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THE 

CAMBRIDGE 
MODERN HISTORY 



CAMBRIDGE UNIVERSITY PRESS WAREHOUSE, 

C. F. CLAY, Manager. 

ftonben: FETTER lane, E.C 

•laisfal IS, WELLINGTON STRSKT. 




KrinCfl r. A. BROCKHAUS. 
Ok EOaatt: HACHILLAN AND CO., Ltd. 



[in Jtlffhu rafrvtd.] 



THE 

CAMBRIDGE 

MODERN HISTORY 

// 

PLANNED BY 

THE LATE LORD ACTON LL.D. 

RKGIUS FROrESSOR OF UODERH HISTORY 

EDITED BY 

A. W. WARD LiTT.D. 

G. W. PROTHERO LiTT.D. 

STANLEY LEATHES M.A 



VOLUME X 

THE RESTORATION 



CAMBRIDGE 

AT THE UNIVERSITY PRESS 

1907 







PUimD BV JOHN CLAY, M.A 
AT TBI DNITBUITY PUSS. 



PREFACE. 



I 



. 



AS we advance towanls modem times, our tiwk murt nocds become 
^^ more difficult. The hum of mateml frcHn which history has to 
be eonstmcted grows constantly grcatcT ; nnd the sources have not yet 
been collated and coordinated so thoroughly as in eurlier periods. The 
political struggles of the early nineteenth century .itill uvrake living 
passions and touch burning controversies of to-day. llie scene is 
nearer to our eyes; proportion and perspective are in consequence 
more difficult to preserve. On the other hand, fur this period, the 
authentic records arc fur the most part now aoccitsible, though its yet 
imperfectly woHced; for periods still later they will be dosed to us, 
except in so far as a more liberal system may lead bo the removal 
of unnecessary restrictions. 

The unity of action and interests which chnractcriscs the history of 
Europe in the Nfipoleontc period still surviveH for itonic years after 
the Kmjjeror'n fall. For seven years the attempt was made to govern 
European relations, and the affairs of individual States, by common 
action concerted in European conclave. The epoch during which this 
unifying ctTort was maintuncd a surveyed in a separate chiiptcr of this 
volume ; for once, it is actually possible to treat the hi.itury of Europe 
as a single whole; and international relations group Lhtrmselteii as the 
affairs c^ an inchoate Confederation. But national aspirations soon 
shntiertd this ideal, the individunli^ policy of Great Britain largely 
oontributiiig to the rupture. Thus in the later part of the period 
international relations must be studied in connexion with pai-ticiilar 
questions: more especially, with that of South America, with the 
Eastern Question, and with the problems presented by the various 
revolutions ai>d by the un.ttab1e puliticttl equilibrium of the L-ountriea 
of southern Europe. The grouping of the Powers varies as each new 
(jucstion arises. Meanwhile the evolution of the modem State proceeds 

<i3 



Ti 



Pr^aee. 



and can be studied best in the Unitvd Kingdom, where the most 
momentous problems were auccf.i.sfiilly and peiicufully solved, and also, 
at diSereiit stages, in France and Gennuny. In Russia alone among 
the Great Powers reaction seems more evident thai) progress; and th« 
dreams of Alexander are found to have produced QO tangible efiect. 
This volume closes on the threshold of other and greater changes, whose 
effect on the European polity in not yet exhausted. 

We have been fortunate in securing tfie cooperation uf distinguished 
foreign scholars for chapters which deal witJi the alfairs of Prance, 
Italy, Spain, Russia, and Poland. Economic changes and eoonoraic 
thought liave received due attention ; and place has been found for the 
gTMtt literary movements In England, France, and Germany. In some 
ctix» a retrospect has enabled us to do justice to developments which 
it wan difficult to consider in conjunction with the tumultuous politics 
of the Revolutionary and Napoleonic eras. 

Russian and Polish orthography have presented a difficult problem. 
Tile compromise between a phonetic and the native spelling which we 
have adopted i« not and cnnnot be in all re!ti>ecti mtisfuctory ; but the 
correct native spelling of Polittli names would involve the use of au 
alpliabct unknown to moat of our readers; and a purely phonetic ^M 
spelling would be too great a deviation from customary usage. In one ^^ 
caw: we have tlclibcralely retained the familiar German triuixl iteration, ^j 
General Diebitsch might not have been i«cogniscd as Dybica. ^| 

Our cordial thanks are due to all those who ha** cooperated with ^* 
us in this portion also of our enterprise for tlie gi«nt pains which 
they have taken in contributing to its progress. 

A. W. W. 

G. W. P. 
S. L. 



CAaBBiDaa, 

Aprii, xm. 



TU 



TABLE OF CONTENTS. 



CHAPTER I. 



THE CONGRESSES, 1815-22. 

By W. AusoN FHiLLin, M.A., formerly Senior Scholar of 

St John's CoU^^, Oxford. 

WAam 

Napoleoa sad the federation of Europe 1 

The Congren of Vieniw. Idea of a ceutnl conttttution for Europe 2 

Birtb of the Concert of Europ* 3 

Revnlaion from the ideas of the French Revolution ... A 

The romantic and the religious reaction S 

Hm teaching of de Maittre 6 

The Grand Alliance of the Four Foiren 7 

Predominance of Alexander 1 of Ruana S 

Triampb of the Caalition It 

The Holy Allianea . . 10 

Relatione of Europe and France as defined in the TreatlM of 

November, 181A 11 

Castlereagh and the "European SyBtem" 13 

Reaction. The problem of Fiance 13 

Evacuation of France 14 

The Conference of Aix-la-Chapelle lA 

Propoeal for a genetal Alliance. Viewa of Alexander and Mettemioh 16 

Attitude of Great Britain 17 

The reeutting compromise ........ 18 

Scope of the Conference. Slave-trade and pinoy ... 19 

WeakneM of the Concert Alarmist nunouia .... SO 

Mistmit of Ruisia. Vacillation of Alexander .... 21 

Treaty of Frankfort The Carlabad Decree* .... 22 

Change in Alexander's attitude 23 

Rebellion in Spain and at Naples 24 

Movements for and against a further Conference ... SO 

Mettemich accepts the Conference 26 

Great Britain and the Conference of Troppau .27 

The Protocol of Troppau. Caatlaresgb'a protest ... 28 

The Conference of I^lbach 20 

Division In Europe 30 

The £kstam Question. French policy in Spain .... 31 

Heetiog of Mettemich and Castlereagh at Hanover ... 32 

Congress of Verona. Questions at issue S3 

Attitude of Great Britain at Verona 34 

The Spanish Qneetion 34 



VUl 



Content*. 



(ircnt Britnin ^Widons the Concert ...... 36 

Tht- jiuliuy of Cuiaiupr. Nou-iuterveutioit 37 

From VeroQ* to the ReTolotion of July 38 

Roui^ition of the Soutli American Krpublics. Breakdown of 

tbe geueral AllUuuo 39 

CHAFrER II. 

THE IMKTRINAIRES. 

Bj Lady BLEXNEEMAsserr. 

NapotMn and tfie phUosoplifn 40 ' 

llin Idfologw* Biid U>« Ant Rcfltonttion 41 

Tliv Conntitutionnt Mun&rirliUU. Roy«ir.CalUr4 . , , , 4S 

Guiuit buuald, L>e Moistro 43 

lAnifinnni*. ReK^ioiio intolorniire. J»iii« XVIII at Client . 44 

'llic Kcoond Ilnstn ration lUiH thn liberaU 4fi 

Opponnn ptutie*^ ITie Wbito Terror, 'llm " Chamhm MrouviW 44 

BMlputiOD of Talltyraitd. T)ia Mtiiintry of Richelieu . 47 

Tlin (■'hiimher aiiil it* pnnitivo mf-nAiires . . , . ■ 48 

Electontl project* 40 

IX-maridii of the niraa aiid of the Powem .... M 

Election of a tiew C>iaiul>er 51 

A DOW Rlfictornl \av. The nfime of " Poctrlnalree " . . ftS 

Their leadt^rn and thuir principlca 63 

Divergenci-Kauioiii; the Doctrinaires. AUiauceof Ultnuandlibentlt fi4 

RrfomM in the army S$ 

'I'ho Coiicnnlnt. The end of tht> foroijtn oornpatlon ... 06 

Fall of Richeli«u «7 , 

Th« MiuiMr)' of Decaieu uud th« C1iaiDb«n .... 
liberty of the rrmw. Prnpoiul* for an amiifoity 
R^xif^iiutiuii of Royi-r-C'oUard. I^tcctiun of 1810 

Dlflli^iiUiot of Decas«« and de Serro 

Iteconstiuction nf the Minwtry 

Klurder of tlie Duke of Berry. Fall of DecaROi ... 99^ 

Richelieu's Aocond Miiilstry 64 

New (ilcctoral propnuli. Altituito of d* Serre . ■ . . 6* 

Debater in thu Chamber ........ 48 

PJectoral w.heuie amended and puaed 67 

Royalist reaction 08 

Foreign complicatioiu 60 

Defeat of Richelieu. VUld« Prime Minuter .... 70 



CHAPTER III. 



REACTION AND RKVOLUTION IN FRANCE. 

By EuiLE Bohrgkois, Proreerar in th« Utiiveniity of Pant. 

Summary of the preccdiiiic period 71 

The Royalirt and religious r«iictinn. Cbateoiibrinnd'* ichemca . 72 

ModwBtion and a Royalist GoverunieuL The Cbuivh . . 73 



Contents. is. 



FAoa 

Projecta td interventioa Abroad 74 

Policy of ViliaB 76 

SappreBsion of eoiupii«cf 76 

Frew Law, New electioni 77 

The priest-partr and education. Successes of VUl^le ... 78 

ChateaubrUod and the warlike policy 79 

Interveation in Spun. Chateaubriand dimiiaMd ... 80 

Peers created. The Cluunber of Depntiee dissolred. Septennial Act 81 

Royaliflt majority. Propowd converaion of tli« French Debt . 82 

Compenaatioi) for the Emigrii 83 

Hie Religious Ordera. Opposition of the Peers ... 84 

Accession of Charles X. Fresh projects 85 

law for compensation to Smigrit 86 

Lawa relating to Religious Orders and Sacrilege ... 87 

Consecntion of Charles X. New SncceBsion I^w proposed . 88 

Betom of the Jesuita. New Press Law proposed ... 89 

Apparent buccom of VUlele. Repressive policy .... 90 

Coklition of Royalists with Liberals. Dissolntion ... 91 

Ministry of MartignBe 92 

His policy 93 

Hie Royalists condemn Martignac's moderation .... M 

The Liberals equally dissatisfied. Local self-government . . 9S 

The Coalition defeats Martjgnac 96 

The Polignac Ministry. IJbeml revolt ..... 9? 

The Algerian enterprise 98 

Address of the liberal deputies. New election .... 09 

"Die three Ordinances. Insurrection of July .... 100 

Poets and playwrights 101 

Historical novels and histories 102 

A^tali^ in literattire and art 103 



CHAPTER IV. 

ITALY. 
By Carlo Seob^, Professor in the University of Rome. 

Effects of the Revolution in Italy IM 

Anstrlan policy in Italy lOS 

Austrian role in Lombardy and Venetia 106 

Government of Parma, Modena, and Tuscany .... 107 

Piedmont. Return of Victor Emanuel 108 

The Papal States. Naples 109 

Ferdinand IV and Naples 110 

The Secret Societies. The Carboneria lU 

Revolt at Naples. A Constitution granted 112 

Ferdinand at Laibach. War breaks out 113 

Neapolitan Revolution crushed. Rising in Piedmont. . . Hi 

Carlo Alberto US 

Abdication of Victor Emannel IXg 

Failure of the rebellion in Piedmont. Conspiracies in Lombardy 

and elsewhere Jl^ 



Contents. 



CoaJwaaKtion of CoD&loBl«ri 118 

tutftmAn mMsorM in Itaijr. Tbo neroIuUou of July lit 

RMnga la Mntrml Italj ISO 

KttA «[ CMiibiiiation. MMctnl 1£| 

"Young Itnlf " and it* maUiodii 122 

RUlng ill L'aUbruk Cvlu Altxrrlii U3 

Litonturo in Italy 124 , 

Tilt ilrsnin. Historical norloi Uf i 

Tt\v litoraturiT nf rvvoll. fUvina, B«rvbvt .... U(j 

Lcopardi. Siltiu l>U[«o> m« Prigivni U7< 

Tuicaiiy. The Antolapa. Kaaiaiili 128 

iAoiontlliR oaii|{r«aM.>s. MiL-ii: 120 

Muuoiiuia uiil Ubr«ltUu lj)0 



CHAPU-ER V. 



THE PAPACY AND THK CATHOLIC CIIURCH. 

By Lady Blenkeehasseit, 

Gvly life of CoiwtM 131 

Election of Pino VII. Ilii niAtiiMM with Conmlvl ... 132 

CoaaklvT* first Adniiuiittnliaa (1800-6). HU axUa . . . 138 

ReKturatioii of tlie Psjinl government t3lJ 

CodmItI and MrttRmich. ilin oppoiition to P»or* 131.1 

CODvlri'a Khemo of nilmiiiiBtratiou 1881 

FIdaom. Cominew*. Industry 13TJ 

l^ir. JaRticot Drlj^aiiiiaKO 13n 

Opporitioii b> CoiiiAlvi. 'I'lie Concordati ISB 

Pro[)0>»lit for repc.tl of the Fr«iicli Concordat .... 140 

Orcat Britnin. Irrland. Rmaik 14tj 

SpAin. Sardinia And Piedmont. TwoAny 14 

hfapIcA. Fnnce 144' 

SattlaniMit with I'nuiee^ AustriA Aod tbo Pap« .... 144 
UiMl«nr|jiu<i)ag with CoMalri. Attempt to c«tabliah a G«rtuAu 

nAtiOBAl Chtuvh IW 

Btririnn Con<«rdnt. Extend** coneeiaiaina to tli« hicTArchy 140 

Difficulties with tiai-aria. Ptuiua 147 

llnauvtr. The Autw of tlie Upjiflr Rhino 148 

Tli« Nelhcrkiidn. SnituirUod 148 

CoDiwlvi Aud tbo revolutioUAry fnavcai«a1« UO 

Ucalbs of PioA VII Aod Conwlri Ul 

Bcaction under I«o XII. IUprcniir« policy .... lU 

BcclMiajitical rcfonn. Porci^u pulicy 1C3 

nu Vm. Gn.b-or)r XVI U4 

Birii^- in the Papal StatcA. l>emanda of tlie Poirare. . IM 

AuatrlAn and French iut«rv«utioti (1832-8) . . . . IM 

TliA Protnt of Rimiiii. Ortgln of tho UltrAmaotAae uorenMut IS7 

Afrrmhif. Ths PnncUtiocM of linu 108 

ROACUiOD AgAinft OAUJCAiiiiwi Aud FcbrouiAiiiHii . . . . IM 

GermAii ItoMAOtidAB. fUlIer. ifainahl ISO 

JoMph d« MAiMn'a D» Pap* 101 



ConicTify. xi 



PAOB 

LuMiuuii. Hi# breach with tlie hienrcli^ and the Crown . 162 

Tlie write™ of L'AtmUr 163 

The Papftcj coudemna lAmemwa 164 

The liberal Catholici and UltramontaniBin 16fi 

The Itali&n Romuitica. Gioberti 166 

Ces&re Balbo. Maaaiiiio d'Azeglio 167 

RoeminL Electian of Pins IX 168 



CHAPTER VI. 

GREECE AND THE BALKAN PENINSULA. 

By W. Alison Phillips, M.A. 

The Treaty of Bucharest, 1812 160 

The Eaatem Question. The ChrirtiaD subjects of the Porte 170 

Decline of the Ottoman Power 171 

Bise of Pashas to independence 172 

Movements towards racial independence 173 

The Hellenic movement : its literary side 174 

Turkey, Russia, and the Congress of Vienna .... 1711 

Bttairia PhiUkt. Ali of Jauioa. The Ionian Islands 176 

Great Britun and Ali. Question of Parga. Ali deposed . . 177 

Death of AIL Invasion of YpsilanlJ 178 

Defeat of Ypaiknti 179 

Rising in the Morea. Periods of the war 180 

Caoaee of the Greek success. Their superiority at sea 181 

Sympathy of Enrope. Byron 182 

Execution of Gr^orios. Attitude of Russia .... 183 

Attitude of other Powers. Canning 184 

Riudan grievances. Massacre of Scio. Dramall in the Morea . ISli 

Great Britain recognises the Greeks as belligerent* . 186 

Francis and Alezauder at Czemovitz 187 

Proposals for a Conference 188 

Conference of St Petersburg. Great Britun stands aloof . . 189 

Ibrahim in the Morea. Canning approaches Russia . 190 

Tbt Protocol of St Petenburg 191 

Revolt of the Janissaries. Treaty of Akkerman .... 192 

Inaction of the Powers 193 

Conference of London. The Porte reject* mediation . 194 

Treaty of London. Death of Canning I9ff 

Battle of Navarino 196 

Effects of the news of Navarino 197 

The Porte repudiates the Treaty of Akkerman .... 108 

WeUington's policy. Rnssia prepares for war .... 199 

Russian armies invade the Baljcan Peninsula. Capodiatrias 
Preudent of the Greek revolutionary State. Conference in 

London ...._...... 200 

French intervention. Ibrahim withdraws. Mettemich intarposee 201 

ProgreM towards settlement. Treaty of Adrianople . 202 

Queation of the boundaries of Greece 293 

Boondariea fixed. Prince Otto of Bavaria King of Greece . 204 



HI 



Contents. 



CHAPTER ML 



SPAIN. 

(181 6-M,) 

By Rafabl Altamira, Profcswr of the History of Lrw 
in the Utiivcniity of Oviedo. 

fAttS 

Ferdinxni] returns to Spitin. Bis reMtioo&ry juiliej' ... COS 

The Constitution of 1812 20S 

Pcnionnl charactCT' of tVrilinfknd ..,,,. SOT 

AbiHitutiit reaction in Spain. 11m tamariUa .... 20& 

G*rti]r'B liiiuicial reformn ........ 20ft 

IiibenJ coDSpiraciM and intturrectiOiiB SIO, 

Spain ftnd th« Par«i)[ii Powers 211 

llritish and Ituiaian iniliienc* at Madrid 21S 

Galitxi:i. Mor&. Aiuerioan revolntioDiry ngwils . 213 

Pragr«M of the reitilutJoDsrj movement 214 

Tbs Fr«emiwon« In Rpeln 21J> 

Rerolt of tlie troop*. Inaotinn of the OAremiMint . SIR 

Th« revolution aci^umpliibed 217 

The Patriotic Societies. The NaUonsl Mllltia .... 218 

The Cortea: aoti-cleriMl poliqr 210 

Division amoaj; tlie LiHt-raia. K^o ...... 220 

Ctmuneron and Ani'ieret 221 i 

"Thn Ktnjt'ii piu-biil." The Pow«.r« ...... 222 

Tlie Curtea of l)i2I. Murder of ViDu«M 228 

Riefo. tirowtog diiord#r ISA 

The Cnn)!r«M» of V«n»ii» 2SS | 

Great Britain. The other Great I'owem 228 1 

Fr«U4^h iiit«rreutiou. Tlie Kiiij; aiid tlie Cortee . . . SS7 

Ceawtitutional govemnM^t Mided 228 

111* iBtallectunl movement. Abtolatirt reactioiii. . . . 220 

Petvccution of the Liberala 290 

Carlist party. Foarth nmrriage of Ffviliiiand .... 231 

Don Carloo and Mnria (^ristlna. SitccHuion Law . 231] 

Doath of Frrdinnnd. Accrsnion of I«abul ..... 

Regeooy of Crintiiia. Quadruple AUiauce SWi 

MartioM de Iji Rou. Carliit War ...... 235-1 

Anti-monoitic tnovemcnt. Mcndiubol in power .... 23SJ 

Mondixabal'* policy aiid fall ....... 237' 

CbliM War. Progrewlre Governnient Coiutitntioa of 1837 . 238 

Moderate Government. Decliiie of Carliwn .... 2dd 

Knd of tlie Carlint War 240 

Rei-olution of 1840. Abdication of <:Ti«UiiB .... Ml 

Rule of F»i«rtor«. ItriKulier Prim 24S 

Rul« of Narvaes and tlie Moderate* 248 



Contents. xiii 



CHAPTER Vm. 

THB SPANISH DOMINIONS IN AMERIC.l. 

By F. A. Ei&KPATRicK, M.A., formerly Scholar of Trinity CoU^e. 

Ooaacdidatioii of Spuuli rnle np to 1600 244 

Orguuntloii &nd ftdminiatntion of the Spkoish Indjet . US 

Honicipftl instdtiitioiu ......... 240 

Corpontioos. Royal authority Z47 

L^ial>tion. The two Vicerojaltiea of New Spain and Peru 248 

Govenunenti and provincea 249 

I^w* and adminutration. Potoel ZBO 

Boropeani and Creoles, laxity and corruptioo .... 251 

Conflict of authorities. The Church 2fi2 

The Religious Orders. The Inquisidoa 263 

Commerce. The fieeta 2M 

Tlie great &in. The MajiiU gaUeon. Trade with China 2AS 

The 0am d» Conlratadin. Army and militia .... 2M 

Immigiation. Coatrabaad 2fi7 

Taxation. Coinage. Mining regulationa and revenue . . 258 

Foreigners in the mines. Net revenue 249 

Slavery and the slave-trade 260 

The Indian population. Mortality. E^udemics .... 281 

Govamment of the Indiana 2ffl 

Forced laboor. Humane laws 263 

R^nlation of laboor. The mila of Potosf 284 

Decrease of Indian population. Abuses 286 

Grievances and inanrrections 266 

TNipac Amaru. Reform of government 267 

Bnemmenitat, Increase of mt*tito». Indians in New Spain 268 

Hie frontiers. The missions 269 

Jesuit government in Gnaira 270 

The expnislon of the Jesuits 271 

Effect of foreign wars. Buccaneers 272 

En^iah contraband. War of 1738. Bourbon reforms . . 273 

Befbrma of the eighteenth century 274 

Increase of trade. Discontent of tbe Creoles .... 27A 

Effects of the American and French Revolutions . . . 276 

Extent and characteristics of Spanish rule 277 

Grievances of the whites. Foreign testimony .... 278 

Hie medieval spirit 279 

CHAPTER IX. 

THE EaTABUSHMENT OF INDEPENDENCE IN SPANISH AMERICA. 

By F. A. EiBJCPATRici, M.A. 

HInnda In Europe. Projects of Pitt 280 

British operations in Sootli America (1806-7) .... 281 

Vicisitudes in the history of Spun (1803-23) .... 282 

Spanish America, Ferdinand VII, and Joseph .... 283 



XIV 



Contents^ 



rAOB 
Rovolutionary roOT«meuti Ui South Americ* .... SSI 

Tlie r«ivolutiou In Hiienm A!r«8 S86 

The oikniplR of Bucaon hint foUonod 280 

Tlii^ Ari^uliue ProviucM. Cliile . ...... 

Peru. The northern countrlee. CkMcu 

lloyalid iuccgbm*. Bolivar. Bovoa Sfi8] 

SpauiiJi «xpeilitiun under Morilla 

The doithle ailvancn of !*«n Martin and BoKvU' .... 
Victorica of Sod Jlartiu uid Cochrauo . , . . , 

8«n MaKi'n In Peru. Rie* nf Ilolivaf. . , . . . 
Britiih mnrcwiarics. Hi'public o( Colombia .... 2Mi 

Buliv&r takeR up tlie U«k of 9»a MarUn (n Pent. Battle of 

Ayncui^ho .......... 28S 

Peru, Bulivin, and Columbia. Death of BoHvar. , . . S0tf J 
EHtiiuate of BoliVar and hi« itork . . ■ . . . Hit's 

UnitAriBm and FBderoliim 

ludiati re«i<it4inoe to the Revolution 

Tlio region of the llivor Plate. Artifpu 3Ml] 

The Aff^ittine Proviucea aiid Chile 901 

Polltleitl ideoe in Spnnith .AnierifA SOS 

R«vi>lt \a Mejiico. IliJolgo Kiid Morula* 903 

H«tlcaa Kcvulutioa. Iturbjde 904 

Pratlncee of (Antral Amorica. Attitude of the SpnnSsh Rq;eacy 

and CortCM MS 

The Spauiah AheolntisU aud CoiutituLioualiald .... 806 

Britiih polif}- and actiou 307 

The European Powen. Cou^rasa of Verona .... 308 
CaiiDtntt and tiie tJniltKl Statw. Tlie Mouroe tneGU^. Recog- 

nitiua of Sjoulh American indopendcnce . , . . 909 ; 



CHAPTER X. 



BRAZIL AND PORTUGAL. 

By th« Rev. Grorce Eouitkimok, M.A., formerly FvUow kbA 
IHitor of BriLtenow College, Oxford. 

The PoTtiiiniaw f^onrt Uke« niaps at Rio de Janeiro (1607) ■ 910 

Portntcnew rule in ItruiL Govommcat of Dnoi John . . 311 

Bruit nude a kiDKdom. RevuIuUuu in Portugal (1820) . 312 

SAet in Braxil. John VI retarnfi to Linbnn .... 313 

Dora Pedro Regent in Brazil 314 

Pedro par«a*d«l to ntny io Brazil. The Audradu . . . 91A 

BraxI] declared an indvpi^ndcnt Bmpiro 316 

Almoliitiiit m«veni«Dt iu Porlu^iJ. Uom Mi|;uel . . . 317 

Dom Pedro carriei) out a ccup ittuu in Braxil .... 318' 

New Coii»ljlutiou in Brazil. Peace with Portugal ■ . . 319 

Death of John VI. Pedro ghauts a Charier and ahdlnatea . 3S0 , 

British intervention. Dom Miftuol and Dona Maria da (iloria . 321 

MiKuol uMuniea the title of Kiiig SSI 

Il«i|;u of Terror. Maria in Bredl 313 

Preparation* and opcrattoodi at Teroein 8SA 



Contents. XV 



PoUe; of Franoa and England. Pedro II Emperor of Brazil . 336 

Pedro I in Europe. PrepiLratioas for war 326 

Dom Pedro in the Azores SSfl 

HIj expedition lands in Portugal 328 

The liberator tnaj besieged in Oporto 329 

Siege of C^rto 330 

The defence entrusted to Solignac and Saldanha . . . 331 

Sartorins replaced by Napier 332 

Napier destroys the Miguelirt Seet 333 

Terceira defeats the Migueliata before Lisbon .... 334 

Dom Pedro in posBeemon of Lisbon ...... 33fi 

His incoeBeea. Quadruple Alliance 336 

Higtiel leaves Portugal. Death of Pedro 337 

Reigii of Maria II. Parties in Portugal 338 

Rerolntiona of 1S42 and 1846. British inteireD^oa. TianqolUitj' 

reBtored 330 



CHAPTER XI. 

THE GERMANIC FEDERATION. 
(1B16HW.) 

By A. F. PoLLAKO, M.A., Professor of Constitutional 
History in University Collie, London. 

FUlnre of the National movement in Germany (1815-^40) . . 340 

ConfiuiOD of parties in Germany. Territorial particularism . 341 

Pnunan and Austrian policy 342 

Minor States. The Germanic Coofedemtion .... 343 

Conrtitution of the Federal State . . . . . 344 

Weakness of the Diet 34A 

First eeseion of the I>iet. The Elector of Heaae ... 346 

The Grand Duke of Sue-Weimar, "nie PreM .... 347 

Scheme for a federal army. Prussian particularism . . . 34B 

Liberalism in Prussia 348 

ConservatiTe Opposition in ProBsia. The Estates in Germany . 350 
Question of representative government in Prussia. Need of a 

practical ststeamaii in Prusria 361 

Raa^ion against Litieralism in Pmseia 3S2 

Administrative reform in Prussia. The Rhine provinces , . 3S3 

Financial reforms. Internal free trade 354 

Edncstion. Austrian policy 3U 

Conaerratiam necessary to Austria. Mettemlch's domeetio policy 366 

FEoance. Education. He Press 367 

^Foreign policy of Mettemich ' . 358 

Wontgelaa. The Bavarian Constitation 36S 

Frederick of Wurttamberg. Wangenh^m 300 

BcMtioD in Wurttemberg under William. Situalioil of Baden . 361 

Constitution of Ba4en. Nassau 362 

Other German States. Agitation in the Universitiee. The .Bur- 

tduiuclui/l movement 363 

bt 



xn 



Contents. 



PASS 

Th« Wnrtburn festival. Reaction. Akiwiiler of Romia . 3H 

llie Diunler of KaUebue 36C 

Cuufun^iiL'H at TupliU 3$9 ' 

Tli« C'Rr!dli]ul DocraM. Conlvrence *t VIefinft .... 907 

11m) ViuQua KMlutiont 368 

Wurtteiiiberi; aixi tlio minor State* 309 

Sacceat of M«lUrulcli 3T0 

SigiiB of Ubfira.! revlvni. The Ma^^jar Diet. I^dwijc I of Bnvaris 371 

Bc^iiniiiKK of tho Zollvrrria 372 

Rival Cuctoinii' Union fiillii 373 

Tb« llevolutioua of 1S30. BruiiHwick. Saxouy. Haiiover. Pruaaia 371 

Rovolulionnrjr movomont on tho Rh!n« 375 

I'lio Balgian quuatiou. (Indi<i'iUii<lin); of tliR KMtcni Po<rcr*. 

Trtaty of Ilurlui (1B33) SK 

Reutiou Id the Diet (I83£). Fraukfort [ilot .... 377 
Rspremive maaiuroa. Death of Knuicia II. Tho Zollverriit com- 

pl«to(l 378 

Haiiovur wiiarateil from Grost BriUiu. The Coiutitutjon umuUeJ 379 

Mixed Dian-iagcD iii Pniwian territory 380 

Armt of Pruioinu Ardibiahopa 381 

Attempt ai ProlMUut uuiou. Doath of Frederick Williaai lU 38S 



CHAPTER XIL 



LTTKRATTJRK JN GERMANY. 

By J. G. KonEnisoK, M.A-, B.Sc., 1'h.D., l'rofe»w>r of Geiiiiaii 
lAngimge niid Litemtitn; Id tbv Univeruty of Loodon. 

Developmoot of Oomiaa literature. Foreign InAiinx'oe , . 389 i 

Gottsch«4 and tho Swim oritici , . 3U { 

Leaiag, KtopsUiuk, aud ^Vinlaud SU 

Herdot and Uermau natloosUgin SOt 

Sbtm taid Drang. 'Vhe GMingm Diehttrband. VrrlAtr . 387 

HoiiiM. BjUreDntan of the moromeiit 388 

Gosthe'a early y«&r« In W«iiiuu' 388 

Goethe IB Itnly. Schiller 380 

Sohiller and Goetlia 301 

TliB miUiial iaflaenoe of Goethe aud SchiUer .... 38S 

Garmau cUdriciiim. Htrmann uu4 Donnhca .... 308 ; 

Schilkr'a tiia«terpiDco«. W'rltiugi of Uie Germau clMsIcal age . 3M ] 

CUMiokm and itoniautiuiKOi ,...,.. 3U . 

meaning of the word " Koniaullc" 

Aima of Roinontici]an 

The Romantic SobooL Tieck. ^Vuckeuroder .... 

NovallR, The brothers Schlegel 3W^ 

Romantic criticii;m 400 1 

The Hi-idelberg HoouutJviKtii 401 

CorapariKiii of the two |f]i<i»es of RoraauticiKin .... 401 ' 

HtlBricii rtiu KImiI. Tiio patriotic lyric ..... 403 



CoTttents. xm 



PAOB 

Developmaata from th« Roiovitic movement. Eieheadorff . 404 

Decaf of Romsnticinn. Hie Snbian poeta .... 400 

DUand. Literature in Austria 406 

Grillpsraer. The RomantieiBti and Goethe 407 

Goethe'! attitude towarda Romanticism 408 

Goetbe'i lat«r jeara and later worki 409 

Hegel. SchopenliaDer 410 

The Revolution of July and Yonnf Germany .... 411 

H«uM JoanMliam 412 



CHAFrER xin. 

RUSSIA. 

By S. AssENAZT, Ph.D., Professor in the University of Lembci^. 

Territorial acquiiitiona of Alexander I 413 

Russian revenue and currency ....,,. 414 

The RuHsian snnj and system of recruiting .... 41S 

Tlie military colonies 416 

The navy. The Council of State 417 

CodiUcation. Benthara and the Tsar. The Seuate . . . 41B 

The Committee of Ministers 419 

The MiuiEtriee. Provincial government 420 

CortuptioQ. Voika revenue* 421 

Priaona. Religion 422 

The clergy, "white," and "hlacii." The Synod. Seiapliim. 

PhotiuB 423 

Reforms in the Orthodox Church. The Concordat ... 424 

Reaction. Forced conversion 42fi 

The peamnta. Serfdom 426 

Aralccheieff. Problem of emancipation 427 

Alexander's projects of reform. The borgher class 428 

The nobility of Russia. Attitude of the nobles to the Uovemment 429 

And to the community. Education 430 

The Unirersitiea. literature 431 

Secret soeietiee. Alexander's earlier attitude to them . 432 

The grand dachy of Finland. System of government . . 433 

Prosperity of Finland. Its Constitution 434 

Reaction agunst Finnish autonomy 435 

Finnish army. The Imperial House 436 

Renunciation of Conatantine. Liberal projecta of Alexander 437 

Project of a Russian Constitution. Reaction .... 438 

Death of Alexander 439 

Nicholas and Constantine 440 

The abortive rising of December 441 

Riling in the Sonth. Treatment of the conspiratora . 442 

Sentence and penalties. Nicholas and reform .... 443 

Foreign policy of Nicholas 444 



^^^^^^^^ xviii Contents. ^H 


^^^^V CHAPTER XTV. 


J 


^^^^H FOLATE AND THE POUSH REVOLlTnOS. ^^| 


^^^^^H By S. AsKEKAzr, Ph.D. 


^^B 




p4» ^1 


^^^^^^^^1 TlMtmoiil of Pnliiiiil >t tlin Congna* of Vi«niu 


ua fl 




M8 ■ 


^^^^^^^H Thn (.'onotitittiaiD of I'olaiid. Its Liber&l cliAracter 


447 ■ 


^^^^^^^B 'llio tiraud Dulce ConKUnttn?. NovmilUolf 


44a ■ 


^^^^^^^^B KeliKlon. Rilnrjitinn. Adniiuiitr«tinn .... 


44S ■ 


^^^^^^^^H FinaiirD. 'Vhe ftrst IKot 


4fi0 ^M 


^^^^^^^^M Henetiuit (ind iw]mi[ii«lrstive repren§loD. The second Diet. 


tsi ■ 




U2 H 


^^^^^^H The "TruQ i'ot»." II10 fatriotic SocMjr .... 


453 H 


^^^^^^^^B CuiidtininBlioii of Luka^tncki aai Iub com{HUuoiu. Rd 


itiona ^H 


^^^^^^^^m botu-eeii Riui«iA» nod Poli«h foclfltlw .... 


4fi4 ■ 


^^^^^^^^1 Lubocki'i financial adminitttution. 'Ilia third Diet. The 


Uud ^^H 




IMIt^^H 




469^^1 


^^^^^^^^B Attack ou th« f«tTiatic Sucittty. Trial and mmiUiiiooi 


*&7 ■ 


^^^^^^^^L^ Nicbolnt ooncillfttes the PoIm. FaurUi Di«t 


4SB ■ 




4S9 ■ 




4S0 ■ 




4CI ■ 


^^^^^^^^^^K^ Aurtrlan policy 


401 ■ 




4S3 ■ 


^^^^^^^^^^^M Pr«p*niliaus for the Poliith Rerolution. VjnKwki 


464 ■ 


^^^^^^^^^^^1 Rffei.-t of tho t'rcnch and BclKUn RevoluticHU 


48S ■ 


^^^^^^^^^^H Itininic ill Wanaw and throughout Pohuid . 


489 ■ 


^^^^^^^^^^^B Countanttne retires. Lliloplcki Dictator 


4137 ■ 




408 ■ 


^^^^^^^^^^^1 Prejiaratiotiii of Nicbolai. DietHbtch tinter* Inland 


460 ■ 


^^^^^^^^^^^1 Battle of Grochov. Military operations 


470 ■ 


^^^^^^^^^^^1 Th« pF.uantu. inaction 


471 ■ 




47s ■ 


^^^^^^^^^^H Eod of the war. Attltadc of the i'oiren toirarila Poland 


473 ■ 




«74 ■ 


^^^^^H 


fl 


^^^^^^^H TIIR 


^H 


^^^^^^^^^B By Emilk BotntcEois. 


^^B 




479 H 


^^^^^^^^^H ProifrMH of till' ravolt. Aiitian of the Deputica . 


476 ■ 


^^^^^^^^^^H 'Die thiko of C)rl««ii« and the DcpiitiM 


47? ^1 




47a ^H 


^^^^^^^^^H Lonis-Phillppcn rharaut«r and pocitioii 


479 ^1 


^^^^^^^^^^ Revolt of Ilm Itelglmis. l\ilic]r of Lnuio-PUUippt: 


480 ■ 



ContCTiis. 



ziz 



PAOB 

TV fbreign Powem The oompact of C&rlibsd .... 481 

French andetatendmg with EngUnd. Tklleyrond . 482 

Belgium. Poland. Italy 483 

French policy of neotrslity 4S4 

Miniiti^ of Culmir Purler. Defects of the Repnhlican party . 48S 

Policy of repreeiiwi. The Legitimists 486 

liberal legiilBlion. The ami]' reorganised 487 

Policy of peace. Risings repressed 488 

Louis-Philippe and Guiiot 4S9 

Ministry of Soolt. Antwerp expediUoa. Education law . . 480 

RepubUcan movements. Rising at Lyons 491 

Measures against the Republicans 482 

Eoonomic progress. The Third Party 493 

Impulse to action abroad. Understanding with Mettemich . 494 

Tlie King, Broglie, and Thiers 49S 

Thiers and Lonis-Philippe 496 

Goizot returas to power. Giuiot and MoU .... W 

Holf B Ministry 498 

Sobemea of social refbrm. lAmennais 499 

Transformation of the Legitimist party 600 

Amnesty to Republicans and Catholics SOI 

Prosperity of France S02 

Conquest and colonisation of Algiers SOS 

Colonial policy before and under Mol£ S04 

Completion of the conquest of Algeria. Belgium . . . SOS 

The Belgian settlement. Italy. Greece fi06 

Character of Molf s Ministry 607 

Coalition against Mol^ SOB 

The national honour. Dissolution of the Chamber . . . S09 

Fall of Mol^. DifGculUes of Louia-Philippe .... 610 

Interregnum, ilising in Paris. Marshal Soult'a Ministry . . 611 

Mehemet Ali. France, England, and Rusds .... 612 

The Ministry of Thiers. Convention of the Straits ... 613 

Historians and critics S14 

Poets, dramatists, and novelists 615 

Disilluuoiunent 616 



CHAPTER XVL 



THE LOW COUNTRIES. 

By the Rev. GEoacE Edmdndsok, M.A. 

Independence of the Netherlands .... 

William of Nassau. Tbe Fundamental Law 
The Ui^ted Netherlands. The Eight Articles . 
The attitude of the Power* ...... 

The Hnndred Days. Difficulties attending the Union 
Race. Religion. Material interests .... 

Fundamental l^w for the United Netherlands 
limits and prosperity of the new kingdom . 
Bepresentatioa and administration. Dutch preponderance 



617 
618 
SIO 
620 
621 
622 
623 
624 
626 



zx 



Contents. 



FAM 

Attitude of the CnthoUc clergy AM 

Abortive Concordat. The language queaUoo .... MT 

Tbe debt New t«i«* 088 

ItnlKinii oppoution. Tbe Prtw '^i 

AtliancH of Beljriaa CathoUca and Uberalt. GriuraoM* MO'' 

Progreea of a^iuiion 631 

CampaiKti throii|tb the Pro«. Libri-Bognane . . , , 63S 

The French Knvolntion of July '^l 

Riot in Bruavels. Iiinctioii of the Government .... AM] 

The Prliioe of Orange iu BruMeU ASS 

Tie npvolulion )inpr«me in DranMls ASS 

The ltcvn!ution «prcadi thron^fhout Brlttiuin .... A37 

'Hie National CeiigrHW of Belfpuin. The Oreat IWen . A3B 

I'lie London Protocol* of Januarjr, 18J1 KSH^ 

Tlin Ei^hlprn Artirlm. Kii'K l.ci)p(ihl 

Dutch iuna-iioii under the Princu of Onn^e .... A41 

luU-rveotiuii of the French. The 21 Article* .... A4S 

^t'iltlnm rafuM* to rrcn^iw llclglan JDdepeiideace . Ati 

Final wttlemeatt of outsUuidiiig qucatioiw AM 



CHAPTER XVII 

MEHEMET AU. 

By W. Alitok Pmu-int, M.A. 

The Ennlnrn Qiiextion S4fi 

Chau^ ill KtiBsiin policy. Rwerre of Nicliohu. AM 

Rise of Meheniet Ati AJX 

U^*in«t Ali'a rnir in Eitypt S48 

Ibrahim'* inra<ioii of ^yiia HO 

SuoeeeMe of Ibnhim SAO 

Midiniid appeals to Omt Rritnln. Ibrahim at Konloh . . AOl 

Bunian mhipi in the Boiphorua ASS 

Co«i'eultO[i of Kiutjiyiih ........ SA3 

The Fort*, RiiBsi.i, and the weMern Powen, .... AS4 

The Triwty of I'nkiar Ski'li-mi . . ' . . ASA 

Rivalry of Great Britain and Kumia iii Ceiilial Asia . ■ AA8 

The Convention of Mftnchengratj; SAT 

Better rolatioDB bctwrcu Great Britain and Ruwa . . . SSB 

Revolt iu Syria reprivicd SS0 

Mahmud eager to ruitew the mir. Rei-olt Lii Allianis . . AW 

Commercial treaty with Great Hritain. C>utbreal[ of war . . SSI 

Battle of Nccih. Dcatli of Mubmud S62 

Joint action of the Pu»cni 663 

Bujula appronchca Great Brilalu AM 

France and Mchcmct .\li ........ ASA 

NcKo^'ationi bctweeu Great Britain and Fiaucc , . . . A08 

Policy of Thiers 467 

iMiUtiou and Indignation of Frnics A68 

The Convention of London. Napier at Beiruut .... ASO 

Reaignatioo of Thien. Looia-Philippe'a policjr .... S70 

ColUpw of Alehcinut Ali S7I 

The Coiiv«ntioii of the Stiwta S7S 



Contents. 



XXI 



CHAPTER XVni. 



GREAT BRITAIN. 
(1B1&-S2.) 

By H. W. V. Temfeeley, M.A., Fellow of Peterhouse. 

PJl«B 

Bttgte In the lint period kfter the Great War .... S73 

He Miiiiiti7 of Lord liverpool. The OppoaitJon ... £74 

Hie fint peace bndgeL Industrial depression .... fi7fi 

The Lnddite and other riots. The Radical MctJoni . . . S76 

Cobbett, Hunt, and Ihiatlewood. Spa Fields riot . . . fi77 

RepreaaiTe legialatiDii. The Blanketeen 67S 

Alleged general conspiracy S7S 

The Radical movement. The Preas proseentioiu . . 680 

The "Manchi^ter Manacre." The Six Acta .... 631 

Thiatlewood's plot Riot at Glasgow. Death of George III . 6S2 

George IVs Divorce Bill. Death of Caatlereagh ... £83 

^^nning sQcceedi Castlereagh. His policy SB4 

Legal and aocial reforms. Combination Latb .... fiSfi 

NavigBtion Acta. Restrictions on Colonial trade removed . . 686 

Colonial policy. Currency. Tlie gold staadard .... 6S7 

Hoskiseon's policy. The Sinking Fund. Cwtoms Dutdes . 688 

The crigii of 1826 689 

The Com Law of 1816. Changes to 1826 690 

Canning Prime Minister. Resignations 681 

New Com Iaw defeated. Death of Canning. His attitude 

towards Parliamentary Reform 602 

Hinistry of Wellington. Tert Acts and Catholic Belief . . 693 
Death of George IV. Ministry of £«rl Grey. Bentham'i 

influence 6M 

Origin of Bentham'a political views. HelvAioa. Priestley , 696 

The greatest happiness of the greatest number .... 696 

Bentham's defects, &llacie8, and incODBistenclee. Jamw Mill , 697 

Benthaiu and Parliamentary Reform. His disciplea . . S98 

Fnncis Place. Early Reform motions , . . ' . 69S 

Attitude of the Whig and the Tory parties. Coleridge. Canning 600 

Minor proposals for Reform. Macaulsy 601 

The Whigs and Reform 602 

The Whigs in power. Committee for Reform .... 603 

Rotten and nomination boroughs 604 

Bribery and undue influence. Democmtic boroughs . . . 606 

The conntiee. Scotland 606 

Ireland. The Irish franchise restricted (1829) .... 607 

Work of the Reform Committae 608 

Lord Durham's share in the work. Lord Joho Rossell , 609 

The Reform Bill introduced 610 

Dissolution of Parliament. Popular feeling .... 611 

The Government plan gains ground 618 

The Lords reject the Second Reform BilL Third Reform Bill . 613 

The Cabinet and the Peers 614 



XXII 



Contents. 



Wellinjrton &iU to form a Mlolstrj. Lftrd Grey reealled . . (Ji6 

71)0 Reform Bill pn>Aed OIQ 

Bwulbi i>f the Ilcform Bil! 617 

The gettliMnent rt^imled as ptrrmaiieut 619 

BatimaU of progrcM !□ tho period ..,,.. 6U 



criAPTEn XIX. 



CATHOUC EMANCIPATION. 

By H. W. a Davis, M.A., Feilow and Tutcw of 
Bnlliol College, Oxford. 

Tlw ppar M oB i of tli«> Penal Imw» fiSO 

PMoUooI «IEbeti of (.'aUioIio diuhilitiM 021 

Education. Public functioiia. Thu prufiM«ion>> .... 6S2 

Tho I'enal Lawe in Eii^kiid and Iretninl coupar«d , , , OSS 

Fliaiim of th« Rclinf movoment 0S4 

He lint EiiKliih niovpn^i^Qt. Tbo Acta nf liTil aiid I'fil. . 0Z4 

TTie Cinaljiluo Club, llie Iruih movi^iiKMit 820 

Tie Ihiblln AsMciation. Loi-d Keiiniare 037 

John K«OKh. Thp llaclc-Inno Pniliamtnit. At^nlfo Toun . 028 

Kea|[h and Oi« I'nitcd Irinhmcn. Ueiini* Sciitl}' . . 0£<t 

Daniel O'Connell 630 

Repeal and Emancipation. Potit<OD« to Parliamf^t ... 631 

Rcoriruiiuitian in Ir<!Uiid 033 

Qneatiou of tho Irinh V*to, V»loitta and No-Secorily nieu . 033 

Onttaa'i B!1L The Bi^hopa aud Die Veto 031 

n^al dociaion. <)'<^n«irii Hoard pmclnimcd .... 035 

Plmket'i Bill. O'Conndl'i attitude. Pcol in InJand . . 030 

OMHTgO IV la Ireland. Commilleeii of ouqulr}- .... 037 

Beooomlc di^trpw. Rell)ilcu8 fcud«. Secret eocletlet • 038 

Tlw &inina of 1822 and it* rcoulM 639 

A aow AsMKialion. lli« Catholia Kent 040 

Procedure of the Awoclatlon Oil 

Ooulbarn'a Act. Tho Atnociatino diwolvcd .... IH2 

Tho Lordx reject Burdott's Bill. A new AiMociatioR formod . M3 

The gciieral eloi^Uou. The ^^aterfo^d election .... 014 

Wellin^n's MiniHtry. Attitude of Pool OiS 

The C'laro election 840 

O'Connell elected. Lanrleae in Monaghan 047 

DMaomttatlons In "Hpiierary 848 

ProjNratloo* for <^atho]ic eandidnturi^ 840 

Raull of Anglcaey. Attilude of tiie King 860 

The Mtoiatry accept Eninncipatiou. Prori»on> of the BUI . OCX 

111* King's reeielancfl ovorcomo 002 

Pecl'R Bummdcr. The Bill Mctied 0S8 

The (uaiBiuiug dieabilitlca 9M 




Contents. xziii 



CHAPTER XX. 

GREAT HRITAIN AND IRELAND. 

0832-41.) 

Bj G. P. GoocH, M.A., M.P., Trinity Collie. 

PAOB 

The elections of 1832. Coiuervfttive putf . . . . 6ae 

The first Refomaed PulUment. Radicsl ind Irish groups. 656 

Irish policf of Ministers. The Irish Church .... 657 

HoTement for »boIition of slavery 668 

Emandpstion of the stavee. Child labour 6S9 

llie finrt Fkctory Act. Finance 660 

The Report on the Poor Iaw 661 

Reform of the Poor Law. Irish tithe. Resignatioiis . . . 662 

llie Minlstr)' reconitmcted. Resignation of Lord Gre^ . . 663 

Lord Melbourne's Ministry. His character .... 664 

Difficulties of the GovemmenL Lord Brougham's tour . 665 

Melbourne's Ministry dismissed 666 

Peel forms a Tory Ministry. His programme .... 667 

Metboome returns to office 668 

Lord John Rossell. O'Connell and the Whigs. "Die King's 

attitude 669 

Municipal reform in Scotland and England 670 

Conflict with the Lords. Orangv Lodges 671 

The Duke of Cumberland. Irish mDnicipalities. Hthe Com- 
mutation in England 672 

Marriage Act. Stamp Acts. Ecclesiastical Commission . 673 

Death of ^miiam IV. Accession of Queen Victoria . . 674 

Melbourne and the Queen. Collapse of the Radical party , 675 

Their programme. Irish Poor Law and tithe .... 676 

Irish administration. lliomaB Drommond. Jamaica . , . 077 

Peel and the Bedchamber question. Melbourne returns . , 678 

Education. Penny poet 67S 

Stockdale v. Hansard. Irish Municipal BilL Election com- 
mittees. Defeat of the Whigs 680 

Feel's Ministry. Marriage of the Queen. Chartism ... 681 
Owenism and the Trade Unions. Agitation against the new 

Poor I^w 882 

Tie Six Points of the Charter. The National Convention , 6B3 

Reasons for the bilure of Chartism 684 



CHAPTER XXI. 

CANADA. 

By E. A. Benians, M.A., Fellow of St John's College. 

The Peace of Paris, 1763. The problems arising from it . 686 

The Quebec Act (1774) and its effects ' . 686 

ReeuttH of the American Revolution 687 

The United Empire Loyalists. Acta of 1784 and 1791 . 688 



XXIV 



Contents. 



Hkom 

V.n{l\hh and Frcurh iii th« Colooy. Lock of unity . , . 689 

Immiftntion. Distribution of bnd ADO 

PojiuUlioa. Dpfoobi of the gavttrntaaat of CaiuKlB . . . 6!)! 

Sltiiatifla in L'pper and Ijon-or (.'auadtt. RiKinKi. . . tt\>2 

Minimi of I/>nl Durbain. Tli« Act for tiin Garenunenl of Cstuulk KiKI 

(■CD)('nplui.'al conditions. Coniinuuicatifriu) ..... 604 

EiIucatioD. Political |>raU«in4 BUS 



CHAPTER XXIL 



THE RKVOI-imON IN KNGUSH POETIiy AND nCTION. 

By W. J. CoimraopB, C.B., D.Litt, LL.D., New College, Oxford, 
First Civil SiTviw CommUsioner. 

Utentnre ^tttr th« Revolution of 1088 6M 

Tls datc^irftl »K« of English jwotfy 607 

Rcrivnl of mp^ifival nnil dcniormtln ii]M« 0D6 

luflDHDL-o of tbe Krciicli Kcvolution. I'ret-ioiit ctato of litcratura 

in EnifUud GIM) 

ERwmiis Darwin. Oampbell. CnbiM 700 

Soottiah poetry. Itanuwj*. FcrfTQAon "01 

Robert Burn* 702 

Tho IjiJi* Scliool 70.'i 

Wordiworth. ('oloridgo 704 

PHudplat of M'ord««orlh and Coleridge ..... 7"* 

Col«rid)^*a critlvUin of Wordsntirtl) 7<M 

The achievement of Wordaworth 707 

'He imiifinative popnw of Colerid|{o 706 

.SuuDiejr'i poetry. Laiidor 700 

RomajiUc raviraL tiermau inltuetices 710 

BfToa 711 

Sli^loy 712 

Revolutionary character of Shelley'a poetiy .... 713 

'nic diction of Byron and Shelley 7)4 

Thonuw Moore 71& 

The poetry of Scott 718 

The DOrel and the romance 717 

Hw novel in the eighteenth oentory 718 

The ^Vavorlny Novob ......... 719 

KcMta. Ijeigh Uuut 7S0 

KeaU' idealism. Mii tyrice 721 

Burvey of the Romantic movement 732 

Multiplicity of artiKiio aimi 783 

Kffcct upon Contiaeota] litenitunt 724 

Coiitiueutal inniienre of Kyron 734 

InAueiKw of .Soott. The French Romanlk oorel . . . 729 




Contents. ixt 



CHAPTER XXIIL 

ECONOMIC CHANGE. 

'By J. H. Clapham, M.A,, King's College, Professor of 

EcoQoniics in the University of Leeds. 

Cnmolktiv* affect of vuioos economic changet .... 727 

Indostrul development in the eighteenth century . 728 

Heuis of eommonication. Cnatoma b&rrierH .... 729 

Common field agricnltiire 730 

PragretB uid conservatiHm in agricnlture 731 

SduU and Urge indnstriea 732 

Meehanickl inventions 733 

Iron industry. HAchine mannbcture 734 

Cotton spinning and weaving. The woollen induetr}'. . 736 

Growth of the bctory sTsteni in England 786 

Snrrival of dontestic industriee 737 

Roadi. Canals. Harhours. Steam transport .... 738 

Bai1waf& Agricultnre 739 

EncloBura Acts. Largo &rming 710 

Steadr agricultural progress in England 741 

London and international finance 742 

Forwgn wars. Joint-stock enterprise. Baakiog. . 743 

English enterprise abroad 744 

Transport improvements on the Continent 74S 

Railways and banking on the Continent 746 

Slow rate of progress ...,,.... 747 

Invesbnent of capital and land tenure on the Continent . 748 

Open fields and common land 749 

Improvements in continental agriculture. Stock-breeding . . 7S0 

Sugar-beet. Potato spirit The gnilds 701 

Government infiuence. Tariffs 7S2 

Mechanical industry on the Continent 753 

Wool, linen, and silk 754 

Continental scientific industry 7£5 

Coal'mining. The irou indostry 756 

Engineering. Social movementa 767 

Primitive conditions in Germany ....... 768 

Oceanic trade. The English markets 719 

The wheat-trsde. Eastern trade 760 

The West Indies. American trade 761 

Emigration 762 . 

CHAPTER XXIV. 

THE BRITISH ECONOMISTS. 

By J. S. Nicholson, D.Sc., Trinity College, Professor of Political 
Economy in the University of Edinburgh. 

Adam Smith's Wealth of 2faliont 763 

Bis criticisms of governmental acUon 764 

The Mercautilo System. Colonial and commercial policy . 766 



zxri Contents, 



MOB 

Positive tCKliiiig of Adam Smith 766 

His historical msthod 767 

lAnd. lAbonr. Wages. Profits 768 

The woitomio Amctioiis of the State 709 

PrecQnors of Adsm Smith 770 

Originality and inflneace of Adam Smith 771 

David Ricardo 772 

Infinence of Ricardo on Peel 773 

Ricardo's contribution to economic theory. Hie Manchester 

School 774 

Malthns on Popnlation 771 

Inflnence of the dogmatic economists 776 

Economic dogma and Free Trade 777 

Individnalinn. Socialism. Godwin 778 

Robert Owen 779 

Charles HaU. William Thompson 780 

John Gray. Thomas Hodgsldn 781 

Historical economiata. Eden 7B8 

Arthur Yonng. Macpherson. Richard Jones. Tooke . 783 

Porter. Senior 784 



xxvu 



LIST OF BIBLIOGRAPHIES. 



dUPK PAOH 

General Bibliography 786—6 

L The Congresses, 1815-22 .... 787—90 

II. The Doctrinaires 791— S 

III. Reaction and Revolution in France . . 79't — 5 

IV. Italy 796-9 

V. The Papacy 800-8 

VI. Greece and the Balkan Peninsula (1812-31) . 803—7 

VII. Spain, 1815-45 80»— 11 

VIII. The Spanish Dominions in America . . 812 — 7 

IX. The Emancipation of the Spanish Dominions 

in America 818—81 

X. Brazil and Portugal 822—5 

XL The Germanic Confederation, 1815-40 . . 826—82 

XIL Literature in Germany 883—8 

XIII, XIV. Russia 839-42 

Poland 842—8 

XV. The Orleans Monarchy (1830-40) . . . 844^7 

XVI. Tlie Low Countries 848—51 

XVn. Mchcmet Ali 852—5 

XVIII. Great Britain (1815-32) .... 856—9 

XIX Catholic Emancipation 860—6 

XX. Great Britain and Ireland, 1832-41 . . 867—70 

XXL Canada 871—8 

XXIL The Revolution in English Poetry and Fiction . 879—82 

XXIII. Economic Change .,..,. 883—9 

XXIV. The British Economists 890—2 

Chsonological Table of LEAnicG Events . . . 893 — 8 

IMSBX 899 



ZXTUl 



CORRIGENDA. 



pp. 3, middle, IS, L 6 from fiiot Fi>r NorOirikoff read Novodltaoff. 

p. 21, L 8. Far Tatischeff read Tftdcheff. 

p. 114, L 10 from foot. For SilTsno Coita dl Bevuegard read Sylrain 

Coat* do BeauKgard. 
p. 139, 1. 13. For CaMiglion* nod CattiglionL 
p. ns, middle. Jbr lamailia read IbduuL 
p. 802, 1. 4 from foot. For Anapi read Anapa, 
p. ZU, 1. 31. Bead to the port of Acapolco on the weat coast of New 

Spain, laden. 
p. 309, L 14. For over read in. 
pp. a&S, 357, 308, 37a For Fnucia 11 read Prancit I. 




CnAPTER T. 

THE CONGRESSES, 1815-23. 

N'Apfti.frow, in his exile at Si Helena, explained to the world, through 
his scorcUry La£ Ca^cs, the great ideal toward which all bis cSbrt^ had 
been directed. He had aimed, he said, at oonoentmtitig tbc great 
European peoplct, divided hitherto by a multiplicity of artificial 
bouitd&riea, into homogeneoua nations out of which he would have 
formed a ccmfoclcration bound together " by unity of codes, principles, 
opinions, feelings, and interctU." At Utc licod of this league, tinder the 
a^is of hiN Empire, he had dreamed of csttablishing a cvntrul assembly, 
noddled on the American Congre!« or the Aniphictyonic assembly of 
Greece, to watch over the common weal of "the great European family." 
The dream had been dissipated by his ruin : but he prophesied that it 
would yet be r«ili»ed, sooaer or later, " by the force of circumslAniTs," 
**The impulne has lx.-en given, and I do not think that, after my fail and 
the disappearance of my system, there will be any other great equilibrium 
possible in Europe than the concentration and confederation of the great 
peoples. Tbe fint sorcrcign who, in the midst of the (int great struggle, 

^I^mU embrace in good faith the nui\e of tlie j^'ople-t, will find himself at 

^Hbe head of all Europe, and wilt be able to accomplish whatever he 

■^tthea." 

^ Whether, but for the chastening effect of his downfall, Napoleon 
would ever have jHoclaimod this ideal, or whether, hod be done so, circum- 
stances, which he acknowledged to have been even hia master, woulti have 

^^ablcd him to realise it, is a speculation more fascinating than protStable. 

^■The signifioant thing is that so keen an observer of the temper of the 
Kmea should have given it to the world, oo tlie morrow of the Congress 
of Vienna, as the apology for hi* career. 

^K The treaties which were the outcom« of the Congress were, in fact, 

^^ bitter disappointnwnt to those who had looked for an authoritative 
rec<^ition of those new-bom forces of nationality to which, in the 
atmM of the ^Var of Liberation, the monarchs had appealed. They were 
scarcely less of a disappointment to those who lutd hoped ttma this 
unique constituent assembly of sovereign princes an international con- 
stitution which would have obviated for ever the need of the barbarous 




C. M. U. X. CM. t. 



1 



A central constitution Jbr -Europe. 



Appeal to ami*. " Men had promised thcmaelves," wrote Friedrich von 
Goitx, immediately after he bad witnessed the signing of the Final Act, 
"an all-embracing reform of the political system of Europe, guarantees 
for peace ; in one word, the return of the Golden Age. The Congress 
has resulted in nothing but restorations, which had already been effected 
by nnns ; ngrcunients between the Great Powers, of little ralue for tlie 
future Uilance and preser\'ation of the peace of Europe; quite arbitrary 
nltcrution!) in tlie possessions of the leas important States ; but in no act 
of a higher nature, no great measure for public order or for the universal 
good, which might compensate humanity for it« long suiferings, or 
reassure it as to the future... .Ilie Protocol of the Congress bears the 
stamp rather of a temporary agreement than of work destined to last 
for centuries. But, to be just The Treaty, such as it is, hat the 
undeniable merit of having prepared the world for a more complete 
political atiucture. If ever the Powers should meet again to establish a 
political system by which wart of con<|uest would be rendered impossible 
and the rights of all giiaraiitceil. Die Coiigrcis of Vienna, as a prvpara> 
tory assembly, will not have been without use. A number of vexatious 
detuls have been settled, and the ground has been made ready for 
building up a better social structuir." It is with the attempt to com- 
plete the work left unfinished at Vienna, and to build up this "better 
social structure,'" tliat tlie history of Europe firom 1815 to 18S2 is 
mainly concerned. 

The idea of a central constitution for Europe, though new life had 
been given to it by the common sufferings of the revolutionary epoch, 
was of course no new one. The Holy Roman Empire, so long as it 
carried on even a ^adowy existence, hod mnained as the venerable 
symbol of Uiis idea ; and, at the close of the CongrMs of Vienna, Cardinal 
ConsalTi, in the name of the Holy See, had entered a solemn protest 
against the failure of the Christian Powers to maintain the "centn of 
political unity." But the Empire had been too long dosely associated 
with the interests of the German nation and the House of Habsburg to 
be treated, even by theorists, as the key-stone of an int«niational con- 
federation ; and tn all the " projects of perpetual )>c*ce " whkh had been 
publiithed to tlie world during the seventeenth and eighteenth ct-nturies, 
(lie Empire had been either ignored or aligned, at best, but a sulv 
ordinate place. Of these schemes the Projct de TraHi pour trndre la 
pai:e perpftuellc, published in 1713 by the Abbd dc Saint-Pierre, deaerves 
more partiailar notice as having formed tho basis of all subsequent plans 
of the same kind. It aimed at tnaking the Treaty of Utrecht the bo^is 
of an mtemational system resembling that established afterwards among 
the German States by the Act of Confederation framed by the Congreia 
of Vienna. A European League or "Christian Republic" was to bo 
established, of which the members were to renounce the right of making 
war against one another and to submit their disputes to the arbitratioD 




Birth of (he Concert of Europe. 



3 



of a central assembly of th« Allies, vrhoM! decigiou was to be enforced, 
if necessary-, bv a common armament. This idea was taken up and 
elaborated, from time to time, by thinkn^ of the roost divergent scbools. 

Vet, but for iht Hevululion, all their projects might have remained 
mere speculatioDs of ttieoriat^ It wa» Uie common peril of the revolu> 
tioiiaiy- propa<;iiiida, howpver underrated and misundenitood, that first 
ivvcjiled to ntutonx^ii u political Europe, rccogaising common rights and 
common duties. 'lite Concert of Europe wa* bom in the drcular letter 
of Count KaunitK, dated July 17, 1791, in which, in the name of the 
Empcrur Leopold, he impressed upon the Imperial ambassadors the duty 
of all the Poncr* to make common cause for the purpose of preserving 
** public peace, the tranquillity of States, Uie inviokbiiity of pu>ftieit»ions, 
and the faith of treaties," and pointed out, as N'oltoire had done in his 
Siicte tU Lotdf XI V, that the natiuus of Europe — uni ted by ties of religion, 
institutions, and culture — formed but "asin^^le family." Thirteen ycnm 
later, wiivn Uie moral had bwn eoforecd by the Utter n»ultx uf the 
continuance of tlte traditional dissensions, the I-^peror Alexander I 
of Russia took up the theme. In a deapatcli dated September 11, 1804, 
and addressed to NovoMilzofT, the Ruiwiiui special envoy in England, he 
suggested for the oonsidcration of Pitt a plan resombliiig in general outline 
that of the Abb^ de Saint^rierre. In the event of the triumph of the 
Coalition o\'*r Napoleon, the outcome of the war was to be, not merely 
"the liberation of Fmiins" but the univonud triuniph of "the right* 
of humanity." To tliis end it would be necessary, "aft^r liaving altodicd 
tlie nations to their Governments by making these incapable of acting 
mve in the gr»»tcst interest* of their subjects, to fix the relations of the 
State* among each oUier on more predsc nikis kik-)i us it i» to their 
faitei tt t to respect." A general treaty was to form the basis of the 
tdations of the States fonning *' the European Confederation." " Why 
could one not lubmit to it," the Emperor asked, "the positive rights of 
nations, assure Uie privit«^ of neutnility, insert the oblij^tion of never 
b^inning war until all the resources which the mediation of a third 
par^ could offer have been exhausted, until the grievances have by this 
means been brought to light, and an eflbrt to remove them has been 
made? On principles such as these one cuulil procecxl tx> a general 
pacification, and give birth to a league of which the stipulations would 
form, so to ^peak, a new code of the law of nations, while those who 
should try to infringe it would risk bringing upon theDuelvo the forces 
of the Dcw union." 

This pro])osal had, of course, been stilllwm. Ten years were to 
pass before the liberation of France prepared the way for new ex- 
periments in the confederation of bunmnity ; and meanwhile the Tsar 
himself dozxled by the genius of Napoleon, had bartered away at Tilsit 
bis ideab of a united Europe for the vision of a world in which there 
should be room only for the Emperors of the East and the West. His 

1—2 




i 



4 Chateaubriand. De Mmstre. Bcntham. 

breach with Napoleon, tlie horrors of the Moscow campaign, and the 
eomradefihip of the wars of Liberation had reawakened the old ideal. And, 
to all appcaimice, the times were singularly propitious for its realisation. 
The clove of the revolutionary era bnd left Europe exhausted and dis- 
illuaioned. "Tlie doctrine of extreme i-quality," which hail insued in 
the despotinm of one masterful will, might still — to quote Talleyrand — 
'*have as apostles and partisans a few dreamers, building theories for 
an imaginary world"; the surface of society, here and there, might 
be agitated by the nationalist storm called up during the War of'j 
Liberation; but, in gcDcrol, princes and peoples alike oqiircxi only to 
•ome moderate syittem which should be a guarantee of peace and of 
orderly progress. The question which occupied the minds of theorist^ 
as of men of affairs, was in what this system should consist. However 
opinion might differ as to the social changes wrought by the Revolution, 
there was little difference as to the principles on which they hod been 
bftMd. To Chateaubriand and dc Maistre, the apostles of the new Ultra- ' 
montanism, they were " Hatatiic," as false and a.t fatitl us those whicli had ' 
inspired the original revolt against authority and laid upon the world 
the curse of God. To Jeremy Uenthara, the prophet of the new 
Liberalism, the "Declaration of the Bights of Man" was merely a 
"hodge-podge of confusion and absurdity," and its outcome, in so fur as 
this had been diiastroin, but tlie result of false premisses and defective ] 
logic. 

Theae strangely contrasted appreciations may be taken as generally { 
typical of the two schools of political thought which came into pro- 
minence at this period and were destined to pliiy ko conspicuous a part 
in the controi'crnic-s of the nineteenth century. One oim was common 
to both ; for alike they sought in a quaking world for some (inn foothold 
of authority. The one found this in religion, and in the divine right 
of the established order ; the otlicr in inductive science, and the duty of 
men to build up, on the secure basis of observed facts, a social system ^j 
which should conduce to "the greatest happiness of the greatest nuniber."^| 

For the moment it seemed as tliough the new "Utilitarianism™^^ 
would vanquish tlie spirit of reaction in the councils of the world. 
Uenthom, who had lectured mankind for half-a-century in vain, in hi» 
old age suddenly found himself a power. Liberalising monarchs ia 
Buropc and the young republics of the New World sought his adviccj 
His works, in the French versions of Dumont, circulated by thou.sands, ■ 
and his principles left Uieir impre-is on a dozen experimental con< 
Btitutions. Yet the cold syllogisms of the recluse who proclaimed a 
gospel of enlightened seltishncss did not appeal to a generation accus- 
tomed to Ik swayed by violent and conflicting emotions. The scientific 
spirit, which in a Mibxe<{ucnt age was to work so great a miracle of 
transformation in tlie material and intellectual world, was as yet in tta 
&tnt beginnings. Stronger by far as yet was that romantic spirit which 



I 

I 




Tlie romantic and the reli^ous reaction. 



5 



r^roented the revolt of tlie human imagination against the icottoclnjro 
of the BerolutioD^ and which sought its ini^pimtion in the jjcitlised 
post 

Romnnticism was thu outcome raUi^r of emotion (li.-m of Uioiight. 
It sppcaJc'd, iinlvcd, to history, but to ImLory so ill undentood as to be 
itaelf romance. It sought to materialise in art, in literature, in religion, 
its ideal vision of a world long dead. It inspired the Gothic rcvivnl in 
architecture, the " Christian " school in painting, the Bomanttc school in 
literature, and in religion the Catholic revival. la politics it« inUuence, 
len et«»rly dcBned, since it wtw the outcome of confUaed and nebuIoEU 
ideals, was frcnn the firat charged with fateful oontradietioiu;. It 
conjured up the beautiful mirage of the Middle Ages, which trans- 
6gured the scUish cry for the retention or revival of feudal and ecclesi- 
astical privilege; it breathed new life into the doctrine of the divine 
right of kings; but it also, in ita reaction from the colourless cosmo- 
politanism of the Ucvohition, gave an imaginative stinudus to the 
new-bom passion of nationalifv which was to prove, during the century, 
the revolutionary force most fatal to tlie established order of the world. 
Tlie nationalist agitation indeed, though alarming to the authorities, 
was practically confined as yet to Germany, and in Germany to a section 
of the literary and professional classes. 'Ilic world at large was content 
to accept the principle underlying the Treaties of Vienna, to tlie framcrs 
of wbidi sovereignty was sUU territorial, the nation no more than the 
aggregate of souls owing allegiance to a single government. The 
doctrine of "Legitimacy," which the cynical statecraft of Tallcvrand 
hod dc^'iscd as the best lever to raise tlie Bourbons oitcc more to the 
throoe, identified the rights of sovereignty and of private properly by 
basing both on preacripUou. This doctrine was consecrated by the 
principle, loudly prodainted by the apostles of the religious revival, of 
the eternal union between " the altar and the throne," 

The religious reaction, which is one of the most remarkable 
{^cnomcna of the period immediately following the Revolution, and 
one of the rnont mumcntdus in ita results, was mainly the outcome of a 
natural revulsion. To the devout imagiiiation it wiu natural to tee in 
the woes that had fallen upon Kurope the divinely decreed consequences 
of the unbridled reign of reason. The fashionable philosophy of the 
eighteenth century luid brought ^lo^mntic Christianity into disrepute, 
and the old antagonisms, which haii oikc s^iifHccd to dclu£^ Europe in 
blood, liad all but vonisliod. Hut tlie sceptical spirit which, in both 
Catholic and Protestant pulpita, had tended to substitute etliicol philo- 
•ophj for dogmatic religion, rested on too slight a foundation to resist 
til* force of deeply stirred religious emotion. Scientific criticism and the 
study of comparative religions which, later in the century, were to prove 
■Dore serious foes to Christian orthodoxy, were as yet ttnknown : and it 
wu easy for Chateaubriand, in his Ghtie du Chrittianisme, publiiJied io 

at. b 



6 



The teaching of de Maistre, 



1801 on the eve of the Concordat, to turn th« laugb a^in^t tlio af^ 
when "the documents of human wisdom were umuigcd in alphnlwticAl 
order in the Enct/clopfdiff that Babel of the sciences and reason," and 
to show that the worship of .Tdiovalt wa^ at least as respectable as that 
of Jove, and Uiat the \'irgin had occupied as great a place as Venus in 
the histoij of art. 

More imporUnt than the eloquent, but shallow, volumes of 
Chateaubriand, was the celebrated work of Count Joseph de MaUtre, 
Du Papcy which is dated 1817, thougli not published mitil 1819. It was 
written during a critical time in the hiHtori/ of the Church. The Papacy, 
after weathering the stomu of tlie Refommtion, had seemed on the vei^ 
of succumbing to the solvent forces of the new enlightenment. The 
frontier line between Catholicism and the world outside, sharply defined 
at Trent, had become blurred and indistinct ; and the belief wiu widely 
expressed tliat on the death of PJux VII the Holy Set would share the 
fate of the Holy Empire. In France, though Napoleon^ Concordat bad 
made an end of the constitutional Chtircl), flallicanisra was still a militant 
force. In Germany, in spite of the abolition of the ecclesiastical States, 
the ideals of " Fcbronius " were still in the ascendant, aiming at a great 
national German Church, which should absorb at least the Lutherans, 
and owe at beat but a siimlowy allegiunco to Rome; and the Prince 
Priouite, Karl von Ualberg, lijul ».^nt to the Coiigrewt of Vicjina, to repre- 
sent the interests of the (iermsn Church, Uisliop von Wes.<»enbeig, who, 
aa Vicar-General of Constance, bad, on his own authority, reformed the 
services in his diocese in an avowed effort to meet the Protestants halfway. 
Ilie CuUioIic prince-t of the Cfinfcdcmt ion were willing to follow any 
^stem whid] would most readily make Uie Church the tmtrument of 
their secular ambitions. 'Ilie reply of Pope Pius VII to these move- 
meats was the issue on August 7, 181 4>, soon after bis return to Rome^ 
of the bull Solliatudo ommum ccclesujrttrn, rrconstituting the Order of 
Jetttt. The Du Pape of de Maistre revealed the full significance of this 
•ct, an act wiaxh proclaimed tiie irrecondlublc attitude to be token up 
by the Papacy toward the Litiei^ mo^vinents of tlie century, which wtw 
defined in Pius IX's Si/llabu* of 1864, ajid culminated in 1870 iu tl»e 
dogma of papal infallibility. With a sinccrc and forcible style, with 
much display of erudition, Mid with admirable logic, the author of The 
Pope prolTered once more for the acceptance of the world the medieval 
ideala of Gregory VII and Innocent III, The Rf^volulion, he argued, 
was but the logical outcome of the principles of the Reformation. The 
rejection by half Christendom of the God-appointed central authcMify 
bad looaened the ties of all authority ; and the true cure for the present 
ilia was the recognition of the Pope as in all causes, both tempond and 
q)iritua], tbe supreme and inspired head of all Christian nations. In 
plaoo of a committee of the Powers, de Maistre would have established 
the Holy See as the central court of appeal, and this, not only in 



i 



1815] 



The Quadruple Alliance. 



international qucstiotL<^ but in all scnous diipatCB txitwecn so^-creigns 
and eubjecU. The book created a deep impnamon. To Gcntz, no 
Kliallow critic of men and things, it dispUyed ^'a pob'tiad insight 
such aa no Montesquieu ever bad, with the eloquence of Burke, and an 
inspiration bordering at times on the loftiest poetry"; it waa at once 
accepted as the text-book of the Ultramoatanc party. 

On the morrow of the Revolution the cross currents of thought 
produced by it hnd not, of couiae, as yet united into any streams of 
public opinion capable of Kliiiping tiie destinies of tlie world ; nor, hud 
there been such a defined force of opinion, could it have influenced 
directly the course of affairs. Europe bad been liberated; but the sword 
was yet supreme, though it had been put into commission, and, for the 
onr num of genius who bad wielded it, had been substituted a committee 
of comparative mediocrities. " What is Europe r" Alexander of Russia 
had exclaimed, after Tilsit, to the ambassador of France, " what is 
Europe, if it is not you and I?" After Waterloo Europe conflisted, in 
efibet, of the four Great Powers constituting U»e Grand Alliance. Of 
these Powers three, Ruais, Austria, and Prussia, were autocracies ; the 
fourth. Great Britain, was represented by statesmen who, though 
hAmfwred by their responsibility to Parliament, were less eo than if 
Parliament tiad t>een tjiily representative of popular opinion. Under 
these oondiUona the character and the point of view of the few men in 
whose hands power was concentrated were for the moment of more 
importance than the great movements of thought which only became 
politically effective at a later period, and of which the tcadenciiM were 
still cither unsuspected or misunderstood. 

Of all the members of the Alliance by far the most conspicuous, and, 
for the time, the mmt important, was the £mi>cror Alexander I of 
Russia. It is true that Gi-eat Britain, her long stru^le with Napoleon 
crowned by the victory of Waterloo, still dominated the councils of 
Europe ; but the tranqiarent honesty of Lord Castlereagh's diplomacy 
at Vienna nnd afterwards hod tended to discount the effects of her 
power. All Uie world knew tliat eJ>e wanted peace, the establishment of 
**a just etjuilibrium" in Kurope, the abolition of tlie slave-trade; and 
tliat fiw tbese ends she was willing to make enormous sacrilices, and, 
wlutber on the Ccmtinent or in the colonies, to identify British with 
European interests. Austria too, though disint<?r»t«dness could hardly 
be predicated of her policy, was prepared for ihi- moment to sut»>nlinate 
ber peculiar ambitions, Exiiaufitcd and all but bankrupt, the Halutbtirg 
monarchy needed peace and time to recuperate ; and to this end, during 
the negotiations leading up to the Treaty of Chaumont, Mcttemich 
bod, as bis faithful henchman Gcntz bitterly complained, subilituted 
"Europe" for "Austria" in his policy, bad broken the dynastic tie« 
which had bound the Ilahnhnrg monarchy to France, and risked the 

CM. I. 



imm 



8 



Alexander I of Russia. 



[1813-S 



revival of the IVtuico-Russinn allianoe wbidi during the next few yean 
was to be the nightmare of the chanceries. As for PniBsia, she «a« 
stilt IcsM tliiui Austria in a position to take any lending part in ttto 
councils of the Alliance. Ilcr soldiers might exact from Frnncu barlwroii.i 
vengeance for barbarous wrongii ; King Fredvrick William III, pious and 
nanx>w-inin(k-d, wax bound to the Thut by tici of gratittule as well aa of 
personal idfi-ctiun, and, apart from all Uiese consiileratioiis, was to be 
occupie«l for yearn to come in the task of trying to absorb into the life 
of Uie Prussian monarchy the heterogeneous populations assigned to it 
by the Treaty of \'iciina. Thus Alexander found himself in the position 
of which he hod long dreamed — the central figure of the Confederation 
of Europe, and arbiter of tlie world, by the grace of God, and the 
sanction of the unbroken might of Uussio, thrust forward now, in 
consccinence of the actjuisition of Poland, into the heart of Europe. 

Under these conditions the menace of Russia to the libertien of 
Europe seemed to men of afToint nearly us ninnning as hod been Uiat 
of Fraiicv. Apprehension wn.1 increased by tlic enigmatic character of 
the Emperor. Itehind tlie handsome niadk of bin face, with the uniling 
lips an(i the eyes that never smiled, was hidden a nature moulded and 
tnu3sformed by the most contradictory influences. His childhood had 
been spent at the voluptuous Court of the Empress Catliarine, bis 
a<I"Iwrt'iice midirr the sombre tiit(:liigi; of hi.? father I'anI, who had 
inspired lum »ith hi.i own love of military detail, his theoretical love of 
mankind, and bis contempt for men. The JacoiMn Fr^i^ric C^sar 
dc La llarpe had been bis tutor, and from him he had imbibed the 
doctrines of Rousseau ; while bis military governor, Marshal Soltikoff, 
had dn'lled him in tht.^ tmditious of Ruxsian autocracy. Lastly, to all 
this had been added, after he Imd mounted tlie tluvnc over the Ixnly of 
his murdered father, a mystic melancholy liable at any moment to issue 
in extravagance of thought or action. With him the moment Imrl come 
during the horrors of the campaign of 1812. At the burning of Moscow, 
hu decInnHl afterwards to [3isliop Eyicrt, his own soul had been illumin- 
ated. Uui-iiig tlie campaign Uiat foUuned he luul sought to adm the 
unieit of his conscience by corresponding with tlie leaders of the 
evangelical revival on tlie Continent, and had .searched for omens and 
supernatural guidance in texts and passages of Scripture. Finally, in 
the autumn of 1819 he had met at Basel the Baroness von Kriidener, 
a lady who had turned from a life of pleasure to the congenial task of 
converting princes, and who hod the singular good fortune to make a 
spiritual conquest of the most powerful of them alt. From this time a 
mystic pietism became the avowed motive of his public as of his private 
acUoD. Madame von Kriidener and her colleague, the evangelist Em- 
paytaz, were during the allied occupation of Paris the confidants of the 
Tsar's most siecrtt tlmughts, and the Imperial praj'er-meetings the omcltt 
on whoM revelations hung tlie fate of the world. 



» 



Ml*-*] 



Triumph qf the CoaUthn. 



I 
I 



With t])o lucniory of Tilsit Ktill (rvth in tlu-ir iiiimU, it i« not 
MTpriiiiig thnt mm of tiie worU like Mettvniidi Wllevcd tltc Kuniiui 
uiti>cnt to be du^iUing *' under the language of evangelical abortion " 
nut and perilous scfaemes of smbition. Tlic suspicion was increased by 
other and seeraingly inconsistent tendencies of tbe Emperor, wliich yet 
tfwnfd all to point to a like diM]ui(-liiif; concluoioii. AlexAnder bad 
declared open war on the Ucvolution t but La Haq>c mum ofpiiii at biit 
elbo«r, and the coteliwortU of tlie gospel of humanity were still on bis 
lip*. The very proclamationx, in which he had denounced Napoleon as 
tha geniua of evil, hod denounced him in the name of "Ubcrty" and 
"enlightenment." A monstrous intrigue iras suspected between the 
ntocxat of all the ItuiM.iiu and the JacobiniMu of all Europe, ill aim 
tbs subttitution of an iil]-[K>werful Huwiia for an alUpowerful France. 
At the Coogreai of Vienna Alexander's conduct had accentuated an<) 
ginn point to the distrust of an Imperial oonacicnce which had suflcred 
him to keep his hold on FoUnd in violation of his treaty obUgatioua; 
•tidt tboagfa the Hundred Days had intcrM-n<il since the secret alliance 
of January S, \H\.% between AuHtria, Great llritain, and France, tlie 
difltrust of whtdi it was the symbol renmiued. 

The links that bound the Towers together, of which the fir^t lia<] 
been riveted at Tcplitz, had been slow in forginp ; aad more than once 
they bad tbrcflt«-ncd to give way under the sledge-hammer blows of 
Napoleon's masterly defensive cjtm|>iiigii. It was not until the break- 
down of the conferences at Chittilloti bad proved the iniposnbiUty of 
coning to terms witli the FreiKli Kmperor, Uuit the tactful diplomiicy 
of Caatlerea^ succeeded in welding them together at Chauinotit, in tivi 
ticaty which gave to the Grand Alliance the form it was to retain until 
finally sbatteral by the revolutions of 1848. The Treaty of Paris of 
Uay 80, 18U, and' tliut of Vienim of March 95, I81S, were c!scntially 
but rtncwol* of tluit of Chnumont. All were ditwted prinmrily to the 
preterratiun of Europe &om any fiirther peril of French uggrcsHon. 
The triumph of the Coalition had pro^-od the (juality of the Concert of 
Europe ; but, its object achieved, there was danger that it would resolve 
itself into its elements. Wlini tlic Abbii de Saint-Picmi communicated 
his project to Fleury, the Cardinal tohl him that be had forgotten one 
wntiil article, ikaniely, to send missionaries to touch the hcarti of 
prinoea and conrert them to bis views. In 1815 tlie omission seeme<I 
to be supplied : for the councils of Europe were presided over by an 
Ii&pcnal evangelist whose mission, loudly procUioMd, was to substitute 
ia all public relations the principles of the gospel of Christ for the evil 
tnulitioas of Jkfacbiav^aii atutecrtiTt. On September S6, 18to, the 
Emperor Alexander announced to the world, at a great review held on 
Iha plain of Vvrtua, the scbemo of the Holy Alliance, already signed by 
hisiself and bis brother aovereigns of Austria and Prussia. Ilenoefortb 
were to reeard each other as brothers and t 



pnocvs 



people 



10 



llu: Holy AlUutvce. 



[talk 



cbildren ; and bU their acts vrere to be founded on the sacred principloi 
of tbo 6oq>e] of our Lord and Saviour Jesus Cbrut. 

The Holy Alliancr, bj- one of the stnoge inuua of \aAmj, came to 
be regarded as the fivtnbol of alJ tbat was opprcsmvc and reoctiooaiy. 
Yet there waa notliing iu its provi&ions, nor in the iotcDtioiu of its 
creator, to warrant the sinister [DeaningB read into it by a suspidous 
world. To jVlcxaoddr himself it was calculated ** to give a lofty satis- 
faction to Divine Proridcncc" oa an attempt to lift politics on to a 
bt^ier plane: and tio little was it a hypocritical comjMracy ngainnt 
liberty, that in one of liia "Jacobin^ moods be urged on his reluctant 
brother autocrats tbat Liberal constitutions were the logtod outcome of its 
doctrines. The manifesto was, in fact, of immediate practical importance 
only in K> far as it tended to complicate the diplomatic relations of tbc 
Allica during the yean that followed — owing to tlie Rustian elaloi, 
per^tently repeated, tbat it committed the Powen to AlezaDder'i 
ideal of a " unirental union," which they in fiict repudiated. Of all 
the princes who signed the Holy Alliance probably onlv Alexaoder 
himself did so with conviction. To MettcmicJi it was " a loud sounding 
nothing," to Ctutlcreogh ** a piece of sublime m>'sticism and nonsense^" 
The British Government, divided between fear of offending the Allies 
axtd exposing itself to the shafta of the Opposition, found a loophole of 
escape in tbe constitutional objection to the Prince Hegent signing any 
document without the counter>agnature of a Minister. The powerful 
endorsement of the ruler of Great Britain was thus lacking to this new 
family compact of the European sovereigns; and the AUica had to be 
content with a perwiial letter &om the Regent, csprcwing his hearty 
approval of their sublime principlea. With this, and two other notable 
exceptions, tlte document wot aigned hy all the mvereigns, gnat and 
Rroall, of Europe. The other exceptions were the Pope and the Sultan. 
I'im \'II, busy with bis prtparations for a new crusade against Liberalism, 
would be no party to a compact devised by a heretic and a Liberal. 
The Sultan, for reasons sulliciently obvious, was never invited to sign; 
but, in view of the fact that the integrity of the Ottoman Empin bad 
found t» place in the guaranteea of the Vienna treattca, tbe omission of 
his name was held to be ominous of Alexander's intention to exdode 
Tuifcey fi'om the sphere of the Concert, in order to retain its deatiniea in 
his own hands. 

At the date of the promulgation of the Holy Alliance the fate of 
Fronochad not yet been definitely settled; and, in tbe councils of tbe 
Ailiea, while all were agreed that die mutt fbr ever be nndcrod iucapabk- 
{if again oversetting tbe balance of Europe, opinion waa sharply dividal 
OS to the means for attaining this end. But couDsela of moderation 
preraUed; and in the settlement with France the principle vns re* 
affirmed which bad guided tbe policy of the Allies bcforv tlis Hundred 
Days. FrancT, defined by bcr " legitiniata" frontiers, waa to be 



The Treaties of November, 1816. 



II 



k 



^ 



reccired back on equal terms into Uic oumity of imticnis t>o soon W htS 
internal stability shouU) have been consolidated under her legttimaie 
monarch and the constitutional svstem granted by him. Tb« problem 
ivas how this ** coa^lidatiun " waa to be ensured. It was more difficult 
after than before the Ilundml Days to dissociate tlic spirit of Fnuicc 
fifua that of Napolcoa ; and deep-rooted dixtrrut of the French pcof^e 
underlay all the counsel* aitd combination* of Ute Powcra for years to 
oome. The firvt of tlie two treaties signed at Parts on November 30, 
1815, settled the frontiers and tlie financial obligations of France, and 
fixed the condition* for the occupation of French territory by the 
Allied army. Moreover, for the purpose of watching over the restored 
monarchy, a committee of the Ministers of the AIHimI Powcra was to 
be cst«bIi*lK-d at Paris, ivociviDg daily report:* from Uiv King's Cabinet 
on tlie condition of the country, and free on any <]Ucalion of internal as 
well as of external policy to tender advice which would be backed by tbe 
irresistible sancrtion of tbe army of occupation. The second treaty, 
from which France was excluded, is known as tbe Treaty of Alliance 
of November 20, 1815, and was avowedly a roncwal of tlic I'rcaty of 
Cbautnont and of the Vienna Trvaty of March 95, 181S: both of 
which had been directed specifically against France. By Article 6 of 
this l>«a^ it was agreed that " in order to consolidate the intimate tie 
which unites the four sovereigns for tbe happiness of the world, the High 
Contracting Powers have agreed to renew at fixed intcrvalH, either under 
their own au>pices, or by their respective ministers, meeting* consecrated 
to great common object* and to th« examination of such measures as 
at eadi one of these epocJis shall be judged most salutary for tbe peace 
and proqierity of the nations and for the maintenance of the peace cS 
Europe' 

llui article, which formed the basis of all the subsequent attempts 
to establish a " Confederation of Europe,*" viax tlie outcome of negotia- 
tions which have a permanent interest, oa revealing not only the essential 
difiTerencea of principle between the Powers, which rendered the great 
international experiment abortive, but also tbe fundamental problems 
involved in the attempt to realise an intemationnl ideal, which will 
tvmain insoluble *o loiig a* the nationalist spirit, the most characteristic 
development of the nineteentli century, .Hurvi\-e». The ort<^iniLl draO. 
of tbe Treaty had been drawn up under the direction of tlie Kmperor 
Alexander, and embodied his views. Its preamble stated baldly that 
"the object of the Powers'^ was "to establish royalty in France on a 
consUtuUooal foundation aitd to preserve the happy union of tlie Powers 
for this result of common interest"; and tlie remaining article* proclaimed 
io erenr Une tbe right of united Furope to watch over and regulate the 
internal affairs o! France. Casttcreagh at once saw the peril to national 
independence involved in this. He shared to the fiill the general belief 
ill tile reality of the danger of a ixine^'ed outbunt of iwolutiwiary 

CB. I. 



12 Castlereagh and the "European System." [i8i8~22 



France and Uic view tlmt "nothing could keep her dowii but the 
ctrong hand of European power"; but he objected to "too strong and 
undisguised an interferenoe of the Allied sovereigns in the intcnml con- 
cerns of France," to their posing as "umpires in Oie constitutional 
itnigglo" of tlic couiitfy, oiul in nhort to any attitude not dictated 
by '*th« immediate Bccurity of their own dominions." In the counter- 
project which be submitted, and which was accepted as the bavia of the 
TkbAj, be *' endeavoured to keep the internal affairs of France in tlic 
background, and to make the colour of the contingent interrcrcnce (of 
the AUiancc) a> European as poNiible."' The detemiintng attitude of 
Grttt Britain towards the "sublime conception" of the Imperial 
visionary was thus from the first defined. The Concert of Europe had 
achieved great things, and might do so yet agntn, should a common 
peril onoe more call for common action. But the nature of such 
common peril, and Uie character of the common action, munt be 
determined, not <m any general principle which would lead to a minute 
legulation by t]je Great Powers of the aRaira of the nations, but as each 
case arose on its own merits. Ca^tlcrcagh himself, indeed, did not a« 
yet realise the full import of his attitude. He looked upon tho Alliance 
as a convenient atrangcinent which, by bringing the govereignu and their 
(]!abineta into touch, enabled bti^ineAs to be transacted far more rapidly, 
and with much less ri^k of friction, than through the ordinary diplomatic 
channels. It was not till 1818, at AJx-la-Chapelle, that he began to 
suspect the incompatibility of the " European System " with the libcrticat 
dear to Engliiihmcit. At IVoppan and I^ibach the suspicion was con- 
Armed ; but it was only in 183S, on tlie eve of tlic Congress of Verona, 
that the long process of his disillusionment culminated in the deter- 
mination to make that open breach with the system of which, by 
bis untimely death, the credit fell to George Canning. 

■Wliatever the Rmbiliwn.t or ideals of its individual members, the 
object of tlie Quadruple Alliance as a whole was tlie prescnation of 
peace on the basis of existing treaty obligations. France being, not 
unnaturally, regarded as the main focus of unrest, was the primary 
object of its watchfid solicitude ; but the sixth article of the Treaty of 
Novmiber 90, 1815, covered equally the cose of any danger arising in 
other (juarter*. There was, indeed, materiftl enough for alarm, and 
this was by no means mainly supplied by tlie agitation of the revolu- 
tionary "sects." The Powers were as averse from violent rvaclion a* 
from violent revolution ; but, unhappily, in their desire to find a basis 
of principle for their action, they bad exalted the doctrine of " legitimacy" 
to a height which mode it diflicult for them to control the reactionary 
follies of the sovereigns whom they had restored to power. They 
were under no illusion as to their character or their probable con- 
sequence. They watched with disgust and alarm the proceedings of 
Ferdinand VII in Spain. It was a little matter that be liad violated 



I 




Reaction. — The probicm of France. 



18 



I 



> 



> 



hi* oath to maintaiu the Constitution of ISIS; for the Constitution 
vas unworkable, and was not desired by the Spanish people. But 
Mettcrnicb cursed the wicked infntuattoQ which rcestnbhshed tlie 
Inquisition, and wet up wh^t Gf^ciU descrilKd as ''a sj-iiteni of rMrtioti 
and penecution onlv to be compared witli the reign of terror in France 
under llobcapierre.'^ It was not to the interests of monarchy that a 
king should " debase himself to become no more than the leading police 
agent and gaoler of his eountry." Nor was it expedient that rulers hv 
divine right should miiitc tlicmsvlvc* ridictiloit* as well lu otlioiis to tlidr 
subjects. It wa» nut with the approval of the Powers tliat tl» Papal 
Govemment abolished street lighting in Rome aa a revolutionary inno- 
vation ; that N'ictor Emanuel, restored to his capital of Turin, caused 
the botanical gardens planted by the French to be grubbed up, and 
forbade his subjects to use Napoleon'; great rxKtd over the Mont Ccnis ; 
or that the Elector of Hcanc appcndiKl once more to the fresh-powdered 
heads of his exiguous army the pigtails of the old rigimt. All these 
things were recognised in the councils of the Alliance as !>yml>olic of a 
state of things pregnant with future dangers. For the present, however, 
the attention of the four Powers was absorbed by the problem of France. 
This proUcm was dcfln^l by IX-cuzcs in a ttinglc centence: "to 
royoliw France and to nationalLw tlie monarchy." llic Miccnuful 
(.-Htablishment of tlie Bourbon dynasty in the national life of France was 
the guarantee required by the Allied Powers before they would consent 
to 1ea%'e the eountry to itself. The difficulties of the process were 
obvious to all. Tlic Bourbonx bad been strangers to Prance for a 
{juorter of a century, during whicli a generation of Frenchmen had 
^wn up who hail liecn taught to regoixl them as enemies ; they hod 
returned " in the baggage train " of a hostile army ; and their authority 
was supported by foreign bayonets and controlled by foreign counsels. 
The violence of the "Cotirt" party, headed by the Count of Artois, the 
heir to tlic tlirone, occcntiiatcil this situation. The nation which, after 
n many changes, cored little what form its govenmient might asmme, 
■aw the social and material gains of the Uevolution, which alone it 
valued, placed in jeopardy; and when, in September, 1S15, Talleyrand, 
Minister of Foreign Affairs, and Fouche, the Minister of Police, who 
bad been left in office portly as a gunriwtcc against unreasoning reaction, 
were sacrifkcd to the clamour of the "ulb^a-Hoyati.it" Cliamben, and 
replaced by the Due de Kichelieu and the young police prefect Deeaaea^ 
the task of "nationalising the monarchy" seemed well-nigh hopelen. 
"With his new scri-antx," wrote Costlercagh to Lord Liverpool, "there 
stems to be but one opinion, tliat if the Allied troops were withdrawn, 
iiis Majettty would not be on his throne a week." Yet Richelieu realised 
from the lirst that the monarchy could never be firmly established until 
the foreign army hod ceased to occupy French soil, and directed oil his 
eS'orts to this end, llic esivntial condition was that a Government 



14 



Evacuation of France. 



[lBl&-« 



thould be eatabli.-iliwl so iiiCKk-rate oixl so xtablc a* toter%'e ossguarantm 
to tiie Powers for tlte payuicnt of th« huge uinual iortaJment of the 
indemnity. The attitude of the European Concert to Fmnee wm 
d«tenniDGd br the mcoEurc of success which attended the efforts of the 
French Gowmmcnt to sntisfy their conditions. The dissolution of the 
Chambre isitrvux^ablc, whicJi bad defied botJi the Crown and the Powers, 
though regai-ded as a "bold ezperiiiient," had tlie approval of tlitt 
Allies. Ilie passing of the budget by the Chambers elected in Noveml>er, 
1816) under the altered siiffragc, was rewarded by a reduction of the army 
of occupation by 30,000 men. Hichelieu now bent all his efTorta to 
obtaining the witlKlmwal of the rat. The bunlen of supporting the 
Allied troops wi-ighed heavily upon tlie Prench ))eople ; their presence 
a-as a perpetual irritation, whidi latterly had grown to such a pitch 
that Wellington reported that, in the event of the occupation being 
prolonged, he must concentrate his army between the Sclicldt and the 
Meuse, as the forces, extended in a thin line ucrox* tlic breadth of 
FkUDce, were no longer safe in rase nf a popular uprising. But it was 
realised that such a couoentration would inevitably lead to the cmis he 
feared, and the troops might be destroyed piecemeal beforo they oould 
combine Under these drcuntstanccs, the Allies agreed without difficulty 
on the principle that the occupation of France should not extend beyond 
the Uiird ye&r, and that tlie question of evacuation should be the first 
task of the Conference of the Powers which it was anangcd to hold in 
the autumn of 1818 at Aix-la-Chapelle. 

Tlic Congress, or to be more strictly correct, the Conference of 
Ai!t-Ia-C1ia|>elle, of which the procceditig« were to maA the highest 
point readied in the attempt of t.lie Allied Powers to govern Europe in 
concert, met on October 1, 1818. The sovereigns of Hussia, Austria, 
and Prussia were present in person; Great Britain was represented 
by Lonl Ca^tlerea^h and the Duke of Wellington, the Austrian 
GoTcninicnt by Prince Metlemicli, the Russian by Capodirtrtas and 
Nesselrode, the Prussian by Prince Hardenbei^ and Count Bemstorff. 
The Due de Richelieu, by grace of the Allies, was allowed to be present 
on behalf of France. The question of the c\'acuation of France was 
immediately raited, and on this point a happy unanimity prevailed. 
Tlic qwxtion of the guarantee for tlic payment of tiie remainder of the 
indemnity had been the last barrier to an agreement, and this had been 
removed as the result of negotiations carried on, on behalf of the Alliea* 
by the Duke of Wellington with the great financial houses of Hope of 
Amsterdam and Baring. This made it easy to arrive at a decision to 
whidi, by common consent, every counsel of expediency pointed. At the 
very first niecting of the Conference the principle of evacuation was 
agreed to; on October 9 the treaty was signed stipulating that by 
November iK) the soil of France should bt: free of foreign troops. On tlie 
question of the further coiLsnguences to follow from this deciiion there was 



1816] 



The Oit^erence of Aix-la-C/tapeUe. 



U 



ft more taUfiil diMgrNncDt Hk'hdicu clftimc) thftt thv tame rctuoning 
wfaidi had led the Pbweri to withdraw their furcist from France would 
warmnt their admittiiig France on equal terms to the GrKnd Alliance. 
This was, however, far from representing the mind of the Allies. 
The policy of evacuation had been inspired by no tm&t in the improved 
ttmpcr of the French people. The Eamtem Powers viewed with 
exaggerated alarm the Kiipposed weakncts of the Go\-eniment in dealing 
with the Ijber&l revival in Fhtnce, to which succeaaira dectioits 
had home witness. Alexander I, whose "Jacobinism" was already 
on the wane, declared that nine-tenths of the people of France were 
otHTupted by bad principles or violent party sentiments, and that the 
rest were inciipabic of working a conittitiition : and he ivfii!sed to 
bear of admitting Fnuiee to an alliance whidi miint lie tiph<-ld for it* 
original purpose — that of safeguarding Kurope against tlie French 
revolutionary spiriL Mettemich, also, objected that the admission of 
France would mean "an amalgam of the conservative principle with 
that of innovation, of the remedy with the very evil it w^» intended to 
cure, of stjibility with movement, of .tecurity wiUi risk." (^tlen-jigli, 
OD the other hand, though he shared the pessimistic views of his 
colleagues on the future of monarchy in France, was less concerned 
with principles than with practical politics. lie pointed out that, wore 
Franco tsol'itcd, slie would inevitably lxM.-oine the nucleiix of a ncparatc 
alliance, and t)ie whole gain of the European Concert would be placed in 
jeopardy. At the same tiinii he realised the paradox involved in the 
in^iuton of France in an alliance which, as Great Britain bad always 
itnirted, was directed primarily agaiitst herself. 

These debates opened up the whole broader ciuestion of the future 
fimn of tli« European Cona^rt. On this the miitd of tJie Empemr 
Alexander was qtiite clear. His first care, on arriving at Aix, had 
been to define hia own attitude towards the Alliance. In interviews 
with Castlereagh, with Wellington, and with Mctternich, he had in- 
dignantly repudiated the calumnious reports which for months past had 
drculab^ in the chatieerieji, that he was meditating a breach with the 
Allies and a Kr|>arate nndontiuiding witli tlie Bourbon iitatea. Any 
such act, he tviteiated, he should regard as a crime, and its perpetrator 
at a felon. As for his army, about which so much had been said, he 
maintained it, not for Russia, but for Europe. On the general question 
the views of the Tsar were prw*nti-d in a long mcmonuidum, drawn up 
by Poiso di Borgo, whi<-h in eHecL revived and elaborated the schente 
outlined in 1804 in the despatch to Novoasilzoff' already quoted, 
Tlie Quadruple Alliance, he argued, was but the " centre " of the 
"•universal union," and, though "unaltcnd>lc in principle," would, "by 
extending its «plicre according to ciraim»tance«," become " the alliance 
of all the Stat«." "The system of Europe" which was "the woric 
of l*rovidence, not of any Cabinet," was "a general association having 

ni. I. 



la 



Proposal Jbr a general Alliance, 



[iflia 



for Jmmlalian the conpiict of Vienna niirl the Trcnty of Pftris, for foi»- 
tervatitv priwijile the fhttcnwl union of the Allioi Power*, for aim 
the guarantee of all recognised rights." There was no need for new 
trea^ee^ or new oaths, which vrould but be weakened by repetition. 
Tlw Quadruple Alliance, con5cciat«l by the Treaty of November SO, 
1816, contain<^ the principle of which the nittiiml consequence was tlie 
general Alliance based on tlie Treaties of Vienna and of Pariif. Hq 
proposed, tlierefore, that the Quadruple Alliance should be preserved as 
against France; and that a general Alliance should be made effective 
fw the purpose of guaranteeing the territorial status qito and legitimate 
.lovercignty. The establishment of this general Allianci^ was to be 
effccte<l by a Declaration, to be iiwui^ at tlie close of tlie Congrcw and 
signed by all tlic signatory Powers of the Treaty of Vienna. Tlw 
Gorentnienta, thus relieved from tlie fear of revolution, could ofier to 
their subjects equal constitutions ; and the liberties of the peoples, wisely 
rq^lftted, would ari>e from the st«te of afTuiis once recognised and 
publicly avowed. 

Tlie Hussian propoMil was received in the CalHiiet.H with \<svy misod 
fedings. Metteniich allowed his fear of Kussia for a moment to be 
obncurcd by his haunting fear of revolution, and, in spite of the mild 
Liberal a-fpirations which in the Initt panxgrapfa of the memorandum 
showed the hand of (Japodtstriat, hailed the Tsar's sdieine as embody- 
ing the potentiality of a mighty conservative force. In a niemoiandum 
of October 7 be daboratcd his meaning. The essence of the Treaty of 
Chaumont was eternal, as based on a principle of morality essentially 
imchangenhle. This "anti-revolutionarj' principle" had been directed 
specially against France, and tliis sjwctal applicatJon should remain. But 
there existed another agreement, that of the Holy Alliance, on whitdi ' 
should be based a general Declaration to which France might be a party. 
Tie principle of a universal guarnntcc was even more eagerly advocated 
by the Prussian Govenmicnt, which, while agreeing to the evacuation of 
I^nee, was in an agony of apprehenwon at to the results of this " risky 
experiment" to its own exposed frontiers. The British Government, 
on the other hand, viewed with dismay these persistent efforts to revive 
on idea against which it had always protested. Feeling in England was 
running high ogain^rt participation In u system whicli not only ttircatcncd 
the liberties of otlicr^ but might, in the language of the orator* of 
U»e Opposition, in time present the spectacle of Cossacks encamped in. 
Hyde I'ark to overawe the House of Coumions. Moreover, as C'astlereaf^ 
pointed out to the Tsar, the British Government hod to deal " with a 
new Parliami-nt and a new people, intcntely bent on peace and economy." 
To initiate a fresli policy of "eventual exertion" would be to ha/.ard the 
sanction already obtained from Parliament for their continental 
incnts. In the general instructions for Lord Castlcrcagh's guidanoey! 
prtKcrred iu a CalNnct memorandum of September 4, it hod been clearly 



wis] 



AUitvde of Great Siitain. 



ir 



laid down that the treaty between the Powers must rest ** upon the 
WDcUon reccivvd in the address of both Houses of May, 1816": that 
its provuioiis "hardly admitted of being reinforced"; and Uiat any 
attempt to renew tliem" would Itaid to wriou* diflerences of opinion." 
As to the question of admitting Ijni'ia XVIII to the Alliance, the main 
objccti<») to this had been removed by the evacuation of France. 

Under these drcumstancea, the task of CasUercafrh was a flomewlvit 
delicate one. lite afastrsctiODs and •weeping gcncnilitics of the Russian 
memorandum were in direct conflict with bis own common-senae opinion 
and with the instructions of hLt Uovernment. Yet, in view of tlic 
apparent urgency of the need for maintaining the Alliance, it was 
necenary to humour the Tsar byappronng hh principles, while weaning 
him from tlieir coD»c(iuf-nccs. In tJic course of several iiitervirws with 
Alexander, Castlereagli had convinced himself of the :tin(x-rity of the 
views, on which the Kmjicror dilated "with a religious iliupwdy." He 
realised that in order to liold tlte I'linperor's mind ** witliin tJie principles 
that could be maintained in rarliament," it would be necessary to try 
** to present sooictbing that would at once keep within our line, and at 
the (uune time present the subject somewhat in the t«ne of his owit 
ideas.'" Tin.; outcome was a memorandum, in re[>ty tn thai of Ruraia, of 
which the o|Knii>g M-ntcncci arc a masterpiece of solemn irony. "The 
benign prindpics of the Alliance of Uie 2(Jth of September, 1815," it ran, 
" may be cx)U3idered as crautituting tlie Kuropean system in matter of 
political conscience. It would, however, be derogatory to this solemn 
act of the sovcirigns to mix its discussion with the ordtuary diplomatic 
obligatiofu which bind State to State, ami which arc to be looked for 
alone in the treaties which have been concluded in tlic accustomed 
form." 

In this sentence tlie whole policy of tlic Riiti*]i Government, which 
ultimately determined the fate of the Concert, is contained. 'ITie soul 
of the Holy Alliance might be suffered to hover over the coundls of 
Kurope ; but in those counciU the treaties, and the treaties alone, were 
to be the determining factors. Nor were any special treaties to be held 
particularly sacred. Some bound the State* cpilecti\'cly ; others were 
peculiar to individual States. Those of Vienna and I*aris even, which 
fonoed the " Great Charter" of the European territorial system, " con- 
tained no engagements beyond the immediate objects whidi were made 
natter of regulation in the treaties themselves" ; and, though the Powers 
poaseascd the right, there was no obligation on them, collectively or 
individually, to resent their breach; since tlic territories regulated by 
them were the subject of "no .vpcciul guarantee, to the excliwioo of 
others whidi rest for their title on earlier treaties of equal authority." 
As (or the universal Alliance for securing the peace and happiness of 
the world, Uii» was a problem of " speculation and hope " ; but it had 
never been, and probably never would be, put into practice. The 

€. u. u. X. en. t. S 



British Government protested absolutely against the principle of inter- 
rcntion in the internal afPairs of other States; and, until some system 
could be dcviried for cnforeini; on all kings atnl nnLtans an internal 
system of peace and jiiNtiec, tlic coaietiuencc wa» inadniiatiible ; " for 
noUiing could be moi-e injurious to the idea of government generaJly 
than the idea that tlieir force was collectively to be prostituted to tho 
support of established power, without any consideration of the extent 
to which it was abused." Tbc beneficial efl'ect of the mediation of tlic 
Powers was admitted; and this wntdd be inerciLsed by adding France, 
w'hieh would 0ve the Alliance more moral weight williout making it 
loo numerous " for efficient concert," To the proposed periodical meet- 
ings Great Britain would not agree, for they would symbolise to the 
world the very system which she repudiated; but she would willingly 
tatvc part in any meetings called to dital witii particular emergencies. 

In face of tliis uneom promising attitude, the tempurary support 
which tlie Tsar's idealistic scheme had obtained from the other Allies 
collapsed. The cooperation of Great Britain was too valuable an asset 
to be hazarded for an experiment of which the success was at best 
doubtfuL TIic n-sult wa« u compromise, embodied in two instnuncnU 
itignecl on November J5, 1818. 'Hie firat, in the form of a secret 
protocol, renewed the Quadruple Alliance fur the purpose of watdiing 
over France and shielding her from revolutionary dangen, and waa 
communicated in confidence to Itichclicu. The second, s ** declaration ," 
to which France was invited to adhere, stated the intention of tho 
live Powers to maintitin tlie intimate union, strengthened by tlie ties of 
Cliristian brotbeihood, contracted by the sovereigns; pronounced ihe 
object of this union to be the preservation of peace on the basis of 
rcspcet for treaties ; and stated, in conclusion, that no " partial reunions" 
should take place concerning the alfaJrs of other States without their 
invitation, and, if dexiretl, tlieir presence. 

llius ended, in a colourless compromise, the most serious efibrt ever 
mode "to provide the transparent soul of the Holy Alliance with a 
body." A last effort was indeed made, on the initiative of Prussia, after 
the main cjuestion had been settled, to establish an "intermediate 
system" for guaranteeing the territorial ttatut quo. It was suggested 
that tJie Allied troops witlidrawn from Franco should remain conccn- 
trated at Bnusela, under the command of Wellington, as a tort of 
European police force to watch over the established order. The plan 
had the support of /Vicxander and of Metleniich ; but it broke upon tho 
imcom promising opposition of Great Britain. Wellington himself pointed 
out the disastrous cflect tliat any such action would have upon French 
public opinion ; and the British Government vigorously reaented the 
reopening of the question of universal guarantee after it had been settled 
ODCt for all. The matter was then allowed to drop. 

But though, at Aix, Uie vision of the unirvntal union had melted 



I 



4 



i 



1B18] 



Slave-trade and piracy. 



10 



I 

I 



fnto air, the Congress marked the liigliot point rcfurlwd in the <]ictator- 
ship of the Concert of tlie Powers. Tlic efforts iiwuJe to extend its 
sphere of influence bevond the Atlantic in the matter of tlie Spanish 
colonies were defeated by the stubborn attitude of Spain and the oppo- 
aition of Great Britain. But from all Europe appeals came up to this 
High Court of the Allied sovereigns. Denmark appealed to it; and 
CharleA XIV of Sweden ( Btrmadotle), in spite of hiii pi-ottntit, was forced 
by the Concert to fulfil Uie stipulations of the Treaty of Kiel. Tlic 
German sovereigns appealed, on a host of questions left undetermined 
in tlie hurried discussions of the dose of tlic \''ienna Congress ; notably 
on that of the Baden succ(^s.'no^, discu^wd below, and di.'>i>tites out- 
standing between AuHtria and llavarta. The more coniplicated of the.«e 
tpiestiona, though debated at Aix, were ultimately reserved for tlie 
decision of a ministerial conference to be held the following year at 
FVankfort for the final adjustment of matters left optm at \'tenna. The 
petition of the Elector of Hesie, however, to l>e allowed to exdinngc his 
now meaoingleaa title for that of King, was refused, on the ground that 
it was inexpedient to cheapen the royal style ; and the complaint of the 
mediatised Princes was responded to by an admonition of the Allied 
Powers to their sovereigns to treat ttiem with greater consideration. 

Of more general importance were the discussions un the two great 
qoeetjons of the Slave-trade and the Barbary pirates. On neither of 
these was any deci&ion reached. The Slave-trade had been oondemned 
in principle by the Congress of Vienna ; and, as the outcon>c of Oidlev 
pourparia-i, nearly all the European States liad given at least a 
faraial assent to the British demand for its suppression. In practice, 
however, Great Britain alone showed any activity in carrying out the 
work; and the trade continued to flourish under Uie protection of 
national flags. The British Govcniment now proposed a rceiprocal right 
of Mardi, to be carried out by war-vessels specially designittetl by the 
Powen for tliis purpose. But, in view of tlie overwhelming superiority 
c4 England at sco, tliis was taken as tantamount to ft license to British 
cruisers to interrupt the commerce of all nations; and the Powers 
rejected it A counter-proposal of the Emperor jVlcxandcr to establish 
an international board of control on the west coctst of Africa, with an 
international fleet cominiMioned to suppress the trade, met with no 
better success. 'I'he same fate befell the Tsar's suggestion for the estab- 
lishment of an international squadron in the Mediterranean directed 
against the Barbary pimtcs. Tltc question was one which afl*vcted Great 
Bnlain less than the rest of Europe; for the pirates hod a wholesome 
respect for vessels sailing under the Union Jack. Austria, which had 
bcCTi forced to the humiliation of placing ita seaborne commerce under 
the protection of the Turkish ensign; Prussia, which had witnessed 
depredations inflicted by African »ea>rovers on the Haiiseatic trade 
vithta the North Sea; the Italian States, whose coasts were exposed to 

CB.1. a-s 



90 



Weakness of the Concert. 



[l818~9 



lliar descents ; Russia, under whose fliig the nniiMi ttadtng twmIs of tlie 
Greeks waged with thein pcrenniid war, woitld have welched • scliuut: 
which promised to end an intolerable evil. I)i>t the sett-power of 
Buasaa was a dangerous, because unknown, quantity; the activities of 
tfat Tsn^ a^nts in Spain and Ittdy huil cxcittid suspicion of his u]tiniat« 
aiuu; and Great Britain rcfusi-d to be a party to a plan which would 
have invohed the establiKhmcnt of Ruvsian wnr-sliips in the Mediter- 
ranean. The breakdown of the negotiations on these two important 
quofitions revealed the fundamental weakness of the Concert, and indi- 
«it«( the causes of its ultimate collapse. After weeks of diacussioo, 
conducted in the most friendly spirit, it biul been found possible to 
agree on an aliiitract fiinnula which served to disguise awhile from t}ie 
world the essential divei^nce of views within the CabiRets; a few 
((uetitions of minor importance had been satisfactorily settled ; but, 
whenever the interests of the several Powers were deeply engaged, it 
had been proved that no Go%'cmmcnt would or could subordinate the 
particular ink-rest of ita own coimtrj- to the p.-ncrBl interest of Europe. 
ITie evenlB of the year that followod the do«e of the Conference of 
Aix-la-Chapelle tended to increase tlie mutual suspicion and the diveig- 
cnoc of views within the Alliance. /VSaire in France were developing in a 
way which led the more timorous Powcra to doubt the wisdom of thi-ir 
generosity townnU her at the Conjjrtss. jVlarmist reports of plots and 
revolutionary movements, supplied by agents whose pay depended npoa 
their zeal, poured in upon Mctternich from oU sides. Decazea, in 
Mcttomich"s view, was bv his weak concessions to Liberalism bringing 
the monarchy to the vcrftc of destruction. More alarming still were the 
" military preparations" beinj; hurried on by Mardud Gouvion do Satnt- 
(^yr, coupled as the.<te were with Uie "NediUous language" ascril)cd to the 
Marshal and to the Minister of i-lnance, Baron Louis. In February, I8I9, 
Mctternich openly expressed his belief to tlie British Minister at \'ienna 
that a revolution was no longer to be avoided. Nor was he "disposed 
to take a more chcciful view of the state of things in Prusno." King 
Frerle-riik ^Villiatn, by postponing ovcr-lnng tli« convocation of tlie pro- 
vincial Estates, liad "played into tl»e hands of the Jacobins"; army, 
bureaucracy, and people were honeycombed with disaffection ; and Prussia 
hod become the centre of revolutionary infection for all Germany. "Vhe 
condition of Italy seemed e\'en more alarming. Early in 1819 Mettcmich 
accompanied tlie Emperor Fmncts on his first visit to his new Italian 
dominions; and willing agcnbtsupplied him in full measure with materials 
foroonlirmingthebadimpreMion he had gained from the sullen demeanour 
of the Italians towards their Imperial master. None knew better than 
he the secret of the evils of Austrian rule in Italy : the atrophy of the 
local organs of government, due to the necessity for sending every 
qutstion, however minute, for Kettlcment to Vicumu Lacking the courage 
to press for Uie alteration of tlus system, he dioem to regard the discontent 



I61&] 



Mistrust of Russia. 



SI 



I 



of Uie Italians 05 the artiRdal work of foreign ngients, and to picture the 
mass of the people aa anxious to attain unity uoder tbe thcUcr of tbo 
Austrian eagle. 

The cftUBo of the extreme nervotisness of the Austrinn «tAtc»iniU) at 
this time nns not, however, bo much fear of revolution, much as he 
dreaded it, a* fear of Ruitsiu. To Hti:<ai& Mettvmi<;fa ascribed the crisis 
in France, since Po2zo di Borgo alone was reflponxible for encouraging 
the madness of the Jting's Government. In Madrid, General Tntis5ieff 
continued hb intrigues; their object being to embroil Greut Britain 
with Spain in the matter of the Spanish colonies, and to bring in tlie 
Russian Emperor as tlie deut ex machmd, la Germany liberalising 
Prince* looked to St Petersburg for inspiration and support. Finally, 
in Italy the indiscretions of Russian travellers, luxii even of Russian 
Ministers, were producing a state of things intolerable to the AuNtrinn 
Government, liverywhere they openly proclaimed the sympathy of 
Russia with Liberal aspirations. Ca]}odistrias himself "horrified^ the 
Ncspolititn Minister* by hi* longuagt^; aiul, most monstrous of aU, 
<>Ssar de Ia Harpe hwl prended openly at Bolognu over a meeting of 
Carbonari. 

Mettemich made no secret of his distrust of the Tsar's motives and 
aims : and so cnrly as Fcbntiiry he had declared to Cfistlereagh, through 
Sir Robert Gordon, Uiat he <h.'iapproved of disgiiii'ing " the proved con- 
riction of RiHaia's falseliood and intrigue"; since tlie daii^r of "a 
reaction formidable to Europe'^ could only be averted by tJie Powers 
'^displaying a full knowledge of the Emperor's character and setting his 
fiuilto at defiance." RuMinns, he argued, arc cnnicr led on the right 
path by blows than by flattery ; and, happily, the Russian Emperor had 
" one preserving quality ''—want of courage. 'Iliw brave language was 
not, however, translated into action. Instead, it was decided that the 
Kmperor Francis should himself write to his brother of Russia "with an 
air of the most confiding friendship," and remonstrate with him on the 
ruinous activities of his senrants, continued in spite of Austria's protests 
and, aocmingly, in spite of the admonitory circular issued 0:^ tltcir rcxult 
in February by tlie 'I'sar. 'l"he murder on March 28, 1819, of the 
well-known dramatist, Kotzebue. who was in Russian pay, was a terrible 
(diject-lessim in tJie consequences of the revolutionary heresy, and came 
opportundy to reinfon'c Mcttcrnich's argument ; but it served also to 
deepen the enigma of tlip Km|KTor Alexander's attitude, "Tlie different 
language of tJie dil!ereitt Russian agents is the puixle,'' «Tute Gordon to 
Ld»1 Castlereagh on April SS; "in Gennany Kotzebue is murdered, and 
Stourdza nearly so, for espousing the cause of unrestrained monarchy 
and obacurantism ; while in Italy M. <Ic La Hurpc travels up and down 
holding a language of the purest democraey." 

"Hie fact was that Alexander's mind was wareriitg between hU Lilx'rol 
ideas and his dread of the possible results of their practical application. 



Metternicb, ever prompt to recoBni«* and use the psychological inoment, 
saw bis opportunity, tuid returiieil to (lermany, (letermincd to take full 
advimtage of Kail iund's crime, to quell the unrest iu the German 
States, and to win over the Russian Emperor to that policy of "stability'" 
oa which he held the security of Austria to depend. The outstanding 
territorial questions left unsettled at VieiiHa liiul Ix-cii fiiiully adjusted by 
the general Treaty of Fraiikfort, signed on bt^Imlf of the Four Powers on 
July 90, 1810. A few of the articles concerned matters outride Germany: 
tiie cession of the border fortresses of Jtarienbourg and Philippeville to 
the Netherlands, the limits of Savoy, the reversion of the Italian duchies, 
itut the bulk of the Treaty was concerned with the settlement of the 
bumiog questions within tlie Confederation; between Austria and 
Bavaria, and Bavaria and Baden. The limits of the German sovereign- 
tic* being tiius finally fixed, the time was ripe for Mettcniidi to carry 
out liis policy of making the Confederation the great conservative barrier, 
whether against revolution or Russia. In the opinion of many con- 
temporary statesmen this double end was secured by the ** Carlsbad 
Becrces," confirmed by the Diet on September 90, 1819, and tlic Vienna 
Final Act of May 15, 18S0, The conferences of (rarl.ihud and Vienna, 
which issued in these famous acta, were attended only by German 
Ministers, and belong essentially to the domestic history of Germany. 
But, as Mcttcmich pointed out iu hix presidential address at Vienna, the 
German Coiifedcfatioij was an integral part of the SUtcs system of 
Europe as established at Vienna; and not only its rights as a fedcnd 
body, but the rights of the individual sovereigns who composed it, 
depended on the guarantee of the treaties. Kurope then had a special 
light of interference in tlie alTnirs of the Confederation ; and it was 
a matter of importance for Austria tliat her German policy should be 
endorsed by the Powers. 

But, again, there was a wide divergence of vitws witJiin the concert, 
'llie terms of the Carlsbad Decrees (described in a later chapter) hvA made 
a mort sinister impression ; they were regarded as the first step taken by 
the "Holy Alliance" towards the systematic suppression throughout 
Europe of all liberty of lliougbt and spcedi. Outtlcreagh saw the 
danger, and protested against tlie Decrees as an uiijunti liable interference 
wiUi the liberty of so\ci-eign and independent States; while to Count 
Lieven, the Russian ambassador in Lcmdon, he pointed out that it was 
not to the interest of the Governments to contmct an alliance against 
the peoples. Of greater moment for the fate of Mettcrnich's policy was 
the attitude of the Eniperor AlexandL-r. It n-us not to the interest of 
Itusiia to see established on her flank a strong and united Germany 
under the hegemony of Austria ; ond, in spite of his dread of revolution, 
Alexander's role of protector of the oppressed admirably suited his 
German i»oUcy. Tlie lesser States, like Wiirttcmberp, fearing to be 
ground out of eiusteoce between the upper and the nether millstone of 



Cftange in Alexander's attitude. 



S3 



H ism] 

^M Austria and Prussia, flcil to him, not in vain, as a n^fugc in time of 
^V trouUe. He ostentatiously rvfuwil, indiKMj, to interwiii: iit Hk- internal 
aJTain of Gerniuny; but he diose this moment to issue to tlie wurld 
a fresh manifesto of his principles, in every line of which Uic influence of 
that "corj'phaeos of Liberalism," Capodistiias, was clearly trsceablt 
IW docmncnt la remarkable as iUustrattng the gradual change which 
was coming over the Tmr's mind. He still believed in liberty, but 
in liberty "limited by the principles of order." He still believed in 
free institutions, though not in such as are forced from fi-ebleness, nor 
in contracts extorted by popular leaders from their sovereigns, nor in 
constitutions granted to tide over a crisis. England was still his model, 
English bistoiy, in his opinion, "the code of every statesman "; and he 
was at one with Great Britain in rcfufing to do anjihing to support 
a league of wliicli the .sole object was'*ti]c absurd prcten^iions of absolute 
power." 

Another political crime soon came to Mettemich's assistance: On 
February 13, ISSffl, the young Duke of Berry, the popular heir-pn> 
nutnptivo to the throne of France, was murdered in the I'aris Opera House. 
Upon th« Emperor Alexander the effect of this tmgedy wo;* profound. 
He companxi Ute crime of Louvcl with that of Sand, and in doing so, 

ias Mettemich exuUingly remarked, "could not better have eulogised 
the Carlsbad Decrees." 'llie influence of Capodistri^ was shaken ; and 
the language of the Russian Cabinet turned suddenly from that of Liberal 
exaltation to tbo frightened advocacy of reactionary measures of pre- 
caution. Tlic triumphant progress of the military revolt, wbidi at the 
beginning of the year had broken out in Spain, accentuated the alarms 
produced by the condition of France. 

I Alexander was in a mood for vigorous measures. He suggested that 

a Conferci>ce should be Eummoned at Paris to discuss the general 
situation. He dt-clarcd himself ready to send an onny in tlie name 
of Europe to cnish the revolution in Spain. He even projioscd that 
Uie committee of Alinijiters of the Allied Powers should be reestablislied 
at Paris to watch over the affairs of France. To the latter suggestion 
, both Castlcreagh and Mettemich were vigorously oppoR-d. Not only 

^^ would it be a breach of the engagement taken with France at Aiic; 
^B but it would excite tlic very ferments it was intended to allay. As 
^P to the Conference, Castlereagh reiterated the objection of titc Itritish 
^^ Government to a meeting summoned with no well-defined object. The 
Alliance had been rfTective becaiite iU aini« lutd been clear to all tlic 
world ; let it beware of acting " on a very questionable principle of 
prccautionorir- diplomacy, of covering itself witli the mystery of a 
Conference, and above all of hazarding its great moral ascendancy by 
carrying its councils into all the labyrinths and quicksands of the 
internal politics of Franov." Mettcniicli was cfjually opposed to a 
Conference, but for diHerent reasons. Austria was but little touched 



CU. 1. 



u 



RebeUion in Naples. 



[U8D 



bv the troubles beyond the Pj-renees; but European intervention, in 
the actual mood of the Tsar, would have meant the traversing of 
hor dominiona by a great Itussian army — a far more imniedtat« periL 
Yet to refuse the Conference was for him not so easy m, matter as for 
Castlercogb. He endeavoured to cover his defection from the sublime 
principles of the Alliance in a cloud of liigli -sounding phrases. 
Qlic moral ba.iix of the Alliance was unalterable and eternal. This 
bcinf; HO, it was still effective for the cure of th« ills of Europe, 
which were " moral. * But the troubles of Spain wore "material"; 
and for the Alliance to intervene would be but to augment them. 
Moreover, the meeting would have to be one of UiejSrf, not of Uie 
four Powers ; and would tjie Britisli Cabinet, and couZi the French 
Cabinet, combine with the three Courts which were more free in their 
actions and mote independent in their choice of forms ? Aft:er all, the 
four Powers, indcpendentiy (wwi ri-unis\ could do all that was ueedftd 
by a firm attitude and a common language. 

The despatches to the Austrian ambassadors in which Mcttcmich 
developed these views at enonnou* lengUi were penned in June. In 
•Tilly, 18S0, a military revolt broke out in Naples, and King Ferdinand 
was forced to accept the Spanish Constitution of 1813. An event whidi 
so immediately threatened the stability of the Austrian s>-stem in 
Italy produced a sjgnilkant change in Mcttcmich's language. In one 
way Uiu noarcr crisis was not «li»lly unwelcome to him ; fur it gave him 
tlie opportunity of diverting attention from a question little interesting 
and very delicate, to one in which, if he played his port skilfully, Austria 
and not Russia would have the deciding voice. The affairs of Spain 
could Rwiiit the Bctllctnt-nt of those of Naples, since "General Quiroga 
would be beaten in the person of General Pcpe." 'ITie right of Austria 
to interfere in the Neapolitan re^'olution was based on a dearer title 
than that of any» or all, of the Powers to intervene in the affain of 
Spain. By the terms of the secret article of the Treaty of June 18, 181fi, 
between Austria and Naples, the Neapolitan Government was bound not 
to introduce any constitutional changes other than those allowed io the 
Austrian dominions in Italy; and cvctt the British Government admitted 
tlie principle that Austria bad a rl^t, under this treaty, to intervene 
if she had good reason to suppose that the events in Naples were • 
danger to hcntclf. Fiaoce and Prussia were equally amenable ; but the 
attitude of Russia was a more doubtful quantity. The Neapolitan 
Liberals had proclaimed that they had "the moral support" of the 
Emperor Alexander; and, though Mcttemtdi affirctcd not to doubt the 
personal goodwill of the Tsar, the conduct of his agents liad, from the 
Austrian point of view, done only too mudi to justify the claim. It 
become then all importiuit for him to destroy, once for all, the belief of 
tiie Italian l.ilKinds tlutt tiiev sliotild reckon on the powerful patronage 
of Russia. Hb main fear was as to the ulterior object which lay 



laao] Movements for and against a Conference. 



