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CATHAY AND THE WAY THITHER
VOL. I
SECOND SERIES
No. XXXVIII
ISSUED FOR 1915
Digitized by tine Internet Arciiive
in 2010 witii funding from
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COUNCIL
OF
THE HAKLUYT SOCIETY.
Albert Gray, Esq., K.C., President.
The Right Hon. The Lord Belhaven and Stenton, Vice-
President.
Sir Clements Robert MARKHAM,K.C.B.,F.R.S.,Ex-Pres.R.G.S.,
Vice-President.
The Right Hon. The Lord Peckover of Wisbech, Vice-
President.
Admiral Sir Lewis Beaumont, G.C.B., K.C.M.G.
Sir Thomas Bowring.
Bolton Glanvill Corney, Esq., I.S.O.
William Foster, Esq., CLE.
F. H. H. GUILLEMARD, M.D.
Edward Heawood, Esq., Treasurer.
Sir Everard im Thurn, K.C.M.G., C.B.
John Scott Keltie, LL.D.
Sir Frederic G. Kenyon, K.C.B., F.B.A., Litt.D.
Sir Charles Lucas, K.C.B., K.C.M.G.
Admiral Sir Albert Hastings Markham, K.C.B.
Alfred P. Maudslay, Esq.
Lieut. -Colonel Sir Matthew Nathan, G.C.M.G., R.E.
Admiral of the Fleet The Right Hon. Sir Edward Hobart
Seymour, G.C.B., O.M., G.C.V.O.. LL.D.
H. R. Tedder, Esq.
Lieut. -Colonel Sir Richard Carnac Temple, Bart., CLE.
Basil Home Thomson, Esq.
J. A. J. DE ViLLiERS, Esq., Hon. Secretary.
Series II Vol. 38. 19 15.
Sir Hhnky Yulh.
I'roin the l/iird edilioii of Ids "Marco Polo " by ttennissioii of Miss A. F. Yiilc
Reproduced for Die IlakluyL Society by DonoUl Macbeth, l.oiulvn.
Frontispiece.
.CATHAY
AND THE WAY THITHER./
BEING A COLLECTION OF
MEDIEVAL NOTICES OF CHINA
TRANSLATED AND EDITED
BY
COLONEL SIR HENRY YULE, R.E., C.B., K.C.S.L
CORR. INST. FRANCE
NEW EDITION, REVISED THROUGHOUT IN THE LIGHT
OF RECENT DISCOVERIES
BY
HENRI CORDIER, D.Litt., Hon. M.R.A.S.,
Hon. Cor. M.R.G.S., Hon. F.R.S.L.
MEMBER OF THE INSTITUT DE FRANCE
PROFESSOR AT THE ECOLE DES LANGUES ORIENTALES VIVANTES, PARIS
VOL. I
PRELIMINARY ESSAY
ON THE INTERCOURSE BETWEEN CHINA AND THE WESTERN
nations PREVIOUS TO THE DISCOVERY OF THE CAPE ROUTE
LONDON :
PRINTED FOR THE HAKLUYT SOCIETY
MDCCCCXV
wa
" Sed si aliqua scribimus propter noticiam legentium quae in partibus
vestris nesciuntur, non debetis propter hoc nos appellare mendaces,
qui vobis referimus ilia quae ipsi vidimus vel ab aliis pro certo audivimus
quos esse credimus fide dignos. Imo est valde crudele ut homo propter
bonum quod facit ab aliis infametur." — Joannis de Piano Carpini
Prologus.
"Such also is the case with Geography. For the experience
of ages confesses that many of the outlying tracts of the earth remain
excluded from the bounds of accurate knowledge, owing to the difficulty
of penetrating regions of such vast extent; whilst some countries are
very different from the descriptions that have been given of them on
the faith of travellers' tales too uncritically accepted, and others,
through the partial operation of revolutions and catastrophes, are no
longer what they used to be. Hence it is needful, as a general rule,
to abide by the most recent accounts that we possess, keeping an eye,
however, all the while, upon the statements of older authors, and on
what can be critically educed from their narratives, so as to form
some judgment as to what is worthy of credit and what is not." — The
Geography of Claudius Ptolemy, i, 5.
"Wherefore the task we have undertaken is a double one: first,
to preserve the opinions of our author in their integrity, so far as they
call for no correction; secondly, where he has failed in making things
clear, to set forth the correct view to the best of our ability from the
narratives that are accessible to us, and from the data afforded by
more accurate maps." — Id., i, 19.
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DEDICATION AND PREFACE.
TO
SIR RODERICK IMPEY MURCHISON, Bart., K.C.B.,
ETC. ETC. ETC.
PRESIDENT OF THE HAKLUYT SOCIETY.
Dear Sir Roderick,
I am happy to be allowed to inscribe to you,
from whom I have experienced no little kindness, this
book, which endeavours to throw some light on the
medieval geography of Asia. The subject, at least, needs
no apology to one who is the honoured President of the
Geographical as well as of the Hakluyt Society; for he
has the best right of any man to say, "nihil geographicum
a me alienum puto."
The work was originally designed to embrace only the
story of Friar Odorig, and perhaps of one more traveller ;
but seeing how much light the various fragments of minor
medieval writers concerning China threw upon one another
and upon Marco Polo, and how little known several of
them were to English readers, it seemed desirable to
gather all into one collection, edited as thoroughly as
my capacities admitted. I never ventured to think of
introducing Marco himself into the group. There is
room enough, probably, for a new English edition of that
prince of medieval travellers ; but he claims an orbit for
himself, and has no place among these asteroids. What
Vlll DEDICATION AND PREFACE
is aimed at in these volumes is a work that shall bear
some such relation to Polo as the collections of the lesser
Greek geographers bear to Ptolemy.
When this task was entered on, I was more within
reach of necessary aids than circumstances known to you
have of late permitted, or it would scarcely have been
attempted. All the reading accessible to me has, indeed,
been directed to the illustration of my authors; but
Palermo is not London or Paris ; and the absence of some
capital authority has often stopped me short in the
investigation of a difficulty, just as a traveller, in pro-
jecting a complex journey, is stopped short by a black
bar in the columns of his railway-guide.
I am painfully sensible also, that, in regard to many
subjects dealt with in the following pages, nothing can
make up for the want of genuine oriental learning. A fair
familiarity with Hindustani for many years, and some
reminiscences of elementary Persian, have been useful in
their degree ; but it is probable that they may some-
times also have led me astray, as such slender lights are
apt to do.
Of the authors dealt with, Odoric, Ibn Batuta, and
Goes are, already more or less accessible to English
readers ; the first from old Hakluyt's version, the second
from Lee's translation of an Arabic abridgment, and the
third from the narrative in Astley's collection.
Since the last work was published, however, a hundred
and twenty years have past, and our knowledge of the
regions traversed by the gallant Jesuit, though still ex-
hibiting considerable gaps, has been greatly extended;
whilst the other two travellers have never, so far as
I know, been systematically edited; i.e., with some en-
deavour to accompany their narratives with a commentary
which should aim at identifying the places visited by
DEDICATION AND PREFACE IX
them, and at the elucidation or condemnation of their
statements.
In regard to Ibn Batuta, "mine Arabike," as John
BuNYAN says of his Latin, "I borrowe"; not, however,
from Lee, but from the unabridged travels as rendered
into French by MM. Defremery and Sanguinetti.
Though the version is thus borrowed, the commentary is
not ; and it is certainly my belief that by it some new
light is thrown on this curious traveller.
Of the other authors here laid under contribution the
vain and garrulous but truthful John de' Marignolli
is the most conspicuous. He has been incidentally cited
by Sir Emerson Tennent, whom little escapes; but
otherwise he is, I believe, almost unknown in England.
Each of the authors, however, will present his cre-
dentials in the proper place, before telling his story;
and it is not needful to say more here regarding them
individually.
For repetitions occurring in the text, I need not
apologise; they are inevitable in what is a collection,
not a selection. But it is to be feared that repetitions
occur also sometimes in the notes, and for these I beg
indulgence. In addition to my great distance from the
printer, circumstances rendered it necessary to send the
first sheets to the press many months before the later
sections were ready; and thus it has been impossible to
give the whole work a consistent revision.
Several kind friends have taken trouble in making
references for me, or in answering questions bearing on
the work. I beg all to accept my warm thanks; but
I will only name here Mr. Major and Mr. Markham, who
have also in turn been good enough to see the revised
proofs through the press.
I trust that my own labour, which has been con-
c. Y. c. I. b
X DEDICATION AND PREFACE
siderable, may not have been in vain. I have tried to
present pretty fully one special aspect of a great subject
which in all ages has had a peculiar fascination. We can
see that the ancients felt something of this charm at-
taching to the dim legends which reached them across
the length of Asia about the Seres dwelling in secluded
peace and plenty on the shores of the Eastern Ocean.
The vast multiplication of manuscripts and transla-
tions of Polo and Odoric, and of Odoric's plunderer
Mandeville, shows how medieval Christendom ex-
perienced the same attraction in the tales which those
travellers related of the vast population, riches, arts, and
orderly civilisation of Cathay. The charm rekindled
when the Portuguese discoveries revealed China, and many
marvelled with an eccentric Jesuit why God had bestowed
such bounties on a hive of pagans^; a charm which
nearly three centuries of partial knowledge scarcely
quenched. Familiarity of late years has had something
of its proverbial result; and closer examination of a
civilisation in decay has discerned how much rottenness
now exists at the core of the vast and fantastic structure.
When we see communities that have long passed
the zenith of their civilisation and genius going down
simultaneously in population and in moral power, there
seems little of mystery in their future. But in regarding
a country like China, in which moral and intellectual
decay and disorganization have been accompanied by an
increase of population so vast as to amount to nearly
a third of the world's inhabitants, the field of speculation
as to its destiny is dark indeed. Though under forms
sometimes doubtless most imperfect, the influences of
Christianity, the Divine Regenerator of the nations, have
^ "Cur Deus tot bonis infidelem sibi Chinam beaverit? "
Kircher, China Illustrata, p. 165.
DEDICATION AND PREFACE XI
entered China on at least three several occasions. Twice
they appear to have been choked and extinguished; on
another occasion we have seen them perverted to the
purposes of a vast imposture. The future is with God.
Of the clouds that are gathering round the world's horizon
China has its share. The empire which has a history
coeval with the oldest of Chaldaea seems to be breaking
up. It has often broken up before and been recon-
solidated; it has often been conquered, and has either
thrown off the yoke or absorbed its conquerors. But
they derived what civilisation they possessed from the
land which they invaded. The internal combustions that
are now heaving the soil come in contact with new and
alien elements of Western origin. Who can guess what
shall come of that chemistry?
I am,
Dear Sir Roderick,
Yours with much regard,
H. YULE.
Palermo,
July T.-^vd, 1866.
6—2
PREFACE TO SECOND EDITION
Cathay and the Way Thither issued in 1866 in two
volumes was the second work edited by Sir Henry Yule
for the Hakluyt Society. A few years before (1863)
Yule had given an annotated translation of the Mirabilia
Descripta by Friar Jordanus. Both works have been
for a long time out of print and Cathay commands ex-
orbitant prices when copies rarely appear in a bookseller's
catalogue. I have not to praise a work which has been
for a long time the vade-mecum of all those engaged in
the study of the Far East in Ancient and Middle Ages.
All agree in considering it as the indispensable guide of
all those interested in the historical geography not only
of China, not only of Central Asia, but also of Asia at
large. At the time of its appearance, it included well
nigh all that was then known regarding the history of
the East, notwithstanding the title showing the modesty
of the learned editor : A Collection of Medieval Notices
of China. Since 1866, Science, especially geography,
owing to discovery of new lands and travel in hitherto
insufficiently studied countries, has rapidly progressed;
Yule himself in his great work on Marco Polo first printed
in 1871 had brought a great deal of fresh material in
this new work, leaving Cathay far behind. It was there-
fore necessary to give a new edition of Cathay embodying
all the more recent information. As the editor of the
third edition of the Book of Ser Marco Polo, I was
PREFACE TO SECOND EDITION Xlll
supposed to possess special qualifications for performing
this new task. My old and learned friend, Sir Clements R.
Markham, President of the Hakluyt Society, asked me
to undertake this edition of Cathay. I gladly accepted
the offer as an opportunity of marking my deep esteem
for the man, and of my admiration for the geographer
whom I had known in the person of Yule.
I might repeat here what I said in the Preface of the
third edition of the Book of Ser Marco Polo: "I have
suppressed hardly any of Sir Henry Yule's notes and
altered but few, doing so only when the light of recent
information has proved him to be in error, but I have
supplemented them by what I hope will be found useful,
new information." As far as possible, I have adhered to
these principles in this edition of Cathay, but, besides
numerous additional notes, it has been found necessary
to add in the Preliminary Essay a new chapter on Central
Asia founded on recent researches and also a few Sup-
plementary Notes; the beginning of the chapter on the
Chinese Knowledge of the Roman Empire has been
entirely recast. Indeed the new information has increased
the bulk of the work to such an extent that it has been
found necessary to print four volumes instead of two^.
To the works mentioned in the Preface of the Book
of Ser Marco Polo should be added the narrative of the
Travels and Discoveries of Sir Aurel Stein in Central
Asia, the learned book on the Western Turks by my
colleague and friend. Prof. Ed. Chavannes, the numerous
and valuable notes given to me by that young and
brilliant scholar. Prof. Paul Pelliot, I might name a
good many other works but they will be found indicated
in the foot-notes or in the list appended to the fourth
volume.
1 My own additions are placed between brackets [ ].
XIV PREFACE TO SECOND EDITION
My thanks are due not only to the Council and the
Hon. Secretary of the Hakluyt Society, who have
done me the great honour of selecting me to supervise
this new edition of Cathay, but also to Miss Amy Frances
Yule for the authorization to reproduce her father's
portrait from the third edition of the Book of Ser Marco
Polo, and to the Cambridge University Press for the
care taken in the printing of the work.
HENRI CORDIER.
Paris, 8 rue de Siam,
December, 19 14.
TABLE OF CONTENTS
Dedication and Preface.
Preface to Second Edition.
Table of Contents.
Preliminary Essay on the Intercourse of China and the
Western Nations previous to the Discovery of the
Sea-Route by the Cape.
I. earliest traces of intercourse, greek and
ROMAN knowledge OF CHINA.
1. Double names applied to China at different eras, as
approached by land or by sea.
2. Origin usually ascribed to the name China. But both
people and name seem to have been known to the Hindus from
an antiquity inconsistent with that origin.
3. Most ancient Chinese notice of intercourse with western
nations ; notice of envoys supposed to have come from Chaldaea.
4. Coincident traditions of China and Persia regarding
ancient intercourse. Less valuable Persian legends regarding
China.
5. Chinese record of a party from a distant kingdom, which
has been supposed Egypt. The alleged discovery of Chinese
porcelain phials in ancient Egyptian tombs.
6. The Sinim of the Prophet Isaiah.
7. The name Chin or China reaches the Greeks and Romans
late, and then in the forms Thin, Thinae, Sinae.
8. These names certainly indicated China.
9. Ancient authors by whom they are used. Discrepancy
of Ptolemy and the author of the Periplus in position assigned
to the country.
10. Marcianus of Heraclea; only an abstracter of Ptolemy;
but so showing that geographer's views more compactly.
11. The Seres, more frequently named than Sinae; at first
by poets and in a vague way ; more precisely by Mela and Pliny
whose words point to China.
12. Ptolemy; his Sera and Serice. Precise in definition, far
in excess of his knowledge; yet even his view consistent with
XVI TABLE OF CONTENTS
the indication of the Chinese empire from the landward. Inferior
to his predecessors in not recognizing the Eastern Ocean.
13. Ammianus MarcelHnus ; his geography of the Seres only
a paraphrase of Ptolemy's. A mistake to suppose that he refers
to the Great Wall.
14. General result of a fusion of the ancient notices of the
Seres. The characteristics have nearly all foundation in the
character and circumstances of the Chinese. The Seric iron
which Pliny lauds.
15. Sole record of direct political intercourse with the Seres
in Roman history.
16. We are not to look for accuracy in the ancient views of
such remote regions. Real vagueness of Ptolemy's data. Con-
fusions that were natural.
17. Curious analogy in the views and mistakes of Chinese
and Romans with respect to each other.
18. Association of the name Seres with silk. Etymologies.
Long prevalence of error as to the nature of silk. Yet some had
exceptional knowledge ; account given by Pausanias. Fluctua-
tion of geographical knowledge in ancient times; and paralleled
among the Arabs.
19. Chinese notices of the ancient silk trade with Europe.
Consistent with the circumstances related by Byzantine writers
in reference to the introduction of the silkworm. The country
indicated in that narrative uncertain.
20. Curious links between Greek and Chinese history in the
fragments of Greek writers touching the Turkish tribes of Central
Asia. Two remarkable notices of China itself in Greek authors
of the sixth and seventh centuries.
21. The first of these, Cosmas: some account of him and
his book.
22. His correct view of the position of China.
23. The name which he gives it. Knows the general position
of the clove country.
24. The other Greek writer, Theophylactus Simocatta : his
notice of China under the name of Taugas.
25. Extract from Theophylactus with notes showing ap-
plication to China.
26. Remarks on the passage; name probably indicated in
Taugas.
27. Geographical darkness of the later Byzantines exemplified
in Chalcondylas's mention of China.
TABLE OF CONTENTS XVll
II. CHINESE KNOWLEDGE OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE.
28. First historical relations of the Chinese with Western
Asia. The expedition of Chang K'ien (b.c. 135). Chinese
authority established over Eastern Turkestan, and recognized
west of the Bolor.
29. Decay and revival of the Chinese domination in first
century a.d. Conquests of Pan Ch'ao. An officer despatched to
reconnoitre Ta Ts'in or the Roman empire.
30. Notices of Ta Ts'in in Chinese geographical works of the
early centuries of the Christian era. Meaning of the name.
31. Particulars from those notices of Ta Ts'in.
32. In the later notices the title is changed for Fu lin;
Greek origin of this name. Things ascribed by China to Europe
which Europe has ascribed to China.
33. Some of the more accurate particulars which show some
basis of real information in the notices of Ta Ts'in.
34. They contain a correct statement of an obscure passage
in Byzantine history.
35. Much that is analogous in the glimpses caught of the
Far West from the East, and of the Far East from the West.
36. Return to the intended reconnaissance of Ta Ts'in (§ 29) ;
It miscarries.
36 bis. Consequences of Chang K'ien's voyage. Conquest of
Tong King.
37. Chinese record of a Roman embassy in a.d. 166.
38. Further intercourse ; Roman embassy in 284. Apparent
suspension of intercourse till 643, when another embassy arrived.
39. Further intercourse during the eighth century.
40. Missions from Constantinople in the eleventh century.
Last recorded communication before the fall of that city.
II*. COMMUNICATION WITH CENTRAL ASIA.
Decline of the Chinese Power. The Western Turks. The
Karluk. The Boghra Khans. Kao Sien-chi. The Tibetans.
The Uighiirs. Manichaeism.
III. COMMUNICATION WITH INDIA.
41. First historical particulars about India brought by
Chang K'ien (see § 28). Consequent attempts at intercourse.
42. Introduction of Buddhism from India. Commencement
of Embassies from Indian princes.
XVlll TABLE OF CONTENTS
43. Sea trade to India in fourth century. First intercourse
^vith Ceylon. Frequent missions from that island.
44. Communication with India in fifth and sixth centuries.
45. Chinese intercourse with Indian kingdom of Magadha in
the reign of T'ai Tsung; leads eventually to the invasion of
Northern India by a Chinese army.
46. Communication with Kashmir. Other Indian intercourse
in the eighth century.
47. Political intercourse more rare after this date; some
notices however.
48. Religious (Buddhist) visitors from India to China.
49. Pilgrimages of Chinese Buddhists to India, and their
literary works.
50. Revival of communication with Ceylon in thirteenth
century.
51. Last attempt of Chinese to recover influence in maritime
countries of the West (1405). Resulting relations with Ceylon,
which continued for many years.
52. Mongol Invasion of Bengal, from the side of China,
about 1244. Previous attempt of Bakhtiyar Khilji to make the
converse expedition, and subsequent enterprises of Malik Yuzbek
and Mahomed Tughlak.
53. Chinese embassy to court of Mahomed Tughlak, and the
return embassy under Ibn Batuta. Later missions from India.
54. Sea trade between China and Malabar; traces, real or
supposed, of the Chinese in the Peninsula.
55. Endeavours of Kiiblai to establish intercourse with
certain kingdoms of India.
IV. INTERCOURSE WITH THE ARABS.
56. Babylonia alleged to have been frequented by Chinese
ships in the fifth century. The terminus of the trade with the
Gulf successively receded from Hira to Hormuz.
57. Account of the voyage from China to the Persian Gulf,
from the annals of the T'ang dynasty. Aden frequented by
China trade ; Baroch and Suhar. Latest appearance of Chinese
ships in the Gulf.
57 his. The Arabs {Ta shi). Entrance into China. Arabic
inscriptions.
58. Early Arab establishments at Canton, and at Khanfu
or Hang chau.
TABLE OF CONTENTS XIX
59. Arab communication with China by land from Trans-
oxiana. Embassies. The Emperors cautious in avoiding col-
lisions with the Arabs. Arab auxiliaries in China, and their
misconduct. The Kotow.
V. INTERCOURSE WITH ARMENIA AND PERSIA, ETC.
60. Early knowledge of China in Armenian literature.
Account by Moses of Chorene. Settlements of Chinese in Armenia.
Lost history of China in Greek.
61. Chinese notices of Persia. Embassy from Kobad King
of Persia, and exchange of embassies between Khosru Naoshirwan
and the court of China. The last Sassanian King seeks aid from
China, which is refused. His son and grandson find hospitality
at the Chinese court.
62. The influence which China had regained over the states
of Central Asia just about the rise of the Mahomedan power.
Organization of the tributary states after the Chinese manner.
Countries west of the Bolor which were included in this organi-
zation. Doubtful how far it can have been carried out. Districts
of Persia said to have preserved independence of the Mahomedans
to the middle of the eighth century and to have acknowledged
allegiance to China.
63. Druzes' tradition of their Chinese origin.
VI. NESTORIAN CHRISTIANITY IN CHINA.
64. Legends of the preaching of Apostles in China. The
actual early spread of the Church in Persia and Khorasan.
65. The Nestorian Church, under the Sassanidae; under the
Khalifs.
66. Missionary spirit in seventh and eighth centuries.
Metropolitans of China mentioned in the Syrian records from the
eighth century. Christianity must have been older in that
country.
67. And this is shown by Chinese records : first, an edict
of 745-
68. Secondly, the monument of Si-ngan fu. Controversy on
that subject.
69. Convincing nature of the argument in favour of genuine-
ness. Contents of the inscriptions on it.
70. Supposed occasion of the concealment of the monument.
71. Decay of Christianity in China.
XX TABLE OF CONTENTS
72. Relics of the old missions to China found by Layard
in Kurdistan.
73. Partial revival of Nestorian Christianity under the
Mongol dynasty. Its previous spread among Turkish Mongolian
tribes. Notices of it from the travellers of the thirteenth and
fourteenth centuries. Two Uighur Nestorians.
74. Latest vestiges.
75. Traces of the Nestorian Christians met with by the
Jesuits.
76. Remarks. Traces of the existence of Christians in Further
India.
VII. LITERARY INFORMATION REGARDING CHINA PREVIOUS
TO THE MONGOL ERA.
77. Nearly all from Arabic authors. The compilation
{Anciennes Relations, 6-c.) of the ninth century, translated by
Renaudot and by Reinaud.
78. General description and date.
79. Topography of the Voyage from Arabia to China, in the
first (or anonymous) part of the work.
80. Particulars regarding China which it offers.
81. The second part of the work, by Abu Zaid. His account
of the Revolutions in China, and its corroboration by the Chinese
annals.
82. Additional particulars afforded by Abu Zaid.
83. The Route-book of Ihn Khurdddhhah.
83*. Mas'vidl's "Meadows of Gold."
84. The Travels of Ihn Muhalhil.
84 his. Gardezi's Itineraries.
85. China as represented by Edrisi.
86. Benjamin of Tudela.
87. Abulfeda; properly belongs to the Mongol era.
VIII. CHINA, KNOWN UNDER THE MONGOL DYNASTY
AS CATHAY.
88. Opening of China to the West. Cathay.
89. Origin of that name; The K'itans,
90. The Kin, or Golden Dynasty.
91. Rise of Chinghiz. {Kdan, Khdkdn, and Khan.) His
conquests in China.
TABLE OF CONTENTS XXI
92. Prosecution of the Conquest of China, under his successor,
Okkodai.
93. Western Conquests. Invasion of Europe.
94. Conquest of Persia and the Khahfate. Division of the
Mongol empire.
95. Commencement of missions from Europe to the Mongol
Sovereigns. Reasons why partiality to Christianity was expected
from them. Effect of the Mongol conquests in levelling political
barriers.
96. First travellers to bring news to Europe of Cathay.
Piano Carpini.
97. What he says of Cathay.
98. The journey of Rubruquis.
99. What he tells of Cathay.
100. The journeys of the Armenian Princes, Sempad and
King Hay ton.
lor. The Poli. Pauthier's edition of Marco Polo.
102. Diplomatic intercourse between the Chinghizide Khans
of Persia and European Princes. Vast interfusion of nations,
occasioned by the Mongol conquests.
103. The work of Hay ton, Prince of Gorigos.
104. Catholic missions to Cathay, &c., John of Monte Corvino ;
Andrew, Bishop of Z ay tun ; John de Cora; Odoric of Pordenone ;
Friar Jordanus ; John de' Marignolli.
105. Frequency of commercial intercourse with India and
Cathay in the fourteenth century.
106. The commercial hand-book of Francis Baldticci Pegolotti.
107. The voyage of Ihn Batuta to China. The cessation of
intercourse on the fall of the Mongols.
IX. CATHAY PASSING INTO CHINA. CONCLUSION.
108. Scanty glimpses of China in the century and a half
succeeding the fall of the Mongols. Hearsay notices, by Clavijo
and Schiltberger.
109. Travels of Nicolo Conti ; he probably visited China.
no. Use made of Conti's information by the Cosmographers.
Fra Mauro ; the Palatine Cosmographia.
111. Notice by Poggio of a Christian Envoy from the borders
of Cathay to Pope Eugenius IV. Toscanelli's notice of the same.
112. Notices collected by Josafat Barbaro.
113. Mission sent by Shah Rukh, the son of Timur, to Peking.
XXll
TABLE OF CONTENTS
114. Cathay sought by Columbus.
115. First visit of the Portuguese ships to China.
116. Cathay still supposed to hold an independent position.
Northern voyages in search of route to Cathay. The journey
of Anthony Jenkinson.
117. Narratives of Asiatic travel to Cathay in the sixteenth
century, preserved by Ramusio and Busheck.
118. The journey of Benedict Goes in search of Cathay finally
establishes its identity with China, and closes our subject.
I.
I bis.
II.
III.
IV.
IV bis.
v.
VI.
VII.
IX.
IX bis.
IX ter.
X.
X bis.
XI.
XII.
XIII.
Supplementary Notes.
Extract from the Periplus of the Erythrean Sea.
Extracts from the Latin poets.
Extracts from the Geography of Ptolemy.
Extracts from Pomponius Mela De Situ Orbis.
Extracts from the Natural History of Pliny.
Extracts from Dionysius Periergetes, R. F.
AviENUs, Priscianus.
Extracts from the Itinerary of Greece of Pausanias.
Extracts from the History of Ammianus Marcellinus.
Extracts regarding the introduction of the silkworm
into the Roman Empire.
Extracts regarding intercourse between the Turkish
Khans and the Byzantine Emperors, from
Menander.
Extracts from the Christian Topography of Cosmas,
THE Monk.
Extracts from Theophylactus Simocatta.
Extracts from Chau Ju-kwa.
The discovery of the Syro-Chinese Christian monu-
ment of Si-ngan fu (from Alvarez Semedo, and
a Chinese author).
The same from the Istoria of P. D. Bartoli.
The Kingdoms of India in the ninth century, as
spoken of by the Arab Compilers in the Ancien-
nes Relations, etc.
Abstract of the travels of Ibn Muhalhil.
Extracts regarding China, from the Geography of
Abulfeda.
Extracts from the History of Hayton, the Armenian.
TABLE OF CONTENTS
XXlll
XIV bis. Letter of Sempad (1243).
XIV ter. Extracts regarding Cathay, from the narrative of
Ruy Gonzalez de Clavijo.
XIV quater. Extracts from the Travels of Nicol6 Conti.
XV. Extracts from a letter of Paolo dal Pozzo Tosca-
NELLI.
XVI. Extracts regarding Cathay, from the Narrative of
Signor Josafa Barbaro.
XVII. Notes on the narrative of Shah Rukh's mission to
China.
XVIII. Hajji Mahomed's account of Cathay, as delivered
to Ramusio.
XIX. Account of Cathay, by a Turkish Dervish, as related
to Auger Gislen de Busbeck.
XX. Note on the maps of this work.
LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS
VOL. I.
Portrait of Sir Henry Yule. From the Painting by
Mr. T. B. Wirgman, in the Royal Engineers' Mess
House at Chatham. — Reproduced from the third
edition of Yule's Marco Polo by permission of Miss
A. F. Yule To face title.
Two sheets of the Catalan Map (1375) ....
page
300
VOL. II.
Friar Odoric Preaching to the Indians. [From a photograph
taken for the present Editor) . . . Frontispiece
View of Pordenone. {Drawn by the Editor from a Photo-
graph) ........
Traditional Birthplace of Odoric. {Sketched by the Editor
on the spot) ........
The Sarcophagus of Odoric as it stood in the last century
{Compiled by the Editor from an engraving in Venni's
Elogio Storico) .......
Altar containing Odoric's remains. {From the French
Edition of Odoric) ......
Domes of St. Anthony's at Padua. {From a Photograph)
Map of Asia in the First Half of the Fourteenth Century, to
illustrate Cathay and the Way Thither. {By the Editor.)
At the end
Reduced and condensed translation of the Carta Catalana
of 1375 Ditto
Sketch Map to illustrate Ibn Batuta's Travels in Bengal
Ditto
19
33
VOL. III.
Sketch Map showing the Metropolitan Sees of the Nestorian
Church in the Middle Ages, etc. {By the Editor) . 23
How Marco Polo drew a certain star under the Antarctic
(Magellan's Cloud?) {By the Editor from a cut in the
Conciliator of Peter of Abano) . . . . .195
INIarignolli's Notion of the World. {Slightly modified by the
Editor from Fra Mauro) ...... 247
Dog-mouthed Islanders.
VOL. IV.
{Sketched from life by the Editor.)
Ibn Batuta.
Map of the Passes of the Hindu Kush and country ad-
joining to illustrate the Journey of Goes
In pocket at end of volume.
PRELIMINARY ESSAY.
NOTES ON THE INTERCOURSE OF CHINA
AND THE WESTERN NATIONS PREVIOUS
TO THE DISCOVERY OF THE SEA-ROUTE
BY THE CAPE.
" On se formeroit des notions peu exactes sur la Chine, et Ton
n'auroit qu'une idee imparfaite des avantages qu'on pent obtenir
en etudiant I'histoire de ce pays, si Ton se representoit un empire
isole. pour ainsi dire, a I'extremite de I'Asie, separe du reste du
monde, dont I'entree auroit toujours ete interdite aux etrangers,
et dont les relations au dehors se seroient bornees a quelques
communications passageres avec les peuples les plus voisins de
ses frontieres." — Abel Remusat.
I. EARLIEST TRACES OF INTERCOURSE. GREEK
AND ROMAN KNOWLEDGE OF CHINA.
I. That spacious seat of ancient civilisation which
we call China has loomed always so large to western eyes,
and has, in spite of its distance, subtended so great an
angle of vision, that, at eras far apart, we find it to have
been distinguished by different appellations according as
it was regarded as the terminus of a southern sea-route
coasting the great peninsulas and islands of Asia, or as
that of a northern land route traversing the longitude
of that continent.
In the former aspect the name apphed has nearly
always been some form of the name Sin, Chin, Sinae,
China. In the latter point of view the region in question
was known to the ancients as the land of the Seres ; to
the middle ages as the empire of Cathay.
C. Y. C. I I
2 PRELIMINARY ESSAY
2. The name of Chin has been supposed, like many
another word and name connected with the trade and
geography of the far east, to have come to us through the
Malays, and to have been applied by them to the great
eastern monarchy from the style of the dynasty of Ts'in,
which a little more than two centuries before our era
enjoyed a brief but very vigorous existence, uniting all
the Chinese provinces under its authority, and extending
its conquests far beyond those limits to the south and
the west.
There are reasons however for believing that the name
of China must have been bestowed at a much earlier
date, for it occurs in the laws of Manu, which assert the
Chinas to have been degenerate Kshatriyas, and in the
Mahabharat, compositions many centuries older than
the imperial dynasty of Ts'in ^. The indications of the
geographical position of the nation so called are indeed far
from precise, but in the absence of positive evidence to
the contrary it seems reasonable to believe that the name
China meant to the Hindus then what it means still ;
whilst there is also in a part of the astronomical systems
of the two nations the strongest implication of very ancient
communication between them, so ancient as to have been
forgotten even in the far-reaching annals of China 2.
Whether the Chinese were known at all to the Hindus
1 Lassen, i, 857-8 ; Pauthier, M . Polo, p. 550. The latter
author says : "I shall take another occasion to establish that
the statement in the Laws of Manu is partially true, and that
people from India passed into Shen si, the westernmost province
of China, more than one thousand years before our era, and at
that time formed a state named Thsin, the same word as China."
It is remarkable that, as the same scholar notices, the name of
China is used in the Japanese maps (lb. 449).
^ See Lassen, i, 742 seqq. [" Ibn al-Kalbi says after A§-Sirki,
that China is called Cin because Cin and Baghar are the two
sons of Baghbar ibn Kamad ibn Yafath (Japhet)." Yakut, in
Ferrand, Textes, p. 207.]
PRELIMINARY ESSAY 3
in remote antiquity, and whether they were known by
the name of Chinese, are of course two different questions.
But if it be estabUshed that they must have known one
another, the probabihty becomes strong that the name
China in the writings of the one people indicated the other.
And this name may have yet possibly been connected
with the Ts'in, or some monarchy of like dynastic title ;
for that dynasty had reigned locally in Shen si from the
ninth century before our era ; and when, at a still earlier
date, the empire was partitioned into many small king-
doms, we find among them the dynasties of the Tsin and
the Ching^.
[Sir Henry Yule has raised again the question of the
name of China in Hobson-Jobson, pp. 196-7 :
"The European knowledge of this name in the
forms Thinae and Sinae goes back nearly to the Christian
era. The famous mention of the Sinim by the prophet
Isaiah would carry us much further back, but we fear
the possibility of that referring to the Chinese must be
abandoned, as must be likewise, perhaps, the similar
application of the name Chinas in ancient Sanskrit works.
The most probable origin of the name — which is essentially
a name applied by foreigners to the country — as yet
suggested, is that put forward by Baron F. von Richthofen,
that it comes from Jih-nan, an old name of Tongking,
seeing that in Jih-nan lay the only port which was open
for foreign trade with China at the beginning of our era,
and that that province was then included administratively
within the limits of China Proper (see Richthofen, China,
i, 504-510 ; the same author's papers in the Trans, of
the Berlin Geog. Soc. for 1876 ; and a paper by one of
^ The Tsin reigning at Fung chau in Shan si, endured from
B.C. 1 106 to 676 and longer under other titles; the Ching, in
Ho nan, from B.C. 1122 to b.c. 477 (see Deguignes, i, 88, 102, 105 ;
also Lassen, i, 857 ; St. Martin, Mem. sur I'Armenie, ii, 51).
4 PRELIMINARY ESSAY
the present writers in Proc. R. Geog. Soc, November,
1882).
" Another theory has been suggested by our friend
M. Terrien de Lacouperie in an elaborate note, of which
we can but state the general gist. Whilst he quite accepts
the suggestion that Kiao-chi or Tongking, anciently
called Kiao-ti, was the Kattigara of Ptolemy's authority,
he denies that Jih-nan can have been the origin of Sinae.
This he does on two chief grounds : (i) That Jih-nan was
not Kiao-chi, but a province a good deal further south,
corresponding to the modern province of An {Nghe Ane,
in the map of M. Dutreuil de Rhins, the capital of which
is about 2° 17' in lat. S. of Hanoi). This is distinctly
stated in the Official Geography of Annam. An was one
of the twelve provinces of Cochin China proper till 1820-
41, when, with two others, it was transferred to Tong-
king. Also, in the Chinese Historical Atlas, Jih-nan lies
in Chen-Ching, i.e. Cochin-China. (2) That the ancient
pronunciation of Jih-nan, as indicated by the Chinese
authorities of the Han period, was Nit-nam. It is still
pronounced in Sinico-Annamite (the most archaic of the
Chinese dialects) Nhut-nam, and in Cantonese Yat-nam.
M. Terrien further points out that the export of Chinese
goods, and the traffic with the south and west, were for
several centuries B.C. monopolised by the State of Tsen
(now pronounced in Sinico-Annamite Chen, and in Man-
darin Tien), which corresponded to the centre and west
of modern Yun-nan. The She-ki of Sze-ma Ts'ien
(B.C. 91) and the Annals of the Han Dynast}^ afford
interesting information on this subject. When the
Emperor Wu-ti, in consequence of Chang-Kien's in-
formation brought back from Bactria, sent envoys to
find the route followed by the traders of Shuh {i.e. Sze-
chu'an) to India, these envoys were detained by Tang
PRELIMINARY ESSAY 5
Kiang, King of Tsen, who objected to their exploring
trade-routes through his territory, saying haughtily :
' Has the Han a greater dominion than ours ? '
" M. Terrien conceives that as the only communi-
cation of this Tsen State with the Sea would be by the
Song-Koi R., the emporium of sea-trade with that State
would be at its mouth, viz. at Kiao-ti or Kattigara. Thus,
he considers, the name of Tsen, this powerful and arrogant
State, the monopoliser of trade-routes, is in all probability
that which spread far and wide the name of Chin, Sin,
Sinae, Thinae, and preserved its predominance in the
mouths of foreigners, even when, as in the 2nd century
of our era, the great Empire of the Han has extended over
the Delta of the Song-Koi.
" This theory needs more consideration than we can
now give it. But it will doubtless have discussion else-
where, and it does not disturb Richthofen's identification
of Kattigara."]
Mr William Crooke, the new editor of Hobson-Jobson,
has added the following note :
[Prof. Giles regards the suggestions of Richthofen and
T. de Lacouperie as mere guesses. From a recent re-
consideration of the subject he has come to the conclusion
that the name may possibly be derived from the name of a
dynasty, Ch'in or Ts'in, which flourished B.C. 255-207,
and became widely known in India, Persia, and other
Asiatic countries, the final a being added by the Portu-
guese.]
We should now add :
[Professor Paul Pelliot {BuL Ecole Frang. Ext. Orient.,
iv, 1904, pp. 144 seq.) does not accept Richthofen's
theory ; he shows that Jih nan was the most southern of
the three provinces into which Tung King was divided
under the Han dynasty : Kiao chi, Kiu chen and Jih nan ;
b PRELIMINARY ESSAY
in Kiao chi, i.e. the estuary of the Red River, was estab-
lished the chief government and there probably landed
the envoys of Mark Aurel ; the pronunciation of Jih nan
was then nit-nam, in which it is impossible to find the Sinae
of Ptolemy ; the Indian Cina or Chinas when they were
exactly known were no doubt regarded as Chinese. With
regard to Terrien's theory, Pelliot says that there is
nothing to show that the kingdom of Tien was in com-
munication by sea with the Red River ; he thinks that
Padre Martini's theory of the name of China being derived
from the first Ts'in dynasty (249-207 B.C.) is still the more
probable and it seems to agree with China's own tradition.]
[Some time ago, Prof. Hermann Jacobi in his paper
Kultur-, Spy ache- und Liter arhistorisches aus dem Kautiliya
{Sitz. K. Preuss. Akad., xliv, 1911, p. 961) came to
the conclusion that : " The name Cina is secured as a
designation for China in B.C. 300, so that the derivation
of the word China from the dynasty of the Ts'in (b.c. 247)
is definitely exploded. On the other hand, this notice is
of interest also as proving the export of Chinese silk into
India in the 4th century B.C." This conclusion is based
upon the fact that in the Kautiliya, Prof. Jacobi finds
a mention of China, more specifically the record of the fact
that silken ribbons are produced in the country of China.
As the author of this work was the famous minister of King
Candragupta who seized the reins of government between
B.C. 320 and 315, the composition of the work must be
dated around B.C. 300 and several years earher rather
than later according to Prof. Jacobi, who says that it
affords a sure chronological basis. Mr. Berthold Laufer,
of Chicago, adopting Prof. Jacobi's views, has come to
the conclusion that " it may not be impossible that Cina
has been the ancient (perhaps Malayan) name adhering
to the coast of Kuang-tung Province and the coast-hne
PRELIMINARY ESSAY 7
farther to the south, in times anterior to the settlement of
the Chinese in those regions" {T'oung pao, Dec. 1912).
Prof. Pelhot shows {Ibid.) that even under the Han Dynasty
the Hiung Nu called the Chinese " Men of Ts'in " ; Ts'in
was the name given to China by the people west of the
empire in ancient time ; China was known after as Tavydar
(Theophylactus Simocatta, 7th cent., Tab7ac of the
Turkish Inscriptions of the same period), and at the time
of the K'i tan or Leao (916-1125) as K'i tai. I believe
we may, till further evidence is produced, adhere to the
traditional etymology of the name of China being derived
from the Ts'in dynasty.]
3, Other indications of ancient communication are
found in the annals and traditions both of the Chinese
and of western nations. Thus in the reign of T'ai Wu
or T'ai Mou (b.c. 1634) ambassadors accompanied by
interpreters, and belonging to 76 distinct kingdoms, are
reported to have arrived from remote regions at the court
of China 1.
At a far earlier period, under the reign of Hwang Ti,
the [third of the Five Rulers of the Legendary Period]
(B.C. 2697), the Chinese historians allege that the inventors
of sundry arts and sciences arrived from the western
kingdoms in the neighbourhood of the Kwen lun moun-
tains^. In the time of Yao (b.c. 2356) there came the
envoys of a race called Yue-shang shi, arriving from the
south, and presented to the emperor " a divine tortoise,
one thousand years old," having on its back inscriptions
in strange characters resembling tadpoles, in which was
^ Chine Ancienne, p. 76. [Terrien has, Chinese Civilization,
p. 383 : "c. 1538 B.C. In Tai Mou's twenty-sixth year arrivals from
a western state near Karashar. Wang-Meng was sent there with
presents, and also to the West Wang-mus to get some of their
famous balsam."]
^ Ch. Anc, p. 29.
8 PRELIMINARY ESSAY
related the history of the world from its beginning. Yao
caused these to be transcribed, and they were known
thereafter as the Annals of the Tortoise. The same nation
sent a new embassy to China in B.C. mo [under the reign
of Ch'eng Wang]^. As Yue-shang-shi signifies " a people
with long training robes " (like those of the Assyrian
monuments), and as the tadpole form ascribed to the
characters is suggestive of the cuneiform writing ; as
the commentators likewise say that the country of these
people was reached in a year, after passing by Fu nan^
and Lin Yi^ (or the modern Siam), Pauthier has conjec-
tured that the envoys came from Chaldaea*.
4. Absolute tradition in countries west of India
however is found of an exceedingly early communication
with China, and this is singularly confirmed by the annals
^ [Neither the Shu King nor Sze-ma Ts'ien mentions this
embassy in B.C. mo from Kiao chi (Cochin-China) ; it is
mentioned in the Ts'ien Han Shu and the Han Han Shu ; the
invention of the compass [south pointing chariot] by Chau
Kung is connected with this legendary embassy. Cf. Legge,
Chinese Classics, in, ii, pp. 536-7 ; PeUiot, Fou-nan, pp.
58-9.]
2 [Fu nan was in the Khmer country and was conquered
by Tchen la (Cambodia). See Pelliot, Le Founan {Bui. Ecole
Ext. Orient., April-June, 1903).]
^ [Lin Yi, kingdom of Champa.]
* H. des Relations Politiques de la Chine, etc., pp. 5-7. [Ter-
rien de Lacouperie has spent a great deal of labour and ingenuity
to prove that the Chinese civilisation had its origin in western
Asia and more particularly from Babylonia and Elam. Sinolo-
gists have not accepted his theories, at times rather wild, though
Terrien has thrown light on some particular points. He has
collected a number of his papers under the title of the Western
Origin of the Early Chinese Civilization from 2300 B.C. to 200 a.d.,
Lond., 1894. Terrien placed the arrival from the west of Hwang-
ti, the first leader of the civilised Bak Sings, upon the banks of
the Loh where he sacrificed, c. 2282 B.C., in the fiftieth year of
his reign. L.c, p. 381. With reference to the so-called Bak see
C. De Harlez, T'oung pao, 1895, p. 369.] If I remember rightly,
some of the Chaldean inscriptions mentioned in Rawlinson's
Ancient Monarchies are considered to go back to b.c. 2000 or earlier,
but I have not the book to refer to. [New researches permit
us to go back «/ least 3000 years B.C.: witness the inscription of
Naram Sin.]
PRELIMINARY ESSAY 9
of the latter country. Thus the legendary history of
the Persians relates that their ancient king, the famous
Jamshid, had two daughters by a daughter of Mahang
or Mahenk, king of Machin (or Great China) i. It has
been suggested [without any foundation] that his name
indicates Mu Wang, of the Chau dynasty, who reigned
from B.C. looi to 946, dying in the latter year in the 104th
year of his age, and who is related in the Chinese annals
to have made in the year 985 a journey into the remote
countries of the west, and to have brought back with
him skilled artizans and various natural curiosities 2.
Indeed China is often mentioned in the ancient legends
of Persia, but as these seem to be chiefly known through
the poetry of Ferdusi, probably little stress can be laid
upon such allusions. Thus however Jamshid is pursued
through India and China by the agents of Zohak ; Feri-
dun bestows upon his second son, Tur, Tartary and part
of China ; Siawush, the son of Kaikobad, marrying
[Feringees] the daughter of Afra9iab, receives in dowry
China [Chinese Tartary ?] and Khotan ; Kai Khusru
(Cyrus) is sent in his youth by Afragiab beyond the sea
of China, and Jiv seeks him all through that country
amid wonderful adventures ; in the wars of Kai Khusru
^ [Jamshid "eut de Peritchehreh, fille du roi du Zaboulistan,
un fils nomme Tour; et de Mahenk, fille du roi de Madjin, deux
autres appeles Betoual et Humayoun." (Jules Mohl, Modjmel
al-Tewarikh, Journ. Asiat., fev. 1841, p. 155.) I need not insist
on the legendary character of this story.]
2 Ih. pp. i^—i^,dL.-n.6.ChineAncienne, pp.94 seqq. [The legendary
voyage of Mu Wang to the West has been related in the
Mu T'ien tze chuen, translated by Eitel in the China Review,
xvii, pp. 223-240, 247-258. On this legend of Mu and of Si Wang
Mu, see Chevannes, Se-ma Ts'ien, ii, pp. 6-8 note, and Terrien
de Lacouperie, Chinese Civilization, pp. 35, 77, 384. Terrien,
under the date of c. 986 B.C., notes the " Journey of Tchou Muh
Wang, to Turfan, Karashar, the Yulduz plateau and further west,
perhaps as far as Kashgar. He brought back with him several
clever artificers, the arts of inlaying metal and of making paste-
gems, etc., some jade from Khotan- Yarkand, amber through
Wakhan, etc., marionettes, and other things."]
10 PRELIMINARY ESSAY
and Rustum with Afra9iab Rustum captures the Emperor
of China on his white elephant ; Lohrasp, the successor
of Kai Khusru, exacts homage from the sovereigns of
Tartary and China ; Gushtasp (Darius Hystaspes) makes
war on Arjasp, King of Tartary, pursues him to his capital
and slays him there i.
5. Under the third year of Ch'eng wang (b.c. 1113)
there is a curious and obscure tradition of the arrival at
the court of men from the kingdom of Nili, who had come
by sea, and in whom Pauthier again suggests that we have
visitors from the banks of the Nile 2. This notion might
have derived some corroboration from the Chinese porce-
lain phials alleged to have been found in Egyptian tombs
as old as the eighteenth dynasty ; but I understand that
Dr. Birch has demolished their claims to antiquity^.
6. Some at least of the circumstances which have
been collected in the preceding paragraphs may render
it the less improbable that the Sinim of the Prophet Isaiah,
a name used, as the context shows, to indicate some nation
of the extreme east or south, should be truly interpreted
as indicating the Chinese*.
1 Malcolm's H. of Persia, i, 1815, pp. 21, 46 seq.
^ Chine Ancienne, p. 85. [Terrien de Lacouperie remarks that
" Stan. Julien proposed afterwards an identification [of Nile]
with the Indian town of Nala, but this town was founded by
Asoka, thus eight centuries after the event reported in the text,
and its name is differently transcribed in Chinese." Terrien has
proposed to identify Nili, Nele or Nere with the old country of
Norai, on the west side of the Irawadi, between Manipuri, and
Momien of S.W. Yun nan, afterwards the Shan state of Mogaung.
{Early Chinese Civilization, pp. 39-41.)]
^ [It has been proved by Stanislas Julien and G. Pauthier in
France, W. H. Medhurst Jr. and Harry S. Parkes in China
{Trans. China Br. R. As. Sac, Pt. Ill and IV) that the inscriptions
on the porcelain bottles found in Egyptian tombs in 1834 belong
to poems of the T'ang and Sung dynasties, i.e. to a period of
several centuries after Christ.]
* " Behold, these shall come from far ; and, lo, these from
the north and from the west ; and these from the land of Sinim "
(xlix, ver. 12). See article Sinim, in Smith's Diet, of the Bible.
