to the Royal Gardens, Kew, by S. F. Gray, of a snuff-box made
from the elm; it was called by The Times of 5 October 1852 a 'very interesting relic'.
10. B.M. Trustees Minutes, 1816, C.2638, 2644.
11. B.M. Trustees Minutes, 1817, C.2663, 2684.
12. President of the Royal College of Surgeons.
13. B.M. Trustees Minutes, 1821, C.2770.
14. B.M. Trustees Minutes, 1822. C.2808.
15. B.M. Trustees Minutes, 1824, C.2891.
16. B.M. Trustees Minutes, 1818, C.2704.
17. B.M. Trustees Minutes, 1826, GM.1268.
18. B.M. Trustees Minutes, 1822, GM.1192.
19. B.M. Trustees Minutes, 1822, GM.1193.
20. The annotations in the Museum's copy of Lamarck's Histoire Naturelle . . ., Vols. 6 and 7, are almost
exclusively by J. E. Gray, although another hand may also have been involved. (See Gray, J. E., 1847,
List of the genera of Recent Mollusca, Proc. Zool. Soc. 15.)
21. In Montagu House the Shell Collection was in Room IX (or L). The arrangement made by E. W.
Gray was based on the work of Linnaeus and Gmelin in the tenth and twelfth editions of the Systema
Naturae. The Synopsis of the British Museum records the following numbers of table cases of Shells :
1809, 1 ; 1827, 27; if another 17 or so were added in 1829, the total on the move into the New Building
would have been, say, 44. B.M. Trustees Minutes, 1829, C.3190, GM.1340.
22. B.M. Trustees Minutes, 1826, C.2983.
23. B.M. Trustees Minutes, 1826, C.2983, GM.1267.
24. Although the Atkins biography makes frequent reference to Children's health, there is little specific
detail from which a diagnosis can be made. In the Davy letters between 1808 and 1813 there is mention
of gastric trouble, but during the London years one letter (Children, 1846-1847, ff. 404-7) suggested
that his 'old complaint' was chronic sinusitis, not hay fever; there could also have been nasal catarrh
with polypi and infection of the mucous membrane. It is not known if in those days it was the custom to
operate for such a condition.
25. B.M. Trustees Minutes, 1821, GM.1186.
26. B.M. Trustees Minutes, 1826, C.2969, 2973.
JOHN GEORGE CHILDREN 103
27. Mr John Fuller, M.P. (1757-1834), wealthy iron manufacturer aiming to encourage science, elected
Annual Subscriber of the Royal Institution on 17 February 1800 (Archives, p. 129), also Manager
(Proc. Roy. Inst. 44 (205): 331-337, 18 March 1971). His grandfather John Fuller, M.P. (d. 1755) was an
executor of Sir Hans Sloane's will.
28. B.M. Trustees Minutes, 1828, C.3138.
29. B.M. Trustees Minutes, 1829, Sub-Committee, 23, 26.
30. B.M. Trustees Minutes, 1829, C.3177.
31. B.M. Trustees Minutes, 1829, C.3165.
32. B.M. Trustees Minutes, 1829, C.3190, GM.1340.
33. B.M. MSS. Zoological Branch, Letters and Reports, 1828-1840, ff. 4-6.
34. B.M. Trustees Minutes, 1830, C.3231/2.
35. B.M. Trustees Minutes, 1830, C.3285.
36. B.M. Trustees Minutes, 1828, C.3062/3.
37. B.M. Trustees Minutes, 1829, C.3169.
38. B.M. Trustees Minutes, 1829, C.3202.
39. B.M. MSS. 1835-1845, 45 : f. 1.
40. B.M. MS. J.G.C. Report Book, 1835-1837, f. 5.
41. B.M. MSS. Zoological Branch, Letters and Reports, 1828-1840, f. 21.
42. B.M. Trustees Minutes, 1833, GM.1451.
43. B.M. MSS. Zoological Branch, Letters and Reports, 1828-1840, f.12.
44. B.M. MSS. Zoological Branch, Letters and Reports, 1828-1840, f. 16.
45. B.M. MSS. Zoological Branch, Letters and Reports, 1828-1840, and BM (NH) MS. J.G.C. Report
Book.
46. B.M. MSS. Zoological Branch, Letters and Reports, 1849-1853, 49 : ff. 197-198.
47. B.M. Trustees Minutes, 1839, Sub-Committee, f. 143.
48. B.M. MSS. Zoological Branch, Letters and Reports, 1828-1840, f. 92.
49. B.M. MSS. Zoological Branch, Letters and Reports, 1828-1840, f. 55.
50. B.M. MSS. Zoological Branch, Letters and Reports, 1828-1840, ff. 45^6; and B.M. Trustees
Minutes, 1837, C.4485/6.
51. B.M. MSS. Zoological Branch, Letters and Reports, 1828-1840, f. 56.
52. B.M. MSS. Zoological Branch, Letters and Reports, 1837, f. 67.
53. B.M. MSS. Zoological Branch, Letters and Reports, 1838, ff. 134-140.
54. B.M. MSS. Zoological Branch, Letters and Reports, 1840, f. 152.
55. The initial scheme for the New Museum, in the hand of J. E. Gray, is dated 12 December 1835,
entitled 'Report to Mr. C. [Children] on the space required in the New Building' — 5 foolscap cartridge
paper folios, watermark Joseph Coles 1833 (B.M. MSS. 1835-1845, Reports, Minutes etc. Zool. Dept.
ff. 16-21).
56. B.M. Trustees Minutes, 1838, Sub-Committee, ff. 126-130.
57. B.M. Trustees Minutes, 1838, Sub-Committee, f. 179.
58. B.M. Trustees Minutes, 1840, GM. 1649. The Trustees Minutes, GM. 1659 of 9 May 1840, record
that Children's Bonds, surrendered in 1822, were taken out of the Iron Chest and returned to him. On
the same day J. E. Gray's Bonds, two at £750 each, took their place in the chest, having been provided
by Col. Sidney North of Wroxham Abbey and Joseph Harrison Fryer of Whitby House, North Shields.
59. Of the Atkins family there is not much on record. Atkins sen. was an Alderman and High Sheriff of
Kent (d. 1838), and his son, John Pelly Atkins, who inherited Halstead Place, Kent, from his father,
was worthy to be Anna Children's husband. In 1803, John was in Lord Camden's Sevenoaks Troop and
High Sheriff of Kent in 1847. In 1828, there were three daughters. H. M. Atkins, who in 1837 made an
ascent of Mont Blanc as a student (Atkins, 1838), may have been a cousin. Atkins sen. is buried in the
churchyard of Halstead Church, Kent; J. P. Atkins (d. 1872) and Anna also, together outside the East
window.
104 A. E. GUNTHER
60. British Library Add. MS. 35,057, ff. 404-407, 9 June 1847.
61. British Library MSS. No. 1881, c. 7 (63).
62. British Library Add. MS. 36,057, f. 122.
63. St George's, Bloomsbury, Register of Burials Vol. 1761-1812: 1839 7 September, Eliza Children
No. 363, age 74. 1852 9 January, John George Children of Torrington Square, No. 6417, age 73. (Greater
London Council, Record Office.)
Bibliography of the works of J. G. Children
Children, J. G. (Anon. 'Philommatos') 1808. Account of an Accident from the sudden Deflagration of
the Basis of Potash. In a letter from a Correspondent to Mr Nicholson [Editor], Tunbridge, 22 Jan.
1808. /. nat. Phil. 19 : 146.
1808. An Improvement in the Galvanic Trough to prevent the Cement from being melted when the
Action is very powerful. Communicated by a Correspondent, to Mr Nicholson. Tunbridge, 24 July
1808. Signed J. G. C. J. nat. Phil. 19 : 148.
1809. An Account of some Experiments, performed with a View to ascertain the most advantageous
Method of constructing a Voltaic Apparatus, for the purpose of Chemical Research. Phil. Trans.
R. Soc. 99 : 32-38.
1815. An Account of some Experiments with a large Voltaic Battery. Phil. Trans. R. Soc. 105 : 363-
374.
1816. Answer to Mr Longmire's objections to Sir H. Davy's Lamp. Ann. Phil. 8 : 265-268.
1821. An essay on chemical analysis, chiefly translated from . . . the Traite de Chimie Elementaire
of L. J. Thenard Ann. Phil. (New Ser.) 1 : 140-144.
— 1821. On the nature of the pigment in the hieroglyphics on the sarcophagus from the tomb of
Psammis. Ann. Phil. 2 : 339.
— et al. 1821. Remarks on a communication published in the 20th No. of the Journal of Literature,
Science and the Arts entitled 'Observations on the chemical part of the evidence, given upon the late
trial of the action brought by Messrs Severn, King & Co. against the Imperial Insurance Company by
Samuel Parkes, F.L.S., M.R.I., M.G.S.' By Richard Phillips F.R.S.E.; Philip Taylor; J. G. Children,
F.R.S. etc. ; John Martineau, jun. ; John Bostock, M.D., F.R.S. etc. ; and John Taylor, M.G.S. London.
Printed and sold by William Phillips, George Yard, Lombard Street, 1821. Price 1/6. (Brit. Lib.
1035.1.33). 91 pp.
— 1821-1823. A translation of REY's Essays on the calcination of metals. Q. J. Sci., Lit. & Arts 11 : 72-
83, 260-271 (1821); 12 : 54-64, 294-299 (1821-1822); 13 : 136-141, 278-286 (1823).
— 1822. On some alvine concretions found in the colon of a young man, in Lancashire after death.
Ann. Phil. 3 : 75.
— 1822. On diaspore, following a new discovery of G. B. Sowerby. Ann. Phil. 4 : 146-148.
— 1822-1824. Lamarck's Genera of Shells. Translated from the French with plates, from original
drawings by Miss Anna Children. Originally appearing in Q. J. Sci. Lit. & Arts 14. Oct. 1822, to 16,
Jan. 1824. Royal Institution, London. 177 pp.
— 1824. Copper sheathing of ships bottoms: news cuttings in British Press. B.M. Add. MS. 38,625,
ff. 58-66.
— 1824. Examination of babingtonite by the blowpipe. Ann. Phil. 7 : 277.
— 1824. On the characters of some mineral substances before the blowpipe. Ann. Phil. 8 : 36-39.
— 1824. Chemical examination of the barytocalcite. Ann. Phil. 8 : 115.
— 1824. Reply to erroneous statement respecting Sir Humphry Davy's method of defending the copper
sheeting for ships' bottoms. Ann. Phil. 8 : 141-143.
— 1824. Examination of brochantite by the blowpipe. Ann. Phil. 8 : 243-245.
— 1824. On the misstatements in the Morning Chronicle and Times newspapers respecting Sir Humphry
Davy's method of protecting the copper sheeting of ships bottoms. Ann. Phil. 8 : 362-365.
— 1824. Chemical examination of roselite. Ann. Phil. 8 : 441.
— 1825. Experiments on the above described selenium. Ann. Phil. 9 : 52.
— 1825. Experiments on selenium from Anglesey. Ann. Phil. 9 : 52-53.
— 1825. A summary view of the atomic theory according to the hypothesis adopted by M. Berzelius.
Ann. Phil. 9 : 185-193, 336-358.
— 1825. Observations on the analysis of torrelite. Ann. Phil. 9 : 221-223.
— 1825. On titanium in mica. Ann. Phil. 9 : 230.
1825. Memoir on the chemical composition of the corneaus parts of insects, by Augustus Odier.
Translated from the original French with some additional remarks and experiments. Zool. J. 1 : 101—
115.
JOHN GEORGE CHILDREN J 05
— 1826. Proportion of male and female children. Ann. Phil. 11 : 74.
— 1827. On the Esquimaux dog. Zool. J. 3 : 54-56.
— 1827. An Address delivered at the Anniversary Meeting of the Zoological Club of the Linnean
Society held at the Society's House in Soho Square, Nov. 29, 1827. Richard Taylor, Red Lion Court.
(Privately printed ?) BM (NH) Zool. Lib. Tracts, 27 (14).
— 1828-1830. An abstract of the characters of Ochsenheimer's Genera of the Lepidoptera of Europe;
with a list of the species in each genus, and reference to one or more of their respective icones. Phil.
Mag. and Ann. (New Ser.) 4-6, 8 : July 1828-July 1830. 150 pp.
— 1830. Sketch of the Sy sterna Glossatomm ofFabricus, Vol. 1. From Illger's Magazin fiir Insekten
Kunde 6 : 277. Phil. Mag. and Ann. London, 8 : 117-123.
— 1834. Astronomy, two lectures on ... at the National School, Turnham Green. . . . (Prospectus
only.) (Brit. Lib. 1881, c.7 (63).)
— 1835. An Address delivered at the anniversary of the Entomological Society. Presidential Address,
26 Jan. 1835. Privately printed.
— 1836. Introduction. Address to first Anniversary Meeting of Entomological Society. Trans. R. ent.
Soc. Lond. 1 : iii-vi.
— 1836. Catalogue of arachnida and insects. Descriptions of the articulated animals collected on the
North West Expedition of Capt. Back. See Back, Capt. G. (1836).
— 1847. On the use of a mixture of spirit of wine and camphine as a light for optical purposes. Phil.
Mag. & J. Sci. 30 : 179.
Letters
Children, J. G. 1823-1831. Letters to G. B. Sowerby. 1823 16 Jan.; 1826 24 Oct., 2 Nov.; 1827 5 and 6
March, 21 April; 1831 14 July. National Museum of Wales.
1830-1844. Letters to Sir F. Madden. BL. Add. MS. Eg.2838, f. 160; 2840, ff. 67, 217; 2843, f. 388.
1830-1852. Letters to J. W. Lubbock, F.R.S., Secretary of the Royal Society; about 130 listed in
R. Soc. Lond. MS. Catalogue.
1831-1850. Letters as Secretary of the Royal Society; and later to the President, H.R.H. Duke of
Sussex and others, mainly in 1831-1834. R. Soc. Lond. MS. Catalogue.
1844. Letter to J. S. Bowerbank. BL. Add. MS. 35,057, f. 122.
1846-1847. Letters to the Rev. F. Bliss. BL. Add. MS. 34,581, f. 78, and 35,057, ff. 187, 330, 339,
397 and 404-407.
Portraits of George Children (1742-1818) and John George Children
(1777-1852)
The known portraits of John George Children and of his father are :
1. George Children (1742-1818) of Ferox Hall, Tonbridge in 1806. Oil on canvass by A. J. Oliver R.A.
(1774-1842). Donated by Mr John Charles Children to the National Portrait Gallery in 1977. Reproduced
as a lithograph by M. Gauci and here as Fig. 1.
2. John George Children (1777-1852) about 1810. Oil on canvas by an unknown artist. Donated by
Mr John Charles Children to the National Portrait Gallery in 1977.
3. John George Children, as Secretary of the Royal Society 1826. Pencil by Faulkner; printed by Graf
and Soret. British Library Add. MS. no. 35057, f. 123.
4. John George Children, as President of the Royal Entomological Society of London, 1833-1834.
Pencil by E. U. Eddis ; lithographed by W. D. In the collection of the Royal Entomological Society,
reproduced in Gunther (1975).
5. John George Children, as Secretary of the Royal Society 1830-1837. Oil on canvas by an unknown
artist. Royal Society of London; portrait not at present available. Reproduced here as Fig. 2.
References
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— 1813. Article 14, Scientific Intelligence. Galvanic Battery. Ann. Phil. 2 : 147.
— 1816. Article 1, Improvements in Physical Science during the Year, 1815. Ann. Phil. 7 : 11-12.
— 1818. Children, George (1742-1881). Obituary; with anecdotes of remarkable persons. Gentl. Mag.
88 : 378, 11 Oct. 1818. Note: this Obituary confuses father and son, giving Children sen. also the name
John.
— 1828. Commemoration of the Second Centenary of the Birthday of Ray. Phil. Mag. 4 (23) : 379-381
and 5 (24) : 140-148. See also Atkins, 1853 : 247.
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Priestley, LL.D., F.R.S., regarded as the Founder of Pneumatic Chemistry, holden in Freemasons'
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Atkins, A. 1853. Memoir of J. G. Children Esq. F.R.S.L. and E., F.S.A., M.R.I, etc. including some un-
published poetry by his father and himself. Westminster. Printed (for private distribution only) by
John Bowyer Nichols & Sons, 25 Parliament Street, 1853. 313 pp.
Atkins, H. M. 1838. Ascent to the Summit of Mont Blanc on 22 and 23 August 1837, with an Introduction
by J. G. C. [Children]. Privately printed, London. 49 pp.
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Years 1833, 1834 and 1835, Appendix III, pp. 532-542. John Murray, London, 663 pp.
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Brande, W. T. 1841. A Manual of Chemistry. 5th ed. London. 1470 pp.
British Museum. 1828-1840. Letters and Reports, Zoological Branch, being memoranda exchanged
between the Secretary of the Trustees and the Keeper, J. G. Children. BM (NH) General Library.
161 pp.
1835-1837. Report Book, December 12 1835. Zoological Branch, being Keeper's Day Book with
drafts of memoranda etc. BM (NH) General Library. 90 pp.
1835-1853. MSS. Reports, Minutes etc. Zoological Department, with MSS. of 1827, 45 : ff. 3-6.
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Clatterton, H. & Denham, D. 1826. Narrative of Travels and Discoveries in Northern and Central Africa
in the Years 1822, 1823 and 1824, with Appendices. 2 vols. London. 471, 467 pp. Appendix 21, Children,
J. G., Zoology, pp. 183-207; 22, Brown, R., Botany, 208-246; 23, Konig, C, Rocks, p. 247.
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ft". 1-54. (Extensively quoted by Fullmer, J. Z., 1964, q.v.)
1810. On some new electrochemical researches, on various objects, particularly metallic bodies,
from the alkalies and earths, and some combination of hydrogene. The Bakerian Lecture for 1809.
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1836. To the Trustees of the British Museum, Memorializes for Promotion. British Museum, Officers
Reports, 18, 11 Feb. 1836, ff. 4285^1287.
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Konig, C. 1816-1825. MS. Diary of Charles Konig. (See Smith, W. Campbell, 1969 : 245.)
Lamarck, J. B. P. A. de M. de. 1819-1822. Histoire Naturelle des Animaux sans Vertebres. Vol. 6 & 7.
Paris, vi-232, 71 1 pp.
Leach, W. E. 1852. Molluscorum Britanniae Synopsis. Edited by J. E. Gray. (See Gray, J. E. List of
Books, Memoirs . . . May 1875, No. 425. Privately printed, 58 pp.)
Miller. E, 1973. That Noble Cabinet, A History of the British Museum. London. 400 pp.
Neave, A. H. 1933. The Tonbridge of Yesterday. Tonbridge Free Press Ltd, Tonbridge. 407 pp.
Neave, S. A. & Griffin, F. J. 1933. The History of the Entomological Society of London, 1833-1933. Pub-
lished by the Society. 224 pp.
Ochsenheimer, F. 1808-1829. Die Schmetterlinge von Europa, 1-7. Leipzig.
108 A- E- GUNTHER
Parliamentary Papers. (P.p.)- 1835-1836. Report of the Select Committee appointed to enquire into the
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Stephens, H. M. 1892. William Jones (1746-1794). Diet. natn. biogr. 30 : 174.
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Weld, C. R. 1848. A History of the Royal Society. 2 vols,. London. 460, 561 pp.
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F.G.S. (1789-1871). Royal Society Library.
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Bulletin of the
British Museum (Natural History)
A catalogue of the Richard Owen collection
of Palaeontological and Zoological
drawings in the British Museum (Natural
History)
Jean M. Ingles & Frederick C. Sawyer
Historical series Vol 6 No 5 25 October 1979
The Bulletin of the British Museum (Natural History), instituted in 1949, is issued in four
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World List abbreviation: Bull. Br. Mus. nat. Hist. (Hist. Ser.)
Trustees of the British Museum (Natural History), 1979
ISSN 0068-2306
British Museum (Natural History)
Cromwell Road
London SW7 5BD
Historical series
Vol 6 No 5 pp 109-197
Issued 25 October 1979
A catalogue of the Richard Owen collection of
Palaeontological and Zoological drawings in the
British Museum (Natural History)
ngles & Sawyer 1979. Bull. Br. Mus. nat. Hist. Historical Series 6 no. 5
.115 line 10 from the bottom ... 124 should be in italics
.116 line 11 for Jewel read Jewell
J.136 Pol. 101 following 1869 insert pp. 517-519
JL38 Pol. 139 delete pi. 1838
1.8.62 add Nissen, C 1953. Die illustrierten Vogelbffcher ihre Geschichte und
Bibliographic. Stuttgart: Hiersemann. 222 pp.
».164 Erxleben for Johann Christian Polycarp (1744-1777) read James (c.1830-1880)
.170 Cervus tarandus 275. Polio number in wrong fount. Specimen recent.
Portrait in oils of Sir Richard Owen, K.C.B. now in the British Museum (Natural History) painted in
1881 by William Holman-Hunt, O.M.
A catalogue of the Richard Owen collection of
Palaeontological and Zoological drawings in the
British Museum (Natural History)
Jean M. Ingles
Department of Zoology, British Museum (Natural History), Cromwell Road, London SW7 5BD
Frederick C. Sawyer
Contents
Synopsis .
Introduction .
Resume of Owen's life
Notes on the drawings
Notes on the artists
Notes on the catalogue entries
Notes on the scientific names .
Notes on British Museum (Natural History) specimens
Notes on the systematic list of taxa represented
Notes on the references .
Notes on the indexes
Acknowledgements .
Systematic list of taxa represented
Abbreviated catalogue
Abbreviations
Catalogue .
References
Index of artists
General index .
Index to partially identified drawings
109
110
110
111
113
113
114
114
115
115
115
115
116
129
129
129
160
164
166
193
Dlustrations
Portrait of Sir Richard Owen, K.C.B., by W. Holman-Hunt, O.M., 1881, now in
the British Museum (Natural History) ...... Frontispiece
Sir Richard Owen's medals, now in the British Museum (Natural History) . .194
Engraving of Sheen Lodge .......... 195
Crocodylus heart dissected and illustrated by Richard Owen in 1829 (Fol. 192b) 196-197
Synopsis
A brief resume of the life of Sir Richard Owen (1804-1892) is given with some historical and descriptive
notes on the collection of drawings and the artists involved.
A systematic list of the 16 phyla and more than 500 genera represented precedes the main part of the text
which is occupied by the abbreviated catalogue of 523 folios containing over 3500 drawings, many of
which were used to illustrate Owen's published work. At least 110 drawings depict type material.
Three indexes are provided; the first lists the artists; the second is a comprehensive main index with the
scientific names, some vernacular names and a few items entered under subject e.g. Caves; and the third
brings together references to those drawings which remain partially or only tentatively identified.
Bull. Br. Mus. nat. Hist. (hist. Ser.) 6 (5) : 109-197
Issued 25 October 1979
109
110 J. M. INGLES AND F. C. SAWYER
Introduction
Resume of Owen's life
Sir Richard Owen, K.C.B., F.R.S. (1804-1892), was one of a band of eminent British natural
scientists of the nineteenth century, a contemporary of Darwin, Huxley and Wallace. His
biography has been detailed fully in the two volumes on his life by his grandson, the Rev Richard
Owen (1894), and only a brief outline of his career is given here. Born in Lancaster on 20 July 1804,
the younger son of Richard Owen (1754-1809), he was apprenticed in 1820 to a surgeon and
apothecary of Lancaster where he had access to the post-mortem examinations in the county jail
and became deeply interested in the study of anatomy. He matriculated at Edinburgh University
in 1824 and worked at St Bartholomew's Hospital in London during 1825. In 1827 he became an
assistant curator at the Hunterian Museum of the Royal College of Surgeons of England
situated at Lincoln's Inn Fields in London. He was appointed Professor of Comparative Anatomy
at St Bartholomew's Hospital in 1834 and in the same year was elected a Fellow of the Royal
Society. In 1835 he married Caroline, daughter of William Clift, Conservator at the Hunterian
Museum. On Cliffs retirement Owen became sole conservator of the Hunterian Collection,
continuing to live in apartments on the premises. In 1836 he became the first Hunterian Professor
of Comparative Anatomy and it was as Professor Owen that he was known throughout the
greater part of his life.
His career can be divided into two phases; the years 1827-1856 at the Royal College of
Surgeons, during which period he became the foremost British anatomist of his day, and the
second part from 1856 to 1883 covering his years of service in the British Museum. Early in 1856
some difference of opinion with the governing body of the Royal College of Surgeons of England
concerning his duties in the Hunterian Museum prompted him to accept the newly created post of
Superintendent of the Natural History Departments in the British Museum. Finding himself
rather uncomfortably sandwiched between the Director, Antonio Panizzi, who would brook no
interference with his overall conduct of the Museum, and the Keepers of the Natural History
Departments who continued to run their departments in their own way, Owen devoted himself to
his researches in the field of palaeontology and zoology, also to organizing a campaign for moving
the natural history specimens away from Bloomsbury. As A. E. Gunther (1975) points out, Owen
was quite convinced that if natural history was to be free to develop as the other sciences were at
this time it must cease to be subject to an institution devoted primarily to the arts, literature, books
and manuscripts which was under the direction of a Principal Librarian whose lack of interest in
natural history was scarcely concealed. Owen took the opportunity in a Presidential Address to
the meeting of the British Association in the summer of 1858 at Leeds to outline the principles of a
National Museum of Natural History from which he never departed. He was ultimately successful
and saw the removal of the collections to the new building at South Kensington during the last few
years of his service. Strangely, his forward-looking efforts to remove the collections to a new and
spacious building were strongly opposed in the early stages both in Parliament and by a group of
eminent scientists, including Darwin and Huxley. One of his most vociferous opponents was John
Edward Gray, Keeper of Zoology, from 1840 to 1875, but a century later it is apparent how right
Owen was. Gray during half a century of service in the Museum had done much to build up the
Zoological collections which were overflowing the available space at Bloomsbury and it seems
curious that he should oppose their transfer to a site where they could be housed in comparative
spaciousness. Perhaps in his declining years his judgement was clouded by the thought of removing
from the congenial environment where he had spent the whole of his adult life.
Regarding Owen's part in the great controversy which followed the publication in 1859 of
Darwin's Origin of species his great-grandson, Dr F. D. Ommanney, writes (1966) 'One of the
intellectual giants of the Victorian age, he had endeared himself to the Queen by ranging himself
on the side of the angels in the controversy with the odious Mr Darwin which shook society to its
foundations in the middle of the last century. I have always thought that this must have been a
rather cynical attitude for this great man to have taken up because, as a zoologist and anatomist
of the first rank, he must have realised that Darwin and his champion, Thomas Henry Huxley,
were right. However, he was a lecturer to the royal family and it was his job to lecture on not too
CATALOGUE OF RICHARD OWEN COLLECTION OF DRAWINGS 1 1 1
natural history to rows of young princes and princesses.' In the manuscript of Owen's Annual
Report to the Trustees for 1856 (7 January 1857), when outlining a projected exhibition in the
Museum, he stated that it was 'To show how the mammalian type is progressively modified and
raised from the form of fish or lizard to that of man - to illustrate the gradation by which one
order merges into another.' This could be construed to support Dr Ommanney's opinion. Never-
theless, a different view is expressed by Ross (1972, chapter 7) in a discussion of Owen's beliefs and
ideas on animal adaptation and modification, the background against which his convictions were
formed, and his rejection of Darwin's theory of evolution.
His acquaintance with Queen Victoria may have prompted her to offer him, in 1851, a 'grace
and favour' residence facing Kew Green formerly occupied by the King of Hanover. There was
some delay before Owen could move into this house and it was during this period that he heard
of another residence which had become vacant, Sheen Lodge1 in Richmond Park. He was so
attracted by its situation that he approached the Prince Consort to obtain from the Queen
tenancy of this residence instead of the house at Kew. The request having been granted, he moved
there in 1852 and remained in occupation until his death forty years later on 18 December 1892.
The house abutted onto the wall of the park in the north-eastern corner, and was situated about
one third of a mile to the east of East Sheen Gate. The original construction, which dated from
about 1727, was built by Robert Walpole, who was at that time Ranger of the Park, for his
huntsman; a building with the name 'Dog Kennel' is shown on the site in the Richardson plan
of the park dated 1771. Around 1787 it was occupied by the Rt Hon William Adam and remained
in the possession of the Adam family until Professor Owen took it over; Adam's Pond, immediately
south of the site of the house, takes its name from this family. The lodge with its outbuildings
stretched along the edge of the park for about 260 feet and some 2 \ acres of land outside the park
wall were purchased in 1839 to make a garden for the cottage. This land has been incorporated into
Palewell Common, which borders the park wall at this point, and is now an overgrown wilderness.
Sir Richard was enchanted with the house and its surroundings, which are much the same today
as they were a century ago, except that the tranquillity of this peaceful spot is now disturbed by
the roar of jet airliners passing to and from London Airport a few miles to the west. Owen's
daughter-in-law, Mrs Emily Owen, continued to reside in the house until her death in the autumn
of 1920. Dr F. D. Ommanney lived there with his grandmother during his youth and in his book
The River Bank, 1966, gives a graphic description of life in the house which was without any
modern amenities, the long damp and cold corridors, no gas or electricity, no bathroom, and only
oil lamps to dispel the gloom of winter evenings. On the night of 24 February 1944 two bombs from
German aircraft fell close to the building which was badly damaged by blast and rendered un-
inhabitable. In October of the same year it was further damaged by fire thought to have been
started by a cigarette dropped by an intruder. In ensuing years the ravages of weather made the
structure so unsafe that it was decided to demolish the property ; this was completed in September
1951. In March 1972 we could just trace the outline of the foundations under the turf but saplings
have now been planted over the site and all traces will soon be obliterated.
It was to Sheen Lodge that Charles Davies Sherborn (1861-1942) was invited after Owen's
death to sort and arrange the letters, manuscripts and drawings and to collaborate with the Rev
Richard Owen in writing the biography. After the publication of the Life of Richard Owen in 1894
all this material was given to Sherborn, who distributed it to those likely to be interested, and it is
to his generosity that the Museum is indebted for the possession of the Owen correspondence,
now housed in 26 volumes, and the drawings.
Notes on the drawings
This collection which consists mainly of drawings, with comparatively few engravings and
photographs, was probably started by William Clift (1775-1849). He was the last pupil of John
Hunter (1728-1793) by whom he was trained to preserve, dissect, observe and record in notes and
1 On the ordnance survey maps of this century the building is called Sheen Cottage but Owen always addressed
his letters from Sheen Lodge and it is referred to as such in this paper.
112 J. M. INGLES AND F. C. SAWYER
drawings. He was appointed Conservator of the Hunterian collection in 1799, his son William
Home Clift became his first Assistant Curator in 1823 and Richard Owen the second in 1827.
Had Clift the younger not died as the result of an accident in 1832 Owen's career might have
been altogether different but in the event Clift's son was not replaced at the Museum, Owen was
given more responsibility and a larger salary and after a long betrothal became Clift's son-in-law
in 1835. When the Conservator retired in 1842 Richard Owen became his natural successor.
Although there are more than 3500 individual items on 523 folios in this collection of illustra-
tions, covering a range of subjects from unicellular organisms to giant fossil reptiles and mammals,
they by no means represent the entire output of work by Sir Richard Owen and his artists. Many
of the drawings published by Owen in, for example, the Transactions of the Zoological Society
of London are not to be found here, nor are they amongst the three small collections kept separately,
viz. the original water colour drawings for the plates published in Owen's monograph on the
Pearly Nautilus, a set of water colour drawings for the illustrations to Sir Everard Home's papers
and notes on fossil Reptilia in various museums including 57 small sheets of ink and pencil
sketches.
Enquiries at the Department of Prints and Drawings in the British Museum, the libraries of the
Medical College, St Bartholomew's Hospital, the Royal College of Surgeons of England, the
Royal Scottish Museum, Edinburgh, the Zoological Society of London and the Royal Society
have brought to light no other collection. We have no knowledge of the disposal or destruction of
the missing drawings.
The illustrations in the British Museum (Natural History) collection are as diverse in their
form as they are in subject, being of all types ; rough pencil or water colour sketches on scraps
of paper or card ; sketches in ink including those in letters from enquiring correspondents and
superb full colour illustrations of the most delicate and detailed nature (e.g. Limulus dissections
on Fol. 9 by one of the Scharf family and Mytilus edulis dissections on Fol. 12 by H. Scharf,
1842). Some were obviously commissioned for works to be published, amongst which a few were
rejected (Fol. 92d), others were working drawings such as an anatomist would make in the
course of his dissections, for his own use.
The drawings are varied not only in subject and technique but also in their dates which span
two centuries, the earliest probably being of Teredo (Fol. 57) annotated 'figure d'un ver trouve en
radoubant le Triomphant. Envoye par M. Begon le 28 Juillet 1681'. One of the latest is a photo-
graph of a mounted solitaire skeleton (Fol. 513b) bearing a note dated 1879.
Through the generosity of Owen's executors and Dr C. D. Sherborn the collection was passed
to the British Museum (Natural History) and this is recorded in the History of the collections ... 1
1904 : 44 in an entry, written by B. B. Woodward, then librarian. It stated 'the drawings have
been mounted and arranged . . . but not yet catalogued'.
We do not know by whom they were arranged and mounted (it is possible that the work was
done at the bindery of the British Museum, Bloomsbury), but whoever put them into their
present sequence put a blue crayon number on the back of each individual sheet to indicate its
position on one of the heavy backing-papers which are of a standard size, approximately
30" x 17|" (749 mm x 447 mm). A few unmounted drawings and engravings are included and
have been given serial numbers. The folios are now housed in eight buckram and leather-covered
boxes which were specially made for them in 1968, and are kept in the General Library, British
Museum (Natural History).
Since their accession to the collections of the museum they have been examined by various
workers including Dr C. D. Sherborn, Professor D. M. S. Watson (1886-1973), Miss Jessie
Dobson, lately of the Hunterian Museum and Mr J. Mahoney of the Department of Geology and
Geophysics, The University of Sydney, Australia. Annotations were added to the backing sheets
by Dr Sherborn and Professor Watson also by someone unknown who added references under
some of the originals of published drawings ; some initialled references have also been added by
one of us (J. M. I.) since 1971. It was not until 1969 that the co-author (F. C. S.), Zoological
Librarian at the British Museum (Natural History) from 1935 to 1966, worked through the
drawings and made the first complete preliminary list. In order to do so he first added a serial
number to the top right-hand corner of each large sheet referred to here as a folio. Later
CATALOGUE OF RICHARD OWEN COLLECTION OF DRAWINGS 1 1 3
individual sheets on the folios were given lower-case letters, e.g. a, b, c. Although this was not the
first time some sheets had been given numbers it was the first time the whole collection had been
systematically numbered from beginning to end.
In 1976 an additional folded sheet (Fol. 523) was found in the Palaeontology Library and this
was added to those in the boxes.
In 1971 we started compiling the catalogue as an occasional spare-time occupation. At that
time neither of us appreciated the magnitude of the task and the volume of work involved in
naming and cataloguing this collection.
Whilst some of the drawings were already identified completely, others had a vague label, e.g.
an abbreviated word such as 'Poik.' standing for Poikilopleuron [Poekilopleuron] and many
(about one third) had nothing whatsoever to indicate their identity. We have consulted many
specialists (see Acknowledgements) and books in an endeavour to get accurate identifications,
names in current usage and in establishing the location of published figures. For the interpretation
of information received we are responsible.
Notes on the artists
As will be seen from the index to artists (p. 164-165) the main contributor to the collection was
Richard Owen himself, the earliest of his dated drawings being 1823, but William Clift, his son
William Home Clift and professional artists are represented, e.g. Joseph Dinkel and the Scharf
family of whom one member was George Scharf (1788-1860) father of Henry and George
(1820-1895) who later became Sir George and Director of the National Portrait Gallery. (So far
we have been unable to undertake the task of establishing which of the two people named
George Scharf executed the various items listed under that name in the index but their dates have
been added and may serve to remind readers that two people are involved.) Other famous names
include J. Erxleben, Gideon Mantell (1790-1852), Sydney Parkinson (1745-1771), who
accompanied Captain James Cook on his first world voyage (1768-1771), and Josef Wolf
(1820-1899).
Many of the 147 people who are listed because they drew specimens were correspondents,
including interested amateurs, who sent material and drawings to Richard Owen. Sometimes they
were requesting information, but at other times they simply thought the famous man would be
interested in a particular specimen.
There are entries in the index to artists under initial letters only. These have been taken
from drawings but attempts to identify the full name have failed. Under C. there are probably
some drawings of the Clifts, but this is conjecture. Where the initials or name of an artist have
been put in square brackets in the text it is because either (1) the name or initials are not clearly
decipherable or (2) comparison of the unsigned work with signed work leads us to believe firmly
that it is identifiable with a particular artist, e.g. [R. Hills] Fol. 306. Although the folio is unsigned,
R. Hills' technique is unmistakeable - further evidence for its being his work lies in the shorthand
notes which have been made about the drawings, in characteristic style.
Notes on the catalogue entries
The original entries for the catalogue have been typed on to four-post binder slips (5"x 3") of
which there are about 1360, occupying eight binder covers - one for each box of drawings.
Each entry is set out as follows and the figures at the top left indicate that this one refers to
folio 56 for which this is the first sheet of a total of three.
56 (l)3 MOLLUSCA - BIVALVIA - PHOLADOMYOIDA
(a, b) Pholadomya [candida]
Morphology of animal removed from shell
(a) with detail of mantle
Three water colour drawings
H. Scharf del. 1839
Annotated - Original drawings Pholadomya . . .
114 J. M. INGLES AND F. C. SAWYER
Manuscript description attached to sheet begins -
Fig. 1.
[Mention is made of these drawings on p. 47 in
Runnegar, B. Anatomy of Pholadomya Candida
(Bivalvia) and the origin of the Pholadomyidae.
Proc. malac. Soc. Lond. 40, 1972 : 45-58.]
56(2)3 MOLLUSCA - GASTROPODA - MESOGASTROPODA
(c) Calypeopsis [Calyptraea byronensis]
Shell, dorsal and ventral views and six
dissections
Eight water colour and pen & ink drawings
R. Owen del.
Published - Trans, zool. Soc. Lond. 1 1835
pi. 30, figs. 1-7.
Limitations of space have necessarily imposed a format with a high degree of abbreviation
and the omission of some material which, however, will be available in the unabridged catalogue
in the General Library of the British Museum (Natural History).
The printed entries for each drawing comprise generic and specific names, an abbreviated
description of the part illustrated, the type of drawing, e.g. pencil, water colour, etc., name of
artist, a reference to the work in which it was published, location of the specimen delineated, its
status as type-material where appropriate and the abbreviation Annot. to indicate when there are
annotations on the drawing: these quotations are shown in the unabridged catalogue.
Notes on the scientific names
1 The name (if any) written by Owen on the original drawing is placed at the beginning of the
entry, without brackets.
2 If the name with which a drawing was published differs from (1) it is put into square brackets
and the reference to the published work will be found below in the entry for that folio.
3 The names given to the specimen by Owen and his contemporaries are often now in synonymy
or have fallen into disuse. As far as possible we have updated the nomenclature, and the
modern version always appears as the last of the scientific names listed.
Examples
Fol. 210 (see p. 143) where the names appear as follows
Chelydra serpentina [Chelys fimbriata [Chelus fimbriatus]]
Labelled by Owen Published as Current name
Alternatively Fol. 274(c) (see p. 145):
[Rhinolophus [Hipposideros] larvatus]
This format indicates that the drawing was unlabelled by Owen. It was published as Rhinolophus
larvatus but is currently regarded as Hipposideros larvatus. It was to save space and repetition that
we decided upon the use of this format and we believe that workers will readily understand the
nomenclatural changes indicated.
Notes on British Museum (Natural History) specimens
Specimens known or reported to be in these collections have an asterisk following the scientific
name and the Museum registration numbers are given for many specimens. Most have been
checked against specimens or in the register. Those in square brackets have not been confirmed.
CATALOGUE OF RICHARD OWEN COLLECTION OF DRAWINGS 1 1 5
Example
Fol. 158 (a) ^[Megalosaurus dunkeri [M. oweni]]*
etc.
[B.M.(N.H.) No. 2680]
The prefix B.M.(N.H.) is represented by * in the abbreviated catalogue.
Notes on the systematic list of taxa represented
A guide to current names of the taxa represented in the drawings is given on pp. 1 16-128.
Taxa above the generic level are arranged systematically. Genera are listed alphabetically.
This list is not intended to be used as a table of classification for the whole of the animal
kingdom but as a guide to the contents of this work. For those who are not familiar with zoology
it provides a guide to groups into which particular genera are classified.
Useful levels of classification vary. In the recent Mammalia it has been felt necessary to provide
the ordinal, generic and sometimes family names. In some other groups it has been considered
best to give information at a different level.
We have taken advice from specialists over individual phyla and in the interests of brevity
have not attempted to include unnecessary names merely for the sake of uniformity.
References to works used in arranging this list are to be found on pp. 160-163.
Notes on the references
The list of references, pp. 160-163, includes only those works consulted in connection with
history, nomenclature and taxonomy. It does not include references concerned with the location
of published Owen Collection drawings which are incorporated within the catalogue entries.
Some drawings have been published more than once. In such cases only the earliest publication
of which we are aware is cited in the abbreviated catalogue. Later references will be found in the
unabridged catalogue in the General Library of the British Museum (Natural History).
Notes on the indexes
We feel that the entries would have been too clumsy if the folio sub-division letters had been
added, especially in those cases where long series of numbers are involved. It is hoped that
readers will quickly find the item they seek by scanning the text under the relevant folio number.
Index of artists {p. 164-165)
Artists are listed by name or initials together with the numbers of the folios on which their works
appear. No attempt has been made to separate entries for recent and fossil specimens in this
index.
General index {pp. 166-193)
This contains all the generic and specific names which appear in the catalogue, whether or not
they are currently valid, followed by the numbers of the folios on which they appear.
Those names which appear in the unabridged catalogue (available in the General Library of
the British Museum (Natural History)) but which do NOT appear in this text are listed with their
folio numbers in parentheses, e.g. Mammalia 124, (2, 3, 7, etc.).
Some vernacular names have been included in the index but we have not attempted to make up
names neither have we sought out common names for such specimens as little known invertebrates
nor for the majority of the fossils, very few of which have vernacular names applied to them.
Folio numbers in bold type in the general index refer to illustrations of fossils.
Page numbers are in italics.
Acknowledgements
We are greatly indebted to many colleagues and others outside the British Museum (Natural
History) and it is with pleasure that we now acknowledge those without whose help the work
could not have been accomplished. They are as follows :
116 J. M. INGLES AND F. C. SAWYER
Mrs M. Anthony, Mr R. E. R. Banks, Mr I. R. Bishop, Miss A. Blake, Dr G. A. Boxshall,
Mr R. A. Bray, Dr C. H. C. Brunton, Dr A. J. Charig, Miss A. M. Clark, Mrs L. M. Clarke,
Mr J. W. Coles, Mrs C. Comben, Dr P. F. S. Cornelius, Mr G. S. Cowles, Dr C. R. Curds,
Mr A. P. Currant, Mrs A. Datta, Mrs J. Diment, Mr R. E. Dixon, Miss J. Dobson (lately of the
Royal College of Surgeons of England), Mr R. C. Driver, Mr E. G. Easton, Mr J. Edwards
Hill, Mr R. A. Fish (Librarian, Zoological Society of London), Dr A. W. Gentry, Dr J. D.
George, Dr D. Gibson, Mr R. P. D. Goodwin, Miss A. G. C. Grandison, Dr P. H. Greenwood,
Mr A. E. Gunther, Mr M. R. Halliday, Dr W. R. Hamilton, Dr C. J. O. Harrison, Mr A. P.
Harvey, Miss M. L. Holloway, Mr J, J. Hooker, Dr M. K. Howarth, Mr. R. Hulton (Deputy
Keeper of the Department of Prints and Drawings, British Museum), Dr R. W. Ingle, Miss
J. Jeffrey, Dr J. Jewel, Miss J. Mayes (Royal Society library), Dr R. J. Lincoln, Mr J. Mahoney
(Department of Geology and Geophysics, University of Sydney), Mr J. McCarthy, Dr A. Milner,
Dr P. B. Mordan, Mr S. F. Morris, Mr F. C. Naggs, Mrs P. H. Napier, Dr D. Norman, Mr
E. F. Owen, Mr C. P. Palmer, Dr C. Patterson, Mr R. D. Pope, Mr S. Prudhoe, Dr P. E. Purves,
Mr D. L. F. Sealy, Mr C. A. B. Steel of the Booth Museum of Natural History, Brighton, Dr N.
Tebble (Director, Royal Scottish Museum, Edinburgh), Mr J. L. Thornton (Librarian of St
Bartholomew's Hospital Medical College), Mr C. A. Walker, Mr A. C. Wheeler, Mrs S. Whybrow,
Mr R. F. Wise, Mr C. J. Wood (Institute of Geological Sciences). We especially record our thanks
to the Head of Library Services, Mr M. J. Rowlands, for his encouragement and advice in the
compilation of this work.
Systematic list of taxa represented
t indicates fossil
Phylum PROTOZOA
Class PHYTOMASTIGOPHOREA
Incertae sedis Genus Microglena (monadina)
Genus Distigma
Eudorina
Euglena
Eutreptia
Lagenella
Microglena (punctifera)
Phacus
Trachelomonas
Ulothrix
Class CILIATEA
Genus Ophryoglena
Phylum COELENTERATA
Class HYDROZOA
Genus Physalia
Class ANTHOZOA
Genus Isis (Gorgonian, sea-fan)
Tealia (Sea-anemone)
Phylum CTENOPHORA (Comb jellies)
Genus Beroe
Phylum PLATYHELMINTHES (Flat worms)
Class TREMATODA
Genus Hirudinella
unidentified liver fluke
Class CESTODA
Genus Anoplotaenia
Dasyurotaenia
Moniezia
Taenia
unidentified (Cyclophyllidea)
CATALOGUE OF RICHARD OWEN COLLECTION OF DRAWINGS 1 1 7
Phylum NEMERTINEA
Genus Canininula
Phylum ASCHELMINTHES
Class NEMATODA
Genus Breinlia
Capillaria
Dioctophyme
Dujardinascaris
Trichinella
Phylum BRACHIOPODA
Class INARTICULATA
Genus Discinisca^
GlottidiaX
Lingula]
OrbiculaX
Class ARTICULATA
Incertae sedis Superfamily thecideacea Genus LacazeUa\
Genus Hemithiris\
MagellaniaX
Terebratella\
Phylum MOLLUSCA
Class POLYPLACOPHORA
Genus Chaetopleura
Class GASTROPODA (Snails, slugs, limpets, whelks, nudibranchs)
Genus Buccinum
Calyptraea
Carinaria
Conus
Cypraea
Doris
Lambis
Pterotrachea
Terebellum
Class BIVALVIA
Genus Clavagella (Bryopa)
Hippurites
Kuphus
Musculus
Mytilus
Pecten
Pholadomya
Spondylus
Teredo
Uperotus
Class CEPHALOPODA
Incertae sedis Genus Loligopsis
Genus Architeuthis
Argonauta
CenocerasX
Cranchia
Enoploteuthis
Eutrephoceras\
Harpoceras}
Hildoceras]
Lytoceras\
Nautilus
Octopus
Octopus (Tritaxeopus)
118 J. M. INGLES AND F. C. SAWYER
Genus Ommastrephes
Onychoteuthis
Onykia
Oppelia\
Rossia
Sepia
Sepietta
Sepiola
Sepioteuthis
Spirula
Tremoctopus
unidentified (Ammonoideaf)
unidentified (Belemnitidaf)
Phylum SIPUNCULA
Genus Sipunculus
Phylum ECHIURA
Genus unidentified (Echiuroinea)
Phylum ANNELIDA
Incertae sedis Genus Helminthodes^
Class POLYCHAETA
Genus Arenicola
Nephtys
Nereis
unidentified (Alciopidae)
unidentified (Nereidae)
unidentified (Phyllodocidae)
Class OLIGOCHAETA
Genus unidentified (Lumbricidae)
Phylum ARTHROPODA
Class TRILOBITA (Trilobites)
Genus Chasmops\
Class MEROSTOMATA
Genus Belinurus\
Limulus (King crab, horse-shoe crab)
Class ARACHNIDA
Genus unidentified (Scorpiones)
Class CRUSTACEA
Subclass COPEPODA
Genus Acanthochondria
Chondracanthodes
Chondr acanthus
Glabella
Diocus
Kroyeria
Lepeophtheirus
Lernaeocera
Lernaeopoda
Peniculus
Pennella
Subclass MALACOSTRACA
Genus ? Acturus
Calcinus
Enoploclytia]
Eualis
Hemioniscus
Heptacarpus
Labidochirus
Lebbeus
CATALOGUE OF RICHARD OWEN COLLECTION OF DRAWINGS 119
Genus Monophthalmus
Metagrapsus
Petrolisthes
Phronima
Pseudosquilla
Sclerocrangon
Spirontocaris
unidentified (Anomura)
unidentified (Parastacidae)
Class DIPLOPODA (Millipedes)
Genus Julus
Polydesmus
Class CHILOPODA (Centipedes)
Genus Scutigera
Class INSECTA
Genus Borocera
Goliathus
Periplaneta
unidentified (Lepidoptera)
Phylum PENTASTOMIDA (Tongue worms)
Genus Linguatula
Phylum CHAETOGNATHA (Arrow worms)
Genus unidentified
Phylum ECHINODERMATA
Class ECHINOIDEA
Genus Heterocentrotus
Class HOLOTHURIOIDEA (Sea cucumbers)
Genus unidentified (Cucumariidae)
Phylum CHORD ATA
Subphylum UROCHORDATA (Tunicates)
Genus Dagysa
Pegea
Salpa
Thetys
Subphylum CEPHALOCHORDATA
Genus Branchiostoma (Lancelet)
Subphylum VERTEBRATA
Incertae sedis Genus Oreodus]
Class AGNATHA
Genus Lampetra (Lampreys)
Class ACANTHODII
Genus Gyracanthus\
Class CHONDRICHTHYES
Subclass ELASMOBRANCHII (Sharks)
Genus Acrodus\
Alopias
Carcharhinus
Carcharodon
Cetorhinus
Lamna
Myliobatis
Odontaspis
Pristis
Ptychodus\
Sphyrna
Squalus
1 20 J. M. INGLES AND F. C. SAWYER
Subclass HOLOCEPHALI
Genus Callopristodus\
Cochliodus\
Deltodus\
Deltoptychius\
Edestus\
Platyxystrodus]
Tomodus}
Class OSTEICHTHYES (bony fish)
Subclass ACTINOPTERYGII
Genus Acipenser
Bagre
Caturus\
Cylindracanthus\
Diodon
Eocoelopoma\
Esox
Exocoetus
Gadus
Gobio
Gymnocephalus
Hippocampus
Lepidotes\
Lepisosteus
Leuciscus
Melanogrammus
Merlangius
Pleuronectes
Prosauropsis't
Salmo
Sargus
Solea
Sphyraenodus]
Stereodus\
Xiphias
Zeus
unidentified (Carangidae)
unidentified (Perciformes)
unidentified (Scombroidei)
Subclass CROSSOPTERYGII
Genus Dendrodus\
Megalichthys}
Rhizodopsis\
Rhizodus\
Subclass DIPNOI
Genus Protopterus
Sagenodus\
Class AMPHIBIA (Frogs, toads, newts, salamanders)
Genus Cryptobranchus
Mastodonsaurus t
Necturus
Rana
RhytidosteusX
Siren
Triturus
unidentified (Anura)
unidentified (Caudata)
CATALOGUE OF RICHARD OWEN COLLECTION OF DRAWINGS 121
Class REPTILIA
Incertae sedis Genera Cylindricodon] & RysosteusX
unidentified (Archosaurianf)
Order Cotylosauria
Genus LeptopleuronX
Order Testudinata (Tortoises, terrapins & turtles)
Genus Chelonia
Chelus
Chitra
Emys
EosphargisX
Eretmochelys
LytolomaX
MeiolaniaX
PalaeochelysX
PlatychelysX
TretosternonX
unidentified (Chelonianf)
unidentified (Emydidaef)
Order Squamata (Lizards & snakes)
Genus Ceratophora
Chamaeleo
Coluber
ConiasaurusX
DolichosaurusX
Iguana
Lacerta
LiodonX
MacellodusX
MegalaniaX
Moloch
MosasaurusX
Phrynosoma
Python
Tupinambis
Varanus
unidentified (Mosasauridae)
Order Rhynchocephalia
Genus RhynchosaurusX
Order Thecodontia
Genus PhytosaurusX
unidentified!
Order Crocodilia (Crocodiles, gharials, alligators)
Genus AeolodonX
Alligator
Crocodylus
Crocodylus (Suchosaurus)X
DiplocynodonX
Gavialis
GoniopholisX
OweniasuchusX
SaurodesmusX
SteneosaurusX
TeleosaurusX
TheriosuchusX
unidentified
Order Pterosauria
Genus DimorphodonX
PterodactylusX
122 J. M. INGLES AND F. C. SAWYER
Genus Rhamphorhynchus\
unidentified!
Order Saurischia
Genus Cardiodon\
CetiosaurusX
Eustreptospondylus\
MegalosaurusX
PelorosaurusX
' Streptospondylus' f
Thecospondylus\
unidentified!
Order Ornithischia
Genus Hylaeosaurus\
Iguanodori\
Omosaurus't
Protorosaurus\
Saurechinodoti\
Scelidosaurust
unidentified!
Order Sauropterygia
Genus Plesiosaurus^
Pliosaurus\
Polyptychodon}
Thaumatosaurus\
unidentified Plesiosauriansf
unidentified Pliosauriant
Order Placodontia
Genus Cyamodus\
Placodus]
Order Ichthyosauria
Genus Ichthyosaurus^
Order Therapsida
Genus Dicynodon\
Dicynodon (Ptychognathus)X
LystrosaurusX
Mormorosaurus f
OudenodonX
Stereognathus\
[Note: HaramiyaX & Hypsiprymnopsis\ are included in the Mammalia.]
Class AVES
Order Archaeopterygiformes
Genus ArchaeopteryxX
Order Struthioniformes (Ostriches)
Genus Struthio
Order Rheiformes (Rheas)
Genus Rhea
Order Casuariiformes (Cassowaries, emus)
Genus Casuarius
Dromaius
Dromornis
Order Dinornithiformes (Moas)
Genus Anomalopteryx}
DinornisX
Emeus\
EuryapteryxX
MegalapteryxX
unidentified!
CATALOGUE OF RICHARD OWEN COLLECTION OF DRAWINGS 123
Order Apterygiformes (Kiwis)
Genus Apteryx
Order Aepyornithiformes (Elephant bird)
Genus Aepyornis'f
Order Sphenisciformes (Penguins)
Genus Aptenodytes
Order Gaviiformes (Divers, loons)
Genus Gavia
Order Pelecaniformes (Pelicans)
Genus Pelecanus
Order Odontopterygiformes
Genus Odontopteryx\
Order Ciconiiformes (Storks)
Genus Leptoptilos
Lithornis\
Order Anseriformes (Ducks, geese)
Genus Anas
Anser
Cnemiornis\
Order Falconiformes (Hawks, eagles, falcons, etc.)
Genus Aquila (inc. Uroaetus)
Circus
Falco
Harpagornis'f
Neophron
Polyharpagornis f
Vultur
Order Galliformes (Domestic & guinea fowl)
Genus Gallus
Numida
Order Gruiformes (Rails)
Genus Aptornis\
Porphyrio (incl. Notornis)
Rallus
Order Charadriiformes (Gulls & waders)
Genus Lams
Numenius
Order Columbiformes (Pigeons, dodo & solitaires)
Genus Columba
Pezophaps\
Raphus]
Order Psittaciformes
Genus Calyptorhynchus
unidentified Parrot
Order Caprimulgiformes
Genus Batrachostomus
unidentified Nightjar
Order Apodiformes (Swifts)
Genus Apus
Order Coraciiformes (Kingfishers)
Genus Haley or nis^
Lacedo
unidentified Kingfisher
Order Piciformes (Woodpeckers)
Genus Ramphastos
unidentified Woodpecker
Order Passeriformes (Crows, broad bills & babblers)
Genus Corvus
Eurylaimus
124 J. M. INGLES AND F. C. SAWYER
Genus Pomatorhinus
unidentified
Order unidentified
Genus unidentified
Class MAMMALIA
Incertae sedis Genus LeptolestesX
Family Haramiyidaet
Genus HaramiyaX
Hypsiprymnopsis\
Order Monotremata (Platypus, spiny anteaters)
Genus 'Echidna']
Ornithorhynchus
Tachyglossus
Order Multituberculata
Genus BolodonX
Ctenacodon\
PlagiaulaxX
Order Triconodonta
Genus AmphilestesX
PhascolotheriumX
Triconodon\
Trioracodon\
Order Pantotheria
Genus AmblotheriumX
Amphitherium\
Dryolestidaef - genus unidentified
Kurtodon\
Peramus\
Peraspalax\
Phascolestes]
Order Symmetrodonta
Genus Spalacotherium\
Order Marsupialia (Kangaroos, wallabies, pouched mice, koalas, opossums, wombats, thylacine»
Tasmanian devil)
Genus Bettongia
Cercartetus
Didelphidae - genus unidentified
Didelphis
Diprotodon\
Hypsiprymnodon
Isoodon
Lasiorhinus
Macropodidae - genus unidentified
Macropus
Macrotis
Myrmecobius
Nototherium\
Palorchestes\
Perameles
Petaurus
Phascogale
Phascolarctos
Phascolonus\
Philander
Potorous
Procoptodon]
ProtemnodonX
Sarcophilus
CATALOGUE OF RICHARD OWEN COLLECTION OF DRAWINGS 125
Genus Scepamodon\
Sthenurus\
Thylacinus
Thylacoleo't
Trichosurus
Vombatidae - genus unidentified
Vombatus
Zygomaturus]
unidentified
Order Deltatheridia
Genus Hyaenodori\
Solenodon
Tenrec
Order Insectivora (Desmans, shrews, moles & tree-shrews)
Genus Condylura
Desmana
Soricidae - genus unidentified
Talpa
Tupaia
Order Chiroptera (Bats)
Genus Cheiromeles
Hipposideros
Macroglossus
Pteropus
Rhinolophus
Tadarida (Chaerephori)
Order Primates (Lemurs, monkeys, apes, man)
Genus A teles
Cercocebus
Colobinae - genus unidentified
Daubentonia
Gorilla
Hominoidea - genus unidentified
Homo
Macaca
Pan
Pongo
Symphalangus
Order Edentata (Sloths & armadillos)
Genus Bradypus
Chlamyphorus
Choloepus
Cyclopes
Dasypodidae - genus unidentified
Dasypus
Doedicwus\
Euphractus
Glyptodon\
Hoplophorus}
Megalonyx\
Megatherium^
Mylodort\
Myrmecophaga
Panochthus]
Priodontes
Scelidotherium\
Tolypeutes
126 J. M. INGLES AND F. C. SAWYER
Order Lagomorpha
Genus Oryctolagus (Rabbits)
Order Rodentia (Beavers, capybara, porcupines, squirrels, rats, etc.)
Genus Bandicota
Callosciurus
Capromys
Castor
Dasyproctidae - genus unidentified
Dinomys
Gerbillus
Hydrochoerus
Hystrix
Jaculus
Lagidium
Marmota
Mastacomys
Rattus
Spermophilus
Trogontheriurti\
unidentified
Order Cetacea (Whales, dolphins)
Genus Balaena
Balaenidae - genus unidentified
Balaenodon]
Balaenoptera
Basilosaurus\
Caperea
Delphinus
Grampus
Kogia
Megaptera
Monodon
Orcaella
Phocaena
Physeter
Platanista
Pseudorca
Tursiops
Ziphius
unidentified
Order Carnivora (Dogs, cats, otters, badgers, bears, etc.)
Genus Canis
Crocuta
Enhydra
Felis
Herpestes
Hyaena
Meles
Mydaus
Panthera
Selenarctos
Smilodon\
Suricata
Thalarctos
Ursus
Viverricula
Order Pinnipedia (Seals & walrus)
Genus Halichoerus
Hydrurga
CATALOGUE OF RICHARD OWEN COLLECTION OF DRAWINGS 127
Genus Odobenus
Phoca
Order Notoungulata
Genus Toxodon]
Order Tubulidentata (Aardvark)
Genus Orycteropus
Order Proboscidea (Mammoths, mastodons, elephants)
Genus Anancus]
Deinotherium\
Elephantidae - genus unidentified
Elephas
Loxodonta
Mammuff (American mastodon)
Mammuthus] (Mammoth)
'Mastodon'] - genus unidentified
Stegodon]
Stegolophodon\
Tetralophodon]
unidentified!
Order Sirenia (Dugongs, sea cows, manatees)
Genus Dugong
Eotheroides]
Halitheriurri]
Prorastomus]
Trichechus
Order Perissodactyla (Odd-toed ungulates: horses, rhinos, tapirs)
Genus Aceratherium]
Ceratotherium
Coelodonta\
Dicerorhinus
Elasmotherium]
Equus
Hyracotherium]
Lophiodori\
Palaeotherium]
Rhinoceros
Tapirus
Order Artiodactyla (Even-toed ungulates: antelopes, cattle, deer, giraffes, hippos, llamas, pigs,
sheep)
Genus Alcelaphus
A Ices
A nthracotheriuni\
Antilocapra
Bison
Bos
Bothriodon]
Bovidae - genus unidentified
Camelus
Cervus
Connochaetes
Dichodon]
Eucladoceros]
Euctenoceros\
Gazella
Giraffa
Hippohyus]
Hippopotamus
Hyotherium]
128 J. M. INGLES AND F. C. SAWYER
Genus Kobus
Lama
Megaloceros\
Merycopotamus\
Microstonyx\
Moschus
Muntiacus
Oryx
Ovibos
Ovis
Rangifer
Sus
Tetracerus
unidentified ruminant
CATALOGUE OF RICHARD OWEN COLLECTION OF DRAWINGS 129
Abbreviated catalogue
Abbreviations
A.M.S. = Australian Museum Sydney occ. = occlusal view
Anat. = anatomy p. = pencil
Annot. = annotated P : = published
ant. = anterior pal. = palatal view
c. = coloured pi. = plate
d. = drawing post. = posterior
del. = delineated r. = right
diss. = dissected or dissection R.O. = Richard Owen
dors. = dorsal view s. = sepia
engr. = engraving sk. = skull
f . = figure skel. = skeleton
Fig. = Figured (in publication) unident. = unidentified
Fol. = folio vent. = ventral view
G.S. = George Scharf (father 1 788-1 860 : son 1 820-1 895) w.d. = watercolour drawing
H.S. - H. Scharf W.C. = William Clift
i. - ink f = fossil
1. = left * = B.M.(N.H.) specimen
lat. = lateral view c? = male
I.e. = loco citato $ = female
m. = mandible
Sequence of scientific names see p. 114.
Catalogue
Folio
1 Terebratula [Magellania] flavescens 3 diss.: proof engr. P: Owen, R. On the anatomy of the Tere-
bratula in Davidson, T. Brit. Fossil Brachiopoda 1 Palaeontogr. Soc. (Monogr.) 1851-54 a pl.2
f.1,2 b pl.l f.1-4 Lingula anatina diss.: 11 f. on proof engr. [R.O. & H.S. del.] P: I.e. a pl.2
f.1,2 b pl.l f.5-7. For orig. c.d. see Fols 10 & 11
2 a t Balaenodon tooth, part of transverse section mag. x 8 : 1 varnished w.d. S. W. Leonard del.
Annot. b f Elephas indicus [maximus] 5th lower molar, lat. & occ. : 3 pencil rubbings with w.
wash P. O. Hutchinson del. Annot.
3 a,f,h f Castor [Trogontherium cuvieri*] femur fragment, distal end: 3 views, 3 s.d. Annot. *No.
40979 b t [Nototherium] lower jaw, 1. lat.: 1 photo, c f [Mastodon latidens*] teeth, occ: 2
photos *No. 40678. Homo sapiens from Australia d lower jaw, occ. e upper jaw, pal. g sk. & m. 1.
lat.: 3 photos. Annot.
4 f [Plesiosaurian] skel. fragments including teeth: 7 p. & wash d. Annot.
5 Block makers pulls of Fol. 6
6 Sepia palmata [S. apama] whole animal & shell a vent, b dors. : 4 w.d. P : Trans, zool. Soc.
Lond. 11 1881 pl.24,25. Annot. HOLOTYPE of S. palmata
7 a Ornithorhynchus anatinus $ organs, diss. : 1 wash d. ? Original for figure in Jones, T. Rymer
Outline of organization of animal kingdom Lond. 1841 f.325 b [Terebratula [Magellania] flavescens]
alimentary canal: 1 engr. Annot. P: Owen, R. On the anatomy . . . Terebratula in Davidson, T.
Brit, fossil Brachiopoda 1 Palaeontogr. Soc. (Monogr.) 1851-54 pl.l f.4. For orig. c.d. see Fol. 10 j
c Echidna hystrix [Tachyglossus aculeatus] $ organs diss. : 1 wash d. d [Lacazella sp.] late larval
stage : 1 engr. Annot. e,g Dromiceius [Dromaius ] embryo, vent. & dors. : 4 p.d. R.O. del. f [ ? Laca-
zella sp.] ovary: 1 engr. H. Lacaze-Duthiers del. P: Annls Sci. nat. Zool. 15 1861 pl.3f.8 h Lingula
anatina alimentary canal, dors.: 1 engr. P: I.e. for 7b pl.l f.6
8 a [Terebratula [Magellania] flavescens] 1 engr? Scharf. For orig. c.d. see Fol. 10 c & 11 e b [Orbicula
[Discinisca] lamellosa] soft parts diss.: 4 engr. Annot. P: Trans, zool. Soc. Lond. 1 1835 pi. 23
f.5-8 c Orbicula [Lingula audebardii] whole animal: 1 engr. P: I.e. f.14 d [Magellania flavescens]
diss. : 1 engr. For original c.d. see Fol. 10 b e [Orbicula lamellosa] superior mantle-lobe, injected,
magnified part: 1 engr. Annot. P: I.e. pi. 23 f.ll f [Lingula anatina] diss, of muscles: 1 engr.
130 J. M. INGLES AND F. C. SAWYER
Folio
Annot. g [Lingula anatina] diss. & embryos: 1 engr. (4 figs) Annot. h [Orbicula lamellosa]
branchial tentacles and edge of mantle, magnified part: 2 engr. P: I.e. pi. 23 f.12,13 [Lacazella
mediterranean i specimen open, post, j stylized lat.: 2 engr. [H. Lacaze-Duthiers del.] P: Annls
Sci. nat. Zool. 15 1861 pl.l f.3,7
9 Limulus [polyphemus] diss, to show a nervous system, dors, b stomach c compound eye
d alimentary canal & nervous system e nervous system: 5 w.d. [H.] Scharf del. pi. 3; in colour
Annot. See also Fol. 72 b,d, e P: Owen, R. Anatomy of the king crab . . . London, 1873 pi. 2 f2,l.
10 a-j Terebratula [Magellania] flavescens series of diss.: 10 c.d. P: Trans, zool. Soc. Lond. 1 1835
pl.23 f.5-8
11 a-g Lingula anatina anatomy a,g alimentary canal, muscles & liver b reproductive organs
c embryo development, 8 views d muscles & nerves e nerves of mantle f circulatory system : 7 c.d.
Annot. P: Owen, R. Anat. of Terebratula in Davidson, T. Brit, fossil Brachiopoda 1 Palaeontogr.
Soc. (Monogr.) 1851-54 pl.2 & 3. See also Fol. 1 a,b & Fol. 7 h
12 a-c, e-h Mytilus edulis d Mytilus nervous system, stages in diss. : 9 c.d. H.S. del. eFig: Encyclo-
paedia Britannica Edinburgh 8th ed 1853-60 15 p.345 f.18
13 a Sturgeon [? Acipenser, Gadus morhua, Melanogrammus aeglefinus, Xiphias gladius, Pleuronectes
platessa, Solea solea, Gobio gobio, Leuciscus leuciscus,] saccular otoliths, 2 views of each: 28 w.d.
Annot. b [Genera unident.] stapes: 25 w.d. Annot. c Ornithorhynchus, Talpa, Homo, Marmota,
Cetacea [unident.], Panthera tigris, Odobenus, Equus, Sus, Anser, Snake [unident.]: stapes of all the
above: 12 i. outline d. Annot. ? prelim, d. for Phil. Trans. R. Soc. 95 1805 pl.4 d [Vertebrata,
genera unident.] : stapes & otoliths : 5 w.d. Annot. e Perciformes [unident.] lower row Carangidae
upper row [Vertebrates unident.] otoliths of left ear: 13 w.d. Annot. f Homo sapiens ear, diss, to
show internal structure: 2 w.d.
14 [Homo sapiens] a cavity of tympanum- 6th month b Labyrinth, cochlea & semicircular canals
of 4th month foetus : 2 w.d.
15 a-g [Homo sapiens] sk. & auditory organs, diss.: 10 w.d. f W. W. Cooper del. Annot.
16 a Museum Geologicum Pragense, front view: 1 photo, b Aston Aquarium, nr Birmingham,
interior: 1 photo. Annot.
17 Australian Museum, Sydney, N.S.W. a distant front view b side view c close up of front view:
3 photos by G. Bennett. Annot.
18 American Museum of Nat. Hist, a eastern front, general view and plan of principal floor: 1 s.
engr. b layout plan: 1 photo. Annot.
19 American Museum of Nat. Hist, a plan of transverse section b plan of longitudinal section :
2 photos. Annot.
20 a Rossia palpebrosa ovary & oviduct, diss.: 1 p.i. & wash d. [R.O. del.] P: Trans, zool. Soc. Lond. 2
1838 p.21 f. 18 b [Fish] circulatory system: 1 c.d. Annot. c [? Oryctolagus] ?ear, circulatory
system of part: 1 w.d. cf. Palmer, J. F. The works of John Hunter Lond. 1837, Atlas pi. 20 dl Tape
worm: d2 [Liver fluke] circulatory systems: 2 w.d. Annot. e Sus scrofa diseased & healthy
ovaries: 5 w.d. Annot. f [Class unident.] circulatory system of kidney, liver, testicle & salivary
glands: 4 w.d. Annot. g [?Rodent unident.]^ reproductive system, diss.: 1 w.d. h [lOrycto-
lagus] heart, 1. lat.: 1 w.d. i [? Aves] ? syrinx: 1 w.d. j [? Aves] valves of aorta: 1 w.d. Annot.
21 a Homo sapiens auditory nerve, diss, b [Bos] auditory nerve of calf, diss.: 2 wash d. W.C. del.
Annot. c Swordfish [Percomorpha - Scombroidei : genus unident.] eye, longitudinal section:
2 p.d. P: Owen, R. Anat. of Vertebrates Lond. 1866 1 f.216, p.332 d [Class unident.] ? ganglion,
blood vessel & nerves or lymphatics or gut & associated vessels 1 p.d. e [? Amphibia] heart,
whole & diss.: 1 w.d. 1 p.d. Annot. f [?Bivalvia] ?mesentery: 1 p.d. Freudenberg del. Annot. g
[Ornithorhynchus paradoxus [anatinus]] g6 abdomen, intestines in situ: g7,8 stomach & spleen
diss, out: g9 heart & spleen diss, out: glO urinogenital system diss, out: gll urinogenital
system in situ: gl2 bladder 7 p.d. R.O. del. Annot P: Trans, zool. Soc. Lond. 1 1835 pi. 33 h
[Homo] Cowpers gland in situ: 1 p. sketch. Annot.
22 a [? Mammalia] ? limb diss., showing muscles, nerves & blood vessels: 1 crayon & w.d. H.S. del.
b [? Mammalia] brain, sagittal section: 1 w.d.
23 Flint, 'supposed fossil bull' a,b 2 wash d. Annot.
24 Homo sapiens in a semi-handstand position showing osteology, above an outline d. of a crocodile:
p.d. H. V. Carter del.
25 af Rytidosteus [Rhytidosteus] capensis* pal. tooth, transverse section: 1 p.i. & w.d. A. H. Searle
del. Annot. P: Q.Jlgeol. Soc. Lond. 40 1884 pi. 17 f.2 from HOLOTYPE *No. R. 455 bf [Mastodon-
saurus] tooth, part of transverse section, magnified: 1 p.d.'Annot. c ^Labyrinthodon pachygnathus
CATALOGUE OF RICHARD OWEN COLLECTION OF DRAWINGS 131
Folio
[Mastodonsaurus laniarius] tooth, part of transverse section magnified : orig. i. sketch & engraving
P: Trans, geol. Soc. Lond. 6 1842 p.511 f.2
26 a | Labyrinthodon [Mastodonsaurus] scutulatus vertebra: 3 views 3 p. sketches G.S. del. Annot.
P: I.e. pl.46 f.3,4 b f Labyrinthodon [Mastodonsaurus] episternal: 1 s. & p.d. [G.S. del.] Annot. P:
I.e. pl.45 f.9,10 c ^Labyrinthodon dolicognathus [Mastodonsaurus pachygnathus] maxillary frag-
ment & teeth, lat. & occ. : 2 s.d. G.S. del. Annot. d f Labyrinthodon [Mastodonsaurus] pachy-
gnathus vertebral fragment, 3 views: 1 s.d. & 2 p. outlines P: I.e. pl.45 f.2,4,1
27 t Labyrinthodon [Mastodonsaurus] pachygnathus a upper jaw & ant. frontal fragments: P: I.e.
pl.43 f.9,11 g cranial bone fragments in slab a,g 6 d. P: I.e. pl.46 f.6,7 b f [Mastodonsaurus]
tooth, occ: 1 d. Annot. c ^Labyrinthodon [Mastodonsaurus] ventricosus tooth, lat.: 1 d.
d f [Saurian] incomplete tooth, lat. : 1 d. e,f f Labyrinthodon [Mastodonsaurus] laniarius tooth,
2 lat. Annot. All w.d.
28 a Menopoma [Cryptobranchus] circulatory & respiratory system of adult: 1 w.d. b Menobranchus
[Necturus] sk. dors.: 1 i. sketch. Annot. c [Caudata] vent. diss, to display viscera: 1 w.d. d [Siren
lacertina] diss, to show heart in situ: 1 wash d. T. Rymer Jones del. P: Trans, zool. Soc. Lond. 1
1835 pi. 31 f.l e Triton [Triturus] larva, circulatory & respiratory system diss, out: 1 w.d. f Meno-
poma [Cryptobranchus alleghaniensis] articulated skel. 1. lat.: 1 p.d. [? G.Owen del.] P: Owen, R.
. . . Anat. of Vertebrates Lond. 1866 1 f.43 p.48 g Frog larva [? genus] branchial arches: 1 c.
diagram
29 a,b [Anuran] vent. diss, to show viscera b ovaries full of eggs: 2 w.d. c,d American Tree Frog
[? genus] dors. & vent.: 2 i. & w.d. Capt Chapman del. Annot.
30 a-e [Anuran] larval development, 1. lat. f 2 vent. diss, to show gut a-f 7 w.d. Annot.
31 a Exocoetus volitans tongue, oesophagus, gut & superbranchial organ: 2 i. sketches. Annot.
b Diodon whole animal showing diss, of brain: 1 p. sketch. Annot. c Pristipoma [Gymnocephalus
cernua] cranium, 1. lat. : 1 p.d. West del. P: Owen, R. . . . Archetype & homologies of vertebrate skel.
Lond. 1848 pi. 7 f.2 d Lamprey [Lampetra] 1. lat.: 1 p. sketch e [Esox lucius] hyoid skel.: 1 i.
& c.d. Annot. f Amphioxus [Branchiostoma] whole animal, 1. lat.: 1 c.d. Annot. Bagrus [Bagre]
g sk. post, region, dors, i sk. sagittal section g,i 2 pen & w.d. i R.O. del. P: I.e. pl.l f.4,3
h Dory [Zeus faber] myobranchial skel. showing elements: 1 c.d. j Xiphias gladius syncranium,
atlas & axis, sagittal section, 1. lat.: 1 p.i. & w.d. P: I.e. pl.l f.5. c,g,i,j T. West lith.
32 a f Ganolodus [Rhizodopsis] craggesii* jaw fragments with teeth *No. P.4794: 2 s.d. Annot. P:
Trans, odont. Soc. Gt. Br. 5 1867 p.356 f.2 b f Edestes [Edestus] symphysial tooth-whorl: 1 w.d.
Annot. c f Palaedosteus [Lepisosteus] vertebra, 4 views: 4 w.d. Annot. d f [Saurostomus [Pro-
sauropsis] exocuus] jaw fragment with teeth, lat.: 1 w.d. Annot. e f [Lepidotus [Lepidotes]
elvensis]* head & trunk, 1. lat.: 1 p.d. E. Blorles del. Annot. *No. 18992
33 at Carcharodon [megalodon] tooth, lat. : 1 i. outline d. Annot. b | Labyrinthodon [Mastodonsaurus]
tooth, lat. & occ: 2 w.d. M.M. del. Annot. c,d f Carcharodon [megalodon] c tooth, lat.: Annot.
d tooth, incomplete, lat.: Ross del Annot. c,d 2 w.d. e [Hippocampus] dried spec. 1. lat. Photo.
Annot. f f Rhizodus jaw fragment with teeth: p. sketch. Annot.
34 t [Caturus furcatus]* a skel. in matrix, r. lat.: 1 p.d. *No. 37024 d head, 1. lat. : 1 p.d. h^[Eno-
ploclytia leachii] 2 incomplete fingers of claw, lat. in matrix: 1 w.d. Annot. c f Cochliodus [con-
tortus]* t Tomodus [convexus] [Cochliodus contortus]* m. occ: 2 p.d. P: Geol. Mag. 4 1867 pi. 3
f.l, pl.4 f.2. Annot. Casts *Nos P5850 & P5849 e f Xystrodus [Platyxystrodus], f Deltoptychius,
t Deltodus sublaevis tooth plates, 5 views: 5 p.d. b W. H. Hatcher del.
35 a t Parabatrachus colei [Megalichthys hibberti]* r. maxilla with teeth & scale in matrix, 1. lat.:
1 w.d. J. Dinkel del. Fig. Q. Jl geol. Soc. Lond. 9 1853 p.2 f.l HOLOTYPE of Parabatrachus colei
Owen *No. 29673 b f [Sphyraenodus or Eocoelopoma] incomplete sk. including part of m. with
teeth in matrix : 1 w.d. J. Dinkel del. Annot.
36 | [Stereodus melitensis] part of cranium & 10 vertebrae in slab, 1. lat.: 1 w.d. M. Bellanti del.
Annot.
37 a [Lamna nasus] whole animal, 1. lat.: 1 wash d. Annot. b Squalus [Cetorhinus] maximus stomach
& intestine, diss.: 1 wash d. [? W.C. del.] prelim, d. for Phil. Trans. R. Soc. 99 1809 pl.8 f.l
38 [Squalus acanthias] vent. diss, to show $ viscera: 1 wash d.
39 [Squalus acanthias] vent. diss, to show $ viscera: 1 wash d.
40 a-c Squalus [Cetorhinus] maximus gastric epithelium: 3 wash d. W.C. del. Annot.
41 Squalus [Cetorhinus] maximus a cerebellum diss, out, lat. : 1 wash d. Annot. b Squalus stomach &
intestine, longitudinal diss.: 1 wash d. Annot. c Squalus [Cetorhinus] maximus notochord & ver-
tebral centrae, longitudinal section: 1 w.d. R. Mylne del. Annot.
132 J. M. INGLES AND F. C. SAWYER
Folio
42 a Squalus [Cetorhinus] maximus $ stranded on beach, 1. latero-vent. : 1 w.d. b engraving of same
43 Squalus alopecias [Alopias vulpinus] 1. lat.: 1 outline i. & wash d. W.C. del. Annot.
44 a Selachia [Cetorhinus maximus] oesophagus, small section: 1 wash d. b [Sphyrna zygaena] diss,
of olfactory organ & optic nerve, vent.: 1 wash d. c Carcharhias [Car char hinus] teeth 1,6,10,11,12
Lamna teeth 1,6,10: 14 wash d. Annot. d [Myliobatid ray] teeth, 2 views: 2 p.d.
45 a Merlangus vulgaris [Merlangius merlangus] head of 3 eyed specimen with median eye: 1 p.d.
W.C. Maclean del. Annot. b,c Salmo salar head of deformed salmon : 1 photo. 1 outline sketch.
Annot.
46 Lepidosiren [Protopterus annectens] a-c head musculature d alimentary canal e brain & inner
ear g scale h dentition & olfactory organs: 8 p. & wash d. d,h H.S. del. e R.O. del. P: Trans.
Linn. Soc. Lond. 18 1841 pl.24 f.4-6; pl.25 f.2; pl.27 f.1-4 fl Menopoma [Cryptobranchus
alleghaniensis] f 2 Menobranchus [Necturus] brains, diss.: 2 p.d. P: I.e. pl.27 f.5,6
47 Lepidosiren [Protopterus annectens] a & c brachial & pharyngeal regions a dors, c vent, with
heart b digestive, urinary & reproductive organs: 3 w.d. H.S. del. P: I.e. pl.26 f.1,2; pl.27 f.7
48 Lepidosiren [Protopterus annectens] a notochord, ribs & muscles b heart & lungs in situ
c viscera in situ: 3 w.d. H.S. del. P: I.e. pl.24 f.2,3; pl.25 f.3; pl.25 f.l.
49 Lepidosiren [Protopterus annectens] a skel. r. lat. b sk. dors, c whole animal, lat. dors. &
transverse section d superficial body musculature, 1. lat.: 4 w.d. & 2 i.d. H.S. del. P: I.e. pl.23
f.4,5,1,2; pl.24 f.l
50 [? Hippurites] a 1. valve b ? section through r. valve c r. valve: 3 p.d. Annot. d,e [? Buc-
cinum undatum] 3 diss, ant.: 3 wash d. f [? Carinaria or Pterotrachea] animal swimming, lat.:
1 c.d.
51 a Chiton spiniferus [Chaetopleura spinulosa] vent. & dors. : 2 w.d. [ ?Cooper del.] Annot. b Doris dors,
diss.: 1 w.d. c [Genus unident. possibly f Spondylus] 1 w.d. W.C. del. Annot. d [Pecten maximus]
1. valve with incrustation [Musculus marmoratus] 6 views: lower [ ?Chaetognatha] lanceolate
specimen diss, magnified & nat. size [11*5 mm] 2 w. & p.d.
52 a-e Strombus [Lambis] chiragoa 8 general diss.: 10 w. & i.d. Annot.
53 a Cypraea 4 d. o Conus 10 d. c,d Strombus [Lambis] 6 d. including shells e Terebellum 5 d.
including shell f Cypraea 16 d. 2 with shells. Annot. a-f All general diss. All w.d.
54 [Octopus, unident.] Japanese ivory sculpture (Netsuke) showing bather attacked by octopus: 5 c.d.
one P: Trans, zool. Soc. Lond. 11 1881 p. 166 f.4. Annot.
55 a| Nautilus [Cenoceras] striatus median section 5 i. & w.d. Annot. b Nautilus pompilius diss, of
animal removed from shell: 1 p.d. Annot. c Nautilus [Cenoceras] obesus side view of internal cast
of shell: 1 p.i. & w.d. d f [Cenoceras] shell & internal mould & view with side partly cut away,
3 p.i. & wash d. e [? Eutrephoceras or Cenoceras] side partly cut away: 3 p.i. & wash d. f3f Am-
monites lingulatus [indeterminate Oppelid ammonite] lat. & aptychi f4 | Ammonites [Oppelia]
subradiatus ant. with pair of aptychi in the aperture: 3 p.d. [R.O. del.] f P: Proc. zool. Soc.
Lond. 1878 pl.60 f.1,2 glO f [Hildoceras bifrons] ant. & lat.: 2 d. gll f [Lytoceras fimbriatum]
2d. gl2 f [Harpoceras] 2 d. gl3 [Belemnitida, unident.] 6 d. g All pen, i. & wash d. Annot.
56 a,b Pholadomya [candida] morphology of animal removed from shell: a with details of mantle:
3 w.d. H.S. del. Annot. Mentioned Proc. malac. Soc. Lond. 40 1972 p.47 c Calypeopsis [Calyptraea
byronensis] shell, dors. & vent. & 6 diss.: 8 w. & i.d. R.O. del. P: Trans, zool. Soc. Lond. 1 1835
pl.30 f.1-7 d Clavagella [(Bryopa) lata] 9 diss, parts: 8 p. & w.d. R.O. del. P: I.e. pl.30 f.8-16
57 a [Teredo] lat. with added detail: 2 w.d. Annot. b Teredo gigantea [Kuphus polythalmia] lat. view
of case: 1 w.d. W.C. del. Annot. Mentioned in Phil. Trans. R. Soc. 96 1806 p.269 c [Pennella]
6 parts including 3 diss. ; 6 w.d. Annot.
58 a left Teredo Annot. centre Teredo banksii Annot. right Teredo clava [? Uperotus clavus] Annot.
4 i. sketches b Teredo [? navalis] 11 p.i. & w. sketches: verso [Teredo navalis] 3 diss.: 3 w.
sketches [W.C. del.]. Teredo gigantea [Kuphus polythalmia] c case, external: 1 w.d. Annot. P:
Phil. Trans. R. Soc. 96 1806 pp.269-275 d case, internal: 1 w.d. P: I.e. pi. 11 f.6. verso end of
case: 1 w.d. P: I.e. pl.10 f.2 e case, part of exterior: 1 w.d. Annot. Both c & e are parts of a
specimen figured I.e. pi. 10 f.l f case, transverse sections & external appearance: 4 w. & p.d.
[W.C. del.] Annot. P: I.e. pl.10 f.5,4; pl.ll f.7
59 a Spirula [peronii] [S. spirula] al lat. a4 ant. a5,6 post. a7 distal end of body x 2: all
specimen with mantle laid open : al5 diss, of head & internal organs: Spirula [reticulata] a3 lat.
of mutilated specimen a9 distal end of body x 4 : alO section of distal end. Spirula al2 in-
ternal structures al3 circulatory structures al4 liver: unnumbered peduncle magnified un-
numbered [unident.] part. 15 p.d. P: Adams, A. Zool. Voy. Samarang Lond. 1848 Mollusca pl.4
CATALOGUE OF RICHARD OWEN COLLECTION OF DRAWINGS 133
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Spirula [australis] diss. bl2p. & i.d. c9p. & i.d. d6p. & i.d. b-dP: Ann. Mag. nat. Hist. (5)
3 1879 p.1-3 e Anatomy including diss.: 7 p. & w.d. Bergeau del. P: Proc. zool. Soc. Lond. 1880
pl.32
60 a Sepioteuthis brevis [lessoniana] vent, diss.: 1 w.d. T. Rymer Jones del. P: Trans, zool. Soc. Lond.
11 1881 pl.26 f.l HOLOTYPE of S. brevis b Sepiola [Sepietta] owenii <J reproductive organs:
1 p.d. R.O. del. P: I.e. pl.26 f.2 (c-g) Loligopsis ocellata c suckers & transverse section of ten-
tacle d mouth e gladius f beak & suckers g whole animal, dors.: 10 i. & w.d. d-g H.S. del.
P: I.e. pl.26 f.3-8, pl.27 HOLOTYPE of L. ocellata
61 Onychoteuthis raptor [banksii] a gills & digestive system c vent, diss.: 2 p. & 1 i.d. R.O. del. P:
I.e. pl.29 f.2— 4 HOLOTYPE of O. raptor b [Plectoteuthis [Architeuthis] grandis] 3 views of ten-
tacles including section & suckers: 4 wash d. P: I.e. pi. 34, 35
62 Enoploteuthis cookii a mouth, vertical section b beak, lat.: 2 i. & w.d. T. Rymer Jones del. P:
I.e. pl.31 f.l ; pl.30 f.2 c systemic ventricle, diss, d section of unciferous actabulum e cephalic
arm, distal end, transverse section f cephalic arm showing tentacles: 5 w.d. P: I.e. pl.32 f.l— 6
g body, transverse section showing fins: 1 wash d. P: I.e. pl.31 f.4 HOLOTYPE
63 Enoploteuthis cookii post, end, dors.: 1 wash d. P: I.e. pl.31 f.3. Annot. [Specimen collected on
Capt Cook's 1st Voyage was in Hunterian Mus. Coll. No. E 1066 probably destroyed by bomb
in 1941.] HOLOTYPE
64 Enoploteuthis cookii vent.: 1 wash d. P: I.e. p.31 f.2. Annot. HOLOTYPE
65 a [? Sepiola] dors.: 1 w.d. b Tritaxeopus [Octopus (Tritaxeopus)] cornutus whole animal, dors. &
detail of mouth: 2 w. & i.d. P: I.e. pl.23 f.1,2. HOLOTYPE of T. cornutus
66 Ommastrephes ensifer whole animal, dors. & details of tentacles 3 d. (1 c. 1 i. 1 p.) P: I.e. pl.28.
Annot. HOLOTYPE
67 a Octopus semipalmatus [Tremoctopus vidaceus] whole animal, dors. & vent, diss.: 2 p.d. R.O. del.
P: I.e. 2 1838 pl.21 f.12,13 b [Argonauta hians] ovum: 1 p.d. R.O. del. P: I.e. pl.21 f.l 5 c Sepio-
teuthis and valves, closed & open: 2 p.d. R.O. del. P: I.e. pl.21 f.l 6 d Sepia officinalis statocyst,
diss.: 1 p.d. [R.O. del.] P: I.e. pl.21 f.17 e Cranchia scabra 5 d. numbered 1-5: Loligo laticeps
[Onykia carribaea] 5 d. numbered 6-10: entire animals & diss, parts: 10 p.d. R.O. del. P: I.e.
pl.21 f.l— 10 f Argonauta hians mantle diss.: 2 wash d. Annot. g Loligo laticeps [Onykia carri-
baea] oral view: 1 p.d. [R.O. del.] P: I.e. pl.21 f.ll h Nautilus pompilius tentacle, inner surface
magnified: 1 c.d. P: Ann. Mag. nat. Hist. 12 1843 p.308 f.l
68 a Caninia [Canininula] lineata longitudinal diss. nat. size & enlarged detail: 2 p.d. & w.d. b [Fam-
ily Nereidae, unident.] A,B dors. & vent. C head with pharynx everted D,E parapodia, mid-
body & post end: 5 p.i. & w.d. R.O. del. c [Polychaeta, unident.] ant. end, dors.: 1 p. & w.d.
d [Family Phyllodocidae, unident.] ant. end, dors.: 1 w.d. e [Nephtys] dors, view with pharynx
everted: 1 w.d. C. A. 0[wen] del. f [Echiuroinea; genus unident.] diss.: 3 w.d. R.O. del. Annot.
g Ascaris halichoris [Dujardinascaris halicoris] diss. & detail of ant. region: 2 p.d. R.O. del.
hi Linguatula proboscidae h2 Sipunculus phalloides [?part] detail: Strongylus [Dioctophyme]
gigas h3 diss, of post. & ant. ends: 4 p.d. R.O. del. i uterus & vagina, diss.: 1 p.d. R.O. del.
69 [Arenicola] a entire specimen, external appearance & details of parts: 5 p. & w.d. b alimentary
canal diss, out: 2 p. & w.d. c [Moniezia] whole specimen, segments & scolex: 5 w.d. Annot.
d | Helminthodes [? antiquus] entire specimen: 1 photo. Annot. [? specimen announced by O. C.
Marsh in Amer. J. Sci. 38 1864 p.415] e,f [Lumbricidae] vent. diss, showing alimentary canal &
typhlosole: 2 p. & wash d. Annot.
70 a Trichosoma [Capillaria] caprimulgi head, tail, eggs, anus & vulva: 5 p.d. b Taenia decupata
[possibly Anoplotaenia dasyuri or Dasyurotaenia robusta] ant. end of worm, scolex & lat. portion
of strobila: 3 p.d. Annot. Linguatula taenioides c vent, view & ova: 6 p.d. & autograph descrip-
tion g,h ant. & post, ends of worm, vent. diss. : 4 p.d. i nervous & reproductive system diss,
out: 3 p.d. R.O. del. P: Trans, zool. Soc. Lond. 1 1835 c pl.41 f.10,15,16 g-i pl.41 f.l 1-14
d [? Breinlia] whole animal, alimentary canal, diss.: 2 p.d. Annot. e Trichospira or Trichina
[Trichinella spiralis] cysts & worm: 7 p.d. R.O. del. Annot. f [Trichinella spiralis] cysts & worm:
3 wash d. Annot. j Trichina [Trichinella] spiralis cysts & worm diss, out: 9 p. & c.d. R.O. del.
P: I.e. pl.41 f.1-9 k Distoma clavatum [Hirudinella clavata] external anatomy & diss, vent.: 4 p.d.
P: I.e. pl.41 f.l 7-20 1 Taenia lamelligera anatomy, including details of segments: 3 p.d. R.O. del.
P: I.e. pl.41 f.21-23 m Trichospira [Trichinella spiralis] manuscript notes for drawings made by
'Mr. Paget' [later Sir James Paget] from . . . demonstrations by J. Jos. Bennett . . . confirmed by
Robt. Brown, F.R.S [It is not clear to which drawing this refers - none signed by Paget or
credited to him ? f.]
134 J. M. INGLES AND F. C. SAWYER
Folio
71 a5 Lernentoma nodosa [Chondr acanthus nodosus] 2 w.d. a6 Lernentoma [Acanthochondria] cornuta
2 w.d. b Lernentoma gobina [Diocus gobinus] 2 w.d. engr. P: Jones, T. Rymer Outline . . . organ-
ization . . . Anim. Kingdom 4th ed. Lond. 1871 f.351a,b. c Lernoeca radiata [Chondracanthodes
radiatus] 2 w.d. engr. P: I.e. f.351c,d. d [Lernaeopoda] 7 w.d. R.O. del. Annot. e2 [Clavella
adunca] 2 w.d. e lower [Kroyeria] 2 p.d. f [Lernaeocera branchialis] 1 w.d. Annot. g Goodsirus
[Hemioniscus] balani developmental stages: 8 i.d. Annot. h Lepeophtheirus pectoralis 2 w.d.
Annot. i Peniculus clavatus 2 w.d. Annot. All except d, e lower & g copies of plates in Muller, O. F.
Zoologiae Danicae . . . fasc. 1-2 Hauniae, 1777-80, pis 33 & 118
72 Limulus polyphemus diss, to show al alimentary canal, dors.: a2 circulatory system, dors. P:
Trans. Linn. Soc. Lond. 28 1873 pl.36 b longitudinal diss, to show internal anatomy: f.1,2 P: I.e.
pi. 3 7 cl central nervous system, vent.: c2 eye & ocular nerve: c5 entosternon & attached
muscles: c6,7 $ reproductive system P: I.e. pl.38. c3,4 f Phacops conophthalmus [Chasmops
extensa] eye & magnified sections: P: I.e. pl.38: All p. drawings
73 a Porcellana coccinea [Petrolisthes coccineus] dors. & vent. & details of parts: 4 w. & i.d. P: Zool.