2fi 



* 



b 



i 



behind this unnatural coquetting of Riixxia with the rerolutionaiy 
spirit. 

In ft tetter, dated Augmt 8, he explained hia vievs to Prince Esterhaz)-, 
for commmiicstion to the British Government. For years past, h« said, 
tlw policy of th« "pitinMc creatures'' who composed the Itussian 
Cabinet had boon directed agninot what they were plejMid to torni 
"the influMiM of Austria," tlius confusing " the conservative principle" 
wHh "diplomatic intrigue." The Emperor Alexander, it is true, had 
dttnged hia opinions ; and periiapa the outbreak of a series of military 
revolts would lead him to abandon his policy of " abstract analysis " 
and substitute acta for words. An ostentatious agreement between the 
SOfVnigns of Austria and Ros^ta would, at the moment, bc«t have served 
IMtcmich^s cmU. Alexander chanced to be at Warsaw; and it wan 
propoaed that tlie two Einperont should meet. But Aiexoixler showed 
tittle disposition to be a party to a separate understanding. He refused 
to forget the troubles of Spain in those of Italy; and the violent 
symptoms of revolutionary unrest in Europe awoke in him with re- 
doubled ardour the dream of a £uro[>can Union of Guarantee which had 
been dissipated at Aix. As for the Quadniple and Quintuple Alliances, 
Capodistrias, in conversation with Baron I.ebzeltem, denied the ir continued 
existence, aince they had been superseded by the Declaration of Aix, 
and declared that Uussift would recognise nothing but "a general 
BSBociation." Nothing, in short, would satisfy the Tsar but a Conference 
after the model of thRt of 1818. On behalf of France, tlte Due de 
Richvhcu wrote urging the same course, on the gtxnind that the troubles 
in Spdn and lUly were precisely the contingencies contemplated in the 
agreements made at Aix. llie unexpressed motive of the French 
Government was the desire to see France ranged once more in effective 
concert with the other great Powers. 

Mettemich, on the other hand, still made strenuous efforts to avoid 
ft Conferencu at which he feared the dangerous Spanish Question would 
ineritably be raineil, and attempted to devise a plan which should unite 
all the five Powers in support of his Italian policy without tl»e neces- 
sity for their meeting in council. In ft formal "Proposition," dated 
August US, and addressed to the Courts, he outlined the policy which 
Austria pnipoecd to pursue. In the matter of Naples, as all the Powers 
bod admitUd, Austrin hod a peculiar right to take action by rcftson 
both of her gcogniphieal pouition and of her treaty with tlic Neapolitan 
Government. She proposed therefore to concentrate in Italy ft force 
safSctent to quell " the factions," to invite the Allies to unite themselves 
"morally" with her, and at the »nmc time to make ^ frank overtures" 
to the CtKirli of Italy and Germany on the state of affairs and on 
the genemi nttittMle of Austria townrda tliem. A« for the Conference 
suggested li)' I^ance and Husxia, to Austria as to Prunia and Great 
Britain, this seemed " not entirely exempt from objections." A fonnal 

en. I. 



26 



Meflcmich accepts ike Conference. 



[leao 



CooAraiee, sudi as that of Aix, uotild liiit waste precious time, and ibt 
moral effect would \>e imperilled by the fact that Great Britain "had 
not a free hajid." Austria, therefore, suggested common action on more 
atmple lines. Let the Allied Courts refuse to recognise the revoluttonaty 
Goremment of Naples, decliirc oil its acts Toid, and Kupport through 
tlieJr M:ni^t(M-s tlie measure!) for ibt coereioti uhich Aiutria might adopt. 
The reply of Castlereogh to these propositions, dated Scptemher 16, 
was unequit-ocaL Great Britain would be no party to the suggested 
Concert, which amounted to n hostile IcAguc agninst Naples, and would 
make England a principal in the nrsiilting war; whereas she would 
iieitJier interfere forcibly in tlie internal coneems of Naples herself, nor 
encourage otliers to do tio. She was prepared to stand aside and iet 
Austria act, if Austria believed her safety to be menaced. ITie 
Conference of Ministers at Vienna would be useful, to receive the report 
of Austria and to sec that nothing was done "incompatible with tin 
present «yetcm of Europe." 

This ideji of the Conference m a sort of committee of (wntrol, to 
guard against any possible violation by Austria of the territorial 
treaties, was hardly likely to appeal to Klettemicb; and, in view of 
the attitude of the British Government, he conceived that the best 
cotinte open to him would be to fall back upon the solemn Congress of 
the Allies sitggeHte<! by Fnmce ami Russia. After all, if England could 
be persuaded to send a repreitentative, all miglit be well. On Uk 
immediate question at issue, Cflstlereagh had expressed his desire to 
leave the Austrian Government, so far as possible, unembarrassed in its 
decision, and was pn-ponxl to consider the question of a Conference so 
soon B« Anslria hiul clcjirly dcf)n<'<) what she wanted. \Vith the 
Neapolitan Liberals neither he, nor the British representali^-es in Italy, 
were the least in sympathy. In their view, Ihc revolution in Naples was 
but a " ivanton and unprovoked " imitation of that in Spain, for which 
there was no excuse in the conduct of the Govemment, and which 
was tlicrcfore infinitely mont dangerous, as "calculated to destroy all 
confidence bclwcen Governments and their nrmc<l forw*." Tlius Mct- 
ternicb believed tiiat, were the Conference once a.sseinb!ed, the Powers, 
in spite of tlieir secret diflerences, would present to the world a united 
front, and show that in her Italian policy Austria had at least their 
" moral support." 

Unfortunately for the prospective harmony of the Conference, the 
memonndum in which Mcttcmich fonnulnlwl his views as to the 
attitude it sliould adopt contained statements of principle utterly at 
variance with those on whidi British policy was based, and scarcely less 
distasteful to France. The interests of Austria in the affair of Naples, 
he argued, were identical with tho.sc of Europe at large; for all the 
I'owers were equally concerned in tlie pre-servation of the treaties, and 
then^ore equally tlireatened by revolutionary movements, and equally 



i83o] Great Britain and the Conference of Troppau. 27 

interested in concerting mcasurrs for thctr suppression. The business 
of tivi Confrn-uc-i; which it wiut propofed to hold nt Troppitu would, 
therefore, be to define by s general propoitition the principles on whicJi 
the Allies would intervene in Naples, and to proceed at onoe to their 
application. He proceeded to explain his own idea of what these prin- 
ciples should be. Revolution, he a^^ued, nii(;bt be either legitimate, 
when initiated from above, or illegitimate, when eincted from below. 
In the former cme the interrention of foreign Powers could not be 
allow^. In the latfc-r, the signatory Powers should contract ne\er to 
recognise changes so effected, and should undertake to aboli^ such as 
bad taken p\acQ in their own States. The reply of Castlereagb to this 
lemarkftUc pronouncement was quite unequivocal and, incidentally, 
fomidie* t)>e key to BritiKh policy from Troppau to Verona. The Britiyh 
Government, he said, was prepared to fuliil all treaty obligations; but, 
if it were desired *' to extend the Alliance so as to include all objects 
present and future, foreseen and unforeseen, it would change ita character 
to such an extent and carry us so far, that we shoidd see in it an 
additional motive for adhering to our course at the risk of sci-ing the 
Alliance move away from u», witliout our having (]uitted it" 

Tliis plain statement of the British point of view was made on the 
eve of the Conference, which met at Troppau on October SO, 1820 ; and 
the constitution of this august assembly emphasised the division within 
the Concert of whicli it was the first conspicuous expression. 'Xlie 
Emperors Alexander and Francis were preseot in person ; King Frederick 
William of Prussia was represented by the Crown Prince. The CahintU 
of the Eastern I'owers were represented by the Ministers responsible for 
their general policy: Austria by Mcttemieh, Russia by Capodistrias, 
PntEBJa by Ilardcnberg. Great Britain, on this other hand, consistently 
with her determination to take no share in tlie active Concert of the 
Powers, sent no minister plcnipoteniiary, but wat represented by I-onJ 
Stewart, the ambassador at Vienna. France too, though her policy wn.t 
leas dearly defined, had given no plenary* powera to her representatives. 
Tlie inferior status of the Ministers of the two constitutional Powers, 
therefore, tended from the linrt to exclude them from the inner councils 
of the sovereigns, uhase intimacy the friendly and simple interrour^G 
in the i|uiet little Silesian town was so well calculatcil to cement. 
Mettcmich, in fact, whose leaning towards England had been due 
mainly to bis fear of the designs of Uussia, soon discovered that it was 
no longer necessary for him to depend ujxm a Power so "honipeml 
in its forms," that it could offer nothing but " positive dangers, or but 
slight active assistance." For the Emperor Alexander had arrived at 
Troppau a changed roan, and Capodistrias seemed to have shared his 
conversion. To commit the Russian Emperor publicly to the Austrian 
"conservative siF'stcm" became now Mettcmidi's supreme aim; and he 
succeeded beyond his hopn. lit a confidential talk over a cup of tea 



h 



S8 



The Conference of Tmppaii. 



he received Ihe Tsar's confe<»ion and vows of nniOTidment,. "To-day,* 
■aid the repcnUnt aiitocnit, " I deplore all Umt I said aiid did between 
the yews IBIiJ and ISIS. I regret the time lost; we must study to 
retrieve iL You have correctly judged the condition of thing*. Tell 
me what yon want and what you wont of me, and I will do it." 

Under these circumst&nces Mettcmich thought hini.wlf in a position 
to ignore tlic views of Great BHtain luiil France. Id a series of con- 
ferences to which the repre.'uuitativ-es of the two Western Powers were 
not admitted, on tlie excuse that they were empowered to "report* 
not to ''dedde," was drawn up the famous preliminary protocol signed 
on November 19 by the throe Powers. " States which have undergone 
ft change of govcnimcnt due to revolution," it ran, "the results of 
whidi tlireatcn other Slato, ip«o Jacto cease to be members of the 
Europenn AlliaiKe, and remain excluded ^m it until their situation 
gives guarantees for legal order and stability. If, owing to such altem- 
tions, immediate danger threatens other States, the Powers bind tbem« 
selvt*, by peaceful mctinK, or if need be by arms, to bring back the guilty 
State into the boftom of Uie (irettt AJliaiice." 

The moral effect of tlje Troppau Protocol was, none the leas, likely 
to be greatly weakened by the conspicuous diaa[^roval of two of the five 
great Powers; and Mettcniirh still hoped to remedy this defect. He 
pointfi] out Unit the Protocol only avH-rUtl a principle to which any 
constitutional istate might a.<»cnt, since it applied exclusively to internal 
tSdin having an external eSect, and did but guarantee Intimate power, 
as the Alliance guaranteed territorial possession, against Jbrce. He 
hoped for the *^ mond support" even of thoiw Powers who could not sign, 
since hi* object was but to pro% e to the world " that tlie Emperor of 
Kuasia la not in favour of revolutions, and to bind him to tlie protection 
of Statea." To these ad^'ances Prance, anxious to remain on good tenna 
with the Allies, nrplied by giving a general adhesion to the Protocol, 
hut witli Kcvcml reservations which .she placed on record. Castlereagh, 
on the oUtcr liand, was obihirate. In the long despatch of December 16. 
ill which he instructed Lord Stewart to refuse his assent to tite Protocol, 
he presented a masterly criticism of its provisions. He denied the claim 
that these grew logically out of Article 5 of the Treaty of Novem- 
ber 20, 1815, which applied only to France, and bound the coutractii^ 
Powers to no more than to deliberate together with a view to gitarding 
against a common danger; certainty not to an immediate armed inter- 
vention whenever and wherever revolution might tJiow itsel£ He 
pointed out that the Protocol would defeat its own ends by seeming to 
•cparote tlie sovereigns from their peoples and to base tlie security of 
Ihronei ujiou foreign atd. Moreover, if, as he siippo«^, its provisions 
were to he made reciprocal, "would the great Powe« of Kurope be 
prepared to admit the principle that their territories were to be 
thrown open to cncli other's approach upon cases of a;>sumed necessity 



lan] 



The Conference of iMtbaeh. 



29 



or espcdicscy, of M-hicli, not tho purty roociring nid, but tbc puty sd- 
mmtHering it, wna to be 1h« judge?" The Bntixh Goveromcnt at leant 
protested against any attempt to consider sudi a principle as, under any 
conceivable circumstances, applicable to tbe llritisb dominions ; and it 
Ibllovrod tbat it protested cciuully against any sj'stcmatic application of 
it fco tbe internal ooncenu of other States Great Britain, in Khort, 
could be no party bo s Bystem which seemed " to lead to the cieation 
of a fipcciea of general government in Europe, with a 8operintend< 
iog Dirvctoiy, destructive of all comet notions of internal sovereign 
authority," and oould not "charge iLtdf, ai a member of the Alliance, 
with the moral responsibility of adminbtering a general Kuropean 
p(^oe of thi* description." 

Meanwhile the Omfcrcnce atXroppau had adjourned without coming 
to ai^ decisioo on Uie Italian Question beyond that of continuing tbe 
conJ^rences at I^ibach in Janunr)', and inviting the King of Naples 
to attend them. With this plan the British Government was in agi«e- 
uent; and Ca^Llorcagh duly noted that tbe invitation to tbe King, '*aa 
implying D<^tiation,'' liad tended to calm the ferment in Naple*. 
England while willing to tend a squadron to watch over (lie vafcty of 
tbe Neapolitan royal family, and "anieat di«>rder," would maintain a 
strict neutrality. From Vienna, meanwhile, Stewart reported that 
Costlcrcsgh') despatch had created consternation in diplomatic circles, 
and that tbe reactionaty Powen> were showing signs of repenting their 
pKcipitancy to the matter of the Troppau Protocol 'lliis attitude 
was, in fact, disingenuous, and was dictated by the fear that Great 
Britain miglit at Um Lk-st moment refuse to send a representative to 
liiibarh, and thai a(U'«rtt»e tbe dinnoion of tbe Allies to all tbe worid. 
It succeeded ; but the outcome was hardly leas unsatisfactory to tbe 
nactionary Powers than if it bud failed. 

From Ibe point of view of £uro{>e at large the most important out- 
ooioe of the Conference of Lfiibacb was the furUier widening of the rifl 
witbin tbe Alliance, which at \'enHia was to develop into a pennanent 
and open brracb. 'Xbc British Government was as little ansioua as any 
other menilMrr of tliv Albunce to take any overt mutsure the rc&ult of 
wbid) would be to weaken the Concert which it believed to be cfsmtial 
to tbe safety of Europe. But the attitude of the other Powers left it 
no choice. To Mettemich and those who thou^t with him it seemed 
mU itnporlnnt that the armed intervention of Austria should be backed 
by tbe apparent otoral support of all Ui« allied I'uwcih ; and tu secure 
tbis every efiiH-t was made to force or to entrap tbe representative of 
Gnat firitaia into agreeing to a formula which, in the eyes of tbe world, 
would bavc committed England to tbe priuetplcs of the other ^Vllics. 

lo tbe midnt of angry di»cu»ioR*, in tlw cotir»e of which it was even 
saggetted that be should not be admitted to the conferences. Lord Stewart 
stood Itrm ; and, when Capodiatrios began to nsid to the uscmblcd 

OL i. 



30 



Division in Europe. 



[l8!l 



It&lian plenipotentiaries what «a« in dfert a recapitulation of the 
principles of the Troppau Protocol, he intemipled with tlie remark that, 
if the Russian Minister thought it wise to proceed now to "a new 
development of their former sen^iment^,'' he would have to "insert 
upon the face of the proceedings" the exactly opposite views of the 
witish GoTemment, The attempt to revive the Troppau Protocol, 
indeed, which Alexander now declared to be essential to the safety of 
Europe necessitated a formal protest; and, to the die^niny of the 
Klctwrniy Cabinets, Stewart insirtcd on adding a declaration to the 
Journals, making it clear tliat Great Britain was not at one with the 
Allied sovereigns in this matter, 'i'he bitterness created by this attitude, 
wrote Lord Stewart, was very evident; ajjd the breach within the 
AUianec was scarcely less so. To the Declaration issued at tlic close 
of the Confctvnce Great Britain hod little objection to make ; but id 
their circular despatches and instructions to their Ministers the three 
Powers had used a language which, as "a development of the Protocol," 
they knew could not but be highly displeasing to both France and 
Gnat Britain. In tlie Russian circular, Count Nesselrode declared that 
in asniming their attitude towards the troubles in Naples the Powers 
were acting in "the cause of Europe, of law, and of the treaties"; 
which implied that Great Britain, by holding aloof, had betrayed Kuropc 
and been false to her treaty obligations. Moreover, the Tsar's idea of 
a Unirenal Union, so often repudiated, reappeared undisguiaecl and 
unashamed. "A* an intimate union," he wrote, "has bceo ettablished 
hj •olenut acts between all the European Powers, the Emperor otTers to 
tbe Allies the aid of his arms, in cose new overturns should thieateo 
new dangers." It was in this spirit that 100,000 Russians had received 
the order to march when the news came of the revolt in Piedmont. " In 
short," wrote Stewart from \'icnna on March 20, " tlicrc can be little 
doubt from the complexion of these instruinentt that a Triple tTnder- 
standing has been created which binds the parties to cony forward their 
own views in spite of any difference of opinion which may exist between 
them and the two great constitutional Govemmcnts." It is clear Uiat, 
but for tlie acute developments during the next few montlu of two 
questions which once more profoundly modified the relations of the 
Powers, the avowed split in the Alliance, which, after 1830, was to place 
the two Western Powers in more or leis general opposition to the Uirce 
autocratic monarchies, might have been anticipated by several vcort. 

Of thcM qucfitions by far tlic most immediately critical was tliat whicli, 
about this time, flntt became known as the Eastern (Question. It emerged, 
with dramatic suddenness, during tlie Conference of Ijiibach, with 
the news, which reached the Emperor Alexander on Alarch 19, of 
Ypsilanti's invasion of Molda^a, followed a month later by tliat of the 
national uprising of the Greeks in the Morca, Its developments, diplo- 
matic and other, will be decdt with elsewhere. Here it will suffice to say 



4 
4 

I 
4 




ISit] 



The liasla-ii Question. — Spain. 



31 



that it tended to draw closer together the two Powers, Austrixi uikI 
Great Brit&in, most interested m the prescrvatian of the integrity of Uk 
Ottomiui Empire ; and thst, for the moment, it braced up the loosening 
boodt of the Grand Alliance, as ilw moat obvious instrument for preventing 
the isolated action of Ku^nia. 'llie second que&tion, destined to have 
momentous consequences, was raised by the attitude of the ultra-Royalist 
Government of I-'ranee towai-d the continued unrest in Spain ; the 
immediate consequence of which was to draw tlie two constitutiomtl 
Powen apart, bring Frimce for a while into line with Uie policy of the 
autocratic Powers, and lead ultimately to tlie proclamation of l^igland's 
breach with the Continent of Europe. 

'ITie unrest in Spain had never ceased to grow since the revolution in 
1820; and in France, where the ultra- Uoyalists were now in power under 
the able Icadcnhip of Villclc, a clamour arose for intervention, to supprem 
u revolutionary licence which threatened to infect France lienvlf, and to 
avenge the insults offered to a monarch of the House of Bourbon. In 
August, 1821, an epidemic of yellow fever in Spaiji gave the French 
Government an excuse for establishing on the botdcr a corps of observa- 
tion, on pretext of forming a sanit^ cordon, and this was gradually 
increased, till it numbered a hundred tlioumnd men ; nor was it 
witlidrawn when the peril of physical infection was past, llie hotter 
headi of the Government, in fact, were not averse from the attempt to 
add lustre to the restored monarchy by a successful revival of the old 
policy of the Bourbon monarchy towards Spain. But Villele himself 
saw the necessity for caution. For Great Britain ti)o Treaty of 
Utrccbt woji by no means a dead letter; and the British Government, 
afler pouring out tlie blood and treasure of the nation in driving 
Napoleon out of the Peninsula, was not prepared to allow its peaceful 
occupation by hU successor. It held, moreover, a powerful weapon in 
tescne. The independence of the Spanish Colonies in America was 
already establiithed tU /actoi and though British Ministers did not yet 
think tlie time ripe, tfaey were prepared to recognise titem a* existing 
lU jurt rather than run the risk of any attempt of a European alliance 
to ncGoquer them, or of any of them passing under the flag of I'Yance. 
Id face of thU attitude of Great Britain, therefore, Fronoe shrank from 
ist^ated action, and before attempting to interfere in Spain decided to 
obtain, if poasible, the sanction of tlie European Concert. 

Before the dissolution of the Congress at Laibadi, in tlie spring of 
1831, it hod been decided that it should meet again at >'erona in the 
autumn of the following year. Mettemich still bod hope* of winning 
over GreiLt Britain to his views. From his standpoint the condition of 
Europe was becoming every jxar more aJanning ; and the Tory Govern- 
ment, he well knew, had little sympathy with popular agitations, or 
with the attitude of the Liberals in the south-German Chambers, whidi 
in Baden had produced a legishitive deadlock, and in Bavaria bad driren 



32 



Mettermck and Casthreagh, 



[l8Sl 



the King to petition Uic Powen for nid against the Constitution be 
bud liimKclf granted. Ca&tlercagh, indeed, was as averse a» ever from 
committing Great BritaJn to the policy of tbe contineofaal Powers ; but 
in the Eastern Qutistion, now- every day increasing in seriousness, h« and , 
Mettcmidi stood on common grxHind which miggestod the cxpedienc^^ 
of a doscr undtrttanding between them. In October, 18SI, acoord- 
ioglj', during the Aisit of King George IV to Hanover, the two statesmen 
met in conference, A meeting apparently of so sinister an import for 
the future of liberty seemed to some, at the moment, of doubtful i 
expediency ; and Costlcreagli thottght it nconssury \a juntify bin action. 
" Had the qtietition been of an oitlinary character," be wrote to Gordon, 
"and involving the form of go\emmej>t under which any portion of 
Europe was to subsist (as that of Naples lately did), I should have felt 
as you have doiic about an interview with Prince Mcttnruch, that it 
might lead to more noise and jealousy Uian was worth encountering... 
but the qtie&tion of Turkey i» of n totally ditfcrent character, and one 
whid] ij) England we regaid, not aa a theoretical, but as a practical 
ctmsideration of the greatest moment** 

Alexander's idea of a "universal union" of guarantee proved now a 
convenient diplomatic weapon in the hands of those who desired to 
prevent hi.s intervention in Turkey. In a confidential memorandum, 
dated Hanover, October 22, Mettemidi defined the Austrian iJolicy 
aa the maintenance of peace om the bant nf exUtlnff treaties. He would 
presa the Porte to yield on those points at issue on which Russia's 
treaty rij^ts were clear ; but he refused to consider the question of war. 
"Tlicrt cxUtt," he wrote, "on explicit engagement on the part of 
Ruada that the Emperor will on no grotind aeparate himself firotn the 
omuervative principles of the Alliance. It is to this declaration that 
the Emperor of Austria has attached the moral guarantee which he 
has been invited by his august ally to nccord to him." On October 28, 
('lutlcrcagh, writing to Sir Charles Bagot ut St Petersburg, punuod the 
same line of argumenL He refuitcd to answer the Ttar's (|ue«tion as to 
wliat Great Britain would do in tlie event of war and the overthrow of 
the Ottoman Power. Whatever his personal sympatliy with the cause 
of the Greeks might be, the preservation of the peace of Europe was of 
paraiaoiuit importance; and he could not rcroiicilc it with his sense of 
duty **to embark on a acheine for new modelling the position of the 
Greek population at the hazard of all tlie destructive confiuion and 
disunion which such an attempt would lead to, not only within Turiiey* 
but in Europe. The nature of the Turkish power was fully understood, 
when the existing state of Europe, includinff that ofTurkrif, was placed 
under the [uovidcnt care and anxious protection of tlte general Alliance." 
This bold claim to extend tlie objects of the Alliance so as to cover 
not only the Acta of Vienna, which all had signed, but all other 
cmtjug territorial tix-atica, mi^t have left tlic Tsar unconvinced, had 



isie] 



Congress of Verona. 



his pcnonnl inclinations coincided with those of his people. As it was, 
Mettcniicb'* diplomncj-, burktd i)y C«irtlcrc«gh, triuDiphod ; Uie Ilusrian 
Kmperor sacriRced tlie prestige of Rusnia in the ICast to his dream of 
a fcdemted Europe, and consented to send bis representative to take 
counsel with the Allies at the prelirainsiy conferences at Vienna in 
September, XS&IL He himself would be present at those at Verona 
a month later. Cii*Hcn.-agli, now Mongiiis of LondondcrrTi-, »na on tlie 
ere of setting out for the conferences when, on Atignttt IS, his tragic 
death placed the guidance of the foreign policy of England in other 
hands. 

Though the masterful personality and mon; briUiant hnagiimtinn of 
George Cunning were sure, sooner or Inter, to give a new tone to the 
language of the Britiol) Cabinet in fnreif^ii afFnint, his nccvptancx of the 
office opened to him, at lost, by Castlereagh's <IeaUi, made no breach in 
the continuity of the policy of the Goveruuient, Li view of the urgency 
of the crisis in the East, the presence of a British plenipotentiary at 
Verona was considerod essential. The Duke of Wellington was now 
selected as the Bnlislt repretient^Ltire ; and his instructions were those 
which Lord Londonderry, witJi tlie apprMval of the King and the 
Cabinet, had drawn up for his own guidance. 

Tbo main subjects to be discussed were three : the Turkish Question, 
that of Spain and the Spanish Colonics, and the affairs of Italy. As to 
the last of tlicsc, Great Britain not hsving charged h«r.«lf with any 
superintendence of a xyirtein in nhich Klie bad merely acciuiesced, the 
duty of the SritUh Muiihter would only be to keep himself informed and 
to Btc that nothing was done " inconsistent with the European system and 
the treaties." As to the Greek Question, tlic instructions foreshadowed 
the later action of Catming. ITje successes of the Greeks and " the 
progress made by them toward tlie formation of a Govertniient, together 
with the total paralysis of the Ottoman naval power in the Levant," 
pointed to the fact that, sooner or later, Gi-cat Britain would be forced 
to recognise tlie belligerent rights of a ^ facto Government in the 
Morea. As to any prujHJSul fur joint intervention, care must be taken 
not to eonimit Great Britain beyond the limits of good offices. Any 
engagement in the nature of a guarantee was altogether inadmissible. 

On the S|>ani«h Question, which was destined at the Congn-st to 
oveishadow idl utlicn, the language of the instructions was tjuite 
unequivocal ; there was to be "a rigid abstinence from any interference 
in the internal affairs of that country." As to the Spanish Colonies, 
tliesc would be recognised by other States, sooner or later, should the 
mother •country not reestablish her authority within a given time; 
and it would be to the interest of Spain herself to "find the means 
of restoring aji iutercourw, when she cannot su<«cod in restoring 
a dominion." Meanwhile, the British plenipotentiary was to draw 
attention tu tlic commerce between England and the revolted Colonics, 



c a. n. X. en. i. 



8 



8« 



Attitude of Great Sriia'tn at Verona. [i 



which it waa impcMi-iible to inten'upt. Great Britain had already rocog- 
tiised the dejacto exiateoco of the ^^pnnish American Republics ; tbcve 
waa no immediate necessity for rocoRiiising tlwir t-jtistcnci- de jure, "«o 
as to create a certain impcdinKiit to tlic asni-dion of Uic rij^libi of tlie 
fortncr occupant" ; but it <m» a question how long it would be poisihle 
to postpone »nch recognition as would be implied by the appointment of 
diplontfttio agent*. Great liritsin would be glad to "obtain a concert" in 
tlua matter, but not such as to hnmpcr her independence of action. Thm 
wcro the principica deRncd of that jjolicy which niltninated, tvfo years 
later, in the recngnition by Canning of the South American Kepnblics. 

'llie aloofnesti of Great Dritain from tlie other I'owera was from the 
first made evident. The J^iike of V\'eUington, as Minister Plenipo- 
tentiary-, was instructed not to go to Verona until the affaire of It/dy 
Iiftd been scttl»l therr. liis pLice, meanwhile, wn« to btt lidicn by Lord 
Ixmdonderry (I»rd Stewart), Castlereagh's half-brotlier and successor 
ill the title, who wat to act in the same capacity as at 'IVippau and 
Laibacli. Aleaiiwhile, in a series of despatches to Wellington, Canning 
coflfirmed and elaboi-ated the instructions of which ho wa« the bearer. 
In the Tiirkixh Question, ns between Grerics and Turks, Great Britain 
could be no party to any intcrvt'iitlnti in the internal aflainof any nation; 
aa between 'IMrks and Hussiuiiii, site would itLsiat on the observance of 
the treaties. In the matter of Spain, her objection to intervention bad 
been coniimied by isuhseijuent evunts, notably by the ill-conccalod am- 
bitions of tilt! Hoiue of Bragnom. which hoped to profit l>y a French 
invtutiun. A» to the American Colonies, England could Ik no [tarty to 
any dedaratiou afRrming the rights of Spain over them, so aa to firtter 
the discretion of tlie British Government. Indeed, in his opinion, 
beftHV the meeting of Parliament. " the course of events, tile intercsta 
of commcfcc, and the state of nuvigiition in the American Mjas," would 
oblige tbcCahinef^tocome to wmc uncliTKtandiug, more or leas distinct, 
witli aoiiie of those self-electe<l Govemnients.'" 

Wellington, for his part, perceived while yet at Vienna that the 
Conferences at Verona wotild "turn almost entirely upon the affairs of 
Spain." Now thai llic influence of Capodistrios had been removed by 
his diitmissal, Mettemich, who had become, according to Wellington, 
the Russian Kmperar's ''principal advi.Her,"" found little rhHknilty in 
impressing his views upon tlic Tsar; and the attitude of the Powen 
towards the Eastern Question huil been settled, in the preliminary confer- 
ence* at Vienna, in a mnsK iigi-ccjible to Austria. Wbcn, on October 20, 
the (inferences at Verona wi;re opened, the IJMt and only igucKtion raised 
was tliat of Spain, and, with the broader (|uestionfi of principle involved 
in it, it occupied practically the whole period of the Congres.i. 

The discusnioii wa.t opcni.'<l by tbrce questions formally propounded 
by Montmorency in the name of flic French Government : (1) Would 
the Allies withdraw their Ministers from Madrid in tlic ownt of 



: 



IBSJt] 



The Spanish Question. 



Sfi 



Fnuioe being toretA to do so? (S) In ca.se of war, under wliat fonn 
and by what acts would tJie Powers give France their taoral support, so 
as to give to ber action all tite force of the Alliuicr, nnd inspire a 
•alutaiy fear in ihe reyolutionaries of all countries ? (3) What matmal 
aid would the Poweia give, if askod by France to intervene, under 
reatricUous vhich bIvc would daclare and they would recognise ? The 
situatioD created by tbv Frendi memorandum i» himinously descnbed 
by Wellington in a letter to Cannii^ dated October 29. llio funda- 
mental difficult lay in the false position in which France had placed 
herself by her action in Sp«tin since 1820; the emborrasanient of 
tlie Ejnperor y\lvxander with his army, which he desired to keep 
occupied; and tlii: fctct that the German Powers Mt it neccnury to 
faumoor him in order to prevent his attacking 'I\irkoy. 'Hie reply 
of Alexander to the French enquiries had Ijcen aa prompt as di^^oii- 
certitig. Already at Vienoa he hud made it clear to Wellington that 
be wna in favour of European intervention, and bad exfircsiMxl bis 
surpriv on learning that N'illele intenfled to keep tlie qu«ti<Hi " wholly 
French." He now propwted to march 1 50,000 Hussiann through Germany 
to Piedmont, where they would be in an excellent position for attacking 
Jacobinism either in Spain or in France. ThJa vaa a. solution which 
appealed to Metteniich nnd Montmorency la little as to Wellington. 
The Frendi Minister "told tlic Tan- in positive termn" that any movc- 
meitt of troops would be injurious to I'^ance; and the Aiutrian and 
British Ministers combined to persuade him of the perils which would 
attend any such demonstration. The unanimity of the other Powers, 
however, stopped with their opposition to the heroic mea.<iircs of the 
RuHsian F.mjH-ror, and in spite of tlie effortJi of the Aliic-t to refrain 
from holding any language in which Great llritain could not go along 
irith tbera, four days of "confidential communications" were suflieient 
to reveal a fiindamentnl dircT|^ncc of view bcta-ccn Great Britain and 
tite continental Powers. 

Wellington, who from the wealtli of hi* personal eiporiencc pointod 
out to the French Minister the peculiar danger of on invasion of 
Spain, proposed that I'Vance should declare ber intention of malntatn- 
ing peace, and should invite the good oflioes of one of the Allies 
to explain this to tiie Spani^i Government. The proposal broke 
down, because Great Britain, recogniiie<) a» the only possible mediator^ 
was too much interested in the questions at issue to be aeceptable to 
FnuKe. Failing this Metteniich suggested that all the Powers Srhoidd 
speak, so aa to prove to Spain that France had their s\ipport ; and 
Montmormcy pro])oeed that tlicir common langniigc tJiouM be based 
apon the Treaty of Aix-la<C)uipelle. Hut Wellington bad already mad« 
it dear that (Jreat Hritain would be no party to any common declara- 
tion or treaty wliatsoever. Mettemich, therefore, suggested that tlw 
Allies should "Iwld « common language, but in separate notes, though 



CU. L 



S-2 



36 



Great Britain abandons the Concert. [1823-3 



uniform iu their principles and their obiccts.** This solution was 
adopted by tho continent^d Powers ; «id WeilJriKton, tnic to hi* in*tnic- 
tions not to couutenanee any intervention in ii^paniah alTair*, took no 
part in tlie conferences that followed. On October 30 the Powers 
handed in their formal replies to the French memorandum. ItussiOf 
Austria, and Prutsta would act lu France should in rcKpcct to their 
Mmi«tcni in Spain, aiid would give to France every countenance and 
oatistanrc she might require, *' the cause for such assistance, and the 
period, and the mode of giving it, being reserved to be specified in a 
treaty." Wellington, on the other hand, on behalf of Great Rritain, 
replied that, "having no knovriedgc of th« emisi; of dispute, and not 
being able to form a Judgmt-nt ujion a hypothetical case, he oould give 
no ansirer to any of the questions." 

Attempts were made so to adjust the form of the intcr^'cntion of 
the Powcra as to avoid an open breacli with Great Britain. But 
the intcnsits of Great Britain were, in fact, too immaliately involved 
to moke any eompromi^ witli the jirinciple of no>l-inte^^'ention on the 
occasion possible; and when, on April 7, 1823, s IVendi army of 
05,000 men, under the Duke of Angoulcme, crossed the Bida^^oa, tho 
experiment of a "Confederation of Europe,"^ nded by a council of Ui« 
great Powent, wat at an end. 

ThiH outcome revealed to all tlit- world the essential weakness of the 
foundations on which tlie claim of the Alliance to govern Europe rested. 
The dictatorsbip of the Allies was, in fact, as much a usurpation as the 
Napoleonic Empire which they had overthrown ; luid it could KurviTc only 
so long OS their own intenstts did not c^ome into violent conflict, lliia 
had been the argument of the Emperor Alexander in his persistent 
efforts to base his " universal union ^ on the broader foundation of the 
Huly Alliance: (uid his opinion had been backed by tlic atlititde of 
the minor States. The King of Swe<icn had protested at Aix>la- 
Chapcllc against the dictatoi-sliip of the great Powers; and after 
Verona, the King of Wiirttcmbcrg, in a circular note signed by Prince 
Wintiingcrodc and dated January 2, 1823, had renewed the protest 
againat the attitude of the Powers which hml *' inherited the influence 
arrogated by Napoleon in Europe," and hail claimed for all sovereign 
States a voice in international councils. The open defection of Great 
Britain shook to it* foundations the international stnictim; on nhidi, 
according to Metternicli, tlie tmfoty of Europe still reste<t. It was not 
that tho attitude of the Briti^ih Government was based on any new 
pnneiptc, or that itt hmgimge dilTered essentially from that which it had 
alwa)~a held. It was raUii-r that, in the mouth of Caiming, the old 
phrases had become infused with a new spirit. CasUereagh Iiad 
lamented the loosening of the international tics which, as he rightly 
believed, had done no much to secure the stability of tlie new order in 
Europe To Canning they were but a drag on the free initiative of 



I833J 



TAe policy of Canning. 



87 



Great Bntatti ; and he inado no M-rret of }ii« Hatkfaction at their hreadi. 
In a letter of January 8, 1H23, to Sir Charles Uagot at St Petersbui^, be 
wrote exultantly of " the issue of Verona, which has split the otio and 
individible Alliance into three parts as distinct as the constitutions of 
England, l'"n»iiw, nnd Miistovy." Tlic three nuLooratic CotirU might 
threaten the Spanish (ioveriitiujit, slinitld it prove refractory, with tlte 
resentment of collective Kurope ; but tlie policy of the French, as of the 
British, Cabinet «-as now directed, not by European, but by national 
conndcmlionK. "So thinKsurcfii'lliiiff Iwck to a wholesome state again. 
Every nation for itself, tuul Gud for u» nil. 'llie time for Areopagus, 
and the like of that, ia gone by." In vain Mettemich tried to naton 
the broken harmony of tlie Concert. To Sir Henry \Vcllcstey, the 
British nmlwLsswIor at Vienna, lie complained of the tone of s])ceflK« in 
Parliament, of the lii-ence nllowcil to pogiular agitation in favour of 
revolutiooary movements, and declared that (ireat Itritain was in danger 
of losing her influence in the Alliance, In a letter to Wcllcalcy of 
September 16, 1823, Canning replied in language too clear to be inla- 
underslortd. Tlie policy of tin: Drilish Goveniment contimied to be 
what it had consistently lieen throughout, 'lliere was no intention of 
breaking with the Alliance, so far as this confined itself to carrying out 
the intenlionH with which it had been originally formed, and which were 
defined hy treaty. ** Kngland is imder no obligation to interfere, or to 
aasist in interfering, in the internal concerns of independent nations. 
Tlie speciRc engngeroent to interfere in France is an exception so 
studiously particularised as to prove the rule. The rule I take to be, 
that our engagements have reference wholly t« the state of t(.-rritariAl 
pononon octUed at the Peace ; to the state of affairs between nation 
and nation ; not (with the single exception above stated) to the afTaira of 
any nation within itself. I thought the public declaration of my pre- 
decessor had Mt this tjucstion cnliR-ly at rest." As for the position of 
EnglniKl in the Alliance — " What is the influence wc have had in the 
counsels of the Alliance, and which Prince Mettemich exliorts us to be 
so careful not to throw away ? Wc protested at Laibacl) ; we remon- 
strated at Verona. Our protest was treated aa waste-paper; our 
remonstrances mingletl witli the air. Our influence, if it is to be 
maintained abroad, must be secure in the sources of strength at home; 
and the sources of that strength arc in the sympathy between tlie people 
and the Government; in the union of the public sentiment with the 
public coiuiiels; in the reci|irocnl confidence and coopenitiou of the 
House of Commons and the Crown.^ 

It is not surprising that language, so well justified from the 
British point of view, but from the continental point of view so 
" insiilor," should have led Mctternich to K|xvik of Canning as *' the 
malevolent meteor hurled by an angry Providence upon Kurope." Even 
had Mettemich been by temperament inclined to "trust the people,* 

CM. L 



88 



JP'rom Verona to the Revolution of July. [i82s-ao 



there esislcd in the hcterogOOCOiis cmpirr for tl>e gnTommeiit of which 
be was ^sponsible, littJc pouibility of siiy '* union of the public wnti^ 
ment with the public counbeLa"; and, whatever the limitations of bia 
outlook and the errors of bis policy, he waa in a better position than 
Canning to realise the perils to Europcn.n jiemc involved in the Ktirrinfr 
up of the dorninnt fora^ uf nutiunuiity. It is elcnr, indeed, that 
Oiniiing hiiniaelf at tJiia time did not realise the full import of his 
language, nor contemplaic the ultimate outcome of tlie attitude he 
assumed. lie loudly championed Ihc priudple of nntioiuility: hut for 
bim, a» for Mt-tlurnieli, liic bnuiidiirieH of natlonx were the territorial 
divi^ons established at Vienna ; and in deprecating the interference of 
the Alliance in the Ottoman Empire he eould even spcidc of the right of 
"the Turkish nation" to manage its own ufPairs. "Our busJrn**," he 
wrote in tlu^ letU^ ulreiidy quoted, "is tn prtwervi; the l>cace of tlie 
world, and therefun; the independence of the several nations that 
compose it. In tveisting the Ilevolutiou in all its stages we resisted tbe 
spirit of change, to be sun?, but wc resisted also tJie npirit of foreign 
domination." Yet it wiw upon "foreign domination" Uuit the ortlcrof 
the greater part of Kurope rested ; and tbe sanic was tme of the British 
Empire itM-lf ; while, diuiog the century to come, the clash of national 
ideal» mid ambitionti was to be tlic most fruitful cause of change and 
of war. 

The two l>umiiig quentiona on which, during the interval between 
Verona and tbe July Iterotution, the Powers split into opposing campa — 
tbe Spanish Colonies and tbe integrity of the Ottoman Empire — were 
outside the scope of tJie Allinnee altogether ; and the attempt to bring 
thetn into the spliere of lU JnHiieJiec broke down on the oppo«ition of 
the Towers whose interesta were involved. The caae of tlie Spanish 
Colonics was the most momentous in its results, though in a seoae 
very remote from the issues which loomed Inrgewt iti coiitempoi-ary fcara. 
To believen in the divine right of nuinnichy tlic cMtiLblinlnnent of a 
Bcriea of Itepublics in tlie New World j>ortended the ruin of nil onler 
in Europe ; to doctrinaire Liberals, like Beiitham, it meant the triumph 
uf eiilighleniiiciit through the example given to the world of communities 
finnly based on the purest principles of reason, TIic philosopher 
seriously meditated transferring himself in his old age to Mexico, to 
ahare in the glorious work ; tbe Due de Richelieu had propotied, in order 
to prei-ent a worse thing, to set up a Bourbon prince as " King of Buenoii 
Aires." After tlie easy triumph of the French arms in Spain, the 
Spanish Government, supported by Fmnee, sugi^ted that Ihe fate of 
thu Spanish Colonies should be submitted to a Congress of the Powers. 
The proposal broke down on the opposition of Great Britain, determined, 
in Canning's phruse, that if France hod Spain it should be "Spain 
without the Indiea." In announcing to Parliament the ns^gnition hy 
tile British Goveniment of the South American Republics (18Sd), Canning 



i 



t 



18S3-49] Breakdoam of i/ie general Alliance. 



39 



exclaimed, "We have caJled a new world iiitti i;\isU.-ncc to rcdrets the 
balance of the old," To au age enlightened by very iiearly a century'* 
experience of the working of Liberal institutions in the «mi-barbarou8 
South Amerieou States botli tlie Iwyn^ and the fwin» excited by their 
establishment seem ahnottt groteujuo; and tlie evi^nt now rt.-ct>gTU«ed as 
most pri-'gnant irith momeutous issues for the future was the sudden 
intervention of tW United States of Anierlea. The reply of the great 
Hcpuhlic of th« West to the claim of tlic Europenn Powent to regulatu 
the aJTairs of all the world ira-t the famous me^sagv of President Monnw 
to Congress, on December S, 18iJ!i, which developed into the " Monroe 
doctrine" of "America for the Americans." 

While 'tire attitude of thf United States effectually prevented the 
attempt to extend the dictatorship of the Alliiuice beyond the bounds of 
Ktirope, events in ICmope itself were rapidly tending to complete the 
process of disruption which the protests of Great Britain had begun. 
The developments of the Eastern Question had already split the Powora 
into oppwinj; camp*, Ix-fon- ttn' Hi'voliittons of 1830 made the first breach 
in th« " trcatii-:!." Tlie i:idc[wiidenct; of Gnt-n- was pliutd inidir the 
gmranbce, not of the general Alliance, but of Itus^ia, (ireat Britain, 
and France ; and, though the independence of Uelgiiim and the establish- 
ment of the Orleans dynasty in France were " bmught uitliin the 
tiratica" by the Concert of nil the gK-at I*(iwen', the result of the 
RevoIuUnn wn.<t in cITect to split the Atltaiice in two. The Ncal was s(rt 
on this division by the secret articles of the Convention of Berlin of 
October 15, 1833, between Russia, Austria, and Pruwia, hy wltich (he 
principles of the Troppiiu Protocol were solemnly rrafiirined. nience- 
fonnird the "Holy AiHiuice" wa* not even the scmblnnee of a Universal 
Union, but frankly a league of the three monarchies of eastern Europe 
for the defence of autocracy against revolution. Tlie last effective 
assertion of its principles was the intervention of the Emperor Nicholas I, 
in 18i9, to crush the n-voU in Hungary. 'I'he "Concert of J-Airope" 
still suhisislwJ M an effective factor in intemaUona] relations ; but it wu» 
bued upon the principle conaistentiy asserted throughout by the British 
Qovernment: the binding obligation of treaties, and the ri^ht of the 
Powers concerned to \x called into counsel on any ca.*e arising whit^h 
thntat«ned their intCRSt^. It was reserved for anotlier Emperor of 
Boiria, Nicholas II, to revive, at the clase of the nineteenth century, an 
ideal similar to that of the original Holy Alliance, in the attempt to 
establish an inlemational system which should enable the world to rid 
itself of the ruinous bui-den impOM^i upon it by the armed rivalry of the 
naUons. 



en. I. 



40 



CHAPTER II. 



THE DOCTRINAIRES. 



Is Mbrcb, 1815, France liad submitted for the second time to the 
rule of Napoleon, although united Europe dcclnn.'d him on outlaw and 
prcpartd the final effort for lii» overllirow. 

Mvnacing aa vcve the dangers of France abroad, they did not pret-ent 
men who considered themselves callml upon to act for tlieir country 
from fixing their anxious attention on inU-rnal political proldcmsi. Tliey 
claimed from the th-spot, who liml ruteil I-Vaiicc absolutely for fourteen 
year*, the grant of constitutional liberty. 'ITiese men were Ijafaycttc, 
Benjamin Constant, Sismondi, and a few others. Tlicy represented the 
viT)' doctrines which Napoleon had eati»t«iitly rejected. The IdMoguetf 
Its he used disdoinfolly to call them, repi'esented, according to him, the 
chimeras of abstract politics inherited from the eighteenth century. 
lie did not distinguish between the disciples of Montes((uieti and the 
follower* of Rouleau, hut held them alike ro^'poniiiblc for the nnordiy, 
tJie terror, and ruuilly for tlie dissolution of social oi"der. " 'ITiese twelve 
or fifteen metaphysicians,"" he said, " ought to be thrown into the water." 
In accordance with these sentiments, he silenced the lost rcpix^ieiitutivcs 
of free sjK'ecli in the conNuliir (i.'^sciiiblics. 

Shortly before Marengo, a few years liefore Necker's death, the First 
Consul hod an interview witlj him at Geneva, ITie former Minister of 
Ixniis XVI, who hod witnessed the fall of the monarchy, propounded 
to Napoleon ItiR favourite views. He insistnl on the identity twtwccn 
morals and politics, and advised a rc'publieiin and constitutional form of 
govennncnt. The impression he produced was one of mingled contempt 
and irritation. Nceker's daughter, Madame de Stoi'l, and the other 
membere of his little group, had henceforth to .■iunVr for the fatal nii-ibtku 
of daring to utilise, and at the same time to impose limitations on, tlic 
Htipremc power of Napoleon. During his reign these representatives of 
the principles of 1789 suffered exile and persecution. They were chal- 
lenged by the powerful geniuii who felt hinmelf Ktrong enough to provide 
France, not only with the military glory and the institutions, but also 
with the idetu., which she K{[uiiitd. Victory, while it loated, stilled 



iet4] The Ideologues and tJte fii'st Resioration. 



41 



oppoitition. But, afler 1818 aiid the disastei-a uliich the nsliile mind of 
Tallcvraod had swn so cnrlv as 1805 to be inevitable, official France 
claimed once more the right to criticise tlic ruler wliom fortune had 
abandoneil. Even tlicn the eflTeetit of the system wliiclt Napoleon had 
based on tlie weakness of human nature, on its love of power, on its 
t^^Ifillh aims, and on the wor«hip of success, prevailed with those who 
condemned, not his errors, but his niiiifoi-tune. And Uiv hope of 
securing their position in the future induced the members of the 
Legislatire Bodies of the Empire finally to submit without conditions to 
the Momirchy by the Gmcc of Gtwl, un<l to act-cpt tlic Constitution as 
the free gift of Uie King. The Ideologues of Itvpuhticun d«y» alone 
hesitated. 

I'heir ablest publicist, Uenjamin Constant, a Swiss by origin, repre- 
sentcd the individualistic thvoiy in puHti»!. Liberty was to him n 
personal rigtit, even more tlian a social necetaity. At the tx-ginning of 
bis career, uitder the Director^', his sympathies were for tlie Republic. 
Like Sicy^ he advocated the limitation of sovereignty by the artificial 
combination of »fi«imtc jkwct* within th<! Rtntc, directed alike agiuiut 
despotism and [Mpular tcrroriiiin. In 1814 he Iiad supportei] a scheme 
of constitutional monaiThy for France, with Ucroadottc at the helm, 
and Madame de Stoel had favoured it. 

The final .siiiKtioii by Europe of tlic legitimivt solution induced the 
Bten of this group, as it had induced Lafayette, an advanced liberal, 
and Camot, a Republican, to accept the monarchy of Louis XVIil. 
Detijiuuin Conxlant now called the Bourbons of the elder bretDch *' la 
Jam'Ule inconUttieT Tlie allegianai of tlicse politicians was not, how- 
ever, based upon the legitimist creed, but on the pact concluded between 
the dyniwty and the nation by the promulji^tion of the Charter. This 
pact excluded the return of the arwien rfginw. Tlic monarchy thereby 
accepted the centralised ailminiHtnitivc nrgiuiisation created by the 
Empire and the social organisation begotten by the Revolution and 
boMid on tliv principle of equality before the law. It further assumed 
that tlie hemlitary right, which the nation tuid oikv niorc Minctioncd, 
could alone reconcile old and new I-'rance and secure the peace of 
Europe. The first Restoration rested on the assumption that men of 
all parties would be summoned round the throne, a visible testimony to 
tlie unity of a free and jMcilicd nation. Under these conditions men 
who did not believe in the Divine Right of Kings were induced, botli 
by prudence and necessity, to at^cept the monarchy. 

Such an attitude was regarded with suspicion by the monarch and 
was hateful to tlie ultra -Royalist*. They were .itip[)orted by the King's 
brother, Monsieur, and were chiefly recruited from the ranks of the 
hfugrfs. It was soon manifest that their influence was likely to prevail. 
In ISli thb became itppaivnt more by the intcnlion.i which went 
revealed tlian by the locasurcs which were actually pos^. But one of 

CM. It 



4S 



The Constiiuti&nal Monarchists. 



[1814-S 



these measures, the reMtablishraeiit of the Censorship of the I'lrtw, first 
convinced Benjamin C'onstnnt tlmt the Restoration would not lait. Wlwai 
Cuitot, one of the rcgicid<3t, stibmittn} a momomnduni to the Kinft, in 
which he niJiH«- the Kniijfnition resjMiiisihIe for the death of Louis XVI, he 
was met by an outburst of Koyalist ])a*iion, which showed that men of his 
poiitical past could not cspcet toleration. One of the Kiiif;'» Ministcn, 
Femmd, justified it proposal for iinicmnities to th*' fmiffrix by asuerling 
that they alone had kept "the atniight Une," wliile the Hoyalista who 
had remained in Fiance were tainted with revolutionary ideas. Napoleon 
BAscrted that be owed his tritnnphaut reliim from Elba to this utteninof 
of Fcrntnd. Napoleon was able to grant wlmt the Hestoralion refttted. 
He bad never punished men, eillKr for havintj held convictions whidi he 
bimftelf did not share or for t-vil detvN which belongitl to the past. 
Oneondition tlmt henceforth thty submit ti-ii to hi* will, he had welcomed 
Itoyalists and Hopublicans, Terrorists, Therniidori»ns, aristocrats, or 
democrats, good nnd btid alike. In 1815, after having iK-cn earned hy 
a liliemi and democratic tiirrent from Cnnnc^ lo th<! Kiyst'e, he acted 
on the same principle. Ilie dity.* of hi* nl»oliilt* iiile were gone. He 
convinced patriots of the type of Ijifayelfe and Camot of the necessity 
of rcpcUing foi-L'igii invasion ; he won over Benjamin Constant, who 
dntftcd tiie ^Idc Aihliiiimnii m a more liberal sciisc than the Cliorter. 

But Napoietm <]id not wiccccd in gaining the support of the Con- 
stitutional Monarctiista. The episode of the Hnndped Days only 
confirmed them in the resolution to rescue the King from his reactionary 
sniToundings and to convince him of the necessity of shaping the 
nionRR-by of the futiirv not only according to the letter, but the spirit, 
of the Consliliition. The foremost of tbt; Royalists who recommended 
this cour»e, Pierre-Paul Royer-('ollard, was well known to the King. 
Bom in 17GS, the son of peasant proprietors, he had begun his career 
as a lawyer in Pans and bad approved of the beginnings of the 
Uevoltttion. Tlic excesses which foliowcd he condemned, and he foresaw 
their con.iequenccs. He escapt-d from the Terror and was elected, in 
1797, together with C^mille Jordan, the young and higldy-gift,ed deputy 
for Lyons, as member of the t.'ouncil of tlie Five Hundred. In this 
assembly Iwth these men pleaded, with remarkable eloquence, for liberty 
of worahip and the impartial adminbtration of justice. Their effi>rte 
were in vain ; and from that time Hoycr-CoIIard went back to the 
historic tradition of l-ranee, as exprwscd in the monarchical system. 
He became in the true sense of the word a legitimist, on the 
ftstumptton that the hereditary' Slonarchy represented a principle, not 
a parly, and that it would be prepared to lead the new dcstiniet 
of France. A trusted advi.tcr of I^nis X\'III, the Abb^ dc Montes> 
quiou, secured Royer-Collord as tlie correspondent who kept the King 
fnfonncd about events in France. This correspondence came to tia 
end in 1800, after Marengo, when the Rovalist cause had become 



iSM-si] Soyer-CoUard. Borndd. De Maistre. 4S 

h^MlesR. In hb valedictory letter to the King he congratulated him on 
famring refused to sacrilice his hercditAr)- rights for pecuniary adviuitagea 
and named him onoe more aRaitut the follies ruid the intrigues of the 
Emii^tion. Roycr-Coilard Wivii Apjtlicd 1iiin)«lf to philosophy. H« 
taught, uiiili-r tlic influence of Thomas Iteid, a iiu-tnpliyxical doctiine 
dtrecied chiefly against the prevailing materialism, in defence of free 
will and the clainu of human irason, IIo was appointed a profcstor 
at the Sorbonne, where youii;; tncn like GiiiEot and Charles de R^miisnt 
became his pupils, and H-itiieswcii lo tlio infliiMife of hi* tatching in favour 
of lilx-rty. it reiiU-fl on rt-ligious convictions, ^Vhile (iuixol, a sincere 
nnteatant, defended Christianity according to his creed, Itoyer-ColUrd 
remained faithful to the Jan^nist traditions in which he had been 
educated. Their severe nioralily was congenial to his conscicntiou* but 
hnuglity and uiiiiending mind. He owed it to hi.i JanscnL^t teachers, 
he Raid, that he liad never sought hia ow n interest in public life. 

When the Ahlw dc Montesquiou became a Minister under the first 
Resbomtion. he gnvc Gniitot a j)ost, and, renicinbcring the wrviw 
R(^r«r-Colliinl luid rvtidci^i^l to hi* vauw, entrusted him witJi U)c 
supcn'ision of tlie IVeas. Uuth he and Gui/ot conaeiiled to limit its 
liberty to long as the Government was not firmly established. At the 
same tintc they nniHtod the puiicy of the Ultras. When Chateaubriand 
piibli^Jied hiji Iii/lt-jion.i pal'iClquf«, Yr'|ii<h, nltliough directed againiit men 
like Camot, advocated the recognition of the new order and a |>eacefut 
ondersUnditig between the contending portics, Roycr-CoUard declared 
this policy to be the true foundation of tho momtrrhical system. He 
fiiiled in hia endeavoura to deidutrali.se the exliliiig orgnnl^lion of public 
jnatraetion, because Iiis object, the creation of aeventccti uiiirersities, 
met with the resolute opposition of the Viconite dc Ronald, an advocate 
of royal absoliitimn and of the sujirtme power of the Church in matters 
of education. Burialil hils supported by the AhW <ie I jiincnnnis, a man 
not Igh rigid than Itonald himselt' and equal in mental and literary powen 
to Count Joseph dc Maistre. 'lliesc partisans of the extreme views in 
Oiurvli politics ranie to the front M>»ti alter the ptiblication in Paris of 
dc Slaiitre's Principe ghieratrur dct C'oiutttutions poliliquti (1814). 
It contained the essence of doctrines which were made famous by tlie 
author's ]at«r works. Tlu-y proclaimed with conspicuous talent Uie 
divine origin of itovereignty, and the ftoUdonty of mankind as a living 
uud continuous organism, resting on tradition, guided by the inrniliblc 
autltonty of Caliiolic foith, of which the Tope is the interpreter. 
De Maistre, like Donald, looked forward to a regeneration of reli^on, 
which, notwithstanding th« cflbrt* of bin genius lo meet the needs ^his 
time, was but another espresaion for the theocracy of tht- T^liddle Ages, 
The idee* of de Akirirc developed into a coherent sy*tf-ni only after 
hi« death, 1881, when the IrealiH: Dii Pape, which he puhliaiied first in 
an incomplete form, was followed by a fuller \'er>ion, by the work on 

KU. tl. 



44 Seligioug intolerance. — Louis XFIII at Ghent. [i8U-5 

I.^f^lsf GitlUrattt, atid the Soirees de Sa'mUPHerabaurg; theinh-Ilectual 
fjtUier of inmlem Ul tram on tan ism never kii(;w the extent of liis triumphs. 

Lameunais introtlucitl tlic doctrincii of tie Maistre into practical 
politics. lie »a» the (ir»t Catholic leader who proclaimed, in the 
dajn of the lunpire, that the destructive philosophy of the eighteenth 
century was doomed, and thnt the right of jmlilic instrutlioii Ix^Iongeil 
exclusively to the clergy. In thi; ranks of the rising generation, l)oth lay 
■ad clerical, he won supporters whom the Imperial police failed to 
discourai^e and who organised the rcligiou!i nssoctatioiis which, under the 
restored jMonnivhy, acquired the doubtful politicnl funic attached to the 
intrigues and the jwcret working of the "Congregntion." \ji\M XVIII 
tried in vnin to nvuid tlio danger which was Uircatcning to complicate 
political by religious fanaticism. So early as 1814, priests refused 
absolution to the ownci-s of national property. Regutatioiis as to the 
observance of the Sabbnth and Church proceisionj', still more the out- 
break of popular hatred against ProtCHtanU in the soutJi of Fmnci', 
foretold a religious reaction, which was arrested by the catastrophe of 
Mardi, 1815. Kut it was well known in Paris that Louis XVIII, after 
hb flight to Ghent, was surrounded by men who declared that fai* 
Liberal concessions were respon.'tible for the downfall of the Monarchy. 

Royer-Collard and lii» frieiidn had cxiwriencxxl the intolerance of the 
Ultra*, whase n:tigious views they rejected even more decidedly tlwm tli^r 
political passions, 'lliey considered it their imperative duty to speak to 
the King; and they sent Guizot to Ghent. The object of his mission 
was to dcmtind guarantees for a loyal acct^ptance of tlie Charter, the 
dismiitsal of Hlacaa, the reactionary royal favourite, nnd the recall of 
TallejTand, who had succeeded at the Congress of Vienna in saving the 
pnstigc of his fallen sovereign. At Ghent Guizot hod the support of 
suri-iving Cuiistitut!onaliat« of 1789, of Ilcugnot, who had drafted the 
Charter, of the staunch Royalist Laine, of Baron I^uin, the indispensable 
Minister of Finance in botii Restorations, but was unable to overcome 
the opposing influences. Chateau briund, who acted as Minister of the 
Interior, proved huxtile to Gtiixot jK-rsonally, but advocated the liberty 
of the Pi«ss. Monsieur and his followers remained of opinion that 
everything which was not mentioned in the Chai-ter should i-enittin as 
in the days of the anden riffrmr. The King was reserved, but gracious. 

After Waterloo the Duke of AVcliington, S[>eaking in the name of 
England as the chief Power which eftected the second Rextonition, 
succeeded where the Constitutional Monarchists had failed. Talleyrand 
was recalled. In his proclamation from Cambrai the King was induced to 
confess Uiat the Government of 18H had connnitted errors which would 
be avoided in the future. He promised liberty of the Press, free elections, 
the abolition of the system of confiscations adopted by Napoleon, a 
hervtlltary pi.-erage, and a homogeneous Ministry. At the san>e time 
AVelUngton's distrust of tlie chances of tlie new Government prompted 



isis] 



The second Restoration. 



4ft 



him to insiHt on Fouchd being pineal nt the hc-iwl of the Ministrj- of 
Police. The King reluctantly consented to thi§ hiiniiliating necessity; hot 
be nominstcd as prefect of the Paris police a young official of the name 
of Decazefl, whose leal for Lhe Royalist cause linil (U-scr>-cd the sovereign's 
approval and who henceforth replaced Blacas in hiR atlection. 

'He t«*k which lay before French statesmen at the second Restoration 
was one of extreme difficulty. ThcTNir Alexander, owing to the attitude 
of Talleyrand at the Congn.'ss of Vienna, liad Ijccomc hostile to France. 
lie excluded Talleyrand, who was Jlinister of Foreign Affairs, from the 
negotiations with the Powers, which were in armed occupation of thrcc- 
foctrtha of the soil of France and had become exacting in thnr demands. 
At home, the events of the Hundred Days liad ini-nased to relentless 
hatred and fanaticism the violence of the parties into wliicli the country 
remained divided. The Royalists believed in a conspiracy against the 
Crown wliich called for vengeance. The foremost Liberals rejected the 
lOonardiy of Louia X.VIII so late as the end of June; and after the 
proclamation of Cambrai Fouch(? saw his opportunity. He perfidiously 
encouraged Lafayette, Voyer d'Argenson, Pontecoutant, and Benjamin 
Cemtant, to carry proposals to Hugenau, tlic headquarters of the Allied 
soTCFcign.t, wlio declined to receive them, 'llie envoys luul to submit 
to Lord Stewart's rudeness when they insisted on tlie right of France 
to choose her sovereign, and declared that neither Louis XVIII nor 
Napoleon 11 satisfied the wishes of the |>coplc. After their return to 
Paris, the Chambers, whose illusions they had fostered, were closed, at 
Fouche's order, by a Prussian officer. The rejection of legitimacy by 
these Liberals remained imforgottcn, nor was it ever wholly abandoned 
by them and by other leaders of the future Left in the Royalist 
assemblies. Tlicir opposition became more and more an ti -dynastic, and 
they undoubtedly compromised themselves by conspiring against the 
throne. 

On the other hand, the legitimate sovereign who ascended for the 
Kcond time t)>c throne of Fiwice, returned, not as tlie successor of 
LiOUH XIV, but as the heir of the Revolution, "The (Jovcmment of 
the King," Hanke truly says, " had no other powers than those which the 
Itcvolution had bestowed"; and de Matstre did not hesitate to aflirm 
that the riglitful descei»dant of so many Kingit had become the successor 
of Bonaparte, 'llie supreme military command, the right to declare 
mi, to conclude treaties, and to issue the ordinances and decrees for the 
atUKtion of laws voted by the Cliamlx;r«, were prerogatives which had 
belonged to the Consular power. The Concordat remained Jn force; 
the declaration of Catholidsm as the State religion remained a dead 
letter. The Ckarte odroyie left three political problems unsolved. The 
King had the power to ch«<»e hi* niinistcre ; but the (jiiestion was 
l«(t utulccidcd whether he was bound to select tliero from tlie ranks of 
the majority — whether bis government was to be merely constitutional 

Ok tL 



119 



jf%e Chambre introuvable. 



[l6!5 



tft parlinincntaiy ; while it was nettled tJiat the Cimmbers were to 
neet every yc«r, that the deputies wci'c to bo unpaid, and that a 
payment of 300 francs in direct taxation was to be the quAliRcntion of tlw 
electors, t]iG mode of eleclton was not fix«d ; fiiwlly, there wa* no Pi-em 
law. 'X'hetc tlirt;e (jue^ttoiis predominated in ti\e pavliainentary debates 
of tlic second Restoration. France remained divided, not into two parties, 
but into two nations. The partisans of the anden rfgime decUred war to 
the knife on the children of tlic Rc\'oliition. The generation of the pa«t 
WAS dctcmincd to recover wliat it had lofrt, ; the new gctiemtion alfinned 
jta right to beep uhut it liad won. 

I, Between these contending elements stood Uie King. It soon became 
apparant that ho was resolved to govern. Uut at the beginning of his 
ragn, in 1815, hv liiul no miiiiurv forcp. It wns only after the troops 
on the Loire had Ixin dii'i)anded (.!iily 16, 1815) that it bccanic 
poi»ible to form one. In the meantime tiie VVhito Terror broke ont in 
the south. It was directed against Bonapnrtists, Rcvohitionists, and 
Protestants, and k-d to rapine and mimler. Hundreds of men fell 
victinit> amouf; tltein General Koniel at Toulouiie, Mai'shal Bnine at 
Avignon; and the autliorities were unalili; to protect the terrified 
people or to punish the criminals. While the Uuke of Ang^^«li;m^, not 
withgut the help of Austrian troops, put down di&turbancei which had 
betn stiu)u)at«d by deriotl influence, and while the Allied troops kept 
order in Die soutli and cast, the gcnenil cUvtion was held (August 9S.y, 
The King, io 1814, had retained the Imperial Chamber. Now, pending 
a new electoral law, he issued the jHOvisional Ordinance of July 13, by 
which the Imperial system was oontinued for the election of the new 
Chamber ; but the limit of age for electors wn* reduced, and the number 
of deputies increased to 402. The Prufccta rectrircd instruction* tn i»c 
their influence at the elections in favour of moderation; the King 
appointed the presidents of electoral colleges without reference to 
[mrty; the censorship introduced in 1814 fur minor piiblieations was 
abolished. '11ii> Ciovcrnuiest remained impartial ; but the Itoyalist policy 
of retaliation triumphed so completely that the terrori^ Bonaportiatfl 
and Republicans only obtained a few representatives ; and the Chamber 
was named by the King tlw Ckamhn iiUrouvahif, because it surpassed 
tlw most .sanguine ex|XK:tutions of the Royalists themselves. 

Foudi^, frightened at the extent of the Royalist victoty, laid two 
memomiida before the ('ouncil, pointing out that civil war would be 
the outcome of reaction. They were made public with his ronnivunoc, 
and Talleyrand made use of this breach of trust to get rid of a colleague 
who now could only do harm. He was himself determined to resign, 
but he counted on s return to ofiice, a calculation never realised while 
the Heatoration lasted. In the darkest hour of the Monaivhy he had 
committed himself to the conviction that France was both Royalist and 
Coiutitutioual. llie 6rst verdict of the oumitry under the restored 




The Ministry of Jiic/iciieu. 



47 



dynasty put Ixack the hand on the timepiece of tiistory twenty-five yean 
and imlicated a reactionary France. This made a Talleyrand Mitustjy 
impossible. F««ign complications offered the pretext for his retirement. 
In r»pontiQ to t)ie exarttng tenns of the Allies, Talleymnd decUred 
proudly tJiat Louik XVIII wiu the ally of Uie Pon-ens not their enemy : 
no right of conqu««t existed ag&innt the legitimate KOven^ign. Hod not 
the Allies declared that the maintenance of the Treaty of Paris was 
the sol« object of the recent war? But on September 20 bis Mitusti; 
was fDnrd to re^i^^. 

'ITie T;«r lnUd out tvopcs of better conditions Kl)Oiild the I>uc 
de Kichelieu becorae Prime Minister. ^\'hen llichelieu h<-iiitat«^, 
Alexander showed him the map drawn by Knesebeck, with tJje line 
depriving; Fmncc of the circle of fortr(.v»e.s constructed by Vauban. 
PtMt/o di Horjftt, in fi<^-enient wiUi the Tsir, tlifo wrote the protest of 
the French <>oveninient againut UuH.iia's allien; and Kiciielieu reluctantly 
accepted office. He had lived out c^ tlie country for twenty-four years, 
bad rendered brilliant service to the Tsar as Governor of Odessa, and 
had sttxiled his rewlution in tliv struj^gle with Nupoleou. Mv was A 
man of lofty i:luLrueti;r and udiiiirabte di»intcreatedne.i9. In hi* youth he 
luu) been influenced by the pliysiocratic school, but of modent France 
be knew little. He stood ouUidc the circle of Monsieur, nor did he 
share the violent prejudices of his dim, nithotigb he hwl fought in tbc 
nuiks of the Emigration. Not so his colIcBgite*, tbc incompetent 
VMlbUnc, Minister of tlic Interior, the Duke of Fejlre, and Uu Uottchage, 
whove appointments were concessiona to the Ultraa. Hichelieu's sup- 
porters incns Barb^-Marlxjis, Keeper of the Seals, Con-etto, Minister of 
Fiiuuioe, and Decazes, to whom Louis XVIII gave the Ministry of Police. 

'ilie Chamber met in October. It was cbieJiy composoi of land* 
oiwoeiB, officials, and luiddle-clo.^ Consei-vativee. It« leaders were 
I^a llourdonnaye, a former chouan and a fanatic: Donald, whose 
doctrine of a hierarchical constitution of society rested on tbeassump- 
tioD of the alliance between Churcli and iitatc; the more sober-minded 
Corbi^re, a lawyer, who tried, like Villele, to harnionue Uic demands 
of the Ultras with the necessities of practical politics. Neither the 
secret agent of Alonsieur, VitroUcs, alwa^-s employed and never tnistcd 
or rewarded) nor C1iiit<.-tuibriai)d. at ouce the most eloquent champion 
of Royalist passions a»d Uie advocate of cDtt»tituUonal rigfat, played a 
coRspicttons pari in tlie Hou!«. Vitrolles intrigued; Cliateaubriand 
inRufjioMl tlte Government and public opinion by ruling the Preas 
with masterly power. Ilic m»in.itay of the Ultras was Monsieur, who, 
in the words of Richelivu, altliongli licir to the throne, never ceased 
to be a party chief. Tl»e Constitutional Royalintjt were represented by 
I<atnc, appointed Pi-esident of the Chamber by the King, Hoyer- 
Cbllard, Councillor of Stnte and head of the Education deportment, 
Sainte-Aulaire, Cainille Jordan, and Count Hcrculc de Scnc> who soon 



ca. u. 



48 



T/te Chamber and its punitive measures. [isis 



came lo tlic very front rank. He hnd fouglil tindtT CnntW ; »iulM*(]uently 
he became President of the Higli Court of .IiiaUoc at Hamburg during 
tlie Kmpirc, and now lield a similar post at (^olnjar. (luiiEot, prinripal 
sccretury in the Ministry of Justice, was citludcd by his age from th« 
Chamber. Pa£<)uier, both as deputy and Minister, Barante, as a Iiigh 
ofTiriivI, rt:jire.senU-c] thu ImjierJal admini4mtors, who accepted the 
Restoration. From the Hou-ie of Peers, wlionc dignity had become 
hereditary in spite of the Koyaliat^, twenty members were excluded 
for their action during the Hundred Days. The King replaced thrm 
by Napoleonic mnnhal.t and mcitibers of the rcvohitionnry a-wcmbliesi 
ta well a.f hy Koyali.itt. 

'Hie royal Hpcech insisted on adherence to the Charter; Uie address 
of the deputies reminded the King of tlie necessity to punish. I'bc 
presentation of three exceptional meiisiircs met thin demand. The finst 
gave tlie Guvernnwnt full powuin to arreat mnl detiiin, witJmut bringing 
them before the Courts, all oSenders against tlie King, the royal House, 
and the safety of the State. The second punished with extreme severity 
those who menaced Uie King or public security. The third created 
tribumilt — the Cimrs p-huitaUs — whicJi, prexidMl over by soldient, could 
deal summarily with political o^enders. Although the powers of tliew 
Courts were not made retrospective, the King's prerogative of mercy 
was pructieally abolished. 

In Uie debate on theiic mcaxui-et, Roycr-Collard and de Scrre came 
to the front. They i-eeognisi^l tlie neee^ity of exceiitioniil laws, but 
ui^^ milder punishments and more exact detinitions of oftenee*. They 
opposed a law, passed hy the Chamber and rejected by the Peers, for 
the temporary suspension of the security of judicial tenure, by the 
abolition of which the Ultras calculated thiit pIltc(^s would be filled by 
their adherents. From that moment, Hoycr>ColIard, PaM]iiicr, and their 
friends took counsel together on the tactics to be adopted against the 
party stigmatised by Itichelieu as tlic White Jacobins. 

On November 20 Uiclielieu signed the st-cond Pence of Paris " with 
a sorrow amounting to despair."^ He had to submit to the suncillanee 
of France hy the Powej-s, to be carried out by their ambassadors. While 
the rrepon^ibility for the settlement with Europe rested on Itichelieu, 
he was compelled to intrmhicc the nnincity law. In his proclamation 
from Cambrai the King hod excluded from amnesty the traitors of the 
Hundred Days only. The ordinance of July 24 sent nineteen persons 
before Courts-martial, which began their work with the death-sentence 
on Labedoyere. The fate of thirty-eight otiiers wa.* to be decided by tl»e 
Oiamber. Rtdielicu, supported by Roy er •Cot lord, Pasquier, and de 
Serre, now proposed that these thirty-eight persons should be banished, 
but that all those not mentioned on FouehiTs li^ts should be pardoned. 
The Ultras ns-wrted the right of tlie Chamber in legislative matters to 
oven-idc the King's prerogative of mercy. Tlic execution of Marshal 



i8ia-fl] 



Eicctoral p}-qjeiis. 



4fi 



Ney, the escape of Lavalette, for which Decaxes and Barhe-MarboU were 
held responiiible, incrpasod the thirst for vengeance. The language of 
La Boiinlonoayc rccullcd 179!^ lie, Chntcatibriand, \^illi-Ic, and Corbi^, 
culled fur "aiU-gurics'" ivhk'li, contrary to thv will of tlic King, tluxst- 
«ned IfiOO pt^rsons with exile and confiitc-atioii. 

In the course of thia debate Richelieu spoke memoralile word*; 
"i do not understand jour pftssions, your Klentless hatreds. I pas* 
ovciy day by the hotue which belonged to my ancestors. I see their 
property in other hands and I bchokj in museum* tliu trmsures which 
belonged to them. It is a sad sight ; but it does not rouse in nu: foelitigs 
either of ticspair or revenge. You appear to me sometimes to be out of 
your minds, all of you who liarc remained in France." Neither he, nor 
Roycr-ColUird and dc Scrre, wlio sfwke in a similar sense and in favour 
of tii« roviJ prerogative of mercy, succeeded in preventing the cxcJuKion 
of the rt^eides fi-om tiie auinesty. The Cabinet was divided, 'lliree 
Ministers acted with Monsieur. Tlie inistnic lions of Dccazes to interpret 
the iaw8 of cxn-plion in a in<;n.uful scnst^ vn-n: evaded. In the aniiy, the 
nmry, and the arlminiiitration, the opponents of Koyaltsm were dismissed. 

On l)cce!«t)or 18, IHIS, \'aiib]anc introduced an impossible electoral 
law. Its object was to place the whole ekTtoral maehiiicry in the hands 
of the £ixecutive. It was not unfairly dti^eribed as u proposal under 
which Minintvrs and Prefects cliose the electors, and the electors the 
deputies. 'Dte provision of the Charter under which a fifth part of tlie 
Chamber liad to be elected annually was retained ; but the limit of age 
for candidates was reduced from 40 to S5 yeara. 'I'licsc last two proposals 
caused the Ultras to reject the mwwure. It was then that Villi-le, deputy 
of Toulouse, vcnturvd on a rlnrinfi counter -proposal. Ht- fmmed tlie 
only project of an electoral law which, during the Restoration, aimed at 
•steiuiing the right of suffrage to the people. I'his project advocated the 
reduction of the qualification for the friinchise from iJOO to SO francs 
in direct taxation, thereby increasing the coiwtitueiicy from 100,000 to 
S nuUions while insisting on a payment of 1000 francs in taxation as a 
qnaliltcation for the deputies, and maintaining the system of indirect 
election. Villcle appealed to the ro3'al ordinance of 1816, which suggested 
modifications of the Charter; he propOiwl that gciiirral elections should 
be qttinquuniiial and that deputies should be 40 yc^rs of age. Ry thia 
proposal the Ultimas intended to increase pailianicntary power at the 
expense of the Crown and in opposition to a Government which they 
considered hostile to Iht-ir intercslt. They claimed a Ministry chosen 
from the ranks of their majority, and to uphold this majority they 
counted upon the combined voles of the knded gcntir and nobility and 
opcm their influence with the rural population. Their real aim was to 
ireakcn tiie power of the Liberal middle classes and to secure the domi- 
nation of their party. The Constitutional Royalists supported the 
Government. During the Ministry of Talleyrand, Roycr-Collard, being 

c. m. n. X. en. ii. 4 



so 



Demands of the Ultras. 



[l8I(J 



ooDSulted* had rccoinmmdcd direct cIcetioiM nnd a (|ualilication of 
SOO francs paid in direct taxation. Now he declared in a mcntoreble 
speech tlmt in France the King ruled and not the Parliwmcnt, and that 
the cooperation of the Chamber wa* only rwjuireti fi)r l^slatton oimI 
supplies. On the day vhcn the ('haniber could make or unmake 
MiniatCTs, a Hcpublic would be eaUhlislied. The Chamber in hi« view 
wuia part of tlie King's Government. Dc Scire diamdcmai VillL-Ii;s 
pnyect as an attack on the rojal initiative, and inniitlfd on the neceioity 
of maintaining uninijminsl the power of the down in a nation without 
an aristocracy and with shifting raajoritica. Dcmocnury, ho Mid, had 
ruined the mtiiitry and woa unwelcome to Fiance. 

Hoth Villelea and V'aublanc's proposals were lost in the Pwrrs; and 
Corvette then introduced the budfjot. To rocet the enoi inoiw deficit, he 
proposed the nalc of f(>re>ti which had formerly been for the most part 
ccdtaiaxtieal and communal property and which now bclonjjed to the 
State. 'ITic Right rejected the proposal and the claiinH of creditor* of 
the Hundred Days, Hlthou|;h the Kirig liad allowed them. 'Hiey suggested 
payment by exchequer bondaof ]00trancs, quoted at 60, which amounted 
to a declaration of partial hankniplcy. 

The Government having recommended an increased payment to the 
elerg)', llie Highl demanded for the Church a fixed revenue of 42 millions, 
Uie charge of the civil regii>tci'8, and restitution of its confiscated 
pi-operty. Ue SeiTC eharacteriscd these proposals as monstrous and 
unconsti tut tonal, and dissociated the clergy from claims which could not 
be raised without queistioning the lights of property in every European 
State. itoyer-ColIard reminded the House that the King was pledged. 
The majority would not be convinced. Corvetto liad to withdraw his 
propoi^al and to defer definite HiTangcmcnts with regard to the debt. 
The scwion was cIomsI in April, 1816, Shortly afterwards \'auhlane was 
replaced by Ijiine. This was a concession to the minority, whose leaders 
Bicbclicu henceforth consulted, and to the I'owent, in whose name 
Wdlingtou besought Louis XVIII to support the Ministrv. 'llie Allies 
feared that peace, the dynasty, and the solvency of France were at stake. 
Tlie Tsar, Nesselrtxie, and Hardeiiberg advocated the dissolution of the 
Chamber. Richelieu felt this interference so humiliating that he dcdared 
lie would rather be overthrown by Frenchmen than iiaved by foreigners. 

Just then disturbances broke out at Lyons and Grenoble. Their 
importance was exaggerated by General Donnadicu and the local 
authorities; and tlicy w-cre repressed with needlciw severity. While the 
Ultriw planned cliangcs in the Charter and a Ministiy of their own, the 
Jirm establishn)cnt of a moderate policy was the condition insisted on 
by the Powers, before reducing the army of occupation. Russia called 
attention to the infraction of the Charter by the votes on the budget 
and the amnesty law. Gradually, through reports from all parts of the 
country, through memoranda from Pawjuicr, Guiwt, Ueeazes, the King 




Election of a new Chamber. 



61 



wasbroii^it to admit thitt "the moimn-hv must be nnlionidisi-d. the nation 
ruj-aJisfcd."" KichiOtcu and I-aiiit^ gave »»y; and on September fl, 1816, an 
ordu)an<» appeared, dissolving the Ckaiober. It maintained provisionaUy 
the existing; electoral Bystem ; but it reduced the Clmmber to Si58 members. 
Dix-AZCK, who was the real author of thifi cottp tTHal, had made Barante 
anil tubatcqiiently RnyiT-CollHrd hi» confidante. The Intlcr embmced 
him, exclaiming that lie deserved a itatue. Thc! majority of tlie nation 
rejoiced. 'I'he Ultrai) were taken entirely by surprise, Chateaubriand, 
in La Monarehie sehn la Cbarlff prophesied a Jacobin assembly and 
called on tlie Iloyali^ts to support the King ngainxt liiit decciverx. 
Ueca»9 supprcK«ed thv pmnphli^t and worked iin thi; eiectom tlirough 
the cenaoiship of tlie i'rws, ret^ommending the choice of Moderates, "no 
matter whether these accepted the Charter because of the King, or tho 
King bemuse of the Charter." Guixot vindicated for the King the right 
of ditwolution, and clearly indicAled tluit he and hii< friendti only awaited 
aeeiiritj from reaction to complete the edifice of political liberty. 

The elections for the new Chamber in October, 1816, gave the 
Adini»ten( a majority of Ixitween forty and fifty. The independent I^-ft 
won twelve watt. When FiiMjuirr Ix'twine riumnrlliir in JanuarA', 1817, 
be was replaced as ^vaident of the t;hamber by de Serre. The Govern- 
ment confided the preparation of the eleetoml law to Royer-CoUard, 
who recum'<l to hi* plan of 1815 — a qiudifieation of 300 fmnct for 
voters, the (iiialificAtion.t for depiiUc* to be payment of 1000 franc* in 
taxation and 40 years of age, direct siiflTrage by acrut'm de liate m the 
chief town of each Department, royal nomination of the presidents of 
eleetoml bodies nnd aniumi election of one-fifth of the Cham1>er in 
Dc|>artinontA chosen by ballot. T}iese were esiientially the p^o^'isio^3 of 
Article XL of the Ciiarter, which, however, had left open the question 
of indirect elections, and, consequently, the formation of a wider 
electorate. Under the new ny»tem there were hardly 100,000 electors; 
the centre of gravity wa.H placed in the miildic cla^iit in order to t-xciude 
the lower, "tlie instrument,'" according to Uarante, "of intrigue and 
pa.<«ion.*' 

The Republican Left was as yet too small a group to defend the 
int«mt« of democracy. This was done by the Royalists, who again 
called for an extended franchise, and couipluincd of the condemnation 
of tiw cmmtry to political slavery. Tlieir Liberalism provoked the 
•larcasm of Denjamin ConsUnt, who, pai-donod by the King for hia 
conduct during the Hundred Days, supported tlie Government, advising 
it to rely on tlie nw<istanc« of all persons fre* from crime, and lliereby to 
rc«u>t the party which, under the pretext of liberty, aimed at the reco^'eiy 
of privilege. 

Hidielteu did not disguise his personal preferenec for the scheme of 
Villele ; and Lninc, Jktinistcr of the Interior, although re«pon.fihle for the 
Itcw Kchcme, dotibt«d whctlier 28,000,000 of people would be adcqttately 



m. It. 



4-2 



63 



A nevD Electoral Law. 



[18IB-7 



Rpicamted bv an electorate of about 100,000. He entrusted to Gutzot 
the defence of the ministerial plan in the press. Guizot did not conceal 
that he and his friends desired tho ascendancy of the middle clns», nhich, 
according to them, represented culhire and individual independence in 
civil life and n^ht in politics. De Scrre took another standpoint. Ht 
•ppTOved of the exclusion of the masses; but he desired separate 
representafionof the only great interests which survivod the Revolution— 
landed property and urbiui industry, u pn>p(iwl which fotmd no support. 
Roycr-Collui'd curried the ('hambcr uiMi liim whL'ti he ojtked them to 
trtxnt electors, whose material independence was a pledge of political 
maturity, and who represented the aristocracies of birth, fortune, talent, 
and position. " Above the middle class," lie said, " is thti lonj^ng for 
power; below it is ignorance, tlie habit of dependence, and, therdore, 
the incapacity of exercising the functions in (juestion." The opposition 
in the Peers ga>-c way under the influence of tlie King; on February 6, 
1817, the measunj became law. Its main piindples governed France 
for thirty years. 

The Right, tuidcr pretence that the Charter would be violated, now 
refil«cd to consent to th<: prolongiition of <-xe<'ptiiiiinl Ihwk. Itoyer- 
CoUard, supported by his friends, defended tliem and the continuance of 
temporary press restrictions ou the ground of necessity, and, in a masterly 
speech, proclaimed it as the faitli of constitutional France that the King 
governed, spoke, oihI acted through lu.i Mini^tiTs, so long as these obejfd 
the law. It WAS a revolutionary fiction which sfrpaiati-d the King from 
his Government At this stage of his career, Hoyer-CollaH, in friendly 
relations with Deca/es and Pasquier, accepted the designation of minis- 
terialist. About this time hi* acquaintance with the Due de Broglie 
b^^. Ttiey met at the <)eath-bed of Afadnme de Stiu-l, whose djutghtcr 
the young I)uke had married, and were not mutually attracted. But 
their opinions harmonised bett«r than tlieir personalities. Brogtie 
bad come out of the ranks of Imperial administrators with extivme 
liberal opinions. They were modified by the doctrine of Madame de 
StaSl, as expressed in the Coimdiratlons, an<l condeniced in her famous 
aaying, "that liberty, not despotism, was old," and by the study of 
^glish and Amcricun writvrs. NcrcrtbcleM ho scrupled to support 
m Ministry which he rcpixiaclied willi governing under the influence of 
foreigners. 

It wasduring the session of 1817 that the appellation ofAxtrrnofret" 
was applied to tJic little distinct group of Constitutional Royalists, 'ITie 
name was given to Royer-Collard, de Scttc, Rarante, CamtUe Jordan, 
Guizot,and, in a more limited tense, to Beugnot, Mourner, and RiJmuait. 
Broglie, when he ceased to act witb the Uberals, completed the half- 
deoen about whom Remusat jestingly said in 1818. that the thinking 
fiwtion "collected on a Kofa, constitute*! thcmBclvcs tlte majority." Till 
tlien tlie group poaoesscd no definite doctrine in common. According 

- i 



181J] 



The principles of the Dodrinaires. 



fid 



to Ilarmite, th« struggle with t!ic ITItras led to th« gradual fonnulatinn 
of A governing principle for the inteippetation of the Charter. Ibe 
party, ea.ya Giuzot, vraa formed spontajicouslv. without premeditation, 
to mist a prcRsing evil, not in tlie iiitei^est of a partimUr (^yntom or 
Kt of ideas. To support the Kestornlion, while coinb«ting reaction, 
vras at 6rst its whole polii-v. It gained in diatinctnesa as time went on. 
Guiiot writes that the i-'rench monarchy and the middle clasa, both 
alarmed at the pretensions of the old nobility, combined for mutual 
protection. Ihv UoctriiiittiTK nought in tlie ]iowcr of the Crown a 
aafe^uord against the ambition of the ('liamber, and cared little for the 
consequences derived Irom theories of representation ; nay more, they 
rejected them in the name of monarchy. Iloycr-Collard, addressing his 
constitucntt in 1816, said: "The King is Legitimftcy. Ix-gitimacy in 
order and security. Th<we can be mwntaineti by moderation atone, a 
virtue derived by poHtit^a from ethics," Uaraiite insists that Uojer- 
Collard was essentially an opportunist. 

The political action of tlic Doctrinaires was determined less by ideas 
than by personalities. 'Jliey all duvclopi-d luiiier foreign inf1iieni.vs: 
Royer-OoUard under that of Scotch philosophy; d« Seme, Cl^mille 
Jordan, Broglie in Gennany, either in esile or as Imperial ofHcials; 
Guizot and Uarantc at Geneva, in an atmosphere of (terman philo- 
•opby and poctrj'. The Ihidicssi; dc Broghc represented in politics 
the principles of Maitaine dc Stutl ; it wiw she who won over her 
husband, (lutzot, and Barante to orthodox Christianity, llic supre- 
macy of ethics in politics was the aim of the Doctrinaires. " Morals 
are the wriou* part of politics," Ri'mitsat wrote. " We must show the 
Ultma tlial their morals arc as corrupt a« superficial, their religion mere 
formalism. Theories arc convictions. If Uiey are rcpi-cssed, nothing 
remiuns but personal interest, the right of the strongest" He described 
C3iatcaubriand's G^nic du Christianisme as a mischievous book, because it 
did not intcri)ret the Gotspel us the source of political monility, liberty, 
and dvilisation. 

Hereditary monarchy was for Roj-er- Col lard the symlwl of rwverfnce. 
Guizot understood I'reiicli society as the outcome, not of 178*), but o£ 
centuries. He wanted to complete tJic Bevnliition by expelling erroni, 
And vindicntol for himself and his friends the privilege of associating 
politics with sound philosophy. PhiloAophy taught tliat neither ln^tt- 
tnate monarchy nor popular freedom can be improvised. He admitted 
that legitimacy begins with usurpation, liberty in anarchy. But he 
placed his hopes for the future in adhesion to the hititorical patt, and, in 
the words of dc Scrr^, wislitd ** to bring cnstoms and law into harmony 
with constitutional government.'' This line of thought, starting from 
historical development and placing moral considerations above party, 
bad always something rep«;dlent for the Frencli mind. Tlic Doctrioairea 
did not conciliate it by their uncompromising, authoritative tone. They 

CH. u. 



64 



Divergences atmtig the Doctrinaires. 



[l8I7 



infliieiK-tK] o))iiiioii ; a time came when they controlled it; but they never 
became popular, nor strong enough to form a govcroing party. 

Divergences of opinion might be pcrcci^'cd among thnn so early 
sa 1817. Bnruut« went with DwaiMs. (itiixot and Droglic shoncd 
predilections for Eiighnh inatitutionH, which Itoyer-Colliu'd in reality 
never shared. Guizot was too overbearing for liim; and his savnng 
that he would not be a figure on Guizot's chessboard is of an early 
date. Ilii cutting remark, when a-sked whetlicr lie hud called Guizot 
an au.itere intriguer, " I never Naid auiitere," heloiigN to a later time. 
lUmuiat, with Pasquier and Mol^, complained that tlie Doctrinaires 
were not busbess men and had no efGcient organ in the Preaa. Lain^ 
and Pasquicr objected to their intellectual haitghtiness ; Richelieu 
distrusted them. 'Ilie Royalixta spoke of lliem as Jocobinx, and 
called tltem insufferable pedanta. Later they were courted by the 
Uft. 

During ttie summer of 1817, after the close of the session, the 
Goveminent was cmbnrras^cid by scarcity, lawlessness, and disturbances 
in Lyons, where General Camiel imitated Donnadieii. nie Cows 
jprivilaUs pronounced S8 capital sentences and others of transportation 
and imprisonment. It waa only when Marshal Marmont was sent that 
order was restored. ITic election of a fifth of the deputies in September, 
1817, left the majority undiangcd. 'Ilie Government, however, with 
difficulty prevented the return of I^fayette, Itenjamiu C'on.itant, aiid 
Manuel for Paris. Before meeting t}ie Chamber, Uichelteu reluctantly 
replaced his colleagues Dn Bouchagc and the Duke of Feltre by Mole 
and Gouvion Saint-Cyr. The royal speech announced a wide amnesty 
and the abolition of the Court jrrivotnUs. NTimcroiis Pres5 prosecutions 
and the consequent excitement of public opinion t-uii^ed llie Government 
to ask for three years* prolongation of the censorship, for the trial of 
minor l*ress offences by tiie ordinary Courts and of incitements to crime 
before a jury. 

The Ultras and Liberals now combined in an opposition which would 
have failed witliout Uie support of tlic Doctrinaires, who demanded a 
juiy for all PrcNN oH'ences. Camille Jordan, although a niinistcrialiat 
aiid Councillor of State, accused the Goveniment of ^ iolating tlic (Charter 
and of flatttiing without satisfying extreme opinions. Uoyer-Collard 
declared that liberty of the Prvss without (nx^dom to criticise the 
Govenmient wa.-* unthinkable; of all arbitrary powers those dealing 
with tlie Press should be the last entrusted to the executive. I^tn^ 
reminded him that he had not always thought so. An attempt by 
Biclielicu through Viltctc and Corbit^re to come to an understanding^ 
witli the night failed. Broglic went with the Doctrinaires, except that 
he rejected the ceiworship ontii-ely, idthough he afterwards admitted its 
necessity while foretgit armies stood in I-Vaiice. The proiKwed extension 
of trial by jury was dropped, but the cemorship was only retained for a 




1B17-8] 



R^orma in the army. 



6& 



■ 



year. Pasquicr and IWantc held that the dUtrust between Minister* 
and the Doctrinaires originated in this debate. 

Itojcr-Collord, as I'lrsidcnt of the Council of Education, bod 
to lUEUiitain the university system against the coiubiiicd attacks erf 
Lamennais, the I^ihci-aU, and hin own chiuf, Ijiiiit', w)io, ubstinatc as 
himsdf, ahared Itichclieu's avei'sion from him. The King »pokc of tlie 
Doctrinaires as traitors who gloriiicd the Revolution at t!ie expense of 
the andta rfgime, but supported Decazc§, when accused by Chateaubriand 
and Rv'vw of complicity with the Left. The ccnjiomhip upon ncwrs- 
pa]><:i-K wa.1 tiviulvd by both partii»i; tht^y attacked the Govemincnt in 
leatieb). Benjamin Constant made the Stiiurzv, a non- periodical print, 
tite most powerful organ of the Left, and sought to win over the middle 
daa by insisting on property as the basis of political rights. 

In IX-cembcr, 1817, Gouvion S«int-Cyr pnHliiced a plan for the 
reorganisation of Oie anny on a fooling of 2-10,000. Louis XVIH had 
abolished the hated conscription; hut volmitary enli-ttment proved 
insufBcicnt to maintain an effective force. The Ministrj- retained the 
voluntary systan, but introduced also recruiting by ballot and seven 
year*' scrricc In compensation for this unpopulnr nieiksurc promotion 
by seniority up to the rank of colonel wa^ made Uic rule for two-thirds 
of the ofticers, and the promotion of non-comniissionctl ofFicer^ was 
also permitted. 'I'he King gave his consent to this limitation of 
prvrogative. The formation of a reserve of veterans recalled to Uie 
colours for a number of years tbc disbanded men of the Imperial army. 

'JTiis system, brwcd on equality, created, ac^-ording to Camillc Jordan, 
an army of soldiers and eitiKens. It reconciled tlie vetei^ns of the 
£mpirc and limited the possibility of giving commissions to (m\{p-ia and 
noblt^. On tlK?ie grounds it was lui abomination to the Bight, who, as 
in the Press debate, appealcil to tlie Charter in Hupport of prerogative. 
Monsieur besought the King to dismiss the Ministry; Chateaubriand 
and ^'iltL'k■ protested against the democratic measure, which prepared an 
instrument for despotism. The Government leaned on the Left and on 
the Doctrinaires. Guizot comjtoscil the speech which won for Gouvion 
Saint -Cyr the greatest triumph of the session. Uoyer-Collard, like his 
iricnds, defended the measure, but supported by do Scrre, Beugnot and 
CamiUc Jordan, he demanded an anniud vote for the army, as Parliament 
had no right to bind its successor*. ** It would be useless for the Cliamber 
to sit," he said, "if without and apart from it an army exists which could 
alip from its bands and be as uncontrollable as the Civil List" This 
proposd wRs rejected. jVItliuiigli the Govcrument was vieturioitt, 
De«3uc« aIon« in the Cabinet entirely agreed with Gouvion Saint-Cyr. 
Kichelieu, who had long wished to retire, and Lainif, regretted the 
bncacJi with the Bight in projMrtion oe thctr antipathy to tlie 
Doctrinnircs incicased. 

I'he fate of the third Government proposal was sealed before debate. 

en. ti. 



oQ 



The end o/' t/ie Jbrei^i occu^tiion. 



[l813 



Sinn 1814, as shown in a lAt«r olutpt^', nci^itiatiaiu had ;^t)e on 
bctwGi-ii France atid Roin<- for the nbrof^tioii of ttiv CooCOtdtt uf 1801. 
Not one of thp ni'jji>t intors thmij^lit t.h« a*seiif of tlie OiHmlxir necessaiy 
for the proposed aji;i¥t^mc'nt. The oniiaaion h»cl to tie remedied ; and « 
bill was drafted hy Pftsquicr, in consultation with Hoycr-CoUard and 
Camille Jordan, and with tlif assistaiR-c of Portwliti, which giiardixl Ow 
jurisdiction of tlic St<it<', iMiffimud tlii; U^giilily of the snlvs of Chiirdi 
property, and rcNcrvMl for thi* Govemni<^iit control over the ptihlication 
of papid hulls, briefs, and denves, Wien it became clear that the 
minifiteriHl si-lieme woulil he rtjecteil by both Liberals and Doctrinaires, 
the (io^-enanent put aaidc indefinitely the rcjjort of tho commission ; 
and after fmitlcaa negotiation* with the Curia the Concordat of 1801 
remained in force. 

Ik-fore the i-iid of th<r mmiod of IS18, by flic intervention of tho 
T«ir tlirotiyh Po/zu di Borgo and with Uio tiii&l consent of Wellington, 
it became possible to regulate the responsibilities of France towards her 
foreign ci-cditoi-s and the Powers. The claims of tho foreign creditoin 
wore considerably reduced and met by an issue of rcntct nir TEtatx 
while a further i^^niie of rcn(MW)w authorised to cover the war indemnity. 
An annual buflget hctnine piwsible now that social budget* were 
gradually abolished. The debt was consolidated, the State creditora 
were secured, and the ground was thus prepared for that honoiimhle 
and economical method of adniini^ration which is the chief glory of the 
Restonttiott Govern men t. 

But in 1818, as before, nothing but surrender woidd conciliate the 
Ultnu. Villelo wat of opinion tliat a Republic wan at hand if a Royalist 
policy were not adopted by the King, >Ionsieiir tri<^l to foice ujwn him 
a Government of the extreme Right, by i-epresenting to the Powers, in a 
itecret note drawni by VitroIIcs, that such a course could alone save the 
djTiasity and the countrj-, I.«itiis XVIII, inccn.sed at a Royfdist military 
conspiracy, n'plied by striking the name of N'itrolles from the roll of 
Pritj' Councillors and by depriving Monsieur of the command of the 
National Guard {September, 1818). 

At the Congress of Aix-la-Cbapcl!e Richelieu, through his pcrsonnl 
influence, finally lilwmled France from the array of occupation, nien; 
the news rc'urhed him that tho annual partial elections had nearly 
doubled t)ie nnmben of the I^ft (October, 1818). It increased to 
45 deputies. Ijifayette and Manuel were returned, the latter for \'cnd«!e. 
Richelieu garo his diplomatic colleagues tranquillising atsurances, on 
which be did not hin»elf r«.'ly, and promised to withhold his intended 
resignation, but returned to Pari-i with tlie co!iviction that the electoral 
law must be modified or even saaificed and llie Right conciliated. 
"We ha\t! defeated the Right wing," he wrote; "let us now fall on the 
I*ft, which is much more dangerous, seeing that it ha.* iU reserves 
behind it." I)eca:^es, who wa» held responsible for the results of the 



1818-9] 



Fail of Richcheu, 



W 



election, adinttt»I thai, tin; law roqnirud mmlitimtinns, but mnniiict! of 
opinion tlutt the Govcnimciit must Iciiii ii)x>n the ('entn'. This group, 
howerer, having split just then into a right and a left Ontiv, was no 
longer able io secure a compact majority. During the election Camille 
Jonlan hiul iwiiecL a proclsmntioii which w»s (wnsidcrcd as the manifesto 
of the Doctrinaires. It rvjected any ntidcmtAndiiij; n-ith the Royah^tn, 
and wftfl interpreted an a declaration of war ngainnt the (l^hinet. 

The Chambers met in the middle of December. The last speech 
from the thi'onc had deprecated excessive Keal and declaimed the Kin^*s 
system tu mean peace and union between the tno nations into irhich 
Trauce vra.i unhappily divided. Now Louit XVIII spoke of principlat 
which, under the gui«e of fixHilum, led HiroUKh anarchy to dcHpotihrn — 
words which were considered by Itoycr-('ollard and (?amille Jonian as an 
nffront to new tVance. In the Peers the Itoyalist majority filled the 
cuRimittcca with their nominem; in the Chanibcr of Deputies the 
Doctiinaimi did the $nnii-, although dc Scrre, whose new ndcK for the 
(IhambiT "lire rejected, was ix'placed rk I'rcNiih-nt by Have/, a friend 
of Laini^. In oppoaitiou to Decades, Kiclieliuti and L^ine advised an 
alliance with the Right, and proposed that all elections should be 
suspended for five yuaxs. Richelieu tlien approached ViU^lc and 
CorbJcre, »iig{;cstiiiH the TCtireiiu'iit of Gouvion Sfiiiit-Cyr nnd Decane* 
and the reform of the vlectni'nl law. W'Ikmi nothing camt- of tliiH advance 
and all hope wa.4 over of a AliniFitry representing the Right Centre and 
the Right, Richelieu resigned (December 21, 1818). lie advised the 
King to send for Decnzes, who, only at the exprciss desirc of Louis XVIIT, 
consented to accept the Home Office fii n Ministry withont Ri<T!ielieu. 
On his rccommmdation, General Dcwolcs, ii man in the King's con- 
fidence, became President of tlx; Count-it ; de Serrc nos made Minister 
of Justice, Baron Louis of Finance ; Portal, an excellent administrator, 
€>f Marine; Gouvion Saint-Cyr remained at the AVar Office. The 
Mioistiy of Police was suppressed by Denim's as inconsistent with free 
go^-emmcnt, and the Prefecture of jKiIicc wa.* restored. 

Ilw Cabinet wna homogeneous and sincerely Liberal ; the Doctrinaire* 
promised de Serre their support, 'llie programme of the King nt ill hold 
the field : " Let us hold out our hands to the Right and to the Left ; and 
let us say, those not against us arc with its." De Seirc wrote that the 
safety trf tlie Crown and the country lay in the development of free 
institutions, LilxTrdly interpreted. He hoped to sever tlie Royalirt 
Opputttion from tiio Ultras, and at the same time to win over men like 
Broglie. 'Vhe latter ttill considered the electoral law the masterpiece 
of tlie iXjctrinairra, and the abandonment of it n-s synonymous with 
capitulation to reaction. At a later time ho thought otherwise and ac- 
knowledged that itwA-t a capital fault to Murifice the Richelieu Ministry 
for that tfiiactment. Richelieu's fears, he said, were not groundless; the 
olcctoral law of 1817, right in principle, was revolutionary in its working 



r 



£8 The Ministry of lieatzes and the Chambers. [leis 

and could not he innintnincd. This wns proved in 1819, when the 
Minintry forratd to defend it had to give it up. Hitliclieu was 
overthrown at Uie moment when hia foreign policy triumphed ; and the 
Right Centre was driven elowly but inevitably into the ami5 of the Right. 

The l>octrin aires now joined the Ix-fl Centre in defence of the 
Ministry. The I^fl, altbou^i fuvournbie in principle to n Cabinet in 
wbicb four Ministers were more advanced Liberals than Ueeaxcs, became 
exacting in their claims ; wliile the exasperated Ultras were 60 churlish 
in the debate on a grant to Richelieu, that, though a comparatively 
poor man, lie handetl the money over to the hospitiils of Bordeaux. 

On February SO, 1819, Harthiyeniy- the former Director, proposed 
"that the Peers should humbly request the King to sanction a measure 
tending to modify tlie organisation of electoral bodies." ITiis proposal 
obtained a large majority. In the Ldwcr Chamber I^IIittc moved Ut 
address to the Crown in favour of the existing hiw. l)e Scrrc replied 
that Uie addr(-!>H was useless, because the Ministry were resolved to propoec 
no ch.inge. The hostility of the I'cers was shonn by their refusal, without 
debate, to sanction a harmless proposal, aeeepfed by the dfpntics, for 
altering the eomnieiKcmeiit of the linancinl year from .Innuary to July. 
A diiuolution was eonsideit-d ; but it was decided to create sixty Peers 
(March C, 1819), among them Mounier and liarante. About thirty 
of the new Peers were former dignitaries of the Empire. Thus, as on 
ScptembtT 5, 1816, a enitp d'rlitt of tlic King stopped the reaction. 
Monsieur talked about the begimiing of tlte end and the doom of hu 
House. 

When the proposal of Barthelcmy came to l»e discussed in the 
Lower Chamber, Hojer-Collaixl declared that any attack on the system 
of direct election threatened the middle classes, which embodied modem 
interests and upheld the existing order. The passionate eloquence of 
dc Serre excited the enthusiasm of the Ix-ft. He replied to a diarge 
of Villelc ns to ministerinl pressing on the magistracy by a denunciation 
of the AVhite Terror aiul the intimidation of the juries by the fanatics aS 
the South. Bartlidemy's pi-oposal was rejected by a large majority; and, 
on March 22, 1819, de Scire iiitroduceil the tlirec great measures which 
cstubliihed the liberty of the Press, 

Tlicsc laws were claimed by Broglio as the work of the Doctrinaires 
KoA the realisation of tlicir principles and promises. He drew them 
witli the help of (iiii/ol and agreed as to their biLses \\\\\\ Hnver-Collanl 
and liarante. All offences of the Press were to be dealt witli tmder the 
ordinary law, I'hc first measiue defined crimes and offences and classic 
lied tlteni under four heads : ofTeiiccs against the person of the King ; 
incitenii.'iit Ut crime ; t)flcnc«» ngninst public nutnility ; litwl. The 
second measure fixed the tribunals; all oHl-necs, with Uic exception of 
libel, were to be tried before a jury. The tliird measure related s]>eeially 
to newspapers. IV-linunary autliorisatioii and censorship were done 




Liberty of the Press, 



50 



Hy with. This was an enormous step in th* direction of liberty, 
the Left were not Mtijficd, while the Right, although committott in 
Uie previous sesuon to litierty of the Prewt, now denounced thme measures 
as a breach of the Constitution. But the Goveniment had at its command 
the greatest oTstorical talents of modem France. When the clauses 
reUting to public mornlitv were oltemntely criticised bv the Right ok 
atlieistieol and by Beiijsniin CoiMtant m amountitij; to State protection 
of reli^on, Royer-CoUard and de Serrc triumpliantly vindicated lil>erty 
of conscience and morality as the shield of religion. ** Wtat is man," 
said dc Serre, " that feeble and passionate being, that he should offer to 
the Almighty the help of his arm f Docs he pretend to usurp His 
strength or to offer the aid of him own weakness .''...Tlic vanity of thin 
presumption lias often been shown. The centuries tliat are gone teach 
in bloody chnractem its terrible residts,"* 

The tone he took rai.'icd ttie leyel of the vhole debate, which remains 
one of the most remarkable in parliamentary hbtory. In reply to LaJn^, 
who had joined the Right Centre, de Serre made use of the phrase, never 
fot^tten by hin enemiw, tlmt, in tlic French assemblies, tlic majorities 
w«re sound. "What, even in the Convention .^''exclainied La Bourdonnaye. 
" Yes," retorted de Serre, " eren in the Convention. That majority 
debated with daggers at tlicir throats." The Bills were carried by lai^ 
majorities in full Cliamlwrs, On May 1, 1819, the Press became free, 
Chateaubriand made the Dibah the organ of the Royalist middle class. 

[The Doctrinaires were represented by the Courtier, to which Villemain, 
Ritmiuat, and Salvandy contributed. But their appeal to impartial 
justiL-c left them isolated. 

The I.cn: organised petitions in favour of amnesty for the exiles of 
1815, Dc Serre looked on this agibition as a rcvolutionnry cabal, to 
force from the King tlie pardon of all exilcst, including the memben of 
the Bonaparte family and the regicides. He reminded the Chamber 
of the history of tlie breach between the Revolution and the monarchy, 
of the trtnchcry of the Hundred Days, of the covenant of the monarchy 
with liberty, of the magnanimity of the King, of the vote of the 
Chamber of 1815, which demanded the punishment of treason; and he 
concluded with tlie famous sentence that, except in special cases and by 
the clemency of the King, " the regicides could never be pardoned." 
The united af^liMi.-<e of tlic Right and tlic Centres, with which this 
remarkahli? spewh mas received, convinced the I^ft that they hod nothing 
to hope from de Scire, ii'ho stood by the monaivhy as finiily as be uphdd 
his Liberal convictions. Royer-Collard replied os distinctly to Benjamin 
Comtant that the attempt to wring an amncxty from the King would 
be cMuidered an outrage in tlie case of a private individual. How much 
note so when the outra^ was directed both ngaiDst natural feelings and 
the royal majesty, wliich was identiinl with the dignity of the nation ! 

t Decues held similar language, and the petitions were rejected. 




flO 



Resigtuttitm of Royer-CoUard. 




"S^b military law served ab a pretext for rraewcd attacks on the 
MtDUtiy by VilU'lc, Chatcitubriand, and La Uounlonituyc on the High!, 
by Manuel and Bcnjnmia Cunsitiuit oti Mic Left- Tiic itesnion dcned witli 
cvei^ pn-«agc of future conflict. Tlie lH:lligere]it attitude assumed by 
the clergy in the KoyalLst caune, and tlie aggresaivo demoDitrations against 
oil who did not ulopt their opinions, wto met by the Liberals with 
equal violence. In the early summer of 1819 dij-turiiimciii occurred 
wuoiig the KtudcnUi in Puris, in favour of a ecn.>«ured professor, which 
led to the cloning of the law school. Koyer-C'oUard declared that be 
would put down with tlie utiiioat vigour any attempt to introduco political 
strife into the schooK But, when Cecnzcs agreed to tin arrangement 
iindci- which the ChriKtiuti Brothcni could obtain, for niuml)e» of tlicir 
confraltmity, examined by tii«mitelv«», diploma-t from the University, 
enabling tliem to teach, Hoy ei'-Col lard retired from the direction of tlie 
Education liepartraent, aa he considered that an encroachment had bccu 
mode on the privileges of the Univcnity. His resignation seemed to 
indicate tlie reparation of tliv Doctrinaires from tho disunited Cabinet 
The Liberals congraLulated Itoycr-Collard; tlic Hoyalists ironically asked 
how the Jlinistry was to get on without the support of the half-doacn 
mCQ to whom they owed mi many victories 'f 

With the cry, *' Rather support a Jacobin than n ministerialist,** 
tlte Right went in 1819 to Hxa annual [mrlial (-lection. With tbeir 
assistance, Gn-goire, formerly "constitutional" DUhopofJlloi^ was elected 
for tlic Iserc. He had been the very first man to propose, in 179%, tJie 
abolition of royalty and tliu prosecution of X<ouis XVL Though 
personally nypedable, he was a wrong-headed and fanatical partiKan, 
who had com|)ared Mime- Antoinette to Jezebel and Kings to monst^Ts, 
whose deaths in all cases sliould be an occasion for rejoicing. Jiutides 
Gnfgoirc, 28 rocmbcn of the Left were returned, among them General 
Foy, while only five Ultras secured seats. Louis XVUI wrote to 
DecozcA, to whom ho was becoming daily more attached: "It is a 
consolation for nie lo think tliat one day history, which, in the long 
run, flatters nobody, will say to whom we are indebted for such an 
(Section."' He alluded to Monsieur, who was embittered beyoiul 
measure by the dicline of lus inHucnce. Bcnjsmin Constant, afraid of 
reaction, warned liis party of the dari^iT of overt lirowiiij; a Ministry 
on whose merits lie insisted, while Camille Jordan deplored the appar- 
ently irreparable breach of the Ministry with the I«ft. The elections in 
France coincided with revolutiouory movements in Spain, Italy, and 
Germany. 

Under the double pressure of home and foreign influence, three 
Ministers, Decazes, de Serre, and Portal, hesitated no longer to change 
the electoral law. Dc Sent; went back to his formei- idea of tlie 
representation of pro|K^rty by classes, and, with the help of Brog)i«, 
be completed, by the end of October, 1819, « comprvhcnsiTc measure 



i 



uis] 



Difficulties of Decazes and de Serre. 



91 



of ptrliamcntar)' reform by whicli he oiKVurmirod to introduw an 
dciiKitt of stability in the electoral aystera by favouring landed property. 
'ITiere was to be a Chamber of hereditary Peers, witli an endowmetit erf 
3,500.000 francs. The Chamber of Deputies was to be composed of 456 
membc-n', of 30 years of n^ and upward^ paying in diiv-ct taxes 600 
fmiHM, bimI clcfted fur xvvcn years by a cotnplicataJ electoral vysteni 
under which the wealthier da^aes had a double vote. 

At the time when Broglie joined ia this Kbenie he vna already 
separated from his friends of the Left, In 1817 be had founded with 
them tlic Sac'iUe lia AmU de la Pretse, which noon boutnic the mtivting- 
place of Kvpuhlicans and UoiiapartiHts. Decazca diteoivvd thix society 
in 1819 ; Broglie, driven by Benjamin Constant to explain his poaiticHi, 
said that the society bad always been illegal and that there was 
nothing for it but submi^Mon. lie knew tlint his own step-father 
d''AT^ii.«on, Mftnuel, end Lafayette, went allied with conspintt^tni and 
pretenders, and thought it his duty to terminate his political connexion 
with them. Meanwhile Decades, when he realiM^I that the consent of 
DesBolos, Gouvjon Swit-Cyr, and Oaron Louis was not to be obtained 
for a reform of the ckctorul law, triod tbrough Villcle and Corbiere 
to ciHnc to ail understanding nitb Richelieu, who was then travelling 
in Holland. He sent him (November, 1819) a conlidwitial agent bearing 
a note from the Kiiiff nnd a letter fi-om himself, explaining the situation 
and encloaing a drnit, by Barante, of the proposetl legi^latire metuurcs. 
At the snme time l)ccaa» approw'bcd Iloycr-Collnid, to induce him to 
join the Ministry. Royer-Collnrd also was ntamied by tlie election of 
(Jrt'goire, but met eicry proposal to deal with the situation by remarking 
that no kgtslatire enactment could sa^'c the monarchy: the evil came 
from men, not from things ; to perish wn* idso a solution. But Dccazes 
was to anxious for his ti»isUuicv Uiat lie offered him the l^vudeiicy of 
the Cowicil and hiti ohii n^tignation, wbei%upon de Serre retnaritccl 
that self-iiacritice consisted in standing by the colours and not in 
fljing from them. Roycr-Colkrd himself was of opinion that no 
I^me Minister was possible but Bicholicu, and insinuated that he 
might tlien take the Kdueation Departnicut him»etf. Hi.t interview 
with IJccares took place on November 15. The next day de Serre 
offci-ccl the '\\'ar Office to Broglie. The latter replied that he oould 
give no a«ii»lancc and only do harm ; that be hud no inAucnoe with 
tbe Ultras; and that his vindication of lil>erty would be looked upon 
as a relapse into eiTor. ^Vhen he broke with the licft he clmnged* 
nut hit opiniouK, but hix ptu^y. Nobody would believe in his dis* 
taterestedneM, if he accepted oHice, On the day on which Broglie 
declined, Richelieu's answer arrived. He wrote to the King that he, 
speaking in the presence of God, did not deem himself capable of 
utidcrtaking tlie ta^^k ; but he prumiM-sl his general support. 

De Scrrc tluia unfolded his whole sclieuie to Itoyer-Collard, who neither 

cji. n. 



ss 



RfCOTuiti-uctian of the M'm'uitry. 



[lflI»-M 



ihTOored nor opposed it; lie still thought it possible to overcome the 
objection of Richelieu to take office. So Utc ns November IT dc Scire 
wrote to DccoxM that he still hoped "to innke the Pope"; i>. to 
pcreiiade R oyer -Col iiird to fonn a ininistr)'. On that very Any, after 
(Ic Svrre had produced his plan to the Cabinet, De^aolea, Gouvion Saiat- 
Cyr, and I^uts resigned. Hoyer-Collard refused at the last moment to 
join the Government. Oe Serre gave up th« intended incrrnse of the 
Ministry, hut succeeded in obtaining the appointment of Royi Latour- 
MAu)>ourg, and Fauquier, on whom tli(^ Ki"g specially titNi^t^Ml, an 
Ministers of Finance, War, and Foreign Affairs resi)ectivcly. De Serre 
having declined the Presidency of the Council, tltat position was giren 
to Deouces. 

Roy er-Col lard cxpreMcd hl< diwipprovsl and disappointment in a 
letter to de Serre, who n^plierl Hmt llic conKtitiition of tlic Mini»try 
was the result of the refusal of Kuyer-CoUard himself to take office. 
Louis SVni wrote to Decazes that the delight of the Comte d'Artois 
and tiic Diidiess of Angoulcme made him fear he had been guilty of 
folly. ITie attempt to rally tlic Left Centre ronriil thi- standard of 
de Serre had failed. The Cabinet, i«tonstriictud in a Uoyaliiit Kciiwe, with- 
out conciliating the Royalists, was now dependent on the Kight Centre. 
VillMc declined to make any concessions to it. Chateaubriand, in the 
name of Uie Ultras, statcil, m the condition* for their support of 
electoral refonii, reorganisation of the National Guard, municipal reform, 
alteration of the system of promotion in the army, reduction of taxation, 
roo«tahlifhment of the religious Orders, and compcnsatioD for the victims 
of th<; Revolution. 

'llie Kfjcech from the thnine iiiKisted on the neceissity of Amendments 
in the Charter in order to save llie country from the discjuietude caused 
by annual elections. Eight days later the Kight moved to annul the 
election of Gn^goirc. Tlie Minister* would hiivc been willing to exclude 
him on a jmint of fonn. 'Hw hbi\, who had triid to make him resign, 
would lutve accepted thiii solution. But I^in^, representing on thb 
occasion the Right aa well as the Right Centre, in a memorable speech 
insisted on the exclusion on grounds of personal unworthiness ; only the 
extreme I*ft voted agntnst expulsion. During the delwite on A Go^-cm- 
ment motion for a vote on acnmnt, pending the introduction of the 
estimates, the Ultras were so violent that Vill^le became alarmed and 
persuaded his friends to vote with the Government against the Left and 
a few Ultras. Two great speeches hy Pasfjiiicr and Decazes accentuated 
the diflcren<« between Uie Gowmment and the Left, which oi^^ixed 
petitions in favour of the existing electoral system. A fatal blow was 
now given to the Ministry by the physical breakdown of de Serre, who, in 
January, 18U0, was obligt'd to go to Nice to recruit his shatteirxl health. 

Before he left, he i-eluctantly consented to a nioditicution of hia 
electoral plan. The scheme finally put forward was that of de Serr^ 



18S0] 



Murder of the I>uke of Berry. 



OS 



with BtiK-iKliiM-iits bv Rirfidicii, l^iwquier, luid I,atin?. Colleges of tlic 
arrvntiijixemfntii mere to select colleges of the Departments out of tlie 
most highly taxed kndownera; septennial gcncrnl elections and the 
reduction of the age qualification wcrv droj)pt-d ; but the aiiniinl election 
of onc-fiflh of the deputies van to he »u«p(-nded for five yt-An. The 
meaMire, Accepted by tiii; King, was to be introduced on Fehniary 14. 
On tlie evening of Ftbruar)- 13, 1820, the Duke of Berrj- was stabbed 
at the door of tJie Opera House by Louvel. Ovcrconw by grief, Decans, 
who had hurried to the Kcenc, ncwrcely [xrctivcd thftt the wife of the 
dying Prince tunu-d nwny from him in liorror. t)n the next d«y hii 
impeachment, **iis itn accessory to the murder," was propose*!. Chatenu- 
briand wrote, " The hand that struck the blow is not the most guilty." 
The whole Hight, in fact, held l]cca:!c's responsible for tlie catastrophe. 
On i'cbruary 15 the Government a*kwi for fxcf[)tiiiiml Iiiw!) in restraint 
of liberty, aixl tl>e re-introduction of tlie censomhip for five years, and 
Rt the same timo introduced their measui'c of electoral reform. 

The Left Centre were not consulted. Rnyer-Collnrd, Camille Jcodan, 
and BeugDot made it a condition, before constnling to the temi)on>ry 
meauircfi of security, that the existing system of election sliould be 
maintained. In the Upper House, Doctriniiirwi and Itoyalists rejected 
the proposal to restore the cmsorKhip. Every attempt at conciliation 
mnde by DecAZCM vitx fruitier. "We have alt Ijcen killird with the 
Duke," he wrote to de Slttc. With the consent of the King h« went 
to Richelieu on February 18, to whom, at the request of DecazcH, 
Monsieur promised the support of hiiiiwlf and his friends, saying, 
"I will be tlic first of your jioldiers." 

^Vithout confidi-nce in this a.*sur«nce Richelieu tluvw himself into the 
breocli. The King's powers of resistance were bi'oken by the teon and 
supplications of his family. He dismissed the favourite, who was mode 
AJiibassador in I^ndon and a Dtikc. Thus disappoiu-ed from the 
parliamentary stage n man, who to cxccptioiml ability and great 
pcrsoiud chnnn united a dear apprehen.*ion of the rwjuircnicnbi of the 
modem State. Uecozea in 1880 was only forty years old ; but, nltliough 
be lived to an advanced ago ho never recovered political power. 
Though ho cannot be inimbcred among great and creative statesmen, 
be mu an excellent udmini^tmtor, energetic, hnrd-working, and of a 
conciliatory disposition. His greatest achiev-enient, the Onlinnncc of 
September, 1816, which finally led to his fall, secured years of jH-noeful 
development to the Government of the elder branch of the Ilourbons. 

After his return to power, Richelieu placed the moderate Royalist 
Simeon at the Home Office and Mounier nt the head of tlie police; 
Portfdi« replaced de Serre ad interim ; Paaquicr, wlio remained at the 
Foreign Otiioe, brilliantly vindicated the ministerial policy in tlie 
Chamber. 'XTic Doctrinaires continued in the Council of State. He 
Scrre charged thvtn with having, by tlicir conduct, brought about the 

CH. U. 



w 



Stcfielieits second Ministry. 




samflce of Dccazes to tbe Ultras. Dc Scire^s friondt vcre of a rimllar 
opinion ; in their letters to him thcj' tt-rmcd Roycr-Collnrd the greatest 
master of destruction. Decaxcs recomintnded that Hrogiie should be 
secured to the Ministry as tlie lea^t Uoctriiiaire of the Doctrinaires, now 
that de Serre no longer belonged to them, llroglio dt«cribcd the 
situation as dcsptT.ite, and the King's rule aj at an end. "Richelieu," 
wrote Roy er-Co Hard, "is the liustbulwailt"; all opjiositiiin was dnngtmus 
and he would haw nothing to say to it, but he would never agreo tn 
tJie electoral proposal* of the Government aa they stood ; and, in the 
dcl)ateH on the exceptional laws, the hostility of the Doctrinaires became 
clear. Itoyer-CoIIard compared these mensurot to money raised at 
usurious interest, which ruins the creditor; the nulliliealJon of tJie 
reprece&t«Uve system by the reintroducUon of privilt^ would prove 
deadly ; tlie royal standard, which was lioisted on September 5, 1816, 
was sinking in the hands of incompetent leaders. 

The I-efl, encouraged by the success of the Revolution in Spain, 
and animated by the fiery cluqiicncG of General Foy, who acted as 
mediator Iwtween them and the Dotrtrinairfs, Attacked the Goireniment 
with ever increasing violencre. The Rij^ht reluctantly proiideii a feeble 
and precarious majority. Guizot wrote to de Serre that the monarchical 
and Liberal reform which he intended was doomed ; he ought to resign 
and clear himstrlf of responsibility, a* he no longer ha<l power. Royer- 
Collard held similar language : " I divanit of nn alliance between order 
and liberty, between Legitimacy and the Revolution,,.. I am now awake." 
But de Serrc had taken his stand. lie thought there were signs that 
both groups of the Right would come to an understanding for the 
defence of monarchy. Should that come to \isvt* h<- would gladly sec 
them in powei*. Till tlien tlie only course was to figlit on. The notion 
of deserting his post seemed to him cowardly. Since March there was 
absolutely no prospect of carrying do Scrre's project, cither aa proposed 
by Deautis or in its original .thuiK;, On April 17 the Government, in 
agreement with VillMe, <'orhicrc, and Ijiirn'r, introduced n third scheme, 
according to whidi two different clashes of electoral coUi-ges were to be 
created in each Department; tliose of the aTTondisgemcnti, with a 
franchiifC of 300 francs, were to elect as many candidates as the 
Department had deputies; tltatof the Dcparinicnt, consisting of the most 
highly taxed fifth of the votent, wai to elect the deputies from these lists, 

1'iie recognition of property, defined by Benjamin Constant no less 
than by the Doctrinaires tlicmselvcs "ta the natural, necessary ine<{uality, 
on which the exercise of political rights reposed," had been the root- 
idea of the electoral law of 1817. The project of 1820, which intro- 
duced the dual vote, transferred political preponderance from the middle 
class to landed property, which, in spite of all upheavals and changes, to 
about half of its original extent n-maiiied in or h»id returned into the 
liands of the old nobility, 'ilie Left saw in the new pmptuals an injury 



I 
I 

i 



IB30] 



NeiD ekctoral proposals. 



65 



to the indtutrial as opposed to Uie Iftiidvd intenst, ttud a preparatory 
step towards the re introduction of privileg*-. They attAi-ki-d the with- 
drawiil of the project of Decazes as illegal, with the support of Kojrer* 
Coliaid. 

The Ultras considered the meiuiirc inodcquntr and the expresnon ctf 
the mind of the Centre^ In another wpeceh, on May 17, Hoyer-CoUard 
charactcriMxl liberty and Intimacy as inseparable ideas, and er|UHlity 
as the comi-r-stone of Fnmcb liberty. lie repudiated, as before, the 
doctritw tluit the sovereign [>coplv repivscnted pi.'r»otiK and individual 
wills, not society, its rights and interestti. CoiLitituLioiial th<tniy nhould 
make no distinction between owners of lai^ and small properties. 
Property as such was the moral guarantee of civil capacity. "All the 
intcreatx and rights of the eomniunity arc repitsented by the Lower 
Chamber. Ixjuality of i-lit-toi's and of votes niid direct election are 
inseparable. Klection by majority is alone valid. The representation 
of minorities is a fraud, a violution of the Charter, a coup d'ltat against 
equality and the representative system; it is the Counter-revolution." 
Pasquier retorted on the IStli Umt equality, the fiUKUmwital principle 
of the Cliarter, was already set at nought, 27,900,000 aouls being dis- 
franchised as against about 80,000 voters. He charged Royer-Collard 
with confounding civil rights, which went equal for all, aiid political 
rights, which were not. 

The strongest prejiiure was brought upon de Ptrre, who returned at 
this time to Paris, by Bi-oglie, Ouizot, add Royer-Colinrd not to aaeritice 
himsdf "to the mutilated Bill and the wretched Ministr^r." ** We have 
imperishable recollections in common. Wc have revealed our souls to 
e*^ other," wrote Royer-Collard. For a u-bole week, in iiilnirc,dc Serre 
listened to oraljors who aecitsed one another of conspiring with the 
Left against monarchy, and with Uie Kight iji the interest of the 
Counter-revolution. 'l"he excitement was tremendous, in the gallery, 
aX the doors of the House, Ihroiighout the country, in the army itself, 
which Ijiffitte, I^faycttc, aod d'Argcuson were attempting to corrupt, 
while Vitrolles intrigued for Monsieur. On May S7 Lafayette spoke. 
He contended that the obligations of the Charter were reciprocal ; the 
tricc^our was insulted by the imigrfsy the contiucsts of tlic Revolution 
threttcDcd. It would not be well to drive tlie young generation to the 
defence of the sacred symbols of truth and justice. De Serre rose. 
He now began, in the words of Broglie, his Homeric struggle against 
the Lefl, which attacked him with fury, ngainst the Right, which 
branded him as a traitor, ugnin»t his former allies now incensed against 
him : he stood alone nmongst colleagues, all of whom had sought bis 
assistance and yet were divided by his presence. The luind of death 
was upon him ; nevertheless he fought witli a cool courage and mental 
activity never Mirjiiisseil. I.afayett£, he said, had alluded to the Revo- 
lution, ** Have not those times," he continued, "left to Uie honourable 

ft M. a. X. at. II. 4 



«ft 



Debates in ike Chamber. 



