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BURMAII  AND  THE  BURMESE. 


/ 

BURMAH  [ 

AND 

THE     BURMESE. 


hi  Cluo  53oofe£5. 


BY 


KENNETH  R.  H.  MACKENZIE, 

Editor  of  "  Lepsius's  Discoveries  in  Egtfpt  and  Ethiovia.'* 


LONDON: 

-GEORGE  ROUTLEDGE  AND  CO.,  FAHRINGDON  STREET. 

1853. 


Rr:S*iHVATtON 

OPY  ADDED         '  '  ^ 

)R1G^NALT0BE  ^^ 

^2  4«a^ 


GIFT  OF 


PROFESSOR    C.A.  KOFO/0 


:■•:.;.■:'( 


PREFACE. 


In  offering  tlie  foUo"0'ing  historical  and  social  account 
of  Burmese  policy  and  importance,  it  may  be  permitted 
me  to  make  a  few  remarks  on  the  subject  of  the  war  now 
proceeding  in  that  country. 

Unfortunate  as  any  war  always  is,  and  must  be,  yet  in 
contending  with  an  unprincipled  and  tyrannical  govern- 
ment like  that  of  Burmah,  there  is  a  grain  of  satisfaction 
in  knowing  that  we  thereby  shake  the  despotic  thrones  of 
the  East,  and  thus  add  something  to  the  cause  of  liberty 
and  peace.  Such,  too,  is  the  only  advantage  of  a  conten- 
tion with  the  king  of  Ava.  If  we  cannot  liumanizc  by  fair 
means, — of  course,  under  fair  means  I  do  not  intend  to 
comprehend  many  of  the  so-called  missionary  labours, 
which  cause  more  harm  in  a  short  while  than  all  diplomatic 
fiddling  will  do  in  the  course  of  years, — we  must,  vl  et 
armix,  carry  civilisation  into  the  country,  and  openly  defy 
the  custom-house  of  tyranny.  The  two  courses  to  be 
adopted  with  respect  to  Burmah  seem  to  be  these  ; — the 
one  is  to  erect  the  Pegu  province  into  a  kingdom ;  the 
other,  to  annex  the  country  ourselves,  placing  it  under 
Anglo-Indian  rule  ;  and  I  cannot  help  believing  that  any 
fair  investigation  of  the  subject  will  produce  the  above 
conviction ;  but  time  and  the  diplomatists  must  decide  on 
the  precise  course. 

For  the  cause  of  religious  truth  and  civil  liberty,  it  is  to 


VI  FEEFACE. 

be  hoped  that  the  missionary  system  at  present  pursued 
may  be  altered  ;  for  the  sake  of  peace,  it  is  to  be  hoped 
that  the  utmost  caution  will  be  pursued  in  framing  laws 
for  these  countries,  wliieh  must  at  last,  in  some  way, 
become  allies  or  tributaries  of  the  imperial  crown  of 
Great  Britain. 

It  will  be  seen  in  the  following  pages,  where  I  hare 
endeavoured  to  indicate  rather  than  enlarge  upon  the 
social  condition  of  the  Burmese,  that  they  have  many 
admirable  customs  ;  that  they  are  industrious  ;  that  their 
moral  propensities  are  as  yet  undefiled ;  and  that  their 
country  presents  a  fine  field  for  the  development  both  of 
commercial  and  agricultural  interests.  Now,  when  even 
the  colonies  in  the  south  are  overstocked,  or  rather  crowded 
vrith  persons  not  capable,  as  a  general  rule,  of  occupying 
a  responsible  condition  m  life,  there  is  a  necessity  for  a 
new  and  yet  old  place.  In  Burmah  we  have  it.  Under 
the  rule  of  an  independent  sovereign,  Pegu  would  form  a 
fine  place,  where  our  vessels  could  lie  ;  and  the  teak  of  the 
country  would  make  Bassein  and  Hangoon  of  great  im- 
portance to  our  shipping  interests.  If  Burmah  should  be 
incorporated  with  our  own  dominions,  why,  then  at  least 
the  same  degree  of  elevation  in  the  intellectual  world 
would  be  obtained,  as  in  Hindustan,  or  in  Siam,  where, 
ns  JS'eale  informs  us,  the  king  reads  "  Pickwick"  in 
English,  and  enjoys  it. 

In  some  respects  the  following  character  of  the  English, 
drawn  by  the  Burmese  themselves,  is  so  just,  that  I  shall 
hardly  be  wrong  in  submitting  it  to  the  reader : — 

"  The  English  are  the  inhabitants  of  a  small  and  remote 
island :  what  business  have  they  to  come  in  ships  from  so 
great  a  distance  to  dethrone  kings,  and  take  possession  of 
countries  they  have  no  right  toP  They  contrive  to  conquer 
and  govern  the  black  foreigners,  the  people  of  castes,  who 
have  puny  frames  and  no  courage  :  they  have  never  yet 


PEEFACE.  VU 

fouglit  with  so  strong  and  brave  a  people  as  the  Burmas^ 
skilled  in  the  use  of  the  sword  and  spear.  If  they  once 
fight  with  us,  and  we  have  an  opportunity  of  manifesting 
our  bravery,  it  will  be  an  example  to  the  black  nations, 
which  are  now  slaves  to  the  English,  and  will  encourage 
them  to  throw  off  the  yoke."(l) 

The  fact  is,  that  the  English  never  had  any  business  in 
India,  and  their  only  title  to  it  now  consists  in  their  long 
possession  and  occupation  of  the  territory.  The  world 
has  forgotten  that,  or  overlooked  it  from  the  first.  The 
nation  is  brave  and  intelligent,  but  hasty  and  inconsiderate, 
and  so  blind  is  it  when  excited,  that,  at  such  time,  like 
Captain  Absolute,  it  could  cut  its  own  throat,  "  or  any 
other  person's,  with  the  greatest  pleasure  in  the  world." 

I  trust  this  little  work  may  serve  as  a  guide  to  the 
many  valuable  and  interesting  volumes  to  which  I  have 
been  indebted,  and  that  the  reader  may  not  count  the 
hours  spent  in  its  perusal  lost.  My  literary  engagements 
have  somewhat  hurried  the  close,  but  nothing  of  im- 
portance has  been  omitted ;  indeed,  by  the  kindness  of 
several  friends,  I  have  been  able,  here  and  there,  to  add 
new  illustrations  and  comments. 

KENNETH  E.  H.  MACKENZIE. 


(!)  Judson,  in  Documents,  pp.  223,  22l>. 


CONTENTS. 


BOOK  I. 

BURMAN  CIVILISATION. 

CHAPTER  I. 

Geographical  sketch — Character  of  the  country — Climate — The 
river  Irawadi — The  Petroleum  Welh — The  Salueu,  &c. — Forests — 
Plants — Minerals — Animals — Races  of  Burraah — Character  of  the 
Burmese  nation 1 

CHAPTER  II. 

The  King  absolute — Instances  of  despotism — Titles— Forms  of 
government — Offices — The  Law  Courts — Theiriniquity — Instances 
— The  Book  of  the  Oath  epitomized — The  oath — Laws — Police- 
Revenues — Petroleum — Family-tax— Imports  and  exports — Ex- 
actions— Army — Equipments  —  Cowardice — March — The  Invul- 
nerables  —  Discipline — Military  character — White  elephants — De- 
scription of  an  early  traveller — Its  high  estimation — Treatment — 
Funeral    16 

CHAPTER  III. 

Cosmography — The  Burman  hells — Definition  of  a  Nat,  by 
Hesiod — Buddha — Gaudama — His  probable  history — Buddhism 
— Priests — Temples — Curious  cave  near  Prome — Monasteries — 
Ceremonies — Funeral — Concluding  remarks 45 

CHAPTER  IV. 

Language — Literature — Manuscripts  —  The  Aporazabon — Su- 
perstitions— Divination — The  Deitton — Astronomy — Division  of 
time 60 


CONTENTS. 


CHAPTER  V. 


Currency — Weights — Commerce — Ports — Teak-\vood — Houses 
— Tanks — Dress — Food  —  Marriages  — Child-birth — Funerals — 
j^rts — Slavery — The  Drama  —  Chess —  Games — Music — Fire- 
works        81 

CHAPTER  VI. 

Ancient  history  —  Pegu — Character  of  the  Burmese — Con- 
•cluding  reflections  '• 99 


BOOK  11. 

BURMAN  HISTORY. 

CHAPTER    I. 

1G87— 17G0.  i 

Alompra,  the  liberator  of  Burmah 108  I 

CHAPTER    II.  " 

1760—1819.' 
Anaundopra  — Zempiuscien— Chenguza— Paongoza— Menta- 
ra-gyee ^^'^ 

CHAPTER  III. 
1760—1824. 

British  intercourse  with  Ava— Alves's  mission— Symes's  mis- 
sion — Canning— King  Nun-Sun— Rise  of  the  Burman  war— Its 
origin  in  official  aggression — Evacuation  of  Cachar 145 

CHAPTER  IV. 

1824. 

Bundoola— Retreat  of  Captain  Noton — Defeat  at  Ramoo — 
Repulse  of  the  Burmans — Burmese  nrcount  of  the  war— Rangoon 
expedition— Description  of  Rangoon 156 


CONTENTS.  XI 

CHAPTER  V. 

1824. 

Arrival  at  Rangoon — Taking  of  that  town — Position  of  the 
troops — State  of  the  neighbourhood — Confidence  of  the  king  of 
Ava — Attack  of  Loazong — Burmese  embassy — Capture  of  Kemen- 
dine — Reinforcements  from  ^Madras — Sickness  of  the  army — 
Endurance  of  the  British  soldier 161) 

CHAPTER  VI. 

1824. 

Encounters  with  the  Burmese — Capture  of  Kummeroot — Taking 
of  Syriam — Storming  of  Dalla — Conquest  of  Tenaaserim  province 
— The  Invulnerables 181 

CHAPTER  VII. 

1824—1825. 

Battle  of  Kykloo — Thantabain — Maha  Bundoola — Successes  of 
the  British — Discomfiture  of  Maha  Bundoola — Campbell  marches 
into  the  interior — Arrival  at  Donabew — Repulse — Death  of  Bun- 
doola— Capture  of  Donabew 189 

CHAPTER  VIII. 

1825—1826. 

Arrival  at  Prome — Prome  under  English  nile — Re-assembly  of 
the  Burmese  army — Negotiations  for  peace— Battle  of  Meaday — 
McUoon — Yandabo — Treaty  of  peace 197 


Ai 

W( 


<;1 


BURxMAH: 


AN    HISTOEICO-SOCIAL    SKETCH. 
EOOK    I. 

BURMAN    CIVILISATION. 


CHAPTER  I. 

Geographical  sketch  —  Character  of  the  country — Climate — The  river 
Irawadi— The  Petroleum  wells — The  Salneii,  ^c. — Forests — Plants — 
Minerals — Animals — Races  of  Burmah — Character  of  the  Burmese 
nation. 

Before  tlie  war  in  1821,  1825,  and  1820,  tlic  empire  of 
Burmali  -was  tlie  most  considerable  amonf^  those  of  tlie 
Indo-Cliinese  nations  inliabilini^  the  farther  penmsula  of 
India.  Previous  to  the  events  of  that  campaign  it  com- 
prehended the  whole  of  the  extensive  region  lying  be- 
tween the  latitudes  9'  and  27°  N.  At  present,  however, 
its  limits  are  lat.  \iV  and  27°  or  28°  N.,  and  long.  93'^  and 
99^  E.  Its  nortlieru  boundnry  is,  even  at  th(i  })resent  day, 
imperfectly  known ;  and  we  are  in  still  greater  uncer- 
tainty concerniug  the  frontier  to  the  east,  in  Upper  Laos, 
partly  subject  to  the  king  of  Ava  or  Burmah.  Berghaus 
is  probably  the  most  correct  in  following  Sir  Francis 
Hamilton,  (1)  who  has  done  far  more  for  the  geography  of 
these  countries  than  any  one  else,  and  extending  it  to 
100'-'  E.  long.,  about  the  parallel  of  22°  N.     It  is  bounded 

(1)  Or  Dr.  l^uelianan.  Sec  lus  pai)cr  n\  tliQ  Edinburgh  Philosophical 
Journfti,  vol.  ii.  j).  t)<j  6(|(^, 


2  EXTENT   OF   BUEMAH.  [I.  1. 

on  tl'C  MCF.t  ^y  Iht;  Biillsh  provinces  of  Arakhan,  Cassay, 
and  Oiiittagong ;  io  ilie  nortli,  by  a  portion  of  Assam  and 
Thibet ;  to  the  north-east  it  has  the  Chinese  province  of 
Yunan  ;  to  the  east,  the  independent  Laos  country  and 
the  Britisli  territorA'  of  Martaban  ;  and  to  the  south  it  has 
the  kingdom  of  Siam  and  the  Indian  Ocean. 

Taken  in  its  most  extensive  sense,  that  is,  including  all 
the  countries  subject  to  Burman  influence,  its  area  may 
contain  194,(X)0  square  miles.  The  population  is  probably 
about  4,()<)0,00().  Tlie  climate  of  a  country  comprehending 
such  a  vast  extent  of  temtory,  cannot  fail  to  exhibit  much 
variety,  and  topographical  circum^  inc(  s  cannot  fail  to 
produce  a  still  greater  difference.  But  notwithstanding 
that  the  southern  levels  at  the  mouth  of  the  Irawadi 
are  swampy,  yet  the  climate  is  not,  even  there,  insalubrious, 
while  farther  north  it  is  very  similar  to  that  of  Hindostan. 
Col.  Symes,  to  whose  excellent,  though  somewhat  over- 
charged narrative,  we  shall  have  ample  occasion  to  refer, 
insists  upon  the  salubrity  of  the  climate  in  very  strong 
terms  indeed.  The  aspect  of  the  country  is  low  and 
champaign  up  to  the  full  latitude  o*f  17>°N. ;  but  from  thence 
to  the  22^  it  assumes  a  hilly  aspect,  and  beyond  that  it 
rises  into  mountains.  Burmah  is  inclosed  on  the  east 
and  west  by  two  branch  ranges  of  the  Himalaya ;  other 
ranges  run  down,  in  general,  from  north  to  south,  gra- 
dually decreasing  in  height  toward  the  south. 

The  upper  portion  of  Burmah  is  mountainous.  The 
scenery  is  among  the  most  beautiful  in  the  world.  Plains 
and  mountains,  lovely  valle3-s  and  gaping  chasms,  present 
themselves  to  the  wondering  eye  of  the  traveller.  JN^ow 
there  is  a  space  of  level  ground,  covered  witli  straggling 
underwood ;  plants  trail  along  tlie  eartli,  the  high  dis- 
orderly grass  of  the  jungle  waves,  and  the  wild  stunted 
trees  stretch  their  deformed  limbs  toward  heaven,  as  if  to 
pray  that  the  hand  of  civilised  man  might  at  length  re- 
lieve them.  The  waving  grass  is  gone,  and  we  are  again 
amid  the  mountains,  clothed  with  majestic  trees,  arching 
gloriously  over  the  weary  traveller's  head,  and  concealing 
from  his  view  llie  wild  animals  that  house  there.  Such  is 
the  greater  part  of  Burmah,  thus  uninhabited  and  neg- 
lected; such  the  condition  of  a  region  belonging  to  an 
unenergetic  people ;  and  such  it  vn\l  remain,  until  the 
nations  can  recognise  the  vast  wealth  that  the  gorges  and 
abysses  of  the  mountains  contain,     llich  and  unexhausted 


1.  1.]  lEAWADI   lilVEE.  3 

is  the  land ;  but  tkc  race  that  shall  gather  its  treasures, 
and  turn  its  wild|wastes  into  populous  cities,  is  not,  and 
will  never  be,  that  of  the  Burman ! 

The  coasts  and  rivers  are  well  studded  with  towns  and 
villa<2;es,  and  the  busy  hum  of  the  healthy  labourers  is 
heard  everywhere.  Yet  there  is  a  blank  place  in  the 
maps  for  many  portions  still.  No  European  voice  has 
listened  in  the  wildernesses  of  the  Naga  tribes,  or  in  those 
of  the  Murroos.  The  land  whence  the  human  race  first 
came  is  now  left  silent. 

In  tlie  maritime  portions  of  the  country  the  year  has 
two  seasons, — the  dry  and  the  wet.  The  latter  always 
begins  about  the  tenth  of  May,  with  showers  gradually 
growing  more  frequent,  for  several  weeks.  It  afterwards 
rains  almost  daily  until  about  the  middle  of  September, 
"svhen  it  as  gradually  goes  off,  and  in  the  course  of  a 
month  entirely  ceases.  During  this  time  from  one  hun- 
dred and  fifty  to  two  hundred  inches  of  water  fall.  This 
is  the  only  time  when  the  country  is  unhealthy  for 
foreigners,  and  even  then,  there  are  many  places  where 
persons  may  reside  with  impunity.  In  other  parts  of  the 
country  there  are  three  seasons.  In  the  highest  and 
wildest  provinces  there  are  severe  winters. 

Amidst  these  mountain-passes  rises  the  great  and 
sacred  river  Irawadi,  named  from  the  elephant  of  Indra, 
which,  like  the  stream  of  history,  flows  down  from  amidst 
obscurity  and  uncertainty.  The  sources  of  the  Irawadi  are 
yet  undiscovered ;  but  Lieutenant  AVilcox,  who  explored  a 
considerable  portion  of  Burmah,  was  informed,  that  they 
were  not  far  distant  from  that "  of  the  Burampooter,  or 
Brahmapootra.  It  has  a  course  of  more  than  twelve  hun- 
dred miles  to  the  sea ;  and  passing  through  the  whole  of  the 
empire,  it  falls  into  the  Gulf  of  Martaban,  by  a  great  num- 
ber of  mouths,  in  the  kingdom  of  Pegu.  Its  breadth  varies 
from  one  to  three,  and  even  five  miles  in  various  parts 
of  its  course.  How  different  from  its  narrowest  width  of 
eighty  5'ards,  at  about  forty  miles  from  its  supposed  source. 

The  river  issues  from  the  mountains,  and  enters  an 
extensive  valle}',  occupied  by  the  tribes  of  the  Khun- 
oongs.  At  this  early  point  of  its  course,  the  country 
is  jjcrfectly  level,  and  is  partly  cultivated,  while  the 
remainder  is  studded  with  small  woods  of  bamboo.  The 
Irawadi  is  little  more  than  eighty  yards  broad  at  the 
town  of  Manchec,  and  is  quite  fordable.     The  plain  of 

B  2 


4  IBAWADI   EIVEE.  [I.  1. 

Manclico  Is  1,S55  feet  above  the  level  of  the  sea.  After 
passing  through  this  plain,  it  runs  through  countries  very 
little  known  to  Europeans,  for  about  120  miles.  Kugged 
mountain-chains  here  form  the  banks  of  the  river,  some- 
times diversified  by  a  plain  of  some  extent. 

Eamoo  is  the  first  place  of  consequence  on  the  river 
after  Manchee,  and  is  about  350  miles  distant  from  the 
latter  town.  The  level  of  the  river  falls  1,300  feet  between 
the  two  places.  At  some  distance  from  13amoo,  near  a 
village  called  Kauntoun,  the  river  suddenly  turns  west- 
wards but  soon  runs  south-west  again.  A  little  above 
Hentha  it  takes  a  direction  due  south,  so  continuing  to 
Amarapura.  From  Bamoo  to  Amarapura  the  country  is 
only  navigable  for  small  boats. 

"  With  the  change  of  the  river  the  face  of  the  country 
is  changed.  Issuing  from  the  narrow  valley,  it  enters  a 
very  wide  one,  or  rather  a  plain.  Along  its  banks,  and 
especially  on  the  southern  side,  the  level  country  extends 
for  many  miles,  in  some  places  even  to  thirty,  and  even 
then  is  not  bounded  by  high  mountains,  but  b}^  moderate 
hills,  which  increase  in  height  as  they  recede  farther  from 
the  river.  Considerable  portions  of  these  plains  are  covered 
by  the  inundations  of  the  river  in  the  wet  season.  On  the 
north  side  of  the  river  the  hills  are  at  no  great  distance 
from  the  banks,  and  here  the  ground  is  impregnated  with 
muriate  of  soda,  and  with  nitre,  of  which  great  quantities 
arc  extracted." (1) 

The  Irawadi  now  rolls  its  majestic  floods  towards  the 
ocean,  and  receives  an  accession  in  the  confluence  of  the 
Kyan  Duayn,  a  river  which  first  receives  that  name  near 
the  Danghii  hills ;  it  then  continues  its  course,  and  arrives 
at  the  former  boundary  of  the  kingdoms  of  Ava  and  Pegu, 
the  promontory  of  Kyaok-ta-rau. 

"  The  valley  of  the  Irawadi,  south  of  its  confluence 
with  the  Kyan  Duayn,  to  the  town  of  Melloon  (south  of 
20"^  N.  lat.),  is,  in  its  general  aspect,  hilly  and  very  uneven  ; 
but  the  hills  rise  to  no  great  height,  at  least  not  near 
the  river,  and  are  in  many  places  separated  by  tracts  of 
flat  country,  which  in  some  places  are  extensive  and  well 
eiiltivated.  South  of  Melloon  the  hills  approach  nearer 
tlio  river,  and  often  form  its  banks.  They  arc  in  most 
places  covered  with  forest  trees  cf  considerable  size ;  amon<; 

(n  Penny  Cyclop^Uja,  vol,  iv.  p.  130  t^. 


I.  1.]  PETROLEtTM   WELLS.  5 

M  liicli  ioak-trees  are  frcqmnit.  Cultivation  is  confined  to 
llie  narrow  Hat  tracts  wliicli  licre  and  there  separate  tlie 
liills  from  the  river."  (1) 

In  this  neighbourhood  are  situated  the  famous  Petro- 
leum wells,  at  a  village  called  Ho-nau-khaung,  from  three 
to  four  miles  from  the  river.  Colonel  Symes  did  not  visit 
the  intercstinn-  spot  at  that  time,  but  he  has  given  us  an 
excellent  idea  of  the  locality,  by  his  brief  but  vigorous 
sketch  : — 

"  The  country,"  he  tells  us,(2)"  now  displayed  an  aspect 
different  from  any  we  had  yet  seen  ;  the  siu'face  was 
broken  into  small  separate  hills,  entirely  barren  and  desti- 
tute of  vegetation,  except  some  stunted  bushes  that  grew 
on  the  declivities,  and  in  the  dells,  and  a  few  unhealthy 
trees  immediately  in  the  neighbourhood  of  the  villages  : 
the  clay  was  discoloured,  and  had  the  appearance  of  red 
ochre.  We  were  informed,  that  the  celebrated  wells  of 
petroleum,  which  supply  the  whole  empire,  and  many 
parts  of  India,  with  that  useful  product,  were  five  miles 
to  the  east  of  this  place.  The  Seree  brought  me  a  piece 
of  stone,  which  he  assured  me  was  petrified  wood,  and 
wliich  c^^rtainly  had  much  the  appearance  of  it.  In  walk- 
ing about,  I  picked  up  several  lumps  of  the  same,  in 
which  the  grain  of  the  wood  was  plainly  discernible  ;  it 
was  hard,  siliceous,  and  seemed  composed  of  different 
lamina.  The  Birmans  said  it  was  the  nature  of  the  soil 
that  caused  this  transmutation  ;  and  added,  that  the  petri- 
fying quality  of  the  earth  at  this  place  was  such,  that 
leaves  of  trees  shaken  off  by  the  wind  were  not  unfre- 
quently  changed  into  stone  before  they  could  be  decayed 
by  time.  The  face  of  the  country  was  altered  and  the 
banks  of  the  river  were  totally  barren ;  the  ground  was 
superficially  covered  with  quartz  gravel,  and  concreted 
masses  of  the  same  material  were  thickly  scattered.  The 
mouth  of  the  creek  was  crowded  with  large  boats,  waiting 
to  receive  a  lading  of  oil ;  and  immense  pyramids  of 
earthen  jars  were  raised  within  and  arflund  the  village, 
disposed  in  the  same  manner  as  shot  and  shells  are  pih*d 
iu  an  arsenal.  This  place  is  inhabited  only  by  potters, 
who  cany  on  an  extensive  manufactory,  and  liiid  I'ull  em- 
ployment. The  smell  of  the  oil  was  extremely  offensive  ; 
we  saw  several  thousand  jars  filled  with  it  ranged  along 

(1)  Penny  Cycloprcdia,  vol.  iv.  ]).  1:17. 

(2)  Embassy  to  Avu,  vol.  ii.  p.  -il,!  sq. 


6  PETEOLEUM   WELLS.  [I.  1. 

the  bank  ;  some  of  tlicso  were  continually  breakino^,  and 
the  contents,  mingling  with  the  sand,  formed  a  very  filthy 
consistence." 

On  the  colonel's  return,  hoTvever,  he  and  Dr.  Buchanan 
rode  over  to  the  wells ;  and  their  account  of  their  visit 
is  too  interesting  to  be  omitted  here  :(1) — 

"The  face  of  the  country  was  cheerless  and  sterile  ;  the 
road,  which  wound  among  rocky  eminences,  was  barely 
wide  enough  to  admit  the  passage  of  a  single  cart ;  and  in 
many  places  the  track  in  which  the  wheels  must  run  was 
a  foot  and  a  half  lower  on  one  side  than  the  other :  there 
were  several  of  these  lanes,  some  more  circuitous  than 
others,  according  to  the  situation  of  the  small  hdls  among 
which  they  led.  Vehicles,  going  and  returning,  were  thus 
enabled  to  pursue  different  routes,  except  at  particular 
places  where  the  nature  of  the  ground  would  only  admit 
of  one  road  :  when  a  cart  came  to  the  entrance  of  such  a 
defile,  the  driver  hallooed  out,  to  stop  any  that  might 
interfere  with  him  from  the  opposite  side,  no  part  being 
sufficiently  wide  for  two  carts  to  pass.  The  hills,  or  rather 
hillocks,  were  covered  with  gravel,  and  yielded  no  other 
vegetation  than  a  few  stunted  bushes.  The  wheels  had 
worn  ruts  deep  into  the  rock,  which  seemed  to  be  rather 
a  mass  of  concreted  gravel  than  hard  stone,  and  many 
pieces  of  petrified  Avood  lay  strewed  about.  It  is  remark- 
able, that  wherever  these  petrifactions  were  found  the  soil 
was  unproductive,  and  the  ground  destitute  of  A'erdure. 
The  evening  being  far  advanced,  we  met  but  few  carts ; 
those  which  we  did  observe,  were  drawn  each  by  a  pair 
of  oxen,  of  a  length  disproportionate  to  the  breadth,  to 
allow  space  for  the  earthen  pots  that  contained  the  oil. 
It  was  a  matter  of  surprise  to  us  how  they  could  convey 
such  brittle  ware,  with  any  degree  of  safety,  over  so  rug- 
ged a  road  :  each  pot  was  packed  in  a  sepai'ate  basket  and 
laid  on  straw ;  notwithstanduig  which  precaution,  the 
ground  all  the  way  was  strewed  with  the  fragments  of  the 
vessels,  and  wet  with  oil ;  for  no  care  can  prevent  the  frac- 
ture of  some  in  every  journey.  As  we  approached  the 
pits,  which  were  more  distant  than  we  had  imagined,  the 
country  became  less  uneven,  and  the  soil  produced  herb- 
age :  it  was  nearly  dark  when  we  reached  them,  and  the 
labourers  had  retired  from  work.     There  seemed  to  be  a 

(1)  Embassy  to  Ava,  vol.  iii.  p.  233  sq. 


I.  1.]  PETROLEUM,    OR   EARTH-OIL.  7 

orreat  many  pits  within  a  small  compass :  walking  to  the 
nearest,  we  found  the  aperture  about  foiu*  feet  sqiiare,  and 
the  sides,  as  far  as  we  could  see  down,  were  lined  with  tim- 
ber ;  the  oil  is  drawn  up  in  an  ii'on  pot,  fastened  to  a  rope 
passed  over  a  wooden  cylinder  which  revolves  on  an  axis 
supported  by  two  upright  posts.  When  the  pot  is  filled, 
two  men  take  the  rope  by  the  end,  and  rim  down  a  decli- 
vity, which  is  cut  in  the  ground  to  a  distance  equivalent 
to  the  depth  of  the  weU :  thus,  when  they  reach  the  end 
of  the  track  the  pot  is  raised  to  its  proper  elevation ;  the 
contents,  water  and  oil  together,  are  then  discharged  into 
a  cistern,  and  the  water  is  afterwards  drawn  off  through  a 
hole  in  the  bottom." 

It  is  impossible  to  read  this,  without  stopping  to  smile 
at  the  backwardness  of  the  people,  who,  having  invented 
all  the  machinery  for  a  well,  should  still  remain  at  that 
distance  from  the  application  of  this  discovery,  as  to  resort 
to  such  a  complicated  and  cumbersome  arrangement,  as 
cutting  a  trackway  equal  in  length  to  the  depth  of  the 
well !  How  easy  to  have  applied  the  winch  and  coiled  the 
rope,  as  other  nations  as  far  back  in  civilisation  have  done, 
in  the  way  with  which  we  are  acquainted !  But  it  is  such 
little  hitches  that  impede  a  nation's  progress  !  (1)  But  to 
continue  the  narrative  of  the  envoy. 

"  Our  guide,  an  active,  intelligent  man,  went  to  a  neigh- 
bouring house  and  procured  a  well-rope,  by  means  of  which 
we  were  enabled  to  measure  the  depth,  and  ascertained  it 
to  be  thirty-seven  fathoms ;  but  of  the  quantity  of  oil  at 
the  bottom  we  could  not  judge.  The  owner  of  the  rope, 
who  followed  our  guide,  affirmed,  that  when  a  pit  yielded 
as  much  as  came  up  to  the  waist  of  a  man,  it  was  deemed 
tolerably  productive  ;  if  it  reached  to  his  neck,  it  was  abun- 
dant ;  but  that  which  rose  no  higher  than  the  knee  was 
accounted  indifferent.  When  a  well  is  exhausted,  they  re- 
store the  spring  by  cutting  deeper  into  the  rock,  which  is 
extremely  hard  in  those  places  where  the  oil  is  produced. 
Government  farms  out  the  ground  that  supplies  this  useful 
commodity;  and  it  is  again  let  to  adventurers,  who  dig  wells 
at  their  own  hazard,  by  which  they  sometimes  gain  and  often 
lose,  as  the  labour  and  expense  of  digging  are  considerable. 
The  oil  is  sold  on  the  spot  for  a  mere  trifle ;  I  think  two 
or  three  hundred  pots  for  a  tackal,  or  half  a  crown.     The 

(I)  Near  Amarapura,  however,  Symes  obsen'Cd  a  man  in  a  plantation 
using  a  wheel  to  a  well.    See  Ixis  Ava,  vol.  ii.  p.  87,  small  edition. 


8  MOUTHS   OF   THE   TRAWADI.  [I.  1. 

principal  cliarj^o  is  incurred  by  llio  transportation  and 
purchase  of  vessels.  We  had  but  half  gratified  our 
curiosity,  when  it  grew  dark,  and  our  guide  urged  us  not 
to  remain  any  longer,  as  the  road  was  said  to  be  infested 
by  tigers,  that  prowled  at  niglit  among  the  rocky  unin- 
habited ways  through  wliich  we  had  to  pass.  We  fol- 
lowed his  advice,  and  returned,  with  greater  risk,  as  I 
thought,  of  breaking  our  necks  from  the  badness  of  the 
road  than  of  being  devoured  by  wild  beasts.  At  ten 
o'clock  we  reached  our  boats  without  any  misadventure." 

Captain  Hiram  Cox,  the  British  resident  at  Eangoon  in 
179(5-7,  describes  the  town  of  Ile-nau-kh5^aung,  or  as  he 
spells  it,  Ramanghong,  meaning  the  ioicn  throuffh  wliich 
jiows  a  river  of  earth-oil,  as  "  of  mean  appearance  ;  and 
several  of  its  temples,  of  wliich  there  are  great  numbers, 
falling  to  ruins  ;  the  inhabitants,  however,"  he  continues, 
*'  are  well  dressed,  many  of  them  with  golden  spiral  ear 
ornaments. "(1)  Altogether  the  town  or  village,  and  its 
environs,  are  as  bleak  as  bleak  can  be,  if  we  may  trust  the 
description.  We  shall  hereafter  return  to  the  considera- 
tion of  the  Petroleum  trade  as  a  source  of  revenue  to  the 
government. 

The  most  important  place  about  this  portion  of  the 
course  of  the  Irawadi  is  Prome,  a  city  which  we  shall  here- 
after have  to  mention  as  one  of  those  celebrated  in  the 
ancient  history  of  the  country ;  we  will  therefore  omit 
further  notice  of  it  here.  Exclusive  of  the  Delta  of  the 
Irawadi,  to  which  we  must  now  turn  our  attention,  there 
is  very  little  low  land  in  the  Burman  territory.  Like  the 
Delta  of  the  Nile  it  is  exceedingly  fruitful,  and  it  produces 
abundant  crops  of  rice.  It  is,  too,  the  commercial  highway 
of  the  laud. 

Malcom,  who  travelled  in  the  country,  expresses  his 
astonishment  at  the  number  of  boats  ever  passing  up  and 
down  the  river.  It  would  seem  that  the  navigation  is 
very  tedious;  for,  according  to  the  same  traveller,  the  boats 
are  genc^'ally  from  three  to  four  months  ascending  from 
the  Delta  to  the  city  of  Ava.(2) 

The  Irawadi  finally  embouches  into  the  Bay  of  Bengal 
by  several  mouths,  of  which  the  chief  are,  the  Bassein 
river,  the  Dallah,  the  Chinabuckecr,  and  the  Eangoou  or 
Syriam  river. 

(P  Asiatic  Researches,  vol.  vi.  p.  127  sq. 

(2)  Malcom,  Travels  in  South-Eastcru  Asia,  vol.  i.  p.  oG  sq. 


I.  1.]  niYEES  OF  ErEM.vn.  9 

Tlio  Sahion  or  INTartaban  river  rises  in  llie  same  range 
of  mountain  wlience  the  Biirampooter,  the  Irawach,  and 
the  great  Knniboja  rivers  originate.  In  tlic  early  part  of 
its  course,  it  is  named  Nou-Kiang  by  the  Chinese,  through 
whose  territory  it  at  first  flows.  It  disembogues  into  the 
Gulf  of  Poolooghoon  opposite  the  island  of  that  name. 

The  Kyan  Duayn  is  a  river  which,  rising  near  the  sources 
of  the  Irawadi,  traverses  the  Kubo  valley,  and  falls  into 
that  river  in  lat.  21°  35'  N.,  long.  95°  10'  E. ;  forming  several 
islands  at  the  junction.     The  principal  of  these  is  Alakyun. 

The  river  Setang  makes  a  grand  appearance,  as  Malcom 
says,  upon  the  map,  still  it  is  of  little  use,  as  its  depth  is 
only  four  feet,  though  at  diflerent  places  it  has  a  depth  of 
from  ten  to  fifteen  feet.  It  must  at  one  time  have  been 
deeper  and  navigable,  for  the  ancient  capital  of  Tongho, 
in  the  kingdom  of  that  name,  is  built  upon  it.  There  is  a 
bore  of  three  feet  on  the  Setang.  The  other  rivers  of 
Burmah  are  of  little  consequence.  There  are  but  few 
lakes,  and  the  most  considerable  will  be  noticed  hereafter. 

The  fruits  of  Burmah  are  very  varied  in  their  character, 
and  though  they  surpass  their  neighboui's  in  the  article  of 
timber,  yet  the  fruit-trees  are  far  inferior.  A  very  complete 
list  is  given  in  Malcom's  comprehensive  work,  to  which  I 
must  refer  the  reader.  (1)  The  teak  forests,  whose  produce 
forms  no  inconsiderable  article  in  Burmese  commerce,  are 
situated  in  the  province  of  Sarawadi,  in  the  hilly  mountain- 
ous district  east  and  north-east  of  Bangoon,  The  forests 
in  this  part  of  Asia,  like  the  woody  and  uncultivated  parts 
of  Hindostan,  are  extremely  pestiferous,  and  even  though 
the  wood-cutters  be  a  hardy  and  active  race  of  men,  on 
■whom  climate  and  suffering  would  seem  to  have  little 
efl'ect,  yet  they  never  attain  to  any  considerable  age,  and 
are  very  short-lived. 

Dr.  Wallich,  on  his  visit  to  Burmah  in  1820,  collected 
specimens  of  upwards  of  sixteen  thousand  difl'erent  sorts 
of  trees  and  plants.  I  need  only  refer  the  reader  to  his 
learned  and  magnificent  work  for  a  description  and  classi- 
fication of  them. 

The  mineral  riches  of  the  land,  whicli  are  considerable, 
are  not  sufficiently  attended  to.  The  head-waters  of  the 
vai'ious  rivers  contain  gold-dust,  and  from  Bamoo,  on  the 
frontier  of  China,  much  gold  has  been  obtained.     Malcom 

(1)  Malcom,  vol.  i.  p.  173  sqq. ;  and  Wallicli,  Planta  Itariures,  SiC. 


10  MINES.  [I.  1. 

suggests  tliat  want  of  enterprise  and  capital  lias  alone  pre- 
vented these  sources  of  prosperity  from  being  worked. 
Yes,  it  has  been  that  curse !  From  the  earliest  ages  they 
liave  laboured  under  it,  and  time  seems  not  to  have  taught 
them  the  important  lesson  that  all  the  world  beside  are 
learning  and  repeating  every  day, — the  necessity  of  pro- 
gress. Much  of  their  gold  is  drawn  from  China,  and  their 
love  for  using  it  in  gilding  edifices  resembles  the  taste 
of  the  Incas,  who,  richer  in  tlie  metal,  plated  their  temples 
with  gold.(l)  What  is  not  used  for  this  purpose  is  em- 
ployed in  the  setting  of  the  jewels  of  tlie  great,  and  as 
in  Peru,  remains  in  the  hands  of  the  Inca  lords.  It  is 
rarely  used  as  currency,  and  then  in  ingots. 

Notwithstanding  that  there  is  much,  silver  elsewhere, 
the  only  mines  worked  are  in  Laos,  and  there  even  the 
mines  are  not  wrought  by  the  Burmese,  but  by  natives  of 
China  and  Laos,  to  the  number  of  about  a  thousand,  Tlie 
estimated  produce  does  not  seem  large,  amounting  annually 
to  only  one  hundred  thousand  pounds,  on  which  the  con- 
tractors pay  a  tax  of  five  thousand  pounds. 

The  diamonds  are  all  small,  and  emeralds  are  wanting. 
Hubics  are  found  in  great  quantities,  however,  at  about 
five  days'  journey  from  Ava,  near  the  villages  of  Mo-gout 
and  Kyat-pyen.  Malcom  saw  one  for  which  the  owner 
asked  no  less  than  four  pounds  of  pure  gold.  The  king  is 
reported  to  have  some  which  weigh  from  one  hundred  and 
twenty  to  one  himdred  and  fifty  grains.  Sapphires,  too, 
abound.  "  Some  hare  been  obtained,"  Malcom  assures 
us,  "  weighing  from  three  thousand  to  nearly  four  thou- 
sand grains."  (2)  Many  other  precious  stones  are  to  be  foimd 
in  this  wealthy  country.  Much  amber  is  found  round  the 
Hu-kong  valley,  on  the  Assam  frontier.  Iron,  tin,  lead, 
and  many  of  those  staples  of  commerce  which  form  the 
real  wealth  and  resources  of  every  countr)^  abound,  and 
coal  is  to  be  found  in  the  inland  provinces,  (13)  Marble, 
and  of  the  finest,  also  exists  in  the  land ;  better  than  which 
there  would  seem  to  be  none  in  the  world.  AVliat  might 
such  a  country  be  in  the  hands  of  an  energetic  and  intel- 
ligent people ! , 

(1)  Prescott's  Conquest  of  Peru,  vol.  ii.  p.  101-3, 

(2)  Malcom,  vol.  i.  j).  Ifi;. 

(3)  See  Journal  of  the  Asiatic  Society  of  Beng'al.  vol.  iv,  p.  704,  On 
the  Further  Discovery  of  Coalbeds  in  As.sani,  by  Capt.  F.  .Fenkins;  also 
vol.  viii,  p,  385.    The  existence  of  coal  has,  however,  been  disputed. 


I.  1.]  RUBY-MTNES    OF    KYAT-rYEN.  11 

I  subjoin  a  translation  of  a  description  of  the  mines  of 
precious  stones  in  Kyat-p5''en,  from  tlio  orisjinal  of  Pere 
Giuseppe  d'Amato.(l)  It  gives  a  clearer  and  conciser 
account  of  tlie  mines  than  I  can  meet  with  elsewhere,  and 
I  therefore  offer  it  to  the  reader  in  an  abridged  form. 

"  The  territory  of  Kyat-pyen  [written  Chia-ppien  by 
d'ilmato]  is  situated  to  the  east,  and  a  little  to  the  south 
of  the  town  of  Mon-tha  (lat.  22°  16'  N.),  distant  about 
seventy  miles.  It  is  surrounded  by  nine  mountains.  The 
soil  is  uneven  and  full  of  marshes,  forming  seventeen 
small  lakes,  each  having  a  particular  name.  It  is  this  soil 
which  is  so  rich  in  mineral  treasures.  It  shoiJd  be 
noticed,  however,  that  the  dry  ground  alone  is  mined. 
The  miners  dig  square  wells,  supporting  the  sides  with 
piles  and  cross-pieces.  These  wells  are  sunk  to  the  depth 
of  fifteen  or  twenty  cubits.  When  it  is  secure,  the  miner 
descends  with  a  basket,  which  he  fills  with  loose  earth, 
the  basket  is  drawn  up,  and  the  jewels  are  picked  out  and 
washed  in  the  brooks  in  the  neighbouring  hills.  They 
continue  working  the  wells  laterally  till  two  meet,  when 
the  place  is  abandoned.  There  are  very  few  accidents. 
•The  precious  stones  that  are  found  there  consist  of  rubies, 
sapphires,  topazes,  and  other  crystals.  Many  fabidous 
stories  are  related  concerning  the  origin  of  the  mines  at 
Kyat-pyen."  An  anecdote  was  told  Amato,  as  he  says, 
"  by  a  person  of  the  highest  credit,"  of  two  masses  {amas) 
of  rubies  at  Kyat-pyen.  One  weighed  eighty  viss.  (2) 
"When  the  people  were  taking  them  to  Ava  to  the  king, 
a  party  of  robbers  attacked  the  convoy,  and  made  off  with 
the  smaller  one ;  the  other,  injured  by  fire,  was  brought 
to  Ava. 

The  animals  of  the  country  arc  very  numerous.  The 
domestic  quadrupeds  of  the  Burmans  are  the  ox,  the 
buffalo,  the  horse,  and  the  elephant.  The  two  first  arc 
very  much  used  throughout  the  country.  They  are  both 
of  a  very  good  species,  and  generally  well  kept.  The  ox 
is  to  them  an  expensive  animal,  as  their  religion  forbids 
its  use  as  food,  and  they  have,  therefore,  no  profitable 
manner  of  disposing  of  the  disabled  cattle.  This,  probably, 
led  to  the  taming  of  the  buffalo,  an  animal  which  has  been 
in  use  among  them  from  time  immemorial.     It  is  less 

(1)  Jounial  of  the  Asiatic  Society  of  Bengal,  vol.  ii.  p.  7a  sq. 

(2)  The  viss  is  equal  to  3i  pounds.    The  Burmese  word  is  peik-tha. 


13  ANIMALS.  ^  [I.  1. 

expensive  to  roar,  and  is  contcntcJ  with  coarser  food. 
But  it  is  not  so  valual)lo  in  some  respects,  for  tliouijli 
stronger,  it  is  not  so  hardy,  and  cannot  endure  long- 
continued  exertion.  The  liorse  is  never  full-sized  in 
Burmah,  as  in  every  Asiatic  tropical  country  east  of 
Bengal,  and  it  somewhat  resembles  the  Canadian  pony. 
The  animal  is  expensive,  and  rarely  used  except  for  the 
saddle.  In  some  parts  of  the  country  it  is  almost  un- 
known. 

The  elephant,  well  named  the  Apis  of  tlie  Buddhists 
by  M.  Dubois  de  Jancigny,(l)  is  now  much  more  the 
object  of  royal  luxury  and  ostentation  tlian  anything  else, 
and  I  shall,  when  speaking  of  the  religious  eeremonies  of 
the  Burmans,  again  refer  to  the  place  it  occupies  in  their 
estimation.     It  is  only  used  in  Laos  as  a  beast  of  burden. 

Hogs,  dogs,  cats,  besides  asses,  sheep,  and  goats, 
which  last  are  but  little  known,  arc  little  cared  for,  and 
they  are  allowed  to  pm'sue  their  own  paths  unmolested. 
The  camel,  an  animal,  which  as  Mr.  Crawfurd  says,  is 
"  sufficiently  well  suited  to  the  upper  portions  of  the 
country,"  is  unknown  to  the  Burmese.  (2) 

Wild  animals  of  many  descriptions  abound  in  Bm'mah, 
still  it  is  a  remarkable  fact,  noticed  by  Crawfurd,  that 
neither  wolves,  jackals,  foxes,  nor  hyenas,  are  to  bo  found 
in  the  countr3^  Many  species  of  winged  game  abound, 
as  also  hares. 

The  Indo-Chinese  nations  are  considered  by  Prichard  (3) 
to  consist  of  various  races,  while  Pickermg  (1)  seems  to 
be  able  to  detect  but  two,  the  Malay,  and,  in  an  isolated 
position,  the  Telingan.  It  is  therefore  dilficult  with  such 
contradictory  evidence  to  arrive  at  the  probable  result. 
But  as,  without  a  slight  sketch  of  this  important  subject, 
my  work  would  fall  under  the  just  imputation  of  incom- 
pleteness, I  shall  venture  to  give  some  account  of  the 
races  of  Burmali,  and  I  the  rather  take  Pricliard  as  my 
chief  guide,  as  his  research  is  the  completer  of  the  two, 
notwithstanding  that  Pickering  has  shown  himself  well 
able  through  his  work  to  distinguish  the  Malay  race  from 
every  other,  in  the  most  difficult  and  delicate  cases.  I 
shall  not  trouble   the   reader  with  any  account  of  the 

(1)  Japon,  Indo-Chine,  et  Ceylan,  par  M.  Dubois  de  Jancigny,  p.  236. 
(•2)  Crawfurd's  Ava,  vol.  ii.  p.  2-22,  to  whom  I  am  mainly  indebted. 
(:e  Researches  into  the  Physical  History  of  Mankind,  vol.  iv.  p.  499. 
(1)  Races  of  Man,  p.  137.  "  tjeo  his  Etliiiolo{,'iciiil  map. 


I.  1.]  KACES.  13 

adjacent  races,  but  occupy  myself  solely  ^vitIl  the  prin- 
cipal nations  under  the  Burman  dominion.  And  first  of 
the  people  of  Pegu :  (1)  they  inhabit  the  Delta  of  the 
Ira^vadi,  and  the  low  coast  which  terminates  in  the  hilly 
country  of  the  Burnians  or  Maramas.  They  are  called  by 
the  Burmans,  Tiilain  ;  but  their  own  name  for  themselves 
is  jMan  or  J\I6n.  The  Pegu  race,  we  shall  see  in  the 
course  of  its  history,  was  once  very  powerful,  and  its 
ascendancy  remained  for  many  years,  and  during  the 
sixteenth  and  seventeenth  centuries  the  empire  of  Pegu 
is  often  spoken  of  in  the  Portuguese  chronicles  as  power- 
ful and  magnificent.  Their  language  is  entirely  different 
from  that  of  the  Burmese  and  Siamese,  as  Leyden 
judged,  (2)  and  Low  has  since  amply  proved.  (3)  In 
Low's  opinion,  the  Man  is  the  most  original  of  the  Lido- 
Chinese  language.  They  use  the  Pali  alphabet,  and  pro- 
bably had  it  before  the  Burmans. 

The  Kariau  race  inhabits  the  borders  and  low  plains  in 
Bassein  province,  but  do  not  present  any  salient  points  for 
consideration. 

The  Maramas  or  Burmans  inhabit  the  high  lands  above 
Pegu,  where  they  created  a  powerful  empire  for  them- 
selves in  very  ancient  times.  They  are  some  of  that 
valiant  Malay  stock  Avho  subsequently  colonized  so  large  a 
portion  of  tlie  globe,  and  passed  by  way  of  Polynesia  to 
the  American  continent.  They,  like  the  Incas  of  Peru, 
boast  a  celestial  origin ;  and  the  similarity  of  some  of  their 
institutions  lead  to  no  unfair  presumption  of  their  being 
of  the  same  original  family. (1)  They  are  the  most  ex- 
tended race  in  the  Burman  empires,  reaching  from  the 
frontiers  of  Laos  and  Siam  westward  to  Arakhan. 

The  country  of  Arakhan,  which  next  claims  our  atten- 
tion, and  concludes  om-  consideration  of  the  races  of 
Burmah,  stretches  along  the  eastern  vshore  of  the  Gulf  of 
Bengal,  from  about  21^  to  18°  of  north  latitude.  Having 
in  ancient  times  formed  a  portion  of  the  empire  of  ]\la- 
gad'ha,  they  were  for  centuries  connected  with  India. 
The  Burmans  tliemselves  derive'their  origin  from  tliem ;  l)ut 
this  is  only  indirectly  true.  The  solution  of  the  problem 
remains  yet  to  bo  told.     The  opinion  of  the  Burmans  re- 

(1)  Prirhard,  vol.  iv.  p.  r>oCt.  {2)  Asiat.  Rcs.  vol.  x.  p.  210. 

(?.)  Liiw's  (iraminar  of  tho  T'hay. 

(•»>  See  my  rpmarkii  in  I3ucHlt7's  Grcut  Cities  of  llic  Auciciit  Wgrlfl, 
p.  3tiy. 


14  BUBMESE   CHAEACTEE.  [I.  1. 

garding  tlie  antiquity 'of  the  Eiiklicng,  or  Ai'aklian  dialect, 
is  fully  borne  out  by  Dr.  Leyden.  The  chief  modifications 
it  has  undergone  are  traceable  to  the  Pali.(l) 

The  ethnology  of  the  Burman  empire  is  neither  so  in- 
tricate or  so  unsatisfactory  as  some  otliers.  There  does 
not  seem  to  have  been  a  similar  extent  of  change  of  race, 
and  probably  to  that  very  circumstance  do  they  owe  the 
feebleness  of  character,  which,  however  willingly  we 
w'ould  omit  seeing,  docs  not  fail  to  make  itself  conspicuous 
in  a  consideration  of  their  prowess,  social  institutions,  and 
advancement.  The  very  fact  of  their  quiescent  state  has 
debarred  from  progress,  as  the  most  mixed  race  is  ever 
the  most  energetic.  AYitness  our  own,  where  so  many 
various  bloods  have  commingled,  and  formed  a  nation, 
which,  emphatically  speaking,  is  a  progressive  one,  and 
now  more  than  ever. 

The  Burmans  have  not  made  the  advancement  they 
might  have  made.  There  has  been  sluggish,  age-lasting 
improvement  in  their  empire,  and  it  has  been  the  want  of 
a  stimulating  and  decisive  energy  alone  that  has  kept 
them  back.  Simplicity  forms,  too,  no  inconsiderable  part 
of  the  national  character,  and  this,  by  leading  them  to 
accept  various  doctrines  without  examination — a  quality 
usually  observable  in  semi-civilised  races — has  not  given 
them  au)^  reason  to  think  and  to  look  around.  Like  the 
American  races,  they  proceeded  to  a  certain  point,  and 
then  improved  but  little. 

Colonel  Symes,  who  was  inclined  to  magnify  the  im- 
portance of  the  nation  in  every  way,  applied  some  remarks 
to  them,  which,  however  applicable  now,  Avere  certaiuly 
not  then.  With  those  remarks  I  shall  terminate  this 
chapter,  leaving  their  truth  or  falsehood  to  be  discovered 
in  the  course  of  the  w^ork. 

"  The  Birmans,"  observes  he,(2)  "  are  certaiuly  rising 
fast  in  the  scale  of  Oriental  nations ;  and  it  is  to  be  hoped 
that  a  long  respite  from  foreign  wars  will  give  them  leisure 
to  improve  their  natural  advantages.  Knowledge  in- 
creases with  commerce ;  and  as  they  are  not  shackled  by 
any  prejudices  of  castes  restricted  to  hereditary  occupa- 
tions, or  forbidden  from  participating  with  strangers  in 

(1)  111  concluiliny:  this  subject,  allow  mc  to  refer  tlic  reader  to  some 
useful  observations  on  Ethnology  by  Dr.  Prirliard,  in  the  Admiralty 
Manual  of  Scicntilic  liKjuiiy,  edited  by  Sir  Joint  (Icrscliel,  p.  J'2.J-444. 

(2)  Euibassy  to  Ava,  vol.  i.  p.  '2S6  sq. ;  later  edition,  vol.  i.  p.  148.  / 


I.  1.]  SYMES   ON   THE   BUEMESE.  15 

«  every  social  bond,  their  advancement  will,  in  all  proba- 
bility, be  rapid.  At  present,  so  far  from  being  in  a  state 
of  intellectual  darkness,  altkougli  they  have  not  explored 
the  depths  of  science,  nor  reached  to  excellence  in  the 
finer  arts,  they  yet  have  an  undeniable  claim  to  the  cha- 
racter of  a  civilised  and  well-instructed  people.  Their 
laws  are  wise,  and  pregnant  with  sound  morality ;  their 
poHce  is  better  regulated  than  in  most  European  coun- 
tries ;  their  natural  disposition  is  friendly,  and  hospitable 
to  strangers ;  and  their  manners  rather  expressive  of 
manly  candour  than  courteous  dissimulation :  the  grada- 
tions of  rank,  and  tlie  respect  due  to  station,  are  main- 
tained with  a  scrupidosity  which  never  relaxes.  A  know- 
ledge of  letters  is  so  widely  diffused  that  there  are  no 
mechanics,  few  of  the  peasantry,  or  even  the  common 
watermen  (usually  the  most  illiterate  class),  who  cannot 
read  and  write  in  the  vulgar  tongue.  Few,  however,  are 
versed  in  the  more  erudite  volumes  of  science,  which, 
containing  many  Shanscrit  terms,  and  often  written  in  the 
Pali  text,  are  (like  the  Hindoo  Shasters)  above  the  com- 
prehension of  the  midtitude ;  but  the  feudal  system, 
which  chcrish'es  ignorance,  and  renders  man  the  property 
of  man,  still  operates  as  a  check  to  civilisation  atid  im- 
provement. This  is  a  bar  which  gradually  weakens  as 
their  acquaintance  A^ith  the  customs  and  manners  of  other 
nations  extends ;  and  unless  the  rage  of  civil  discord  be 
again  excited,  or  some  foreign  power  imjiose  an  alien 
yoke,  the  Eirmans  bid  fair  to  be  a  prosperous,  ^Acalthy, 
and  enhghtencd  people." 


CHAPTEll    IL 

Tho  kins:  absolute — Instances  of  despotism — Titles — Form  of  government 
—Offices— The  law  courts— Their  iniciuity — Instances;— The  Book  of  the 
Oath  epitomised— The  oath— Laws — Police — Revenues- Petroleum — 
Family  tax— Imports  and  exports— Exactions— Army— Equipments- 
Cowardice— March— The  Invulnerables- Discipline— Military  character 
—The  white  elephant— Det:;cription  of  an  early  traveller— Its  high  esti- 
mation— Treatment — Funeral. 

All  -writers  arc  unanimous  in  the  cry  that  there  is  no 

Sotcntatc  upon  earth  equally  despotic  with  the  lord  of 
iurmah.  There  is  no  disguise  about  the  fact,  and  he 
openly  asserts,  in  his  titles,  that  he  is  lord,  ruler,  and  sole 
possessor  of  the  lives,  persons,  and  property  of  his  sub- 
iects.  He  advances  and  degrades ;  his  word  alone  can 
promote  a  beggar  to  the  highest  rank,  and  his  word  can 
also  utterly  displace  the  proudest  officer  of  his  court.  His 
people  is  a  capacious  storehouse,  whence  he  obtains  tools 
to  work  his  will.  As  soon  as  any  person  becomes  distin- 
guished by  his  wealth  or  influence,  then  does  he  pay  the 
penalty  with  his  life.  He  is  apprehended  on  some  sup- 
posed crime,  and  is  never  heard  of  more.  Every  Burman 
is  born  the  king's  slave,  and  it  is  an  honour  to  tlie  subject 
to  be  so  called  by  his  sovereign. 

Sangermano  mentions  that,  in  approaching  the  royal 
person,  the  petitioner  or  officer  is  to  prostrate  himself 
before  him,  clasping  his  hands  together  above  his  head.(l) 
The  fact  is  curious,  and  I  mention  it  here,  as  it  presents  a 
striking  similarity  to  the  act  of  homage  to  which  the  luca 
race  themselves  were  suljjected  in  approachmg  the  sacred 
person  of  the  Child  of  the  Sun. (2)  They  clasped  their 
hands  over  their  heads,  and  bore  a  burthen  upon  their 
backs.  Now  the  usage  is  such  here,  for  the  manner  of 
clasping  the  hands  in  the  Burman  court  is  typical  of  bear- 
ing a  burthen,  tho  actual  presence  of  which  is  dispensed 
^ith, 

(1)  Sanpcrmano's  Description  of  the  Uurmcsc  Empire,  p.  58. 
i'i)  Prv'scott,  Coiujucst  of  J'cru,  vol,  ii.  j).  80. 


I.   2.]  THE    KINO   OF   BUBMAH.  17 

It  is,  However,  an  honour  both  to  the  institntor  of  the 
Biirman  laAV  and  the  sovereign,  -who,  though  absolute, 
obeyed  it,  to  mention  that  no  married  woman  can  be 
seized  on  by  the  emissaries  of  the  kiug.  This,  of  course, 
leads  tlie  Burmese  to  contract  marriages  very  early,  cither 
actually  or  fictitiously. 

The  property  of  persons  who  die  without  heirs  is  swept 
into  the  coffers  of  the  state,  and  by  law  the  property 
of  unmarried  foreigners  is  subject  to  the  same  regidation 
upon  their  death.  Jetsome  and  flotsome  belong  to  the 
king.  These  last  provisions  have  not,  however,  been 
much  enforced,  in  consequence  of  the  urgent  representa- 
tions of  the  foreigners  residing  at  llangoou,  Bassein,  and 
other  places.  The  king  alone  decides  upon  peace  and  war, 
and  his  call  brings  the  whole  populatioD  to  the  rescue. 
All  serve,  all  are  conscripts.  "  The  only  effectual  re- 
straint," as  Crawfurd  remarks,  "on  the  excesses  of  mal- 
administration is  the  apprehension  of  insurrection." 

However,  notwithstanding  his  being  acknowledged  as 
absolute,  he,  like  a  present  president  in  Europe,  has  two 
nominal  councils, — a  public  one  and  a  cabinet.  But  he  is 
neither  bound  to  abide  by  their  advice,  nor  does  he.  His 
measures  are  predetermined,  and  should  they  prove  im- 
Milling  to  give  an  immediate  and  imconditional  assent,  he 
has  been  known  to  chase  his  ministers  from  his  presence, 
with  a  drawn  sword.  Two  instances  are  related  of  his 
rigour,  which  will  sulHce  to  show  the  capriciousness  of  the 
unrestrained  Oriental. 

The  first  is  related  by  Crawfurd.  (1)  "  The  workman 
who  built  the  present  palace  committed  some  professional 
mistake  in  the  construction  of  the  spire.  The  king  re- 
monstrated with  him,  saying,  that  it  would  not  stand. 
The  architect  pertinaciously  insisted  upon  its  stabihty 
and  sufliciency,  and  was  committed  to  prison  for  contu- 
macy. Shortly  afterwards  the  spire  fell  in  a  thunder- 
storm, and  about  the  same  time  accounts  were  received  at 
court  of  the  arrival  of  the  British  expedition ;  upon  which 
the  architect  was  sent  for  from  prison,  taken  to  the  place 
of  execution,  and  forthwith  decapitated.  This,"  concludes 
the  envoy,  '*  although  upon  a  small  scale,  is  a  fair  example 
both  of  the  despotism  and  superstition  by  which  this 
people  ai'e  borne  down." 

[V.  Ava,  vol.  ii.  p.  in"  a\u\  m  1< 
C 


18  I"OEM  OF  ADDRESS   TO  THE   KING.  [I.  2. 

The  second  instance,  for  the  truth  of  wliicli  I  would 
scarcely  voucli,  -svas  reported  to  Malcom,(l)  uLence  I 
quote  it.  "  On  a  late  occasion,  for  a  very  slight  oflfence, 
he  had  forty  of  his  his^hest  olncers  laid  on  their  faces  in 
the  public  street,  before  the  palace  wall ;  kept  for  hours  in 
a  broihng  sun,  with  a  beam  extended  across  their  bodies." 
This  is  scarcely  credible,  and  I  think  Malcom's  informer 
must  have  been  a  Burmese  Chartist,  an  Oriental  Cuff'ey. 
However  that  traveller  pithily  observes,  that  he  is  "  sel- 
dom allowed  to  know  much  of  passing  events,  and  parti- 
cularly of  the  delinquencies  of  particular  officers,  who  arc 
ever  ready  to  hush  up  accusations  by  a  bribe  to  their  im- 
mediate superior." 

Many  circumstances  lead  me  to  suspect,  however,  that 
the  king  has  httle  real  power,  and  that  the  officers  reap  the 
benefits  of  the  acts  of  enormity  which  he  commits  at  their 
instigation,  or  which  they  commit  under  the  shadow  of 
his  responsibility.  It  has  often  been  the  case  in  the 
world's  varied  history,  and  why  not  here  ?  Facts  will 
show. 

As  a  specimen  of  the  pride  of  the  Buraiese  government, 
I  shall  append  the  fonii  of  addi'ess,  which  an  Enghsh  envoy 
received  with  the  recommendation  that  he  should  pro- 
noimce  it  before  the  king. (2) 

"  Placing  above  qur  heads  the  golden  majesty  of  the 
Mighty  Lord,  the  Possessor  of  the  mines  of  rubies,  amber, 
gold,  silver,  and  all  kinds  of  metal ;  of  the  Lord,  under 
whose  command  are  innumerable  soldiers,  generals,  and 
captains ;  of  the  Lord,  who  is  King  of  many  countries  and 
provinces,  and  Emperor  over  many  Hulers  and  Princes, 
'tcho  wait  round  the  throne  icith  the  badges  oj' his  authority; 
of  the  Lord,  who  is  adorned  with  the  greatest  jjower,  wis- 
dom, Ivnowlcdge,  jjrndenee,  foresight,  4*c. ;  of  the  Lord, 
who  is  rich  in  the  possession  of  elephants,  and  liorses, 
and  in  particidar  is  the  Lord  of  many  AVhite  Elephants  ; 
of  the  Lord,  who  is  the  greatest  of  kings,  the  'tnost  just 
and  the  most  religious,  the  master  of  life  and  death ;  we 
his  slaves  the  Governor  of  Bengal,  the  officers  and  admi- 
nistrators  of    the  Company,  bowing   and   lowering   our 

(1)  Malcom,  Ti-aviis,  vol.  i.  p.  249. 

(2)  My  immediate  autliority  is  Sangcrmano,  p.  Co.  This  most  lucid  and 
interesting  account  of  tlie  Uurmesc  empire,  containing  more  than  its  title 
imi)()rts,  deserves  the  most  earnest  attention  of  the  liistorian,  ConipUed 
from  Ijurmcsv  Uocvuucat!>j  it  bears  the  highest  worth  h\  itself. 


I.  2.]  BURMESE   COUNCILS.  19 

licads  under  llio  solo  of  liis  royal  golden  foot,  do  present 
to  him  -ftitli  the  greatest  veneration,  this  our  humble 
petition." 

I  have,  by  my  italics,  pointed  out  the  "richest"  parts 
of  this  grandiose  address,  which,  I  think,  requires  no  fur- 
ther comment.  It  may  be  as  well  to  add,  however,  that 
the  presence  and  attributes  of  the  sovereign  are  always 
represented  as  golden. 

The  form  of  the  Burman  administration  'may  be  thus 
brielly  described.  There  is  not  here,  as  in  other  countries 
of  the  East,  any  official  answering  to  the  post  of  Vizier  or 
Prime  Minister.  The  place  of  such  an  officer  is  supplied 
by  the  councils  mentioned  above.  The  first  or  public 
council  is  the  higher  in  rank,  and  it  has  received  the  name 
of  Lut-d'hau  or  Lwat-d'hau.  Its  officers  arc  four  iu 
number,  and  Saugermano  adds  four  assistants  as  a  staff,  (1) 
Avhich  Crawfurd  omits  to  mention. (2)  The  ministers  bear 
the  olHcial  name  of  Wun-kri  (Biu'then-bearers  great).  It 
is  now  understood  to  signify  figuratively  any  one  who  is 
responsible  ;  but  in  the  days  when  the  future  colonists  of 
Peru  left  the  land,  there  is  not  a  doubt  that  it  was  literally 
applied  to  the  officers.  For  in  the  first  place  the  designa- 
tion woidd  be  applied  to  them  as  constantly  bearing  bur- 
thens, being  continually  in  the  presence  of  the  king  ;  and 
tJien,  far  from  being  a  term  of  contempt,  it  would  be  a 
designation  of  honour  and  consideration.  Thus  they  were 
literally,  and  are  figuratively.  Bearers  of  the  Great  Bur- 
thens. (3)  The  questions  of  state  are  discussed  by  this 
body,  and  the  decision  is  by  a  majority  of  voices.  Its 
sittings  are  held  within  the  precincts  of  the  palace  in  a 
spacious  hall.  All  the  royal  edicts  and  grants  pass  through 
this  council,  and  require  its  sanction ;  in  fact,  though  they 
are  the  king's  acts,  yet  his  name  never  appears  in  them. 
The  custom  is  somewhat  similar  to  our  own  of  never  men- 
tioning the  sovereign  directly  by  name  in  the  houses  of 
]iarliaraent.  The  king  is  occasionally  himself  present  at 
their  deliberations.  The  edicts  of  the  council  are  written 
upon  palm-leaves,  and  a  style  of  extreme  brevity  is  adopted. 
Indeed,  Sangermano  assures  us  that  "the  more  concise  it 
is,  the  more  forcible  and  efficacious  the  sentence  is  consi- 
dered."   Would  that  our  legislators  and  lawyers  with  their 

(1)  Sangermano,  p.  fiJ.  (2)  Ava,  vol.  ii.  p.  137. 

(3J  In  accurUaucg  with  my  suggestions  at  p.  lO  of  tl'is  work, 


20  BUEMESE   OOTKRNMENT.  [I.  2. 

lengthy  document  a  thought  so !  They  may  yet  learn  a 
lesson  from  barbarians- 

The  proclamations  and  writings  of  the  council  all  bear 
the  dc^^cc  of  a  sabre,  to  intimate  the  strength  and  swift- 
ness of  the  pmiishment  awaitiug  the  transgressors  of  its 
decrees.  The  assistants  or  deputies  are  called  AVun-tauk 
(Burthen-proppers).  The  literal  signification  was  equally 
in  force  in  ages  gone  by.  Beside  the  Wun-tauks  there 
are  from  eight  to  ten  secretaries,  called  Sare-d'haukri 
(Scribes-ro3^al  great). 

The  second  council,  like  the  first,  has  deliberations  with 
the  king.  But  those  of  the  Atwen-wun  (Interior  burtlien- 
bearers)  are  private  and  preliminary  to  those  of  the  Wun- 
kri.  They  are  considered  to  be  inferior  to  tlie  Wunkri,  and 
yet  they  have  a  great  deal  of  by-infiuence,  from  tlieir  posi- 
tion in  tlie  royal  palace.  The  subjects  of  their  deliberations 
are  precisely  similar  to  those  of  the  Lut-d'hau,  and  they 
exercise  the  same  judicial  functions ;  and  even  now  it  is 
a  question  of  some  doubt  as  to  which  of  the  assemblies  is 
in  reality  the  higher.  There  are  various  officers  attached 
to  the  Atwen-wim,  as  to  the  Wun-kri. 

The  number  four  is  retained  in  the  next  rank  of  officers. 
They  are  the  four  general  commanders  and  surveyors  of 
the  northern,  southern,  eastern,  and  western  parts  of 
the  empire  respectively.  Then  follow  many  subordinate 
officers  attached  in  various  capacities  to  the  administration. 
None  of  this  numerous  stafl"  of  officers  receive  any  regu- 
lar salary,  but  their  payment  somewhat  resembles  the 
system  of  repartimientos  established  in  the  Spanish 
colonies  of  America,  being  assignments  of  the  lands  and 
labour  of  certain  nuinbers  of  the  people.  These  are 
granted  to  officers  of  the  executive  governments,  in  the 
same  way  as  the  king  of  Persia  assigned  various  cities  and 
lands  to  Themistocles  in  more  ancient  times.  (1)  To\^^ls 
and  lands  are  also  granted  to  the  ladies  of  the  king's 
harem,  and  to  the  other  numerous  members  of  the  royal 
famdy.  The  whole  country  is  looked  upon  as  crown  pro- 
perty ;  and  the  waste  and  uncultivated  parts  are  at  the 
disposition  of  any  one  who  will  settle  in  them.  The  only 
duty  incumbent  on  the  settler  is  that  he  must  inclose  and 
cultivate  it.  If  he  do  not  improve  the  land  within  a  cer- 
tain period,  it  reverts  to  the  Crown,  and  may  be  settled  by 

(1)  Thucydides,  lib,  i.  c.  138. 


I.  2.]  JUSTICE   IN   BUBMAH,  21 

another.  Strangely  enough,  this  does  not  prevent  tho 
sale,  inheritance,  or  leasing  of  land,  which  goes  on  just  as 
in  Europe,  although,  of  course,  contrary  to  law.  The  con- 
ditions of  mortgage  are  simpler  than  with  us ;  for  the 
lender  takes  possession  of  the  mortgaged  estate,  and  ho 
becomes  the  owner  of  it,  if  the  borrowed  amount  be  not 
returned  before  the  expiration  of  three  years. (1) 

In  civil  disputes  the  parties  have  the  right  to  select 
their  own  judges,  while  criminal  causes  are  tried  before 
the  chief  governor  of  the  town  or  village.  (2)  At  first 
this  system  of  administering  justice  would  appear  to  bo 
a  fair  and  equitable  plan,  being  apparently  merely  an 
agreement  to  refer  the  matter  to  the  consideration  of 
umpires.  This  is,  however,  not  the  case.  The  orders  of 
government  forbid  this,  but  nevertheless  the  prohibition 
is  not  observed ;  the  utmost  corruption  prevails,  for  any 
complainant  goes  to  a  sufficiently  influential  person  in  the 
neighbourhood,  and  for  a  bribe  obtains  a  decision  in  his 
favour.  Sangermano  sarcastically  remarks,  "  It  may  be 
easily  conceived  to  what  injustice  and  inconvenience  this 
practice  must  necessarily  lead."  The  severest  calamity 
that  can  befall  any  person  is  *'  to  be  put  into  justice." 
There  is  no  small  degree  of  wit  in  this  Burman  phrase. 

Crawfurd  mentions  an  instance  of  the  strange  proceed- 
ing of  the  Burman  courts,  which  may  be  interesting.  (3) 

"In  1817,  an  old  Burmese  woman,  in  the  service  of  a 
European  gentleman,  was  cited  before  the  llung-d'hau,  or 
court  of  justice,  of  Rangoon.  Her  master  appeared  on 
her  behalf,  and  was  informed  that  her  oilence  consisted 
in  having  neglected  to  report  a  theft  committed  upon 
herself  three  years  before,  hy  which  the  government  officers 
uiere  defrauded  of  the  fees  and  profits  which  ought  to  have 
accrued  from  the  investigation  or  trial.  On  receiving  this 
information,  he  was  about  to  retire,  in  order  to  make 
arrangements  to  exonerate  her,  when  lie  was  seized  by  two 
messengers  of  the  court,  and  informed,  that  by  appearing 
in  the  business  he  had  rendered  himself  responsible,  and 
could  not  be  released  unless  some  other  individual  Avere 
left  in  pledge  for  liim,  imtil  the  old  woman's  person  were 
produced.  A  Burman  lad,  his  servant,  who  accompanied 
him,  was  accordingly  left  in  the  room.     In  an  hour  he 

(1)  Malcom,  vol.  i.  p.  2O2.  (2)  Sangcnnano,  p.  6(i. 

(3)  Ava,  vol.  ii.  p.  149  sq. 


22  BUBMAN  EQUITY.  [I.  2. 

returned  witli  tlic  accused,  and  found,  tliat  in  the  interval, 
the  lad  left  in  pledge  had  been  put  into  the  stocks,  his 
ankles  sciueezcd  in  them,  and  by  this  means,  a  little  money 
\vhich  lie  had  about  his  person,  and  a  new  handkerchief, 
extorted  from  him.  The  old  woman  was  now  put  into 
the  stocks  in  her  turn,  and  detained  there  until  all  were 
paid,  when  she  was  discharged  witZ/out  any  investigation 
whatever  into  the  theft." 

One  would  imagine  that  this  circumstance  was  much 
more  likely  to  have  happened  in  our  High  Court  of  Clian- 
cery,  under  the  "  sharp  practice"  of  a  Dodson  and  Fogg. 
It  seems  to  be  a  mutilated  Burman  version  of  one  of  oui* 
"  great"  institutions  made  into  a  matter  of  physical  force 
by  Malcom's  Oriental  Chartist.  I  may  here  mention  an 
affecting  incident  related  by  Sangermano,  (1)  and  doubt- 
lessly too  true. 

A  poor  widow,  who  was  hard  pinched  to  pay  the  tax 
demanded  of  her,  was  obliged  to  sell  her  only  daughter  to 
obtain  the  sum.  The  money  was  received,  and  heavy  at 
heart  she  returned  home,  and  put  it  in  a  box  in  her  house, 
intending  to  lament  that  night,  and  carry  the  money  to 
her  inexorable  creditor  in  the  morning.  But  the  measure 
of  her  sorrows  was  not  yet  full.  Some  thieves  broke 
into  the  house  and  stole  the  money.  In  the  morning 
she  discovered  her  loss,  and  this  additional  circumstance 
caused  the  bounds  of  her  grief  to  flow  even  beyond  that 
of  silence,  and  sitting  before  her  door  she  gave  herself  up 
to  loud  lamentations.  As  she  was  weeping,  an  emissary 
of  the  city  magistrate  passed  by,  and  inquired  into  the 
cause  of  her  sorrow.  He,  upon  hearing  the  sad  story, 
related  the  matter  to  his  master.  The  poor  creature 
was  then  summoned  to  the  court  of  justice,  and  com- 
manded to  deliver  up  the  thief.  Of  course  this  was  im- 
possible. She  was  detained  in  the  stocks  imtil  she  could 
scrape  together  money  enough  to  satisfj  the  rapacity  of 
the  judge. 

Sometimes  these  affairs  are  very  comical.  The  same 
author  relates  another,  the  circumstances  of  which  are  as 
follows : — 

A  woman  employed  in  cooking  fish  for  dinner  was 
called  away  for  an  instant.  The  cat,  watching  lier  oppor- 
tunity, sciiscd  a  half-roasted  fish,  and  ran  out  of  the  house. 

(1)  Page  74, 


I.  2.]         BURMESE  LAW  COUETS   LIKE  OUR   OWX.  23 

The  woman  immediately  ran  after  tlie  cat,  exclaimini;, 
"  The  cat  has  stolen  my  iish ! "  A  few  day^s  afterwards  slio 
was  summoned  before  the  mafristrate,  who  demanded  tho 
thief  at  her  hands.  It  was  of  no  use  that  she  explained 
that  tlie  thief  was  a  cat.  The  maoistrate  has  notliinir  to 
do  with  that.  His  time  was  valuable,  and  the  expenses  of 
the  court  must  be  paid. 

The  report  of  Captain  Alves,  cited  in  Crawfui'd,(l) 
contains  ample  accoimts  of  the  court  charges. 

How  very  similav  the  Burman  law  courts  are  to  our 
own  !  The  followinj^  extract  from  the  jjjood  father's  work 
will  sliow  it :  (2) — "  In  civil  causes,  lawsuits  are  terminated 
much  more  expeditiously  than  is  generally  the  case  in  our 
part  of  the  world,  provided  always  that  the  litigants  are 
not  rich,  for  then  the  affair  is  extremely  long,  and  some- 
times never  eonchided  at  all.  I  was  myself  acquainted 
with  two  rich  European  merchants  and  ship-masters,  Avho 
ruined  themselves  so  completely  by  a  lawsuit,  that  they 
became  destitute  of  the  common  necessaries  of  life,  and 
the  lawsuit  withal  was  not  decided,  nor  will  ever  be." 
Just  like  Jarndycc  and  Jarndyce, — the  same  costly  affair 
everywhere  ! 

Witnesses,  both  in  the  civil  and  criminal  causes,  are 
sometimes  examined  upon  oath,  tliough  not  always.  Tho 
oath  is  written  in  a  small  book  of  palm-leaves,  and  is  held 
over  the  head  of  the  witness.  Foreigners,  however,  take 
their  own  oaths.  The  substance  of  the  Eook  of  Impreca- 
tions, or,  as  the  Burmese  call  it,  the  Book  of  the  Oath, 
is  as  follows  :(3) — 

False  witnesses,  M'ho  assert  anything  from  passion, 
and  not  from  love  of  truth, — witnesses  who  affirm  that 
they  have  heard  and  seen  what  they  have  not  heard  or 
seen,  may  all  such  fiilse  witnesses  be  severely  punished 
with  death,  by  that  God  who,  through  the  duration  of 
4'00,100,U(X)  worlds,  has  performed  every  species  of  good 
work,  and  exercised  every  virtue.  I  say,  may  God,  who, 
after  having  acquired  all  knowledge  and  justice,  obtained 
divinity,  leaning  upon  the  tree  of  Godama,  may  this  God, 
with  the  Nat  who  guards  him  day  and  night,  that  is,  the 
Assura  Nat,  and  the  giants,  slay  these  false  witnesses. 

[Here  follows  the  invocation  of  many  dillercnt  Nats.] 

(1)  Ava,  vol.  ii.  jip.  i:,l>-i.">().  (-2)  Saiip:cM-inaiii>,  p.  07- 

(3)  My  uulhurity  is,  as  usual,  the  excellent  Saiigfiuiano,  p.  (ia. 


24  BOOK   OF  THE   OATF.  [I.  2. 

May  all  tlioso  who,  in  consequence  of  bribery  from 
either  party,  do  not  speak  the  truth,  incur  the  eight 
dangers  and  tlio  ten  punishments.  May  they  be  infected 
with  all  sorts  of  diseases. 

Moreover,  may  they  be  destroyed  by  elephants,  bitten 
and  slain  by  serpents,  killed  and  devoured  by  the  devils 
and  giants,  the  tigers,  and  other  ferocious  animals  of  the 
forest.  May  whoever  asserts  a  falsehood  be  swallowed  by 
the  earth,  may  he  perish  by  sudden  death,  may  a  thunder- 
bolt from  heaven  slay  him, — the  thunderbolt  which  is  one 
of  the  arms  of  the  Nat  Deva. 

May  false  witnesses  die  of  bad  diseases,  be  bitten  by 
crocodiles,  be  drowned.  May  they  become  poor,  hated 
of  the  king.  May  they  have  calumniating  enemies,  may 
they  be  driven  away,  may  they  become  utterly  wretched, 
may  every  one  ill-treat  them,  and  raise  laii'suits  against 
them.{\)  May  they  be  killed  with  swords,  lances,  and  every 
sort  of  weapon.  May  they  be  precipitated  into  the  eight 
great  hells  and  the  120  smaller  ones.  May  they  be  tor- 
mented. May  they  be  changed  into  dogs.  And,  if  finally 
they  become  men,  may  they  be  slaves  a  thousand  and  ten 
thousand  times.  May  aU  their  undertakings,  thoughts, 
and  desires,  ever  remain  as  worthless  as  a  heap  of  cotton 
burnt  by  the  fire. 