Capt. Beeche/s Voyage Lond. 1839 pl.26 f.1,2 bl Gelasimus [Macrophthalmus] telescopicus
described by R. Owen Cat. Mus. R. Coll. Surgeons of England pt. 4 fasc. 1 Lond. 1830 p.78 No.
291 b3 Grapsus [Metagrapsus] thukuhar described by R. Owen I.e. p.80 No. 294 B: 9 i. & w.d.
P: Zool. Capt. Beechefs Voyage, Lond. 1839 pl.21 c [lActurus] 1. lat. & details of parts: 5 w.d.
Annot. dl Pagurus pictus [Labidochirus splendescens] d2 PagUrus splendescens [Calcinus elegans]
2 w. &i.d. P: I.e. pi. 25 Both described by Owen Cat. Mus. Roy. Coll. Surgeons of England Lond. 1830
pl.4 84 & 83 Nos 305 C & 302 B e [Section Anomura: sp. unident.] 4 i. outline d. f t Phacops
conophthalmus [Chasmops extensa] part magnified to show eye: 1 c.d. g f Bellinurus [Belinurus]
dors. : 1 w.d. Annot.
74 a Crangon [Sclerocrangon] salebrosus 1. lat. view & parts: 6 i.d. R.O. del. P: Zool. Capt. Beechey's
Voyage, Lond. 1839 pl.27 f.l b Squilla [Pseudosquilla] ciliata r. lat. view & parts: 7 i.d. P: I.e.
pl.27 f.5 c & f [Family Parastacidae - Genus unident.] c 1. lat. diss, to show ? gills f dors.:
2 i. & w.d. T. R. Jones del. d3 Hippolite beacheyi [Heptacarpus or Eualis] d4 Hippolite
leachei [Spirontocaris affinis] Annot. 2 p.d. P: I.e. pl.27 e Hippolite armata [Lebbeus groenlandicus]
1. lat. view & parts: 6 i. & w.d. R.O. del. P: I.e. pl.27 f.2
75 Julus terrestris a ant. end of dors, vessel b middle of dors, vessel c 3 diss, to show brain &
neural chord, dors. & vent, a-c Annot. e portion of vent, nervous system f Cermatia [Scuti-
gera] pylorus diss. 7 c.d. d,g-i Polydesmus d dors. diss, to show central nervous system: 1 w.d.
g,j middle portion & caudal end of dors, vessel magnified : 2 p.d. h ant. portion of dors, vessel,
magnified : 1 w.d. i diss, to show alimentary canal, magnified : 1 w.d.
76 a [Borocera] $ moth, coccoon, caterpillar & egg. 3 w.d. E. Home del. Annot. b [Scorpiones]
vent. diss, to show alimentary canal : 1 incomplete outline & w.d. c [Periplaneta americana] vent,
diss, to show dors, vessel: 1 w.d. Annot. d [Goliathus goliatus] dors, view: 1 wash d. e Lepi-
doptera, bile tube of caterpillar: 1 daguerreotype by Goadby, Sol & Claudet. Annot.
77 a top Nereis [Family Alciopidae ? - planktonic polychaete - not Nereis] 4 w.d. a middle ? Phro-
nimia [Phronima] complete spec. 1. lat. & detail of head & appendages 7 w.d. Annot. a bottom
[Medusa, unident.] 3 w.d. b [Class unident. marine form, eggs] 1 w.d. Annot. c Dagysa [Thetys
vagina] diss.: 3 i. & w.d. d Dagysa volva [aggregate form of Salp] lat.: 1 w.d. S. Parkinson del.
1768 elinel [Coelenterate hydromedusa & Siphonophora, unident.] e line 2 Medusae
e line 3 [? Chaetognatha] & [?Pteropod mollusc larva] e 8 p. & w.d. ftop Beroe whole &
diss. 4 views, 1 w.d. & 3 i. sketches flower [?Salp] 3 views: 3 p. & w. sketches g [? Pegea
confoederata] 3 views: 3 p. & w.d. h top [? Salpa maxima] 2 views: 2 p. & w.d. h lower [? Salp]
3 views: 3 p. & w. sketches e-h All del. 1836. All Annot.
78 a,c Sipunculus diss. 3 p. & w.d. R.O. del. b [Heterocentrotus] part of test showing spines &
muscle attachments : 1 p.d. Annot.
79 a grid of & inch squares: 1 p.d. Annot. b [Invertebrate, unident.] 1 w. & p.d. c [Tealia felina]
3 lat. views: 1 w.d. d Isis ochraceus longitudinal section & 'coral joints': 3 i.d. Annot. [see Phil.
Trans. R. Soc. 90 1800 pp. 327-402] e [Cucumariidae] lat. views el tentacles extended e2 animal
contracted: 2 w.d. Annot.
80 a Physalis pelagica [Physalia physalis] lat. view of living specimen : 1 w.d. G. Owen del. b Physalis
[Physalia physalis] lat. view of whole & parts in detail: 7 w. & i. sketches Annot. c Physalia
[physalis] lat. view of living animal & 2 sketches of sections & vent, view: 1 w.d. & 3 i. sketches.
Annot.
81 a,b Terebratula [Hemithiris] psittacea diss.: 4 p.d. R.O. del. P: Trans, zool. Soc. Lond. 1 1835 pi. 22
CATALOGUE OF RICHARD OWEN COLLECTION OF DRAWINGS 135
Folio
f. 14*, 14, 13, 12 c Terebratula [Terebratella] chilensis diss. & magnifications: 11 p.d. Annot.
Terebratula [Terebratella] sowerbii diss.: 2 c.d. Annot. P: I.e. pl.22 d,e Lingula [Glottidia] aude-
bardii anatomy: 2 p.d. R.O. del. P: I.e. pl.23 f.15,16
82 a Distigma proteus 9 views of organisms b Distigma [Eutreptia] viridis 6 views of organisms
c Lagenula [Lagenella] euchlora [Trachelomonas lagenella] 3 views of organisms d Microglena
monadina [? zoospores of Ulothrix zonata] 5 views e Eudorina elegans 4 views of colonies
f Microglena volvocina [M. punctifera] 4 views of organisms: 6 w.d. [? All copied from Ehren-
berg, C. G. Die Infusionsthierchen . . . Atlas, Leipzig 1838 pis 1,2,3 & 8]
83 a Euglena sanguinea 6 views of organisms b Euglena acus 16 views of organisms including binary
fission & movement c Euglena longicauda Ehr. Vibrio aco Miiller [Phacus longicaudd] 3 views
of organisms d Euglena [Phacus] pyrum 4 views of organisms e Amblyophis [Euglena] viridis
2 views of organisms f Ophryoglena ffavicans 3 views of organisms: 6 w.d. [? All copied from I.e.
pl.7f.6,15,13,ll,5; pl.40 f.8]
84 | Lama [Odontaspis] elegans tooth, longitudinal section: 1 p.d. P: Owen, R. Odontography . . .
Lond. 1840-45 2 pl.6
85 a [Sargus rufescens] incisor, part of transverse section: 1 w. & i.d. J. Dinkel del. P: I.e. pl.43 f.2
b f Scaparnodon [Sceparnodon] ramsayi [Phascolonus gigas] incisor, part of transverse section: 1 p.d.
C. Berjeau del. Annot. c f Megatherium molar, part of transverse section: 3 p.d.
86 a f Liodon tooth, transverse section, magnified : 4 c.d. varnished. S. W. Leonard del. b top left
(f.6a,b) f [? Hylaeosaurus] tooth: 2 w.d. t [Mormorosaurus obtusus] b lower left (f.5a,b) tooth:
2 views c enamel surface, magnified: 2 w.d. & 1 p.d. b top right (f.lc) tooth: 2 w.d. Annot.
b lower right (f.3) f Cardiodon rugosus [rugulosus] a,b tooth: 2 views: c,d enamel surface, mag-
nified: 3 w.d. & 1 p.d. Annot. All b P: I.e. pl.75a f.5-7 c f Dendrodus [biporcatus] c top tooth,
transverse section : 1 p. & w.d. c lower tooth, lat. & outlines of transverse sections : 3 i.d. c
lower P: I.e. pl.62A f.l. Annot.
87 a Iguana tuberculata [iguana] tooth, part, transverse section: 1 i.d. J. Dinkel del. P: I.e. pl.69 f.l.
Annot. b f Iguanodon tooth, transverse section 1 i.d. J. Dinkel del. P: I.e. pi. 71 cl&2 Python
tooth, transverse section: 2 i.d. J. Dinkel del. P: I.e. pl.65B f.l, 2 c bottom f Mosasaurus tooth,
transverse section: 1 i.d. P: I.e. pl.69 f.3
88 af Acrodus tooth, medullary canals: 1 p.d. L. Aldous lith. P: I.e. pi. 16 f.3 b [order unident.] tooth or
bone section: 1 p.d. c f Theriosuchus pusillus dermal scutes: 4 p. & i.d. D. Blair del. Annot. c2 P:
Owen, R. . . . Reptilia . . . Wealden Formations Suppl. 9 Crocodilia Palaeontogr. Soc. (Monogr.)
1879 pl.2 f.ll t Nuthetes [Megalosaurus] destructor* d dermal tubercles & teeth: 10 p.d. D.
Blair del. Annot. P: I.e. pl.2 f.l 3-22 (f.l 3, 14)* No. 48207 (f.15)* No. 48208 (f.18-21)* No. 48247
e section of a 'granicone': 1 i.d. D. Blair del. P: I.e. f.23 a-e All include magnified sections
89 a Homo sapiens [1 Pan troglodytes] tooth, longitudinal section: 1 i.d. Annot. P: Owen, R. Odon-
tography . . . Lond. 1840-45 2 pi. 119a b Macropus tooth, longitudinal section: 2 i.d. J. Dinkel
del. P: I.e. pi. 102 c t Megatherium tooth, magnified longitudinal section: 1 ink & wash d. J.
Dinkel del. P: I.e. pi. 84 d f Glyptodon tooth, longitudinal section: 1 i.d. J. Dinkel del. P: I.e.
pi. 86 e f Odontopteryx toliapicus [toliapica] 'flight processes' : 2 i. & wash d. D. Blair del. Annot.
a-e All include magnified sections
90 a,d Myliobatis aquila longitudinal, vertical & transverse sections of teeth: 2 w.d. J. Dinkel del. P:
I.e. pl.26,27 b f [Order unident.] tooth sections: 2 c.d. S. W. Leonard del. Annot. c f Acrodus
nobilis longitudinal section of tooth: 1 w.d. P: I.e. pi. 15 e f Rhizodus hibberti longitudinal &
transverse section of teeth: 3 w.d. J. Dinkel del. P: I.e. pi. 36,37 f f Ptychodus decurrens longi-
tudinal sections of teeth: 3 w.d. J. Dinkel del. P: I.e. pi. 18, 19 g [Order unident. ? Megatherium]
tooth section: 1 w.d. J. Dinkel del.
91 at Sagenodus inequalis* tooth plate, longitudinal section *No. P6246: 4 c. & black & white d.
P: Trans, odont. Soc. Gr. Br. 5 1867 pi. 12 b t Characodus confer tus [Rhizodopsis sauroides] longi-
tudinal tooth section: 3 c. & monochrome d. P: I.e. pi. 13 c | [Rhizodopsis sauroides]* tooth
sections: 8 i. & w.d. P: I.e. pl.14 in *coll. d t Gastrodus prepositus [Rhizodopsis sauroides]*
longitudinal tooth sections P6247: 11 c. & monochrome d. All [T. West del.] P: I.e. pi. 15
92 at Mitrodus quadricornis [Gyracanthus formosus]* scale, longitudinal section *No. P6239: 1 c. &
3 monochrome d. T. West del. P: I.e. pi. 3 b t Agelodus diadema [Callopristodus pectinatus]*
tooth, longitudinal section *P6240: 4 c.d. T. West del. P: I.e. pl.4 c [t Fish unident.] tooth,
natural size, lat. & longitudinal section: 2 c.d. L. Aldous del. Annot. d t Oreodus robustus
tooth, longitudinal section: 1 c. & 3 monochrome d. T. West del. Annot.
136 J. M. INGLES AND F. C. SAWYER
Folio
93 a Sus scrofa disarticulated skull & forelimb, r. lat.: 1 p.d. P: Owen, R. Archetype . . . of the Ver-
tebrate Skeleton Lond. 1848 f.24 p. 128 b Canis skel. 1. lat.: 1 p.d. P: I.e. pl.2 f.5
94 a Alligator lucius [mississippiensis] disarticulated cranium, r. lat.: 1 p.d. P: I.e. f.22 b Homo
sapiens sk. of newborn child, r. lat. exploded view. 1 p.d. c foetal skel. disarticulated sk. r. lat.:
1 p.d. R.O. del. P: I.e. f.25
95 a Canis skel. r. lat.: 1 i. outline d. Annot. P: I.e. pl.2 f.5 b [Aves unident.] skel. 1. lat.: 1 i.d. R.O.
del. Annot. P: I.e. pl.2 f.4 Homo sapiens c skel. 1. lat. d sk. r. lat.: 2 i. outline d. R.O. del. P:
I.e. pl.2 f.6
96 a Morrhua vulgaris [Gadus morhua] encephalic arch: mesencephalic arch: prosencephalic arch:
rhinencephalic arch: All disarticulated & viewed from post. 4 p.d. P: I.e. f.1-4 b Crocodilus
[Crocodylus] encephalic arches, bones disarticulated, post, view 22 p.d. P: I.e. f. 18-21 c [Aves
unident.] thoracic vertebra, ribs & section of sternum: 1 p.d. R.O. del. P: I.e. f. 15 d Pelecanus
cervical vertebra: 1 p.d. Annot. e diagrams of ideal animal & Homo, vertebrae showing neural &
haemal arches: 2 i.d. R.O. del. Annot. P: Owen, R. Anat. of Vertebrates Lond. 1866 1 f.17,18
97 Gadus morhua a 13 disarticulated bones: jaws, suspensorium, branchial & hyobranchial skel.
b 26 disarticulated bones, circumorbital & opercular series. All p.d.
98 Morrhua vulgaris [Gadus morhua] latero-sensory canal, disarticulated bones: 1 p. & i.d. R.O.
del. Annot. P: Owen, R. Archetype . . . of the Vertebrate Skeleton LOnd. 1848 f.5
99 Archetypes & homologies of the skel. a,e reptile b,d fish c,f archetype, skels. lat. view: 6 p.
& i.d. R.O. del. a Annot. preliminary d. for I.e. pl.2 f.3,2,1.
100 Homo from Bruniquel Caves a 1. frontal fragments of cranial vaults b fragments of frontal
bone c 2 pieces of cranial vault g,h endocranial casts, dors. & post, a Annot. 6 p.d. d letter
from A. W. Franks dated 2/4/1864 e Bruniquel Caves: 1 photo, f Bos primigenius head from
Bruniquel Caves : 2 p. & crayon d.
101 a-e plans of the cavern at Bruniquel, 1864: c engr., others i. & wash d. R.O. del. Annot. P: Phil.
Trans. R. Soc. 159 1869 f. 1-4
102 1 t [Goniopholis tenuidens]* incomplete lower jaw, with teeth & ant. canine HOLOTYPE *No.
48300 2 t [Brachydectes [Oweniasuchus] major]* 1. ramus, 1. lat. HOLOTYPE *No. 48304
3 t [Brachydectes [Oweniasuchus] minor]* 1. ramus, 1. lat. *No. 48328b 4-12 f [Crocodilia,
unident.] parts of vertebrae 13 f [Brachydectes [Oweniasuchus] minor]* 3 dors, vertebrae, lat.:
*No. 48335a. 14 p.d. H. Olson del. P: Owen, R. Brit. Fossil Reptiles Lond. 1849-84 Crocodilia
pl.42
103 f Teleosaurus chapmani [Plesiosaurus brongniarti]* incomplete skel. in slab, dors. & lower jaw,
vent.: 2 p.d. [J. E. Giradot del.] P: I.e. pl.15 f.l 2 *No. 14792
104 a,b t [Plesiosaurian] incomplete post-cranial skel. in block: 2 photos. Annot. c | Ichthyosaurus
cuvieri incomplete sk. & cervical vertebrae, 1. lat. 1 photo. Annot.
105 a f Ichthyosaurus communis skel. in slab, vent.: 1 photo. Annot. b f Ichthyosaurus skel. in slab:
1 photo, c t Ichthyosaurus tenuirostris skel. in slab: 1 p.d. I. I. Walker del. Annot.
106 a | Ichthyosaurus communis* skel. of young in slab, 1. lat. *No. 36256 b,c f [Ichthyosaurus com-
munis]* skel. in slab, vent. P: Owen, R. . . . Reptilia . . . Liassic Formations Pt. 3 Palaeontogr. Soc.
(Monogr.) 1881 pl.30 f.3 *No. 38803 d,e t Ichthyosaurus latifrons skel. in slab, 1. lat. P: I.e. pl.23
f.6, pl.32 f.9 *No. 38709. 5 photos
107 a t [Ichthyosaurus acutirostris]* incomplete skel. in matrix: 1 photo. *No. 14553 b f [Ichthyo-
saurus acutirostris]* sk. in slab, dors. *No. 15500a c f Ichthyosaurus latifrons* imperfect skel.
in slab, dors.: P: I.e. pl.32 f.8. *No. 14566 d,e f Ichthyosaurus longirostris* skel. in slab, 1. lat.:
P: I.e. pl.32 f.7. *No. 36182 t Ichthyosaurus platyodon* fl skel. in slab, dors.: P: I.e. pl.31 f.l.
*No. 2003 f2 vertebral column with restorations of vertebrae *No. 481. 5 photos
108 a,b f Ichthyosaurus tenuirostris* skel. in slab, dors. P: I.e. pl.32 f.l. *No. R 1120 c,d t Ichthyo-
saurus communis* skel. of young in slab, r. lat. *No. 120 e t Ichthyosaurus breviceps* skel. in
slab, 1. latero-dors. P: I.e. pl.29 f.2. *No. 43006. 6 photos
109 nit Ichthyosaurus, 2 f [Archosaurian], 3 f [Unident], 4 f [Plesiosaurian] vertebrae: 8 wash d.
Annot. b f ? Ichthyosaurian, caudal vertebrae: 2 wash d. T. L. Shuckard del. Annot. c f Ich-
thyosaurus tenuirostris or /. acutirostris fragments of sk. in slab: 11 p.d. C. Theodori del. Annot.
d f Ichthyosaurus tenuirostris skel. fragments in slab: 1 p.d. C. Theodori del. Annot.
110 a f Ichthyosaurus vertebra, 2 views: 2 s.d. Annot. b f [Ichthyosaurus] 4 vertebrae in slab: 1 s.d.
H.S. del. c f Thyreo-spondylus [Ichthyosaurus thyreospondylus] vertebra, incomplete, 3 views:
3 w.d. C. [Clift] del. d f Ichthyosaurus trigonus vertebra, 3 views: 3 w.d. H.S. del. Annot.
e f [Unident.] 2 vertebrae in slab, lat. section: 1 w.d.
CATALOGUE OF RICHARD OWEN COLLECTION OF DRAWINGS 137
Folio
111 a | Ichthyosaurus platydon scapula: C. [Clift] del. b t /• tenuirostrisl propodials, incomplete:
G.S. del. Annot. c f /. tenuirostrisl scapula: Annot.: 4 w.d.
112 a f Ichthyosaurus tenuirostris fragments of vertebrae, ribs & propodial in slab: 1 w.d. b,e Ich-
thyosaurus c /. intermedius d f 7. tenuirostris: propodials: 4 w.d. Annot.
113 a f [Ichthyosaurus] propodials: 2 w.d. W.C. del. Annot. b f [Ichthyosaurus] propodials: 1 i.d.
Annot. c f [Ichthyosaurus] propodial: 1 i.d. Annot.
114 a,b t Ichthyosaurus propodials: 5 rough p. sketches for Fol. 113. Annot.
115 a | [Unident. ? Ichthyosaurus] part of pectoral girdle: 1 wash d. b f [Unident. ? Ichthyosaurus]
part of pectoral girdle, frontal: 1 p. & wash d. c f [Ichthyosaurus] pectoral girdle, incomplete,
frontal: 1 p. & wash d. Annot. d f [Ichthyosaurian] incomplete pectoral girdle in slab, frontal:
1 wash d. Annot.
116 af Ichthyosaurus sternal ribs in slab: 1 w.d. b f Proteosaurus [Ichthyosaurus] incomplete skel.
1 s.d. W.C. Junior del. Annot.
117 t [Ichthyosaurians] a incomplete sk. 1. lat.: 1 w.d. Annot. b incomplete sk. with matrix, dors.:
1 w.d. G. Cumberland del. Annot. c incomplete sk. 1. lat.: 2 w.d. Annot.
118 t [Ichthyosaurians] a part of sk. r. lat. : Annot. b part of sk. r. lat. G. Cumberland del. Annot.
c sk. nearly complete, 1. lat. : Annot. 3 w.d.
119 t [Ichthyosaurians] a incomplete sk. 1. lat.: Annot. b incomplete sk. r. lat.: Annot. c incom-
plete sk. 1. lat.: Annot. 3 w.d.
120 t Proteosaurus [Ichthyosaurus] imperfect skel.: 1 w.d. Annot.
121 t Ichthyosaurus [intermedius] imperfect skel. in slab, 1. lat.: 1 i.d. J. Dinkel del. Annot.
122 f Ichthyosaurus a imperfect rostrum b vertebrae c propodials d pectoral girdle: 10 s.d. [All
parts of specimen figured on Fol. 121] Annot.
123 a f [Ichthyosaurian] incomplete skel. in slab: 1. lat. & 4 separate vertebrae: 5 i. sketches. Annot.
b f Ichthyosaurus tenuirostris incomplete skel. in slab: 1 i. sketch. Annot. c f [Ichthyosaurian]
restored sk. & lower jaw, including sections: 12 i.d. H. de la Beche & W. D. Conybeare del. P:
Trans, geol. Soc. Lond. 5 1821 pl.40
124 a t Placodus bathygnathus [gigas]* incomplete 1. ramus & teeth, lat. & occ: 3 i. outline d. P: Phil.
Trans. R. Soc. 148 1858 [1859] pi. 11 f.1-3 HOLOTYPE of P. bathygnathus *No. 19677 b f Placodus
[Cyamodus] rostratus pal. view of incomplete sk. with dentition: 1 p.d. P: I.e. pl.l f.4 c f Placodus
[Cyamodus] laticeps* pal. view of sk. with dentition: 1 p. sketch, lithograph P: I.e. pi. 10 f.l. HOLO-
TYPE *No. R 1644
125 a f Placodus [Cyamodus] laticeps & P. bombidens [andriani]* parts of upper & lower jaws: 11 p.d
P: I.e. pl.9 f.3-6 & pi. 10 f.2-7. P1.9 f. of *No. R 1643 HOLOTYPE of P. bombidens b f Placodus
[Cyamodus] laticeps* sk. dors. & lat.: 2 p. sketches P: I.e. pl.9 f.1-2 HOLOTYPE *No. R 1644
126 t Pliosaurus ? a propodials & ischium : 1 photo. Annot. b f Plesiosaurus dolichodeirus pectoral
girdle: 1 i. & wash d. R.O. del. Annot. P: Owen, R. Hist. Brit, fossil Kept. Lond. 1849-84 4 pl.20 f.l
127 t Pliosaurus brachydeirus incomplete lower jaw, occ: 1 i. & wash d. H. de la Beche del. Annot.
HOLOTYPE Oxford Univ. Mus. Geol. Coll. No. J 9245 B
128 | Plesiosaurus giganteus [Pliosaurus brachydeirus] incomplete sk. pal. & dors.: 3 i. & wash d.
H. de la Beche del. Annot. Oxford Univ. Mus. Geol. Coll. No. J 9245 A
129 t Polyptychodon a tooth, 3 views: 3 w.d. Annot. b tooth: 2 sepia d. Annot. bl P: Owen, R.
. . . Reptilia . . . Cretaceous formations. Palaeontogr. Soc. (Monogr.) 1851 pi. 14 f.5 c tooth, 3
views: 3 s.d. d f [Pliosaurian] tooth, 3 views: 3 s.d. H.S. del. Annot. e f [? Pliosaurian] tooth,
4 views : 4 p.d. Annot. f f Polyptychodon worn tooth : 2 w.d. Annot. g t Pleiosaurus [Pliosaurus
brachydeirus] tooth, 2 views: 2 w.d. Annot. h f Saurian teeth 2 p.d. Annot. i f [Pliosaurian]
tooth: 1 p. sketch. Annot. j f [? Polyptychodon] tooth in block: 1 c.d. Annot.
130 a f [Pliosaurian] cervical vertebra, lat.: 1 c.d. b f [? Plesiosaurus] vertebra, 2 views: 2 s.d. Annot.
c t [Pliosaurian] cervical vertebra end view: 1 w.d. d t Plesiosaurus hawkinsii post, half of sk.
vent.: 1 w.d. G.S. del. Annot. e f Pectopleuron [? Plesiosaurian] cervical vertebra, 2 views:
2 w.d. Annot.
131 a f Plesiosaurus [Thaumatosaurus] arcuatus vertebra, end view. P. hawkinsii* 2 vertebrae, lat. *No.
2020 f Plesiosaurus caudal vertebrae, diagram 7 p.d. & sketches. Annot. P: Trans, geol. Soc. Lond.
Sec.2 5 1838 pl.44 figs 4,5,6 b f [Plesiosaurus carinatus] cervical vertebra, 3 views: 3 w.d. C. [Clift]
del. Annot. c t [Plesiosaurus] perforatus [carinatus] cervical vertebra: 3 w.d. C. [Clift] del. Annot.
[? TYPE of PL carinatus Phillips, J. 1871]
132 a,b f Plesiosaurus subdepressus vertebra, 3 views : 3 s. wash d. Annot. c f Plesiosaurus vertebrae,
lat.: 1 i. & wash d. Annot. d f [Plesiosaurus] compressus vertebra, 2 views: 2 w.d. Annot.
138 J. M. INGLES AND F. C. SAWYER
Folio
133 a-d t Plesiosaurus costatus [carinatus] vertebrae: 8 c.d. C. [Clift] del. Annot.
134 a f Plesiosaurus subcavatus* vertebra, 2 views: 2 s.d. H.S. del. Annot. *No. 16058 f Plesiosaurus
laticeps [? Plesiosaurian] b vertebra & teeth in matrix c 6 vertebrae, lat. b,c 4 c.d. Both Annot.
135 a-c f Plesiosaurus subtrigonus cervical vertebra, 3 views: 3 w.d. C. [Clift] del. Annot.
136 a f Plesiosaurus [Pliosaurus] brachyspondylus vertebra, 3 views 3 w.d. C. [Clift] del. Annot.
b f Plesiosaurus [Pliosaurus] brachydeirus vertebra, 2 views: 2 p.d. Annot.
137 a f Plesiosaurus homalospondylus* caudal vertebrae, 2 views: 2 i. & w.d. Annot. *No. R 1367
b t Plesiosaurus* vertebra, lat. : 1 s.d. 2 p. sketches. Annot. c t Plesiosaurus concavus [Plesiosaurian] *
vertebra, lat. : 1 s.d. Annot.
138 a f Pl[esiosaurus] dibothrius cervical vertebra: 2 views 2 c.d. E. G. Miiller del. Annot. b,c, f Plesio-
saurus vertebrae, dors. & cervical: 2 s.d. Annot. d f Plesiosaurus rugosus vertebrae, 2 views:
2 s.d. G.S. del. Annot.
139 t Plesiosaurus macrocephalus* incomplete skel. in slab, dorso-lat.: 1 w.d. J. Dinkel del. P: Trans,
geol. Soc. Lond. (2) 5 1838 pi. 1838 pl.43. HOLOTYPE *No. R 1336
140 f [Unident. ? reptile or mammal] incomplete skel. as found showing parts of vertebral column,
cranium & limbs, 1. lat. : 1 rough w. sketch
141 a,b f Thecospondylus horneri* sacral vertebrae, lat., vent.: 2 p. sketches. A. C. Horner del. Annot.
Fig: Q. Jlgeol. Soc. Lond. 38 1882 pl.19 f.1,2. HOLOTYPE *No. R 291
142 t Iguanodon metacarpals [ ?] a end view b 3 views : 4 p. sketches. Annot.
143 f [Iguanodon]* 2-4th digits of hind foot: 1 p.d. Annot. *No. R 1829. Fig.: Owen, R . . . Reptilia
Wealden Formations Suppl. 1 Palaeontogr. Soc. (Monogr.) 1858 pl.l
144 f [Megalosaurus or Hylaeosaurus]* a 3 bones [? metatarsals] : 1 w.d. Annot. b terminal phal-
anges: 2 w.d.
145 a t [? Crocodilian.] 2 bones, parts magnified 4 s.d. G. B. Holmes del. b f Streptospondylus
[Saurischian] dors, vertebra spinous process, 3 views: 3 s.d. Annot. P: Owen, R. Hist. Brit, fossil
reptiles Lond. 1849-84 2 Atlas pi. 21, f.3,4,5 c t Streptospondylus altdorpensis [major] [Saurischian]
incomplete vertebra, lat. & post.: 2 w.d. C. del. Annot. top P: I.e. pi. 21 f.2
146 a f Streptospondylus [Iguanodon] dors, vertebra, ant. post. lat. dors. & vent.: 5 s.d. Annot. b,c
t Streptospondylus major [Iguanodon bernissartensis] * centrum of vertebra, lat. & dors.: 2 c.d. *No.
2239 b Annot. c P: I.e. pl.21 f.6.
147 a-c f Streptospondylus [cuvieri] [? Eustreptospondylus] dors, vertebra, post. lat. & ant.: 3 w.d.
Ripley del. Annot.
148 a f Iguanodon* ungual phalanx, dors. & lat.: 2 c.d. Annot. P: Owen, R. . . . Reptilia . . . Wealden
Formations Pt 2 Palaeontogr. Soc. {Monogr.) 1854, pi. 17 f.1,2 *No. 2384 b f Iguanodon terminal
phalanx: 1 photo. Annot. c t Hylosaurus Qu Iguanodon [? Iguanodon]* digital bones, 3 views:
3 w.d. R.O. del. Annot. d f Rysosteus vertebra, lat. : 1 p. & s.d. Annot. e f Scelidosaurus 3 phal-
anges, 3 views of each : 9 s.d. Annot. f ? f Scelidosaurus phalanges, palmar & dors. : 2 p.d.
g t Scelidosaurus [harrisoni]* coracoid: 1 p.d. Annot. *No. R 1111
149 a | Omosaurus armatus* imperfect skel. as found: 1 p. sketch Fig: Owen R. . . . Reptilia . . .
Mesozoic Formations Pt 2 Palaeontogr. Soc. {Monogr.) 1875 pl.19. *No. 46013 o b f Cetiosaurus
brevis* vertebra, antero-lat. & ant. 1 s.d. & i. outline. Annot. *No. 2545 c f Cetiosaurus brevis
[? Pelorosaurus conibeari]* c top 3 chevron bones, 2 incomplete, f.8b *Nos 2548-50 c middle
centrum, 3 views c bottom 4 associated ant. caudal vertebrae, lat.: *No. 2544-2550 Fig. Phil.
Trans. R. Soc. 140 1850 pl.22 f.7,8b. HOLOTYPE of C. brevis *No. 2544
150 a-c f Cetiosaurus hypoolithicus bones in situ : 20 p. sketches Annot.
151 a f [Saurischia, unident.] 2 teeth & section: 5 s.d. b f Megalosaurus tooth serrations magnified:
2 s.d. Annot. f Megalosaurus [bucklandi] c incomplete m. & teeth, lat. e section B-B of c
showing teeth: 2 w.d. c&e P: Owen, R. . . . Reptilia . . . Wealden Formations Pt 3 Palaeontogr.
Soc. {Monogr.) 1856 pi. 12 f.1,2 d part of tooth B of c&e showing marginal serrations: 1 i. & wash
d. ft Megalosaurus* tibia, 2 views: 2 p.d. Annot. P: I.e. pl.9 *No. 31809
152 t Megalosaurus [bucklandi]* incomplete sk. & lower jaw, 1. lat. : 1 engr. J. Erxleben lith. p. additions
R.O. del. Annot. P: Q. Jlgeol. Soc. Lond. 39 1883 pl.ll f.1,2. Casts - *No. R332, R333
153 a t [Iguanodon]* tooth, worn stump, in matrix, lat. & occ. : 2 w.d. *No. 2394 b f Hylaeosaurus
[? Megalosaurus] scapula [? pubis]: 1 s.d. Miss Holmes del. Annot. P: Owen, R. . . . Reptilia . . .
Wealden Formations Pt 3 Palaeontogr. Soc. {Monogr.) 1856 pi. 5 f.l c | Hylaeosaurus* osseous
remains in slab: 1 c.d. J. Dinkel del. Annot. P: I.e. Pt 4 1857 pl.4. HOLOTYPE *No. 3775
154 t [Iguanodon mantelli]* osseous remains in slab a i. & s. sketch G. Nibbs del. b completed c.d.
J. Dinkel del. a,b both Annot. Maidstone Block *No. 3791
CATALOGUE OF RICHARD OWEN COLLECTION OF DRAWINGS 1 39
Folio
155 t [? Iguanodon mantelli] vertebra, incomplete a,c post. lat. & vent.: 3 s.d. Annot. b vertebra,
incomplete, fronto-lat.: 1 wash d. Annot. d vertebra, end view: 1 wash d. e f [Iguanodon man-
telli]* 6 caudal vertebrae on slab & ant. view of single vertebra: 1 c. & 1 p.d. P: I.e. Pt 2 pi. 8 *No.
3790 f| [? Iguanodon] caudal vertebra, ant.: 1 i. diagram
156 t [Unident. ? Reptilia] a bones on slab: 1 w.d. f [Cetiosaurus brevis] vertebrae b end & lat.
views: 2 s.d. c-e end, lat. & dors, views of same bone: 3 w.d. Annot. f,g f [Reptilia, unident.]
vertebra, incomplete, post. & lat. : 2 w.d. Annot.
157 al,5 t [Hylaeosaurus]* tibia, 2 views P: I.e. Pt 3 1856 pl.5 f.2 *No. 2615. a2 [? chevron bones] a3
[Unident.] a4 [? centrum] Annot. 5 s.d. bl,6 t [Hylaeosaurus]* scapula, 2 views: *No. 2584 b2,5
? phalanges b3,4 centra 6 s.d. f Iguanodon mantelli c foot bones, 13 views: 12 s.d. & 1 p. outline
dl-4 scapula*, 3 views & sternum*: 4 p.i. & s.d. *Nos. 2196 scapula, 2218 sternum
158 Ornithischia & Saurischia al f [Unident.] phalange, lat. a2 f [Megalosaurus dunkeri [M.
owenii]]* metatarsals, lat. *No. 2559 a3 f [Unident.] ?end view of metatarsal in a2. a4 t [? Meg-
alosaurus dunkeri [M. oweni]] ? end view of a5. a5 f [Megalosaurus dunkeri [M. oweni]]* 3rd
1. metatarsal, lat. *No. 2680 a6 f [Unident.] phalangeal: a7,8 f [Megalosaurus dunkeri [M.
oweni]]* ungual, dors. & lat. *No. R 1105 P: Owen, R. . . . Reptilia . . . Wealden Formations Pt 3
Palaeontogr. Soc. (Monogr.) 1856 pi. 10 f.2 a9 f [? Megalosaurus]* ? ungual phalanx, lat. ?P:
I.e. Pt 3 pl.10 f.5 *No. 2402 ? all,12 f [Iguanodon mantelli]* ungual bone, 2 views ? Fig. : Mantell,
G. Wonders of Geology Lond. 1839 1 pl.3 f.2 *No. 3791 | [Unident.] alO ? ungual al3 ungual,
vent. al4 ungual, lat. al5 ? ungual, vent. al6 ungual, dors. al7 phalangeal al8 f [Iguano-
don] metatarsal 4, lat. al9 f [Unident.] ungual, dors, a 19 s.d. J. Dinkel del. bl f [Iguanodon]
tooth, marginal serrations: Annot. P: Owen, R. Odontography Lond. 1845 pi. 62 A f.5 e b2,3
t [Iguanodon mantelli]* lower tooth: 2 views P: Lydekker, R. Cat. Fossil Rept. Amph. Lond. 1888
Pt 1 f.37 SYNTYPE *No. 2392 b4,5 t [Iguanodon]* tooth, labial & lingual: *No. 2402 Fig:
Mantell, G. A. 1839 The Wonders of Geology 1: 391 Tab. 82 f.4,5 b6-ll t [? Iguanodon] teeth
bl2,13 f [Iguanodon mantelli]* tooth, 2 views Fig: Phil. Trans. R. Soc. 115 1825 pl.14 f.4a,4b.
SYNTYPE *No. 3388 bl4-16 f [Iguanodon]* tooth, 3 views: *No. 2394 Fig: Mantell, G. A. 1827
Illustrations of the geology of Sussex. . . . Fossils of Tilgate Forest Lond. pi. 17, f.2. bl7-19 t
[Iguanodon mantelli]* tooth, 3 views. bl8 P: Owen, R. Odontography Lond. 1840-1845 pl.62A
f.5d *No. 2382 b20 t [Reptilia, unident.] tooth, lat. b21,22 tooth, transverse section & lat.
b23-27 f [Megalosaurus bucklandi] 3 teeth, 5 views b24-26 includes magn. edge P: I.e. pi. 62 A
f.6a-c b28-29 f [Goniopholis crassidens] tooth, 2 views: b29 P: I.e. pi. 62 A f.9a b30,31
t [? Crocodile] 2 teeth b32-34 f [Hylaeosaurus] tooth, 3 views b34 P: I.e. pl.62 A f.8 b
b33 P: Mantell, G. A. Wonders of Geology Lond. 1839 pl.3 f.6 b35,36 f [Crocodilus (Suchosaurus)
cultridens] tooth, 2 views P: Owen, R. Odontography Lond. 1840-1845 Atlas pl.62 A f.l0a,b
b37 f [Goniopholis crassidens] tooth P: I.e. pl.62 A f.9 b b 37 s.d. J. Dinkel del. c f [Reptilia,
unident.] cl vertebra, lat. c2,3 vertebra, lat. & end c4,5 vertebra, lat. & ? vent. c6-9
t Iguanodon vertebrae clO-13 f Cetiosaurus vertebrae: 13 s.d. ? J. Dinkel del. dl f [Iguanodon]
medulla, cast d2-7 f Poekilopleuron [Megalosaurus] d2 cervical vertebra d3,4 vertebra, 2
views: Annot. d5 centrum d6,7 vertebra, 2 views: Annot. d8,9 f [Cetiosaurus brevis]* caudal
vertebra, vent. & lat. P: Phil. Trans. R. Soc. 140 1850 pl.23 f.lOa-c. *No. 28646. f [Unident.
? Reptilia] dl0,ll sacral vertebra, 2 views dl2-15 4 vertebrae d 15 s.d. [J. Dinkel del.]
159 a | [Iguanodon mantelli]* bones of Maidstone specimen arranged as plate, some labelled: i. outline
d. of 39 bones. *No. 3791 b t Iguanodon [mantelli]* r. femur, distal end, 2 views : 2 s.d. Annot. P:
Mantell, G. The geology of the S.E. of England Lond. 1833 pl.4 f.3,4. *No. 2674 c t Iguanodon
[mantelli]* r. femur in matrix: 1 s.d. Annot. P: Mantell, G. Wonders of Geology Lond. 1839 pl.3 f.ll.
*No. 2649
160 al f [ ? Archosaurian] centrum a2,3 f [Crocodilian] os frontis P : Mantell, G. The geology of the S.E.
of England Lond. 1833 pl.2 f.5,1 & 6 a4,5 f [Iguanodon mantelli]* r. ischium, 2 views: Annot. P:
I.e. pl.4 f.1,2 *No. 2158 bl,2 f [Cylindricodon [? Hylaeosaurus]] 2 teeth: P: I.e. pl.2 f.2 & 4
b3 f [Megalosaurus dunkeri [M. oweni]]* ungual, lat.: P: I.e. pl.3 f.l *No. R 1105 b4,5 [Iguana]
claw & ungual bone which it covered: P: I.e. pl.3 f.2,3 b6 f [? Reptilia] incomplete bone in matrix
b7,8 f [? Hylaeosaurus] ? tibia, 2 views b9 f [Iguanodon] phalange blO [? Reptilia] terminal
phalange with sheath on matrix bll f [Iguanodon] sternum P: I.e. pl.3 f.4 b 11 s.d. All G.
Mantell del. cl,2 | [Iguanodon mantelli]* r. fibula, 2 views: Annot. cl P: I.e. pl.2 f.7. *No.
2677 c3 f [? Hylaeosaurus oweni]* r. ilium on matrix P: Q. Jl geol. Soc. 44 1888 p.53 f.3. *No.
2150 a-c 19 s.d. G. Mantell del.
161 f [Iguanodon] al incomplete tooth in matrix a2 ungual phalange* : Fig. as 'horn' : Mantell, G.
140 J. M. INGLES AND F. C. SAWYER
Folio
The geology of the S.E. of England Lond. 1 833 pl.3 f.5 *No. 2384 a3 ? chevron bone a4 [Unident.]
bone a5 f [Cetiosaurus brevis]* centrum, lat. in matrix: P: I.e. pl.2 f.5 *No. 2239. SYNTYPE of
Ornithopsis hulkei [Hoplosaurus armatus] also HOLOTYPE of Bothriospondylus elongatus & Fig.
Owen, R. . . . Reptilia . . . Mesozoic Formations Pt 2 Palaeontogr. Soc. (Monogr.) 1875 pi. 7 bl,2 t
Iguanodon* tibia, 2 views b2 P: Mantell, G. The geology of S.E. England Lond. 1833 pl.2 f.8 *No .
2678 b3 f [? Hylaeosaurus] end of long bone: All Annot. with measurements cl f [Iguanodon]
rib, incomplete c2 scapula: Annot. a-c 10 s.d. All G. Mantell del.
162 f Iguanodon a,b r. ramus of young specimen, labial & lingual, c same specimen, occ. & vent. :
4 s.d. [Miss Holmes del.] P: Owen, R. . . . Reptilia . . . Wealden Formations Pt 2 Palaeontogr. Soc.
{Monogr) 1854 pi. 11 f.1,2; pi. 12 f.3,4. Annot. Booth Mus. of Nat. Hist, specimen
163 t [? Reptilia] a Cuckfield bone in matrix with magn. part: 1 s.d. [Miss Holmes del.] Annot.
b vertebral centra, 7 views: 7 s.d. & 6 p.d. Annot. c f Iguanodon caudal vertebra, 5 views: 5 s.d.
[Miss Holmes del.]. Annot. lithographs P: I.e. pi. 9 f.1-5 ^Iguanodon [mantelli] d scapula, humerus
6 coracoid: 6 s.d. [Miss Holmes del.] P: I.e. pi. 14 f.1-6. Annot. e fibula, 6 views: 6 s.d. [Miss
Holmes del.] P: I.e. pi. 15 f. 3-7. Annot. ft [Iguanodon] post, caudal vertebra, dors. lat. & vent.:
3 s.d. & 3 outlines. Annot. d&e Booth Mus. of Nat. Hist, specimens
164 a f Oudenodon bainii* sk. lat. 1 i. outline d. P: Owen, R. Palaeontology, Edinburgh 1861 f.96 &
Q. Jlgeol. Soc. Lond. 16 1860 pl.l f.l HOLOTYPE *No. 36232 a2 t Dicynodon (Ptychognathus)
verticalis [Lystrosaurus murrayi]* incomplete sk. in matrix, r. lat.: 1 i.d. P: I.e. pl.l f.2. *No. 36224
HOLOTYPE of P. verticalis b f [Dicynodon testudiceps]* incomplete cranium, 2 views [? pal. &
lat.] 2 preliminary p. sketches P: Trans, geol. Soc. Lond. (2) 7 1856 pi. 5 f.l. Annot. HOLOTYPE
*No. 47051 c f Dicynodon (Ptychognathus) [Lystrosaurus] declivis* incomplete sk. r. lat.: 1 i.d.
Annot. P: Q. Jl geol. Soc. Lond. 16 1860 pl.l f.3. HOLOTYPE *No. 36221 d f Dicynodon
lacerticeps* incomplete sk. & ramus, lat. & dors.: 2 i. outlines. Annot. P: Trans, geol. Soc. Lond. (2)
7 1856 pl.3,4. HOLOTYPE *No. 36233
165 a Lacerta agilis incomplete skel. dors, pelvic girdle: 2 i.d. J. Dinkel del. b [? Varanus] hyoid
apparatus : 1 c.d. Annot. c Tupinambis sk. & lower jaw, r. lat. : 1 i.d.
166 a f Macellodus brodiei individual teeth & incomplete dentary: 4 w.d. & lithograph b f Macellodus
brodiei individual teeth, parts of ramus & ? vertebra: 7 w. & p.d. Annot. left P: Owen, R.
. . . Reptilia . . . Wealden Formations Pt 5 Palaeontogr. Soc. (Monogr.) 1861 pi. 8 f.l 0 c f [Echino-
don [Saurechinodon] becklesi]* individual teeth & parts of upper & lower jaws in matrix: 8 w.d.
Annot. P: I.e. pl.8 f.l, 2,6,7,8. *No. 48214 d t [? Thecodont] dentary & teeth of r. ramus & 2
individual teeth, lat.: 4 w.d., 5 p. sketches G.S. del. Annot. e f Rhincosaurus [Rhynchosaurus]
sk. fragment: 1 p.d. f f Wealden lizard [Unident.] vertebral fragments: 3 w.d. Annot. g f [? Mam-
malia] femur in matrix: 1 w.d. Annot. h f Rhincosaurus [Rhynchosaurus] ant. part of sk. r. lat.:
1 w.d. i t [Vertebrate ? Reptilia] bone fragments in matrix: 1 w.d. Annot.
167 a t [Mosasauridae] teeth & transverse section: 5 w.d. Annot. b f Coniosaurus [Coniasaurus]
incomplete skel. in matrix: 1 i.d. Annot. c f Mosasaurus dentary, lat.: 1 i.d. d f Liodon anceps
tooth, transverse section, magn. 1 c.d. S. W. Leonard del. e f Dolichosaurus longicollis* ver-
tebral column in matrix: 1 w.d. P: Trans, geol. Soc. Lond. 6 1842 pl.39 f.4. *No. 32268
168 a t Protorosaurus speneri skel. in matrix: 1 c.d. J. Dinkel del. Annot. Described in Dobson, J. Desc.
Cat. Physiol. Ser. in Hunterian Mus. R. Coll. Surgeons of England. Lond. 1971, p.215 Cat. No. 308
b t Leptopleuron [elginense]* 4 incomplete skel. in blocks: 4 c.d. J. Dinkel del. Annot. P: Q. Jl
geol. Soc. Lond. 8 1852 pl.4 Cast *No. 28244
169 a [Chamaeleo] 2 animals in bush: 1 w.d. Zeitter del. Annot. b [Chameleon] head with tongue
extended & forelimb, 1. lat. : 1 p.d. R.O. del. Annot. c Ceratophora aspera head, 1. lat. d Cerato-
phora stoddartii head, r. lat. e Phrynosoma regale [solare] head, frontal, c-e 3 c.d. A. B. W. del.
Annot. P: Phil. Trans. R. Soc. Ill 1880 pl.37 f.5-8 f Moloch horridus caudal horns, dors. lat. &
vent.: 3 p.d. P: I.e. 172 1881 pi. 66 f.4-6. Annot. g Moloch [horridus] vertebrae, lat. dors. & ant.:
3 c.d. Annot. P: I.e. 171 1880 pl.34 f.3,4 h Moloch horridus h2 ? head h3,4 sk. dors. & vent.
h5 sk. frontal unnumbered sk. oblique & vent.: 6 w.d. G. M. W. & A. B. W. del. Annot. P: I.e.
pl.37 f.2-5 i-j Siren lacertina diss, of hearts: 2 w.d. R.O. del. P: Trans, zool. Soc. Lond. 1 1835
pl.31 f.2,3
170 a-c Lacerta agilis diss. vent, to show internal anatomy of $ & <J: 3 w.d. I. G. C. or I. S. C. del.
Annot.
171 a f Glyptodon asper caudal segment showing exo- and endoskeleton, ant.: 1 p.d. Annot. P: Phil.
Trans. R. Soc. 172 1881 pi. 65 f.5 b f [Megalania prisca [Marsupialia unident.]] metapodial, 4
views: 4 s.d. Annot. P: I.e. Ill 1886 pi. 14 f.5-8 [see also Smith Woodward Ann. Mag. nat. Hist.
CATALOGUE OF RICHARD OWEN COLLECTION OF DRAWINGS 141
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(6) 1 1888:89] c f Meiolania platyceps bone fragments: 1 p.d. Annot. d-f f [Meiolania] pelvic
bone, 3 views: 3 p.d. Annot. P: I.e. pi. 32 f.1-3 g f [Meiolania platyceps]* tail: 1 p.d. Annot.
*No. R679 h | [Meiolania minor] occipital segment of sk. post.: 1 p.d. Annot. P: I.e. pl.29 f.l
i | Meiolania sk. part: 1 p.d. Annot. j f [Megalania prisca [Marsupialia unident.]] metapodials
& phalanges: 10 s. & i.d. some P: I.e. pi. 15 f.10-18 b&j M3659-60
172 f [Megalania prisca [Meiolania oweni]]* a caudal segment, ant. plus other fragments: 1 photo.
b tail, 4 terminal exoskeletal segments, dors, c as b lat. : 2 photos. Drawings based on these P:
I.e. 179 1888 pi. 64,65 a-c *No. R 392 d,f [t Meiolania platyceps]* terminal caudal segments, lat. :
3 photos. Drawings based on e,f P: I.e. pi. 37 f.2,1 e Annot. g exo- and endoskel. of caudal seg-
ment, ant. : 1 photo, d-g *No. R 908
173 a-d t Megalania [Meiolania oweni]* parts of caudal vertebra: 4 photos a,c Fig. I.e. Ill 1880
pl.37,38. *No. R 391
174 a | Megalania prisca [Meiolania oweni]* caudal segment showing exo- & endoskel. parts, ant.:
1 w.d. J. Erxleben del. P: I.e. 172 1881 pl.64. *No. R 392 b t [Meiolania platyceps]* incomplete
sk. post.: w.d. P: I.e. 179 1888 pi. 34 Cast *No. R 907
175 f Megalania prisca [Meiolania oweni]* 4 terminal exoskeletal segments of tail, lat.: 1 wash d.
J. Erxleben del. P: I.e. 172 1881 pl.65 f.l. *No. R 392
176 f Megalania prisca [Meiolania oweni]* terminal exoskeletal segments of tail, dors.: 1 wash d.
J. Erxleben del. P: I.e. pl.65 f.2. *No. R 392
177 f Megalania prisca [Meiolania oweni]* terminal exoskeletal segments of tail, vent.: 1 wash d.
J. Erxleben del. P: I.e. pl.65 f.3. *No. R 392
178 t Megalania prisca [Meiolania oweni]* caudal vertebra oblique dors. : 1 c.d. ?P: I.e. 171 1880 pi. 37 f.l .
*No. R 391
179 a f Belodon kapffi [Phytosaurus cappfi] sk. & m. 1. lat.: 1 photo by G. Wolf b,c Crocodilus suchus
[Crocodylus niloticus] sk. dors. & pal. : 2 s.d. Annot, P: Owen, R. . . . Reptilia . . . London Clay Pt 2
Palaeontogr. Soc. (Monogr.) 1850 pl.l f.1,2
180 t Teleosaurus a vent, scutes b vertebral column, ribs & scutes: Annot. c f Teleosaurus cado-
mensis ? occipital region d | Teleosaurus gracilis [Aeolodon priscus] fragment of occipital region,
scutes & bones e,f f Teleosaurus [cadomensis] sk. dors. & vent.: Annot. 6 pen & w.d.
181 a t Teleosaurus [Steneosaurus] atlas vertebra, 2 views: 2 s.d. Annot. b f Teleosaurus [Steneosaurus
chapmanni] sk. vent.: 1 w.d. Annot. c f Teleosaurus vertebra, 1. lat.: 1 s.d. Annot. d f Teleo-
saurus [Steneosaurus] latifrons sk. & m., ant. parts: 4 i. & w.d. Annot. e f Teleosaurus gracilis
sk. & m. on slab, ant. portion, 1. lat.: 1 p.i. & w.d. Annot.
182 Crocodilus [Crocodylus] a,c,d,c vertebrae, lumbar, dors. & cervical: 5 outline d. Annot. b sk.
showing elements, 1. lat. : 1 c.d. P: Owen, R. Anatomy of Vertebrates Lond. 1866 1 p. 145 f [? Croco-
dylus] complete animal, 1. lat.: 1 p. & w.d. C. H. S. del. Annot.
183 f Crocodilus [Crocodylus] a vertebra, sacral b vertebra, 2 views: 3 w.d. Annot. c C. biporcatus
caudal vertebra, lat. & vent.: 3 w.d. G.S. del. Annot. d f Teleosaurus [Steneosaurus] & Steno-
saurus vertebrae: 8 p. & wash d. Annot.
184 a t Crocodilus [? Diplocynodon] jaw, lat.: 2 i.d. A. P. Falconer del. Annot. b | Crocodilus
hastingsiae [Diplocynodon hantoniensis] pterygoid region: 1 p.d. P: Owen, R. ...Reptilia...
London Clay Pt 2 Palaeontogr. Soc. {Monogr.) 1850 pl.6 f.3 c,d | Crocodile lower m. & tooth,
1. lat. & occ. : 4 p.d. Annot.
185 a,b f [? Crocodilus hastingsiae [Diplocynodon] hantoniensis] ? post, view of cranium: 2 w. & p.d.
cf. I.e. pl.6 f.2 c t Goniopholis [crassidens] incomplete lower m. occ: 1 p.d. Annot. P: Owen, R.
. . . Reptilia . . . Wealden Formations Suppl. 8 Palaeontogr. Soc. {Monogr.) 1878 pl.l f.5
186 f Teleosaurus [Steneosaurus] chapmanni a vertebrae b incomplete sk., dors. : 3 pen & w.d. Annot.
187 f Teleosaurus latifrons [? Steneosaurus] a,b,d,e sk. & lower m. ant. portion, lat. & dors. & sec-
tions: 8 pen & wash d. T. L. Shuckard del. Annot. c f ? Teleosaurus lower m. of young ? 1
pen & wash d. Annot.
188 f Teleosaurus latifrons [? Steneosaurus] sk. ant. part, dors. & vent. & sections: 5 pen & wash d.
T. L. Shuckard del. Annot.
189 [Crocodilia] a [Unident.] diss. 1 p. & wash d. Annot. b Crocodilus [Crocodylus] niloticus glottis,
closed & open: 2 c.d. R.O. del.
190 t Crocodile ant. part of maxilla, pal. dors. & lat.: 1 engr. De la Beche del., C. H. Hullmandel lith.
Annot.
191 a Crocodilus biporcatus [Crocodylus porosus] section of sk. to show tympanic cavity: 1 p.d. P:
Phil. Trans. R. Soc. 140 1850 pl.41 f.4 b Gavialis gangeticus vertical section of sk. : 1 p.d. P: I.e.
142 J. M. INGLES AND F. C. SAWYER
Folio
pl.42 f.9 c Crocodilus [Crocodylus] acutus sk. diss, showing emergence of endocarotids : 1 prelim,
p. & c. sketch. P: I.e. pl.40 f.3 d Crocodilus biporcatus [Crocodylus porosus] vertical section of
cranium: 1 p.d. P: I.e. pl.42 f.8 e,f Crocodilus [Crocodylus] acutus e part of cranium & ver-
tebral column, diss, of injected preparation to show carotids: 1 p. & c.d. P: I.e. pl.40 f.2 f diss,
of cranium to show eustachian canals: 1 p.d. P: I.e. pl.41 f.7 g Crocodilus biporcatus [Crocodylus
porosus] sk. basal portion showing foramina: 1 p.d. P: I.e. pl.40 f.l h Alligator lucius [mississip-
piensis] palate, section, 2 views: 2 p.d. P: I.e. pl.41 f.5,6
192 a Crocodilus [Crocodylus] acutus loop of trachea: 1 p. sketch R.O. del. b Crocodilus [Crocodylus]
heart diss.: 3 c.d. R.O. del. Annot. P: Owen, R. Anatomy of Vertebrates Lond. 1866 1 f.339,340
c-e autograph description of parts of heart
193 a,b t Goniopholis crassidens* skel. remains in blocks : 2 i. sketches G. Nibbs del. Annot HOLOTYPE
♦No. 3798
194 a,b f Goniopholis crassidens* skel. remains in blocks: 2 c.d. J. Dinkel del. Annot. P: Mantell,
G. A. Wonders of Geology Lond. 1839 pl.l. HOLOTYPE *No. 3798 & 3799
195 f Crocodilus [Crocodylus] physiognathus a sk. pal. b 1. lower ramus, post, portion, lat. c 1.
lower dentary, labial d entire 1. ramus, labial: 4 photos of d. O. Roland del. Annot.
196 1,2 f [Steneosaurus] 2 sk. dorso-lat. 3,4 f [Crocodilia] incomplete lower jaw, vent.: incomplete
sk. pal. 5,6 f [Goniopholis] ant. ends upper jaws, pal. 7 f [Reptilia unident.] ant. ends of jaws
with teeth, 1. lat. : 7 p.d. Kaup del.
197 Crocodilus [Crocodylus] acutus sk. sagittal section, 1. lat.: 1 p.d. P: Owen, R. & Bell, T. . . . Rep-
tilia . . . London Clay Pt 2 Palaeontogr. Soc. {Monogr.) 1849 f.10 p.25
198 f Crocodilus hastingsiae [Diplocynodon hantoniensis]* a sk. ant. portion, dors, b sk. ant. por-
tion & m. r. lat. c sk. as b 1. lat. : 3 p.d. J. Erxleben del. P: I.e. pl.6 f.l ; pl.7 f.l. *No. 30393 - one
of the SYNTYPES of C. hastingsiae
199 t Crocodilus hastingsiae [Diplocynodon hantoniensis]* sk. part, pal.: 1 p.d. P: I.e. pl.7 f.2. *No.
30393 - one of the SYNTYPES of C. hastingsiae
200 a f Pterosaurus [Pterosaurian unident.] individual bones: 32 p.d. Annot. b f [Dimorphodon
macronyx] sk. 1. lat.: i. outline d. ? orig. d. for reconstructed sk. P: Owen, R. . . . Reptilia . . .
Liassic Formations Pt 2 Palaeontogr. Soc. {Monogr.) 1870 pl.20 f [Pterosaurian] c incomplete
dentary, lat.: Annot. d incomplete dentary & ?jaw fragment, lat.: Annot. e same as d occ:
Annot. f part of lower jaw : Annot. g reconstructed lower jaw, occ. & fragments. Annot. All
p.d. hl-6 f [Pterodactylus sedgwickii] 1-5 views of same cervical vertebra h7-12 f [Ptero-
dactylus fittoni] cervical vertebrae H13-14 f P. sedgwickii hl5-21 f Pterodactylus dors, ver-
tebrae h22 [Aptenodytes patachonica [patagonica]] 4th dors, vertebra h23 f Pterodactylus
bucklandi rib h24-26 f [P- sedgwickii] sacral vertebrae h27 t [P. indet.] centra & sacral ver-
tebrae h28-31 f [P- sedgwickii] atlas & axis vertebrae h32-34 f [P. fittoni] atlas & axis ver-
tebrae h35 t [P. sedgwickii] ant. caudal vertebra h36 missing h37-39 f [P. bucklandi] cervical
vertebra, 3 views: 39 w.p. & i.d. R.O. & J. Dinkel del. P: Phil. Trans. R. Soc. 149 1859 pl.10 f.1-39
201 a | Pterodactylus raptor* part of ramus in matrix, 1. lat.: 1 s.d. Annot. b bone surface magnified
x40: 1 s.d. Annot. c f Pterodactylus scolopaciceps [? kochi] specimen in matrix, 1. lat.: 1 engr.
Annot. d f Pterodactylus {Dimorphodon) macronyx* sk. & parts of skel. in matrix: 1 w.d. R.O.
del. P: Owen, R. . . . Fossil Reptilia . . . Liassic Formations Pt 2 Palaeontogr. Soc. {Monogr.) 1870
pl.17. *No. R 1035
202 a f Pterodactyl, 3 bones, lat.: 4 p.d. Annot. b f [unident.] ? phalange, lat. & end: 2 p.d. Annot.
c f ? Pterodactyl ? phalange, lat.: 2 p.d. Annot. d [? Pterodactyl] 1st & 2nd phalanges: 4 p. &
i.d. Annot. e f [? Pterodactyl] bones, lat.: 2 p. & i.d. Annot. f t [? Pterodactyl] tibia, oblique:
2 p.d. Annot. g f Pterodactyl, ? ischium: 1 p. & w.d. Annot. h f Pterodactyl bone, lat. & end:
3 p.d. Annot. i f [unident.] ? radius, lat. & end: 4 p.d. Annot. j t [unident.] 2 bones: 2 p.d.
Annot. k f [unident.] 2 bones, lat. & end: 6 p.d. Annot. 1 f Pterodactyl 2 bones: 3 pen, i. &
p.d. Annot.
203 | Ramphorhynchus meyeri [[Rhamphorhynchus] ? gemmingi]* vertebrae, hind limbs, lat.: teeth &
symphysis of lower jaw, occ: 1 p.d. P: I.e. pl.19 f.5,6 [HOLOTYPE of R. meyeriOwen *No. 37003]
204 f Ramphorhynchus [Rhamphorhynchus] sk. & limb bones in matrix: 1 p. & wash d. Annot.
205 | ? Reptilia impression of footsteps and a fossil reed: 1 engr. (13 f.) Henry Dircks engr. Annot.
206 a | Emydian pubis, 2 views: 2 p.d. M. Buckland del. Annot. b Autograph description of a
207 a t [Saurodesmus robertsoni]* r. humerus in matrix: 1 w.d. Annot. HOLOTYPE *No. 28877 Fig:
Seeley, H. G. Q. Jlgeol. Soc. 47 1891 : 168 b t ? Crocodile metatarsus in matrix 1 wash d. Annot.
c t [Chelonia [Eosphargis] gigas] humerus, proximal: 1 c.d. 5 p. sketches. J. S. del. Annot. t Chelone
CATALOGUE OF RICHARD OWEN COLLECTION OF DRAWINGS 143
Folio
[Chelonia] mydas, t Platemys [Emys] bowerbankii, t Chelonia original p. sketches for Owen, R. &
Bell, T Foss. Kept. Lond. Clay Pt 1 Palaeontogr. Soc. (Monogr.) 1849 pl.29
208 a t Platemys [Emys] bowerbankii scutes: 1 p. sketch R.O. del. original sketch for Owen, R. &
Bell, T. I.e. pl.23. HOLOTYPE b | Tretosternon punctatum scutes: 1 s.i. & wash d. C. R. Bone
del. Annot. c f Emys testudiniformis* carapace & plastron, incomplete, ant.: 1 p. & wash d.
Annot. P: I.e. pl.24 f.6. HOLOTYPE *No. 39767 a probably lost, see Lydekker 1889 3 : 171
209 a f Chelonia platygnathus [? Lytoloma planimentum] m. in matrix, vent.: 1 w.d. Annot. b f Chel-
onia platygnathus altered to planimentum* imperfect sk., dors.: 1 w.d. Annot. Cast of HOLOTYPE
of L. planimentum *No. R 1483 P: I.e. pl.9 f.1,2
210 a Chelydra serpentina [Chelys fimbriata [Chelus fimbriatus]] heart, diss.: i. & w.d. R.O. del. P:
Owen, R. Anat. of Vertebr. Lond. 1866 1 f.336 b Testudo [Chitra] indica head, vent. diss, muscles
b verso head, 1. lat. : Annot. c [Chelonian unident.] pelvic region muscles, vent. diss, d pectoral
region muscles, vent. diss. : a-d 4 p.d. Annot. e,f [Chelonian unident.] complete animal, dorso-
lat. & ventro-lat. : 2 c.d.
211 Chelonia [Eretmochelys] imbricata a,b gut c carapace d diss, specimen, vent, e plastron,
vent, f r. forelimb, vent, g ventro-lat. h r. hind limb, vent. : 8 p.d. e,g,h with wash. W.C. del.
Annot.
212 a-g | Palaeochelys novemcostatus sk. & carapace fragments: 7 photos of d. signed O. Roland
213 a-d t Palaeochelys novemcostatus skel. remains including carapace, dors. vent. & lat.: 4 photos
of d. signed O. Roland. Annot. P: description Valenciennes, A. C. R. Acad. Sci. Paris 56 1863
: 317-318
214 f [Chelonian, unident.] carapace & skel. 1. lat.: 2 c.d. G.S. del. Annot.
215 a Python tongue, diss.: 1 p.d. b [Unident. ? Python] head, myology, lat. vent.: 2 crayon d.
c [Snake, unident.] urinary system: 1 p.d. Annot. Python tigris [molurus] d head diss., vent.:
1 w.d. R.O. del. e head diss. & myology, vent, f myology of claspers: both w.d. R.O. del. Annot.
216 a-d Python heart, 4 diss. : 4 c.d. R.O. del. Annot.
217 a,b Coluber 2w.& i.d. b Annot. P: Russel, P. Indian Serpents Lond. 1801 pl.24,33
218 f [Coelodonta antiquitatis]* a,b sk. lat. pal. c upper tooth row, pal.: 3 p. sketches Annot.
*No. 46085
219 f [Plesiosaurian] vertebra, 5 views: 5 p.d. Annot.
220 f [Plesiosaurian] vertebrae & ribs in matrix: 1 p.i. & wash d. on tracing linen. Annot.
221 | [Plesiosaurian] 9 vertebrae : 1 i. & wash d. Annot.
222 a | Coelorhynchus [Cylindr acanthus] rectus part with 2 outlines of cross-sections b f Pristis
lathami [bisulcatus] part in matrix: 2 hand c. lithogr. G. Severyns del. et lith. Annot. a Fig.
Encyclopaedia Britannica Edinburgh 8th ed. 17 1858 : 128 f.62
223 f [Plesiosaurian] sk. parts with teeth in matrix: 1 wash d. Annot.
224 a Elephas indicus [maximus] & rhinoceros in zoo: 1 i. sketch b Elephas indicus [maximus] r. lat.:
1 wash d.
225 Homo sapiens skel. frontal: 1 pen & wash d. Swartzfager del.
226 Homo sapiens portraits of heads a Antis, Peru, r. lat. : 1 p.d. b Durabi, New Guinea : 1 w.d.
c Indigenous N. American: 1 w.d. d Sensi Indian, Peru, 1. lat.: 1 w.d. e Darnley Islander, New
Guinea: 1. lat.: 1 w.d. f S. American Indian, ? Antis, Peru, 1. lat.: 1 p.d.
227 Homo sapiens sk. a S native Andaman Is. r. lat. : 1 p.d. bl Juvenile of Georgia, King George's
Sound bll Adult of St. Vincent Id, W.I. : lithograph, P. Camper del. J. Newton lith. Annot.
228 Homo sapiens a sk. artificially deformed, 1. lat. : 1 w.d. W.C. del. Annot. b,c normal sk. frontal
&1. lat.: 2 w.d. W.C. del.
229 Homo sapiens from Bellars Nap a 2 crania, dors, b sk. & lower jaw, r. lat. c 5 lower jaws, occ. :
3 photos. Annot. d Homo from Abbeville, half m. lat.: 1 i. sketch M. O. Dimpre del. Annot. e
Homo cranial vault, 1. lat.: f Homo sapiens neanderthalensis head, 1. lat. Both photos. Annot.
230 Homo sapiens cranium, incomplete a dors, b frontal c 1. lat. : 3 photos. Brain of microcephalic
$42 years ddors. event.; sk. of above f frontal gl. lat. d-g 4 photos by R. T. Gore Annot.
Photos described in Anthrop. Rev. 1 1863: 168
231 Macaca nemestrinus [nemestrina] a vertebrae, dorsal 10-12 & lumbar 1-4, 1. lat.; vertebrae 10 &
11, dors, view: 3 p.d. P: Phil. Trans. R. Soc. 141 1851 pl.45 f.3,4 b vertebrae, dorsal 10-12 &
lumbar 4, dors.: 1 s.d. P: I.e. pl.44 f.2 c Homo sapiens vertebrae, dorsal 10-12, lumbar 1-3, 1. lat.:
1 s.d. P: I.e. pl.44 f.l
232 [Homo sapiens] a tibia & fibula: 1 charcoal & wash. d. Andre del. b immature sk. diss. 1. lat.:
1 c.d. c diss, showing facial nerves 1. lat. : 1 w.d. C. Bell del.
144 J. M. INGLES AND F. C. SAWYER
Folio
233 [Pan troglodytes] a party of three: 1 c. engr. G.S. del. & lith. Annot. b standing specimen,
frontal: 1 engr. B. Gravelot del. Scotin lith. Annot.
234 Simia [Pan] troglodytes a skel. of adult, 1. lat. Annot. b skel. of young, 1. lat. Annot. Both p.d.
P: Trans, zool. Soc. Lond. 1 1835 pl.48 c Simia satyrus [Pongo pygmaeus] skel. of juvenile, 1. lat.:
1 p.d. Annot. P: I.e. pl.49
235 Simia satyrus [Pongo pygmaeus] a skel. of adult 3 1. lat. Annot. b skel. of adult S, frontal:
Annot. c Pan troglodytes skel. of adult, frontal: Annot. 3 p.d. R.O. del. P: I.e. pl.49,50
236 Troglodytes niger [Pan troglodytes] a 6 standing, frontal b head of <$ r. lat.: 2 crayon d. J.
Zeitter del.
237 Simia satyrus [Pongo pygmaeus] a,b sk. 1. lat. to show development: 2 p. & i.d. R.O. del. Annot.
238 a [Gorilla] cranium, frontal: 1 p.d. b [Pongo pygmaeus] sk. of <$ r. lat. & frontal of incisors &
canines : 2 w.d. Annot.
239 Simia syndactyla [Symphalangus syndactylus] sk. & m. a frontal b 1. lat. c sk. only, pal.: 3
pen & i.d. T. Rymer Jones del.
240 Simia satyrus [Pongo pygmaeus] a sk. of adult <$, pal.: 1 p.d. Annot. b sk. & lower jaw, 1. lat.:
separate teeth: 1 pen, i. & wash d. T. R. Jones del. c sk. & lower jaw, frontal: 1 p.d. Annot. d sk.
of adult <J, dors. : 1 p.d. Annot.
241 Simia satyrus [Pongo pygmaeus] sk. a post. Annot. b <$ pal. Annot. c sk. & lower jaw, 1. lat.
Annot. 3 w.d. R.O. del.
242 Sk. & m. atop [Pongo pygmaeus] 1. latero-frontal : a lower [Pan troglodytes] immature, 1.
lat. b Simia [Pan] troglodytes 1. lat. : R.O. del. P: I.e. pl.55 c Simia [Pan] troglodytes $ r. latero-
frontal: G.S. del. a-c 4 w.d.
243 Simia [Pan] troglodytes a sk. adult $ 1. lat. & 7 teeth of young b sk. adult pal. & outlines of 7
teeth: 4 p. & w.d. R.O. del. P: I.e. pl.51,52
244 Simia satyrus [Pongo pygmaeus] sk. adult a fronto-lat. b 1. lat.: 2 w.d. G.S. del. P: I.e. pl.53
245 [Subfamily Colobinae] a sk. 1. lat. & tooth rows: 9 p. & w.d. W. Taylor del. b ? Cercocebus sk.
immature 1. lat. & pal. : 4 i. & w.d.
246 a Gorilla sk. immature, frontal & pal. : 2 p.d. E. Deslongchamps del. Annot. b [Pongo pygmaeus]
sk. immature, frontal: 1 p.d. R.O. del. P: I.e. pi. 56 f.3 c Simia satyrus [Pongo pygmaeus] adult ?
sk. frontal: 1 p.d. R.O. del. P: I.e. pi. 56 f.4 d Pongo pygmaeus sk. 1. lat.: 1 p.d. R.O. del. Annot.
e Pongo pygmaeus sk. 1. lat. : 1 p.d. R.O. del. Annot.
247 Simia satyrus [Pongo pygmaeus] a-c sk. adult, post.: 3 p.d. b Annot. d m. of adult, occ. of
1. half: 1 p.d. e sk. young, post.: 2 p.d. f sk. young, occ. of milk & permanent dentitions in
alveoli: 2 p. & w.d. g individual teeth of young & adult: 17 p. & w.d. a-g All R.O. del. a,e P:
I.e. pl.56 f.8,7
248 Simia [Pan] troglodytes sk. young a frontal b post, c pal. d,e sk. adult d frontal e post. :
5 p.d. R.O. del. a,b,d,e P: I.e. pl.56 f.1,5,2,6
249 Simia satyrus [Pongo pygmaeus] a brain, dors. & vent.: 2 pen & wash d. R.O. del. b [Unident.
probably primate] 2 brains, vent. & dors, of each : 4 pen & wash d. W.C. del. c Simia [Pan]
troglodytes brain, dors. & vent.: 2 pen & wash d. R.O. del. Annot.
250 a,b Troglodytes [Gorilla] gorilla $ lying & sitting, lat. & post.: 4 crayon sketches a P: I.e. 5 1865
pl.46 f.1,2
251 a,b Troglodytes [Gorilla] gorilla limbs of live specimen: 16 crayon sketches P: Trans, zool. Soc.
Lond. 5 1865 pl.46 f.3-6
252 Troglodytes [Gorilla] gorilla a,c,f,h sk., frontal, lat. occ. d,e head, r. lat., frontal b,i hands and
feet, dors., vent, g young specimen, lying: 9 photos, parts P: I.e. pl.47 f.1-7
253 a Pan troglodytes pelvis, dors, b [Homo], Simia satyrus [Pongo pygmaeus], Ateles, Hyaena vulgaris
[hyaena], Mongusta tetradactyla [Bradypus [Choloepus] didactylus] 1. manus skel., dors.: 6 p.d.
R.O. del. P: Owen, R. Anat. Vertebr. Lond. 2 1866, p.306 f.191
254 Simia satyrus [Pongo pygmaeus] a,b head musculature, r. lat.: 2 w.d. W. Martin del. c sternum
6 pelvis: 2 w.d. R.O. del. Annot.
255 [ ? Hominoidea] a,b forearm diss, muscles, tendons : R.O.del. c ? 1 . manus : W. Martin del. 3 w.d.
256 [Daubentonia madagascariensis] a Whole 3, frontal b heads and hand, 1. lat. c whole animal,
dorso-lat.: 3 w.d. J. Wolf del. P: Trans, zool. Soc. Lond. 5 1863 pi. 16-1 8
257 Daubentonia madagascariensis <$ skel. r. lat.: 1 p. & w.d. J. Wolf del. P: I.e. pi. 19.
258 Daubentonia madagascariensis a living specimen: 2 i. & wash sketches R.O. del. b bones of
manus: 1 i. sketch c r. manus & pes, palmar: 3 crayon d. d head, manus & pes: 10 p. & crayon
d. J. Wolf del. P: head only I.e. pl.22 f.l
CATALOGUE OF RICHARD OWEN COLLECTION OF DRAWINGS % 145
Folio
259 Daubentonia madagascariensis a,c forelimb muscles, diss.: 2 p. & i.d. Annot. bl forelimb &
neck muscles b2 brachial artery: 2 w.d. J. Erxleben del. & lith. P: I.e. pl.23,22
260 Daubentonia madagascariensis a,b forelimb muscles, diss.: 2 p. & w.d. J. Erxleben del. P: I.e.
pl.23 f.1,2
261 Daubentonia madagascariensis a,b hind limb muscles, urinogenital system & unident. part, diss. :
5 p. & w.d. J. Erxleben del. P: I.e. pl.24,25
262 Daubentonia madagascariensis a,b hind limb muscles, diss. : 2 pen p. & w.d. J. Erxleben del. P :
I.e. pl.25 f.2,3
263 Chiromys [Daubentonia] madagascariensis a brain, vent. lat. & dors, b brain, diss. : palatal ridges,
tongue & pharynx, diss. : 8 p. & w.d. c larynx, trachea & lungs d gut 3 w. & i.d. P: I.e. pl.24,22,26
264 a Felis incomplete skel. 1. lat.: 1 wash d. R. Pope del. Annot. b [Panthera leo] hind toe, anat.:
1 p.d. P: Owen, R. Anat. of Vertebrates Lond. 3 1868:70 c fore toe; anat.: 1 p.d. d Felis
[? concolor] sk. : 1 s.d. e Felis concolor dors, vertebrae, 1. lat. & dors. : 3 p. & s.d. P: Phil. Trans. R.
Soc. 141 1851 pl.45 f.5-7
265 a Sea otter [Enhydra lutris] pancreas : 1 p. & w.d. A. B. del. Annot. b Felis catus (kitten) pancreas,
stomach, spleen, duodenum: 1 p. sketch c [Panthera leo] stomach: 1 p.d. ? Perand del. Annot. d
[Felis] stomach, lat. : 1 p. & w.d.
266 t [Smilodon neogaeus*] a,c r. ramus, occ. & lat. b sk., dors, d mandible, frontal e sk. post,
mandible, frontal f sk. pal. : 7 p. & w.d. G.S. del. [sk. *No. 21000g mandible No. 21000h]
267 Hyaena [Crocuta crocuta] sk. r. lat. : 1 p.d. W.C. del.
268 a t Cams ? lupus carnassial tooth 3 w.d. Annot. b [Canis familiar is] sk. 1. lat.: 3 p.d. Annot.
c upper t Hyaenodon leptorhynchus [cf minor]* r. ramus, r. lat.: 1 p. sketch P: Ann. Sci. nat. Zool.
(2) 11 1839 pl.2 f.l. *No. 29752 c lower f Hyaenodon ? brachyrhynchus and H. pachyrhynchus
1. rami, lat.: 3 p. & i. sketches d Annot. e f Entemnodus [Hyaenodon] euryrhynchus [cf. minor]*
r. ramus, lat. : 2 p. & i. sketches, Hastings del. Annot. *No. 29752 photo, in Bull. Br. Mus. nat.
Hist. (Geol.) 23 1973 pl.5 f.1,2] f f [Canis palustris]* sk. in matrix 1. lat., foot & tail vertebrae.
HOLOTYPE of Galecynus oeningensis Owen 1847. *No. 27402. P: Trans, geol. Soc. Lond. 3 1835
pi. 34 [Canis] lower r. tooth row, lingual: r. forefoot, dors.: 6 p.d. L. Aldous del.
269 a Halichoerus grypus and Phoca vitulina rami, lingual : 2 p. & wash d. W.C. del. b f Trichecus
[Odobenus] rosmarus* lower jaw, ant., antero-dors. & 1. lat.: 3 p.d. T. Wright del. Annot. *No.
46134
270 a [Odobenus rosmarus] heart : 1 p. sketch b Phoca (Leptonyx) serridens [Hydrurga leptonyx] 3 dors,
vertebrae, oblique: 1 p.d. P: Phil. Trans. R. Soc. 141 1851 pl.46 f.8
271 a Ursus [Thalarctos] maritimus sitting, 1. lat. : engr. P. Mazell Annot. P: Pennant, T. Hist. Quadrupeds
Lond. 1781 pi. 33 f.l b UrsUs [Selenarctos] thibetanus epiglottis, 1 p. sketch, R.O. del. c f Ursus
arctos sk. 1. lat.: 1 s.d. G.S. del. Annot. P: Owen, R. Brit. Foss. Mamm. Birds Lond. 1846 f.24
272 a,b Suricata stomach & large intestine, diss.: 2 w.d. R.O. del. P: Owen, R. Anat. Vertebr. Lond. 3
1869 p. 444,445 c [Pteropus javanicus] sk. & teeth, lat. occ. 5 p. & w.d. W. Taylor del. P: Horsfield,
T. Zool. Res. Java London 1824 p.301 d Viverra rasse [Viverricula malaccensis rasse] 1. lat.:
I p. sketch W. Taylor del. P: I.e. p. 345 e [? Meles] spirit specimen: 1 i. sketch, Annot. f [Mydaus
meliceps] sk. 1. lat.: teeth, occ: anal glands & rectum; post. P: f.C,D,E,L. Eurylaimus javanicus
& Podargus [Batrachostomus javanensis] feet, ant. toes. P: f.Q&S, f 8 p.d. All P: I.e. p.297
g [Mangusta javanica [Herpestes javanicus]] sk. 1. lat.: teeth, lat. fronto-occ. P: f.N-T [Pomatorhinus
montanus] bill, lat. dors.: foot, lat. P: f.W-Z g 13 p.d. All W. Taylor del. All P: I.e. p.303
273 a [Tupaia tana] head, dors, lat.: feet, lat.: 4 p.d. W. Taylor del. P: I.e. p.229 f.A,B,F c [Tupaia
glis ferruginea] head, lat. & dors.: 2 p.d. W. Taylor del. P: I.e. p.229 f.C,D b Shrew, unident.
head, 1. lat.: 1 w.d. d [? Shrew] feet, dors.: 2 w.d. e Sorex [Condylura] cristata ? genitalia,
external: 5 i. sketches f [Tupaia javanica & Simia syndactyla [Symphalangus syndactylus] head &
teeth, 1. lat. hand of primate, dors.: 6 p.d. W. Taylor del. P: I.e. p.299 f.E,P,Q,R g,h,i Centetes
[Tenrec ecaudatus] sk. dors. 1. lat. & latero-dors. . 3 w.d. g H. Scharf del.
274 a Pteropus rostratus [Macroglossus minimus] ?, vent., wings open (331 f.H] b [Cheiromeles tor-
quatus] head, 1. lat.: (317 f.l) c [Rhinolophus [Hipposideros] larvatus] dors. (323 f.H) 3 p.d.
d heads, frontal & 1. lat. views of 1 [Rhinolophus affinis] (307 f.A,B) 2 Rhinolophus minor
[pusillus] (307 f.C,D) 3 [Rhinolophus vulgaris [Hipposideros larvatus]] (307 f.E,F) 4 [Rhino-
lophus deformis [Hipposideros larvatus]] (307 f.G,H) Centre [Rhinolophus nobilis [Hipposideros
diadema]] (307 f.L) Top row 1 & 2 [Rhinolophus insignis [Hipposideros larvatus]] (307 f.I,K):
II p.d. e,f Talpa europaea e 1 & 2 cervical vertebrae, lat. vent.: 3 lumbar vertebrae: 6 i.d. R.O.
del. P: Owen, R. Anat. Vertebr. Lond. 2 1866 : 386 f 2 young: 1 w.d. Capt Chapman del. Annot.
146 0 J. M. INGLES AND F. C. SAWYER
Folio
g Nyctinomus tenuis [Tadarida (Chaerephon) plicata tenuis] (303 f.A-H) sk., lat. dors.: teeth, frontal,
lat., occ. & tongue, lat.: 8 p.d. Excepting e & f all W. Taylor del. P: Horsfield, T. Zool. Res. Java
Lond. 1821-24, pp. & f. shown in brackets
275 a t Strongyloceros [Cervus] base of shed antler, lat. b Bos [or Bison] 3rd lower molar, lat. &
oblique: Annot. ct Cervus [Rangifer] tarandus* humerus, lat.: back of cranium, dors. & post.:
tooth, occ. & lat.: P: Owen, R. Brit. Foss. Mammals Lond. 1846 f.198. *No. 36746 d f Bos [or
Bison] lower molar, lat. & oblique: Annot. e t Megaceros [Megaloceros] 3rd lower molar,
oblique e f Elephas milk molar, 2nd lower, occ: Annot. f f Cervus [? diaromocervus] 1. lower
molar occ: Annot. a-f 13 w.d.
276 f Anthracotherium magnum* upper jaw, pal. : 1 p.d. *No. 28770
277 f Anthracotherium magnum* upper & lower tooth rows, 1. lat. : 1 p.d. *No. 28770
278 Sus scrofa sk. 1. & r. lat. & dors.: 3 w.d. Annot. P: I.e. f.172
279 Sus scrofa leg, foot bones & vertebrae, lat. & oblique : 8 w.d. Annot.
280 t Hyopotamus [Bothriodon] vectianus* al lower molars 2 & 3, lingual a3 symphysis of lower rami,
no teeth, occ. both *No. 29784 HOLOTYPE of H. vectianus a2 incomplete r. ramus, labial &
occ. *No. 29782 a4,5 [Unident.] teeth, 2 views a6 t Hyopotamus [Bothriodon] incisor, post, ant.:
Fig.: Q.Jlgeol. Soc. Lond. 4 1848 pi. 7 f.18,19 a7 t Hyopotamus [Bothriodon] bovinus* 3rd 1. upper
molar, lat., occ: Fig. I.e. pl.7 f.5&l. HOLOTYPE* No. 29761 a 11 i.d. b t Sus [Hyotherium]
palaeochoerus 3rd 1. upper molar, occ: 1 i. & w.d. W. del. P: I.e. 12 1856: 233 f.10. Annot. c t Sus
[Microstonyx] antiquus lower jaw, occ: 1 p.d. H. Schuler del. d t Dichodon cuspidatus* r. ramus
fragment with 3 molars, labial, lingual & occ: 3 w.d. P: I.e. 13 1857 pl.3 f.1-3 *No. M 3679
e t Hippopotamus tusk fragments, lat. & oblique: 2 p.d. f t Hippopotamus [?Dwarf], cheek teeth,
lat. & oblique: 6 p.d. P. Spratti del. Annot. g t Hippopotamus major part of femur: 1 i. sketch, J.
Gunn del. Annot.
281 Cervus [Mumiacus] muntjak a frontlet & antlers, dors, b living animal, 1. lat. c head, frontal
& lat. : 5 w.d.
282 Alces [alces] a,b antlers, frontal : 3 w.d. S. Parkinson del. b Annot.
283 t Megaceros [Megaloceros giganteus] antlers, a lat. b frontal: 2 w.d. [S. Parkinson del.] Annot.
284 Cervus elaphus a,c <$ heads with antlers: 2 engr. (10 f.) b antler formation: 1 i. sketch. R. Hills
del. Annot.
285 [Cervus elaphus] a-e frontlet & antlers: 5 photos. Annot. f dead deer with peruque head: 1
photo. Annot.
286 a [Cervus elaphus] 6 specimens malformed antlers: 6 p.d. E. W. Cooke del. Annot. b [Cervus
canadensis] post. r. lat.: $ and S 1 engr. R. Lawrence del. P: Colonial Journal No. 1, 1816 c [Cer-
vus elaphus] 6 pairs antlers: 1 photo.
287 a [Muntiacus muntjak] sk., 1. lat.: 1 p.d. W.C. del. Annot. b [Cervidae] hyoid bones of stag:
1 c.d. c Moschus moschiferus vertebrae, dorsal 6-14 & 1st lumbar: 1 p.d. P: Phil. Trans. R. Soc.
141 1851 pl.48 f.14 Muntiacus muntjak d sk., 1. lat.: e head, dors.: 2 p.d. W. Taylor del.
288 a | Strongyloceros spelous [spelaeus] [Cervus elaphus] antler, dors, part & scapula fragment: 2 p.
sketches. Annot. b f Cervus pedicellatus 3 antler fragments: 3 p. sketches. Annot.
289 a | Cervus antler fragment: 1 i. sketch. Annot. b [Unident.] antler, broken: 1 i. sketch. Annot.
c f Cervus strongyloceros [C. elaphus] antler fragment: 1 i.d. Annot. [a&c J. Gunn del.]
290 t Cervus sedgwickii [Euctenoceros sedgwicki] antler in 3 parts, 1. lat.: 1. s.d. Annot. HOLOTYPE
No. 99 Gunn Coll. Norwich Mus.
291 | [Eucladoceros dicranios] sk. & antlers, oblique: 1 i. sketch. Annot.
292 Camelus bactrianus 1. lat. : 1 wash d.
293 a Lama 1. lat. : 1 p.d. b Camelus head, fronto-lat. & 1. lat. : 2 wash d. c Camelus bactrianus
1. lat. : 1 p. & wash d.
294 Lama stomach, 1 wash d. Annot.
295 Lama stomach, 1. lat. : 1 wash d. W.C. del Annot.
296 a,b Bos taurus [Bos domestic] head, frontal & lat. : 2 photos. Annot.
297 a,b f Bison part of sk. & r. horn core, frontal & post.: Annot. c f Bison part of sk.: Annot.
3 w.d. W.C. del.
298 | Bison a,b,c sk., vent. 1. lat. & dors.: 3 p.d. H. v. Meyer del.
299 a f Bison trochocerus [Bos primigenius] sk., 1. lat. of back b f Bison [Bison] sk. frontal: 2 p.d.
H. v. Meyer del.
300 t Bos trochocerus [Bos primigenius] sk. a frontals & horn cores, ant. b post, view a,b 2 p.d.
H. v. Meyer del. P: Nova Acta physico-med. 17 1835 pi. 12 f.12,13
CATALOGUE OF RICHARD OWEN COLLECTION OF DRAWINGS 147
Folio
301 f Bubalus [Ovibos] moschatus back of cranium, post. & dors.: 2 w.d. Annot.
302 f Bubalus [Ovibos] moschatus a,b imperfect cranium, dors, post.: 2 w.d. G.S. del. Annot.
303 t Ovibos moschatus a frontlet & horn cores of $, dors. & vent, b same, ant. : 4 wash & p.d.
G.S. del.
304 a [Ovis ammon ? gmelini] specimen lying, ?lat. view of head: 1 w. & p.d. J. Zeitter del. b [Ovi-
bos moschatus]* standing specimen, 1. lat. : 1 p.d. W.C. del. Annot. *No. 612 a c [Ovis ammon
? gmelini] head, 1. lat.: 1 w.d. ?J. Zeitter del. d [Ovibos moschatus] sk. & r. lat. & frontal:
2 p.d. Annot.
305 a [Bos domestic] head, dors.: 1 w.d. R. Hills del. b [Bovidae, unident.] young specimen, 1. lat.:
1 p.d. c [Bos indicus] young specimen, 1. lat.: 1 p.d.
306 a Antilope bubalus [Alcelaphus buselaphus buselaphus] standing specimen, latero-frontal : 1 w.d.
[R. Hills del.] Annot. b Antilope dama [Gazella dama mhorr] standing specimen, 1. lat. & rear:
1 w.d. [R. Hills del.] Annot. ?P: Trans, zool. Soc. Lond. 1 1835 pl.l c Antilope furcifer [Antilo-
capra americana] standing specimen, r. lat. ; head, front: 2 i. & w.d. C. H. Smith del. Annot. Antilope
[Kobus ellipsiprymnus] d $ 1 w.d. & 1 p. sketch e head, detail 1. lat.: 2 w.d. d-e Both [R. Hills
del.] Both Annot.
307 a [Connochaetes gnou] dead specimen, 1. lat. : 1 p.d. Annot. b [Oryx leucoryx] standing specimen,
1. lat.: 1 c.d. [?Smitdel.]
308 a Tetraceros [Tetracerus quadricornis] sk. 1. lat.: 1 p.d. W.C. del. b f [7 Ovis] skel. remains &
teeth: 1 p.d. A. Sedgwick del. Annot. c [Antilocapra americana] head, 1. lat.: 1 s.d. Annot.
309 Giraffa articulated skel. 1. lat. : 1 pen & i.d. Annot.
310 Giraffa a skel. articulated, 1. lat.: 1 i. & wash d. J. Ibbetson del. Annot. b sk. 1. lat.: 1 outline i.
sketch c sk. sagittal section, r. lat.: 1 p.d. G.S. del. Annot. P: Trans, zool. Soc. Lond. 2 1839 pl.40.
311 Giraffa a leg bones & scapula, lat. b thoracic & pelvic skel.: 7 w.d. [J. Ibbetson del.] Annot.
312 a,b Giraffa head, neck & thorax, diss, to show muscles & vertebrae: 2 p. sketches
313 Giraffa a head, fronto-lat. : 1 wash sketch. Annot. b head & body, standing $: 2 w.d. R. Hills
del. Annot.: P: I.e. 3 1842 pl.l c dead giraffe: 1 engr. W. Oldham lith.: giraffe tower, Zool. Soc.
of Ireland, Dublin and medal designed by Woodhouse: 3 engr. P: The Amateur [? 1845-1847]
pp.21-22 d giraffe six hours old, r. lat. & head: 6 p. sketches & 2 w.d. [R. Hills del.] Annot. P:
Trans, zool. Soc. Lond. 3 1849 pl.l. c based on a study by F. W. Burton
314 [Giraffa] sk. horizontal section showing brain diss. : 1 i. & w.d.
315 'Bunyip' [Ruminant, unident.] a sk. pal. Annot. b sk. damaged, dors. : Annot. c sk. damaged,
1. lat. : 1 crayon d. Annot. a-c Blockmakers pulls of 3 crayon d. d head, 1. lat. : 1 i. outline d.
R.S.M. del. Annot.
316 a [Equus] musculature, 1. lat.: 1 crayon d. b letter relating to a dated 9/4/1791 signed W. Hedges
c f Equus spelous [spelaeus] astragalus: 1 p.d. R.O. del. Annot. d [Equus] penis musculature,
diss.: 1 p. & wash d. Annot.
317 a,b [Equus asinus] 1. lat. : a standing, 1 p. & wash d. b lying, 1 p.d.
318 a [Equus] living specimen with striped markings, 1. lat. : 1 w.d. Annot. b [Equus x E. zebra or E.
quagga] standing specimen, 1. lat. : 1 w.d. c f [Equus quagga] standing specimen, r. lat. : 1 hand c.
lithograph G. Edwards del. Annot. P: Edwards, G. Gleanings of Natural History Lond. 1758 5
pl.223 d [Equus] head, 1. lat.: 1 w.d.
319 t Equus spelaeus [Equus caballus]* a forepart of 1. ramus & teeth of S: occ. P: Phil. Trans. R. Soc.
159 1869 pi. 57 f.8, *No. 38187 b forepart of m. showing erupting teeth P: I.e. pl.57 f.7. *No.
38175 b c fragment of 1. maxilla with premolars in alveolae & deciduous molars, lat.: P: I.e.
pi. 60 f.5. *No. 38175 d Equus spelaeus var. B [Equus caballus] lower molar row, occ: P: I.e.
pl.57 f.5. *No. 38175b 4 s.d. [?J. Erxleben del.] Annot.
320 a Equus caballus* teeth of <$, 1. lower & r. upper, occ. P: I.e. pl.57 f.1-4 *No. 704b b Equus
asinus* teeth of <$, 1. lower & r. upper, occ. P: I.e. pl.58 f. 1,2 *No. 740e = 58.6.9.18 c Equus
hemionus* teeth of 3 in upper & lower jaws, occ. P: I.e. pl.58 f.3,4 Annot. *No. 976 h
= 58.6.24.119 lowest f Paloplothere [Palaeotherium] 1. ramus of lower jaw & molar row: 1
lithograph. Annot. a-c 6 s.d. [?J. Erxleben del.]