[1820 



iiii-tiibcr HoiTo^^'ful cspcricocca and prolituble tecol led ions P He niiut 
liftvu felt, inure tliiui onci-, with tU-Jith in his hctirt and the bliuli of 
diaine on liin check, t,h»t when niiii; tlic maKK^s ai-e roused, it ia not only 
impossible to arrest them in a career of crime, but that one may bo 
ufUm furu-cl to follow them, perfiaps sometimes to lend." 

Boycr-Collni'd ngnin rcpudintpd any connexion with the doctrine of 
tlie ROiertigii jicoplc, and, after in^isUn;; onw more on bin view* about 
direct election »iid eijuulity of vot(i«, mbiiitted tlie neoeH<ity of modi- 
ficstioDS in the Act of 1817. In order to avoid the proposed two 
different systems of election and the double vote, Camille Jordan moved 
all nmcndmcat to CTcate as many electoral coUegi-s a» the Departnrctit 
(tad dcpiitiuK. 'nii» idea was now approved by the IaA t^otn! and 
the Lell, altiiough the Left knew ^-ery well that the division of 
eloctcns by an-ondUsentenlt would raiM up local influences against tho 
revolutionan' propaganda. The (.iiamber consented, by a majority 
of one, to consider this amendment. If this were accepted by tlic 
(lovemnient, they must renounce alliance with the whoJc Royalist 
party and break up thctr majority, while Giniitlc Jonlan oould only 
offer the ateady support of hin fri<^iid.«, who were a mincnibr' in the 
Opposition. 1)0 Serre moved its rejection ; describing the measure of 
Dccaxes, which was in reality his own, as that which would item the 
tide of revolution in France and cWwlicre by means of a powerful, 
geucrously intcrproted TVprcneutativc system. Neither the Right nor 
his dinonctsted oolleaguei dared to repudiate dc Sent-. Tht- aniend- 
nient of Canullc Jonlan uaa lost by ten votes. On June S the first 
clause of the electoral law, regulating the electoral colleges, was carried 
by five. On that morning Ro^er-Cotlard and Guizot let dc Serre know 
Uuit fi»-e--iixUi!( of the lA-fl. wen^ willing to vote for the claiDv, on 
condition of immediate dt.ssohition, (he election of the prcMUt 968 
members by colleges of the arrotiilmrment, and that of ITS additional 
members by colleges of the Depai'tment. but on a i-cdueed franchise 
which would render im[>OMiblc a pi-eduminant representation of n> 
Hctionary intererts. 

Inimeiliatcly after lite vote the demonstrations in favour of the 
■le|MitieH of the I^ft, whicli had ^oiie on daily since May 16, assumed 
the chaiacler of i-evolt. 'I'he Mini>1ry placed the troops under the 
command of Mar^al Macdonald. Utficei^ of the Guard in plain clotlica 
and ictuiucd repubiicAn exiles, among them an agent of Lafayette, took 
pwt in these riotx On Jinic G Camillc Jordan proposed that tho 
CSiambcr be adjourned till the ewfety of the national representation, 
threatened by the Itoyalists, was secured. De Serre denied tlie extntenoe 
of danger, but charged the Left with endeavouring to obtain, by inedteroent 
to disorder, what they could not get by parliamentary mcthoda, Manuel 
replied that justice could not be expected from dc Serre: the Ministry 
was no longer able to save the country. The Keeper of the Seals did 



I8»] Electoral .fcheme nmetided afid passed. 



67 



not «&ver for an instant He held his ground against Benjamin 
Constant, Casimir P^w, and Laffitte. 

Louvela execdtioii made this a critical time, but the Government 
mnstcrcd disorder, (iuizot acknowledges that this was done lirmly and 
niod«rat«ljr, without violating ftwdom of debute. ^Vhi^c the GoYt-ni- 
raeut were concerned about the maintenance of order, two deputies of 
the Ijcft (Vntrc. Courvoisier and Jfoin, gave notice of two further 
amendment*. Tlwt of Courvoisier rejected the double vote. The 
MacDdmcnt of Boin, wliieli was considered privately by dc Serrc, Villile, 
and Corbii-re, wae substantially the propatal which Koyer-(?olIard and 
Guizot made to dc Serrc on June 8. Mut it fixed tlie frandiise for the 
departmental colleges at a qualification of lOOO franco, equal to that 
of the deputies. It further gave to the members of theae colleges the 
double Tote. This amendment was carried, on June 9, by 185 against 
66 votes of the I/^ft and the extreme Hoyalisb. In the Peers the law 
once more underwent severe critid-Hin from Liberals and Doctrinaires, 
cqKcially from Barante and UrogHe. 'Vhey regretted the ombsion of 
provisions for general elections and the reduction of the age qualification. 
They however admitted that the gains outwcit{hed the losses and that 
de Sertc'j project of 1819 was revived in essentials. With the assistance 
of the moderate Royalists the Ministry were victorious. A fortnight 
after the measure became law, Loin^ offered ViUHe in the name of 
Hichelieu a scat in the Cabinet. Villele declined for the present, 
pending the elections, in order to keep himself i'rcc fiom the apjwarancc 
of having sought a position for himself. 

During llic debato on the budget the Left abstjiined from voting, on 
the grouml that the Charter had been v)olut4--d ; and all legal opposition 
was at an end. Two only of their newspapers had escaped censure. 
General Foy and LafGtte were now di&inissed from their posts. Tlic 
Hight, however, remained dissatisfied, so long as nicinbcin of the definite 
Opposition acre alone touehwl. Tlie odvcnumes they most feared were 
those who had once fought side by side with tliem in the interests of the 
monarchy. The memoirs of Pasquier prove that Monsieur, Viliye, and 
Corbie insisted, oa the price of their alliance witli the Richelieu 
Ministry, on a complete breach willi the Doctrinaire*. ITie aversion 
felt for them by Kiclielieu and Pasquier waa not lessened by the manner 
in which Royer-CoUai-d, Camille Jordan, and Guizot, although Coun- 
citlors of State, worked against the Ministers during the debate on tlie 
budget. Guizot, although not u deputy, hud maile himself conspicuous 
in the lobby and eLtewhere by encoumging re^tatance. De Serre charac- 
terised Camille Jordan's tone as an appeal to revolution. His position 
was more difficult as regards Royer-Collard, with whom, a* with Barante 
Olid Broglic, be had remained on terms of intimate friendslup. The 
attachment of Royer-Collard to the dynasty was beyond suspicion ; in 
critical moments he had, more than oucc, stood by dc Serrc. But 



11. 



ft-S 



US 



RoyaUst reaction. 



[isao-i 



fpclinpi of <»mmilcsliip, the recollection of »o nutii)' l»tltlc* fought 
in common, failtfl «ft«i- th« r«fii»al of Ro^er-CoUard to take office and 
to secure for tlie Goveniment the solid support of a nmjorJty in tlie 
Centre 

On July 17, a fuw days before the close of the aeatiion, the Keeper of 
the Seals dismissed Guizot, Camille Jordan, and Boyer-CoUard from tlw 
Council of SUtc, "on thw ground of violtmt and conlinntd opptmtion 
to tiic meaHiu'es of the (iovemiiient against the enemies of the monarchy." 
Royer-Collard and Guizot declined honours and pecuniary compensit- 
tionti. Biiruntc nouii ttftcr rcsignc.il Iiis newly-ucquin^l diplomatio 
]>osition and, witli Itroglie, went into Opposition. "We are about to 
undertake a difficult task," stud dc Serrc to Barantc in a last conversa- 
tion; "wc int4:nd to govern liy n-Jisonnb!c mi;lli<(dii while hwiing oH 
the Right.** The Luik tuiiied out more difficult than he thought. Aftet- 
the rcenactment of the temporary laws of exception the <'hief» of the Left 
formed a committee to assist those who might be attacked, wbicli soon 
w« organised jw ft sf*ret, anli-dytifwtic society in touch with similar 
associations, sueli as the Charbonnerie, the Chevaliers de la Libert^, etc. 
A far-reaching military plot, which was primarily organised to rcvoiti- 
tionisc Paris and then to bring nt)out a change of dynasty, and waa to 
break out on August 19, had been discovered by the Government in good 
time. The guilty were brought before u tribunal of the Pcei>, which 
did not pass judgment till July, J821. In consixiueiicc, however, of the 
spirit in the army, tiie Peers and the Government were afraid to proceed 
against several deputies strongly suspected of having knowledge of thb 
conspiracy and of being prlty to the riots of June, 18:20, Hence 
d'Argenson, Manuel, Foy, Corcelles, and above all Lafayette, escaped 
trial. The mildness of the sentences on those convicted was attributed 
by both parties to the weaknv.-a of the Adniinistnition. It was in reality 
laigely due to the influence of Uroglie, who, in his memoint, takes the 
ofidit for it. 

When, on SeptembiT 89, 1820, a posthunmus heir, the Duke of 
Bordeaux, was bom to the bereaved dynasty, Richelieu and de Scrre, 
pressed by the Royalists and against the advice of Pasquier, decided in 
favour of jxirtiid instead of grneml elections. Guizot, in a widely-read 
(Munphlet, called upon the King to place himself at the head of tbc 
Revolution in order to overthrow the Counter-revolution. The advice 
came too late. A royal proclnmation was issued calling on the electors 
to choo.te tried Royalist cjuididatct. An overwhelming Royalist majority 
waa returned, recalling the days of the Chamhtr introuvafjle. This 
majority waa not satisfictl when Richelieu, in order not to separate from 
oollengiies, appointed Vill^e und Lain^! Ministers witliout portfolios, 
Lauriston head of the Household, Corbif-re to the Ministry of Eduoation, 
Clwtcaubriand ambassador at Berlin, Ravez President of the Chamber, 
and favoured Royally claims in the services. He hoped to coryure 



18S0-1] 



Foreign compUcatumt. 



69 



away diffimltjea by l^Ulation dtrectcii mainly townrtlx tlie dewlop* 
meat of material interests. In the meantime he had to meet foreign 
complications. 

■ The jMilicy of olwen'nlion, which, in oppo'ition to ihc Emppior 
Alexander but in agreement wiUi the otlit-r Powers, litid bt-eii ndopt^^l by 
France as r^ards the military revolution in Spain and the reatAration «rf 
tfao CQoetifution of Cadi/, was no longer possible in prGs^nce of an 
identicR] movement in Naples. Richelieu, who nt Aix-la-Clinpellu 
had led France to adhet« to tlie Quadruple Alliantc, which wiw biLtu) 

■ Ml the maintenance of the treaties), proposed a conference, but tried 
in vain, by mediation between King Ferdinand and his Neapolitan 
•ubjects, to prevent Aurtrian intervention. Tlie Congress met at 
Iteppao. In Kpite of the protests of Kii|r]tuid, of reservations of tlic 
French plenipotentiaries concerning limitations of the right of inter- 
ventioQ and the arbitrary action of the other three Powers, the French 
reptewntativc at Laibach nevertheless signed the protocol sanctioning 
the action of Auntria ngninst NapU^. 

The attitude of the Ministry at Troppau and at Laibaeh gave 

dnsatisfaction to both the extreme parties at home. The feeling was 

(O bitter that, when the light sentences passed on the conspirators of 

August 19 wen: inti'rpreted by the Left as a tacit avowal tliat proo& 

■gainst them were wanting, de Serrc retorted by accusing the entire Left 

of being accessory to conspiracy. But it was in vain that the Minisliy 

tndeavourcd to meet the wishes of the Right. The Ultras would not 

be ooodiiatcd, nml T«fii.->eil to vote tlic <%iisorship fur longer than three 

months after tlie opening of the next ^eiiaion. Nevertliele^i de Serre 

advised Ricbetieu to reconstruct bis Cabinet in a Royalist sense. This 

advice was bosod on the supposition that the influence of the moderate 

Jioyalists would prcpomlcnite in a future combination, in Uie event of 

Ihc demise of the Crown, which the King''* ill-healtli showed could not 

\x far distant. He had slipped from the hands of Richebeu into those 

df Madame dc Cayla; Monsieur now felt himself strong enough to 

require that the oompetMaUon for the hnigrit, which Richelieu for 

£tiaDcial reasons wished to defer, sliould be introduced during Uie next 

^Ksmion. 

At the partial elections of October, 1821, the Right again increased 

"liheir majority by more thim fiO vote*, of which 20 belonged to 

"Uie Ultras, while the ^finistry obtained only 90 votes for tlieir own 

^KToup, the Bight Centre. De Serre ti'ied in vain to prevent the return 

^Ef Roycr-Collard, who during the loxt Mes:«ion lnul repeatedly oppoxed 

^Vneaaurea advocated by his former friend. The Ministry now only existed 

i-O consequence of the divisions in the ranks of Uieir Royalist opponents. 

niie Ultras resolved to overthrow it by an nlliAnec with the Ijcft against 

the ceitMinhip. Ilie address to the King, drawn up by the l.'^ltnut, was a 

declaration of war against the Govcmment. It expressed the hope^ which 



70 



RicheUeu succeeded by f^Uiele. 



[l8Sl 



wiu in reality an insult, that the foreign policjr u-ould be so conducted as 
not to lower the honour of the nation and tlic dignity of the Crown ; it 
vtuu-gnl the Ministry witJi having brought about an agricultural crisix by 
their dilatory action in not prohibiting the impoiiation of com; and 
it called for moafuroi to fulfil the prouiises of the Charter. This last 
paragraph indicated the policy wliich onsiinxl the support of the Left, 
'llic UitiM DOW approached Hoyer-Collard, who repiiid do Serre for 
of>l>OMing his election by carrying the Left Centre over to the coalition 
and Uiua ensuring the dtfcat of tlie Govemincnt. 'llie King, deeply 
ofTcnded by the address, returned a haughty answer. A dissolution might 
sUll save tiie sitimtion. Five Minister^ headed by Pasquicr, urged this 
course, and otfcnii to resign if tlioir advice wi-re not aoceptcd. In 
thc>ie circumstances Itichelieu would have had to reconxtruct liia Ministry 
with \'illele, Corhiere, and other members of the Itight; but the attitude 
of the Chamber shut out all possibility of an understanding with the 
Ultras. Mindful of tlic pledge given by MonMeur when tlio Ministty 
irw fonncil, Richelieu reWved to claim his mediiition. He went to tlie 
Prince, explained the factious conduct of the Ultras, and aslted for tlie 
fulfilment of his solemn promise. Monsieur evaded the question, and 
pressed for a Ministry under \'illclc. Richelieu turned away in indig- 
nation, exclaimed t« Pastpiier, "He lia.t broken hi» plighted word — the 
wonl of a gontlcmiui,"^ an<l reported to the King the substance of tbo 
interview. *'What can you expect?" said Lonis XVIII in amirer, "bt 
coa'ipired against Louis X\'I, be conspired against me, he will end by 
conftpiring against himself" But the King also, broken in health and 
xpiritf, wa< now ready to accept Vill^Io. 

Richelieu and hiii culleagtics I'CHigned on December 19, 18!il : and 
the Government of the Right Centre became a tiling of the past. It 
had succeeded, in spite of the most unscrupulous opposition, in dis- 
arming revolution, irorganising the army, regulAting the finance*, 
reviving credit, and laying wlid foundations for constitutional govern- 
ment. The integrity of its aflniinistration, the rare gifts and higli 
moral standard of its leaders, the eloquent genius, the fine c^haractcr and 
governing power of de Serre, the patriotic self-devotion of Hichelteu, 
above all the M'rioutt endeavour to apply to politics an elevated ideal of 
morality, deserved a better fate than the ungrateful desertion of thcttc 
whose passions they cofldemnvd and whoee true iutereatai they served. 



71 



CHAPTER Iir. 



BEACmON AND HEVOLU'llON IN FBANCE. 



I 



The more ardent of the Royalists who ha<l gone into exile, either 
voltintArily or by (x>ni|>iil»on, tOjgothcr with the royitl Mouse, hail liopi-d 
after ib) restoration in 1814-i> to share iii its triumph ami its power, 
and to inflict upon RevoUitionary France a signal re%'etige, Withiin 
one Tcur, iai5~6i their cxccatH.-s, often bloodthirsty, against thej 
tiH-ii mid institutioiw of tlio prei-ediiig rif^ime had Itrought tlieni loW 
dts(.Te<lit. I-otiis XVIII and his Ministers Ilrcjute.s nnd Richelivti had 
cut themselves olf froni these infatuated and unconiprnniising allies, 
in few lest the anger which they liad aroused in the nation shoidd 
ivcoil upon the nionnrc-liy. For four yvo.n, till 18S0, the country vaa!!^ 
govcniwl without their aiil or in tlieir despite. But in their tnni the 
Liberals, uho Itad in this crisiis become the principal support of the 
monarchy, seemed to bo turning traitors to it, and to be leading back 
the country, after tlie CTacuntiun of France by the Allien in 1818, to the 
adveiituroiK policy of the Empire iiii<i the erinn.w of the Terror, u-heii 
by degrcK they opennl their ranks to Bona[Mrtist.s or to ix-|^ci<le Re- 
publican* such as the Abtx* (ir^;oire. The assassination of the Duke of 
Berry, which was hiid to their charge, became, in IWMMbr the Royalists' 
gathcied aroond the Cointc li'Artoi)! the occasion of a return of unex-J 
pectcd good fortune, Lotti.t XVIII, RiclteUeu, and de 8crre made 
appeal to tbu^r ili^votion ; ami the nation itself, through fear of con- 
spirkCia and of revolution, gave them, by the elections of November 13, 
1880, a fr»h lease of credit. It is true, honevcr, that these elcctionM 
vcre the n»ult of im electoral law {xlikviI on June IS, 18SW, n-ith tbcJ 
porpo» of mppn-4.sing Uie secrecy of the l)alIot, and of corructing the 
poniblc errors of electors, by taking from them the choice of on^haff 
the deputies, and entrusting it to the twelve thousand most heavily 

taied laodonnere in France. 

Victorious for all ihvft.'. rt^a»otiK, what iixc- wei-e the Itoyaliata litcelyJ 
UitK time to nmke of their victory in 18!il ? Their programme had alwaW 
been a design of retenge upon tho Revolution, and an attempt u 
nconstituting the aitcieH rtgime. 

m. m. 



72 



The RoyaUst and religious reaction. 



[18X1 



\^ 



/ To cnrry out this progrnmmo, they counted chiefly "iKtu pn«'W<1ing by 

la restoration of the rights iind doctriniw of the Ultrnniontjme Catholic 

IChurch. Their hop» and Uie basis of their calcuktiona reet«d on the 

rconeealnieiit of their ainbitionB and intrigues by a moral alliance between 

I uIldT and throne, by 8 campaign against atheism and immorality, by n 

vdisintcrestcd real for tlif welfare of souls and of society at Inrgc. 'llieir 

chief instrument was the '* Congi-egalion " of the R»ii- dn Bac, uhidi 

since 1814, under tlie direction of a Jesuit, P^re Hotisin, had gathered 

together laymen and priesta, the nobility, the Royalist magistracy, and 

the young blood of the schools. The " priest-party," as it »aa aftcr- 

iraxds called* even more Boyalist than religious, organiiicd branches in 

the provinces, conducted conntli-M mission« at home, or reti-eats with 

niagiiificfiit ceremonial like those of the Abh^ Forbin •lanson on Mont 

Val^rien. It seemed to be conducting a crusade in a land of pagans. 

Declamatory journalists, cditore of such organs as tlie Drapeau Blanc, 

the Bibliotkiqiie Catholique, eloquent and dogmatic polcitiists, Lamcnnaix, 

who between 1817 and 1820 brought out his F.»my on Indifference in 

Attitten <if Helt^ion, and Joseph de Maistre, auLlior of Du Pafie, did 

not hesitate to claim for the Itonxan Church the control of France, 

won bock from the Revolution. 

From the beginning of 18S1 a majority in the Chamber urged the 
King to strengthen " the authority of religion in tlie hearts of the 
people, and to purify txisting morali by a system of (niristian imd 
monarchical education." This majority now formulated i\s programme 
— a religious monarchy founded upon a strict alliance of politics and 
U^hgion, and upon the spi ri tun li (nation of society. Thus, under the 
pretext of reforming morality in France, they intendi-d to remake their 
country according to their liking, to replace tlie prefcctoral adminis- 
tration of the Empire by the old ghiiraiitity to restore to the (^lurch 
ita authority in civil matters, to break down the revolutionary legislation 
on the cjuestion of marriage and of succcsdon, luid finally, to restore to 
Uic aristocracy, when replaced in the powicssion of the property forfeited 
at the time of their emigration, their influence at Court and their 
thority in the produces. 
At that time the Royalist party waa already beginning to listen to 
counsclsof oneof the most illustiiousof its members, Chateaubriand, 
ho by his speeches and tbrotigh the medium of the Press had from 
818 to 18S0 been preparing the way for his victory. This brilliant writer 
ipcd to induce the French, in love nith glory no leas than with equality, 
accept the programme of his friends by offering them opportunities in 
uio[>c and a policy of action and of revenge. It was the time when 
the people of Naples and of Piedmont were rising agitinxt their rulci's, 
who persisted in refusing them liberty and reform. With a mw to 
establiohing his power in the IbdJjm Peninsula, Mcttcmich was codea- 
Touring to obtain from Europe authority to interfere at Naple» against 



iBio-i] ModeraHoH and a Boya&$t Gocrmmcnt. T8 




Ihe democnitic partv. Acting as envojr of I^otiis XVIIl to 
Mdoe NcHsmbcr 90, isSO, CbatMubriond, at Berlin, had been 
iqg on bdulf of FruKe lui uuilngoiu nUffkia in Italy. **Tbc 
iff*^yiff will be otabliabed wlwn it lias ooce oiore beed tbe foe. 
bold nwoure of hi^ policy, nhidt flattets the «elf-«tccm of tbc 
«iU hy that mcana aloDe ensure gn^t popularity.*' 

$urh «cR tbc broad lines the dementi of tbc *cfaca>c by which 
in 16S!1 tbc French aratocnK^ — restored to ponw by font of circuin- 
«taneGa, coRfinned in that povcr by legislation touching the Pi«n, and 
by the eleetioos, which were bvounhlo to tbcir ainw— hoped to Mttsfy 
tiidr danies of revenge and to aatert tlw dainu uf privilege againrt the 
new Mdcty. 

Loai* XVm and hi* Mininler*, In Uiia |>eriod of trouble and anrat, 
had (wrnitil to [larticipMte tn the plot, Uie King by '^'■'twiiTtg Deeana; 
Ihe J>uc de Richelieu, tlie Flret Minister, by making room tn the Mtnifbir 
far twu leaden of the cxtrcniift party, \'ill^lc and CarbiL-re. " 1 prefe^ 
Bldiidiei] had written after the experience of 1818, " Hoy.iUst fanatii 
dan la JocotHnimn." However, as his ally de Serre, a bnllinot ontor 
aad adroit minuter, reroarfied, " While governing with the help of the 
Right, Richelieu yet wi&hed to go^'em vUk wtoderatifm." He reckoned 
on aooe measun; of patience in the Boyalist% and believed that by 
pacifying thrni he could give them Katufactioo. 

In oirdcf to MtUfy thur religious zeal, be placed one of their own 
Mwo, Corbie, nt the head of the Council of the Uoivendty (December SI , 
MO). Be approved the Ordinance of Fefamaqr S7, 1881, wluch gave 
the President almost nbsolulc power ot-er the teaching Btt^ and sor- 
tmdend the control of instruction to the Ksltops, giving them per- 
nwioo to inspect the Colleges and to emjiloy State suhMidica for the 
blDDfit of tctigioos Hooks. Professors of (oo liberal views, such •* 
tnaot and Cousin, were shut out from the College of ^moce and 
the Sorbonoe. while at the same time on cM was summoocd to the 
directorate of the most impoi'tAnt Academy, that of Paris. 

Bcaido authority over tlte m-)iooU, the Church was deatined shortly 
to derive other benefits from the Uw of May, ISSl. llie Ministry had 
mognised the tact that there were not enough Bishops in France, and 
that the dergy lacked the resources Dcccatary for tbcir own use and 
Iba maintenance of their places of worship, lliey accordingly proposed 
to Cfcate twelve new bishoprics. It became neoesaary to make still 
further canccBsions to the party of the Congregatioa, which had already 
bna sicounged by these promises, and to declare that the King wouk) 
ihortly prooeod to the creation of et^httvn additional sees. In tbe\ 
anm of the dtseuwon upon this law, tJie Miiiiitry were forced to break! 
nth the most emioent of the liberal monarchiats, Koyer-Collard and! 
Canille Jordan, who accused tli«ni of comproinif^ng tbc mooarchy ftpf)' 
thn Cburdi to serve party end>. And yet they did not succeed in 

at. Uf. 



n 



Prr^cls of inteii'etition abtxiad. 



[iMli 



I 



tiatisfying the more ardent Royalists — DeUIot, Donnadicu, Cturtalbajac — 
wlio were cnpcr to proclaim the superiority of rcligiotis atitliority o^-er 
that of tlic Chamlxtrs, unci tlic riglit of tin? Crown unil<>r tJi« oW order 
to r^riiluto without con^tilting the nation the relation!! between Church 
and State. Ktchelieu had hoped to create a ministry of " reconciliation 
and of pardon" — vain hope, in faw? of a party over-exdtcd by victory I 
and eagi-rto obtain from it all poMiiblo rwiilU, In fiu<c too of tJiC just 
alarm of tho iMtion iind tin- LilnTal deputies iutmsed hy th« rea(»ertion 
of these claim H. 

■^ When a year liad passed a wiai§ brought about by foreign affairs 

nodified the situation. Europe, in 18!il, mum disturfx'd more than ever 

>y the revolt of tho Spniujinls nf;iiitist Uiiir Kinj;, Fcnlinnnd VIT, and 

ly tlic ntruggl«« of thr. (irceks iigain.it the Sultan. The French nation 

was in ft state of irritation at the inaction of tJic Government, 'llie ■ 

libenilfl demanded that suceour ohould be given to the Greeks, the 

Royalists that support should hv affordc'd to the Ix-^timist cause in 

Spain, and all were at any rate agreed in deninnding noinv nmnifeatatiun 

of French power abroad. It was not the fault of Hichelicu'K Mini.-rtiy Uiat 

no such niauife-ttation took pince. In apite of the joint representations of 

the SecretaiT of State and of the Minister of Forci;rn Affairs, Pasquier 

and ilayneval, the lentler of the Cabinet iiicHnc^l to aotioii in the East and 

on the Rhine, in wnci-rt with the T*ar, Alexander I. But at the hut ■ 

moment, alai-med by the attitiulc of England and ttie other European * 

Alexander drew back; the French people held the Ministry 

ponsihlo ; deputies from the extreme Right and the extreme Left alike 

jtited in their reproiu-hes of Richelieu and their effortf against him, 

fl'hey accused him in the addroNK to the Crown of " having purchased 

tee by Kiu-rifieeK inuoiupntihle with tlu^ honour of the nation and thft 

^^^ity of the throne" (November SMi, 1831), After a violent speech 

/ complaining of treachery, he resigned office ; and on December \ii Louu 

I X\1II appointcil Vilielc and Corbii'TO as his xuccessors. Richelieu 

I was not long to survive this uixleseiACil check. He died the following 

\is"- . . I 

f^ Still it might ftocin as if the retirement of the inonarchiata of tlie ■ 
{Right would simplify the situation. Did it not give victory above all 
Ito the Royalists of the Left, the extremists. leaden* of the "priest- 
tparty," fw it was called P Were they not thcni-cforth in a position 
to realiite th<-ir hopes and their programme in ita entirety? While 
nrratthieii de Montmorency was appointed to tlie cliarge of Foreign 
Affairs and Cliateaubriand to the Embassy in I.ondon, the Duke of 
Bclluno, a Marf^hal of the Empire, was mn«lc Minister of ^Var, on 
the understanding thjit he was to prepare and carry out in the imme- 
diate future a foreign cuterpriKe intended to achieve glorioua remits, 
** offered to the nation in exchange for privileges restored." The hour 
teemed propitious ; and the nccesaary elements united fur a i-estoratioii 



leai-g] 



Policii of Vilicle. 



ts 



at the old order, to be elTected by ti>e aid of the refurbished glories 
' of the Revolution and of the Empire. 

IIowoTcr, the chief of thin (lubinct, th« Comte dc Villile, who tar 
m yv»n irus dtntitiitd to govern, tirat in the rmine of Loutt XVIIt und 
then in tltat of Charles X, iras not one of tho&« leaders who follow Uvar 
Iroopn. A practical and dexterous roan of afiairs, he liad a finu gniHJ^ 
of ceslitica; unlike the Hovalisfs who had pluccd him in power, he had 
not lost the rccollt^^tion of tliv del~i»d which his psrtv hod cxpericncvit 
io 1816 as a result of th<.-ir nmusc of victonr. Hjm dreams were of a 
progress more sure, if less dazxling, to he slowly realised without 
alarming the nation. He desired, in eoinnion with tlie KovAltNts the 
tertoration of the old order; but his policy was to effect it little hy 
Httle, rather than at s rush. "To know whvrc it is best to go, without 
ever taking a wronfr turning, to make a at«p towards the goal on 
vrtry possible occasion, ncrver to get into a position from which it in 
oeccsaary to retreat— such,"' lie said, "ia the need of th<; moment." 

On the other band, Vill^e counted less upon the glot^' of a foreign 
policy, active and consequently costly, to conGnn and strengthen tiw 
restoration of the aitacn rigjme, than upon the results of a good 
internal odministrrttion, by nivanx of nhicb the monarchy might succeed 
ia rutoriug to a conquered France moiuuI finances and prosperity ui 
suoceasioQ to defeat. Thus, for seven years, France Ta« to vubmit VSl 
ihc programme of the extremists, the Koyalist^, and tJie ch-rgy o£j 
ilic attcien rigime: but it was carried into execution by \'iilelc, \ 
l)y means of an adroit sy*tem which often aroused the anger of these i 
impatient Royalists, but which lulled the nation into a sense of well^ 
Tx-ing. 

The Chief Uintster ha<l tlie merit of keeping oonHtnntly in mind th^ 
jact that his frieitds owed their power to the forci-x of naaction and) 
alarm, aroused in the country by the da^^r of an a.<isaitsin wlio bad 
mortally wounded n menilxn' of the royal family. To keep thin fear 
■nwake, in onier to t-nlnbii-ih hi* autliority, was his first care. In this he 
succeeded, 'live Libenda, Ending themselves compelled to prudence, 
«nganiaed themselves into secret societies ; en<l the Rvptiblioans, imitat- 
ing the Neapolitans, actually formed in 1881 the Charionnerie fran^aise, 
"which avowixily aimed at giving Ixtek "to the French nation the five 
«xerrti>e of the right to choose its sovereign." In order to give battled 
"to the awlen riffnu and its Bourbon protectors, the}' recruited their 
woldiera and captainH without hesitation from amon^ the officers, convj 
■RinioiKd and nun-commissionod, of the old Imperial anny. Villete 
showed particular skill in the diwovcry, exaggeration, and signal ptinish- 
Vntnt of these conspiracies. For a long period he destroyed any sympathy 
which the Liberals might still retain tliroughout the country. With ■ 
Vsgistiacy obedient to its orders, the Ministry devoted itself assiduouNly 
to teprascnting isolated movements, no sounei- known than crushed, at 
en. m. 



»e 



Suppression of conspiracy. 



[I83I-S 



forming pnrt of a permnnctit oonipimcy or|^iscd by tl>e LJbonUis not 

only again&t the monarchy, btit ugftinot Koci«ty itself. 

r-~- Some young men belonging to tlie miliUiT school of Saumar vren 

fnmstcd in Dct-rtnbcr, 1881, for having planncxl & filling in favour of 

|Nu|>oleon II, a n.tiii|; vrhich \\ad ncvLT t-vcti f;nnv Ki far tu< a nnglc overt 

WL At Bdfurt and Neubrei»iu;h tlie King's lieutenant arreslfid offioen 

and ex-oflicpi-s on mprc HUspicion. At Marseilles two old soldiers, Vall^ 

and Sicard, «-i-n.- di«x>v4:n-d carrying papers which revealed plans of 

oonspimcy. Tliere wiu n itingultu- coincidence, to aay the Uaut, bclwvtti 

the coming into power of tlie new Ministry' and the sudden discovery of 

these coDBpiraton. 

Tlirec months afterwatds a general not in acti^'e scmce, named 
Bi-rton, after having imdvKvatired to enrol superior officers from the 
Br«txHi n^mentx, otarted with a handful of men to attempt the nirprite 
of Saumur (Februarj- 23 and 94) and tlien of 'Hiouars. This enter- 

( prise hod hardly been nion.> than a disorderly skirmisb, at the end of 
which Bcrton, who wm fortunate enmigh at l^r^t to OMape, fell into a 
trap set by tltc police (Jtme, ISSS). At tl»e l>cginning of Matrh Uie 
people in Paris, excited by the Catholic missions at the Ohurcli de» 
Peiilt Piira and the law -students of the Latin Quarter, made a dcmon- 
stnitinn, but ofFi-refl no t-ffi-i'tivt r«*iiitnncc to tbe police- force. About 
tbe same time the oolouel of a regiment garrisoned at La RocJieUe, • 
former hnigri, arrested four non-commissioned officers on suspicion of 
desiring to enrol their men in tbe secret societies. Finally, at the 

Eient when M-ntn>cc was to be posted at Cobnar on the Bclfort 
U, another officer on tlie retired li»t, Caron, a colonel of dragoons, 
e a lait attempt to raise rt^ments in the east (June to July, IttSS). 
Sentences of death, pronounced in emul&tion of each other by the 
civil mngistiatcs and the Court»-niiirtinl, fell pitilessly throughout tbe 
year upon tliowe who uvre nmocintvd with tiu»c political plots, llie four 
eergeants of \jl Rocliellc were executed at I'ario on September !il ; 
Coron at Stramburg, September 1 ; Berton and two of hb aixxtrnpliees 
at Poitiers, October 6 und 7; Vnllc, at Toulon, hod aKx^nded tbe 
scaffold on June 10. It »eemed that the MiniittvTs were cnger to multiply 
j^bcae trials and executions. Since certain deputies of the Liberal 0[^>o* 
^ition, X^ayette among otberv, and d'Ai^gensoo, had openly oasootated 
themselvew witli thuie enterprises, which otbervbe were devoid of danger, 
this supplied a fair pretext for exliibiting them publicly as criminaU, 
The indictment which the King's Procurator, Murchiuigy, formulated, 
onier to obtain Uk condenmation of the four srrgouits of La 
fbvllc, left no doubt as to tlie intenttonN of tlw Guvemnient. Its 
hief aim wiu to terrorise tbe t'l-encb people "by this vast conspiracy 
inst social order, against ttie fniailica of ciUxcns, which threatened to 
,ungc tlMm once more into tdl the horrors of anarchy." Wliilc kcvping 
the appearance of saving society, ViU^ £»bMd forthwith tiie power 



4 



I 



Bi8a8] 



Press Laxo. — New Electiom. 



77 



to govem it in accordance with the wiabes of hb friends. The threaTl. 
tS uiarchy, exploited by the judges in his service, allowed him t^ 
oiganise a despotism. 

On Janumy 8, 1822, Pcyronnct. the Keeper of the Seals, brought 
before tlie Chamber of ]>i:piiU(3i the driift of a Press Law which would 
place the direction of public opinion in the hands of those in authority. 

§No DCwspaper was to appear for the future without royal sanction, 
livery sheet wfl» to be laid ui>on the tabic of the Kind's Pi-ociirator, who 
was to have the light to examine " tendencies'' and to suspend or 
even to suppress dangerous publications. At the same tim<; \'illcle 
rerivbd unotiier propotial |)repiirvd by his predecessors, dealing with 
journalistic misdemeanours: the trials of them: coses were transferred 
from the juries to the magistrates of the royal Courts, who could receive 
onlen from Govenimvnt. The fint article of the law wa.i expR»sI^ 
designed to puni^ with great iteverity, impriaonmcnt for five years oi 
heavy fines, all writings and illustrations " which outraged or turned 
into ridicule the religion of the State, or which excited hatred or coiij 
tempt of any elns*." It tK-cnme cli^ar that this legislation aimed at 
arming the Crown against the Prats witli extraordimirj' powers in favour 
of the aristocracy and the Church : it was the weapon prepared for 
the war which the Ministers wishcil to declare a^^inst the secular and 

I levelling spirit of the society esUbli.ihed by the Rcvohition. 
On .March 13, 18!^, this twofold law was passed in its entirety b^ 
a majority of fifty. Public opinion, already terrified into submisuiml 
to tiiie Royalist deiigns, becaine thus for the future dependent on \ 
the mercy of the Crown, its Ministers, and the ministers of the/ 
Chorch. In vain, during discii^ions which fref|ucntly beeame very 
violent, the champions of liberty, Benjamin Constant and Royer- 
CoUard, protested in magnificent speeches "against this Parliamentaiy 
-J&C«ibinism, this arbitrary legislation which n.-CRlIcd tlie principles of 
the revolutionary tribunrJs." To avert lliis reproach VilR-le had taken 
hia preeautions better than had the authors of the White Terror. 
lie liad bad the wit to preserve at leiurt the outward formH of legality. 
The laws which he paa-ted were oppressive; but they were laws for 
which he had prepared public opinion, and gained thfl support of 
Parliament. 
■ By a further step tht.'< Parliament, thanks to fresh elections, became 
^n May, 1SSS, still more favourable to his designs. The Administration 
lud skilfully handled the elei^tm^, who were less numerous tlian hitherto; 
it had nominated as presitlcnta of the electoral colleges avowed and 
^^aeslous monarchists, and called upon Government oflirials to support the 
H^ranunent candidates. Of 8G deputies, S4 were elected whose pr»- 
^^ gramme was clearly favourable to the Ministry. A re\-enuc law which 
'\^lltie had proclaimed in the month of January, imposing heavy duties 
upon imported goods — ti law whidi pleased the landownere and large 

ui. 



78 



The prieH-partt/ and edueatioit. 



[l823 



mimufactiircrt, who found it ** quite rva^onnblp to sec the majority of 
the citixCDM of a State sncrificcd to h minority nf incliviiltMK *' — had not 
bwii without iU sli.-in.- in the [wpulBrily miil miocws of Hie Miniitry. 
The two Chamlien pAxseil it with eutlat:«ia.4tii (July, 18S^). 

The opportunity was a good one for finisliiitg the task of th« sub- 
jection of the schools to the Church, vbich had been begun in 1881. 
The Prwitiwit of the Council of the Universiiy, who vr as already eudowwl 
with ifrtMit iK)w<TS, became once more, as in the time of the Empire, a 
(inuid Matter (by a decree of June 5, 18SS), invwtcti with abrolute 
police nghti over the teaehing-staff and tJie curriculum of tlic schools; 
and when a Hishop, I-'rayssinouft, was summoned to this office, the 
ptrtensions of the clerical party were further strengthened. In hia 
first circular, the new Grand Maater demanded that the entire youth 
of Fnuicc ^ould before all else be educated "on religious and 
nu)nwThii'ftl principle*," imd that no teacher should continue in his 
appoinbnent who diii not accept this decree of the Church. Shortly 
Afterwards Guizot, a Frotestaiit, and Cotuin, a philosopher, were com- 
pelled to relinquish their profeasorial chairs at the Sorbonne. The 
School of Medicine was closed in November, ISS^, and only reopened 
afler the exclusion of Jussteu ai]d Vauquelin, the lecturers wlio had 
held heretical opinions. It waa the turn next of the /xofc JVorwiafr, 
whose pupils were dispcrwd through tlie provinces. And yet the ex- 
considered Kray.isinoui timid and in-esolute ! 

What the priest-party would have liked was tlie entire overthrow 
_thc Univcreity. Schools that were wholly eceleaastical were being 
\multjptted, and were kept up by subsidies gmntcd by the commune:! and 
tmentx Tlw Grand Master him.telf encouraged this development, 
'file snialler seminaries — tlioAe in which, witli the ciimplicity of the 
Bishops, the Jesuits were giving their lenxona free— ditw away pupils 
from the secular schools and from the University. It seemed to if 
tlw friends of the monarchy, in order to bring about the restoration of 
tlie ajicien rfgjme, were not afraid of returning to the Middle Age*. 

The oountrj', glad of a dearly-bouglit iind firmly-cslnbli-ihed i>eace 
after tlie long wan* of the Revolution and the Empire, while depi-ivcd of 
the counsels of a free Press, and of all electoral rights, allowfi Villck 
and his party to dispose of power and opinions, and to break down the 
Opposition whose sole refuge was in the Chamber of Peers. At the end 
of the year 16S2, after one year of government, the Cabinet wa» able 
tXt point out to its friends with pride the tusk accomplinhed witli such 
rapidity and, above all, with »ucJi discretion. "The security of the 
ritizcns and the action of the laws were completely established ; the 
Inuiocs were on a fair way to prosperity; the charges on the taxpayers 
vere diminishing ; and the treasury vias becoming nch." ^^'ithout fric- 
fGon and with the consent of a satisfied people, Villtle was capturing the 
jbllc coDscicDCc and turning it towards the old order and the Church. 



Ckatettubriaml and the wurB/te poHcy. 



n 



Tbcae vxoetta emboldened tlie incH« Ard«nt BuvftlMb. *'a mere 

buHtfalt" «• U» Minl*t«r ttiXA, but ncUw, bolt), and utirriii';. Thw 

blMwd oq^trly to ChatcatiliriiUK), u-hu fi-nni I^ndon hud \tm^ hvmy 

fcOH-liing to tiiem « policy or war thkt rHif^hl. »AA to the «>lid rath<-r 

thiD daxilini; pragreas made by their party th« ]m«tige of militanr 

^oiy. "lite idea of nwlarinf; to <>ur nmis th«ir formrr rtim^h and 

ipteiidatir conntiuiUy doininntcd tno," wrote, Kprnkinfr of lhi« tiiiK*, thr 

lallnr nf tiftnouvi il'imtrc tomlie. An opportunity pn.-«ented itaelf. 

Tbt Eiuft of tifwin, I-'erdinand VII, threatened with tlie Iom of hh 

ktefcdom in ndtlilToii to thut of his colonies, by the ndvire of Huauit 

inptotxil thu Kill of LrniiK XVLII. In the coundlK of the Klnf; the 

eEtKnutt intrigued to l>iing nboiit intwrontion beyond ttve PipntM-w 

tn bdiklf of Absolute nile. Iti obedience to ttkcir <leiiiiind!i ModF 

noRncy proposed to Louis XVIII to send oat to the extremitts ir 

Spthi money* animiuiilion, and arme. Villole gnined timi> by agreeing 

tMt FnuKt! ihould join a Congnsx which was to be held in Ituly for 

ibe Mrttlement of thwe mattrra in fiivmit- of tlie King of SiMun, uhnj 

*w still further involved in <UfBcultieH by the revolt of July 7, If 

k Madrid. 

" ITiis Congress," HRid Chateaubriand, " is otir secret and our hope." 
lie disputed with his ovm cLirT, Montmon^ncv, the honour of rrpre* 
•mting France tlienr. The point at tnue was wliich of the two should 
taoae war to be decido) upon at the Cori^rv^w, w> ah to earn fiir Umaelf 
the booour of Iwving cnnferred a gr4>at benefit iiptiii the monarchy 
and upon the countiy. Villele forced Monlmorency'H Itand, nppoint«] 
Cbatnuibriand as envoy to Verona, and obtained for himself the presi- 
dmcy of the Council in order that by means of the rivalry of the two 
apponenta and this new ituthority he might preserve his mnstery over 
fanriga politico. Sntinficd with the prcM-nt stute of ufTuini, mid diNttub^d 
by the projerbi which were being hatdicd abrund, he feared for the 
fature of his scheinat if France Here involved in foreign war, Until 
the tnontb of December, 18m, he prevented Iklontmorenc^-, who diii- 
obryed lum nctfrthclcM, from Arranging with Auirtna and Runia for 
tJktt intervcation of the Frcncli by wnding their umiy Ix-yond Hisj 
fynnem, Lotii* XVIII even granted, on l)eceml>cr iiS, Villiles 
mqtKtfc for the diamissol of Monlnioi-eiicv. Did the Minister think tol 
find n more complaisant colleague in CliateRubriniid, the succc59or whomi 
be nominated three days later f What is certain is that the nominatic 
at the great writer to a position, from which he. hoped to dictate law; 
fea all £un>pe, nlmost coincided with Ijouik XVIIFa declaration of war 
agaiiHt llie rvhi-U in Spain (January S8, 183.S). 

ChateaubriaiHl, though ever a poet in his dreams of glory, seen 
lo triumph over the methodical and pntdntt politician who had gii 
him a place in his "little mini-ntry." Almost immediately the nation) 
aUo to hail the aKokcning of the anny and of French influeac 



80 fVar in Spaitt, — VUUU and Ckaieauhriand, [is 



to accl&im the victories of the generals of the Empire, BcUuno, Rcggio, 
jVtolitor, Monccy, who under the leadership of a Prince of the Blood 
nxaptured Madrid from the rcvniution, iind who ut the Trooidero, near 
Cadiz, completed in ftix months the defeat of the S{mniHh Liberals. Tlic 
return of the Duke of Angoulcme and hi§ army on December % 18^23, 
was the signal for a scries of han(|uct« and illuminations, in short, of 
a Jfie niti'ionale. At Paris men forgiit tlmt thin army hod been the 
4iuLruincnt of a campaign og^iiat a people's lilx^rty. 11ieir only tlioughl 
as of joj at the successful elTort which had restored to Fi^ioe ** all 
military glory and diplomatic influence." By this questionable 
:bievcinvnt, the Restoration found itself more tirmly established than 
r the more genuine scrvict* rendea'J by the monardty, which had been 
since 1815 in the work of reparation, liquidation of lowes, and 
Ijuatment of the balauce-&lieet after the wars of the Kmpire. **Tbe 
oxy and jHXwpcrity of my couiifry," proudly wrote Chateaubriand, 
l^te from my inclusion in the Ministry." 

But Villtilc, who gained by these succntses, kept a watch on the 

warlike action of hia colleague in order to restrain it within Ijotindx. 

He was aware that in the department of Foreign Affain negotiations 

were OQ foot with Russia to engage the unoccupied Army of Spain 

in other struggles for national victories. In his inteniews at Court 

Chateaubriand, when coiainentinf; upon the successes in Spain, hinted 

to the King the ipie-ition of tlie Rhine frontiiT. He ttowwl the Moeds for 

a new harveat of glory and of war. On June (i, 1824, Vill^le demanded 

fof the King his dismissal and obtained iL The motive skilfully alleged 

yfor bis removal was not tlic fear of a war which would haw caused th« 

I monarchy and the Ministry to lose all the benefit of the recent victories. 

[TIic King reproached Chateaubriand witli his opposition to the ttnanctal 

\ measures of the Cabinet, of which he wu.<i a memlH^r. In reality he was 

Wmfldng him to the pacific polity of the President of the Council. 

Vill^le, as a practical man, thoroughly understood how to reap the 

reward* of on enterprise abroad, which he had been imnble to prevent 

but which he was determined to keep within l>uuiiil.s, and of the popu- 

larity which it brought the Bourbons, wliicli he considered to be now 

sufficient; he undcretood also how to obtain at home fresh victories 

discreetly won for the benefit of his own party. His programme had 

"vK^vr been that of the impatient Royalists ; it was not his aim to offer 

a further bribe of glory to Prance in order to reestablish at a blow the 

whole of the old order, the absolute power of the Crown, the privileges 

of the nobility, the domination of the Church, " to lead the nation,* us 

^Chntiraubriand's phrase rum, ** to ruility by Uie way of dreams.'' In 

vain did the leaders of the extreme Right, La Uourdonnaye, Dclalot, 

Vaublanc, General Donnudieu, and the journalists of their party — 

writers for Uie Drapeau Blanc and La QuoiuHmru — rvproadi him with 

his temporiiiation as if it were betiayal. It was by winding paths, 



I 
I 



I 
I 

I 
I 




Ht8ss-4] Peerx ci-eated. I'he Chamber of Deputies dissolved. 81 

vtthiHit nnUc- or tratuAnl show, tlutt th(> Minister of Ixhun XVIII nml 
^rthe Chunrh continued Ui« restoration of th^t aneien rfffinvr, 
^P In order to jirooeed in I<^1 fomi, liin lint concern wan to H(rength«n 
hi* nwjority in the two Chanihers. He adroitly quote*! the example 
of K free coiintiy like Enghmcl which ncvvrUieleH was olx-dietit to its 
ooiutitutton, when li« laid before tho King in 189S tlw niea.^um he had 
dtotten. ThcClinmlxTof Pwm, in oppctsition lo thi«pr<>;ji'p»iv(! imctioo/ 
had been kiikk ll^O tlu^ nHyhnn Ami r«fiige of I.il>emli.itn. Com[)OJ«»l 
for the greater part of men attached to the ntodeni »-«tein and 
hostile to all forms of despotism, such men as Count Mol4, tlie Due 
df Brogltc, the Rai-on dc Uamnte, and their friends, it had opposed 

■ tiic l()^>i)nt4on againtit the Pre«« and the intenx-ntton agninHt the people 
in Spain. In Decenilxrr, 1823, after haviii|; enrolled in this Ixxty the 
generala who had conquered in Sp<un, Vitl^Ie adviited I«tti» XVIII to 
nominate S7 peci-s, choRcn fix>n» among lii* most faithful fi'ienda. The 
o[)position in tlie Upper Chamber scenitxi broken. 
^m At the simw nioiitcnt VUlcle prociuxMl the dissolution of the Chamb^ 
^'of Dcputii.<s by a royal ordinance. lie had ne^xr indeed lacked W 
majority, but be belii-vcd that th*^ montrtit had conn? to make certain o# 
it for a longer jicriod. I)y urging the fiut tluit the Briti.th Parliament 
vax appointed for seven years, Villele hoped in s moment of national 
enthusiasm to prevail upon a still more obsequious Chamber to suppress 
the article in the Constitution relating to the annual displacement of 
deputies by fifliw. The eli-ctiorw were tixi-d for Februnrv 35 and 
March G, 1824. Tho Ministi-r did not omit to influenci' tlwrn in hfl 
favour by the choice of prtwklentx of t)i« electoral college*, hy the acti 
4>f hi.-< itubordiiuites, and by the revision of the electoral lists. 
rt-HuIt proved better than hi^ hopes. Among 43J members elected the 
^J-ibemU numbered only 17 leprcscntatives, who were iost in the niids' 
^■tf thi« Royaliift Convention. In the month of April, 18S4, Vlll^e 
^DTOUg^it forward a prop<«aI befoiv tlic two Chambers, in ithic^h they 
•wtert asked to modify Article S7 in the Charter, and to declare tliat 
t-henceforwaid the new Chamber would sit for seven yeai-s. Under the 
M-peciouns pretext of im))orting into France the constitutional customs of 
X^ngland, he i'n»ily ol)t^iinctl from ndocile and sati-ifird majority the vote 

rhich assured hint a long continuance of jmwer. 
Ilie great difference between Franee and England, iihich Vill^lc di«\ 
xiot mention, was that mider his Guvei-nment there no longer exist^ 

Ic-itfacr public opinion, or a free Press, or free elections. The journals of 
the ii-ft, iiiicli as A/r Pihfe and /a" Courrkr, succumbed under incessant 
VQwcutions. A Koyaliitt asinciation wa* formed to buy up tK)diIy tlwH 
Uboral piress, which was ruined by Ihe fine* inftictiil. The GoveminenT 
"(i itn money and authority at the di-tposal of a party, 'llie Cliainbei', 
*'wW for seven years, in a countiy redu<-e<t to silence by threats or 
"nhrn-, was no longer anythii^ but an in^fnnnent of despotism, all the 

I D. a. n. X. cu. ni. 



82 



Proposed Conversion of the French Debt. [lea* 



more dangerous becaiwc it siit for n longer period. Villi-Ic had reclconed 
well : and when this Scjitenntiil Act hod been posted, the dem&nds be 

!ft upon this Cliambre retrouvie were for services ratlicr than for votes. 

The work upon which be was then engaged with the helj) of the 
body of deputies wfis the grand litjuidution of claims whidi the Uuvati.sU 
looked for ever since their rt^tom from exilo. When he retunted 
with them, I^iui.t XVIII bad refu.scd them the hope of regaining the 
possessions they Imd lost during tlie Revolution, He bad proclaimed 
'* all rights of property inviolable and saci-ed." He had tiius givcii nn 
absolute guarantee that the holders of national )>ossu<siunK should retain 
tlieir Imids. Ncvcrtheksw the Hoytdisls naked whether the Festored 
monarchy had no duties townnls those dispos-xessed owners, tho'te faithful 
adliei-ents who had aocritieed their fortinies in defending its cause. 
Louis X\'III and his counsellors could not ignore these counter-chums, 
but they were bound by their promise. They tirst attempted to indemnify 
the former Smi^rit by reserving fur them the best places and officcc at 
Court, in tlie army, and in the Ministry. Tims they gained »onie yc«i»' 
resjiite. But the progress whit^b the Royalist pai-ty bad made since 1831 
reawakened tlieir grievances and increased tlieir demands. How were 
tiiey to be satisfied without disturbing the nation ? 

Villclc, that "grand aidcur d'tiffa'tres^ as CItateaubriand called him, 
evolved in 16S4 tiic neccstiry expedient. Thanks tu the peace, which 
the expedition to Spain so s]H'edily concluded liitd not .seriously in- 
terrupted, tjie fiiiances of the State were in a pi-ospemus eouditipn, llie 
French Govcmmcnt stock at 5 per cent, had risen steadily since the great 
disaittenf nt the cud of the Empire. It touched par on icbruaiy 15 : it 
roac to 105 in the month of March. This movement vox partly attribute 
al>le to a general rise which took place all o%cr Kurujic. But it was 
also the proof and result of the relief in French (inances brought about 
by the industry of the nation and the good administration of the Ministera 
of Louis XVIII. The oa^asion wiw a good one for reducing the interest 
on the National Debt This debt stood at 3,800,000,000 fi^ant^ whidi 
at the rate of 6 per cent, required an annual payment of 140,000,000 
francs. By reducing the rate tu 4 per cent, an annual saving to the 
Treasury would be effected of S8.000.000, without reckoning the advan- 
tage to the State, when liquidating ita debt, of no longer being obliged 
)i»-hay its stock above par. 

/ The MinisU;r did not hesitate On April 5 he propose*! to the 
Chambers to lower the nite of interest to 'A per cent. He ulTered 
to holders of stock S pei- cent, bonds at 75 fratics instead of 100 francs, 
which was the equivalent of converting 5 per cent, to 4 per cent. He 
n»idc piny with " the fruits produced by the wisilom of the King and the 
good fortune of France," the marvellous eftect " of an operation wKidi 
would attest the general pros[x-rity and put an end to the disastrous 
diwrepancy between Uic interest on cauitol invested in stuck and the 



I 



I 



I 

I 
I 
I 

I 



I 



I ism] 



Compensation for the £migr^. 



83 



interest yielded by capital employed in agrinilture, comnierce, or manu-- 
facture." "If you wish to give fresh life to th«« thiree pillaiii of 
prosperity, direct towiirds them the flow uf wndtJi " he ui^ged. Public 
ooonomy, profits for the nrtUoii iit large aiid for gtneml indiiKtry— wen; 

■ tbeee not enough tu justify tliisi i»Dvcr^on at the expense of holders 

■ ofstockP 

^M The only point which Villele failed to mention, In obedience to his 
^1 tactics of prudent compromise and partial concealment in the measures 
^M he brought forward, was the employment of these SS millions, set froc by 
^* public economics. If he had applied thetn to the development of thft 
'. public wealth, nothing could have been butler. But lie kept them backj 
^K for a particular application, which was the final end and e.'Mcntial objedf 
^H of his financial enterprise. It was reported and known that Villele wai 
^M arranging with foreign financiers for a new French loan, the iniercsd 
^^ upon which wn.* to he paid by tlic nntietputed economy. Tlic loiin was 
I for 1.000,000,000 frnnc!; and its purpo,w wiw the indemnification of tli^ 
' hmgrit. In tlie disciixsion which took place in Uic Chainb^-ra, the 
^_ Liberals, abore all Casimir F^rier, denounced the iniquity of this opera- 
^P tion, which robbed the hoklers of stock in order to satisfy one special 
^^ class of the nation, a minority of privileged individuals, who had been 
I punished in time past fur liaving euiiKpiii:il with foreign Power* to 
* recover their own privtlegi^. However, tiie majority which tlie electioiB 
^H of 18S4 had provided foe the Government approTcd the propowd acitm| 
^B sad passed the law on May 4, ISS^. 

^H 1'be Chamber of Peers threw it out on Jimc S. This Chamber wtU 
^B roled by old public otiiount of tlic ICnipire, men of the UcvuluLion, Htieli 
«8 Count liny, Mollien, Pawjutcr, and Talleyrand, who were irrecoiy 
cilubly hostile to tlie imigris. Their opjiosition, enfet>bled as it wasl 
by tlie nomination of new Peers, to which the Minister lu«l recentlyj 
|>crsuaded the King, would hare been insufficient, if Chateaubriand,! 
who iras jealou.t of Villcle, and diiwati^ifitx] with the foreign policy/ 
which the Minuter forced upon him, Imd not wrecked tlie pn>poKv^ 
QwoKure by using his influence in the Koyalist circles of the liiglier 
Chamber, He paid for this intrigue by the loss of his post on June 6j 
Ikit this was the beginning of a war to the death between him and thcl 
Alinistry wliich be hod at Icinptetl to overthrow, and which disiniraca 
^laim for hi» olwUiuicy and infijdily. 

^H Tlitu tbe campaign whose success Villele considered certain met with 
^^Knure obstacles than he had imagined among obatructionista of his own 
jaarty. Before many days had passed, lie was to undergo a fresh experience 
of the same kind. In wnrkitig for the ariittocracy lie did not forget tHe\ 
Church ; but bis intention was to make um of the Mune crooked [latlisj 
%a serve her. Modem France, the France of tbe Revolution, was still\ 
hostile to the religious Orders that Iiad been dispersed at the end ofj 
Ihe eighleenth cctitui-y, above all to the Jesuit* who had been expelled) 



ca, tn. 



•—1 



84) 



Opposition of the Peas. 



\iit\ 



allele ki 



iidged 



■\ry the monarchy itself. This Vill^Je knew. JMe judged it more 
prudent not to mention to the people the re»<tabti«hDtrat of tho 
monastcnes, but to leave their members scattered in n secular tocietr to 
gain the mnatery over the semindrics, the University, tlie edni-atJon of 
the young, luid even over tlie adminislmtion, no as slovly to extend 
Uieir control over public opinion and government. 

But he thou^t that the hour had come for working on behalf of 
the religious bodies who were not suspected by the people on the same 
grounds. On April 8, 1824, n royal ordinftnce confinncd the privileges of 
the Brotheni of la Doitririe ihrWurnmr, granted in 1819, Kiid, by exitcting 
of all tenchers total submUaion to the BishopS) prepared for tbcm a kind 
of monopoly of primary education. Some time aflerwanla, on June IS, 
the Ministry requested the Cliambers to resign their right in favour of tho 
Cronn and to authorise it once for all to grant permission for the establish- 
ment of convents when it sctrnied ndriAnble. The nuns, who were for th« 
munt part devoted to work* of ehority or to eduoition, did not awaken 
in Pnuii-e the tuime diNtrust a.i the monkft. Villi-!e hii|>ed that in thetr 
favour tlie monarchy might be granted unrontroUed authority to foster 
the de^-elopment of their work and wealth, and that a precedent might 
be thus created for hereafter depriving the law and the Chaniben 
of the din'ction of religious bodies in general. This was the beginning 
of a period in which the Roman Churvh, chieliy with the lielp of the 
French Catholici, was to reestablish throughout tlie world her troop*, 
which had lieen scattered in the preceding century by unbelief uid 
revolution. It was of tlie highest importance that she should lind 
in Fmnce a monarchy and Ministcn capable of assisting her without 
being obliged to render accounts to the Fraicli nation, faithful to her 
laws and unfettered by thoite of the State. 

I^ie Chamber of I'eers, which was olutinattJy I.ibei-al in aeiitiment, 
though strongly monai-chico), saw through the schemes of \'i)l&le and 
iMtlled his calculations. *' If we decide to-day," said Baron Pasquier, 
<* that religious bodies of women can be established by simple royal 
ordinances, the forc« of circunntjirK^ will drive us to mako the nrnie 
decision for the religious bodies of men. 'llie mnction of law is 
ncn-KMiry." A majority of tlie Peers adopted his opinion, 'llie Miiitsti^ 
luul gained nothing fay their adroitness. In spite of all their precaution* 
dj^insit alarming the countrv, and their selection of docile Chambera, 
their plans ou behalf of the Church and the aristocracy came for the time 
to A full stop. Yet, to H certain extent, tht^M.- difficulties mtut have 
enlightened those of tlie Royalist* who reproached Vill^le with hit tcm- 
poriaillg policy, and who waxed angry over his hesitations. This repulse 
proved his wisdom. lie ha<l failetl : but deft-at, in the conditions luidvr 
which he mode war, while making sure of retreat, left tiirn with the 
hope of revi>nge, 'V'wav wn* working for him. 

in point of fact, the reign of Ixiuis XVIII waa drawing to an end. 



i-s] Acixmon of Charia X. — Fresh prqjecta. 



«6 



The hcnlth of the old King, who vta broken by gout tu\A Iqii^ sinc-e in- 
capablo of wttlkirig, became mpiiUv wune during tht^ »uniintr of ltiSi4. 
He yet made aii effort to appe&r in public on Augu§t K5, his saint'ti 
day, aod to rontinuc till September IS bis royal functiona. But tlicn his 
strength gave vrny mid fcv(.T su|>L-r\-cned. At^cr three days of ncute 
MiBbingit and of ru]H-aled crises, Louis XVIIIdiL-don September 15. Th?\ 
Aooeition of ClmHe^t X, the Coiiite d'Artoiii, wiio hjul always looked wifh i 
more favour than bis brother upon the hopes and ainia of the more / 
uncomproiuiaing Royalists, was to funuAb Villele witli a new paint oV 
support. Though the new rt-igii, in wconUncc with custom, begau by] 
nivwuru* of coricr*.<tioii, yet Ute promotion of the tlirce Bi^diupn of Bourges,) 
Ainienii, and L^'tcux to the Houmi of Feent, and the enfonied ivtircmentj 
f>f the whole body of general oSicers of the old anuy, leil no doubt 
as to the iabentiona of Cbarlea X. His sovereignty dainied to be 
government by divine right, suppoding and oupportod by the Cbur 
in lui attempt to wean nutn'a niiitds froiu the rceuiK-etiuii of Uie 
Kevolution an<) the Kmpire. 

A rumour spread immediately that the President of the Council, 
taking up bis plans afnnb with a confidence that nothing eould shake, 
hod collected in the Departments detailed report* as to the amount, 
nature, and raluc of the pmpertics confi.scated in accordance with tlie 
laws of the Berolution. This time he boldly resolved to couple a 
«dieine for the indemnifleation of the imigrfa with the plan for the 
convernon of stock whicji be had prduded by meaEures of economy 
in the administration of Jinannn. Charles X came himself on 
December SI! to declatv in tlie Clianil)ers the int«iitions of bin 
Alintstcn. " The King my bi'other,^ be »aid, " found great consoUtiou 
in preparing the way for clotdng the last wounds left by the Revolution. 
^lie moOMnt has come for executing the wise plans which he liad 
conceived. The state of our Rnuncec will permit us to accomplish 
Uiis gnwt act of justice and of policy without increasing tlie tasm 
or injuring the puMic credit," On January 3, 18!jo, Martignac, a 
former tecietary of Sieves, who had become a Councillor of State a* 
a reward for his Royalist principles (18:23), and Director-General of 
ItcgiatmtifHi, read in the Chambcr» tlie stateincnt of grounds for the 
project on behalf of the emigrft. 

With (1iftrk-« X on their side, Uie obstiiLate and confident Ministry 
no longer hesitated to serve the aristocrats who had striven against the 
Revolution with the aid of foreign help. TTic hnigris were victims who 
came to claim back their own ; and it was incumbent on the Ministry 
to give them tlieir due. "It is important," said Vill^le, "Uiat by 
One memorable and universally useful example we should teach tlie 
loHOO tliat great inju&ticea should receive in course of time si^al repara- 
tion." I)y thin language it was easy to measure the sense- of security that 
bad grow]) up in the Cabinet in the couth: of one year. The euiigTBtion 



80 



Lioas for Compensation to Emigrda. 



[less 



rwM not sufficiently remote for the Fmich to have forgottCTi tbc fact 

j that tbetc iiohles Imd conKpirvd at V«R«aiIleA agitinitt the nntton for the 

j luaintenttnce of their privileges, aiid that they went away withoat com- 

I pulsion, and at the dictatci of levity or fasiiion, to form fresh coti«}Mn^ 

vQcs upon the thretitened fmtiticr. Modem Fnincc could not help being 

moTcd t^ the words of nn omtor of the Right, who seemed to define 

the tendency of hi^i party and of the Ministry. "The country is 

founded upon religion — its altara were thrown down. The country 

ia founded upon the King and those who surround him — and he had 

disappeared in the storm." 

Villilc, it is true, alleged oUier nrgutnents, drawn, a« hix custom 
was, from policy ratlier than juKlice. He represented his de^gn as a 
measure of reconciliation and amnesty ; and it was on this ground 
tliat later it succeeded in winning approval. Would not the holders 
of the confiscated estates be still more firmly guaranteed than by the 
Charter against all claim.'* of the fonner proprietora, when the cmigria 
should have received a just and satisfuctory indemnity? "Security for 
present holders, satisfaction for tlie Tigris'" — this would faring about 
forgiveness and reconciHatioa around the restored throne, at the hands 
of a King faitlifu] to his promises of pardon and to tlte cause of hit 
best scrvAittt. 

In spite of the skill of this reasoning, one hard fact nercrthcIcM 
cbnck public opinion and remained firm afterwards in men's memories— 
the sum total of the indemnity, 1,000,000,000 francs, which iras the 
raluation ba^ upon the revenues produced by the estates confiscated 
in 1790. *' IIjcr; could be no question of restoring such a capital sum 
/^to the dispossessed families." That was admitted by the authors of the 
^-measure themselves. Still less wa-i it possible to desjioil tJie holders 
of these estates by an act of expropriation which would have rouaed 
the whole of France. But, if 30,000,000 of interest were added to the 
National Debt in favour of the fmigrh, securing to them the interest 
instead of Uie capital, this would not even augment the bmxlcn of the 
debt. For tliese JJO millions nearly balanced the economy which tlie State 
prc^osed to make on the same day by the conversion of stock. Clever 
as the operation was, was it possible for the Ministry permanently to con- 
ceal the fact that they were taking from the stockholders 28,000.000, a 
sum which nearly corresponded to a capibi! of 1,000,000,000, in order to 
make it over to their friends, tlie aristocratic party, tliose courtiers who 
hod already been enriched by all tlte favours of Uoyalty ever since 1815? 
/fh principle and in fact, this double law, intended for the profit of the 
^Mblcs, wax a blow, almost a defiance, aimed at the whole nation. 
General Foy and Ik^njnmin Constant opposed it in eloquent speeches, and, 
even in the Chamber of Ftom, ttie opposition of Broglie and Cliateiui- 
briand wat no less active. Nevertheless it passed the two Assemblies Jn 
the raidiUc of April, 1U£5, by a majority of nearly one huodrod. 



I 



18Ss] Laws relating to Retigious Orders and Sacriiege. 87 

The decisive success of the Ministry encouraged the Crown to make 
lai^r day bv day the place which seemed nesenTd for, and due to, the 
Church in a society which was being little bv litUc won over to a regime 
of privilege and of divine right. 

In hiM laitt day» Louis XVIII had created a Miniittn' of EccIeMinxticnl 
A&in, and had entrurted it to the head c^ tlte Uaivenity, Bishop 
de Fraysiinous, in order to ky stress on the high place that Catho- 
licism was to hold in the State, which had determined to hand over 
all the schools to the Church. Charles X followed in Im otcpx. On 
January 4, 1825, he allowed the Church to reintroduce in the Cliamber 
of Pea* the BiU touching the rcligiouA bodies of women whidi had been 
thrown out the prt:Tiou.\ year, 'llie Assemblies were once mure invited 
to rob themselves, in favour of the monarchy and its .Ministers, of all 
ri^t of control over the devdopmeot of the religious bodies and of 
their property. Hurling a new defiance at the Revolution, the Bishop 
dared to »y, " I am fiir front being tlw cneiny of perpetual vows. 
Liberty has bi^ti for miuiy of the nuiu a torture." If be iHd not demand 
their immediate reestablisliment, it was not through principle but policy, 
and because Villele was unwilling ** that he should expose himself to be 
broken by the resistance of the laity." Tticy lulled France to sleep in^ 
order to (^-t her into their power, and they were succi'ssful. In the 
Chamber of DepuUo tlie law wan pa«»ed at u nngle Kitting, and almost 
without opposition. The Chamber of Peers itself gave way. 

Another law came up for consideration alinosl at tlie same moment, 
intended to perfect the s^-stcm of stifling public expression of opinions. 
The liberals, in spite of the threats tliut owrhmig their journals, aC^ 
tempted once more to put the nation on its guard against tlte progrcct/ 
made by the priest-party. To prohibit discuwion on religious in«ttitrt,\ 
Villele and his colleogites evolved the "law of sacrilege," which waa pasat^y 
on April 15, 1825. It was nut apparently directed against the Liberal^ 
but against malofncton whom the Ministry wished to visit with special 
penalties, even witli deatli, for crimes, thefts, and profonatioiu committed 
in churdies. In point of fact, it was never carried into execution. Tlie 
troe object of the proposer of the measure was to establish by thia 
fiist attempt a class of religious otTcnces and corresponding exceptional 
penalties. " To-momiw," wn>te Brogli<r, who, with Baninte, Pasquicr, 
and M0I4 opiKMted thi^ unsuccessful attempt, "you will be risked to 
pierce with a red-hot iron the tongue wliich has committed blasphemy, 
to close the pulpits where en-or makes herself heard, to vioUte openly 
the great principle of the liberty of forms of worship." 

Tbis "to-morrow" wnjt ncttuiliy innngunitwl in the month of MayJ 
iSStS, by a signilicant mnnife»tati»n. In his lirst upeech Charles X had 
announced hia intention of reestablishing the custom of consecration, of 
prostrating himself " at the steps of the altar where Clovis pwwved the 
sacnxl unction.'^ Ou April S(> lie requested the Chambers to send 

OIL Ul. 




88 



CoHsecrution of Charles X, 



[lS25~-« 



ilcputitiS to Rrinix In tnkc |inrt on Mny SO in tliH <-t:T«ii)anv, lo «))irli »1I 
thegraat per*oimge,i of Stube mh\ foi'eigii inoiiarclis were bidden. The 
]i(J;r vessel wax rediftcot^erec], though it bad been publiclv destroyed duritiff 
tbc Revolution ; and on May 16 tbejV/fiwJffKrnnnoiinced to thenntion tbis 
I»r(.-dous find. A conimiM'ion nf aivhiU'Ct' and otbor ftnicl.ionaries tvat 
in!itulli*<l »l Kviniti tojfivefo tlie pn')iiit'iit,ici!i:4nll tiie tmditionnl aptendour. 
\Vhen the day arrived, the Bi^ho)>& of France handed over to ChArl«s X 
the sword of (^hai-Ienmjrne, with the hope " that he would protwrt and 
defend the churches, ix'pnir disorders, prcnervc what bad bern re- 
extidtiishifl," «nd, in short, KtrvnpUicn the rwtoraUon of throne aiid altar. 
Monxivby \yy divine right, Miij^xxivd by the nobility and vlergj', once 
more took possession of France, and from that day Charles X believed 
binisclf ehaj;ged with a saci'ed mission to n^uard, in direct coniinuniun 
with God, the wflfiuT of his subjects tuul the honour of the tlux>i)c. 

But from tliftt dsy also thv roimtry Ix-f^im to awaltv to tbc pi-reeption 
of tiiiH duinination of tin- flt-igy. The Jioyalist p<jeta, l..ikuiirtiiic, 
^'ictor nu}{o, Somnel, and l)auin'-JA>rniian celebratt-d the coiiseerstion. 
lierangcr nioelied at this "consecration of Charles the Simple," and his 
popular song made more enemies for the monai-ehv than the offidal 
poetry made friends. ITic Ltbcriil pit-sc, the ComtilHlioniifl, the Coun-ier 
Francis, FeojKiied n violent campiiij^n itgainHt the cnlciprineo of a clei^y 
*• under Jesuit oixleni," 

The editors of these jounials were ai'raigiied before the tribinials but 
acquitted by the luagtstrates, who were tlienuelres uiieaay at tlie ultra- 
luontaDc doctrines professed by the Freiieb clergy. Finally, when ^c 
;;rcat liberal orator, General Fuy, died suddenly in the niontli of 
November, ISS^ an inimeiL-te crowd Ihrunged to his funci-al cvreinony. 
A eubscription set on foot iiinnediately atlen^aitla to raise a monument 
to him produced in six months nearly 1,000,000 francs. By unitbg 
their cause with that of the ultramontane Church l>arty, the Bourbons 
inued a clutllenge to the nation and put a dangerous weapon into the 
liaods of the champions of Liberal iden.<. 'I'biH new form taken by tlie 
Opposition ought to have uarnMl the AliniHti'i-H. It was nut wiUtoiit 
ixsason that Casimir IViier said in the Chamber : " We are only se^-eii 
in this house, but He have the nation behind us.^' \'tlU'lc however did 
not pause ; and with til's collengucN he brought forwai'd at the beginning 
of 18!i6 a propoi^ law of sutccwionfl, which inodified the rules of equal 
division of the inheritance among children prewribed by tbc Civil Code. 
This project gave to tlie eldest son a right over that part of the 
inbcrttunce which was otit«idc the jxirtion left in equal parta to tbe 
eJiildren, aiwl whirfi the Cotie put at the di^puxal of the father under 
tlie title of quotlti d'uponihk. As on the other band, by U)c pcrmi»ioii 
of entails for the future, it became possible to tie up this wealth in 
]>er|)ctuityi tbc nation niw in tins legislation a ictep towards tlic re- 
uilabli^lnnent, by the custom of tbc right of the cldc:«t, of the eslAtm 



\ 



\ 



\ 




1818-7] Se/urit of the Jesmtx. — Neto Press Zmic prt^oscd. 89 



I 



k 



of the nobilitr of ihc amlcH riffime. In vain did the ^lioKtcr plead 
that it was to the general advantage tu preretit the bn'nking up of 
patiinranics. and to luaintain in tlie country on liehalf of ajpirullurc 
a great landed aristocracy. He did not disann all those uho began to 
reeogmce aiid tu drmd the return of the old order, under the legal fimns 
and with the inodilicatiotw deviwd by ViU^lc It vak thv Chamber of 
Pcen, composed of meu of the Revolution and the Kinpire, which oSered 
the most determined opposition (March, Ifil^). 

The Opposition unmistakably gathei-ed forr« in the course of thiT^ 
jear, when it hcurd from the lips of the Minister of Heligioii him- 
self of the authorualion secretly gnuitcd to the Jestuitii to i«tum tni 
the Church of Frsnoe, and to teaeh in the neiiiinaria of the State/ 
(August, 18f!6}. It aeemed that for the future tiie Chuncb, and with it 
the StAtc, were to be at the mercy of those parties who bad residved to 
cAace tliv hu>t tmeoi of the Kcvolution. Villele, i'ou«x] by this oppu- 
ution, departed from his policy of prudence He luid recourse to 
meamres of severity and made a I'reiiii Law whicli van called in mockery 
" the law of justice and Iotc." 

This law, which was broujjht forward by the Ministry' on December 29, 
1826, K* n simple "police law" with regard to the Press I'hicli wan dcwribcd 
a»"haviiij; rcnriicd a pitch of utterly unbridled licciitv," ««ji in re-idity « 
bold return to the cttitoms of the old moiutTchy, which had \xen sovereign 
arbiter in France on all printed uiatta-. Ordcre were to be given to the 
printers of joui-naU, who were thenceforward to be held responsible, ai>d 
to the proprictom, to submit live cUys Ix-forc publication all writings which 
emanated fniin their pn»N», in order that tlieGovi-nmientmigtit examine 
them aiid i>ennit tlie circulation of those alone which had been stamped 
witli tlie government mnrti. Severe penalties and the right given to the 
magistrates to take oflicial proceedings in the case of anything which 
miglit seem of defamatory character tlireatened the future fn'vdom of 
thouj^t ami ]icn in Fmiu-e. It wa.i no longer merely ueivMpapers, but 
pamphlets uf all sortn and booka in general, which the Crown intended to 
subject to its decrees. "It would be the same thing," said Casiniir I'ericr, 
a deputy moreover of moderate Liberal views, "to propose a law for 
the suppression of printing in I'^nnec for the good uf Belgium." ** It is 
a law of burbarisiti," additl Chateaubriand. It was nut only in the 
diamber aitd tlie ()ppo>iition but in the French Academy and in the 
country at large that emotion showed itself, 'llie Ministnr believed they 
would defeat opposition by measures of M-verity which deprived of their 
offices writers such as Villcmain and Michnud (January 17, 1827). And 
at firrt Uiey !«ei-nied to succeed : tlie elo()uem« of Benjamin Constant wa« 
tnaufBcient to win over a majority in the Chamber, which was composed 
of friends or dependents of >'illelc. But the Chamber of Peers gave the 
Liberals a complete revetige, and on April 17 forced Ityronnet, the 
Keeper vf the Seals, to withdraw tltc luw for fear of its rejection. 

ell. m. 




90 



Apparent success of ViUeie. 



[l8S7 



Thi* check should liave given Vill^le a final warning. 'ITie with- 
dran-al of tiie law provoked au outburst of jo)' in Paris ; ilium inutioDM 
and fireworks blaxcd forth that very evening in many parts of tire town. 
Ten days later, when Charlra X held a review of tho Garde Nationate 
at the Tiiilcriri!, in the mnlcn of several It^ioii.i there arose cries of 
"Down with the Ministers, do wu wiUi the .Jesuits!" After a Gallicaa 
RoyaliHt, Montlosier, had denounced to the country by books and 
petitions the progress of tho priest-party and the religious bodira, all the 
Liberalism in France, alnniied at an<l convinced of llu^ vxiMtciicf: of a 
conspiracy bctwwn Ute Minintcr* and the Jesuits, proclaimed itself 
prepared to defend frmdooi of tliought and the New Order. 

Villc^le, driven by opposition and the counsels of his party further 
and further from the paths of prudence and dbcretion, imagined that 
he would gain the victory this time by drastic and ntithoritativc 
action. The Garde NatUmalc was forthwith disbanded (April S9). 
Then, two ihiys after the Chambers had risen (Jimo 2*, 1827), a royal 
ordinance, eountemigned by Villile, Corbitre, and Peyronnet, re- 
established the censorship over all journals and periodical writings. 
And the censors, who were appointed by the Minister of the Interior, 
received instructions lo show themselves inexorable towards all Liberal or 
Oppo^itil>n joiiniiils. Public opinion had no longer any mi'ilium of exprvM- 
sion. It could only make ibcif felt on extraordinary occasions such on the 
funeral of the Republican Deputy, Manuel, whose hearse was drawn to 
Fire Lachaiso by the youth of the Uberal party amid the applause of 
the Parisian mob (April 24, 1827). Despotism at that time seemed to 
have gained victory and aK-ccptanoe, The people in the provinces, and 
the army engaged in manceuvroH at St Omer, aoclaiiiicd Charl<« X, who 
waa making a triumphal progress in the north which had lieen arranged 
by his Ministers. The prosperity of industrial enterprise and of public 
finance which was beiiig strengthened in various ways, and particularly 
by tlie exhibition of protiucts of industry held at the Louvre on 
August 1, 1827, justified VillMe in his own eyes and tha«e of the King 
for having maintained oixler at tlie exjieiiKC of liberty. He boaated* 
and for the time being it seemed credible, that in this reactionary 
campaign he would liave the last word, and that the andtn regime, 
thanks to his skill an<) perseverance, would be decisively restored. 

Its defeat, howe^'e^, tttts near at hand. It was brought about by 
those Royalists whom, to all apptaranccs, itt policy otig}il; lo have bound 
closely to it. Since the enforced resignation of CbateauhriaTu), \'illi;Ie 
had definitely alicnattn] and tind been unable to win hack a group of 
extremists, pinntua as he t'allisi them, olwtnietionlst* who fought him 
and his policy without intenniF^ion. This irrwiHH-iluble and dangerous 
opposition was founded witliout doubt upim wounded or diiwatislicd 
ambitions: it was to be explained in part upon the gi-ound of posts 
refused, aixl of jealousies aroused against men who had been too long 



1887] 



CoaiUion of Soyafists xcitA Liberals. 



91 



and too exclusively io possession of roval fftvoun. But other and 
lofUcr motives cooperated. Chutcaiibriuiid and his frieiidii, more rioleiit 
partisans of the thTxxne mid tht- Church than Villcle, reproached him with 
not Keking by means of a policy of glorious nctivjty abrosd to secure a 
more rapid triumph for the an ti -Revolution inoveincnt. They demanded, 
like the liberals, liberty of the PresK, in order to fight him and to win 
over aatiotial opiniori. They professed, like the liberals, ardent sympatliy 
for Greece, ulw for tl»e past five years had been struggling for her in- 
dependence, under the eyes of Europe, at fii>t hostile, then indifferent. 
Ibeir incessant attacks shook thv MiiiLitiy of \'ill^le more thiui Ute 
oppoaition of the Libcnils, who owed to tliem tlieir rare RUccea!«e.i in the 
elections. When in the nionth of November it became known that at 
Navariiio tl»e l-'i«nth Admiral, Rigny, striking a blow for French 
gloiy, bad prevailed upon the English and Russian Admirals to destroy 
the fleet of the Fasha of Eg>'pt. whicli had been put at tiie di«^)OKal of 
the Sultan to use a|piinst tiic Greeks, all Villtle'a enemies, Koyalist and 
Liberal alike, united in raising a cry of victory against the Ministry. 
It seemed that it was chiefly the policy of thu Ministry which the cannon 
of Navarino bad overthrown (1887). 

Villclc still believed himself strong enough to eliminate from his 
majority thete cniituniatriau.t and troublesome HoyalLila. He tlvrew over 
the Chamber whicli in IHUi he had established for a term of seven ycors^ 
and sent it back for reelection on Novemlwr 5, 1827. At the same 
time he nominated to the Higher Chamber 76 new Peers, in order to 
create for himself there a more docile nuijurity. The elections gave the 
irietory to htx opiwneiitt. In Npite of llic law of the double vote and 
the raining of tlie (jualilications necessary for a voter, many Liberals, 
upheld by an awakening of public opinion and supported by the Uoyalista 
in the electoral colleges, by the manufacturing industry, the finandere, 
and the merchants, were eiuibled uHer seven yean of exclusion to regain 
posseMion of the Cliamber of Deputies. Un December 5, 18S7, VilliJe 
aent in his resignation. 

He retired, the victim of a singular coalition which rendered the 
King's ta.*k of choosing a successor highly dilTicult. His conquerors were 
uich Liberals as Ijtfnyctte, Chauveltn, Eticnnc, fiignon, Keratxy, tlie two 
Dupinit, Mauguin, Ali-xaiiiire de Ij^hntile, Odter, and I^tevre, men who 
were almost republicans. On the otlier hand, there wore also tlie ex- 
tremists whom Villclc had most persistently combatted, Hyde de Neuville^ 
Bertin dc Voux, editor of the D/batt, Haver, la Buunlonnaye, and 
Delalot From such repn.-wntatives of the two extreme parties united 
in Oppontion, tliough albolutely diffei-ent in aims and principles, no 
lasting Ministry could be formed. 'ITiere was no oUici- Uovenimcnt 
poeaiblc than one antilogous to that which had just been overthrown, 
alien alike to tlie party v( ultra-Uoyalists aud to that of the Liberal* 
properly so called. 




93 



Mittigtrtj of Martigjtac. 



[lS28 



Chartes X entrusted the ta&k and resjmn^ibility of governing to 
the Viconite dc Martignac (Januaiy 4, IH^). In choosing him the 
King gave satisfaction to the UbcrtdG, who wtrc happy, in the limt 
place, at seeing the direction <tf eaU-Kinsticrtl affair* wjNii-atcd from that 
of public in»tniction, which ufis tinder the din-ctondiip of Vatimesnil. 
In tJie second place they received a guarantee vlien the presidency of 
th« Courtfi of justice waji taken trom I'eyroniict and restored to n 
Liberal Peer of Fiance. Coimt Portalis. Moreover, the pn-xciia^ of 
llydc de Nciivillc, a friend of Chateaubriand, at tlie head of naval aBairs, 
and of Count dc Ijo. FiTix>nay», anibaswdur to KoHxin mid friend of the 
TMtr, at the hnul of foreign nlTaint, m>ei»ed Ut the Royalists to be a 
pledge of gloriouH action abroad. In reality -Marligiiac. the chief man 
in this now conibination, bore nioiv i-e!»eniblancc to Villclc than to the 
majority of thi> C'hambcr elected in opposition to the ex-Minister. 

Their origirv* were similar; aa advocate at Bonlcanx, or Mayor of 
Toulouse, both had Iwn in 1S1.j in the South dutenntncd champions 
of Legitimism. Afterwardn, when in 18^1 the Koyalist party, composed 
of the former tmigrig and extremists, came hock into (lovrcr, and 
Villclc was called to be its leader, Martignac wru; conspicuous in the 
front row?* of the ntajority. He wa>i crealcd Viwrnilc by Court favour, 
which Fecogni!te<l in him an active and chx]u»it coadjutor of the meaauns 
prepared by ViUele, This man, whom, by contrast with his former 
chief, men wci'e now regarding almost as a Liberal, had couii^Ucd tl>e 
("hambcr to severe measures against the Pn-w in 18S2, had cneotimgnl 
and aided LotiiM XVIII in his struggle agninst the Spanish Revolution 
in 1SS3. It wai he too who had brotight foi-wai-d in the Chamber the 
law of 18S4 for a septennial Parliaraeut, and so furnished Villclc with 
this instrument of power and reaction. Soon, in 1833, tJie King 
nunimoned liJm to his couni^clB m a rcwanl for hi» services, and com- 
missioned him with tlie taitk of pleading before the Clmmber the cause 
of the imigria, and of supporting the proposed measure which was to 
irstorc to them 1,000,000,000 francs by way of indemnity. And in ISSfT, 
in the dchate upon the Press, we Hnd him once more giving his support 
to leginlation of a kind " to prevent crimes by severity and fear," iTicrc 
was nothing iu his paHt to cause men to anticiimte a \wk change of 
front in policy. Wlien llie principal airtor had l>een hi-wed off the stage 
by the public, the same ptay went on with an undei-study. 

in order to win aceeplancc, the new chief hnd the skill, it is true, to 
revive the earlier mid more succcssftd tactics of \^illele, to abandon 
tneaaures that were openly rcucrtioiiary, and to rcnxsiuv the nation by 
timely cmMcssicMiB. He had all (he necessary qual ill cations. Aa a 
parliamentary orator he was full of charm ; he was a tactful and pleasant 
politician, who scented chosen to sootho by his clo(]ucncc the alarm of 
jtarties and the countiy at large, to disann hostility by his graciousnetw, 
and to bring about the ncfw.-«iry reconciliation it. 



leee] 



PoUcy of Mariignac. 



9S 



I 



I 



Hoyer-Collanl, the rCTpected leader of the Liberal RoyalistK, was 
ftuinnioncd imniodiatclv \n the PrcsidoiicY of the Chamber. The dactrl- 
naire pntesan, his pupilit or hb fri«n<]-s *ho hud been persecuted for 
four yean, Guizot, Vill«niain, and Cousin, uci'c allowed to return to 
their posts, ** with tranquillity in their brea<<ts and liberty for thotight." 
The restoration of autiiority to these eminent representatives of the 
Liberal party, the withdriiwal of royal favour from the Prefects and 
the chief of ]>ulict.-, I'mni'lict, who had bwn pluttinj; for clerical domi- 
nation, and fnnn Fmys^inouN, who was ftuj»|>ectcil of having handed 
over ecclesiastical aiTairs to the Jesuits, and tlie siippreiision of the 
"cabinet twir" — all this seemed to foreshadow a new system. Charl^a X 
rexigncd him«rlf with regret, "Mariignac," he said, "ia meeting the 
Bevolution half-nny with lus cowardice." 

It wa« not, however, cither oowiu^icc or total change of method on 
the part of the Mini.slt*r, who was rcdut^d ti> depend for exi>t«nce upon 
his conceisioRs and hin skill in steering between two parties. It was 
menlj the necessary recoil. We find him, moreover, promising to the 
dcputiM greater honesty in the electtons by the law upon the revision 
of the electoral lists t but at the same time ho declared that he would 
nevertbelcn retain for the Govemmcnt " such luithority iw t)un- dcumi-d 
indispenaable for the conduct of tlic eloctioiin.'' The annual rovtston of 
the lists of voters would no longer be left to the arbitrary dedsioii 
of the Prefects, but be subject to appeal either to the ti-ibunals of 
to the CouneU of State (Maix:h !iO— July 10. liSSS). Before long 
Mariignac brought forward a law cuncrming the Press (April 14, 16S8), 
which itlamU as Ute exact mcaxuru of ha Liberal intentions. He 
suppressed the censorship of newspapers which he had himself been 
instnmwntat in establishing in "itiitit, to which he had set his appnnal 
a second time in 1827, and for whose abolilion the parties of the Left 
oikI the extreme Rij^^t were clamouring. He swept away ** pnliminary 
authortution'' and "ofTences of twidency," But lie did not restore to 
the juries the trial.i of press cases, and he gave to the ordinary tribunals, 
which were always under the thumb of the Government, a severe code, 
the right of suspension for throe muntK's, and of imposing heavy fines 
the payment of which was secured by the pridiminary dvpuNit of an 
exorbitimt sum. "This is a new Biutille,^ rniuuknl some of the 
Libeml-s "with litierty for its paMft-word."" 

Tliis verdict was nut for frotii Uie truth. The task which Martignac 
was attempting was the maintenance of monarchical authority, 
Btimgthencd by tlie fact that it was willing to rid itself betimes of 
tbe men nnd institutions most disliked by a sensitive and uneasy 
public opinion. The reproach of tacking mode ogainot him is unjust. 
He merely threw overboard such ballast as u-as necessary. This also 
was the motive which inipelled him to piibtish on Jmie 17 two royal 
ordinanoes countersigned by the Atinister of UeJigious \Vonliip and the 

m. in. 



94 The Royalists condemn Martignac's moderafion. [issfl 



Itlinister of Ecclesiaitical Affairs. The one, direi-t«rl against the Jesiiit*, 
forbade the giving of inetmction by anj rcJigioiii body not authorised 
by the State, and reported to the Univcnitv eight Colleges suspected 
of giving clftmlesline instruction. The other ntlwked the nninlkT 
sciiitniirics, whit-)) siiirt; Ihe ICinjiin^, in spite of the RionO[)oty of tlu; 
Universityt had been allowed to attract i;tudentii under the prvtcxt 
of preparing candidates for the priesthood, lljis ordinance compelled 
their pupils to wear ecclesiastical costume, aud limited the numbers 
of the childn^n in their schools to 30,000, nil told, for tbe whole 
of France. In sthort, it ivstricttd Utcm to tlicir proper aims mid 
diiti^. If tlie University had 1>cen at that time an in.ttitution ha«tilc 
to the Churcli, as was alleged by the priest-party, the measures of 
MRrtignac''s Cabinet, which announced the intention of reserving to it 
the entire education of the middle clas«s in France, would doubtless 
have been vigorous nets of secularist policy. But the State system of 
education which thew ordinanet^ «treiigtlit-iied was ha^ed upon principles 
which were essentially religious and Catholic, and many clerical pro* 
fessors were on the staff of teachers. 

Tbcse laws were doubtless instiniments useful to the monarchy, but 
it was a monarcliy which was still the eldest daughter of the Holy See, 
and they contained no real Lilx-ral principles, slill U-m priucipU-s of the 
llevolution. Above all, they were not weapons directed against Die 
Church. Judging by the njiplausc they aroused among the Liberal-s, 
and the indignation evinced by tJie opposite camp, it might have been 
thought that tliey were. However, Martignac had acted with the full 
authority of Cliiu-lcs X; and those secret counsellors of the King who 
were moat devoted to the ''Congregation," Bishop de Fhtyssinous, 
Fntlici- Ronsin, and the iloputy Itavcx, had Uiemaelves pronoujiced tlicse 
concessions to opinion to be opportune. 

The hostile section, however, of the extreme Right, who had 
thought that by overthrowing Villele they would clear their own patli 
to power and bring about tbe triumph of their ambitions, were oggriered 
that, opart from some con«'-5sions of <ictail, they had retvived nothing 
but a set-back. The Bishops protvslwl against the onliimnces of June. 
An ** asaociation for the defence of tbe Catholic relig^on^ was organised, 
with Bonald and Dambray as its chiefs. Lamennais, tlie eloquent 
champion of Ultramontanisni, waa incensed at the "progress of the 
Revolution," and wished the Church of Rome to break publicly with a 
monarchy handed over by it« Ministers to the Jacobins. The Royalist 
}oumal.s the Quotidieiiiu: and the GazetU de France, declared war upon 
Uie ('abinet whidi had had tlie audacity to give counsels of prudence to 
their party. To Martignac's temporising policy they opposed a method 
which had brought bilure to tbe Royalists in 1816, and liml been con- 
demned by Villilc in 1821 — tlie (slablishmcnt by force of u kind of 
royal dictatutvhip, an act of defiance to the nation. "Thoac who give 



isaa-s] 



Tfie Uberais equally dissaiis/ied. 



OS 



the King Kud) advice are mad,'" Martign&c wrote at the end nf 18S8. 
" Vour Majesty's Miiiihtciti are 6rmlj' convinced that the course they 
propose U the only way to rvstore power and dignity to the monarchy.'" 

Desci-ted and thwartixl by the more violent Royalistu, the Ministry, 
on the other hand, were iiiinWe witli this pntgranirae to give nNJiirance 
or Ratisfnc-tioii to Uie LihemU. They had an in.itiiicUve fcn-ling that 
Mortignac wai not working for the cau&e of liberty. Tlicy never 
Aooorded hiin more than a "conditional confidence." Victorious be- 
yond their hopes in the elections of I8S7. they were stronger in the 
Chamber than thoy had been for seven yairs. They were supported 
by a new generation, by the ptiblieista of tlie Globe, Thiera, Mif^'t, 
Dubois, Jouffroy, Rt-nituat, Duvergier de Hauranne, an<J were dcter- 
tniiuxl Uiat once for all the Oown should cease its itecivt or open 
attcnipta to restore tlie atteifn rfgimf^ or to make »ar upon Uic new 
and lay society. They demanded of the Liberal Minister as the price 
of their actual support a formal declaration of his adhesion to the 
revolutionary principK-s of 1789; but tliey found Uiat Martif^iiuc wiw 
in no huiTy to give it to them. In this frame of mind they nwailed 
tbe end of tlie year 1838 for a decisive turn in aSair^ which was to be 
brought al>out by the law of elections. 

'ITie deputies of the Left could not be under any real misappre- 
hension ss to the cau»cs of the unlinped-for xuccc^n they had won in 
the elections of 1827, When VillMc tent the Chnmbers back to tbo 
oountiy, in tbe conditions under which the suirmge waa exercised — the 
double vote and official control^ — the Minister, with his long career of 
Hticcesa behind him, had thought himself certain of tlje result. His 
antidpations were falsified, because in many of the Departnienta, in- 
cluding Paris, the Opposition of tiie extreme Right held out support 
to candidutcK from tiie T*-ft. Tliu* the Liberal OppofiUon wat at the 
men^ of Oiose allies whosii desires were the exact contrary of their own. 
'j^iey were eager to escape fix>ni so onerous and precaiioua an alliance, 
and to consolidate a victory thus won by a surprise attack. Ihos they 
waited for Martignac to bring forward a new electoral law which would, 
by incn:n«ii>g tlie number of clvctom, give tlieiti a firm foothold in the 
country. 

Martignac, at the lieginiiiiig of 18S9, did not bring forward the 
law they wished. With his wonted skill, deeming it as he did a 
primary necessity to gain time, he brought before the Chambers 
two proposals touching communal and departmental administration 
(Febniary 9, 1829). He olFci-ed freer and more widely representative 
eli-ctiona, but only in the councils of the Communes, Cantonit, and 
Departments. He refused to extend them to the central Assembly. 
His purpose was sufficiently clear, "Are you not," he said, "con- 
cerned on behalf of this n-owd of edumted, in<lic<triouH, and energetic 
men whom public life aduiunLdies and arouse.-), who arc impelled 

m. m. 



9« 



The CoaUUon defaOs Martignac, 



[lS99 



towards public nfiaii* by their sncini positioii. tho conwioiniiww of 
their own (ibility, am) the force of example? AVhftt, inwins h»ve 
yon of satisfying their ntitural and legitimate impatience P Open for 
them a new cai«er at their doors. They are ambitioua to win men's 
sufTrage^ in their honour. Give them the nu-aiis to satisfy this noblo 
ambition nt home, and draw round them a circle of lioiiotir within vrfaicJi 
there i» profit and glory to l« won by remaininK." Men might really 
ha^t! Uiought that they liotl ivtiimnd to the OMu-n rfffime and the 
days of Turgot. To a natinn which had liiiowri Uie CiinHittumte and the 
Convention, and whicli was Itcing constantly reminded by Tliiers and 
Mignct and the other Liberals of the glorious memories of Iho grvdt 
nati<Hiid assemblies, Martignnc vouchsafed the cunceKsion of provincial 
astcniblit-ji. He admitted thai Ik- was ceeking ^\Xi divide the current 
of iiten's miitdjt in order to make its actions less forceful and len 
impetuous.'^ 

Thus on April S, 18S9, the party of the I.eft declared open 
war aguinst liim by throwing out his measure, or rather l)y forcing him 
to withdraw it. The KoyalisU of the extreme Kight, "irritated by 
these concessions to democracy," liad taken part in tht? dtrugglo with 
equal violence. What was m>t .suificieiitly Lilieral for the one side wan 
too much so for the other. From that time the Ministei's, who had just 
lost by tile defection of the Left the sole majority by whose aid they 
could resist the influcnecN of Iht; Court and the demands of the ex- 
tremists, and w)m were reduced to making Liberal protestations at the 
triintne, while defending reactionnry measurci; im|Kwe(l upon them I>y 
et-coimselloi's of the King, were, in spite of tht-ir skill, really 
ponerlesa to fulfil their mission. Their weakness became obvious 
in the summer of 16:^9, in the course of the discussion of the Budget. 
Without a party in the ChamlK-r, without credit at Court, without 
support in public opinion, Marltgiuu- hail faileil in thin fifteen months' 
attempt, which iiulecd whs foredoomed from the focgiimiiig. 

In point of fact, tlie period from April 8 to August 9, 18S9, 
wttneflsed the second victory of this strange coalition, formed in the 
last days of ^'illi-le's Ministry, a c4)a1ition composed of extreme parties 
who could not guveni in union. Under Murtignac, the system of 
pnident reaction and piudent temporisatioti, which had for so long been 
pnu-'tiKed by \'illel«, showed clearly that it had had iU day. 

('liarles X thus found himself forced in Itl^O to make a choice, 
dcciai\-e for the future of his monarchy, between the two parties whose 
ephemeral eoalition had ruined the policy followed by his Ministers 
ever nnce 18SL Like l.ouis XVIII iu 1816, he was compelled to 
declare biinwlf on the side of \\\v no-compronii'ie K(>ya]i>t party, who 
were impnticnt to complete without half-measures or diplomacy the 
Kstorution of the old order, of privilege, and of the ultramontane 
Chureli, or on \hv side of men who, like KariuNat, hfui for their 



I 



iiuaj 



The Poliffnac Ministry. 



97 



^ 
k 



L 



progniiniD« "to defend the Revolution nnd contiiitKi it without tlie 
rerolutioiuu-^' sjiiriL" 'Hie c-HkU had not changed alter Uiirteen years; 
it was the eaine at the end aa at the beginning. The solution, howevier, 
was more difficrult for Charles X than it had been for bis brother. 

Chftrlcs h(ul neither the subtlety of niiiid nor the wxptiod pnidmcc 
of I>ouiH X\'III. Fickle and volatile from youth, Charles was, by 
tlie habits of his riper a^, passed amid the flatteries of the ultra- 
Itoyalista who surrounded him, by his conviction that Providence 
uould fiuidc him by mysterious ways towards the accomplii^hmcnt of 
the diviii« niis^^ion with which he Iwlicvcd binist:]f cltai^ed, by his lack of 
reflexion and his obstinacy, ill fitted to make the necessary conceiaiions. 
Atovoover, those which he would have to make to the Liberals, if he 
sepani,ted himself from the ultra- itoyalists, would thenceforth be greater 
than those which would have liocn mfKci^'iit fur his brother. Defeated 
and occupicil by the enemy, tired of revolutions and of war, FraiK'e in 
1815 bungemi less for liberty than for repose. Since then new genera- 
tions had arisen with the design and the desire to take up once more 
by teaching and action tlic national bisk which Fmiur sccrncd to hare 
abandoned througli fatigue. AgaiiiKt the royal will of tlie Bourbons, 
restored by means of foreign aid, which had seemed to be the foundation 
of the Charter tliey had granted, these younger Liberals put forward 
the rights of the nation, in their eyes Uio only true futuidation of that 
Charter. More and more, Libcmlism invoked principles irreconcilable 
with the ideux tliat the reitored Bourbons, especially Charles X aii<] his 
friends, held concerning the rights of the Crown. " There is no way of 
deftUng with ihav people," Miid the King to Martignnc on April 9, 1Hii9. 
" It is time to call holt." On Angust 9 he enlnisitt'd I'rince do Polignac, 
his AoibuMador in London and his favourite, with the task of forming a 
Ministry. The period of halting was past. This wa^ a declaration of 
war, not an act of negotiation. 

The Journal dea DibaU, a Royalist paper of moderate principlea, 
dmli with the King'a dedsion o» August 15 in an article whidi was 
subsequently made the ground of a prosecution. In alluding to the 
three Ihfinisters — Pottgnac, an imigri and accontplice of Georges in his 
conspiracies witli foreign Powcrii, Itotirmont, a hero of the wars in the 
Vendee, who di^rted in tlie face of the enemy after tlie Hundred Days, 
La Bounlonnaye, who took part in the White Terror — the writer said : 
"Coblcnz, Waterloo, 181S-— those are the three priiitiples, tlie throe 
personages of the Ministry. Squee/e and wring this Miiiisto\ and you 
will get notliing from it but humiliations, misfortunes, and dangers." 
While at Paris the whole of the Liberal press raised a cry of defiance 
against the Crown, at Lyons the people acclaimed Lafayette as the 
republican imd national b<?ro. Coin[<anies were funm^l in HHtanny and 
dsewluTe for the dufenoe of the Charter by tike refusal to pay taxes. 

Though he had decided to attempt the restoration of the amaen 

C K. M. X. CB. III. 7 



98 



The Algerian enterprise. 



[l8S&-90< 



I 



rifiitiur by some drastic act of authority, Polifpiac, the trusted chfliiipioti 
of the imigrit, ncverthekss ut Hrst fvtt sotiic hv»itAttoii. IIv prot-'laiinetl 
his intention " to reorgimisie xociety, to give back to the dei^ their 
weiglit in state aiTairs, to create a powerful ariatocracy, an<l to surround 
it with privileges,'' but he took do action. Wan thin tlie fault of his 
ooUea^c, La Boui'duonaye, MintstiT of the Interior, wlio, aftvr having ■ 
for ten y«>rB clauiotinfl for war to tiie dwith af^HinKt tJte Revolu- ■ 
tion, showf^il himself a« incajuible of undertaking as of conveiving 
ft plan of action, and retired on November 17 ? The lack of ded&ion 
wems in fact to be due to I'olignac also. *' He haa made up his mind," 
said an opponent, *' but be docs not know exR<^:tly to what." 'Jlic serious ■ 
thing was that, havii)|r tJit- teni])onvin(:-nt of a Riy«tic and a touditng 
vonfidtjira in Providimcc, he looktul to heaven nitbiT Ihnn to hi« owm 
rcDourcvs for tlie ncctawary help, and even for the lu'gnal. Foi«gn 
Mininters, Lord Stuart do Uothcsay, and Vill^e himself, watched him 
luarch slowly towards a battle without any plan but with smiting serenity 
and the confidence of n uomnftnibiiltKt. 

On March 2, 1830, he convened the Chanibt-rs, H« laid before them 
a programuie tS extmial poUi^, which circumstances offered him, and 
vUch he thought nould be decisive for the micoess of his plana. At 
fint he had thought that events in the East, the victories gained by the 
Russians over the Turks, would permit to France a glorious intervention M 
in Kuropciui poIiUut, and to ChurleH X an net of vigorous itelf-aanertton * 
at home. He had formed a plan in concei-t wilti the Cabinet at 
St Petersburg, — a general rearrangement of Kurope, beginning with 
Turkey and ending with the Rhine ; but the Peace of Adrianoplc, which 
waa rapidly arranged for Nicliolax I by the mediation of Pruiuiia, had 
up«et his arrangements (November, 1829). Failing a war upon th<* Rhine, 
Polignac meditated an enterpriw! in Algiers, where Uik Bey had *ince 
1827 refused to make any reparation to the King of France, who had 
been insulted in the pcnon of bis ambassador. lie "made pi-cparations 
for it with a prodigality of n-wurcn and a superabundance of precautions 
which betrayed that a greater interest wait at »takc than the national 
honour or the advantage of conquest." He wished to increase his power 
abroad in order to be able to strike a strong blow at home. ■ 

" If this Algerian enterprise," wrote Talleyrand, ** is an expedient to 
litcilitate government at home, it i$ a great mistake." Tbc Chamber 
which Polignac hoped to bend to his dwigns wiw forcwami^ and un- 
willing to follow Ijim. The future belonged to the moderate Hoyalist.s, 
friends or disciples of Hoyer-Collard, who were equally afraid of 
dictatorship which the jiiirty of the exbx;nie Right and the Cabinet 
endeavouring to e^Uihlish, and of the ntvohition fur which the jou 
of the Left, the National, the Glofie, the Republicans, and the Bona- 
partists, were now praying. "We must strike hard and soon," Royei> 
Colianl insisted to jiis friend*. Their hupe was that Parliament, between 



alist.s, 
•f the I 
;wer« 




9] 



Address of the Liberal deputies. 



09 



I 

■ 
I 



^ 



s moiiwrchjr ready iax a ctntp tTHat to establish ita rights and thi* 
nation forced to act vigoi-oiudy in defence of its own, might still pefhnp* 
be able to prevent tlic conflict by i» firm attltucU*. Oii the« grounds aii 
addiOT was tlmwn up, voted by H21 Liberal deputies, and presented to the 
King on Slaivh 18, ISiiO. It was an address of reproach to the Crown for 
ita reustanoe to the people's wishes by its choice of a non-repn»oiitntivo 
Government instcnd of one chosen in consultation with thcni; and at th« 
same time it via a declaration of the dt-puties' principles. 

CharlcK X took tlie sddresa as a detianee of the Crown. To set up 
his stanJard, as be said, he authorised his Ministers first to proropie, 
and afterwards to dissolve, this rebellious Chamber, and ordered Peyronnvt, 
a man of baltle, to tiike idl suitable tiienMire.it for tlie electioiu (May 16, 
1830). Perhnps he wn.s still reckoning on the moral effect of the expedi- 
tion which was shortly to be undertaken in Algiers. He was certainly 
persuaded that he would escApc the lot of his brother Louis XVIII 
by forestalling with energetic action iv fnctioiis Opposition. 

But, contntry to his liopc«, tlte majority of the nation took sides with 
the deputies who were sent back to them. 'Hieir reelection was the 
watchword gi^-eii in the month of July. The election was completed 
on July 19, and 53 new membera vicrv nddcd by the will of the electors 
to the Opposition of SHI, whu had in the month of March re«ohit«ly 
demaiKled the dismissal of the Polignac Ministry. That Ministry hod 
now iu the Parliament only 100 supporters, determined but powerless. 
This counter-stroke exasperated the King and those around him. Ho 
was incensi-d, tike a King of the okl order, that the nation cotdd have and 
cxpnwi a will diHcri-nt from his own. Force kUII remained to him, and 
he UMd it. Under the pretext that the Charter by virtue of Artide 14 
left to tlie Ci-own the right of providing for the safety of the State by 
ordinanceK ivued at his own discretion, ChurleN X revived upon n special 
act of authority su|>ported by tlii.< legal form. On July So he published 
Uirt« ordinances, one to dissolve this Chambei', which hod been regularly 
elected, before it had met, tlic second to establish a new electoral law 
which would permit the niontirchy to reduce to submi'«ion or to remove 
from tli« ItJtbf oh«tinat« clectoi-s. the third to crush tlic Opposition press. 

Ou July 26, IB-W, the printent and journali.tts, eager to proclaim 
the sovereignly of tlie people against that of the Itourl)ori«, summoned 
tbo people of I'aris to armed insurrection. At the same time they 
invibvd tlie Chjimlwr of Deputies, the authurisod representatives of tlio 
nation, to defeinl Uieir rigliit and those of tlie people. To the Minislcra 
who, believing tliemselves sure of Pans, wliilc attemjiting on extra- 
ordinary act of authority, had left the Government with insuflicicnt 
forces, ai>d to the King him^lf. who was on the point of departing for a 
hunting expedition at RambouiUct, this popidar instirrectlon came as an 
entire surprise. To the citizen cla-wes and miuiy of Ihi- ileputies, who 
WGTC delL-ndcJV of the laa', but constantly mindful of the recoltections of 



en. ui. 



7— » 



100 



Insurrection of July. 



fl830 



Uie Terror, the sight of the people of Paris under arms brought alArm 
and dismay. However, by July 28 tlie people luid 9iKrti;«l«l in gaining 
Uk niasU-ry over the royal troopA in the Hotel <le Vitie ; the next day 
(July SH) iiiii insur)icnts, led by former odicers niid young men from the 
Bchuols, fui-ccd the Duke of Raguaa to evacuate tlic Louvre, the Tuilcri(«, 
and before long Paris itself. After having attcitiptvd vainly ncgotiatiuiu 
with the Court at Saint-Cloud, whiih, now that it wM too lale, threw over 
Poiigiiae am! Ilie ortlinimaw, the dL-piitii-Jt and Peers were fain to rally to 
the victorious Kevolution and to proclaim tlie downfall of the Bourbons. 
It was on belmlf of the Charter that the people had risen. By the 
popular victory the Charter ceased to be an act of royal favour eoiioeded 
to obedient subjects. It beatmc a national Conxtitutiou, a sovereign 
guarantee of tlie rights <jf the peoph^ 

Lt^tiiniam had finally anccumbed, mined by the faults and excesses 
of itfl partisans, Aa for a return to the old order — religious, social, or 
political— France would have none of it. The obstinacy of the Royaliitt^, 
who luul attempted this enterprise at first by cunning mettioda, arid 
aflernardH lK>Idly, had inflicted a donble injury upon the Crown. In 
Uie first place, ibi fall resulted. But, wonte Ktill, it caused men to forget 
all the services which the restored monarchy had rendered to France siiHX 
1815 — the rapid evacuation of a ttnitory occupied by foreign armies, the 
liquidation of the cost of u long war, financial pi-onperity favourable to 
the development of induafaty and conimeree. In short, peace with hooour. 

Nothing was fated to survive of this short-lived rfgime but the lasting 
glory of the literary and artistic achievement which tcstttied to a real 
reimis!tant« of the l-'rench gL<nius. The honour belongs especially to 
Clial "lubriand, wliosi' inRuciKx; and example were more potent in his 
writings than his political life. Though Madame de Stael, after having 
by her powerful imagination exercised a considerable influence uptMi the 
opinion!) of her day, and after having welcomed at Coppet the bt^iming 
of the reign of Konianticism, ilitii in 1817, the author of I^ Ghilc du 
CitrislUnuninf and of Lex Matit/rs lived on in undiminished glori', to be 
the guide of suceefwivc generations of writers in the new paths which both 
these authors in their tiiffercnt ways hm) o[>ene(l, by breaking the narrow 
mould of classical form. The representation of nature, the expre^iion of 
the deepest emotiiins of the soul, and the discovery of the beautiful, 
iiuttead of being a convention and tradition, became the living sources of 
a lyrical stream which fertilised all at once the French genius. 

This period saw the t\» of a constellation of poeUs formed in the 
idiool of Chateaubriand or of foreign lyrical writers, Schiller, Byron, 
Muuoni. The MhlitatioHS of Lamartine, who, after a peaceful and 
happy youth, became a poet at thirty y<-Ars of age owing to a Hliori- 
lived passion, served in 18^0 as the signal, the (irstfruiU of that 
har%ei.t which was to prove so abundant. While Lamartine, jii his 



1815-^ 



I*oeis and plajftcrights. 



101 



ft 



Nauveiiea Midilatiaru (18S3), rviic-wcd hi» confessions of sorrow, sootlied 
bia griefs by turning th«m to Aong, and xatigiit for coDwlKlion in n 
hymn of fnith, Lea Itarmonieg (1880), Victor Hugo, son of a general 
of the Empire, Ktilt n clnwici^t luwl n Itoj'nUst, ccltbratc^d tiic monai-chy 
in his OJcs (1823), in which at twt:nty yeartt of age he Khowwl thv force 
of his talents. Alfred de Vigny, an officer out of lore with military 
^lory* *i>d almost with humnnity it»vlf, at twcnty-sts yvan old, be^n 
'"nth his Poernen (18S2), follo»al up in 1N2G by tlic Pacmra anliipus ei 
modemei, the eober an<l eloquent work of a solitary life consecrated to 
thought informed by beauty and force of expression, to the mission of 
& poet in human Hocicty. 'llie grenteitt namcN of tltc lyrical cycle of 
the ninetecDlh century in France henceforth coninuuid the attention 
of the public. 

Around th«in groups soon l>t^an to fonn, either at tlie Abb<f ntiz 
Bois, in the company of Chateaubriand, Ballanche, Ampore, and their 
friend Madame Rck^imicr, or at the Arsenal, when; dwelt Charles Nodier, 
who broiij^t back from \\\n travel.t the inspiration of English and 
German Uooianticism (IS^). In these circles talents were discovered 
and cncouraf^od. Saint«-Beuve appears, who drew hia inspiration &om 
the French poctn of ttie sixU-ciith cctituiy iK'forc the Classical period, 
and made hiH iirst trial of romantic poetry with Jatepk Dtiorme and the 
Consolations (1ti!^~30); the two brothers Enaile aiid Antony Dcschanipa 
oante fomard witli their writings in the Mtue Fran^aUe in 18^. In 
this society which Stendhal (H. Beyle) frcijuented, publisliing in 18SS 
bis Racine et Shakeapeare, Victor IIu}^ was growin;^ up, contributing 
to U»e new literature Im BaUacUs in 1826 j»n<i his OiirnUtlea in 1829. 
And towards the end of this periixl, in 18130, Freiicli poetry counted 
two recruits whose names were to increase in glory, Alfred dc Musset 
with his ConUs iTEsjjagTU et illtalk, aiid nu^ophile Gauticr with his 
Premiirea Pocriea (IHAQJ. 

Apart from this lyrical awakening, the renaissance, of which Homan- 
UcisiD with its fervouns and its fruitful throes seems to have boon the 
dominant chatarLeriHtic, made itj«lf felt in every dcpartinitnt of art. 
In the theatre the drama of tlie new school was inaugurated with tlie 
CromxpcU of Hugo (1827), the prologue of which was a dctiancc of 
all rules and andent tr;uliUons, and set tlie auUior in the front ranks 
of his compsnioiis in the strife. HcmoHt {1-V-bruary 85, 183U) was the 
great battle of Romnnticisnt, following on CrwnaxU, tlie declaration of 
war. It had been prect^led by xkirinishea of .•tome imjHirtiii )<■<■. The 
early works of Mcrim^, the plays Ciara Gastd (1825) and Jacquerie 
(1836X already gave examples of diiinuu akin in form to the cUuwicsl 
conventions, clothed in familiar and picturesque forms drawn from 
actual life or from history. In 1829 Alexaixlrc Dunuu; produced his 
fint romantic play. Henri III ft aa four, and was engaged upon AiUony 
(1831). Vigny set himself to enter these lists with Chatterton. 

CB. lU. 



lOS 



Historical noveJs and histories. 



[1815-30 



In its tuni tlie French novel of that period opened for itself nil the 
paths which it was to follow further in the course of the ccnturjr. First 
hixtoricii) iwTcU began to spring up, pcrhnpst owing to the example 
of Walter Scott and the English. In the hands of great artUts, thia 
style at once counted among its achievements powerful works the O'n^- 
Mara of Alfred dc \'igny (1826), the Chtimique rk Charles M', bv 
M^rinnV (1829). and shortly rUct Notre Dame de ParU by Hugo (1881). 
Moreover in AtUilfihe, by Hunjtunin Constant (1896) and /,£ Rouge et te 
Noir, by Stendlial (1831), we have prafound studies, in the form of 
nov-els, of the psychology and philosophy of individuals and of hiMtonr'. 
Ilie lyrical novel also took ib rise with the tint woik^ of Gcot^ Sand ; 
and the Comhlie Humaine of Itnlznc, with it* powerful presentjnait of 
a complete society, i« a world in it-tclf. 

History itself, in this great niorement of ideas, this revolution of 
form, had a frcah birth owing to the efforts of great writers, who made 
it their task to ransack the pages of the past for new sources of life and 
of truth. Firwl by Chiitcjiiihriand, Augu»itin Thierry strove to rediM-over 
the character and the soul of vaniithed geuemlions. He wrote the 
ConquHe de rAngUtfrrt par U* Narmandt in 18^, and in the letten 
upon the History of France, which lie published from 1820 to 1827 in 
the Courrier Franrah and the Ceasnir EuropSm, he hdpcd to awaken 
in France a passion for national history, a taste for ancient cJironiclea 
and for truth. Guiicot, who was more strictly a philosopher working 
upon ideas, but who was abo an anxious seeker after truth, told the 
hirfory of the Itfvolution tTAngiclnre (1827-8) in order to drew 
from it a lesson based upon the documents; and as one of his lecture 
cout9Cs he prepaiwl the Hltto'ire de la dT'dUatioH en Europe. Villemun, 
a succesaor to Madnnte de Slael, proclaimed, though in an incomplete 
and flupcrticial faiibion, a new nitthod of literary hiatorj-. Last, Julca 
Micbelet, like Quinct^ who was aUo engaged from 18S7 with the 
philatopby of histoiy in his Commentaim mr Herder, took up the 
Sciatsa Niwva discovered by Vico to d«volc himself to it entirely. 
Appointed profefsor immediately after the riosc of his student years, . 
inspired by Oiatcaubiiaiid, learned moreover, and a child of the people, 
in his Higtory (jf France he united the conditions of a great work, which 
arc rarely found combined to so high a degree — science and poctcy. 
'n»c work did not see the light till " the brilliiint morning of July, 
1830," But it was in this fruitful period of the Restoration that the 
author found his inspiration and the resources of his genius. 

This period con in no sense be measured by the political struggles, 
the intrigues of Court or of Cabinet, the dark ploltinga of the priest- 
parly or the con.ipiracies of tlie Itepublicanit. \Vhat wc must look to is 
the intense vitality which grew up in the whole .ipherc of the intellect. 
Through the oniton; and polemists it penetrates and in some sort 
exjmndB the domain of politics. The resplendent eloquence of Bojxr- 



1815-30] VitaMy in literature and art. 103 

Collard, Camille Jordan, Benjamin Constant, General Foy, de Serre, 
and Cbateaubriand, was not always understood by their party, but was 
always listened to. The youth of France thronged to the Sorbonne, 
round Guizot, Villemain, Cousin, and Jouitroy. Perhaps their? was not, 
strictly speaking, instruction. But in fact, by the sincerity and the 
talent of the masters, by the eagerness and the intellect of the pupils, 
instruction it was. In the thick of the party strife, where pamphlets 
had their birth, those of Faul-I>ouis Courier and of Lamennais appeared 
in sudden glory, destined long to survive the stru^le which gave them 
birtl). Extraordinary talent was shown in joum^ism, and in journal- 
istic criticism ; and the brilliant writers of the Globe deserve especial 
mention. 

Lastly, life itself, quickened by this fever of growth, gave back to 
the arUsts in their ti»n their perception of life. TTie painters of the 
"flamboyant" school, in place of the neutral tones whidi the school of 
David had too long imposed upon them, called for emotion and move- 
ment. G^cault gave the signal in 1814, and still more in 1819 with 
his Rtffi of the Medusa. Delacroix, a great genius who combined with 
inspiration a aevete artistic conscience, startled men with his Dante's 
Bark (18S2), and carried them away with the Massacres of Sao (18S4). 
Eog^e Deveria in 1827 was spreading upon his canvas the colours 
of his Birth of Henry IV. Ingres idone stood firm against them, 
taking his stand upon draughtsmanship, proving by his portraits of 
i^iat value it was to preserve the ancient methodJs. And in sculptors 
sodi M Rude and David d'Angeis, and in musicians such as Auber 
and Rossini, who recreated opera in 1828 and 18S9, the same victorious 
effort to realise the national dream of glory and of liberty can be 
recognised. 



ea. tti. 



104 



CHAPTER IV. 

ITALY. 

Italy had been the mort distinguished victim of the niling prinnplcf 
of the CoiigmiK uf ViciinM, and of the emuloiiB desires of its incmben. 
Austria came forth from the Congress the actual ruler of the Penimuln, 
u mistress of the rich provtntcs of Loniliardy and Vcnttia, and tmuienwly 
laperior in tirniwl fiinxw to tiic minor Italiiui States whii^h i»lic con- 
fronted. Heiicti the policy of the latter was controlled hy fear, the 
most efficient of guardians. Now that the right of might had been 
vindicated and that satisfaction had been given to the paltry ambitions 
of the ruling funiilics, restored to herctlitary thrones by the logic of 
legitimist theory, tt seemed lu though Italy niu»t perfonx live at peace, 
submissive to her rulers, relapsing into the nleepy indifference in which 
she had lain for centuries past. Hut certain bodies may be compressed, 
though not crushed ; indeed, from thctr compression they dcnvc a new 
strength, on clastic force, which incR'Just^s their energy. EtiuaUty before 
the law, liberty of conitciencc, freedom of speech and of the press, free 
access to all posts, and above all the right to national self-government 
— these were not passing phantoms called up by the Revolution, and 
its short-lived passage over Italian soil had not been without cRbct. It 
TCtt» a fata] error to ignoi-e, or to feign to ignore, the fact that the 
people was no longer a confused and pas.iive crowd, but rather an 
organic body with aspirations and desires which would soon become 
demands. Contempt for the people was no longer a part of the accepted 
order of things ; it hod become on insult, and like every other insult, it 
pnHlticed rcaclii>n and rebellion. Hence, about thirty yean after the 
Treaties of Vienna there set in a period of reform which wa.* in direct 
opposition to the leading principles of those treaties, 'ITiis period 
closed with the risingN of 1&48 and 1819, which in their turn consti- 
tuted an open and dytitematic attiick uiHin Austria, tlic authority to 
which the Conyrtss had placed Italj' in practical subjection. 

Let us now proceed to esamiitc the causes which, during this time of 
defpotic rule exercised or inspii-cd by Austria, helped to In'iag about 
•0 radical a change and to train minds fur Uio«e brave dc«ds which 



I 



915-46] 



Avstritm poUcy in Italy. 



106 



ftllcred tlie cDtirsc uf Italian historj. What was it that, from 1815 to 
1846, kept alive the s^wirks of patriotism, wliicll afterwards burst into so 
marvellous a ilAiiie ? In tho sphere of action the period of reform wn* 
Itcralded by conspiracies, and in tlio field of thought by ft gwtenil 
riotcllcctiial movement, whieh affected philosophy, literature, and arL 
P Prince Metteniich, convinced tliat every point yielded to the demands 
of the Liberal party would ncces.sitatc further ('oncessions had ndoptcd 
in Italy a policj- of unqunlifiod absohitism. He declared that "uch 
ameeanons' would lend, in tlie tirxt place, to the union of Italy as a single 
republican State, and, in the seeond, to fierce discord between the hetero- 
geneous parties into which this State must split, in consequence of the 
diversity of it* inhabitant]^ In older to cmhiw thin daiiKcr ho determined, 
from the oui-wt, to dt-Jitmy in the Italian people the very |rernis of civil 
life, and to ittanip out even tlie desire for self-govemmenL 'ITie means 
for the eiecnlion of this purpose were ready to his band in the provinces 
subject to Austria, For the other States, he had provided in Modena 
■Bid in Tu.«»ny Austrian An^hdiikcs in Parma an Austrian Arch- 
^uchets, and had promised to them and to the other rulers of the 
Peninsula Austrian aid at the first sign of a ivvolutionary outbreak. 

Knder this yoke life in Italy was always haixl, and at times intolerable. 
The icllcm-patent of April 7, 1816, plait-d a Viceroy at the hcjid 
' the new kingdom of Loinhordy and Vcnetia ; but, in order to facilitate 
administration, it divided this kingdom into two States, separated by the 
Mincio — the Milanese on ib> right, and tho Venetian on its left. Each 
Htatc was ruled by a Governor, one having hi% headquarU-rs in Milan, 
^!he other in Venice, botli being in due dependence on the Atilic Counc:Il. 
'I'hus the new kingdom waa one in name only, and ita territories were, 
fact, two provinces, subject to Vienna. All its business was trans- 
ited in the distant capital ; naturally there were many delays ; and this, 
to Atutrinn ignorance of Itjilian nflitin, counlvracied all the 
{vantages which might have accrued to this kingdom fi-oni connexion 
with an important State. The taxes were exceptionally heavy. The 
kingdom of I>ombnrdy and W-notta, of which the poptilation formed 
^ne-eightii and the territory one-eighteenUi of the AuHtrinii Knipire, 
Bras forced to contribute one-fourth of the state taxes; and every 
year, after meeting the local expenditure, I^mliardv forwarded tliirty- 
four, and Venctia twenty-three, million* of lirr to Vienna. In 1817 
Tllettcmieh complained to the Knijwror: "There is little of the in- 
dustrial spirit in the kingdom of Lombardy and Vi-iietia; in spite of 
pbe increased demands for consumption, Italy receives fi-ooi foreign 
countries the greater part of the necessities of evcn,-tlay life." But the 
JTk'Hviti of taxation was ditxigned to rcpre^ in tho interests of Austrian 
lanti fact urea, every attempt at improvement of home industries. Thi», 
rcn in the matter of trade, this province, destined to so brilliant a future 
id Mt full of latent force, was treated as a contjuered territory. 
en. tv. 



106 



Auntrlan rule in JjOmbardy and f^enetia. [iei5-~u 



I 



To cdtx-utioii AiiNtriii devot«<l n xcaI unknown in the rest of Ital^, 
In 1846, out of ii247 townships, there w^re only fifty which had no 
tiutiioiitary nchool for boys. Sccondniy school* wen; cxtiiblUlied iu the 
i-hief towns of CRch district, Btit politicttl niiinipulfttiun prevented this 
praiseworUiy and generous system from beariog good fruit. Francia I 
had once said, "I require obedient «iibjm;t». not mlightcncd citinciis.*' 
And Cnntu Uilbi int timt, in lUTConUnotf with thi:* tiivxio?, tlic scliools 
were content to promote mediocrity and to discourage ftiipcrior talent 
Mazzini in«y perhaps cxaggirrntc when, in the Jpostolato papolare, he 
dcclaiTS thai the catechiitm \wal in the elcmcnt&ry schools taught tluit 
"»ubjccts should conduct themselves toward* their sovereign as faithful 
•laves towaixlH their nia»ter." Nevertheleiut, it is certain that an attempt 
ms made to destroy all patriotic feeling in the minds of children ; and 
we can still read in the geographical text-books used at that time the 
dogmatic usxcrlion that Lonibitrdy and Vcnctia fomi geograf^icsllr a 
part of Austria. The univcnity chairs were fil!«l from Vienna; these 
posts were won by competition, in which tlie tittest took no ]>art and 
novices and charlatans prevailed. Howei.'er, iu the faculties of mathe- 
matics and of medicine then- were brilliant minds, who triumphed owr 
scorn and neglect. 