Such  is  the  fearful  anathema  held  over  the  head  of  the 
witness.  The  oath  that  the  witness  himself  pronounced 
is  very  cimous,  and  being  imique  in  its  way,  I  shall  insert 
it  here. (2)  The  book  of  the  oath  is  held  over  the  de- 
ponent's head,  and  he  says  : — 

"  I  will  speak  the  truth.  If  I  speak  not  the  truth,  may 
it  be  through  the  influence  of  the  laws  of  demerit,  \\z., 
passion,  anger,  folly,  pride,  false  opinion,  immodesty,  hard 
heartedness,  and  scepticism,  so  that  when  I  and  my  rela- 
tions are  on  land,  land  animals,  as  tigers,  elephants,  bufla- 
loes,  poisonous  serpents,  scorpions,  *.^c..  shall  seize,  crush, 
and  bite  us,  so  that  we  shall  certainly  die.  Let  the  cala- 
mities occasioned  by  fire,  water,  rulers,  thieves,  and 
enemies  oppress  and  destroy  us,  till  we  perish  and  come  to 
utter  destruction.  Let  us  be  subject  to  all  the  calamities 
that  are  within  the  body,  and  all  that  are  without  the 

(1)  This  shows  how  the  Burmans  fear  jtistice.     How  deeply  seated  is 
this  disorder,  and  wlio  can  nnseat  and  drive  it  away  ? 

(2)  I  am  indebted  to  Malcom,  vol.  i.  p.  256,  and  others. 


I.  2.]  THE   OATH.  25 

body.  May  wo  bo  soizoiwitli  madnoss,  diunbnoss,  blind- 
ness, doafnoss,  leprosy,  and  hydrophobia.  May  we  be 
struck  -with  thimderbolts  and  lightning,  and  come  to 
sudden  death.  In  the  midst  of  not  speaking  truth  may 
I  be  taken  with  vomiting  clotted  black  blood,  and  sud- 
denly die  before  the  assembled  people.  TVTien  I  am  going 
by  water,  may  the  water  Nats  assault  me,  the  boat  be 
upset,  and  the  property  lost;  and  may  alligators,  por- 
poises, sharks,  or  other  sea  monsters,  seize  and  crush  mo 
to  death ;  and  when  I  change  worlds,  may  I  not  arrive 
among  men  or  ISTats,  but  suffer  unmixed  punisliment  and 
regret,  in  the  utmost  wretchedness,  among  the  four  states 
of  punishment,  HeU,  Prita,  Beasts,  and  Athurakai. 

'*  If  I  speak  the  truth,  may  I  and  my  relations,  through 
the  influence  of  the  ten  laws  of  merit,  and  on  account  of 
the  efficacy  of  truth,  be  freed  from  all  calamities  within 
and  without  the  body ;  and  may  evils  which  have  not  yet 
come,  be  warded  far  away.  May  the  ten  calamities  and 
five  enemies  also  be  Icept  far  away.  May  the  thunderbolts 
and  liglitning,  the  Nat  of  the  waters,  and  all  sea  animals, 
love  me,  that  I  may  be  safe  from  them.  May  my  pros- 
perity increase  like  the  rising  sun  and  the  waxing  moon ; 
and  may  the  seven  possessions,  the  seven  laws,  and  the 
seven  fmerits  of  the  virtuous,  be  permanent  in  my 
person;  and  when  I  change  worlds,  may  I  not  go  to 
the  four  states  of  punishment,  but  attain  the  happiness 
of  men  and  Nats,  and  realize  merit,  reward,  and  perfect 
calm." 

The  last  term  requires  explanation.  It  is  the  Buddhistic 
state  of  extreme  delight,  called  nUyhan^  or  niehan.  A 
Burman  rarely  takes  the  oath,  for  it  is  not  only  ter- 
rible but  expensive,  as  the  report  of  Captain  Alves  will 
show:(l) — 

Administration  of  the  oath  ten  ticals. 

Messenger  for  holding  the  book one  tical. 

Two  other  messengers'  fees  two  ticals. 

Bccorders    two  ticals. 

Pickled  tea  used  in  the  ceremony    half  a  tical. 

The  pickled  tea,  as  it  is  called,  is  a  rough,  coarse  tea, 
chewed  at  the  conclusion  of  tho  ceremony,  and  without  it 
no  oath  is  binding. 

(1)  Report  ou  Basseiu. 


26  CODES  OF   LAW.  [I.  2. 

Tlicre  is  anollior  way  in  wliicli  causes  arc  decided  on 
very  rare  and  special  occasions, — the  trial  by  ordeal.  This 
is  either  by  water  or  melted  lead.  In  the  first  instance, 
the  plaintiff  and  defendant  are  made  to  walk  into  the 
water,  and  whichever  can  hold  out  longest  nndcr  its  sur- 
face is  declared  the  winner.  The  otlier  mode  consists  in 
putting  the  linger  in  boiling  water  or  melted  lead,  and 
trying  who  can  keep  it  in  the  longest.  The  stocks  are  a 
great  torture  in  this  country,  for  they  are  made  to  slide 
up  and  down,  so  that  the  head  and  shoidders  touch  the 
floor.  Of  the  prisons,  sad  and  disagreeable  accounts  are 
given,  but  they  are  very  insecure. 

I  may  here  remark,  that  it  is  an  accepted  truth,  that  the 
only  use  to  be  derived  from  the  examination  of  the  insti- 
tutions of  other  countries,  is  that  they  may  be  compared 
by  us  with  our  own,  and  that  they  may  serve  as  a  standard 
whereby  to  measure  the  enlightennient  to  which  we  have 
attained.  I  hope,  therefore,  that  I  shall  find  some  one 
willing  to  excuse  me  for  having  mentioned  our  "noble 
institution,"  that  "  bulwark  of  our  liberties,"  the  most 
High  Court  of  Chancery,  in  the  same  page  with  the  law 
courts  of  Burmah,  where  so  much  equity  and  moderation 
prevail.  Because,  of  course,  it  is  only  the  "  rabble,"  the 
"herd,"  the  "great  unwashed,"  that  suffer,  and  these  are 
of  no  account  whatever  in  either  nation,  British  or  Burman, 
especially  in  the  eyes  of  Secretaries  at  War. 

Having  now  ended  my  account  of  the  Burmese  law 
courts,  I  shall  pass  on  to  a  totally  different  subject, — the 
Burmese  law. 

The  various  codes  of  laws  which  are  considered  of 
authority  are,  according  to  Crawford, (1)  tlic  ISliwe-men,  or 
Golden  Prince,  tlie  Wan-da-na,  and  the  Damawilatha,  to 
which  may  be  added  the  Damasat  or  Pamathat,  a  Bur- 
mese translation  of  the  Institutes  of  Manu.  In  these 
law  courts,  however,  all  codes  wliatever  are  dead  let- 
ters, for  to  none  docs  any  judge  ever  refer.  Malcom 
observes  :(2) — "  As  a  great  part  of  their  income  is  derived 
from  lawsuits,  they  [the  riders]  generally  encourage  liti- 
gation." 

The  flight  of  a  debtor  does  not  relieve  his  family  of  the 
liability  ;  but  no  wife  can  be  obligcnl  to  ■|)ay  Ihe  debts  he 
has  contracted  during  a  former  marriage.     When  a  loan 

(1)  Ava,  vol,  ii.  p.  156,  (.2)  Travels,  vol.  i,  j).  'j,bQ. 


I.  2.]  LAWS.  27 

is  entered  upon,  each  of  tlic  securities  is  responsible  for 
the  whole  amonnt,  ami  the  lender  enn  force  the  lirst  person 
to  pay  that  lie  can  catch.  The  property  of  insolvents 
must  be  equally  shared  amonjT  the  creditors  without  pre- 
ference. The  eldest  son  inherits  the  arms,  wardrobe, 
bed,  and  jewellery  of  his  father;  the  rest  of  his  property 
is  di\nded  into  four  equal  sliares,  of  which  the  widow  has 
three,  and  the  family,  exclusive  of  the  eldest  son,  take  the 
remainins:^  fourth. 

The  dilferent  punishments  for  offences  are  these,  in- 
creasing]: with  the  enormity  of  the  crime : — Fines,  the 
stocks,  imprisonment,  labour  in  chains.  Hogging,  branding, 
maiming,  pagoda  slavery,  and  death.  The  last,  whicli 
seldom  occurs  but  for  murder  and  treason,  is  inflicted  by 
decapitation,  drowning,  or  crucifixion.  But  killing  slaves 
is  not  criminal,  and  is  atoned  by  fines.  A  libel  is  punished 
by  the  infliction  of  the  punisliment  corresponding  to  the 
crime  unjustly  charged  upon  the  plaintiff  by  the  libeller : 
however,  if  the  truth  of  the  charge  be  proven,  it  is  not  a 
libel.  In  our  country,  it  is  a  well-known  fact  that  the 
truth  alone  is  a  libel,  a  falsehood  needing  no  refutation. 
Judgments,  as  in  England,  go  by  default  of  appearance, 
though  that  is  no  rule  in  i3urman  practice,  whatever  it 
may  be  in  theory. 

The  husband  has  power  to  chastise  his  wife  for  mis- 
behaviour, after  repeated  admonitions  and  remonstrances 
in  the  presence  of  witnesses.  In  the  event  of  continued 
offences,  he  has  the  power  to  divorce  her,  without  appeal. 
A  woman  whose  husband  has  gone  away  with  the  army  is 
at  liberty  to  marry  at  the  expiration  of  six  years ;  if  his 
object  were  business,  she  must  wait  seven  years  ;  and  if 
he  was  sent  on  any  religious  mission,  she  must  wait  ten 
years.  The  slave-laws  are  very  strict,  yet  favourable  on 
the  whole  ;  but  I  should  imagine  that  judge's  opinion 
settled  the  matter. 

Changing  a  landmark  is  heavily  punished.  Betting 
debts  are  recoverable  from  the  loser,  but  not  from  any 
person  in  any  way  otherwise  responsible.  A  person  hurt 
in  wrestling,  or  any  other  athletic  exercise,  cannot  recover 
damages  :  but  if  he  be  mortally  hurt,  the  other  must  pay 
the  price  of  his  body.  An  empty  vehicle  nmst  give  place 
before  a  full  one  ;  and  when  two  loaded  men  meet,  he  lliat 
has  t1\e  Sim  at  his  back  nuist  give  way.  Tlie  following 
value  is  set  upon  men,  women,  and  children  : — 


28  PEICE   OF   THE   BUEME8E.  [I.  2. 

.€.    s.      (1. 

A  new-born  male  infant 4  ticals  =  0  10  0 

A  female  infant 3      „     =0    7  6 

Aboy 10      „      =15  0 

Agirl 7      „      =  0  17  6 

A  young  man    30     ,,      =  3  15  0 

A  young  woman   35      ,,      =4    2  0 

Kick  persons  pay  in  proportion  to  their  wealth  and 
importance.  Of  course  the  high  officers  of  the  adminis- 
tration thus  become  very  valuable  men,  in  one  respect  at 
least. 

The  Burmese  code,  in  its  various  aspects,  seems  most 
strangely  inapposite  for  the  land  in  which  it  is  placed ;  or, 
it  might  be  more  correct  to  say,  for  the  officers  by  whom 
it  is  dispensed.  The  police  magistrate's  position  is  in 
Europe  a  responsible  and  disagreeable  one ;  but  the  case 
is  far  otherwise  in  Burmah,  and  indeed  in  all  Oriental 
governments  having  native  ministers.  For,  though  there 
may  be  amongst  them  some  few  scrupidous  men,  yet,  as  a 
whole,  we  cannot  look  upon  the  magisterial  office  as  other- 
wise than  an  engine  of  extortion,  and  as  a  means  whereby 
to  turn  the  weaknesses  of  the  human  disposition  to  the 
best  advantage.  It  is,  however,  not  very  remarkable  that 
a  country  should  exist  with  good  laws  and  bad  adminis- 
trations, as  it  is  not  impossible  for  a  nation  to  continue 
under  the  rule  of  obsolete  ordinances  and  quibbling  sine- 
curists.  Many  of  the  grievances  are,  however,  cliargeable 
on  the  inactive  and  unenergetic  disposition  of  the  people.  I 
am  not,  however,  prepared,  witli  all  this,  to  go  tlie  length 
of  Crawfurd,  who  thus  speaks  :(1) — 

"  The  police  is  as  bad  as  possible ;  and  it  is  notorious 
that  in  all  times  of  which  wo  can  speak  with  certainty,  the 
country  has  been  overrun  with  pirates  and  robbers.  Ee- 
sponsibdity  is  sliifted  from  one  person  to  another,  and  a 
general  ignorance  and  want  of  intelligence  pervades  every 
department. (2)  It  is  a  matter  well  known,  however  con- 
trary to  tlieory,  that  in  consequence  of  this  state  of  things 
even  a  royal  order  will  often  fail  of  commanding  respect 
or  attention  nt  tlio  distance  of  five  sliort  miles  from  the 
seat  of  government." 

These  are  but  broad,  sweeping  assertions,  like  those 
exactly  contradictory  remarks  of  Symes,  quoted  at  the 

(1)  Ava,  vol.  ii.  \).  157, 

(2)  This  is  remaxkably  applicable  to  a  certain  European  nation. 


I.  2.]  CRIMINAL   CONDITION   OF   BURMAn.  29 

close  of  the  last  cliapter ;  and  sueli  broad  assertions  must 
ever  be  received  cum  qrano  sails.  A  middle  path  Ijetwcen 
these  two  must  be  taken.  The  condition  of  the  country- 
is  probably  no  worse,  and  no  better,  than  in  the  nci<^h- 
bourinor  empire  of  China,  where  the  same  iniquitous  sys- 
tem of  bribery  prevails  amongst  the  magistracy,  and 
Avherc  the  actual  amount  of  crime  is  not  great  in  propor- 
tion to  the  population  and  extent  of  the  country.  The 
envoy  of  a  government  is  not  likely  in  the  quick  progress 
of  his  passage  through  the  country,  to  bo  able  to  examine 
into  the  condition  of  the  people  impartially,  and,  as  they 
are  prepared  to  make  the  best  or  the  worst  show  they  can 
to  the  foreign  ambassador,  so,  too,  will  the  foreign  ambas- 
sador take  the  best  or  the  worst  view  of  their  character. 

That  there  is  much  crime  is  undeniable  ;  but  they  are 
not  monsters  of  iniquity,  neither,  on  the  other  hand,  are 
they  angels  of  heaven.  We  must  ever,  in  our  judgment 
of  imcivilised  or  semi-civilised  races,  be  careful  and  lenient 
to  a  degree.  They  have  not  always  the  same  advantages, 
and  they  are  kept  back  by  their  rulers,  ever  ignorant  and 
bigoted.  Example,  experience,  and  interest  cause  a  nation 
to  progress,  not  violence  nor  fanaticism.  Witness  the 
Turkish  nation,  formerly  wild  and  brutish,  now  to  be  con- 
sidered in  every  way  as  a  civilised  and  generous  nation. 
And  this  T^as  brought  about  by  the  force  of  example  and 
the  energy  of  the  rider.  We  shall,  in  the  history  of  Bur- 
mah,  meet  with  a  somewhat  similar  case  in  Alompra.(l) 

Let  us  now  turn  to  the  revenues  accruing  to  the  govern- 
ment, and  first  of  the  earth-oil. 

Tlie  petroleum  wells,  once  already  described,  are  of 
immense  value  to  the  government  as  a  source  of  revenue. 
The  annual  produce  of  the  wells  is,  according  to  Craw- 
furd,(2)  twenty-two  millions  of  viss,  each  of  ^{^  pounds 
avoirdupois.   The  wells  altogether  occupy  a  space  of  about 

(1)  I  should  not  have  ventured  to  say  as  much  as  this,  had  I  not  found 
myself  corroborated  by  Dr.  Buchanan  Hamilton.  His  remark  is  as  fol- 
lows : — "  1  should  certainly  have  been  silent,  had  I  thouf^ht  that  Captain 
Symes  or  Mr.  Wood's  inquiries  on  these  subjects  had  jirepared  them  to 
give  their  opinions  \s'ith  advantage.  But  1  imagine  that  tliis  has  not  been 
the  case  ;  and  I  hope  the  information  1  here  give  ma)-  be  of  use  to  jirofcs- 
sional  men." — MS.  in  tlic  British  Museum,  Additional  MS.  Nn.  i;»,H72. 
In  the  same  collection  of  papers  on  Ava  are  a  number  of  comnuuiications 
from  Symes  to  the  Maniuis  of  Wcllcslcy.  in  the  course  of  his  second  em- 
bassy. It  i-;  but  fair  to  add,  that  thesi'  ktters  appear  written  UJjder  more 
just  impressions  than  bis  printed  journal  was. 

(2)  Ava,  vol.  ii.  p.  '20ti. 


30  rEirOLEtM  WELLS,  [1. 2. 

six:  square  miles.  Cox,  wlio  visited  them  early  in  1707, 
says,  that  at  the  place  where  he  stayed  to  examine  the 
Avells,  there  were  about  one  hundred  and  eighty  of  them, 
and  at  the  distance  of  four  or  live  miles  there  were,  he 
was  told,  three  hundred  and  forty  more.(l)  I  cannot  do 
better  than  subjoin  some  few  of  Crawfurd's  excellent 
remarks,  in  connection  with  his  visit.  He  was  put  in 
possession  of  more  correct  data  on  which  to  found  his 
calculation  than  his  intelligent  predecessor  Captain  Cox, 
and  his  observations  are  consequently  of  more  authority, 

"The  country  here,"  he  says, (2)  "is  a  series  of  sand- 
hills and  ravines — the  latter,  torrents  after  a  fall  of  rain, 
as  we  now  experienced,  and  the  former  either  covered 
with  a  very  thin  soil,  or  altogether  bare.  The  trees, 
which  were  rather  more  numerous  than  we  looked  for,  did 
not  rise  beyond  twenty  feet  in  height.  The  surface  gave 
no  indication  that  we  could  detect  of  the  existence  of  the 
petroleum.  On  the  spot  which  we  reached,  there  were 
eight  or  ten  wells,  and  we  examined  one  of  the  best.  The 
shaft  was  of  a  square  form,  and  its  dimensions  about  four 
feet  to  a  side.  It  was  formed  by  sinking  a  frame  of  wood, 
composed  of  beams  of  the  Mimosa  catechu,  which  affords  a 
durable  timber.  Our  conductor,  the  son  of  the  Myosugi  (3) 
of  the  village,  informed  us  that  the  wells  were  commonly 
from  one  hundred  and  forty  to  one  hundred  and  sixty 
cubits  deep,  and  that  their  greatest  depth  in  any  case  was 
two  hundred.  He  informed  us  that  the  one  we  were  ex- 
amining was  the  private  property  of  his  father — that  it 
was  considered  very  productive,  and  that  its  exact  depth 
was  one  hundred  and  forty  cubits.  AVe  measured  it  with 
a  good  lead-line,  and  ascertained  its  depth  to  be  two  hun- 
dred and  ten  feet,  thus  corresponding  exactly  with  the 
report  of  our  conductor — a  matter  which  we  did  not  look 
for,  considering  the  extraordinary  carelessness  of  the  Bur- 
mans  in  all  matters  of  this  description.  A  pot  of  this  oil 
was  taken  up,  and  a  good  thermometer  being  immediately 
plunged  into  it,  indicated  a  temperature  of  ninety  degrees. 
That  of  the  air,  when  we  left  the  ship  an  hour  before,  was 
eighty-two  degrees.  To  make  the  experiment  perfectly 
accurate,  we  ought  to  have  brought  a  second  thermometer 
along  with  us ;  but  this  was  neglected.  We  looked  into 
one  or  two  of  the  wells,  and  could  discern  the  bottom. 

CO  Residence  in  Ava,  p.  134.         (2)  Embassy  to  Ava,  vol.  i.  p.  93  sq, 
(3)  Governor  or  chief  man, 


1.  2.]  rETKOLETTM.  31 

The  liquid  soomotl  as  if  boiliiifx ;  but  whether  from  tlio 
emission  of  o;aseous  fhiids,  or  simply  from  the  escape  of 
the  oil  itself  from  the  ground,  wo  had  no  means  of  deter- 
mining. TJie  formation  Mhcrc  the  wells  are  sunk  con- 
sisted of  sand,  loose  sandstone,  and  blue  clay.  AVben  a 
well  is  dug  to  a  considerable  extent,  the  labourers  informed 
us  that  brown  earth  was  occasionally  foimd The  petro- 
leum itself,  when  first  taken  out  of  the  well,  is  of  a  thin 
watery  consistence,  but  thickens  by  keeping,  and  in  the 
cold  weather  it  coagulates.  Its  colour  at  all  times  is  a  dirty 
green,  not  much  unlike  that  of  stagnant  water.     It  has  a 

pungent  aromatic  odour,  ofiensive  to  most  people 

The  contents  of  the  pot  are  deposited  for  a  time  in  a 
cistern.  Two  persons  are  employed  in  raising  the  oil, 
making  the  whole  number  of  persons  engaged  on  each 
well  only  four.  The  oil  is  carried  to  the  village  or  port  in 
carts  drawn  by  a  pair  of  bullocks,  each  cart  conveying 
from  ten  to  fourteen  pots,  of  ten  viss  each,  or  from  2G5  to 

371    pounds    avoirdupois    of  the    commodity The 

price,  according  to  the  demand,  varies  from  four  ticals  of 
flowered  silver  to  six  ticals  per  1,000  viss  ;  which  is  from 

fivepence  to  sevenpcnce  halfpenny  per   cwt Sesa- 

mum  oil  will  cost  at  the  same  place  not  less  than  three 
Imndred  ticals  for  an  equal  weight ;  but  it  lasts  longer, 
gives  a  better  light,  and  is  more  agreeable  than  the  petro- 
leum, which  in  burning  emits  an  immense  quantity  of 
black  smoke,  which  soils  every  object  near  it." 

The  oil  is  much  used,  not^^'ithstanding  this  last  incon- 
venience, by  the  Burmans  in  their  lamps ;  and  besides 
this  there  is  another  important  service  which  it  renders 
them, — that  of  preservmg  their  timber  from  destruction  by 
insects,  who  detest  it.  How  great  must  be  such  a  blessing 
in  a  land  where  the  detestable  white  ant  commits  its 
dreadful  ravages ! 

It  is  chiefly  consumed  in  the  country  itself,  where  two- 
thirds  of  it  is  used  for  burning,  thirty  v4ss  per  annum 
being  considered  a  moderate  consumption  for  a  family  of 
about  five  or  six  persons.  Mr.  Crawfurd,  during  his  short 
stay,  collected  some  interesting  statistical  information  on 
the  subject  of  these  mines,  which  I  abridge  from  his 
work.(l) 

The  number  of  boats  waiting  for  cargoes  of  oil  was 

(1)  Ava,  vol.  i,  \K  t)S  sq,    Sec  also  Cox,  Rciiidencc  iu  Ava,  pp.  3/"-45, 


32  PEODUCE   OF  THE  PETROLEUM   WELLS.  [I.  2. 

correctly  taken,  and  found  to  amount  to  one  hundred  and 
eii^hty-tliree,  of  various  sizes,  some  caiT3'mg  only  1AM) 
viss,  and  others  1,40().  The  average  burthen  of  the  vessels 
employed  in  this  trade  is  about  4,(X>0  viss.  They  complete 
their  carf^oes  in  fifteen  days  ;  they  are,  therefore,  renewed 
twenty-four  times  in  the  year;  the  exportation  of  oil, 
according  to  this  estimate,  will,  therefore,  be  17,5C)8,(X)0 
viss.  Deducting  a  third  from  this,  used  for  other  purposes 
than  burning,  and  avc  have,  at  the  annual  consumption  of 
thirty  viss  for  a  family  of  live  and  a  half  individuals,  a 
population  of  2,147,200. 

The  actual  daily  produce  of  the  wells  is  rather  uncer- 
tain. It  was  stated  to  vary  from  thirty  to  five  himdred, 
the  average  giving  about  235  viss ;  the  number  of  wells 
was  sometimes  given  as  low  as  fifty,  and  sometimes  as 
high  as  four  hundred.  (1)  The  average  made  about  200, 
and,  considering  the  extent  of  ground  covered  by  the 
wells,  about  sixteen  square  miles,  Mr.  Crawfurd  does  not 
think  this  an  exaggeration.  This  estimate  would  reduce 
the  amount  of  the  population  somewhat,  causing  it  to  con- 
sist only  of  2,066,721  persons. 

On  Mr.  Crawfurd's  return  in  December,  he  again  visited 
the  weUs.  His  investigations  did  not  materially  aflect  his 
previous  calculations,  which,  on  the  whole,  we  can  but 
consider  as  the  most  satisfactory  that,  under  circimi- 
stances,  have  yet  been  attainable.  I  close  this  rather 
extended  account  of  the  petroleum  wells,  by  an  extract 
from  Crawfurd's  work,  w^hich  I  fancy  is  the  best  finale 
that  can  be  imagined,  \dz.,  the  duty  levied  on  it  by  the 
Grovernment  :(2) — 

"  The  celebrated  petroleum  wcUs  afford,  as  I  ascer- 
tained at  Ava,  a  revenue  to  the  king  or  his  officers.  The 
weUs  are  private  property,  and  belong  hereditarily  to 
about  thirty-two  individuals.  A  duty  of  five  parts  in  a 
hundred  is  levied  on  the  petroleum  as  it  comes  from  the 
wells,  and  the  amount  realized  upon  it  is  said  to  be  twenty - 
five  thousand  ticals  per  annum.  jN^o  less  than  twenty 
thousand  of  this  goes  to  contractors,  collectors,  or  public 
officers  ;  and  the  share  of  the  state,  or  five  thousand,  was 

(1)  Cox,  on  the  contrai*y,  was  informed  that  there  were  live  hundred 
and  twenty  wells  :  this,  however,  is  ably  oliown  to  be  impossible  by  Craw- 
furd, not  by  snappish  contradiction,  but  by  calculation.  The  captain  wa"?, 
evidently,  niisintonned. 

(2)  Ava,  vol.  ii.  p.  178. 


1.  2. J  EEVENUE   AND   TAXE?^.  33 

assii^^nod   duriiif^   our  visil:^   as   a  pension  of  one  of  llic 
quoons." 

Truly,  this  docs  not  look  lil:o  rapacity  on  llic  part  of 
the  kiuj^  !  Who  can  tell  what  portion  is  legitimately  the 
share  of  the  oliiecrs  of  the  Crown  ? 

The  revenue  of  the  Burman  empire  is  a  duty  of  ten  per 
cent,  upon  all  merchandise  coming;  from  abroad ;  of  the 
produce  of  some  of  the  mines  in  the  Burman  dominions  ; 
export  duties  ;  a  family  tax,  and  an  excise  on  salt,  fisheries, 
fruit-trees,  rice,  and,  as  before  seen,  on  petroleum.  Be- 
sides this,  there  is /a  supply  of  money  continually  comini; 
in  by  the  presents  which  the  officers  receive  for  the  attain- 
ment of  various  favours.  The  latter,  thou,<Th  of  course 
wavering,  forms  a  by  no  means  inconsiderable  portion  of 
the  royal  income.  The  taxes  are  principally  taken  in 
kind,  with  the  exception  of  the  tax  on  families,  which  is 
usually  demanded  in  specie. 

But  even  these  form  a  very  inconsiderable  portion  of 
the  income  of  the  Crown.  Sangermano  tells  us  very 
quaintly,  "  as  he  considers  the  property  of  his  subjects  as 
in  reality  belonging  to  himself,  he  therefore  exacts  from 
them  anything  he  pleases ;  so  that  it  may  be  said  with 
truth,  that  the  unfortunate  Burmese  labour  in  acquiring 
riches,  not  for  themselves  or  their  children,  but  merely  to 
gratify  the  avarice  of  the  emperor;  as  tiieir  possessions 
almost  invariably  find  their  way,  sooner  or  later,  into  the 
royal  treasury."(l)  We  shall  in  the  course  of  a  few  pages 
see  in  what  manner  this  took  place. 

It  is,  however,  somewhat  remarkable,  as  Crawfurd 
observes, (2)  that  "a  direct  tax  on  the  land,  according 
either  to  its  extent  or  fertility,  is  not  known  to  the  Bur- 
mese." This,  though  forming  a  source  of  much  emolu- 
ment in  other  Oriental  countries,  appears  to  be  Avholly  un- 
known here.  Its  place  is  supplied  by  the  family  tax,  above 
mentioned.  This  family,  or  more  correctly  property -tax,  is 
confined  to  the  Burmese,  Talains  (Peguers),  and  a  few  natu- 
ralized foreigners.  ^Vn  extract  from  Alves's  Eeport  will  show 
its  operation.  (3)  "  The  arbitrary  assessments  for  various 
purposes,  which  were  levied  upon  the  Burmese  and  Talains, 
amounted  annually,  I  am  informed,  to  about  50,(X>0  iira/s{i) 

(l>  Sanpermano,  p.  171 .  (2)  Ava,  vol.  ii.  i>.  1O2. 

(:i)  Alvfs,  quoteil  in  Ava,  vol.  ii.  pp.  ifi^-f). 

(4)  A  tictU  is  worth  abuut  two  snilliuHs  an^l  sLvpeiico.    This  woulil  be 
£6,250, 


34  PEOPEBTY-TAX.  [I.  2. 

on  ordinary  occasions,  for  tlic  two  townships  of  Bassein 
and  Pantano.  Bassein,  the  chief  town  of  the  province, 
was  exempt  from  rer^ilar  assessment,  being  subject  to  calls 
for  the  support  of  messengers  or  other  public  authorities 
from  the  capital,  and  for  their  travelling  expenses.  Pan- 
tano, and  another  district  of  the  province,  were  exempt, 
as  being  assignments  for  the  maintenance  of  their  respec- 
tive Myo-thugyis.  (1)  I  might  probably  have  obtained  in- 
formation regarding  the  amount  of  these  arbitrary  cesses 
in  the  other  townships  ;  but  the  subject  of  inquiry  was 
rather  a  delicate  one,  and  might  have  led  to  the  belief 
that  its  continuance  was  contemplated  under  British  sway. 
Besides,  the  tax  was  an  ever-fluctuating  one  ;  information 
regarding  it  not  very  readily  given ;  and  the  purpose  for 
which  the  money  was  often  required,  I  was  told,  was  too 
ludicrous  to  bear  repetition  to  an  Englishman.  The 
amount  for  the  other  township  may  be  inferred  from  the 
above,  and  was  probably  about  127,000  ticals.  On  extra- 
ordinary occasions  there  was  no  limit  to  exactions  of  both 
men  and  money.  It  does  not  appear  that  assessments 
could  have  been  properly  ordered  for  other  than  public 
purposes,  or  under  instructions  from  court ;  although  the 
amount  might  not  always  find  its  way  into  the  treasury  of 
the  State,  it  ought  to  have  been  expended  in  the  service  of 
the  State.  The  principle  of  this  tax  seems  to  be  that  of 
a  property-tax.  A  town  or  village  having  to  pay  a  certain 
sum,  the  heads  of  wards,  or  principal  people  of  the  village, 
were  called  together  by  the  Myo-thu-gyi  or  Thu-gyi,  and 
informed  of  their  quota  in  men  and  money  to  be  furnished, 
and  they  assessed  the  householders  agreeably  to  their 
means,  or  supposed  means, — some  having  to  pay,  say  fifty 
ticals,  others  one,  or  even  less.  I  have  been  informed 
that  there  are  tolerably  correct  accounts  of  the  means  of 
each  householder ;  but  on  such  occasions  poverty  is  often 
pleaded,  and  it  too  frequently  happens  that  confinement 
and  torture  are  resorted  to  before  the  collection  is  com- 
pleted. The  system  is  obviously  open  to  the  greatest 
abuses,  and  although  it  is  not  against  these  abuses  that 
the  people  generally  exclaim,  it  is  evident  this  is  the  most 
vexatious  of  all  parts  of  the  Burmese  administration  ;  and 
its  abolition  or  modification  would  have  been  most  desir- 
able, had  the  country  been  retained.   All  persons  in  public 

(1)  See  Wilson's  Dociimeuts  of  the  Burmese  War,  AppencUx,  p.  xliv. 


I.  2.]  TREE-TAX.  35 

employ  were  exempt  from  this  tax — also  artifieers,  as  they 
had  to  work  without  pay,  Avhen.  required  for  public  pur- 
poses, or  for  the  business  of  the  local  officers.  (1)  Also 
the  Mussulman  and  Chinese  inhabitants  at  Bassein :  the 
former,  when  required,  beino^  made  to  work  as  tailors  ; 
the  latter,  to  manufacture  gunpowder  and  fireworks.  Both 
these  classes,  however,  were  compelled  to  make  gunpowder, 
from  the  breaking  out  of  the  war  until  the  arrival  of  the 
British  armament  at  Bassein.  There  ought  to  have  been 
no  expense  of  collection,  although  it  appears  to  have  been 
perfectly  understood,  that  the  overplus  exacted  by  the 
Thu-gyis  on  such  occasions  was  their  chief  source  of  emo- 
lument." 

Tlie  amount  charged  upon  each  family  is  in  English 
money  about  twenty  shillings  and  tenpence  ;  and  a  family 
consisting  of  six  persons,  the  taxation  per  head  is  about 
three  shillings  and  llvepence.  Besides  this,  however,  there 
is  much  to  bo  paid,  which  varies  very  considerably,  and  is 
apjilicd  to  extraordinary  uses. 

In  some  portions  of  Burmah  a  tax  is  levied  upon  fruit- 
trees,  and  a  fixed  price  is  set  upon  each  species  of  tree. 
The  tax,  as  usual,  was  exorbitant,  though,  as  the  envoy 
remarks,  "  it  may  be  stated  generally  that  the  unsettled 
habits  of  the  people,  and  the  ignorance  and  unskilfulness 
of  the  tax-gatherer,  contribute  in  practice  to  counter- 
balance, in  some  degree,  the  arbitrary  and  oppressive  cha- 
racter of  the  government  in  theory."  (2)  In  Lower  Pegu, 
a  mango,  a  jack, (3)  a  cocoa-nut,  and  a  mariam  tree  (a  small 
kind  of  mango),  paid  each  one-eighth  of  a  tical  (threepence 
three  farthings)  per  annum.  An  areca  and  Palmyra  palm 
paid  a  quarter  of  a  tical,  and  a  betel-vino  one  sixteenth. 
A  titlie  was  levied  in  other  places.  Mr.  Crawfurd  was 
unable  to  ascertain  what  the  total  produce  of  the  tax  was. 
Indeed  it  is  difficult  to  arrive  at  any  determination  in  any 
of  these  cases,  for  they  arc  all  equally  wanting  in  point 
of  data. 

The  import  duties,  as  already  stated,  are  one-tenth  of 
the  value  of  the  articles  imported,  but  the  custom-house 
has  the  option  of  levying  them  in  money  or  in  kind.  An 
instance  of  the  vexation  attending  the  latter  system  was 

(1)  But,  after  all,  this  cannot  be  considered  as  other  than  the  substitu- 
tion of  a  lifcht  or  hea\'>',  as  the  case  might  be,  personal  service  for  a  tax  in 
kind  or  specie.    The  tax  was  taken  in  labour,  that  is  all  the  <liffcrcnce. 

(2)  Crawfurd,  vol.  ii.  p.  175.  (3)  See  Malcom,  vol.  i.  p.  174. 

D  2 


30  extraoKdin'akY  levies.  [1.  '1. 

related  to  Mr.  Crawfurd.  It  sceras  tliat  on  board  some 
European  vessel  there  was  a  small  cable  or  hawser  whieli 
was  imported.  The  inspector  was,  I  suppose,  "  entirely 
bothered;"  for  he  knew  not  how  to  manage  the  matter. 
At  last  he  settled  it  by  cutting  off  a  tithe,  remarking,  at 
the  same  time,  that  if  it  were  not  long  enough  for  any 
other  purpose,  it  would  do  to  light  the  king's  cigar !  The 
import  duties  on  the  land  frontier  of  China  amounted  to 
4(j,000  ticcds  (about  £5,000). 

The  whole  amount  of  royal  revenue,  from  various 
soiu'ces,  owing  probably  to  the  cheating  system  of  the 
officers,  is  not  more  than  £25,00<^)  per  annum,  "  an  in- 
come," as  Crawfurd  concludes,  "  far  exceeded  by  that  of 
many  native  subjects  of  the  British  possessions  in  India."  (1) 

But  the  inhabitants  of  the  land  are  subjected  to  many 
other  grievances  in  the  way  of  extortion,  and,  taking 
Sangermano  for  a  guide,  I  shall  enumerate  some  of  these. 
The  funds  for  building  the  public  edifices  and  palaces, 
bridges,  convents,  and  pagodas,  are  raised  by  extraordi- 
nary levies.  Even  if  that  were  all,  it  might  be  sufferable  ; 
but  when  anything  of  this  nature  is  required,  the  govern- 
ment officers  extort  three  or  four  times  as  much  as  would 
suffice  for  tlie  pui'pose.  And  just  as  the  king  acts  in  Ava, 
so  do  the  governors  of  the  other  towns.  The  whole  system 
of  practical  government  in  Ava  is  one  gigantic  mass  of 
corruption  and  iniquity,  and  nothing  but  the  total  over- 
throw of  the  present  government,  and  establishment  of 
British  supremacy,  can  rescue  the  unhappy  people  of 
Burmah.  In  Rangoon,  however,  as  it  is  at  the  greatest 
distance  from  the  government,  these  exactions  are  carried 
to  the  greatest  excess.  It  is  at  that  place  that  those 
enormities  are  committed,  of  which  I  have  already  men- 
tioned a  few  instances.  However,  the  dignitaries  meet 
their  reward ;  "  for,"  says  the  good  Eather  Sangermano,  (2) 
"  sooner  or  later  tlie  news  of  their  conduct  reaches  the  court, 
tliey  arc  stripped  of  their  dignit3%  and  sometimes,  if  their 
crimes  be  great,  are  put  to  death,  and  tlicir  property  is 
confiscated  for  the  use  of  the  emperor.  Generally,  how- 
ever, they  save  themselves  at  the  expense  of  their  riches, 
which  are  entirely  consumed  in  presents  to  the  wives, 
sons,  and  chief  ministers  of  the  emperor;  and  then  they 
arc  frequently  scut  back  to  the  same  governments  where 

(1)  Ava,  vol.  ii.  11.  isC.  (2)  Page  73, 


I.  2.]     EDINBURGH  HEVIEW  ON  BURMESE  DESrOTISM.      37 

Ihcy  had  practised  their  extortions,  to  heap  \ip  new  trea- 
sures for  new  confiscations.  Ilencc  it  may  justly  be 
inferred,  that  the  rapacity  of  the  emperor  is  not  less"  than 
that  of  his  mandarins  ;  and  that  he  does  not  care  for  the 
spoliation  of  his  subjects,  but  rather  encourages  it,  that 
he  may  thus  always  have  means  in  his  power  to  replenish 
his  treasury." 

In  short  we  may  conclude  these  "  Sketches  of  Govern- 
ment" with  the  remark  of  the  reviewer:  (1)  "The 
fjovernment  is  a  despotism  upon  the  model  of  that  of 
China ;  the  fiction  of  paternity  in  the  person  of  the  ruler 
being  in  both  countries  upheld.  The  emperor  is  the 
father  of  the  state ;  each  mandarin  is  the  father  of  the 
province  which  he  governs  ;  and  each  magistrate,  of  what- 
ever gradation,  father  of  the  subordinate  department  in 
which  he  i^resides."  We  have  seen  how  fatnerly  is  the 
whole  behaviour  of  the  Burman  rulers,  and  we  may  well 
agree  with  the  reviewer,  in  pronouncing  the  fiction  in- 
vented for  the  benefit  of  the  despot,  and  not  for  the  benefit 
of  the  people. 

There  is  no  regular  Burmese  army.  (2)  When  the  king 
requires  one,  he  fijses  the  number  of  soldiers  necessary 
for  the  enterprise,  and  nominates  the  general  who  is  to 
command  them.  The  Lut-d'hau  in  the  capital,  and  the 
Ion  or  Rondai  of  the  provincial  town,  then  send  for  a 
certain  number  more  than  absolutely  mentioned  by  the 
king.  These  are  brought  together  by  a  forced  conscription, 
and  the  conduct  of  the  officers  who  levy  them  not  a  little 
resembles  that  of  the  renowned  and  valiant  Falstafi*. 
Such  persons  as  are  unable  to  serve,  or  are  rich  enough 
to  buy  themselves  off,  do  so,  and  the  consequence  is,  that 
a  rabble  is  assembled,  without  subordination  or  discipline, 
and  consequently  formidable  only  to  the  barbarian  tribes 
on  the  frontiers,  but  totally  unable  to  cope  with  the 
civilised  forces  of  the  Company.  The  money  obtained 
from  the  Burmans  who  buy  off'  is  applied  to  the  equip- 
ment of  the  army ;  "  for  the  emperor,"  Sangermano  ob- 
serves, "  does  not  furnish  anything  but  the  arms,  which 
must  be  well  taken  care  of;  and  woe  to  the  soldier  who 
loses  them."  (3)  The  whole  male  population  between  the 
ages  of  seventeen  and  sixty  serve,  and  those  with  wives 

(1)  Edinburgh  Review,  No.  xliv.  p.  351,  .Ian.  181  J. 

(2)  I  am  chiefly  indebted  to  Sanfrorinano,  pp.  76-g ;    and  Crawfurd, 
vol.  ii.  pp.  1.17-9.  (3)  Page  77. 


38  ARMY.  [I.  2. 

and  families  arc  ever  preferred,  as  these  last  serve  as 
hostages  for  tlicir  good  behaviour.  This  forcible  conscrip- 
tion partly  induces  unwillingness,  and  partly  the  natural 
cowardice  of  the  peasantry.  Cra^^  furd  was  informed  by 
several  Europeans,  who  were  present  at  Kangoon  when 
the  troops  were  embarking  for  Junk  Ceylon,  and  other 
parts  of  the  Siamese  coast,  that  they  were  often  carried 
on  board  tied  hands  and  feet,  and  this  not  in  a  few  cases, 
but  repeatedly,  and  in  great  numbers.  "What  soldiers  for 
our  disciplined  army  to  contend  with,  and  A^"hat  an  insight 
into  their  military  character  this  gives  us,  \f  it  he  not  an 
cjcaggeration  !  And  yet  these  cowards,  forced  into  the 
service  in  this  valiant  way,  caused  the  retreat  of  the 
British  force  at  Uamoo  in  182-1!  Perhaps  their  conduct 
is  somewhat  Hke  that  of  our  own  sailors.  There  is,  how- 
ever, little  doubt  of  their  being  an  utterly  despicable  foe, 
though  they  will  undergo  the  severest  privations  without 
a  word.  In  time,  however,  and  under  judicious  general- 
ship, they  might  become  very  passable  soldiers. 

"  As  soon  as  the  order  for  marching  arrives,"  says 
Sangermano,  (1)  "  the  soldiers,  leaving  their  sowing  and 
reaping,  and  whatever  occupation  they  may  be  engaged  in, 
assemble  instantly  in  different  corps,  and  prepare  them- 
selves ;  and  throwing  their  weapon  over  their  shoulders 
like  a  lever,  they  hang  from  one  end  of  it  a  mat  or  blanket 
to  cover  them  at  night,  a  provision  of  powder,  and  a  little 
vessel  for  cooking  ;  and  from  the  other  end,  a  provision  of 
rice,  of  salt,  and  of  Nape,  a  species  of  half-putrid,  half- 
dried  fish,  pickled  with  salt.  In  this  guise  they  travel  to 
their  place  of  destination,  without  transport-waggons, 
without  tents,  in  their  ordinary  dress,  merely  carrying 
on  their  J^heads  a  piece  of  red  cloth,  the  only  distinctive 
badge  of  a  Burmese  soldier.  (2)  About  nine  o'clock  in  the 
morning  they  begin  to  march,  after  having  taken  a  short 
sleep,  and  cooked  and  eaten  their  rice,  and  Care,  a  sort  of 
stew  eaten  with  the  rice,  of  which  that  kind  which  is 
used  by  soldiers  and  travellers  is  generally  made  of  herbs 
or  leaves  of  trees,  cooked  in  plain  water,  with  a  little 
Nape.  He  might  then  bivouac  on  the  bare  ground,  with- 
out any  protection  from  the  night  air,  the  dew,  or  even 
the  rain ;  merely  constructing  a  palisade  of  branches  of 

(1)  Description,  p.  77- 

(2)  Now,  liowever,  the  soldiers  have  attempted  to  irct  into  tiniforni,  ajud 
wear  belts  and  conical  cases  of  tin,  to  resemble  the  English  cap. 


I.  2.]  THE   INVULNEEABLES.  39 

trees  or  thorns.  Sometimes  it  happens  that  the  expe- 
dition is  deferred  till  the  followin<r  year,  and  then  the 
soldiers  beinij^  arrived  on  the  enemy's  confines  are  made 
to  work  in  the  rice-grounds,  thus  to  furnish  a  store  of 
that  commodity  for  their  provision." 

This  is  the  picturesque  description  left  us  by  the  mis- 
sionar}',  and  it  is  of  the  more  vakio  as  \ce  know  it  to  come 
from  an  (^ye-witness.  But  in  the  Burmese  army,  as  in  the 
ancient  Persian,  there  is  a  corps  of  several  thousand  men, 
known  by  the  name  of  the  Invulncrables.  Major  Snod- 
grass  has  given  us  an  interesting  sketch  of  this  body  of 
military  ;  and  it  being  short,  finds  a  fitting  place  here.  (Ij 

"  They  are  distinguished  by  the  short  cut  of  their 
hau*,  and  the  peculiar  manner  in  which  they  are  tattooed, 
having  the  figures  of  elephants,  tigers,  and  a  great  variet}'- 
of  ferocious  animals,  indelibly  and  even  beautifully  marked 
upon  their  arms  and  legs ;  but  to  the  soldiers  they  were 
best  known  by  having  bits  of  gold,  silver,  and  sometimes 
precious  stones  in  their  arms,  probably  introduced  under 
the  skin  at  an  early  age. 

"  These  men  are  considered  by  their  countrymen  as 
invulnerable  ;  and  from  their  foolish  and  absurd  exposure 
of  their  persons  to  the  iire  of  an  enemy,  the}''  arc  either 
impressed  with  the  same  opinion,  or  find  it  necessary  to 
show  a  marked  contempt  for  danger,  in  support  of  their 
pretensions.  In  all  the  stockades  and  defences  of  the 
enemy,  one  or  two  of  these  heroes  were  generally  found, 
whose  duty  it  was  to  exhibit  the  war-dance  of  defiance 
upon  the  most  exposed  part  of  their  defences,  infusing 
courage  and  enthusiasm  into  the  minds  of  their  comrades, 
and  afibrding  much  amusement  to  their  enemies.  The 
infatuated  wretches,  under  the  excitement  of  opium,  too 
frequently  continued  the  ludicrous  exhibition,  tiU  they 
afforded  convincing  proof  of  the  value  of  their  claims  to 
the  title  they  assume." 

The  anus  in  use  among  the  Burmese  are  clumsy  two- 
handed  sabres,  named  das,  lances,  bo\^'s,  and  matchlocks. 
A  few  cannon  are  managed  by  a  corps  of  Christians  in 
the  service  of  the  countr5\  These  Christians,  in  the  time 
of  Anaundopra,  amounted,  with  their  wives  and  families, 
to  about  two  thousand,  being  the  descendants  of  the 
Portuguese  transported  from  Syriam  more  than  a  century 

;l)  Siiodprrass,  Narrative  of  the  Burmese  Wiir,  pp.  <1»  aii'I  ri.i.  Wc  shall 
hereafter  return  to  these  excellent  "  boldiers  and  gentlemen." 


40  EIGOROrS  DISCirLIXE.  [1. 2. 

before.  Tlioir  gunpowder  they  manufacture  themselves, 
and  Crawfui'd  pronour.ecs  it  to  be  as  bad  as  any  prepared 
in  the  Orient.  (1)  Snodgrass,  (2)  Crawfurd,  Wilson, 
and  others,  are  unanimous  in  pronouncing  the  chief 
military  talents  of  the  Burmese  to  lie  in  lield-AAorks ;  yet, 
though  their  position  "was  well  selected  and  quickly  occu- 
pied, the  execution  of  their  stockades,  with  a  few  excep- 
tions, seems  to  be  very  inferior. 

After  their  conq^ucst  of  Munipur  they  enrolled  a  small 
body  of  cavalry,  which,  however,  has  rarely  proved 
eflective,  for  the  horses  are  of  very  inferior  ({uality. 

The  troops  are  subject  to  a  rigorous  diseiphne.  The 
power  of  capital  punishment  is  not  vested  only  in  the 
general,  but  the  officer  of  any  corps  that  happens  to  be 
somewhat  distant  from  the  main  body,  has  the  same 
liberty  of  punishing  with  death,  and  this  without  appeal, 
any  soldier  that  he  judges  worthy  of  it,  "'  The  sword," 
observ^cs  Sangermano,  "  is  always  hanging  over  the  head 
of  the  soldier,  and  the  slightest  disposition  to  flight,  or 
reluctance  to  advance,  will  infallibly  bring  it  down  upon 
him.  But  what  above  all,"  continues  the  Father,  "  tends 
to  hold  the  Burmese  soldiery  to  their  duty,  is  the  dread- 
ful execution  that  is  done  on  the  wives  and  children  of 
those  who  desert.  The  arms  and  legs  of  these  miserable 
victims  are  bound  together  with  no  more  feeling  than  if 
they  were  brute  beasts,  and  in  this  state  they  are  shut  up 
in  cabins  made  of  bamboo,  and  filled  with  combustible 
material,  which  are  then  set  on  fire  by  means  of  a  train 
of  gunpowder."  (3)  The  power  of  the  king,  however,  is 
as  great  over  his  officers,  as  that  of  liis  officers  over  the 
common  soldiers.  "Woe -to  the  commander,"  exclaims 
the  quaint  old  missionary,  "  Avoe  to  the  commander  who 
suffers  himself  to  be  worsted  !  The  least  he  can  expect  is 
the  loss  of  all  his  honours  and  dignities  ;  but  if  there  has 
been  the  slightest  negligence  on  his  part,  his  possessions 
and  life  must  also  be  sacrificed  to  the  anger  of  the  em- 
peror." 

The  iron  rule  of  the  king  has  caused  a  vast  falling  oS 
in  his  subjects,  who  have  Avithdrawn  to  Siam  and  to  the 
British  possessions  in  Bengal  and  Araklian.  The  maxim 
of  the  government  has  been  the  sayhig  of  its  king : — *'  Wc 
must  liold  down  the  Burmese  by  oppression,  so  that  they 

(1)  Ava,  vol.  ji.  p.  iGo.  (2)  Ijurincsc  Wai-,  p.  21. 

(3)  Description,  p.  7S. 


I.  2.]  MILITARY   CUARACTEK.  41 

may  never  dare  to  mcdilatc  rebellion."  Another  aneedole 
is  related  (1)  of  the  same  king,  Men-ta-ra-gyee  ;  and  though 
it  may  be  apocryphal,  yet  it  shows  the  spirit  of  the  age. 
Some  one  of  his  court  represented  to  him  that  tlio  inces- 
sant wars  were  materially  reducing  the  number  of  liis 
subjects  ;■  but  the  only  reply  vouchsafed  by  the  inexorable 
monarcli  was,  "  It  matters  but  little ;  for  if  all  the  men 
are  killed,  then  we  can  enrol  and  arm  the  women." 

The  military  character  of  the  Burmese  is  well  summed 
up  by  Snodgrass  in  the  following  terms :  (2) — "  When 
engaged  in  offensive  warfare,  Mhich  in  their  native  quar- 
rels has  generally  been  the  ease,  the  Burmese  is  arrogant, 
bold,  and  daring ;  possessed  of  strength  and  activity 
superior  to  all  his  neighbours,  and  capable  of  enduring 
great  fatigue,  his  movements  are  rapid,  and  his  perse- 
verance in  overcoming  obstacles  almost  ii*resistible :  pos- 
sessed, too,  of  superior  science  and  ability  in  their  peculiar 
system  of  lighting,  he  had  seldom  met  his  equal  in  the 
field,  or  even  experienced  serious  resistance  in  the  nu- 
merous conquests  which  of  late  5'ears  had  been  added  to 
the  empire,  until  the  increasing  arrogance  and  aggressions 
of  his  government  brought  him  at  last  in  contact  with  an 
enemy  of  a  very  different  description  from  any  he  had  yet 
contended  with,  and  presented  his  military  character  in 
a  different  light,  divested  of  the  glare  which  victory  and 
success  had  long  shed  around  it."  Arrogant  and  daring, 
indeed,  when  the  Burman  name  alone  was  sufficient  to 
cause  the  wild  tribes  of  the  frontier  to  lay  down  their 
arms,  and  humbly  beg  for  peace  on  any  terms. 

Before  closing  this  chapter,  it  were  well  to  give  some 
account  of  that  celebrated  appendage  to  Burman  state,  the 
white  elephant.  I  shall  here  take  occasion  to  introduce  a 
description  of  them  by  an  old  traveller,  the  first  English- 
men indeed  who  ever  visited  Burmah.  It  is  given  in 
Ilakluyt's  collection  of  "  Nauigations,  Tralliques,  and 
Discoueries."  (3) 

"  And  among  the  rest  he  hath  foure  white  elephants, 
which  arc  very  strange  and  rare,  for  there  is  none  other 
king  that  hath  tliem  but  he ;  if  any  otlier  king  hatli  one, 
hee  will  send  vnto  him  for  it.  When  any  of  tliesc  white 
elejihants  is  brought  vnto  the  king,  all  the  m'erclumts  in 
the  city  are  commanded  to  see  them,  and  to  giue  him  a 

;i)  Sangcrmano,  p.  79.  (i)  liurnirsc  War,  p.  205. 

(3)  Ralph  Fitch,  in  Ilakluyt,  vol.  ii.  p.  25y.     Loiuluji,  isyg. 


42  FITCH   ON   THE   WHITE   ELEPHANT.  [I.  2. 

present  of  halfe  a  ducat,  which  doth  come  to  a  great 
summc,  for  that  there  are  many  merchants  in  the  city. 
After  that  you  have  given  your  present,  you  may  come 
and  see  them  at  your  pleasure,  although  they  stand  in  the 
king's  house.  I'liis  king,  in  his  title,  is  called,  the  king 
of  the  white  elephants.  (1)  If  any  other  king  haue  one, 
and  will  not  send  it  him,  he  will  make  warre  with  him  for 
it,  for  he  had  rather  lose  a  gi'cat  part  of  his  kingdome 
than  not  to  conquere  him.  They  do  very  great  seruice 
vnto  these  white  elephants ;  euery  one  of  them  standeth 
in  a  house  gilded  A^ith  golde,  and  they  doe  feede  in  vessels 
of  siluer  and  gilt.  One  of  them,  when  he  doth  go  to  the 
riuer  to  he  washed,  as  euery  day  they  do,  goeth  under  a 
canopy  of  clothe,  of  golde  or  of  silke,  carried  ouer  him  by 
sixe  or  eight  men,  and  eight  or  ten  men  goe  before  linn, 
playing  on  drummes,  sliawmes,  or  other  instruments : 
and  when  he  is  washed  and  conm.ieth  out  of  the  riuer, 
there  is  a  gentleman  which  doth  M'ash  his  feet  in  a  sUuer 
basin,  which  is  his  office  giuen  him  by  the  king.  There  is 
no  such  account  made  of  any  blacke  elephant,  be  he  neuer 
so  great.  And  surely  there  be  woonderfuU  faire  and 
great,  and  some  be  nine  cubites  in  height."  (2) 

Since  the  institution  of  the  Burmese  monarch}'',  its 
kings  have  ever  been  most  desirous  of  having  one  of  these 
white  elephants  in  their  possession,  as  they  conceived  it 
added  additional  strength  to  their  arms,  and  good  fortune 
to  their  administration.  At  the  accession  of  Men-ta-ra- 
gyee  there  was  no  such  animal  in  the  royid  stables,  and 
he  directed  all  his  efforts  to  the  satisfying  of  a  natui'al 
desire  to  have  one.  His  endeavours  were  crowned  with 
success,  for,  in  1805,  a  female  was  caught  at  Lain,  in  the 
forests  of  Pegu.  Sangermano  gives  the  following  accoimt 
of  its  treatment  and  transportation  to  Amarapura.  (3) 

"  Immediately  upon  its  being  captured,  it  was  bound 
with  cords  covered  with  scarlet,  (1)  and  the  most  consider- 
able of  the  mandarins  were  deputed  to  attend  it.  A 
house,  such  as  is  occupied  by  the  greatest  ministers,  was 
built  for  its  reception ;  and  numerous  servants  Avere  ap- 

(1)  Seep.  18. 

(2)  I  have  preferred  to  f,'ivc  the  spelling:  of  the  black-letter  folio,  as  it  is 
not  verj-  corrupt,  and  lends  adflitional  (piaintness  to  the  writer's  remarks. 

(3)  Pape6l. 

(4)  Tliis  intimated  that  the  elephant  was  the  divine  rider  of  the  other 
animals,  and  th^  scarlet  borla  of  tlie  Peruvian  Inca  was  bound  upon  its 
temples. — Prescott,  Conquest  of  Peru,  vol.  ii.  p.  44. 


I.  2.]  STATE  OF  A  WHITE  ELEPHANT.  43 

pointed  to  •writcli  over  its  cleanliness,  to  carry  to  it  every 
day  tkc  freshest  herbs,  which  had  first  been  washed  with 
water,  and  to  provide  it  ^^-ith  evcrythiuii^  else  that  could 
contribute  to  its  comfort.  As  the  place  where  it  was 
taken  was  infested  with  mosquitoes,  a  beautifuljnet  of  silk 
was  made  to  protect  it  from  them  ;  (1)  and  to  preserve  it 
from  all  harm,  mandarins  and  guards  watched  by  it  botli 
day  and  night.  No  sooner  was  the  news  spread  abroad 
that  a  white  elephant  had  been  taken,  than  immense  mul- 
titudes of  every  age,  sex,  and  condition  flocked  to  behold 
it,  not  only  from  the  neighbouring  parts,  but  even  from 

the  most  remote  provinces At  length  the  king  gave 

orders  for  its  transportation  to  Amarapura,  and  imme- 
diately two  boats  of  teak  wood  were  fastened  together, 
and  upon  them  was  erected  a  superb  pavilion,  with  a  roof 
similar  to  that  which  covers  the  royal  palaces.  It  was 
made  perfectly  impervious  to  the  sun  or  rain,  and  draperies 
of  silk  embroidered  in  gold  adorned  it  on  every  side. 
This  splendid  pavilion  was  towed  up  the  river  by  three 

large  and  beautiful  gilded  vessels  full  of  rowers The 

king  and  royal  family  frequently  sent  messengers,  to  bring 
tidings  of  its  health,  and  make  it  rich  presents  in  their 

name To  honour  its  arrival  in  the  city,  a  most  splendid 

festival  was  ordered,  which  continued  for  three  days,  and 
was  celebrated  with  music,  dancing,  and  fireworks.  The 
most  costly  presents  continued  daily  to  be  brought  to  it 
by  all  the  mandarins  of  the  kingdom,  and  one  is  said  to 
have  offered  a  vase  of  gold  weighing  480  ounces.  But  it 
is  well  known  that  these  presents  and  the  eagerness  shown 
in  bestowin":  them,  were  owing  more  to  the  avaricious 
pohcy  of  the  king  than  to  the  veneration  of  his  subjects 

(1)  Herodotus  has  recorded  the  fact  of  the  fishermen  of  Eg:ypt  hanguig 
their  nets  around  them  to  keep  off  the  mosquitoes. — Herod,  ii.  c.  9"'- 

The  following  remarks,  for  which  I  am  indebted  to  my  friend  the  Rev. 
J.  G.  Wood,  M.A.,  will,  I  am  sure,  interest  the  reader  : — 

"  The  same  precautions  are  taken  now.  The  fisherman  i)lants  a  pole, 
usually  his  fi.shhif^pole,  upright  in  the  ground,  and  cUsposcs  his  net  over 
it  so  as  to  form  a  kind  of  tent.  Under  this  he  sleeps  securely,  as  no  tties 
dare  pass  through  the  meshes  of  a  net,  even  were  they  an  inch  wide.  This 
may  he  proved  by  stretching  a  series  of  crossed  threads  across  an  open 
window.  Nt)  flies  will  venture  to  jiass  through  the  spaces,  as  they 
evidently  take  the  net  for  the  toils  of  some  overgrown  spider.  Should, 
however,  a  gauze  curtain  be  drawn  across  the  window,  and  a  small  hole 
made  in  it,  plenty  of  flics  will  creep  through.  By  thus  stietchiug  a  lict,  it 
is  possible,  even  in  the  heat  of  summer,  to  enjoy  the  full  benefit  of  the 
fresh  air,  and  yet  to  have  the  satisfaction  of  knowing  that  your  winged 
foes  arc  buzzing  outside  in  useless  anxiety.  There  must  be  no  cross  light, 
or  the  flics  do  not  appear  to  see  the  net." 


44  DEATH   OF   AN   ELEPHAKT.  [I.  2. 

towards  ilio  olcpbant,  for  all  llicsc  golden  utensils  and 
ornaments  found  their  Avay  at  last  into  the  royal  trea- 
sury." 

A  lit  conclusion  to  so  tremendous  a  piece  of  superstition 
and  absurdity  !  Crawfurd,  however,  denies  that  the  vene- 
ration paid  to  it  was  so  great  as  reported  ;  there  is  at  any 
rate  no  question  that  the  fortunate  discoverer  is  well  re- 
Vrarded.  The  one  now  in  the  possession  of  the  king  of 
Ava  was  discovered  by  four  villagers,  who,  in  addition  to 
rank,  offices,  title,  and  estates,  each  received  the  sum  of 
two  thousand  five  hundred  ticals, — about  £312  sterling.  (1) 

"At  the  death  of  the  elephant,"  continues  Sangermano,(2) 
"  as  at  that  of  an  emperor,  it  is  publicly  forbidden,  under 
heavy  penalties,  to  assert  that  he  is  dead ;  it  must  only  be 
said  that  he  is  departed,  or  has  disappeared.  As  the  one 
of  which  we  have  spoken  was  a  female,  its  funeral  was 
conducted  in  the  form  practised  on  the  demise  of  a  prin- 
cipal queen.  The  body  was  accordingly  placed  upon  a 
funeral  pile  of  sassafras,  sandal,  and  other  aromatic  woods, 
then  covered  over  with  similar  materials ;  and  the  pyre 
was  set  on  fire  with  the  aid  of  four  immense  gilt  bellows 
placed  at  its  angles.  After  three  days,  the  principal  man- 
darins came  to  gather  the  ashes  and  remnants  of  the 
bones,  which  they  enshrined  in  a  gilt  and  well-closed  um, 
and  bm'ied  in  the  royal  cemetery.  Over  the  tomb  ^^'as 
subsequently  raised  a  superb  mausoleum  of  a  pjTamidal 
shape,  built  of  brick,  but  richly  painted  and  gilt.  Had 
tlie  elephant  been  a  male,  it  would  have  been  interred 
with  the  ceremonial  used  for  the  sovereign." 

The  loss  of  the  elephant  was,  however,  soon  supplied ; 
for  another  was  caught  in  180G  near  a  place  called  Nibban, 
in  Pegu,  and  the  day  that  Sangcrmano  quitted  Ivangoon 
for  Europe,  the  first  of  October,  it  was  expected  at  that 
place.  It  was  the  same  one  that  Crawfurcl  saw  in  Octo- 
ber, 1826. 

(1)  Crawfiml,  vol.  i.  p,  24;.  (2)  Description,  p.  63. 


CHAPTER    III. 

Cosmnpraphy — The  Surnian  liclls — Definition  of  a  Nat  by  Ileslod— Buddha 
— ti'audania —  His  probable  history — ISuddhism  —  Priests  —  Temples — 
Curious  cave  near  Promo — Monasteries — Ceremonies — I'uneral— Con- 
cluilinjj  remarks. 

TuE  origin  of  the  Burmese  nation,  like  tliat  of  every 
otlier,  is  lost  in  the  mists  of  antiquity.  AVc  know  not 
wlience  wo  proceed,  and  the  bcginnini;  and  end  of  our 
being  on  this  earth  are  alike  wrapt  in  obscurity.  But  in 
addition  to  the  unavoidable  gloom  that  envelops  the  be- 
ginning of  every  nation,  we  have,  amongst  the  Indian 
races,  the  additional  uncertainty  caused  by  a  wild  and  in- 
coherent cosmography,  which,  pervading  the  early  portions 
of  their  national  annals,  renders  it  almost  impossible  to 
elicit  any  sort  of  narrative  that  would  be  satisfactory  to 
tlie  reader  in  an  historical  point  of  view.  But,  as  every- 
tliing  connected  with  a  nation  and  its  belief,  is  interest- 
ing to  the  curious  observer  of  mankind,  it  will  be  as  well 
to  listen  to  the  wild  and  wondrous  strain,  the  sounds  of 
which  still  thrill  and  tremble  upon  the  thresliold  of  time. 
Here,  then,  is  a  short  view  of  the  Burmese  cosmography, 
as  a  prelude  to  the  ancient  history  of  that  country.  Wo 
will  listen  to  it  from  the  mouth  of  Sangermano,  one  of 
the  best  and  most  modest  of  the  exponents  of  Burmese 
antiquities. (1) 

According  to  the  Burmese  sacred  books,  there  are  five 
species  of  atoms.  ,  The  first  is  an  invisible  permeating 
fluid,  distinguisliable  only  by  the  superior  order  of  genii 
called  iS^at.  The  second  species  is  that  which  may  be 
seen  dancini;  in  the  irleam  of  a  streak  of  sunlight.  The 
third  species  consists  of  the  dust  raised  by  the  motion 
of  animals,   and   vehicles   from   the   earth.     The   fourth 

(1")  Description  of  the  Burmese  Empire.  Comi)iled  from  native  docu- 
ments, by  the  Rev.  Father  Saufcermano.  Translated  from  his  MS.  by 
W.Tandy.  Published  at  Home  in  is:t:!,  in  the  invalualile  series  of  the 
Oriental  Translation  Committee.  I  have  abrid^'ed  the  lentjtiiy  details  in 
the  work  vf  the  father. 


46  COSMOQRAPHICAL   MEASURES.  [I.  3. 

comprises  the  gross  particles  whicli  form  the  soil  on 
which,  men  live.  And  the  fifth  consists  of  those  little 
grains  -which  ftiU  when  writing  with  an  iron  pen  upon  a 
palm-leaf. 

These  atoms  are  exactly  proportioned  to  each  other  in 
the  following  way.  Thirty-six  atoms  of  the  first  make 
one  of  the  second ;  thirty-six  of  the  second  make  one  of 
the  third,  and  so  on.  Upon  these  proportions  depends  a 
strange  system  of  measurement,  which,  carried  on  like 
the  world-renowned  calculation  of  the  horse's  shoes  and 
nails,  astonishes  us  by  its  simplicity,  and  amuses  us  by  its 
uselessness.  It  is  as  follows  :  "  Seven  atoms  of  the  fifth 
and  last  species  are  equal  in  size  to  the  head  of  a  louse ; 
seven  such  heads  equal  a  grain  of  rice ;  seven  grains  of 
rice  make  an  inch;  twelve  inches  a  palm,  and  two  palms  a 
cubit ;  seven  cubits  give  one  ta ;  twenty  fa  one  ussaha  ; 
eighty  nxsaha  one  gmit ;  and  four  (jaiit  Vijuzena.  Finally, 
a  juzena  contains  about  six  Burmese  leagues,  or  28,000 
cubits."  (1)  The  measure  of  time  into  homceopathical  in- 
finitesimals is  equally  absurd. 

The  world,  called  Logha,  -vvhich  signifies  alternate  de- 
struction and  reproduction,  is  divided  into  three  parts.  It 
is  not  conceived  by  the  Burmese  to  be  spherical,  but  is 
imagined  to  bo  a  circular  plain  somewhat  elevated  in  the 
centre.  The  three  parts  into  which  the  earth  is  divided 
are  called  the  superior,  where  the  Nat  live ;  the  middle, 
the  residence  of  man ;  and  the  inferior,  the  place  of  sub- 
sequent retribution.  The  middle  part  is  bounded  on  all 
sides  by  an  impenetrable  barrier  of  mountains,  called 
Zacchiavala,  which  rise  S2,000  juzena  above  the  surface  of 
the  sea,  and  have  an  equal  depth  in  the  sea  itself. (2)  "The 
diameter  of  tliis  middle  part  is  1,203, 100  juzena,  and  its  cir- 
cumference is  throe  times  the  diameter.  Its  depth  is  2 10,0(X) 
juzena.  The  half  of  this  depth  entirely  consists  of  dust,  the 
other  half,  or  the  lower  part,  is  a  hard  compact  stone,  called 
sibapatavi.  This  enormous  volume  of  dust  and  stone  is 
supported  by  a  double  volume  of  water,  under  which  is 
placed  a  double  volume  of  air  ;  and  beyond  this  there  is 
nothing  but  vacuity. "(3)     Buchanan  supplies  some  parti- 

{\)  Sangermaiio,  Description,  p.  2.  See  Buchanan,  Asiatic  Researches, 
vol.  vi.  p.  His.  The  latter  tells  us  that  these  measures  are  not  used  iii 
Burmali.     Wlin  can  wonder  at  it } 

(*2)  Strange  this  is;  but  at  the  same  time  it  displays  a  species  of  physical 
and  mechanical  knowledge  which  we  should  hardly  have  expected  in.  these 
legends.  (3)  Sangermano,  p.  .3. 


I.  3.]  BURMESE   COSMOGRAPHY.  47 

ciilars  lierc,  omitted  by  Sangermano : — "  Besides  this 
earth  of  ours,  it  is  imagined,  that  there  are  of  the  same 
form  10,100,0(}()  otliers,  -which  mutually  touch  in  three 
points,  forming  between  them  a  number  of  eciuilateral 
spaces,  which,  on  account  of  the  sun's  not  reaching  them, 
are  filled  witli  ^Yater  intensely  cold.  The  depth  of  these 
10,100,000  triangular  spaces  is  81,000  Juzcna,  and  each  of 
their  sides  is  3,000  juzena  in  length. "(1) 

In  the  centre  of  the  middle  system  of  the  world,  above 
the  level  of  the  sea,  is  a  mountain  called  Miemmo  or 
Mienmo,  said  to  be  the  highest  in  the  world,  rising  to  the 
height  of  84,000  juzena,  and  having  a  similar  depth  in 
the  sea.  Buchanan-Hamilton  tells  us  that  the  word  sig- 
nifies Mountain  of  Vision  in  Burmese. (2)  The  plateau  at 
the  extreme  height  of  Mienmo  is  48,000  jiizoia  in  diameter, 
with  a  circumference  of  three  times  that  extent.  Three 
enormous  rubies  support  the  whole  mass,  being  themselves 
based  on  the  great  stone  Silapatavi.  The  four  sides  of  the 
mountain  are  respectively  of  silver,  glass,  gold,  and  ruby. 
Miemmo  is  surrounded  by  seven  chains  of  hills,  and  seven 
rivers,  called  Sida,  whose  waters  are  so  clear  and  limpid 
that  the  lightest  piece  of  down  stripped  from  a  feather 
woidd  sink  to  the  bottom.  These  various  rivers  arc  of 
different  heights  and  widths.  Buchanan  considers  the 
word  '  sea'  as  much  more  applicable  to  these  waters  ;  Sida, 
in  the  Arakhan  dialect,  having  that  signification. 

At  the  four  cardinal  points  of  Miemmo,  in  the  midst  of 
an  immense  sea,  lie  the  four  great  islands  which  form  the 
habitations  of  mankind.  They  are  respectively  in  the 
forms  of  a  half-moon,  a  full  moon,  a  square,  and  a  lozenge 
or  trapezium.  In  the  last  of  these,  lying  towards  the 
south,  opposite  the  rub}^  side  of  Miemmo,  are  situated 
the  kingdom  of  Burmah,  Siam,  China,  Ceylon,  and  the 
other  places  with  which  the  Burmans  are  acquainted, 
together  with  many  more  with  which  nobody  is  ac- 
quainted. (3)  Besides  these  four  great  islands,  there  are 
two  thousand  small  ones,  whence,  according  to  the  Bur- 
mau  idea,  the  Europeans  come.     The  seas  are  filled  with 

(1)  Buchanan,  Asiat.  Res.  vol.  vi.  p.  175. 

<-j;  As.  Res.  vol.  vi.  p.  17.5  n.  He  adds  that  it  would  seem  to  he  iden- 
tical with  the  Meru  Paravada  of  the  Brahmins. 

[■A)  The  eastern  island  is  named  Pioppavideha ;  the  western,  Amara- 
goga;  the  northcni,  Unchegrn ;  and  the  southern,  Zahuiliba.  Tlie  tree 
of  (iodama  (mentioned  in  a  former  chapter,  p. 23)  is  the  Ficus  religiosa, 
the  BOdhe-bayn. 


48  NiiiBAN,  on  pr.r.FECT  t.e^t.  [I.  3. 

liorriblo  monster.^  and  lorril)lo  wliirlpools  ;  liovrcrcr,  this 
h  not  the  case  in  the  small  straits  between  the  little 
islands  and  Zabudiba.  "With  the  other  islands,  on  account 
of  the  horrors  of"  the  deep,  it  is  impossible  to  hold  any 
communication.  At  present,  however,  the  Burmans  are 
beginning  to  lose  faith  in  their  geography  ;  and  Buchanan 
always  heard  Britain  spoken  of  in  ^Imarapura  as  Pj/cc-f/j/e, 
or  the  Great  Xiugdom.(l) 

"We  have  next  to  consider  the  nature  of  the  living  beings 
which,  according  to  the  Burmese,  live  in  this  world. (2) 
They  are  divided  into  three  classes :  Chama,  or  gene- 
rating beings ;  llupa,  or  corporeal,  but  ungenerated  and 
ungenerating  beings  ;  and  Arupa,  or  spirits.  These  three 
classes  are  again  subdivided  into  thirty-one  species.  The 
Chama  contains  eleven  species,  seven  happy  and  four 
imhappy.  One  of  the  happy  states  is  man,  and  the  re- 
maining six  arc  of  the  Nats,  corporeal  beings  in  every 
respect  superior  to  men.  The  four  unhappy  states  are 
infernal  states,  into  which  the  sinful  are  sent  to  expiate 
their  crimes  in  torment  for  a  season.  These  are  called 
Ape.  The  Eupa  contains  sixteen  bou,  or  states,  as  they 
are  called,  and  the  Arupa  foui*. 

The  doctrine  of  metempsychosis,  or  transmigration  of 
souls,  is  admitted  by  the  Burmans,  but  is  not  precisely  of 
the  same  character  with  that  of  the  Hindoos,  or  the  im- 
proved system  promidgated  by  Pythagoras.  They  main- 
tain that  the  soul  and  body  perish  together,  and  that  then 
a  new  body  and  soul  are  formed  from  the  fragments,  and 
that  its  nature  agrees  with  the  deservings  of  the  indivi- 
dual. Thus  every  one  gradually  attains  higher  excellence, 
becoming  successively  a  Nat,  a  Eupa,  an  Arupa,  Sic,  till 
at  length  the  individual  attains  that  high  state  of  eternal 
calm  known  by  the  name  of  Nieban. 

Tliis  state  of  existence  has  been  generally  translated 
anniliilation,  and,  as  Crawfurd  observes, (3)  this  miscon- 
ception has  thrown  *'  an  unmerited  share  of  obloquy  on 
the  worship  of  Budd'ha."  Dr.  Buchanan  remarks,  that 
the  term  is  very  inaccurately  translated ;  (1)  and  Colc- 
brooke  was  the  first  to  give  a  correct  definition  of  it,  in  an 
essay  on  the  Philosophy  of  Indian  Sectaries. (5)  Sanger- 
mano's  definition  I  subjoin  : — "  This  consists  in  an  ahuost 

(1)  As.  Res.  vol.  vi.  p.  1/8.  (2)  Sangermano,  p.  6. 

(.3)  Ava,  vol.  ii.  Appendix,  No.  xi.  p.  140,        (4)  As.  Ucs,  vol.  vi.  p.  180, 

(5)  Truus.  K.  A.  S.  vol.  i.  p.  m. 


I.  3.]  BUEMESE   PLACES   OF   PUNISHMENT.  19 

perpetual  ecstasy,  in  which  those  who  attain  it  are  not 
only  free  from  the  troubles  and  miseries  of  life,  from 
death,  illness,  and  old  age,  but  arc  abstracted  from  all 
sensation ;  they  have  no  longer  a  thought  or  desire." (1) 

Human  life  is  continually  on  the  decrease  or  the  in- 
crease. At  first  men  attained  to  an  age  which  can  only 
be  conceived  by  this  calculation,  "  It  is  said,  that  if  it 
should  rain  continually  for  the  space  of  three  years  over 
the  whole  world,  which  is  1,203,430  juzena  in  diameter, 
the  number  of  drops  of  rain  fallen  in  this  time  would  ex- 
press the  number  of  years  that  compose  an  assenchie,"(2) 
the  term  implying  the  whole  period.  But  the  wickedness 
of  man  caused  his  life  to  be  more  and  more  limited,  and 
it  reached  at  length  to  ten  years  only.  From  that  time  it 
increased,  on  their  becoming  more  virtuous,  and  again 
they  lived  an  assenchie.  This  increase  and  decrease  is  to 
be  fulfilled  sixty -four  times  before  the  destruction  of  the 
world.  This  variation  is  however  limited  to  the  in- 
habitants of  Zabudiba.  Space  will  not  permit  me  to  give 
the  description  I  would  of  the  northern  island,  where 
the  Burman  Utopia  is  placed.  The  philosophical  inquirer 
will  find  it  in  Sangermano  and  Buchanan. 

The  Nats,  or  genii,  have  their  various  seats  in  the  inter- 
mediate space  between  Mienmo  and  the  confines  of  the 
world,  and  live  in  different  degrees  of  happiness  and 
power.  These**  abodes  of  the  Nats  arc  represented  as  very 
delightful,  and  it  is  thither  that  the  devout  Buddhist 
hopes  to  come.  The  four  conditions  of  punishment  arc, 
degradation  into  beasts  ;  Preitta,  a  state  of  sorrow  re- 
sembling the  Tartarus  of  the  IleUenes  ;  the  Assuriche, 
almost  identical  with  Preitta  ;  and  Niria,  the  actual  hell 
of  the  Burmese. 

The  transformation  into  beasts  is  reserved  for  those  who 
do  not  keep  a  sufficient  restraint  over  themselves,  and 
who  speak  in  a  heedless  and  evil  manner.  Those  who 
neglect  to  give  alms,  too,  pass  into  this  condition.  An 
elephant  fives  sixty  years,  a  horse  thirty,  an  ox  and  a  dog, 
ten,  and  upon  this  they  base  their  calculations, (3) 

In  the  second  state  of  punishment,  Preitta,  the  con- 
demned are  obliged  to  live  upon  disgusting  filth,  and 
inhabit  sewers,  cisterns,  and  tombs.  Some  wander  naked 
through  gloomy  forests,  making  them  re-echo  with  their 

(1)  Dcscriptiou,  p.  0.  (2)  Page  7- 

(3)  Sangermano,  p.  20. 

E 


50  HESIOD'S  definition   of  a  NAT.  [I.  3. 

lam  en  I  at  ions,  exposed  to  storms,  and  faintin;j^  with  Limj^cr 
and  tliirst.  Some  plougli  the  unround  Avith  a  ])loufrh  of 
fire  ;  others  feed  on  tlieir  own  flesh  and  blood,  and  tear 
themselves  M^ith  hooks ;  and  some  are  tormented  by  fire. 
Misers,  uncharitable  persons,  persons  who  give  alms  to  the 
wrong  illaliaans  or  priests,  are  condemned  to  Preitta. 

Assuriche  is  very  like  Preitta  in  its  punishments,  only 
every  torment  is  here  more  acute  and  frightful.  Quarrel- 
some persons,  strikers  with  weapons,  advancers  and 
abettors  of  bad  men,  are  sent  thither. 