PRELIMINARY ESSAY II
7. The name of China in this form was late in reaching
the Greeks and Romans, and to them it probably came
through people of Arabian speech, as the Arabs, being
without the sound of ch^, made the China of the Hindus
and Malays into Sin, and perhaps sometimes into Thin.
Hence the Thin of the author of the Periplus of the Ery-
thraean Sea, who appears to be the first extant author to
employ the name in this form^ ; hence also the Sinae
and Thinae of Ptolemy, who doubtless derived them from
his predecessor Marinus of Tyre, the loss of whose work,
with the details into which it seems to have entered to
a much greater extent than Ptolemy's, is so much to be
regretted^.
[The question of Sinim is still opened. See H. Cordier, Biblio-
theca Sinica, col. 1919. — Terrien de Lacouperie writes : " There
is no probability of doubt that these Shinas of ancient and modern
times on the slopes of the Hindu-Kush, were the remote populations
referred to in the expression land of Sinim of the Book of Isaiah.
Such will be the conclusion of my enquiry." {Babylonian Record,
Jan. 7, 1887.) I should say that there is probability of doubt
in Lacouperie's theory.]
^ [This is not exact for the ancient Arabic pronunciation. See
G. Ferrand, Textes relatifs d I'Extreme Orient, i, p. 9.]
2 That is if Miiller's view be right in ascribing the work to the
first century.
^ Though the latest scholars have abandoned that reading of
Strabo which ascribed the use of the name Thinae to Eratosthenes
(the passages which speak of the parallel passing through Thinae
— Sta Qtvuiv — being shown to read correctly bC 'Adrjvwv, see Miiller's
Edition, p. 945 and the various passages referred to there) ; it is
rather singular that the name should not have been known before
the end of the first century, supposing such to be the fact. For
Shi Hwang-ti the great Emperor of the Ts'in is said to have sent
an army of three hundred thousand men into Tartary, whilst
Ptolemy Euergetes about the same time carried his conquests
to Bactria. The expedition of the latter may probably, however,
have preceded that of the Chinese prince. Ptolemy reigned
B.C. 247-222, Shi Hwang-ti from 246 as king of Ts'in, but only
from 221 as sovereign of the whole empire. M. Reinaud, in his
Relations Politiques et Commerciales de I'Empive Romain avec
I'Asie Orientate, a book which contains some ingenious suggestions
and useful references to which I am indebted, but which is in the
main an example of building pyramids on the apex, says that
Ptolemy used the term Sinae "pour se donner itn air d' erudition " ;
but why he should say so it is hard to perceive, even if it be an
error to date the Periplus before Ptolemy.
12 PRELIMINARY ESSAY
8. Since the reaction from the sentiment of those
days succeeding the revival of hterature which ascribed
all knowledge to the Greeks, it has often been doubted
and denied that the Sinae of Ptolemy indeed represented
the Chinese. But compare the statement of Marcianus
of Heraclea (who is in this as in most other parts of his
work, merely condensing and popularising the results of
Ptolemy's definitions), when he tells us that the " nations
of the Sinae lie at the extremity of the habitable world,
and adjoin the eastern Terra Incognita," with that of
Cosmas a century or two later in speaking of Tzinista,
a name which no one [save Baron Walckenaer, who
maintained it to be Tenasserim (see N. Ann. des Voyages,
vol. 53, 1832, p. 5), and Mr Beazley^] has questioned to
indicate China, that " beyond this there is neither habita-
tion nor navigation." Who can doubt that the same
region is meant by these two authors ? The fundamental
error of Ptolemy's Indian geography, I mean his notion
that the Indian Sea was entirely encompassed by the land,
rendered it impossible that he should do other than mis-
place the Chinese coast, and thus no doubt it is easy to
perplex the question to any extent over his latitudes and
longitudes. But considering that the name in the same
shape has come down among the Arabs as applied to the
Chinese from time immemorial ; considering that in the
works of Ptolemy and his successors whatever else may
be said about the name it certainly represented the furthest
east of which they had any cognisance ; and considering
how inaccurate are Ptolemy's configurations and longi-
tudes in a region so much further within his horizon as the
peninsula of Hither India, to say nothing of the Mediter-
ranean, it seems almost as reasonable to deny that
1 [Tzinista "is probably only a dim notion of Malaya or Cochin-
China." (C. R. Beazley, Dawn of Modern Geog., 1897, p. 197 n.)]
PRELIMINARY ESSAY I3
Ptolemy's India contained Hindus as to deny that his
Sinae were Chinese.
9. As far as I can collect, the names Sinae or Thinae
are mentioned by only two ancient authors besides
Ptolemy, viz., by the author of the Periplus of the Ery-
thraean Sea, who, as we have already mentioned, uses
the term %\v, keeping still closer to the original form,
and b}^ Marcianus, whom we have just quoted. Whilst
Ptolemy assigns to the nation in question a position so
far to the south ^, the author of the Periplus places them
beyond Transgangetic India indeed, but far to the north,
under the very Ursa Minor, and touching on the frontiers
of the further regions of Pontus and the Caspian^.
10. Marcianus is lauded by Lassen for his superior
knowledge of South Eastern Asia, but it is by no means
clear that the praise is well deserved^. His statements
with regard to that quarter of the earth appear to be
merely an abstract and popularisation of those of Ptolemy,
of whom he speaks as the most godlike and wisest of men.
He brings out in his compacter statements still more
distinctly the erroneous notion that the Indian Sea was
an enclosed basin terminating beyond the Gulf of the
Sinae. Here the Terra Incognita that lay east of the
Sinae, and the Terra Incognita that ran south of the Indian
Sea in prolongation of Ethiopia, met and formed an angle.
But the Sinae themselves were the remotest denizens
of the habitable world. Above them to the north and
^ The Metropolis Thinae is placed by him in long. 180°, lat.
3° south.
2 The passage of the Periplus regarding Thin and Thinae, and
those of Ptolemy regarding Sinae and Serice, will be found in
Supplementary Notes I and II at the end of this essay.
^ See Lassen, iii, 287 seqq., and especially 290. Miiller treats
the pretensions of Marcianus in a very different fashion, and with
more justice. (See his Prolegomena to Geog. Grcsci Minores.
pp. cxxix seqq.)
14 PRELIMINARY ESSAY
north-west lay the Seres and their metropoHs ; all east
of these two nations was unknown land full of reedy and
impenetrable swamps^,
II. If we now turn to the Seres we find this name
mentioned by classic authors much more frequently and
at an earlier date by at least a century^. The name
indeed is familiar enough to the Latin poets of the Augustan
age^, but always in a vague way, and usually with a
general reference to Central Asia and the farther east*.
1 All this is merely abstracted from Ptolemy. See the
passages of the latter in Note II.
2 There are two mentions of the Seres which may be much
earlier. One is in a passage ascribed to Ctesias, which speaks of
the Seres as people of portentous stature and longevity. The
passage, however, is found in only one MS. (of the Bibliotheca
of Photius), and is attended by other circumstances which cause
doubt whether it is really from Ctesias (see Miiller's Ctesias,
pp. 86 seq., and his Geog. Gr. Minores, ii, 152). ["It is said that
the Seres and the Northern Indians are so tall, that one meets
men 13 cubits high ; they live more than two hundred years.
In a certain part of the river Gaitros {ratrpov), there are men like
beasts, having a skin similar to that of the hippopotami and conse-
quently impenetrable to arrows. In India, in the remote part
of an island situated in the sea, it is said that the inhabitants
have long tails, such as those ascribed to satyrs." (See Miiller's
Gtesias, pp. 86-7.)] The other mention is found in a passage,
or rather two passages, of Strabo. These also allude only to the
longevity of the Seres, said to exceed two hundred years, and
Strabo at the time seems to be quoting from Onesicritus (Miiller's
Strabo, xv, i, 34 and 37). The date of Ctesias is about B.C. 400 ;
Onesicritus was an officer of Alexander's (d. b.c. 328.) Smith's
Dictionary of Gr. and Rom, Geography , article Serica, would lead
one by its expressions to suppose that Aristotle had spoken of
that country, which of course he does not. The reference is to
that passage where he speaks of fiop.fivKia being wound off from a
certain insect in the Island of Cos. See the passage quoted in
Note IV at the end.
3 [See Supplementary Note II.]
* Seneca is still more indefinite, and will not commit himself
to any view of their locality :
" Et quocunque loco jacent
Seres vellere nobiles " [Thyestes, 378) ;
whilst Lucan does commit himself to the view that they were
somewhere at the back of Ethiopia. For, apostrophising the
Nile, he says :
" Teque vident primi, qua:runt tamen hi quoque, Seres "
(x, 292).
PRELIMINARY ESSAY 15
We find, however, that the first endeavours to assign
more accurately the position of this people, which are
those of Mela and Pliny, gravitate distinctly towards
China in its northern aspect as the true idea involved.
Thus Mela says that the remotest east of Asia is occupied
by the three races, the Indians, the Seres, and the Scyth-
ians, of whom the Indians and the Scythians occupy the
southern and northern extremities, the Seres the middle.
Just as in a general way we might say still that the
extreme east of Asia is occupied by the Indies, China, and
Tartary, the three modern expressions which answer
with tolerable accuracy to the India, land of Seres, and
Scythia of the Ancients^.
12. Ptolemy first uses the names of Sera and Serice,
the -former for the chief city, the latter for the country of
the Seres, and attempts to define their position with a
precision beyond what his knowledge justified, but which
was the necessary result of the system of his work. Yet
even his definition of Serice is quite consistent with the
view that it indicated the Chinese Empire in its northern
aspect, for he carries it eastward to the 180° of longitude,
which is also according to his calculations, in a lower
latitude, the eastern boundary of the Sinae. In one
especial point he is inferior in the justness of his views to
his predecessors, for whilst Mela and Pliny both recognise
the position of the Seres upon the Eastern Ocean which
terminates Asia, no such ocean is recognised by Ptolemy
(so far as I can discover) in any part of his work. The
Ravenna Geographer denounces as an impious error the
idea that there is in the extreme east an ocean passing
from south to north.
13. Ammianus Marcellinus devotes some paragraphs
to a description of the Seres and their country. It is no
1 See Extracts from Mela and Pliny in Notes III and IV.
l6 PRELIMINARY ESSAY
more than a conversion of the dry statements of Ptolemy
into fine writing, with the addition of some more or less
fabulous particulars about their mode of growing silk
and carrying on commerce, which are similar to those
given by Pliny. One passage indeed of the geographical
description of Ammianus is startling at first sight in its
seeming allusion to the Great Wall ; and in this sense it
has been understood by Lassen, and apparently also by
Reinaud^. But a comparison of the passage with Ptolemy's
chapter on Serice from which it is derived will show,
I think, convincingly that he is speaking merely of an
encircling rampart of lofty mountains within which the
spacious and happy valley of the Seres is conceived to lie.
14. If, however, we try to fuse into one general de-
scription the ancient notices of the Seres and their country,
omitting anomalous and manifestly fabulous statements,
the result will be something like the following^ : " The
region of the Seres is a vast and populous country, touching
on the east the Ocean and the limits of the habitable world,
and extending west nearly to Imaus and the confines of
Bactria. The people are civilised men, of mild just and
frugal temper, eschewing collisions with their neighbours,
and even shy of close intercourse, but not averse to dispose
1 See Lassen, ii, 536, and Reinaud's translation of the passage
in Rel. Pol. et Commerc. de I'Empire Romain, etc., p. 192. The
original words run : " Ultra hasc utriusque Scythiae loca, contra
orientalem plagam in orbis speciem consertae celsorum aggerum
summitates ambiunt Seras, ubertate regionum et amplitudine
circumspectos " [Lib. xxiii]. The whole of the passage from
Ammianus will be found translated in Note VI. In a previous
page he speaks of Serica as a province of Persia !
2 It must be acknowledged, however, that apart from the
exceptional statement of Pausanias (see § 17) the serious notices
of the Seres reduce themselves to two, viz., that given by Pliny
and that given by Ptolemy. For it will easily be seen by com-
paring the extracts in the notes, (i) that the notices of Mela and
Pliny are either the one copied from the other, or both copied from
a common source, and (2), that, as has been already observed,
the statements of Ammianus are copied from Ptolemy and
Phny.
PRELIMINARY ESSAY 17
of their own products, of which raw silk is the staple,
but which include also silk stuffs, furs, and iron of remark-
able quality."
Now the Chinese Empire had during the century before
our era, and again about a century after that date, just
the extension which such a description would imply 1,
whilst the other characteristics all have a distinct basis
in the character of the nation. Their reputation for
integrity and justice, in spite of much that might be said
against it, must have had some solid foundation, for it
has prevailed to our own day among their neighbours in
parts of Asia most remote from each other^. The silk,
silk-stuffs, and furs of China preserve their fame to our
own day also ; and their iron to which Pliny assigns the
palm was probably that fine cast-iron, otherwise unknown
to the ancients, which is still one of the distinguishing
manufactures of China^.
^ Strabo, in the only passage in which he seems to speak
proprio motu of the Seres, says of the kings of Bactria that " they
extended their rule to the frontier of the Seres and the Phryni."
\_Kiu 81] Ka). fieXP'' ^VP^^ '^^'- ^pvvSiv i^ereivov rrjv (ipx^'^-1 (Miiller's
Strabo, book xi, p. 443.)
2 Thus Wood quotes the testimony regarding the Chinese of
a travelled Mullah in Badakshan : " Like every other native of
those countries with whom I conversed on the subject, he praised
their probity and good faith " (p. 279). Burnes heard that " their
commercial regulations are just and equitable. The word of a
Chinese is not doubted, nor does the tea ever differ from the
sample " (iii, 195). And on the remote frontier of Burma and
Siam, " all the travellers whose journals I have consulted speak
in unconscious unison of the bitter feeling with which the Burmese
are regarded by all the alien tribes which are in any way subject
to their authority. And they speak with a like unanimity of the
high character which was ascribed to the Chinese for justice,
moderation, and good faith " {On Geog. of Burma, etc., in J.R.G.S.,
xxvii) .
^ " Ex omnibus autem generibus palma Serico ferro est.
Seres hoc cum vestibus suis pellibusque mittunt " (xxxiv, 41)
" We found cast-iron pots and pans of remarkable quality to
form a chief item among the miscellaneous ' notions ' (apart from
the silk which is the staple) imported by the Chinese into Ava
by the Yun nan Road. The art of iron casting is, like most Chinese
arts, a very old one ; and we find that in the first century B.C. the
C. Y. C. I. 2
l8 PRELIMINARY ESSAY
15. Of actual diplomatic communication with the
Seres I believe there is only one obscure trace in Roman
history ; this is in the representation of the historian
Florus that among the numerous missions from remote
nations that sought the footstool of Augustus there came
envoys also from the Seres^. [The Seres who are mentioned
by Florus may have visited Rome as private individuals,
merchants, etc., but certainly not on a diplomatic mission.
" The Chinese Annals clearly insinuate that Kan Ying
(a.d. 98) was the first Chinese who ever penetrated as far
west as T'iao chih " (Hirth, I.e. p. 305^).]
people of Ta wan or Farghanah acquired the new art of casting
iron tools and utensils from Chinese deserters (Julien, quoted by
Lassen, ii, 615). There is mention of Chinese iron in a passage
of the Arabian geographer Ibn Khurdadhbah, quoted below
(§83)-
^ " Even the rest of the nations of the world which were not
subject to the imperial sway were sensible of its grandeur, and
looked with reverence to the Roman people, the great conqueror
of nations. Thus even Scythians and Sarmatians sent envoys to
seek the friendship of Rome. Nay the Seres came likewise, and
the Indians who dwelt beneath the vertical sun, bringing presents
of precious stones and pearls and elephants, but thinking all of
less moment than the vastness of the journey which they had
undertaken, and which they said had occupied four years. In
truth it needed but to look at their complexion to see that they
were people of another world than ours. The Parthians also,
as if repenting for their presumption in defeating the Romans,
spontaneously brought back the standards which they had cap-
tured in the catastrophe of Crassus. Thus all round the inhabited
earth there was an unbroken circle of peace or at least of armistice."
["Omnibus ad Occasum et Meridiem pacatis gentibus, ad Septem-
trionem quoque, duntaxat intra Rhenum atque Danubium, item
ad Orientem intra Cyrum et Euphratem, illi quoque reliqui, qui
immunes imperii erant, sentiebant tamen magnitudinem, et
victorem gentium populum Romanum reverebantur. Nam et
Scytha.' misere legatos, et Sarmatrc, amicitiam petentes. Seres
etiam, habitantesque sub ipso sole Indi, cum gemmis et mar-
garitis, elephantes quoque inter munera trahentes, nihil magis,
quam longinquitatem vire imputabant, quam quadriennio im-
pleverant ; et tamen ipse hominum color ab alio venire cnslo
fatebatur. Parthi quoque, quasi victorioc poeniteret, rapta
clade Crassiana ultro signa retulere." Florus, Lib. iv, 12.]
^ [" The only official mission [226] which might have gone
forward from China to Ta-Ts'in direct is that of Ts'in-lun, a
Syrian merchant, who had come to some port in Cochin China
and was sent [from Kiao chi] on to the emperor of Wu [Nan king],
PRELIMINARY ESSAY
19
16. That Greek and Roman knowledge of the true
position of so remote a nation should at best have been
somewhat hazy is not to be wondered at. As the circle
of their knowledge widened its circumference from the
central shores of the Mare Nostrum, it also became of
course, in something like quadruple ratio, fainter and less
definite ; a fact that seems to have been forgotten by
those who, in dealing with the identity of Sera and Thinae,
have attached as much precision to the expressions of
partial knowledge hovering on the verge of ignorance,
as if these had been the expressions of precise but frag-
mentary knowledge such as our geographers possessed of
the Antarctic Coasts, or of the Nyanza Lakes. Yet how
very vague this knowledge was we may see in comparing
the positions of Thinae as assigned respectively by Ptolemy
and the author of the Periplus, or in observing the whole-
sale corrections which Ptolemy applied to the data of
Marinus in determining the distance in longitude of Sera
from the Stone Tower and of the Stone Tower from the
Euphrates. Moreover it is natural in such a state of
imperfect knowledge both that the name of the remoter
but dominant nation should sometimes be applied to its
nearest subject races, and that the characteristics of
these nearest races should sometimes be transferred to
the governing nation. Something in a degree analogous
has taken place in our own specific application of the
term Dutch only to our own neighbours of the Netherlands.
Still more in point is the fact that in the days of the
T'ang dynasty, when the Chinese power extended to
Transoxiana, Arab, and Armenian writers sometimes
spoke of Farghanah by the name of China ; and the
one of the three states contending for the supremacy during the
third century a.d., Sun-ch'iian, alias Ta-ti (a.d. 222-252) "
(Hirth, I.e. p. 306).]
20 PRELIMINARY ESSAY
Armenians sometimes gave the name of Chinese even to
the Khazars and other races north of the Caspian i.
17. We shall also find presently that the view enter-
tained by the Chinese themselves of the Roman Empire
and its inhabitants had some striking points of . analogy
to those views of the Chinese which are indicated in the
classical descriptions of the Seres. There can be no
mistaking the fact that in this case also the great object
was within the horizon of vision, yet the details ascribed
to it are often far from being true characteristics, being
only the accidents of its outer borders towards the east.
18. The name of Seres is probably from its earliest
use in the west identified with the name of the silkworm
and its produce, and this association continued until the
name ceased entirely to be used as a geographical expres-
sion^. Yet it was long before the Westerns had any
correct conception of the nature of the article which they
imported at so much cost. Virgil tells how the Seres
^ St. Martin, Armenie, ii, 19, 20. An author quoted by Ibn
Haukal places the frontiers of Sin close to Ma-wara-n-Nahr, and an
Arab poet speaks of Kutaybah, the conqueror of Transoxiana for
the Moslem, as being interred in the land of Sin, whilst it is known
from other testimony that this was in Farghanah. (Remusat, in
Mem. de I'Ac. des Insc, viii, 107.)
- The Chinese See and Szu, Silk, is found in the Corean language
or dialect in the form Sir, in Mongol Sirkek, in Manchu Sirghe.
Klaproth supposes this word to have given rise to the Greek aTjp,
the silk-worm, and ^rjpes, the people furnishing silk, and hence
Sericum, silk. {Mem. rel. d I'Asie, iii, 265.) Looking to the
Tartar forms of the word the idea suggests itself that Sericum
may have been the first importation, and that Ser and Seres
may have been formed by inverse analogy from that word taken
as an adjective. Deguignes makes or borrows a suggestion that
the work Sherikoth, which occurs in the Hebrew of Isaiah, xix, 9
(" They that work in fine flax and they that weave net-works
shall be confounded " — Deguignes by mistake quotes Ezekiel)
means silk, and he refers to the Arabic Saraqat. This, according
to Freytag, means a long piece of white silk, sometimes silk in
general. {Mem. de I'Acad. des Insc, xlvi, 575.) Pardessus,
in the modern Mem. de I'Acad. des Insc, xv, p. 3, says Sir is
Persian for silk, but I cannot discover the authority. Sarah,
connected with the Arabic word just quoted, is " a stripe of white
silk." (F. Johnston's Diet.)
PRELIMINARY ESSAY 21
combed out from the leaves of the forest the fleecy staple
of their trade ; and poet after poet echoes the story down
to Claudian^. Pliny knows no better, nor does Ammianus,
three centuries later than Pliny ^ ; yet in the interval
a juster idea of the facts had been published by Pausanias,
who knew that silk was spun by insects which the Seres
tended for the purpose. Either there was sounder know-
ledge on the subject afloat in the mercantile world which
the poets ignored, sticking to the old literary tradition
of the fleecy leaves as the}^ did to the Descend O Muse ;
or Pausanias must have had some special source of infor-
mation. The former solution of the difficulty would be
the most probable, if the error were confined to the poets,
but when we find a sober historian like Ammianus adopt
the tale, we seem forced upon the latter. M. Reinaud
thinks that Pausanias must have come in contact with
a Roman visitor of China in the days of Marcus Aurelius,
respecting whom we shall have to speak further on.
I may observe, however, that among the Ancients, and
indeed down to the tiine when the invention of the press
had had time to take effect, the fluctuation of knowledge
in regard to geographical truth in general, and to the
^ A specimen from Silius Italicus is worth quoting, as it shows
a correct idea of the position of the Seres on the shores of the
remotest eastern sea :
" Jam, Tartessiaco quos solverat aequore. Titan
In noctem diffusus equos, jungebat Eois
Littoribus, primique novo Phaethonte retecti
Seres lanigeris repetebant vellera lucis " (opening of book vi).
In another passage an audacious hyperbole carries the ashes of
Vesuvius to that distant land :
" Videre Eoi (monstrum admirabile !) Seres
Lanigeros cinere Ausonio canescere lucos " (xvii, 600).
2 Even in the middle ages Jacques de Vitry, writing about
1213, and believing in his Virgil, says : " Quaedam etiam arbores
sunt apud Seres, folia tanquam lanam ex se procreantes, ex quibus
vestes subtiles contexuntur " (Deguignes in Mem. de I' Acad, des
Insc, xlvi, 541). Probably, however, this writer did not think
of silk (which he must have known well enough) as the Seric
vestment in question.
22 PRELIMINARY ESSAY
Far East in particular, is very noticeable ; chiefly due
no doubt to the absence of efficient publication and the
difficulties of reference. Familiar instances of this are
seen in the false notion of the Caspian entertained by
Strabo, and the opposite error in regard to the Indian
Sea held by Ptolem}^ as compared with the correct ideas
on both subjects possessed by Herodotus^. We find
a like degeneration in the Arabian knowledge of India
in comparing Al Biruni with Edrisi ; and other examples
will occur in the allusions to China which we shall have
to cite.
^ [We may add the following information from various authors :
" Qua ab Scythico oceano et mari Caspio in oceanum eoum
cursus inflectitur, ab exordio huiusce plagae profundae nives :
mox longa deserta : post Anthropophagi gens est asperrima :
dein feris spatia obsita ferme dimidiam itineris partem impene-
trabilem reddiderunt. quarum difhcultatum terminum facit
iugum mari imminens, quod Tabim barbari dicunt : post quae
adhuc longinquae solitudines. sic in tractu eius orae, quae spectat
aestivum orientem, post inhumanos situs primos hominum Seras
cognoscimus, qui aquarum aspergine inundatis frondibus vellera
arborum adminiculo depectunt liquoris et lanuginis teneram
subtilitatem humore domant obsequium. hoc illud est sericum
in usum publicum damno severitatis admissum et quo ostendere
potius corpora quam vestire primo feminis, nunc etiam viris
luxuriae persuasit libido. Seres ipsi quidem mites et inter se
quietissimi, alias vero reliquorum mortalium coetus refugiunt, adeo
ut ceterarum gentium commercia abnuant. primum eorum
fiuvium mercatores ipsi transeunt, in cuius ripis nullo inter partes
linguae commercio, sed depositarum rerum pretia oculis a?stiman-
tibus sua tradunt, nostra non emunt." (C. J. Solinus, Polyhistor,
Mommsen's ed., Berlin, 1864, p. 201.) Cf. Pliny—" Seres a proprio
oppido nomen sortiti sunt, gens ad Orientem sita, apud quos de
arboribus lana contexitur : de quibus est illud, Ignoti facie, sed
noti vellere Seres." (5. Isidori Hisp. Episcopi Opera omnia,
Parisiis, 1601, Origin. Lib. ix, cap. ii, de gentium vocahulis, p. 117.)
And again :
" Seres oppidum orientis, a quo & genus sericum & regio
nuncupata est. Hacc a Scytico Oceano & mari Caspio ad
Oceanum orientalem inflectitur, nobilibus fertilis frondibus,
a quibus vellera decerpuntur, qu^ cocteris gentibus Seres ad
vsum vestium vendunt." {Ibid. ,l^ih. xiv, cap. iii, De Asia, p. 187.)]
[" Sericum dictum, quia id Seres primi miserunt. Vermiculi
enim ibi nasci perhibentur, a quibus haec circum arbores fiila
ducuntur. Vermes autem ipsi Graece l36fii6vKes nominantur."
(5. Isidori Hisp. Episc. Opera omnia, Parisiis, iGoi, Orig.
Lib. xix, cap. xxvii, De lani.';, p. 266).]
PRELIMINARY ESSAY 23
19. The Chinese annals tell as that the people whom
they call the Asi (supposed by Juhen and others to be
the Parthians) ^ were the intermediate traders who carried
silk from the east to the west, and they inform us that
these Asi threw every obstacle in the way of direct com-
munication between the Chinese and the Romans. The
latter, we are assured, were exceedingly desirous of such
communication, but the Asi, who were very inferior to
the people of the Roman empire in the arts of weaving
and the quahty of dyes, feared to lose the profits of agency
and manufacture entirely unless they retained a monopoly
of the trade. The statement is no doubt incorrect that
all silk was passed on to the Romans in a manufactured
state, or if true, could only have been so for some brief
period, but the anxiety of the Romans to rid themselves
1 The name Asi is however said by Remusat to have been
apphed by the Chinese almost promiscuously to the nations
between the Jaxartes and Oxus, as far south as Samarkand ;
and in one of his quotations it is applied to people of Khojand,
and in another to people of Bokhara. In the extracts from Men-
ander (Note VIII at the end) the Sogdians appear as intermediaries
in the silk trade, i.e., the people of the country whose centre is
Samarkand. [An-hsi, An-si is Parthia. The Ts'ien Han Shu
says : " The king of the country of An-hsi rules at the city of
P'an-tsu ; its distance from Ch'ang-an is 11,600 li. The country
is not subject to a tu-hu [a Chinese governor in Central- Asiatic
possessions] . It bounds north on K'ang-chii, east on Wu-i-shan-li,
west on T'iao-chih .... Itlieson the banks of the Kuei-shui [Oxus]."
And again : " When the emperor Wu-ti [b.c. 140-86] first sent
an embassy to An-hsi [Parthia], the king ordered a general to
meet him on the eastern frontier with twenty thousand cavalry.
The eastern frontier was several thousand li distant from the
king's capital. Proceeding to the north one came across several
tens of cities, the inhabitants of which were allied with that
country. As they sent forth an embassy to follow the Chinese
embassy, they came to see the country of China. They offered
to the Chinese court large birds' eggs, and jugglers from Li-kan,
at which His Majesty was highly pleased." (Hirth, China and the
Roman Orient, pp. 141, 36.) Notices of An-si are also to be found
in the Shi ki, in the Hau Han Shu, etc. Hirth adds, p. 14T :
" There can be no doubt that the Hekatompylos of Greek and
Roman writers, being the chief capital of the Empire, is identical
with the city of P'an-tou (Parthura ?) mentioned in the Ch'ien-
han-shu and with the city of Ho-tu (old sound Wodok ?) mentioned
in the Hou-han-shu."]
24 PRELIMINARY ESSAY
of dependance on the nations of Persia for the supply of
silk is fully borne out by the story which Procopius and
others relate as to the introduction of the silkworm into
the Byzantine territories by two monks in the time of
Justinian (circa 550) i. The country from which the
monks brought their precious charge is called by Theo-
phanes simply that of the Seres, but by Procopius Serinda.
China may be intended, but of this there can be no cer-
tainty. Indeed it is possible that the term was meant to
express a compound like our Indo-China, some region
intermediate between Serica and India, and if so not
improbably Khotan^.
20. There are among the fragments of the Greek
historians other curious notices of intercourse with the
Turkish tribes of Central Asia in the daj^s of Justinian's
immediate successors, which, though they do not bring-
up mention of the Chinese under any denomination, are
in a degree relevant to our subject, because they show
the Byzantine empire in contact and intercourse with
nations which occupy a prominent place in the Chinese
annals, and introduce the names of some princes who are
to be recognised in those also^.
We have, however, in this (6th) and the following
century, from Greek writers, two remarkable notices of
China, in the comparison of which we still may trace the
duplicate aspect of this great country to which we have
referred in the opening of this Essay. For Cosmas, the
1 See extracts in Note VII.
^ D'Anville suggests that Serinda may be a compound name,
but identifies it with Sivhind in North Western India. This
name I presume however to be Persian, and to date from com-
paratively late times. Gosselin will have it to be Srinagar in
Kashmir. The Ravenna Geographer puts India Serica in the
North of India on the Ganges and Acesines {Rav. Anon. Cosmog.
Berlin, i860, pp. 45, 48).
2 See a sample of these narratives in Note VIII.
PRELIMINARY ESSAY 25
first of these authors, recognises it chiefly on its southern
or maritime side, the other, Theophylactus, solely on its
land side, and without knowledge of any other. The
evidence of both goes to show that the name of Seres had
been now practically almost, if not entirely, forgotten.
21. CosMAS, called from his maritime experiences
Indicopleustes, apparently an Alexandrian Greek, who
wrote between 530 and 550^, is the first Greek or Roman
writer who speaks of China in a matter-of-fact manner,
and not as a land enveloped in half mythical haze. He
speaks of it also by a name which I suppose no one has
ever disputed to mean China ^.
This writer was a monk when he composed the work
which has come down to us, but in his earlier days he had
been a merchant, and in that capacity had sailed on the
Red Sea and the Indian Ocean, visiting the coasts of
Ethiopia, and apparently also the Persian Gulf and the
western coasts of India, as well as Ceylon^.
His book was written at Alexandria, and is termed
a Universal Christian Topography'^, the great object of
it being to show that the Tabernacle in the Wilderness
is a pattern or model of the universe. The earth is a
1 Dates deduced by Montfaucon from different parts of his
work show that parts of it were written in 535, and other parts
at least twelve years later. The work bears tokens of having been
often altered and expanded. Five books only were at first
published ; six and a fraction more were added gradually to
strengthen arguments and meet objections. (See preface in
Montfaucon's Collectio Nova Patvum et Script. Gvcbc, ii, which
contains the work ; extracts were also previously published in
Thevenot's Collection of Travels.) [A new edition and translation
of Cosmas has been brought out by Mr. J. W. McCrindle for the
Hakluyt Society, 1897.]
2 See page 12.
^ Sir J. E. Tennent [Ceylon, i, 542) says that Cosmas got his
accounts of Ceylon from Sopatrus whom he met at Adule, and
Lassen ascribes all Cosmas says of India to the same authority
(ii, 773). But I have not found the ground of these opinions.
One anecdote is ascribed to Sopatrus, no more.
* HpiCTTiaviKr) ToTToypacpia TrepieKTiKrj jravroi rod Kdcr/xou.
26 PRELIMINARY ESSAY
rectangular plane, twice as long as it is broad. The
heavens come down to the earth on all four sides like the
walls of a room ; from the north wall to the south wall,
at an undefined height, a semicircular waggon- vault is
turned, at the level of the springing of which lies the firma-
ment, like a flat ceiling. All below this firmament is
this world ; the upper story is Heaven, or the world to
come. In fact one of those enormous receptacles, which
carry the dresses of female travellers in our day, forms a
perfect model of the Cosmos of Cosmas.
In the middle of the rectangular surface of this world
lies the inhabited earth encompassed by the Ocean.
Beyond the Ocean, bordering the edges of creation, is
the unvisited transoceanic land, on which, in the far east,
lies Paradise. Here, too, on a barren and thorny soil,
without the walls of Paradise, dwelt man from the fall
to the deluge. The ark floated the survivors of the human
family across the great ocean belt to this earth which we
inhabit, and which, in comparison with that where Noah
and his fathers dwelt, is itself almost a Paradise. The
earth rises gradually from the south towards the north
and west, culminating in a great conical mountain, behind
which the sun sets.
Again and again this crotchety monk sputters with
indignation against those who reject these views of his,
" not built," he says, " on his own opinions and conjectures,
but drawn from Holy Scripture, and from the mouth of
that divine man and great Master, Patricius^." Those
wretched people who chop logic, and hold that the earth
and heavens are spherical, are mere blasphemers, given
1 [This appears from Assemani to be the translated name of
Mar- Aba, Patriarch of the Nestorian Church from 536 to 552
(see ii, 412 ; iii, 73-6 ; iii, pt. ii, 406). The same author says
that Cosmas, in his expositions of Scripture and his system of the
World, closely follows two chief Nestorian Doctors, Theodorus
of Mopsuestia and Diodorus of Tarsus (405).]
PRELIMINARY ESSAY 2^
up for their sins to the beUef of such impudent nonsense
as the doctrine of Antipodes^. The sun, instead of being
larger than the earth, is only of the diameter of two
climates (i8° of latitude) on the earth's surface^.
Altogether the book is a memorable example of that
mischievous process of loading Christian truth with a
dead- weight of false science, which has had so many
followers. The book as a whole is what Robert Hall
called some dreary commentary, " a continent of mud,"
but there are a few geographical fossils of considerable
interest to be extracted from it^. These have been dug
^ See pp. 125, 185, 191, etc., and the drawing in ridicule of
the doctrine of Antipodes.
2 P. 264.
3 [Mr. J. W. McCrindle in his edition of Cosmas writes : " Since
the Topography had for its main design the exposition of these
views, it has been compared by Yule to ' a mere bank of mud,
but remarkable on account of certain geographical fossils which
are found irabedded in it.' This comparison, however, we venture
to think, does less than justice to the work, for besides the geo-
graphical there are many other ' fossils ' to be found in the mud,
of different kinds and generally of more or less interest and value.
A list of these— but not pretending to be complete — ^has been
given by Montfaucon in his Introduction. Among others may
be specified the indication of Clysma as the place of the passage
of the Red Sea ; the wares brought by merchants to the Israelites
when they sojourned in the wilderness ; the seat of the terrestrial
Paradise ; the worship of Mithras by the Persians ; the rite of
baptism ; the date of the Nativity ; the question of the canonicity
of the Catholic Epistles ; the exposition of the prayer of Heze-
kiah ; the inscriptions on the rocks found in the desert of Sinai ;
the state of Christianity in Socotra, Ceylon and India ; the extent
to which Christianity had spread over the heathen world ; the
interpretation of the prophecies of Daniel ; extracts from Pagan
writers and Fathers of the Church preserved only by Cosmas ;
and his views on the destiny of children who die in the womb
or in infancy. The portion, moreover, of the Topography which
is the ' mud bank ' of the comparison is not without some value.
It is a specimen of a once prevalent and not yet quite extinct
mode of Scriptural exegesis ; it reveals what were some of the
main currents of thought which permeated the Christian world
at the beginning of the Middle Ages ; it discloses to what a lament-
able degree, as Monotheistic Christianity rose to the ascendant,
triumphant alike over the Persian Dualism of the Manichaeans,
and the Greek Pantheism of the Neo-Platonists, the light of
Hellenic learning and science had faded from Christendom before
as yet Islam, which was destined to receive and preserve that
28 PRELIMINARY ESSAY
out accordingly, and will be found in Note IX, at the
end of this Essay.
22. It will be seen from one of these extracts that
Cosmas had a very correct idea of the position of China,
as lying on the extreme eastern coast of Asia, " compassed
by the ocean running round it to the left just as the same
ocean compasses Barbary (Somali Land) round to the
right." He knew also that a ship sailing to China, after
running east for a long way, had to turn to the north at
least as far as a ship bound for Chaldaea would have to
run up frorji the straits of Hormuz to the mouths of the
Euphrates ; and that thus it was intelligible how China
by the overland route lay much nearer to Persia than might
have been thought from the length of the sea-voyage
thither.
23. The form of the name which he gives the country
is remarkable, Tzinitza, as it reads in the 2nd extract,
but as it occurs further on (5th extract) more correctly
TziNiSTA, representing the Chinasthana of the old Hindoos,
the Chinistan of the Persians, and all but identical with
the name given to China in the Syriac inscription of
Si-ngan fu, of which we shall speak further on, viz.,
TziNiSTHAN^. Cosmas professes no knowledge of geo-
graphical details between Ceylon and China, but he is
aware that the clove country lies between the two, which
is in itself a considerable step in geography for the sixth
century. Silk, aloes-wood, cloves, and sandal-wood are
the chief exports that came westward to Ceylon from China
and the intermediate countries.
light, had appeared in the world ; and while it exhibits the attitude
in which Theology and Science in those days stood to each other,
it illustrates the signal danger of regarding Scripture as a store-
house of divine communications which may be turned to account in
defending or in oppugning scientific speculations " (pp. xx-xxi).]
^ See Pauthier, UlnscHpt. de Singanfu, p. 42. — [Tzinista,
Greek transcription of Sanskrit Cinasthana.]
PRELIMINARY ESSAY • 29
24. The other Greek notice of China, which has been
alluded to above, is to be found in the History of Theo-
PHYLACTUS SiMOCATTA, a Byzantine writer of the early
part of the seventh century. This author appears to
have acquired, through some exceptional source, a know-
ledge of wars and revolutions that had been going on
among the Turkish nations of Central Asia, and some
curious fragments of the history of their relations with
one another and with their neighbours, which he introduces
into his book without much relevance to the thread of
his narrative. Among these fragments is a notice of a
great state and people called Taugas, which he describes
as very famous over the east, originally a colony of the
Turkish race, now forming a nation scarcely to be paralleled
on the face of the whole earth for power and population.
Their chief city was at a distance of 1500 miles from India ^.
After treating of some other matters, the historian returns
to the subject, and proceeds^: —
25. " The ruler of the land of the Taugas^ [Tavyd<;]
is called Taissan, which signifies, when translated, the
Son of God^. This kingdom of Taugas is never disturbed
^ Theoph. Simoc, vii, 7. The main subject of the history of
Theophylactus is the reign of Maurice. Gibbon caUs this author
" a vain sophist," " an impostor," " diffuse in trifles, concise in
the most interesting facts."
^ lb., vii, 9.
2 The name of China which this probably represents will be
shown below. In the Latin version in the Corpus Hist. Byz.
and in the Bonn edition it is Tatigast, as also in the Ecclesiastical
History of Nicephorus Callistus, who copies largely from Theo-
phylactus (Lang's Lat. Version, Francf., 1588, book xviii, ch. 30).
* This is supposed by Klaproth to represent the Chinese
Thiantse, " Son of Heaven." It is curious, however, that the
name of the emperor reigning in the latter years of Theophylactus,
and a very celebrated sovereign in Chinese history, was T'ai Tsung.
He came to the throne in 626. The last addition known to have
been made to the history of Theophylactus is an allusion to the
death of Chosroes, King of Persia, which occurred in 628. Smith's
Diet, of Greek and Roman Biography says that the historian is
supposed to have died in the following year, but there does not
30 PRELIMINARY ESSAY
by disputed successions, for the authority is hereditary
in the family of the chief. The nation practises idolatry,
but they have just laws, and their life is full of temperate
wisdom. There is a law binding on these people which
prohibits the men from ever wearing ornaments of gold,
although they derive great wealth in gold and silver from
their commerce, which is both large and lucrative. The
territory of Taugas, of which we are speaking, is divided
in two by a river ^, which in time past formed the bound-
ary between two very great nations which were at war
with one another. These nations were distinguished from
one another by their dress, the one wearing clothes dyed
black, the other red. In our own day, however, and
whilst Maurice wielded the Roman sceptre, the nation
of the black-coats crossed the river to attack the red-coats,
and having got the victory over them they thus became
supreme over the whole empire^.
seem to be any authority for this ; and it is possible that at a later
date the name of T'ai Tsung might have reached him. [What
renders the change of Thiantse, says Yule in an additional note,
or some similar term into Taissan more probable than it seems
at first sight, is the fact that Ssanang Ssetzen calls the title by
which the Chinese Emperor, Ying Tsung, ascended the throne
for the second time (a.d. 1457) Taissun, the real title being T'ien
Shun, "Favoured by Heaven." (See Schmidt, p. 293, and Chine
Ancienne, p. ,405.)]
1 [" Le Wei choui coule au nord de cette ville, et s'y divise
en deux bras, qui se rejoignent apres I'avoir parcourue. Ce
sont les deux rivieres dont Theophylacte parle. Le recit de cet
auteur donne une preuve de son exactitude, et temoigne en faveur
de la veracite des Annales chinoises." Klaproth, /. As., viii,
1826, pp. 227-230.]
^ The great river is the Kiang, which divided the Empire of
the Sui, whose capital was at Ch'ang-ngan or Si-ngan fu, from
that of the Ch'en whose Emperor resided at Nan king. The
sovereign of the Sui crossed the Kiang as here related in the year
589, and therefore in the reign of Maurice at Byzantium (582-602).
The Ch'en Emperor threw himself into a well ; the tombs of his
ancestors were violated and their bodies thrown into the Kiang.
The Sui thus became masters of the United Empire as Theophy-
lactus relates. (Klaproth, Mem., as below, and see Deguignes,
vol. i, 51, 52.) The characteristic black clothing of the people of
Shen si, in which lay the capital of the Sui, is noticed by Hajji
Mahomed in the extracts given in Note XVIII.
PRELIMINARY ESSAY 3I
" And this city of Taugas they say was founded by
Alexander the Macedonian, after he had enslaved the
Bactrians and the Sogdianians, and had consumed by
fire twelve myriads of barbarians.
" In this city the king's women go forth in chariots
made of gold, with one ox to draw them^, and they are
decked out most gorgeously with gold and jewels of great
price, and the bridles of the oxen are gilt. He who hath
the sovereign authority hath 700 concubines^. And the
women of the chief nobles of Taugas use silver chariots.
" When the prince dies he is mourned by his women
for the rest of their lives, with shaven heads and black
raiment ; and it is the law that they shall never quit
the sepulchre.
" They say that Alexander built a second city at the
distance of a few miles, and this the barbarians call
Khubdan^.
" Khubdan has two great rivers flowing through it,
^ In Chine Ancienne, I see a plate from a Chinese drawing
which represents Confucius traveUing in a carriage drawn by one
ox (PL 30).
2 The Emperor T'ai Tsung above mentioned, is said to have
dismissed three thousand women from the imperial establishment.
{Cli. Anc, p. 286.)
^ This is sufficient of itself to show that the Taugas of the
Greek writer is China. For Khumdan was the name given by the
Turkish and Western Asiatic nations to the city of Ch'ang-ngan
— now represented by Si-ngan fu in Shen si — which was the
capital of several Chinese dynasties between the 12th century B.C.,
and the gth century a.d. The name Khumdan appears in
the Syriac part of the Si-ngan fu inscription repeatedly ; in the
Arab Relations of the 9th century published by Renaudot and
by Reinaud ; in Mas'udi ; in Edrisi (as the name of the great
river of China) ; and in Abulfeda. What is said in the text
about the two rivers running through the city is substantially
correct (see Klaproth as quoted below). I have here transposed
two periods of the original, to bring together what is said of
Khubdan. Pauthier takes Khumdan for a western transcription
of Ch'angan, whilst Neumann regards it as a corruption of Kong-
tien, court or palace. Both of these explanations seem unsatis-
factory. [Khumdan = Khamdan = Khan fang, the court of the
Emperor = Si-ngan fu. See Hartraann, Chine in Encyclop.
de I'Islam, p. 863.]
32 PRELIMINARY ESSAY
the banks of which are Hned with nodding cypresses, so
to speak.
" The people also have many elephants ; and they
have much intercourse for trade with the Indians. And
these are said to be Indians who are white from living
in the north.
" The worms from which the silk filaments are produced
are found among these people ; they go through many
alternations, and are of various colours. And in the art
of keeping these creatures the barbarians show much
skill and emulation."
26. The passing remarks of some scholars have
identified the Taugas of this curious passage with some
of the tribes of Turkestan, but there can be no reasonable
doubt that it refers to the Chinese, though there is no
allusion by Theophylactus to Sinae or Seres, and it is
pretty clear that he was repeating what some well-informed
person had told him without himself at all understanding
where the country lay of which he spoke. Deguignes
first showed that the passage referred to China. Gibbon
accepted this view, and Klaproth has expounded it in
the same sense, apparently unaware that he had been
anticipated^. And yet he does not explain the name
applied to the Chinese or their capital.
Deguignes explained it as indicating the Ta-gdei, great
Goei, or Wei dynasty 2, which preceded the Sui, but there
can be little doubt that it represents the obscure name of
^ Gibbon, ch. cxl, notes ; Klap., Mem. Rel. a I'Asie, iii, 261-
4 ; [Journ. Asiatique, viii, 1826, pp. 227—230].
2 [Pelliot {T'oung pao, Oct. 1912, p. 732) adopts Deguignes'
theory : " From 386 to 556 the north of China was occupied
by a foreign dynasty coming from eastern Mongoha which took
the Chinese name Wei ; its capital was for a long time in Shan si,
then in Ho nan. But the Chinese historians have kept the native
name of these invaders with the transcription T'o pa (Thak-
bat)." It is possible that Tab-yac has been derived from T'o pa,
Thak-bat.]
PRELIMINARY ESSAY 33
Tamghaj, once applied vaguely to China or some great
country lying in the mists of the Far East by the western
nations of Asia, and by old Arabian and Persian writers.
Thus in 1218, when Mahomed, Sultan of Khwarizm,
received envoys from Chinghiz Khan, at Bokhara, he
sent by night for one of those envoys who was a native
of his own territories, and asked him if it was really true
that Chinghiz Khan had conquered Tamghaj ^ ?
1 D'Ohsson, i, 203. That author refers in a note to the Taugas
of Theophylactus. So also Albiruni terms the city of Yangju
in China " the Residence of the Faghfur, who has the title of
Tamghaj Khan " (Sprenger's Post- und Reise-route des Orients,
p. 90). Abulfeda says the sarae, quoting the " Qanun," which I
believe is Albiruni's work — " the Faghfur of China, who is called
Timghaj Khan, and who is the Great King, according to the history
of Al-Niswy, where in his account of Khwarizm Shah and the
Tartars, it is stated that the name of the King of the Tartars in
China is Tooghaj." I take this from MS extracts of Abulfeda
kindly translated for me by Mr Badger. [" On lit dans le Qdnoun :
Yandjou est le capitale du Faghfour de la Chine. II porte lenom
de Tamghadj-khan : c'est leur grand roi. On lit dans la chronique
de Nasawi, laquelle est consacree a I'histoire des rois du Kharizm
et des Tatars : La capitale du roi des Tatars en Chine se nomme
Toughadj." Aboulfeda, 11, 2''partie,p.i23. — Guyard's translation.]
I do not know how the last word is written in the Arabic, and its
closer correspondence to the Taugas of Theophylactus is almost
certainly due to accident. The Niswy or Nessawi quoted by
Abulfeda was secretary to Sultan Jalaluddm of Khwarizm,
and no doubt the allusion is to the anecdote told in the text from
D'Ohsson.
Mas'udi says the King of China when addressed was termed
Tamgama Jaban [and not Bagbour] (qu. Thamgaj ?) {Prairies
d'Or, i, 306).
Clavijo says : "The Zagatays call him (the Emperor of China)
Tangus, which means Pig Emperor" (!). SeeMarkham, pp. 133-4.
[" Los Chacatays lo llaman Tangus, que han por denuesto, que
quiere decir Emperador Puerco." (P. 152, Vida del gran Tamorlan
por Ruy Gonzalez de Clavijo, Madrid, 1782.)] In the Universal
History it is mentioned (probably after Sharifuddin) that in
1398 envoys came to Timur from Tamgaj Khan, Emperor of
Cathay. [" In Hi are found the Chinese called T'ao-hua-shi.
Palladius supposes that this is designed to render the word tamgaj,
applied in ancient times by the Mohammedans in China." Bret-
schneider, Med. Researches, i, p. 71.]
The following examples are more doubtful. " We call this
region China, the which they in their language name Tame, and
the people Tangis, whom we name Chinois " {Alhacen, his Arabike
Historie of Tamerlane, in Purchas, iii, 152).
Tangtash, Tangnash, Taknas, occur repeatedly in the transla-
tion of Sadik Isfahani and of the Shajrat ul A trdk as synonymous
C. Y. C. I. 3
34 PRELIMINARY ESSAY
27. I am not aware of any other mention of China in
a Greek writer till we get to Laonicus Chalcondylas in
the latter half of the fifteenth century. We need not be
surprised at the vagueness of the site ascribed to Taugas
by Theophylactus when we find this author, who wrote
from one to two centuries after the travels of Polo, Odoric,
and Ibn Batuta, describing Cathay in one passage as
somewhere near the Caspian, in another as in India,
between the Ganges and Indus ^.
with Machin, or a great city therein. But these words are perhaps
corrupt readings of Nangids, which was a name appHed by the
Mongols to Southern China. (See D'Ohsson, i, 190-1 ; Quat.,
Rashideddin , p. Ixxxvi.)