TliC rigour of censonhip was extreme, Tiic chief censorial tribunal 
was at Vienna, cm which were dependent provincial inspectors with rciy ■ 
limited powers. To Vienna, therefore, the manuscripts of many original 
works and of all modem histories were transmitted. The action of 
the censors wu* petty and vcx^ttious; they even con-ected Dante; 
Filangicri's Scienxa 'lella Legislazlone was prohibited and mutilated; _ 
Uic tragedies of Alfieri were condemned, llierc ivere no political I 
iiewspnpeiTt, with the exception of the privilegi^il Gmrptto* of Atilao and 
of Veaiice, wliich were composed in the government otBoe-t. 'llic police 
system, which cost five millions, was a vast and complicated network ■ 
&om which nntliing escaped ; on the slightest suspicion it made or 
unmade a man; no appointment van ratified, no favour wan granted, 
witliout recourse to the reports of unworthy agentn or officious spies. 
The impediments ari^^ing from centralisation, the pedantic arrogance, _ 
and the aggreaaive intiTfcrence of the officials, were galUng to the I 
citixcns, who had not forgotten the promptness, the generosity, and Uk 
adaptability characteristic of the Fniich nilc. Hence Alettomich, in 
one of his reports to the Emperor, was obliged to utter this frank I 
warning: " Your Majesty is aware that the delay in the conduct of ■ 
business, our supposed wish to Germanise entirely the Italian prorinoes, 
the eompo-vition of the trihuiials, the daily nomination of Austiians for 
the posts of magistrate and other public otlicc.*, are causes of ctmstant 
irritation which counteracta all the advantages accruing from our 
government, as compared with that of the other Italian States." 

Fate vroB less cruel to the reconstituted duchv of Purina, which 



bib] Gova'naieni- of Pwma^ Mottcna, and Tuscany. 107 







ordered upoii Lonilmrdy. lU new ruler, U>e Arehditcliess Mnric-I^iiisc, 
lu amiable aiid well-diKposed. Under ber govern ineiit, Pamta saw her 
ipairtd finances restored, magniScctit buildings erected, a new aud 
wider sj-stcin of education establtshi-d, justice sh'engthencd and pin-ilicd. 
But, either from filinl uHi^tiMi), or fr«m itiotivw of wlf-inlcnwt, she 
submitted to the will of Austria. She was, niorcovcr, indolent nnd 
diswiute, sllowiug herself to be swayed by the Austrian envoys. And 
although Count von Nci[)pcrg. who vias tint hoi- lorer and aftcrvnrds 
Ikt hutbaiid, exercised a l>vnltliy influence on her conduct of nflKirt, bix 
SDocessor, Uaron Wvrklein, ^a man of imiaU intellif^cnee, solely devoted 
to amassiog wealth,^ soon counteracted tJie good rCRults of the fint 
peaceful years. Tlius even the {leople of Panna came to suffer from the 
tjrnuiny of un intri|^ilng police, from the itisntioble greed of public 
iRlcialit, and from the ignorance and arbitrary rule of bigotry. 

'tht inhabitanta of Modena from the beginning were leas fortunate, 
eir ruler, Francis IV, was a Co«tre Borgia, tvithout the distinction, the 
and the will-power of that unwrupiiloui politician. Francis hod a 
:rtainamount of intellect conibiiH-d »itli boiitiiilevitmbitionandapFOud 
cruel iliiipocution, aiid he defined authonty as despotiam. Fhun the 
time of hia accession he showed hironolf for what he was ; he gi^anted 
marked privileges to the nobility and clergy, the traditional supports of 
the throne according to legitimist th<'orv, and he revoked all laws and 
ordinanees stiWipient to 1791. Throughout hi* reign he ruUilcssIy 
plundered his subjeeta, spent large sums on convents, enti'usted to 
the Jesuits the education of the young, enrolled himself as a champion 
of intolerance, perwcuting the Jews whom he virtually dcpi'ivitl nf citiien- 
lip, and reduced the independence of the m«gi«trntvit to a mockery. 
Acts of liberality, which sprang from his natural love of display, for 
example, tJie institution of the Monti^arlna, which sold com to the 
poor at a reduced price, arrangements for the care and protection of 
idiots and of the deaf and dumb, and his patronage of literature and 
the owct science", were set ofi' by tiie (we which he made of the eight 
millions of tirr annually extorted from his subjecLs. A great part of 
this went to swell his ample private fortune ; the rest served to maintain 
the police, the system of spies, and the prisons. Hence it is not 
nirprising that to early as 1817 the Austrian Conmiissioncr at Rortgo, 
in hi* report to Vienna on the state of Klodenu, »hoiJd speak of 
"extreme discontent," and should state that "a dangerously large 
lumber of the inhabitants nishcd to revert to the former rfgime." 
In Tuscany the Government was that of benevolent despotism. In 
rdance with the mild traditions of this province, the House of 
rraine endeavoured to maintain its position hy an ca-\v-going policy, 
which was soothing rather than irritiiting. insidious rather than oppres- 
sive. It tried to divert from dangeixxis channels the strong cun-ent of 
IDtelleetua] force, and to cnjploy it in schemes for material welfare. Hence 



exi 
^^um 

^^>on 




TStscany. — Piedmont. 



[18H-5 



I 



iiiititocrity rvigncc) tiii|trrn>e ; and Gino Capponi complained of "the 
profound melandioly uf the mindcondonitK-d to inaction and const nun L" 
'I'lie kccn-ejed, sharp-tongued people, wlu> priiied tlminwlves on being no 
man's dupes, Insbvd their patriarchal despotism with light and cutting 
derision which dvtitKl all nttcinpts to mpprc«s it. A laige cUus cS 
ofKcials, ignorant, idle, arrogant, and vexations, made themselves felt in 
every act of common life, Thcv were called the aedidni, as if the receipt 
of tituir wng<« ou the sixteenth of the month was their most important 
function. Tlie tamy was as inefficient as the burenucnicy ; fi;w in nuinben, 
without discipline, self-respect, or warlike spirit, the lioldiers wete 
commonly ktiown amun^t themselves by the significant nick-name of 
"mice." Count Vittorio Fossonibroni, the Premier, wiw a faithful 
representative of the spirit of the Government : an acute intelligence;, 
a profound sceptic, whom studied indolence had rendered incapable of 
any effort in thouj^ht or action. His koIc aim was a long, <!9»y, and 
cheerful life. When his otht% houni won- over he laid axidc all care for 
business, saying with a ftmile, " To-morrow, to-morrow ! dinner will spoil, 
the State can wait," 

In Piedmont, which had remained faithful to ifct ancient dynact^, it 
must be admitted that the retuni of the exiled Princes was greeted with 
sincere and general vnthiisiasin. On May SO, 1814, after a period of 
Preach rule, Turin saw once mote the members of its royal House. 
Majsimo d'Asieglio, then in his sixteenth y»ir, was in the ranks of the 
cavil guard drawn up to receive them. In his likardi he gives the follow- 
ing description cif this ictiirn so loiiK 'ind uiiivcrsnily ilesired ; '* I was on 
giianl in the Piaitza Caiitello, and I can distinctly n^uill tlie appearance 
of the King and his slsff. Their dress was old-fashioned, almost 
grolcvque: f<»r they wo«r jMJwder, pig-taiU, Jind hats dating from the 
time (^ Frederick II ; but to n>u. and to all present, t.liey seemed both 
beautifully and correctly attired; pi-olonged and resounding acclamations 
assured the good Prince beyond doubt of the afToctiun and sympathy of 
his most loyal suhjccbi of Turin." But disctmtent followt^l closely on 
tlte heels of this sliort-lived joy. On enti^riiig the city, Victor Emanuel 
declared that he felt as though he had been aiilccp for fifteen years; and 
he certainly began to treat hi.s subjects as though he hud awakened from ■ 
piolonged slumber. His famous edict of May 21 ran as follows: 
"Setting aside all other laws, hcnccforwai-d our subjects shall obey the 
Royal Conslituliond of 1770, together with the stntutex midc by our 
Royal Predecessoiti before June Si3, l.SOO." 'lliis edict ignored tlie 
hard-won reforms of recent times and reestablished a medieval system of 
privileges and diKabilities. of R-Ntriction and repn'ssion. The people 
ncn: divided into "pure" and "impure," the former being those who 
luid refused to accept honour* or posts from the French, These alone 
were sclecteil for appointment* ; and lu tlicy were of a low stamp, the 
Minislr)', the law-courta, the army, and the ufRcies, were tilled with 



I 
I 

I 

I 



( 



The Papal States.— NapUa. 



109 



mediocre niu] ignorant mm, all in«xpcrii'iicud, and iiuiny of Mwm dis- 
booest. The Uttter, i,e. Uie ^'iniptin.-," though not subjcctt^ lo nclnal 
nfCaMires of rvvenge — for this would have been contrary to the benevolent 
nature of their sovereign-i-suffered, so Cesnre Balbo tells m, evcrj- moral 
and intirllcctual Jinlifriiity «hort of jH'ncc^iition and physical torture. 
NenrthelcsA, amid the diailluiiiona of the Itestoration, the Pitilmotit^ate 
remained loral to the ancient House of Saroy. Dut the educated 
dasses in particular did not hesitate to tihow their scornful impatience of 
a Court whif^h wavered between the inflwetite of a retrojjriidc aristocracy 
itnd of a bigoted, zealotis, and a^reasive clergy. Thitt should have 
warned the rulers that, though they themselves might hare slumbei-ed, 
tbeir subjects had remained awake and had m:ule progress. 

But the worst Giovenimcnt* in Italy were tiiosc of tlte Papal State* 
and the kingdom of Naples. Even writers who were not ill-di»posed to 
the Holy See reeognised that its administration was mcHre harmful in its 
resiUts and more oppressive than that of Austria. Auatna had set up a 
despotic rule, rigid and harsh to the point of cruelty, but regulated by 
fixed laws and supportul by a MyKtvia of lin.ince whicii wiu not intoler- 
able to tlie prosperous inhahitatiti of I^inlwnly and Venetia. Ulie 
Chorcli, on tlie other hani), had restored a Government far more 
deapotic, aiul rendered more destructive and oppressive by its internal 
ooofusion — a blind, diangcable, and capricious Government, whose 
mpocity worried by metuiit of an arbitrary »y*tera of taxex, too onerotu 
foe \\a needy subjects, \ammcci declares that fi-om 1818 to 1&48 
there was no justice in Rome; the judges were corrupt, Uiere was no 
personal safety. A Bishop's tipstalF hod the power to arrest; three 
tvnsA of polios «picd upon the .ttibiecU ; there wirrc eighty thousand 
Wbaious and conHicting lawH in operation ; and the Hdminislratton wn-i 
a chaoi of heterogeneous institutions. D'Azeglio'a IticorJi give a living 
{nctme of Rome as it was then, a complex of fraud, favouritism, an<l 
cowardice. I'hc author bUi«)K-d Jii the prvM-nce of his foreign friends 
to think that he wu.s an lUilian. The HcKtoratton had Rtrengthened 
the Holy Odioe, extended tlie ecclesiastical exemptions reistabltshcd 
entails, and revived the tortures of the mallet and the horse. In short, 
the condition of the people had become such as to oocoxion the rvmarkable 
prediction of Man{ui« Cn»a, the t^iiniinian envoy, to Count Solaro 
ddia Margherita: *'It is only rea-wnable to suppose that, if the present 
state of things continues in Rome, some fuodanicntal nisis will take 
place : the most probable i«suc in that the great city wiU become merely 
an ecdenastical cupitiJ, retaining only the shadow of her temporal power." 

Ferdinand I\' liad reascended the thi-one of Naples witli false 
professions in his mouth. The declaration of May, 1815, had pro- 
claimed indivitkial and civil freedom, security of property, access for 
alt alike to all pusij, and judicial independence. But at the same time 
Ferdiuaud, in whom failure to respect Uie most solemn oaths wa* a lixcd 

CK. IV. 



110 



PenBnand IF and ^Taples: 



[l815 



Imbii, wiiK iii.-gutiutiiig uitli tht- Knipi-rur uf Austria for a treaty of 
fliUoucu wliich KhouKl contain the tbllowing secret: doute : "Since Uk 
aogageiuenU for the internal peace of Italy, on which their MajestJa 
enter by this treaty, bind thcDi to preserve thvir respective States and 
tubjccbs from R-Hction and front tlic risk uf ha'ity innovations, which 
n-ould conduce to fresh iliMtiirhanct-s, it is agreed between the two Hi^ 
coiitrui^tin^ pitriit-» that Hia Majesty the King of the Two Sicilies, in 
restoring tlie Governtnent of his kingdom, will not admit any cluuigc 
that 13 not in accordance with the ancient institutions of the uuiiiarchy 
and with the principli.'s adoptvd by Iliti Imperiitl Majesty and Hojal 
HighnONK for tlie internal adntinistmtion of biM Itdian ProvinoGs." 
'ITius ths principle:! of Auxtrian government were eKtabltvhcd in the 
kingdom of Naples, The instrument clioscn to enforce Uii-iii waii the 
Prince of Canosa, formerly agent of Qneen Caroline, chief of the 
Sanjidufi, a pntnnt of brigandu, and a bitter enemy of all progress 
and of Liberal ideas. Kveu at that time some of the important ofltos 
in the State were filled by able and cultivated men. To such, for 
example, were due lh« new codt-s, which in parts show a profound skill 
in tlic science of legislation. But what wa« the advantage of sound 
la«a? Itie corruption of almost all those chosen to enfon-e them 
waa such as to disgust the fweign envoys accredited to the Neapolitan 
Court. Tltc camorristi and thi.; brigands were protected by, and in turn 
protectt^l, those whase duty it was to KUppress them ; ttie judgments 
of tlie magistrates were conditioned, on tlie one hand, by fear of tJie 
executive, and, on the other, by the hivisti bribery of the intereated 
parties. In tiliort, lulmiiiistrntivc lift: on t-vi-ry side presented those signs 
of decadence, corruption, and Itaseiiesti whiclt led William Glad*ton«,a 
generation later, in his crushing attack on the Uourbons of Naples, to 
speak of their Government tu the " negation of God." 

In faen of this dett-miiiivd uikI powerful organi»ation of d«-«potism, 
what cotdd the Italian^t do ? What means liad they to make their 
protciitji heard, what platform to proclaim their wrongs, what tribunal 
to vindicate their rights ? Every lawful way wa* closed to tliem ; all 
puhhc demons trill ions were prohihitx-d ; tonspinicy wa-t tlie tmly weapon 
of the gov(-metl against their governors. The use of this weapon ha.4 
been severely censuivd : some have laid stress on its intrmsic immorality ; 
others have thrown doubts upon its eilicacy. Already Ugo Foecolo 
had declared that (o rcstort? Iltdy the " sects," or secret societie*, nuwt 
be destroyed. But in what other field, in wliat other form, could the 
jiutriots of that day mauilest the love which they bore to Italy? Tba 
Italian conspiracies and insurrections are to be considered, not as 
isolated events, but as incidents in a general movement Viewed in 
this light, as confused and obscure embodiments of the ideals which 
later took a more l«^timatr and definite form, lu explonion.t of indigna- 
tion l4-ading to reprifialx, which again awakened noble wrath and fresh 



I 



I 

F 

I 

I 

( 
I 

I 

I 

I 



8] 



The Secrd. Societies. 



Ill 



uMgn&Qimous revolts, it is not possible to deny thvir value ; they uiti»t 
be regarded as an iiKli^KniKable preJiuiinary of tlie painful Inbour of 
ft Dfttioa's rcdetnptiun. 

The It«liaiiti lutve ever been, and perhopt am vtili, a people 
nngularly prone to faction. The mystery and the uirprises of con- 
spiracy attract their fervid imagination and satisfy their mute rebellious 
tDatinct, resulting from long ycan of MTvitude which, cwn at t)w 
pntent day, nni(leix all exKrcise of authority ditHcult among u pvuple 
tbat ix by nature kindly, iiKluntrious, and j^immvuk. Tow-anli the vkne 
of tlie Napoleonic era, Klien tbe decline of the military gh>ry which 
had dazzled the multitudo revived the desire and the hope for liberty, 
numerous setrret societies were already srattcrcd in difier<?nt parts of 
the Peninsula. Thus, even before the fall of Napoleon, in Bologna 
111* ^tiigPt "> Mantiui the Centri, the AtUi-Eugaucud in Milan, the 
JtfoMoncria in Upper Italy, tlte Carlionitri in Naples, were dcvflopiiiK 
their aubterraneoua and intricate esiBtence. Tliese aocietie* fostered 
diverse a^irations, but all were united in opposititHi to the constituted 
authorities dependent on thu French. loiter, when by the decrees of 
tbe ConffTGss of Vienna the Italiuu had been excluded from all prospecta 
cf tKK fjovenimeiit, these aocicUea multipliwl, and tlieir activity became 
■lore intvOM^ and more audacious. Ity rvA.-.on of their e»cntinl xcctx.'cy 
thdr iiiitory is obscure, if not impenetittble ; and it is impo!»ibie to 
give a correct account of their number, their act*, and their power. We 
lind trustworthy infonnation cniK-rrning tlicni in the important collection 
of the Secret Papers qf the Atittrian Poticf, taken from the Venetian 
archive^ aixl publixheil by Daniel Manin, Fnmi tlxne wc Icara that 
iintioiuU independence was the common aim of all theM societicsi ; but 
it is also clear that tlieir action was not coordinated, and that they 
had no clear or identical vision of tlic future beyond tlie attainment 
of this end. From the same papers it i» clear that the "sect*" 
possessed numerous adhercnU ; for imttancp, froin the report of a 
Bourbon f^eral ire learn tliat, in tlie city of Lt«ce alori«, the Adelfi 
■nd similar fucieties could reckon forty thousand members, the majority 

^ whom were armed. 

■ Hie most ¥ddely>apread and infiucntial was tbat of the Carl/oneria, 
vhich had ita hcadqunrlrrq tn the kingdom of Naples. Col ktta defines 
it as "a vast society of luiidowiiers, nho desired peace and improved 
conditionit." It was already nourishing in tlie time of King Joachim, 
whn wa.4 ftHced to take measures against it ; but after the restoretion of 
Uie Uourbona it extended ita action and inci'eased itx power. Many of 
the prosperous middle-class belonged to it; but the majority of its 
members were soldiers uho hoped for advancement, provincials, lanyere 
in eearch of employment, and finally, thosv who, by reason of tlveir 
political view* or of the positions which ttiey bad occupied during tlie 
fcVencb rigime, were opposed to or mistrusted the Government of tho 

en. IV. 



112 



Sevolt at Naples. 



[l8S0 



Kestoration. At Naples its leaders were waiting till aii acciilent should 
set in motion the Rcciunulated force of silent indignation and suppressed 
discontent. 1'he signal was given in July. 1820, hImmi men's inintU 
lind hcen tinii»UAl)y stirred by mean» of the hucvu» of the Spanish 
Revolution. 

On July S, two rob-lieutenanta, Morelli and Salvati, followed 
by a force of 1ST horsemen, left their quftrtci-s at Nola and set out 
for Avvlliiio crjing, "Long live God, tli« King, and the Constitu- 
tion," and flying the tri<wlour Ixinncr of the Oirbonari, black, red, 
and blue. At Avellino they were joined by othera, and, inducing the 
Governor to join them, they dtarted for the capital. They were few 
in number ; it was but a small promt nciamiento on the part of the army 
and of the revolutionary societies, whieh could easily have been sup- 
pressed by the forcva contrullvd by tJic Government. But the Minintcts 
were weak and undecided ; and the Bourbon King, like niont of the later 
representatives of his House in Napleo, was a coward. When the news 
reached him, he was in the Hay, having embarked on a luxurious yacht 
to mcvt Iiis son, the Duke of Calabria, who was coming from Sicily. On 
hearing the unexpected new», lie was scixed with an agony of terror, 
declared tliat he would 6y to Sicily, or i-ionaiii at sea, and was with 
difficulty persuaded to land. Meanwhile, pi-oiiting by the delay caused 
by the timidity and uncertainty of the authorities, the band of robela 
increasod in number and opened communications witli other centres 
of i-ebelliun. In the night of July 4-5 the Carbonari) giMierai, Guglii;hno 
Pepe, knowing Uiat he was Nuspected, escaped fi«m Naple*. atirred up 
the people to riots, and placed himself at the head of the rebels. The 
King summoned his Ministci-s and asked their advice. Tcrror.strickeD 
and incapable, they nil thought it best to yield and appear to support 
■ laovcmcnt which tlicy were not in a position to chw-k. \'ei5' 
early on tJie momhig of t!ie GtJi, five Cnrbortari arrived at Court, 
and, in tlic name of the people, whom they represented as being all 
in arms, imposed upon their sovereign a Constitution, the Spanish 
Coiiiilitution of I81S (described in a later chapter), which was popular 
and ready to hand. The Duke of A.ie»li intimated the King's a^ncnt; 
and when the good people of Naples roite from their beds they learnt 
that their Government was changed, that constitutional rule had been 
substituted for absolutism. Many were under the delusion that this was 
the bcgioning of a new era ; nnd the patriotic [>oet, Gabriele Rocsctti, 
intoxicated with joy, saluted tlie dawn of Parthenopean lilwrly with a 
hymn which soon was on the lips of all: *'Thou art fair with the 
stars in tliy locks, sparkling like living sapphires, and sweet is thy breath, 
Uiou crimson herald of the dawn. From thu neighbouring height with 
n smile of rapturous longing thou dost pruclniin that in the bolmjr 
garden of Italy .icrvitu<U! i.i at a» end." 

Jlut, in Uieir dieauu ol hope tulfilled, these patriots lui;(^ot the 



I 



I 

1 




issol 



FerfUnaiid at Latbach. 



lis 




Jnus vigtUnctt of Austria and the inn«tc trcflcherj of Ferdinand. 

om the outset, the new order was weakened and discredited by 

atptDtU agitation, by th« domination of the virtovious Carboneria, by 

childish cxtravaf{)U]cc of the Liberals, who were devoid of experience 

ltd intoxicutcd with rhvtoric. NevcrthcIcK*, it in poKtible that the 

Constitution would have stood firm and gained in strength if the skill 

and power of Austria, Umt watchful sentinel^ Imd not at once been 

cmployal for it« destruction. So early an July S5 Prince Mettemidi 

had sent a circular to the Gcmuin Coiu't» to inform them that Austria 

tfDuld not tolerate the Uovolutiun of Naples, attd that, if n<'cd arofc, kIk 

^rould send an aimy to supprtss it. Before attempting this inti-n-ention 

she needed the consent of the other (Ireat Powers ; at the Conference of 

Troppau Mettcmich sot him(>elf to obtain a free hand for Anstria, that 

she might be at Uberty to stiHe throughout the Peninsula such ideas and 

its AS mi^lit rcjvilt in the triumph of independence. As for 

, who, shortly before, at the opening of Parliament, together 

the princes, had sworn on the Gospels to respect the Constitution, 

had lost no lime in seci-etly informing the sorereigns assembled 

at Tropp«ui of his intention " to leave his kingdom and to resume 

absohite power with the help of the Austrian army." An-orfiingly, 

in the following Noi'cmlwr, he received an invitation to Ijtibach to 

discass in Congress the political affairs of his kingdom. The Parliament 

was unwilling to allow him to go ; but he addressed to the Chamber 

on elaborate epiKtlc, a signal monument of falsehood and treachery, 

declaring that he wished to go to LailMich solely *' in onln to net im 

peacemaker for tlie common good, and to obtain the sanction of tlie 

Powers for the newly-acquired Uberties"; and he added, with fonnal 

solemnity, " I declare to you, and to my nation, that I will do ercry- 

^bing to leave my people in the [)o*ws!<i«n of a wise and free Coii- 

fcitution." His I^liament, deceived by this declaration, permitted him 

^o oroa the borders. He proceeded to Laibach and denounced the 

Constitution to those who dreaded the dissemination of Liberal ideas 

fcDlIlch as, or more thnn, liim«elf. It w^is not dlHictdt to come to 
understanding. The ('ongi-ertv, which maintained that it was its 
right and its duty to concern itself with the peace of Europe, and 
that the condition of the kingdom of the Two Sicilies was dangerous 
for the Powers, agreed that an Austrian army should be sent to restore 
«dcr in Napic*. 

The Neapolitan Parliament did not hesitate to declare war. General 
Pepcwaseag^forit; the be^it of Ferdinand's snbjecU desired it, believing, 
with patriotic creduJity, that their King had been constrained by the 
Powers at Loiboch ; the Carbonari clamoured for it ; and war was pro- 
claimed — not by a valorous resolution of the people, nor, as Colletta 
t«ys, from a desire fur glory, but in lightneat of heart. Pcpc placed 
Junuelf at the head of the army, which waa not inferior in numljcrs to 

r. M. u. s. ni. IV. 8 



IH NeapoStan Revolution cnuhed.-Bising in Piedmont, [isiao-i 

that of Austriii ; and th«troops mt^t on Mnrdi 7, 1821, nwir Bicti. ITic 
untrained, undintciplined Noldiera had no cunfidcnce in their ovrn power to 
resist the shock of the enemy, and broke before the battle had well 
begun. This defeat at a blow rhan^^eil the position of nffain. Humbk- 
uid inglorioiii* NubmiKsicin followed in all ports: in the Parlianient, 
whidi had but ycoterday ahovn itself so proud aiid inflexiUe, onlj* 
twenty-six deputies had the courage to vote for a protest drawn up 
in emphatic and haughty terms by Giuseppe Pocrio. On March 23 
the Austrian army entered Nrtplm to rertorc nbitolutv govc>rnn)ent; 
iiliortly ufturwnnlN Ferdlnund returned, having broken hiit journey at 
Florence to place, in expiation of his treacliery, a votive lamp in the 
Church of tlie Annuneiatioti. Such was the inglorious end of the 
Neapolitan Revolutiun. But the flame of patriotism, once kindled, 
was not jiit extiuguiithed, whatever might be the illusions of the eaij 
victors of tl»e day. And these worked with blind obstinaey to kcepH 
alight by inaugurating a period of violence, persecution, and cruelty. 

Whilst, between the trcJicbcrous intrigues of tlic Bourlions on the 
one hand and the imprudence of tlie rebt-ls on the otlit-r, the brvttth 
of liberty, which had passed over the fair Fartbeno^iean soil, was dying 
awav, there broke out a second revolution in the extreme north of Italy, 
in Piedmont. Even here the Carbonari had many adhi-rents, c^spccially 
in the luiikit of tiie army. Mun-over, other secret societies had sprung 
up, drawing tlieir recruits from among the better claK.ses of the population. 
All these societies, whether their programme was more or less audacious, 
united in one common aim expressed in the ety for the expulsion of the 
Austn'iuia from Italy and for a Constitution. The good and gentle 
disposition of Victor I^manuel had led people to hope that when the 
movement was declared he would end by joining it, especially as it was 
controlled by men of rank and birth in whom ho coidd trust. Sucli werr 
Count Carlo d> Sati Mnr/ttiio, hi.s aidc-tk-camp, Giueinto di CoUcgno, 
commander of the artillery, Uugliclmo Mollii di IJ-tio, Colonel R^s, 
tlie IVinee della Cistema, Sanlorre di Santaroaa, tlie Marquis of Prii, 
and others, w}io were in favour at Court or held important posts 
in the Govt-iiinieiit In this circle of leiulers and amongst oil those 
eager for change the news of the NVa|>oIitan Hevcdution produced Utc 
utmost excitement. On July 29, IfWO, Silvauo Costa di fieaur(^;ard 
wrote : " We stand on the brink of a precipice ; innumerable placards 
demand a Constitution similar to that of the Spanish Cortt«. ITw 
King is assailed by anonymous memorials demanding a Constitution. 

Words fail to dcsraibc the universal conditions of fevensh 

excitement. The events in Ni4)lc» have completely turned our heads," 
I'he conspiratoi's had planned a rising fur the mtiment when the 
Austrian army should be occupied with tJie Neapolitan revohitiouario. 
No serious preparations were made, but there was abundant enthmuasm. 
Mucli was hoped from Prinoc Carlo Alberto dJ Carignano, the heir- 



l«t-33] 



Carlo Alberto. 



US 



apparent to U>c tlironc, whom the conspirnton belii-vnl to be their 
Iniler, ani] whoite nctioii, iti their opinion, would carry tlie UTDy with 
him, and with the arfuy the King. 

• Concerning this Pnnoe, who, although at the time he did not respond 
(o the pniycrs of the revolutionists, afterwards sacrificed himself in order 
to tteep faith with them, there luu rnged tlic fieixvst controreny. On 
the one hand, his behaviour in Uiis oonjuncturc wmn the ocnution for 
charges, whivh found a populai' echo in Berchefs poem, "Carignano^ 

Ely name is held aecurBed by every nation"; on the other, it found 
ipportcn and admircre, who even went the length of asserting "that 
i« aelioii in 1821 w« the Iwldcntand mo«t courageous of nil hi» political 
life." Hbi was a strange character, full of seeming contradictions, whidi 

■led Carduod, in a odebrated poem, to call him " the Italian Hamlet" 
But the coutradiciioDs were only apparent. It was his conduct in 1821 
and 1833 that providt-<l his enemies with an opportunity of uttaeliing 
the memory of wie who l>e»tou'(^) on Italy that gcn<rrou« gift, tiic 
Steduio. It is said that in 18S1 he lietrayed his friendj^ after 
■ prombing to help them in the movement; that in 1833 he persecuted 
be Liberals, condemning »omc to exile and others to death. But, after 
[tnany yi'nr* of dUcifBtiim, the exact nature of his promise still rrmaiuv 
I doubt; we do not know whether it was a desire whidi the revolution- 
interpreted aa an intention or an intention which the force of 
drcurostances transformed into an unsatisfied desire. 

It is certain tltiit, by education, inclination, friendship, and habits 

thouglit, lie wax in sympathy with the idettU of Btdbo, Sim Maivaiio, 

nd Collegno; but it is also certain tliat to tltoir first advances he 

i made tlie following unetjuivocal reply, " My conduct will always be 

determined by my duty and my loyalty to the person of the King." 

It WAS this conception of his duty towards his sovccvign and the 

litions of his HouK<r, which deterred him irom taking too active a 

in Uic development of the rising ; and his prudence, which .tome 

'tailed we&knes«, served him in good stead at this juncture, seeing that 

the movement, which had originated in a desire for reform, had exceeded 

^^the limits intended by thon; who had been its chief promoteiv, and that 

^bt would bare involved him in a rebellious faction, and cut short a careci- 

^Vldvantnge^ius to his cmmlry. 

V Witii regard to his severity towards the rebels in 1833, it was 
excessive and then'forc reprehensible; but his critics should remember 
that this was at the Ix^nning of his reign, when he wa», oti I lie one 
hand, exposed to t)>e Kuspieions of Austrin, who would assuredly have 
removed any Italian prince who showed Lilwral tendencies, and on the 
r, firmly convinced that these revolutionary outbi-eaks would end 
weakening the prertige of a dynasty and of an army which he 
Rw would be called to aeeomplish a task of national important. 
is indbiputable that, throughout his life, he was ruled by one clear 
«a. IV. 8—2 




116 



Abdication of Victor Emanuel. 



[lesi 



rimI dominant paA&ioti, namely, hatred of Austria; and this fe^ng, 
gn-en the coiiditioQs of Italy, van patriotic, and justifiable. His 
politicAl career began und cndi-d with the expression of this Kntintcot; 
— first, wliL-n, tM a young Ixiy on i%iuling tlie famouK proclaiDation of 
Schwamiibcrg he exclaimed, " To avenge this ahanic we must drive the 
Auntrtana from Italy " ; and, lastly, after Novar* (1H49), on his way to 
%'oluntary esile, when " pale with the pallor of death and of hope," at 
Nice he dcclnred to the son of Santorre di Sant^trotta, *' If, at any time, 
at any plan:, i* uoiiKtituted GowrnnK-iit >honid mise a force against 
AuKtria, the AiiatrianR may )>e ttme of finding me, a simple soldi«', 
in the ranks of her enemies." This hatred of Austria, and the conviction 
that, to be efficacious, it must be sliown in valorous and nartikc octioD, 
formed the sole article of his faith, and the programme of his career a* 
a king: a faith which was only to vnA in the gloomy »il«nce of Oporto 
with his life; n programmv which hft bequeathed in the agony (rf 
defeat, unfnllilled l>iit nut nl)iiiidotie<l, to the ntore fortunate hands of 
his young son. 

The inwirrection in Piedmont advanced up to a cei-tain point with 
the cry of "Long li\-e the King." On March 10, 1821, bcfor* the 
news of the defeat of HietJ, which had occurrwl on the 7Ui, the 
garri-ton of Alexandria hoi.ft«l the tricolour flag, and <leiuande<i the 
Spanish Constitution and war against Austria, who held the King 
in her bondage. 'Hie conflagratiffli (piickly spread; on the ISth the 
gnrrimn of Turin followed the example of Alexandria. The authoriticti, 
undecided and timorous, raised no opposition : nor did ^^ictor Emnnuvl 
follow the advi<« of those few who counselled hini to place himself at the 
head of the loyal troojw and to <^tiell the bold att(.nnpt with one decisive 
blow. On the one hand, he was unwilling to bi-eak the promises which 
he had made to Atistrin, whose <leeision to maintain absolutism in Italy 
had been recently reported to him by San Marzano on his return from 
I^ihach; on tlie otbc-r, \w could not bring himself to shed the blood 
of Ills subjects in fratricidal warfare. He therefm-e decided to abdicate 
in favour of his brother, Carlo Felice ; and, mnce the latter happened 
to be then ut Alodena, he entrusted the Hegency to the IMnee of 
Carignano, who, surrounded by rebels who demanded a Constitution, 
struggled Iiai-d and long, but finally yielded. lie writes: "I told 
theui that it was not in my poocr to make any charigt in the 
fundamental laws of the State, which must await tlte decrves of the 
new King ; that anything I might do would be null and void ; but 
that, in order to prevent a massacre and the disorders with which 
we were threatened, I would allow them to proclaim the Spanish 
Constitution, pending tlie command of tlicir sovereign,* So it came to 
pass ; and the aimouncemcnt of thi.i coiieeft*ion was proclaimed from the 
balcony of the royal palace to the assembled crowd. That night the 
inhabitants of Turin seemed mad with joy. But their exultation did 



Failure of tfte rebelHon tit Piedtnont. 



U7 



I Dot Iiut; for, within flvu Anyv, n decree of Curio Felice arrived from 
Modcnn wlwrc'bv hu Aiintillec) the Htqw t»k<;ii without his consent, ttnd 
CominaiKled Carlo Alberto to leave Turin iniiiiefliately. 'llx! Intttr, 
obliged to pursue one of two courses, to (ipscrt the insurants, or to 
declare himself a rebel ogninst the Kin^, the hcitd of bis House, choae 
the former, and obeyed. His uiicxpeetcd depnrturc thraw confusion 
ftmoDg the rel)eU, despite the heroic and judiciuuN rimiiieax displayLtl by 
SantATOsa : and the party of absolutism, cneourag<.'d by the approval of 
its sov€!reign, pained vigour and couraj^. The hat tlcHcld of Novam saw 
the fratricidal strife which Victor Kniunuel had t'fjii-eil ; suldiirs of 
Piedmont under General de Ia Tour attacked other soldiers of Piedmont 
commatlded by Colonel Regis ; the farmer, with the asKistance of a IkhIv 
of Austrian troops which had crossed the Ticino, liiwl no ditlieiilty ill 
compellinj; the latter to retreat. 
^ Thua faded the vision of liberty, which had ptuscd, like the phantom 
^|of a dream, over the lands of I'iedmont. The greater part of the 
H fn^tivea baatoncd to Genoa, and sought safety at sea. hoping to reach 
^ Spain, whore tho Revolution was still successful. There the yountf 
>Iazxini «w them, " ]»verty-*trickcn, of warlike aspect, tht^ir faces lineii 
with profound ond pcngnant grief." One of them went up to tlie 
mother of the future conspirator, and held out his hand, with the words, 

I" For the exiles of Italy ! " The lady, with streaming cycx, prcsiwd soimi 
monoy into his palm. "For the fii>t time on that day," write* Maxzini, 
"there was vaguely prcttcnted to my mind, I will not say the tliought of 
country Bn<l of lilierlvj hut the thought that it was possible, and therefore 
^^ a duty, to fight for the freedom of one's countrj-." 

^P In the remaining dixtrictti of Italy, during tlie yearn 1820 and I8S1, 
^^ although tlivre were no ac^tual revolutionary outbreaks, tliere were 
I frequent eon^tpii^acie-t which alarmeil the Governments. lispecJally in 
^■the provinces of Lombardy and Venetia the police found many traces 
^1 of conspiracy ; and the«o nntowaid discoveries, which tbcy purposely 
^PcKaggerated, produced fre»h toi'turev and frcdi victims. Among th« 
^ Utter tlie iiitet distinguinhed wiw ("omit Feilerico C<)nfiiIonieri. nicrc 
li is no doubt that he was at tlic head of tho Liberals in Lomhnrdy, and 
^■tiiat bo was in correspondence with the party of action in IMedmont; 
^^but, in spite of the ncutc and painstaking rescarrhcs of d'Ancona, wo 
do not know to wliat extent he wat actually eotnniittti], or how far 
he had carried the or;pinisation of tho Liberals. It is certain tliat 
I bis condemnation, together with that of others, irati the residt of a 
I delibemte intention to provide criminals, rather than the legitimate 
I janie of a well-founded Bccuxation. ('onfalonieri wat not arivNtcd until 
December lit, I8S1, when the revolution in Piedmont bad subsided, 
and the calm of terror was everywhere restoiTfl. He had no keen sense 
of guilt towards Austria, and wntcbal with indifl'erence the threatening 
douda of au.ipieion as they gathered around him. On the eraning before 

M. IV. 



118 



Condemnation of Confalomeri. 



[1821-8 



his arrest, the wife of General Buhim, wIkj «fa» oil intinutle ti'rm» vrillj 
th« Countess, went to his hoii.-u?, witli U>e intention of eoiivcyiiig biro 
in her unii cmriitgv to tite (roiitier. And, a few davs before, Geiimd 
Ittibnu liimseif, on meeting him in Milan, had said signiliraiitly. "My 
dear Count, I dreamt that you weie in Swituwlajid." But both hint 
and invitation were unlRitlcil by him, for ht^ wiu unwilling to leave hts 
helorcd wife, nnd pcrhajM imagined lliat he would have no difBcuIty in 
proving bis innocence. His trial consisted in a prolonged, subtle, and 
lttlK>riouti attempt on the jmrt of the public prosecutor, Salvotti, to 
buildupthespcciouRproof of ammcof liigh treason. Prince Met tcniich 
encouraged the legal anlour of htH Milanese oflidalii with tlie following 
words : " It is of the utmost importance that this leader of the Liberal 
party ahould never at any time reappear on the scenes as a victim of 
arbitrary power." And, in obwiicnix; to those ^ncral instruc-tioitK, 
ImlM dinrgc* were invented, (iu.ipieiomt weri^ treated as proofs, and the 
Hilence of pretended acconipticee was regarded as hostile eviden<:e. In 
short, everytliing was done to give an appearance of justice to the death 
sentence of Cunfalonieri. 'Y[\b sequel to this trial was hcartreuding. 

His wife, the ^■nerouK and beautiful Teresa Casati, addressed a 
petition to the Emperor ; slie liersclf, her Imithcr, and her fnther-in-Iaw, 
proceeded to Vienna in order to sue for mercy ; and, undaunted by Ute 
first refusal, with tears, prayers, and, above all, witl) the sympathetic 
help of .Maria Terena, sh« obtained a commutation of the sentence of 
capital punishment in favour of iinpris^onmcnt for life 

The Count was to be sent to Spicll>erg, But, on his way thither, he 
was to have one morccxperieticeof the perfidious methods and the uneasy 
suspicion* of Austria, Whilst pfkssing through Vienna on his melancholy 
journey to the fateful castle, he noticed a sudden change in the cruel 
treatment to which he had hitherto been subjected. Everj' coji- 
sideration was sliowti him ; he enjoyed comforts which were almost 
luxuries, and which formed a striking contrast to the fetters whi^ 
lie had woni until the previous day. These wore the bkndishmcutA 
of the astute rulers of Austria, who hoped by the$c meoiu to 
obtain from bin] revelations, aod above all to learn what had passed 
between th« conspirators in Lombardy and Carlo Alberto. One 
evening during his tiojoum in this city the door of his chamber was 
tlirown open and tliere appeared the figure of Prince Meitemieh, 
whom he hod known in Paris at the time of the wedding of Marie- 
Louise. The wily Minister mode u»e of all his arts, drawing dazzling 
picture* of freedom and advajicement in order to induce the prisoner 
to apeak. But the latter held firm, and witli higli-bred oourtoy evaded 
the attacks of his skilled antagonist. After the conventation lia«l lasted 
for some time the two pnrlvd with the formal politeness of men of 
tlie world, the one to go to a ball at which he wiu expected, the other 
to a dungeon, from which he foresaw that he would never be released. 



\ 



\ 



\ 



I 



Repressive measures in Italy. 



119 



BjSSl-30] 

■ Con&Ionicri wits imprisoned in the grim Moinvinn castle togt-tliiT with 
W GaetADO Cuslilliti, Giorgio I^iUuviduo, ^etro llot»i«n, and others 
convicted of tlie same ofleitce. 

»Thc represiive measures adopted by the Governments subsequent 
to the risings of 18'-!0 aini Itiiil,«lthoughtcn-ibly severe in some districta, 
A:«, for inittttncc, in the Milanese which hud a mclAncholr ptveminmce, 
neverthelem failed to extinguish Uie fir» of rebellion whidt ^mouldered 
beneath the peaceful and picturesq ue aspect of the Peninsula ; indeed, iti 
nwD^ coiK-K thvy fKtincxI und fed thi-in. Here and there they were 
manifcsti-d in the fomi of n»ings which awtJieiied the fi-iir» of the 
police, who avenged themselves by excessive and unjustiliable wverity. 
In 1838, for instance, the inhabitants of Cilento in the province of 
Salerno, weary of the oppression of Ferdinand's successor, the dissolute 
And bii^ted Francis I, took up umix and broke into rebellion. Colonel 
Guglielnio dt-1 Carrctto wiut sent by the King to rcprcw tJic rixing. As 
a reward for the ui>cxampled cruelty of whidi he made a parade) eaiTying 
from village to village in iron cages the heads of his victims, he received 
trma bis grateful !wvcreign the title of ^farquis and a generous pension. 

ITbc French Rcvglution of 1830 natunJly added fuel to the flames 
of Italian patHotJ.«m. The faliie hope was widely entertainctl that Paris 
would give active support to the e^orts of the Liberob; this hope had 
been »i>ecially encouraged by General Pepe, who, by skilful persuasion, 
had obtained from General Lafayette the promise of arms and money. 
The illusion hod greater hold on Centnti Italy, where it was not long 
in producing tangible efTt^tt. On it were baaed Hh- nwh hoix!* of Ciro 
.Mrnotti, a tndesman of Modena, a high-minde<l iiian MiUi guncrous 
ideas. Distrustful of popular risings with republican aims, he had 
deemed it opportune to pruGt by the ambitions of Duke Francis IV, 
who coveted an cxten«on of his narrow dominions. Aii^iotti entered into 
nimmiinintion wilh tht Duke, and found no difficulty in penuuling 
bill) that the French Kevobition, renewing the age of unrest in Italy, 
would give him the opportunity of extending his principality and adding 
to his power. Thus the Duke joined the bnnd of conspirators ; but the 
confident attitude of Austria, and the timid and uncertain policy of the 
new Goremment of I^uiK-Phitipjte, soon convinced him of the vanity 
of his dreams and of the aims of Menotti's adberenla. Fearful of having 
compromised himself with the Cabinet at Vienna, to give a signal proof 
of his loyalty as on Austrian Archduke tie became the accuser and 
violent persecutor of the very imrty to which fie bad given such extensive 
pledges. When tite con.<pirators assembled at tlie house of Mcnotti in 
order to receive their final orders, a regiment of ducal troops surrounded 
tlie house, and practically destroyed it, making prisonera of the con- 
spirators, most of whom had been wounded in the fray. Tlie next 
morning Francis IV wrote to tlie Governor of Hcggio: "Last night it 
was diDcovered that « terriUe plot had been made to overtbrow me. 




ISO 



Sisings in CetUtrU Italy. 



[lS30 



Th« conspirators are in my hands. Send the cjteiTutioiier." 'iT>e 
execatioDcr wtu> imnicdiatdy despntchcd; but his arrival at Modena 
coincided with the news tliitt ii revolution had broken out in the 
neighbouring Bologna. 'I'lic Diiki', terror-stricken and uncertain of what 
the future would bring forth, took refuge in the foi-ti-es* of Mantua, 
dragging at his liecis the unfortunate Menotti, a prisoner in fetters, 
whose execution was thus deferred for a few days. 

The revolutiouiRte in Bologna had alxo been relying on help from 
Vrtxwxi they inviikt-d «1ho the priiidple of Tioti-int<.Tventioii, proclaimed 
by the new IVencli (iovemment of July, 1830. Al the very time of 
thi* outbreak Marslial Sebastiani, I-'orc'ign Minister of I-oiiis-Philippe, 
made Uiig public declaration: "The Holy Alliance rested upon the 
principle of intervention, which destroyed the independence of all tlic 
minor State*. Tht' contrary principle, which vc haie iipfinnw), and 
which we oliall uphold, assures universal lil>erty aTid itiiiependvncc." 
Kelyiug on this support, the revolutionary movement, which had bc^uii 
at Bologna, H>on vpreud to oil Rumngna, Emilia, the Marches, and 
part of Unibria- The ternponj power of the 1'o[K' whs tottering; 
Francis f)e<l from Modena, and AIorie-lAuise from Puniin, and IIk- 
tricolour waved triumphant from the lower Po to the upjver 'I'ibcr. 
But Prince Mettemich did not hesitate to come forward again as 
arbiter of the destiny of Europe, and to frustrate the designs of Louis- 
Philippe's Miiii.-*lprji. In « |>cremptnry niaim^-r he sent instructions 
to tlie Austrian ambaKxador in Paris: "We Iwg tlukt the French 
Govenimeut will not embarrass the protecti^'e action which we nuiy \x 
commissioned fi-om the highest quarlors to take," At the same iinie hv 
commanded the Austrian troojM to invade the provinc-cs of Central Italy. 
The parlianiwitary c-loipiencc »i General BebiiAliani wn« exchanged for 
the mure prudent diplomacy of Caumir P^ier, who, wishful to provent 
war, sought for a path of dignified i-etreat : and in less than two iiionthn 
there remained no trace of the rising which had been so unexpoi-ln), 
and, ivitlinl, ku iuipo»ing in uppainuice. 

TbiM outbreak and oil pri:ccding vi.''ing!t had failed became they 
originated with purely local organisations. As a loihs Die aim of the 
conspirators and tlie means whei-cby they sought to attain it, weir 
limited to the bouudnries of n province or of a tract of land curre- 
Npooding to the anoent hi»torical diviMionK of the Peninsula. 'Iliat the 
eflinla of the I'iedmontese might a.i!ii;tt llie inhahitantK of Calabria, that 
the causes of discontent, and hence of revolt, wei^ common to all, that 
the multitude* of the north should combine with tho^e of tliu south 
in a war of liberation wuh a conception which had not yet penetrated 
to ti)e maMea, though it had occtin-efl to a few individuals. In ISSl 
th« ri.iing> iu Naples and in l*ied:nont Iiad ailvitntx^, ax it were, ou 
parallel lines, without joining liands ; and, if the Piedmunti^KC interested 
themselves in the struggle between iVustria and Naples, it wai only to 



kieao] 



Need qf combinaiion,'~Mazzini. 



121 



I 

V take aflvaittoge of it as weakening their own sdvimnry. Gcncml Pope, 
' who bad foretwco the Bdvantage of a simultaneous ontlireak, Kays in his 
memoin with rcRard to these risings, " If the Piedraontese had rebelled 
on tlw first of Mawh, iaitcnd of on the tenth, or if they had informed 
me of their plans, ajfaii-s in Italy wonlil have taken a more fortunate 
turn than would be generally believed." The scmtc of hrathcHiood wiw 

■ abttcnt or feeble ; and the want of this unity of heart and will carried 
with it the want of unity in action, and prevented the fusion of those 
forces which were scattet^, tense and eager, throujjhoiit the coiuitry. 

I A power was needed capable of drawing together all the tlireads of the 
tevolutjonaiy orgnnifotjon, and of inducing all conspirators, high and 
low, to traiufurm thetnstilven into representatives of the sacred rights of 
nutionality. This power was found in Uiusepjw Muxitini. 
His political idisis hnd grown to maturity during the montlis of his 
iniprJMMimcnt on suspicion as a Cor^on/iro (1830). Ho had meditated 
deeply, and liod seen the defects of the Italian conspirodes and insur- 
rections; the people must first be educated, th(-n maile to feel the 
indignity of oppression, drawn to a unanimous rebellion, and taught to 
tliink not only of their own district but of the whole of Italy as of 
Ihoir native country. According to him no real ohNliidcs osisted "for 
twenty-six million men, who wished to rise and (ight for their country." 
HOn his release from prison in 1831 the Sardinian Government offere<l 
'him the choice between cjcilc and police suponitrcm : and he took up his 
Iteodquartcrs in Marseilles. There he foundetl " Young Italy." the society 
which was to be Uie instrument of the realimttoii of his ideax. He 
failed it by this name because his appeal was specially addressed to youth. 
KTIacc youth at the bond of the insurgi-nt multitude,^ ho said, "you 
"know not tlic secret of the power hidden in these youthful hearts, nor 
the magic inllucnce exercised on the masses by the voice of youth. 
Von will find among the younj; a host of apostles of the new religion." 
A man of burning faith, of blameless life, creative in thought, heedless 
^bf the stumbling-blocks of practice, a writer of ri<-h and vigorous proce^ 
full of movement and fire, he was bom to win proselytes ; and before 
long eiilluHiaatic folloivcra ranged themBctvea around the banner, on one 
side of which he had inscribed the words, "liberty, Equality, and 
Humanity," and on the other, " Unity aiid Independence"; magic words 
which sumrawl up the programme of the future patriotic mimion of the 
Italians. For two years the band was limited in numlier. It was a 
li«:roic ejiterprise; a few youug men, with no aid of family or wealUi, 
and, excepting their leader, of no great ability, proposed to mould 
the destinies of tJicir country and prepared for war agoimt a great 
snih'tary Power. But in their veins waa the feverish ardour which 
Ikiascini had inspired. \\'ith untiring industry they laboured for years; 
they organised centres of " Young Italy " wherever an opportunity 
Jinavntcd itself, uprvoding wide the net of their i-onspiracy. The 



ISS 



" Younff Italy " and its methods. 



[l831-44 



opiiiinna of iJie society were published and disseminated by means of a 
newspaper which appeared ut long and irregular intervals. In this 
Mazzini and his comrades advised the young mm of Italy to lay osiAe 
their trivial writings and love pmnns, and, instead, to devote their literary 
skill to ailvancing the good of the people by sacriiiccs of every kind ; 
they were urged to triiw], to huir from hind to Innil and front village to 
village thv torch uf liberty, to trx|>uiind itit advantitgc« to (he people, 
to otablikii and c^nHeeratc iU cult. 'I'huy were told to " climb the 
noiintain» and share the humble food of the labourer; to visit the uork- 
shopa and the artisans, hitherto neglected ; to speak to them of their 
rights, of their mcmoricii of the past, of tiicir |Ktst glori(>s, of their 
former commerce j to rcconiit to tbem the fndK^ss ojiprcMxioii of wbieli 
they yrttni igiiornnt, liecauae no one took it on himitelf to rcvenl it" 
And tills appeal found a ready response. At the beginning of 1833, 
owing to the eSbrts of Mazzuii, the society reckoned 60,000 members. 

But far more efScAcious tliaa the im mediate outcome of the 
M^puiiKcd conspiracy were the jirnnancnt rvsidts of his {xttieiit and 
bDRiing exhortationa, which were destined for &omc time to work 
secretly in nien'a hearts, rather than in action on the battle-field. The 
unfortunate issue of the pronuncia/nicnto of the I'icduiont militia in 
1883, and the still more imfortiinate rcKult of the invasion of Savoy, 
whidi wa.<< attempted in ttie follovring year by n htindful of fanatict, 
under the leadership of tlic inexperienced Ramorino, proved that the 
time was not yet ripe for a serious outbreak, and that common-sense waa 
not the most conspicuous virtue of the followers of Mazdni. But the 
fiery wordn of the apostle — who tteemed to draw fresh life, fresh courage, 
from defeat, and, undismayed by the horrors of torture and imprivon- 
ment, declared that " ideas grow quickly when watered with the blood 
of martyre " — -illnminatiiig the civic consciousness of Italy, fulfilled tlieir 
educative function and produced inoriT <-tIi-ct than a victory or than the 
fall of a tyrant. This waa shown in 1844 by tJie glorious and tuudiing 
episode of the two Bandiera brothers, Attilio and EmilioL They 
were otRccrs in Venice, sons of an Austrian admiral who had played 
a most important part in Kuppit-itsing the revolt in Rnmagna. niled 
with enthusiasm by the writingH of Alazxini, lliey reitnlved to devote 
their lives to the liberation of their own country. They had won 
over to their designs Uoutenico Moro, another Venetian oflicer of the 
DATy; and these three, leaving thi; Austrian ships which they com- 
manded, went to Corfu, thei-e to wait until the news of some event 
in the Peninsula should call them to action. There broke out in 
Calabria one of those trifling insurrections which were then of Kuch 
frequent otTurrcnce in tlie kingdom of tiie Two Sicilies, and which were 
invariably repressed without delay. A faW or csuj^-rated account 
caused the Bnndiciii to attach more than due importance to tJic evntt, 
and tlicy dccidMl to hasten bj tlie atsistance of liie rebels, 'lliey were 



I 



ioss-hJ Hisiitjv in Ca/abria. — Cario Alberto. 



123 



Jmnod by ■ few otlier patriot*, Mid the little band of nineteen landed at 
Ortnme mkI act out for Cosenxa. But, betrayed by a rompanion, tbey 
were quickly surrounded by Bourbon (roopa, and iifter a Hh<jrt ntniggle 
all werv captured. Nine of them, including the brothers Bandiera, 
suSl-rvd the cxtirnie p«;iia]ty, «im1 died bravely, crying, m* they fell 
baKoth the bullets of King Ferdinntxl^s Koldien, "I/Kig lire Italy." 
Such h«;roism vas not exceptional at a tiiiit- witeii luTotMii cnnif tintumUy. 
Hut it WM the fintt lime tlint n bond of Venetian yotttli.4 hiid chotcn for 
the field of their patriotic c-xertiotis a n^'iiiote district in the south of Itnly; 
thi* waa tlie first solemn manifestation of tliv brotherhood which linked all 
the peoples scattered from the ruggwl Alps ti> IIk- Miti-huthed chores of 
the blue Ionian Sea. Among the little band vhieh fell cruiihed by the 
udioua tyranny of the Bourbons in the valley of the Kovito, there were 
natiTea ot Perugia, of Roniagna, of Frosinone, and of Modena; an<l the 
divirnity of the districtii to whit'h the victinw bclonip-d was elo<)uent 
proof that one programme and one b-iiiiicr hitd Ix-guri to roi)c«iitrBte the 
lupirations of IIk Italians, hitherto disunited. 

MenuMhiie, the sympatliio of the Liberals were awakening in farour 
of Carlo A1l>erto, the sovereign who luul once ho cruelly disappointed 
thetn, aiMl who in 1831 had succeeded ('arln Felini on the throne. The 
hanli and alniiMt ferocious reaction of ] HiHi, iKcasioned by a coo»pira<7 
tD the army of Piedmont, had not Mieccedcd in destroying their affection 
(or him; and the reforms which he liad nftervrards effected in hli States 
bad sufficed to revive it, eaptcinlly luiioiiEst tlic more moderate of hia 
Kibjecta. The promulgation of the Civil Code, which included many 
of the principles originated by the l-'reneh Hevolutioii; that of the 
Penal Code, wlm-h ncknowlc<lged the equality of all citizens before 
th« law; the wise am! lenient fimuK-iiil adminislration; the erection of 
niitahtc ijuitding^ for tlie service of tlie State, prisons, lunatic asylums, 
ud huspitalH; the foundation of important institutions of different 
kinds, mch ns the Savings Bank, the Commission of National History, 
and the Dejiortuidit of Statistics — iwlicatcd a morenient towards more 
notable and radical chan^>s. Men undcritood that the King must 
proceed with caution, that, as he himself auertcd, he constantlv stood 
** between the daggen of the Carbonari and the poisoned chocolate of 
the Jcauittk." But, on the other liand, thi-rr was gruitml for hope in 
ooe who «mld write thus to Count Giu--^;)!!*' Bicci: "Ah, Riwi, Uio 
farm of Govcmmenla is nut eternal, we shall march with the timea^" 
He waa hainjKn.-d by religious sciupiea and by Uie influence of the 
priesta; but all underatood that, tf these ties could liave been M'vered, 
Of ewen relaxed, he woulil have made more generous concexaionn and 
would have wielded an avenging swonl aKsinat the prolonged and 
Aamcful opprejwon of Austria. " At present," be exclaimed, " I should 
be unwilling to commit any action contrary to the prwvpta of our holy 
tfligion, but 1 feel assured that to my dying day tlie woida •Patriotiam' 



134 



Literature in Italy. 



[lS15-« 



aiid 'Frewiom from Foreign Rule' will catuc my ht«rt to throb."' 
Hciife the Chui'cli nmst herself make sniooth the way for tlie bold 
thoughts which seethed wiUiin his bi-cast; the Church must fint •jw.-m 
to approve the enterprise which nttmcted him. niis wm ahortly to 
<-on)C to p(U» tlitoiigh Ciiriliiml Giovanni AIiLstai Fcrretti, who beuude 
PvjM on June 16, 18-iC, with the title of Pius IX. 

During this period of thirty years, litvrature. whidi joined lintuls 
with politics, played an iniportnnt piirt in the inovctiient of prep&nition. 
On tlio fiUl of the Italian kingdom the Ilouiantic School eatabli^ied 
itself; it Ktood forth as a protest against the old order, against tbe 
tjTnnny of tradittoii, as a symbol of the sympathy betvccn letters and 
the spirit of modern society. Hcikv we »w lliat, in tlio ntniggle Ijctwvm 
tlw RomiuiticK and lli« CltL-wieisLs, which wns at its lu^ight in the early 
daya of Austrian nde, the I.il>craU sided with the Uoiimntict and tbe 
reactionaries with the Classicists. The Boniantics came to regard 
literature it» a wcnpon n^inst dospntiiim and a ineun« of spreading 
patriotic ideas, Fintt mid furcinont uinung tlic oi'gnna of this new 
iiit^loctual tendency woh the Coitciliatore, a review whjdi took up tlie 
broken coui-se of the Cqffe, and which sutvecited in living to one hundred 
and eighteen numhei's, despite the suspicion, the vigilance, and the 
hu«tility of the [n>li<e. The imimw of iU conlrihiilorM ai-c signifiraDt of 
its spirit; among them there were J'ellico, Beix.'het, Uomognosi, Porro, 
and Confalonicri, all of whom risked life and fortune in the conspiradca 
and rebellions of that time. Between tlie lines of the literary criticisms, 
of ilie articles un art, or of the <liseti«iion?i on jioliticwl eeonomy, we cao 
decipher the vi&ions, the wi»hes tlic impulses of citizens who dreamed of 
a free and peac(.-ful Italy : and the dreams had a fervoiv which was 
evident through their disguise, and amusi-d the suspicions of the 
(lovernnuti t. The wo«l romantic, says Pelh'co, was nrknowletlgcd to 
lie synonymous with JAbtrai, and no man dared call liiniself a classicist 
uidetjs he were an exti-emist or a spy. 

The dramatic output, which at that time was unusually abundant, 
partuok on th<- wliule of liie nmuintJc and patriotic character. The taste 
of that generation revealed itself in tlie foreign masterpiecn chosen for 
translation ; Ferrario's rendering of ^chiller's Compirtictf of Flesco and 
n'tl/iam Ttil kindletl afrcsli the desire for independence and tlie hatred 
of lU-spotic rtile. In original diwrna Pcllico sho«'ed that under the veil 
of fietiuu and thix)ugh the story of the [Uist it wa.'t possible to touch 
the wounds of the present and to illuatmte tho hopes of tlie future. 
And it is pi-obable that Uic moving legend of Paolo and Francesca 
produced less cflect on the public than the impetuous i>ords of the 
furmei' in Act I, and his cry: 

For t)ic^, for tliep, inoUipr of valiaist ion*, my Ibdj, 
If Itavni riso to n-rong tlieo, I will ilraw my ntvord, 



I 



lftlS-4«] 



7'Ac drama.— Historical teorkji. 



125 



* 



Nor wu Miuitoi)i furgctftti of tlie condition of hia rountiy whiUt 
componing the Adtlch't and the Conte di Carmagnaia. In tlic latter tlic 
«vil» of intcmjtl ^liife and tJie ca^crReH of Hueignen to profit by it arc 
•rt forth in th« celebrated choiiuoftlK; battle of Alnclixlio; and its noble 
llowr of tvbukn und cxhortutioit.'>, which wov inspired by the politiciil 
KotimcDtx of thu authoTt Accurcd for tJicsc venc* the popularity of a 
patriotic hymn. 

In the Addchi the allusions to the pim-ut situation were ra on- 
ninUknblv tluit the Censor oxcrrl-wl without tnvrry iu several paoni^cs 
Im right (if ■nppn.'wion, writing in thv margin of the manuscript, ** For 
what docs Signar Mnnzoni take mi l>ocs he think tliat we cannot )>crccivc 
hb mcailingl'" Dut Henedetti and Niccoliui advanced still moit boldly on 
tbe lamo roads ; the Ctfia di Bietixi of the former, written bclwoen 1890 
and 18!U, aroustd a real enthusiuoi ; the \o\t of a Colonna for the 
daughter of Cola was only an epiitode iu the play ; the real subject of 
the tiagedy was political revolt; and the inspiration of the poet was 
naturally Liberal and anti-Pnpnl in character. Hcn<^v, by an aaa^ 
chroaiso) which was not wholly illo^ca], ai»d which often tended to 
tnhaaoc the efR-ct, the play is repre-sentative of the feeling of rc%-o- 
lutioiMry Italy. Nieooliui, a more &ubUe artist, attacked the mn» 
and outrage* of Austrian rule under a French maak in Otovamd da 
Prceida: wd in Antonio Fotcarini he rerealed his passion for liberty, 
*hkh afterwards burnt forth audaciously in Amaido da Breacia, whennn 
ha set forth how tlic Etnpcror and tlic Po\iCt acting togctlier, had 
been the caute io the past and in the present of the senitude of Italy. 

Kven historical works were pervaded by tin's spirit of opposition to 
the Uovcnuneuts whidi had been set up after the Napoleonic era. For 
inttnnrr Cantu, althoujjh iustrurtor in n Roy"l-Ini)M.-ni<l College, was 
ao bvt in tlie tlescriptions and the judgments of his /J'aiori/ ^ Como 
that the cnuon of Milan and of Como were obliged to alter or sapptCH 
part of the work. He was followed by Colletto, who, in his Hiatanf 
1^ the Kingdom of Napiet, openly denounced the diMippoiutmcnts and 
betrayals of the Itcvolutiun of 18S0. This work is an indictment of 
the Bourbuo Ferdiruind 1, tlie production of a nierulen inquisitor, who 
spares uo paina to expose before the public all the wroogt committed 
fay this King and his Governini:nt The book is in itae^ a historical 
eveit, bccauic its publication pruvnl that, although some Italians might 
preach resignation to tlie will of God, suid mibniis»ion to such princes 
a* He may send, yet there were others who dared to make a solemn 
protest, and demonstrate that such misfortunes were not caused by 
frorideQce, but rather by the wcakncA of the many, and tlic wickedness 
of a few. 

Thtou^nut the peninsula there was circulated a literature of 
ravolt, the sole aim of which was to inapii« men with patriotic feeliog 
u)d to tostigsts rcbcUiou — lyric poems, which were really hymns of war; 

CM. rr. 



126 



The Uterature of revolt. 



[lBlS-46 



stories, wliich incitwl men to (Jw!(l» of vengeance; reviews and joumali 
which wvrv in ftu.'t the or^nnti of the revolution&ry spirit. 

Among the most noteworthy of such Imcal poems are the Canti 
Italici of Amcdco Ravtna, which, circulated in manuscrijit form in 1831, 
entailed a Gcntcnce of dcAth for thv uutlior, though he contrived by 
fortunate chances to escape the penalty. With dvic eDtliusiasro, whidi 
was more rc'inarkithlu than his poetic inspiration, he prayed in thcw 
aongs for the union of all Italy, for the restriction of the Papacy to the 
■piritual dominion, and for the security of freedom. 1"hc same notcn were 
Roimdcd more skilfully by Bcrchct, who, having escaped from the clutches 
of the Austrian Government in Milan, lived a« an exile in France and 
England. His Pnifisghi di Par^i, wliit-h appeared in I>on<lon in 1824, 
and of whidi thouuutda of manuscript or printed copies were circulated, 
enjoyed a success which equalled c« surpassed that of the best poenis 
of Monti or FomtoIo. The moving and pathetic subject of thix poem 
had been praised by Goethe, and had tempted Byron. Sitcli linea as 
these, *' No, by Heaven, we will not serve the tyrant," " Fei-chance the 
day is not far distant on which all men will call each other brother," 
expressed the agony of suffering and the cry of the oppressed. His 
other romantic poems aimed a direct blow ngtunst Austria. Thwc wtTe 
collected in <]nt.- voliiaie, Ix-aring on tlie frontispiece the symbol of a 
lamp, which was being filled with fresh oil, and the significant motto 
alere J!animam. His fluent, sentimental, and limpid style enabled htm 
to occompliish the patriotic aim which he set Ix-fore himxclf, and which 
was revealed by the ofligy and the motto. Clarina, one of tlwiw poems, 
immediately became very popular. The heroine encoiu^ogeit her lover 
to light as a volunteer for the redemption of Italy, but the attempt 
iails through cowardice on the part of the leaders ; thus ClarinSL, 
mouniitig for her exiled love, seemed to personify ill-fatod Italy. 
And in an almanac for 1833, which wax addtvssed To the womgn of 
Italy, they were reminded of the duty to follow her example : " I^el 
the words of poor Clarina to her betrothed dwell in your souls." The 
^jvrno ideala inspire Bcrchct's other works: his Fantasie, which deliphtcd 
Mnzxini, his hymn.^ff'orwfi.^K'arnti..., which c*!cbriiti« Ciro Menotti's 
revolt at Modena, in short, every expression of his poetic afHatiia, to 
that he was known to his contemporaries and to posterity as the Italian 
Tyrtacus. His companion in exile wai^ (iabrielc Rossctti, who sang of 
the wrongs suffered by Greece and Poland, of the French revolt ngninst 
Cltarlcs X, hut, more Uiiin all, of his Italy — following on his lyre bcr 
agonising alternations of hope and d&spair, of courage and dcpreasion. 
\i\A amid this goodly company may aUo be noted : — Tommaseo, Torti, 
Prati, Grossi, Scalvini, and lastly, Alessaitdro Pocrio and Goffrcdo 
Mamcli, two heroes who fell sword in hand, the former before Venice 
in 1848, the latter before llome in 1849. Meanwhile, Brofferin, Giusti, 
and others, wrote satires attacking the Governments with ridicule, which 



I 



I8i(j-4e] Lcopardi. — inlvio PcUko's Mie Prigioni. 127 



■ 



frequently proves a more efRcient weapon than the fury of a rigbtvoui 
indignation. Even Lropnrdi, tlie grcatost lyric mft*t«r of the day, 
nlthougli alx-uirlK-d in ntni^k-s and mvoltn iiiunr inliiimto aiid pcivonal, 
was inspired at times hy tl»e prevailing spirit of patriotic fervour ; and 
his ode to Italy, and Brtito Minore, by recalling to Italians their past 
hUtory, threw light and glory on the duty which lay in the prtwcnt. 
But tlic poet, with his melancholy, his pciwimi-tm, lii# philosophy of despair, 
ap[>eakil but little to a generation of qiiickly-kiodled enthusiasms, 
romantic, and gi-eedy of hope. His merit was hai'dly recognmid until 
some ycftTs after bis imtimety death (183T). 

Silvio PeHico's Afie Prigioni, for it« intrinsic merit and for its popu- 
larity throughout Eiiropi", dcwrvc* an importiuit pliu-i- amongstt the 
polemical prose of tliis period. I'he strength of this book lay in its 
moderation. Pe'lico does not attack with rancour the men who hod 
iinjuMlly kept him in prison for tcu ycara. nor does he stop to glorify 
the cause for whtcl) he luul sulTercd. Ou the contniry, he begin.* wit.Ii 
the declaration that he Iwul no intention of dealing wilh politics, just as 
a lover might refuse to speak of the lady who has wronged him. Pellieo 
relates only the Odyasey of his sulTerings and misfortunes and in the most 
t«inpcmtc langnngc. But this diKpossionate necount of hitt sorrovnt, which 
won the sympathy of all good nte», corutJtuU-d u formidable attJick upon 
his enemies and those of his country. Every tear shed was a drop of 
hatird stored up against the foivign tyrants; he thought only in his 
recitnl of moving lii« rcodcTB to pity, and left the feeling of sconi luid 
anger, tite desire for revolt and freedom, to mntiin; of its own accord 
from tlic contemplation of the terrible ten years spent in Spielberg, 

There nppear^ other more aggressive works on this theme, both m 
the field of fiction and biography. For instance, Gucrraimi's sensational 
romance, /.' .rf««i^(0</i /'iimze', sccm«<l an open challenge. The mithor 
said to Mazzini, ** I wrote this book because I could not tight a battle." 
The Preatrmre, a Liberal newspaper, secretly published, reconmiended 
it "to all loyal Italians who would learn to what disgrace, and to what 
infamous tyranny, their country luid long been «ibjet'ted by the mad 
folly or by the avarice of vile and anibilioua foreigners." Tlic Preatmore 
went on to say that the book had already inspired such terror that tlie 
Ai]giB-cycd police were ransacking bouses and buildings to hunt out and 
destroy Uie copies. No less ett'et-tive were the Etiore Fierammca and the 
Nicola de" topi of d'Azeglio. But no prow work, poswibly not even the 
inceudtoi^ articles of Young Itali/y exercised so p«)wcrful an inflnencv as 
Pellico's calm narrative of his experiences. Mence, it was truly .laid 
that thi^ tiny voUiine was mure hiiimful to Austria tlian a lost liattle, 
than tlic work of many revolutionary societies, or the results of many 
outbreaks. 

Tuscany formed an important centre of literary activity: it vrm, 
perhaps, the only one where authors ventured to speak their minds to 



». 



126 



The Antotogia. — Rotmim. 



[isifr~4e 



public. Hero I^opoM II. who had succeeded to the throne in 1834, 
HMMncd wi.thfiil to cuiitiiiuc the tolerant rtgime of his father, FcrdinAnd III. 
Ill 1819, Pietro Vieuswrux, (t trader of Oru^lta of SvHm descent, hi*d 
settled at Florence, He, in concert with (Jino (^pponi, Cosimn Kldolti, 
and Niccolini, had founded a scientific and literaiy society, open to all 
who took plcit^urc in free and illuminiLting discussion. Ilus litenuy 
reunion j^vc birth to the AiUatogia, u review founded hy Capponi in 
iniitatioti of tlie Kitglish periodicalit. It liad a wide circulation; it» 
contributors and correspondenta were drawn from the mmt diverse 
schools, the connecting link being the unification of Italy. Such were 
Rftfluclc Lambruscliini, the pHoit, Gabrielc Pepc, the CarboHoro, Carlo 
Tniyii, the " Nco-CJudC," Niccolini, the " Anti-Gutlf,'' tlie clajwical and 
restrained Gionbini, and ^lazzini, the impetuous Kadical. It was ■ hive 
of conflicting docti-ines, of varying ideals, converging towards a frontal 
attack npon the doniintuit reaction under Austrian influence, and 
working together in Uic gvaieri>u.i puri>u»e of the di»acinination of 
vultun-, of dtriking all fetters from the conscience, of redeeming the 
common country, and reestablishing its dignity as a nation. 

Philoaophcrs were inspired with the same fervour, not only in thar 
actions and their practice, but also in thow of their writing which w«re 
rather of a speculative character. Indeed in attacking tlie nennational 
philosophy wliich had held sway in Italy at the tinte of tiioia and 
Koinagnosi, j\ntonio Aosmini tried to divert tlic Italians from this 
school of thought, which, by declaring the senses to be the only source 
of truth, destriiywl men's fiitth in absolute justice, in an ideal order 
depending on immutable prlnciplca, and heiic«, in tite eternal right to 
independence and freedom. The writing and the actions of the Abbot 
Rokinini were in perfect harmony; the Jesuits were his spiritual, and the 
Austriatis his political, foes: suspicions and persix'titJons drove him from 
his home in Rovcpcilo; in 184« be pleaded boldly and eIo<|uent1y but in 
vain before tlie Pope for the long-desired confederation of the Italian 
Statea. 'Hie priest Vincenzo Gioberti, although in his scientific viewa 
opposed to Rosmini, wjis united with him in the love of Italy, for whom 
Giobcrti xuil«reil no much, und in whi^sc cause his writingK, describiid in 
a later cliapter of this volumo., had no great an influence. 

Science did not fait to play her |mrt in the pi-omotion of tbc 
national cause. She helped it indirectly, chiefly tlu-ough the medium of 
Ecientilic congicsses. A group of LibemU hud succeeded, not without 
dilTivulty, in per&uoding Ixiopold U that sdenltlic coDgrcssc* would 
increase his reputation and that of Tuscany, which had always shown 
itaelf favourable to learning. Accordingly, in 1839, such a congress was 
held under his auspices at Pisa. The circular tetter of invitation con- 
taining the programme was drawn up by \'ieusscux, who was anything 
hut a man of science; and this participation of tlui founder of the 
J^Jitohgia, the moderate but energetic advocate of libcml ideas, caused 



I 
I 



I 



lSlft-46] 



Scientific congresses. — Music. 



120 



^ 



men to question the orthodoxy of tlic meeting. In fact, those tyrannical 
rulers who were mo&t subservient to Austria tried to frustrate the scheme; 
the learned men in the Pnpml State< were strictly forbidden to attend 
the congn^i, find a thi-eat of excommunioition gave tlic good-natured 
Leopold ground for retlexion. Dut, in spite of all these obstacles, 
the meeting took place. There were many discourecs, watched over by 
Ute fpics of van'oiu Goremmenti, who reported that ttic most KUeoe^wful 
were those whidi digressed the furthest from Kubjecta of a ftdentilic 
nature, 'llie enthusiasm niached its height on the day of the consecra- 
tion of a monument to Galileo, when Rntini made n speech exposing the 
ahamc of Galileo's celebrated trial by tlic iDquisition. Thus a hannlctK 
meeting of leanied men, of which tlie ostensible aim was " the ad- 
\~ancement of natural science,'" was tran^fomicd into a solemn manifeata- 
iion of national feeling. The example set by the Grand Duke of 
Tuscany was followed by other Princes, whose ambitjon was equal to 
or greater than his own ; Ferdinand II and Carlo Alberto linnlly per- 
iiiitted similar coiigTviwe* to lie held, which if they did not advance the 
ends of science, pi'oved very favourable to those of politics, since tbej' 
establiibed intercoiine between the most distinguislicd men in the 
country and provided an opportunity for tlic revelation and (vordinatioii 
of the impul^m wliich led to tlw assertion of tlie most sacred rights of 
tiatioitality. 

Moreover, painting and sculpture, by their choice of subjects, took 
Ihar part in the great enterprise ; but even more effective was music, 
which mode a direct appeal to the potions of the people. At that time 
the performance of opt^ni proix^l vcrj- disturbing to the autliorities, 
in Mme cases through the intention which governed the inspiration of 
the master, in others by the interpretations which the public delighted 
to put upon certain innocent passages. For instance, Gioacliino Rossini 
was anything but a revolutionist; nevertticle^t his WUtiam Tell wa« 
found to contain revolutionaiy muitic, full of political significance, of 
which he himself was quite unconscious. In the most solemn scene of 
this drama, when the representatives from the three Cantons, after 
awearing " in the name of their sorrows" to vindicate their liberty at all 
costs, hail the sun as it rises over the eternal Alps with that augUKt 
and terrible name upon their lips, from the deep voices of the chorus, 
and &om the bsss chords of the orchestra there seemed to proceed a 
menacing ai>d formidable presage and an irresistible call to dc<^ of 
prowess and of scIf-McriRcc. Vincciuo Bellini, again, bad the nature 
of aa artist with all its heedlessness and nonchalance; for him politics 
had no meaning. Nevertheless his audience was so intimately touched 
by his mu»ic, it acted so powerfully upon their noblest impulses, that 
they endowed it with a Hgnifleatice which tt did not in fact paoscss; and 
the cry of the Puriiam roused the pit like a stirring shout of war and 
▼ietoiy. The Censors and (he Govemroenta were active in forbidding the 

e. m. u. X. at. xv, ft 



130 



Musicians and Ubretlists. 



[l81ft-4« 



peifomiatice of certain plaj-a, and in correcting the most <lnngcrooi 
pbraKS of certain libretti; but the one meaxure merelj irritAtvd tlu 
public, and the other, hy iis clumsy- perversion of the text, provoked • 
contemptuous smiie. or rfdouWcd the fervour of applau-se and protest. 
On tlie rtthor hand, the note of patriotism, nhich pervaded the 
muaic of Verdi, was sincere and deliberate, 'ITiis was understood by 
his contemporaries: and the stupendous chorus of Xabucto soomed 
then and is itill the most passionate appeal to a distant Fatherlaml. 
His Kmant, fpvcn nt Venice in 1844, foundul on tlio mmantir drama 
of Victor Hugo, itaclf the sjmbol of revolt for an entire school of litera- 
ture, contains the most perfect musical expression of the spirit of freedom. 
The men of 1848 found in it a magnanimous rebellion against tyrannv, 
H denunciation of violence, and the cty of a peojilc rising against their 
tyrants. In the Ijimhardi, wlio sigh for their difttant homes, and sadly 
call to mind the streams and meadon-s of their native lands, they dis- 
covered a forecast of coming events; and in AUiia, the well-known 
paMage in which the Roman goncml Aciiiis oflem the whole world to 
the leader of tlie Hnnit, provided tltat ho may himself n-tain Italy, was 
clearly intended to excite the multitude by the simple and universal 
language of harmony. 

Hus wc KIT tliat At in tho life of action, so in that of thought, htAA 
and vigorous forees worked for the regeneration of Ibdy. Ttic pec^lc, 
who at the opening of the Congress of \'ienna had desired only peace, 
were now dctcnnincd. at all costs, to free themselves &om the yoke under 
which thi>y lay. Hetlcniich hod dwJared that Italy was merely a 
geographical expression, an ill-fated phmsc which implied a xtill morv 
ill-fated policy. At the bcgiuning of 184fi, everything combined to 
show the author of this phrase and this policy that Italy was something 
more than a word written upon a mai*. tliat it was a nation conscious of 
its rights, rich, if not in material strength, in the t'er\our of sclf-aacriRce, 
and certain Uivicby, sooner or later, to achieve its desires. 



I 



131 



CHAPTER V. 



TIIE PAPACY AND THE CATHOLIC CHURCH. 



PiDR Vn, on his relum to Rorac in 1814^ was grectml with demon- 
atrations of exubenmt joy. The Koauna had alwa;fs hdd hin person in 
loving reverence. Th« memory of so many trials home with patience 

»aii<l fortitude threw a halo round the mild, noble-minded Footiff. He wao 
known to be animated bjr tliv best intentions; and the future scemod 
bright witii hope. As in th« *Aily yv&is of the reign, the government 
Again devolved upon Cardinal Coiisaln, Secretary of State, who remained 
responsible for the home a»d foreign pohty of the Papacy. The 
Minister who influenced so powerfnlly the course of events, both in 
Church and State, was not only a remarkablo but a singularly attractive 
pciBOiuJity. 
II Ertote (kinsalvi wa* bom in Rome in 1767, and wa« a «cio« of the 

jH aiident House of the iirunacd of Pisa. At Fr&scati, and subsequently 
^ m Rome, Consalvi studied jurisprudenoe and theolc^, and in 178S 
he^n Kis ecclesiastical career, in which be rose Eteadily. He always 
•tbibuted his selection of thi.s career to profound conrictioo, and his life 
waa without blemiab; but he was never onJaiited a priest It was not 
till be had reached the age of forty-three, when be was made a Cardinal, 
that he took minor Orders. Consalvi received a good classical education. 
He loved mu^c and poetry, was the friend of Cimarosa, travelled widely 
In Italy, aiid alwavM remained a great favourite in the circles of the 
leading Roman aristocracy. At the wish of Pius VI lie exclianged in 
T79S administrative for judicial work, and was appointed to the high 
^Boffice of Udiiore to the Court of the Rota. When Rome became the 
l^^^yiug-puiut of the French exiles, they found no warmer friend than 
C^onsolvi 

This easy-going, somewhat worldly, maimer of life come to an end in 

1796, when, after the foundation of the Cisalpine Republic, Pius VI 

ftfipointcd Urn Aseosor to the Congregation which was to idonn the 

IV^Mtl army in sgrecmcDt with its coinioai>dcrs, tiie Austriao gntnla. 

I Ihe undertaking proved a fiulure. The Papal troops w«re beaten, and 

^B the Court of Home, coming to terms with the French, agreed to the 

^1 cu. r. i»~i 




132 Election of Pirn VII. — Comahi. [ijes-iaoo 

fatal articles of Tolentiiio, by wliich the Pope recognised the Gsalpinc 
Hepuhlic and gave up the L^^tiona. ITie assafsination of tiie Freiidi 
general Duphot by Papal soldiera in 1798 led to the occupation of 
Rome and to the proclamation of the Republic Consalvi, who was 
li«Ii1 responsible for what had occurred, had to surrender the Castle 
of St Angeto; and, as he scorned flight, he was made pmoner, and 
taken to the frontier in the corapony of convicts. 

After a short stay at Naples, he joined the imprisoned Via* VI tteur 
Florence; but. the pcrmiwion to remain with him Itaving I»en refused, 
he went on to Vonice. He was in tlint dty during the victories of the 
second Coalition, at the death of the Pope, and at the tims of the 
Convocation of the Conclave. Cons&lvi owed his nomination tu Secretary 
to the Conclave to tlie influence of the Cnitlinal of York, second eon 
of tht; (Chevalier de St George. Aii.stna and Naples occupied the Pon- 
tifical States; even Spain demanded Papal territory for Parma; while 
Naples claimed Pootc-Corvo and Bcnevento. But Consalvi tintded a 
slrong opposition to the Austrian candidate, Omlinal Atattei; and on 
March 11, 1800, Uie election of Cuniinal Chiammonti (Pius VII) was 
carried. Ecclesiastical independence was thus asserted. One of the firat 
steps taken by the new Pope was the appointment of Consalvi to be Pro* 
SccrclATj- of State. Austria now refused to allow the coronation of the 
Pope to take placx- in St Murk's, because she would have no port in 
on act which aymhoHscd Uie lu^iumption of the Temporal Power; acd 
Marquis GbisUeri, tlie Emperor's ambassador, claimed once more tbe 
Legations for Austria. The Pope, who persisted in his refusal and in 
hit intention of retuniinK to Rome, had to dioosc the sea route, Ix-cau."* 
lie was not allowed to [>usk through tlie Legations, which Austria 
demanded. Before he reached Rome, conditions had altered. The 
victory of Bonaparte at Marengo on June H had prompted Auxtiiu 
and Naples unconditionally to rwtore the State's of the Church. France, 
on tlie otlier hand, seiwJ the I/-gulions, and fur fourteen years remained 
mistress of Italy. In the month of August Consalvi was made a Cardinal, 
■ud the nffaini of the Papal State were entrusted to him. 

The saintly, pitm.'t, conciliatory Pope had great common iiensc, but 
no superior gifts of mind. A vertnin irresolution made him dei)endent 
upon the advice of others. Consalvi's influence gave its character to his 
Pontificate. Their relations to each other thenceforward were always 
of the most intimate character. Consalvi hiw been colled the k>h1 of the 
Pope, the man who held Uie double ki^y to his heart. The personal 
sympathy of Pius VII never failed him. 

His contemporaries describe Consalvi at the time as being s tall, 
good-looking man, of charming manners, lively disposition, genuino 
kindness of heart, great natural dignity, luid, while true to bis fnonds, 
incapable of hatred. His unuNual ability, his extraordinarj- powcn 
of work, and dexterity in business, justjtied the confidence of the Pope. 



I 



I 





laoft-u] 



Consalma first Admhuairaiion. 



133 



Consalvi weu ncccssiblG to modem idem on political questions, nnd there- 
fore cxpOBcJ to the MttAcks of the i-cnctioiiarica. But Pius VII knew 
irell tlutt he would uphold the spiritual sovereignty of the Curia in 
its unrestricted integrity. He had acted accordingly in Paris during 
thv uegotiatioii'* for tbv Concordat, and liiul always mointAiticd the 
doims of Uie Pnpacy to its Temporal Power. The ctmimitancc th«t 
he represented these principles was the true catiae of his resignation 
in 1806, which the Pope was compelled to accept under pressure 
from Napoleon. But the preceding six years of odminiEtration had 
'—, sufficed to bring Consalvi into conflict with the representatives of 
B the cstublixhtd hierarchy. AlUiough a Papal decree bod restored tlie 
priestly rule throughout the Pontifical State, and brought into force 
tlte ordinances tthich had been disregarded during the Ucvolution, the 
amnesty which, notwitlutanding nuuiy restrictions, gmntcd a ocrtaio 

»con]pcnsat)ou to thow who liad bought national property, tlw txixation 
of the secular clergj', and the fact that a policy of retaliation was 
carefully avoided, impressed upon (he Papal restoration a stamp of high 
statesmanship and modenitioD, which tie reactionaries never forgave. 
The hopeless financial situation was the stumbling-block. The already 
ioopoveri^ltcd [Kopli^ were loaded with increased taxation ; yet the State 
am unable to pay the creditors more than half their due. 'ilie oppo- 
•lition to Consalvi was led by C-ardinal Brasdu; but, notwithstanding 
their intrigues, Consalvi remained, after his resignation, the confidant 
of the Pope up to the moment when he left Bome. He clearly «aw, 
however, Uiat Pius hiiDsdf oould not matter hi* opponent*, to whom 
the »uppre.-sion of an aboae was a perilous innovation, and who objected 
Kto tlie most ui]gent and beneficial refonss, such aa free trade in com, the 
regulation of the public debt, and aii improved monetary system. 

Six months after the forcible removal of the Pofx: in July, 1809, 
Consalvi was summoned to Puns, and, together witli (^urdinal di Pietro, 
compelled to travel under military escort. Incensed by his stubborn 
opposition. Napoleon divested him of the insignia of his rank and 
dodared both his stipend and his private fortune to be forfeited. In 
Jniw, 1810, b« was n^lc^tcil to Reims for a period of two yean and 
eight months. His memoirs were written at this time. They are not 
iuMDoere, bat they were jotted down under the sting of the perwcution 
Iw lufe wd at the hands of the Empvrur, and ore not coosisteiit with hu 
eailicr otjinatii of NapcJeoo. 

It was Consalvi who steeled the opposition of tl>e Pope at Fontaine- 
bleao, where he spent eleven months — from Febcnaiy, 1813, till the 
foQowing Jaauaiy. Again an escort conducted him into exile at 
BczicTs. The defeat and downfall of Napoleon, however, soon set him 
fne. He actually met the Kmperor at Fr^jus, on the road to Elba, 
when be himself was returning to Italy. Hiej did not speak; but, when 
Napoleon recognised him, he remarked to the Austrian who accompanied 



18i 



Restoration of tie Papal govemmerU. 



[IBU 



him : " Tiiifl man, who never would become « priCMt, U more of a priest 
than ull th« othcn." 

Cou»alvi had been absent from Rome since 1809, nor did he ent«r it 
HOW. He met tlie Pope at Ccaena and followed him to Foligno, where, 
•' in the joy of his heart," Piua \'Il reinstated him as Secretar)- of State. 
For the moment, however, Cardinal Pacra took bis place, aiul Con»alTi 
hastened back to Paris. Thcnoc he proceeded by I»ndoD to Vienna, to 
represent the Pope nt the Congress, 

The interre^um .in Rome from Joniiarj- to Mny, 1814, Ix^lween the 
rctronetttioD of Rome to the Pope and his return, htui generated a series 
of complications, destined to hamper the future activity of Consalvi His 
opponent. Cardinal Rivarola, who aclcd as Papal Ixgnte in the obvcnoe 
of the Pope, inaugurated the reaction by tiuppres«<ing the French law% 
with the exception of thoae relating to mortgages. Cardinal Pao» 
adhered to thb policy. He had been Nuncio at Cologne from 1786 to 
179S> after that at Lisbon, and, under Pius VII, the very soul of the 
opposition to Napoleon. He restored the Inquisition, which tribunal so 
late as 1816 passed a sentence of death at Ruvenno. His moot personal 
work, however, wa» the rc«tomUon of the Society of Jcaus. Id the 
Bull of Aiigmt 7, 1814, Pius VII indirectly chami-terised the supprcMiOO 
of the Order as a grievous crime. I'acca considered himself happy to 
be a mesas of reparation, because he reproached himself with having 
approved, in iiis youth, the Prorinciales of Pascal. 

The CongR^itioD of the Index now procewled npiinst all public** 
tinns of a political character; and before long 737 accusationx of 
heresy were received, llie supporters of the previous administration, 
and diiefly the jnicsts, were treated with uncompromising severity; many 
were deposed, eidled upon to disavow their views, piuitshcxl or expelled, 
Hud dftprired of their incumf*. Consalvi w«.i perfectly aware tliat th« 
protests of tlie Poa'ers assembled in Vienna, against a policy of 
vengeance in Rome, were well founded. He recalled to Paeca the fiwt 
that in 1800, in similar circumstances, he had persuaded Pius \^II to 
gnmt an amnesty, and, while safeguarding principle*, to excuse and 
pardon individuals in conitideration of the drcutnstances in whidi thcv 
had been placed. In bitterness of soul he asked how he was to win back 
the temporal possessions of the Papacy, when a system was at work which 
must lead to the loss of even that portion which was left. He partly 
accomplished his object, and in August, 1814, a hmitcd antnesty was 
proclaimed. Yet he remained isolated. His influence could not save 
mdividaals; he had to apologise for his outspokenness, and promise 
amendment. His fall would have been certain, could he ha\-e been 
nfdaced at the Congress. 

However, Consalvi remained indispensable, though continuing to 
be misunderstood. During the Congress of Viennn he Iwid triumphed 
through methods, which be had already outlined at Venice iu 1800 iii 



I 
I 



I 

I 



Consahoi, Pacca, and Metlermch, 



130 



an appeal to the Emperor Paul of Russia. To the jenlowiit^ of the 
Catholic sovereigDs ntid their iiiroaib oo ecclesiastical territory he 
opposed the goodwill of tlie heterodox Powers, Russia, England, and 
Prussia. The majority of the diplotiiatist» at Vivimo, especially th« 
English and the Russians, prc3»ed for coiiHtitutioiial guarantees, the 
granting of a general amnesty, and the confinimtion of the aecularifiation. 
^pal subjects wero Dot to be handed over "like sheep," and capccially 
the Legations were to be constitutionally govenxxl. 

Connivi's opposition to this \a>i pi-eteii.iion won the Mipport of 

ilettemich. He insisted on the im possibility of making distinctions 

between Papal subjects, and argued that a constitution drawn up for 

Kotin Papal States uould hardly suit Aattria, In consequence the 

was dropped, and ('oiLsalvi avoided binding promises. At the 

time, however, in a report to Caidinal Proco, be said that he 

L himself in 1800 bad intioducc-d that limited ]>articipation of the laity 

the government, now claimed by the Powers at Vienna, and tiiat iu 

opinion it was a matter of common decency to concede it. If, after 

' twenty-five years of separation, obsolete methods were to he employed in 

ruling the I^vgations, the Papacy would be courting disaster. 

Agajnnt Consalvi's opinion, Pacca had obtained iu 1814 tlie con- 

demDation of the Freemasons and the Carbonari. The existence of 

bsccrct societies spread all over Italy was indeed a serious danger. 

The French at the time of the Republic had made use of them. The 

example proved contagious. The Counterrevolution from 1798 to 1799 

of^wsed the Sonfedists to tlie Jacobins. This secret society took 

ik name from the terrible bands of Cuidinnl Itufib, and since his 

lime Iiad cxi«tul in tlic States of the Ciiui-cli. 'I'he SonfcdUU formed 

a kind of secret police, whose denunciations wcra nominally directed 

agaiut secret societies but practically used ngaiost all inconvenient 

cms or view.i. The Sunfcdista hated I^iberaliKm, but al»u Austria, 

nidi, and Consalvi, who tried to niaater them, but being unable 

do so, had finally to tolerate them. So early as 1814 the " Guelfa,'" 

taad with them the idea of an independent Italy, came to the front. 

[It » not witliout. (rause that tliey were thought to have held com- 

f nninications witli Napoleon at Elba. But by Pacca and those wlio 

his views all sovereigns and statesmen from Joseph U to 

Stein, the TugcwUiund in Germany, the Protestant fiible Societies, 

liberals— eveiy body in fact who did not hiJd their opinions— were 

aped OS Freemasons. 

Mcttcmich had no such delusion, but he deemed it his interest to 

'aupport it. Austria bad become the dominant Power in Italy and the 

one great obstacle to the realisation of the national hopes. He needed 

tho coopcxation of the Italian Courts, and notably that of the Curia. 

He oamc to an undc-ntaadlDg witli CV^u^olvi on the ground of solidarity 

jjainst the Revolution. 'I'heir long, intimate, almost aJTectioiuite 

CM. V. 



136 



Coiualvi's scheoie of' administration. [isis-e 




ocwreBpondence, which stretches from 1815 to 1819, leaves somehow the 
impression that Klettcmich had tlic best of the bfirgAin. His constant 
warnings to Cunxiilvi to rcniaiii firm, tu uphold a healthy moral oode, to 
defend prhieiple.'i and tlie l^acl'(.-d foiuulationa of sorit^t y, of Uic throue attd 
the altar, have a perceptible toiie of command. Still, in 1815, Cons«d<n 
refused to join the Italian League of Defence, as well (ut the Holy 
Alliance. The Holy ^Vlliance, he said, had no crcvd. Moreover the 
Pope was botmd to the strictest neutrality with rrgaitl to all natiom, 
nnd oould not dream of asserting his rights by the sword. But in 1816 
I^bzelten) reported from Kome that Consalvi was now practically won 
over to the interests of Austria, and wanted her support 

The Motitproprlo of July C, 1816, proclaimed the proj^nunmc of 
Coiualvi for tlie cent mliwition of government, a bureaucracy on Napoleonic 
line*. The feudal rightJt and ciwlonis were abolished, with the exception 
of the game laws. The baronial juri.tdiction Ktilt in part survived, hot 
was found so inconvenient and so expensive that in nearly every case it 
was voluntarily relinquished. The cnstoms, laws, and privileges of com- 
munes, towns, and provinces were also abolished. The Papal tcrritor}', 
whidt included three million inhabitants, was subdivided into twenty-one 
Legations mtder CaidinoU, or Delegations under Delegates. To tlicm 
the Govemoni, who were »elected from tlie " prelature," were subject, 
and only exercised the inferior jurisdiction. Over all were the ordinary 
Courts, the Court of Appeal, and lastly the Rota Romana and the 
Congregations. The councillors of each commune chose the corporation, 
but were themselves ehown by the Lcj^ites, and their appointment wa-* 
ratified by the Consult* in Rome. If « vacancy occurred, the meinberK 
were to exercise the right to complete tlieir numbers, subject to tlie 
approval of authority. Consalvi agreed that every province should 
have a council of laymen ; but even these were nominated at Rome. 
TTiey had no executive power, and eotild only give advice on prescribed 
topics. Consequently the whole bm-eaucratic system rested upon the 
priesthood and upon the prelaiura. This order or caste of laymen^ 
weuing the ecclesiastical garb and observing the rule of celibacy, was 
no longer confined to nicmbers of noble or wealthy families. The 
positions in tlie aduiiniitratioii and the tribunals reserved for its 
members were no longer lucrative. The priesthood looked upon it with 
contempt. The education of its members was as deficient as that of the 
clergy;andboth, having lost their pro[>crty, were subsidised by the State. 

By the sale of Chui-ch property Napoleon had succeeded in bringing 
the finances of the old Papal States into order, and in reducing th« 
National Debt from seventy-four to thirty -three millions of tctuU ; and, 
altliough the Pupal States hod hardly any exports, their revenue was 
raised from tltrce to six millions by the improvement of their commerce. 
After the Restoration, tlie States of the Qiurch were charged with part 
of the debt of the kingdom of Italy — though witli reduced inteixst. 



I 



i 



I 



I 




1 1801-21 J 



Finance. — Commerce. — Induxtry. 



137 



Coii.talvi, moneoi'cr, liiul to endow boll) tlic Roman Congi\-(rationit mid tlic 
C&rdinals, aad &Uo to compensate for loeaes incurred the IHiJ-i monasteri«9t 
and 612 ntuuteries, which were i-cstored. In 1816 the deficit amounted 
to 1,300,000 actidi. In 18S1 Anstrin »till ownd the pnvnicntK due for 
the gsirisou, which under prut^xt uf the Pops oceupit'd Fi^iniru and 
Coroaochio. Members of Die Bonapartu family advanced the necessary 
fitoda for the reception in Rome of the Emperor Frajicia in 1819. In 
these circumstances the chief sources of revenue, tobacco and salt, were 
leased for a period of twelve years. Taxes in an-car were collected by 
coerdon, and others levied in advance. Expenditure was covered by 
fresh loanx. This method of itdmiuistration led to fyiitcmatic and 
extensive mal versa tioii» and frmid on tho part of IJie tax-farmers. In 
1817, orders for penwionn or granU bearing a forged signature of the 
Pope were paid from the public chest In 1820, 11,000 criminals were 
in State prisons and the cost of their maintenance was k-a.'tcd, with the 
result that they were nearly starved, and that the iiMirers pocketed large 
profits. Conseription hod been aboli:<J)cd, and the army numbered 7000 
men. But tJicre, also, tlic administration was no better. Dishonesty 
de\-eloped into a system. Consalvi was perfectly aware of it 'When 
he asked for a serious investigation, the Minister of Finance was wont 
to withhold the necessary cxpIaiiatioDS. At the same time the constant 
increMC of taxation added to his unpopularity. 

Since mamifacturcs were non-existent, and commerce wn* confined 
to agricultural productjt, such t\a hem]), wool, aii<l cattle, Pius VII in 
in the interests of agnculturc, had suppressed the Annona, an 
tution which had prohibited the export of com and cnforxrd «:»■«« 
reigolationa o» the home market. At lii-st thix meomre, which granted 
free trade in corn, Manned eminoiMy just. Hie consequeooe, however, 
was that agriculture languished, because the soil passed out of the bandit 
of small landowner into those of large proprietors. They in turn leased 
tbe land and controlled the market, because they were able to discover 
ways of escaping the weight of communal taxation, 'lltcy found it 
more profitable to raise stock than to till the land. To meet the 
difficulty, the Government restored the Annono, a measure promptly 
followed by dcamcas, bread riots, and disturbances. Nevertheless, 
Consalvi succeeded, at tlie end of his administration, in balancing the 
finooces, but at tlie cost of the total neglect of public education. The 
Clerical Middle Sdiools taught hardly anything but Latin. The pnh 
fieasors of the two great Universities of Rome and Bologna, and of five 
BOollcr ones, had to use prescribed text-books. It required a special 
intervention of Con.-»a]vi to obtain leave from the Censorship that Scttcle, 
Profeoaor of Astronomy, should be allowed to explain the system of 
Copernicus, if only as a hypothesis. 

After the abolition of the Napoleonic Code, the decisions of Common 
Law remained in force, modified by Canon Law and the Apostolic 



mSm\ 



so. V. 



138 



Liaw. — Justice. — Brigandage. 



[1616-83 



Constitutions. These controdictod each other, tliiu <TntL->iii^ hopeless 
confusioD. Con.-uUvi cuUcd upon Bartolucci, a legist of great repute, 
to work out a code of Civil Law ; but it was never sanctioned by tbc 
Congregaxione Ectntomiea, The suggested rules of K-gal procedure w«re 
never roforcwl; and the separation of judicial from adinioistrative 
function.-! wan not carried out. The Cardinal Legates cncroacbcd upon 
the domain of justice by arbitrary intervention. The administration 
had ibt own special and se{iarate jurisdiction, and the clct^gy appeaJed 
to i-pi.M:n{Ml Coiirti, among llu-m to tbe luqui^tioii, vrhieli condemned 
all oSence^ againiit religion. The Uditore Santls^mot also, indepcadent 
of all tribunaJs, and, under tbe immediate authority of the Pc^ms, tu 
the liightstt judgu of Appeal in eccIc^aAtical matt(-i>. Tlie ContvUa, 
another eccleaiajitical tribunal, pa«.sud M;tit(-ji4;<^ of death or hai'd labour 
for life on political criminals who had ijicited tlie people to icbcUitm, 
even if they had done so by the mere distribution of pamphlets, 
without Iiaving recoun»c to nnns. The Romun Courts were rennl, and 
favouritism prevailed. Ijivrs were unable to .itop tJiat organised 
brigandagi', which in tJie Koman mountains had evcu witlistood tbc 
power of tbc French. Entire tracts of country were in a stato of war; 
and the brigands, tliougb feared, were invested with a runmntic halo. Id 
1818 a terrible famine broke out which, more especially in tbe Apen- 
ninn, led the starving population to revolt. Military measures hud 
failed. The brignnds cvcu drew recruits from the ranks of tlw Pu{Mtl 
soldiery and police. 'Xlie police itself wa« untrustworthy, and, more- 
ox-er, hampered by the rights of sanctuary vested in a certain number 
of convenU and churchcM. 

In thcAc circumstance.-), Considvi deU^nnined to enter into pcnond 
n^otiations with the brigands. He made a kind of treaty with them. 
They consented to submit to one year's imprisonment, if the State would 
then guMTitiittx: Uiem MifHcient meunx to begin a peaceful existence. 
Kome tlius witnessed the extraordinary »ight of the entry of tlm-e large 
waggons full of brigands. Masocco, the most feared of all, was aocon- 
panied by bin wife, and the Duchess of Devonshire thought 6t to 
pn?cnt )ier with her own necklace. Other bniidn followed the czampte 
of submission and the outlook seemed liopcful, when a terrible epilctfui 
followed. Masocco was to negotiate with Cesari, the leader of the uut 
recalcitrant band, but was sJiot down by his comniimd. Id order to 
revenge the death of his friend, Ainarini seized upon the family of 
Cesari and, tearing them from tlic hands of the police, murdered six 
women and young girls with his own liond. He then gave himself up 
to justice. Cesari held out for some time, and murdered all those of bis 
prisoners who were Papal subjects. In the end, a Roman carabiDeer 
Hhot him near the place where hi.« family had fallen. In the earlv 
twenties travdlerb were »UU stopped by robbers in brood daylight. 
When the Carboneria began to flourish, one evil replaced another. 



I 



I 
I 



1814-233 Opposition to Consahi. — Concordats. 



139 



Drastic measures had to be taken hy the Govcmniedit agninst the 

Ifuniiies of the rohb«^ aa well as against thow who harboured them, 
•nd their stronghold, Sonino, was dntro^xd. 
It was the fate of ConsdUH's Kjst«in of biircaiicnitic tutclngc, tliat 
the capable and tmined ofRdciI«, which it presupposed, were non-existent 
On th« one hand, the teforniH which he granted were not carried out ; 
on the other, the pressure he brought to bear was interpreted a'* 
despotic interference. Ilie loas of iniiumernble local liberties and 
privileges turned the aristocracy, who hiul benefited hy tbem, against 

kConsolvi. l^er joined in exposition witli the CardinAl.^ and Bi^opa, 
who complained of tlte curtailment of their opiritual jurisdiction. 
The Cardinals who were most hostile to (^onsalvi were Sevcmli, 
Somaglia, Litta, Mattei, Pscca, della Gcnga, and Castiglionc, the 
last two of whom were destined in time to wear the tiara. In 1818 
^Cotint Api>oiiji, the Atistrian arabwtsndor, »itjite« unhesitatingly that 
Sacred College wa.* animate with fillings of bittei" enmity against 
ivi. It caroe to such o pass that at Velletri Mattei set up a 
inct administration and jurisdiction, and gave orders that all decrees 
>hich did not suit him should be burnt by the hangman. The Li^tcs, 
llivart>!a, Scvcroli, Soiriflglin. in k-tlers and pamphlets openly denounced 
^the (iovemment as hostile to religion. Paece persecuted all those who 
^■Md held office under Napoleon ; delta Gengo, Vicar-General of Rome, 
^^nforccd all the old penal laws against th« Jews. Consalvi ttfrained 
from taxing Roman Princes and capitalists more bearily because he hod 
been frankly told that they would refuse to pay. It was impowiblc 
to contend against Mich a sea of difficulties. With an aged and uling 
Pc^>e, Consalvi had to he. content with half-meosunsi »u faras internal 
administration was concerned. 




I 



Uifl diplomatic skill on the ctmtrary was displayed to full advantage 
la iDaay aucccwful negotiations with the Powctk. The period, which 
bu bBM termed the era of the Concordat*, opened in 1816, but the 
experience of Consalvi dated back as far as 1801, when be was sent to 
Paris to negotiate the IVench Concordat with the Urst Consul. The 
renilta of Napoleon's policy had been that the Catholic Church in 
France, deprived of it" propi-rfy, dependent upon the State, hampered 
by the Organic Article-i, and hopelessly crippled a.i to its episcopal 
freedom, was dri\'en towards Home and became, what it never had bwn, 
Ultramontane; and upon Napoloon^ fall the Concordat was at once 
•ttodud. 

Tlie firrt attack wo* made by antagonists of Consalri, by the Z^atiti. 
On May 30, 1814, della Genga arrived in Paris aa Papal ambnMudor 
to tbe Allied sovereigns. He found that they had already left, and 
handed his instructions to the French Government, who welcomed re- 
criminations against the coclcsiasttcal policy of Napoleon. The I'njial 



140 Pr(^osalsfor repeal of the French Concordat. [i8U-6 

grievances wen: Huniiiiod up under (tve headings: liberty of worship 
uid of tlie Press ; the Code NapoUon in its dealings with divoroe, usiiry, 
etc ; the Orgtuiic Articles ; tlie itppiiintnient of UiymcQ as Mintstcra of 
Public Worship. Finally the rcpui] of the Coneunlat was rccom mended; 
" for in order to ftave France fi-om a schixni, the Pope liad been forned to 
accept whatever could be obtained from a Government whidi considered 
leligion as a. branch of politics and was secretly bent upon its destruction." 
A few days ufter thiit dangerous step Consnlvi arrived at Pnris. 
He iniule an enemy of della Geitga by explaining in bitter terms liow 
unnece&wry and even debimental his action bad been. Forced to go oii 
to London, he did not return to Paris until July, lie found the reactim 
at the helm. The Abbe dv MontewjuioUf (w Minister of the Interior, 
which then includwl tlie administration of Public Worship, and Talley- 
rand, ax Minister of Foreign Affairs, backed, in the name of tlie King, 
the TiewB of della Gcnga. The Concordat was assumed to have been 
extorted and was to be revised before Pius VII would crown the King 
at BeJins, a ceremony which never tuuk place. In order to save the 
penonal dignity of the Pope, all transactions whicli had passed between 
France and the Holy See since 1797 were declared null and void, the 
I'Vench invasion liaving impeded his liberty of action. The King 
promised to restore and to endow the 13S old bishoprics, if, on his 
port, tliu Pope consentui to summon the Biithops of the Concordat, the 
Eviquet de chrcomtartce, aa Montcsquiou called them, to tender Uwir 
resignation. Of the Bishops who had been depo»etl in 1801 and who 
had refused to resign, only ten or twelve were still alive. They con- 
sidered thcraitelves to be almie legitimate, and looked upon the others as 
intrwi, and upon the Pope as & privaricaUtir, 

Consalvi was horrified to hear that a Bishop, Corbois de Pressigny, vas 
on his way to Rome at Envoy Kxtntordinary. The Cardinal realisetl wtiat 
was at stake, if the Po^>e was to own to a mistake iu his government of 
the Church. He forestalled Pressigny by a special courier. lie implored 
both tl]c Pope and Pacca not to concede the reinstatement of the deposed 
Bishops, except by giunting fresh nuionical institutions as well as iteparate 
Bull.'). Consalvi furtlier advised tliat time sliould l)c gained, and that 
linnness should be combined with assurances of goodwill towards the 
person of the King, always well received in France. In a letter, dated 
from Vienna, Contudvi wrote to Pacca that France was really little known 
in Home. As a proof of it he enc1o!*ed tlie text of new Orpanic Articlo 
far more stringent than those of Napoleon, which Ix>uis X\'iII, in the 
montli of August, htid proposed to his Cabinet However, Consolri 
gave up the Concordat in itx original form, because Rome was anxious 
to secure the concessions of the King. Consequently, be proposed altera- 
tlons bosetl on the Concordat of 1516, or even aJi entirely new agreement. 
The question was stttl under consideration in Home, when tiic return 
fi-oin Klba postponed all ecde»iastical negotiations until 1816. 



I 



181 4-5] 



Great Britain. — Irehnd. — Russia. 



141 



After Uie Coiigr(»it ut Vicmia, Consalvi, on his return to Rome, was 
I Bgain the ofBcial head of the Government, but wliilc »t Vienna, imA 
Ibtter daring the negotiations with England, his liberty of action liad 
Ibeen cfaccJccd bv contrary influences. He had onlv spent twenty-His days 
tin London. They sufficed to enlist all his ^ynipnthii-fl for England, where 
[the friendly attitude of Piiu VII since 1809 had not been forgotten. 
In Vienna the English tiad fought for the interatts of the Fajiacy. Since 
the da^^s of Pitt the great problem of Catholic Emancipation occupied 
Uie minds of politicians. Lord Cniitlercagh entered into a close friend- 
ship with Con»alvi. He still hoped to bring about an understanding 
vith Rome on the tine^ of the Hill which had been thrown out in 

■1813. The conditions of that Bill, described in a later chapter, were 
•ubmitted to Qiiarantotti, tlie Vice-Prefect of the I'ropaganda. \Vitli 
certain limitations ho accepted them in February, 1814. 

But the influence of 0'C»niii;ll was now in the ascendant. The Iridi 

rrjccted all iiiterfen^nce tn tlicir rcligioim coiicxTns on the jntrt of ft 

Protestant King. ITiey declared Quarantotti's rescript to be notliing 

^ebe than the violation of tlie Irish Church discipline concerning the 

^■election of Bishops. Id vain Cousalvi warned the Curia not to sacrifice 

Kmancipation, whidi was alrauly anything but popular in Kngland, to 

the obstinacy of tlie Irish. The Pope was himself desirous that tlie 

Iriih Bishops should be brought to niake concessions. Nevertheless, the 

I Pope did not persuade the Irish to concede anything on the quesUona 
&t iwuc. 
Contalvrs next ta«k, in 1815, concerned Ruitsia. It bad been pro* 
posed to appoint a Metropolitan at Vilna. The Congregation in Rome 
Kfiaed to ocquie&ce, because the powers with which he was to be endowed 
wold have reduced the Pope to a figure-head. When, at the snn>e litne, 
ill otlier conecwions were refused Connjilvi intervened. He needed the 
goodwill of tlie Emperor Alexander in temporal matters, and won hb 
^- favour by conceding him the right to propose candidates for sees. It 
H *»»dooe, not in so many words, but virtually, by the support given by 
' w Pope to the candidates of the schismatic sovereign, notwitlutanding 
; that de Maistre, in 1816, and Consahi, no late as 1823, suspected tlie 
I Ar^biahop of MohilelF of schismatic leanings. The Polish CmistitutioD 
L cf 1815 placed the Catholic Church under Imperial patronage. The 
H hiemrdiy was to be endowed with inalienable landed property and U»e 
Y fii'liopi had seatjt in tliu Royal Senate. 

' AoKMig the Catholic States Spain gave the example of fierce 

reaction. The Nuncio Gravina exercised a fateful influence over Fenii- 
wnd \1I, the worst sovereign restoi-ed to power on the fall of Napoleon. 
His Goveniraent identified itself with the Inquisition, and with the 
mfbreement of ortbodo.ty. The Jesuits reentered Spain, and the 
religious Orders again took possession of tJieir convents. All who had 
bought ocdesiastical property were compelled to make full restitution 

CM. T. 



142 Spain. — Sardinia ajid Piedmont. — Tuscany. [l8i5~i 



vrithout compensation. ITie derg\- of earlier days had ac(*pt4!d the 
leforms of Choilcs III and also the Concordftts of 1T5S and ITSO, which, 
in ttccordanoe with t]ie old Spaai.sh principle, restored ecclesiastic*] 
patxonage to the C^roim. The Spanish clergy now supported the 
extrenust claims of the hierarchy. The Pope and Consalvi, on the 
other hand, fiilly realised that, unless the impoverished State wns per- 
mitted to tAX the clergy, the Catholic monarchy would soon perish. In 
April, 1817, four Bulls were willingly published, empowering tbo 
reforming Minister Garay to do so. Moreover an oiTer was made of an 
extraordinary ecclesiastical contributitm of thirty millions for the next 
six years, and the nse of certain other ecclesiastical revcntH» for State 
purjKism. Gravina was rcciUlcd, and succeeded by Giustiniani, a sensible 
■nan, uho plainly xhowed hiti intention of discountenaiuiiig reaction. 
It was, however, impatsible eitJter then or later to break down tbo 
fanatical and ultimately useless resistance of tho clergy. It was not the 
bult of Consalvi that it raised a storm of anti-clcricnl passion wluch 
swept over (iitholic Spain, resulting in fisrce riotx, civil wan, and 
revolutionw ruinous to the country and the dynasty. 

Among the Italian frincea tiie pious Victor fimanuel. King of 
Sardinia, paid homage to the Popc; He besought the Roman authoritiea 
to ciiNC his oonacioncv by a Kpedal brief contirminj; the .seeularisations 
of conventii and Churdi property, nhidi had occurred ilurinj; the 
rerolntionaiy period. The indults by which the Crown had beld the 
right of nominating the Bishops were not ratified ; but the same rights 
were gnated by a new Bull. In return, tlie King wa» to restore the 
ecdesiaBtical jurisdiction and the convtrntit. Kiirttx-T hi- vtu to niiiko 
important financial concessions and prohibit the teaching of Gallican 
doctrines. On tbvSK baitcs n Concordat was afterwards signed by Leo XIL 
Meanwhile a new itiiirit awoke in Piedmont. A memoniDdum of the 
l*re<udent of the Senate declared that the a^pirationx of Konie were a 
danger to the State. The appointment of a Nuncio at Turin was 
refuftcd. In 1816 Consulvi complained of arbitrary appointments to 
Chaptns and benefices, notwithstanding nil the concessions i^iidi had 
been granted. So early as 181S the future leadiir of the Catholic reaction. 
Count Joseph dc Maistrc, Minister to the Court of St Petersbui^, adviacd 
the King to put liimsdf at the head of the Italians. Ue warned him to 
observe the spirit bom of the Revolution and to appoint men who tepre- 
sented it to poets in the Civil Service ami even to positions at Court. 
He advocated the marriage of the heir to the throne witli a Ruasiao 
Princess, so as to escape from dependence on Austria. His advice was 
unheeded, and Cliarles Albert wooed a bride in Florence. 

In Tiiiscany, though in a somewhat milder form, tlie old administra- 
tton revived, which in 1T86 hod produ«.>d friction between titc Curia 
and the Grun<) Duke, aRia-wards tlie Kmpcrur Leopold. His adviser. 
Kcipktne Ricct, Rishop of I*rata and Piidoia, hail, on the eve of the 



I 

4 



leifr-a] 



Naples.— f^-ance. 



148 



I Revolution, luude a fniitlt^iLa attempt to reform th« Churdi on Janiieniitt 
Lprineiptefl. The sclieine failed, but the tradition survived. The clergy 
sained subject ia all temporal matten to the junsdictioii of the State, 
[which rvcallvd the OrdciH but continued to superintend the manflgemcnt 
[of Uuur property. 

^nce the dap of Pius VI relations with Naples bad been strain«l. 

' The King refused to send the customnry tribute to St Peter, on the 

plea that all fuiidul dues had ceased to exist. The Poik- retaliated 

by threatening him with the wrath of God; he refused conttrmation 

Btu 86 out of 130 Bishops in the Two Sicilies when the King showed 
bu intention of otrrj'ing on the strife. A Concordat became tm 
ImpeTative nn-L>Kxtty, oiid wit.4 cohcIikImI in 1818, thanks to a pertonal 
imdcTst&Dding between the Minister Medici and Conaalvi, at Terracins. 
It was entirely in the interest of the Cum. Tlie King presented 
^^thc candidates for the 85 bishupricK. The Pope examined his sele^ 
^tions and moreover exerdned a considerable influence in the appoint- 
mcnta to minor po±i)iE. Intt^rcoiiri^e witli Rome was fi-eed from all 
constraint, and the spiritual Jurisdiction of the King wat considerably 
limited. The ecclesiastical Courts resumed their sittings, and the cod* 
^bents, in so far as endowments were still available, were restored. 
^rEdiication wa* under the control of the Biahops. They could wdl upon 
the Government to interfere with the discemination of pemiciou^t Imokii. 
Ecclesiastical property that had not been sold was restored to the 
Church, which had the right of adding to its posscsnoiu. The Pope ma 

*to receive 12,000 ducats a year out of the income of the bishoprics ; and 
tlie clerg\' were promised a compensation for the loss of exemption from 
taxation. The skill of Coiisalvi was met half-way by the King'n gnat 
derire to use tbo Church as a support of absolutism. Many of tlte 
flaiBM {svournblc to Rome were, however, restricted in the following 
y«ais; and tlie apontolic Ijc^ation of the King, which gave him certain 
direct powers over the Church, was maintained in Sicily in contravention 
of an article of the Concordat. 

In France, in the itutiimn of 1816, after Richelieu had become 
Chief MioiHter, tiluou, tlie confidiuit of Itie King, carHed to Rome 
propooals for a fresh ConcordaL Even when toned down and in their 
ultimate form, they involved most far-reaching concessions. The Pope 
was not pre^wcd fur any retractation concerning 1801, but was simply 
a»k«d to reeatabli.-'h tlte (Concordat of 1516, whereby Leo X bad, in 
return for considerable material benefits, transferred to the Crown 
the right of ecclesiastical appointment which had bdonged to the 
('luipUTs. Ixitiis XVIII oSV-ml in return to abolish the Organic 
Articles apptiidal to the Concoitliit of 1801, in w far tm tliey were 
in contradiction with Canon Law and the doctrine of the Church. 
,>ie further intended to cxtabli^ a lai^ number of new bishopricc 
Jill to endow U»eui accordingly, erthrr with Slate securities or 
en. ». 



144 



Settlement ztdth France. — Amlrta. 



[iflift-fi 



setUementK on UndcJ pr«[K'rtv. In tirgent auen the Pope and the 
King fthould be empowered to depose or transfer Bishops without their 
consent Further conces&ions were promised. In June, 1817, Pitw VII 
signed the Concordat, which met nearly all hi» wi»Iies. He pro- 
mulgatcd it to the Christian world, &»d in July issued Bulla fixin;; 
the areas of the new Kcea. But the renewal of hia protest with regard 
to ATignon and the Venaissin gave rise to an exceedingly bitter 
feeling in France; and the fact that this Concordat, involving as it 
did changes in internal adniiniiitmtiun, mjiiin-d the approval of the 
Qkambers, hod bi-cn ignored in Itome and overlooked in Paris. It met 
there with a fierce opposition, backed by public opinion. BJabops who 
saw their sees menaced appealed to GaUic^ii hbcrties, and the new 
delimitation of the dioccsi-t was rejected. The Libcmls raixcd a ay 
against • return to the Middle Agi-^ ngiiiiist on atUwk on religiout 
liberty, and against tampering with tlte Charter. Kichelieu was forced 
to abandon the Concordat in the shape approved of by the King. The 
new scheme contained alterations which Rome deemed inacoept^lfe. 
Consolvi coiiijjlaincd, not without caukc, that the French GoTemment 
had not kejit faith. It liad forced the I'npe, much against his will, 
to cancel tlie Concordat of 1801, and it now rejected a new treaty. 
Dut it was entirely owing to the moderation of Consalvi that the 
French episcopate consented to a peaceful arrnn^^cntcnt with Rome. 
The Pope wiut brought to accept as sole compensiktion the gmdoal 
iiicrea.'te in tlie number of bishopri<», to be carried into effect in 
accordance with conKLiltitioni\l forms. In August, 1819, this temponujr 
confirmation of the Concordat of 1801 became definite. 

The momentous episode led to fresh compUcationa. Jlettcmich wm« 
greatly displeased by the far-going concessions of the Catholic Power* 
to the Curin. In titv .Austrian hcrcdibiry States the ecdeaiastieal 
legislation of tlie latter ilava of Maria Teresa and Joseph II had been 
in practice softened, but it was still in force. Francis I tolerated no 
opposition to it and ruled his Italian kingdom in the same spirit. Ho found 
the Napoleonic Conc-nrdnt of 1803 still in force in Lombanjy and upheld 
it in spite of the disapproval of Rome. In Venetian territory, wliere 
Canon Law had been adopted after tlie fall of the Republic, he met with 
opposition fniin the clergy, who con&idercd the Austrian laws, especially 
those relating to marriage, an encroachment on ccclenostitail juri.-wlictiotL 
Nevertheless they wei-e upheld. 'Die Pope elected an administrator 
for the vacant Patriarchate of Venice, and Consalvi warmly supported 
him. In 1816, however, the Emperor installed a vicar of hu own 
t^ice. He insisted on the PUuxtmn regium, i.e. the necessity of royal 
sanction for the publication of Papal or Ecclesiastical decrees, and declared 
that Bishops in bis dominions were not bound to visit Home, either for 
examination or for consecration. The Jesuits and other Ordcre were not 
recalled. 'Ilie catechism was btught only in tlic churclies ; the schools were 



1 



I 



I 



I 



^ 




Uifr-9] Attempt to estabUth a German national Church. 145 

controlled by the State. Con»alvi bad boped to conclude s Concordat 
witb Austria; but behadnochanceof suocess. 'llic Kniperor was devout 
and a sinoeic belierer, but immovablti in ecclesiastical mattcn. In 1816 
Mcttcmicb was instructed to claim from Rome for the Austriaa Crown 
tbc right to ootnioate to all the episcopal sees and high eederiosUcal 
po«ts in the Veoetian territoty and in Raguw, as well as ia nibdivide the 
dioceses in Lombaidy, in Venice, Tjco\, and the N'orarlbcrg. Mettcmidi 
constantly represented to Rome that he vas unable to contend against 
Ihc Fcbronian principles largely held by the Austrian bureaucracy and 
even by the clergy. But he uiui himself so for from Irolding the ultix* 
montane vieit-s <^ his latter ytan that the prctaixiotis of the Curia had 
no more decided opponent. In 1817 he went to Italy, and Consalri 
oruciously expected liim in Borne. Mettomich did not come. "I'he 
extiaon^oary compliance which France had shown in settling the 
Concordat" induced him, on the contrary, to break off all official corrc- 
spondesce witb Consalvi. He wrote to the Kmpcror F^cis, explaining 
how he intended to profit by ilic " constemalion '" caused by his not 
^>pearing at the Papal Court to obtain by means of a private and 
fsnfidcntial correspondence all the conce&ions claimed by his sovereign. 

In 1819, after thus prcparinf^ the ground, he accompanied Francin 
to Rome. I'ius VII avoided nil points of oontroTcrey, and eipr u wd 
nuch moderate and reasonable opinions tbat the Emperor wished be had 
a Bishop like the I'ope to oppose the exorbitant pretensions of the 
Curia. Mettemich came to the desired understanding with Consalvi 

Already in 1815 ecclesiastical affairs in Germany had occupied the 
attention of the Congress at Vienna. Itfetteinich had forced ConMivi 
to promise not to enter upon private negotiations with German Prince* 
without his consent. He himself wanted a German Concordat to be 
concluded at the Bundaiag at I-'rankforl. Ills confidant was his 
cousin Henry von Wessenbcrg, the friend and Coadjutor of Calbcigi 
the Prince Primate. ITirongh We-«nberg He hoped to induce Germany 
to accept principles " which are i«al1y ours, without our seeming to 
impose them." What Mettemicli, IJalberg, ^Vessenbe^g, and their 
bUowers strove for was a Gennan national Church, according to the 
doctrine of Febroniua, of the Gallicans, the Emperor Joseph, and the 
resolutions of Ems. 

It WHS found impossible hi Vienna to recast the ecdesiostlcal 
organisation of Germany. Consalvi demanded in vain the restoration 
of the Holy Roman Empire, the reinstatement of the ecclesiastical 
electorates, and the restitution of Church property. ^Vhen his demands 
mnaincd tmhecded, he cntcrrd a Papal protest. Equally little was 
obtained at FnuikforL Dalbcrg died in 1817. His (still unconRrmed) 
Coadjutor at Constance, Wessenberg, was summoned to Rouk to answer 
for his conduct regarding ecclesiastical reform!^. He was called upon 
to retract; and, no twith» landing the intcrccMion of the Grand Duke of 



«, & IL X. OL V, 



10 



116 



Bavarian Concordat. 



[1814-7 



BfldcD and his selection Xty hi« clerg;)', lie was not mudv a BUhop, but, 
DO the contmry, tlic diocese was suppressed. From that time Wessenberg 
Moaed to play a part in ecclesiastical politico. His disgrace in Rome 
caused the plan of a German Concordat to be nbandoncd. MetK^mich 
then proposed rut a possible compromise that scpHmt* Coiuoixluts ^lould 
be drawn up on a common baiiis, as no single Prince would be so blind 
as to malie greater concessions to the Curia than the other German 
sovereigns. 

Bavaria was the first to dcniiind her own separate national Chiirdi. 
f^ince the dissolution of the Empire the Bavarian territoiial alterations 
with the consequent new subdinaion of btshopiica had necessitated an 
tinders taiiding with Rome. The attempt, however, bad repeatedly failed. 
From 152-1 until the beginning of the iiir»:tecnth century Bavaria bad 
been steadily reactianar^' in domestic aflaini, titough predisposed to a State 
Church, "riic most important purely German Catiiolic State passed as 
being tlie stronghold of the Counter-icformation. It was traiisforaied 
in the days of Napoleon by a forcigrnr of grwit abiHties, the Savoyard 
C«unt Montgelas. 'ITiis \'oltairian statesman secularised and reformed 
so ruthlessly that he lost Tyrol. At the Congress of Vienna Bavaria 
had successfully laboured for the exclusion of ecclesiastical afiatrs from 
the competence of the Diet. Motitgelas wanted a Bavarian Concordat 
with the I'apacy after the Napoleonic example, but he overrated the 
decadence of Papal power and was blind to the reviving Ultramontane 
feeling in the Catholic world. When, in 1814, he resumed negotiations 
for a Concordat, l*iu8 VII replied to his overtures by demanding the 
abolition of all Bavaria's ecclesiastical reforms, viz., the equal treatment 
of Churches, .tecular control of schools, and recognition of mixed 
marriages. The Crown I'rince, Mamhal Wrede, the King's daughter, 
Caroline Augusta, who was a &iend of the Jesuits and was now married 
to tbo Emperor Francis, Mettcmieb, and all ChuRJi influences, combiued 
agaiiut Montgelaa; and in February', 1817, he was suddenly dismissed. 

It remained all important for the Curia to influence tlie attitude of the 
Genoan Protestant Princes by exacting from Bavaria the greatest possible 
conccMionif. The plan succ<xrdc^, owing not a little to the mi.-unannge- 
nicnt of IlalFclin, the Bavarian Minister in Home. Hilflelin was a 
priest, who had formerly belonged to thofreethinkii)gii/uinina/i,aud was 
now cn'tttcd a Cardinal in recognition of his accommodatitig conduct. 
The Zelanti of the Cottf^irffnziow degH affm-i wtUtiattki framed the 
Bavarian Concordat on the principle that not the ecdewastical laws of 
the country but Canon Law alone should obtain in Bavaria. In return 
for the grant of two archbishoprics and six bishoprics to be filled by the 
King's nomination, Bavaria conceded the right of the Bishops to mpervisc 
schools and morals and to demiuid from the State the suppression of 
pernicious books; new monasteries might be founded and Canon Lav 
was to take precedence of Bavarian State Law. It was the most complete 



I 



I 



ims-s] Difficulties mth Bavaria. — Prusm'a. 



^ 






BubinU»on made by a modem State. At the same time the Curia 
received the promise that the Concorddt ^ould become part of tho 
Constitution of the kingdom. This was settled in 1817, coii.w<juentJy 
before tlie I-Vench Concordat wan, agnirmt the wiali of the Pope, brought 
before the French Chambers and rejected. 