In  the  fourth  hell,  Niria,  the  sufferings  are  by  lire  and 
cold.  It  is  situated  in  the  midst  of  the  great  stone  Sila- 
patavi,  and  is  divided  into  many  hells.  Here  the  worst  of 
mankind  are  punished,  and  here  sit  the  judges,  selected 
from  the  dead,  upon  their  peculiar  expiation.  The  time  of 
confinement  in  all  these  places  is  undecided,  and  very  few, 
if  any,  are  sentenced  to  eternal  punishment.  By  good 
behaviour  in  all  these  places  the  sufferers  may  attain  to 
the  position  of  insects,  and  gradually  rise  through  all  gra- 
dations, and  finally  attain  Nieban.  (1)  The  crimes  and 
their  punishments  are  very  whimsical,  and  some  very 
horrid.  Tliey  are  given  at  length  in  Sangcrmano.  However, 
a  spirit  of  mercy  runs  through  all  their  dogmas,  and, 
as  already  observed,  every  one  may  regain  his  lost 
position,  though  it  is  this  southern  island  that  is  the  most 
favoured  ;  for  here  only  can  the  believer  attain  I\  ieban. 
The  infidels  only  are  condemned  to  eternal  torment. 

I  may  conclude  this  account  of  the  Biifman  cosmo- 
graphy with  a  few  lines  of  the  oldest  writer  on  Hellenic 
philosophy,  in  which  a  very  tolerable  description  of  the 
nature  of  the  JSTat  is  given. 

When  in  the  flark  and  dread  abodes  of  earth, 

The  men  of  earliest  j^olden  aj^e  were  laid, 

Their  hones  remained,  hut,  soarinf?  to  the  sky. 

Their  life- enduring  souls  fled  far  on  hifrh  ; 

Still  hov'rinp:  there  above  the  realms  of  earth, 

Still  lovinp  much  the  land  that  prave  tlicm  birth, 

They  kindly  watch  o'er  the  alfairs  of  men. 

Spirits  beneficent,  clad  in  the  tilmy  air. 

They  take  their  rapid  fliffht,  and  witli  a  lib'ral  hand. 

Like  kin{,'s,  they  scatter  wealth  and  juslicc  in  their  fatherland. (2) 

It  may  easily  be  conceived,  from  what  I  have  had  occa- 
sion to  mention,  that  the  Burman  chronology  is  as  wild 

(1)  Sec  Ranpcrmano  and  Malcom,  vol.  i.  pp.  2.^9-201. 

(2)  Hcsiod,  Op.  <  t  dIk.'^,  lib.  i.  vv.  rj(i-i25.  The  above  mubt  rather  be 
called  a  paraphrase  thau  a  blrict  version. 


I.  3.]  BUBMESE   CnnONOLOGY.  51 

as  any  of  tlic  otlicr  Tiulian  cIivonolojTics.(l)  According  to 
them,  in  cv(Ty  period  (tlio  age  wliicli  intervenes  between 
one  time,  when  the  life  of  man  amounts  to  an  assenehie, 
and  the  next)  there  appears  a  royal  being,  who  lives  to  an 
incalculable  age,  and  assumes  the  title  of  Sumada.  There 
have  been  eleven  of  these.  The  whole  number  of  kings 
who  have  reigned  since  the  last  of  these  Sumadas  to  the  age 
of  Gaudama,  is  estimated  at  334,569  !  The  earhcst  date 
in  Burmese  to  which  we  can  give  any  credence,  is  the 
beginning  of  the  epoch  in  which  the  period  of  Gaudama,  or 
Gautama,  falls,  corresponding  with  B.C.  661.  The  date 
of  the  birth  of  Gaudama  is  said  to  be  B.C.  626.  He  was 
the  son  of  Thoke-daw-da-reh,  king  of  Ma-ge-deh,  the 
present  province  of  Behar,  in  Hindustan.  His  mother's 
name  was  Maha-Mai,  or  the  Great  Maia,  a  coincidence 
w  hich  has  led  to  his  identification  with  the  Hermes  of  the 
Hellenes,  and  the  Thoth  of  the  Egyptians.  The  new-born 
child  was  nursed  and  baptized  by  two  incarnate  deities 
called  Esrur-Tengri  and  Hurmusta-Tengri,  and  received 
the  name  of  Artashidi  (Artasidd'hi) ;  his  divine  origin 
and  perfections  were  made  known  by  the  bowing  of  the 
idol,  before  which  he  was  presented,  according  to  the 
custom  of  his  father's  family.  (2)  He  had  lived  in  four 
hundred  millions  of  worlds  before  his  present  appearance, 
and,  like  any  other  inhabitant  of  the  world,  had  gra- 
dually worked  his  way  up  through  the  state  of  beasts, 
and  had  been  in  every  condition  of  human  life.  He 
exclaimed,  immediately  upon  his  birth,  "  Now  I  am  the 
noblest  of  men  !  This  is  the  last  time  I  shall  ever  be  born  !  " 
"When  ten  years  of  age  he  was  placed  under  the  care  of 
a  wise  man,  named  Bahburemihbacshi,  who  instructed 
liim  in  every  kind  of  knowledge  :  however,  he  soon  seems 
to  have  outstripped  his  teacher,  for  we  learn  that  sliortly 
afterwards  he  retaliated  and  taught  the  wise  man  fifty  or 
sixty  languages.  At  twenty  he  married,  but  either  from 
the  shrewishness  of  his  wife,  or  some  other  cause,  he 
expressed  a  desire  to  turn  ancliorite,  assumed  the  name  of 
Gaudama,  and  gave  himself  up  to  the  contemplation  of 
the  Deity.  But  for  some  reason  or  other  he  had  great 
difficulty  in  following  up  his  wishes,  and  it  was  not  until 

(1)  I  have  partly  availed  myself  of  the  able  summary  of  Crawfnrrl, 
vol.  ii.  p.  274  sq. ;  as  well  as  Malcom,  vol.  i.  p.  28"  sq. ;  and  Sangcrmano, 
p.  80  sq. 

(2)  Encyclopedia  Mctropolitaiia,  vol.  iii.  Miscellaneous,  p.  55. 

E   2 


52  GAUDAMA.  [I.  3. 

some  strenuous  attempts  that  he  finally  combated  all  the 
arguments  of  his  antagonists.  This  is  not  the  place  to  go 
into  the  numerous  disputes  concerning  this  person,  and 
I  shall  content  myself  with  presenting  the  reader  with 
the  remarks  of  a  writer  in  the  Encyclopaedia  Metro- 
politana.  (1) 

"  The  Indian  fable,  therefore,  may  be  assumed  as  the 
basis  of  the  rest ;  and  the  truth,  concealed  under  this  mass 
of  fiction,  seems  to  be  simply  this :  that  a  son  of  the 
king  of  Magad'ha,  whose  rank  and  austerities  had  secured 
the  veheration  of  his  countrymen,  had  sense  enough  to 
perceive  the  absurdity  of  the  Brahmanical  system,  and 
ability  enough  to  persuade  his  countrymen  to  adopt  his. 
The  success  of  his  new  doctrine  was  such,  that  at  one 
period  it  had  nearly  suppressed  the  ancient  faith  of  the 
Hindus ;  but  when  events,  which  we  cannot  now  trace, 
had  re-established  the  authority  of  the  Brahmans,  they 
showed  that  they  were  not  behindhand  in  retaliation ; 
the  followers  of  Budd'ha  were  persecuted  without  mercy, 
and  scarcely  an  individual  of  that  faith  can  now  be  found 
in  Hindustan.  Some  of  the  fugitives  appear  to  have 
taken  refuge  in  Ceylon,  while  others  fled  into  the  moun- 
tains of  Tibet.  From  Ceylon  they  conveyed  their  doc- 
trine to  the  eastern  peninsula  of  India.  From  Tibet  it 
travelled  over  Tatary  to  the  north  and  west,  into  China 
on  the  east,  and  from  thence  into  Cochin- China  and  the 
other  regions  on  the  south,  where  it  is  only  divided  by  a 
lofty  chain  of  mountains  from  its  kindred  faith,  imported 
from  the  south  and  west  into  the  kingdoms  of  Ava  and 
Siam." 

He  obtained  Nicban,  or  died,  B.C.  543,(2)  At  his  death 
he  advised  that  his  relics  and  image  should  be  wor- 
shipped and  his  law  obeyed,  until  the  appearance  of  the 
next  Boodh  or  Budd'ha.  This  event  is  to  take  place 
in  five  or  six  thousand  years.  Tlie  ordinances  of  Gau- 
dama  are  still  in  existence,  although  all  the  sayings  of  his 
three  predecessors  are  lost.  Gaudama's  laws  were  handed 
down  by  tradition  until  four  hundred  and  fifty  years  after 
his  obtaining  IS^ieban,  when  they  were  written  down  in 
A.D.  Odf.  The  work,  which  is  divided  into  three  sections, 
having  similar  subdivisions,  is  called  the  Bedagat,  and  is 
written  in  PaU.     The  book  in  an  entire  state  is  rare, 

(1)  Vol.  iii.  p.  .5(5. 

(2)  Priusep'a  Tibet,  Taxtary,  aad  Mongolia,  p.  136  and  l62  n. 


I.  3.]  BUDDHIST  HYMN.  53 

tlioui^li  parts  arc  uot  very  scarce.     The  cosmo^rapliy,  of 
whieii  1  have  given  a  specimen,  is  contained  in  tlieni. 

The  following  hymns,  translated  by  Csoma  do  Koros, 
will  give  a  good  idea  of  the  Buddhistic  ritual.  (1) 

Priest.  "  There  has  arisen  the  Illuminator  of  the  world ! 
the  world's  Protector !  the  Maker  of  hght !  who  gives 
eyes  to  the  world,  that  is  blind, — to  cast  away  the  burden 
of  sin." 

Congregation.  "  Thou  hast  been  victorious  in  the  fight: 
thy  aim  is  accomplished  by  thy  moral  excellence :  thy 
\'irtues  are  perfect :  Thou  shalt  satisfy  men  with  good 
things." 

P.  "  Gotama  (Sakhya)  is  without  sin  :  He  is  out  of  the 
miry  pit.     He  stands  on  dry  ground." 

C.  "  Yes,  He  is  out  of  the  mire  ;  and  he  wiU  save  other 
animate  beings,  that  are  carried  off  by  tlie  mighty  stream." 

P.  "  The  living  world  has  long  suffered  the  disease  of 
corruption.  The  Prince  of  physicians  is  come  to  cure  men 
from  all  diseases." 

C.  "  Protector  of  the  world  !  by  thy  appearance  all  the 
mansions  of  distress  shall  be  made  empty.  Henceforth, 
angels  and  men  shall  enjoy  happiness,"  &c.  &c. 

P.  "To  Thee,  whose  virtue  is  immaculate,  whose  un- 
derstanding is  pure  and  brilliant,  who  hast  the  thirty -two 
characteristic  signs  complete,  and  who  hast  memory  of  all 
things,  with  discernments  and  foreknowledge." 

C.  "  Reverence  be  to  Thee  :  we  adore  Thee  ;  bending 
our  heads  to  our  feet." 

P.  "To  Thee,  who  art  clean  and  pure  from  all  taint  of 
sin;  who  art  immaculate,  and  celebrated  in  the  three 
worlds  ;  who  being  possessed  of  the  three  kinds  of  science, 
givest  to  animated  beings  the  eye  to  discern  the  three  de- 
grees of  emancipation  from  sin." 

C.  "Eeverencc  be  to  Thee  !" 

P.  "To  Thee,  who  with  tranquil  mind  clearest  the 
troubles  of  evil  times  :  who,  with  loving  kindness,  teachest 
all  living  things  to  walk  in  the  path  designed  for  them." 

C\  "  Keverence  be  to  Thee  !" 

P.  "Muni!  (Sage!)  whose  heart  is  at  rest,  and  who 
delightest  to  explain  the  doubts  and  perplexities  of  men : 
who  hast  suffered  much  for  the  good  of  living  beings  : 
Thy  intention  is  pure  !     Thy  practices  are  perfect !" 

(1)  My  immediate  authority  is  Prinsep,  ia  Tibet,  &c.  pp.  14'2-M-l. 


51  BlTDDHIST   CEE£D.  [I.  3. 

C.  "  Eercrenco  be  to  Thee  ! " 

P.  "  Teacher  of  the  four  truths  ;  rejoice  in  salvation  ! 
who,  being  thyself  free  from  sin,  desirest  to  free  the 
Avorld  from  sin." 

a  "  Eeverence  be  to  Thee  !" 

Such  is  the  strain  in  which  the  believers  in  Gaudama 
address  their  Saviour ;  and  its  similarity  to  the  Roman 
Catholic  services,  noticed  by  so  many  writers,  is  extreme. 
Prinsep  well  assigns  the  origin  of  the  legend  of  Prester 
John  to  the  accounts  which  the  early  missionaries  heard 
of  the  Dalai  Lama  of  Tibet.  (1) 

The  reformation  which  led  to  the  establishment  of 
Buddhism  in  the  place  of  the  ancient  Hindu  creed,  was  im- 
portant in  many  respects,  but  in  none  so  much  as  in  the 
grand  principle  which  it  instilled  into  the  minds  of  its 
votaries  ;  the  unity  and  indivisibility  of  the  object  of  ado- 
ration, substituted  for  the  gross  polytheism  of  Hindustan. 
Put  it  has  this  fault,  if  it  be  a  fault,  that  no  clear  concep- 
tion of  the  object  of  adoration  is  presented  in  the  place 
of  the  numerous  divinities  the  creed  displaces.  Gau- 
dama, like  Confucius  in  China,  is  to  be  venerated,  and 
not  adored.  The  perfect  Buddha  whence  Gaudama  and  his 
predecessors  proceeded  can  alone  be  confided  in.  Even 
this,  however,  admits  of  some  palliation.  The  vulgar,  per- 
haps, could  not  understand,  and  certainly  not  appreciate, 
the  mystery  which  the  ministers  of  religion  cherish  and 
preserve.  Consequently  a  scale  has  been  instituted,  like 
that  in  Tibet,  for  the  capacity  of  the  several  classes  of 
believers. 

The  general  principles  of  the  practical  creed  have  been 
thus  summed  up  by  Csoma  de  Koros  :  (2) — 

1.  To  take  refuge  only  with  Buddha.  2.  To  be  stead- 
fast in  the  determination  of  aiming  at  the  highest  pitcli 
of  excellence,  in  order  thus  to  arrive  at  the  proper 
state  of  Nicban.  3.  To  be  obedient  and  reverent 
toward  Buddha.  4.  To  make  pleasing  offerings.  5.  To 
glorify  and  exalt  Buddha  by  music  and  singing,  and 
constant  praise.  6.  To  confess  sin  truly  and  humbly, 
with  a  fixed  resolution  to  repent.  7.  To  wish  well  toward 
all.  8.  To  encourage  the  ministers  of  the  faith  in  their 
mission. 

Toong-kha-pa,  an  eminent  Buddhist  reformer  of  the 

(1)  Tibet,  Tartary,  and  Mongolia,  p,  145.  (2)  Prinsep,  p.  167. 


I.  3.]  BUDDHIST   PRINCIPLES.  55 

fonrtccnlli  century,  dofinecl  the  duty  of  ilio  diflcrcnt 
classes  of  33udd]iists  in  the  followinjj^  manner.(l) 

*'  jMen  of  the  lowest  order  of  mind  must  i)elievc  that 
there  is  a  God ;  and  that  there  is  a  future  life,  in  which 
tliey  will  receive  the  reward  or  punishment  of  their  actions 
and  conduct  in  this  life. 

"  Men  of  the  middle  degree  of  mental  capacity  must 
add  to  the  above,  the  knowledijjc  that  all  things  in  this 
Morld  are  perishable  ;  that  imperfection  is  a  pain  and  de- 
gradation ;  and  that  deliverance  from  existence  is  a  dehver- 
ance  from  pain,  and,  consequently,  a  final  beatitude. 

"  Men  of  the  third,  or  highest  order,  must  believe  in 
further  addition :  that  nothing  exists,  or  will  continue 
always,  or  cease  absolutely,  except  through  dependence 
on  a  causal  connection,  or  concatenation.  So  will  they 
arrive  at  the  true  knowledge  of  God." 

"  What  is  this,"  exclaims  Prinsep,  enthusiastically, 
"  but  Christianity,  wanting  only  the  name  of  Christ  as  its 
preacher,  and  the  Mosaic  faith  for  its  antecedent  ?  It  is 
these  that  the  missionary  must  seek  to  add." 

The  foundation  of  Buddhism  is  certainly  rotten,  and  yet 
we  cannot  deny  that  in  its  recognised  principles,  the  re- 
ligion is  far  from  being  so  debasing  as  many  others.  Pre- 
judice, that  great  foe  to  toleration  and  peace,  has  prevented 
the  perception  of  this  fact.  Of  course,  the  lamentable 
truth  of  the  generally  lax  administration  of  every  faith, 
is  no  less  false  with  regard  to  Buddhism ;  and  by  the  care- 
h'ssness  of  its  ministers,  and  indifference  of  the  laymen, 
it  is  in  as  bad  odour  as  any  other  faith.  Thus  much  for 
Buddhism  in  general ;  novr  I  shall  proceed  to  give  a  short 
account  of  Burman  Buddhism. 

Gau(lama(2)  declares  himself  God  and  Lord  for  5,000 
years,  during  which  time  his  ordinances  must  be  kept. 
Gaudama  declares  himself  the  only  true  God,  and  states 
that  there  were  many  false  gods  of  all  descriptions.  The 
doctrines  of  the  false  gods  are  called  the  laws  of  the  six 
Deitti.  Upon  the  appearance  of  Gaudama  some  renounced 
their  errors,  and  others  were  conquered.  The  laws  and 
ordinances  of  the  Burmans  are  precisely  similar  to  tliose 
which  I  mentioned  in  another  place,  (3)  and  therefore  need 

(1)1  quote  Prinsep's  summary,  p.  lfi«t.      (2)  Sangpcrmano,  p)).  80  ct  sqq. 

(3)  See  my  remarks  on  IJuddhism  in  Peking;:;  Great  Cities  of  tlie  Ai\cient 
"World,  p.  177.  It  may  he  interestinp:  to  compare  the  oatli  of  the  witness 
at  p.  2 »,  with  tlie  Buddhist  treaUse,  translateil  from  the  C'liinesc  by  myself, 
in  Uie  siuuc  work,  pp.  iHl-lsi. 


5G  BURMESE   BUDDHISM.  [I.  3. 

not  be  repeated  here.  The  observer  of  these  rommaiid- 
ments  will  finally  become  a  great  Nat  or  spirit.  Besides 
the  observation  of  these  laws,  there  is  merit  in  the  deeds 
called  Dana.,  and  Bavana,.  The  first  is  charity  to  the  priests, 
the  second,  the  meditation  of  the  three  words  Aneizz'a, 
Doecha,  ilnatta.  The  transfjnressors  of  the  laws  vrill  be 
condemned  to  Niria,  or  one  of  the  other  places  of  punish- 
ment. In  the  course  of  2,000  years  the  ordinances  of 
Gaudama,  3,0(X)  years  havinf]^  already  elapsed,  will  no 
longer  be  binding,  but  another  god  will  appear  to  give 
laws  to  the  world. 

The  images  of  Buddha  or  Gaudama  are  generally  repre- 
sented with  a  pleasant  countenance ;  and,  on  the  whole, 
his  religion  cannot  be  considered  a  severe  one.  "  It 
unites,"  as  Dr.  Buchanan  Hamilton  has  romarked,(l)  "  the 
temporal  promises  of  the  Jewish,  with  the  future  rewards 
of  the  Christian  dispensation ;  all  its  states  of  beatitude  are 
represented  in  the  glowing  and  attractive  colouring  of  the 
Mohammedan  paradise  ;  and  its  various  gradations  of 
future  punishment  have  the  plausibility  of  purgatory  ;  but 
its  priests  are  not  like  those  of  the  lioman  Church,  intnisted 
with  the  dangerous  power  of  curtailing  their  duration. "(2) 

At  Pegu,  the  deserted  capital  of  the  kingdom  of  that 
name,  there  is  a  celebrated  temple,  which  Symes  has  well 
described  in  the  Asiatic  Hesearches,  in  an  elaborate  arti- 
cle on  the  city  of  Pegu,  and  it  will  not  be  inappropriate 
to  transfer  the  account  to  my  own  pages  :(3) — 

"  The  object  in  Pegu  that  most  attracts  and  most 
merits  notice  is  the  temple  of  Shoe-ma-doo,  or  the  Gulden 
Supreme.  This  extraordinary  edifice  is  built  on  a  double 
terrace,  one  raised  above  anotlier ;  the  lower  and  greater 
terrace  is  above  ten  feet  above  the  natural  level  of  the 
ground ;  it  is  quadrangidar.  Tlio  upper  and  lesser  terrace  is 
of  a  like  shape,  raised  abo\it  twenty  feet  above  the  lower 
terrace,  or  thirty  above  the  level  of  the  country.  I  judged 
a  side  of  the  lower  teri'ace  to  be  1,391  feet,  of  the  upper, 
684;  the  walls  that  sustained  the  sides  of  the  terraces, 
both  upper  and  lower,  are  in  a  state  of  ruin ;  the}^  were 
formerly  covered  with  plaster,  wrought  into  various 
figures ;  the  area  of  the  lower  is  strewed  with  the  frag- 
ments of  small  decayed  buildings,  but  the  upper  is  kept 

(1)  As.  Res.  vol.  vi.  p.  255. 

(2)  Encyclopaedia  Mctroixilitaiia,  art.  Buddhism,  p.  6o. 
(.3)  As.  Res.  vol.  V.  p.  115  sq. 


I.  3.]  THE   TEMPLE   OF   SHOEMADOO-  57 

free  from  filth,  and  in  tolerably  good  order These 

terraces  arc  ascended  by  flights  of  stone  steps,  broken 
and  neglected ;  on  each  side  are  dwellings  of  the  llahaans 
or  priests,  raised  on  timbers  four  or  five  feet  from  the 
ground;  their  houses  consist  only  of  a  single  hall — the 
wooden  pillars  that  support  them  are  turned  with  neat- 
ness, the  roof  is  of  tile,  and  the  sides  of  shoathin^-boards  : 
there  are  a  number  of  bare  benches  in  every  nouse,  on 
which  the  Eahaans  sleep — we  saw  no  other  furniture. 

"  Shoemadoo  is  a  pyramid,  composed  of  brick,  and  plas- 
tered with  fine  shell-mortar,  Avithout  excavation  or  aper- 
ture of  any  sort,  octagonal  at  the  base  and  spiral  at  top — 
each  side  of  the  base  measures  162  feet;  this  immense 
breadth  diminishes  abruptly,  and  a  similar  building  has 
not  inaptly  been  compared  to  a  large  speaking-trumpet. 

"  Six  feet  from  the  ground  tliere  is  a  wide  ledge, 
which  surroimds  the  base  of  the  building,  on  the  plane  of 
which  are  fifty- seven  small  spii'es  of  equal  size  and  equi- 
distant; one  of  them  measured  twenty-seven  feet  in 
height,  and  forty  in  circumference  at  the  bottom ;  on  a 
higher  ledge  there  is  another  row,  consisting  of  fifty-three 
spires,  of  similar  shape  and  measurement.  A  great  variety 
of  mouldings  encircle  the  building,  and  ornaments, 
somewhat  resembling  the  fleur-de-lys,  surround  what  may 
be  called  the  base  of  the  spire ;  circular  mouldings  like- 
wise gird  this  part  to  a  considerable  height,  above  which 
there  are  ornaments  in  stucco,  not  unlike  the  leaves  of  a 
Corinthian  capital,  and  the  whole  is  crowned  by  a  tee,  or 
umbrella  of  open  iron-work,  from  which  rises  an  iron  rod 
with  a  gilded  pennant.  The  iee,  or  umbrella,  is  to  be 
seen  on  every  sacred  building  in  repair,  that  is  of  a  spiral 
form.  The  raising  and  consecration  of  this  last  and  indis- 
pensable appendage  is  an  act  of  high  religious  solemnity, 
and  a  season  of  festivity  and  relaxation The  cir- 
cumference of  the  tee  is  fifty-six  feet ;  it  rests  on  an  iron 
axis  fixed  in  the  building,  and  is  further  secured  by  large 
chains  strongly  riveted  to  the  spire.  Round  the  lower 
rim  of  the  umbrella  are  appended  a  number  of  bells,  of 
difierent  sizes,  which,  agitated  by  the  wind,  make  a  con- 
tinual jingling.  The  tee  is  gilt,  and  it  is  said  to  be  the 
intention  of  the  king  to  gild  the  whole  of  the  spire ;  all 
the  lesser  pagodas  are  ornamented  with  proportionable 
umbrellas,  of  similar  workmanship,  which  are  likewise 
encircled   by  small  bells.     The  extreme  height  of  the 


58  BUBMESE   ZA-TAT.  [I.  3. 

builclinjT  from  the  level  of  the  country  is  3G1  feet,  and 
above  the  interior  terrace  331  feet." 

I  have  been  tlms  particular  in  quotinjj  this  curious 
account,  as  I  wish  to  impress  upon  my  readers  tlie  neces- 
sity of  comparinjT  this  place  of  worship  with  those  de- 
scribed by  myself  in  another  place.  (1) 

Crawfurd,  the  intelhgent  ambassador,  who  unfortimately 
looked  with  too  sinister  an  eye  upon  the  institutions  of  the 
Burmese,  has  given  us  an  interesting  description  of  the 
appurtenances  of  a  temple,  together  with  a  few  remarks 
upon  their  endowment,  of  which  I  present  the  reader  with 
a  condensed  abstract,  epitomizing  but  little  : — 

"  Close  to  our  dwelling,"  says  the  judicious  observer,  (2) 
"  there  was  the  neatest  temple  which  I  had  yet  seen  in 
the  country.  It  was  quite  unique,  being  entirely  built  of 
hewn  sandstone.  The  workmanship  was  neat,  but  the 
polished  stone  was  most  absurdly  disfigured  by  bein^ 
daubed  over  with  whitewash.  The  temple  itself  is  a  soUd 
structure,  at  the  base  of  a  square  form,  each  face  mea- 
suring about  eighty-eight  feet.  It  is  surrounded  by  a 
court,  paved  with  large  sandstone  flags,  and  inclosed  by  a 
brick  wall.  At  each  comer  of  the  area  there  is  a  large 
and  handsome  bell  with  an  inscription.  To  the  eastern 
face  of  the  temple  there  are  two  open  wooden  sheds,  each 
supported  by  thirty-eight  pillars.  These  were  among  the 
richest  things  of  the  kind  that  I  had  seen  in  the  country. 
The  pillars,  the  carved  work,  the  ceiling,  the  eaves,  and  a 
great  part  of  the  outer  roof,  were  one  blaze  of  gilding. 
In  one  of  them  only  there  was  a  good  marble  image  of 
Gautama.  Buildings  of  this  description  are  called  by  the 
Burmans,    Za-yat,  or,   in   more  coiTcct  orthography,  (3) 

Ja-rat On  the  west  side  of  the  temple  there  is  a 

long,  rudely-constructed  wooden  shed,  where  are  depo- 
sited the  offerings  made  by  the  king  aud  his  family  to  the 
temple.  These  consist  of  two  objects  only,  state  palan- 
quins   and    figures   of  elephants The   palanquins 

now  alluded  to  are  litters  of  immense  size  and  weight, 
with  two  poles,  and  each  requiring  forty  men  to  bear 

(1)  See  my  essay  on  the  "Ruins  of  American  Civilisation,"  pp.  232-259, 
in  Great  Cities  of  the  Ancient  World,  by  my  friend  the  Rev.  T.  A.  Ruck- 
ley,  B.A. ;  also  Prescott's  Mexico,  vol.  i.  p.  6o  -,  and  Peru,  vol.  i.  pp.  yi-9l. 

(2)  Ava,  vol.  i.  p.  :i92  sq. 

(:<)  Will  no  one  observe  that  "correct  orlliogrraphy"  is  tautology,  and 
"  false  ortl\oj>:rai>hy  "  a  coiitradicUou?  IIow  c:ui  uiir  lanjjuage  be  pure 
under  such  cu'cumstanecs  ? 


I.  :].]  GIFTS  TO  THE  TEMPLES.  69 

them.  They  are  all  richly  gilt  and  carved,  with  a  high 
wooden  canopy  over  them.  In  each  of  those  in  the  temple 
there  was  placed  one  or  more  large  fifjiires  of  Gautama  or 
his  disciples.     The  figures  of  elephants  are  about  a  foot 

and  a  half  high,  stranding  upon  wooden  pedestals 

Why  the   gifts   to  this   temple   in   particular  consist  of 

elephants,  I  was  not  able  to  learn On  the  river 

face  of  this  temple  there  arc  two  large  houses  of  brick 
and  mortar,  of  one  story,  with  flat  stone  roofs,  called 
Taik,  by  the  Burmans,  and  purporting  to  be  in  imitation 
of  European  dwellings.  These  are  also  considered  Za-yats, 
or  caravanseras.  They  are  comfortless  places  as  can  be, 
the  interior  being  so  occupied  with  stone  pillars  that  there 

is  hardly  room  to  move  about The  guardian  Nat 

of  the  temple  now  described,  is  Tha-kya-men,  or,  more 
cori'ectly,  Sa-kya-men,  or  the  lord  Sakya.  He  is,  ac- 
cording to  the  Burmans,  the  second  in  power  of  the  two 
kings  of  the  Nats.  Of  this  personage  there  is,  in  a  small 
temple,  a  standing  figure,  in  white  marble,  not  however 
of  a  very  good  description,  measuring  not  less  than  nine 
feet  eleven  inches  high.  The  statue  seems  to  bo  of  one 
entire  block." 

This  temple  is  named  Aong-mre-lo-ka,  a  title  signifying 
the  "  place  of  victory." — It  was  bmlt  by  King  Men-ta-ra- 
gyi,  in  the  year  1144  of  the  Burman  era,  or  a.d.  1782,  in 
the  second  year  of  his  reign.  He  was  the  fourth  son  of 
the  energetic  Alompra,  the  founder  of  the  dynasty  which 
still  occupies  the  throne.  Alompra  was  succeeded  by  his 
first  and  second  brother,  and  by  his  nephew,  Senku-sa, 
son  of  the  latter.  His  uncle,  however,  conspired  against 
him,  raised  the  son  of  the  elder  brother,  Maong-maong, 
to  the  regal  dignity,  who  had  been  excluded  from  the 
throne,  partly  by  reason  of  the  law  of  succession,  and 
partly  by  the  ambition  of  his  uncle.  In  a  few  days,  how- 
ever, he,  after  drowning  Senku-sa,  and  probably  disposing 
in  a  like  manner  of  Maong-maong,  assumed  the  govern- 
ment, "and,  in  thanks  to  heaven  for  the  success  of  his 
ambitious  schemes,  he  built  this  temple  on  the  spot 
whence  he  had  commenced  his  successfid  agitation.  (1) 

I  shall  have  occasion  hereafter  to  return  to  the  subject 
of  the  Burmese  temples,  in  connection  with  the  Golden 
Uagon  temple  atliangoon;  I  shall,  therefore,  say  no  more 

(I)  I  am  indebted  to  Crawfurd,  vol.  i.  p.  397. 


GO  CAVE   NEAR   PBOME.  [I.  3. 

of  tliem  in  this  place.  Two  cxirious  monuments,  however, 
deserve  mentioning,  as  they  have  evidently  some  connec- 
tion with  the  ancient  religion  of  Burmah.  I  shall  again 
use  the  words  of  an  eye-witness  :(1) — 

"  On  the  summit  of  a  steep  tongue  of  land  I  found  a 
large  circular  opening,  about  fifty  feet  deep,  caused  by  the 
earth  having  given  way ;  there  beiug  no  apparent  reason 
for  this,  unless  an  excavation  existed,  I  immediately  de- 
scended into  the  valley,  in  hopes  of  finding  an  opening  at 
the  side  of  the  hill.  After  a  short  search,  I  discovered 
tliree  small  brick  arches,  about  four  feet  high,  leading 
into  the  hill ;  having  crept  into  one  of  these,  I  perceived, 
by  a  ray  of  light  issuing  from  the  aperture  above,  that 
there  were  several  more  passages  branching  ofi"  from  the 
spot  where  I  remained ;  and  I  therefore  detennined  on  re- 
turning at  some  future  period  with  a  lantern,  to  examine 
the  cavern.  On  subsequently  renewing  my  search,  I 
found  that  after  creeping  along  the  passage  from  the  arch 
for  about  five  yards,  the  communication  entered  a  small 
chamber,  sufficiently  high  to  enable  me  to  stand  erect, 
whence  four  other  passages  led  oflf  in  different  directions ; 
and  it  was  from  one  of  these  having  given  way  that  the 
chasm  had  been  formed  in  the  hill.  As  the  quantity  of 
earth  requisite  to  fill  up  the  passage  could  not  have  caused 
such  a  large  hollow  above,  it  may  be  concluded  that  a 
room  of  considerable  dimensions  must  have  existed  there. 
Notwithstanding  the  annoyance  I  experienced  from 
many  bats,  which  were  constantly  flying  about  my  face 
and  lantern,  and  from  the  heat,  which  was  very  oppres- 
sive, I  proceeded  on  my  hands  and  knees  down  the  other 
passages ;  but,  after  going  a  very  short  distance,  was 
obliged  to  return,  the  earth  having  fallen  and  filled  tip  the 
gaUery  so  very  much,  that  it  did  not  seem  prudent  to 
proceed  further,  particularly  as,  from  the  closeness  of  the 
air,  I  might  have  been  rather  unpleasantly  situated." 

This  same  officer  saw  another  such  structure  on  the 
plain  of  Pagahm,  among  the  ruins  ;  but  finding  that  it  was 
used  as  a  robber's  cavern,  he  did  not  explore  it.  From 
what  he  could  see,  it  was  larger,  and  in  better  repair. 

The  priests  of  Burmah  (2)  are  named  Pongyees,  mean- 
ing "  great  example,"  or  "  great  glory."     The  Pali  name, 

(1)  Two  Years  in  Ava,  pp.  26-2  sqq.  This  most  iiitcrestinp:  work  seems 
fVeer  from  prcjuilicc  tliaii  many  of  its  more  assuming  bretliren. 

(2)  I  am  chiefly  indebted  to  Molconi,  vol.  i.  p.  308  sq. 


I.  3.]  PRIESTS.  61 

"  Ealian,"  or  ''holy  man,"  onco  so  miicli  in  use  among 
them,  is  now  almost  obsolete.  The  office  is  Jiot  hereditary, 
for  the  Burmans  are  unshackled  by  castes ;  and,  indeed,  a 
priest  may  become  a  layman  again,  though  after  re-entering 
society  he  may  not  again  assume  the  sacerdotal  position. 
Thus  the  convenls  of  Burmah  serve  as  a  place  where  an 
education  superior  to  that  usually  obtained  in  the  schools 
may  be  received,  and  the  young  man,  not  being  bound  by 
any  vow,  may  return  to  the  active  scenes  of  life,  and  take 
military  or  pohtieal  rank.  If  the  youth  find  the  peaceful 
pursuits  of  the  convent  more  to  his  taste,  he  can  remain, 
and  become  a  priest.  The  system  of  the  priesthood  is 
not  badly  managed.  The  Burmans  have  no  church-rates, 
and  'pluralism,  not  being  worth  anything,  is,  of  course, 
unknown.  The  priests  have  no  political  influence,  and  are 
only  consulted  on  ecclesiastical  and  literary  matters  ;  they 
live  on  the  charity  of  their  parishioners,  and,  on  the 
whole,  they  do  not  appear  to  be  badly  off". 

The  ritual,  for  which  I  must  refer  the  reader  to  my  fre- 
quently quoted  authority  Sangermano,(l)  is  very  strict  in 
regard  to  priests  ;  that,  however,  is  of  no  consequence, 
for  in  the  foul  and  corrupted  Burmese  empire  all  these 
institutions  have  fallen  into  disrepute.  The  priests  live 
as  those  of  the  convents  of  the  middle  ages  did ;  and  the 
similarity  between  the  Roman  Catholic  and  Buddhist 
ceremonies,  so  amply  proved  by  MM.  Hue  and  Gabet,(2) 
extends  equally  to  the  men. 

Their  dress  is  of  a  yellow  colour,  and  is  formed  by  two 
cloths,  which  are  so  wrapped  around  them  as  to  com- 

?letely  envelop  them  from  the  shoulders  to  the  heels, 
'heir  heads  are  shaved,  and  to  shade  the  bare  poll  from 
the  burning  sun,  they  carry  a  talipot  or  palmyra-leaf  in 
their  hands.  In  M.  Dubois  de  Jancigny's  Indo-Chine, 
and  in  Malcom,  there  are  plates  of  the  dress,  which  convey 
a  very  tolerable  idea  of  the  look  of  a  priest  out  walking. 

The  priesthood  of  Burmah  is  divided  mto  regular 
grades,  like  those  of  Europe.  I  shall  quote  the  summary 
of  Malcom  in  preference  to  any  other.  (3)  "  The  highest 
functionary  is  the  T/ia-thcna-hi/ng\  or  archbishop.  He 
resides  at  Ava,  has  jurisdiction  over  all  the  priests,  and 
apponits  tlie  president  of  every  monastery.  He  stands 
high  at  court,  and  is  considcrea  one  of  the  great  men  of 

(I)  Pages  89-94  J  but  see  also  Malcom,  /.  r. 
(2)  Travels  in  Tartary.  (3)  Malcom,  vol.  i.  p.  315  sq. 


62  CONVENTS   AND   NUNNEEIES.  [I.  3. 

the  kincjdom.  Next  to  him  are  the  Fonghcc'^,  strictly  bo 
called,  one  of  whom  presides  in  each  monastery.  Next 
are  the  Oo-jje-zins,  comprising  those  who  have  passed  the 
noviciate,  sustained  a  regular  examination,  and  chosen  the 
priesthood  for  life.  Of  this  class  are  the  teachers  or  pro- 
fessors in  [the  monasteries.  One  of  them  is  generally 
vice-president,  and  is  most  likely  to  succeed  to  the  head- 
ship on  the  demise  of  the  Toncjyee.  Both  these  orders 
are  sometimes  called  Rahaiis,  or  Yahans.  They  are  con- 
sidered to  understand  religion  so  Trell  as  to  think  for 
themselves,  and  expound  the  law  out  of  their  own  hearts, 
without  being  obliged  to  follow  what  they  have  read  in 
books.  Next  are  the  Ko-yen-ga-lay,  who  have  retired 
from  the  world,  and  wear  the  yellow  cloth,  but  are  not  all 
seeking  to  pass  the  examination,  and  become  Oo-pe-zins. 
They  have  entered  for  an  education,  or  a  liveUhood,  or  to 
gain  a  divorce,  or  for  various  objects  ;  and  many  of  such 
return  annually  to  secular  hfe.  Many  of  this  class  remain 
for  life  without  rising  a  grade.  Those  who  remain  five  years 
honourably  are  called  Tay,  i.e.  simply,  priests ;  and  those 
who  remain  twenty,  are  Maha  Tay,  great  or  aged  priests. 
They  might  have  become  Ponghees  at  any  stage  of  this 
period  if  their  talents  and  acquirements  had  amounted  to 
the  required  standard.  By  courtesy,  all  who  wear  the 
yellow  cloth  arc  called  Ponghees." 

In  some  parts  of  Burmah  there  are  also  nunneries, 
though  the  Bedagat  neither  authorizes  nor  requires  them  ; 
indeed,  manifestoes  have  been  issued  by  several  of  the 
kings  of  Ava  to  prevent  women  under  a  certain  age  from 
entering  these  institutions. (1)  On  the  subject  of  the 
khyoums,  however,  I  cannot  do  better  than  refer  to  the 
works  of  MM.  Hue  and  Gabet,  Mr.  Priuscp,  and  others. 

The  most  interesting  and  most  characteristic  ceremony 
of  these  Burmese  is  the  funeral  of  a  priest,  as  it  contains 
a  mixture  of  solemnity  and  absurdity  rarely  to  be  met 
witli  anywhere.     I  shall  proceed,  tlierefore,  to  describe  it. 

When  a  Bunnan  priest  dies,  his  body  is  embalmed. 
The  process  of  embalming  is  conducted  in  the  follo^wing 
manner.  The  body  is  opened,  the  intestines  taken  out, 
and  the  spaces  filled  with  various  descriptions  of  spices, 
the  orifice  being  closed  up  again,  and  sewed  together. 
After  this  the  whole  body  is  covered  by  a  layer  of  wax,  to 

(!)  Encyclopaedia  Mctropolitaiia,  s.v.  Budclliisra,  p.  6l. 


I.  3.]  FUNERAL   OF   A   PRIEST.  03 

prevent  tlio  air  from  injuring  it ;  over  tlic  wax  is  placed  a 
layer  of  lac,  toiijetlier  with  some  bituminous  compound, 
and  tlic  whole  is  covered  with  leaf  j?old.  The  ceremony 
somewhat  reminds  one  of  the  description  jriven  by  Herodo- 
tus of  ancient  Egyptian  embalming.  (1)  The  arms  are  laid 
across  the  breast  of  the  body.  The  preparation  of  the 
body  takes  place  at  the  house. (2) 

About  a  year  afterward  the  body  is  removed  to  a  house 
built  expressly  for  such  purposes,  where  it  is  kept  until 
the  other  priests  order  it  to  be  burnt.  In  this  house  the 
body  is  disposed  upon  a  raised  stage  of  bamboo  and  wood, 
and  the  house  itself  is  ornamented  with  paper  and  leaf 
gold.  By  the  stage,  the  cofBn,  overlaid  with  gold  and 
painted  with  figures  of  death  in  various  ways,  was  placed. 
In  the  courtyard  of  the  house  two  four-wheel  carriages 
await  the  time  fixed  for  the  burning,  one  being  intended 
for  the  coffin,  the  other  for  the  stage,  with  its  apparatus. 
The  carriage  on  which  the  coi-pse  is  placed  has  another 
stage  built  upon  it,  similar  to  the  one  in  the  house,  with 
the  difference  of  its  being  larger,  and  fixed  upon  an 
elephant  in  a  kneeling  posture. 

The  people  of  the  place  have  to  prepare  rockets  and 
other  fireworks,  as  well  as  images  of  animals  to  which  the 
rockets  are  fixed.  The  images  are  then  drawn  through 
the  streets  and  round  the  town  ;  all  the  citizens,  when  the 
ceremonies  are  strictly  observed,  being  compelled  to 
assist.  The  procession  opens  with  some  fiags  ;  then  a 
number  of  dancing  girls  and  boys  follow ;  after  this  llic 
carriages  with  the  figures,  drawn  by  boys  and  bullocks  ; 
and  on  the  occasion  which  Mr.  Carey  describes,  there  fol- 
lowed, by  tlie  express  command  of  the  governor,  a  quan- 
tity of  young  women  "  dancing  and  singing,  with  an 
older  woman  between  each  row  to  keep  them  in  order." 
Then  came  the  principal  persons  of  the  place  under 
umbrellas,  a  sign  of  rank,  as  in  ancient  Nineveh,  and  all 
modem  Asiatic  countries.  Lastly,  the  procession  was 
closed  by  men,  dancing  and  singing  in  like  manner. 

The  images  on  the  carriages  are  usually  very  large, 
much  larger  than  life,  and  represented  buffaloes,  ele- 
pliants,  horses,  and  men.  Each  street  attends  its  oun 
carriage  in  the  procession. 

(0  Lib.  ii.  cr.  s6-!)n. 

(2)  I  ain  indebted  to  an  account  by  Mr.  Caicy  in  Asiatic  Researches, 
vol.  xvi.  p.  186  sq. 


64  ANTIQUITY  OF  THE  BUDDHIST  EELIGION.         [I.  3. 

The  followinf^  day  the  townspeople  are  divided  into  two 
parties,  and  strange  indeed  must  be  the  sight  of  the  mul- 
titude. The  carriage  containing  the  corpse  has  four  large 
cables  attached  to  it,  and  tlie  two  parties  of  the  towns- 
people pull  against  one  another,  and  strive  to  draw  away 
the  carriage  and  its  contents.  This  contest  is  continued 
till  superior  strength  puts  an  end  to  it,  or  till  the  cable 
breaks,  and  the  losing  party  tumble  head  over  heels. 

The  third  day  is  spent  in  discharging  the  rockets.  The 
figures  were  fixed  on  carriages,  and  the  rocks  were  fas- 
tened to  strong  ropes  by  rattan  loops,  in  such  a  manner 
that  being  passed  between  the  legs  of  the  animals,  "  so 
that  when  discharged,  they,  slidiug  on  the  ropes,  ran 
along  the  ground."  In  the  evening  there  is  another 
grand  display  of  fireworks. 

The  next  day  the  corpse  is  burnt  in  a  temporary  house 
by  small  rockets,  which,  sliding  down  on  to  the  coffins 
along  ropes  in  rings  of  rattan,  set  the  coffin  on  fire. 
Sometimes,  as  we  are.  informed  by  Crawfui'd,  (1)  the  body 
is  blown  from  a  cannon  to  convey  it  more  quickly  to 
heaven  ! 

"Wliat  can  be  said  of  such  puerility  and  solemnity 
joined  together  ?  How  melancholy  is  the  aspect  of  such 
things,  and  what  can  we  think  of  the  moral  or  religious 
condition  of  a  nation  who  made  such  seeming  fun  (for 
under  what  other  term  can  a  large  portion  of  the  cere- 
mony be  comprehended?)  of  the  solemnest  moment  of 
existence,  and  that,  too,  in  the  burial  of  a  minister  of  that 
God  to  whom,  in  humility  and  reverence,  they  Hfted  up 
their  hearts  in  prayer.  Very  often,  however,  the  most 
solemn  and  the  most  trivial  are  mingled  in  very  remark- 
able proportions.  We  have  one  example  of  that,  at 
least,  in  religion,  nearer  home. 

The  Buddhist  religion  is  remarkable  in  many  points, 
but  decidedly  the  most  curious  circumstance  connected 
with  it,  is  the  vast  numbers  of  believers  which  own  its 
intlucncc.  That  the  religion  is  ancient,  perhaps  more 
ancient  than  any  other  "form  of  eastern  worship,  except 
Brahmanism,  can  scarcely  be  doubted;  but  that  it  extended 
so  far  over  the  earth  as  some  would  have  us  believe,  is 
scarcely  credible.  Kcuben  Burrow,  a  long  time  ago, 
called  Stonehenge  'a  Buddhist  temple ;  and  since  then  the 

(1)  Ava,  vol.  ii.  p.  V27. 


I.  3.]  rEINCIPLES   OF  BUDDHISM.  65 

notion  has  been  revived  by  Iliggins  iu  liis  Celtic  Diniids, 
as  well  as  in  another  work.  (1) 

Mr.  Poeoeke,  too,  the  author  of  India  in  Greece, 
would  persuade  us  that  the  early  Greeks  were  Buddliists, 
and  that  Pythagoras,  correctly  written  (according  to  him) 
13uddha-gooroos  (Buddha's  spiritual  teacher),  was  a  Bud- 
dhist missionary  ! 

However,  let  the  religion  be  ancient  or  modern,  in  prin- 
ciple it  is  one  of  the  best  that  man  ever  made  for  man. 
Mr.  Malcom,  from  whom  as  a  missionary  one  would  of 
course  expect  rabid  intolerance,  bears  testimony  to  this  : — 
**  There  is  scarcely  a  principle,  or  precept,  in  the  Bedagat, 
which  is  not  found  in  the  Bible.  Did  the  people  but  act 
up  to  its  principles  of  peace  and  love,  oppression  and 
injury  would  be  known  no  more  within  their  borders.  Its 
deeds  of  merit  are  in  all  cases  either  really  beneficial  to 
mankind,  or  harmless.  It  has  no  mythology  of  obscene 
and  ferocious  deities  ;  no  sanguinary  or  impure  obser- 
vances ;  no  self-inflicted  tortures ;  no  tyrannizing  priest- 
hood ;  no  confounding  of  right  and  wrong,  by  making 
certain  iniquities  laudable  in  worsliip.  In  its  moral  code, 
its  descriptions  of  the  purity  and  peace  of  the  first  ages, 
of  the  shortening  of  man's  life  because  of  its  sins,  &c.,  it 
seems  to  have  followed  genuine  traditions.  In  almost 
every  respect  it  seems  to  be  the  best  rehgion  which  man 
has  ever  invented."  (2) 

It  is  true  there  is  another  side  to  the  picture  ;  but  why 
should  we  turn  the  face  to  tlie  wall,  and  expose  the  tat- 
tered back  ?  Let  us  leave  it  as  it  is,  but  let  us  recollect  that 
the  ill  side  is  there,  and  make  the  recollection  atone  for 
many  faidts  in  the  character  of  the  worshippers  of 
Buddha. 

(1)  The  Anacalypsis,  vol.  i.  p.  93.  I  may  here  take  occasion  to  remark, 
that  the  author  ot  India  in  Greece,  Mr.  Pococke,  to  whose  enthusiastic 
labours  I  would  do  all  the  justice  iu  my  power,  has  not,  in  any  i)art  of  that 
work,  acknowledi^ed  the  manifold  obligations  under  which  he  lies  to  the 
author  of  the  Anacalypsis.  I  make  this  remark  more  h\  self-defence  than 
otherwise,  for,  upon  my  attention  havinjc  been  lately  turned  to  Godfrey 
Hil^rt^ns's  work,  I  there  found  my  own  theory  of  the  population  of 
America  anticipated,  though  not  worked  out  in  the  mamicr  it  mipht  be 
done.  1  must  own  this,  as  I  am  anxious  to  avoid  the  imputation  of 
pldpiarism.  However,  I  find  myself  amply  corroborated  in  some  of  my 
own  researches  ;  but  tlie  writer's  whole  feelings  merge  into  a  love  of  every 
kind  of  mystical  foolery  that  man  has  ever  imagined. 

(,2)  Malcom,  vol.  i.  p.  321  sq. 


CHAPTER    IV. 


Langriiage — Literature — Manuscripts — The  Aporazabon  —  Superstitions — 
Divination — The  Deitton — Astronomy — Division  of  time. 

Of  a  literature  and  language  so  little  known  as  tliat  of 
Bui-mali,  a  notice,  of  course,  can  but  be  brief.  The  few 
particulars  with,  which  we  are  acquainted,  I  will,  however, 
oflfer  to  the  reader. 

The  sacred  books  are  in  a  language  usually  called 
Pah,  which  denomination,  Mr.  Wilson  contends,  should 
only  be  apphed  to  the  character.  He  proposes  that  the 
name  of  the  language  should  be  Magadeh  or  Puncrit, 
corresponding  to  the  terms  Magari  and  Sanscrit.  He 
informs  us,  also,  that  the  language  differs  from  Sanscrit  in 
enunciation  only,  ,  being  softer,  and  liquifying  all  the 
harsh  sounds.  (1)  With  this  language  we  have  but  little 
to  do,  as  it  is  only  the  language  of  the  priests,  and  not 
that  of  the  whole  population.  A  grammar  of  the  Pali  has 
been  published  at  Colombo,  with  a  vocabulary  attached. (2) 

The  Burman  language  is  very  different  from  the  other 
Oriental  languages.  The  character  is  very  simple,  and 
easily  written.  The  vowels  are  eleven,  and  the  con- 
sonants thirty-three,  but  the  combinations  are  excessively 
numerous.  All  pure  Burman  words  are  monosj'llabic,  so 
pointing  to  a  similar  fountain-head  as  the  Chinese ;  in 
process  of  time,  however,  polysyllables,  derived  from  the 
JPali,  have  crept  in,  and  given  a  somewhat  different  com- 
plexion to  the  language.  Like  some  other  languages,  the 
number,  person,  mood,  and  tense,  are  formed  by  suffixes,  a 
system  of  grammar  much  simpler  than  the  difficult  in- 
flected languages.  But  the  great  difficulty  is  in  the  number 
of  verbs,  signifying  the  same  thing  with  a  very  slight  dif- 
ference.   Malcom  well  instances  the  verb  to  wash  :  "  One 

(1)  My  immediate  authority  is  Malcom.  vol.  i.  p.  278. 

(2)  Pali  Granmiar,  with  a  copious  vocabulary  in  the  same  lang:uage.  By 
the  Rev.  B.  Clough,  8vo.  Colombo.  1824. 


1.4]  BURMESE   LITERATURE.  67 

is  used  for  wasliiniT  the  face,  anotlier  for  wasliinpj  tlie 
hands,  another  for  washing  Hnen  in  mere  water,  another 
for  washing  it  with  soap,  another  for  washing  dishes, 
&c."  (1)  The  national  Mavor  is  the  "  Them-bong-gyee," 
a  very  ancient  and  complete  work.  The  books  publislied 
by  iSuropeans  on  the  subject  are,  a  Dictionary  of  the 
Burman  Language,  with  explanations  in  English ;  com- 
piled from  the  MSS.  of  A.  Judson,  &c.  8vo.  Calcutta,  1826. 
Carey's  Burman  Grammar ;  Serampore,  1815.  Laner's 
Burmese  Dictionary;  Calcutta,  1841.  Latter's  Burman 
Grammar. 

"  The  rudiments  of  education,"  observes  Malcom,(2) 
"are  widely  diffused :  and  most  men,  even  common  la- 
bourers, learn  to  wi'ite  and  read  a  little.  But  few  go 
beyond  these  attainments."  What  a  different  picture 
does  this  present  to  the  assertions  of  Lieutenant-Colonel 
Symes,  who  exalts  tlie  Burmans  to  such  a  pitch  of  mental 
cultivation.  This  is,  however,  in  no  slight  degree  owing 
to  the  character  of  their  literature,  which,  however  inte- 
resting to  the  observer  of  the  rise  of  human  civilisation, 
has  nothing  in  it  of  permanent  value  to  the  people,  as  the 
account  which  I  shall  give  of  the  Museum  collection  will 
amply  show.  I  do  not  mean  to  say  that  they  have  not 
treatises  on  many  subjects  of  science,  and  many  interest- 
ing histories  ;  but  their  books,  for  the  most  part,  consist  of 
bsdlads,ilegends  of  Gaudama,  astrology,  and  cosmography; 
an  idea  of  the  value  of  which  has  already  been  given. 

The  MSS.  in  the  British  Museum  of  which  I  shall  first 
give  an  account,  form  the  Tytler  Collection,  as  it  may  be 
called,  nmning  from  No.  10,548  to  No.  10,572  of  the 
Additional  MSS.,  and  was  presented  to  the  library  by  John 
Tytler,  Esq.,  on  the  9th  July,  1836.  Unfortmiately,  tlie 
Museum  authorities  are  not  acquainted  with  the  contents 
of  them  ;  for  which  reasons  the  reader  must  be  contented 
with  the  meagre  account  I  can  offer.  The  MSS.,  of  which 
we  have  a  magnificent  collection  in  the  British  Museum,  are 
written  upon  palm-leaves  of  fifteen  to  eighteen  inches  in 
length.  The  wTiting  upon  them  looks  more  like  a  series 
of  scratches  with  a  fine-pointed  instrument  than  anytliing 
else.  They  are  written  upon  both  sides,  and  two  spaces 
are  left,  in  order  to  admit  of  strings  being  passed  through 
the  volume  to  keep  the  leaves  together.     These  strings 

(1)  Malcom,  vol.  i.  p.  277.  (2)  Vol.  i.  p.  277- 

F   2 


68  MANCSCKTPTS.  [1.4. 

fasten  witli  "svooden  tags.  Occasionally  a  large  space  is 
left  unwritten  upon,  and  a  third  of  the  leaf  is  only  used. 
The  book,  when  closed  and  fastened  with  tags,  presents  a 
singular  appearance.  Ii  is  outwardly  divided  into  three 
divisions,  of  which  the  two  outside  are  gilt,  and  the  middle 
painted  with  a  ghstening,  Hary  red.  A  pattern  ruus 
along  the  edge  of  the  red  portion.  No.  10,548  contains,  as 
nearly  as  I  can  judge,  three  hundred  and  twelve  such  leaves, 
forming  a  volume  of  about  ten  inches  in  thickness.  The 
Museum  carefully  preserve  these  MSS.  in  a  cardboard 
case,  which  prevents  their  being  spoiled  by  dust  and  dirt. 
No.  10,550,  a  very  thin  MS.,  consisting  of  but  eleven 
leaves,  appears  to  contain  astrological  calculations.  It  is 
not  nearly  in  such  good  preservation  as  the  large  one. 

The  instrument  used  in  writing  upon  these  MSS.  is 
sometimes  (as  one  of  those  in  the  British  Museum,  ^i'^- 
sented  by  John  Barlow  Hay,  Esq.,  in  1839)  of  brass,  and 
is  eighteen  inches  in  length ;  it  has  a  decorated  top,  and  a 
very  sharp  point.  The  ink-pot  used  would  appear  to  be 
somewhat  deep,  as  the  sii/his  is  covered  with  ink  for  two 
or  three  inches. 

In  one  of  the  cases  there  are  several  gorgeous  MSS., 
one  written  on  five  palm-leaves  of  about  the  usual  length, 
in  the  Bui'mese  character  (which  differs  some\\  hat  from 
the  Pali).  It  is  written  on  a  gold  ground,  and  is  adorned ( ? ) 
with  figures  of  Gaudama.  The  covers  are  of  wood,  and 
are  ornamented.  This  MS.  contains  the  fii'st  book  of  the 
Kammavaca. 

The  second  is  on  a  silver  ground,  in  the  Burmese  cha- 
racter, on  palm-leaves,  and]  was  presented  in  1771  by 
Mrs.  Mead.  There  is  another  MS.,  in  the  same  case,  of 
the  Kammavaca,  the  first  and  the  fourth  books.  It  is 
profusely  gUded.  The  character  is  the  square  Pali.  The 
,  Kammavaca  is  one  of  the  most  esteemed  rituals  of  the 
Buddhist  priesthood. 

The  other  manuscripts  are  not  so  fine  as  those  I  have 
mentioned,  and  present  similar  characteristics  to  the  infe- 
rior sort  that  I  have  described  above.  It  is  much  to  be 
regretted  that  we  have  scarcely  an  Orientalist  in  England 
who  can  unfold  to  us  the  meaning  of  these  MSS.  Never, 
in  any  institution,  was  a  richer  bait  held  out  to  the  scholar 
than  at  the  Musemu  at  the  present  time,  and  yet  there 
are  but  one  or  two  gentlemen  capable  of  instructing  us 
upon  this  interesting  and  important  point.     The  Museum 


I.  1-.]  BURMESE   RITUALS.  G9 

authorities  tlioniselvos  rocjrot,  "svitli  tlic  rest  of  srliolavdom, 
that  so  lav^e  a  ])ortion  of  their  Oriental  collection  is  still 
a  dead  letter  to  them.  If  the  present  war  be  produetive 
of  no  better  result,  let  us  hope  that  it  will  cause  some  one 
able  to  translate  and  comment  on  these  MSS.  to  turn  his 
attention  to  this  subject,  and  give  his  researches  to  an 
expectant  world. (1) 

It  may  not  be  uninteresting  to  append  a  portion  of  a  list, 
kindly  placed  at  my  disposal  by  Sir  Frederick  Madden,  of 
some  of  the  ascertained  ]3urmese  Buddhistic  MSS.,  among 
tlie  Additional  MSS. in  the  British  Museum.  'No.  18,753:  A 
Burmese  MS.  containing  the  Sut  Silakkham,  a  part  of  the 
second  division,  or  Sutrapituka,  of  the  Buddhistic  Scrip- 
tures, translated  from  the  Pali.  No.  15,240.  Burmese 
translation  of  a  portion  of  the  Kammavaca,  or  Kamma- 
vjicha.  This  was  presented  by  the  earl  of  Enniskillen  on 
the  10th  July,  1844',  and  is  written  in  dark  browa 
letters,  on  an  ivory  plate  about  fifteen  inches  in  length. 
No,  17,945  :  The  Tika  Kavisara  Nissaza,  a  Burmese  trans- 
lation of  a  Pali  commentary  on  a  Buddhistic  work  called 
Kavi-Sara,  or  the  Essence  of  the  Poets.  No.  17,700  : 
Part  of  a  Burmese  translation  of  a  Buddhistic  legend. 
This  MS.  is  bound  in  wood,  profusely  gilt.  No.  17,099  : 
A  religious  treatise  in  Burmese,  on  the  dilTereut  sorts  of 
punishment  in  this  life. 

••  The  original,"  observes  Buchanan, (2)  "  of  most  of  the 
Burma  books  on  law  and  religion  is  in  the  Pali,  or  Pale 
language,  which,  undoubtedly,  is  radically  the  same  with 
the  Sanscrit.  I  was  assured  at  Amarapura  that  the  Pali 
of  Siam  and  Pegu  differed  considerably  from  that  of  the 
Burnias  ;  and  an  intelligent  native  of  Tavay,  who  had 
been  at  Cingala,  or  Candy,  the  present  capital  of  Ceylon, 
and  at  the  ruins  of  Anuradapura,  the  former  capital, 
assured  me  that  the  Pali  of  that  island  was  considerably 
different  from  that  of  Ava. 

I  "In  many  inscriptions,  and  in  books  of  ceremony,  such 
as  the  Kammua,  the  Pali  language  is  written  in  a  square 
character,  somewhat  resembling  the  Bengal  Sanscrit,  and 
called  Magata.  Of  this  a  specimen  may  be  seen  in  the 
description  of  the  Borgian  Museum  by  Paulinus.  ('-))    But 

(1)  I  must  not  in  this  place  forpct  to  thank  the  gentlemen  at  the  Museum 
for  the  ai'l  tliey  so  courteously  and  willinjjly  gave  me  in  my  examination 
of  their  Burmese  MSS. 

(2)  Asiatic  Researches,  vol,  vii.  p.  305  sq.  (3)  Page  15. 


70  MANNER   OF   WRITING.  [1.4. 

in  general  it  is  written  in  a  round  character,  nearly  re- 
sembling the  Burmah  letters.  Of  this  kind  is  the  speci- 
men given  by  the  accurate  M.  De  la  Loubere,  and  which 
some  persons  have  rashly  conceived  to  be  the  Burmah. 
There  is  no  doubt,  however,  that  all  the  different  cha- 
racters of  India,  both  on  the  west  and  on  the  east  of  the 
Ganges,  have  been  derived  from  a  common  source  ;  and 
the  Burmah  writing  on  the  whole  appears  to  be  the  most 
distinct  and  beautiful. 

"  In  their  more  elegant  books  the  Burmas  write  on 
sheets  of  ivory,  or  on  very  fine  white  palmira  leaves.  The 
ivory  is  stained  black,  and  the  margins  are  ornamented 
with  gilding,  while  the  characters  are  enamelled  or  gilded. 
On  the  palmira  leaves  the  characters  are  in  general  of 
black  enamel,  and  the  ends  of  the  leaves  and  margins  are 
painted  with  flowers  in  various  bright  colours.  In  their 
more  common  books,  the  Burmas,  with  an  iron  style, 
engrave  their  writings  on  palmira  leaves.  A  hole  through 
both  ends  of  each  leaf,  serves  to  connect  the  whole  into  a 
voliune  by  means  of  two  strings,  which  also  pass  through 
the  two  wooden  boards  that  serve  for  binding.  In  the 
finer  binding  of  these  kind  of  k^books  the  boards  are 
lacquered,  the  edges  of  the  leaves  cut  smooth  and  gilded, 
and  the  title  is  written  on  the  upper  board ;  the  two 
cords  are,  by  a  knot  or  jewel,  secured  at  a  little  distance 
from  the  boards,  so  as  to  prevent  the  book  from  ialling  to 
pieces,  but  sufficiently  distant  to  admit  of  the  upper 
leaves  being  turned  back,  while  the  lower  ones  are  read. 
The  more  elegant  books  are  in  general  ^vrapped  up  in  silk 
cloth,  and  bound  round  by  a  garter,  in  which  the  Bur- 
mas have  the  art  to  weave  the  title  of  the  book." 

Like  the  ancients,  almost  every  Burman  "  carries  with 
him  a  paraivaik,  (1)  in  which  he  keeps  his  accounts, 
copies  songs  till  he  can  repeat  them  from  memory,  and 
takes  memorandums  of  anything  curious.  It  is  on  these 
l^arawaiks  that  the  zares  or  writers,  in  all  courts  and 
public  offices,  take  down  the  proceedings  and  orders  of 
the  superior  officers,  from  thence  copying  such  parts  as 
are  necessary  into  books  of  a  more  durable  and  elegant 
nature.  The  parawaik  is  made  of  one  sheet  of  thick  and 
strong  paper  blackened  over.  A  good  one  may  be  about 
eight  feet  long  and  eighteen  inches  wide.     It  is  folded 

(1)  I  (lu  nut  know  but  that  this  ought  to  be  written  parueek,— Buchanan. 


I.  4.]  SPECIMENS    OF    BURMESE    WOEKS.  71 

up  somewhat  like  a  fan,  each  fold  or  page  being 
about  six  inches,  and  in  length  the  whole  breadth 
of  the  sheets.  Thence,  wherever  the  book  is  opened, 
whichever  side  is  uppermost,  no  part  of  it  can  be  nibbed 
but  the  two  outer  pages,  and  it  only  occupies  a  table 
one  foot  in  width  by  eighteen  inches  long.    The  Burmas 

wrrite  on  the  paraioaih  with  a  pencil  of  steatites 

When  that  which  has  been  written  on  a  parmoaik  be- 
comes no  longer  useful,  the  pages  are  rubbed  over  with 
charcoal  and  the  leaves  of  a  species  of  dolichos  ;  they  are 
then  clean  as  if  new,  and  equally  fit  for  the  pencil."  (1) 

It  will  not  be  amiss  to  pursue  the  usual  plan  that  I 
have  proposed  to  myself,  and  in  every  practicable  case  to 
illustrate  the  literature  of  a  nation  by  extracts  from  some 
one  of  its  approved  works.  Fortunately,  the  missionary 
Sangermano  has  supphed  me  with  the  means  of  doing  so, 
which  would  otherwise  have  failed.  I  cannot  do  better, 
therefore,  than  quote  from  that  ^vriter  his  account  and 
extracts  from  one  of  their  volumes.  It  will,  I  suppose, 
furnish  as  fair  a  specimen  of  their  literature  as  any  which 
can  be  offered. 

"  Among  these  books,"  says  Sangermano,  "  the  one 
called  Aporazabon  deserves  to  be  placed  the  first ;  it  is  a 
species  of  romance,  in  which  the  principal  character  is 
Aporaza,  an  old  minister,  to  whom  the  emperor,  and 
several  mandarins,  put  a  number  of  questions  on  the 
science  of  government.  To  give  my  readers  some  idea  of 
this  work,  I  will  here  translate  some  extracts.  (2) 

"  One  day  the  emperor  asked  Aporaza  what  he  meant 
to  do  to  render  his  kingdom  flourishing  and  populous  ; 
the  old  minister  replied,  that,  in  the  first  place,  he  must 
have  the  success  of  all  his  subjects  in  their  affairs  at 
heart,  as  much  as  if  they  were  his  own.  2.  He  should 
diminish  the  taxes  and  ciochi.  3.  In  putting  on  imposts  he 
should  have  regard  to  the  means  of  his  subjects.  4.  He 
must  be  liberal.  5.  He  must  frequently  inquire  into  the 
affairs  of  his  kinn^dom,  and  make  himself  fully  acquainted 
with  them.  6.  He  must  love  and  esteem  nis  good  and 
faithful  servants.  7.  Finally,  he  should  show  courtesy  and 
affability,  both  in  his  manners  and  words,  to  all  persons. 
He  ought,  moreover,  to  take  measures  that  the  population 
of  his  kingdom  is  augmented,  and  that  his  government 

(1)  Huchauan,  iii  Asiatic  Researches,  vol.  vi.  p.  307- 

(2)  Description,  p.  141  et  sqq. 


72  THE   APOBAZABON.  [1.4. 

acquire  honour  and  respect  among  foreign  nations ;  he 
should  not  molest  the  rich,  but,  on  the  contrary,  should 
encourage  their  industry-  and  promote  their  interests  ;  he 
should  show  a  proper  regard  to  his  generals  and  minis- 
ters, who  govern  in  the  name  of  the  emperor,  for  it  is  not 
seemly  that  they  should  be  publiclj'  disregarded  and  ill- 
treated  ;  he  shoidd  not  despise  prudent  and  careful  men  ; 
and,  finally,  he  should  be  just  and  moderate  in  exacting 
tributes,  and  should  always  proportion  them  to  the  pro- 
ducts of  agriculture  and  commerce.  As  a  confirmation  of 
this  precept,  he  refers  to  the  fruits  of  the  earth,  when 
eaten  before  they  are  ripe.  '  You  see,'  he  says,  '  that  the 
fruits  which  are  gathered  ripe  from  the  tree,  are  well- 
flavoured  and  pleasant  to  the  taste ;  but  when  they  are 
plucked  before  they  have  ripened,  they  are  insipid,  and 
sour,  and  bitter.  Rice  that  is  taken  at  its  proper  season 
is  excellent  food,  but  if  it  is  collected  before  its  time,  it  is 
devoid  of  substance  and  nutriment.'  He  then  advises 
the  emperor  not  to  shut  up  his  kingdom  ;  that  is  to  say, 
that  he  ought  to  allow  all  foreign  merchants  a  free 
entrance,   to    encourage    their   commerce,   and   make  it 

flourish Another    time,   when  two  petty  kings 

had  declared  war  against  each  other,  they  both  had 
recourse  to  the  Burmese  monarch  for  assistance.  Accord- 
ing to  his  custom,  the  emperor  sent  for  Aporaza,  who 
spoke  thus  on  the  occasion : — '  It  once  happened  that  two 
cocks  of  equal  strength  began  fighting  in  the  presence  of 
a  countryman ;  after  continuing  their  combat  for  some 
time,  they  were  so  overcome  by  their  exertions,  that  they 
were  unable  to  do  anything  more,  when  the  coj.mtryman 
sprang  upon  tliem,  and  made  himself  master  of  them 
])otli.  Thus  ought  you,  O  king !  to  do  at  present.  Let 
these  two  princes  fight  with  each  other  till  you  see  that 
their  resources  are  exhausted,  and  then,  pouncing  upon 
them,  seize  upon  their  teri'itories  for  yourself.' 

"A  man  of  mean  extraction  was  raised  by  the  elTorts  of 
an  old  mandarin  to  the  throne.  But  the  mandarin  after- 
wards became  overbearing,  and  even  tried  to  be  in  some 
measure  the  master  of  the  emperor.  The  latter  bore  all 
this  for  some  time,  but  at  length,  growing  wear}-  of  this 
insolence,  he  determined  to  rid  himself  of  his  importunate 
minister.  AVherefore,  one  da}^  that  he  was  surrounded 
by  a  number  of  his  mandarins,  among  whom  was  the  one 
who  had  raised  him  to  the  throne,  he  directed  liis  dis- 


I.  4.]  ASTROLOOICAL   SCIENCE.  73 

course  to  him,  and  asked  him  •what  they  do  •wllli  tlio  zen, 
%\  hich  are  erected  round  the  pagodas,  after  tlie  gilding 
and  painting  are  finished,  for  which  they  were  raised  ;  for 
the  zen  is  a  scaflblding  of  bamboo,  or  thick  cane,  serving 
to  support  tlie  gilders  and  painters  of  the  pagodas.  *  They 
are  taken  down  and  carried  away,'  repHed  the  old  man- 
darin, '  that  tliey  may  not  obstruct  the  view  of  the 
pagoda,  or  spoil  its  beauty.' 

"  'Just  so,'  replied  the  monarch,  '  I  have  made  use  of 
you  to  ascend  the  throne,  as  the  gilders  and  painters 
make  use  of  the  zen  ;  but  now  that  I  am  firmly  seated  in 
it,  and  am  obeyed  as  emperor  by  all,  and  respected  by 
all,  you  are  become  useless  to  me,  or  rather  your  presence 
only  disturbs  my  peace.'  He  then  drove  him  from  his 
palace,  and  sent  him  in  banishment  to  a  village.  One 
da3^  while  this  mandarin  was  yet  in  banishment,  a  dread- 
ful tempest  arose ;  in  the  course  of  which,  looking  out 
into  the  country,  he  observed  that  the  great  trees,  which 
resisted  the  force  of  the  wind,  were  not  bent,  but  broken 
or  torn  up  by  its  fury ;  while  the  grass  and  the  canes, 
yielding  before  the  blast,  returned  to  their  original  posi- 
tion the  moment  it  was  gone  by.  '  Oh,'  said  the  man- 
darin, within  himself,  '  if  I  had  followed  the  example  of 
these  canes  and  this  grass,  I  should  not  now  be  in  so 
miserable  a  condition.'  " 

Among  a  semi-civihsed  people  (and  look  on  them  as  we 
may,  the  Burmans  are  no  more),  superstition  ever  has  a 
powerful,  almost  unassailable  hold  upon  the  public  mind. 
The  vague  dread  of  future  existence,  the  indefinable  curi- 
osity which  tempts  man  to  search,  by  his  own  endeavours, 
for  the  ultimate  end  of  all  his  strivings  on  earth,  is  to  be 
found  more  closely  allied  to  a  feeling  of  scientific  appre- 
ciation among  such  a  people  than  anywhere  else.  The 
imperfect  comprehension  of  what  is  passing  around,  leads 
the  untutored  mind  ever  to  trench  on  the  supernatural 
world,  of  the  existence  of  which  he  has  an  innate  percep- 
tion. But  having  no  clear  knowledge,  unable  perhaps  to 
express  his  forebodings  in  a  distinct  and  comprehensible 
manner,  he  runs  to  the  priest,  or  the  learned  man,  and, 
expecting  a  knowledge  of  futurity  to  be  part  of  his 
learning,  asks  what  the  fate  may  be  to  which  he  is 
destined.  The  wise  man,  anxious  to  keep  up  a  reimtatiou 
for  superior  knowledge,  invents  something  from  the  cir- 
cumstances in  which  he  knows  the  person  to  be  placed. 


74  DIVINATION   AND   CHAEMS.  [1.4. 

Subsequently  he  systematizes  and  arranges  these  notions, 
connecting  them  with  the  stars,  those  high  and  -wonderful 
lights  that  unceasingly  pass  on  in  an  ever-determined 
cycle  above  our  heads.  Such  would  seem  to  have  been 
the  origin  of  astrology. 

Divination  is  universally  credited  by  the  Burmese,  and 
Dr.  Buchanan's  picture,  so  melancholy  as  showing  to  what 
extent  priestcraft  obtained  among  them  in  his  time  (and 
it  is  probably  not  much  decreased  in  their  estimation 
now),  is  too  interesting  to  be  omitted  in  this  place  : — 

"  No  person  will  commence  the  building  of  a  house,  a 
journey,  or  the  most  trifling  imdertaking,  without  con- 
sulting some  man  of  skill  to  find  a  fortunate  day  or  hour. 
Friday  is  a  most  unlucky  day,  on  which  no  business  must 
be  commenced.  I  saw  several  men  of  some  rank,  who  had 
got  from  the  kin^  small  boxes  of  thcriac,  or  something 
like  it,  and  which  they  pretended  would  render  them 
invulnerable.  I  was  often  asked  for  medicines  that  would 
render  the  body  impenetrable  to  a  sword  or  musket-ball, 
and  on  answering  that  I  knew  of  none  such,  my  medical 
skill  was  held  in  very  low  estimation.  Indeed,  every 
Burman  doctor  has  at  the  end  of  his  book  some  charms, 
and  what  are  called  magical  squares  of  figures,  which  he 
copies,  and  gives  to  be  worn  by  Ins  patients.  And  although 
these  squares  are  all  of  uneven  numbers,  and  consequently 
of  the  easiest  construction,  yet  the  ignorant  miiltitude 
repose  great  confidence  in  their  virtue.  Some  men,  whom 
we  saw,  had  small  bits  of  gold  or  jewels  introduced  under 
the  skin  of  their  arms,  in  order  to  render  themselves 
invrdnerable ;  and  the  tattooing  on  the  legs  and  thighs  of 
the  Burma  men  they  not  only  think  ornamental,  but  a 
preservative  against  the  bite  of  snakes."  (1) 

Cheiromancy  and  oneiromancy  are  in  as  great  estima- 
tion as  divination  or  amulets.  With  all  their  skiU  in 
astrology,  which  they  practise  to  a  great  extent,  they  are 
very  ignorant  of  astronomy,  and  Dr.  Buchanan  tells  us, 
"  Although  they  sometimes  attempt  to  calculate  eclipses, 
yet  they  pretend  not  to  ascertain  either  the  hour  of  their 

commencement  or  the  extent  of  the  obscuration It 

would  indeed  appear,  from  a  treatise  of  JVIr.  Samuel 
Davis,  (2)  that  the  time  of  the  full  moon,  and  the  duration 
of  the  eclipse,  found  by  the  rides  given  in  the   Surya 

(1)  Asiatic  Researches,  vol.  vi.  p.  172.  (2)  Asiat.  Res,  vol.  ii.  p.  285. 


I.  4.]  THE   DEITTON.  75 

SidcUianta,  differ  considerably  from  the  truth ;  and  that, 
althouf^h  the  rides  <^iven  in  the  Siddhanta  Raliasya,  and 
other  modern  books,  make  a  near  approach,  yet  they  are 
far  from  being  correct ;  so  that  even  the  Brahmens  of 
Hindustan  are  not  much  further  advanced  than  those  of 
Amarapura,  notwithstanding  the  improvements  they  have 
introduced  from  time  to  time,  perhaps  as  they  were  able 
gradually  to  prociu-e  a  little  better  information  from  their 
conquerors,  Mohammedans  and  Christians."  (1) 

Saugermano  has  a  few  remarks  on  the  subject  of  the 
superstitions  of  the  Burmese,  that  it  would  not  be  in- 
appropriate to  transfer  to  these  pages.  (2) 

"  The  Burmese  possess  a  large  volume  containing  a  full 
accoimt  of  all  their  superstitious  observances,  and  of  the 
different  omens  of  good  or  evil  fortune  to  be  drawn  from 
an  immense  number  of  objects, — as  from  the  wood  with 
which  their  houses  are  built,  from  their  boats  and  car- 
riages, from  the  aspects  of  the  sim,  moon,  and  planets, 
from  the  howling  of  dogs,  and  the  singing  of  bii'ds,  &c., 
and  also  from  the  involimtary  movements  of  the  members 
of  one's  own  body.  We  will  here  translate  some  portions 
of  this  book,  as  specimens  of  the  superstitions  which 
paganism  conducts  to. 

''  This  book,  which  is  called  Deitton,  in  the  treatise  on 
the  woods  used  in  building,  distinguishes  various  kinds. 
Such  beams  as  are  equally  large  at  the  top  as  at  the 
bottom  are  called  males ;  those  which  are  thicker  at  the 
bottom  than  above  are  females ;  the  neuters  are  those  in 
which  the  middle  is  thickest ;  and  when  the  greatest 
thickness  is  at  the  top,  they  are  called  giants ;  linally, 
when  a  piece  of  wood,  on  being  cut,  and  falling  to  the 
ground,  rebounds  from  its  place,  it  is  called  monkey- 
wood.  Whoever  lives  in  a  house  made  of  male  wood, 
will  be  happy  in  all  places,  and  at  all  times,  and  in  all 
circimistances  ;  but  if  the  wood  of  any  person's  house  be 
neuter,  continual  misery  will  be  his  lot ;  and  if  it  be  of 
the  gigantic  species,  he  will  die.  By  dividing  the  two 
pieces  of  wood  which  form  the  stairs  into  ten  com])art- 
ments,  and  observing  in  which  the  knots  occur,  we  may 
also  learn  a  man's  fortune.  If  a  knot  be  found  in  the 
iirst  compartment,  it  is  a  sign  that  the  master  of  the 
liouse  will  l)e  honoured  by  princes  ;  if  in  the  second,  that 

(1)  Asiat.  Res.  vol.  vi.  p.  174.  (.2)  Burmese  Empire*,  p.  ill  sq. 