The name can scarcely have any reference to the T'ang dynasty,
for they did not attain the throne till the latter years of Theo-
phylactus, and he mentions Taugas in connexion with a Khan of
the Turks in the time of the Emperor Maurice. It should be
mentioned, however, that the title Thangdj is found on a coin of
a Turkish Khakan of a.d. 1043-44 (see Fraehn's remarks on this
in Meyendorff's Voyage d'Orenbourg d Bokhara, p. 314 seqq. ;
see also D'Herbelot in v. Thamgaj). The geographer Bakui
also defines Thamgaj as a great city of the Turks' country, near
which are many villages between two mountains, and only
approached by a narrow defile. {Not. et Extr., ii, 491.)
1 " Hence he (Timur) directed his march against the Chataides,
threatening them with destruction. This people are believed to
be the same with the ancient Massageta?, who crossed the Araxes
(Jaxartes ?) and took possession of an extensive region adjoining
that river, in which they settled." [De Rebus Turcicis, iii, p. 67.)
Again : " Chataia is a city towards the east of Hyrcania, great
and flourishing in population, and surpassing in wealth and all
other attributes of prosperity all the cities of Asia except Samar-
kand and Memphis (Cairo) . By the Massageta^ it was established
with excellent laws in olden time." {lb.) Somewhat later
(p. 86) he puts Chatagia in India, as mentioned above. Indeed
geography for a Greek writer must have been in a state of very
midnight at this time, when a historian who ventured to treat of
Timur and Shah Rukh (Saxpou^os-) was fain to say of Cheria (Herat) :
" in what part of Asia it was situated, whether in the land of the
Syrians or the land of the Medes, he could not ascertain. But
some thought that anciently Cheriah was Ninus (Nineveh) as
Pagdatine (Baghdad) was Babylon." {lb., p. 68.)
PRELIMINARY ESSAY 35
II. CHINESE KNOWLEDGE OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE.
28. Having thus set forth such indications as we
can of acquaintance with China from Greek and Roman
writers, we shall now collect such notices of the Greek and
Roman territories as we are able to find in translations
from Chinese sources.
It was under the Emperor Wu Ti, of the Han dynasty
(B.C. 140-87), that the Chinese first had relations with the
countries west of the Bolor mountains, and even the
discovery of those regions is ascribed by Chinese writers
to this period, though the correctness of that idea may
well be questioned. ["The thirty-six kingdoms then
opened up became afterwards gradually subdivided into
more than fifty ; all lying to the west of the Hiong-nu,
and south of the Wu-sun. Along the north and south
run great mountains, and through the centre flows a
river [Tarim].. . .On the west it is limited by the Ts'ong-
ling mountains^."]
[In the third century before our era, two rival peoples
were fighting for supremacy in the north of China, then
divided into states under the power, more and more
nominal, of the princes of the State of Chau ; they were the
Hiong Nu, extending from the north of the Shan si
Province to lake Barkul, and the Yue chi settled in the
region forming the present province of Kan Su. The
Hiong Nu, at first subject to the Yue chi, vanquished these
a first time at the end of the third century and a second
time in B.C. 177. The Yue chi, expelled from Kan Su,
their cradle, in 165, went to Ku cha, arrived in the country
of the Hi river and of its two southern tributaries, the
1 [A. Wylie, Notes on the Western Regions, translated from
the "Tseen Han Shoo," Bk 96, Pt I {Journ. Anth. Inst., Aug.
1880).]
36 PRELIMINARY ESSAY
Tekes and the Konges where the Wu sun were estabhshed ;
the newcomers defeated the Wu sun, and passed beyond
the Issik-kul ; the Yue chi spht into two branches : the
Httle Yue chi who mixed with the K'iang or Tibetans,
and the great Yue chi who took Kashgar at the expense of
the Sakas (b.c. 163). The Yue chi, defeated again by
the Hiong Nu, protecting the Wu sun, were compelled to
march towards the south, pushing the Sakas before them,
and after some intermediate halts, they arrived first in
Ta wan (Farghanah), and then subjugated the kingdom of
Ta Hia, or Bactriana, whose capital was Lan She, south
of the Oxus, in Badakhshan, northern part of Tokharestan ;
in B.C. 120 the Yue chi destroyed the Greek dynasty and
took in the same year the saka kingdom of Soter Megas.
The Sakas or Sak, whom Herr von Le Coq thinks of Iranian
stock, fled to the N.W. of India, settled in Sindh and
Pendjab, and finally mixed probably with the Yue chi.
Later on the Yue chi made the conquest of Kashmir and,
after seeing their Indian Empire fall into pieces in the
hands of the Hindu princes, disappeared in the fifth
century of our era before the White Huns. The part
played by the Yue chi, Tokharians or Indo-Scythians,
has been considerable, and they were probably the
intermediaries between China and the West, and it is
certainly by them that buddhism was known to the
Celestial Empire. According to Prof. F. W. K. Miiller,
of Berlin, one of the " unknown " languages brought to
light by the recent excavations in Central Asia is the
language of the Tokharians, Indo-Scythians or Yue chi,
of the Indo-Germanic group of languages.]
[The Chinese Emperor Wu being desirous of opening
communication with the Ta Yue chi in order to excite a
diversion against the Hiong Nu, the constant disturbers
of the Chinese frontier, ignoring that these Yue chi had
"s^
PRELIMINARY ESSAY 37
already left the Hi valley and fled south, sent for this
purpose an ofhcer called Chang K'ien with about one
hundred people (a^et." 138). Chang K'ien had hardly De-
left by the north-western route before he was caught by
the Hiong Nu and kept a prisoner for about ten years.
Chang K'ien then escaped with some of his comrades,
but adhering to his mission succeeded in reaching Ta wan
(Farghanah) , where he was well received by the people
who were acquainted by fame with the powers and riches
of China, though they had never had any direct communi-
cation with that country. The Yue chi were north of the
Oxus, but having conquered Ta Hia (Tokharestan) , they
went south to occupy their capital Lan She, and Chang
K'ien followed them thither, passing through K'ang kiu,
but failed to induce them to quit their new seat upon the
Oxus to return. to their eastern deserts and battle with
the Hiong Nu. Thus unsuccessful, after a stay of one
year (AtD'. 128) with the Yue chi, Chang K'ien tried to /
return to China by way of Tibet, but was again taken by
the Hiong Nu and detained for some time ; he managed
to escape in 126, and at last this adventurous man got
back to China with a Turkish wife and a single follower
out of the hundred who had started with him. He was
able to report, from personal knowledge, of the countries
on the Jaxartes and Oxus, and, from the information he
had collected, on other countries of the west. He had
noticed bamboos and cloths forwarded from Yun Nan
and Sze ch'wan through Shen tu (India) and Afghanistan,
and suggested that a new route be taken through India
to go westward instead of crossing the Hiong Nu country,
and henceforward the emperor Wu acted upon this
advice^.]
One of the consequences of Chang K'ien's voyage was
^ [Chavannes, Se-ma Ts'ien, i, pp. Ixxi-lxxiii.]
38 PRELIMINARY ESSAY
a desire of the Emperor Wu to open a route to the west
through the Turkish and Tibetan tribes ; this he was
able to do after the victory of General Ho K'iu-ping in
A.D. 121 and the conquest of Kan chau and Leang chau
which formed the commandry of Ts'iau ts'iuan with a
governor {t'ai chau) at the place now named Su chau ;
this commandry was subsequently divided into three :
Wu wei (Leang chau), Chang ye (Kan chau) and Tun
hwang. The Great Wall built by Ts'in Shi Hwang Ti
in A.D. 214, and uniting the various walls erected against
the Hiong Nu by the Northern States, was pushed on to
the west through the desert after the second expedition of
Li Kwang-li against Ta wan in^.D. loi and 102^.]
[The Yue chi had fled before the Wu sun of the Hi
valley ; Chang K'ien gave the advice to make an alliance
with these Wu sim against the Hiong Nji, thus securing
a free access to the West. Chang K'ien was again sent
in ^^. 115 with 300 men to the country of the Wu sun,
too weak to show openly their hostility to the Hiong Nu.
However Chang K'ien was well received and was able
to send agents to Farghanah and Zarafshan, Chang K'ien
has the merit of having opened up the road to the countries
in the north-west.
The Chinese envoys had reported " that Ta wan had
excellent horses in the city of Urh-sze ; but they refused
to show them to the envoys. . . . The Emperor forthwith
despatched the sturdy yeoman, Chay Ling, and others,
on a mission to the king of Ta-wan, with 1000 ounces of
gold, and a golden horse, to prefer a request for some of
the famous horses in the city of Urh-sze . . . the demand
of the Chinese envoy was met by an absolute refusal.
The envoy was enraged, and gave way to unguarded
^ [Chavannes, Documents chinois decouverts par A. Stein,
pp. v-vi.]
PRELIMINARY ESSAY 39
utterances, hammered the golden horse into a shape-
less mass, and left (Wylie, Notes on the Western Regions,
p. 53)." The envoy was murdered at Yau ch'eng and
the Emperor, who had already chastised Lau Ian, in a
fury sent against Ta wan (b.c. 104) Li Kwang-li who
was utterly defeated ; but in 102 the Chinese general
was more successful, reached Ta wan and Yau ch'eng,
punished the kings, and returned to China in the following
year.]
[Another consequence of Chang K'ien's voyage was
the endeavour of the Chinese to find in the south a route
to Ta-hia, via India. To the east were the kingdoms of
Tong Hai (Che Kiang) and of Min Yue (Fu Kien) ; to the
south, Chao T'o had founded the kingdom of Nan Yue
with Canton as its capital ; to the west had been estab-
lished the kingdom of Tien (Yun Nan) ; the Chinese were
badly received in 122 by the chief of Tien and in 112 they
sent an army against Nan Yue. Having established their
power in the south by wars in B.C. 11 1 and no, the Chinese
were able to bring all their forces against the Hiong Nu.
The Emperor Wu died in B.C. 87.]
About the same time the Chinese began to take vigorous
measures against the Hiong Nu, and to extend their
frontier westward. By B.C. 59 their power reached all
over what is now Chinese Turkestan ; a general govern-
ment was established for the tributary states ; and about
the time of our era, fifty-five states of western Tartary
acknowledged themselves vassals of the empire, whilst
the Princes of Transoxiana and Bactriana are also said to
have recognised its supremacy.
29. [During part of the first century(^the power of '^•^■
China decayed ; in 99 the Emperor Wu sent general
Li Kwang-li to fight the Hiong Nu near Lake Barkul ;
another general, Li ling, at first victorious, was crushed
40 PRELIMINARY ESSAY
south of Hami ; the Hiong Nu recovered some of their
ascendancy and during the period yong p'ing (a.d. 58-75)
they twice attacked Tun hwang, but they were repelled.
At the end of this period, the Chinese entered into com-
munication with the western countries. In a.d. 83,
Pan Ch'ao, one of the most illustrious commanders in
the Chinese annals, born in 32, at P'ing ling (Shan si
province), who had appeared in the field some years
previously, was appointed commander of the troops.
He took advantage of the feuds between the various
countries of Central Asia, Su-le (Kashgar), K'ang kiu
(Sogdiana), Shan Shan (South of Lob Nor), Yu t'ien
(Khotan), Kiu mi (Uzun Tati), Ku mo (Aqsu), Sh'e ch'eng
(Uch Turfan), So kiu (Yarkand), the Yue chi, the Wu sun
(Hi) to turn them against K'iu tze (Kucha). In 88 the
Yue chi, who had helped the Chinese in attacking Kiu she
(Turfan), sent them a tribute of jewels and lions and asked
in marriage for their king a princess of the Han family ;
their ambassador was put under arrest by Pan Ch'ao and
sent back ; the Yue chi, very angry at the treatment of
their envoy, sent an army of 70,000 men under the com-
mand of Sie, through the Ts'ong ling (Pamir) to attack
Pan Ch'ao ; Sie tried to gain to his cause K'iu tze (Kucha),
but his emissaries were stopped by Pan Ch'ao, their chief
was put to death, and Sie frightened retired ; from this
time the Yue chi sent a yearly tribute to the Chinese.
From a.d. 89 to 104, all the western countries had sub-
mitted to the empire, but the K'iang (Tibetans) revolted
then and the west was again cut off from China. In 91
Pan Ch'ao was appointed General Protector {tu hu) after
K'iu tze (Kucha), Ku mo (Aqsu) and Wen Su (Uch Turfan)
had submitted. After attacking Yen k'i (Karashahr),
Pan Ch'ao took Kiu she (Turfan) and, according to the
Chinese historians, then crossed the Ts'ong ling (Pamir),
PRELIMINARY ESSAY 4I
but this is doubtful. It is not, however, doubtful that
he did not push his conquests to the Caspian, nor did he
have a way open to the shores of the Indian Ocean,
though " we are told that in the year 97 he despatched
one of his officers called Kan Ying to make his way by
sea to Ta Ts'in or the Roman Empire" (Yule^). In
100 he asked to be relieved of his command and he died
in A.D. 102 at the age of 71 years. He was replaced by
his son Pan Hiong who had a military camp of 300 men
established at Tun hwang ; during the period yong p'ing
(a.d. 58-75), a Chinese of&cial had already been stationed
at Tun hwang and another one at Kiu she (Turfan) ^.]
30. Notices of the Ta Ts'in region are found in the
geographical works of the time of the latter Han (a.d.
56-220)^, in the annals of the Ts'in (265-419), and of the
T'ang (618-905). But references are also made by the
Chinese editors to the same country as having been known
in the days of the first Han dynasty (from B.C. 202) under
the name of Likan or Likien, a name which Pauthier
with some probability refers to the empire of the Seleu-
cidas of Syria, whose conquests at one period extended
to the regions of the Oxus*.
1 [Yule says in 102 ; it is a mistake.] — Remusat, in Mem. de
I' Acad, des Ins. (new), viii, 1 16-125. Klaproth, Tab. Hist., p. 67,
etc. ; see also Lassen, li, 352 seq.
2 Ed. Chavannes, Trois generaux chinois de la dynastie des
Han orientaux. [T'oung pao, May, 1906, pp. 210-269.)
^ [See A. Wylie, Notes on the Western Regions, translated
from the "Tseen Han Shoo," Bk 96, Pt I {Journ. Anthrop. Inst.,
Aug. 1880.)]
* Pauthier, De I'Authent., pp. 34, 55 seqq. ; Klap., o.c, p. 70.
[" We are told in records as old as the Hou Han Shu and the
Wei Ho that Ta Ts'in and Li-kan are one and the same country,
and it is clear that Li-kan is the older name of the two. It ap-
parently first occurs in the Shih-ki (ch. 123). When Chang K'ien
had negotiated his treaties with the countries of the west, the
king of An-hsi (Parthia) sent an embassy to the Chinese court
and presented large birds' eggs, probably ostrich eggs, and
jugglers from Li-kan." (Hirth, I.e., pp. 169-170.)]
42 PRELIMINARY ESSAY
The name Ta Ts'in {Great China), we are told, was
applied to those western lands on account of the analogy
of its people to those of the Middle Kingdom. Some even
alleged that they had sprung originally from China. But
this was probably a puerile perversion, and we may suppose
that the name was given from some perception that those
Greek and Roman countries bore to the west the same
relation that China and its civilisation bore to Eastern
Asia.
From this we gather, among other things, that the
Chinese in the time of Pan Ch'ao recognised the term
Ts'in as a name by which they were known, at least to
foreigners. Indeed Fa Hian the Buddhist traveller (early
in the fifth century) repeatedly speaks of his native land
under this name^, though perhaps with a restricted
reference to the ancient territory of the Ts'in which was
the province of his birth.
31. Ta Ts'in, according to the earlier of these notices,
is otherwise called the kingdom of the Western Sea
[Hai si]. It is reached from the country of the T'iao chi
(Tajiks, or Persians, according to Pauthier and others)^,
1 E.g., pp. 7, 333.
2 [Visdelou identifies T'iao chi with Egypt, Deguignes with
Persia. According to Hirth, China and the Roman Orient, p. 144,
it is Babylonia. Under the Han, it was a western kingdom ;
it became a government under the T'ang ; see Chavannes,
Tou kiiie, p. 368.
It would be more exact to say that T'iao chi corresponds to
Mesene, i.e. the country between the Tigris and the Euphrates,
near their confluence, and Babylonia and the sea ; it was annexed
in 225 to their possessions by the Sassanid sovereigns and finally
was part of the Khalifate of Baghdad.
The earliest mention of T'iao chi appears in the Ts'ien Han
shoo (B.C. 206-A.D. 23) and the Shi ki, Hirth, I.e., p. 144.
" My interpretation of these (Chinese) records leads to the
conclusion that the ancient country of Ta-ts'in, called Fu-lin
during the middle ages, was not the Roman Empire with Rome
as its capital, but merely its oriental part, viz., Syria, Egypt and
Asia Minor ; and Syria in the first instance." (Hirth, China and
the Roman Orient, p. vi.)
" The length of the sea-route from T'iao-chih to Ta-ts'in,
PRELIMINARY ESSAY 43
by traversing the sea obliquely for a distance of 2000 miles
and is about 8000 miles distant from Ch'ang ngan or
Si-ngan fu. The name of the capital is Antu^. The
An si, and people of India, drive a great and profitable
trade with this empire by the way of the Great Salt Sea,
and merchants sailing thither are obliged to provide them-
selves with necessaries for three years. Hence there are
few who succeed in reaching so remote a region^. The
extent of the empire is 2000 miles from east to west, and
as much from north to south 3, and it has 400 cities of
the first class. The coinage is stated to be of gold and
silver, ten pieces of silver making the value of one piece
i.e., from a port on or near the mouth of the Euphrates (Babylon,
Velogesia, Hira, Orchoe, Charax Spasinu ?) to Aelana, the sea-
port of Petra or Rekem, is described as measuring over loooo H."
..." We have to interpret this expression [10,000 li] . . .as meaning
an indefinite large number." (Hirth, China and the Roman Orient,
p. 164.)
" We may conclude from the hints contained in the earlier
Chinese histories, that this route (Central Asia, Hekatompylos,
Acbatana, Ktesiphon, Hira, mouth of the Euphrates, Persian
Gulf, Indian Ocean, Red Sea, Aelana and Petra with its bifurca-
tion to Gaza along the Phoenician coast and to Bostra, Damascus,
etc.) was the principal channel of trade between China and
Syria as the representative of the Far West from the beginning
of commercial relations till up to the year a.d. 166." (Hirth,
China and the Roman Orient, p. 169.) It will be seen hereafter
that the sea-route was known before the year a.d. 166.
Dr. Hirth has given the translation and the text of various
notices of Ta Ts'in from Chinese works in China and the Rotnan
Orient ; in the Supplemientary Notes will be found the notice
from Chau Ju-kua's Chu-fan-chi, translated also by Hirth in 1912,
pp. 102-4.]
1 Antioch, probably, as Pauthier supposes ; and, if so, it
shows that the information came from a date earlier than the
time of Pan Ch'ao. [With reference to this name, apparently
indicating Antioch, it is curious to read in Mas'iidi that at the
time of the Musulman conquest there remained of the original
name of the city only the letters Alif, Nun, and Td {Ant or
Anta, see Prairies d'Or, iii, 409).]
^ So, conversely, the author of the Periplus says, "It is not
easy to get to this Thin, and few and far between are those who
come from it."
^ The extract at p. 36 of Pauthier {De I'Authent.) has 1000 li
(200 miles) ; but this is evidently a mistake for 10,000, as given
in another extract at p. 43.
44 PRELIMINARY ESSAY
of gold^. There follows a variety of what read to us as
vague or puerile notices of the constitution and productions
of the country, including, however, a detailed and ap-
parently correct enough account of the coral fisheries of
the Mediterranean 2.
32. In the annals of the T'ang we are told that the
country formerly called Ta Ts'in has in later days been
called Fu lin (ttoX/?', = Byzantium, see Note to Ibn
Batuta, vol. iv, infra)^. Many of the trivialities in the
^ In the Byzantine coinage, however, twelve of the ordinary
silver coin {miliaresion) went to the piece of gold [nomisma).
2 Pauthier, De I'Auth., pp. 34-40 ; Klap., p. 68.
^ [" The texts of the T'ang dynasty speak of ' FuTin, that
is the ancient Ta-ts'in,' or of 'Tats'in, also called Fu-lin,' and
it appears that the two names were interchangeable. From the
Chinese point of view the question would, therefore, be simple
enough. If Ta-ts'in is Syria, Fu-lin must be Syria .... My present
view. . . is briefly this : Ta-ts'in is the Roman empire with all
its grandeur emanating from Rome, its capital ; but the detail
placed on record in the contemporaneous texts is confined to its
Asiatic provinces, for which reason, not Rome but Antioch is
described as the capital city. Its relations to China were of a
commercial kind. Fu-lin is the Eastern empire of Byzantium,
but as in the case of Ta-ts'in, the Chinese accounts are confined to
certain Asiatic portions of it, and its relations to China were
chiefly ecclesiastical." (F. Hirth, The Mystery of Fulin, 1910,
p. I.) Prof. Chavannes after accepting this view has abandoned
it in his Notes additionnelles sur les Tou-kiue {T'oung pao, 1904,
p. 37, note 3). Hirth has thus resumed the arguments of Cha-
vannes, l.c.,.Y>- 2, who refers to Yule's notes in Cathay, p. 402 :
" I . The name Fu-lin represents the Greek accusative irokiv
in fls Ti,v TTukiv, Istan-polin, according to Mas'udi the origin
of Istambul.
2. The name Fu-lin appears in Chinese literature previous
to the arrival of the Nestorians in China.
3. It may have been brought to China during the Sui period
by the Western Turks, who had been visited by Byzantine ambas-
sadors in 568 and 576 a.d.
4. The king of Fu-lin who sent ambassadors to China in 643
was called Po-to-li. By substituting [one character for another],
the name would appear as Po-si-li, which may stand for (-iaa-iXev^.
5. The Arab general Mo-i, who was sent to effect the siege
of Fu-lin, may be identical with Muawia's son ' Yezid ben Muawia,'
one of the three emirs who attacked Constantinople.
6. The king of Fu-lin who sent an embassy to China in 1081
Mid-li-i-ling-kai-sa may have been identical with the pretender
Nicephorus Melissenus." However, Prof. Hirth maintains his
view and identifies Fu-lin with Bethlehem, I.e. p. 17, and in a
PRELIMINARY ESSAY 45
older accounts of Ta Ts'in are repeated, with some cir-
cumstances that are new. And among the pecuUarities
ascribed by the Chinese to the Roman empire it is curious
to recognise not a few that nearly or entirely coincide with
things that have been described by ancient or mediaeval
writers as pecuUarities of China, or the adjoining countries.
Such are the eminently peaceful and upright character
of the people ; the great number of cities and contiguous
succession of populated places ; horse-posts ; the pro-
vision made for the conveyance and maintenance of
foreign ambassadors ; the abundance of gold and gems,
among which are some in the form of tablets that shine
in the dark^ ; pearls generated from the saliva of golden
pheasants (!), tortoise-shell, rare perfumed essences,
asbestos stuffs that are cleaned by fire, cloths of gold
brocade and damask silk ; remarkable capons, rhino-
ceroses, hons, and vegetative lambs^. Jugglers and
conjurors are also seen who perform amazing things^.
new paper in the Journ. Amev. Orient. Soc, xxx, 1909, and xxxiii,
1913-
I never accepted the derivation of Fu-Hn from Bethlehem,
an obscure place for the Chinese ; phonetically it cannot come
from TToXti/. M. Blochet has suggested that Fu-lin is derived
from Rum but adduced no proof of the fact, while M. Pelliot
has quite recently brought forward a number of linguistic facts
confirming this view. The word Fu-lin is found for the first time
in a Chinese work of the middle of the sixth century, but it is
quite possible that it was known a century before, according to
Pelliot, under the forms Pu-lan and Pu-lam.]
1 Benjamin of Tudela says that the lustre of the diamonds
on the emperor's crown at Byzantium was such as to illumine
the room in which they were kept (p. 75).
2 The obscure extracts in Pauthier {op. cit. pp. 39, 47), as to
certain lambs found to the north of the kingdoms dependent on
Fu lin, which grow out of the ground, and are attached by the
navel to the soil, appear to refer to the stories of the Lamb-Plant
of the Volga countries (see Odoric, p. 241), and not, as Pauthier
supposes, to the fat-tailed sheep of "Western Asia. [Cf . Chavannes,
T'oung pao, May, 1907, p. 183 ?z. ; and Hirth, China and the Roman
Orient, p. 261.]
3 See traces of this juggling skill in a passage of one Italian
version of Odoric, at p. 338 of Appendix. In the Byzantine
46 PRELIMINARY ESSAY
33. If such trivialities as most of these were all on
which to build, the identification with the Roman empire
would not be very satisfactory. But in addition to the
name of Fu lin, and the position ascribed to the kingdom
as lying N.W. of Persia, others of the details, though the
mention of some of them has a dash of the whimsicality
of Chinese taste, appear to be genuine touches from the
reports of those who had visited Constantinople. The
accounts of the coral fishery and the horse-posts have
already been alluded to, as well as the desire ascribed to
the kings of Ta Ts'in for a direct communication with
the Middle Kingdom, which has its counterpart in the
statements of Procopius and Menander about the silk
trade. The compass of 100 li or 20 miles, ascribed to
the capital of Fu lin, nearly corresponds with that estimated
by Benjamin of Tudela, and by popular opinion in the
city itself^. It stands upon the shore of the sea ; the
houses are very lofty, and built of stone ; the population
extends to 100,000 hres (say 500,000 souls) ; the adjoining
boroughs, villages, and houses are in such numbers as to
form an almost unbroken succession^. The palaces and
History of Nicephorus Gregorias, there is a curious account of
some Blondins of those days, whose itinerancies extended from
Egypt through Constantinople to Cadiz, and who, in their funam-
bulistic exhibitions, shot arrows standing on the rope, and carried
hoys on their shoulders across it at a vast height from the ground,
etc. (viii, 10).
1 Benjamin says eighteen miles (p. 74). According to Gibbon,
it was really between ten and eleven. " Ambitus urbis non
attingit tredecim milHaria. . .si ejus situs collinus in planitiem
explicaretur, in ampliorem dilataretur latitudinem, attamen
nondum ad magnitudinem quam vulgo Byzantini ei attribuunt,
videlicet duodeviginti milliariorum." {Pet. Gyllitis de Topog.
Constant, in Banduri, Imp. Orientate, Venet., 1729, i, 284 ; see
also Ducange, Const. Christiana.) [According to the Sin T'ang
Shu, translated by Hirth, I.e., p. 57 : " The capital [of Fu lin]
is built of [granite] stone ; the city is eighty li broad."]
2 When King Sigurd sails into Constantinople, he steers near
the shore, and sees that " over all the land there are burghs,
castles, country towns, the one upon the other without interval."
{The Saga of Sigurd — Early Travels in Palestine, p. 59.)
PRELIMINARY ESSAY 47
other great houses of the capital had colonaded porticoes,
and parks with rare animals ; there were twelve principal
ministers, distinguished by titles of honour, who directed
the administration of the empire^. One great gate of the
city towards the east is 20 chang (about 200 feet) high,
and is covered with gold-leaf from top to bottom^ ;
another of the gates has a golden steelyard over it, and
also a clock showing the twelve hours of the day by means
of the golden figure of a man who drops a golden ball
at every hour^ ; the houses have fiat terraced roofs, over
which, in hot weather, water is discharged from pipes ;
the costume of the sovereign, his jewelled collars and cap,
his silken robe embroidered with flowers, and without any
opening in front, are all in accordance with particulars
^ The Empire, whilst entire, was divided into thirteen dioceses ;
but of the administrators there were twelve vice-prefects, a number
likely to adhere in popular accounts. Gibbon also says : " The
successive casualties of inheritance and forfeiture had rendered
the sovereign proprietor of many stately houses in the city and
suburbs, of which twelve were appropriated to the ministers of
state " (ch. liii). Gibbon is, perhaps, here building on Benjamin
of Tudela, whose words closely corroborate the popular view as
exhibited in the Chinese notices : " Twelve princely officers
govern the whole empire by (the emperor's) command ; each of
them inhabiting a palace at Constantinople, and possessing
fortresses and cities of his own " (p. 74).
^ The Saga of Sigurd, quoted above, says : " The Emperor
Alexius had heard of King Sigurd's expedition, and ordered the
City Port of Constantinople to be opened, which is called the
Gold -Tower, through which the emperor rides when he has
been long absent from Constantinople, or has made a campaign
in which he has been victorious " (p. 59). The Golden Gate
stood towards the south end of the western wall of the city, not
on the east as said in the Chinese reports. " The western side
of the city is towards the land," says Mas'iidi, "and there rises the
Golden Gate with its doors of bronze." {Prairies d'Or, ii, 319.)
It was built by Theodosius, and bore the inscription, " Hcbc loca
Theudositis decorat post fata tyranni ; Aurea Sescla gerit qui portam
construit auro." [Insc. Constant., in Banduri, i, p. 156.)
^ Pauthier quotes passages from Codinus about a brazen
modius, etc., over the arch of Amastrianus ; but they do not seem to
afford any real corroboration of this account. See Banduri, at
pp. 18, 73-74; and Ducange, p. 170. The latter, indeed, speaks of
a golden horologe in the Forum of Constantine ; but this is a slip,
for the original, which he cites, has xo-^i^o^v (p. 134).
48 PRELIMINARY ESSAY
to be observed in effigies of the Byzantine emperors i.
But the most convincing proof that the Chinese authors
had real information about the empire of Constantinople,
is found in a notice which they give of a somewhat obscure
passage in the Byzantine History : —
34. " The Ta shi (or Mohamedan Arabs), after having
overrun and forcibly taken possession of kingdom after
kingdom, at last sent their general-in-chief, Moi, to lay
siege to the capital city of Fu lin. Yenyo, who was
the negociator of the peace which followed, made it one
of the conditions that the Ta shi should every year pay
a tribute, consisting of gold and silk-stuffs^."
In this passage is commemorated the remarkable fact
that the Khalif Moawiyah, after having (a.d. 671-678)
for seven successive summers renewed the endeavour
to take Constantinople, at length felt himself under the
necessity of sending envoys to sue for peace from the
Emperor Constantine IV Pogonatus. The latter agreed,
and sent the patrician loannes Petzigaudias (the Yenyo
of the Chinese) to Damascus to conduct the negociation
with the Arabs. The result was that the latter pledged
themselves to a thirty years' peace, and to pay to the
1 The Chinese story ascribes wing-Hke appendages to the
emperor's cap. Pauthier refers to medals as showing these ;
but I have not been able to verify this. The wings attached to
the cap are rather an ancient Hindu feature, and are remarkably
preserved in the state costume of the kings of Burma and the
sultans of Java. [I suppose that these so-called wings are the
flaps or fanions flowing from the tiara or cap of the sovereign ;
examples of these flaps may be seen on the coins of Tigranes I
the Great (97-56 B.C.), king of Armenia.]
2 Pauth., De I'Auth., p. 49. [" Since the Ta Shih [Arabs]
had conquered these countries they sent their commander-in-
chief, Mo-i, to besiege their capital city ; by means of an agree-
ment, they obtained friendly relations, and asked to be allowed
to pay every year tribute of gold and silk ; in the sequel they
became subject to Ta Shih [Arabia]." Kiu T'ang Shu, translated
by Hirth, I.e., pp. 55-6 ; this passage has been mistranslated
by Pauthier and Bretschneider ; cf. Phillips, China Review,
vii, p. 412.]
PRELIMINARY ESSAY 49
empire every year 3000 pieces of gold, fifty slaves, and
fifty horses ^.
35. In a later work, called the History of the Barbarous
Nations, some of the particulars ascribed to Ta Ts'in
appear to belong to Syria under the Ayubite sultans, but
with these also are mixed up circumstances, both old and
new, which really point to the Roman empire. Thus it
is said, with that confusion of Christianity with Buddhism
of which we have elsewhere quoted various instances
(Benedict Goes, infra) : — " On the recurrence of every
seventh day people assembled from all directions to offer
their devotions in the chapels, and to adore Fo."
In all these notices we see much that is analogous
between the fragmentary views of the great seats of
western civilisation under the names of Ta Ts'in and Fu
lin, taken in the Far East, and those of the great eastern
civilisation under the names of Sinae and Seres taken
in the west. In both we see the same uncertainty in
degree as to exact position, the same application of facts
belonging to the nearer skirts of the half-seen empire as
descriptive of the whole ; and in that isolated chance
record in the Chinese books of a real occurrence in the
history of Byzantium we have a singular parallel to the
^ See Niceph. Patriarch. Breviarium Historic, in the ist volume
of the Corpus Byzant. Histor., pp. 21—2 ; also, Theophanis Chrono-
graphia, in the same coll., p. 295, and Gibbon, ch. lii. Pauthier
seems to think that the circumstances are passed over entirely
by Gibbon and other modern historians ; but this is a mistake.
Gibbon does not name the Greek envoy ; but he mentions his
going to Damascus, and the result. He also relates how the
tribute was greatly augmented a few years afterwards, when the
Khalifate was in difficulties ; but finally repudiated by the Khalif
Abdulmaliq in the time of Justinian II. The circumstances,
with the name of the Patrician, are also detailed in St. Martin's
edition of Lebeau {Hist, du Bas Empire, xi, 428). Silk-stuffs
are not mentioned here as part of the tribute ; but " gold and
silk-stuffs " do frequently appear as the constituents of tribute
exacted in the early Saracen wars. See Gibbon, ch. li, passim.
I believe no Mahomedan writer records this transaction.
c. Y. c. I. 4
50 PRELIMINARY ESSAY
like fragment of Chinese history which had been picked
up and entered in his narrative by Theophylactus. The
form given in the Chinese fragment to the name of the
Khahf [Moawiyah] is nearly the same as that [Maui)
which we find in an Armenian writer ^, and this little cir-
cumstance may possibly indicate the people who furnished
the Chinese annalists with some of their scraps of know-
ledge.
36. After this short view of the Chinese ideas of the
Roman empire we may return to Kan Ying, the officer
whom General Pan Ch'ao commissioned at the end of
the first century^ to open communication with those
western regions, whether in view to trade or to conquest ^.
This ofhcer proceeded to take ship, it would seem on the
Persian Gulf [in T'iao chi]. " But the ship's company
said to him, ' When out at sea a multitude of things will
occur to make you sigh for what you have left behind.
He who occupies his business in the great waters is liable
to regret and repentance for what he has undertaken.
If the envoy of the Han has no father, no mother, no
wife or children to pine after, then let him go to sea — not
otherwise." They also represented that with a fair wind
it would take two * months at least to cross the sea to
Ta Ts'in, and if the wind were adverse it might take two
years to make the return voyage, so that adventurers
1 Michael the Syrian, translated by Dulaurier in Journ. Asiat.,
ser. iv, torn, xiii, p. 326.
2 [Under the emperor Ho, the 9th year (97 a.d.) yong yuan.]
3 Klaproth says that Pan Ch'ao entertained a scheme for
invading the Roman Empire, but that the general to whom this
was confided was better advised, and retraced his steps. {Tabl.
Hist, de I'Asie, p. 67.) The extract, however, given by Pauthier
from the Annals of the Tsin, as cited in the Encyclopaedia of
the Emperor K'ang Hi says Kan Ying was despatched as envoy.
(Pauth., p. 38.) Probably he was sent to reconnoitre.
^ [Chavannes translates three months from the Hau Han Shu ;
cf. T'oung pao, May, 1907, p. 178.]
PRELIMINARY ESSAY 5 1
bound for Ta Ts'in were accustomed to lay in stores for
three years ^. Such at least were the excuses made by
the chicken-hearted Kan Ying, who was certainly not the
man to conquer the Roman empire ; he therefore thought
better of it, and retraced his steps. Hence at this time
no contact occurred between the representatives of the
two great seats of civilisation ^.
36 his. [One of the consequences of Chang K'ien's
voyage and the search for a road southward towards
India, was the conquest of the country of the Kiao chi
(Tong King) which under the Anterior Han (b.c. 206-
A.D. 24) and the Posterior Han (a.d. 25-220) was annexed
to China (b.c. iii-a.d. 39 and a.d. 42-186) and divided
into three parts : Kiao chi (Ha-noi), Kiu chen (Thanh hoa?)
and Ji nan (Kwang binh). Tong King became the
terminus of the sea route instead of Tiao chi. Canton
took the place of Tong King after some hard competition ;
the pilgrim Yi Tsing embarked at Canton. When Annam
became independent in 968, Tong King was abandoned by
the Chinese and Canton remained up to the nineteenth
century the great emporium of China, except during the
Mongol period when Zaitiin seems to have been the impor-
tant trading port of China. However from the second
century until the end of the sixth century, i.e. before the
Tibetan invasion, the Turkestan route was taken in
preference.]
37. Sixty years later, however (a.d. 166), in the reign
of Hwan Ti ^ of the Han, an embassy came to the court of
China from Antun, king of Ta Ts'in (the Emperor M.
Aurelius ANTONinus). This mission had no doubt made
1 This may have referred rather to the difficulty of obtaining
provision suited to Oriental tastes. Governor Yeh, when a captive
bound for Fort William, laid in seven years' provision of eggs !
* Pauthier, u.s. ; Remusat, op. cit., p. 123.
^ [Ninth year yen-hi.']
52 PRELIMINARY ESSAY
the voyage by sea, for it entered China by the frontier of
Ji nan or Tong King, bringing presents of rhinoceros horns,
ivory, and tortoiseshell. This is not precisely the sort
of present we should have looked for, and indeed the
Chinese annals say that it was believed the ambassadors
had purloined the rarer objects of their charge ; just the
accusation that was brought against Friar John of
Montecorvino eleven hundred years later. It seems likely
enough that they had lost their original presents by ship-
wreck or robbery, and had substituted in the east such
trumpery as they were told the Chinese set a value upon.
The historians also observe that the embassy came by
this southern route, and not by the northern route, which,
it is implied, they might have followed ; a route which
was doubtless debarred to them by Parthian hostility^.
[With regard to this embassy, which evidently was
not sent by Marcus Aurelius and was headed by some
Syrian merchant, we shall remark that the same route
to Kiao chi was followed in 159 and 161 a.d. under the
same emperor Hwan Ti by ambassadors from T'ien tchu
(India). Already in 120 a.d. musicians and jugglers
1 Klap., 68-9 ; Pauthier, De I'Auth., p. 32 ; Id., Hist, des Rela-
tions, etc., p. 20 ; Deguignes in Mem. de I'Acad., xxxii, 358.
Reinaud supposes that Pausanias may have got his information
about the production of silk from the members of this embassy
{supra, p. 21). ["The sea route from the Persian Gulf to
Rekem, it appears from what we may gather, was the principal
channel for the silk trade up to the time of the Parthian war
conducted under Marcus Aurelius Antoninus by Avidius Cassius
during the years a.d. 162 to 165 ; wheieas the bulk of oriental
articles which had nothing to do with further treatment (dyeing,
embroidering, re-weaving) in Phoenicia, probably went to Alex-
andria, for distribution over the Roman Empire. It is probably
not an accidental coincidence that just at the conclusion of this
war, which terminated with the capture of Seleucia and Ktesiphon
by the Romans in a.d. 165, a mission went forward from Ta-ts'in
by sea to the Far East which arrived at the court of China in
October, a.d. 166. Up to this time the Parthians had monopolised
the trade between China and Ta-ts'in as we learn from the Hou
Han-shu, the Wei lio and other records." (Hirth, I.e., pp. 173-4.)]
PRELIMINARY ESSAY 53
from Ta Ts'in had arrived in Burmah, showing that
relations by sea existed between the Roman Empire and
the Far East^. The first relations between China and
Southern and Western Asia through Burmah took place
at the beginning of the 2nd century of our era, when king
Yung-yau-tiao was reigning in the country of Shan ;
Yung had received in 97 some sort of imperial investiture,
and he was the prince who sent the Ta Ts'in jugglers to
China in 120 ^.]
About the same time [c. 164], and perhaps by means of
this embassy, the Chinese philosophers were made ac-
quainted with a treatise on astronomy, which had been
brought from Ta Ts'in ; we are told that they examined
it, and compared it with their own ^.
38. Some intercourse would seem to have been kept
up after this of which no precise record has been preserved.
For we are told that early in the third century the Sovereign
of Ta Ts'in sent to the Emperor T'ai Tsu*, of the Wei
dynasty which reigned in Northern China, articles of
glass of a variety of colours, and some years later a person
who had the art of " changing flints into crystal by means
of fire," a secret which he imparted to others, and by which
the fame of the people of the west was greatly enhanced
in China ^.
A new embassy came from Ta Ts'in in the year 284,
bringing tribute, as the presents are termed on this occasion,
with the usual arrogant formula of the Chinese. This
^ [Chavannes, Les Pays d'Occident d'apres le Heou Han Chou,
T'oung pao, May, 1907, p. 185.]
2 [Pelliot, Deux Itineraires, p. 132.]
^ Deguignes in Mem. de I' Acad., xlvi, 555.
* Ibid. [There is something wrong in this passage from De-
guignes as there is no T'ai Tsu of the Wei dynasty.]
^ Klaproth, op. cit. Pauthier, probably by an alternative
translation, calls the presents " glasses of a red colour, stuffs
of azure silk figured with gold, and the like " (p. 49).
54 PRELIMINARY ESSAY
must have been despatched by the Emperor Carus (282-
283), whose short reign was occupied with Persian war^.
A long suspension of intercourse seems to have followed,
enduring till the 7th century. In the time of the Sui
the Emperor Yang Ti (605-617) greatly desired to open
communication with Ta Ts'in, now called Fu lin, but he
could not succeed in his object. In 643 however, during
the reign of T'ai Tsung, the second emperor of the
T'ang dynasty, and one of the greatest monarchs in
Chinese history, whose power was acknowledged south of
Hindu Kush and westward to the Caspian, an embassy
came from Fu lin bringing a present consisting of rubies,
emeralds, etc. This embassy is alleged to have been sent
by the King of Fu hn called Potoli or Pheitoli. The
emperor deigned to address a gracious and conciliatory
letter in reply to this mission^. Considering that the
^ [" During the T'ai-k'ang period of the emperor Wu-ti
(a.d. 280-290) their king [Ta Ts'in] sent an envoy to offer tribute."]
Chin-shu, tr. by F. Hirth, China and the Roman Orient, p. 45.
2 It is difficult to guess who is meant by the Wang Pheitoli,
who sent this embassy. Herachus died in February 641 ; his
son Constantine three months later. Heracleonas was then
proclaimed ; but speedily displaced by Constans, son of Con-
stantine, at the age of eleven. Klaproth ascribes this embassy
to Theodorus, the brother of Heraclius, whose name might be
represented in Chinese as Potoli. 'But he appears to have been
killed in 638. Pauthier adopts the name, but applies it to Pope
Theodorus, who might have sent this embassy to China after his
accession to the Pontifical throne in November 642 ; a desperately
improbable hypothesis. May not Wang Pheitoli represent the
Prcstorian Prefect during the infancy of Constans ? St. Martin
thinks the name represents Valentine Caesar, whose revolt put
Constans on the throne. (On Lebeau's Hist, du Bas Empire,
xi, 306.) [With regard to Potoli, Hirth, I.e., p. 294, remarks :
" The old pronunciation of this name was probably Bat-da-lik
(the modern Cantonese sound is Po-to-lik) ; and this, in default
of any prominent personage being mentioned under a similar
name in that period of the history of Syria, I consider as the
Chinese form of Arabic Bathric. D'Herbelot {Bibl. Orient.,
vol. i, p. 380), says : "Bathrik et Bathrirah, dont le pluriel est
Batharekah, signifie en Arabe, Persien et Turc, le Patriarche des
Chretiens de chaque Secte et de chaque figlise." It is further
stated by d'Herbelot that, at the council of Constantinople held
under Theodosius the Great in a.d. 381, the rank of the patriarchs,
PRELIMINARY ESSAY 55
Musulmans had in the seven preceding years wrested
Syria from the Roman Empire and Persia from the
Sassanian kings ; that Yezdegerd, the last of these latter,
had sent (as we shall see hereafter) envoys to China to
seek support, and that the suzerainty of T'ai Tsung was
acknowledged in Farghanah, Bactria, and a part at least
of Afghanistan and Khorassan, it seems not improbable
that the object of the Byzantine mission also was to
stir up a Chinese diversion against the terrible new
enemy.
39. Another embassy from Fu lin, mentioned without
particulars under the year 711, must have been despatched
under Justinian II, who was slain in that year. In 719
arrived another embassy from the ruler of Fu lin, who is
termed on this occasion, not king, but Yenthuholo,
of the rank of Premier Functionary of the Empire, bringing ' ^
presents of lions and great sheep with spiral horns. The ''^^S
emperor at this time was Leo the Isaurian. Possibly
the mission, whatever its object, may have been despatched
before he was established on the throne (717) •'■.
the spiritual rulers over large countries, was fixed, and that the
patriarch of Antioch was to rank fourth amongst five {viz., those
of Rome, Constantinople, Alexandria, Antioch, and Jerusalem."
J. Ed kins writes : " My own suggestion in regard to Pa-ta-lik
is that it was the title of the Nestorian patriarch. . . .Dr. Hirth
introduces the Arabian word Bathrik from d'Herbelot as the
medium by which the word Patriarch was introduced to the
Chinese. But the Chinese at that time had both p and 6 in their
syllabary, and so had the Greeks, and of course the Syrians also.
It is better to pronounce pa as the syllabic spelling requires."
[Journ. China Br. R. As. Soc, xx, 1885, p. 283.) Chavannes
thinks that Po-to-li is a transcription of the word hasile^is. Cf.
T'oung pao, Dec. 1913, p. 798.]
^ Pauthier translates the appellation in the Chinese record,
"Patrice, ou chef superieur des fonctionnaires de I' empire"
(p. 50). Leo is termed, at the time of his election to the empire,
Leo the Patrician {Niceph. Constant., p. 34). I suppose the name
\iovTos rov 'icraupov might become in Chinese organs something like
Yenthuholo.
[From the Kiu T'ang shu quoted by Hirth, I.e., p. 295, we
gather the following facts :
56 PRELIMINARY ESSAY
In 742 came, bringing presents, another mission from
Fu lin, but this time composed of priests oj great virtue ^.
Leo (717-741) was still reigning when this party must
have been despatched from Byzantium, if from Byzantium
they came. But we shall find that the Christian inscrip-
tion of Si-ngan fu records the arrival in 744 of a priest of
Ta Ts'in, Kiho by name, who, " observing the stars and
the sun, came to the court to present his respects to the
august emperor." Kiho is immediately afterwards styled
" Of great virtue." Probably therefore the same event is
alluded to, and it may appertain rather to the missions of
the Nestorian Church than to the political relations of the
Eastern Empire with China.
40. Another long interval then occurs ; the Maho-
medan power now forming a wide and dense barrier
between the Empires. But in 108 1, during the reign of
Chen Tsung of the Sung dynasty, whose capital seems to
have been still at Ka'i-fung fu, an embassy arrives from
Fu lin, despatched by the King Mili-i-ling (or Mikialing)
Kaisa. This is supposed by Klaproth and Pauthier to
indicate the Emperor Michael Ducas, who, indeed, was
compelled to resign the purple some three years before
(1078), but whose envoys, in the uncertainties of Asiatic
travel, might have been detained long upon the way^.
1. The emperor Yang-ti wishes to communicate with Fu lin
A.D. 605-617.
2. An embassy is sent to China in a.d. 643.
3. The capital of Fu lin is besieged by the Arabs, and finally
submits to Arab rule.
4. An embassy is sent to China in a.d. 667.
5* An embassy is sent in a.d. 701.
6. An embassy is sent in a.d. 719.]
^ Klap., p. 70 ; Pauthier, pp. 32, 50. The extract in the last
reference appears to mix up the missions of 719 and 742.
^ The name of the Byzantine Cajsar appears to be read by
Pauthier himself, as it has been by Deguignes, Mi-li-iling.
Klaproth makes it Mikialing, but probably with some forcing,
as Pauthier, though adopting this reading in a later work, says
" Mikia-i-ling comme Klaproth a cru pouvoir lire." (Klap.,
PRELIMINARY ESSAY 57
Another mission is mentioned without particulars in
the year 1091, which would fall in the reign of iVlexius I
Comnenus. And the last distinct record of a communi-
cation from the Byzantine Empire is found in 1371 under
Hong Wu of the Ming dynasty, a few years after the
expulsion of the House of Chinghiz, when there came to
the court an envoy from Fu lin called Kumin Nikulun.
This person received presents, and an imperial letter in
reply to the" requests which he had submitted^. Other
envoys from this country, it is vaguely added, came with
tribute. I cannot throw any light upon the identity of
this Nicholas Comanus, or whatever his name was.
II*. COMMUNICATION WITH CENTRAL ASIA.
[We have already seen what were the conquests of
General Pan Ch'ao in Central Asia.
The decline of the Chinese power in Central Asia dates
from the beginning of the second century of our era under
the emperor Ngan Ti (a.d. 107-125) of the Posterior Han.
p. 70 ; Deguignes, i, 67; Pauthier, De I'Auth., p. 33; Do., Hist,
des Relations, etc., p. 22.) If Michael be not accepted, I suppose
the name of the competitor for the empire, Bryennius Ccesar,
would be the only alternative ; but why either should have sent
a mission to China I cannot venture to suggest. [Hirth thinks
that Mi-li-i-ling Kai-sa must be the title of a Seldjuk under-
king; it stands "for the words 'Melek-i-Rum Kaisar,' i.e., 'under-
king of Rum and Caesar.' King of Rum was, indeed, the title of
Soliman, whose residence was at Iconium in Asia Minor." L.c,
p. 300.]