The Bavarian Constitution established equality for the three religious 
deDominations, religious fh^om and liberty of conscience, State control 
over education and oi-vr the ndminintration of Church property, taxation 
of all cutbeiu. All theae provuiom were contrary to (]^non Ijiw, but 
they already existed in the religious edict of 1809. In 1818, the Con- 
stitution and the Concordat n-erc simultaneously promulgated. The 
treaty with Rome excited much indignation, and the King himself 
repented of hi.'< conce:<sions. As yet the Pope had not confirmed tlic 
episcopal appointments, which the King had made only on the strength 
of a Papal indult, which granted him that right for ever. Rumour 
spoke already of a schism, because Catholics were forbidden by the Pope 
to take the uiKonditional oath to the ConKtitution. In these circum- 
stances Consolvi resumed the direction of the ditHcult nc^tiations. He 
saved the chief clauses of the Concoiilat by obtaining a statement from 
the King, to the effbct that the Constitutional oath referred only to 
civil life, not to Divine laws or Catholic diictrine. But an edict was 
promulgated which "interpreted" the Concordat by repudiating ita 
intentions and reaffirming the previous conditions of ecclesiastical affairs. 
'Phe antagonism between spiritual and secular authority remained latent 
for the moment. The Concordat, still in force in Bavjirio, bcciut.*s for 
the Church her independence and provides for public worship and the 
maintenance of tlie clergy at Uic expense of the State. The Jesuits 
ore excluded from the country.* 

Prussia, like the whole of Protestant Germany, had been regarded 
Kincc tbu Peace of Westphalia as a miiuion country. The chiefs of the 
nii!<>ion were the BiHhopK, and, in case of the complete secularisation 
of a bishopric, it was governed by an apostolic vicar. Prussia was not 
forced to regulate the ecclesiastical conditions of her Catholic subjects 
until sbe had absorbed the ecclesiastical States on the Rhine and in 
AVestphalia. The Catholics complained that for twenty-live years the 
western bishopric* had licen left vat-ant, tlmt the episcopate had nearly 
died out, tliat tho Catholic Church in the Prussian State had been 
completely wrecked by the course of political events, so that, with 
the exception of the faitli itself, everything had to l)e entirely re- 
constructed. It was fortunate that the gi-eat historian Niebuhr was 
appointed Prussian Minister to the Holy See. Niebuhr occupied a 
singular jmsition. He was a sincere Christian, inclined towards mi,-8ticbm. 
In tiie Catliolic Church, as he understood it, the Temjwral Power was 
doomed. But his Conservative creed taught him to respect what existed. 
a tiovemmcuts civil rofoi'ms; he held tliat Uie State 



spec ted 



CB. T, 



lO-l 



148 Hanover. — The Stata of the Upper Rhine. [i3i&-s9 



I 



ahouH ]»Lve the Church in frocdom, uid should not ntteinpt ccdttuatiol 
nforms. Me quoted Lcssing, "who had ttx))r(»sed his di^ust st Febrownu 
and his dajngii." He knew thut the atUmpt to liberate the episcopate 
and the Churcti in accordance with the ideas of \Vc»cnbciT|; woidd enlut 
the sympathy of very few CathoUta^wid be look«l upon with iiidifierenoe 
by IVotestants. On the Rhine and in WetitphitJta it would only nuke 
Catholics disaflected. Niebuhr wi.ilicd fnr adnjuate proviaicMi for the 
support ot' the clergy, for Catholic achooU, universities, and «minitriw 
for the education of priests. He claimed for the Bishops the right to 
exercise ecclesiastical censure. Shotdd the Bishops cxcrdse this right 
in an iigudicJoua or tyrannical manner, the Cburdi, not the State, would 
suffer. Mixed nmrriagea alreaiiy formed the subject of debate with 
Home. Niebuhr proposed that marriages between Catholic's eliotild be 
legal in tho eye of the State, when controcti'd according to Canon 
Iaw, and that as regards declarations of nullity and separation Cazion 
Law should decide. 'His compromise prove<l a failure. It waa only 
after yean of bitter strife and long negotiations that the convention 
between Prtissia and the Curia, described in a later chapter, was 
arrived at The examples of France and Bavaria had been sufficient ■ 
warning against a Concordat. I'W election of the Biahops was left 
to the Qiapicrs, who were enjoinod by I'apal brief to propose only 
worthy persons for the King's approval. The Pope gratefully accepted 
the endowments offered by the State, and gave liia conMrnt to the new 
diocesan areaa, )lardenberg's presence in Home (1831) settled the 
rtnuuning difliniltiw with Pnisaia. 

Hanover maile £nutian claims, which caused the o^oliatiotis for 
• CoKordat with that kingdom to be abandoned. It was only in 18S4, 
under Leo XII, that Consalvi's coucesaions were reUirtantly a4!c^tad. 
The Hanoverian Government thereby kept the right of veto on Ui^tops 
cli0!«o for her two Catholic >«es. M 

C<Ht»lvi and the Fope had « won»e experience in dealing with ^ 
the Commisxion of Frankfort in 1819, which was entrusted with the 
ecclesiastical affnin of Um: smaller German States of the eccleoiastieal 
province of tlie lJpi>er KhJtiu, hrndod by Baden aitd Wurttembei^ 
It was proposed that the parish priests and Bishops should present 
three candidates for a bixhopric, of whom the aovereign should select 
one. The Metropolitan was to accq)t him, in spit© of I'apal objectioH^ 
if such were considered unfoiinilt^d, or if the Pope's disapproval waa mt 
owde known within the Limited time. This proposal was rejected in 
Bom« as treasonable to the Church, 'i'he Pope declined to invest 
Prgtfifitaut Priuw* nith a kind of patronage over Catholic Churches 
whieb he had refused to Napoleon. In these circumstances nothing 
wM attaJDcd exo^t a fresh dijttribution of the dioceses. The 6ve 
»ew e{»ifeopal Mxa were cmly (tiled under I.eo XII, 1837-9. 

Tlie influence of Meltemich, who, from 1819, became in ecdesiasti' 



I 




l811S-»] 



The Netherlands.~~Smtzerland. 



140 



nutten more friendly to the Curia, faroujtht about tn Baden a tum 
cf «Tenta highly fitrouraUe to Rome; the Grand Ducbr accepted 
eondition* aioiitar to those existing in Pnuna. The cooditions van 
olTered as an ultimatum to the other States, and finally accepted. 

Through these four treaties, with Bavaria, Prussia, Hanover, and the 
ecclesiastical Province of the Upper Rhine, the Catholic Church in 
Gomaiiyt excluding the million countnr ndministeRd by the PropngandA, 
wu norgani«ed and endowed. Consalvi did not azrivc at a similBr rcNult 
either with Switzerland or with the Netherlands. TIio Pope and the 
Belgian Bishops in 1815 had condemned the Constitution of the Nether- 
lands on the ground that liberty of religious worship and of the Press 
waa not acceptable to Catholics. The CouUtatkm, however, was carried 
against them. Tbe request of the Netherlands, that the Concordat of 
1801 existing in Belgiam should be extended to Holland, was refused hf 
the Curia in 1818, on the ground that there was no remton to renew such 
cluiKcs.iions. NAgotiations wliich lasted for nine yeare ended in 18!it7 
with the cxtennion of that Concordat to the NctherLindH, but czcliidtng 
from it the right of the State to select Bishops, which was ref\L-ted to a 
non-Catholic King. At the same time, a Bull sanctioned a revision of 
dioocMD areas. The Govcrnmi-nt delayed tlic execution of the Treaty, 
and the Revolution of 1830 rendered it inoperative in Belgium. With 
the nipport of tbe Belgian liberal Catholics, who adopted the doctrinea of 
Ijmennaia, the Catholic Church in B<'1;^um, after 18S0, was separated 
from iba State, but kept its privilcgvA. The BishopK were nominated by 
tho Popo and cliouc llioir parish priest* independently of tbp Govcmmi-nt. 

I The negoUiitions relating to a biahoprio of Luiem were wrecked 
by jealousiiD in tlie Bwiss Confederation and by the pretensions of 
oligarchical magistrates to supervise, not only the administrstloQ of 
Church projKTty, but aJKO tho eduoution of the cicrg)' in the seminario, 
fend their correspondence with Rome. The King of Sardinia had to 
overcome conscientious difficulties, before he finally cotuiented to meet 
tbe wishes of Geneva and to add a few parishes of the bishopric of 
Chamb^, situated in his territory, to thv bishopric of Freiburg. Ei-ery 
Swias Canton li^litted independently, In Church matters as in others. 
la tliew negotiations no hierarchical pretension was in theoiy sacrificed 
to tbe State. The conflicting claims tacitly survived. The Zelai^i, 
however, brought the serious charge against Conaalvi that he was a 
mem opportunist, and had, for the Mike of a modus vivcnd't, not pressed 
claims he might have established. 'I1ie Pope was aged and infirm : the 
conviction of statesmen, that after him negotiations would become still 
more difiicalt, bnlitatcd tbe task of Consalvi : and i-vm th« n-actionary 
pontificate uf Leo XU was compelled to uphold the policy which h« 
had inaugurated. 

The era of the Concordats was abo that of the Congr^te^ Tbe re- 
actionary Powers succeeded in subduing by military forcr tli« rvvolutionn 

ew. V. 



150 Consahi and the revolutionary m&uements. [leao-a 

ill Spain, Portugal, Naples, and I^nlmont. The ncc^^tity. us Gt-tiU 
put it to Chateaubriand, of opposing the nlliniice of European Power* 
to the progress of dixorganUation and to the oomioon dat^ier of 
conspirwies, also governed Mettcriiich'a policy towards Rome. The 
position of Consalvi never proved more dillicult than during the revolu- 
tion at Naples, which sprcftd to tLc Papal mdavct, Bcocvento and 
Pootc-Corvo, and tliri'tttoiied the Patiimony ibelf. The Spaiiisli Consti- 
tution of 1812 lutd been proclaimed in Naples, and had found supporten 
in Home, even among the Cardinals. The Sanfcdists hoped to rid 
Uiemselrea by a Counter-revolution of the system culled by them the 
tyranny of Conmlvi. Tlicy wished to eatablinh a cotiiilitution which 
recogni«ed no other dfiio mi nation tlian the Roman Catliolic religion. 
The elections were to be carried out with religious ceremonies, and 
secular priests were to be eligible as deputies. Proclamations and 
postcn in thi« scnKi; were to be seen side by nide witli nuinifestov of 
the Carboruiri proclaiming deatli to the priests and calling for a 
republic. But the Auatrians put the revolution down in a couple of 
weeks. During this crisis, which threatcntxl him in a twofold manner, 
Cousolvi showed extnordinary tnodetation and present of mind. 

In tlie States of tJie Chui-ch the "sects" were ao leniently treated 
that even murdei-ers escaped their just punishment. Consalvi re&oUitely 
stopped the cruel inquisitorial nietliodf followed by the CardinaU 
San Severino and Ru.-tconi in the Homagna. He informed Prince 
Metteniich that order had been restored tn Uonie and in the provinoex. 
He asBerted, for the Pope, the right of absolute neutrality ruid ilid 
his utmost to prevent the AustriaiiH from marching into Papal territory 
and occupying Ancona; but he was unsuccetsful. At Loibach and 
Veruiia ttie Papal Nuncio, Cardinal Spina, upheld this policy of 
non-intervention, to which Consalvi remained faitliful, even when in 
Spain and Portugal an nnti-Koman movement threatened >chixm and 
was supported by part of the clergy. The convents were supprctwcd ; 
some of the revenues of the Curia were curtailed and othcni abolished; 
the Nundo in Madrid received his pasaporti; the Patrinrchate in 
Portugal was arbitrarily reduced to Metropolitan rank, and Cliurch 
property was confiscated. NeverUielcM in 18^, after the French occujia- 
tion of Spain, the Curia refused to indict eccl«iiutticfil censures. Aa in 
18S1 with rcgai-d to Naples, so now Consalvi unhe.sitatingly declared 
that iiicfTectivu thrLvitA would compromise the I'ope and even expose 
him to ridicule. 

Until the riiting in NnjiK's was put down, Pius VII refrained from 
renewing expressly against the Carbonari his former condemnation of 
the Freemasons, When, at Troppau in 1821 , the three Powens, Austria, 
Ru.-u<ia, and Prussia, demanded of the Italian Courts the gradual intro- 
duction of indi.ipen sable reforms, Consalvi rejected this interference in 
internal affairs of the States of the Chun-Ji an inromixitiblc with Papal 



!B«-4] 



Deaths of Piu» VII and Consalvi. 



151 



I 



I 



indepeadeaoe. His own position towards his opponents would thereby 
have become more difBcult. He warned Mettcmich thiit, if the Pope 
BUpported, even indirectly, coaatitutioiial reforms in the kingdum of 
tlie Two Sicilies, he could not refuse similar in.ttitutions in ttie States 
of the Church, nor could he condemn the Spanish Constitution of 181S, 
whtdi admitted no other than the Catliolic religion. Mettemich'i 
pTopowJ for common nction Rgainst the Revolution, nnd ri<[H-ciu.lly for 
the estahlisliing of a cirntnil committee to supcnisu iukI punifih political 
offences in the Italian peninsula, was rejected in ISS3 at \'erona, in 
consequence of the combined opposition of the Papal and Tuscan 
Govern men ta. 

On Augwt 91, 1823, Con«dvi lost his father, friend, and mnaler, 
Pius VII. Altliougb KcriouMy ill hiniRolf, he uttcndcd the Pope in hb 
last sickness. After tlie customary prayers by the bedside he could not 
control himself, sank on hia knees, burst into tears and kissed the feci 
of the Pontiff. However dificrent the mild Pius \1\, so strong in mis- 
fortune and BO conciliator^' in action, was from his energetic and resolute 
Minitler, each po^AesAcd tJiat con.<t«iicy of purpose, kindness of heart, 
and devotion to duty, which left on tliis pontificate a mark of grandeur, 
and won for its head the reverence and love of mankind. Consalvi 
himself died on January 24, 18S4. In liiit will he desired that all the 
presents he had received should be sold, and the money employed to 
pay for Uie monument of the Pope, in the church of St Peter, on 
which Thomaldsen was at work. Mettemich acknowledges tliat, during 
the moat trying moments of their long relations, Consalvi never failed in 
perfect courtesy, and never betrayed a sign of disappointment. He left 
this world wiUi the sentiments of nncc-re piety which had dominated 
his life. 

Pius VII, a« well as Consalvi, was a lover of art In the year 1822 
the Braccio Nuovo of tlie Vatican Museum was opened. The excavations 
were continued without stint. Canova and Thorwaldsen were favourites 
of the Pope. In the old convent of San Isidoro, the German school of 
painters revived Chri.stian art. Here Overbcck of Lubeck, Pforr of 
Prankfort, Cornelius of Dimeldorf, Sehadow, Veit, Fuhrich, and others, 
lid a monastic life, and lived only for art. ^Vhen the brotherhood 
dispersed, its members carried their tradition far and wide. There 
was no literary life, but Consalvi never gave up the predilections of his 
youth for dassical poetry. Amongft tlie many foreigners who visited 
Rome, one of the most distinguished was Elizabeth, l>owager>DuchesK 
of Devonshire, a lady of great charm and cultivation of mind, who 
became Consalvi's devoted iriend and ardent admirer. Her house was 
Uic centre of tlie world of artists and men of lettent. The Duchess 
was beloved by the Romans as the benefactress of the poor, and only 
Birnved the Cardinal by two months. 

Anoibale dclla Gt-nga, the new Pope of the Ztianii, was elected on 

M. r. 



152 



Reaction wider Leo XII. 



[iea3-« 



ScptemlKT is, 183:3, agniiutt the will of Austria, and took tlie name of 
Leo XII. Hi* biogmphen relate that soon after his election, Iving 
ill at the Qiiirinal, he sent for the dying Conaalvj, who, during the 
Conclave, had energetically opposed his mndidature. After an inter- 
i-icw of tn-o hours the Pope npixilntcd the Cardinal Prrfcct of the 
Propaganda, cxprearing his admimtioti for hiit vicirn, and the wish to 
benefit by his adricc For this it was too late; Cardinal della 
Soniagtin, a man of eighty, who liad coveted power for forty years, wu 
made Sea-etary of State. The severe, almost monastical system tS 
Leo XII destroyed much that Consalvi had painfully constructed. 

I.eo XII's lirst encyclicAl repudiated toleration ut ludiflersnoe, ukl 
cenaond the Bible Sodeties. The secret tocieties were solemnly coo- 
dmined in 182G. Cardinal Rivarola, the originator of the reactian 
of 1814, and Legate at Ravenna, endeavoured without legal procedure 
and by secret inquisitorial methods to root out the Carbmeria, In 
three months he condemned 508 pcironx. In seven cn«rs he pronounced 
scntcnect of death, which however were not carried out. Under the 
''Prtcttto Polltuo'" ;j(j8 persons were placed onder police 9uper\'ision 
and forced to spiritual obserranoes. In Faenzo, where it had come 
to open war between the Sanfedists and the Carbonari, Rivarola had 
recourse to the idea of arranging marriage* between lioslilc families, 
'ilie people hnmoroioJy called them inarrii^t^ between eats and dogK. 
An attempt to assassinate Uivarola, who fled to Genoa, caused him to 
be replaced by the prelate Invenuzzi at the bead of a commisnion 
nhich, by n system of paid informers, filled the prisons. Seven execu- 
tions at Ravenna and two in Rome spread terror amongst the people, 
who, in the firet-named dty, fled into the country on the day of the 
i-xecutions. Invemizzi now changed hia tactics. He j)ni»iisi-d a pardon 
to members of the ** sects," in exchange for a rolnntary confession, and 
did not further molest tlie thousands who came pouring in, but left them 
exposed to the suspicion and revenge of tlw Sanfcdists. A Spaniard, 
Marco y Catalan, was against his own will appointed GoTvmor of Rome, 
and e^'en regulated worldly amusements, so that, for instance, waltzing 
was forbidden. The persecution of the Jews, who were confined to the 
Ghettos thruugliout the States of the Church, and tlic restriction pi«- 
vcnUng them from buying property, induced all the rich Jews to 
emigrate. By moans of Motuproprum of October, 18S4, and December, 
18S7, I-eo Xn abolished the organisation of his predecesHor. TTw 
l*rovincinl CounciLt were suppressed. Civil offendei-s were tried by a 
single judge. The episcopal jurisdiction waa extended to all cases 
conocniing ecclesiastical persons or property, blanphemy, breaches of 
the commandments of the Church, or sins against the wrenth Com- 
mandment. A congregation for studies supervised the entire educational 
nrtem, which was entnwled to a great extent to tl»e Jcuits, and 
paralysed initiative. 



I 
I 



I 
I 



I 
I 




iBSS-s] Hcclesiaxfical reform. — Fm-ci^i po/ici/. 



153 



The Pope wished to do everything by himself, and worked tDces- 
santly. He mistrusted his officittls af a claM to such aa extent that he 
instituted « Congregaxio'ie <ii Vigiianxa, which wav to watch them and 
to exnmine the coniplaints made against them. The efibct was to 
develop a Kysttem of delatitm. Moreover, notwithatandin^ the diminution 
of taxation and earnest endeavours of the I'ope, the 6nanoes, during 
this pontificate of ds't ycitrs. became more and more confused, and 
Consalri's hnanciid successes were undone. The Pope, who lived most 
frugally hiin»elf, lavished money apon public works, especially upon 
churches and convents, and began the rebuilding of the Basilica of 
St Paul without the walls, which was destroyed by fire. 

Leo XII was a fnciid of ecdestarticul reform, and conferred the 
CardiaaV* bat on tJie Jtole rcpi-esentative of such vicwK in the Roman 
}>relature of that time. This personage was Giuseppe Antonio Sato, a 
[irelate of the Dataiia, who had been frequently employed by Pius \'^II 
and Oon.iajri in the n^otiations with France and Germany. Sala liad 
already outlined plans of reform under Pius VI, and at the time of the 
l-'imrh invasion his diary throws a lurid light on the condition of the 
Iloman secular clergy' and of the convents, 'llie Hevolution Acenied to 
him to be a judgment of Heaven. " Fire and sword must be applied," be 
saya, ''to purify the clergy ; there is no other hope." But Saia equally 
hated the Jansenist*. the Preach, the Concordat of 1801, and ref^ardcd 
ever^' attempt to adapt modem views to the Cliurch un an unmixed 
calamity. In ISOO at Venice, and again in 1815 in Rome, he advocated 
ecclesiastical reforms in a Rotnan spirit, by strict adherence to the 
decrees of Trent. At the same time be iieiited on tlie nl>solutc Krpara- 
tion between the i'pintunl and tlie temporal, terming tJie latter " merely 
Rccidcotal and sccondaiy." Sala wished to see the administration of 
the States of the Church entrusted nearly exclusively to well-qualified 
laymen. A serioua attempt to carry out these proposal* for reform 
waa never made, but some of the nitmberlexs meatureK adopted by 
Leo XU, and aliio his dislike for the prelature, show bow groat the 
influence of Sala most in fact have been. 

In matters of ftneign policy the Austrian influence now waned 
before the French. Chateaubriand bccnme French ambassador in Rome 
in 18^. At the ^ine time the Ministry' of Maitignac in Parit broke 
with the clerical reaction, and tlie June Ordinances were publixhed, 
wbidi placed the small seminaries under the control of the Universi^, 
limited the number of ecclesiastical students, and prohibited rdigioiis 
Orders not ircogniscd by law, con^-quently also the Jesuits, from 
leaching. Leo XII promulgatitl a Brief approxnng the Ordinances. 
In a conversation witli Chateaubriand, he reiterated that they did not 
injure religious interests^ He described CConneirs altitude as incon- 
nderate and violent, and denied his assertion that a Concordat witli 
Kogland was pending. Thin^ were not ripe for that. "Jesus (^rist," 

en. T. 



154 



Pius Fill. Gregorif XFI. 



[l8£9-3l 




he added, " never spoke of the forms of government, but fiimpl]' enjoined 
obedience to authority." 

With Leo XII, who died, hftted by tlio people, on Februuy 10, 

1829, the (ittcnipt to force medieval conditions upon tlie Stateo of 
Ihc Churvh diil not end. Castighono, a. decrepit old man, was elected 
Pope on March 31 and took the name of Pius VIII. Chateaubriand* 
who got hold of the diary of a Conclavist, says that a letter of the 
^'i car- General of the Jesuits — Pavaoi — which he thus came to know, 
opened his cyc^. *'I had thought Pascal a calumniator, who bad 
bc({ticaU)V(I UR an everlasting lie. Pascal did not exaggerate. The letter 
of Pavoni, worthy of Kscobar, desen'es a place in the ProvmctaJa. The 
Society, suapectcd even by the Sacred CoUege, but recently reestablished 
and universally detested, nevertheless thinks itself entitled to dixpose of 
thctiaraand to meddle in everything. Tbciraudiicity iitgrcAt.'' Chateau* 
briand, who left Rome koou after, advised the Conclave to choo«e a Pope 
suitable to the time. In his repoi-ts he predicts the future imity of 
Italy and scorns the confusion of ideas which mistook an irruiistiblv 
movement for the machinations of a handful of Jacobins. The prim&r}' 
cause of the dediiic of the Papal Government was its financial ooaditicai. 
•''Hie taxes," he says, "amount to fifty millions, and hardly leave the 
landowner one per cent, of his income; the duties bring nest to 
nothing ; smuggling is unirenal. The Duke of M odena has erected on 
hi* own territory a warehouse for goods aubject to duty, which after 
nightfall are smuggled into Ilologtiese territory. Italy ia ripe for 
revolution." Such were his la.'it words on the eve of the crius of 1830. 

Piua VlII and his Sccietary of State, Albani, to wliora the Pope 
owed his election, only governed for twenty months. Pius VIII got rid 
of the nyntem of spies which his prcdroewior had organised, but did not 
prevent Albani, who was anything but <*tci'ni«l, from strengthening 
the Sanfedists, and continuing irritating political inijuiries, thereh^ 
etrcngthening the revolutionary HKJeties. Kiota and disorder at Ceaena, 
Imola, Rulognn, preceded the storm of 1830 in the States of the Church. 
Pius VHI lived to w-c Catholic Emancipation in England, and did not 
hesitate to recognise the July Monarchy, He died on No>x'mbcr SO, 

1830, with a last useless appeal for peace in Italy. While the Condavt 
was sitting for the election of his successor, the Roman police fruatrated 
a plot headed by tJie brothers Bonaparte. ^Vith the assistance of dis- 
contented ofRoers, they had intended to raise the cry of " ItaJy, Rome, 
Uberty," and revolutionise the Eternal City. Itie Bonapartes fled. 
On February 2, 1831, Mauro CapcUari, a monk and a theologian, was 
elected, and tooi; thw name of Gregory S\l. He came from Belluno in 
tlie Venetian territory, and wa.t the luilhor of writings defending U>e Papal 
sovereignty and infallibility as well as the monarchical constitution of 
tlie Church. A* his Secretary of State he appointed Bemetti, who had 
already tilled that post for a short time under Leo XII. 



< 

4 
4 



4 
4 



,-«3 



Bmng in the Papal States. 



166 



On February 4 tlie Revolution broke out in Bologna, Eprcfuling ovvr 
tlie Romagna, the Mai'cltCH, and even over Umbria. Pnpal soldier* iiaKstxl 
over to the enemy. Hired mercenaries pcipofrated all kinds of cruelty 
in Rimini, Ravenna, Forli, and Ccscna. The Legate fled from Boli^na, 
where th« Italian tricolour was hoisted, and a provisional GoTemment 
appointed. I^c rrprcwntative of the Pope, Cardinal Bcnvmuti, waa 
taken prisoner. Within a forttiight four-Bl'th-i of tliL' Stjttes of tlic 
Church had fallen avi-av, and the National Congress at Dologna openly 
pvodaimod the object of the movement to bo the unity of ItiJy. Thuy 
counted upon tlie support of France, which, however, foiled completely, 
Louis-Ill ilippv having bound himself to the principle of non-intervention. 
Gregory XVI dumamled help from Austria, which had just supprcsse<]t}te 
revolution in Parma and Modena. The Austrian troops entei«d Uologna 
on March 81, and ten days afterwards the rising was suppressed. 

ComalTi bad comistently rejected the interlercm-e of fon-i;^ Powers 
in the domestic afikirs of tlie Pujml States, (iix'gory XVI h»d hiinaelf 
appealed for foreign aid and was thus no longer able to make good any 
similar claim to independence. A memorandum which was drawn up iu 
Rome in 1631 by the ambassadors of France, Austria, Russia, Prussia, 
jointly with the rcprwwntative of England in Florence, demanded an 
extended amnesty, laymen in the civil service, the establishment of 
mtmicipal and provincial Councils elected by the people, the institution 
of n Council of Stale, and of a, Consulta for the Finances, compared of 
laymen, ^^lis was a wtciucl to the Motuproprio of 1816, and equally 
doomed to failure. Demetti had to pretend to accept these proposals. 
With the exception of thirty-eight cases he conceded the amnesty; 
and on July 5 a Motuproprio of the Pope granted a provincial and 
municijwl rcpn-sivitation which the Powers considered to be Rufficicnt 
Tiie restrictions of 1H16 were adiiei'ed to. 'ITie Government named the 
CouncilloTB, Home and the neighbourhood being excluded. Im[»«re- 
ments were made in the administration of justice. In the provinces the 
Courts were composed of laymen. Courts of Appeal were instituted, and 
the monxtrous UiiUore SanttMlmo was abolished. The I^cgntes were 
still to be ecclesiastics, but their officials were to be laymen, tliat is to 
•ay, members of the prelature. However, provincial protests showed 
that these reforms remained a dead letter. But the representative (^ 
England alone ruilised the danger, and predicted trouble. 

The utuations in the Legations very soon led to anarchy. With the 
exception of Comacchio and Ferrara, the Austrians had evacuated the 
Papal territory in July, 1831, but in January, 1838, they were recalled 
by tlie Legate- (Cardinal Albiini. Thereupon Cnsimir Pt'ricr, tlie eiiei^Ue 
Minister of Louis- PliiUppe, issued a proclamation to the iuliabitants of 
the rebellious little seaport of Ancona, whither be sent a French fleet. 
France, lie said, had come to stipport the cause of the {K-ople against 
despotism, and to i-esist the encroaclmients of Austria. With tlie 



IM 



Aujctrian and French tnicrvetUion, 



[iMi-u 



support of the liberal Government in Englftnd, ag»in>t the will of 
the Continental Powers, Freoch troops Uttded in Ancona, where tbe^ 
renuuned till 1638. Alctlcmich termed this iotenditioa a violation of 
intcnuitjotul Inn-, Lord PulioeRtton dcftodod it* and, fiaallif, the ^pa) 
Govcrntnent itself hnd to sabmit. The ssMnination of the PapKl 
OovemiH' of Ancona, the mU\-ing*place of the LibenitB, ioduoed 
Gregory XVI to put the town under an interdict; and the attitude 
of France changed after P^rier'a de»th, on May 16. Tbc French troop* 
drove tbc Liberals out of the city and helped to restore the Papal 
authoritiea. Benietti, supported by Mettemieh, refused all further 
rcformii with the explanation that they cxtuld only be granted by a 
Government which m* perfectly &eo; For bis defcace the Pope counted 
on bis fiOOO mercenariei, moatlj Swiia, aud on tlw roliintj^ militia 
which, under the name uf Centurions, were employed by Bernetti in the 
Romagna in preference to regular troopa. These dreaded forces of the 
Sanfedists, which nominally cost nothing, wen maintained at the expenae 
of the Liberals, and exercised a rugn of tenor which d'Aac^Uo has called 
a di^^rncc to niiinkind and to reli^on. In tlw exceptional tribunals, 
whicti had been constituted, the nine peraons acted as aocoien and 
judgci. The proceedings were aeoret. Bepreariou was tlie polic}- of the 
Government and became more aocentnatcd when Gregory X\'I dismnsed 
Bcnii;tti in 1836 and appointed the Genoese, Lambruschini. Secretary 
of StatA. Kvei) the I'ope hiul to bow to the deMpotic will of tlic now 
Minister. 

Matten were ao tax settled that nt tlie temlnatlon of the Aoatlkn 
occupation in 183S the P^Mtl administration was restored in the Lega- 
ttons under the rule of Cudinal'Legabes, who, like Amat and Grimoldi 
at BaTcnna and ForD, did their utmost to tighten the bunion of the 
system. One rising, at Viterbo, was suppressed with inexorable wvcrity 
by the l>elegate Antonelli, the future Secretary of State of Pius IX. 
'lite appar«Qt restoration of order, which enabled the Pope to tnml 
throu^ the Marches, proved delusive. In 1843 bodies of fraebooteri 
gnth<Ted in Uic Romitgnn. )f aittiu. Bishop of Imola, and two Oaidinals;, 
wilt) hapj^ened to be with him, were very nearly taken prisoner* by 
Ribotti, a leader of these bands. Ribotti escaped. 'Ilie severe L«>gate 
Hpinola was supeneded by the eUU sterner Cardinal Vaonicclli. In 
^fay, ISl-t, seven sentences of death were carried out: and hh rule was 
so inflt^'xiMe that the Cardinal •legates Amat in Ravenna and Gttti 
in Forli helped the victims of hb Courts-martial to fly, and ptotcatad 
against pro«x«ding« which could have no effect in paci^ng the country. 
The insurgents addroMed from Rimini in 18i5 an appeal to the Hspal 
Government, praying once more in moderate language for the icdMH 
of gricvanees impo«ible to bear. Iliey demanded a general amnesty 
and a new civil and penal code, abolition of cooflscation of landHt 
property and of M-ntencc of death for crinm of tnwon, ei»An<-i(Mtiou of 



4 



I 



18«] 



The Protest of Rimini. 



167 



laymen from ecdesiastical jurtsdicttoii an<l from the InquuiUon in nattent 
of fiaith; th« trial of political oHenceH by ordinarj Courts; election for 
munidpa] CounciU subject to the ratification of tJio Pope, 'i'be muni- 
cipal Coundli were to propose candidatv!! for the provincial Councils; 
these in their turn to nominate for the Council of StJat«. But the thnc 
Assemblies were to hare merely consultative function)). The petitioncn 
further <lemiind«] the right of financial control, and admission to the 
cdril scnicc for Iaym<'n who did not belong to tho prclaturc. Public 
education, with the exception of religious in-itruction, wna to he ivmovL<<l 
from the control of the Bishops and clergy; the Preventive (.'ensure on 
pnblicationa was not to be abolished, only restricted. Foreign troops 
w«n to bedi»baiidH, and it nittional guiml formed. Hcforms, niich ai 
the experience of well n-giilnUnl iitntiv might xhow to Ih: Ixtivlicial and 
ad^ited to the spirit of the age, obould be gradually intioduced. 

The doniment was drawn up by Farini, who became afterwards the 
Minister of I*itis IX. On many point:( it wa:( in harmony with th« 
SltAuproprio of 1816 and the refonn projt^U of 1H:11. I'hiit statement 
of dainu gives a truer picture than any elaborate dcsci-iplion of the 
omdition of the Papal States under Gregory X\'I. But we may add 
that in 1846, the year of the I'npc's death, \.h.<-- 'inniial ddidt amounted 
to 900,000 fctuU. ' I1ti! National Debt had ri.ieu by 26,000,000. I1ic 
"Protest of Rimini" against the blind fanatical party which had cap- 
tared the Popo was addressed in the name of the Roman p^ulation 
to tho Princes and the people of Buropc, and wa-t read all over Italy. 
i..ambrusdiini, who once morn suociwiin'l in sMpprc-ttlni; the rising, 
disclaimed in a spedal pamphlet the intention of yielding in any way to 
the Uevolutioii. The secular Government remained unchanged, committed 
to a policy of repression, filling the prisons, mtting up permanent Courts- 
martial, and, in the liuit rurart, counting iijmn tbe Mipiiort nf Atutria. 

The spiritual authority of the Pontiff, however, had in thia period 
to deal with questions in comparison with which the inteicsts of the 
tfazoatcned Temporal Power appeared conipanitiicly unimportant. In 
the early twenties of the ninete«!nth century religious views witliin Uie 
Catholic Cbureh took & torn which produced modem UltramontanUm. 
TTie new tendenciea stood in direct contradiction to those of the 
eighteenth century, to tbe Janscnist movement and the Fcbronian ideas 
which succeeded it 

funcs tho rule of Fleury, Jansenism was dead in France. Individual 
JoDsenists survired for • long time in private life, under tho sting of 
affliction, in several bishoprics and universities. In Louvain, whence 
Jansenism had started, Quesoel was support^L Van F.Hpcn taught thcr«, 
and his disdple, Nicolas von Hontlwim, wrote under tiie nam« of 
fetnvniut. Hmitbeiin, who was Coadjutor of T'ricr, and an excellent 
mail, endeavoured, under the influcoce of GaUican doctrines, to create a 

em. T. 



168 



Febronius.— TA« Pundations of Ems. [i763-s6 



German national ecc1esia>iUcal law. He started, in hts work, J)e siattt 
Kclealae rt de Ugltima polestaU Romant pontificis (1763), frurn tlic n.H.-(uiiip- 
tion that Pnpol nulhority, thicfl^ owing to tJie forged Decretals, had 
exceeded itji original limtti<, had been changed into inonanlucal rule, and 
should be restored to its original position as it existed in the eight first 
centuries of the Churdi. 1'he PapAl monarchj' should be replaceil b; 
•It epi.TCopftl government. Tlie Pope wan to keep the first place among 
Uiiihopa; his Primacy was to be mainlined for the preservation of the 
unity of the Church, But Christ was tlie sole Monarch of the Churdi, 
guiding her through the Holy Ghost, Kaving her from error. "Xhc in- 
fallibility of the Church wm, however, not an vt{faUU>Uilas mthaiomty 
but directlonU ; and, on this basis, an understanding between Catholics 
and Protestants, Ilontheim s chief object, could be arrived at For this 
pntcticol end he nxximmcndcd the instruction of the people, the conTo- 
oation of M National Council, the introduction of National Synodif. An 
assembly of Catholic Princes and Bishops of (lermany should be called 
together and a Statute finally limiting the power of the Primacy should 
be issued. The placetum regium and the appeUatio ab abusu wore to be 
tlie k^il barriers erected nj^nst the encroachments of tltc Curia. 

Febronius was read in all Catholic countries, attacked and defended, 
and finally condemned by Clement XIII in 1764. The autlior retracted 
in 1778, at the imperious demand of Pius VI. The retractation was 
ambiguous ; but Ilontheim died in 1790, at peace with Rome, He had 
lived to sec the four Archbiohops of Trier, Mnin;^, Cologne, and Salzburg 
draw up at the Congress of Knix, in 1786, S.*} articles which, in a 
Febronian spirit, regulated and partly transformed the position of tlie 
German Metropolitan Churches towimla Itome. Should the Pope not 
accept the " Punctations of Ems'' within two years, a German National 
Council was to be summoned, so as to assure their application. 

Joseph II, who himself desired the establishment of a national 
Church placing the episcopate and the clergy under the tutelage of Uie 
State, when called upon by the four German Archbishops to carrj- out the 
resolutions of Ems, expressed his entire a^ccmcnt, on condition, however, 
that llic Bishop.t nhould previously Ix; brought to concur. This was 
never uecomplished. 'i'he subjection to Papal control was in reality a 
guarantee of independence for these Bishops and for the high ccdesiasUoU 
dignitaries in the Empire. They were afraid of losing it, should they 
be submitted to the strict rule of the Metropolitai> auUioritics or to 
that of the State, as was the case in Austria. Their opposition, and the 
doubtful attitude of the Electors of Mainx and 'nier, who negotiated 
privately with the Curia, shattered the plan for the orf^anisation of Hie 
German Church even before tliu death of JoMcph 11. On the eve of the 
Bevtdution, a reform introduced by ecclesia.-.tical Princes who ruled in 
sccordanoe with the principles of the Aufkldrung, and of whom not one 
khowod intellectual supciiority or dignity of life, was an anuchrouism. 



I 



I 




)76ie-iSM] Reaction against GalUcanism and Febroniatiisin, 150 

As Nuncio at Cologne, Pacca had tried to obstruct m every poi^blc 
way a moventnit which he termed a conspiracy against the Church. He 
hiuiself and his followere indiscriminately oscnbcd it to the JaRwnist«, 
the Gallicana, tJie Philosophers, the FreeniasoiB, He denounced Frbronbu 
a« on infamous book : he accused Pius \'I of neglecting the duties ot bit 
supreme ofHcc, because he hesitated until 1789, before he thrattcitetl the 
four ArcJibUhops with censure, with the reitervation tltat innovations in 
C3iun:h discipline should really be intended. But it cannot be denied 
that Honthcin), Gerhard van Swietcn, and the priests and thcologjims 
of their school, Mipported many things whicJi the Jatisenistt of Uie daj* 
of the Abb^ de Saint-Cyran and Pascal would have emf^tically 
condemned as the very root of the evil against which they had ralwd 
the stjuifliird of religious rcfonn. Nevertheless Jansciii-vm was held 
chiefly responsible for the National Church movemctit. 

After the eighteenth centurj-, all the reactionary poweta of the 
Church wcrc arrayed against the Janscnist and FchroDton doctrines. 
This opposition tx^caine a system after tlie Restoration had I>eoonie an 
accomplislicd fact in continental Europe. It had been preceded by the 
Romantic movement, on intellectual phase which made for peace in 
the religiouK strife. The reaction of sentiment again.it the czdusit-c 
and dry ideails of eighteenth centuiy logic, the lore of the past, the 
revival of the science of history, were so many elements favourable to 
C«tholici»m. In the domain of religion Romanticism checked con- 
troversy. The struggle against unbelief inclined all Chrittianit to place 
common faith above merely denominational differences. The Breton 
Chateaubriand, who knew no other creed than the Roman Cathi^c, 
nevcrtbclc«s called the book which inaugurated French Romanticism 
The Genius qf Chrut'tanily. In tlie whole work there is only one passing 
allusion to the Papacy. ^Vben 25 years later Chateaubriand rcilcratwl 
his coafc3»iion of futh, it mounded like a protest, whidi Rotaaiiticism 
would have endorsed, agaitist Uic aggrtftsive attitude of an altered time: 
** I belong to the genend community of all mankind, who since the 
creation of the world have prayed to God. Independent of all powers 
except Him, I am a Christian, without ignoring my weaknesses, without 
thinking myself better than other men, witJiout being a persecutor, 
an inquisitor, an informer, without wishing to accuse my brother or to 
calumniate my neighbour. I am not a sceptic, disguised as a Christian, 
who considers religion a useful means of compulsion for the people. 
I explain the Go»pcI, not in the interest of de^poli«ii), but as a comfort 
for the sorrowing. ...Those who nowadays would bind the Catholic 
religion to a particular form of government, and place her in apposition 
lo science and progress, severing her from society as it now stands, 
would drive nations towards Protestantism instead of realising that this 
Catholic religion is Uie highest order, the very eK»euoe of iCMon, i^ in 
loct, liglit itself." 

CM. V. 



160 



Romanticism. — Holler.— Sonatd, [inu-isie 



The same views inspired the Gennan Ilomftntics. Timr f^reatest 
poet, Novalix, was & CatLotic ia feeling, died it Frottatuit, and directed 
the hope of tJie future towardit on et^nol ineffable oommanity, a living 
Christianity. Their greatest conTert, Friedrich Leopold Stolbetir, ncrer 
reviled tlie faith he abandoned, and mentions Bossuct'ft eiratiical E-rpon- 
Uon de la FiA Calholiqiu aa the book which dcddcd his n:tuin to tJio oM 
Church. Their grcatciit political wnter, Jowph QOrrea, nitod hinndf 
to the rank of a "European Power," not only becauae he attacked 
Napoteon, but becaiue he represented the cause of nationality and 
liberty against absolutism. Uomanticisni became hostile to the Govern- 
ments, when in Europe the Restonttioo beeotne identified with tlie 
reaction. 

The Restoration required n thenty strong enotigh to justify ita 
existeiKC. It wo* provided before the Counter-revolution txgnn. Itx 
expoimdent weru laymen who had been driven by the excesses of the 
Itevolutian into unrelenting hostility to modem methods of gorennnent. 
l)e Maistre, the greatest of Ibcnc rcHctionartt.'s, called the Revolution 
dlaboliral ; "the Countor-it-volution," he says, "i« nothing if not Divine." 

ChronologicRlly, Karl Ludwig Yon Hnllcr, the Swiw convert and « 
jurist, wivt one of the tirst representatives of the new political philosophy. 
His work, The Restoration ^ PolUtail Science, waa directed against the 
doctriiMw of the Contrat t^iai. According to llallcr, the State (a i» 
society of persons whose individual requirements produce general laws. 
llieac irst on the neoenitj for help and protection, which con ocdy tw 
Accorded by nn nuthority proTtdcd with ade>|iistc foi-cc. The sover^gn 
ia only fxnmd by Ilivinc and nntunl laws. The olxidiencc of the subject 
in l[mitc>d by the reclpnx-nl dcmawl-t of order and liberty. Oppontlon 
to authority may be legitimate, but isi mrely advisable. DivLiIon of 
powers, representation of tho people, and "paper constitutions" an 
diHriinlcd. t>lato Assemblies arc rcstnctod lo the right of suggostion. 
'Vh.v |>OH.s«wioii of power, e^'cn in republics, is nut a mere choocc, or 
a simple bcL It is the consequence of the government of the worlds 
Mtd every aovcreign rtUea ** by the Grace of God." The chief object of 
the eodedastlcal State is not to promote justice or well-being, but to 
inform doctrine. A community of the faithful reqiurcs ft Church, and k 
Church mait liave a hicmrdiy. Its moioteniuKC Dcc«8*itatcs landed 
property and temporal power. In dangerous times ecumenical Councils 
are recommended, but placed under the authority of the Head of the 
Church on earth. 'I1te liberty and welfare of individuals is subordinate 
to doctrine. 

Tlie publication of Plaller^ book in 1816 was regarded as a political 
event. The Viconite de Bonnid had taught similar thcorin so early 
as 1796. He is the advocate of ttie alliance between the throne and 
the altar, of the religious and monarchical sovereignty, according to 
the patriurdiol ordinituco of the family. All cognition U dependent on 



4 



4 
4 



-«] 



Joseph de Mairtre: Du Pape. 



101 



reVDUtion. Man lias not Ute right to i^tilxftituta liia own undcraUuidiii^ 
(at tba general reason, which i« the gift of God mu) the aouroe of 
Um traditions protcrvcd and handed on b; Utc spiritiuJ authoril^. 
Abmlute gnrernroent is beat in the State as wdl as in the Churt^L Its 
support is the nobilitv, which has set an example of tvIf-Kicrificc and of 
strict obedience to duty, In contmst to the modern craving for enjoyment, 
luxury, and gain. The maintciianee of primogeniture, the direction of 
(dooatton by the Church, tlie abolition of tlic French Charier, "a work 
of madiwuff aod darlcncss," the indissolubility of marriage, arc conditioiiB 
loM down by Bonald for the success of the Counter-revolution. 

In such theories a far more powcrfu) mind, the Saroyard Count 
Joseph de Alaistre, greeted the cxprc^inn of hh <iwn vieai. Froiii 180S 
tmtil 1817 he rcprescnti.-(l itt Uie Court of St l*ett;ni}>urg his laiidle^ King, 
who dill not undemtant! him, and left him in want During these years he 
wrote Dh Pape, l)i V^gllse GaQicane, Le^ SoWtt^ ffc Saint-PfUrtbourg, 
whkfa have fumJAlicd modem UltmmontjLnisiii with itt gcitcnd stork 
of ideas and doctrines. Already, in 181.'!, de MaiMj-e ninintaitied tliat, 
oabdde his Nystein, tlw defence of Chriatiaoity was impo^ible. According 
to him the origin of political institutions is not human but Divine. 
GounttonA, past, present, and future, form a whole. A nation Es not 
« ehsDce re>i]lt but a living oi;ganism. Individual reason may orr, but 
tilt general reason of mankind is infallible. It is entrusted with a 
tnaaure of tradition, of Dinne origin, which corroborates Christian trutli. 
Sotc w gilty, whatever name it may (wsumc, comes from God, and its 
frnm is to be not despotic but absolute. It is based, not on human 
law, but on the unfathomable will of God. Legilinuttc kings arc Hit 
ddegstca and for that very reason subject in spiritual matters to the 
rstmsentativc nf spiritual sovereignty — the Pope. There is only one 
tina Church, and that is the Catholic. The Pope is its absolute luid 
Uifidlible head. It is not a mistake but a folly to place a Council above 
• Pbpo, for without liim all decisions are null and void; the duty 
of obedience is the first duty of all. The originators of rebellion and of 
TWt^ution alike are the ProtestanU and their kinsmen the Jansenists, in 
socood tine the Gallicans. Pcrhup!., Mym de Maistrv, vrc laymco shall 
be able to provide the Pope with weapons which may prove all the 
nora useful, becouie they were forged in the rebel camp. I>e Maistn 
hanlly overrated his powers. He possc«£od the mind and ihc wit of 
Voltaire as well as a splendid et<M(uviii;e, capable of every forni of exprc»- 
don. Ho was philosophically trained, and read I'lato, Ilaoon, Maltliu.i, 
Kant, in their own tongui^ as welt as the Mystics and the Fathers of the 
Church, lie used and misused history for his own endx, as one who 
knew it well, lie did not live to witness the triumph of tluit i^efterated 
r^^^on, wliich he luul preached, and which according to him was only 
Bouther name for the restored theocracy. IIis book Du Pape was tlie 
whieli he him»clf published, before his death in 1831, The 



only 



« K, N. X. CU. V, 



11 



163 



iMtiiennais. 



[i«n-» 



nuinUe of the I*n>[>liet fell from his sbouldvn on Uiose of an eloquent 
priest, ¥i\it\\£ dc LaitienitRia, the greatest talent of the French Chiudi 
fiince Masaillon. 

He f430 hnd begun his literary ran?er with an ftttoek on the GttQfoaii^ 
on the JansenisU, und on the Organic Articles. In 1817, in hb thirty- 
fourth year, be reluctantly entered the Mwred ministry. Detween 1817 
and 18S3 there followed the seteral rolumeA of his JSusa't avr rindifffrrwr 
en vtatttre de RHigion. Indifference, aecording to him, is the culpable 
r^nalisation of Error and Truth, the root of all the evil of the day, 
"What U truth, Mondcur TAbb^?" de Maistre had asked; "tlie only One 
who could hare given an aiiitwer did not choose to do bo.* Lamcnnaia 
rctorls: " Slan hHB in his unstable intelligence no infallible test for tnith. 
He has to search for it outside himself in the aennn communis, that is in 
thoK geneml postulates on which nearly all men agree. The eonfidenee 
in the autlmrily of that judgment is not awidcntnlor clinnpenble ; it fa 
innate in our nature. 'ITie question is not to prove its iufailibility. It 
is sufficient to appeal to the fact that such an authority exists because 
it is impoKfible to reach bcjF'ond it. Now, all truths indispensable to 
mankind have originally been revealed by God, preserved by tradition, 
and Mft^mrded by the authority which is evoltei'! hy the gtnoral consent 
of mankind. Hiially, they develojied into (rhnstianily, are set before 
IIS in the Catholic Church, and are embodied in her Ilead. Through 
the Fope alone individual reason receives the truth. All authority, all 
temporal power and sovereignty, are founded on him. He deddw the 
pi-i)t>lein» of science, the fate of Stjitej«, he is the living tradition of 
mankind." The final appeal to mankind is the key to I^Amennais' 
system. When Monarchy and Papacy had failed him, be turned to the 
people, to Democrncy. 

The slnigglc lasU-d ten yenrs. Even Charles X opposed the demat>d 
of Bonald, of I^mennaiH, and of tlie postliumotia workx of de ^faistre, 
that he should adapt his gavcnimait to Theocracy. At the moment 
when 15,000 ecclesiastical posts were vacant, Lamennais suggested that 
all education should be entrusted to the elcrgj-, and declared the 
University, at the head of which was n nn'ld and sensible Bishop, to be 
a hotbed of atheism. Consequently, in 1BS6, nmrly all tlie Bl<thoptt uid 
Archbishops of Fmnee united in defence of the rights and principles of 
the Gnllican Church, continually attacked and insulted by Lamennais. 
Wlien U>c Ministry of Afartignac, with the consent of Rome, determined 
to dose educational establialiments directed by the Jesuits or by other 
non-authorised congregations, the breach between Lamennais and the 
Moimrchy was completed. \\'ith the work entitled Des progr^s de la 
Rh'ohtt'nM et de la guerre contre r^^giix (1829) he openly joined the 
opposition. He predicted the oollapxc of the existing order of things 
and claimed, in the name of Catholics, liberty of the Press, of consdeDOCf 
and of cduakliun. 



4 



isao-si] 



The Tcriters of' L'Avouir. 



l«l 



He did not attempt to explniii th« nudrlenneas of the change. He 
wrote that liberty, which had been claimed by atheism, was hcnccforwaid 
to be denuutded in the name of God. Ho welcomed the lU^voliition of 
1830 as the beginning of the liberation of the Church from the tyranny 
of the State. Separation firom the State was the condition of salration 
and the design of Providence. With the aid of the rising ^neration, 
of Ijioordairc, of Chwrlcs dc Montalembert, and encotiragvd by the 
RtiTolution in Belgium, and by Catholic Kmaucipation in England, 
Lamcnoais founded the newspaper VAvemr. It welcomed all revtdu- 
ttODB, those alifady accomplished, and those yet to come It advocated 
liberty of oon^cicncc, revision <if Uie Concordat, and supprcisioii of 
the itudfft-t de.i (Stita. The Otholic democracy was bound to accept 
the entire Catholic doctrine and the absolute power of the Pope, to 
whom the prerogntit-ot of the Bi^fiojM were imconditicmully «imi>dered. 
The revi.-wd Oinstitiition of 18.S0 guaranteed freedom of education : the 
young coUaboratore of I^iiiennais grasped tl>e occasion and formed the 
Agmct Cathoiiqite. A year bad not passed before they had exhausted 
the patience of the Goycmmenl, which they prcswd to intervene in 
Poland, *.■» well a* that of the cpiwopote, which they continually chained 
with being indift'etxiit and devoid of principle. An episcopal petition 
asked in 1S31 for the interference of Uome. At the same time, the 
pTOclamntion of the theories of VAvmir coincided with risingi in 
Italy, Lftconhure, who always remained an advocate of Italian onitv, 
did not deny to the subjects of the Pope the right to regulate their 
own destinies: "a free it])ot on earth," jo he wrote in UAvnir, "will 
alwayK be found for the Pope." lYissed by the diMpproral of the 
episcopate and by the interference of the Government, the contril«itor* 
to L'Azenir now likewise appealed to Komc. Alirady, in 1820, Iji- 
mmnai*, addressing himself to dc Maiatrc, hiid deplored the hesitations 
of the Holy See, which wotihl not realise that the traditional methods 
had become inadequate, and failed to compn^end de Maistre's Rplendid 
defence of the Pupal Power. Dc Maistre, agreeing with Lamranais, 
an.swenxl Umt lie felt a.^hamcd of CatIio!i<'ism, Uiat lie based greater 
hopes on England tlian, for instance, on Austria or on otlier countries, 
wbeie the truth was pennilted to decay. Dc Maistrc was dead when, 
in 1824, Ijco XII rpreivetl lytuK^nmiiit at the Vaticnn. The idea of con- 
ferring the Cai-dinalate upon him was given up, owing to distrust of hi.t 
doctrine on the pnrt of Roman theologians. 

Lunetinais, together witli Lucordaire and Montalembert, returned 
to Rome in 1881, with a promise of entire submission to the decision 
of the Pope. Gr^ory X\l was reigning. Threatened by the Revo- 
lotion, pressed by the Powers to concede refonn, supported only by 
foreign bayonets, be refused then luid later to alter his system of govem- 
mcnt. The supposition that he would foster an atlianoe between the 
Church and Demociacy as su^catcd by Lsmennois was inconceivable. 



CB. V, 



11— X 



164 



The Papacy condemm Lamennais. [l«32-7 



N«rcrthe)e» the Pope hesitated to pronounce judgment. Lacordaire 
waa the first to see the hopelessness of tlto cause, lie left his friendit, 
returned to France, luid soon tUlcrwardii ciit«rc<l tlie Dominican Order. 
On hi* way from Rome, at Munich, where he was welcomed by the 
»irvivors of German Catholic Komanticism aa the champion of the 
Church, Lamennais received the crushing intelligence of Roman dtn- 
approval. Tlie Kncyctical Mrrtiri vos of the month of August, 1S3S, 
condemned lilierty of conscience, of religious worship, freedom of the 
Press, separation of Chiurh and State, "and other hateful error*^ 
lUSramtitta—of those, who, pONse«»ed by an undue love for liherty, did 
their utmost to undermine authority." Not a stone remained in ita place 
of the edifices constructed by VAvcnir, The Papacy, whose unlimited 
autlionty do Mni^trc and Lnnicnrints hitd proclaimed, and which the 
latter sought to separate from the Govenimenta and to place at tlie head 
of nations, utterly failed him. It adhered to the powers that be, con- 
ilcumed the Revolution in Poland in exchange for Russian intervention 
in favour of the Temporal Power, and placed the go«pvl of democracy 
under a ban. I.amennais had left Rome with tlte impromion that it 
was " la pitta hideuse doaqw qui ait Jamais aouHU Tail humaiiC Ue had 
nlways Iieiii a fanatic at heart, n solitary, melancholvi and, to those who 
knew him well, a gentle, dreamer. Without historical training, or a 
true notion of the essence of religion, in the violent tension of subdued 
passion, with an erroneous view of the world, surrounded with the pathos 
of splendid rhetoric, Lamennais reduced the relifi^ous problem to a 
mere question of power. The tlieocrat of 1820 hail raised miKgivings 
even in the mind of de Maistre, when he demanded the abdication of 
the State before the one ruling Church. Lamennais, after having 
thrown the monardiy overhoiud, attacked the entire episcopate and the 
traditions of ages, out of which the I'Vench (^hunth had grown, be- 
cause they constituted an obstacle to ecclesiastical absolutism. There 
remained the Pope. He called on the I'ope to place himself at tiie 
head of democracirs and to eatablish u new order of things on the ruins 
of present institutions. 

Gi'cgory XVI wiw not a man of remarkable intelligence, and h» 
reign prepared the downfall of the Temporal Power. But he very 
rightly remarked to Montalembert in 1837, referring to lAmcnnais, 
"This Abbti wanted to give me a power" (the Pope extended his 



arms) " — a power with which X .tbouUl not have known what to do." 
Ui» successor, Pius IX, arrived at a ditrvrent conclusion. The Council 
of 1870 became, in the history of the Church, a ponthumoua triumph 
of the Lamennais of 1820. 

The formation of a Catholic party likewise dated from him. The 
short csistcnco of UAvcmr bad been nuflicieiit tx> show the value of a 
Catholic combative press and organisation in the struck- of the hour. 
Not one of bis disciples followed him in his breach with Rome. Ilicy 



I 



4 
4 



i4-4s] The Liberal Catfiolm and Uitramtmtanum. IGfi 



did not, however, lay down tlie weapon whidi he had placed in thetr 
fatuids. MoQtalcmbcrt, Locordaire, and their friends, inaugurabcd the 
•tniggle for fn.-eduin of (.ilucalion on tlic founds of constitutional 
righta. They ivere called "Li()eral Catholics," hecauw Oicy tindcmtood 
how to make the requirements of the modem State serve their puqxwe, 
and maivhed to rictory with the watchword, ''Equal rights for all"; 
but their religious doctrine Kmaiticd Ultranioutanc. TlK-ir example 
was followed in Gcnnauy, wlit^n the Fruii^ian Government in 1837 had 
become involved in a (juarrel with the Archbitihops of Cologne and PoAcn 
eonccraing mixed marriages. In the contest between Slate rights 
and ecclvKituttical Inw IVuMia rcM>rtcd to violent measures, whidi 
threatened the religiom pence of Uk Geminn Catholics, Gonrs, whose 
national aspirations based on the mktion of Frumia in Germany were 
shattered, paased into the ecclesiastical camp. His Jthanamta opened 
the attack on the ill-advised Government, which had to give way. 
'iTie "KSiwr Wirren" led to the Wting formation of a German 
Catholic political party. Its logical development cauwd it, as hod 
been the case in France, to accentuate Uoman in contrast to nationalist 
tendencio)!, and to support the temporal power of tlic Papac}'. Owing 
to this change, n^igioti* intori.»lH were mibordiitated to political 
cxigenciea, and Catholica who imdcr these con<litions ifffit.icd to join tlic 
party were exposed to seeing their orthtidoxy di^^uted. Long before 
these results became apparent, when the Catholic cause was still upheld 
by a close vinion among its rcprrscntativcs, the Papacy was confronted 
with another neeessity — that of coming to tenns with the Italians. 

'I'^e Catholic Uisorgivicnto became a force to he taken into account. 
Hiis movemeut takes its rise from Napoleon's creation of on Italian 
kingdom. However incomplete the ]>lHn nuiy have been, it yet suggcited 
to the Italian* tiie idea of unity, and foreshadowed its i^isation by tlic 
grant of a constitution, a code, a civil sei-viee, and an army. At Elba, in 
1814, the idea of placing himself at the head of an United Italian State 
WW not uncongi>niiil to Napolvuit. It woh taken up in 1815 by Alumt. 
Fellegrino Ra-ai, Uie future !\!inistfr of Pius \\. in his Lilieral days, 
M^ed on April 4, 1dll>, a.1 Comnii^ioner-General of the King of Naples, 
a, proclamation calling on the Italians to fight for their independence. 
Murat's declaration of war against Austria, aitd his fall, simplified the 
task wliiiJi ^It:tternich )iad in view. 

Through Austrian influence, under tlie rule of the reinstated 
dyna-tties, Italy actually fell under foreign domination. No one more 
fuUr realised for Italy the consequences of the Congress of Vienna tlian 
dc Maistre. In 18H he clearly foretaw that the divi^on of Italian 
territories would necessarily lead to war. " Ueware of the Italian spirit," 
be wrote firom St Petcraburg to Turin. " Tlic King of Sardinia must put 
himself at the head of the Itahanx. Should he become an obstacle, the 
hatc<l Atuli'ia uuuld take ht« platw." I)e Maistre described the House 

ai. V. 



166 



2'he Itakan Bomantics. — Gioberti. [i8i&-4e 



I 



( 



of Savoy a» greater Uian its dominions. lie cliutued Venice fur it, and 
suggested the aid of Franoo, " bvcuuK she never succeeded in keeping 
her conquests." In these taliortatioos no mention vna made of tlw 
Papacy. Tlic monarcliy *'a» wanicd not to attempt the impossible, not 
to cling to the p«st, but to prepare for the future. 

The foresight of tite politician was heralded bv Italian RoniantieUm. 
In addition to the writingv d(-.«cribod in an uurlicr chdptur, the Iiuti 
Sacri of Alenoudro Manzoni, publinhed in 1815, may be mentioned. 
\\'ith tlic ProiHe«.W Spoaiy published in 18S7, the same author presented 
hii nation and the WF'orid with a nearly faultless masterpiccp. lie 
euiltcd the mission of poetry to the ideal task of preparing the moral 
nsuirection of n people. After stnigglitit of doubt lllaniuHii had been 
won boek to Christianity by the writings of Fort-Koyal and of Pascal 
The unity of faith in Italy permitted the relij^ous philosopher to lay 
almost exclusive stieBs (Hi ethics. In polities he equally disapproved 
of violent measures and uf conspiracies. Hi" immense auUiority was 
nppottid to MazKiiii, who aupportnl both; and laUff on it weighed 
he&rily in the scale in favour of a united ntonarehical State. 

In marked contrast to the moderation of Maniioni, Uk Picdmootcsc, 
Vincvnai Gioberti, a pn'ct<t aitd phiIoso])hcr, next entered the lixtii iii 
184.$ witli tlie publication of tlio Primalo MoritU e Civile ilffili ItaUani, 
followed two yoarii later by the still more important Proiegoncni aJ 
Prmato. Gioberti wrote in exile, at Brussels, and his fantutic out- 
pourings gave rise to the question whether the author ever bdiovod in 
)ii» own dream or wlicUier hi.s ol>ject )iad been to delude tlte Papacy 
tut to tlie real signiiiam<Mi of Uie movciut-nt. In any case, after the 
appearance of the Primaio the idea of Italian unity, up to then 
repreeented by Mazzini, became embodied in Gioberti. The PrimtOo, 
which this work proclaims, is that of Italy. 'I1ie Papacy, the mat 
of Catholicism, the guardian of civittsution, liad tfxunxl for the Italian 
people the fint rank amongst natioim. Not by violence and revolution, 
but by a return to the Guelf polic}- of Juliua II — not by oentraliMtion, 
but by a confederacy— couM the unity of Italy bo obtained without 
foreign he]|i. Tlie Papacy was not an imjK-dimerit to that unity, but 
rather it» necc^sor^- condition. The prcKcnt weakness uf Italy was duefl 
not to the Governments or to tlie dei^, but to the decline of literature, ■ 
to the laziness and mediocrity of tlie higher daitseii. The vision of 
Giol>erti was the rcsum-ction of Italy, by means of a primacy iji science 
and in ait foundiid tipuo religion. Tlie Pope was to be not only tlie 
Lead of the universal Oiurch, but also the head of the Italian League. 
Ue was by ri^t the paternal arbiter and peace-maker of Europe, the 
spiritual father of mankind, the protector of the Latin race, and the 
heir of the linpcrium. M 

The Jesuiu rcaii^^^d the danger of these viewK and attacked Gioberti,' 
who replied in his ProUgonvHi, and later in the (leauUa taodemo. In 



iBU-fi] Cesatv BaUiO. — Mammo d AsegHo. 



107 



I 

I 



tbe Prolegmncm he tcimed the suppressioo ot the Society of Jesus jiuA 
luul oppurtuiiv, And nccuacd it, though Icbb vehemently thka in 1847 bikI 
ID the GauUtt modcmo, of hitving ilcstroycd the oiM-'icot disdplitx:, tlie 
tueiarduca] order in the ('hurch, ami thvrvhy wruuj^t incstricublo 
oonftidoa in the iiiiiida of men. Ue apoke in abtolulc caiitrut with 
de Maistre, who ad\-iied the Fa[>acy to use ** its Janissaries,'* because 
M MCtf liku the Fn-cTiiasoiwi, could only be oppoacd by « corporation, 
sueb M tlie Ju<iii U, aiid bvt^imiK the ductnnc of the Jc-iiittii was iMsttitially 
the Catholic doctrine. 

Gioberti's view was, curiooily enough, not unsympatlictie to Gregory 
XVL Neither he hims^, a Camoldoleae monk, nor his Secretary of 
3tata, the Bomabite monk I-ointjruschini, "-oti frieoda of the Jesuits. 
Tbeuier, the learned Creniiun tlK-oloj^an, was commL%ioned by Gncgoty 
XVX to justify the suppressioD of the Order, with Uk aid of tlie mnlerial 
oontained in the Pa^ul archives. I'ellc^rino Rowi, wlio, in lS4tt, was 
appdoted hy Guixot Fnoirb ambassador to the Holy See, enoounterHl 
frw difficulties, wlicii. notwithftaoding the opposition of the rrench 
Catholic party, lie obtained the pronke of tfie su[^trc»ioa of the Jesuibc 
in Fmoce- 'Fbe promise was rendered nugaton- by tlic panivc re»it>taiivi^ 
of the Sfloety itsedf, which rightly coooted on the future victoty of tlM 
P^endi mtnunontsncs. Tliis victory- waa won after the &11 of Louis- 
Philippe, in the days of Pius IX. 

In the year 1813 another Piedmontese, Count Ccsair Balbo, attempted 
to deal with suoilar questional 'Hie Uperanxe tC Italia wl-it dedicated 
tu Gioberti, but the aober-mitMlcd political thinker bautsJied the Prtpno/rt 
into the reahn of dreania. Balbo's chief probkra was how the liberation 
of Italy from furtign rule wan to be ejected. The twofold poaiticm 
of the Popes and their consequent relntinns to Catholic ChriKtaodom 
diH|ualified them to lead a movement, witost! ottjet-t wai iixlepeadeiMc^ 
For its realisation Balbo couDted on pohtical eventuaUties. 'Hie collapse 
of the Ottoman EauptrB, the ambitious pkuis of Busaa, pointed to an 
AnrtiiaB Bimoo in the aear I-^a»i, and eenftattHtm on the Danube 
for the proriBces lost in Italy. Until such an oeouion arose, Balbo 
racomnwnded a Lombard Federation, headed by I^edmont He di»- 
cmniteaaaced icralationarT methods or a[^Mals for foretgn assutanoc. 
He advocated a modrnite policy* and dinctcd the cfTorta of his coantrj- 
men to the eki-ation of the moral ata od aid , an increase of culture, and 
an inproTtsnent of internal conditioaa. 

ManhmT d'Awgiin, Uanzooi's B0>wn4av, in his VHtmi tan di 
Uamagmmf vbidi ap pe al ed in 1846. ipoke with rc^-ereorr of C-atholici«B 
and of its bead, bat ruthtesdy cxpoMd afl the oonscqtieoeEs of Papal 
misnile, principally in the Romagna. He diowed the amgaoce ud 
incBpad^ of the Delegates, the aitntranoess of the adminutratkm, the 
dMotie pcoeeedii^ of the Courts of law, and the impotence of the 
aotbontr in Rome. D'Axeelio speaks a» an 



cremtaf , 



like the BologDCse Marco Minghctti, who corrobomtca his facts. The 
Precctto Politico tli Prima Clofic whs in forcv oj^iiist all those who wprc 
not uctiuiUy eondemnol, but inerc-ly suNpecti^l. Whoever canic under 
thi* edict of police was not allowed to leave hi* residence, luul to be at 
home at certain hours, to report himself once a fortnight to the police 
inspector, to go to confession cvci'y month, and show his certificate 
of voiifeKsion to the police. Finally, he iiod to Kohmit once « year to 
three dftj.i of .sjiirila'd exercisoji in a voiivent wlcctwl by hi* Bi»hop. 
Whoever did not keep the»e rult-s was sentenced to three yeara' penal 
scnitude. This Prccetto Politico caused the condemnation on one 
occasion, in Oic Romagna alone, of ^S9 persons. 

In 1833 wivt published a plan of reform, drawn up by the moct 
learned priest in Italy, Uie Catholic philosopher and founder of an 
Order, Antonio Hoeinini. Some of the ideas of Sala can be traced in 
Itosmini's Cinqw Piaghe delta Santa Ckic-fa. Ilis proposals of reform 
arc an euerfretie protest ogninst tlic worldlinctK of the Church and 
the d«cay of the pri<'»t1y ideal. Sala hod advocated the Mporation of 
the spiritual fix)in the temporal domain. Hosmini recommended the 
participation of the laity in the elections of Dishops and parish priest^ 
reform of the education of the clergy, and, if not a total separation 
Ixitwefrti (^lurrh and State, at least the fjreatcut {wtwible independence 
for the Churcli, and renunciation of earthly advantageo. By acknow- 
ledging the constitutional system in an Italian Confederation, Rosmini 
still thought it possible to preserve the Temporal Power and to itccurc 
the primacy for tlie Pope amongst the Italian Princes. 

I'\illy recognising that his ityiitem was crtimbling away, and that 
a younger generation would hare to deal with altered conditions, 
Gregory XVI died on July 1, 1846. The ardent longing of Rosmini 
and of his friends for reform in Church and State, the national 
nitpirations of (he Italian patriots fur unity, liberty, and independence^ 
the hopes of tlie world, centred on the new wearer of the Tiara, 

An astonishingly short Conclave, the shortest held for three hundred 
ycam, resulted in the election of the Bishop of Iinolii, Cardinal Cotmt 
Giovanni Maria Mastai-FcTretti, wlio uitconded the (Jhoir of St Peter a* 
Pius IX. lie was only fifty-four years of age, and known to be pious, 
kind-hearted, and of a bright, genial disposition. It was rumoured that 
he wojt a student of the itorkx of Giobcrti, Hulbo. and d' Axoglio. The 
most tragical pontiltcato of modern times o]>ened with a generous 
amnesty. It was welcomed with boundless hope, and Italians cherished 
the belief tlutt tlie dream of the Middle Ages was realised, and that at 
last they witneiiied the advent of II Papa Angdico. 



1C9 



I 



» 



I 



CHAPTEU VL 

GllEECE AND THE BALKAN PENINSULA. 

' TiiK Tnaiy of Bucharsst, ooncludctl on May 28, 1819. between the 
HuaMMi Emperor and the Ottoman SulUii, nuirkii mi ioipurUint c-podi 
in the (levclapmcnt of what was to become known, a few years later, 
« the Intern ^ueslioo. By this instrument the Itussian frontier was 
advancvil to the Pruth and to the Dorthcm, en' Kiliu, hranch of the 
Danube. Mora significant itill, the claim of Ru»ia to interfere between 
Uw SulUn and his ChriHtian Hubjeetn, foreshadowed in the Treaty of 
Xutcbuk Eainardji of 1774, received a imm- mncticH) in the 6ftb attide, 
which conGmwd " the contracts and conventions which had been counted 
amang the privileges of Moldavia,'' und in tli« eighth article, whicli 
ttiptilnted for ccrUtio concessiona to the iosurgent Sernaos. Whatever 
Uie views of tite Powers interested in setting bounds to the Gouthward 
■dnukoa of Russia, the times were not propitious for any active protest 
againit an armngcmcnt whtdi, for years to come, was to make Moldavia 
nsd WalWtiia practically Ri»naii proviiK-cs, and set the seal on daifloa 
which, wotter or later, would lead to further encroachments of the 
Orthodox empire on the Turkuih power. 

The Eastern Question, during the ncrt fatt-ful yean, was ob«curod 
by the vaster bsuea roisod by the titanic struggle whidi ended in the 
downfall of Napoleon, The Emperor Alexander I, moreover, hod been 
placed by the outcome of the Moscow campaign in the von of united 
£uTope ; and, whatcrcr the suspicions thnt might be entertnioed of Im 
Bltimatc design* in Uio East, the supreme ncccauty of maintaining an 
onbrokcn &ont against the common revolutionary enemy sened for many 
ntm to prevent tlieee suspicions from (hiding open expression. The 
pt^its involved in the probable break-up of tlic Ottoman empire were, 
iodoed, fully appn-ciated by stJttcfiinen. I'or Great Britain, anxious 
Cor the wcuri^ of her Meditenmiieatt power and of the trade-routes to 
India, the integrity of that empire bad long been a political axiom ; and 
Siapolcon's druous of Esstem conquest, which at TiUit he had shared 
<*ith Alescander, hod, in itpite of tlie vast «[)aoei dividing the 1W''m 
IniuUcrs from those of the British flag, already begun to inspire in 



CW. (1. 




English statciineii that fear of Rusakn designs upon India which wn 
to 1)ecoi»e the raaan inspiratioa of the policy of Great Britain towards 
the Muscovite empire, j^a'stris too, formerly the protagonist of Europe 
against the Tttrk, hod rhiingwJ her attitude under the menace of Bunia'* 
advance upon her flank. Notliing but her wcakneM would haw suffered 
her to tolerate the virtual annexation of tlie Uanubian principalities, 
which not only placed in the Tsar's keeping the key to the great water- 
way by which German commt-ree foiuid its way to tlic Black Sea, 
but was regarded as only the iint iitagc is an advunoe which would 
carry tJie Orthodox armies to the shorci of the Itaiphonu, abMH'lnng 
the Slav population of the Balkan peninsula, and threatening with 
dissolution, if only by the force of rucial and religious attirtction, tl>c 
looficly-knit monarchy of Uie Halx^l(urgH. Nowhere wn* Mettemich'a 
policy of propjiing up motilderii^ institutions more nccaatny to Austria 
than in the Ottoman empire. 

Apart even from the menace of Rintia, the prospvH: of maintaining 
the integrity of Turkey secme«l n:mole «noilg)it awi erery "ign pointed 
to it* impending dLiiM>1ution. Uidike the barbarian invaden of the 
Western empire, the Ottomans had never been absorbed in, or succeeded 
in abwrbing, the peoples they had conquered ; and their rule in Europe 
had continued to be what it wm in tl)c beginning, that of an alien 
invader encamped upon foreign Kojl. Moreover, between conquerors and 
conquered there were no avenuea of sympathy, for between tltcffl U;^ *^ ' 
[mpenetrable barrier of creed. Islam was the code of the Ottoman 
Stale; but within this code there was no place for the unbeliever: and— 
the conqueror of Constantinoplo had fotmd in tlie Orthodox CSiurdi a. 
convenient mat^inei^ for governing tlte ma-v of th« subject populatson^ 
whom his arms had failed to convert. Two tlteocracita, mutually con- 
tetnpluous and excltciive, were thus estabHshed within the State; ani) 
the rival religions became the symbols of conflicting intereata antl 
{deals in every relation of lift. To the Mtimulman, his creed was tht- 
source and justt6cation of his consciotB pi-ccminencc; to the Greek, 
OrthiHloxy was the palladimn of his national oxistencc, and, since th* 
.■Oittdow of tlif advance of Holy Russia had fallen npon the Ottoman 
empire, the sheet-anchor of hia hopen and ambitions. Aforeover, thot^ 
this Christian State within the State was endowed with extensive priri- 
lcg«, it iJO!W.-s««l, as against Islam, no rights. The Patriardi of Con- 
!ttantinople, as the responsible organ of the Sultan for the government 
of the Orthodox Cliurch both in spiritual and temporal matters, eateNi 
cised a wider power than be had enjoyed under the Byuuitine Cansrs : 
but his relation to the Sultan was, none the leas, that of a slave. ThJ 
same wos true, in various degree*, of every Christian rnyah. FVom 
contemptnm» tolerance of his conquerors he had obtained a gre*t 
measure of liberty than that enjoyed by diHidenti in any other count 
in Kiimpe. C«th(>liej> in Ireland and 1'rotestants in Austria might cc 



Hedine of the OtUman Power, 



m 



I 



Uiin lib privilrjjts. llu wita fm- to cxcrrun hb rtUffioii, tu adarale 
liiiUMilf w be ptcnwd, to nocumiikU' wuillh : bowcnr buinblo liii oriipD, 
tD s •jTstctu wbidi awouulcd ituUittig of birth, be could bold bigb offio* 
(b tb« GovvnuDcati become dragoinao to Um Pof1«-, ur fcytmU of • 
province, ftnd be addraMnJ hj the Sultao hiaiwl/ M " Illintriwu I'tiotm." 
Y«t be niniun«l ewentully • ilUrv, liabU «t an^ tnonxDt, hj toam 
««f)rwo of fpoeA or Mupiciou oa the [Mti of bb matter, to be tmilKl 
fTHO wolth aikI power into pcomy or death. 

A rftXan to mhisuitljr bed cxnild Tail to bu Uu\ ua\y under ^nj 
peciduu- cmdJtioQt. So loog aa a wiooewioii of graat buJtaaw vielded tlw 
Aworti uf tbo I'lupbet and led Ibe bosU of blus to ovtr frvb iiiiiii|lieiti_ 
it had worked wdl OMMigh. The ChrbUan [lOpulatioo «tn vdl oovUnt 
tobefreeof tbo burden of nuUtaryMSTictt: and Uw lilood-Ux jftatmltk), 
wUh wbkfa, Mdi jnr, tbej' boueht the rif[ht to ocbl, anfiplkd the 
Sultan with the *iiMw» of war. Ilwic coold be no qnaeUoa of Mviaoi 
diafltctkn within the JLhoUr* oapir^ whn otrtaida it tl» Quiitfw 
lW<n ODuld baid/ bold their own againat hb aznH^ But it b MMntlal 
to the health of a doouaioo baaed apim a olUtast fdi)Eioa that it 
iboold advance, \leta7 b the evidence at ita UiTtne — ^"-t ; and tbe 
naaat it b^gjoi to moil the \aj qoalitici of f a natieb a vfafafa ^>* 
it (tnoiigth nay pruwe a wunx of wealtn— ■ The ei^tatBlb w ntar y 
wif 1^ Um mpid enabling of the Ottsaan Para, and the pwtbl 
nin icnnkd tha faul^ faowktam on whkb it vm and b !■■■! The 
Uqcht oT BiMntiiBB had Uka open tk hauM of OtfaiMn; the Cob- 
Mndos oT the iUftWol no 1^^ thrnwilvn rade at the had td iWr 
•mba: and to lbs iMiterfid rokn ef the ^pe oT M«*MnHirf fl «d 
Snifbnaii the M^aifiaBnt bad ««awbd a Arfaie rw*, ndoMa of the 
hwwa, tte ymyUa and nctbaa of thnr own 4a«w^ Thb •Uvfkj 
arthnenml ponr ii^iiiil • ajaton t« yow op wWdi fm rf ton 
On^Cart^rfartae/tlKfaw Soltaw whs bed the iliiiiglh at 
and the will ta atti^« to cmil the pcocsi of dmmf. He . 
IMC the sabHti^ar thrS^taa»pvw«r«tteMMl^hb. 
•b«d, lad kenid lUv tf»«th. ^ fbTtd at 
fgtrfaePliilwieaiatBoie. Aa ■ wilJlMj fa» Ifcey ! 
iniliiM her iliiiitli iifuwi^PidlM miimn~TW Ifirnt II jilil 





172 



Rise of Pashas to independence. 



occuioiuil yuctcful of heads as evidence of their loyal zeal. The vast 
epioes of the empire niade any cfTcctivc control impo«siI)le : and such 
complaints as penetrated from th« outlying comen of the empire to the 
Palace could ca«ily be utet by ofieiidiiig Pashas vjjtli bribes judiciously 
diilribut«d. It thtis became easy for unquiet and ambitious spirits to 
go far towards carving out for themselves within the empire princi- 
palities, and even empires, recognising but a nominal subjection to 
the Sultnn and thrrattning, vhutiki the Forte cndcnvour to assert its 
Bovcreignty, to make their independenoe efTcctive, and so produce the 
dreaded disruption of tlie Ottoman Power from within. In 1804, 
Pasvan Oglu, Pasha of Widdin, had risen in revolt, and the Janissaries 
Bcttled about Belgrade had joined bim. The Porte, in desperation, had 
armed the Servian rat/<tha. Turks, Albatiians, and Serbs combined had 
crushed tlie Mussulman revolt ; but the Senians in their turn now used 
the occasion to strike, under the swineherd Kara George, for their own 
iiHli'pcndcncc. In spite of the concession* granted in the Treaty <rf 
Ducliarest, which satisfied neither party, the hostilities dragged on, and 
only ended in 1817 with the grant of autonomous government to Servia. 
Mcano-hile, All, Pasha of Janina, who bad helped the Sultan against 
Puvon Oglu, was busy building up, by intrigue, by bribes, by ^^oleoce, 
the powvr which, on the eve of the revolution in Gi-ecce, had all bat 
made him arbiter of the fate of the whole Balkan peninsula; and tB 
Egypt Alehemet All was laying the foundations of the power which 
ultimately enabled him to measure his strength successfully against the 
Comnmnder of the Faithful, and, for a time, to rule etiprcmc over an 
empire which stretched from the Soudan to the Taurus Mountain*. 

Among the solvent forces which threatened tlie stability of the 
Ottoman empirr, however, the more or less successful efforts of ambitious 
PMsbas to take advantage of Ibe wi-aknesx of the central authority were 
not tfie most important More sigtiilrcant were the firet stirrings (rf the 
racial movement, which, in the east of Europe especially, was destiiMd to 
piny so large a part in the historic drama of the coming age. The Greek* 
of the Mon-ji, in-gcd on by the promises of Russian agents, bad risen in 
1774, only to find tliemselves abandoned to the fury of tl>c Mussulmans 
when it suited the policy of the Empress Catharine to make peace vitb 
the Porbc But the new spirit, of which this abortive rising had been 
tlic expression, survivwl and developed, encouraged by tlic very im- 
provement in the general condition of the Greek population whtefa 
resulted from the relaxation of the tyTanny of tlie central power. In 
their riUago commimitics, which the Turks had suffered to sur^-ive, the 
Greeks had t}»e elrments of the vigorous local life which suited their 
genias ; in tlie Orthodox ('hurch they possessed the organisation necessary 
to bind them together in the sense of a common nationality. Long 
liefore the outbreak of the insurrection the wealthy island communities 
of the Aegean and U>e Adriatic, though nominally forming part of the 



I 
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I 
I 



Movements towards racial independence. 



I 



Ottoman empire, httd cnjojrcd a pmctical indrpradcncc Utnpered only 
iy the otdigation to send to ConxtaitUnopIt: nn annual tribute in money 
■nd in nQon to man the imperi&l navy. Their armed tnuling-brigit — 
carrying from SO to SO guDs, and some nearly as large w frigates — many 
of which, since the Treaty of Kutcliuk Kainardji, bad sailed onder tbo 
Riiaaian ensign in order to secure the privileges conceded in the Stnuta 
and the Stock Scit, were destined to ptay a decuirc port iii the struggle 
for independence. 

In the Morea and on the mainlaiKl there vaa indeed no such 
pmctical autonomy as in the islands ; but here too the weakness of the 
Ailmini»tration hnd sufTcrcd a spirit of iodcpendL-ncc to gTX)w up whii^ 
aaKTted itself in the only way open to it — brigandMgc In the wild 
society of the Balkan pcnintuU public opinion, so for as it could be satd 
to exist, had nothing but admiration for robbery under arms, wbidi 
among the Orthodox ratfaha was surrounded by a religious and patriotic 
hak> when directed agatn.it the MtLssulmon oppreuont. Thief (kicpht) 
and hero {palikar) became iu popular parlance all but interchangeable 
trams ; and the barbaroos exploits of famous bandits were celebrated by 
the peasants in a thousand songs and Ic^^cnds. Nor had the attitude 
of the Ottoman (ioveninieiit tended to discounge this point of view. 
The difficulty of maintaining order suggested to the Sublime Porte the 
expedient of setting a thief to catch a thief; and it was only necessary 
for a brigand chief to Ijecome sufficientiy powerful and wealthy to 
oiBure hia being made a I'asha, if a Mussulman, or, if a Christian, to 
bo taken into the pay of the Government as a captain of the militia 
iarmatoli) estahlishod to police the mountain districts. The famous Alt 
of Jonina himself, who livetl to be courted by Napoleon oiu! patronised 
by the British GovenimNit, began his strange career as lui outlaw and a 
robber ; and of the wild leaden, who aftennirda adomcd and disgraced 
the national revolt of the Greek*, the greater number hod been trained 
in his BKr^-ice. 

Into this savage and unquiet society hod early been borne echoes 
Cft the revolutionary turmoil in France. Ali Pasha, n tricolour cockado 
tracked to his turban, babbling of Liberty and I^Vatemity to a ooni- 
of the French Republic, while keeping an eye cm the Icmian 
was indeed no more serious than AJi dnnking to the health of the 
with an eye on the dominioi of Greece. But Janina wojt not 
tlie only road by which id<.«s from the outside world penetrated into 
tba fostnewci of Hcllav On the educated GKelu of the Dispersion the 
^'^uencc of the Revolution was profoutul ; and it gave a new stimulus 
^ the efforts already being mode to preserve sod reoonatnict the 
^pHous traditions wliidi ttie main body of tlie race had all but lost. 
^Hq ootionol problem was, moreover, not as yet complicated by those 
'^'^onal jealousies which have since mode the Macedonian Question the 
^''"pair of £urt^ Whatever the elements which in the coune of ages 




174 2'he UcUenic movement : it» Uterary side. 



had gone to make up tbe population of Greece, the Orthodox Cbuidi 
had absorbed them into hcrtelf aod mode thtrnt tJie inhetiton, if not 
of Hellas, nt Icoxt of the Empire of Byxantiuro. In the Danubian 
principRliMes, it is trne, the oppreasioos of the Greek hospodArs and their 
agents had made the Dame of Greek stink in the nostrils of the Romnnn 
peauntiT : but in the wuth of the {K'.niiunia Rulgor, Kutao-Vlach, and 
Oirtiiodoi Albruiian, bad not yet learned the virtue of racial, as diatinct 
tttaa relt^oua, hate; and, Greeks by creed, they felt themselves aUo 
Greeks by nationalitj'. Rhigax, whoHC xtirring revolutionary rangs did 
»o much to rouse in Greece the posuon of revolt, and vhoAe execution 
in 1794 made him the proto-martyr of the new Hellenic nationality, 
vox a, Vlach who had fwmd his inapiration in I'anx. 

Like M> iniiny subsequent revt^ntionary agitations, the Hellenic 
movement, which culminated in an armed national opriaing, received ita 
first impute from a propaganda purely llnjfuittie and Hterftry. To the 
enthusiast« of the (ireek revival the fimt step tomids gi»thcriiig up the 
broken tlireada of the national tradition seemed to be to make the 
modem Greeks familiar wiUi the great monuments of their heroic past. 
The Church preserved for them the memory of tbe Orthodox empire; 
hill. » nvw force was necessary to carry the national imagiiution back, 
behind "(he grandeur that was Home" to "the glory that was Greece," 
and substitute for the national style of Komons {liownaioi) the forgotten 
nainc of Hdienea. But the Greek language mirrored very aecureiefy 
the hetemgeiieom constitution of the Greek race, liie HeUenic 
foundation survived, but overlaid with elements Tepre»mting cajii 
succeeding wa\% of barbariun wiiidi had swept over and left iU jetNim 
on the M>il of Greece. To the peasant of tlie Moiea, as to the townsman 
of Athens, tlie Greek of the hteiary masterpieces of antiquity waa an 
unknown luiiguc ; luid, if tiiii ii no lonf^ tJic owe, tlic change iit due tn 
the consdoua linguistic revolution which b for ever aasociated with the 
name of Adamantios Korais. He too, like Uhigas,had studied at Paris; 
and he mode it his life's miuion to interpret to bis fellow-countrymen 
the Hellenic literature which hv bad there liMinied to love and ndinire. 
^Vhat Luther's Bible did for Gerraajiy, the Kngltsh Bible for Knglaadt 
the Welsh Bible for Wales, that Eoraia did for modem Greece hy hm 
tmntUtions of tbe CLusics into a language which was, as it woniy • 
oonpramise between the patois still tued in ordinary conversation aad 
the stately language of the originals. His suocets proved on<« for all 
that, where rivalry of races is in question, literary monuments are 
focton not to be ignored by far-seeing statesmen. The effort was 
grotesque enough wlien, witli tlte name of Hellene*, the pupils of Ali 
ef Jonina assnmed the style and ntlected tiie attril>ul«-t of Homer's 
heroes ; but the fiction appetded to the imagination of a Eorope whidi 
knew only, and knew faniiitarly, the Greece of Plato and of Pericles. 
It gnre an im[wtu:i to the wave of Philhtillcnisin wliich did so much to 



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!6W-5] Turkey, Rnma, ami the Congfcts of Vienna. 176 



I 
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polw the practical question of the liberation of Grt«ce from Ottoman 
nisgOTcnimcnt ; and it supplitxl to the infant State, born after so mttch 
travaQt a langiiiigc wkI a intilitioii which linked it con^iously with an 
iuspiring pa.it. 

Of the extent and iniporlanee of WAa racial niid rciigioiw iro^'cnieiit 
inside the Ottoman empire European !itatesin«n, until the ere of tJie 
War of In<icp^nden«', had little idea. There *-as, however, in the 
.situation ri;vcal«i between th* Peace of Bucharest and the opening of 
the Oongiess of Maina enough to alarm those int«n>irted in avoiding a 
renewed ropture between Ru-tsia and Turkey, and to suggest to them Ujc 
expediency of bringing the integrity of the Ottoman empire under the 
^arantcc of th« treaties cstablifihcd by the Congress. That this ww 
not accomplbhed (nis due, in the fint instance, to the obntinatc pride 
of the Pbrte ibielf. Tlie privileges granted to the Servians under Oie 
Treaty of 1818 had been left, perhaps purposely, vague and ill-defined ; 
tlie Ottoman Goi-cronient interpreted them according to its own ideas: 
und Rania complained, with reason, that the continued opprcosions of 
the Tiufcish officials constituted a Wsch of the treaty. But this was 
Hot all. By tiro secret articles annexcti to the Treaty of BitcharRtt, 
ItuEsia, in exclmnge for the demolition of the forts at Kilia and Iftroailia 
on the Danube, was to obtain permanent possession of the road from 
the Black Sea to TiHi* through the rallcy of the Phasis, the use of 
whidi had I)een granted to her by the Porte in order to facilitate the 
Russian opemlioits in the war with Persia, ^^^ese articles the Sultan 
l»d refioed to ratify ; and the relations of the two countries had come 
to be fixed by the pnbUc titaty only. Russia, bowercr, refused to 
Kvacuatc the territory in question, and not only laid claim to almort all 
Ibe highland* hel«-upn the Ca-ipian and the Biitck Sea aajuired by 
ccHiquest or by concessions from chiefs claiming sovereignty, but aimed 
ttt acquiring tbe lowlands of the Black Sea littoml, which Ttarkey 
nsaerted to be hers by long pojwcssion and undoubted right. As Sir 
Rolxirt Lirton pointwl out, the rri.iis need never have arisen ; for Bnssin 
might well have evacuated a position which she could alway-t lake again 
should occasion arise. Unfortunately the Sultan had backed his demand 
with a threat of war ; Russia, refusing to be bullied, had replied by 
extending her pretensions ; and at the period of the Congress of Vienna 
matters hoA reached a deadlock. In i-ain the Briti.sli Government urged 
Itipon tbe Porte that the European guarantee of the integrity of Toiiey 
tnust depend upon the settlement of tfaets outstanding questions, *• since 
it is impossible to guarantee the pomeaston of a territory the limits of 
vhicb ate not fixed.^ It wa.s projKMcd that the mnttcn at i.i«iie should 
be settled by the joiiit intervention of Austria, France, and Great 
Britain. To this the Emperor Alexander gave a provisional assent; 
but the Sultan remained obdurate ; and, in tJie hurry of the close of the 
Napolejon's return from Elba, tlie wliolc question was 



DmgKB, 



CH. ru 



17a 



Hetairia Philike. — AH of Janma, 



nhelvcd. 'flic reUtionn between Riu»ia uid the Ottouan empire were 
thus left in a state of teDsJon, which before long, during the Greek 
revolt, waa to produce effecta justifying thv fcon of thost who sow 
sought to end it. 

Dctwccti tlic CongTCM of Vicnoa and titc outbreak of the Greek 
rovolt, the Eastern Question was obscured for the vorid of diplomacy 
fay tlie more absorbing problem of preserving western Europe fnnil 
any fresh outburst of the suppnsscd revolutionary forocs. McanwhUe 
the sectional ekmcnt* of Greek disaflectioD were being gatltered and 
otgantsed in the great armed scoet aocie^, the Hetairia Phiiike, founded 
at Odessa in 1814, against irbich 7k{ettcmich in vein warned the Ottoman 
Govcmmeut; in Egypt Mchcmct All, taught Uic ruluc of woitcn) arma- 
incntt by his experience in tlie Napoleonic wars, u-u gradually building 
up hi.i [>o^Ter; and Alt of Jaiiina, adding, by force or by fraud, pasholik 
to poshaltk, was preparing, in his extreme old age, for the master-stroke 
which should sever the bond connecting him wlUi thv Sultan, and 
establish him as an irulopcndent Mtt-powcr on the Mediterranean. Tlie 
times were obviously not unfavouraUe for such a. design. All, with 
rharocteriatic instinct, had backed the winning side, and contriboted in 
his own sphere to the ruin of Napoleon's power. He now proceeded to 
exploit tl>c gratitude of the Posens and of Givat Britain espectoUy, for 
his own citil.s. In tiie course of the war with Erance he hod succcc<lcd in 
gaining possession of m^t of the towns on the Adnntic coast of jVlbania, 
«U11 forming part of the Venetian territory. Voniso, Ptvvcea, and Butrinto 
luu) in turn fallen to him; and in 18H he was buty building forts along 
the coast, *oaie of which were a menace to imy Power holding the looiaQ 
Inlands. Of tJie former N'enetian pcMsessions on the coast, tl>c little town 
of Porga alone, with its esccUcnt harbour, had to for ddted his power. 
Early in 1814 Ik had laid siege to it, and, in March, luid suooceded in 
bribing the commandant, a Greek in Frendt iurrvici-, to •uneodcr it 
to him, when the inhabitants rose, expelled the I'rench garrison, and 
handed over the place to the British, who continued to bokl it. Tbe 
tato of the place was now bound up wiUi tbe destiny of the Xonian 
Islands. In a memorandum written in December, 1814s Colonel (after* 
wards Sir Ricliard) Church pointed out to Lord Castlereagh the import- 
ance to Great Britain of retaining her gnup on these islands. The 
armed Gre^ trading-^iipi would, he argued, transfer tliemscUes to the 
Ionian Islands, if these were placed under the British ensign, and would 
thus increase the British sea-power in the Mediterranean. At the same 
time, by garriMuiiig the islands England could prevent a flank attack 
by France or llussia upon the Ottoman empire. FurUier, if tlie towns 
captured by Ali Fasha on the co«uit of tbe mainland were taken from him 
and, with Porga, plaecd under the British flog, the door would always 
be open for Britisli entry into tlie Balkan peninsula in cnsc of need. 

Unfortunately for tho reputation of the British Government, tUt 



« 



914-93] Great Britain and Ali. AVt deposed. 



UT 



tulvtce was only followed in parL Ily the Comentiuti, tiigned at Paria on 

NoTcmbcT 5, 1815, between Great Britain, Russia, Ausbia, and Pniasia, 

the Ionian Islands were indeed placed, not under British soi-crdgnty — 

since Ijotli the Emperor Alexander and the English gvnuml wfaa bad 

taken over the ithindit hiul prumised them "a free and Independent 

government"— but under Brilifih ** protection," which, as Capodiotriax 

suggcBted, ''should be so arranged that Great Ibitain would have 

vntual if not nominal sovereignty." The fate of Parga, however, was 

different So early as September, 1814, Ali had written to Ixird 

J>st]etcagh claiming it on the ground of the guarantee given in I80S, 

od had followed this up by despatching to England a nussion fortifieit 

y a letter from the British ambassador at Constantinople, Sir Robert 

idston, in whicli he calleil to the memory of Ministers the Pasha's 

•upereroinent qualities" anil hJJi n-n-icn againtt the French. The 

DsitioQ was a diSlcult one. 'I'lie town had been fVeely delii.'ered by the 

krgiots to the British, witli a view to preserving tJiem from the very 

who now rlATrnnl its delivery on the ground of a giuirantiic solemnly 

iTen. Ilie choice lay betwi-eii niaintaining for ever a Britif^h gan'iAOii 

a place which seemed to Ministers of a value quite incoramenauratc 

ith the risk of complications to which it was likely to give rise, ami 

irrendcritig a population which had placed itself confidently under 

ritish protection to a ruler who, in spite of his " siipiTeminent 

oalities," was notoriously an un.'KTUpuIotis niffion. llie latter coarse 

adopted, on the plea that in occupying the town the English had 

nde no promise of doing so permanently ; the Pargiobt were offered nii 

tyhtm in the ixliindM, and, by a Convention signed by the Briti»>h and 

brkisb commissioners on May 17, 1817, the last citadel of Greek 

tdependence was banded over to Ali Pasha : although this Convention. 

well 9* that of November 5, 1816, was not ratified by the Sullon 

til April 24, 1819. 

'Vhe "Lion of Janina'^ was now at the height of his power: the 
ild liill-tribcs of Albania and Greece were subdued by tlie bloody 
astioe of a tyrant who wonld allow no ntblKTy but his own. For miuiy 
cikTH tlie Porte, gratified by the more rt^lor inflow of tribute from 
Jbania and by the bribes which Ali knew how to place at critical 
iments, had shut its eyes to the menace of the Pasha's growing power, 
bis, however, become at leiigth so obTioua that his enemies at Court 
•eded but n nnilnble pretext for rousing the Sultan to action. ThiK 
affwded in 18iiO by the onsuoceasful attempt of Ali to procure the 
vaasination of bis enemy Pachobey, a member of the Sultan^ bousc- 
(AA. A decree of deposition was now issued against the sncrilc^auit 
i, who luwl (bind "to fire shot* in Constantinople, the residence of 
Khalif, and the centre of security " ; and the bulk of the Ottoman 
iroes, under Kurshid Pasha, were despatched to enforce it. For two 
the intrepid Ali held his own, thoiigli betrayed by tlic viutsol.* 



C. M. U. I. Cll. VI. 



IS 



178 



Death of Ali.^Invaaon of Ypsilanti. [isao-a 



whotic alk'gituice he had maintained hy Ivntir Hloiie, niul «vcii by hu 
ovm sonx, utiosc heads were none the less defllined to fall to the Sultan^i 
vengeance. At laat, b the spring of 182$, the old " Lion," trapped in hia 
island casWe of Janina and still, in spile of th« outbreak of th« Greek 
revolt, snrruuntlvd by Kiirsliid's hosts, was forced to sue for terms. He 
received Uie nieamu'e he hod so oft«n dealt to others. Kurshid granted 
him an interview, reocircd him gradoualy, and dismissed him with the 
most friendly assurances. As he left the tent he was stabbed in the 
back ; hi.t head was cut off nnd sent to Constnntinoplc. 

Meanwhile, to the HetjtirixtK, the preoccti[Hitioii of the Ottoman 
forces in Albania presented the best possible opportunit)- for executing 
the plans which had been long maturing. The organisation of the 
revolt being n-july, it only remained to find s leader. The tir^t to be 
approached wax Cfti>odi.ttrins, who rcfuaed on the ground that the Umei 
were not propitious for such a movemciiL In any case he may well 
have thought that, as Foreign Minister to the Emperor Alexander, he 
coiild best serve the Greek cause by remaininjf where ho was. The 
leadership rejected by CRpodistrios was accepted by I'rince Alexander 
Vpsilonti, son of a former hospodar of Walladiia and member of an 
old Phanariot family which boasted its descent from the Impcrtal 
Comneni. The prince, who had fought with distinction in the war 
ogoin.tt Nupoleun and had bcL-n n popular figure during tlie gaieties of 
the Congress of Vienna, wan an oflioer in tlie Russian service and aide- 
de-camp to the Tsar. This alone would have suggested to tJie worid 
the powerful backing of Russia : and, when the prince, accompanied by 
other Greek ofilcen in the Russian service, crossed Uie PniUi intu 
Moldavia on March 6, 18S], he i.isiied a prochimation in which, while 
calling on the people to rise against the Ottoman tyranny, he specifically 
stated that he had the support of "a Great Power." 

It is this claim alone which gives to the Grock rising in the Princi- 
palities any importance in history. For the rest, Yptilanti'a enteipme 
was futile alike in its avowed aim, in its execution, and in the scene he 
Jiad aelectcd for its base. The I'cstoration of the Greek empire of the 
East was not likely to appeal to Russia; the summonx to the VInch 
peasantry to rise in such a caii«c was unlikely to find any response 
among a people who hated the Greeks worse thim the 'i*urks, since they 
luid for many generations been their immediate task-maste[« ; and, lastly, 
t)t« incompet^ice of Vpsilanti himself ruined any chimces which, in 
view of the usual unpreparedness of the Ottoman Go^-eniment, a rapid 
advance might have given him. Instead of pressing forward boldly to 
Bucharest and occupying the line of the Danube before the Turks could 
gatlier an armament, he loitered at Jassy, gratifnug his vanity and 
offending his followers by playing the monarch, while alienating the 
sympathy of all right-thinking men hy his criminal weakness in con* 
doning the hideous massacres of inoffensive Mussulmans at Galatz, Jaasy, 



I 



I 



I 



Defeat of YpsUantt. 



179 



^ 



oxiA el.sewhere, by u'liidi tlie Greek catiae was di«^(raced. As for t)i« 
procQised support of Kukis, on wltich lie bad expressed sucb conddent 
relianco, bo w&s soon undeceived. Mettemirli at l>aib(Lch bod little 
difficulty in pcrMiarling tbe Em|)eMir Alexander, repenting of hU earlier 
escoimgemeiit of Lib«ralt«m, that Ypailanti and bia followers were but 
rerolutiontets of tbe usual danfi^rouB type; and a letter, signed by 
CapodtstrtOA, was despatched to lliv Greek leader, upbraiding bim for hts 
tninise of tbe Tsar's iinnK', and ordi^nng liiin at onne to lay duu-n bis urmK. 
He would bave l>ecn well adviiied to obey. Instead, be declared that tbe 
Taar'a public disavowal of hira was but a stratogom to preserve the peace 
of Europe, and that be had been secretly assured of Russian support. 

The pretence did not save him. Diti^nsiou* broke out bctwi-cn the 

Greek* and tlioAc \'!]ich boyaiH wbo had joined them. The Ottoman 

Ibn-es meanwhile pressed on into the l*rinci pal i ties, nowhere meeting 

with effective resistance, until, on June 19, 18SI, the crushing dvfcitt 

of the main Greek force at Bragaslian ended the revolt in Waltadiia. 

Vpsilanti hiniaelf, on a false pretext, deserted bia followci-s and fled 

KCTOes tbe Austrian frontier, to be kept a close prisoner for seven years 

hy a Government wbicb bod little sympathy witli revolutionary leaden. 

In Aliildnvia tlie rising was quelli^ wilii equal eaae. When it Ha.t oWr 

tlwit no aid was to be expected from Itiissia, tbe Ijoyars deposed the 

liOitpodar Michael Sutzo, who had supported YpdUnti ; and he escaped 

aa'oss the froBtier, TTic Turks entered Jassy on June %&; and tlie Gn'cks 

who Ktill remained together retired to the Pruth. Here, at Skaleni, in s 

mmp hastily entrenched, Uiey made tlieir last stand, displaying a courage 

n^jauist overwhehning odds which did much to retrieve the disgrace and 

folly wbicb had characterised the movement as a whole. VVith tbe 

dushing of thi< forlorn hope, tlte rising in the norlli came to an end, and 

together with it tbe dream of reestablishing the Greek empire of tbe East. 

To Mettemich the Tsar's public disavowal of sympathy with the 
Greek insurgents, and the subsequent collapse of Ypsilanti's movement, 
seemed to remove all immediate peri) of dangerous complications in 
eastern Europe. To tJie diplomatic world the revolt in tbe Morea, 
which bad come to a head at the beginning of April, 1821, appeared 
a matter of comparative unimportance, which might well be allowed to 
bum itself out "beyond the [>alc of civilisation." It was not long, 
however, before wliat Iiad seemed at flrst but another local rising of the 
ratfoJu against Turkish misgovemmcnt, began to assume a citaracter 
aad proportions which filli4 the European chanceries with apprehension. 
Ardibisbop Gennanos raised the standard of the Cross at Fatraa on 
April S, 18S1 ; and not many weeks bad |iiiKt<^ before the world 
began to realise how essentially tlie insurrection in Kouthem Greece 
differed from that which hod failed so egregiously in the Principalities. 
The IlriairM, in fact, hod never approved of Ypsilanti's misdirected 
enterprise; and its agents bad been active t» stirring up a general 



en. ri. 



18— S 



180 



Jiisitiff in the Morea. 



[l821 



4 



4 



iUBUncUoti in tiionc parts of Uie empire irhcrc, as yet, no conactoiu 
difUom of race nnd of inten^ts itqiarntcd a populfttion united in 
common hatred of the infidel and the opprewor. 'I1te rising in the 
Principalities was a class moTdncnt, which would in any case hare 
brokm on the sttibhom hostility uf the population it pretended to 
«nixndpiitc : the rising in Uie Morea woh the gCDcral uphearal of a race 
Agaitut alien nile — tlte first of those nationalist revolutionn which, during 
the nineteenth century, were to transform the map of Kurope, What 
gsve to the war of Greek independence its peculiar character of ferocity 
was, that — as uswil in the £a.tt — mctr was confounded with religion, and 
that to the hatred of the oppreaaed for the opprcttxor was added that 
of the true believer for the infidel 

Though the ^lostles of Greek independence had long been agitating 
in the Morea and the islands, the rising wtui not the outcome of any 
carefully dcviRwl plan ; nor, wlien it brol!« out, was there any organi'^ttion 
prepared to direct it. It hegan in isolated outrages on Ottoman ofKcijila 
and massacres of small b^ds of Albanian IVfuR<nilman meKettarics, 
which culminated in April in a general insurrection of the Cfaristiaa 
population and the pronii.'icuoiiM slaughter of all Mussulmans, Within 
six weekt of the outbreak of the revolt not a Mohoinmndan was left in 
all thu Morco, save the remnant who had succeeded in escaping into thv 
fortified towns. These, too, as one by one the strong places were 
stan'ed into submission, were tnossicred with e*ery sggravatimi of 
cruelty and treachery. The first phase of tJic rising culminated in the 
RtoTOiing of Tripolitia, the capital of the Vilayet, followed by the 
butchery in cold blood of SOOO Mussulman prisoners witliout distinction 
of age or sex. By the close of the year, with the exception of some 
half-dozen fortresses closely invested by wild hordes of brigands and 
peasants, the whole Vilayet of tlie Morea bad paswid from tlve oljcdience 
of tl>e Sultan, and tlie insurrection had spread beyond the Isthmus of 
Corinth, throu^tout continental Greece, and orcr the mountain passes 
into Thessaly and Macedonia. 

The details of the war that followed, however much they appealed 
to the romantic spirit of tlie age, arc of very siilxirdinnte intemt in the 
history of Europe ; and tt must suffice to notice tbe general charTkctcT 
of the struggle, reserving for more particular mention those e^-ents which 
more espcciidly influ(.>nccd the attitude of the European Powers towards^^=^ 
it. Broadly, the war may be dirided into three periods: the Grstr^^Pt 
(1SS1.-4), during which the Greeks, with the atsistance of volunteers froi 
western Europe, were pitted against the Ottoman Government alone 
the second, &om March, IRS4s when the disciplined forces of Mehemr 
Ali of T'Igj'pt were thrown into the scale against the innurgi-nts; ti 
Uiird, from the effective intervention of the Kuropcan Powers, in 
autumn of ISiiT, to the close. For many months the war was t^^o 
more ttian a ctuiotic struggle between hostile hordes of biu4iariaiK^_a 



4 
i 



1831-6] 



Causes of the Greek succes*. 



181 



■ The few educated Phatutriot Gn-cks, like UemetrJos Ypsilanti or Prince 
Mavrocordftto, who ut tlie fint news of the outbrcAk had hastracd 
to place thtniKelves at the head of tlic nutioiiii] cauHe, proved <]uitc 
incompetent as leaden in im^uUr varfare and powerlest to eontixil 
the barbarous epint of cruelty which they deplored. Their well-meant 
cflbrta to provide the nascent Hellenic State with a Liberal Constitution 
on the nio«t approved western model were not more *uoces»ftiI ; 
and the real leaders of the people during the earlier stages of 
the war were the brigand chiefs and the primates and demogeronts 
wbone tiadttional local authoritv HiTcd the structure <^ Grevk socic^ 
. froiD di-wolviiif; into utter anarchy. 

H Two main fiuitora coutrihiited to the success of the Greeks. The 

' detention of the Bower of the Ottoman forces, under Kurshid Pftsha, 

the aUest of the Sultan's generals, before Ali's island stronghold of 

Janioa, enabled thu revolt to mak<^ unintemipted headway during the 

first critical months. The revolt of the i>lanii:<, by cutting off from the 

Ottoman Government its only reserves of good seamen, assured to tb<! 

insurgents the command of the sea. In sixe of ehip« and weight of metal 

the Turks were superior; but, when their line-of-battle ships at last 

put to sea, matUMd by motley and untraiiiMl civws of Algerinc pirates, 

Genoese mcroenariett, and Constantinopolitan quay-|>orten, they fell an 

easy prey to the swifl-sailing brigs and (tre>ships of the Greeks, "llie 

Greeks," wrote Wellington, "have the superiority at sea; and those 

I whobavctMsBupcriority must be successful." This truth was abundantly 

H iHustintcd in the course of the war. The great expedition of Ait, 

" Pasha of Drama, which in the summer of 1823 threatened lo criL*h the 

insurrection in the Morea, was forced to retire owing to the failure of 

the Ottoman fleet to come to its support, anil, taken at a disndvantage 

in the defile of Devemaki, was exterminated on August G. T)ie lieroic 

defence of Missolonghi (May 7, ]8!i5— April 9S, 18S6X was Kndered 

poseible only by the fact that the Greek admiral Miaoulis could enter 

tbe lagoon* and throw sup]i1ic» into tht; town. The appearance in the 

fUminer of 1824 of the wcll-cquipiwd fleet of Jfehcmet All of Egypt 

changed the fortune of the war at sea, just as, in tiie following year, 

Xbrshim's disciplined troops turned it on land. Against the barbaric 

hordes of Dramali or of Reshid, the Greek klephl»»n<i peasants had more 

Uian belli Uicir own; they were powetlew against the modem arma- 

inent and modern tactics of the Hgyptian leader. From the moment of 

Ibrahim's landing in the Morea it was realised that, if the Greeks were 

lo be saved from practical cxtcrminatiun, they must oppose western 

Ojethods to western methods ; which meant, in effect, that those of the 

£^iiro]iean Powen which desired their preser^'ation must intervene. 

iW attitode of the Pou-cre at the outaet of the povoH has already 
l>cen dcHcribcd. So long as it was merely a question of an internal 
t:«\-olt against the Ottoman Govcninient, none of them wax disposed 
cu. n. 



182 



Sympathy of Europe. Byron, 



[lMl-4 



to BOggest AH intervention which would h^Tc cnrriFtl with it tocalculftblc 
con»eqn«nccs iu>d piMed in jeopardy the whole int«rniiU<nuil atructuro 
so painfully established by tho European Alliance. But the mpid march 
of events soon stultified the policy of aloofness which had triumphed at 
VeroDO. The hopi^ of Alutti'mich were dufaed by the initial triumphs 
of the inxurgenU, and the policy of leaving the revolt to bum itAclT 
out "beyond the pale of civilisation" was frustratnl by the refutal of 
the western peoples to follow the lead of their Govnumcnts. In Europe 
at large the qcwn of the " reMirrection of Greece" hjid txvn received with 
an outbunt of unbounded enthusiaan), which grew with each new victory 
of the insurgent arms. 

Even'thing in the temper and conditions of the timea tende<l to 
encounngc tlii»> riiiUiellenie aidour. Of t)ie nctuol conditions obtaining 
in tlwj Levant the western world was then twn more completely ignoi-ant 
than now; but all Christendom sympathised with thia revolt of ChristiaiM 
against infidel oppression ; continental Liberals, gagged by Mettemlch^ 
police, found a voi<.'e for their own grievances in championing the cause 
of a nation struggling to be free; and the cultured clusws, educated 
almost exdosively in the lore of clasucal antiquity, forgot Uw loiiig 
centuries of corruption and degradation, and saw in ttie rough peannia 
of the Alorca and marincra of the islands on)y the descendants of 
Lconidns and OdyMeus. Philhellenic socictiM, of which the monbers wen 
drawn from all classes, sprang up oil over wiistem Europe ; end within a 
few months of the outbreak of the revolt money and volunteers were 
pouring in to the assistance of the Greeks. Veterans of Napoleon's 
disbanded armies, like Colooel Fabvier, English ollicen, like Colooel 
Thomas Gordon and Sir Ktchord Church, brought to the inturgentji the 
invaluable aid of their military experience. In the autumn of ItfiES 
Byron, the most celebrated and romantic figure of the age, himself comc^ 
pcepated to give his life for the cause which be had already illustrated by 
his genius. In spite of tlie ostentatious neutrality of the Powen, the 
Beifl I-^lTcndi could justiy complain that the Ottoman GoTemment wmi 
lighting not the Greeks only, but all Europe. 

For Uiis fact the Porte wa-s itself laigely to blame. The news of the 
masMCxe of Mussulmans in tl»e Morea was received in Constantiaoplc 
with one of those outbursts of blood-lust, inspired at onoc by ponic ukI 
by fanaticism, to which tlic usually easy-tiaturcd Turks are liaUe. A 
wild cry fur retaliation weiit up: and Sultan Mnlimud, though a man of 
modcrotc and comparatively enUghtcunl views, allowed himself to be 
earned away by a paroxysm of rage into cruelties which were as 
impolitic as they were horrible. Tbougfa preparations for suppreadng 
the rising were hurried on with feverish haste, nothing was readyt ami 
the Sultan thought to strike terror into tlie insurgents by on example 
which none could fail to understand. By the law of the Ottoman 
empire thu Patriarch of Constantinople was responsible for the good 



1 



4 



lesi] Execution of Gregorios. Attitude of Russia. 183 



I 



behaviour of IiU flock. By the SuIUn'& orders, tlien, oti the monting of 
Saeter Eve (April SS, 18SI) the venerable Gregoi-ios was seized, imme- 
diately afU'r tbc moniiiig Eiitharist, and, with two of his Biiihopc, oil 
three in their nacerdotAl vestnieiits, hniigetl btfoi-e tJie gate of U»e 
patri&rdial palacv. Tiie bodies, af^er remaining for a few days, were cut 
domt, dragged by a Jewish rabble through the streets, and thrown into 
the Bosphonw. The effect of this outrage was immense. "Evta the 
Kini>erwr Fnuicis wa.s rou»ed to protest iigninst tliis ignominious doing 
to death of a Christian prelate; wliile Alettcmich deploi'ed tlie barbarous 
folly which hod introduced a new and more perilous clement of discord 
into a situation idrvady sufficiently dchcatc. In Russia public indignation 
knew no bound.'*. The body of Gix^gorios had been pit'k<'(i up by a passing 
Greek merchant-vessel and carried to Odessa, whei* it was buried with 
the honoun of a martyr; and tliroughout Itussin a cry arose for a cnisodo 
ngainHt the infidd, to avenge the licad of the Orthodox Cliurch and 
purge the metropolitan see of (Jrtliodox Christendom of Uie polttition of 
the Mussulman occupation. For a moment Alexander wavered, but the 
news found him, not in Russia, but at lAibach, where Mcttemich was at 
hand to persuade him that the revolt in GrT»x:e was but the work of tbc 
Muoe "secLi" wtiotc evil nuwhiitations it wa.<i his glorious tnituion to have 
frustrated in other parts of Europe, and to point out tliat a war with 
l^irkey would impenl the whole fabric of that Confcdcmtiou of Europe 
which it hod been the Tsar's life-mission to build up. This reasoning was 
ftufltcient to convince tlie Emperor, who had no deitirc for war; his will 
prevailed over that of his people ; and the immediate peril wa* over-pasL 
The situation, however, quite apart from the continued successes of 
the Greeks, rconaincd extremely critical. Though peace was prcsvn'cd, 
Russia r«plie«l to tlie giige of defiance flung down by the exeirution of the 
Patriarch by withdrawing her representative from Constantinople and 
concentrating 100,000 men on the frontiers of the rrinripalitiea. 
Diplomatic i^atioos, she declared, could not be rctunicd untJl Turkey 
had satisfied licr jmt demands in respect of outstanding grievances, and 
given guarantees for the cessation of furtlier outrages on the Christian 
p«^ulation, placed, by treaty, under thi; protection of the Orthodox 
Xmt, The Emperor Alexander, indeed, maintained that the withdrawal 
of his Minister made for peace; for, had he remained, he would have had 
to report the outrages passing under his eyes. Moreover, the Porte in a 
momeat of temper misht luivc put him into the Sc-en Towns. " TTits 
roves," wrote Jx-bwitem to Metteniich on September 16, "that the 
Iraperor does not know how narrowly the Minister escaped thb fate, 
*Nid those who do know are careful not to tell him." As for Alexander's 
jwisonal attitude, Lebni^ltcm reported him as taying: "I tiave no 
bition ; my Empire is already too big for me — I am not blood tliinity, 
everyone knows it— and this war would not be to Russia's intereeta" 
TUc whole energies of the Powen interested in the maintenance of 



ft. 



ie4 



Auilade of other t*awers. Canning. [\&\-i 



the ttattiK quo in the East wcic nuir directed to nstorlng ilipl«tnatkj 
rolatioiid bclwijrn Rtnvm nnd Turkey nnd »o rt'inoTlng the peril oX <r»r.| 
In this mutter Mi'tlcmich ami CasHereagli, since TttjpiKm poles aportj 
in tlw'ir general policy, fomid tlKmadnfl once raon united. The ooti- 
fereuccs at Hanover, in October, which to the world seemed but one 
more conspiracy against populw libcrtJc», vtrt demoted to Ibe dlwasalon 
of the atlitttdc of the two Powls txmsnk the 'l\iri(ii«h crisiti, and tb( 
policy determined upon was perfectly Mmpic and itraightforwarf. 
Anstrin mid Great Britain agreed to bring pressure to bear upon the 
I'orte to remove the just causes of grievance which RussIb b^d against 
it, by satisfying thoR of )i*:r claims which were based upon undoubted 
tiienty stipulations, and by gunmntwiftg to the Clirintian rat/ah^ a 
totcmble measure of civil and political rights. To tlic success of thfs 
policy two obetad«s ^rescnttxl themselves : the stubborn pride of Ute 
Ottoman Govtmnien^, and the Greek eyrapathEcK o( Capodistrias, who 



was "tr)-ing to ticrvc one muster and two cause*," and urfng ** Rcnrfan 
power for Greek ends." Cnpodistrias woa, howei-er, since ijUbtth, a 
dhnlnlsliing quantity; and Mcttemidi left no stone unturned in order 



4 






to complete the overthrow of his influence. Before the assesibling of Ibe 
Congress of V«i<onn, the Austrian Minister was fVe« from a dangerotis 
rival who latterly hiul only nutintoined his office by his ** supplcnoa " snd 
" tKc wont of a man to take his place:.'* ' | 

The death of Castlereagh made no altetallon in the policy of GiCift' 
Brftitin towards the Kantem (Question ; for George Canning took up the 
matter where hts predecessor had dropped it and developed it on tbe 
Hues which he had laid down. In a despatch of September 27, IfiSJi, to 
the Duke of Wellington at Verona he made his attitude perfectly clear. 
British action in tbo Gi-eek f^iestfon mu-it bft dedded according to tSe 
general course of Urilish policy since the conclusion of the war. " Out 
object in common with our alliiB has been to maintain peace, anare that 
a new war. In whiitcvcr (|unrtcr it might be Iclndled, might presently 
involve all Enropo in its flames Our object, as with rcspert to 
ourwilvw, has been to avoid nil interference in the internal concerns of 
any nation — an interference not authori$ed In our caae, by the pocvitive 
ri^ti or obligations of l>eaty, nor justified, as we think (except when 
(I Treaty, or »omc very spceiid circumstances may authorise it) by the 
prindplcs of International Law." The Turkish 'Question had a double 
(uipcct. Tn tlie ulruggle between tlie Porte nad Its Greek subjects ■ 
England "Itad neiUier the right to interfere nor the means of eflcctuol^ 
interference"; and, whatever her sympathies, she was bound to respect in |. 
the cose of Turkey that national independence which she demanded fJistflj 
oUwrs should respect tn herself. In the outstanding issues betwet-n ^ 
Huuui and Turkey on the ot1>er liand, it was the duty and the right of 
Kngland to mediate; tliouglt "the rights which tn»t)cs give, btatie* 
muitt be liL'Id to limit." 



I 



3] Mitssacre of Stio. — JOratHoU m the Mort-a. 18J 



I 



» 



r 



Apart inai the old standing grievance of the non-execution i>f tbv 
socivt clauses of tbc Treaty of Bucharest, the main caiKes of complaint 
nhicli Uitnia lind agiiinst ttw Porlu were tiro. Though the nurtlicrn 
rerolt haA beon completely Ruppresscd, the Princtiialitits were still— 
cmtrary to distinct b-caty arFangcoicnta with Hiuutn — ocaipted and 
denurtatod by Turkish troops ; and, equally ooutniry to the letter of 
existing treaties, certain Givck hn^ uilinf; under the Ittissian flag 
haling been scii-^d in Uk Uardaoclles, the Port*: had claimed the right 
to aeiuch aU ships pacing the Straits. To persuade tl»e Porte to 
jridd on these points became the immediate object of Great Britain 
and ^\ustria alike; and at Canstantrnople their repre^cotativea woriced 
assiduouxly to thif end. But, in the fint half of the year I8S3, 
the events of the war were hardiy calculated to produce a yielding 
temper in the Ottoman Goremroent. (>n the eve of the ('oiigreM 
of Verona^ bidccd, it seemed as though the Eastern Quostian voidd 
fao HtUcd for the time by the swift collapse of the revolt. On 
April 9St the hideous Tepriads of the Ottotuan* culminated in the awful 
munare of Sdo, by which tltc miut flouri^itig community of \\k 
Gndt ardiipelagD nas wijMid out of exi.itence; and a few months hitor 
tlie unoppeaed march of the Pasha of Uranu into the .Mores proroi»ed 
to place inrargent Greece at tlie mercy of the Sultnn. I1ic news of the 
mntsacre of Scio, as was natural, roused intense feeling in EngUiid: and 
puUic opinion was loud in fiivour of intervention to rescue the Greejifl 
from the aanihilation whidi seemed to be impending. Canning, though 
his evickiit dcsint " to take the part of the Greeks ^ excited the anxiety 
of his colleagues in the Cabinet, set his face resolutely nguinst this 
agitation, lie denied that Grc-at Britain was under any obligation, or 
poiwraed the right, to interfere. A» for demanding from the Porte 
goarantccs for good go^Trntnent, by whose suietion were these guarantees 
to be made cHVctive? If by that of Rutsia, the war, which it bad 
been the main object of the Powew to avoid, would become n certainty; 
if by that of tlie KiirDpean Alliance, either ib* dignity unuUl be com- 
proniaed in the erent of the Ottoman Goi-emment refming to accept 
its dictation, or a wrir would rcsidt "of which no human foresight could 
anticipBte tlte iKme" — & dilemma which has been ever since the essence 

the Near I-Xttern Question. 

Hie sitoation was again profoundly nodiftcd by the events of the 
cntanm and winter of \S&%. lite dEostrous retreat of the Faslui of 
Urama had left the Greclot masters of the Kfotea, and in December 
Nauplia fell; while, in western Hellas, the stubborn defence of the Suliots 
bad saved the Greeks from the dc^atriiction threatfnied by the parallel 
march planned by Ktushid. When Omar Vrioni, his lieutenant, at 
Lut moicfacd sootfaward, the army of Ihamoli was ab«ady destroyed ; 
Petnibey, cJiirf of thi- M.-iiroi, wjm able to hurr>- to tin* H^it^lnnce of the 
d*iftiwlsrii of MisMlonghi with a thomand men ; aitd on January !JS, 



en. VI. 



186 Great Britain recognises the Greeks as belligerents. [1822-3 



18S3, after on unsti«ccsitful a-«atilt, the Ottoman commander raised tbe 
siege of the town and retiivd northwards. Viliile the Gre«ka, io spite 
of their suicidal disscnKioDs, were thus retrieviog their cause on land, 
they bad also once more gained the command of the sea: a result 
mainly due to the terror inspired by the Greek fire-ships, ever since, on 
the evening of June 18, in revenge for the massacre of Scio, Kanaris 
had destroyed the flag-ship of the Torkish sdmtra) with three thouund 
souls on board. ^Vith tliv Ottonum generals defeated and coutuelUn, 
•od the Oltomftn fleet, deniorfili.iiid and tielplos, lying for thelter ut>der 
the guns of the Dardanelles, it was clear that the Turks were not 
mast^ of the situation, nor were likely soon to become no. The 
•ituatiDll was, in fact, exactly that contemplated in the instrueiions of 
Cutlereo^h at Verona for tlie eventual interference of Great Britain — a 
situation parallel in many particolarB with that created in the West by 
the revolt of the Spanish Colonies. 'ITie recognition of the independence 
of tlie South American States became necessary, owing to the need for 
regularising the great trade which had spning up I»;twven them and 
Gi'eat Britain during the revolutionary period, and which was seriously 
hampered by the pirates who, owing no allegiance to any responsible 
Govenimen^ took advantage of the obsolete colonial laws of old Spain 
to prey upon the commerce of all nations. 'Hhc assc was similar in the 
Aegean and the Adriatic. The maritime Greeks, nominally subject to the 
Saltan, turned more and more to frank piracy, and, all Turkish vesseb 
havii^ been swept from tlie sea, carried into Nauplia as priass of war the 
tmdent of idl nations impai-tially. Since it was useless to make the 
Ottoman (iovcmnient i-uiponsible for a state of things which they were 
powerless to control, it becanMs necessary to tix Uw rcapon^bility on the 
dt^fado Government of Greece, (hi March 95, 1829, accordingly, the 
BritiNli (lovemiiient formally recognised the Greeks as brlligcrciits. 
"The recognition of the belligerent character of the Grcckn," wrote 
Canning, " >va.s necessitated by the impomibility of treating as pirates a 
population of a million souls, and of bringing within the bounds of 
ctviliM-(l war 11 contcrt which hod been marked at the outset on both sides 
by disgusting bartjaritic*," 

This language, which in fact implied no more titan what appeared on 
the surface, seemed to tlic statesmen of the Alliance to veil a threat of 
most sinister itnpurt to the European system. A year before. Prince 
I jevui liad reported to the Tsar his impression that Canning was '* more 
insular than Kuropcan." Ilii.v opinion, which Canning himxelf would 
doubtless ha\~e considered a compliment, seemed now confirmed by a 
step which appeared to advertise the intention of Great Britain to act in 
on intvniational question nut only independently of her allies, but in 
a sense diametrically opposed to what, in their opinion, formed the 
fundamental principles of their miion. Her attitude at Troppou, at 
Laibjicli, and at Verona, bod been one of protest ; but the protest had 



I 
I 

I 



I 



I6S2-3] Frands attd Alexander at Czemavitz. 



187 



I 



I 



not as yet bwn followed by active oppOHitioii. Now, for the first time, 
&be had cast her negis over a revolutionary ntovement, and by doing ao 
apparently ranged herself omcHig the forces hostile to the ideab of the 
Grand AUionce. IMcttcmirh, uho hnd hitliLTto steadily oppo^ any 
concerted intervention in the alfaini »f Turkey, now changed hi^ attitude 
in face of the apparent danger of an isolated intervention of Kngtand, 
and mode approaches to Russia with a view to joint action. He found 
the Emperor Alexander in a mood to respond to these advances. He 
had always been, he Mtid, in favour of joint action. So early a» the 
beginning of 18!^ Prince Lieven, in a conversation with Lord 
Londonderry, had discussed the question of a common protocol to be 
presented to the Porte, demanding tlie fulfilment of Russia's rights 
"authorised by treaties and by the right of pri>t«:tioii whieh these con- 
cede over the Greeks," Londonderry had refused to be a party to any 
instrument demanding from the Sultan a giiarantee of better administra. 
tion of the Christian provinces, on the ground that tliis would have been 
to recognise the light of Bus»in to iDterferc in the intenial afikirs of 
Turkey. England, he said, hail no common rights, and therefore coiilil 
take no common meaaurefl, with Russia, and in any case could never 
Kfga a document containing the words " Christian provinces tmdcr the 
pCDtection of liis Imperial Alnjc»ty.'' In view of tliis refusal, the 
recognition of the Gredi flag seemed to Alexander to argue the intention 
of Great Britain to arrogate to herwlf alone that right of protection 
which she had denied to Russia, and to take advantage of the Tsars 
obligations to the European Alliance to oust him from his legitimate 
influence in the near £i»t. 