321 a Equus quagga* teeth in jaws, occ: P: I.e. pi. 59 f. 1,2 *No. 64.7.2.3 b Equus burchelli $ jaws
with teeth, occ: P: I.e. pl.59 f.3,4 *No. 854a = 46.6.2.77 c f Equus spelaeus [Equus caballus]*
lower teeth, occ. Annot. P: I.e. pl.57 f.6: 5 s.d. [? J. Erxleben del.]
322 Equus spelaeus [Equus caballus]* a upper molar row, occ. Annot. P: I.e. pi. 60 f.2. HOLOTYPE
of E. spelaeus *No. 38168 b part of molar row of young, occ. Annot. P: I.e. pi. 60, f.4. *No. 38171
148 J. M. INGLES AND F. C. SAWYER
Folio
d upper r. molar row, occ. Annot. P: I.e. pl.60 f.3. *No. 38169 c Equus zebra r. upper molar row of
young 3, occ. P: I.e. pl.60 f.l. *No. 706b. Annot. 4 s.d. [? J. Erxleden del.]
323 a,b Rhinoceros [unicornis] 1. lat. 2 engr. black & sepia [J. Parsons del. G. van der Gricht engr.]
a Annot. P: Rhinoceros. A natural history of four-footed Animals. [London] 1739.
324 t [Dicerorhinus schleiermacheri]* cranium, r. lat.: 1 crayon & wash d. : P: Kaup, J. J. Beitr. z.
naeheren Kenntniss d. urwelt. Saeugethiere, Darmstadt 1854-61 Pt 1, pi. 10 f.l Cast *No. M 2781
325 f [Dicerorhinus schleiermacheri]* cranium, dors.: 1 crayon & wash d. [? J. J. Kaup del.] P: I.e.
p!.10f.lACast*No. M2781
326 t [Aceratherium incisivum]* crania, a incomplete posteriorly b incomplete anteriorly both
dors.: 2 crayon & wash d. P: Kaup, J. J. Descr. Ossements foss. de Mammifires, Darmstadt 1832
pl.10 f.2a & 2b. Cast *No. M 2788
327 a f Rhinoceros [Dicerorhinus] schleiermacheri* top tooth row, occ. P: I.e. pi. 11 f.5 Cast *No.
M 2781 centre femur [? humerus], frontal. P: I.e. pi. 13 f.5. Cast *No. 1283 lower r. upper milk
molars: P: I.e. pi. 11 f.7. Cast *No. [110b (O. C.)] 3 p. & i.d. J. J. Kaup del. b t [? Dicerorhinus
schleiermacheri] upper premolar, latero-occ. : 1 i.d. Laurrillard del. c f Aceratherium* 1. maxilla
with teeth, 1. labial: 1 i. & wash d. J. J. Kaup del. Cast *No. M 2744 d f Aceratherium incisivum
post, part of cranium, 1. lat.: 1 i.d. [? J. J. Kaup del.]
328 Rhinoceros indicus [unicornis] a penis: al diss. a2 lat. a3,4 views of end: 4 p. & w.d. P:
(except a2) Trans, zool. Soc. Lond. 4 1862 pi. 17 f.2-4 b prepuce & penis: 5 c.d. 3 P: I.e. pl.9 f.4-6.
Annot.
329 Rhinoceros indicus [unicornis] brains al-4 $ diss.: P: I.e. pl.22 f.1-4 b $, vent, diss.: P: I.e.
pl.20 c 3, dors, diss.: P: I.e. pl.21 d <?, dors. & lat.: P: I.e. pl.19 f.1,2. Annot. 8 p. & w.d. [J.
Erxleben del.]
330 Rhinoceros indicus [unicornis] a jejunum : beginning, inner surface b ileum: end, inner surface
c jejunum: end, inner surface. P: I.e. pl.12 f.l— 3 d larynx diss. P: I.e. pl.15 f.2 e caecum, colon
& beginning of rectum P: I.e. pi. 13 f stomach, part of inner surface: P: I.e. pi. 14 g tonsil,
epiglottis & part of larynx. P: I.e. pl.10 f.l h larynx, vent.: P: I.e. pl.15 f.l; 8 p. & w.d. [J. Erx-
leben del.]
331 Rhinoceros indicus [unicornis] a metacarpal & metatarsal glands: 3 p. sketches: P: I.e. pl.9 f.l— 3
b incisors erupting, occ: 4 p.d. c [? Dicerorhinus sumatrensis] mounted skel. 1. lat.: 1 p. & i.d.
d Rhinoceros [? Ceratotherium simum] sk., spine & ribs, 1. lat.: 1 w. sketch R. Pope del. Annot.
e Rhinoceros pelvic & pectoral girdles, r. lat. : 3 i. sketches R.O. del. Annot.
332 a t Rhinoceros a left atlas vertebra, dors. : 1 w.d. a right mandibular ramus with 3 teeth, ant.
end, lat.: 1 p.d. Kaup del. b f Rhinoceros tichorhinus [Coelodonta antiquitatis] astragulus, dors.:
3 cheek teeth, occ. : ? scapula & humerus, lat. : verso atlas vertebra, vent. & ant. : 1. mandibular
ramus with 5 teeth, occ. & lat.: 9 p.d. Annot. c Rhinoceros [? fossil] lower molar, 3 views:
3 w.d. Annot. d t Rhinoceros tichorhinus [Coelodonta antiquitatis] cranium, r. lat. : 1 i.d. J. Hakewill
del. Annot. e Rhinoceros [? fossil] tooth, occ: 1 w. & i.d. f Rhinoceros upper & lower tooth
rows, occ: 2 crayon sketches g f Rhinoceros tichorhinus [Coelodonta antiquitatis] 1. ramus show-
ing teeth including unerupted molar, 1. lat. : 1 p.d. Annot.
333 Tapirus [indicus] a r. lat.: 1 outline p.d. Annot. b r. lat.: 1 c.d. Annot.
334 a Elephas africanus [Loxodonta africana] nasals, tusks & molars, dors. & occ. Elephas asiaticus
[maximus] molar, occ. b Elephas africanus [Loxodonta africana] sk. of young animal, 1. lat.
c cranium & lower jaw, occ. [probably same specimen as b] d,e Elephas asiaticus [maximus]
sk. 1. lat. : Annot. a-e 5 photos
335 a t Elephas [Mammuthus] primigenius [? Loxodonta africana] skel. of young specimen, 1. lat.:
b [Elephas maximus] skel. r. lat.: both i. & wash d. Annot.
336 a t [Mammuthus primigenius] skel. r. lat.: 1 engr. G.S. lith. Annot. P: Owen, R. Hist. Brit. foss.
mammals & birds, Lond. 1846 f.85 b f Mastodon giganteum [? Mammut americanum] skel. r. lat.:
1 w. & i.d.
337 a,d,e,f f [Owles collection of bones & teeth dredged off Dogger Bank. 4 photos, each of which
shows a variety of specimens, some of which have been identified]: a centre f [Mammuthus
primigenius]* r. femur *No. 46270 b t [Anancus arvernensis]* molar, lat.: Annot. Cast *No.
M 2902 c t Elephas [Mammuthus] primigenius skel. r. lat. & frontal: Annot. d t [Mammuthus
primigenius]* lower m., frontal. *No. 46197 f Rhinoceros, unident. cranium, 1. lat. f [Eleph-
ants, unident.] tusks, molars & bones e f [Odobenus rosmarus]* lower m., occ. *No. 46134
t [Mammuthus primigenius] tusks, teeth & bones f f [Castoridae, unident.] sk., r. lat.: f [Megalo-
CATALOGUE OF RICHARD OWEN COLLECTION OF DRAWINGS 149
Folio
ceros giganteus]* cranium of ?, 1. ventro-Iat. *No. 46106 f [Megaloceros]* frontlet & pedicles
*No. 46107 f [Mammuthus primigenius]* innominate *No. 46268 a-f 7 photos
338 a t [? Hippopotamus] molar, lat. b-d f [Elephantidae] b molar, occ. c molar, latero-occ.
d molar, occ. : Annot. a-d 4 p.d. e Mammoth, part of tusk, post. & lat. : 1 i. & wash d. Annot.
339 a-c t [Mammuthus cf. primigenius] lower molar, lat. & latero-occ: 3 w.d. C.S. del. [? C. Stubbs].
Annot.
340 t [Elephas [Mammuthus] primigenius] a molar, occ: 1 cd. Annot. b f [Mammut americanum]
molar, occ : 1 cd. Annot.
341 f [Elephas [Mammuthus] primigenius] a molar, occ: 1 cd. Annot. b f [Elephantidae] molar,
occ. : 1 cd. Annot.
342 a f Elephas jaw with tooth & bone fragments: 5 i.d. Annot. b f Mammoth head of humerus: 1
wash d. Annot. c t [Elephantidae] tusk, lat.: i.d. [J. Gunn del.] Annot.
343 a f [? Mammut americanum] sk. 1. lat. : Annot. b f [Elephantidae] sk. fronto-lat. : Both i. outline d.
344 t [Mammut americanum]* incomplete mounted skel. 1. lat. : 1 i. & wash d. G.S. del. Annot. *No.
15913
345 t [Mammut americanum]* a incomplete m. & teeth, 1. lat. & frontal: 4 w. & outline d. G.S.
del. b incomplete cranium with tusk, dors.: 1 w.d. c 1. fore & hind feet skels, frontal: 4 cd.
G.S. del. All. *No. 17144
346 f [Mastodon americanus [Mammut americanum]] a upper M2 b upper M3, occ. & lat. : 4 w.d.
G.S. del.
347 j [Mastodon americanus [Mammut americanum]] a upper M2, occ. & lat. bl r. lower 2nd milk
tooth, occ. & lat. *No. 17562 b2 r. upper 2nd milk tooth: occ. & lat. *No. 17565 b3 r. lower
M3, occ. & lat. *No. 17563 b4 r. lower milk molar, occ. & lat. *No. 17564. 10 w.d. G.S. del.
c f [Mammuthus cf. meridionalis] r. lower molar, occ: 1 w.d. G.S. del. Annot.
348 f [Mammuthus] a r. ulna & radius, 2 w.d. G.S. del. b r. humerus: 2 w.d. G.S. del. c r. tibia
& fibula: 2 w.d. [G.S. del.] Annot.
349 a [Proboscidea, unident.] incomplete bone, 1 cd. Annot. b f [Mammuthus] 1. femur, 3 lat.:
3 w.d. G.S. del. Annot.
350 f Mammutus [? Mammut americanum] a,b mounted skel. post. & lat.: a 1 p.d. b 2 i.d. Annot.
351 a f Elephas 2nd upper molar, oblique: 1 s.d. Annot. f Mastodon [Tetralophodon] longirostris*
b r. ramus, milk dentition: 1 p.d. Annot. c,d r. ramus, milk dentition: 2 p. & w.d. d E. Mark-
wrost del. Annot. b-d All Cast *No. 36756 P: Kaup, J. J. Beitr. z. naheren Kenntniss d. urwelt.
Sdugethiere Darmstadt, 1854-61 Pt 3 pi. 2 f.2 [as M. arvernensis]
352 f Mastodon [Stegolophodon] latidens* a lower milk tooth, 3 views: 3 cd. W.C. del. Annot.
b,c r. upper molar, oblique & occ: 2 w.d. P: Falconer, H. & Cautley, P. J. Fauna Antiqua Sivalen-
sis . . . Lond. 1846^49 pi. 31 f.2,2a *No. M 10518 d f Mastodon [Stegodon] elephantoides* upper
molar, oblique: 1 w.d. [W.C. del.] Annot. P: Clift, W. Trans, geol. Soc. Lond. 2 1828 pl.39 f.6
SYNTYPE *No. M 10520. Cast *No. 7388
353 a f [Mammuthus] tooth, frontal: 1 wash d. Annot. b f Mammoth [Mammut americanum]*
r. ramus, lingual: 1 wash d. Annot. P: Hunter, J. Phil. Trans. R. Soc. 58 1768 pl.4 f.1,3 *No. [3
(O. C.)] c f [Mammuthus] tooth, lat.: 1 wash d. d t Mastodon [Stegolophodon] latidens* r.
upper M2 & M3 in part of palate: 1 w.d. [W.C. del.] P: Trans, geol. Soc. Lond. 2 1828 pl.37 f.l.
HOLOTYPE *No. M 29713. Cast *No. M 2888. Annot.
354 | [Mammut americanum]* incomplete cranium & 3rd molar a pal. b post, c 1. lat. d dors.:
4 w.d. G.S. del. *No. 345
355 t Mastodon [Stegolophodon] latidens* palate & ? 3rd molar each side: 1 w.d. W.C. del. P: I.e.
pl.36, *No. M 10514
356 t Mastodon 3 long bones, lat. & distal: 4 wash & 1 i. outline d. Annot.
357 ^Mastodon a 2 phalanges, dors. & vent, b bone fragment: 5 wash & i.d.
358 a f Dinotherium [Deinotherium giganteum] 1. upper molar, occ: 1 w.d. W.C. del. Annot.
b,c,d f [Mastodon [Tetralophodon] longirostris]* axis vertebra, 1. lat., post & ant.: 3 w.d. [? J. J.
Kaup del.] P: Kaup, J. J. Descr. ossements foss. de Mammifires, Darmstadt 1835 pl.22 f.2-2 b
*No. M 3408 e f [Tetralophodon longirostris]* germ of 1st upper molar, oblique: 1 p.d. [? J. J.
Kaup del.] P: I.e. pl.21 f.7. *No. M 2916 f f [Tetralophodon longirostris]* part of maxilla & tooth
row, 1. lat.: 1 i.d. P: I.e. pi. 19 f.l. Cast *No. M 2907
359 a f Mastodon [Tetralophodon] longirostris* al last upper molar, lat.: *No. 2923 a2 3rd lower
molar, lat. : *No. M 2899 a3 upper premolar 4, occ. : Annot. *No. 2914 a4 ? 4th premolar, occ
a5 ? molar, lat. a6 premolar, oblique: 6 p. & wash d. ?Kaup del. b f [Dinotherium [Deino-
1 50 J. M. INGLES AND F. C. SAWYER
Folio
therium giganteum]] bl upper molars, occ: P: I.e. pl.2 f.2 b2,3 upper molars, oblique. b4 upper
molar, lat. P: I.e. pl.2 f.10 b5 1. lower molar, oblique: *No. 1735 i b6 upper molars lettered
(a-d) P: I.e. pl.2 f. 6,3,5,4. *Nos 1272, 1735 e, 1735 d b7 molar crown, oblique. b8 lower molar
row in part of ramus, lat. P: I.e. pl.5 f.l b9 lower molar, lat. P: I.e. pl.5 f.2 blO [Proboscidea,
unident.] molar, lat. Annot. 13 p. & w.d. All J. J. Kaup del. All * specimens are casts
360 a t Dinotherium gig. [Deinotherium giganteum] teeth al-3 [? molars] crowns, oblique a4 upper
molar crown, oblique P: I.e. pl.2 f.7 4 bis centre tooth, lat. a5 f Mastodon [Tetralophodon]
longiwstris cheek tooth, oblique. a6-8 f [Dinotherium gigantei [Deinotherium giganteum]] a6 in-
complete tusk, lat. P: I.e. pi. 3 f.l a a7,8 tusks, end view. P: I.e. pi. 3 f.l b & 1 c a Annot. 9
crayon & wash d. b,c f [Dinotherii gigantii [Deinotherium giganteum]] incomplete 1. ramus &
symphysis, lat., post. & occ: 3 p. & c.d. Annot. P: I.e. pl.4. Casts *Nos 1275, 1542
361 a Rhinoceros [unident.] ant. part of cranium, 1. lat. b,c f [Deinotherium giganteum] 1. ramus &
symphysis, occ. lat.: 3 crayon & wash d. [? Kaup del.]
362 f [Dinotherium [Deinotherium] giganteum]* a incomplete ant. part of palate with teeth, occ. : 1 p.i.
& w.d. *No. 1270 b same as a 1 p.d. *No. 1271. Both casts. J. J. Kaup del. P: I.e. a pl.l bis f.2
bpl.l
363 a | Merycopotamus [? Hippohyus] upper molar 1 & premolar 4, occ: 2 p.d. b f Elasmotherium
incomplete scapula, dors. : 1 w. & i.d. J. J. Kaup del. Annot. c f Hyracolestes [Pliolophus vulpiceps
[Hyracotherium leporinum]]* 1. ramus with P3-M3 c8,8a occ c7 lingual, unnumbered labial:
4 s.d. P: Q.Jl geol. Soc. Lond. 14 1858 pl.3 f.5,6,4. HOLOTYPE of P. vulpiceps *No. 441 15 d t
Lophiodon issellensis [isselensis]* 2nd phalangeal of 3rd digit of r. forefoot, ant. post. & 1. lat.: 3 w.d.
Caroline Owen del. Annot. dl P: Owen, R. Hist. Brit.foss. mamm. & birds, Lond. 1846 f . 1 06 : *No.
29743 e left t Hippohyus [sivalensis]* upper teeth, occ. *No. M 2053 e right f Merycopotamus
[dissimilis]* upper teeth, occ. *No. 16551: 2 p.d. P: Falconer, H. & Cautley, P. J. Fauna Antiqua
Sivalensis . . . Lond. 1846-49 pl.70 f.l & pl.76 f.3.
364 f Pliolophus vulpiceps [Hyracotherium leporinum]* a 1. maxilla 5 occ. 5a occ 5b 1. lat. 6 Ml
& M2 occ: 4 s.d. P: Q. Jl geol. Soc. Lond. 14 1858 pl.3 f.l— 3 b top f Hyracotherium leporinum*
cranium, dors.: woodcut. P: Trans, geol. Soc. Lond. 6 1841 f.2. *No. M 16336 b lower sk. before
development b2 1. lat. b3 dors. b4 vent, c sk. r. lat. b,c 4 w.d. P: I.e. pl.2. HOLOTYPE
*No. 44115
365 t Toxodon [platensis]* m. a r. lat. & ant. b r. tooth row, occ c occ 4 s.d. J. Dinkel del.
*No. 19949
366 t Toxodon platensis* a incomplete cranium, dors, b cranium, post.: 2 p.d. G.S. del. P: Owen, R.
Zool. voyage Beagle Lond. 1838 Pt 1 a pl.3 b pl.4. HOLOTYPE *No. M 16560
367 t Toxodon [platensis]* a cranium, vent, molar, 4 views b incomplete cranium, r. lat.: 6 p.d.
G.S. del. P: I.e. a pl.4 b pl.2. HOLOTYPE *No. M 16560
368 f Toxodon [platensis]* incomplete cranium, r. lat.: 1 prelim, p.d. G.S. del. HOLOTYPE *No.
M 16560
369 t Toxodon [platensis]* sk. ant. a dors, b r. lat. c 1. lat. 3 s.d. J. Dinkel del. *No. 19948
370 Hystrix a caecum b stomach & spleen c [Sciurus plantani [Callosciurus notatus notatus]] live
specimen, 1. lat. d Gerbillus burtoni [pyramidum pyramidum] sk. pal. e Dipus hirtipes [Jaculus
jaculus] sk. dors, f [Dasyproctidae, unident.] <? organs g Capromys <$ organs h [Mus setifer
[Bandicota indica setifera]] living animal, r. lat.: 8 p. sketches c,h W. Taylor del. c,h P: Hors-
field, T. Zool. Res. in Java . . . Lond. 1824 c p.361 h p.357
371 t Archaeopteryx macrurus [lithographica]* skel. remains in block: 1 p.d. J. Dinkel del. Annot. P:
Phil. Trans. R. Soc. 153 1863 pl.l [HOLOTYPE of A. macrura *No. 37001]
372 a f Castor tdgeri, f Spermophylus [Spermophilus] superciliosus individual teeth, sk. & long bones:
34 p.d. Mangold del. Annot. P: S. superciliosus in Kaup, J. J. Descr. Ossements foss. Mamm.
Darmstadt, 1839 pl.25 f.4,3 b t Spermophylus citillus [Spermophilus superciliosus], f Arctomys
primigenia [Marmota marmota] sk. & long bones: 11 p.d. Kaup del. Annot. 2 top left d. P: I.e.
pl.25 f.5-6 c t Arctomys primigenia [Marmota marmota] sk. lat. & dors., first 10 vertebrae, 1. lat.:
11 p.d. Kaup del. Annot. sk. d. P: I.e. pl.25 f.1-2
373 a left Mus [ ? Rattus] a right [Mastacomys fuscus] both sk. 1. lat. : teeth, occ. : 8 p.d. b Oryctolagus
pelvis, r. lat.: 1. mandible, lat.: scapula: 3 p. & w.d. Annot. c Hydrochoerus capybara [hydro-
chaeris] vertebrae 8-14, dors.: 1 s.d. P: Phil. Trans. R. Soc. 141 1851 pl.47 f.ll d Castor fiber &
Macropus major [giganteus] caudal vertebrae, 7th & 9th, dors. vent. & ant.: 6 s.d. P: I.e. pl.53
f.61,62 Annot. e t Helamys [Platychelys] capensis dors. & lumbar vertebrae, 1. lat.: 1 p.d. P:
I.e. pi. 46 f.9
CATALOGUE OF RICHARD OWEN COLLECTION OF DRAWINGS 151
Folio
374 a f Glyptodon sk. & mandible, 1. lat. b | Glyptodon - Hoplophorus sk. & mandible, r. lat. Annot.
c f Glyptodon - Panochtus [Panochthus] sk. & mandible, r. lat. Annot. d t Toxodon sk. & man-
dible, r. lat. Annot. e t Homo from S. America sk. & mandible, 1. lat. Annot. f t Scelidotherium
mounted skel. r. lat. Annot. g | Scelidothere, skel. of 1. hindfoot, lat. a-g 7 photos
375 f Megatherioid [Megatheriid] a lower jaw, occ. c sk. 1. lat. d sk. pal. b,e f Megatherium
mounted skel. 1. lat.: 5 photos. Annot.
376 f Megatherium americanum articulated skel. oblique frontal: [J. Dinkel del.] 1 s.d. P: Phil. Trans
R. Soc. 148 1858 pi. 18 Cast of composite skel. *No. M 26540
377 | Megatherium americanum skel. 1. lat.: 1 i.d. Annot.
378 f Megatherium 7th cervical & 1st dors, vertebrae, dors.: 1 s.d. P: I.e. 145 1855 pl.20 f.5
379 t Megatherium vertebrae a axis b 3rd cervical c atlas, 4 views d 6th cervical, ant. & 1. lat.
10 s.d. P: I.e. pl.20,21
380 t Megatherium a 7th cervical vertebra, post. & lat. b 7th dors, vertebra, post. lat. ant. 5 s.d.
J. Dinkel del. P: I.e. pi. 19,20
381 t Megatherium a 16th dors, vertebra, 3 views b 13th dors, vertebra, 4 s.d. J. Dinkel del. P:
I.e. pi. 19,26
382 t Megatherium 1st & 2nd caudal vertebrae, post. & vent.: 4 s.d. J. Dinkel del. Annot. P: I.e.
pi. 18, 24, 26
383 f Megatherium a-c caudal vertebrae, 12 views: 12 s.d. J. Dinkel del. P: I.e. pl.24
384 t Megatherium a scapula b glenoid cavity & acromio-coracoid arch: 2 s.d. P: I.e. pi. 19
385 f Megatherium haemapophyses of dors, vertebrae or bones of sternum: 3 s.d. J. Dinkel del. P:
I.e. pl.27
386 t Megatherium dors, vertebrae, 9 views: 9 s.d. J. Dinkel del. P: I.e. pl.27
387 t Megatherium americanum* a hind foot bones *No. 19953 ? b bones of r. fore-foot articulated:
a,b 2 s.d. Both J. Dinkel del. b P: I.e. pl.22 *No. 19953
388 ? | Megatherium pelvis a ant. b dors.
389 f Megatherium a f.l pelvis, lat.: 1 s.d. f.2 acetabulum: 1 p.d. P: I.e. 149 1859 pl.37 b pelvis,
vent.: 1 s.d.
390 f Megatherium a,b 15th & 16th ribs: 3 s.d. P: I.e. 145 1855 pi. 26 c pelvis, 1. lat.: 1 s.d.
391 t Megatherium a femur, proximal & distal ends b,c 2 unident. bones d tibia, proximal end,
tibio-fibula, distal end: a-d 6 s.d. [J. Dinkel del.] a&d P: I.e. 149 1859 pl.39 f.1-4
392 f Megatherium a calcaneum, ant.: 1 s.d. J. Dinkel del. P: I.e. pl.41 f.2 b navicular bone, astragu-
lus & calcaneum, ant.: 1 s.d. J. Dinkel del. P: I.e. pl.40 f.3
393 t Megatherium a 2 cuneiform & cuboid bones, ant.: 1 s.d. J. Dinkel del. P: I.e. pl.40 f.2
b | Megatherium americanum* foot bones, dors.: 1 s.d. P: I.e. pl.41 f.l *No. 19953 c foot bones,
tibial side: 1 s.d. P: I.e. pl.40 f.l
394 t Megatherium a skel. 1. fore-foot: 1. lat. b skel. 1. hind foot, r. lat.: 2 w.d. G.S. del.
395 1 t Mylodon robustus articulated skel. r. lat.: 1 wash d. G.S. del. P: Owen, R. Descr. skel. extinct
gigantic sloth London 1842 pl.l 2 Bradypus tridactylus skel. 1. lat. : 1 p.d.
396 t Mylodon robustus sk. 1. lat.: 1 p. outline d. P: I.e. pl.2
397 t Scelidotherium leptocephalum* cranium, r. lat. : 1 crayon outline d. P: Phil. Trans. R. Soc. 147 1857
pi. 8 f.l [Reconstruction using posterior portion of *No. 32995]
398 t Scelidotherium leptocephalum* a m. occ. b lower molar row, occ: 2 p.d. P: I.e. pl.8 f.5 & pl.9
f.2 *No. 37649 Part of HOLOTYPE of S. bravardi
399 t Scelidotherium leptocephalum* reconstructed sk., pal. & lower molar surfaces; 2 p.d. P: I.e. pl.9
f.l, 3 *No. 32995
400 t Scelidotherium leptocephalum* partially restored cranium & m. r. lat.: 3 p.d. P: I.e. pl.8 f.2,4
*No. 37626 - cranium. *No. 37649 - m. Parts of HOLOTYPE of S. bravardi. Teeth of *No. 37309
401 t [Mammalia unident.] cranium & bones in matrix: 1 s.d. J. Dinkel del. Annot. t
402 t Glyptodon [clavipes] a cranium sagittal section, 1. lat. b cranium, vent. & dors.: 3 w.d. G.S.
del. b P: [Owen, R.] Descr. & illustr. Cat. Fossil . . . Mammalia & Aves . . . Roy. Coll. Surgeons
of England Lond. 1845 pi. 3
403 a,b t Glyptodon [Doedicurus clavicuadatus]* caudal sheath, 2 views: 2 s.d. J. Dinkel del. HOLO-
TYPE of D. clavicaudatus *No. 19955
404 a t Mylodon harlani* parts of lower jaw, 3 views: 3 i.d. Annot. Cast of HOLOTYPE *No. 7375
b&c f Glyptodon [Panochthus tuberculatus] parts of tail; 2 photos. Annot. d t Glyptodon clavipes
carapace: 11 p.d. G.S. del. Annot. HOLOTYPE - Roy. Coll. Surg. Cat. No. 541 P: [Owen, R.]
152 J. M. INGLES AND F. C. SAWYER
Folio
Descr. & illustr. cat. Fossil . . . Mammalia & Aves . . . Roy. Coll. Surgeons of England. Lond. 1845
pl.l [Destroyed in 1941]
405 f Glyptodon* a sacro-caudal vertebrae, vent, b pelvis, lat. : 2 s.d. J. Dinkel del. both *No. 40067
406 t Glyptodon a [Panochthus tuberculatus]* caudal sheath, *No. 19954 b [Doedicurus clavi-
caudatus]* caudal vertebrae, 3 views: *No. 19955 HOLOTYPE 4 s.d. J. Dinkel del.
407 | Glyptodon [Panochthus tuberculatus]* a,c armour fragment, ant. post, (see also Fol. 408 b,c)
b vertebra within caudal sheath, proximal end. *No. 19954 3 s.d. [? J. Dinkel del.]
408 t Megatherium r. clavicle, vent.: 1 s.d. P: Phil. Trans. R. Soc. 148 1858 pl.20 f.l b,c t Glyptodon
[Panochthus tuberculatus] outer & inner surfaces of armour fragment: 3 s.d. J. Dinkel del. (see also
Fol. 407 a,b)
409 f Glyptodon [Panochthus tuberculatus]* caudal sheaths: 2 s.d. J. Dinkel del. *No. 19954
410 a,b Dasypus [Priodontes] giganteus fore & hind feet, vent. & lat. : 2 c.d. W.C. del. Annot.
411 a Dasypus septemcinctus submaxillary salivary gland & bladder diss, out: 1 p.d. R.O. del. b
Chlamyphorus [truncatus] articulated skel. hind & fore-limbs; 1. lat.: 2 p.d. P: Owen, R. Anat.
Vertebr. London 1866 2 i.215,211 c Dasypus [Euphractus] sexcinctus submaxillary salivary
gland: 1 i. & wash d. R.O. del. d Dasypus peba [novemcinctus] head & submaxillary salivary
gland diss, out, vent. : 1 p.d. R.O. del. c,d P: Trans, zool. Soc. Lond. 4 1853 pl.40 f.l, 2 e,f Dasypus
[sexcinctus] intestine & stomach: 2 p.d. R.O. del.
412 a i,ii f Mylodon iii,iv f Megalonyx v,vi f Megatherium vii,viii f Scelidotherium astragalus of
each, proximal & distal: 8 p.d. b Dasypus longicaudus [novemcinctus] dors. & lumbar vertebrae:
1 p.d. P: Phil. Trans. R. Soc. 141 1851 pl.49 f.l 8 cl Bradypus tridactylus dors. & lumbar ver-
tebrae: 1 i. & p.d. c2 Dasypus [Tolypeutes] tricinctus dors. & lumbar vertebrae: 1 w.d. P: I.e.
pl.49 f.17,19 d top t Scelidothere, ant. part skel. & lat. : 1 p.d. dl f Scelidothere d2 Orycteropus
d3 [Dasypodid - unident.] d4 [Myrmecophaga tridactyla] dl-4 cervical & dorsal vertebrae of
each, r. lat.: 1 lithograph (4f.) G.S. lith. P: Owen, R. Zool. Voy. Beagle Pt 1 Lond 1838 pl.24
413 Myrmecophaga jubata [tridactyla] a 11th, 15th dorsal & 3rd lumbar vertebrae, ant. post.: 6 p.d.
[J. Dinkel del. et lith.] P: Phil. Trans. R. Soc. 141 1851 pl.50 f.21-23 b 1st caudal vertebra, ant.:
1 s.d. [J. Dinkel del. et lith.] P: I.e. pl.53 f.60 c sacral vertebra, ant.: 1 i. & w.d. d 11th, 15th
6 lst-3rd lumbar vertebrae, 1. lat.: 1 p.d. J. Dinkel del. P: I.e. pl.49 f.20
414 Myrmecophaga gigantea [tridactyla] muscles of forearm diss. : 1 c.d. H. R. Silvester del. Annot.
415 a [Myrmecophaga tridactyla] heart, r. auricle diss. : 1 w.d. H. V. Carter del. Annot. b Myrmeco-
phaga [Cyclopes] didactyla head, diss, to show salivary gland, 1. lat. : 1 p.d. R.O. del. Annot. Bradypus
[Choloepus] didactylus c skel. : 1 i. & w.d. J. C. Frank del. et lith. Annot. d muscles of upper hind
limb diss. : 1 p. sketch R.O. del. Annot.
416 Dugong 1. lat. : 1 c.d. Annot.
417 Trichechus a head, 1. antero-lat. : 1 p. sketch. Annot. b whole animal, 1. latero-vent. : 2 p. sketches
Both R. Hills del. Both Annot. [Described by Sir E. Home in Phil. Trans. R. Soc. Ill 1821 : 390 pis
26-28]
418 a [ ? Eotheroides aegyptiacum] shells, tusk & cervical vertebrae in limestone matrix : 1 p. sketch
Annot. b [Unident. ? part of same block as above] incomplete tusks in matrix of limestone: 1 p.
sketch c,d Dugong lower & upper jaws, occ. : 2 p.d. Annot. e Halicore indicus [Dugong dugon],
Halichore australis [Dugong dugon] 4 pp. of MS headed 'Comparison of adult male sk . . .'
419 f [Halitherium] a incisors, 4 views. Annot. b molar, lat. occ. c incomplete pelvis, 2 views
including verso: 8 p.d. d incomplete sk. 1. lat.: 1 p., i. & w.d. Annot. e,f axis vertebra, lat., ant.,
post.: 3 p. & w.d. f Annot. g lumbar vertebrae, 5 views h lumbar vertebra, ant. & post, i
thoracic vertebra, ant. & lat.: 9 p.d. j t Halitherium uytterhoeveni disarticulated skel. dors.: 1
photo by E. Moire. Annot.
420 | Prorastomus sirenoides* sk. of type specimen before it was developed a vent, b 1. lat. c dors.:
7 rough p. & i. sketches, prelim, drawings for Q. Jl geol. Soc. Lond. 31 1875 pl.28 f.3,1,2 HOLO-
TYPE *No. 44897
421 a,c Monodon monoceros r. lat. 2 w.d. b 1. lat. 1 pen & wash sketch, Annot.
422 Balaena [Balaenoptera musculus] r. lat. of animal & skel. : 1 engr. (4f.) & description with measure-
ments. G.S. del. et lith.
423 Balaena boops [Megaptera novaeangliae] a vent, surface, tail & penis: 3 wash d. W.C. del. Annot.
b [Physeter macrocephalus] whole animal, 1. lat.: 1 engr. Annot. c Balaena mysticetus stranded
animal, 1. lat.: 1 w.d. E. C. Blundell del.
424 a,c,d,f Euphyseter macleayi [Kogia breviceps] mounted skel. 1. antero-lat. post. 1. & r. lat. lat.
b [Balaenoptera physalus] mounted skel. of young, 1. lat. Annot. e [Balaenoptera] ? occiput.
CATALOGUE OF RICHARD OWEN COLLECTION OF DRAWINGS 1 53
Folio
Annot. g Balaenoptera, Physalus antarcticus [Balaenoptera physalus] S, mouth propped open ant.,
Annot. 7 photos
425 a,b Delphinus delphis [Tursiops truncatus]: 2 c.d. autograph descr. b Annot. c [Phocaena]
urethra: 1 i. sketch & autograph descr. d Platanista [gangeticus] minor sk. & m. r. lat.: 1 s.d.
Annot. [HOLOTYPE of P. minor Owen 1853 Descr. cat. osteological series . . . Royal College of
Surgeons of England 2 Mammalia, Placentalia. London p.9 R.C.S. No. 2481. Destroyed in 1939-
1945 war]
426 a [Physeter macrocephalus] part of sk.: 1 p. sketch Annot. b [Delphinus delphis] lower jaw, 1. lat.
& occ. : 4 i. sketches. Annot. c sk. dors. & 1. lat. : 2 i. sketches. Annot. d Balaenoptera petro-
tympanic, 2 views: 2 p.d. Annot. e&h [Cetacean unident.] occipital region & vomer: 2 i. sketches
f [Balaenoptera physalus] occipital region: 1 p.d. F. F. Hasford del. Annot. g t Zeuglodon
[Basilosaurus] tooth: 2 p. & i. sketches i Ziphius [cavirostris] part of snout: 2 p. & i. sketches.
Annot.
427 [Phocaena phocoena] a head, sagittal section 1. lat. : 1 i. sketch b head, sagittal section r. lat. :
1 w.d.
428 a,b,d,e [Small Balaenid - ? Capered] fused cervical vertebrae, post. dors. ant. & vent. : 4 p.d.
C. Galpin del. c Balaena fused cervical vertebrae, ant. vent.: 1 p.d. Annot.
429 a,f f [Balaena] occiput, 2 views: f Annot. b [Small Balaenid] occiput, post. Annot. c [Bal-
aenoptera] occiput d Physalus antiquorum [Balaenoptera] radius, lat. Annot. e [Cetacean]
? scapula, eroded: Annot. g [Balaenid] part of dors, vertebra, post. Annot. hi [Physeteridae:
genus unident.] vomer, proximal end: Annot. h2 [Cetacean] Annot. i [Unident ? Cetacean]
? scapula, dors, j [Balaena] caudal vertebra, lat. [1 Bos] horn cores k [Balaena] lumbar ver-
tebra, ant. Annot. 1 [Cetacean] maxilla, proximal end: Annot. a-1 12 photos
430 Phascolomys [Vombatus ur sinus] sleeping specimen, r. lat. & ant.: 3 wash d.
431 Phascolomys [Vombatus ur sinus] vent.: 1 wash d.
432 a,d Phascolomys [Lasiorhinus] latifrons* humerus, 2 views : * No. 1 306 b b,e Phascolomys platyrhinus
[Vombatus ursinus]* humerus, 2 views: *No. 1496 d, 4 p.d. P: Trans, zool. Soc. Lond. 8 1874 pl.72
f.1-4 c,g t Phascolomys [Phascolonus] gigas mandibular symphysis c post, g lat. Annot. 3 c.d.
J. Erxleben del. c P: I.e. f.3 fl t Phascolomys [Phascolonus] gigas f2 Phascolomys vombatus
[Vombatus ursinus] lower jaws, occ: 2 w.d. J. Erxleben del. Annot. P: Phil. Trans. R. Soc. 162 1872
pi. 39 f.l h P. [P.] gigas & Phascolomys vombatus [ Vombatus ursinus] mandibular symphyses, vent. :
2 c.d. J. Erxleben del. P: I.e. pl.39 f.2,4. Annot. [c, f 1, g & h top all same specimen SYNTYPE
current whereabouts unknown, see Mahoney, J. & Ride, W. D. L. 1975 p. 61]
433 | Phascolomys [Phascolonus] gigas* a,b r. m. & teeth, labial & lingual: 2 c.d. J. Erxleben del.
P: I.e. pl.36 f.l, 2 *No. 43044
434 f Phascolomys [Phascolonus] gigas* a,b m., occ. post.: 2 c.d. J. Erxleben del. P: I.e. pl.37 f.l;
pl.38 f.l *No. 43044
435 | Phascolomys [Phascolonus] gigas* a incisor, 1. lat. & transverse section b r. ramus & teeth,
1. lat. *No. 35977 c upper tooth row, occ. Annot. c lower r. ramus, fractured surface, ant. post.
*No. 43044. 7 w.d. J. Erxleben del. P: I.e. pl.40 f.2,4,1; pl.32 f.2,3
436 a Lagotis cuvieri [Lagidium viscaccia] vertebrae, dors. & lumbar, lat. view: 1 p.d. Phascolomys
[Vombatus] ursinus vertebrae, dors. & lumbar, dors, view: 5 s.d. P: Phil. Trans. R. Soc. 141 1851
pl.46 f.10; pl.47 f.12 b Thylacinus harrisi [cynocephalus] sk. pal. : 1 s.d. H.S. del. P: Trans, zool. Soc.
Lond. 2 1841 pi. 70 f.l c [Vombatus ursinus] pelvis, sacral & caudal vertebrae: 1 wash d. H.S. del. P:
Todd, R. B. The Cyclopaedia of Anatomy . . . Lond. 1835-59 3 f.102
437 [Phascolarctos cinereus] sitting on a branch, 1. lat. view: 1 p.d.
438 [Phascolarctos fuscus [cinereus]] a sk. & lower jaw, lat., pal. & sagittal: 4 s.d. H.S. del. P: Trans,
zool. Soc. Lond. 2 1841 pi. 69 b pelvis & marsupial bones ventro-lat.: 2 w.d. H.S. del. P: Owen, R.
Anat. of Vertebrates, Lond. 1866 2 f.227 c [Phascolarctos cinereus] 1st 3 vertebrae, scapula &
humerus: 3 p. & w.d. H.S. del. P: I.e. f.21 6,224,225
439 a t [Thylacoleo camifex] 1. lower incisor, 1. & r. lat. occ. & lingual : 5 p. & wash d. J. Erxleben del. P :
Phil. Trans. R. Soc. 161 1871 pi. 13 f.5-8 *No. 42536 & Cast M 29478 b t Thylacoleo sk. recon-
struction, 1. lat.: 1 i. sketch R.O. del c f [Thylacoleo camifex]* incomplete 1. m. ramus, ant. &
restoration of mandible, ant.: 1 w. & i.d. & 1 i. sketch P: I.e. pi. 13 f.3 SYNTYPE of T. oweni
*No. 39995 d t [Thylacoleo camifex]* cast of r. ramus, lingual, labial & post.: 3 i. sketches G. H.
Barrow del. W. H. Wesley lith. P: I.e. 178 B 1887 pl.l f.1-3 Cast *No. M 1957. Orig. specimen in
A.M.S. No. F 53508 (B 2705). For further details see Mahoney & Ride 1975 : 53-57
440 a Macropus major [giganteus] 1. innominate bone, 1. lat.: 1 p.d. P: I.e. 174 1883 pl.46 f.2 b t Thy-
154 J. M. INGLES AND F. C. SAWYER
Folio
lacoleo carnifex*, Diabolus ursinus [Sarcophilus harrisii] 1. innominate bones, 1. lat. : 2 p.d. P:
I.e. pl.46, f. 1,4 Cast *No. M 1523 c Felis [Panthera] leo 1. innominate bone, 1. lat.: 1 p.d. P: I.e.
pl.46 f.3 d 1. innominate bones of species on Fol. 440: lithograph of pl.46 I.e.
441 t [Thylacoleo carnifex]* a 1. maxilla, ccc. P: I.e. pi. 39 f.l b r. m., lingual P: I.e. pi .41 c 1. m.,
labial P: I.e. pl.41 Annot. dl,2,3 Cast of r. radius, lat. & end views P: I.e. pl.40 f.l— 3 Cast *No.
M 1525. Original specimen in A. M.S. No. A 13294 (F 16472) d4 Casts of r. ulna & distal end P:
I.e. pl.40 f.2,4. Cast *No. M 1526 original in A.M.S. No. A 13293 (F 5465) d5 Cast of proximal
end of 1. ulna P: I.e. pi. 40 f.5 A.M.S. No. A 13305. [Thylacoleo [Marsupialia unident.]] e Casts of 3
ungual phalangeals, 6 views: top P: I.e. pl.40 f.6. Cast *No. M 1526 A.M.S. No. A 13293 (F 5465)
middle Cast *M 1926 A.M.S. No. A 13318 bottom Cast *M 1536. A.M.S. No. A 13320 f ungual
phalangeal, 3 views top & left P: I.e. pl.40 f.7,8. Annot. HOLOTYPE of f Mylodon australis
Krefft A.M.S. No. F7323 g lower m. occ: P: I.e. pl.39 f.2. 18 p.d. G.B. del.
442 f Diprotodon [australis]* a lower molars, occ: 2 p. sketches R.O. del. Annot. b,f lower jaw,
lat.: 2 p.d. f Annot. P: Phil. Trans. R. Soc. 160 1870 pl.35 f.l. *No. 32851 c f D. australis &
[D. optatum]* m. symphysis & base of r. incisor, lat. & frontal; 2 rough i. sketches, Annot. After
Owen, R. in Mitchell, T. L. Three expeditions into the interior of eastern Australia . . . London 1838,
2 pl.31. HOLOTYPE of both D. australis & D. optatum *No. 10796. See Mahoney & Ride 1975 : 87
& 105. d f W. australis] incomplete atlas vertebra, vent. : 1 i. sketch, Annot. e upper molars, lat.
& occ: 2 p. sketches. Annot. See Mahoney & Ride, 1975 : 87
443 a f Diprotodon 1. upper molars in part of maxilla, 1. lat. & occ. : 2 w.d. G.S. del. b f Diprotodon
[Dinotherium australe] portion of 1. ramus, lingual & occ. : 2 pen & wash d. ? T. L. Mitchell del.
P: Ann. Mag. nat. Hist. 11 1843 : 329-330. Annot. HOLOTYPE - whereabouts unknown. [Men-
tioned - Mahoney & Ride 1975]
444 a f Diprotodon [australis]* imperfect cranium, ant. & post. *No. 32851: cervical vertebrae, lat.,
*Nos 32852^1, axis No. 32870, scapula, *No. 32861, humerus *No. 32866 & femur. *No. 32864
13 p.d. T. L. Mitchell del. Annot. vertebrae & scapula P: Phil. Trans. R. Soc. 160 1870 f.5 p.542 f.6
p.549. b t Diprotodon dors, vertebra, ant. & lat.: 2 p.d. H. Campbell del. Annot.
445 a f [Palorchestes azael]* sk. 1. lat.: 1 outline p.d. C. L. Griesbach del. P: I.e. 166 1876 pl.20.
HOLOTYPE *No. 46316 Annot. [See also Fol. 451] b t Nototherium [Zygomaturus] victoriae
1. ramus, lingual: 1 s.d. J. Dinkel del. P: I.e. 162 1872 pl.7 f.2 Cast HOLOTYPE of victoriae *No.
M 3637 Original spec. S. Australian Mus. No. P4986
446 f Nototherium [Diprotodon bennettii* Owen 1877] a r. lower incisor, lat. of longitudinal section:
1 p.d. C. L. Griesbach del. Annot. *No. 46057a b autograph description of a e r. ramus, labial:
1 i. & wash d. Annot. c,d f Nototherium zygomaturus [Zygomaturus trilobus]* sk. 1. lat. & frontal:
2 i.d. Annot. HOLOTYPE of trilobus in A.M.S. No. F 4635. Cast *No. 32850
447 t Nototherium mitchelli* a,b r. ramus & teeth, lat. occ & vent.: 4 c.d. G.S. del. P: I.e. 162 1872
pi. 6. *No. 43952 c r. lower molars, occ: 1 s.d. J. Dinkel del. P: I.e. pi. 10 f.3. Annot.
448 t Nototherium mitchelli [Zygomaturus trilobus]* sk. & lower jaw, r. lat.: 1 i. & s.d. J. Dinkel del P:
I.e. pl.2 f.l *No. 33259
449 [? Macropus giganteus] a whole animal, foot & detail 1. lat.: 3 w.d. b Macropus major [gigan-
teus] r. lat.: engr. P: Hawksworth, J. Voyages . . . Lond. 1773 3 pl.20. Annot.
450 t Sthenurus brehus* a sk. : 4 p. & i. outline d. R.O. del. engr. by J. Erxleben P: Phil. Trans. R. Soc.
166 1876 pl.28 f.1-5. *No. 44121 b palate & teeth, lat. & occ. 2 c.d. J. Erxleben del. P: I.e. 164
1874 pl.27 f.5,6 *No. 43303 a SYNTYPE cl t Sthenurus atlas r. ramus, occ c2 f[ Macropus]
titan r. ramus, occ: 2 p.d. P: I.e. pi. 22 f.3,17[see also Fol. 452] d t Sthenurus brehus 1. lower
incisor: 3 w.d. P: I.e. 166 1876 pl.28 f.4
451 t Palorchestes azael* a sk. restored 1. lat.: 1 outline i.d. P: I.e. pl.20 b palate & cheek teeth, pal :
1 s.d. P: I.e. 164 1874 pl.82 f.l c palate, r. lat.: 1 s.d. P: I.e. pl.81 f.l. Annot. HOLOTYPE *No.
46316 [see also Fol. 445]
452 al t [Sthenurus atlas] r. ramus, part, occ. a2 f [Macropus titan] r. ramus, part, occ: 2 c.d. P:
I.e. 164 1874 pl.22 f.3, 17 [see also Fol. 450] bl t Macropus [Sthenurus] atlas restored 1. ramus,
lingual HOLOTYPE *No. M 10778 b2 t Macropus titan* 1. ramus, lingual: 2 p.d. R.O. del. P:
I.e. pl.22 f.4,18. Annot. HOLOTYPE *No. M 10777 cl t Sthenurus atlas 1. lower molar, occ. c2 f
Macropus titan 1. lower molar, occ: 2 c.d. pl.20 f.30,29. Annot. d t Sthenurus atlas* left: max-
illary tooth row, 2 lat.: mandibular tooth row, occ. Annot. *No. 45934 right: subjects as above.
Annot. *No. 40001 6 w.d. J. Erxleben del. P: I.e. pl.24 f.4-8
453 a [Macropodidae unident.] incisor, ant. & post, b | Macropus titan r. upper cheek teeth: Annot.
P: Owen, R. Res. fossil remains extinct mammals of Australia Lond. 1877 pi. 8 f.l 1 c,d f Macropus
CATALOGUE OF RICHARD OWEN COLLECTION OF DRAWINGS 155
Folio
titan r. mandibular & maxillary tooth rows, occ: P: Phil. Trans. R. Soc. 164 1874 pl.23 f.13,3
e f Sthenurus sp. maxillary teeth, 1. & occ. Annot. t Sthenurus brehus f molars 2 & 3 occ. Annot.
g upper molars 1 & 2. Annot. h Macropus rufus tooth rows, lower & upper, occ. P: I.e. pl.21
f.2,4 f [Protemnodon anak]* i maxillary tooth row, occ: P: I.e. pl.23 f.8 j incomplete man-
dibular ramus & teeth, occ. & lat. P: I.e. pl.25 f.1,2. HOLOTYPE *No. M 1895 k j [Macropus]
titan* incomplete ramus & teeth, occ. & lat. P: I.e. pl.21 f. 12-24. *No. M 1894 If Procoptodon
[Macropus] goliah fragment of ramus & teeth, lat. r. occ. P: I.e. pl.80 f.8 a-1 20 w.d.
454 t Macropus a skel. r. lat.: 1 p.d. b Macropus parryi vertebrae, r. lat.: 1 p.d. P: I.e. 141 1851
pl.47 f. 13 c | Macropus titan part of m. & molars, 1. lat. & occ: 1 w.d. P: I.e. pl.26 f.9
455 a,b [Vombatus ursinus & Macropus] hearts, diss, to show chambers: 2 p.d. P: Owen, R. Anat. of
Vertebr. London 1868 3 p.519,518 c [Macropus] heart, to show vessels: 1 i.d. Annot. d Macropus
major [giganteus] S urinogenital system 1 wash d. e [Macropus or Castor] brain diss, lat.: 1 w.d.
Annot.
456 a [Didelphidae] c [Vombatidae] f Phascolarctos [cinereus] g [Macropodidae] caecum of each
4 s.d. P: Todd, R. B. The Cyclopaedia of Anatomy . . . Lond. 1835-59 3 f.110 b Phascolomys
[Vombatus or Lasiorhinus] & Phascolarctos [cinereus] glans penis: 2 p.d. P: Owen, R. Anat. of
Vertebr. Lond. 1868 3 p.646 d,e Phascolarctos [cinereus] d ileo-caecal valve P: I.e. p.418
e liver P: I.e. p.482: 2 s.d.
457 [Bettongia] skel. lat. : 1 w.d.
458 Hypsiprymnus myosurus [Potorous tridactylus] mounted skel. r. lat.: 1 s.d. H.S. del.
459 a Hypsiprymnus setosus [Bettongia penicillata] sk. dors. pal. & 1. lat.: 3 i. & w.d. H.S. del. part P:
Owen, R. Odontography Lond. 1840-45 2 pi. 100 f.7. Annot. b Hypsiprymnus [Potorous] <$ urino-
genital system: 1 w.d. T. R. Jones del. P: Owen, R. Anat. of Vertebr. Lond. 1868 3 f.503
c Hypsiprymnodon moschatus living specimen, lat. & frontal: 1 w.d. J. Wolf del. P: Trans. Linn. Soc.
Lond. (2) Zool. 1 1879 pl.71 d Hypsiprymnus [Potorous] pelvis of young: 1 wash d. P: Todd,
R. B. The Cyclopaedia of Anatomy... Lond. 1835-59 3 f.110 e Hypsiprymnodon murinus
[Potorous tridactylus] sk. dors. pal. & 1. lat.: 3 i. & s.d. H.S. del. Annot.
460 a [Perameles [Macrotis] lagotis] a top sk. & lower jaw, pal. & occ. P: Owen, R. Anat. of Vertebr.
Lond. 1866 2 p. 346 a lower Thylacomys tenuirostris [? Macrotis lagotis] sk. & lower jaw, 1. lat.:
P: Owen, R. Odontography Lond. 1840-45 2 pl.98 f.5, 3 d. b Thylacomys longirostris [Macrotis
lagotis] sk. 1. lat. & pal. : 2 p.d. R.O. del c Thylacomys radiatus [Isoodon] skel. 1. lat. : 1 s.d. H.S.
del. verso Annot.
461 a [Macropodidae] sk. pal.: 1 p.d. b Phalangista vulpina [Trichosurus vulpecula] muscles of leg:
1 p.d. P: Owen, R. Anat. of Vertebr. Lond. 1868 3 p. 15 c Perameles [bougainville] sk. 1. lat.: 1 i.
outline d. Annot. Copy of d. P: Quoy, J. R. C. & Gaimard, J. P. 1824 Voyage autour du Monde . . .
VUranie et la Physicienne. Paris. Zool. Atlas pl.5 d [Cercartetus nanus] sk. dors. skel. & sk. 1. lat.:
3 p.d. H.S. del. e Didelphys virginiana [Didelphis marsupialis] vertebrae, 3 views: 3 w.d. P: Todd,
R. B. The Cyclopaedia of Anatomy . . . Lond. 1835-59 3 f.100,101 f Phascogale flavipes alimentary
canal: 1 w.d. P: I.e. f.122
462 a [? Didelphis] abdominal musculature & marsupial bones: 1 p. sketch W.C. del. b 'Spotted
cavy' [? Dinomys] c Petaurus pigmaus [pygmaeus] d,f [Didelphis marsupialis virginianus] All diss,
of ? organs: b-d 3 p. & i.d. f 1 w.d. Annot. e [foetus, unident.] 1 i. sketch. Annot.
463 a t Thylacotherium [Amphitherium prevosti]* 1. ramus with teeth, diss, to show roots: 1 w.d.
P: Trans, geol. Soc. Lond. 6 1842 pl.5 f.3. Cast *No. M 26243 Original in Oxford Univ. Mus.
b as a Cast of 1. ramus with teeth, lingual: 1 w.d. P: I.e. pl.5 f.l Cast *No. M 26244 Original in
Oxford Univ. Mus. c f Amphitherium [prevostii]* r. ramus with teeth, labial: 1 w.d. R.O. del.
Annot. Cast *No. M 26242 of HOLOTYPE in Oxford Univ. Mus. Enlarged model *No. M 5967
d Myrmecobius [fasciatus]* r. ramus, lingual: 1 w.d. *No. 314b = 55.12.24.71 e f Thylacotherium
[Amphilestes broderipi] 1. ramus with teeth, lingual: 1 w.d. f f Phascolotherium [bucklandi]*
r. ramus with teeth, lingual: 1 w.d. HOLOTYPE *No. 112. All except c C. M. Curtis del. All P:
Owen, R. Hist. Brit.foss. mammals & birds Lond. 1846 f.l 5-20
464 a f [Triconodon [Trioracodon ferox]]* r. ramus & teeth, r. lat.: 3 d. P: pi. 3 f.14. *No. 47774
b t [Spalacotherium tricuspidens]* 1. ramus & teeth, incomplete lat.: 2 p.d. P: pl.l f.38. *No.47750
c t [Microlestes [Haramiya] moorei] lower molars: 2 d. P: pl.l f.8&8A. Bath Mus. No. M 222
d t [Spalacotherium tricuspidens]* r. ramus with teeth, lat. & occ: 5 p.d. P: pl.l f.36,37. *Nos
47749a & 47749b e [Microlestes [Haramiya] moorei] tooth, occ. & lat.: 2 d. P: pl.l f.7&7A.
Bath Mus. No. M 216 f f [Spalacotherium tricuspidens]* 1. m. ramus in block, 1. lat.: 2 p.d. P:
pl.l f.35. *No. 47748 g f [Microlestes [Haramiya] moorei] molar, occ: 2 d. P: pl.l f.6. LECTO-
1 56 J. M. INGLES AND F. C. SAWYER
Folio
TYPE Bath Mus. No. M 211. ^[Stereognathus ooliticus]* h m. fragment with teeth in matrix,
lat. & occ: 2 w.d. P: pl.l f.27. HOLOTYPE in Inst. Geol. Sci. Lond. No. GMS 113834 Cast
*No. M 4000 i teeth of h, 3 views: 3 w.d. P: pl.l f.29 j f [Microlestes [Haramiya] moorei] upper
molar, labial: lower molars, occ. & lat.: upper canine, lat.: 7 d. P: pl.l f.5,9-13. Bath Mus. Nos
M 212, M 213, M 214, M 217 k f [Spalacotherium tricuspidens]* incomplete 1. ramus & molars,
lab. & occ: 3 pen, p. & w.d. P: pl.l f.32. HOLOTYPE *No. 46019 1 f [Stereognathus ooliticus]*
molar, lingual: 1 w.d. P: pl.l f.28. HOLOTYPE see Fol. 464 h m [Myrmecobius fasciatus] upper
& lower molars, occ: 2 p.d. P: pl.l f. 19,20 n f [Microlestes [Haramiya] moorei] molar, 4 views:
4 p.d. P: pl.l f.1-4. Bath Mus. No. M215 o f [Hypsiprymnopsis rhaeticus] tooth, [? molar],
lat.: 3 p.d. I. Phillips del. P: pl.l f. 16 Annot. [Specimen now lost.] pl7 [Hypsiprymnus murinus
[? Potorous tridactylus]] 4th lower premolar, lat. pl8 [Bettongia penicillata] 4th lower premolar,
lat.: 2 p. & i.d. P: pl.l f.17,18. All A. T. Hollick del. except where otherwise stated. All P: Owen,
R. Monogr . fossil Mammalia . . . Mesozoic formations. Palaeontogr. Soc. {Monogr.) 1871
465 a f Peralestes longirostris [Phascolestes mustelula]* r. maxilla & teeth, r. lat.: 3 d. P: pi. 2 f.3.
*No. 47740 HOLOTYPE of P. longirostris b t Peraspalax [Amblotherium] talpoides* 1. ramus, r.
lat.: HOLOTYPE *No. 47738 Didelphis [Philander] opossum lower molar, labial: 4 p.d. W.W. del.
P: pi. 2 f.9 c f Amblotherium [Phascolestes] mustelula* r. ramus & teeth, 1. lat.: 2 d. P: pi. 2 f.2.
*No. 47753 HOLOTYPE of P. mustelula d f [Achyrodon pusillus] [Amblotherium pusillum]*
incomplete, ramus & teeth, r. lat.: 2 d. P: pl.2 f.8. HOLOTYPE of A. pusillus *No. 47747 e t
Amblotherium soricinum [pusillum]* r. ramus & teeth, 1. lat.: 3 d. P: pl.2 f.l. HOLOTYPE of
A. soricinum *No. 47752 f f Achyrodon nanus [Amblotherium pusillum]* incomplete 1. ramus
& teeth, r. lat.: 3 d. P: pl.2 f.7. *No. 47783 g f Phascolestes dubius incomplete r. ramus &
teeth, 1. lat.: 2 d. P: pl.l f.41. *No. 47737 h f Achyrodon nanus [Amblotherium pusillum]*
incomplete ramus & teeth, 1. lingual: 2 d. P: pl.2 f.6 *No. 47746 i f Spalacotherium minus
[Peramus tenuirostris]* 1. ramus & teeth: 1. lat.: 2 d. P: pl.l f.39 (see also k). HOLOTYPE of
f Spalacotherium minus *No. 47751 j f Achyrodon nanus [Amblotherium pusillum]* incomplete
r. ramus, lat. : 2 d. P: pl.2 f.5. HOLOTYPE of f Achyrodon nanus *No. 47745 k f Spalacotherium
minus [Peramus tenuirostris]* 1. ramus with teeth, r. lat.: 2 d. P: pl.l f.39. Annot. HOLOTYPE
of | Spalacotherium minus *No. 47751 (see also i) 1 t Peralestes {Phascolestes) longirostris
[Phascolestes mustelula]* incomplete 1. ramus & teeth, 1. lat.: 3 p.d. W.W. del. P: pl.2 f.4. Annot.
*No. 47741 All p.d. except b & 1. All A. T. Hollick del. All P: I.e. See last line Fol. 464
466 t Stylodon pusillus [Amblotherium pusillum]* a incomplete ramus & teeth, 1. lat.: 2 d. P: pl.2
f.16. *No. 47756 b incomplete 1. ramus & teeth, 1. lat.: 2 d. P: pl.3 f.3. *No. 47761 c f Stylodon
[Kurtodon] pusillus* incomplete r. maxilla & teeth, 1. lat.: P: pl.2 f.14. *No. 47755 HOLOTYPE
d t Stylodon pusillus [Amblotherium nanum]* incomplete ramus & teeth, 1. lat.: 2 d. P: pl.3 f.2. *No.
47760 e t Peramus minor [? tenuirostris]* incomplete ramus & teeth, r. lat.: 2 d. P: pl.2 f. 1 3.
*No. 47754 HOLOTYPE of P. minor f f Stylodon robustus [Amblotherium pusillum]* incomplete
1. ramus & teeth, 1. labial: 2 d. P: pl.3 f.l. *No. 47762 HOLOTYPE of S. robustus g t Peramus
tenuirostris* incomplete 1. ramus, 1. labial: 2 d P: pl.2 f. 12. *No. 47744 h t Stylodon pusillus
[Amblotherium pusillum]* incomplete 1. ramus & teeth, I. lat.: 2 d. P: pl.2 f. 19. *No. 47759
i f Peramus tenuirostris* incomplete 1. ramus & teeth, 1. labial : 2 d. P : pl.2 f. 1 1 *No. 47743 j t Stylo-
don pusillus [Amblotherium nanum]* incomplete ramus & teeth in matrix, 1. lat.: 2 d. P: pl.2, f. 18.
*No. 47758 k t Peramus tenuirostris* incomplete 1. ramus & teeth, 1. lat.: 3 d. P: pl.2 f.10. HOLO-
TYPE *No. 47742 1 f Stylodon pusillus [Amblotherium pusillum]* incomplete 1. ramus with teeth,
1. lat.: 2 d. P: pl.2 f.17. *No. 47757. All p.d. All A. T. Hollick del. All P: I.e. See last line Fol.
464
467 a | [Triconodon mordax [Trioracodon oweni]]* imperfect r. ramus, lingual: 2 d. P: pl.3 f.9. HOLO-
TYPE of Trioracodon oweni *No. 47766 b f [Triconodon] imperfect ramus, lat.: 2 d. P: pl.3
f.l 6. *No. 47769 c f Triconodon mordax [Trioracodon ferox]]* imperfect ramus with teeth & tooth
magnified, lat.: 2 d. P: pl.3 f.8. *No. 47765. f [Triconodon mordax]* d imperfect r. ramus with
teeth, lat. : 2 d. P: pl.3 f.l 5. *No. 47768 e 1. ramus with teeth, 1. lat. : 2 d. P: pl.3 f.7. HOLOTYPE
*No. 47764 ff Triconodon [Trioracodon] ferox* imperfect ramus, 1. lat.: 1 d. P: pl.3 f.l 3. *No.
47777 a g t [Bolodon crassidens [elongatus]]* teeth in matrix & teeth magnified, oblique & lat.:
3 d. P: pl.3 f.6. HOLOTYPE of Bolodon elongatus *No. 47736 h f [Triconodon [Trioracodon]
ferox]* imperfect ramus & teeth, r. lat.: 1 d. P: pi. 3 f.l 2. *No. 47776 i f [Bolodon crassidens]*
imperfect r. maxilla & teeth, r. lat. & occ: 3 d. P: pl.3 f.5. HOLOTYPE *No. 47735 j f Tri-
conodon [Trioracodon] ferox* 1. ramus & teeth, M2 magnified, r. lat.: 3 d. P: pl.3 f.ll. HOLO-
TYPE *No. 47775 k f [Leptocladus dubius [Peramus tenuirostris]]* imperfect ramus & teeth,
CATALOGUE OF RICHARD OWEN COLLECTION OF DRAWINGS 157
Folio
1. lat. : 2 d. P: pl.3 f.4. HOLOTYPE of Leptocladus dubius *No. 47739 1 t Triconodon mordax*
imperfect r. ramus & teeth, r. lat.: 2 d. P: pl.3 f.10. *No. 47767. All p.d. All A. T. Hollick del.
All P: I.e. See last line Fol. 464
468 a f Triconodon [Trioracodon] ferox* crushed sk. in matrix, enlarged upper tooth & 1. & r. rami,
general & lat.: 4 d. P: pl.4 f.l. *No. 47781 b t [Triacanthodon serrula [Triconodon mordax]]* r.
ramus with teeth, r. lat.: 2 d. P: pl.4 f.7. HOLOTYPE of T. serrula *No. 47763 a. (see also Fol.
469 j) c f [Triconodon [mordax]]* imperfect r. ramus with teeth, lat.: 1 d. P: pl.3 f.21. *No.
47768 d f [Triconodon minor [mordax]]* incomplete ramus with teeth, teeth enlarged: 2 d. P:
pl.4 f.6. HOLOTYPE of T. minor *No. 47771 e f [Triconodon [Dryolestidae incertae sedis]]*
incomplete 1. ramus with teeth, 1 tooth enlarged: 2 d. P: pl.3 f.20. *No. 47770 f t [Triconodon
[mordax]]* part of r. maxilla with 2 molars, lat. & occ: 4 d. P: pl.4 f.5. *No. 47784 f [Triconodon
[Trioracodon] ferox]* g incomplete ramus with 2 teeth, 1. lat. : 2 d. P: pl.3 f.19. *No. 47780 h in-
complete ramus with 1 tooth, 1. lat.: 1 d. P: pl.4 f.4. *No. 47773 i part of maxilla with teeth,
tooth-row enlarged, lat. lingual & labial : 3 d. P: pl.3 f.18. *No. 47778 j t [Triconodon [Trioracodon]
major] incomplete 1. ramus with teeth, r. lat.: 1 d. P: pl.4 f.3. HOLOTYPE *No. 40722 k f
[Triconodon [Trioracodon] ferox]* incomplete maxilla with teeth, lingual: 2d. P: pl.3 f.17. *No. 47779
1 f [Triconodon occisor [Trioracodon ferox]]* incomplete lower rami with teeth in matrix, teeth
enlarged, 1. lat.: 3 d. P: pl.4 f.2. *No. 47782 HOLOTYPE of T. occisor All p.d. All A. T. Hollick
del. All P: I.e. See last line Fol. 464
469 a [Rana boans [? catesbeiana]] part of small cranium, nat. size, 1. lat.: 1 p.d. L.A. del. Annot. P:
R.O. 1847 Rep. Br. Ass. Advmt. Sci. 1846 p. 213 b f Leptolestes incomplete ramus with teeth, lat. :
1 w.d. cl t [Triconodon mordax]* incomplete ramus with teeth in matrix, 1. lat.: 1 w.d. P: pl.3
f.21. *No. 47772 Annot. c2 f [Palaeospalax magnus [Desmana moschata]]* incomplete 1. ramus
with teeth, 1. lat.: 1 engr. P: Owen, R. Hist. Brit, fossil mammals & birds Lond. 1846 f.l 2. HOLO-
TYPE of Palaeospalax *No. 16120 c3 [Solenodon] 1. ramus with teeth, 1. lat. : [R.O. del. L. Aldous
engr.] 1 engr. Annot. P: Owen, R. Odontography 1840-45 pl.lll f.l d t [Plagiaulax becklesi]*
incomplete r. ramus with teeth: 2 d. P: pl.4 f.ll. HOLOTYPE *No. 47731 (see also f ) e t [Pla-
giaulax [Ctenacodon] falconeri]* imperfect r. ramus with teeth, r. lat.: 2 d. P: pl.4 f.l 6. HOLO-
TYPE *No. 47730 t [Plagiaulax becklesi]* f imperfect r. ramus: 5 d. P: pl.4 f.10. HOLOTYPE
*No. 47731 (see also d) g fragment of 1. ramus with teeth, 1. lat.: 3 d. P: pl.4 f.15. *No. 47734
h f [Plagiaulax [Ctenacodon] minor]* imperfect r. ramus with teeth, lat. & occ: 3 d. P: pl.4 f.9.
HOLOTYPE *No. 47729 [drawn before specimen damaged] i t [Plagiaulax becklesi]* fragment
of r. ramus with teeth, 1. & r. lat.: 4 p.d. P: pl.4 f.13,14. *No. 47732 d-i All A. T. Hollick del.
j f [Triacanthodon serrula [Triconodon mordax]]* 1. ramus with teeth, 1. lat.: 2 d. W. W. del. P: pl.4
f.8. HOLOTYPE of T. serrula *No. 47763b [drawn before spec, developed] k f [Plagiaulax
becklesi]* fragment of ramus with teeth, lat. & occ: 3 d. P: pl.4 f.12. *No. 47733. All except b, c
p.d. All except c P: Owen, R. Res. fossil remains extinct mammals Australia . . . Lond. 1877
470 a,b [Ornithorhynchus anatinus] dors. & vent.: 2 s.d.
471 [Ornithorhynchus anatinus] a tail, dors. & vent. : b complete animal, 1. lat. : 3 c.d. Annot.
472 [Ornithorhynchus anatinus] a vent. diss, to show mammary tissue: 1 p.d. Annot. b hind foot &
leg muscles: 1 p.d. c vent. diss, showing viscera: 1 p. & w.d. J. W. Lewin del.
473 Ornithorhynchus paradoxus [anatinus] a,e,g limb diss. : 3 p. sketches R.O. del. a,e Annot. b lower
jaw & tongue complete, dors. : 1 w.d. c foot, vent. : 1 wash d. d diss, of pelvic girdle & caudal
vertebrae: 1 p. & wash d. f young, frontal, lat. & vent.: 5 w.d. [T. R. Jones del.] P: Trans,
zool. Soc. Lond. 1 1835 pi. 32 f.l— 5 h live animal in 5 positions 5 p.d. ? sketches for I.e. pi. 34
474 Echidna hystrix [Tachyglossus aculeatus] with young in pouch, vent.: 1 c.d. J. Wolf del. P: Phil.
Trans. R. Soc. 155 1865 pl.39
475 Echidna hystrix [Tachyglossus aculeatus] a,b parts of fore & hind limbs, diss, to show muscles c,d,e
dissected impregnated uterus & uterine ovum: c-e 3 p.i. & w.d. P: Ann. Mag. nat. Hist. (5) 14
1884 pi. 13. Annot. f Echidna setosa [Tachyglossus setosus] submaxillary salivary glands diss.:
1 p.d. P: Owen, R. Anat. of Vertebrates Lond. 1866 3 p.397 g Top 1&2 t Echidna [owenii* Krefft,
1868] fragment of r. humerus, 2 views; A.M.S. No. F 11017 *Cast M 1908, HOLOTYPE of E.
owenii & E. gigantea Roger 1887 [see Mahoney & Ride 1975 : 28] top 3 Thylacine [Thylacinus]
metatarsal ? top 4&5 t Thylacoleo 2 jaw fragments lower 1&3 Echidna recent [Tachyglossidae]
imperfect femur A.M.S. No. F10888 lower 4&5 Thylacoleo! 2 bones. 1 photo (with inch scale)
from A.M.S. Tachyglossus h half sk. sagittal: 1 p.d. i rostrum: 3 wash sketches j sk., lat. & 3
parts; 3 s & 1 p.d. P: I.e. 2 p.312 & Rep. Br. Ass. Advmt Sci. 1846 [1847] p. 198 f.l 2 k lumbar
vertebra, 2 views: 2 p.d. P: Owen, R. Anat. of Vertebrates Lond. 1866 2 p.316 f.200 1 Echidna
158 J. M. INGLES AND F. C. SAWYER
Folio
setosa [Tachyglossus setosus] ramus, fore & hind limb skel. : 3 p. & s.d. P: loc. cit 2 pp. 312, 325, 328,
f. 197,207,2 10
476 la-c t Moas [Dinornithiformes] 8 mounted skel. a frontal b lat. c dors, a-c 3 photos a P:
Duff, R. Pyramid Valley Waikari . . . Christchurch, N.Z. 1949 p. 9, shows Julius von Haast, founder
of Canterbury Mus. with Glenmark skels in Canterbury (N.Z.) Mus. photo, by Dr. A. C. Barker.
477 t Dinornis maximus* pl.79 femur & tarso-metatarsus pl.80 tibia: proofs of lithographs J.
Dinkel del. P. Owen, R. Mem extinct wingless birds of N.Z Lond. 1878 pi. 79,80. Casts
*No. A 161 SYNTYPES?
478 a 8 mounted skels from 1. to r. : al f Dinornis gracilis [novae zealandiae] a2 f Meionornis [Anoma-
lopteryx] didiformis a3 f Meionornis [Emeus] casuarinus a4 f Palapteryx [Emeus] crassus
a5 | Dinornis maximus a6 f Euryapteryx rheides [? gravipes] a7 f Palapteryx [Euryapteryx]
elephantopus a8 f Euryapteryx gravipes a3,a4,a7 frontal, all others lat. : 1 photo. Annot. b 7
mounted skels from 1. to r.: bl f Dinornis [Emeus] crassus b2 | [? Dinornis ingens] b3 [? Ap-
teryx] b4 f Dinornis [Anomalopteryx] didiformis b5 f [? Pachyornis [Euryapteryx] elephan-
topus] b6 f [Dinornis] robustus [ingens] b7 f Dinornis [Emeus] casuarinus b4,b5,b6 frontal;
others lat. 1 photo. Annot.
479 a Dromaeius [Dromaius], Casuarius & Rhea b Struthio & f Dinornis robustus [ingens] All
mounted skels lat. : 2 photos a,b Annot.
480 a,b,c f Dinornis [Anomalopteryx] didiformis, f Dinornis gracilis [novaezealandiae] f Dinornis
[Emeus] casuarinus sk. dors. post. & lat.: 3 photos e,f,g f Dinornis [Emeus] crassus, f Dinornis
[Euryapteryx] elephantopus sk. dors. post. & lat.: 3 photos d | [Dinornis] leg & foot, articulated:
1. lat.: 1 photo.
481 a,b | Dinornis maximus frontal & r. lat. : 2 photos
482 a,b f Dinornis [Emeus] casuarinus mounted skel. r. lat. & frontal. Annot. c f Meionornis [Emeus]
casuarinus mounted skel. frontal d f Dinornis [Emeus] casuarinus mounted skel. 1. lat.: 4 photos
483 a,b f Dinornis [Anomalopteryx] didiformis mounted skel. frontal & r. lat. Annot. c,d f Dinornis
[Emeus] crassus mounted skels, frontal & r. lat.: 4 photos. Annot.
484 a,b f Dinornis giganteus mounted skels, frontal & r. lat. : 2 photos. Annot.
485 a,d | Palapteryx [Euryapteryx] elephantopus mounted skels, frontal & r. lat. : 2 photos of specimens
in Canterbury Mus. N.Z. b | Dinornis [Euryapteryx] elephantopus mounted skel. 1. lat. : 1 photo.
Annot. c f Dinornis gracilis [novaezealandiae] mounted skel. 1. lat. : 1 photo. Annot.
486 a,b f Dinornis robustus [ingens] mounted skel. frontal & 1. lat.: 2 photos. Annot.
487 | Dinornis robustus [ingens] a sacrum, sternum, fibula, ribs, toe with sole of foot b parts of
skel. including sk., sternum, femur, ? tarso-metatarsus, ? pelvis c ischium, pubis, sternum &
ribs of young: 3 photos. Annot.
488 f Dinornis robustus [ingens] a,c mounted skel. frontal & r. lat. : 2 photos. Annot. b skel. separated
parts: 1 photo of 18 d.
489 a,b f Dinornis ingens tarso-metatarsus with integument : 2 photos by Burton Bros. Annot.
490 a f Dinornis maximus* skel. 1. lat.: 1 w.d. Annot. ? *No. 46050 b f Dinornis [Euryapteryx]
elephantopus* skel. 1. lat.: lithograph by J. Erxleben. Annot. P: Trans, zool. Soc. Lond. 4 1853
pl.46. *No. A 3620 mixed individuals - tarso-metatarsus LECTOTYPE. [See Archey, G. 1941 : 36]
491 | Dinornis rheides [? Emeus casuarinus] sternum, a post.: 1 wash d. J. Erxleben del. P: I.e. 7 1870
pl.9 b,d r. lat. & frontal P: I.e. pl.8 f.2,1 c ant. border P: I.e. pl.9
492 a-c f Dinornis [maximus] cast of brain, lat. dors. & vent.: 3 i. outline d. prelim, sketches P: I.e.
pl.45 f . 1 1—13. Annot. d f Dinornis rheides [1 Emeus casuarinus] sternum: 2 p. & i. outline
sketches. R.O. del. Annot. e f Dinornis [Euryapteryx] elephantopus & Struthio camelus compara-
tive dimensions of eggs : 1 i. outline d.
493 a [f Dinornithiformes] femur, ant. & post, (verso): 2 p.d. Annot. b f Cnemiornis calcitrans*
*No. 46586. t Aptornis [didiformis]* *No. 21609. f Dinornis geranoides [Euryapteryx pygmaeus]
femurs, frontal & proximal end view of each: 6 p.d. R.O. del. P: I.e. 5 1866 pi. 65 c f Cnemiornis
[calcitrans]* *No. 46587 tibia, fibula & humerus: 10 p.d. R.O. del. P: I.e. pl.66 [*No. 46586 &
46587 SYNTYPES of C. calcitrans.]
494 | Palapteryx geranoides* [Euryapteryx pygmaeus]* a sk. fragments, nine views: 9 i. & w.d. R.O.
del.P:/.c.31848pl.54HOLOTYPEofP.£. *No. 21687. Premaxilla &m. *Nos 21693, 21694 bcal-
varium, upper surface: 1 wash d. P: I.e. pi. 53 f.7. *No. 21688 c f Aptornis [otidiformis]* cranium,
6 views: 6 w.d. J. Erxleben del. P: I.e. pl.52. *No. 21684
495 t Dinornis [Megalapteryx] didinus* a,e r. foot, lat.: 2 c.d. P: I.e. 9 1883 pl.61, 60 HOLOTYPE
CATALOGUE OF RICHARD OWEN COLLECTION OF DRAWINGS 1 59
Folio
*No. A 16 b-d f Dinornis robustus [ingens] r. foot, inner toe, proximal, vent. & lat.: 3 s.d. J.
Dinkel del. P: I.e. 6 1868 pl.88
496 a t Dinornis robustus [ingens] & Dromaius ater [diemianus] skel. parts to show comparative sizes:
2 p. & wash d. R.O. del. b t Porphyrio & Notornis [Porphyrio] sk. & m. vent. dors. & lat.: 16 s. &
i.d. [J. Dinkel del.] P: I.e. 3 1848 pl.56
497 a,b [Apteryx] mounted skel. 1. lat. & r. fronto-lat. : 2 photos
498 [Apteryx australis] a brain, 3 diss, to show optic nerve, 1. lat.: T. Godart del. 1848 P: I.e. 7 1871
pl.45 f.5; pl.46 f.1,2 b brain, vent. diss. P: I.e. pl.45 f.3,4 c tarso-metatarsus, post. & lat. R.O.
del. d cloaca of i e,f brain, 5 diss. P: I.e. pl.45 f.6-9 g brain in situ, dors. T. Godart del. P:
I.e. pl.45 f.2 h wing defeathered: H.S. del. P: I.e. 2 1840 pl.47 f.4 i head of <J, sagittal j head,
diss, to show musculature, 1. lat. P: I.e. 7 1871 pl.46 f.3,4 k brain, diss, to show olfactory nerves
P: I.e. pl.45 f.l a-k 17 p.i. & w.d.
499 [Apteryx australis] a-b lung, diss, to show air sacs d digestive system, diss.: 3 w.d. P: I.e. 2
1840 pl.51 e ? reproductive system 2 w.d. P: I.e. 3 1846 pl.36 f digestive urinary & reproductive
organs of £ 2 c.d. P: I.e. 2 1840 pl.50. All H.S. del. c [Giraffa] gall bladder, diss.: 1 s.d. H.S. del.
P: I.e. pl.42f.4
500 [Apteryx australis] a,c,d,f muscles of feet: 4 p. & w.d. R.O. & H.S. del. P: I.e. 3 1846 pl.32,33
b spinal muscles of thoracic region: 1 w.d. P: I.e. pi. 32 e sternum, ant. & post.: 1 p.i. & w.d. P:
I.e. 2 1840 pl.55 f.2,3 g abdominal sacs: 1 p.w.d. P: I.e. pl.49
501 a [Columba] crop, inverted to show interior surfaces: 1 i. sketch. Annot. b Rhea & Dromiceius
[Dromaius] skel. of thoracic region: 2 p. sketches c Dromiceius [Dromaius] intestines: 1 c.d.
Annot.
502 t Cnemiornis calcitrans* a,d mounted skel. r. latero-frontal : *No. 75.12.15.1-33. b,c t Cnemior-
nis sternum & pelvis, frontal & lat. : 4 photos
503 f Cnemiornis calcitrans* sk. a dors. & r. lat. b post, c pal. d r. lat.: 4 photos Annot. see
Trans, zool. Soc. Lond. 9 1875 pl.35 f.l, 5. *No. 46575 SYNTYPE
504 a,e f Notornis [Porphyrio] mantelli [mantelli] mounted skel. frontal & 1. lat. : 2 photos b,f t Aptor-
nis otidiformis mounted skel. 1. lat. & frontal: 2 photos c f Aptornis [defossor] tympanic bone,
3 views: 3 s.d. J. Dinkel del. P: I.e. 7 1871 pl.41 f.2,3,4 d f Aptornis defossor* sk. r. lat.: prelim,
p. sketch R.O. del. see I.e. pl.40 f.l *No. 46498 Annot. SYNTYPE
505 al,2 Aquila [Uroaetus] audax terminal phalanges of foot: 6 d. Annot. alA,2,3A,4 Circus assimilis
b f [Harpagornis moorei] A&B femur, distal & proximal articulating surfaces C part of pelvis.
3d. elf Harpagornis moorei* *No. 48056 Cast of HOLOTYPE c2f Polyoaetes[Polyharpagornis]
leucogaster c3 Circus assimilis 1. femur of each, post, cl-3 1 c. & 2 outline d. a-b All c. d. Annot.
cl Original spec. Fig. Trans. N.Z. Inst. 4 1872 pl.10- HOLOTYPE
506 f Dromornis australis* a,d r. femur, frontal & lat.: 2 photos, lithographs by J. Erxleben P:
Trans, zool. Soc. Lond. 8 1874 pl.62,63. Cast *No. 43960 A.M.S. No. F 10950 HOLOTYPE b,c
sacrum, 3 views: 3 photos. Annot. *No. 49160
507 Struthio camelus a sk. r. lat. to show elements: 1 c.d. b sacrum, 1. lat.: 1 p.d. R.O. del. c dis-
articulated sk.: 1 p.d. P: Owen, R. Anat. of Vertebrates Lond. 1866 2 p.43 d head & neck of $,
r. lat.: 1 c.d. Annot. e hyoid bones: 1 p.d. f head & neck of c?, fronto-lat.: 1 c.d. Annot.
508 a,b ? | Aepyornis mounted claws, r. lat. : 2 photos. Annot.
509 a [Struthio] pelvis & caudal vertebrae of newly hatched specimen, vent.: 1 p.d. R.O. del. b [Cor-
vus] pelvis & caudal vertebrae of embryo rook: 1 p.d. R.O. del. P: Phil. Trans. R. Soc. 153 1863
pl.3 f.5,6
510 a [t Archaeopteryx, Falco, t Pterodactylus] leg & foot bones, lat.: 5 p.d. R.O. del. P: I.e. pl.3
f.l, 3,4 b species as a, wing bones, lat.: 4 p.d. R.O. del. parts P: I.e. pl.2 f. 1-4
511 a t Odontopteryx toliapicus [toliapica]* parts of sk. : 8 outline p.d. R.O. del. b proof plates of a
C. L. Griesbach lith. P: Q. Jl geol. Soc. Lond. 29 1873 pi. 16 HOLOTYPE *No. 44096
512 a f Didus solitarius 'Hooded Dodo' [Raphus cucullatus] 1. lat.: 1 engr. Annot. b t [Raphus cucul-
latus] head, 1. lat. of Ashmolean Mus. specimen: 1 w.d. W.C. del. P: Strickland, H. E. & Mel-
ville, A. G. The Dodo Lond. 1848 pi. 5 f.2. Annot. c,d Pezophaps solitaria skels of <$ & $ Cambridge
Univ. specimens: 1. lat.: 2 p.d. R.O. del.
513 a t [Lithornis vulturinus]* sacrum, lat. & dors.: 3 p. & w.d. P: Owen, R. Hist. Brit, fossil Mammals
& Birds Lond. 1846 p. 553. *No. 38933 b Casuarius galeatus [casuarius] mounted skel. r. lat.:
1 photo, ca | Didus [Pezophaps solitaria] cb Solitaire [IP. solitaria] cc f Pezophaps [Raphus
cucullatus] femurs: 1 photo, by Farren d f Didus solitarius [Pezophaps solitaria] mounted skel.
r. lat. : 1 photo, by L. Berenger Annot.
160 J. M. INGLES AND F. C. SAWYER
Folio
514 [Pelecanus] sternum, leg & foot bones: 25 i. & wash d. R. Bezold del. Annot.
515 [Pelecanus] cranium, upper & lower m., scapulae, coracoid, clavicle & wing bones: 42 i. & wash
d. R. Bezold del. Annot.
516 a [Pelecanus] cervical vertebrae: 2 w.d. G.S. del. ? Orig. d. for Trans, zool. Soc. Lond. 5 1840
pl.44 f.3 b left [Crocodylus ] cervical vertebra: 1 engr. b centre Aptenodytes patagonica cervical
& dors, vertebrae: 1 p.d. b right dors, vertebrae: 3 w.d. All [J. Dinkel del.] All P: Phil. Trans. R.
Soc. 141 1851 pl.52 f.52,48-51
517 a [Coraciiformes - Kingfisher - unident] foot: 1 p.d. P: Owen, R. Anat. of Vertebrates Lond.
1866 2 p. 11 b [Caprimulgiformes - ? Nightjar - unident.] foot; 1 p.d. Annot. c [Colymbus
[Gavia]] pelvis & hind limb skel. 1. lat.: 1 p.d. Annot. P: I.e. p.78 d [Struthio] young skull, dors.:
1 p.d. Annot. P: I.e. p.51 e [Psittaciformes - Parrot - unident.] sk. r. lat.: 1 p.d. Annot. P: I.e.
p.51 f [Numida] beak & eye, 1. lat.: 1 p.d. P: I.e. p.10 g [Calyptorhynchus] sk. r. lat.: 1 p. &
w.d. Annot. P: Owen, R. On the Archetype . . . of the vertebrate skel. Lond. 1848 pl.l f.l h [Psit-
taciformes - unident.] sk. showing elements, 1. lat. : 1 p.d. L. A. del. Annot i [Dromaieus [Dromaius]]
sk. showing elements, r. lat. : 1 p.i. & wash d. Annot. P: Owen, R. Anat. of Vertebrates Lond. 1866 2
p.52 j [Struthio] si. showing elements, vent.: 1 p.d. Annot. P: I.e. p.44 k f [Halcyornis toli-
apicus]* cranium, dors. lat. post.: 3 p.d. P: Owen, R. Hist. Brit, fossil mammals & birds. Lond.
1846 f.234 A & B, 235. HOLOTYPE *No. A 1301 3 crania 1 A,B ^[Halcyornis toliapicus]*
dors. & post. HOLOTYPE *A 1301 C [Larus] dors. 1 DE, [Coraciiformes, Kingfisher, unident.] dors.
& post. 1 lithograph (5 f.) P: I.e. f.234 m [Numenius] head & foot, 1. lat.: 2 p.d. Annot. P: I.e. p.9
n [Struthio] foot, 1. lat.: 1 p.d. P: I.e. p.13 o [Passerine, unident.] foot, 1. lat.: 1 p.d. P: I.e. p. 10
p [Piciformes, Woodpecker, unident.] foot, 1. lat.: 1 p.d. P: I.e. p.ll m-p 4 p.d.
518 a [Columba] embryo, 8th day of incubation: 1 w.d. R.O. del. b [? Aves - unident.] postero-vent.
diss, to show musculature: 5 c.d. Annot. c Ardea argala [Leptoptilus dubius] foot tendons: 1 p.
sketch d [Aquila] brain lat. ventricles, ant. commisure: 1 w.d. e Rallus aquaticus urino-genital
system & section of 1. side of pelvis: 1 p. & 1 w.d. J. Erxleben del. Annot f [Ramphastos] tail
muscles: 2 p. sketches g [Anas] diss, urino-genital system of $: 2 c.d. Annot.
519 a [Dacelo [Lacedo] pulchella] living specimen on branch, r. lat. & bill, dors.: 2 p.d. W. Taylor del.
P: Horsfield, T. Zool. Res. in Java Lond. 1821 coloured pi. p.419 in B.M.(N.H.) copy bl,b2 [Aves
- unident.] 2 heads with necks diss.: 2 p.d. c Vultur leucocephalus [Neophron percnopterus] head,
r. lat.: 1 w.d. Annot. d Vultur [Neophron] percnopterus percnopterus frontal: 1 p.d. Annot.
e [Apus] head, 1. lat. showing distended pouch: 1 s.d. J. D. C. S. del.
520 [Gallus domestic] with spur growing from head a 1. lat. b head of same: 2 c.d. W. H. Clift del.
Annot.
521 a Delphinus delphis dors, vertebrae 1-11, 1. lat.: 1 s.d. P: Phil. Trans. R. Soc. 141 1851 pl.48 f.16
b Delphinus [Orcaella] brevirostris sk. 1. lat.: 1 p.i. & wash d. c ? Grampus [griseus] or Pseudorca
tooth: 1 wash d. Annot. d Delphinus [Orcaella] brevirostris sk. parts numbered, lat.: 1 i. outline
d. ? original sketch for P: Trans, zool. Soc. Lond. 6 1866 pl.9 f.3 e Delphinus tursio [Tursiops
truncatus] 5 dors, vertebrae, dors.: 1 s.d. P: Phil. Trans. R. Soc. 141 1851 pl.48 f.l 5
522 f Megathere [Megatherium] articulated skel. 1. lat. : i. & w.d. mounted on board for exhibition at
B.M.(N.H.) Annot. P: Edwards, W. N. Guide to an exhibition illust. early hist, of palaeontology
♦Special guide No. 8. 1931
523 t Diprotodon australis skel. 1. lat.: 1 p. & i. outline d. [R.O. del.] ? original for P: Phil. Trans. R.
Soc. 160 1870 pl.50
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164
J. M. INGLES AND F. C. SAWYER
Index to artists
Numbers refer to Folios not to pages.
Numbers in italics, e.g. 476, indicate photographs.
A., L. 469, 517
Aldous, Lens (88, 89), 92, 268, ?469, ? 517
Andre, -. 232
B., A. 265
B„ G. 441
Barker, A. C. 476
Barrow, G. H. 439, ? 441
Beche, H. T. de la see De La Beche
Bell, C. 232
Bellanti, M. 36
Berenger, L. 513
Berjeau, Charles 59
Bezold, R. 514, 515
Blair, D. 88, 89
Blorles, Edward 32
Blundell, E. C. 423
Bone, C. R. 208
Buckland, M. 206
Burton, Sir Frederick William (1816-1900) 313
Burton Bros. 485, 504
C, -. 110, 111, 131, 133, 135, 136, 145
C., I. G. or I. S. 170
C, W. 116
Campbell, H. 444
Camper, Peter (1722-1789) 227
Carter, H. V. 24, 415
Chapman, Captain 29, 274
[Chalon, Henry-Bernard (1770-1849)] 507
Claudet, Antoine Francois Jean (1787-1867) 76
Clift, William (1775-1849) 21, 37, 40, 43, 51, 57,
58, 110, 111, 113, 115, 116, 131, 133, 135, 136,
145, 211, 228, 249, 267, 269, 287, 295, 297,
304, 308, 352, 353, 355, 358, 410, 423, 462,
512
Clift, William Home (Jr) (1803-1833) 116, 267,
520
Conybeare, William Daniel (1787-1857) 123
Cooke, E. W. 286
Cooper, - ? 51
Cooper, William W. 15
Cumberland, George 117, 118
Curtis, C. M. 463
Daniell, William (1769-1837) (370)
De la Beche, Henry Thomas (1796-1855) 119,
123, 127, 128, 190
Deslongchamps, Eugene Eudas (1830-1889) 246
Dimpre, M. O. 229
Dinkel, Joseph 35, 85, 87, 89, 90, 121, 139, 153,
154, 158, 165, 168, 194, 200, 365, 369, 371,
376, 380, 381, 382, 383, 385, 386, 387, 391,
392, 393, 401, 403, 406, 408, 409, 413, 445,
447, 448, 477, 495, 496, 504, 516
Dircks, H. 205
Duthiers, H. Lacaze- see Lacaze-Duthiers, F. J.
H. de
Edwards, G. 318 Jo^fi* (*•■ v
Erxleben, Johann Christian Polycarp (1744-
1777) 152, 174, 175, 176, 177, 198, 259, 260
261, 262, ? 319, 320, ? 321, ? 322, 329,
330, 432-435, 439, 450, 452, 490, 491, 494,
506, 518
Falconer, A. P. 184
Farren, -. 513
Frank, J. C. 415
Freudenberg, -. 21
Galpin, C. 428
Giradot, J. E. 103
Goadby, -. 76
Godart, T. 498
Gordon, Colonel 310
Gore, R. T. 230
Gravelot, B. 233
Gricht, G. van der see van der Gricht, G.
Griesbach, C. L. 445, 446, 511
Gunn, John (1801-1890) 280, 289, 342
Gunn, M. S. 290
Hakewill, J. 332
Ham. Smith, C. = Smith, Charles Hamilton
Hasford, F. F. 426
Hastings, Barbara Marchioness of (1810-1858)
268, [280]
Hatcher, W. H. 34
Hedges, W. 316
Hills, Robert (1769-1844) 284, 306, 313, 417
Hollick, A. T. 464-469
Holmes, G. B. 145
Holmes, Miss M. 153, 162, 163
Home, Sir Everard (1756-1832) 76
Horner, A. C. 141
Hullmandel, C. 190
Hutchinson, P. O. 2
Ibbetson, Julius 310, 311
Jones, Thomas Rymer (1810-1880) 28, 60, 62,
74, 239, 240, 459, 473
Kaup, Johann Jakob (1803-1873) 196, ? 324,
? 325, ? 326, ? 327, 332, 358, 359, 360, 361,
362, 363, 372
CATALOGUE OF RICHARD OWEN COLLECTION OF DRAWINGS
165
Lacaze-Duthiers, Felix Joseph Henride (1821-
1901) 7, 8
Laurillard, -. 327
Lawrence, R. 286
Leonard, S. W. 2, 86, 90, 167
Lewin, John William (1770-1819) 472
M., M. 33
M., R. S. 315
Mackenzie, R. S. 315
Maclean, W. C. 45
Mangold, -. 372
Mantell, Gideon Algernon (1790-1852) 160, 161
Markwrost, E. 351
Martin, W. 254, 255
Mazell, P. 271
Meyer, H. von see von Meyer, H.