70  SrPERSTITIONS.  [1. 4. 

he  vrill  ahound  in  rice,  and  all  kinds  of  provisions  ;  but  if 
there  be  one  in  the  fourth  division,  then  a  son,  or  a 
nephew,  or  a  slave,  or  an  ox  of  the  master  will  die ;  a 
knot  in  the  sixth  division  is  a  sign  of  riches  in  oxen  and 
buffaloes  ;  but  one  in  the  eighth  portends  the  death  of  his 
•wife ;  and  finally,  one  in  the  tenth,  is  an  augury  of  great 
possessions  in  gold  and  silver,  and  such  other  valuables. 

"  From  the  wood  used  in  the  eonstructiou  of  the 
houses,  the  Deitton  passes  to  the  holes  in  which  the  poles 
that  support  them  are  fixed ;  for  if  these  be  square,  it  is  a 
sign  of  sickness ;  and  divers  other  prognostics  are  drawn 
fi'om  the  manner  in  which  they  are  dug,  and  from  the 
difl'erent  substances  that  are  met  with  in  making  them. 
Ilence  various  rules  are  given  for  choosing  a  spot  of 
ground  for  the  foundation  of  houses. 

"•  The  next  sources  of  superstition  are  the  boats  and 
carriages  ;  for  from  the  knots  that  are  in  them,  good  or 
bad  success  is  assigned  to  the  possessors  ;  as  also  from 
the  different  objects  they  meet  with  on  their  progresses 
on  different  days  of  the  week. 

"  All  involuntary  movements  of  the  eyes,  the  head,  or 
the  forehead,  are  considered  as  indications  of  the  lot  of 
those  in  whom  they  are  observed,  as  their  happiness,  or 
of  the  honours  they  will  receive,  or  of  a  litigious  dis- 
position," &c. 

And  again,  a  little  after,  our  missionary  continues  : — 

"  In  the  time  of  war,  or  during  a  law  suit,  there  is  a 
curious  way  of  finding  out  the  success  to  be  expected. 
Three  figures  are  made  of  cooked  rice,  one  representing  a 
lion,  another  an  ox,  and  a  third  an  elephant.  These  are 
exposed  to  the  crows,  and  the  augury  is  taken  according 
to  which  is  eaten.  If  they  fall  on  the  figure  of  the  lion,  it 
is  a  sign  of  victory  ;  if  they  eat  that  of  the  ox,  things  will 
be  made  up  by  accommodation  ;  but  if  they  eat  the  ele- 
phant, then  bad  success  is  to  be  looked  for. 

"  When  a  dog  carries  any  unclean  thing  to  the  top  of 
a  house,  it  is  supposed  that  the  master  will  become  rich. 
If  a  hen  lay  her  egg  upon  cotton,  its  master  will  become 
poor.  If  a  person,  who  is  going  to  conclude  a  law  suit, 
meet  on  the  road  another  carryuig  brooms  or  spades,  the 
suit  will  be  lontr,  and  in  the  end  he  will  be  deceived.  If 
the  wind  shouUl  carry  away  any  of  the  leaves  of  the 
betel,  Avhen,  according  to  custom,  it  is  being  carried 
to  the  house  of  a  uewly-married  woman,  it  is  a  sign 


I.  4.]  ASTBONOMY.  77 

that  the  marriage  will  be  unhappy,  and  that  separation 
will  ensue. 

"  If  in  f2:oing  to  war,  or  to  prosecute  a  law  suit,  a  per- 
son meet  with  a  fish,  there  will  be  no  war,  and  tJie  law- 
suit will  cease ;  if  he  see  another  catchincf  a  gnat,  the 
mandarins  will  exact  many  presents,  the  client  will  be 
deceived,  and  the  law  suit  a  long  one  ;  if  he  meet  any  one 
carrying  packages,  then  everything  will  succeed  to  his 
wishes  ;  if  he  meet  a  serpent,  the  alfair  will  be  long ;  if  a 
dog,  or  a  female  elephant,  or  a  person  playing  on  the 
instrument  called  zauu,  a  species  of  cymbal,  all  things 
will  go  well." 

The  good  fatlier  mentions  some  more  instances  of  a 
similar  kind,  and  thus  concludes  :  (1) — "  But  we  should 
never  finish,  were  we  to  extract  all  the  follies  of  this  book, 
for  they  are  so  numerous,  and  at  the  same  time  so  incon- 
sistent with  common  comfort,  that,  as  one  of  our  oldest 
missionaries  has  observed,  if  a  man  were  to  be  entirely 
guided  by  it,  he  would  not  have  a  house  to  live  in,  nor  a 
road  to  walk  on,  nor  clothes  to  cover  him,  nor  even  rice 
for  his  food  ;  and  yet  the  bhnd  and  ignorant  Burmese 
place  the  greatest  laith  in  it,  and  endeavour  to  regulate 
their  actions  according  to  its  directions."  I  have  not 
space  to  speak  of  all  the  various  superstitious  weaknesses 
which  rule  this  people,  or  I  would  tell  of  the  cheiro- 
mancy of  the  Burmans,  their  amulets  and  their  love- 
philtres  ;  for  these,  however,  I  must  refer  the  reader  to 
tSangermano. 

Burraan  astronomy  is  similar  in  most  points  to  thap^f 
the  Hindoos  ;  but  a  short  account  of  it,  after  Buchanan  (2) 
and  Sangermano,  (;3)  will  not  be  out  of  place  here. 

They  recognise  eight  planets,  viz.,  the  Sun,  the  Moon, 
Mercury,  Venus,  Mars,  Jupiter,  Saturn,  and  another 
named  Eahu,  which  is  invisible.  Buchanan  tells  us  that 
some  one  discovered  in  it  the  Georgium  Sidus  ;  but  if  its 
invisibility  be  taken  into  consideration,  it  is  much  more 
likely  to  be  the  recently  discovered  and  lost  ])lanet  Nep- 
tune. A  description  of  it  from  the  treatise  oi Buchanan, 
will,  liowever,  settle  any  doubts  as  to  this  star: (4) — 

"  The  form  of  Ivahu  is  thus  described.  His  stature  is 
48,000  juzana ;  the  breadth  of  his  breast  12,0(X) ;  of  his 

(11  Burmc-o  Emiiirc,  \k  113. 

(2)  Asiatic  licscarchcs,  vol.  vi.  pp.  1RR-'2(I,">.      (3)   Description,  pp.  11-U. 

(4)  Buchanan,  uOi  auih-u,  p.  igi  j  aud  Saugcrinaiio,  p.  l^i. 


78  RAHU.  [1. 4. 

head,  9(A) ;  of  Lis  forehead,  his  nostrils,  and  mouth,  300 ; 
the  thickness  of  his  fingers,  50  juzana;  of  his  feet  and 
hands,  200.  When  this  monstrous  and  foul  planet,  who, 
like  the  others,  is  a  Nat,  (1)  is  inflamed  with  envy,  at  the 
brightness  of  the  sun  or  moon,  he  descends  into  their 
path  and  devours,  or  rather  takes  them  into  his  mouth ; 
but  he  is  soon  obliged  to  spit  them  out,  for  if  he  retained 
them  long,  they  would  burst  his  head  by  the  constant 
tendency  which  they  have  to  pursue  their  course.  At 
other  times  he  covers  them  with  his  chin,  or  licks  them 
with  his  immense  tongue.  In  this  manner  the  Burmah 
writings  explain  eclipses  of  the  sun  and  moon,  both  total 
and  partial,  making  the  duration  of  the  eclipse  depend  on 
the  time  that  Rahu  retains  the  planet  in  his  mouth  or 
under  his  chin.  The  Ilahiins  sa)^  tliat  every  three  years 
Rahu  attacks  the  sun,  and  every  half-year  the  moon. 
The  eclipses,  however,  are  not  always  visible  to  the 
inhabitants  of  this  southern'  island :  but  although  they 
may  be  invisible  here,  they  are  not  so  to  the  inhabitants 
of  the  other  islands,  according  as  the  sun  and  moon  may 
be  opposite  to  them  at  the  time  of  the  eclipse." 

This  will  serve  as  a  tolerably  fair  specimen  of  Burmese 
abstract  astronomy ;  and  as  my  limits  preclude  further 
remark,  it  will  be  well  to  go  on  to  their  division  of  time. 

"  The  Burmas,"  remarks  Dr.  Buchanan,  (2)  "  in  what- 
ever manner  they  may  have  obtained  it,  have  the  know- 
ledge of  a  solar  year,  consisting  of  305  days,  and  com- 
mencing on  the  iSth  of  April.  Like  most  nations,  they 
akic  use  a  week  of  seven  days,  named  after  the  planets. 
Sunday,  Ta-nayu-ga-nuc  ;  Monday,  Ta-nayn-la ;  Tuesday, 
Ayn-ga ;  Wednesday,  Boud-dha-hu;  Thursday,  Kia-sa- 
ba-da ;  Friday,  Thouk-kia  ;  Saturday,  Tha-na. 

"  The  common  year,  however,  of  the  Burmas,  is 
lunar ;  and  by  this  year  are  regulated  their  holidays  and 
festivals.  It  is  composed  of  twelve  months,  which  alter- 
nately consist  of  thirty  and  twenty-nine  days,  as  follows  : — 

Of  Thirty  Ihii/s. 

1.  Ta-goo.    3.  Na-miaung.    5.  Wap-goun.    7.  Sa-deen-put.     9.  Na-to. 

11.  Ta-bu-dna. 

0/  Twenty-nine  Days. 

2.  Kas-soon.     -1.  Wa-goo.      6.  Ta-da-lav.     S.  Ta-zaung-mo.     lO.  Pya-zo. 

12.  Ta-l)6uii. 


(1)  Sec  book  i.  chap.  iii.  p.  50. 

(2)  Asiatic  Researches,  vol.  vi.  p.  169  sq. 


1.4]  DIVISION   OF   TIME.  *  79 

*'  This  beings  eleven  days  shorter  than  their  solar  year, 
in  order  to  make  the  be^nning  of  Ta-goo  coincide  with 
our  18th  of  April,  the  first  day  of  their  solar  year,  the 
Burmas  every  third  year  add  an  intercalary  moon.  This 
seems  to  have  been  the  extent  of  chronological  science  in 
Hindustan,  during  the  prevalence  of  the  doctrine  of 
Bouddha,  as  the  Eahans  will  go  no  further.  But  it  was 
soon  discovered  by  the  Brahmens,  that  this  contrivance 
would  not  make  the  commencements  of  the  lunar  and 
solar  years  coincide.  They,  therefore,  wish  from  time  to 
time  to  introduce  other  intercalary  moons,  in  order  to 
make  the  festivals  occur  at  the  proper  season.  The  pre- 
sent king,  who  is  said  to  be  a  studious  and  intelligent 
prince,  was  convinced  of  the  propriety  of  the  Brahmens' 
advice,  and  persuaded  the  Kahans  of  the  capital  to  add  an 
intercalary  moon  during  the  year  we  were  there.  He 
had  not,  however,  the  same  success  in  the  more  distant 
provinces  ;  for,  although  very  strong  measures  were  taken 
at  Bangoun,  such  as  ordering  the  people  for  some  days 
not  to  supply  the  Bahans  with  provisions,  yet,  in  the  end, 
the  obstinacy  of  the  clergy  prevailed,  and  they  celebrated 
a  great  festival  a  month  earlier  at  Bangoun  than  was  done 
at  Amarapura.  To  this  obstinacy  the  Bahans  were,  pro- 
bably, in  a  great  measure,  instigated  by  a  jealousy, 
which  they,  not  without  reason,  entertain  against'  such 
dangerous  intruders  as  the  Brahmens ;  and  they  were 
encouraged  to  persist  by  the  ignorance  of  those  about  the 
king.  Of  this  ignorance  his  majesty  was  very  sensible, 
and  was  extremely  desirous  of  procuring  from  Bengal 
some  learned  Brahmens,  and  proper  books.  None  of 
those  I  saw  in  the  empire  could  read  Sanscrit,  and  all 
their  books  were  in  the  common  dialect  of  Bengal. 

"  The  1st  of  October,  1795,  was  at  Amarapura,  Kiasa- 
bada,  the  19th  of  Sadeengiut,  in  the  year  of  the  Burma 
aTa  1157,  so  that  the  reckoning,  at  that  ])lace  at  least, 
agreed  very  well  witli  tlie  solar  year  ;  but  I  observed, 
that  the  Burraas  in  general,  if  not  always,  antedated  by 
one  day  the  four  phases  of  the  moon,  which  are  their 
common  holidays.  I  did  not,  however,  learn,  whether 
this  proceeded  from  their  being  imable  to  ascertain  tlie 
true  time  of  the  change  of  the  moon,  or  if  it  was  only  an 
occasional  circumstance,  arising  from  some  further  con- 
trivance used  to  bring  the  solar  and  lunar  years  to  coin- 
cide.     In  the  common    reckoning  of  time  the  Burmas 


80  mil.  '         [1.4. 

divide  tho  moon  into  two  parts,  tlic  liglit  and  the  dark 
moon ;  the  first  contained  the  days,  during  \^  liich  the 
moon  is  on  the. increase  ;  and  the  second,  those  in  which 
she  is  in  the  wane.  Tims,  for  instance,  the  litli  of 
Sadcengiut  is  called  the  lltli  of  tlie  light  moon  Sadccn- 
ghit ;  but  the  IGth  is  called  the  1st  of  the  dark  moon 
Sadeengiut. 

"  Whence  the  Burmans  date  their  a?ra  I  could  not  from 
them  learn.  Joannes  Moses,  Akunvrun  or  collector  of 
the  land-tax  for  the  province  of  Pegu,  the  most  inteUigent 
man  m  ith  whom  we  conversed,  did  not  seem  to  know.  He 
said  that  whenever  the  king  thought  the  years  of  the  rera 
too  many,  he  changed  it.  The  fact,  however,  I  believe  is, 
that  this  {cra,  commencing  in  our  year  638,  is  that  used  by 
the  astronomers  of  Siam,  and  from  them,  as  a  more 
polished  nation,  it  has  passed  to  the  Burmas,  whose  pride 
hindered  them  from  acknowledging  the  truth. "(1) 

The  common  lunar  year  consists,  however,  only  of 
twelve  months ;  consequently  they  are  obliged  to  add  an 
intercalary  month  every  three  j^ears,  as  the  year  is  only 
three  hundred  and  fifty-four  days  in  length.  Even  this, 
however,  does  not  supply  all  deficiencies,  and  the  fur- 
ther rectifications  are  made  by  public  proclamation.  Their 
worship  days  are  four  every  month,  viz.,  at  the  new  and 
the  full  moon,  and  half-way  between  these  ;  so  that  some- 
times the  interval  is  seven  days,  and  sometimes  eight. 
Day  and  night  are  divided  into  four  equal  parts.  At 
Kaugoon,  however,  the  European  mode  of  reckoning  the 
hours  is  much  in  use,  and  timepieces  are  not  wholly  un- 
known. (2) 

(1)  Loubere,  du  Royaumc  de  Siara,  vol.  ii.  p.  102. 

(2)  Malcom,  vol.  i.  p.  275. 


CHAPTER    V. 

Currency — Weig:hts — Commerce — Ports — Teak-wood — Houses — Tanks — 
Dress — Food — Marriages  —  Cliil  dbirth  —  Funerals  — Arts  — Slavery — The 
drama — Chess — Games — Music — ^reworks. 

The  Burmese  have  no  coined  money.  At  every  pay- 
ment the  money  is  assayed  and  weighed,  to  ascertain  its 
value.  ^Mien  a  bargain  is  to  be  concluded,  very  often  the 
seller  asks  to  see  the  money  the  purchaser  has  to  offer 
liim.  The  circulating  medium  is  lead,  for  small  payments. 
Silver,  however,  is  the  standard,  although  gold  is  also  in 
use  ;  it  is  considered  seventeen  times  as  valuable  as  silver. 
The  frequent  assaying  process  that  the  money  undergoes 
has  given  rise  to  a  business  ;  the  persons  following  it  are 
named  Poe-za,  and  for  a  commission  of  two  and  a  half 

f)er  cent,  they  will  assay  the  money.  One  per  cent,  is 
ost  in  the  operation,  so  that  if"  that  operation  be  repeated 
forty  times,  it  follows  that  the  original  amount  is  wholly 
absorbed, — a  fact  which  shows  the  enormous  waste  of  the 
precious  metals  which  attends  this  rude  substitute  for  a 
currency."(l) 

Of  course,  the  value  of  money  is  continually  fluctuating, 
and  Crawfurd  informs  us,  that  the  alloy  in  silver  varies 
from  two  to  twenty -five  per  cent.. !  "  The  finest  gold,"  he 
says,  "in  circulation  is,  according  to  this  scale,  of  nine 
and  three-quarters  touch,  or  twenty-three  and  a  quarter 
carats  fine.  Between  this  and  that  which  is  only  twelve 
carats,  or  contains  one-half  alloy,'  is  to  be  found  in  use 
almost  every  intermediate  degree  of  fineness." 

Malcom  gives  us  the  following  scale  of  weights,  which 
answers  both  for  goods  and  money  :(2) — 

2  small  mays  =  1  large  ruay  =  1  pice. 
J  large  mays   =  1  bai  or  ruay  =  1  anna. 

2  bais  =  1  moo    =2  annas. 

2  moos ^1  mat    =4  annas  (02^  gr.  troy). 

4  mats =  1  kyat   =  1  tical. 

100  kyats    =  1  piakthah  or  vis  (3AV  ^^^-  avoird.). 

(1)  Crawfurd,  vol.  ii.  p.  188.  (2)  Malcom,  vol.  i.  p.  27.1. 


82  TRADE   OF   UrBMAH.  [I.  5. 

Tlie  hoad-Tvatcrs  of  most  of  the  rivers,  ns  before  re- 
marked,(l)  yield  fxold;  but  p^old  washings  are  to  be  found 
in  the  Irawadi  above  Prome,  and  also  near  Iian*TOon.(2) 
"  But  the  little  ^old,"  says  the  missionary,  "  that  is  thus 
collected  is  far  from  beiiii;  sufficient  for  the  Burmese,  who 
use  great  quantities  of  this  metal,  not  only  in  their  brace- 
lets, earrings,  and  other  ornaments,  which  persons  of  both 
sexes  are  accustomed  to  wear,  but  much  more  for  gilding 
the  convents  of  the  Talapoins,  the  public  porticoes,  and 
particularly  the  pagodas,  which,  being  exposed  to  the  rain 
and  the  action  of  the  air,  soon  lose  their  gilding,  and  are, 
therefore,  continually  requii'ing  fresh  gold  to  repair  them. 
To  supply  this  demand,  gold  is  imported  from  the  Malay 
coast,  from  China,  and  other  places." 

The  silver  is  principally  procured  from  the  Chinese 
provinces  of  Yunnan,  and  the  mines  in  Burmah  are  worked 
by  natives  of  China.  The  only  place  in  Burmah  where 
silver-mines  are  worked  is  at  Bor-twang,  twelve  days' 
journey  from  Bamoo. 

Burmah  has  considerable  foreign  trade.  The  natives 
carry  on  a  communication  for  this  purpose  with  Mergui 
and  Chittagong.  and  occasionally  with  Calcutta,  Penang, 
and  Madras.  Burmah  has  at  present  but  two  good  har- 
bours remaining,  namely,  Eangoon  and  Bassein.  Both  of 
these  are  good,  but  foreign  vessels  never  go  to  the  latter, 
notwithstanding  the  fact  that  it  is  the  better  of  the  two. (3) 
The  port  of  Rangoon  is  the  only  one,  therefore,  of  any 
consideration. 

The  exports  of  Burmah  are  teak-wood,  cotton,  wax, 
cutch,  sticklac,  and  ivorj- ;  also  lead,  copper,  arsenic,  tin, 
birds'  nests,  amber,  indigo,  tobacco,  honey,  tamarinds, 
gnapee,  or  nape,  gems,  orpiment,  &c.  The  most  consider- 
able article  of  commerce,  however,  is  the  teak-wood.  "  In- 
deed," says  Sangermano,  "  it  is  for  this  wood,  more  than  for 
anything  else,  tliat  vessels  of  every  nation  come  to  Pegu 
from  all  parts  of  India,  It  is  found  also  in  Bombay,  but  in 
small  quantities,  and  is  excessively  dear ;  whereas  in  Pegu 
and  Ava  there  are  such  immense  forests  of  it  that  it  can 
be  sold  to  as  many  ships  as  arrive,  at  a  moderate  price. 
This  wood,  while  it  does  not  quickly  decay,  is  very  easily 
wrought,  and  very  light.  Cases  have  occurred  of  ships 
made  of  it,  and  laden  with  it,  which  have  been  filled  with 

(1)  Book  i,  chap.  i.  p.  9.  (2)  Sangermano,  p,  16;, 

(3)  Sangermano,  p.  16;. 


I.  5.]  POET   OF    RANGOON.  83 

water,  but  yet  did  not  sink.  Ilcneo,  all  the  sliips  that 
come  to  Pegu  return  Mith  cargoes  of  this  Avood,  Avliieh  is 
employed  in  common  houses,  hut  particularly  in  ship- 
building. Most  of  the  ships  that  arrive  in  these  ports  are 
here  careened  and  refitted ;  and  there  are,  besides,  two 
or  three  English  and  French  shipbuilders  established  at 
Kangoon.  One  reason  of  this  is  the  prohibition  that 
exists  of  carrying  the  specie  out  of  the  empire.  For,  as 
merchants,  after  selling  their  cargo,  and  talcing  in  another 
of  teak-wood,  generally  have  some  money  remaining  in 
their  hands,  ihey  arc  obliged  to  employ  it  in  building  a 
new  ship.  Though,  perhaps,  this  is  not  the  only  motive 
for  building  vessels  in  Eangoon  ;  but  the  quantity  of  teak 
and  other  kinds  of  wood  with  which  the  neighbouring 
forests  abound,  may  also  have  a  great  influence  in  this 
way.  If  the  port  of  llangoon  entices  strangers  to  build 
ships  there,  it  also  obliges  them  to  sail  as  soon  as  possible. 
For  there  is  a  species  of  worm  bred  in  the  waters  of  the 
river  which  penetrates  into  the  interior  of  the  wood,  and 
eats  it  away  in  such  a  manner  that  the  vessel  is  exposed  to 
the  greatest  danger,  since  the  holes  formed  by  these 
worms  being  hidden,  cannot  easily  be  stopped  up.  They 
attack  every  species  of  wood  except  ebony  and  tamarind, 
which  are  so'  hard  that  they  are  used  to  make  the  mallets 
with  which  carpenters  drive  their  chisels." 

These  facts,  together  with  the  diihculty  of  entering  into 
the  harbour,  should  be  carefully  considered  by  the  rulers 
of  the  Company's  territories,  and  they  must  weigh  the 
importance  of  the  position  against  the  fatal  effects  of  the 
climate,  and  when  they  have  the  upper  fertile  territory  of 
Ava  almost  within  their  grasp,  they  should  not  content 
themselves  with  the  low  Hats  of  Pegu,  as  some  of  the 
public  press  have  advised. 

Bassein,  however,  which  has  been  lately  captured, 
should  be  the  principal  port.  That  it  is  the  better,  is 
plainly  to  be  seen  from  the  fact  of  its  having  been  so  con- 
sidered at  an  earlier  period  of  the  history  of  the  country ; 
and  that  the  Company  thought  so,  is  plam  from  their  first 
factories  having  been  in  that  district. 

Eurman  domestic  architecture  presents  many  similarities 
with  that  of  Polynesia,  except  in  the  temples,  already 
described  in  a  former  chapter,  wliere  the  diflerence  is, 
however,  very  slight. (1)     The  houses  arc  constructed  of 

(1)  Uouk  i.  chap.  iii.  p,  50. 

Q  2 


84  AECHITECTUEE.  [I.  5. 

timbers,  and  bamboos  fastened  with  ligliter  pieces  placed 
transversely.  If  strong  posts  are  used,  they  are  placed  at 
distances  of  about  seven  feet,  of  coarse  bamboo,  and  licrhter 
ones  are  placed  at  closer  intervals.  Pillars  made  of  brick 
or  stone  supporting  a  frame  are  never  seen.  The  sides  are 
usually  covered  with  mats ;  but  sometimes  with  thatch 
fastened  by  split  canes.  In  the  best  houses  even,  the  roofs 
are  almost  invariably  of  thatch  wrought  most  skilfully,  and 
forming  a  perfect  security  against  both  wind  and  rain,  but 
sometimes  they  are  made  of  thin  tiles,  turned  up  at  one 
end.(l)  The  best  kind  of  thatch  is  made  of  attap  or  denvice 
leaves,  bent  over  canes,  and  attached  by  the  same  material ; 
a  cheaper  kind  is  made  of  strong  grass  six  or  seven  feet 
long.  These  overlap  each  other  from  twelve  to  eighteen 
inches,  much  in  the  same  manner  as  our  tiles  :  they  cost 
very  little  and  require  renewing  about  every  three  years. 

The  floors  are  elevated  a  few  feet  from  the  earth,  which 
makes  them  more  comfortable  than  the  houses  of  Bengal, 
and  to  render  them  clean,  and  secure  ventilation,  they  are 
made  of  split  cane.  Unfortunately,  the  crevices  between 
the  cane  often  invite  carelessness,  and  dirty  hquids  are 
allowed  to  run  through,  and  not  unfrequently  the  space 
becomes  filled  with  mud  and  vermin,  particularly  among 
the  poorer  classes.  The  doors  and  windows  are  merely 
of  matting  in  bamboo  frames ;  when  not  closed,  they  are 
propped  up  so  as  to  form  a  shade.  There  are  of  course 
no  chimneys.  They  cook  in  a  sort  of  square  box  of  earth. 
A  house  does  not  cost  more  than  from  sixty  to  a  hundred 
rupees,  many  not  nearly  so  much,  and  they  may  be  put  up 
in  about  three  days.  The  houses  have  only  one  story. 
In  some  of  the  large  towns  the  houses  of  the  rich  are 
built  of  wood  with  plank  floors,  and  panelled  doors  and 
shutters,  but  neither  lath,  plaster,  nor  glass.  The  houses 
are  infested  with  insects  of  various  descriptions,  also  with 
lizards,  but  they  are  useful  in  destroying  the  former. 

The  buildings  not  being  of  brick,  the  utmost  precaution 
is  taken  against  fire.  The  roofs  of  the  houses  are  loosely 
thatched,  and  a  long  pile  of  bamboo,  with  a  hook  at  the 
end,  is  provided  in  every  dwelling  to  pull  down  the  thatch, 
while  another  pole  is  placed  ready  with  a  grating  at  the 
end  of  it  to  put  out  the  flame  by  means  of  pressure. 

But  it  is  not  only  in  houses  and  pagodas  that  the  arehi- 

(1)  Sangermaiiu,  p.  V2G. 


I.  5.]  DRESS,  85 

tectural  skill  of  the  Bunnans  displays  itself.  Tlie  nation, 
like  the  ancient  Peruvians,  also  constructs  tanks,  which 
are  of  immense  utility  in  fertilizing  the  country.  One  of 
these,  at  Moutzoboo,  the  birthplace  of  Alompra,  is  a  very 
handsome  work.  They  have  also  a  few  bridges,  one  of 
which,  at  Ava,  is  very  long,  and  which  Malcom  empha- 
tically says,  "  I  have  not  seen  surpassed  in  India,  and 
scarcely  in  Europe."(l)  The  arrangement  of  the  palace 
at  Ava,  it  may  not  be  inapposite  to  remark,  is  not  unlike 
that  of  the  ancient  palaces  of  Nineveh,  as  brought  to  light 
by  Mr.  Layard,  and  restored  by  Mr.  Ferguson. 

Tlie  Burmese  dress  is  very  simple.  That  of  the  men 
consists  of  a  long  piece  of  striped  cotton  or  silk,  folded 
round  the  middle,  and  flowing  down  to  the  feet.  When 
they  are  not  at  work,  this  is  loosed,  and  is  thrown  partly 
over  the  shoulder,  covering  the  body  in  no  ungraceful 
manner.  It  very  closely  resembles  the  modern  JN^ubian 
dress.  The  higher  classes  add  to  this  a  jacket  with 
sleeves,  called  ingee,  of  white  muslin,  or,  occasionally, 
broadcloth  or  velvet,  buttoning  at  the  neck.  The  turban 
or  gounhoung,  of  muslin,  is  worn  by  every  one.  Their 
shoes  or  sandals  are  of  wood,  or  cowhide  covered  with 
cloth  and  strapped  on.     These  are  only  worn  abroad. 

The  women  wear  a  te-mine,  or  petticoat,  of  cotton  or 
silk.  It  is  open  in  front ;  so  that  in  walking  the  legs  and 
a  part  of  the  thigh  are  exposed.  But  in  the  street,  they 
wear  a  jacket  like  that  of  the  men,  and  a  mantle  over  it. 

Both  sexes  wear  cylinders  of  gold,  silver,  horn-wood, 
marble,  or  paper  in  their  ears.  The  fashionable  diameter 
of  the  ear-hole  is  one  inch.  At  the  boring  of  a  boy's  ears, 
a  great  festival  is  generally  held,  as  it  is  considered  equal 
to  the  assumption  of  the  toaa  virilis  among  the  ancient 
llomans  ;  yet,  the  period  of  youth  and  dandyism  gone 
by,  they  care  no  more  for  such  a  decoration,  and  usually 
use  the  ear-hole  as  a  cigar-rack,  or  flower-stand.  The 
hair  is  always  well  taken  care  of,  and  is  anointed  every 
day  with  sessamum  oil.  The  men  gather  it  in  a  bunch  on 
the  top  of  the  head,  like  the  ISTorth  American  Indians, 
while  the  women  tie  it  into  a  knot  behind.  The  use  of 
betel,  which  at  one  time  was  very  general,  is  now  no 
longer  so  much  consumed,  and  the  practice  of  staining 
the  teeth  is  not  so  universal. 

(1)  Malcom,  vol.  i.  p.  211, 


86  FOOD.  [1. 5. 

"The  men  of  this  nation,"  says  a  g^ood  authority,(l) 
"have  a  singular  custom  of  tattooing  their  thighs,  which 
is  done  by  wounding  the  skin,  and  then  filling  the  wound 
with  the  juice  of  certain  plants,  which  has  tlie  property  of 
producing  a  black  stain.  Some,  besides  both  their  thighs, 
will  also  stain  their  legs  of  the  same  colours,  and  others 
paint  them  all  over  with  representations  of  tigers,  cats, 
and  other  animals.  The  origin  of  this  custom,  as  well  as 
of  the  immodest  dress  of  the  women,  is  said  to  have  been 
the  policy  of  a  certain  queen  ;  who,  observing  that  the 
men  were  deserting  their  wives,  and  giving  themselves  up 
to  abominable  vices,  persuaded  her  husband  to  establish 
these  customs  by  a  royal  order ;  that  thus  by  disfiguring 
the  men,  and  setting  ofi"  the  beauty  of  the  women,  the 
t/^  latter  might  regain  the  affections  of  their  husbands." 
l  In  speaking  of  the  military  institutions  of  the  Burmese, 
I  quoted  from  Sangermano  a  passage  in  which  the  food  of 
the  soldiers  was  mentioned. (2)  To  the  account  then  given, 
I  have  little  to  add  here.  The  food  of  the  people  is  mean 
and  bad  indeed ;  in  fact,  as  they  eat  all  kinds  of  reptiles 
and  insects,  we  may  \qy\  well  agree  ■with  Malcom,(3)  and 
call  them  omnivorous.  They  make  two  meals  in  a  day, 
one  at  about  nine  in  the  morning,  and  the  other  at  sunset. 
The  rice,  or  whatever  the  dish  may  be,  is  placed  on  a 
wooden  plate,  raised  upon  a  foot,  and  the  eaters  squat 
round  it  on  the  bare  ground,  or  perchance  on  a  few  mats, 
using  their  fingers  in  the  feast.  Their  usual  beverage  is 
water. 

The  bed  consists  of  a  simple  mat  spread  on  the  ground, 
and  a  small  piljow,  or  piece  of  wood,  precisely  in  the  man- 
ner of  the  Polynesians.  The  rich  occasionally  have  a  low 
wooden  bedstead  and  mattresses. 

Their  mode  of  kissing  is  again  like  that  of  the  Poly- 
nesians. Instead  of  touching  the  lips,  they  apply  the 
mouth  and  nose  to  the  check,  and  draw  in  the  breath,  and 
instead  of  saying,  "  Give  me  a  kiss,"  they  say,  "  Give  me 
a  smell."  Children  are  carried  astride  the  hips  as  in  some 
other  parts  of  India. 

When  a  young  man  has  made  his  choice  of  a  wife,  he 
first  sends  some  old  persons  to  the  father  to  propose  the 
marriage.  If  the  family  and  the  girl  are  agreed  to  the 
match,  the  bridegroom  inmiediati  ly  goes  to  the  house  of  the 

(1)  Sangermano,  p.  Vl\.  (2)  Book  i.  ohap.  ii.  p.  38. 

(3)  South- Eastern  Asia,  vol.  i.  p,  212. 


I.  5.]  MAnniAGE— DEATH.  87 

father-in-law,  and  resides  there  for  three  years.  At  tlio 
expiration  of  that  period,  he  may,  if  he  choose,  take  his 
wife  and  reside  somewhere  else.  The  first  night  of  the 
mamage  is  one  of  considerate  hazard,  for  a  laroje  mim- 
bcr  of  persons  will  coHect  together  and  throw  stones  and 
logs  on  to  the  roof  of  the  house.  Sangermano,  on  whose 
authority  I  mention  the  custom,  could  obtain  no  reason 
forit.(l) 

A  strange  practice  attends  the  birth  of  a  Burmese 
infant.  "  No  sooner  is  the  infant  come  to  light,  than  an 
immense  fire  is  lighted  in  the  apartment,  so  large  that  a 
person  can  hardly  approach  it  without  experiencing  con- 
siderable hurt.  Yet  the  woman  is  stretched  out  before  it; 
and  obliged  to  support  its  action  on  her  naked  skin,  which 
is  often  bhstered  from  its  efi*ects  as  badly  as  if  the  fire  had 
been  actually  made  for  this  purpose.  This  treatment  is 
persevered  in  for  ten  or  fifteen  days  without  intermission, 
at  the  end  of  which  time,  as  it  will  be  easily  supposed, 
the  poor  woman  is  quite  scorched  or  blackened. "(2) 

In  their  treatment  of  the  sick,  they  are  very  absurd 
and  unskilful,  but  at  the  same  time,  some  of  their  remedies 
are  good.  Space  will  not  permit  me  to  speak  of  this  sub- 
ject, and  I  must  refer  to  the  copious  accounts  of  Malcom, 
Sangermano,  Crawfnrd,  and  others. 

At  the  death  of  any  one,  the  following  ceremonies  are 
observed. (3)  The  body  is  immediately  washed  and  laid 
in  a  white  cloth,  and  visits  of  condolence  are  paid  by  the 
connections  and  friends.  While  the  family  give  them- 
selves up  to  lamentation,  these  friends  perform  the  office 
of  preparing  the  coffin,  assembling  the  musicians,  getting 
betel  and  lapcch.  the  pickled  tea,  which  is  given  to  every 
one  on  the  occasion.  Then  a  great  store  of  fruit,  cotton 
cloths,  and  money  is  prepared  for  distribution  among  the 
priests  and  the  poor.  Tliis  is  effected  by  means  of  a 
burial  club,  which,  strangely  enouijli,  is  one  of  the  institu- 
tions oi  this  singular  country.  The  body  is  then  kept  a 
day  or  two,  after  which  tlie  procession  is  formed  in  the 
following  manner.  First,  the  alms  destined  for  tlie  priests 
and  poor  are  carried  along  ;  next,  come  tlie  baskets  of 
betel  and  lapech,  borne  by  female  priests  dressed  in  white. 
These  are  followed  by  a  procession  of  priests,  walking  two 
and  two.     AVlien  there  is  music,  it  usually  comes  next. 

(I)  Sangermano,  p.  129.  (2)  .Sanpormano,  «i«  supra,  p.  )29. 

(3)  My  principal  authority  is  yaiiscrmano,  p.  136. 


88  ARTS   OF   THE   BURSIESE.  [I.  5. 

Then  tlie  bier  is  carried  along,  borne  by  friends  of  tlie 
deceased.  Immediately  behind  the  bier  comes  the  wives, 
children,  and  nearest  relations,  all  dressed  in  white.  The 
procession  is  closed  by  a  concourse  of  people  more  or  less 
connected  with  the  departed  person.  Arrived  at  the  place 
where  the  body  is  burnt,  the  senior  priest  delivers  a  ser- 
mon, consisting  of  reflections  on  the  five  secular  command- 
ments and  the  ten  good  works.  At  the  conclusion  of  the 
sermon,  the  coffin  is  delivered  to  the  burners  of  the  dead, 
who  set  fire  to  it,  while  others  distribute  the  alms  to  the 
priests  and  people.  The  burning,  however,  does  not 
always  take  place.  Persons  that  have  been  drowned,  or 
have  died  of  infectious  diseases,  are  immediately  interred. 

On  the  third  day  after  the  burning,  the  relations  go  to 
the  place  and  collect  the  ashes,  which  are  placed  in  an 
urn  and  buried,  and  a  cenotaph  is  erected  over  the  re- 
mains. All  this  time  a  festival  is  kept  up  at  the  house  of 
the  deceased.  Readers  are  engaged,  who  read  out  poetry 
and  history.  Much  feasting  and  drinking  goes  on,  and 
this  is  all  done  to  keep  off  the  thoughts  of  their  loss  from 
the  minds  of  the  relations.  On  the  ninth  day  the  con- 
cluding feast  to  the  priests  is  given,  and  all  is  over. 

The  arts  of  the  Burmese  are  very  simple,  as  may  be  ex- 
pected.(l)  Their  progress  in  them  has  been  very  small, 
chiefly  on  account  "  of  the  great  simplicity  of  their  dress 
and  houses."  Every  one  builds  his  own  house,  and  the 
females  of  the  family  can  manufacture  all  the  apparel  that 
is  required  by  the  family.  The  silkworm  is  kept  in  Ava, 
and  the  products  of  the  looms  of  that  province,  though 
susceptible  of  improvement,  yet  deserve  high  commenda- 
tion for  the  strength  of  the  material  and  brilliancy  of  the 
colours.  Carving  in  wood,  an  art  at  which  a  semi-civilised 
nation  generally  soon  arrives,  has  been  brought  to  some 
degree  of  perfection ;  but  painting,  the  kindred  art,  is 
here,  as  among  all  Oriental  nations,  in  a  very  languishing 
condition.  Lately,  at  a  meeting  of  the  Asiatic  Society  of 
Bengal,  a  very  interesting  picture  by  a  Biu'mese  artist  was 
exhibited.  Dr.  A.  Thomas,  who  presented  it  to  the  society, 
thus  describes  it : — "  On  one  side  of  the  picture  is  re- 
presented the  royal  palace  and  the  royal  monastery ;  the 
priests  in  their  sacerdotal  garb,  the  white  elephant,  &c.  &c. 
axe  all  shown.    On  the  other  side  is  a  grand  procession 

(1)  My  chief  authority  is  Saogcrmaao,  pp.  l44-u6. 


I.  5.]  SLAVERY.  80 

showintT  that  a  lad  is  about  to  enter  into  the  order  of 
priesthood."  In  painting  flowers  the  Burmese  are  not  so 
bad,  but,  Hke  the  Cliinese,  they  have  very  imperfect 
notions  of  drawinii^  and  perspective. 

The  betel  boxes  and  drinking-cups  are  exceedingly 
curious.  They  are  formed  of  very  fine  basket-work  of 
bamboo,  covered  with  varnish,  which  is  brought  from 
China  in  very  great  quantities.  An  interesting  account 
of  their  manufacture  is  given  by  Colonel  Burney  in  the 
Journal  of  the  Asiatic  Society  of  Bengal ;  but  the  exact 
volimie  has  escaped  me.  Working  in  gold,  as  among  their 
kindred  in  America,  the  Incas  and  the  Mexicans,  has 
been  perfected  in  no  slight  degree.  In  casting  bells,  too, 
no  Oriental  nations  can  compete  with  them. 

"  Such  are  the  principal  arts,"  concludes  Sanger- 
mano,  (1)  "  of  the  Burmese  ;  and  if  they  are  in  a  low 
state,  this  must  be  attributed  more  to  the  destructive 
despotism  of  their  government  than  to  the  want  of  genius 
or  inclination  of  the  people,  for  they  have  in  reality  a 
great  talent  in  this  way.  It  is  the  emperor,  with  his 
mandarins,  who  is  the  obstacle  in  the  way  of  the  industry 
of  his  subjects  ;  for  no  sooner  has  any  artist  distinguished 
himself  for  his  skill,  than  he  is  oonstrained  to  work  for 
the  emperor  or  his  ministers,  and  this  without  any  profit, 
farther  than  an  uncertain  patronage." 

Can  there  be  the  least  doubt  in  the  mind  of  any  unpre- 
judiced person,  that  the  British  ought  to  annex  the  whole 
of  Burmah,  and  so  rescue  the  flocks  that  are  bleeding 
under 'the  ruffian  claws  of  the  official  tigers  ?  Remember 
Prome  under  British  justice  in  the  last  war  ;  and  though, 
in  every  way,  the  Indian  government  is  de  facto  a  mild 
despotism,  yet  is  not  that  better  than  the  present  state  of 
things  ?  Besides,  it  is  our  interest.  If  we  do  not  get  this 
coimtry,  some  other  nation  will,j  and  we  want  no  Euro- 
pean neighbours  in  the  East. 

And  this  is  a  fitting  place  for  an  account  of  the  treat- 
ment of  slaves  among  the  Burmese,  a  subject  of  no  little 
importance  to  its  future  interests. 

olavery  is  very  general  in  Ava  and  the  subdued  pro- 
vinces, and  it  has  not  yet  been  abolished  in  the  territory 
ceded  to  the  British  in  182^.  (2)  It  may  be  as  well  to 
mention  this  fact,  as  otherwise  the  British  will  get  a  cha- 

(1)  Burmese  Empire,  p.  146-  (2)  Malcom,  vol.  i.  p.  272. 


90  SLAVERY.  [I.  5. 

ractcr  for  inconsistency,  and  some  one  will  plead,  in  ex- 
tenuation of  the  African  slave-trade,  that  though  such 
efforts  arc  made  in  the  Atlantic,  yet  that  in  the  tan^^iblc 
property  of  Britain,  the  provinces  of  Arakhan,  Chitta- 
gong,  Assam,  and  Tenasserim,  the  practice  is  not  sup- 
pressed, notwithstanding  that  it  might  be  effected  with 
much  more  ease  than  in  Africa,  or  on  the  Brazilian  coast. 
Naturally,  in  so  recent  a  possession,  the  measure  cannot 
be  immediately  introduced ;  yet  it  would  be  well  for 
the  Company  to  think  and  act,  as  it  is  necessary  to 
be  consistent  throughout,  even  if  that  were  the  only 
consideration. 

A  slight  slave-trade  appears  to  be  carried  on  upon  the 
frontiers  ;  and  though  the  Bumians,  with  somewhat  of  a 
Jesuitical  spirit,  do  not  actually  engage  in  it  themselves, 
yet  they  do  not  hesitate  to  recognise  and  support  it  by 
purchasing  the  slaves  thus  kidnapped  from  home. 

Debtor  slaves,  Malcom  tells  us,  are  very  numerous. 
When  persons  borrow,  they  mortgage  themselves  to  their 
creditors  till  they  can  repay  the  money.  In  Burmah  this 
is  not  done  by  any  remuneration  for  the  service  thus  ren- 
dered, but  in  our  possessions  it  diminishes  four  pice 
per  day.  Their  master  can  sell  and  chastise  them, 
though  he  is  restrained  from  ill-using  them.  However, 
when  they  can  obtain  the  momey,  and  tender  it  to  their 
creditor,  he  is  not  at  liberty  to  refuse  the  payment. 

The  children  of  slaves  are  free  ;  though  this  is  more  by 
usage  than  by  the  law.  Under  that,  there  would  be  some 
redemption-money  to  be  paid.  However,  custom  has 
ordanied  that  both  mother  and  child  are  free.  Husbands 
have  the  power  of  selling  their  wives,  or  rather  borrowing 
money  upon  them  ;  and  of  course,  unless  the  person  so 
sold,  or  pawned,  can  obtain  a  sum  equal  to  the  amount 
borrowed,  they  are  condemned  to  life-servitude. 

T]ie  condition  of  slaves,  however,  is  little  different 
from  that  of  a  free  person.  The  estimation,  too,  in  whicli 
they  are  held,  is  high,  for  they  are,  in  a  popular  super- 
stition, ranked  with  "a  son,  a  nephew,  and  an  ox;" 
and  though  the  last  of  these  appears  somewhat  ludi- 
crous to  tlie  ear  of  an  European,  yet  we  must  recollect 
tliat  tlic  religious  value  of  an  ox  Avas  high  in  the  land, 
probably  from  the  tinge  of  Brnhminism  with  which  the 
Burnians  are  dashed. 

It  is  interesting  to  compare  the  state  of  the  slaves  of 


I.  5.]  THE   BUEMESE   AND   THE   VISIGOTHS.  91 

Burmali  witli  tlio  condition  of  the  sanio  class  among  tho 
Visirjotlis,  Avlio  may,  in  some  respects,  be  looked  upon  as 
tlie  Burmans  of  Europe.  Prescott  has  given  an  able 
sketch  in  his  "  Ferdinand  and  Isabella  :  "(ij — 

"  The  lot  of  the  A^isigothic  slave  was  sufficiently  hard. 
Tho  oppressions  -w-hich  this  unhappy  race  endurccl,  were 
such  as  to  lead  Mr.  Southey,  in  his  excellent  introduction 
to  the  '  Chronicle  of  the  Cid,'  to  impute  to  their  co- 
operation, in  part,  the  easy  conquest  of  the  country  by 
the  Arabs.  But,  althou(;h  the  laws  in  relation  to  them 
seem  to  be  taken  up  willi  determining  their  incapacities, 
rather  than  their  privik\2:es,  it  is  probable  that  they 
secured  to  them,  on  the  whole,  quite  as  great  a  degree  of 
civil  consequence  as  was  enjoyed  by  similar  classes  in  the 
rest  of  Europe.  By  the  Euer  Juzoo,  the  slave  wns 
allowed  to  acquire  property  for  himself,  and  with  it  to 
purchase  his  own  redemption.  (2)  A  certain  proportion 
of  every  man's  slaves  were  also  required  to  bear  arms, 
and  to  accompany  their  master  to  the  field.  (3)  But  their 
relative  rank  is  better  ascertained  by  the  amount  of  com- 
position (that  accurate  measurement  of  civil  rights  with 
all  the  barbarians  of  the  north)  prescribed  for  any  per- 
sonal violence  inflicted  on  them.  Thus,  by  the  Salic  law, 
the  life  of  a  free  lloman  was  estimated  at  only  one-fifth  of 
that  of  a  Frank,  (1)  while*  by  the  law  of  the  Visigoths,  tho 
life  of  a  slave  was  valued  at  half  of  that  of  a  free  man.  (5) 
In  the  latter  code,  moreover,  the  master  was  prohibited, 
under  the  severe  penalties  of  banishment  and  sequestra- 
tion of  property,  from  either  maiming  or  murdering  his 
own  slave,  (G)  while,  in  other  codes  of  the  barbarians,  the 
penalty  was  confined  to  similar  trespasses  on  the  slaves 
of  another ;  and  by  the  Salic  laAv,  no  higher  mulct  was 
imposed  for  killing  than  for  kidnapping  a  slave.  (7)  The 
legislation  of  the  Visigoths,  in  those  particulars,  seems  to 
have  regarded  this  unhappy  race  as  not  merely  a  distinct 
species  of  property  ;  it  provided  for  their  personal  secu- 
rity, instead  of  limiting  itself  to  the  iudemniiication  of 
their  masters."- 

It  is  a  curious  circumstance  that  the  malefactors,  whose 
punishment  has  been  commuted  from    death  to  slavery 

(I)  Vol.  i.  p.  7,  note.  (2)  Lib.  v.  tit.  4,  ley  l6. 

(3)  Lib.  i.\.  tit.  2,  ley  8.  (4)  Lex  .Salica,  tit.  -i:},  sec.  1,  8. 

(5)  Lib.  vi.  tit.  4.  ley  1.  (G)  Lib.  vi,  tit.  3,  Icycs  12,  13. 

Ij)  Le.\  Salica,  tit.  ii,  &cc.  i,  3. 


92  DEAMA.  [I.  5. 

in  the  pagodas,  arc  better  off  than  the  s^enerality  of  the 
slave  population  ;  so  that,  in  fact,  there  is  not  such  indig- 
nity and  misery  in  it  as  some  authors  have  represented. 
The  Mexicans,  who  formed  some  portions  of  their  polity 
on  a  higher  model,  esteemed  it  an  honour  to  serve  in  the 
temples  of  the  gods.  Let  us  now  turn  to  a  liveUer  theme — 
the  Burman  amusements. 

Symes,  the  energetic  envoy,  to  whose  work  I  have  so 
often  referred,  gives  the  following  curious  description  of  a 
dramatic  entertainment  in  Burmah  -.(l) — 

"  The  solar  year  of  the  Birmans  was  now  drawing  to  a 
cloSe,  and  the  three  last  days  are  usually  spent  by  them 
in  merriment  and  feasting.  "VYe  were  invited  by  the 
Maywoon  to  be  present  on  the  evening  of  the  10th  of 
April,  at  the  exhibition  of  a  dramatic  representation. 

"  At  a  little  before  eight  o'clock,  the  hour  when  the 
play  was  to  commence,  we  proceeded  to  the  house  of 
the  Maywoon,  accompanied  by  Baba- Sheen,  who,  on  all 
occasions,  acted  as  master  of  the  ceremonies.  The  theatre 
was  the  open  court,  splendidly  illuminated  by  lamps  and 
torches  ;  the  Maywoon  and  his  lady  sat  in  a  projecting 
balcony  of  his  house  ;  we  occupied  seats  below  him,  raised 
about  two  feet  from  the  ground,  and  covered  with  car- 
pets ;  a  crowd  of  spectators  were  seated  in  a  circle  roimd 
the  stage.  The  performance  began  immediately  on  our 
arrival,  and  far  excelled  any' Indian  drama  that  I  had 
ever  seen.  The  dialogue  was  spirited  without  rant,  and 
the  action  animated  without  being  extravagant ;  the 
dresses  of  the  principal  performers  were  showy  and 
becoming.  I  was  told  that  the  best  actors  were  natives 
of  Siam,  a  nation  which,  though  unable  to  contend  with 
the  Birmans  and  Peguers  in  war,  have  cultivated  with 
more  success  the  retined  arts  of  peace.  By  way  of  inter- 
lude between  the  acts,  a  clownish  buffoon  entertained  the 
audience  with  a  recital  of  different  passages  ;  and  by 
grimace,  and  frequent  alterations  of  tone  and  countenance, 
extorted  loud  peals  of  laughter  from  the  spectators.  The 
Birmans  seem  to  delight  in  mimickry,  and  are  very 
expert  in  the  practice,  possessing  uncommon  versatility  of 
countenance.  An  eminent  practitioner  of  this  art  amused 
us  with  a  specimen  of  his  skill,  at  our  own  house,  and,  to 


(1)  Embassy  to  Ava  in  the  year  l"95,  vol.  ii.  p.  41  sqq. ;  later  ed.  vol.  i. 
p.  208  sq. 


I.  5.]  DEAMA.  93 

our  no  small  astonishment,  cxliibitcd  a  masterly  display 
of  the  passions  in  pantomimic  looks  and  gestures  ;  the 
transitions  he  made,  from  pain  to  pleesurc  ;  from  joy  to 
despair  ;  from  rage  to  madness  ;  from  laughter  to  tears  : 
liis  expression  of  terror,  and,  above  all,  his  look  of  idiot- 
ism,  were  performances  of  first-rate  merit  in  their  line ; 
and  we  agreed  in  opinion,  that  had  his  fates  decreed  him 
to  have  been  a  native  of  Great  Britain,  his  genius  would 
have  rivalled  that  of  any  modern  comedian  of  the  English 
stage. 

"  The  plot  of  the  drama  performed  this  evening,  I 
understood,  was  taken  from  the  sacred  text  of  the  JRa- 
mnyam  of  Balmiec,  a  work  of  high  authority  amongst  the 
Hindoos.  (1)  It  represented  the  battles  of  the  holy  Ham 
and  the  impious  llahwaan,  chief  of  the  ilalkuss,  or  demons, 
to  revenge  the  rape  of  Seeta,  the  wife  of  Kam,  who  was 
forcibly  carried  away  by  Rahwaan,  and  bound  under  the 
spells  of  enchantment.  Vicissitudes  of  fortune  took  place 
during  the  performance,  that  seemed  highly  interesting 
to  the  audience.  !Ram  was  at  length  wounded  by  a 
poisoned  arrow ;  the  sages  skilled  in  medicine  consulted 
on  his  cure  ;  they  discovered,  that  on  the  mountain  Indra- 
gurry  grew  a  certain  tree  that  produced  a  gum,  which 
was  a  sovereign  antidote  against  the  deleterious  effects  of 
poison  ;  but  the  distance  was  so  great  that  none  could  be 
foimd  to  undertake  the  journey  :  at  length,  Honymaan,  (2) 
leader  of  the  army  of  apes,  offered  to  go  in  quest  of  it. 
A\Tien  he  arrived  at  the  place,  being  uncertain  which  was 
the  tree,  he  took  up  half  the  mountain,  and  transported 
it  with  ease :  thus  was  the  cure  of  Ram  happily  effected, 
the  enchantment  was  broken,  and  the  piece  ended  with  a 
dance  and  songs  of  triumph." 

Dr.  Buchanan  gives  us  some  farther  particulars  on  this 
curious  subject,  which  I  subjoin :  (3) 

"  Although  these  entertainments,  like  the  Italian  opera, 
consist  of  music,  dancing,  and  action,  with  a  dialogue  in 
recitative ;  yet  we  understood,  that  no  part  but  the  songs 

(1)  Called  by  Sir  William  Jones,  Valmiec. 

(2)  Hon>'maan  is  worshipped  by  tlic  Hindoos  under  the  form  of  an  ape, 
and  is  one  of  the  most  frequent  objects  of  tlieir  adoration;  almost  every 
Hindoo  pagoda  has  this  figure  delineated  in  some  part  of  it.  Honymaan 
(Hanuinan;  is  the  term  used  by  the  Hindoos  to  denote  a  lar^c  ape.  The 
worship  was  widely  extended  even  among  the  Mexicans,  wlio  portrayed 
monkeys  in  their  picture  writings.  In  the  Coptic -Egyptian,  llaanu  signi> 
fles  monkey. 

(3)  Asiatic  Researches,  vol.  vi.  p.  305. 


04  DRAMA,  [I.  5. 

was  previously  romposccl.  The  subject  is  generally  taken 
from  some  oi'  tlie  legends  of  their  heroes,  especially  of 
Rama ;  and  the  several  parts,  songs,  and  actions,  being 
assigned  to  the  different  performers,  the  recitative  part  or 
dialogue  is  left  to  each  actor's  ingenuity.  If,  from  the 
eflects  on  the  audience,  we  might  judge  of  the  merit  of 
the  performance,  it  must  be  very  considerable,  as  some  of 
the  performers  had  the  art  of  keeping  the  multitude  in 
a  roar.  I  often,  however,  suspected,  that  the  audience 
were  not  difficult  to  please  ;  for  1  frequently  observed  the 
]\Iyoowun  of  Haynthawade  (the  man  of  high  rank  whom 
we  most  frequently  saw),  thrown  into  immoderate  laugh- 
ter by  the  most  childish  contrivances.  These  easterns  are 
indeed  a  lively,  merry  people ;  and,  like  the  former 
French,  dance,  lau^jh,  and  sing,  in  the  midst  of  oppres- 
sion and  misfortune." 

But  by  far  the  most  lucid  account  that  we  have  of  the 
Burmese  drama,  is  in  one  of  the  dramas  themselves, 
which  Mr.  Smith  has  translated  in  the  Journal  of  the 
Asiatic  Society  of  Bengal ;  and  he  has  added  much  to  the 
value  of  the  work  by  a  few  judicious  observations,  from 
which  I  present  an  extract  to  the  reader : — 

'•  The  Eamadzat  (Eamahyaua),  and  other  ancient  fabu- 
lous histories,  form  the  groundwork  of  nearly  all  the 
favourite  plays,  the  outline  of  the  story  being  merely 
preserved,  while  the  language  of  the  play  depends  as 
much  upon  the  fancy  of  the  performer  as  the  taste  of  the 
audience.  Each  company  is  presided  over  by  a  teacher 
or  manager,  who  drills  the  actors  in  their  tasks  from 
rough  notes,  which  contain  only  the  songs  and  the  sub- 
stance of  the  parts  assigned  to  each  performer.  In  every 
play,  without  perhaps  a  single  exception,  the  following 
characters  are  represented, — a  king,  a  queen,  a  princess, 
a  minister  of  state,  a  himtsman,  and  some  kind  of  mon- 
ster. (1)  The  female  characters  are  usually  personated 
by  men,  it  being  considered  indecorous  in  a  woman  to 
appear  as  an  actress.  I  have  to  plead  as  an  apology  for 
the  unpolished  style  of  this  translation,  the  acknowledged 
difficulty  of  turning  the  dialogue  of  a  play  into  a  foreign 
dress ;  moreover,  the  original,  which  was  written  from 
the  mouth  of  an  actor,  was  imperfect  and  OI  written.  I 
believe  there  are  books  in  the  palace  at  Umeraporee,  con- 

(i)  stock  characters  seem  as  prcviJcnt  as  at  the  Victoria  or  Ailelphi, 


I,  5.]  EPITOME    OF   A   BURMESE   TLAY.  95 

tainiuij  the  propor  roadin<T  of  all  the  approvod  ])lays,  and 
tlio  costumes  of  the  cliaracters,  wliich  arc  placed  near  the 
members  of  the  royal  fiimily  whenever  they  call  their 
companies  before  them  ;  but  I  have  not  been  able  to  dis- 
cover any  work  of  this  description  here."  (1) 

Of  the  play  {riven  by  Smith,  I  shall  here  olTer  an 
epitome : — The  nine  prmcesses  of  the  silver  mountain, 
which  is  separated  from  the  abode  of  mortals  by  a  triple 
barrier  (the  first,  a  belt  of  priclcly  cane  ;  the  second,  a 
stream  of  liquid  copper ;  and  the  third,  a  Bcloo,  or  devil), 
p^ird  on  their  enchanted  zones,  which  give  them  the  power 
of  flying  like  birds,  and  visit  a  pleasant  forest  of  the 
earth.  While  bathing,  a  Imntsman  snares  the  youngest 
with  a  magic  noose,  and  carries  her  to  the  young  prince 
of  Pyentsa,  who,  on  account  of  her  beauty,  makes  her  his 
chief  queen,  notwithstanding  his  recent  marriage  with 
the  daughter  of  the  head  astrologer  of  the  palace.  During 
the  princess's  absence,  the  astrologer  takes  the  oppor- 
tunity to  misinterpret  a  dream,  which  the  king  calls  upon 
him  to  explain,  and  declares  that  the  evil  spirit,  who  is 
exerting  himself  against  the  king's  power,  is  only  to  be 
appeased  by  the  sacrifice  of  the  beautiful  Manauhurree. 
The  princess's  mother,  hearing  of  this,  visits  the  lovely 
^Manauhurree,  and  restores  to  her  the  enchanted  zone, 
which  had  been  picked  up,  and  given  to  the  old  cpieen,  by 
the  huntsman.  The  princess  immediately  returns  to  the 
silver  mountain,  but  on  her  way  stops  at  the  hermitage  of 
a  recluse,  who  lives  on  the  borders  of  the  forest,  and 
gives  him  a  ring  and  some  drugs,  by  which  the  possessor 
of  them  can  pass  unharmed  through  the  dangers  of  the 
barrier.  The  young  prince  having  put  an  end  to  the 
war,  returns,  and  finding  his  favourite  queen  gone,  ho 
instantly  sets  off  to  seek  her.  Being  arrived  at  the  forest, 
he  dismisses  his  followers,  visits  the  recluse,  who  gives 
him  the  ring  and  drugs ;  he  then  enters  the  frightful 
barrier,  and,  after  many  adventures,  arrives  at  the  city 
of  the  silver  mountain,  and  makes  known  his  presence  to 
his  beautiful  bride,  by  dropping  the  ring  into  a  vessel  of 
water,  which  a  damsel  is  conveying  to  the  bath  of  the 
princess.  The  princess,  on  finding  the  rmg,  inquires  of 
one  of  the  damsels  what  has  happened  at  the  lake,  who 
tells  her,  that  they  found  a  young  spirit  resting  himself, 

(1^  Journal  of  the  As.  Soc.  of  Bengal,  vol.  viii,  p.  535  sq. 


96 


BUBMESE   CHESS. 


[L5. 


and  that  he  assisted  one  of  the  maids  to  place  the  vessel 
of  water  on  her  head.  The  princess  cries  out,  "  Oh  my 
husband,  come  and  take  me."  The  king,  her  father, 
is  angry  that  any  mortal  should  presume  to  enter  his 
country  and  claim  his  daughter,  he  makes  him  go  thi'ough 
trials  of  riding  elephants  and  horses,  and  shooting  arrows, 
in  which  the  prince  acquits  himself  surprisingly,  but  the 
king  insists  on  his  selecting  the  little  linger  of  Manau- 
hurree  from  among  those  of  her  sisters,  thrust  through  a 
screen ;  this  he  does  by  the  assistance  of  the  king  of  the 
"Nats.  Then,  as  in  a  European  play,  every  one  is  made 
happy  and  comfortable. 

Perhaps,  indeed,  the  game  of  chess  does  not  methodi- 
cally fall  in  immediately  after  the  consideration  of  the 
drama,  yet  I  cannot  allow  the  Burman  game,  their  chief 
sedentary  amusement,  to  pass  ^vithout  notice.  As  their 
principal  in-door  game,  indeed,  it  may  not  seem  inoppor- 
tune to  place  it  here.  The  form  of  the  chess-board,  and 
the  manner  of  arrangement,  will  be  readily  understood 
by  the  accompanjdng  diagram  :  (1)  — 


3 

6 
6 
3 

1 

T 

6 
6 

4 
2 
6 

6 

5 
6 
\ 
/ 

6 
5 

5 
6 

\ 

6 
5 

6 

6 
2 

4 

6 
6 

4 

1 

3 
6 
6 

3 

REFERENCES. 


1  Meng . . 

2  Chekoy 

3,  3  Rutha. . 

4,  4  CheiJi  . . 

5,  5  Mhee  . . 
6, 6, 6, 6, 6, 6, 6, 6  Yein    . . 


Tlie  king. 
Lieut.-  General. 
War  chariot. 
Elephants. 
Cavalry. 
Foot  soldiers. 


The  Burman  name  for  chess  is  Chit-tha-reen,  a  name 
applied  by  them  to  the  chief  ruler,  or  leader  of  an  army, 
or  to  war  itself. 

The  king  has  the  same  powers  and  moves  as  in  our  own 

fame,  except  that  there  is  no  castling,  and  no  stalemate, 
'he  Chekoy,  or  general,  moves  diagonally  either  way,  in 
advance  or  retrograde,  but  only  one  move  at  a  time.  The 
S  lit  ha,  or  war-chariot,  has  exactly  the  same  moves  and 
powers  as  our  castle.     The  Che  in,  or  elephants,  have  five 


(1)  I  am  partly  indebted  to  Cox,  Asiatic  Researches,  vol.  vii.  p.  -ly;  sq. 


1. 5.]  CHESS.  97 

distinct  moves ;  diagonal  in  advance,  both  in  fact  diafronal 
retrograde;  also,  both  ways,  and  direct  forward;  but  in 
every  case  they  are  limited  to  one  check  or  step  at  a 
move.  The  move  direct  in  advance  being  only  intended 
to  alter  the  line  of  their  operations,  which  gives  tliem 
somewhat  of  the  power  of  our  queen.  The  Mhec,  or 
cavalry,  have  exactly  the  same  powers  as  our  knights. 
The  Ydn,  or  foot-soldiers,  have  the  same  moves  and 
powers  as  in  the  English  game  ;  they  are,  however,  limited 
to  one  check  or  move  at  a  time,  and  the  right-hand 
pieces  alone  are  susceptible  of  promotion  to  the  rank  of 
general,  in  the  event  of  that  piece  being  taken.  It  is  not 
necessary,  however,  that  they  should  have  advanced  to 
the  last  row  of  the  adversary's  squares,  but  to  that  square 
Avliich  is  in  a  diagonal  line  with  the  left-hand  square  in 
tlie  last  row  of  the  adversai'y's  section  ;  consequently,  the 
right-hand  pawn  will  have  to  advance  four  steps  to  ransom 
the  Chekoy ;  the  next,  three  ;  and  so  on  to  the  fifth  pawn, 
who  has  to  make  but  one  step. 

But  notwithstanding  this  manner  of  disposing  the 
forces,  which  is  generally  followed,  the  arrangement  is 
quite  arbitrary ;  and  the  player  strengthens  or  exposes 
liis  wing  according  to  his  own  judgment,  and  the  pro- 
iiciency  of  his  adversary. 

"This  liberty,"  as  Cox  well  observes,  "added  to  the  names 
and  powers  of  the  pieces,  gives  the  Burmha  game  more 
the  appearance  of  a  real  battle  than  any  other  game  I 
know  of.  The  powers  of  the  Chein  are  well  calculated 
for  the  defence  of  each  other  and  the  king,  where  most 
vulnerable  ;  and  the  Kutha,  or  war-chariots,  are  certainly 
more  analogous  to  an  active  state  of  warfare,  than  rooks 
or  castles."  (1) 

There  is  a  game  played  amongst  them,  called  cog- 
nento.  (2)  It  resembles  very  much  the  popular  English 
game  of  knock'emdowns.  Tliey  liave  also  a  kind  of  game 
of  goose  and  cards  of  ivory,  introduced  from  Si:mi.  Foot- 
l)all  is  very  usual,  and  is  played  witli  much  skill.  The 
ball  is  hollow,  and  formed  of  split  rattan,  from  six  to  ten 
inches  in  diameter.  It  is  not  struck  alone  with  the  instep, 
but  with  tlie  head,  shoulder,  knee,  elbow,  heel,  or  sole  of 
the  fool.  Malcom(3)  thinks  it  has  been  introducetl  from 
China, 

(1)  Asiatic  Ue^carohes,  vol.  vii.  p.  jgO-  Comp.  S)"mes,  vol.  ii.  j).  226, 
small  ed.  v-'  Saiigermano.  p.  \'i~.  (3)  Vol.  i.  p.  240. 

U 


98  BUEMESE   AMUSEMENTS.  [I.  5. 

Boxing  and  fighting-cocks  are  well  known ;  and  the 
latter  is  a  favourite  amusement  with  the  youth  of 
Burmah,  as  it  used  to  be  in  England. 

The  Burmese  never  dance  themselves,  but  hire  dancers, 
who  make  extraordinary  eHbrts  in  their  dancing.  No 
figures  are  attempted,  nor  do  women  and  men  dance 
together ;  indeed,  very  few  females  dance  at  all ;  the  men 

generally  assuming  the  dress  of  women,  and  tying  their 
air  in  the  manner  of  women.  They  cannot  imderstand 
what  the  English  dance  for ;  they,  in  common  with  all 
Indians,  wonder  at  it. 

The  musical  instruments  are  the  moung  or  gong,  struck 
with  a  mallet  covered  with  leather  ;  the  panma-gyee,  or 
large  drum  ;  the  tseing  or  houndaw,  is  a  collection  of  small 
drums,  disposed  within  a  frame  in  a  circle.  The  size  varies 
in  every  case.  The  player  sits  in  the  middle,  and  strikes 
them  with  his  fingers.  The  me-goum  or  me-hyong,  is  a 
kind  of  guitar,  played  with  the  fiiigers.  The  sonng,  is  a 
kind  of  harp.  They  have  also  a  kind  of  violin,  called 
ie-yau,  very  disagreeable,  with  only  two  strings.  The 
hyay-icyng  is  formed  by  a  number  of  gongs,  of  difierent 
sizes,  struck  with  smadl  sticks,  very  pleasant  of  sound. 
There  are  also  two  or  three  kinds  of  wind-instruments, 
but  very  inferior  in  tone. 

Malcom  (1)  remarks  it  as  a  curious  fact,  that  the  Bur- 
mese are  totally  ignorant  of  whistling. 

In  making  fireworks,  the  Burmese  display  great  in- 
genuity, and  their  delight  is  immense  at  a  well-made 
rocket.  Sangermano  tells  us,  (2)  that  "  when  the  great 
rockets  are  let  ofi',  if  these  fireworks  ascend  straight  up 
into  the  air  without  bursting  or  running  obliquely,  the 
makers  of  them  burst  out  into  the  wildest  shouts  and 
songs,  and  dance  about  with  the  most  extravagant  con- 
tortions, like  reid  madmen." 

We  will  leave  them  shouting,  and  turn  to  the  ancient 
history  of  the  country. 

(1)  Vol.  i.  p.  242.  (2)  Burmese  Empire,  p.  128. 


CHAPTER    VL 


Ancient  history— Pegue— Character  of  the  Burmese— Concluding 
reflections. 

The  ancient  history  of  Burmah  differs  in  one  remark- 
able particular  from  that  of  almost  every  other  Oriental 
nation.  The  historiographers,  except  Avhere  they  have 
been  led  into  speaking  of  Gaudama  and  his  wondrous 
career,  in  effect,  present  a  more  coherent  chronology  than 
is  offered  by  any  other  Eastern  historians.  The  simple, 
almost  nngarnished  tale  of  their  doings  in  the  country, 
present  self-evident  proofs  of  its  truthfulness.  The  reigns 
of  the  kings  none  of  them  exceed  the  limits  of  proba- 
bility, and  what  is  more,  they  are  shorter  than  usual, 
which  shows  in  every  way  that  there  was  no  desire  to 
magnify  the  doings  of  their  sovereigns.  "We  find  the 
kings  of  this  early  period  doing  just  what  the  kings  of  the 
present  dynasty  have  been  doing,  and  there  is  no  undue 
disguise  of  facts  ;  though  now  and  then  (as  in  the  narra- 
tive of  the  two  blind  princes  of  Sagaing)  there  is  a  dash 
of  the  marvellous ;  yet  one  cannot  help  wondering  at  the 
extraordinary  simplicity  that  pervades  the  whole  narrative 
given  by  the  Burmese  historians. 

All  that  the  Burmese  know  of  their  emigration  from 
India,  and  of  the  founding  and  history  of  the  ancient  city 
of  Tagoung,  is  to  be  found  in  the  third  volume  of  the 
Clironicles  of  the  Kings  of  Ava.  Here  is  an  abstract  of 
the  tale.  (1) 

]\[any  years  before  the  appearance  of  Gaudama,  a  king 
of  Kanthalatt  (Oude)  and  Pinjalarit  (a  kingdom  in  the  Pun- 
jab), being  desirous  of  a  connection  by  marriage  with  the 
king  of  Kauliya,  sent  to  him  to  demand  a  daughter ;  but 
receiving  a  refusal  on  the  grounds  of  inferiority  of  caste, 
he  declared  war,  and  destroyed  several  cities  governed  by 
the  Thaki  family.  These  cities  were  afterwards  rebuilt,  and 

(1  My  authority  is  an  interesting  article  in  the  Journal  of  the  Asiatic 
Society  of  Bengal,  vol.  v.  p.  159  sq. 

u  2 


100  ANCIENT   HISTOET.  [I.  6. 

the  Thi'iki  line  rc-cstablislicd  ;  but  one  of  tlie  Tliald  race 
of  kings,  Abliiraja,  the  king  of  Kappilawot,  emigrated 
with  his  troops  and  followers  from  Central  India,  and 
came  and  built  Tagoung,  which  was  then  also  styled 
Thengat-the-ratha,  and  TJiengat-the-nago.  The  place  had 
been  inhabited  before,  during  the  period  of  the  three  pre- 
ceding Buddhas.  In  the  time  of  Xekkuthan  it  was  called 
Thanthaya-pura  ;  in  that  of  Gounagoun,  Eatha-pura  ;  and 
in  that  of  Xatthaba,  Thendwe.  On  the  death  of  Xing 
Abliiriija,  his  two  sons,  Kan  Yaziigyee  and  Ivan  Yazan- 
gay,  disputed  the  throne,  but  agreed  by  the  advice  of 
their  respective  officers  to  let  the  question  be  decided  in 
this  way  ;  that  each  should  construct  a  large  building  on 
the  same  night,  and  he  whose  building  should  be  found  com- 
pleted by  the  morning,  should  take  the  throne.  The  younger 
brother  used  planks  and  bamboos  only,  and  covered  the 
whole  with  cloth,  to  which,  by  a  coat  of  whitewash,  he 
gave  the  appearance  of  a  finished  building.  At  dawn  of 
day,  Kan  Yiizagyee,  the  elder  brother,  seeing  the  other's 
being  completed,  collected  his  troops  and  followers,  and 
came  down  the  Irawadi.  He  then  ascended  the  Khyend- 
wen,  and  established  himself  for  six  months  at  Kule(l) 
Toungnyo,  calling  it  Yazagyo,  and  sent  his  sou,  Moo- 
dootscitta,  to  be  king  over  the  Thoonaparnn  Pyoos, 
Kanyan,  and  Thet,  who  then  occupied  the  territory  be- 
tween Pegu,  Arakhan,  and  Pagan,  and  had  applied  to  him 
for  a  prince.  Eau  Yazagyee  then  built  the  city  Kyouk- 
padoung  to  the  east  of  the  Guttshapanadee,  and  resided 
there  for  twenty-four  years.  From  thence  he  went  and 
took  possession  of  the  city  of  Diniawadee,  or  Arakhan, 
which  had  originally  been  founded  by  a  King  jNlayayoo, 
and  having  constructed  fortifications,  a  palace,  &c.,  took 
up  his  residence  there. 

The  younger  brother,  Kan  Yazangay,  took  possession 
of  his  father's  throne  at  Tagoung,  and  was  followed  suc- 
cessively by  thirty-three  kings,  the  last  of  whom  was 
Bheinnaka  Yazti.  During  this  monarch's  reign,  the 
Chinese  and  Tartars,  from  the  country  of  Tsein,  in  the 
empire  of  Gandalareet.  attacked  and  burnt  Tagoung.  The 
king  and  his  followers  retired  up  tlie  j\tali  river,  and 
shortly  afterwards  died.  His  people  then  divided  them- 
selves into  three  portions,  one  of  which  established  the 

(1)  A  territory  to  tUe  southward  of  Manipur. 


I.  6.]  DAZA   YAZA   AT  TAGOUN'J.  "lOl 

jiiuetecn  Slicin  states.  A  second  portion  allied  tlicmselves 
with  the  Thiinaparanta  kingdom,  composed  of  the  people 
of  Kanyan  and  Thet,  who  were  f^overued  by  Mudutseitta 
and  other  kings  of  the  Thaki  race.  The  last  remained 
near  the  Mall  river,  under  the  command  of  Naga  Zeiu, 
the  last  king's  principal  wife. 

About  this  time  Gaudama  appeared  in  Central  India.  In 
that  part  of  Hindustan,  also,  a  dispute  arose  between 
King  Pethauadi  Kauthala  of  Thawotta (1)  and  Maha  Nansa 
of  KappihiM'ot.  The  dispute  originated  in  a  matter  of 
marriage  again.  Pathanadi  had  sent  an  embassy  to  Maha 
Nama  for  one  of  his  daughters.  Nama,  however,  sent  him 
the  daughter  of  a  slave  girl  instead.  She  was  received, 
and  had  a  son,  Prince  Wit'hat'hoopa.  When  he  had 
grown,  he  went  to  see  his  relations  in  Kappilawot,  and 
then  first  learned  the  indignity  which  had  been  put  upon 
his  father.  Gaudama  stopped  his  army  three  times  in  its 
passage  to  Kappilawot,  but  let  him  do  as  he  pleased  the 
fourth  time,  when  he  took  ample  vengeance  on  the  per- 
fidious Maha  Nama,  and  he  destroyed  Kappilawot  and 
two  other  cities  in  the  country  of  Thekka,  M'hich,  not 
improbably,  is  the  present  Dekkan. 

This  caused  another  dispersion  of  the  Thaki  race,  and 
we  find  that  Daza  Yaza(2)  established  himself  at  Tagoung, 
carrying  with  him  the  name  of  his  city,  Pinjalarit;  ho 
assumed  the  title  of  Thado  Zaboodipa  Daza  Y  aza,  which 
may  be  translated  Emperor  Daza,  king  of  Zaboodipa,  the 
name,  as  we  have  seen, (3)  of  the  southern  island  in  the 
Burmese  cosmography.  Thus  he  aspired  to  the  govern- 
ment of  the  world,  for  Zaboodipa  was  to  the  Burmese 
the  whole  world.  He  founded,  also,  the  city  of  Pagan. 
Seventeen  kings  of  his  race  reigned  over  Tagoung.  "  None 
of  these  kings,"  says  Colonel  Burney,  "  reigned  long,  the 
countiy  having  been  much  molested  by  evil  spirits,  mon- 
sters,  and  serpents In  the  fortieth  year  after  Gau- 

dania's  death,  whilst  Thado  Maha  Yaza,  the  seventeenth 
king  of  Tagoung,  was  reigning,  an  immense  wild  boar 
appeared,  and  committed  great  destruction  in  his  country. 
Ihe  crown  prince  went  forth  against  the  animal,  and  ])ur- 
sued  it  for  several  days,  until  he  overtook  and  killeil  it 
near  Prome,  and  then  finding  himself  so  far  from  home, 

(1)  Sravasti  in  Oudc. — Wilson. 

(2)  Y<i/.a  is  the  Burmese  pronunciation  of  Raja. 

(3)  Book  i.  chap,  iii.  p.  47. 


102  ^     .;  ^         ,        _    _    TIIAfiE   KBJITTARA.  [I.  6. 

he  determined  on  remainini"^  where  he  was  as  a  hermit. 

Through  the  recommendation  of  the  hermit  prince  of 

Tagoung,  the  Queen  Nan  Khan  married  one  of  his 
nephews,  Maha  Thavibawa,  who  became  king  of  the  Pp'is, 
and  estabUslied  the  Prome  or  Thare  Khettara  empire,  sixty 
years  after  Gaudama's  death,  481  B.C." 

A  curious  account  of  the  origin  of  the  name  Thare 
Khettara  is  given  by  S3rme8,(l)  in  whose  words  I  shall 
relate  the  legend.  "  It  is  related,  that  a  favourite  female 
slave  of  Tutebongmangee,  or  the  Miglity  Sovereign  with 
three  eyes,  importuned  her  lord  for  a  gift  of  some  ground  ; 
and  being  asked  of  what  extent,*replied  in  similar  terms 
with  the  crafty  and  amorous  Elisa,  when  she  projected  the 
site  of  ancient  Carthage.  Her  request  was  granted,  and 
she  used  the  same  artifice.  The  resemblance  of  the  stories 
is  curious."  It  is,  however,  met  vritli  in  many  parts  of 
the  world.  Thare  Khettara  signifies  single  skin.  Symes 
is  mistaken,  however,  in  the  town  ;  it  is  Issay  Mew,  six 
leagues  from  Prome. 

Lpon  the  fall  of  the  empire  of  Prome,  Thamauddarit 
transferred  the  government  to  Pagahm,  then  an  incon- 
siderable place.  A  young  man  named  Tsaudi  destroyed 
the  wild  animals  of  the  neighbourhood,  and  in  recompense 
for  this  important  service  he  was  offered  the  succession 
by  the  king.  This,  however,  he  refused,  making  his 
former  instructor  king  in  his  stead ;  but  on  the  old  man's 
decease  he  assumed  the  sovereignty,  in  the  year  81)  of  the 
Pagan  a^ra,  a.d.  167.  Thisfyouth,  however,  was  of  the 
royal  race  of  Tagoung. 

In  the  sixth  volume  of  the  Chronicles  of  Ava,  further 
mention  is  made  of  Tagoung.  We  there  find  it  granted  to 
Yahula  by  Theehapade,  alias  Menbyouk.  Yaliula  assumed 
the  title  of  Thado-Men-bya ;  he  was  afterwards  driven 
from  his  government  by  the  invading  Shan  tribes,  in  the 
Burmese  year  725,  a.d.  1363.  However,  he  subsequently 
retrieved  his  fortunes,  and  in  726  (a.d.  1364),  he  founded 
the  city  of  Ava,  and  established  the  line  of  the  kings  of 
Ava  which  has  lasted  to  our  times. 