In tlicac cit-cunutancc*, Riixsia and Austria, hitherto estranged 
by their conflicting interests in the Eastern Question, once more drew 
together. In October, ISSA, the Emperors Francis and Alexander met 
Kt Oemovit):, where the whole tguestioii of an eventwnl intervention of 
the European Concert was discnsiwd. Tliat such on intervention would, 
sooner or later, be inevitable was now admitted. It wa.s more difficult to 
dccido what form it should take ond on what principle it should be 
based. The unexpected persistence of t)ie Greeks hod ruined Mettemich's 
plan of istoliiting Uie war, which Canning bad now brought "within the 
pale of civilisation"; it was no longer poHsible to tj'eat the inMirgent.t as 
commonpkce rebels against legitimate authority. The dilemma was 
indeed a formidable one. To help the Sultan to crush his rebellious 
vatsals was obviously impossible, even hud Alexander been himself out of 
sympathy with the sentiment of his people ; to side with the insurgents 
against the Ottoman Government would have been to give the lie to 
every principle on which the European system had hitherto been baaed. 
Canning wrote exidtingly of the diplomatic "bog" in which the statesmen 
of the Alliance were floundering, and from which there was no e»copc. 

The conflicting interests in the Eastern Question whieh were destined 

ca. Ti. 



18» 



Propomis for a Cotyeratcc. 



£lB2»-4 



to rG*olve the grot Alliance into its deiuenta were iadeed not alow in 
re%-e(Uing tbemttlrea. lite Emperor Alexander was growing rastive under 
the iiuulting pcrsiBteoeo of Uic Ottoman Government in rcfusiai; to 
redress the univcnally admitted wrongs of Rumia; hi» mind, Lhough be 
still cluitg to th« idea of European solidarity, waa teiuliiig more and 
more in tlie direction of the traditional policy of the Tsan ; and tbe 
war-party at St Petersburg, whicfa had languished since tbe dtsmtaAl 
of Capodietrias, was once more in the ascendant. AIszsndiT learned, in- 
dwd, at CnmoTitj that the Ttirks had givtn way on some of tlw man 
important matter* in dtHpuU: — Uic ervctuition of the principalitieif and 
the tree navigation of the Straits; and in respoose to these conotariaas 
ha maaX Minciaky to CoRrtantinople, as his agent to watch over the 
cnrryil^ out of the new treaties. The question which lay nearest to 
the heart of tiw Russian people, however, — that of tho guaranteo of 
good govcniiuent for tlw Orthodox ragaha — ramained unsrttled ; and It 
was intitnnted to tlic Porte tliat the reeslahlishment of ftaU diplomatie 
relations must depend upon the satisfaction of still further claims. TTw 
meaning of this vague demand was revealed before the Tsar left Czemorilx. 
He there mode tlie informal Ru^tstion that a Conference of the Powers 
should be Hummonod to St Pctertburg to anange for a concerted inter- 
vention in tlie Turkish Qnextion, on tiie basis of the erection of Gr««a 
and tbe islands of the Archipelago into three autonomous principalities, 
tmdcr Ottoman suzerainty, and guaranteed by the European Concert. 
The proposal wa« formatly r\-pt.-nted in a Ituwian circular ooto of 
January, 18^^ in which it was pointed out that "the effbria of the 
Imperial Govc-niiRcnt to bring about a collective intervention werr tbo 
best proof of its disintereAtedness." 

Neither Mettcniicli nor Canning wa>t greatly impressed by thli 
argument. Austria could not contemplate with equanimi^ the catab- 
lishmsot in the aouth of the Bidknn pcninv-tila of Hcmi-independcnt 
principalities, on the model of Muldavia and Wallachia, subject, if not 
to the formal protection, at least to tlic pi«ponderant influenoev of 
Bunta. Mottcmich's sensational counter^moTc was to propose tbeerection 
of GrMoe into a sovereign and independent State. As for Canning, be 
objected to Great Britain becoming a party to n conformoe, only that 
she might serve **ns a buffer between the colliding interests of Hunia 
and Au&lria." Concerted interventioD seemed to him impossible^ la 
view of the utterly irreconcilable objects of the parties to it; and, were 
this intvn'cution based, as Alexander desired, on the principles of the 
Holy Allianoe, the logical outcome would be that Russia would elaim 
to march into Turkey as Austria liad mftrdied into NafJea, m the 
mandatary of Europe — the very issue which it had been the itady of 
Austria as well us of England to avoid. Great Britain would bv 
Ktrongrr, and her action more cflioctuttl, were kIu: to nmuun outsida aujr 
combination. 



1 



i 



1824-5] 



Conference of Si Petersburg. 



189 



^> 



My the time the Conference met, in June, I8S!4, Canning had lome- 
what modifkd his views. If both p«rti«i to the struggle in Turkey 
were willing to submit to its deciiuotis, the Conference might prove 
serviceable ttii a, board of arbitration whow verdict would be iKurked by 
the augwit naiiction of the Concert, thou^ all idea of an ultimate 
appeal to force must be rigidly exdudcd. With tliis idea Sir Charles 
&i^t was allow«) to att^inl Uii^ opening meetings of the Conlicnincc, 
aud in July Slxatford ('anuing ^as sent on a mission to 'ii Petenbuig. 
It was soon apparent, however, that the conditions essential ita a 
peaceful iDtenentinn did not exitt. The Ottoman Government pro- 
tested ngaiiutany intervention of tlie Powers in itsaflairs; tl»e Greekti 
refused to be bound by the decisions of a Conference wliieh would in 
idl probability suggest a settlement ialling far short of their aims. In 
tJio««D circumstances, Cotnning, in November, finally dcciik-d to take no 
furtlier fhai* in the common deliheratJonit ; and, wIkii tlie (H»cit«ioii 
of the Russian circular of January, 18^, was entered upon, Uagot 
withdrew from the sittings. The seal was thus sot upon the breach 
between Great Britain an<l the European AlliaiK'e; and tho Emperor 
Aleuwder declared that all negotiations on the Kasteni Question wttli 
the Briti.ih Government were closed. 

The condition of things which Canning had foreseen now arose. 
[£nglancl being removed, Austria and Ilussia were brought face to face; 
it waa soon cltuir tliat Uieir interests were in sharp antagonism. 
lich, who early in 18i25 had visited Paris and won over Charles X 
to his views, absolutely refused to consider the Russian proposal for ft 
scries of semi -independent Greek States. For Austria, he maintained, 
there were only two possible altematins — the complete subjection or 
ihe complete independence of Greece. Rusiiia, on tht: other hand, 
objected equally strongly to setting up an independent Christian State, 
hicfa might develop into a peril to her own influence. Under these 
frircumstances the Conferences could but i»uc in a lame conclusion. On 
3larch 13, 18S5, it was resolved to present a joint note to the Porte, 
offcrii^ the mediation of the Poncre in the Greek (^cstion. Since ihia 
oftx was purely beucrolent, and backed hy no suggestion of coercion, 
it was, at might have been expected, indignantly refused. The new 
txaa taken by the fortunes of the war in ISSfl liad, indet'^l, not tended 
to Weaken the stubborn resolution of the Sultan. His own undisciplined 
troop! having proved unequal to the task of crushing the insurgents, 
Kfalunud had humbled him«clf reluctjmtly ai>d with misgiving to ask 
«id of his powerful vassal Mehemet Ali of Egj'pt, who had responded 
"y sending a disciplined army under his son Ibrahim, escorted by 
* powerful and wdl-equippcd fleet, for the conqm-st of Grcrcev Tf»e 
insubordination of his captains prevented Miaoulis firom taking the 
MukiuIquui armada at a disadvantage l)cfore it could reach its point 
'^ <micentiatiou ; iui<l Ibruhim rviurhcd bwU Buy in Crete witltout 




190 Ibrahim in the Morea.-Canning approaches Russia. [ias4-8 



mishap at the clow of 1834. On February 24, \Si5, lie landed nt 
Modon in the More*. 

From this moment tlie fortunes of Uie insurgents seemed desperate. 
The Greek bands everywhere broke and fled before the onset of di»- 
riplined troops; and Uio Egj'ptian commander, wlio was to prove hi» 
military capacity in more arduous enterprises, set to work witli Kjstcraatic 
TUthlcssneM to rctluoe the coimtry to submission. The hormrs of the 
earlier period of Uie war pated before those of its latest phase; and 
even those who had been left cold bj tlie talcs of maasaere com- 
initted by barbarians on one side or the other were roused to protest 
by a policy which seemed to nim at the extrrminnlton of an entire 
population, and tlie coloni-talion of a European cotmtry, hallowed by 
glorious aiisociation!!, with Mussulman negroes andJcUaheen. Alt Europe 
watched with breath!c8s interest the defence of the little town of Misso- 
longhi, behind ilic mud runpart* of which the forluni hope of Greece 
seemed to be making a la.^t licroic ttand against the llootl of httrbarimi. 

It was under these conditions that the long silence between the 
UuiiMan and British Gorcniments in the afiairs of the East was at 
last broken. Canning took the initiatire. His cousin Stratford 
Conning (l^rd Stiatford de Redcliffe) was commiwioned, on taking 
up bin post as ambanBador at St Petertbiii^ in lite summer of 1825, 
to suggest a joint intervention of the Powers, but still with the 
stipulation that no t^oerc-ion should be used against the Porte, Rusua, 
h(mTer, would listen to no proposal for intirvcntion unless combuicd 
with a willingne^ to use force, if nece&iaiy; she would be no pnrty to 
any repetition of the futile joint representations to the Porte which had 
effected so little in the past ; and declared that " intervention, onoe 
begun, must ccmtirme till its end is gained." The position thus defined, 
the Ru!«inn Govt-nimcnt withdrew into it» former attitude of mysterious 
reticence; but Prince Lieven, the Tsar's ambassador to the Court of 
St James', was instructed to listen to any "confidential communications" 
which Canning might make on the subject, and to draw him on by 
hinting Uiat, if (ireat Britain finally refused to consider the eventual 
necatsity of using feats, Russia would l>e prepared to settle the question 
alone. Tliis veiled threat, following on the ominous silence of the Riunan 
Emperor, had ilit ofTii^t. Canning admitted that Russia and Great Britain 
were Uie only Poweni from wliom a wttlement of tlie Eastern Question 
could be expected, since Austria's attitude towards the Court of St;- 
Petersburg had Injcn "foolish and disloyal," and Prussia was too unim- 
portant to be considered in the matter. " Mr Canning and I," reported— 
Lieven, " are on the path of tumlidcnces. The time has come to act." 3 

The conlidences were interrupted by the death of the Empero^V 
Alexander, whidi took place at Taganrog on Ueccmbei- S4, 1825 ; bu^ 
Canning, now fidly pewuiuiitl that the road to a satisfactory solutioiK" 
lay in a separate undcnttanding with Russia, determined to ope^fc 



lase] 



TU Protocol of St Petersburg. 



101 



I 
I 



k 



» 



n^otutions with tbe new &nperor. In Jutvary, 1896, acoordinglj, tlw 
Duke of Wdliogton was sent as ^lecial envoy to St Fetenbtng, to 
congratulate Nicholas I on his Mccnkm, uul iit th« ame time to 
come to an untkrttaiuliiig as to ronimon action in tlie AfTain of 
the Ottoman empire. For sDch a mission the Duke was opecially 
adapted. His gttst reputation, and hia known sympathy with the 
European s^-stcm, made him a persona grata at the Russian Court; 
while tbe changed situation in the rvlationa of the Powers obviated any 
danger of hi« running counter to Canning^s policy. "The Duke <^ 
Wellington,* wrote Canning, " would not have done for any purpose 
of mine a twelvemonth ago. No more would confidence in Russia. 
But now — the ultra system being dissolved, by tl>c carri'itig of every 
point whicli they oppowd — the vlcmcuts of that .lystcm have become 
UMuble for good purposes. I hope to save Greece through the agency 
of the Russian name upon the fears of Turkey without a war." The 
instructions of Wellington were to offer to the Tsar thv mediation of 
Great Britain between Russia aitd Turkey on the ono hand, and between 
Turkey luid the Greeks on tlie other. At tlie same time, if a Conference 
of the Powers were suggested, lie was to stare it olT " by multiplying 
conditions." 

The Emperor Nicholas was, indeed, as little inclined as Canning to 
submit tbo Eastern Question to the continental Allies, by whom he 
conceived that Alexanih-r hod birn badly treated ; and be was now, as 
on subsequent and more tatcful occasion.*, anxious to settle the mattei- 
t»y a separate understanding with Great Britain. The mutual sympathy 
between Nicholas and Wellington, whose qualities were well calculated 
to draw them together, facilitated the negotiations ; and on April 4, 
1 826. was signed the Protocol of St Petersburg, the first formal step 
in tlie estaUishment of an independent Greece. According to this 
ixutroment Great Britain was empowered to offer to tlie Ottoman 
Oorcmmcnt a settlement of the Greek Question based on the establish- 
ijient of Greece as a vasMd and tributary St^tte. Russia promised 
ttCT cooperation "in any case"; but by jVrtidc III it wat stipulated 
ttutf should tlie Porte reject the proffered mediation, the signatory 
fowers should take the earliest opportunity, either separately or in 
conmon, of establi&litng a rvconcilintion on the basis of the Protocol. 

TTm; cluiiigvd attitude of the British Government involved in tlie 
oi^iature of this instrument was due lately to the well-founded dread 
pf isolated action on the port of Russia. On the other Hand, Canning 
jtiatifkd an intervention to which he had refused to be a party, so long 
■* it was repudiated by both sides to the quumJ, by the new attitude 
**' the Greeks, who, cowed by Ibrahim's successes, had sought the ''good 
■'tficca** of Great Britain and had even sn^ested placing themselves under 
'^^ imttection. The terms embodied in the Protocol were substantially 
^°8e agreed upon at a confvrvncc between Stratford Canning and 

oa. rt. 



ocrUin of Uie Gre«k leaders, held on the island of Perivotakia in January. 
In spite, howcTer, of the appArcnt corditilit^ of th« Anglo-HtiMian 
cntenie, cniuws of friction were not long in showing theimelt-cx. The 
Emperor Nicholas, tlio«^ prepared to act in concert with Great Britain 
in the Greek Que-ition, waa fblly determined to retain in his own hands 
llie settlement of the specific (rnevaticca of Rusna against the Fortb 
While WclliiiKton was yet at St Pet(:r>h«rj», and dtiriii^ thi> n^^otiaUom 
which led up to the April Protocol, Iklinciaky, the Kuuian agent at 
Constantinople, was directed to present an ultimatum to the Ottoman 
Government demanding the evttcuatton of the Principniitics by the 
Turkish titiops, thv rvlcuse of c«rtain Servian dqnitics, mid the immediate 
drapatch t«> Uift finolier of plejiipoi^'ntiaries for the purpose of arranging 
K final setUement The ultimatum was despatched on March 17, \^i6; 
and in a circular note of tlio 16th the Rusvian Government jnatified it* 
action to Uic Powem. Ilie ultimntum, it urg«l, coocemwJ tlic af&ire of 
RiissiA alone. Kiumia would be gmteful if the Powers would preaa the 
Port« to make concessions, but asked no more tlian strict neutrality in 
case of var. As to Grveci.% the Kmpecor wotdd know how to enforce on 
the Turks rcKpi^t for the dictates of humanity aiw) Kiiropeon peace. 
The impression made upon the UriliMi (iovenunent by this action 
was naturally not altogether favourable. It was felt that Wellington 
had to a ccrtnin extent allowed himxclf to be hoodwinked ; and that, 
under cover of friendly negotiations with a view to joint intervention, 
Kuisia had taken the first step towards that isolated action whicli it was 
tlie aim of Briti.'sh policy to forostall. The fnemature publication of 
the Protocol of April 4>, wliidi it hud twen intended to keep secret, 
incrcnsed tlie risk of war. Sultan Mahmud, not unnaturally, rewntcd 
the intrusion of fr»h demands before he had time bo consider tfaoM 
already pncnenlcd, iiiid saw in tliem one mure proof that ituatda denred 
to drive him to extremities. Hi« immediate answer was to hurry on the 
railitaiy reforms which he hoped would put him in a pi»ition to bid 
defiance fo the Tsar's threats. The measuree he took to achieve his ends, 
however, recoiled upon hinutclf. Tlie JaniiaaricN. whose traditional 
privileges were UircAteiiefl by the Sultan's jjluns, roac in revolt on 
June 15 ; and, though Mahmud, with the aid of his Anatolian troops 
was able to crush the in^urrecttou and to exterminate the turbulent 
Piactoriaiis who tuul so long tvraiuiiNcd over his predecessors, the 
immediate residt was so seriously to weaken his available forces tliat b« 
was compelled to come to terms with Russia. On October 7 was slgnod 
at Akkennan a treaty conceding all the demands of Russia with n^aid 
to tlie Principalities, the navigation of the Straits, and the eeaaioo 
of certain Circassian fortresses. Full diplomatic relation-s between 
St Petersburg und Constantinople wore now resumed, and the drooded 
war was again postponed. 

Meanwhile the ProtiKHil lind not resulted in any effective action. 



ISMf 



Inaction of the Powers. 



\\ 



Il'Anuitig resented the hadte with wliic^h iti t^^nns hud heeii communtated 
to the other Powers, as tending to rerive " the principle of ad unasked 
iiuthoritHtive iDterfvrcDcc of the ^Vllionoe," with which this " i> corporate 
tuoi'etiiciit ill A piirticulnr at»e," had nothing to do. The Empcror 
Nicbolas, on Uw other hand, noted the appnrent reluctaiict: of Great 
Britnia to take action, and began to suspect that her motivee had been 
>ulelj- to prevent anv isolated action of Hiiasia. Cfmning, indeed, wished 

• to )iol>l Uiv Protocol in reserve, and to use it only in the erent of the 
Porbe rejecting the veparate mediation of England. The stubborn 
spirit of Sultan Mahinnd »oo» inudi? it clear that no mediation un- 
Mipporbed by a threat of force would have any chance of success. In 
view of the continued Turkish successes against the insurgents, it was 
indeed liardly rciuonable to expect any other attitude ; and Ruwia 
continued to urge the nccnsJty for enforcing the termn of Uie Protocol. 
In June Pnnce Lieven was in^tr^cted to point out the notonous plan of 
Ibrahim fur exterminating the Greeks of the Morca, and to ask whether 
H tiie British Government had repTcseiited to tlie Porte th<; intention of 
^ Russia and England to unite in preventing this. I^e attitude of the 
British Ministers in fate of this direct appeal seemed to justify the 
mspicionitof Biusia. Wellington, denying that the intention to depopu- 
late the Morea luul been proved, decloied that tlie obj«t of the Protocol 
bad been purely )>acitie, and tliat Great Britain had never departed &oin 
her firm objection to the coertioii of Turkey. 

A long correspondence between the several chanceries followed. 
Mctteniidi, who had stigmatised the Protocol a« a '* feeble and n'dJculous 
producticHi,^ and reganled Canning'^ whole policy in the Eastern Question 
as fatal to the peace of Europe, based as this was upon the sanctity 
of treaties, nns obdurate; and Priissia faithfully siipporttii his views. 
Charles X, on tl>c otlier hand, in hi» aipacity of " Most (JhrUtian King," 
was favourable to an arnted intervention, which savoured of a crusade^ 
By the end of August Canning, still to a certain degree actuated by 
dread of isolated action on the part of Russia, ventured a 5tcp forward. 
On Septenibcr 4i he addressed a note to the Rusaiiui Government !iugg»t- 
ing that Great Britain should point out to the Sultan that " the senti- 
□KJita of humanity and the interests of commerce " made it necessary for 

• the two Powers to insist on his accepting tlieir mediation on the banin of 
tlie Protocol and suggesting, in the event of hi.i refusal, to withdraw the 
British and Kuxsian representatives from Constantinople, to establish 
diplomatic agents tn Greece, and, possibly, to recognise tlic indcpcndatce 
of the Morea and the islands. To tliis note Uie Tsar replied by a 
gcnentl acquiescence, but mggcsted tluit, bufore threatening a breach of 
diplomatic relations, the two Powers should demand the establishment of 
AD annistice, so as to prevent the extermiitation of the Qiristtan popular 
(ion. TTie piu-tictilar cliiims of Russia luul been satiaikd by tl)e Treaty of 
Akl^eniuui ; and the ItiiMinn Government waii anxious not to renew the 



e> M. H. %. cu. VI. 



X$ 



194 Conference <}f lAmthn.-Tke Piftter^eti meSation. [ies»-7 



crtEtSfif this could be avoided without acicri (king the cause of the Grccbti. 
Only in Uw event of the wmintice being refuwd were th* Pwwem to take 
aiiv coercive measures; and, as to theJr nature, on ^pt(;n)ber 29 Lieren 
was iostructed to point out to Canning that the plan, sogg^ted by 
kiioael:^ of isolating Ibrahim in the Alon>a by intercepting auctDuni from 
Egypt would be the en»cst way of oonvincing the Porte without a 
(lii^jnratiut) of war. Thh could be don« bv a union of ttie fleets of the 
Poweni willing to share in the piaciflcatioii of Greece. 
i.t.,Coiainoii action was delay^ by the hope of still brii^i^ into line, 
en the basta of the j^rotocol, all the Powers interest^ in the Eastern 
Question. But the Confurncv, opened in Ixmdon in the spring of 1837, 
only cmphastKd their irrecoDcilable differences. Metbcmich protc«ted 
as energetically aa ei-er again.tt any ooercJon of l^irkey, and repudiated 
"mediation** at the request of "rebeb**; Prussia, aa mual, followed 
obediently in hii wake ; and the two Po«-crs which alone seemed to 
remain faithful to the {irinciplos of Trojipau withdrew from the C<m* 
lercncc. 

The question of the eonvcntton of tlw Protocol into a fornwl treaty, 
suggested m> early as January by Prance, was now nerrounly taken np. 
Uussia was prepared to adopt this course, on conditi^m that the uhimate 
appeal was to be to force. " \Ve are invited,** wrote Count Ncssclrode, 
** to sanction a principle. We invite the recognition of Its consequences." 
" It L-i part of their civil and religious systetn tJiat OnVntjtls never act 
save in obedience to absolute rteoeauty," Prince IJeven had written on 
January SI, 18S7, at the same time pointing out that the Porte was per- 
fectly aUe to distinguish between a mere " dMnonstratioo " and s serioUH 
business. This was a proposition the truth of which a rich ei^pcrience- 
lias sinfc brotij^ht home to all the Powers, Biit Canning wa.s by no means 
willing to breolc with the traditional Britiidi policy, and still objected to 
making the rejection of mediation by the Porte a easua beili ; and, 
on April 4, the Protocol vmn presented to the Sultan by the British 
and R\i)»iun ambassndori. Thv result was what tiic Russian Government 
had expected. The Porte indignantly rejected the proffered mediation 
a* an impertinent inlerfcreiKv in tlie affairs of Turkey and iw irrocon- 
cilalile with the precepts of the Koran. Canning now reab'Mtl that the 
only way to Itold Uussia to the spirit of the l*ro1oco!, and to prevent bcr 
from declaring war on her own account, was to forestall her by agreeing 
to apply coercive measuiw. 1^ rescduticm accentuated the criaia in the 
Cabinet pnvluoed hy the illness of Lord liverpool and the succession of 
Conning to the pifniierdiii). In April, Wellington, who was opposed to 
the conversian of the Protocol into a treaty, had reALied a place fn the 
new Government, ond he was now in open opposition to Uie policy of 
Rus^ and to any oocrdoo of Turkey. This attitude was to produce its 
fffV-ct Inter; for the present the Tory Cabinet was embarked on a course 
opposed to the Tory tradition. 



I 



I 



I 




I 



iwt] 



Treaty of London. 



i9fi 



I 



On July 6, 1827, Uic Protocol of St Petersburg was converted into 
the Treaty of London; Austna and Prussia refused to sign; and the 
fina! settlement of the Greek Question was thus left to Great Britain, 
Russia, and France. By the ostensible articles of tho sew tn»ty tbo 
three nifjnatory Powcra cngnRcd to procure the autonomy of Growr, 
under llu- su/x-nu'nty of tlKSultnn, wiUiout bKnkingotTMendly rcliitioiw 
with the Port«. By additional secret article!!, however, su^ested by 
Canning, it was agreed that, in the event of the Ottoman Government 
rcfiising the mediation of the Powers, commercial relations by means of 
Consuls should be established witli the Greeks ; that an armistice should 
be proposed to both sides ; and that this should bo enforced l)y all tJte 
means that might "suggest themselves to the prudence" of the High 
Contracting Plartl**. In general it was hc!d that n "pacific" blockatJe 
of Ibrahim in the Moron, a.* already propoMr!, would he the readiest way 
of bringing him to terms ; and instructions to this effect were sent to the 
admirals of the allied I'owcrs in Levantine waters, to whom necessarily a 
wide discretion was left. 

Od August 16 the dmbtis'iiidors of the three Power: presented a joint 
note to the Porte, dt-monding tlic immediate arrangenieiit of an armistice 
with the Greeks, and threatening, in case of refusal, to Uikc in common 
the measures necessary to enfoKe it llic Porte, as usual, met a 
dangerous situation by an attempt to procrastinate; and Mettemich, 
encourngod by the death of Canning on August 8, still hoped to retrieve 
the situation. He was encouraged also by the language of the Emperor 
NicJiolas, who, while consenting to sign the Treaty of London, 
bad expressed his deep regret at having to do so without two of his 
brother sovereigns of Uie Holy Alliance, for which he still proclaimed 
his heart-felt sttadiment, and protested his abhorrence of the Greeks 
ai "subjects in open revolt against their Intimate sovereign.'* In 
Mettemich's view the impending catastrophe might yet b« averted, if 
the Porte wot:ld consent to accept tlic good ollioes of Austria, and 
explain to the intervening Powers that it was the method, and not the 
mbstanoe, of thcir'pri>po.ial» tliat it resented. 'Ilie Austrian note em- 
bodying these proposals was presented at Constantinople on October SO. 
It was too late That very afternoon the dilatory threads of diplomacy 
hod been rudely toni, and the fate of Greece uccidcd, in the Bay of 
Navarino, 

Th« events leading up to the battle of Navarino demand a somewhat 
more detailed treatment than the other episodes of the war, since they 
produced a more immediate, profound, and lasting elTect upon the 
general diplomatic .tituAtion. The terms of the Treaty of London had 
been communicated to the British and French admirab at Sinynia on 
August 11, 1827, They were empowered to propose an armistice to 
both combatants sod to make it effective, by peaceful means if poasihle, 
by force if iicces&ary. Admiral Codrlngton soiled at once for Nauplia, 



OL Vt, 



13-3 



106 



Battle of Navarino. 



[l8B7 



where he fnund the Greek Gowmnniit, kn ws,^ to be cxpeclcd, only too 
gltid to accept the armistice. By tlie Turku, however, it -mas n-jocled 
with !<com ; preparations were hurried on for reducing the two island 
strongholds of Hydra and Spexzia; while at the same time an Kgyptiaii 
fleet of ninety-two sail left Alexandria ajid succeeded, on September 7. 
in joining the Ottoman squiuh-on in tbc Iiorbour of Ntivarino. Codring- 
tori arrived five days later, and informed the Ottoman ailiniral that any 
attempt on his part to leave the bay would be rcsJ8te<l by force, 'ITie 
Britiali squadron was soon joined by the French, under Admiral de Rigny, 
and the two admirals now communicated the terms of the Treaty of 
London to Ibrahim. The Pasba replied that he could do nothing without 
the commuid.t of the ^ulliui, hut, pending the arrival of iiiNtnictioos 
ftoDt Constantinople, undertook that none of his ships should leave the 
bay. Upon this the allied si]uadi-on withdrew, leaving a couple of 
guardsliips to watch the Ottoman tlect. 

Tlie situiitioii was now Kuflu-icntly critical; for the (Jrcelts, lutving 
pliuvd themselves in the right by accepting the nrini-''tife which the 
T"urks had itfuaed, were free to continue hostilitiea. 'l"hey took full 
advanta^ of their opportunity ; and, on September 23, a Greek flotilla, 
under Captuin Ha'«tings, attacked and destroyed a Tiu'ktsh .'•qtuulron 
lying off Salnna. To Ibraliini this seemed u f^oss breach of the Con- 
vention ; and he sailed out of the Bay of Navarino to avenge the 
disaster. Wanied by the guanUliips, Codringlon intercepted the 
Turkish squadron and turned it back. On t^^ching Navarino, Ibrolitm 
found hi^ instruction^ awaiting him ; they were, to defy the Powers and 
reouiin whei« he was. The crews of the allied fleeta watched the 
columns of smoke from the burning villages, which were the signals of 
his defiance. 

The ullii^d fleet had. meanwhile, been completed by the arrival of 
the Riusiiin M)uadrun ; and the three admirals held a council of war at 
which it was decided to pi'esent an ultimatum to Ibraliim demanding 
fresh securities, the return home of the Ottoman and Egyptian flecta, 
the cessation of hostilitits, and the evacuation of the ftlorea. Tl»e 
answer was evasive; and Oodrington, Uie senior admiral in command, 
derided to make a demonstration by sailing into the Bay of Navarino. 
On the morning of October 20, accordingly, the aUied fleets entered the 
bay, unmolested by the Tiirki,-*h fort.'*, and cast aiiclior opposite Uiat of 
the Ottomans. No battle hnd I>een intended, though the ships were 
rlcared for action ; but the refusal of the I'm-ks to move some fn«-ships 
which threatened the allied line led to an altercation i shots wen: 
exdiaiigcd, and the battle soon bccunu; general. By nightUl the 
MoMtilman armada had ceaned to exist. 

Judged by its immediate and ultimate consequences, Navarino may 
be considered one of the dea'sivc battles of history'. Ibrahim, indeed, 
thougli bis cause was now hopeless, still remained firm in his dc&uicc. 



I 
I 



I 



I 



I 
I 




I8S7] 



Effects of the news of Navarhio. 



197 



*' Far Europe," howwer. m Mettcniidi wrote, ** the event of October SO 
began a new era." Russia had, indeed, already proposed that, in view 
of the continued obstinacy of the Porte, the three Power* should 
proceed to "vigorous measures" for restoring oidcr in Greew. In a 
despatch of Svpteiiibcr ^ Nisitelrode instructed Lieven to sound the 
British Government on this point. The Powers wei« to ofier their 
mediation for the last time, and, in the event of a fresh refu.^1, \<* 
withdraw their ambas»adon< from Coii>t(mtin(ip!ix Htisxia would tlii.-ii 
cxxupy tlte Danubian Principalities until the Porte should Kuhiiiit. In 
the event of Great Britain raising difficulties, the Russian Goi'emment 
was prepared to act alone under Article III of the Protocol of 
St Petersburg. As to "the ultimate destiny of Turkish teiritory in 
case of the &11 of the Ottoman empire," Ueven might discuiM thiit with 
BritUh Ministcn, but waa not to raise it. This despatch showed a 
Angular want of appreciation of the change produced in the British 
Obinet by the death of Canning. The new Ministers had always 
dislilted the Treaty of Jtdy 6 : they had no intention of pressing its 
provisions to their logical conclusion. Lieven did not judge it expedient 
even to mention the augge«ted RuHsian occupation of the Principalities, 
still less to hint at the greater que.ition of the destiny of Turkey. Tl»e 
British Government objected even to an effective blockcule of the Greek 
const, and were supported in this by France; the most that Lieven 
could obtain was a direction to the admirals "to police tJie waters of 
the Lerant so fur as concent* the Ottoman flag." This being the 
temper of tlie British Cabinet, it is easy to realise the scuitatrnii causi-d 
when the new* reached London that Codrington, without waiting fur 
instructions, had ahattered the Ottoman sca-powcr. The panic wa* 
not allnved by the attitude of Hii.wia, The Emperor Nicholas, not 
unnaturally, rrganled the common victory of Navarino as n proof of the 
unity of the tliree Powen. lie now proposed, in a despatch signed by 
Nenaelrode on December 5, to follow up the blow by himself marching 
into the Prinripiilities, while the Maritime Powers were to force the 
OurdanelleA and impose the 'i>eaty of London on \,]w. Sultan by 
timatening Constantinople itself. 

It is ponibic that a strong Minister like Canning would Itavc bowed 
to the logic of events and realised tltat, for the moment at teaat, 
Navarino had hopelessly broken the traditional policy of Gix-at Britain 
towardit Turkey. But Goderich was now Prime Minister, Dudley 
Foreign Secretary; and from neither could any but half-measures be 
expected. Moreover, though the Tsar declared tJiat in occupying the 
Principalities he had in view no permanent annexation, the mood of 
both VrvKt and England was one of unconquerable suspicion. In vain 
tile Imperial word waa fortiOed on December IS by the signature on 
behalf of all three Powers of a Protocol declaring that, :>houId war 
result, notw of tliein would leek to derive I'l-om it any exduuve bcncRt, 



198 The Porle repudiates the Treaty of Akkerman^ [i827-« 



wh«tlter coinmprcinl or lerrilorial. The BriUah Goremment clung to tlie 
delusion tltat war might y«t be prevented, and entrenched itself behind 
the Sction that nothing tuid occurred hopoksslj to compromise the 
tradiliomil friendship hctnrcen Great Britain and tliv Siilton. In the 
King's Speech at Uiv opening of Parliament, January 29, 18S8, the 
battle of Navarino was referred to aa an "untowrard ei'ent,** which it 
was hoped would not disturb the harmonious relations eabsisting 
between His Majesty's Government and the Sultan i llie follj of any 
such hope was ooon patent to all the world. Tlic somewhat nhamcfaced 
rxplanations of the Powers were met by the Porte witli a vignuos 
protest against this "revolting outrage" on a friendly Power in time 
of peace, and a demand for compensation and an apology. Thcxo 
were rct'iucd, even by Grt-at Britain, which threw tlio blanw on the 
Turlu, w having been the a^reasors in attacking a fleet entering a 
friendly harbour in time of peace. J-'urther negotintioiui flid nothing to 
improve the ntuution ; the bieach wa« obviously irreparable ; and the 
amboHuidoTH of tlie throe allied Powers withdrew &om Coiutantinoplo. 

'Hie wrath of Sultan Mahmud, hitherto with ditTmilty reatrained, 
now buret forth with unmeasured violence. On l>eceinber 90 he istued 
a solemn hnlli-iherif (IcrioiiTiciug the cruelty and treachory of the 
ChriNtiiui Powti-i and calling tlie faithful to a holy war againxt the 
infidel. Russia especially was singled out for denunciation; and the 
recently concluded Treaty of Akkomtan was declared null and void. 
Tliix wa* the opportunity anil the t-xcuHc for which tlie Bntperor 
Nicholas had long waited. However mudi tlie other Powers mig^t 
dread and dislike the isolated intervention of KuBsia, the fonnal 
repudiation by the Oitonian Government of obligation* to recently 
contracted made it impoasihle to reitent xucli intervcntiot). Navarino 
liatl, io fact, placed tlie diplomatic situation, and to all appearances the 
military situation, L-ompIct^rly under the Tsars control. And thi» state 
of afl'ain! ilie ItuM^ian l-'orcijji) <)tii(« was at little [lains to duguise. Hm 
repeated declarations of tlie Kmperor Nicholas that he aimed at no 
permanent conquests, and the "sterile" eelf-dcnying Protocol of 
]X-cx-mb(.T 12, mi^lit or mi»lit not serve to allay the anxiolios of the 
Powers; but, if they should refuse to allow the Twu" "to mci^ 
his special grievances in the general cause," Count Neaelrode roundly 
deirlurcil in a dutpatch of l)eci-inl)vr 26, that be would act " $ekiH Ml 
cimvenancet et tes interfU." 

The wisest course for the British Government, in tliese circumstancos, 
would probably lia\-e been to yield to the logic c^ events and make 
the be«t of a had situation by joining witli Kuwia in following up the 
victory of Navarino, and so preventing her isolated action. 'IIiin course 
was actually urged by Franco. But, at the beginning of January, lftS8, 
Guilerich wat Miocceded in Uie pncnuerthip by Wellington ; the new 
m'))"*^' '"^ opposed to Canning's policy in the Kasteni (juenlioit; and 




usb] 

of the 



Riasia prepare* for Kwr. 



199 



W^lington refused to take any action calculated to imperil the integrity 
of the Ottaman dominions. He irould adhere to the Tranty of Tjondon 
oidy on cnndition that its pTOviaon* should be cftiried out hj p»iceAtl 
mtaas. When, on January 6, a RiiMian de«patc-h nnnotincefl tiio 
KiDpemr's intention of occupying the I'rincipalltiea during the March 
foUowing, with or without the consent of Great Britain, the British 
Goramncnt, aAer »oii)e i>neks' delay, replied by a forninl piDtust against 
a coutM which would cnt^ul thr downfall of Tiiritey and tlii; (piit.Ineak of 
a Kuropeaii war. At Uie came time Wellington outlined a tidieme for 
the aettleotent of the Greek Quation, baited on the maintenance of 
effective Ottomiui control over Greece. 

Meanwhile the diplomatic situation was becoming more and mora 
■ttatned. The Emperor Sic)»ola« declared tliat he wuiili] not recede one 
■t^ and that, if I^glaod persisted in her indifference to tlie inbereats of 
her ally, Hufii^ia would consider herself free from her ei^agementa under 
the Treaty of July; and Prince Liexen enquired sarcastically whether 
the British Cabinet oonsidercd the lutUi-»hcrtf ordering a general 
mattucre "an act of internal adntiniatration." Rut, though it wa4 clear 
Uiat war oould »o loi^^ be prevented, all the Powem were eqoally 
interested in avoiding a general conRagratton. Within the British 
Cabinet itself voices were raised in favour of concession : and Russia was 
by DO iDt&ns anxious to take a lino which would have isolated her in 
litce of a hoKtilc Ktirofte, To the newer »-liool of Rii«<inn statestntn, 
moreover, the traditional policy of Peter the Great and Catharine had 
begun to appear of doubtful wisdom, ai>d the maintenance of Turkey as 
a weak State under Russian influence of more solid advant^c than the 
break-up of tlic Ottoman empire, with all the unknown and perilous 
inucs tiiiit this iiiij^lit involve. The rlespatcJi »>f Fehnwnr 14, tn whicJi 
Count Neuelnxle aiuiounceil to lite Powem RuMta's intention of declaring 
war, wai studiously eondliatory in tone. The insolent attituds of the 
Porte had left the Tsar no other alternative ; but Russia, while making 
war for the redress of her just grievances, invited the Powers to take 
advantage of tliis la carrj- out tlie pi-ovisions of the Treaty of J^ondon, 
which she would, in any case, make the basis of her ultimate action. At 
the same time, in order to disarm the suspicions of the Maritime Powers, 
tlM Tsar declared that ho wouM rex|)ect the Treaty of June 19, 1801, 
Rgsnling neutinU, which had been solemnly unmilled by Alexander I in 
1809; and Count Heyden, the Ku^an admiral in the Mediterranean, 
waa faistructed to exercise his belligerent rights "provisionally and 
modciatcly," and, in the event of the London Conferences issuing in 
a plan in favour of Greece, to join his squadron witli those of the other 
Povren. Tlitis tliv Treaty of I^undon lud become the iiuttrumcnt for 
producing Uie very situation it bad been deviaed to prevent. Great 
Britain could not, in the drcuinstancea, deny the right of Rwtsia to 
make war; and Itussia, to long as she adhered to the IVeaty, had 

es. VI. 



200 Capodistrias PresideiU, — Conference in London, [laas 

not to fear U»e intervention of the other Powei-s. 1"he most th*t 
Wellington could do was to protest that the refusal of the Allien to 
cooperate with Russia would not justify her in breaking away from the 
Treaty and settling the Eastern Question **aehn ten fOHvettaNcet et aea 

The Rui»iaii army crossed the Pruth on May G, 1S28; but the war 
that foilon-ed was by no means the "military promenade" that all 
-£urope expected to witneits. The unucp(;ct«d vitality of the apparently 
moribund Turkish empire, and the superlative fighting qualities of the 
Turkish troops, were onoe more proved ; and it was only after two 
hardly fought compnigtu that General Diebitscb was able to dictate 
terms to the Ottoman Government at Adrianoplc. 

Meanwhile tlw Eui|n;[x>r Nicholiut conliniatl hi» effortx to wUle the 
Greek Question in concert with the other Foneiit. Wellington, however, 
was irreconcilable. His policy in the Eastern Question woa directed 
wholly to the preservation of the Turkifih Power ; and Greece, under the 
Prcsidencj' of Cupodist rias', elwtcd by the nntionid MHtrmbly in Mnrch, 
1827, seemed in danger of becoming a Ku^aian outpost wt on tli« Hank 
of Turkey. The British Government refused the Tsar's invitation to 
follow his example in making a loan to the Greek PresideDt ; and in 
June Huskitson, who liad been throughout favourable to the Russian 
view, left tlie Cabinet, while Dudley was rcplac(-d by Aberdeen. For 
the moment Great Britain seemed to be committed to a complete revetva) 
of Canning's poli<7 in the Greek Question. 

On June 15 the Tsar made a further advance by renouncing alto- 
gether his choiacter as a belligerent in the Mcditcmtnuin. It was not, 
however, the conciliatoty attitude of Russia, but Uie unexpected reverses 
of her arms which stirred the Powers to further action, by giving them 
the hope of settling the Greek Question in the sense least onfavoumble 
to (Jicir views, and so forestalling the effects of the ultimate victory of 
Russia. Wellington, moreover, believed that, were the afikini of Greece 
oocc settled, Russia would gladly make peaee. 

Tlie plenipotentiaries of the three Powers had leastendiled in 
London; and the proposal of the French Government, anxious to cover 
its waning reputation at home hy military prestige abroad, to intervene 
actively in order to secure the evacuation of the Morea, was accepted 
by Wdlington as the most effective counter-move to the Russian declara- 
tion of war. He only stipulated ttiat Grwtt Britain should not be 
required to take any active part in coercing her old ally. Russia, for 
her part, saw no serious objection to a course which would fonn a most 
valuable diversion on the Sank of her enemy. On July 19, 18S8, 

* Count Cspo d'lstris, sfter bia elnetion to tlin Pnwiil^ncr, dropped his title and 
aaniDsd tlii* HelleniMd form of hii («rritori&] usnie, t'ollowini' n eaaimaa, tbou^fla 
DM iiniv«r<A], pntcticf , we huva adopted tliroughout this i/ufwy Ibe uVfla by vti»cl» 
|h> iru porbapB iDort widolf known. 



iw] IbraMm xcitAdraws. — Mcttemick interpo»e*. 201 

■iwuHnliiigly, wan sigited the Protocol of Ixmdon. by which the antit^ 

^Ki)t«rveutioQ of France was authorised aud ita objects defiiu-d. 

H On August 80 a French expeditionary force, of 14,000 u>eii under 

^■General Aiaison, nwched Petalidi in the Gulf of Corinth, only to find 

■that their purpose had been forestiUlcd by the politic impetuosity of 

Sir Edward Codriogtfm. Meheinet Ali h&d, in fact, for some time been 

only waiting for an excuse to retire from a situation of which h<: Kyilisod 

the ever growing danger; and, when a British squadron H]ipi:iired oil' 

Alexandria, he readily responded to the ultimatum of the Britioh 

wlmintl hy Higning, on AuguHt 9, a convention nrmnging for an exchange 

of priM>uer^ and tite immediate evacuation nf the Mun-u. Ibrahim 

hinuelf met the French general with the news; a review of tJie Tiirkidi 

tioops WM held in bis honour, on the eve of their embarkation ; and the 

tii^k of the French troops rtsolred itself into making roads and keeping 

rnler in the Moi-ea, jx^iKliiig the st'ttltnient of its f«te hy thr Powers, 
The diplomatic situation meanwhile was being rapidly moditied by 
the developments of th« war. In view of the unforeseen difficulties of 
the campaign of 1828, the neittrality of the Mediterranean, which 
(Ic-prived tJie KuiHiiui aniu of the main advantage won at Nnvarino, 
became intolerable to the Hussian Government ; and, in October, the 
f^mpcror decided to proclaim the blockade of the Dardanelles, Tbi< 
was greeted tn England with a grt-at outcry, not only as a gross breach 
of faith, but a.4 a swiouM metiiicv to British commerce. Relations U-tween 
tlitj Cabineta of London and St I'eteraburg became increasingly strained; 
and a breach was only prevented by the anxiety of Russia to preserve 
the Triple Alliance, though now " only noniimd,^ until she should have 
triumphed over her difficulties. While protesting, tlierefore, agitiii.tt any 
•eparafce action of France and Great Britain in the Greek Question, she 
expiesBed her continued willingness to act in concert with them if the 
Cabinets "could agree on a common course — and keep to it" llic 
reproach implied in Uie latti^ phnue was not wholly unjustified; for the 
policy of the British Government was, in fact, shifting nervously with 
every change of circumstance. The widening rift in the Triple Alliance 
^_ had brought Mettcmich once more into the field; and correspondence 
^P patted between Vieniui ai>d London. Th« Ai»trian Chancellor was now 
T tliofwighly awake to the fact that the time was past for mere protests 
,» ^HJnst any alteration of the ttatus quo, and renewed the propoml, 
,1 originally advanced merely as a move in the diplomatic game, for the 
' f»dependeBce of Greece — a solution which, he maintained, would be more 
I nti^actory, not only to Europe but to the Ottoman Government, than 
"le creation of a vassal State, since it would obviittc the risk of the 
constant interference of the Powcre In the affnirs of Turkey. Nothing, 
"<*wever, but the force of drcuinstanees could coerce Wellington into a 
^**iirse which he believed would imperil the ancient relations of amity 
^t*een Gi\yit Britain and the Porte. If he moved in the direction of 



ca. n. 



202 Process towards settlement. Treaty of Adrianople. [leas-e 



ths emaiMipation of Greece, it was ogaimt his will, and becauw the logic 
of events was too strong for him. Tbat something must be done wu 
itbuiidanti)' clear. Tho tint definite etrp in the recognition of Greek 
independiMicij liad been taken when, on Noveraber 16. 18S8. the Con- 
fereoce of l.oikdon KJgnal « Protocol pUdng the IVlorca, with tli« adjacent 
islands of the Cyclades, under Uie guarantee of the Powers. £Tentd in 
Gixwcc ittK'tf soon compelled a further meiisure of oonCMsion. In the 
ntituuin and wintt^T of 18SS-9, Gmcntl Chutrh had, in thv face of 
euonnous dtflicultiex, cuiuicd mainly by the indifTervnt character of hiK 
unciiwiplined funres, stictxeded in dcariiig western Hellas, north of 
the Gidf of Corinth, of tlie Turks, In these drcuinttanPM a further 
Protocol of the London Conference, signed on March 22, 1829, cxtendcti 
the frontier to tlie lino of Arta-Volo, including in tho country guanuiteed 
by the Powers a large part of Continental Greece, together with the 
important island of Kuboea. Greece, under this instrument, was still to 
be 4 taributory State, but autonomous, and governed by a Prince selected 
by the Powers. 

This settlement, which wa« very far from satisfying the Gntekm had 
only been accepted by the British Govcmment with rsluctanoe, and for 
fear of a woi-se thing. To Prince I-ieven Wellington explained with 
great candour that, in signing the Protocol, Great Britain had only had in 
mind to settle the Greek Question " before the end of your war," tii order 
to remove one of (he grcntent obitaclc-i to peace. Agjiin.it thin Tiew, 
however, whidi amimcil tliat the Kiiwian war and the Gi«ek came were 
absolutely distinct, Kussia proteKt«-d rigorously, claiming the right, under 
Article III of the Protocol of St Petersburg; to act » separately.* At 
the same time, she undertook not to eiact from the Porte anything more 
tlian the tenn* of the Protocol of March 22. 

CircumttonceN .^MOn placed her in a position to cany out her view*. 
While the Powers were Htill bcnitating and negotiating, the war in the 
Balkan Peninsula came to a sudden and dramatic end- This result was 
duo entirely to the audacious genius of the Russian commander. In the 
summer of 1829 Diobitsch witii some 13,000 men had prcwed on orer the 
Balkans, leaving in Iiis rear the unbroken armies of the Grand Viiier and 
the Pasha of Skutari. This apparently rash strategy was socceosful. 
With his rear to the Dlack Sea, of which Itussia held the command. Ids 
communications were assured ; while the mountains lay between liim and 
the Turks at Shumla, who were powerless to barm him. Constantinople 
lay at his merw; and the Porte, bowing to the Inevitable, signeil with 
him, on September 14, tlte IVeiity of A<lHanople. In this, true to his 
pnnnise, the Rusnan Emperor stipulatc-d for no territorial increase in 
Europe. He cession of Anapi and Poti, however, marked a ftesh rtage 
in tlie Htunan advance in Asia, which it was feared would end by giving 
her control of tin- Euphrates Valley route to India, In addition to 
this, tlie I>anub)aii PrincijMlitics were created practically indepei 



I 
I 



I 



• 



isw-ab] Qtieation of the boundaries of Greece. 



I 



States : the tren^ rights of RiusJA in the Bosphoms and Dardanelles 
w(>re on(« more confirmed ; and, last but not lavst, the tcrmn of the 
Protocol signed bv the Powers in conference at London on Xfarch 22 
wra« embodied in the Treaty. 

The news of this outcome of thr war was receired in London with 
constcnintiun. In Weliington'n opinion, if the Treaty were allowed to 
iiland, Turkey would cease for all pi-actical purpo«es to txi.st, TIic 
Pi-incipalities had virtually been annexed to Itussja " daring her good 
pleasure "; the abrogation of the Ottoman right of search in the Straits 
cut at the root of Turkish sovereign inrl«pttndence ; by the Rimian 
adviint^e in Aula the position of Persia, tnditpeiuahle to the •»e<rurity of 
the Irtish rule in India, was thivatened ; by the incKision of the terms 
of the Alarch Protocol ButNiii would reap whatever ndvaiitagv wiu to \k: 
gttined by ti>e recognition of Greek independence. It was this Utter 
foot, together with the belief that the integrity of Turkey was already 
doomed, that led the Uritith Government yet anoUier step forward in 
the emaitcipation of Oreocv, If Greece was to bo takisi from the 
•ficctivc control of tlie Sultan, it wa« better that !ihe should be 
created an independent State, than a vassal principality like the 
Dannbian Stat^ looking to Ru^ia for the protection of its interrats. 
Mettemich again iii^od this view vviy strongly; and, though Wellington 
still hesitated, Abenlocn, in January, 1S80, supported it as the solution 
that "all Enroll" expected. In the [>reno4u October both Wellington 
onA Aberdeen had suggested that the new Greek State sliould be placed 
under the guarantee of the Treaty of Vienna, and Wellington subee- 
quimtly proposed to extend thiw guarantee to Turkey as well. Tlii^t wax, 
in the eireuoMtancea, not likely to appeal to the Russian Government ; 
and, in order to prevent Russia from being placed in antagonism to the 
united opinion of Europe, the Emperor Nicholas consented to cooperate 
with the otJier Powerw in a settlemoit of Uie Greek Question which 
seemed to deprive him of the advantage gained at Adrionople. The 
sacriiice was, indeed, more apparent than real ; for Capodiatrias, in the 
name of Grccscc, hod indignpintly rejected the terms of the Protocol of 
March 3%, which gitve but the shadow of independence. Accordingly, 
OD Febniary 3, ISiM), a new Protocol was signed in London embodying 
the terms which, in the altered circumstances, tJie British Government 
waa prepared to alluiv. In only one respect were tht^e more generous 
than those which the Greeks had indignantly rejected. The new 
State was to be inde|>endent, under Leopold of Coburg as "Sovereign 
Prince "; but its frontieis were to be more contracted even Uian tlioxu 
defined by the .March Protocol, and only a fragment of Greece was to be 
rostored to libeity. It was clear that, in recommending this settlement, 
it wo* tlie intention of tlie British Government to leave tJie new State at 
the mercy of the Porte. Capodtstrios rejected it, as he had rejected 
that of March 22; and Prince I^iUpold, refuKing to accept a task, which 



Boundaries faced. — Otto King of Greece. [i8W>-s 



under Uib Protocol he declared would be iiii|H>snble, tcMgned hU 
ouididaturb 

Nor were those the only rircamstancet that fenced the Powers 
to further conn^ons. In July the allkini of Gtixxe were over- 
shadowed by the rvvolutioii whi<:h hurled CluLrk« X from \ive t}l^Ol)(^ of 
France; and the new and anxious problems thus raised made any settie- 
iii«nt of the Eastern Question for the time being better than none. 
The main obstacle to n generous settlement had, moreover, been removed 
by the &11 of the Tory Government in Nowmbcr, 1880. I'almenitan, 
who sacceeded Wellington, liad always been in favour of Hxing tlie 
frontier of the new State at the line of Arta-Volo. On September 5£G, 
1831, accordingly, a Protocol was signed e*t*b!iKhing (liis as the nortiiem 
boundary of (ireece ; and, at the ftame time, the M»-ereignty voa ofTcml 
to Otto, second son of King Louis of Bavaria. The King accepted the 
o9*er for his son, a lad of seventeen, on condition that he sliould be King, 
and not merely sovereign prince, of Greepe, and tliat the Powere should 
guarantee a loan sufficient to enable him to carry on the government, 
'iline terms were agivcd to; and, on May 13, 1832, the treaty 
was signed, hut waa antedated May 7 at the request of tlie British 
Government, which on (liat day had siifTercd defeat in the House of 
Lurdx on the Hefonn Bill and resigiivd. Thus a new Christian kingdom 
waa added to the States system of Kurope, and was placed, not undo* the 
guanntee of the general Concert, hut under that of the three signatoiy 
Powen, Great Brituin, l-'niiu-e, and Russia. Since the assassination of 
Capodistrias (October, lytil) the country Iwd been plunged in anarehv, 
and the establisliment of a recognised government was imperatively 
needed. On January- 38, 18dS, Otto, iirat King of Greece, landed at 
Nauplia, to attempt the impoMible task of restoring, with the aid oC 
Bavarian ollieiiiU and Bavarian uieneoaries, law and order aiiion^ a 
of brigand* and herdsmen. 



I 

I 



I 



205 



CHAPTER VII. 



SPAIN. 
(l81S-45.> 

cmir«e of the Pentixiiilor W»r from Jutw. 1818, (lo^i-rilx'*! in ■ 

voliiiiM.-, prixlticnd * cluiii^ iii Nnpuleon'n nttitiide tuwArcIti 

PcrditwncI, with whom he Ntarted n«^tiati«Tu which led to tlte 'lYeatj- of 

i^olen^i}' ( December 11). By this treatjr Ferdinand recovered th« Oowu 

'Spftin, Hii<] undertook thiit the Brittih troop* fhould not retnun in the 

CUUIitry afler the withdranal of the French. But tlw Hegency Btil) 

Qg in Spain and the Council of State both refused to acknowledge 

tiia trnty. on the ground of the decrre pAawMl by the Corttra on January 1, 

ISll, to the effivt tlmt no enfragemmU i«hoi)M be valid whtcli might be 

by Fenliniuid during hi.-< captivity. The (\)rtes, which were Hitling 

at the time in Madrid, ratilltxl this decijtion by their decree of February ^ 

1S14. forbidding the recognition of Ferdinand as King until he should 

■wear to the ConHitutim. But N'lipok-oD dUrcgnrdiKl tho divuvowal of 

thtt treaty by ttii; S^vuiixh authorities, and, Mckiag in that moment 

of nipraDe trial to diroinidi his international difflcultiei, set Ferdinand 

free to return to Spain (Mardi 7). Ferdinand hastened to do oo ; and on 

the SSnd, while the Allies were still struggling against the FVci>ch troops 

in Catalonia, he entorvd S|>fiin. By his words, which were studioiuly 

vagne, and by htx art.->, he showed at once that he did not intend to 

reelect the Hyntem eatablished in Spain during his absence. Disobeying 

the Cortea, he changed the route fi&ed for him by them, travelUng fin^ 

to SangOBsa and thence to Valencia (April 16). A few dayi' earlier (on 

UielSth).Bgn)iipof fixty-niiic depuUn luul prcM-nted to him an addrL-ait 

wggerting the restoration of the ancient rigime. This was just what the 

Rug de>tred : and, secure of the support of many soldiers and olEctals, 

W dgned on Jhlay 4, in Valencia, a procljinuition deelsring " null and of 

WaTvct" the Constitution and the decnes of the Corl(«. Thin act, 

■Uch was not made public for some days, wu followed by the unexpected 

■Rwt in Madrid, on the night of the 11th, of all the Liberal deputies. 

Htus began the persecutions which martied the reaction. At the 

^puning of 1815 this reaction was complete; uiid, in view of all the 

1. >n. 



ao« 



TJie Constitution of 1812. 



[isi»-4 



circumstances, it must bo admitted tiiat it was login] and ioevitable. 
Tbc Constitution of 1812~-notwith«tanditig tlie sincere belief of sgiiie 
pAtriolii, such u the learned Martinex Manoa, that it was only tlic 
restoration of the ancient Spanish Cortes and of a Liberal sj-stcni which 
had preceded absolutism — meant, in fitctt a coinplctu cbangc in political 
organisation. Its doctriticii sprang on the one band brmi the idett» which 
had formed tbc progrunine of the " philanthropic " ministera in the 
eighteenth oentuiy, esEpecially during the rcigna of Ferdinand VI mnA 
diaries III, and, ou the other band, from the powerAd influenoe of the 
French Revolution, and abo ^m the influence of the United States 
system, whicli made itself fvtt through the tii-putic* from the Colootea. 
Prom theae touroes the ConstitutioD of 1 81S emerged as an ultro-Libenl 
code, some of whose diaptera (namely lU and IV of tit II) are literal 
translations of passages in tbe Frendi Coostitution of 1791 ; while in 
other points, such as the separatioa of powers, it reflects doctrines of 
li^gUdi origin. Its leading principles were — the dedoratfon of tbc Rights ^i 
of Man i tbe Bovereignty of the nation ; limited beroditaiy moaairlijri ^| 
(Ik King l>rlng etiief of the executive, controllal by the CoDatitutlou ^^ 
and, in some of his functions, by tbe Cortes ; tbe Cortra, set up as a 
national institution witb Icgialative sovereignty; personal inviolability of 
the deputies ; power to reform the Coostitution ; elective munidpoliUa ; 
imivenal inddcncv of taxation, the exemptions of tlio privilegea clnMCa 
being abolished; and other points of less immediate importance. IbtbcK 
must be added further reforms made by the C<K\it», taAi as the aboflBon 
of the Inquiaitioo — although rcligicnts offencca were henceforth punishable 
in the Di^iope* and the Civil Courts : the abolition of feudal jurisdiction, nf 
•eigDJorlal r^ts, and vasnalagr, and of the proofs of nobility rccjuinid from 
lliose who wished to enter a military Onler or to hold other posta of 
honour; equality of rights among Spaniards and Amcriranii: the restriction 
of tlio number of religious communities; and the law aboliiihing entaili. 

But the reforming party which had achieved these reforms in tbe 
Cortes of Ciuii/. rt^rcwnted only a minority— doubtle.<» the most in* ij 
telligent and cultivated port of tlie population, but still only a mirtartfy. ^| 
Agaiiwt it were tbe feelings aixl inlwcats not only of the royal &mEly — " 
attacked in its privileges and deeply wounded in its pride by tbeae new 
political prioeiples-^but abo of many of tbe nobility and cleigy, wbo 
iud been injured in their interests and alarmed by the reforms paaaed In 
the Cortes aiMl by the tone of the philosoi^ic ideas of many liberal 
members ; although the Constitution declared that tbe Catholic religlolt 
w&), and always should be, the sole religion of tbe Spanish natioru Hkss 
national elements of opposition were aided by thikt general European 
movement of reaction against the spirit of the French Ilevolutioa 
which followed the victory of the Allies owr Napolton. Thus upon 
I-'erdinaiid's return to Spain the hackwaid step wbk innvitaUc ; ovrti if 
the King bad been hampered by scnipka, be would have been drivco 



Personal cliaracter of Ferdhiaftd. 



207 




^■d it y>y the Dujonty erf liis miI^gcU and hj the influence of the otber 
^hovercigns. 

^P But the personal diameter of Ferdinand And the blindness of tlic 

absolutists droi'e tbe reaction to extremes. Louik XVIIt nnd the 

^mimigris did not Tentuic to restore completely the aneicn rfgiau, though 

^BlKy laul itror^^cr reason to do so. Terdiiiand did more than restore hts 

^Wwti absolute ]x>wrr ; he went btifk to a svrtcm which undid crcn the 

^nefornis of tlie vight<«nth century (u for example in the deerec of 

Ma; S9, 181S, permitting tbe return of the Jesuits), and he staimKi 

reaction with femciooa perBecnticuM. This was largely due to 

character of tbe King, laocoroasi, cruel, disloyal, ungratefal, and 

jIouh, » he had already shown himself in tbe conspiracies ogninst 

lis fiUlier and Godoy and during his residence in Fmnoe. But from tbe 

national point of view it ttin a. great error to brmk ao completely with 

tiie ^019 of reformers. Although tlintt were a minority within the 

comtzy, tl»y lepresented a genuine opinion, held by men of culture and 

intelligence, wbo would have provided tbe best element of administrattcm 

under • lung equal to bis mission — men who, Iiowerer mi.*it«ken in the 

actual oecasion of Uieir reforms, represented >ontething which H wim 

madBcas to expunge entirely from the nntitiiial life. These were aim the 

men who bad largely helped to organise the renatancc against Napoleon, 

dciendii^ tbe tbione for tbe Kti^ during bis captivity in France By 

^Unercly carrying out what ho bad promised in bix proclamation of 

^■Uay 4, 1814, the convocation of Cortes "to estublinb firmly and legally 

whatever the good of my people rvquires," by remembering that in the 

■me document he had decUred " that never in ancient Spain were ber 

Vagfi despots nor did her good laws and constitutions allow it" — be 

would ha\-e saved tbe oouutry many eonvubions. Since the Liberals 

«crc sincere moiuurhists, and the Moderntcs, as nflcrwardii appntred, 

•ere namerou* among them, tbe new monarchy might thuA hare been 

peacefully and firmly entablisbcd. But Ferdinand prvfcmxl to indulge 

Us own and otliers' raiwoor, refuiing to adtnowledge anything that bad 

Iieen done in his absence, and throwing himarif into tliv arms of men 

generaUy Incapable and Minded by politiad [Mtviion. 

Vtoieration, tiovever, did not at first go »o far as in the ttccond 

reaction in 1824, It is true that tbe clei^ and tbe violent absolutists 

oikninitted excesses against tlie Liberals in many places, for example in 

IM^ajonah which had been an important centre of rc f oge ra from the 

^^^ninsula during the war of independence. But not moeb blood w&i 

Hned, notwithstanding the jxrlition* of the extremists, who, in mie of their 

' IXji odieab, the Jlaim/a, urged that **all tbe imprboned Liberals should 

CMS ftt once hanged and afterwards. tbe cases against them stated."" 

I^Tm tnoderation was partly due to the intervention of Wellington. 

But, if iM> one was put to dealh, other pfnalties fell upon (be 
of the ConstitutinOk—.dkimost all the ^^tia who sttU 



208 



AhsolutKt reaction in Spain. 



[1514-10 



rctnaiuvd in Cadiz were ttrrested, their houses searched, and tlteir piipeni 
sL-iicd. Domiciliarv visitii were general. Every book of a Librml 
flavour was destroyvd and aleo every copy of tlio Constitution. Ilie 
moat absurd pret«xL.i >ufGoed to condenni the nupccttd. The triaU of 
the deputies were dropped after aome delay, because the ordinary Couria 
found no ground for the M.-nt«iicet desired by the abiolutist«. Diaplnuc*! 
at thi», th« King hiniMJf umuicd juriMtictimi in thete ca.w and aeddrd 
them by a Koyal ()rd«r of Deoetnber 17, 1815, coutaioing tlie liHt of tiw 
accused and their respective penalties, with the command that '*oq that 
Mun« night tltry sliuuld be taken from the prisons and conveyed forthwith 
to their reepective destiiuttioiu, so tliat in tlic morninf; the pcop>le of 
Kfadrid raay lind the Uiing accomplished." By virtue of this decinon 
the most ouiinent nierabera of tlie Cadiz Cortes who had failed to escape 
abroad ufrv sent, some to the African fortresses, others to ca»tlc>, 
inomutericH, or abbcyx in Spain, tlirn^ to suffer sentence*, amounting in 
Aonie caflex to eight yean' imprisonmviit, with prohtbitioD to remve any 
visit and exclusion for Hfe fi-oui Madrid and the royal residencea. 
Although Ferdinand had promised Napoleon to respect the t^ancuoJat, 
these also were victimx of the political n-actiou, bfing exiled from Spain 
or banished to a dixtonoe of twenty leagues fivni the capital with their 
families, to remain under tlie observntioQ of ll>e authorities. In conse- 
quence of this, many officers remained abroad for several years, in Frsnoe 
or dscwhcre. 

The political system cstnblichod by the King was purely absolutist. 
The system of Ministers instituted by the Cortes w&s replaced by the 
previcKuly exi.->ting Secretaryships, subject to the will of tlic King aiid to 
tlte autliority of the Royal Council and Cltauibcr of Castile. TUs body 
and also the other Councils, notably those of the Indies, of the IVBasoiy, 
and of the Religious Orders, were mtored in Uie same form which tiwy 
hod possessed in I80S ai-coixJing to the laws of the Novuima Renyjtilanin. 
But this system of functionai-io and offices wa» no more tlian a show, for 
behind them stood another power, the inner group or camarUla which 
the King had formed of bis intimate adheieata, among them the 
uotorioiiM Evcniquiic, the Kuncio Gravino, the piwveiut Duke of j\lag<ln, 
besides one Clummiru, formerly a water-carrier — a sort of jester wbose 
buffooneries amused the King — L'garte, formerly a porter, and otheta of 
that stamp. This camarUla had much iiitlui-nce in ofiairs, but DOl to 
much as to master the King's will. Although Ferdinand wi\» certainly 
ignonint. of tlic iitvtructiom given by Charles I to his son Hiilip II, lie 
pnutiaed the jealous watdifuliveas which is advised in them, using 
the camariiia against the Secretaries and each member of the camarUia 
against all the rest: thus all watdtcd each other, and tltc King was 
kept infonned of the doings and intentions of all. Accordingly the 
disiiiiasals of Sceretaries were so numerous that froiu 1814 to 1820 
uioiv than thirty were deprived of ofBce by the caprice or suspicion of 



Garay's finanaal rearms. 



300 



[ tlie Kin^ or the intrigues of colleague*. Dismiasal was generally accoiu- 
fianied by exile or imprisonmsDt ; atul Fvrdiiuinri, who sometimes affected 
'a blunt cntHloiir, iinxl to expLiin that aoute luul bftcn remm-nl u 
** ihortai^ted,"* otlien ka "long-handed,"' or "incapable," or "too 
clever," remarlui which were often very true. With the memheni of tlie 
camarilla h« acted dmilarly ; thus ev«n Ugnrtf, ons of the most faroured, 
waa tiDfMisoued for sumo time in the alcftr.ar of Se^ovin, find the Canon 
OsttdazR, a fierce pcr«^cutur of tiui LibcmW, wiu confiiiwl in 1618 in tho 
Bionastciy of Batuecttk But while they enjoyed the royal farour the 
SerretJiriet aiu] the creatures of Fenlinam) trafficked freely lit office* anil 
public ai&iir^, oor was the King uatouchec) hy the extreuve political 
conuption of the period. One of the most <«andalou< esamples of this 
cormptjon woa tlu; puruhase from thu l^tar of tivo ships of the )tnc ami 
three frigatui, almost all of which proved uncles*, notwithstttndinf; thctr 
SDOnDOU* oant of /:^,400,000 p^sftaa (over two inillimu sterling). 'I1»e 
peraona ciueily involved in this alfair were the King himself, Ugarle, the 
Buasiau ambassador TaticbefT, and Eguia, Minister of War. 

The results of this Govonimcnt were xwit in a depressed and poverty- 

stricken country, coninicrce and imlu.itry niine<l, the public service 

neglected, the Treasury bankrupt, the army ami navy unpaid ami 

■tATving, anil tlte naval forces almost reduced to the King'n pleasure- 

boat* on the Tagus and the poo) of the Retiro. The only relief offered 

fi>r tlie extreme indigi-iicc of mnny naval officere, of whom one di«l of 

starvation at Ferrol, wax [M.TiiuN(ion gruiitcMt to thc-iit to support thcm- 

aelves by Ashing (February IS, 1815). Meantime tbu King's pcnomd 

guards were muni6oently paid and loaded with favotirs. I'he situation 

WM teoiporarily relieved by the appointment of Garay as Secretary of 

the l>eMury (December, 1816). 'I'he annual deficit then exceeded 116 

million petetaa (between four and tive millions sterling), excluding the 

interest oo the debt. Oamy presented n scheme whii'h was completed 

bv later dixrix^, fixing tlie revenue at 714 miliion.H uhI sulxtituting for 

the innumcrnbie existing taxes a direct contribution valiiul at "i-tO 

1 millions, preserving, besides, various monopolies and the duea levied on 

goods entering the towns. To increase the new contribution, be abolished 

the exceptions or immunities enjoyed by «omc regions and by certain 

classes, evpecUUy tlie clergy; aitd he made ummgeinenU for the gradtinl 

rcducUoo of the debt. The King, who was wasteful and extravagant, 

wcleonicd this refcmn for the sake of the increow of revenue ; and the 

¥opt agreed to an annual ooDtribotion of thirty millions from the clergy, 

bendea other taxes on eccleilartical revetuicx. But the protests of the 

people against the xii^e contribution, the disappointment of the King 

wboan trasury guned lets than be had expected, the intrigues of tlte 

dstgy against the new impost, and perhaps other causes connected with 

the scandal of the Buaian fihipt. brought about the fall of Garay (1818); 

iiis plans were undone and the liiuweei returned to their formiT ccmfiiKion. 

tt Jl. ■. z. ca vtL 11 



210 



hiheral connph-ades and insurrections. [i8i4-a 



Wliile Gimiy «aa tiiua atteuipUiig fiitoiivtal reform, some alight 
relaxation of tlie general system of oppression took place towards the 
end of the period. Iliis change was partly due to the Queen, Isabel of 
Bra^nnza, FenlinaiMl'N second wife, rauried in 1816. Although a decree 
of April 25, 1815, had forbidden the publication of aiiy pifriodival except 
tlie GaxttU and the Diario de Madrid, some non -political penodicals 
were now tolerated. Among them the Crimea Ciattfftca y LiUrarta 
deserves sp<?cial mention ; it was edited hy tlw semi-Libra^ Jose Joaquin 
tie Klora, who together with Alcala Galiano carried on in its pages ft 
vontroverty in favour of cltuaiciimi and agninxt the Spanish drama of tbe 
seventeenth century, which their adversary Bohl de Fabcr, a follower of 
Selilegel, wished to restore to public favour. 'ITus controversj- was the 
first epiMxlo in the literarj- conHicts which were to end after some yean 
with the victory of Romanticism. In fact, the dimmas of CaldertJn, Lope, 
Tino, and tlic rent, had never <«iwwl to Ix^ reprcwnted in Madrid, even 
during tlie prevalence of nco-dawiuil ta.ite in the eighteentli n-titiiiy: 
and, at the very time when Ilbhl was defending tbem, the great acfcor 
AUiques included tbcm in his repertory, side by aide with works of 
different quality tnutsUted Irom the French. While the intellectual 
repression wn< thw-s .'siimewlmt relaxed, primary »<-hools were established 
in Madrid; the public relief of distrK«!i wtw extemlMi; the pictui-e-gnlleiy 
founded by King Joseph was reorganiiied ; and Madrid was etnbellislted 
by some considerable public works. 

But this partial relief did not suHice to cover the many defects of 
the Government, still less to satisfy the aspirations of tlie partisans of 
the Constitution or doceaiOst/u, us they were calloU. To most meo of 
Ubi^ml ideas ttw Constitution of 181S wax an object of tdolatiy, 
lostained by the sentimcntalism and enthusiastic idealism of the period. 
Tliey believed public welfare and national prosperity to be inipotnble 
apart fixnn the Code of Cadis. This belief (which was shai«d l^ many 
foreigners, among whom were some Englitih), together with the desire of 
vcngwmoe irvevitably roused by Ferdinand's pemecutions, produced n- 
ptwted ia-iurrections which aimed at overthrowing absolutism. All the 
leaderti were military oGHcers: Kapoz y Mins in 1H14 ; Pi»-lier in 1815; 
Richard, who attempted to assassinate the King, in 1816 ; Lacy in 1817. 
All these nttemplK failed, and mo«t of the lenders with their assoeUtes 
suffered death. KxcKpt in the case of Richard, all tliese conspiracies 
and risings aimed merely at restoring the Constitution under the rule of 
Ferdinand, preserving the strictest allegiance to monarchy, notwith- 
standing the odious charoeter of the King. Nevertheless, according to 
Alcali Galiano and other cuntvmponu'ieK, the Spaiiianls were beginning 
to feel contempt for Ferdinand. AlcaU Galiano, whose knowledge i^ 
men was ver\' wide, wrote in 1818 that even among vigorous opponenta 
of the fallen Constitution he nltarnnl disgtixt at the state of things; 
*'f«]ipect for live royal penoii," liu adds, "liad diministved." 



i 



Spain and the Foreign Patcers. 



211 



The military chancer gf the inBurrections and the pretlominiuice of 
mtlitary lctuleT» is explained by the tact that among the general popula- 
tion, litUv nlli-ctcd by Liberal ideas, it was iinpoisible to find a suSicieiit 
I number of armed adherents to effect a revolution, while miUtatj 
discipline made of the soldiery a docile instrument, and the officers, men 

I of considerable ciUtivation, much affected by French ideafl, and indignant 
at tile persecutions and at the official neglect of the army, furnished ready 
material for revolutionary action. Later these conditions wen? modified 
by penonal »lrug;glen and by th« nmbitioiis of commanders, which pro- 
longed, a» Mill preitently ap[)ear, tlte era of tlxxw military tnsiirrectionN 
which form so large a part of the history of Sjiain almost throughout the 
century. Meantime the organisation of the National Militia, by arming 
the bourgeome and the people, introduced a new civilian element into 
the revolutionary party. 
H The failure of ull the movements from 1814 to 1820 increase<l in 
^every ca.<ie the M!vi,>rity of Ferdinand towonUi a]] who were .Hii«pected of 
Xiberalism, and produced fresh victims. Kven men like Escoiquiz and 
the £uDOUS guerriJiero "XU EmpecinAdo" were lianished for addressing to 
tbv King 80n>e observations on the inefficacy of a system of terror and 
on the n«cd of attracting the more advonM-d group by m«nnM of reform*. 
Thwt opinion ^us Ix'ing prepared for new explooions, which were aoon to 
introduce a usxhkI constitutional period. 

The excesses of tlie reaction in Spain disgusted not only Spaniards but 
also the sovereigns and Governments of the Great I'owcrs. Louis XVIII 
dcurly xbowed thi« disgust by refusing tlie aid of the Spanish trooptt cent 
by Ferdinand under Ciwtafioft after Napoleon's escape from FJlia, while 
accepting the aid of ollit-r nations in the campaign of 1815. At tlie 
Congress of Vienna in 1815 the obstinacy of Spain incurred a rebuff', 
deserved by the King, but not by the Spanish people, which hod taken 
its full share in the overthrow of NapolecHi's power and in a war which 
had roused the enthusiasm of all Eiimpe. Tliv claims of tlte SpanbJi 
representative, a diplomatist of moderate capacity named Qomex 
Labrador, were disregarded ; Spain refused to sign the Final Act, and 
was not invited to join the Holy Alliance. In return Ferdinand refiiKod 
I to recognise or accede to the decisions of the Coalition of 1815. 
^B Biit, if the Spanish monarcliy wa» iM-glectcd abroad, at home in 
^the Court of Madrid the Fowen euntended for inlluenoe over the 
Government and strove to guide its policy or win advantages. Great 
Britain and Russia were conspicuous in this cITbrt through the pct^tstrnt 
intrigaea of their ambassadors, Henry Wcllratcy and Coimt Tatidiefl*. 
.uKsia favoured a moderate policy, partly from expediency, since an 
extreme system, by driving Si>aniards to tl>e brink of revolution, was 
dangenHis to Kurvpe; partly because the Tsar Alexander was still in 
that phase of semi-Liberal romanticism which he afterwards abandoned. 
The Uritisfa Government and ambassador at that time supported 

at. rn. 14—2 



■ex 
■ ds 



813 British and Btissian influence at Madrid, [isi 



nbtwlutiiitii : but oil the otlier Iiand they irere di^Ieascd with Ferdinand 
fur his iiigiatitude towai-ds WelliiigtoD and disregard of Wellington^ 
prudent counsels, and for his vexatious mcasm«$ against Britiab 
commerce and even Against Britisli subjocta living in the Peninsula. 
Tliesu motives of diKNati»f<iction, Logvtiivr with tho strong Liberal foclitiff 
Glinting in KngUnd, produced vigorous attackn from tlie Opposition in 
Parliament upon Ferdinand and his councillors. 'Ihese attodis injured 
Knglish influejK« in Madrid for the tiiue, and Taticfaeff oontrired to 
obtain the supremac)', partly by tnuins of Queen Isube), whoi* desire 
for modcrHtioii bu mppurtod. TIium cAOie abont tli« Might respite of 
two yvKn. (1816-ii), wbidi ht^^i with the elevation to power of Joia^ 
I^ii y Hi;fam>, a man of aoimd iiitelligenue and political experience, 
who was expected to give a more humane and Liberal turn to tlu 
Uovemraent, and which ended with tlie fall of Gamy. To recover 
favour, Great ItritAin Mipported tliv daJmi of the Bourbon fiunily in 
ItAlV) and obUiiKHl at \ta\. tliv Treaty of June, 1817, whidi Ntx-tinid tlie 
rev(-r>ion of Parma, Piaceiuia, and GuaatalLa to the Infanta Marie-Louiae, 
formerly Quecji of Etruria, and her male deacendanta. The insurrection 
of the American Colonies olTered a fresh opportunity to Great Britain 
to gain influeiicv over Spain. 'Hhx u]x-d assistanee k-nt by bcr to the 
iosurf^nbi as well as lier iuHucnee in Portugul, which tlirough her 
Colony of llrav.il reprv-teiiled u powerful factor in the U'raus-Atlantic 
political problem, convinced the Sjmnish (joveniment of tlie need of 
cJotier relations with Great IJritain ; and at last, ai\er a fruitless effort 
made vrith the support of Russia in the permanent Commission of 
tbe Allied Powen, it nttaimxl tins end by the Trrjkty of September 17* 
1817, which oiM!ncd to Great Britain the commerce of the Iivdiu* and 
prvpartrd tlie way for the abolition of the slave-ti'ade. But this did not 
destroy ut the time the influence of Taticheff' in the Court, and especially 
in the camarilla, some of whose members were guided by him, nor did it 
prvvent tlic intervention of other Riix.sian politicians in SpanifJi policy. 

Among tliKw wttK Prince Galitxin, an anntteur of literature and art 
and intimate witli the writers of the time, who resided in Madrid ad a 
Beci«t and busy agent of Hussia. Among bis friends was Mora, edit(» of 
the CrAnka Cicniffica, who was induced by Galitzio to aid him in draw- 
ing up a incmorinl u])on the politiod, mihtary, muml, and i-conomic 
state of S|Min, perinwling him Uiat it was to be presented to Capo- 
dialrioj^ with a view to obtaining the support of ttie Tsar in pending 
questions. Mora, induced by the intrigues of Galitxin, aucceuded in 
bringing into the affair the Secretary of Justice, the iUitcratc LozaDo de 
Torres, to whom he proposed a mission to tbe Courts of foreign Powers 
and an interview with CnpodistriuK. I'his mixiiion was to be entrusted 
to Mora himself, in order to ancertain e.\actly what truth tJiere was in 
nimours of conspiracies ai>d plots against the Spanish State, rtunoun 
of which the inept Spanish diplonuicy seemed totally ij^iioimit. 



I 



I 




iBio-ao] Galifzhi. Mora.-Amcrimnrevoitttioimniaf^cntx. 2l8 



i 



propoenl bftving bevii ncceptcd by tbc King, Mora sUrtcil secretly on 
April 90, 1819, for Italy, where lucordinfi to Gnlit/iti he wm to meet 
Capodi&tria^ aiid show liiin the iiiciiiuiitti. Tli« Jiitcniiiw with the 
Uussian Minister did not t^ke pkce [ but on hia journtiy through Sfwin, 
Italy, Aod France, Mora became convinced that the (loternment of 
Ferdiiuuid w«s discrcditi.tl in th« opinion of Europe, and that eveiy where 
corupimdi-s wurc aiming; at n Spani^ rcToluttoa, chiefly supported by 
American a^ut^ from tiiu Sp<uiish Colonics and from the United States, 
who hoped thus to aid the enmncipation of S]HUii>li America, and also by 
the FreemasoDB and the King of Sardinia himself. Oik: nf tlio^r wb<i 
informed Mora of these movements was Godoy, who was tlivn in Kon>c, 
lua naturalisation in Auatria being opposed by Ferdinand tlirough the 
niiibu«$a(li>r Ccvallon. By the advice of Mora, given on the strength of 
tlie rcvelationii mode in his dcs^Mtchcs, Fcnlinaiid mndc one of hin 
frequent diiui^4 of SecrvUiries ; but he n-funul txt uKtnblinh or subsi<tisv 
in Madrid a political peiiodical which might counterbalance tlw pokmira 
carried on by the Kn^tsb Press. Other adrice given by Mora was also 
a^leeted; and when this improvised diplomntist ui^d the King to 
Ttiurm the conspirators by granting a CooKtitiitinnal ('hartcr on the 
line* of the French Charte, and aLw an oniuesty to the Liberals oiu) 
prttaoibed afrancetadot, he wiu recalled from his mission and retumn) 
in disappointment to Madrid at tlie vei'y time when C'apo<liatria5 waii 
writing to him from Paris — perhaps not with serious intentions — inviting 
bim to an interview in the Fiench capital. Meantime the United States 
Uinistcr, George Eoing, was pressing upon tlio Spanish Government 
the ecK^ion of the Fl on <ln:L, which wim finally accomplished by Uie Treaty 
of IHig, ratilied on October SO, 1830. In return KrTing profe<sed 
complete neatrality with regard to the Colonies, although it was well 
known that frequent help wna sent from the United States to the 
insuigcnts, and Uiat the American Freciiia-wits boldly snpported Ihv 
tnovcment with tlic knowledge and oonnivntice of the Fe«lemlGovemiiient. 
Aoeording to Mora's communications agents from North oimI Soutli 
America swarmed throughout Europe, with centres of action and 
rigflance established in Lisbon and in London to oheerre the movements 
of troops destined for America and to prrjmrv for the otithrcak of an 
fauarrttctioa on the cvs of their departure : by Uic»g nieans, apart from 
the eflbits upon iipitin hentelf, tlw stnig}^e in the Colonies would be 
cloiied. The Italian Carbottari were in communication witli the Lodges 
of Phikdelphis, and, in concert with William Shalderque, the Uniteil 
State* agent in Lt^honi, had despatched one of tlu-ir number, the 
agitator Scrttnt, from G«&oa to Barcelona. Shalderqtie liad comvpon- 
denta in wveral {utrt* of the Peninsula, through whom he di:<tributed 
BKHiey to prepare tlie Revolution. Rumours of this American gold werw 
carreiit in Cadia at the end of 1819 and beginning of IfiNO; and 
auDie Americans aflvrwaida boasted of having tbus contributed to the 



CO. rii. 



214 Progress of the revolutionary movement. [ui4-9i> 



resolution. Tbeae rumours were recalled in&ny yean afterword* by the 
tatonyaioMi wa\hor ot the Histon/ qf Fentando K7/(1&4S); but, alUtoiigh 
Mon'fl information in«y liave been partly true, it (huutd be noted that 
Aleald Galiaiio — who, like inotit converts, a very candid iu hin luemoin 
— absolutoly denies that the oonspinacy received such support, ai»d dwelln 
upon the indigence of the Codit coa^pirators, who, at the end of 1819. 
MKOOodcd wiUi great trouble in culk-cting throi^ tiic contnbutioit* of 
oome Cadiz nierclianbi about 4000 dollar*; a tnim quite insuflideot to 
suborn officers and soldieni. The fact is, that- wl^tever interest the 
Americans may have bad in raising hindrssccs in Spain against the 
reinforcement of the Spitni»li furi'cs in America, there existed in the 
l*eninniU sufficient elements for the aupport of more or le» serious 
revolutionary action without externa] ud or incitement. 

The tevolutioiiaiiy movement gathered force gradually, as to other 
countries- We have ftlresdy said that the majority of the iiitc^ectual 
element, althoii^ a minority uf the whole population, had more or leso 
pronounced Liberal tcadeneio, loaniDg dther towards the doceaAulat or 
the qfraneeaadoM. The intellectuals were joined by many men of the 
middle dan, specially merclionts, some noblea and ecclesioitioi, and 
many offiwrs of the anny. I'he list of the conspirators and Fr e e mai on a 
of that time, and the names of those who after the triumph farmed tbe 
juntoM atul municipalities in Madrid and the other capital*, dcvly pro*e 
Uiat in every claw, and particularly in the fHturgecnme, Liberal idooa 
claimed KiDierents. Even among thooe who had rccogniaed the abtKilutiat 
Government of 1814, and those who occupied public posts, portinitt 
were to be found not perhaps of the Constitution of 161i!, but at least of 
a moderate constilutiomilism, or of a more Liberal monarchy. In Cadis 
the chief port of the population fuvouird tlMstt ideas, doubtlon owing to 
the influence of the Cortes which had sat in tliat city. In some regions, as 
in Asturias, the most prominent men, and almost all the patriots who Id 
1808 had organised rogstunce to the French, joined the Liberal tnov»> 
inent, although afterwanht many of them changed sides, beooining 
exreasively Conservative. The general feeling of tbe young men wo* the 
aan>e. Notwitlmtandiiig the vigilniKc of the authorities, tbe books of the 
Eiicyrlopedi»tn aitd tlie abundant political literature, not yet adequately 
Ktiidied, which had sprung from the discussions of 1810-3, poswd from 
band to himd, as well an [wmplilets luid |>ocmi' niure or less seditious and 
inflammatoiy, in which young men secretly vented tlicir aspirations for 
a vngue liberty, all the more eagerly desired because not clearly defined. 
The reftigees of 1814, chicRy living in England, carried on tbenoe a po^ 
sistcnt campai(;n (described in ^Moni's despatches) against tbe absolutiBai 
of I'l-rdiuAnd mid his camarilla, with the support of the English Llbool 
l*re»s, whidi always by some means found entrance into Spain. The 
officein, who hud been made pri-sonen in the War of Ind<^>endeiice 
oud had ruLuriied to Spiiiu> cuiutitut«d, as luta been Mtid, a cuu»idt.-nd>li) 



4 



4 
I 



lfll*-9] 



TIte I^eemagotu in Sptan. 



215 



I 



Liberal element, influenced ns tliey were by »(;n<:h ideus ; and >otne of 
them, M Riego and SfUi Miguel, were ineuibers of foreign oecret societio, 
micli lu Umt of the Freemasons, 

t'reemasonry had <.-xiste<l in ?piiin from the middle of lh<- riglttwiilh 
oeotmy. 'i1i« persecution-n of ISll and the propftgiindn of tin: returning 
refugees greatly increased iXn range, first in dependence upon cciitrcM 
estJiblixhvd in otlwT couiitrivs, but afterwards with a feeparate orgHni«ft- 
tion. Not all tlic Miuon.i wt-rc revoiiitiunist", but aU tikh-d one iiiiollicr; 
mkI under the shadow of the Lodges the Hadival elentent-n ateadily 
w«H^cd for revolution and drew in fresh adherents, some of them convinced 
partiKan«, othcn luutlly imdentnnding to what they were committing 
themNelves. AlcaU GaUuio layic thnl in 1817 Spomsb freviumonry on 
the whole ** was not yet determined to act vigorously and directly against 
the Government,'" althou^ most of the malcontents and conmts to 
LilxTrali.im were becoming Masons. In the insurrection of Lacy, which 
was impiMirted by tJie Murrian I^lge, not all tlie cou.ipiratoni were 
Masonn ; and the Cadix l^odgit hesit^tx.-d before approving tlie conduct of 
the Lodge of Algeciras, which had welcomed the fugitives fironi Catalonia. 
But in 1819 matters took a more decided political turn. The Andsiusian 
Mwons, especially those of CadiKand Seville, who had vi'itV- mniificatioiis 
in the ganiKHt* and in the army whicli wa& being asM^mbled at Cadix to 
be embarked for America, decided under the influence of some enthwiaats 
to posh on the revolution. Among the civilians, two young men took 
the lend in the conspiracy, Atcidii Galtanv, son of tliv brave sailor killed 
at Trafalgar, and Mcudixahal, who wu.i employed in the provisioning of 
the tzoops, a man then obscure but attei'words a leading figure in Spanish 
politics. 

Nolwithstanding the insignificance and timidity of thonc who 
ostensibly ruled IJie ma-tonic noctety of Cadix, matters were actively 
pushed on tlirough the enthusiasm of a few men and the illusory hopes 
entertained by the military members of large monetary contributions 
and powerful wd from the Sovereign Chapter fitting in Cadis. Among 
the armed forces the movement was much aided by the repugnance 
generally fdt in the army and navy against ecnbarking for America. 
This repugnance, which is not uncommon in colonial wart and can be 
paralleled in the modem history of several countries, was justilied in this 
case by the mismaiiagement of the expedition and such scanilals as that 
of the purchase of Kussian sliips, which were dcntin«-d for America. It wu» 
ulMt believed that the movement would be directed by General O'Uouetl, 
Conde de La Bisbal, an IrisJiman by birth, commander of the expe- 
tlitioniirv a^mv^ whose ambiguous conduct and decided tolerance towards 
the ooDspiratoi-s seemed to ^how a disposition to rcv^ilt. But, when 
all was rouly for ttte outbreak, I.a Bisbal — whetlier upon hi« own initiative 
or upon the persuasion of Sarsfield, the second in command — arrested 
the commanders of battnlions ut Puerto de Suuta Maria (Cadiz — July). 



SIG 



Revolt qf the troops. 



[lW»-M 



lihn blow upwt for tti« moincnt the pUns of th« re^'olut)oatats t but, 
cnutnuy to expecUtion, it was Dot followi-d by n-guW prowcuUoiui, 
nor dJd it pcvvent (be reunion of the coiupinUora and tbc imewal of 
tticir L'fforbs. Th«w eSbrta »t ta.-<t woii the Mlbesioo of two officers, 
Otioiir) Qiiinign, who vru appointed niiliUr)' lecwkr of Uie JnAuirectioo, 
ukI HHfwl (iel Uic^o. comnmnder of the r^meiit of Asturiss, 

On Januaiy 1 , 18S0, the d&v previously lixed by these le*den, Hicgo, 
wiUi the force under bis command, prodaimcd in {he to»ii of Cabc-nu At 
Scto Juan the Constitution of 181Si ; tiiercby acUo); tigninst the pUuu of 
the civilian leaders of the niovcuiciit, who, according to AloaU Galiuio, 
wen! tax (Von desiring meri'ly the restoration of • political code which 
some of them regarded ai de^otiTe:. On the night of January ], Hiego 
entered Arcm and seuted the pcnon of General,Condc tie Coldvrun. He 
WRB there joined by the biittnlion of Seville, whow n-cond in cummaiMl, 
FnuKiMo Onorio, had revultwl on the mudc day. Quirogn, who bod beca 
proventcd by a atortn of rain from leaving the barracks on the date 
liked, Btarliid on Janunrv 3 and took poeaeasion of the town of Son 
Kemaitdo, where the Minister of Murine was made prisoner, lliis eaay 
victory might have been followed by a march into Cadix, but for the 
beiiUtion aiid blundering of Quirogn, who let slip hU opportuni^. 
^Htui the military authoritiea luul time to prepare for defnioe; uid, 
although the conspirators within the city attempted witliout auoMtt to 
win over the ecanty garrison, while Biego on his side led his troopa into 
Puerto dc Santa Maria and Beizod the arsenal of Camoa, yet the retoln- 
lion stood still for many days and was threatened with complete failure. 
An expedition led by Iticgo to Aliloga and Cdrdobo, to iospint the 
Koldtcn and win the odhcfiion of other pUm, proved fruitless, as wdl aa 
an attempt mode in Cadiz by agreement with some royalist olBoen 
(Mardi 10). Fortunately for the constitutional caate, the heritatlan 
which hod prevailed throughout Spain upon the first news of Hiego^ 
profwndamUnto was ended on February SI by the revolt of Coniana ; on 
example (|ui<>kly followed by oU Gnlicm, Asturia*, SonigoMa, Boiodooa, 
and rum[M^liinn. I jk Htntwil himM-lf, who was in Madrid at tbe time and 
luul l>een (X>inii)isMioned by the (iovemnient to crwJi the coiuUtutionoliata, 
revolted at Ocafio, perhaps because be was now assured that the revolu- 
tion would succeed. 

All these events 611ed tbe Court with fear and tbe Ubemls of Madrid 
with hope. It sccmf inexplicable that from Joniinry 1 to Febniarv SI, 
on which date Corunna nccondnl Uie movement of Cabeias de Son Juaa, 
the Government remained inactive, or menly attempted some feeble 
mm.f«n-» nj^in»t the insuigenta. Vnm December, 1819, when the 
nmlnil authorities apparently dixo^'ered that on attempt was being 
made to renew tlie movement whieb bod been checked by \a Biitbal and 
Sanitcld in July, it was evident that, instead of vigorously crushing the 
symptoms of rebellion, they were attempting to thwart it by timid 



I 



i 



The revolution accomplished. 



217 



I 



refonns. They began by announcing a new penal code ai>d the iniUg«- 
lirm uf pTDtxssca and penalities in tlie cw of political prisoners. This 
trifling {iromixc Katu6ed no one, and nolbing more wo? hcHrd of it; but 
oti March 4, th« gathering force of th« rvvolctioii l)cing now evident, a 
royal decree cotumauded that the Couitdl of State should be reorganised 
and that the Council and the Judge* dould consult the King " as to 
what tbcy thought expedient for the good govcmnient of the monarrhy." 
On the 6th an order npp^^'jirwl announcing the convocation of the Cortos; 
and finally on the 7th, hy atlrice of General Ballcstcros, on cxtreordinaiy 
Guette dedared that the Cortes wottld meet at ownx-, and tlut the King 
" in accordance with the general will of tlie people hod decided to swear 
adhesion to the Constitutitm of 1812." 'ITius, alnioat without bloodshed, 

I the revolution of 18tlO triumphed. 
According to an eyc-witncss, Mesoncro Itomanos, this Gazette pro- 
duced inde*«rib»l>Ic relief among the more cultivatts^l and ncallhy {wrt 
of thv {K>pulati(m of Madrid, gnuidce^ and titW uf C'a>tile, military 
ufftix!n of every raidc, rich proprietors, liankerH and all the mnimeivial 
classes, lauTers, physicians, lit^'axy and scientific men. Mesonero states 
that in the expressions of rejoicing the lo«-er classes took no share, 
being generally, oi has been said, not very favourable to constitu- 
tiomdi«m, cither from ignorance of its meaning or from titc weight of the 
long ttmditkMi of absolutism. The intellectual chanu:tcr of the mov^ 
ment, partly anHtocratic, partly Umrgvoi*, appeared in the spontaneous 
meeting held on the soine day in the town-hall by people of the 
classes already mentioned, when the new municipality of Madrid was 
appointed i>y acclamation. In Cadix, where the news of the decree of 
March 7, followed by on order that the troops ithould swear to the 
Coastitutiof), luul .luddciily changed the position of the insolvents, the 
icvolution still hod a iliitinctlj military dLoracteri and it waa evident 
tltat the leaders, eapecially Riego, inttoided to make the most of the 
credit of having started tite revolution and to establish a rival power 
which should balance the civil power now being organic in Mnilrid. 
Itiego and Qnirogn sent vmixsitriea to the King, to congratulate him 

Ion having swoni to tltc Con.ititution and to ofler him the subrois- 
»ion of the ** Liberating Army." Both were raised to the grade of 
general, an honour which Uiego was unn-illing to accept, partly from 
real disinterestedness — a trait which in his childish, impuldve, and 
■entimentol character was compatible with the ambition which •ome* 
limvs turned his hcod — partly bccaa*e he resented the grant of the some 
reward to Quiroga and to two other officers whom be thought leM 
de*er\-ing than hiniMlf. But if some cleavage thus began to appear 
between the two fon^es, civil and military, which hod risen from the 
revotutioD, no dificrencc of opinion appeared in th« *pirit of generosity 
which at first marked tlw: victory of tiie conHtituUonalista. In fact, not 
viily waa no exveNi committed against the HupportctB of abixilutiMn; but, 

tlH. vu. 



S18 



TAe Patriotic Sodetiea. 



\ 



< 



ttlUiougb tbe deputies who in 1814 had uiged the Kin^ to restdt* 
nbtolutjiim were iurr»ted, tbe niAiority of the Cortet, whicli met in ISHM), 
desired tlut they sliould not be broii};ht to tHtO ; uk) nccurdinfrlr they 
were tet at liberty. The King took titc oath on Alarch d ; luid ou tlie 
10th a royftl procUmftlion appearwl contaimng s phnue fJb»^r«nb 
tiunuiu: — "Let \is (uIvuikw fnuiklyi inytelf leading tbe way, ajotig the 
ixinstitutiuiliU putb." We tiball pnstciiUy sec how liir the rTankui:M of 
I'erdiiuind went. 

All the prtMcribed )>erB0nii and rcfii}re«A of 1814 nntiii-nlly rctiuiMd 
to Spain 1 and some of tbe most eminent — Argiiellea, Canga Arf^idlns 
and oUien — were iiK.-ludcd in tbe first constitutional Govennticiit. The 
Cortes having been Nuninioned, th<TD was an interr^;nuDi of four month* 
during whidi tlic adintniiitmtiun wan conducted in a «1nin<;c fakhioit, 
being divided Iwtween the Miniittry and the pruvinrial revolutionary 
junta:!, wfaid) did not disperse, one of them continuing to sit even in 
the capital of the monardiy. Side by side with these autborities, which 
had a (-ertnin oHicinl clutmctcr and continued tbe tradition of 1810-2, 
another power prraently arc«c which in an unoflkial and irr^ulor 
manner profoundly inlltien<^ public afBiin — tbe power of tbe eluba 
or "patriotic societies" foriiietl upon I'Veiicb modeLi. Some of theM 
were begotten by the enthusiasoi of youth, others were formed with 
tItc reasonable hope of instructing artd guiding public opinion; but all 
wi^rc Hwuyed as a rule by tltc most impetuous mdtt-Ati«ni. The mofel 
faniouK micjetieft of Madrid wcr« that of the Caf<£ Lorcndni, eotithsd 
"Tbe Patriotic Society of th« FrieiMls of Liberty," that of the Caf^ Gtan 
Crux (It: Malta, and tliat of the "Friendu of Order," conintoiily known 
an La J-'ontana de Oro, because it met in the basement of tbe inn to 
lukiiied. In this last the leading orator was AlcaU Galiano, who bad 
left Cadix for Madrid. A L-ttnnu-teristic mark of these wocicti c* —not 
indeed confined to tlicin, for it [>erviu)ed the political life of tbe tine — 
w(w tlte nbuw of rhetoric wMt-h inHiimcd meti's niinds and won mp!d 
popular triumphti. Oratory was Hipporbed by a formidable slmn 
of patriotic and topical verse, and by music whii-h prortdi-d a wtting 
for political bymn» and songs. Two of tlii»e bad an extmunliiuuy 
Toguc: the hymn of Rtcgo, whose authomhip wan diNpute<l ainong h-vi^ 
claimantx, the fact being that tliere were wvend hymns of which one 
prevailed and became for half a century tbe Liberal anthem; and, secondly, 
the TrSgala, so called from its refrain {Ste^low it) vbjch Rfcrra) to thr mk 
CouHtitution of 1812. ^ 

Pruuiiucnt in the Uberaliim of that time waa tbe National Slilitia. 
which tbcnocforth played a large part in politics. 'I1>c <^e of ISIt, 
which created this force, directed that it was to be foniied in each 
proTinc« "of the inhabitants of the province in pmportion to it« popOp 
lation and condition," not serving coolinuouiily but only **wheii cireut*- 
•tancvk mpiirGd." In tJic prinripal cities a number of uoblo voluntarily 



i 
i 

I 



isso] 



The Cortes : anti-clerical policy. 



319 



» 



^ 



» 



joined this militia in 18S0 side bv side with the bourgeoisie; Mcsoncro 
nivntioiu the nftmi<s of more tluui sixteen aiictvtit and il)uatriou> houses 
on tiiv roll of tlie Miidrid militia. 

On July 9 tlte Corteft were opened, mectiiig in a single (^liambcr like 
the Cortes of 1810. Their compoHition was fairly homogeneous, with a 
predominance of modfrate Libersb and men of cultivation and social 
weight, profi.-»»orR, writers muj;^stmte», noted students of science, a* 
"LngtLMx^ Axnoln, Ctsoir, and othvn. Many dvputivH of 181S were now 
reelected, among them the group of Liberal priesta which included 
Martii>ez Marina, Munoz Torrent, Villanuera, RuU del Fadroo, MartcU, 
and others. 

Although the deputies did not all eipially reverence tltc Constitution 
of 1812, wine even desiring ita reform or OMnpIete alteration, the 
opinion of the majority established as the symbol of the Liberal cause the 
Code of Cadiz; i^ integrity wes the lundamcntal doctrine upon which 
the Carter based their laboiuv. In accordaiKc with a precedent of 1812 
it wu ordervd (April 24>) tliat the text of the ConHtitutton should be 
explained in the priinan* schools. The Cortes sat until November 9, and 
parsed many important measures, among them the aboUUon of entaiU 
and of the settlement of olatcs, the suppression of many religious Orden, 
the abolition of pecuiuory Jtubdidies to the Papal See, tlie regulation of 
the patriotic societiea with a view to prevent excesses, and the puiiiKhinent 
of tlie priests who were conspiring against the constitutional Government. 
The Cortes of 1820, as well as the succeeding Cortes of this period, liave 
been blamed as aoti-clcrkul. Sucli was, io fact, their character; and in 
view of the political iiituation this was natural, for the gn-ater part of 
the cler;gy were anti -constitutional. Their sympathy with absolutism 
hud been proved in the reaction of 181i, which, in spite of Garay's 
imsucoesafu] opposition, committed the error of ratifying the exemption 
from taxes of the clergy, who now selfishly aimed at csenping trxtm 
public himleiw even more complt'tely than in the time of Philip 11. 
Fiiiitlly, the absolutist traditions of the Church in post centuries and, 
above all, the great struggles of the civil tribunals with the Church in 
the eighteenth century, together with the Ntnmg and long-existing 
national sentiment, which demanded a reduction of the number of 
ecclesiastics fonned a powerful intellectual iiiheritjuice for the polilidans 
of the time. Among the results were, besides tlie already mentioned laws, 
the supjMessioD of the Jesuits, the prohibition for the future of religious 
rows, the confiscation of the property of tlie suppressed communities, 
and the obligation of the derg)', both regular and stxiilar, to military 
service. It is notable that the confiscation was aupportfrd by such 
moderate LJbends us Martincx de La Rosa, Toreno, and one Bishop 
(Otstrillo). Among the clergy themselves, there wiis a minoritr of 
refoni>crs in ecclesiastical matten, represented by leanidl men like 
Arcbbixhop Amat, ViUauufevit, and otbere, whose book» formed the 



220 



Dnmion among the Liberals. — Ricgo. [isao-a 



doctrinal bosia of this policy. The ideas expressed hy ViUanoevm in 
bia Lettera to Roque Lctd were so well received that the Govcmnieut 
niitDinl htm AmbKiwadur in Ronic; but the Vatican i-efused to receiva 
him. 'ITiia episode, together witli otlier causes, produced tlie rupture 
of rclatioas with the Curia, which was declared on Januaiy 29, 18S3, 
when the Nuncio received his pnsnporta. 

Notwithstanding all their liiboun, tlie Cortts of 18S0 aattsGed nobody. 
The Radicals fouud them too moderate and cautious in reforrD; the 
Moderates, and much more those who saw nothing but danger in tbo 
revolution, found them too violent, especially in ecclesiastical matter*. 
The latent division betwct^n tlie Ijlwnds of 1812 and tliose of 1820 
DOW distinctly showed itself. The former were inclined to moderation, 
dming at a firm CBtabUshmcnt of the Constitution, even at the cost of 
•ome modification of its chamcter. The latter, thorough ravolutionariea, 
althmigh only in soine points really more nulical than Uie Constitution 
itself, claimed to be the only true Liberals; and with tJte help of tlte 
pBtriotic societies and the pci-sonal influence of Uiego, they obtained 
sonic concessions which weic insuflicicut to satisfy them, and, tn fact, 
rather deepened Ui« dissemions. Thin, in tltc very year when the 
revolution triumphed, the Liberal foix-es were not only divided but 
embittered, and weakened for any combined action or resistance. 

A notable event ^avc the signal for rupture. The Ministers and tbc 
Moderates hod front the beginning viewiil with apprvliciLsion the 
attitude of the troops which had revolted in Andaluua. The continued 
tnaintennncc of that army was also a financial burden which the Govern- 
ment thought .Hiii^eriluuiij^ since, the oath to the Comlitution having 
been taken throughout Spain, a military force for it* defence sc«med 
unnccces&ry. But the new Liberals, especially the friends of Ri^o, 
considered that the dissolution of that force would be not only a slur 
upon tlie oDitreni who had started the revolution, but also a positive 
impi'udenoe, fur it was known that the Constitution had many enemies; 
and events afterwards proved that those who took tliis view did not 
cxagKcmtc the danger. On the other liand tlie indf'pendeiit attitude of 
Ri<!go, wliii'h I^xiimc more pi'onounccd every day, and the plans for armed 
resi&tancc formed by some extremists in Madrid and by the majoritv in 
Cadiz supported by the Lodges, seemed to jtintify diabondmcnt; and' the 
Government persisted in its intention, Riegu fta secretly summoned to 
Madrid to di.seuM the matter. The surprise was great in Madrid when 
Ri^p>, travelling incognito, imexpeclcdly arrived on August 8L He 
did not observe the discretion demandeti by his position, but showed hia 
intcmperuntx! and vanity in bis confei-enciis with the Ministers, at the 
pompous reiTiplion prepared for him by his partisuns, at the boikquet 
given in bis honour by Im Fonlana, and at the function in the Ttatro 
del Pruicipc which he attended after tlic ban(]uct. Thmv waa a dts- 
tlirbauc« ; and tlie Govcnimcut in growing alarm bonislicd Riego and 



1 



I 



* 
* 



leso-a] 



Gomuneros and AniUeros. 



*52I 



» 



aoiiii; otJtpr officers to AsUirias ia order to ciit the matter itltort. Hia* 
act of tntrgy produced n swlttion, which van promptly suppreeaed. 
La F&niana cloaed iU Hittiii^^, thv exiled officers departed, and the 
•*Liberatijig Anuy" wu dtsbwided u-itJiout offering ivsistAnce. 

But there was s definite divergence between thi! two libvnl groups. 
The p«rtiiULiu of Biego espclled the friends of tlie Government tnun the 
Lodgt*: Mid a new masonic centre was established, known as the comtnu'rojt, 
a nane borrowed from thut given to the Ca£tilian insurgents of 15S0, 
Ibt breach was delayed by the eoncluMOi) of an t^roement at tho «nd of 
1830 between tl>e extreniistj and tlie (Government, wl*cwby Riego wa* 
recalled from exile and appointed Captain-General of Aragon, while 
some of hix frioiidti cntcrvd the Ministry or obtained official poet« : but 
tlie beginning of I8S1 brought a final rupture, and the fstabliihment of 
the oHHuncros as a new aeorvt society, oppoRx] to the FreenwMna, but 
imitating their organisation and cercnioiitts. 't^ih Hocivty was at first 
nnimportant hut afterv-ards gathered such strength that in 18!£3 it 
Dunbered 10,000 rocmbcn, still maintaining it^ ultrft-Liberal character 
aitd adhering to Hiego. This split was fatal for the conatitntionalistJi, all 
the more that it was complicated by the cxi»tcnce of otiu-r groups of 
cooflictiDg views, always struggling with one another and exciting 
dimensions. Such were, first, the group of the a/'rancfMidot, who, after 
their ictum to Spain, soon showed themBclvcs so moderate that they 
opposed the I.ilH-nil*; seeoivdly the socivtiot of Carbonari, either nunh-lled 
upon tixxie of Italy, or actually founded by Italian refiigeeti, !iuch as 
dieoeral Fepe, after the failure of the NeapoUtan and Piedmontese 
revolutions; aikd, thirdly, the republican legitimists and French ndvcn- 
turen, such a* BeK^iervif, Moiitariot, Vaixloncourt, and otliers, whoKv 
{sxKeedingK (to be mentioned later) wen- on tliv point of producing grave 
dUturbanoea in Spain. Again, the moderate Liberals who desired a 
refonn of the Constitution, such as Martinez de I^ Rosa, Toreno, Feliu, 
Caao Manuel, and oUters, formed at the end of 1831 a senu-Kecret sociHy, 
named '* FriciicU of IIk- ConBtitution," and ntckiutnied the imiUentx, from 
the gold ring whicit wa» Uteir itynibul. Ttieir cliief object was to 
strengthen and enlarge tlie power of the Govenunent, in order to avoid 
anarchy. We shall presently trace the various incjdenta which markvd 
the spread of thi; KtruLt^k' between these several groups. 

Thc«L- diitw:n»ioni« were cleverly turned to aooount by Ferdinand ai>d 
the absolutista. It is needless to say that the King had never, for a 
moment, sincerely accepted the revolution. The man, who in 1814 liad 
not understood the force of accomplished facts and the meiming of 
XJberu! opinion, nould still \ist» understand tliein when he found himself 
violently deprived of \t\i absolute power. Thus it a not strange that, 
immediately after swearing to the Constitution, the King bi^an to 
plot against it, and that there wero repeated collisions between him and 
the ujocessive IJberal Gov«niQa-nts. From U»e bc^nning of 1820 tliere 



223 



**Tke Kittg's jng'ttdtr—The Powers. [IMO-I 



n-cn ruriuuH ii)dlcation.4 of rmction in veveriU plAow, iiu.-lu<lit)){ Madrid. 
Id October the King refused to sanction tlie Uw for the extiaction or 
uunnerics oihI diminution of monastmes, and only yielded befara the 
thruit of A revolt and tliv dccidixl uttitinlc of the patriotic sudcticK. On 
()(:tol>cr itTt, Ferdinand went to the Eitcurial, whence he encouraged aiiti- 
oo»«titutional ooimptraciea, at the sanie time carrying on, throogli AlcaU 
Galiano and Fray Cirilo, ex-<ieD«ral of the FniKJscutt, D^otikticna 
u'itti thfl HadicalH, who with maiiifcAt folly accepted tiiis igoobls asd 
ilAn^-roiiit allttinoc, in order to overthrow tliL- Govcmment. Ax if thoc 
lirocK-etlin^x — jmhlicly carried on — were not enou^i, there now apiMuirvi) 
near tJie J-l«curial an amicd jMirty calling thenuwlvea ** Dcfendei-s of the 
alxtohite King**; and 6naUy, on November 15, the MinUten wen- 
astonished by the royal nomination, contrar)- to the Constitution, of 
the rioleot absolutlKt General Carv^fal u Captain -General of Madrid. 
Tbt kctuftl holder of the pooti Geoenl Vigodet, refiM^l to give up the 
eommatKl; there was a aeriotu aedition in Madrid, n proof of tlie un- 
popularity of Ferdinand, who waa obliged to annul the appointment, to 
dianiisH his confessor, and to return to Madrid. At bin entrai»ce Into 
the dty, the King huird many grow inaults in which the natural in* 
dignation of the Liberals at the royal duplicity fouml %-cDt. Fcrdimind, 
concealing bta rage, awaited an opportunity to strike a blow at the 
Government. He found it at the reopening of the Cortes, on March 1, 
18X1. Some days previously, the King had intimated titat the Cortet 
ought to take mmsurt's to prevent insulta to his person. At the opening 
ceremony he pronounced tho usual spccrh, which bad been com- 
posed by ArgucUe»: and at tlie end he added a paragraph in which, 
after decWing bis loyalty to the ConHitutiun, he bitterly complained 
of the inndts heaped upon him in the streets and in Uie dulia, and of 
the bodcwardneas of tlic executive in obecking them ; this appendix 
liccamc known as " the King's pig-tail." Its immediate result was tbe 
roagnatioit of the Ministent and the nomination of others, among whom 
were seveml aniiUrot. Ferdinand's action w>u partly prompted 1^ desire 
to rid himself of a Miniatry which lutd diworvred hi* intrigues with 
anned parties of ItoyaliH insurgents. 

But these armed bands were not the chief danger for the Comtl- 
tiilionalistt. Ferdinand, diitnixting his Spanish partisans, bad early 
applied to the foreign sovcreignx for help in overthrowing the Liheials. 
His first application was made on October &5, 1880, the day on wbjdi 
he went to the Eacurial, in a letter carrieil to Louts XVTII by the 
Portuguese diplomatist Snldanha ; in it Ferdinand declared that he was a 
tMptive.Mtd that SjMiin wtu about to plunge into anarchyi and h^ged the 
FVlntdi King to obtain tlic aid of the Allied Powers. Already in March, 
the Tsar Alexander, alanned by the success of tlio Spani^ Revolution, 
hiul upon hia own initiative presented to the Powers a propaoU Ibr 
aruivd intervention in Spain ; but Austria, PruMia, and England, dreading 



i 



I 
4 



Cortes of 1821.— iBurrfCT- of Vtmimt. 



22S 



I 



tfae incraan of Roauati or French iDlluence in the Peninsula, opposed 
it, Ik* did nlxo Louis XV 111 himself, who was siiiTii-ieiitly occupied with 
the public allktRt of bb own kingdom. The revolution at Naples, where 
the Spanisb Constitution of 181S was proclaimed, brought forward again 
the project of an anti-revolutionarj- cotiibinittiuti of the Power*. At tlte 
Congress of Troppau the matter was discussed Iwth (^■nerallv and willi 
•pecud reference to Italy; and the Tsar took occasion to express to 
one of tiie French envoys his desire that Fnum should do in Spain 
what Austria had done in Naples. But again tlie project fell through. 

^^ferdinatMl, however, continued to itolicit Louis XVllI; and er^it^ in 

^■^paio oertainlj told in favour of his applications, 

H In fact the evident disloyalty of the King bad aroused Liberal 
•entioient ; and, on the other hand, the extremists redoubled their efforts 
to remove the Kloderates from power. 'fW conflict was twofold, uikI 
gave rise to the gravest occurrences. Tlie Cortc« of 1821, after the 
change of Ministry, continued their laboun until June 30, [xueiing »ome 
important laws concerning judicial administration, revenue, education, 
and othi-r mattent. Debates upon the failure of the Neapolitan and 
Piedmoritescv revolution* showed that the deputies did not gnwp tlw 
bearing of these event^i upon Spanish alTairs. Certainly the domestic 
situation w&s enough to absorb the attention of earnest coiiHtitutionalists. 
Tbo armed bands of abwiluUsts daily increased ; the higher ranks of the 
clergy vehemently resisted the execution of the laws oonceraiog eccle- 

Iciastical matters. The Government used sometimes vigon>us, sometimes 
moderate, measures, but logically refrained from refusing to tlicir cneniteK 
the advantages of Liberal government. Th« extremists regarded this 
•s a weakncM, allowing the abuilutists to conspire and to harass the 
Government. Hence followed various disturbances in several cities, and 
on the |>art of the Liberals a change from their generous bearing of 
earlier days towards thotw who were suspected of abnohitixm to one of 
violence and pcnecution. The gravest episode of this period of political 
excitement was the assassination of Vinuesa, parish priest of Tamajdn, 
who was imprisoned in Nfadrid as author of a conspiracy, regarded by 
•ome as the dream of a madman, by others as a device delibcmtrly 
contrived in concert with tlie King. After a long trial he had t>een 
condemned to a term of iatpnwnment, which seemed to the extremistn 
a trifling punishment, indicative of royal bribery or pressure. On May 4 
the mob attacked the prison and murdered Vinucsa. In these outbreaks 
of political feeling n-fugi-c* from abroad took no small part. Among 
Utem two Frenchmen wcrv prominent^ — Bessi^res, who attempted to 
start a Hepublicau revolt in Barodona, and Cugnet de Montariot, 
who attempted to obtain the support of Rit^o for an invasion of 
F^KOce in order to promote a French Republican movement. Some 
faiiftorinns liave denied the reality of Uiese detdings, assuming that 
ontaHot was an agtuit of the French (iovenunent who hoped to 



«H. 1U. 



Hit-go. — Grcmmg duorder. 



[lUl- 



compromiHe Rkgo bjr Uiu pretended conspimor. But the fact of Mont 
arlot's dealingH with Rt«^ mid tUso wiUi allter extreniista in oertaii 
Although Mk levity ami quiiotiiiiD of Jtiego secm*^ to iniritA mc 
propouJn, • letter writtcm bv him on Augiut IS to ujotlmr Fteut 
itliigee, V'ntulmicourt, who sluuwl >Iont«riot'« aims, pra%-n that EUti; 
recognised tite dulieit of htii poKitiotu and wax not prc^iared for k 
(interprue iavolving iotemationiil complicatioRs. Nererthdeia the Pnnc 
Go^'ernnient compUined to the Spamflli Mioiitry of the n«l or ni|i 
posed complicity of Ricgo in tlieae foatAstic plots; and, tlie oomplun 
being supported by Fcrdintuidt Biigo wu huihly nnd rulUy maarc 
from hi* command in Arogon. Tbb act pradiict>d in many |dM 
HditionK or deuioiutrationa of extremiHts, who took for their baiuMr tli 
portnut of Riego. 11te demonstration which took place io Madrid «« 
dispersed by the police without bloodshed in the spot known as La 
PlntiTias, nf?ar tlic Fln.M Mayor (September 17). But the ogitatia 
ixmttnucd aiid vm i\-HcctMl in t}i« Cortes themselTee, whidt not i 
«zt(aordinnry seMion (September 84, 1831, to Felnaiy 14s ISSS), an 
in xpite of Uie violeitt diacussioas following tbe fall of the Mfnisbj 
devutcd their attention to projects and laws of grvttt importanoe, soe 
as the sdministmtive division of the Peninsula, customs aiid taxes, i 
proponed Pennl Code, and public chanty. 

In 1622 symptoms of f^wing disoitW showed themselves both ii 
the divUion of the Liberals and in the activity of armed liands a 
abeolutists, which received from the French Goi-enimmt, not fndm 
oflicial aid — for Villele did not venture so far— but encouragement an 
aasarance of impunity for tbc conspiracies planned in France and fn 
the aid in raonvy luid arms tltcnce derived. At the beginning of th 
yoor, Ferdinand, tlirough his uitdo the King of Naples, once mor 
•o1icit«d aid from tlie Powers; but as before, the matter, notwitli 
standing the support of the Tior, remained for the time undecided. I 
the now Ortes of 182S, the extremists, favoured by the law forWddln 
tlte reeloctinn of foriiii:r deputies, obtained a large majority, a terioi 
matter under tlie circunutanoa^ and oU the more so seeing that 
Moderate, Mortiner. de La Rosa, was licad of the (lot-cmmrnt. Tti 
Cotiea soon showed their tendency by appointing as their Prtddli 
Uiego, who bud tio ((UiUiflcations for the post. Tbe 
conHict whtc'b at once began was complkated by seditions and 
in Uic provinces. Itte number of bands was so great as to conititute 
itate of civil war, oarried on without quaiier. In Aronjues, in Vi 
anil in Madrid itM-lf, tltert- vere in May and June attempts at abso) 
demonstnitiMis and risings, io the last of which (June fiO\ an oi 
of Um King's Guatd, a man of Liberal ideas, named l^andabum, 
killed by his own soldiers. Iliis event was the prelude to a veri 
ilHnim>rtion. be^un by four battalions of Guards which left M. ~ " 
•ocanpcd ia Ibi- Vatio. Fearing an attack, the people of Madrid 



ish] 



The Conges* t^ FeroruL 



226 



I. preparations; and, when the battalions from the Pardo jiileutly entered 
|Mwlri<l, they *rere bwttn off", chiefly by the st«ut Ksistanc^ of the 
[KatioiuU Militia (July 7). The King, upon whose cotmivancv the 
' mutineers liad rwkoned, U said to have apptured after their defeat upon 
|.a b&lcony of the Palace and to hare encouraged Utv pursuit. The 
[Guard was disbanded, and a new Ministzy of lladicali was formed 

Bui the iDtemntional danger was nov taking definite shape, lite 
Guvemnient, not siitiKfit^ with indirvctly supporting the Royal- 
liats, lent to Ferdinan<l a large sum tiirougli it-t ambonador La Garde to 
[■id a counter-revolution. La Garde himself, with the envoys in Madrid 
[lOf Russia, Austria, Prussia, and other States, after the events of July 7. 
taddrv:«cd a note to thv Minister of Stiitv. icpcnking of " the Itoriiblv 
kcituiition of Ilia Catliolic Majesty and liLt ftunily," nnd uf " tlie dangerw 
Ithreatening their august pei'sons," and plainly declaring timt " the 
'relations of Spain with all Europe would depend upon the treatment 
of his Majesty." 'lliis threat was soon to be translated into the decision 
of the CongrtM of \'<rroiui, which irtu prcjjiiriiig to iiirct. 

The new Ministry attempted to strengthen the Liberal poctition by 
pladng [Hoved Liberals in important posts in Madrid and in the 
evinces, and by vigorously pressing the war against the insur^-nt 
The« hod seined Im Sco dc t'rgcl, a Gttalun town, where they 
tblislied a " Supreme Kegunry of Spain during the captivity of Fer- 
io VII." On August 15 this Kegency addressed a proclamation to 
be country ui^ng the liberation of the so-called ** captive King," and 
also flppli«l to Mcttemich for help; but Mcttcmich was not dispusnl 
(or an intcrvc-ntinn whiili might favour KtiKfinn plans. 

The proclamation of Urgel, the spread of the civil war, and tht: 
kmwn attitude of the foreign Powers roused the activity of the Liberals. 
Amats, seditions, orations in the club«, attempts to rouse public 
feeling against tlic enemies of lil>erty, were redoubled, while the civil 
war incTMsed in ferocity on both aides, the constitutionalists gaining 
.lome success and forcing the Regency to 6y to FVance. Sut the decision 
of the Congrras of Verona modilicd the situation. Although the appli- 
cation of the Rf-gcnts of Urgcl was not entertaiiiLiI by Metternich, 
it was viewed wiUi favour by the French envoys Montmorency and 
Chateaubriand, who, contrary to the instructions and desires of Villi^le, 
worked steudily for an intervention, to be carried out by France. 
At the meeting of October SO .Montmorency a»kcd the other envoys 
whether the Allied Powen would recall tlieir ai)ibii.t.MLdors from Madrid 
if France should recall Uen, and, whether, in case of war between France 
and Spain, Louis XVIU might reckon upon the aid of his allies. TheTiiar 
rvplied in the affirmative, offering u lurgc army either to maintain order 
ID France during the war, or to enter Spain ; but the opposition of tlie 
British plenipotentiary, Wellington, and of Metteniich, frustrated this 
plan. Yet the d«u>ign wus nut abunduned; aiul it now seemed certain that, 

^ u. u. s. c>. VII. IS 



. [!«»-> I 



226 Great Jiritain. The other Great Power*. 



should the CongroM decide upon int^rriDticm, Fnuic^ uniiM be charged to 
execute it Nothing was efieot«d by Wellington'ii dedjuntion — follawii^ 
the initructioiu of Canning — that his Govemnient would not lend itaetf 
to intervention, nor by the detachmrat of Great BritAin from the poli^ 
of the Holy Allianw?" Although \iliMo, mipported by Loui» XVIII, 
sought at least to postpone int«r\-eiition, the forward po1ic>- premkd, 
and the Congrcu decided upon mililary intervention in Spain (October 30). 
("hateaubriand, who for dynastic and patriotic reasong deaired war, having 
been appointed Minister (December S8), rontrived to overrule VilWe; 
and at the end of 1S22 everything was ready for action. 

Great Britain, touched in her intemationa] Interests and a1»o in- 
fluraoed by a Htroag popular Rcntimt^nt favouring Uic Spaniiih J^iberala, 
attempted to obtain from tlic Spani-ili (lovemment nome conoeadoos 
which might avoid intervention. Her ambassador A' Court, and after- 
wards Lord Fitzroy Somerset, a npccial agent of Wellington's, laboured 
with that object. San Aliguel and hi« Ministry have boen blamed for 
not yielding to thi* prc-^inv; bnt (liis o^imun! is nndeJM-rved. In the 
first place, the ulti«-].il>eral sentiment then dominant in Spain foI4Md^ 
thtt Government to make concessioni ; secondly, the propo«ed eonceaaoni 
vm presented under the form of pretisiire by foreign nations whkJi 
contrary to all right dcfin^ to nuvtdle with the internal aflnir* of Spain ; 
and in any caoe thestt coivceaiiions would ttcarcely have prevented action, 
which in the case of the Holy Alliance proceeded deliberately from 
enmity to constitutional prindplea, and enabled the French monarohista 
to gain cmdit for their dynasty by an ea^y triumph of aims. The 
Spanish Libi-nilH could not fail to mk- that tlicy would be alone in the 
atm^le; for the Britinh Government, notwithatanding ita sympat)iie«, 
had declared tltat in case of war, it wotild remain neutral ; and even in 
those critical days A" Court was pressing the Government for a settlement 
of the question oonoeniing the injury inflicted upon British trade in 
America by the blockade of the insurgent CoIonii'«. 

li^rly ill Jaitiuiry, 1823, the ambaModors of I^nne, Kiixtia, Austria, 
and Prussia, presetted to tlie Spanish (iovt-ninient notes declaring their 
common attihidc. They all demanded the abolition of tlie Coustitution 
of 1812, the liberation of the King, whom they n-gardcd as a prisoner 
of tJve liberals, aiid the cessation of the iinarchy which, with inauiftst 
i!xa^;eration, was described as prevailing in the country. Bat, except 
the Kussinn note, which seemed to stiggeat the need of simply restoring 
the absolutist rfgme, their representations pointed to a moderate 
monarchical Ryxtem or even (as in the case of the ^ns^rian note) dedared 
tliat it was not for foreign nationstodetormine what political institutiona 
nhould be eataMished in Spain, the es^entiitl |K>iiit( being the restoration 
of public tranquillity and U>e aafety of the King's ])CT9on. The language 
was very vague except with reference to the Conatitution, which was 
^ ignrouKly condemned. Tliese notes produced a profoimd effect in thv 



I 



I 



iMs] French intervention. — The King and the Cortes. 227 



Kkpl 

~ tn H 



I 



I 



Coi^x». The unbounded indignation of the Liberals showed iU^lf in 
patriotic spewcbi:^. 'ilu: Ministry replied to th« notei by declining tu 

ilaoe the C^ntUtutioii of 18lil, repudiating intervention as contrary 
to the law of nations, and boldly refuting the charges brought against 
the Liberals. The result iraa the withdrawal of the ambassadors from 
SpiUD, those of RuBtia, Prusiia, and Austria deiNirling oti Januaiy 14, 
]£. and 16, respectively; the French «inba.i.satlor soon followed, having 
spent his lust duys ii> prnmoting diit*en>ionii among the I Jbendit. 

'Vbit turn whicfi matters were taking wa3 now evident; it was 
dofinitely shown a few days later in the speech read by Louis XVIII at 
the opening of the French Chaniber, in which, after stating that the 
Spanish Gov-emmcnt had declined nil arcomitiodation, he declared that 
he had sent onlen to recall his ambumiuliir iirid tliat ii huiidirxl tlioumnd 
Frendiioen matt ready to enter Spain. Great Britain still strove to 
prevent the war, urging through her ambassador in Parb that the 
demands of the Powers were ina:(tmiBsiblc in their actual form, and that 
propriety permitted no more than a "recommendation'' that the Con- 
stitution of 1812 Hhould bo moclitied. But Groat Britain went no 
farther; and the Spanish Gownmient prepared for war. 

The difTii^uIti«e of tlie situation were increaited by want of money, by 
the existing civil war, by tlie certainty tJiat the King was encouraging 
the insurrection of all his partiaaos, and by the doubtful fidelity of some 
military commanders. Yet four bodicH of troops were formed under 
Mina, Monllo, Bullesteros, and Ia Bi--<bnl, while San Miguel himself 
Mxved under Mina aguinst tlie French. The ofTeni made by certain 
fmwignera in November, 18!iS, to form a foreign legion were only accepted 
by decnie of the Cortes on April 80 ; and in May a contract was mode 
wiUi the self-styled Engli.-ih "gtmcral," Sir Hobort WiUon. for the 
organisation of tlie I^tm witJi the aid of ftims and xtoren fumi.ihed 
by a committee sitting tn Ijondon, which despatched an expeditio«i 
cuiumandcd by Major IKckson aiid Thomas Steele; but all this produced 
no rcsulL In Madrid the alarm was great; aitd in the middle of January 
it was tn<;n^wrtl by the advant-o to Guadalajarn of un absolutist band lud 
by Be^eres, tiie ropiiblic-'U) cotispirntor of 1821. 