^ Pauth. , 5 1 . This is cited from the Supplement to the Literary
Encyclopaedia of Ma Twan-lin. The Great Imperial Geography,
also quoted by Pauthier (p. 54), gives a somewhat different account.
" Towards the end of the dynasty of the Yuen (a parenthesis
says in 1341, but the fall of the Yuen was in 1368) a man of Fu lin
named Nikulun came for purposes of trade to the middle kingdom.
In the fourth year of Hung Wu of the Ming this merchant of Ta-
Ts'in was invited to appear at court. The emperor ordered
presents to be made to him, and an imperial letter was entrusted
to him to be delivered to his king when he should return to his
own country, and relate what he had witnessed. In consequence
of this an embassy came to China with tribute." [On Nikillun,
see Cathay, iii, p. 12 w.]
58 PRELIMINARY ESSAY
During the third century, the emperor Wu Ti (265-290),
of the Western Tsin, had once more secured the unity of
China, which had been divided into three kingdoms during
the San kwo chi period ; he tried to re-estabUsh Chinese
influence in the valley of the Tarim and built adjoining
the old Great Wall another wall with watch-towers
beyond Su chau.
During the First Han there were four routes to the
west ; (i) Tun hwang, south of Lob Nor, Charchan and
Khotan ; (2) Tun hwang, north of Lob Nor, Kurla south
of Karashahr, Kucha, Aqsu ; (3) Hami, Turfan, Kucha,
where it met the second route ; (4) Hami, towards lake
Barkul and the northern slopes of the T'ien Shan.
■ The great power of Central Asia from the first half of
the sixth century to the middle of the seventh century
were the Western Tu Kiue (Turks).
The Turks or Tu Kiue were subject to the Juan Juan
during the first half of the sixth century of our era. In 546,
the Tolos, of whom the Uighiirs were a branch, attacked
the Juan Juan but were defeated by the Tu Kiue ; the
Juan Juan having refused to reward the victorious party,
the chief of the Tu Kiue, T'u men (Bu min), son of the great
jabgu T'u Wu, turned against his lord who was crushed
in 552. The Turks were divided into two branches : the
Northern, Eastern or Orkhon Branch and the Western
Branch ; the two branches were distinct from the middle
of the sixth century, but their political separation due
to the intrigues of the Chinese dates from 582. The
chief of the Northern Turks bore the title of qagan while
the head of the Western Turks or Turks of the Ten Tribes
was the jabgu. T'u-men's brother, Shc-tie-mi (Istami),
is the ancestor of the Western Tu Kiue. After the down-
fall of the Juan Juan, the Turks became the neighbours
of the HephthaUtes who were the enemies of the Persians.
PRELIMINARY ESSAY 59
Khosru Naoshirwan, taking advantage of the disaster
that had befallen the Juan Juan, made an alliance with
the conqueror and married the daughter of the qagan
She-tie-mi (Dizabul, Silzibul) ; the Hephthalites were
subjugated between 563 and 567 and the Oxus became
the boundary between the Turks and the Persians ;
later on, availing themselves of the weakness of the
Sassanids, the Turks annexed the whole of the possessions
of the Hephthalites. The agreement between Turk and
Persian did not last long. The Sogdians, who were the
chief intermediaries in the silk trade and had passed from
the rule of the Hephthalites to that of the Turks, with the
help of their new lords, wished to push their trade into
Persia and, being unsuccessful there, they sent — with the
approval of the Turks — an embassy to Justin H, at
Byzantium, hoping to find in the Roman Empire a market
for their trade. The intrigues of the Turks brought on
a war between the Romans and the Sassanids (571-590)
which weakened the two countries, now unable to stand
against the rising power of the Arabs whose victory at
Yarmuk (20th August 636) gave them Syria. The Arabs
then turned against the Persians and their king Yezdi-
jerd. The decline of the Turks began about 630. The
T'ang Emperor, T'ai Tsung, having defeated the Northern
Turks, had now his hands free and turned against the
Western Turks. The Chinese allied themselves with the
Uighiirs, and finally the Tu Kiue were subjugated in 659 ^.
The Karluk {Ko lo lu) seem to have taken the place in
political importance of the Western Tu Kiue in the middle
of the eighth century ; originally they were but one of the
clans of the Tu Kiue, living to the N.W. of Pei t'ing across
the Black Irtysh (Pu ku chen). They apparently were
the ancestors of the Boghra Khan dynasty established at
1 [Ed. Chavannes, Doc. sur les Tou kiue (Turcs) occidentaux.}
60 PRELIMINARY ESSAY
Balacacaghun (Balasaghun) ^. The Boghra Khans (Ilak
Khans) in the eighth century were the dominant power in
Semiriechie and Kashgar, though these countries were
then in the hands of the Tu Kiue. Afragiab is supposed
to be their ancestor. Probably on the suggestion of the
Sassanids, in the middle of the tenth century, Satok
Boghra Khan who was reigning over the country from
Issik-kul to Kashgar (Urdukand) embraced Islam and
captured Bokhara ; his capital was Kashgar, but after
his death in 993, it was transferred to Balasaghiin and
his descendants took the title of Ilak Khan ; the last of
them was killed by Mohamed Khwariszm Shah who was
himself defeated by Chinghiz Khan ^.
The Boghra Khans were the allies of the Tibetans,
but when these lost their power, the Khans were at the
mercy of their enemies the Uighiirs. To the causes of the
decline of Chinese influence in Central Asia must be added
the enterprise of the Tibetans. Under the Han, the tribes
scattered throughout Tibet were known as the Ki'ang ;
under the T'ang and the Sung it was called T'ufan= T'u po
= T'u bod ; the Leao called it T'u po t'e. The historical
period of Tibet begins at the end of the sixth century a.d.
when the first king, Lunt sang, made inroads to India.
Srong btsan sgam po, Lunt sang's son, married Bribtsun,
daughter of Anguvarman, sovereign of Nepal in 639, and
^ [The exact site of Balasaghun in Central Asia is not known ;
Grenard thinks it is Tokmak ; Barthold says it must be looked
for in the Russian territory of Semiriechie, probably on the Chu,
where many ruins are seen to-day ; astronomical calculations
would seem to show that B. was situated to the N.W. of Awliya-
Ata, formerly Taraz on the Talas river ; in the year 1218, B. was
captured without any resistance by Jebe Noyon, one of the generals
of Chinghiz Khan, and the Mongols gave it the name of Ghubaliq ;
it was in ruins in the fourteenth century. (Grenard, La legende
de Satok Boghra Khan, J . As., Jan.-Fev. 1900 ; V. Bartold,
Encyclop. de I'lslam.)]
2 [Elias-Ross, Tarikh-i-Rashidi, p. 287 n. ; Bretschneider,
Med. Res., i, pp. 252-3. J
PRELIMINARY ESSAY 6l
in 641 the princess of Wen ch'eng, daughter of the Chinese
Emperor T'ai Tsung, whose court he had visited in 634 ;
under their influence he introduced Buddhism into his
states, and founded in 639 Lha dan (Lhasa) ; the power of
the Tibetans increased yearly. In 663 they conquered Ku
ku nor from the T'u yu huen, of Sienpi race ; for the first
time they took in the first year, 4th month of the period
Hien Heng (670), the Four Garrisons of the Protectorate
of Ngan-si, and they took possession of Kashgaria (670-
692), thus cutting the road of the Chinese to the West.
The destruction by the Chinese (658-659) of the Empire
of the Western Tu Kiue had extended the power of the
Son of Heaven beyond the Oxus, to the Indus ; it is
the epoch of its greatest extension towards the West,
but internal difficulties during the reign of the Empress
Wu Hau, the conquests of the Arabs, and the occupation
of Kashgar by the Tibetans, closed the road of the Pamir
to the invader from the East, and rendered illusory the
domination of China in these distant countries, notwith-
standing the victorious expedition led in 747 by general
Kao Sien-chi beyond the Pamir, through the Baroghil and
Darkot passes to Gilgit, to stop the advance of the
Tibetans.
Being the allies of the Arabs, whom they supported in
the valley of the Jaxartes; the Tibetans in return received
their help in Kashgaria. Thej^ dominated in Kan Su, Sze
chw'an, Yun Nan and penetrated even into Ch'ang ngan,
the capital of the T'ang Emperors. Taking advantage of
the struggle of the Chinese and of the Tibetans, P'i-lo-ko,
in the eighth century, founded the kingdom of Nan chao
with Ta-li as its capital ; the new kingdom declined after
the ninth century ; the Chinese were too busy elsewhere
to look after it, but in 1253 the Mongols subjugated the
kingdom of Ta-li which had replaced Nan chao.
62 PRELIMINARY ESSAY
In 692, the Chinese retook their Four Garrisons
(Karashahr, Kucha, Kashgar, Khotan) of Central Asia.
" During the reign T'cheng yuen, 785-804 a.d., the black-
coated Ta shi began a war with T'u fan (Tibet), and the
Tibetans were obliged every year to send an army against
the Ta shi. On this account the Chinese frontier enjoyed
more peace ^." The two most ancient historical edicts of
Tibet have been found by Dr. L. A. Waddell upon a lofty
pillar of victory which stands at the foot of Potala Hill,
under the castles of the ancient kings, now incorporated
in the palace of the Dalai lama ; they date between
A.D. 730 and 763, are the earliest documents hitherto
discovered, and throw a side-light on the ancient history
and geography of China. The eighth century is the
culminating point of Tibetan power, which was destroyed
when the Uighiirs became the masters of the whole country
between Pei t'ing and Aqsu.
The Uighiirs were of Turkish race ; their ancestor
was a descendant of the Hiong nu ; at the time of the
Posterior Wei, they were called T'iele (Tolos) and were
subject to the Tu Kiue ; they lived on the banks of the
Selenga ; in the middle of the seventh century their chief
P'u sa rebelled against the northern Tu Kiue, defeated
their chief Hie-li qagan, and in 646 they sent an embassy
to China. Under T'ai Tsung, the Uighiir tribe became the
Han hai Prefecture, and the chief T'u mi tu was appointed
commander of the region. Their power went on increasing
from the beginning of the eighth century ; at first they
were called by the Chinese Hwei ho and later Hwei hu
and Wei wu eul ; the Tibetans appear to have named them
Dru gu.
The expansion of the religion of Mo-ni (Mani), Mani-
chaeism, is intimately connected with the history of the
^ From the History of the T'ang (Bretschneider, Arabs, p. 10).
PRELIMINARY ESSAY 63
Uighiirs ; the discovery of documents made in Central
Asia and at Tun hwang by Stein, Griinwedel, von Le Coq,
Pelliot, and the researches of F. W. K. Miiller, have thrown
new and unexpected hght on Manichseism, its dogma and its
art, beUeved to be lost ; the pictures on stone brought to
Berlin by von Le Coq give a high idea of this art. Though
the contemporary Chinese savant Tsiang Fu is of opinion
that Manichseism was introduced into China as early as
the time of the Northern Chau (a.d. 558-581) and of the
Sui (a.d. 581-618) dynasties, it appears that its first
pilgrim came to China from Ta Ts'in only in 694 ; Mani-
chaeism seems to have been mentioned for the first time
in Chinese books by Hiuen Tsang in his Memoirs (seventh
century) ; a Manichaean astronomer arrived in China in
719 ; Manichseism had henceforth a great deal of influence
on Chinese astronomy. However an imperial edict of
HiuanTsung in 732 declared the religion of Mo-ni a perverse
doctrine taking falsely the name of Buddhism. Circum-
stances soon allowed Manichaeism to take a more important
place. The emperor Hiuan Tsung, who had chastised the
Uighiirs guilty of murdering the commander of Liang chau
(713-714) and stopped the traffic on the road to Ngan-si,
died on the 3rd May, 762 ; his successor Su Tsung mounted
the throne on the i6th May following ; troubles arose,
and during the rebellion which ensued, the Uighiirs
entered Lo Yang on the 20th Nov. 762, pillaged it and
left it in November 763. At Lo Yang the Uighiir qagan,
having met some Manichaeans, was converted to their
faith and when he left this capital he took with him four
of their priests. In 768 and 771 the Uighiirs of the
Manichaean faith were ordered to build temples called
Ta yun kwang ming. We note that some Manichaeans
were among the members of the Uighiir embassy sent to
China in 806. But the influence of Manichaeism declined
64 PRELIMINARY ESSAY
with the power of the Uighiirs. In 840 the Kirghiz, who
claimed to be originally descended from the Chinese
general Li Ling captured by the Hiong nu in 99 B.C.,
took the Orkhon capital of the Uighiirs and killed the
qagan. The Uighiirs were scattered to the south and
to the south-west towards Turfan and Karashahr and to
the west towards Kucha ; however thirteen Uighiir
tribes elected in 841 Wu-kiai as their qagan ; Wu-kiai
led a wandering life, and finally was killed in 847 in the
Altai. After the fall of the Uighiirs, the property of the
Manichseans was confiscated and their temples were
closed. The remaining Uighiirs settled at Kan chau,
in Kan Su, and at Kao ch'ang, east of Turfan. Their
religion lasted in Chinese Turkestan until the thirteenth
century ; in China proper it was concealed under the
cover of Buddhism and Taoism till it disappeared finally ^.
The capitals of the Uighiirs were Kao ch'ang, Khotcho
or Idiqut Shahri, near Turfan, and Kara Balgasiin ^ on
the left bank of the Orkhon. An inscription in Chinese,
Turki and Sogdian found at Kara Balgasiin, devoted to
the qagan who died in 821, throws a good deal of light
on Manichseism^. The Uighiir writing, from which is
derived the Manchu script, is itself derived probably from
the Sogdian and not from the Estranghelo, its parent
writing.]
III. COMMUNICATION WITH INDIA.
41. We have seen, in the early part of this Essay,
that reason exists for believing in very early intercourse
^ [Bretschneider, Mediaeval Res., i, pp. 236 seq. ; Chavannes,
Tu Kiue, pass. ; Chavannes et Pelliot, Un traite manicheen retrouve
en Chine, J . As., ii, 1912 ; i, 1913.]
2 [A plan of this city has been given by Radloff in his Atlas
der AlterthiXmey der Mongolei, 1892-6.]
^ [See the bibliography in Bibliotheca Sinica, col. 2732-3.]
PRELIMINARY ESSAY 65
between India and China ; but the Chinese annals appear
to have lost all sight of this, for their first mention and
knowledge of India is referred to B.C. 122, when Chang
k'ien, returning from his adventurous expedition to Bac-
triana, brought back intelligence about various regions
in the West, When in that country he observed among
the articles exposed for sale certain canes, which struck
him as being like those grown in the mountains of Kiong
shan, and cloths also which he recognised as the production
of the country of Shu, i.e. Ch'eng tu fu in Sze ch'wan.
On inquiry he was told that these articles had been pur-
chased by merchants in the country of Shen tu, otherwise
called T'lEN chu (Sind or India). This country lay some
thousand li to the south-east of Ta Hia or Bactriana, and
from all that he could gather could not be far distant from
the province of Sze ch'wan, which accounted for the
importation of the articles which he had seen for sale.
There were three roads by which Shen tu might be reached
from China ; one, leading by the Kiang, very dangerous
and difficult ; a second by the north and through the
lands of the Hiong Nu, who would certainly obstruct
attempts at communication ; and a third, which would
be the safest, by Sze ch'wan. The emperor, pleased with
the hope of adding to the list of his tributaries in those
western countries, sent Chang k'ien to attempt to enter
India by the way of Kien wei (Siu chau f u in Sze ch'wan) ,
and others by different roads. Indeed some ten attempts in
all were made, but they were all as unsuccessful as Colonel
Sard's late attempt to follow in the steps of Chang k'ien^.
1 See De Mailla (I can only refer to the Italian translation,
vol. vii) ; Julien in /. As., ser. iv, torn, x, 91-2 ; Deguignes in
Mem. de I'Acad., xxxii, 358. The Italian translation of De Mailla
is a curiosity. The editor, finding that the Chinese names were
distasteful to the readers of his earlier volumes, changes them
all into a more pleasing form. Thus Kublai figures as Vobalio,
Wang Khan as Govannio, Ilchiktai as Chitalio. [See the title of
this translation in H. Cordier's Bibliotheca Sinica, col. 586-7.]
C. Y. C. I. S
66 PRELIMINARY ESSAY
42. In the succeeding century, however, relations
must have been opened, for in a.d. 65 the Emperor Ming
Ti, in consequence of a dream, sent ambassadors to
T'ien chu to obtain instruction in the doctrines of Buddha,
and to bring back images of him, a step which brought
upon that emperor's memory the execrations of the ortho-
dox Confucian literati, and which led to very peculiar
relations between the two countries for many centuries^.
Under the Emperor Ho Ti (a.d. 89-105) Indian
sovereigns several times sent tribute (presents) to the
court of China, and again in 159 under Hwan Ti, the same
emperor that received the mission supposed to have come
from Marcus Aurelius.
43. Throughout the greater part of the third and
fourth centuries political intercourse between India and
China seems to have been interrupted^, though it may
1 [The authenticity of this story is very doubtful. From
the study of some newly discovered texts, it appears that Buddhism
was introduced into China at the beginning of the Christian era,
and that at the very time the two bonzes are supposed to have
been brought back from India by Ming Ti's envoys, some Buddhist
monks and laymen were living in China with a brother of the
Emperor. Prof. Henri Maspero, of Hanoi, who made a careful
study of the texts, has come to the conclusion that the traditionary
history of the introduction of Buddhism in China is based entirely
on some pious legends of the second century. H. Maspero,
Le songe et l' amhassade de Vempeveuv Ming, Bui. Ecole Ext. Orient.,
Jany.-March, 1910, pp. 95-130. In b.c. 2 the king of the Yue
chi was a fervent Buddhist and tried to develop his religion in
China ; it is probably from him and through the ambassadors
of Ngai Ti that the Chinese knew Buddhism.]
^ [Chavannes has given as an appendix to his translation of
Sung Yun [Bui. Ecole frang. Ext. Orient., July— Sept., 1903) a list
of various works relating to India published in China before the
time of the T'ang. According to the Leang Shu, during the Period
of the Three Kingdoms, a sovereign of Wu (a.d. 222-280) sent
in the middle of the third century K'ang Tai and Chu Ying as
ambassadors to Fan Siun, king of Fu Nan (Cambodia) ; they
learned that some years previously, Fan Shan, king of Fu Nan,
had sent a mission to Central India whose sovereign sent back
with them a certain Ch'en sung who was seen by K'ang Tai, to
whom he gave some information on India recorded in the Leang
Shu.] [" At the time of the Wei and Tsin (220-419) the relations
between China and India were interrupted, and they were not
PRELIMINARY ESSAY 67
be gathered from the history of Fa Hian's travels that a
sea-trade between China and India existed at the end of
the latter century, as it probably had done for some time
previously. Its commencement, however, perhaps does
nat ascend beyond the early years of the Eastern Tsin
(residing at Nan king, 317-420) as the first intercourse
between China and Ceylon is ascribed to their time.
Ceylon was famed for its figures of Buddha, and these
often were sent as presents to the Chinese court. The first
embassy from Ceylon arrived in 405^, having come ap-
parently overland, as it was ten years upon the road. It
brought a Jade image of Buddha, exquisite in material
and workmanship. In the course of the same century
came four more Singhalese embassies; one in 428, when
the King Chacha Mohonoan (Raja Mahanaama, reigned
410-432) sent an address to the emperor, together with
a model of the shrine of the Sacred Tooth ; one in 430,
one in 435, and a fourth in 456, composed of five priests,
of whom one was Nante, a famous sculptor, and who
brought a threefold image of Buddha. During the sixth
century the kings of Ceylon acknowledged themselves
vassals of China, and in 515 Kumara Das, on succeeding
to the throne, sent an envoy to China to announce the
event, and who reported that the king had been desirous
to go himself, but was afraid of the sea. Embassies are
also recorded under the years 523, 527, 531^.
resumed for a long time." Pien-yi-tien, quoted by Sylvain Levi,
Melanges Charles de Harlez, p. 176.]
1 [The first embassy from. Ceylon came to China under the reign
of Hiao Wu-ti (373-396) of the Tsin. With regard to the embassy
of 428 sent by King Ts'a-li Mo-ho-nan (Ksatriya Mahanaman],
see S. Levi, Wang Hiuen-t'se, p. 413. — According to the Mahd-
vamsa, Mahanaman reigned from 412 to 434 ; during his reign
Buddhagosa came from Magadha to Ceylon.]
2 Tennent's Ceylon, 2nd ed., i, 590-1 ; 596. Sir Emerson
Tennent was supplied with unpublished translations of extracts
from Chinese authors for his work. The authorities are given
by him.
5—2
68 PRELIMINARY ESSAY
44. In 428 also the King of Kapila (the birth-place
of Buddha in the present district of Gorahkpur) by name
Yuei-ai or " Loved of the Moon," i.e. Chandragupta, sent
an ambassador carrying a diamond ring, a gold bracelet,
red and white parrots, etc., to the Emperor Wu Ti. In
466 came another mission from the same court, and again
in 500-504 bringing a trained horse.
In 441, 455, 466, and 473 other Buddhist kingdoms in
or adjoining India sent tribute. In 502 Kioto (or Gupta),
a king of India, sent one Chulota to present to the emperor
a letter, a spittoon of lapis-lazuli, perfumes, cotton-stuffs,
etc. This king's territory adjoined the great river
Sinthao (Indus) with its five branches. Rock-salt like
crystal, it is observed, is found there^.
In 605 Yang Ti of the Sui dynasty, the same whose
desire had been to open relations with the Roman empire,
having formed some ambitious projects, sent to try and
induce the kingdoms of Tibet and India to render him
homage, but those of India refused, which much enraged
the emperor.
Two years later we find one Chang-tsuen, " Director
of the Military Lands," sent on an embassy to Ceylon^.
45. In 641 the King of Magadha (Behar, etc.) sent an
ambassador with a letter to the Chinese court. The
emperor (the great T'ai Tsung) in return directed one of
his officers to go to the king with an imperial patent and
to invite his submission. The King Shiloyto (Ciladitya)
was all astonishment. " Since time immemorial," he
asked his officers, " did ever an ambassador come from
MoHOCHiNTAN ? " "Never," they replied. The Chinese
author remarks that in the tongue of the barbarians the
Middle Kingdom is called Mohochintan {Mahachinas-
^ Julien, U.S., pp. 99-100.
2 Tennent, i, 583.
PRELIMINARY ESSAY 69
thanay. This led to a further exchange of civilities
extending to 646^. But the usurping successor of ^Ila-
ditya did not maintain equally amicable relations, and
war ensued, in the course of which the Chinese, assisted
by the Kings of Tibet and Nepal, invaded India. Other
Indian kings lent aid and sent supplies ; and after the
capture of the usurper Alanashun, and the defeat of the
army commanded by his queen on the banks of the
Khientowei (Gandhara), 580 cities surrendered to the
Chinese arms, and the king was carried prisoner to China^.
A magician, who accompanied the Chinese general from
India, was employed to treat the Emperor T'ai Tsung,
who was very ill, but with no success. Wang Hiuen-ts'e,
the envoy who had gone on the mission which resulted
in this war, wrote a history of all the transactions in
twelve books, but it is lost*.
' [In 643, 17th year of the period Cheng kwan, Li I-piao with
Wang Hiuen-ts'e as his second, was sent to Magadha to take back
a Brahman ; according to the History of the T'ang he was the
bearer of a reply of the Chinese Emperor to King Harsa Qlladltya.
Sylvain Levi, Wang Hiuen-ts'e, Journ. Asiat., xv, 1900, pp. 298—9,
320-1.]
^ [In 646 Wang Hiuen-ts'e was sent again to Magadha with
thirty horsemen. Harsa ^iladitya having died was replaced by
his usurping minister Na-fu-ti O-lo-na-shoen, who had the
Chinese escort massacred and Wang, taking refuge in Tibet
where Srong-btsan Sgam-po was reigning, gathered a troop of
1200 Tibetans and 7000 Nepalese horsemen, fell upon Magadha,
captured the king and brought him back as a prisoner to China
(648). Sylvain Levi, I.e., pp. 300-1. In 657 Wang was sent
again on a mission to the western countries.]
^ [" K'ien-t'o-wei ramene a Gandavati ou GandavatI, une
des formes possibles du nom de la Gandaki (cf. grec Kovboxdrr^s) .
C'est done dans la region entre Pataliputra, situe au confluent
de la Gandaki et du Gange, et le Nepal d'ou sort la Gandaki, qu'il
faut chercher la ville de Tch'a-pouo-ho-lo," captured by Wang
Hiuen-ts'e. Sylvain Levi, I.e., p. 307 n.]
^ [See Sylvain Levi, Wang Hiuen-ts'e, J. As., xv, 1900.]
Julien, pp. 107-110. The Qiladitya of this account is known from
Hiuen Tsang to have been one of the great kings of Indian history.
His empire extended from the sea-coast of Orissa at least as far
north-west as Kanauj, which was his capital, and possibly to the
frontiers of Kashmir (see Lassen, iii, 673 seqq.). Lassen, as far
70 PRELIMINARY ESSAY
In 667-8 it is asserted the Kings of the five Indies all
sent to offer homage ; and this homage was repeated in
672 and 692. These kings are named in the Chinese
Annals — (i) the King of Eastern India, named Molopama ;
(2) the King of Western India, called Shiloyito ; (3) the
King of Southern India, called Chilukhipalo ; (4) the
King of Northern India, called Nana ; (5) the King of
Central India, called Timosina^.
In 670 King Datopiatissa of Ceylon sent a memorial
to the Emperor with a present of native productions.
Another Ceylonese embassy came in 711^.
46. In 713 an embassy came to the Emperor Hien
Tsung from Chentolopiti (Chandrapida) , King of Kashmir,
acknowledging allegiance, and some years later a patent
of investiture was granted to this prince. A successor
and brother called Mutopi [Muktopida) also offered homage
and requested the Emperor to send troops into Kashmir,
offering to quarter them on the banks of the Lake Maha-
padma in the centre of that valley. Tribute continued
to be paid regularly by Kashmir for some time. The
pressure of the rising power of Tibet probably induced
this state to seek Chinese protection^.
Between 713 and 731 repeated missions are reported
from the different kingdoms of India, one of which begged
aid against the Arabs and the Tibetans, and requested the
as I can discover, says nothing as to this Chinese invasion of
India, or the usurper Alanashun. Nor is the chronology consistent
with his (from Hiuen Tsang), which continues ^iladitya's reign to
650 ; whilst the account followed in the text makes him already
dead in 646. The Emperor T'ai Tsung died in 650.
1 Chine Ancienne, p. 301.
2 Tennent, i, p. 597. [The King of Ceylon in 670 was Hat-
thadatha or Dathopatissa II (664-673).]
^ Remusat, u.s., p. 106; Chin. Anc, 311; Reinaud in Mem.
de I'Acad., xvii, p. 190. There is a King Chandrapida in the
Kashmir Annals, but he is killed in 691. The king reigning
695-732 was Laladitya, a great conqueror. He seems to have
had a brother Muktopida (see Lassen, iii, 993, 997).
PRELIMINARY ESSAY 7I
Emperor to bestow an honorific title upon the Indian
monarch's army. The Emperor perhaps found this the
most convenient part of the petition to comply with,
and decreed it the title of " the Army which cherishes
virtue 1."
In 742 foreign merchants who had arrived in China by
the Sea of the South brought a number of precious articles
from the kingdom of Lions [Sinhala or Ceylon) to be
presented to the Emperor on behalf of Shiloshukia their
king^. Other embassies came from the same island
in 746, 750, 762. There is then an interval of many
^ See Julien, u.s., and compare Chine Ancienne, pp. 309, 310.
About this time there is frequent mention in the Chinese Annals
of relations with two kingdoms called Great and Little Poliu,
which lay between Kashgar and Kashmir. The king of Little
Poliu dwelt in a city called Nieito, near a river called Sot. The
Great Poliu was more to the east ; this country was occupied by
the Chinese forces in 747 (Remusat, in Mem. de I' Acad, as above,
pp. 100-2). Remusat renders Poliu Purut ; but there can
be no doubt that the kingdoms in question are Ladakh and Balti,
which continued to a late date to be known as Great and Little
Tibet. These titles will be found in Tavernier I think, and in the
letters of the Jesuit Desideri (1716), and indeed the term Little
Tibet for Balti is scarcely yet obsolete. Ladakh is probably
" the city of Tibet, built on an eminence over a river " of Edrisi
(i, 492). In Meyendorff we find the cities of Great and Little
Tibet still spoken of at Bokhara. The Georgian Danibeg went
from Kashmir to the " city of Tibet " in twenty days. It was
three months from Lhasa. And the Tajik route given by Meyen-
dorff speaks of reaching by the Karakorum pass " Tibet, a city
on the croupe of a mountain, with the governor's residence at
the top," a description which applies perhaps equally well to
Ladakh and Balti. The latter is perhaps the name concealed
in the Poliu of the Chinese, and the Soi may be the Shayok (Meyen-
dorff, pp. 122, 339). ["Pulu is the modern Balti. At this time
it was divided into two states. Greater and Lesser. The Greater
Pulu is described in the T'ang History as being due west of T'ufan,
contiguous to the Small Pulu, and bounded on the west by the
Northern Indian State, Wuch'ang (Udyana). They sent several
missions with tribute to China from the year 696, but were finally
conquered by the Tibetans in 734." Bushell, Early History of
Tibet, J. R. As. Soc, N.S., xii, p. 530. — Kao Sien-chi was the
Chinese general in command in 747. The Soi or Soyi River is
no doubt the Shyok River.]
2 Ch. Anc, p. 312. This is not mentioned by Tennent. The
king reigning at Anurajapura at this time was Aggabodhi III
or Akbo.
72 PRELIMINARY ESSAY
centuries before Ceylon is again heard of in the Chinese
Annals'^.
47. Towards 758-760, China, it is said, having lost
the country of Holong, the Kings of India ceased to send
homage^. I do not know what country is indicated,
whether Khuluni in the valley of the Oxus or some region
on the Yun nan frontier. The former is probable, as the
narratives of the Buddhist pilgrims show that the long
route by Kashgar and Badakhshan was that generally
followed between India and China.
The Tibetans at this time were becoming powerful
and troublesome neighbours, insomuch that about 787 the
Emperor Te Tsung, by the advice of one of his ministers,
applied to the Uighurs, the Princes of India, and the
Khalif to join in a league against them^.
After this, for a long time no political intercourse is
heard of ; but a few more missions from Indian kingdoms
are recorded under the later years of the tenth century
and the beginning of the eleventh as visiting the Court
of the Northern Sung. With the exception of one in
10 1 5 from the country of Chulien, which is supposed by
Deguignes to be the Chola Kingdom of Southern India,
I suspect these embassies to belong rather to the Archi-
pelago than to India Proper*.
48. Throughout this period, however, there are
frequent notices either of the visits of Indian Buddhist
devotees to' the Court of China or of leave obtained from
^ Tennent, ib., p. 597.
[The embassies of 742 and 746 and probably also those of 750
and 762 were sent by Aggabodhi VI Silamegha (741-781). S.
Levi, I.e., p. 428.1
[On the relations between Ceylon and China see the translations
from the Pien-yi-tien, by Sylvain Levi, Journ. Asiat., Mai-Juin,
1900, pp. 411-418.]
2 JuHen, p. III. ^ Ch. Anc, p. 321.
4 Deguignes, i, pp. 66 seqq. Tanmoeilieu, one of the kingdoms
named, is perhaps Tana-Malayu, the Malay country.
PRELIMINARY ESSAY 73
the Emperor by Chinese Buddhists to visit India for reli-
gious objects 1. One of the parties from India is related
to have been accompanied by the son of an Indian king,
by name Mafijugri, a very zealous Buddhist, who was
treated with great favour by the Emperor. The monks
were jealous of this, and as he did not understand Chinese
they made him believe that the Emperor had ordered
his departure. He went off in much indignation to the
southern coast to embark in a merchant vessel for India^.
These religious visitors to China became very frequent
after 975, perhaps a sign that by that time Buddhism
was becoming oppressed in India. In 986, however, a
monk of I chau (Kamul) returning from India brought a
letter from a king who is called Mosinang, written
in terms of humblest reverence, which are preserved
^ The route of one of these parties is described as carrying
them by Kan chau, Sha chau, I chau (Kamul), Karashahr,
Kucha, Khotan, Khulum, Peshawar, and Kashmir.
'^ JuHen, pp. 111-114. This Man ju9ri appears in the traditions
of the Newars of Nepal as the Buddhist Apostle of their country
(see Lassen, iii, 777 seqq., quoting from B. H. Hodgson). [The
Bodhisattwa Mafijufri, Manjughosa-Biss5chtma, called at times
Vagi9vara, " Lord of the Voice," came to Nepal from Maha
Cina (Great China) ; the disciples who accompanied him were
the first colonists ; they also came from Maha Cina ; he gave
a king to the country, the Chinese Dharmakara who himself had
as his successor another Chinaman Dharmapala. The Newars
are the companions of Maiiju9ri who returned to China when
his task was finished ; he is more particularly venerated at the
Wu t'ai shan {Panda ctrsa parvata) in the Shan si Province.
Maiiju9ri appears to have been a Hindu by birth and the Sanskrit
sources of Taranatha make him live under the reign of Candra-
gupta, King of Orissa, a short time after the reign of Mahapadma,
about the epoch of the Macedonian invasion. — S. Levi, Nepal,
i, pp. 320, 340. With regard to the relations of China with
Nepal it is said that King Qaktisimha sent presents to China
and that the Emperor was so pleased with them that he in his
turn sent a seal bearing engraved the name of Qaktisimha with
the title of Rama, and an official letter, in the year of China
(Cinabda)535. Relations were resumed under the Ming ; HungWu
sent in 1384 a bonze to Nepal to bring to the king a seal conferring
upon him the official investiture ; these relations continued under
Yong lo. (Sylvain Levi, Le Nepal, ii, pp. 227, 228.)]
74 PRELIMINARY ESSAY
by the Chinese authority, and transmitting reUcs of
Sakya^.
49. Indeed, for many centuries subsequent to the in-
troduction of Buddhism in China, the intercourse between
its devotees in the two countries was frequent, and the
narratives of Chinese pilgrims who spent years in studying
the Buddhist doctrines in their original country and in
visiting the sacred sites and monastic establishments of
India, form a curious and valuable part of Chinese litera-
ture. Of these works several have been translated into
European languages, as the Travels of Fa Hian (399-414) ;
1 Julien, pp. 1 15-1 16. This letter Avas translated by one Shihu,
an Indian ecclesiastic, who also communicated some information
about the kingdoms of India. Besides Central India (here
Magadha) there were in the north the kingdoms of Utiennang^
(Udyana, according to Julien), west of that Khientolo (Gandhara),
Nanggolokialo (Nagarahara), Lanpo (Lamghan, now generally
called Laghman), then Gojenang (probably Ghazni), and then
Persia. Three days' journey west of Magadha vfa.s Alawei [Rewa ?),
then Karana Kiuje {i.e. Kanya Kubja or Kanauj), Malwa, Ujjayani,
Lolo (Lara, according to Julien), Surashtra, and the Western Sea.
Southern India was four months' journey from Magadha, and
ninety days west of it was Konkana.
Gandhara mentioned above [is the valley of Peshawar, the
Pu-lu-sha-pu-lo of the Chinese Pilgrim Hiuen Tsang, Purusapura,
the Purushavar or Purshavar of Al-biruni, the Pershavar or Pei-
shavar of Abul Fazl._ (A. Foucher, I.e., p. 327.) The capital
of Gandhara was Peshawar (Purusapura)]. It is the Kandahar of
Al-biruni and other early Arab writers, the capital of which was
Waihand, which stood on the west of the Indus north of the Kabul
River's confluence. This is supposed to be the Utakhanda of
Hiuen Tsang, and has been identified with Ohind or Hund
about fifteen miles above Attok. Udhyana lay west of Gandhara,
the country on the Upper Swat and eastern part of the modern
Kafiristan. [The Swat valley and neighbourhood constitute the
principal portion of the old province of Udyana, and the capital
was Mungali, or Mung-kie-li, identified by General Sir A. Cun-
ningham {Ancient Geog. of India, p. 82) with Minglaur=Mingaur,
or Mingora. Major Deane accepts Mungali =Minglaur, but
makes a separate place of Mingaur. Foucher has Mung-kie-li
=Mangalapura, some distance from the left bank of the Swat
River. (H. A. Deane, Note on Udyana and Gandara, Journ. R. As.
Sac, 1896, p. 655. A. Foucher, Notes sur la Geog. ancienne du
Gandhara, Bui. Ecole frang. Ext. Orient., 1901, pp. 322 seq.).]
Nanggolokialo or Nagarahara appears to have been near the
present Jalalabad. See Reinaud in Mem. de I'Acad., xvii, 108,
157, etc.; Lassen, iii, 137 seq.; V. St. Martin in N. Ann. des
Voyages for 1853, ii, 166.
PRELIMINARY ESSAY 75
of Hiuen Tsang (travelled 628-645) ; and of Hwei Sing^,
who set out in 518. One of the latest of these travellers
was Khinie^, who journeyed (964-976) at the head of a
body of 300 monks whom the Emperor despatched to
India to seek relics of Buddha and collect books of palm-
leaves. Fragments of descriptions of the western countries
are cited from a work of one of these pilgrims older even
than Fa Hian, the monk Shi-tao-an who died in 385.
It does not seem to be known if the work is extant^.
These pilgrimages must have become more unfrequent
as the indigenous Buddhism of India gradually perished,
but perhaps they had not altogether ceased even in the
middle of the fourteenth century. For at that date we find
the Emperor of China asking leave from Mahomed Tughlak
to rebuild a temple near the base of the Himalaya, which
was much visited by his subjects*.
50. In the thirteenth century we find revived indica-
tions of communication with Ceylon^. Singhalese writers
mention imports from China at this time ; and in 1266
Chinese soldiers are mentioned as taking service in the
army of the Ceylonese King. We hear, also, during the
^ [Companion of Sung Yun.]
2 [Khinie is properly named to-day Ki-ye ; his itinerary has
been translated with the name of Wang-nieh by G. Schlegel in
the Memoires du Comite sinico-japonais, xxi, 1893, pp. 35-64,
and again by the late Edouard Huber in the Bulletin de I'Ecole
d' Extreme-Orient, ii, July, 1902, pp. 256-9. Prof. Chavannes has
added some valuable notes to the itinerary in the same periodical,
J an. -March, 1904. The itinerary was printed in the first chapter
of the Wu ch'wan lu ; it was written by Fan Ch'eng-ta, who obtained
his notes from Ki-ye, then living near the O-mei shan in the Sze
ch'wan Province. Ki-ye died eighty-four years old.]
^ Julien, op. cit., pp. 272-294, and Preface to Vie de Hiouen
Thsang. The Chinese bibliographer quoted by Julien observes of
Fa Hian that he applies the term Chong Kouo or Middle Kingdom
to India instead of China. This error he observes is a fashion of
the Buddhist monks, and is not worth the trouble of refutation !
I suppose the Buddhists used it as a translation of Madhyadesa,
the classical name which the Burmese still apply to Gangetic
India.
* See Ibn Batuta, infra, Vol. iv. ^ Tennent, i, 497-8.
76 PRELIMINARY ESSAY
Mongol reign in China of the occasional despatch by the
Emperors of officers to Ceylon to collect gems and drugs ;
and, on three occasions, envoys were sent to negotiate
the purchase of the sacred alms-dish of Buddha. Such
missions are alluded to by Polo and Odoric.
51. As late as the beginning of the fifteenth century,
under the Ming dynasty, the Chinese made a remarkable
and last attempt to renew their former claims to honorary
allegiance in the maritime countries of the west. In
1405 a mission from China, which had come to Ceylon
bringing incense and offerings to the Shrine of the Tooth,
was maltreated by the reigning King Wijayabahu VI
[1398-1410], who was a native of SolW^ or the Peninsula,
and an oppressor of Buddhism 2. The Emperor Ch'eng
Tsu [had dethroned his nephew Kien wen (Hwei Ti)
who disappeared when his capital. Nan King, was captured
and his palace invaded in 1402, and was] indignant at the
outrage, and anxious to do something for the re-establish-
ment of the declining prestige of China, despatched
[the eunuch] Cheng Ho, [commonly known as San Pao
T'ai kien, a native of the Yun nan province and] a soldier
of distinction, with a fleet of sixty-two ships, and a force
[of more than 37,000 soldiers], and armed with credentials
and presents, to visit the western kingdoms^. He touched
1 [" The King is of the Soli race, a most earnest beUever in
the Buddhist rehgion, and one who treats elephants and cows
with a feehng of veneration." (Ma Huan, Journ. China B. R. As.
Soc, 1885, p. 212.)]
2 [S. Levy, I.e., p. 437, remarks that the king who treated
rudely Cheng Ho at the time of his first visit to Ceylon A lie ku
na eul (A-le-ko-nar) is the prince named in the royal list Bhuva-
neka Bahu V, who was known under the name of Alagakkonara
before his accession to the throne ; this king was of origin Coda,
the Sinhalese word for Soli.]
3 [The Emperor Yong lo, fearing that his predecessor Hwei
Ti " was concealing himself in some country over the sea, wanted
to trace him, and at the same time to display his military force in
foreign countries, in order to show that China was rich and strong.
In the sixth month of the year 1405, he ordered Cheng Ho, his
companion Wang Ching-hung, and others, to go as envoys to the
PRELIMINARY ESSAY ^J
at Cochin China, Sumatra, Java, Cambodia, Siam, and
other places, proclaiming at each the imperial edict and
conferring imperial gifts. If any of the states refused to
acknowledge the Emperor's supremacy they were subdued
by force ; and in 1407 the expedition returned to China
accompanied by envoys from the different nations.
Cheng Ho being sent again next year on a like mission,
the Singhalese King tried to entrap and capture him, but
Cheng Ho avoided the snare, caught the king, his whole
family and officers of state, and carried them prisoners
to China. In 141 1 the Emperor set the prisoners free,
but deposed the misdemeanant king, and appointed
another of the party in his place, who was sent back to
Ceylon accompanied by a Chinese commissioner to invest
him as a royal vassal of the empire. This new king is
named by the Chinese Pulakoma Bazae Lacha, which
identifies him as Parakkana Bahu Raja VI, whose reign
according to the Ceylonese annals extended from 1410
to 1462. Tribute was paid regularly by Ceylon for fifty
years ; apparently therefore throughout the long reign
of this prince and no longer. During that time the king
kingdoms in the western ocean. They took with them 30,000
soldiers and a large quantity of gold and silks. The fleet con-
sisted of 62 ships, most of them of large tonnage, some measuring
440 feet long and 180 feet broad. They sailed from Liu-kia-kiang,
an inlet of the Yang-tze, situated a little to the north of Wu sung,
the entrance of the Shanghai River. They touched on their way
south at Woga, at the mouth of the Min, from which place they
sailed to Cochin China, and so on to the various countries in the
Straits and India, making known at each place the orders from
the Emperor. They gave presents to the princes and chiefs,
and those who would not submit were compelled to do so by force.
Ma Huan has left us an account of twenty of the kingdoms visited
by the expedition." (Ma Huan's work is named Ying-yai-sheng-
lan ; Ma Huan was an Interpreter and a Mohamedan. Cf. Geo.
Phillips, Journ. R. As. Soc, 1895, pp. 523 seq.) The King of
Ceylon visited by Ma Huan was Parakkana Bahu VI, second
successor to Bahu V (1410-1462). Recently, in the town of Galle,
Ceylon, a tablet has been found bearing inscriptions in Chinese,
Tamil and Persian ; it refers to the second visit to Ceylon of Cheng
Ho and bears a Chinese date (7th year Yong lo) corresponding to
the 15th Feb. 1409. — Spolia Zeylanica, June, 1912 ; /. North China
B.R.A.S., 1914, pp. 171-2.J
yS PRELIMINARY ESSAY
is asserted to have been on two occasions the bearer of it
in person 1. Other circumstances mentioned appear to
imply that a Chinese Resident was maintained on the
island who superintended the administration. The last
tribute was paid in 1459. Chinese influence was thus a
matter of recent memory on the arrival of the Portuguese
in the beginning of the following century, and they found
many traces of it remaining.
Those events are of course very differently represented
in the Ceylonese annals. According to their account the
King of Mahachina landed in the island with an army
under the pretence of bringing tribute ; the King of Ceylon
was then treacherously taken and carried captive to
China, etc.^
52. As regards warlike relations between India and
China in the middle ages we may mention the Mongol
invasion of Bengal " by way of Cathay and Tibet " during
the reign of Alauddin Musaiid King of Delhi ; the only
invasion of Bengal from that quarter distinctly recorded
in history. This took place about 1244, and was defeated
by the local officers. Firishta in speaking of it says it is
supposed that they entered by the same route which was
followed by Mahomed Bakhtiyar Khilji when he invaded
Cathay and Tibet from Bengal^. This refers to the
^ [The work Ts'ien Wen ki written by Chu Yun-ming, quoted
by W. F. Mayers, China Review, iii, 329, contains a note
entitled " The Voyages to the West," with particulars of an under-
taking in the reign of Siuen Teh (1426-1435) ; the members of
the expedition included : Officers, soldiers, purveyors, steersmen,
leadsmen, interpreters, clerks, accountants, doctors, blacksmiths,
carpenters, and other artificers, sailors, and landsmen ; in all,
27,550 souls ! The expedition left Lung Wan (near Nan King)
on the 6th day of the intercalary 12th moon of the 5th year of
Siuen Teh (about the beginning of a.d. 1431), visited Sumatra and
the Malay Peninsula and sailed to Ceylon (6th of nth moon,
7th year), Calicut, Ormuz (26th of 12th moon) ; sailed on
return voyage (i8th of 2nd moon of 8th year) via Pulo Condor,
Chan ch'eng and reached Nan King on the 6th of the 7th moon.]
2 Tennent, pp. 601-2.
3 Briggs's Firishta, i, 231,
PRELIMINARY ESSAY 79
expedition some forty years before, to which alhision is
made at Note E, Ibn Batuta, Vol. iv of the present work.
It is very possible that Bakhtiyar Khilji's ambition dreamt
even of a raid upon China, but it is difficult to gather
from the account extant how far he had really got when
forced to retreat ; perhaps not beyond the Assam valley^.
In the still more disastrous enterprise of Malik Yuzbek in
1256-57 aims more distant than Kamriip are not alluded
to. The mad expedition of Mahomed Tughlak in 1337
was, according to Firishta's account, directed against
China. Of the force, which both that historian and Ibn
Batuta^ estimate at one hundred thousand horse besides
infantry, scarcely any returned to tell the tale, except the
few who had been left to garrison posts in rear of the army.
It is difficult to guess by what point this host entered
the Himalaya, nor have I been able to identify the town
of Jididh at the base of the mountains, mentioned by
Ibn Batuta, which would ascertain the position.
53. We ought not to omit in the record of relations
between China and India, the two embassies mentioned
by the author last named, viz., that sent by the Mongol
Emperor Shun Ti or Togan Temur to the Court of the same
Mahomed Tughlak in 1341-42, and the unlucky return
embassy entrusted to the Moorish traveller himself, which
has furnished this collection with one of its chief items.
An embassy from Bengal is mentioned in the time of
Ch'eng Tsu of the Ming (1409), but from what sovereign,
Hindu or Musalman, does not appear^. It was, perhaps,
^ See Stewart's History of Bengal, pp. 45-50.
^ Ibn Batuta, iii, 325.
3 Chine Anc, p. 402. [Phillips says that most of the facts of
"Mahuan's account of Bengala are to be found endorsed in the
records of Foreign countries, to be met with in the Ming Dynasty
histories. In one account I find that Gai-ya-szu-ting, the king of
Bengala, sent, in 1409, an embassy with presents to the Chinese
Court ; another king of Bengala, by name Kien-fuh-ting, sent a
8o PRELIMINARY ESSAY
one of those complimentary missions which General
Cheng Ho went cruising to promote, as mentioned on
p. 76.
And in 1656, though the date is beyond the field of our
notices, we find that the Dutch envoy Nieuhoff was
presented at Peking along with an ambassador from the
Great Mogul, at that time Shah Jahan^
54. Returning to earlier days, we find that in the
time of the Mongol emperors an ample trade by sea existed
between China and the ports of Malabar. To this Polo,
Odoric, MarignolH, and Ibn Batuta bear witness. The
rise of this trade, so far as we know about it, will be more
conveniently related under the head of Chinese intercourse
with the Arabs. Ibn Batuta alludes to the Chinese
merchants residing at Kaulam^, and such residents are
letter to the Emperor of China, written on gold leaf, and accom-
panied by a present of a giraffe. The first embassy, viz. that of
Gai-ya-szu-ting, is said to have come to China in the sixth year
of Yong-lo's reign, which corresponds with 1409 of our era. The
Bengal king reigning at that time appears to have been Shihab-
ad-din Bayazid Shah, who only came to the throne in that year.
A former king, Ghiyas-ad-din, who reigned from 1 370-1 396, comes
very near the Chinese name Gai-ya-szu-ting, but he had ceased to
reign ten years before the embassy is said to have arrived in China.
Possibly the Chinese dates are wrong. In the twelfth year of
Yong-lo, 1415, the time assigned by the Chinese chroniclers to
the arrival of the second embassy to China, Jalal-ad-din was king
of Bengal. To make his name agree with the Chinese Kien-
fuh-ting is somewhat difficult, but I think no other can be meant."
(J.R.A.S., 1895, p. 534.)
Mr. John Beames, I.e., p. 900, makes the following remark on the
subject : " As to the identification of Gai-ya-szu-ting with Ghiyas-
uddin, the Chinese date seems to be wrong, as there are no coins
or inscriptions of this king later than a.h. 799, corresponding to
A.D. 1396. But the other king may, perhaps, be identified as
follows: In a.d. 1415 (=a.h. 817-818) Jalaluddin was king, but
his reign did not commence till a.h. 818, the end of March, 1415.