Mitchell, Sir Thomas Livingstone (1792-1855)
443, 444
Moire, E. 419
Monkhouse & Co 487
Muller, E. G. 138
Mylne, Robert 41
Newton, J. 227
Nibbs, G. 154, 193
Oldham, W. 313
Olson, H. 102
Owen, Caroline Amelia (1802-1873) 68, 363
Owen, Grace 28, 80
Owen, Richard (1804-1892) 1, 7, 20, 31, 46, 55,
56, 59-61, 67, 68, 70, 71, 78, 81, 94, 95, 96,
98, 99, 101, 126, 148, 149, 152, 169, 189, 192,
200, 201, 206, 208, 210, 215, 216, 234, 235,
237, 241-243, 246-249, 253-255, 258, 271, 272,
274, 316, 319, ? 320, 321, 322, 331, 370, 411,
415, 439, 442, 452, 460, 463, 469, 473, 492^94,
496, 498, 500, 504, 507, 509-512, 518
Paget, James (1814-1899) 70
Parkinson, Sydney (1745-1771) 77, 282, 283
Parsons, J. 323
Perand, -. 265
Phillips, I. 464
Pope, R. 264, 331
Ripley, -. 147
Roland, O. 195, 212, 213
Ross, -. 33
Rymer Jones, T. see Jones, T. Rymer
S., C. 339
S., C. H. 182, 275
S., G. 166
S., J. 207
S., J. D. C. 519
Scharf, -. ? 8, 9
Scharf, George (1788-1860 & son 1820-1895)
26, 111, 130, 138, 166, 183, 214, 233, 242, 244,
266, 271, 302, 303, 310, 336, 344, 345, 346, 347,
348, 349, 354, 366, 367, 368, 394, 395, 402, 404,
412, 422, 443, 447, 516
Scharf, H. (post 1820— c. 1890) son of George
(1788-1860) 1, 12, 22, 46, 47, 48, 49, 56, 60,
110, 129, 134, 273, 436, 438, 458, 459, 460,
461,475,498,499,500
Schuler, H. 280
Scotin, -. 233
Searle, A. H. 25
Sedgwick, Adam (1786-1873) 308
Severyns, C. 222
Shuckard, T. T. 109, 187, 188
Silvester, H. R. 414
Smit, J. (59) 307 ?
Smith, Charles Hamilton (1776-1859) 306
Sol, -. 76
Sowerby, James de Carle (1787-1871) 519 ?
Spratti, P. 280
Stubbs, Charles S. 339
Swatzfager, -. 225
Taylor, W. 245, 272-274, 287, 370, 519
Theodori, Carl (1788-1857) 109
van der Gricht, G. 323
von Meyer, Christian Erich Hermann (1801-
1869)298,299,300
W., -. 280
W„ A. B. 169
W., G. M. 169
W., W. 465, 469
Walker, J. J. 105
Wesley, W. H. 439
West, Tuffen, 31, 91, 92, (95, 99)
Wolf, G. 179
Wolf, Joseph or Mathias (1820-1899) 256-258,
459, 474
Wolff, J. see Wolf, J.
Woodhouse, -.313
Wright, Thomas 269
Zeitter, John Christian (7-1862) 169, 236, 304
166
J. M. INGLES AND F. C. SAWYER
General index
Key to type faces used for figures in index
Bold 00 refer to fossils
Roman 00 refer to recent
Italic 00 refer to page numbers
Parentheses (00) refer to names to be found only in the unabridged
catalogue in the General Library (B.M.(N.H.))
Aardvark see Orycteropus
acanthius, Squalus 38, 39
Acanthochondria 118
cornuta 71
ACANTHOD1I 119, (92)
Aceratherium 127, sp. 327
incisivum 326, 327
Achyrodon nanus 465
pusillus 465
Acipenser 120, 13
ACIPENSERIFORMES (13)
acos Vibrio 83
Acrodus 119, sp. 88
nobilis 90
ACROTRETIDA (8)
ACTINIARIA (79)
ACTINOPTERYGII 120, (13, 33)
ACTURIDAE (73)
Acturus 118,
aculeatus, Tachyglossus, 7, 474-5
acus, Euglena 83
acutirostris, Ichthyosaurus 107, 109
acutus, Crocodylus 191, 192, 197
Adjutant stork see Leptoptilos dubius
adunca, Clavella, 71
aeglefinus, Melanogramus 13
aegyptiacum, Eotheroides 418
Aeolodon 121
prise us 180
Aepyornis 123, 508
Aepyornithiformes 123, (508)
affinis, Rhinolophus 21 A
Spirontocaris 74
africana, Asina (318)
Loxodonta 334, 335
africanus, Elephas 334
Ageleodus diadema 92
agilis, Lacerta 165, 170
AGNATHA 119, (31)
Agoutis see Dasyprocta & Dasyproctidae
Alcelaphus 127
buselaphus 306
Alces 127
alces 282
Alciopidae 118, 11
alleghaniensis, Cryptobranchus 28, 46
Alligator 121
lucius 94, 191
mississippiensis 94, 191
alopecias, Squalus 43
Alopias 119
vulpinus 43
altdorpensis, Streptospondylus 145
Amblotherium 124
mustelula 465
nanum 466
pusillum 465, 466
soricinum 465
talpoides 465
Amblyophis viridis 83
American Elk see Cervus canadensis
Mastodon see Mammut americanum
Moose see Alces alces
Opossum, Large see Didelphis marsupialis
americana, Antilocapra 306, 308
Periplaneta 76
americanum, Mammut 336, 340, 343-347, 350,
353, 354
Megatherium 376, 377, 387, 393
americanus, Mastodon 346, 347
Amiiformes (32, 34)
ammon, Ovis 304
Ammonites see
Harpoceras
Hildoceras bifrons
Lytoceras fimbriatus
Oppelia subradiatus
Ammonites lingulatus 55
subradiatus 55
Ammonoidea 118, (55)
AMPHIBIA 120, 21 (25-27, 28-30, 33, 46, 169,
469)
Amphilestes 124
broderipi 463
pusillus (465)
Amphioxus 31
Amphipoda (77)
Amphitherium 124
prevosti 463
anak, Protemnodon 453
Anancus 127
arvernensis 337
Anas 123, 518
anatina, Lingula 1, 7, 8, 11
anatinus, Ornithorhynchus 7, 13, 470-473
anceps, Liodon 167
andriani, Placodus 125
angustidens, Mastodon (352)
annectens, Protopterus 46-49
ANNELIDA 7/5(68, 69)
CATALOGUE OF RICHARD OWEN COLLECTION OF DRAWINGS
167
Anomalopteryx 122
didiformis 478, 480, 483
Anomura unidentified 119, 73
Anoplotaenia 116
dasyuri 70
Anser 123, 13
Anseriformes 123, (493, 502, 503, 518)
Ant 'Bear' see Orycteropus afer
antarcticus, Physalus 424
Anteater, Banded see Myrmecobius fasciatus
Giant see Myrmecophaga tridactyla
Spiny see Tachyglossus
Tasmanian Spiny see T. setosus
Two-toed see Cyclopes didactyla
Antelope, American see Antilocapra americana
Four-horned see Tetraceros quadricornis
Pronghorn see Antilocapra americana
ANTHOZOA 116, (79)
Anthracotherium 127
magnum 276, 277
Antilocapra 127
americana 306, 308
Antilope sp. 306
bubalus 306
dama 306
furcifer 306
antiquitatis, Coelodonta 218, 332
antiquorum, Physalus 429
antiquus, Helminthodes 69
Microstonyx 280
Sus 280
Anura 120, (28-30, 469)
apama, Sepia 5, 6
Apes (Primates) see Gorilla gorilla
Pan troglodytes
Pongo pygmaeus
Apodiformes 123, (519)
Aptenodytes 123
patachonica 516
patagonica 200, 516
Apterygiformes 123, (478, 497-500)
Apteryx 123, sp. 478, 497
australis 498-500
Aptornis 123, sp. 494
defossor 504
didiformis 493
otidiformis 494, 504
Apus 123, 519
Aquarium building, Birmingham 16
aquaticus, Rallus 518
Aquila 123, sp. 518
audax 505
aquila, Myliobatis 90
ARACHNIDA 118, (76)
Archaeopterygiformes 122, (371, 510)
Archaeopteryx 122, sp. 510
lithographica 371
macrura 371
macrurus 371
Archetypes 99
Architeuthis 117
grandis 61
Archosauria 121, (109), 160, (166)
Arctomys primigenia 212
arctos, Ursus 271
arcuatus, Plesiosaurus 131
Thaumatosaurus 131
Ardea argala 518
Arenicola 118, 69
arenicolidae (69)
argala, Ardea 518
Argali see O^w ammon
Argonauta 117
hians 67
Armadillos, Fairy see Chlamyphorus truncatus
Giant see Glyptodon
Hoplophorus
Panochthus giganteus
Priodontes tuberculatus
Nine-banded see Dasypus novemcinctus
Six-banded see Euphractus sexcinctus
Three-banded see Tolypeutes tricinctus
armata, Hippolite 74
armatus, Hoplosaurus 161
Omosaurus 149
Arrow worms see Chaetognatha
ARTHROPODA 118, (9, 34, 57, 71-77)
ARTICULATA 117, (1, 7, 8, 10, 81)
Artiodactyla 127, (13, 20, 21, 93, 100, 275-277,
278, 279, 280, 281, 282, 283, 284-287, 288-
293, 294-296, 297-301, 302-308, 308, 309-315,
363)
arvernensis, Anancus 337
Mastodon 351
Ascaridida (68)
ascaridoidea (68)
Ascaris halichoris 68
ASCHELMINTHES 117, (68, 70)
asiaticus, Elephas 334
Asina africana (318)
sylvestris (318)
asinus, Equus 317, 320
asper, Glyptodon 171
aspera, Ceratophora 169
Ass, African wild see Equus asinus
Asiatic wild see Equus hemionus
assimilis, Circus 505
Harpagornis 505
A teles 125, 253
ater, Dromaius 496
Atheriniformes (31)
atlas, Macropus 452
Sthenurus 450, 452
audax, Aquila 505
Uroaetus 505
audebardii, Glottidia 81
Lingula 8, 81
Aurochs see Bos primigenius
168
J. M. INGLES AND F. C. SAWYER
australe, Dinotherium 443
australis, Apteryx 498-500
Diprotodon 442, 444, 523
Dromornis 506
Halicore 418
Mylodon 441
Spirula 59
avernensis, Mastodon (351)
AVES 122, (7, 13), 20, 89, 96, 200, 272, 371,
476-479, 479, 480-496, 497-501, 502-505, 505,
506, 507, 508, 509, 510, 510, 511-513, 513,
514-517,517,518-520)
unidentified 95, 96, 493, 517, 518, 519
azael, Palorchestes 445, 451
Babbler, Oriental Scimitar see Pomatorhinus
montanus
bactrianus, Camelus 292, 293
Badger, European see Meles
Badger, Malayan Skunk see Mydaus meliceps
Bagre J 20, 31
Bagrus 31
bainii, Oudenodon 164
Balaena 126, sp. 422, 428, 429
boops 423
mysticetus 423
BALAENIDAE 126, 428, 42^
Balaenodon 126, sp. 2
Balaenoptera 126, sp. 424, 426, 429
musculus All
physalus 424, 426
balani, Goodsirus 71
Hemioniscus 71
Banded Broadbill see Eurylaimus javanicus
Bandicoot, Barred see Perameles bougainville
lagotis
Long-nosed see Rhynchomeles
New Guinea see Peroryctes
New Guinea Spiny see Echymipera
Pig footed see Choeropus
Rabbit see Macrotis
Rat see Bandicota indica
Short nosed see Isoodon
Bandicota 126
indica 370
set if era 370
banks ii, Onychoteuthis 61
Teredo 58
Barracuda see Sphyrna zygaena
Basilosaurus 126, sp. 426
bathygnathus. Placodus 124
Batrachostomus 123
javanensis 111
Bats, Horseshoe see Rhinolophus
Large Malayan leaf-nosed see Hipposideros
diadema
Leaf-nosed see Hipposideros
Long-tongued fruit see Macroglossus
Old World leaf-nosed see Hipposideros
Naked see Cheiromeles torqaatus
Wrinkle-lipped see Tadarida plicata
beacheyi, Hippolite 74
Bears, Asiatic Black see Selenarctos thibetanus
Brown see Ursus arctos
Koala see Phascolarctos
Polar see Thalarctos maritimus
Beavers see Castor
European Giant see Trogontherium cuvieri
becklesi, Echinodon 166
Plagiaulax 469
Saurechinodon 166
Beetle, Goliath see Goliathus
Belemnites 55
Belemnitida 118, 55
Belinurus 118, sp. 73
Bellinurus 73
Belodon kapffi 179
bennettii, Diprotodon 446
bernissartensis, Iguanodon 146
Beroe 116, 77
Beroida (77)
Bettongia 124, sp. 457
penicillata 459, 464
bifrons, Hildoceras 55
biporcatus, Crocodylus 183, 191
Dendrodus 86
Birds see Aves
Bison 127, sp. 275, 297-298
trochocerus 299
bisulcatus, Pristis 111
BIVALVIA 117, (12, 21, 50, 51, 51, 56-58)
unidentified 21
BLATTIDAE 76
boans, Rana 469
Bolodon 124
crassidens 467
elongatus 467
bombidens, Placodus 125
boops, Balaena 423
Borocera 1 19, sp. 76
Bos 127, sp. 21, 100,275,429
domestic 305
indicus 305
primigenius 100, 299, 300
taurus 296
trochocerus 300
Bothriodon 127, sp. 280
bovinus 280
vectianus 280
Bothriospondylus elongatus 161
bougainville, Perameles 461
bovidae, unidentified 127, 305
bovinus, Bothriodon 280
Hyopotamus 280
bowerbankii, Emys 207, 208
Platemys 207, 208
BRACHIOPODA 117, (1, 7, 8, 10, 11, 81)
CATALOGUE OF RICHARD OWEN COLLECTION OF DRAWINGS
169
Brachydectes major 102
minor 102
brachydeirus, Plesiosaurus 136
Pliosaurus 127-129, 136
brachyrhynchus, Hyaenodon 268
Plesiosaurus (134)
brachyspondylus, Plesiosaurus 136
Pliosaurus 136
Bradypus 125
didactylus 253, 415
tridactylus 395, 412
Brains
Apteryx 498
Aquila 518
Cetorhinus 41
Daubentonia 263
G/«#« 314
Zfomo 230
Necturus 46
Pan 249
Pongo 249
Protopterus 46
Rhinoceros 329
unidentified 22, 249
branchialis, Lernaeocera 71
Branchiostoma 119, sp. 31
bravardi, Scelidotherium 398, 399
brehus, Sthenurus 450, 453
flrewi/wi 777, 70
breviceps, Ichthyosaurus 108
Kogia 424
brevirostris, Delphinus 521
Orcaella 521
Peralestes (465)
brevis, Cetiosaurus 149, 156, 158, 161
Sepioteuthis 60
Broadbill see Eurylaimus
brodei, Macellodus 166
broderipi, Amphilestes 463
brongniarti, Plesiosaurus 103
Bruniquel Caves 100, 101
Br y op a 111
lata 56
bubalus, Antilope 306
Bubalus moschatus 301, 302
Buccinum 117
undatum 50
bucklandi, Megalosaurus 151, 152, 158
Phascolotherium 463
Pterodactylus 200
Bunyip 315
burchelli, Equus 321
Burr Fish see Diodon
burtoni, Gerbillus 370
buselaphus, Alcelaphus 306
byronensis, Calyptraea 56
caballus, Equus 319-322
Cachalots see Physeter macrocephalus
cadomensis, TeleosaUrus 180
Calcinus 118
elegans, 73
calcitrans, Cnemiornis 493, 502, 503
Caligoida (57, 71)
Callopristodus 120
pectinatus 92
Callosciurus 126
notatus 370
Calypeopsis 56
Calyptorhynchus 123, 517
Calyptraea 117
byronensis 56
Camelus 127, sp. 293
bactrianus 292, 293
camelus, Struthio 492, 507
Camels see Camelus
canadensis, Cervus 286
Candida, Pholadomya 56
Caninia lineata 68
Canininula 117
lineata 68
Caws 725, sp. 93, 95, 268
familiaris 268
/wpw-y 268
palustris 268
capensis, Helemys 373
Platychelys 373
Rhytidosteus 25
Caperea 126, 428
Capillar ia 117
caprimulgi 70
cappfi, Phytosaurus 179
caprimulgi, Capillaria 70
Trichosoma 70
Caprimulgiformes 725, (272), 517
Capromys 126, 370
Capybara see Hydrochoerus hydrochaeris
capybara, Hydrochoerus 373
CARANGIDAE 720, (13)
Carcharhias 44
Carchariniformes (33, 37, 44)
Carcharhinus 1 19, 44
Carcharodon 119
megalodon 33
Cardiodon 122
rugosus 86
rugulosus 86
C armaria 117, 50
carinatus, Plesiosaurus 131
carnifex, Thylacoleo 439-441
Carnivora 726, (13, 93, 95, 253, 264-268,
266, 268, 271, 271, 272, 440)
carribaea, Onykia 67
Cassowaries see Casuarius
Castor 126, sp. 3, 372, 455
/for 373
/a#e/7 372
castoridae unidentified 337
170
J. M. INGLES AND F. C. SAWYER
Casuariiformes 122, (7, 479, 496, 501, 506, 513,
517)
Casuarinus (493)
casuarinus, Dinornis 478, 480, 482
Emeus 478, 480, 482, 491, 492
Meiornis 478, 482
Casuarius 122, 479
c as uar ius 513
galeatus 513
catesbiana, Rana 469
Cats see Felis
Cattle, Domestic see Bos dom.
Unidentified see Bos
Zebu see Bos indicus
Caturus 120
furcatus 34
catus, Felis 265
Caudata 120, 28, (46, 169)
Caves, Bruniquel 100, 101
cavirostris, Ziphius 426
Cavy, Spotted see Dinomys
Cenoceras 117, sp. 55
obesus 55
striatus 55
Centetes 273
Centipedes see Scutigera
CEPHALOCHORDATA 119, (31)
CEPHALOPODA 117, (5, 6, 20, 54, 55, 55, 59,
60-67)
Ceratophora 121
aspera 169
stoddartii 169
Ceratotherium 127
simum 331
Cercartetus 124
nanus 461
Cercocebus 125, 245
Cermatia 75
cernua, Gymnocephalus 31
cervidae unidentified 287
Cervus 127, sp. 275, 275, 289
canadensis 286
diaromocervus 275
e%k> 284-286, 288-289
muntjak 281
pedicellatus 288
sedgwickii 290
strongyloceros 289
tarandus 275
CESTODA 776, (20, 69, 70)
Cetacea 726, (2), 13, (421-428, 429), 429, (521)
Cetiosaurus 122, sp. 158
ftrofe 149, 156, 158, 161
hypoolithicus 150
Cetosaurus (150)
Cetorhinus 119
maximus 37, 40, 41, 42, 44
Chaerephon 125
plicata tenuis 274
CHAETOGNATHA 779, 51, 77
Chaetopleura 117
spinulosa 51
Chamaeleo 121, 169
Chamaeleon see Chamaeleo
chapmanni, Steneosaurus 181, 186
chapmani, Teleosaurus 103
Characodus confer t us 91
Charadriiformes 123, (517)
Chasmops 118
extensa 72, 73
Cheiromeles 125
torquatus 274
CHELICERATA (9, 72)
Chelone see Chelonia
Chelonia 121
gigas 207
imbricata 211
mydas 207
planimentum 209
platygnathus 209
Chelonian unidentified 727, 210
Chelus 121
fimbriatus 210
Chelydra serpentina 210
Chelys fimbriata 210
Chicken see Gallus
chilensis, Terebratella 81
Terebratula 81
CHILOPODA 779, (75)
Chimaeriformes (34)
Chimpanzees see Pan troglodytes
chiragoa, Lambis 52
Strombus 52
Chiromys madagascariensis 263
Chiroptera 725, (272, 274)
Chiton spiniferus 51
Crt//ra 727
indica 210
Chlamyphorus 125
truncatus, 41 1
Choloepus 125
didactylus 253, 415
Chondracanthodes 118
radiatus 71
Chondr acanthus 118
nodosus 71
CHONDRICHTHYES 779, (32-34, 37-44, 84,
88, 90, 90, 92, 222)
CHORDATA 779, (31)
Chousingha see Tetracerus quadricornis
Chrysomonadida (82)
Ciconiiformes 725, (513, 518)
C1LIATEA 116, (83)
ciliata, Pseudosquilla 74
Squilla 14
cinereus, Phascolarctos 431, 438, 456
Circulatory systems, unidentified 20
Circus 123
CATALOGUE OF RICHARD OWEN COLLECTION OF DRAWINGS
171
assimilis 505
citillus, Spermophylus 372
Civet, Lesser Oriental see Viverricula
Small Indian see Viverricula
clava, Teredo 58
Clavagella (Bryopa) 117
lata 56
clavata, Hirudinella 70
clavatum, Distoma 70
clavatus, Peniculus 71
Clavella 118
adunca 71
clavicaudatus, Doedicurus 403, 406
clavipes, Glyptodon 402, 404
clavus, Uperotus 58
clifti, Stegodon 352
Climatiiformes (92)
Cnemiomis 123, sp. 502
calcitrans 493, 502, 503
coccinea, Porcellana 73
coccineus, Petrolisthes 73
Cochliodus 120
contortus 34
Cockatoo see Calyptorhynchus
Cockroach, American see Periplaneta
Cod see Gadus morhua
COELENTERATA 116, 77 (79, 80)
Coelodonta 127
antiquitatis 218, 332
Coelorhynchus, rectus Til
colei, Parabatrachus 35
COLEOPTERA (76)
Colobinae 125, 245
Coluber 121, 217
Columba 123, 501, 518
Columbiformes 123, (501, 512-513, 518)
Colymbus 517
Comb jelly see Beroe
communis, Ichthyosaurus 105, 106, 108, (115),
(119)
compressus, Plesiosaurus 132
concavus, Plesiosaurus 137
Conch see Lambis
concolor, Felis 264
Condylura 125
cristata 273
Cone shells see Conus
confoederata, Pegea 77
confertus, Characodus 91
Coniasaurus 121, 167
Coniosaurus 167
Connochaetes 127
gnou 307
conophthalmus, Phacops 12, 73
contortus, Cochliodus 34
Conus 117, 53
convexus, Tomodus 34
conybearei, Pelorosaurus 149
cookii, Enoploteuthis 62-64
Copepoda 77S, (57, 71)
Coraciiformes 725, 517, (519)
cornuta, Acanthochondria 71
Lernentoma 71
cornutus, Octopus 65
Tritaxeopus 65
Corvw^ 725, 509
costatus, Plesiosaurus 133
Cotylosauria 727, (168)
Cowrie, Mauritian see Cypraea
Crabs, Hermit see Pagurus
Horseshoe see Limulus
King see Limulus
Porcelain see Petrolisthes cocaneus
Spider see Lambis
Telescopic-eyed see Macrophthalmus
telescopicus
craggesii, Ganolodus 32
Rhizodopsis 32
Cranchia 117
scabra 67
Crangon salebrosus 74
crassidens, Bolodon 467
Goniopholis 158, 185, 193, 194
crassus, Dinornis 478, 480, 483
Emeus 478, 480, 483
Palapteryx 478
cristata, Condylura 273
Sorex 273
Crocodiles, African see Crocodylus niloticus
American see Crocodylus acutus
Estuarine see Crocodylus porosus
Fossil see Goniopholis
Oweniasuchus
Steneosaurus
Teleosaurus
Nile see Crocodylus niloticus
Unidentified 184, 185, 189, 190, 192
Crocodilia 727, (88, 94, 96, 102, 103, 145, 158,
163, 179, 180, 181, 182, 183, 183-188, 189
190, 191, 192, 193-195, 196-197, 198, 199,
207, 516)
Crocodilus see Crocodylus
Crocodylus 121, sp. 96, 182, 183, 184, 192, 516
acutus 191, 192, 197
biporcatus 183, 191
cultridens 158
hastingsiae 184, 185, 198, 199
niloticus 179, 189
physiognathus 195
porosus 191
suchus 179
Crocuta 126
crocuta 267
Crossopterygii 720, (32, 33, 35, 86, 90, 91)
Crows see Corvus
CRUSTACEA 775, (34, 57, 71, 73, 74, 77)
Cryptobranchus 120, sp. 28, 46
alleghaniensis 28, 46
172
J. M. INGLES AND F. C. SAWYER
Ctenacodon 124
falconer i 469
minor 469
CTENOPHORA 116, (77)
cucullatus, Raphus 512, 513
CUCUMARIIDAE J 19, 79
cultridens, Crocodilus 158
Suchosaurus 158
cuspidatus, Dichodon 280
Cuttlefish, octopuses & squids see Cephalopoda
cuvieri, Ichthyosaurus 104
Lagotis 436
Streptospondylus 147
Trogontherium 3
Cyamodus 122
laticeps 124, 125
rostratus \2A
Cyclopes 125
didactyla 415
Cyclophyllidea 116, (70)
Cyclopoida (71)
Cylindr acanthus 120
rectus, 222
Cylindricodon 121, 160
cynocephalus, Thylacinus 436
Cypraea 117, 53
Cypriniformes (1 3)
Dace see Leuciscus
Dacelo pulchella 5 1 9
Dagysa 119, 11
volva 11
dama, Antilope 306
Gazella 306
dasypodidae unidentified 125, 412
dasyproctidae, unidentified 726, 370
Dasypus 125, sp. 411
giganteus 410
longicaudus All
novemcinctus 411, 412
peba 41 1
septemcinctus 41 1
sexcinctus 411
tricinctus All
dasyuri, Anoplotaenia 70
Dasyurotaenia 116
robusta 70
Dasyurus maugei (70)
viverrinus (70)
Daubentonia 125
madagascariensis 256-263
declivis, Dicynodon 164
Lystrosaurus 164
Ptychognathus 164
decupata, Taenia 70
decurrens, Ptychodus 90
Deer see y4/cw
Ceruw.?
Fossil see Eucladocerus dicranios
Euctenoceros sedgwicki
Giant see Megaloceros
Giant Irish see Megaloceros giganteus
Muntjac see Muntiacus muntjak
Musk- see Moschus moschiferus
Red see Cervus elaphus
deformis, Rhinolophus 11 A
defossor, Aptornis 504
Deinotherium 127
giganteum 358-362
Delphinus 126
brevirostris 521
delphis 425, 426, 521
tursio 521
delphis, Delphinus 425, 426, 521
Deltatheridia 125, (268, 273, 469)
Deltodus 120
sublaevis 34
Deltoptychius 120, 34
Dendrochirotida (79)
Dendrodus 120
biporcatus 86
Desmana 125
moschata 469
Desman, European or Russian see Desmana
moschata
destructor, Megalosaurus 88
Nuthetes 88
Diabolus ursinus 440
diadema, Agelodus 92
Hipposideros 11 A
diaromocervus, Cervus 275
Dibblers see Phascogale
dibrothius, Plesiosaurus 138
Dicer orhinus 127
schleiermacheri 324, 325, 327
sumatrensis 331
Dichodon 127
cuspidatus 280
dicranios, Eucladocerus 291
DlCTYOPTERA (76)
Dicynodon 122
declevis 164
lacerticeps 164
laticeps (164)
testudiceps 164
verticalis 164
didactyla, Myrmecophaga 415
didactylus, Bradypus 253, 415
Choloepus 253, 415
DIDELPHIDAE /24
unidentified 456
Didelphis 124, sp. 462
marsupialis 461, 462
opossum 465
virginianus 462
Didelphys virginiana 461
didiformis, Anomalopteryx 478, 480, 483
CATALOGUE OF RICHARD OWEN COLLECTION OF DRAWINGS
173
Aptornis 493
Dinornis 478, 480, 483
Meionornis 478
didinus, Dinornis 495
Megalapteryx (483), 495
Didus sp. 513
solitarius 512, 513
diemianus, Dromaius 496
Digenea (70)
Dimorphodon 121
macronyx 200, 201
Dinomys 126, 462
Dinornis 122, sp. 476, 480, 492
casuarinus 478, 480, 482
crassus 478, 480, 483
didiformis 478, 480, 483
didinus 495
elephantopus 480, 485, 490, 492
geranoides 493
giganteus 484
ffroriftf 478, 480, 485
fttffiiu 478, 479, 486-489, 495, 496
maximus 477, 478, 481, 490, 492
novaezealandiae 478, 480, 485
rheides 491, 492
robustus 478, 479, 486-488, 495, 496
DlNORNITHIFORMES 122, (476-496)
Dinosaurs see Iguanodon
Dinotherii gigantii 360
Dinotherium sp. 358, 359
australe 443
gigantei 360
giganteum 362
DIOCTOPHYMATOIDEA (68)
Dioctophyme 117
gigas 68
Diocus 1 18
gobinus 71
£iWo/z 720, sp. 31
Diplocynodon 121, sp. 184
hantoniensis 184, 185, 198, 199
DIPLOPODA 779, (75)
Dipnoi 720, (46-49, 91)
Diprotodon 124, sp. 442-444
australis 442, 444, 523
bennettii 446
optatum 442
Dipus hirtipes 370
Discinisca 117
lamellosa 8
dissimilis, Merycopotamus 363
Distigma 116
proteus 82
viridis 82
Distoma clavatum 70
Diver see Gaw'a
Dodo 72J, 512
Hooded see Raphus cucullatus
Mauritius see Raphus cucullatus
Reunion see 7_)/V/«s solitarius
White see D/t/ws solitarius
Doedicurus 125
clavicaudatus 403, 406
Dog fish, Spur see Squalus acanthius
Dogs see Canis
dolichodeirus, PlesiosaUrus 126
Dolichosaurus 121
longicollis 167
dolicognathus, Labyrinthodon 26
Dolicognathus lloydii (26)
Dolphins (Cetacea)
Bottle-nosed see Tursiops truncatus
Common see Delphinus delphis
Gangetic see Platanista gangetica
Irrawaddy River see Orcaella brevirostris
Risso's see Grampus griseus
Domestic fowl see Callus
Donkeys see Equus asinus
Doris 117, sp. 51
Dory see Zeus faber
Dromaeius 479, 517
Dromaeus see Dromaius
Dromaius 122, sp. 7, 479, 501, 517
ater 496
diemianus 496
Dromiceius 7, 501
Dromornis 122
australis 506
dryolestidae 124, 468
dubius, Leptocladus 467
Leptoptilus 518
Phascolestes 465
Duck see Anas
unidentified 518
Duck-billed platypus see Ornithorhynchus
anatinus
Dugong 127,416, 418
dugon 418
Dugongs, Fossil see Halitherium
Dujardinascaris 117
halicoris 68
dunkeri, Megalosaurus 158, 160
Eagle, Wedge-tailed see Aquila audax
Ear bones, otoliths & stapes 13
ecaudatus, Tenrec 273
Echidna 124, sp. 475
gigantea 475
hystrix 7, 474^75
owenii 475
setosa 475
Echinida (78)
ECHINODERMATA 119, (78)
Echinodon becklesi 166
ECHINOIDEA 7/9 (78)
ECHIURA 118, (68)
174
J. M. INGLES AND F. C. SAWYER
echiuroinea 118, 68
Edentata 125, (85, 89, 253, 374-395, 395, 396
400, 402-409, 410, 411, 412, 412-415, 522)
Edestes 32
Edestiformes (32)
Edestus 120, 32
edulis, Mytilus 12
elaphus, Cervus 284-286, 288, 289
Elasmobranchii 119, (88, 90)
Elasmotherium 127, 363
elegans, Calcinus 73
Eudorina 82
Lamna 84
Odontaspis 84
Elephant-bird see Aepyornis
elephantidae, unidentified 127, 338, 341-343
elephantoides, Mastodon 352
elephantopus, Dinornis 480, 485, 490, 492
Euryapteryx 478, 480, 485, 490, 492
Pachyornis 478
Palapteryx 478, 485
Elephants, African see Loxodonta
Asiatic see Elephas
Elephas 127, sp. 275, 342, 351
africanus 334
asiaticus 334
indicus 2, 224
maximus 2, 224, 334, 335
primigenius 335, 337, 340, 341
elginense, Leptopleuron 168
Elk see A Ices alces
Irish see Megaloceros giganteus
ellipsiprymnus, Kobus 306
elongatus, Bolodon 461
Bothriospondylus 161
elvensis, Lepidotes 32
Lepidotus 32
Emeus 122
casuarinus 478, 482, 492
crassus 478, 480, 482, 483, 491, 492
Emew (501)
Emu see Dromaius
fossil, see Dromornis
Emydian unidentified 206
emydidae 121
Emys 121
bowerbankii 207, 208
testudiniformes 208
Enhydra 126
lutris 265
Enoplida (70)
Enoploclytia 118
leachii 34
Enoploteuthis 117
cookii €2-(A
ensifer, Ommastrephes 66
Entemnodus euryrhynchus 268
minor 268
Eocoelopoma 120, 35
Eosphargis 121
gigas 207
Eotheroides 127
aegyptiacum 418
Equipes [? Ichthyosaurus] (119)
£"^w«5 127, sp. 13, 316, 318
asinus 317, 320
burchelli 321
cafea/te 319-322
hemionus 320
?wa&?a 318, 321
spelaeus 316, 319, 321, 322
spelous 316
ze&ra 318, 322
erasus, Plesiosaurus (130)
Eretmochelys 121
imbricata 211
esocuus, Saurostomus 32
to 720
/wc/ws 31
Eko/m 7/5, 74
euchlora, Lagenella 82
Lagenula 82
Eucladocerus 127
dicranios 291
Euctenoceros 127
sedgwicki 290
Eudorina 1 16
elegans 82
Euglena 1 16
acus 83
longicauda 83
pyrum 83
sanguinea 83
viridis 83
Euglenida (82, 83)
Euphractus 125
sexcinctus 41 1
Euphyseter macleayi 424
europaea, Talpa 274
Euryapteryx 122
elephantopus 478, 480, 485, 490, 492
gravipes 478
pygmaeus 493, 494
rheides 478
Eurylaimus 123
javanicus 272
euryrhynchus, Entemnodon 268
Hyaenodon 268
Eustreptospondylus 122, 147
Eutrephoceras 117, 55
Eutreptia 116
viridis 82
Even-toed ungulates see Artiodactyla
Exocoetus 120
volitans 31
exocuus, Prosauropsis 32
Saurostomus 32
extensa, Chasmops 72, 73
CATALOGUE OF RICHARD OWEN COLLECTION OF DRAWINGS
175
faber, Zeus 31
Falco 123, 510
Falcon see Falco
falconeri, Ctenacodon 469
Plagiaulax 469
Falconiformes 123, (505, 505, 510, 519)
familiaris, Canis 268
fasciatus, Myrmecobius 463, 464
felina, Tealia 79
Felis 126, sp. 264, 265
catus 265
concolor 264
fee 440
ferox, Triconodon 464, 467, 468
Trioracodon 464, 467, 468
ferruginea, Tupaia 273
fiber, Castor 373
FILARIOIDEA (70)
fimbriata, Chelys 210
fimbriatum, Lytoceras 55
fimbriatus, Chelus 210
Fish 119-120, 20
Bony see Osteichthyes
Burr see Diodon
Cartilaginous see Chondrichthyes
Flying see Exocoetus
Lung- see Protopterus
Porcupine see Diodon
Rat see Holocephali
Saw see Pristis
Sea horse see Hippocampus
Fistularia gangata (58)
fittoni, Pterodactylus 200
Flat Worms see PLATYHELMINTHES
flavescens, Magellania 1, 7, 8, 10
Terebratula 1, 7, 8, 10
fiavicans, Ophryoglena 83
flavipes, Phascogale 461
Flukes see Hirudinella
Flying Foxes see Pteropus
formosus, Gyracanthus 92
Fringe-fins see Rhizodus
Frog, American Tree- 29
Frogmouth see Batrachastomus
Fruit Bats, Long-tongued see Macroglossus
furcatus, Caturus 34
furcifer, Antilope 306
fuscus, Mastacomys 373
Phascolarctos 438
Gadiformes (13, 45, 96-98)
Gadus 120, sp. 98
morhua 13, 96-98
galeatus, Casuarius 513
Galecynus oeningensis 268
Galelestes (469)
Galestes (469)
Galliformes 723, (517, 520)
Gallinule see Porphyrio
Gallus 123, 520
gangata, Fistularia (58)
gangetica, Platanista 425
gangeticus, Gavialis 191
Ganolodus craggesii 32
Garpikes see Lepisosteus
Gastrodus praepo situs 91
GASTROPODA 777, (50-53, 56)
Gav/a 72 J, 517
Gavialis 121
gangeticus 191
Gaviiformes 72J, (517)
Gazella 127
dama 306
mhorr 306
Gazelles see Gazella
Gelasimus telescopicus 73
gemmingi, Ramphorhynchus 203
geranoides, Dinornis 493
Palapteryx 494
Gerbillus 126
burtoni 370
pyramidum 370
Gharial, Indian see Gavialis gangeticus
Giant
Anteater see Myrmecophaga
Armadillo see Glyptodon
Hoplophorus
Panochthus
Priodontes
Beaver, European see Trogontherium
Deer see Megaloceros
Sloth see Megatherium
Mylodon
Gibbon, Great see Symphalangus syndactylus
Siamang see Symphalangus syndactylus
gigantea, Echidna 475
Myrmecophaga 414
Teredo 57, 58
gigantei, Dinotherium 360
giganteum, Deinotherium 358-362
Dinotherium 362
Mastodon 336
giganteus, Dasypus 410
Dinornis 484
Macropus 373, 440, 449, 455
Megaloceros 283, 337
Plesiosaurus 128
Priodontes 410
gigantii, Dinotherium 360
Chelonia 207
Dioctophyme 68
Eosphargis 207
Phascolomys 432-435
Phascolonus 85, 432-435
Placodus 124
Strongylus 68
G/ra#a 727, 309-314, 499
176
J. M. INGLES AND F. C. SAWYER
gladius, Xiphias 13, 31
glauca, Prionacae (37)
glis, Tupaia 273
Glottidia 117
audebardii 81
Glyptodon 125, sp. 89, 374, 402-409
asper 171
clavipes 402, 404
gmelini, Ovis 304
gnou, Connochaetes 307
Gnu, White-tailed see Connochaetes gnou
Gobies see Gobio
gobina, Lernentoma 71
gobinus, Diocus 71
Gobio 120
gobio 13
goliah, Macropus 453
Procoptodon 453
Goliathus 119
goliatus 76
goliatus, Goliathus 76
Goniopholis 121,, sp. 185, 196
crassidens 158, 185, 193, 194
tenuidens 102
Goodsirus balani 71
Goose see Anser
Goose fossil see Cnemiornis
GORGONACEA (79)
Gorilla 125, sp. 238, 246
gorilla 250-252
gorilla, Troglodytes 250-252
gracilis, Dinornis 478, 480, 485
Teleosaurus 180, 181
Grampus 126
griseus 521
grandis, Architeuthis 61
Plectoteuthis 61
granulatus, Plesiosaurus (181)
Grapsus thukuhar 73
gravipes, Euryapteryx 478
Grebes see Gaw'a
Grey Flier see Macropus parryi
griseus, Grampus 521
groenlandicus, Lebbeus 74
Ground Sloths, see Megatherium
Mylodon
Gruiformes 123, (493, 494, 496, 504, 518)
grypus, Halichoerus 269
Guinea-fowl see Numida
Gulls see Larus
Gymnocephalus 120
cernua 31
Gyracanthus 119
formosus 92
Haddock see Melanogrammus
Halcyornis 123
toliapicus 517
Halichoerus 126
grypus 269
halichoris, Ascaris 68
Halicore australis 418
indie us 418
halicoris, Dujardinascaris 68
Halitherium 127, sp. 419
uytterhoeveni 419
hantonensis, Diplocynodon 184, 185, 198, 199
HAPLOTAXIDA (69)
Haramiya 124
moorei 464
HARAMIYIDAE 724, (464)
Hares see Z-epwj
harlani, Mylodon 404
Harpagornis 123
moorei 505
Harpoceras 117,55
Harrier, Spotted see C/rcwj assimilis
harrisii, Sarcophilus 440
harrisii, Thylacinus 436
Hartebeest see Alcelaphus buselaphus
hastingsiae, Crocodilus 184, 185, 198, 199
Hawk see Circus assimilis
hawkinsii, Plesiosaurus 130, 131
Helemys capensis 373
Hellbender see Cryptobranchus
Helminthodes 118
antiquus 69
HEMIONISCIDAE (71)
Hemioniscus 118
balani 71
hemionus, Equus 320
Hemithiris 117
psittacea 81
Heptacarpus 118, 74
Hermit Crab see Calcinus
Heron see Leptoptilus
Herpes tes 126
javanicus 272
Heterocentrotus 119, 78
hians, Argonauta 67
hibberti, Megalichthys 35
Rhizodus 90
Hildoceras 117
bifrons 55
Hippocampus 120, 33
Hippohyus 127, sp. 363
sivalensis 363
Hippolite armata 74
beacheyi 74
/aya 74
leachei 74
Hippopotamus 280, 338
Hippopotamus 127
major 280
Hipposideros 125
diadema 274
larvatus 274
CATALOGUE OF RICHARD OWEN COLLECTION OF DRAWINGS
177
Hippurites 117, 50
HlPPURITOIDA (50)
hirtipes, Dipus 370
Hirudinella 116
clavata 70
HOLOCEPHALI 120, (92)
HOLOTHURIOIDEA 119 (79)
homalospondylus, Plesiosaurus 137
Hominoidea 125, 255
Homo 125, 100, 374
sapiens 3, 13-15, 21, 24, 89, 94-96, 100, 225-
232, 253
from Abbeville 229
Andaman Is. 227
Antis, Peru 226
Australia 3
Beller's Nap Barrow 229
Bruniquel Caves 100
Buenos Ayres 374
Darnley Island, New Guinea 226
Durabi, New Guinea 226
Dussel valley, Europe 229
Georgia, King George's Sound 227
(O-jib-ae-wa) N. America 226
St Vincent Id, Caribbean 227
Sensi, Peru 226
S. America 226, 374
Homo sapiens neaderthalensis 229
Homologies of skeleton 93-96, 98, 99
Hoplophorus 125, 374
Hoplosaurus armatus 161
horneri, Thecospondylus 141
horridus, Moloch 169
Horses see Equus
Horseshoe 'Crab' see Limulus polyphemus
hulkei, Ornithopsis 161
Hutias see Capromys
Hyaena 126
hyaena 253
vulgaris 253
Hyaena, unidentified 267
Hyaenas, Spotted see Crocuta crocuta
Striped see Hyaena hyaena
Hyaenodon 125
brachyrhynchus 268
euryrhynchus 268
leptorhynchus 268
minor 268
pachyrhynchus 268
Hybodontiformes (88, 90)
hydrochaeris, Hydrochoerus 373
Hydrochoerus 126
capybara 373
hydrochaeris 373
HYDROZOA 116, (80)
Hydrurga 126
leptonyx 270
Hylaeosaurus 122, sp. 86, 144, 148, 153, 157,
158, 160, 161
oweni 160
hylodus, Plesiosaurus (130)
Hylosaurus 148
Hymenostomatida (83)
Hyopotamus 127, sp. 280
bovinus 280
vectianus 280
Hyotherium 127
palaeochoerus 280
hypoolithicus, Cetiosaurus 150
Hypothetical forms 99
Hypsiprymnodon 124
moschatus 459
murinus 459
peron (459)
Hypsiprymnopsis 124
rhaeticus 464
Hypsiprymnus sp. 459
murinus 464
myosurus 458
setosus 459
Hyracolestes 363
Hyracotherium 127
leporinum 363, 364
vulpiceps 363, 364
Hystrix 126, 370
hystrix, Echidna 7, 474-475
Ichneumon see Herpestes
Ichthyosauria 122, (104-123)
Ichthyosaurians unidentified 109, 112, 115, 117
Ichthyosaurus 122, sp. 105, 109, 110, 113-116,
120-123
acutirostris 107, 109
breviceps 108
communis 105, 106, 108, (115), (119)
cuvieri 104
inter medius 112, 121
latifrons 106, 107
longirostris 107
platyodon 107, 111
tenuirostris 105, 108, 109, 111, 112, 123
thyreospondylus 110
trigonus 110
Iguana, Common see Iguana
Iguana 121, sp. 160
iguana 87
tuber culata 87
Iguanodon 122, sp. 87, 142, 143, 146, 148, 153,
154, 155, 159-163
bernissartensis 146
mantelli 154-155, 157-160, 163
imbricata, Chelonia 211
Eretmochelys 211
INARTICULATA 117, (1, 7, 8, 11)
Incertae sedis
Brachiopoda, Lacazella 7, 8
Cephalopada, Loligopsis 60
Fish, Oreodus 92
178
J. M. INGLES AND F. C. SAWYER
Mammalia 401
Haramiya 464
Hypsiprymnopsis 464
? Mammalia, Leptolestes 469
Reptilia, Cylindricodon 160
Rysosteus 148
incisivum, Aceratherium 326, 327
indica, Bandicota 370
Chitra 210
Testudo 210
indicus, Bos 305
Elephas 2, 224
#a//core 418
Rhinoceros 328-331
Tapir us 333
inequalis, Sagenodus 91
j/^eiu, Dinornis 478, 479, 486-489, 495, 496
INSECTA 779, (76)
Insectivora 725, (13, 273, 274, 469)
insignis, Rhinolophus 21 A
inter medius, Ichthyosaurus 112, 121
INVERTEBRATA unidentified 51, 77, 79
Irish Elk see Megaloceros giganteus
Isis 116
ochraceus 79
Isoodon 124, 460
Isopoda (71, 73)
isselensis, Lophiodon 363
issellensis, Lophiodon 363
Jaculus 126
jaculus 370
javanensis, Batrachostomus 272
Podargus 272
javanica, Mangusta 272
Tupaia 273
javanicus, Eurylaimus 272
Herpestes 272
Pteropus 272
Jerboas see Jaculus jaculus
John Dory, European see Zews /after
jubata, Myrmecophaga 413
Julida (75)
/w/ws 779
terrestris 75
Kangaroos see Macropus
Rat- see Bettongia, Potorous
Broad-faced see Potorous
Brush-tailed see Bettongia penicillata
Long-nosed see Potorous tridactylus
Short-nosed see Bettongia
Musky see Hypsiprymnodon moschatus
kapffi, Belodon 179
King 'crab' see Limulus polyphemus
Kingfishers 72J
Banded see Dacelo pulchella
Unidentified 517
Kiwi see Apteryx
Koala see Phascolarctos
Kobus 128
ellipsiprymnus 306
kochi, Pterodactylus 201
Kogia 126
breviceps 424
Kookaburra see Dacelo
Kroyeria 118,11
Kulan see Equus hemionus
Kuphus 117
polythalmia 57, 58
Kurtodon 124, 466
Labidochirus 118
splendescens 73
Labyrinthodon sp. 25-26, 33
dolicognathus 26
laniarius 27
pachygnathus 25, 26, 27
scutulatus 26
ventricosus 27
Labyrinthon (25)
Lacazella 117, sp. 7
mediterranea 8
Lace do 123
pulchella 519
Lacerta 121
agilis 165, 170
Lacertian, Wealden lizard (166)
lacerticeps, Dicynodon 164
lacertina, Siren 28, 169
Lagenella 116
euchlora 82
lagenella, Trachelomonas 82
Lagenula euchlora 82
Lagidium 126
viscaccia 436
Lagomorpha 126, 20, 373
Lagotis 436
cuvieri 436
lagotis, Macrotis 460
Perameles 460
Lama 725, 293-295
Lambis 1 17, sp. 53
chiragoa 52
lamelligera, Taenia 70
lamellosa, Discinisca 8
Orbicula 8
lamilligera, Taenia 70
Lamna 119, sp. 44, 84
elegans 84
wa^wj 37
Lamniformes (33, 37, 40-44)
Lampetra 119, 31
Lamprey 3 1
Lancelet see Branchiostoma
laniarius, Labyrinthodon 25, 27
Mastodonsaurus 25, 27
CATALOGUE OF RICHARD OWEN COLLECTION OF DRAWINGS
179
Larus 123, 517
larvatus, Hipposideros 274
Rhinolophus 21 A
LASIOCAMPIDAE (76)
Lasiorhinus 124, 456
latifrons 432
lata, Bryopa 56
Clavagella 56
lathami, Pristis 222
laticeps, Cyamodus V2A, 125
Loligo 67
Placodus 124, 125
Plesiosaurus 134
latidens, Mastodon 3, 352, 353, 355
Stegolophodon 352, 353, 355
latifrons, Ichthyosaurus 106, 107
Lasiorhinus 432
Phascolomys 432
Steneosaurus 181
7V?fe<w (55)
Teleosaurus 187, 188
/aya, Hippolite 74
leachei, Hippolite (74)
leachii, Enoploclytia 34
Lebbeus 118
groenlandicus 74
/eo, Fe/w 440
Panthera 264, 265, 440
Lepeophtheirus 118
pectoralis 71
Lepidoptera 779, (76)
Lepidosiren 46-49
Lepidosteus (32)
Lepidotes 120
elvensis 32
Lepidotus elvensis 32
Lepisosteus 120, 32
leporinum, Hyracotherium 363, 364
leptocephalum, Scelidotherium 397-400
Leptocladus dubius 467
Leptolestes 124, 469
leptonyx, Hydrurga 270
Leptonyx serridens 270
Leptopleuron 121
elginense 168
Leptoptilus J 23
dubius 518
leptorhynchus, Hyaenodon 268
Lernaeocera 118
branchialis 71
Lernaeopoda 118, 71
Lernentoma cornuta 71
gobina 71
nodosa 71
Lernoeca radiata 71
lessonia, Sepioteuthis 60
Leuciscus 120
leuciscus 13
leucocephalus, Vultur, 519
leucogaster, Polyharpagornis 505
Polyoaetes 505
leucoryx, Oryx 307
Limulus 118
polyphemus 9, 72
lineata, Caninia 68
Canininula 68
Linguatula 119
probiscidae 68
taenioides 70
Lingula 117, sp. 81
anatina 1, 7, 8, 11
audebardii 8, 81
lingulatus, Ammonites 55
Lingulida (1, 7, 8, 11, 81)
Liodon 121, sp. 86
anceps 167
Lion see Panthera leo
'Lion', Marsupial see Thylacoleo
lithographica, Archaeopteryx 371
Lithornis 123
vulturinus 513
Liverfluke, unidentified 20
Lizards (Squamata)
Agamid see Ceratophora
American see Tupinambis
Aquatic fossil see Mosasaurus
Horned see Phrynosoma solare
Monitor see Varanus
Regal Horned see Phrynosoma solare
Sand see Lacerta agilis
Spiny see Moloch horridus
Tegu see Tupinambis
Wealden (unidentified) 166
lloydii, Dolicognathus (26)
Loligo laticeps 67
Loligopsis 117
ocellata 60
longicauda, Euglena 83
Phactts 83
longicaudus, Dasyp us 412
longicollis, Dolichosaurus 167
longirostris, Ichthyosaurus 107
Macrotis 460
Mastodon 351, 358-360
Peralestes 465
Tetralophodon 351, 358-360
Lophiodon 127
isselensis 363
Loxodonta 127
africana 334, 335
lucius, Alligator 94, 191
£so;c 31
Lugworm see Arenicola
Lung-fish, African see Protopterus
S. American see Lepidosiren
LUMBRICIDAE 775, 69
/«/?w.y, Caws 268
/w/ra, Enhydra 265
180
Lystrosaurus 122
declivis 164
murrayi 164
Lytoceras 1 17
fimbriatum 55
Lytoloma 121
planimentum 209
Macaca 125
nemestrina 231
Macaque, Pig-tailed see Macaca nemestrina
Macellodus 121
brodiei 166
macleayi, Euphyseter 424
macrocephalus, Physeter 423, 426
Plesiosaurus 139
Macroglossus 125
minimus 21 A
macronyx, Dimorphodon 200, 201
Pterodactylus 201
Macrophthalmus 119
telescopicus 73
macropodidae unidentified 124, 453, 456, 461
Macropus 124, sp. 89, 454, 455
atlas 452
giganteus 373, 440, 449, 455
goliah 453
major 373, 440, 449, 455
parryi 454
penicillatus (70)
r«/i/.y 453
tftew 450, 452-454
Macrotis 124
lagotis 460
macrura, Archaeopteryx 371
macrurus, Archaeopteryx 371
Madagascar silkworm see Borocera 76
madagascariensis, Chiromys 263
Daubentonia 256-263
magdeirus, Plesiosaurus (132)
Magellania 117
flavescens 1, 7, 8, 10
magnum, Anthracotherium 276, 277
magnus, Palaeospalax 469
major, Brachydectes 102
Hippopotamus 280
Macropus 373, 440, 449, 455
Oweniasuchus 102
Streptospondylus 145, 146
Triconodon 468
Trioracodon 468
malaccensis, Viverricula 272
MALACOSTRACA 775
MAMMALIA 724, (2, 3, 3, 7, 13-15, 20-22, 24,
85, 89, 89, 90, 93-96, 100, 140, 166, 171, 218,
224-265, 266, 267, 268, 268-269, 271,
271-275, 275-277, 278-279, 280, 281,
282, 283, 284-287, 288-291, 292-296,
297-303, 304-316, 316, 317-318, 318-319,
J. M. INGLES AND F. C. SAWYER
320, 320-321, 321-323, 324-327, 328-331,
332, 333-334, 335-360, 361, 361-369, 370,
371-373, 373, 374, 374-395, 395, 396-409,
410, 411, 412, 412-417, 418, 418, 419, 420,
421-428, 429, 429-432, 432-435, 436-438,
439, 440, 440-453, 453, 454, 454-462, 463,
463-469, 470^175, 499, 521, 522, 523)
MAMMALIA unidentified 124, 22, 401, 426,
428
MAMMALIA ? 22, 140
Mammoth, Southern see Mammuthus meridionalis
Woolly see Mammuthus primigenius
Unidentified 338, 342, 353
Mammut 127
americanum 336, 340, 343-347, 350, 353-354
Mammuthus 127, sp. 337, 348-350, 353
meridionalis 347
primigenius 335-337, 339, 340, 341
Mammutus 350
Man see Homo sapiens
Neanderthal see Homo neanderthalensis
Manatees see Trichechus
Mangabeys see Cercocebus
Mangusta javanica 272
tetradactyla 253
mantelli, Iguanodon 154, 155, 157-160, 163
Notornis 504
Porphyrio 504
Marbled Crenella see Musculus marmoratus
maritimus, Thalarctos 271
Ursus, 271
Marl see Perameles bougainvillei
marmoratus, Musculus 51
Mar mot a 126, sp. 13
marmota 372
Marsupial 'Lion' see Thylacoleo
Marsupialia 124, (3, 85, 89, 171, 373, 430-432,
433^135, 436^138, 439-154, 455-464,
465, 475, 523)
marsupialis, Didelphis 461, 462
Mastacomys 126
fuscils 373
Mastodon 127, sp. 356-357, 360,
americanus 346, 347
angustidens (352)
arvernensis (351)
avernensis (351)
elephantoides 352
giganteum 336
latidens 3, 352, 353, 355
longirostris 351, 358-360
Mastodon see Mammut
American see Mammut americanum
Mastodonsaurus 120, sp. 25-27, 33
laniarius 25, 27
pachygnathus 25, 26, 27
scutulatus 26
Matamata see Chelus fimbriatus
maugei, Dasyurus (70)
CATALOGUE OF RICHARD OWEN COLLECTION OF DRAWINGS
181
maxima, Salpa 11
maximus, Cetorhinus 37, 40-42, 44
Dinornis 477, 478, 481, 490, 492
Elephas 2, 224, 334, 335
Pec ten 51
Squalus 37, 40-42
mediterranea, Lacazella 8
Medusa, unidentified 77
Meercat see Suricata
Megaceros 275, 283
Megalania 12J,sp. 173
prisca 171, 172, 175-178
Megalapteryx 122
didinus (483), 495
Megalichthys 120
hibberti 35
Megaloceros 128, sp. 275, 337
giganteus 283, 337
megalodon, Carcharacodon 33
Megalonyx 125, sp. 412
Megalosaurus 122, sp. (129), 144, 145, 151-153,
158
bucklandi 151, 152, 158
destructor 88
rfw/?A;m 158, 160
oweni 158, 160
Megaptera 126
novaeangliae 423
Megathere unidentified 522
Megatheriid unidentified 375
Megatherium 125, sp. 85, 89, 90, 375, 378-386,
388-394, 408, 412, 522
americanum 376, 377, 387, 393
Meiolania 121, sp. 171, 172
minor 111
oweni 172-178
platyceps 171, 172, 174
Meionornis casuarinus 478, 482
didiformis 478
Melanogrammus 120
aeglefinus 13
Meles 126, sp. 272
meliceps, Mydaus 272
melitensis, Stereodus 36
Menobranchus sp. 28, 46
Menopoma sp. 28, 46
meridionalis, Mammuthus ZA1
Merlangius 120
merlangus 45
vulgaris 45
merlangus, Merlangius 45
Merlangus vulgaris 45
MEROSTOMATA 775, (9, 72, 73)
Merycopotamus 128, 363
dissimilis 363 «
Mesogastropoda (50, 52, 53, 56)
Metagrapsus 1 19
thukukar 73
meyeri, Rhamphorhynchus 203
mhorr, Gazella 306
Microglena 116
monadina 82
punctifera 82
volvocina 82
Microlestes moorei 464
Microstonyx 128
antiquus 280
Millipedes see /w/ms, Polydesmus
MINERAL, flint 23
minimus, Macroglossus 21 A
minor, Brachydectes 102
Ctenacodon 469
Hyaenodon 268
Meiolania 171
Oweniasuchus 102
Peramus 466
Plagiaulax 469
Platanista 425
Rhinolophus 274
Triconodon 468
minus, Spalacotherium 465
mississippiensis, Alligator 94, 191
mitchelli, Nototherium 447, 448
Mitrodus quadricornis 92
Moas, 722, see Anomalopteryx
Dinornis
Emeus
Euryapteryx
Megalapteryx
unidentified 476
Mole see 7a/pa
American star-nosed see Condylura
MOLLUSCA 777
Molluscus (79)
A/o/oc/z /27, sp. 169
horridus 169
molurus, Python 215
monadina, Microglena 82
Mongoose, Javan see Herpestes javanicua
Mongusta tetradactyla 253
Moniezia 116, 69
Monitor lizards see Varanus
Monkeys 725
Macaque see Macaca
Mangabey see Cercocebus
Spider see A teles
White-eyelid see Cercocebus
monoceros, Monodon 421
Mo no don 126
monoceros 421
monotremata 724, (7, 13, 470-475)
montanus, Pomatorhinus 272
moorei, Haramiya 464
Harpagornis 505
Microlestes 464
Moose see ,4/ces a/c&s
mordax, Triconodon 467-469
morhua, Gadus 13, 96-98
182
J. M. INGLES AND F. C. SAWYER
Mormorosaurus 122
obtusus 86
Morrhua vulgaris 96, 98
mosasauridae unidentified 121, 167
Mosasaurus 121, 87, 167
moschata, Desmana 469
moschatus, Bubalus 301, 302
Hypsiprymnodon 459
Ovibos 301-303, 304
moschiferus, Moschus 287
Moschus 128
moschiferus 287
Mouse see Mus
Mud-eel see Siren lacertina
Mud-puppy see Necturus
Multituberculata 124, (467, 469)
Muntiacus 128
muntjak 281, 287
muntjak, Cervus 281
Muntiacus 281, 287
murinus, Hypsiprymnodon 459
Hypsiprymnus 464
murrayi, Lystrosaurus 164
Mus sp. 373
setifer 370
musculus, Balaena 422
Balaenoptera All
Musculus 117
marmoratus 51
Museum buildings 16-19
American Mus. Nat. Hist, New York 18, 19
Australian, Sydney 17
Geologicum, Pragense 16
Musk-deer see Moschus moschiferus
Musk-ox see Ovibos moschatus
Mussel see Musculus
Edible see Mytilus
mustelula, Amblotherium 465
Phascolestes 465
mydas, Chelone 207
Chelonia 207
My da us 126
meliceps 111
Myliobatid ray 44
Myliobatiformes (44, 90)
Myliobatis 119
aquila 90
Mylodon 125, sp. 412
australis 441
harlani 404
robustus 395, 396
Myoida (57, 58)
myosurus, Hypsiprymnus 458
Myrmecobius 124
fasciatus 463, 464
Myrmecophaga 125
didactyla 415
gig ant ea 414
jubata 413
tridactyla 412-415
mysticetus, Balaena 423
Mytiloida (12, 51)
Mytilus 1 17, sp. 12
edulis 12
nanum, Amblotherium 466
nanus, Achyrodon 465
Cercartetus 461
Narwhal see Monodon monoceros
nasus, Lamna 37
Nautilida (55, 67)
Nautilus
Chambered see Nautilus pompilius
Fossil see Cenoceras, Eutrephoceras, Nautilus
Paper see Argonauta hians
Pearly see Nautilus pompilius
Nautilus 117
obesus 55
pompilius 55, 67
striatus 55
navalis, Teredo 58
neanderthalensis, Homo 229
Necturus 120, 28, 46
NEMATODA 7/ 7, (68, 70)
NEMERTINEA 777, (68)
nemestrina, Macaca 231
nemestrinus, Macaca 231
neogaeus, Smilodon 266
Neogastropoda (50)
Neoloricata (51)
Neophron 123
percnopterus 519
NEPHTYIDAE (68)
Nephtys 118, 68
NEREIDAE 77#, 68
Aferew 118, 77
Netsuke 54
Newts & Salamanders see Caudata
niger, Troglodytes 236
Nightjar see Caprimulgiformes
niloticus, Crocodylus 179, 189
nobilis, Acrodus 90
Rhinolophus 274
nodosa, Lernentoma 71
nodosus, Chondracanthus 71
notatus, Callosciurus 370
Notornis 123, sp. 496
mantelli 504
Nototherium 124, sp. 3, 446
mitchelli 447, 448
victoriae 445
zygomaturus 446
Notoungulata 727, (365-369, 374)
novaezealandiae, Dinornis 478, 480, 485
novemcostatus, Palaeochelys 212, 213
novaeangliae, Megaptera 423
novemcinctus, Dasypus 411, 412
NUDA (77)
CATALOGUE OF RICHARD OWEN COLLECTION OF DRAWINGS
183
NUDIBRANCHIA (51)
Numbat see Myrmecobius fasciatus
Numenius 123, sp. 517
Numida 123, sp. 517
Nuthetes destructor 88
Nyctinomus tenuis 274
obesus, Cenoceras 55
obtusus, Mormorosaurus 86
occisor, Triconodon 468
ocellata, Loligopsis 60
ochraceus, Isis 79
Octopoda 54, (65, 67)
Octopus 117
cornutus 65
semipalmatUs 67
Odd-toed ungulates see Perissodactyla
Odobenus 127, 13
rosmarus 13, 269, 270, 337
Odontaspis 119
elegans 84
Odontopterygiformes 123, (89, 511)
Odontopteryx 123
toliapica 89, 511
toliapicus 89, 511
oeningensis, Galecynus 268
officinalis, Sepia 67
OLIGOCHAETA 118, (69)
Ommastrephes 118
ensifer 66
Omosaurus 122
armatus 149
Onychoteuthis 118
banks ii 61
raptor 61
carribaea 67
coliticus, Stereognathus 464
Ophryoglena 116
flavicans 83
opossum, Didelphis 465
Philander 465
Opossums, American see Didelphis
Large American see Didelphis marsupialis
Oppelia 118
subradiatus 55
optatum, Diprotodon 442
Orang-utan see Pongo pygmaeus
Orbicula 117, sp. 8
lamellosa 8
Orcaella 126
brevirostris 521
Oreodus 119
robustus 92
Ornithischia 722, (86, 87, 142, 143, 144,
148-149, 153-155, 157-163, 166, 168)
Ornithopsis hulkei 161
Ornithorhynchus 124
anatinus (7), 13, 21, 470-473
paradoxurus 21, 473
0/Ww.y (92)
Orycteropus 127, 412
Oryctolagus 126, 20, 373
Oryx, Arabian see Ory* leucoryx
Oryx 128
leucoryx 307
OSTEICHTHYES 720, (13, 21, 31, 32-36, 45-49,
85, -86, 90, 91, 96-98, 222)
Osteolepiformes (32, 35, 91)
Ostriches see Struthio
otidiformis, Aptornis 494, 504
Otoliths 13
Otter, Sea - see Enhydra
Oudenodon 122
bainii 164
Ovibos 128
moschatus 301-303, 304
Ovis 128, sp. 308
ammon 304
gmelini 304
oweni, Hylaeosaurus 160
Megalosaurus 158, 160
Meiolania 172-178
Thylacoleo 439
Trioracodon 461
oweniana, Sepietta 60
Oweniasuchus 121, sp. 102
major 102
minor 102
owenii, Echidna 475
Sepiola 60
Ow/es collection 337
Paca, False see Dinomys
pachygnathus, Labyrinthodon 26, 27
Mastodonsaurus 26, 27
pachyomus, Plesiosaurus (130, 138)
Pachyornis elephantopus 478
pachyrhynchus, Hyaenodon 268
Pagurus pictus 73
splendescens 73
Palaedosteus 32
Palaeochelys 121
novemcostatus 212, 213
palaeochoerus, Hyotherium 280
Sms 280
Palaeospalax magnus 469
Palaeotherium 127, 320
Palapteryx crassus 478
elephantopus 478, 485
geranoides 494
palmata, Sepia 6
Paloplothere 320
Palorchestes 124
azael 445, 451
palpebrosa, Rossia 20
palustris, Canis 268
184
J. M. INGLES AND F. C. SAWYER
Pan 125
troglodytes 89, 233-236, 242-243, 248-249, 253
Panochthus 125, sp. 374
tuberculatus 404, 406, 407, 409
Panochtus sp. 374
Panthera 126
leo 264-265, 440
tigris 13
Pantotheria 124, (463, 465-468)
Parabatrachus colei 35
paradoxus, Ornithorhynchus 473
PARASTACIDAE 119, 74
Parrot, unidentified 123, 517
parryi, Macropus 454
Passeriformes 123, (272, 509, 517)
Passerine sp. 517
patachonica, Aptenodytes 200, 5 1 6
patagonica, Aptenodytes 200, 516
peba, Dasypus 41 1
Pec ten 117, sp. 51
maximus 51
pectinatus, Callopristodus 92
Pectopleuron 130
pectoralis, Lepeophtheirus 71
pedicellatus, Cervus 288
i^etf 119
confoederata 11
pelagica, Physalis 80
Pelecaniformes 123, (96, 514, 516)
Pelecanus 123, 96, 514-516
Pelicans see Pelecanus
Pelorosaurus 122
conybearei 149
Penguins, Antarctic see Aptenodytes
King see Aptenodytes patagonica
penicillata, Bettongia 459, 464
Petrogale (70)
Peniculus 118
clavatus 71
Pennella 118, 57
penicillatus, Macropus (70)
PENTASTOMIDA 119, (68, 70)
Peralestes brevirostris (465)
longirostris 465
Perameles 124
bougainville 461
lagotis 460
Peramus 124
minor 466
tenuirostris 465-467
Peraspalax 124
talpoides 465
Perciformes 720, 13, (21, 31, 35, 36, 85, 222)
percnopterus, Neophron 519
Fw//«r 519
perforatus, Plesiosaurus 131
Periplaneta 119
americana 76
Perissodactyla 727, (13, 218, 224, 316-319, 319,
320-331, 332, 333, 337, 361, 363, 364)
peron, Hypsiprymnodon (459)
peronii, Spirula 59
Petalodontiformes (92)
Petaurus 124
pigmaus 462
pygmaeus 462
Petrogale penicillata (70)
Petrolisthes 119
coccineus 73
Petromyzoniformes (31)
Pezophaps 123, sp. 513
solitaria 512, 513
Phacopida (72, 73)
Phacops conophthalmus 72, 73
Phacus 116
longicauda 83
pyrum 83
Phalangista vulpina 461
phalloides, Sipunculus 68
Phascogale 124
flavipes 461
Phascolarctos 124, sp. 456
cinereus 437, 438, 456
fuscus 438
Phascolestes 124
dubius 465
longirostris 465
mustelula 465
Phascolomys sp. 430^435, 456
£&o? 432-435
latifrons 432
platyrhinus 432
ur sinus 436
vombatus 432
Phascolonus 124
gigas 85, 432-435
Phascolotherium 124
bucklandi 463
Philander 124
opossum 465
P/wco 727
serridens 270
vitulina 269
Phocaena 126, sp. 425
phocoena 427
Pholadomya 117
Candida 56
Pholadomyotoa (56)
Phronima 119, 11
Phronimia 11
PHRONIMIDAE (77)
Phrynosoma 121, sp. 169
regale 169
solar e 169
PHYLLODOCIDAE 775, 68
Physalia 116
physalis 80
Physalis see Physalia
CATALOGUE OF RICHARD OWEN COLLECTION OF DRAWINGS
185
pelagica 80
Physalus antarcticus 424
antiquorum 429
physalus, Balaenoptera 424, 426
Physeter 126
macrocephalus 423, 426
Physeterid 429
physiognathus, Crocodilus 195
PHYTOMASTIGOPHOREA 116, (82, 83)
Phytosaurus 121
cappfi 179
Pichiciego see Chlamyphorus
Piciformes 123, 517, (518)
pictus, Pagurus 73
Pigeons see Columba
pigmaus, Petaurus 462
Pigs see Sus
Pike see Esox lucius
Pinnipedia 126, (13, 269, 270, 337)
Placodontia 122, (124, 125)
P la cod us 122
andriani 125
bathygnathus 124
bombidens 125
gig as 124
laticeps 124, 125
rostratus 124
Plagiaulax 124, sp. 469
becklesi 469
falconeri 469
minor 469
Plaice see Pleuronectes platessa
planimentum, Chelonia 209
Lytoloma 209
plantani, Sciurus 370
Platanista 126
gangetica minor 425
Platemys bowerbankii 207, 208
platensis, Toxodon 365-369
platessa, Pleuronectes 1 3
platimentum, Chelonia 209
platyceps, Meiolania 171-172, 174
Platychelys 121
capensis 373
platygnathus, Chelonia 209
PLATYHELMINTHES 775
platyodon, Ichthyosaurus 107, 111
Platypus see Ornithorhynchus
platyrhinus, Phascolomys 432
Platyxystrodus 120, 34
Plectoteuthis grandis 61
Plesiosaurian, unidentified 722, 4, 104, 109,
129, 130, 134,219-221,223
Plesiosaurus 122, sp. 130-132, 137, 138
arcuatus 131
brachydeirus 127, 136
brachyrhynchus (134)
brachyspondylus 136
brongniarti 103
carinatus 131, 133
compress us 132
concavus 137
cos tat us 133
dibrothius 138
dolichodeirus 126
eras us (130)
giganteus 128
granulatus (181)
hawkinsii 130, 131
homalospondylus 137
/^/octo (130)
laticeps 134
macrocephalus 139
magdeirus (132)
pachyomus (130, 138)
perforatus 131
rugosus 138
subcavatus 134
subdepressus 132
subtrigonus 135
Pleuronectiformes (1 3)
Pleuronectes 120
platessa 13
plicata, Chaerephon 21 A
Tadarida 21 A
Pliolophus vulpiceps 363, 364
Pliosaurian, unidentified 722, 129, 130
Pliosaurus 122, sp. 126, 129-139
brachydeirus 127-129, 136
brachyspondylus 136
Podargus javanensis 272
Poekilopleuron 158
POLYCHAETA 77S, (68, 77)
POLYDESMIDA (75)
Polydesmus 119, 75
Polyharpagomis 123
leucogaster 505
Polyoaetes leucogaster 505
polyphemus, Limulus 9, 72
POLYPLACOPHORA 777, (51)
Polyptychodon 122, 129
polythalmia, Kuphus 57, 58
Pomatorhinus 124
montanus 272
pompilius. Nautilus 55, 67
Pongo 125
pygmaeus 234, 235, 237, 238, 240-242, 244, 246,
247, 249, 253, 254
Porbeagle see Lamna nasus
Porcelain crabs see Petrolisthes
Porce liana coccinea 73
Porcupine, Old World see Hystrix
Porcupine Fish see Diodon
POROCEPHALIDA (68, 70)
POROLEPIFORMES (86)
porosus, Crocodylus 191
Porphyrio 123, 496
mantelli 504
186
J. M. INGLES AND F. C. SAWYER
Porpoises see Phocaena
Portuguese Man O' War see Physalis
Possums (phalangeridae)
Brush-tailed see Trichosurus vulpecula
Dormouse see Cercartetus
Gliding see Petaurus
Potorous 124, sp. 459
tridactylus 458, 459, 464
praepositus, Gastrodus 91
prevosti, Amphitherium 463
Primates, 125, (3, 13-15, 21, 24, 89, 94-96, 100,
225-228, 229, 229-263, 273, 374)
primigenia, Arctomys 372
primigenius, Bos 100, 299, 300
Elephas 335, 337, 340, 341
Mammuthus 335-337, 339-341
Priodontes 125
giganteus 410
Prionacea glauca (37)
prisca, Megalania 171, 172, 174-178
priscus, Aeolodon 180
Pristiformes (222)
Pristipoma 31
Prist is 119
bisulcatus 222
lathami 222
Proboscidae 127, (2, 3, 224, 275, 334-335,
335-362, 443)
proboscidae, Linguatula 68
Procoptodon 124
goliah 453
Pronghorn Antelope see Antilocapra
Prorastomus 127
sirenoides 420
Prosauropsis 120
exocuus 32
Protemnodon 124
anak 453
Proteosaurus 116, 120
proteus, Distigma 82
Protopterus 120
annectens 46-49
Protorosaurus 122
speneri 168
PROTOZOA 116, (82, 83)
Pseudorca 126, 521
Pseudosquilla 119
ciliata 74
psittacea, Hemithiris 81
Terebratula 81
Psittaciformes 123, 517
Pterioida (51)
Pterodactyl ? 202
Pterodactylus 121, sp. 200, 510
bucklandi 200
fittoni 200
kochi 201
macronyx 201
raptor 201
scolopaciceps 201
sedgwickii 200
Pteropus 125
javanicus 272
rostratus 274
Pterosauria 72/ (200-204, 510)
Pterosaurian unidentified 200
Pterotrachea 117, 50
Ptychodus 119
decurrens 90
Ptychognathus 122
dec litis 164
verticalis 164
pulchella, Dacelo 519
Lacedo 519
Puma see F<?//s concolor
punctatum, Tretosternon 208
punctifera, Microglena 116, 82
pusillum, Amblotherium 465, 466
pus i I Ins, Achyrodon 465
Amphilestes (465)
Rhinolophus 274
Stylodon 466
Theriosuchus 88
pygmaeus, Euryapteryx 493-494
Petaurus 462
Po/^o 234-235, 237-238, 240-242, 244, 246-
247, 249, 253-254
Pygmy Sperm Whale see 7&^/a breviceps
pyramidum, Gerbillus 370
pyrum, Euglena 83
Phacus 83
Python, Indian see Python molurus
Python 121, sp. 87, 215, 216
molurus 215
ffcrfr 215
quadricornis, Mitrodus 92
Te tracer os 308
Tetracerus 308
quagga, Equus 318, 321
Rabbit see Oryctolagus
Rabbit bandicoot see Thylacomys
radiata, Lernoea 71
radiatus, Chondracanthodes 71
Macrotis 460
Thylacomys 460
Rail, New Zealand see Notornis [Porphyrio]
mantelli
Water see Rallus aquaticus
Rallus 123
aquaticus 518
Ramphastos 123, 518
Ramphorhynchus see Rhamphorhynchus
ramsayi, Sceparnodon 85
.Kara 720
CATALOGUE OF RICHARD OWEN COLLECTION OF DRAWINGS
187
boans 469
catesbeiana 469
Rang if er 128
tarandus 275
Raphus 123
cucullatus 512, 513
raptor, Onychoteuthis 61
Pterodactylus 201
rasse, Viverra 272
Viverricula 272
Rat see Rattus
Rat, Bandicoot- see Bandicota
Rat, Broad-toothed see Mastacomys
Rat-Kangaroo see Potorous
Brush-tailed see Bettongia penicillata
Long-nosed see Potorous tridactylus
Musky see Hypsiprymnodon moschatus
Short-nosed see Bettongia
Rattus 126, sp. 373
Ray, Myliobatid 44
rectus, Coelorhynchus 222
Cylindricanthus 222
regale, Phrynosoma 1 69
Reindeer see Rangifer tarandus
REPTILIA 121 (4, 13, 86-88, 87, 94, 96, 102-
160, 160, 161-164, 165, 166-168, 169-170,
171-179, 179, 180-181, 182, 183-188, 189,
190, 191-192, 193-196, 197, 198-209, 210-
211, 212-213, 214-217, 219-221, 223, 373,
464, 510, 516)
unidentified 140, 158, 196
reticulata, Spirula 59
rhaeticus, Hypsiprymnopsis 464
Rhamphorhynchus 122, sp. 204
gemmingi 203
meyeri 203
Rhea 122, 479, 501
rheides, Dinornis 491, 492
Euryapteryx 478
Rheiformes 122, (479, 501)
Rhinchosaurus 166
Rhinoceros 127, sp. 323, 331-332
indicus 328-331
schleiermacheri 321
tichorhinus 332
unicornis 323, 328-331
Rhinoceros 224, 332, 332, 361
Asiatic two-horned see Dicerorhinus
sumatrensis
Fossil see Aceratherium, Coelodonta,
Dicerorhinus & Elasmotherium
Giant one-horned see Elasmotherium
Great one-horned see Rhinoceros unicornis
Square-lipped see Ceratotherium simum
Sumatran see Dicerorhinus sumatrensis
White see Ceratotherium simum
Woolly see Coelodonta antiquitatis,
Dicerorhinus schleiermacheri
Rhinolophus 125
affinis 21 A
deformis 274
insignis 274
larvatus 274
minor 214
nobilis 21 A
pusillus 21 A
vulgaris 21 A
Rhizodontiformes (33, 90)
Rhizodopsis 120
craggesii 32
sauroides 91
Rhizodus 120, sp. 33
hibberti 90
Rhynchocephalia 121, (166)
Rhynchonellida (81)
Rhynchosaurus 121, sp. 166
Rhytidosteus 120
capensis 25
robertsoni, Saurodesmus 207
robusta, Dasyurotaenia 70
robustus, Dinornis 478, 479, 486-488, 495, 496
Mylodon 395, 396
Oreodus 92
Stylodon 466
Rock- Wallaby, Brush-tailed see Petrogale
penicillata
Rodentia 126, (3, 13, 20, 370, 372, 373, 436,
462)
Rodrigues Solitaire see Pezophaps solitaria
Rook see Corvus
rosmarus, Odobenus 13, 269, 270, 337
Trichecus 269
Rossia 118
palpebrosa 20
rostratus, Cyamodus 124
Placodus 124
Pteropus 21 A
rufescens, Sargus 85
rufus, Macropus 453
rugosus, Cardiodon 86
Plesiosaurus 138
rugulosus, Cardiodon 86
Rysosteus 121, 148
Rytidosteus capensis 25
Sabre-tooth see Smilodon
Sage nod us 120
inequalis 91
Salamanders 120
American see Cryptobranchus & Necturus
European see Triton
salar, Salmo 45
salebrosus, Crangon 1A
Sclerocrangon 1A
Salmo 120
salar 45
Salmon, Atlantic see Salmo salar
Salmoniformes (31, 45)
I!
J. M. INGLES AND F. C. SAWYER
Salpa 119
maxima 11
Salpida (77)
Sand lizard, European see Lacerta agilis
Sandpiper see Numenius
sangulnea, Euglena 83
sapiens, Homo (13-15, 21, 24, 89, 94, 95,
225-229, 229, 230-232, 253)
Sarcophilus 124
harrisii 440
Sargus 120
r ufe see ns 85
satyr us, Simla (233), 234, 235, 237, 240, 241,
244, 246, 247, 249, 253, 254
Saurechinodon 122
becklesi 166
Saurians, unidentified 27, 129
Saurischia 122, (86, 88, 141, 144-147, 149-152,
156, 158, 160)
Saurodesmus 121, robertsoni 207
sauroides, Rhizodopsis 91
Sauropterygia 122, (4, 103, 104, 109, 126-139,
219-221, 223)
Saurostomus esocuus 32
Saw-fish see Pristis lathami
scabra, Cranchia 67
Scallops see Pecten
Scaparnodon ramsayi 85
SCARABAEIDAE (76)
Scelidosaurus 122, 148
Scelidothere 374, 412
Scelidotherium 125, sp. 374, 398, 412
bravardi 398, 399
leptocephalum 397-400
Sceparnodon 125
ramsayi 85
schleirmacheri, Dicerorhinus 324, 325, 327
Rhinoceros 327
Sciurus plantani 370
Sclerocrangon 119
salebrosus 74
scolopaciceps, Pterodactylus 201
Scombroidei 120, 21
Scorpiones 118, 76
scrofa, Sus 13, 20, 93, 278, 279
SCULPTURE 54
Scutigera 1 19, 75
Scutigeromorpha (75)
scutulatus, Labyrinthodon 26
Mastodonsaurus 26
Sea anemones see Tealia
Sea bream see Sargus rufescens
Sea-cow see Dugong
Sea cucumbers see cucumariidae
Sea-fan see his
Sea horse see Hippocampus
Sea otter see Enhydra lutris
Sea-slug see Doris
Sea urchins see Heterocentrotus
Seals, Common see Phoca vitulina
Grey see Halichoerus grypus
Leopard see Hydrurga leptonyx
sedgwicki, Euctenoceros 290
sedgwickii, Cervus 290
Pterodactylus 200
Selachla 44
Selenarctos 126
thlbetanus 271
Semionotiformes (32)
semipalmatus, Octopus 67
Sepia 118
apama 5, 6
officinalis 67
palmata 6
Sepietta 118
owenlana 60
Sepioidea (5, 6, 20, 59, 60, 65, 67)
Sepiola 118, sp. 65
owenii 60
Sepioteuthis 118, sp. 67
brevis 60
lessoniana 60
septemcinctus, Dasypus 41 1
serpentina, Chelydra 210
serridens, Leptonyx 270
P/waz 270
serrula, Trlacanthodon 468, 469
setifer, Mus 370
set if era, Bandlcota 370
setosa, Echidna 475
setosus, Hypsiprymnus 459
Tachyglossus 475
sexclnctus, Dasypus 411
Euphr actus 411
Sharks 779
Basking see Cetorhlnus
Brown see Carcharhtnus
Spiny see Squalus acanthlus
Porbeagle see Lamna nasus
Mesozoic see Acrodus
Thresher see Aloplas vulpinus
White see Carcharodon
Sheep see Ov is
Marco Polo see Ov is ammon
Shipworm see Teredo
Shrews see Sorex
Tree see Tupaia
unidentified 273
Siamang see Symphalangus syndactylus
Silkworm, Madagascar see Borocera 16
Siluriformes (31)
Simla satyrus (233), 234-235, 237, 240, 241, 244,
246-247, 249, 253-254
syndactyla 239, 273
troglodytes 234, 242-243, 248-249
simum, Ceratotherium 331
Siphonophora (80)
SIPUNCULA 7/5(68, 78)
CATALOGUE OF RICHARD OWEN COLLECTION OF DRAWINGS
189
SIPUNCULIDAE (68, 78)
Sipunculus 118, 78
phalloides 68
Siren 120
lacertina 28, 169
Sirenia 127, (416-420)
sirenoides, Prorastomus 420
sivalensis, Hippohyus 363
Skunk Badger see Mydaus
Sloth, Giant see Megatherium & Mylodon
Ground see Nototheriwn & Megalonyx
Three-toed see Bradypus tridactylus
Two-toed see Choloepus didactylus
Slugs & snails see Gastropoda
Smilodon 126
neogaeus 266
Snakes see Coluber
Tiger see Python tigris
unidentified 13
solar e, Phrynosoma 169
Sole see Solea
Solea 120
solea 13
Solenodon 125, 469
Solitaires, Rodrigues see Pezophaps solitaria
solitaria, Pezophaps 512, 513
solitarius, Didus 512, 513
Sorex cristata 273
soricidae 125, (273)
soricinum, Amblotherium 465
sower bii, Terebratella 81
Terebratula 81
Spalacotherium 124
minus 465
tricuspidens 464
spelaeus, Equus 316, 319, 321, 322
Strongyloceros 288
SPELEOLOGY 100, 101
spelous, EqUus, 316
Strongyloceros 288
speneri, Protorosaurus 168
speoris, Hipposideros 274
Spermophilus 126
citillus 372
super ciliosus 372
Spermophylus see Spermophilus
Sphenisciformes 123, (200, 516)
Sphyraenodus 120, 35
Sphyrna 119
zygaena 44
Spider Crab see Lambis
spiniferus, Chiton 51
spinulosa, Chaetopleura 51
spiralis, Trichina 70
Trichinella 70
Spirontocaris 119
affinis 74
£p/Vi//a 118, sp. 59
australis 59
peronii 59
reticulata 59
spirula 59
Spirurida (70)
splendescens, Labidochirus 73
Pagurus 73
Spondylus 117,51
Squaliformes (38, 39)
Squalus 119
acanthias 38, 39
alopecias 43
maximus 37, 40-42
Squamata 72/, (86, 87, 160, 165, 166, 167, 169-
170, 171-178, 215-217)
Squilla ciliata 1A
Squirrels see Callosciurus
Ground see Spermophilus
Plantain see Callosciurus notatus
Stegodon 127
clifti 352
Stegolophodon 127
latidens 352, 353, 355
Steneosaurus 121, sp. 181, 183, 187, 188, 196
chapmanni 181, 186
latifrons 181, ? 187, 188
Stenosaurus 183
Stereodus 120
melitensis 36
Stereognathus 122
ooliticus 464
Sthenurus 125, sp. 453
af/<w 450, 452, (453)
brehus 450, 453
stoddartii, Ceratophora 169
Stomatopoda (74)
Stork, Adjutant see Leptoptilos dubius
Streptospondylus 122, sp. 145-147
altdorpensis 145
cuvieri 147
major 146
striatus, Cenoceras 55
Nautilus 55
Strombus sp. 53
chiragoa 52
strongyloceros, Cervus 289
Strongyloceros sp. 275
spelaeus 288
spelous 288
Strongylus gigas 68
Struthio 122, sp. 479, 509, 517
camelus 492, 507
Struthioniformes 722, (479, 492, 507, 509, 517)
Sturgeon, Accipenser 13
Stylodon pusillus 466
robustus 466
subcavatus, Plesiosaurus 134
subdepressus, Plesiosaurus 132
sublaevis, Deltodus 34
subradiata, Oppelia 55
190
J. M. INGLES AND F. C. SAWYER
subradiatus, Ammonites 55
subtrigonus, Plesiosaurus 135
Suchosaurus 121
cultridens 158
suchus, Crocodylus 179
Sugar Gliders see Petaurus pygmaeus
sumatrensis, Dicerorhinus 331
super ciliosus, Spermophilus 372
Suricata 126, 272
Sus 128, sp. 13
antiquus 280
palaeochoerus 280
scrofa 20, 93, 278, 279
Swift see Apus
Swordfish see Xiphus
unidentified 21
sylvestris, Asina (318)
Symmetrodonta 124, (464, 465)
Symphalangy 125
syndactylus 239, 273
syndactyla, Simia 239, 273
syndactylus, Symphalangus 239, 273
Tachyglossus 124, sp. 475
aculeatus 7, 474-5
setosus 475
Tadarida 125
plicata 21 A
tenuis 21 A
Taenia 116
decupata 70
lamelligera 70
taenioides, Linguatula 70
tageri, Castor 372
Takahe see Porphyrio mantelli
Talpa 125, sp. 13
europaea 274
talpoides, Amblotherium 465
Peraspalax 465
fa«a, Tupaia 273
Tape Worms see Anoplotaenia
Dasyurotaenia
Monezia
Taenia
unidentified 20
Tapir see Tapirus
Malayan see T indicus
Tapirus 127, sp. 333
indicus 333
tarandus, Cervus 275
Rangifer 275
Tasmanian Devil see Sarcophilus harrisii
Wolf see Thylacinus cynocephalus
taurus, Bos 296
Tealia 116
felina 79
Tegu Lizard see Tupinambis
Teleos latifrons (55)
Teleosaurus 121, sp. 180, 181, 183, 187
cadomensis 180
chapmani 103, 181, 186
gracilis 180, 181
latifrons, 181, 187, 188
Telerpeton (168)
telescopicus, Gelasimus 73
Macrophthalmus 73
Temnospondvli (25-27, 33)
Tenrec 125
ecaudatus 273
tenuidens, Goniopholis 102
tenuirostris, Ichthyosaurus 105, 108, 109, 111, 112,
123
Peramus 465-467
Thylacomys 460
tenuis, Chaerephon 21 A
Nyctinomus 21 A
Tadarida 21 A
Terebellum 117, sp. 53
Terebratella 117
chilensis 81
sowerbii 81
Terebratulida (1, 7, 8, 10, 81)
Terebratula chilensis 81
flavescens 1, 7, 8, 10
psittacea 81
sowerbii 81
7er^o 7/7, sp. 57, 58
banks ii 58
c/aua 58
gigantea 57, 58
navalis 58
Terrapins see Chelonia
terrestris, Julus 75
testudiceps, Dicynodon 164
Testudinata 727, (171-178, 206-209, 210-211,
212-213, 214, 373)
testudiniformis, Emys 208
Testudo indica 210
Tetracaulodon (359)
Tetraceros see Tetracerus
Te tracer us 128
quadricornis 308
tetradactyla, Mongusta 253
Tetraodontiformes (31)
Tetralophodon 127
longirostris 351, 358-360
Teuthoidea (60-64, 66, 67)
Thalarctos 126
maritimus 271
THALIACEA (77)
Thaumatosaurus 122
arcuatus 131
Thecideacea 777, (7, 8)
Thecodonts 727, (109), 166, (179)
Thecospondylus 122
horneri 141
Therapsida 722, (86, 164, 464)
CATALOGUE OF RICHARD OWEN COLLECTION OF DRAWINGS
191
Theriosuchus 121
pusillus 88
Thetys 119
vagina 11
thibetanus, Selenarctos 271
thibetanus, Ursus 271
Thorny Devil see Moloch horridus
thukuhar, Grapsus 73
Metagrapsus 73
Thylacine see Thylacinus
Thylacinus 125, sp. 475
cynocephalus 436
harrisii 436
Thylacoleo 125, sp. 439, 475
camifex 439-441
oweni 439
Thylacomys
longirostris 460
radiatus 460
tenuirostris 460
Thylacotherium 463
Thyreospondylus 110
thyreospondylus, Ichthyosaurus 110
tichorhinus, Rhinoceros 332
Tiger see Panthera tigris
tigris, Panthera 13
Python 215
ft'frz/?, Macropus 450, 452-454
Toads see Anura, Rana
toliapica, Odontopteryx 89, 511
toliapicus, Halcyornis 517
Odontopteryx 89, 511
Tolypeutes 125
tricinctus 412
To modus 120
convexus 34
Tongue worms see Linguatula
Tope see Squalus acanthius
torquatus, Cheiromeles 21 A
Tortoises see Testudinata
Toucan see Ramphastos
Toxodon, 1 27, sp. 365, 367-369, 374
platensis 365-369
Trachelomonas 1 16
lagenella 82
Tree-frog, American 29
Tree shrews see Tupaia
TREMATODA 116, (20, 70)
Tremoctopus 1 18
vidaceus 67
Tretosternon 121
punctatum 208
Triacanthodon serrula 468, 469
Trichechus 127, sp. 417
rosmarus 269
Trichina 70
Trichinella 1 17
spiralis 70
Trichocephalida (70)
Trichosoma sp. 70
caprimulgi 70
Trichospira 70
Trichosurus 125
vulpecula 461
TRICHUROIDEA (70)
tricinctus, Dasypus 412
Tolypeutes 412
Triconodon 124, sp. 464, 467-469
/erox 467, 468
major 468
minor 468
mordax 467-469
occisor 468
Triconodonta 724, (463, 464, 467-469)
tricuspidens, Spalacotherium 464
tridactyla, Myrmecophaga 412-415
tridactylus, Brady pus 395, 412
Potorous 458, 459, 464
trigonus, Ichthyosaurus 110
Trigornis (138)
TRILOBITA 7/5, (72, 73)
TRILOBITOMORPHA (72, 73)
trilobus, Zygomaturus 446, 448
Trionyx (207)
Trioracodon 124
ferox 464, 467, 468
major 468
oweni 467
Tritaxeopus 117
cornutus 65
7V/70rt 28
Triturus 120, 28
trochoceros, Bison 299, 300
Troglodytes gorilla 250-252
w'^er 236
troglodytes, Pan 89, 233-236, 242-243, 248, 249,
253
£7/rj/a 234, 242-243, 248-249
Trogontherium 126
cuvieri 3
truncatus, Chlamyphorus 41 1
Tursiops 425, 521
tuberculata, Iguana 87
tuberculatus, Panochthus 404, 407, 409
TUBULIDENTATA 727, (412)
Tunicates 779
Tupaia 125
ferruginea 273
*fo 273
javanica 273
ta«a 273
Tupinambis 121, sp. 165
tursio, Delphinus 521
Tursiops 126
truncatus 425, 521
Turtles see Chelonia
Chelys
Emys
192
J. M. INGLES AND F. C. SAWYER
Palaeochelys
Hawksbill see Eretmochelys
Ulothrix 116
zonata 82
undatum, Buccinum 50
Ungulates, even-toed see Artiodactyla 127
odd-toed see Perissodactyla 127
unicornis, Rhinoceros 323, 328-331
Uperotus 117
clavus 58
Uroaetus 123
audax 505
UROCHORDATA 119, (77)
ursinus, Diabolus 440
Phascolomys 436
Vombatus 430-432, 436, 455
Ursus 126
arctos 271
maritimus 271
thibetanus 271
uytterhoeveni, Halitherium 419
vagina, Thetys 11
Varanus 121, sp. 165
vectianus, Bothriodon 280
Hyopotamus 280
ventricosus, Labyrinthodon 27
Mastodonsaurus 27
VERTEBRATA 119
unidentified 13, 166
Vertebrate archetypes 99
verticalis, Dicynodon 164
Ptychognathus 164
Vibrio aco 83
victoriae, Nototherium 445
Zygomaturus 445
vidaceus, Tremoctopus 67
virginiana, Didelphys 461
virginianus, Didelphis 462
viridis, Amblyophis 83
Euglena 83
viscaccia, Lagidium 436
vitulina, Phoca 269
Viverra rasse 272
Viverricula 126
malaccensis 272
ray.se 272
viridis, Distigma 82
Eutreptia 82
viverrinus, Dasyurus (70)
volitans, Exocoetus 31
uo/tttz, Dagysa 11
Volvocida (82)
volvocina, Microglena 82
vombatidae 725, unidentified 456
vombatus, Phascolomys 432
Vombatus 125 sp. 456
««i/k« 430^132, 436, 455
vulgaris, Hyaena 253
Merlangius 45
Merlangus 45
Morrhua 96, 98
Rhinolophus 21 A
vulpecula, Trichosurus 461
vulpiceps, Pliolophus 363, 364
vulpina, Phalangista 461
vulpinus, Alopias 43
Fw//wr 725
leucocephalus 519
percnopterus 519
Vulture, Egyptian see Neophron pernopterus
Extinct see Lithornis vulturinus
vulturinus, Lithornis 513
Wader, see Numenius
Wallaby, Fossil see Protemnodon anak
Pretty-face see MacropUs parryi
Rock- see Petrogale penicillata
Walrus see Odobenus rosmarus
Wapiti see Cervus canadensis
Waterbuck, Common see A"o6«5 ellipsiprymnus
Water-dog see Necturus
Water Rail see Rallus aquaticus
Whales, Blue see Balaenoptera musculus
Cuvier's Beaked see Ziphius cavirostris
False Killer see Pseudorca
Fin see Balaenoptera physalus
Fossil see Basilosaurus
Humpbacked see Megaptera novaeangliae
Pygmy Right see Caperia
Pygmy Sperm see Kogia breviceps
Right see Balaena mysticetus
Sperm see Physeter macrocephalus
Whelk see Buccinum
Whiting, European see Merlangius merlangus
Wild Boar see Sus scrofa
Wildebeest, Black see Connochaetes gnou
Winged Reptiles, Fossil see Pterosauria
Wolf see Canis lupus
Wombats Coarse-haired see Vombatus ursinus
Common see Vombatus ursinus
Giant (fossil) see Phascolonus
Soft-furred see Lasiorhinus latifrons
Wood Borers see Teredo
Woodlouse see Acturus
Woodpeckers see Piciformes
unidentified 517
Woolly Mammoth see Mammuthus primigenius
Rhinoceros see Coelodonta antiquitatis
Worms, Arrow see CHAETOGNATHA
Worms see ANNELIDA & NEMATODA
Tape see CESTODA
Xiphias 120
gladius 13, 31
Xiphioteuthis (66)
Xiphosura (9, 72, 73)
CATALOGUE OF RICHARD OWEN COLLECTION OF DRAWINGS
193
Xystrodus 34
Zebra, Burchell's see Equus burchelli
Damara see Equus burchelli antiquorum
Grant's see Equus burchelli boehmi
Mountain see Equus zebra
zebra, Equus 318, 322
Zebu cattle see Bos indicus 305
Zeiformes (31)
Zeuglodon 426
Zeus 120
faber 31
Ziphius 126
cavirostris 426
zonata, Ulothrix 82
zygaena, Sphyrna 44
zygomaturus, Nototherium 446
Zygomaturus 125
trilobus 446, 448
victoriae 445
Index to partially identified drawings
AMPHIBIA ?21
Anura 28, 29, 30
Caudata
AVES 20, 21
Heads 519
Kingfisher foot & skull 517
Moa femur 519
Nightjar foot 517
Parrot skull 517
Passerine foot 517
Skeleton 95, 96
Syrinx 20
Vertebrae 96
Woodpecker foot 517
BELEMNITIDA 55
BlVALVIA ?21
Brains 22, 249, 455
Caeca 456
Circulatory systems 20
CLASS unidentified
Leptolestes 469
? Mammalia 140, 163
? Reptilia 140, 156, 158, 163
Vertebrae 109, 110
CRUSTACEA
Amphipoda 77
Anomura 73
Decapoda, Parastacidae 74
CUCUMARIIDAE 79
Dissections 22, 28, 518
? Ear 20
Ear ossicles 13
ECHIURA 68
Eggs 74
Fish 13, 20, 34, 92
Ganglion ?21
Heart & blood vessels 20, 21
HYDROZOA 77
INSECTA 76
INVERTEBRATES 79
Larvae 77
LUMBRICIDAE 69
MAMMALIA 20, 21, ? 22, ? 140, ? 166, 401
Artiodactyla 308, 315
bovidae 280, 305
cervidae 289
Cetacea 13, 429
balaenidae 428, 429
Edentata 375, 412
Insectivora, Shrew 273
Marsupialia
Anatomy 456, 462
didelphidae 456
macropodidae 453, 455, 456, 461
vombatidae 456
Perissodactyla
Rhinoceros 332, 337
Proboscidea 337, 338, 341, 349
Reproductive system 20
Rodentia ? 20, 337, 370
Teeth 245, 280, 332, 338, 453
Tusks 342,418
Vertebrae 412
POLYCHAETA 68
REPTILIA 109, 110, 115, 129, 140, 156-161, ?163,
166, 167, 210
Dissections 215
Footprint 205
Crocodilia 102, 145, 160, 184, 189, 190, 196
Ichthyosauria ? 109, ? 115, 117, 118, 119, 123
Phalanges 157, 158, 160
Pterosauria 200, 202
Saurischia 145, 151
Sauropterigia
Plesiosaurian 4, 104, 129, 137, 219-221, 223
Pliosaur 126, 129, 130
Squamata 166, 167, 169, 215
Testudinata 210
Chelonian, 210, 214
Teeth 27, 129, 158, 167
Unguals 158
Vertebrae 102, 109-110, 156-158, 160, 163,
166
Teeth & bone sections 90, 92, 158, 169
Salpida 77
Systems 20
194
J. M. INGLES AND F. C. SAWYER
Some of Owen's medals preserved in the Museum.