The Cortes, considering Madrid misafe, decided on February 15 to 
■ugrate elsewhere with the King aivd the executive; but, when San 
'Miguel laid the matter before him, Ferdinand refused to leave the capital; 
and the Minintry was dismissed and replaced by another in which ttie 
comwienu had a majority. But the King failed to parry the blow. The 
Cortes retmTied to the matter, and on March S decided to more to Seville. 
Tbr King pretended an illness, making it impossible for him to travel. But 
the CortL-s, rejectingthis aitd other subterfuges, insisted ; and on Marcli SO 
tbey sterted for Seville with Ferdinand^ the members of the exeeotive, 
and a few militia troojis. Eighteen days later tlie French crossed the 
fnuilier. llteir entry into Madrid (May ^) and their advaix^; towards 



em. vu. 




U-S 



828 



ConatituHoTud government ended. 



[iei» 



m 



Aiidiiliuiu caused a proposal for KDotber enigration of the Court, fntm 
Seville to Cndfjt. llic Kii^ spnin n-fii»cd ; whereupon the Cortes, upon 
the proposal of Alotli Galiniio, »gu-ed (June 11) to dixl&n the Kian 
teiiipornrily incapacitated and to appoint a Regency which kboulcl act 
only until their arrival at Cadiz. This decision contAincd the diMdran- 
tages uf all hair-meoKurea, con»titutiiig ok it did a alight upon the Kii^ 
aitd yet not diHarniing him, since in three days be vraa ratond to his 
fuiiclions. But it showed that the King had completely forfettcd the 
rei(i>ect of the liberals — his dethronement hod Iiecn actunlty jiroposed iai 
Madrid — and it oIho tliowetl that the Liberab ttiU lioped for fucvew.1 
At that time they etiU counted open moit of the forces orgnntaed 
San Miguel ; but these troops, with the exception of tho»« car 
by Mino, oHbvd scarcely any rvsjatancc. It wa» not long befu 
Morillo capitulated in Galida (July 10) and BoUesteroa in Ajidalosia 
(Aiigurt 4); soon aflerwanl*, in the middle of September, RicRO w«« 
defeated and t»kvn prisoner. Only Mina in Catalonia, I'liui-iicia in 
Eilremadiira, and a few leaden in the eastern tt^on, re&isted with 
stubborn energy to the end. The country, far ^m seconding their 
eiTorta, rather offered facilitiea everywhere to the French adrancc. Tliu* 
it was clearly pi>o>-ed that the constitutional s^-stein was not popular, and 
UiKt at all evenU the nuM of the jwoplc hail nut nujuired any seme of , 
the advantages of that Jtyntem which 10016 ytan later was to provide a I 
bosia for democratic parties. ™ 

CadiE, blockaded from June S4 and unaided from without, could not 
hope to escape a iipcedy surrender. Although up to the end there 



not wanting optimists, both real and prett-nded, to sustain enthusJawB^ ^ 
discoumgemcni gradually spread among the tohliers imd country-peopletfl 
and, partly owing to [tenmnftl iutcrestat partly owing to the intriguoi of ^ 
the King, who soon opened communications with Angoulcme, Ui]gely 
also owing to the use of money, a capitulation was arranged Kb'pulatin^: 
for the liberation of the King from his "captivity," «• the coatrol 
the Liberals. On October 1 he pancd over to the I-'i'each camp, mlber 
had tirst promised s general pardon and the formation of a moderali!' 
Government — a fresh piece of royal per6dy, as will presently appear. 
Tlutt closed tlie Hcottd period of constitutional government 
perished not so mudi from ibt errori, wluch have reoeivied exoemve «i 
tion. as firom indifference to its prim-iples in the mass of the populati 
and in consequence of the European rcactionnry movement, whldi led to 
foreign iDtervention. If only the external acts of its political hfo mv 
taltct) into account, it seems to have represented in Spain a mania for 
liberty which could only end iD anarchy; butf if its intellectual and 
kgi^tive achievement be coondered, it must be recognised that it di^l 
much for the intellectual pi«grcss of the country nod abo laid the 
fouwlntion of imtitution* which for mora than a c^tury were to be the 
ba^s uf Spanisli juridical life. A systematic study, such a* hai natg 



Ely 

r. ^ 



I6S3 



Absolutist reaction. 



229 



j-et been made, of the laws pawed and Uie projects dbcuascd in thv Cortes 
and of the abundant legal and political literature of U»e period will prove 
that in the minority, coniiifting of highly educated men, there was a 
considerable fennvnt of iDtelleetua] energ}-, which, whether well or ill 
directed, was full of hope. T)ie influence of tlie EiioycIop<Hlist.i wm now 
diared bv nc^wer authors, among then) Bentham, who for nonie time gave 
character to our juridical philobophy. A great development of peiiodical 
literature also provided a vehicle for French doctriuaire ideas and for 
the ecoDODiic theories of tho time, including SaJnttimouisiu. fix; iaititu> 
tion of the (ic-neral l)ire<rtion of Studies (1821), tin- refonn of the 
College of San Isidro and of the Seminary of Nobles (182iJ), the establish- 
ment of the so-called "National Academy" on the model of the French 
Institute, the foundation (18^) of the original Ataito, destined aiteru>-anbi 
to have a profound influence on Spanish culture, and of the famous school 
{Colegio de San Mateo) directed by Lista and Keinoso, which educated 
the literary youth who were soon to enthrone Romanticism — all thi'^c 
movements helped to lay the foundatioD of the new education, both 
higher and [wpular. 

But this intellectual movement was smothered for a time by a 

baction more violent, blind, and a-uel than that of 1814. Scarcely had 

ve French entered Spain when its excesses bcf^an. Supported by the 

bayonets of Angoideme the absolutists estublislied in Madrid a Regency 

which prooeedwi to perst-ente the Liberals with the aid of tlie roiutUariM 

fftdiataa, who formed a kind of opposing force to the National Militia and 

■ere the source of the future Carliat troops. On receiving news of the 

accree depriving tlie King of hi-t fuiu-tions, tliis Regency puh1i»bed a ilecree 

of general proscription (June iiS), proclaiming the penalty of desath for all 

be Ubend deputies and for most of those who were engaged in the 

Vjberal cause. Scarcely had Ferdinand recovered his liberty wlten he 

substituted for his promises of pardon made in the Cadiz proelaination 

a new order (f)ctober 4), more sweeping than the decree of the R^[en^, 

joaaaing sentence of death on almost all the supporters of the Ccnutita- 

■on and even on those who hod simply showed attachment to LibcraliMni 

^ bad shouted \'iva Riego or Mutran loa aerviUi) or any similar cry. 

This order, whith was not published in the Gazelle, appeared in the 

Oiario de Madrid and was posted at all the street comers. The King's 

confessor Suez was placed at the head of tlie Ministry; military 

committees vrere appointed to prosecute political prisoners j ooundla 

known as juntax de la Ji were instituted imofficially with objects 

Kaembling those of the Inquisition — for tlie King with curious idood- 

ttoncy refuted t<j restore the Holy Office — and inipri-tonuients, execu* 
ins, and acts of violence, were horribly multiplied. Many historians 
alao mention a kind of semi-secret clerical society called the Society of 
the Eztenninating Angel, having its <viitre in Cutalimia but working in 
ay placEB} teiTorifiug liberals and Freenmaoos with persecutioiu; bt^t 

tM. vu. 



230 



Persecution qf the IJherah. 



[18U-S 



others, in th« abwnre of authentic documents, den; or doubt its extstencc 
If it t)e a Ipgriid, it a a characteriEtic legend, for by this or by njinikr 
in«tliod5 Uie vxtix-nic react ioiiarics,aiiioiig thc-ni many of tlx- clcrg>',»Tviiged 
themselrcA cruelly upon all wliom tbcy regarded u «ncini«a. Biego, tbc 
pereonificaUon of Kailical conn ti tut ioiiiili.sn),ii-it.t hanged with tavage poni[K 
j\ngoiilemc at once ))roteatc(l agaiunt tbe% cxccssea; but be vu 
pon-erless to chf^ck them, for >'illelc, though always inclined to modcn* 
tion, was ovcirulcd by Austria, Russia, and Prustia, which mpported the 
violenoG of the •hsoUitiita and urged the Hcgcncy to Irave no true 
of conKtituticiiialitiu wh«a oncp the King hod been reloaded. 'Uie 
inslructiom to Angoul^ine were decisive on this point; and Mettemiefa 
used tiie plainest language to the AuHtrian arobojoador in Paris in a 
despatch of March iftj. All that Angoul^rae did waa to aid tbc o««pc 
iif the dqiutics and the mcmbeis of tlie Goreninicut who were iu Cwliic 
Hut tiic oontinttnnoc of Kanguinary punishments at onrvdrew a prutea' 

from Uic UritUh Government and at kttglh one from tJie frencb J 

diateaubriand hintself, on Rfareh 17, 18%4, tlireatened Ferdinand wit b- -j 
the withdi-awal of the Frendi troops, which were still in Spain: and a^i |h 
last tbc Russian ambasMdor, 1*01X0 di Borgo, interposed, but onl— -^ 
procurrd the dimnfGHd of Padre Saci and a decree of amnwity (May 17~3 I 
'lliis decree ttuA a Kunguinary force, containing so many cxocjjtiona that ^Sll ' 
•carcely pard{)ned anyone; yet it nngi^red the extreme abBolutista. ^£1, 
effect the penecutions rontinned lu U^fore; and the fall of tbc 1-Vn^crdi 
Minirtiy which induded Cluiteaubriand (July), followed by the death ^ 
Louis XVm (September), removed tiie only alight chcdc upon fc:^ 
extremists and increased their rigour towards the Liberals. An attecrk pt 
at insurrection planned by Colonel Voldfo ai>d other refugees living m 
Gibraltar (August) furni^ilicd n pretext to justify tliis rigour. From tl-ul 
time to the end of 18S9 tJie political history of Spain eon^sts meidy of 
A scries of alternations between terrorism and relaxation of cocix^t« 
meaaunM, according as extremists or moderates [ircvailcd with th« Ktn^ 
or as he desired to conciliate this party or that. 
" The extnmisia found leaders in the royal family, namely tlic Kin^) 
brother Don Carlos, and tin; tatter's wife, Maria Francisca of BragattzL 
Whenever thne two saw that Tenlinand waa relaxing his first rigour, Ukt 
promoted or cneoumged absolutist demonstrations and even re^'olts, lurii 
as that which was led by tbc restless Dcssi^res in 18S5, ami that which 
broke out in Catalonia in 1838, directed by a Supreme Junta eitablblxil 
in Manresa, in order to five the King from " the dii^ised Liberals « 
swayed him." 'ITicsc demonstrations of force, although they *i 
harvhly chasti-scd by Ferdinand, always produced a Ircsh period 
persecution for the liberals. But the pure Royolixts, now known 
iqioiURcos, were no longer nalislk-d with tlm. DLitrusting the Kii 
they now thought f hut their principles could only be secured if Kerdiri. 
were replaced by his brother Don Carlo*. Thus a party, which at 



Ba7-»] Fourth marriage of Ferdinand, 



231 



been distioguished only by its principles, became a personal party, 

rbich bcguii to bo mlled Carlist. Tbe proclamBtion published at tlio 

of 18SJ7 by "a fedtration of pure IloytJisU" stated ilii» plainly. 

ae moderation bad beeu iatroduoed into tJie GovttrDinent throtigh 

' tlio pcrEon&l jnflucnco of Ba]Icst«ro«t Miniater of the Treasury, when the 

Queen, Maiin Aninlin of Sasuny, third wife of Ferdinand, died (May IT, 

1829). She hnil married the King in October, 1819, Konivwbot lusa 

,tluui a year afler the deatii of Isabel of UragauKO. 

L Tbe King being cbildleaa and feeble in health, the hopes titat Don 

Carlos would be his succrssor gained force. But, the King showii^^^ a 

diKpunition for a fourth marriaf^, the ooufltct of ambitions in the 

■oyal family proceeded without diHgiuw or aliame. The conflict was 

Bad by two women, the wife of Don Carlos, Maria FraucUea, wlto had 

jUways cxcrctsul gr«at influence uwr the King, and Maria Carlota of 

Naples, wife of tho Infants Don I-'rancispo, unothvr brother of Ferdinand. 

.i>ona Cariuta hail ptinwial grievance:^ to avenge, duv to her inferior 

Biti<Hi iu the palace and to alights received from Uoiia Frandsca. 

r penooal enmify of thcae two uoinen had naturally M-pai-ated them 

litically, so that Donn Carlota came to be regarded aa a hope for tho 

Liberals, altlioogh in fact she woi no Icsa royalist than her rivaL This 

npolitioil antagonism, exploited by boUi partiea, gave to tbe question of 

Iphe new maniage a bearing which was to have laoting consequences for 

Spain, 'lite candidat« preferifd by Carlota was her $i»tor tlic Neapolitan 

princcu Mnrin Cristina, a beautiful and attnu-'tivu woman. The 

iis of I>on Carlos attempted to discredit her, Representing her as 

ardent Liberal, a proceeding which only had the edect of throwing 

more and more into the arms of tbe Qon-Bpustolicals, thus dctcf* 

ling her phtcv in politics. But the King would not regard either 

beae rumoura or the calumnies which were cast upon the honour of th« 

iture Queen. Vanquislied by her beauty, be chose her as Queen ; and 

ria Criiitina made her ntatc entry into Madrid on December 11, \8StQ, 

her journey through Frant-e the Liberal refugees saluted her; and 

promised to use her influence in tbeir favour, desiring to win some 

ympatliy in order to outmterbidanvc tlie influence of tlie apottiiicos. 

the Liberals on their part were naturally drawn towards one who 

presented the destrwrtion of the (.'arlist preponderance in the Court. 

'Ihe new Queen soon became the arbiter of her husband's wiU, so far 

this was posible with Ferdinand ; and favourablo results would prob- 

'kh\y buvD follownl for the Libemlx, but for an event which aSect«t all 

Europe— till; French He\olution of 181J0. Alanm-d at the doctrinaire 

■iberalism of LouL&<Philippe, Ferdinand committed the error of not 

Qg the new King; and the latter, reasonably offended, aidod 

at any rate did not hinder the conspirades which Alcali Galiano, 

and other rcfngec:s some of whom came from EogUnd, were 

Rviug, encouraged by the spirit of liberty whklk lfcin«d *ht DtiKW' 

em. vu. 



232 



Don Carlos and Maria Crutina. 



[1830-4 



uf Europv iind which in England inspired the poli<^ of Pftlnicniton. 
lltit neither the FrcMch nor the l^igli^i Government officially Mipported 
the conspirators, although the former was solicited by them ; and, so 
Koon as Ferdinand recognised Ijouis-Philippe, all forbearance tonnrds the 
refugees ocastd. The various expeditions attx-mptcd in 1830-S by Minn, 
Torrijos, (umJ others, all failed ; ami another period of terror made 
men doubt whether the new (Queen's infliience could effect anything. 
Tills reaction was directed by C^tomarde, Minister of Justice, whose 
obscurantist zeal went so fax as to decree the closing of the UnivenitMs, 
the focus of the Libcml spirit which rtirrcd the youth. PentecutJons 
were redoubled against FreemaKons and heretics, some being oondemDed 
to death ; and books suspected of Liberalism were more strictly forbidden, 
although they continued to circulate in uumbcn, propagating ideas nhkli 
were soon to bear fruit. 

But H ninn:- iterious qiiMtlon engaged the attention of politieiaiiH. 1%e 
(jueen was witli child, ami, if she should bear a son, tlie triumph of Maria 
Cristina and her sistCT would be complete : not so if a daughter wtre 
bom, owing to the state of the law concerning the inberitance of the 
crown. Conti-niy to the traditional custom and law prevailing in tlie several 
medieval States of Spain, Philip V had in 171S Ixaen obliged to publish — 
not without protest — an act {auia acordado) which, by always giving the 
preference of succession to the male line, aimed at preventing any tnuon 
of the Spanish and French crowns in one person. This act htu been 
called the Spanish Salic Law. The international situation which caund 
this new rule having paued away, Charles IV, in agreement with the 
Cortes assembled in Madrid, in 1789 abrogated the act and restored the 
law of S'letc Partidaa which permitted the succession of women. Ilii* 
n>fomi, which was in consonance with the national tradition, waa not 
puliiiHiied at t)ie time, but kept secret, although recorded in the archives 
iwth of the King and of the Cortes. Accordingly Cristina, in order to 
meet every contingency, induced the King to publi.iJi, on May 19, 1890, 
\}k /vfiffmatim or law of 1789. Don Carlox w]Ltfuriou!(,and became more 
so when on October 10 a girl was born, who was named Maria laabel 
and was at once proclaimed Princess of Asturi^^, that is to say, heireM 
to the throne. Thencefomurd the struggle between Don Carlos and 
the Queen centred in the tjueition whether Die law of 1T89 should be 
maintaine<l or abrogated. Cristina found little support in the Miniiti^, 
where Calomarde represented the interests and sentiments of the 
apontilicot ; but she sought support in the army, flattering it and 
attracting partlian* as best .the could. In September, 18.Si2, Dona 
Franci«'a and Cftloniaide, taking advantage of a serious illnemi which 
hrouglit tlie King to the point of death, and favoured by the absei>ce 
of Carlota who was in Seville at the time, mastered the cnfm-blcd s[Mrit 
of Ferdinand, intimidated ('ri.ttina with the threat of a civil war, and 
procuix-d the abrogation of the law (iseptcniber 18). Uut Ferdiiuuid 



I 



I 

I 

I 

( 

I 



'] 



Death qf Fer^nattd. 



MS 






hsving ravoTered from tlita mortal attack, Cariota, who had haitaocd to 
tba apot nn kaininft Mlut had paincti, contrit-ed to oMkt entirely tbr 
tioane of cvoita. 1%o abrogstion of the law waa aitDulled ; the whole 
Mlniftty wai dianged ; and Cristina wan authoriMcd (October 6) to 
airai^ State affairs during the King's illoesa. The reaitlt wu that 
tha law of 1768 was nntorcd and wiut •olcmnl; pratntilgated a ncond 
imt oo December SI, and a Ijberol turn was given tn policy. The 
Vunnitlea wtire rcopene«l ; and on Octotjer 15 a de<^n-e of omnejty, 
a hhDUgh eontaining numeroui exceptions demanded by the Kiog, 
pemittt«d many refiigeea of 18S4 to return to Spnin. 

Thm th« Liberab dedaivdy attached tbcnuclven to iMbrl and to 
CriittDa, who becamo the otj«ct of a romantic devotion which had ita 
litaaiy taatufestAtion in numerous occasional publications, iiiteraiting as 
fatdicalil^ the spirit of the time, whili: the iib>olutiita foriricd the party 
of Doo Carlo*. Contpiraciw and Atlempt* nt imum-ction nattiralty 
followed, which led the Govemmeut to grant to Don Carlm "pcr- 
nuMioo'' to go to Portugal (May 19, 183S). Three days later he 
deputed. The Cortea barmg assembled in the onrtcnt Spanish manner 
b Jtme, tlic oath waa taktnt rccugnUing Isabel n» hrir to the throne, 
■Ithough Doo Carioa protested in a note which he seat to hb brotbe- 
an Apiril S9, upon bearing that the Cortes had been summoned. Soon 
■fterwards, on September 29, the death of Ferdinand dosed a reign full 
<f cruelty aitd shame. 

If Cristina, who was Queen Regent during the minority of her 

dao^rtar^ had MDCctdy cnbraoed the Liberal cause, the Spaaiili 

PoItomI problem would hate been linple and pUn ; a atmg^ between 

.^^MhitMta and Cdastitiitiooalista woold hnve enabled the latter to 

o q j Miiw a legitimate party foUcnring tba ie»e bpwt rf Mega hi Hmtym 

«t laige. But it b^i^ieDcd otherwise. AAer winning her fint triuMp h, 

Criatina took a retrograde step, evading r^onns and accepting the 

^T**"" of sQcb timid Modemtn «a Cen Beraoda, who had bem • 

SCniatar of Fetdinand**, and nDtnllT hwH^niF towatds tfaow who had no 

love for the libctal progiamme Sfae'did not pereein! tbat pobUc 

vpUon w» not wlnt it had been in 1814 and ia IMS, and that 

■auetitotiniMl and Liberal prine^lv had aadc gnat adraaaa aaong 

'tike Bnaca who had fbraieTly ivjected tbeeo. DoCn Isabel, when she 

tieeHM Qoeen, feU into the aame error or was led tnto it by her 

«oaicfflen; and thas it waa that, while other natione aettlsd their 

*l1tnwi! e t/ ng g Ua mofe i»pidly end sncurdy, the po h tiinl oasAet in 



Speia WW dfaeabnnily prdoogad and 



a doobk fivn, fint in the 



ciril wan againat dedand alaolutun or CafBaa, aeoondly to the eflorta 



(a induce Crirtina, her daughter, and the gnopi ti 



ftiMklythe libceal 



eflbeta vfaea. 



toanept 



■aas, produoid saditiaue shodw and RvoJotiona. In addition to tU^ 



tWcetiU oislad 



theUbtrale 



«r the frcton wUeh had 



t«. ra. 



IM Regency of Cnviina, — Quatlntptv Alliance, [wa-m 



produccsd tbo divUioiui between tbc modftratc axvd extreme seotioni; 
buiults H ocrtaiu indecioion n» to miuji, wbicb, tugetber wiUi the eotnttoi 
of new ideaa, led to the rise of political tendencies hitherto uoknowo. 

The refugecBS in Fnuice and EugUod from 18S4 to 18SS hful tuKlcr* 
goae tbg influcncu either of Doctrioaircs and Badiuils, or vim of lioglMb 
iuttitul iuiiH and habit* t *tMt the toiultiDg watiiiivtitit »IIbct«d and 
impftired that reverence for Uie ComtitutioD of 1812 which luUifitai for 
inaay yean. The internal history of the coinbinationa and tvuBidi 
produced hy these various infinences in Spanish Libemlicm ia mott 
interesting, explaining many evi-otc which otherwise would be abacuK. 
'IIki Ahtoluti^ even thougli tlie iprcad of Liberal ideas waa rapidly 
dimioiahing their ranks, still poswaaed for a long time a majoiity in 
various districts and in the rural population, 'llieir cause was ideotiBcd, 
not always justly, with locctl fntcrestf oonoeming the mointenaDca of 
Audcut^/Wnw aiid sentiments of medieval iodepviidenoe. Iliua they 
coutinuodi almost dunti tu uur own days, to be fumiidable fntimiWi 
whose defeat cost much blood uid treasure. •• 

llie lU^ncy of Oistina may be divided ioto three periods. He flnt 
(1894-5) b a period of timid teforma carried out mthcr to attnrt th* 
Liberals and rountcrbcdanco the wei^t of the Carlist party, than by 
deliberate choice of the Qucoo. It includes the Ministries of Maitioca 
de I<a Ro3« oikI Torciw ; anJ it5 legixUtive tcnden^ ia l a pi eam ted 1^ 
the constitutional charter known as the EttattOo Real. The Mrond 
{>eriod (16S6-7) is marked by the Hadical poUcyond the Urge rdbnns 
of Mcitdisabol and Colatrava, together with a brief restoration of the 
Code of ISIS, eoon rcpUcnl by the Constitutioa of 1837. The 
third period (1838-40) nmrka a retuni to Moderatismt ending in • 
revolutionary movement and tlie iibditKlJon of Crtatiua. Acoompanyiog 
these interna} political events and producing some of their piinci[»l 
episodes, the civil war fallows its course, having been b^un by the 
Carlist party soon after Uie death of Ferdinand. 

When Martinet de \a Kom was cidlcd to power (January, 1834) 
in order to gratify the liberals, who were disgusted at the antl< 
const ittitionol proclamatioa puhliflhcd by Cristina on October 4, 1889, 
the Carlistft, or^^nised as soldtcn in Navaire and the Ba'que I ' n iv in ea 
by tlH'ir tint General, Zumalacorrcgiu, who bod Ixen a eolonal in the 
amiy, constituted a real danger. The new Miniitr)- promptly latndund 
some reforms, among them the extension of the amnesty to tha Hlft^g^^i^ 
and, accepting the proposals of Palmeiston, signMl tha Tt«aly of 
April 15, K-twwn Great Britain, Portugal, and Spain, securing Brittsti 
aid In tl>c double revolution, dymutic ai»d constitutional, which was 
agitating both Peninsular States. The adhesion of France, compUtiiw 
the " Quadruple AlUanoe," raised the hopes of the (.'ristiuoa, altboa|^ 
it produced the nipturct of diplomatic relations with Austria, RuMtati 
Hod Pniaiai but iu fisct it only brou^^t advanto^ far P ti r tu gil, 



I 



I 



isa4-s| Martittes 



Rosa. Cm-i 



^ar. 



ass 



I 



I 



vfaeR^ with the aid of SpAuUb troope, Duiti Miguel htm dcfcsbml and 
])oii& Marin tU Glorim whs restored. Duo Cairlvw, who wmt »tUl in 
I'urtug&I, thougli closely gjtmued by Geneml Hodil, escaped with the 
help of the Bntifth Admiral, who conveyed him to London. He was 
left in such freedom that some weeLa later he wan aUe to return to 
SpAJn ami plncc himself kI the head of hb partisans (July 9), aided with 
anus and money by Uiv French Legitimist*. 'Hie Go^'cmment soi^t 
armed help iroca Gmit Britain and Fmnce, but without sucosk, 
for Great Britain refui^d to inten-ene or to allow France to inter* 
v«ne ; and Louis-Philippe, notwithatandjiig his engagements, allowed 
himself more inclined to favour Don Carlos, in otdcr to conctUatv 
Austria, Prussia, and lUusia. All that Martincx de La Rosa oould 
obtain wiu the Iram of an Alf^rian legion, niid p^rrmifnion to raise a 
liritiah Ic^on, which iiflemardi proved a vnlwihle military aid. More 
beneficial fioni the humane point of view waa Lord Kliot's Agreement 
with the two armica, Carlist and Liberal (April fiU, 1835), so called 
because it was effected by the action of that British envoy, with the 
object of saving the lives of prisonen, who hitherto lind tx-en pililewly 
sacrificed to the fury of both contending purtiea. An aocidcnt relieved 
tho situation for the time, removing the chief danger. The Cailista 
oecupiod all Navarre and the Basque Ihovinces up to the line of the 
l-lljro; but they held no fortified place. 'Jl^e eastern Fowcra required, 
as a condition to tlwir recognition of Don Cnrlos ks King of Spain, his 
posscMion of sudi a militaiy base ; the santc was demMiided by foreign 
bankers dispo.'cd to provide a loan, and by Uie courtiers of Don Carloa 
desirous of ()u.\u^ing a capital. In order to aatiiify these three demands, 
Don Carlos ordei-ed ^uinalacarr^ui, contrary to the gcncralV decided 
opinion, to take IMlbao. Five days after the beginning of the itcgc of 
tliat dty, the Corlist general was wounded by n bullet, and being un- 
skilfully treated died on June S4, 18S5. The Carlista were obliged 
to raise the siege in July : this was the fh^t notable success of General 
fspartcro, who was afterwards to become famous. 

Ib the same month the Govcrameiit was changed. Martinoz de La 
Rnw, who was unequal to so serious and dclicBtc a ^tuation, could not 
r«fliBt the double pniasure of the Radicals and Moderates, iK-^ides the 
' domestic and diplomatic difficulties of the Civil ^Var. His whole policy 
is oondetued in the already mentioned EHattUo Real, published in April, 
1834, resembling the French CharU of 1814. 1'his concession from 
tbe sovereign to the nation denim the national ntvereignly, which was 
the basis of the Code of ISIS, contains tio declaration of rights, and 
evtablisbcB a parliamentAT!' syytem of two Chambers, or aUanenttn, one 
of proceres or Se^lato^^ and one of Deputies, both absolutely dependent 
on the Crown, and i^ally possessing no more thsji the night of petition, 
like the ancient Spanish Cortes. It need not be said that a consti* 
-tutionalisni so limited did not satisfy the true Liberala, as pnsciitly 



236 Anti'inonastic movement. — Mendhabal in power. [i8S4~a 



appeared in noisy oonflicts between the Ministry and the X&rge body of 
Radical deputies in tiie X^wer House. Nor were esbrcDic rcformcn 
satisJkd with the niinist^rial nieosurvi, retM^inhlitig the LibenU le^ftlation 
of 18^-3, and directed against the intruHJou of the clergy in pc^itics, 
and against the Heligious Orders. The extreme Radicals, steeped in 
anti-elerical ideas, and dreftding the power of the enormous nvunbcr of 
roonkaand nuns — 31,000 Dionkx and S2,000 nuns according to the ccnxiui 
of 1895 — and inilif^uint at the support of Carlism and of aUoluti^t ideas 
by the Reli^ous Urders, simply desired their deatiiiction. The agitatioat 
for that end, together with the accusation, frequent in the history of 
epidemi<x, that the cholera which then visited Madrid was produced 
through the poi.toning of the wntcr by monks, bn>ught about in July, 
18.^, a popular sedition, in which some disorderly crowds attacked the 
monasteries and murdered several monks. The Government failed to 
check these acts of savagery, showing once more their weakness and 
vocLlliitioii. Early in 1835 and after the fall of Martinez dc La Rota 
the murders were repeated in other citic»i undiccked by the fint 
nteasures of the new MinUtry, whidi once more expelled the Jeauib 
and closed every monaateiy of less than twelve monks. 

But the movement which had begun witli violence against the moitks 
soon became an innurrection ii|;iiinst the Govcnimcnt, whose moderation 
was disliked; and, tlit? revolutionary movement HpnWlng to almost all 
the provinces, the Government wa» powerlea-i, although anxious to 
chastise the rebels severely. In this crisis ap{K^ared the man who was 
to lead the Libenil forces, to remedy by a bold stroke the cottfusioo 
of the Treasury, nnd to create new interests in defence of the consti- 
tutional system. This was McndtmlMd, whom we liuve already seen in 
Cadiz in 1819. He was now named Kfinister of the Treasury by TorcDo. 
His orriTal in Madrid in September, 1835, from exile in England, and 
his frank declarations to the Queen and to the Ministers, produced a 
decisive diaiigc. The ncw-couK-r undertook the Government and con- 
trived to pacify tlie revolution simply by publishing deot'ea which 
satisfied some aspirations of the advanced party, granting pajdon to 
all insuxgcntx and reorganising some branches of the administration. 
He al» promLscd in his programme of September 14 the restoration of 
the public crvtlit, nnd the termination of the war " by the unaided re- 
KHirces of the nation"; and he contrived to inspire such eunfidcnco that 
the Chambers, by a vote of December S3, authorised him to reform the 
Treasury. This he accomplished by means of decrees, of which the matt 
important ore, that of February 19, 1836, which declared all the real 
property of the extinguished Religious Ordcnt to be for sole ; and that 
of March, which, supplementing another d<,-«-ru« of October 11, 163fi, 
suppressed with some exceptions the iiiunaBteries, diminished the nunnerio, 
and contiscntcd the projwrty of the suppressed Houses, 

The result of Mcndizobal's policy soon appeared both in the 



I 



( 



1S3S-6] 



MendizahaFs poHcy and fall. 



287 



^ 



and in the opinioD of the so-called Conservative daK»e«, In tlte war, by 
increasing the army, improTinji; its equipment, and paying attention to 
the aoMiera, Ik vti(;<>uni}<(-d thv ImbeJino^ hikI rcntlertd possiUe the 
improTement of the ntilitju-y situation in the nortJi. Among the Con> 
■errative claasea the sale of ecclesiastical property, which took place 
under L-onditions more favourable for the purcliascr than for the Stflte, 
vrealvd a network of interrata, which necessarily thenceforth told in 
IJivour of Uie preservation of iNibelR throne, sincv Don Otriott could not 
he expected to respect the>e purcHaseti. ThuH the Iklinister enlbted 
material interests as indirect support for tlie legitimate dynasty. In 
internal ional affaira his Government had further important results : he 
f^ve greater influence in Spanish policy to Great Britain tlian to 
France; wherean, notwithstaudiug the doubtfiil nonduct of Louia- 
Fhilippe, Atartinez de La Hon and Toreno had always leaned towards 
France, althungh unsuccessful in their requests for intervention. Asntrcd 
of the cooperation of Mcndizabtd, whose political cdtu-ntion had been 
I^lish, as he often ahovred in his conduct, the Britiili Cabinet 
prepared to act independently of France, desiring at all coats to prevMit 
French intervention and the execution of the supposed design of Louis- 
Philippe to marry one of his suns to Queen Isabel. A momentory 
breadi between lliient and Mettennch threatened to thwart the British 
plana, although for tlie benefit of Spain, since 'iliient induced his 
aovereign to modify hia former attitude of tolerance towards the Carlists, 
to increase the French legion, and to permit the troops of CristJna 
to travenw French territory in executing an enveloping movement 

In this comtition of things a new revolution, caused by the fall of 
the Meitdizaba) Ministiy and the renewed preponderance of the Moderatea 
in the Government and in the Court (May 15, 1836), disturbed all com- 
binations. The diHolution of the CorteK, whoK majority wan luivaitccd 
or "Progressive," and the publication of a proclamation by Crbtina 
veliemently accusing the supporters of Mendizaba!, bi-ouyht about an 
insurrection, which in August involved all that part of the Peninsula 
not dominated by the Corlists. The victory of the revolutionists led to 
tlw insuTTcctiou of a part of the garrison of Is. Granjn, a royal residence 
then occupied by the Court lliese troops, led by two sergeants, 
compelled Cristina to order the proclamation of tlie (^e of Cadiz 
(August IS). This revolution was largely attributed by the Moderates 
to intrigues on tlie part of the British anibanador. Lord Clorcndoa. 

The state of anarchy, which had prevailed in the country siiiee May, 
18S6, favoured the Ou-li^ts, who, though several times defeated by 
Ctfrduba, Narvacx., Evans, and other generals, recovered from their losses, 
and continued to maintain the war, at least in the north. In Valencia a 
new leader had apjteared, Kamtin Cabrera, a man of remarkable militaiy 
bculties, although not equal to his predeceHior. lie gave U> i\w 
■tiqggk in tlie eastern districts Hitd in Anigon a ferocious character by 



m 



Carlitt War. — Progressive Government. [laM-r 



bis cruelties to prisoners, which let) bo wuiRuiiiAT}' reprisal*! by the 
iMtbelino:;, csp<.<ciRlIy Uie sbootiug of Cabrem'* mother, whidi waa 
terribly avenged by him. The Carlist General, Gomez, loade a thuiog 
raid through the two CesUles and AndtUiuio, without decisive results. 
Bilbao, besieged a second time, was again reli«v«l by £«partvro aft«r a 
brilliant vidoiy (December, 1836), vrhioh, however, did not conclude the 
war. The BritiHli (iovcnmitiit, which decidedly f«^'oured the Queen, lent 
her ^040,000 for military expenses ; while the British Legion fought 
admirably befoR Bilbao and elsewhere. On the other hand, the castcn 
Powers sent monctoiy aid to Don Corloa. The year 1887 was narked by 
on energcUo campaign under Espartero, which t'limed triumphantly with 
the capture of moit of tlie (^liit forlreitte!!. Two other expeditions in 
that year require some prchminaiy explanation. 

The new ProgrcssiTe Government, raised up fay the re^'olntion </ 
1836 and directed by Calntrava, passed two setit of imix)rtaiit raearanB: 
one relating to th« Carlists and the opponents of Uio Liberal cautt^ 
whose property was seised, and to the war. which waa pushed do by 
a new conscription of men from 18 to 40 years, and by a forced loan of 
two miUitms sterling; the other of a social chamctor, insisting upon 
a policy <^ dcKfiniortiHiiig the laitdal property n^^unniUted b\' corpora- 
tions, civil and religious. In tlie field of pure politics, departing from the 
spirit of the revolution, which had demanded the Cooititotion of 181S, 
CalatraTft fomied a new Constitution, that of 18ST, which agrred with 
the former in some of its principles, particularly that of the natioiwd 
soTereignty, but differed from it in the institution of two Chamben, in 
the absolute veto of the Crown, and in the restriction of the soSrage. 
But even here Progressive influence appeared in the elective character of 
tlw UpiMT Hoiwc or Senate, in Uic right granted to the Cortes to 
aoemble of titeniselves if the King should neglect to summon Uiein in 
any year before December 1, and in other details. The influence of the 
English R«foTm Bill of 189S, which hIm> appears in the Constitation of 
18S7, deserves mention a* a new esaniple of tlie intellectual action exer- 
cised by l^ngUsh institutions upon Spani^ poUtidans almoat from the 
beginning of the century. iUthough the new Constitution waa not 
welcomed either by the Moderates or by tho recalcitrant tioosoAutes, 
it WHS for a long period tlic fighting banner of the advanced Liberals; 
audit had the twofold imporl^ice of insuring Uieconxtitutimutl principlai 
which thenceforth was never denied, and of ending the sentiment of 
idolatry for the Constitution of 181£. 

Tlw Iblodvratu, seeking means of injuring the PrognasJTes, now 
attempted to subom the troops in order to rouse an insurrection, and 
succenled in sowing disaffection in tlie army. Among other oxprauiona 
of this disafTection was a demonstration mode by a group of officos 
of F^sparbero's brigade, then Ntationed in Madrid. This nioverncut, which 
was not cbastiMd by ttte general aa might liave been expected, produced 



I 



( 



I 



I 



i837-«] Moderate G&vemment. — Dec&ne of Carlism. 280 

i the foil of Calatrava's MinUtry, and the tppointmont of another 
vith £»partero himself as Premier (August 18, 18S7). Tlte pivj^nce 
ti thwa troops in Madrid was duo to the approach of two Carliat ex- 
peditions, one UA by G«n«ml ZnriKtegui and the othor by Don Carlos 
himself. The former was defeated at tlic very gates of the capital and 
tetired upon Valladolid. The second, afUr trareiaing Aragon, Catalonia, 
woA Val«nicia,withvaryin]; f(irtuoc«,a]id havin;; be«n reinforced by Cabrera's 
troops, approa«h«d Madrid, and tviubcd ^'lUiraLs at the moment when 
£spartero liad left the place, called away hy necewti ti«t elsewhere. Madrid, 
weaklygarriaoned, was in great danger of capture; but Cabrera, raarclung 
upon the capital on the maming of Septembi^r VA, was stopped on the way 
by W) order from Don Carlos. The motive of this order is not dearly 
Imown ; but, from some contemporary nlliuions, the followinf; oxplann* 

I tion seems probable. CristJita had for some time been negotiating with 
Don (^loei for the termination of the war bj meamt of a marriAgi- vhich 
should unite the two d^-naatic brancbec The undcrBtanding implied in 
these negotiations was probably the reason of the expedition of Don Carios, 
who, upon approaching Madrid, exiM-ctiKl that the gates would be opened 

j to him hy th« Queen, aivd that a reoomriiiation and a rhnnge of policy 
would follow. But at tlie last moment, for unknotvn r^ason.i, Criiitina 
drew back, informing Don Carlos c^ her altered resolution : thus the 
plan fell through. The expedition retired through New Castile, joined 
temporarily Uie forces of General Zariategui, and nt lost TOenteruJ 
the Basque Provinces, pursued by liUpartero and other gcneralii. 'I'he 
Cartist cause had been morally defeated and undone. Fresh raids, 
attempted in 18SS, were imsucccssful ; and, on the other hand, the firet 
movenicntt in favour of peace ap[)carvd among the troops of Don Carlo*. 
In Axogon and Voleocat ftlone (^In-era ohtuintil in thi« year aome 
succeiMB, marked by barbarous cruelties to priwiieis, wltich produced 
further sanguinary reprisuls by tlie Isabdinoa in Valencia, Murcia, and 
Alicante. Id pulitiail matters the year 1838 is marked by a fresh 
prcdomiiuwce of Modemte tviidt-ticiei in the Government, showing 
itself chiefly in a project of municipal law involving almost ubsolote 
centmlisatiuD, with the lai>s of the greater part of the political and 
admin is tnttive independence of tlie mimicipalities. This project waa 
strongly oppoM^l by tl*e Piogrc»iiv«(. In Novemlx-r a popidar movement, 
probably fomented by the Moderates, occum^i in Seville, in which two 
generals were concerned, who thenceforth were to play a large part in 
politica, Cdrdoba and Narvocj!. The latter, who had distinguished 
himself in the Carlist War, alarmed the Libcmts by his dictatorial 
iondenctw and his ambition, which proiently i-IatJinil with that of 
Es^MTtero, producing between the two generals a bitter personal enmity, 
which was afterwards to affect events at least as much as po1itt<»l 
diffemic-es. Narvarx, being bunishtxl upon the ucaiKution of Ki^rtero, 
tU-d kimI k'fl SpuiiL 

CM. VII. 



S40 



End of the Cartist War. 



[1S3B-W 



The year 1839 was to be Eatal to the Carlist cause, already pro- 
foundly undermined by vunous causes of disorgnni^ttioii, iLcnong Uicm 
the personal iiisignificniK'e of tlie Pretender, liU dejiarture from the 
army, the group of intriguers who continually aroused hU jealousy 
towntds his best generals, hia ingratitude towards Uiese generals, and 
Uw admintstnttive disofder which left the soldiers unprovided, while Uw 
expenses of the Court inereased. As usually li'>pp<-M* in «uoh cases, two 
purtii:* wtre formed — a Court pM-ty. lUKuniproini.-'iii}' and fanatical; and 
a military party pre|)ared for compromise aitd ready to give an energetic 
and orderly impulse to the war, and to avoid alienating the sympathiet 
of the people by violence, miclty, and uncertainty of political aim*. Tlie 
leader of tliis party from tlie middle of 1833 wait Gc-ncml Maroto, vbo 
was placed in command of Uie anny by Don Carloct, and who aoon vou 
the tirm attachment of the soldiers. 'Ilie stru^le between him and tho 
oourliers began at onee, producing frequent acti of disrespott and 
defiance of authority in niilitar)- iiiattcrs, and calumnies which aiuicd at 
discrediting the Gcncnd. When matters went so far that his life wu 
Uireatcned, he took energetic mmsurcH, and arretted and »l>ot several 
generals and courtiers who were plotting a military instirrection against 
him (Febniary 19), This bold act impressed Don Carlos, deprtv^ the 
courtiers of their pR-ponderancc, and was the prelude to negotiationB 
with Espartero, initiated by Maroto, who placed himself at the head 
of tl>e movement towards peace arising from wivirincw of a war of whidi 
the end oould not be discerned, and from dinillitiion concerning tho 
pcrsun of Don Carlos. Several propoitals, in which Great Britain and 
France had a share, having been rejected by Espartero, the two generals 
at last concluded an agnx-nicnt which was signed on August SI, 1889, at 
Veiigfti-a. Eqiartero undertook to recommend to the Cort«i the con- 
firmation or modification of the/wrrtM, while the military grades and civil 
potts vS the Cartiats who submitted were to be recognised. Don Carka, 
who had attempted in vain to carry with him tlie troops of Maroto by 
presenting hinuaelf to them, naturally declined to accept the ogreeinent: 
but, although he still comnutnded the allegiance of considerable focxieB. 
he retired to France without attempting any renistAncc. Cabrera 
maintained Uic war for some montlis in Aragon and Valencia; hut 
repeated defcatu at last compelled him aKo to cross the frontier, accom- 
panied by many foHowew (June 6, 1840). Thus closed the strug^e 
which for auven years had stained the Peninsula with blood. 

At tlie time when this occurred, the political contest between 
Moderates and Progi-essives was reaching an unexpected solution, llic 
former, being maHler> of the situation, pushed forward the already 
mentiouod project of Munieipal Law, which was passed by the Cortes 
of 1840. Id order to pass into law, it only required the MUtdion of the 
Quoen Ks^iil, who on June 11 had iitaritti for r«frtIoiiia. probably with 
the di>ublt: objn;L uf tenting public opinion uitd ol" attempting to wui 



< 



i 




1B40] 



Revolution, Abdication of Cfistina. 



241 



I 



oT«r Espartero in order to effect a coup dttat whtcli ithotild overihrow 
the Constitution of 1687. But &he foirnd a great part of the people 
oppoecd to the Municipal Law; and Eepartwio, who had risen greatly 
in influeDcM! and popiiliirity after tbe nj^rccnK-nt of V'crgara, and 
who had already declared his adhc«ioo to the CoiuUtution, docUai-d to 
play the game of the ftIoderat«ft| and adviMd Cristina to refuae her 
iimrtioo to the new law. The Regent promised to do so, )jut afler- 
wanfb changed her mind and sanctioDcd the lair. 'I'his inrguljir oonduct 
hnmediately produced a oerioiis iiuurrcctioti in B«uroelo«a (July 18). To 
appease thi5, Cristina, witli K&partero'a consent, appointed a Fivgresaive 
Ministry: but aoon aflenrards in \'alencia, whither the Court had 
movedt >he rcpltkcrd it by a Moderate Ministry. 

This change provoked a fresh revolution in Madrid, which soon 
spread to the provinces and cotnpetled Cmtina to approve th* appoint- 
ment of a new Ministry, whose compONitimi was suggested by the 
Kcvolutioni>t$, with Enpnrtfro as IVcmier. This humiliation, the Pix>- 
graauvc [irogramnM! of thv new Grovcmmcnt, and the gross attacks made 
upon the lU^^t in an anonyniouo pamphlet atlributed to the journalist 
GouEfelez Bravo, in which her s«x.-und marriage with the guardunan. 
Mono?, WBs dcuouured — an act which she had penistently denied in 
order not to lo«c the Re^ncy — raxed her to such a dcgrev that she 
found no other JKtue to the situation than abdioatiou. Accordingly, 
ou October 12, notwiUutanding the prayen and the oouiisels of the 
Ministers, she abdicated. Un this occasion she r»d an autograph 
apeech, in wtuch she entrusted to the Cortes the nomination of a Regent 
•nd attributed her own abdication to diiTerenccs of opinion with the 
GoTemi»entcooc«rning certain political refoniu, especially the Municipal 
Law. Ilius aided Uttt Regency of Oistiiia, which began »o hopefully, 
acd was mamd principally by her habitual insincerity and the blind- 
ncfiS with which she always listened to the advice of tlie Modcnite Party. 
Apart from poUti*^ it pleased her to protect literature and art ; thus 
ha- name is connected witii an important movement, which toolt a 
decidedly romantic turn, guided by the Dulte of llivas, Gut»rr», 
Ksproneeda, Figaro, Znrilla, and many others. During the yean 
18^4-40 these authors express in their writings the French and English 
influeiwes seocfTod during the emigration aiu) dtfTuscd both by lit^aty 
perio di oab, soeh as El Arlula and ffo me olwUa, which began to multiply 
in Spain from 1834, and also by such characteristic associations as tin 
Licm (1837) and the Afeneo. 

The new ProgressiTC period. Initiated in October, 1840, marked on 
Uw aoK hand the culminating point of Progrearire policy, following the 
Inea traced by the Liberals of 1890 and 1836, and of the popularity 
of Eqwrtero, offering the first example in Spain of thoee Governments 
tHfCctcd by gmrrals which afterwatiis became frc«iucnt. On the other 
bmd it was di^ti^gui;^'ht.-d by the open appcamna; of new tcudcndex, 



e. SL a. X. ui. *ii. 



U 



wliich bad already been genDinating in public opinion but veK without 
sufficient strength to take form in acts of viok-nt opposition. Such 
wore the republican idea» which Iwd beeu grwlually forming a piuiy 
and which in 1842 produced in Baiveloim a forniidabie insurrection. In 
thia case republican interest*, apparently the guiding motives, were 
mixed with load int4:n»t», Ntirrcd up by the manufnctunTs of the city, 
who had xulTcrcd from the reprewcion of contraband by the Customs 
In^iector Zurhano, a man possessing K^partero's coulidence. Thii> 
insuireotion was only suppressed by the arrival of Espurtcro and the 
bombardment of the city (December 4). 

But tiiu wa-i not tlte moitt pi-uwing danger for EsporLcro, who was 
a straightforward man and a sincere Liberal, but inexperienced and, 
although anything but a dictator in intention, drawn in fact to dictator- 
ship by hii military education and by his ambition, which was being 
-itrengtlietwd and incn'uwd by siiccesui. The whol« period of his rule 
from October, 1840, to tJie end of June, l&l^ is simply a struggle 
against the Moderates, ftgainst the ex-Regent, and against UberaJs who 
wen: dismtisiivd or jealous of his prvpotiderancc. 'i'he of^KMitioa of 
Cristina showed itself at once in the procUioatJon from MarseiUes 
(November 8, 1&40), which condemned the Progressive Government and 
protcntcil against her forced abdication; this proclamation provided • 
watcbwonl for all the eoemivM of Kspartero luid a pretext of hostility for 
all the European Governments except that of Great Britain, which steadily 
auppoi-ted the General. The nomination of Espartero as B^ent by tbe 
Cortes of 1841 (May 8) deprived him of the support of those who 
desired tl>e regency of a triumvirattt. The up|)ointiti<.-iit of Argiiclle* in 
July as guardian to the Queen drew a new protest from Cristina, who, 
as Isabel's mother, claimed the continuance of that charge as a right. 
The ex-Regent, surrounded in tVnnce by Modemtes, planned w 
encouraged conspiracies wbicli came to a lieiul in PaiiiiK'lunii (October it), 
and in Madrid ((>ctober T), where the general)* Concha and I^^n led an 
attack upon the palace in order to seize the person of the Queen, who 
was declared to be held prisoner by the Eopartcristas. Both atteinpte 
were frustrated; but fresh movemciit.-t took place in 18-]^ supported by a 
section of discontented Liberals. I'^intt, Brigadier Prim revolted at Reus 
and declared the Queen to be of age; then, other troops mutinied, led by 
personal enemies of the Regent, such as Narvaez, CojK-ha, Serrano, 
Pexiieln, and others. The counter-revolution spread, and EspArlcro, 
nNiruloiied by moat of tlie troops, hils obliged to fiy. He embarked for 
EngUnd on Juno 30. Thus ended his Regency, and with it the prr- 
domihaiicc of tlic Progressive party ; for, although those members of that 
party who had aided t!u: counter- re vol utiou might fitirly expect to reap 
part of its fruits — an expectation whidi set-med to be realitied when the 
first Ministry included the Progressive Oloxaga — yet the Moderates wen 
not long in sJiakiug tJieiu off. 



I 
I 

i 



I 

I 



( 



-bJ £uie of' Narvaez and the Moderates. 



243 



I 



The leader of the Moderates froin 1843 to 1 845 was General Narvaex, 
a dictAtor bv nature, so Iianh iinci <Tiit^I in reprcetion LliAt it was said of 
'him that be never left alive an enemy who fell into hia bands. All 
Uw reforms pflcctcd by the Pro^^rcssives were abrogated, as well as th« 
ConKtiliition of 1637, which gave place to a new Constitution, that of 
May as, 1845, an trsscntially doctrinaire pact or comjKKiition between 
the sovereign and the nation, ait the fint phrases of the preamble indicate. 
The principle of popular sovereignty is implicitly denied, and the con- 
(irmatiiHi of royal power appears in the prorlsions whereby the mooan^ 
recovered the right of nominating the Senate, while tlic Cortes lost the 
,-|>rivil^e of npontaneouit a.«tcinbly recognii^d by the Coaititiition of 1837, 
and in other detaiU. Other points to be noted are the abolition of 
trial by jury for offences committed by the Press, a signilicant silence 
concerning the principle of imifotmity of codes and ,/ufra»— doubtleea 
intended to avoid routing the suspicions of Navarrcsc and BajqiKV ; and 
the converuon of "judicial power^ into simple "administration of 
justice." Yet the Moderate reaction continued the ceotivlising policy 
in the new Education Lav of 1845, deritroying the ancient independence 
of the Universities, and also continued in some degree the anti-clerical 
tnciition; fur, althougii uiuny of tlie laws pWMKi since 1836 were revoked 
and relation^ were renewed witli the Papacy, the reopening of tbe 
religious Houses was definitely refused. 'lite progren of toleration 
in Spain is shown in the fact that, notwithstanding the victoiy of 
ftlodcratism, no chvdt was set upon the Protestant propaganda which 
bad iiuidi^ mudi way during tht- Progreaaive Govemtneut. 

At the dose of the period treated in this chapter, the dynastic 
question assumed a new aspect with the abdication of Don Carlo* in 
May, 1845, in favour of Ms son the Count of Montemolin, and with the 
revival of the project for the marriage of the latter with Doiia Isabel^ 
who, contntry to Die Constitution, was declared to be of age in 
November, 1848. llis project brings definitely forward the famoiu 
queatioD of the Spanish marriages, which bad been already raised, but 
which in ita devcli^raent imd solution belongs to a later section of this 
Jlittory. 



l»-2 



ni 



CHAPTER VIIL 

THE SPANISH DOMINIONS IN AMERICA. 

first pha^ in the growth Rnd organisatjon of th« Bpanbh 
<)ominion)i in Anicricii may be xiiirt to rltm- with th« publication of Uir 
N^w Ijih-h for the Indim in 164S, fifty ymn ftfter the first wyRge of 
Columbiis. In Uiat half-cetituiy the va**alg of the Crown of Cn-tlile, 
by oocupation of caaat&, tAble-lands, and interior outpost^ htid cfTcctivaly 
stkkcd out the limits of an empire twirc the tifxs of Riimpe. Tlie New 
Iawtm derlnrwl that the Indinns wore fnw men, |o be treated like ihp 
King's subjects in Cutile; b«it this attempt to repair the ^-iolence of 
conquest and of slavery by • sudden revolution, abolishing native Indini 
inititiitions, was hAsty and disastrous. The fint Viceroy of New Spain 
•uspendcd Ut^ir cxi-cution on ttic plcn of necmitity ; but in thut biriy 
settled country they were in eome degree gradually enforced during: the 
following twenty years. 'ITie attempt to enforce thpm in Peru kdj 
to « i-ebcDioOf a civil war, the Viceroy's death, and a long setfaa t^M 
disorders. 

The decade 1570-80 closes more df-finitely Jn South America the 
period of eoiKjiimt and of civil wars. In 1577 the King aent a list of 
questions to all Goverrtoni in the Indiwi : their an&wers furnished a lull 
ststistioil account of the whole Kmpire. 'Hie possibility of this col- 
lection indicates a con^derable degree of stability in both vicvroyaltW, 
in Utc more nocnUy acquired dominion of I'eru as wtrll as in Uie older 
vioeroyalty of New Spain in North America, where the peaceful period 
may be dated a generation earlier. T\ui era of oi»iisolidation, of ad- 
ministration following expansion, is distinctly marked in South America 
by the Government of Fruncisco Toledo, \'iceroy and l<^islator of 
Peru, who, in the kborioujt service of twelve ycaix (1J)69-81X five of 
them spent in travel, drew up an elalmnite and admirable code of laws 
and cast the government of Peru into the form which subsisted for 
two centuries. ITius, before the close of the sixteenth century, the great 
wave of expansion had spent itself; the framework of empire had been 
put into definite shape, both geographically nnd politically ; and the 
kingdoms and provinces of the CrowQ in the Indies iufite sun-ey a> a 
system already fairly cstabliiih(.d. 



lB40-8o] Admirmtration of the Spanish Indies. 



245 



I ) The Spanijth Indie* ia tiife jtor lodO exteiuloil througti the tropus 
'aiut far into both temperate sonci; thev poaMcaveil an uiH-'XAmplcd 
divcrsitj of natura] features, climates, and altitudes— torriil nxut^, vMt 
tnble-lAnds, anow-ticlcls extending throiigh the central regioiiH of heat, 
*trip« of Kitndy dtvert, tmcklein furcats nncl >wnm|>s river-systems nivn* 
t«riotu in liieir nuigiiittulc — and an immente interior fmntier vtcryvhere 
bordered by savage tribes, 'live rttt-ntioii and ftdininistrafion of these 
dominions, ft task perhaps greater than their acquisition, can be^t be 
explained by followinfr Uic methodM vrhcrvby, during tlw conquest, each 
step ill odviince was sectored. 

The adu)ini±tration of outlying regions wax at first usninlly evtruHtcd 
to an adelufttado or fi-ontier commander. Two tasks were partieuUtly 
Uid upon hini — the n.-dii<:tion, conversion, ntid preservation of the nsti^tiK, 
I And the foundation of Spaniali town.t. Every tulelantaJo wn« legally 
^required to found at leatit three towiLs; and hiii lieutenants aimed at 
1 perpetuating thoir memory in the same way. Uoyal deti-ecs prescribed 
I the form of these foundations ; in choosing aitc«, ir^ury to the natives wax 
f to be avoided : the pitaa or c«-ntral sqiuin: was marked out by tlu- fuunder 
> with solemn ceremony ; round it were set tlie public buildings — taOUdo 
(town-hall), church, hospitAl, and prison; the streets were ti-att-d inter- 
secting at tight angles and enclosing equal blocks ; every man received 
a rectangular building-site wttbin the tovn and a {moco of land u-ithout, 
thuK Iwcomii^ a vcdno or householder in the eivie community; every 
vecino became an encomendero, receiving an encanicnda, a trunt or (ief 
of one or more villages of Indians, who were to pay him tribute or tlxed 
labour in return for protection and Christian instnictjon ; these caco- 
maderof owed military service in rase of need and were intended to 
j form a knightly cWi, " to defi-nd, enrltJi, and cnnnbht ttte kingdom and 
to eare for tlte Indians." In most parLt of New Spain and of Peru, 
where the natives wen already subjectetl, these encomigmias were valuablo 
grunts ; but in rrinoter parts. OKpccially the suvogo regions of the Ri\-cr 
i^te, they were precarlouit or iiitele«», depending on the power or incli- 
nation of tl»e enamiemlrro to conquer or retain his supposed tributaries. 
'ITic larger towns received the dignity of cities ; the stnallcr, often limving 
only a dosecn or a »con> of vtdnoa, wore uotuilly ttylcd vtUtw. AlUioiigh 
the Aist settlciH often had native wivejt, the l^panish towns were clearly 
distinguished both in law and in fact from Indian settknients or villages — 
Spaniards tieing legally excluded from tlic latter, just as IndiAUB were 
exijudetl fir<om SjMnish town^ or confin'.'d to a special suburb wiUi 
neparate organisation ; but all cities, luwntt, and villages were popularly 
fonipriaed in the eomprehensive and colourless tenn of pueblos orpobla- 
cionet, that is, settlements or inhabited places, (Jcorly divided into 
pmiios de EtpoAoUt and pMbiot tie Ituluu. 

Comidcriiig that the lint kcttlei'St e^peeiully in 5»oulh America, were 
IventurefK, [uirtly gHthm^d fivm I'ortugal, Italy, 1-landcri, Uerinany, 
en. nu. 



346 



Municipal inatihiiwns. 



[t»eo-ino 






and the I>e%-ant, as well lu froni Spain, inen bnitnliiietl by lung lmnl>l)i|», 
MtvAf^ warfare, iind u»i!ttAnt duiger, the nieaaure of aaaXM attaiiicil bv 
ttiVMt: nuiiiicipHl institiit.ioiia is reinai'kable. A royal decree granted the 
mnk of hidalgo to all th« compniiions of Pizatro ; but men of such 
origin and life could hardly be gentlu lords of thi-ir Indian vacsaln; as 
encomenderos thi>y wore cni«l tymnbt, but a» verinot and cotuivillon 
tiwy knew how to till Micir place. In th« remutt^r provincv-n tlie cabildo 
or lowii-mtniril wan often the only stable authority in a wide district: 
on the deatlt of a Governor it either undertook his functions or natocd 
his temporary successor. Asuncidn afFords an extreme example : a royal 
decree of 1537 empowered the River Plate «:tticr« to name th«r 
Governor in ca« of vacancy; u» conquiMt mergwi into scttlL-mcnt, tbt 
rtAiUh of AKuncitfn claimed tliat thta power had pa^ised to tlieni, and 
pttslied it far beyond the royal intention both in scope and in date, de- 
claring vacancies without warrant and appointing Govemors of Paraguay 
in disregard of Viceroy and of King: so lato as 17dO Axuncidn » 
like a dty-slatc, alU-ninting between anardjy, oligarchy, and elective 
nionan^hy. The rabiblo of Camcn-i, to which Uie ri^it of governing 
during vacancieti was renewed in 1C)75, arrested the Governor in 17S5 
by viceregal order. 

The first Tcgklore* or town-councillors were named by the addantado ; 
hut afterwards these posbi were purchased from the King, frequently 
witli the right of sale or transfer. Thu« the cabildng might w^in tu 
have pi-eserved little popular vitality ; yet they were valued aa a mean^ 
whereby Spaniards bom in the Indies might attain important and 
profitable positions. In small towns even such an oligarehical and official 
body had a ccrlain popular character ; two alcalda, and in larger townx 
oilier oflicialN nl»o, were annually electetl from lunong the diief vecinot ; 
thus in Mexico twelve prominent mngistratca were annually elected by j 
tbe cabildo. The cab'ddas differed oonsidenibly in privileges and costoms: ■ 
hut they generally had the power of summoning the civil and ecclestastical 
officials and the principal vccinoa to a meeting called cabUdo atierto, 
or open cabilda, for the diN<:uwion uf any prt-ssing matter of general 
interest. Ilie history of Uiusc Ixxticit liclpx to solve a difUculty ; tbi: 
countenance and aid granted by the Crown seem hardly sufficient tu 
account for the subjection to royal authority of territories won so 
largely by individnai cfl'urt and at private coat. In tlic cabildo* the 
Crown and the w-ttlers arc seen working in cooiwration; by mvWM of 
nv\c institutions the royal authority wa-t grwlually extended, but never 
became so complete or imiveraal as might appear. 

.^Mtbough in the eighteenth century the Bourbon Kings, aimiuj; at 
cJoscr !n]pcr\*i8ion over the Indies, restricted the number of munici- 
palities, seldom created new ones, and took care to appoint some 
European regidotvs, tlie calnMo n^mained throiifrhiiut « valuable insti- 
tution, serving as a channel of public netitiuient and ulliutately proviciiiig 



la80~i78DJ Corporations. — Royal authority. 



U1 



\ 



I 



a meaoa of lu-hicvitig independent piuvvmtncnt. In 179S ilcputiw from 
all the Vencxuelnn niunicip«litj«)i, invited hy tbe cabUdo of Conoax, met 
to discuss certain fiscal proposala of the Governor. 

Another ciTic institution transplanted to the Indies was the wn-tuiado. 
'Iliix n>iiimcrcial chamber, ali-eady cxiHling in five Spanish rities, was 
entjiliiish^i) in Svville in 1543, whvn the "iinivomity" of traden to th* 
Indies •tas aulhoii.ivd to elegit ftniiiially a Prior and two Consuls, consti- 
tuting a tribunal and chamber of cotuiiierce, supported by a unall tax 
on trade. Comvlados siniilarlj constituted and elected were established 
in Mexico and Lima to judge commercial suits and manage under legal 
rule the entire trade of both viccroynlticn, with power to appoint or 
admit as de^tutieK in oUier towns local iiioit^hants, partly repnmciiting 
local tr&de. The conxuiado concerned itself not only with commerce, 
markets, and prices, but also with means of communication, roads, 
bridges, navigation of rivcra, improvement of ports ; it frequently aided 
tltc Crown with ftuhoidi&t for cominurciid and military purpoMs: the 
aicabala <»' tax on sales was usually firmed either by Uie eabUdo or by 
tbe eontuiado. Although the law required that oue of the three council- 
lors of the Lima consiJado should be a Creole, wholesale trade was 
generally in the hands of European mcrchantti; luid the conmliKb, 
naturally favouring the establishetl inon<ip«ly, was a consenative, n 
monarchical, and sometimes a reactionary, body. 

The me^a or pastoral corporation, including in its brotherhood every 
owner of 300 sheep, was early established in New Spain with a tribunal 
whoae n»iigi.itnit« were appointed by the cabildo of Mexico. In the 
great towns evt^ry trade was orguni^c-d into a society with it* taint and 
feast-day, sometimes also its militia conijiany ; cofradftu or religious 
guilds were universal and were early introduced among the Indians, 
providing unscrupulous clergy with a ready means of extortion. The 
Uiiivertities of ^Icxico and Lima had jJl the privilege of Salamanca; 
during the colonial period about twelve minor Universities were founded 
whose degrees were only valid in the Indies ; in places remote fVom a 
University the Jesuit Colleges had power to grant degrees. 

But in general the tiK-ory of government was one of supreme royal 
authority. "The** and tho«e kingdoms" {eHoa j/ oob reino») is the 
style ofBHally used of the King's dominions in Spain and in America. 
TTic King claimed to be Emperor of the Indies, successor to Montezuma 
ill New Spain and to the Incas in Peru ; the Indies were not regarded 
as ccdonies; they were "kingdoms and p^o^■inc^.■s'' inhabited by native 
Tassols and including certain Spanish settlements besides; aoeordinglj 
the government and well-being of "the two commonwealths" {la» 
do$ rrp&blicat) of Spaniards and of Indians were to be secured by 
royal authority set over them ; the native dynasties having been replaced 
by His Catholic Majesty, the institutions of tl»e Castilian monarchy 
iitcre imported into the Indies for the government of kingdom* and 

«ll. VII I. 



248 



Leguilation.^-The two Ficeroya/ties. [loso-iTao 



pro\-inces, just as nuinicipa] in^tutiom had )>cen imported for local 
administnttioti nnd ihe security of conqiKaU ; while for th<^ go^-cmmcnt 
of the Indians some Attempt vrax niiul« to preevrve and ndfipt nntivt 
institntions. IjcgiHlittion c>on«»ted in rfiialiu mie*, tovbI dwiwx iwiued 
in Uie King'H name hy the (Atimcil of th« InrlitH, wliich Imd iiiijiremr 
aiitliority over all civil matters and K-arcely limited auUiorilf o^■«r oil 
eodesiastical matters; fur hy papal Bull th« entire patronage of tlw 
lDdi€8 wss vested in the King ; and the Pope was precluded, except in 
reserved av^c^,trom oonimwnicatinij dirMtlv with the Cluirch in Amcrio, 
im Bull passing thither unlets approved by the Council i e^'cn the titho 
were grmntvd to th« King on condition of stipporting the niur^ and 
teaching the Iiidian-t. llie activity of the Council wiu all-pcrradtng: 
a perpetual stream of rfdula-i was showered upon the Gontmor of every 
kingdom in the Indies, treating with almost ludicrous minuteness the 
greatest and smallest matters of slate, justice, religion, trade, finance, 
Kocial conduct, etiquette, pircedcncc, and private morality. 

'JHieiw were two vicerovftltiesi. Tlie Viceroy of New Spain, holding 
his (>>urt with royal state in Mexico, nominally controlled all the 
Spanish dominions in North America and the Philippine Islands; bat 
in fact only the kingdom of New Spain was directly subject to him : the 
Philippines, the kingdom of Guatemala, and the provinces of Yucatan 
and of Ni:w Biscay, weredurtinct Governments ruled by Captains-Geneial, 
supplying tlieir annual deficit by a tituado or gnwit from the Mexican 
trewiut^', but only subject to viceregal intervention in case of dis- 
turbance or unexpected vacancy. There were three mtdiennas, at once 
administrative Oiuncils and Courts of appeal, in the cities of Mexico, 
Guatemala, aT>d Guadalajara: the oidorea, judges, and councillon in 
these Court* being lawyers sent from Spain. Ever^- kingdom wm 
tlividcd into districts, eacli ruled by a corregidor or aJcalilf ma^or, 
n-siding in tlie district capital, usually a "town of Spaniards"; every 
Indian village had it£ Indian councillors and ofBccrs, and also its Indian 
eacigue, sometimes hereditary, sometimes nominated for life by the 
Viceroy; a group of Indian villages was commonly placed under a 
SfMuiish dejwty of the rorrfffidor, living in the prin<^ipal village of the 
group. The Antilles, which were divided at different dates into two or 
three distinct Govenimonts, were sometimes regarded as belonging to 
the vioeroyalty of New Spain, since they drew nituadas from the Mexican 
treasury. Havana was rcgnrdLfl as tlic naval fortress of New Spoin. 

The VicCTOy of Peru, holding a more magnificent Court in Lima 
with liigher rank and larger salary, had nominal control over dominions 
extending B500 miles along the coast, from Panami to Valdivia, and 
.'fOOO miles overland from Lima to Buenos Aires. Except Cartcu, 
which was attached to the Government of Santo Domingo and flnandallv 
supported by the Mexican treasury, all Sjuinish South America depended 
upon him. 'I'^e kingdoms of Cliile, Quito, New Gmnado, and Tierra 



I 

i 



\ 



i 

I 



1W0-I7B0] 



Government and prtmneea. 



249 



Knne, and the throe River Hntc prorincm of pAraguay, Tocuindn, 
and Buenos Aires, formed WTen diotiiict Govern imti l« ; btit viceregal 
intcrrention was frsgo^it, for P^an)4 was tlie g»tt$ of Peni aitil the only 

»uiUiorucd entrance to the South Sc& aiul to the interior of the Oontirxnt, 
•nd depended opon Peru not only for the xalaries of ita oUtcialn, but 
also for gmin to fe«d its inhobitAnts; tbo kingdom of Chile got from 
Plent \l» annual rituath Rtid ^ip[>1t«« of ntrn nntl iitoi«« for tbo cndlesi 
Antucaniiui war on its Kouthi^m frontier: Ihe \'it!eroy wiut al.«o enjoined 
to prevent Kuropeen tra«1e to tlie interior Uirougb tlie forbitklen port of 
Duenoa Airea, a place carefully kept in poverty and supplying its annual 
deficit by a tUuado from Peru. The system of corregidom and of 

■ Indian villnges generally rvscmbk-d tliiit of New Siwiin ; but, owing to 
till) ^'ont disUncv* aiKJ tliv gnwt mountAin mngi^, control was more 
difBeult and doubtful ; in great part of the terranfa or mnuntain 
provinoes the Spaniards paid little regard to Goremment; and in the 
pfOTinoM to the east of the Aitdcs the system could only be imperfectly 
applied owing to the savagery of the nativrs in the Chaco and on the 
Pompa, Throughout mo«t of thikt r«>gion there were no Indian pitfbha ; 
and every Spaniob town formed in cffert a sctuii-nle wettiemtTnt continually 
expoMd to attack by .ta^ages and ohlip;ed to take mea.<tur«i for its own 
pKKrvation.*' Several towns perished, while others were often tlueatened 
vith extinctJOD by Indian attack. 

There was no complete uniformity in tbc system, which was often 
modified by local conditions. Thcrv wa* a tendency to preserve de- 
limitationit and nrrangemfiil* m«d« by the carliwt Govt-mor*, which 
wem not evei^where alike. 't\ie Lerm.s corrfgidor and goberruulor 
eovered many grttdalion.* of power, dignity, and emolmnent. Important 

t places on the coasts and frontiers were placed under Governors of higher 
rank and authority than tht corrcgidoret, often possessing military 
command. The independence of the three Hi^tt Plate provinces was 
probably due to circumstances more tlian to theory ; and Buenos Aires 
by Iter ponitioii gradually atxjuired a certain pn.'dominance over the 
others, 'llie province of Charcas or U|^er Peru held an nmbiguous 
position, being subject to the close supermion of Lima and yet possessing 
aa amRemia whose jurisdiction included tbc whole Hirer Kate region. 

Every official, from the \'i(iToy downwards, on leaving office was 
subjected to a rauU^iria or eiM]uiry into lii.t conduct, held by a apecial 
judge wlio threw open bin court to all complainants of whatever colour. 
This rrtidetteia was in many cases, perhaps in most, a mere form ; in 
remote districts the judge was the magistrate's successor ; but there are 
manv recorded instances of senrchiiig find thorough enquiry. In case of 
reported roisgovemmcnt a Visitor wa.! cjften sent to examine a Governor'* 
conduct and nupend him if neceA'tary. 

The careful .tysten) of deJegated and supervised aulhoiity was marred 
iJie want of a permanent and well-paid civil senice ; a tony^dor 

CM. VIM. 



260 



L^slation and A<imnutration,—J*ototi. [imy-iim 



holding lui ill-paid post for time or five j-cara retunicd to priratc life 
vith u fortune. This defect wiu partly retnvdivd by tb« uaoal proniotioii 
of deserving oificinlii: but the rviidencui, BonietiuieB protracted for 
yean, owing to the judge's death or an appeal to the Council, tended 
to interrtipt continuity: for oo ono mi^t lake another office pending 
this en4)uiry. Lax and invKpuiwiblt; Adminiotrntion oImi an>»e froai 
the inipomibility of ooutrol at ito great a dittancv froui Europe 
and over xuch vast regiooa. Ilie oHicial* thema^ve« were imahle to 
reconcile, exct-ule, or even grasp, the multitudiuous dJuitUt whti'li 
were often ambiguous, inconsistent, or trivial. Many bedng 1000 ah- 
Tf^ted or amended, it was difficult to *ay what decrees ina* actually in 
force; the code of lawK comtniUKled to be preporetl in 1638 wa* nut 
pttbli.tlicd till 1G80 and alrvody required u commciitiu^. In 1797 a 
Viceroy inforiiui his successor that the Mexican palace contains 156 large 
volumes of royal ciduiai issued since 1600. liius Indian jurisprudetwe 
wac a matter of long, profound, and invottclusivi! study. Althougli the 
general intent of the taws u-ii.t cli-ar luid a (iutci-nur guided by equity 
and known rules could sati-xty tlieir spirit, tliere wait a nntui-al tendency 
to fioiivenieiit neglect, 'llie Viceroys always exercised a dispensing or 
suspending power; the subofdiiiatu Govcmore and corrtgitlorei were on 
Iwu independent ; a royal c^ula wiu kiiaml ainl placed on titc head with 
the wordH, "I oltcvt but I do not execute"; and in turn Uie white K-ttlen 
rendered what obedience Uiey chose. " Ucre all men govern," nritci 
the Penivtan Viceroy in 1689; "the people have more port in all 
political discussions than in any other proTin(V!i of the world ; ■ coundl 
of war nit) in every houw," In 174-1 Ullon writes, "Everyone ho* 
confident himitclf a Mvereigi)," Sanctuary wu:t a great abuM, for the 
houw of any priest or of any cabaiUro sheltere<l a fugitive from arrest: 
thi* latter privilege was jealously guarded by the Creole oiistocracy, whn 
bitterly iraentcd its forcible nbolition in Lima in 1780. 

But, if there wo-t laxity in IJina, Uicrc was oitoniohing Ikence 
in the mining districts. The pride and the disgrace of Peru was tho 
VUla Imperial of Poto&(, situated on a sterile plain 13,500 feet above 
sea, btnde a conical hill iiOOO feet high, which from the discovery 
silver treasurer in 1M5 niu the envy of the world. Fur many l4!agUM 
round the soil produced notliing ; yet in IGll the population was 
estimated to be 160,000, including G6,0O0 Indians, 'I'be miners and 
adventurer* living among the snows in the tropics were even man 
reckless and UwIcm Iboii must mining [lopiilatiutis. Tlie Basques, beiog' 
tlw richest and in<»t numerous merclianU, prominent in the rabiUio and 
in the offices of the royal treasuiy and mint, were attacked by lite 
Andalusians, aided by the Creoles : frequent tumults grew into combats 
under chosen leaders ; intennittcnt fighting continued, with many killed 
and wouiwled, for forty years until in 162.'} the Vioeroy organi>«d an 
onited force to impose peace. But the strife revircd. and tbera wa» jw 



-mo] Europeans and Creoie$.~JLax$ty and corruption. Sfil 



» 



pevr in Potosl tiU 1750. TIil- discoverer of ■ rich minv nt Puno in 1fi8() 
pcuduoetl Htill inorc scondalotM iwcnc* of blood«hed and cliwnlt-r. Peoplo 
M awlcM of their own liven naturally did iHit Hpnre IliL-ir Indian 
kbmiTvr*, for everjUuiig was dear at Potosl exi-cpt lUver and hunimt 
life In 1608 the treasurer uf Potosi tstimattd that only oitt-fotirtti of 
tJMt •tlvvT nttractod «n«r 1545 hkd paid the King> diMs; the lom-Mt 
^taat<' put* the i-ontmband Ktlver at one-hnlf. Tiling* were nhnonniil 
in thtmt mining iliotricts, which but for Uteir tnineral ircullh would tmvc 
bttn abandoned to a few Indian shepherds; but everywhere fr«|ueiit 
dkorders arow froni the enmity botwct-n Spaniard* bom in Europe and 
Criottos, Creoles, or Spaniardit bom in America; the fonuer, niektuuned 
GndhaipvnM in New ^pain mikI Chapetone* in Fern, unually held the chief 
offloei in Churdi and State ; the latter resented their inferimity none 
the lees because it was partly due to indolence and want of education. 
The mMfinw of mixed European and Indian blood, ofU-n illc^ilimatv in 
Inrth, and the wmktUu of mixed European and African IiIikkI, werv 
|Kople of arabiguoua poAition, prone to vicious and disorderly ways, and 
the worst oppivasors of the Indians. 

The danger to life and health in eniip^ration promoted the unirena] 
laxity. Of thirty-six Peruvian Viceroys from 1550 to 1801, ten dkd in 
oAicv, and four on the return joomey or immediately aAerwards. Ilie 
mortality among the Viceroys of New Spain was almost as great. To 
Cervantes the Indies are the refuge uf scanips and broken men, and 
Qnevcdo le/iv-es his sharper after a cunx-r of nueality preparing to crow 
the sea. By restricting emigration to licen«ed pwHengcrs of known 
cliaracter the King* xtrovu ciimt:«t]y t<> pre^'cnt this evil ; but the 
npetition of tlte royal cMutas shows their futility. By favour of the ship- 
taptains many unlicensed emignuita, amonp them not a few foreigners, 
iwJied the Indies; many succumbed tu pe^tik'nce at Portobello; many 
jiot no farther than Cartagena, where the chuprtonatlaa or immigrant)i' 
tcfvn swept tiiem away; and the surriTors were often reKued from 
hometeas misery by the hospitable negroes and ended by marrying 
nej^resses. But many, reaching the interior, infested the mining districts 
and Indian fruiitien, nutwitlixtAnding rrpvatcd commatidK Uiat they 
sliould be arrested and sent to Spain or pressed into tliv atray. 

In New Spttin, a country more aci-esaihie, more normal, of sounder 
Toundatian and better government, tlie proverbial rule uf life was Vivir 
y drjar vivir, " Liw and let live." In Peru, which never shook off the 
taint of its baser mode of acquioition, the motto vm Cokut y d^ar 
comer, " Eat and let eat." OfllcijiU were largely paid by penjuisite*, 
•ind were not required to decline gifts; but corruption went far 
beyond thvac limits, ^'iccroys and Governors had great opportunities 
particularly in the distribution of patronage; for they apptnntcd 
uiany of the corrr^riorr*, filled temporarily all unexpected Tacanda* 
aad aODainated all parisli priests on the rcconimcndation of 



jmlafcea, 



262 



CoriJUci of aut/ioritks. — Tke Ciurck [isw-inoj 



Many yielded to tbe temptation ; the nprigbt niid energetic nn- 
BUpportal by the audUfuias, could do little against unt^-enal ciutnm. 
Administration was bampcTed by tbe multitudfl of official! and by tbe 
(li«piiti:» of competing autboritiea. The Vicvroj migbt preside in tbe 
audkncui wiLbout pover to apeak or vote; tbe aud'uncia migltt report 
directly to Um King, critidaing tbe Vicen>y; Vioeray and aiulirntia 
were oonstantiv at vnrianM as to ilie vaf^ue limits of tbeir functionft. 
'lliQ city of Mi-xito contniiifid nt Iciut tea distinct tribunals, 'lite three 
t-oclittiiutical Courts of tbe Inquisition, tbe Santa Cnnoda, and tlie 
(lioceae, frequently clashed : tbe special Courts of merdiunta, of loldien, 
nf priests, and of royal ofliciala, cauficd fi«]uent disputes of joriidlctioo : 
but most serious wore thv diBscnsions between Viceroys and AidibialM{a, 
botwceti Go^'enioni and Bithopn. Tbe prelates bald a political stattM, 
being cluu-ged to enforce the laws concerning conduct and humanity, 
nitd titay not infrequently Itecame Viceroys and Govemorsi tbe dispalos 
were waged with tbe weapons of the law and of ezcommunicntiua, bat 
MNnetitnes also with lethal weapons. Quarrels between aulboritiea were 
frvquent, and also popular Kcditiuns agaiRRt authority aceompaoied by 
tin cry Viva et mf p ntuera d laal gaiienioi in fact, ooTeinants as 
aerioua as many, wiiicb in the nineteenth century have been dignlflid 
with the title of Heralution, were acarody abnormal. In oafHtal dliea 
custom or cx>nvenionce permitted in omorgendo the ii mi mil it) of the 
magistrati^ and chief >vm<w in a junta or convention, who«c deeUons 
liait a (luasi-con^t.itulionAl force — a body aomewliat resembling ths 
caltildo abierio, but more distinctiy political and not merely municipal in 
character. In Mexico such a junta in 1638, fdlowing and fianctionlog 
an episcopal protest aud a popular sedition, deposed tbe Viceroy — an act 
which was ocovptcd by tJie Crown. Such moTements are not atepe 
towards indepettdenoe ; they arc ratbor, like the activitici nf tlie roMUrv, 
survivals of tlte individual or corporate vigour which marked Uw Con* 
quest. Tbcy can be regarded as pointing towards emoncipeition only in 
«o for aa they indicate the possibility of independent action inherent in 
thv chAracter and ways of tbe peoplo. 

Ilie same licence pervaded the Church. The complaint rcoura 
tliroughout that tbe clergy are recruited from two sotirceii : some are ttw 
outcasts of Spanish parishes and monasteries; others are Creoles, ntber, 
idle and dinolutu men driven by disgntec or want to take Orders, or elm 
men put into religion by tl>eir pan-nts witli a view to getting a dbefruM 
or Lidiim parish and making a fortune out of tiw Indiana. Many 
l>vnc(icc«, including most of the doeirinai, were by special dispenaatfam 
in like lkai;ds nf tegular clergy almost exempt from cptseopn] oontrot. 
The rule of celibacy was gencially evadnl : religious duties wcro horned 
through, and the iwitructioii of Indians was nduced to an absurdity v 
amidst general Immorality in the towns, the regulora T«t tlie 
•nmple, nuking their monasteries places of licence and plroMitv. 



i 



quadrennial chapten of the Oniere hold for the doction of prormvuil 
pralatei wen scandalous scenes of disordiT and etrifc — Creoles nnri 
Kuropuuis contending for these hicnttivn poKLn, which held the patron- 
age, Mibj«ct to viceregal wmtinnntion, of all the parishes administered 
by the Order : the victor was conducted homo by the idlers of the town, 
wRving banners and cWhing castanets. From 16£9 the difftmit Otden 
•wn* «iiw««ively commander! to elect a European ainl a Creole alter- 
nately. At Uw Hrit Fnutriitnu) election held in Lima in 1680 under 
this rule the Creole padret resisted the command, made a murderous 
attack upon the coinmisaary-geiwral of their Order, and fought in the 
sti«cts against the infantry sent to 8Uppn.« the diKtitrlwiK'c. 'Hie 
tcandalu of these chapters recur in viwregal and epiwopal rejwrts down 
to the aittetecnth century. Btit tlicre were large exceptions to i\ttsa 
disorden ; the mimiona rerjuircd and found se^f-sacrilicing and devoted 
pricata; the Franetscans were better than the other Orders i and the 
Jesuits observed admirahlc conduct, maintaining the same discipline ax 
in Europe, expelling unworthy members and devoting thcniKltts in 
their ooUrges to education, to study, and bo religious and chatitaUe 
miniatrations. 

lo a geneitil view it would l>e misleading to dwell excluaivdy on 
tin wide^icad irn^i)aritic» in Church and State : they are repreaeuLed 
and deplored in ofiicial and legal treatises which are tbemsel^'cs examfdes 
of laborious public service. In a targe and general sense the Latin 
heritage of oiganiM^d life woh pn.-.'.XTvcH, and it would be easy to 
multiply examples of upright and single-hearted xcal. 

Ilie tribunal of the Inciuisition, sitting in Mexico and Lima from 
1570 and in Cartagena from IfiOS, waa a powerlii) organ of gOA-emmeat, 
dutgsd to EupcrN'ise conduct and also to exclude strangers; but this 
lattv oofniniKion scvms to havu been negleclKd ; for the foreigners 
who vera freqiiently bruuglit before the Inciuisition in Outi^eDa 
were summoned not as aliens but aa heretics. I>uring tlie union of 
the S])anish and I'ortuguew Ctowqb (1680-1640) the I'ortuguese, though 
legally oliem, were tolerated in the Indies; and in 1005 the Inquisition 
of Lima roccii'cd royal ordeni to moderate itjt zeal against I'ortuguese 
Jadaisers: but tliirty yeura later the tribunal rqiorts to the King that 
the trade of Lima is domiimlx-d by Muspectcd Portugutsc, that the streets 
seethe with them, and that a Hpantsh shopkeeper can only succeed by 
partnership with one of them. A hot peneeution followed ; tortoro 
produced cridenoe ; one woman died upon the rack ; finally, at an 
Mi<o de Ji hcid in 1637 sirty-thicc Portuguese were exhibited as 
convicted of Judat.-iin, while eight rjurtwl palms in token of triumphant 
aoqoittal ; clo^-en of the convicted HutTcred duith. The accusation of 
<f udaitin was probably true in most cases ; the retail trade of Lima 
passing iiit^) tiMj hands of Portugucso Jews, until the Inquisition 
in. John Hawkins' men, cnulurctl at Vera Crm 



cup I 



1567 



CK. VIU. 



ciislvurtl, wcTf gwierou.tly trested by their Spanish masters until the 
Inquisition of Mexico attacked them, when three were burnt and the rest 
suffered various penalties. Of the EDgUsh pintes takea with OscnhMu id 
1579 four sufTered dmth, one of tliem by lire, through the Inquisition of 
l.imft; and in 16S2 an Englislinian, tlie Bgeiit of an l^glish menihant 
of Seville, was burnt in CartAgena. These seem to be the only instances 
of the torture or death of Eugtisbmcn through the Inquisition in South 
America ; thirteen of the EnfrliHlintrn captured with ItiiJtard Ilawkini' 
in l>!i9.*>, nftir Ix^ing reconciled or admitted to the Church as p<.-niteDta, 
were impn.iuneil by the tribunal at I Jmo, but relawed by royal (x>inmand: 
and the few Englishmen and Dutchmen brought before the tribunal and 
reconciled after 1600 were ti'eated much more leniently than Spanionb 
and Portuguese. In the first twenty years 30 persons w«'re executed out 
of 1S65 judgixl by the tribunal in Lima ; 270 of tlicsc were vcclcsiajiLia^ 
accused sometimea of erroneotia or ambignoiis doctrine, sometimes of 
saying mass witliout poft!iea±>ing full Orden, sometimes of soliciting their 
penitents, a crime which recurs throughout the history of the tribunal 
Among the charges against laymen are blasphemous, inimorai, or sconda- 
lous expreNiiionK, witchcrufl, bigamy, and other domestic irregularities. 

Although composed for people inapt for voimncroe, careleia of gain, 
and free in spending it, yet a thitd part of the Code of Laws for 
the Indies deals with commerce. The precise and limited course of 
trade, at fimt in some degree dictated by circunistancca, was afterwards 
maintained by authority for convenience of control and taxation, and 
for the exclusion of forvigneni u* well a.i for defen<v. At ilrat trade wiu 
permitted from several Spanish ports ; but in fact shipe seldom sailed 
except from tlie Guadalquivir ; and the Indian trade was soon confined 
to Sevilk>. Then, the law prescribing adequate armament being gcno^ 
ally evaded, *o many ships, sailing singly, were taken by French rarsain, 
that about 1529 they were ordered to wait for one another and sail 
in company; about 1560 this rule was more rigorously enforced, and 
convoy was oidercd to the Canaries on the outward voyage and &om the 
Axores on the return. This system was afterwards Itiitiur developed : 
two fleets annually sailed from the Guiulidquivir ; one, gcnenlly culled 
the JhtOy accompanied by two vranthtpa, sailed to Vera Cruz, where 
European goods were exchanged foi' silver, cochineal, indigo, and hides 
in the fair of JoUpa ; the other, the ^fioia de TUrra Firme, was 
popularly calleil the urmatla or the galleons, being convoyed by the 
eiptt war-ships which coii-ttituted the amuiJa real de la guardia carrera 
de iai Indiat m arviada del tnar del Norie. In West Indian waten 
the few ships for the islands and for Venezuela were detached, while 
the main Ixxiy Kaiktl to Corttmcna, a sleepy city which for a few woekf 
awoke to Uje activity of the fair in which the merchants of New Gnuiada 
dealt with those of Seville. Meantime Uie silver bars from Fotosf had 
been carried by llamas to the port of Arica, thence by the armadiUa or 



^»»-i7«o] The great fears. The MatiUa gttUeon. 266 

^M little Mjuardran to Cnlloo, iumI thcxHo to P&n«nii by tin two ship« wliii'li 

V oMtitutcd tbo armada ttet mar del Sur, ■ fonx fint organised aftcr 

■ Disked aif>tun of tbe one treasure-ship bctircen CaUoo and Panun^ ; 

r tma Puuuni ttic silver wu cBrrinl by mules northwArds to Portobcllu. 

ttb tbn uTival of Uic armada del mar liel Norit from CwtagaiA, the 

[MtiUntiAl village of Port^ihtlln, usunlly ftbuidoned to a few nf^roe*. • 

hutdAil of ofltciiJa, uxl a small garrison fci.'quently relieved, became for 

•ii melu one of tbe great centres of tbc world* trndc. The a^Dbi of 

L Um Seville aitd Lima mcrcbantti lint met to fa, pricc», and then the 

[ Atrii of mUct ban were exchanged for bales of silk aiid doth; but 

L^ Mng tbe fair inany died ; and, if war or awident detained tbe galleom 

^k for w winter, the pestiUDL-u swept away the crews and soldiers. 

H Tndo frutu Europe to ttiv viccroyaity of Peru was rigidly oonlined 

^1 totlMM fatn»; European goods reiwliirig Buenos Aire* bj thu slmngely 

^P dituitoua ruut% including a land journey of one tbouaaod leapteB 

W bm Lima, were worth aix times their ori^iul cost ; but from 16S0 the 

\ port of Buenos Aire* was allowed to export anaually two ahiplonds 

cf local produce, in exchange for European goods for local use, not for 

tiu*[iUTt to tbe interior. Even this concession, opening the way to 

OQatntband, was viewed with indigniitiun by the "commcroe^ or anuidadot 

of Xima. Regularity in the sailing of the fleets was impracticable ; the 

Ata WM ofl^ iutennitted, the armada atill more often : from 1656. 

Owing to the loss of Jamaica and other dinsters on the Atlantic, pra- 

faadity alio to the decay of FotosJ. tb« armada became in theory' tnctinial, 

'Uad. from 1685 oti)y wviutionaL Tliese irregularities were jwrtly remedied, 

tHltiiijis partly caw«d, by frequent licenses granted to Hiiigle .tliipi, known 

^9 ** register ships," to cany a limited cai:go ; the licenses were costly, 

^Mtd the limit was always exceeded. 

Tbe rule directing trade to Seville liad one exception ; a galleon, 

visually accompanied by a smaller ship, sailed annually from Manila 

%jo Callao till 169S, and thmccfonrard to Acapulco, laden with Chinese 

gj^mwli. principally silk and mu«lin, to return to Manila carrying Govern- 

VBCOt officiab and priests for the Pliilippine nii^iuiii, also silver Umittd 

^bj law to 800^000 jxiotf, but amounting in fact to three or 6vc times 

^u much. The voyage from Acapulco to Manila and back occupying 

fourteen months, Acapulco bad a trana-occaoic fleet of four ships, an 

^umiial fair which temporarily doubled the population, and a »niall 

colony of Chinese reddeiits ; tbe arrival of tbe Manila galleon was one 

«>f the grtiat annual events of New Spain, and this t^uiar trade with 

•Bgii for it WW in tact trade with China — is cited as one of the causes 

CDotrfbuUng to a wuiider state in that kingdom. Though the amiuiaJo 

of ScriUe repeatedly protested against this trade, as infringing Spanish 

Btcvopoly, the Crown rehaed to supprcsi it, on tbe ground that its 

>ii|)pR»0D would involve tbe abandonment of the settlemcota and 

wiwOQi in the Philippines together with tbe chance of evaageliiiag 

ut. mi. 



250 The Caaa de Contrataclda. — Army and nitUia. [»ao-ii 



China t but th« limital trade hitherto allowed between Peru luid New 
SpAin wiut totnllj' probibitcd in 16S1, tin ScviUt trade haviug •ufkratl 
from t)i« PeniviAu preference for Chiuete good* obtidned tfanpugh New 
Spain. 

Commerce with tlie Indies was managed by the Com de Conlmttuiiit 
estAblisbed at SpviUe, ooosiiting of a tribunal and council «rith ottraeroiu 
officials, whoso duty it vat to supeiriae the picpantion of the 1i«eta and 
enfoorcc the udUtudiooiu and minute ngutatknt by repeated vWts on 
boArd; on the deapatch of the fleett, to prevent the Miling of feniigDiflK 
unlicensed pasengen, eontimband goods, or freights exceeding the legal 
limits; and on their retum, to nuike sure Uiat none of the men tuu) deaerted. 
that there was no unregistered siU-cr or other contmtmnd, to 9k to the 
unlading and the payment of dues and to prevent gold and silver fnm 
passing out of Spain. The Cam appointed the ollicinl* of the Beet, otitil 
tbcM posta mre nude Tendible. Tlie eonmlado, whidi nuiked u * 
bnuteh of the Cata, undertook part at jto work. In 1718 the Csm, 
lucluding the amsutado, was tmnsferrud to <'adiz, which had been mot* 
1680 the sctu&l port of sailing, llie imposts upon trade were CDonnous 
collected both in Serillt- and in the ports of arrira!, and they tended !o 
ina!«MC until Uio proverb run thnt the King took onejt^ tn every 
three, lu 1635 fiv^li du«s were imposed to mipport the omeula dirf 
fiorAnvnlo, a small pennaiient West India squadron, to cruise about tha 
bUnds and along the Spanifib Main, and In case of need to convoy the 
Jlota from Vera Cruz to Ilarana. The three annadax, of the North Sea, 
of the South Sea, and of the Windward Isles, completed the Indian 
naral Mtablishment ; but tbcy were always ineflidcnt The Spcuiiards 
were eijually weak in Kamanahip and artillery: there were many Germans, 
Dutch, aud Eo^ish, among the gunners and sailors ; the commandci* 
were often land officers; iind, down to the eighteenth centurf, the 
warships were still unwiddy galleons, of a pattern long aboivdoned 
elsewbo«, always cambered with cargo and pasaeogers and incapable 
of serious fighting. 

Thu regular army in the Indies usually consisted merely of small 
garrtsons in the diief portu, with some troops in the south of CtiUe 
and io the north of New Spain ; most of the soldiers were Creolei and 
mrttisM, drafts &om Spain being always speedily thinned by death and 
desertion. The garrisons, especially on the Fteific coast, were as 
fncfficicnt as the- fleet ; the aoldicr^ tmde was abhorred in the Indies : 
and during tlie 250 yean following conqiMst there was a general 
deposition for i>cace. The miUtia firniishcd by the iababltaat« of 
the towns varied much in nimibers and in ellicicnqr ; negroes, thou^ 
sometimes legally excluded from it, were generally admitted ; pure 
Indians woo excluded, with some exceptions. Hie interior Spanbh 
Mttlements seldom contained regular soldiers : the obligations of th« 
OKomcndenu were forgotlcti, as tlic cntutn'uMlat dimiuiibcd in Du: 



I 



|»80-17B0] 



ImmigraiUin, — Contraband. 



257 



ell 



all 



and value; and in fftct the defence of such scttlemcnbt foil Upon all 

Cibttaiits, often aided hv friendly Indinns. 
[n 1497 pardon was granted to crimiiiab who tiltould go to Santo 
Diiigo ; and dunng the succeeding generation any Spaniard might 
emigimte whose ancestry was not tainted uith Judaism, AlohaminadaniBm, 

»or beresjr ; nor were the F.niix.Tor"» subjcctt or evon other forcignvn 
rigidly excluded ; but thi.t freedom was soon i«stricted. No one wait 
allowed to leave Spain for the Indies without the King's license, which 
wn» only {n**«i sparingly to men of approved character. Doubtleas 
the dn^ul <»f losing popiiluf iun »iw ii motiM-, but so also was th<; govern- 
B nient of the Lidies. 'lliey were not to become European colonies ; the 
^ commonwealth of the Indians was to be preseTVc<I ; white men were to 
live lutder control in organised gixtiip^ iti cities as s(■r^-ants of King 
and Church ; every precaution was to he taken agaimt the evil, con> 
stantly deiiomiced by Kings and Viceroys, of idlers and vagabonds 
living among tlie Indinns and bringing disrepute upon "policy" and 

• Christianity. 
These regulations were constantly broken ; gain tempted the ship- 
captAJns to carry contraband goods and unbccnsed passengers in o-cry 
fleet, nntwillxtjindiiig the tlireatencd peiuiHy of diiatli for this latter 
iiRence ; repeated ciduht denounce the constant arrival of unregistered 
silver, escaping the royal dues. But not only subjects committed 
im^loritie* ; occiwionnlly the King seized at Seville the Kilver of 
tlie merchants, giving in exchange promissory note-t of doubtful value. 

*The system of annuM faire, coupled with the great risk of shipwreck or 
of capture by corsairs, induced a precarious iinccrtainly ; profits were 
enonnouR and niin frequent Foreign gmxU miglit \yt scni to the 
Indies, provided that tliey were the genuine purchased property of 
Spaniards. Any Spaniard could trade with the Indies through a 
member of the " commerce" of S(.-villc ; but the mcTmWni were forbidden 
to act as agents of foreigners, Tliis prohibition was disolieyed; and 
early in the seventeenth century a large part of the goods sent westward 

•was despatched by foreignen tlirough Seville merchaiitii, who were never 
known to betray theae secret and illegal trustit. 

Tbc study of Spanish -American laws and institutions is in itself 
incomplete and therefore niislciuling; for the actual course of events 
IK largely a hiitory of infractionit, 4:va«ion», and authonMid cxceptioot. 
'ITie Spanish settlers generally welcomed smu^lers without cn<)uiring 
too nicely whether they were corsairs and enemies of the Crown ; from 
the beginning of tlve (seventeenth t^entury the Dutch MUitcd in Cura^-oa 
almost monopolised the trade of Venezuela ; in the Antilles the French 
down to 1697 and the English down to 1670 preferred piracy or war, 
but did not neglect contraband, which contirniod nftiT the conclusion of 
peace. The Portuguese in southern Itnuil pushed an immense contra- 
haiul trade with the River Plate, and founded in 1678 the fort of 



o. M, N. X. rti. mi. 



17 



25S Taxation. — Coinage. — Mining reguUuiojis. [low-iTao 



CoIodU dd SttcnuiMinto as a smi^ling post, ten Icogucs from Boohm 
Aire* across U>e estuary ; during the following eighty-five ye»n the 
place was lire times taken by the Spaoiards and fi<te times restored to 
the Portuguese on conclusion of peace. 

The intemitt tuxntion w-m gmdiuilly assimilate to thp opprewiTB 
sj-stcm prt^railing in Sjuiin ; the alra&ala, or tnx upon all mlU*, was 
introduced after 1673, notwithstanding protests which in Quito reached 
the pitch of insurrection. Bread and coni were exempt from this tax, u 
well at armXr compounded medicines, trained horse?, pnintin^, "b<^'i-nn<<c 
of the excellence of that art," and books in I^ttin and S^vmiih; Ixioka 
were aim exempt from import duty, but were subject to a titrict ccnamv 
aliip, " feigned and unseemly histories " being excluded, 'ITvc other chief 
internal itources of revenue were the royal dues on mineraU. the sole 
of miniirijMl and other oflkcK, the Indian tribute, Ktampcd paper, thr 
monojKily of playing-cards, taxes upon all i-ivil and ccrk-AiosticfU 
salaries, part of the incomes of vacant bene6ces, the tithes which 
were partly applied to secular purpotes, and the sale of the Bull of the 
Holy Cruxnde, grai)te<] by the Pope to auppurt war ngatn.it the infiik-l, 
but always renewed with occMaionnI brief inteiTuption!t. This hwt tctj 
profitablo source of revenue was administered by a special treasury and 
tribunal in ever}' capital : and the pnrchnw of the Bull was p r t wed 
up<]n eveni-one in bietmlal courses of sernifriEi. rre<|ucol]y tbe King, 
pleading the neoesaities of war ognimt inlldeN and herettra, appQed 
to his subjects for loons and also for donativox or free gifts, meaning 
in fact heavy extra taxes. 

In New gpnin iiilvcr at the mines paid to the King 1) per cent, plm 
onc-leiith of the reinaimlcr, in Peru IJ (>cr cent, and one-fiflh of the 
remain<ler down to 171)6, when, owing to tlie decay of the niines, the 
dues wei-e reduced to the scale of New Spain. Mercury, required for 
the pxtniction of silver, waa a royal monopoly, being sold by the King 
to niiiierx at bin own prii-i- ; it cvune partly from Europe, partly from the 
Peruvian mine of Guaitcavelica, belonging to tlie Ring, but worked bv 
contractors. The silver real, reputed one-eighth of an ounce, and worth 
about G^d., vnx the unit in reckoning small snms ; but the genernt unit 
was the reputed silver oimec or piece of eight rcaJet, usually called 
simply pfm, equal to about if. -id. ; the Mexican mint has coined 
these dollars for S50 years. Tbe ducat, a Spanish unit little used in the 
Indies, was, from tlie middle of the sixteenth century, not a coin but • 
sum of money, nnmely eleven reaies, about equal to 6.r. 

Six Indian diggers were nasigncd to any minc-huntcr, who on dis- 
covering a rdn of silver had the right to stake out a space c( sixty 
by forty yards ; an equal space belonged to the King and was alwaj-a soM 
if found Kiileablr; nnyone on paying 100 pi-jos might then stake out 
a limitcil elaini, which was foH'titc-d unle» worked to n certain depth 
within a fixed time. The mo^ numerous and most succetsM mine- 



I 



4 



4 



»] 



Fomffner*.-~Nei Retremte, 3M 



hiinli.<n being fDn^igticni, it <rai tlermid that roiriftncn ■hotild liatv 
tfavr riglib H]UHlIy with Spaainrds and IiitliAiin, iil«n thut Ucnnsa 
■xpcrta might be cni[>lo}cd. llieae decrees nre an itulructive am* 
mcntaiy boUi on the cfKcncy of the hiwi vxduditig foreignorH and on 
tltt common notion tluit Spiiiiinrda hod an inonhnutr pandOD for |tul<l >nd 
nlfcr; about 16-tO a comiK-ttnt wnU-r wya thnt " mo«t of th« rnloniitira 
of the IndiuiA at Gitanoan;li<^a are due to the cnicllT, initiuity, unit, 
luid d4:pnv<ed nwralti of the foreigners who tUxk thither.*' ITtc wny froiB 
ilcKril cotdd not be hantd ; nor were tJie jwrta in fact cflrctirHv clond. 
'rha tMtunilia«Uon of fort'ignen lonf; ntabU>h<>d in the Indin wu 
pmnittiad from lfi()S: yet t}\f, decreo excluding; forcigitrn mro con>tatil]y 
rcpSBtada 

Hmw large tuus produced a disproportionately tniall rorenua. Borne 
wer* fiuined: otben were ooUactod hr the ocdinary ma^atntoa, who 
netmA a percentagr on tlie amount : tlx^e wa« mucfa wartc, tmrdtmntm, 
and dtiboiKity, in coUection lu in expenditure Mort of th« twmim 
■was <fient in the Indica on the elaborate and ro«tly ci* il and eccloifaftini) 
Mtabliihnient : a Eurplm came from tlie trtaaurM of the tniniiiK nftidm 
ia Nw Spain and Peru : but th««e rppona wne but a •mall part of the 
pugnph kal antt of the Empire, and the gmttcr part ut ttw-ir BvpliN 
wa> abicvbcd by the Iom incurred in other pnnina»: fnM|Ui^Uy it vaa 
only by bnmnring and Knoetinm by aiiv*i>eiag noocy thnnolm that 
the Vkenm vtn able- in n-mit to Spain the ■mw eapee tw l hgr tha King. 
Cootplete iccordfi nf iIm- amount* m mat to Spahi an oot ae uatfj h , bat 
brt*» 1S90 the animal dfwpnlcfa «»ldoiB anuM iJSOOflOO pfjot. From 
1600 to 17U0 about 4,(K».000 jKtoi profaaUy rvptwoti tiw anal 
acDooDt. but ranch of this was loit by ahipwndi «Dd d iaart w; itaiag 
tfa ei l ^t e eath ceotmy th* MBOtmt liwrreafH. aad afto- 1760 ft l uat aa ni 
pMtly. cioK to the tohaeco mMMpoly, th« growth of tnute, aad thff 
|iliij^ii« of Thaiag ta New Spain : toward the cImc of the dghtemlh 
oairtnr y the Crown dtww •moaUv fnas tlie ladMB abotit cigjA mSUom 
of j»a« while the mhu^m to Cula. Mnik,nd other pfacn, hrtbv 
ahntbcd thrae or bar mffThTa Bat the actnal anriKe was probably 
aimoBafaly mm than thete nnal aiiiuiuita owiog to period* « depreaMM 
md to the ftecMBoaa] hrt efjaiu n rf dupwtrb to war-tiae: » the klttr 
caae tk dcfiorary waa not fiiBy made food to MCBBadififr yean. Flam 
1579 to 1650 the royal doea at PMarf OMally cunded l>DQOyOO0 pen; 
■od ia «*e*'**-' of tho<e vtmn ther a p pr m acfad or pawed lyS00;00O: the 
td pBtorf wBi 'm*c tkA h»imnA bf the 
or Kr« Efin. wbicb pirJwid 6aa 1T» afaaut ta»4hUi af 
;l>SBMa. In ins tbe SBMbfc-AaKricaa atota I 




S60 



S^at^ery and the slave-trade. 



[l»aO-lT80 



Indies, which in tltc vtghtceiith cx-utury liecauK tlu: object ot intcmstioiiftl 
diploniftcy luid war, has a separate history. The alave-trodc, bctng 
tepuhivi- to Spaniards, wax generally grRntvd by coDtrtct to fomgncn ; 
in 1695 a Heming ui>dfrtook to pay 100.000 duc«ts a year for the 
monopoly, ciubarking miiiually 4S50 a\s.\e%, of whom 3500 wen? by the 
contract to reach the Indies alive : in 1600 tbc Portiigucso Governor of 
Angola took the contmct, the ratio of mortality being rniwd, 5000 
negrovs to be cmlMtrked and iiuOO lunEli.>(l at Cartagena am) Vera Cruz : 
Hiniiliu- contracts were granted down to 16M). when tbc rv^olt oi Purtu^ 
interrupted the triulc. I'orttigu«*e were now excluded; tipaiiiiutU wciv 
unwilling: Dutch and English, though ready enough, were not acoeptAblc 
agent*: but afttr twenty years' interval a Genoese bouse gai-e an increased 
price for the nwnopoly: in 167G tbc eotuf^ado of Seville took the 
contract : in 1696 the Portugueae Company of Guinea undertook to 
laud in «ix years and a half 10,000 tons of negroes at three " pieces" 
(t.r. negroes) to the tun, paying 1 12 pfMs per ton for the privilege; In 
1701 Utc contract wiu tmmfcrred tii tlit- Fru-ndi Company of Guinea 
for ten years ; lastly, in 171S it was gr-anted as the price of peace to 
the English South Sea Company, whicli undertook to acnd 48W picm 
of proper lici^it and age anniioily for 30 years, tlie mteteigns of ^xiin 
and of KngUuid each to lx^ccive one-fourth of Ihe profit. 

Tbc attempt to employ negrovM in the AikIu failed : nor were they 
ti\-er numerous in <'hilc or the Ki\'er Plate region or tlic Mextcnn taMe- 
land : but in tlie tropics apart from the mountains, they relieved thv 
len enduring Indians in mines and pearl- fisheries as n'cll an in ordinary 
labour. The nature of the cmnitry fiu.'ilitnting escape, bandi uf 
eimafTOntM or runaway negroes early infested the w'ood.-> tuid hilb of 
Tierra Firme : l>ut ustudly the negroes easily lulopted the religion and 
citstoms of their new country, whcix- tliey were generally treated with 
more humanity tlian anxing other Europeans especially wIm-ii they wen 
servants to individuals; for a i-ertain patriarchal diaractcr has alwaya 
marked the Spanish household, the master regarding every dcpeitdcnt 
as a member of the family. A slave could legally puiTtia^e his freedom 
for a moderate sum, whatever his ori]i^aal coat might be, and could 
compel a master conviclMl of harxhmw (o tell him to another. In the 
coast towns of the tropits there were nmny free negroes aitd tnulatto*, 
who provided companies of militia. Humboldt found the n^roes much 
better treated in Cuba Uian in Jamaica; in oomtdcrisg Spautb 
treatment of the Indians tiiis testimony should not be foi^gottco. 

The treatment and govcmmcDt of tlw Indijuis cannot be dismined 
in a dogmatic summary, owing to the divergence of actual fact from 
cfinotitutiunal theory an<t also owing to the innumerable diveraitiH of 
the Indians iheiiknelvcs. The people uf Annhuae and of Cuux> and Mine 
of their neighbours had de^'e]oped a conHttlemblc d^jree of merhanicol 



I 



4 



iDBiKiTwj The Jndian population. — Mortality. 



301 



I 



kkill umI Nocinl (irgnnlMtUon : but within fifty tcnfpm of Imth thcv 
oattn* ttic luttivui dcsceiuled through gradM of lower rulliire to tha 
OKMt nbjvL't or fci'Ocious savagery. Tlicii' ri'latiain with Ihi! Spniiianlo 
mind ftwti bouiy And loyal nlle^'i'inc-t: or co:nplete ntiltjeclion l» 
iadoptnilniiGe »nd tnt«rmitU-nt wnrfurv. Down to Uk- i?i^hU-enlh 
c«ntttry few wliite settlers, except ID a few PeruviAn co«Ht townii, ware 
aqtUTBted by more thun 100 miles fram SB.Tmges, many of thnn cnnnilMila, 
nany of tbem inveterate enemies, nudtng the frontier tnmn to i-itny olT 
HpAiiish women into Mva^re conmbinaf^ und Spaiiivli l>uyii to tw rrnml 
n» liwlijin wwrioni, ofUn lo become the mo«t intrciilH anrl wily Inulei* 
■f{Un>t the Oirititians, 1'he immcRW difterenoeB of natural featurea ami 
cUnUitA meant conr^ondin;; diTcroities of population : Mit-n; werv wltU 
difletences bctwct-n the [K-uple nf the torrid roiknU, Lhom? of iIm- interior 
foreala and Kwtunp*, tliot«c of the tropical table-land*, the mount«iMer« 
of the south temperate region, and the nomnrhi of tFie I'nmpai and 
amaOer local divisiona were infinite. In 186-(, ISO living idioma wen: 
reckoned in Mexico, of nhii-b 35 were dintinct LuiguagMi baiJi M 
extinct t»n(;un : nbont 171)0, 350 idioms, 35 of them ditUnet kagaan^ 
wen counted in Quito alone ; Anua, in 1809, after years of obaervatioa, 
mnarkji that the diiTerenees betwi^ii the iimnll tribea on tha Paraguay 
are greater than the diflerenceii lx:tw<^-n Kuropewi natlona. 

But enquiry naturally turns to the pooplca of New Spain and of 
Yon, tribes mure wttlni and adranced, tliou|^ indotent, apathetic, 
inert, and careless of ftclf-prcHrr^-ation, when jtidgad hy Buropaan 
.tffHfl«wU Tfte ihock of conquest and refolatka, tmrntx aa portan 
and auxiliaries in war, labour in minca and in tha btdldinf; of aMfM aad 
a ties, displacement of custom* and sen timenta, earned a frrvst dlminiitkRi 
of inhabituita. The brutal conqtieran of Peni, thcaMdrca daily aspoMd 
tu hardahip and death, «erv indiScicnt to the Bna of tbafr anziUariv. 
e^en in Nvw Spain tha cxtenvTe and solid Spanish citia ara nionwinta 
of Miflerin^ aiid mortality cuntiniied after the eooqacit, the want of 
bowta uf boidcn biing so^ itiad by meD. Bat aoce were kilbd hy 
nidnia tbM bf aU thne ao»; twin hdam IMO tJw Initifwiw 
|l^lia if ir -' " swept New Bpatn with ap pa B fag nortafity; brt 
RMR widc-^Mcad and ooatiaaofB were tbe w ragaa of the newly -taipartsd 
EtBOpcan fnaa, «aall-paa and naaaka. Is mo; 6i^ adeaaca dorinc 
tlim ontofw tlMt pbgaes acnapaoicd tW whtta MD and dMbvnd 
at httmla noMXth or one^HBth of tW U^ at»lf.«aUnad late 
e«a ia the atUW p«ti tiv |iw«ih«fi i ii H iiii l ii i lfc a t 
and till fiiipiwr ipirifwir rnitlrnir- -Tirr ool^ las diatracti«« 
tiMn tl» aaifitr riMtatka^ 

n* -[wia - TT <tf the India' wm tnaf«d m dfatbct, tha 
Minw bebg 1 1^1 Till m m •epwat* pvt d the body potitie. 
Cot ofaJKt «f GovonMnt «• to - n^ew - the aatitv, to cathsv 



2U2 



GovemmetU of the Indiaiu. 



[iMo-uaol 



])rievt; they were tliiw to be miuie" politic'" people, tolfun "dsD life," 
and to be instnicted in Christian!^. ** Before the Indians can bo ouule' 
C^iristiana, they must be made men," writes Toledo, vbo dq>lot«a the 
extreme (lifRculty of tlu; tfuk, aajing tliat the Indinns still live bs th^ 
did under the tyranny of tha Idcu, sunk in »pathetic indolt>nce and 
only working at eomraand of their cadqiica, who exploit them ruthloslj. 
Even apologisLi and defenders of the Indians constantlj repent the mnt 
verdict: ""Ilie; are timid and pusillanimous people, indolent but s ub- ^^ 
missive, of smaU understanding, imitative but not inventive ! " ^^H 

Id every Indian pf4eblOf including the crrcadot or native subiniB^ 
of Spanish towns, the Indians annually chonc, in prcaence of the Spanish 
prient, couneillora and two akaidii, who bad oonnderable aumniuj 
powers to flog and imprison for drunkenness, immorality, and theft, 
more serious cases being remitted to the nearest Spsni^ town ; the 
lash WHK preKfTvul from pn:-Coiiquest times to duutise Indians fa) 
oosn where white men were fined. The Indians were legally dastd 
aagtnte mtarable, people unfit to take care of tltemselTes, having tba 
privileges and limitations of minors, forbidden to alienate proper^ n 
or make oon«idcrublc contmctn except through the ofBcial Protector; B 
they w«rc exempt from Uie Inquisition as being, like children, unable to i 
graap mattert of doctrine, and, though noininally subject to episcopal 
Courta, in fact were never brought to account for doctrinal matton. 
But the curat, even the most devoted and humane, cvcr^-vhere punished 
wbiwnffl* from mass with the Insb, which is derlan-d by a champion of the 
Indiana to be indispcntiable, since without it none would attend ; ther 
were subji'cted to a reduced number of fost-i and fen»bt and a less rigid 
matrimoniid table of atBnity, and were not required to purchatc the Bull 
of the Santa Cnuada or to give any ofterings in church or docs fur 
masaea, baptisma, marriages, and funerals. 'Ilicy were exempt from 
alfobaia ; the payment of tithes was a disputed matter, only partially 
enforced with many relaxations; apart from the turn of paid bat 
forced labour, called tanda in New Spain and mita in IVru, the only 
contribution to the State was the tribute or capitation tax [uiid bv all 
males between 18 and 60 years of age ; this varied in diflervjit tines 
and places from one prM to nine, paid in bind where metal was scarcR. 
'ilwugh there were instances of hardship, the tribute was not usually 
esoearive, being mudi less than exactionx endured before the Conquest, . 
and it was commonly remitted in famine or other calamity; bat to J 
minor officiab it was a ready occasion for extortion. V| 

In retum, the Indians were entitled to possess sufficient land for 
their support ; but SpanUh ^mrten often eoerooched and damaged the 
oops. The novel insUtation of individual property caused much per* 
plexity and litigation in Peru, the Indians carrying their trivial dispntc* 
to the aadiencia and often dying on the long journey through vwiooa 
climatex. A heavy abuse ftvm the beginning was tfa« exaction by the 



-iiaoj 



Forced labour. Humane taam. 



'im 



1 

I 



mtotMfidmM of anpaU] anil esocsrave pcnonal service in lieu uf paid 
tribute ; to prcv«iit tlii« and other griwuico, on emotnettiero «*«• for- 
biddco to lire oii liis rufomituda^ niul was bound to inhabit a stone 
bowe in tlut citpital <>t' the district; vet this illegal persoiial service viis 
not wholly eradicated even in 1780. Hospitals were cver>-wbciv built 
for tho IndiauH; a puid Protector wati appoiotod Id crcry distriett 
beiidua the duef I'rotwtor in the capital, who wiu ^>cctaUy duuged to 
wcuR ju^licc for tliem in tlic aWimcMi; and humane tKatmeut was 
aacnu(in(j>ly cujoinvd upou all officials. 

In the vicinity of the Spanish towns, apart from tho mines, the 
Indians acrm to have been well treatod and fairly content. Tokdo in 
1&70 found tluit tlte only wcU-nunagcd bosjiital in I.iii>a was that 
citabliahod fur the Indians. Ilie murder of an Indian was punisbed 
by death. In 1630 the Indians of the ctmuJo of Lima are described 
ai " instxuctud in policy and Chrixtiiuiity iind eapaHtdixadoa so that thoy 
«fm like Spuniardi; tliey live in SOO houwes and hare among them 
eighty w^i-o slaves, more than ai« onnecl by all the other lodians of 
hru." Tliough the gencnd rule forbade fire-ami^ and horses to Indiunn, 
thoM! of Lima furnished militia, both horse and foot. In the Peruvian 
oo«t Tsll^a, destitute of mine* and adapted to uvgro Ut»ur,thc Indians 
nadily learned mechanical arts and earned good wages in the anooda 
and b the dockyards ; their rUlagefi were ruled tiattquiUy but rigorouly 
by Indian a/caldt4 who excluded all S)taniards and ncgroea. In Lima, 
Cuzou, luid La Plnta, as in the liKliiin quarter of Ml-xico, there wen: 
eoBifgv for Indian imbhts, althouf^h tboNi^-- foundations were sometimes 
W^reted or iliverted to other tutnt. Many Indians Docked to the 
jjjwmkh towns, either liviim; at random, free from tribute, in the murLets 
■nd ui the coitrtyunis of the houses, ur cIh) attadiing themselves to 
fftmilics Kt hemlitiuy txrtt. 
:tbongli the him of protection and tutelage admit the impossibility 
ting Indians liko white men, yet from IMS to IGOO Spanish 
legislators aimed at maliing them e<]Ual to i^aniorda by ordering the 
abolition of every kind of serfdom and of all forced labour, and enjoining 
that ni^rocs should be substituted for Indian workmen ; but even these 
awcvpiiig derreot contain ambiguous additions admitting neoeasaiy 
itioDs. DiHcrtrtioii in applying tint laws is left to the Viceroys; 
negroes are not available, Indian labottren must be used; in any 
idleneas is not to be allowed. In fact, the Conquest bad brought with it 
« noblem hitherto unfamiliar. Life under Etrropcan conditions required 
laoonr in public works, in minex and factories, and alwve all on farms: 
tho Cow white setUun M:iitti*re<l in small groups were not prepared to 
nitfanu this labour in countrii-^ already poawasing a docile peasantry ; 
iwt the peasantry, needing almost nothing, ignorant of the use of 
tBotwy, abased by tho shock of fubjcction, and perplexed by strange 
tonditions, did nut nuv «t lint to labour for wagen. On the other 






204: Iteguiation of labour. The mita of Potosi. [isao-iTso 



hAnd, they were accustomed to work nt commnii<l, for the polity of 
the Inejw h«d u'sted upon serfdom n.nA forced labour; royal decrees 
could not induce Govemont or RetUei's to dispeme with institution)) 
already esisting and ia their opinion necessary. The attempt ww 
nlHindoned: while unpnid service in lieu of tnbtitv was iilwoluldy 
forbidden, serfdom and paid foi-CMl labour were botit admitted ; serfdom 
indeed vras still discountenanced in many ambiguous decrees, and was 
rather tolerated as an existing institution and authorised by prescription 
thiin distinctly Icgoliswl. The serfs, C4iilcd yanaconaa in Peru, were 
Kttarlted lo the Hoil, could not be Hold, and were entitled to payment 
and instruction. 'I'lie repetition of these rules indicates their freqoent 
breach ; yet many serfs were well treated and content ; they were oft«n 
in fact tenanti nburing tlie crop,* with ttie Spanish luiidloi'd ; mooy 
cboAe serfdom, especially as domestic retainers, in (uder to escape mite 
and tribute. 

Forced labour in civic works, on farmS) in mines and factories, was 
i-egulated by the mila or succession of laljotirers, whcn-by only a certain 
proportion of the men, varying in different provinces from one twenty- 
fifth to one-ftllh, might be summoned from their homes at one time to 
nerx-c for a fixed wage. Provisiona for their protection are rcpcatod and 
multiplied; about 1610 Jt wo* forbidden in IVni to employ Indians in 
the sugar-factories, where they wei-e liable to be hurt by macliinerj- and 
by drinking spirits, or to employ tliem as woodcutters, since falling trees 
killn] or injured them, although the usual exception is added that when 
royal gnlleonx are being built Indian wtHxIeuttcm may be indispensable. 
It may be questioned how far external care could protect people *o little 
able to take care of themselves — people who in former times had, do 
the death of an Inca, killed themselves in crowds; Init in fact tbt 
decreet for tJicir protection were evaded, esptvially in the Peruvian 
mining districts, Ulic mita of Potosi, which wiis treated by \'iceroy» 
(w a great matter of State, may be described in Illustration. About 
1S7S Toledo luisignc^ the 95,000 Indian villngeni inhabiting seventeen 
districts as mitaifo* for Potosi; one-scvcntb of tiK-m were annually 
summoned to labour in the mine one week in three ; thuit 1S,.'>00 Indian 
itittai/ai "cre always present, of whom 4500 at a time worked under- 
ground, receiving a daily wage of four irales or two shillings, half the 
wage of a free Indian. The tnitoyos were to be carefully protected from 
banUhip and danger; but humane nidations were fnistnitcd by the 
grwd and UwIckmicss of the mine-owners and by the rapid diminution 
of Uie mUat/m. In 1G33 tlie 95,000 assigned by Toledo had dwindled 
to 25,000, and in 1678 tliere remained less than ITOO. In 1681 «b 
energetic Viceroy was sent with orders to restore tlie mita, which had 
lapsed from the disappcanuice of tlie Indians, to the great lotw of the 
mining industry ; by n careful count of Indians and by adding fourteen 
districts, he enrolled 21,000 mitatfo$, making mi annual shift of 3000, 



\ 



I 



ifiso-iTso] Decrcfise of IiuSan population. 



3G5 



who were non* to work two weeks out of throe. And Uu.it Ik'j^iix a 
fresh c\'c1c of hardship, apathetic submission, and decrease, liastenetl by 
a terrible epidemic of cholera in 17S0. la 1788 the intendant of 
K^ochiiboioba, a province adjpiniiig PotoKt, re;)PrtK tliat thire of his 
Vlndian villages had been completely depopulated bv th« niila, and tlint 
of the lodians who annually went to IVtosi one-thiid never returned ; 
in cxpIanattoQ be describes the exhausting dangerous, and unwholesome 
chAntct^T of the work, and the fatal change of climate. The menury 
mine of tiuancavelica, requiring about (SOO labourera at a time, con- 
sumed its mUayo* even more ntpidly than Potosi. But worse than 
either were the obragfs or doth factories, in which the Indians were 
shut up unseen excerpt by their exploiters and delivered over to a 
hopeless, grinding slavery, their \c^ pay being so manipulated on 
■pretext of food, dothing, and payment of tribute, that they were always 
in the master's debt, owing him unending toil ; reiterated royal commands 
fiulcd to release them. 

Viceregal and other reports are almost UTianimous in a.«Tibin(( the 
decrease of I'eruviaa Indians to ill-treatment and dangerous or excessive 
labour, to the long journeys, sometimes of ISO Iconics, from their 
bones, and to the interruption of domotic life; but there «rrc other 
caows. It nos the interest of corre^dor, cura, and cacrgue to rcsixt on 
accurate census and frustrate the mita, keeping the Indians to be ex- 
ploited by themselves ; many Indians fled to the unconquered heathens, 
or to distiict-i exempt from mita or to 8pnnisli tounx; many bought 
immunity from mita ; many after their year of service remaned at 
Potosf as firee labourers, either working in the mine and in the numerous 
aoceaKoy tasks or collecting surface silver and buying stolen nlvcr 
to be M>td again. In ICOO a frve lulwurer in the mine received a peso 
daily, besides what he could make by stealing; the Peruvian rule of 
Hiife, *'£at and let eat," was extended to the Indians; ni>d stolen ore 
^waa regularly sold by them in public market to Spanish speculators. 
In 1610 the practice was regulated and authorised, every free Indian 
miner being allowed one load of ore daily ; the sale of this brought up 
I bis doily earnings to a minimum of 18 rcak.t or 7 shillings 
H But io their own villages the Indiana were ofteu the victims of tlirec 
Htymots, the corrtff'i'lor, the cvra, aiid the Indian caaque. The eorregi- 
^dore', being autliorised to purchase mules and other neccssorics for sale 
to the Indians, often bought the unsaicihle stock of Lima tmdcsnicn, 
spectacles, plavtng-cardu, book^ toilette powder, velvet, ftilk, compelling 
their ItMliaii subjects to purchase tliete at the seller's price and reaping 
almost incredible profits at tlie cost of terrible suffering. But a nearer 
and more constant opprcswr was the aira, usually a n^ilar priest 
almost exempt from episcopal control ; ofikial reports show the cura 
unlawfully engaged in trade, exacting forbidden dues, compelling children 
to bring ofTerings, multiplying festivals to inci'case extortion, sometimes 
OL viu. 




266 



Grievances atid visurrectioiis. 



[1660-1780 ! 



turniiig the diurch into & cloth fnctorjr and oompelJiiig the parishioner* 
to labour uJI Sundaj-s and fout-dajit. 

'llie worst deatroyere of the Indian were epidotnin and nlcobol. 
I'rom Uie most cultured to the most sarage all were the slaves of in- 
toxication ; diuing any brief nbs^^'ncc of the atra an ludian jMublo 
pluiigud into an orgy of drunkvuncM and inccttuous debaocbei^; to ■ 
Uk: absleiiiiouK Spaniard this vice branded the Indians as beatial people 
and justified the distini-'tion univci'sallv drawn betn'ctm Indians and gmle 
dc raxon. With all their denunciations of ill-treatment, some olHcialx 
are vngucly conscious that the decay of Indians is a matter beyond their 
control; one ViwTOv attributes tlidr decreaiie to their subjection to 
sti«i)g«rs ; an early histoncui of Quito, after describing the dcvsatation 
of CtHiqueat, is still at a lo&s to explain tlic total depopulation of laigB 
distiicts, and finally awxibcs this to the secret judgment of God. 

Yet the grievances were great. '*Tlm Iiidian* ha^'c se;troe a tot^ue 
to complain ; if they attempt it, they are intimidated by the corregidor," 
wrilcs the Viceroy in 1681 ; apjwal to the audiencia was generally 
fruitless ; one official woidd nut condemn another. Small dtsturbaoea 
and conHpintcies were not uncommon and were little regarded by tfce 
authorities; but about 1730 the.ie sporadic troubles became more 
frequent, pailly owing to an attempt to make a census. In I7W u 
Indian of Cuzco, a fugitive from justice or injustice^ taking an Im 
name tmd proclaiming a restoration of tfav Empire, orgtinisrd a itvolt 
or ntttxT un invjuiun among the Ckunchot of the mmitaHa or (brest 
(ifjrioii on tJie cast and north-oast frontier of tJie <*Htral PeraiW 
provinces, between 10' mid Ifi" south latitude. Many misuons "Wt 
destroyed -, the Spaniards were confined to their towns and the froDliif 
was thrust back for hidf-ii-century ; yet tlic Viceroy reports that tim cer- 
re^^idor of Taniia h iK-etllemly anxious for ntrong metisurvs, and that the 
case is one for miauonaries, not for arms. In 1750 an Indian oonspinc^' 
in Lima, not the first, indicated stability ratlier tlian wcAknesi; fbt 
the militia company of Indian nohles in proof of fidelity volnntsrilj 
attuidcd the nxi^ution of the leaders. A rising of some piitMo$ itt 
a neighbouring pronncc with »ii attempt to raise the whols kingdcoi 
was more alarming; and the Viceroy snggesta that it is perhaps \at^ 
to allow the Indians on the proclamation in IJnia of a King''s accewoo 
to represent in ceremonial procession the departed line of Incas. 