"The  great  point,"  concludes  Burney,(2)  "with  the 
Burmese  historians  is  to  show  that  their  sovereigns  are 
lineally  descended  from  the  Thaki  race  of  kings,  and  are 

(1)  Ava,  vol.  i.  p.  270,  small  edition. 

(2),Joum.  Asiat.  Soc.  Beng:al,  vol.  v.  p.  l64.  > 


1.  6.]  PEGU.  103 

'  Children  of  tlic  Siin  ;'(1)  and  for  this  purpose  the  genea- 
logy of  even  Alonipra,  the  founder  of  the  present  dynasty, 
is  iu<xeniously  traced  up  to  the  kiui^  of  Pagan,  Prome, 
and  Tagoimg." 

The  internal  history  of  Burmah,  up  to  the  sixteenth 
century,  is  not  illustrated  by  any  other  documents  than 
the  native ;  (2)  but  about  this  time  Fitch  visited  the 
country,  and  his  descriptions  sliow  that  the  state  ■was  on 
much  the  same  footing  as  at  present.  At  this  period  the 
Burnlans  first  conquered  the  Peguans,  and  had  almost 
subdued  Siani.  But  at  the  close  of  the  seventeenth  cen- 
tury the  Peguans  rose,  and  in  a.d.  1753  carried  the  Bui'- 
man  king  captive  to  Pegu.  But,  like  the  Persians  under 
the  Mede  governments,  the  proud  Burmans  rose,  and 
Alompra,  whose  adventures  will  be  discussed  in  the  next 
chapter,  beat  the  Peguans,  and  restored  the  Burmans  to 
their  ancient  supremacy. 

Of  modern  Pegu,  or  Pegue,  the  foUowing  account  by 
Symes  may  be  interestmg : — 

"  The  extent  of  ancient  Pegue  may  still  be  accurately 
traced  by  the  ruins  of  the  ditch  and  walls  that  surrounded 
it ;  from  these  it  appears  to  have  been  a  quadrangle,  each 
side  measuring  nearly  a  mile  and  a  half ;  in  several  places 
the  ditch  is  choked  up  by  rubbish  that  has  been  cast  into 
it,  and  the  falling  of  its  own  banks  ;  sufficient,  however,  still 
remains  to  show  that  it  was  once  no  contemptible  defence ; 
the  breadth  I  judged  to  be  about  sixty  yards,  and  the 
depth  ten  or  twelve  feet ;  in  some  parts  of  it  there  is 
water,  but  in  no  considerable  quantity.  I  w^as  informed, 
that  when  the  ditch  was  in  repair,  the  water  seldom,  in 
the  hottest  season,  sunk  below  the  depth  of  four  feet.  An 
injudicious  faussc-hraie,  thirty  feet  wide,  did  not  add  to 
the  security  of  the  fortress. 

"  The  fragments  of  the  wall  likewise  evince  that  this 
was  a  work  of  magnitude  and  labour ;  it  is  not  easy  to 
ascertain  precisely  what  was  its  height,  but  we  conjectured 
it  at  least  thirty  ieet,  and  in  breadth,  at  the  base,  not  less 
than  forty.  It  is  composed  of  brick,  badly  cemented  with 
clay  mortar.  Smnll  equidistant  bastions,  about  three 
hundred  yards  asunder,  are  still  discoverable ;  and  there 

(1)  One  of  the  king  of  Ava's  titles  is  Nctlwct  bhuyen — Sun -descended 
monarch.     Strange  coincidence  with  the  Inca  boast ! 

(2)  Mr.  Judson  has  given  us  a  translation  of  a  chronological  summary, 
which  is  of  extreme  value.  It  is  now,  together  with  the  text,  in  the 
British  Museum.— (Additional  MS.,  No.  12,400.) 


104  THE   TEGUEBS.  [I.  6. 

had  been  a  parapet  of  masonry  ;  but  the  whole  is  in  a  state 
so  ruinous,  and  so  covered  with  weeds  and  briars,  as  to 
leave  very  imperfect  vestiges  of  its  former  strenj^h. 

"  In  the  centre  of  each  face  of  the  fort  there  is  a  gate- 
way about  thirty  feet  wide,  and  these  gateways  were  the 
principal  entrances.  The  passage  across  tlie  ditch  is  over 
a  causeway  raised  on  a  mound  of  earth,  that  serves  as  a 
bridge,  and  was  formerly  defended  by  a  retrenchment,  of 
which  there  are  now  no  traces. 

"  It  is  impossible  to  conceive  a  more  striking  picture  of 
fidlen  grandeur  and  the  desolating  hand  of  war,  than  the 

inside  of  these  walls  displays The  temples,  or  praws, 

which  are  very  numerous,  were  the  only  buildings  that 
escaped  the  fury  of  the  conqueror ;  and  of  these  the  great 
pyramid  of  Shoemadoo  has  alone  been  reverenced  and 
kept  in  repair. "(1) 

About  the  time  when  Symes  visited  Pegu,  active  exer- 
tions were  being  made  to  conciliate  the  Pegners,  or  Ta- 
liens,  as  the  Burmans  always  called  them ;  and  we  may 
well  agree  with  the  energetic  traveller,  that  '*  no  act  of 
the  Burman  government  is  more  likely  to  reconcile  the 
Peguers  to  the  Burman  yoke  than  the  restoration  of  their 
ancient  place  of  abode,  and  the  preservation  and  embel- 
lishment of  the  temple  of  Shoemadoo. "(2)  The  govern- 
ment were  fully  sensible  of  this,  and  the  commands  of  his 
Burman  majesty  went  forth,  that  the  governor  of  l^angoon 
should  transfer  the  proA'^incial  seat  of  government  to  the 
imperial  city  of  Pegu.  Kothwithstanding  these  com- 
mands, the  superior  position  of  Kaugoon  wDl  ever  cause 
it  to  remain  the  more  considerable  of  the  two.  Even  to 
this  day,  as  it  was  at  the  period  of  Symes's  visit  in  1795, 
the  city  of  Pegu  is  chiefly  inhabited  b}"  Eahwans,  or 
priests,  attaches  of  the  provincial  government,  and  poor 
JPeguese  ftimilies,  who  greedily  availed  tliemselves  of  the 
king's  permission  to  colonise  their  deserted,  though  once 
magnificent  metropolis.  Symes  estimates  the  population 
as  not  exceeding  seven  thousand.  3Ielancholy  fate  of  the 
once  proud  and  glorious  capital ! 

Modern  Pegu  is  built  on  the  ruins  of  the  ancient  city, 
and  occupies  al)Out  half  its  area.  "It  is  fenced  round  by 
a  stockade  from  ten  to  twelve  feet  liigh;  on  the  nortli  and 
east  side  it  borders  on  the  old  wall.     The  plane  of  the 

(1)  Symes,  vol.  ii.  p.  51  sqq.  (2)  lb.  id.  p.  55. 


I.  6.]  CHAEACTEES   OF   THE   BUEilESE.  105 

town  is  not  yet  filled  with  houses,  but  a  number  of  new 
ones  arc  building^.  There  is  one  main  street  running  east 
and  west,  crossed  at  right  angles  by  two  smaller  streets 
not  yet  finished.  At  each  extremity  of  the  principal 
street  there  is  a  gate  in  the  stockade,  which  is  shut  early 
in  the  evening ;  and  after  that  time,  entrance  during  the 
night  is  confined  to  a  Avicket.  Each  of  these  gates  is 
defended  by  a  wretched  piece  of  ordnance,  and  a  few 
musketeers,  who  never  post  sentinels,  and  are  usually 
asleep  in  an  adjoining  shed.  There  are  two  inferior  gates 
on  the  north  and  south  sides  of  the  stockade."  (1) 

The  character  of  the  Burmese,  on  which  we  must  here 
say  a  few  ^^■ords,  has  its  good  points  as  well  as  its  bad. 
"  It  difiers,"  according  to  the  testimony  of  one  who  knew 
them  wcU,  (2)  "  in  many  points  from  that  of  the  Hindus 
and  other  East-Indians.  They  are  more  lively,  active, 
and  industrious,  and  though  fond  of  repose,  are  seldom 
idle  when  there  is  an  inducement  for  exertion.  When 
such  inducement  ofiers,  they  exhibit  not  only  great 
strength,  but  courage  and  perseverance,  and  often  accom- 
plish what  we  should  think  scarcely  possible.  But  these 
valuable  traits  are  rendered  nearly  useless  by  the  want  of 
a  higher  grade  of  civilisation.  The  poorest  classes,  fui'- 
uislicd  by  a  happy  climate  with  all  necessaries,  at  the 
price  of  only  occasional  labour,  and  the  few  who  are  above 
that  necessity,  find  no  proper  pursuits  to  fiU  up  their 
leisure.     Books  are  too  scarce  to  enable  them  to  improve 

by  reading,  and  games  grow  wearisome Folly  and 

sensuality  find  gratification  almost  without  efibrt,  and 
without  expenditure.     Sloth,  then,  must  be  the  repose  of 

the  poor,  and  the  business  of  the  rich Thus,  life  is 

wasted  in  the  profitless  alternation  of  sensual  ease,  rude 
drudgery,  and  native  sport.  No  elements  exist  for  the 
improvement  of  posterity,  and  successive  generations  pass 
like  the  crops  upon  their  fields.  Were  there  but  a  dis- 
position to  improve  the  mind,  and  distribute  benefits, 
what  majesty  of  piety  might  we  not  hope  to  see  in  a 
country  so  favoured  with  the  moans  of  subsistence,  and 
so  cheap  in  its  modes  of  living !  Instead  of  the  many 
objects  of  an  American's  ambition,  and  the  unceasing 
anxiety  to  amass  property,  the  Burman  sets  a  limit  to  his 
desires,  and  when  that  is  reached,  gives  himself  to  re- 

(1)  Symes,  vol.  ii.  p.  58.  (2)  Malcom,  vol.  i.  p.  220. 


106  DISPOSITION   OF   THE   BURMESE.  [I.  6. 

pose  and  enjoyment.  Instead  of  wearing  Jiimself  out  in 
endeavours  to  equal  or  surpass  his  neiglibour  in  dress, 
food,  furniture,  or  house,  he  easily  attains  the  customary- 
standard,  beyond  which  he  seldom  desires  to  go." 

One  hardly  knows  whether  to  call  this  "  incorrigible 
idleness"  (1)  or  no.  It  is  certainly  the  same  fatal  consti- 
tution of  character,  or  force  of  circumstances,  which  has 
ever  conspired  to  prevent  the  Irish  from  rising  in  the 
scale  of  nations.  But  these  are  not  the  only  similarities 
between  the  dispositions  of  the  two  nations.  It  is  per- 
fectly fair  to  call  the  Burmese  the  Irish  of  the  East. 

Yet  they  go  beyond  that  nation  in  many  of  its  worst 
characteristics.  Servility,  the  inevitable  consequence  of 
despotism,  prevails  amongst  them  to  a  frightful  extent, 
overcoming,  in  many  instances,  the  sense  of  right  im- 
planted in  their  bosoms  as  men.  "  Indeed,"  says  an 
excellent  authority,  (2)  "  every  Burman  considers  himself 
a  slave,  not  merely  before  the  emperor  and  the  man. 
darins,  but  before  any  'one  who  is  his  superior,  either 
in  age  or  possessions.  Hence  he  never  speaks  of  himself 
to  them  in  the  first  person,  but  always  makes  use  of  the 
word  Chiundo,  that  is,  your  slave.  While  asking  for  a 
favour  from  the  emperor,  the  mandarins,  or  any  respect- 
able person,  he  will  go  through  so  many  humiliations 
and  adorations,  that  one  would  imagine  he  was  in  the 
presence  of  a  god.  Even  if  he  is  desirous  of  obtaining 
something  from  one  who  is  his  equal,  he  wiU  bow,  and  go 
on  his  knees,  and  adore  him,  and  raise  up  his  hands,  &c." 
Yet  gratitude  is  a  virtue  of  great  rarity.  There  is  no 
such  phrase  in  the  language  as,  "  I  thank  you."  The 
statements  of  Sangermano  contrast  strangely  with  those, 
I  think,  of  Crawfurd,  whose  remarks  tend  to  the  conclu- 
sion, that  they  never  ask  a  favour.  They  consider  that  it 
is  a  favour  to  you  to  be  allowed  to  gain  merit  by  giving 
them  something.  This  is  not  improbable.  We  learn, 
however,  from  others,  that  they  will  occasionally  acknow- 
ledge an  obligation  by  observing,  "  It  is  a  favour." 

Slavishness  naturdly  leads  to  the  remainder  of  the 
catalogue  of  mean  vices.  One  of  their  principal  precepts 
forbids  lying ;  but  there  is  no  ordinance  so  imiversaDy 
disregarcled.  A  person  who  t^lls  the  truth  is  con- 
sidered a  good  sort  of  person,  but  a  fool,  and  incapable 

(1)  Sangermano,  p.  119-  (2)  Ibid. 


I.  6.]  CONCLUDTNCr   KEFLECTIONS.  107 

of  managing  his  own  affairs.  (1)  Inseparable  from  im- 
truthfulness  is  dissimnlation  and  deceit.  TJiey  practise 
these,  also,  to  perfection. 

"  But,  as  every  rule  will  hare  its  exceptions,"  says  the 
Jesuit,  "  it  is  not  to  be  supposed  that  the  Burmese  have 
not  some  good  qualities,  and  that  estimable  persons  may 
not  be  found  amongst  them.  Indeed,  there  are  some 
persons,  whose  affability,  courtesy  and  benevolence,  gra- 
titude, and  other  virtues,  contrast  strongly  with  the  vices 
of  their  countrymen.  There  are  instances  on  record  of 
shipwrecks  on  their  coasts,  when  the  sufferers  have  been 
^relieved  in  the  villages,  and  treated  with  a  generous  hos- 
pitality, which  they  would  probably  not  have  experienced 
in  many  Christian  countries."  (2) 

Yes,  let  the  faults  of  the  Burmese  be  as  they  will !  let 
them  be  bad  in  every  respect !  we  cannot,  will  not,  imagine 
these  faults  to  be  so  deeply  rooted,  that  a  moderate  and 
equitable  government  could  not  tear  them  up  and  destroy 
them.  It  is  the  corrupt  administration,  the  merciless 
never-ending  chancery-like  avarice  of  the  officials,  that 
turns  their  hearts  to  stone,  and  makes  them  callous,  and 
servile,  and  tyrannical.  When  the  British  army  were  at 
Prome,  in  1825,  when  the  Burmese  tasted  the  blessings 
of  Anglo-Indian  justice,  they  showed  as  kindly  a  spirit  as 
any  could  have  done.  It  was  shameful  that  the  kindly 
Peguers  should  have  been  so  deserted  at  the  critical  time, 
and  that  they  should  liave  borne  what  the  English  army 
could  not  be  made  to  feel.  We  muH  liberate  these  people, 
we  must  wrest  the  sceptre  from  the  palsied  grasp  of  the 
cruel  Burraan  kings,  even  thougli  we  retain  it  ourselves. 
Then  will  the  blessings  of  civilisation,  and  the  peaceful 
arts  that  elevate  man,  extend  a  gentle  sway  over  this 
misguided  and  persecuted  nation. 

(1)  Sangermano,  p.  120.  (2)  Ibid. 


BOOK    II. 

BURMAN     HISTORY. 


CHAPTEE  I. 

1687—1760. 

Alompra,  the  liberator  of  Burmah. 

We  may  safely  say  with  Symes,  even  at  the  present 
time,  that  "  there  are  no  countries  on  the  habitable  globe, 
■where  the  arts  of  civilised  life  are  understood,  of  -which 
"we  have  so  limited  a  knowledge,  as  of  those  that  lie 
between  the  British  possessions  in  India  and  the  empire 
of  China."  (1)  And  though  of  late  years  this  knowledge 
has  been  materially  increased,  yet  much  remains  to  be 
told,  much  valuable  information  to  be  collected,  ere  we 
can  boast  of  a  full  and  true  acquaintance  with  tlie  country 
of  Burmah  and  its  capabihties.  In  the  preceding  pages, 
an  attempt  has  been  made  (I  am  myself  aware,  how  im- 
perfectly and  unsatisfactorily),  to  give  a  short  account  of 
what  we  actually  know  of  the  state  of  civilisation  in  which 
they  live :  in  the  following  chapters,  it  will  be  attempted 
to  present  the  reader  with  an  account  of  the  historical 
events  that  have  passed  in  the  Burmau  peninsula,  from  the 
rise  of  Alompra,  the  iirst  king  of  any  consequence,  and 
the  founder  of  the  reigning  dynasty,  to  the  present  time. 
I  must  here  impress  the  fact  of  the  meagreness  of  our 
knoAvledge  of  Burman  history  upon  the  reader,  in  order 
that  he  may  not  be  disappointed. 

The  geography  of  Ptolemy  indicates  the  position  of 
Burmah  only  by  Aurea  Kegio,  Argentea  llegio,  and  Aurea 

(1)  Symcs,  Ava,  vol.  i.  p.  I. 


II.  1.]  EARLY   NOTICES   OF   BrRMATT.  109 

Cliorsonesiis.  The  only  iiiferorioo  to  be  drawn  from  these 
facts,  together  witli  ihat  of  Ptolemy  distini^uisliini!:  several 
places  as  Empor'ut.  is.  that  which  Symes  draws,  that  there 
v.as  trade  to  those  parts  of  Burmah  and  the  Peninsula  of 
Malacca  at  an  early  period. 

Our  knowledi^e  of  the  commercial  relations  of  the  an- 
cients with  India  has  lately  been  extended  by  an  interest- 
ing discovery  made  on  the  coast  of  Malabar,  of  Roman 
gold  coins  from  Augustus  downward.  (1) 

Early  in  the  sixteenth  century  we  find  the  Portuguese 
masters'  of  ]Malacca,  and  it  is  from  them  only  that  we  can 
learn  anything  concerning  the  habits  of  the  nations  then, 
as  now,  inhabiting  that  region.  But  so  meagre  and  so 
overlaid  with  lictiou  are  their  accounts,  that  it  would  be 
useless  to  take  up  time  and  space  in.  recounting  their 
marvellous  histories. 

The  Burnums,  though  formerly  subject  to  the  king  of 
Pegu,  became  afterward  masters  of  Ava,  and  caused 
a  revolution  in  Pegu  about  the  middle  of  the  six- 
teenth century The  Portuguese  assisted  the  Burmans 

against  the  Peguers,  and  if  we  may  believe  Pinto,  per- 
formed prodigies  of  valour.  But  their  influence  rapidly 
declined  in  Burmah  and  Arakhan  ;  and  on  the  ascendancy 
of  the  Dutch  being  established,  they  rapidly  sunk  into 
insignificance  and  contempt.  The  Enghsh  and  Dutch 
appear  both  to  have  had  settlements  in  Burmah  in  the 
beginning  of  the  seventeenth  century  ;  but  on  the  miscon- 
duct of  the  settlers,  they  were  banished  from  Ava,  and  no 
European  of  any  nation  was  permitted  to  enter  the  coun- 
try. In  1^)87,  however,  we  find  the  English  at  Syriam 
and  ISegrais,  trading  rather  as  private  adventurers,  than 
as  on  the  part  of  the  India  Company.  On  the  latter 
island,  however,  the  government  of  Fort  St.  George  had 
established  a  settlement.  But  men  and  money  were 
M  anting,  and  the  colony  seemed  to  have  languished  on, 
just  keeping,  as  it  were,  above  high-water  mark. 

About  the  year  17-10,  the  Peguers  in  the  provinces  of 
Dalla,  Martaban,  Tongo,  and  Prome,  raised  the  standard 
of  revolt,  and  the  nation  being  split  into  factions,  a  civil 
war  ensued.  In  174 1,  the  British  fiictory  in  Syriam  was 
destroyed,  and  thus  an  almost  fatal  blow  was  given  to  the 

(1)  The  particulars  will  be  found  in  Captain  Dnir>'s  paper  in  No.  V.  of 
the  Journal  of  the  Asiatic  Society  of  Bengal  fur  1851  ;  and  in  Allen's 
Indian  .Mail,  vol.  x,  p.  265. 


110  THE    VOWED   TO    BUDDHA.  [II.  1. 

commercial  interests  at  stake  in  the  country.  The  war 
lasted  long,  and  was  doubtful  enough  in  its  character,  till 
the  Peguers,  by  obtaining  some  indUQferent  arms  from  a 
few  Europeans  still  in  the  country,  gained  some  advan- 
tages over  the  Burmans,  and  pursuing  their  victorious 
career,  they  invested  the  city  of  Ava  in  1752.  It  soon 
surrendered,  for  the  Burmese  were  sick  at  heart,  and 
utterly  discouraged.  The  king,  whose  name,  according 
to  Sangermano,  (1)  was  Chioekmen,  though  Symes  states 
it  to  have  been  Dwcepdee,  (2)  was  seized,  and,  together 
with  the  whole  court,  carried  to  Pegu,  where,  after  receiv- 
ing kind  treatment  for  some  time,  he  was  barbarously 
murdered,  after  witnessing  the  slaughter  of  all  his  wives. 
Two  of  his  sons,  however,  escaped  into  Siam,  where  they 
were  kindly  received. 

Bonna  Delia,  or  Beinga  Delia,  king  of  Pegu,  assured  of 
the  tranquillity  of  the  country  under  his  administration, 
returned  to  Pegu,  leaving  Apporaza  in  the  government 
of  the  capital  of  Burmah.  For  some  time  everything 
seemed  at  peace,  and  all  seemed  to  submit  to  the  new 
government  with  a  good  grace  ;  but  the  lull  was  only  the 
temporary  calm  that  precedes  a  furious  tempest.  The 
avenger  of  Burman  independence  was  about  to  arise,  and 
tumble  the  now  victorious  king  of  Pegu  from  his  tri- 
umphal chariot ! 

The  chieftain  of  Moutzoboo,  a  small  place  about  twelve 
miles  from  the  river,  had  given  his  allegiance,  but  he 
brooded  over  the  Avrongs  of  this  race.  (3)  He  felt  that  the 
Peguers  were  as  dirt  under  the  feet  of  the  Burmans  ;  and 
it  is  not  to  be  doubted,  that  he  foresaw  in  a  rebellion 
some  advantage  to  himself.  He  was  ambitious,  and  re- 
solved to  set  aU  on  the  cast  of  a  die.  His  name,  Aoing- 
zaya  (iaya),  was  a  good  omen  to  him  ;  (4)  and  we  may  well 
conceive  that  the  resolute  chief  coimted  on  the  aid  of  the 
divinity,  since  we  find  him  assuming  the  style  or  regal 
name  of  Alaong-B'hura,  or  *'  The  A'owed  to  Buddha."  (5) 
Like  Charles  Edward  Stuart,  he  seemed  to  resolve  on 
victory  or  a  death,  devoted  to  the  God  of  his  country. 

When  Beinga  Delia  reached  Pegu,  he  caused  a  pro- 
clamation to  be  made  throughout  his  territories,  in  which 

(1)  Burmese  Empire,  p.  -17.  (2)  Ava,  vol.  i.  p.  12. 

(3)  My  skftch  nf  the  Uurmese  revolution  is  derived  from  Symes. 

(4)  The  first  is  a  Burmese  word  signifying  victory  j  the  second,  Pali,  for 
the  same. — Crawl'urd,  vol.  ii.  p.  281. 

(5)  Jancigriiy,  Indo-Chine,  p.  255. 


II.  1.]  ALOMPEA.  Ill 

he  set  forth  in  frrandiloquent,  and  insolent  expressions, 
the  results  of  his  campaigns.  The  proclamation,  couched 
in  the  most  odious  and  contemptuous  words,  increased 
the  hatred  of  the  Burmans,  and  caused  them  to  long  the 
more  for  the  hour  of  vengeance. 

Alompra,  or  Alaong-B'hura,  had  at  this  time  about  a 
hundred  followers  on  whom  he  could  depend  body  and 
soul.  Upon  hearing  of  the  proclamation,  he  judged  that 
it  was  a  favourable  juncture  for  operation  ;  he,  therefore, 
in  his  capacity  of  governor  of  Moiitzoboo,  strengthened 
the  stockade  surrounding  the  town,  and  conducted  every- 
thing so  well,  that  he  never  caused  any  suspicion  in  the 
minds  of  tho  Peguers.  Indeed,  their  attention  and  force 
was  ■  concentrated  on  the  Burmese  frontier,  in  order  to 
oppose  and  destroy  any  force  collected  by  the  sons  of 
Chioekmen.  It  may  readily  be  understood,  therefore, 
that  the  fifty  Peguers  at  Moutzoboo,  were  easily  over- 
powered and  despatched  by  Alompra  and  his  adherents. 
Probably  he  availed  himself  of  some  act  of  oppression  or 
licentiousness  on  the  part  of  the  careless  soldiery,  and 
attacked  them  when  least  expected.    Not  a  man  escaped. 

Alompra  now  showed  himself  to  be  as  dexterous  a  poli- 
tician, as  he  was  prompt  in  action.  Immediately  after 
this  event,  he  wrote  to  Apporaza  in  the  most  humble 
terms,  expressing  the  greatest  sorrow  for  the  unhappy 
occurrences  that  had  taken  place  at  Moutzoboo,  repre- 
senting it  as  a  provoked  affair  wholly  unlooked  for,  and 
as  transitory  as  it  was  violent  in  its  effects.  It  is  even 
probable  that  he  lu'ged  upon  the  governor  of  Ava  to  in- 
vestigate the  matter,  in  order  that  his  attachment  to  the 
government  of  Pegu  might  be  made  more  apparent.  In 
conclusion,  he  expressed  himself  individually  obliged  to  the 
governor  for  his  forbearance,  and  professed  himself  an  ad- 
herent of  Beinga  Delia.  This  epistle  had  the  desired  effect. 
Alompra's  only  object  had  been  to  gain  time,  and  in  this 
he  perfectly  succeeded.  Apporaza,  deceived  by  his  hu- 
mility, took  no  immediate  measures  against  him,  and  even 
([uittcd  Ava,  leaving  the  government  in  the  hands  of  his 
nephew,  Dotachew,  with  orders  to  keep  Alompra  in  strict 
confijiement,  when,  in  fact,  the  Peguers  should  be  able  to 
secure  his  person. 

The  troop  which  had  been  detached  for  tho  arrest  of 
Alompra  was  considerably  astonished  at  finding  their 
entrance   into   Moutzoboo   disputed.     The   gates  of  the 


112  Eort  OF  THE  rcorEBs.  [IT.  1. 

stockade  wcro  closed,  and  on  their  demandinj^  an  entry, 
they  were  only  laufrhed  at  and  defied.  "SMiat  could  they 
dor  They  were  ill-anned,  and  ill-provisioned  ;  their  dis- 
cipline was  lax  ;  their  cause  rotten.  If  they  opposed  the 
Burmans,  there  was  little  hope  of  success  ;  and  if  ihey  ran 
away,  the  dreadful  fate  whieli  their  wives  and  children 
would  suffer  stared  them  in  the  face.  (1) 

Under  these  circumstances  it  was  plain  to  them  that 
they  could  only  try  the  issue  of  a  battle.  These  thoughts 
may  have  passed  in  quick  succession  throuj^h  their  minds  ; 
and  while  they  were  yet  uncertain,  iUompra  and  his 
gallant  band  burst  into  the  midst,  and  attacked  them 
furiously  with  missiles,  swords,  and  spears.  The  affrighted 
Peguers,  scarcely  acquainted  with  the  power  of  the  clumsy 
muskets  they  had  with  them,  though  most  probably  they 
had  none  or  but  few  of  these,  feeUng  that  now,  indeed,  the 
Devoted  to  Buddha  and  his  desperate  irresistible  band 
were  upon  them,  threw  away  their  arms  and  fled ;  Alom- 
pra  and  the  rest  pursuing  them  on  their  way  for  Imo 
miles  and  more.  The  number  of  the  Peguers  thus  routed 
are  estimated  at  about  one  thousand.  How  fearful  must 
the  contest  have  appeared  to  the  victory-drunken  sol- 
diers !  The  Burmese  host  seeming  tenfold  the  number 
in  the  gray  dawn  of  the  morning,  came  down  like  an 
avalanche  upon  them,  and  swept  all  away  whom  it  did 
not  destroy. 

After  an  irregular  pursuit  for  some  distance,  Alompra 
returned  to  his  fortress,  aware  of  the  danger  of  trusting 
himself  too  near  to  a  less  panic-struck  population. 
Arrived  at  that  place,  he  addressed  a  few  words  to  his 
comrades,  telling  them  that  they  had  now  cast  their  for- 
tunes together,  and  that  he  and  they  were  in  as  great 
danger;  he  called  upon  them  all  for  assistance,  and  he 
invited  the  Burman  towns  in  the  neighbourhood  to  assist 
him  in  the  glorious  work  he  had  beg\in  so  auspiciously. 
The  Burmans  were  scarcely  disposed  to  lend  a  willing  ear 
to  his  exhortations,  yet  some  places  gave  in  their  adhe- 
sion to  his  government. 

Such  was  the  first  decisive  combat  that  was  to  change 
the  fortunes  of  Burmah. 

Dotachew,  with  the  characteristic  irresolution  of  a  de- 
puty, seems  to  have  procrastinated  frightfully.    Probably 

(1)  See  booki.  chap.  ii.  p.  40. 


II.  I.]  INDECISION   OF   DOTACHEW.  113 

he  was  a  yountr  man,  utterly  unacquainted  with  tlie  art  of 
war,  and  placed  in  the  responsible  position  lie  occupied  by 
his  uncle,  merely  that  the  important  office  shoidd  not  go 
out  of  the  family  ;  possibly,  his  very  inefficiency,  by  the 
stranfTc  contradiction  that  always  pervades  a  court,  led  to 
his  promotion  ;  at  all  events  ho  was  utterly  unfit  for  his 
business,  and  at  this  time,  when  a  few  energetic  measures 
would  have  crushed  the  rebellion  at  once,  he  was  pecu- 
liarly unfitted  by  his  disposition  for  this  important  duty. 
He  was  uncertain  whether  it  would  be  more  advisable  to 
march  against  Alompra  with  the  forces  at  his  command, 
not  exceeding  three  thousand,  or  to  wait  for  reinforce- 
ments from  Prome ;  the  third  course  was  to  retreat,  or 
rather,  in  this  case,  to  run  away.  I  have  not  space  to 
enter  into  a  discussion  of  which  the  most  advisable  mea- 
sure would  have  been  ;  yet  had  he  set  lustily  forward,  and 
cheered  his  men  by  a  good  example,  he  would  have  led 
them  on  to  a  certain,  though  perhaps  not  easy,  victory. 
However,  he  neither  marched  forward,  or  waited  at  Ava ; 
but  discretion  seeming  to  be  the  better  portion  of  his 
valour,  he  ran  away,  and,  terrified  at  the  reports,  no 
doubt  exaggerated  in  every  way,  of  the  growing  power  of 
the  enemy,  he  never  stopped  tiU  he  reached  Pegu,  toward 
the  latter  end  of  the  autumn  in  the  year  1753.  Alompra 
meanwhile  advanced  on  Ava,  and,  assisted  by  the  enslaved 
Burmans  in  the  capital,  took  the  city,  and  put  the  few 
Peguers  who  had  not  pursued  the  valiant  fortunes  of 
Dotachew,  to  death.  Alompra,  however,  hearing  that  the 
Peguese  governor  had  fled,  did  not  personally  conduct 
the  operations  at  Ava,  but  deputed  this  to  his  second 
son,  Shembuan.  himself  remaining,  or  returning  to 
Moutzoboo. 

Thus  matters  remained  imtil  Beinga  Delia,  the  king  of 
Pegu,  afraid  of  losing  the  frontier  provinces  of  Prome, 
Xeounzeik  and  Tambouterra,  assembled  a  large  army  at 
Syriam  under  the  generalship  of  Apporaza.  This  force 
departed  up  the  Irawadi,  in  the  month  of  January,  1754 
Both  France  and  England  had,  established  factories  at 
Syriam  again,  at  this  time ;  and,  as  the  English  leaned 
toward  the  Burman  side,  that  was  sufficient  reason  for  the 
French  to  espouse  the  cause  of  Beinga  Delia.  However, 
aU  their  aid  was  secret,  and  until  their  neighbourhood 
became  the  seat  of  war,  they  did  not  proceed  to  active 
measures. 


114  ArroRAZA.  [II.  1. 

Apporaza,  over  whom  a  species  of  fatality  seemed  to 
hanjr,  had  again  chosen  a  most  improper  and  unfortunate 
season  for  commencin<T  operations.  He  proceeded  with 
extreme  difficulty  up  the  river,  and,  while  hi.s  troops  were 
exhausting  their  strength  amid  the  marshes  of  the  Irawadi, 
the  Burmans  were  preparing  for  the  worst,  and,  having 
possession  of  a  fine  country,  felt  little  uneasiness  at  the 
approach  of  the  jaded  Pegucrs.  iS^o  opposition  was  made 
to  Apporaza,  until  he  arrived  near  Ava  itself,  where  strag- 
gling parties  of  the  Burmans  began  to  harass  his  army. 
"When  near  enough  to  the  fort,  he  sent  a  message  to 
Shembuan,  calling  upon  him  to  surrender,  in  which  case 
his  life  would  be  spared ;  but  vengeance  of  the  most  fright- 
ful kind  was  in  store  for  him  if  he  resisted.  Shembuan, 
well  knowing  what  value  was  to  be  attached  to  tlie  profes- 
sions of  Apporaza,  merely  replied,  "  that  he  would  defend 
his  post  to  the  last  extremity." 

Apporaza,  not  wilHng  to  waste  time  in  a  fruitless  siege, 
determined  to  throw  some  cold  water  on  the  Burman 
cause,  and  particularly  on  the  garrison  of  Ava,  by  accom- 
plisliiug  something  elsewhere.  He  thus  hoped  to  restore 
the  drooping  spirits  of  his  men,  amonff  whom  sickness  and 
labour  had  spread  a  sad  confusion.  Therefore  he  quitted 
his  position  at  Ava,  to  oppose  Alompra,  Avho  had  collected 
a  tremendous  force  at  Iveoum-meouin,  both  soldiers  and 
war-boats.  Here  again,  though  this  was  decidedly  the 
most  obstinately-contested  battle,  the  Peguers  gave  way, 
and  a  report  spreading  that  Shembuan  was  coming  to 
attack  their  rear,  they  fled  hastily.  Shembuan  presently 
did  come,  and  the  two  armies  pursued  the  luckless  Peguers 
for  many  miles,  thus  gaining  another  great  and  important 
victory. 

Yet  the  Peguers  were  not  discouraged.  Preparations 
were  made  to  send  forth  another  army  to  meet  the  f^ite  of 
that  which  Apporaza  had  led  to  death,  not  victory.  Fur- 
thermore, the  Peguers  showed  themselves  devoid  of  all 
political  safracity,  in  taking  a  measure  at  this  critical  time 
which  could  not  fail  to  seal  the  doom  of  his  party.  I  said 
before,  that  the  old  kinir  of  Burmah  was  among  the 
Peguers,  and  liad  received  kind  treatment ;  now,  they 
completely  changed  their  tactics,  charged  him  with  a  con- 
spiracy, a  charge  probably  not  a\  ithout  foundation  ;  impli- 
cated numbers  of  the  Bm'maii  nobility  in  the  neighbour- 
hood, and  agreed  upon  a  simidtaucous  slaughter  of  the 


II.  1.]  SIEGE   OF   PBOME.  115 

obnoxious  persons.  Accordinfrly,  on  tlie  13tli  of  October, 
the  Pe^ijuers  rose,  and  lirst  torturing  and  shiugliterinj^  the 
court  of  Chioekmen,  drowned  liim  in  a  sack,  and  proceeded 
to  the  slau<;hter  of  tlie  principal  Burraans.  The  measure 
was  not  without  its  effects.  The  Burmans  of  Prome, 
DonabeAv,  and  the  remaining  border  provinces,  retaliated, 
and  deserted  to  Alompra. 

But  events  were  passing  in  his  court  of  no  little  signi- 
ficance. Tiic  eldest  son  of  the  deposed  king  had  joined 
Alompra  with  a  large  force  of  the  Quois  or  Yoos  tribe  in- 
habiting the  country  of  Muddora,  cast  of  Ava.  But  the 
prince,  not  having  brains  enough  to  sec  that  Alompra  was 
lighting  for  himself,  and  not  for  any  prince,  as  arrogantly 
as  imprudently  assumed  the  style  and  title  of  king. 
However  Alompra  would  not  brook  two  kings  in  Burmah, 
and  the  prince,  soon  seeing  his  mistake,  fled  to  Siam. 
Alompra,  enraged  that  the  pseudo-king  had  escaped, 
slaughtered  above  a  thousand  of  the  Quois  tribe,  under 
pretence  of  a  conspiracy. 

iVnnga  DcUa,  in  the  beginning  of  1755,  marched  from 
Pegu  upo]i  the  city  of  Prome,  then  occupied  by  a  garri- 
son of  Burmans.  Here,  however,  he  met  with  no  degree 
of  success,  and  when  Meinlaw  Tzezo,  the  commander 
sent  by  Alompra  to  relieve  the  town,  approached,  they 
had  not  the  sense  to  engage  him  in  open  fight.  After  a 
litUe  skirmishing,  therefore,  he  eluded  them,  and  threw 
himself  into  the  place. 

Forty  days  passed  without  the  Peguers  gaining  any  ad- 
vantage, yet  they  prolonged  the  siege  of  Prome  with  no 
little  obstinacy.  But  Alompra,  with  one  of  those  tremen- 
dous marches  for  wliich  he  was  so  celebrated,  soon  came 
rushing  down  upon  them,  sweeping  away  men,  stockades, 
war-boats,  and  everything  else.  Yet  considerable  bravery 
A\as  exhibited  in  the  naval  portion  of  the  battle.  "  In- 
stead of  his  ineffectual  fire  from  ill-directed  musketry," 
says  Symes,(l)  "  the  boats  closed,  and  the  highest  personal 
prowess  was  evinced  on  both  sides  ;  knives,  spears,  and 
swords,  were  their  weapons  ;  after  a  long  and  bloody  con- 
test, victory  declared  for  the  Burmans,  whilst  the  van- 
quished Peguers  sought  safety  in  a  precipitate  flight." 

This  defeat  s])rcad  consternation  and  horror  throughout 
the  Peguesc  part  of  the  po])ulatiou,  and  while  the  Bur- 

,r  Av!|,  vol,  j.i'.  31, 

I  'J 


IIG  BASSEIN  IN  THE  HANDS  OF  ALOMPBA.  [II.  1. 

mans  liailed  the  approackin^  change,  the  others  fled  in  all 
directions.  It  was  not  any  transitory  panic,  like  many  of 
those  which  had  taken  place  before,  but  an  enduring  ter- 
ror, which  relaxed  both  their  mental  and  bodily  strength, 
and  drove  them  from  their  homes,  and  they  wandered, 
Orestes-like,  tlirough  the  land,  not  daring  to  lay  their 
heads  anywhere,  for  they  knew  not  when  the  enemy  would 
be  upon  them. 

No  wonder,  then,  if  a  reconnoitring  party  of  the  Bur- 
mese discovered,  on  the  17th  of  February,  1750,  that 
Bassein  was  utterly  deserted  by  the  Peguese  population. 
The  Burmese  that  were  in  the  place  joined  AJompra's 
standard,  and  the  populous  emporium  of  Bassein  was  left 
to  the  English,  who  still  remained  under  Captain  Baker  in 
their  factory.  On  the  23rd,  the  Burman  force  returned, 
and  marched  up  to  the  British  post.  Captain  Baker  re- 
ceived them  peacefully,  and  claimed  protection  for  the  ser- 
vants and  property  of  the  India  Company,  which  was 
granted  liini.  After  remaining  a  short  while,  and  burning 
the  remainder  of  the  town,  they  retired  to  Kioukioimgee, 
a  town  on  the  opposite  side  of  the  river  Bassein. 

From  this  time  to  the  13th  March,  nothing  of  much 
consequence  occurred ;  but  on  that  day  Alompra,  seeing 
the  advantages  likely  to  result  from  an  alliance  with  Eng- 
land, sent  a  deputation  to  Captain  Baker  with  a  letter  for 
Mr.  Brooke,  the  head  of  the  factories,  then  resident  at 
Negrois.  On  the  return  of  the  captain  with  an  order 
from  Mr.  Brooke  that  the  deputies  should  accompany 
him  to  Negrais,  the  Burman?  went  to  that  place  to  trans- 
act the  business.  The  objet^ts  of  the  embassy  were  not 
settled  until  tlie  2Bth.  when  the  deputies  and  Captain 
Baker  went  back  to  Bassein.  But  what  was  their  asto- 
nishment to  find  it  in  the  hands  of  tlie  Peguers.  who  had 
occupied  the  ])lace  three  thousand  strong.  The  captain 
was  therefore  obliged  to  send  back  the  deputies  to  ]N^e- 
grais.  By  the  23rd  of  April,  however,  tlie  district  was 
again  in  the  hands  of  the  Burmans,  as  Alompra  had  again 
engaged  and  defeated  Apporaza,  at  Synvangong. 

The  deputies  now  returned  to  Bassein,  at  whicli  place 
they  arrived  on  the  3r(l  of  June,  leaving  it  again  on  the 
5th  for  Dagon,  as  Jvangoon  was  then  called,  where  Alom- 
pra was  then  staying. 

"  The  French  and  English  factories  at  Syriam  w(*re  at 
this  time  in  a  state  of  rivalry,  such  as  miglit  be  expected 


II.  1.]  MONSIEUR   BOUENO.      *  117 

from  tlie  spirit  of  national  emulation,  and  the  avidity  of 
traders  on  a  naiTow  scale;  the  situation  of  both  became 
at  this  juncture  highly  critical ;  danger  approached,  from 
which  they  could  not  hope  to  be  entirely  exempt.  It  was 
not  to  be  expected  that  they  would  be  suffered  to  remain 
in  neutral  tranquillity,  indlfierent  spectators  of  so  serious 
a  contest :  it  therefore  became  necessary  to  adopt  some 
decided  line  of  conduct,  in  order  to  avoid  being  considered 
as  a  common  enemy,  whilst  the  contending  powers  seemed 
equally  anxious  to  attack  them.  In  this  difficult  situation, 
neither  the  French  nor  the  English  seem  to  have  acted 
with  pohcy  or  candour;  and  the  imprudence  of  certain 
individuals  finally  involved  others,  as  well  as  themselves, 
in  fatal  consequences. 

"  Monsieur  Bourno,  the  chief  of  the  French  factory,  in 
the  interest  of  the  Peguers,  but  apprehensive  of  the 
power,  and  dreading  the  success  of  the  Birmans,(l)  had 
recourse  to  dissimulation,  and  endeavoured  to  steer  a 
middle  course.  Under  pretence  of  occupying  a  station 
where  he  coidd  more  effectually  aid  the  Peguers,  he  em- 
barked on  board  a  French  ship,  and  with  two  other  ves- 
sels belonging  to  his  nation,  dropped  dovATi  from  Syriam, 
and  moored  in  the  stream  of  the  Kangoon  river.  Finding, 
soon  after,  that  Alompra  was  likely  to  be  victorious,  he 
determined,  if  possible,  to  secure  an  interest  in  that 
quarter.  With  this  intent  he  quitted  his  ship,  accom- 
panied by  two  of  his  countrymen,  and  proceeded  in  a  boat 
to  Dagon,  where  Alompra  received  him  with  marks  of 
distinction  and  kindness ;  but  on  the  second  day  after 
the  departure  of  JM.  Bourno,  the  officer  whom  he  left  in 
charge  of  the  ship  during  his  absence,  in  concert  with  a 
missionary  who  had  long  resided  at  the  factory,  either 
impelled  by  fear,  or  prevailed  upon  by  some  secret  in- 
iluence,  weighed  anchor  suddenly,  and  returned  to  the 
Peguers  at  Syriam,  without  permission  from  his  com- 
mander, or  even  advising  him  of  his  intention. 

"  So  extraordinary  a  step  surprised  Alompra  exceed- 
ingly ;  he  taxed  Bourno  with  deceit ;  the  Frenchman  pro- 
tested his  own  innocence,  and  argued  the  improbability  of 
his  assenting  to  any  such  measure  whilst  he  remained  in 
the  Birman  camp.  He  sent  an  order  to  his  officers  to 
return  immediately ;  an  injunction  that  was  disregarded 

(1)  So  Synies  always  spells  the  word.  It  is  now  generally  spelt 
Bunnans. 


118  rnOCEEDINGS   OF   THE   EUKOPEAX!;.  [II.  1. 

by  tlicm,  under  plea  of  their  commander  being  a  prisoner, 
lie  then  requested  leave  from  Alompra  to  go  in  person, 
and  bring  back  the  ship ;  to  this  the  king  consented,  on 
condition  of  leaving  one  of  his  attendants  (Savine,  a 
youth)  as  a  hostage  for  his  certain  return. 

"  From  tlie  procedure  of  IMr.  Brooke,  resident  at 
Negrais,  in  his  reception  of  the  Birman  deputies,  and  the 
aid  of  military  stores  sent  by  him  to  the  liirmans,  the 
English,  when  it  became  necessary  to  avow  the  side  they 
meant  to  espouse,  seem  to  have  declared  explicitly  for  the 
Birmans ;  and  this  principle  was  adopted  not  only  by 
the  resident  at  Negrais.  but  also  by  the  factory  at  Syriam. 
The  Hunter  schooner,  belonging  to  the  India  Company; 
the  J^lizaheth,  a  country  ship,  commanded  by  Captain 
Swain;  and  two  other  vessels,  left  Syriam  in  the  month  of 
May,  and  joined  the  Birmans  at  Dagon.  In  the  begin- 
ning of  June  the  Company's  snow  Arcot,  bound  to  JS'egrais, 
commanded  by  a  Captam  Jackson,  and  having  on  board 
Mr.  WhitehiU,  a  gentleman  in  the  service  of  the  East- 
India  Company,  proceeding  to  Negrais  in  an  ofEcial  capa- 
city, put  into  the  Eangoon  river  through  stress  of  weather. 
A  boat  that  had  been  sent  in  to  fetch  a  pilot  returned  with 
an  account  of  the  state  of  affairs ;  and  brought  a  letter 
and  an  invitation  from  Alompra  to  Captain  Jackson,  to 
carry  his  vessel  up  to  Dagon,  promising  him  every  aid  that 
the  place  afforded.  On  the  Gth  of  June  the  Arcot  reached 
Dagon,  and  Mr;  "VMiiteliill  went  on  shore  to  pay  his  re- 
spects to  the  Birman  king,  by  whom  he  was  recei\'ed  in  a 

manner  that  gave  no  apparent  cause  for  complaint 

I' ntil  the  arrival  of  the  Arcot,  with  Mr.  Jackson  and  Mr. 
AYliitehill,  no  subject  of  offence  seems  to  have  been  given 
to  the  English  by  the  Birmans. "(1) 

Apporaza  had  about  this  time  returned  to  Syriam,  and 
assumed  the  command  of  the  Pe^uese  army.  He  saw, 
with  sorrow  and  disgust,  that  the  English  were  turning  to 
the  side  of  the  usurper,  and  he  attempted  a  diversion  in 
favour  of  his  master  bv  a  negotiation  with  Captain  Jack- 
son. This  gentleman  listened  readily  to  the  representa- 
tions of  the  general,  and  he  attempted  in  every  wav  to 
cause  a  breach  between  illompra  and  the  British.  I'hat 
his  endeavours  met  with  some  8uccess  may  be  judged  by 
the  fact,  that  wlicn,  a  short  time  after,  the  Peguers  made 

(1)  Symcs,  vol.  i.  pp.  .13- 19. 


II.  l.J  THE   ENGLISH   AND   THE   TEGUEnS.  119 

an  attack  upou  Dagon,  the  English  sliips  maintained  a 
strict  neutrality,  though  they  allovrcd  the  Peguers  to  be 
beaten  back.  The  Burraans  became  somewhat  suspicious, 
still  the  assurances  of  friendship,  and  the  promises  of 
assistance,  lulled  them  to  rest  again.  Alompra  quitted 
the  district, — a  sufficient  guarantee  for  his  trust  in  the 
English ;  and  after  quelling  the  insurrection  raised  by  the 
prince  on  the  Siamese  frontier,  he  docs  not  appear  to  have 
returned  to  Dagon.  Meinla-Meingoun  was  appointed 
commander  of  the  army. 

About  this  time  the  English  commenced  a  correspond- 
ence with  tlio  Peguers,  and  concerted  an  attack  with  them 
in  which  they  would  assist  them.  Thus  were  the  Peguers 
to  be  assisted  by  both  the  European  fleets  !  "  Confiding 
in  their  new  allies,  and  assured  of  victory,  the  war-boats 
of  the  Peguers  during  the  night  dropped  down  the  Pegue 
river,  and,  with  the  French  ships,  moored  in  the  streani  of 
the  Irawadi,  waiting  the  return  of  tide  to  carry  them  to 
Hangoon.  Dawn  of  day  discovered  them  to  the  Birmans, 
whose  general  immediately  sent  for  the  English  gentle- 
men, to  consult  on  the  best  means  of  defence.  At  this 
interview  the  Birmans  candidly  acquainted  IMr.  WhitehiU 
how  ill  satisfied  they  were  with  the  conduct  of  the  English 
commanders  during  the  late  action,  and  desired  a  promise 
of  more  eftective  assistance  on  the  present  occasion.  Mr. 
WhitehiU  replied,  that  withoiit  the  Company's  orders  he 
was  not  authorized  to  commence  hostilities  on  any  nation  ; 
but  if  the  Peguers  lired  on  the  English  ships,  it  would  be 
considered  as  an  act  of  aggression,  and  resented  accord- 
ingly. How  much  it  is  to  be  lamented,"  exclaims  SjTues, 
"  that  such  prudent  and  equitable  principles  were  not 
better  observed !  the  departure  from  them  affixed  a  stain 
on  the  national  honour,  which  the  lapse  of  more  than  forty 
years  has  not  been  able  to  ex])unge."(l) 

The  forces  of  the  Peguers  were  two  large  In'cnch  ships, 
an  armed  snow,  and  two  hundred  teilee,  or  war-boats.  In 
the  afternoon,  when  within  cannon-shot,  the  French  ships 
came  to  anchor,  and  commenced  cannonading  the  Bur- 
mese fleet,  whic'li,  to  shelter  itself  from  the  lire  nnd  the 
galling  musketry  from  the  Peguese  boats,  had  ])ulled  into  a 
creek,  under  a  grove  of  maligo-trees,  whence  IIk^  lire  was 
returned.     They  had  here,  too,  raised  a  kind  of  fortifica- 

(1)  Ava,  ml.  i.  pp.  sii-.'ij. 


120  THE  EUROPEANS  SIDE  WITH  THE  PEGUERS.     [II.  1. 

tion,  with  a  battery  of  a  few  ship  cannon,  which,  from  the 
awkwardness  of  the  gunners,  were  of  little  use.  "  At  this 
juncture,"  continues  SyiJLies,(l)  "  the  English  ships  Hunter, 
Arcof,  and  Elizabeth  commenced  a  fire  on  the  Birman 
fleet.  Thus  assailed  by  unexpected  foes,  the  Birmans 
were  obliged  to  abandon  their  boats,  and  take  shelter  in 
the  grove.  Had  the  Peguers  improved  the  critical  oppor- 
tunity, and  pursued  theii'  advantage  with  resolution,  this 
action  miglit  have  retrieved  their  declining  interests,  and 
restored  them  to  the  possession  of  the  lower  provinces. 
In  vain  the  Europeans  persuaded  them  to  attempt  the 
capture  of  the  Birman  fleet ;  too  timid  to  expose  them- 
selves to  a  close  discharge  of  musketry  from  the  grove, 
they  were  contented  with  the  eclat  of  ha-sdng  compelled 
the  enemy  to  retreat  from  their  boats,  and  the  rest  of  the 
day  was  spent  in  distant  random  firing.  Dui'ing  the  night 
the.  English  ships  removed  out  of  the  reach  of  small-arms, 
two  men  being  killed  on  board  the  Arcot.  Tlie  Peguers 
kept  their  situation  for  some  days,  during  which  much 
irregidar  skirmishing  passed ;  when,  having  exhausted 
their  ammunition  without  advancing  their  cause,  the 
Peguers  thought  fit  to  return  to  Syriam,  accompanied  by 
the  English  and  French  ships,  leai^ing  the  Birmans  in 
possession  of  the  fortified  grove,  and  the  lines  of  the 
newly-projected  town." 

On  the  arrival  of  the  English,  Apporaza,  who  seems  to 
have  been  Avell  aware  of  the  utility  of  such  alhes,  received 
them  with  every  mark  of  kindness,  and  ^^■rote  to  Mr. 
Brooke  at  Negrais,  ofiering  him  various  advantages  if  he 
would  enter  into  a  compact  with  them.  Mr.  Brooke,  dis- 
guising the  feelings  of  vexation  that  he  must  have  felt 
at  the  conduct  of  his  oflicers,  returned  a  courteous  and 
friendly  answer,  but  required  the  presence  of  Mr.  A\Tiite- 
hiU  and  the  English  vessels.  Accordingly,  that  gentle- 
man, escorted  by  twenty  wai'-boats,  quitted  Syriam,  and 
arrived  at  Negrais  on  the  2Gth  of  August.  He  was 
followed  by  the  Hunter  schooner,  and  the  Arcof  only 
remained  behind,  as  it  had  to  imdergo  some  repairs  before 
being  seaworthy.  All  this  time  Mr.  Brooke  was  continuing 
his  negotiations  with  Alompra,  and  he  despatched  Captain 
Baker  and  Lieutenant  North  to  the  king.  Tliese  gentle- 
men proceeded  up  the  rivt>r  but  slowly,  the  torrent  being 

(1)  Vol.  i.  pp.  56-57. 


II.  1.]  CAPTAIN   BAKER   AND   ALOMPBA.  121 

svrollen  and  rapid.  Above  Prome  tliey  met  a  detachment 
of  Burman  troops  proceediuf^  to  Daemon  and  the  newly- 
founded  city  of  Rangoon.  Captain  Baker  had  an  inter- 
view with  the  chief,  who  was  sanguine  as  to  the  result  of 
the  war.  The  meeting  was  embarrassing  on  both  sides  ; 
on  the  part  of  Captain  Baker,  because  he  had  the  strange 
occurrences  connected  with  the  Enghsh  vessels  to  account 
for ;  and  on  the  part  of  the  Burman  general,  as  he  was 
certain  of  the  power  and  influence  of  the  English,  and 
totally  ignorant  of  their  intentions.  Captain  Baker  !had 
the  farther  misfortune  to  lose  his  colleague,  Lieutenant 
North,  who  died  of  dysentery  a  day  or  two  after  con- 
tinuing his  journey.  On  the  8th  of  September,  however, 
he  reached  Ava,  the  former  metropolis,  where  he  was 
civilly  received  by  the  governor.  On  the  I6th  he  was 
summoned  to  Moutzoboo,  to  attend  on  the  Golden  Foot, 
for  Alompra  had  now  assumed  the  titles  of  the  empire, 
as  well  as  the  emoluments. 

The  interview  was  a  characteristic  one  on  both  sides. 
The  king,  with  aU  the  pride  of  an  Eastern  potentate 
elevated  to  the  throne  by  his  own  endeavours,  swelled  with 
arrogance  and  vaunted  of  his  successes.  He  justly  cen- 
sured the  duplicity,  real  or  apparent,  of  the  English  at 
Dagon,  reminding  the  envoy  that  he  had  tv^aied  them 
kindly  during  his  stay ;  he  said  that  it  was  far  from 
gratefid  thus  to  break  all  the  promises  that  had  been  made. 

Captain  Baker  rephed  with  expressions  of  regret ;  he 
solemnly  declared  that  Mr.  Brooke  knew  nothing  of  the 
aflair,  had  been  very  angry  at  its  occurrence,  and  that 
the  hostile  movement  was  utterly  unauthorized  by  the 
English  resident.  Alompra  listened  with  attention  and 
seeming  satisfaction.     So  ended  the  first  audience. 

At  a  subsequent  meeting,  permission  was  granted  by 
the  king  for  the  erection  of  factories  at  Dagon  and  Bassein ; 
but  the  English  never  are  satisfied,  and  therefore  Captain 
Baker  pressed  his  majesty  to  cede  the  island  of  Negrais. 
Strange  it  is,  that,  -VAhen,  but  a  few  days  previously,  the 
Burman  cause  had  been  totally  deserted  by  the  English, 
yet,  upon  the  strength  of  a  few  paltry  professions,  the 
I3urme8e  were  supposed  to  have  had  siifficient  confidence 
in  them,  as  to  lead  to  the  sun-ender  of  an  island  of  some 
little  extent,  commanding  the  finest  port  in  the  dominions 
of  Alompra.  However,  the  king  showed  policy,  too  ;  for 
he  neither  granted  nor  denied  their  request,  but  left  it 


122  THE   DEVOTED   TO   BUDDITA.  [II.  1. 

for  future  decision.  Baker  was  then  dismissed,  and  re- 
embarked  for  Negrais  on  the  29th  of  September. 

Durini;  tliis  time,  the  Perruers  had  attempted  the  cap- 
ture of  the  Burman  post  at  Da^on,  with  the  assistance  of 
the  Arcot,  and  two  other  English  ships.  Ten  thousand  Pe- 
guers  marclied  round  by  land,  and  three  hundred  war-boats, 
toj^ether  with  a  French  vessel,  accompanied  the  English 
ships.  They  were  again  repulsed  by  the  Bunnans,  who, 
probably  under  European  direction,  constructed  lire-rafts, 
by  which  the  French  ship  was  placed  in  great  peril.  The 
land-forces,  weakened  by  their  own  numbers,  and  de- 
prived of  the  co-operation  of  the  fleet,  retreated,  and 
**  never  dared  to  hazard  another  enterprise."  (1) 

But  the  Peguers  were  to  suffer  more.  The  Devoted  to 
Buddha  was  coming,  and  who  could  stand  against  his 
bands?  He  attacked  the  fort  of  Svriam  by  land  and 
water,  and  choosing  the  time  of  ebb-tide,  when  the 
French  ship  was  aground,  he  attacked  it  with  gun-boats. 
Upon  this,  Bourno  desired  to  change  sides  again,  and  sent 
a  letter  to  Alompra,  oiTering  fresh  terms  of  accommoda- 
tion. But  the  Peguers  suspected  him  of  treachery,  and 
removed  him  and  his  adherents  into  the  fort  of  Svriam, 
leaving  the  factory  and  vessel  deserted.  These  Alompra 
immediately  seized,  and  he  now  let  famine  and  disease  do 
its  work  in  the  over-crowded  place,  and  never  quitted  his 
position  nntd  the  month  of  July,  175(3.  The  Peguers 
were  gradually  lulled  into  security,  and  Alompra  seized  a 
favourable  opportunity,  made  a  vigorous  assault  upon  the 
place,  and,  though  most  of  the  garrison  escaped,  he  made 
all  the  Europeans  prisoners. 

"  It  has  already  appeared  to  have  been  the  determined 
policy  of  the  French  to  espouse  the  cause  of  the  Peguers  ; 
and  had  succours  from  IPondicherry  arrived  before  the 
state  of  things  became  too  desperate,  alfairs  would  pro- 
bably have  worn  a  different  aspect,  and  the  Peguers 
obtained  such  an  addition  to  their  strength,  as  would  have 
enabled  them  to  conclude  a  peace  on  advantageous  terms. 
But  assistance  in  war,  to  be  efiectual,  must  be  timely ; 
unless  applied  while  the  scales  hang  nearly  even,  it  often 
comes  too  late,  and  is  found  not  only  to  be  useless,  but 
even  productive  of  deeper  disappointment.  In  the  ^u'esent 
case,  the  French   brought   th"ise  supplies  of  wliidi  the 

(I)  Symes,  vol.  i.  p.  C;. 


ir.  1.]  SEIZURE   OF  THE   GALlTHIli.  123 

Petjiiers  had  lons^  buoyed  themselves  with  hopes,  at  the 
unfortunate  moment  when  the  communication  was  cut 
off,  when  no  rchef  could  be  conveyed  to  them,  and  all 
prospect  of  retrieving  their  disastrous  fortunes  liad  com- 
pletely vanished. 

"  Mons.  Dupleix,  governor  of  Pondicherry,  a  man  whose 
comprehensive  mind  perceived  with  clearness  whatever 
could  benelit  his  nation  at  this  juncture,  deeply  engafi^ed 
in  the  important  contest  that  was  ultimately  to  determine 
the  sovereignty  of  the  East,  being  aware  of  the  conse- 
quence of  maintaining  an  influence  in  Pegu,  (1)  had,  not- 
withstanding the  exigencies  of  his  own  situation,  equipped 
two  ships,  the  Galatkie  and  Diligent,  vessels  of  force, 
well  manned  and  armed,  and  sent  them,  with  a  supply  of 
military  stores,  to  the  assistance  of  the  Peguers."  (2) 

The  Galaihie  speedily  arrived  off  the  Burmese  coast, 
but  in  consequence  of  mistaking  the  mouth  of  the  Setang 
for  that  of  the  Kangoon  embouchement,  it  did  not  get 
there  in  time.  Alompra's  spies,  however,  had  already 
informed  him  of  the  approach  of  the  inimical  vessel,  and 
when  the  captain  sent  up  a  boat  for  a  pilot,  it  was  seized. 
Alompra,  then,  after  forcing  Bourno  to  ^vrite  a  letter, 
encouraging  the  Galathie  to  come  up  the  river,  sent  it 
with  a  pilot.  Unfortunately  for  the  IFrench  commander, 
he  fell  into  the  trap,  and  on  an*iving  at  Eangoon,  he  first 
learned  in  what  position  he  was  placed,  and  how  fatal  the 
matter  had  been  to  him.  The  Galathie  was  then  seized, 
the  arms  and  ammunition  brought  on  shore,  and  the 
papers  proved  that  these  supplies  were  intended  for 
the  Peguers.  (8)  Alompra,  upon  being  assured  of  this 
treachery,  ordered  the  instant  execution  of  Bourno,  Mar- 
tine,  and  the  rest  of  the  French  prisoners.     "  This  san- 

(1)  Compare  the  following  observations  of  a  late  excellent  writer  upon 
India.  '*  M.  Dupleix's  wonderful  talent  for  diplomacy  and  intrigue  soon 
obtained  signal  triumphs.  His  emissaries  were  everywhere ;  and  the 
native  princes  were  all  as  fickle  as  faithless.  In  his  intrigues  with  them 
he  is  said  to  have  derived  wonderful  assistance  from  his  wife,  who  was 
bom  in  India,  and  perfectly  understood  not  only  the  languages,  but  also 
the  character  of  the  natives.  In  his  union  with  this  lady,  who  is  described 
as  being  even  more  ambitious  than  himself,  we  may  probably  trace  the 
cause  of  the  essentially  Oriental  spirit  of  many  of  his  ])roceodings." — 
Macfarlaiic's  History  of  British  India,  chap.  iii.  p.  ID."  We  sluxll,  here- 
after, have  occasion  to  return  to  this  work,  in  connection  with  the  Bur- 
mese war  in  182J-26.  (2)  Symes,  vol.  i.  pp.  70-72. 

(3)  Sangcrmano,  however,  shows,  by  the  orilinancc  of  the  jiort,  that  the 
seizure  of  tlic  vessel  and  its  contents  was  uothintj  remaikable.— See  his 
Bui'mese  Empire,  p.  170. 


124  FALL   OF   SYBIAM.  [II.  1. 

giiinary  mandate,"  concludes  Symes,  (1)  "was  obeyed 
with  um-eleiiting  promptitude  ;  a  few  seamen  and  Lascars 
alone  escaped,  and  these  were  preserved  for  no  other 
purpose  than  to  be  rendered  of  use  in  the  further  prose- 
cution of  tlie  war,  and  survived  but  to  experience  all  the 
miseries  of  hopeless  bondage." 

The  Diligent  was  more  fortunate.  A  storm  had  com- 
pelled her  to  take  shelter  at  the  JS^icobar  islands,  where 
she  was  obliged  to  remain  some  time.  Adverse  reports 
spread  quickly,  and  the  captain  soon  heard  the  sad  fate 
of  his  countrymen,  and  he  returned  to  Pondicherry  with 
the  evil  tidings.  The  time  had  now  passed,  and  Peguese 
supremacy  and  French  ascendancy  in  Burmah  might  be 
numbered  among  the  past  events  of  history. 

It  is  strange,  with  the  savage  character  that  the  man  ever 
bore,  that  the  French  were  the  only  victims  on  this  occa- 
sion ;  and  it  certainly  argues  more  in  favour  of  his  justice 
than  almost  any  action  of  his  life.  Policy,  too,  prevented 
him  from  offending  the  English  at  the  time,  though  it  is 
useless  to  disguise  the  fact,  that  they  deserved  quite  as 
much,  and  even  more  than  the  French.  The  measures  of 
Bourno  had  been  infinitely  more  decided  than  those  of  the 
English,  and  an  open  enemy  is  ever  more  of  a  friend  than 
a  treacherous,  creeping  friend.  But  the  tragedy  was  not 
at  an  end. 

Tliough  the  fall  of  Syriam  "  had  determined  the  fate  of 
the  Peguers,"  yet  they  did  not  whoUy  give  up  hope.  I 
have  already  in  a  former  chapter  given  a  description  of 
the  capital  of  Pegu,  (2)  which  I  need  not  therefore  repeat ; 
but  still  the  following  passage  from  Symes  will  prove  of 
use  in  comprehending  the  detads  of  the  siege  :  (3) — 

"  Situated  on  an  extensive  plain,  Pegue  was  surrounded 
with  a  high  and  solid  wall,  flanked  by  small  towers,  and 
strengthened  on  each  face  by  demi-bastions,  equidistant ; 
a  broad  ditch  contained  about  three  feet  depth  of  water ; 
weUs  or  reservoirs  supplied  the  to^\'n ;  the  stupendous 
pagoda  of  Shoemadoo,(4)  nearly  centrical,  built  on  an 
artificial  eminence,  and  inclosed  by  a  substantial  wall  of 
brick,  served  as  a  citadel,  and  afibrded  an  enlarged  view 
of  tlie  adjacent  country.  The  extent,  however,  of  the 
works,  the  troops  necessary  to  defend  them,  and  the  nimi-^ 
ber  of  inhabitants  within  tlie  walls,  operated  to  the  disad- 

(1)  Vol.  i.  p.  74.  (2)  Book  i.  chap.  vi.  p.  103. 

(3)  Symes,  vol.  i.  p.  70.  (4)  Book  i.  chap.  iii.  p.  56. 


II.  1.]  SIEGE   OF   PEGU.  125 

vantage  of  tlie  besiejifcd,  aud  aggravated  Ike  distresses 
they  -were  shortly  to  endure." 

For  Alompra,  evidently  perceiving  the  excellence  of  the 
plan  pursued  at  Syriam  in  reducing  his  foes,  again  deter- 
mined to  avrait  the  natural  course  of  events,  and  let  star- 
vation do  its  work  in  the  ranks  of  the  enemy.  The  siege 
of  Pegu  by  Alompra  is  not  dissimilar  to  the  siege  of 
Mexico  by  Cortes,  and  indeed,  the  whole  progress  of  the 
movements  of  Alompra  are  worthy  of  comparison  with  the 
acts  of  the  conqueror  of  MexicQ.  Alike  indomitable  in 
character,  energetic  and  swift  in  action,  and  fitfully  cruel, 
though  not  insensible  to  the  gentler  voice  of  remonstrance, 
they  stand  as  nearly  side  by  side,  as  the  semi-civilised, 
impulsive,  and  naturally  politic  Oriental,  and  the  sternly 
educated,  calculating,  though  rapidly  acting  ]<]uropean 
can.  This  is  not  the  place  for  such  a  discussion,  or  many 
interesting  coincidences  might  doubtless  be  elicited  from  a 
comparison  of  both  their  lives. 

As  the  Mexicans  could  look  down  from  their  ieocalU, 
and  behold  the  relentless  band  of  Spain  around  their 
walls,  so  could  the  Pegucrs  look  from  the  pagoda  of  Shoe- 
madoo,  and  behold  the  natural  foes  of  their  race  waiting 
without,  like  sheriff's  officers,  until  the  beleaguered  were 
too  weak  to  hold  the  door  against  the  besiegers.  Meinla- 
Mein-goung  was  sent  with  a  powerful  detachment  to  com- 
mence the  circumvallation  of  the  town,  and  in  a  few  days 
the  Devoted  to  Buddha  followed  with  the  remainder  of  the 
army,  and  "  sat  down  before  the  city,"  in  the  month  of 
January,  1757. 

For  two  months  the  Burmans  persevered  in  this  plan, 
and,  ever  viijilant,  allowed  none  to  escape.  The  immense 
multitude  of  J'eguers,  though  but  a  small  remnant  of  the 
nation,  caused  want  to  be  soon  felt ;  discontent  and  mutiny 
were  the  consequence  of  the  scarcity  of  provision,  and  it 
seemed  as  if  the  nation  would  fly  to  arms  against  itself. 
The  danger  of  open  revolt  became  every  day  more  immi- 
nent. The  royal  family  and  oiiicers  looked  wistfully  and 
anxiously  from  the  pagodas,  watching  for  the  first  intima- 
tion of  any  movement  among  their  relentless  besiegers. 
But  it  was  all  in  vain.  At  this  juncture.  Beinga  Delia 
summoned  an  assembly  of  all  the  famil}'  and  chiefs  of  any 
consequence.  Apporaza,  the  king's  brother  ;  Chouparea, 
his  son-in-law  and  nephew;  and  a  general  named  Talabaan, 
were  among  the  principal  persons  in  the  assembly.     The 


126  TALABAAN.  [II.  1. 

kiiif^,  after  layini^  before  llicm  the  utter  hopelessness  of 
resistance  ;  after  remiuding  them  of  the  differences  exist- 
ing between  parties  in  the  streets  of  Pegu  itself;  after 
calling  upon  them  to  avoid,  by  the  best  means  in  their 
power,  the  dreadful  consequences  of  still  stubbornly  pro- 
longing their  own  sufferings,  and  feeding  the  rage  of  tlicir 
enemies,  advised  a  timely  submission,  and  offered  to  pre- 
sent his  unmarried  daughter  to  Alompra  as  a  means  of 
deprecating  his  anger.  Such  an  act  of  homage,  he  con- 
cluded, was  the  only  way  he  perceived  of  turning  away 
the  resentment  of  the  Burraan  conqueror. 

All  heard  this  proposition  with  sorrow ;  but  there  was 
nothing  for  it  but  to  acquiesce.  One  chief  present,  liow- 
cver,  ventured  to  remonstrate,  and  this  was  the  valiant 
general  Talabaan.  He  rose,  and  inveighing  bitterly 
against  such  a  course,  reprobated  the  idea  of  submission  ; 
he  concluded  a  short  but  comprehensive  speech,  '"  with  an 
offer  to  sally  forth  at  the  head  of  six  hundred  chosen  fol- 
lowers, and  cither  raise  the  siege,  and  procure  an  honour- 
able peace,  or  perisli  in  the  attempt ;  provided,  iu  the 
event  of  success,  the  king  woidd  promise  to  bestow  on  him 
his  daughter  as  the  reward  of  valour"(l) — for  Talabaau 
secretly  loved  the  maiden. 

The  king  assented  to  these  terms,  believing  that  Tala- 
baan would  also  perform  what  he  had  so  well  planned,  and 
the  council  was  dismissed.  Apporaza,  however,  always 
indirectly  or  directly  the  cause  of  misfortune,  having 
grown  envious  of  the  growing  influence  of  Talabaan, 
worked  upon  the  king's  mind,  representing  that  an  alliance 
with  Alompra  was  far  more  glorious  than  an  alliance  with 
such  a  pitiful,  low-born  personage  as  Talabaan.  Overcome 
by  the  artful  representations  of  Apporaza,  seconded  by 
the  other  chiefs,  the  king  rescinded  his  assent.  At  this, 
Talabaau.  disgusted  with  the  ingratitude  of  Beinga  Delia, 
assembled  a  few  faithful  attendants,  sallied  forth  from 
the  city,  and  forced  his  way  through  the  niidst  of  the 
Burmans.  He  then  escaped  to  the  Setaug  river,  which  he 
crossed,  and  then  marched  to  his  family  estate  of  Mon- 
dimaa  or  Martaban. 

After  the  secession  of  Talabaan,  the  former  measure 
proposed  by  the  king  of  Pegu  was  carried  out.  Arrange- 
ments were  made  between  the  rival  monarchs,  and  Beinga 

(i;  Symcs,  vol.  i.  p.  81. 


II.  1.]  CONTINtTATION   OF   HOSTILITIES.  127 

Delia  was  reinstated  in  his  position  as  king  of  Pegu,  being, 
however,  subject  to  the  king  of  Ava. 

"  Some  clays  elapsed  in  festive  ceremonies,  during  which 
both  the  besiegers  and  the  besieged  had  frequent  and 
almost  uninterrupted  intercourse  ;  the  guards  on  botli  sides 
relaxed  in  their  vigilance,  and  small  parties  of  Birmans 
found  their  way  into  the  city,  whilst  the  Peguers  visited 
the  Birman  camp  without  molestation  or  inquiry.  Alom- 
pra,  who,  it  appears,  had  little  intention  of  adhering  to  the 
recent  compact,  privately  introduced  bodies  of  armed  men, 
with  directions  to  secrete  themselves  within  the  city,  until 
their  services  should  be  required ;  arms  and  ammunition 
were  also  conveyed  and  lodged  in  places  of  concealment. 
Matters,  however,  were  not  managed  with  such  circum- 
spection as  to  prevent  discovery ;  Chouparea,  the  king's 
nephew,  received  intimation  of  the  meditated  treachery  ; 
he  instantly  ordered  the  gates  of  the  city  to  be  closed, 
and  having  found  out  the  repositories  where  the  weapons 
were  lodged,  and  detected  many  Birmans  in  disguise,  ho 
gave  directions  to  put  to  death  every  man  of  that  nation 
who  should  be  found  witliin  the  walls,  and  opened  a  lire 
upon  such  part  of  the  Birman  camp  as  was  most  exposed 
to  'he  artillery  of  the  fort. 

"  Hostilities  now  recommenced  with  exasperated  fury  ; 
Apporaza  with  his  royal  niece  were  detained  in  the  Birman 
camp  ;  the  uncle  under  close  confinement,  "whilst  the  lady 
was  consigned  to  the  guardians  of  the  female  apartments. 
The  Peguers  having  gained  no  accession  to  their  strength, 
and  added  little  to  their  stores,  during  the  short  interval 
of  tranquillity,  were  not  in  a  better  condition  than  before 
to  resist  the  enemy.  The  Birmans  observed  the  system 
of  warfare  which  they  at  lirst  adopted;  so  that  in  six 
weeks,  famine  had  again  reduced  the  garrison  to  a  deplor- 
able state  of  wretchedness  and  want ;  the  most  loathsome 
reptiles  were  eagerly  sought  after  and  devoured,  and  the 
clamours  of  the  soldiers  could  no  longer  be  appeased.  A 
few  secret  hoards  of  grain  were  by  chance  discovered,  and 
many  more  were  suspected  to  exist ;  the  crowd  thronged 
tumultuously  round  the  quarters  of  Chouparea,  on  whom, 
after  the  secession  of  Talabaan,  and  the  imprisonment  of 
Apporaza,  the  care  of  defending  the  fortress  entirely  de- 
volved. In  order  to  silence  and  satis ly  those  whom  he 
could  not  restrain,  he  ordered  a  general  search  for  grain, 
and  granted  permission  to  the  soldiers  forcibly  to  cuter 


128  SEIZUKE   OF   BEINGA-DELLA.  [II.  1. 

whatever  houses  fell  under  suspicion.  This  h'cense  was 
dilifjently  improved,  and  the  house  of  a  near  relation  of 
the  king  was  discovered  to  contain  more  grain  than  eitlier 
the  present  situation  of  affairs  or  his  own  wants  could 
justify.  The  deposit  was  demanded,  and  as  resolutely 
refused.  The  crowd,  authorized  by  the  permission  of 
Chouparea,  proceeded  to  take  by  violence  what  was  not  to 
be  obtained  by  entreaty  ;  a  riot  ensued,  in  which  some 
lives  were  lost,  and  the  prince  was  at  len^h  obliged  to 
abandon  his  house.  Repairing  to  the  royal  residence,  he 
uttered  violent  invectives  against  Chouparea,  whom  he 
accused  to  the  king  of  harbouring  an  intention  to  deprive 
his  sovereign  of  life,  and  seize  upon  the  imperial  throne ; 
and  advised  his  majesty  rather  to  throw  himself  on  the 
generosity  of  the  besiegers,  and  obtain  the  best  terms 
practicable,  than  hazard  the  danger  to  which  his  person 
and  kingdom  were  exposed  from  the  perfidy  of  a  faitlilcss 
and  powerful  subject.  The  king,  whose  imbecilitv  seems 
to  have  equalled  his  ill  fortune,  lent  an  ear  to  the  com- 
plaints of  a  man  stimulated  by  sudden  rage  and  personal 
jealousy  :  the  unhappy  and  distracted  monarch  resolved 
to  pursue  his  counsel ;  but  being  too  timid  openly  to  aVow 
his  weakness  and  suspicion,  he  sent  secret  proposals  to 
Alompra  to  surrender  the  city  to  him.  stipulating  for  life 
alone,  and  leaving  the  rest  to  the  discretion  of  the  con- 
queror. According  to  the  plan  agreed  on,  the  Birmans 
advanced  to  the  gates,  which  were  immediately  deserted  : 
thePeguers  fled  in  the  utmost  panic  ;  many  escaped  in  the 
confusion  :  tlie  Pogne  king  was  made  prisoner  and  the  citv 
given  up  to  indiscriminate  plunder.""(l) 

An  affecting  episode  in  the  fate  of  the  Peguese  monar- 
chy was.  however,  yet  to  come.  Talabaan,  it  will  be 
recollected,  had  fled  to  Martaban,  where  his  family  re- 
sided. This  cliief  was  as  obnoxious  to  Alompra  as  anv 
one  of  the  IVfrnese  party.  His  influence  was  too  great  to 
admit  of  his  being  spared  or  forgotten.  Therefore,  after 
the  reduction  of  Pegu,  and  the  submission  of  all  the  comi- 
try  around,  he  marched  to  Martaban  with  a  considerable 
force.  With  the  few  adherents  which  still  clung  to  the 
Peguese  general,  resistance  was  absurd ;  he  therefore  fled 
to  the  woods,  thinking  that  asxainst  him  alone  would  tiie 
I'csentment  of  Alompra  be  directed.     Those  that  remained 

(1)  Symcs,  vol.  i.  pp.  83-8S. 


II.  1.]  AFFAIES   AT   NEGEAIS.  129 

were  seized  by  the  king,  and  the  unfortunate  Talabaan. 
hoard  in  his  retreat,  that  if  he  himself  did  not  surr(>nder, 
the  innoeent  members  of  his  family  would  l)e  saerilieed  to 
the  fury  of  the  eonqueror.  All  ])ersonal  feeliiiji^s  of  fear 
now  faded  from  his  bosom ;  he  thouf^ht  no  longer  of  the 
vengeance  that  awaited  him,  but  surrendering  himself  a 
voluntaiy  prisoner,  he  thus  preserved  the  dear  relations 
"  M'hom  he  loved  more  than  life."  Alompra  was  so  much 
struelc  with  the  unexpected  heroism  of  the  outcast,  that  he 
pardoned  him,  and  subsequeutly  raised  him  to  a  high 
position  in  his  court. 