In the former part of the year 141 5 his father, the Hindu Raja
Kans, was apparently still alive. Might it not, therefore, be
possible that the Chinese historian has mixed up the two, and
made out of Kans and Jalaluddin a joint name, Kans uddin,
which he represents by Kien-hut-ding. A Chinese would not
be aware of the incongruity of a mixed Hindu and Musulman
name." This seems to me far-fetched.]
1 Pauth., Relations Polit., etc., p. 49. ^ iv, p. 103.
PRELIMINARY ESSAY 8l
also alluded to in ancient Malabar documents^. I have
already suggested that Marignolli's mention of " Tartars "
in connection with the tomb of St Thomas at Mailapur
(ill, p. 251, infra) may indicate that Chinese traded, perhaps
were settled, also on the Coromandel Coast. But Ritter's
idea that Chinapatam, one of the native names of the town
of Madras, is a trace of ancient Chinese colonisation here,
is not well founded. That name, properly Chennapatam
or Chennapapatam, was bestowed on the site granted to
the British in 1639 by the Naik of Chingleput, in honour
of that chief's own father-in-law, Chennapa by name^.
It is curious, however, in connection with such a suggestion,
that Gasparo Balbi in the sixteenth century, speaking of
certain Pagodas seen in making Negapatam after rounding
Ceylon (apparently the monolithic temples at Mahabali-
puram, commonly known still as the Seven Pagodas)
observes that they were called the Sette Pagodi de Chini,
and were attributed to ancient Chinese mariners^.
1 See Madras Jovirnal for 1844, p. 121.
2 Ritter, v, 518, 620; Madras in the Olden Time, by J. T.
Wheeler, Madras, 1861, i, p. 25. [" In honour of the local Naik's
father Chennappa, the settlement, as distinct from the town of
Madras itself, was called Chennappapattanam, but the natives
now apply the name Chennapattanam to the whole city." {Imp.
Gaz. India, xvi, pp. 368-9.)]
^ It is worth noting that the Catalan Map of 1375 has in this
position a place called Setemelti ; qu. an error for Sette templi ?
[See note in Marco Polo, ii, p. 336.] [We read in the Tao yi chi Ho
(1349) that " T'u t'a (the eastern stupa) is to be found in the flat
land of Pa-tan (Fattan, Negapatam ?) and that it is surrounded
with stones. There is a stupa of earth and brick many feet high ;
it bears the following Chinese inscription : ' The work was
finished in the eighth moon of the third year Men chw'en (1267).'
It is related that these characters have been engraved by some
Chinese in imitation of inscriptions on stone of those countries ;
up to the present time, they have not been destroyed." Hien
chw'en is the nien hao of Tu Tsung, one of the last emperors
of the Southern Sung Dynasty, not of a Mongol Sovereign.
I owe this information to Prof. Pelliot, who adds that the com-
parison between the Chinese Pagoda of Negapatam and the text of
the Tao yi chi lie has been made independent of him by Mr. Fujita
in the Tokyo-gakuho, November 1913, pp. 445-6.]
82 PRELIMINARY ESSAY
55. We hear from Marco Polo of some part of the
intercourse which Kublai Khan endeavoured to estabhsh
with western countries of Asia, and his endeavours are
also specially mentioned in the Chinese annals. Un-
fortunately he and his officers seem to have entertained
the Chinese notion that all intercourse with his empire
should take the form of homage, and his attempts that
way in Java and Japan had no very satisfactory result.
But he is said to have been more fortunate in 1286 with
the kingdoms of Mapaeul, Sumuntala, Sumenna,
Sengkili, Malantan, Lailai, Navang, and Tinghoeul.
Of these the first four are almost certainly Indian. Maa-
bari, (Dwara) Samundra^, Sumnath^, are not difficult
to recognize ; the fourth, SengkiH, is probably the Shin-
kali of Abulfeda, the Singuyh of Jordanus, the Cynkali
of Marignolh, i.e. Cranganor*. The rest of the names
probably belong to the Archipelago^.
^ See infra, p. 141 ; 11, 67, etc.
2 The kingdom of the Bilal Rajas immediately north of Ma'bar,
and constantly coupled with it in the Mahomedan histories.
3 See Marco Polo, pt. iii, ch. 32.
* See infra, p. 133 ; 11, 249.
5 Thus Malantan, Navang, Tinghoeul may be compared with
the names of the actual Malay states or provinces of Kelantan,
Ra hang, and Sungora. Pauthier introduces the list (which he
gives as Siumenna,Senghili, Nanwuli, Malantan, Tingkorh, Maparh,
and Sumuntala) as that of " ten maritime kingdoms of the Indian
Archipelago," but that is merely an opinion of his own. It is
possible, certainly, that Sumuntala may represent Sumatra, as
it appears to do in passages quoted from Chinese geographies
by M. Pauthier. Some of these, indeed, appear to be derived
from European sources ; others do refer to the Chinese Annals
as far back as the tenth century, and if these can be depended on
as showing that the island or a kingdom on it was called Sumatra
at so early a date, the circumstance is remarkable. In the absence
of more distinct evidence, I should doubt if the name is so old.
The Malay traditions, quoted by Dulaurier, ascribe the foundation
of the city called Sumatra to the father of the king reigning in
Ibn Batuta's time.
The hst of names in the text is from Gaubil (see G., Hist, de
Gentchiscan, p. 205 ; Pauthier's Polo, p. 572 ; also Baldelli Boni's
II Milione, ii, 388).
I may observe that in an old Chino-Japanese map described
PRELIMINARY ESSAY 83
IV. INTERCOURSE WITH THE ARABS.
56. This likewise, in all probability, goes back to an
earlier date than is to be learned from any existing history,
as the forms in which the name of China reached the Greeks
have already suggested to us^.
The earliest date to which any positive statement of
such intercourse appears to refer is the first half of the
fifth century of our era. At this time, according to
Hamza of Ispahan^ and Ma'sudi, the Euphrates was
navigable as high as Hira^, a city lying south-west of
by Klaproth and Remusat, the kingdoms of Sumenna, Kylantin,
Mapoeul, and Tinghoeul, are placed far to the west beyond the
Arabs. {Not. et Ext., vol. xi, and Klap., Mem. ii.) This, however,
only shows that the author of the map did not know where to
put them.
1 [" Mahomet n'a point ignore le nom de la Chine, car il recom-
manda a ses disciples d'acquerir la science, dussent-ils aller la
chercher en Chine. II avait eu quelque notion de ce vaste empire,
soit par Selman Farsy ou par les membres des colonies persanes
etablies sur les cotes de I'Arabie, soit par les gens des ports du
Yemen qui etaient en rapports frequents avec les villes du littoral
du golfe Persique oil abordaient les navires naviguant dans les
mers des Indes, de la Malaisie et du sud de la Chine." Ch. Schefer,
Relat. des Musulmans avec les Chinois, p. 2.]
^ [Martin Hartmann says {Chine in Encyclopedie de l' Islam) :
" Reinaud ne devrait pas citer, au sujet des navires de Chine
a Hira, Hamza-al-Isfahani, p. 102 : il est dit seulement :
' Hira etait alors le pays riverain {sdhil n'est pas la bordure
littorale) de I'Euphrate ; car la mer (lire al-bahr au lieu d'al-furdt
que Gottwaldt traduisit par inadvertance ; cette f aute de transcrip-
tion s'explique par la presence du mot al-furdt un peu plus haut)
penetrait alors loin dans les terres (litter, se trouvait plus pres
de la bordure septentrionale de la plaine cotiere babylonienne)
et arrivait meme jusqu'a Nadjaf.' Cette addition fantaisiste
a fait ensuite naitre dans la tete de Richthofen le beau tableau
suivant {China, i, 520) : ' Suivant le temoignage de Masudi et de
Hamza dTspahan, les navires chinois venaient chaque annee (!) jeter
I'ancre a cote des navires hindous devant les maisons de Hira.' "]
^ [" Less than a league south of Kufah are the ruins of Hirah,
which had been a great city under the Sassanians. Near by stood
the famous palaces of As-Sadir and Al-Khawarnak, the latter
built, according to tradition, by Nu'man, prince of Hirah, for
King Bahram Gur, the great hunter. The palace of Khawarnak
with its magnificent halls had mightily astonished the early
Moslems when they first took possession of Hirah on the conquest
of Mesopotamia." (G. Le Strange, Lands of the Eastern Caliphate,
P- 75-)]
84 PRELIMINARY ESSAY
ancient Babylon, near Kufa^, (now at a long distance from
the actual channel of the river) , and the ships of India and
China were constantly to be seen moored before the houses
of the town^. Hira was then abounding in wealth, and
the country round, now a howling wilderness, was full
of that life and prosperity which water bestows in such
a climate. A gradual recession took place in the position
of the headquarters of Indian and Chinese trade. From
Hira it descended to OboUa^, the ancient Apologos, from
OboUa it was transferred to the neighbouring city of
Basra, built by the Khalif Omar on the first conquest
of Irak (636), from Basra to Siraf* on the northern shore
^ [" The city of Al-Kufah was founded immediately after the
Moslem conquest of Mesopotamia, at the same time as Basrah
was being built, namely, about the year 17 (638), in the Caliphate
of 'Omar. It was intended to serve as a permanent camp on the
Arab, or desert side of the Euphrates, and occupied an extensive
plain lying above the river bank, being close to the older Persian
city of Al-Hirah. Kufah rapidly increased in population, and
when in the year 36 (657) 'Ali came to reside here the city during
four years was the capital of that half of Islam which recognised
'Ali as Caliph. In the mosque at Kufah 'Ali was assassinated
in the year 40 (661)." (G. Le Strange, Lands of the Eastern
Caliphate, p. 75.)]
2 Reinaud, Relations, etc., i, xxxv ; Tennent's Ceylon, i, 541 ;
Mas'ijdi in Prairies d'Or, i, 216 seqq. The passage in Mas'udi,
as translated by Barbier de Meynard and Pavet de Courteille,
is not so precise in its evidence as I should have gathered from
Reinaud and Tennent. I have not access to Hamza. [Yule in
a note says : " The facts stated in Sir H. Rawlinson's paper in vol.
xxvii of the J.R.G.S., p. 185, seem to throw very great doubt upon
the allegation that Hira could have been a haven for eastern trade
at the time indicated, if ever it was so."]
" Hira was the seat of a race of kings who had embraced the
Christian religion, and reigned above six hundred years under the
shadow of Persia " (Gibbon, ch. li).
3 [Al-Ubullah= Apologos, "dated from Sassanian or even
earlier times, but it lay on the estuary and was feverish, and the
Moslems when they founded their new city, Basrah, built this
further inland near the desert border." (G. Le Strange, Lands
of the Eastern Caliphate, p. 47.)]
'' [" Further up the coast, to the north-west of Naband,
was the port of Siraf, the chief emporium of the Persian Gulf
in the 4th (loth) century, prior to the rise of Kays island into
pre-eminence. Siraf, Istakhri says, nearly equalled Shiraz in
size and splendour ; the houses were built of teak wood brought
PRELIMINARY ESSAY 85
of the gulf, and from Siraf successively to Kish^ and
Hormuz^.
from the Zanj country (now Zanzibar), and were several storeys
high, built to overlook the sea." (G. Le Strange, Lands of the
Eastern Caliphate, p. 258.)]
[" Aujourd'hui cette ville [Killah] est le rendez-vous general
des vaisseaux musulmans de Siraf et d'Oman, qui s'y recontrent
avec les batiments de la Chine ; mais il n'en etait pas ainsi
autrefois. Les navires de la Chine se rendaient alors dans le
pays d'Oman, a Siraf, sur la cote de Perse et du Bahrein, a Obollah
et a Basrah, et ceux de ces pays naviguaient a leur tour directe-
ment vers la Chine. Ce n'est que depuis qu'on ne pent plus
compter sur la justice des gouvernants et sur la doctrine de leurs
intentions, et que I'etat de la Chine est devenu tel que nous I'avons
decrit, qu'on se rencontre sur ce point intermediaire." Mas'udi,
i, p. 308.]
^ [" The country of Ki-shi [Island of Kish] is on a small
island in the sea, in sight of the Ta-shi (coast), which is distant
from it a half day's journey. There are very few towns (in this
region .... Every year the Ta-shi send camels loaded with rose-
water, gardenia flowers, quicksilver, spelter, silver bullion, cin-
nabar, red dye plants, and fine cotton stuffs, which they put
on board ships on arriving in this country to barter with other
countries." (Chau Ju-kua, pp. 133-4.)
" The island of Kays, or as the Persians wrote the name,
Kish, which in the course of the 6th (12th century) became the
trade-centre of the Persian Gulf after the ruin of Siraf." (G. Le
Strange, Lands of the Eastern Caliphate , p. 257.)]
2 [" Old Hurmuz, or Hurmuz of the mainland, lay at a distance
of two post-stages, or half a day's march from the coast, at the
head of a creek called Al-Jir, according to Istakhri, ' by which
after one league ships come up thereto from the sea,' and the
ruins of the town are still to be seen at the place now known as
Minab, vulgarly Minao. In the 4th (loth century) Old Hurmuz
was already the seaport for Kirman and Sijistan, and in later
times, when New Hurmuz had been built on the island, this place
supplanted Kays, just as Kays had previously supplanted Siraf,
and became the chief emporium of the Persian Gulf. . . .At the
beginning of the 8th (14th) century — one authority gives the
year 715 (1315) — the king of Hurmuz, because of the constant
incursions of robber tribes, abandoned the city on the mainland,
and founded New Hurmuz on the island aforesaid called Jirun
(or Zarun), which lay one league distant from the shore. (Le
Strange, I.e., pp. 318-319.) In one of the itineraries of Kia
Tan (between a.d. 785 and 805) we read : ' Now the Fu-li-la
river of the realm of the Ta-shi flows southward into the sea.
Small boats ascend it two days and reach the country of Mo-lo,
an important market of the Ta-shi.' Rockhill says: 'Molo I
am disposed to identify with old Hurmuz,' and adds : ' Assuming
that the identification of Mo-lo with Hormuz is correct, it is
interesting to note that this is the only reference in Chinese works
to this great port of the Persian Gulf. This is another proof that
the Chinese cannot have taken any personal part in the sea trade
86 PRELIMINARY ESSAY
57. Chinese Annals of the T'ang dynasty [618-907]
of the seventh and eighth centuries, describe the course
followed by their junks in voyaging to the Euphrates
from Kwang chau (Canton). After indicating the route
and the times occupied as far as Ceylon^, we are told that
they passed in front of Molai (Male of Cosmas, Malabar),
after which they coasted ten small kingdoms towards
the north-west, and after two days' sail to the north-
west across sea (Gulf of Cambay) they reached Tiyu
(probably Diu). Ten days' further voyage carried them
past five small kingdoms to another Tiyu, near the
Great River Milan or Sinteu^. In twenty days more
they came to the frontiers of another country, where
there was a great lighthouse in the sea^ ; one day more
brought them to Siraf, and thence they reached the mouth
of the Euphrates.
with Persia in the eighth century, as Geo. PhiUips {J.R.A.S.,
1895, 525) thinks they did.' " (Chau Ju-kua, p. 14 n.)]
1 All which, strange to say, is omitted by Deguignes, from
whom this is quoted {Mem. de I' Acad, des Insc, xxxii, 367). The
passage does not seem to have been reproduced by later Chinese
scholars. It also speaks, as may be gathered from Deguignes
in another essay, of the different places in Asia whither the goods
taken to the Gulf were carried for sale, and indicates places of
commerce on the coast of Africa. {Mem., as above, xlvi, 547.)
- The Milan or Sinteu is the Sindhu or Indus, called by the
Arabs Mehrdn. Tiyu is probably, as suggested by Deguignes,
the port of Diul, Dewal, or Daibul, which lay to the west of the
Indus mouths and cannot have been far from Karachi. Edrisi
speaks of it specifically as frequented by Chinese ships. Daibul
was besieged and taken by the Mahomedans before the end of the
seventh century. The district at the mouths of the Indus appears
to have retained the name long after the decay of the port, for
Barbosa calls this territory Diul (Jaubert's Edrisi, i, 161 ; Gilde-
meister, p. 170, but the reading of Ibn Haukal here which places
Daibul on the east of the Indus appears to be erroneous ;
Barbosa (Lisbon ed.), p. 266; Reinaud in Mem. de I'Acad., xvii,
p. 170).
3 Probably at the Straits of Hormuz. I do not find any Kght
there mentioned, but Mas'udi mentions that at the terminus of
this voyage at the entrance of the roadstead near OboUah and
Abadan {i.e., off the mouth of Euphrates) there were three great
platforms on which beacons were lighted every night to guide
ships coming in. {Prairies d'Or, i, 230.)
PRELIMINARY ESSAY 87
The ships of China, according to some authorities,
used to visit Aden as well as the mouths of Indus and
Euphrates^. I do not think that either Polo or any traveller
of his age speaks of them as going further than Malabar,
the ports of which appear to have become the entrepots
for commercial exchange between China and the west,
nor does it appear what led to this change. Some time
in the fifteenth century again they seem to have ceased
to come to Malabar, nor can it be positively gathered
from Abd-ul-Razzak or Conti whether Chinese vessels
continued to frequent that coast in their time {circa 1430-
42)2. We read, however, that Ch'eng Tsu of the Ming
dynasty (1402-24) despatched vessels to the islands and
countries of India, Bengal, Calicut, Ceylon, Surat, the
'^ See Ihn el Wardl, in Not. et Extraits, ii, 43. Edrisi says that,
from Aden ships sailed for Hind, Sind, and China (i, 51). He
gives a hst of the wares brought from China by these ships, but
except iron, sword-blades (perhaps Japanese), shagreen, rich
stuffs and velvets, and various vegetable tissues, the articles
rather belong to the Archipelago.
[" In the nineteenth year of Yong-lo (1422), an Imperial
envoy, the eunuch Li, was sent from China to this country [Aden]
with a letter and presents to the king. On his arrival he was most
honourably received, and was met by the king on landing and
conducted by him to his palace. During the stay of the embassy
the people who had rarities were permitted to offer them for sale.
Cat's eyes of extraordinary size, rubies, and other precious stones,
large branches of coral, amber, and attar of roses were among
the articles purchased. Giraffes, lions, zebras, leopards, ostriches,
and white pigeons were also offered for sale." (Mahuan's
Account of Aden. Geo. Phillips, Journ. R. As. Soc, 1896,
p. 348.) — " It is stated in the History of the Ming, that the first
embassy from Aden to China was sent in 1427 and that they
subsequently were often repeated." (Bretschneider, Arabs, p. 18.)
In the same year, 1427, an envoy arrived at the Chinese court
from Mu ku tu su [Magadoxo, on the east coast of Africa.
{Ibid. p. 21.) Chu pu which lies not far from Magadoxo sent also
an envoy to China during Yong-lo's reign. {Ibid., p. 22.)]
Baroch is also mentioned as a port visited by ships of China
(Edrisi, i, 179) ; and Suhar in Oman (the Soer of Polo), as a port
from which Arab vessels traded to China {Id., i, 152).
2 Abdul Razzak, however, does mention merchants and
maritime people of China among those who frequented Hormuz
in his time (1442). He does not distinctly say that ships of that
country came, and the passage is perhaps too general to build
upon. {Ind. in XV Cent., p. 56.)
88 PRELIMINARY ESSAY
Persian Gulf, Aden, and the Red Sea, expeditions to which
reference has been made in a previous page, and which
do not seem to have been in any degree commercial. This,
however, is the last notice with which I am acquainted
of Chinese vessels visiting Malabar and Western Asia^.
57 b. [The Arabs were known by the Chinese as the
Tazi or Ta shi (Ta shi is but a transcription of the Persian
Tazi j^jU or Tajik ^^e^Xi ', the Arabs were then made
known to the Chinese by the Persians ; this fact seems to
prove the priority of the travels of the Persians. Cf.
Ferrand, Textes, pp. 2-3) ; from the Sung Dynasty (960-
1279), when no less than twentv embassies from the Ta shi
are reckoned, the Mohamedans are known as the Hwei
Hwei, also Hwei Ho or Hwei Hu, the very names given to
the Uighurs during the T'ang dynasty. We do not know
the exact date of the entrance of the Mohamedans into
China : there is an inscription in the mosque of Si-ngan fu
dated 742 from which it appears that the doctrine of
Mahomet penetrated into China during the period K'ai
hwang (581-600), Sui dynasty; the date of Hegira being
622, it is difficult to believe that Islam was known in
China some years previously ; the inscription is no doubt
apocryphaP. For a long time the inscription of the
mosque [Hwei Sheng sze) of Canton (ist day 8th month
loth year Che cheng=2 Nov. 1350) was considered as the
most ancient in China, but the inscription of the mosque
of Ts'iuan chau (1310-11)^ is older. Now a Sino-Ara.bic
document has been found in Japan whither it was sent
from Ts'iuan chau in 12 17 by a Japanese bonze ; this is
so far the oldest known Arabic document found in China*.]
^ Deguignes, i, 72.
2 H. Cordier, Journal des Savants, Jan. 1913, p. 31.
3 Arnaiz and Van Berchem. {T'oung pao, vii, 1896.)
* Pelliot in /. Asiat., Juillet-Aout 1913, pp. 177 seq.
PRELIMINARY ESSAY 89
58. The Arabs at an early date of Islam, if not before^,
had established a factory at Canton, and their numbers
at that port were so great by the middle of the eighth
century that in 758 they were strong enough to attack
and pillage the city, to which they set fire and then fled
to their ships^. Nor were they confined to this port.
The city now called Hang chau fu, the Quinsai and
Khansa of the middle ages, but known in those days to
the Arabs as Khanfu^, was probably already frequented
by them ; for, one hundred and twenty years later, the
number of foreign settlers, Musulman, Jew, Christian, and
Gueber, who perished on the capture of that city by a
rebel army, is estimated at one hundred and twenty
1 [" In the year 651 a.d. the king of the Ta-shi, by name Han
mi mo m.0 ni [Emir al mumenin], sent for the first time an envoy
with presents to the Chinese court, and at the same time announced
in a letter, that the house Ta-shi had already reigned thirty-four
years and had three kings." (From the History of the T'ang,
Bretschn eider, Arabs, p. 8.)]
^ Deguignes, i, 59, ii, 503 ; also in Mem. de I'Acad., xlvi, 545.
In the latter essay, Deguignes attributes this outbreak to the
Arab auxiliaries mentioned further on.
[" The history of the T'ang states finally, that in the year
758 the Po ssu, following on the path of the Ta shi (Arabians),
invaded unexpectedly Kuang chow (Canton), destroyed the town
by fire, and returned to their country by sea. This appears
to me to be the last time that the Persians are mentioned under
the name of Po ssu in Chinese history." (Bretschneider, Notes
and Queries on C. and J ., iv, p. 57.)]
3 Khanfu was properly only the port of Hang chau or Khansa,
called by the Chinese Kan p'hu (a name still preserved as that
of a town half a league north of the old site), and by Marco Polo
Ganfu (ii, 189). The place is mentioned as a coasting port in
Chinese Annals under a.d. 306 ; as the seat of a master attendant
in 706 ; and as that of a marine court under the Mongols. (Klap.,
Mem. rel. a I'Asie, ii, 200 seqq.). The name of the port seems to
have been transferred by the early Arabs to Hang chau ; for
there seems no reason to ascribe to Kan p'hu itself the importance
here assigned to Khanfu. Indeed, Abulfeda says expressly,
" Khanfu, which is known in our days as Khansa." [Pelliot
proposes to see in Khanfu a transcription of Kwang-fu, an abridge-
ment of Kwang chau fu, prefecture of Kwang chau (Canton).
Cf. Bull. Ecole franc. Ext. Orient., Jan.-June 1904, p. 215 n.,
but I cannot very well accept this theory. See Marco Polo,
ii, 199.]
90 PRELIMINARY ESSAY
thousand, and even two hundred thousand^ ! Of course
we must make large deductions, but these contemporary
statements still indicate a large foreign population.
59. In the eighth century also the Arabs began to
know the Chinese not only as SincB, but as Seres, i.e. by
the northern land route. The successes of Kutaiba, who
in the time of Khalif Walid overran Bokhara, Samarkand,
Farghanah, and Khwarizm, and even extended his con-
quests across the Bolor to Kashgar, brought the two
powers into dangerous collision^ ; and the Emperor of
China seems to have saved himself from an Arab invasion,
only by the very favourable reception which he gave to
an embassy from Kutaiba, composed of twelve Mahome-
dans, whom he sent back loaded with presents for the
Arab general^.
This was no doubt the embassy to the Emperor Hwen
Tsung {circa 713), of which the Chinese annals relate that
the envoys demanded exemption from the kotow, and in
consequence were put upon their trial and pronounced
worthy of death. The emperor, however, graciously
pardoned them* !
1 Reinaud, Relations, etc., i, p. 64 ; Mas'udi, Prairies d'Or,
i, 304-
2 Hajaj, the Viceroy of Irak, sent messages to Kutaiba and to
Mahomed Ibn Kassim in Sind, urging both to press forward to
the conquest of China, and promising that the first to reach it
should be invested with the government. This induced Kutaiba
to advance to Kashgar, and Mahomed to press towards Kanauj.
But the death of their patron and of the Khahf put an end to their
schemes and brought destruction upon both. (Reinaud in Mdm.
de I'Acad., xvii, 186).
3 De Sacy in Not. et Extraits, ii, 374-5.
* Remusat, Melanges Asiat., i, 441-2. [" In 713 a.d. an Envoy
appeared from the Ta shi, bringing as presents beautiful horses
and a magnificent girdle. When the Envoy was presented to
the Emperor, he refused to perform the prescribed obeisance,
saying : 'In my country we only bow to God never to a Prince.'
At first they wanted to kill the Envoy: one of the ministers how-
ever interceded for him, saying that a difference in the court
etiquette of foreign countries ought not to be considered a crime.
" In the year 726 a.d. an Envov, by name Su li p'u, came from
PRELIMINARY ESSAY 9I
The emperors seemed to have entertained a correcter
apprehension of the character of the new enemy than their
successors have exhibited in later days when coming in
contact with Em'opean nations, and consequently they
were very cautious in their answers to the many applica-
tions that were made to them for aid against the irresistible
Arabs. Yet collisions were not entirely avoided. Indeed
according to one Mahomedan historian^ the end of the
year 87 of Hegira (a.d. 709) had already witnessed the
glorious defeat of two hundred thousand Tartars who had
broken into the Mahomedan conquests under the command
of Taghabun, the Chinese Emperor's nephew. And at a
later date, about 751, we find the Chinese troops under
their general Kao Sien-chi engaging those of the Khali f
near Taraz or Talas and entirely routed^. A few years
afterwards (757-8), when the Emperor Su Tsung was hard
pressed by a powerful rebel, he received an embassy from
the Khalif Abu Jafar al Mansur, accompanied by auxiliary
troops. But even these ministers of timely aid are related
in the Chinese annals to have been compelled to perform
the kotow in spite of their strong remonstrances. Uighiir
and other western troops also joined the emperor's
standard, and the rebel was completely defeated in the
immediate neighbourhood of Si-ngan fu [a.d. 757]. These
auxiliaries seem to have been found very unmanageable ;
the eastern capital, Lo yang, was pillaged by them, and,
as we have seen, one account ascribes to them, on their
Ta shi to the court. He made the required obeisance before
the Emperor and received a purple robe and a girdle as presents."
From the History of the T'ang; Bretschneider, Arabs, p. 8.] So
in turn ten Chinese envoys are said to have been murdered at the
Burmese court in 1286, because they insisted on appearing in the
royal presence with their boots on. {Mission to Ava, p. 79.)
1 Tabari, quoted in Ch. Anc, p. 310.
2 lb., 311 ; Deguignes, i, 58. [Kao Sien-chi was routed by
the Arabs {Ta shi) allied to the Karluk near Talas in the 9th
year t'ien-pao (750). See Chavannes, Tou-Kiue, p. 142.]
92 PRELIMINARY ESSAY
way to embark for the west, the sack of Canton which
occurred at this time^.
Mention has been made in a preceding" page how about
787 the emperor apphed to the khahf to join in a league
against the Tibetans. Some years later (798) the cele-
brated Khalif Harun Al Rashid sent three ambassadors
to the Court of China, and it is recorded of them that they
performed, apparently without remonstrance, the cere-
monies to which the former Arab envoys, like ours in
modern times, had so strongly objected^.
An embassy from the khalif is said to have also reached
the Chinese Court in 974, and another to have visited the
Northern Sung in loii^.
V. INTERCOURSE WITH ARMENIA AND PERSIA, ETC.
60. Besides that communication by land and sea
with Arabia, and with the various states of India, of which
illustrations have been given, there existed from an old
date other and obscurer streams of intercourse between
China and Western Asia, of which we have but fragmentary
notices, but which seem to indicate a somewhat fuller
mutual knowledge and freer communication than most
persons probably have been prepared to recognise.
^ See Mem. de I' Acad, (old), xvi, p. 254, and supra, p. 89.
[" A po lo pa [Ab'ul Abbas, 750-754, the first Khalif Abbasid] was
chosen king and his territories were henceforward called Hei yi
Ta shi, or black coated Ta shi. After his death his brother A p'u
ch'a fo [Abu Jafar, 754-775] ascended the throne. In the year
756 the king sent an Embassy to China. The Emperor retook,
with the help of his (the caliph's) army, both capitals of China."
From the History of the T'ang. Bretschneider, Arabs, p. 9.]
^ Remusat, u.s.
3 Deguignes, in Acad., xlvi, 544; H. des Huns, i, 66, seqq.
["The History of the Sung dynasty, 960-1280, has a long article
on the Ta shi (Arabs), yet I have found but little of interest in it.
Mention is made of twenty Embassies from the Ta shi having come
to China in ships during this past period. But it .seems that
most of them bore no official character and have to be reduced
to mercantile expeditions." Bretschneider, Arabs, p. 11.]
PRELIMINARY ESSAY 93
Thus, China appears to have been well known from an
early period to the Armenians. Moses of Chorene, who
wrote a little after a.d. 440, and who probably drew from
earlier authors, speaks of Jenasdan {i.e. Chinistan or
China) as a great plain country, east of Scythia, at the
extremity of the known world, and occupied by a wealthy
and civilised people of character so eminently pacific as
to* deserve to be called not merely friends of peace but
frie7ids of life. Their country furnished an abundance of
silk, insomuch that silk dresses, so rare and costly in
Armenia, were there common to all classes. It also pro-
duced musk, saffron, and cotton. Peacocks were found
there. Twenty-nine nations were comprised within its
bounds ; and not all of equal civilisation, for one was
addicted to cannibalism^. The king, whose title was Jen-
pagur, had his residence in the city of Siurhia towards the
Terra Incogpita. The country of the Sinae adjoined
Jenasdan and embraced seven nations ; it contained many
rivers and mountains, and extended likewise to the
Unknown Land^. According to the same historian, in the
reign of Tigranes VI (a.d. 142-178) several bodies of foreign
settlers, and amongst others Chinese, were placed in Gord-
yene or Kurdish Armenia, for the defence of the country^.
^ Compare Ptolemy, vi, 16; and Marco Polo, ii, 225, 228 n.
^ St. Martin, Mem. sur V Avmenie , ii, 22, 23, 377. The
Jenasdan of Moses of Chorene is perhaps the Empire of the Wei
dynasty which ruled in Northern China with varying power from
the fourth to the sixth century, and whose authority in Tartary
was very extensive. Their capitals were various ; Lo yang was
one of them. I do not know if this could be identified with
Siurhia ; but it may be observed that in the Syriac of the Si-ngan
fu inscription Lo yang is supposed to be meant by Saragh. The
Sinae would perhaps represent the Tsin reigning at Nan king.
[Yule adds : " Some clue to the origin of this name [Siurhia] may
perhaps lie in the circumstance that the Mongol Ssanang Ssetzen
appears to give Daitu or Peking, as the capital of the Great
Khan,, the appellation of Siro-Khaghan. The meaning of the
title is not explained by Schmidt. (vSee his work, p. 127.)"]
^ St. Martin, ii, 47.
94 PRELIMINARY ESSAY
To more than one great Armenian family a Chinese
descent was attributed. One of these famihes was that
of the Orpehans, which in Georgia was known by the
name of Jenpakuriani from their supposed ancestor the
Jen-pakur or Emperor of China^. Another family was
that of the Mamigonians, one which plays an important
part in Armenian history. Their story is told by Moses
of Chorene, who refers their establishment in Armenia 'to
a date two hundred years before his own time, and there-
fore to the first half of the third century. He relates that,
in the latter days of Ardeshir, the founder of the Sassanian
dynasty (who died in 240), a certain Arpog was King of
China, one of whose sons, Mamkon by name, fled from
home on account of a charge brought against him, and
took refuge in Persia. The Chinese threatening war on
account of the shelter afforded him, he was obliged to
retire to Armenia, where he was received by the King
Tiridates, who eventually bestowed the province of Daron
upon him and his Chinese followers. From this Mamkon
came the family of the Mamigonians, whose Chinese
descent is spoken of by all the Armenian historians^.
About the same time we find it stated that the Emperor
of China offered to mediate between Ardeshir, King of
Persia, and Khosru I of Armenia ; whilst Suren, a brother
of St. Gregory of Armenia, is represented as taking refuge
in China. All these circumstances imply some familiarity
of relation. The authority quoted for them is Zenob, a
^ St. Martin says that Pakur is tlie Faghfur of the Mahomedan
writers, the generic name appUed to the Emperors of China.
See note under § 85, infra.
I notice, however, that Pakor forms a part of the name or
title of many of the Georgian kings in Deguignes's hst.
^ There appears to be some chronological hitch in this account ;
for Tiridates, who was carried off as an infant to the Romans,
was not established on the throne till the beginning of Diocletian's
reign (284), forty-four years after the death of Ardashir. (Smith's
Diet, of Greek and Rom. Biog.)
PRELIMINARY ESSAY 95
Syrian, who wrote in Armenian in the beginning of the
fourth century. And he says that they were derived from
a history of China written in Greek by one Parta or Barta
of Edessa^.
6i. The offer at mediation between Persia and
Armenia just referred to is apparently unknown to the
Chinese Annals. Their first notice of Persia ^ is the record
of an embassy to the court of the Wei in 461 ; succeeded
by a second in 466^. In the year 518-519 an ambassador
came from Kiuhoto (Kobad), king of that country, with
presents and a letter to the emperor. The Chinese
annalists profess to give the literal terms of the letter,
which uses a tone of improbable humility*.
In the reign of Naoshirwan, the celebrated son of
Kobad, an embassy came to the Persian court from the
Emperor of China, bringing splendid presents. Among
these are mentioned a panther formed of pearls with eyes
of rubies ; a silk robe of ultramarine blue of extraordinary
splendour on which was represented in gold the Persian
monarch with his courtiers round him ; and a golden
box to contain this robe and also a female figure,
whose face was veiled with her long hair, through
1 St. Martin, 29.
^ ["The country Po ssu is mentioned for the first time in
Chinese Annals in 519 a.d., when the king of Po ssu sent an
Embassy with presents to the court of the Northern Wei
(386-558). The sending of such embassies was often repeated.
The Sui dynasty (589-618) received also embassies from Po ssu,
and during the reign of the emperor Yang Ti (605-617) a Chinese
Envoy was sent to Po ssu." (Bretschneider, Notes and Queries
on China and Japan, iv, p. 54.)]
* Deguignes, i, 184. [See above in Communication with Central
Asia, p. 59.]
* "To the Son of Heaven, the Sovereign of the Great Realm,
whom Heaven hath caused to exist and hath placed at the sun-
rising to reign eternally over the empire of the Han ; the King
of Persia, Kobad, presents his respectful homage a thousand
and ten thousand times and prays his Imperial Majesty to accept
it." (Pauthier, De I'Auth., p. 60.)
96 PRELIMINARY ESSAY
which her beauty shone hke a ray of Hght through the
darkness^.
In the same reign (567) is mentioned that the King of
Persia sent an embassy to Wu Ti, Emperor of the Chau
dynasty, perhaps to engage his aid against the Turks
who had then become formidable upon the Bactrian
frontiers, as we see in the extracts from Menander, in
Note VHP.
In 638, Yezdijerd III, the last of the Sassanid kings,
when hard pressed in the uttermost corners of his domin-
ions by the Saracens, sent an envoy to seek help from the
Emperor of China, now the great and powerful T'ai Tsung.
The Persian prince, obliged to retire into Turkestan [after
his defeat at Nehawend (642)], met in Sogdiana his
messenger returning with T'ai Tsung's refusal of assistance.
This embassy is mentioned both by Chinese and Arabian
historians ; by the former the unfortunate king is styled
Yissesse^. The son of this king, called by the Chinese
Pi lou sse, i.e., Perozes or Firuz, established himself in
Tokharistan, apparently under some subordination to the
Chinese Government. In 661 he reported to China that
the Arabs were again pressing him hard, and some years
later (670-673) he took refuge at the Chinese court, where
he received a high nominal command, [built a Mazdean
^ Malcolm's History of Persia, i, 144-5; Ma'sudi, Prairies
d'Or, a, 201. In the latter's version the long-haired beauty is
not a picture, but a living damsel who carried the casket.
2 Deguignes, ii, 385.
3 Remusat, L'Acad., viii, p. 103; St. Martin, ii, 19; Klap.,
Tab. Hist., p. 208; Pauth., De I'Auth., pp. 17, 61. The reply of
the Chinese Emperor is thus represented by the Arab historian,
Tabari : "It is just that kings should help one another; but I
have gathered from your own ambassadors what manner of men
are these Arabs, what their habits, their religion, and the
character of their leaders. People who have such a faith and
such leaders will carry all before them. Try, then, to make the
best of things by gaining their good graces." {Not. et Extraits,
PRELIMINARY ESSAY 97
temple in 677, at Ch'ang ngan], and died soon after ^.
After his death, his son, called by the Chinese Ni ni sse
or Ni niei sse (Narses ?), took the oath of allegiance to the
emperor. In 679 a Chinese general, with a body of troops,
was ordered to escort this prince to his paternal dominions ;
but the general seems to have descried serious obstacles
to the completion of this duty ; for he turned back from
the frontier near Taraz " because of the length of the way
and the fatigue of the journey," as the Chinese annalist
quaintly puts it. The prince betook himself to Tokharis-
tan where he was hospitably received ; but, whatever
efforts he may have made to recover his throne, he found
them fruitless at last ; for, in 707 we find him again pre-
senting himself at the Chinese court, where, like his father,
he was consoled with a sounding military title, and did
not long survive. But here we must look back a little^.
^ Firuz, as the name of a son of Yezdijerd, the last Sassanid
king, is mentioned by Mas'udi, Prairies d'Or, ii, 241 . [Yezdijerd III
died in 651 at Mar v.]
2 [" The following historical facts with regard to Po ssu are
stated in the history of the T'ang.
"Towards the end of the reign of the Sui dynasty (589-618),
the Khan of T'u K'iie devastated the kingdom of Po ssu and
killed the king K'u sa ho. His son Shi li was appointed as suc-
cessor by the victors, who gave him a Vice-regent as assistant.
Later, the daughter of K'u sa ho was murdered. After the death
of Shi li, his son Tan ko fang was forced to take refuge in Fo lin,
but was subsequently recalled. His nephew Yi t'su ssu became
king after the death of Tan ko fang. This king sent, in the year
638, an Envoy, Mo ssu pan, with presents to the Chinese Court.
Yi ts'u ssu was dethroned on account of several crimes, — ^he fled
to Tokharestan — but was slain on the road by the Ta shi (Arabs).
His son Pi lu ssu came to Tokharestan and sent off an Envoy to
the Emperor Kao Tsung (650-684) to ask for assistance to redress
his wrongs. The Emperor declined all interference, saying that
Po ssu was a country situated too far from his own. In the year
661 he again implored the Emperor and complained especially
against the Arabians. The Emperor at last sent an Official to
Po ssu and created a seat of Government in the town of Tsi ling,
at the head of which Pi lu ssu was appointed. On the death of
Pi lu ssu the Emperor was desirous to enthrone Ni nie shi (son
of Pi lu ssu) as king of Po ssu, but the Chinese armies, which were
to uphold him, did not reach Po ssu and were obliged to return.
Ni nie shi lived for 20 years as a guest with the king of Tokharestan.
In the year 707 he came again to the court of China, where he
c. Y. c. I. 7
98 PRELIMINARY ESSAY
62. In the days of Yang Ti of the Sui dynasty (605-
617) China had begun to regain that influence over the
states of Central Asia which it had enjoyed in the great
days of the Han, preceding and following the Christian
era, and under T'ai Tsung of the T'ang (627-650) that
influence was fully re-established and the frontiers of the
empire were again carried to the Bolor and even beyond it
to the borders of Persia. In these remoter provinces the
actual administration remained in the hands of the native
princes who acknowledged themselves the vassals of the
emperor. But from him they accepted investiture,
Chinese seals of office, and decorations as lieges of the
empire. Their states were divided after the Chinese
manner into departments, districts, and cantons ( fu, chau,
and Men), each of which received a Chinese name by which
it was entered in the imperial registers ; whilst Chinese
camps were scattered over the whole territory. The
tributary states west of the Bolor formed sixteen fu and
seventy-two chau, over which were distributed a hundred
and twenty-six Chinese military posts. The list of the
sixteen districts of the first class has been published by
Remusat, and, though doubts attach to the localities of
some, enough has been made out to show that this Chinese
organisation extended, at least in theory, over Farghanah
and the country round Tashkand, over the eastern part
at least of Ma-wara-n-Nahr, the country on the Oxus from
Balkh upwards, Bamian and other districts adjoining the
Hindu Kush, with perhaps Sejistan and part of Khorasan^.
died. There now remained only the Western Branch as rulers.
They sent in the beginning of the eighth century ten embassies to
the Court of China, which brought as presents valuable carpets,
also a throne made of agate." (Bretschneider, Notes and Queries
on China and Japan, iv, p. 57.)]
^ Remusat, u.s., pp. 81 seqq. This author considers Kandahar
and Kabul to be included in the Chinese distribution of provinces ;
but see Reinaud, Mdm. sur I'Inde in M4m. Acad., xvii, 167-8.
One of the Chinese Fus is termed Pusse; i.e., "Persia,"
PRELIMINARY ESSAY 99
The states of Turkestan and Khorasan were probably
desirous to place themselves under Chinese protection in
the vain hope of finding it a bulwark against the Saracen
flood, and may themselves have originated this action of
the Chinese Government. Besides the states which were
thus organised on a Chinese model, others occupying a
wider circle sent occasional embassies of compliment which
the Chinese represent as bearing tribute, and among these
are found the Khans of Khwarizm and the Khazars. The
kings of Samarkand for several generations are alleged to
have received investiture from China, but it does not
appear that their territory was organised in the Chinese
fashion.
The orders for that organisation were issued in 66i,
and it must remain very doubtful how far they were
which should be at least on the borders of that country. The
chief city of this department was called Tsi ling. Now, it seems
not improbable that this department of Persia was really part of
Sejistan, the chief city of which in early Mahomedan times was
called Zaranj (compare the Drangiane and Zarangiane of the
Greeks), a name which might be well represented by the Chinese
Tsi ling. This is the more probable, as near Zaranj stood the
ancient city of Pars (Farrah ?), the traditional capital of Rustum,
which might suggest the Persia or Pusse of the Chinese (see Edrisi,
i, 445). M. Pauthier suggests Shiraz as the identification of
Tsi ling. But it would have been a bold step surely in 661 to name
Shiraz as the seat of a Chinese Government (see De I'Auth., p. 61).
["H. Yule, dans son Cathay, t. i, p. Ixxxvii, identifie Tsi-ling a
Zaranj, ville pres de laquelle se trouve I'ancienne cite de Pars
(Farrah), la capitale traditionnelle de Roustoum, qui pourrait
expliquer le Pars (P'o sse) des Chinois. II me parait impossible
que r administration des Chinois ait penetre aussi loin de leur
domaine, qui avait alors pour confins, encore plus fictifs que
reels, les quatre places de guerre (Talas, K'outche, Kachgar et
Ouch)." Deveria, Origine de I'lslamisme en Chine, p. 307 w.
This argument is not to the point; the Chinese organisation
may not have been carried out and still Firuz may have taken a
refuge at Zaranj or Tsi ling. The following works on Seistan do
not throw any light on the question : Journal from Bunder
Abbass to Mash' ad by Sistan, with some account of the last-named
Province. By Major-General Sir F. J. Goldsmid. {Proc. R. Geog.
Soc, xvii, 1872-73, pp. 86-92) ; Notes on Seistan. By Major-
General Sir H. C. Rawlinson. {Journal Roy. Geog. Soc, 1873,
pp. 272-294, map) ; The Frontiers of Baluchistan. By G. P. Tate,
Lond., 1909.]
7—2
lOO PRELIMINARY ESSAY
ever carried out, considering that in that very year, as we
have seen, the Sassanian Prince Firiiz was beginning to
find Tokharestan too hot to hold him. The highest point
of this tide of the Chinese power must have been then
reached, but several of the states west of the Bolor are
represented as continuing to send tribute to China with
wonderful persistence for years after the conquests of
Kutaiba, and well into the middle of the eighth century^.
The Chinese Annals represent indeed that some small
districts of Persia maintained their independence against
the Arabs for a considerable time, and between 713 and
7552 sent ten separate embassies to the court of China.
A prince of Tabaristan is especially mentioned as sending
one of these missions ; his country is correctly described
as surrounded on three sides by mountains and on the
north by the Little Sea (the Caspian). The capital was
called Sari^. In the time of the Kings of Persia this had
been the seat of an officer called the Great General of the
East. This officer had refused to submit to the Arabs,
and in 746 he (or rather a successor) sent envoys to the
Emperor of China and received a title of honour. Eight
years later he sent his son to China, and the Emperor
conferred high military rank upon him. The father
perished at the hands of the Arabs.
One more embassy is reported from Persia in 923.
1 See Remusat, to p. 102. He says the Chinese power really
extended to the Caspian in the latter half of the seventh and first
half of the eighth centuries. But how can this be reconciled with
the Mahomedan conquests ?
2 [The Chinese priest Kan shin (Kien chen) from Yang chau
in 748 mentions the existence of a very large Persian village in the
island of Hai-nan. (Takakusu in Premiev Congres int. des Etudes
d'Ext. Orient, Hanoi, 1903, p. 58.)]
3 An old city of Mazandaran, which is celebrated in the legends
of Afrasiab. There are, or were in the last century, still to be
seen at Sari four ancient circular temples, each thirty feet in
diameter and one hundred and twenty feet high. (Malcolm, i,
p. 261.)
PRELIMINARY ESSAY lOI
The greater part of Persia seems at that time to have been
under the Samanid dynasty at Bokhara, with whom inter-
course was carried on and a marriage alhance took place
some twenty years later, if we can depend on the Arabian
traveller Ibn Muhalhil (see § 84).
63. In this part of our subject we may also mention
as worthy of note, though without being able to throw any
light upon it, the tradition of the Druzes of Syria that
China is the land of their forefathers, and the happy
country to which good Druzes revert beyond the grave ^.
VI. NESTORIAN CHRISTIANITY IN CHINA.
64. The traditions of the eastern churches take back
the preaching of the Gospel in China to a very old date
indeed. Not St. Thomas only is asserted to have carried
so far his indefatigable missionary journeys 2, for the
apostle Bartholomew is related by a Syro-Arabian writer
to have gone preaching to India and further China^.
1 Mr. Cyril Graham in Journ. R. Geog. Soc, vol. xxvii, pp. 262-3.
2 The Chaldsean breviary of the Malabar Church in its office
of St. Thomas contains this passage :
"By St. Thomas were the errors of idolatry banished from
among the Indians ;
"By St. Thomas were the Chinese and the Ethiopians con-
verted to the truth;
"By St. Thomas did they receive the Sacrament of Baptism
and the adoption of children;
"By St. Thomas were they brought to believe in the Father,
the Son, and the Holy Ghost;
"By St. Thomas when they had gotten the Faith they did
maintain it ;
" By St. Thomas hath the brightness of the doctrine unto life
arisen over all the Indies ;
"By St. Thomas hath the Kingdom of Heaven taken unto
itself wings and passed even unto China."
And again in an anthem :
"The Hindus and the Chinese and the Persians, and all the
people of the Isles of the Sea, and they who dwell in Syria and
Armenia, in Javan and Romania call Thomas to remembrance
and adore Thy Name, O Thou our Redeemer." (Assemani,
pp. 32, 516.)
* Ditto, p. 576.
102 PRELIMINARY ESSAY
Apart from these legends, a Christian author of the third
century speaks of the Seres with the Persians and Medes
as among the nations who had been reached by the power
of the Word^. On this we cannot build as evidence that
Christianity had then extended to China ; but that it was
in the following century already widely diffused over
Mesopotamia and Persia is shown by the number of
Bishops and Presbyters who are named as martyrs or
otherwise in connexion with the persecutions of Sapor ^ ;
whilst the existence of an episcopal see at Marv and Tus
in 334, raised to metropolitan dignity in 420, shows how
early the church had established itself also in Khorasan^.
65. After the condemnation and banishment [in 431]
of Nestorius, his opinions nevertheless spread extensively
in Persia and throughout the eastern churches. The
separation from Byzantine orthodoxy and influence
(formally accomplished about 498) rather recommended
^ That new power which has arisen from the works wrought
by the Lord and his Apostles "has subdued the flame of human
passions, and brought into the hearty acceptance of one faith a
vast variety of races, and nations the most different in their
manners. For we can count up in our reckoning things achieved
in India, among the Seres, Persians, and Medes ; in Arabia,
Egypt, Asia, and Syria ; among the Galatians, the Parthians,
and the Phrygians; in Achaia, Macedonia, and Epirus; in all
the islands and provinces which the rising or the setting sun
looks down upon." [ " Virtutes sub oculis positae, et inaudita
ilia vis rerum, vel quae ab ipso fiebat palam, vel ab ejus prae-
conibus celebrabatur in orbe toto : eas subdidit appetitionum
flammas, et ad unius credulitatis assensum mente una concurrere
gentes et populos fecit, et moribus dissimillimas nationes.