In 1780 tin: aidtjut of an Indian piubh in the district of Tinta to 
the south of Cuzco, after a vain attempt to represent Indian gric«iui« 
to the King, invited tlie convgidor to his hutixc, and, pretv^iding a raysl 
warrant, tried and executed him ; then, taking the Inca name of Tupic 
Amaru and asserting a commi»«ion from the King, be seized the 
treasurien of two districts aiid niiiw-d a jjnid army of 17,000 men, whidi 
he led against Cukco, claiming to be the dt-liverer of Indians, Creoles, 
and mcKtizoi, but threatening death to all who sliould resist him. Otlier 



I 



• 



1780-*] Tupac Amaru. — Reform of government. 



207 



leaden sprang up in the southern temmCoy imtabty a bakrr calling 

• hinuelf tiic Incm Tiipu CntAri, who plungod with his fnllowcnt into orgieB 
of <lrunkfinne»H wnd homiddt-, killing wliitc men, women, and children, and 
tbreateiiing civil war againHt Tujiftc Amiini. The I»tt'T, repulsed from 
Cuaco, turned bis anna a^inat all except Indians; iit, finh mnny nuvtixot 
imd sonic Crcolea fnvoured the rising, but the^ were soon alienated bv 
miutBcre Mid outnigv; and after four months of aimless n-arfare and 
some vain attacks on small town* Iiik diniitit.^)ied foivcs wt-rc defeated 
bv a Spanisb officer commanding 15,000 men, mostly loyal Indiana 
under thdr caaquf^. But meantime more serious troubles afflicted 
Upper Peru (now Bolivia), extending even to Tucum^n ; in some plnccs 
only whitta trcre killed, in othcn all mcalhos and all E(iropc»ni»ed 
Indians of every sex and age, in one place ever)' man wcAring a shirt ; 
one town was fiooded by cutting an embankment, and ita 10,000 
inhabttnntx were drowned. Tupac Amarus nephew, pretending a com- 
miMtion fnmi CliarKw III, wiw »till in command of 15,000 men a yi^r 
after the first outbreak, but was nt last brought to capitulate; 100,000 
people are said to have perished in the troubles of 1780-3, I'upac 
Amaru waa executed with medieval tortures, proof of the panic inspired 
by the rebellion. 

This movement cannot fairly be reganlcd as the attempt of an 
oppressed nationality to amend itt wrongs ; there waa no gcn^nl rising 
of tlie Indians and no cohesion among the insurgt-nta. It is a yet 
greater error to regard this as the beginning of the struggle for inde- 
pendence: whatever the first intention of its authors may ha\'o been, 
the movement was in fact aimed, not at tiie emancipation of the Sjwnish 
Kettltrnient-", but at their destruction ; tlw rising was n jiartinl movement 
in the " commonwealth of Iiidiiuw," whereiw the latt.T struggle for eman- 
cipation was a movement in the " commonwealth of Spaniards," to which 
most of the Indians were indllfei-ent or hostile. 
H This insurrection produc^t) a reform — the abolition of corregidora 
HOiroughout tht! InilJes except in New Gnuiaila, and the institution of 
^intettdentf.t, ollicials of high rank and character, ruling large provinces 
" and directly responsible to the King ; each intendeneia was divided 
into part'uioB ruled by auhdelegadot. But there was one great defect, 
due to tbc chronic necessities of the treasury ; the subdrlfgitdf» wenr 
paid by A percentage of the Indian tribntr collictctl by thoiii ; and the 
Hold atiHty of neglect and oppression by priests and oiTicials continued. 
^P The history of tlie mcomiaidai illustrates the decrease of the Indians. 
jVOriginally granted for two or sometimes three livts, after which term 
~ they were to pa»» to the Crown, thwe tief* Ix-gan to fall in before the 
do«c of the sixteenth century ; but tlie Viceroys retained a valuable 
patronage by renewing them, often to families other than the firrt 
poascssois. Their action wrs received at first with vigorous reprimand, 
thcD witJ) iicquic«cciicc ; the Crown took to making these grants to 

Of. Tin. 




208 Increase o/' mestizos. — Indium in New SpaitL [iTSo-iwt 



eouitiers liritif; ui S^miii : and the prindplc of [icrpi-ttiity, at fint rrjcctcd, 
was iu 80IU0 di-^-c itdniittcd. 'XIk pvwesnion of licb encoHuftidas bv 
ecdciiMUoHl Ana charitable foundations inipedctl their extinction: yet 
(luring U»e seventeeath cciitiiry many liip«*d to the Crown. After 1751, 
the down abtKirlnxl the rvniAindcr without iiiue)i diRk-uHj, dcpopuhi- 
tion hftviii}^ idmont vxtinguislied their value. About 1790, in Chile, fifly- 
thivc Mirvivitig vneom'taidaji, onnipri&ing 960 Indians, were i:xtiiijitui!dir(i ; 
the ricltcst etiamtutida in Cochahamba then oomisted of nine IikIiiuis; 
in Pangosy tlw Proti-ctor n?ported the existence of 1S2 entomienJiu, 
compriuDg about 2000 Ii>diiins who »erc still illt^olly subjected to 
unpaid personal service for two month* every year. But it mtat bo 
rvmetnbcm] that, as the Indians decreased, the meatvwx increased ; Indian 
noRien prcfcn-ed union with white men ; and many of those vho parred 
for white were of mixed oriijin. Everywhere there was a limited KMrietj 
of well-to-do Creole* and Eui-upcuns mho jealously guarded tlteir purity 
of bloo<l ; but only in Uie province of Buenos Aires, bordcfcd by «avag« 
tribes, was the bulk of the po|>ul;»tiou European. 

In New Spain Uic Indians fared better ; the country was easier to 
oontiol and more tiiidily populated, mm] the natives showed more 
endurance under tltc new conditions. The dmiiuige ctuud of Mexico, 
cni])Ioyiiig thousands of forcx^d labourers for two centuries, did not 
destroy population as did the mita of Potosi : the great mining cm 
of New Spain wa« the settled ago of the eighteenth ccnturt', Dot> a* 
in Peru, the age nuvceeiling the Conquest. Notwithstanding mudt 
injustice and oppreiuion, the Indians increased in number and improved 
in condition during the eighteenth ecntuiy, CH|>ecial1j after 1770, about 
nhich time the tnnda was aholisbed and all labour made five; ant) 
in 1805, according to Humboldt, the Indians, except in the obrages, were 
better off than tltc peasantry over a gn^at part of nortliem Europe ; 
labour ill thi- iiiini'H, though exluiuating, was short and better jmid than 
in Europe. The few remaining Indian cities and the two Indian 
quarters of Mexico, with thinr separate Indian taUUiot excrcbing 
authority over groups uf subject Indian villages, were treated with 
dignity iukI coi»lder«tion. So long as the Spanish [xiwcr lK><t<.-d, the 
people of the " free city * of TIosciiU retained with unimportant modi* 
ncations the privileges granted by CorLtis and even earned tbcM 
pnvilegn to the di»taiit frontier settlements which they made in support 
of Spiuiixh Im])eriHl t-xjiniiMon : it may be doubted whctlier any othn 
tiiruiiiiTiiig [Miwer lu& ever obsertcd Htich a treaty for Unx^- crnturiea. 
It ift true that the attempt of Spanish Ic^Klator^ to cn<low the bodv 
of natives with pvik(at to make them " civil people " in the Kuropeao 
•eme, ovcrdiot the murk of possibility -, the unmixed Indians in general 
remained merely poKtive membera of t)io body [mlitic: so late la ISfli 
the Mexican Indians are truly described as htill deprcased and indiSereot. 
Yet tlw "New Laws" fur tbo liberation uf tlie Indians promulgated 



I 

4 



-ITOO] 



The Jivniiers. — The ntimont. 



SGO 



I 

tfa 

f 

I 



» 



the Uubflbui^ Emperor were not inelfccttvc; llirce centurint aftrr hi* 
ime an invatliiig Ilabsburg; priucc was put to destb by a pure-blooded 
Indian acting aa coruUtutioiial huid of Uic Mexican coniuionwcalth. 

The trcatiticnt of Indian subjects nalumtly leads to Uie frontier 
qoertion, tbc uttiUido of Govemnivnt towards the unsubdued gcntUa. 
To tl>c north of New Sjiiiiii and to the kouUi of the Hivcr Plat* and 
tif Chite, llierv were long irregular frontiers; seveml pmvincea of both 
cantlDCots contained savage cnclavrt; moreover, there was an immense 
undefinctl inLknur bonler-liiic, extcmUng westward from the mouth of 
tbt Orinoco to the AikIm, tltence irr^ul&rly touthwardH to Sidta, then 
a great cun-e round tiie Chaco, past CVirdoba to Santa F^ ; fnitn llii* 
point u narrow and ill-defined Ktrip of Spanish tettlcnicnt, bordered tu 
utrt and went by mvagery, extendul nortfawardi up tlie Pluani and 
Fomgoay to a point north of Asuncion. 

The doec of amicd conquest in tlic sixteenth centuty did not end 
EarotM.'ftn ex|um)>ion. A* in otlier vnipirt-n, the safety of tlic n-ontien 
dcmuMlcd advance; nor was tJie coiKlition of the Papal grant of the 
Indka, the conversion of the heathen, ever forgotten. Ilw extension 
of royal power ovlt rc^ons properly belonging to the Crown wax an 
tmdoubtefl duty luid privilege: and tlte beneficence of thia wuri wiu 
n political and n-Iigious axiom. But a sincere and partly successful 
i-tfort was niiulc to carry on tliiK work Mithoitt riolenn- or bloodshnl. 
Itiillp ill oommiindul that attacks upon the heathen should ceftsc and 
that advance should only be made thciicefortli bv tlie peaii'ful iM-'niua-tion 
aS miisioniuies. Abstinence fron) anncd aggression became so much 
oa cataUished maxim thnt, in 1680, u junta of Bishops and Goventor* 
net in Tiicumin to di^russ iihether it was lawful to make oHensive war 
on tlie Chaco Indians, who constantly midcd the towns. The initiation 
of the policy of pacific advance ia marked by the royal invitation to 
•ome Italian Jesuits to undertake the pacification of lite saviige country 
on the upper Porond. Thus began in 1609 the famous missions in 
Uw province of Guaira, generally kuown a« the mimioiu of Pkraguay, 
although they were remote and poUticolly se[ULrate from the earlier 
Mttlvmrnt round Asuncion, and most of them lay outhide the pivsent 
limits of tlic I'nrn^jtyan Republic 

Many of the Guaronfs, a people pracitsing a rude agricultu re bu t other* 

wJM savages, living in Httlo groups in the woods, menaced on the nortl) 

by Gefodout oannibaln ojid on the c-a^t by Uk^ Pauli»tjis, lawK-« Bnuilion 

klaTe-ratders, were now gathered into "reductions," each ruled byaJesuit 

ptmi with one or tno aviistaiits. After a destructive raid of Paulistos 

ill 1630 finsamis wcrn introduced, and a regular Indiim militia, iMth 

tivslry and infantn,', wa* funnc-d ; th<--!«e troops were repuatinlly sent by 

taar Jauiit chiefs to save the too'ns of CoiTicntcs, Santa I'e, and Asun* 

dAn hum attackn of niivages and to help the Spanish troc^ of Buenos 



. vui. 



210 



Jcxttit government in Gnaira. 



[lOOO-lTM 



Aires ngaiiut the Portu^tsc-. In 1705 the King fonnally Uiankec] them 
for their service against the in6dels ; tuid in the following yenr thej' 
BBsaulted and took with reckless daring the Portuguese fort of Coloiiia. 
This curious commonwealth of some thirty Indian village?, exempt from 
outside control, and adminivtcix-d by clet-tcd Indian otHoiab under the 
admirahic nilc of tlic pricsb, wan the mont ordcriy, stable, uid contented 
community jtouth of the tropics. In 1740 their inhabitanla nuinbc-rcd 
144,000; but they were reduced by i^idcmics. by mortality in thr 
QiiHtary senico of tltc King, and by the resuUi of an initjuitous trv«ty 
ceding seven of tlie reduction* to tlie hated Portuguese, whereby thoM 
•reven rillagm were driven into revolt, followed by destruction tlirough a 
11 i.npano- Portuguese military expedition ; at the expulsion of the Je^uiii 
in 1767 tliey luimbercd 110,000. After that event the reductions were 
handed over to civil administmtors and young n-giilars oi other Orders 
who hurried to seize the liouxca, gardtiift, and orrliimb of the Jesuits, 
caring liltle for the Indians; and the province gradually reliipMcd into 
depopulation and barbarism. 

Thcae missions, though secluded frotn intrusion, were not secluded 
from observation ; they wcr« jiudously watched by the authorities of 
Asuncifin. Ilieir merit is proved by tJie inspection* and reports of 
Qovemora and Bishops, by the letters of JesHita to one another. In 
the anftlog_v of their work throughout the Indict, by the exaggerated 
or trivial eliamcter of the chargia brought against them in 17G7, and hj 
the reports of two separate royal commissioners !»ent to Guainr aft«r Uk 
expulsion, who contrast the former admirable sj'steni with the succeeding 
disorder. A remarkable testimony to the general merits of the Jesuili 
is afforded by the petition of the "substitute" American deputies to 
the Cortcfi of 1810, who demanded, among other reforms, the rtstoratJoD 
of the Company in Amorica. 

Not only in Guaira but on almost every frontier the mi^sionaris. 
especially the Jesuits, pushed forward the dominions of the Kii^ aad 
the Church : in their repeated expeditions into the Chaoo and other 
savage pai-ta many livtw were lost with small visible results; butift 
the regions of the Orinoco and the Amnion large triw-ts were rcdiued. 
Industrious and orderly communities, ctted as models by neighbooring 
civil Governors luid containing thrice the population of the Guaiia- 
missions, were foi-med among the Mojos and Chitjuitos between tbe 
hcwl wfttere of the Paiaguay and Madeira rivers ; and in tbe eightecntlk. 
century some impression was made even upon the ferocity of the Ch»oc^ 
Indians and of the Chiriguanes to the east of Upper Peni, Tlu^H 
rcligioUN conquest was also a great political system, ordered and pai^^T 
for by the King; tl>e mis*ions on reaching a certain stability an^K 
orAtiT were generally erected into dovtrinaii or settled Indtitn pariJus 91 
and the reductions became puebloa, regular villages liable to tribute «a^ 
sometimes subject to the ordinary civil administration. 




-1700] 



The frontiers. — The missiotu. 



2C0 



by the Babsboig £mpcror were not incfTvctivc; three centurin after hU 
time an inradiii^ Hab«il>urg prince was put to death by a pure-blooded 
Indian acting as constitutiotial head of the Mexican comuioiinealth. 

The treatment of Indian subjccb natumlly leads to the frontier 
question, the attitude of (loremment towards the unKiibdiicil gentiU^. 

t'io the north of New Spain and to the south of the Iliver Plate and 
cf Chile, there were long irregular frontiers; several provinces of both 
continent* contained savage enclaves; moreover, tliere wax on immrnxu 

• undefined interior border-line, extending westward from the moutli of 
the Orinoco to the Andes, thoncc irregularly soutJiwards to Salta, then 
in a px'iit cun-c round tlic Cliiico, pift Cfiixioha to Santa Fe ; from this 
point a narrow and ill-delined ^trip of i^pani^li settlement, hordcn»l tu 
east and west by savagery, extended northwards up the Panuifl and 

§ Faraway to a point north of Asuiicidii. 
Tl>c close of ariititi conquest in tiic sixtecnUi century did not end 
Kuroptan expansion. As in other empires, the safety of tlie frontiers 
demanded advance; nor was the condition of the Papal grant of the 
Indies the oonvcrrion of the hoathen, ever foi^tU^n. The exteuMon 
of royal power over legions properly belonging to Uie Crown was an 
tindoubted duty and privilege; and the benefioencc of this work was 
a political and n'ti^oux axiom. But a sincere and partly KuccesKftil 
cfTort was ntndc to carry on this work without ^iolenci- or bloodshed. 
I^ilip HI commanded that attacks upon the heathen should cease and 
that advance should only be mmlc thinccftirth bv the [Kaiffiil pemiiaiion 
of missionaries. Al^tinencc fimn armed ajfgiession heemnc so much 
Hui established maxim that, in 1680, a junta of Bishops and Govcniors 
Hmct in Tiicumiin to discai.'^ whether it wat lawful to moke oRVnsive war 
f on the ('haro Indians, who constantly raidctl Uie towns. The initiation 
of the poUcy of pacific advance b marked by the royal invitation to 
^_«ome Italian Jesuits to undertake the pacjfiration of Uie itavtigc country 
^Edd the upper Pamni. lltus began in 1G09 the famous mixtions in 
the province of Guaira, generally known as the mUsions of Paraguay, 
although they were remote and politically Nt'imrate from the earlier 
settlement round Asuncitin, and most of them lay outside the present 
limits of the Paraguayan liepublic. 

Many of the Gnaranis, a people practising a rude agriculture but other- 
wise savages, living ill little gi-oups in tlie woods, menaced on Ute nortJi 
by ferocious cannibals and on the east by the Paulistas, laulcss Brazilian 
sUTe-iaidcre, were now gathered into "reductions," each ruled by a Jcsi^t 
priest with one or two assistants. After a destructive raid of Paulistas 
in 1630 fire-arms were introduced, and a regular Indian militia, both 
cavalry and infantry, was formed ; these troops were repeatedly sent by 
their Jexuit chieb to save tltc towns of (^orrienti^, Santa 1-V, and Aitun- 
cidn from attacks of savages, and to help the Spanish troop of Bitcnos 
CM. riir. 




272 



Effect of foreign wart. Buccaneers. [iwo-ituI 



th« drum luiil tnimpet aim iroko the cna.4t<i nnd isUnds of tbe SpMtiafa 
Indiex; in eray Spontsb war bincc loUO the Indies have pUycd « ii 
part, aoin«tinies a prepoiKicrating part. Tlic Fretich, tlie Dutdt, wid fl 
the English, tdl itcizod iiMulxr fragments of this Eai[Nt« and repeatodW ^ 
attcmptc-d iu-(]ui.iitiuti9 on the inainliuul with little nicccai- Prom 
1521 Freiii-h sailors prejr^ upon the returning ahipt : in 1537 
Havana uas robbod by a French conair, and in the followinj; twraty 
year^ was ttrli-c xacked and burnt ; Santiago de Cuba and Cartagena 
ftufTcrcd llie same fate. The Fn;nch were followed by Dutch and 
English suuj^teni, Blarc-tmdcrs aixl cortairsL The Spanish muin was 
repeatedly scoured ; first Drake, afterwurdii Cavendish, raided tlie Panfic, 
till then a Spanish lake ; but these raids, though they showed the way 
to others, had little perntniivnt effect in thenucIveB. More ignoUe bnl 
more lasting wvrv the i-nteq>riies of tlte sevc»t«^nth century ; the Fnmcli 
botuaniej* or eattlc-hunters of Santo Domingo, already lawless and half- i 
sarage, being driven to piracy by Spaniitfa hostility, were joined bjrfl 
Dutrh, PortugutM, and English ad«'etitun-rs, a nitcally contniunity^ 
|<Mini-1y held together by greed of booty and enmity to Spain. Frwoch 
settlements in the ixlaiMs and the EnglUh caphire of Jamaiea in I65fi 



[ in 



guvu Uiem a secure footing and oHieial prulcction; from the captuic 
of island caravels and the occasional cutting oft' of a ttvasure-atd' 
they passed to organised war in considernblc fleets, sacking the SpanUli 
tuwnN on iitlands and mainhuvl witli inunli-r, torture, nreon, and outrage. 
Jri 1G70 Henry Morgan crossed the Ihtlifflu* with two thousand men 
and bunit PanamiL Dut in that same year the Treaty of Madrid, 
wheieby Spun recognised existing English posMssiuius deprived the 
EngliKh buccitneers of oflieini protection. Some now became pinilcs tn 
the Paciltc, whitlier Dutch ex|M.-ditions liad piecedod them ; others joined 
the French buccaneers who rioted in the Caribbean Sea down to 
Peace of Ryswick; in 1689 they even sacked Vera Cruj!, commitU: 
e\'ery kind of atrocity. 

The War of the Spanish Succession (170S-13) apen« with Benbow's 
unsuccessful eiipcditioii againxt Carbigena ; the aims of ttie English 
appeur in the secret treaty made in 1707 with the Austrian claimaat 
*' King Charles IH of Spain." to the effect that a joint An^'Io-Spimish 
Company should be formed to trade with the Indies, or, if tlii* cuuhl 
not be done, that tlio English sltould Ite mlmittcd (o trade with tha 
Indies, and tlwt uU other foreigners, but especially the French, should 
l)e completely excluded. Ap]in-hensioni« concerning French cORimerctal 
rivalry were natural, for the French not only held the mwUo ile wgrna, 
but worv aLt<> allowed during the war to send "register ibipa' roiuid. 
Cape Horn, practically monopolising tmde with E^ni. 

In 171S Philip V ohtaiDcd pence by granting to the ^"frfhh 
amntto tie wgnu fur thirty yvars and also Uie right to seod UBUHkOy 
loaded ship of liniitiil tonnage to a fair in Cartagena or Portobrllo oi 



^ 

.1i~ 



i 



» 



m>-4s] JCng&ik coiUrabaad. — Bourbon reforma. 273 

V«m Cms. Afler the peace efforts were made to aappRas unugffliiig ; 
but DotbiDft could liiiKler the vast sj-stem of contrab&Dd oow devdoped 
by tbt Eivgliali uodcr cover of tlie slnvc-tnulv and of the navio tlepermUo. 
£figli«li >Ure-dopoU were ecUblUhed ia the [trincipal ports; good* watt 
iateoduced uilder pretext of dothing and feetUng the negrotti each 
depot brcutnc a grcftt store of unu^lcd locrdundise ; slaves woe do 
longer bixroght in loigc nuinbcrs to fixed ports, but souU ships at odd 
tioiea earned negroes from Jamoicii to various destinations, ever; ship 
k auiugglcr. lu the occa&ional faiii* the lurrtb de penn'ao u-oi loaded 
hr beyond the limit and was sccompaninl by smaller shipn wliidi 
■adinnd out of lii^Ut Free from the t'liormous dues laid upon Spanish 
■MrrhaudiKe, Uiv Kii^lish were able to uiideisull the lawful importer and 
mluce the K-gul liiir to «. nuUitv. In tbu oontmbnnd trade tltc chief 
deliDquiait!) were the Spanish merchants receiving the good* and the 
^ cnstouu officials who bod good reawu to connive ; the English merchants 
caaw to regard it sa by prescription a legitimate and rcguhu' business ; 
•ad Diuub indignation nrtiec when a Spanish coastguard flcot was 

Joiyaniscd which itu|X!dcd the tnidc imd puihod tho right of search to 
its cxtKtne linitls. Afler long friction »nd much iM^ttaUoa between 
the two CourU, Great Briton docUivd war in 17^. Duiing thin 
war the smuggling fioni Jamaica still continued. A body of 850 
Spanish smugglcnt on the I»Uiinus formed a littie army, supplied with 
siaa and amraunition by the ISo^isli enemy, controlling the municipal 
eketioR* of t'anami, and regularly navigating the FaciSc; on being 
Attacked Uiey built a wooden fort, hoisting the English flag, and were 
otdy exterminated by a regular military expedition. The Indies were 
wholly unprepared for deicucu; the giurisons umd military stores of 
Carta|;cna and Cjdliio wtuv in u ludirrouK Ktiiti- of n^Iect; inA thn two 
''frig^ea" constituting the armada of the South Sea were ancient and 
dupdess barges built by negroes at Guayaquil. Yet two firitjab espfr- 
dltions, attacking from the North and Soutli Seas in order to join hands 
acroas the IsUihiuk, failed ; and thi.- efturta of Vernon and Anson securad 
BO adequate .•njcces.i. 

The peace of 1T4S favoured on attempt at reform and controL 

iy, siiKu tho accession (A the Bourbons, something had been 

^dona, uotwilhstatiding the difBculties of wnr ; tried pubhc scmnts, not 

rily great nobltf, nerc appointed Viceroys : and the otablisbmcnt 

of tlia ncrroyalty of New Granada relieved the unwieldy Government 

I of FteiL Vet a suerct rvport presented to Ferdinand W in 1744 after 

[niiM ycani' ruudcticc in South ^VmcricA by the two yotmg (utronomen 

.and Itaval oRicers, UUoa imkI Juan, reveals a«tonishing M-itndals; no 

ny oould have produced by way of satire a more scathing exposure 

lof incooiptitonce, disboncaty, corruption, neglect, waste, oppre^ion of 

'natirci, and univcnal immorality, both political and domestic. Then: 

A» aomc internal endence of rhetorical exaggeration and of the impttUivu 




C M. K. z. cn. VUl. 



18 



274 



BefmtHs of the eighteenth century. [!7*8-i800 



egoism of yuiithrul critics ; in oiiy ciiv; a cuiifidcntiul n.-port which 
note* fuuiti with a view to reform obviously caiuiot be taken as a 
complete hiatorical account; yet almost every article in the indictment 
is Mupportt'd by inc[i.>peD(U-iit authorilv. 'V Kcrioua effort at reform inw 
now mode Tlioiigh the _^«(tt to Vera Cruz wils coiitiiiiK.tl bicnniiJIy, Uw 
gallcou.s and the fair of Portobcilo wei-c abolished in 17^8, the trade 
of Peru thenceforth passiiifj; in register ships round the Horn; the 
I'emaining eruromiemliu were onkrcd to be vested in the Crown, 
a reform griiduolly lucompli^lied during the following; fifty jTart, 
parishes served by regular elergy were to Ijc given to Mxtilaxv «» 
vacBodes arose, a roplaocment necessarily .ilow but actually realised. 
Under Charles III fresh vigour nppears ; the privilege of sanctuary «*■- 
restricted; the appointment of a Minister for the Indies simplified the 
cumbrous supervision of the Council. ITie efficiency of the administra- 
tion was greatly increased by the establiNhment of separate Governments 
in the outlying parts of New Spain and also in Buenoa Aires, erected 
ill 1776 into a vicci-oyalty comprising everything east of the Andfs 
from lAke Titiuu'u to P^dugonia, with on audicucia va the copitaL 
from 1T06, beside.-) that in La Plata. Venezuela had become a sepanit«» 
Government under a Captain-Cieneral in 1731. T)ie institution oT 
iiUendmcias (1781-5), the lii^st great alteration in the system of govera* 
ment since 1580, tended generally to closer responsibility and better 
administnitiun. The oiganistition of the militia after 1767 indicate* 
considerable efficiency, a very large part of the white and mixed poft- 
latioii being enrolled. The eagerness of the Crt-oies to get cinnmisaioni 
in this militia, their addiction to genealogies, and the general respect 
paid to dcsecndHiit-'' of conquiatadora, indicate a certain historic snti- 
mciit of Spanish loynlly. About 1775 the coasuiado of Mexico lest 
to the Vieeioy for the refoniiation of the mint 2,000,000 pesos without 
security or interest ; and a mining magnate of New Spain gave to tliv 
King two full-rigged ships of the line, and lent him a millioa paoi 
witliout interest 

One curious phase of this reform was an attempt to reducv into 
aettlements the scattered white men of the frontiers, mountuneen, 
woodmen, and Bbepherd-homemen, dvtadied from law and govcmnieirt; 
a constant concern about the uiiconti-ollcd and vagabond character <i 
tbcw pionccnt of European influence particularly marks the official vie* 
of expansion. But natural opporttmity and the pastoral habits of 
Spaniards overcame regulation ; tlie runc/uTur or frontier horsemett of 
New Spain, perpetually warring with satage Apachcx and Cumaachtti 
the Venezuelan Uaneros or horsemen of the plains, of mixed Eon^Niai 
African, and Indian origin, the gaiuhoa of Buenos Aires, many of tbev 
of pure Europ«3iu mce, but half Indianised by a barbarous life tM 
savage warfare, in^lependent of all the world with a horNe, a lano, ntxl 
a kuife, and the somewhat similar but less savage /tuasot of Chiles wt 



Increase t^f trade. — Disconicnt of the Creoles. 875 



i; 



I 



cbuvicierutic product* of Spaniih settletncnt. t)ul sotnething wu now 
dotK towarda the suppression of nolciit cruiK and tbc regulation of ths 
frontien. 

The ^KtA {ncituo of tntk' rnjovcd 1>v Ilavniui during the thirteen 
louth* of British oc4:ti[Mtioii hi 1763-3 probttbly niggnted a loMmtag 
if the •htu^tdoi u{>ou cuiuuiLive. From 1764 mail-boats partly bden with 
RwrchMudifM: sailed from Coniona to the West Indies every month and to 
IBuenoH Aires every two months; in the following year trade with the 
j\nttUe* n-nn opened to nine Spuninh porta. This led to Mich on increiuc 
of trode iiitd of c'lLitonu-due* tliat further cuiu-i^ioii.i rollox.-'l: from 
1774 the kiugilonLi of the Indies were allowed to tnulc fat-ly with 
one another Finally in 1778 this privily was extended to Spain, 
all Spaniard* being allowed to tnido with any AmeriL-aii port : efforts 
vcn nude to link tlic diicf townx with the cou'^t by ruadx, a work 
liithcrto neglected partly on tlie ground that nnda faeilitittu invostun. 
CtmMtdaiioj were estahlished in niany capitals, replacing tlie deputies 
df the cvutral consulado of Lima or of Mexico. Chambere of mining, 
aaipportedfrom tho public rercniK', were instituted in Peru and NcwSi>aiu. 
But the n-fonn wf go%vinnivnt involved great cotst and niu<.-h discon- 
tent among tlie Creoles ; the tightening of authority was not weleotned, 
•nd fttill IvM the greater otrictnesis in collecting old taxeii and the im- 
]K»iUon of new ones. In the Britisli war of 176S-3 the teuiponuy loss 
of Havana and ^fnniln and even the subs(x|ucnt cession of the detached 
settlement; in Horida were unrniporlant, except for the heavy financial 
burden following the war and autxing «>n>e ^oradic unrtst The war of 
1779-H3, undertaken by Charles III in xiiiipurt of tin- Kngli.t)i- American 
mlonijttn, indirectly shook the allcgianci? of some of his own Amcricaii 
subjccta by procure of taxation. The government monopolies of 
tobucDu and Hpirit* cHtabli-shefl in 1752 were now cvcrj-wbcre enforced, 
and many tobacco pliuitationn were ordered to be destroyod. At Socorro 
in New Granada M>u)e raaloontents revolted in 17S0, ttviuintng the name 
ateommurtu, and offered the throne of Nev*- Granada to the oidor vainly 
«cot against them with a small force; 1S,000 men were soon under anus, 
demaading the abolition of the tobacco monopoly and of ccrtob taxei. 
Tbey were paciBed by coiieeiston of their deinands ; but, fresh diatorb- 
iticcs arising, the leader^i weie ori-ested and the agreement was repudiated 
hf the Viceroy, It i^ significant that, although the leadci-s tntited tliu 
IsdiaiH in proclatnation^ which talked of Ti)[uic Amnru and of IVnivian 
bdependence, some Indians who joined the revolt were not welcomed i 
dw movement was practically confined to the commonweal th of Spaniards. 
la 1784 two agents of the comunerai visited England in hopes of getting 
■rau oitd siipp<rrt ; and the Spanish ambassador in Loudon re[>orted to 
his Goivmment that they were believed to have bad an interview with 
TOO of tlie .Minintry. 

'litis piovemeut and other smaller dislurboncu occurred at a critical 



M. no, 



I8-S 



276 Effects of the American and French RevolutioTis. [i7a>-iOT 

epoch. Th« successful revolt of the Kugli&h Colonies in North America 
was followed by a ]Eu:gcr intcrcounie with foreigncn and the partial 
iiifiltratioii of Liberal aiul rvvohitioimry ideas; a iicnoiis uppn^ciuion 
jii the Government nhowed itiieir in a tuiiici-otui cnuule agninut mispected 
books, in a aew dread of education in the Indies, and in political 
imprisonmciiti. The outbreak of tho French Revolution naturalljr 
IDcrcaticd the political excitement among h xccttoti of educated CrtotaH 
and also the auspicious activity of the authorities, 'lite Xyo generatil^^^ 
which cooipri^ the movement of oflk-ial reform and stricter adininistra- 1 
tion hud also brought development in the charactt-r and attitude of the | 
whitt^ or mixed pupulutioii. A brief t^MMiiiip of I'Hcific trade to the \ 
French during tlie latter part of Uie war of lT!i!) 48 ha<l attntcted some 
French Mzttlers to Chile, introducing an estemal influence greater than 
their mere numbers might »oem to carry, Th« Peninsula «cnt an 
incrvosing nundx-r of immi;;Tnnt«, eKpecinlly vigoniUH ainl stubboni, 
settlers from tlie Basque provinces. After 1780 Uie word "colony 
came into vsHt doubtlc^ boiTowed from abroad, but perhaps implip'ing 
new theory auda recopiition of changed conditions Thu people vn 
iux]uiring a, new political .■wlf-consciousncvt since the time vrhen in 
170il-13 the Indits liad tnuiciuilly awaited ttie issue of a dynastic 
stru^le in i^pain. 

The French war of 1793-6 and the British war of 1796-1801 
brought wiUi llit-ui fresh financial burdens, eupvdally repeated drntatim; 
the latter vi-at hI»o brought the pl.igue of crui»eis and pri^'ateers and th 
interruption of communication with Hpain, leading to trade nith neutnb 
and even with the enemy ; for dui'iug this gucrra dc compailrtj, or vn of 
eonumics, nuiulx^rn of Spanish ships under tti«ir own colount traded 
betwwn Uic mainland and the BriiiNh \Ve»t IndicA, tvuiyiiig licsom 
signed by Britiiih officers, Venezuela was moat exposecl to extennl 
inflticuce througli communication with the United States, with Triniil«l 
and Jamaica, and with Santo Domingo, once the nu'lropolis of UkC Spaaifh 
Indies but now cincr{;iug from French rule into a stormy indepaideiwt 

In 1797 some Kurupcikn i^paniaitts confined in La Guaira for a 
revolutionary attempt in Spain organised a conspiracy which dn;* lo 
about seventy inhabitants of that port, among them several ofllciaU, out 
of whom, I'lnpana, ho.'i giwu Iuk name to tlie movemenL But tk 
attempt found little general support ; most of the Creoles, eKjKx-iolly Uk 
landowners and cottlc-niasters, were conservative or indifferent; and to 
Kkilled foreign obscrvc-rs tlic Spanish monorcliy rfill appeared imsb«ta>. 
Although many now preferred to call themselves Americ&ns rather tbtf 
Creoles the term K.tj}atiole» still included all the white population of U* 
Indies ; and it was not until the outbi'cak of the revolutionary war Hat 
the tenus Americans and Spuninrds came to be u«ed in oppoaition. 

At the opening of tlie nineteenth ccntuiy the dominions of the 
Spanish monarchy extended tlirough seventy-nine degrees of lutitadci 




CharaeterisHcs of Sjmmsh nth. 



from San tVandsco to Chiloe ; m the estieme nortli and wuth the line 
was thin, but it was uiibrukcn ; ntu) the CRstilioii languitgc «iu spoken 
through a dutanoe i-qtial to tlic length of Africa. Over a great port of 
two continents a heterogeneouti population were not unwilling va&salA of the 
Spanish Crown; whatever internal reasons may haw existed for revolution, 
the actual impetus came from without, for it wa» onl; upon the fall of 
the Spanish monarchy in llie Pciiinstila that thcxe: Anicricnn dominions 
were detadicd ; iinlced it would he almost as true to say that Spain fell 
away from the Indies as to say that the Indies felt away £rom Spain. 

Spanist) rule in America is often regarded as a gigantic and short- 
lived mistake; but in fact its long continuance is only less noteworthy 
than its vast extent and the gradual diffusion of Spanish ideas and ways 
through tlint extent One lupeut of that rulti h rcmiirkable ; from 
the middle of the sixteenth century the dominant note of the SpiLni«h 
dominion i* peace, a peace unkno«-n in those regions before or after the 
Spanish era. Indian waifare, though serious enough to those inhabiting 
the threatened regions, was trivial compnrcd to some disturbances of the 
Pax Briitmnica in the nineteenth centtiry : no external enemy ever 
|>enetrated more than a few leagues from tlie coast; the army in Spani-th 
America was little more than a coastguard and a military police on some 
of the frontiers. If there is somothing of Oriental immobility in this 
long and peaceful continuniice, there is also something of Latin stability 
mid permanence boHi in Uh-aI nicthod.t and in general result. Spain 
m America inherited and preserved something of the majesty of tlie 
■omao Peace. 

H la dwcuasing the often-repeated accusation of Spanish oppre^ion, it 
InwcOMirytodeSncwhAt sort of oppression is meant: whether oppression 
of the Indian!) by the wliilt'^, or oppre^s.tion of the whites by the S]ianish 
£4>vcmmenL If the foniier is meant, then the Creoles were as guilty as 
■le Europeans, and both were more guilty than the Spanish Government 
and its immediate represcntntivcs. If the Intter, the restraint of the whites 
was in fact the i)it».Hure of pnitoction enjoyed by the natives; free immigra- 
tion and large autonomy granted to European settlerft would have mcnnt 
extermination or enslavement. But the theory ofa universal control which 
should foster both " commonwealtlis " and protect tlic weaker was largely 
ineffective; and in this failure lay the troubles of the Indians. The 

liculty of the task is illustrated by the various judgments passed upon 
work of the Spaniards. Some crittes accuse them of oppression ; 
find tluit they solved the problem of the European attitude to 
lered aliens ; while a modem historian blamvM the folly of Spain in 
striving to preserve inferior peoples, and commendii as natural and sensible 

r Anglo-American method of extermination. 

Accorrlingly, in discussing the merits of the Government towaids the 
it ^oiild Ik rlenHy giietpeil that ooloniKation in tlie usual ?ense 

'not intended by the Spanish Ci-own nor apparently desired by Uie 





278 Grievances of the vcfnies. — Foreign testimony. 



Spaniah people ; it \s only permisEible to blamv \he GovciiuiKiit for not 
enoooraging colonUHtJoii if tlie fncl in faoetl tluit Huch encouragement 
would hiivu nii^njit the disappearance or complete enslavement of the 
nstiveii. Nevertheless, although restraint of iiii migration and conbrol of 
.tettlera were necessary for the prt-st-rvHtioii of tlie "comiiioriwcalth" of 
Indians, the whites had distinct grievances i-enembling tliotie whidi 
weighed upon Spaniards in the Peninsula, especially the slow and 
uncertain course of justice which left prisoners for yeare untried in gaol, 
an extravagant and wiistcful syaU-iii of Utxutiun, and a luirrow rettriction 
of trade, ikccompiuiied by heavy inipoata; but the general rigour of 
Goveniment waa tempered by the discretion of mien, while an ovcfw 
active or troublesome Governor could be removed by liiit subordiiiatoi or 
by a popular movimcnt, gt-ncntllv with impunity. Th« u^uhJ vxc1ii»ion of' 
&cok» from the bi|^h<-.it ponts wan a grievance ; but botli its extent an' 
itit itignilicance were much exaggerated during the struggle for independ 
ence, since a very large number of subordinate posts, some of 
comniiiridiiig large influenci- and dignity, woit- unuallv licJd by Crxs>l 
In fact, almost all tlie revolutionary leadei-s were connected with th^ 
royal service through posts held either by themselves or by their fathom 
In Chile and in Bucniix Aiius thi? ivirlicr stages of the revolution wec^ 
laigcly directed by two (Creole lawyei-a c-ducated in Spain, of whom oo«^ 
Hosas, ivas legal assC!sor to the Governor of Chile, the other, Bclgtaoo, 
was secretary of the conxulado of Bucnoit ^Virc*. 

The cevurfcst critics of the Spanislt dominion have been Spanion&t 
among whom a multitude of reformers denounce abuses, plead for tk 
injured, and urge reD)edie8 ; on the other hand its praise comes rBtl wr 
fVom forvigiient. Vancouver in 179o is no XvtJi unstinted in praise t^^H 
Richard Hawkins, pri.toner in the Indies in 1594; obi»crver» »udb^V 
Humboldt and Beporn, historians such as Bobertwn, Hclps^ and 
Itancroft., though iiuspiiriug in cnticinm mid tn the recital of danu^^ 
fitcta, nevcrlhelcsit leave the reader with a sense of sympathy and 
admiration. The facts demand some explanation ; hei-c was an empii* 
which, by the tcNtiniony of its own administrators, was honeyconbed 
with continuous decay in nil direclioiw; yet this empire survived it- 
jH?ftted external shocks, continually extendetl its influence, luid after tlirM 
centuries evoked tlic admiration of foreign observers. This vitality i» 
not explained by the theoretic system of administration, nor yet by tlie 
practical neglect of that system. Perhnps the explanation may partly 
be found in personal character; for, the cumbrous machine of Gwn»- 
ment hciag used by oHicials and settlers as niudi or ax little as tb? 
chose, matters were moulded in kingdoms and provinces by the cbatacter 
and wishes of Viceroys, (Jovfiiiors, and Ouiores, in districts and patiiiic* 
by those of Corregidorci, Curua, luid Cfulqitct. Examples coDsbutlv 
recur of admirable and loyal service, which has something Ori«iital »n i** 
simplicity and sclf-altnndonmcnt; in cmei-geiicies the jireMCtnoc of one 



Medieval tpirit. 



27!> 



eapcblc letulcr cotinU-rbAlimcvK nil vices. Again, the imdefiiiablc SpanUli 
qualitv of h'uialguia, Mhicli aiiiiiiateil Uie better part of the commuijitv, 
especially in New Sj>ain, showed iticif in a noble charily nud hospitwUty, 
ft liberal and careless use of wealth, indiSerence to nialerial results and 

r old-fashioned imcalculating loyalty, sometimes almost fantastic 
'l'h<.>rv is something nicdi<:val in the Spttnish dominion down to jta 
dose; the Middle Age* supply the best imrallel to its Apparent incon- 
sistencies — high ideals and shameful vices, tender hunimiity and shocking 
fcrodty, thoughtful provision and actual neglect, cult of formulas and 
indilKrrvncc to facts, eiinltation of ceremonial faith and shameleiw 
profligacy, a theory of aU-(KTvading Kovpix-ignty and acquiescence in 
constant hi-eoches of Uiat ».o\t:i-eignty. The lir^t Bourbon King in 1708 
iinpressea upon his Uovemoit) the conditions upon wliicli Alexander VI 
granted the Indies to the Catliolic sovereigns ; in tlic age of the i'rencli 
HeTolutioii the convention of the grntilea is still the constant «ire of 
European Minislvn and priKonsuls ; in the Icgul code reprinted in 
Madrid in 1791 the Gntt law concerning tlic Indians is ttie teiiLament of 
Isabel la Ctdulkai the crude medieval note ia almost stai'tling in the 
formula which in the nineteenth century still Gummariscd public duty, 
Pthc service of Both Riajesties." This comparison with the medieval 
birit uuiy livlp to explain the Kliength of Die Spanish Novereiguty, a 
Krength which lay perhaps more in the i«gion of idt^as tlian in that of 
facta ; tlie senice of God and the King was a comprehensive guide, 

Eiealing with divti-se significance to a Castilian duke or an Indian 
phyte : and, if to most men a trite counsel of perfection was mcnning- 
, still there were some to whom the mc«t single zeal and devotion in 
Church or State was a matter of course, a duty performed witli tltc 
ktmost simplicity and indifference to reward. The " preservation of the 
nro commonwcaltlis of Spaniards and of Indians" was a matter of 
Btremc difficulty, only attainable by the puivuit of an idea tLrough 
all im]H-rfertion« luid by submission to religious restraint. In the 
SpHoiard vxlrenit^ meet; but the apparent contrasts arc not due to any 
Dmplexity in Spanish diaracter, but rather to its simplicity, a simplicity 
^kich follows witli equal facility the most diverse impulses and motives. 
)uring ages of wcukncss, poverty, and misgovernnient in Spain itself, a 
lisJi cliaracter was imprest upon half of tlie New World; this 
been done partly by kws and government, but much more by the 
uius of the Spanish nation, a genius whidi lias been best interpreted 
the author of Don iluUate, 



urn. virr. 



280 



CHAPTER IX. 

TIIE EffTABLISmfENT OF INDEPE>a)ENCE IN 
SPANISH AMERICA. 



Ai-TRoroii the cxAmpIc of succcasful colonial insantction in No 
America liiul little Jmmwliiitc effect in South America, a link bctwei 
north and south ia perliaps to be found in Francisco Kliranda, a Spanuk 
ofliccr bom in Carafas, vfho i» said to have served with W(u'hin{»ton «iw 
L«faj-ctt«, Leaving the SpanUJ] army, he visited the Unitwl Statoin 
1765, to diwuss with Washington plans of Sontli American emancipation. 
Afterwaids, travelling in Europe, ho wns rweiitxl with attention by Prinw 
and Ministers and ser\'ed as a geiicml in the I-Vcnch revolutionary arflrn. 
Between 1790 and 180G he urged in turn upon France, Gn-nt Britah, 
and tlic Unitwi States, as each in succession was involved in ditpute 
or war with Spain, an expedition to aid revolt in the ladies. In 1T96-8, 
Pitt's Government contemplated extensive operations a^inst SocBi 
Atoerica; and the Governor of Trinidad i.isued a proclamation promitinj: 
in case of n-sistance to Spanish Goveniora "all the succour to be cxpedaJ, 
be it with forcca or with arms and ammunition." But the ocraaion pusd, 
partly becanse PK-sidcnt Adams was tmwillin;; to cooperate, nlthoogb 
Alexander Hamilton, expec-ting to rommaiid an expedition, wrote to 
Miranda, " the plan ought to be a fleet of Great Britain and an annj 
of the United States." Meantime Miranda, while living in London ami 
importuning Ministers, was organising Republican tceret societies anxog 
Spanish -Americans living in Spain and England; thus the go^ptt of 
emancipation, scarcely heard in the Indies, was being propsgatvd in 
Europe ; from Eiu-opc were to come almost all the leaders oi well *> 
tJie ideas which guided the struggle In 1804-5 hostilities betvttB 
Great Britain and Spain xcemcd to bring Miranda's opportunilT; 
he had repeated interviews witli Melville, and with Sir Home Pophflffl, 
who was to command a squadron to support him ; steps were taken mtt 
a view to an attack on Buenos Aires, and large operations were eoo- 
templated ; but in July, 180.j, Pitt su.'ijicnded the project, being at tbtt 
time tn hope of detaching Spain from France by means of the i 
Uien iu cuui^tc of formation, though he intended to resume t 




U09-«] Britiih operat«>m in South jtmerira. 



28t 



ta tarn of failure. Next j'cRr Mimndu with SOO torn Mtiltxl frora New 
York wltii tho knowledge of JcfiVrHon «nd MihIuod, aixl attempted 
rithout Hicoesi a desoeot upon the Veiiezuekn coasL Starttng again 
fnNii TriititUd aoA supported by the British Admiral of the West IndU 
Station, be landed iwar Coro ; but, inci:tiii!; no welcome from the in- 
h«bitiint« and looing the Hupport of tlte AdmiraJ upon erroneoiii oeira 
of peace negotiations, he abandoned the attcmpL 

^toatime Fophain, as noted in a previous volume, sailed from Capo 
Town without orAvn agunat tlu.- River Plntv, cnrTring 1600 troopa 
under Bere«foid, who in Juoe, 1806, marched utiresUbcd into Bocaioa 
AinSf an unwalled towu of fiO,000 inhabitants. On his approach the 
Viceroy fled bdplewJy to Ciirdoba, tbereb; in Home sort abdicating 
Spaniidi authority in tbe capital. Beresford, instead of proclaiming in- 
ilipendctK«, luiniud biiitM'If Governor, cxsicting from all officials oil o<iUi 
of allegiance to tbe Uritixh Crnwn. But in »ix vreclui he wax uvi;i-[M>weterl 
and compelled to surrender by the townajjeoplc, aided by a relief force 
which hud been organised in the Banda Oriental by a narol officer 
uamed liiiivni, acting in con<vrt with Ibc Cahihlo of Buenos Aiiw. 
Tliia Tictoty achiev»l by tt>e {M-ople won followed by jxilitical action ; 
the Cah'iidOf to satisfy the popular demand, ^ummoued the inogistrutva 
and chief vecifvu to a Junta, which entrusted the Government to Liniais 
dspoaing the Viceroy. Liniers wan oitcrwaids formidly appointed \'iccToy 
by the King. 

Further British operations in 1807, aUo noted elsewhere, resulted, 
fint, in the capture of tlie fortified town of Montevideo, but oAcrwarda 
in the capitulation of Whtlclockeat BuenoH Aires and t)tv rctroccsatoa 
of Montevideo. In spite of thi» disaster, an army of 10,000 men wa> 
anemblod at ('ork to act against Spanish America, probably by way 
of Uw Gulf of Atckico, under Sir Artliiu" Wcllcslcy ; but peace with 
Spain in 1808 eauNed the expedition to Ije diverted to \hv Peninsula. 
The arawed motive of Pitts <!csigns liad been the opening' of nurketn 
to Britifih trade; in foet Briti&h policy tonards Spanish America was 
oomni<-rcia] rather tluui imperial ; but in 1806-7 Ministers appear to 
have been carried away into schemes of conquot by Pophtun\ raid. 

Although no single step in the dcfetiiY^ and rcorgaiituitiun of Buenos 
Aires was entirely u-ithout precedent, this striking serie* of milltoiy and 
poUtidd events might almost seem to constitute a revolutionaiy de- 
vvlupRieut. The Ktogs representative hod been set aside; invasion hod 
been twice repelled; capitulation!) had been arranged; and Government 
hod [>c«n rccuuiitituted — largely through municipal and popular action. 
Ofrinion bad been educated not only by internal movements, but also 
by external influence and example ; for, during Uic seven months of 
British govei-oment in .Montevideo, the flntt newspaper of the River 
Flate wm* thcro published in Spanish and English ; an active tnulc 
uuried uti, tJw bay being cniirdcd with British shipping and tiie 

cB. nc 



FidsatudeA in the history of Spain, [i8os-5| 

people hunring from disUtnt Andtnc provinces to make their purc-linies | 
before the evacuation ; miK^h yrta. Hone hy the Englioh to sprcnd Li)x-m] 
notions of ti'ode and of politics. >foreover, althoufjlt allt^innce In the 
cities was unshakmt, many of the lawless inhabitants of t>ie plains iiod 
received with ncultntion the neurs of the 5ret Briti^ invasion and of the 
c-olUpHc of aiitliorilv. On the other hand, the Creole bsttalioru of m 
citizen jtoldien organic to i-esL^t tlie Knglixh luul not iiecn disbAndcdffl 
and tliie {Ksiple were flushed with victory over a powerful invader. Sonw^ 
modilicatian of goremutent wss inevitable and had in fact been olieuly 
initintt-d on the Kpot. Although the notion of independence was as ytl 
only silwitly nnr^.^ by a few thi-orists, th« iniiteriaU of revoluttonni^ 
thought and action hnd been pTVpnral. Mon-over, these ercnti liad 
been watched with eager ititeroit throughout South America, eftpedalljr 
in Chile, whence money had been sent to aid resistance to the Engliih. 
And it was largely owing to these preliminary' mowmcnts that, when 
the occnsion cnuie, Buenos Aires was able to achieve her intlcpcudenoe 
by a ptiuimhle uikI uninterrupted proccsn, and that her forces were thut 
stei free to aid the einatii-ijuition uf Chile and to pimocutt lai^ge 
t<tmtegi<uil and political dt-sign^ fitr beyond the River Plate region. 

In 1808 the ground had been thus prepared in the southern coiitiuenti 
when the collapse of the Spanish monnrcby initiated a long series of 
disorders nnd struggles tn tbe Spanish kingdoms on both sides of the 
Atlantic. Diirin^ the ctentH wliirh led to ttic cxtnblislunent of Joaepb 
Bounparte in Mndrid aif King (1K08), provittcial Juntas sprung Dp io 
•evei-nl S|iNni«li citien: in May tlie Junta of Asturiaa declared war 
ngaintt Uie French ; tlie Junta of Seville vritli some suectw claimed 
nipreme authority over Spain and the Indies. Within twenty daya of 
his arrival, Joseph tied from Mndrid before Spnnish armies lu September, 
a Central Junta of deputies from the provincial bodice met at Madrid; 
but in two month* it was Hying southwardx, while Napoleon entered tbe 
capital and rentoruil JuiM^plt. 'Die Central Junta in Deeembcr, 1806* 
united with the Seville Junta to form one body, whidi sat in that city 
for fourteea months, sinking lower in discredit while F^cndi annlea 
overran Spain : in January. ISIO, tike Junto, escaping to Cadis, naisDedt 
appointing n Kr-g^-ncy of (!vr to arrange for Cortes repreaentlDg opaia 
and America; a deputy was to be chosen by the Govenrar and CaiUio 
of e\'ery American capital : but, pending their arrirat, thdr aeata wen 
to be occupied by Americans who happened to be in Cadii. The Carta, 
meeting in S^pteinber, 1810, af^intvd oa Executive a Regency of three; 
ill 181!^ 11 Libcnd ConHtitulimi was promulgated which subdsted till ld]4( 
when Ferdinand, restored to tlic throne, dismissed the Cortes and cstab- 
linhed abaulutism : tliis trystera lasted tilt 1890, when the army destined 
for the i-eoonquest of America revolted nnd aided in resUiring the Coo- 
stitution uf 1813. Amidat niiu-h dtMmler and some armed strife ti>e 
(.'onntitiilion stood, until in ^SSS a FiiikIi army entered Spain aii<t 



i] Spanis/i America, Ferilinand VII and Joseph. 288 



restored the absolute monRrchy to its career of tyranny. During these 
vkUsitudes South American emancipation was achieved. 

Tlius the fifteen ycara of struggle, revolt, and constitutional effort 
in America (1809-24) were years of revolutions and constitutional effort 
in Spain; in Uuctt the revolution of America vnm worked out on both 
aidett of the Atlantic. It was begun, not by a delibemte i-evolt against 
Spain, but by an attempt to repair or replace the fallen nio:iarchy. 
First, the monarchy whifh wiw tlic only conxtitutional link between 
S[Miin and America disappeared : tlien Spain herself aeennil to diwipiwar, 
and the kingcloniH of the Indies felt themselves to stand alone, and 
»tteuipted to piovidu for their own govcminvnt. In so doing they 
~l>uiid themselves in conflict with Sponiiih Governors and Peninsular 
iUtorities: the rtcult of that conflict was separation. 




On the alxlication of Clittrlct IV in 1808, Fcrrdinand VII wa5 pro- 
Qcd King in every Spanish -An)erican capital with universal apjilauiic. 
ijBUBNXitly — in «oniti places oven before his proclamation — French emissaries 
arrived with letters* from the Minister iind Council of the Indies, an- 
nouncing the abdication of Fenlinand and the conllmmtiori of all oetunl 
Governors and ofiidals by Joseph, the new King. The news was eveiy- 
where reocivrd with cries of Viva Ftmaiulo SrpHnw and with o bui-st of 
indignation at tliis French insult to the nation. Next came letters from 
tbc •Tuiitas of Asturias and of Seville, each claiming to be a national 
^vvriimciit and asking contributionn to the defence of the mother- 
suntry. 'Ilie national rcAiirtaiice waa greeted with enthusiasm ; the 
of Princess Corlota of Urazil, sister of Ferdinand, to arrange for 
tlic provisioiiiil government of the ludieK, met witlt no rcnpoiiM^; but 
ti/nativiu |K>urvd in, arid largt- Hums were remitted to Spain. 'Ilius, the 
Qrst act of disobedience to the Council of the Indies was a revolt against 
the French intruders; in the course of three ycarx it wait gradually 
turned into a n-volt against SpHnixh authority by the force of circniii- 
stanees, by the agitation of a few separatist puliticianB, but most of 
all by the unsympathetic or hostile attitude of the colonial Goveniora 
and of tlie (iuccessivcly improvised Governments of Spain. Joseph's 
confirmation brought suspicion upon the existing Govciiiors, who were 
generally more inclined to await events than to tend or follow the 
popular movement. At Caracas the dilTei-eiirt-- between the popular 
■nd tliv official attitttde was emphasised by tiic arrival at Xa Guaim 
of a Dnti.ih frigate, announcing the jVnglo-Spani»h alliance oguin.it 
Napoleon, just after a Fninch frigate had brought news of King Jo&eph's 
acuvsion. Tlie Governor otlicially received the French captain and 
rufuwed the demand of the KngUsh commander that the Fn^iich frigate 
xhould be seized or given up to Iiim. Oit the other liand the Knglishman 
was received with cnthusia-fn) by the poi)ulace, who were only pruvciitod 
y an armod guartl fi-oni muixlering the Frenchman in the slreetA 



284 licvoliUhnary movementg m South America, [ima-io 

In the grtivnil tension aihI uncertainty a profountl effect wu pro< 
^uc«d <ivcr th« wliulu coatiitciit by n few sporadic dL>turb«XMres, confined 
tu Uintlcd iircoH luid appareiitiy of little importanoe in tbemselres. In 
August, 1800, the audkncia uf La Plata in Upper Peru, after a long 
dupute with the Guvonior, deposed him and usumed his functions. 
Tlus act of a royul Court, coiui»ting of European niiigistntn, and 
hiatorically the stiiMi^^st jiilW uf Spanish aulhontr, followed OMUljr 
preoodents and v&s haixlly unconstitutional ; under normal cx>ndttiatts it 
would Itave merely produced an intenninable written " pneeaB," posiog 
into oblivion witii the royal appointment of a new Gowmor. But 
under existing coiKlilions it meant a revolution ; and tbe ni-jght»nritig 
city of La I'aic, catcliiiig the infection, proclaimed autonomy. A Creole 
oSicer commts&ioued from Liuia supprewd and rigoroufily chastised tltCK 
disturbances. But the movement in Quito, although it was rather 
pcrw)ii»l than con»titutioiml in origin, had more ugniRcance and wider 
iuflueiicv, botli on account of tlie distinct statement of those raotiroi «f 
revolution which were ot^erwaida everywhere proToaaed, and alao on 
account of the iihock prodiicnl throughout tbo Spanish Empire by ita 
tragic iMtic. In Augiul, 1809, a group of cititetn of Quito, constituting 
tbeuselvcH into a Sovereign Junto, deposed tbe GoTemor and 'wmtfid 
bis authority, alle^ng ** tiic example of our transatlantic brothen, the 
pieaent unsettled state of Spain, the annihilation of the lawfully eon* 
stitutcd authoritica," and tltc danger of passing under FrciM^ doniiniuit. 
Troopci sent by tlie Viceroys fn>ui north and south found that the 
movcnKiit bad already collapsed: but the leaden, nulwithstandii^ a 
previous [Hxnnise of pardon, were imprisoned, and a ^'ear later wvna 
murdered during a riot in which Bvaiy citi^ns were killed by soldi«r>. 
A new Junta was ihoi formed under the pnxidenoy of tbe Goremor, 
a SpanUh nobleman aged eighty yearm who had MTvcd tlic King in the 
Indjea for forty years; in December, 1810, he was a second timcdepond. 
Having retired to a convent, he was dragged thenn' by a mob and 
murdered in Uk: »ti«<:U. 

These and other confused local conflicts, altltough their geocml 
efiect boa been onivcrBally recognised, may seem rathei- to obMciiiv than 
to intixKlucc tlie succeeding morements. But the cournc of events in 
Spain luu a more obvious significance. In January, 1810, the Central 
Junta, before div^olving in Cadiit, issued a proclamatioD inviting tlic 
Indie* to send deputies to the Cortes in tbe following t«mu : ** Vou arv 
no longer whot yon were, bowed bci>vatlt a yoke harder in proportion 
to your dittaiicc from the centre of power, nganled with indiSetenrr, 
Toxed by greed, and destroyed by ignomncc. Atitr noniinuting your 
deputies, your destinies will no longerdepend upon Mini»ti:r» or Vicotiys 
or Governors ; they are in your own hand*.*' This curious ineitcmetlt 
to revolution reiidied America together willi news, still mort- cloqoetit. 
that tlie Central .lunta bad dispersed and that the French had o«emm 



I 
1 



I 
I 

4 



Andolosia ; already opinion had been prcpai-ed by theorists, aiding that 
with the monnrchy all external nuthorit)'had fallen, and that the Hc!f-styk-d 
tulcn in Sp&in were merely intruders ; now, they argued, " Spain is Iiwt 

there is no more Spain." Between April and July, 1810, ull over 

SoutL jVmcrira the principal municipalities, usually by mcsna of cahildo 
aiUrlo, and nonictjmes under the prwideney of royal Governors, soon to 
be displaced, formed junUs to " prcsmc the nuthority of Ferdinand VII." 
Of the numerous councils thus formed the nimt imporbint were those of 
BogotiL, Cartagena, Caracas, Santiago de Chile, and Buenos Aires, which 
cither thrmsclvGB prow into rcvolutionjiry Governments or appoinlcd 
KUprcmc cxccutirc authorities. But only in Buenos Aires vwi tliv work 
unintemipted ; luul then-foic it sccniK advisable ia iiArntttf first the cmlj 
revolution whose course was continuous and fi«e from external ch«ck8, 
and thus to provide an cxAinpIe, which is nho a commentary u[)on tl>c 
varied struggles of other provinces. 

_ On the news of the King'.-* nbdicjitiuii, his son Ferdinand wuj* pro- 
Haiined in Buenos Aires ainidnt » burst of indignittion at Napoleon's 
pretensions. The offer of Princess Carlota of Brazil, I'erdinand'a sister, 

ti undertake provisionally the protectorate of tlie River Plate, was 
jectc«l ; and the messa^^ of the Seville Junta annoimcing the forma- 
on of a national Government iu llie King's name whs received nith 
enlhasiasm. Klio, tlie ultra-royalUt Governor of Montevideo, who 
afterwards |)erifllicd iu defence of absolutisui in Spain, suspecting 
l-*"''-^i who vrns French by birth, of hikewarmnras, refused obedience 
■* the Viceroy and summoned a royalist Junta in ^Montevideo ; the 
^abSito of Buenos Aires thereupon deposed linicn, vho was promptly 
rcinsttttcd by the new Creole hiitUdioD^. Communications were bmlicn 
mf between these two cities, which, tliou^h both loudly proclaiming 
Bie tame King, were thus brought to a state of pe»i\-c hostility by 
Hbc collapse of monarchy in Spain. The Ccntml Jnnbt of Seville in 
a manner Aanctiotiiil swlition by coutinuing Klio iu command, thereby 
approving his independent attitude. 

The oonfijsion of authority in Spain and in the Indies — th« claims 
of Ferdinand, of .lo^cph, of Oorlota, of tlie Seville Junln, the new and 
vague activities of tl>e Ciil/Udo, of tlie citizens, and of the victorious Creole 
battalions, the doubtful attitude and source of viceregal command — 

tvourcd the object.^ of a small group of men educated in Europe during 
ic revolutionary period, who were quietly working for independence; and 
us, uhen Admiral Cisiieroa, a veteran of 'IVafalgar, arrived as Viceroy 
appointed by the Central Junta, he found that in the viceroyalty, as 
K Spain, administration was passing fnmi the hands of oflicials to thoite 
■ semi-n)unicip.-d, M.-mi-poputar bodies. Iu fact, owing to Uic absence 
P externa] -ihockit and lh« gn-nt(tr vigour of the Cabildox, this evolution 
v&ti more tranquil and in a sense more constitutional than in Spain, 
' step following precedents which hod royal sanction. Qsiwrog hiauH^f 




280 



Tlie cxatt^^ oj" Buenos Airen J'tiUuwctL [kmjo-h 



vras compelled by financial diiliciiltiea to act ua bead of &n autonomotts 
State in fidmitting iicutnil tmdc. CiminiHtancoi and cveu tho ntcmfciy 
actions of (Icvot^-d royAlitts were tepnumting Spun from America; the 
cry of Ttivi Fernando might cover the most cootnuy opinioiia : nnd, but 
for sentiment and habit, there iras no rea-ton why % Viceroy appointed 
by a Junta in Seville, which was partly municipal, partly elected, and 
partly self-constituted, should not be oootrolled or deposed by a similiu* 
Junta in Btienos Airoi 

In tbcac unxtubic conditions, the vmall piu-ty huvlng tbc moat defmita 
and logical aim held strong ground; awl they were aided by events. 
In 1800 news csme of tlte revolutionary movements in Upper Peru ant) 
in Quito; and Spain s^rmed to be linking under an ovcrw htJmiiig 
wave of French invusion. The Cabildo of Buenos Airca, now i-quotly 
divided between Europc'iuis und Americans, was the only cffectiic 
Government, gutiled huwt:\'cr by a mtioII secret wctety of separatist*. 
The oouiniander of the (^'reole bnltaliona, approached by these men, 
pramised to declare for independence upon the capture of iSevUle by tlie 
French. That event was announced in May, 1810, whereupon a cabUdo 
alnerio decided that the Cabihlo should iippoint a governing Junta, 
on the ground that Spiiiii vmn stibmcrgtsl and that on the fall of tbe 
monarchy the pouer pattsed to tlie people. Cisneros vas ruquired lo 
reagn ; and on May S5 a triumvirate of revolutionary teodendes ww* 
appointcfl " to piv»cr\-c tliv integrity of thc$c parU of his Americaa 
dominioiis to mir bi-tuved wvL'tx-igo Ferdinand VII and his ■uoGcaMn.* 
Thus was cfTected tlie bloodless revolution of Bucnoa Aire*, wliidi at 
this point pa.<i*es fi-om the municipal stage to tl>c more difficult tjwlc 
of forming a State, to be treated later. 

Host of the interior provinces, though without any deltnitc sdiciiw 
of common action, followed the lead of tbo capital. XJnient, leading a 
reactionaiy DMiveuwnt in Ctirdolw, was captured by a volunteer expedition 
from Biiciioti Aiies aitd banged. But tJie attempt to unite the whole 
vin-royalty failed ; an Argentine expedition, ofTering to Paraguay in 
the name of Ferclitiaod VII indepeitdencc and union with Buenos Airts, 
fouiKl that the Poniguayan leaders hud virtually achieved independence 
and that they declined union. Klio, now iinnKtl Viceroy by the Spontth 
lU^iey, still held Montevideo, h liich at lust y tddcd to Aigntiiie attack 
in 1814; but i^ome local movcuicnts in the Banda Oriental, the pn>> 
vinee wliu;«e cnpital is Montevideo, and a Brazilian invasion, withdrawn 
throtigfi British influence, indicated tliat union witli Buenos Aires was 
doubtful. Upper Peni, invaded by Argentine forces as belonging to 
their viceroyalty, was successfully defended by the IVnivian Vie«rov 
with Anieriean troogis and geitctabi (1811-2); but on the other hand 
TtKumdn was defended agdnst royalist inrauon Irom I'eni. Hie tbeocy 
of allegiance to a dcthroncid nnd captiw King who had never reignedt 
kiueeivly I 



I 



4 



I 



4 



.i(jh 



by 



great majority. 



long 



leoe-ie] 



The ArgeiUine Provinces. — ChUc. 



287 



war against two Viceroys and the hostility of every successive Go\-cm- 
ment in Spotn. In 1813 Uic royal symbols were disused ; but it was 
nut until 1816 tb»t u Coiigrvs.i ut Tuciimiin proclaimi^ tbc indcpi-rid- 
ence of the Argentine I*roviiices. In Uie foliowiiig year thin independence 
was secured by an expedition into Chile which defeated the Peruvian 
royalists on the Pacific slope of the Andes and thus redeemed failure iu 
l.'pprr Peru. This c^ttcmnl action demands mention here, because it 
Ma.-! the logicul outcome and ncccauary soTcguard of the Argentine revolu- 
tion, securing it agaiuat cxtcmal molestation or reconfjuexL In a larger 
historical seiu^e, however, this movement does not belong to Argentine 
history but rutlK-r opens a fresh phase of the struggle, initiating that 
oi^jremve advance against royolism in Americta in which every port of 
the Continent was concerned. It^ course will tlierefui'e be traced later 
OS part of the continental war. 

fe\\1li]e the Itiver Plate region was thus gradually achie\'iiig a 
olution, confiL-ied indeed by domestic problems and disputes, but 
disturbed by any external troubles beyond the need of frontier 
ucfence, the movement in other capitaU had pa.«cod from the muniripal 
stage into various phages of armed uonllict between royali»t» ami 
insurgents, as well as between contending parties and leadei-s among 
the insurgents themselves. In 1811-S revolutionary Goi-emmcnts were 
formed in Cliilv and also in the north of the Continent ; but, failing 
to win gcuenU popular udlw'sion, tlicy all sticciunbcd during the y«ini 
1814-5 before tlie foi-ces of royalism or reaction. It is impotwihle 
to give a lucid summary of these multifarious movements from 1811 
|to the critical interval of 1815-6, with all their vicissitudes of local 
|tbuUttioii.i, wide-npread insurrt'ction-t and reactions, atteniptv at govern- 
ment, sanguinaiy defcab, and colliipst: of new1y-ri.ien dtajioU, oligarchies 
councils, and congresseti. But an attempt must be made to follow the 
main counc of events in thoee centres trom which the Governments 
independent States ultimately emerged. 

In Chile the earlier development, which began in 1808 with a reform 
■ the Cabildo of Santiago by cooperation between the Governor, Colonel 
cia Carrasco, ajid the citizens, and culminated iu the deposition of 
tiiat Governor (August, 1810), was more tran<]uil than the movement in 
Buenos Aires and more typical of the orderly and <{iia»i -constitutional use 
of" Spanish institutions. The .Junta of Santiiigo went .10 far as to convene 
k 1811 a Chilian Congress which appointed an executive triumvirate; 
TnJt tiiis pnrliament/iry effort produced, as in every similar case, disorder 
audconfuiion,compliL'al£d by jealousies between Santiago imdConcepcion; 
and in 1814 the nascent Itepublic of Chile, notwitlistanding a brief eiFort 
of union among contending parties, was extinguished by invasion &om 
Peru. 

The vicerovrdly of Peru, in spite of sonic local disturbances, was 
Jjr' held for the liing throughout this period (i811-6j aiid down to 




288 Peru, — The northern countnet. Caracas. [uo»-ll 



18S0, septuating the countriw of tlie sotithcni hemicphon from tbe 
northern prorinom of Sttw Granaila and VenaueU, otid eSeoUioU/ 
preventing oooperaUoa between north and south dotni to 1823. Thtu, 
Uiough the two inoTCmenta interacted upon each other by way of 
example and policy) the northern group of revolutions followed ■ dintinct 
counv, murked by greater noleooe, confusion, and bloodfthed, and by 
more aatoiii-ihitig vjcisjitudea of failure and rvcovcry. Venezuela and New 
Gnuiodsf dindcd from each other by the caitcni chain of the Aodai, 
at Bret acted separately ; indeed the ro^cd mountain Icingdom of New 
Granada wu« itsdf broken both geographically :uid politically into many 
cantns of action, among which Uogotd aad Corta^^na stood out as rival 
claimants for supremacy or xoparat« sorcrcipnty. 'ITiough pnrpetually 
fihalien by internal discoid and oponulic civil warn, a loooc and iU-ile&wd 
league of provinces maintuinetl Hepubltcan independence in New Granada 
until the arrival of the Spanish arrny of recocx]ucst in 1B15. But, in 
a large sense, tiic movementx of Venezuela and of New Granada tend to 
flow into one cunvnt whose couno can best be trucnl by folluwiog the 
rcTulutionx of Cnraaui, TImac oUo AUppty the main pctmnol iotetoi 
of Uh] atru^lc owing to tlie guidance of two distinguished Caraquedc»t 
first Miranda, the pa-cursor of indcpcndcooe, and afterwarda Boltrar, 
the Liberator. 

Cameaii, the cmdlc of tropinil iiidepc-tidi.i)cc and tbe first focu> 
of armed war against Spanish authority, had a more stormy liiitoiy 
llian any of her neighbours, being twice captured by tbe rojalisti and 
twice recovered by the patriots, llic movement h^n, as daewberc^ 
nith a municipal iwotutiou. .\fter agitation carried on by seponttuta 
throughout 1809 and the dopatdi of commis>ioom to seek help in 
l-'nglniid, the CnlAldo of Caracrt-s with the oddiliuu of some eluded 
members, became in April, IHIO, ''the Junta formed to preserve tbe rigbht 
of Ferdinand VII.** Ilie GovcniDr, who at first vas nominally proidcnt 
of tliis Juula, «at ^toon dcpoi-tcd, with the Oidorrt and pr^iKipol officiala; 
Bt>d a few months later the revolutionists began civil war by attacking 
tbe royalist cily of Coro. lite Cadiz Rc^;cncy responded 1^ declaring 
a blockade of Venezuelan poi-ts and granting letters of morqoe to Wert 
ludion privateers— measuns which definitely ttompixl the Caraqndoi 
OS rebels and recognised or initiated a iitate of war between the Spanieb 
authority and the insurgent Americans. The Caracas Junta, beiqg 
Reacrally recognised in ^'enciuela oulj^Idc the royalist provinoM, pb- 
qucsted the CabUtloi to cli-ct a Congms, which in April, 1811, diOM 
a small executive with Miranda, newly arrived from Iuiglai>d, as PlesidtnL 
In July, 1811, the Congress, persuadi:^ Iiy Miranda, gave the first example 
to Spanish America of a proclamation of oompleta independence. 

But Aionteverde, a Spanish naval lieutenant, leading a body of 
Creoles, swelled by friendly Indians, from the royalist province of 
Con, attained uicxpected suci-ess m cauequcnce of tbe eoi-thciuaite which 



* 



a 
I 



( 



1812-4] 



Royalijst successes. — Bolivar. 



289 



on Holy Ttim-sday, 1812, the firat anniversary of the meeting of Congress, 
dutroyed Cunu;His .itid killed S0,000 petiple in the revolutionary towiu, 
sparing the royidi'<t places. The clergy pruiched DIviiie judgment to 
a terrified people ; Puerto Cabello, the strongest fortress in the countiy, 
vns abandoned by its commander, Bolivar, a prominent member of the 
old Creole oiistocrAcy ; and in July, 1813, Miranda signed « capitula- 
tion securing free departure to the patriot lutdei-^i. On eiiLcring Canioa« 
Montcverde found Miranda in prison, where he had been confined by 
Bolivar and other officers. Miranda remained a prisoner — ^to die four 
years later in n Spuniah dungoon — while Bolivar received a safe ci»iduct 
and passed to hi» estates. The utily Governntent now was in the liancU 
kf a few irresponsible royalist ffuerrillerai ruling with capricious 
^uclty ; but henceforth Bolivar devoted his Ufe and fortune to eman- 
cipation and reorganisation. lie was at this time a cliildlcss widoncr 
of twenty-nim-, ftluoitiKl in F.unipi^ wh<-re he luui imbitxKl revoliilioiiary 
ideas. Puny and ill-proportioned iu body, of a worn, anxious, and 
inelanclioly countcnunc*?, possessing little military cxpericitcc or skiU, 
^ true urban C'reule in candid vanity and uno^^amed sensuality, he 
fioved some to repul.iiun, uthiirs, including many of hi.i British sub- 
ordinates, to devoted aiFet-tion. Hepealedly l>eateii and apparently 
abandoning his associates, but always renewiug the struggle, he was 
■tivenidly recognised as the chief inspiration of the movement and 
mtimately its tlii; Liberator of five extensive Republics. 

Retiring now to New Gnvniidit, which in turn h«d di-clared for 

complete independence, he ritist^ troo|>s in Cartagena and invaded 

Venezuela, proclaiming retaliation and war to the death, pardon to 

jVmcriuui enemies, but no quarter to Spaniards. Thirteen months after 

IMiiiinda'ai capitulation he entered CuracaN, and avtunicd the title of 

^ibirrituior. But niuAnliinu une Boves, a Spaii).ih seigcnnt who liad been 

Bemiased from the army for misconduct but had obtained a militia 

^mmission in the civil war, was gaining an extraordinary ascendancy 

over tlie half-suviige mounted hcrdsnten of the plains by Huperior skill, 

daring, and ferocity, by early successes and ]mniiisa>< of booty and 

debauchery. Boves was almost tlie only white man in his army of 4U00 

Utmerot, whom he led in the name of the King to a savage war of 

iMirbitriso) against civilisation, of the desert against the towns. Crouch- 

ag almost inviAJIile by their horses'' necks, and chiu-giiig with tlie lance, 

half-naked barbai-ians were irresistible; they spread panic through 

lie country and approached the capital. In June, 1^14, Bolivar suffei'ed 

_ crushing ilcfeat, which caused many of his troop* to desert to the 

royalists ami cxposeil Caiocos to capture. Accordingly, having first 

his 880 royalist prisoners. he abandoned the place, leading a croud 

fugitives on a ten'ible flight of seventy leiigue» to Barcelona, where 

inl^bitanls — such wtus the jealimny between cities — closed their 

iiouscs against them. The Venezuelan Republic peiishcd a second time ; 



zoyaiia 

Mkd: 

The in 



c H. H. X. en. IX. 



Vi 



200 



Upatdsh avpediium under MoriHo. [tBift-4J 



and BoUw croaied the Andes onoe mora, to sei-ve Uie CoagreK of N«ir 
GratuuJA in reducuiR it* unruly cities to obedimL-c. 

But meantime Fcnlinniid hnd Ixcn prvpurin^ an expedition fur t)u) 
iTconqui^t of tliv iiicurgcnt provinces. Orifipniilly intviitleil Tor lli« 
Rirur l'liit«, it lias diverted to the Spanish Aliun, doulitlcm bemuM! Uie 
royalists possessed no base in the River Plate after the fall of ^(ontevideo 
in June, 18U. In April, 1S15, a Hcct of Mxty tnosports eoOTOjmd by 
war-ships arrived at Cttntntid cnnrying n tav^-inin and 10,000 iTDOp* 
under the command of General Morillo, » nuui who lind wrrvfl a* a 
iici^nuit of marines at the buttle of St Vincent and had J'ougbt his way 
up from the ranks; he is said to Iihvc been reeutameodctl for thit 
American command by Wclhugtoo. Finding tbu \'enc«MtlaD tomi* 
ulrcndy reduced, and Bovt:i, who might haTe bm-n n tnuldaaonw niV 
ordinate, removed by death in battle, Morillo quietly nioval wcatmrdi^ 
occeptjug the adhesion of the \'enczuclans. 'ilienve he pancd t(i the 
invasion of Ncu- Granuihi. 

That coimtry had paiwtl five yean of ntomiy indopendcnc^' in np[>*- 
mitly futile disputes and even armed quarrclH, due to the dilDctilly iff 
coiiM>lidatiag the action of n crowd of municipalities, each with itsi Junta 
adjt^ sqMtnitely : while a garrulouH but disrcganicd Cougre^ lugely 
oonmrting of idle hiwyen, wm discusain^; throrioi, paimin" minute enac^' 
ment«, and talking nbout Gn-rce and Rome, » few of tJto lomten vainly 
striving for a strong central executive. Rngntd, the ancient capital, 
Cartagena, Uie chitf port, had become centres of independent Rt^publlauil 
provinct^s, iiulilicrcnt or hostile to the CoogresB. When Morillo lando!* 
llohvar iind Jujst reduced llogoti by armit and was now liesiegirig (^rt»- 
fjeno, aim Ri.;piiblican, iihich in turn viast at war with Santa Mart^ 
riviO [)t>rt u'hicli was itatui'ally Iloyidlit. tn tlw uouth t)>o Indian am! 
('r«>Ic iiiliabitaots of Pasto and X'ntio, stubbornly To^aliAt, tirovo iMck 
from their mountiiiii!) every patriot advimec from the north niid prv- 
Hcrvcd Quito for the King down to ISSii. In thc«p condition^ tbe 
Republic or KcptibUcH of New Grannda fell b^fuiv Morillo, Bolivar, 
wluwe misdirected activities liad openMl the wny to the ettciny, fled lo 
Jamaica. In the conrse of I8I61 1'-iS petacms were executed as tr^tim 
in New Granada. In that year only the River Plate provinoea remained 
bdopcudcat ; for the eneivy of tiu Peruvian Viceroy bod not only 
p g miiT ctl Peru, but had auo recoven-d <.'htlv by a campaign which 
orerwlvclmed all resistance. Kxcrpt tn tlte Ki\¥r Plate provinoea tlic wnr 
mi^it seem to be at an end : for in every otlier centre the revolutian 
after five years of Hfort appeared to be crushed and its leaders dead or 
driven into i-xilu. Tills genural eoltapBc was due ptThaps lesa to external 
attack tlian to the wcaknease^i tuid defeola of the new esaays at goveni 
ment which bod not shown tlwiuiielves pivferable to the former ayatOB. 

In the Eouth, in the security of uehievcd IndependetKe, deliK*nil 
Bad traniiull pi-v|MratioiU( were being nuidu with much military skill 



I 



4 



isi7-2«] The double advance of San Martin and Bolivar. 201 

political foraight for a, decisive move to counter this adfance of ruvaliam. 
And even it) Uie north Ihc min wits not quito compictc, although 
recovery was slow and indeed scnrcfily ptrceptihle for nearly two yciirs. 
Starting from pointa 6000 miles apart, two diKtinot morenients of 
recovery from south and north — the Argentino-Chilian movenH-nt, \vA 
by Son Martin and Cochrane, »ud the Colombian movement, led hy 
BohVar ^deprived Spain of a continent. The formtr movcmcDt com- 
prised the tandH soutli of the tropic^ cruithed tlie Sponinh navy in Ihc 
Padlic, and initiated but did not complete the revoluUon of Peru. The 
nortlieni movement covered the whole tropical region and finally included 
Peru nnd Upper Pern, taking up the struggle Ai^ninst these wntral 
strongholds of royolixm nt the point where Sun Martin hod laid it down. 
These separate movements, which were finally eitabled to meet and 
in some degree to merge together by nava] victones on the Pacific and 
by successful invasion of Peru, n^uire separate narmtion. But it must 
be remembered that they n'cre simultaneous and complementary to each 
otber. CoRimunicatioiw passed between \hc leitders ; and the order of 
er^ents indicates that tlie earlier opt'rations and successes of Ban Martin 
not only encouraged the more doubtfid struggle in the north, hut also 
suggested or guided in some degree the movements of Boli'vur. M(»c- 
ovcr the invasion of Chile and Peru by San Martin has an Rocntial 
connexion with the invuxion of New (inuiada by Morillo. Had the 
Spuuslt exjwdition taken its intended route to the Hiver Plate, the 
Aigentine forces would have been required there for defence. The 
diversion of the expedition to the Spanish Main left these forces free for 
externa! action. Fei-diiiiind iron only at)le to strike at one point; but 
ttwre can bt- no doubt that Morillo hoped, after pacifying New (iranada, 
to advance southwards and, keeping up his strength hy American enlist- 
iDcnt, to join hands with the royalist forces of Peru and so ovci'wbelm 
the insurredions in Chile? and the River Plutu provinces. This plan was 
fruntiated in ]iiirt hy tlie guerrilla warfiire in the north, but in great 
part also by the advance upon Fern of Republican naval and inilitoiy 
forces from the south, which fully engaged all the strength of the Tice- 
xoyalty and even divided Morillo's forces. Thus the invasion of Pern hy 
San Alarttn wa^ the American response to the invasion of New Granada 
by an army from Spain. 

B It will be coitTcnient to describe the soathem movement first, since 
itfl earlier tuccessful nilviitice irndered possible the later successes of 
BoUvar. San Martin, bom in the Kiver Plate region, the son of a Spani^i 
oflknal, was educated in Spain, and entered the army : a prisoner first in 
Pnuicc (1794) and then in Etigluud (179T), a fighter in many cam- 
paign» from 1799 to 1811, he brought with him vuhiable ciLpencucc:, 
wbra, having reached the rank of lieu tenant -colonel, he oflered his swort] 
) Buenos Aires and tmnsplaiitcd thither the revolutitmaiy secret society 

OL VL. 10—2 



yictorien of San Martin and Cochrane. 



to which he bad belonged in Spain. After holding vommaod in tbe wur 
of Upper Peru, he eolicitod the Governorship of a sub-Andine province, 
uhcre for two j'c&rs, tiucuDU^lled by the IJucnos AJrcs authorities, hu 
gstbcrtd and tniiwd tlic nnnv of Argentine mmiiU nnd Chilian rcfugna 
which was to strike at Peru through Cliile. In 1817-8, linving Ud 
5000 men from Mcndosa over a pass 13,000 feet high, San Martin, in 
conjunction with the Chilian O'lfiggins, defeated the rograUsts flrtt at 
Chaoabuco (February, 1817), and then, after a considciabfo revcrsB, la 
tbe dcciHivc battle of Maipii (April, 1816), which pmctically won over 
Chile, though the war lingered on in the extreme louth. 

In tbe same jcsr a frigate escorting ten transports with 2000 troop« 
failed from Cadiz a<;ainst Chile. One of the transports was carried by 
its mutinous Koldicn to Buenos Air»t; and the Chiliana, tlius forewarned, 
contrived to capture mort of tbe tnwwport* and aloo tlie frigate, whidi 
became the flag-ahip of on improvised Chilian Reet. In Not'ember, 1818, 
tbia fleet was placed under the command of Lord Cochrane, the finest 
living naval lender, who had aln»dy distinguished himself by rcmaricabW 
fcatu of woi' oJt a captain in the Itritinh navy. Being obliged to Im«v 
that service, he offered bis sword to Chile; and in three yean he swept 
the Spanish flag ii-om the Padflc He was a licainaii probably not far 
inferior to Ncbon in skill, insight, and dosb; but bu qualities as a 
coinmaiMjer wen: maired by an impracticable violence of temper and an 
intnuion of personal aims whidi produced oonxtant quarrels and ua- 
dignifled recrinunation. His first aerious eflbrt, an attack upon Otllan, 
was unsuccessful; but in Janttary, 1820, the strxmg fortresa of Valdivia 
was captured through an extraotdinair assault, led by hia commander of 
marines, Miller, who had joined San Martin at the age of twenty-two 
after much active servicv in Spniu and the United Statm. 

After the victory of Maipii two ymrt elapsed before advanco into 
I'bru was rendered possible by Cochrane's naval strength, by San MartXn's 
military pi-eporatioos and understanding with tbe Chilian GovemmeDt, 
and by the posture of affairs in Europe, For in 1819 the Itucnos Aim, 
Government, disturbed by Gaucbo rebeUions, and ainmicd by tbe pros- 
pect of invasion by the expedition then osacmUing at Codix, tvudlcd Saa 
Martin and his army, 'ibe reralt of the army of Cadiz and tbe conse- 
quent abandonment of that expedition enabled Son Martin to disobey 
this comniAiid iind tn execute his long-designed sdienw of advance to tbe 
north. In September, 1890, the ** Liberating army of Peru.* under Son 
Martin, was transported in C«chrane's squadron to the neighbourbood 
Lima. Soon afterwards Codirane achieved tbe astonishing feot of caiTy> 
ing olT the frigate Ejmuraida, which wil^ aneboird under the gims 
CaIIoo: and the finest battalion in tlie roytd service, which had bet-n 
sent southward by Kforillo to aid tbe defence of Pieru, deterted to San 
Martin, 650 strong, chiefly Creoles wbo had replaced during five year* 
war tbo Spaoiarda brought hj Morillo. IIiub the first success of 



I 



ieifl-2«] San Martin in Pern. — Rise of Bolivar. 



203 



invfisioQ inflicted a blow nol only on the vicoroyalty of Peru, but on tJit- 
SpaoUh Mvay of iuvasion in the north. Yet San Martin, disregarding 
the impatienoe of his men and th« cxa5[XTreti<iii of Co<'hnuie, remained 
inactive and t-*'en watcheil royalist rfcinforconient* umrching into Calltio. 
_ Expeditions to the north under Arenales, and to the soiitli undei* Miliar, 
■flowed what could be done ; but San Martin argued that his mission 
was emancipation, not conquest, and that his mere presence would vim 
over Limn. Herein he wiis iif;ht,; but he wa» wrong in thinking that the 
pocseviion of tlie capital would bring over the countiy, or that he eouhl 
■win Peru without beating the royalist officers who held all tlie interior 
■ud could recruit at leisure. The royalist.-; evucuating Lima in July, 
18S1, San Martin entorerlaiKi proclainiwl Peruvian iniii-jH-iKlencc, naming 
himself Protector with absolute power. After assembling a Coiijjresw as 
futile as tbe others and proposing a Peruvian monarchy under a Euro- 
pean prince, San Martin n'tire<l in 182S into private hfc. Lima was 
reoccupied by the royalists, who had deposed the Viceroy as not MifR- 
ciently walous and put in his place tlie veteran officer La Sema, who had 
been one of the defenders of Sarajjossa in 1809. Thenceforth the eman- 
cipation of Peru Iwlongs to the xtory of lloUvar, who in 1822 brought 
Venezuelan war to a sticce-ssful end and moved south upon Peni, 

The separate narrative of the northem imiveiiient may now br 
CKUmcd at the critical epiK'h of 18](>. In tliat year the Itepublirit of 
ifew Granada and Venezuela were reduced to a few patriot gwrnHas 
precariously struggling among n royalist population in the Hm\o» or 
plains lying between the Orinoco and ll»- belt of coast towns. Here 
Pack, an almost illiterate peasant, gatliered a party of horsemen which 
he incTvased by small successes, and also by tlie unusual method of 
sparing the lives of his royalist prisoners, many of wliom, formerly 
followers of Boves, now joined Vwv. on learning from him what la 
Patria meant. Supplies nere obtained from the unfortunate missions; 
and, when Bolivar, who with other refugees had been organising a fleet 
and n small csjjcditionary force in Ilayti, appiaiitxl in the Banos, he wn» 
at once rcn^gtii^ as chief. Altliough hi.s carelessness in command was 
VometimcH diiiastrous, his presence brouglit strength. 'Ilie capture of 
Angostura in July, 1817, and of San Fernando in February, 1818, won- 
for the patriots the line of tJic Orinoco. Confinetl to this region, and 
occupying a town so royahst in sentiment that he was in danger of 
^Wsasx illation by the women, Bolivar, hearing of the proposed intcr^-ention 
kf the Powers in 1818, issued from his capital, Angostura, a proud deckm- 
tion of independence and of wjuality with Siwiin, while to the Argentine 
Provinc\« he sent a nn-iwiige procluiniing the unity of South America. 
■ Vet no progress was mode in the campaign of 1818 against Morillo, 
^who had now returned from New Granada. The Hanrmf were splendid 
gverriiierot, quick in sudden a.'wault, surpri>e, or raid, wearing out the 

en. IS. 




294 liritiak merceruiriea. — BepubUc of Colootbia. [ii 



roysJUbs with conttniml nnnnjronoc^ and baffling puiMiit hy duappuringj 
luto Uie plains and diiving away tlic cattle, living cm bed* witbout Mlt" 
or bread, expert in the craft of plain and river, conMimmate honenMB 
and swimmers ; but Uicy were as yet useless in the mountains, onftt for 
distant and dvcivivc campaigns, and recognising no leader but their 
"coamde" Pai^ Moreover Uic Rcpulilicati fleet, comiDaDdcd hy 
Dutcb Creole from Cura^oa and lorgel; manned by BriUah sailon,! 
sccomplishcd less than might have been expected. Bolivar gare a newj 
turn to the war by engaging British troops, mostly disbanded vetasas 
of the Peninsula and c^ Flanden. Firrt. came officen and Mrgcaata to 
train Bolivar^a men ; then came soldien. Before the end of ISIS ■tj 
least 6000 British subjects arrived. Five-sixths of tbcm perished id UkJ 
war, some in saiiguinary ti.iflits, some under stress of labour as prisoncn| 
in thv torrid cliiniite of Panuntii, but mmt bv famine, pcstiloMx^ and 
Iiaixiihip. Huch as they had ntn'er known in I-'uropom warfare: they, 
joined an army of almost naked men, destitute of bsggage, commissariat, J 
sui]geoiis, and ambulance, ligbting in a tropical country of indescribabfej 
difficulty, where cnptui-c meant probable dcntl) nnd victory wm« followed) 
by a general slaughter of prisonen, where the path of war led aeroM ' 
plains which turned from desert to svamp with the change of «a 
through A lahyriiith of deep rivers infested by crocodiles and mosquito^ 
and ovt-r a vast mass of froxcn mountains. 

Having installed a. \'crie7uelan Congress at AngORtum, Bolivar, in 
1819. led 3000 troops westward up tbe Orinoco behind Ibe line of 
royalist oocnpation, crossed the Andes, where nmny men nnd honea died i 
of cold, liberated New Granada by tbe victory oi* fioyaci, and entered 
Bogoti. After tbis stroke of largo political strategy, he returned to] 
Angostura and proclaimed the union of New Granada and VciKZualn in 
tbe Republic of Colombia. In 1830 Morillo, having concluded on 
anuistice with Bolivar, returned to Kurope; and in 18£1 his succcMorl 
was beaten in the battle of Carabobo, where Bolivar's British troopa,' 
wbo bore the brunt of the fight, suBiutd terrible loss. Venmuvia was 
practically independent; and the Liberator entered Canuas in triiimpli. 
The northern movement liad reached its conclusion, and tbe Republic , 
of Coloinbiix had achieved real extstmee tmder the Pr«sidpnc>* of Bolivar, fl 

But tbe Liberator still had a grcot task before him in tlie extiipa> ^ 
tioo of royalism from the Continent, fintt by loose cooperation with Son 
Illart(n,and tlien bv taking up tbe continental war at the point when tt 
wan dropped by the Argentine leader. Peru, with its dependeodea of 
Quito in the north and Upper Peru in tbe south, was still to occupy the 
XJbciator for four years. That \-iceroyidty in fart constituted a third 
gec^inphical region, intennediate bctu-een north and smith; and its 
entandpation forms the third and final phase of the struggle, the oon- 
elusion of the successes gained first by Sun Martin and then by Bolivar. 
In IBSS Son Martin appconrd to \k in posscssioo of IVru; but' 



1822-6] Bolivar takes up the task of San Matiin in Peru. 295 



Quito was still royalist. Tltithi.T Bolivar now directed liis forces ; and. 

thirt«eD years aflvr lier fii-st revolutionftry toovemcnt, Quito uus freed 

through tlie victory of Pidiinclia (May, 1822), won l)y the Colombian 

L£ucre, the niofit ntodeat aiid humane of the revolutionary lctuk-r&, and 

fprobabiy the best general produced by South America. ITicn, after 

aoroe rerenee, Guayaquil and the adjacent prorinccs were secured with 

tfao help of troop« sent from Peru by San Murlin. At luct in July, 1823, 

■o tntervicvr took place in Giiaj'iu)uil betii'wm the two chiefn, the 

Protector of Peru and the Liberator of Colombia. To San Martin Ibis 

ii)t«rview was a disillusionmeut; be offered indeed to serve ujider Bolivar; 

t in September, 182^ he resigned bis command and retired, after 

viting Bolivar to lead his Colomljiiiii nniiy into Peru lUid coiriplete 

le work of iDdi^iK^ndence. 'nnw Bolivar took up the work *here 

San Msrtbi had left it Codiranc, having finished his task, had 

dy resigi>ed bis Chilian commanri, to paxi into tbe service first of 

,0 Bnu'ilians and then of tbe Greeks. A brief royalist occupiition 

the capital foUou-ed; in September, 18i^ however, Bolivnr entered 

>inta aiKl proclaimed a constitution, but was soon i^^jointvd absolute 

iclator by a moribund (^ngmfti. He liod left Lima to prepare for 

tbe field, when he heard that a mutiny <>f Argentine soldie'^ bad 

restored Callao and Lima to the royalists and Uiat Sucre was in a pre- 

ious position in the Peruvian highlands. Retiring northwards, though 

nio^t prostmtcd with illness, he raised a fresh army in southern Colombia 

;id moved south to join Sucre, Tliis southward niiirch jwrlmps surpassed 

difliculties and endurance nil thitt went before; horses draped up 

ipitoUB and almont prithleu tntck:t to Alpine height-t, whole battalions 

ostrate with niountain aiekne&i, an entire division of 3000 men groping 

Ipless and agonised for a day from snow-blindness — these were some 

if the incidents of tbe march. On August 5, 1824, tlie iirst shock took 

At Junfn, where flic partial defeat of the patriots was turned into 

by a eiiviJry clinrge under Miller ; in this skirmish, which lasted 

_ -five minuli-4, not a shot was fircfl ; but 360 royalists were killed by 

ice and sabre, and that night almost all the wounded died of cold. UTirw 

lontht later Sucre with 6000 patriots met 9000 royalists at Ayacueho 

ctween Lima and Cuzco, about midway between Buenos Aim and Cnmcss. 

I tbe battle 1000 patriot-* and 2100 royalist* fell; La Scnio, the last 

pnnish A'iceroy in the Indict, K-mnined « prisoner; and a capitulation 

raa signed which Included the 5i3,O00 royalist troops remaining in Peru. 

Ayocucho waled the independence of Peru and of South America. 

^Uao held out for fourteen months, and in January, 1836, within n month 

rf its fall, Chittic, the last rojtilist stronghold in America, simx^ndered 

the Chilians. From tliat time the Spanish cause, though favoured by 

roapa in the towns, was only upheld in the field by some giurriilaM and 

igands in Chile and VencKucln. who were finally EUpprcased about 1830. 

In 182i Bolivar received with acquiescence n nKSsage from tlie 

em. IX. 




296 PenifBoHiia^andColombia.—DealhqfBoUvar, [i»4-» 

Ct^mbian Congress, infonninf* him tlint through ubsencc in P«!ni be 
bad oHiscd to be haid of tbvir State; but nfter Ajatrucho hu w-iw mprvoi* 
in two new Republics establiibcd in Pcrti uul Upper Peru. He formed 
Upper F^ru into the It^publtc of Bolivia with a constitution under 
vrbicb three LojiiBlativc Houses were e=tabiidied, and a PreMdcot wm 
appointed for life and empowered to nofninalc bis succosor. Thin 
"Bolivian Cod«" was in turn nocrptcd bv Bolivia, Peru, and Colonbia 
jn BoHvar'n preaence and abaiuIoniK] in his nhsence^ LeB\-ing Sucre n 
Bolit ian President, he was received in Dma (Februarr, 18^5) as Dictator 
and Liberator and rulod there for more tlion a venr, attempting to 
establish either a union or a confedcmtion between Feni and Bolivia 
and also working for titc a.'^M.'inbly of a Pan-American Congi«n at 
Panamd; but the ineflidenc^\- of the Colombian Congress and tbe in- 
dependent attitude of the towns demanded his return northwards, while 
Paez, Go%x-mor of Venezuela, wrote entreating hir prmrnce, declorji^ 
that l>c could not dieck the popular desire for separation from Colombia, 
the j>eop1e despising the distant Congress of BogotA. All Uie authorities 
of Lima besought him to remain ; and the CtJ^Jo resigned in a bodjr, 
declaring tlint upon his departure Peru must cease to exist. BoUvsr 
appeared to hetitatc; but in Norember, 18S6, after nearly tnt ymn^ 
absence in the soutli, he u-as triumphantly received in BogotA and some 
months later in Caracas, 

Successive Colombian Congresses renewed bis supreme power; and 
for two years be itnx in fact sole ruler and Ic^slator : but he failed in 
his attempts to fonn a vast northern Republic and to unite it to 
fedemtion witli ita noutiieni nctgliboure. His deputies in Bolivia and 
Pent were dethroned after bis departure; and in 1829 tlie towns of 
Venezuela, one after another, in eabildo abterto remlved on separation 
irom Colombia and com))clk-d their governor I'oez to assume indepcftdeiit 
authority. In 1830 Gttayoquil and Quito broke away to form the 
Republic of Kciiador. In 1829 Bolivar'x Gowniment, in th« hope of 
securing union and stability, proposed to the British and Frcndi 
Mini^iters that on the Liberator's death a Souibon prince should reign 
over Columbia. In ^tay, 1830, having assembled a CongTerv to settle 
future government, tlie I^ctator resigned his office and retired to 
Cartagena, announcing his departure fbr Ikirope. But the CongrcM 
fell into contempt; the country was plunged into civil war; and tbe 
general rotce seemed to be recalling; Bolivar to command when he waa 
struck down by conj>umptiou. On IX-ccmbcr 10, 18S0, he dictated 
a message exhorting Colombians to union : a week later he died at the 
age of forty-seven. Tlte five Repuhlica which had called him Liberator 
sank into the cycle of eonfiisioi), disorder, and rajrid revolutions which 
is not even yet closed. Venezuela alooe un<ler tlie supninocy of Paes 
maintained for seventeen years comparatirc tramguillity, but upon liit 
fall and exile was plunged into similar disorder. 



10-90] 



Estimate of Bolrvitr. 



207 



I 



The dtninge career of BuHvar almott bnJUci judgment; It it the 

itofY of Utc enuincipottoi) of lialf it continent tlirough i^lTorta chiefly 

ptided by one moti ; j-ct, in vivw of his moml and physii-a] weaknesMa, 

it b not <M^y to gmsp the pci'suniil quitlitii-s which won for hJin tlie 

tranhip of tliD [Koplc and tho low of hiK «itMKiatv«. To moii«y be wu 

(ndifferrnt; a million /ir«M vottrtl to htm in Ilolivia he spent upon tbc 

libcntion of all the slares in the Uepnblic. Alone among t]ie revolu- 

liononr loaders of South America, he formod around him a group of able 

Dien devoted to hinuelf And to the public Kcrtce. He hiniKlf wrote 

\ bic^nipliy of Su<:rc; oitd, iilthoiigli both ineti must hare known that 

Sucre was the better c-oniinander, itulivar rejoiced in his friend's triumph 

u if it luul bc-cn his own, Pocz, though most outspoken about his 

ijiicr* fnults, always wrote to liitii in terms of tender intimacy, awn 

wbiltt he was dinuvowiiig Bulivar''« autJioriiy and leading tbc wpatatton 

of Venezuela ; and in Mis, autobiography, u-rittcn forty years later, Pncz 

npeatx these expressions. Bolivar's design of combiningeei-eralcxtenuve 

Ilepublics in one vast federation has often been dismtawd at a day-<lrcnm ; 

uid in truth Uie plivxical and political difBcultJe* were great. Ilio road 

from Cnracaa to tliu south of Bolivia, travei-sing the scene of bin activitkii, 

througli great and varied obstacles, measuiies ifMO miles ; and the gn>u|;s 

of population through Uiis vast region wci-e divided by the bistontvU 

cleavn^ resulting from xcparntc Kttlentent and separate government 

fay Spain. The road from Caracas to Piura traversing hit Republic of 

Colombia nteastires 2SO0 miles. Wluitever might hare been achieved by 

fwnnanent and undisguised personal rule, the effort to unite Venezuela 

vtnder one Congress with New Granada was impracticable; so was probably 

thcinclttsionof Peru in a schemeof federated Republics. But a federation 

of Rci>ii))lir3 north of the £<)ti»tor, which kcius to have liren hit latt 

<3e)iigu, mijjht well, witli n few nwre years of life, have been lUToinplisJied. 

XJia attempt to convoke a iW-Americaii Congress cannot be dismissed 

^IM B grandiose absurdity ; pos&ibly he intended a doser union ttiao was 

I ponible, but combination fur defviK-c wax a rcosonahlc aim. Bolivar 
j «]ied, bitterly lanNtiting tbc failure of tluit con.itmctivc work which lie 

II ^ralued above independence; yet lew men haxa achieved so much in so 
ojwit a time. 

|HlepL 

^Hk.hem 
l^pdivisi 



Upoo BobVar's death and the division of Colombia into three 
j>ublict the Spatiish-Americaii States may be said to have formed 
t.hem§elve9 geographically, following generally the former Spanish 
ivisions. But political form had not yet been attained, lliougb 
vvpublican conKtitiitioita nominally cxixted, no crntinl Govcnitneiit 
*tco{it pcnoiml niitocrncy really prevailed anywhere. Paraguay hod 
*ln(dy Mink under a deapoti&ni, indescribable in its grotesque horror, 
^hich Ia»tcd for «ixly years (1810-70) under three nicccssirc tyrants: 
daEwltL-rv, diclnlon, diivctoRi, and autocratic pnattdenta tuoveeded one 

t-M. M. 



298 



Unilarism and FederaUsm. 



another with bewiJdering rapidity, each ruling int-Mpoitaiblv in )ik.^ 
capital, but seldom possessing undisputed autliority beyond a limited 
district ; for the delimitation of frontirrs, whidi meant the scpantioQ t-^ 
certain gcographiuil areas from one another, did not iKocssnrily impL^ 
the conMtlidiitioii of eiu:h area into a compact coininuittty. Tlie co^:; 
ttructive work of tlie cabildait in forming independent urban governinenfe^ 
essential as it was to the moiement, was iuiniical to the fomutiait ^ 
large territorial States; in lb5^, Bolivar in his efforts at consolidfttji^d 
nctiiully dt-cn^-d the KuppreMion of all miinia'puJiti«?( : and in Vcn«zu^^ 
ft junta convoked by I'aez pasitcd a similar ini^Juiure. 

The conflicting centripetal and centrifugal tendendes which dirii?< 
eii"ciy State were commonly styled Unitarism and Federalism, tl» lat 
word being strangely usi-d in a sense almost opposite to its UBm/ 
meaning and iin])Iying an effort not nt union, but at reparation. Mani> 
dpal leadent and military chicfai, having winie inilititinot notion of Ik 
United States Cou.ititution, heheve<l that in dt^lachmcnt and MilKlivuijm 
they were imitating its peculiar merits. U'hus Uolivar and othen^ 
aimed at uniting separate bodies and might fairly be called Fedi 
were styled Unitun'^ts, while the sc](amtist efTurts and indcpeadoit 
HctivitieJt of Miiilending provinott uid town.* were deacribed u Fcd< 
In tJie Iti\'er Plate region these tendendea wa« at first deacribed hjr 
more expressive names of Capitalism and Provincialism. 

The many separate dToits towards organisation, remarlcably alite h 
their generitl rh.iinicfir, rwled upon local civic fti-!ing combined will 
attachment to the monarchy; the disappearance of tliix latter notin 
left no principle of union. Except tlie Spanish divisions of kioi^ 
and provinces, there were in general no clear guides to the militaiy 
political grouping of po)Ui!Htiou: juid there was a natural thi 
iinfni-tininti! Heiitiinvnt ngainitt l.lie maint<-niinotT or rcsforation of anr- 
thing reneinbling tlie Spanish centralising system. Comparison with tht 
United States is misleading; in the first place Spanisli America potMMtt 
no parliamentary system ; secondly New Granada alone is et^nnl to the 
Uiirteen Rritiith Colonies in mere extent, besides presenting immensely 
greater difficulties of communication. As for union of the whole 
Continent, Caracas and Buenos Aires could communicate with Buropa 
almost more easily than with each other. 

Tlie task wo* further complicated by the awakening of the forces of 
disorder uned and in sonic degree organised by the revolution, forces 
which had been incrcafnzd by the banishment of the Jesuits and the 
dispersion of their neophytes. The half-bar)>arou« population erf the 
frontiers, which hod held no place in the political scheme under Spanbh 
nuthority, had discovered its strength; those who had been vaj^abondt , 
or Kftltered peasant*, ignorant and careh-ss of political matters, wore now I 
material ready to the hand of any ambitious politictun or aiiv nide 
chiefL-tin who might conmiand their allegiance by superior hor^entamhip, 




1811-30] Indian remiance to the Eevf^ution, 



299 



daring, aim] intelligaicc. Alrcndy duriufr the rcvolutioD the forcat of 
the cities and of the HiI(h;nw»N, of civili.-sntioti mid barbarism, of old 
Older aad n«w violence, were iu a »tate of teiiKJon witliiu the patriot 
mnks. Tho authority of the ro^-al Goremore disappeared ; Uie more 
popular load sy^trni of civic gDvcnim(-Qt, aln»dy powesaing a prescrip- 
tive power of aelf-uiodificutiou to )mit new conditions "iiiained. In 
grovral thcM! dvi« bodies faced tlteir silraiige n>|X>iu<ibilitiM with a 
certjiin wtiolcsoaie vigour and moderation ; hut their liraitation.i of 
action are obvioca and easily panJlckd. Tbey wen disturbed and 
diverted from Uieir natural funcUoiiii by tlioM: wider operatioaa, both 
military aud political, io which they could stiare only in a partial and 
subortlitmU; nunnrr; aiid a^in they were shaken and confused by U>e 
disoi-derly external foroo oi^gaiii»cd in rivalry or in defence <jS them, 
which now penetrated into tlteir counetU. 

kOne point, wliieh demands separate mention, is Ijest illustrated by 
I'eruvifiu episode. Purliacainac, iiu Inditui cacique, who for his siTvlves 
^nfivt Tupac Amani had reireived a coloncrs commitoion in the 
^^mish aimy and Itad I>een promoted brigadier for services against the 
Argentines in Upper Peru (18L1-2), at one time oven acting as Spanish 
Governor of a pruvinoc, was indiK-(.-d in IS14 to join a revolutionary 
conspiracy in Cutco ; he asfteinbled a force of imurgent Indians, but was 
defeated and hanged. This is the «ity instance of anything like an 
orgamsed or distinct Indian movement on behalf of the revolution in 
South Ai»eri<a; and the ullidnl Siumi^li ivj>ort on this disturbance 
states that tlio Indians felt more onimoaity towards Creoles than towards 
Europeans, 'iliis was natural, since their nearer and more numerous 
oppn.vsurs wcra Creoles, whereas the more remote and less fiuniliar puwer 
of Viceroys and Governors might poawbly pi'ot<-ct them. 'Hie Indian*, 
to far a* Un-y t^iok [utrt in the stn^gle, were naturally dividcxl, following 
■ku priests or otlier leaders who gain^ their confidence oo either rida 
%ut throughout the Continent on the uhole tliey were royalixt, 
altfaougb in Pent many wiTrc forcibly impressed as patriot soldien. 
Kl Colombia ti>e natives, more barbarous in character, did little serious 
■^hting, though botli sides used them in pursuit and slaughter; but 
Bnw trilmt near I^tke Maraeiubu, wltidi enjoyed autonomy subject to 
payment of tribtite, Hulfered heaWly in fighting for the King. 

The Indians in resisting the revolution were defending their own 
distinct existence, which depended on the oonUniiance of Spanish 
authority. Tlw strange ihetoric witli which Ihe revolutionary leaders, 
ignoring tJteir own Kuropean origin, strove to persuade themselves and the 
natives that thcv were retlic.^ing the wrongs of the Conquest, revenging 
^taliualpa, and restoring oppressed pcopI««, did not deceive the Indiana. 
: revolution wiw rnther a completion Uian a revenal of the Conquest, 
it fixed tlie pooaeKtion and dominion of the conquered countries by 
descendants of Sjunish conquerors and settlers. Striking testimony 




300 The region of the JSiver Plaie. Artigtu. [wio-« 

to the mcritt of the Spanish native policy ia found in two d«cn«i bjr 
UoKrar (1838); one aimed at restoring the ruined Miiisiom i Knother 
ordered the reestabli^hmetit of Indian tribute an<I of Prutecbin, 
since the new system whicli »iil)jt'ct*'d tlie Indians to the ordinarv taici 
and noniitially eijualiaed them witli other citixc-ii.t not only exposed tbem 
to vaiions wrong* and estortions, but was actually resented by soine of 
Lhcm OS A loss of dignity. 

The disorderly course of Uie tropical Republics after Bolivar's dnUi 
need not be followed. But the two temperate regions of the Riw 
Plate and of Chile h«ve a elwirer history, TIi« plain" stn^tdiing nartk- 
w<v*tward to the Andes powi_is«l no (;iLy which eimld rival Duenos Aim, 
and all tliose regions depended upon ihat port. IXencc there wm « 
general impulse in 1810-2 to follow the lead of Buenos Aim; bit 
that inijjulie could wjirci-ly rreate a nation. GoviTninentt experimenUUj 
formed in the capital ajid constantly changed, which retained with 
difGculty the adhesion of the capital itself, could not be expecli;d to 
eomoinud that of the oUier provinces; and the citiiM of the interior, irKk 
not claiming complete independence, would not accept subordination 
The Gauchos of the I'ampa, exercised in the recent wars and ready viAft 
leadership to gullop ngniust any authority, royal or n'pnb!i<-an, were *t 
hand, partly to aid, partly to dominate. Urn local wntiment. The leader 
who formed and directed these various forces against centralised govtni- 
ment was j^rtigtis, once a cattle -raider, bandit, and smuggler on Ike 
Brazilian froutii-r, then (1798) a comniiinder of mounted police diitin- 
giii.shed by the ruthleia efltciency with whidi he choatised his old associata. 
When the revolution began, he continued in the royal Rd-vioc; but, 
unused to the discipline of regular wai' and resenting command, ht 
dc«Tt«.ti to the Argentines Ix-sieging Montevideo ; soon taking oftiKt 
agunst hiH new comniandci-K, he pi-oclnimed the independence of the 
Banda Oriental and mode war indiscriminately on Aif;entine and 
Brazilian invaden;, so that this able but capricious cut-Utroat is now 
revered as the founder of ITrugvinyan or "Oriental" iintioimlity. Bit 
prowess and success attracted to him the chiefs of Santa Vi and of 
£ntre Rio.t, Gaueho aaaUUoa like himself. Thus, partly a bandit ctuc^ 
partly the head of a loose league of half- pastoral, half- municipal States, 
he held three provinces detached from the Confederation and hoKtile to 
Buenos Aires. After the fall of Artigns in 1818, provincialism, Gnding 
a centre in Cdrdubo, was encouriL^il by the incflieicnej' of the iiastable 
central OoTcmment, which can only be indicated and illuNtrHtod by tht 
following Inief summsTy. 

The municipal stage of the Argentine Revolution closes with the 
ap])ointnient by tlie cabildo of a. ruling Junta on May 25, 1810. 
Then be^ns a series of brief attempts at administration; jantas, 
triuiDvirut^Ts, congresi.es, and directors, mpidly succeeding one another* 



]ei4-Bo] Snfttf Argentine Provinces and Chile. 



301 



tbc eabiido forming u fixed point and rcpcatodlj' resuming the Lvk 
of iiivcnttii^ » government. In 1814 ii niiN»iiiii um wHit to Eiiropo 
to find a King, s Spaniel prince if po^iblc, an ICngliRhnmn if Spain 
should prove impracticable ; and ia 1815 the Supreme IKrector Alvear 
nrotc to tlie British Minister in Brazil : " These provinces desire to 
belong to GrvAt Britjiin, to receive her laws, to obey her govcmmcut,and 
live niider her peaceful influence"; but this k-ttvr w<i« never dcli^tred. 
The Congress which in 1816 decreed the independence of tlie Argcjttine 
Provinces seriously discussed the enthronement of an Inca as Empefor in 
Cuzco — a proposal whose only real interest lies in the implied design to 
revive the former union of Peru and the River Plate; othenf favoured a 
Bourbon or an KngliKh prince. In 1819 the Director Puyrreilrin opened 
negotiations with Eraiice for the coi-onation of tlie Prince of Lucca in 
Buenos Aires. Rivadavia, a man of high character and capacity, intro- 
duced some order nnd dignity into the administration (1821-7); but he 
ioilcd to coiicilintt^ the provinces, ntid even in Buenos Aires the respite 

tm trouble was brief. 
War with Brazil (1825-8) for the possession of the Bantk OrientiJ 
t dosed tlirough the mediation of Great Britain, the disputed region 
being declared an independent Republic. The indignation in Buenos 
Aires over this treaty increased the confusion; the resulting mutinies, 
rcvolutiun:>:, and personal quarrels, opened n way to a Gaiiclto chieftain, 
who by his wealth in Und and cattle, his .splendid horsi-mtnwhip, and his 
mastery of the rude code of Pampa chivaliy, had ciitahli.ihed a kind of 
principality on the southern frontier and had organised a little army of 
Gauchos and Indians ; the step to supreme power was easy, und at hixt 
Buenos Aires sank into uneasy trnnijuillity under the dreadful rule of 
Uuan Manuel Wo^', (1832-^2). 

I Chile cinergiti earlier tlian tlie other StAtcs from the series of wars 
■letween chieftains, pronunciamiento/if and purely perwnal dictatorships, 
and established in 1833 a presidential system, ottgarclilud, conservative, 
and sumetiiucM nutocruttc in chamclcr, which snhsistcil in cmnparativc 
tnuiquillity for fifty yearK, supported however by force against several 
risings, two of which (1861 and 1830) developed into sanguinary dvil 
waiv, followed by some moditication of personal govemuietit. 

K ThecfTorls mode to solve or wnde the most pressing [wlitind problems 
Huring the actual prugre-ss of the stru^le for emancipation and the first 
^aeays at reconstruction, have been already discussed. But the internal 

political mo^-cmcnts of tlie succeeding geneintion ilcmniul some comment. 

The history of S)).inish America since IHiW is the history of many 
^epai'ate States, varying in numl>er from ten to sixteen as the centralising 
br decentralising tendency has prevailed. The European student of this 
Hiistory seems to be rcjidhig n Innguoge whosi: gmininar he docs not 
_know ; jwlitical action moves on an unfamiliar plane ; and in the 



802 



Political ideas in Spanish America. 



I 



catalogue of names and evenU it is hani to unravel motives or remits 
Even the accqited political vocabulary is here used inth s strange aeoMi 
" Nationality " cannot have quite its European meaning in a gn>up of 
States whose orifjin, langiiiige, customs, and 3«ntimciit», are ywicrallv 
tdniiljLr. Thvru arc indeed ftonivtinie'^ dear diitiiiclioiLS of character oud 
even some etlinological difTerences due to the greater or less roixtun of ■ 
Indian or African blood and, more recently, to European immigration ; 
but frontiers liavc been mther tiffined by geography, by convoiicnfr, by 
cautcs almont nvndcntal, by hintorical jealouue*; and the Staten are ofloi 
kept apart by artificial rather than natural atitipathiea. ** Revolution' 
docs not mean constitutional change and need not mean change n 
methods of udminiatrationf but merely a fort-iblc attempt, whstbcr 
ntKTi.-»nfu] or not, to replaco nilent ; thux any seditious movement fron « 
sanguinary civil war to the pronunciamietdo of a battalion is callal 
a revolution. " Constitution " does not mean the rule and principlo of 
adm in i Oration, but mcrily a frame or form euutrollcd by punoiul 
action; Uius among -•«> ninny Slatvs piissi'-s^iiig parlianwntaiy coiutita- 
tjoiiii it may be doubted whether before 1880 a congress ever met ntiidi 
was in any essential sense either legislative or represcntatix-e, ant) ie* 
rulers have dixpenwd with the support of bayonets. In iact, tlicso Sttts 
might appear to have mnintnim-d » (^-rtMn c^iuilihrium by mctijutf 
tension ; the chief ruler, if lie finds the machinery of state unworkaUb 
having the pi-cscriptive right to £upei>>ede forms by a ivup (f ctef , and th 
people, when Government becomes intolerable, having the prescriptlK 
right of rebellion. Boliviir declared that the workers for indepaidain 
had ploughed tliu sea, and die<l cxcJaiming that he bid not foond libeitf. 
In 184SiSan Martin wi-ote to a Chilian: '* ilie labour and the blood gim 
for the independence of America have Ikcu, if not M'iu.Le<1, at any nfc 
unfortunately spent in most of the new States, esoept in your countiy." 
Tlw.'w coimtrics, with their medieval atmosphere, came suddenly under 
the influence of modem ideas. Their guides were inspirul by a mixtun 
of pliilosophical tlieory, of French revolutiomiry Kcntimentf and of 
ill -understood constitutional notions borrowed from England aod the 
United States. The people, almost indifferent to the Anglo-Saxob 
exotic of elected LegiaUtive Chambers, continued to regard govemnent 
as a thing to lie (-ndtm^l or, if found unendurable, to be forcibly altered. 
All the revolutionary leadei^ at some time or other favoiuxMl monardiy 
or practised despotieon ; and it is generally tltrougli autuerscy that eomc 
kiiKl of order has been or is being evolved. AnA the real pn^reM whiri) 
has Ux-ii cfTected should be generously recognised. The large emigration 
from ICuropc to Kpani!>h America during tlie hist generation shows that 
in some of the States political (vndititmK are uot usually unfavourable 
to industrious and peocefid life. 

In Mexico — to use the nnmo taken by New Spain on emancipatioa] 
— the revolution, which promiacd to be more tranquil than elsewhere,! 



( 

i 



-lb] RevoU in Mexico. Hidalgo and Morelm. 303 

[was divfrtnd and confused by pcrsoual action. On receiving news of 
SpHiiisli Rvrolution in 1806, the Viceroy, noting with Iho cabUdo, 
nvacA to a Junta the noyul and mnnicijiHl ulTidaU w;Ui the cjiii'f 
recinoa and dcclanxl war against Napoleon. In view of rivnl mcsMige.'i 
Irom the Juntu of A^turias and of Seville, this Mexican Juntii declaiied 
Uiat no obedience was due to any authority not emanating from the 

§«oveRig]>, fuid that the Government of New Spain resided in llic Viceroy 
■nd actual maglitntteii ; hut money was Kent to the grille Juntii to aid 
defenoe. The leaden of this etrly morcment were already aiming at 
independence, either on principle or from a belief that Spain could not 
withstand tW French ; but tJn-w aims could not yet be avowed amid the 
general »entintent in favour of the monarchy. "VUv. arrival of a French 
ftigate caused a riot in \'cra Cruz, and the despatches which she broug^it 
were ostentatiously burnt by the Viceroy, llad Charles IV succeeded in 
hi* design of cscyiping to Mexico, he would certjiinly have hcn-n welcomed 
witli eiithusiiLtm. The Viceroy wob preparing to call a Cwiigrewt of 
deputies from nil the catiMas to nettle future government, when the 

I£urDpcaii party, aUnncd by this encouragement of Creoles and acting 
with the audiencia, dcpoM^d the Viceroy — an act afterwards confirmed by 
ihe Central Junta. TTio Mexican treasury denpatdied fitrthcr lu:^ sums 
io Spain, bcnidc^ private contributions; but a re()ii'.-st for a loan of 
twenty million peMx & few months later sontewhat damped this en- 

kthusiasm : and reports of Spanish disasters raised doubts. 
In 1809 a movement in Valladolid was suppressed. In September, 
1810, the arTwt was ordered of a few men who iisod to meet in Qnen-taro 
to discuss revolution und<>r pretext of literary dobatt;; Iheivupon one of 
them, Hidalgo, priest of Dolores, called upon his parishioners, chiefly 
Indians to follow him against the Europeans " who were betraying tlje 

tcountiy to the FVench." Booty and the crusading cry " Ferdinand and 
tho Virgin of Guadalupe*^ brought recruit*; the fHllage of the rich 
ininin|T town of Guimiijuato im-n-nscd their numbers; and soon an 
undisciplined hoolo estimated at 80,000, chiefly Indians and tntstixog, waa 
moving u|)on Mexico, Btit Hidalgo, who was no soldier, did not attack 
the terri^ed cit^. Though accompniiied by capable oflioers and a 
nucleus of troop*, be achieved few regular successes. He raited a great 
part of the country and onrupied some towns ; but the white papulation 
was generally against him, and in 181!i he was taken and executed. His 
tOKtt, already dispersing into parties of brigands, were reorganised by the 
lawyer Rayrin ami the prict MoreloK, who became commander. Morelos 
proved a better leader than Hidalgo, but pursued a similar warfare 
for three j-ears, principally in the south. In 1816 he was taken arel 

• shot. The Spanish guerriUcro Minn, who had raisul Nnvftrrc against 
Napoleon in 1808 and bad attempted to rouxe a Spanish revolt against 
Ferdinand in 1814, made an effort to revive the insurrection by leading 
two hundred followers from the north into Mciiico, but after six montlis 

en. IX. 



304 



Mexican Jlevolution, Iturbide. 



[!8i7-aa 



«f guerrilla waifm-e he met the same fate. In Jtinuary, 1817, the 
reroaiaing leaders ctvpitulatcd, itcccpting on umnvitt^, und tbc civil war 
was over; but many uf the In<tiiu» had seatU'^red iiitu troops of lirigniidd, 
destroying property and interrupting traffic; and the whole cxjuntrv 
luid been thrown into a disorder which continuod sporsdictdl^' for 
nutny y«ar$. 

The imurrectioii vriL-« nithcr ii confiixiKl struggle between daaias soil 
ootoun tbaii n war betnceu rey and patria. Though the insurgent dbicA 
were separatists, most of their followers believed that thej were serviiig 
God and the JCing; iti fact, led by royal und nOigious eniblcm.'s Ukj 
were nK>re royalist than the champions of authority ; Hidalgo is said to 
have told them that Ferdinand was among them, shut up in a doaed 
carriage. Mexico was the most orderly, prosperous, and intciligent of tie 
American kingdom.-!, the moat u[>t for the tnin<{uil evolution of decent 
government. Whatever may be »aid for Hidalgo^ character and 
motives, he shattered this prospect by rousing tJio forces of ignorance and 
disorder and plunged the country back into barbanso). Under Mordn 
the movement Ix-'came more rt-gulur lUid attracted in a great d«^;ttetlie 
»ympathieii of refonnerit, largely owing to the suoceuten which rendered 
poaoible an attempt at republican government in the south; but it* 
spasmodic origin and barbarous elements limited the range of action, b 
the later and successful revolution the Inditing took no port. 

Meantime the revolutionary tendency wits growing Jn tlic towiu,atuI 
even io the viceregal camp; Colleja, cliief suppressor of the iusurrectioiif 
was suspected of indcjiciitlcnt sympathies until he was appointed N'iccroj. 
'Hie Creole Colonel Iturbide, while besieging an insurgent stronghold in 
1814<, confided to a colleague his desire for independence, adding the 
words, " but first we must finish with these people." 'Hie constitutkHul 
restoration in Spain in 1820 and the election of Mexican lieputks to 
the Madrid Cortes produced u split in the European party. In 1821 
CJeneial Iturbide, one of the chief fuppre.wors of the imurrcctko, 
proclaimed at Ignala his three proposal.^: (1) an independent Mexioa 
Empire, tlic throne to be offered to l-'ei'Jinand, or in case of hi.n refusal 
to another Spanish prinix-; (S) the excltision of all religions but tfae 
Catholic; (!i) the union of Mexicans and Sp'Uiiiu-d.H. This scheme satiaficd 
the army and rapidly gained adherents ; the Viceroy Apodaco, i^pointcd 






\ 



under the ab.toluti.-'t rfffhnt, was deposed by tlie coibtitutionalistx; 
mid the new \ioeroy, O'Doiiojv't, found himself obliged to recognise the 
"plan of Igualft" by signing the Ti'eaty of Ciiidobu. Iturbide, entering 
the capital, intttalled a governing Junta, followed by a Congrett. But 
tlie Spanish Cartes having repudiated the UYeaty of GJrdoha, tlm 
Congress was compelled by the populace to proclaim Iturbide Kniperor 
of Mexico. Tea raontlis later the Emperor was forced to abdicate by the ■ 
military revolt of Santa Ann (ISJiS). From that time the stonny history " 
of Mexico is compri»vd in the biographies of three men, Santa Ana, 



'i808-n] Attitude of the Spanu/t Regency and Cortes. 805 

Juarc7^ and Porfirio Di&r. -. the alternation of military pnmuncianuentot 
and republican or personal eiTorts being complicated by the sttcceaBful 
aggression of the United States and the efforts of French ambition. The 
c^cle of disorder and recovery, of defcrtt and resistance, clo*«i with the 
beneficent despotism of Diaz, wlio becuue Preaiilent in 18T* and has 
ever since been the ruler of Mexico. 

In Guatemala, as elsewhere, the Spanish rtrrolutions caused responsive 
movemcnta in lSOS-9; but th«c sulnidcd until 1821, wlren Guatemala 
moved in sympathy with Mexico. Of the two parties, one favouring 
onion with Mexico, the oUiei- desiring complete indcpcnduucc, the latter 
prevailed, after one hundred and eighty cabitdoa had voted on the 
matti^r. In tl»e subordinate province of Honduras, Nicaragua, San 
Salvador, and Coeta Rica, some desired union with Mexico, some union 
with Guatemala, and some complete Mjuuution. Iliiit bixt question scemx 
novcr to have bwn decisively itcttleiL 

■ Tin- RtvoUitioii of America as viewed from Europe falls into three 
periods, nie first (1H08-14) corresponds to a period of invasion, of 
rapid revolutions, of constitutional effort in Spain. During the years 
1808-10 the movements in America were on tliv wbolc sympathetic 
with those of Spain, btit were gradually turned into an nnti-Ktiro]K«n 
Bri'volt, Isrg^-ly by tlic hostility of the successive Governments in Spain, 
^ which all professed to 6nd rebellion in coostitutional movements 
resembling those to which tbey owed their own origin, and, while 
proclaiming national an<) popular authority, dcmiindi-d KiiI>mi<«ion 

tand olx-dieucc in America. In May, 1810, tJie Regency declared 
American ports open to neutral trade, but was obliged by the Cadiz 
monopolisU to withdraw that decree; in fact,