At  this  time  the  settlement  of  Negrais  was  in  a  critical 
position.  The  actors  there  had  changed,  and  a  Mr. 
Newton  had  succeeded  Captain  Howe,  resident  of  the 
East-India  Company,  upon  ]\Ir.  Brooke's  retirement.  To 
this  gentleman  Alompra  sent  a  message,  requiring  his 
presence  at  Prome.  Mr.  Ne^vton  deputed  Ensign  Lyster 
thither.  The  envoy  left  Negrais  on  the  27th  of  June, 
1757,  and  proceeded  to  Bassein,  where  he  had  to  await 
the  arrival  of  Antonio,  a  native  interpreter  descended 
from  a  Portuguese  family.  On  the  13tli  of  July,  he  was 
again  en  route,  and  on  the  23rd  he  met  Alompra  on  the 
Irawadi.  He  immediately  had  an  audience,  which  led,  as 
all  first  audiences  do,  to  nothing.  On  the  29th,  the  king 
halted  at  Myan-aong,  where  a  second  audience  took 
place.  Alompra  again  adverted  to  the  English  treachery 
of  Dagon,  and,  presenting  some  gifts  of  little  value,  in 
return  for  the  presents  from  Negrais,  he  left  the  re- 
mainder to  be  settled  between  Lyster,  Antonio,  and  i\\Q 
Acka-woon,  or  governor  of  the  port  of  Bassein.  After 
some  boggling  on  both  sides,  the  island  of  Negrais  was 
ceded  to  the  India  Company  in  perpetuity,  together  with 
a  piece  of  ground  opposite  Bassein,  for  a  factory.  The 
Company  were  to  give  arms  and  military  stores  in  return, 
and  aid  against  the  king  of  Tavoy.  This  treaty,  the 
result  of  bribery,  according  to  Symes,  (1)  received  the 
sanction  of  the  king.  On  the  22nd  of  August,  1757, 
formal  possession  was  taken  by  Ensign  Lyster. 

After  these  events  had  taken  place,  Alompra  returned 
to  JMoutzoboo,  the  capital  of  the  kingdom,  and  com- 
menced an  expedition  against  the  inhabitants  of  Cassav  ; 
but  he  soon  returned  to  the  south,  on  learning  that  tlie 
Peguers  had  again  revolted. 

(I)  Ava,  vol.  I,  p,  p(}, 


130  MASSACEE   OF   THE   ENGLTSII.  [11.  1. 

Many  of  that  nation  had  fled  across  the  frontier  of 
Slam,  whence  they  now  returned  in  ^reat  force,  defeated 
Namdeoda,  tlie  Bumiese  general,  and  recaptured  Ran- 
goon, Dalla,  and  Syriani.  But  upon  Alompra's  dread 
approach,  the  fortune  of  war  chanjjjed.  Namdeoda  re- 
turned, retook  the  towns,  and  after  a  severe  engagement, 
again  overthrew  the  Pcguese  force. 

At  this  time,  Whitehill,  who  supposed  his  treacherous 
deeds  forgotten,  went  to  Eangoon  witli  a  smaU  vessel,  laden 
with  such  things  as  were  fitted  for  the  trade  to  that  port. 
But  Alompra  had  not  forgotten  him.  His  vessel  was  seized, 
and  he  himself  Avas  sent  to  Prome,  where  he  met  the  king 
returning  from  Moutzoboo.  Alom]ira,  ])robably  to  allay 
all  suspicions  on  the  part  of  the  Englij^h  as  to  the  des- 

f)erate  game  he  was  about  to  play,  spared  Mi\  Whitehill's 
ife,  though  he  made  him  pay  a  heavy  ransom,  and  confis- 
cated his  vessel.  He  was  afterwards  allowed  to  return  to 
IJegrais  in  a  Dutch  ship.  At  this  time,  unhappily  for 
Negrais,  Captain  Newton  returned  to  Bengal,  taking  Avith 
him  all  the  available  force.  He  ariived  in  Calcutta  on 
the  14th  of  May,  1759. 

The  Armenians,  the  Jews  of  the  East,  ever  envious 
and  suspicious  of  the  progress  of  the  colonies  under 
European  administration,  looked  •with  an  evil  eye  upon 
the  settlement  of  !N^egrais.  Among  those  at  that  port, 
Coja  Pochas  and  Coja  Gregory,  were  particulai-ly  hostile 
to  the  English.  In  Laveene,  the  French  youth  left  by 
Bourno  as  a  hostage,  and  who  had  found  favour  in  Alom- 
pra's eyes,  Coja  Gregor}^  found  a  fitting  instrument  to 
execute  the  plot  that  he  had  contrived  for  the  ruin  of 
English  prosperity  in  Burmah.  Whether  Alompra  knew 
of  the  affiiir  long  before,  is  uncertain  ;  but  it  is  to  be  in- 
ferred from  the  tenor  of  his  actions,  that  he  did  not,  when 
it  came  to  liis  knowledge,  condemn  it. 

Mr.  Southby,  to  whom  the  government  of  Bengal  had 
committed  the  care  of  the  colony,  disembarked  from  the 
Victoria  snow,  on  the  4th  of  October,  1759.  The  Shaftes- 
bury East-Indiaman  was  also  in  harbour,  having  put 
in  for  water.  Antonio,  the  Portuguese-Bunnan  iinter- 
preter,  came  down  to  receive  Southby,  and  was  treated 
well  by  Mr.  Hope,  at  that  time  in  charge  of  Negrais,  as  well 
as  by  the  new  resident.  Antonio's  errand  was,  of  course,  to 
superintend  the  conspiracy  that  Avas  about  to  burst  on  the 


II.  1.]  MASSACRE   OF   THE   ENGLISH.  131 

heads  of  tlic  devoted  Englishmen  ;  but  the  pretext  was  to 
deUver  a  letter  from  Alompra. 

"  The  address  and  secrecy  with  which  the  intended 
massacre  was  concerted,  gave, no  room  for  taking  any  pre- 
caution. Antonio,  who  had  paid  a  visit  to  Mr.  Southby 
on  the  morning  of  the  Gth,  was  invited  by  him  to  dinner 
on  the  same  day,  at  a  temporary  building  belonging  to 
the  English.  "V\  hilst  the  entertamment  was  serving  up, 
the  treacherous  guest  withdrew.  At  that  instant  a 
number  of  armed  IBirmans  rushed  into  the  room,  and  put 
Messrs.  Southby  and  Hope  to  death.  This  transaction 
took  place  in  an  upper  apartment.  Messrs.  Robertson 
and  Briggs  happened  to  be  below  with  eight  Europeans  of 
inferior  note ;  a  separate  attack  was  made  on  these  by 
another  set  of  assassins,  in  which  five  Europeans  were 
slain  ;  the  rest,  with  Mr.  Hobertson  and  Mr.  Briggs,  shut 
themselves  in  a  godown,  or  storeroom,  where  they  con- 
tinued on  the  defensive  until  the  afternoon,  when,  receiv- 
ing a  solemn  assurance  that  their  lives  should  be  spared, 
they  surrendered,  and  experienced  the  utmost  brutality 
of  treatment  from  the  murderers.  Mr.  Briggs  being 
wounded,  and  unable  to  move  with  the  alertness  required 
of  him,  was  knocked  down,  and  a  period  put  to  his  suffer- 
ings, by  having  a  spear  run  through  his  body  ;  the  rest 
were  escorted  to  the  water-side,  where  Antonio,  who  had 
retired  when  the  massacre  commenced,  was  waiting  with 
a  boat  to  receive  them.  This  fellow  had  the  humanity  to 
unchain  the  prisoners,  and  pursued  his  journey  with  them 
to  Dagon  or  llangoon,  where  he  expected  to  find  the  king, 
and,  doubtless,  to  receive  a  reward  for  the  meritorious 
part  he  had  acted. 

"  A  midshipman,  of  the  crew  of  the  Shaftesbury,  was 
about  to  enter  the  house  when  the  slaughter  commenced ; 
but  on  hearing  the  cries  of  his  countrymen,  and  perceiving 
the  danger,  he  fled  to  the  water-side,  wounded  by  a  spear 
that  was  cast  at  him  in  his  retreat.  The  Shafteshurys 
pinnace  brought  away  the  midshipman,  with  several 
black  people  belonging  to  the  settlement ;  the  fury  of  the 
murderers  being  indiscriminately  levelled  against  Euro- 
peans and  their  Indian  attendants.  The  long-boat  also, 
that  had  brought  on  shore  some  of  Mr.  Southby 's  bag- 
gage, was  fortunate  enough  to  push  (jfT  before  the  Bir- 
raans  could  get  possession  of  her,  and  letting  the  ensign  fly 

K  2 


132  MANNER  OF  THE  ENGLISH.         [II.  1. 

with,  the  union  downward?,  p^ave  intimation  to  the  ship, 
by  that  token,  of  some  unexpected  mischance."  (1) 
I  In  the  whoh^  of  this  diabohcal  affair,  Laveene,  the  ^'ounjr 
Frenchman,  was  actively  engaged.  The  battery  being 
seized,  was  turned  by  him  against  the  Shafteshiiry,  and 
the  action  continued  the  whole  day.  IS^ext  morning  the 
Burmese  renewed  their  fire,  but  the  Shaffcshnrij  had 
hauled  beyond  the  range  of  shot,  and  the  Victoria  fol- 
lowed Jier  example. 

"  That  Gregory,  the  Armenian,  was  the  principal  insti- 
gator, is  a  fact  of  which  no  native  of  the  country,  who 
remembers  the  transaction,  entertains  the  smallest  doubts, 
as  well  as  that  Laveene  was  the  principal  agent  and  in- 
strument of  execution.  It  is  said  that  the  former  accused 
Mr.  Hope,  who  commanded  after  the  departure  of  Lieu- 
tenant Newton,  of  having  supplied  the  Peguers  with  pro- 
visions, and  sold  to  them  four  or  five  hundred  muskets  ; 
that  he  had  taken  pains  to  instil  into  his  majesty's  mind  a 
persuasion,  that  the  English  were  a  designing  and  dan- 
gerous people  ;  who,  having  acquired  Indian  territory, 
Brst  by  fraud,  and  afterwards  by  violence,  meditated  the 
practice  of  similar  treachery  upon  them  ;  and  only  waited 
a  fit  opportunity  to  wrest  from  him  his  empire,  and 
enslave  his  subjects,  as  they  had  recently  done  in  the 
instance  of  the  unsuspecting  and  abused  Mogid.  He  also 
added,  that  the  governor  of  ]N'egrais  prevented  vessels 
from  going  up  to  Bassein,  by  which  tlie  royal  revenue 
was  defrauded.  These  arguments,  whether  groundless  or 
founded,  were  sufficiently  plausible  to  produce  the  desired 
effect ;  and  there  is  but  too  much  reason  to  think  that 
some  provocation  had  been  given,  though,  perhaps,  of  a 
trivial  nature,  and  certainly  not  sufficient  to  warrant  a 
step  unjustifiable  by  every  law,  human  and  divine."  (2) 
That  Alompra  had  some  share  in  the  matter,  can  hardly 
be  doubted.  lie  had  received  too  many  crosses  from  the 
Englisli  during  his  conquest  of  Burmah,  to  forget.  Besides, 
the  heart  of  the  Oriental  despot  always  rankles  with  envy 
and  pride.  He  looked  for  an  opportunity  to  make  the 
lilnglish  feel  his  vengeance,  and  he  seized  it.  Undoubt- 
edl)%  the  Portuguese  and  Frenchman  had  not  forgotten 
the  massacre  of  their  own  nations  ;  and  the  latter,  in- 
vested  with  a  little  brief  authority,  did  the  most  that  his 
spiteful  heart  could  do. 

(1)  SppB,  YOh  I.  pp.  106- lop,  (2)  lb,  id.  pp.  na-n.v 


IX.  1.]  cUaeactee  of  alompra.  133 

This  event  forms  the  last  one  of  any  consequence  in  the 
life  of  Alompva,  the  liberator  and  conqueror  of  Biirmah 
and  Petju.  The  conquest  of  Tavoy  slied  a  brief  lin^lit  upon 
lliis  portion  of  his  career,  and  feeling  certain  of  success, 
he  determined  to  let  the  Siamese  feel  his  strength ;  and 
he  thought  to  have  vengeance  for  the  assistance  tliat 
countr}^  had  given  to  the  Peguese,  during  his  reduction  of 
their  power.  He  therefore  sent  an  expedition  against 
Mergui,  and  on  the  talcing  of  that  place,  the  army  pro- 
ceeded against  Tenasserim,  which  soon  yielded  to  the 
victorious  Burmese. 

He  now  determined  to  march  against  Bangkok,  the 
capital  of  Siam,  and  thus  complete  the  conquest  of  the 
peninsula.  However,  disease  overtook  him  ;  tlie  Devoted  to 
Buddha,  who  had  been  a  victor  in  a  hundred  battles,  now 
succumbed  to  a  single  arm  ;  but  it  was  the  arm  of  death, 
the  strong  force  that  assails  every  conqueror.  Alompra, 
though  he  perceived  that  his  end  was  drawing  near,  did 
not  lose  his  presence  of  mind,  but  ordered  a  countermarch 
to  liis  own  country,  that  his  arms  might  ^^^  ^^  sullied  by 
a  defeat.  But  he  expired  about  the  I5th  of  May,  1760, 
wlu^n  witliin  two  days'  march  of  Martaban. 

The  following  sketch  of  his  character,  by  Symes,  will 
form  a  fitting  conclusion  to  this  chapter  : — 

"  Considering  the  limited  progress  that  the  Birmans 
had  yet  made  in  arts  that  refine,  and  science  tliat  tends  to 
expand  the  human  mind,  jVlompra,  w^hether  viewed  in  the 
light  of  a  politician  or  a  soldier,  is  undoubtedly  entitled  to 
respect.  The  wisdom  of  his  councils  secured  what  his 
valour  liad  acquired  ;  he  was  not  more  eager  for  conquest, 
than  attentive  to  tlie  improvement  of  his  territories  and 
tlu'  prosperity  of  his  people  ;  he  issued  a  severe  edict 
against  gambling,  and  prohibited  the  use  of  spirituous 
liquors  througliout  his  dominions ;  he  reformed  the 
rhooms  or  courts  of  justice  ;  he  abridged  the  power  of 
magistrates,  and  forbade  them  to  decide  at  their  pri- 
vate houses  on  criminal  causes,  or  on  property  where 
the  amount  exceeded  a  specified  sum  ;  every  process  of 
importance  was  decided  in  public,  and  every  decree  regis- 
tered. His  reign  was  short,  but  vigorous  ;  and  had  his 
life  been  prolonged,  it  is  probable  that  his  country  would 
at  this  day  have  been  farther  advanced  in  national  refine- 
ment and  tlie  liberal  arts. 

•'  Alompra  did  not  live  to  complete  his  fiftieth  year : 


134  CHAEACTEE    OF    ALOMPEA.  [II.  1. 

his  person,  strongs  and  weU  proportioned,  exceeded  the 
middle  size ;  his  features  were  coarse,  his  complexion 
dark,  and  his  countenance  saturnine ;  and  there  was  a 
dignity  in  his  deportment  that  became  his  high  station. 
In  his  temper,  he  is  said  to  have  been  prone  to  anger  ;  in 
revenge,  implacable  ;  and  in  punishing  faults,  remorseless 
and  severe.  The  latter  part  of  his  character  may,  per- 
haps, have  arisen  as  much  from  the  necessities  of  his 
situation  as  from  a  disposition  by  nature  cruel.  He  who 
acquires  a  throne  by  an  act  of  individual  boldness,  is  com- 
monly obliged  to  maintain  it  by  terror :  the  right  of 
assumption  is  guarded  with  more  jealousy  than  that  of 
prescription.  If  we  except  the  last  act  of  severity  towards 
the  English  settlers,  his  conduct,  on  most  occasions, 
seemed  to  be  marked  by  moderation  and  forbearance ; 
even  in  that  one  disgraceful  instance,  he  appeared  to  have 
been  instigated  by  the  persuasions  of  others,  rather  than 
by  the  dictates  of  a  vindictive  mind ;  and  it  is  manifest, 
from  the  expressions  of  his  successor  on  a  public  occasion, 
that  it  never  was  his  intention  to  consign  the  innocent, 
with  the  supposed  guilty,  to  the  same  indiscriminate  and 
sanguinary  fate. 

"  Be  the  private  character  of  Alompra  what  it  may,  his 
heroic  actions  give  him  an  indisputable  claim  to  no  mean 
rank  among  the  most  distinguished  personages  in  the 
page  of  history.  His  firmness  emancipated  a  whole  nation 
from  servitude,  and,  inspired  by  his  bravery,  the  oppressed, 
in  their  turn,  subdued  their  oppressors.  Like  the  deliverer 
of  Sweden,  with  his  gallant  band  of  Dalccarlians,  he  fought 
for  that  which  experience  tells  us  rouses  the  human 
breast  above  every  other  stimulant  to  deeds  of  daring 
valour.  Private  injuries,  personal  animosities,  commercial 
emulation,  wars  of  regal  policy,  are  petty  provocations 
compared  to  that  which  animates  the  resentment  of  a 
people  whose  liberties  are  assailed,  whose  right  to  govern 
themselves  is  wrested  from  them,  and  who  are  forced  to 
bend  beneath  the  tyranny  of  a  foreign  yoke."  (1) 

(1)  Syraes,  vol.  i.  p.  120  sqq. 


CHAPTER    11. 

1700—1819. 

I     Anaundopra — Zempiuscien— Chcng;aza— Paongoza— Men-ta-ra-gyee. 

"When  tlio  political  liistory  of  a  country  conimencea 
"uitli  one  brij^lit  and  sliininj;  event,  it  is  hardly  possible  to 
make  the  continuation  of  its  career  otherwise  than  "  stale, 
flat,  and  unprofitable."  How  true  this  is,  "was  amply 
proved  by  Prescott,  in  the  case  of  IMexico  and  Peru,  when 
with  all  tiie  ma<;ical  charm  of  his  eloquent  pen,  ho  failed 
to  give  the  liistory  of  Peru  the  same  attractive  feature 
that  he  had  presented  in  Mexico.  If  it  were  impossible 
then  for  a  master-hand  like  his,  to  invest  the  lluctuating 
events  of  the  civil  wars  of  Peru  with  the  graces  of 
romance,  how  difficult  will  it  be  for  me  to  do  tlie  same  by 
those  of  Burmah ! 

The  great  event  of  Burman  history,  the  elevation  of 
Alompra  to  the  regal  or  imperial  dignity,  overshadows  all 
the  subsequent  occurrences  in  tliat  history,  although,  con- 
sidered by  themselves,  thoy  form  not  the  least  interesting 
episodes  of  Oriental  story.  I  sliall  endeavour,  in  the  fol- 
lowing pages,  to  present  them,  as  they  are,  to  tlie  reader, 
begging  him  to  bear  in  mind  the  iirst  sentence  of  this 
chapter. 

Alompra,  on  his  death-bed,  left  the  succession  unsettled, 
though,  according  to  Sangermano,  (1)  he  had  stipulated 
for  the  successive  administration  of  Ids  seven  sons.  Whe- 
ther this  was  really  the  case,  is  impossil)le  to  say ;  but  tlie 
eldest  brother  seems  to  have  ascended  the  throne  with- 
out dispute.  His  name  was  Anaundopra;  but,  as  Synies 
observes,  "  neither  the  mandates  of  law,  nor  the  claims 
of  equity,  can  curb  the  career  of  restless  ambition  ;"(*i)  and 
as  it  had  proved  insufficient  to  restrain  the  father,  it  was 

(1)  Burmese  Empire,  p.  48.  (2)  Ava,  vol.  i.  p.  124. 


iS6  AXAUNDOPEA.  [II.  2. 

insufficient  to  restrain  the  son.  Tlicmbuan,  or  Zem- 
]>iiiscien,  whom  we  have  seen  in  the  government  of  Ava, 
raised  a  revolt  against  iiis  brother's  administration.  Bnt 
he  had  not  the  solid  talenl  of  his  father,  and  his  claims 
were  scarcely  recognised  by  his  immediate  followers  ;  con- 
sequently it  is  not  very  extraordinary  that  his  rebellion 
fell  to  the  ground.  He  hastened  to  give  in  his  submis- 
sion, and  his  brother  appears  to  have  been  forgiving 
enough,  for  he  was  soon  restored  to  favour. 

But  the  flame  of  rebellion  and  revolution  was  kindled. 
It  wanted  but  little  to  f\m  it  into  a  fornudable  sheet  of 
ilre.  During  the  absence  of  Zempiuscien  at  Moutzoboo, 
the  general  Meinla  Nuttoon,  marcldng  through  the  lo^A'er 
country,  raised  the  standard  of  revolt,  and  seizing  upon 
Tongho,  marched  upon  Ava,  which,  intimidated  by  the 
force  attached  to  his  interests,  immediately  surrendered. 
It  were  foreign  to  my  purpose  to  give  a  detailed  account 
of  this  insurrection.  I  will  only  say,  tliat  it  required 
all  the  strength  of  the  king  to  quell  it.  The  siege 
of  Ava  was  protracted  for  seven  months,  as  (Nuttoon 
expected  assistance  from  Siam. 

"  These  expectations  were  not  realized.  Supplies  from 
the  country  failed,  and  want  began  to  make  ravages 
within  the  walls,  although  the  magazines,  which  at  the 
commencement  of  the  siege  were  full,  had  been  husbanded 
with  the  utmost  economy.  Discontent  is  ever  the  con- 
comitant of  distress.  The  governor  of  Mayah  Oun,  who 
had  embraced  Nuttoon's  fortune,  deserted  from  the  fort. 
Flying  to  Mayah  Oun,  he  collected  his  adherents  ;  but  not 
being  able  to  resist  the  royal  forces,  they  set  fire  to  the 
town,  and  betook  themselves  to  the  woods  and  jungles, 
whence  they  afterwards  withdrew  to  the  eastern  pro- 
vinces, where  the  authority  of  the  Birman  monarch  was 
yet  scarcely  recognised.  The  rebels  had  likewise  evacu- 
ated the  fort  of  Tongho.  Towards  the  end  of  the  year, 
the  garrison  in  Ava  was  reduced  to  the  greatest  extremity, 
and  their  numbers  diminished  above  one-half  by  sickness, 
famine,  and  desertion.  In  this  helpless  state,  without  any 
chance  of  relief,  JS^uttoon  made  his  escape  from  the  fort 
in  disguise ;  but  had  proceeded  only  the  distance  of  two 
days'  journey,  when  he  was  discovered  by  some  peasants, 
and  brought  back  in  fetters.  The  fort  of  Ava  fell  shortly 
afterwards  by  the  flight  of  its  commandant.  Such  of  their 
uuibrtimate  adherents  as  could  not  eflect  their  escape, 


II 2.]  zEMnusciEN.  137 

were  witliout  mercy  put  to  cloatli.  Nuttoon,  likewise,  suf- 
fered the  doom  of  a  traitor."  (1) 

This  was,  liowever,  not  all.  Another  revolt  was  raised 
by  the  viceroy  of  Tougho,  an  uncle  of  the  kin^j^'s.  How- 
ever, Anaundopra  marched  to  Tougho,  and  took  the  place 
after  a  siege  of  three  months,  and,  according  to  Sanger- 
mano,  (2)  put  him  to  death.  Symes,  however,  infoi'ms  us, 
that  he  ^A  as  kept  a  close  prisoner  in  the  fort  of  Ava  till 
his  death.  (:3) 

Talahaan,  too,  raised  a  rebellion,  which  was,  however, 
very  soon  ended  by  the  seizure  and  execution  of  that 
general.  "  So  long  as  that  monarch  [Alompra]  lived,  he 
conducted  himself  like  a  dutiful  servant :  the  death  of  his 
sovereign,  however,  cancelled  in  Talabaan's  breast  tlie 
bonds  of  duty  and  gratitude,  and,  though  faithful  to  the 
father,  lie  took  the  earliest  opportiinity  to  revolt  against 
the  sou."  (1)  In  INIarch,  1761.  the  king  breathed  his  last, 
of  the  same  scrofulous  complaint  that  killed  his  father, 
leaving  behind  an  infant  son  named  Momien.  The  nu- 
merous rebellions  against  his  government  would  lead  us 
to  expect  immense  strictness  in  his  character ;  but  he  is 
represented  as  only  severe  in  matters  of  religion ;  except 
in  tliis  particular,  his  administration  was  forbearing  and 
moderate.  The  insurrections  were  more  probably  induced 
by  the  double  reason  of  ambition  on  the  part  of  the 
revolution,  and  by  the  necessary  restraint  which  follows 
the  unlicensed  liberties  of  war.  The  people  were  accus- 
tomed to  feel  themselves  masters  of  all,  and  now,  the 
turbulent  and  unsettled  reign  of  Alompra 'having  closed, 
they  chafed  and  bit  at  the  cord  like  irascible  dogs. 

Zem])iuscien,  as  the  nearest  relation  to  the  infant 
mouarch,  became  regent  of  Burmah,  though  the  authority  of 
the  child  was  probably  never  recognised,  either  by  regent 
or  people.  After  some  time,  mdeed,  he  openly  assumed 
the  crown,  and,  at  the  petition  of  a  sister  of  Alompra, 
sent  Momien  to  the  priests,  instead  of  murdering  him, 
as  he  intended.  His  reign  was  warlike,  and  marked 
with  many  rebellions  and  revolutions,  which,  though 
raging  for  the  moment,  had  no  effect  beyond  the  fury  of 
tlie  moment.  The  principal  event  and  shame  of  his  life, 
cannot  be  better  told  than  in  the  words  of  Symes.  (5) 

(1)  Symes,  vol.  i.  p.  147  sq.  (2)  Burmese  Empire,  p.  49. 

(3)  Symes,  vol.  i.  p.  150.  (41  lb.  id.  p.  1 51. 

(5)  lb.  id.  p.  191  sqq. 


138  CONDEMNATION    OF   BEINGA   DELLA.  [II.  2. 

"  Whatever  respect  the  glory  of  conquest,  and  the 
wisdom  of  a  "v^ell-rejrulated  government,  might  attach  to 
the  reign  of  Shembunn,  it  must  be  wholly  obscured  by 
the  cruelty  exercised  on  the  present  occasion  [the  taking 
of  Kangoon  from  the  Pegucrs,  who  had  again  rebelled] 
towards  his  royal  prisoner,  the  unhappy  king  of  Pegue  ; 
and  this,  too,  like  a  more  recent  and  equally  inhuman  regi- 
cide, (1)  in  a  nation  professing  Christianity  and  enlight- 
ened by  science,  was  perpetrated  under  the  mockery  of 
justice.  Shembuan,  not  content  with  exhibiting  to  the 
humbled  Peguers  their  venerable,  and  yet  venerated 
monarch,  bound  in  fetters,  and  bowed  down  with  years 
and  anguish,  resolved  to  take  away  his  life,  and  render 
the  disgrace  still  deeper,  by  exposing  him  as  a  public 
malefactor,  to  suffer  under  the  stroke  of  the  public  execu- 
tioner     The  process  of  law  in  Birman  courts  of 

justice,  is  conducted  with  as  much  formality  as  in  any 
country  on  earth.  Beinga  Delia  was  brought  before  the 
judges  of  the  Rhoom,  among  whom  the  Maywoon  of  Pegue 
presided.  The  late  king  of  Pegue  was  there  accused  of 
having  been  privy  to,  and  instrumental  in  exciting  the 
late  rebellion.  Depositions  of  several  witnesses,  supposed 
to  be  suborned,  were  taken ;  the  prisoner  denied  the 
charge  ;  but  his  fate  being  determined  on,  his  plea  availed 
him  nothing.  He  was  found  guilty  ;  and  the  proceedings, 
according  to  custom,  were  laid  before  the  king,  who 
passed  sentence  of  death,  and  accompanied  it  by  an  order 
for  speedy  execution.  In  conformity  with  this  cruel  man- 
date, on  the  7th  of  the  increasing  moon,  in  the  month 
of  Taboung,  (2)  the  aged  victim  was  led  in  public  proces- 
sion through  an  insulting  population,  to  a  place  called 
Awabock,  three  miles  without  the  city,  where  he  met  his 
doom  with  fortitude,  and  had  no  distinction  paid  him 
above  the  meanest  criminal,  except  that  all  the  municipal 
officers  attended  in  their  robes  of  ceremony  to  witness  his 
last  moments." 

The  death  of  Beinga  Delia  preceded  his  own  by  but  a 
short  space  of  time,  for  Zempiuscien,  or  Shembuan,  died 
in  the  spring  of  1776. 

His  son  and  successor,  Zinguza  or  Chenguza,  presented 
very  different  traits  of  character  to  those  of  any  of  Alom- 
pra's  dynasty.     He  ])lunged  into  the  wildest  excesses  of 

(1)  Syraes  alludes  to  the  fate  of  lK)uis  XVI. 

(2)  See  book  i.  chap.  iv.  p.  78. 


II.  2.]  ZINQUZA.  139 

debauchery,  and  left  the  government  to  the  mal-adminis- 
tration  of  a  corrupt  court.  This  proved  fatal  to  him.  The 
excesses  of  king  and  ministers  did  not  pass  by  unheeded. 
Momien,  his  cousin,  had  not  forgotten  that  ho  had  an 
equal  right  to  the  throne,  and  the  disgusting  murder 
committed  on  the  queen,  afforded  a  pretext  for  revolt.  A 
conspiracy  had  been  formed  by  one  of  Alompra's  bro- 
thers, Men-ta-ra-gyee,  the  queen's  father,  and  one  of  the 
ministers  whom  Chenguza  had  insulted ;  Momien  was  used 
as  a  tool  to  elevate  Men-ta-ra-gyee  to  the  throne.  This 
young  man,  (1)  "  taking  advantage  of  his  [Chenguza's]  ab- 
sence, advanced  by  night  to  Ava,  in  company  with  about 
forty  inhabitants  of  a  village  called  Ponga,  and  without 
experiencing  any  resistance,  made  himself  master  of  the 
palace.  Upon  which  the  youth  of  Ava,  and  the  neigh- 
bouring places,  came  eagerly  to  be  enrolled,  and  take  up 
arms  in  favour  of  the  new  king ;  who,  in  the  space  of  five 
days,  was  in  possession  of  the  person  and  kingdom  of 
Zinguza.  But  the  usurper,  whose  name  was  Paongoza, 
from  the  long  abode  he  had  made  in  Paonga,  by  these 
rapid  and  successful  advances,  only  served  as  a  means  to 
Badonsachen  [the  former  name  of  Men-ta-ra-gyee],  the 
reigning  sovereign,  to  mount  upon  the  throne.  For 
scarcely  had  he  taken  possession  of  the  palace,  than  he 
called  together  all  his  uncles  and  made  them  an  offer  of  the 
kingdom ;  saying,  that  according  to  the  dispositions  of 
Alompra,  to  them  it  belonged.  J3ut  they  suspected  this 
ingenuous  declaration  of  Paongoza  to  be  nothing  more 
than  a  maUcious  contrivance  to  pryj  into  their  secret 
thoughts,  and  upon  their  accepting  his  offers,  to  give  him 
a  pretence  for  their  destruction  ;  and  therefore  not  only 
declined  to  receive  it,  but  declared  themselves,  by  drink- 
ing the  water  of  the  oath,  his  subjects  and  vassals 

Paongoza  then  raised  them  to  their,  former  state,  and 
restored  all  the  honours  whereof  they  had  been  deprived 
by  Zinguza.  But  they,  a  few  days  later,  took  that  by 
force,  which,  when  peacefully  offered,  they  had  not  dared 
to  accept.  For  on  the  10th  of  February,  1782,  they  sud- 
denly entered  the  palace,  seized  Paongoza,  and  placed  on 
the  throne  Badonsachen,  third  (2)  son  of  Alompra.  He, 
according  to  custom,  caused  the  deposed  monarch  to  be 
thrown  into  the  river,   calling  him  in  scorn  the  king  of 

(1)  I  continue  the  narrative  in  the  words  of  Sangermano,  p.  50. 

(2)  Accordiiig  to  Malcom  (vol.  i.  p.  157),  the/our//«  son. 


1-^10  EEVOLT   OF   MOMIEN.  [II.  2. 

seven  clays.  (1)  Paongoza  at  tlie  time  of  his  death, 
had  only  reached  his  twentieth  3*ear.  On  the  fol- 
lowing day  the  unf.jrtunate  Zinguza  underwent  the 
same  fate,  in  liis  twenty-sixth  year  ;  and  all  his  queens 
and  concubines,  holding  their  babes  in  their  arms,  were 
burnt  alive." 

The  particulars  of  the  taking  of  Zinguza  by  Momien,  or 
Moung-Moung,  are  as  follows: (2) — 

Chcnguza  had  gone  to  Keoptaloum,  a  place  on  the 
banks  of  the  Irawadi,  about  thirty  miles  from  Ara,  to 
celebrate  a  festival.  As  he  was  never  regular  in  his  time 
of  going  in  or  out,  no  one  could  tell  when  lie  would 
return  ;  indeed,  he  was  often  late.  Having  obtained  a 
royal  di'ess,  Momien  presented  himself  at  the  portal  shoe- 
dogaa.  and  demanded  admission.  But  the  haste  of  the 
conspirators  betrayed  them  to  the  sentinel,  who,  opening 
the  wicket,  and  then  attempting  to  close,  called  out, 
*'  Treason ! "  However,  it  was  too  late,  the  guards  were 
cut  down,  and  the  gate  thrown  open  to  the  assailants. 
These,  together  with  a  body  of  men  placed  in  ambuscade, 
occupied  all  the  approaches  to  the  palace,  and  kept  it  in  a 
complete  state  of  Ijlockade.  The  various  court  officials, 
on  the  approach  of  the  rebels,  shut  themselves  up  within 
the  inclosures  of  the  palace.  Consternation  and  fright 
prevailed  through  the  city  all  the  night ;  the  assailants 
were  expected  to  attack  them,  but,  in  conformity  with 
the  Eastern  and  American  custom,  they  did  not  attack 
the  place  till  the  morning,  when  they  then  blew  open  one 
of  the  palace-gates.  They  were  gallantly  met.  however,  by 
the  guard,  commanded  by  an  Armenian,  named  Gabriel, 
who  caused  no  small  havoc  among  them,  by  three  dis- 
charges of  artillery  from  the  guns  on  the  top  of  the  gate. 
However,  the  conspirators  were  too  strong,  or  the  de- 
fenders too  uncertain  as  to  whom  thev  might  be  con- 
tending with,  to  withstand  them  long.  ^Tabriel  was  killed 
by  the  thrust  of  a  spear,  and  then  his  party  fled.  Thus 
Momien  obtained  a  speed}-  and  decisive  victor}',  little 
dreaming  of  the  speedy  fate  that  awaited  him  ! 

Chcnguza  was  now  proclaimed  an  outlaw,  and  an  armed 
force  was  detached  to  arrest  him.  But  he  had  received 
timely  notice  of  the  fall  of  his  administration,  and,  leaving 

(1)  His  rcipn,  however,  inclufled  eleven  days. — Synies,  vol.  i.  p.  '22^. 

(2)  My  chief  authority  is  Symes,  vol.  i.  p.  218  sq. 


^  II.  2.]  CONDUCT   OF   ZINGUZA.  Ill 

all  his  court  boJiind,  escaped  to  Cliafjaing,  were  lie  "was 
immediately  besief|;ed.  Cheuguza  at  lirst  thought  of  de- 
fending himself;  but  linding  that  lie  was  deserted  by 
those  on  vrhom  he  placed  his  chief  reliance,  after  a  resist- 
ance of  four  days  the  resolution  failed,  and  he  determined 
on  flying  to  the  Cassay  country,  there  to  throw  himself  on 
the  protection  of  the  Munnipoora  Eaja.  Tliis  intention 
he  privately  communicated  to  his  mother,  the  widow  of 
Shembuan  Praw,  who  resided  in  his  palace  m  the  city  of 
Ava.  Instead  of  encouraging  her  son  to  persevere  in  so 
pusillanimous  a  resolve,  she  earnestly  dissuaded  him 
from  flight ;  urging  that  it  was  far  more  glorious  to  die 
even  by  ignoble  hands,  within  the  prccincts  of  his  own 
palace,  than  to  preserve  life  under  the  ignominious  clia- 
racter  of  a  mendicant  fed  by  strangers,  and  indebted  for  a 
precarious  asylum  to  a  petty  potentate.  Cheuguza  yielded 
to  his  mother's  counsel,  and  preferring  death  to  a  disgrace- 
ful exile,  caused  a  small  boat  to  be  privately  prepared,  and 
kept  in  readiness  at  the  gaut  or  landing-place  ;  disguising 
himself  in  the  habit  of  a  private  gentleman,  and  attended 
only  by  two  menials,  he  left  Chagaing  by  break  of 
day  and  embarking,  rowed  towards  Ava,  on  the  oppo- 
site shore.  When  the  boat  approached  the  principal 
gaut.  at  the  foot  of  the  walls,  he  was  challenged  by  the 
sentinels  on  duty  ;  no  longer  desirous  of  concealing  him- 
self, he  called  out  in  a  loud  voice,  that  he  was  '*  Cheuguza 
Namdogy-yeng  Praw  ; — Chenguza,  lawful  lord  of  the 
palace."  A  conduct  at  once  so  unexpected  and  so  resolute, 
struck  the  guards  with  astonishment,  who,  either  over- 
awed by  his  presence,  or  at  a  loss  how  to  act  for  want  of 
instructions,  suffered  him  to  proceed  unmolested ;  the 
crowd,  also,  that  so  extraordinary  a  circumstance  had  by 
this  time  brouglit  together,  respectfidly  made  way  for 
him  to  pass.  Scarcely  had  he  reached  the  gate  of  the 
outer  court  of  the  palace,  when  he  was  met  by  the  Atta- 
woon,  father  of  the  princess  whom  he  had  so  inhumanly 
slain  ;  Chenguza,  on  perceiving  him,  exclaimed,  *'  Traitor, 
I  am  come  to  take  possession  of  my  right,  and  wreak 
vengeance  on  mine  enemies!"  TJie  Attawoon  instantly 
snatched  a  sabre  from  an  attendant  officer,  and  at 
one  stroke  cut  the  unliappy  Chenguza  through  the 
bowels,  and  laid  him  breathless  at  his  feet.  !Xo 
^as  found  to  prevent  or  avenge  bis  death ;  be  ft 


0  person 
ell  iinla» 


142  MEN-TA-BA-GYEE..  [II.  2. 

mcntcd,  as  lie  had  lived  despised."  (1)  Sucli  was  the  end 
of  a  monarch,  accelerated,  probably,  by  his  own  daring, 
which  we  cannot  call  heroism,  but  desperate  madness. 

Men-ta-ra-gyee,  in  the  forty-fourth  year  of  his  age,  at  a 
period  of  life  at  which  men  have  generallv  acquired  sta- 
bility of  character  and  estimation,  ascendea  the  throne  of 
his  father,  the  Devoted  to  Buddha,  whose  spirit  seems  to 
have  lived  on  in  the  bosoms  of  some  of  his  families.  But 
this  king,  under  the  fatal  curse  that  seems  to  give  the 
race  of  Alompra  no  rest,  had  no  quieter  reign  than  any  of 
his  predecessors.  *'  Kings,"  observes  the  ingenious  writer 
Symcs,  "  have  other  enemies  to  guard  against,  than 
avowed  foes  or  rival  competitors ;  the  wild  maniac 
or  fanatical  enthusiast,  often  under  the  influence  of 
frenzy,  directs  the  poignard  to  the  breasts  of  monarchs. 
The  Birman  king  had  but  a  short  time  enjoyed  the 
crown,  when  he  had  nearly  been  deprived  of  his  life  and 
diadem  by  a  person  of  this  description.  Magoung.  a  low- 
born man,  unconnected  with,  and  it  is  said,  without  the 
privacy  of  any  person  of  condition,  who  had  always  been 
remarkable  for  the  regularity  of  his  actions,  and  a  gloomy 
cast  of  thought,  had  influence  enough  to  form  a  con- 
federacy of  one  hundred  men  as  visionary  and  desperate 
as  himself.  This  troop  bound  themselves  in  secrecy  and 
fidelity  to  each  other  by  an  oath  ;  their  object  was  to  take 
away  the  life  of  the  king ;  but  to  answer  what  end,  or 
whom  they  designed  to  elevate,  is  not  ascertained.  These 
desperadoes,  headed  by  Magoung,  at  daybreak  in  the 
morning,  made  an  attack  on  the  palace.  The  customary 
guard  over  the  king's  dwelling  consists  of  seven  hundred, 
who  are  well  appointed  and  kept  about  on  duty.  Kot- 
withstanding  that,  the  attempt  had  nearly  succeeded : 
bearing  down  the  sentinels,  they  penetrated  into  the  in- 
terior court,  and  the  king  escapea,  from  the  casual  cir- 
cumstance of  being  in  the  range  of  apartments  belonging 
to  the  women,  which  he  was  least  accustomed  to  frequent. 
His  guards,  who  at  first  shrunk  from  the  fury  of  the 
onset,  quickly  rallied  ;  their  courage  and  numbers  over- 
powered the  assassins  ;  and  Magoung  was  slain,  with  all 
his  associates,  within  the  precincts  of  the  palace."  (2) 

Another  insurrection  speedilv  followed.  A  fisherman 
of  the  name  of  JS  atchien,  a  Peguer  of  Eangoon,  proclaimed 

(1)  Symes,  vol.  i.  pp.  221-224.  Saagcrmauo's  account,  it  will  be  per- 
ceived, is  somewhat  different.  (2)  Ava,  vol.  i.  p.  231. 


II.  2.]  CITY   OF   AVA.  113 

liimself  the  deliverer  of  the  Peguers,  and  called  upon  that 
nation  to  rise  jigainst  the  Burmans,  He  succeeded  in 
raisiujL?  a  tumult,  in  which  some  of  the  officials  of  the 
l?hoon\  were  slain ;  however,  the  matter  was  soon  put 
do\^■n  by  the  Peter  Laurie  of  the  town,  and  an  examina- 
tion imphcated  some  five  hundred  of  the  inhabitants  of 
llangoon,  who  were  executed.  This  was  the  last  attempt 
made  by  the  Peguers  to  throw  oflf  the  Burman  yoke. 
Prom  this  time  forward  his  actions  seem  to  have  been 
offensive  rather  than  defensive.  In  1783  he  commenced  a 
war  witli  the  independent  kingdom  of  Arakhan,  which  he 
subdued,  and  added  to  his  dominions.  In  1786  he  made 
an  incursion  into  Siam,  and  secui'cd  himself  in  the  pos- 
session of  Tavoy  and  Mergui.  In  1810  he  fitted  out  an 
enterprise  against  Junk  Ceylon,  an  island  belonging  to 
the  Siamese,  and  to  which  they  were  all  so  unwilling  to 
go.(l)  But  from  this  place  he  was  subsequently  expelled 
by  the  enemy,  and  many  of  the  Burmans  were  sent  to 
Bangkok  as  slaves.  This  king,  after  a  long,  glorious,  and 
cruel  reign,  of  which  a  considerable  part  was  directed 
against  the  priests,  expired  in  his  eighty-first  year,  at  the 
beginning  of  1819. 

It  may  here  be  not  uninteresting  to  give  some  accoimt 
of  the  city  of  Ava,  the  capitiil  of  Burmah,  whence  the 
kingdom  has  sometimes  been  so  called.  (2)  It  lies  in  lat, 
21°  50' N.,  long.  96°  E.,  and  was  made  the  capital  of  the 
country  for  the  third  time  in  1822.  The  original  name 
of  the  place  is  Augwa,  corrupted  in  Awa  and  Ava ;  but  in 
public  writings  it  is  always  named  Eatnapura,  the  City  of 
Gems.  Montmorency  has  given  a  description  of  the  place, 
which  I  epitomize. 

The  city  of  Ava  is  surrounded  by  a  brick  wall  fifteen 
and  a  half  feet  high,  and  ten  feet  thick ;  there  are  innu- 
merable embrasures  at  about  the  distance  of  five  feet  from 
each  other.  The  south  and  west  faces  of  the  town  are  de- 
fended by  a  deep  and  rapid  torrent,  called  the  Myit-tha, 
leading  from  the  Myit-nge,  which  is  not  fordable.  On  the 
east  the  Myit-nge  forms  a  considerable  part  of  the  defence. 
The  Irawadi.  opposite  Sagaing  and  Ava,  is  1,091-  yards 
broad.  Tlie  circumference  of  Ava  is  about  five  and  a  lialf 
miles,  excluding  the  suburbs.  "  In  general,"  Si\ys  Craw- 
furd,   "  the  houses  are  mere  huts,  thatched  with  grass. 

(1)  Sec  book  i.  chap.  ii.  p.  40. 

(2J  My  chief  authority  is  Crawfiu'd,  vol.  ii.  pp.  1-9. 


141  TEMPLES   OF   AVA.  [II.  2. 

Some  of  tlie  dwellings  of  the  chiefs  arc  constructed  of 
plauks,  and  tiled,  and  there  are  probably  in  all  not  lialf  a 
dozen  houses  constructed  of  brick  and  mortar.  Poor  as 
the  houses  are,  they  are  thinly  scattered  over  the  exten- 
sive area  of  the  place,  and  some  lar^je  quarters  are,  indeed, 
wholly  destitute  of  habitations,  and  mere  neglected  com- 
mons. Including  one  large  one  in  the  suburb,  lying  between 
the  town  and  the  little  river,  there  are  eleven  markets 
or  bazaars,  composed  as  usual  of  thatched  huts  or  slieds  : 
the  three  largest  are  called  Je-kyo,  Sara-wadi,  and  SJian- 
ze."{l)  The  temples  are  very  numerous,  and  present  a 
gorgeous  appearance  from  a  distance,  "  far  from  being 
realized,"  according  to  Crawfurd,  "  on  a  closer  examina- 
tion. Some  of  tlie  principal  of  these  may  be  enumerated  : 
the  largest  of  all  is  called  Lo-ga-thar-bu,  and  consists  of 
two  portions,  or  rather  two  distinct  temples ;  one  in  the 
ancient,  and  the  other  in  the  modern  form.  In  the  former 
there  is  an  image  of  Gautama,  in  the  common  sitting 
posture,  of  enormous  magnitude.  Colonel  Symes  ima- 
gined this  statue  to  be  a  block  of  marble ;  but  this  is  a 
mistake,  for  it  is  composed  of  sandstone.  A  second  very 
large  temple  is  called  Angava  Sc-kong  ;  and  a  third,  Ph'ra- 
I'ha,  or  '  the  beautiful.'  A  fourth  temple,  of  great  cele- 
brity, is  named  Maong-Hatna.  This  is  the  one  m  which 
the  public  officers  of  the  government  take,  with  great  for- 
mality, the  oath  of  allegiance.  A  fifth  temple  is  named 
Maha-mrat-muni ;  I  inspected  an  addition  which  was 
made  to  this  temple  a  short  time  before  our  arrival.  It 
was  merely  a  Zayat  or  chapel,  and  chiefly  constructed  of 
wood :  it,  however,  exceeded  in  splendour  everything  we 
liad  seen  without  the  palace.  The  roof  was  supported  by 
a  vast  number  of  pillars :  these,  as  well  as  the  ceihngs, 
were  richly  gilt  throughout.  The  person,  at  whose  ex- 
pense all  this  was  done,  was  a  I3urman  merchant,  or 
rather  broker,  from  whom  we  learnt  that  the  cost  was 
forty  thousand  ticals,  about  £5.000  sterling.  When  the 
building  was  completed,  he  respectfully  presented  it  to 
his  majesty,  not  darivfj  to  take  to  himself  the  whole 
merit  of  so  pious  an  undertaking."  (2)  The  reader  may 
bear  in  mind  the  similarity  between  these  temples  and 
those  of  the  Peruvians. 

a)  Av^,  vol.  U,  p.  5,  (2)  lb.  id.  p.  6. 


CHAPTER    III. 
1760—1824. 

British  intercourse  with  A  va — Alves's  mission — Symes's  mission — Canning 
— King  Nun-Sun — Rise  of  the  Burmanwar — Its  origin  in  official  aggres- 
sion— Evacuation  of  Cachar. 

We  must  now  return  somewhat  upon  our  steps,  to 
observe  the  ehanp^es  which  had  taken  place  in  European 
relations  with  the  native  kincjs.  We  have  to  look  back  to 
the  time  of  the  decease  of  Alompra.  Doubtless,  had  the 
Encrlish  force  in  Burraah  been  adequate  to  the  execution 
of  such  a  measure,  ample  revenjije  would  have  been  taken, 
or  rather,  ample  satisfaction  would  have  been  enforced, 
for  the  brutal  massacre  of  the  English  at  Negrais :  but 
their  means  were  not  up  to  the  mark.  "  Perhaps,  also," 
as  Symes  remarks,  "  they  were  not  ignorant  that  a 
discussion  of  the  causes  might  only  produce  useless 
explanations :  a  conjecture  that  is,  in  some  degree,  cor- 
roliorated  by  there  being  no  steps  taken  at  any  subsequent 
period  when  the  British  superiority  in  Asia  had  crushed 
all  rivalry,  to  vindicate  the  national  honour,  and  chastise 
the  perpetrators  of  the  cruelty."  (1)  Most  probably,  how- 
ever, the  English  government  was  sensible  that  the  part 
their  countrymen  had  acted  had  been  a  treacherous  one, 
and  that  it  would  not  do  to  have  it  thrown  in  their  faces, 
as  it  undoubtedly  would  have  been.  In  this  case  the 
French  would  have  succeeded  in  their  darling  scheme  of 
shaking  the  importance  of  the  English  in  the  country,  for 
the  acbomplishment  of  which  they  have  never  in  any  way 
omitted  any  opportunity,  supporting  their  plans  also  by 
that  form  of  assertion,  which  admits  of  contradiction,  but 
can  never  be  disproved :  and  a  like  system  of  falsehood 
had  been  pursued  by  the  English. 

It  was,  however,  necessary  to  make  some  appeal  in 
behalf  of  the  remaining  Europeans,  and  Captain  Alves, 

(1)  Avn,  vol.  i.  1).  131. 
L 


146  MISSION   OF   CAPTAIN   ALYES.  [II.  3. 

mIio  had  broiifjht  the  sad  news  to  Bengal,  was  the  man 
selected  for  the  negotiation.  He  was  charfjed  with  letters, 
which,  while  they  show  little  desire  to  uphold  the  dig- 
nity of  England,  yet  manifest  a  praiseworthy  and  heart- 
felt interest  in  the  fate  of  the  British.  They  were  signed 
hy  Mr.  Holwell,  the  governor  of  Bengal,  and  j\Ir.  Pigot, 
the  governor  of  Madras.  The  letter  of  the  latter  gentle- 
man, indeed,  was  of  a  more  independent  character,  "  and 
intimated  expectation  that  the  murderers  of  the  English 
settlers  should  be  brought  to  punishment ;  a  requisition 
that  was  little  attended  to,  and  which  the  British  govern- 
ment of  India  never  manifested  any  inclination  to  en- 
force." (1) 

Captain  Alves  sailed  from  Madras  with  these  letters  on 
the  10th  of  May,  17()0.  He  did  not  steer  direct  for 
JN^cgrais,  but  addressed  a  letter  to  Gregory  the  Armenian, 
then  Ackawoon  of  Eangoon,  whom  it  was  desirable  to 
conciliate,  and  after  exaggerating  his  influence  at  court, 
he  entreated  his  good  oifices  in  behalf  of  the  captives. 
With  these  letters  a  present  of  some  value  was  sent.  On 
the  5th  of  June,  he  arrived  at  Diamond  Island,  near 
Negrais,  when  he  reconnoitred  the  disposition  of  the 
natives.  However,  his  fears  were  removed,  and  he  landed. 
Upon  this,  Antony  came  down,  and  was  received  with 
hypocritical  cordiality  by  Alves,  and  the  interpreter  tried 
all  he  could  to  prevent  his  being  considered  guilty.  In 
a  short  time  he  received  a  letter  from  Mungai  Narrataw, 
one  of  the  royal  family,  inviting  him  to  liangoon ;  he 
thought  it  politic  to  go  thither,  and  arrived  on  the  5th  of 
August.  There  seemed  to  be  little  objection  to  the  release 
of  the  prisoners,  and  Mr.  Bobertson  was  permitted  to 
accompany  Captain  Alves  to  Bassein.  Meanwhile,  Gre- 
gory the  Armeuian,returned,  bearing  a  letter  from  Anaun- 
dopra,  or  Namdogee-Praw.  "  In  the  translation,  which 
Gregory,  as  interpreter,  delivered  to  Captain  Alves,  the 
crafty  Armenian  introduced  passages  favourable  to  him- 
self, attributing  the  obtainment  of  any  attention  to  his 
intercession ;  these  interpolations  were  fabricated,  as  the 
imperial  mandate  did  not  even  mention  the  name  of 
Gregory."  (2)  Accordingly,  on  the  22nd  of  August,  Alves 
took  his  departure  from  Bassein,  and,  tliough  much  an- 
noyed by  the  officials,  he  ariived  at  Chagaing,  the  then 

(1)  Ava,  vol.  i.  p.  133.  (2)  Symcs,  vol.  i.  p.  138, 


II.  3.]  MISSION   OF   ALVBS.  117 

capital,  on  tlio  22nd  of  September,  -witliont  any  important 
event  occurrinsx  in  the  interim. 

On  tlie  23rd,  Alves  had  an  audience  with  the  Icinpf. 
His  majesty  seemed  surprised  that  the  Enj^lisli  sliould 
desire  any  satisfoction  for  the  punishment  which  had  been 
dealt  out  aj^ainst  the  Company's  servants  in  consequence 
of  their  own  ill  behaviour.  At  the  same  time  he  regretted 
the  accident  which  had  involved  Mr.  Southby  in  their 
fate,  yet  it  was  unavoidable;  "for,"  said  the  king,  "I 
suppose  you  have  seen  that  in  this  country,  in  the  wet 
season,  there  grows  so  much  useless  grass  and  weeds  in 
the  fields,  that  in  dry  weather  we  are  forced  to  burn  them 
to  clear  the  groimd :  it  sometimes  happens  that  there  are 
salubrious  herbs  amongst  these  noxious  weeds  and  grass, 
which,  as  they  cannot  easily  be  distinguished,  are  indis- 
criminately consumed  with  the  others  ;  thus  it  happened 
to  be  the  new  governor's  lot."(l)  To  the  other  demands, 
re'garding  restitution  of  property,  a  decided  refusal  was 
returned,  except  as  regarded  the  Company's  goods  ;  but  the 
release  of  the  British  prisoners  was  acceded  to.  "  Having 
given  an  order  for  the  release  of  all  English  subjects  that 
were  prisoners  in  his  dominions,  he  desired  that  two  of 
the  most  prudent  should  remain  to  take  care  of  the  tim- 
bers, and  reside  at  Persaim,(2)  where  he  consented  to  give 
the  Company  a  grant  of  as  much  ground  as  they  might  have 
occasion  to  occupy,  under  the  stipulation  that  their  chief 
settlement  should  be  at  Persaim,  and  not  at  Negrais.  He 
assigned  as  a  reason,  that  at  Negrais  they  would  be  ex- 
posed to  the  depredations  of  the  French,  or  any  other 
nation  with  whom  the  English  might  be  at  war,  without  a 
possibility  of  his  extending  that  prolcciion  to  them  that  he 
wished  :  but  of  which  they  could  always  have  the  full 
henejit  at  Persaim. "(3)  But  at  the  same  time  he  stipu- 
lated for  an  equivalent  in  arms  and  other  goods,  which 
were  eonditional/j/  promised  Knn. 

Falsehood  and  treachery  rarely  go  unrewarded.  And 
be  it  ever  so  well  disguised,  some  hook  ivill  tear  a  hole 
in  the  garment  and  show  the  nakedness  beneath.  Sud- 
denly, the  interpreter  Gregory  was  discovered  in  his 
plans,  and  his  punishment  was  quick,  just,  and  severe  ; 
indeed,  he  nearly  lost  his  life. 

The  transactions   concluded,  Captain  Alves  at  length 

(1)  Alves  in  Jcumal  quoted  by  Symes,  vol.  i.  p.  lio. 

(2)  Bassein.  (3)  Symes,  vol.  i.  p.  112. 

L  2 


148  MACFAELANE   ON   AVA.  [II.  3. 

left  Chagaing^  for  Persaim ;  and  leaving  Messrs.  Hobert- 
8on  and  Helass  at  tliat  place,  he  proceeded  to  Kancjoon, 
•wlience  lie  returned  \>j  the  14th  of  November.  Having 
completed  his  mission,  he  then  sailed  for  Bengal,  wliich 
lie  reached  before  the  end  of  the  year.  From  this  time 
down  to  1795,  under  the  administration  of  Men-ta-ra-gyee, 
nothing  of  importance  occurred  in  the  colony.  And  here 
I  cannot  do  better  than  offer  a  few  remarks  of  Mr. 
Macfarlane,  tlie  historian  of  British  India,  already 
referred  to  : — 

"  Ava  and  the  Burmese  empire  either  held  a  direct 
sovereignty  or  exercised  control  over  nearly  one-half  of 
the  vast  regions  described  in  maps  as  India  beyond  the 
Ganges.  .  .  By  a  series  of  conquests  they  had  overthrown 
all  the  adjacent  nations,  and  had  advanced  their  frontier 
to  the  shores  of  the  Bay  of  Bengal,  and  close  to  the  limits 
of  the  Company's  territories.  They  proved  but  trouble- 
some and  encroaching  neighbours.  During  Lord  Wel- 
lesley's  administration,  in  1799,  when  the  mass  of  the 
Anglo-Indian  army  was  engaged  in  the  last  war  against 
Tippoo  Sultaun,  tlie  Burmese  made  frequent  attacks,  and 
were  very  troublesome  on  our  then  weak  eastern  fron- 
tier, (1)  As  exclusive  and  anti-social  as  the  Chinese,  and 
quite  as  proud  and  insolent  in  their  bearing  towards 
foreign  envoys,  and  foreigners  of  all  classes,  it  was  diffi- 
cult to  establish  any  intercourse  with  them,  or  to  obtain, 
by  pacific  representations,  any  redress  of  grievances.- 
T^heir  government,  too,  was  subject  to  frequent  and  san- 
guinary revolutions,  insurrections,  and  rebellions  ;  one 
tyrant  being  murdered,  and  succeeded  by  another."  (2) 

In  1795,  Symes  was  deputed  to  the  arrogant  Men-ta- 
ra-gyee,  to  remonstrate  against  the  incursions  of  the 
Burmese  troops.  "  In  1795,"  says  Maefarlane,  "  a  Bur- 
mese army  of  five  thousand  men  pursued  three  rebel- 
lious chieis,  or,  Jis  they  termed  them  (and  as  they  might 
be),  robbers,  right  into  the  English  district  of  Chitta- 
gong.  A  strong  detachment  was  sent  from  Calcutta  to 
oppose  these  Burmese  ;  but  the  officer  in  command  had 
orders  to  negotiate — not  to  fight.  After  some  tedious 
negotiations,  which  ought  not  to  have  been  allowed  to 
occupy  a  single  hour,  the  violators  of  our  frontier  conde- 
scended to  agree  to  retire  ;  and  they  retired,  accordingly, 

(1)  Marquis  WcUoslcy's  Itulian  D(5spatchcs,  ^-c. 

(2)  Macfarlanc's  History  of  British  India,  p.  355. 


II.  3.]  CANNING.  149 

into  their  own  country.  Nor  was  this  all.  These  three 
men,  who  had  taken  refuge  in  our  territories,  were  subse- 
quently given  up  to  the  Burmese,  and  two  out  of  tho 
tliree  were  put  to  death  with  atrocious  tortures. "(1) 
Little,  however,  came  of  the  colonel's  embassy,  "  except," 
as  our  historian  goes  on  to  remark, (2)  "  a  very  interest- 
ing book  of  travels."  In  the  year  1809,  a  French  ship 
attacked  a  small  island  belonging  to  the  Burmese,  and  tho 
Golden  Foot,  not  understanding  the  difference  between 
French  and  English,  (3)  sent  a  sort  of  mission  to  Calcutta 
to  expostulate  against  the  proceeding,  and  to  demand 
satisfaction.  As  this  seemea  to  open  the  door  of  tho 
jealously-guarded  court  of  Ava  to  some  diplomatic  inter- 
course. Lord  Minto  despatched  Lieutenant  Canning  on. 
an  embassy.  This  officer  reached  Hangoon ;  and  the 
king  of  Ava,  ft*om  the  midst  of  his  white  elephants, 
decreed  that  the  Englishman  should  be  allowed  to  proceed 
to  the  capital,  in  all  safety  and  honour ;  but  the  incur- 
sions into  the  Company's  territory  at  Chittagong  of  a 
predatory  tribe  of  Burmese,  called  the  Mughs,  and  other 
untoward  events,  broke  off  an  intercourse  which  never 
could  have  promised  any  very  satisfactory  residt.  Both 
our  embassies  to  Ava  appear  to  have  been  capital  mis- 
takes, for  they  exhibited  to  a  semi-barbarous  and  vain- 
glorious people  a  number  of  Englishmen  in  a  very 
humiliating  condition,  and  in  the  attitude  of  supplicants. 

"  Lieutenant  Canning  returned  to  Calcutta,  and 
disputes  continued  to  occur  on  the  frontiers  of  Chitta- 
gong and  Tippera.  As  they  were  not  met  by  bayonets, 
the  Burmese  grew  more  and  more  audacious  ;  and  at  the 
time  when  Lord  Minto  gave  up  his  authority  in  India  to 
the  earl  of  Moira,  the  King  of  the  World  and  the  Lord  of 
the  White  Elephants  was  threatening  to  march  with 
forty  thousand  soldier-pilgrims,  from  Ava  to  Benares." 

We  will  now  return  to  the  history  of  the  Bur- 
mese monarchy.  At  the  death  of  Mcn-ta-ra-gyee,  his 
gnindson,  Nun-Sun,   "  The   Enjoyer  of  the  Palace,"  aa- 

(1)  Macfarlane,  I.e. 

(2)  In  180*2  Symcs  a^n  visited  Burmah  for  a  diplomatic  purpose  ;  but 
his  letters,  while  they  modify  his  book,  add  little  of  value  to  our  know- 
ledge of  the  country. 

^3)  This  is,  however,  very  problematical.  Mr.  Macfarlane  cannot  have 
forgotten  the  whole  i)revious  history  of  European  intercourse  with  the 
country,  and  how  many  distinctions  and  quibbUngs  were  brought  forward 
at  different  times  upon  that  plea. 


150  KING  KUN-SUN.  [II.  3. 

cended  tlie  throne.  His  father,  the  heir-appareut,  was 
the  idol  of  the  people,  but  an  early  death  had  deprived 
him  of  the  crown  to  wiiich  he  "vras  so  justly  entitled.  Out 
of  policy,  Men-ta-ra-gyee,  some  of  whose  acts  had  con- 
tributed to  render  unpopular,  adopted  IS^un-Sun,  his  son, 
to  the  exclusion  of  the  rest  of  the  lamily.  The  history  of 
this  prince  is  thus  given  by  Malcom  :  (1) — 

"  He  was  married  in  early  life  to  a  daughter  of  his 
uncle,  the  Mekaru  prince  ;  but  one  of  his  inferior  wives, 
daughter  of  a  comparatively  humble  officer,  early  acquired 
great  ascendancy  over  his  mind,  and  on  his  coming  to  the 
throne,  m  as  publicly  crowned  by  his  side.  On  the  same 
day  the  proper  queen  was  sent  out  of  the  palace,  and  now 
lives  in  obscurity.  His  plan  for  securing  the  succession 
shows  that  he  was  aware  that  even  the  late  king's  will 
would  not  secure  him  from  powerful  opposition.  The 
king's  death  was  kept  secret  for  some  da3*s,  and  the 
interval  employed  to  station  a  multitude  of  adherents  in 
dilTereut  parts  of  the  city,  to  prevent  any  gatherings.  On 
announcing  the  demise,  the  ceremony  of  burning  Mas 
forthwith  performed  in  the  palace-yard,  at  which  he 
appeared  as  king,  with  the  queen  by  his  side,  under  the 
white  imibrella,  and  at  once  took  upon  himself  all  the 
fimctious  of  royalty.  Several  suspected  princes  were  soon 
after  executed,  aud  many  others  deprived  of  all  their 
estates Two  years  after  his  accession,  the  king  re- 
solved to  restore  the  seat  of  government  to  Ava.  To  this 
he  was  induced,  partly  from  the  great  superiority  of  tlie 
latter  location ;  partly  from  the  devastation  of  a  iire 
which  burnt  a  great  part  of  Umerapoora,  a\  ith  the  prin- 
cipal public  buikUngs  ;  partly  from  a  desire  to  create  a 
more  splendid  palace  ;  and  partly  (perhaps,  not  least)  from 
the  ill  omen  of  a  vulture  lighting  on  the  royal  spire.  (2) 
The  greater  part  of  his  time,  for  two  years,  was  spent  at 
Ava,  in  temporary  buildings,  and  suj)crint  ending  in  person 
the  erection  of  a  palace,  twice  the  size  of  the  old  one,  and 
other  important  buildings.  During  this  period,  man}' 
citizens,  especially  those  who  had  been  burnt  out,  and 
numbers  ot  the  court,  settled  in  the  new  city,  and  the 
place  became  populous.  On  completing  the  palace 
(February,  1824),  the  king  returned  to  I'merapoora,  and, 
after  brilliant  parting  festivities,  came  from  thence  with 

(1)  Travels,  vol.  i.  p.  159.  (2)  See  Sangemiano,  p.  113, 


II.  3.]  DISSATISFACTION   AT   AVA.  151 

great  pomp  and  ceremony,  attended  by  tho  various 
governors,  Chobwant,  and  highest  oflicers.  The  proces- 
sion, in  which  tho  -white  ck^phant,  decorated  witli  gold 
and  gems,  was  conspicuous,  displayed  the  glories  of  the 
kingdom,  and  great  rejoicings  pervaded  all  ranks." 

It  was  at  this  time  that  the  portentous  omens  that  had 
menaced  the  Burman  monarchy  found  a  corroboration  in 
truth ;  the  glow  of  enmity,  never  to  bo  extinguished 
even  in  the  hearts  of  civilised  men,  fiinned  by  the  1)roatli 
of  presumption,  had  burnt  into  a  flame  that  scorched  and 
scared  the  weaker  party.  We  must  stay  a  while  to  con- 
sider the  causes,  and  which  led  to  the  appeal  to  arms  in 
1821.. 

It  may  be  imagined  that  an  outbreak  of  some  kind  was 
far  from  being  unexpected  on  the  part  of  the  Anglo- 
Indian  government.  There  were  two  interests  striving 
against  each  other  and  the  world — or  rather  the  Indian 
world — within  the  territories  of  Burmah.  The  first  of 
these,  creating  more  apparent  commotion  and  less  real 
damage,  was  the  struggle  between  the  dog-like  royal 
family  for  the  bone-like  tiara ;  the  second,  more  dan- 
gerous and  more  concealed,  was  the  envious  and  ava- 
ricious passions  of  the  nobles,  or  more  properly,  tho 
olUcials  employed  by  the  Burmese  government  to  defeat 
its  wishes  and  objects  ;  a  task  Avhich  the  officials  of  every 
administration  seldom  fail  to  perform  to  the  complete  dis- 
satisfaction of  all  parties.  This  has  been  the  true  cause 
of  many  disturbances  in  Burmah  ;  and  I  am  compelled  to 
dissent  in  some  degi'ee  from  that  feeling  which  causes 
Professor  Wilson  to  say,  that,  "  animated  b}'  the  reaction, 
which  suddenly  elevated  the  Burmaus  from  a  subjugated 
and  humiliated  people,  into  conquerors  and  sovereigns, 
the  era  of  their  ambition  may  be  dated  from  the  recovery 
of  their  political  independence  ;  and  their  liberation  from 
the  temporary  yoke  of  the  Peguers  was  the  prelude  to 
their  conquest  of  all  the  surrounding  realms."  (1)  This 
might  be  very  true  of  the  immediate  successors  of  the 
great  Alompra ;  but  the  power  of  the  dignitaries  had,  by 
the  time  of  which  we  now  speak,  risen  to  a  very  great 
pitch,  which  insensibly  overawed  and  restrained  the 
holder  of  the  diadem,  whoever  he  might  be  ;  and  though, 


(1)  Wilson's   Narrative  of  tlie  Burmese  War,  p.  1   of  the  reprint  of 
J852. 


152  DISTUBBANCES   IN   CHITTAGONG.  [II.  3. 

indeed,  the  **  vigorous  despotism"  of  Meu-ta-ra-^yce  might 
temporarily  set  at  defiance  iliis  incomprehensible  power, 
yet  under  the  goverjmient  of  Nun-sun,  the  distant 
viceroys  llrst,  and  gradually  the  less  remote  officers,  re- 
sumed their  former  powerful  position.  And  though  they 
acted  in  subordination  to  the  crown,  and  showed  a  species 
of  heroism  in  defending  its  interests,  yet  they  had  raised 
the  storm  ;  and  it  was  for  them,  they  knew,  to  battle  with 
it,  and  uphold  that  single  bond,  the  destruction  of  which 
would  have  been  totally  ruinous  to  them. 

The  organized  forays  into  our  territory  of  Chittagong 
hardly  assumed  any  definite  form  until  the  end  of  1823. 
"  The  Burmans,"  says  Professor  Wilson,  "  claimed  the 
right  of  levying  a  toll  upon  all  boats  entering  the  mouth 
of  the  river,  although  upon  the  British  side  ;  and  on  one 
occasion,  in  January,  1823,  a  boat  laden  with  rice,  having 
entered  the  river  on  the  west  or  British  side  of  the 
channel,  was  challenged  by  an  armed  Burman  boat,  v  hich 
demanded  duty.  As  the  demand  was  unprecedented,  the 
Mugs,  who  were  British  subjects,  demurred  paj-meut ;  on 
which  the  Burmans  fired  upon  them,  killed  the  manjhee, 
or  steersman,  and  then  retired.  This  outrage  ^Aas  fol- 
lowed by  reports  of  the  assemblage  of  armed  men  on  the 
Burman  side  of  the  river,  for  the  purpose  of  destroying 
the  villages  on  the  British  territory  ;  and  in  order  to 
provide  against  such  a  contingency,  as  well  as  to  ])revent 
the  repetition  of  any  aggression  upon  the  boats  trailicking 
on  the  Company's  side  of  the  river,  the  militar}^  guard 
at  Tek-naf,  or  the  mouth  of  the  Naf,  was  strengthened 
from  twenty  to  fifty  men,  of  w  hom  a  few  were  posted  on 
the  adjoining  island  of  Shapuri;  a  small  islet  or  sand- 
Lank  at  the  mouth  of  the  river  on  the  British  side,  and 
onl^  separated  from  the  mainland  by  a  narrow  channel, 
which  was  furdable  at  low  water."  (1) 

This  act  attracted  the  attention  of  the  Arakhan  viceroy, 
who  tliereupon  demanded  its  unconditional  surrender, 
claiming  it  as  the  property  of  the  Burmese  government. 
This  was  certainly  untrue;  and  the  existence  of  many 
documents  and  facts,  favourable  to  the  British  claims, 
caused  the  resident  to  propose  a  friendly  discussion  of  the 
matter.  The  fruitless  negotiation  met  an  almost  deci- 
Bive  blow  on  the  21th  of  Septi-mber,  when  one  thousand 

(1)  Wilson,  1).  25. 


II.  3.]  ISLAND   OF   3HAPUIII.  153 

Burnians  landed  and  overpowered  the  British  force, 
"  killing  three  and  wounding  four  of  the  sipahees  sta- 
tioned there." 

"  In  order,  however,"  observes  Wilson,  "  to  avoid  till 
the  last  possible  moment  the  necessity  of  hostilities,  the 
government  of  Bengal,  although  determined  to  assert 
their  just  pretensions,  resolved  to  afford  to  the  court  of 
Ava  an  opportunity  of  avoiding  any  collision.  With  this 
intent,  they  resolved  to  consider  the  forcible  occupation  of 
Shapuri  as  the  act  of  the  local  authorities  alone  [as,  in 
the  first  case,  it  probably  was],  and  addressed  a  declara- 
tion to  the  Burman  government,  recapitulating  the  past 
occurrences,  and  calling  upon  the  court  of  Ava  to  disavow 
its  oilicers  in  Arakan.  The  declaration  was  forwarded  by 
ship  to  Kangoon,  with  a  letter  addressed  to  the  viceroy  of 
Pegu.  The  tone  of  this  despatch  was  that  of  firmness, 
though  of  moderation  ;  but  when  rendered  into  the  Bur- 
mese language,  it  may,  probably,  have  failed  to  convey 
the  resolved  and  conciliatory  spirit  by  which  it  was  dic- 
tated, as  subsequent  information,  of  the  most  authentic 
character,  established  the  fact  of  its  having  been  mis- 
understood as  a  pusiUanimous  attempt  to  deprecate  the 
resentment  of  the  Burmese  ;  and  it  was  triumphantly 
appealed  to  at  the  court  of  Ava  as  a  proof  that  the  British 
government  of  India  was  reluctant  to  enter  upon  the  con- 
test, because  it  was  conscious  of  possessing  neither  courage 
nor  resources  to  engage  in  it  with  any  prospect  ,of  suc- 
cess ;  it  had  no  other  effect,  therefore,  than  that  of  con- 
firming the  court  of  Ava  in  their  confident  expectation  of 
reannexing  the  eastern  provinces  of  Bengal  to  the  empire, 
if  not  of  expelling  the  English  from  India  altogether."  (1) 
However,  the  British  reoccupied  Shapuri,  and  stockaded 
themselves  in  that  post,  while,  in  retaliation,  the  Burmese 
seized  upon  the  master  and  ofEcers  of  the  Company's 
vessel  Sophia,  and  sent  them  up  the  country. 

To  continue  the  story  in  the  words  of  Macfarlane,  who 
has  here  ably  epitomized  the  history  of  Wilson  : — "  More 
and  more  conhrmed  in  their  idea  that  we  were  afraid, 
from  four  thousand  to  five  thousand  Burmese  and  Asa- 
mese  advanced  from  Asam  into  the  province  of  Cachar, 
and  began  to  stockade  themselves  at  a  post  witliin  five 
miles  of  the  town  of  Sylhet,  and  only  two  hundred  and 

(1)  Wilson,  p.  20  sq. 


154  COMMENCEMENT   OF   WAR.  [II.  3. 

twenty-six  miles  from  Calcutta.  Major  Newton,  the 
officer  commaiidin<ij  on  the  Sylhot  frontier,  concentrated 
Kis  detachment  and  marched  ajjainst  the  invaders.  It 
was  at  daybreak  on  the  17th  of  January,  1824,  that  he 
came  in  sight  of  their  stockade  and  of  a  villafje  adjoinin*^, 
of  which  they  had  taken  possession.  The  Burmese  in  the 
village  presently  gave  way,  but  those  in  the  stockades 
made  a  resolute  resistance,  and  were  not  driven  out  until 
they  had  lost  about  one  hundred  men,  and  had  kiUed  six 
of  our  sepoys.  They  then  fled  to  the  hills.  Shortly  after 
this  action,  Mr.  Scott,  our  conmiissioner,  arrived  at 
SyUiet,  and  from  that  point  he  advanced  to  Bhadrapoor, 
in  order  to  maintain  a  more  ready  communication  with 
the  Burmese  authorities.  On  the  Slst  of  January,  Mr. 
Scott  received  a  message  from  the  Burmese  general,  aa  ho 
justified  his  advance  into  Cachar,  and  declared  that  he 
had  orders  to  follow  and  apprehend  certain  persons 
wherever  they  might  take  refuge.  In  reply,  this  Burmese 
general,  who  held  the  chief  command  in  Asam,  was  told 
that  he  must  not  disturb  the  frontiers  of  the  Company, 
nor  interfere  in  the  afiairs  of  its  allies  ;  and  that  the  Bur- 
mese invaders  must  evaciuite  Cachar,  or  the  forces  of  the 
British  government  would  be  compelled  to  advance  both 
into  Cachar  and  Asam.  To  this  communication  no  answer 
was  received. 

"  It  was  clearly  the  object  of  the  Burmese  to  procras- 
tinate the  negotiations  until  the)'^  had  strengthened  them- 
selves in  the  advanced  positions  they  had  occupied.  The 
'rajah  of  Synteea,  who  had  been  imperiously  summoned 
to  the  Burmese  camp,  and  commanded  to  prostrate  him- 
self before  the  shadow  of  the  Golden  Foot,  threw  himself 
upon  the  British  government  for  protection ;  and  various 
native  chiefs,  whose  territories  lay  between  the  frontiers 
of  the  Burmese  empire  and  the  frontiers  of  the  Britisli 
dominions,  called  loudly  for  English  aid.  Thus,  the 
south-east  frontier  of  Bengal  had  in  fiict  been  kept  in 
constant  dread  and  danger  of  invasion  for  more  than  a 
year,  while  the  adjoining  and  friendly  territories  had 
been  exposed  to  the  destructive  inroads  and  the  over- 
bearing insolence  of  the  Burmese  and  Asamese,  for  many 
years. 

'*  Major  Newton  did  not  follow  the  Burmese  lie  had 
routed,  but,  after  driving  them  from  their  stockade,  he 


II.  3.]  MAJOi;   NEWTON.  155 

returned  to  Syllict,  and  withdrew  the  wliolc  of  his  force 
from  Cachar.  Ahnost  as  soon  as  the  major  Avas  A\i(]iiii 
his  own  frontier,  the  Burmese  advanced  again  into  the 
country  from  wliieh  he  had  driven  them,  and  stockaded 
some  stroui^er  positions.  They  were  joined  by  another 
considerable  force,  while  another  detachment,  2,000  stronuj, 
collected  in  their  rear,  as  a  reserve,  or  column  of  support. 
Still  advauciuij^,  and  stockadintj^  as  they  advanced,  the  main 
body  of  the  Burmese  pushed  their  stockades  on  the  nortli 
bank  of  the  river  Surma,  to  within  1,000  yards  of  the 
British  post  at  Bhadrapoor.  Captain  Johnstone,  who 
commanded  at  that  post,  had  but  a  very  small  force  Avitli 
him,  yet  he  succeeded  in  dislod(rin<i^  the  invaders  from 
their  uniinished  works  at  the  point  of  the  bayonet,  and  in 
drivini;  them  beyond  the  Surma.  This  was  on  the  llith 
of  February.  On  the  followini]^  day,  Lieutenant-Colonel 
Bowen  joined,  and  took  the  command  over  Captain  Jolin- 
stone,  and  instantly  marched  in  pursuit  of  the  retreatint; 
enemy.  They  were  found  stockadini^  themselves  in  a 
strong  position  on  the  opposite  bank  of  the  Jelingha. 
As  soon  as  our  troops  were  over,  and  had  lixed  their 
bayonets,  the  Burmese  cleared  out  of  their  stockade,  and 
fled  to  the  hills.  But  there  was  another  division  of  the  army 
of  the  Lord  of  the  White  Elephant,  Avhich  had  stockaded  a 
much  stronger  position  at  Doodpatlee,  where  their  front 
was  covered  by  the  Surma  river,  and  their  rear  rested 
on  steep  hills.  The  exposed  face  of  this  intrenchment 
was  defended  by  a  deep  ditch,  about  fourteen  feet 
wide ;  a  strong  fence  of  bamboo  spikes  ran  along  the 
outer  edge  of  the  ditch,  and  the  approach  on  the  land 
side  was  through  jungle  and  high  grass.  Lieutenant- 
Colonel  Bowen,  however,  marched  against  this  formidal)lc 
stockade,  and  attacked  it.  The  Burmese  remained  passive 
till  our  troops  advanced  to  the  bamboo  spikes,  when  they 
poured  upon  them  a  destructive  and  well-maintained  ilre, 
which  completely  checked  their  advance,  although  they 
kept  their  ground.  AYhen  Lieutenant  Armstrong  had 
been  killed,  and  four  other  ollicers  wounded,  and  about 
150  of  our  sepoys  killed  or  wounded,  Bowen  called  off 
the  attacking  party,  and  retired  to  Jatrapoor,  at  a  short 
distance.  On  the  27th  of  February,  Colonel  Innes  joined 
the  force  at  Jatrapoor,  with  foi^i*  guns  and  a  1>attalion  of 
fresh  troops,  and  assumed  the  command.     But,   iu  tho 


156  BURMESE   FLIGHT   FBOM    CACHAB.  [II.  3. 

mean  Avliile,  tlie  Burmese  had  retreated  from  their  for- 
midable position,  and  retired  into  their  own  country, 
evacuating  the  whole  of  Cachar."  (1) 

Sucli  uas  the  orijjin  and  early  process  of  a  war  fated 
to  be  most  disastrous  to  all  parties  concerned  in  it.  AVe 
must  not  introduce  so  jjreat  a  man  as  the  Maha  Bundoola 
at  the  close  of  a  chapter  ;  so  we  end  it  here. 