Enumerari enim possunt, atque in usum computationis venire
ea, quae in India gesta sunt, apud Seras, Persas, et Medos : in
Arabia, ^Egypto, in Asia, Syria, apud Galatas, Parthos, Phrygas :
in Achaja, Macedonia, Epiro : in insulis et provinciis omnibus,
quas sol oriens, atque occidens lustrat. .."] (Arnobius, Adversus
Gentes, in ii, 448, Max. Bihlioth. Patrum, 1677).
2 As., pp. 52-3, 415.
^ Ditto, 477, 479. ["Tus, in the 4th (loth century), was the
second city of the Naysabur quarter of Khurasan." Cf. Le
Strange, Eastern Caliphate, pp. 388-390. " Great Marv, in the
middle ages, was called Marv-ash-Shahijan, to distinguish it
from Marv-ar-Rud, Little Marv." Ibid., p. 398.]
PRELIMINARY ESSAY IO3
the Separatists to the Kings of Persia, though their treat-
ment by those princes constantly fluctuated between favour
and persecution. And much the same may be said of
their condition under the Arabian khahfs. At first they
seem to have been treated by the Mahomedans with some
amount of good will^. They found employment with the
khalifs, especially as secretaries and physicians, and in the
latter capacity many of them acquired a wide eastern
fame. Still they were always liable to be treated with
capricious outbursts of severity, and too often the heavy
hand of Islam was brought down upon them through their
own internal rivalries and factions.
66. Whatever may have been the faults of the
churches, there seems to have been a strong missionary
spirit among them in the seventh and eighth centuries, as
shown both by positive historical statements^, and by the
extension eastward of the metropolitan sees. Such were
constituted at Herat, Samarkand, and in China in the
first quarter of the eighth century, and no doubt these
must have existed as ordinary bishoprics for some time
before^. Under the patriarchate of Timothy again (778-
820) we find the record of the appointment of one David
^ The Patriarch Jesujabus (650-660) in a letter given by
Assemani, deplores a falling away of thousands of Christian
people in the province of Marv before the Mahomedan invasion,
not from any reason that they had to fear fire or sword, but only
to avoid the loss of part of their goods. He testifies in the same
letter that the conduct of the Tayi, as he calls the Mahomedans
(whence, as M. Pauthier has somewhere pointed out, the Ta shi
of the Chinese, v. supra, p. 48), was in general kindly towards the
Christians. Assem. iii, Pt. i, pp. 130-1.
2 E.g., see in Assemani, p. 478.
^ Indeed some of the Syrian authors ascribe all three metro-
politan sees to much earlier dates. A writer quoted by Assemani
says : "Herise et Samarkandae et Sinse Metropolitanos creavit
Salibazacha Catholicos [714-728]. Aiunt vero quidam Achaeum
[411-415] et Silam [503-520] illos constituisse " (p. 522). The
fact may be that Herat was constituted a bishopric in 411-415,
and Samarkand in 503-520. We shall see that the existence
of any bishopric in China before 635 is highly improbable.
104 PRELIMINARY ESSAY
to be metropolitan of China. In the middle of the ninth
century we find the metropolitan of China mentioned
along with those of India, Persia, Marv, Syria, Arabia,
Herat, and Samarkand, as excused on account of the
remoteness of their sees from attending the quadrennial
synods of the church, but enjoined to send every six years
a report of the state of their affairs, and not to neglect
the collections for the support of the patriarchate^. There
is thus good evidence from the ecclesiastical annals of
Western Asia of the existence of the church in China during
the eighth and ninth centuries ; and the narrative of the
Arab Abu Said, in consistence with this, speaks of Chris-
tians as forming one part of a very large foreign population
at Khanfu in the year 878.
The institution of a metropolitan for China about the
year 720 involves a presumption that Christianity had
penetrated to that country some time before. Deguignes
thought it had got thither very much earlier, but he seems
to have been misled by a theory that some at least of
the earlier notices of Buddhism in China alluded to
Christianity^.
67. For these extreme ideas there seems to be no
evidence, unless we accept the loose statement of Arnobius
about the Seres. Cosmas, in the sixth century, was not
aware of the existence of any Christians further east than
Taprobane, nor in Inner Asia does he speak of any beyond
the Huns and the Bactrians, on the banks of the Indus
and the Oxus. But that Christianity in China was nearly
a century older than the date of its first metropolitan
bishop is established by more than one Chinese record.
^ Assem., p. 439.
- He refers, without the condemnation which it may be
supposed to merit, to a medal representing the Virgin and Child
united to a Chinese copper coin of a.d. 556, of which he says a
cut is given in the Lettres £,difiantes, xvi. See Deguignes, i, 50.
PRELIMINARY ESSAY IO5
The first of these, which would be obscure without the
light reflected on it by the second and more important, is
an edict issued in 745 by the Emperor Hiuan Tsung of the
T'ang, wherein it is declared that the religion of the sacred
books known as Persian had originally come from Ta Ts'in
(the Roman Empire) ; propagated by preaching and
tradition it had made its way to the Middle Kingdom, and
had been for a long time practised therein. Temples of
this worship had been erected from the first, and had got
to be known popularly as Persian temples. But as this
title was inaccurate it was by this edict enacted that
throughout the empire the name of Persian temples should
be thenceforward changed to Ta Ts'in Temples^.
68. The second record is that celebrated monument
of Si-ngan fu which has been the subject of so much
discussion.
This monument was dug up in the year 1625 during a
chance excavation in a suburb^ of Si-ngan fu, preserving
in its name of Ch'ang-ngan that of the city which was for
so many ages the capital of successive dynasties. It was
a stone slab [about y\ feet high by 3 feet wide, and some
10 inches in thickness], with a cross carved at the top,
[and beneath this are nine large characters in three columns,
constituting the heading, which runs : " Monument com-
memorating the introduction and propagation of the nolle
law o/Ta Ts'in in the Middle Kingdom "]^, and below that
a continuous Chinese inscription of great length [consist-
1 Pauth., De I'Auth., pp. 79-80.
2 [This slab King-kiao-pei was found in the sub-prefecture of
Chau chi, a dependency of Si-ngan fu, among ancient ruins. —
Havret, 2nd Pt., p. 71. Pelliot says that the slab was not found
at Chau Chi, but in the western suburb of Si-ngan, at the very
spot where it was to be seen some years ago, before it was trans-
ferred to the Pei-lin, in fact at the place where it was erected in
the seventh century inside the monastery built by Olopun. —
Chretiens d'Asie centrale, T'oung pao, 1914.]
^ Marco Polo, ii, p. 27 n.
I06 PRELIMINARY ESSAY
ing of 1789 characters], besides lines of writing in an
alphabetic character, which was soon after the discovery
ascertained to be Syriac^.
The contents of this inscription, attesting the ancient
propagation of Christianity in China, speedily became
known to the Jesuit missionaries ; and a Chinese edition
of it was published in the country [in 1641, by Father
Emmanuel Diaz, Yang Ma-no, under the title T'ang king
kiao p'ai sung cheng ts'iuen ; it has been reprinted in 1878
at T'u se wei]. Long before the first date, however,
copies or facsimiles had been sent to Europe, and the first
attempt at a translation was published by Athanasius
Kircher in 1636 [in his Prodromus Coptus sive Mgyptiacus,
and again in his China illustrata].
1 Extracts regarding the discovery of the monument will be
found in Suppl. Note X. [M. Grenard, who reproduces (iii, p. 152)
a good facsimile of the inscription, gives to the slab the following
dimensions : high 2 m. 36, wide cm. 86, thick cm. 25. — Father
Havret has given a photolithographic reproduction of the inscrip-
tion on the original scale, from a rubbing sent in 1894 from
Si-ngan fu by Father Gabriel Maurice, in the first part of La
Stele chretienne de Si-ngan fou, Shanghai, 1895. In 1891 a shed
was built over the slab but soon disappeared. In 1907 a Danish
gentleman, Mr. Frits V. Holm, took a photograph of the tablet
as it stood outside the west gate of Si-ngan, south of the road to
Kan Su ; it was one of five slabs on the same spot ; it was removed
without the stone pedestal (a tortoise) into the City on the 2nd
Oct. 1907, and it is now kept in the museum known as the Pei-lin
(Forest of Tablets). Holm says it is ten feet high, the weight
being two tons ; he tried to purchase the original, and failing this
he had an exact replica made by Chinese workmen ; this replica
was deposited in the Metropolitan Museum of Art in the City of
New York, as a loan, on the i6th of June 1908. "The original
Nestorian Tablet of a.d. 781, as well as my replica, made in 1907,"
Holm writes, "are both carved from the stone quarries of Fu
Ping Hien; the material is a black, sub-granular limestone
with small oolites scattered through it." (Frits V. Holm, The
Nestorian Monument, Chicago, 1909.) In this pamphlet there is
a photograph of the tablet as it stands in the Pei-lin.
Prof. Ed. Chavannes, who also visited Si-ngan in 1907, saw
the Nestorian monument; in the album of his Mission archeo-
logique dans la Chine Septentrionale, Paris, 1909, he has given
(plate 445) photographs of the five tablets, the tablet itself, the
western gate of the western suburb of Si-ngan, and the entrance
of the temple Kin Sheng Sze.]
PRELIMINARY ESSAY IO7
The inscription has since been several times translated^,
and has given rise to a large amount of controversy, some-
times of very acrimonious character. Many scholars have
entirely refused to believe in its genuineness. Voltaire,
as a matter of course, sneered at it. In our own day
Renan (though apparently with some doubts) and Julien
have denied its authenticity ^ ; so has the German Neu-
mann with singular rashness, roundly accusing the Jesuit
Semedo of having forged it^. On the other hand, Abel
Remusat and Klaproth fully accepted and stoutly main-
tained its authenticity, which M, Pauthier seems, as far
as I can judge, to have demonstrated. It is not easy to
see why a Jesuit should have expended enormous labour
in forging a testimonial to the ancient successes of a
heretical sect ; though perhaps one could not build
entirely on this, as the mysteries of the hoaxing propensity
in the human mind are great. But the utter impossibility
of the forgery of such a monument at the time and place
of its discovery is a more invulnerable argument, and to
appreciate this the remarks of Remusat and Pauthier
must be read,
69. The monument exhibits, in addition to the Chinese
text which forms its substance, a series of short inscriptions
in Syriac, containing the date of erection, the names of
the reigning patriarch of the Nestorian Church, of the
Bishop of China {Tzinisthdn, the form used by Cosmas),
and of the chief clerical staff of the capital, which is here
styled, as in the early Greek and Arabic sources already
^ Cf. Bibliotheca Sinica, col. 772-781.
2 [Renan in the fourth edition of his Histoire des Langues
semitiques, 1863, pp. 288-290, has fully recognized the authenticity
of the inscription; so has Stanislas Julien.]
3 See Pauthier, De I'Auth., pp. 6 seqq. ; 14 seqq. ; 83 seqq. ; and
especially 91. [The fullest account of the inscription is to be
found in La Stele chretienne de Si-ngan-fou, par le P. Henri Havret,
Shanghai, 1895, 1897, 1902, being Nos. 7, 12, 20 of the Collection
VaHetes sinolog iques, edited by the Jesuit Fathers at Zi-ka-wei.]
I08 PRELIMINARY ESSAY
quoted, Kumddn. To this are added in Syriac characters
the names of sixty-seven persons, apparently Western
Asiatics, the great majority of whom are characterised
as priests {KasMshd), with those of sixty-one persons of
the country in Chinese, all of whom are styled priests
except two^.
1 The essential parts of the Syriac matter on the monument
run as follows :
" l7i the days of the Father of Fathers, Mar Hanan Ishu'a the
Catholic Patriarch :
[And] " Adam Priest and Bishop and Pope of Tzinisthan :
" In the year one thousand and ninety-two of the Greeks [a.d. 781]
Mar Idbuzid, Priest and Chorepiscopus of Kumdan, the royal
city, son of Milis of blessed memory. Priest of Balkh, a city of
Thokaresthan, has erected this table of stone, on which are inscribed
the Redemption by our Saviour, and the preachings of our Fathers
to the King of Tzinia :
" Adam the Deacon, son of Idbuzid, Chorepiscopus :
"Mar Sargis [Sergius], Priest and Chorepiscopiis :
"Sabar Ishu'a, Priest :
"Gabriel, Priest, and Archdeacon and Church Ruler of the
cities of Kumdan and Saragh."
[This is the translation of Father Cheikho, S.J. (Havret,
I.e., iii, p. 6).
I. Adam pretre chore veque et pape de Chine [Sinestan].
II. Au temps du chef des eveques le seigneur Catholicos, le
Patriarche Hananjesu.
III. En I'annee X092 des Grecs, le seigneur Jazedbouzid,
pretre et choreveque de la capitale du royaume Koumdan, le fils
du defunt Milis pretre originaire de Balkh ville de Tahouristan,
a eleve ce monument lapidaire ou sont ecrites la loi de notre
Redempteur et la predication de nos Peres pres des rois de Chine.
[Then follow the names.] ]
Anan Jesus II, according to Assemani (iii, i, 15577).. was
patriarch of the Nestorian Church from 774 to 778. It is justly
pointed out by the same author that the fact of this patriarch's
being represented as still reigning in 781 is a perfectly natural
result of the long distance from the Patriarchal see. The ana-
chronism is in fact, quantum valeat, evidence of the genuineness of
the monument. Saragh, according to Pauthier, is Lo yang in
Ho nan, one of the capitals of the T'ang, and occupied as such
by the Imperial Government for a time, between the introduction
of Christianity and the date of the monument.
[Assemani, iii, p. Dxlv, Ch. v, has "Mar Sergius Presbyter, and
Chorepiscopus Sinarum." Prof. I. H. Hall [Journ. Am. Orient.
Soc, xiii, 1889, p. cxxvi) remarks that Assemani is taking Sinistan,
i.e. China, for Shiangtsu, and he adds : "It is astonishing that he
should make such a blunder, for the ' of Sinistan ' occurs else-
where in the inscription, on the face of the stone." With regard to
the word pope, papas given to Adam, M. Pelliot remarks that the
inscription has not papas but papsi and that it is but a Buddhist
title, fa-shi {fap-si), "Master of the Law." As to Mar Sergius,
PRELIMINARY ESSAY IO9
The chief contents of the long inscription in Chinese,
which contains 1789 characters, may be thus summarised :
— 1st. An abstract of Christian doctrine, of a very vague
and figurative kind. This vagueness is perhaps partly due
to the character of the Chinese language, but that will
scarcely account for the absence of all intelligible enuncia-
tion of the Crucifixion, or even of the death, of our Lord
Jesus Christ, though his Ascension is declared. 2nd. An
account of the arrival of the missionary, Olopun^, from
chorepiscopus of Shiangtsu, according to the same authority
Shiangtsu is not the name of a locality but also a Buddhist title
Shang tso, sansk. sthavlra, i.e. the head of a monastery. Pelliot,
Deux titres bouddhistes, T'oung pao, dec. 191 1, pp. 664-670. Cf.
F. Nau, Journ. Asiat., Jan. — Fev. 1913, pp. 235-6.]
1 This name according to Pauthier is Syriac; Alo-pano
signifying the Return of God. If this, however, be an admissible
Syriac name, it is singular that the original should have been
missed by one so competent as Assemani, who can only suggest
that the name was the common Syriac name Jaballaha, from
which the Chinese had dropt the first syllable, adding a Chinese
termination.
Might not Olopdn be merely a Chinese form of the Syriac
Rabban, by which the Apostle had come to be generally known ?
[Dr F. Hirth {China and the Roman Orient, p. 323) writes :
"O-LO-PEN = Ruben = Rupen ? " He adds {Journ. China Br. R.
As. 5oc.,xxi, 1886, pp. 214-215) : " Initial r is also quite commonly
represented by initial /. I am in doubt whether the two characters
o-lo in the Chinese name for Russia {O-lo-ssii) stand for foreign ru
or ro alone. This word would bear comparison with a Chinese
transcription of the Sanskrit word for silver, rilpya, which in the
Pen-ts' ao-kang-mu (ch. 8, p. 9) is given as o-lu-pa. If we can find
further analogies, this may help us to read that mysterious word
in the Nestorian stone inscription, being the name of the first
Christian missionary who carried the cross to China, 0-lo-pen, as
'Ruben.' This was indeed a common name among the Nesto-
rians, for which reason I would give it the preference over Pauthier's
Syriac 'Alopeno.' " But Father Havret {Stele chretienne, Leide,
1897, p. 26) objects to Dr. Hirth that the Chinese character la, to
which he gives the sound ru, is not to be found as a Sanskrit
phonetic element in Chinese characters, but that this phonetic
element ru is represented by the Chinese characters pronounced
lu, and therefore he. Father Havret, adopts Sir Henry Yule's
opinion as the only one which is fully satisfactory.]
It is fair, however, to observe that the name in the older
versions used by Assemani is written Olopuen, which might have
disguised from him the etymology proposed by Pauthier. The
name of this personage does not appear in the Syriac part of the
inscription.
Saragh, it may be added, is referred by Pauthier to the Saraga
no PRELIMINARY ESSAY
the empire of Ta Ts'in in the year 635, bringing sacred
books and images ; of the translation of the said books (a
notable circumstance) ; of the approval of his doctrine by
the imperial authority, and the permission given to teach
it publicly. There follows a decree of the emperor (T'ai
Tsung) issued in 638 in favour of the new doctrine, and
commanding the construction of a church in [the Square
of Peace and Justice {I-ning Fang) at] the capital. The
emperor's portrait was to be placed in the Church. After
this comes a short description of Ta Ts'in (here, says
Pauthier, especially meaning Syria) from Chinese geo-
graphical works ; and then there are particulars given of
the continued patronage of Olopun and his doctrine under
the Emperor Kao Tsung (650-663) 1, and of the spread of
Christianity in the empire. In the end of the century
Buddhism establishes a preponderance, and succeeds for
a time in depressing the new doctrines. Under Hiuan
Tsung (713-755) the church recovers its prestige, and a
new missionary called Kiho appears. Su Tsung (756-762),
T'ai Tsung (763-779), and Te Tsung (780-783), continue
to favour the Christians. Under this last reign the monu-
ment was erected, and this part of the inscription ter-
minates with an elaborate eulogy of Isse^, a sage and
statesman, who, though apparently by profession a Budd-
of Ptolemy, a city placed by the geographer among the Sines,
and according to his theory of course far to the south of the real
position of Lo yang. But we have seen reason to believe that
Ptolemy's view of the Sin(s and Seres is that of a person using his
right and left eye separately. Binocular vision reduces the two
objects to one, and corrects their displacement.
^ Kao Tsung was also the devout patron of the Buddhist
traveller Hiuen Tsang. Kublai and Akbar are examples of like
wavering among great kings.
2 [Isse or Yi-se, according to Pelliot, is but the Chinese tran-
scription of Idbuzid [Yazdbozed] who erected the tablet ; he was
not a monk but belonged to the Nestorian secular clergy; under the
T'ang, one of the names given by the Chinese to Balkh was "the
City of the Royal Residence." Pelliot, Chr Miens d'Asie centrale,
T'oung pao, 1914.)]
PRELIMINARY ESSAY III
hist, conferred many benefits upon the churches. 3rd.
A recapitulation in octosyllabic stanzas of the purport
of the inscription, but chiefly as regards the praises of
the emperors who had favoured the progress of the
church.
The record concludes with the date of erection, viz.
the second year Kienchung of the Great T'ang [dynasty,
the seventh day of T'ai Tsu, the feast of the great Yaosan.
This corresponds, according to Gaubil, to 4th February
781^] ; the name of the chief of the law, the Priest Ning-
CHU, charged with the instruction of the Christian
population of the eastern countries (and, I presume, the
same with the Adam, who appears as Metropolitan in the
Syriac sentences) ; the name of a civil officer who wrote
and engraved the Chinese inscription ; and the official
approval of the whole.
70. It is reasonably supposed that this remarkable
monument, the idea of which was probably taken from a
Buddhist custom^, may have been buried about the year
845, when the Emperor Wu Tsung published an edict, still
extant, denouncing the increase of Buddhist monks, nuns,
and convents, and ordering the destruction of 4600 great
monasteries, the 260,500 inmates of which were to return
to civil life. 40,000 minor monasteries scattered about
the country were also to be demolished, the lands attaching
to them to be resumed by the state, and 150,000 slaves
belonging to the bonzes to be admitted to civil privilege
1 Marco Polo, ii, p. 28 n.
2 Stone monuments and inscriptions highly analogous in
character are very common in the precincts of pagodas and
monasteries in Burma. Some account of a remarkable one on a
marble slab, standing eight and a half feet high by six feet wide
and eleven inches in thickness, is given at pp. 66, 351 of the Mission
to Ava in 1855. This contains on each side eighty-six lines of
inscription beautifully executed. It is not older than the seven-
teenth century, but imitates others of far greater antiquity.
See the like in the old Cambodian temples described by Bastian.
(/. R. G. S., XXXV, p. 85.)
112 PRELIMINARY ESSAY
and duties. The edict also directs that foreign bonzes
who had come to China to make known the law prevailing
in their countries, whether that of Ta Ts'in or of Muhupa,
amounting to some 3000, should also return to secular life,
and cease to corrupt the institutions of the Central Flowery
Kingdom^.
^ Pauthier {De I'Auth., pp. 69-71) takes Muhupa for the
Ma'bar of Southern India, and thinks that offshoots of the St.
Thomas Christians are meant. But it may be questioned whether
the name Ma'bar as apphed to a country of Southern India occurs
so early by some centuries. The opinion of Gaubil, quoted by
Pauthier, that the Mubids or Guebers of Persia were meant,
seems more probable. It will be recollected that Abu Zaid
mentions among the foreigners slaughtered at Khanfu in 878
Magians as well as Mahomedans, Christians, and Jews {supra,
p. 89).
["With regard to the temples of the Ta-ts'in and the Muh-hu,
when Buddhism was exterminated, those heretical religions
might thereupon not be left in existence ; their adherents must be
compelled to return in a body to the secular life, and settle down
again in their original family circle, there to be enlisted as ground-
rent-paying people; and the foreigners amongst them must be
sent back to their native country, and there be taken under
control by the authorities." And further on : "Of the 4600 and
more convents that are to be pulled down within the empire, the
260,500 monks and nuns who must adopt secular life, shall be
enlisted amongst the families who pay ground-tax twice a year.
Of the 40,000 and more chao-t'i and lan-jok that are to be
demolished, the fattest land of the best kind, measuring several
thousand myriads of khing, shall be confiscated and the slaves
of both sexes (employed in cultivating them?), to a number of
150,000, shall be enlisted among the families that pay ground-tax
twice a year. And secular life shall be adopted by more than
3000 Ta-ts'in and Muh-hu-pat belonging to the class of the
Buddhist monks and nuns, or to the Bureau for the Reception and
Entertainment of Foreigners, who devote themselves to the
explanation of foreign religious rescripts; with the customs of
the Flowery Land of the Centre they shall no longer meddle."
J. J. M. de Groot, Sectarianism, i, pp. 64, 66.
With regard to the relations betAveen the Buddhists and the
Nestorians we may quote this passage discovered by J . Takakusu
in the Cheng-yuen Sin-ting-Shih-kidp-muh-luh, The new catalogue
of (the books of) the Teaching of Sakya in the period of Cheng-
yuen (a.d. 785-804), compiled by Yuen chao, a priest of Si-ngan fu
regarding Adam, called King-tsing in Chinese, in the Si-ngan fu
inscription: "Prajna, a Buddhist of KapLsa, N. India, travelled
through Central India, Ceylon, and the Islands of the Southern
Sea (Sumatra, Java, etc.) and came to China, for he heard that
Mafijuiri was in China. He arrived at Canton and came to the
upper province (North) in a.d. 782 [one year after the erection
of the slab at Si-ngan]. He met a relation of his in a.d. 786, who
PRELIMINARY ESSAY II3
71. A century later, Christianity in China seems to
have fallen to a very low ebb, though probably not quite
to zero as the next information on the subject would imply.
This is derived from a circumstance noted by an Arabian
author, Mahomed, the son of Isaac, surnamed Abulfaraj,
who says : — " In the year 377 (a.d. 987), behind the church
in the Christian quarter (of Baghdad), I fell in with a
certain monk of Najran, who seven years before had been
sent to China by the Catholicos, with five other ecclesiastics,
to bring the affairs of Christianity in that country into
order. He was a man still young, and of a pleasant
countenance, but of few words, opening his mouth only
to answer questions. I asked him about his travels, and
he told me that Christianity had become quite extinct in
China. The Christians had perished in various ways ;
their Church had been destroyed; and but one Christian
came to China before him. He translated together with King-
tsing ( = Adarn), a Persian priest of the monastery of Ta-ts'in
(Syria), the 5atparamita-sutra from a Hu text, and finished
translating seven volumes. But because at that time Prajiia
was not familiar with the Hu language, nor understood the
Chinese language, and as King-tsing (Adam) did not know the
Brahma language (Sanskrit), nor was versed in the teaching of
the Sakya, so though they pretended to be translating the text,
yet they could not, in reality, obtain a half of its gems {i.e. real
meanings). They were seeking vainglory privately, and wrongly
trying their luck. They presented a memorial (to the Emperor),
expecting to get it propagated. The Emperor (Te Tsung, a.d. 780-
804), who was intelligent, wise and accomplished, who revered
the canon of the ^akya, examined what they had translated, and
found that the principles contained in it were obscure and the
wording was diffuse. Moreover, he said that, the Sangharama of the
6akya and the monastery of Ta-ts'in (Syria) differing much in their
customs, and their religious practices being entirely opposed to
each other, King-tsing (Adam) ought to hand down the teaching
of Mi-shi-ho (Messiah), and the Sakyaputriya-^ramanas should
propagate the sutras of the Buddha. It is, he said, to be wished
that the boundaries of the doctrines may be made distinct, and
the followers may not intermingle. Orthodoxy and heterodoxy
are different things, just as the rivers King and Wei have a
different course." T'oung pao, 1896, pp. 589-590. — King-tsing,
i.e. Adam, who was a "master of the Law," fapsi, was probably
the translator of a great many Christian texts, and among others
of a Hymn to the Holy Trinity found by Pelliot at Tun hwang.
Pelliot, /.c]
C. Y. C. I. 8
114 PRELIMINARY ESSAY
remained in the land. The monk, finding nobody whom
he could aid with his ministry, had come back faster than
he went^."
The capital of China at this time, according to the
monk, was a city called Taiuna or Thajuye, in which
Pauthier discovers a corruption of the name Chdo or Chiao-
fu,hy which Si-ngan fu was called under the Sung dynasty.
In any case it was probably the same as that intended by
the Tdjah, which Edrisi and Abulfeda speak of as the
capital of China. The form is more suggestive of T'ai
yuenfu in the province of Shan si, the Taianfu of M. Polo,
which had been for a time the capital of the T'ang in the
eighth century^.
72. To the early tide of Christianity in China which
here reaches its ebb, probably belong those curious
relics of the ancient ecclesiastical connexion which Layard
found in the valley of Jelu in the mountains of Kurdistan.
Here, in visiting a very old Nestorian church, he saw
among many other motley curiosities, a number of China
1 Reinaud's Abulfeda, i, ccccii; also N. Annates des Voyages
for 1846, iv, 90; and Pauth., Auth., p. 95; also Mosheim, p. 13.
The passage had previously been referred to by Golius, but it
was not known whence he had derived it, till it was rediscovered
by M. Reinaud in a work in the Bibl. Imperiale.
2 See Pauthier's Polo, p. 353. It must have been difficult to
say what was the capital of China in the tenth century, when it
was divided into five monarchies. That of the Sung, who
acquired a predominance in 960, was first at Ch'ang-ngan or Si-ngan
fu, and afterwards at K'ai fung fu. [During the period of the Five
Dynasties (907-960), the capitals of China were very numerous :
1° Leang dynasty (907-923) ; in 907, the eastern capital was at
K'ai-fung fu [Tung King], and the western capital [Si King] at
Lo-yang. — 2° T'ang dynasty (923-936) ; in 923, the eastern capital
was at Ta-ming (Chi-li) ; the western capital at T'ai yuen (Shan-si),
which in the same year became the northern capital [Pe King],
while the western capital was transferred to Si-ngan fu ; in 925,
Ta-ming received the name of Ye-tu, and the eastern capital was
transferred to Lo-yang; in 929, Ye-tu was suppressed. — 3° Tsin
dynasty (936-947) ; in 938, the eastern capital was at K'ai-fung
fu ; the western at Lo-yang ; Ye-tu was restored. — 4° Han dynasty
(936-951); Hke the Tsin. — 5° Chau dynasty (951-960); like the
Tsin and the Han, except that Ye-tu was suppressed in 954. —
I owe this information to Prof. Pelliot.]
PRELIMINARY ESSAY II5
bowls, black with the dust of ages, suspended from the
roof. These, he was assured, had been brought from the
distant empire of Cathay by those early missionaries of
the Chaldean church, who bore the tidings of the Gospel
to the shores of the Yellow Sea^.
73. No more is known, so far as I am aware, of
Christianity in China till the influx of European travellers
in the days of Mongol supremacy. We then again find
a considerable number of Nestorian Christians in the
country. It is probable that a new wave of conversion
had entered during the twelth and thirteenth centuries,
consequent on the christianisation of large numbers among
the Turkish and Mongolian tribes, of which we have many
indications, and on the influence exercised by those tribes
upon Northern China, both in the time of Chinghiz and his
successors, and in the revolutions which preceded the rise
of that dynasty. Already in the time of the patriarch
Timothy (778-820) we hear of active and successful
missions in the countries adjoining the Caspian, and of
the consequent conversion of a Khakan of the Turks and
of several minor princes 2. The progress of Christianity
among those nations then remains obscure till the con-
1 Nineveh and Babylon, p. 433.
2 There is a still older indication of the existence of Christians,
however ignorant, among the Turks, in a curious story related by
Theophylactus Simocatta and Theophanes. In the expedition sent
by the Emperor Maurice to assist Chosroes II against Bahram
near the end of the sixth century, the General Narses sent to
Constantinople some Turks who had been taken prisoners. " And
these bore marked on their foreheads the sign of the Lord (that
"which is called the cross by the followers of the Christian religion) .
The emperor therefore inquired what the meaning might be of
this token being borne by the Barbarians. And they said their
mothers had put it on them. For, once when a virulent pestilence
prevailed among the Scythians in the east, certain of the Christians
persuaded them to prick the foreheads of their children with this
symbol. The Barbarians by no means despised this counsel,
and the result was their preservation." (Theophyl., bk. v, ch. 10;
see also Theophanis Chronog., a.m. 6081. The latter says, "Some
among them who were Christians.")
Il6 PRELIMINARY ESSAY
version of the Kerait Tartars at the beginning of the
eleventh century i, followed by those rumours of Christian
potentates under the name of Prester John which con-
tinued to reach Europe during the following age 2.
Rubruquis, in the narrative of his journey to the court
of Karakorum (1253-54), makes frequent mention of the
Nestonans and their ecclesiastics, and speaks specifically
of the Nestorians of Cathay as having a bishop in Segin
or Si-ngan fu (p. 292) ^. He gives an unfavourable account
of the literature and morals of their clergy, which deserves
more weight than such statements regarding those looked
on as schismatics generally do ; for the narrative of
Rubruquis gives one the impression of being written by
a thoroughly honest and intelligent person*. In the time
1 See infra, 11, p. 24.
2 [The Chinese work Neng kai chai man lu, circa a.d. 1125,
quotes a passage of the Shu kiun ku sJii (second half of the eleventh
century) in which mention is made of a " temple of Ta Ts'in" (Ta
Ts'in sze), in all likelihood a Nestorian temple which had been
"formerly" [no doubt under the T'ang] built at Ch'eng tu, in
Sze-ch'wan by people from Central Asia [Hou-jen). — Note of
Pelliot.]
3 [" Living mixed among them, though of alien race (tanquam
advene), are Nestorians and Saracens all the way to Cathay. In
fifteen cities of Cathay there are Nestorians, and they have an
episcopal see in a city called Segin, but for the rest they are
purely idolaters." (Rockhill's Rubruck, p. 157.) Rockhill makes
the following remarks regarding Segin: " Segin is usually supposed
to be Si-ngan Fu, which was in the eighth and ninth centuries
the centre of Nestorianism in China. This city in the thirteenth
century did not bear the name of Si-ngan Fu, but was called by
its older name, Ch'ang-ngan. However, in popular parlance it
may have retained the other name. It is strange, however, that
the two famous Uigur Nestorians, Mar Jabalaha and Rabban
Cauma, when on their journey from Koshang in southern Shan-si
to western Asia in about 1276, while they mention 'the city of
Tangut,' or Ning hia on the Yellow River, as an important
Nestorian centre, do not once refer to Si-ngan Fu or Ch'ang-ngan.
Had Ch'ang-ngan been at the time the Nestorian episcopal see,
one would think that these pilgrims would have visited it, or at
least referred to it. (Chabot, Mar Jabalaha, 21.) Segin may
represent the Chinese Si King, 'western capital,' a name fre-
quently appUed to Si-ngan Fu."]
« ["The Nestorians there know nothing. They say their
offices, and have sacred books in Syrian, but they do not know the
PRELIMINARY ESSAY II7
of Marco Polo we find Nestorian Christians numerous not
only at Samarkand but at Yarkand, whilst there are such
also in Chichintalas (identified by Pauthier with the
modern Urumtsi, north of the T'ien Shan)i, in Su chau
language, so they chant hke those monks among us who do not
know grammar, and they are absolutely depraved . In the first place
they are usurers and drunkards ; some even among them who live
with the Tartars have several wives like them. When they enter
church, they wash their lower parts like Saracens ; they eat meat
on Friday, and have their feasts on that day in Saracen fashion.
The bishop rarely visits these parts, hardly once in fifty years.
When he does, they have all the male children, even those in the
cradle, ordained priests, so nearly all the males among them are
priests. Then they marry, which is clearly against the statutes
of the fathers, and they are bigamists; for when the first wife dies
these priests take another. They are all simoniacs, for they
administer no sacrament gratis. They are solicitous for their wives
and children, and are consequently more intent on the increase of
their wealth than of the faith. And so those of them who
educate some of the sons of the noble Moal, though they teach
them the Gospel and the articles of the faith, through their evil
lives and their cupidity estrange them from the Christian faith, for
the lives that the Moal themselves and Tuins or idolaters lead are
more innocent than theirs" (Rockhill's Rubruck, pp. 158-9).]
^ It occurs to me as possible that the Cy olios Kagan (Kagan
cyollos) of MarignoUi {infra, 11, p. 213) may be the same name as the
Chichintalas of Polo. The position of the two corresponds in a
general way, and both may be represented by the Chagan Talas
("White Plains") of some modern maps (see K. Johnston's
Royal Atlas, Asia). [Regarding Chingintalas : "supposing that
M. Polo mentions this place on his way from Sha-chow to Su-chow,
it is natural to think that it is Chi-kin-talas , i.e. 'Chi-kin plain' or
valley ; Chi-kin was the name of a lake, called so even now, and of
a defile, which received its name from the lake. The latter is
on the way from Kia-yu kwan to Ansi chow." (Palladius,
Elucidations of Marco Polo's Travels, 1876.) " Chikin, or more
correctly Chigin, is a Mongol word meaning 'ear.'" {Ibid.)
Palladius (p. 8) adds : "The Chinese accounts of Chi-kin are not in
contradiction to the statements given by M. Polo regarding the
same subj ect ; but when the distances are taken into consideration,
a serious difficulty arises ; Chi-kin is two hundred and fifty or
sixty li distant from Su-chow, whilst, according to M. Polo's
statement, ten days are necessary to cross this distance. One
of the three following explanations of this discrepancy must be
admitted : either Chingintalas is not Chi-kin, or the traveller's
memory failed, or, lastly, an error crept into the number of days'
journey. The two last suppositions I consider the most probable ;
the more so that similar difficulties occur several times in Marco
Polo's narrative." (L.c, p. 8.) — Urumtsi has nothing to do with
Chingintalas. At Chingintalas Marco Polo says (i, p. 212) ;
" There are three different races of people in it — Idolaters, Sara-
cens, and some Nestorian Christians."]
no PRELIMINARY ESSAY
and Kan chau, and over all the kingdom of Tangut, in
Tenduc^ and the cities east of it, as well as in Manchuria
and the countries bordering on Corea. Polo's contem-
porary Hayton also testifies to the number of great
and noble Tartars in the Uighur country who held
firm to the faith of Christ 2. As regards the spread of
Nestorian Christianity in China Proper at this period
we do not find in Polo so many definite statements,
though various general allusions which he makes
to Christians in the country testify to their existence.
He also speaks of them specifically in the remote province
of Yun nan, and at Chin kiang fu, where they had two
churches, built in the traveller's own day [1278] by Mar
Sergius, a Christian officer who was governor there ^.
Their number and influence in China at the end of the
thirteenth century may also be gathered from the letter
of John of Monte Corvino (11, pp. 46 seqq.) in this volume,
and in the first part of the following century from the
report of the Archbishop of Soltania, who describes them
as more than thirty thousand in number, and passing rich
1 See II, p. 244 infra.
2 V. 2nd chapter of Hayton's Hist. " De Regno TarsicB."
3 ["You see, in the year just named [1278], the Great Kaan
sent a Baron of his whose name was Mar Sarghis, a Nestorian
Christian, to be governor of this city for three years. And during
the three years that he abode there he caused these two Christian
churches to be built, and since then there they are. But before
his time there was no church, neither were there any Christians."
Marco Polo, ii, p. 177. A Christian monastery or temple is men-
tioned in the Chi shun Chin-kiang chi quoted by the Archimandrite
Palladius : "The temple Ta-hing-kuo-sze stands in Chin-kiang fu,
in the quarter called Kia-t'ao h'eang. It was built in the i8th year
oi Chi-yuen (A.D.1281) hy the Sub-dsiruga.chi,Sie-li-ki-sze (Sergius)
Liang Siang, the teacher in the Confucian school, wrote a com-
memorative inscription for him." From this document we see
that " Sie-mi-sze-hien (Samarcand) is distant from China 100,000
li (probably a mistake for 10,000) to the north-west. It is a
country where the religion of the Ye-li k'o wen dominates. . .The
founder of the religion was called Ma-rh Ye-li-ya. He lived and
worked miracles a thousand five hundred yeans ago. Ma Sie-li-
ki-sze CMar Sergius) is a follower of him." {Chinese Recorder, vi,
p. io8.~)]
PRELIMINARY ESSAY II9
people. Probably there was a considerable increase in
their numbers about this time, for Odoric, about 1324,
found three Nestorian churches in the city of Yang chau,
where Marco would probably have mentioned them had
they existed in his time^. That Christians continued to
rise in influence during the short remainder of the Mongol
reign appears probable from the position which we
find the Christian Alans to occupy in the empire at the
time of the visit of John Marignolli.
[An instance of the important part played by the
Nestorians from China is given in the history of two
Uighur Nestorians : Rabban Bar Qauma, born at Khan-
baliq, was tonsured by Mar Guiwarguis (George), Metro-
politan of Khan-baliq ; Marcos son of Bainiel, born in
1245 at Ko shang, visited ^auma and was tonsured in his
turn by the Metropolitan Mar Nestorios, probably the
successor of Mar George. The two friends made up their
mind to visit Jerusalem (1278) and travelled via Ko
shang, Tangut, Khotan, Kashgar, Talas, Khorassan, Tus,
Azerbaidjan, and on their way to Baghdad met at Maragha
the catholicos Mar Denha who gave them letters for
Palestine ; the two travellers went on to Baghdad, Arbela,
Mosul, Nisibis, Mardin, Gozart ; they settled at the
convent of Saint Mar Micael of Tar'el near Arbela, but
were soon called for by Denha who entrusted them with
a mission for the Mongol Sovereign of Persia, Abaka.
Denha had been compelled to leave Baghdad in 1268, had
retired to Arbela, then to Ushnej in Azerbaidjan ; he
wanted some favour from the king. In 1279 Denha had
ordained as Metropolitan of China Bar Kaliq, bishop
of Tus in Khorassan ; Bar Kaliq became arrogant and
was thrown by Denha into a prison, where he died.
1 [Speaking of the inhabitants of Yang chau, Marco Polo, ii,
p. 154, says : "The people are Idolaters and use paper-money,
and are subject to the Great Kaan."]
120 PRELIMINARY ESSAY
Denha chose to replace him Rabban Marcos who was
elected Metropolitan of Cathay under the name of
Jabalaha, in 1280, being thirty-five years of age ; his
friend Rabban ^auma being appointed Visiteur General.
Denha died at Baghdad on the 24th February 1281 before
Jabalaha had left. Jabalaha, on account of his knowledge
of the Mongol language, was elected by his colleague
patriarch in the place of Denha, and he was consecrated
in November 1281, his nomination being approved of by
Abaka. Jabalaha was the third of this name occupying
the see of Seleucia and Ktesiphon with Baghdad as the
place of residence. Ahmed, the successor of Abaka, who
died on the ist April 1282, was hostile to Jabalaha III, but
he was murdered on the loth of August 1284 ; the eldest
son of Abaka, Arghun ascended the throne on the nth
August 1284, and granted great honours to the Metro-
politan. Arghun, a clever and ambitious man, was
desirous of conquering Palestine and Syria, and wishing
to obtain the good-will of Christian Princes he sent as
an ambassador to Europe Rabban Qauma, chosen for his
knowledge of languages (1287). Cauma was received
with honours at Constantinople by the Basileus, An-
dronicus II (1282-1328) ; he then went to Naples, and
before he reached Rome he learnt the news of the death
of the Pope Honorius IV on the 3rd April 1287 ; he was
received at Rome by the College of Cardinals and questions
were put to him by Cardinal Jerome of Ascoli, bishop of
Palestrina and General of the Minor Friars, who was
elected to replace Honorius IV as Pope on the 20th Feb.
1288. ^auma passed through Tuscany and Genoa, and
arrived at Paris where he was well received by the King,
Philip the Fair ; from Paris he went to Gascony to visit
the King of England, and returned to Rome where he had
an audience of Nicholas IV. He went back to Arghun's
PRELIMINARY ESSAY 121
court by the same route, ^auma died at Baghdad on
the loth of January 1294. Mar Jabalaha himself died at
Maragha on the 13th of November 1317, being seventy-
two years of age, in the reign of Abu Said, son of
Oljaitu. (ti6 Dec. 13161.)]
74. That the Nestorians continued to exist in China
or on its frontiers during the fifteenth century we shall
see hereafter from the brief records of a mission which
they appear to have sent to Rome in the time of Pope
Eugenius IV. Even till near the end of that century q.
Metropolitan of China continued to be constituted, though
we know not if he resided in the country. In the case of
John, who was nominated Metropolitan of Masin (Maha-
chin) in 1490, the charge seems to have been united with
that of India, and therefore as regards China we may
conjecture that the title had ceased to have more of
practical meaning than the Sodor of the English bishop
of Sodor and Man^.
75. When China was re-occupied by the Jesuit
Missions in the end of the sixteenth century the impression
of the missionaries at first was that no Christianity had
ever existed in China before their own day. Ricci must
in any case have modified that opinion when he arrived
at the conclusion that China was the Cathay of Marco
Polo ; but he also met before his death with unexpected
evidence of its having survived, in however degenerate a
form, almost to his own time. Its professors he was
informed had been numerous in the northern provinces,
and had gained distinction both in arms and literature.
But some sixty years before {i.e. about 1540) a persecution
^ J.-B. Chabot, Histoire de Mar Jabalaha III. Paris, 1895, 8vo.
2 See Assem., pp. 439, 523. [Mr. B. C. Patterson gives evidence
of the existence of the old Nestorian Church in North Kiangsu in
the Journal of the North China Branch of the R. A. Soc, 1912,
pp. 118, 119.]
122 PRELIMINARY ESSAY
against them had arisen which had driven all, or nearly
all, to abandon or conceal their profession. At a later
date a member of the Jesuit company visited the cities in
which the descendants of these people were said to exist,
furnished with the names of the families. But none of
them would admit any knowledge of the subject on which
he spoke ^.
Some years afterwards also the Jesuit Semedo chanced
on faint traces of former Christianity in the neighbourhood
pf the chief city of Kiang si^.
Some material relics also bearing like evidence came
in the course of the seventeenth century into the hands of
the Jesuit missionaries, such as a bell with a cross and
Greek inscription, and at Chang chau in Fu kien sculptures
of the Virgin, marble crosses, and the like. More than one
mediaeval MS. of the Scriptures was also met with, but
as these were Latin they must have been relics of the
Franciscan missions of John Montecorvino and his brethren
rather than of the Nestorians^.
^ Trigault, De Exped. Christiana apud Sinas, bk. i, ch. ii.
^ Semedo, Rel. della Cina, 1643, p. 195. It does not seem
necessary to do more than allude to the story told by Ferdinand
Mendez Pinto of his coming on a Christian village on the canal
between Nanking and Peking, the inhabitants of which were
descended from converts made one hundred and forty-two years
before {i.e., about 1400) by one Matthew Escandel of Buda in Hun-
gary, a hermit of Mount Sinai ; all the history of which was shown to
Ferdinand in a printed book (language not specified) by the
people of the village ! (ch. xcvi). [We have mentioned, 11, p. 214,
the discovery at Lin-ts'ing of two tombs of Franciscan missionaries
of the fourteenth century ; one of them being named Bernard and
considered as a companion of Odoric ; no Bernard is mentioned in
any book with Odoric ; this Bernard is probably Bernardino
della Chiesa, a Friar Minor sent to China in 1680 with four brethren,
who had been appointed before his departure bishop of Argolis,
and who became subsequently coadjutor to the vicar apostolic
of Yun nan and later bishop of Peking; he died on the 2rst
December 1721. See H. Cordier, Imprimerie Sino-Europeenne ,
pp. 65-6. — M. Romanet du Caillaud has written a notice of
Escandel, after Pinto, in the Missions Catholiques, 29 Jan. 1886,
PP- 52-3]
2 Trigault, u.s.; Martini's Atlas Sinensis; Baldelli Boni,
Introd. to // Milione. One of these relics, a Latin Bible of the
PRELIMINARY ESSAY 123
76. It is a melancholy history. For ages after the
rise of Mahomedanism, Christianity, in however defective
a form, had a wide and even growing influence over
extensive regions of the earth, across which now for
centuries past a Christian has scarcely dared to steal.
Leaving out China, where possibly the Church of Rome
may number as many disciples now as the Syrian Church
did in its most prosperous days, how many Christians are
there in what were up to the thirteenth or fourteenth
centuries the metropolitan sees of Tangut, Kashgar,
Samarkand, Balkh, Herat, Sejistan, and Marv ? Whilst
at the other end of Asia, Socotra, once also the seat of a
Christian Archbishop, and we may hope of some Christian
culture, is sunk into the very depths of savagery^.
eleventh century, which was obtained by the Jesuit PhiHp
Couplet from a Chinese in the province of Nanking, is now in the
Laurentian Library at Florence. [It is not mentioned in Ban-
dini's Catalogue.] I tried to see it but could not. "How not
to do it" is, or was till lately, the principle of administration
in that institution, if I may judge from my own experience
on two occasions, on the second with an introduction; in this
a singular contrast to those other public libraries of Florence
which are not under clerical management. [Father Martini
wrote in the Novus Atlas Sinensis, p. 125, with regard to Chang
chau : "locum hunc jam tum a plurimis navibus fuisse frequenta-
tum, ac M. Pauli Zartem hie alicubi fuisse, accedit quod in hac
urbe multa eaque luculenta reperta sint Christianorum vestigia,
intraque ipsa moenia sculpti lapides non pauci, quibus salutiferae
Crucis signum visitur impositum, atque etiam sanctissimae Virginis
Dei genitricis Mariae, cum caelestibus geniis in terram prostratis
imagines cum duabus pendulis lucernulis, imo & in praefecti
cujusdam palatio reperta est pulcherrima crux marmorea, hanc
obtenta ab eo facultate inde eduxere Christiani, ac in nostro urbis
hujus templo summa cum pietate atque apparatu collocavere.
Vidi etiam una cum sociis hie apud litteratum quendam volumen
vetus, Gothicis characteribus diligentissime exaratum, adhibita
fuit papyri loco tenuissima membrana; maxima Scripturae
sacrae pars Latine erat conscripta ; tentavi librum ut consequerer :
at ejus dominus tametsi gentilis, nee prece nee pretio ullo adduci
potuit, ut traderet, in sua familia per multas jam nepotum pro-
genies tanquam rarissimum quoddam antiquitatis cimelium
adservatum illud asserens."]
1 There are one or two indications of the existence of Christians
in the Indo-Chinese countries and islands which have perhaps
been hitherto overlooked. One is found in Marignolli who speaks
of there being a few Christians in Saba, which we shal see reason
124 PRELIMINARY ESSAY
VII. LITERARY INFORMATION REGARDING CHINA
PREVIOUS TO THE MONGOL ERA.