CATALOGUE OF RICHARD OWEN COLLECTION OF DRAWINGS
195
Sheen Lodge, Richmond Park, Owen's home from 1852-1892. Rear view taken from the garden
beyond the park wall.
196
J. M. INGLES AND F. C. SAWYER
h
t.'dtf.ttej.
•tt**A f~ — , (LIT*, fttt. £. . <
.
Crocodile heart dissected and delicately illustrated in pencil and water colour by Richard Owen
in 1829. Folio 192.
CATALOGUE OF RICHARD OWEN COLLECTION OF DRAWINGS
197
(ffit*, J]jfc~dlU/- &<*ue4L>,
@/&ft> tf£*n*i*4 £&*<&£&
HI \
S. ft&HH-tfC t&r£*£4ik*.
*tO!u\.'t{;i /late a<s fuiwi .?
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'W«si
Some of the manuscript notes and drawings made by Owen in ink and associated on Folio 192
with the water colour illustrations opposite.
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World List abbreviation: Bull. Br. Mus. nat. Hist. (hist. Ser.)
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ISSN 0068-2306 Historical series
Vol 6 No 6 pp 199-244
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The miscellaneous autobiographical manuscripts of
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c/o General Library, British Museum (Natural History), Cromwell Road, London SW7 5BD
GENERAL
9 FEB!
LIBRARY
i2<
Contents
Introduction .......
Miscellaneous autobiographical manuscripts .
Samuel Gray IV (1694-1766), seedsman of Pall Mall
Samuel Gray V (1735-1771), seedsman of Pall Mall
Edward Whitaker Gray, M.D. (1748-1806)
Samuel Frederick Gray (1766-1828) .
John Edward Gray (1800-1875)
Chelsea, 1800-1811 or 1812 .
Apothecary at Wapping, 1812-1816
Botanical studies
Sequence of events, 1816-1824
Medical education, 1816-1823
Sir Joseph Banks' library
Rejection by the Linnean Society, 1822
Spare time at Montagu House
Keepership of J. G. Children, 1822
Select Committee, 1836
Management of the Zoological collections
Duplicates and Exchange of Specimens
Osteology
Provincial museums ....
Botanical Society of London, 1836
Museum policy in the 1850s
A Superintendent of the Natural History Collections,
Greater distribution of scientific works
Gray's difficulties and achievements
Social and cultural interests
Royal portraits
Mechanics Institutes
Life saving .
Insanity
Penny postage
Decimal coinage
On Francis Galton's eminent men
Personal reflections
On the working of the mind
Zoological manuscripts
Acknowledgements
Notes .....
References ....
1856
199
203
203
204
204
206
206
206
207
207
208
209
209
210
210
211
213
213
215
216
218
218
220
222
223
224
228
228
228
229
230
230
231
231
234
234
235
237
237
242
Introduction
Of the considerable volume of writings by John Edward Gray, for fifty years an official of the
British Museum and for thirty-five its Keeper of Zoology, the autobiographical manuscripts com-
prise the most important source material for an understanding of his character and for seeing
what sustained the impetus in his work. They form an essential complement to his scientific and
Bull. Br. Mus. not. Hist. (hist. Ser) 6 (6) : 199-244
Issued 31 January 1980
199
200 A. E. GUNTHER
historical output for which he himself had compiled a List of Books, Memoirs and Miscellaneous
Papers (Gray, 1875) and in which nearly eleven hundred separate titles are given.
The corpus of Gray's autobiographical manuscripts may be divided, for convenience, into two
classes. Into the first fall the more formal passages written, as it is believed, in response to requests.
One of the longer of these appeared in final form in Portraits of Men of Eminence in Literature,
Science and Art (Reeve, 1863; Gunther, 1974 : 72-76), contributed for his friend Lovell Reeve
(1814-1865), the publisher and conchologist. The preparation for this seems to have taken the
form of an Autobiographical Journal (Gray, c. 1862), followed by two or three drafts, but these
suffer from the constraints usual in an author writing about himself for publication.
The second category, which gives the title to this paper, comprises a large quantity of miscel-
laneous manuscripts housed in the General Library of the British Museum (Natural History)
(Gray, c. 1862-74). The manuscripts vary in length from a pensee of a few words to a dozen folios
of the blue-grey half foolscap sheets that Gray was in the habit of using in the 1860s for his
zoological work. About half of them are written in his own hand, the balance being dictated to
his assistants; whoever wrote them there is no perceptible change of style and a correction or
pagination in Gray's left hand implies his agreement to the text.
The dating of most of these fragments is open to conjecture. It is assumed that they were
written in the decade between the publication of Reeve's Men of Eminence in 1863 and the last
months of 1874. For Gray it was a decade of intermittent illness of increasing severity and he
probably turned to jotting personal reminiscences during periods of incapacity, which may account
for much of the repetition (like the claim relating to Penny Postage which seems to have worried
him). Some of the later fragments can be dated because they were dictated either to E. A. Smith
(1847-1916), appointed to the Museum in 1867 for the mollusca and lower animals, or to E. J.
Miers (1851-1930), appointed in 1872 for the crustaceans, and purposely to serve as an amanuen-
sis. More precisely dated is almost the last of the fragments disputing Francis Galton's (1822-
1911) conclusions in English Men of Science (Galton, 1874), which loses nothing of its force com-
ing from an aged invalid suffering periodic loss of powers.
Why these manuscripts came to survive is uncertain. Some were evidently available to the
writers of the obituaries. The majority came into the hands of B. B. Woodward (1853-1930) who,
as Librarian at the British Museum (Natural History) between 1881 and 1920, assembled them into
an album bearing the title Gray, J. E. Miscellaneous Papers (Gray, c. 1862-74) preserved in the
Museum's General Library. A number were also found among Albert GUnther's papers in 1965,
when the present writer was engaged on an account of GUnther's life (Gunther, 1975) and these
were added to Woodward's album. The most important item of all, the Autobiographical Journal
(Gray, c. 1862), must have remained with the family, since it was presented to the Museum in
1970 by Gray's collateral descendant, Professor Peter Gray (b. 1908), then at the University of
Pittsburgh.
Although a biographer cannot regret the circumstances that deflected Gray from continuing to
multiply the immense number of his scientific papers, it is a pity that he gave so little background
to his life and times, and even less to the memories his parents must have bequeathed to him of the
eighteenth century. And why does he say so little about his mother? Self-centred as he was, it is
also strange that a man as conscious as he was of his place among the naturalists of the day
should have neglected to date the events he describes.
The manuscripts do, however, show clearly what were the principal influences in Gray's life,
what gave it impetus, and what were the aims he set out to achieve. To understand them it is
necessary to go back to the years of childhood in Chelsea (Gunther, 1975 : 1-20), and to the
relations between Samuel Frederick Gray (1766-1828) and his two sons, Forfeit (1798-1872) the
elder, and John Edward. It was fortunate for the lives of both John and his father that there was
clearly a marked harmony of temperament between them. Also that John had the intellect to
respond to his father's interests, so that in the early house-bound years of John's invalidism, his
father's influence took root.
Between Forfeit and his father there was evidently no such rapport; and the influence of the
elder brother worked as a subconscious challenge to the younger and brought out his combative-
ness. While Forfeit went off to school, which the parents could not afford for two boys anyway,
John Edward Gray, c. 1868. From a photograph in an album of the Literary and Scientific Portrait
Club, edited by James S. Bowerbank, in the Linnean Society of London Library. (On table:
Lindley, J. 1849. Economical Botany; jars (left) Neotropical anuran, (centre) Sea mouse, (right)
unclear.)
202 A- E- GUNTHER
or to play with his friends, John sat in an invalid's chair having to content himself with the
Encyclopaedia Britannica; every meal time must have left a sense of deprivation from the food he
could not stomach; and the realization of his greater intelligence would increase his determination
to do what Forfeit refused to. When later his brother demurred at taking over a night watch in a
bookstore in which his father had an interest, it was John who went in his place; and it was John
who took over as assistant in the Wapping pharmacy when Forfeit left for the Apothecaries'
Company. Therefore, if we are to seek in John's life for the source of combativeness and the need
to justify himself, we can look to the deprivations of childhood and the influence they wrought on
his character. Conscious as a young man of his intellectual powers, his early failure to secure
election to the Linnean Society (Reeve, 1863 : 114) and later, opposition within the Museum or
neglect by the academic world, must have brought back all the sublimated frustrations of child-
hood, and redoubled the determination to succeed.
The conflict between father and elder son is reflected in Forfeit's life, from his failure to make
anything of the Apothecaries job, or even taking its licentiate, to his failure in a partnership as
'S. F. Gray, Chymist and Drugist' which landed him in the debtors' prison. It says much for John's
charity in later years that he seems to have put several jobs in his brother's way, like the trip to the
continent (Gunther, 1977) with J. G. Children (1777-1851), the Keeper of the British Museum's
natural history collections where John was working. We may suppose that John drew his brother,
as an apiarist, on to the Juror's Panels at the Great Exhibition of 1851 and again in 1860 and en-
couraged his contributions to the Gardener's Chronicle (Anon., 1872 : 430). Who else was there to
pay for his brother's release from prison ? John, on the other hand, was constantly working with
his father; as a student taking over his father's lectures, collecting receipts from Mr Willat's drug-
store in the City as material for his father's Pharmacopeia (Gray, S. F. 1818), or collaborating on
the Natural Arrangement (Gray, S. F. 1821). During long intervals of illness and frustration,
Samuel Frederick perhaps found solace in what John was contributing towards his unfinished
work. Weakness of health prevented steady application. Politically a radical non-conformist, he
was cold shouldered, or felt himself to be, by the naturalists of the day; his important botanical
work was rejected, others making capital, scientific and financial, out of his scientific publications;
and there was the culminating failure of his elder son, Forfeit.
If John inherited his intellectual potential from his father, the pattern of its expression may have
come from his mother, of whom little is known. If his mother's father, as a picture dealer in
Maiden Lane, Covent Garden (Gray, c. 1862: f. 3), ran a successful business, John's acumen and
organizing ability could have come from that side. That he was endowed with a quick and versa-
tile brain capable, before illness dulled it, of grasping the essence of any problem, scientific, social,
financial or other, is abundantly clear. It was a mind that had been prematurely developed under
conditions of childhood delicacy, in a confined home life and a precocity stimulated by his father,
a man of exceptional intellect. Adolescence found Gray a student in advance of his years and one
his elders found responsive. If the portrait of him at the age of 19 is any guide (1), and his looks
in later life seem to confirm this, his was an attractive personality.
His father's social circle of radical intelligensia provided a stimulus that became John Edward's
nature, and he thrived in an environment of naturalists (Gray, c. 1862 : f . 12). The first of his
friends was William Salisbury (d. 1823), the botanist, a family friend from Chelsea days, who
invited Gray to attend his lectures at the Maze Pond medical school, which he was later to take
over. The next of his friends, with whom he went on his botanical rambles from Wapping (Gray,
c. 1862 : f. 27), was the entomologist James Francis Stephens (1792-1852), who introduced him to
William Elford Leach (1790-1836), then assistant to the Keeper of the natural history collections
at Montagu House (Reeve, 1863 : 1 14). Of all those whom Gray was to meet in his professional
life, Leach's influence was the greatest. Ten years older than Gray, he was to assume the role of the
inspiring tutor to the promising pupil; he was to wean Gray from botany to zoology and to give
him a future he could not have realized in medicine.
At that time, Leach was contributing to the outstanding Supplement of the Encyclopaedia
Britannica, issued in six volumes between 1815 and 1828. Its aim was to make good the omissions
and defects of the 4th to 6th editions (1810, 1815 and 1823), and to bring the arts and sciences up
to date. It was the first edition of the Encyclopaedia to name its authors. Although Leach was
JOHN EDWARD GRAY 203
among the eminent naturalists on the list of contributors, it is not certain which articles he was
asked to do, since the only one completed by him, before illness overcame him, is that on the
Annulosa (signed 'V'), the others on Conchology and Mollusca being taken over by the Rev. Dr
Fleming, D.D., F.R.S. (1785-1857) and signed 'QQ\
Leach's inspiration meant much to a young man of Gray's inclinations at that period of his life:
to have contact with a brilliant, original mind; to be given the run of the collections at Montagu
House, and to be introduced into Sir Joseph Banks' library, was encouragement indeed (Reeve,
1863 : 114).
The influence of the men he met at the Museum was at a professional rather than at a personal
level, since Gray at 18/19 years of age was already developing maturity through original work.
Apart from lecturing on botany at the medical schools he was helping his father with the Natural
Arrangement. At Banks' residence, 32 Soho Square, he consorted with distinguished academics,
among them the French savants, H.M.D. deBlainville (1777-1850) and M.F.Dunal (1789-1856),
and the most eminent of all, Baron Georges Cuvier (1769-1832); he also met the Swiss, A. P. de
Candolle (1806-1893), and he made friends with the troublesome Richard A. Salisbury (1761-
1829) and especially with John Richardson (1787-1865).
From 1822, after John George Children succeeded Leach, who had resigned through illness
(Gunther, 1974 : 65), to 1824, when Gray was formally appointed in the Museum, he had developed
under Children's supervision into a fully qualified assistant. Children's influence was of quite a
different order from Leach's. Whatever his academic ability, which was considerable, his was the
role of a man old enough to be Gray's father, which was what Gray most needed after his un-
settling years as a medical student and his decision that medicine held no place for him. At any
rate, the security of employment the Museum offered made marriage possible and from 1826
Gray's anxieties for the future came to an end.
The text of the fragments assembled in this paper, arranged as far as possible in chronological
order, has been left unaltered except for some punctuation, spelling and paragraphing. Repeated
versions of the same event have been omitted. But versions differing from those already printed
elsewhere have been included, either because they complete the story or because they give it a
different shade of meaning. Since the fragments do not offer a narrative in sequence, I have added
notes to carry the reader through. The notes do not, however, repeat the fuller account of Gray's
life published elsewhere (Gunther, 1975), but they include information not available at the time the
published text of the Autobiographical Journal was prepared. Also included are various letters
because they contain important additional information about the policy Gray was following in
museum affairs.
There remains some problem about the dating of events in Gray's earlier years unless more in-
formation comes to light. From 1835, however, the House of Commons Select Committee of
1835-1836 (Parliamentary Papers, 1836) brought some system into the affairs of the Department
of Natural History and led to the keeping of a series of letter books which bear the title of Reports,
Minutes etc. Zoological Department (British Museum 1835-1853) which, assembled by Gray
himself, give a detailed record of his Keepership. Therefore after about 1835 the dating of events
referred to in his autobiographical manuscripts can generally be verified. These records also show
the extent to which the then Keeper, J. G. Children, depended on Gray for the detailed running of
the department (2). In addition to these records there are the Trustees Annual Reports of the
Department of Natural History printed as part of the Accounts Relating to Income and Expenditure,
and Number of Persons Admitted to the Museum (Parliamentary Papers, 1848-1868).
Miscellaneous autobiographical manuscripts
Note: the folio numbers in the left hand margin refer to /. E. Gray, Miscellaneous Papers (Gray, c. 1862-
1874) in the British Museum (Natural History), General Library.
Samuel Gray IV (1694-1766) seedsman of Pall Mall
(f. 57) My great grandfather (3) had an estate at Oundle in Northamptonshire. In the
Churchyard there you may read, or could fifty years ago, that the Grays were not
204 A. E. GUNTHER
particular as to how they spelt their name. Thus one of [the] Grays fathers was spelt
Wray, and a Wray had a father called Ouray, according to their tombstones. My
father who had a great estimation for and studied Natural History in the books of the
justly celebrated John Wray of Black Notley who spelt his name Johannes Rayius in
his latin works which has been retranslated John Ray, thought that he was possibly a
branch of the same family, but I have not attempted to unravel the question. (4)
Samuel Gray V (1735-1771) seedsman of Pall Mall
(f. 49) My grandfather, Samuel Gray, (3) was a seedsman at the Black Boy, Pall Mall, and
had a garden in Tettlefields, Westminster, and was much in the habit of going there on
Sunday afternoon. The house was pulled down when they built Carlton House. (5)
His father and grandfather, also Samuels, lived there before him. They had much
intercourse in the way of trade with Holland & they imported the making of flour of
mustard and the cutting of glass from that country. Before they introduced it the
mustard seed was crushed as it was required in a wooden bowl with a wooden [or]
iron ball. They had a mill on the Ravensbourne (6) just at the back of Deptford, for the
grinding of the mustard and the cutting of the glass. The mill is now known by the
name Armoury Mill. The cutting of the glass was afterwards carried on as a separate
business by their younger brother, who had a shop near Charing Cross. (7)
I recollect in my childhood my father inherited a massive glass candlestick, which
was a specimen of the work done at the Mill. The flour of mustard was extensively
used and I may cite as an instance of the length of time during which trifles may exist
that when at Fishguard in Pembrokeshire (8) a few years ago I observed on the wall
(f. 50) behind the door of the general shop of that small village a Bill about 4 inches square
pasted up, with "Sold Here Grays' flour of Mustard only to be had at the Black Boy,
Pall Mall", and with the figure of the Nigger. Now that shop must have been closed
for more than a century. The old woman in the shop said she knew nothing about it but
that she recollected it was there when she was a child.
This woman showed a curious want of knowledge too well known to the poor in
large towns. 1 had already purchased a boot lace and she could not change me a
shilling so 1 emptied my purse for a smaller coin and turned out a farthing that I
always keep at the fold to prevent the ring coming off. She took it up, and said "Is
that what you call a farthing? I had been told you had such things in London but I
never believed it", and she offered to take it for the penny lace. She was anxious to
possess it and show it to her friends. She was more astonished when I told her that there
were half farthings and I had several of them, but that the shop keepers were very
adverse to using them, and that even smaller copper coins were made at the Mint and
much used in Malta and other British possessions.
Edward Whitaker Gray, M.D. (1748-1806)
E. W. Gray, John Edward's great-uncle, was an important influence on his life, and this fragment
summarizes most of what John knew about him, further discussed in Gunther (1976).
(f. 53) Edward Whitaker Gray M.D.
The eldest [younger] son of Samuel Gray (3) of Pall Mall was born the 21 of March
1748. He was educated in London, studying medicine under Dr. William Hunter (9).
He practiced medicine in Oporto (10) and on his return to this country with a collec-
tion of Natural Productions of that country, he was appointed, chiefly by the interest
of Dr. William Hunter, Assistant Librarian having charge of the Natural History
Collections in the British Museum in 1778. On the 1 1 Feb 1779 he was elected Fellow
of the Royal Society. In 1787 he was promoted to be Keeper of the Natural History
Collections and Secretary to the British Museum and on the 30 of Nov. 1797 was
elected the senior first secretary to the Royal Society. He retained these three offices
until his death on the 27 of December 1806 (11); he was succeeded secretary of the
JOHN EDWARD GRAY
205
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Royal Society by Sir Humphrey Davy. He published two [three] papers in the Philo-
sophical Transactions entitled . . . (12) He married in Oporto, Miss Bearsley, and had
four children (13); one of the daughters married Mr. Taylor Combe the first Keeper of
the Antiquarian Department in the British Museum and for some years Secretary of
the Royal Society from 1812 to 1824; the other died single.
Samuel Frederick Gray (1766-1828)
(f. 51) My grandfather had several children but they all died at a very early age and he left
only a small life annuity to his wife and the rest of his property to his younger brother
Dr. Edward Whitaker Gray, then in Portugal, but afterwards Keeper of the Natural
curiosities in the British Museum and Secretary to the Royal Society.
(f. 54) A month or so after his [my grandfather's] death, his wife bore him a son [10 December
1766] who was christened Samuel Frederick Gray (14). As he lived, he was a very sickly
child and he was dumb, but his mother, a woman of great energy devoted herself to
him; she taught him to read and to ask for all that he required by means of letters cut
out from bills and pasted on cards, so that he could read quite well when he could speak.
Eventually he gathered strength and by the time he was ten [or twelve] years old he
outgrew the defect in the organs of speech and gradually learned to speak but to the
end of his life he had a very considerable impediment. His mother taught him Latin
and Greek as well as English, devoting the whole of her time to his instruction and
care, and he was of a very studious disposition. He was attached to old fashioned ways
for I have heard it stated that he was almost the last man in London that wore his hair
(that was very long and when untied would reach to his knees) in a large club and cocked
hat.
(f. 51, 54) He was not regularly educated to any profession but that of medicine and anatomy,
[and] selected various branches of Natural History and Chemistry, and what is now
called Ethnology. He seems to have taken to editing as a means of livelihood, and for
several years assisted Dr. Nairs [sic] (15) as sub-editor of the British Critic. But the
misfortune of his birth seems to have followed him, for about this time he fell in love
with a Miss Forfeit (16) and consulted his uncle [Edward Whitaker Gray] with the
purpose of marrying, but the uncle, having come to the conclusion he should have no
children . . . [was prepared to disown him]. (17)
On his marriage to Elizabeth Forfeit in 1794, he migrated to Walsall and then to
Birmingham where he turned his knowledge of Chemistry to account, assisted by Dr.
Priestley (18) and established an Assay office. Here a daughter and his two sons were
born. In 1800 he returned to London, became private accountant to Charles Hatchett
Esq. F.R.S. (19) and continued his literary occupations, contributing to various re-
(f. 56) views and periodicals as far as his declining health would allow. In 1818 he published
the Supplement to the Pharmacopeia [Gray, S. F. 1818] which ran through several
editions and is now published by Redwoods [1847].
He died on 12 April 1828 and is buried in New Chelsea Church Yard - bearing
three sons and two daughters. Two of his sons, John Edward and George Robert (20)
are employed in the British Museum and his younger daughter is married to Mr. S.
Birch (21) of the same establishment.
John Edward Gray (1800-1875)
Born at Walsall, his family moved to Old Chelsea in 1800, remaining there until 1811 or 1812.
Like his father the boy was extremely delicate, probably suffering from a childish form of tuber-
culosis, and remained so until about 10 years of age.
Chelsea 1800-1811 or 1812
(f. 6) Being a sickly child, and a friend having lent me the volumes of the Encyclopaedia
Britannica, I read them and made models of the plates of the dials, other mathematical
JOHN EDWARD GRAY 207
inventions, and formed the idea of becoming a Mathematical Instrument maker or a
Millwright.
Mr. Charles Hatchett (19), when calling on my father observed some card models,
dials and an electrical machine that I had made out of an old bottle and offered that
I should come and live in his house at Hammersmith and assist in his laboratory. My
father after consideration thought I was too young and declined it forme. Mr. Hatchett
soon afterwards took Mr. Brand. (22)
(f. 59) The first time I left home in 181 1 I went to Mr. Wyatt (23), a bookseller in Pickett
Street, Strand, with whom my father had an idea of entering into a partnership. I
went on a Saturday and found only a room behind the shop furnished. Mr. Wyatt
lived in the neighbourhood of London and I was left the only inhabitant of the large
unfurnished house from Saturday night to Monday morning and every other night. I
well recollect the quarter of an hour chimes of St. Clements Church my only compan-
ion, but my continuance there was not of long duration, as my father found that the
partnership was not desirable.
Apothecary at Wapping, 1812-1816
In 1812 or 1813 the Grays moved to Wapping, a mile down the Thames from the Tower of Lon-
don, and Frederick Samuel set up as Surgeon and Apothecary, remaining until about 1816. These
three years transformed John Edward into a very capable young man and student.
(f. 6) My father . . . purchased the business of Mr. Pratt, the chemist and druggist in High
Street, Wapping, (24) with the intention of settling my elder brother, but very shortly
after we were established there, Mr. Symonds, the president of the Apothecaries Com-
pany offered my elder brother an appointment in that Institution which he accepted
leaving my father who was in very ill health in a great difficulty, as he had just invested
his money in the business, and I saw no other way out of it, than doing what I could
to occupy the place that he had intended for my elder brother, giving up my predilec-
tion for a more scientific occupation though I had much repugnance to anatomy and
the other duties necessary for the study of the medical profession. But I overcame the
repugnance.
(f. 58) Of course in a nautical district like Wapping we had many surgical cases, and
employed a young surgeon as an assistant and I often had to attend to the cases, es-
pecially on board the ships, and I had some opportunities of seeing difficult mechanical
and other processes by the kindness of the persons with whom I became acquainted
more especially the elder Rennie (25) who was then engaged at the London Dock.
(f. 1 10) As a boy on hearing the cry that the press-gang was coming - a cry that soon cleared
the streets of Wapping where I was residing - 1 went to the shop door and seeing a
man running who wanted shelter, I beckoned him into the shop, and told him how he
could pass into another street through our backdoor. I had hardly told him so before
the officer and his men arrived at the shop door, knocked me down, cut me across the
hand with his sword, the scars of which I still bear, and as I failed to find the man in the
house, they took me off, and kept me prisoner on board the tender off the Tower for
some 24 hours.
This and the going aboard a vessel to dress a very severe scald that a man had on
board a ship, when the river was filled with ice and one could only go aboard by pas-
sing from hummock to hummock on a hurdle made me a kind of hero in the estimation
of the workmen in the neighbourhood.
Botanical studies
While at Wapping, as assistant in his father's shop, John Edward continued to study botany by
week-end excursions south of the Thames into what was then country-side and villages. The peace,
following the Battle of Waterloo, brought depression of trade to the ports on the Thames.
208 A. E. GUNTHER
(f. 63) I was in the habit of taking long walks in the neighbourhood of London when the
shop was closed on Saturday night returning to be ready on Monday morning, often
sleeping part of the night on the lee side of a hedge or haystack to be ready to catch
the insects at early dawn and I believe that the establishment of my health may be
dated from this exercise. It was on one of these excursions that I became acquainted
with Mr. J. F. Stephens (26).
(f. 61) On my father being obliged to retire from the business in High Street, Wapping, by
the stagnation of business in that district by the peace and from ill health, I became an
assistant in the laboratory of Mr. Willat, wholesale chemist and druggist, in Fore
Street, Cripplegate. While there I copied after the warehouse was closed all the receipt
books I could obtain the loan of from the different chemists and druggists; the greater
part of these receipts were classified and printed by my father in the "Supplement to
the Pharmacopeias''' (Gray, S. F. 1818).
Sequence of events, 1816-1824
In 1816 the Grays moved from Wapping to Hatton Garden, in the City, and John's medical
education started from there. He was invited to attend a school of Anatomy and Surgery run by
John Colley Taunton (d. 1 858) also in Hatton Garden ; and to attend the lectures William Salisbury
(d. 1823), botanist friend of the Grays in their Chelsea days, at the Maze Pond school near the
Borough Hospitals of St Thomas and Guy's south of London Bridge. His attachment to St
Bartholomew's Hospital under Dr John Abernethy (1764-1831) and to the City Dispensary were
of a more formal character, and may have followed a year later.
The dating of events in Gray's life between the failure of the Wapping pharmacy and his appoint-
ment at Montagu House in 1824, remains uncertain, but the following is suggested:
1816 Gray family leave Wapping for Hatton Garden. John Edward invited to attend Taunton's
School and William Salisbury's lectures at Maze Pond. Probably first met W. E. Leach and
invited to Montagu House.
1817 Formal attachment at St Bartholomew's Hospital under Abernethy; takes over Salisbury's
lectures at Maze Pond, and assists W. E. Leach at Montagu House.
1818 Routine medical education continues to 1823. Working with his father on A Natural
Arrangement . . . (Gray, S. F. 1821) and given access to Sir Joseph Banks' library; assisting
Leach at Montagu House; giving botanical lectures at Maze Pond, St Bartholomew's and
Middlesex Hospitals.
1820 Leach's illness takes hold; Gray acting as assistant ; A Natural Arrangement . . .completed.
1821 Gray visits Walsall on 21st birthday (7th February) and makes tour of Midlands, Man-
chester, Liverpool, etc. (Or perhaps between April and November 1823.) At Liverpool
probably meets William Rathbone (1787-1868) educationalist and philanthropist, Mayor
in 1737 (D.N.B., 47 1896 : 310); Joseph Brooks Yates (1780-1855) merchant and antiquary
(D.N.B., 63 1900 : 298); and a member of the Holt family, unidentified, of later shipping
interest (Gunther, 1974 : 65). George Samouelle appointed at Montagu House; A Natural
Arrangement . . . published ; J. G. Children takes Leach's place and moves into Museum
apartment on 9 December.
1822 Children formally appointed 9 March. Gray meets Children at Montagu House and is
invited to help with the collections; he spent two or three half days a week doing so. Is
rejected by Linnean Society on 16 April.
1823 2 April: receives Certificate of Attendance as Surgeon from C. J. Cusack, Royal College
of Surgeons, and decides to give up medicine. From November 1823 to May 1824 Gray
engaged in editing Mechanics Weekly Journal.
1824 Is appointed by Admiralty as naturalist on H.M.S. Blossom, and immediately resigns.
24 December, offered employment at Montagu House at 15/- each working day.
JOHN EDWARD GRAY 209
Medical education, 1816-1823
(f. 62) After leaving Mr. Willat I commenced medical studies as a pupil of Mr. Abernethy
at St. Bartholomew's Hospital, of Dr. Merriman (27), of Middlesex Hospital and of
the private schools of Mr. Taunton in Hatton Gardens and of Mr. Grangers' (28) of
Maze Pond, giving lectures on Botany at the two latter and attending the practice of
Dr. Unwins (29), Mr. Taunton and Mr. Kingdom (30) at the City Dispensary . . .
(f. 6) But I must say I always felt that medicine could do little and that the larger part of
the patients required better food and solace, and [I] saw clearly that I should never
make more than my livelihood by the practice of medicine.
(f. 7) While occupied in the study of medicine I was in the habit of going out from Saturday
night till Monday morning into the country taking long walks and collecting plants
and insects which I used to study and then give away to other collectors with whom I
became acquainted. These had a great influence on my future life.
While a child living at Chelsea I knew William Salisbury (31), the partner of William
Curtis, and author of the Flora Londoniensis (32). When a medical student he invited
me to attend his lectures on botany at Grangers' School of Medicine in Maze Pond,
and excursions to collect plants. He entered into a speculation of forming a botanic
garden in Sloane Street, failed and was imprisoned for debt in the middle of one of
(f. 60-62) his courses. [In 1817, in result], I was elected by my fellow pupils, all much my senior
(one of them being William Clift jr., son of Mr. Clift (33)) [of the College of Surgeons],
to continue the lectures and conduct the excursions, which I did for succeeding years.
Sir Joseph Banks' library
(f. 7) In these I became acquainted with Mr. Stephens (26) and Dr. Leach (34). The latter
introduced me to Sir Joseph Banks (35) who kindly gave me permission to attend his
breakfasts and made whatever use I could of his Library and Collections. In this
Library I became acquainted with R. A. Salisbury (36) and other English botanists
and with Mr. de Candolle (37), Dunal (38) and other foreign botanists. With the advice
of those named I prepared the paper on the Progress of Botany in the year 1820 that
appears in Thompson's Annals (39), and wrote the systematic part of the Natural
Arrangement of British Plants (40) which introduced the Natural System of Plants to
English readers, and gave great offense to the majority of English scientific men as
being an attempt to upset the Linnean System which was then universal and which it
certainly has done, for now the Natural System is as generally accepted as the Linnean
System formerly was.
(f. 57) My father regarded Jussieu's 'Genera Plantarum'' (41) as a natural extension caused
by the progress of science of Wray's 'Methodus Plantarum" and believed that the
progress of Botany was retarded by the adoption in this country of the Linnean arti-
ficial system which, by the way, was not carried through, but its author acknowledged
several natural groups as Didynamia, Syngenesia etc. Fortunately we have never had
[in zoology] a system based on numbers or any other artificial grouping of zoology.
(f. 64) While studying at the Banksian Library, Mr. R. A. Salisbury (36) offered to settle
on me his property at his death if I would undertake to print his botanical MSS. which
I declined. The same offer was made to Lindley (42) who was a student in the Library
at the same time. The property and MSS. were at length left to Mr. William Burchell
(43), the African traveller, who has just died at an advanced age without publishing
anything of Mr. Salisbury's. Miss Burchell, who was going to burn the MSS. etc., at
my solicitation gave them to me, but unfortunately they were in a very deranged state.
(f. 65) I printed one portion of them that appeared to be in a nearly finished state and I
gave the large number of dissections of genera of plants which were most beautifully
drawn in pencil by Mr. Salisbury, after I had mounted them, in 4 thick guard books to
the Botanical Department, British Museum. The Lyriogame and the genera Pyrola
and Ercine in the Natural arrangement of plants are the only part of his MSS. that
have been printed. (44)
210 A. E. GUNTHER
Rejection by the Linnean Society, 1822
(f. 8) Shortly after the publication of the Natural Arrangement, Mr. Haworth (45), R. A.
Salisbury (36), Mr. Vigors (46) and some of the active naturalists invited me to become
a Fellow of the Linnean Society and they signed my certificate. However without any
notice given to them, or me, on the night of the election, a large number of Fellows
were assembled by special invitation and I was rejected nearly unanimously. Only one
of the recommenders were present, as they considered my election a matter of course,
and no candidate had been before rejected. If the slightest hint had been given me, I
should immediately have withdrawn my name, as the subscription to the Society was
more that I could well bear. The rejection only had the effect of making me more
determined to devote myself to Science. Many members retained their opposition to
the end of their lives. The President (47) found it necessary to alter his Grammar of
Botany [1821] to the Natural System and it was gradually coming more and more into
use. One President, the Bishop of Norwich, invited me to the Anniversary Dinner, and
proposed my health (48). The Council referred a paper to me to report on and I was
asked to subscribe to the bust of Sir James E. Smith. At length I was solicited to
become a Fellow of the Society and was unanimously elected and have served on the
Councils etc.
Spare time at Montagu House
The introduction Gray had been given by J. F. Stephens to Dr Leach allowed him to spend such
spare time as he had from his medical studies, in Montagu House, and led him to hope that he
might secure a niche there, but this was not immediately realized.
(f. 63) Dr. William E. Leach, who then had the care of the Zoological Collection at the
British Museum, greeted with his usual enthusiasm a young man who had some know-
ledge of the works of Cuvier, Lamarck and Latreille (49), works which Dr. Leach was
translating, and bringing for the first time before the English student, a work that he
chiefly did at night, and eventually destroyed his health.
(f. 7) I gave as much of my leisure as was at my disposal ... to assisting Dr. Leach in the
naming and arranging of the Museum Collection. Dr. Leach, with his unceasing desire
to introduce the improvement in zoology which the French had made and the transla-
tion of their works which appeared in the Encyclopaedia Britannica and the Edinburgh
Encyclopaedia (50), overworked his brain and was forced to take rest and eventually
retire. I offered myself to the Trustees to keep the Collection in order, in the hopes
that with rest he might recover. But my predilections for the Natural System had
raised many enemies against me, and they used their influence to prevent my obtaining
it, and recommended the appointment of a person who proved to be inefficient.
(f. 70) I was a candidate some years previously, to be employed in the Museum to look
after the Natural History Collection during Dr. Leach's (34) illness. Mr. Konig (51)
promised me his support and recommendation and desired me to keep my candidature
private. I did not succeed. Mr. Konig in his evidence before the Committee (52)
states that he recommended that Mr. Samuel [Samouelle] (53) be employed. It appears
that Mr. Alexander MacLeay (54) invited Mr. Konig to breakfast to meet Mr. Samuel
(f. 71) and the affair was then arranged. Mr. Samuel was a porter at Messrs Longmans, fond
of collecting insects but quite ignorant of the scientific part of the subject ... He
compiled an introduction to Entomology chiefly extracted from Dr. Leach's (50)
translations of Latrielle's Considerations in the Edinburgh Encyclopaedia (55). He
knew so little of the subject that he left out the sections into which the families were
divided, so that the genera were quite incomprehensible and the book useless to the
student.
... he once said to me "that you should not work so hard as your work will come
to an end before you did to yourself". He took to drinking and was discharged by the
trustees. Mr. Konig was very charitable and gave him a sovereign when he came to
JOHN EDWARD GRAY 211
beg of him; he went direct to the public house and drank away his money and sud-
denly died on his way home.
(f. 7) While working with Leach (34) I had paid particular attention to Shells and after-
wards [following the Samouelle incident] Mr. James Sowerby (56) the elder proposed
that I should continue the study, and that he and I should publish work on the subject
together, he drawing the plates, and I writing the text, [but Mr. Sowerby was taken
ill and died the following year.]
(f. 66) Being disappointed in 1821 in obtaining the temporary care of the Zoological
Collection of the British Museum during the ill health of Dr. Leach (34), I turned my
knowledge of mechanics and chemistry to account, became one of the Editors of the
Mechanics Weekly Journal (57), and made a two months excursion through the midland
and northern and western district of England, to examine the manufactures and fac-
tories, and to obtain a personal knowledge of the wants and feelings of the working
people of those districts, and during this visit I made the acquaintance of several of
the leading commercial notabilities especially the Rathbones, the Yates and Holt, who
remained my friends to the end of their lives. [In part 1823? See dating above.]
(f. 19) It was my day dream when a lad that I should like to be like my great uncle, the
Keeper of the Natural History department in the British Museum, most improbable
considering the circumstances of my father and myself caused by his continued ill-
health. But somehow from a child I had found many celebrated men who were kind to
(f. 67) me . . . And whereby I have been enabled under the fostering kindness of Dr. Leach
(34) and Mr. Children (58) to spend a great part of my leisure in arranging the Collec-
tion, to obtain regular employment which had been the chief object of my ambition
for several years.
Keepership of J. G. Children, 1822
(f. 10) Mr. Children, who was appointed to succeed Dr. Leach, and having occasion in the
course of my studies of Shells to visit the Museum Collection [in 1 822] to examine some
genera that I had not seen elsewhere, Mr. Children observed that I seemed to have a
good knowledge of Shells and asked me to look over the Collection that was being
arranged and eventually asked me if I would be willing to give him what assistance I
could. On his invitation, I attended constantly at the Museum, affording him gratui-
tous assistance, he little thinking of the difficulties that I had to support myself.
In spite of Gray's poverty at the time, he appears to have had no wish to work elsewhere than in
the Museum.
(f. 10) It was decided that Captain Beechey's Expedition should be accompanied by a
naturalist (59). On Mr. Children and Captain Sabine (60) speaking to me, if I was
willing to undertake the office, they recommended me to the Admiralty for the appoint-
ment which was duly made on most liberal terms. I soon found from Captain Beechey's
manner that I should not be able to do much and that what I did was to be done in the
Captain's Cabin and written in his Journal. For as he said "he was not going to have
his expedition named the Gray Expedition as Captain Bandini's Expedition was called
the Expedition of Peron and Le Sueur" (61), whereon I resigned my appointment and
on going to tell Mr. Children what I had done he said he was put under great diffi-
culties by my absence, and asked me if I would accept a situation in the Museum to
assist him. I said it was the hopes of getting such a situation on my return that had
made me accept the situation on the Expedition and I should be glad to assist him,
as I had made up my mind to devote myself to the study of Zoology, (f. 19) He ex-
(f. 19) pressed great astonishment when I accidentally mentioned the very great straits that I
was under during the time that I had worked at the Museum without any pay.
(f. 10) On consulting with the Principal Librarian (62) it was agreed between him and Mr.
John Edward Gray, 1830, by Henry Phillips. Reproduced by courtesy of the Director, Royal Botanic
Gardens, Kew.
JOHN EDWARD GRAY 213
Children, to recommend me, and I was appointed by the Trustees to be engaged for
six months at 15 shillings a day on the days actually employed in making out a Cata-
(f. 20) logue of the Reptiles. I was appointed in 1 824 for six months, but as I told the Trustees
several years ago [in the 1860s] the term had not come to an end yet.
(f. 20) Mr. Children kindly consulted me and most frequently adopted the suggestions I
made to him. I set out with the desire: 1st to make the Zoological Collection as perfect
as possible, 2nd to allow the public and the student to have the utmost freedom in
consulting and studying the collection consistent with its proper preservation.
Select Committee, 1836
(f. 10) When the Parliamentary Enquiry (63) [Parliamentary Papers, 1836] into the British
Museum took place, I assisted Mr. Children in compiling statistical accounts of the
state of the Collection, and it was upon his recommendation, though only tem-
porarily appointed and receiving daily pay, I was called as a witness as to the state
of the Collection, and to answer the objections that had been given in evidence against
its extent, condition and management. Mr. Hawes (64) repeatedly asked me if I had
no personal grievance, for he had observed that a personal grievance seemed upper-
most in the head of all the officers during their examination. I told him I had none, and
that if I had, I did not conceive a Parliamentary Committee the right place to ventilate
it, and that I understood the Committee was to examine the present state, management
of the Museum, and to recommend how it could be rendered more efficient. I freely
gave my opinions on these questions and the Committee in their Report generally
adopted my suggestions (65).
(f. 71) Mr. Samouel (66) and his friend Mr. Millard, an assistant discharged for his idle-
ness, supplied to Mr. Hawes a number of stories against the different persons employed
in the Museum. Mr. Hawes said, I have a great deal of information supplied to me but
I suppose I am unfortunate in my choice for I cannot use it all, and when I asked a
question from them I always meet with a distinct denial supported by good evidence.
(f. 69) ... Mr. Children before the Parliamentary Committee on the Museum observed
that he considered "the best thing that he had ever done for the Museum was the
recommendation of Mr. Gray". When the evidence was published 1 had a note from
Sir R. Inglis (67) observing, that the Editor of the Report [Sir H. Ellis] had rather
modified Mr. Children's answer in the printed evidence, into "one" of the best things.
(f. 10) A few [four] years after the Committee, Mr. Children resigned the Keepership of
the Zoological Dept. which had been separated from the Mineralogical and Botanical,
and I was appointed to succeed him (68).
I have formed during the time that I have been employed by the Trustees, chiefly
at a small annual expenditure, the largest and most complete and best arranged and
named Zoological Collection in the world. I think I am justified in saying so when
persons who study particular parts of Zoology come to study it, they always find the
Collection of their part the largest and best arranged, that they have consulted, and if
each part is so, the whole must be. I have during that time prepared or edited the
publication of 200 Catalogues of different parts of the Collection, and printed more
than 1000 memoirs or essays on the specimens in the Collection several of them of
considerable extent. [Gray, 1875]
Management of the Zoological collections
(f. 10) The general management of the business of the Department, the collecting and seeing
after the preservation of the specimens has occupied the greater part of my time and
constant supervision is required to keep the various persons employed and parts of the
Collection in order.
(f. 75) Being convinced that the superintendence, preservation and extension of a collec-
tion, whether of Natural History, Books, Manuscripts, or Antiquities, was as much a
214
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A. E. GUNTHER
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15 March 1837.
JOHN EDWARD GRAY 215
business as any other commercial occupation, and as such required a regular, special
education, a person who is required to successfully carry on a business with a special
knowledge of the subject added, I therefore strongly recommended that a number of
young men should be appointed to learn the business and that those that showed an
aptitude for their work should be promoted, instead of the usual easy system of
promotion according to seniority which drives away all the younger men who feel
that they have higher qualifications and leave only the second rate men who did just
(f. 76) enough to keep their posts. Thus Assistants have left the Museum that are now leaders
at the Bar, Colonial Judges and other holders of important offices, who saw that there
was no chance for their talent under the usual system of seniority.
(f. 67) I always felt great interest in what I felt ought to be a School of Natural Science of
the nation.
(f. 72) The chief cause in my success in founding the very large Zoological Collection has
been the Catholicism of my taste, having had no predilection for any series of animals
but having desired to collect all that came in my way to store them away in their sys-
tematic places, with the history of each specimen attached to it so that they might be
available for the student who might desire to study them, and the student has usually
been astonished at the riches of the part of the collection which he has desired to study,
and that he may use them in every way that is most desirable as if they were his own
on the single condition that they should not be rendered less useful to any student that
might come after him.
(f. 10) I think it is a great proof of the successful manner in which I have collected and
arranged the different parts of the Collection that Walker (69), Smith (70) and other
entomologists have published such extensive Catalogues of Insects, and Dr. Gunther
(71) Catalogues of Fishes, Snakes and Batrachians which he found here ready collected
and roughly arranged, and only awaiting his descriptions.
Duplicates and exchange of specimens
As Gray's uncle, Edward Whitaker Gray, had found in the previous century, and as every keeper
has found since, the disposal of duplicate specimens is more easily planned for than effected. The
problem was that of accepting whole collections when only half the specimens were required.
John Edward got round the problem through his interest in building up collections in the provin-
cial towns; he would see that unwanted specimens did not formally come into the Museum at all,
but went elsewhere. His successor, Albert Gunther, also found that the problem of getting rid of
duplicates gave his staff so much work that they passed it back to himself,
(f. 20) And I was soon convinced that the collection of duplicates was a great evil as they
required as much care as the collection themselves and that it was best to purchase or
select from those presented only specimens which were actually required for the collec-
tion, more especially as the exchange of specimens was very troublesome and led to
much inconvenience, and was in fact returning to the habits of the ruder ages before
the persons had found that it was better to buy and sell for money. I made it a rule to
recommend that the specimens we did not require should be given by their proprietors
to some other institutions or be sold so that those who required them could purchase
them. I am sorry to say that my recommendations of specimens being given away
have not always been so successful as I could wish; as the following details will show;
but I do not regret having followed the plan, and certainly the selection of specimens
we wanted has enabled me with the kind assistance of the Trustees to collect together
the largest and most complete and easily consulted collection of Zoological specimens
and osteological specimens in the World,
(f. 21) Several years ago, accidentally calling on an agent, he informed me he had just
purchased from a person coming from Hudson's Bay a series of skins of a small
Buffalo and that he intended to have them made into rugs or robes. I at once saw that
they were the skins of the Mus[k] ox. Knowing that we had two specimens in the
216 A. E. GUNTHER
Museum which were considered to be the only two known in Europe I purchased on
my own account the whole series and presented a specimen to Paris, Leyden, Frank-
furt, Stuttgart and one or two other towns. I know they were received but I never
received any acknowledgement of their arrival except from Stuttgart. The King of
Wurtemburg kindly sent to the ambassador a decoration of an order, but the ambassa-
dor at once informed him that I should not be allowed to wear it as a civilian and
returned it without my knowledge on which he sent me a gold medal as one of "the
Worthy". (72)
The Museum has very recently received (73) from Germany the offer of a skin of this
animal asking me what price the Museum would give for it and letting me know that a
very large price was expected. Now these animals are found on the coast of Greenland
as well as in the barren parts of the arctic regions, they will probably become more
usual in Museums. The German specimen was probably brought by their late scien-
tific expedition.
(f. 22) Dr. Ruppell on the return from Abyssinia (74) where he travelled for the purpose of
collecting, brought home with him a considerable number of Mammalia and birds for
the Senckenberg Society of Frankfurt and for the purpose of enriching it by the
exchange of his duplicate specimens which he had obtained. He sent a very perfect
series of the Animals and birds to the British Museum. I told him that we had no
specimens that we could offer in exchange for them but that if he would state a price
or appoint a person to state a price I made no doubt that we should agree and that as
he disliked to receive money for his specimens if he went about among the dealers in
London or Paris and selected what he desired and sent the bills to me I would pay
them to the amount which the collection of Abyssinian animals amounted to. After
some objection he agreed to this proposal and made extensive purchases.
Being some years afterwards in Frankfurt I asked Dr. Ruppell how he had succeeded
in the exchanges of his Abyssinian specimens; he said very badly and that the only
place in which he had received a fair return of specimens was from the British Museum.
Yet somehow the Continental and especially American Naturalists seem to be preju-
diced in favour of the barbarous system of exchange in which in general each person
seems to think that he has been over-reached,
(f. 23) The widow of Admiral Sir John Harvey (75) made an extensive collection of shells,
sea-eggs and other animals which she took with her to Edinburgh. When she was
removing from that City she consulted me what she had best do with her collection.
As the Universities were talking of establishing a school of Natural History I recom-
mended that it should be sent to Oxford. She communicated with the Authorities and
they sent a man to pack it up and transmit it to Oxford. Nothing further was heard of
the collection. Some years after meeting Mr. John Phillips at the British Association
meeting at Cheltenham (76) I enquired of him what had become of the collection and
what had been done with it. He declared that he knew of the existence of no such col-
lection in the University and seemed to doubt its ever having been sent there. His
sister was with him and observed, "Why John, it is one of the boxes in the collection
that you found in the basement of the Taylorian Institution and did not know from
whence it came." When I went to Oxford to see the new [University] Museum I
identified many of the shells that came out of that box as being part of Lady Harvey's
collection, but I suppose the birds and other things were destroyed by damp [and]
insects.
Osteology
(f. 24) In 1846 Mr. B. H. Hodgson (77) who during his residence in Nepal collected a very
large series of Mammalia and Birds and their skeletons and gave them to the Museum
on condition that it should print a catalogue of them and distribute the series of
duplicates of them according to their completeness to various British and Continental
collectors. [As] The Catalogue observes, a series was selected from them for the
JOHN EDWARD GRAY 217
British Museum collection and the duplicates were distributed in series and sent to
various British and Continental collections in the following order: —
1. Museum of the East India Company
2. Museum of the University of Leyden
3. Museum of the Garden of Plants, Paris
4. Museum of the University of Berlin
5. Museum of the Senckenbergen Society at Frankfurt
6. Museum of the University of Edinburgh
7. Museum of Trinity College, Dublin
8. Museum of the Natural History Society, Newcastle-on-Tyne
(f. 25) 9. Museum of the Canterbury Natural History Society
10. Museum of the Manchester Natural History Society
1 1 . Museum of the Earl of Derby, Knowsley
12. Museum of Hugh Strickland Esq. Oxford (78)
13. Museum of the Zoological Society.
The duplicates of the osteological specimens were sent to :-
1. Museum of the [Royal] College of Surgeons
2. Museum of the Royal Naval Hospital, Haslar.
Unfortunately many of the specimens [of the skins] had been in the country several
years and from the want of being opened and examined they were not in very good
condition. Perhaps this may explain why I have not observed a single specimen of
any of the birds sent, exhibited in any of the Continental Museums which I have
visited since that time.
(f. 26) The collection of osteological specimens was very important to the Museum as it
was the first large collection of that kind that the Trustees had ever accepted and
it may be considered the basis of the largest osteological collection in Europe that the
Museum now contains (79). The collection sent to the College of Surgeons was found
by Mr. Flower (80) many years afterwards in the box in which they were sent, in the
basement of the College with all the labels rotted, without any indications from
whence they came and Mr. Flower was able to identify them by comparison with the
specimens in the Museum.
(f. 27) On Mr. Burchell's return (81) in the early part of this century [1815] he showed his
collection of skins and mammals to Dr. Leach (34) and presented them to the British
Museum. They were very interesting as being the first South African skins that we had
in the country; but they were taken off the animals and the smaller ones instead of
being rolled up and packed were lying about the waggon while the larger ones, as the
giraffe, were stretched out on the outside of the cover of the waggon. The consequence
was that the skin of the legs had very much shrunk and the hair on many parts of the
body were destroyed so as to quite unfit it for stuffing. The skins of the male and
female giraffe and of the zebras were stuffed at a very great expense and the Museum
were quite as much abused for showing such bad specimens as it was for not having
more stuffed by those who did not know their state.
(f. 28) Fortunately Major Hamilton Smith (82) examined and drew all the specimens when
they first arrived; he had the habit of drawing animals as if studied from life whether
he took it from a few fragments as the head, tail and limbs, from an important skin
in a bad state or from a bad wood-cut or figure such as those in Piso & Margrave,
[sic], (83) or from a worse sketch, so that his figures must not be taken as representing
the state of the specimens when he saw them. I speak this from personal knowledge as
I was often with him when he made the figures from Burchell's specimens and from
other sources. Mr. Burchell was a peculiar person; he gave out that he was going
abroad, but took a small lodging at Blackheath and there composed the first volume of
the early part of his travels which only are published. (84)
218 A. E. GUNTHER
(f. 29) He kept the birds and other specimens he collected, had some of the birds stuffed
and had all the specimens placed in boxes and carefully papered up. They remained
in this state during his journeyings in Brazil (85). He was a very careful man and all
his collections of animals, insects and plants were placed in order, in a large room,
at the back of his house at Fulham. But being fond of drawing and music, especially
the organ, he did very little in Natural History during the latter part of his life.
When Dr. Ruppell (74) came to England after the Abyssinian Expedition (86) and
was very anxious to see some of Mr. Burchell's birds, I took him to see my kind friend
and after considerable hesitation he agreed to show him some of his African type
(f. 30) specimens: but there was a difficulty about getting the boxes open. We went down a
second time in a few days, provided with a hammer and chisel to prevent a recurrence
of the same difficulty. Mr. Burchell laughed at our persistence and agreed to our
opening the box containing the Vultures which was most carefully packed, but when
opened it contained nothing but the naked skull, arm and leg bones, all the rest had
been eaten up, and this was unfortunately the state of all the boxes of African birds
which we examined much to our grief and disgust: for the remains showed that
Burchell had collected in the early part of the century many species which were
described for the first time by Dr. Ruppell half a century later. When Mr. Burchell
died, the insects, skulls of animals and the zoological specimens collected and left
by Mr. Burchell were given by his sister to the Museum at Oxford, and the dried
plants etc. to Kew.
Provincial museums
Since accepting gifts of whole collections meant loading the Museum with duplicates it did not
want, Gray went to great pains to deflect them elsewhere. It was a policy that ran counter to that
accepted at Montagu House where duplicates crowded the basement for the enjoyment of moths
and ptini.
(f. 1 10) I have endeavoured to assist in the formation of Museums not only in the provinces
and in Australia but in the Universities, (f. 73) It was on my recommendation that the
late Lord Derby gave his collection to the town of Liverpool . . . (87) I also gave great
assistance in procuring and sending Massena's Collection of Birds to Philadelphia (88),
and especially in greatly extending the National Museum of Melbourne in Victoria
(89) and the herbarium of Trinity College, Dublin (90), with a very large collection of
plants of all countries formed in Belgium.
(f. 110) At my recommendation Mrs. McCulloch [sic] sent her husband's very extensive
Collection (which paid legacy duty as being worth a thousand pounds), of minerals
and geological specimens to the University of Oxford; although we knew that the
Collection arrived safe neither Mrs. McCulloch or I ever received thanks for the pre-
sent. And I believe that the Collection is put away in some unknown place, for one
cannot conceive that a Collection consisting of a number of very heavy cabinets of
between 4 and 5 feet by 3, have vanished into thin air (91).
More lately Mr. Robert MacAndrew, after a consultation with me, left his large
Collection of Shells, and Natural History books to one of the Universities, [Cambridge]
having in my own mind no predeliction for one over the other at his death, which has
just occurred (92).
I need not add that a self-taught man as I am I ever received the slightest recognition
of my exertions in the cause of Science from either of the Universities.
Botanical Society of London, 1836
After the publication of A Natural Arrangement in 1 821 and his rejection as Fellow by the Linnean
Society in February 1 822, Gray turned, under Leach's influence, from botany to zoology, although
he probably continued botanical lecturing for his living. But he never lost his interest in botany
and maintained contact with it through the Botanical Society of London (Gunther, 1975 : 74)
^< /cc^rtn^f.
JOHN EDWARD GRAY
219
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Sketches by Gray (c. 1830s) of the lay-out of the Edinburgh Museum made in preparation for the
final move into the New Museum in c. 1840.
220 A. E. GUNTHER
from 1 836, through his great friend in the M useum, John J. Bennett ( 1 80 1 - 1 876), Keeper of Botany
from 1858, and through his wife's interest in algae in which she was to become expert. His editing
of R. A. Salisbury's Genera of Plants in 1866 has been mentioned above (44).
(f. 9) Some years afterwards [in 1836] when I had chiefly turned my attention to Zoology, a
number of British Botanists who were chiefly young men and all unknown to me per-
sonally, formed themselves into a Society under the name of the Botanical Society of
London (93), and invited me to become their President, as they looked upon me as the
introducer of the Natural System of Plants to the British Botanist. The object of the
Society was to read papers, to form a Collection and to receive from its members
Collections of British Plants and to distribute them among the members to complete
their herbaria. Mr. Watson, who was a Vice-President of the Society, undertook to
examine all the specimens and see that they were properly named before they were
distributed, and compiled the greater part of his Cybele from the Collection thus ex-
amined and a Catalogue of British Plants for the use of the members which has gone
through many editions. Mr. Symes [sic], the editor of the last edition of the English
Botany was the Curator of the Society's Collection.
After several years, [when] the Society seemed to have done its work of distributing
well named specimens, [the] opportunity was taken of the death of several of the more
active members and the removal from London of others to dissolve it [in 1857].
Portraits of the President, Vice-President and Secretary having been painted for the
Society by subscription, on its dissolution it presented my portrait painted by Mrs.
Carpenter [1793-1872] to the Royal Society.
Museum policy in the 1850s
In 1859, Gray appears to have discussed with some unnamed official his work of building up
natural history collections in other institutions, from the duplicates that came his way. Whether
or not this was a member of the staff of the Museum is not clear, but it may well have been with
Professor Owen who had lately entered the Museum as Superintendent of the Natural History
Collections. Gray's ideas were expressed in a letter which clearly summarizes his experience and
opinions.
(f. 132) My dear Sir,
As you appeared interested in the observation I made with respect to the idea which
I have long entertained of making use of the duplicates in the Museum of use to the
different scientific and especially the educational institutions of the country I herewith
send you an account of what I have hitherto done and the manner in which I think it
may be carried into execution.
Finding with every care, it was impossible to prevent the Museum from collecting
some duplicates and believing that with very little additional expense we might easily
collect many specimens of the more common kind, in 1837 I induced Mr. Children,
the then Keeper of the Zoological Department, to report to the Trustees that it would
be desirable [and] to the Museum's great advantage [for] facilitating the study of
Natural History if the Trustees would send series of duplicates properly selected and
named, [based on] the outline of the arrangement of the Animal Kingdom, to the
different local institutions. The Trustees entered into the idea but felt that it could not
be carried into execution without the consent of the Treasury and they referred the
question to their consideration. They replied as follows on ? July 1859 [reply not
available].
(f. 133) [On] June 10 1859, a letter dated 8 June was read from the Treasury in answer to the
Secretary's letter of 25th May.
The letter stated that "their Lordships respected the liberal feeling which had induced
the Trustees to propose that the duplicate specimens of Natural History in the Museum
should be distributed among the institutions; they were much impressed with the
JOHN EDWARD GRAY 221
opinion that practically such a course would give rise to jealousies, discontent and
complaints which on the whole would counterbalance any public advantage contem-
plated by the proposed course and therefore suggested the propriety of selling the
duplicate specimens however small their value by auction in such a way as the Trustees
might think more expedient".
This was probably a wise determination at that time as far as the government was
concerned, but being convinced of the desirability of distributing the specimens sent,
I have tried to carry out the plan privately as far as I have been able in my power
making it a rule when a collection has been offered to the Museum to select the
specimens only when we absolutely required and recommending the proprietor to
send the remainder of its numerous series of the specimens to other institutions.
In 1845 when Mr. Hodgson (77) sent his very large collection of the skins and bones
of Indian Mammalia and Birds to the British Museum and he was recommended to
make a distribution of the duplicates - among the larger British and Foreign Museums,
(f. 134) and with the consent of the Trustees the Museum undertook the distribution of them,
and the same course was followed by the Museum with respect to the Fossils from
India collected by Colonel Cautley and Mr. Falconer (94).
In the same manner when Lady Harvey (75) consulted me respecting the disposal of
her Museum [before 1856] as it contained very few specimens required by the British
Museum, I recommended that it should be sent entirely to the University of Oxford,
and when similarly consulted by the Earl of Derby (87) I observed that we already
had so many of the specimens it contained that it had better be presented entire to
some Institution; it eventually becoming the Museum of the Town of Liverpool.
And more lately when the Juligi Society determined to part with their Museum, I
pressed on the Secretary the diversion of the specimens which remained, after the
specimens of more scientific interest had been selected, into a series to illustrate the
classification of the animal kingdom, as to offer them to public institutions at a mod-
erate price and where it is the intention of that gentleman to carry the plan into
execution.
But these means, carry out very imperfectly the object I had in view when I recom-
mended the plan. The Societies and Schools received a number of unnamed specimens
which may often be duplicates of one another of the specimens they already possess.
Instead of having sent to them a series of named specimens selected so as to illustrate
the Classes, Orders and Genera of the Animal Kingdom according to the size of the
collection sections of which would be rendered more complete by periodical additions
according to the number of specimens at the disposal of the Institution,
(f. 135) At various times I have hoped to induce some Naturalist, or a Society of them, to
form a Society for the purpose of distributing names of specimens of animals in the
same manner as the Botanical Society of London have distributed named specimens of
British Plants to their subscribers. The Society received the duplicates from the
different members and sent them in return the species which they require to complete
the collections. The Society in fact undertakes the machinery of, and verifying the
nomenclature of the specimens, and distributing them to where they may be required
as for example the Southern plants to the Northern subscribers and vice versa.
To give some idea of the facilities which the Museum possesses I may state that
after using every care not to take more specimens of a kind that will illustrate the
changes of growth, local varieties and the distribution of each species, (and such as are
required to replace the specimens which may be deteriorated by exposure to light
and the smoke and dust of London), we have added nearly half a million of specimens
to the Collections within the last 19 years [thus written in 1859] and I believe that this
number might have been very considerably increased with a very moderate additional
outlay - so that the chief expense incurred in making the distribution would be the
(f. 136) employment of a few additional assistants to make the selection and distribution of
the specimens.
222 A. E. GUNTHER
I may observe that a small, well-selected collection, is far more useful for study
than a large and more complete one, as it often shows the well marked distinction
between the Genera and large group which are graduated away in a larger series, and
in making selections of the kind I think that care should be taken not to send the same
series of specimens to all the institutions, so that the student may not be all cast in
one mould, an evil much to be feared in governmental education.
[Letter on Museums Policy ends here.]
A Superintendent of the Natural History Collections, 1856
In 1856, the Trustees of the British Museum had resolved to appoint a Superintendent of the
Natural History Collections, both to increase the status of science within the institution, and to
effect the coordination of the four departments: Botany, Mineralogy, Zoology and Geology.
The following draft appears to have been written by Gray as a preamble to his application for
the office, and so has been kept separate from the autobiographical passages that precede and
follow it.
(f. 130) The Trustees of the British Museum having determined to create a New Office under
the style of Superintendent of the Natural History Department, Dr. Gray begs
herewith to lay before the Principal Trustees his application for the office, accompanied
by a short statement of the grounds of his application.
When Dr. Gray was first appointed Assistant in 1824 the whole Zoological Collec-
tion was restricted to two rooms not 50 feet square [50 ft x 50 ft (15 m x 15 m)]. That
inevitably increased and was steadily increasing, both in extent in the facilities which
it offered to the student, in 1834, so that when the parliamentary enquiry was pending
in 1835/36, Dr. Gray was able to meet all the complaints made against it and its
management before that committee. Since that period, as more room has been devoted
to its development, it has been repeatedly increased until it has been almost unani-
mously allowed by all foreign Naturalists who come to consult it, to be the most
complete in Number of Species, the best arranged and named in all its branches, the
most easy of access and offering the greatest facilities for study of any Zoological
Collection in the World.
Dr. Gray was appointed assistant in the Natural History Department on the 24th
December 1824; Assistant of the Zoological Branch of the Department in 1837, and
Keeper of the Zoological Department in 1840, and became Senior Keeper of the
Natural History Department on the death of Mr. Koenig in 1851. Though Dr. Gray
was first appointed and paid by the Trustees in 1824 he had assisted Dr. Leach (34)
to arrange the Collection between 1817 and 1818 and Mr. Children from 1823 to
1824 attending regularly three days per week without any remuneration simply for the
desire to render the Collections useful to the public and to increase his knowledge of
the subject.
Dr. Gray, when first appointed, was employed under Mr. Koenig (51) in all parts
of the Collection, and besides his knowledge of Zoology, to improve himself in
Mineralogy, he formed a considerable private collection of Minerals (now with his
daughter at Liverpool), arranged according to the most advanced state of the science;
and from his knowledge of Botany he has been President of the Botanical Society of
London from its establishment in 1836. In this period Dr. Gray wished simply to
prove that he took an interest in all the branches of the department and was not likely
to neglect or show partiality for any particular department.
Dr. Gray has made it a rule to spend the greater part of his annual vacations in
visiting the different continental museums to make himself acquainted with the manner
in which they are conducted and arranged, how named and catalogued, and to meet
the different dealers residing on the Continent (95). The result has been that he has
been enabled [to make] such a business connection with them that they uniformly
JOHN EDWARD GRAY 223
make the first offers of all the specimens that come with their properties to the British
Museum as the best customer who gives them the most rapid reply to their application.
Greater distribution of scientific works
(f. 136) Believing that books of a higher class are as much wanted in the Education Institute
as specimens, in 1847 [1846] I was induced to write to Lord John Russell and sent a
copy of it to Mr. [Thomas] Wise [MP] who had been my colleague on the Council of
the Central Society of Education, the following letter (96):
British Museum
10 July 1846
My Lord
I beg to lay before you the following scheme for encouraging Literature and the
Fine Arts and spreading a taste for them amongst the masses of the people.
1st. The Government should subscribe for a certain number (50 or 60) copies of the
expensive Illustrated Works published in this country, for this purpose a large annual
sum would not be required. Great care should be taken that only works of the highest
character are thus encouraged.
2nd. That the copies so taken should be lent to different Mechanics Institutions,
Schools of Design or other poorer associations of the kind; to be returned if the
Institution should happen to be dissolved and then sent to other like Institutions.
The East India Company have for some years been in the habit of subscribing for a
certain number of copies of works relative to India, but they give the copies to rich
individuals and endowed and public Libraries which would otherwise often purchase
such works and the sale is thus injured. Yet under their patronage many very valuable
and beautiful works have been published.
As I am almost unknown to your Lordship I may state I have had some experience
on this subject, first as being the author of the Illustrations of Indian Zoology [Gray,
1830-1834] which was the forerunner of the magnificent works of Lear, Wallich,
Gould (97) and others. Secondly, as the founder of the largest and most flourishing
Mechanic's Institution near London, and lastly from my position in this establish-
ment. I am constantly consulted by Authors, Artists and Publishers of the kind of
works referred to. I am therefore well aware of the difficulties under which they labor
and know that if this kind of encouragement was given, several works which have
been deferred for years would be readily undertaken and from my experience of the
feeling of the working classes lam certain it would be regarded as a great boon and
that having such works within their reach would have an important effect in improving
the taste and encouraging the study of Natural History and Architecture amongst
them.
I may further observe; there are several Illustrated Works entirely prepared at the
government expense which might be sent to these Institutions at scarcely any additional
cost: as for example the Descriptions of the Marbles (containing engravings of each
Statue) the Catalogues of the coins and MSS (containing engravings) published by the
Trustees of the British Museum: The Report on Geology published by the Stationary
Office: The Beautiful Maps published by the Ordnance Office & the Hydrographic
Office of the Admiralty.
It has also been usual of late for the government to make grants to assist in the
publication of certain works, as for example, the New Animals and Plants discovered
in Voyages of Discovery. Under this plan have been produced the Zoology and Botany
of the Arctic voyages of H.M.S. Blossom, Beagle and Sulphur, and now of the
Antarctic voyage (98).
I believe the plan here recommended of subscribing for a certain number of copies
would be more advantageous, as these grants in reality have only been bounties to
certain publishers, and the works have had a very limited sale and often eventually
224 A- E. GUNTHER
got into the hands of some speculating publisher of second-hand works. In conjunction
with Sir John Richardson M.D. I am now editing the Zoology of H.M.S. Erebus &
Terror (99) assisted by a grant from the Treasury. This work unlike others of the kind
has been kept in our own hands and therefore should the government think it desirable
there is no difficulty to the government receiving without extra cost 50 copies of the
part as soon as completed for distribution.
In the subscription list of Dr. Falconer's & Colonel Cautley's work on the Fossils of
the Himalayah (94) I see the government down for 50 copies. I do not know what is
intended to be done with them, but they might be applied to the same purpose.
I am my Lord
Your most obedient Servant
John Edward Gray
To the Right Hon. Lord John Russell, M.P.
and Thomas Wise Esq. M.P.
(f. 136) They [Lord John Russell and Mr. Wise] both informed me that they would take
contd. the suggestion into consideration but as yet I have never heard that the plan has not
been acted on. Since that date several grants towards the publication of Natural
(f. 1 37) History works have been made but for some reason the grants of several have not been
demanded and the works have not appeared. The one or two which have been offered
have proved how completely such grants fail in the object intended. On the other hand
since that letter was written, a series of Catalogues of the Zoological Department of
the Museum with the sanction of the Trustees have appeared, some of them from the
first zoologists of the day. I am aware that the earlier catalogues were mere lists of
the species contained in the Museum but they have gradually improved in their form
as the Trustees felt themselves at liberty to encourage their publication and lately
some of them have grown popular and others are woodcuts illustrating the genera
and showing the more interesting and newly described species contained in the
Collection. They are not as yet as perfect as I could wish, as I should desire that they
should combine with the scientific character of the text the higher degree of artistic
talent combined with the regular degree of scientific accuracy, and as each catalogue
has appeared that has been the desire aimed at.
These catalogues are sold at the cost price of production and some have had such
(f. 138) a sale (though they are only partially advertised) as to call for a second edition, and
the Trustees have given them to various scientific institutions which have requested
them, but there could be no difficulty in their being more extensively translated if it
were considered desirable as the loss if printed a certain number of extra copies when
the work is in proof is but a small item in the general cost.
One sometimes sees in the List of Subscribers to Works, some of the government
offices, as the Foreign Office for example, down as a subscriber for a number of copies
of Works of Travels, and I have been informed that these copies are distributed. If
the plan I mention was adapted it would produce a machinery by which all the works
supported by the government might be described in a definitive manner in such a way
as the most advantageous to the public and author, and least injurous to the publisher
and through him the general public.
Gray's difficulties and achievements
In May 1869, Gray suffered a stroke more disabling than any of the series that had started from
his sixtieth year. Evidently thinking that he would not long survive it, William Flower (80), then
Conservator at the Royal College of Surgeons, anticipating an obituary, wrote to Gray who dic-
tated a reply on 14th May. Another letter to an unknown enquirer was written in 1873, and both
are reproduced here. They show not only what Gray considered he had achieved, but also the
difficulties that had been put in his way.
JOHN EDWARD GRAY 225
"To William Henry Flower F.R.S., Royal College of Surgeons
British Museum
14 May 1869
(f. 128a) My dear Flower
In reply to your question I send you the enclosed notes; you may use them at your
discretion.
When circumstances rendered it desirable that I should study medicine I attended
the lectures on Botany at Maze Pond given by Mr. William Salisbury (31). When
he failed [in business] (100) I was requested by the Class (Clift being one) to
finish the course although yet a lad. Being fresh from reading the very scientific
papers of Robert Brown [1773-1858], of R. A. Salisbury (36) and the works of Jussieu
(41) and Decandolle [de Candolle] (37) then hardly known in this country, I lectured
on the Natural Arrangement of Plants of Jussieu and with my father in 1821 I pub-
lished a work containing an Introduction to Botany and a Flora of Britain being the
first elementary work and Flora of Great Britain published on the system. The
elder botanist(s) objected to the innovation but the system is now universally adopted.
I continued to lecture at Maze Pond and Hatton Garden School and gave a course
at St. Bartholomew's to my fellow pupils there before 1821.
In one of my ethnological excursions I became acquainted with Dr. Leach (34) and
I assisted him at the Museum between 1817 and 20 (101). I was in hope of succeeding
him or rather of being temporarily employed while the situation was kept open for
him in the hopes that he [would] recover but failed.
In 1822 I became acquainted with Mr. Children (58) and at his request assisted him
without pay until 1 824 when at his request I was temporarily employed at the Museum
at a daily salary and it may be said that the present zoological collection has been
formed by me. When first there I paid for the spirit and bottles out of my own pocket.
Before the Parliamentary Committee of 1836 there was a small grant for Natural His-
tory generally, but Mr. Koenig spent it all for minerals, and as he had control of the
fund, the share to zoology was very small averaging under £20 per ann. but this was
altered in 1836 on my recommendation. The Zoological Department was separated
from the other and had a grant of its own and from that time may be dated the
creation of the present collection. Before 1836 the whole zoological collection was
contained in a few small rooms. Mr. Children kindly allowed me to have control of
the department and grant and in 1840 when he resigned I was appointed Keeper. I
added the collection of osteology in 1845 when Mr. Hodgson (77) offered his collec-
tion. At my suggestion he offered the collection of skins if we would accept the bones
with them and not without, the Museum accepted. Before that period Sir R. Inglis
(67), at the instigation of the Curator of your Museum opposed the purchase of the
bones and even our having skeletons prepared from any animal we received in the
flesh as he said it was injurious to your [our] institution. Soon after I was appointed
I commenced the Catalogues but I had much opposition to encounter. As the other
departments did not publish them I was obliged to commence with small lists of names
only, then lists with descriptions of new species and some synonyms, but I could not
exceed the 12mo size. At length I was allowed to add the description of all the species
and some illustrations and print them in 8vo. Then I commenced some 4to catalogues
illustrated with plates, more of these would have been published but some objections
were offered by Professor Owen [ 1 804-1 892] to the last and no more have been printed.
Knowing how little time I had for the work myself and how much better a person
with a speciality could do the work I employed certain persons to make a catalogue of
special portions of the collection, that is how Dr. Gunther was first employed and how
Dr. Kaup, Dr. Hagen, Mr. Desvigne, Mr. Dallas, Mr. Westwood, Mr. Wollaston,
Mr. Newport and others were employed (102). It required considerable discretion to
induce them to undertake such work. Lately Prof. Owen, by a new reading of the
John Edward Gray, c. 1872-1874. From a photograph.
JOHN EDWARD GRAY 227
regulation under which he claims the right to alter the MS., has caused Wollaston,
Hewitson and all the other persons I employed (except F. Walker) to refuse to under-
take any other work of the kind so that I can now only depend on my own labour and
those of my assistants. I do hope the evil may be remedied when he sees the effect his
order has produced.
No one knows the difficulties that have been put in my way whenever I tried to take
a step in advance either as to extending the collection and preparing Catalogues. Mr.
Panizzi (103) set his face against all printed Catalogues.
With kindest regards
My dear Mr. Flower
Yours ever sincerely
John E. Gray [in own hand]
William Flower, F.R.S.
Letter to an unknown correspondent
(f. 109) 26 May 1873
My dear Sir,
Thanks for your note and its contents. I send you a continuation of my former letter.
Yours very truly,
I have studiously avoided uniting myself to any party in Science or among scientific
men, as Science is progressive, and one's opinion changes, and a party after a time
becomes a defender of what is not for the best. Such a person I am aware has to pay
the penalty of unpopularity, and of not having the rewards usually given to partisans,
and therefore I do not make the following statement as a complaint, which no doubt
would not have occurred if I had acted differently, but merely as a matter of experi-
ence.
I have had some influence on the Botany and Zoology of the country. In early life
I introduced the Natural System of Plants to the English reader which is now, after
fierce opposition, universally adopted. I established the Botanical Society and was
President of it the many years that it existed because the members considered me the
"apostle of the Natural Method". That Society was the foundation of the "Cybele
BritanniccC of Mr. Watson and the basis of the best 'English Floras' of Symes, Hooker
etc. (93). I have formed at a very modest outlay the largest and best arranged Zoo-
logical Collection in existence, and conducted it in such a manner as to make it the
most accessible to students of this and other countries. I have done my best to form
and see after the arrangement of local collections in England and Australia. I have
spent my vacations in visiting all the Museums in Europe at my own expense, and in
the more important ones repeatedly to keep myself acquainted with their contents,
regulations and management. I have published several scientific books, not as a matter
[of] trade, but for the extension of zoology, both as works of local zoology and as
Catalogues of the Collection in the British Museum. I have published several papers
in the [Philosophical] Transactions of the Royal Society and more than a thousand
Essays on Natural History in the different journals the larger proportion of which is
in the Royal Society Catalogue, but the number is greatly increased in a private list
which I have printed [Gray, 1875] independently of the many Essays on Social,
Educational and Economical subjects only of temporal interest, I have not thought it
worth while to keep a list,
(f. 1 10) 1 have studied every branch of Zoology some more in detail than others and have
paid most attention to the part which I thought was most neglected, and I have done
much to extend our knowledge of mammalia and Reptiles. [I have] collected in the
Museum every class of animals, arranged them as best I could, and put them aside
until a student of the parts that I could not attend to in detail should arise.
228 A. E. GUNTHER
I have produced a thorough revolution in the study of Mollusca and their Shells
which has been universally adopted in England, in Germany, and partially in France,
for there they only make starts in science by jumps, and zoology, since the time
of Cuvier and Lamarck (49), has been in a state of quiescence.
After all these exertions in the cause of Natural Science I have not been considered
worthy by the Royal Society of receiving their Royal Medal. I am almost the only
naturalist, a Fellow of the Royal Society, who has had papers published in the [Philo-
sophical] Transactions, that has not received that Medal, and some have received it on
very small claims, and several who have not even written papers for the Society.
I believe that an aged botanist, a contemporary of my own in my youth who has
published much on botany both in the Linnean Society Transactions and indepen-
dently but has not published a paper in the [Philosophical] Transactions of the Royal
Society, has been equally forgotten with myself.
Social and cultural interests
That the conditions under which Gray served his apprenticeship predisposed him to question
social conditions, is evident from what he records in his Autobiography of his adventures as a
surgeon's assistant at Wapping, and by his concern as a young man for the abolition of the slave
trade and for prison reform. After 1826, marriage and residence at Blackheath brought him into
the affairs of the local community and into local government. That year he went on his first
continental tour (he had been to Paris to study before), returning with broader cultural interests,
which took the form of concern for some neglected portraits in Montagu House.
Royal portraits
(f. 74) [In 1827] I had to go to the attics of Old Montagu House for Mr. Children (58), who
like the Officers, had a room there. I observed a large series of oil pictures without
frames and in the passages a number of frames without pictures. At my leisure I
fitted the pictures to the frames and hung them up over the book cases of the rooms
that were occupied as studies of the Zoological Department, placing the series of
Kings in the largest room and the other pictures where they would best fit. I incurred
a good deal of ridicule because I placed the picture of Oliver Cromwell in the series
of Kings.
It is an instance of the perverseness of man, showing how one gets punished for good
actions. When they were moved into the New Gallery [of the new British Museum]
over the King's Library, the upper part of the room was set aside for the series of
pictures which they now occupy (104), so that the Zoological Department was de-
prived of space by my taking care of them, as they occupy the part of the Gallery which
in my plan was intended for the cases offish, reptiles etc. in spirits arranged in opaque
cases. It is to be hoped some day that the greater part of them indeed all that are worth
keeping will be incorporated with the National Portrait Gallery which they would
much enrich.
Mechanics Institutes
(f. 12) After my marriage [in 1826] I lived at Blackheath (105) and took an interest in my
(f. 77) neighbours. One day Mr. Mallet informed me that the Society (106) which had existed
for several years was going to meet that night to be dissolved. I went at the time
appointed, introduced myself to the few persons present, among others, to Mr. John
Bennett (107), one of the Secretaries, the present Sheriff of London, and proposed
that the Society should be kept together for at least another year and that instead of
being dependent upon subscriptions and donations, the members should put their
shoulders to the wheel and depend entirely upon their own exertions; that I and a few
of my friends would join the Society as members but would only pay the common
subscription and act as the other members of it.
JOHN EDWARD GRAY 229
We gave lectures, established a lending library to which I lent, but afterwards gave
a few hundred books. The Society soon became a success, the only difficulty we had
to encounter was the opposition of the established clergy of Greenwich and their
supporters. They succeeded in getting us turned out of two or three school rooms
rented to lecture in. Eventually the Society built a theatre, most excellent reading rooms
which Mr. Wise said were better than any then existing club in London and a large
school attached to it. The Society is still prospering though most of the Institutions
of the same kind called Mechanics Institutes or some similar name have ceased to
exist.
After the passing of the Reform Bill [in 1832] I took some interest in the election
for West Kent and also the Borough of Greenwich (108). Some of the members of
the Greenwich Society consulted me whether I would stand for the borough but I at
once declined as it would be inconsistent with my duties and interfere with the object
I had set myself to perform. A larger party memorialised the Government that I
should be put in the Commission of the Peace. I had some communication with the
Government, but declined from the cause above cited, but at the same time recom-
mended as more fitted for the occupation my friend Mr. Thomas Lewin, a barrister
and man of leisure and brother-in-law of Mrs. Grote. He was appointed. The Con-
servatives wished to know if I would accept the being named as a member of the Turn-
pike Trust, but I declined on the same grounds, feeling sure that I never could attend
either as a magistrate or trustee except on particular occasions when I should have
to vote on a party question.
Life saving
(f. 17) When in Hamburg [in 1831], having observed that they used a wicker boat covered with
hide and having an open well in the centre for the recovery of persons who had fallen
into the water, I purchased one of these boats and presented it to the Royal Humane
Society (109) and this boat served as a model for all improved machines that are now
in use for the recovery of persons who have fallen into the water by which they are
taken out of the water by a [boat] with a central vacancy and not as formerly from a
side of a boat. The Humane Society elected me an Honorary Life Member (1 10) for
the interest I had taken in the subject.
Shortly afterwards M. Le Roi d'Etoile [sic] (111) was staying with me and drew my
attention to a pamphlet that the use of bellows for the recovery of drowning persons if
employed effectually was sure to kill them, even if they were not drowned. [In 1832] I
sent a pamphlet to the Humane Society and finding out they did not understand
French, I had it translated for them. Not hearing that they had taken any steps to put
an end to the use of the bellows, I wrote to them again and found that I had made a
mistake in supposing they had immediately adopted the conclusions of the pamphlet,
(f. 18) and was informed that if they did, it would have a bad effect on the Society (112),
they overlooking the fact that anyone who searches the history of the Society will
find that with the improvement in knowledge, almost all the means they had at one
time recommended for the recovery of persons, had gradually been moved into the
list of means that were to be avoided like the hanging up by the heels, and rolling in
a cask.
On thinking on the question it appeared to me that artificial respiration might be
induced by the regular alternate compression and relaxation of the chest, and I found
it quite successful in the case of a child that had fallen in the water, when I used a long
towel tied round the chest with a stick inserted so that the chest was contracted [when]
twisted, and it dilated of its own elasticity when untwisted, but this was too simple
for the Society or rather I had lost their confidence. They referred the question to a
Committee of medical men and they recommended that the chest should be contracted
by a bit of linen torn into strips at each end, and interlaced, and each end to be pulled
by a separate person, not seeing that it would not act without the operators acting in
230 A. E. GUNTHER
unism, a thing very difficult to obtain especially between two strangers, whereas the
single towel and the stick was like a tourniquet and entirely under the control of a
single operator.
Insanity
(f. 13) Experience has taught me that it was necessary, if I was to retain my mind in a fit
state to do its work, that I should vary my labours by taking up now and then some
object of study.
My medical education has made me take interest in the health of towns and in the
improvement of Sewage. At length the Government saw the necessity of undertaking
this question (113) and I received an offer from them to be appointed Officer of Health.
I stated I did not wish to give up my present appointment and duties, but I recommen-
ded a young medical man whom I had known for some time and believed to be fitted
for the post, and he was appointed.
In the same manner I took a great interest in the treatment of the insane. As the
treatment of the private madhouses and charitable institutions had been improved, I
observed that of the Army and Navy was carried out in the old barbarous system. I did
my best to call the attention of the Government and to interest the officers in charge
of these institutions in adopting the improved method, and got my friend, Sir J.
Richardson (99), to bring the question of the management of Haslar before the
Admiralty, and took him to see the lunatic asylum at Hanwell under the direction of
Dr. Conolly (114). Dr. Richardson made several reports upon the great improvement
in management and on the diminution of expense to the Admiralty, who at length
gave him directions to introduce it into Haslar Hospital that was under his charge and
he recommended that his assistant, Dr. Anderson should be appointed to carry the
alteration into effect and we had the happiness of seeing its beneficial influence on the
patients.
Penny postage
On the subject of Penny Postage (or rather what led up to it in its final form) Gray wrote or
dictated no less than six versions of what he considered his contribution to have been, and like
that in his Hand Catalogue of Postage Stamps (Gray, 1862), not all are carefully expressed, so
that there is little to be gained by placing the versions along side each other. The present writer
would not go further than to admit Gray's claim that, after reading H.B. Parnell's (1846-1891)
On Financial Reform (Parnell, 1832), he suggested a 'small uniform rate of postage be pre-paid
by stamps' at the receiving office.
(f. 139) I am well aware that the best of schemes even such as are declared to be the greatest
benefit to humanity and when once established and gradually become of very general
adoption require long and continuous agitation before they can be adopted. This is
well illustrated by the "Penny Postage" ... I don't mention this subject with any
intention of claiming any part of his (Sir Rowland Hill's) well earned reputation for
(f. 140) I never could have bestowed even if I had the talent, the labour which he devoted to
the subject without neglecting my duties at the Museum, the improvement of and the
extension of the usefulness of which was the aspiration of my early youth and has been
my continued desire.
(f. 15) Having read Parnell's [Baron Congleton] work on Taxation and then having seen
that stamps were the most economical system of collecting money for fiscal purposes
and observing that newspapers were carried by the post when stamped, it occurred to
me that stamps might be beneficially applied to the postage of letters. When Mr. Hill
(115) had shown that the distance which letters were carried was a very small part of
the expense and he proposed a uniform rate of postage, I suggested and used my best
endeavours to have that postage collected by stamps, but my chief opponent was
JOHN EDWARD GRAY 231
Mr. Rowland Hill, who in both editions of his pamphlet and in his evidence strongly
urged the advantage of the postage being paid in money, but when he found that the
(f. 16) issue of stamps was to be tried, he recommended the adoption of a pictorial envelope
(116) which so disgusted the public that it was obliged to be given up, and the stamps
became universally used in its place.
The use of stamps has been adopted for collecting various other duties, and in
nearly all the different parts of the world. Oddly enough Mr. Hill, who recommended
the penny postage on the grounds of its economy, seems to have been alarmed at his
own plan, and urged the use of stamps being left optional, so requiring a large staff to
keep the account of unpaid letters sent to or from the different post offices, which as
I have repeatedly pointed out, might, by a very simple arrangement be obviated, the
postage on unpaid unstamped letters being collected by the post-master of different
places who had to deliver them, he putting on stamps for the postage and receiving
the money for the stamps so put on, from the receiver.
John Edward and Maria Emma Gray were among the first, and were perhaps the first joint, stamp
collectors. Unable to resist making a catalogue, Gray's Hand Catalogue of Postage Stamps (1862)
was among the first five to be issued in Britain (117). The Catalogue went through four editions
before being taken over by a professional editor, Overy Taylor in 1870.
(f. 14) I collected the postage stamps used in different countries and finding that the collection
of them became a kind of rage and that it might be useful in extending a knowledge of
geography among the public, I printed a Catalogue of them. This Catalogue has gone
through several editions and now seems to have supplanted several imitations of it,
that were published.
Decimal coinage
(f. 14) [In 1853] I became interested in the agitation to introduce a decimal system of coinage.
I wrote a letter that appeared in the Times (118) on the Poor Man's Penny, and at
length took such interest in the question that I collected all the books and papers
written on different sides of the question, and made a collection of the various coins
in circulation in different parts of the world. I placed these collections at the disposal
of the Royal Commission (119) appointed to examine into the question, which for a
time occupied considerable attention.
During the time of the discussion the Master of the Mint died, and it appears to
have got abroad that I was a Candidate for the situation from the attention that I had
paid to coins and coinage. I received a visit from Dr. Graham (120) and Mr. Brande
(121), who were both candidates to know if there was any truth in the report. I soon
put their minds at rest by informing them that I only studied the subject of coin and
coinage as a diversion and was satisfied with my present position. I suppose that my
letters and evidence on this subject showed that I had mercantile capabilities for I
had offers from more than one commercial house to join them and to become a
Director of more than one Company.
On Francis Galton's eminent men
In 1874, within a year of his death, Gray was reading Francis Galton's (1822-1911) recently
published English Men of Science, their Nature and Nurture (1874). Partly paralysed, and unable
himself to write more than a few words, he dictated the reactions which illustrate his social
philosophy. In his solution to the problem of human betterment, Galton inclined to favour an
'elite' of an educated upper class, but in this volume he fell into a strange contradiction which
Gray, whose concept of society did not include an 'elite', was quick to spot. Galton could not both
claim that his upper class was replenished from below, which had been a constant feature of
English society, and that his lower class remained as a 'residuum' (see f. 41 below).
232 A. E. GUNTHER
In making his case Gray named eight scientific institutions (see 39 and 42 below) which, in 1 874,
employed about forty scientific men and mathematicians. On a recent analysis, as far as it can be
made, it seems these men received education at one of three 'levels', to a great extent representing
their social class:
Nos. involved
Upper Level University or medical 14
Middle Level Good school and/or parent having some means of
influence to guide career 17-19
Lower Level Boy from poor home, making own way 7-9
Those educated at a 'lower' level, whom Gray may have had in mind in showing that ability
was no monopoly of class, were :
Thomas Davies (1837-1892), mineralogist, British Museum.
N. E. Brown (1849-1934), Royal Botanic Gardens, Kew.
John Lindley (1799-1865), botanist, University College, London.
Henry Keeping (1827-1924), Woodwardian Museum, Cambridge.
W. C. Williamson (1816-1895), natural history, Owen's College, Manchester.
John Phillips (1800-1874), geologist, Oxford.
William Ellis (1828-1917), Royal Observatory, Greenwich.
William C. Nash (1841-1926), Royal Observatory, Greenwich.
As Gray realized, his family over the generations was in no way inferior, in spite of the poverty
of his father, to the Galtons, and having himself risen the hard way, Gray found himself more in
sympathy with the self-made men of the period than with any, so-called, 'elite'. What Gray had
lacked in education remained as a recurrent irritant in his mind.