(1)  Macfarlaiie's  British  ludia,  pp.  460-452. 


CHAPTER    IV. 
1824. 

Bundoola — Retreat  of  Captain  Noton — Defeat  at  Ramoo — Repulse  of  the 
Burmans — Burmese  account  of  the  war— Rangoon  expedition — Descrip- 
tion of  Rangoon. 

Maha  Men-gyee  Bundoola,  the  iDurman  general,  was 
one  of  the  best  of  the  subjects  of  the  monarch  of  Ava. 
He  owed  his  proud  position,  not  to  the  empty  promoting 
system  of  a  European  court,  but,  like  an  adventurer  in  a 
brave  and  warlike  country,  he  rose  from  the  ranks,  and, 
pioneer-like,  cut  away  the  overhanging  branches  between 
liimself  and  his  honourable  goal.  Such  a  change  of  for- 
tune is  not  uncommon  in  Oriental  countries  ;  but  it  is 
uncommon  to  find  little  court  favour  at  work  in  his 
slevation.  He  had  fought  and  received  honour  and  solid 
pudding,  yet  he  had  an  end  to  expect,  and  the  culminating 
point  of  his  fame  had  now  arrived,  and  cab-like,  he  would 
tiave  to  take  care  of  the  post  at  the  corner.  That  post 
fvas  the  Anglo-Indian  army,  and  he  hazarded  himself 
upon  the  chance  of  overthrowing  it,  with  what  success  will 
iiterwards  be  seen. 

"  It  has  been  already  noticed,"  says  "Wilson,  (1)  "  that 
I  large  Burman  force  had  been  assembled  in  Arakan, 
inder  the  command  of  the  chief  military  officer  of  the 
itate  of  Ava,  Maha  Men-gyee  Bundoola,  an  officer  who 
i'njoyed  a  high  reputation,  and  the  entire  confidence  of 
:he  court,  and  who  had  been  one  of  the  most  strenuous 
idvisers  of  the  war ;  in  the  full  confidence  that  it  would 
uld  a  vast  accession  of  power  to  his  country,  and  glory  to 
limself.  His  head-quarters  were  established  at  Arakan, 
ivhere,  probablv,  from  ten  to  twelve  thousand  Burmans 
^ere  assembled.  Early  in  May,  a  division  of  this  force 
'rossed  the  Naf,  and  advanced  to  Eutnapullung.  about 
iburteeu  miles  south  from  Eamoo,  where  they  took  up 

(1)  Burmese  War,  p.  52,  cd.  1852. 


158  CAPTATN   KOTOX.  [II.  4. 

their  position,  and  gradually  conocntrated  tlicir  force  to 
the  extent  of  about  eip^lit  thousand  men,  under  the  com- 
mand of  the  four  rajas  of  Arakan,  Eamrce,  Sandawav,  and 
Chcduba,  assisted  by  four  of  the  inferior  members  of  the 
royal  council,  or  atwenwoons,  and  acting  under  the  orders 
of  Bundoola,  who  remained  at  Arakan. 

"  Upon  information  being  received  of  the  Burmans 
having  appeared,  advancing  upon  llutnapullung,  Captain 
Isoton  moved  from  Kamoo  with  the  whole  of  his  dis- 
posable force,  to  ascertain  the  strength  and  objects  of  the 
enemy.  On  arri^dng  near  their  position,  upon  some  hills 
on  the  left  of  the  road,  in  which  the  Burmans  had  stock- 
aded themselves,  they  opened  a  smart  fire  upon  the  de- 
tachment, which,  however,  cleared  tiie  hills,  and  formed 
upon  a  plain  bej^ond  them.  In  consequence,  however,  of 
the  mismanagement  of  the  elephant-drivers,  and  the  want 
of  artillery  details,  the  guns  accompanying  the  division 
could  not  be  brought  into  action  ;  and  as  without  them  it 
was  not  ])0ssible  to  make  any  impression  on  the  enemy. 
Captain  Koton  judged  it  prudent  to  return  to  his  station 
at  Ilamoo,  where  he  was  joined  by  three  companies  of 
the  40th  native  infantry,  making  his  whole  force  about 
one  thousand  strong,  of  whom  less  than  half  were  regu- 
lars. With  these.  Captain  Noton  determined  to  await  at 
Ivamoo  the  approach  of  the  Burmans,  until  the  arrival  of 
reinforcements  from  Chittagong." 

In  this  the  captain  was  most  decidedly  wrong.  It  was 
not  only  injudicious  to  retreat  before  the  barbarian  Bur- 
mans, but  it  was  reprehensible  on  his  part  to  give  them  so 
much  encouragement  and  breathing-time.  The  Burmans 
always  looked  upon  the  English  as  "  wild  foreigners,"  and 
despised  tliem  on  account  of  their  creeping,  sn^^aking 
policy.  The  first  impression  made  on  their  minds  by  the 
unresented  massacre  of  Kegrais  was  not  forgotten ;  and 
tlie  mission  of  Alves,  Symes,  Cox,  and  Canning,  with  their 
undecided,  un-English  measures,  had  added  to  form  the 
contempt  with  ^^  Inch  they  had  learnt  to  regard  the  Anglo- 
Indian  government  into  a  tangible  shape.  These  con- 
siderations, joined  with  the  natural  arrogance  of  a  semi- 
civilised  race,  with  the  advantage  of  a  victorious  general, 
with  the  indecision  of  a  British  ofhcer,  all  tended  to  pre- 
pare the  Burmese  for  the  victor}'  wjiicli  was  soon  to  grace 
their  arms.  Biit.  in  recounting  the  events  at  liamoo,  it 
must  c^'c^  be  remembered,  that  the  day  was  lost  rather 


TI.  4.]  EAMoo.    '  159 

bv  British  indecision,  than  (gained  by  Eurman  valour. 
Indeed,  up  to  this  time,  it  is  remarkable  to  what  extent 
snail  policy  had  obtained  amon"^  the  Indian  authorities  ; 
and  how,  partly  from  want  of  accurate  information, 
partly  from  this  mean  and  truckling-  spirit,  the  Auglo- 
Indian  government  had  lost  consequeuce  in  the  eyes  of 
the  king  of  Ava.  Undoubtedly,  the  overcharged  work  of 
Colonel  Symes  had  led  to  an  incorrect  estimate  of  the 
resources  of , the  country  ;  it  is  well,  however,  that  I  shall 
hardly  have  occasion  to  return  to  this,  for  soon  I  shall 
have  to  record — welcome  task  ! — the  daring  scheme  of  Lord 
Amherst's  administration,  and  its  successful,  though  less 
fortunate,  accomi)lishmcut.  by  Sir  Archibald  Campbell.  To 
continue  the  narrative  in  tlie  words  of  the  Professor  :(1) — 

"  On  the  morning  of  the  I3th  of  May,  the  enemy  ad- 
vanced from  the  south,  and  occupied,  as  they  arrived,  the 
hills  east  of  Ramoo,  being  separated  from  the  British  force 
by  the  Ivamoo  river.  On  the  evening  of  the  llth,  they 
made  a  demonstration  of  crossing  the  river,  but  were  pre- 
vented by  the  fire  from  the  two  six-pounders  with  the 
detachment.  On  the  morning  of  the  loth,  however,  they 
efiected  their  purpose,  and  crossed  the  river  upon  the  left 
of  the  detachment,  when  they  advanced,  and  took  posses- 
sion of  a  tank ;  surrounded,  as  usual,  with  tanks  in  this 
situation,  by  a  high  embankment,  which  protected  them 
from  the  fire  of  their  opponents."  However,  the  captain, 
who  saw  the  necessity  of  action,  soon  took  up  a  favour- 
able position,  and  "  a  sharp  fire  was  kept  up  on  the  Bur- 
mans  as  they  crossed  the  plain  to  the  tank  ;  but  they 
availed  themselves  with  such  dexterity  of  every  kind  of 
cover,  and  so  expeditiously  entrenched  themselves,  that  it 
was  much  less  effective  than  was  to  have  been  expected." 
Honour  is  certainly  due  to  the  ollicers  and  men  so  peril- 
ously situated ;  and  it  gives  us  satisfactory  proof  that 
Captain  Noton's  previous  retreat  Mas  not  caused  by  want 
of  courage,  but  by  an  indecision,  as  unaccountable  as  it 
was  finally  disastrous. 

The  Professor  proceeds  : — "  On  the  morning  of  the 
17th,  the  enemy's  trenches  were  advanced  within  twelve 

Eaces  of  the  picqucts,  and  a  heavy  and  destructive  lire  was 
ept  up  by  them.     At  about  nine  a.m.,  the  provincials 
and    Muglevy   abandoned    the   tank   entrusted   to  their 

(1)  Burmese  War,  p.  5  J. 


160  EKTREAT   AT   EAMOO.  [II.  4. 

defence,  and  it  was  immediately  occupied  by  the  enemy. 
The  position  beinf]^  now  untenable,  a  retreat  was  ordered, 
and  effected  with  some  rcf^arity  for  a  short  distance. 
The  increasinfj  numbers  and  audacity  of  the  pursuers,  and 
the  activity  of  a  small  body  of  horse  attached  to  their 
force,  by  whom  the  men  that  fell  off  from  the  main  body 
were  instantly  cut  to  pieces,  fiUed  the  troops  with  an  un- 
governable panic,  which  rendered  the  exertions  of  their 
officers  to  preserve  order  unavailing.  These  efforts,  how- 
ever, were  persisted  in  until  the  arrival  of  the  party  at  a 
rivulet,  when  the  detachment  dispersed ;  and  the  siphahis, 
throwing  away  their  arms  and  accoutrements,  plunged 
promiscuously  into  the  water.  In  the  retreat.  Captains 
JN'oton,  Trueman,  and  Pringle,  Lieutenant  Grigg,  Ensign 
Bennet,  and  Assistant-surgeon  Maysmore,  were  killed. 
The  other  officers  engaged,  Lieutenants  Scott,  Campbell, 
and  Codrington,  made  their  escape ;  but  the  two  former 
were  wounded :  the  loss  in  men  was  not  ascertained,  as 
many  of  them  found  their  way,  after  some  interval  and 
in  small  numbers,  to  Chittagong :  according  to  official 
returns,  between  six  hundred  and  eight  hundred  had 
reached  Chittagong  by  the  23rd  of  May  ;  so  that  the  whole 
loss,  in  killed  and  taken,  did  not  exceed,  probably,  two 
hundred  and  fifty."  (1)  This  was,  however,  enough  to 
arouse  the  slumbering  ire  in  British  hearts.  Colonels 
Shapland  and  James  speedily  revenged  the  death  of  the 
captain,  whose  imprudence  had  cost  him  so  much,  and 
whose  courage  and  endurance  had  availed  him  so  little ; 
soon  the  Burmese  lost  their  temporary  advantage,  and 
never  were  they  to  regain  it.  At  the  end  of  July  the 
enemy  fled  from  all  their  positions  on  the  Naaf. 

The  campaign  was  also  speedily  terminated  in  the  pro- 
vinces of  Cachar,  and  the  Burmese  were  much  weakened 
in  all  their  attempts  upon  the  Anglo-Indian  army. 

"  We  have  thus  terminated  the  first  period  of  the  sys- 
tem of  defensive  operations,"  observes  the  Professor,  "  and 
shall  now  proceed  to  the  more  important  enterprises  of  an 
offensive  war,  to  which  those  we  have  noticed  were  wholly 
subordinate.  The  results  of  the  operations  described 
were  of  a  mixed  description,  but  such  as  to  leave  no  ques- 
tion of  the  issue  of  the  contest.  In  Asam  a  considerable 
advance  had  been  made.   In  Kachar,  also,  a  forward  posi- 

0)  Burmese  War,  p.  ."iO  sq. 


11.  4]  EAMOO.  •         161 

tion  had  been  maintained ;  altliouc^li  the  nature  of  the 
country,  the  state  of  the  weather,  and  the  insulUcioney  of 
the  force,  prevented  the  campaign  from  closinc;  with  the 
success  with  which  it  liad  bej^un.  Tiie  disaster  at  llamoo, 
aUhou^h  it  mii^ht  have  been  avoided,  perhaps,  by  a  more 
decided  conduct  on  the  part  of  the  otiicer  commanding, 
and  would  certainly  have  been  prevented  by  greater 
promptitude  than  was  shown  on  the  despatch  of  the  ex- 
pected reinforcements,  reflected  no  imputation  upon  the 
courage  of  the  regular  troops,  and,  except  in  the  serious 
loss  of  life,  was  wholly  destitute  of  any  important  conse- 
quences. In  all  these  situations  the  Burmas  had  displayed 
neither  personal  intrepidity  nor  military  skill.  Their 
whole  S3'stem  of  warfare  resolved  itself  into  a  series  of 
intrenchments,  which  they  threw  up  with  great  readiness 
and  ingenuity.  Behind  these  defences,  they  sometimes 
displayed  considerable  steadiness  and  courage  ;  but  as 
they  studiously  avoided  individual  exposure,  they  were 
but  little  formidable  in  the  field  as  soldiers.  Neither  was 
much  to  be  apprehended  from  the  generalship  that  suf- 
fered ^e  victory  of  Ivamoo  to  pass  away,  without  making 
the  slightest  demonstration  of  a  purpose  to  improve  a 
crisis  of  such  splendid  promises,  and  which  restricted 
the  fruits  of  a  battle  gained  to  the  construction  of  a 
stockade."  (1) 

There  is  certainly  nothing  which  better  shows  the  little 
real  self-reliance  possessed  by  the  Burmese  than  the  idle 
manner  in  which  they  neglected  to  pursue  an  advantage. 
One  thing  must,  however,  be  ahvays  borne  in  mind,  that 
up  to  this  time  they  had  always  been  engaged  with 
energies  whose  fate  might  be  decided  by  a  smgle  skir- 
mish, or  one  complete  rout.  They  had  yet  to  learn  how 
persevering  the  efforts  of  a  civilised  state  are  in  war. 
They  had  now  indeed  met  their  masters,  and  were  about 
to  feel  their  inferiority  ;  for  the  Indian  government  at 
Calcutta  were  already  carrjnng  out  an  excellent  and  well- 
conceived  idea,  the  history  of  the  progress  of  which  it  is 
now  my  oflice  to  relate.  But  first,  it  were  not  inapposite 
to  listen  to  the  following  account  of  the  Burmese  war  by 
the  Burmese  themselves  ;  it  will  afford  some  amusement, 
though  its  strict  truth  cannot  fail  to  be  somewhat 
doubted.     "  In  the  years  1186  and  1187,"  according  to 

(1)  WUsoii,  p.  Cl. 


162  BURMESE   HISTORY   (JF   THE   WAR.  [II.  4. 

the  Hoyal  Historiographer,  "  the  Xula-pyee,  or  white 
stranj^ers  of  the  West,  fastened  a  quarrel  upon  the  Lord 
of  the  Golden  Palace.  They  landed  at  liangoon,  took 
that  place  at  Prome,  and  were  permitted  to  advance  as  far 
as  Yandabo ;  for  the  king,  from  motives  of  piety  and 
regard  to  life,  made  no  effort  whatever  to  oppose  them. 
TLe  strangers  had  spent  vast  sums  of  money  in  their 
enterprise  ;  and  by  the  time  they  reached  Yandabo,  their 
resources  were  exhausted,  and  they  were  in  great  distress. 
They  petitioned  the  king,  who,  in  his  clemency  and 
generosity,  sent  them  large  sums  of  money  to  pay  their 
expenses  back,  and  ordered  them  out  of  the  country."  (1) 

Ere  I  proceed  to  give  the  English  account,  I  think  it 
right  to  let  the  Burmans  speak  for  themselves  ;  and  there- 
fore I  have  placed  this  before  the  serious  history,  just  as, 
at  Ilichardson's,  a  comic  song,  by  way  of  a  honne  louche, 
is  placed  before  the  deep  tragedy,  "  Just  a-goiu'  to 
begin." 

Some  little  time  before  the  operations  in  Cachar  were 
brou^'iit  to  a  temporary  close,  Lord  Amherst  conceived 
the  idea  of  diverting  the  attention  of  the  Burmese  from 
our  possessions  to  their  own,  and  of  turning  wliat  had 
hitherto  been  a  defensive  war,  on  the  part  of  the  En^Ush, 
into  an  offensive  one.  Accordingly,  after  a  formal  decla- 
ration of  war,  and  the  promulgation  of  an  address  con- 
taining the  details  of  the  origin  of  the  quarrel,  the  court 
commenced  active  preparations  for  an  expedition  into  the 
enemy's  territory.  The  idea  was  a  good  one,  and  it  was 
nobly  pursued ;  yet,  though  it  was  successful  in  its  ulti- 
mate object,  it  unfortunately  cost  the  government  more 
than  its  proceeds  in  laud  can  possibly  repay  for  many 
years.  The  military  resources  of  the  Burmese  were  infi- 
nitely over-estimated,  while  the  facihties  for  obtaining 
food  and  proper  housing  for  the  troops  were  also  totally 
unknown,  except  from  the  work  of  Symes,  who  evidently 
caused  tlie  whole  mischief,  as  far  as  the  inadequate  outfit 
was  concerned.  The  consequences  of  his  hasty  views 
ought  to  be  a  warning  to  all  travellers  in  countries  so 
little  known  as  Burmah  was  then,  and,  indeed,  in  many 
points  is  now.  Symes  sacrificed  truth  for  the  sake  of 
making  an  agreeable  and  amusing  book,  which  it  is  to  be 
hoped  no  one  else  will  do. 

{\)  Crawfurd's  Ava,  vol,  i.  p.  30-i. 


II.  4]  EDINBUEGH   REVIEW   ON   BUEMAH.  163 

"  The  Britisli  p^ovcrnmcnt  was  driven  into  that  war  hy 
the  iusoleneo  and  aggressions  of  the  court  of  Ava,  in- 
toxicated   witli    the    uninterrupted    success    ■\\hich  had 
attended  all  its  schemes  of  aggrandisement  from  the  days 
of  Alompra.      The    most    ambitious   of  our   governors- 
general  had   entertained  no  views   of  conquest  in  that 
quarter.     Lord   Hastings   had   anxiously  staved   ofi'  the 
contest,  at  the  close  of  his  administration,  by  a  political 
ai-tillce.     But   Lord   Amherst,    the   most    moderate   and 
pacitic,  was  compelled  to  add  vast  provinces,  covered  for 
the  most   part   with   trackless   forests,  miserably  under- 
peopled,  unhealthy,  and  far  beyond  our  natural   boun- 
daries,   to   our   already  enormous   empire.     In  this  case 
there  was  everything  to  dissuade  from  appropriation.     It 
was  known  that  the  climate  of  one  of  the  provinces  was 
equally  deadly  to  our  European  and  our  native  troops ; 
it  was  known  that  many  years  must  elapse  before  any  of 
them   could   support   their   own  indispensable  establish- 
ments ;  but   there    was    no    escape.     It  was   absolutely 
necessary   to   interpose    sufficient    barriers   between  our 
peaceable  subjects,  on  a  frontier  where  it  was  impossible 
to  maintain  large  military  establishments,  and  their  bar- 
barous neighbours  ;  to  provide  places  of  refuge  for  the 
reluctant   tributaries,  or   half-conquered  subjects  of  the 
Burmese,  from  whom  we  had  received  cordial  assistance 
during  the  war  ;  and,  not  less,  to  intlict  upon  Ava  a  chas- 
tisement,  the   smart    of   which    might  protect  us  from 
future  encroachment  and  annoyance."  (1) 

The  plan  to  be  pursued  in  this  campaign  was  to  be  as 
follows  : — Hangoon,  the  great  trading  city,  was  to  be  the 
point  assailed  in  the  iirst  instance.  This  place  had  its 
advantages  as  being  the  principal  maritime  (if  it  may  so  be 
called)  place  in  the  Burmese  dominions ;  it  was  also 
remote  from  the  scene  of  war,  that  is,  not  remote  enough 
to  admit  of  the  army  remaining  where  it  was  in  Araklian, 
and  a  fresh  levy  being  made  for  the  defence  of  the  coast : 
the  harbour  \^  as  hkewise  good ;  and  there  the  advantages 
ceased.  These  manifest  good  qualities,  in  the  eyes  of  the 
attacking  army,  were  counterbalanced  by  the  extreme 
unhealthiuess  of  the  place,  the  difficulty  of  obtaining  food 
there  ;  a  disadvantage,  however,  with  which  the  Indian 
authorities   were    not    acquainted ;    and    the    additional 

(1)  Edinburgh  Review,  vol.  Ixxi.  p.  3(ii,  July,  1840. 
M   2 


101  EXPEDITION    TO   RANGOOX.  [II.  4. 

nuisance  of  the  Irawacli  not  beinjij  navijjable  at  the  time 
of  the  year  selected  for  the  expedition.  Upon  the  acquire- 
ment of  Rangoon,  the  movements  of  the  army  were  to 
depend  very  much  upon  circumstances,  but  an  advance 
was  to  be  attempted  in  any  case.  The  soldiers  for  the  enter- 
prise were  to  be  levied  both  in  the  presidency  of  Bengal 
and  in  that  of  Madras  ;  and  the  forces  were  to  unite  in 
the  harbour  of  Port  Cornwallis,  at  the  Great  Andaman 
Island,  whence  the  whole  squadron  was  to  proceed  to 
]\an(TOon,  under  the  general  command  of  Sir  Archibald 
Campbell. 

The  observations  of  an  able  historian  Mill  prove  of  no 
little  interest : — "The  difficulty  of  collecting  a  sufficient 
force  for  a  maritime  expedition  from  Bengal,  owing  to  the 
repugnance  which  the  saphahis  entertain  to  embarking  on 
board  vessels,  v\here  their  prejudices  expose  them  to  many 
real  privations,  had  early  led  to  a  communication  with 
the  presidency  of  Fort  Saint  George,  where  there  existed 
no  domestic  call  for  a  large  force,  and  where  the  native 
troops  were  ready  to  undertake  the  voyage  without  re- 
luctance. The  views  of  the  Supreme  Government  were 
prompt]}'  met  by  Sir  Thomas  Munro,  the  governor  of 
Madras,  and  a  considerable  force  was  speedily  equipped. 
The  like  activity  pervaded  the  measures  of  the  Bengal 
authorities,  and  by  the  beginning  of  April  the  m  hole  was 
ready  for  sea. 

"  The  period  of  the  year  at  which  this  expedition  was 
fitted  out  was  recommended  by  various  considerations  of 
local  or  political  weight.  Agreeably  to  the  information 
of  all  nautical  men,  a  more  favourable  season  for  navigat- 
ing the  coast  to  the  eastward  could  not  be  selected;  and 
from  the  account  given  by  those  who  had  visited  Ava,  it 
appeared  that  the  expedition,  upon  arriving  at  Ixangoon, 
would  be  able  to  proceed  into  the  interior  without  delay  ; 
tlie  rising  of  the  river,  and  the  prevalence  of  a  south- 
easterly wind,  rendering  June  or  July  the  most  eligible 
months  for  an  enterprise,  which  could  only  be  eftected  by 
water  conveyance,  by  which  it  was  asserted  that  a  suffi- 
cient force  might  be  conveyed  to  Amarapura,  the  capital, 
in  the  course  of  a  month  or  five  weeks.  That  no  time 
should  be  lost  in  compelling  the  Burmas  to  act  upon  the 
defensive  was  also  apparent;  as,  by  tlie  extent  of  their 
preparations  in  Arakan,  Asam.  and  Kachar.  they  were 
evidently  manifesting  a  design,  to  invade  the  frontier  with 


II.   1.]  FOBCES.  165 

a  force  tliat  -would  require  the  concentration  of  a  large 
body  of  troops  for  the  protection  of  the  British  provinces, 
in  situations  where  mountains,  streams,  and  forests, 
could  not  fail  to  exercise  a  destructive  iniluence  upon  the 
physical  energies  of  the  oilicers  and  men,  and  wonld 
necessarily  prevent  the  full  development  of  the  military 
resources  of  the  state.  To  have  remained  throughout  the 
rains,  therefore,  wholly  on  the  defensive,  would  have  been 
attended,  it  was  thought,  with  a  greater  expense,  and, 
under  ordinary  circumstances,  with  a  greater  sacrifice  of 
lives  than  an  aggressive  movement,  as  well  as  with  some 
compromise  of  national  reputation.  The  armament, 
therefore,  was  equipped  at  once,  and  was  not  slow  in 
reahzing  some  of  the  chief  advantages  expected  from  its 
operations."  (1) 

The  Bengal  contingent  amounted  in  all  to  2.175 
men,  consisting  of  two  regiments,  the  second  battalion 
of  the  20th  (now  40th)  native  infantry,  and  two  com- 
panies of  artillery ;  that  of  Madras  was  much  greater, 
and  amounted  to  9,300  men.  making  together  the  some- 
what formidable  number  of  11,475  men,  of  whom  nearly 
5,000  were  Europeans.  In  addition  to  the  transports, 
there  was  a  Bengal  flotilla  of  twenty  gun-brigs  and 
rowing-boats,  each  carrying  an  eighteen-pounder.  The 
shii)s  in  attendance  were  H.M.'s  sloops  Lame,  Captain 
Marryatt,  and  Sophia,  Captain  Eeeves  ;  some  Company's 
cruisers,  and  tlie  Diana  steam-boat.  In  the  Madras 
division  were  comprised  H.M.'s  ship  Liffey,  Commo- 
dore Grant ;  the  Slanet/  sloop  of  war,  and  a  number 
of  transports  and  other  vessels.  Most  of  these  arrived 
at  Port  Cornwallis  about  the  4th  of  May,  and  the  next 
day  the  whole  fleet  set  sail  for  llan^oon,  and  arrived 
off  the  mouth  of  that  river  on  the  9th,  and  anchored 
within  the  bar  on  tlie  following  morning ;  the  vessels 
then  proceeded  witli  the  flood  to  the  town  ofKangoon, 
situated  at  about  twenty- eight  miles  from  the  sea,  and 
thus  ably  described  by  a  visitor. 

"  Built  on  tlie  left  bank  of  the  river,  by  the  great 
Alompra,  in  commemoration  of  his  victories,  Yangoon, 
or  liangoon,  oficrs  but  a  very  poor  sample  of  Burman 
opulence.  Its  shape  is  oval,  and  round  the  town  is 
a  wooden  stockade,  formed  of  teak  piles,   driven  a  few 

(1)  Wilson's  Burmese  War,  p.  Ga. 


106  DESCBTPTION   OF   RANGOON.  [II.  1. 

feet  into  the  ground,  and  in  some  places  twenty  feet  liigli. 
The  tops  of  these  are  joined  by  beams  transversely 
placed,  and  at  every  four  feet  is  an  embrasure  on  the 
summit  of  the  walls,  which  gives  it  a  good  deal  the 
appearance  of  an  ancient  fortification.  A  wet  ditch  protects 
the  town  on  three  sides,  the  other  is  on  the  bank  of  the 
river, 

"  The  interior  consists  of  four  principal  streets,  inter- 
secting each  at  right  angles,  on  the  sides  of  which  are 
ranged,  with  a  tolerable  degree  of  regularity,  the  huts 
of  the  inhabitants.  These  are  solely  built  Math  mats  and 
bamboos,  not  a  nail  being  employed  in  their  formation : 
they  are  raised  invariably  two  or  three  feet  from  the 
ground,  or  rather  swamp,  in  which  Rangoon  is  situated, 
thereby  allowing  a  free  passage  for  the  water  with  which 
the  town  is  inundated  after  a  shower,  and  at  the  same  time 
affording  shelter  to  fowls,  ducks,  pigs,  and  pariah  dogs, 
an  assemblage  which,  added  to  the  inmates  of  the  house, 
place  it  on  a  par  with  an  Irish  hovel.  The  few  brick 
houses  to  be  seen  are  the  property  of  foreigners,  who  are 
not  restricted  in  the  choice  of  materials  for  building, 
whereas  the  Burmans  are,  on  the  supposition  that  were 
they  to  buUd  brick  houses,  they  might  become  points  of 
resistance  against  the  government.  But  even  these  build- 
ings are  erected  so  very  badly,  that  they  have  more  the 
appearance  of  prisons  than  habitations.  Strong  iron  bars 
usurp  the  place  of  windows,  and  the  only  communication 
between  the  upper  and  lower  stories  is  by  means  of  wooden 
steps  placed  outside.  Only  two  wooden  houses  existed 
much  superior  to  the  rest,  and  these  were  the  palace  of 
the  Maywoon,  and  the  Rondaye,  or  Hall  of  Justice.  The 
former  of  these,  an  old  dilapidated  building,  would  have 
been  discreditable  as  a  barn  in  England,  and  the  latter 

was   as   bad Two   miles   nortli   of  Rangoon,   on  the 

highest  point  of  a  low  range  of  hills,  stands  the  stupen- 
dous pagoda,  called  the  Shoe  Dagon  Prah,  or  Golden 

Dagon It  is   encircled  by   two   brick   terraces,    one 

above  the  other;  and  on  the  summit  rises  the  splendid 
pagoda,  covered  with  gilding,  and  dazzling  the  eyes  by 
the  reflection  of  the  rays  of  the  sun.  The  ascent  to  the 
upper  terrace  is  by  a  fl.ight  of  stone  steps,  protected  from 
the  weather  by  an  ornamented  roof  The  sides  are  de- 
fended by  a  balustrade,  representing  a  huge  crocodile,  the 
jaws  of  which  arc  supported  by  two  colossal  figures  of  a 


II.  4]  THE   SHOE   DAGON.  167 

maJe  and  female  PuUoo,  or  evil  genius,  who,  with  clubs  in 
their  hands,  are  emblematically  supposed  to  be  fiuarding 
the  entrance  of  the  temple.  On  the  steps  the  Burmans 
had  placed  two  guns,  to  enfilade  the  road ;  and,  when  I 
first  saw  this  spot,  two  British  soldiers  were  mounting 
guard  over  them,  and  gave  an  indescribable  interest  to 
the  scene :  it  seemed  so  extraordinary  to  view  our  arms 
thus  domineering  amidst  all  the  emblems  and  idols  of 
idolatry,  that,  by  a  stretch  of  fancy,  I  could  almost  sup- 
pose I  saw  the  green  monsters  viewing  with  anger  and 
humiliation  the  profanation  of  their  sanctuaries. 

"  After  ascending  the  steps,  which  are  very  dark,  you 
suddenly  pass  through  a  small  gate,  and  emerge  into  the 
upper  terrace,  where  the  great  pagoda,  at  about  fifty  yards' 
distance,  rears  its  lofty  head  in  perfect  splendour.  This 
immense  octagonal  gilt-based  monument  is  surrounded  by 
a  vast  number  of  smaller  pagodas,  grifilns,  sphinxes,  and 
images  of  the  Burman  deities.  The  height  of  the  tee,  (1) 
three  hundred  and  thirty-six  feet  from  the  terrace,  and 
the  elegance  with  which  this  enormous  mass  is  built, 
combine  to  render  it  one  of  the  grandest  and  most  curious 
sights  a  stranger  can  notice.  From  the  base  it  assumes 
the  form  of  a  ball  or  dome,  and  then  gracefully  tapers  to 
a  point  of  considerable  height,  the  summit  of  which  is 
surmounted  by  a  tee,  or  umbreUa,  of  open  iron-work, 
from  whence  are  suspended  a  number  of  small  bells, 
which  are  set  in  motion  by  the  slightest  breeze,  and 
produce  a  confused  though  not  unpleasant  sound.  The 
pagoda  is  quite  solid,  and  has  been  increased  to  its 
present  bulk  by  repeated  coverings  of  brick,  the  work  of 
different  kings,  who,  in  pursuance  of  the  national  super- 
stitions, imagined  that,  by  so  doing,  they  were  performing 
meritorious  acts  of  devotion Facing  each  of  the  car- 
dinal points,  and  united  with  the  pagoda,  are  smaU  temples 
of  carved  wood,  filled  with  colossal  images  of  Gaudma. 
The  eastern  temple — or,  as  we  call  it,  the  golden — is  a 
very  pretty  edifice.  The  style  of  building  a  good  deal 
resembles  the  Chinese ;  it  is  three  stories  high,  and  is 
surmounted  by  a  small  spire,  bearing  a  tee ;  the  cornices 
arc  covered  in  the  most  beautiful  manner,  and  with  a 
variety  and  neatness  of  conception  scarcely  to  be  sur- 
passed ;  and  the  whole  is  supported  by  a  number  of  gilt 

(1)  The  gilt  umbrella  surmouiitinp:  the  Iiighest  puuiaclc  of  the  pagoda. 


168  THE   GREAT   BELL    OF   BA.NGOON.  [II.  4. 

pillars Hound  tlic   foot   of  the   pap^oda  are   ranged 

innumerable-  small  stone  pillars,  intended  to  support 
lamps  on  days  of  rejoicing ;  and  in  their  vicinity  are 
large  stone  and  wooden  vases,  meant  for  the  purpose 
of  receiving  the  rice  and  other  offerings  made  by  the 
pious."  (1) 

Such  is  Eangoon  and  its  great  temple,  and  the  reader 
will  feel,  as  Major  Snodgrass  says,  that  after  "  we  had 
been  so  much  accustomed  to  hear  Rangoon  spoten  of  as 
a  place  of  great  trade  and  commercial  importance,  that 
we  could  not  fail  to  feel  disappointed  at  its  moan  and 
poor  appearance.  We  had  talked,  "  continues  the  gallant 
author,  "  of  its  custom-house,  its  dock-yards,  and  its 
harbour,  until  our  imaginations  led  us  to  anticipate,  if 
not  splendour,  at  least  some  visible  signs  of  a  nourishing 
commercial  city ;  but  however  humble  our  expectations 
might  have  been,  they  must  still  have  fallen  short  of  the 
miserable  and  desolate  picture  which  the  place  presented 
when  first  occupied  by  the  British  troops."  (2) 

An  unpardonable  piece  of  Vandalism  was  attempted 
by  the  English,  during  their  stay  at  this  place.  In  the 
temple  there  was  and  is  a  great  bell,  famous  for  its  in- 
scription, and  this  bell  the  English  endeavoured  to  ship 
for  Calcutta ;  however,  they  were  frustrated  by  the  heeling 
over  of  the  boat  in  which  it  was  being  conveyed  to  the 
ship ;  the  bell  sunk  to  the  bottom,  but  was  subsequently 
raised  and  replaced.  There  is  no  extenuation  for  such  a 
wanton  violation  of  any  place  of  worship;  and  though  it 
may  be  excusable,  and  indeed  proper,  to  preserve  works  of 
ancient  art  in  museums,  yet  it  was  grossly  wrong  to  take 
advantage  of  a  victory,  to  shock  the  religious  feelings  of  a 
people,  however  far  from  the  truth  they  may  be  according 
to  Christian  ideas.  The  action  was  as  reprehensible  as 
the  stealing  system  of  that  most  miserable  of  all  mean 
pretenders,  Napoleon ;  indeed,  it  was  more  so,  for  the 
bell  was  not  even  an  ornament. 

(1)  Two  Years  in  Ava,  p.  26  pq^.  This  intorcstinp:  and  wcH-wTittcn  brok 
seems  to  be  the  prodnctidn  of  a  naval  offtccr  attached  to  the  expedition. 
It  is  by  far  the  must  altractivc  narrative  of  the  inoceedings  iu  1821,  with 
which  I  am  acquainted. 

(2)  Snodgrass,  Burmese  War,  p.  12. 


QIIAPTEH    V. 

1824. 

Arrival  at  Rangoon — Taking:  f>f  (hat  town — Position  of  the  troops — 
State  of  the  ncij^hbourhood — Contidcnce  of  the  kin;^  of  Ava — Attack  of 
Joa/.ong: — Burmese  embassy — Capture  of  Keniendine — Reinforcements 
from  Madras — Sickness  of  the  army — Endurance  of  the,British  soldier. 

The  country  on  the  way  to  Rangoon  is  very  flat,  and 
consequently  tlio  vessels  were  easily  seen  coming  up  the 
river ;  and  they  did  not  escape  the  rayhoon  of  the  city. 
So  unusual  a  luimber  of  vessels  (they  were  forty-five  in 
all)  could  not  fail  to  arouse  some  dormant  ideas  of  harm 
in  the  minds  of  the  treacherous  officials.  xVt  the  time  of 
their  descrial,  the  principal  European  inhabitants  were 
assembled  at  the  house  of  Mr.  Sarkies,  an  Armenian  mer- 
chant, where  they  were  going  to  dine.  The  rayhoon 
immediately  sent  tor  them,  and  demanded  what  the  ships 
were.  The  reply  was,  that  there  were  some  expected,  and 
that  these  were  probably  them.  As  the  number  of  ves- 
sels was,  however,  continually  increasing,  the  governor 
was  not  satisfied,  and  he  seized  the  euually  ignorant 
Euro})eans,  and  threatened  their  immediate  execution. 
He  also  sent  notice  of  his  intention  to  Sir  Archibald 
Campbell,  who  declared  his  determination  of  destroying 
the  town  altogether  if  the  governor  carried  his  menace 
into  eflfect.(l)  Upon  this  the  captives  were  chained  and 
confined  in  different  places. 

The  L'ljfcy  was  the  first  to  arrive  opposite  the  king's 
quay,  where  a  weak  battery  was  planted,  and  it  anchored 
at  that  place  about  twelve  o'clock  in  the  forenoon ;  the 
other  ships  took  their  places  in  difTerent  ways,  so  as  to 
command  the  whole  neighbourhood.  I  shall  continue  in 
the  words  of  an  eye-witness  : — 

'*  Having  furled  sails  and  beat  to  quarters,  a  pause  of 
some  minutes  ensued,  during  which  not  a  shot  was  fired; 

(1)  See  Two  Years  in  Ava,  p.  25. 


170  LANDING   AT    RANGOON.  [11.5. 

ou  our  side,  humanity  forbade  that  we  should  bo  the  first 
aggressors  upon  an  almost  defenceless  town,  containing, 
as  we  supposed,  a  large  population  of  unarmed  and  in- 
offensive people;  besides,  the  proclamations  and  assurances 
of  protection  which  had  been  sent  on  shore  the  preceding 
day  led  us  to  hope  that  an  offer  of  capitulation  would  still 
be  made."(l)  However,  all  the  Burn^ans  did  was  to  pour 
a  feeble,  ill-sustained  fire  into  the  Lijfey,  which,  returning 
it  with  tremendous  force,  forced  away  the  natives. 

Upon  landing,  after  the  second  broadside,  the  author  of 
Two  Years  in  Ava  informs  us  that  "  three  men  lying  dead, 
and  the  broken  gun-carriages,  were  the  only  vestiges  of 
the  injury  done  by  the  fire  from  the  frigate.  The  town  was 
completely  deserted.  It  seemed  indeed  incredible  whither 
the  inhabitants  could  have  fled  to  within  such  a  short 
space  of  time  ;  and,  as  night  was  coming  on,  we  could  not 
proceed  in  search  of  them  ;  the  troops,  therefore,  remained 
in  and  about  the  town,  and  the  next  morning  were  placed 
in  positions,  in  two  lines,  resting  on  the  Great  Pagoda  and 
the  town.  On  entering  the  terrace  of  the  Great  Pagoda, 
the  advanced  guard  discovered  in  a  miserable  dark  cell 
four  of  the  European  residents  at  Hangoon,  who  were 
ironed,  and  had  been  otherwise  maltreated ;  the  others 
had  been  released  by  us  the  evening  before  ;  so  that  we 
had  now  the  satisfaction  of  knowing  that  none  of  our 
countrymen  were  subjected  to  the  cruelty  of  the  Burman 
chieftains.  "(2) 

After  taking  possession  of  the  place,  proclamations  were 
immediately  sent  out  among  the  inhabitants  through  a 
few  stragglers,  assuring  the  townspeople  of  protection,  in 
the  hope  of  inducing  them  to  return.  "  The  strictest 
orders  were  issued  to  prevent  plunder,  and  a  Burman 
having  claimed  several  head  of  cattle  which  had  been 
seized  for  tLe  use  of  the  army,  they  were  immediately 
restored,  in  order  to  prove  the  sincerity  of  our  protesta- 
tions ;  but  none  of  the  inhabitants  availed  themselves 
of  our  offers,  and  we  understood  that  the  officers  of 
government  were  driving  the  women  and  children  into 
the  interior,  as  hostages  for  the  good  conduct  of  the 
men."(3) 

The  soldiers  while  at  Rangoon  were  billeted  in  a  long 

(1)  Snodgrass,  p.  6.  (2)  Two  Years  in  Ava,  p.  2-1. 

(3)  rbid.  J).  2f).     Cf.  book  i.  chap.  ii.  p.  -40  of  tliis  work. 


II.  5.]  FOKCES    AT    KAXGOON.  171 

street  wliicli  leads  from  tlie  Dafjon  Pagoda  to  .l\aiij2:<^on, 
and  in  this  exposed  situation,  without  fresh  supplies,  they 
had  to  await  the  arrival  of  information  regardinof  the 
position  assimied  by  the  Burmese  government.  Space 
will  not  permit  me  to  refer  to  the  many  anxieties  which 
had  to  be  considered  in  regard  to  the  present  position  of 
our  troops,  but  the  reader  will  find. them  amply  discussed 
in  Snodgrass  ;  (1)  however,  I  shall  lay  before  the  reader  a 
few  remarks  of  that  gentleman,  which  will  amply  show 
the  many  difficulties  which  beset  the  army. 

"  The  enemy's  troops  and  new -raised  levies  were  gra- 
dually collecting  in  our  front  from  all  parts  of  the  king- 
dom ;  a  cordon  was  speedily  formed  around  our  canton- 
ments, capable,  indeed,  of  being  forced  at  every  point, 
but  possessing,  in  a  remarkable  degree,  all  the  qualities 
requisite  for  harassing  and  wearing  out  in  fruitless  exer- 
tions the  strength  and  energies  of  European  or  Indian 
troops.  Hid  from  our  crew  on  every  side  in  the  darkness 
of  a  deep,  and,  to  regular  bodies,  impenetrable  forest, 
far  beyond  which  the  inhabitants  and  all  the  cattle  of  the 
Eangoon  district  had  been  driven,  the  Burmese  chiefs 
carried  on  their  operations  and  matured  their  future 
schemes  with  vigilance,  secrecy,  and  activity.  Neither 
rumour  nor  intelligence  of  what  M'as  passing  within  his 
posts  ever  reached  us.  Beyond  the  invisible  line  which 
circumscribed  our  position,  all  was  mystery  or  vague  conjec- 
ture.(2)  To  form  a  correct  idea  of  the  difficulties  which 

opposed  the  progress  of  the  invading  army,  even  had  it 
been  provided  "N^th  land-carriage  and  landed  at  the  fine 
season  of  the  year,  it  is  necessary  to  make  some  allusion 
to  the  natural  obstacles  which  the  country  presented,  and 
to  the  mode  of  warfare  generally  practised  by  the  Bur- 
mese. Henzawaddy,  or  the  province  of  Rangoon,  is  a 
delta,  formed  by  the  mouths  of  the  Irrawaddy,  and.  with 
the  exception  of  some  considerable  plains  of  rice-groimds, 
is  covered  by  a  thick  and  tenacious  jungle,  interspersed 
by  numerous  creeks  and  rivers,  from  whose  wooded  banks 
an  enemy  may,  unseen  and  unexposed,  render  their  pas- 
sage difficult  and  dfstructive. 

"  Eoads,  or  anything  deserving  that  name,  are  wholly 
unknown  in  the  lower  provinces,  rootpaths,  indeed,  lead 
through  the  woods  in  every  direction,  but  requiring  great 

(1)  Burmese  War,  pp.  15-20.  (2)  Page  16. 


172  MILITAEY   EESOrnCES    OF    BVILMAn.  [II.  5. 

toil  and  labour  to  render  tliem  applicable  to  military  pur- 
poses :  they  are  impassable  during  the  rains,  and  are  only 
known  and  frequented  by  the  Carian  tribes,  who  cultivate 
the  lands,  are  exempt  from  military  service,  and  may  bo 
considered  as  the  slaves  of  the  soil,  living  in  wretched 
hamlets  by  themselves,  heavily  taxed  and  oppressed  by 
the  Burmese  autliorities,  by  whom  they  are  treated  as 
altogether  an  inferior  race  of  beings  from  their  country- 
men of  Pegu The  Burmese,  in  their  usual  mode  of 

•warfare,  rarely  meet  their  enemy  in  the  open  field.  In- 
structed and  trained  from  their  youth  in  the  formation 
and  defence  of  stockades,  in  which  tliey  display  great 
skill  and  judgment,  their  wars  have  been  for  many  years 
a  series  of  conquests :  every  late  attempt  of  the  neigh- 
bouring nations  to  check  their  victorious  career  had 
failed,  and  the  Burmese  government,  at  the  time  of  our 
landing  at  Eaugoon,  had  subdued  and  incorporated  into 
their  overgrown  empire  all  the  petty  states  by  which  it 
■was  surrounded,  and  stood  confessedly  feared  and  re- 
spected even  by  the  Chinese,  as  a  powerful  and  warlike 
nation.  AMien  opposed  to  our  small  but  disciplined  body 
of  men,  it  may  easily  be  conceived  with  how  much  more 
care  and  caution  the  system  to  which  they  owed  their 
fame  and  reputation  as  soldiers  was  pursued — constructing 
their  defences  in  the  most  dilEcult  and  inaccessible  recesses 
of  the  jungle,  from  which,  by  constant  predatory  inroads 
and  nightly  attacks,  they  vainly  imagined  they  would 
ultimately  drive  us  from  their  country. "(1) 

The  confidence  which  the  king  of  Ava  had  in  his  own 
military  resources  is  amply  shown  in'  a  speech  reported 
by  Snodgras8.(2)  "As  to  llangoon,"  said  the  king.  "I 
will  take  such  measures  as  will  prevent  the  English  from 
even  disturbing  the  women  of  the  town  in  cooking 
their  rice."  This  speech,  Jiowever,  only  lends  additional 
force  to  the  remark  of  the  Edinburgh  Revie^ve^,  that  "  the 
Burmese  are  much  too  arrogant  even  to  attempt  to  im- 
prove themselves ;  and  such  as  their  rabble  of  soldiery  is 
now,  such  it  will  be  found  fifty  years  hence — utterly  un- 
able to  stand  for  a  moment  against  British  troops,  even 
when  protected  by  stockades. "(3)  The  events  at  present 
passing  in  the  kingdom  of  Ava  are  but  a  practical  demon- 

(1)  Snodgrass.  pp.  2n-'2'2.  (2)  Page  25. 

(3}  Eilinbugh  Review,  vol.  Ixxi.  p.  358. 


IT.  5.]  FIRE   RAFTS.  173 

stvatioii  of  tlie  truth  of  this  assertion,  nowevcr,  such 
preparations  as  could  he  made  were  completed.  Armies 
^ve^e  stockaded  in  all  directions  near  Kani^oon,  nor  was 
the  river  at  all  neglected.  The  boatmen,  an  enterprisin": 
and  brave  part  of  the  community,  all  attached  to  the  royal 
interests,  were  soon  in  readiness,  and  a  respectable  kind 
of  fleet  covered  the  waters  of  the  Irawadi. 

Nothino^  of  consequence  occurred  for  some  days.  Some 
boats,  sent  up  by  Sir  A.  Campbell  to  gather  intelligence  as 
to  the  force  and  resources  of  the  Burmese,  were  fired  upon 
on  the  15th  May,  near  the  village  of  Kemendine,  and  to 
prevent  the  recurrence  of  such  an  event,  a  body  of  men 
were  embarked  in  order  to  drive  the  enemy  from  that 
place.  Accordingly,  after  some  little  skirmishing  and  the 
loss  of  some  men  and  officers,  the  detachment  succeeded 
in  their  endeavours.  Afterward,  however,  the  Burmese 
returned,  and  annoyed  the  Anglo-Indian  arni}^  very  much 
by  attempting  to  set  the  fleet  on  Are.  "  Our  shipping," 
says  an  eye-witness,  "  were  now  daily  and  nightly  exposed 
to  a  great  deal  of  danger  and  annoyance  from  an  engine 
of  destruction  much  confided  in  by  our  invisible  enemy, 
and  which,  if  properly  managed,  might  have  caused  us 
much  injury.  This  Avas  a  large  raft  formed  of  pieces  of 
wood  and  beams  tied  together,  but  loosely,  so  that  if  it 
came  athwart  a  ship's  bows,  it  would  swing  round  and 
encircle  her.  On  this  were  placed  every  sort  of  firewood, 
and  other  combustibles,  such  as  jars  of  petroleum  or  eai'th 
oil,  which,  rising  in  a  flame,  created  a  tremendous  blaze, 
and  as  this  raft  extended  across  the  river,  it  often  threat- 
ened to  burn  a  great  portion  of  our  fleet.  Hafts  of  this 
description  were  chiefly  launched  from  Kemendine,  where 
the  greater  number  of  them  were  constructed ;  but  fortu- 
nately the  river  made  a  bend  a  little  above  the  anchorage, 
and  the  current  running  strong  towards  the  opposite  shore, 
the  rafts  were  not  unfrequently  grounded,  and  thus  ren- 
dered useless  ;  whilst,  on  the  other  hand,  the  precautions 
adopted  by  our  naval  officers  of  anchoring  a  number  of 
beams  across  the  river,  in  most  instances  efiectually  ar- 
rested those  unwieldy  masses  in  their  descent  towards 
Eangoon."(l) 

During  this  time  the  confidence  of  the  Burmese  had 
increased,  and  on  the  27th  they  actually  advanced  within 

(1)  Tnvo  Years  in  .Vva,  p.  40. 


171  ADVANCE   TO    KEMENDINE.  [II.  5. 

sight  of  the  picquets,  and  sat  dovm.  This  was  observed 
by  Major  ISnodgrass,  who,  desirous  of  knowing  whether 
the  J  were  merely  stragglers,  or  part  of  any  considerable 
body,  immediately  pursued  them.  He  and  his  men  found 
their  way,  however,  stopped  by  a  small  stockade  stretch- 
ing right  across  the  road.  After  a  few  shots,  the  British 
party,  only  twenty -two  in  number,  chai'ged  the  work,  and 
carried  it.  The  natives,  sixty  in  number,  immediately  fled. 
The  success  which  had  attended  this  movement  deter- 
mined iSir  Archibald  Campbell  in  his  resolution  to  attempt 
a  recoiinoissance  in  person  ;  a  measure  that  was  put  into 
execution  the  next  morning.  On  arriving  at  the  stockade 
just  mentioned,  it  was  foujid  reoccupied  by  the  Burmese, 
w  ho  were  repairing  it  with  great  rapidity.  However,  on 
perceiving  the  troops,  they  immediately  fled.  The  same 
thing  took  place  at  a  bridge  beyond  the  village  of  Kokein, 
"  and,"  observes  iSnodgrass,  "  at  every  turn  of  the  road, 
breastworks  and  half-tinished  stockades,  hastily  abandoned, 
proved  that  so  early  a  visit  was  neither  anticipated  nor 
provided  for."(l) 

"■  Oiu-  troops,"  says  the  author  of  Two  Years  in  Ava,(2) 
"  continued  advancing  in  echellon,  the  light  company  of 
the  thirty-eighth  on  the  left  skirting  the  jungle ;  the 
grenadiers  in  the  centre,  on  the  plain ;  and  the  tlui'teenth 
on  the  right :  when,  at  a  sudden  turn,  the  light  company 
observed  a  stockade  about  a  hundred  yards  distant,  hav- 
ing a  ravine  full  of  water  in  front  of  it.  A  dead  silence 
pervaded  the  work ;  and  Captain  Piper,  instantly  forming 
liis  men  in  line,  charged  up  to  the  stockade,  and  through 
the  ravine  without  hiing  a  shot.  When  we  were  within 
about  thirty  yards,  the  Burmans  gave  a  most  terrific  yell, 
accompanied  by  beating  of  di'ums,  tom-toms,  and  other 
instruments,  and  opened  a  sharp  and  well-directed  fire,  by 
which  we  suflered  severely.  As  the  enemy  was  covered 
by  a  thick  palisade,  with  loopholes,  we  saw  not  a  man ; 
and  even  if  we  had,  our  fire  could  not  have  proved  service- 
able, as  not  a  single  musket  woiUd  go  olf,  m  consequence 
of  the  wet ;  whereas  the  Burmans  were  protected  from 
the  weather  by  sheds,  and  consequently  their  arms  were 
uninjured.  On  arriving  at  the  foot  of  the  work,  after 
forcing  the  way  through  a  capital  abatis,  the  entrance  was 
found  barred  up  ;  and  the  height  of  the  work,  and  the 

(1)  Bi;rmcse  War,  p.  27.  (2)  Page  43  sq. 


II.  5.]  EMBASSY   FROM   BUEM».H.  175 

Trant  of  ladders,  prcventiug  cscalading,  tlic  men  were  for 
some  time,  therefore,  exposed  to  the  assaults  of  tlie  enemy, 
■who  threw  out  spears,  and  tried  every  effort  to  di'ive  us 
oflf.  They  were  unavailing  :  the  passage  was  forced,  and 
the  troops  rushed  on  with  the  bayonet.  Finding  this  face 
of  the  work  cai'ried,  a  number  of  Burmans  rushed  with 
their  spears  to  the  opposite  side,  and  there  awaited  the 
approach  of  the  assailants ;  but  a  section  dashing  at  them 

with   the   bayonets,    annihilated   almost   the   whole 

Evening  was  now  coming  on  fast,  we  were  encumbered 
with  between  thirty  ana  forty  wounded,  without  any 
means  of  carrying  them,  except  the  officers'  horses,  and 
three  or  four  doolies  ;(1)  and  8ir  A.  Campbell,  therefore, 
determined  on  returning  without  attacking  a  small  stock- 
ade a  little  farther  on,  having  first  made  a  forward  move- 
ment with  his  troops  to  see  whether  the  Burman  line, 
which  was  still  drawn  up,  would  await  our  approach.  It 
fell  back  as  we  advanced,  and  we  then,  after  burning  the 
two  stockades  of  Joazong,  recommenced  the  march  home." 
In  this  action  several  officers  were  severely,  some  mortally, 
woimded.  On  the  Burmese  side  the  loss  was  about  four 
hundred.  The  commander  on  the  native  side  was  the  for- 
mer Eayhoon  of  Rangoon,  a  man  of  talent  and  experience. 
The  enemy  retired  from  the  field  during  the  night,  after 
digging  up  and  horribly  mutilating  the  bodies  of  two  sol- 
diers who  had  faUen  there  the  day  before  ! 

The  unexpected  results  of  the  skirmish  opened  the 
eyes  of  the  Burmese  commanders  to  the  inefficacy  of  their 
system  of  warfare.  Feeling  their  inferiority,  and  wishing 
to  gain  time  for  altering  and  strengthening  their  defences, 
the  Burmese  sent  two  ambassadors  to  the  English  camp. 
This  was  on  the  9th  June.  Major  Snodgrass  thus  de- 
scribes the  whole  interview  :(2) — 

"  The  principal  personage  of  the  two,  who  had  formerly 
been  governor  of  Bassein,  was  a  stout,  elderly  man,  dressed 
in  a  long  scarlet  robe,  with  a  red  handkerchief  tied  round 
his  head,  in  the  usual  Burman  style.  Ilis  companion, 
although  dressed  more  plainly,  had  much  more  intelli- 
gence in  his  countenance  ;  and  notwithstanding  his  as- 
sumed indiiference  and  humble  demeanour,  it  soon  became 

(1)  A  doolie  is  a  species  of  litter,  used  in  the  East  to  carry  tlie  wounded 
from  the  field  of  battle.  (2)  Burmese  War,  pp.  35-37. 


17(3  INTERVIEW   WITH   THE   BUEMESE.  [II.  5. 

evident  that  to  him  the  management  of  the  interview  was 
intrusted,  though  his  colleague  treated  him  in  everv  re- 
spect as  an  inferior. 

"  The  two  chiefs,  having  entered  the  house,  sat  down 
with  all  the  ease  and  familiarity  of  old  friends ;  neither 
constraint  nor  any  symptom  of  fear  appeared  about  either; 
they  paid  their  compliments  to  the  British  officers,  and 
made  their  remarks  on  what  they  saw  with  the  utmost 
freedom  and  good-humour.  The  elder  chief  tlien  opened 
the  subject  of  their  mission,  with  the  question,  '  Why 
are  you  come  here  with  ships  and  soldiers  ?'  accompanied 
with  manv  professions  of  the  good  faith,  sincerity,  and 
friendly  (disposition  of  the  Burmese  government.  The 
causes  of  the  war  and  the  redress  that  was  demanded 
were  again  fully  explained  to  them.  The  consequences  of 
the  line  of  conduct  pursued  by  their  generals,  in  pre- 
venting all  communication  with  the  court,  was  also  pointed 
out,  and  they  were  brought  to  acknowledge  that  a  free 
and  unreserved  discussion  of  the  points  at  issue  could 
alone  avert  the  evils  and  calamities  with  which  their  coun- 
try was  threatened.  Still  they  would  neither  confess  that 
the  former  remonstrances  of  the  Indian  government  had 
reached  their  king,  nor  enter  into  any  arrangement  for 
removing  the  barrier  they  had  placed  in  the  way  of  nego- 
tiation, but  urged,  with  every  argument  they  could  think 
of,  that  a  few  days*  dela}'  might  be  granted,  to  enable  them 
to  confer  with  an  officer  of  high  rank  then  at  some  dis- 
tance U])  the  river  :  they  were,  however,  given  to  under- 
stand, that  delay  and  procrastination  formed  no  part  of 
our  system,  and  that  the  war  would  be  vigorously  prose- 
cuted, until  the  king  of  Ava  thought  proper  to  send  officers 
with  full  authority  to  enter  upon  a  treaty  with  the  British 
commissioners. 

"  The  elder  chief,  who  had  loudly  proclaimed  his  love  of 
peace,  continued  chewing  his  betel-nut  with  much  compo- 
sure, receiving  the  intimation  of  a  continuance  of  hostilities 
with  more  of  the  air  and  coolness  of  a  soldier  who  consi- 
dered war  as  his  trade,  than  became  the  pacific  character 
he  assumed ;  while  his  more  shrewd  companion  vainly 
endeavoured  to  conceal  his  vexation  at  the  unpleasant  ter- 
mination of  their  mission,  and  unexpected  failure  of  their 
arts  and  protestations.  But  although  the  visit  had  evi- 
dently been  planned  for  no  other  pui'pose  than  that  of 


II.  5.J  ATTACK   OF^KEMENDINE.  177 

gaining  time,  the  chiefs  did  not  object  to  carry  with  them 
to  their  camp  a  declaration  of  the  terms  upon  which  peace 
would  still  be  restored ;  and  that  they  might  take  their 
departure  with  a  better  grace,  expressed  their  intention  of 
repeating  their  visit  in  the  course  of  a  few  days,  for  the 

Surpose  of  opening  a  direct  communication  between  the 
Iritish  general  and  the  Burmese  ministers.  The  elder 
chief,  again  alluding  to  his  being  no  warrior,  hoped  that 
the  ships  had  strict  orders  not  to  lire  upon  him ;  but  while 
he  said  so,  in  stepping  into  his  boat,  there  was  a  con- 
temptuous smile  upon  his  own  face  and  the  countenances 
of  his  men,  that  had  more  of  defiance  than  entreaty  in 
it." 

The  next  morning  (June  10th)  the  British  intentions 
regarding  Kemendine  were  put  into  execution.  A  breach 
was  soon  made  in  the  teak-wood  stockade  by  the  cannon, 
and  a  column  of  English  and  Indian  troops  stormed  the 
place.  Major  jSale,  T^dth  his  detachment,  had  some  hot 
work,  for  the  place  at  which  he  entered  was  full  of  men, 
who  defended  themselves  with  the  bravery  of  despair. 
Thirty  of  the  Anglo-Indians  fell,  though  for  them  one 
hundred  and  sixty  Burmese  perished.  Even  when  this 
place  was  taken,  little  had  been  accomplished,  as  the  prin- 
cipal stockade,  about  half  a  mile  distant,  had  yet  to  be 
besieged.  "  We  lost  no  time,"  says  an  eye-witness,  and 
actor  in  the  affair,  "  in  advancing  to  it ;  and  in  order 
completely  to  hem  the  Burmahs  in,  the  flotilla  was  sent  up 
the  river,  beyond  the  works,  so  as  to  prevent  their  escap- 
ing by  water ;  whilst  the  land  force  proceeded  through 
the  jungle.  The  left  of  our  line  rested  on  the  river,  and 
the  right  was  moving  round  the  north  of  the  stockade  ; 
thus  completing  a  semicircle ;  when  it  was  discovered 
that,  in  addition  to  the  main  work,  two  smaller  ones 
existed  further  up,  which  it  was  impossible  for  us  with 
our  force  to  surround  ;  a  space  of  two  hundred  yards  was 
therefore  unavoidably  left  between  our  right  and  the 
river,  it  being  exposed  to  the  fire  of  both  stockades. 
Night  had  already  approached  ;  the  rain  began  to  pour 
without  intermission,  and  neither  men  nor  officers  were 
sheltered  from  it,  or  had  any  cover,  not  even  of  great 
coats.  The  night  we  passed  in  this  situation  was  such  as 
may  easily  be  imagined.  .  .  .  The  shouts  of  the  Burmahs 
had  a  curious  effect,  much  heightened  by  the  wild  scenery 

N 


178  DISEASE   AMONG   THE   TEOOPS.  [II.  5. 

of  the  dark,  jrloomy  forest  wliicli  surrounded  us  ;  first,  a 
low  murmur  mitrht  be  heard,  risiufi^  as  it  were  f^raduallj 
in  tone,  and  followed  by  the  wild  and  loud  huzza  of  thou- 
sands of  voices  ;  then,  again,  all  was  silence,  save  now 
and  then  a  straggling  shot  or  challenge  from  our  own 
sentries  ;  and  soon  after,  another  peal  of  voices  would 
resound  through  the  trees.  This  they  continued  all 
night ;  but  towards  morning  the  yells  became  fainter  and 
fainter,  and  at  daybreak  they  totally  ceased."  (1) 

In  the  morning,  operations  were  resumed ;  and  on  the 
storming  parties  advancing  to  the  capture,  they  found,  to 
their  astonishment,  that  the  enemy  had  decamped !  Pos- 
session was  immediately  taken,  and  a  regiment  left  in 
garrison,  while  the  rest  returned  to  cantonments,  very 
much  irritated  by  the  loss  of  their  opponents.  Five  pieces 
of  cannon  were  found  in  the  inclosure,  and  numbers  of 
jinjals.  Outside  the  upper  gate  lay  a  gilt  chattah  or 
umbrella  of  rank,  and  some  distance  beyond,  the  body  of 
the  elder  chief,  aaIio  had  visited  the  English  camp. 

Major  Wahab  and  Brigadier  ]\IcCreagh  returned 
from  Cheduba  and  Ncgrais  about  this  time,  having  ac- 
complished the  purpose  for  which  they  were  detached. 
The  capture  of  these  places  had  not  been  completed  with- 
out some  loss  and  considerable  slaughter.  Cheduba  was 
expected  to  have  proved  of  some  use.  but  it  \\as  found 
that,  with  the  exception  of  a  few  buffaloes,  the  supplies 
were  not  of  any  utility.  About  this  time  also,  the  force  was 
augmented  by  the  89th  British  regiment  from  Madras. 

The  effects  of  heavy  work  in  the  swamps  now  began  to 
be  seen  in  the  fatal  form  of  disease  among  the  Anglo- 
Indian  troops.  *'  Constantly  exposed  to  the  vicissitudes 
of  a  tropical  climate,  and  exhausted  by  the  lu^cessity  of' 
un intermitted  exertion,  it  need  not  be  a  matter  of  sur- 
prise that  sickness  now  began  to  thin  the  ranks  and 
impair  the  energies  of  the  invaders.  No  rank  was  exempt 
from  the  operatinn  of  these  causes  ;  and  many  ofiicers, 
amongst  whom  were  the  senior  naval  officer,  Captain 
Marryat ;  the  political  commissioner.  Major  Canning ; 
and  the  Commander-in-Chief  himself,  were  attacked  with 
fever,  during  the  month  of  June.  Amongst  the  privates, 
the  Europeans  especially,  the  sickness  incident  to  fatigue 

(1)  Two  Yc<ars  in  Ava,  p.  .ifi.  So,  too,  did  the  wild  .-.lionis  and  savago 
songs  of  the  Mexicans  strike  on  the  eai<  ot  the  watching  Siiaiiiards. 


II.  5.]  ENERGY   OF   THE   SOLDIEES.  179 

and  exposure  was  agfrravated  by  tlic  defective  quantity 
and  quality  of  the  provisions  "^vhieli  had  been  suppHod  for 
their  use.  Kolying  upon  the  reported  fiicility  of  obtain- 
ing cattle  and  vegetables  at  Rangoon,  it  had  not  been 
thought  necessary  to  embark  stores  for  protracted  con- 
sumption on  board  the  transports  from  Calcutta,  and  the 
Madras  troops  landed  with  a  still  more  limited  stock.  As 
soon  as  the  cleficiency  was  ascertained,  arrangements  were 
made  to  remedy  it ;  but  in  the  mean  time,  before  supplies 
could  reach  Ivangoon,  the  troops  were  dependent  for  food 
upon  salt  meat,  much  of  which  was  in  a  state  of  putres- 
cence, and  biscuit,  in  an  equally  repulsive  condition,  under 
the  decomposing  influence  of  heat  and  moisture.  The 
want  of  sufficient  and  wholesome  food  enhanced  the  evil 
efTects  of  the  damp  soil  and  atmosphere,  and  of  the  mala- 
ria from  the  decaying  vegetable  matter  of  the  surround- 
ing forests,  and  the  hospitals  were  rapidly  filled  with 
sick,  beyond  the  means  available  of  medical  treatment. 
Fever  and  dysentery  were  the  principal  maladies,  and  were 
no  more  than  the  ordinary  consequences  of  local  causes ; 
*■  but  the  scurvy  and  hospital  gangrene,  which  also  made 
their  appearance,  were  ascribable  as  much  to  depraved 
habits  and  inadequate  nourishment  as  to  fatigue  and  ex- 
posure. They  were  also  latterly,  in  some  degree,  the  con- 
sequences of  extreme  exhaustion,  forming  a  peculiar  fea- 
ture of  the  prevailing  fever,  which  bore  au  epidemic  type, 
and  which  had  been  felt  with  ec[ual  severity  in  Bengal. 
The  fatal  operation  of  these  causes  was  enhanced  by  their 
continuance  ;  and  towards  the  end  of  the  rainy  season, 
scarcely  tliree  thousand  men  were  fit  for  active  duty.  The 
arrival  of  adequate  supplies,  and  more  especially  the 
change  in  the  monsoon,  restored  the  troops  to  a  more 
healthy  condition."  (1) 

It  is,  however,  worthy  of  especial  notice,  that  though 
the  army  wanted  provisions,  health,  and  strength,  their 
natural  energy  did  not  fail.  In  the  midst  of  a  crowd  of 
foes,  whose  numerous  force  and  equipments  were  alike 
unknown  to  the  English  soldier,  his  constitutional  domi- 
nance of  will  flagged  not  at  all,  but  seemed  rather  to 
become  stronger,  the  more  great  the  odds  grew  against  it. 
Indeed,  one  of  the  authorities  I  have  quoted  tells  us,  that 
there  went  a  feeling  abroad  among  the  Burmese,  that  it 

(I)  Wilson,  Burmese  War,  \\  86  sq.,  and  the  authorities  quoted  there. 

N   2 


180  SKILL   OF   THE   BBITISH   SUBGE0N8.  [II.  5. 

was  of  no  use  to  contend  -vs-itli  an  English  soldier  ;  for,  if 
the  arm  he  had  grasped  the  top  of  the  stockade  with 
were  chopped,  he  never  was  disconcerted,  but  imme- 
diately applied  the  other  ;  even  then  they  were  at  disad- 
vantage, for  the  skill  of  the  British  doctors  was  so  great, 
that  they  could  replace  the  severed  limbs  upon  the  trunk  ; 
and  for  this  reason  diligent  search  was  always  made  on 
the  field  after  the  battle,  for  these  legs  and  arms ! 


CHAPTER    VI. 

1824 

Encounters  \s'ith  the  Burmese— Capture  of  Kumeroot— Taking  of  Syriam— 
Storming  of  Dalla— Conquest  of  Tenasserim  province — The  Invulner- 
ables. 

From  the  time  of  the  takinoj  of  tlio  stockades  at  Ke- 
mendine,  little  of  moment  occurred  up  to  the  1st  of  July. 
About  noon  on  that  day  the  Burmans  came  out  in  great 
force  upon  the  regiments  under  Majors  Dennie  and  Frith, 
which  were  deputed  to  explore  the  jungle  in  front  of  the 
Great  Pagoda.  Then,  just  as  ants  flock  out  of  their  holes 
on  being  disturbed,  the  Burmese  burst  forth  in  every 
direction,  shouting  wildly  at  the  same  time.  They  were 
gallantly  opposed  by  Major  Frith's  troops.  "  A  column 
of  three  thousand  of  the  enemy  now  advanced  from  the 
jungle  into  the  plain,  directing  their  march  on  Puzendoon, 
where  we  had  a  post ;  another  body  moved  towards  our 
lines,  and  began  skirmishing  with  a  sepoy  picket ;  and  a 
large  force  was  also  seen  moving  to  the  right.  This  was 
evidently  meant  as  an  attack  on  our  position  ;  but  it  would 
seem  that  their  courage  failed  them  at  the  moment  for 
action,  as  they  contented  themselves  with  burning  a  few 
houses  at  Puzendoon. "(1)  Upon  their  being  driven  back, 
they  entered  Dalla  opposite  Kangoon,  whence,  however, 
they  were  driven,  though  Lieutenant  Isaack,  8th  Madras 
N.I.,  the  commanding  officer,  was  shot.  Vengeance  was, 
however,  more  than  sufficiently  taken  in  the  destruction 
of  the  place.  Thekia  Woongyee,  the  originator  of  this 
plan  of  attack,  met  with  a  sad  disgrace  in  his  recall,  while 
Thamba  "Woongyee  was  deputed  to  the  command  of  the 
anuy  in  his  place.  The  ex-general,  fearful  of  a  still  more 
dreadful  fate  should  lie  return  to  the  court,  retired  te 
the  neighbourhood  of  Pegu. 

The  new  general  showed  himself  an  able  tactician,  by 

(1)  T\vo  Years  in  Ava,  p.  Co. 


182  ATTACK    ON    KUMMEEOOT.  [II.  6. 

seizing  upon  one  of  the  most  impracticable  and  difficult 
positions  in  the  vicinai:je,  at  a  place  called  Kummoroot, 
lire  miles  from  the  Shoe-Dai^on  Pagoda,  This  place  it 
was  highly  necessary  sliould  be  captured,  and  accordingly, 
on  the  Sth  of  July,  tlie  enterprise  was  determined  upon. 
The  following  account,  by  an  eye-witness,  is  the  best  that 
has  been  given  us  :(1) — 

"  There  were  two  roads  leading  from  the  Pagoda  in  the 
direction  we  wished  to  pursue,  one  a  mere  footpath,  the 
other  passable  for  guns.  General  Macbean  preferred  the 
former,  and  left  his  artillery  behind.  The  enemy  not 
expecting  us  by  this  path,  we  marched  through  the  jungle 
for  three  miles  without  seeincj  a  soul,  although  in  the  wood 
to  our  left  voices  could  be  distinctly  heard,  and  also  the 
sound  of  the  axe  falling  on  trees,  which  they  were  felling 
to  erect  their  fortifications ;  but  after  marching  this 
distance,  two  stockades  were  descried  a  fcvr  yards  in 
advance.  The  general  instantly  halted,  to  enable  the 
troops,  which  were  marching  in  single  file  (and  conse- 
quently occupied  a  great  length  of  ground),  to  form 
column,  during  which  time  we  could  observe  small  parties 
of  Burmahs,  armed  with  muskets,  coming  from  the  oppo- 
site wood  to  reinforce  the  stockades.  Firing,  also,  was 
heard  to  the  left,  wliich  indicated  that  Sir  Archibald 
Campbell  was  engaged ;  and  Ge'neral  Macbean,  therefore, 
made  his  dispositions  for  an  attack.  Brigadier  McCreagh, 
with  five  hundred  men  from  liis  Majesty's  13th  and  38th 
regiments,  commanded  by  Majors  Sale  and  Frith,  were 
formed  in  a  column  of  subdivisions,  and  with  unloaded 
muskets  and  fixed  bayonets  directed  to  advance  on  the 
work.  This  movement  was  effected  with  so  much  rapidity, 
order,  and  regularity,  that  to  be  in  possession  of  this 
stockade,  and  moving  on  to  attack  the  next,  was  the  affair 
of  a  moment.  The  second  was  abandoned  on  the  approach 
of  the  column,  and  we  then  discovered,  in  a  large  plain 
backed  by  the  juntjle,  a  succession  of  stockades,  amounting 
in  all  to  seven.  This  did  not  deter  the  troops  from  esca- 
lading  and  capturing  a  third  stockade,  and  then  rushing 
on  to  the  largest :  there  the  column  experienced  some  loss, 
in  consequence  of  the  delay  in  bringing  up  the  scaling- 
ladders  through  the  muddy  paddy-fields  ;  but  when  they 
arrived,  the  work  was  assaulted  at  all  points The 

(1)  Two  Years  m  Ava,  p.  CO  sq. 


ll.  G.]  SUCCESS   or   THE   BRITISH.  183 

panic  that  now  took  place  amon^  the  Burmahs  can  scarcely 
be  described ;  rnshintj  in  crowds  towards  the  only  j,^ate 
through  which  they  miij^ht  escape,  they  completely  choked 
it  up  :  others  then  attempted  to  climb  over  the  walls,  but 
were  mowed  down  by  our  shot,  and  those  at  the  pjate 
were  falling  by  dozens.  Some  became  quite  desperate, 
and  with  their  long,  dishevelled  black  hair  streaming  over 
their  shoulders,  and  giving  them  the  most  ferocious  ap- 
pearance, seized  their  swords  with  both  hands,  and  dashed 
on  the  bayonets  of  the  soldiers,  where  they  met  with  that 
death  which  they  seemed  alternately  to  fear  and  despise  ; 
whilst  others  hid  themselves  in  the  trenches,  full  of  water, 
and  there  lay  motionless,  feigning  to  be  dead.  The  car- 
nage was  very  great,  at  least  five  hundred  men  being  slain 
in  the  main  stockade,  and  amongst  them  was  Thumba 
Woonghee,"  He,  contrary  to  the  usual  system  of  the 
Burman  chiefs,  had  endeavoured  to  instil  courage  into  the 
hearts  of  his  men  by  his  own  example.  However,  nothing 
could  avail  before  the  iron  soldiers  of  the  British  general. 

On  the  part  of  Sir  Archibald  Campbell,  too,  the  move- 
ment had  been  singularly  successful.  He  took  the  other 
water  path,  and  proceeded,  with  a  division  of  about  eight 
hundred  men,  to  ascend  the  river  to  the  place  where  the 
Lyne  river  and  theKangoon  embouchment  flow  together.  At 
this  point  they  found  the  Burmese  had  strongly  intrenched 
themselves.  The  main  stockade  was  on  the  tongue  of 
land  at  the  confluence  of  the  waters,  while  the  two  others, 
evidently  constructed  with  an  eye  to  position,  were  situated 
on  the  two  banks  of  the  Bangoon  river,  about  eight  hun- 
dred yards  from  the  principal  fortification.  But  cannon, 
and  good  cannon  particular!}',  can  make  a  breach  in  any 
fortification  so  exposed  to  fire  from  the  river,  and  the  day 
was  lost  for  the  Burmese.  The  broadside  of  the  Laryie 
frigate,  supported  by  the  boats  and  some  other  vessels 
under  the  command  of  Captain  Marryat,  covered  the 
landing  of  the  troops,  who  immediately  took  the  first 
stockade ;  this  was  follow(  d  by  the  immediate  capture  of 
the  second,  and  the  principal  one  was  abandoned !  So 
much  for  Burmese  self-reliance  ! 

The  only  force  now  remaining  near  Ban  goon  was  that 
under  the  former  rayhoon  of  that  place,  who  hovered 
about  in  the  neighbourhood  of  Ivvkloo.  All  the  other 
Burmese  detachments  had  fled  to  the  general  rendezvous 
of  the  enemy  at  Donabew,  a  place  some  distance  up  the 


184  ^METJTE   AT   SYBIAM.  [II.  6. 

river  Irawadi.  But  as  it  was  necessary  that  peace  should 
be  restored  everywhere  in  the  vicinity  of  the  British 
army,  in  order  that  the  poor  villagers  should  not  be  afraid 
of  returning,  Sir  A.  Campbell  determined  to  scatter  them, 
and  send  them  to  swell  the  panic-stricken  force  at  Dona- 
bew.  Accordingly,  on  the  19th  of  July  he  despatched 
twelve  hundred^  men  by  land  to  that  place,  whilst,  with 
another  division  of  half  that  number,  he  himself  went  up 
thither  by  the  Puzendoon  creek.  However,  little  came  of 
it;  the  land  army  found  it  impossible  to  proceed,  and  so 
returned,  while  the  only  result  at  which  the  other  party 
arrived  was  the  liberation  of  some  of  tlie  'unoffending 
families  of  the  forced  conscripts  in  the  Burmese  army. 
A  feeling  of  confidence,  however,  seems  to  have  sprung 
up  in  the  bosoms  of  the  peasantry,  who  now  gradually 
returned  home,  and  even,  we  are  told,  saluted  the  military 
as  they  passed. 

The  first  act  which  is  worthy  of  mention  in  August  is 
the  dislodgment  of  the  Burmese  force  in  Syriam.  The 
matter  was  rendered  necessary,  it  would  appear,  for  the 
same  reason  that  had  caused  the  assault  and  capture  of 
Kemendine,  viz.,  the  annoyance  to  which  our  vessels 
were  exposed  from  the  fire-rafts  that  the  natives  placed 
such  great  reliance  in,  but  which,  in  reality,  were  rather 
annoying  than  dangerous.  It  was  enough  that  men  were 
obliged  to  be  on  duty  to  arrest  their  progress,  and  strand 
them.  The  object  of  Sir  Archibald  was  to  spare  these 
men,  who,  though  enfeebled  by  disease,  yet  were  bravely 
bearing  up  against  it.  Accordingly,  six  hundred  men, 
drafted  from  the  4l8t,  the  Madras  European,  and  the 
12th  Madras  N.I.,  under  the  command  of  Brigadier  Smelt, 
were  embarked  for  Syriam,  Sir  Archibald,  it  must  not  be 
forgotten,  accompanying  them. 

The  old  Portuguese  factory,  of  which  mention  has  been 
made  in  a  previous  chapter,  was  found  to  have  been  con- 
verted into  a  Burmese  fortification  ;  the  breaches  made  in 
former  times  by  the  united  efforts  of  Burmese,  Peguers, 
Portuguese,  and  English,  were  repaired  by  teak-wood 
palisades,  and  the  old  gims,  rusty  and  ill  cast,  were  re- 
mounted upon  the  ramparts. 

The  Anglo-Indian  army  was  received  with  a  brisk  fire, 
but,  as  usual,  the  Burmese  stayed  not  to  await  the  results 
of  their  exertions,  but  fled  to  a  pagoda  some  distance  off, 
whither    they    were    followed    by   a  detachment    imder 


II.  6.]  EXPEDITION   TO   TENASSERTM.  185 

Lieutenant- Colonel  Kelly.  Here,  again,  although,  the  place 
was  fortified  and  turned  into  a  battery,  the  Buimese  fled 
away,  after  discharging  tlie  contents  of  the  guns  somewhere 
in  tne  direction  of  the  British.  Enough  had  been  done 
in  previous  encounters  to  show  the  perseverance  of  the 
English,  and  so,  as  every  one  does,  they  supposed  that 
they  were  invincible,  because  they  had  at  first  conquered. 