77, Before speaking of that great opening of the
Farther East to European travel, which took place under
the reign of the Mongol dynasty in Asia, it will be well
to take such a view as is practicable to me of the informa-
tion regarding China which is to be found in literary works
to believe to be Java {infy. 11, p. 220), and another in the Travels
of Hier. Santo Stephano, who, when his comrade Hieronimo
Adorno died in the city of Pegu in 1496, buried him "in a certain
ruined church, frequented by none " {India in the Fifteenth
Century, p. 6). If the Sornau of Varthema's Christian fellow-
travellers be Siam, this affords a third indication of the same
kind. [Pinto, ch. xcv, has "Kingdom of Sournau, vulgarly
called Siam." Yule adds, in a note : "Mr. Badger in his notes on
Varthema (p. 213) is not inclined to accept Mendez Pinto's
authority, which he supposes to stand alone, for calling Siam
Sornau. But I have recently found that the name Sarnau is
used several times by Varthema's contemporary, Giovanni
d' Empoli, in a connexion that points to Siam. In one passage
he speaks of Pedir in Sumatra as being frequented by 'Junks,
which are the ships of Bengala,Pecu (Pe^w) , Martamam {Martaban),
Sarnau, and Tanazzar' (Tanasserim). In another passage he
couples it again with Tenasserim as a place which supplied the
finest Benzoin, Lac, etc. The Italian editor interprets the
name as Sirian, but for this I see no ground (see Letters of
G. d' Empoli in Archivio Storico Italiano, Appendice, tom. iii,
pp. 54, 80; Firenze, 1845.)" Yule referred again to the same
subject in Hob son- J oh son, s.v. Sarnau, Sornau : "A name often
given to Siam in the early part of the i6th century ; from Shahr-i-
nao, Pers. 'New-City'; the name by which Yuthia, or Ayodhya,
the capital founded on the Menam about 1350, seems to have
become known to the traders of the Persian Gulf. Mr. Braddell
(/. Ind. Arch. v. 317) has suggested that the name {Sheher-al-nawi,
as he calls it) refers to the distinction spoken of by La Loubere
between the Thai- Yai, an older people of the race, and the Thai-
Noi, the people known to us as Siamese. But this is less probable.
We have still a city of Siam called Lophaburt, anciently a capital,
and the name of which appears to be a Sanskrit or Pali form,
Nava-pura, meaning the same as Shahr~i-nao ; and this indeed
may have first given rise to the latter name. The Cernove of
Nicolo Conti (c. 1430) is generally supposed to refer to a city of
Bengal, and one of the present writers has identified it with Lakh-
naoti or Gaur, an official name of which in the 14th century was
Shahr-i-nao. But it is just po.ssiblc that Siam was the country
spoken of." Valentijn, v. 319, has: "About 1340 reigned in
the kingdom of Siam (then called Sjahar-nouw or Sornau) a very
powerful Prince."]
PRELIMINARY ESSAY 125
of the middle ages antecedent to that era. These are all,
with one slight exception, Arabic.
The earliest of them (at least as regards one half of
it) is an Arab compilation of the middle of the ninth
century and beginning of the tenth, which was first made
known to Europe by the Abbe Eusebius Renaudot in 1718
under the title of Anciennes Relations de I'lnde et de la
Chine de deux Voyageurs Mahometans qui y allerent dans
le IX^^^^ siecle^. The original from which Renaudot had
translated was lost sight of, and some of his critics both
in France and England went so far as to set his work down
as a forgery. But the MS was discovered some fifty years
later [1764] by Deguignes in the Bibliotheque Royale^ ;
and in 1845 a new translation and commentary by
M. Reinaud appeared, in company with an impression of
the Arabic text, which had been lying since 18 11 in the
stores of the Government Printing Office at Paris^.
y^. The title given by Renaudot is acknowledged to
be an incorrect description of the work. It is in two parts
indeed, written at different times, and by different authors,
but the author of the second part, Abu Zaid Hassan of
Siraf on the Persian Gulf, certainly does not profess to have
himself travelled in the east. He gives the date of his
predecessor's work as a.h. 237 (a.d. 851), and his own is
fixed by M. Reinaud from an apparent mention of him by
^ An English version of Renaudot's translation appeared in
1733 (see Major's Introd. to India in the Fifteenth Century, p. xxiii),
and has been reprinted or abstracted in Harris, i, 521, and
Pinkerton, vii, p. 179.
2 Mem. de I' Acad, des Insc, xxxii, 366; Not. et Extraits, i,
136 seqq. Deguignes himself had fancied the work to be a
compilation of Renaudot's own.
^ [Relation des Voyages faits par les Arabes et les Persans dans
I'Inde et la Chine dans le IX'' siecle de I'ere chretienne, texte arabe
imprime en 181 1 par les soins de feu Langles, public avec des cor-
rections et additions et accompagne d'une traduction frangaise
et d'eclaircissements par M. Reinaud.. . .Paris, 1845, 2 vols.
i2-mo.]
126 PRELIMINARY ESSAY
Mas'udi^ to about 916. M. Reinaud says that the narrative
which forms the basis of the first part of the work is derived
from Suleiman a merchant, who had made voyages to
India and China, but I have not been able to discover on
what grounds this opinion is founded. The introductory
passages of the work are missing, so that we are without
explanation by the author as to his own identity or the
sources of his information. The name of Suleiman is only
once mentioned ; nor is there any narrative, properly
speaking, to be traced throughout the composition, though
the first pages, amounting to about one third of the whole,
contain a tolerably coherent account of the seas and islands
between Oman and China, in the course of which twice, as
well as once or twice again in subsequent pages of the book,
passages occur in the first person. It may be observed,
however, that none of these passages, if my examination
may be trusted, refer to China. They relate to India,
Ceylon, and the seas between those countries and Arabia.
My conclusion would rather be that the book is a compila-
tion of notes made by the author from his own experiences
in a voyage to India, and from what he had collected from
others who had visited China, Suleiman among them. The
remainder of this first part of the book is in fact a medley
of notes about India and China, including a detail of some
of the chief kingdoms of the Indies of which the author had
heard. It is clear from the vagueness of these accounts
that the author's knowledge of India was slight and in-
accurate, and that he had no distinct conception of its
magnitude. An abstract of them will be found in the notes
to this essay, with some remarks that it seems desirable
to offer regarding this part of the subject, over which I
venture to think that M. Reinaud, with all his great
learning, has spread confusion rather than shed light^.
^ See Prairies d'Or, i, 322. ^ gge Note XI.
PRELIMINARY ESSAY 127
79. The names of seas and places described by this
writer as encountered on the voyage to China have given
rise to curious controversy. The views taken by M. Reinaud
about many of them are very untenable, and the most
consistent and probable interpretation yet published
appears to be that of M. Alfred Maury^.
According to this view, with trifling modifications, the
seas and places passed are as follows: — The Sea of Persia;
the Sea of Lar [Larwi] (that which washes Gujarat
and Malabar) ^ ; the Sea of Harkand (the Indian Ocean
from the Dibajat or Maldives, and Serendib or Ceylon^ to
AlRamni or Sumatra) ^; the Lanjabalus or Lankhabalus
(the Nicobar Islands) ^ ; and the two (Andaman) Islands
in the Sea of Andaman ; Kalah-Bar, a dependence of
Zabaj (some port on the Malacca coast, perhaps Kadah,
commonly spelt Quedda ; Zabaj ^ representing some great
^ Examen de la route que suivaient, au IX^ siecle de notre ere,
les Arabes et les Persans pour aller en Chine, d'apres la relation
arabe traduite successivement par Renaudot et M. Reinaud.
Published in the Bulletin de la Societe de Geographie, 1846, pp. 203-
238, and republished some years ago in a collection of essays by
M. Maury.
2 These first two are missing with the opening pages of the
work, and are derived by Reinaud from a parallel passage in
Mas'udi.
^ Compare the ab usque Divis et Serendivis of Ammianus
Marcellinus.
* See Odoric, infra 11, p. 146, note 3.
* [Langabaliis] Probably we have in the second part of this
name the Malay Pulo meaning island. I may observe that there
is a considerable island belonging to Queddah, and surrounded
by many smaller ones, at the northern entrance of the Straits
of Malacca, which is called Pulo Langkawi.
* The Syrian bishops Thomas, Jabalaha, Jacob, and Denha,
sent on a mission to India in 1503 by the Patriarch Elias, were
ordained to go " to the land of the Indians and the islands of the
Seas which are between Dabag and Sin and Masin." (Assemani,
iii, Pt. i, 592.) This Dabag is probably a relic of the form Zabaj
of the early narratives, used also by Al-Biruni. Ibn Khurdadhbah
and Edrisi use J aba for Zabaj. [Zabadj, ancient pronunciation
Zdbag, represents the initial form Djdwaga (Ferrand, p. 23).]
Walckenaer quoted by Mr. Major (pp. cit., p. xxvii) says: "The
Puranas and Hindu books show that the title of Maharaja or Great
128 PRELIMINARY ESSAY
monarchy then existing on the Malay Islands, probably
in Java, the king of which was known to the Arabs by the
Hindu title of Maharaj) ; Batuma or Tanumah^ (perhaps
errors for Natiima, the Natuna Islands) ; Kadranj^
(Siam or some other region on the Gulf of Siam) ; Sanf
(Champa, but here used in a sense much more extensive
than the modern Champa, and including Cambodia) ^ ;
SuNDAR FuLAT (the Sondur and Condur group of Marco
Polo, the chief island of which is now called Pulo Condore) *.
King was originally applied to the sovereign of a vast monarchy
which in the second century comprised a great part of India, the
Malay Peninsula, Sumatra, and the neighbouring islands. This
dynasty continued till 628," etc. It is a pity that Baron Walc-
kenaer did not quote more definitely "the Puranas and Hindu
books" which give this precise and interesting information, and
in the absence of such quotation there must be some hesitation
in accepting it. The truth appears to be that whilst the antiquities,
literature, and traditions of Java and other islands show that
communication with continental India in remote times must
have been large and intimate, nothing distinct has yet been
produced to show that any record of such communication or
knowledge of those islands lias been preserved on the Continent.
Friedrich and Lassen certainly seem to have no knowledge of
such records as Walckenser alludes to.
1 [Batuma transcribed by Reinaud Betoumah Xa^^ for ^^&aJ
Tiyuma, island of Tiuman or Tioman on the south-eastern coast
of the Malay Peninsula. Cf. Ferrand, p. 30.]
2 [Kadranj for Kundrang (ancient pronunciation) and Kun-
drandj (modern pronunciation), near the mouth of the Mekong
River. Cf. Ferrand, p. 14. — The distance between Kundrang
and Champa, and Champa and Chundur-fulat, is ten days. Ibn
al Fakih, translated by Ferrand, p. 58.]
" [The Arabic ^_fO gives ^^s Chanf = Champa, not Sanf ; cf.
Ferrand, p. viii, 12.]
* This is not in accordance with Maury, who places Sundar
Fiilat arbitrarily on the coast of Cochin China, perhaps from
confining Sanf or Champa to the tract now retaining that name
(for the names are identical, the Arabs, having no ch and no p,
necessarily writing Champa as Sanf a). But Crawfurd states that
the name Champa with the Malays really applies to the whole of
Cambodia embracing the eastern coast of the Gulf of Siam {Diet.
Ind. Islands, p. 80), whilst actual tradition in those regions
ascribes to ancient Champa sovereignty over all the neighbouring
kingdoms to the frontiers of Pegu and China (Mouhot's Travels,
i, 223). Hence Pulo Condor would properly come between a
port on this coast and China, as Sundar Fiilat does in the Arab
narrative. I do not know what is the proper Malay name of
Pulo Condor, but it is probably connected with the Sanskrit
PRELIMINARY ESSAY 129
80. The port of China frequented by the Arab mer-
chants was Khanfu^, of which we have aheady spoken.
Sundara beautiful. And the Fuldt is probably only an Arabic
plural from the Malay Pulo or Pulau an island. All that is said
of the place in the Relations is that Sundar Fulat is an island, ten
days from Sanf and a month's voyage from China, where the
ships find fresh water. [Mr. CO. Blagden has some objection
to Sundar Fiilat being Pulo Condor : " In connexion with Sundar-
Fulat, some difficulties seem to arise. If it represents Pulo Condor,
why should navigators on their way to China call at it after
visiting Champa, which lies beyond it ? And if fuldt represents
a Persian plural of the Malay Pulau, 'island,' why does it not
precede the proper name, as generic names do in Malay and in
Indonesian and Southern Indo-Chinese languages generally ?
Further, if sundur represents a native form cundur, whence the
hard c {= k) of our modern form of the word ? I am not aware
that Malay changes c to A in an initial position." /. R. A. S.,
April 1914, p. 496.] According to Alex. Hamilton the Pulo
Condor group consists of four or five islands, "producing nothing
but wood, water, and fish for catching." There are two harbours
or anchorages, but neither of them good. Mr. Allan Ketchpole
established a factory for the East India Company on Pulo Condor
in 1702, v/hich speedily came to a disastrous end, [the Europeans
being massacred by their Macassar garrison.] (A''. Ace. of the
East Indies, ed. 1744, ii, 205.) [The chief island is called by the
Chinese Kun lun.] ["L'ile de Sendi Foulat est tres grande ; il
y a de I'eau douce, des champs cultives, du riz et des cocotiers. Le
roi s'appelle Resed. Ees habitants portent la fouta soit en
manteau, soit en ceinture. . . . L'ile de Sendi Foulat est entouree,
du cote de la Chine, de montagnes d'un difficile acces, et ou
souffient des vents impetueux. Cette ile est une des portes de la
Chine. De la a la ville de Khancou, x journees." Edrisi, i, p. 90.
In Malay Pulo Condor is called Pulau Kundur (Pumpkin Island)
and in Cambodian, Koh Tralach. See Pelliot, Deux Itineraires,
pp. 218-20. — Fiilat = fill (Malay pulo) + Persian plural suffix -at.
Cundur fuldt means Pumpkin island. Ferrand, Textes, pp. ix, 2.]
1 [De l'ile "de Senfy a la ville de Loukiin, 3 journees. C'est
la premiere echelle de la Chine. . . . On y fabrique diverses 'riches
etoffes de sole de la Chine qui sont exportees au dehors, et
notamment le ghazar-sini dont on fait commerce dans les pays
voisins aussi bien qu'au loin. On y trouve du tiz, des cereales,
des noix de coco, des cannes a sucre. Les habitants portent la
fouta; ils accueillent bien les etrangers; ils sont tres magnifiques,
et font un plus grand usage de parfums que les autres habitants
de I'lnde. . . . De Loukin a Khancou, 4 journees de navigation, et
20 par terre. Cette derniere echelle est la plus considerable de la
Chine." Edrisi, i, p. 84.]
[Khancou ^AJli. or Khanfou ^ijl^.]
["Ce pays est gouverne par un roi puissant et glorieux, qui a
beaucoup de sujets, de troupes et d'armes. On s'y nourrit de
riz, de noix de coco, de lait, de sucre et de mokl. La ville est
situee sur un golfe (ou a I'embouchure d'un fleuve) qu'on remonte
durant deux mois de marche jusqu'a la ville de Badja, qui appar-
c. Y. c. I. Q
130 PRELIMINARY ESSAY
Here there was a Musulman Kazi and public worship. The
houses were for the most part built of wood and bamboo
matting, which led to frequent fires. When a foreign ship
arrived, the officials took charge of the cargo and locked
it up. When all the ships of the season had entered, a
duty of 30 per cent, was exacted before placing the goods
at the disposal of the owners. If the king wanted any-
thing for himself, the highest price was paid for it in
ready money.
Many particulars mentioned by this author regarding
China are silly enough, but much also that is stated is
perfectly correct. He notices the ancient Chinese customs
of issuing food from public granaries in times of dearth,
as well as of dispensing medicines to the poor ; the support
of schools by the government ; the generally methodical
and just character of the administration ; the elaborate
classification of official titles ; the custom of doing all
business by written documents, and the strict censure
tient au bagh bough, lequel est le roi de toute laChine. Cetteville est
la terme des voyages das Occidentaux ; on y trouva toute espece da
fruits at de legumes, du ble, da I'orga et du riz." On ne trouve
ni raisin ni figues dans la totalite de la China at des Indes, " mais
bien le fruit d'un arbra qu'on nomme al-chaki et el-berki. Cet
arbre croit particulieremant dans la pays du poivra. Cast un
arbre dont les fruits sont durs, at dont las feuillas, d'un vert
eclatant, ressemblent a calla du chou ; il porte un fruit de la
longueur de quatre palmes, rond, samblable a une conque marina,
convert d'une ecorce rouge, et dans I'interieur duqual est une
graina ou un gland qui ressembla a calui du chene ; bouilli au fau,
on le mange comma la chataigne, dont il a exactement la gout.
La pulpe da ce fruit forme un aliment tres-doux et tres-agreabla,
qui reunit au gout da la pomma calui de la poire, at qualque
chose meme da la saveur de la banane et du mokl. C'est im fruit
appetissant, admirable, et le plus recherche de tons ceux qu'on
mange dans I'lnde. On trouve egalemant dans ce pays un arbra
qu'on appelle el-i'nba; il est grand comma la noyer, ses fauilles
ressemblant aux feuilles de cet arbre, et son fruit a celui du
palmier doum. Lorsque ca fruit est none, il est tendre; alors on le
met dans du vinaigra, at son gout ressemble exactement a celui
des olives. C'est chaz les Indians un hors d'oeuvre destine a exciter
I'appetit."
"De la ville de Khancou a la ville de Djankou, on compte 3
joumees." Edrisi, i, pp. 84-5.]
PRELIMINARY ESSAY I3I
exercised on the style and tone of papers submitted to
public departments^ ; the use of a copper currency instead
of gold and silver ; the custom of delaying the burial of
the dead for years sometimes ; the systematic protection
afforded to travellers ; the manufacture of porcelain ;
the use of rice- wine and of tea {sdkh or sdhh for cha^).
There is scarcely anything of Chinese Geography in this
first part beyond the mention of Tibet and the Taghazghaz
as the western neighbours of China, and of the Isles of SiLA
in the east, which appear to be Japan^.
One custom he mentions with great apparent admira-
tion. It is, that the governor of every city slept with a
bell at his head communicating with a handle at the gate,
which anyone claiming justice was at liberty to ring. And
we learn from Abu Zaid that even the king had such a bell ;
only he who dared to use it must have a case justifying so
strong an appeal from the ordinary course of justice, or he
suffered for it*.
^ See III, p. 122 infra and note.
2 See Reinaud, Relation, i, pp. 39, 46, 47, 43-4, 37, 33, 36, 42,
34, 40. None of the mediaeval European travellers in China
mention tea. The first notice of it so far as I know is in Ramusio's
notes of Hajji Mahomed's information (see Note XVIII at the
end of the essay). [Envoys from T'ien fang (Mecca) under the
Ming dynasty in presenting tribute solicit silk, tea-leaves, and
porcelain. — Bretschneider, Med. Res., ii, p. 300.]
^ Edrisi also speaks of the Isles of Silah, of which the chief
city was Ankuah, and where gold was so abundant that the
people made dog-chains of it. The low value of gold in Japan up
to the opening of the trade the other day is a familiar fact.
M. Polo says of it : " et je vous dy qu'ils ont tant d'or que c'est sans
fin ; car ils le treuvent en leurs isles." (Pauth., Polo, 538.) Possibly
Ankiiah may really represent Miyako. [Sila is not Japan but
Corea. Ankuah has nothing to do with Miyako. Corea is some-
times called Tung Kwo, the Eastern Empire, in Chinese books,
but I have not heard of Ngan Kwo, the equivalent of Ankuah.]
* Edrisi also speaks of this [i, p. 100]. It is a kind of story
having a strong attraction for eastern people. Ibn Batuta heard
that the same custom was adopted by Shamsuddin Altamsh,
Sultan of Delhi (1211-1236). See Ibn Bat., iii, 158. The custom
was a genuine Chinese one, but the summons seems to have been
by a drum rather than by a bell. Thus in the Romance of "The
Fortunate Union," the hero Teichungyu exclaims, "My lord,
9—2
132 PRELIMINARY ESSAY
The anonymous author was aware that the principles
of the Chinese reHgion (here meaning Buddhism) came
from India. Both countries, he says, accept the doctrine
of metempsychosis, but with certain differences.
8i. Abu Zaid, the author of the second part of the
Relation, begins by remarking the great change that had
taken place in the interval (some sixty years) since the
first part of the book was composed. Events had happened
which had entirely stopped the Arab trade with China, had
thrown that country into anarchy, and had destroyed its
power. He then proceeds to relate this revolution, which
was due to a rebel whom he calls Banshoa, who, after
sacking many cities of the empire, including Khanfu, which
he took in a.h. 264 (a.d. Sj^), at length marched against
the capital. The emperor fled to the frontiers of Tibet ;
but, after obtaining the aid of the King of the Taghazghaz
(a great Turkish tribe), was enabled to renew the struggle
and to regain his throne. His capital, however, was in
ruins ; his power and treasure had vanished ; his generals
had perished, and the best of his soldiers. The provinces
had been seized by rapacious adventurers who scarcely
made a pretence of allegiance. Foreign merchants and
shipmasters were bullied, insulted, and plundered ; the
staple industries of the country were destroyed ; trade
could not go on ; and thus the misfortunes and anarchy of
China carried ruin to many families in distant Siraf and
Oman.
Klaproth^ has pointed out the correspondence of this
you are mistaken ! The emperor himself suspends the drum at
his palace gate, and admits all to state their hardships without
reserve." {Da.vi?,'?, Chinese Miscellanies, y. 109.) This institution
of the drum was adopted by a late king of Siam, according to
Pallegoix, but the pages who had to answer it succeeded in
extinguishing the practice. A curious Chinese drawing engraved
in Chine Ancienne [L'Univevs Pittoresque) , pi. 3, represents this
institution of the drum.
1 Tab. Historiques, pp. 223-230.
PRELIMINARY ESSAY I33
statement with the account in the Chinese Annals of the
rebelhon of Hwang-chao, here called Banshoa, at the time
mentioned by Abu Zaid ; one of those tremendous insur-
rections which seem to recur in China almost periodically.
The chief cities of the empire, including (880) Lo yang and
Ch'ang ngan, the two imperial capitals, really fell into the
hands of this chief, who declared himself emperor, but was
eventually beaten from them by the aid of Turki auxiliaries.
The Chinese account of the insubordination continuing to
prevail in the provinces after the emperor's restoration,
also corresponds almost in so many words with that of the
Arab writer 1.
82. Abu Zaid adds to the notes of his predecessor
many interesting particulars regarding India and the
Islands, as well as regarding China. In reference to the
latter country he gives a curious account of a visit which
an acquaintance of his own, Ibn Wahab of Basra, paid to
Khumdan, the capital of China (see ante, pp. 31, 108), and
of the interview which he had there with the emperor, who
must have been Hi Tsung of the T'ang, very shortly before
the great rebellion broke out. The story of the interview
is too long to extract ; but there does not seem to be any
sufficient reason to doubt its correctness, and we may gather
from it further proof that the knowledge of the Chinese in
the days of the T'ang was by no means confined to that
circle of oblique-eyed humanity which we are accustomed
to regard as the limit of Chinese ideas. Ibn Wahab
describes Khumdan or Ch'ang ngan, which was two months'
journey from Khanfu, as divided in two by a long and wide
street. The city eastward of this was entirely devoted to
the residences of the emperor and officers of Government.
On the west side were the shops, places of business,
and the miscellaneous population. The streets were
^ Reinaud, i, 66-7; Chine Ancienne, p. 330.
134 PRELIMINARY ESSAY
traversed with channels of running water and bordered
with trees.
Abu Zaid, Hke his predecessor, dwells upon the orderly
and upright administration of China whilst in its normal
state. This indeed seems to have made a strong impression
at all times on the other nations of Asia, and we trace this
impression in almost every account that has reached us
from Theophylactus downwards^, whilst it is also probably
the kernel of those praises of the justice of the Seres which
extend back some centuries further into antiquity.
He is acquainted with the general character of the
overland communication between Sogdiana and China
Proper. The frontier of the latter was a two months'
journey distant, over a country which was almost a water-
less desert, though the frontier of the empire was not far
from Khorasan. The difficulty of passing this desert had
alone prevented the Musulman warriors of Khorasan from
attempting the invasion of China. A friend of the author
told him, however, that he had seen at Khanfu a man with
a bagful of musk on his back whom he found to have come
on foot all the way from Samarkand ^.
He mentions that three of the chief officers of state
were called the Master of the Right, the Master of the Left,
and the Master of the Centre. I do not know if traces of
these appellations still exist in the Chinese administration ;
but we find that under Kublai Khan the two chief ministers
of state bore the titles of "Minister of the Right, and
Minister of the Left^."
1 The Jesuit historian Du Jarric thinks that "if Plato were to
rise from Hades he would declare that his imagined Republic
was realised in China." (ii, 676.)
2 i, p. 114.
^ See Pauthier's Polo, p. 329, and Yule-Cordier's M. Polo,
i, p. 432. In the case of Lord Amherst's Embassy the three
members of the Legation were distinguished by the Chinese as
the Middle or Principal, the Left Hand (which is the more honour-
PRELIMINARY ESSAY I35
83. We have some account of China from an Arab
geographer who was contemporary with the eariier of the
two compilers of the Relation, and wrote perhaps a few
years later than the date assigned by Abu Zaid to the work
of his predecessor. This was Abu'l-Kasim 'Ubaid-Allah
called Ibn Khurdadhbah, born about 820-830, and who
served under the Khalif Mutammid (869-885) as director
of the posts in Jibal or the ancient Media. His work,
"The Book of Routes and Provinces," in great part con-
sists only of lists of stages and distances, but there are
occasionally some descriptive details introduced. The
following lines contain nearly all that he says of China ^ :
"From Sanf (Champa) to Al-Wakin^, which is the
first port of China, is one hundred farsangs either by sea or
by land. Here you find excellent Chinese iron, porcelain,
and rice^. You can go from Al-Wakin, which is a great port,
to Khanfu* in four days by sea. or in twenty days by
land. Khanfu produces all sorts of fruits and vegetables,
able side), and the Right Hand Envoys. (Davis's Chinese, Supp.
vol., p. 40.) In our Mission to Ava in 1855 the Envoy's secretary
was termed by the Burmese "the Right Hand Officer." [In
Corea there was a prime or middle minister, seng-ei-tsieng, a
minister of the left, tsoa-ei-tsieng , and a minister of the right,
wu-ei-tsieng . Also in Annam, the left is the place of honour. In
the province of Nghe-an there were two sub-governors, the Dao
of the right, Quan Hu'u Dao, and the Dao of the left, Quan Ta Dao.]
^ From a translation by Barbier de Meynard in the fournal
Asiatique, ser. vi, tom. v (see pp. 292-4).
2 The Lukin of Edrisi (v, § 85 and p. 129 n., supra), who has
derived several passages from Ibn Khurdadhbah. One would
suppose it to be Canton, had not Ibn Batuta identified Canton
with Sin-ul-Sin, which Edrisi describes quite distinctly from Lukin.
Edrisi, however, had no distinct ideas about Eastern Asia, and
this is not conclusive. This Lukin cannot of course be the Lukinfu
of Rashid (iii, p. 126 infra), but it may have something to do with
the alternative name (apparently corrupt) of Lumkali applied in
the same page to Canton.
^ ["On trouve a Loukyn la pierre chinoise, la sole chinoise,
de la porcelaine d'excellente qualite et du riz." — De Goeje.]
* [ " On va de Loukyn a Khanfou, qui est I'echelle la plus
considerable (de la Chine)." — De Goeje.] Khanfu is also pronounced
Khancu. De Goeje, p. 49, writes: " C'est le port de Canton
(Hongkong)." Fancy Hongkong in the ninth century!
136 PRELIMINARY ESSAY
wheat, barley, rice, and sugar-cane. From Khanfu you
arrive in eight days at Janfu^, which has the same produc-
tions. Thence to Kantu, six days, also having the same
productions 2. In all the ports of China you find a great
navigable river affected by the tide^. In that of Kantu
there are geese, ducks, and other wild fowl. The greatest
length of coast from Al Maid* to the other extremity of
China is two months' voyage. China includes three
hundred prosperous and famous cities^. It is bounded
by the sea, by Tibet, and by the country of the Turk^.
^ Janfu is probably the Janku of others, and to be identified
with Yang chau {infra, 11, p. 209). Kantu, from the mountains of
Sila or Japan opposite to it, as mentioned below, should be either
Shang Hai or about the mouth of the Yellow River, if there was
ever a port there. [The mouth of the Yellow River is out of the
question ; Shang Hai is possible, as it was the seat of one of the
inspectors of foreign trade {shi-po-shi) . Chau Ju-kwa held the
office in Fu-kien. At the end of the eleventh century, "at the
seaport of Hwa-ting, an of&cer was appointed to take account of
the merchant- vessels, and to levy a toll on the goods ; in this
way was constituted the town of Shang Hai"; this is the first
mention made of the name of Shang Hai in history; in 1156
the office of superintendent of the trading vessels at Shang Hai
was abolished. {Desc. of Shanghae, Chinese Miscel., iv, 1850.) —
However, we may remark that it is impossible to see the mountains
of Sila (Corea) from Shang Hai and indeed from any port of
China proper; Prof. Pelliot writes to me that the organization
of the commissaries of foreign trade [ski po) was due to the
Sung and continued by the Mongols. It varied during the Yuen
Dynasty, but according to the edict of 1293 there were seven
commissaries : Ts'iuan chau, Shang hai, K'an p'u, Wen chau,
Kwang Tung, Hang chau and K'in yuan. It will be noted that
all these places are south of the Yangtze and that four out of the
seven are situated in Che kiang.]
2 [Khandjou,DeGoeje, who identifies this place with Hang chau.
" De 1^ [Khandjou] a Kangou, oil Ton trouve aussi les memes
productions, 20 journ6es." — De Goeje, who identifies Kan9ou with
Kian chau.]
2 [" Chacune des echelles de la Chine est situee a I'embouchure
d'un grand fleuve navigable qui est soumis a I'influence de la
mar^e." — De Goeje.]
* [Armabyl. — De Goeje.]
5 [" La Chine renferme 300 villes, toutes prosperes, dont 90
c61^bres." — De Goeje.]
* [" Ce pays est borne par la mer, le Tibet, le pays des Turcs,
et, &. I'occident, ITnde." — De Goeje.
Mas'udi says also : " Au delS, de la Chine il n'y a plus, du c6t6
PRELIMINARY ESSAY I37
Strangers from India are established in the eastern pro-
vinces
"What is beyond China is unknown. But in front of
Kantu rise high mountains. These are in the country of
SiLA^, which abounds in gold. Musulmans who visit this
country are often induced to settle for good because of the
advantages of the place. The products exported are
ghorraih (a kind of plant), gum kino, aloes, camphor,
sails, saddles, porcelain, satin, cinnamon, and galanga^ ^."
[Ibn Rosteh wrote his Al-A'ldk al-Nafisa about 903 ;
he is not so well informed as Mas'udi ; he says that
there is but one sea from Basrah to China, and that the
same water bathes the coasts of India and China : but
that it was said that, properly speaking, there were
seven seas having each its special characteristics, winds,
taste, colour, fauna ^.]
83*. Mas'udi is our next writer ; who in the Meadows
of Gold^ treats of all things in Nature and History, and of
all at once rather than all in succession ; of China among
de la mer, ni royaume connu, ni contree qui ait ete decrite,
excepte le territoire d'es-Sila et les iles qui en dependent."
i, p. 346.]
^ [Corea.]
2 [" Quant a ce que la mer orientale fournit &, I'exportation, on
tire de la Chine la sole blanche (haryr), la sole de couleur {fir and)
et la sole damassee {Kymkhdw) , le muse, le bois d'alods, des selles,
des fourrures de martre (Sammour), de la porcelaine, le cylhandj,
la cinnamome et le galanga." — De Goeje.]
^ [I have revised this abstract of Ibn Khurdadhbah with the
translation of the great Arabic scholar of Leyden, De Goeje, in the
volume : Kitib-al-Masalik Wa'1-Mamalik {Liber Viarum et
Regnorum) auctore Abu'l-Kasim Obaidallah ibn Abdallah Ibn
Khordadhbeh et excerpta e Kitab al-Kharadj auctore Kodama
ibn Dja'far quae cum versione gallica edidit, indicibus et glossario
instruxit M. J. de Goeje. — Lugduni-Batavorum, E. J. Brill,
1889, 8vo.]
* [See Hartmann, p. 861, Chine, Encycl. Islam.']
^ Les Prairies d'Or — translated by MM. Bar bier de Meynard
and Pavet de Courteille, Paris, 1861-77. [Published in nine octavo
volumes in the Collection d'Ouvrages Orientaux publiee par la
Socidte Asiatique. From Vol. iv, the name of Barbier de Meynard
is the only one printed on the title-page.]
138 PRELIMINARY ESSAY
the rest. He travelled far and wide, and from a very early-
age, visiting Sind in 912 when quite a youth, and after-
wards, according to his own account, Zanzibar and the
Island of Kanbalu^, Champa, China, and the country of
Zabaj {supra, p. 127), besides travelling a long way into
Turkestan. If he really visited China it must have been
in a very cursory manner. I can find nothing of any
interest respecting it that does not also appear in the
Relation, chiefly in that part of it of which Abu Zaid is
the professed author. M. Reinaud has treated of these
coincidences, but has not I think quite satisfactorily
accounted for them 2.
84. In the course of the tenth century we have another
Arab traveller who professes to have visited China. This
is Abu Dulaf Mis'ar Ibn Muhalhil who being, according to
his own account, at the Court of Nasri Bin Ahmed Bin
Ismail of the Samanidae at Bokhara when ambassadors
arrived from "the King of China Kalatin-bin-ul-Shakhir^,"
to negotiate a marriage between his own daughter and
Noah the son of Nasri (who afterwards succeeded to the
throne of Bokhara), took advantage of the opportunity of
accompanying the ambassadors on their return, about the
year 941. The whole narrative of this traveller is not
extant, but much of it has been preserved in citations by
Yakut (a.h. 617, A.D. 1220), and Qazwini (a.h. 667, a.d.
1268-9), and a German editor has collected these passages
1 The French translators take this for Madagascar. Ma'sudi
describes it as an island in the sea of Zanj, well cultivated and
inhabited by Musulmans speaking the Zanj language. The
Mahomedans got possession of it about the beginning of the
Abasside dynasty, capturing the whole Zanj population (this
never could be true of Madagascar). Sailors reckoned it roughly
about five hundred farsangs to Oman. I should think it must
be the Island of Zanzibar, or perhaps the Great Comoro, which
has some resemblance in name, and is occupied by people of
Arab descent.
2 Discours Prdliminaire to Relation, etc., pp. viii and xviii seqq.
3 Or Kalin bin-Shakhhar. [Qdlin h. as Sachlr. — Marquart.]
PRELIMINARY ESSAY 1 39
into a tolerably continuous narrative, and translated them
into Latin 1.
It is very difficult to say whether the narrative is
genuine or not, or to guess how much it may have suffered
from the manner in which it has been thus coopered out
of loose fragments 2. If the author really accompanied
Chinese ambassadors from Bokhara back to their native
country, it is not easy to understand why they should have
made a grand tour of all the Turk and Tartar nations from
the shores of the Black Sea to the banks of the Amur. The
name which he attributes to the capital of China is Sin-
DABIL, which is more like an Indian than a Chinese name, or
rather like the Arabic perversion of an Indian name (com-
pare Kanddbil, Sanddbur). The nearest Chinese name is
that of Ch'eng tu fu^, or as Marco Polo calls it Sindifu,
the chief city of the province of Sze ch'wan, and which
was during parts of the tenth century the capital of the
kingdom of Shu*. Neither would it be easy to discover
^ Abu Dolif Misavis Ben Mohalhel de Itinere Asiatico com-
mentarius — Studio Kurd de Schloezer, Berolini, 1845. [A better
commentary has been given by J. Marquart, in his Osteuropdische
und ostasiatische Streifzuge, Leipzig, 1903, 8vo. pp. 74-95 : Das
Itinerar desMi'sar b. al Muhalhil nach der chinesischen Hauptstadt. —
See also the French translation by G. Ferrand, pp. 208 seq. in
Relat. de Voyages. . .arabes, persans et turks, i, Paris, 1913.]
2 [" Jeder der es versuch, auf der Karte des Itinerar des
Reisenden zu verfolgen, wird alsbald mit steigendem Kopfschiitteln
die sonderbaren Kreuz- und Querziige betrachten, die uns bald
nach Tibet und an die Grenze von China, bald wieder nach
dem Irtischgebiet oder dem Tarimbecken fiihren." Marquart,
P- 75-]
^ [Marquart, I.e., pp. 86-7, shows that it is impossible that
Sindabil be Ch'eng tu; he identifies it with Kanchau. The great
temple of Sindabil mentioned by Abu Dulaf is no doubt the idol
temple of Kanchau, 500 cubits square, of Shah Rukh's ambassadors ;
the identity of Kanchau with Sindabil is confirmed by Qasvini.
See Marco Polo, i, pp. 220-1.]
* [The first Shu Dynasty was the Minor Han Dynasty which
lasted from a.d. 221 to a.d. 263; its capital was Ch'eng tu in
modern Sze ch'wan; this Shu Dynasty was one of the Three
Kingdoms {San kwo chi) ; the two others being Wei (a.d. 220-264)
reigning at Lo Yang, and Wu (a.d. 222-277) reigning at Kien
140 PRELIMINARY ESSAY
in a list of Chinese sovereigns any name resembling
Kalatin son of Shakhbar or Shakhir. In one of the notes
appended to this paper will be given an abstract of the
chief points of this journey, real or pretended^.
84 bis. ["Now we should mention the relation of the
land-route between Transoxiana and China to be found in
a work of Abii Sa'Id 'Abd al-Haiy Ibn Duhak Gardezi
(Marquart, Streifzuge, writes Giirdezi, but see Rieu, Cat.
Pers. Brit. Mus., 1071a, and Raverty, Tahakdt-i Ndsiri,
p. 901) of whom Bartold had the insight to recognize the
value and to edit a fragment from his important Zain al-
Akhbdr (written in io$o) {Otcetopo'ezdk' e vSredniuiuAziiu,
1893-4, Pet., 1897). Gardezi describes China pp. 92 ^'^-4^.
The most important passage is the itinerary Turfan-Kham-
dan 92^"^®: Cinandjket {i.e. Turfan-Kara Khodjo) in the
country of the Toghuzghuz to Kumul eight days ; at Bagh
Shiira (one might see in bagh the Persian bdgh ' garden' ;
the word shUrd would answer to cura of Turkish names ;
thus one of the most considerable of the Volga Turks :
Akcura Oghli) one must cross a river in a boat ; then seven
days in the steppe, with wells and pasturage, to Sha chau,
with the remark that the town was called Dun chuan [Tun
hwang] until the beginning of the seventh century ; to-day
the road passes through Ngan-si fu, to the N.W. of Sha
chau : then three days' travelling to a stone desert (sengldkh)
then seven days to Sukhchau {Sukh reproduces an ancient
pronunciation which Abulfeda renders by sUkdju) ; then
Kang (Nan king). The second was the Ts'ien Shu Dynasty,
founded in 907 by Wang Kien, governor of Sze chw'an since 891 ;
it lasted till 925 when it submitted to the Hau T'ang ; in 933 the
Hau T'ang were compelled to grant the title of King of Shu
(Hau Shu) to Mong Chi-siang, governor of Sze chw'an, who was
succeeded by Mong Ch'ang, dethroned in 965 ; the capital was also
Ch'eng tu under these two dynasties.] The names of the kings
as given in Deguignes have no possibility of assimilation to
those in the text (Deg., i, 124-9).
1 See Note XII.
PRELIMINARY ESSAY I4I
three days to Khamcau (= Khanchau) ; then eight days
to Kuca (?) ; then in 15 days to a river called Kiyan
(= Hwang ?), which is navigable. From Baghshura to
Khamdan, the capital of China, the voyage lasts one month
(which does not tally with the total of the days of the
journey = 43). Relays are to be found on the road."
Mr. Hartmann, from whom we borrow these particulars
{Encydop. de l' Islam, s.v. Chine), remarks that it was
always the main route between China and the West.]
85. The account of China in the Geography of Edrisi,
written under the patronage of King Roger II of Sicily,
and completed in 1153-4, is, like the whole of his account
of South-eastern Asia, including India, very meagre and
confused. Professing to give the distances between places,
he generally under-estimates these enormously, insomuch
that in a map compiled from his distances Asia would,
I apprehend, assume very contracted dimensions. Owing
to his manner of dealing with the world in successive
climates or zones of latitude the passages in his work treat-
ing of China are scattered over nearly all parts of the book ;
but the general result is something like the following :
China is a great and populous empire whose supreme
king is called the Baghhugk^. This sovereign is just,
^ This word in various forms, Baghbugh, Baghbur, Faghfur,
is applied as a generic title to the emperors of China by old
Arabian and Persian writers, and appears in Marco Polo as applied
to the dethroned Sung emperor in the form Facfur (ii, p. 148).
[Baghbur j^*ij, Faghfur j^ks, are the Arabic forms of the
Persian Baghpuv, Son of God, translation of T'ien tze, in Chinese
Son of Heaven. Cf. Ferrand, Textes, p. 2.] It is, according to
Neumann, a translation of the Chinese title T'ien tze or " Son of
Heaven" into old Persian, in which Bak is Divinity (Sansk.
Bhaga, Hindi Bhagwdn), and Fur is "Son" (Sansk. putra). The
elenients of the name are still to be found in the modern Persian
dictionaries : "Bagh, The name of an Idol," and "Ptir, A Son."
So Shah Pur, the Sapor of the Romans, is "King's Son" (see
Biirck's Polo, p. 629; Pauthier's Polo, 453; F. Johnson's Diet.).
["The last of the Sung Emperors (1276) 'Facfur' {i.e. the Arabic
ioT T'ien tze) was freed by Kiiblai from the (ancient Khotan)
indignity of surrendering with a rope round his neck, leading a
142 PRELIMINARY ESSAY
powerful, sage, and provident, easy and gentle in his
administration, generous in his gifts, attentive to what
goes on in foreign countries, but much occupied with the
interests of his own subjects, who are admitted to his
presence readily, and without having to apply for the inter-
vention of subordinates. In religion he follows an idola-
trous faith differing but little from that of India ; but he
follows it devoutly, and is liberal to the poor.
The people are dark like those of Hind and Sind.
They live upon rice, coco-nut, milk, sugar, and mokl
(said to be the fruit of the dum-palm of Upper Egypt).
No arts are more valued among them than those of design
and pottery.
Under the Baghbugh there are some three hundred
flourishing cities and many fine seaports. The latter
generally stand upon river-estuaries, up which ships ascend
some distance from the sea. They are full of life and
business, and the security of property in them is perfect.
The greatest of the ports is Khanfu^, which is the terminus
of the western trade. It stands on (or near) the Khumdan,
the great river of China, one of the greatest and most
famous of all rivers ; the Ganges itself is said to be an
affluent of it 2. Its banks are crowded with population,
and many great cities stand upon them. Such are Susah^,
a very famous city whether for its buildings or its trade,
or for the wealth of its citizens. Its commercial credit
extends over the world. Here are made an unequalled
sheep, and he received the title of Duke: in 1288 he went to
Tibet to study Buddhism, and in 1296 he and his mother, Ts'iuen
T'ai How, became a bonze and a nun, and were allowed to hold
360 k'ing (say, 5000 acres) of land free of taxes under the then
existing laws." (E. H. Parker, China Review, Feb., March 1901,
P- 195-)]
^ Jaubert has Khanku, but no doubt the right reading is Khan-
fu. It involves but the difference of a dot.
2 So thought Fra Mauro, as his map shows.
^ Qu. Su chau in Kiang nan, the celebrated rival of Hang chau ?
PRELIMINARY ESSAY I43
kind of porcelain, the Ghazdr of China, and silk-stuffs
famous for their solidity and elegance. Janku is also on
the Khumdan about three days from Khanfu. This also
is a city where there are manufactures of glass and silk
stuffs. Two months' journey up the river is Bajah^, the
capital of the Baghbugh, where is his palace with his
guards, treasures, harem, and slaves. He is bound to keep
always one hundred dowered wives and one thousand
elephants. Another city is Sinia-ul-Sin which Ibn Batuta
enables us to identify with Canton (see infra, Vol. iv).
And the first port of China coming from Sanfi or Champa
is LuKiN (see supra, p. 135), where also are made rich
silks, and among others a kind called Ghazar-Sini^ , which
are exported far and near.
Many places besides these are named which it seems
impossible to identify. Such are, on the borders of Indo-
China, Tarighurghan and Katighora, the last a name
which seems simply borrowed from the Cattigara of
Ptolemy [see note on Kattigara, Note II], Khaighun,
Asfiria^, Bura, Karnabul, Askhra, Sharkhu or Sadchu,
Bashiar, Taugha (recalling the Taugas of Theophylactus),
€tc. Kasghara, apparently Kashgar, is put only four
days distant from Katighora upon the China Sea.
Exterior China, apparently corresponding in a general
way to the Tangut of later days, is also mentioned by
Edrisi. It is bounded by the Taghazghaz on the west, by
Tibet on the south, and by the country of the Khizilji
Turks on the north.
^ The copies used by Jaubert read Bdjah or Ndjah. But
probably the right reading is Taj ah. Compare with Abulfeda
quoted hereafter, and with the Taiuna or Thajuye at p. 114 supra.
2 I do not find this word in the Arabic dictionaries. May it be
the origin of our word Gauze, which has been referred to Gaza in
Palestine ?
3 It is very possible that this Asfiria also represents the Ptole-
maean Aspiihra, and perhaps some of the other names have a like
origin, though too much corrupted to identify with the Greek.
144 PRELIMINARY ESSAY
86. To a date only a few years later than Edrisi belongs
Benjamin of Tudela, who travelled between 1159 and 1173,
and of whom some account has been given by Mr. Major
in his Introduction to India in the Fifteenth Century, which
need not be repeated. After speaking of the Island
Khandy, supposed to be Ceylon, this traveller says : —
"From hence the passage to China is effected in forty
days. This country lies eastward, and some say that the
star Orion predominates in the sea which bounds it, and
which is called the sea of Nikpha. Sometimes the sea is so
stormy, that no mariner can conduct his vessel ; and, when-
ever a storm throws a ship into this sea, it is impossible
to govern it ; the crew and the passengers consume their
provisions and then die miserably, but people have learned
how to save themselves from this fate by the following
contrivance" ; and so he proceeds to tell how the sailors
sew themselves in bulls' hides, and being found floating in
the sea are carried ashore by great eagles, and so forth.
This stuff (literally a cock and a bull story) is all that
Benjamin relates in connexion with China^.
It is remarked by the English editor of Benjamin that
this author is the first European who mentions China by
that name. But Edrisi at least precedes him, and a Sicilian
Arab writing of Sin in Arabic at Palermo, has at least as
good a title to be considered a European author writing
of China, as a Spanish Jew writing of Tsin in Hebrew at
Tudela. Benjamin appears to have heard these tales of
the voyage to China at the island of Kish, which would
seem to have been the limit of his travels ^ ; what he relates
^ Bohn's ed. (in Early Travellers in Palestine), pp. 116-117.
2 Kais or Kish was the real terminus of Indian trade for several
ages, and the seat of a principality, Quisci of Polo. Marco, I see,
shows the true approximate position of Quisci as two hundred
miles further up the Gulf than Hormuz. Kish, in the map before
me {Siieler's Hand- Atlas), is termed Guase or Kena. [The island
and city of Kish or Kais is about 200 miles from the mouth of
PRELIMINARY ESSAY 1 45
of India likewise being to all appearance mere hearsay.
Indeed the eleventh and twelfth centuries are more bare
of notices of communication between China and western
nations than almost any others since the beginning of our
era.
8y. Abulfeda (1273-1331) belongs to a date sub-
sequent to the rise of the Mongol power, which we have
fixed as a dividing mark in the treatment of this subject ;
but it will be more convenient to dispose of his notices of
China now, in connexion with those of the other Arab
writers who have been already cited. Notwithstanding
the facilities which his age afforded for obtaining correct
information about China, he does not seem to have been in
the way of profiting greatly by them. His knowledge of
those regions is, as he himself complains, very much
restricted, and his accounts are chiefly derived from books
long antecedent to his own time and to that of the Mongol
sovereigns, though they are not altogether devoid of recent
information. Some extracts of the essential part of his
information on China will be found in the supplementary
notes, and will show this curious mixture of the obsolete
statements of the geographers of the tenth or eleventh
centuries with items of modern knowledge ^ ; affording an
analogy to the maps of the sixteenth and seventeenth
centuries, which in remoter Asia sometimes present a
strange jumble of Ptolemy, Marco Polo, and recent dis-
coveries.
the Gulf, and for a long time was one of the chief ports of trade
with India and the East. The island, the Cataea of Arrian, now
called Ghes or Kenn, is singular among the islands of the Gulf as
being wooded and well supplied with fresh water. The ruins of a
city [called Harira, according to Lord Curzon] exist on the north
side. See Yule-Cordier's Marco Polo, i, p. 64 n. — See p. S^ and
n. I, supra.']
1 See Note XIII.
C. Y. C. I. 10
146 PRELIMINARY ESSAY
VIII. CHINA UNDER THE MONGOL DYNASTY,
KNOWN AS CATHAY.
88. We now arrive at the epoch of the Mongols, during
whose predominance the communication of China with the
western nations was less impeded by artificial obstacles
than it has been at any other period of history. For even
now, though our war-steamers have ascended the Kiang
to Han kau, and a post runs from Peking to Petersburg,
every land frontier excepting that towards Russia remains
as impervious as in the darkest age of the past^.
It was in the days of the Mongols also that China first
became really known to Europe, and that by a name which,
though especially applied to the northern provinces, also
came to bear a more general application, Cathay^.
89. This name, Khitai [or K'itai], is that by which
China is styled to this day by all, or nearly all, the nations
which know it from an inland point of view, including the
Russians Kirrafi, [the Greeks, Kirata] the Persians, and the
nations of Turkestan [Khitai] ; and yet it originally be-
longed to a people who were not Chinese at all. The K'itans
were a people of Manchu race who inhabited for centuries a
country to the north-east of China, lying east of theKhingan
mountains'and north of the river Sira, and whose allegiance
was rendered alternately to the Khakans of the Turks and
the Emperors of China. In the beginning of the tenth
1 [It must be borne in mind that these last lines were written
nearly half a century ago.]