In childhood, illness and poverty had combined to deny him formal schooling, mainly in
literature and the classics, while his medical education had been of such a nature as to place it
below an accepted university level. Hard though his years from 16 to 23 had been, however, a
university could hardly have given him more.
(f. 32) I understand, when I received Mr. Galton's questions, that the answers were to be
published and therefore only wrote on the form what appeared fit for that purpose, but
Mr. Galton seems, when he saw the answers, to have changed his mind, and to have
only published extracts from them anonymously, and I think when one sees many of
these extracts that he has judged wisely. He very truly observes, p. 147, that many of
his answers were "due to reticence on the part of the writers" and "Again many men
are conceited, but their differences" do not much affect those results.
(f. 33) The replies Mr. Galton has received to his printed questions were 180 and he has
selected rather more than 100 of these for statistical treatment, and he states "It must
not be for one moment supposed that mediocrity is unduly represented in my data."
(p. 11).
(f. 34) One-third of those who sent replies have been educated at Oxford or Cambridge,
one-third at Scotch, Irish, or London Universities, and the remaining third at no
university at all. I am totally unable to decide which of the three groups occupies the
highest scientific position: they seem to me very much alike in this respect, (p. 236).
A curious admission considering the author's predilection for a university education,
and I think it is a proof that the answers he has received are not a fair test of scientific
merit, at least as far as regards natural science - according to my experience. Some of
(f. 35) the answers, for example, are extraordinary. Thus it is given as proof of energy
(Chapter II):
7. Strong when young - walked many a time fifty miles a day without fatigue, and
kept up five miles an hour for three or four hours, (p. 80).
JOHN EDWARD GRAY 233
21. When a boy of 13, 1 walked 48 miles in one day, 50 miles the next, and about 20
miles the third, (p. 88).
As a boy, I worked for three months all day and all night, with not more than four
or five hours sleep, (p. 93).
8. When under 20, I have walked 20 miles before breakfast; when about 32, walked
45 miles; dined and danced till 2 in the morning without fatigue. At the age of
26, during 14 days, was only 3 hours per night in bed, and on 2 of the nights was
up all night preparing for . . . [certain scientific work.]
(f. 36) At aet [age] 6, 1 was given Joyce's Scientific Dialogues ( 1 22), which I soon mastered,
then other books; before aet [age] 8, I commenced making star maps; aet [age]
12-13, I made some geological sections with tolerable correctness: and so on.
(p. 176).
He (Rowland Hill) was noted in youth for powers of mental calculation and in
some points was superior even to Zerah Colburn (123) and George Bidder (124);
thus he could mentally extract to the nearest integer the cube root of any number
not exceeding two thousand millions, (p. 53).
I suppose it was such accounts that Mr. Galton means when he speaks of "too em-
phatic narration of early achievements." (p. 147). Indeed I cannot say that the replies
confirm Mr. Galton's estimate that vanity in scientific men is at its minimum, (p. 148).
(f. 37) It appears to me that the answers Mr. Galton received cannot be a fair representa-
tion of the typical scientific men of the country. First of all I do not think that his
definition of a scientific man is very conclusive, and certainly excludes sundry men
who take a high station in science.
There are men who certainly have done work, but have not received a medal, and
there are other scientific (125) men who do not belong to Dining Clubs; indeed it
appears to me that a great part of Mr. Galton's method of selecting scientific men
seems rather to belong to the social qualities than to their scientific eminence. A
(f. 38) different criterion of eminence is found in the number of eminent men reared in the
universities whither a large proportion of the highest youths of the nation find their
way.
(f. 39) For example, at least 3 of the Professors of Natural Science in Oxford did not re-
ceive a university education and it is natural to suppose, if they were capable of finding
a member of the university, they would rather choose him than select a man who has
been engaged in trade for the greater part of his life. In Cambridge they have selected
for the arrangement of the Woodwardian Museum men who were not educated in the
University. In University College and in King's College (London) the Professors of
Natural Science have not received a university education nor even have been educated
in their own schools,
(f. 40) The Keepers of the departments in the British Museum, belonging to Natural
Science, and the Superintendent of Natural History, have all but one not received a
university education, neither have the assistants of any of them, even of the keeper
belonging to Oxford, and it is the same with the keepers of the other departments of
that Institution - there being only one or at most two university men among them. It
is natural to be supposed, considering who has the patronage, that university men, if
they had the qualifications, would be appointed. Perhaps we shall read Mr. Galton's
remark as a prophecy of what he hopes will be the future and not as a description of
what is.
In the first chapter of his work, entitled Antecedents, Galton outlined the basis of his thesis and
discussed the 'Occupation of Parents and Position in Life', in relation to their offspring. Galton
concluded that:
It is by no means the case that those who have raised themselves by their abilities are
found to be abler than their contemporaries who began their careers with advantages
234 A. E. GUNTHER
of fortune and social position. They are not more distinguished as original investiga-
tors, neither are they more discerning in those numerous questions, not strictly
scientific, which happen to be brought before the councils of scientific societies. There
can be no doubt but that the upper classes of a nation like our own, which are largely
and continually recruited by selection from below, are by far the most productive of
natural ability. The lower classes are, in truth, "the residuum", (p. 23).
Gray's reply to this thesis of Galton's was emphatic:
(f. 42) I must say that this is the direct opposition to all modern history, and certainly
opposed to my own experience. Thus the origination of the Arkwrights, the Rennies,
the Brunels, the Stephensons [George and Robert]; Smith, the geologist; Black,
Priestley, Davy and Faraday, the chemists; R. [Robert] Brown, Lindley, Hooker,
[the botanists]; Wallich [oceanographer] had not fathers, or when they began life, did
not possess the advantages of fortune or social position, they did not belong to the
upper class; [yet] they have been great improvers of science and although some of them
have founded families, all belong to Nature's Aristocracy.
(f. 42) I would observe from my own experience that the majority of the Keepers and of
the senior and junior assistants in the Museum, and the scientific assistants in Kew
Gardens, three of the professors of Natural Science at Oxford, the Professor of Natural
Science at Owen's College and the Professor of Natural Science at the University
College and King's College and several of the assistants at the Royal Observatory who,
one would suppose, are chosen for their knowledge of the subject. They have made
use of the opportunities that their situations have given them to make themselves
leaders and improvers of the sciences which they study and teach. Their fathers and
they had not at the time of their appointment the advantage of future social position,
and one might quote very many other instances, but it would be invidious to do so.(126)
Personal reflections
Although Gray did not write much about himself as a person, except in his letters, for instance to
Mrs. Rose Mary Crawshay (1828-1907) (Gunther, 1975, chapter 15), there is generally a strong
subjective element in what he wrote about his work.
(f. 110) I do not know anything more difficult for an individual to describe than his own
peculiarities. There are so many causes for his misunderstanding himself, but, judging
from the observations and remarks of others, I should say that my character consists
as if often the case of two very opposite qualities. First I am fearless and very obstinate
in doing what I think is just and almost genuinely affectionate to those who are in
distress and wanting my assistance, as is well expressed by Dr. Sharpey (127) who
observed, that "Gray is said to be a quarrelsome man, but that is scarcely a fair
description of him. He will knock you down if he thinks you unjust or untruthful
(128), but at the next minute he will give you his hand and be your friend if he thinks
you want his aid."
On the working of the mind
(f. 6) I believe that with energy and a well balanced mind, which generally produce business
habits, a man with a scientific turn of mind may study with advantage any branch of
science and change them [his habits] according to circumstances, or as he sees it to
be to his advantage. That is the result of my own case.
(f. 11) [In 1829] I undertook, if General Hardwicke (129) would give to the Trustees for
the Museum his collection of drawings and such books in his library and specimens in
his collection as were desirable, that I would figure a selection of the animals drawn
under his direction and to publish a Fauna of India (130). I worked at them at home
of a night after I had finished my duties at the British Museum during the day. It was
JOHN EDWARD GRAY 235
all very well for a time but at length my mind was overworked and gave way. I
struggled against it as long as I could, but at length determined on giving up doing
more in zoology than was absolutely necessary at the Museum, and determined to try
the effect of changing my occupation and oddly enough, as many people will think I
took to the study of theology and with such energy that I had thoughts of becoming a
missionary rather of the Moravian type (131), but by degrees as my mind recovered
its tone, I returned to the study of zoology.
The overworking of the brain on the same subject produces fatigue of the brain
more permanently than is generally suspected. During the time I have been Keeper of
Zoology 4 Assistants have suffered more or less severely from this dreadful malady.
It was Maria Emma Gray who was the pianist and concert-goer, but doubtless John Edward
turned his mechanical talents to improving the instrument, and it would have been unlike him not
to suggest that Miss Broadwood adopt his ideas as the following note suggests:
(f . 53) You may add that Dr. Gray was much attached to the study of music and introduced
some improvement in the construction of the piano which we [offered?] to Miss
Broadwood (132).
Zoological manuscripts
The drawings and other illustrative material assembled by J. E. Gray and held by the Zoological
Library of the British Museum (Natural History) show the style of work he adopted when he
joined Children at Montagu House in 1824. The first task Children gave him was to compile a
Catalogue of Reptiles (Gray, 1825); but it was clear that he soon decided that the whole animal
kingdom should fall within his demesne with the object of building up a Systema naturae on the
Cuvier model. The method adopted was to cut illustrations out of whatever printed sources were
available, stick them on stout cartridge paper sheets of standard size (8|"x 10|") (21-5 cm x 26-7
cm) (identified today by watermarks of 1824, 1825 and 1826), label them, add a reference or two
and notes as he went along, and occasionally a drawing or tracing of his own. How many genera
he made folders of we do not know, but of his Systema there are still preserved many hundred
sheets in total for Mammals, Birds, Reptiles, Shells, Crustacea, Mollusca and Protozoa.
The most complete example of Gray's method is seen in his work on Mammals, the group to
which he contributed most. His Systema naturae, built up of cut-outs pasted on cartridge sheets
fills five boxes (88.q.G: Wm. 1824-1826) which gave the foundation for his volume on the Mam-
malia, being Volume 5 of E. Griffith's The Animal Kingdom (Gray, 1827).
There is usually a documentation gap between this early Systema and the first formal List or
Catalogue. For Mammals, the List was preceded by four pocket-size account books (89.d.G : Wm.
1 842) with notes from literature and foreign museums (presumably made on visits to the Continent),
all of which developed into a later Listing Mammals in Systematic Arrangement (89.o.G: Wm.
1837) going up to the year 1842. The first catalogue (called a List at the time) is dated 1843 under
the title of List of the Specimens of Mammalia in the Collection of the British Museum (Gray, 1843).
Whenever Gray started to lay a foundation for any group, the same procedure is followed: for
birds, reptiles, mollusca, Crustacea, etc. Birds have no less than seven folders, the cut-outs coming
mainly from: Latham (1781-1787), Pennant (1776-1777), Bonnaterre (1782-1832) and Griffith
(1827-1833).
No list or catalogue was made of birds as their care in the Museum passed to Gray's brother,
Robert in 1831.
Reptiles go through the same process with a build up of cut-outs on cartridge sheets with water-
marks of 1824, 1825, which in their case led to a Synopsis of the Genera of Reptiles of 1825
referred to above, and to the Synopsis reptilium of 1831 and 1834 (Gray, 1832 and 1834).
To give an idea of how much may have been lost, there is, in the case of Reptiles, little material
between the build-up for the Synopsis of 1825 and a collection of material made about 1870-1873
236 A. E. GUNTHER
(7i r/ r t / , / — ^
L
A'
1-
TH>< /l/ /S <^/ />%<* »«« ■*»■. <««< <^-
Y/lA- >m. #S«_A. V*
The Classification of Zoological Works. A draft for a proposed classed catalogue of the British
Museum Library in Gray's hand. Left hand column c. 1825, inscription top right c. I860.
JOHN EDWARD GRAY 237
for the Hand List of Specimens of 1873 and subsequently (Gray, 1873). The exception is the pre-
servation of a sheet of notes in Gray'sTiand attached to a list of reptiles made by Darwin on the
Beagle (1832-1836) which came to Gray through Thomas Bell (89.f.D), one of the few links
between Darwin and Gray (133).
What may be remarked upon is the fact that so many, indeed the majority of the sheets and
cut-outs, laboriously built up since their compilation in the 1820s, should have remained untouched
since, as if they formed a canon not to -be disturbed, for one would have thought they would have
received annotations over the years, even decades, unless as each catalogue was produced, it
became in its turn the Systema naturae for each group.
Only in one case, it seems, was the illustrative material gathered between the 1820s and the
1870s rearranged for purposes of study; and this was for the Cetacea and Sirenia. Thus, in two
volumes (bound or re-bound in 1964/65) is found anything from an eighteenth century cut-out,
through a letter from Jonathan Couch, to plates of the 1860s. This, like the other manuscripts
mentioned here, is preserved in the Zoological Department archives.
Acknowledgements
The writer gratefully acknowledges the facilities provided by the Department of Library Services
of the British Museum (Natural History) which made the transcription of these manuscripts and
the examination of Gray's drawings possible. He wishes also to record Mr M. J. Rowland's, the
Chief Librarian's, help with Gray's often puzzling calligraphy, and his constant encouragement
in the course of the work. Thanks are also due to Dr P. J. P. Whitehead and to Mr A. P. Harvey
for numerous comments on the text, and to the latter especially for editing the large number of
draft transcripts into a logical pattern.
Notes
(1) Group portrait by A. Archer, 1819. The Temporary Elgin Room, British Museum, at the
British Museum (Gunther, 1975 : 38).
(2) The relations between Children and Gray at the personal as well as at official levels have
been discussed in Gunther (1977).
(3) Samuel Gray IV (1694-1766) of Pall Mall, London. Seedsman and importer of plants.
(4) John Ray (1628-1705). There is no evidence to support a relationship, unless as a collateral
(Raven, 1950).
(5) Carlton House, Pall Mall was built in 1788, and pulled down in 1828.
(6) Ravensbourne River, between Deptford and Lewisham.
(7) Charing Cross. In another passage (folio 55) Gray writes that the 'glass cutting part of the
business was carried on by the ancestor of the present [1870] celebrated Glass Cutters at the
corner of Pall Mall East'.
(8) In another text Gray gives Yorkshire. Gray visited both, but Pembrokeshire seems more
likely.
(9) Dr William Hunter (1718-1783).
(10) At the Factory House in Oporto, Portugal, from 1773 to 1778.
(1 1) Gray resigned as Secretary at the British Museum in December 1805, but retained the other
two offices until his death.
(12) Sir Humphrey Davy (1778-1829), three papers in Phil. Trans. 1788, 1789 and 1796 and two
Croonian lectures, 1785, 1786 (Gunther, 1976).
(13) Eldest son, Francis Edward Gray (1784-1814) m. Miss Maria Emma Smith (1810) who
became wife of John Edward Gray (1826); second daughter m. Taylor Combe (1774-1826);
Juliana Gray, elder daughter (1775-1837), unmarried; William Herman Gray (1794
ob. inf.).
(14) The child was brought up at Charlton in Kent, the mother retiring to the neighbourhood
of Greenwich on account, perhaps, of the family connections in that region.
238 A. E. GUNTHER
(15) Dr Robert Nares (1753-1829), philologist, who had worked in the British Museum as
Assistant Librarian, and may have got Samuel Frederick Gray work there after his return
to London in 1804.
(16) Elizabeth Forfeit (1777-1852), daughter of a picture dealer in Maiden Lane, Covent
Garden.
(17) The real reason for the breach, though temporary, is not known, perhaps it was because
Edward Whitaker's marriage had been an unhappy one and he did not consider Samuel
Frederick's health conducive to marriage.
(18) Dr Joseph Priestley (1733-1804) may have employed Samuel Frederick before he went to
Walsall, but not in Birmingham where he worked with a Dr Black, as Assayer, of whom
nothing is known.
(19) Dr Charles Hatchett F.R.S. (1765-1847), chemist and mineralogist, coach maker in Long
Acre, a friend of Edward Whitaker Gray who, when Keeper in the British Museum,
arranged the acceptance of the Hatchett mineral collection, the most important of that
period.
(20) George Robert Gray (1808-1872) Assistant Keeper at the British Museum, ornithologist.
(21) Charlotte Frances Gray (b. 1811) m. Samuel Birch (1813-1885) Keeper of Oriental Anti-
quities at the British Museum.
(22) William Thomas Brande, F.R.S. (1788-1866), chemist and apothecary; successively, at
Apothecaries Company, succeeded Sir Humphrey Davy at the Royal Institution, Chief
Officer of Coinage at the Mint, Secretary of the Royal Society.
(23) Mr Wyatt was also employed in the Patent Repository.
(24) Mr Pratt (or Mr Prance) appears to have succeeded Francis Colombine (not Valentine)
Daniell (1765-c. 1825) in the Wapping Pharmacy. Daniell, a native of King's Lynn, had
practised in Wapping since 1788. He claimed to be the inventor of the Life Jacket, for which
he was made a baronet and awarded the Gold Medal of the Society of Arts. The Times of 21
July 1806 recorded an exhibition of Daniel's Life Preserver, which supported the subject
at the surface of the water. He was also the innovator of the 'Medicine Chest for Sea',
provided with a proper selection of the articles required; and he wrote a treatise with
practical directions for diseases common to seamen. Gray's interest in life preserving is
likely to have been derived from his predecessor in the Wapping Pharmacy. (Encyclopaedia
Britannica, Supplement to the fourth, fifth and sixth editions, vol. 6, 1824 : 361 and Gray
c. 1862 :f. 21.)
(25) John Rennie (1761-1821), one of the great civil engineers of the period, at the time being
engaged on the London and East India docks on the Thames. Buried in St Paul's, London.
(26) James Francis Stephens (1792-1852) leading entomologist of the period.
(27) Merriman, no information.
(28) Edward Granger (1797-1824) and Frederick (1791-1864).
(29) David Unwins (1780-1837) of the City and Finsbury Dispensaries.
(30) William Kingdom (d. 1863) surgeon.
(31) William Salisbury (d. 1823), author of botanical works, lectured at Maze Pond, etc.
(32) William Curtis (1746-1799), of the Society of Apothecaries; Praefectus Horti, and Demons-
trator in Botany at the Chelsea Physic Garden, etc., author of Flora Londoniensis, 2 vols,
1777-1798.
(33) William Clift sen. (1775-1849) Secretary to John Hunter, physician; from 1800 Conservator
of the Museum of the Royal College of Surgeons; F.R.S. 1823.
(34) William Elford Leach, M.D., F.R.S. (1790-1836), at the time 'Assistant Librarian' (later
Assistant Keeper of the Natural History Collections) at the British Museum, Montagu
House.
(35) Sir Joseph Banks (1743-1820) of 32 Soho Square, London. This is the only reference Gray
makes to attending the famous breakfasts.
(36) Richard Anthony Salisbury (1761-1829), botanist.
(37) Augustine Pyrame de Candolle (1778-1841).
(38) M. F. Dunal (1789-1856).
JOHN EDWARD GRAY 239
(39) Thompson's Annals, or Annals of Philosophy, a reference to the paper by Gray, S. F., 'His-
torical Sketch of improvements in physical science', in issue of August 1820, pp. 115-130.
(See Gray, 1875, item no 1).
(40) S. F. Gray under whose name A Natural Arrangement of British Plants (1821) was published,
was the sole author of part I in volume I, the rest being John Edward's work under his
guidance, helped by Samuel Forfeit, at that time working at Apothecaries Hall. (See Gray,
1875, item no 4a).
(41) Antoine Jussieu (1748-1836), Genera plantarum, MIA.
(42) Dr John Lindley (1799-1865), author of Introduction to the Natural System of Botany, 1830.
(43) William John Burchell, D.C.L. (1781-1863), explorer and naturalist. (See also note 81.)
(44) R. A. Salisbury's MSS. were edited by Gray under the title of Genera of Plants, London
1866 8vo. Salisbury's drawings are preserved in British Museum (Natural History) Botany
Library, under 582.4/SAL/Q. (See Gray, 1875, item no 719).
(45) A. H. Haworth (1768-1833), a friend from the Little Chelsea days.
(46) N. A. Vigors (1785-1840), F.R.S., M.P. first Secretary of the Zoological Society 1826-1833.
(47) The President was its founder, Sir James Edward Smith (1759-1828).
(48) The Bishop of Norwich who proposed the toast was Edward Stanley (1779-1849), an
amateur naturalist of distinction. The year of the anniversary dinner is unknown, but
probably after Gray became Keeper in 1840. He was elected to the Linnean Society on
7 April 1857.
(49) Baron Georges Cuvier; Jean Baptiste Lamarck (1744-1829); P. A. Latreille (1762-1833).
(50) Encyclopaedia Britannica, Supplement 1815-1824 and Sixth Edition 1823; and Edinburgh,
Encyclopaedia, edition of 1830, p. xii, the volumes appearing from about 1808 (Sherborn,
1937).
(51) Charles Konig (1774-1851), became Keeper of the Natural History Collections in 1813.
(52) House of Commons, Select Committee of 1835, 1836.
(53) 'Mr. Samuel', so written by Gray perhaps out of contempt, was George Samouelle (d. 1846)
(see Gunther, 1977).
(54) Alexander MacLeay (1767-1848), Secretary of the Linnean Society.
(55) Samouelle, G. 1819. The Entomologist's Useful Companion, or an Introduction to the
Knowledge of British Insects. London, 496 pp.
(56) James Sowerby, the elder (1757-1822) (MacDonald, 1974).
(57) The Mechanics Weekly Journal appears to have been sponsored partly by S. F. Gray but
was suppressed by its competitors after appearing between November 1823 and May 1824.
(58) John George Children, F.R.S. (1777-1852) was appointed to succeed Dr Leach in 1821
(formally 8 March 1822).
(59) Capt. F. W. Beechey (1796-1856), in command of H. M.S. Blossom during voyage of 1825-
1828 to circumnavigate the globe.
(60) General Edward Sabine, F.R.S. (1788-1883), later President of the Royal Society.
(61) Francois Peron (1775-1810); C. A. Le Sueur (1778-1846).
(62) Sir Henry Ellis (1777-1869), Keeper of Manuscripts, 1812-1828; Principal Librarian,
(1828-1856).
(63) Gray gave evidence in July 1835 and again in April 1836.
(64) Sir Benjamin Hawes (1797-1862), Member for Lambeth, sponsored the Committee, which
became known as the Hawes Committee.
(65) Although in 1836 Gray was still only as an assistant to Children at 15/- a working day,
most of his recommendations were accepted by the Committee, which brought an adjust-
ment to his salary. Not all the Committee's recommendations were, however, accepted by
the Trustees.
(66) Mr 'Samouel's' [Samouelle's] case was investigated by the Committee (29 July 1835)
leaving little credit to his sponsors.
(67) Sir Robert Harry Inglis (1786-1855), Conservative politician.
(68) John Edward Gray succeeded as Keeper of the Zoological Department on 1 1 April 1 840,
and retained the position for 35 years.
240 A. E. GUNTHER
(69) Francis Walker (1809-1874) (Gunther, 1912: 8).
(70) E. A. Smith appointed in 1867 as a personal assistant to Dr Gray, for the Mollusca and
'Lower Animals'.
(71) Albert C. L. G. Gunther, M.D., F.R.S. (1830-1914) joined the Museum in 1857 to work on
fishes, and became Keeper of Zoology in 1875.
(72) This was arranged in 1862 by Albert Gunther through his friends in the Konigliches
Naturalien-Kabinet at Stuttgart.
(73) About 1870.
(74) Dr Eduard Ruppell (1794-1884) traveller and naturalist. In Abyssinia from 1830 to
1834.
(75) Admiral Sir John Harvey (1772-1837) was on the West Indian station for much of his time.
(76) The British Association met at Cheltenham in 1856, and Professor John Phillips (1800-
1874) had been appointed Keeper of the Ashmolean and University Museum in 1854, and
Professor of Geology from 1856; his lapse of memory is surprising. Phillips was the first
professor to accept Ruskin's concept of what a natural history museum should be (Mallet,
1927 : 361-367). It would have been interesting to have had Gray's comment.
(77) Brian H. Hodgson (1800-1894) British Resident at Katmandu, Nepal (Gray, J. E. and
G. R., 1846).
(78) Hugh E. Strickland (1811-1853) (Jardine, W., 1858).
(79) Before 1845, osteology was the preserve of the Royal College of Surgeons and it was Gray
who suggested to Hodgson that he should make it a condition that the Trustees must accept
his osteological specimens if the Museum were to have the remainder of his collection.
(80) William Henry Flower, F.R.S. (1831-1899), from 1861 Curator of the Hunterian Museum,
and from 1870 Hunterian Professor at the Royal College of Surgeons; Director of the
British Museum (Natural History) from 1884 to 1899. .
(81) William John Burchell (see also note 43) travelled in Southern Africa 1811-1815.
(82) Major Charles Hamilton Smith (1776-1859), soldier and writer on natural history; retired
to Guernsey 1820.
(83) Reference should read: Martius, C. and Piso, G. 1853. Versuch eines Commentars uber
die Pflanzen in den Werken von Marcgrav (1610-1644) und Piso uber Brasilien . . .
(84) As this was written some fifty years after the appearance of Burchell's volumes, Gray's
memory may have been at fault (Burchell, 1822-1824).
(85) Burchell was in Brazil from 1826 to 1828.
(86) Dr Ruppell returned from Abyssinia in 1834.
(87) Lord Derby's (1799-1869) collection at Knowsley Hall given to Liverpool in 1851. (See
Gray, 1875, item no. 311).
(88) Prince Massena's collection of birds bought by Gray in 1846 for the Academy of Natural
Sciences, Philadelphia.
(89) British Museum duplicates to Melbourne and Sydney through G. Krefft in 1860s.
(90) The Keeper of the Herbarium from 1844 to 1866 was William Henry Harvey (181 1-1866),
but there is now no record of a gift having been made.
(91) Dr John Macculloch, M.D., F.R.S. (1775-1835) chemist of the Board of Ordnance;
minerals to Oxford, 1835.
(92) Robert McAndrew (1802-1873) collection of mollusca and marine invertebrates to Cam-
bridge in 1873.
(93) The initiative for the formation of the Society came from Daniel Cooper, A.L.S., its first
curator, and apart from the distribution of plants, it may be credited with three important
works: H. C. Watson (1804-1881), The London Catalogue of British Plants (1844) and
Cybele Britannica (1847-1859); and J. T. Boswell Syme (1822-1888), English Botany,
Third Edition, 1863. The MS. of Gray's presidential address of 1836 is preserved in British
Museum (Natural History) Zoological Department. MSS. 1835-1845: 45 f. unnumbered;
ff. 1-11 (Gunther, 1975 : 77).
(94) Dr Hugh Falconer (1808-1865) in government service in India, Assam and Bengal and
Captain (afterwards Sir) Proby T. Cautley (1802-1871) (Woodward, 1907).
JOHN EDWARD GRAY 241
(95) For Gray's sketch plans of foreign and British museums see British Museum (Natural
History) Zoological Department. MSS. 45 : 1835-1845, ff. 22-34.
(96) In July 1846, Lord John Russell (1792-1878) had just been appointed Prime Minister and
first Lord of the Treasury. The letter is filed in the British Museum (Natural History)
Keeper's Room (Zoology): Foreign Letters, 2 : 214, 10 July 1846. Gray's hand-written
draft will be found in British Museum (Natural History) Zoological Department MSS.
47 : 1844-1846, ff. 202-3.
(97) Edward Lear (1812-1888), G. C. Wallich (1815-1899) and John Gould (1804-1881).
(98) H.M.S. Blossom, 1825-1828; H.M.S. Beagle, 1832-1836; H.M.S. Sulphur, 1836-1842.
H.M.S.s Erebus and Terror, 1839-1843.
(99) Gray is referring to his own contributions on the Mammalia (1844) and Reptiles (1845); of
the work of a group of authors including Sir John Richardson (1787-1865) on Fishes
(1844-1848) of The Zoology of the Voyage of H.M.S. Erebus and Terror during 1839-43.
London, 1844-1875, 2 vols. (See Gray, 1875, item nos 277, 293).
(100) Getting into debt Salisbury was sentenced to the King's Bench prison, hence the phrase 'in
the Bench' (compare Gunther, 1974 : 47 (note 39)).
(101) In his evidence on 2 June 1848 before the Royal Commission '. . . appointed to enquire into
the Constitution and Management of the British Museum' (1850), para. 3346, Gray gives
the years as 1814-1819, but the dates in the letter are more likely.
(102) J. J. Kaup (1803-1873), H. A. Hagen (1817-1893), T. Desvigne (1812-1868), W. S. Dallas
(1824-1890), J. O. Westwood (1805-1893), T. V. Wollaston (1822-1878), G. Newport
(1803-1854) also W. C. Hewitson (1806-1878) and F. Walker (1809-1874) (Gunther, 1912).
(103) Antonio Panizzi (1797-1879), Principal Librarian, British Museum.
(104) See The Great Zoological Gallery, British Museum - Easter Monday, Illus. Lond. News,
11 October 1854 (Gunther, 1975 : 170 note 115).
(105) J. E. Gray married his cousin by marriage, Maria Emma Gray (nee Smith), widow of
Francis Edward Gray (1775-1814) who had purchased Eliot Vale Cottage, Blackheath.
The Grays lived there until 1840 when they moved to the Keeper's Apartments in the British
Museum at Bloomsbury.
(106) Either the Blackheath Mechanics Institute or the Greenwich Society for the Acquisition
of Useful Knowledge.
(107) Sir John Bennett (1814-1897), Councillor of the Ward of Cheap and on London School
Board; brother of William Cox Bennett (1820-1895), a minor poet, friend of Gray's, and
secretary of the Greenwich Mechanics Institute.
(108) The Borough of Greenwich was enfranchised by the Reform Bill of 1832.
(109) Wicker ice-boat designed by Thomas Ritzier.
(1 10) Elected to the honorary office of Steward in 1851, for life.
(111) Leroy d'Etiolles (1798-1860) French surgeon of Paris. In another version Gray states that
his attention was drawn to 'J. Leroy (d'Etoile's)' report by his naturalist friend, Professor
A. Dumeril in 1832.
(112) In 1835 the Society appointed a Medical Committee to consider the new method, and the
credit appears to have been given to their surgeon, Dr John Dalrymple, see Reports of
Humane Society for 1832-1840.
(113) The Municipal Reform Act of 1835 made it obligatory on local authorities to introduce
public utilities such as water supply, sewage, gas, roads and housing.
(1 14) Dr John Richardson was appointed Chief Medical Officer to the new Melville Hospital at
Chatham in 1828, and to the Royal Hospital at Haslar in 1838. In 1839 Dr John Conolly
(1794-1866), a pioneer in the humane treatment of lunatics, was appointed to Hanwell.
(115) Sir Rowland Hill (1795-1879) on Post Office Reform, Reports 1837-1864.
(116) Known as the Mulready envelope.
(117) Gray, J. E., A Hand Catalogue of Postage Stamps for the Use of Collectors, London,
Robert Hardwicke. 1862.
(118) The Times, 23 August 1853, which was followed in the next four years by some 30 letters and
articles to various periodicals.
242 A. E. GUNTHER
(119) There were many Select Committees and Royal Commissions on the question of decimal
coinage from the 1820s onwards, but here Gray refers to the Reports of the Decimal Coinage
Commissioners of 1856-1857 and to its Final Report of 1859, with appendices.
(120) Thomas Graham, F.R.S. (1805-1869), chemist, master of the Mint, 1855-1869.
(121) W. T. Brande, F.R.S. (1788-1866), mentioned previously, was at the time Chief Officer of
Coinage at the Mint.
(122) Jeremiah Joyce (1763-1816), Scientific Dialogues, London 1809, 7 vols.
(123) Zerah Colburn (1804-1839), American mathematician prodigy.
(124) George Bidder (1806-1878), engineer.
(125) It was Gray's complaint that he never received the Royal Society's Gold Medal. For him to
join a Dining Club was 'to do that nothing thing'.
(126) Gray could have cited, as an example, an almost exact contemporary (possibly a collateral),
namely John Gray (1802-1888) born at Dudley, the second son of Thomas Gray, linen
draper of High Street, Dudley. John Gray was a geologist of considerable local distinction,
being one of the founders of the Dudley and Midland Geological Society and an honorary
member of the Swedish Geological Society. Although there is no known connection
between the two Grays, who must have known one another, John Gray of Dudley (and after
1850 of Ffagley) seems to have shared the family characteristics. He was an avid collector,
an evangelical churchman and ardent reformer (see obituary, in Stourbridge Express, 21
July 1888, p. 5; and also Woodward, 1907 : 164).
(127) William Sharpey F.R.S., (1802-1880), Professor of Anatomy and Physiology, University
College, London 1836-1874.
(128) Novelists are not always, perhaps, the most truthful of writers. In 1861, a young man of
17, Arthur O'Shaughnessey, a 'nephew' of Lord Lytton, novelist and M. P., joined the staff
of the Museum, much to the vexation of those for whom he worked, including Dr Gray.
After one of the many incidents that came to the attention of the authorities, O'Shaugh-
nessey, explaining matters to his Lordship, wrote:
'With regard to Dr. Gray, no opportunity is likely to occur of propitiating him, & I know
by many experiences what the result would be. If I had to deal with an ordinary human
being, such an interview, with the confidence and security that your words would inspire
in me, could not fail of success: but Dr. Gray is impervious to such words as a wild
beast in his den. He would not even hear one of them, as from the very first he has always
stopped me with a savage unintelligible splutter of his own. He has a way of gnashing his
teeth at me that would quite frighten even you My Lord! I always treat him with the
utmost respect . . .' (Paden, 1964 : 24).
(129) Major General Thomas Hardwicke (1756-1835), of the East India Company, retired in
1823.
(130) Gray, J. E. 1830-1835. Illustrations of Indian Zoology. London. 2 vols. (See Gray, 1875,
item no. 70).
(131) The Moravian Bretheren, so called, linked to the Lutheran Church.
(132) A member of the Broadwood family whose firm of piano manufacturers, founded in the
eighteenth century, was flourishing in Gray's day, as it still is.
(133) The one outstanding collaboration between Gray and Darwin is recorded by A. E. Gunther
(1979).
References
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430.
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Boulger, G. S. 1890. John Edward Gray (1800-1875). Diet. natn. biogr. 23 : 9.
JOHN EDWARD GRAY 243
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■ c. 1862. AutobiographicalJournal. London. 50ff. Manuscript in the British Museum (Natural History),
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c. 1862-1874. Miscellaneous Papers, with autobiographical manuscripts and related documents.
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1873. Hand-list of the specimens of Shield Reptiles in the British Museum. London. 124 pp. (B.M.
N.H.).L.o.72Aa. O.B.).
1875. List of books, Memoirs and Miscellaneous Papers, with some historical notes, completed by
J. Saunders May 1875. [London.] 58 pp.
& G. R. 1846. Catalogue of the specimens and drawings of Mammalia and Birds of Nepal and Tibet,
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Gray, S. F. 1818. A Supplement to the Pharmacopoeias. London. 377 pp.
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Bull. Br. Mus. nat. Hist. (hist. Ser.) 5 : 193-210.
1977. John George Children, F. R. S. (1777-1852) of the British Museum, Mineralogist and reluctant
Keeper of Zoology. Bull. Br. Mus. nat. Hist. (hist. Ser.) 6 : 75-108.
1979. J. E. Gray, Charles Darwin and the Cirripedes, 1846-1851. Notes Rec. R. Soc.Lond. 34 : 53-63.
Jardine, W. 1858. Memoirs of H. E. Strickland [with a selection from his scientific writing]. London.
xvi-441 pp.
Latham, J. 1781-1785. A general synopsis of Birds. London. 3 vols in 6. Supplement I, 1787, iii-298 pp.;
Supplement II, 1802, 376 pp.
MacDonald, J. B. 1974. The Sowerby Collection in the British Museum (Natural History): a brief descrip-
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Mallet, C. E. 1927. History of the University of Oxford. Oxford. 530 pp.
Paden, W. D. 1964. Arthur O'Shaughnessy in the British Museum. Victorian Studies 8 : 7-30.
Parliamentary Papers. 1835-1836. Report of the Select Committee appointed to enquire into the condition,
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1848-1868. British Museum, annual reports of the Natural History Department. An account of the
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sons admitted. London.
244 A. E. GUNTHER
Parnell, H. B. 1832. On Financial Reform. 4th edn. London. 451 pp.
Pennant, T. 1776-1777. British Zoology. 4th edn. Warrington. 4 vols.
Raven, C. E. 1950. John Ray, Naturalist. Cambridge. 502 pp.
Reeve, L. 1863. Portraits of Men of Eminence in Literature, Science and Art. Volume 1. London. 268 pp.
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Woodward, H. B. 1907. The History of the Geological Society of London. London, xix-336 pp.
British Museum (Natural History)
Important Publishing Event
The Red Notebook of Charles Darwin
Edited by Professor Sandra Herbert
Charles Darwin used the pocket-sized Red Notebook to record various
observations and ideas over the course of the year from mid- 1836 to
mid- 1837. It was an important year, spanning the last months of the voyage
of H.M.S. Beagle and the first months back in England. The notebook
contains observations on points visited, reading notes, and speculations on
theoretical questions. The theoretical questions Darwin considered in the
notebook pertain primarily to geology, where he was interested in finding
an explanation for the rise and fall of the earth's crust, and to the subject
of the mutability of species. Most significantly, the Red Notebook contains
the earliest known evidence of Darwin's adoption of an evolutionary
hypothesis. The notebook also reveals Darwin's dependence on professional
zoologists working in London for technical judgements decisive for his
adoption of an evolutionary position.
Sandra Herbert is Associate Professor in History at the University of
Maryland Baltimore County and is the author of several studies of various
aspects of the early career of Charles Darwin.
To be published in Bulletin of the British Museum (Natural History) Historical series,
Volume 7 (paper covers) ;
and co-published by the British Museum (Natural History) and Cornell University Press in
hard bound edition.
Titles to be published in Volume 6
Emanuel Mendes da Costa (1717-91) and the Conchology, or natural
history of shells. By P. J. P. Whitehead.
Early mineralogy in Great Britain and Ireland. By W. Campbell
Smith.
The Forster collection of zoological drawings in the British Museum
(Natural History). By P. J. P. Whitehead.
John George Children, FRS (1777-1852) of the British Museum.
Mineralogist and reluctant Keeper of Zoology. By A. E. Gunther.
A catalogue of the Richard Owen collection of Palaeontological
and Zoological drawings in the British Museum (Natural History).
By Jean M. Ingles & Frederick C. Sawyer.
The miscellaneous autobiographical manuscripts of
John Edward Gray (1800-1875). By A. E. Gunther.
An Irish Naturalist in Cuvier's laboratory : the letters of Joseph
Pentland 1820-1832. By W. A. S. Sarjeant & J. B. Delair.
The entire Historical series is now available
Printed by Henry Ling Ltd, Dorchester
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An Irish naturalist in Cuvier's laboratory.
The letters of Joseph Pentland 1820-1832
William A. S. Sarjeant & Justin B. Delair
Historical series Vol 6 No 7 24 April 1980
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An Irish naturalist in Cuvier's laboratory.
The letters of Joseph Pentland 1820-1832
Transcribed by William A. S. Sarjeant
Department of Geological Sciences, University of Saskatchewan, Saskatoon, Canada
With an Introduction and Notes by William A. S. Sarjeant and Justin B. Delair
19 Cumnor Road, Wootton, Boars Hill, Oxford, England
Introduction
The figure of Georges Cuvier,1 Professor of Anatomy at the Jardin du Roi in Paris for almost
exactly 30 years, looms large in the history of zoology and geology. Cuvier was a great
anatomist, indeed perhaps the first great comparative anatomist; he was the first to describe a
host of living and fossil vertebrate species, the first to attempt the reconstruction of extinct
vertebrates from their skeletal remains, and the first to attempt to predict the character of missing
bones from an incomplete skeleton. The theory he formulated to account for extinctions, that
the Earth had suffered a series of 'revolutions' or catastrophes each involving the annihilation of
the entire animal faunas (or the greater part of them) bulked large in the thinking of geologists
during the early part of the nineteenth century. In consequence, Cuvier has received a great deal
of attention from historians of science. Many of his letters have been published (Silbermann, 1833;
Marchant, 1858; Vienot, 1905), and a series of biographies of very variable quality have been
written about him (Duvernoy, 1833; Lee, 1833; Anon [Parker], 1844; Flourens 1858, 1861;
Demoulin, 1881; Blainville, 1890; Hamy, 1906; Roule, 1926; Daudin, 1926; Vienot, 1932;
Coleman, 1964; Anon, 19706; Ardouin, 1970), as well as many shorter articles (e.g., Anon,
1970a). In addition, Cuvier and his ideas are discussed in all major histories of biology and geology
and even figure in many works on philosophy.
Strangely enough, however, the fact that Cuvier had, for a number of years, a British assistant
has consistently escaped attention. Joseph Pentland worked more or less continuously with
Cuvier between 1818 and 1822 (and perhaps later), becoming a trusted and valued associate;
he was working in Paris at the time of Cuvier's death on 13 May 1832, and he prepared a post-
humous catalogue of Cuvier's collections (Pentland, 1832), which survives in the library of the
Institut de France. It is clear that he acted as liaison between Cuvier and English scientists
and that he not only arranged the shipment of casts and specimens from Paris to museums in
Britain, but also procured many specimens for the museum of the Jardin du Roi (now the Jardin
des Plantes). He also aided Cuvier in dissections and in the preparation of descriptions of newly
discovered animals, living and fossil, and acted as cicerone for English-speaking visitors to
Cuvier's laboratory. Despite all this activity, his name does not figure in any of the biographies
of the great French scientist and the former existence of this connecting link between British and
French science has been forgotten.
In 1970 a series of letters by Pentland, written to4he great English geologist William Buckland
(1784-1856), was advertised for sale by the bookseller Anthony D. Lilly of Hythe, Kent. An
immediate telephone inquiry resulted in their being sent for examination to one of us (W.A.S.S.);
their interest was immediately apparent. As a consequence of the intercession of Professor the
Lord Energlyn of Caerphilly, the letters were purchased by the Library Committee of the
University of Nottingham, in whose Manuscripts Collection they are now lodged, and were
made available for transcription. Subsequently (April, 1972) two letters from Pentland to
Buckland were discovered in the collection of Dr and Mrs Victor A. Eyles of Great Rissington,
*> GENERAL * ^
2-JUNfHo
Bull. Br. Mus. nat. Hist. (hist. Ser.) 6 (7) : 245-319 Issued 24 April 1980
245
246 W. A. S. SARJEANT & J. B. DELAIR
Gloucestershire.2 Two further letters, one written to Pentland by an English lawyer and one
written by Pentland to Cuvier, were located in the archives of the Institut de France; and four
other letters, three written to and one by Pentland whilst he was in Paris at a much later date,
were found in the National Library of Scotland and the archives of the University of St Andrews.
All these letters are published in full in this paper.
Three letters from Pentland to the English geologist Thomas Webster have previously been
published (Challinor, 1961), as has part of a letter to the Irish assyriologist Edward Hincks
(Davidson, 1933 :99); in neither instance was any biographical information about Pentland
furnished. Unpublished letters by Pentland are contained in the collections of the Royal Botanic
Gardens, Kew, the Owen Collection in the General Library of the British Museum (Natural
History), the Royal Geographical Society, the library of the University of St Andrews, and the
Archivo Nacional de Bolivia, La Paz. It is hoped, in the future, to transcribe and publish these
letters also; they all date from later periods in Pentland's life.
Joseph Pentland: a biography
This biography is based on the obituary notice in The Athenaeum (Anonymous, 1873), the
Pentland entry in the Dictionary of National Biography, (B[oase] G.C., 1895) and on details
given in the letters published here. In addition, the addresses from which his later letters were
written have been used in determining his later movements.
Joseph Barclay Pentland was born at Ballybofey, County Donegal, Ireland, on 17 January 1797
and was early left an orphan;3 from the letters, however, it is clear that relatives took him under
their wing and continued to finance his studies and investigations for many years. He was educated
at Armagh Academy and thereafter at the University of Paris; in his letters, he notes that he began
studying mineralogy and crystallography under Haiiy,92 and chemistry under Gay-Lussac98 and
Thenard,100 working for 12 months with the latter (see p. 273). He then went on to study geology
at the Ecole des Mines, under the guidance of Cordier,101 Brochant de Villiers84 and the elder
Brongniart56, afterwards undertaking an extensive geological tour in central and southern France
in which he travelled 'near 2500 English miles' (p. 273). On the basis of the rocks he saw and the
fossils he found, he developed 'a decided taste for Geology' {idem) but concluded that a sound
knowledge of zoology was essential to a palaeontologist; accordingly, on his return to Paris, he
commenced studying with Cuvier, probably around 1818. By 1820, when the correspondence
documented here begins, he had progressed to the point where he was ranked, not just as Cuvier's
assistant, but also as his friend and confidant.
His principal correspondent, William Buckland, was perhaps the most distinguished scientific
polymath of the Victorian period. After taking Holy Orders in 1809, he engaged almost wholly
in geology during the ensuing decade, making extensive field tours; in consequence, he was
appointed Reader in Mineralogy at the University of Oxford in 1813 and was made its first
Professor of Geology in 1819. He was one of the original 13 founder members of the Geological
Society of London and was its President at the time it gained its royal charter in 1824, serving for
a second term in 1840. He was the first Honorary Member of the (later Royal) Agricultural
Society and the second President (in 1832) of the British Association for the Advancement of
Science. Among his many other scientific distinctions were Honorary Membership of the Royal Soc-
iety of British Architects and of the Institution of Civil Engineers. In addition to his work in geology
and the associated sciences of palaeontology and spelaeology, Buckland investigated land drainage
systems and pioneered the use of mineral fertilizers in agriculture, undertook work in pisciculture
and archaeology and studied the ecology of land snails. In 1845 he became Dean of Westminster
and, during his tenure of this appointment, not only undertook restoration work in the Abbey
and reorganized the choir school but also successfully redesigned part of London's sewage system !
Even by 1820, Buckland had already attained prominence in English science; he had indeed been
elected Fellow of the Royal Society as early as 1818 (he served as its Vice-President from 1 832—
1833). Unquestionably Buckland was a most useful friend for a young naturalist to have.
How Pentland came to be friendly with Buckland is not clear. They certainly met when
LETTERS OF JOSEPH PENTLAND
247
William Buckland holding an ammonite; from an engraving.
Buckland visited Paris during June, 1820, since, in a letter to the geologist Thomas Webster4 on
the 19 June of that year (Challinor, 1961 : 182), Pentland wrote:
Mr Buckland has passed 6 days here on his way to Auvergne; he has perfectly cleared up
every point relative to the formations between chalk and Transition formation, he is held
here in a very high point of view. I assure you when 1 spoke to him of yr. paper on the Isle of
Wight, he told me that it was one of the best in the collection of yr. Transactions. . . .
Buckland's account (Gordon, 1894 : 37-39) of his dinner with Cuvier on this visit contains no
mention of Pentland; perhaps the latter was not present, perhaps he was not important enough
248
W. A. S. SARJEANT & J. B. DELAIR
to warrant mention. More surprising is the fact that Pentland did not meet Conybeare, who was
Buckland's companion on this Continental tour.
William Daniel Conybeare (1787-1857) was Buckland's close friend and a fellow cleric, as
well as an enthusiastic and competent geologist who travelled widely with Buckland on geological
tours and whose work on fossil reptiles is extensively discussed in these letters.
Pentland had apparently met Webster on a brief visit to England earlier in the same year,
since a letter introducing him to Webster survives. The letter was written by another Englishman,
Thomas Richard Underwood (c. 1765-1836). Underwood was a talented artist, who had exhibited
a total of 23 landscapes at the Royal Academy between 1789 and 1801. He had lived in Paris
since the time of the Treaty of Amiens (March, 1802), at first as a prisoner on parole; later he
attracted the favour of the Empress Josephine and thereafter enjoyed the freedom of Paris. He
seems to have been a dilettante of mercurial temperament and has been described as 'an acquain-
tance of Coleridge's, a friend of Fuseli's, an antiquary, but ardent for the latest fashion in politics
and morals; a flaming democrat and an admirer of Napoleon' (Treneer, 1963 : 79). He is principally
remembered for his association with Sir Humphry Davy (1779-1829), the great chemist, and
figures in most biographies of that scientist. John Davy (1836, 1 : 147), said he was 'an artist of
some talent, with a fondness for science, from whom Dr Paris [Davy's earliest biographer] seems
to have received many unfavourable notices of my brother, incidents and anecdotes which, even
if true, no true friend would have communicated of another' and also noted that Sir Humphry
'ceased to esteem Mr Underwood in the latter part of his life.' (Davy 1836, 1 : 50). Challinor,
in his commentary on Underwood's letters to Thomas Webster, commented that 'It would no
doubt have been better for Webster if Underwood had not sided with him so ardently and in-
flamed his grievances, real or imaginary, with, at times, such violent expressions' (Challinor,
1961 : 182). This very violence of expression is evident in Underwood's references to Pentland;
though he had originally introduced Pentland to Webster as 'a particular friend of mine'
(Challinor, 1961 : 184) he later says in a letter written in December 1821 :
... if what I have done furthers your truly scientific inquiry and will assist you to defeat a
band of busy, jealous, active & revengeful witlings, do not fear I will relax my exertions. They
have gained and kept their ascendancy partly from the contempt, partly from the indolence
of others, and they think that the forebearance of men of science has arisen from want of
power to do justice to themselves or to make reprisals in the quarters of their enemies. This
band has an active agent here but he begins now to be pretty well known, and has long been
suspected, I mean that lying thief (I mean what I write) Pentland, who is in constant corres-
pondence with Buckland & Conybeare, to who he communicates all he can pick up at Cuvier's
(Challinor, 1961 : 193).
Though Pentland himself wrote relatively little about Underwood, his mentions of the latter
suggest mixed feelings, at very least; certainly it is clear that he did not view Underwood with
unalloyed esteem. As will be seen, Pentland's letters to Buckland contain nothing that gives
credence to Underwood's unpleasant imputations.
From the date of his first letter to Buckland (June 1820) until March 1822 (when he set off with
a friend on a tour into Italy), Pentland remained continuously in France; though visits to England
were repeatedly contemplated (see pp. 272 & 276), none was made. During this time, he was
beginning to try to establish himself in a career; he was offered the post of Assistant Surgeon with
the Honorable East India Company, but ultimately declined it (p. 289) and he also investigated
the possibility of a post in New Holland (Australia) (p. 277), but did not follow this up. Several
letters refer to his interest in an appointment as naturalist at the British Museum but, though he
wrote at length to Buckland about this as early as 3 December 1821, unsuccessfully soliciting his
support (pp. 285, 288-9) and later registering indignation when it was not forthcoming (p. 290),
Pentland was curiously dilatory about actually submitting a formal application and had not done
so even by March 1 822. Indeed, we have found no evidence that he ever did submit an application.
Perhaps for this reason (for Pentland was certainly extremely well qualified for the British
Museum appointment and Cuvier's endorsement of his candidature should have carried great
LETTERS OF JOSEPH PENTLAND 249
weight), he did not obtain the post and was again working with Cuvier when the last letter of the
main sequence was written, in February 1824. An offer of an appointment by the Russian
Government had in the meantime been declined on patriotic grounds (p. 272), a decision which
Pentland may well have regretted when no British appointment was forthcoming.
Pentland was, at this time, still apparently being supported by his relatives, since he had to
seek their approval before going to Italy (p. 294). They seem to have considered his activities not
altogether respectable; this is surely the only reasonable explanation for his unwillingness to be
referred to in Conybeare's work on ichthyosaurs (p. 274), which in turn accounts for the fact that
his significance in the early studies of fossil reptiles has hitherto passed unrealized (see Delair
& Sarjeant, 1975). The financial support he was receiving seems to have been ample, since he
observed, with slight disdain, of another young naturalist that he was 'poor as a Church Mouse'
(p. 286). There is no indication that he was receiving any salary for his work for Cuvier; the fact
that he worked so long and so hard5 therefore indicates the profundity of his interest in natural
history and the excitement he felt about the work he was doing.
Although he apparently did not return to England during the period covered by these letters,
Pentland was not continuously in Paris; he mentions having travelled, on a bone-quest, to Nice
and Ceuta in the Winter of 1820 (p. 284) and his plans for an extensive tour in Switzerland and
Italy in 1822 are discussed at length (pp. 293 & 296). Whilst on this tour, he must have written
several times to Buckland and to Cuvier. A single letter written to Cuvier from Florence (pp.
297 & 300) has been located; it shows the vigour with which Pentland was prosecuting his
osteological researches on his mentor's behalf. Since Buckland quoted Pentland as the source for
the data on the Val d'Arno and on the mammalian fossils in Florence museum quoted in Reliquiae
diluvianae (1823 : 26, 182), it is clear that his correspondence with Pentland continued after the
date of the last letter here transcribed; only one later letter, dated 28 February 1824, has been
located. In this last letter (p. 304), Pentland outlined plans for a brief visit to England and a
lengthy winter stay (1824-25) in Sicily; evidently he was already acquiring the strong affection for
Italy which was to be a major factor in his later life.
Pentland's letter reports his discovery of an almost complete bear's skull in the Florence
museum. This find, and its significance, were discussed in the notebooks of the pioneer
spelaeologist Father John MacEnery:6
2 fragments of anomalous species of Bear were found in Tuscany which Cuvier provisionally
named as the Etruscan Bear — but the researches of Mr Pentland an English naturalist of
great eminence led to the discovery of an entire head in the museum of Florence which has
been raised from the bed of the Val d'Arno and determined the species of the Etruscan Bear —
by degrees it began to reveal itself and an analogous tooth to those previously found in this
cavern7 was discovered in the cave of Lunei near Montpelier. The resemblance of the tusk
to a blade made Cuvier change the local name of Etruscan to the more general and charac-
teristic appellation of cultridens8 . . . (Alexander, 1964 : 132, 133).
Perhaps during his visit to England in 1824, perhaps during 1825 or 1826, Pentland had the
opportunity to study some mammalian remains from north-east Bengal and to examine rocks
from India in the Geological Society's museum. The results of this work, conveyed in the form of
a letter to the English geologist W. H. Fitton9, were presented to the Geological Society on the
2 May 1828. The discovery of a new species of Anthracotherium, A. silistrense, was reported,
but no figures were provided (Pentland, 1828). He was also engaged at about this time in a
detailed examination of fossil fishes from the sediments of Caithness later shown to be of Devonian
date, which had been sent to Cuvier for examination and passed by him to his assistants.
Pentland's work on these was acknowledged and quoted in a joint paper on those strata by
Sedgwick and Murchison, read to the Geological Society of London on 16 May and 6 June 1828.
Before this, Pentland had at long last found the means of fulfilling his desire to travel to distant
lands. In 1826-1827, he travelled to South America with Woodbine Parish10 on an exploratory
expedition to the Bolivian Andes, an area previously little visited by Europeans. His geographical
and geological discoveries were of great importance. He took extensive observations on the
250
W. A. S. SARJEANT & J. B. DELAIR
position of the snowline, discovering the mean position of the permanent snowline to be 16,990
ft (5100 m). He was also the first to recognize the height of the Bolivian Andes, finding the mean
height of the practicable passes, even, to exceed 14,650 ft (4400 m) and determining the altitude
of the major peaks— Gualtieri (22,000 ft, 6600 m,) Arequipa (18,300 ft, 5490 m), Chirquibamba
(21,000 ft, 6300 m), Illimani (21,300 ft, 6390 m) and Sorata (24,800 ft, 7440 m) (Pentland, 1835,
1838; Arago, 1830). (These measurements have since been corrected: Mt. Arequipa, now known
as El Misti, to 19,110 ft [5733 m], Illimani (Bolivia) to 21,184 ft [6355 m] and the higher of the
two peaks of Sorata to only 21,490 ft [6447 m].). He noted that the majority of the peaks were
volcanoes, extinct or dormant, but that sedimentary rocks were also present at great altitudes;
for he found Silurian fossils at 17,000 ft (5100 m) and a Carboniferous limestone at 14,000 ft
(4200 m). He visited Lake Titicaca, noting that the Rio Desaguadera was its outlet (all earlier
maps show this river running into the lake).
As a result of this journey, he secured his first diplomatic appointment, as secretary to the
Consulate-General in Peru (1827). His tenure of this appointment was, however, quite brief;
and by early 1828 he was back in Europe. The course of his researches during that year can be
traced unusually fully, from two accounts in the Transactions of the Geological Society of London.
In May 1828, W. H. Fitton11 read to the Society a letter from Pentland, reporting on the studies
that Pentland had made of bones in the Society's Museum. These were from Cooch-Behar,
India, and constituted the first fossil mammalia to be brought back from south-east Asia.
Pentland noted that they comprised:
1. One species of the genus Anthracotherium of Cuvier. 2. A small species of Ruminant
allied to the genus Moschus [the musk-deer], 3. A small species of herbivorous mammal
referable to the order Pachydermata, but more diminutive than any of the fossil or living
species; and 4. A carnivorous animal of the genus Viverra [the civet].
Pentland was by that time back in Paris; and soon afterwards he was engaged in examining some
fishes from the Old Red Sandstone of Caithness, Scotland, sent to Cuvier for study by the dis-
tinguished geologists Sedgwick12 and Murchison13. Pentland almost certainly helped prepare the
drawings and descriptions of, and may even have chosen the names for, the new species described
in the accounts given to the Geological Society on 16 May and 6 June of that year; if so, a con-
tinuing desire for self-effacement may again have prevented him from taking more explicit credit
for his work (Sedgwick and Murchison [1828], 1835).
A letter from Paris in July 1829 (Challinor, 1963 : 293) attests to Pentland's continuing
residence in that city; and in 1830, the surgeon and palaeontologist Gideon Algernon Mantell
(1790-1852) noted in his journal:
March 20 . . . Mr Pentland writes me from Paris that Baron Cuvier has presented to him
for me a cast of the celebrated head of the Mosasaurus that Hoffman found, the Canon
stole, and the French revolutionary army plundered and sent to Paris where it still remains —
the glory of the Organic Rems [Remains] of a former world, as poor Parkinson14 has it.
What a noble addition this will make to my museum.
May 1 . . . Sent a box of fossils to Mr Pentland by the steam-packet; and papers to Baron
Cuvier, M. Prevost,125 Brongniart56 etc. (Curwen, 1940 : 75, 77)
On 17 February 1830, an account of the geology and fossils of the Hunter's River district
of New South Wales was presented to the Geological Society of London (Cunningham [1831] :
255-256). A series of bones from a calcareous breccia cropping out in this region was at about this
time presented to Cuvier for examination; they had been collected by Major Mitchell,15 then Deputy
Surveyor-General for the colony of New South Wales, and were transported to Paris by
Professor Jameson of Edinburgh.16 Pentland reported on them to the newly formed Societe
Geologique de France at a meeting later in 1830. Eight species of vertebrates were considered
to be represented: seven of them, reasonably enough, were marsupials, attributed to the genera
LETTERS OF JOSEPH PENTLAND
251
Hypseprunus, Thylacinus, Macropus, Halmaturus and Phlaeomys, but the eighth, thought to be
a species of elephant or mastodon and represented only by an incomplete femur, appeared
surprising then and seems quite incredible now ! (It may well have been an incomplete femur of
the then unknown giant marsupial Diprotodori). Pentland noted that, with this single exception,
the skeletal remains confirmed Cuvier's law that 'in each continent all the extinct species of
mammals belong exclusively to genera still existing on these continents' (transl.) (Pentland, 1830).
Pentland gave an account of the collection in a letter to Jameson written on 22 April 1831 ; when
this was published, however, it was erroneously credited to Mitchell (Pentland, 1831). A fuller
account of the discovery was published in 1832, when the bones were returned to Scotland and
deposited in the Edinburgh College Museum (Pentland, 1832).
A mention in a letter to Gideon Mantell, 10 October 1830 (Lyell, 1881,1 : 288), by the eminent
geologist Charles Lyell17 indicates that Pentland was in Paris in October 1830. Indeed, since
Pentland wrote to Jameson from Paris in April 1831, was certainly there in August of the same
year (see p. 306) and was there at the time of Cuvier's death on 13 May 1832, it is clear that he was
working pretty continuously at the laboratories in the Jardin du Roi during these years. The
osseous remains from New South Wales continued to engage his attention during this period;
Mitchell had sent a fuither collection directly to Cuvier. An account of them was sent for
publication to Jameson on 15 November 1832; once again, however, the authorship was wrongly
accredited, this time to a mythical 'William Pentland' (Pentland, 1833). (As a consequence, the
authorship not only of this paper, but also of two others in which Pentland's initials were not
given, was erroneously attributed to 'William Pentland' in the Royal Society's list of publications
and elsewhere, e.g. Simpson (1930 : 26) where the 'Major Mitchell' note is incorrectly attributed
to 'W. Pentland'. After the death of his mentor, Pentland's preparation of the posthumous
catalogue of Cuvier's great collection (see p. 245) brought his activities at the Jardin du Roi to a
fitting close.
Pentland's extensive Italian collections, now lodged in the Jardin du Roi, had not been fully
described by Cuvier, nor did Pentland himself do more than merely catalogue them. Other
palaeontologists regularly visited Paris to study the collections; among them was a German,
Hermann von Meyer1*, who devoted particular attention to a collection of 100 bones obtained by
Pentland from the ossiferous Grotta dei Beni Fratelli in Mt Beliemi, 4 miles {6\ km) west of
Palermo, Sicily. Meyer found that the greatest proportion of the bones — seven-tenths of them —
were those of a hitherto undescribed species of pygmy hippopotamus, 'scarcely larger than our
large domestic ox' (Meyer, 1832 : 533). This species was unrepresented in the collections from
mainland Italy and remains so; it was an island species, whose remains were subsequently
discovered also in Crete and Malta. Meyer named it Hippopotamus pentlandi.
Pentland continued to reside in Paris, and presumably to work at the Jardin du Roi, during the
ensuing few years; however, he travelled to Scotland to present an account of the osteology of the
ancient inhabitants of the Andes at the British Association meeting in Edinburgh in 1834
(Pentland, 1835). He was again in Paris in June, 1836, but shortly thereafter was appointed by Lord
Palmerston to be Consul-Gcneral in Bolivia from 1 August 1836, holding this appointment till
1839 and residing for most of this period in La Paz19. During 1838, he made a tour in the southern
provinces of Peru and visited Cuzco and neighbouring localities of archaeological interest
(Pentland, 1838); also during this second South American residence, he made a complete survey
of Lake Titicaca, a formidable task in view of its size. (Pentland's map of the lake was engraved
and published by the Admiralty in 1847).
Pentland's subsequent movements have, as yet, been only partially determined ; the transcription
of his later correspondence will undoubtedly clarify his movements and concerns to some degree
but (since the letters only occasionally bear addresses) it is doubtful whether a detailed bio-
graphical account of his later years can ever be written. There seems no evidence that he ever
again sought regular employment and it is to be presumed that he now had private resources
adequate for his needs. His life continued for some years to be peripatetic. He was in Paris in
1 839, probably in 1 84 1 , in 1 847 and in 1 848, but there is no indication of any resumption of work
in the Jardin du Roi. From 1845, he made Rome his winter residence and travelled extensively in
Italy, becoming indeed so well acquainted with Italian topography and antiquities that he edited
252
W. A. S. SARJEANT & J. B. DELAIR
for the publisher John Murray three editions of a handbook to Rome and editions of handbooks
to northern and southern Italy (Pentland, 1860, etc.). Another consequence was that he was asked
to act as guide to the Prince of Wales, afterwards King Edward VII, on the latter's two visits to
the city; according to Pentland's obituary in the Athenaeum (Anonymous, 1873), 'from him and
Princess, Mr Pentland received the greatest kindness and consideration until the day of his death'.
Among his other visitors there was Sir Archibald Geikie,20 who journeyed to Rome in 1870, 'the
year of the great Oecumenical Council', when 'the streets were crowded with cardinals, arch-
bishops, bishops, abbots . . . gathered together from every corner of the globe'. In consequence,
'Although much tempted to linger here for a while, I had to content myself with a stay of only two
or three days, during which, thanks to Mr Pentland, at that time the great resident English
authority on Rome (to whom Murchison had given me an introduction), I saw the chief pagan
antiquities . . .' (Geikie, 1924 : 135).
Pentland did little further work in vertebrate palaeontology, publishing only one more paper
on this topic (Pentland, 1858). However, further bones he had collected from the Sicilian cave
deposits were described by the eminent English vertebrate palaeontologist Hugh Falconer21;
among them, appropriately enough, were numerous remains of Hippopotamus pentlan di (Falconer,
1860). Falconer's own collection, lodged after his death in the British Museum (Natural History)
by his executor, contains many bones of this species (Lydekker, 1885 : 287-291). Pentland's
name was also immortalized by Ours Pierre A. P. Dufrenoy (1856, 2 : 549-55), who, named the
mineral Pentlandite after him. In Dufrenoy's words: 'On a recemment decouvert a Craignure,
a neuf milles au sud-ouest d'Inverary, dans le comte d'Argyle en Ecosse, une pyrite qui contient
une proportion assez forte de nickel. Cette variete de pyrite, qui fournit un minerai nouveau de
nickel, a ete dediee au savant M. Pentland, qui Fa fait connaitre . . .'
Pentland's London residence was the Union Club in Trafalgar Square. Perhaps as an eventual
consequence of the fossil fishes sent to Paris some 14 years earlier, Pentland had by now become
a close friend of Sir Roderick Murchison13; Mantell's journal for 1842 notes:
June 15 — Attended the meeting of the Geological Society; an angry discussion between Owen
and Dr Grant on the Mastodon and Tetracaulodon remains now exhibiting in the Egyptian
Hall, Piccadilly by a Mr Kosch. Gossiped with Dr Buckland, Grant,22 Lord Enniskillen,23
Sir P. G. Egerton,24 Mr Greenough,25 Murchison, Pentland, Featherstonhaugh26 etc-
(Curwen, 1940 : 159).
and the diary of another geologist, Ramsay,27 notes:
18th February [1849]. Sir Roderick Murchison's dinner at seven . . . Sedgwick was there,
Pentland, and Lockhart, Sir Walter's son-in-law . . . We had a capital evening . . . (Geikie,
1895 : 146).
Thus it is evident that Pentland was a sufficiently familiar figure in the scientific life of the city for
his presence to evoke no comment; it is equally clear, however, that he was not prominent
enough to be thought worthy of anything more than incidental mention ! For this reason, perhaps,
he is nowhere mentioned in the lengthy biography of Murchison (Geikie, 1875), even though
(according to an obituary notice) he and Murchison were indeed close friends.
In general, Pentland is an elusive figure; we have been unable to find a surviving portrait of
him and his later life seems likely to remain forever obscure. He seems never to have married,
nor did he apparently ever revisit Ireland, the country of his birth. Presumably because of family
connections, he was periodically a guest at various English country houses; an undated letter,
apparently written before 1849, was addressed from Lilford Hall, near Oundle, Northampton-
shire28 and two letters were addressed in February, 1849, from Claverton Manor, near Bath,
Somerset.29 (Many of his later letters bear neither address nor postmark).
Though he apparently did not revisit it, South America continued to figure amongst his interests
in these later years; he was concerned in the production of at least two geographical works dealing
with that subcontinent.30 Otherwise, his time and interest appears to have been divided between
LETTERS OF JOSEPH PENTLAND
253
Italy and London. He died at 3 Motcomb Street, London, on 12 July 1873 and was buried in
Brompton Cemetery, quite close to the grave of his friend Murchison.
Cuvier and his laboratory in 1820-1822
At the time Pentland was working with him, Cuvier had already attained an international reputa-
tion. His greatest work, Recherches sur les ossemens fossiles oh Von etablit les caracteres des plusieurs
animaux dont les revolutions du Globe ont detruit les especes, whose publication in 1812 marks
the effective commencement of vertebrate palaeontology, was in course of being greatly expanded
and revised, the 'second' edition being published between 1821 and 1824. (Pentland's letters refer
repeatedly to the progress of this work). The excavation of the gypsum quarries of Montmartre
(whose site, later to be covered by cheap housing as Paris grew, was to become a focus for artists)
was yielding a rich supply of Tertiary mammalian remains; the skeletons often were so incomplete
and so intricately mixed with other bones that Cuvier's anatomical ingenuity must have been
repeatedly taxed in deciding what went with what.
The absence of human remains was an especially striking feature of these deposits, so far as
contemporary zoologists and geologists were concerned. Cuvier himself believed that the history
of life had gone through three distinct past epochs — ages of invertebrates and fishes, of reptiles,
and of mammals, each terminated by a world catastrophe — and that man did not appear till the
fourth epoch. His ideas, originally expressed in a preliminary discourse to the first edition of
Ossemens fossiles, had been published separately in an English translation (Cuvier, 1817) and
profoundly influenced the geological thinking of his contemporaries; that Pentland was a whole-
hearted believer in these ideas is apparent (pp. 263-264).
Cuvier's working environment is well described, at a slightly later period (it had probably
changed little since Pentland's time) by Charles Lyell:
I got into Cuvier's sanctum sanctorum yesterday and it is truly characteristic of the man.
In every part it displays that extraordinary power of methodising which is the grand secret
of the prodigious feats which he performs annually without appearing to give himself the
least trouble. But before I introduce you to this study, I should like to tell you that there is
first the museum of natural history opposite his house, and admirably arranged by himself,
then the anatomy museum connected with his dwelling. In the latter is a library disposed in
a suite of rooms, each containing works on one subject. There is one where there are all the
works on ornithology, in another room all on ichthyology, in another osteology, in another
law books! etc. etc. When he is engaged in such works as require continual reference to a
variety of authors, he has a stove shifted into one of these rooms, in which everything on
that subject is systematically arranged, so that in the same work he often takes the round of
many apartments. But the ordinary studio contains no bookshelves. It is a longish room,
comfortably furnished, lighted from above, and furnished with eleven desks to stand to, and
two low tables, like a public office for so many clerks. But all is for the one man, who
multiplies himself as author, and admitting no one into this room, moves as he finds
necessary, or as the fancy inclines him, from one occupation to another. Each desk is
furnished with a complete establishment of inkstand, pens, &c, pins to pin MSS together,
the works immediately in reading, and the MS in hand, and on shelves behind all the MSS
of the same work. There is a separate bell to several desks. The low tables are to sit to when he
is tired. The collaborateurs are not numerous, but are chosen well. They save him every
mechanical labour, find references &c, are rarely admitted to the study,31 receive orders,
and speak not ... I found that the man who makes moulds,32 and the painter of them, had
distinct apartments, so that there was no confusion, and the despatch with which all was
executed was admirable. It cost Cuvier a word only. (Lyell, 1881, 1 : 248-251).
Cuvier had by now attained the unquestioned position of foremost anatomist and zoologist
254
W. A. S. SARJEANT & J. B. DELAIR
Cuvier, here seen holding a slab showing the impression of a fossil fish. Engraving by Chollet, after
Giraud. Photograph: Roger Viollet. (Reproduced by courtesy of Expansion Scientifique Francaise,
Paris and M. Paul Ardouin).
in Europe; in consequence, his laboratory was a focus for visitors and his dinner-parties and
Saturday-evening soirees :
. . . were the most brilliant and interesting meetings in Paris. There passed in review the
learned and the talented, of every nation, of every age, and of each sex; all systems, all
opinions were received; the more numerous the circle, the more delighted was the master of
LETTERS OF JOSEPH PENTLAND 255
the house to mingle in it, encouraging, amusing, welcoming everybody, paying the utmost
respect to those really worthy of distinction, drawing forth the young and bashful, and
striving to make all appreciated according to their deserts. Nothing was banished from this
circle but envy, jealousy, and scandal; and this saloon might be compared to all Europe.
It was at once to see intellect in all its splendour; and the stranger was astonished to find
himself conversing, without restraint, without ceremony, with or in the presence of the leading
stars of Europe: princes, peers, diplomatists, and the worthy savant himself, now receiving
these, and now the young students, from the fifth pair of stairs in a neighbouring hotel, with
equal urbanity. No matter for him in which way they had directed their talents; what was
their fortune — what was their family; and wholly free from national jealousy, he alike
respected all that were worthy of admiration. He asked questions from a desire to gain
information, as if he too were a student; he was delighted when he found a Scotchman who
spoke Celtic: he questioned all concerning their national institutions and customs; he asked
the traveller an infinity of things, well knowing to what part of the world he had directed his
steps and seeming to think that everyone was born to afford instruction in one way or other,
he elicited information from the humblest individual, who was frequently astonished at his
interest in what seemed so familiar to himself. One thing used particularly to annoy him —
which was, to find an Englishman who could not speak French. It gave him a restraint, of
which many have complained; but which, on these occasions, solely arose from a feeling of
awkwardness on his part, as not being able to converse with his foreign guest. (Anon [J. W.
Parker], 1884 : 91-92).
Virtually every scientist visiting Paris attended these soirees of Cuvier's; Pentland thus had
opportunity to meet most of Europe's distinguished scientists and certainly came to know well the
savants of Paris, as his letters make abundantly clear. He repeatedly mentions English visitors
and several times sent on, with letters of introduction provided at Cuvier's instigation, foreign
scientists who had visited Paris before travelling to London (e.g. p. 307).
In quest for zoological and palaeontological specimens, Cuvier was in correspondence with
diplomatists, naturalists and collectors in many parts of the world; Pentland's letters frequently
note the arrival of shipments. In February 1814, Cuvier had married a widow, Anne-Marie
Duvaucel, nee Coquet de Trazaille, whose husband, Louis-Philippe Duvaucel, had gone to the
guillotine in 1797. He son, Alfred Duvaucel (1792-1824), travelled out to India in December 1817,
along with another young Frenchman. Pierre-Medard Diard (1794-1860) to collect specimens for
Cuvier. Duvaucel and Diard organized a museum at Chandernagor, but were invited by Sir
Stamford Raffles,33 who was then the British governor of Benkulen in Sumatra, to collect in
that island at Raffles' expense. It was agreed that the resultant collections should be divided into
two parts, one part to go to Sir Stamford Raffles and the Honorable East India Company, end
one part to go to Cuvier in Paris. The two Frenchmen duly travelled to Sumatra and amassed a
fine collection, but on 4 February 1819, whilst being readied for shipment, both parts of the
collection were seized by the Honorable East India Company at Raffles' instigation34 — an incident
which is discussed by Pentland, who clearly reflects Cuvier's indignation (p. 266), and which may
well have been the subject of the lawyer's letter, unfortunately incomplete, quoted on p. 257.
However, it is evident that Raffles and the East India Company did not obtain all the items from
the collection, since Pentland's letters make it clear that some duplicate specimens from it even-
tually reached Cuvier in Paris (see p. 266). Whether Duvaucel and Diard were officially allowed
to retain these duplicates, or whether they were smuggled out, is not clear.
Much vexed by the incident,35 Duvaucel returned alone to Calcutta; shortly afterwards,
however, he travelled to Sumatra (this time at his own expense) and succeeded in collecting for
Cuvier further specimens to duplicate some of those that had been seized. The resultant collection
was safely shipped to Paris; its arrival is recorded by Pentland (p. 28 1).36 Duvaucel then
returned to India and undertook further collecting trips on the behalf of his stepfather — around
256 W. A. S. SARJEANT & J. B. DELAIR
Dacca, in the Ganges valley and the foothills of the Himalayas, and along part of the course of
the Brahmaputra. After returning to Calcutta to prepare for an expedition to Tibet, he fell ill
and died prematurely in Madras in August, 1825. Diard was more fortunate. He travelled in
Cochin-China in 1821, being one of the earliest European visitors to Angkor. For a while, he
continued to ship specimens to Cuvier; later (1824) he worked in Batavia, Java, as a collector for
the Leyden Museum; he became a Chevalier of the Dutch Order of the Lion and of the French
Legion of Honour, dying in 1863 after accidentally poisoning himself with arsenic employed in
taxidermy.
It is important to stress that, during the period in question, Cuvier was not only prominent
in scientific circles but also in French politics. He was appointed Councillor of State by Napoleon
in 1813; after the Restoration, he was confirmed in this appointment by Louis XVIII and, in
1819, was made President of the Comite de l'lnterieur. Pentland records, in passing, some of
Cuvier's political preoccupations, noting for example that 'discussion of the Budget in the House
of Deputies has taken up all his time for the last 3 weeks' (p. 272) and mentions himself escorting
Madame Cuvier to the opening of the Chamber of Deputies (p. 283). Cuvier was made a baron
in 1819, became interim Grand-Master of the University of Paris, and figured prominently in the
coronation ceremonies for Charles X. Although he lost both appointments in the ensuing political
reshuffle, he was again made a baron by King Louis-Philippe in 1831 and again become Grand-
Master of the University. When his other activities are considered, Cuvier's scientific productivity,
throughout the years of his association with Pentland, is truly remarkable.
Editorial notes
The letters which follow are arranged chronologically, so far as possible. In some instances,
Pentland dated them legibly himself; others show a clear postmark; yet others have pencil dates
added by some previous owner (in these instances, internal evidence supports the pencil date).
A small residue of the letters bear only an illegible date or no date at all; usually they can be
placed into order on the basis of internal evidence, but in one instance (the lawyer's letter) two
dates are possible (even though the earlier seems more likely, for reasons stated). In view of
the occasional uncertainties concerning their dates, the letters are numbered to facilitate ready
reference.
The letters were originally transcribed without amendment, but their punctuation (or, rather,
their lack of it) posed problems in comprehensibility, sentences often showing no subdivision
into clauses and being separated from one another by colons, commas, or not at all. To add to
the problems, new sentences were only rarely begun by initial capitals. The punctuation here
given is thus largely imposed by the editors; Pentland's colons have usually been left, but his
commas have in general been replaced by fullstops and virtually all commas herein have been
inserted by the editors. Pentland strewed capitals rather arbitrarily; his capitalisation is repro-
duced herein without comment!
The archaic 'ye' has been replaced by 'the' wherever it occurred and the long V has been
eliminated. Words or letters missing as a result of error, but clearly implicit in the construction
of the sentence, are inserted in square brackets. The word 'Ichthyosaurus' is consistently spelled
as 'Ichtyosaurus' by Pentland and the word 'courier' as 'courrier'; these mis-spellings have been
allowed to stand without comment, since they occur with such frequency. All other erroneous
or unusual spellings, and all other faulty sentences whose intended meaning is not clear from the
context, are reproduced without alteration but indicated by '[sic]*. Some words were in varying
degree illegible; where an intelligent guess could be made but complete certainty was impossible,
they are followed by '[?]'. All deleted sentences and words are reproduced, inside square brackets,
unless illegible; some proved of great interest!
In the attempt to identify persons mentioned in the letters, over 100 volumes were consulted
at different times. For reasons of space, these are not listed here save in instances where a direct
quotation was necessary for other reasons.
LETTERS OF JOSEPH PENTLAND 257
The letters
I The first letter here quoted (in the collection of the Library of the Institut de France, Paris,
carton 3252, piece 98) is the most puzzling in terms of date: it is incomplete and we have not
succeeded in identifying its author. However, since the subject might well be Sir Stamford Raffles'
seizure of Duvaucel's collection (see p. 255), the earlier of the two possible dates is considered
more probable:
2 Old Square Lincolns Inn
1st February 1820 (or 1830?)
My dear Pentland — I have been unfortunately prevented from answering your letter before — for
which I beg to apologise to you and M. Cuvier. The law upon the subject you asked of [deletion]
is as I believe as follows —
Whenever a contract is made between a board such as the Navy Board & any other public
officers — if the contract is made between the contractor and the ['boad' deleted] board without
any express provision — the Board or Officers of Government are liable to the Contractor as
private individuals and any dispute or contest between them and the Contractor is settled in the
Courts of Law, in the same was [sic: 'way' presumably intended] as a dispute between any two
individuals. The action is brought before the ordinary Courts of Law in the usual manner— By
the Board or other officers against the contractor to compel him to perform his contract or to
obtain the damages occasioned by his not performing it — Or by the contractor against the board
or officers who made the contract with him to compel them to pay him what is due to him — As the
case may be — .
In order however to [deletion] avoid personal liability attaching to the Officers of the Govern-
ment who enter into contracts— it is now however most usual to introduce into all contracts made
by them an express stipulation — 'that they the Officers or board are not to be personally liable
although they have entered into the Contract' [lengthy deletion]. When this is the case the
Contractors have no remedy against the Board who enter into the contract with them. — The
only remedy they have is by a suit against the Crown directly by a proceeding called a petition of
Right in the Court of Chancery. — This proceeding although differing in point of form from
ordinary actions [lengthy deletion] is decided upon the same principles as ['are' deleted] any
ordinary action between subject and subject — the only difference is in the form of the proceedings
The Crown however proceeds in the ordinary courts of justice . . . against the contractors in the
same way an individual would proceed against them— except that the action is brought in the
name of the Attorney General— but in all ['other' Deleted] respects the Cerown proceds against
Contractors and other persons dealing with it, in the name of the Attorney General in the
Ordinary [sic] Courts of Justice and before a Jury as any one subject would sue another for breach
of contract.
I should however observe that all these proceedings are usually instituted in the Court of
Exchequer — but that makes no difference as the Court of Exchequer proceeds ['in' deleted] with
a jury as the other Courts do — and is not a Court confined to these proceedings only but also
decides the same disputes between Subject and Subject and is [deletion] a court open to all the
public and for all cases in the same manner as the other Courts.
[Letter incomplete]
All subsequent letters are written by Pentland himself. All but three of them are preserved in the
Manuscript Collection of the University of Nottingham; the three additional letters are placed in
sequence, but they are distinguished, and their lodgment indicated, in footnotes.
II Franked '20 Ju 1820', Bath
My dear Sir,
I have just received your two letters with that of Mr Conybeare [p. 248] enclosed, which I shall
sent back to you as soon as Mr Cuvier has read it.
258
W. A. S. SARJEANT & J. B. DELAIR
I am very glad that Mr Conybeare and Delabeche37 are using all their efforts to make known
the fossil remains of the Lias, but I fear they are not sufficiently au fait of the Osteology of the
Saurian Tribe ['which' deleted] and especially that of the head, which is the most difficult point
of Comparative Anatomy, to establish that concordance between the lost and living species which
Mr Conybeare seems to suppose in his letter. You know that we have a good many specimens38
here at [sic], many of which we owe to your kindness, and, from every consideration, I am sure
that the fossil species approaches much nearer to the family of Lacertians of Cuv. or to that
family which embraces or contains all the Saurians except the single genus Crocodilus. It is not
the Saurian family alone which has its underjaw, the other Reptiles are in the same category:
['but' deleted] the manner of articulation with the Cranium is also by means of a detached portion
of the Temporal bone, which Mr Cuvier considers as the analogue of the quadratum of Birds:
but if we wish to search to what particular class of reptiles the fossil animals have belonged and
not remain contented that they are merely Saurians, the examination of the Sternum and of the
Sterno-Humeral System clearly prooves [sic] that they approach very near to the Monitor,
Iguana and Lacerta genera. The form of the extremities and composition of the principal loco-
motive organs will finally prove that the Ichtyosaurus forms a distinct family in the Saurian
orders,39 much nearer allied to our common Lizard, Monitor etc. than the to the Crocodile, but
distinct by being entirely adapted to an aquatic abode.
As to pretended resemblance between the nasal opening of the Proteosaurus with those of the
Porpess [sic], I think that there must be some mistake. The Porpess (Delphinus phocoena),40
Like all the other Cetacea, have [sic] but one large nasal opening divided by a bony septum, and
through which the Animal blows the water which he is obliged to take into his mouth with his
food; it is the only way of his getting rid of it. The opening is situated near the summit of the
head, and surrounded by the Nasal, Maxillary and Intermaxillary bones, so that there can be no
doubt as to its identity with the anterior opening of the Nostrils of the other Mammalia; now it is
very well established that no other opening exists, and that the narrow slit of which you speak is
observed in a dried head of a Porpess or of any other Dolphin, can be nothing else that [sic]
what separates the intermaxillary bones, and which in the recent state is filled by soft parts and
has no outward opening. Besides it is very well proved today that the Cetacea have no power of
Smelling, as the first pair of nerves which are distributed to the nostrils do not exist or are so small
as to have hitherto escaped the eye of the Anatomist, and that in those animals the sense of smell
is sacrificed for a more important one, that of acquiring its nourishment [sic].
I must also reclaim the priority of the discovery of the composition of the lower jaw and its
division into 6 separate bones for Mr Cuvier or rather for Mr Laurillard;41 indeed, from the
moment of the arrival of Col Birche's42 specimens in July last, no one here doubted of it and I
think I spoke to you of it during yr. last stay in Paris. I think they wd. do well at least to say so
in a note, as if not Mr Cuvier will one day be obliged to reclaim against their discovery. I even,
during my last visit to London, pointed out the same, or at least told both Leach43 and Gift44
that such must be the case, from the form & composition of the Head: The dentition of the
Ichtyosaurus is the same as that of the Monitor, Iguana etc. and consequently I am convinced in
separate alveoli [sic]. However there may exist of both kinds; as we have not yet made researches
sufficiently exact to pronounce with certainty, and as such researches are both very difficult and
require a thorough knowledge of the dentition of the whole Saurian tribe, on which Cuvier has
made a travail considerable for his great Comparative Anatomy and which will be published in
the 5 Vol. of his Ossemens fossiles. I need not tell you that the laws on analogy are strongly in
favour of the supposition that the dentition of the Ichtyosaurus is the same as in the Monitors etc.
Although the researches of Cuvier on the Ichtyosaurus have been inconsiderable, we can
easily, and I think with strong probability of certainty, pronounce on the position of the exterior
nasal opening. These orifices are placed immediately before and a little on the inside of the orbit;
we have here three specimens with those orifices very well marked. Now such openings can only
be one of three things, either the Lacrymal canal, 2nd the infra orbitary foramen through which
passes the infra orbitary nerve, 3rd or [sic] the opening of the nostrils. That the two openings
situated before the Eyes of the Ichtyosaurus cannot be the openings of the Lacrymal canals,
it is sufficient to say that in no reptile of the family of the Sauria is this canal placed outside the
LETTERS OF JOSEPH PENTLAND
259
orbit, nor indeed is it in any reptile, and at the present moment I do not recollect to have met with
any animal in which the Lacrymal canal opened on the outide of the orbit with the exception
of the genus Lemur of Lin. in which this conformation is extremely remarquable [sic]: no reptile,
as I said before, presents it ['and' deleted] although the Crocodile as [deletion] well as many other
Sauria have the greater part of the Lacrymal bone, in which the canal is pierced, placed outside
the orbital cavity. 2nd ['that' deleted] no reptile possesses an infra orbitary canal, with the
exception of the genus Cameleon,45 as far as 1 have been able to see. The Crocodiles, Monitors,
Iguanas and Lizards, as well as the Tortoises and Serpents do not offer a trace of it, whereas all
the Mammalia possess it more or less developped [sic], as well as the nerve which it contains, in
proportion with the Sensibility of the face. Now it is pretty clear that animals such as Tortoises,
Crocodiles and lizards could have no occasion for such a nerve, as their face is covered by a
horny osseous envellope [sic] which is entirely insensible, in the same way as the nails in the fingers
& toes of more sensible animals and like the hoof or cows and horses. We find even a proof of
this among reptiles, for the Cameleons which have the face covered by a soft skin also possess
infra orbitary nerves: consequently it is not probable that the Ichtyosaurus, which resembles in
other respects so much to the Monitors, Crocodiles and other Aquatic Sauria, should ['possess'
deleted] present an organisation of the facial covering & of the nervous system of the form so
different from these latter. 3rd that the two openings before the eyes of the Ichtyosaurus must be
the nostrils, every circumstance concurs in favouring. Placed partly in the intermaxillary & limited
posteriorly by the Superior part of the nasal bones (which differs from that of the monitors &
Iguanas a little I must confess, because in these latter it is the inferior part of those bones which
limit posteriorly the nasal openings). Indeed, to constitute the exterior opening of the nostrils it
is by no means necessary that the nasal bones should enter into their composition, as the Gavial
(Crocodilus Gangeticus),46 has those apertures entirely formed in the intermaxillary bones,
whereas the other Crocodiles have them formed laterally by the intermaxillary and superiorly
by the nasal : it is a difference of comparity [sic] of very little consequence : finally all researches
that we have hitherto made to discover the nasal openings at the extremity of the upper jaw have
been unsuccessful, although we have two specimens in which those parts are perfectly preserved:
and if such openings existed we must have, I think, discovered them, as we at the first did not
doubt of their existence from analogy, and, although Sir Everard Home47 has given a section of
the head48 where he thinks the nasal canals should be, I am sure nothing conclusive can be
admitted from his plate and much less from his description! It is not probable that the Ichtyo-
saurus had the Sense of Smelling much developped, because it was essentially an aquatic Being:
and that this sense was much inferior to that of the living Sauria. The Crocodile is the species in
which this organ occupies the greatest extent; in the other reptiles it is much less developped and
the olfactory nerve much smaller, the difference arising from the manner of procuring their food
['and of obtaining it' deleted]; but in the genera especially Aquatic, that is those which never
quit the Aqueous element, the sense of smelling is entirely destroyed as in the Cetacea, or very
little developped and serving rather towards respiration as in the Turtles (Chelones Brongn.);
such as, I presume, the use of the nasal openings of the Ichtyosaurus.
The intermaxillary bones of the Ichtyosaurus form the greater part of the Alveolar process,
that is contain the greater part of the teeth, at least two thirds of the ['outer' deleted] whole, and
forms with the Molar bone the inferior part of the orbit.
I beg you to substitute intermaxillary in speaking of the nasal openings; those openings are
placed almost entirely in the intermaxillary bones in the Ichtyosaurus, as I said, but limited
superiorly by the nasal, so that now I have not the least doubt as to their identity in the Ichtyo-
saurus, as I have, I think, shown that the openings before the eyes cannot be the Lacrymal
canals and their position in the intermaxillary bones prooves beyond doubt that they cannot be
the infra-orbitary holes which are always pierced in the Maxillary.
Sir E. Home says in his last ridiculous paper on the Ichtyosaurus39 that he has found the bones
of the pelvis: I should like to see them, will he publish them?
As to Mr Conybeare's new Animal,49 I will not pretend to judge, but the disposition of the
Bones of the arm seem to put beyond a doubt that it is very different from the Ichtyosaurus. I
cannot say any thing on the bones of the hand, as some of them are placed in a supposed position,
260 W. A. S. SARJEANT & J. B. DELAIR
because I fear that naturally these oval bones, which resemble to those of the carpus of an animal,
were not along side the longitudinal ones, which resemble more to the Phalanges of certain
Cetacea and Tortoises & to the same animal as the round bones which formed its carpus. But
relative to the Sternal Bones, or what Mr C.50 calls his Clavicle and Scapula, I cannot adopt his
opinion : in finding a resemblance with those of the Crocodile, my reasons are the following, but
before giving you them I must say a word or two, as those bones in the different class of Sauria.
All vertebrate animals have the anterior extremity connected with the trun by means of a broad
bone for the insertion of the suspensory or connecting muscles. This is the Scapula; its identity
is easily discovered in the 3 first classes of the Vertebrates. In some animals this bone is connected
with the trunk and its connexion strengthened therby as [in] man, the Quadrumana and in fact
all the animals which enjoy considerable facility of motion in the anterior extremity: whilst all
those which do not possess clavicles, such as the Pachydermata, Ruminants and many Carnivores,
enjoy a much less facility of motion. On quitting the Class of Mammalia and entering that of
Birds, where the facility of mouvement [sic] must necessarily be increased, nature has given to
those animals a double clavicular apparatus; this first consists in a forked bone which Mr C.51
calls the Clavicular furculair and whose use is to separate the two extremities to prevent their too
near approach during flight; and is the real and analogous bone of the Clavicle of the Mammalia
and consequently of Man. There is no doubt then that this furcular bone is the clavicle, since it
gives (attaches) origin & insertion to the same muscles as that bone in Man. The second bone is
what has hitherto been improperly called clavicle and which connects the true Scapula to the
Sternum. It is in many species a distinct bone at all ages, and in every species seperated [sic]
during the early period of life from the Scapula. It is in the interval that seperated [sic] the Scapula
and clavicle that the Humerus is articulated or in other words that is placed the glenoidal cavity.
It is not long since the true analogy of this bone was pointed out, and only by the comparative
anatomy of the muscles which are inserted into & which arise from it: the muscles which arise
from [it] correspond perfectly to those which arise from the Coracoid process in Man and the
other Mammalia, and consequently this pretended Clavicle is nothing else than the Coracoid
apophysis which is much more developped than in Mammalia, because ['the' deleted] its muscles
are much more powerful. From Birds to the Saurians there is but one step, for on examining the
Crocodile we find two bones of nearly equal size supporting the anterior extremities. The first and
superior of those bones is the Scapula no doubt upon that head, but the second or pretended
Clavicle is nothing else than the Coracoid apophysis of Birds more developped and hence obliged
to [deletion] stand in place & fulfill the function of the furcular, clavicle and Coracoid apophysis.
The muscles which arise from it and all its relative conections [sic] tend to confirm this fact, so
that Mr Cuvier (Regn. Animal. 11. p. 19) observes correctly 'que les Crocodiles sont les seuls
Sauriens qui manquent des os claviculairs, mais que leures apophyses coracoids s'attachent au
Sternum comme dans tous les autres Sauriens'. I have had occasion lately to confirm this opinion
in the dissection of a small Crocodile which we have had here: The Clavicle of the Monitor Lizard
Ichtyosaurus etc. is nothing more than that of the crocodile with the addition of the furcular
bone of Birds and with the first bone of the Sternum considerably augmented in size, so that
before the true Sternum are found the furcular, two large fiat bones which correspond to the
anterior bone of the Sternum of Mammalia (which is always larger than the following) and the
two Coracoid apophyses, improperly called Clavicles. The same disposition more or less is to be
found in the Ornithorhynchus and Echidna.
After this long and, for you, tedious and uninteresting (I fear) preamble, let us come to your
fossil. From the sketch, I clearly see that the bone can only be the Coracoid apophysis; its form,
its connexion with the Scapula, its forming with this bone the glenoidal cavity to receive the head
of the Humerus, all concur in establishing the correctness of my opinion, so that if you have
any influence with Mr Conybeare you would do well to suggest to him to correct the fault he is
about to commit in calling it the Clavicle.
Those two bones alone are sufficient to prove that the Plesiosaurus belongs to the same division
of Sauria as the Monitor, Ichtyosaurus &c. but to that subdivision or at least near to that family
which contains the Ichtyosaurus ['which' deleted] or especially aquatic [sic]. The structure of the
foot sketched by Mr Conybeare would seem to point out a species of passage from the Living
LETTERS OF JOSEPH PENTLAND
261
Lacerta with clavicles or furcular bones to the Ichtyosaurus and establish a kind of link between
the Sauria actually existing and the inhabitants of former worlds. The name of Plesiosaurus is a
very good name I think, perhaps a little too relative; would it not be better to give some other
name which would express either some peculiar structure in the animal, or one relative to its high
antiquity, while retaining the termination Saurus which I think has been very happily chosen, as
that of Therium for the Quadrupeds (Mammalia).
I should be glad in yr. next letter, which I hope will be soon, to let me know if the oblong
quadrangular bone, in the centre of which I have made a [illegible: possibly 'strand'], are sur-
rounded on all sides by an articulating surface as in the Ichtyosaurus, or if that articulating surface
was only at the superior or inferior extremity as in the metacarpal bones and phalanges of the
Dolphin & Tortoise.