It  seemed,  however,  that  even  the  preliminary  cam- 
paign of  the  British  army  was  never  to  come  to  an  end, 
and  that,  although  the  enemy  was  ever  being  beaten,  the 
Burmese  did  not  even  now  despair  of  wearying  out  the 
British,  and  by  keeping  them  engaged  at  the  threshold  of 
their  land,  they  hoped  to  have  time  to  secure  the  key, 
and  lock  the  door  in  their  faces.  Therefore,  no  sooner 
had  operations  been  satisfactorily  concluded  at  Syriam, 
than  Sir  A.  Campbell  heard  of  disturbances  at  Dalla, 
caused  by  the  orders  of  the  court  for  a  general  conscrip- 
tion. Lieutenant-Colonel  Kelly,  with  a  detachment  of 
four  hundred  men,  was  sent  thither  to  quiet  the  pro- 
vince. Upon  coming  near  to  Dalla  creek,  they  found  two 
stockades,  one  on  either  bank,  which  it  was  necessary  to 
storm.  The  mud  clogged  the  movements  of  the  troops 
to  some  extent,  and  entailed,  by  the  delay,  some  loss 
upon  the  British.  However,  as  was  ever  the  case,  the 
intrenchments  Avere  in  possession  of  the  troops  imme- 
diately ;  for  the  Burmese  fled  before  the  English  again. 
Their  policy  seems  all  to  have  been  thrown  overboard, 
and  it  is  only  on  the  assumption  of  each  body  of  the 
enemy  encountering  us  only  once,  that  I  can  reconcile  the 
idea  of  this  continual  fear  to  my  mind.  (1) 

"  In  the  impossibility,"  says  Professor  Wilson,  "  that 
existed  of  engaging  in  any  active  operations  in  the  direc- 
tion of  Ava,  it  was  judged  advisable  to  employ  part  of 
the  force  in  reducing  some  of  the  maritime  provinces  of 
the  Burman  kingdom.  The  district  of  Tenasserim,  com- 
prising the  divisions  of  Tavoy  and  Mergui,  was  that 
selected  for  attack,  as  containing  a  valuable  tract  of  sea- 
coast,  as  well  as  being  likely  to  afford  supplies  of  cattle 
and  grain.  Accordingly,  an  expedition  was  detached 
against  those  places,  consisting  of  details  of  his  Majesty's 
89th  and  the  7th  Madras  native  infantry,  with  several 

(1)  I  may  here  mention,  that  Major  Canning,  who  had  accompanied 
the  expedition  as  political  apeut,  about  this  time  returned  to  Calcutta  by 
the  Nereide,  where,  debilitated  by  the  marsl\  fever  of  Ava,  he  shortly  died. 


186  MERGUI.  [II.  6. 

cruisers  and  gun-brigs,  under  command  of  Lieutenant- 
Colonel  Miles.  They  sailed  from  Rangoon  on  tbe  2()tli  of 
August,  and  reached  the  mouth  of  the  river  leading  to 
TavoY  on  the  1st  of  September :  some  difficulty  occur- 
red in  working  up  tlic  river,  in  consequence  of  which  the 
vessels  arrived  off  the  town  only  on  the  eighth.  A  con- 
spiracy amongst  the  garrison  facilitated  the  capture  of 
the  place ;  the  second  in  command  making  the  INIaiwoon 
and  his  family  prisoners,  delivered  them  to  the  British 
officer,  and  the  town  was  occupied  without  opposition. 
At  Mergui,  whither  the  armament  next  proceeded,  and 
where  it  arrived  on  the  6th  of  October,  a  more  effective 
resistance  was  offered :  a  heavy  fire  was  opened  from  the 
batteries  of  the  town,  which  was  returned  by  the  cruisers 
with  such  effect  as  to  silence  it  in  about  an  hour.  The 
troops  then  landed,  and  after  wading  through  mirv 
ground,  between  the  river  and  a  strong  stockade  whicli 
defended  the  town,  and  being  exposed  to  a  brisk  fire 
from  the  enemy,  they  advanced  to  the  stockade,  and  es- 
caladed  it  in  the  most  gallant  style.  The  enemy  fled.  The 
town,  when  first  occupied,  was  deserted ;  but  the  people 
soon  returned,  and  both  here  and  at  Tavoy  showed 
themselves  perfectly  indifferent  to  the  change  of  autho- 
rities. After  leaving  a  sufficient  garrison  of  the  native 
troops,  and  part  of  the  flotilla.  Colonel  ]\Iiles  returned 
with  the  European  portion  of  his  division  to  Rangoon,  in 
November,  in  time  to  take  a  part  in  the  more  important 
operations  about  to  recur."  (1) 

We,  too,  must  now  go  back  to  Rangoon,  or  we  shall 
miss  the  sight'of  some  wondrous  strange  animals,  which  the 
Golden  Foot  sent  down  from  his  capital  far  away,  to 
oppose  and  strike  terror  into  the  unabashed  invaders. 
These  were  the  fiir-famed  Invulnerables,  to  which  corps  I 
have  already  alluded ;  (2)  and  I  cannot  now  do  better  than 
introduce  themselves  and  their  deeds  to  the  readers,  in 
the  spirited  narrative  of  Mr.  Macfarlane.  (3) 

"  The  Lord  of  the  AATiite  Elephant  now  sent  his  two 
brothers,  the  prince  of  Tonghoo  and  the  prince  of  Sar- 
rawaddy,  with  a  whole  host  of  astrologers,  and  a  corps  of 
'  Invulnerables,'  to  join  the  army,  and  to  direct  the 
future  operations  of  the  war.     The  astrologers  were  to  fix 

(l^i  Burmese  War,  p.  ()6.  f2i  Book  i.  chap.  ii.  p.  39. 

(w)  British  India,  i).  Uri  sq.  Geijer,  the  historian  of  Sweden,  well  com- 
pares them  to  the  Bersekkars. 


IT.  6.]  THE   INVULNERABLES.  187 

the  lucky  momenta  for  attackino: :  the  Innilncrabh^s  had 
some  points  of  rcsomblaneo  to  the  Turkisli  Dolliis ;  they 
were  tlie  desperadoes  or  madmen  of  tlie  army,  and  their 
madness  Mas  kept  up  by  enormous  doses  of  opium.  The 
corps  of  Invuhierabks  consisted  of  several  thousand  men, 
divided  into  classes ;  the  most  select  band  of  all  being 
called  the  Kinj^'s  Invulnerables.  The  prince  of  Tontrhoo 
established  his  head-qu:irters  at  Pegu,  and  the  prince  of 
Sarrawaddy  took  post  at  Donoopeu,  upon  the  great  river, 
about  sixty  miles  from  Rangoon. 

"  In  the  beginning  of  August,  the  prince  of  Sarrawaddy 
sent  down  a  force  to  occupy  a  strong  post  at  the  mouth  of 
the  Pegu  river,  a  few  miles  below  Rangoon,  giving  his 
people  strict  orders  to  block  the  channel  of  the  river  in 
our  rear,  that  not  one  of  the  '  wild  foreigners,'  or  '  cap- 
tive strangers,'  might  escape  the  punishment  that  was 
about  to  overtake  them.  Sir  Archibald  Campbell  pre- 
sently detached  a  small  corps,  under  Brigadier  Smelt,  to 
dislodge  Sarrawaddy 's  warriors.  Our  land-troops  were 
brought  to  a  stand-still,  when  within  musket-shot  of  the 
place,  by  a  deep  and  impassable  creek ;  but  a  party  of 
sailors  from  his  Majesty's  ship  Lame,  under  Captain 
Marryat,  threw  a  bridge  over  the  creek ;  and  soon  as  the 
column  of  attack  pushed  forward,  the  enemy  began  to 
fl}',  leaving  eight  guns  and  a  quantity  of  ammunition  in 
their  stockade.  A  strong  pagoda,  with  a  numerous  gar- 
rison, and  with  cannons  pointing  down  every  approach, 
was  next  carried  with  equal  facility.  Otlier  ports  on  the 
rivers  and  creeks  were  successively  and  successfully  at- 
tacked. Such  of  the  enemy  as  had  had  any  experience  of 
our  way  of  fighting  seldom  stopped  to  fight  in  their 
stockades,  but  a  new  set  of  people  from  the  interior  made 
a  good  stand  in  a  succession  of  stockades  on  one  of  the 
rivers,  and  cost  us  the  loss  of  a  good  many  brave  men. 
These  affairs  of  posts  were  very  mumerous. 

"  At  last  the  astrologers  told  the  prince  of  Sarrawaddy 
that  the  stars  had  told  them  that  the  moment  was  come 
for  a  decisive  action ;  and  on  the  night  of  the  30th  of 
August,  a  body  of  the  King's  Invulnerables  promised  to 
attack  and  carry  the  Great  or  Golden  Dagon  Pagoda,  in 
order  that  the  princes,  and  the  sages  and  pious  men  in 
their  train,  might  celebrate  the  usual  annual  festival  in 
the  sacred  place — a  ])lace  now  crowded,  not  with  Bouges, 
but  with  English  grenadiers.     And,  true  so  far  to  their 


188  THE   INVULNERABLES.  [II.  6. 

promise,  the  Inrulnerables,  at  the  hour  of  midnight, 
rushed  in  a  compact  body  from  the  jungle  under 
the  pagoda,  armed  with  swords  and  muskets.  A  small 
picquet,  thrown  out  in  our  front,  retired  in  slow  and 
steady  order,  skirmishing  with  the  Inviilnerables  until 
they  reached  the  flight  of  steps  leading  from  the  road 
up  to  the  pagoda.  The  moon  was  gone  down,  and  the 
night  was  so  dark  that  the  Burmese  could  be  dis- 
tinguished only  by  a  few  glimmering  lanterns  in  the 
front ;  but  their  noise  and  clamour,  their  threats  and 
imprecations  upon  the  impious  strangers,  if  they  did  not 
immediately  evacuate  the  sacred  temple,  proved  their 
number  to  be  very  great.  In  a  dense  column,  they  rolled 
along  the  narrow  pathway  leading  to  the  northern  gate  of 
the  pagoda,  wherein  all  seemed  as  silent  as  the  grave. 
But,  hark  !  the  muskets  crash,  the  cannons  roar  along  the 
ramparts  of  the  British  posts,  drowning  the  tumult  of  the 
advancing  column ;  and  see — see  by  the  flash  of  our  guns, 
the  column  reels  back,  the  Invulnerables  fall  mortally 
wounded,  and  the  rest  turn  their  backs  on  the  holy 
place,  and  run  with  frantic  speed  for  the  recovery  of  the 
jungle.  Invulnerables  ventured  no  more  near  any  of  our 
posts.  But  the  dysentery  broke  out  among  our  troops, 
killing  many  of  them,  and  reducing  more  to  a  most 
emaciated  and  enfeebled  state.  Scarcely  three  thousand 
duty  soldiers  were  left  to  guard  our  line.  Floating  hos- 
pitals were  established  at  the  mouth  of  the  river  ;  bread 
was  now  furnished  in  sufficient  quantities,  but  nothing, 
except  change  of  season  or  of  chmate,  could  restore  the 
sufferers  to  health.  Mergui  and  Tavoy,  portions  of  our 
recent  conquests  on  the  sea-coast,  were  represented  by  the 
medical  officers  who  visited  them  as  admirable  conva- 
lescent stations  ;  and  thither  a  number  of  the  people  were 
sent,  and  with  the  most  beneficial  residt." 

Thus  will  the  personification  of  plain,  blunt  valour  ever 
overcome  such  as  have  no  real  courage,  and  are  upheld 
only  by  superstition  and  credulity. 


I 


CHAPTER    VII. 


1824—1825. 

Battle  of  Kyklod — Thantabaiii — Maha  Bundoola — Successes  of  the  British 
— Discomfitiu-e  of  Maha  Bundoola — Canijjbell  marches  into  the  interior 
— Arrival  at  Donabew  —  Repulse — Death  of  Bundoola— Capture  ol 
Donabew. 

October  began  very  inauspiciously.  Colonel  Smith, 
with  about  eight  hundred  men,  was  detached  against 
Kykloo  on  the  5th,  and  at  Tadaghee  he  was  successful 
against  a  stockade.  It  was  not  until  he  had  reached 
this  place  that  he  found  the  enemy  was  much  stronger 
than  was  suspected.  The  colonel  immediately  applied  for 
reinforcements,  but  he  obtained  only  native  troops  and 
two  Europeans.  Two  howitzers  were  sent  with  the 
Madras  troop,  which  increased  the  number  of  cannon  to 
four.  With  this  force,  inadequate  enough  to  anything 
effectual,  Smith  arrived  before  the  Burmese  stockades  at 
Kykloo  on  the  7th  of  October. 

The  breastworks,  which  impeded  the  attack  of  the  prin- 
cipal fortifications,  were  soon  in  the  hands  of  the  British. 
The  principal  stronghold  was  an  intrcnchment,  jvith  a 
fortified  pagoda.  Major  AVahab  was  placed  in  charge  of 
the  storming  party.  Captain  Wilson  was  directed  to 
assault  the  stockades  in  flank  ;  and  a  division  of  the  28th 
native  infantry  was  to  carry  the  pagoda ;  and  Colonel 
Smith  took  charge  of  a  reserve  party,  to  act  wherever  it 
was  most  needed. 

On  the  advance  of  Major  Wahab,  a  voUey  was  fired 
from  the  pagoda ;  but  the  stockaded  Burmese,  who 
seemed  to  have  been  superhumanly  cunning  for  Burmese, 
waited  until  certain  destruction  might  be  dealt  from  their 
position,  when  they  commenced  firing  with  the  greatest 

f)recision.  Major  Wahab  and  his  men  were  obli":ed  to 
ie  flat  on  the  ground  to  avoid  the  peppering.  Like  ill- 
fortune  attended  the  efibrts  of  all  the  other  divisions,  and 
on  a  retreat  being  sounded,  the  men  took  to  fhght.     The 


190  KYKLOO.  [II.  7. 

loss  on  this  occasion  was  twenty-one  killed,  and  seventy- 
four  wounded.  Ilowever,  this  reverse  was  counter- 
balanced by  the  success  of  Major  Evans,  at  Thantabain, 
where  the  llrst  minister  of  state,  the  Kyee  Woongyee,  was 
posted.  After  sliirmishing  with  the  war-boats  on  the 
river,  the  detachment  arrived  opposite  the  village,  which, 
after  a  brisk  fire,  soon  surrendered  on  the  8th  of  October. 
Next  morning  the  principal  stockade  was  attacked,  and 
carried  without  any  opposition.  Tlie  Burmese  having 
always  carried  ofi"  their  dead,  it  was  impossible  to  find  out 
how  many  were  killed  in  the  encounter ;  but  the  place 
was  riddled  with  shot,  and  a  bungalow  in  the  centre 
almost  destroyed.  The  detachment  returned  home  with- 
out the  loss  of  a  man. 

Brigadier  M'Creagh,  too,  speedily  returned  to  the 
charge  at  Kykloo,  and  finding  the  place,  he  went  on,  and 
after  doing  much  damage,  he  returned  to  K)'kloo  and 
Hangoon.  "On  their  advance,"  we  are  told,  "they  [the 
soldiers]  had  an  opportunity  of  witnessing  the  barbarous 
character  of  the  enemy,  many  of  the  bodies  of  tlie  sipahis 
and  pioneers,  who  fell  in  the  former  attack,  having  been 
fastened  to  the  trunks  of  trees,  and  mutilated  by  imbecile 
and  savage  exasperation. ''(I) 

In  such  operations  as  these,  many  months  passed  awa}'. 
Every  successive  encounter  Avith  the  British  troops  gave 
the  Burmese  an  additional  hint  that  they  must  tax  their 
energies  to  the  utmost  in  order  to  bring  about  a  tolerable 
issue.  It  might  now  be  seen  that  the  choicest  troops  of 
the  empire  must  be  opposed  to  the  British  invaders  who 
had  so  coolly  taken  up  their  quarters  among  them ;  and 
in  the  secrecy  with  which  they  summoned  Bundoola,  the 
great  general  of  the  age,  in  their  estimation,  from  Ara- 
khau,  they  showed  much  diplomatic  genius  ;  for  ere  Sir  A. 
Campbell  knew  he  was  coming,  he  was  at  Donabew,  and 
actively  employed  in  concentrating  all  the  available  force 
of  Burmah  and  Laos.  It  was  about  the  end  of  August 
when  he  left  Arakhan,  and  in  November  everything  was 
prepared  for  a  vigorous  effort.  "Tso  pains  nor  expense 
were  spared  to  equip  this  favourite  general  for  the  field, 
and  by  the  approach  of  the  season  for  active  exertions,  it 
was  estimated  that  fifty  thousand  men  were  collected  for 
the   advance  upon   E^ngoon,  who  were  to  exterminate 

(1)  Wilson's  Burmese  War,  p.  105. 


11.  7.]  KEMENDINE.  191 

the  invaders,  or  carry  them  captives  to  the  capital,  where 
the  chiefs  were  already  calculatiug  on  the  number  of 
slaves  who  were,  from  their  source  of  supply,  to  swell 
their  train.  Reports  of  the  return  of  the  Arakhan  amiy 
soon  reached  Eaujj^oon,  but  some  period  elapsed  before  any 
certainty  of  its  movements  was  obtained.  By  the  end  of 
November,  an  intercepted  despatch  from  Bundoola,  to  the 
governor  of  Martaban,(l)  removed  all  doubt,  and  an- 
nounced the  departure  of  the  former  from  Prome,  at  the 
head  of  a  formidable  host.  His  advance  was  hailed  with 
deli^^ht,  and  preparations  were  made  immediately  for  his 
reception. "(2)  (rradually  and  slowly  the  Burmese  posts 
were  stretched  close  to  Ban^oon,  Dalla,  Kemendine,  the 
Shoo  Dat^on  to  Puzendown  creek,  and  no  opposition  was 
ofiered  to  their  operations.  By  the  end  of  December 
their  careful  and  costly  preparations  were  completed.  On 
our  part  there  was  little  fear.  Determination  was  the  rulinj^ 
sentiment  in  every  bosom,  and  extraneously  there  was  also 
no  want  of  protection  by  fortifications  and  shipping. 

The  enemy  commenced  by  attacking  Kemendine  on  the 
1st  of  December,  but  were  repulsed  by  Major  Yates,  and 
Captain  llyers,  of  H. M.S.  Sojphia;  and  though  throughout 
an  aggressive  skirmishing  was  carried  on,  fatiguing  our 
troops  considerably,  yet  the  advantage  remained  on  our 
side.  Fire-rafts,  sent  down  in  great  numbers,  had  no 
effect,  as  our  seamen  were  on  the  look-out. 

From  the  1st  to  the  5th  constant  sallies  were  made 
under  able  commanders,  and  many  of  the  posts  regained 
from  the  enemy.  The  Burmese  showed  no  want  of  activity, 
yet,  as  a  recent  writer  observes,  "little  harm  was  efl'ected 
by  this  show  of  activity  ;  but  as  the  Buvmau  force  could  no 
longer  be  permitted  to  harass  the  troops  with  impimity, 
and  it  was  not  impossible  for  them  to  escape  from  the  con- 
sequences of  a  defeat,  the  commander-in-chief  resolved  to 
become  the  assailant,  and  terminate  the  expectations  in 
which  they  had  hitherto  been  permitted  to  indulge. "(3) 
jN'ow,  at  length,  had  the  time  arrived  when  the  primary 
intentions  of  the  general  might  be  carried  out, — now,  in- 
deed, was  that  grand,  resistless  march  to  begin  which  finds 

(1)  It  may  be  as  well  to  state,  that  about  this  time  Colonel  Godwin, 
alter  a  gallant  resistance,  took  Martaban  for  the  ttrst  time ;  it  has  since 
been  piven  up  to  the  Burmese  ;  l)ut  in  this  last  war  it  was  ay;ain  taken  pos- 
ses^sion  of,  and  it  is  now  in  our  liands. 

(2)  Wilson,  pp.  106,  107.  (.3)  Wilson,  p.  I1:J. 


192  IJETliEAT  TO   DONAUEW.  [II.  7. 

no  parallel  in  the  history  of  any  nation  of  modern  times 
save  our  own.  Sallies  were  continually  made, — the  men 
spared  no  nerve, — the  officers  no  thought, — aU  was  bent 
upon  the  OTand  idea  of  driving  the  enemy's  vast  army 
back  into  the  heart  of  the  land  whence  it  had  come.  First, 
the  Burmese  posts  at  Puzendown  were  taken  au  point  de 
Vepee  by  Majors  Sale  and  Walker,  the  latter  of  whom 
fell  during  the  contest, — then  the  division  at  Dalla  was 
routed  by  Lieut. -Colonel  Farrier  and  Lieut.-Colonel  Parlby. 
Maha  Bundoola  himself  began  to  be  afraid  of  the  redoubt- 
able ''  foreigners,"  and  retired  from  the  active  direction  of 
the  battle-field,  giving  up  the  executive  command  to  Maha 
Thilwa,  formerly  governor  of  Asam,  who  stockaded  his 
troops  four  miles  to  the  north  at  Kokein.  Emissaries 
were  now  set  at  work  to  destroy  Bangoon  by  fire,  and 
half  of  it  was  burnt,  including  the  official  quarter  of  the 
Madras  commissariat.  It  became  necessary  to  dislodge 
this  body,  and  it  was  accordingly  done  under  the  direction 
of  General  Campbell.  In  fifteen  minutes  the  strong 
stockades  were  in  the  possession  of  the  British,  and  thus 
fifteen  hundred  determined  men  put  to  the  rout  twenty 
thousand — for  such,  it  appeared,  was  the  enemy's  force — 
with  only  the  loss  of  eighteen  killed,  though  many  were 
wounded.  During  these  engagements  the  greatest  terror 
was  excited  by  the  Diana  steam-packet,  by  the  aid  of 
which  many  war-boats  were  captured.  "  The  Burmans," 
concludes  Wilson,  "  no  longer  dared  attempt  offensive 
operations,  but  restricted  themselves  to  the  defence  of 
their  positions  along  the  river ;  and  the  road  was  now  open 
to  the  British  army,  which,  agreeably  to  the  policy  that 
had  been  enjoined  by  the  events  of  the  war,  prepared  to 
dictate  the  terms  of  peace,  if  necessary,  witliin  the  walls 
of  the  capital. "(1) 

Maha  Jiuudoola  was  so  dispirited  by  the  events  of  the 
last  few  davs,  that  he  retreated  to  Donabew  again,  and 
concentrated  his  forces  at  that  place.  His  proud  heart 
was  broken,  however,  and  he  began  to  treat  with  the 
British  residents  at  Eaugoon ;  however,  he  would  not 
make  any  direct  advance  to  the  officials,  with  whom  alone 

(1)  Burmese  War,  p.  119.  My  limits  do  not  admit  of  my  speaking  much 
of  the  war  in  Arakhan,  which  was  yet  luidetermined .  I  shall  content 
myself  with  referring  to  Macfarlane,  Wilson,  and  other  historians,  merely 
adding,  that  the  conquest  of  the  pronncc  was  completed  by  the  end  of 
April,  1825, 


II.  7.]  THANTABAIN.  193 

a  formal  peace  could  be  concluded.  It  was  intimated  to 
him  that  he  should  pursue  such  a  course,  but  he  returned 
no  answer  to  the  letter,  probably  fecUng  reassured  by  an 
accession  of  forces.  The  countiy  being  now  clear,  it  ap- 
peared to  Sir  A.  Campbell  that  an  immediate  advance 
should  be  made  into  the  interior;  and  the  arrival  of 
H.  M.'s  47th  and  some  other  reinforcements  placed  him 
in  a  position  of  being  able  to  do  so  without  fear  of  losing 
anything  behind  him.  On  the  11th  of  February,  after  the 
dispersion  of  the  Burmese  garrison  in  the  fort  of  Syriam, 
the  army  was  at  liberty  to  move.  All  fear  of  insurrection 
on  the  part  of  the  conquered  provinces  was  at  an  end,  as 
the  Peguers,  the  principal  inhabitants  of  the  district,  had 
deserted  to  the  side  of  the  British. 

The  prehminary  movement  of  the  army  was  the  dis- 
lodgment  of  the  advanced  guard  of  the  native  army  at 
Thantabain,  which  was  effectually  done  by  Colonel  God- 
win. This  done,  the  army  began  its  march  in  three  divi- 
sions ;  one,  under  General  Campbell  himself,  was  to  pro- 
ceed by  land,  and  left  Eangoon  on  the  13th  of  February, 
1825 ;  the  next  went  by  water  up  the  Irawadi,  on  the 
16th  ;  and  the  third,  under  the  command  of  Major  Sale, 
set  out  for  Bassein,  which  it  was  proposed  first  to  occupy, 
on  the  17th.  Brigadier  M'Creagh  stayed  in  garrison  with 
the  reserve  of  feeble  or  iuvaUd  men. 

The  water-column,  after  having  taken  and  destroyed 
several  stockades  in  its  way,  arrived  before  Donabew  on 
the  6th  of  March  ;  Brigadier-General  Cotton  immediately 
summoned  the  garrison  to  surrender,  a  summons  which 
was  of  course  useless.  A  party  was  then  sent  to  recon- 
noitre ;  and  though  the  Burmese  poured  a  heavy  fire  upon 
our  men,  a  complete  knowledge  of  the  neignbourhood 
was  gained. 

"  The  fortified  post  of  Donabew  was  of  considerable 
extent  and  breadth,  situated  on  the  right  bank  of  the 
Irawadi,  and  commanding  its  whole  channel.  The  main- 
work  was  a  stockade  parallelogram  of  one  thousand  by 
seven  hundred  yards,  which  was  a  Httle  withdrawn  from 
the  bed  of  the  river,  on  a  bank  rising  above  its  level.  The 
river  face  mounted  fifty  pieces  of  ordnance,  of  various 
sizes.  The  approach  to  the  main  structure  from  the 
south  was  defended  by  two  outworks,  one  about  four 
hundred  yards  lower  down  the  river,  and  another  about 
three  hundred  yards  below  it.     Each  was  constructed  of 

0 


194  ATTACK   OF   DONABEW.  [II.  7. 

square  beams  of  timber,  provided  with  platforms,  and 
pierced  for  cannon,  and  was  strengthened  by  an  exterior 
fosse,  the  outer  edf^o  of  which  was  guarded  with  sharp- 
pointed  timbers,  planted  obliquely,  and  a  thick  abatis  of 
felled  trees  and  brushwood.  The  lowest  outwork  was  a 
square  of  about  two  hundred  yards,  with  a  pagoda  in  the 
centre  ;  the  highest,  of  an  irregular  shape,  running  along 
the  bank  of  a  ri^^llet  flowing  into  the  main  stream  ;  both 
works  were  occupied  with  strong  parties  of  the  enemy. "(1) 
The  first  stockade  was  attacked  by  the  six  hundred  men 
yet  at  General  Cotton's  disposal  (the  rest  being  in  garri- 
son, or  with  the  flotilla),  and  was  gained  by  the  loss  of 
twenty  of  our  men.  The  faithless  Burmese  fled,  leaving 
two  hundred  and  eighty  of  their  comrades  in  the  hands  of 
the  enemy.  But  at  the  second  stockade,  a  determined 
resistance  met  the  fatigued  troops,  already  clogged  and 
weakened  by  the  care  of  the  numerous  prisoners.  A 
destructive  fire  was  opened  on  them,  and  the  only  safe 
course  was  in  flight,  or,  as  it  is  named  to  "  ears  polite," 
in  a  retreat.  General  Cotton,  therefore,  receded  to  Yoong- 
yoon,  where  he  awaited  the  answer  to  his  account  of  tKe 
proceedings  from  General  Campbell,  who,  in  the  mean 
time,  had  arrived  at  Yuadit,  twenty-six  miles  above 
Tharawa.  That  answer  was  delivered  by  the  general 
himself,  who  joined  Cotton  before  Donabew  by  the  27th 
of  March,  after  much  vexation  and  toil.  (2)  Operations 
were  immediately  commenced ;  and  notwithstanding 
numerous  sorties  (on  one  occasion,  Bundoola  himself 
headed  his  seventeen  elephants  and  infantry),  they  ad- 
vanced their  works,  and  fatal  were  the  effects  of  the 
mortars  and  bombs  that  were  thrown  into  the  thickly- 
peopled  inclosure.  The  feeling  of,  fear  grew  strong  with 
the  Burmese  ;  and  on  the  evening  of  the  31st,  a  soldier 
brought  a  laconic  letter  from  Bundoola,  couched  in  these 
terms : — "  In  war  we  find  each  other's  force  ;  the  two 
countries  are  at  war  for  nothing,  and  we  know  not  each 
other's  minds! "(3)  It  seemed  from  what  the  soldier 
knew  of  the  matter,  which  was  very  little,  that  the  Bur- 
mese general  desired  peace.  Very  doubtful  is  the  authen- 
ticity of  this   letter,  when   compared  with  the  spirited 

(1)  Wilson,  p.  i;.^. 

(2)  I  may  here  nwution,  that  the  author  of  Two  Years  in  Ava  has  en- 
riched his  book  by  an  excellent  and  complete  plan  of  the  fortress  and  works 
of  Donabew,  which  I  most  heartily  recommeud  to  the  student  of  military 
science.  (M)  Mac  Farkme's  India,  p.  4~9- 


II.  7.]  DEATH    OF   BUNDOOLA.  195 

reply  sent  to  General  Willoughby  Cotton's  summons  of 
surrender.  '*  We  are  each  fiojliting  for  our  country,  and 
you  will  Hud  me  as  steady  in  defending  mine,  as  you  in 
maintaining  the  honour  of  yours.  If  you  wish  to  see 
Donabew,  come  as  friends,  and  I  will  show  it  you.  If 
you  come  as  enemies,  Land  !"  (1) 

On  the  1st  of  April  the  batteries  opened,  and  by  the 
2nd  the  enemy  had  decamped.  It  was  discovered  that 
Bundoola  had  met  his  death  on  the  preceding  day,  by  the 
bursting  of  a  shell.  All  the  courage  of  the  Burmese  war- 
riors had  fled  with  his  departing  spirit.  The  greatest 
general,  since  the  golden  days  of  Alompra,  the  devoted  to 
Buddha ;  he  had  won  his  way  to  the  most  responsible 
position  in  the  king's  service,  only  to  be  singled  out,  as  it 
were,  by  some  supernatural  power,  as  the  victim  of  the 
fireballs  of  the  persevering  islanders  of  the  far-off  ocean. 
1^0  wonder,  then,  that  the  superstitious  Burmese,  on 
beholding  the  fate  of  their  commander,  gave  themselves 
up  for  lost.  What  a  mysterious  power  the  English 
seemed  to  have  of  singling  out  the  head  of  their  army, 
and  destroying  him !  So  they  fled,  and  the  British 
became  masters  of  Donabew,  where  they  found  much 
welcome  supply  of  corn  and  military  stores.  Notwith- 
standing the  momentary  panic  of  the  Avan  government, 
it  soon  regained  its  customary  arrogance.  The  JEdin- 
burgh  Eevieio  has  some  remarks,  which,  though  rather 
premature  for  our  progress  in  the  history,  I  shall  here 
introduce. 

"  But  blood  and  treasure  might  be  still  more  unprofit- 
ably  expended.  The  ignorance  and  arrogance  of  the  court 
of  Ava  are  almost  beyond  occidental  credence.  When 
its  favourite  general,  Bundoola,  invaded  Chittagong,  our 
southernmost  district,  at  the  commencement  of  the  last 
war,  he  brought  with  him  golden  fetters  to  bind  Lord 
Amherst  withal ;  and  had  orders,  after  he  had  taken  Cal- 
cutta, to  march  on  to  take  London  !  Defeat  after  defeat 
seemed  to  produce  little  sobering  effect  upon  the  drunken- 
ness of  Indo-Chinese  pride  ;  the  officers  who  were  fiying 
before  our  army  in  its  advance  upon  the  capital,  and  who 
must  have  felt  the  utter  hopelessness  of  the  contest,  were 
obliged,  as  their  intercepted  letters  vouched,  to  account  in 
the  most  absui'd  manner  for  their  inability  to  stop  us  ;  and 

(U  Wilson's  Burmese  War,  p.  191. 

o  2 


196  THE   EDINBITBGH    BEVIEW.  [II.  7. 

tlie  unfortunate  wretch  who  commanded  the  troops  that 
made  the  last  stand  against  us,  at  a  place  called  Pagahm 
Mew,  was  trampled  to  death  by  elephants  on  his  return 
with  the  news  of  his  defeat,  tt  was  not  until  our  army- 
arrived  within  three  days'  march  of  the  capital  that  the 
king's  eyes  appeared  to  be  opened  to  any  rational  sense  of 
his  perilous  situation ;  and  there  was  evidence  enough, 
before  we  evacuated  the  country,  that  the  effect  even  of 
such  severe  discipline  as  the  exaction  of  a  million  sterling 
towards  the  expenses  of  the  war,  and  the  cession  of  some 
of  his  most  valued  provinces,  was  not  likely  to  be  jier- 
manent."(l) 

(1)  Edinburgh  Review,  vol.  Ixxi.  p.  35&. 


CHAPTER    VIII. 
1825—1826. 

Arrival  at  Prome — Prome  under  English  rule — Re-assembly  of  the  Burmese 
armies — Negotiations  for  peace — Battle  of  Meaday — Melloon — Yandabo 
—Treaty  of  peace. 

The  general  did  not  tarry  long  at  Douabew,  but  pushed 
forward  toward  Prome,  where  the  rainy  season  was  to  be 
passed.  On  his  way  to  that  place,  he  was  joined  at  Tha- 
rawa  by  McCreagh's  reserve  column  from  Rangoon,  and 
the  united  forces  pushed  forward  for  Prome.  The  charm 
was  now  broken,  and  as  the  British  lines  advanced,  the 
prince  of  Tharawadi,  at  the  head  of  the  opposing  army, 
fell  back,  and,  though  strong  in  numbers,  oflfered  no  re- 
sistance to  the  progress  of  the  Anglo-Indian  army.  Prome 
was  reached  by  the  25th  of  April,  and  taken  without  one 
round  of  firing.  The  indecisive  conduct  of  the  prince 
seems  to  have  arisen  partly  from  a  wish  to  negotiate  a 
peace,  which  was  attempted  at  Turriss  Miu,  a  few  miles 
below  Prome.  A  native  soldier  came  to  the  camp  with  a 
letter  from  two  of  the  Atwenwoons,  proposmg  an  accom- 
modation ;  but  Sir  A.  Campbell  replied,  that  at  all  events 
he  should  advance  to  Prome :  and  though  another  letter 
was  received  from  the  Atwenwoons,  he  continued  in  his 
resolve.  Luckily  for  him,  he  arrived  in  time  to  save  the 
place  from  being  stripped  of  all  the  necessaries  of  life,  in 
the  same  manner  as  the  towns  he  had  before  passed  had 
been  served.  On  hearing  of  the  arrival  of  Campbell, 
Prince  Tharawadi  left  for  Ava,  to  insist  upon  a  peace 
being  concluded. 

The  British  had  only  just  arrived  in  time  to  stand  the 
change  of  the  seasons  in  this  place, — a  more  favourable 
spot  than  the  lower  country  for  that  purpose.  Previous 
to  the  setting  in  of  the  rainy  season,  the  thermometer 
had  risen  in  the  shade  to  110^,  but  the  nights  Mere  still 
cool,  and  the  climate  was  not  unhealthy.  The  monsoon 
brought  its  ordinary  eflfects   upon  the  condition  of  the 


198  PEOME.  [II.  8. 

European  troops,  who,  tliougli  suffering  much  less  se- 
verely than  at  Kangoon,  lost  almost  one-seventh  of  their 
number  between  June  and  October ;  the  native  troops 
were  much  more  exempt,  although  not  wholly  free,  from 
disease.  Although  the  level  of  the  country  was  higher 
than  in  the  coast  districts,  yet  the  site  of  the  town 
was  so  low  as  to  be  under  water  at  the  rise  of  the  river, 
and  to  the  east  extended  for  many  miles  a  plain  laid  out 
principally  in  rice-cultivation ;  south  of  the  town  was  a 
range  of  low  hills,  crowned  by  the  principal  pagodas, 
and  thither  some  of  the  troops  were  removed,  w  hen  the 
suburbs  in  which  they  had  been  quartered  were  found 
liable  to  sudden  inundations  ;  supplies  were  in  some 
abundance,  and  there  was  comparatively  little  demand  for 
the  active  services  of  the  force ;  it  seems  probable,  there- 
fore, that  much  of  the  disease  that  still  prevailed  was  the 
consequence  of  previous  exposure  and  exhaustion,  although 
ascribable  in  some  measure  to  the  effects  of  climate  and  of 
ill-selected  quarters  for  the  troops. (1) 

It  were  almost  beyond  the  limits  of  this  volume  to  en- 
large upon  the  prosperous  state  of  Prome  under  British 
rule,  and  Mr.  Mac  Farlane's  able  sketch  will  compensate  in 
every  way  for  my  own  shortcomings.  In  speaking  of  an 
excursion  made  by  Colonel  Graham,  partly  for  forage,  and 
partly  to  cabn  the  fears  of  the  natives  themselves,  the 
historian  of  India  continues  :  (2) — "Almost  immediately 
after  their  return,  the  persecuted  and  dislodged  inhabitants 
of  the  town  poured  in  from  every  quarter,  some  from  the 
woods,  bringing  their  families,  their  cattle,  their  waggons, 
and  other  property  ;  and  some  escaped  from  the  military 
escorts  and  disjointed  corps  of  the  king's  fugitive  army. 
Food  and  covering  were  given  to  the  starving  and  naked  ; 
and  those  who  had  houses  and  property  wore  secured  in 
the  possession  of  them.  Our  British  soldiers  assisted 
them  in  rebuilding  their  wooden  houses  and  their  bamboo 
huts,  and  in  a  very  short  time  Prome  had  risen  from  its 
ashes,  a  greater  town  than  it  had  been  before  the  war.  As 
the  people  were  punctually  paid  for  whatever  they  brought, 
plentiful  bazaars  were  soon  estabhshed,  and  our  soldiers 
lived  in  comfort  and  abundance,  and  unmolested  ease ; 
while  the  ill-conducted  armies  of  the  king  of  Ava,  unpaid, 
unsupplied,  and  driven  up  the  country,  were  left  to  the 

(1)  Wilson,  Biirmcse  War.  p.  ISl.  (2)  British  India,  p.  485. 


II.  8.]  ATTACK    OF    OLD    PEGU.  199 

alternative  of  starvatiou  or  dispersion.  The  towns  and 
districts  in  ovir  rear  followed  the  example  of  the  provincial 
capital,  and  the  banks  of  the  Irawaddi  below  Prome  were 
soon  enlivened  by  the  presence  of  a  contented  people. 
An  excellent  depot  was  soon  formed  at  Prome,  with  sup- 
plies sufficient  not  only  for  the  rainy  season,  but  for  the 
lonuj  campaign  which  possibly  mi2;ht  follow.  The  plains 
wliicli  our  soldiers  had  traversed  on  their  advance  up  the 
country  without  seeing  a  single  bullock  were  again  covered 
with  numerous  herds ;  from  every  pathway  of  the  deep 
and  extensive  forests,  which  cover  far  more  than  half  of 
the  country,  droves  of  the  finest  oxen — the  oxen  of  Pegu 
— now  issued  daily.  The  menthagoes,  or  hereditary  head- 
men of  the  districts  and  chief  towns,  tendered  their  alle- 
giance, and  were  restored  to  their  municipal  functions  by 
the  British  generals.  A  state  of  desolation  and  anarchy 
once  more  gave  way  to  order  and  plenty  ;  and  from  Ean- 
goon  to  Prome,  from  Bassein  to  Martaban,  all  classes  of 
natives  not  only  contributed  their  aid  in  collecting  such 
supplies  as  the  country  afibrded,  but  readil}'  lent  their 
services  in  facilitating  the  equipment  and  movement  of 
military  detachments.  (1)  The  only  anxiety  which  the 
people  seemed  to  find  was,  that  the  English  would  leave 
them,  and  give  them  back  to  their  old  masters." 

It  was  now  the  rainy  season,  and  the  operations  of  both 
parties  were,  to  a  certain  extent,  suspended.  Little  was 
done  by  the  British,  and  the  Burmese  made  no  prepara- 
tions against  any  hostile  aggression  on  our  part.  The 
only  event  that  at  all  did  away  with  the  tedium  of  the 
period  was  the  discomfiture  of  the  Thekia  AVungyee  at 
Old  Pegu,  where  the  Talicns,  who  trusted  (a  sad  reliance, 
as  it  afterwards  was  found)  in  the  British  assistance 
towards  the  hoped-for  object  of  the  recovery  of  their 
independence,  rose,  and  seized  as  many  of  the  officers 
of  Lis  detachment  as  they  could  secure ;  one  chief  of 
importance  was  amongst  them, — the  Thekia  Wungyee 
himself  escaping.  Their  prize  they  brought  to  llangoon, 
and  delivered  to  Brigadier  Smith. 

The  successes  of  the  British  naturally  created  the 
utmost  dismay  at  the  metropolis  ;  but  the  native  arrogance 

(1)  "  In  the  month  of  Aupnst,  Sir  Archibald  Campbell  went  down  to 
Rangoon,  and  returned  from  that  place  tu  Prome,  in  the  ^team-vessel  the 
Diana,  with  as  much  case  and  tranquillity  as  we  {jo  from  Limdon-bridgo 
to  Ramsgate  and  back  again."— Mac  Farlane. 


200  POECES   OF   THE   BURMESE.  [II.  8. 

of  the  people,  so  common  in  a  semicivilised  race,  soon 
caused  the  usual  lofty  tone  to  be  assumed,  and  generals 
stepped  forward,  "willing  to  risk  a  combat  with  the  British 
army,  or  pay  the  hard  penalty  that  awaited  an  unsuccess- 
ful commander.  This  man  was  the  Pagahm  Wungyee, 
a  chief  of  no  little  consequence  and  considerable  vanity. 
A  leader  found,  it  was  necessary  to  get  an  army, — a  far 
more  difficult  task.  It  may  easily  be  conceived,  that  the 
forces  levied  in  a  hasty  manner,  and  without  any  attention 
as  to  their  courage,  could  not  be  very  formidable ;  and  so, 
indeed,  it  proved  on  reconnoissance. 

But  war  costs  money,  as  Sir  A.  Campbell  found,  and  he 
was  now  fully  sensible  of  the  fact,  that  httle  was  to  be  re- 
gained from  the  enemy.  Therefore,  he  gave  the  Burmese 
government  another  opportunity  of  coming  to  a  peaceful 
conclusion,  by  means  of  a  letter  addressed  to  the  prince 
of  Tharawadi,  and  borne  by  a  servant  of  that  person,  who 
had  come  under  English  protection  to  Prome.  However, 
it  was  totally  unavailing ;  no  answer  was  received,  and 
therefore  the  hostile  preparations  of  the  king  of  Ava  were 
continued ;  and  to  facilitate  these,  the  commander-in-chief 
went  down  to  Eangoon  in  the  Diana,  and  did  not  return 
till  the  2nd  of  August.  It  was  satisfactory  to  find  that, 
in  the  lower  provinces,  "  a  state  of  desolation  and  anarchy 
once  more  gave  way  to  order  and  plenty  ;  and  from  Bas- 
sein  to  Martaban,  and  Rangoon  to  Prome,  every  class  of 
natives  not  only  contributed  their  aid  to  collect  such 
supplies  as  the  country  could  afibrd,  but  readily  lent  their 
services  to  the  equipment  and  march  of  military  detach- 
ments." (1) 

Soon  after,  intelligence  was  received  of  the  approach 
of  the  mighty  armament  of  Burmah,  amounting  to 
40,000  men  (so  it  was  said),  under  the  command  of 
Memia-Bo,  a  brother  of  the  king  himself  There  were 
also  12,000  at  Tongho,  under  the  prince  of  Tongho. 
General  Cotton  was  sent  to  reconnoitre  their  force,  which 
he  discovered  at  Meaday,  on  the  loth,  on  the  west  bank 
of  the  river.  Our  forces,  it  may  be  observed,  amounted 
to  but  3,0(X)  men,  though  2.<MX)  more  were  daily  expected. 
The  preparations  at  Meaday  were  very  energetic,  and  the 
force  amounted  to  16,00()  men,  at  the  lowest  estimate. 

At  this  juncture,  a  letter  of  Sir  A.  Campbell  took  effect 

(1)  WilscHi's  Burmese  War,  p.  196. 


II.  8.]  ARMISTICE.  201 

on  the  Burmese,  and  on  the  Gth  September,  a  boat 
arrived  at  Prome,  with  a  flag  of  truce,  and  two  commis- 
sioners presented  a  reply  from  the  general  of  the  Burmese 
army.  Accounts  differ  as  to  the  terms  of  the  letter,  but 
Wilson  is  decidedly  the  best  authority ;  and  according  to 
him,  the  letter  was  proud  and  unconciliating,  yet  a  wish 
was  expressed  in  it  for  a  lasting  peace.  "  Sir  Archibald 
Campbell  lost  no  time  in  sending  two  British  oflScers  to 
Meaday,  to  offer  an  armistice,  and  to  propose  a  meeting 
of  commissioners  from  the  two  armies.  The  Burmese 
prime  minister  tried  hard  to  delay  the  meeting.  It  was 
found  necessary  to  allow  a  delay  of  nearly  two  weeks,  the 
Wongees  protesting  that  they  must  wait  until  full  powers 
arrived  from  their  court.  The  Keewongee,  or  prime 
minister,  agreed  to  be  one  of  the  commissioners,  and  it 
was  finally  settled  that  the  meeting  should  take  place  at  a 
spot  midway  between  the  two  armies,  and  that  each  party 
should  be  accompanied  by  600  men,  the  rank  of  the 
Keewongee  not  permitting  him  to  move  with  a  smaller 
escort."  (1) 

It  seemed,  however,  impossible  to  come  to  any  deter- 
mination with  this  uncivilised,  changeable  race.  On  dis- 
cussing matters,  on  our  demanding  compensation,  there 
was  much  hesitation,  and,  at  last,  when  the  armistice  was 
on  the  point  of  expiring,  the  Wungyee  sent  these  words 
to  Sir  A.  Campbell : — 

"  If  you  wish  for  peace,  you  may  go  away  ;  but  if  you 

ask  either  for  money  or  territory,  no  friendship  can  exist 

^^etween  us.     This  is  Burmese  custom." 

/       It  is,   indeed,   Burmese   custom !    Nothing    is    to    be 

:    obtained  from  them  without  force  ;  not  that  they  do  not 

feel  the  demand  just,  but  because  they  will  hold  doggedly 

to  what  they  can  get,  though  it  benefit  them  not,  nay, 

even  if  it  be  hurtful. 

"The  court  of  Ava,"  observes  "Wilson,  "indignant  at 
the  idea  of  conceding  an  inch  of  territory,  or  submitting 
to  what,  in  oriental  politics,  is  held  a  mark  of  excessive 
humiliation,  payment  of  any  pecuniary  indemnification, 
breathed  nothing  but  defiance,  and  determined  instantly 
to  prosecute  the  war."  (2)  It  was  then  that,  on  the  nu- 
merous incursions  of  the  Burmese,  the  definite  reply 
was  returned  to  the  British  commander-in-chief,  proving 

(1)  Mac  Farlane's  British  India,  p.  487.  (2)  Wilson,  p.  209. 


202  BATTLE    OF    MEADAY.  [II.  8. 

that,  after  all,  the  advances  made  by  the  Burmese  were 
only  made  to  gain  time. 

The  gallant  general  now  determined  to  advance  boldly 
on  the  enemy.  His  forces  now  amounted  to  5,0()<^  men, 
of  whom  3,0(.X)  were  Britisli.  Up  to  the  1st  of  December, 
operations  were  rather  unfavourable  than  otherwise ;  on 
that  day,  however,  tickle  fortune  again  turned  over  to  the 
English  side.  I  shall  give  the  events  of  the  day  in  the 
words  of  Wilson  :  (1) 

"  Leaving  four  regiments  of  native  infantry  for  the 
defence  of  Promo,  General  Campbell  marched,  early  on 
the  morning  of  the  1st  of  December,  against  the  enemy's 
left,  while  the  flotilla,  under  Sir  James  Brisbane,  and  the 
26th  Madras  native  infantry,  acting  in  co-operation,  by  a 
cannonade  of  the  works  upon  the  river,  diverted  tlie 
attention  of  the  centre  from  the  real  attack. 

Upon  reaching  the  JS^awine  river,  at  the  village  of 
Zeonke, -the  force  was  divided  into  two  columns,  Tlie 
right,  under  Brigadier-General  Cotton,  formed  of  his 
Majesty's  41st  and  89th  regiments,  and  the  18th  and 
28th  native  infantry,  proceeding  along  the  left  bank  of 
the  river,  came  in  front  of  the  enemy's  intrenehments, 
consisting  of  a  series  of  stockades,  covered  on  either  flank 
by  thick  jungle,  and  by  the  river  in  the  rear,  and  defended 
by  a  considerable  force,  of  whom  8,000  were  Shans,  or 
people  of  Laos,  vmder  their  native  chiefs.  The  post  was 
immediately  stormed.  The  attack  was  led  by  Lieutenant- 
Colonel  Godwin,  with  the  advanced  guard  of  the  right 
column,  and  the  stockades  were  carried  in  less  than  ten 
minutes.  The  enemy  left  three  hundred  dead,  including 
their,  general,  Maha  Kemyo,  and  all  their  stores  and  am- 
munition, and  a  considerable  quantity  of  arms  were  taken. 
The  left  column,  under  the  commander-in-chief,  composed 
of  his  IMajesty's  13th,  38th,  47th,  and  87th  regiment*,  and 
38th  Madras  infantry,  which  had  crossed  the  Newine 
river  lower  down,  came  up  as  the  fugitives  were  crossing, 
and  completed  the  dispersion  of  the  Burman  army. 

"  i'ollowing  up  the  advantage  thus  gained.  General 
Campbell  determined  to  attack  tlieKyeeAVoongyee  in  his 
position,  without  delay,  llis  force  accordingly  marched 
back  to  Zeonke,  where  they  bivouacked  for  the  night, 
and  resumed  their  march  on  the  following  morning  at 
day-break.     The  nature  of  the  country  admitted  of  no 

(P  Bunnese  War,  p.  2l6. 


IT.  8.]  BATTLE   OF   MEA.DAY.  203 

approach  to  the  enemy's  defences  npon  the  hills,  except  in 
front,  and  that  by  a  narrow  pathway,  accessible  to  but  a 
limited  number  of  men  in  line.  Their  posts  at  the  foot  of 
the  hills  were  more  readily  assailable,  and  from  these 
they  were  speedily  driven  ;  but  the  attack  of  the  heights 
was  a  more  formidable  task,  as  the  narrow  road  by  which 
they  were  approached  was  commanded  by  the  enemy's 
artillery  and  breastworks,  numerously  manned.  After 
some  impression  had  been  apparently  made  by  the  artil- 
lery and  rockets,  the  first  Bengal  brigade,  consisting  of 
H.M.'s  13th  and  38th  regiments,  advanced  to  the  storm, 
supported  on  the  right  by  six  companies  of  H.M.'s  87th. 
They  made  good  their  ascent,  in  spite  of  the  heavy  fire 
they  encountered,  and  to  which  scarcely  a  shot  was  re- 
tui-ned;  and  when  they  had  gained  the  summit,  they 
drove  the  enemy  from  hill  to  hill,  until  they  had  cleared 
the  whole  of  the  formidable  and  extensive  intrenchments. 
These  brilliant  advantages  were  not  gained  without  loss  ; 
and  in  the  affair  of  the  1st,  Lieutenants  Sutherland  and 
Gossip,  of  H.M.'s  list,  and  Ensign  Campbell,  of  the  royal 
regiment,  were  killed  ;  and  Lieutenant  Proctor,  of  H.M.'s 
38th  ;  Lieutenant  Baylee,  of  the  87th ;  and  Captain  Daw- 
son, of  H.M.'s  ship  Arachne,  in  that  of  the  second.  The 
division  under  General  Cotton,  which  had  made  a  cir- 
cuitous march  to  take  the  enemy  in  flank,  was  unable  to 
make  its  way  through  the  jungle  to  bear  part  in  the  en- 
gagement. On  the  5th  a  detachment  from  it  proceeded 
across  the  river,  and  drove  the  right  wing  of  the  enemy, 
not  only  from  their  post  upon  the  river,  but  from  a  strong 
stockade  about  half  a  mile  in  the  interior,  completely 
manned  and  mounting  guns.  The  enemy  were  dispersed 
with  severe  loss  in  killed  and  prisoners,  and  their  defences 
were  set  on  fire." 

No  time  was  now  lost  in  advancing  upon  the  retreating 
army.  On  the  9th  of  December  the  march  of  the  Bri- 
tish columns  began,  and  their  path  lay  along  "  dismal 
swamps,"  and  jungles,  which,  overrun  with  every  kind  of 
reeds  and  elephant-grass,  presented  a  dreary  and  dis- 
piriting aspect  to  the  troops.  Indeed,  the  eflcct  of  the 
marshy  country  was  soon  felt  on  the  army,  for  on  the 
12th  the  cholera  broke  out  among  the  troops,  and,  accord- 
ing to  Lieutenant-Colonel  Tulloch,(l)  nearly  two  ret^iments 
■were  placed  in  an  Unfit  condition  for  action.  At  Mcaday 
the   sight  was   sad   enough.      "  Within   and  among  the 

(1)  statistical  Report. 


204  TREATY   OF   MELLOON.  [II.  8. 

stockades,"  says  Mac  Farlane,"(l)  "the  ground  -was  strewed 
with  dead  and  dying  Burmese  lying  promiscuously  toge- 
ther, the  victims  of  wounds,  of  disease,  or  of  want.  Several 
large  gibbets  stood  about  the  stockade,  each  bearing  the 
mouldering  remains  of  thi'ee  or  four  crucified  Burmese, 
who  had  been  thus  barbarously  put  to  death  for  having 
wandered  from  their  posts  in  search  of  food,  or  for  having 
followed  the  example  of  their  chiefs  in  flying  from  the 
enemy."  (2) 

I  must  pass  briefly  over  subsequent  events.  Con- 
ferences for  the  purpose  of  settling  a  peace  were  sought 
and  obtained  by  the  Burmese  ;  but  the  negotiations  came 
to  nothing.  It  seemed  that  all  feelings  of  any  kind  had 
left  them.  They  neither  sought  to  conclude  a  peace,  nor, 
on  the  other  hand,  did  they  prepare  for  contesting  the 
advance  of  the  army  on  the  capital.  At  last,  after  much 
deliberation  and  little  determination,  a  treaty  of  peace  was 
concluded  by  commissioners  appointed  for  that  purpose, 
through  the  intervention  of  a  priest.  However,  after  all, 
it  never  reached  the  king  for  his  ratification.  "  During 
the  conferences,"  however,  "  the  Burman  commissioners 
repeatedly  declared  their  being  furnished  with  full  powers, 
and  their  fii*m  persuasion,  that  whatever  they  agreed  to, 
the  king  would  ratify  ;  they  expressed  their  entire  satis- 
faction with  the  spirit  in  which  the  negotiations  had  been 
conducted  by  the  British  commissioners,  and  their  grati- 
fication at  the  prospect  of  a  speedy  renewal  of  friendly 
relations  ;  they  made  no  secret  of  their  motives,  and  frankly 
and  unreservedly  admitted  that  the  king  had  been  ruined 
by  the  war,  that  the  resources  of  the  country  were 
exhausted,  and  that  the  road  to  Ava  was  open  to  the 
British  army.  There  appears  every  reason  to  credit  their 
assertions,  and  all  who  had  an  opportunity  of  exercising 
personal  observation  were  impressed  with  this  conWc- 
tion,  that  the  negotiators  were  honest."  (3)  I  cannot, 
however,  but  point  out  to  the  reader  that  there  appears 
to  be  a  singular  dash  of  cunning  in  their  confessions. 
The  king  was  ruined,  at  least  so  they  said;  thus  it  was 
useless  ever  to  require  money  for  expenses.  Otherwise, 
there  seems  to  be  simplicity  enough. 
^    Still  the  war  was  not  at  an  cud.     The  treaty  was  not 

(1)  British  India,  p.  4(J0. 

(2)  It  may  not  be  inapposite  here  to  mentiou  that,  according:  to  a  writer 
in  the  Times  of  the  7tli  of  September,  1852,  "letters  were  found  in  the 
stockades  at  Prome,  ordering  white  slaves  to  be  sent  up  to  Ava,  for  the 
use  of  the  Ava  ladies."  (.3)  Wilson,  p.  229. 


n.  8.]  FATE   OF   THE   TEEATY.  205 

ratified  ;  nor  destined  to  be.  Time  was  asked,  and  re- 
peatedly granted  ;  but  treachery  was  found  to  bo  at  work 
afjain  in  the  Burman  hearts.  Ihey  felt  no  peace  with  the 
wild  foreigners.  At  last  they  were  told,  that  on  their 
withdrawing  from  Melloon  by  the  morning  of  the  20th, 
and  their  passage  to  Ava,  hostilities  would  not  be  recom- 
menced. But  they  refused ;  therefore  they  received  inti- 
mation of  an  attack  on  the  18th.  "  Batteries  were  accord- 
ingly erected  with  such  expedition,"  says  Wilson,  "  that 
by  ten  the  next  morning,  eight  and  twenty  pieces  of  ord- 
nance were  in  position  on  points  presenting  more  than  a 
mile  on  the  eastern  bank  of  the  Irawadi,  which  corre- 
sponded with  the  enemy's  line  of  defence  on  the  opposite 
shore ;  nor  had  the  Burmas  been  idle,  having,  in  the 
course  of  the  night,  thrown  up  additional  defences  of  con- 
siderable strength  and  extent,  and  well  adapted  to  the 
purposes  for  which  they  were  constructed."  (1) 

The  heavy  cannonade  which  ensued,  soon  drove  away 
the  fickle  Burmese,  and  crowned  the  British  armies  with 
success.  It  is  to  be  observed,  that  the  rapidity  and  pre- 
cision of  the  English  movements  insured  our  success. 
Here  was  it  discovered  that  the  treaty  had  not  been  sent 
to  Ava  at  all,  and  when  a  note  was  sent  by  the  British  to 
the  chief  commissioner,  informing  him  that  the  treaty  had 
been  left  behind  and  would  be  restored,  that  official  replied, 
that  a  large  sum  of  money  had  also  been  left  behind, 
which  he  likewise  hoped  would  be  refunded.  The  whole 
show  of  negotiation  was  a  blind  for  hostile  preparations 
of  no  avail,  as  it  was  afterwards  found. 

"  By  this  time,"  says  Mr.  Mac  Farlane,(2)  "the  Golden 
Face  was  completely  clouded  with  despair.  Every  hope 
and  every  promise  had  failed ;  every  day  fixed  upon  by 
his  star-gazers  as  a  lucky  day  had  turned  out  an  unlucky 
day  ;  and  all  his  astrologers  and  soothsayers  had  proved 
themselves  to  be  but  cheats  and  liars.  Sir  Archibald 
assured  the  two  envoys  that  he  was  desirous  of  peace, 
and  that  his  terms  would  .vary  very  little  from  those 
which  had  been  offered  and  accepted  by  the  Wongees  at 
Melloon.  He  furnished  them  with  a  statement  of  his 
terms,  and  promised  not  to  pass  Pagahm-mew  for  twelve 
days.  On  the  following  morning,  the  1st  of  February, 
1826,  the  two  delegates  quitted  the  English  camp  to 
return  to  Ava,  the  American  missionary  being  sanguine 

(1)  Burmese  War,  p.  238.  (2;  British  India,  p.  ■i02. 


206  PAGAHM-MEW.  [11.  8. 

in  liis  expectations  of  returning  in  a  few  days  with  casli, 
and  a  treaty  of  peace,  duly  signed  by  the  king.  Yet,  in 
truth,  his  Burmese  majesty  was  still  undecided,  and,  in 
the  course  of  two  or  three  days,  it  became  known  in  the 
British  camp  that  he  was  displaying  a  determination  to 
try  the  fortune  of  war  once  more  ere  he  submitted.  He 
was  probably  encouraged  herein  by  a  knowledge  of  the 
smallness  of  the  force  with  which  Sir  Archibald  Camp- 
bell was  advancing  upon  his  capital,  and  by  the  intel- 
ligence received  of  the  defeat  of  a  weak  British  detach- 
ment, before  the  strong'stockade  of  Zitoung.  in  Pegu,  where 
the  commanding  officer,  Colonel  Conroy,  and  another 
officer,  were  killed,  and  several  wounded,  and  where  the 
loss  in  men  was  very  heavy  for  so  small  a  force. 

"  Sir  Archibald  Campbell  continued  his  advance.  On 
approaching  Pagahm-mew,  a  town  about  a  hundred  miles 
above  Melloon,  he  obtained  positive  information  that  a 
levy  of  40,000  men  had  been  ordered ;  that  the  Golden 
Foot  had  bestowed  upon  his  new  army  the  flattering 
appellation  of  '  Retrievers  of  the  King's  Glory,'  and  that 
this  army  had  been  placed  under  the  command  of  a 
savage  warrior,  styled  Nee  Woon-Breen,  which  has  been 
variously  translated  as  '  Prince  of  Darkness,'  '  King  of 
Hell,'  and  '  Prince  of  the  setting  Sun.' 

"  Upon  the  8th  of  February,  when  within  a  few  days' 
march  of  Pagahm-mew,  Sir  Archibald  ascertained  that 
the  Retrievers  of  the  King's  Glory  and  the  Prince  of 
Darkness  were  prepared  to  meet  him  imder  the  walls  of 
that  city. 

"  On  the  9th,  the  British  column  moved  forward  in  order 
of  attack,  being  much  reduced  by  the  absence  of  two 
brigades,  and  considerably  under  2,000  fighting  men.  The 
advanced  guard  was  met  in  the  jungle  by  strong  bodies 
of  skirmishers  ;  and,  after  maintaining  a  running  tight  for 
several  miles,  tlie  column  debouched  in  the  open  country, 
and  there  discovered  the  Burmese  army,  from  1G,000  to 
20,000  strong,  drawn  up  in  an  inverted  crescent,  the  wings 
of  which  threatened  the  little  body  of  assailants  on  both 
their  flanks.  But  Sir  Archibald  pushed  boldly  forward  upon 
the  point  for  their  centre,  tlirew  the  whole  weight  of  his 
column,  broke  and  shattered  it  in  the  twinkling  of  an  eye, 
and  left  the  unconnected  wings  severed  from  each  other. 
The  Betrievers  of  the  King's  Glory  did  not  fight  so  well 
as  those  who  had  been  accused  of  forfeiting  his  majesty's 


n.  8.]  PAGAHM-MEVr.  207 

glory :  they  all  fled,  as  fast  as  their  legs  could  cany  them, 
to  a  second  line  of  redoubts  and  stockades,  close  under 
the  walls  of  Pagahm-mew  ;  but  the  British  column  followed 
them  so  closely,  that  they  had  little  time  for  rallying  in 
those  works ;  and  as  soon  as  a  few  English  bayonets  got 
within  the  stockades,  all  the  Burmese  went  ofl'  screammg 
like  a  scared  flock  of  wild  geese.     Hundreds  jumped  into 
the  river  to  escape  their  assailants,  and  perished  in  the 
water;   and,  with  the  exception  of  2,000  or  3,000  men, 
the  whole   army  dispersed   upon  the   spot :"   and  from 
this  time  no  opposition  was  offered  to  the  British.     The 
Burmese  were  now  wearied  out ;  their  resources,  as  it  has 
been  observed,  were  exhausted,  their  spirit  broken,  and 
while  the  court  felt  that  resistance  was  impossible,  the 
nobles  individually  saw  that  the  Company  was  a  better 
ally  than  the  sovereign  of  Ava ;  yet  it  was  still  attempted 
to  gain  some  advantage,  and  inactive  despair,  succeeded 
by  active  flight,  showed  the  English  what  the  general 
sentiment  of  the  Burmese  nation  was.     As  a  means,  how- 
ever,  of  gaining    some   little   advantage,   the  European 
prisoners  were  retained  in  custody  by  the  nation  ;  but  at 
Yandabo  it  chanced  that  our  troops  caught  sight  of  several 
of  the  captives,  and  their  misery  caused  the  troops  to  be 
more  anxious  than  ever  for  vengeance  upon  the  Burmese 
government.     The  two  or  three  prisoners  held  out  as  a 
bait  by  the  Burmese  monarch,  were  not  of  much  avail. 
The  same  sum  of  twenty-five  lacs  of  rupees  was  demanded, 
and  the  Burmans  had  to  pay  ;  shuffling  was  of  no  use. 

"  After  halting  two  or  three  days  at  Pagahm,"  says 
Wilson, (1)  "  General  Campbell  resumed  his  march,  which 
now  seemed  likely  to  conduct  him  to  the  capital  of  Ava. 
There,  one  feeling  alone  prevailed,  and  although  various 
reports  were  thrown  out,  at  one  time  of  the  intention  of 
the  king  to  defend  the  city  to  the  last  extremity,  and  at 
another  to  protract  the  war  by  flying  to  the  mountains, 
these  purposes,  if  ever  conceived,  originated  in  the  anxiety 
of  the  moment,  and  were  never  seriously  entertained. 
The  king  and  his  ministers  felt  that  they  were  in  the 
power  of  the  British  ;  and  their  only  anxiety  was  that  the 

Eersonal  dignity  and  security  of  the  sovereign  should  not 
e  violated.    It  was  witli  as  much  satisfaction  as  astonish- 
ment, therefore,  that  they  learned  from  Mr.  Price,  on  his 

(1)    PujfC  -Jjj. 


208  TEEATY   OF   TANDABO.  [II.  8. 

return  from  Ava,  that  the  British  commissioners  sought 
to  impose  no  severer  terms  than  those  which  had  been 
stipulated  in  the  treaty  of  Melloon.  To  these  there  was 
now  no  hesitation  to  accede,  although  a  lurking  suspicion 
was  still  entertained  that  the  invaders  would  not  rest 
satisfied  with  the  conditions  they  professed  to  impose. 
With  a  mixture  of  fear  and  trust,  Mr.  Price  was  again 
despatched  to  the  British  camp  to  signify  the  consent  of 
the  Burman  court  to  the  terms  of  peace ;  and  Mr.  Sand- 
ford  was  now  set  wholly  at  liberty,  and  allowed  to  accom- 
pany the  negotiator  to  rejoin  his  countrymen.  These 
gentlemen  returned  to  camp  on  the  13th  of  February ; 
but  as  the  envoy  had  brought  no  official  ratification  of  the 
treaty,  Sir  A.  CampbeU  declined  suspending  his  march 
until  it  should  be  received." 

Thus,  at  Yandabo  the  British  were  met  by  the  return- 
ing envoy  bearing  the  money,  and  the  rest  of  the  required 
despatches.  On  the  26th  of  February,  the  memorable 
treaty  of  Yandabo  was  drawn  out,  and  by  it  British 
ascendancy  in  the  farther  peninsula  of  India  fuUy 
established. 

In  order  that  the  reader  may  be  fuUy  acquainted  with 
the  bearings  of  our  negotiations  at  Yandabo,  I  shall  here 
give  the  treaty  in  extenso,  from  a  late  official  document. (1) 

"  Treaty  of  Peace  between  the  Honourable  East- 
India  Company  on  the  one  part,  and  his  Majesty  the 
king  of  Ava  on  the  other,  settled  by  Major-General  Sir 
Archibald  Campbell,  K.C.B.  and  K.C.T.S.,  commanding 
the  expedition,  and  senior  commissioner  in  Pegu  and  Ava  ; 
Thomas  Campbell  Robertson,  Esquire,  civil  commissioner 
in  Pe^u  and  Ava ;  and  Henry  Ducie  Chads,  Esquire 
(captam),  commanding  his  Britannic  Majesty's  and  the 
Honourable  Company's  naval  force  on  the  Irrawaddy 
river,  on  the  part  of  the  Honourable  Company ;  and  by 
Men"yee-Maha-Men-Klah-Kyan-Tcn  Woon^yec,  Lord  of 
Lay-E^aeng,  on  the  part  of  the  king  of  Ava ;  who 
have  each  communicated  to  the  other  their  full  powers ; 
agreed  to  and  executed  at  Yandaboo,  in  the  kingdom  of 
Ava,  on  the  24th  day  of  February,  in  the  year  of  our 
Lord  1826,  corresponding  with  the  fourth  day  of  the 
decrease  of  the  moon  Taboung,  in  the  year  1187,  Man- 
dina  era  :— 

(1)  Papers  relating:  to  the  Hostilities  with  Bunrvah.  Presented  to  both 
Houses  of  Parliament  by  her  Majesty's  command,  June  4,  1852,  pp.  87-89- 


II.  8.]  TliEATY   OF    PEACE.  209 

"  Article  I. — There  shall  bo  perpetual  peace  and 
friendship  bet\A'oen  the  Honourable  Company,  on  the  one 
part,  and  His  Majesty  the  King  of  Avaon  the  other. 

"  Article  II. — His  Majesty  the  King  of  Ava  renounces 
all  claims  upon,  and  will  abstain  from  all  future  inter- 
ference with,  the  Principality  of  Assam  and  its  depen- 
dencies, and  also  with  the  contiguous  petty  states  of 
Cachar  and  Jyntia.  AVith  regard  to  Munipore,  it  is 
stipulated,  that  should  Ghumbheer  Singh  desire  to  return 
to  that  country,  he  shall  be  recognised  by  the  King  of 
Ava  as  rajah  tlieroof. 

"  Article  III. — To  prevent  all  future  disputes  re- 
specting the  boundary-line  between  the  two  great  na- 
tions, the  British  Government  will  retain  the  conquered 
provinces  of  Arracan,  including  the  four  divisions  of 
Arracan,  Eamree,  Cheduba,  and  Sandowey,  and  His 
Majesty  the  King  of  Ava  cedes  all  rights  thereto.  The 
Annonpecteetonmien,  or  Arracan  Mountains  (known  in 
Arracan  by  the  name  of  Yeornabourg  or  Pokhengloung 
range),  will  henceforth  form  the  boundary  between  the 
two  great  nations  on  that  side.  Any  doubts  regarding  the 
said  line  of  demarcation  will  be  settled  by  Commissioners 
appointed  by  the  respective  Governments  for  that  pur- 
pose, such  Commissioners  from  both  powers  to  be  of  suit- 
able and  corresponding  rank. 

*'  Article  IV. — His  Majesty  the  King  of  Ava  cedes  to 
the  British  Government  the  conquered  Provinces  of  Yeh, 
Tavoy,  Mergui,  and  Tenasserim,  with  the  islands  and 
dependencies  thereunto  appertaining,  taking  the  Saluen 
Hiver  as  the  line  of  demarcation  on  the  frontier.  Any 
doubts  regarding  their  boundaries  will  be  settled  as  speci- 
fied in  the  concluding  part  of  Article  III. 

"  Article  V. — In  proof  of  the  sincere  disposition  of 
the  Burmese  Government  to  maintain  the  relations  of 
peace  and  amity  between  the  nations,  and  as  part  indemni- 
fication to  the  British  Government  for  the  expenses  of  the 
war,  His  Majesty  the  King  of  Ava  agrees  to  pay  the  sum 
of  one  crore  of  rupees. 

"  Article  VI. — No  person  whatever,  whether  native 
or  foreign,  is  hereafter  to  be  molested  by  either  party,  on 
account  of  the  part  which  he  may  have  taken,  or  have 
been  compelled  to  take,  in  the  present  war. 

"  Article  VII. — In  order  to  cultivate  and  improve  the 
relations  of  amity  and  peace  hereby  established  between 

p 


210  TREATY   OF.  PEACE.  [II.  8. 

the  two  Governments,  it  is  agreed  that  accredited  Mini- 
sters, retaining  an  escort  or  safeguard  of  fifty  men,  from 
each,  shall  reside  at  the  Durbar  of  the  other,  who  shall 
be  permitted  to  purchase,  or  to  build  a  suitable  place  of 
residence,  of  permanent  materials,  and  a  Commercial 
Treaty,  upon  principles  of  reciprocal  advantage,  will  be 
entered  into  by  the  two  High  Contracting  powers. 

"Article  VIII. — All  public  and  private  debts  con- 
tracted by  either  Government,  or  by  the  subjects  of  either 
Government,  with  the  other  previous  to  the  war,  to  be 
recognised  and  liquidated  upon  the  same  principles  of 
honour  and  good  faith  as  if  hostilities  had  not  taken 
place  between  the  two  nations  ;  and  no  advantage  shall  be 
taken  by  either  party  of  the  period  that  may  have  elapsed 
since  the  debts  were  incurred,  or  in  consequence  of  the 
war ;  and,  according  to  the  universal  Law  of  Nations,  it 
is  further  stipulated,  that  the  property  of  all  British  sub- 
jects who  may  die  in  the  dominions  of  his  Majesty  the 
Xing  of  Ava  shall,  in  the  absence  of  legal  heirs,  be  placed 
in  the  hands  of  the  British  Resident  or  Consul  in  the  said 
dominions,  who  will  dispose  of  the  same  according  to  the 
tenour  of  the  British  law.  In  like  manner,  the  property 
of  Burmese  subjects,  dying  under  the  same  circumstances 
in  any  part  of  the  British  dominions,  shall  be  made  over 
to  the  Minister  or  other  authority  delegated  by  his  Bur- 
mese Majesty  to  the  Supreme  Government  of  India. 

"Article  IX. — The  King  of  Ava  will  abolish  all  exac- 
tions upon  British  ships  or  vessels  in  Burman  ports,  that 
are  not  required  from  Burman  ships  or  vessels  in  British 
ports  :  nor  shall  ships  or  vessels,  the  property  of  British 
subjects,  whether  European  or  Indian,  entering  the  Ean- 
goon  river,  or  other  Burman  ports,  be  required  to  land 
their  guns  or  unship  their  ruaders,  or  do  any  other  act 
not  required  of  Burmese  ships  or  vessels  in  British  ports. 

"  Article  X. — The  good  and  faithfid  ally  of  the  Bri- 
tish Government,  his  Majesty  the  Xing  of  biam,  having 
taken  a  part  in  the  present  war,  will,  to  the  fullest  extent, 
as  far  as  regards  his  Majesty  and  his  subjects,  be  included 
in  the  above  treaty. 

"  Article  XI. — This  treaty  to  be  ratified  by  the  Bur- 
mese authorities  competent  in  the  like  cases,  and  the 
ratification  to  be  accompanied  by  all  British,  whether 
European  or  native  (American),  and  other  prisoners,  who 


II.  8.]  TEEATY   OF   PEACE.  211 

vrill  be  delivered  over  to  the  British  Commissionera ;  the 
British  Commissiouers,  on  their  part,  en^aj^ing  that  the 
said  treaty  shall  be  ratified  by  the  Right  Honourable  the 
Governor-General  in  Council,  and  the  ratification  shall  be 
delivered  to  his  Majesty  the  King  of  Ava  in  four  months, 
or  sooner  if  possible  ;  and  all  the  Burmese  prisoners  shall, 
in  like  manner,  be  delivered  over  to  their  own  Govern- 
ment as  soon  as  they  arrive  from  Bengal." 

Subsequently,  the  following  article  was  added  : — 
*'  The  British  Commissioners  being  most  anxiously  de- 
sirous to  manifest  the  sincerity  of  their  wish  for  peace, 
and  to  make  the  immediate  execution  of  the  fifth  article 
of  thi§  treaty  as  little  irksome  or  inconvenient  as  possible 
to  His  Majesty  the  King  of  Ava,  consent  to  the  following 
arrangements,  with  respect  to  the  division  of  the  sum 
total,  as  specified  in  the  article  before  referred  to,  into 
instalments  ;  viz.,  upon  the  payment  of  twenty-five  lacs  of 
i-upees,  or  one-fourth  of  the  sum  total  (the  other  articles 
of  the  treaty  being  executed),  the  army  will  retire  to 
Kaugoon  ;  upon  the  further  payment  of  a  similar  sum  at 
that  place,  within  one  hundred  days  from  this  date,  with 
the  proviso  as  above,  the  army  will  evacuate  the  do- 
minions of  His  Majesty  the  King  of  Ava,  with  the  least 
possible  delay  ;  leaving  the  remaining  moiety  of  the  sum 
total  to  be  paid  by  equal  annual  instalments  in  two  years, 
from  tliis  24th  day  of  February,  1826,  A.D.,  through  the 
Consul,  or  Eesident  in  Ava,  or  Pegu,  on  the  part  of  the 
Honourable  the  East-India  Company." 

Since  the  conclusion  of  this  treaty,  little  has  occurred 
in  the  kingdom  of  general  interest,  as  far  as  we  are  con- 
cerned, until  the  recent  war.  From  the  year  1820  to  our  own 
day,  revolution  has  overthro^^^l  revolution,  and  the  same 
spirit  is  at  work  at  present  as  in  the  days  of  the  creator  of 
Burmese  importance,  Alompra,  with  this  difference,  that 
while  at  that  period  the  turbulent  elements  disturbing  the 
peace  of  the  peninsula  could  in  some  measure  be  con- 
trolled, as  there  was  a  man  of  consummate  talent  and 
great  power  capable  of  so  doing,  there  is  now  no  one  ;  and 
further,  that  if  we  do  not  annex  the  country,  there  is  not  a 
doubt,  but  that  we  shall  find  a  disadvantage  in  not  having 
done  so.  In  the  first  place,  the  trade  with  the  country 
will  be  destroyed  by  the  hardness  of  the  officials  ;  and, 
secondly,  it  has  not  been  forgotten  by  the  Peguese,  that 


212  EDINBLJEGH   EEYIEW   OX   THE   WAR.  [II.  8". 

we  foully  betrayed  them  in  1827.  They  are  now  giving 
us  another  trial:  let  us  show  that  we  are  worthy  of 
confidence. 

I  shall  now  close  this  sketch  of  the  fortunes  of  the 
Burmese  nation  with  a  few  remarks  made  during  a  former 
crisis  by  an  Edinburgh  reviewer,  as  they  will,  no  doubt, 
be  found  somewhat  applicable  to  the  present  time  :(1) — 

"  The  difficulty  of  dealing  with  inflated  barbarians,  and 
of  resisting  the  constant  provocation  to  chastise  them,  not 
merely  into  civility,  but  into  the  due  observance  of  their 
federal  obligations,  and  the  necessary  restraint  of  the 
plundering  propensities  of  their  subjects  upon  our  borders, 
is  extreme. 

"  Yet  the  dire  necessity  of  entering  upon  another  war 
with  such  enemies  must  be  contemplated  with  unmixed 
dislike.  There  is  nothing,  either  of  honour  or  profit,  to 
be  gained ;  and  the  process,  from  the  nature  of  the 
country,  and  the  remoteness  of  its  vital  parts  from  the 
stations  of  our  troops,  must  always  be  tedious  and  expen- 
sive. The  seat  and  strength  of  the  government  is  fixed 
almost  at  the  upper  extremity  of  the  long  valley  of  the 
Irrawaddy.  The  capital  is  six  or  seven  hundred  miles 
from  the  sea.  The  lower  part  of  the  valley  is  a  pestilen- 
tial swamp  during  a  considerable  portion  of  the  year. 
Though  the  shorter  route  to  the  capital,  over  the  Arracan 
mountains,  would  unquestionably  be  taken  by  our  main 
army,  the  expense  of  transporting  a  considerable  body  of 
troops,  with  an  adequate  supply,  not  only  of  military 
appurtenances,  but  of  provisions  (for  the  Burmese  proved, 
to  our  cost,  in  the  last  war,  that  they  could  effectually 
sweep  the  country  of  all  resources),  throu^-h  such  wilder- 
nesses, and  by  such  mere  footpaths,  would  necessarily  be 
great.  These  were  the  circumstances  which,  joined  with 
much  ignorance  and  carelessness,  rendered  the  last  war 
so  tedious  and  costly." 

(1)  Edinburgh  Review,  vol.  Ixxi.  p.  356. 


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14  DAY  USE 

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