I can say nothing on the vertebrae.
On the whole I think Mr Conybeare will render to the fossil Zoology & comparative Anatomy
a great service by publishing his present observations & continuing his [deletion] researches on
those animals, and am sure that, although having fewer opportunities than Sir E. Home,
he will, from that Philosophical spirit of research and investigation which he has shown in his
Geological memoirs, render a much more essential service than that ['of deleted] which have
rendered the different abstruse, incomprehensible and for the most part uninteresting (except by
the Plates) papers of the London Baronet,52 which, crowding the Transactions of the oldest
Scientific Society of Europe,53 have often prevented the publication of others much more
interesting for the scientific world, and much more honorable to the Society from which they
['emanated' deleted] were worthy to have emanated [sic]. I shall be very happy to see Mr
Conybeare's paper as soon as published and am extremely obliged to you for your kind offer to
send it to me as soon as it appears.
Mr Conybeare's letter gives me a still higher opinion of its author than that which I had from
what you told me of him. I wish he would come over to Paris ['before' deleted] after the publica-
tion of his paper, ['it' deleted] and to prepare himself for the subsequent ones which he intends to
give on fossils; it would be of great service to him.
My Dear Sir, Excuse this long dissertation or rather list of Objections, but believe that they are
frank and only calculated to prevent mistakes. Receive them as frankly as they are given and you
will oblige
Ever Yrs. sincerely
J. B. Pentland
To Revd Wm Buckland
C.C.C. Oxford
III Au Jardin du Roi,
20 Sbr. 1821
My Dear Mr Buckland
I have just received both yr. letters, the one on Saturday last and the other this morning. I am
happy to find by the latter that yr. boxes are safely arrived in London; fortunately I had not made
as yet any enquiries on the subject when yr. 2nd letter arrived.
Mr Cuvier desires me for the moment to thank you for the superb present you intend to make
him, he will write to you very soon himself more fully on the subject. I am sure nothing can be
more liberal on your part as [sic] such an offer, which ['will' deleted] at the same time that it will
render Mr Cuvier under an obligation to you personally, will ['be' deleted] advance in his hands
considerably the history of this interesting and extinct species: he is now working precisely at his
article Rhinoceros for the new edition: he has suspended it in awaiting the arrival of yr. head.54
You do not say if the lower jaw is with it. The absence of the teeth is of little consequence as
there exists very little difference (and no Specific one) with the living Rhinoceros. You know that
some Zoologo-Geologists advanced an opinion that the fossil Rhinoceros was the same as that
from the Cape of Gd Hope. We have just received a fine skeleton of this latter, there is a very
262 W. A. S. SARJEANT & J. B. DELAIR
considerable difference. Neither does the African Rhinoceros resemble that found in Italy. It
appears therefore that there exists two species of fossil Rhinoceros, one with an elongated
occipital ridge, a bony nasal septum and bicorn. [Deletion] It is most common, found in Siberia,
England & Germany. The other more nearly allied to the Indian species by the general shape of
the head and only found in Northern Italy.
Mr Cuvier is also much obliged to you for the trouble you have taken in getting the drawings
of his Elephant's jaw at the Geological Society. Could you persuade Clift or Sir E. Home to
let us have a rude sketch of the Malayan Tapir, but more especially of its bony head, & of one or
two of its grinders. We expect soon one here, but en attendant our curiosity is great. In such an
occasion, it would be curious, in my opinion almost impossible, that the Tapir of the Promontory
of Malacca was the same as that of South America, the habitat of the larger species is in general
['very' deleted] circumscribed within very narrow limits.
Cuvier has nearly terminated his article on the fossil Crocodile and will immediately set too
[sic] that of the Ichtyosaurus : his drawings are all finished and ere long we shall have a good
description of this anomalous REPTILE. Your specimens will also arrive very a propos. I shall
answer for their safe return. Will you send your Stonesfield reptile55 or will you publish it yourself?
As you send so much, Mr Cuvier expects to make you some present in return : Let me know
what you wd. like to have most of what can be Gained here.
We have just received one of the most numerous collections of Zoology & comparative
anatomy that has ever arrived in Europe: it comes from the Cape of Good Hope. Among other
most interesting objects there is a complete and perfect Skeleton of an immense Hippopotamus,
a skeleton of Rhinoceros bicornis, and several others. The former is come very a propos for
Cuvier's paper on the fossil Hippopotamus; for the present I can assure you that, after a hasty
description which I myself have made and comparing it with the fossils of the Museum, I find
that there exist differences very considerable (perhaps Specific), so that the fossil bones appear to
belong, like those of the elephant & Rhinoceros, to extinct species.
Brongniart56 proposes to write to Mr Stokes57 on the subject of his trilobites. He, in conjunction
with Desmarest,58 is preparing a considerable work ex professo [sic] on fossil Crustacea or Crabs,
in which he will describe all and figure the greater number of those actually known. Perhaps this
will induce Mr Stokes to let Brongniart have his drawings for an object of such general utility.
If you should see Mr Stokes before, pray speak to him on the subject.
Brongniart is also About to publish a paper on ['the' deleted] a superposition of a rock which
he calls Serpentine but which appears intermediate in its nature between Variolite & Gabbro
of Von Buch59 or Euphotide. It lies on ['a' deleted] much reddened beds of jasper of flinty slate,
which repose themselves on beds of limestone which is analogous to that of the Piedmontese
Alps of that of Genoa: this locality is not
far from the town of Spezzia, State of Genoa.
What is your opinion on the Secondary gypsum? Do you believe that there exists more than
one ['between' deleted] formation or deposition immediately under the Calcaire a Gryphites or
Lias, the same as that of England, which contains Salt, and which is in a like position at Salins
in the Jura, ['always' deleted]. This gypsum always calc. a gryphites or Lias is accompanied by
LETTERS OF JOSEPH PENTLAND 263
.^A ^ j"-g*AAi£ Salt Springs, The marginal Section is
'" aJ f /K~ found at Salins. The Sandstone is probably
**^* J a member of the same formation as that
containing salt.
I am glad Leach gets on so well. Write to me by next courrier or, as soon as you can, let me know
when you think, you can send the Rhinoceros head, as Mr Cuvier desires me to ask you.
Mr Cuvier and family desire to be kindly remembered to you, as also does Dr Robertson,60
Underwood,61 Brongniart and our good little friend Laurillard. Remember me kindly to
Daubeny62 whose 2 or 3 parcels on Auvergne are enough to frighten any moderate Doubter
and a sufficient warning against subscribing to Jameson's Journal.63
Believe me ever yrs. most sincerely
J. B. Pentland
I enclose a letter for Mr Stokes. Pray send it to his address in London.
To the Revd Professor Buckland
Corpus Christi College
Oxford, England
IV Paris 6 Novr, 1820
au Jardin du Roi
My dear Mr Buckland,
After all Schlotheim's64 discovery of Human fossil Bones is nothing but an Humbug. He has
just formally contradicted the assertion of his book65 in Ocken's Journal the Ms,66 he throws the
entire blame on his bookseller who appears to have introduced it into his book to enhance ['and'
deleted] its value, and consequently encrease [sic] the sale of the [' Book' deleted] work. It is a good
way to throw of [sic] one's own shoulders the charge of ignoramus and Charlatanism which
Schlotheim has shown in the rigorous determinations osteological of the different Cock's and
Hen's bones which he supposed to belong to father Noah. I told you, the moment I heard of Ll.e
circumstances, that I considered it improbable & am happy now to be able to confirm my
prophesy. I have just perused Schlotheim's book, it appears to me to be a most incongruous and
certainly useless composition. He gives upwards of 100 pages of fossil Mollusca, employs many
new names without citing a single figure. I need to say nothing more to you on the merit of the
work.
I have considered your observations on the Diluvian gravel which you were so good as to
discuss with me. I am now almost entirely converted, and expect anxiously the publication of
your paper on the Gravel Beds. The account which we have just received of the immense blocks
which have been lately thrown up during the tempestuous weather on the coasts of France &
England are strong proofs of the comparative effect of fresh water rivers and of the sea in the
removal and deposition of those large Blocks, which which [sic] are so abundant in the diluvian
gravel beds all over Europe: but in adopting your ideas on the diluvian gravel I am very far from
supposing with you that the remains of Animals contained therein belong to individuals which
formerly lived in the latitudes where they are actually found. The climate of our northern latitudes
264 W. A. S. SARJEANT & J. B. DELAIR
must have materially changed to have allowed Rhinoceros & Hippopotamus, now limited to the
torrid zone, to exist where their bones are actually found. Such a change of climate is inconsistent
with the established laws of Meterology & astronomy, and I cannot see, were it possible to
introduce such an hypothesis, any service that it could be towards the explanation and full
confirmation of the last diluvian 'Cataclysm'': On the contrary, if you suppose that the bones of
those animals have been deposited where we find them or nearly so, by their former possessors,
it will be a strong argument in favour of those who suppose that the last deluge, (that con-
sequently which is recorded in the Mosaic History), was rather partial or restrained to certain
countries, than general over the entire earth's surface. For a long time I was a warm advocate of
this latter opinion, but I now begin to stagger, according as I advance in the study of the Zoology
of the antient [sic] world, where I find the distribution of its genera & species universal as far as
Geological investigations have yet been able to proove [sic]. It is now an established fact, that in
all those countries where the study of fossils has been cultivated, from the Cordillera of Quito,
Imbabura67 & the Plains of Peru to the most northern parts of America, passing then into the old
continent, we will find in every part of it ['that' deleted] the remains of an Elephant very different
from those actually existing and which does not offer the least difference from those which we
possess (here) from Peru and Quito, I say who can suppose that this species was so universally
distributed over the earth's surface as to have ['existed' deleted] lived every where, where his
remains are found. Is it probable that the Elephant of the Lena68 could have inhabited Peru, or
that of our temperate latitudes, the equatorial regions? Modern Zoology offers us no such a
general distribution in any of its species, and it is highly improbable that the laws of Organic life
were other in former times than they actually are. In my humble opinion it is much easier to
suppose a general dispersion of the remains of [deletion] certain genera & species all over the
globe's surface by the effects of the last and very recent diluvian action, than to call into our aid
a deterioration in which certain climates [words missing] or an universal equality in the dis-
tribution of heat over [deletion] the globe in order to allow the same beings to exist from the
Pole to the Equator. Either of those latter suppositions are, I may say, equally absurd, the laws
of Necessity and Astronomy cannot admit them, and I am sure no Zoologist who is acquainted
with the actual distribution of organic life over the surface of this Planet will attempt to
call them to his assistance: I have adduced the Elephant for example, I might have equally taken
the Mastodonte a dents etroites,69 The Lion of Gaylenreuth70 and the Hyaena71 certainly never
lived in Franconia, although it be the opinion generally adopted that they died where their bones
are found. Such an opinion were natural enough from the local accompanying circumstances,
had they not been found elsewhere dispersed in the Diluvian gravel. They thus enter, for me at
least, into the common category with the ['other' deleted] remains of the other antediluvian
animals properly speaking : it is not probable that, within so short a span of time as that which has
elapsed since the last revolution of the globe, that [sic] nature has so far changed in her operations
as to circumscribe within very narrow limits those animals whose remains are every where almost,
might I say, found. Instead of endowing them with a constitution & a Structure which would
allow them to inhabit, without detriment to themselves, every part of the globe's surface, as you
are inclined to suppose, faculty which man and man alone now [deletion] a day [sic] enjoys
amongst all living beings.
Brongniart is about to publish his paper on the Trilobites which he read five years ago at the
Institute and which has hitherto remained unedited: He requested me to beg your assistance by
sending him if possible ['an' deleted] some Wax or plaster of Paris moulds of the most remarquable
[sic] of your own collection or of those to which you may have easy access. I write by the present
Courrier to Mr Stokes on the same subject who you know possesses so fine a collection ; would you
second my demands, as I fear that they may appear highly unreasonable on my part from our
slight acquaintance.
I had a long conversation yesterday with Beudant;72 he insists on making your formation of
green Sand a subordinate part of the Chalk. Such for those who have seen the extent and make
up of the green Sand ['will' deleted] appears an absurdity — difference of composition, fossils
&c. In my opinion passage from one formation to another, as in the present instance, cannot
establish identity. Is granite or gneiss to be considered as the same formation as Mica-schist
LETTERS OF JOSEPH PENTLAND 265
because passage may be observed from one to the other?73 That from Chalk to greensand is
nearly the same thing: I think that the French do not really know what the green sand is, from
what their writings & their conversation show us on the subject.
I shall expect to hear from you. How is Leach? Any new fossils discovered?
Believe me ever yours ever sincerely & devoted
Joseph B. Pentland
V ADMINISTRATION DU MUSEUM D'HISTOIRE
NATURELLE, AU JARDIN DU ROI
23 Deer. 182[0]
My Dear Sir,
Your description of the Fezzan & Tripoli rocks is extremely interesting. I have seen Brongniart
this morg. [morning] : he is highly pleased with it, it is a further extension of the Tertiary strata,
hitherto considered within so narrow limits. I expect you will let me know what Lieut Lyon's74
Plain of Bones is; I hope it, when explained, will turn out as the Petrified men of the same
country lately described or rather explained by Capt Smith.75 Make all possible enquiries on the
subject. I have communicated yr. letter this morg. [morning] to Cuvier. He desires me to request
from you an explanation on the Subject when you shall have had it from the author. I am almost
certain that, if those bones really exist, that [sic] they belong to fossil species, as in a country so
thickly inhabited by carnivorous animals, especially Lions and Hyaenas, it is not probable that
the bones of their victims would be left entire, as those animals eat even those parts as far as our
observation extends; it is probably a Second Depot like that of the Vale of Arno. I hope it may
turn out as such; at the same time as it shall extend our knowledge on the inhabitants of a former
world, will extend farther the distribution of fossil species; circumstance highly favorable to my
ideas on the subject, which I detailed to you in a former letter.
The Verses76 on your death has made every one laugh [sic]. Underwood has found them so
good that he has requested a copy.
Have you any sections of the red marl on the Magnesium Limestone? Could you give me yr.
opinion on the Secondary Gypsum?
I enclose a letter from Brongniart for Mr Stokes & one from myself on the Subject of the
Trilobites: will you forward these.
Believe Me Ever
Yrs Very Sincerely
Joseph B. Pentland
au Jardin des Plantes
20 Deer. 1820
12o'C. [12 o'clock?]
(forwarded to Revd Professor Buckland, Axminister, Devon)
VI 21 January 1821
Jardin du Roi
Paris
My Dear Sir,
I have just received yr. letter of the 10th inst. by the courrier as well as that which you sent
['by' deleted] in Mr Cuvier's parcel; Mr Cuvier desires me to present you his thanks for the Book
and Drawings which you were so good as to send him and intends writing to you himself one of
those [sic] days, as soon as he can find a moment's leisure: in the mean time he desires me to say
that he is under the greatest obligation for the Rhinoceros' head,54 which he expects with im-
patience as he is just about to finish the article Rhinoceros for his new edition, the first volume of
which will appear in May as the enclosed prospectus will inform you. It will contain the Intro-
ductory Memoir, the Ibis, the Elephant, Mastodon, Rhinoceros & Hippopotamus.
266 W. A. S. SARJEANT & J. B. DELAIR
Mr Cuvier says he will be almost ashamed to accept your new & superb specimen of Ichtyo-
saurus; however he expects to make you some slight return, and we have already put by, or are
about to do so, a collection of Montmartre Specimens. He will of course neither mention in his
work and, if you require it, in the Gallery of fossils of the Museum when it shall be deposited that
you are the donor. However, that will entirely depend on yourself. From your description I am
almost certain that we have here nothing equal to the Specimen you intend sending.
With respect to the Drawings of the fossil teeth from the neighbourhood of Genoa, the one
appears to belong to the Hyena and the other to a small and distinct species of Hippopotamus
which Mr Cuvier calls the Petit Hippopotamus. However, from the drawing it is extremely
difficult to pronounce positively as to this latter from the manner in which they were taken.
['Did you' deleted] In such drawings it is much preferable to have them made of the crown of the
tooth, or the grinding portion, than a lateral one as unfortunately you have made. However, by
having a slight etching made of the grinding portion you would facilitate much its determination.
One thing we can almost positively assert is that it belongs to Palaeotherium or Anoplotherium,
as you will be able to convince yourself more fully when you shall have caracterised [sic] specimens
and well determined under yr. eyes. I have not yet been able to see Brongniart to ask him about the
formation near Genoa, but will as soon as possible, and will write to you soon on the subject.
I have not heard from Clifft [sic]ii for some time. I should be glad to hear something of the
collection sent by Sir Stamford Raffles and which he legally Stole in my opinion from Mr
Duvaucel.34-36 However they have retained duplicates of the greater part of the objects sent to
London, which are to be transmitted to France as soon as the arrival of the collection in London
shall have been known in Calcutta. Mr Duvaucel is at present in the Dutch possessions in Sumatra
at Palembang: our government or at least the India Company has lost a valuable person, I fear
by the Caprice or perhaps the Jealousy of Sir St. Raffles.
You would much oblige me when in London to ask to see the Squeleton [sic] of the Malacca
Tapir; does it materially differ from the American species by its head & its teeth, and in what are
the differences, if the[y] exist, the most remarquable [sic]. I shall write to Clift on the subject but
fear that he might feel unwilling to answer these questions as [deletion] Sir Everard Home has,
I presume, a paper on the Stocks (such as it is) on the subject.
Brongniart I believe does not intend to publish a book ad hoc on the Geology of Italy, and only
separate and detached memoirs on the Subject in the different Scientific journals & especially
the Journal des Mines. He has already read a paper at the Institute on the gisement des Serpentines
in the Piedmontese territory; he has found them lying upon beds of Limestone which appears
analogous with the oldest Derbyshire. This limestone contains beds of a red ribbonned [sic]
Jasper which forms immediately under the Serpentine a bed of itself of considerable thickness.
Brongniart has not yet heard from Mr Stokes.
I am sorry to hear that poor Leach is not better or at least that you are not pleased with the
last news you have had of him. We have had a report that he was replaced at the British Museum
by a Mr Stevens.77 This I cannot believe as I am sure that the Trustees would not be guilty of such
an injustice, and as we have never heard of Mr Stevens' reputation as a Zoologist, I beg you to
let me hear from you on this head.
Humboldt78 is about to publish a new volume of the Travels in South America;79 we hear
nothing as yet of his geological labours.
Beudant's72 book80 is in a considerable state of forwardness.
Mr Cuvier has already written to Mr Lambert81 at Calais to receive and Transmit to him by
the Diligence your Rhinoceros & Ichtyosaurus's Heads82 on their arrival. I would recommend
you send them by land to Dover, as some weeks might pass in case of yr. sending them to Calais
direct by water from London.
Mr Cuvier & family desire to be remembered to you.
Believe Me ever Yrs. Very Sincerely,
J. B. Pentland
[postscript] I have just seen Brongniart. He presumes that the teeth came from a place called
LETTERS OF JOSEPH PENTLAND 267
Cardi Bona near Savona, not far from Genoa, as that of the Museum of Genoa was found there;
if so he supposes that the formation of Lignite is of the same age as the Subappenine Hills, and
thinks that the formation of Savona, Cardi Bona, St Remo &, to the SE of Genoa, Castile
Nuovo are in the same formation, as respects the central chain of the Appennines on the South,
as Castle Arquato, Piacenza & its environs are on the north of the Chain. He is also of your
opinion that the formation is of the same age as that in which Escher83 found his Castor's head.
As soon as his paper on the Serpentines will be published, he will [deletion] read another on the
modern formations of Italy. He wishes that you would give your ideas on the same subject, in
some of yr. Scientific journals or Transactions.
Could you not lend Mr Cuvier the teeth of which you sent drawings. He will return them with
the Mt Martre Bones which he intends sending you. Let us know the day your Rhinoceros &
Ichtyosaurus head will leave London, so that some person may receive it at the Diligence.
Beudant's Book will be in 3 v. [volumes] in 4to with an Atlas price 70 francs. Brongniart and
Brochant84 send their respects to you. J.B.P.
To the Revd Professor Buckland
C.C. College
Oxford, England
Care of H. Heuland85 Esq
VII The next letter is from the collection of Dr & Mrs V. A. Eyles.
Jardin du Roi
21 Feby 1821
My Dear Mr Buckland,
I received your letter of the 16 Inst announcing the departure of the Rhinoceros's head and the
Bones of the Ichtyosaurus, which I immediately communicated to M Cuvier; he requests me 'de
vousfaire de sa part ses remercimens [sic] & de vous demander mille pardons pour ri 'avoir pas encore
repondre a votre lettre obligeant\ but as soon as he shall have a moment's leisure he shall write
to you. He is now busily employed in getting ready his annual rapport [sic] for the Publick meeting
of the Institut (which will take place in March) and which I will send you when published. He is
also busy at Sir Joseph Banks's86 Eloge87 for which I fear he has not sufficient materials. His
first Volume of the Ossemens fossiles is finished, and is already part printed & many of the Plates
already engraved. It will contain the Preliminary discourse much augmented. I have already read
a considerable portion of it. It seems to me to establish in the strongest manner the fact of a
general deluge, the Epoch of which cannot be farther back than 5000 years. He discusses the
traditions and historical documents of the different people of antiquity, as also those of the
moderns, especially the people of the East as the Hindus the Burmans &c, & arrives at the same
conclusion.
The first Volume will contain besides the Preliminary discourse the Chapters on the Rhinoceros,
Elephant, Mastodon & Hippopotamus.
You say Sir Everard H. intends publishing a description of the Indian Tapir and Sumatran
Rhinoceros. I hope it will be better than his papers on the Ichtyosaurus. However he has [sic]
better make haste as we expect daily those two objects from India with many others which
compose a very large envoi from Sumatra; if they arrive in time the description ot the Rhinoceros
will be incorporated into the body of the first Volume, if not it will be published in a supplement.
To give you some Idea of the additions to his Second edition of the Ossemens fossiles it will
suffice to say that it will contain the Osteological descriptions of many living species hitherto
undescribed, namely the Sumatra & African Rhinoceros, the Hippopotamus, the Malayan Tapir,
many new species of Carnivorous Animals, the Orycteropus, Tamandua & Tamanoir species
of the Ant Eater family, besides that of the Dugong and of some new species of Dolphins. Add
to those 3 or 4 entirely new fossil Genera of the order of the Pachydermata.
Brongniart is hard at work; he will soon publish his memoir on Monte-Bolca, the outline of
268 W. A. S. SARJEANT & J. B. DELAIR
which I shall give you in my next. He is inclined, he tells me, not to adopt your opinion that the
Nummulites belong exclusively to formations of the same ['epoch' deleted] as those of Paris:
as to yr. other opinions he agrees perfectly. He is about to publish his work on the Trilobites
which will soon appear; he requests me to beg of you to favour him with a notice, however short,
on the Disposition and relative age of the Dudley- limestone. You will thereby render him a great
Service, neither Brongniart or myself has heard as yet from Mr Stokes or do I suppose ['will'
deleted] shall we.
I am very happy to have so good an account from Leach, I have just received a letter from
himself which is [deletion] evidently written by a person in a rather disturbed state of mind.
I intend going in the beginning of April to visit the NW coast of France, where the whole
succession of Secondary Strata may be seen, in an extent of about 30 leagues, from the red sand-
stone to the Upper Chalk; the Sections are good all the way. In your next letter would you let
me have a section of the Southern Coast of England from Dover (where Phillips88 has left it) to
the Primitive Strata. Does the red Sandstone ever appear on yr Southern coast ?
Adieu My Dr Sir
Believe Me Ever Yrs very Sincerely
J. B. Pentland
[On back of letter, around address]
If you see Mr Stokes, will you speak to him about the Trilobites. I think you would much oblige
Cuvier much [sic] by offering to give him a short notice on the Lias formation & others which
contain the Ichtyosaurus & other reptiles.
Have you yet proposed Cordier at the Geological Society,? or do you intend to do it?89
Write to me as soon as you can about the Dudley Limestone.
The lithography [deletion] machine is worth very little I fear; that of Cuvier does not succeed
as well as one could wish.
Revd Professor Buckland
Corpus Christi College
Oxford, England
W. S. McLeay90 Postmark 'Fe 26 1821'
VIII [The next letter is undated, but internal evidence shows that it was written between
21 February and 7 May 1821 :]
My Dear Mr Buckland,
Messrs Cuvier & Brongniart desire me to request to you to send them Mr Mantell's Work on
the South Downs91 (of which you sent ['Me' deleted] me a Prospectus some time ago) with the
least possible delay, as they want it for the second edition of the Geology of the environs of Paris,
which should appear in August. — The best way wd. be to direct your London Bookseller to
send it addressed to Mr Cuvier by the Mail — or by Mr MacLeay — the price I shall remit you
either in Books or money. The former I presume you will prefer. [Deletion]. Mr Conybeare has
commissioned me to send him Cuvier's first volume which will pay a part of the [£]3 ... 3 which
Mantell's Work I believe will cost: you will specify any other Books you may want. I shall send
them punctually.
I wrote to you enclosing the Second part of my reply to Mr Conybeare last Thursday, which I
hope is come to hand ere this.
I have never yet been able to get Humboldt's answer to yr. Alpine paper which he promised me.
We expect ['daily' deleted] a very large collection of objects of Natural History this week,
consisting of 14 cases of quadruped, birds, fish &c. from Sumatra, Malacca — Java & the Peninsula
of Hindostan, collected by Madame Cuvier's son during his unfortunate excursion with Sir
Stamford Raffles.
LETTERS OF JOSEPH PENTLAND 269
Hauy's92 new Treatise on Natural Philosophy is just published in 2 octavo vols. His Mineralogy
or Cristallography [sic] will soon follow.
Cuvier & family desire their best respect to you.
Believe Me Ever.
Yours sincerely,
J. B. Pentland
Have the Book addressed as follows:
Baron George Cuvier,
Conseiller d'Etat,
Secretaire Perpetuel de l'lnstitut
au Jardin du Roi, Paris
Revd Professor Buckland F.R.S./Corpus College/Oxford/England
IX Jardin du Roi
My Dear Sir,
I received yr. letter & casts of the teeth from near Genoa, and have handed them over to Mr.
Cuvier. They belong to a new genus probably intermediate between the Anoplotherium and the
small Hippopotamus, but of this more hereafter.
Will you let Mr Cuvier have a pencil drawing made of your fossil Rhinoceros bones from
Warwickshire,54 especially the Humerus & Os innominatum which you have so perfect, and as
Cuvier has no such bones in his new work. He requests you not to take any trouble in having
them finished, but merely pencil drawings on a scale of a quarter of the natural size or larger if
you choose. If in yr. other Rhinoceros bones from the same locality perhaps you will have portions
of the other large bones, either Scapula or bones of the extremity, which might be worth having
drawn also [sic]. The only thing I must beg of you is to have them done & sent as soon as
possible, as his paper on the Rhinoceros will be sent to the press in a few days, the introductory
discourse and 300 pages of the text being already printed off. He will keep back the printing until
hearing from you.
I send you the prospectus you desired. I hope you have received my two last letters with
Brongniart's sections of Italy; tell me what you think of them. I will send you Brongniart's paper
on the Serpentines with the Almanack of the Institute, perhaps this day week. B.[rongniart] has
promised me two or three of those papers, would you like to have one for some of yr. friends?
I will give one to Mr Conybeare.
We have not here the head of the Bos moschatus, but wd. change that of any other animal.
Wd. yr. museum change one for a cast of our Palaeotherium head ?
Mr Beaunier93 is returned to Paris highly charmed with England, and very grateful for the
attention paid him, he considers himself much indebted to you.
Adieu & Believe Me (in haste)
Yrs. Very sincerely,
J. B. Pentland
24 April [1821]
Monday 2 o'c.
Revd Wm Buckland
Corpus College, Oxford
[Postscript on outside] Could you get a small quantity of the Napthaline of Dr Kidd?94 It is
very curious, and unknown here before Mr Beaunier's return.
X Jardin du Roi, Paris, 7 May 1821
My Dear Mr Buckland,
I have been prevented from writing you by the two last courriers on account of the Easter
270
W. A. S. SARJEANT & J. B. DELAIR
Alexandre Brongniart. (Reproduced by courtesy of Expansion Scientifique Francaise, Paris and M.
Paul Ardouin).
holidays and lately by the fetes of the Baptism of the Duke of Bordeaux. I am sorry that I am now
able to write you a few lines [sic] being very busily occupied in making out the Catalogue of our
East Indian collection, which is lately arrived. I am charged with the Classes of Reptiles & fishes.
We have received the Malayan Tapir which is very different from the American though indubitably
of the same genus, as also an [deletion] entirely unknown and new species of Rhinoceros from
Java, very different from that of Sumatra. When I shall have finished by catalogue I shall write a
long letter to you.
I enclose a copy of Brongniart's paper on the Serpentines, one for you & one for Mr Conybeare,
which you will have the goodness to present with Brongniart's compts. [compliments]. I send
you also a copy of the plate of the Coal formation of St. Etienne: which shows the deposition of
the Vertical trunks in the sandstone and that of the clay Ironstone which they only now begin
LETTERS OF JOSEPH PENTLAND
271
to turn to a profitable account in France. I shall send you Brongniart's memoir there upon as
soon as published.
Cuvier's first volume will not appear this month. The length of the Discours preliminaire will
not allow the paper on Rhinoceros to enter into this volume: so that you will only have the
Elephant, Mastodont & Hippopotamus. The second will contain Rhinoceros (very long), Tapir
with the osteology of the Malacca species, and Palaeotherium, the third the Anoplotherium &
geology of Paris. We are now busy at the Palaeotherium & Anoplotherium; there will be two
new species of the former and perhaps two of the latter, from the environs of Paris, besides
several others from different parts of France &c.
The cast of Palaeotherium's head is ready. We do not know whether to send it immediately or
to wait until 22 other casts which we destined for you to be ready. The head is extra magnificent,
write to me if you wish it directly, if so I shall send it ! ! !
Believe Ever Yrs. Sincerely
In Haste,
J. B. Pentland
Revd Wm. Buckland F.R.S.
Corpus College,
Oxford, England
XI (Pencil date '28 May 1821'
My Dear Sir,
[First paragraph, lightly crossed out, reads: I wrote to you last Thursday by the French
Ambassador's Courrier, in which I answered yr. last letter ['of the' heavily crossed out] but fearing
that some delay may occur in the reception of my letter, I think it more sure to write a second
time.]
Cuvier desires me to say that he will be highly gratified by the drawings of the bones of
Rhinoceros, whatever those bones may be. = either Vertebrae or long [b]ones. For the manner
and position in which those drawings should be made, I only refer you to Cuvier's plates of living
Rhinoceros, only on a much larger scale if possible, the long bones at least 1/3 or 1/2 of natural
size. They will be published in the beginning of his second volume, when Cuvier will have another
opportunity of speaking of Miss Morland's talents and of your liberality and zeal: as to the
Bos Moschatus Mr C. is much obliged to you for requesting Capt Parry95 to get him the head.
I wd. be glad that you wd. send the drawings of the Rhinoceros bones as soon as you can, as all
the plates for that memoir are already engraved. I think I will be able to send you the engraving
of the Rhinoceros head which you gave us by next courrier.
Underwood61 & Robertson60 are just returned from their Geological trip in Auvergne.
Underwood desires me to ask you if, in the middle of July, you will be still in Oxford: he go^ to
England in a few days.
I enclose you a letter which please to send to London by post, if you have not an immediate
opportunity.
Mr Cuvier desires to be kindly remembered to you, as also does [sic] Robertson and
Underwood.
Believe Ever,
yrs. most sincerely
J. B. Pentland
Jardin du Roi
28 May 1821
Revd. Wm. Buckland F.R.S.
Corpus College/Oxford
N.B. This letter which I say I enclose has
been since sent by another person.
Postmark
May 31 1821
272 W. A. S. SARJEANT & J. B. DELAIR
XII Jardin du Roi 21st June 1821
My Dear Mr Buckland,
I received yr. letter of the 12th inst. with the memoirs on the geology of the Alps,96 a part of
which I have already distributed. I am much obliged to you for the one destined for me. I am
sure both Humboldt & Brongniart will be highly pleased with it, especially with the comparative
tabular view placed at the end ['of it' deleted]. As soon as I shall have learned more positivey
their opinion on the subject I will write to you. Cuvier has been so busy lately that he has had
scarcely a moment's time to read anything: the discussion of the Budget in the House of Deputies
has taken up all his time for the last 3 weeks. He has however perused yr. paper on the Diluvian
action, and of course thinks highly of it, at the same time as it enters perfectly into his views on
Diluvian action. He is only sorry that it arrived too late to be cited in his Discours Preliminaire,
the Geological part of which has been printed off more than a month back.
I showed him yr. letter where you speak of the different bones of Rhinoceros which Miss
Morland97 is about to draw: he desires me to present you his best Thanks for the interest you
take in forwarding so many new materials for his work, which he says will owe more of its utility
to you & Miss Morland's talent than to any other of his friends. I presume I shall receive the
drawings by Monday next. Be sure to have the extremities of the Long bones drawn: and a birds
eye view of the Condyle of the lower jaw, and above all accurate measurements of the different
dimensions.
I am extremely glad to hear that Leach is so far recovered as to be able to return to the Museum.
If you should have any news of him between this and yr. next letter be so good as to mention it,
as everyone here (Cuvier's family) are extremely interested about him.
I have at last made up my mind to leave Paris for England. I think I shall be in London towards
the end of July, in hope of getting out to India shortly after or as soon as possible. You know that
my mind has been always tending towards that part of the world, for two reasons. The first,
that so very little opening exists today in Europe for a person of my age except endowed with very
superior talents & acquirements; the second, that my exertions can be of little use to a country
which possesses so many first rate men in every branch of Science as Great Britain. You were so
good, during your stay in Paris last Autumn, as to say you would render me any service in your
power in forwarding my views, and as you have perhaps as much influence as most Scientific
Men in England with the Government I am sure you could render me many services.
My intention was to go out to India as a Medical man, but since I have applied myself so
closely to science, and above all since I have seen so much of that little jealousy which is so
common in the Profession, I have taken such a disgust to every thing in the shape of Physic that
I am sure I never will be able to make my way as a Physician: this is the reason why I do not
wish to go out to India in a medical situation, for I have no Idea of taking on myself so important
a charge, without being able to fulfill my engagement towards my employer: if I cannot get out to
India in some other situation [deletion] in more harmony with my feelings I would much rather
remain in Europe. Not in England, as I fear there is there [sic] but little chance of succeeding,
and I have received more than one proposition from the Russian government to enter into its
service, I fear that in case of failing in my attempt to establish myself in India I shall be for ever
obliged to expatriate myself from all that is dear to me.
India has long fixed my regards, as a country where there is a great deal to be done in every
branch of Natural History. That I am adequate to such a task you will best judge from the
opportunities which I have had for the last three years, of having access to all the Museums of
Paris, and of following the numerous lectures which are daily delivered on every branch of science
in the French Capital.
I began in France by studying Mineralogy and Chemistry, in the first of which I received the
greatest assistance from Haiiy,92 who pushed his complaisance so far as to allow ['me' omitted]
to visit specimen by specimen his own private collection as well as that of the Garden of Plants,
and gave me even private lessons in Cristallography [sic], which he said I knew as well as any of
his pupils. I have certificates of such. As to Chemistry, Mr Gay Lussac98 allowed me to follow
his lectures at the Ecole Polytechnique as well as the other courses delivered at the celebrated
LETTERS OF JOSEPH PENTLAND 273
establishment, permission which no other Englishman has before or since enjoyed with the
exception of the unfortunate Riche" who died in Africa. I at the same time worked for 12 months
in the chemical laboratory of Mr Thenard:100 I then began Geology ['who' deleted] in which
I was powerfully assisted by Messrs Brongniart, Brochant,84 & Cordier,101 the two first of whom
allowed me a free access to their collections, and to that of the Ecole des Mines. It was after
receiving from them the Elements of that Science, that by their advice I undertook my voyage
into the South of France, in which I visited the Dordogne, Berry, Limousin, Perigord, Auvergne,
Cantal, Vivarais, Sily [?], a part of Languedoc, Lyonnais, that part of the Alps in the neighbour-
hood of Geneva and Burgundy on my return. I thus spent 17 weeks during which time I travelled
near 2500 English miles, and all on foot. I may say that it was then that I received for the first time
a decided taste for Geology. Since that period (1818) I have been constantly occupied with the
same studies, but from the moment that I traversed the Jura that I saw the quantity of fossil
remains which it contained, I immediately conceived the utility of the study of ['the' deleted]
Zoology, study which very few Geologists had yet taken up. It was then, that becoming acquainted
with Cuvier more immediately than I had hitherto been, this great man allowed me to ['study'
deleted] avail myself to his labours, by opening to me his collections and by allowing me to work
in his own Private Laboratory. He has even pushed his complaisance still farther by permitting me
to make use of his own rich Library, to consult his portfolios of notes & drawings, and he has
even charged me at several times with the arrangement of his collections, which is confided to
another young man & myself. It is not only in encouraging my study and in forwarding my
scientific views that I have to thank Cuvier: he has gone still further, I am received into his family
as a relation and an initiate, and you know yourself from the manner you have seen me treated
by all the family what opinion they have of my conduct & acquirements.
Those are the principal recommendations I have to offer, towards being employed in India, in
a Situation such as to be able to render services to Science, in a country where hitherto nothing
has been done in Geology and where very few ['little' deleted] of the Animals which inhabit that
vast Peninsula are known farther than the coasts. It is easy to conceive why Geology is so far in
the background in India, because to be able to geologize, if I may use the expression, a knowledge
of that of Europe is necessary and very few persons have more than a mere smattering of that
Science. Geology does not consist in the collecting of hand specimens. Its great object is Super-
position, object which is now arriving rapidly to something constant and invariable and to which
no person has more contributed than yourself. I have been able then to consult & to profit of
what has been hitherto done : I have seen also for myself, and have visited with care one of the
countries, which offers ['the key' deleted] a kind of key towards the explanation of the causes
which produced one of the most important class of Rocks (Volcanic) although not ['and' deleted]
one of the most general.
As to Zoology, I will only mention two examples to show how far that Science is cultivated in
India, the discovery of the Malayan Tapir which had been a long time in Lord Moira's102 Park
at Calcutta by Mr Cuvier's stepson,34-36 who was then no zoologist, and since that time the dis-
coverer of an entirely unknown and new species of Rhinoceros. In Icthyology those great rivers
the Jumna & Ganges on one side & the Indus on the other present a large field for enquiry, and
you know that in Ornithology, from the little already known, the number of objects is immense.
Messrs Diard and Duvaucel34-36 have discovered in the single Island of Sumatra alone 7
species of Apes, 2 species of Deer, and of Antelope, & inumerable [sic] species of Birds and
fishes.
To conclude allow me to repeat my request of yr. assistance in my undertaking. Be assured that
the advancement of science (which is our favourite pursuit) is the only motive I have in view, &
that if [I] shall succeed, I am sure you will have no reason to complain of my labours, & of the
interest you shall have taken in forwarding them.
Adieu Believe with most [word incomplete]
regards,
Yrs ever sincerely,
Jos. B. Pentland
274 W. A. S. SARJEANT & J. B. DELAIR
To the Rev. Wm. Buckland
Corpus College,
Oxford, England
(Bears seal of 'Fr. Academie Royale des Sciences')
XIII Paris Jardin du Roi 2 July 1821
My Dear Mr Buckland,
I received your letter of the [gap] ult. last Monday, with the drawings of the Rhinoceros bones103
for Mr Cuvier, with which he is hugely pleased ['and' deleted]. They seem done with much care
and a great exact shape: I am desired by Mr C.104 to present his thanks to you and to Miss
Morland for those drawings. There is only one specimen which remains undecided, it is the pi. 6
of a vertebra viewed in 2 positions and which appears to be the Axis of a Rhinoceros. However
the odontoid process or articular faces are too imperfectly marked in yr. drawing to warrant a
positive determination. Mr Cuvier will get Miss Morland the number of copies she may choose
of the drawings: and between ourselves I believe he intends to send her a copy of his work.
I enclose at last a part of my reply to Mr Conybeare. The ideas contained there are in for the
most part my own, and have requested Mr C.105 not to speak of any communication in his papers,
at least not to cite my name, for very particular reasons.106 You will be so good as to request him
to do so yourself. I could have written a letter triple the length on the subject, but feared lest
aridity of the details into which I must enter would render my description tedious and incom-
prehensible without drawings. You will see that, from the Osteology of the head, I have arrived
so far as to establish the resemblance between the Ichtyosaurus & Lizard tribe, and have thus
been obliged to constantly combat Mr C.'s105 reasoning throughout, which I think I have done
fairly, and hope that he will consider the details and reasonings I have been obliged to enter into,
as [deletion] arising from no personal opinion of my own but from that love of truth which should
actuate every person who wishes to treat of such matters. The principal object of the enclosed
letter is to show that the Ichtyosaurus is a Saurian much nearer allied to Monitor & Iguana &
Lizards than to the Crocodile, in proof of which the organs of sense and general confirmation,
['and' deleted] speak in favour of. I have only spoken once or twice of Sir E. Home's ideas, which
I then shew are ridiculous, as coming from a man placed in the centre of Science and at the head
of such a superb Anatomical establishment as the Hunterian Museum:106 in my next letter
(which will be in a week) I shall show that the opinions of Sir E. Home, who at one time wished to
make a fish and at another an Ornithorynchus & at another a Proteus of the Ichtyosaurus were
as unfounded as ridiculous, that those who wished to make a Dolphin of it did not understand
the simplest laws of animal organisation, ['Had' deleted] and that Mr Conybeare in wishing to
transform ['it' deleted] into a Crocodile the Ichtyosaurus (which resembles more to the other
Saurii) did it from a total ignorance of the Osteology of the monitors, which he had no opportunity
of studying. You will besides see by my letter that the first & all essential organs of the animal
are constructed on the same model as in animals actually existing, but that the secondary points
of organisation are sui generis, and authorise the establishment of a new family of Saurii ('in'
deleted] which the Ichtyosaurus should form the type of.
I have left my letter open so that you may peruse it if you think it worthy of yr. attention.
I have distributed your Alpine paper, as you desired. Humboldt has promised to give me some
notes on the subject which I shall send to you. He still holds out for his old opinion on Bunter
Sandstone: he is not of yr. opinion as to Pappenheim, whereas Brongniart is, and as to the
Diableretz he still wishes to make it an Alpen-Kalk: I shall send you also an account of what
Brongniart will say on the subject. I have not been able to see him for some time: but am to dine
at Leons [?] with him in a few days. He will read today at the Institut his paper on the Series
tertiaires of the N. of Italy and especially on the Valley of Ronca & of Mount Bolca. He will
publish this paper with plates of the shells of Ronca, which I shall send to you and Mr Conybeare,
as soon as it shall appear. Have you seen Greenough25 since his return? and do you think he has
LETTERS OF JOSEPH PENTLAND
275
much profited by his Italian trip in getting rid of his scepticism: he made very little impression
on the people here during his short stay.
Cuvier's first volume is ready to appear. The printing of the title page is finished, so that in
10 days or a fortnight you may expect to have it in England.
I have read attentively your Lickey Hill paper108 and am ['almost' deleted] entirely of yr.
opinion, as I am sure is Cuvier, but you know that he never gives his opinion on any subject
except in Print, and for your sake I am sorry that your paper arrived after that part of his work
where he could speak of it was printed off.
I expect daily Mr Conybeare's drawings of Ichtyosaurus, especially those of the Palate & Pelvis,
and of the ribs in position. Although we have here all the parts except the Pelvis, the moment is
not arrived when they can be laid bare, Mr Laurillard (Cuvier's assistant) & myself being occupied
with the Tapir, Rhinoceros & Paris fossils at the moment. The casts of the Paris fossils for your
use are now painting. You will be delighted with them. They shall be sent the moment they are
finished.
Mr Cuvier & family desire to be kindly remembered to you: how is Leach? I will not go to
England before the middle of August.
Believe Ever,
Yrs. very sincerely,
J. B. Pentland
Jardin du Roi chez
le Baron Cuvier
[Postscript written around address] You will explain to Mr Conybeare the haste in which my
letter was written, so as to bear some kind of excuse for my style which I only wish to [be] plain
and easily understood: [deletion] I will expect to hear from you by return of Courrier, as also
from Mr Conybeare.
I would have recopied my letter so as to render it more lisible, but I am now so busy that this
was impossible.
J. B. Pentland
To the Revd Professor Buckland F.R.S.
Corpus College
Oxford, England
XIV Pencil date '3 July 1821'
My Dear Mr Buckland,
I am extremely obliged to you for sending the specimens of Ichtyosaurus with Mr Conybeare's
paper,109 both of which have arrived safe. Your polished specimens of the teeth are most
interesting and proove [sic] beyond a doubt that my opinion was correct in holding out that the
dentition was different from that of living Crocodiles, and approaching nearer to that of Lacerta
however as I suspected and which I mention in my letter to Mr Conybeare. The dentition is also
different ['also' deleted] from that of those latter in so much as the tooth never was intimately
united to the bottom of the alveolas by a horny medium, at least so far as I am enabled to judge
by all the specimens I have seen, for if you remark the inferior part of the tooth is separated on
all sides from the bone in which it is implanted by a layer of calcareous spar, sometimes extremely
thin. What Mr C.110 took for a new tooth within the old one is nothing else than the commence-
ment of the ossification of the pulp, which fills up the bottom of the tooth. The middle part
remains hollow as in fishes & Dolphins & in the larger species of the Lacerta family, for a
considerable period after the ossification of the pulp below and in some at every period of life,
and if you examine with care this new tooth, as Mr C.110 supposed it you will find it is continuous
(in yr. specimen) with the external edge, by a very narrow & uninterrupted line of bony matter
276 W. A. S. SARJEANT & J. B. DELAIR
which on one side (of yr. specimen is dislocated) [sic] but perfectly preserved on the other: besides
the new tooth is entirely composed of a porous bony structure, without the least possible trace
of a covering of enamel, which [?] should be the case was it in reality a young tooth: the proof of
which is that in the same specimen there is the superior extremity of a really new tooth formed
and which, although much smaller than that which Mr C.110 supposes to be such, has its enamel
formed, and its entire substance of a much more solid and compact material than in the bony
polp of the others. It will suffice to observe those two and you will with a little attention see that
they are of quite a different nature, and if the one be admitted to be a young tooth (which no
person can doubt) the other certainly cannot. Besides to admit two so very different modes of
dentition in an animal, even in the same individual, would be absurd and contrary to every basis
of coexistence — & of analogy. Your specimens ['which' deleted] with which you & Mr. C.110
supposed to confound me, have as you see been the means of confirming my opinion, opinion
which I had formed in the beginning, I will now confess to you after the analogy of the head, but
which the researches I made previous to writing to Mr Conybeare still confirmed and which finally
your specimens place beyond a doubt. There remains then but one difference between the Lacerta
& Icthyosaurus, namely that the teeth were never intimately united by a bony medium to the jaw
bone, but retained most probably in the long maxillary furrow by the ligamentary matter of the
gums, as in Dolphins, supposition which their dislocated nature in the greatest number of
specimens renders still more likely.
As to your question if the Ichtyosaurus ever came on shore, I must say he never did as far as
we can judge by analogy. Those analogies are founded on his resemblances as to the principal
locomotion organs with the Cetacea, which once ashore can not get back to the water, but die on
the sand for want of food : the presence of nails on the extremity is not any reason for his not being
able to gain the land, because the eared seals (Phoca jubata111 & ursina112) with very small nails,
which they certainly cannot employ because of their being placed on the middle of the superior
surface of the feet and consequently can never touch the ground as in common seals. However
these animals come basking on shore, during the greater part of their lives. As to his breaking his
back, this is not possible because of the great elasticity of the intervertebral substance, allowing
much greater motion than in land animals. Besides you know than [sic: pres. 'that'] fish, when
brought out of the water, never are subject to such an accident, although they execute much more
violent mouvements [sic] when dying than the Ichtyosaurus could when simply driven ashore.
On the whole Mr Conybeare has published an excellent paper, as much superior to those of
Sir E. Home as one thing can be to another. His manner of treating his subject has really
astonished me, when I consider the opportunity of studying the living species which he had in his
power. I wrote a long letter by the present courrier, in which I discuss or rather, critique [sic] his
paper in the order he has adopted.
Since writing the above, I have received a letter from my friends in London saying that my
situation of Medical man in India can no longer be kept vacant for me and that I must go off
immediately for London, which I intend doing in the course of the ensuing week. I must remain
2 months in London previous to my embarkation. I therefore beg of you to send me any letters
you can for people who may be of service to me in London, especially one for Ld. Bathurst,113
as that which you gave me is now of an old date. I shall do everything in my power to go to
Bengal, where there exists to openest field for research, I shall still hope you will employ your
influence to have my appointment changed to that of civil officer. Although the place of Assistant
Surgeon in a pecuniary point of view is very nearly the same as that of Writer (which I would
like to get), still you can well imagine that this latter situation, at the same time as it is more
consonant with my natural feelings, would place me in a much more favourable position to
cultivate my scientific views, which is [sic] my principal and I may say only object. 1 could live at
home by my professional talents, but then would have no field for any scientific pursuits, whereas
in India, although not rich, I will be able to render services to the cause of Science: this is the
only motive I have in wishing to go to Bengal. I assure you My Dear Mr Buckland that those
chimerical ideas of returning home one day or other with a large fortune are not mine: fortune is
certainly due after long services, but that which I wish to gain is instruction and reputation.
You have more than once been able to judge whether this is the case or not. The advantages of
LETTERS OF JOSEPH PENTLAND
277
going out as a Writer would be; that I could get attached to the missions or, if you choose,
embassies placed at the courts of the Rajahs or princes in the interior; by this means I would be
able to study carefully that country around, and not by post as if I was attached to the army,
which I must be if I go out as Surgeon. Such is the account I receive from several persons who
have lived in India : and as the place of Assistant Surgeon which I now have is nearly equivalent
to that of Writer, I am confident you may be able to procure the change I ask, either by your own
friends or your friend's connexions. If I can arrive at this desire, I shall conceive myself the
happiest man living: if not I must accept my medical situation, the disgust of which will ['hasten
deleted] make me forget and perhaps dislike science in every shape and probably being in bad
health which may soon put an end to a life which might be rendered useful. You mentioned Miss
Morland's uncle as an India Director, perhaps he could do something: I expect the niece will
use her influence on my behalf. However you will know best how to manage, and with the zeal
you employ I am confident of success. If there existed a lower civil situation in the Company's
service I would not dare to ask for that of Writer, but no such place exists. You may ask if the
education I have received is sufficient for to aspire to such a situation: I will only observe that I
have ['been' omitted] brought up in the best classical establishment in Ireland (that of Armagh)
and that [hole in letter: prob. 'since leaving'] School Science has not engrossed my entire time,
but that my moments of relaxation have been employed in reading History and other branches
of litterature [sic]. Relying on your exertions I will say no more, except that I shall be always
grateful for yr. past kindnesses, and hope that ['with' deleted] our correspondence (which has
been so instructive for me) will not end with my departure from Europe.
I have received Mr Cuvier's first volume, which he desires me to present you as a mark of
Esteem and friendship, & as a small token of his reconnaissance (which cannot be translated)
for the services which your zeal has rendered to Science in general, and to the Study of fossil
bones in particular: besides he says that he is glad to acquit a debt for the exertions you have
made in rendering his work more complete than it could otherwise have been, by the generous
sacrifice you have made of some of the most valuable specimens that the Jardin du Roi has ever
received. I cannot send it by the Courrier, being too large, but will bring it ['with' deleted] myself.
I am not yet decided what day I will leave Paris, but it will not be later than the 9th of August
so that you will be able to answer my letter by writing by Post. I shall bring with me the cast of
Palaeotherium &c addressed to the British Museum, your part will be in the same box, as well as
a series which Mr Cuvier charges me with for the Governor General of India. By this means I
hope to get ['my' deleted] our specimens into England duty free. I hope to be able to visit Oxford
before my embarkation for India. If I have time I shall also go to Bath and Bristol and stop a day
or two with Mr Conybeare:114 I would be glad to have letters from you for Sir Everard Home,
and any other persons that may be open to me in London such as Mr Colebrooke Barrow of the
Admiralty.115 Mr Lambert. [sic]sl If you should have many letters to send, send them by the mail
addressed me, and to the care of Mr Heuland,85 27 Kings St, St James, or still better to Mr
Macleay90 whose address you know. I shall however expect to hear from you by post before I
leave Paris.
Believe me Ever Yours Very Sincerely,
Paris 31 July 1821 J. B. Pentland
To the Revd. Professor Buckland (No postmark)
Corpus College, Oxford
[Postscript written across first sheet]:
In case of my not succeeding in getting the Writership in India, I would prefer going to New
Holland in the situation which you think I could easily get from our Government. In case you
cannot do any thing for me in forwarding my pretensions to the Writership, I will then beg of you
to do what you can to get me out to New Holland as soon as possible, as a residence in London
at the same time as it will necessitate considerable expense, will also be of very little utility to me
If you can give me letters for the people at the Foreign office, that may set the business a going,
278 W. A. S. SARJEANT & J. B. DELAIR
but if [?] you can do more on your return from Scotland [sic]. Do you know Mr Croker,116 will
he be of any service to me. I shall deliver the letter you gave me 12 months ago to Mr Ricketts.117
XV
My Dear Sir,
I was out of town when your kind letter of the 24 Ult. came to hand ['which' deleted], enclosing
yr. deluge paper which according to yr. desire I immediately handed over to Cuvier. I am much
indebted to you for being the cause of Mr Conybeare's writing to me, whose letter I cannot
answer before 10 days at least, as I shall be obliged to make some researches on the anatomy of
the muscles of the Crocodile & other reptiles so as to be fully en etat to answer to some of his
objections. However I am glad that he adopted my, or rather Cuvier's, opinion as to the position
of the nasal openings placed before the eyes of the Ichtyosaurus, and my opinion on the identity
of the Coracoid apophysis. Mr C.118 does not yet seem to me to fully understand the composition
of the Sternum of the Monitor, I shall send him sketches of them in my letter which are so much
superior to verbal descriptions. I am now busy with a dissection of a bear which will yet keep me
8 days after which I shall set to, in order to answer Mr C's118 letter. I shall also be obliged to
examine, more carefully than I have hitherto done, the mode of dentition of I'saurus as Mr C.118
holds out for an opinion which, although not very different from my own, is still such as to
require to be established on unequivocal proofs. The reasons which I shall bring forward in
support of my opinion that the I'saurus is more nearly allied to the Monitor, Iguana Lizard &c.
are principally deduced from the structure of the Trunk, and from the head, but I must also
admit that in many points there exists a resemblance with the Crocodile; now to be able to establish
my opinion I shall examine those parts or organs most essential to life, and in my research I am
necessarily obliged to study the soft parts of the Saurian trunk, on which little or nothing has
been published hitherto.
I am very much pleased with Mr Conybeare's manner of writing, and am really astonished at
the progress he has made in so difficult a subject with so few means. Although young in the
business, he will far outshine Sir E. Home, who to his many insignificant memoirs, has just given
a most stupid one of the Dugong.119
I shall be much obliged to you for the copies of yr. deluge paper which you promise to send me.
I told Brongniart & Cordier that I should give them one from you. I am really astonished to say
that I have scarcely time to read it. I am at the Garden from 6 A.M. to 8 P.M. every day, busy
either dissecting, or picking out Montmartre fossil bones at which Cuvier is now working. He
has made out 7 species of Parisian Anoplotherium, c. 8 or 9 of Palaeotherium, besides 2 entirely
new genera of Pachydermata, all from the plaster quarried of the environs of Paris, besides a
new genus of Carnivorous Animals. To the catalogue may be added three other species of
Anoplotherium 2 of which, found in the coal near Genoa, although very different from the species
of [deletion] Paris at first view, seem on further examination to offer one of those Anatomical
links between fossil & living species, the Anoplotherium & Hippopotamus. The third species
comes from Gascony. In Palaeotherium the species out of Paris are more numerous. I should
suppose in all the genus Palaeotherium will reckon 15 species, including those of Paris.
I spoke to you in my last letter of a new discovery of the remains of the Gigantic tapir mixed
with those of Rhinoceros & Mastodon near Orleans. Another locality has been since discovered
in the same country but hitherto has only produced fragments much inferior in point of pre-
servation to those of the first ['locality', and 2>\ ensuing lines deleted: 'Mr Greenough has
passed through here on his return from Italy. I am sorry to say that seeing and conversing a little
with him has not gratified that opinion which the perusal of his interesting book120 has caused me
for form'.] I was to dine with him at Brongniart's, but preferred a friendly invitation to dine at
Cuvier's in the family way. G. called on Cuvier, he was invited to come and spend the Evg.
there yesterday (Saturday) but did not come, I believe because he was obliged to leave Paris next
morning. On this you will have seen him I suppose in England. I offered to be of any use to him
when in Paris in my power, and fortunately he did not once accept my offer. He promised to
LETTERS OF JOSEPH PENTLAND
279
carry a small parcel of fossil shells for you, which I promised to send you some time ago, but he
never gave me any notice of the day of his leaving Paris.
I shall write to you a long letter this week by the French Minister's Courrier, I hope you will
excuse its object, until then Adieu
Believe Me Ever
Yrs. Most Sincerely,
J. B. Pentland
PS Have the goodness to put the enclosed letter into the Post Office for Bath. It is from a young
lady, a relation of mine.
Are the Drawings of yr. fossil Rhinoceros' bones from Warwickshire nearly ready?
How is poor Leach getting on ?
Is it true that you are coming over to Suisse???121
To
The Rev. Wm Buckland, F.R.S.
Professor of Geology,/Corpus College/Oxford Postmark date
Ju22 1821
XVI Paris
Jardin du Ros
8 July 1821
My Dear Mr Buckland,
I wrote to you this day week enclosing my reply to Mr Conybeare's kind letter, and proposed
sending the remainder today, but have not been able to finish soon enough for the Courrier,
so that I shall not be able to send it sooner than Friday next by the French Minister's Bag: in
order to reply fully to the second part of his letter, I was obliged to pass in review the entire
osteology of the Reptiles, and that of the Cetaceous Animals, and Cartilaginous fishes, & to
study the most essential points of the soft parts of those Animals.
Mr Cuvier has made out fully and fairly all Miss Morland's drawings. Yr. specimens of the
Pelvis & Humerus are extremely interesting. The antick [sic] Rhinoceros is ['finally' deleted]
finished and sent to the Press. Cuvier's first volume will appear in the course of the present week
or very early in the beginning of the following.
Brongniart is very highly pleased with your Alpine paper.122 You differ from him on some few
points, but as to the great essential ones you & he agree perfectly. He has read his his [sic] paper
on Monte-Bolca & Northern Italy, which I shall send you as soon as I can get proof sheets which
he has promised to give me. Young Brongniart123 has also read a very interesting paper on the
fossil plants of the Tertiary Strata, and especially on those of the neighbourhood of Paris. Cuvier
intends to publish that part which relates to Paris, in the second volume of his new edition which
will contain the Rhinoceros, Tapir, Damas,124 Horses and Hog genera, and the Geology of the
environs of Paris considerably augmented by Brongniart, who has a great deal of new matter to
add to this.
I shall send you a paper this day week on the Geology of the neighbourhood of Vienna, by a
Mr Prevost,125 which will interest you, as also a short notice on the affinities of the Trilobites by
a pupil of Mr Brongniart.126
Young Brongniart has heard that your Stonesfield slate is full of fossil Plants and, as he is
preparing now a paper on those inferior to the Chalk, he requests me at the same time as his
father to beg of you, if they ['be' deleted] are so common, to send him some specimens which
may enable him to speak of this locality in his paper, until he shall have been able to visit the
English collections himself, which he intends doing in a couple of years.
I am very glad to hear that your class is so fully attended this year; it is a very favourable prelude
towards the prospering state of Geology in Great Britain, and offers a strong instance of what
exertion & perseverance on your part can do to render agreeable to the first people of our country
280
W. A. S. SARJEANT & J. B. DELAIR
by your lectures, a science more pleasing in the field than in the Cabinet. Cordier101 has not more
than 30 pupils this year although his lectures are gratuitous, where every person may step in &
sit down. This forms a striking contrast of the wish to learn in the two countries, but I must say
that a great deal of this depends on those who deliver the Lectures. Cordier has began [sic] a
course of 32 lectures, in which he intends to treat merely of the Mineralogical composition of
rocks, and of their artificial classification, as every classification founded on Mineralogy alone
must be.
Let me know what Mr Conybeare thinks of my letter — and as you will soon be leaving Oxford
during the Vacation, where I must address my letters to you.
Mr Hope127 has told me you intend to come over to France, Is this true? and when will you be
here?
We have had Mr Davies Gilbert or Giddle128 here: he has left Paris full of the idea
of establishing in England such an institution as the Jardin du Roi. It appears that he has a good
deal of influence with the Ministers on scientific subjects.
The news of Buonaparte's death arrived here last week, and has made no sensation, which
shows how much that man's conduct has rendered all people callous hearted towards him.
Mr Webb,129 an Oxonian who travelled with Greenough, who knows you, desires to be
remembered to you.
Adieu & Believe me
Yrs. Ever sincerely
J. B. Pentland
Monday 9 July, 1821
To the Revd Professor Buckland F.R.S. (Postmark illegible)
Corpus College, Oxford
XVII Paris 29th October 1 82 1
My Dear Mr Buckland,
I received your kind letter of the [gap] ult. a fortnight ago and immediately delivered the note
contained therein to Mr Cuvier. I wd. have answered it sooner had I not been very unwell and
am only now getting up after a severe attack of intermittent fever combined with a violent bowel
complaint, thank God & Dr Robertson's assistant130 1 am now so far recovered as to be able to
go to the Garden of Plants with this letter. I have still some remains of my bowel complaint which
I hope will soon go off. I was very sorry to hear of the accident which has happened to you, as
was [sic] Mr Cuvier's family to whom I related it. Underwood, who has just returned (full of
Welsh Geology & with no small opinion of his own geological labors), tells me that when he was
in London you were then going about, so that by this time I suppose you are returned to Oxford.
Underwood it appears has examined the Island of Angelsea [sic] with a Mr Henslow131 whom he
considers a very great man, but in his opinion the Geological Colossus of England is the
Cambridge Professor Mr Sedgwick132 who is his friend, & who has lately written a paper on the
Geology of Cornwall133 which on reading I have found mediocre for a University Professor. I see
that Underwood has a strong prejudice against you and Mr Conybeare, at least I fear your
friendship with Greenough, whom he considers as a blockhead & whom you I think very justly
appreciate,134 has been the principal cause; however it is rare that two of a trade agree, not that
I wish to compare you or Mr Conybeare to Underwood, who is a mere Tyro and a very superficial
one. He is ['not' deleted] ridicules [sic] the idea of Mr Conybeare's working on fossils. I presume
this sentiment is not his own, but that it had emanated from Bedford St or Lincolns Inn fields.
He has however spared his sarcasms on Mr C's135 Ichtyosaur paper, since I have prooved [sic]
to him its merits & its ['was' deleted] even its imperfections [sic].
It appears that Webster4 & Sowerby136 are at war in England about the Geography of the Isle
of Wight.137 I depend as much on Webster as on any man for correctness of observation whch
constitutes the better half of the Geologist, but as to germs [?] and ingenious inductions I fear
he is behind many. As to Sowerby he is a Charlatan, and in the numerous works he has published,
there neither exists science, genius, or philosophical views. Besides I should be strongly inclined
LETTERS OF JOSEPH PENTLAND 281
to consider him one of those men who would wish to make a great book & found a gigantic
reputation of the flaws or errors which have escaped his predecessors. As to Webster's paper on
the formations above the Chalk, and more especially on those of the Isle of Wight, it has been
judged both in England by people capable of so doing, and on the continent by those whose
studies, more particularly directed to those more recent but no less interesting formations, have
it more in their power than most geologists to judge of such an undertaking. This judgement,
which is already registered in the preface to the Recherches sur les Ossemens fossiles, will un-
doubtedly be brought forward with more force in that part of the work which treats more
particularly of the Tertiary formations.
You may be astonished at not seeing the 2nd volume of Cuvier's work appear sooner; it is
entirely owing to the plates ['of deleted] relative to the Geology of the neighbourhood of Paris,
which are not yet finished. The text is already printed and I shall send you probably by next
carrier the proof sheets of the part which is specially dedicated to fossil animals & which com-
prehends the Rhinoceros, of which there are now 4 if not 5 living species & at least 4 fossil species.
Consequently two more of the former than are spoken of in the 1st edition, & 3 more of the
fossil. We have now a fossil species lately discovered not larger than a tapir & another the size of
the common Rhinoceros, both of which possess Incisors like the living species of India & Sumatra,
whereas the other two are entirely deprived of such, as in that which ['now' deleted] is now
peculiar to Africa. — The Article on the Tapir is considerably augmented by the descriptions ['of
the' deleted] & figures of the Malayan species which differs from that of America more than the
Tiger differs from Jaguar, or Lynx from the Ocelot as far as respects his color and osteology,
although both evidently must be placed in the same genus. After the living species Mr C.138
describes the extinct ones, which are 2 in number & which both exceed considerably even the
Rhinoceros in size, if we can judge from the fragments which have been preserved. To those
follows the new genus Lophiodon which includes nearly 9 species intermediate between the Tapir
& the Palaeotherium, some of which in the first edition were confounded with the latter. To
complete the history of fossil as well as living Pachydermata or rather to serve as object of
comparison for the Parisian fossils, Mr C.138 describes & figures the osteology of the Horse &
Hog. — The second part of this vol. [deletion] is occupied by the Geology of the environs of Paris,
to which Brongniart has considerably ['has' deleted] added, especially to that part which relates
to the chalk; he will give upwards of 12 new plates, the greater number representing the fossil
shells & invertebrate animals in general contained therein, most beautifully rendered by Litho-
graphy, which he has established himself at Sevres. — The impression of the 3rd Vol. is already
considerably advanced, Mr C. having already finished his manuscript, so that the 2nd & 3rd.
vols, will appear very nearly if not at the same moment.
Since I last wrote to you we have received at the Jardin du Roi many most valuable augmenta-
tions to the Zoological & Anatomical collections. We have just received 15 large boxes from the
matrix made by Mr Cuvier's son139 when with Sir S. Raffles, in which are 5 complete skeletons &
4 skins of the Sumatra Rhinoceros, a male & female Malayan Tapir (skeleton & skin), the Dugong,
the Indian Buffalo, besides innumerable skeletons of Apes & other smaller animals. The collection
of Birds is really magnificent, that of reptiles & fishes less numerous, so that the momentary loss
of the collection seized by Sir S. Raffles has been amply made up by the zeal of those ['two'
deleted] gentlemen.140
As to geology, little has been done here since my last letter. Brongniart will soon publish his
paper on the Vicentin, with charming lithographic plates of the fossil shells of Rouen, which
I am sure will please you. His work on Trilobites is also very near appearing; the plates are also
in Lithography.
I am extremely sensible for [sic] the kind interest you have taken in my projects on India and
am only sorry that there is so feeble prospects [sic] of their success. I must then content myself
with my place of Assistant Surgeon there or accept employment elsewhere; this latter I would
certainly prefer could I but get over the consent of my relations, and their express desire of my
establishing myself in that part of the world. No where do my natural feelings turn to with more
pleasure & prospect of success than to India, no where would I find more ample protection in
my pursuits and labours than in the person of the Marquis of Hastings141 who, passionately fond
282
W. A. S. SARJEANT & J. B. DELAIR
himself of Natural history in general & of Zoology in particular, could afford me more efficaceous
means of rendering service to science, in [deletion] a country so interesting under every point of
view & so immense in geographical extent; & so little known to Europe than the Governor
General who is litterally [sic] the king of the country. I would be more specially placed in an
advantageous position as I am intimately acquainted with his sister the Countess of Granard142
who has already given me letters to Lord Hastings of the warmest nature. — I have also from the
hand of Lady Hastings very warm recommendations to his niece, besides to other members of
the family. It would, I am sure, be very nearly useless to think of going out to India as medical
man and then think of neglecting my more immediate duty, by sacrificing it to my scientific
pursuits, nor do I suppose such would be tolerated. I think I might be able to have the situation
which was offered to me 4 months ago by a foreign government but, be assured, I have patriotism
enough, perhaps in my case too much, to accept of anything of this kind before offering my
services as home: as to your proposal of going to New South Wales, it is very tempting, being
perhaps the amplest field of research ['for' deleted] in Zoology & geology, both my favourite
pursuits. ['As to botany' deleted]. My ignorance of Botany you seem to fear might be some
objection to my getting forward, but I presume that science is cultivated at success [sic] by the
Medical people attached to the Establishments at Sydney & Port Jackson, & you know in what
consists a travelling Botanist, he is almost a complete machine for collecting & drying plants
which in his Cabinet he will hereafter describe, not like the Geologist or Zoologist, both of which,
especially the former, must study in the field — and the latter in the interior of his animals, which
cannot be done elsewhere than on the spot; besides the Botany of the Coasts of New Holland
has been already investigated by several very great Naturalists (Brown,143 Labillardiere,144
Gaimard145) whereas the Geology has been by none, & the Zoology by the sedentary Cabinet
naturalists of England such as Pennant,146 Shaw147 & Latham;148 the field in both those
sciences ... is immense, and, with little expense, great additions might be made to our national
collections. If employed with 2 or 3 ['such' deleted] people under me I am confident that in a few
years I could send home such collections as would astonish. I would propose to take with me a
preparer of animals from Paris, who could be had for £150 a year and who could instruct others
in his art; this would be the principal expense besides my own salary and a provision which I
would require to be made for me hereafter.
I presume no man would have more in his power than Sir H. Davy:149 as to Mr Giddy,128 I
knew him in Paris, and was as civil to him as possible. If you should see him you perhaps would
speak to him. He will recollect me as having breakfasted with him at Cuvier's, and as having
showed him through the Establishment in company with Cuvier & Humboldt.
I will remain in Paris until the 2nd week in December, so that I shall expect to hear from you —
your plaster models are already packed up with my own and those of the British Museum,
addressed to this latter — I shall send them to Calais as soon as I am recovered. I have written to
Konig150 to unpack them, and put aside your part, each specimen to which has your name
written upon it — How is Leach? what do the[y] intend doing with his place at the Museum?
Pray have the goodness to excuse me to Mr Conybeare for not executing his commissions sooner —
but I shall not fail to bring the books he wishes to have with me when I go to England. I would
be much obliged to you to send me 5 or 6 of your tabular view of the stratification of the British
Isles, as several people have been asking me for it — I sent you by Mr Webb129 a paper on the
neighbourhood of Paris by M. Hericart de Montferrand.151
Mr Cuvier's own daughter is just recovering from a very severe attack of inflammation of the
stomach — she is now well.
Adieu my Dear sir,
Believe me Ever,
Yours very sincerely,
J. B. Pentland
To Revd Professor Buckland,
Corpus College
Oxford, England
LETTERS OF JOSEPH PENTLAND
283
[Last paragraph written crossways on the first sheet]
I read in a Periodical of Scotch publication that a very large skeleton of a Whale has been found
in a fossil state near Linlithgow, not far from Edinburgh, and that it is now placed in the Museum
of the latter city. — As Cuvier intends treating of fossil Cetacea, he would be extremely obliged to
you if, through Jameson16 or any of your Edinburgh friends, you would procure him a drawing
of it & especially of the head — knowing no person intimately enough himself.
XVIII Pencil date '3 Nov. 1821'
My Dear Mr Buckland,
I send you enclosed two Geological papers by Mr Prevost125 — who begs me to present them to
you with the letter— he is a young man who promises fair in the Geological career, especially as
relates to the more Modern shelly beds. He is a pupil of Brongniart.
I am getting round slowly — although advised to go to the country — I cannot decide my self
to separate from the Jardin du Roi — where I am always learning, and as I never shall have
hereafter such an opportunity.
I learn that Mr de la Beche37 has purchased at Villers sur Mer, 5 leagues from Honfleur, a
series of 17 vertebrae of fossil Crocodile, — Mr Cuvier desires above all things to have a drawing of
them, if Mr de la Beche does not intend publishing them himself — as Mr Cuvier has the jaws of
['the' deleted] an animal found nearly at the same period on the same spot, which probably
belongs to the same specimen as the 17 vertebrae.
Your plaster casts shall in all probability be sent this week if I shall have time to finish packing
them — I have got a copy of Cuvier's Work for Clift, it could not be better placed. — As to Miss
Morland's copy, Cuvier has not spoken to me of it since — you know I could not ask him for it
with propriety. — As to the copies of the Plates you shall have them in 10 days — I shall send 15 of
each. —
I am now going to the opening of the Chambers to escort Madame Cuvier, so that I am obliged
to close my letter ['resting' deleted], assuring you of being
ever Sincerely Yours,
Jos. B. Pentland
Jardin du Roi
Monday 3 Nov.
1821 Revd. Professor Buckland
Corpus College
Oxford
[Note in another hand (Buckland's ?)] Bone cement
XIX
My Dear Mr Buckland,
I have this moment received your very kind letter of Nov. 18th inst. and immediately com-
municated to Mr Cuvier the contents, who begged me to give him your letter and at the same
time to write to you in all haste, to endeavour to procure for him some of the bones152 found in
such quantity in Yorkshire, either by exchange or by buying them, especially those of the
Rhinoceros, Hippopotamus & Hyena. The quantity of this latter seems to be very great, and as
Cuvier is now at that part of his work which treats of the Carnivorous animals, no present could
be more acceptable to him, or more useful to science, since he would be able to compare them with
all the known species, especially that discovered in Germany & in France. As to the Rhinoceros
you will be particular in endeavouring to procure good specimens of the head so that in yr.
paper you can positively determine if it be to the Siberian species (Rhinoceros Calirhinus)153
that the Yorkshire one belongs. Neglect no bone or no atom of bone ; bring away all you can find.
It is a very interesting question to determine if the Hippopotamus of England & of Northern
Latitudes is perfectly homologous to that of Italy — this you will easily determine if you find any
284 W. A. S. SARJEANT & J. B. DELAIR
specimens of the Head or of the long bones of the extremities, & bones of the Tarsus & Metatarsus
& of the Carpus & Metacarpus — you being on the spot may be able to collect sufficient materials
for the construction of Skeletons, and in case you do, I promise to go sooner to England than I
intended and get them up for you.
In resume collect all you can find, especially of the Hippopotamus, Rhinoceros, Hyaena &
Elephant, as by so doing you will be able to render a service to Science and oblige your friends.
I am sorry to learn that Leach still continues so ill. I shall write to you at Oxford respecting my
plans with regard to the British Museum.
In haste, Believe me Ever
sincerely yours
Joseph B. Pentland
Paris 24 Novr 1821
[originally addresses 'To the Revd. Professor Buckland' at Kirby Moorside, Yorks: redirected
to 'Corpus College, Oxford' by another hand.]
XX Institut de France
Academie Royale des Sciences
Paris, le26 Novr. 1821
Le Secretaire perpetuel de l'Academie
My Dear Mr Buckland,
I this morg. received your kind letter of the 18th inst., and immediately communicated its
contents to Mr Cuvier, who desires me to write to you in all haste in order to request you to
procure for him if possible some of the fossil bones lately discovered in such abundance in
Yorkshire, especially those of the Hyena, as he is now engaged in that part of his new work which
treats of fossil Carnivores. Besides he intends at the end of the 3 vol., which is now printing, to
give a supplement to what precedes and, as he will have a good deal to say on some late discoveries
of fossil Rhinoceros — and to describe the osteology of the Sumatra living species154 lately arrived,
he will be extremely obliged to you for any details or specimens you can send or lend him of the
Rhinoceros or of the Hippopotamus, ['you' deleted] If you go to Yorkshire, examine carefully if
any remains of the smaller species of the genus Mustela are found — or of the Glutton,155 the
only two animals wanting to complete the similarity between the Yorkshire Caverns & those of
Gaylenreuth. As to your opinion that this is the first example of a mixture of the remains of
Carnivores & Graminivorous Animals, you do not perhaps remember that the fossil species of
Hyena discovered in Fauvent in France was accompanied with bones of Rhinoceros & Horses.
Those latter were found with the bones of Elephant & Hyena in the celebrated depot of Canstadt
in Wurtemberg [sic] and I myself last winter [1820] discovered teeth of a very large species of
Wolf — in the ['Nice' deleted] Bone Breccia of Nice & Ceuta. — Those are the principal exceptions
I recollect at this this moment. — Endeavour to procure good specimens of the long bones & of the
Head of the Hippopotamus & Rhinoceros, in order to establish with certainty if they belong to
the same species as those already known. — The most interesting question which you can thus
resolve, is if the Hippopotamus of Yorkshire differs from that of Italy? and if the Rhinoceros
resembles more to that of Siberia than to the Italian species. — As to the bones of the Stags, you
will endeavour to procure portions of the Horns, the only parts on which one can pronounce
with certainty. — The fossil species of Horse will perhaps present some specific differences (which
have not as yet been perceived) when the head shall have been once found complete. — The Water
rat of which you speak is in all probability very different from the Mus Aquaticus of Systematick
[sic] authors. — I am very happy to hear that you intend paying a visit to Yorkshire — it is Mr
Cuvier's sincere wish that you should do so, and he desires me to advise you to it in his name. — The
Yorkshire Cavern152 will now become no less celebrated than those of Gaylenreuth &
Schartzfeld156 — and the product is in your hands & may give origin to as interesting a work as
those of Escher83 & Rosenmiiller.157 I am confident Mr Cuvier will afford you every assistance in
his power. 1 have written to you at Kirkdale in Yorkshire, in hopes you may hear from me when
on the spot. —
LETTERS OF JOSEPH PENTLAND
285
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I am extremely sorry to hear of poor Leach. As to the Museum, if the thing is worth having and
if I get my parents' consent,158 my health continuing good [deletion], at Mr Cuvier's request, it
is my intention to apply for it. 1 hope that you will exert yourself with your friends, and advise
me how to proceed without being obliged to go England. Lord Granville159 might ['give' deleted]
be got to assist me with your interest. — I presume I shall run as fair a chance as another, and in
286 W. A. S. SARJEANT & J. B. DELAIR
case of not proceeding shall be able to console myself without difficulty. — Mr Cuvier will write
to Mr Davy160 on the subject.
Shall I send you the Metallic thermometer, it costs [blank space]. There is no pen portrait of
Humboldt.
Excuse this official paper, it being the only one I could find at the moment of writing. Brongniart
has already figured the Trilobites of which you sent him the drawings and from the same locality.
Could you procure [deletion] Mr Conybeare's paper on Ichtyosaurus for Cuvier, if not I shall
give him that which Mr Conybeare sent me.
Ever Most Sincerely Yours,
J. B. Pentland
Jardin du Roi,
Novr. 26 1821
XXI Pencil date Dec. 3 1821)
My Dear Mr Buckland,
I wrote to you by last Courrier informing you of my intention to place myself in the list of
Candidates for the British Museum in case the place was worth having. Before proceeding farther
I request you to give me your advice on the subject. I am sorry you are already so far engaged for
Mr Miller,161 however I fear, poor man, he has a very poor chance, when in competition with
Horsfield162 & Stevens77 — I have seen his work, it is not held here in great estimation. We have
a Mr Orbigny,163 most assiduous Naturalist, who is working on the same subject, but God knows
when he will publish as he is as poor as a Church Mouse.
I wrote to you concerning the fossils lately found in Yorkshire in order that you might get some
for Cuvier, who promised me a letter for you, but has been obliged to go to the King at the
moment of writing it.
The casts of fossils left this 10 days ago for Calais, and are ere this I hope in London. Your
pack is not in a separate box, but in a common one for the Hunterian & British Museum. I have
written to Rouse164 & Clift in order that they be sent to Oxford as soon as possible — I did not
receive yr. letter wishing to have them put up separately until last Friday.
Give me any advice you can relative to the British Museum, the footing the Keeper is placed
on, the Emoluments, as to the duties they are very great.
I am getting better, and will soon be as well as Ever.
Believe Ever sincerely
Yours
J. B. Pentland
Jardin du Roi Postmark
Deer. 3 1821 Dec. 10 1821
To the Rev. Wm Buckland F.R.S./Corpus College/Oxford
XXII [Pencil date 'Dec. 3. 1821']
My Dear Mr Buckland,
I have just time to say a word to you. Mr Cuvier desires me to say that you may have the casts
directly of a part of yr. fossils, so if you will, you may have them sent immediately. Let me know
what you wish.
Would you wish to have some specimens of the Freshwater Limestone in which the
Palaeotherium has been discovered near Strasbourg and in the South of France — I can send them
to you.
Do you think which [sic] wd. be better, to send a cast of the Palaeotheri urn's head to the
British Museum or the Hunterian collection, as we intend sending one and wish to know in what
publick [sic] collection it wd. be more usefully placed.
LETTERS OF JOSEPH PENTLAND
287
When Mr Conybeare's paper appears, will you let me have a look at it, as no body here gets
the Geological Transactions until long after their publication.
Mr Cuvier, Brongniart & Cordier give their best regards to you.
Believe me in Haste
Yrs. Sincerely,
J. B. Pentland
Have you received yr. diploma of Correspondant,165 it was sent 15 days ago to Mr Macleay.
Professor Buckland
Corpus College
Oxford
XXIII Paris 7 Deer. 1822 [should read '1821']
My Dear Mr Buckland,
Mr Cuvier desires me to thank you in his name for yr. kind attention in procuring for him Mr
Miller's Work166 which he has only received this morg. [morning] with Mr Conybeare's paper. I
will write by next courier to Mr Conybeare. I have not had time to peruse Miller's work but shall
this Evg. [evening] and will write to you my opinion on the subject. I fear his ideas on Mr Cuvier's
classification of the Encronites [sic: should read 'Encrinites'] caput medusas [sic] are not well
founded.
Mr Prevost has just read a very interesting paper at the Institute on the horizontal Strata of
the N.N. W. coast of France from the mouth of the Somme to the inclined or Transition Strata of
Brittany — he has identified the different Strata with those of England after your table &
Greenough's map — and I am sure you will be pleased with it, I shall send it to you as soon as
published. — He finds that the Strata which contains [sic] the Honfieur Crocodile corresponds to
your Purbeck beds or thereabouts and that it is separated from the Lias which contains the
Ichtyosaurus & Gryphaea incurva161 with Pyrites — by the entire mass of the oolitic formations
which forms [sic] the Caen building stone — and which near this latter town passes to the coral
rag & the other members of the oolitic formation. — The bed which contains the Honfieur
Crocodile is principally characterised by a small species of Oysters or Gryphites which Lamarck168
describes under the name of Gryphaea Augusta169 — this shell frequently adheres to the bones of
Crocodiles. — In different parts of the basse Normandy this shell becomes so frequent that the
entire rock appears made up with them and is then called Lumacheles [sic: more usually
'lumachelles']. It is also found near Boulogne sur mer. In all the French strata, salt or gypsum
does not appear in the horizontal strata and with the Lias or a bed which may perhaps represent
the Magnesium Limestone, if it did not differ so strikingly in stratification from the red sand on
which it reposes — the inclined strata follow to the Lias & are composed of sienite [?] Porphyry
(rare) & red sandstone which appears ever superior to the two former, so as to authorise the
supposition that these beds have been thrown out of their natural position so considerably as to
get even beyond the vertical direction, supposition which Cordier has lately held out to explain
those anomalies of position described [hole in letter: prob. 'by'] Brongniart as the Italian
Eupholid [?] &c [hole in letter].
Very little new in fossils, except that we have just received the 3 metatarsal bones — the Atlas
and cubitus [?] of a very large species of Rhinoceros from the environs of Abbeville which we
have every reason to believe belongs to the Rhinoceros Incisirus Cu., Lately discovered near
Orleans, and of which I shall send you casts of the incisors & of some of its molars. — By the
bye, have you received the casts of fossils I sent to home [?] 5 weeks ago — I write to Konig by
this courrier on the subject. Have you been to Yorkshire, and what has been the result of yr.
voyage — Mr Cuvier hopes you will not have forgotten him. We have just discovered at M.Martre
[Montmartre] a new animal of the genus Viverra, more nearly allied to the Javanese & Madagascar
species than to any other living ones, but very different in many respects from both. Any news
about the museum? My memorial will be presented shortly to the Archbishop170 — Davy has
written a polite letter to Cuvier on the subject — and as Muller161 is a German, I have every reason
288 W. A. S. SARJEANT & J. B. DELAIR
to suppose that an Englishman & a native will be preferred to a foreigner — if his grace171 [sic]
does not wish to make the Museum an ['reception house' deleted] Asylum for ['foreigners' half
deleted] Germans & such.
Ever sincerely yrs.
J. B. Pentland
To the Revd. Professor Buckland F.R.S./Corpus College/Oxford/England
Postmark
Ja. 11 1822
XXIV
Jardin du Roi
10th Deer. 1821
My Dear Sir,
I wrote to you by last courrier, but hearing that an accident had happened to the Courrier of
the Mail, I beg to trouble you again on the same subject, the nomination of a person in place of
our poor friend Leach. As long as any chance of his recovery existed and as long as the Trustees
of the Museum did not declare his place vacant, I desisted from speaking of my intention to
apply for that situation, but now since it seems decided that he can no longer take upon him the
duties of his office, by the vacancy being declared, I cannot allow such an opportunity [to] pass
without exerting myself to procure [it]. In so doing I am seconded by my best of friends, Mr Cuvier
& family, who ever since poor Leach's illness have not ceased to urge me to demand his place.
Mr Cuvier does it with this good intention, that the British Museum & the Jardin du Roi may
form two great national members of the same family, by forming a correspondance, and by
establishing exchanges which will undoubtedly be to our advantage. As I know the collections
of the Jardin du Roi as well as any person here, and certainly better than any one in Gt. Britain,
I would be placed in a more favourable position for thus serving the British Museum than any
other applicant who might obtain it, and thus be able to raise in a short period of time, with
proper encouragement on the part of the Trustees and of zeal on my own, a monument no less
glorious ['than' deleted] and useful to my country, than Mr Cuvier has formed in 20 years, the
greater part in time of War, at the Jardin du Roi & which, while it serves as a most interesting
scientific monument for strangers, shows an unhappy contrast when compared to the British
Museum. — Placed as I have been during 5 years in France, 3 of which constantly spent in the
Jardin du Roi, in the laboratory of Mr Cuvier, enjoying every facility of acquiring instruction,
the keys of the Museum placed at my disposition, with the most unlimited permission of making
use of them. — During those three years I have not ceased to work, especially occupied with
Comparative Anatomy, the superb collection of Cuvier constantly under my eyes, numerous
dissections of animals of all those which died during that period at the Menagerie, and above all
the immense advantage which I have reaped from the conversation of Mr Cuvier, in whose home
I have been ever received as one of the family. — Add to this that the immense number of drawings
formed by Cuvier and Laurillard has been placed at my disposition with [deletion] all the manu-
script notes destined to form the great work on Comparative Anatomy of Mr Cuvier. In fine,
Anatomy, which should form the basis of Zoology, and Zoology itself have formed the most
essential part of my education, and certainly that which is of most importance for the place at the
British Museum: not considering as an advantage (if you please) my correspondance with the
Jardin du Roi. — The opening that now exists in London for a comparative Anatomist is now
very great, as Sir E. Home is going off.172 — For a Zoologist the opening is no less advantageous. —
As to the Candidates for the situation, I without self-conceit may say that not one of them appears
to me adequate for the Task — at the Museum, General Zoology is the object, where a single person
is charged with the care of the entire Animal Kingdom. — Swainson173 is a very poor Ornithologist
& Entomologist & does not see beyond specific distribution, and his Brazilian Birds: Dr
Horsfield162 appears exclusively ornithologist & that only of Java, his learning does not seem to
extend even to the 3 other classes of Vertebrate Animals. — Stevens174 is exclusively entomologist.
As to Miller161 1 do not know upon what he is strongest.— I repeat a man cannot think of learning
LETTERS OF JOSEPH PENTLAND
289
Natural History on his entering into the care of a collection: he must be familiar with his subject
and especially have seen what is order and arrangement [deletion], without which Zoology is not
a science.
As to the Administration & Expenses of such a collection, my long residence at the Jardin du
Roi ['allows' deleted] permits me to form an Estimate that the same thing could be done in
England for very nearly the same sum as in France. I have taken a long series of notes on the
subject, which I could submit to the Trustees if you thought it would be of any use.
The Jardin du Roi receives annually £12,000 Sterling, which is divided into three parts: the
Botanical, Mineralogical-Agricultural & Zoological Departments.— Out of this latter the
collections of Comparative Anatomy, the Cabinet d'Histoire Naturelle & the Menagerie is
supported, Menagerie which contains more living animals than any other in Europe. Add to this
that out of the same £12,000 — 13 Professors and 13 and [sic] naturalists are paid upwards of
£3,800 Sterling, that the Buildings of the Establishment are repaired &c. You will find that in
France the Zoological collection does not cost more than [gap] and, if you examine on what those
expenses rest it will be found that they are [deletion] such that in England they would not exceed
what they do in France. I am certain that with 3 or 4 thousand pounds a year the Zoological
collection of the British Museum would be brought up to a level with that of Paris and that, with
& included in the same sum, such a collection of comparative anatomy might be set up as would
be essential to the study of Zoology in all its departments, and to the study of fossils particularly;
but, for that, a person must be placed at the head who is perfectly conversant with the managing
of such an institution — which, as I said before, none of your 4 Candidates can have been. As the
French say, en resume my principal recommendations in applying for this situation are 5 years'
residence on the continent actively dedicated to the study of the different branches of Natural
Sciences & the last 3| years constantly employed in the Zoological & Anatomical Departments
of the Jardin du Roi (which exceed undoubtedly everything of the kind in Europe), enjoying such
facilities as few others have ever been permitted, and placed under the eye of the first Naturalist
& Anatomist existing, whose house, Library, Drawings & manuscripts have been at all times open
to me : and whose advise [sic] has been always given & profited of by me. Add to this the advantage
which would result to the British Museum by my knowledge of that of the Jardin du Roi, and
the correspondances and exchanges which might thus pass between those two great National
Institutions: such are my recommendations and such do I submit them to you, well knowing that
you will forward my views as far as is in your power. How much would I be gratified to be
established in London, where so wide a field is open and where we might (you and I) render such
a service to Zoology & Geology by the description of those fossil Animals which are so abundant
in the British Isles. I am sure nothing would be wanting to such an undertaking, as Mr Cuvier
would lend for any period to me the objects contained in the Jardin du Roi, so that by those means
we might be independant [sic] of the other collections of London, which jealousy might shut ['up'
deleted] against [us]. If I should succeed in obtaining this situation I sincerely propose such an
undertaking to you; my anatomical knowledge on the subject might throw considerable light on
the Geology of the British Isles when combined with your Geological observations. — Such an
undertaking, with your name affixed to it, could not fail to meet with success. —
My place in India is definitely settled. As I could not procure a nomination to Bengal, I have
decided to give my demission — which accompanies this letter today. I have no idea of what I
shall do in case I fail in procuring the place at the Museum. I will probably be obliged to accept
a situation under some foreign government.
I shall remain in Paris until I hear from you. Mr Cuvier has written to Sir H. Davy a very warm
letter in my favour — you will have the kindness to speak with Sir H. on the subject.
I am very anxious to see how this business will terminate. Adieu My Dear Mr Buckland, write
by post and do not wait for the Courrier.
Believe Me Ever
Most sincerely
Paris 10 Dec. 1821 Yours J. B. Pentland
Excuse the style of this letter, which has been written in a great hurry.
290 W. A. S. SARJEANT & J. B. DELAIR
XXV Paris 17 Dber 1821
My Dear Sir,
I have this moment received your kind letter of the 4 inst. and am extremely sorry to learn
thereby that you can be of no use to me in the application to succeed poor Leach. I may now
say that I have nothing to depend upon but my own merit and, such as it is, I am determined
to push it as far as in my power, because I see that in case the Museum be filled as you desire, the
institution must necessarily be placed in the hands of people who can have few pretensions to the
title of Naturalist and still less to that of a curator or Conservator of the first National Museum
of the Empire. I am fully determined to employ every means in my power to obtain the situation
I repeat, and that nothing may occur in my India views which might be contrary to my interest on
the present occasion, I have written to my friends to say that I have relinquished for ever going to
India since I found it impossible to obtain a nomination else where than at Madras. I am then
thrown upon the world & must needs endeavour to find a permanent situation, if possible. The
British Museum presents such a one at the moment, and my reasons for not applying sooner
were of a double nature, first my repugnance to apply for the position of a friend when still alive,
and when hopes might still be held out of his recovery, and secondly my wish to get out to India
and the Bengal Establishment, which as I said before has failed and has caused me to relinquish
my views in that quarter of the globe. I presume that the opinion of the President of the Royal
Society will be of great weight on such an occasion; Mr Cuvier has written to him the warmest of
letters in my favour, the copy of which I subjoin that you may see the opinion that this great man
has of my talents, of the utility which my services would be to the Museum, and his conviction
that no person could fill the place with more interest to the institution and to science then myself.
If I shall not succeed, it will not be owing to my ignorance of the duties of that office, which I
fear few persons in England are perfectly conversant with since Leach's death. As to your opinion
that science would benefit more from my residence in the East than in Europe, I am not entirely
of the same ['op' deleted]. I hope that wherever [hole in letter: missing words probably 'I may
be'] placed my labours may be useful, but in no country is so [hole in letter: should probably
read: 'well endowed . . .'] as that which offers the Capital of Great Britain. It is a shame to the
Nation that its National collection is not really superior to that of the smallest German Prince,
when we look at the resources which the colonies & relations of Great Britain present — and you,
I am sure, are well convinced that, in the number of Candidates [deletion], supposing them good
and professed Naturalists and men conversant with the collateral branches of Natural and Physical
sciences, which none of those gentlemen are), not one will employ more activity than did our
poor friend Leach, and it is to be feared that what he has done will soon be effaced, and that the
Zoological department of the British Museum will fall into the same state that as it was in Dr
Shaw's175 lifetime — in the hands of persons whose education & stock of knowledge does not
permit them to appreciate it. — The arrangements of Birds & Insects is the duty of the Conservator
of the Museum, I grant, and like every other thing of the kind it maybe done in different manners:
on that arrangement depends the merit of Naturalist and the science of the thing if I may use the
expression, and if I wanted an example in favour of my assertion, I would bring forward the
comparative labours of two great Naturalists of the last century Linnaeus and Pallas,176 and
ask which of the two have rendered the greatest service to science— but My Dear Sir we must not
judge from what has hitherto passed in the Museum, for although Leach rendered a great service
to the Museum, he also respected too much the routine established by his predecessor,175 who
unfortunately looked too much on his place as a sinecure. — With activity, knowledge, and a love
of science, I repeat, the British Museum, in very few years, could under a proper person be placed
on a respectable footing — and before long rivalize [sic] even the most celebrated of the kind in
Europe. What an honor to the country and what a service to science, might not the British
Museum offer in a short time. I am confident that Mr Miller, who has never seen what a collection
of Zoology is, will find himself embarrassed on entering the Museum. — I am sorry that he is
your protege, not I assure you on my own account, but on your own for having recommended a
man so unfit for the situation to all appearances. I do not [hole in letter : missing words probably
'seek to'] solicit your interest, knowing that you have already promised it to another. But I will
ask, as a man conversant with science, to which of the Candidates would you give your note as
LETTERS OF JOSEPH PENTLAND
291
a Trustee of the Museum? to a person conversant with the subject or to one who is not? With
this question I shall close my letter, and shall for the last time speak to you on the subject — as
you can no longer be of any use to me.177
Mr Cuvier's letter to Mr H. Davy ['Bart, F.R.S.' deleted] I presume will be extremely useful.
I would have sent you a copy of it but I suppose you will see it in London; I will only cite one
phrase which is 'il est de tous ceux qui je connais celui [deletion] qui possede le mieux les prin-
cipals branches de la Zoologie'178 and farther on 'est un moyen presque sur de vous rattrapper
dans un[e] carriere ou nous vous avons jusqu'ici depasse.'179
1 have learned that the bag of Plasters [hole in letter: probably 'sent'] for you, the B.
[British] Museum and the College of Surgeons left Calais 10 days ago, and thus they should be
arrived in London. — Mr Ricketts117 is now here, he presses me much to go to India. He has been
extremely civil to me & in return, I have introduced him to all the scientific people here.
Mr Cuvier has received yr. letter with the drawing180 of Mr de la Beche; but has not yet heard
of Mr Miller's book166 which you say you sent him. Perhaps they will arrive today by the courrier.
Ever sincerely yours,
J. B. Pentland
To the Revd. Professor Buckland, F.R.S.
Corpus College, Oxford
Date apparently De 21 1821
XXVI Paris 24 Dec. 1821
Jardin du Roi
My Dear Sir,
I am extremely obliged to you for the kind information respecting the application for the place
at the Museum contained in your letter of the 12th inst. I shall act as you advise and send
certificates & my memorial to the Archbishop of Canterbury.
I am uneasy at not hearing from you or Konig relative to the Casts which were embarked more
than a fortnight ago at Calais for the Port of London addressed to the Trustees of the British
Museum: by this time they must be either arrived or lost, I am sure you will be highly pleased
with them. In the course of a month the second part of this collection will be ready & shall be
immediately sent; it will consist in a molaris of the Mastodon Angustidens lately discovered in
the neighbourhood of Orleans, the molaris of the Gigantic Tapir from the same locality, the
Radius & cubitus [?] of ['the' deleted] three different species of Palaeotherium, and the metatarsal
bones of 4 species of the same genus, in order to show the great differences which exist between
those animals of the Antidiluvian [sic] worlds — the radius & forefoot complete of the
Anoplotherium commune, as well as many other interesting specimens: in fact I am now charged
by Cuvier with the entire direction of the Casting, and nothing worthy of notice shall escape me.
I enclose you a note of young Brongniart which he and his father request me to present to you.
I am sure your love for science will cause you to do everything in your power towards the advance-
ment of his views. If any other recommendation was wanting than that of the author of the
Geographie miner -alogique des environs de Paris, I should feel myself no hesitation in giving it.
Brongniart is busy working at the environs of Paris for Cuvier's second vol., which [will] not
appear, owing to Brongniart's slowness, until the end of February when the 3rd will also appear
& the greater part of the 4th shall be printed — After this Brongniart intends to give a complete
history of the Jura Limestone with plates of all the fossils as well as those of the other secondary
strata — he has brought the Lithography to great perfection for fossils, as you will see in his paper
on the environs of Paris, in which he has figured all the fossils of the Chalk formations, from every
country where this latter is known. He considers with you the Diableretz near Geneva & the
Montagne du Fils as Chalk, instead of that indefinable Alpen Kalk of Humboldt: you will be
astonished to see the inferences (extremely just) which he draws from the identity of the fossil
organic remains of this formation.
Mr Cuvier has received a letter from Davy relative to his application for me to succeed Leach.
He promises to do everything in his power, but nothing gives me more hope than yr. opinion that
292
W. A. S. SARJEANT & J. B. DELA1R
the Archbishop will give [hole in letter: 'the'] situation to the best qualified, in which case I
run a fair chance of success. However in case of not succeeding, it is almost settled with my
relations that I should establish myself in London : having relinquished my views on London I am
heartily sorry that giddiness on my part lost me yours & Mr Conybeare's interest,181 but I hope
that our friendship will never be broken of [f] for such a cause, in which, if there is a defaulter, I
must confess that it is myself: however you in return will not take umbrage at my opposing your
friend as far as lies in my power.
We have received Clift's cast of the Ichtyosaurus which is most beautiful. He is now making
drawings for Cuvier of the fossil bones of Hyena from the Yorkshire cavern, but hopes that the
gentleman to whom the specimens belong will lend them to Cuvier in a short time, after publick
curiosity has a little abated. However as you going on the spot182 you will be able to find others,
a part of which you perhaps could send here.
Cuvier & family desire their best respects to you. I have subscribed for Mr Conybeare,183 but
propose to wait until the 2nd vol. is published in order to save expense & trouble, ten to one I
shall be in London before a month.
Ever sincerely yours
Joseph B. Pentland
Jardin du Roi
Monday morg. [Morning] 24 Dec.
To
the Rev. Professor Buckland Postmark
Corpus College/Oxford/England De 29 1821
XXVII [Incomplete letter]
. . . both living and fossil — I presume Home will have a quarrel with you if you take up this which
he considers as his property — as I have heard he has been very much piqued at Mr Conybeare's
paper on the Ichtyosaurus.
Since my last letter no new discoveries have been made in this country, if I except a few
remains of Rhinoceros & Mastodon in the South of France & a number of fossil bones for Birds
belonging to the genus Ardea (Bittern-Heron, Stork), mixed with innumerable land Helices, in
the Freshwater Limestone of Bui de Chateau 5 leagues from Clermont on Auvergne.
Cuvier's second volume has not yet appeared. Brongniart has not yet finished his article [hole
in letter: should read 'on'] the Fresh water formations.
I have not heard anything of my application for the British Museum. I will send my memorial
to the Archbishop next Monday, having been prevented from doing it sooner by a continuance of
Bad health — I wrote to Mr Conybeare by last Courrier begging him to excuse my neglect in not
answering sooner his last polite letter ['I hope to' deleted] at the same time returned him Mr
Cuvier's thanks for his pamphlet on Ichtyosaurus which arrived with Miller's Book only a
fortnight ago. I did not write to you by last Courrier Supposing you still en voyage.18*
Believe me Ever sincerely yours
J. B. Pentland
To
the Revd. Professor Buckland F.R.S. /Corpus College/Oxford Postmark Ja. 25 1822
XXVIII
My Dear Mr Buckland,
I received your very kind letter with that of Mr Conybeare, and shall answer this letter as soon
as I can possibly find time. Since I last had the pleasure of writing to you, I am sorry to say my
health has been considerably worse than heretofore: my bowel complaint has continued to
increase, and I now write to London to be permitted to remain here 6 months longer, and to go
travel into Italy with a friend ['of deleted] who will pay my expenses — this friend you know, it is
Mr Ricketts, late member of the Supreme Council of Bengal, and nephew to Lord Liverpool.185
LETTERS OF JOSEPH PENTLAND
293
I beg of you not to mention this to any person whatsoever — as Mr R.186 wishes it so — not even
to your most intimate friends. — I need not tell you of what importance this trip will be to me in a
scientific point of view, & on the other hand Mr Ricketts' interest with the Government &
especially with the East India Company, in case of my being obliged to go out to India at any
future period, in case of my not succeeding at [words missing]. Through him I expect to have
Lord Liverpool's interest with the Archbishop of Canterbury.
You seem to have misunderstood what I said in my last letter on the Tiger's tooth of the
Yorkshire Cavern; it is the inferior & posterior, and not the posterior superior. I am sure that
Clifft [sic] could not have committed such an error in his drawing as to deceive us; however, to
['be' deleted] leave no difficulty on the subject, I subjoin a copy of the original drawing, which if
correct is, as I said before, the inferior and posterior grinder of a Felis, surpassing in size that of
the largest Bengal Tiger.
Your story of the Hyena's excrement in a fossil state
has caused no less surprise here than in London. I
hope you will be able to spare a part of your stock
for the Museum here — Album grocum fossil ! —
Webb's129 expedition to Spitzbergen astonishes me not a little — 1 am so much afraid of cold
that I would much rather go to the deserts of Arabia to be burned alive, than to the icy seas. — Do
you think that Mr Trevelyan187 & Webb would have any objection to allow a naturalist from the
Jardin du Roy [sic] to accompany them — they might arrange so that he would prepare all objects
of natural history for them, on their allowing him 1/2 for his pains. — I am sure Cuvier would
would [sic] be very much pleased at all events to recommend to them to bring to us the skeleton
of a Walruss [sic], the skins & heads of the different species of Seals, as without the head it is
utterly impossible to distinguish the species. — I shall write to you further on the subject before my
departure.
I expect to leave this [city] from the 1st to the 5th of March and shall be much obliged to you
for any letters of introduction you can send me or procure for me for different parts of Italy — or
any commands you may have. — Our route [sic] will be through Turin, Geneva, Plaiscenza
[sic],188 Parma, Bologna, Florence, Perugia, Rome, Civita Vecchia, Naples [hole in letter —
word missing probably 'Leghorn'], Pisa, Ferrara, Venice, Verona, Vicenza, Mantua, Milan,
Pavia — & different parts of Switzerland.
Believe Me Ever sincerely Yours,
Jardin du Roi J. B. Pentland
10 Feb. 1822
n.b. We have just received the whole anterior extremity of the fossil Rhinoceros — discovered
last week at Abbeville with Tigers (a tooth), Elephants, & fossil Stag. The bones are admirably
preserved.
The Revd. Professor Buckland
Corpus College,
Oxford
J. B. Pentland Care of Mr Macleay Esq.
294 W. A. S. SARJEANT & J. B. DELAIR
XXIX
Paris 25th Feby. 1822
My Dear Mr Buckland,
Brongniart has this moment sent me his new work on Trilobites189 for you, which I shall send
by the Courrier if possible, if not I shall send it by Dr Saddli, Professor of Chemistry at Florence,190
who leaves here tomorrow (Tuesday) for London and to whom I have, at Cuvier & Brongniart's
request, given a letter of introduction for you. I shall request him to give it to Clift who will send
it to you with the least possible delay. — You will see by this work to what perfection Lithography
has been brought here, as to fossil shells nothing can be more beautiful or correct than the
Lithographic plate of the fossils of the Chalk formation, a copy of which I shall send you.
Brongniart is completely of your opinion on the Black Limestone of Diableretz, Montagnes des
Fils &c as belonging to the chalk formation.
I would have desired to send by Dr Saddli the 2 & 3 vols of Cuvier's work, which will not
appear before the end of this month— I shall charge Royer191 to send them as soon as published —
with the Copy which Mr Conybeare desired me to purchase for him. Mr Conybeare can transmit
either before or after the [deletion] amount to Royer. I shall also desire him to send at the same
time Brongniart's fossil Crustacea, which I presume he will desire to have, which costs 15f. &
Savigny's Animaux sans vertebres,192 which he requested me to send him some time ago — the
amount will be 6-16-6d. Sterlg. or 165 francs.
We have nothing very new here. At Abbeville they are searching after the head of the
Rhinoceros, the greater portion of whose skeleton has been found in the same pit, but un-
fortunately only a small portion has escaped the merciless pick of the Quarry men. — When the
pit in which those bones were found [was opened] — the stench was so great that for some time
the workmen were obliged to desist. — The sand which envellopped [sic] them is strongly agglu-
tinated by the animal matter, and the odour was, according to the workmen, quite as disagreeable
as that of putrid animal matter. — This is another proof of the very recent period at which those
animals were destroyed, and comes very a propos in confirmation of your conclusion on your
Yorkshire den. In the same pit were found the forms of the fossil species of deer similar to that of
Breugues and in all probability of Yorkshire & other localities of Rhinoceros. Mr Treullin [?],
an intelligent man at Abbeville,193 writes that he has little doubt of soon coming upon the head.
[This] will be an interesting a [sic] discovery, as from the bones which we already have there is
every reason to suppose that this Rhinoceros differs from the Siberian species194 & resembles to
that which has been found lately near Orleans, furnished with large incisors like the living ones
beyond the Ganges.
I wrote to you respecting any bones of fossil reptiles which you might not intend publishing
& which you could send drawings of to Mr Cuvier. I must now make a similar request for those of
Carnivorous Animals— have you any well preserved specimens of Hyaenas or Gluttons from the
Caves of Franconia, or -any of the Glires of Oeningen — your fossil jaw of Didelphis,195 has it
been found to a certainty in the Oolite beds ? I doubt it very much as the appearance of Mammalia
is of an infinitely more recent date — examine the locality if you possibly can, as we have an
animal of the same genus in our Parisian gypsum with the Palaeotherium &c.
I await anxiously my permission from England to start for Italy — in case of receiving it this
Week I shall start about the 12th of next month. I will be obliged to you by giving me any indica-
tions of the northern parts of Italy — any letters which you may send I beg you to address them to
Cuvier's care, who knows all my movements and will forward them accordingly. I shall write to
you from time to time, as well as to Mr Conybeare who I regret much not to have known
personally — but with whose correspondence I have been delighted; I have not been able to let
him keep the head of Iguana which I sent last Monday — for a long time — but before my departure
I shall send you a beautiful head of a very large Monitor and which I will allow you to keep until
my arrival in England. I must only request that my name shall not be mentioned in the course of
your mutual researches. — I hope that you will publish (as soon as you have got over your
Yorkshire Den) the descriptions & figures of the monstrous beast which you found in Lincoln-
shire.196 Cuvier desires it much, and nothing could be more interesting. By publishing it in the
LETTERS OF JOSEPH PENTLAND 295
Philosophical Transactions you will be able to have good engravings made of it, copies of which I
bespeak.
Endeavour to forward (if possible) proofs of the Plates of Mr Young's197 book on Yorkshire,198
of which you spoke in your last letter, in case of the work not being published shortly, as in this
case Cuvier can make use of them by citing them in his 4th vol. which will be of considerable
advantage to Mr Young's book. He will do the same for your paper on Yorkshire, copies of the
Plates of which I expect daily from Clift.
I have not heard anything of late concerning Leach or his place as the Museum. I have not yet
made any application, the reason for which is that Leach is now getting better (apparently); his
place to my knowledge is not yet declared Vacant, and the laws of friendship & of delicacy which
I owe to Leach do not allow me to apply as yet — as soon as I shall have heard of the Vacancy
being declared I shall apply but not until then. To judge after the list of Candidates Great Britain
is in a poor state as regards Zoology — your two best candidates (at least those which stand the
best chance of succeeding) are foreigners — Mr Harker's199 application is really ridiculous. Zoology
is a very difficult study and if Mr H. judges from Botany he will be wonderfully mistaken — the
Zoologist must be anatomist; [word deleted] Botany is what Mineralogy has been in the German
school, a science of external characters. I must say I do not natter myself with strong hopes of
success, in a country where personal interest goes farther than personal talent, although you seem
to think that the Archbishop will give the place to the person who best deserves it. — All my
friends here, and especially Cuvier, look forward however with the strongest hopes, and I must
say that no personal motives interest him — this is to my amour propre no small flattery and in
case of my non success will serve to console me for the time lost in sollicking [sic].
Believe me Ever
Most sincerely yours
J. B. Pentland
Jardin du Roi
To Postmark
the Rev. Professor Buckland/F.R.S./Corpus College/Oxford March 4 1822
XXX Paris 4 March 1822
Jardin du Roi
My Dear Mr Buckland,
I received yesterday your letters of the 22 & 25 inst, — with the box containing the teeth &
album grocum of the Hyaena — for which Cuvier desires me to return you his best thanks. — All
those teeth belong decidedly to the Hyaena, something smaller than in that which we have from
Gaylenreuth, although belonging evidently to the same species.
I still insist on the presence of a Felis in your Kirkdale Cavern if Clift's drawings be exact —
and I am certain that he could not have committed so great an error in two drawings of the same
object as to have omitted to mark the talon on the posterior part of the posterior inferior molar,
the absence of which in the Cat tribe distinguishes those animals from the Hyaena. I send you a
comparative sketch of Clift's (1) drawing and of one of your hyaena's teeth (2). You see that in
the genus Felis this tooth consists in two portions a.b. whereas there is a third portion or Talon —
c, in the Hyaenas — as in the genus Mustela. — Now I repeat there is not a trace of the talon in
Clift's drawing — and thus our dispute is reduced to this — whether Clift's drawings are exact or
not.
left outside ps^ ' li/h J U X™ right outside
hyaena's tooth L. ^ [ f h tooth of Felis
296
W. A. S. SARJEANT & J. B. DELAIR
There is another character which is decisive in the relative proportions of the portions a & b. In
the Hyaena the anterior portion a. is considerably larger than the posterior one, in the Felis
tribe the posterior b. is the largest. — In fine if Clift's drawings is [sic] exact I will answer on my
head, that the tooth in question is that of a Felis. — The discovery of the bear's jaw is wonderfully
interesting. To which of the fossil species does it belong? — I am sorry to say that we have not at
present a living Cape Hyaena (Canis Crocuta)200 and our Canis Hyaena201 is so very old &
Paralytic that we are obliged to feed her on flesh — so that I cannot execute your commission. — In
speaking of Hyaenas, perhaps you are aware that Mr Temminck202 has published a paper on what it
he calls l'Hyene varie. I have just received the head of this animal from Amsterdam. I find that if
['belongs' deleted] is a species of Dog & not an Hyaena. I intend to give a portion of the Album
Grocum to Mr Vauquelin203 to analyze. — Has Woolaston [sic]20i made a quantitative or
numerical analysis of this substance?
I enclose you a short instruction that Cuvier desires for you during your Orkney tour. I beg
you to send a copy of it to Webb,129 as you will find few of the objects ['there' deleted] in yr. tour
& as he may meet with the greater number of them.
I am very glad to find that you will have no objection to continue our correspondence, the best
plan will be to send your letter to the foreign office to Mr Macleay, who takes care to direct them
to me to the care of our Minister at Naples — ['Rome' deleted] Florence &c. to Mr Rickett's
care. I send you our route, with the last day which I shall remain in each town: I will not promise
to be quite as exact as I have been hitherto, however you may depend that I shall do everything
in my power. I shall have only besides yourself one correspondent, which is Mr Cuvier's family. — I
intend leaving Paris on Thursday 7 of March, but as I intend to stop sometime at Lyons & Geneva,
I request you to write to me as usual to Royer's191 care, since my servant will not leave Paris
until 8 days after my departure — so that he will bring any letters on, and if you possibly can send
me on a few copies of your paper on the Alps — I have 5 of your British Strata which I shall
distribute in Italy. — I beg you to let me know if I can procure any thing for you in Italy — I
collect nothing for myself. My first attention shall be directed towards Cuvier — whatever else
I can collect shall be at my friends' disposition, and you will undoubtedly come under this class. —
Write to me at Naples — it is not improbable that we shall visit Sicily and that this excursion will
last 3 months, it depends entirely on the tranquil State of the Country. —
I have directed that the remaining part of the Plaster Casts should be sent as soon as finished. —
This second collection is still superior in execution to the first one in point of execution [sic].
I have sent Clift a copy of the Catalogue, which I have requested him to send you. — Present my
best respects to Daubeny62 & to Mr Conybeare &
Believe me Ever Most Sincerely
Yours, J. B. Pentland
(See next page for Plan of route)
In going
Mount Cenis
Turin 23 March
Piacenza
Parma
Bologna
Tinola
Rimini
Pesaro
Ancona
Rome *7 April
Naples 7 May
*I shall only stop a few
days in Rome in going but
shall remain a month
on my return
returning
Naples
Rome 10 June
Civita Vecchia
Florence 6 July
Leghorn
Pisa
Lucca
Cavara
Genoa 1 August
Reggio
Mantua
Padua
Venice 1 September
Bassano
Treviso
Vicenza
Verona
Bergamo
Breccia
Milan
Pavia
St. Simplon
Geneva
Neuchatel
Schaffausen [sic]205
Oeningen
& perhaps afterwards into
Germany If I [deletion)
pass the winter on the Continent
LETTERS OF JOSEPH PENTLAND 297
[postscript added at head of letter] I enclose a letter for Webb, whose address I do not know,
and beg you to send it to him.
XXXI Pencil date '19 March 1822'
My Dear Mr Buckland,
At the moment of my departure from this town I received through Mr Cuvier your kind letter
of the 4th instant, and am sorry that I have not been able to peruse your most interesting paper on
the Yorkshire Caverns,206 it having arrived after my departure from Paris. You may rest assured
that Cuvier and Laurillard shall only see it, so that there is no danger of its contents transpiring
before its publication. As to your allusions to the bones found in fissures at Nice, Gibralter &c,
I am not of your opinion as to the identity or rather analogy with the Caverns, because in only
one instance has an extinct species of animal been found. This animal is the species of Lagomys
which Mr Cuvier speaks of in his 4th vol., and although those fissures have been most carefully
examined in several countries, none of [the] most common remains of the gravel beds have been
found — such as Elephant, Rhinoceros, Hippopotamus & horse, not to speak of Bears, Hyaenas
&c.
Before leaving Paris, I agreed with Mr Laurillard that he should take up my correspondence with
you, so that you will hereafter you [sic] will address your letters to him. I fear he will not find time
to write as long letters as I have, but he shall always feel most happy in serving you. We have
agreed that he should write in French, and that you should write in English which Laurillard
understands perfectly.
You speak of a Plaster cast of a bone which you suppose to be of Ichtyosaurus which you say
you sent last summer. There must be some mistake here as I never received any such specimen —
If you have still a cast of it, send it to Laurillard who will determine it as well as I could do.
We leave Lyons this Evg. for Turin. We remain as short a time as possible on the road so as to
get to Rome on the first of April, where we shall remain until the first of June. I shall write to you
from Rome, when I shall explain to you the future plans of my route. Write to me as often as you
can. My address at Rome is aux Loins de M. Chiaveri207 chez le Due de Tortonie [?]207 a Rome.
Excuse my scrawl, my fellow traveller/is waiting for me in the/carriage, so I must close this/
wishing you every happiness Believe me
Your very sincere friend
Joseph Pentland
Lyons 19 March 1822
Hotel de l'Europe
To the Postmark
Revd. Wm Buckland F.R.S./Corpus College/Oxford Ap. 5 1822
XXXII This single letter, written to Cuvier by Pentland whilst on his Italian tour in 1822, is
in the collections of the Institut de France (Carton 3244, piece 58). The French text, as transcribed,
is first presented without annotation. An English translation (courteously prepared by Dr Jocelyne
C. Legault, in association with W.A.S.S.), with annotations, follows.
Privati Florence 8 Decembre, 1822
Cafe Gazzeri
Piazza del Carmine
Monsieur,
Je vous ai annonce il y a trois semaines que j'ai reussi de voir les os fossiles du Val d'Arno, que
vous attendiez depuis long temps [sic], l'absence momentaires de M. Bardi le Directeur du
Museum de Florence a retarde l'envoi plus long terns [sic] que je croyais — dans ma lettre je vous
ai parle de la cause qui a empeche que M. Nesti fasse l'envoi. Savoir que le Grand Due n'a voulu
rien donner sans savoir ce qu'il recevrait en echange — j'ai vu alors qu'il fallait offrir quelque
298
W. A. S. SARJEANT & J. B. DELAIR
chose plus que les platres des ossemens qu'on a envoye afin d'avoir quelques beaux morceaux qui
manquent [word missing] ou entierement a votre Museum, ou qui sont si inutiles qu'on aurait
besoin de les remplacer. J'ai pris la liberte par consequence de fournir une liste de ce que vous
pouvez donner au Museum ici. Je vous l'envoie et j'espere que vous trouverez que je ne suis pas
alle trop loin, ou que j'ai promis des choses que vous ne pourriez pas donner— vous verrez que ce
sont surtout des oiseaux et quelques quadrupeds [sic] du voyage de Lalande principalement, et
que vous avez en si grand quantite.
Comme je me suis engage de votre nom, je vous prie de faire expedier le plutot possible les
objets que vous voulez donner. Le Grand Due qui prend un tres grand interet dans son Museum
les attend avec impatience, et j'espere de pouvoir avoir quelques beaux morceaux d'ossemens,
lorsque 1'envoi sera arrive. Comme il ne faut pas long terns [sic] pour faire cet envoi, serai-je
vous prier de ne le pas laisser trainer, car je craindrais alors qu'on ne reussirait plus d'avoir rien
d'ici, et comme il est probable que je reste a Florence envore deux mois, il serait convenable que
les objets que j'ai promis arrivassent avant mon depart.
Vous verriez par le Catalogue ci-joint que je vous envoie un squelette presque complette [sic]
d'Hippopotame. J'ai pris des pieces que je savis que vous aviez deja, mais il est bon loin de rien
refuser. Avec l'exception d'un omoplatte entier, vous aurez une aussi belle serie des os de l'Hip-
popotame que le Musee de Florence. La tete et la machoire interieur sont les plus complets des
trois que j'ai examines — Quant au Rhinoceros je ne puis pas dire autant. Quoique on a ici les
extremites complets, je n'ai pas pu avoir autre chose que les os de l'extremite anterieur, mais je
ferai mouler en platre l'extremite posterieur.
Je voudrais pouvoir vous dire tout ce qu'on a trouve le plus remarquable depuis votre voyage
en Italie, mais un tel detail outrepasserait les bornes d'une lettre. Au reste je vous le ferai
connaitre a mon retour — II y a cependant quelques objets que peut — etre vous seriez bien aise
de connaitre avant de terminer votre bel ouvrage sur les fossiles. Si vous en voulez des dessins
je les ferai faire, mais si vous aimeriex mieux des platres, je m'en chargerai moi-meme.
Je ne parle pas du squelette presqu'entier du Mastodon trouve recemment, comme M. Nesti
publiera sous un memoire la-dessus — ni des trois tetes d'Elephans [sic], dont on a trouve deux lans
le mois dernier — je passe aux Carnassiers, dont vous n'avez presque rien.
1. Hyene. M. Targeoni possede un tete entier, mais fort ecrase, et dont les dents manquent en
grand parti — mais la forme generate de la tete est bien conserve, et je crois qu'il sera digne de
paraitre dans votre ouvrage. M. Targeoni a aussi deux portions de la machoire superieure du
meme animal, renfermant les trois molaires posterieures — je me propose de faire mouler la
meilleure. — Le Museum de Florence ne possede qu'une machoire inferieure mutile — mais Canali
de Perugia m'a promis de m'envoyer un dessin d'une mieux conserve qu'il possede — Quoique
j'ai cherche beaucoup je n'ai pas vu d'autre os de cet animal — excepte un morceau de vertebre.
2. Ours. II y a au Museum un tete presqu'entier [sic] qu'on a apporte recemment de Figline.
Un parti de l'occiput est casse, mais toutes les molaires y sont, ainsi que la machoire inferieure.
— La grandeur excede a peine celle de l'ours noir d'Amerique. II y a 6 molaires derriere les canines
en haut. [Marginal comment: 'Comme dans l'U. longirostrus decrit par Siedemann.'] Les trois
premieres sont tres petites, et rempissement tout l'espace entre les canine et les premiers grosses
molaires. Je n'ai pas pu encore examiner la machoire inferieur, etant recouverte de terre. Aussitot
que j'aurai le terns [sic] je me mettrai de nettoyer le morceau et de le faire dessiner de suite. — Le
Museum possede un autre morceau de machoire renferment quelques dents. M. Targeoni en a
aussi, mais peu important. — Le seul os d'ours que j'ai vu est la portion [deletion] superieur du
femur, mais trouve dans une position bien different de ceux du Val d'Arno, savoir ['dans' deleted]
avec les Roches osseuses de Pise. — Ce morceau devait appartenir a un tres grand individu — je
ne puis pas dire avec certitude s'il appartient a un ours ou a un Lion, comme il est en partie
envellope de Stalactite — mais il n'est pas le moudre [?] dont qu'il ne peut pas provenir d'un
Ruminant.
3. Chien. II parait qu'il y en a de deux grandeurs qui correspond pour la taille du Loup ou du
Renard.
4. J'ai trouve dans le Museum de Targeoni deux dents Canines, qui ne peuvent pas se
rapporter a aucun des animaux qu'on trouve dans le Val d'Arno. — Ces Canines sont tres longues
LETTERS OF JOSEPH PENTLAND 299
et pointues, qu'on prendrait au premier coupe d'oeuill pour appartenir a des Carnassiers mais
leur grand applatissement exclu ces derniers. — Le deux diametres sont dans le rapport de 2/5 a
1. — Je serais tenter [sic] de croire que ces dents appartient ce meme animal dont vous avez un
portion de [deletion] bassin et que vous avez rapproche a des Tapirs. J'en ferai un platre.
5. Ruminans [sic]. Je vous ai parle dans un [sic] autre lettre d'une belle tete de Boeuf et de
bois d'un tres grand Cerf du Val d'Arno, qui ne resemble a rien que j'ai vu; M. Targeoni m'a
promis de les faire dessiner.
Je ne sais pas si vous avez examine des os que Targeoni Tozzetti attribuent au Trichechus
rosmarus — et qu'il avait trouve dans les collines coquillieres de Pise — je les crois du Lamaittin
[?] mais je ne puis pas prononcer, car ils sont tous couvertes de terre. II y a un coudre [?] et
quelques autres os. — Cependant si vous voulez en avoir des dessins, je demanderai de les decouvrir
— M. Targeoni vient d'aquerir une machoire inferieur tout entier d'Elephant de Val d'Arno, de
la variete a menton pointu — c'est le morceau le plus complet que j'ai vu de cet animal.
Les Caisses vont partir pour Levouran apres demain, pour etre embarque pour Le Havre,
s'il aura un batiment; autrement on les enverra a Marseilles, ou je vous prie de faire prevenir la
Commissaire de Marine, afin de les fair plomber. Autrement je suis sur qu'on les casse. — Vous
trouverez dans les caisses differents petits paquets signes de mon nom — ce sont des os qu'on
m'a donne pour mes Collections, ou qu' j'ai achete a Figline.
Ayez la bonte de me rappeller au souvenirs de Madame Cuvier, des demoiselles et de Laurillard
et de me croire Votre bien Devoue
J. Pentland
P rival No. 2
Hippopotamus
No. 1. Tete presqu 'entier d'Hippopotamus, dont il ne manque due la partie inferieur des os de
nez.
2. Machoire inferieur, appartenant a la meme tete, dont un des Condyles seulement
manque.
3. Omoplatte mutile, mais qui ofFre une grande partie du contour.
4. Bassin qui manque les ailes iliaques et une portion du symphisis du Pubis.
5. Atlas.
6-7. Deux autres vertebres cervicales.
8. Un des vertebres anterieurs de dos.
9. Humerus entire.
10. Radius et Cubitus reunis tres entire et du plus grand individu.
11-13. OsduCarpe.
14. [Deleted.]
15. Les 4 os du Metacarpes.
16. Femur
qui correspondent a les seules portions du Fibule que
17. Tibia j'ai vu tout dans la collection de Targeoni. Je compte
d'en faire moule un.
18. Rotula.
19-21. Os du Tarse. Je ne vous envoie l'Astragale et Calcaneum, comme je sais que vous en
avez deja 2.
22. Les quatre os du metatarse.
Je n'ai pas pu avoir des phalanges, car le Museum de Florence en possede tres peu,
et M. Nesti n'a pas encore commence de les classer — je vous enverrai, je crois dans un
autre envoi.
Elephant
23. Les 3/4 inferieurs du femur, montrant que l'espace entre les condyles reste toujours
ouverte.
24-25. Deux molaires.
26. Defense tres longue, qui a ete brise en 5 pieces, mais dont les fractures s'adaptent.
300 W. A. S. SARJEANT & J. B. DELAIR
Rhinoceros
27. Portion de la machoire inferieur renferment 3 molaires entieres et les alveoles des qutres.
28. Molaire superieur — mutile.
29. Humerus entier.
30. Radius.
31. Cubitus.
31. [sic]. Les deux derniers os reunis.
33. Astragalus. Dans un autre envoi, on peut vous donner quelques os du Carpe et du
Metacarpe. Pour le membre posterieus — il y en a rien.
Ruminantia
34. Tete presqu'entier d'un grand Ruminante.
35. Palais avec des dents superieurs d'une espece plus petit.
36. Machoire inferieur d'une espece de la taille d'un Chevreuil.
37. Sept os du metacarpe et du metatarse, montrant qu'il y a au moins 4 especes differents
par les tailles.
38. Humerus d'un Cerf?
39-42. Quatre Astragales de diverses grandeurs.
43. Portion mutile d'un come de Cerf (3 morceaux).
44. Portion inferieur de Bois de Cerf plus petit.
Cheval
45. Partie de la machoire.
46-47. Canons anterieurs et posterieurs.
48. Astragale.
49. Morceau du terrain dans lequel se trouve les os fossiles du Val d'Arno, renferment des
Unios et d'autres coquilles d'eau douce.
Florence le 7 Deer 1822. J. B. Pentland
Les ossemens compris dans le Catalogue ci-joint sont dans 5 caisses que j'ai addresse a M. Eyries
de Havre s'il le trouvera un batiment a Levouran qui fait voile pour ce port — autrement on les
enverra a Marseilles ou j'ai prevenu le Commissaire de Marine.
Vous trouverez dans ces caisses des objets qui m'appartiennent, chaque piece a mon nom
ecrit dessus. — Ou est envelopper dans un papier sur lequel j'ai aussi ecrit. II y a beaucoup de ces
papiers dans la Caisse No. 2. Les autres sont distribues avec les os pour vous. — Je prie M. Cuvier
de faire mettre de cote cequi est a moi jusqu'a mon retour a Paris.
J'espere pouvoir vous faire en autre envoie avant de quitter ce pays. Le Gd. Due parait fort
parti d'etre obligeant, et vous pouvez compter sur moi. Seulement je repete que tant cela dependra
sur ce que vous l'enverrez. — et l'expedition qu'on y mettra. J'ai fait la connaissance du Prop-
rietaire des Mines de Charbon de Cadi Bona presso [?] de Savorne — qui m'a promis des os fossiles
— je vous les enverrai aussitot que je les aurai recu.
J.P.
Privati Florence 8 December, 1822
Cafe Gazzeri
Piazza de Carmine
Sir,
I announced to you three weeks ago that I had succeeded in seeing the fossil bones of the Val
d'Arno, for which you had been waiting for so long; the temporary absence of M. Bardi,208 the
Director of the Museum of Florence, delayed the despatch longer than 1 believed — In my letter
LETTERS OF JOSEPH PENTLAND
301
I spoke to you of the reason which prevented M. Nesti209 from sending them. You must know
that the Grand Duke210 did not want to give anything without knowing what he would receive
in exchange — I saw then that one would have to offer something more than the plaster casts of
the bones we have sent in order to have some fine pieces which are missing [word missing —
perhaps 'partially'] or entirely from your museum, or which are so useless that they would need to
be replaced. I have taken the liberty, in consequence, of providing a list of what you can give to
the Museum here. I am sending it to you and I hope that you will find that I did not go too far,
or that I have promised things that you could not give — you will see that they are mainly birds
and some quadrupeds, mainly from the Lalande211 voyage, and which you have in such great
quantity.
As I am acting in your name, I ask you to send as quickly as possible the objects that you wish
to give. The Grand Duke, who takes a very great interest in his Museum, waits for them im-
patiently, and I hope to be able to obtain some fine specimens of bones, when the shipment has
arrived. As it should not take long to make this shipment, dare I ask you to not delay, because
I would then fear that we would not succeed in getting anything else from here, and as it is
probable that I will stay in Florence two more months, it would be appropriate that the objects
which I have promised should arrive before my departure.
You will see from the catalogue here included that I am sending you a nearly complete
hippopotamus skeleton. I accepted specimens which I knew you already have, but it is good to
refuse nothing. With the exception of a complete shoulder-blade, you will also have as good a
series of hippopotamus bones as the Florence Museum. The skull and the lower jaw are the
most complete of the three which I examined. As for the rhinoceros, I cannot say as much.
Although they have here the complete extremities, I could not obtain more than the bones of the
front extremity, but I will have moulded in plaster the posterior extremity.
I wish I were able to tell you all that we have found the most remarkable since your journey
in Italy, but such detail would exceed the limits of a letter. For the rest, I will let you know on
my return. — There are however some objects which perhaps you would like to hear about before
finishing your fine work on the fossils. If you wish for drawings, I will have them made, but if
you would prefer plaster casts, I will see to it myself.
I do not speak of the nearly complete skeleton of a Mastodon found recently, since M. Nesti
will soon publish a memoir on it212 — nor of the three elephant skulls, two of which were found
last month — I pass on to the carnivores, of which you have hardly any.
1. Hyena. M. Targeoni213 possesses a complete, but very crushed, skull, whose teeth are largely
missing — but the general form of the skull is well preserved, and I believe that it will be worthy of
appearing in your work. M. Targeoni also has two portions of the upper jaw of the same animal,
containing the three posterior molars — I propose to make moulds of the best. — The Museum of
Florence only has a mutilated lower jaw — but Canali214 of Perugia has promised to send me a
drawing of a better preserved one which he has. — Although I searched a lot I did not see any
other bones of this animal — except for a fragment of vertebra.
2. Bear. There is in the Museum an almost complete skull which was recently brought from
Figline.215 A part of the occiput is broken, but all the molars are there, as well as the lower
jaw. — The size scarcely exceeds that of the American black bear. There are six molars behind the
canines on the top. [Marginal insertion: 'As in the U[rsus] longirostrus described by Siedemann216].
The first three are very small and fill all the space between the canines and the first large molars.
I have not yet been able to examine the lower jaw, [it] being covered by earth. As soon as I have
the time, I will set myself to cleaning this piece and have it drawn immediately after.217 — The
Museum possesses another piece of a jaw containing several teeth. M. Targeoni also has [one],
but less important. — The only bear bone that I saw is the upper portion of the femur, but found
in a position very different from those of Val d'Arno, to wit with the osseous rocks of Pisa. —
This piece must have belonged to a very large individual — I cannot say with certainty if it
belonged to a bear or to a lion, as it is in part enveloped in stalactite, — but it is not the grinding
tooth, therefore it cannot come from a ruminant.
3. Dog. It seems that there are two sizes, which correspond in dimensions to a wolf and a
fox.
302 W. A. S. SARJEANT & J. B. DELAIR
4. I found in Targeoni's Museum two canine teeth, which cannot be related to any of the
animals which one finds in the Val d'Arno. — These canines are very long and pointed; one takes
them at first sight as belonging to carnivores, but their great flattening excludes the latter. The
two diameters are in the ratio of 2/5 to 1. — I would be tempted to believe that these teeth belong
to the same animal of which you have a portion of pelvis and which you have related to the
Tapirs. I will make a plaster cast.
5. Ruminants. I have spoken in another letter of a fine bull's skull and of antlers of a very large
stag from the Val d'Arno, which resembles nothing I have seen. M. Targeoni has promised to
make me drawings of them.
I do not know if you have examined the bones that Targeoni Tozzetti attributes to Trichechus
rosmarus218 — and which he found in the shelly hills of Pisa. — I believe them to be
of Lamaittin [?]219 but I cannot pronounce with confidence, because they are all covered with
earth. There is an elbow [?] and some other bones. — However if you wish for drawings of them,
I will ask to have them uncovered. — M. Targeoni has just acquired a quite complete lower jaw
of [an] elephant from Val d'Arno, of the variety with pointed chin — this is the most complete
example I have seen of this animal.
The boxes will leave for Levouran220 the day after tomorrow, to be embarked for Le Havre,
if there is a vessel; otherwise we will send them to Marseilles, where I pray you to advise the
Commissaire de Marine, in order to have them sealed. Otherwise I am certain that they will be
broken. — You will find in the cases various small packages signed with my name — these are the
bones which were given to me for my collection, or which I bought from Figline.
Please be good enough to recall me to the recollections of Madame Cuvier, the girls and
Laurillard and to believe me your devoted.
J. Pentland
Privat No. 2
Hippopotamus
No. 1. Almost complete skull, of which only the lower part of the nasal bones are missing.
2. Lower jaw, belonging to the same head, of which only one of the condyles is missing.
3. Mutilated shoulder-blade, but which exhibits a large part of the outline.
4. Pelvis which lacks the iliac wings and a portion of the pubic symphysis.
5. Atlas.
6-7. Two other cervical vertebrae.
8. One of the anterior back vertebrae.
9. Complete humerus.
10. Radius and cubitus joined together very completely and from a very large individual.
11-13. Carpal bones.
14. [Deleted.]
15. The 4 bones of the metacarpus.
16. Femur.
which correspond to the only portions of the fibula which
17. Tibia. I have seen in the whole collection of Targeoni. I plan to
make a mould of one.
18. Rotula.
19-21. Bones of the tarsus. I do not send the astragalus and the calcaneum, because I know you
already have 2.
22. The four bones of the metatarsus.
1 have not been able to get the phalanges, because the Museum of Florence has very
few, and M. Nesti has not yet started to classify them — I will send them, I hope in
another shipment.
Elephant
23. The lower 3/4 of the femur, showing that the space between the condyles always remains
open.
LETTERS OF JOSEPH PENTLAND
303
24-25. Two molars.
26. Very long tusk, which has been broken in 5 pieces, but whose fractures fit.
Rhinoceros
27. Portion of the lower jaw containing 3 complete molars and the alveoli of the others.
28. Upper molar, damaged.
29. Complete humerus.
30. Radius.
31. Cubitus.
31. [sic] The two latter bones, united.
33. Astralagalus. In another shipment, we can give you some bones of the carpus and of
the metacarpus. For the posterior member — there is nothing.
Ruminantia
34. Almost complete skull of a large ruminant.
35. Palate, with the upper teeth, of a smaller species.
36. Lower jaw of a species of the size of a deer.
37. Seven metacarpal and metatarsal bones, indicating that there are at least 4 different
species by their sizes.
38. Humerus of a stag ?
39-42. Four astragali of diverse sizes.
43. Damaged portion of the horn of a stag (3 fragments).
44. Lower portion of the antler of a smaller stag.
Horse
45. Section of the jaw.
46-47. Anterior and posterior cannons.
48. Astragalus.
49. Portion of earth in which are found the fossil bones of the Val d'Arno, containing Unios
and other freshwater shells.
Florence 7 December, 1822 J. B. Pentland
The bones included in the Catalogue sent herewith are in the 5 boxes which I have addressed
to M. Eyries of Le Havre if a vessel is found at Levouran220 which sails for this port — otherwise
they will be sent to Marseilles, where I have advised the Commissaire de Marine.
You will find in these cases objects which belong to me; each piece has my name written on it —
or is wrapped in a paper on which I also wrote. There are many of these papers in Box no. 2.
The others are distributed with the bones for you. — I pray M. Cuvier to put aside what is mine
until my return to Paris.
I hope to be able to send you another shipment before leaving this country. The Grand Duke
appears quite inclined to be obliging, and you can count on me. Only I repeat that all this depends
on what you will send to him — and the speed with which they are sent. I have made the acquain-
tance of the Proprietor of the Coal Mines of Cadi Bona presso [?] in Savorne — who has promised
fossil bones — I will send them to you as soon as they are received.
J.P.
XXXIII. The last letter of this correspondence is from the collection of the late Dr Victor A. &
Mrs Joan M. Eyles, Great Rissington, Gloucestershire. That it is again addressed to Buckland is
clear from its contents, though the addressee is not named :
304
W. A. S. SARJEANT & J. B. DELAIR
Paris 28 feby 1824
No 98 rue du faubourg du Roule
Dear Sir,
Our friend Cuvier has this moment requested me to write to you on the subject of the paper
which you proposed publishing on the Stonesfield reptile the Megalosaurus. He is now at that
part of his work where he intends speaking of your reptile, and wishes to know if your paper has
been yet published — and in what form? And in what work?221 He is also desirous of knowing
whether any thing new has appeared on the genera Ichtyo & Plesio— sauri since he is on the
point of publishing his remarks thereon. M. Cuvier sent you the 1st part of his Ve Vol. nearly 3
months ago by the Abbe de Rouffigny,222 he is anxious to be informed if you have received it,
he sent at the same [time] copies to Sir E. Home & Mr Clift, who have not acknowledged the
receipt of it.
M. Cuvier will send you in a few days by Mr Temmink [sic]202 some casts of bones which were
found at Honfleur & which he supposes to belong to the Megalosaurus; he wishes you to compare
them with those in your collection and to give him your opinion on the subject, but he will
write to you himself by Mr Temmink [sic] — and would have done so now had he not been very
busily occupied by the Government and the Elections. He is about to commence the History of
Fossil fishes. Having arranged and described all the living species of the collection amounting to
more than 2,500 species, he will commence the publication as soon as he shall [have] finished his
fossil Reptiles which will be in April next.
I expect to be in England in all March; my stay there will be short. From thence I shall return
to Italy and pass next winter in Sicily.
We have nothing new in Geology here; all expect anxiously the new edition of your Reliquiae223
— I have a packet of pamphlets to send you, but am waiting for an opportunity, having no longer
the permission to send by the Foreign Office. If Mr Temmink [sic] will take charge of them I shall
desire him to leave them, with the plaster casts from Cuvier, at the Geological Society.
Yours faithfully,
J. B. Pentland
[On back] I have some notion of presenting a very fine collection of fossil bones to one of our
Museums. Would they be acceptable to the Geol: Society? or would it be better to offer them to
the Brit: Museum?224
I do not say any thing of the Walruss you intend sending Cuvier, not having received an answer
from you on the subject.
The last four letters which we include all date from Pentland's later period of work in Cuvier's
laboratory. The first two provide yet another evidence of Pentland's frequent and (it seems)
always very willing services as cicerone to visitors to the French capital. His visitor on this
occasion was Alexander Turnbull Christie, a Scot who had served as assistant surgeon with the
East India Company and had returned to Europe in 1828. For the two years that followed, he
was engaged in studying geology, meteorology and other branches of science in Edinburgh and
on the Continent. In 1830 he was appointed geological surveyor on the Madras establishment;
his letter evidently refers to his endeavours to secure this post. Christie did not return to India
until 1831 and died there in 1832; during his short scientific career he contributed a number of
papers to the Edinburgh New Philosophical Journal.
XXXIV This letter dates from 1830; it is unsigned, but undoubtedly written by Christie.
The penultimate paragraph makes it clear that Pentland was again seeking Governmental employ-
ment, perhaps in a consular capacity; but it appears that, this time, he was unfortunate.
[1830]
My dear Pentland,
I have herewith the pleasure of sending you your books and papers. I am happy to have this
early opportunity of again assuring you that I shall always remember how much I am indebted
LETTERS OF JOSEPH PENTLAND 305
to you for your many acts of kindness, and that if I can do anything for you here I hope you will
command me.
I called on Sir John Franklin, but he was not at home. I therefore wrote a note to him requesting
him to let me know whether he had sent you the books. — I have not yet received his answer. — I
shall probably not see him before next Wednesday on which day I am to dine with him. — I will
ask Mr Murchison today about the volumes of the Geol. Trans. I delivered your letters to him
yesterday, and had ['received' deleted] a very kind reception from him. — I am to meet him today
at the rooms of the Geological Society.— I have not yet had time to call on Mrs Lee,225 but shall
probably do so tomorrow.
I am sorry to find that there is no meeting of the Geological Society this week. — I therefore
intend to remain in town till the end of next week, that I may have an opportunity of seeing
Buckland, Sedgwick and the other members before going to Scotland. — I have seen none of my
Indian friends yet. — Mr Elphinstone is in town, but was not at home when I called on him. — I
understand he says he will do all in his power to serve me, but is very doubtful whether the Court
will make the appointment at present, they are persisting so resolutely in their saving [?] system.
However I am [twice repeated] not without hopes of success.
My boxes that were dispatched by the roulage accelere, had not arrived at Calais when I was
there! I left directions with Mons. Bignolle to forward them to his agents in London, who will
reship them for Leith., As M. B. is in the daily habit of executing commissions of this sort I have
no doubt they will arrive quite safe. —
XXXV. Pentland's response suggests that he was at this time engaged in final work on his map
of Lake Titicaca (see p. 251).
[1830]
Dear Christie,
I enclose a letter wh. [which] I only yesterday received from home in attention of the porter at
No. 7. — I also received my last courier the packet of papers you were kind enough to send me, and
am now over head & ears in calculations for my map.
I sincerely rejoice that you have found my friends so obliging and I trust you will be no less so
with Dr Buckland when you shall have known him. I expect to hear further from you on the
subject of your prospects on [two illegible words].
I have received the two volumes of Brocchi,226 which I shall send you (addressed to the Oriental
Club) in a few days, as soon as Cuvier's 5th vol. is out wh. [which] it will early in next week.
I shall feel much obliged by your still attending to my [word illegible] about yr. books, as
I wish to have them to send on to my friends in Italy — let me know quickly your outlay on my
acct. [account] that I may send you the money — short accts. [accounts], long friends you know.
I am subpoenad to appear in London as a witness in a law suit on the 30th so I must go — but
only for a day — I am sorry you will not be then in town. Do not let this prevent you sending me the
Books however — Should you be in town, you will find me probably at Halchetts [?] Hotel
Piccadilly the 29th or 30th.
We have nothing new here, except a Geol. Socy, wh. [which] is in embryo and promises/ever227
— I do not intend however to belong to it.
Yours very sincerely,
J. B. Pentland
Your Auvergne Box arrived and was sent on to Calais 4 days after you left Paris.
Paris 19th March.
The final two letters, both addressed to Pentland, are contained in the archives of the University of
St Andrews, Scotland (J. D. Forbes papers 1831/26 and 1833/4). Both suggest that Pentland had
become an active and well-known figure in the Parisian scientific world of his time. In each
instance, the French text is given first and an English translation (again courteously prepared by
Dr Jocelyne A. Legault, in consultation with W. A. S. S.) follows, with annotations.
306 W. A. S. SARJEANT & J. B. DELAIR
XXXVI This letter, which predates Cuvier's death, is a response by the Societe Geographique
de France to an offer by Pentland to convey to England the gold medal which that Society had
awarded to the distinguished Arctic explorer Sir John Franklin (1786-1847), who was then away
in the Mediterranean in command of H.M. frigate Rainbow. (It is possible that Pentland may have
been related to Sir John or to Lady Franklin!)
Bibliotheque du Roi
Paris le 2 Aout 1831
Monsieur,
Sur la reponse que Lady Franklin a faite a la proposition de se charger de la Medaille d'or de
la Societe geographique de France pour son mari, je viens de deposer cette medaille au Ministere
de la Marine. Cette Dame a dit qu'elle pensait que le Capitaine serait pous flatte de la recevoir
par l'intermediaire du Commandant de la Croisiere francaise. Je n'en suis pas moins tres sensible,
a 1'offre obligeante, Monsieur, et je vous prie d'en agreer l'assurance avec celle de ma consideration
distinguee.
Jomard.
Membre de lTnstitut
To Monsieur
Monsieur Pentland,
Paris
Bibliotheque du Roi
Paris, 2 August 1831
Sir,
Regarding the response which Lady Franklin228 made to the proposition that she accept the gold
medal of the Geographical Society of France for her husband, I have just deposited this medal
with the Naval Ministry. This Lady said that she thought that the Captain would be more
flattered to receive it through the intermediary of the Commander of the French fleet. I am
nonetheless very sensible of your kind offer, Sir, and I pray you to accept the assurance of this
as well as my distinguished consideration.
Jomard.229
Member of the Institut.
To Monsieur Pentland, Paris.
XXXVII This last letter, which postdates Cuvier's death, may well have been written whilst
Pentland was still engaged in cataloguing the collection at the Jardin du Roi. Its author was
Augustin Pyramus de Candolle (1779-1841), the great Swiss plant taxonomist.
[Pencilled superscription 'De Candolle
of Geneva']
Mon cher Monsieur,
Ce billet vous sera remis par Mr Perrottet voyageur botaniste dont je vous ai parle lorsque
j'ai eu l'avantage de vous voir a Paris; il desire serieusement aller dans la republique de Bolivia
et je lui ai fait esperer que vous lui donneriez les directions et renseignements necessaires pour
rendre son voyage utile a la Botanique et a la culture. Je vous aurai bien de l'obligation si vous
voulez lui consacrer quelques momen[t]s dans ce but et avec 1'activite et la bonne volonte qu'i
porte a ce genre d'entreprises je ne doute point qu'il ne fasse fructifier vos bonnes instructions.
Agree je vous prie l'expression de la consideration distingue avec laquelle j'ai l'honneur d'etre
votre tres devoue
A. P. de Candolle
LETTERS OF JOSEPH PENTLAND 307
23aout 1833
a Monsieur Pentland
rue de l'Universite n.22
a Paris
My dear Sir,
This note will be given to you by M. Perrottet,230 botanical traveller, of whom I spoke to you
when I had the opportunity of seeing you in Paris; he seriously desires to travel in the Republic
of Bolivia and I allowed him to hope that you would give him the directions and information
necessary to make his voyage useful to Botany and culture. I would be very obliged if you wished
to devote a few moments to this purpose and with the activity and good faith which he brings to
this type of enterprise, I do not doubt that he will bring your good instructions to fruition.
I pray you to accept the expression of the distinguished consideration with which I have the
honour of being
your very devoted
A. P. de Candolle
23 August 1833
to Monsieur Pentland
Rue de l'Universite n.22
a Paris
Acknowledgements
Particular thanks are expressed to the University of Nottingham, and especially to its Library
Committee, for enabling this work to be written by purchasing the long series of letters which
form the bulk of those here published and for allowing one of us (W.A.S.S.) to transcribe them.
The encouragement and support of Lord Energlyn of Caerphilly, which was crucial in this
matter, also merits especial mention, as does the help given by Mrs M. A. Welch, Keeper of
the Manuscripts at the University of Nottingham, for furnishing photographs and Xerox copies
of these letters.
The authors would also like to thank Mrs Joan M. Eyles, for furnishing copies of the letters in the
Eyles' collection; Mme. Hautecoeur, Conservateur-en-Chef, Bibliotheque de l'lnstitut de France,
Paris, for furnishing copies of the two letters in the archives of the Institut; the Trustees of
the National Library of Scotland, for permission to include the letters exchanged by Pentland and
Christie, and Mr D. MacArthur, Librarian and the Library of the University of St Andrews, for
access to, and permission to publish, the letters to Pentland from Jomard and de Candolle.
During the editing and transcription of these letters, the authors received help from a number
of persons. Dr Jocelyne A. Legault, then of the Dept of Geological Sciences, University of
Saskatchewan, Saskatoon and now of the University of Waterloo, Ontario, kindly helped in the
transcription of the French passages and prepared a translation of the letter to Cuvier; Professor
L. B. Halstead (Dept. of Geology, University of Reading) provided helpful notes on Pentland's
work on fossil marine reptiles; Dr E. H. Milligan, Librarian of the Religious Society of Friends,
London, tried in vain to trace the Barclay connexion of Pentland on our behalf; Mr
J. R. Friday, then of the Science Policy Research Unit, University of Sussex, searched the Davy
letters (equally vainly) for Pentland references; and Dr C. P. Hughes (Sedgwick Museum,
Cambridge) gave help concerning the early history of trilobite study. Mr Anthony P. Harvey,
Librarian (Palaeontology) of the British Museum (Natural History) and Mr Robert Fleetwood,
then of the University of Nottingham Library and now of the University of Strathclyde, both
helped extensively in tracing references. We are further indebted to Mr David A. E. Spalding
(Provincial Museum of Alberta, Edmonton, Canada) for reading and critically commenting on
the manuscript. The first draft of the manuscript was prepared by Miss Francis Hoare (Notting-
ham) and the complex task of typing the final manuscript was valiantly tackled by Ms. Nancy
Allan (Saskatoon). To all these persons, we would like to tender our sincere thanks.
308 W. A. S. SARJEANT & J. B. DELAIR
Notes
1 Jean-Leopold-Nicolas-Frederic, Baron Cuvier (1769-1832) early adopted the name 'Georges'
by which he is generally known, as a consequence of the death of his elder brother, Georges-
Charles-Henri (1765-1769), in the year of his birth.
2 Rather surprisingly, the principal archive of Buckland's correspondence and papers — the
Devon County Record Office, Exeter (Oke Papers) — contains no letters to or from Pentland.
3 Though he speaks of his 'parents' in one letter (p. 285), it is to be presumed that he was re-
ferring to his foster-parents, whom we have not succeeded in identifying.
4 Thomas Webster (1773-1844), author of several important works on the stratigraphy of
southeast England.
5 'I am at the Garden from 6 am to 8 pm every day, busy either dissecting or picking out Mont-
martre bones, at which Cuvier is now working.' (p. 278).
6 Father John MacEnery (17967-1841), principally remembered for his investigations of the
caverns of Devonshire.
7 Kents Cavern, near Torquay. MacEnery was incorrect; the tooth found in this cavern was of
a sabretooth (Machairodus latidens Owen).
8 Cuvier's earlier name has taxonomic priority, however: this species is still known as the
Etruscan Bear (Ursus etruscus Cuvier).
9 William Henry Fitton (1780-1861), another Irishman who migrated to England, was a
distinguished stratigrapher and earliest British geological historian, was at that time President of
the Geological Society of London.
10 Sir Woodbine Parish (1796-1882), afterwards Consul-General at Buenos Aires, where he
collected skeletal remains of the great edentate Megatherium, on which Buckland later made
extensive studies.
11 See note 9.
12 See note 132.
13 Sir Roderick Impey Murchison (1792-1871), second Director of the Geological Survey of
Great Britain, a former soldier who became one of Britain's greatest geologists.
14 James Parkinson (1755-1824), also a surgeon, author of Organic Remains of a Former
World 0 vols., 1804-1811).
15 Sir Thomas Livingstone Mitchell (1792-1855), destined later to become one of the most
distinguished Australian explorers.
16 Robert Jameson (1774-1825), Professor of Natural History in the University of Edinburgh,
renowned as Britain's leading exponent of Wernerian theories of the origin of rocks and
minerals.
17 Charles Lyell (1797-1875), one of the greatest of all stratigraphers and author of the Princi-
ples of Geology (1830-33, 3 v.) which established the general applicability of uniformitarian
concepts.
18 Christian Erich Hermann von Meyer (1801-1869), of Frankfurt-am-Main, who was effect-
ively the founder of vertebrate palaeontology in Germany.
19 Pentland's geographical work in Bolivia is currently under study by Sr. Jack Aiken-Soux,
Av. Villazon 240, Casilla 58, Potosi, Bolivia,
20 Sir Archibald Geikie (1835-1924), distinguished geologist and scientific historian, fourth
Director General of the Geological Survey of Great Britain and President of the Royal Society
1908-1913.
21 Hugh Falconer (1808-1865) is especially remembered for his pioneer studies of the fossil
vertebrate fauna of India.
22 Robert Edmond Grant, F.R.S., (1793-1874) lectured in palaeontology at University College
London and was a spirited participant in a number of palaeontological controversies.
23 William Willoughby, 3rd Earl of Enniskillen (1807-1886), a collector of fossils, especially
fossil fishes.
LETTERS OF JOSEPH PENTLAND 309
24 Sir Philip de Malpas Grey Egerton (1806-1881), a close friend of the Earl of Enniskillen and
also a fossil collector, undertook pioneer researches on vertebrate remains and fossil footprints
in the west Midlands of England.
25 George Bellas Greenough (1778-1855), one of the founders of the Geological Society of
London, who produced one of the earliest geological maps of England and Wales.
26 George William Featherstonhaugh, F.R.S. (1780-1866) undertook pioneer geological
researches during travels in the United States and subsequently entered the British diplomatic
service.
27 Sir Andrew Crombie Ramsay (1814-1891), who succeeded Murchison as Director of the
Geological Survey.
28 Then the residence of Thomas Atherton Powys, third Baron Lilford (1801-1861).
29 This manorhouse, rebuilt by George Vivian in 1819, is now a museum of American domestic
life.
30 He collaborated with James Fergusson (1808-1886) in the writing of Sketches of the Anti-
quities of Cusco (18??) and provided data on South America for Mrs Somerville's Physical Geo-
graphy (London (Murray), 1848. 5th ed. 1862).
31 The fact that Pentland was permitted to work in Cuvier's private laboratory and library and
to consult his portfolios (p. 273) is a strong indication of the regard in which Cuvier held him.
32 Pentland notes (p. 291) that Cuvier had put him in charge of casting.
33 Sir Stamford Raffles (1781-1826), great British colonizer and founder of Singapore; an
enthusiastic naturalist, responsible for the discovery of many animal and plant species.
34 Herbert Wendt, in his book Out of Noah's Ark (London: Weidenfeld & Nicholson, 1959.
XII, 464 pp.) suggests that this was a consequence of Cuvier's having anticipated Raffles by
publishing the first description of the Malayan tapir on the basis of a letter from Diard; but
Wendt's account is certainly not to be relied upon, for he describes Diard 'as an experienced
animal collector with a knowledge of the Tropics' and suggests that Duvaucel had already smug-
gled out a major shipment of specimens for Cuvier in Paris, which (as Pentland's letters evidence)
was certainly not the case.
35 The principal source for these details is R. Amat (Director), Dictionnaire de biographie
francaise (Paris: Letourzey et Ane, 1970, 12 volumes to date). The entry for Duvaucel (vol. 12,
p. 1010) notes 'Fort depite, Duvaucel revint seul a Calcutta', but the Diard entry (vol. 1 1, pp.
252-3) does not make clear his movements between February 1819 and 1821, so that Wendt
(1959 see note 34) may be correct in saying that Diard was jailed for two years in Java, for sus-
pected espionage, by the Dutch authorities. However, Wendt's statement that this was a further
consequence of Raffles' anger over the tapir incident can surely be discounted!
36 The suggestion in one of Pentland's letters (p. 286) that the original collection was being sent
to Paris is surely misleading; it is evident, however, that Duvaucel had contrived to retain a part
of his first Sumatran collection and had supplemented it by subsequent collecting.
37 Sir Henry Thomas Delabeche [also frequently written De la Beche] (1796-1855), distinguished
geologist and first Director of the Geological Survey of Great Britain.
38 Presumably of Lower Liassic ichthyosaurs, since the letter subsequently deals with such
remains from Dorset.
39 Pentland's observations on the osteology of ichthyosaurs and its interpretation are con-
sistently highly perceptive; they are discussed in Delair and Sarjeant (1976).
40 The Common Porpoise, Phocaena phocaena (Linnaeus).
41 Charles Laurillard (1783-1853) joined Cuvier as draughtsman and secretary in 1804 and
worked with him for 30 years, becoming his devoted friend and accompanying him on two
visits to Italy and on visits to Germany and England. 'For the history of science, the name of
Laurillard is inseparable from that of Cuvier' (G.-L. Duvernoy, transl.). Mentioned in many of
Pentland's letters.
42 Colonel J. (T.) Birch (c. 1768-1829) (see H. S. Torrens: Geological Curators Group News-
letter, vol. 2, no. 7, 1979, pp. 405-412), the earliest important collector of the Liassic saurians of
Lyme Regis, Dorset. His collection was sold at auction in the Egyptian Hall, Piccadilly, on
15 May 1820. (The British Museum also purchased some of his fossils).
310 W. A. S. SARJEANT & J. B. DELAIR
43 William Elford Leach (1780-1836) became Assistant Keeper of the Natural History Depart-
ment of the British Museum in 1816 and retired as a result of ill-health, brought on by overwork,
in 1822. His illness, and the question of appointment of a successor, is treated at length in later
letters.
44 William Clift (1775-1849), a Cornishman who had worked as assistant to the distinguished
surgeon and collector John Hunter (1728-1793), was at this time Curator of the Museum of the
Royal College of Surgeons of London.
45 The chamaeleon (Chamaeleon).
46 Now Gavialis gangeticus.
41 Sir Everard Home, F.R.S. (1756-1832), brother-in-law of John Hunter and himself a surgeon
of catholic interests, was the author of a number of papers on fossil vertebrates.
48 'On the mode of formation of the canal for containing the spinal marrow, and on the form
of the fins (if they deserve that name) or the Proteosaurus.' Phil. Trans Roy. Soc, Lond. 110, 1820:
159-164, pl.xvi.
49 Subsequently named Plesiosaurus; see H. T. De la Beche and W. D. Conybeare, 'Notice of
the Discovery of a new fossil Animal, forming a link between the Ichthyosaurus and the Croco-
dile, together with general remarks on the osteology of the Ichthyosaurus', Trans, geol. Soc.
Lond. 5, 1821: 559-594. The influence of Pentland on the early studies of this second reptile is
treated in Delair and Sarjeant (1976).
50 William Daniel Conybeare (1787-1857).
51 May be William Daniel Conybeare or Georges Cuvier; the French form suggests the latter.
52 See note 47.
53 The Royal Society, London, which was founded in 1660.
54 At about this time, rhinoceros fossils were found at Lawford, near Rugby, Warwickshire;
Buckland was concerned in this discovery and may well have undertaken to send one of the skulls
to Cuvier. (See W. Buckland, 1823, pp. 26, 27).
55 Undoubtedly the Megalosaurus. Buckland had found these bones before Cuvier's visit to
Oxford in 1818, since Cuvier had seen and drawn them during his visit {Ossemens fossiles, vol.V,
1824, p. 2); this ranks as the earliest definite discovery of dinosaur bones by any scientist, amply
predating the finding of the tooth of Iguanodon by Mantell's wife in March, 1822, which has often
been considered to have occurred at the same time as, or earlier than, the discovery of Megelo-
saurus. For discussion see J. B. Delair and W. A. S. Sarjeant (1975).
56 Alexandre Brongniart (1770-1847), Cuvier's colleague and close friend, was Professor of
Mineralogy at the Musee d'Histoire Naturelle. His own work was primarily on invertebrates and
in particular on trilobites, but he collaborated with Cuvier on joint researches on the geology of
the Seine basin which were to prove of fundamental importance in Cretaceous and Tertiary
stratigraphy.
57 Charles Stokes (1783-1853), member of the Stock Exchange and collector of almost every-
thing, fossils included; an early member of the Geological Society of London.
58 Presumably N icolas Desmarest ( 1 725- 1 8 1 5), a major French geologist especially famous for
his work on the history of the Auvergne; but, if so, his contribution to the work was posthumous.
59 Leopold von Buch (1774-1853), the great German geologist.
60 Not identified.
61 Thomas Richard Underwood (c. 1765-1836), English landscape painter and scientific
dilettante.
62 Charles Giles Bridle Daubeny (1795-1867), chemist and geologist, Professor of Botany at
Oxford from 1834; remembered especially for his work on volcanoes.
63 The Memoirs of the Wernerian Natural History Society, published in Edinburgh, consistently
affirmed Jameson's belief in the marine origin of basalts; this theory was at this time tottering
towards oblivion and Daubeny's work was helping to undermine it.
64 Baron Ernst von Schlotheim (1764-1832), the distinguished German palaeontologist.
65 Petrefaktenkunde (1820).
66 See Isis, Jena, Vol. 6, pt. 6, 1820, unnumbered preliminary page.
LETTERS OF JOSEPH PENTLAND
311
67 A volcano in Peru. Cuvier described the molar of a mammoth from this mountain, found
and given to him by Humboldt.
68 The Mammoth (Mammuthus primigenius Blumenbach), whose frozen remains were known to
occur in the banks of the Lena River, Siberia.
69 The straight-tusked mastodont.
70 The Cave Lion (Felis leo spelaea).
71 The Cave Hyena (Crocuta crocuta spelaea).
72 Francois Sulpice Beudant (1787-1850), French mineralogist and palaeontologist.
73 Pentland's awareness that intergradations exist between mica-schist and granite or gneiss is
especially noteworthy at this early date. Although James Hutton (1726-1797) had already sketched
out the concept of metamorphism, it was as yet neither comprehended nor widely accepted.
74 Presumably George Francis Lyon (1795-1832), naval captain and traveller, whose Narrative
of Travels in North Africa in the Years 1818, 1819 and 1820, accompanied by Geographical Notes
of the Soudan and the Course of the Niger was published about this time.
75 Not identified.
76 The 'Elegy Intended for Professor Buckland', written by Richard Whately on 1 December,
1820: quoted in full in Mrs Gordon's Life and Correspondence of William Buckland (London
(Murray) 1894, pp. 41-2) and since featured in many anthologies of humorous verse.
77 Samuel Stevens, English collector of British lepidoptera and coleoptera : brother of natural
history auctioneer J. C. Stevens of King Street, Covent Garden, London and later serving as
agent for Alfred Russel Wallace and other naturalists in their sales of natural history specimens,
especially birds.
78 Friedrich Wilhelm Heinrich Alexander von Humboldt (1769-1859), the great German
polymath and traveller, who resided frequently in Paris during this period.
79 Personal Narrative of travels to the Equinoxial Regions of the New Continent during the years
1799-1804 (English translation by Helen M. Williams, 5 vols., published in 1824).
80 Probably his Cours elementaire d'histoire naturelle. 1st edition. (Paris, 1841).
81 Perhaps Aylmer Bourke Lambert (1761-1842) of St Mary Hall, a founder member of the
Linnean tSociety of London.
82 Presumably "rhinoceros' head and ichthyosaurus' head" is meant.
83 Hans Conrad Escher von der Linth (1767-1823), distinguished Swiss geologist and father of
the even more renowned geologist Arnold Escher von der Linth (1807-1872).
84 Andre-Jean-Marie Brochant de Villiers (1772-1840), Professor of Mineralogy at the Fxole
des Mines, Paris.
85 John Henry Heuland (1778-1856), fashionable London dealer in mineral specimens and
himself a notable mineralogist, was Foreign Secretary of the Geological Society of London from
1818 to 1828.
86 Sir Joseph Banks (1743-1820), President of the Royal Society for 40 years, and patron of
science.
87 'Eloge historique de Sir Banks, lu le 2 Avril 1821', in Recueil des Eloges historiques de
Vlnstitut de France par G. Cuvier, vol.2, pp. 199-230.
88 William Phillips (1773-1828), founder member of the Geological Society of London and
author of A selection of Facts from the best Authorities, so arranged as to form an Outline of the
Geology of England and Wales (1818), to which Pentland is here referring.
89 Cordier was elected to membership of the Geological Society during 1821.
90 William Sharp MacLeay (1792-1865), a co-founder of the 'Zoological Club' which flourished
briefly in England around this time; eldest son of Alexander MacLeay, who was Secretary of the
Linnean Society of London and founder of the Linnean Society of New South Wales.
91 G. A. Mantell's The Fossils of the South Downs was not published until 1822; the prospectus
must have been issued, therefore, amply in advance of publication.
92 Rene-Just Haiiy (1743-1822), distinguished French mineralogist and crystallographer,
under whom Pentland had studied (see p. 272).
93 Perhaps the engineer Louis- Antoine Beaunier (1779-1835), who was undertaking metal-
lurgical researches in the years 1819-1823 and may well have travelled to London.
312
W. A. S. SARJEANT & J. B. DELAIR
94 John Kidd (1775-1851), Professor of Chemistry at Oxford from 1805 to 18 10 and thereafter
continuing to work privately on chemistry till his death.
95 Sir William Parry, F.R.S. (1790-1855), Arctic explorer who had recently been in command
of the Hecla in an attempt on the Northwest Passage, succeeding in penetrating as far as Mel-
ville Island, and who left in May 1821 on a second unsuccessful attempt at the Passage. Later (1827)
Parry led an expedition from Spitzbergen towards the North Pole which attained to 82° 45'
north; this remained 'farthest north' for over 50 years thereafter. A most appropriate person
from whom to request the skull of a musk-ox!
96 'On the Structure of the Alps, and their relation to the Secondary and Transition Rocks of
England'. Ann. Phil. (N.S.) 1, 1821 : 450-468.
97 Mary Morland, eldest daughter of Benjamin Morland of Sheepstead House, near Abingdon,
Berkshire. It is said that Buckland met her when travelling by coach in Dorset and entered con-
versation with her because they were both reading the same volume by Cuvier: Buckland then
exclaimed 'You must be Miss Morland, to whom I am about to deliver a letter of introduction!'
(see Mrs Gordon, The life and correspondence of William Buckland, D. D., F.R.S. (London : Murray
1894, p. 91)). They were married on 31 December 1825, their strong common interest in fossils
no doubt facilitating both courtship and subsequent life together!
98 Louis-Joseph Gay-Lussac (1778-1850), distinguished chemist, remembered especially for his
studies of the expansion of gases.
99 Not identified.
100 Louis-Jacques Thenard (1777-1857), a colleague of Gay-Lussac in the chemical laboratory
of the Ecole Polytechnique, Paris; discoverer of hydrogen and associated with Gay-Lussac in
the discovery of boron. Made a baron in 1824, a peer of France in 1833, and eventually Chan-
cellor of the University of Paris.
101 Louis-Antoine Cordier (1777-1862) began as a mining engineer; participated, under Deodat-
Guy-S. Tancrede de Dolomieu (1750-1801), in Napoleon's scientific corps on the Egyptian
expedition; worked at the Fxole des Mines for a while and was in 1819 appointed Professor of
Geology at the Jardin des Plantes.
102 Francis Rawdon, First Marquis of Hastings (1754-1826) [whose earlier title was Earl of
Moira], Governor-General of Bengal from 1812 to 1821.
103 Presumably again from Warwickshire.
104 Georges Cuvier.
105 William Daniel Conybeare.
106 Presumably for family reasons: see p. 249.
107 This was maintained by the Royal College of Surgeons and, although badly bombed in the
Second World War, still survives.
108 'Description of the Quartz Rock of the Lickey Hill in Worcestershire, and of the Strata
immediately surrounding it.' Trans geol. Soc. Lond. 5, 1821 : 506-544.
109 H. T. De la Beche and W. D. Conybeare, 'Notice of the discovery of a new fossil animal
[Plesiosaurus] forming a link between the Ichthyosaurus and crocodile, together with general
remarks on the osteology of the Ichthyosaurus.'' Trans, geol. Soc. Lond. 5, 1821: 559-594. The
discussion which follows concerns Ichthyosaurus.
110 William Daniel Conybeare.
111 Northern, or Steller's Sea Lion (now Eumetopias jubatus [Schreber]).
112 Northern, or Alaska Fur Seal (now Callorhinus ursinus [Linn.])'
113 Henry, 3rd Earl of Bathurst (1762-1834), distinguished politician. Secretary for War in
Lord Liverpool's government and friend of the Duke of Wellington. Presented a collection of
stuffed animals from Madagascar to the Bristol Philosophical and Literary Society in 1825.
114 Conybeare then lived at Brislington, Somerset, a few miles southwest of Bristol.
115 Not identified.
116 John Wilson Croker (1780-1857), politician and essayist; then M.P. for Bodmin (1820-26).
Friend of Peel.
117 Charles Ricketts, who may have been a son of George William Ricketts and brother of the
distinguished Indian civil servant Sir Henry Ricketts (1802-1886).
LETTERS OF JOSEPH PENTLAND
313
118 William Daniel Conybeare.
119 'On the peculiarities which distinguish the Manatee of the West Indies from the Dugong
of the East Indian seas.' Phil. Trans. Roy. Soc. Lond. Ill, 1821: 390-391.
120 A critical examination of the first principles of Geology. (London: Longman) 1819.
121 Switzerland.
122 See note 96.
123 Adolphe Brongniart (1801-1876), son of Alexandre, destined to become the greatest figure
in palaeobotany in the nineteenth century.
124 Deer.
125 Constant Prevost (1787-1856), later a founder of the Societe Geologique de France and
three times its President, principally remembered for his theories in dynamic geology, who pub-
lished at this time the first account of the geology of the Vienna basin. Prevost was later to secure
a skeleton of Plesiosaurus dolichocherius from Mary Anning of Lyme Regis, for the Musee d'Hist-
oire Naturelle in Paris: the specimen was figures in Cuvier's Ossemens fossiles, 1836 edition,
Atlas, pi. 3.
126 Anselme Gaetan Desmarest (1784-1838), French naturalist and lexicographer. The note
referred to may be his entry on Trilobites' in the Nouveau Dictionnaire d'Histoire Naturelle,
second edn., vol. THE-TSU, pp. 449-50.
127 Frederick William Hope (1797-1862), author of some 60 papers on entomology and Presi-
dent of the Entomological Society in 1835 and 1846.
128 Davies Giddy [afterwards Gilbert] (1767-1839), an early member of the Geological Society
of London and first President of the Royal Geological Society of Cornwall. The first alternative
cited by Pentland was correct, since Giddy changed his name (doubtless for reasons of respecta-
bility) in 1817!
129 Philip Barker Webb (1793-1854), a botanist who became interested in geology through
Buckland's teaching and who was to be Secretary to the Geological Society of London in
1824-25.
130 Not identified.
131 Revd. Prof. John Stevens Henslow (1796-1861), an all-round naturalist who was shortly
afterwards (1823) appointed Professor of Mineralogy at Oxford, holding this post till 1827,
when he became Professor of Botany. Remembered especially for his friendship with, and in-
fluence on, Charles Darwin.
132 Adam Sedgwick (1785-1873), appointed Woodwardian Professor of Geology at Cam-
bridge in 1818 on the basis of no experience whatsoever, was nonetheless destined to become one
of the greatest nineteenth-century geologists.
133 Sedgwick's two earliest publications both concerned Cornwall. The one most likely to have
reached Pentland at this date is 'On the Physical Structure of those formations which are im-
mediately associated with the Primitive Ridge of Devon and Cornwall', Trans, phil. Soc. Camb.
1 1820: 89-146.
134 But compare Pentland's earlier comment, inadequately deleted, in his letter of 21 June 1821
(p. 278)!
135 William Daniel Conybeare.
136 George Brettingham Sowerby (1788-1854), son of the famous naturalist James Sowerby
(1757-1822) and author of 'On the geological formations of Headon Hill in the Isle of Wight',
Ann. Phil. (N.S.) 2 1821 : 216-220, in which Webster's ideas are sharply criticised.
137 For a discussion of this matter, and of Underwood's role in it, see J. Challinor, 'Some
correspondence of Thomas Webster, geologist (1773-1844) — F. Ann. Sci. 17, 1961 : 175-195.
138 Georges Cuvier.
139 Alfred Duvaucel : see notes 34-36.
140 Duvaucel and Diard.
141 See note 102. The Marquis of Hastings had in fact already resigned his appointment as
Governor-General of Bengal (though he did not in fact leave India till January 1823), so that it is
questionable whether he could have been of any service to Pentland.
142 Selina Frances Rawdon (1759-1827) became by marriage Countess of Granard.
314 W. A. S. SARJEANT & J. B. DELAIR
143 Robert Brown (1773-1858), naturalist on Capt. Mathew Flinder's expedition to Australia
in 1801-5, librarian to Sir Joseph Banks and Keeper of Botany at the British Museum (1827-
1858).
144 Jacques-Julian-Houtou de Labillardiere (1755-1834), botanist on D'Entrecasteaux' ex-
pedition in search of La Perouse. Author of Novae hollandiae plant arum specimen (published in 27
parts, 1804-1807).
145 Paul Gaimard (1790-1858), naturalist on the Freycinet expedition of 1818-1820.
146 Thomas Pennant (1726-1798), distinguished English naturalist and traveller.
147 George Shaw (1751-1813) of Magdalen Hall, a founder member of the Linnean Society
of London. Assistant Keeper of the Natural History Department of the British Museum, 1791—
1807, Keeper from 1807 till his death. (See also p. 290).
148 John Latham (1740-1837), ornithologist; author of A General Synopsis of Birds (3 vols.,
1781-5), Index Ornithologicus sine Systema Ornithologiae (2 vols., 1790) and of other major works
published after the date of this letter.
149 Sir Humphry Davy was at this time President of the Royal Society, to which office he had
succeeded on the death of Banks.
150 Karl Dietrich Eberhart Konig [later known as Charles Konig] (1774-1851) succeeded Shaw
as Assistant Keeper of Natural History at the British Museum and as Keeper on the latter's
death in 1813. In 1837, when his office was divided, he became Keeper of the Mineralogical and
Geological Branch, which appointment he held till his death.
151 Possibly Louis-Etienne-Francois Hericart, Vicomte de Thury (1776-1854), French anato-
mist, historian and geologist.
152 From Kirkdale Cave, near Kirby Moorside, northeast Yorkshire. Buckland first visited
this cave on 26 November 1821 (see P. J. Boylan, 'Dean William Buckland 1784-1856. A
pioneer in Cave Science.' Studies in Speleology 1 1967: 237-253). The first published account of
the cave was Rev. G. Young 'On the fossil remains of quadrupeds, &c, discovered in the Cavern
of Kirkdale . . . Mem. Wernerian nat. Hist. Soc. 4 1822: 262-270. Buckland himself addressed
the Royal Society on the Kirkdale discoveries in February 1822 (see Phil. Trans. R. Soc.,Lond. 122:
171-236) and conducted Sir Humphry Davy on a visit to this cavern and nearby caves in July
1822.
153 Name not traced; perhaps an unpublished manuscript name formulated by Cuvier, prob-
ably for the Woolly Rhinoceros (Coelodonta antiquitatis), which Cuvier called Rhinoceros
tichorhinus.
154 The Sumatran Rhinoceros (Didermocerus sumatrensis).
155 The Wolverine or Glutton {Gulogula).
156 Buckland visited these German caves in the summer of 1882 (See Boylan, note 152, 1967,
p. 242).
157 Johann Christian Rosenmuller (1771-1820), anatomist at Leipzig and author of De Ossibus
fossilibus animalis (1799).
158 A puzzling comment, since according to his obituary notices Pentland had been early left
an orphan. Foster-parents, perhaps?
159 Granville Levenson-Gower, first Earl Granville (1773-1846), diplomat and intimate friend
of Canning.
160 This letter is not among Davy's surviving correspondence, nor is a copy of it among Cuvier's
surviving letters.
161 John Frederick Miiller or Miller, son of a distinguished German draughtsman, Johann
Sebastian Miiller [also known as John Miller] (17157-1790?), who settled in England in 1744. His
son also worked for a while as a draughtsman, accompanying in this capacity Banks and Solander
when they visited Iceland in 1773, and later published a series of notes on natural history.
162 Thomas Horsfield (1773-1859), an American who worked under Raffles' direction on the
natural history of Java and was, from 1820 until his death, Keeper of the Museum of the Honor-
able East India Company. Worked especially on birds.
163 Alcide Dessalines d'Orbigny (1802-1857), zoologist and palaeontologist, destined to become
one of the most distinguished stratigraphers of the 19th Century; he formulated the concepts of
zones and stages in international stratigraphic correlation.
LETTERS OF JOSEPH PENTLAND
315
164 Not identified.
165 Buckland was elected in 1821 Corresponding Member of the Museum d'Historie Naturalle
au Jardin du Roi.
166 J. S. Miller's Natural History of the Crinoidea (Bristol, 1821).
167 Correctly Gryphaea arcuata Lamarck (of which G. incurva J. Sowerby is an invalid junior
synonym).
168 Jean-Baptiste-Pierre-Antoine de Monet, Chevalier de Lamarck (1744-1829), Professor of
Zoology at the Jardin du Roi and thus a colleague of Cuvier; famed for his 'transformist' evo-
lutionary theory and for his work on the classification of living and fossil invertebrates.
169 One of twelve species of this genus distinguished by Lamarck in his Histoire naturelle des
animaux sans vertebres (1819).
170 From 1753 to 1963, the British Museum was governed by a Board of Trustees, headed by
three Principal Trustees— the Archbishop of Canterbury, the Lord Chancellor, and the Speaker
of the House of Commons. The Archbishop was the most senior of the three Principal Trustees
and Pentland's memorial would thus have been addressed to him.
171 His Grace the Archbishop of Canterbury.
172 Presumably Pentland meant that Home's work was deteriorating; there were no events in
Home's life at this time to account for any other interpretation, nor was there any cessation in the
flow of papers from his pen.
173 William Swainson (1789-1855) travelled and collected in South America before 1820; on
return, he unsuccessfully sought appointment at the British Museum and, after failing to gain it,
became a prolific author of zoological works for Longman, Orme, Brown & Co. Emigrated to
New Zealand in 1835 and died there. Notorious for his formulation of the "Circular Classifi-
cation' of animals.
174 See note 77. "Stevens was Treasurer of the Entomological Society — a most active collector,
but known as an author only of notes in The Zoologist and Entom Soc. Tr." (An Accentuated
List of the British Lepidoptera, 1858.)
175 See note 147. For a description of the British Museum collections in Shaw's time, see J. M.
Sweet 'Robert Jameson in London, 1793', Ann. Sci. 19 1963: 81-116.
176 Peter Simon Pallas (1741-1811), German naturalist who travelled extensively in eastern
Russia and Siberia and who published vast volumes of observations in geography, geology,
botany, zoology and ethnography.
177 This paragraph, and especially its last sentence, assuredly destroyed beyond redemption
any remaining hope Pentland may have had of Buckland's support. As it transpired, however,
none of the candidates named in these letters succeeded to the vacancy left by Leach's retirement.
The appointment was not filled till 1823, when John George Children (1777-1852) was trans-
ferred to this post from the Dept. of Antiquities — doubtless to the profound dismay of Pentland,
Buckland et al. ! When the Keepership was divided in 1837, Children was promoted to be Keeper
of the Zoological Branch, retiring from this post in 1840.
178 Transl. 'he is, of all those I know, the one who possesses best the principal branches of
zoology.'
179 Transl. 'is an almost sure means of your catching up in a field in which we have hitherto
surpassed you.'
180 Perhaps the drawing of the Honfleur crocodile bones, requested in Pentland's earlier
letter (p. 283).
181 Buckland's reply had clearly brought home to Pentland the tactlessness of his earlier
letter (see note 177).
182 P. J. Boyland, in his account of Buckland's work at Kirkdale (note 152), noted that Buck-
land had been working at Kirkdale Cave in December 1821 and presumed that the visit begun on
26 November had lasted more than a week. Pentland's letter makes it clear, however, that
Buckland paid a second visit to the cave within a month of his first, which must have been brief.
183 'On Mr Conybeare's behalf is intended.
184 Presumably a reference to Buckland's projected visit to Yorkshire.
185 Robert Banks Jenkinson, 2nd Earl of Liverpool (1770-1848) was Prime Minister from 1812
to 1827 and also served as Leader of the House of Lords.
316 W. A. S. SARJEANT & J. B. DELAIR
186 Charles Ricketts: see note 117.
187 Sir Walter Calverley Trevelyan, F.G.S. (1797-1879), a keen naturalist who had brought
Buckland fossil plants from his father's property near Newbiggin, Northumberland, in 1815.
Trevelyan went to the Faeroes in 1821, but not to Spitzbergen. Webb, although a great traveller,
does not seem to have accompanied him or, indeed, to have ever travelled in northern seas.
188 Piacenza.
189 Histoire natural le des Crust acees fossiles sur les rapports zoologiques et geologiques, savoir
les Trilobites. Paris, 1822.
190 Not further identified.
191 Probably Royer-Collard; of a notable French family of savants. The most probable are
either Pierre-Paul Royer-Collard (1763-1845), distinguished French philosopher, or his brother's
son Hippolyte-Louis Royer-Collard (1802-1850), who became a doctor of medicine but may have
taken anatomy courses from Cuvier and worked for him.
192 Memoires sur les Animaux sans vertebres (1816) by Marie-Jules-Cesar Savigny (1777-1851),
a French naturalist who ultimately went blind through too much microscope work.
193 Not identified.
194 The Woolly Rhinoceros, Coelodonta antiquitatis Blumenbach ( = Rhinoceros tichorhinus
Cuvier).
195 This jaw, referred by Cuvier (Ossemens fossiles, 1824, vol. 5, p. 349) to Didelphys, was
found in the Great Oolite at Stonesfield. It was later used as holotype for the species Amphitherium
prevosti Owen.
196 Probably the jaws of the marine reptile found at Market Rasen, lodged in the collections of
Oxford University Museum (present catalogue nos. J. 9245 a-b), to which Conybeare assigned
the name Plesiosaurus giganteus (Trans, geol. Soc. Lond., (2) 1 1824: 389) without giving any
definition, and which subsequently became the type of Pliosaurus brachydeirus Owen (Rep. Br.
Ass. Advmt. Sci. 1841 1842: 61).
197 The Rev. George Young (1777-1848), a Scot who was for 42 years pastor of Cliff Lane
Chapel, Whitby, Yorks. and published extensive studies on the geology and history of Yorkshire.
198 G. Young and J. Bird, 1822, A geological survey of the Yorkshire coast. (Whitby; Clark)
iv + 236pp., which contained 17 hand-coloured plates.
199 Not identified.
200 The Spotted Hyena (Crocuta crocutd).
201 The Striped Hyena (Hyaena hyaena).
202 Conrad Jacob Temminck (1778-1857), Dutch ornithologist, Curator of the Royal Museum
at Leiden, Netherlands, and later the employer of Diard.
203 Louis-Nicolas Vauquelin (1763-1829), distinguished French chemist and mineralogist; the
discoverer of chromium and boron.
204 William Hyde Wollaston (1766-1828), distinguished British scientific polymath: pioneer of
the study of powder metallurgy.
205 Schaffhausen.
206 'Account of an Assemblage of Fossil Teeth and Bones of elephant, rhinoceros, hippo-
potamus, bear, tiger, hyena and sixteen other animals, discovered in a cave at Kirkdale, Yorkshire,
in the year 1821'. Phil. Trans. Roy. Soc, Lond., 122 1822: 171-236. For a modern assessment of
Buckland's studies of cave fauna, see P. J. Boylan, 1967 (note 152).
207 Neither of these gentlemen has been identified.
208 Not further identified.
209 Filippo Nesti (dates uncertain), then one of Italy's leading palaeontologists, who had
written a series of papers on the mammalian fossils of the Val d'Arno.
210 Of Tuscany.
211 Joseph-Jerome le Francais de Lalande (1732-1807), distinguished French astronomer,
whose Voyages d'un Francais en Italie en 1765-66 (Venice and Paris, '1769, 8 vols, in 12 atlas)
includes a volume on natural history.
212 See Nuovo Giorn. Letterati, vol.1 1, Parte Sci., pp. 195-216; the mastodon fossil is figured in
his pi. i.
LETTERS OF JOSEPH PENTLAND 317
213 Giovanni Targioni-Tozzetti (1712-1783), naturalist of Tuscanny especially interested in
fossil elephants.
214 Luigi Canali, then Curator of the Museum at Perugia, who had written an account of
Italian fossil elephants in 1810.
215 Figline Valdarno, some 10-11 miles S.E. of Florence in the upper Arno Valley (43° 37'N,
11°28'E).
216 Not identified.
217 For a discussion of the significance of this skull, see p. 249.
218 The Manatee (Trichechus).
219 May be a place-name or personal name; not clear from context.
220 Obsolete name for Leghorn, port on the coast S. of the Arno estuary.
221 'Notice on the Megalosaurus, or Great Fossil Lizard of Stonesfield.' Trans, geol. Soc. Lond.
(2) 1 1824: 390-396.
222 Not identified.
223 Reliquiae Diluvianae; or, Observations on Organic Remains Attesting to the Action of an Uni-
versal Deluge. London. (1st edn. 1823). Pentland's use of the word 'new' is curious: perhaps he
considered as first edition Buckland's earlier Vindiciae Geologicae (Oxford, 1820), which was
indeed a sort of forerunner of the later work, but it is equally possible that Pentland may have been
referring to a projected second volume of the Reliquiae, for which Buckland was unquestionably
preparing at that time. In the Reliquiae diluvianae (pp.26, 101, 149-150) Buckland quoted, and
ascribed to Pentland, a great deal of data on Italian fossil mammals and on the Val d'Arno, in
part duplicating the details given in this letter to Cuvier; clearly, therefore, their correspondence
continued for some time after the last letter here transcribed, but none of these later letters has
been located by us.
224 Pentland certainly did not present this collection to the British Museum, nor does he seem
to have presented it to the Geological Society of London.
225 Almost certainly Mrs S[arah] Lee. Mrs Lee was earlier the wife of T. Edward Bowditch,
who, after earlier travels in Africa, spent four years (commencing in 1819) studying in Cuvier's
library and collection in preparation for a second African journey, during which he died. His
wife remained a close friend of the Cuviers and was [ultimately] the author of Memoirs of Baron
Cuvier (New York & London: Harper 1833, 197 pp.).
226 Presumably G. B. Brocchi's Conchologia Fossile Subapennina (2 vols., 1814) which Pentland
may well have obtained from Italy for Christie.
227 Despite this pessimistic comment the Societe Geologique de France, to which Pentland is
unquestionably referring, was a healthy infant and flourishes to this day!
228 Jane Franklin, nee Griffin (1792-1875), Franklin's second wife, whom he married in 1828
and who later became famous for her efforts to stimulate searches for her lost husband.
229 Edme-Frangois Jomard (1777-?), distinguished French archaeologist and geographer.
230 George Samuel Perrottet (1793-1870), an English botanist who certainly travelled exten-
sively in Asia, Africa and the Caribbean and may well have visited South America. Specimens
from his collection survive in the herbarium of the British Museum (Natural History).
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r
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319
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British Museum (Natural History)
Important Publishing Event
The Red Notebook of Charles Darwin
Edited by Professor Sandra Herbert
Charles Darwin used the pocket-sized Red Notebook to record various
observations and ideas over the course of the year from mid- 1836 to
mid- 1837. It was an important year, spanning the last months of the voyage
of H.M.S. Beagle and the first months back in England. The notebook
contains observations on points visited, reading notes, and speculations on
theoretical questions. The theoretical questions Darwin considered in the
notebook pertain primarily to geology, where he was interested in finding
an explanation for the rise and fall of the earth's crust, and to the subject
of the mutability of species. Most significantly, the Red Notebook contains
the earliest known evidence of Darwin's adoption of an evolutionary
hypothesis. The notebook also reveals Darwin's dependence on professional
zoologists working in London for technical judgements decisive for his
adoption of an evolutionary position.
Sandra Herbert is Associate Professor in History at the University of
Maryland Baltimore County and is the author of several studies of various
aspects of the early career of Charles Darwin.
To be published in Bulletin of the British Museum (Natural History) Historical series,
Volume 7 (paper covers);
and co-published by the British Museum (Natural History) and Cornell University Press in
hard bound edition. April 1980
Titles to be published in Volume 6
Emanuel Mendes da Costa (1717-91) and the Conchology, or natural
history of shells. By P. J. P. Whitehead.
Early mineralogy in Great Britain and Ireland. By W. Campbell
Smith.
The Forster collection of zoological drawings in the British Museum
(Natural History). By P. J. P. Whitehead.
John George Children, FRS (1777-1852) of the British Museum.
Mineralogist and reluctant Keeper of Zoology. By A. E. Gunther.
A catalogue of the Richard Owen collection of Palaeontological
and Zoological drawings in the British Museum (Natural History).
By Jean M. Ingles & Frederick C. Sawyer.
The miscellaneous autobiographical manuscripts of
John Edward Gray (1800-1875). By A. E. Gunther.
An Irish Naturalist in Cuvier's laboratory : the letters of Joseph
Pentland 1820-1832. By W. A. S. Sarjeant & J. B. Delair.
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