2 Several names strongly resembling Cathay appear in ancient
geographers ; but, of course, none of them have any connexion
with the name as applied to China. The Xmrat Scythians of
Ptolemy probably represent Khotan (vi, 15). The KaO^a of Strabo
is in the Punjab, apparently, from what he says, including the Salt
Range (Bk. xv). The Kataia of Arrian is the island of Kish in the
Persian Gulf. [The Northern Chinese of Cathay were called by
the Southern Chinese, Pe tai, the fools of the North ; in retaliation
the Cathayans named the Southerners Man tze, Barbarians: hence
the Manzi or Mangi of mediaeval travellers.]
PRELIMINARY ESSAY 1 47
century the chief of one of their tribes made himself supreme
first over his own entire race, and then successively over
the adjoining nations of Asia from the sea of Corea to the
Altai. The son of this conqueror having assisted to place
on the throne Kao Tsu of the brief dynasty of the later Tsin,
this prince in return not only transferred to the Tartar a
large tract of Northern China, but agreed to pay him yearly
tribute, and to acknowledge his supremacy. The next
Chinese sovereign kicking against these degradations, the
K'itan overran all the provinces north of the Yellow River,
and established his own empire within them, under the
name of Leao or the Iron Dynasty. This K'itan empire
subsisted for two centuries, in Northern China^ and the
adjoining regions of Tartary. The same curious process
then took place which seems always to have followed the
intrusion of Tartar conquerors into China, and singularly
analogous to that which followed the establishment of the
Roman emperors in Byzantium. The intruders themselves
adopted Chinese manners, ceremonies, literature, and
civilisation, and gradually lost their energy and warlike
character. It must have been during this period, ending
with the overthrow of the dynasty in 1125, and whilst this
northern monarchy was the face which the Celestial
^ [The Eastern Tartars, K' itans of Tungusic origin, founded
an empire in Northern China; nine sovereigns belonged to their
dynasty :
1. Ye-Uu A-pao-ki = T'ai tsu, 907
2. Ye-Hu Te Kwang = T'ai tsung, 927
3. Ye-liu Yuen = Shi tsung, 947
4. Ye-Hu King = Mo tsung, 951
5. Ye-hu H'ien = King tsung, 968
6. Ye-hu Lung-siu = Sheng tsung, 983
7. Ye-hu Tsung-chin = Hing tsung, 103 1
8. Ye-liu H'ung-ki = Tao tsung, 1055
9. Ye-liu Yen-hi = T'ien tso, 1101-1125.
In 937 Te Kwang, T'ai tsung, took the nien hao of Hwei T'ung and
gave to his dynasty the name of Leao. The capital of the Leao
was Leao yang in Leao tung, and was transferred by A-pao-ki to
Yen king (Peking). They were replaced by the Niu che (Kin).]
148 PRELIMINARY ESSAY
Empire turned to Inner Asia, that the name of Khitan,
Khitat, or Khitai, became indissolubly associated with
China^.
90. In the year just named the last prince of the
dynasty was captured by the leader of the revolted
Churches, who had proclaimed himself emperor, and
founder of a dynasty under the name of the Golden, the
Kin of the Chinese.
This dynasty, like its predecessor, adopted the Chinese
civilisation, and for a brief period prospered. Their empire,
the chief capital of which was established at the city which
they called Chung tu, the modern Peking, embraced in
China itself the provinces of Pe Che-li, Shan si, Shan tung,
Ho nan, and the south of Shen si, whilst beyond the wall
all Tartary acknowledged their influence. Their power,
however, soon passed its climax, and their influence over
Mongolia had already declined before the middle of the
twelfth century^.
91. Temuchin, afterwards known as Chinghiz, was
born of a Mongol tribe on the banks of the Onon in 1162.
1 [When the Leao were expelled by the Kin, they retired west-
ward into Kashgaria, took the place of the Kara-Khanids (Ileks, or
Al-i-Afrasyab) , and founded the new dynasty of Kara K'itai, Si
Leao or Western Leao ; five sovereigns belong to this dynasty :
1. Te tsung, 11 25 = Ye-liu Ta Shi.
2. Kan T'ien Haii, 1136 = Ta Pu-yen, Princess Regent,
Hien Tsing.
3. Jin tsung, 1142 = Ye-liu I-lie.
4. Cheng t'ien, 11 54 = Ye-liu Shi (Princess Regent).
5. Mo Chu, 1 168 = Ye-liu Che-lu-ku.
Che-lu-ku, second son of Jin tsung, was dethroned by his son-in-
law Kuchluk, chief of the Naimans, a Turkish tribe, subjugated
later by the Mongols of Chinghiz Khan ; see Notice of the Kara
Khitai or Si Liao in Mediaeval Researches from Eastern Asiatic
Sources, by E. Bretschneider, i.]
2 [The Niu che or Niu chen Tartars, another Tungusic tribe,
expelled the Leao in 1125 and lasted until the Mongol conquest
(1234). At first tributary of Corea, Hien-phu became indepen-
dent; however the first real chief was Ukunai, his sixth successor
(102 1) ; Aguda (O-ko-ta), fifth successor of Ukunai, is the founder
of the Kin dynasty (11 13) with the miao hao (temple name) of
T'ai Tsu.]
PRELIMINARY ESSAY I49
It is not needful to follow the details of his rise and of
his successes against the nations of Tartary which led to
his being saluted in 1206 by the diet of his nation as
Chinghiz Khan^.
The conquest of China was commenced by Chinghiz,
1 Chinghiz, according to Quatremere, did not use the higher
appellation of Kdan (or rather Oaan) , which was adopted by his son
Okkodai and his successors as their distinctive title, identical with
Khdqdn, the Xaydvos of the Byzantine historians. Properly a dis-
tinction should therefore be preserved between Khan, the ordinary
title of Tartar chiefs, and which has since spread to Persian
gentlemen and come to be a common affix to the name of Hindu-
stanis of all classes, and Qdan, as the peculiar title of the Supreme
Chief of the Mongols. The Mongol princes of the subordinate
empires of Chagatai, Persia, and Kipchak, were entitled only to
the former affix, though the other is sometimes applied to them in
adulation, whilst the successors of Chinghiz, viz., Okkodai, Kuyuk,
Mangu, Kiiblai, and those who followed him on the throne of
Khanbaliq, the Magni Canes of our ecclesiastical travellers, should
properly be designated as Qdan. But I have not ventured on
such a refinement. (See Quatremere on Rashid, pp. 10 et seqq.)
[See note in Yule-Cordier's Marco Polo, i, p. 10.]
[Mr. Rockhill, Rubruck, p. 108 n. writes: "The title Khan,
Rubruck's Cham, though of very great antiquity, was only used
by the Turks after a.d. 560, at which time the use of the word
Khatun came in use for the wives of the Khan, who himself was
termed Ilkhan. The older title of Shan-yu did not, however,
completely disappear among them, for Albiruni says that in his
time the chief of the Ghuz Turks, or Turkomans, still bore the
title of Jenuyeh, which Sir Henry Rawlinson {Proc. Roy. Geog. Soc,
V, 15) takes to be the same word as that transcribed Shan-yil by
the Chinese (see Ch'ien Han shu, bk. 94, and Chou shu, bk. 50, 2).
Although the word Khakhan occurs in Menander's account of the
embassy of Zemarchus, the earliest mention I have found of it in
a western writer is in the Chronicon of Albericus Trium Fontium,
where (571), under the year 1239, he uses it in the form Cacanus."
Albericus has : " cepit unum Regem eorum nomine Cacanum
iCutanum)." {Chronicon, 1698, p. 571.) — ^Terrien de Lacouperie
{Khan, Khakan, and other Tartar Titles, Bab. and Orient. Record,
Nov. 1888) says, p. 272, that the " Kha Kan or Khagan ,jlsl.^, the
supreme title of authority among the Tartars, makes its first
appearance in history in 402 a.d. It was assumed by Tulun, the
Khan of the Joujen, after he had established his supremacy all
over Tartary. He disdained the old title of Shen-yu, which
hitherto had been always assumed by the supreme rulers of these
regions, and he struck out for himself and his successors in power
the new title of Khakan.. . .stated to be the same as Hwang Ti,
i.e. Supreme Ruler. . .the ruler of the Karakhitai started the title
of Gurkhan." With regard to Temujin, Terrien adds, p. 274, that
he received in 1206 the title of Chinghiz Khan or the " Very Mighty
Khan" because he had conquered so many Gurkhans: he could
not adopt that humbled title.]
150 . PRELIMINARY ESSAY
although it was not completed for several generations.
Already in 1205 he had invaded Tangut, a kingdom
occupying the extreme north-west of China, and extending
beyond Chinese limits in the same direction, held by a
dynasty of Tibetan race, which was or had been vassal to
the Kin. This invasion was repeated in succeeding years ;
and in 1211 his attacks extended to the empire of the Kin
itself. In 12 14 he ravaged their provinces to the Yellow
River, and in the following year took Chung tu or Peking.
In 12 19 he turned his arms against Western Asia, and con-
quered all the countries between the Bolor and the Caspian
and southward to the Indus, whilst his generals penetrated
to Russia, Armenia, and Georgia ; but a lieutenant whom
he had left behind him in the East continued to prosecute
the subjection of Northern China. Chinghiz himself on
his return from his western conquests renewed his attack
on Tangut, and died on that enterprise i8th August,
1227.
92. Okkodai, the son and successor of Chinghiz,
followed up the subjugation of China, extinguished the
Kin finally in 1234, ^^^ consolidated with his empire all
the provinces north of the Great Kiang. The southern
provinces remained for the present subject to the Chinese
dynasty of the Sung, reigning now at King sze or Hang
chau. This kingdom was known to the Tartars as Nang-
KiASS, and also by the quasi-Chinese title of Mangi or
Manzi, made so famous by Marco Polo and the travellers
of the following age, a title which the Western Mahomedans
not unnaturally confounded and identified with Machin,
a term of another origin and properly of a larger appli-
cation^.
^ Machin is merely a contraction of Mahachina, " Great China,"
the name by which the Hindus anciently styled the Great Empire
(see supra, p. 68), and in this application I have heard it still
vernacularly used by them. In this sense, also, it would appear
PRELIMINARY ESSAY 15I
93. After establishing his power over so much of
China as we have said, Okkodai raised a vast army and set
it in motion towards the west. One portion was directed
against Armenia, Georgia, and Asia Minor, whilst another
to have been understood in old times by the more inteUigent
Mahomedans, as when Al Biruni, speaking of the Himalayas, says
that beyond those mountains is Mahachin. That geographer's
contemporary^ Firdusi, also uses the name (see Jonrn. As., ser. iv,
tom. iv, 259; Klaproth, Mem., iii. 257, seqq.). But the majority,
not knowing the meaning of the expression, seem to have used it
pleonastically coupled with Chin to denote the same thing, "Chin
and Machin" ; a phrase having some analogy to the way Sind
and Hind was used to express all India, but a stronger one to Gog
and Magog, as applied to the northern nations of Asia; for Sind
and Hind are capable of divorce. And eventually Chin was
discovered to be the eldest son of Japhet, and Machin his grandson,
which is much the same as saying that Britain was the eldest son
of Brut the Trojan, and Great Britain his grandson. In the Mongol
days, when Chinese affairs were for a time more distinctly known
in Western Asia, and the name of Mdnzi as the southern portion
of the Empire was current in men's mouths, it would appear that
this name was confounded with Machin, and the latter word thus
acquired a specific application, though an erroneous one. For
though accident thus gave a specific meaning to Machin, I cannot
find that Chin ever had a similar specific meaning given to it. One
author of the sixteenth century, indeed, quoted by Klaproth,
distinguishes North and South China as the Chin and Machin of
the Hindus {Journ. As., ser. ii, tom. i, 115). But there is no proof
that the Hindus ever made this distinction, nor has anyone that
I know of quoted an instance of Chin being applied peculiarly to
Northern China. Ibn Batuta, on the contrary, sometimes dis-
tinguishes Sin as South China from Khitai as North China.
In times after the Mongol regime, when intercourse with China
had ceased, the double name seems to have recovered its old vague-
ness as a rotund way of saying China. Thus Barbaro speaks of
Cini and Macini, Nikitin of Chin and Machin, the commission of
Syrian bishops to India {supra, p. 127) of Sin and Masin, all
apparently with no more plurality of sense than there is in Thurn
and Taxis. And yet, at the same time, there are indications of
a new application of Machin to the Indo-Chinese countries. Thus
Conti applies it to Ava or Siam, in which Fra Manro follows
him, and the Ayin Akhari, if I remember rightly, applies it
to Pegu.
The use of a double assonant name, sometimes to express a dual
idea but often a single one, is a favourite Oriental practice. As
far back as Herodotus we have Crophi and Mophi, Thyni and
Bithyni ; the Arabs have converted Cain and Abel into Kabil and
Habil, Saul and Goliah into Taiut and Jalut, Pharaoh's magicians
into Risam and Rejain, of whom the Jewish traditions had made
Jannes and Jambres; whilst Christian legends gave the names of
Dismas and Jesmas to the penitent and impenitent thieves in the
Gospel. Jarga and Nargah was the name given to the great circle
152 PRELIMINARY ESSAY
great host under Batu, the nephew of the Great Khan,
conquered the countries north of Caucasus, overran Russia
making it tributary, and still continued to carry fire and
slaughter westward. One great detachment under a
lieutenant of Batu's entered Poland, burned Cracow, found
Breslau in ashes and abandoned by its people, and defeated
with great slaughter at Wahlstatt near Liegnitz (April 9th,
1241) the troops of Poland, Moravia, and Silesia, who had
gathered under Duke Henry II of the latter province to
make head against this astounding flood of heathen. Batu
himself with the main body of his army was ravaging
Hungary. The king had been very slack in his prepara-
tions, and when eventually he made a stand against the
enemy his army was defeated with great loss, and he
escaped with difficulty. Pesth was now taken and burnt,
and all its people put to the sword.
The rumours of the Tartars and their frightful devasta-
tions had scattered fear through Europe, which the defeat
at Liegnitz raised to a climax. Indeed weak and disunited
Christendom seemed to lie at the foot of the barbarians.
The Pope to be sure proclaimed a crusade, and wrote cir-
cular letters, but the enmity between him and the Emperor
Frederic II was allowed to prevent any co-operation, and
of beaters in the Mongol hunting matches. In geography we have
numerous instances of the same thing, e.g., Zabuhstan and Kabuhs-
tan, Koh AkoH, Longa Solanga, Ibir Sibir, Kessair and Owair,
Kuria Muria, Ghuz and Maghuz, Mastra and Castra {Edrisi),
Artag and Kartag [Abulghazi], Khanzi and Manzi (Rashid), Iran
and Turan, Crit and Mecrit {Rubruquis) , Sondor and Condor [Marco
Polo), etc. (See Quatremere's Rashid, pp. 243-6 ; D'Avezac, p. 534 ;
Prairies d'Or, i, p. 399-)
The name of A chin in Sumatra appears to have been twisted
in this spirit by the Mahomedan mariners as a rhyme to Machin ;
the real name is Atcheh.
In India, such rhyming doublets are not confined to proper
names; to a certain extent they may be made colloquially at will
upon a variety of substantives. The chauki-auki means "chairs"
simply (chauki), or, at most, "chairs and tables"; lakri-akri,
"sticks and stakes." In some such sense probably grew up the
use of Chin Machin, China and all its appurtenances.
PRELIMINARY ESSAY 1 53
neither of them responded by anything better than words
to the earnest calls for help which came from the King of
Hungary. No human aid merited thanks when Europe
was relieved by hearing that the Tartar host had suddenly
retreated eastward. The Great Khan Okkodai was dead
in the depths of Asia, and a courier had come to recall
the army from Europe.
94. In 1255 a new wave of conquest rolled westward
from Mongolia, this time directed against the Ismaelians
or "Assassins^" on the south of the Caspian, and then
successively against the Khalif of Baghdad^ and Syria.
The conclusion of this expedition under Hiilaku may be
considered to mark the climax of the Mongol power.
Mangu Khan, the emperor then reigning, and who died
on a campaign in [Sze-ch'wan] China in 1259, was the last
who exercised a sovereignty so nearly universal. His
successor Kiiblai extended indeed largely the frontiers of
the Mongol power in China, which he brought entirely
under the yoke, besides gaining conquests rather nominal
than real on its southern and south-eastern borders, but
he ruled effectively only in the eastern regions of the great
empire, which had now broken up into four, (i) The
immediate Empire of the Great Khan, seated eventually
at Khanbaliq or Peking, embraced China, Corea, Mongolia,
and Manchuria, Tibet, and claims at least over Tong King
and countries on the Ava frontier; (2), the Chagatai
Khanate, or Middle Empire of the Tartars, with its
^ [The Assassins were defeated at the end of 1256 by Hiilaku,
and the eighth Prince of Alamut, Rocn uddin Khurshah, was put
to death. Cf. Marco Polo, i, pp. 145 seqq. ; and the French edition
of Odoric, pp. 473—483.]
2 [Mostas'im Billah was the last of the Abbasid Khalifs ;
cf. Marco Polo, i, pp. 63-4, 67 w. — Rashiduddm says: "The
evening of Wednesday, the T4th of Safar, 656 (20th February,
1258), the Khalif was put to death in the village of Wakf, with his
eldest son and five eunuchs who had never quitted him."]
154 PRELIMINARY ESSAY
capital at Almaliq, included the modern Dzungaria, part
of Chinese Turkestan, Transoxiana, and Afghanistan ;
(3), the Empire of Kipchak, or the Northern Tartars,,
founded on the conquests of Batu, and with its chief seat
at Sarai on the Volga, covered a large part of Russia, the
country north of Caucasus, Khwarizm, and a part of the
modern Siberia; (4), Persia, with its capital eventually
at Tabriz, embraced Georgia, Armenia, Azerbaijan and
part of Asia Minor, all Persia, Arabian Irak, and
Khorasan.
95. Though the Tartar host had retired spontane-
ously when Europe seemed to lie at its mercy, the fears
of renewed invasion hung over the west for years. Pope
Innocent IV, who had succeeded Gregory IX, summoned
a council at Lyons in 1245, the chief alleged object of which
was to devise measures for the protection of Christendom
against this enemy. But even before the meeting of the
Council the Pope had taken one of the steps which was to
stand instead of a hearty union to resist the common foe,
by sending missions to the Tartar chiefs which should call
upon them to shed no more Christian blood, but to adopt
the Christian faith. There seems indeed, even when the
early panic caused by the vast scale of the Tartar atrocities
had scarcely passed away, (and the feeling for many years
grew rather than diminished), an undercurrent of anticipa-
tion to have run through Europe that these barbarians
were in some way ripe for conversion ; and this sentiment
is traceable, more or less, in most of the missions that from
this time forth were sent to them by Christian Pontiffs and
Princes. At its maximum, as we have seen, the power of
the Grand Khan extended from the Gulf of Tong King
almost to the Baltic. None, or next to none, of the Mongol
princes were at this time Mahomedans, and the power of
Islam over the length of Asia was for a time prostrated.
PRELIMINARY ESSAY 155
The heavy blows thus dealt at the Mahomedan enemy ;
then the old stories of Prester John with whom early
rumour had confounded Chinghiz ; the vagueness of
religious profession in the Khans and their captains,
facilitating the ascription to them of that Christianity
which was no doubt really professed by some of the tribal
chiefs under them ; the tolerance and patronage in some
cases extended to Christians in the conquered countries ;
all these circumstances perhaps contributed to create or
to augment in Europe the impression of which we have
spoken.
And the accomplishment of the missions to which
allusion has been made was facilitated by the very extent
of the Tartar flood which had thus washed down all arti-
ficial barriers from the Yellow River to the Danube. Nor
only to those missionaries and ambassadors, or to the
crowned kings who bore their own homage to the footstool
of the Great Khan, was the way thus thrown open ; the
circulation of the tide extended far lower, and the accidents
of war, commerce, and opportunity carried a great variety
of persons in various classes of European life to remote
regions of Asia.
96. ' ' 'Tis worthy of the grateful remembrance of all
Christian people," says Ricold of Montecroce, "that just
at the time when God sent forth into the eastern parts of
the world the Tartars to slay and to be slain. He also sent
forth in the west his faithful and blessed servants Dominic
and Francis, to enlighten, instruct, and build up in the
Faith." Whatever we may think on the whole of the
world's obligations to Dominic, it is to the friars, but more
especially indeed to the Franciscans, that we owe much
interesting information about the Tartars and Cathay.
Thus, besides the many wanderers dumb to posterity who
found their way to the Great Khan's camp in the depths
156 PRELIMINARY ESSAY
of Mongolia, there went also John of Piano Carpini, and
William [of Rubruck or] Ruysbroek or Rubruquis, both
Franciscan monks of superior intelligence, who have left
behind them narratives of what they saw and learned.
And these were the first, so far as I know, to bring to
Western Europe the revived knowledge of a great and
civilised nation lying in the extreme east upon the shores
of the ocean. To this kingdom they give the name, now
first heard in Europe, of Cathay.
John of Plano Carpini, deriving his name from a
place in the territory of Perugia 1, and an immediate dis-
ciple of the founder of his order, was the head of one of the
missions dispatched by Pope Innocent to call the chief and
people of the Tartars to a better mind. He set out from
Lyons on the i6th of April 1245, accompanied by Friar
Stephen, a Bohemian, who speedily broke down and had
to be left behind, was joined at Breslau by Friar Benedict,
the Pole, who was intended to act as interpreter, and in
February 1246 reached the head-quarters of Batu on the
Volga. After some stay here, they were sent on to the
camp of the Great Khan near Karakorum, (a fatiguing
journey of three months and a half, which must have sorely
tried an elderly and corpulent man like Friar John),
arriving on the 22nd July. We shall not go into any further
details on the mission or narrative of Piano Carpini which
has been so ably reviewed and edited by M. D'Avezac^,
1 ["The editors of the Analecta Franciscana (iii, 266) remark
that it would be more correct to write his Latin names Piano
Carpinis or de Carpine, Planum Carpinis or Planum Carpi being
the Latin form of the Italian Pian di Carpina, the modern Pian la
Magione or Magione, about fourteen miles from Perugia . ' ' Rockhill ,
p. xxii, M.]
2 See that able and admirable essay "Notice sur les Anciens
Voyageurs en Tartarie en general, et sur celui de Jean du Plan de
Carpin en particulier," Recueil de Voyages et de Memoires, iv, 399.
[The best editions are : The Journey of William of Rubruck
to the Eastern Parts of the World, 1253-5, <^^ narrated by himself,
with two accounts of the earlier journey of John of Pian de Carpine.
PRELIMINARY ESSAY l57
but be content to say that he obtained his dismissal from
Kuyuk Khan on the 13th November, with a brief and
haughty reply to the Pope's address, and returned safely,
reporting his mission to the Pope apparently some time in
the autumn of 1247^.
97. After mentioning the wars of Chinghiz against
the Cathayans {Kitai), he goes on to speak of that people
as follows :
"But one part of the country of the Cathayans which
lies upon the sea-shore has not been conquered by the
Tartars to this day. Now these Cathayans of whom we
have been speaking are heathen men, and have a written
character of their own. Moreover 'tis said they have an
Old and New Testament, and Lives of the Fathers, and
religious recluses, and buildings which are used for churches
as it were, in which they pray at their own times : and they
say that they have also some saints of their own. They
worship the one God, honour the Lord Jesus Christ, and
believe in eternal life, but are entirely without baptism.
They pay honour and reverence to our Scriptures, are well
disposed towards Christians, and do many alms deeds.
They seem indeed to be kindly and polished folks enough.
They have no beard, and in character of countenance have
a considerable resemblance to the Mongols, but are not so
broad in the face. They have a language of their own.
Their betters as craftsmen in every art practised by man
are not to be found in the whole world. Their country is
Translated from the Latin, and Edited, with an Introductory Notice,
by William Woodville Rockhill. . .London, Hakluyt Society,
M.DCCCC. — The Texts and Versions of John de Piano Carpini and
William de Rubruquis as printed for the. first time by Hakluyt in
1598 together with some shorter pieces. Edited by C. Raymond
Beazley, London, Hakluyt Society, 1903. See also : G. PuUe. —
Historia Mongalorum. Viaggio di F. Giovanni da Pian del Carpine
ai Tartari nel 1245-7. Firenze, 1913, 8vo.]
1 The last date is that of his arrival at Kiev a fortnight before
St. John Baptist's day [i.e., 9th June 1247).
158 PRELIMINARY ESSAY
very rich in corn, in wine, gold, silver, silk, and in every
kind of produce that tends to the support of mankind."
98. WilHam of Rubruquis, a Fleming [from Ruys-
broek, in French Flanders], was sent by St. Lewis on a
mission to the Tartar chiefs, the object of which is not to
be very clearly gathered. It was suggested, however, by
the report that Sartach, the son of Batu, who was in com-
mand near the Don, was a Christian, and probably partook
of the character of a religious as well as a political recon-
naissance. The friar, though carrying letters from the
king, was evidently under orders to deny all pretension to
the character of an envoy, and to put forward his duty as
a preacher of the Gospel as the motive of his journey. His
narrative is a remarkably interesting one, showing that
the author had a great deal of sagacity and observation ;
and his remarks, in reference to language in particular,
show much acumen. There are difficulties in connexion
with the indications of his route across Tartary, which it
would be interesting to discuss, but scarcely appropriate
here^. Suffice it, therefore, to say, that he entered the
Black Sea on the 7th May, 1253, ^^^ ^f^er visiting succes-
sively Sartach, Batu, and the court of the Great Khan
Mangu near Kara Korum, got back to Antioch about the
end of June 1255.
99. After describing several of the nations of Further
Asia, he says : "Further on is Great Cathay which I take
to be the country which was anciently called the Land of
the Seres. For the best silk stuffs are still got from them,
and the people themselves call such stuffs Seric^ ; the
1 Some remarks on the subject will, however, be found at the
end of Supp. Note XVII.
[See Rubruquis, by Sir H. Yule, Encycl. Britannica, xxi,
pp. ^G-j.-Vber Rubruh's Reise von 1253-5... uow Franz Max
Schmidt, Berlin, 1885. [Zeit. Ges. Erdk., xx.)]
'^ This is probably a reference to the Mongol word Sirkek {supra,
p. 20), and Rubruquis thus anticipated Klaproth in tracing an
PRELIMINARY ESSAY 159
nation getting the name of Seres from a certain town of
theirs. I was really given to understand that there is
a town in that country which has silver walls and golden
"battlements^. The land in question is divided into many
provinces, several of which have not yet been subdued by
the Mongols, and the sea lies between it and India. Those
■Cathayans are little fellows, speaking much through the
nose, and as is general with all those eastern people their
eyes are very narrow. They are first-rate artists in every
kind of craft, and their physicians have a thorough know-
ledge of the virtues of herbs, and an admirable skill in
diagnosis by the pulse 2. But they don't examine the
urine or know anything on that subject ; this I know from
my own observation. There are a great many of these
people at Karakorum ; and it has always been their custom
that all the sons must follow their father's craft whatever
it be. Hence it is that they are obliged to pay so heavy
a tribute ; for they pay the Mongols daily 1500 iascot or
cosmi^ ; the iascot is a piece of silver weighing ten marks,
so that the daily sum amounts to 15,000 marks without
counting the silk stuffs and food in kind which is taken
from them, and the other services which they are obliged
eastern etymology of the term Serica. I do not know what town
he can allude to, but see the Siurhia of Moses the Armenian, and
the Saragh of the Si-ngan fu inscription [supra, pp. 93, 108, no).
1 Martini alludes to a popular Chinese saying about the golden
walls of Si-ngan fu {Atlas Sinensis). And these passages are
remarkable with reference to the remark of Ptolemy about the
metropolis Thincs, that there was no truth in the stories of its
brazen walls.
2 Martini speaks of the great skill of the physicians in diagnosis
by the pulse, and Duhalde is very prolix on that matter.
[A number of Chinese treatises has been written on the Art of
feeling the Pulse. — See H. Cordier's Bib. Sinica, col. 1470-3.]
3 I do not know what the word iascot is ; but cosmi is possibly
intended for the same word as the sommi of Pegolotti [infra, ill,
p. 148), though the value here assigned would be about ten times
that of the sommo, taking the mark as f of a pound. [See Rock-
hill's Rubruck, pp. 156-7 n.]
l60 PRELIMINARY ESSAY
to render^. . . . And in answer to my inquiries of the priests
who came from Cathay I was told that from the place
where I found Mangu-Chan to Cathay was twenty days'
journey going south-east.. . .One day there sat with me
a certain priest from Cathay clothed in a crimson stuff of
a splendid colour^, so I asked him whence that colour was
got. In reply he told me that in the eastern parts of
Cathay there are lofty rocks inhabited by certain creatures
which have the human form in every respect except that
they can't bend their knees, but get along by some kind of
a jumping motion. They are only a cubit high, and are
hairy all over, and dwell in inaccessible holes in the rock.
So the huntsmen bring beer with them, which they know
how to brew very strong, and make holes in the rocks like
cups which they fill with beer. (For they have no wine
in Cathay, but make their drink of rice, though now they
are beginning to plant vines^.) So the huntsmen hide
themselves, and then the creatures come out of their holes
and taste the drink that has been set for them and call out
' Chin chin ! ' and from this call they get their name :
for they are called Chinchin. Then they gather in great
numbers and drink up the beer and get tipsy and fall
asleep. So the huntsmen come and catch them sleeping
and bind them hand and foot, and open a vein in the neck
of the creatures, and after taking three or four drops of
blood let them go. And 'tis that blood, he told me, that
1 Pp. 291-2.
2 [Rockhill remarks, I.e., p. 199 «. : "This priest must have
been a Tibetan lama who had visited China. Chinese priests
(whether Buddhist or Taoist) have never worn red gowns, and
Friar Wilham has told us that all the Tuin among the Mongols
dressed in yellow."]
3 [Rockhill remarks, I.e., p. 199 n.: "Though the Chinese have
never made wine from the grape, the vine has been cultivated in
China since the second century B.C., when it was brought there
from Turkestan by the great traveller, Chang-k'ien."]
PRELIMINARY ESSAY l6l'
gives this most precious purple dye^. And they also used
to tell as a fact, though I don't believe a word of it, that
there is a certain province on the other side of Cathay, and
whatever a man's age be when he enters that province he
never gets any older. Cathay lies on the Ocean.. . .The
common money of Cathay consists of pieces of cotton
paper about a palm in length and breadth, upon which
certain lines are printed resembling the seal of Mangu Chan.
They do their writing with a brush such as painters paint
with, and a single character of theirs comprehends several
letters so as to form a whole word 2."
100. Another traveller, of whose journey some account
has come down to us, visited the Court of Mangu Khan
immediately after Rubruquis. This was Hethum or
Hayton I, King of Little Armenia, [residing in the city of
Sis, in Cilicia]who at an early date saw the irresistible power
of the Tartars and made terms with them ; i.e., acknow-
ledged himself the Khan's vassal. On the accession of
Kuyuk Khan (1246) the king sent his brother Sempad or
Sinibald, Constable of Armenia, to secure the continuance
1 This is a genuine Chinese story.
["The story here told is found in a Chinese work, entitled,
Chu ch'vian or Records of Notes by Wang-kang of T'ai-yuan, in
Chu, but I have been unable to ascertain the date at which it was
written.. . .The other details of Friar William's story are supplied
by another Chinese work, entitled Hua-yang kuo chih, or 'Topo-
graphical description of the state of Hua-yang.' Hua-yang
included part of the present province of SsiJ-ch'uan. This work
says: 'The hsing-hsing is found in the Shan {Ai-lao) country, in
the province of Yung-chan. It can speak. A red dye can be
made with its blood.' The above quotations are taken from
MaTuan-lin, bk. 329,8." (Rockhill, I.e., p. 200 n.) Yule, Hobson-
Jobson, p. 154, with regard to the story of Rubruck, writes : "And
it is equally remarkable to find the same story related with singular
closeness of correspondence out of 'the Chinese books of geo-
graphy' by Francesco Carletti, 350 years later (in 1600). He
calls the creatures Zinzin {Ragionamenti di F. C, pp. 138-9)."]
2 Pp. 327-329. Neither Marco Polo, nor, I believe, any other
traveller previous to the sixteenth century, had the acumen to
discern the great characteristic of the Chinese writing as Rubruquis
has done here.
l62 PRELIMINARY ESSAY
of good understanding. This prince was four years absent,
and we possess a letter from him written on the journey in
which some allusions are made to Tangut and Cathay,
with reference to the general delusion as to the Christianity
of those countries^.
1 The letter is addressed to the King and Queen of Cyprus and
others at their court, and was written apparently from Samarkand
(printed Saurequant, probably for Samrequant). Here is an
extract : " We understand it to be the fact that it is five years past
since the death of the present Chan's father [Okkodai] ; but the
Tartar barons and soldiers had been so scattered over the face of
the earth that it was scarcely possible in the five years to get them
together in one place to enthrone the Chan aforesaid. For some
of them were in India, and others in the land of Chata, and others
in the land of Caschar and of Tanchat. This last is the land
from which came the Three Kings to Bethlem to worship the Lord
Jesus which was born. And know that the power of Christ has
been, and is, so great, that the people of that land are Christians ;
and the whole land of Chata believes in those Three Kings. I have
myself been in their churches and have seen pictures of Jesus
Christ and the Three Kings, one offering gold, the second frankin-
cense, and the third myrrh. And it is through those Three Kings
that they believe in Christ, and that the Chan and his people have
now become Christians. And they have their churches before his
gates where they ring their bells and beat upon pieces of timber.
And I tell you that we have found many Christians scat-
tered all over the East, and many fine churches, lofty, ancient,
and of good architecture, which have been spoiled by tlie Turks.
Hence the Christians of the land came before the present Khan's
grandfather ; and he received them most honourably, and granted
them liberty of worship, and issued orders to forbid their having
any just cause of complaint by word or deed. And so the Saracens
who used to treat them with contumely have now like treatment
in double measure And let me tell you that those who set
up for preachers (among these Christians), in my opinion, deserve
to be well chastised. Let me tell you, moreover, that in the land
of India, which St. Thomas the Apostle converted, there is a certain
Christian king who stood in sore tribulation among the other kings
who were Saracens. They used to harass him on every side, until
the Tartars reached that country, and he became their liegeman.
Then, with his own army and that of the Tartars, he attacked the
Saracens ; and he made such booty in India that the whole East
is full of Indian slaves ; I have seen more than 50,000 whom this
king took and sent for sale" (Mosheim, App., p. 49).
[T have given in the Supplementary Notes the full text of this
letter from the old French translation in the Vie de Saint Louis
par Guillaume de Nangis, pp. 361-3 of vol. xx of the Recueil des
Historiens des Gaules et de la France, 18^0.]
The motive in the letter is perhaps the justification of his
brother Hay ton for having, like this questionable Indian king,
become the Tartar's liegeman. The writer [died aged 68, at Sis,
in 1276, from a wound to his foot received during his pursuit of
PRELIMINARY ESSAY 163
Hayton himself went to the court of Mangu Khan soon
after the latter's accession, to assure his position with that
potentate, and to obtain certain advantages for himself
and his states. He set out apparently in the beginning
of 1254, first visiting Bachu Noian, the general of the
Tartar army at Kars, and then passing through Armenia
Proper and by the Pass of Derbend to the Volga, where he
saw Batu and his son Sartach, whom this narrative alleges
to have been a Christian, in opposition to Rubruquis, who
says such stories were all nonsense^. The chiefs received
Hayton well, and sent him on to Kara Korum by a route
far to the north of that followed by Piano Carpini and
Rubruquis. Leaving the court of Batu on the 13th May,
the party arrived at the royal camp before the 13th
September ; they saw the Great Khan in state on the 14th
and offered their gifts. King Hayton was treated with
honour and hospitality, and on the ist November set out
on his homeward journey, passing by Bishbaliq, [Almaliq,
Hi baliq] and through the modern Dzungaria to Otrar,
Samarkand, and Bokhara ; thence through Khorasan
and Mazanderan to Tabriz, and so to his own territories
[where he arrived at the end of July 1255].
King Hayton related many wonderful things that he
had seen and heard of the nations of barbarians, and
among others of the Ghotaians or Cathayans. In their
country there were many idolaters who worshipped a
clay image called Shakemonia. This personage had been
the Turkmen who had invaded Cilicia near Marasch. See His-
toriens des Croisades, — Documents Armeniens, i, 1869, p. 606,]
1 See III, p. 19. When Friar WiUiam was leaving the camp
of Sartach, one of the Tartar officers said to him : " Don't you
be saying that our master is a Christian ; he is no Christian, but
a Mongol!" (p. 107). Just as Sir Walter Scott tells somewhere
of a belated southron traveller in the old days, who, seeking vainly
for shelter in some town on the border, exclaimed in despair :
" Would no good Christian take him in ? " To which an old woman
who heard him, made answer: "Christian? Na, na ! we're a'
Jardines and Johnstones here."
164 PRELIMINARY ESSAY
Deity for the last 3040 years, and had still to rule the
World for 35 tumans or 350,000 years, when he was to be
deprived of his divinity. They had also another god (who
should then reign ?) called Madri, of whom they had
made a clay image of incredible size. In these statements
we have a rough indication of Buddhism with its last
Buddha or deified sage, Sakya-Muni, and its coming
Buddha, Maitreya or Maidari, awaiting his time in the
development of the ages. The king heard, too, of a people
beyond Cathay whose women had the use of reason like
men, whilst the males were great hairy dogs, a story which
Piano Carpini had also heard, and which Klaproth has
found in the Chinese books of the period^. The informa-
tion regarding Cathay and other countries of the far East,
contained in the history written half a century later by
the king's namesake and relative, Hayton the Younger,
was also probably derived in part from the former and his
companions.
10 1. We do not mean here to enter into any details
regarding that illustrious Venetian family whose travels
occupy a large space in the interval between the journeys
of Rubruquis and King Hayton and the end of the thir-
^ See PI. Carpini, pp. 12, 36. King Hayton, in his later years,
abdicated and became a monk ; as did at a later date his son
Hayton II, and again, their kinsman, Hayton the historian.
[The account of Hethum's journey was originally written in
Armenian by Kirakos Gandsaketsi who belonged to the suite of
the King. It has been translated into Russian by Argutinsky
and from Russian by Klaproth. [Noitv. Journ. Asiatique, 2 Ser.,
xii, pp. 273 seq.) In 1870, it was again translated into French by
Brosset {Mdm. Acad, des Sciences St. Pdtersb., July 1870) and into
Russian by K. P. Patkanov in 1874. See H. Cordier's Bib. Sinica,
col. 1998-9. — An English translation was given in 1876 by
E. Bretschneider. {Journ. North China B. R. As. Soc, x, 1876,
pp. 297 seq. ; reprint, in Mediaeval Researches, i, 1883, pp. 164 seq.)
It is interesting to note that " it seems to be the only instance that
any mediaeval author mentions a city of this name [Hi baliq].
The city was evidently situated on the Hi river, perhaps near the
place where now the post-road from Kuldja to Tashkend crosses
the river. There is on the left the borough Ilishoye." (Bret-
schneider, Med. Res., 11, p. 44.)]
PRELIMINARY ESSAY 165
teenth century, those travels which more than all other
narratives together familiarised Europe with the name
and wonders of Cathay. Indeed, all other travellers to
that region are but stars of a low magnitude beside the
full orb of Marco Polo. There was a time when he fell
into discredit 1 ; but that is long past, and his veracity
and justness of observation still shine brighter under every
recovery of lost or forgotten knowledge. Nearly fifty
years ago a Quarterly Reviewer received with disparaging
anticipations the announcement of a new Italian edition
of Polo 2, as if deeming that little could be added in illustra-
tion of the Traveller to what Marsden had effected. Much
as Marsden really did in his splendid edition, it would be
no exaggeration to say that the light thrown on Marco's
narrative has since that day been more than doubled from
the stores of Chinese, Mongol, and Persian history which
have been rendered accessible to European readers, or
brought directly to bear on the elucidation of the Traveller,
by Klaproth, Remusat, Quatremere, and many other
scholars, chiefly Frenchmen. And within the last year
Paris has sent out an edition of the Traveller, by M. Pau-
thier, which leaves far behind everything previously
attempted, concentrating in the notes not only many of
the best suggestions of previous commentators, but a vast
mass of entirely new matter from the editor's own Chinese
studies^.
^ The editors of the Histoire Generale des Voyages (I am afraid
this is a translation from the English) express doubts whether
Polo ever was really in China or Tartary, because he says nothing
of the great Wall, of tea, of the compressed feet of the ladies, etc.
(Baldelii Boni, // Milione, p. Ixxv). [See Marco Polo, i, p. 292 n.]
2 Baldelii Boni's : see that work, i, p. civ. Perhaps, however,
the terms quoted may refer only to the improbability of fresh light
from Italian archives.
3 [We need not remind the reader that Yule's Book of Ser
Marco Polo had not yet been published ; the first edition appeared
in 1871, the second in 1875, and the third, revised by the present
writer, in 1903.]
l66 PRELIMINARY ESSAY
102. During a period including the last thirty years
of the thirteenth century and the first few years of the
fourteenth many diplomatic communications took place
between the Mongol Khans of Persia and the sovereigns
of Christendom ; and in these we find a tone on the part
of the Tartar princes very different from the curt insolence
of the previous age. They no longer held the same
domineering supremacy, and their great object now was
to obtain Christian alliances against their bitter rivals,
the Sultans of Egypt. These communications do not,
however, bear upon our subject, except in one curious
incidental aspect. The Khans of Persia, as liegemen of
the Great Khan, still received from him their seals of
state, and two of their letters preserved in the French
archives exhibit the impressions of these seals bearing
inscriptions in ancient Chinese characters, in the case of
the earlier letter perhaps the first specimens of such
characters that reached Europe^.
1 See Remusat's Memoir in Mem. de I'Acad. des Inscript., vii,
367, 391, etc. The earlier letter is from Arghiin Khan, and is dated
1289. It is written in Uighur characters in the Mongol language
on a roll of cotton paper six feet and a half long by ten inches
wide. The seal is thrice impressed on the face of the letter in red.
It is five inches and a half square, containing six characters ;
"Seal of the Minister of State, Pacificator of Nations." The
second letter is from Khodabandah, otherwise called Oljaitu, and
written in May, 1305. The seal in this case contains the words,
" B}' a supreme decree the Seal of the Descendant of the Emperor
charged to reduce to obedience the 1 0,000 barbarous nations."
A duplicate of this perhaps went to Edward II, as his reply, dated
Northampton, i6th October, 1307, is in Rymer's Fcedera (Remusat,
U.S.) .
[These two documents addressed to the King of France,
Philip the Fair, are kept in the National Archives in Paris ; a
facsimile has been given of both in PL xiv of Documents de
I'dpoqiie mongole, edited by Prince Roland Bonaparte.]
[It is quite possible that a first embassy was sent to Honorius IV
by Arghiin in the first year of his reign (1285), according to a
letter sent by this prince to the Pope in the month of May of the
first year of his reign. (See Annales Ecclesiat., 1285, p. 619.
Chabot, Mar Jahalaha, pp. 188 seq.) Then the second embassy
would be Bar Cauma's (1287-8, see supra, p. 120). The answer
of Nicholas IV to Jabalaha is printed by Chabot, I.e., pp. 195 seq.,
PRELIMINARY ESSAY 167
This peculiar relation, which the Mongol conquests
produced between China and Western Asia, not only
introduced strangers -from the remote West to China
and its borders, but also carried Chinese to vast distances
from the Middle Kingdom. Not only were corps of Alans
and Kipchaks seen fighting in Tong King, but Chinese
engineers were employed on the banks of the Tigris, and
Chinese astronomers, physicians, and theologians could
be consulted at Tabriz^. The missions of Kiiblai himself
extended to Madagascar.
103. There must have been other Frank travellers
to Cathay contemporary with the Polos, such as the
German engineer, whom Marco mentions as employed
under his father, his uncle, and himself, in the construction
of mechanical artillery to aid Kublai Khan in his attack
on the city of Saianfu or Siang yang fu in Hu kwang, but
no other narrative from the time of their sojourn in China
has come down to us 2.
as well as his letters to Arghun, pp. 200 seq. A third embassy was
sent by Arghun (1289-90) with the Genoese Christian Buscarel at
its head ; the original letter which he took to Philip the Fair, king
of France, is in the Archives Nationales in Paris ; it is written in
Uighur character, and a facsimile of it ha,s been given in the Docu-
ments mongols edited by Prince Roland Bonaparte ; he also visited
Edward I, King of England; he arrived in London on the 5 th January,
1290 ; see Unpublished Notices of the times of Edward I, especially
of his relations with the Moghul Sovereigns of Persia, by T. Hudson
Turner. [Archcsological Journal, viii, 1851, pp. 45-51.) A fourth
embassy was sent to Rome by Arghxin (1290-1) with Chagan or
Zagan as its chief. (See Chabot, pp. 235 seq.)]
^ See Polo, iii, 35; D'Ohsson, ii, 611; iii, 265; Quatremere's
Rashid, pp. 195, 417, and Rashid's own grandiloquence, p. 39.
Marco Polo's will bequeaths liberty and a legacy to a Tartar
servant, thirty years after his return home.
[" Also T release Peter the Tartar, my servant, from all bondage,
as completely as I pray God to release mine own soul from all sin
and guilt. And I also remit him whatever he may have gained by
work at his own house ; and over and above I bequeath him 100
lire of Venice denari." {Marco Polo, i, p. 72.)]
2 [Cf. Marco Polo, ii, pp. 158-169.]
[Marco Polo, ii, p. 159, says: "The Khan bade them with
all his heart have such mangonels made as speedily as possible.
l68 PRELIMINARY ESSAY
An interesting chapter on Cathay is found in the
geographical part of the work of Hayton, Prince of Gorigos,
already alluded to. This prince, after long experience of
eastern war and politics, [was exiled from Little Armenia
in 1305, went to Cyprus and became, at the abbey of
Lapais, in Cyprus, a monk of the Order of Praemon-
strants. He arrived in France probably at the end of
1306, and by order of Clement V he dictated his history
in French in August 1307 in the city of Poitiers to
Nicholas Faulcon of Toul, who translated it afterwards
into Latin^]. It contains in sixty chapters a geography
of Asia, the history of the Mongol Khans, and notices of
the Holy Land and the Eastern Christians.
The first fifteen chapters contain short successive
accounts of the chief kingdoms of Asia, and form altogether
probably the best geographical summary of that continent
which had yet been compiled. In the Supplementary
Now Messer Nicolo and his brother and his son immediately
caused timber to be brought, as much as they desired, and fit for
the work in hand. And they had two men among their followers,
a German and a Nestorian Christian, who were masters of that
biisiness, and these they directed to construct two or three man-
gonels capable of casting stones of 300 lbs. weight." Yule says
rightly, I.e., p. 167, "this chapter is one of the most perplexing in
the whole book, owing to the chronological difficulties involved."
The siege of Siang yang was undertaken in the latter part of 1268,
and it fell v/ith Fan ch'eng only in March of 1273. Marco Polo
had not yet arrived in China. Cf. Marco Polo, ii, pp. 167-9.]
^ [The history ends thus, in French: "Lequel livre je, Nicole
Falcon de Toul, escris primierement en fran^ois, si come le dit
freire Hayton me disoit de sa bouche, sanz note ne exemplaire, e
de romanz le translatei en latin. Et celui livre ont nostra signor
le Pape, en I'an Nostre Seignor mcccvii, en mois d'aost. Deo
gracias. Amen."]
[In Latin : Explicit liber Hystoriarum parcium Orientis, a
religioso viro fratre Haytono, ordinis Beati Augustini, domino
Churchi, consanguineo regis Armenia, compilatus, ex mandato
summi pontificis domini Clementis pape quinti, in civitate Picta-
vensi, regni Franchie, quern ego, Nicolaus Falconi, primo scripsi
in galico ydiomate, sicut idem frater H. michi ore suo ditabat,
absque nota sive aliquo e.xemplari, et de galico transtuli in lati-
num, anno Domini M° iii'^ septimo, mense augusti. Deo dicamus
gratias."]
PRELIMINARY ESSAY 169
Notes to this Essay will be found the chapter on Cathay
[with the French and Latin texts ^].
[Hayton arrived at Cyprus on the 6th May, 1308, with
a letter of the Pope to the Prince of Tyre concerning the
Templars. He then leturned to his native land, was
appointed constable, and died probably after 1314 in
Armenia, not at Poitiers.]
104. Just as the three Poll were reaching their native
city, the forerunner of a new band of travellers was enter-
ing Southern China. This was John of Monte Corvino,
a Franciscan monk, who, already nearly fifty years of age,
was plunging alone into that great ocean of Paganism, and
of what he deemed little better, Nestorianism, to preach
the Gospel. After years of uphill work and solitary labour
others joined him ; the Papal See woke up to what was
going on ; it made him Archbishop in Khanbaliq or Peking,
with patriarchal authority, and sent him spasmodically
batches of suffragan bishops and friars of his order ; the
Roman Chur-ch spread ; churches and Minorite Houses
were established at Khanbaliq ; at Zaytiin or Chin chau,
at Yang chau and elsewhere ; and the missions flourished
under the immediate patronage of the Great Khan himself.
Among the friars whose duty carried them to Cathay
during the interval between the beginning of the century
and the year 1328, when Archbishop John was followed
to the grave by mourning multitudes. Pagan as well as
Christian, several have left letters or more extended
accounts of their experiences in Cathay. Among these may
be mentioned Andrew of Perugia, Bishop of Zaytun ;
John de Cora, Archbishop of Sultania (though it is not
quite certain that his account was derived from personal
knowledge), and above all Friar Odoric of Pordenone.
A short though interesting notice of China belonging to
1 See Note XIV.
170 PRELIMINARY ESSAY
this period, but derived from the information of others^
is also contained in the Mirahilia of Friar Jordanus^.
The only ecclesiastical narrative subsequent to the
time of Archbishop John is that contained in the reminis-
cences of John Marignolli, who spent four years at the
court of Peking (1342-6) as Legate from the Pope.
105. But the Exchange had its emissaries at this
time as well as the Church. The record is a very fragmen-
tary and imperfect one, but many circumstances and
incidental notices show how frequently the far East was-
reached by European traders in the first half of the
fourteenth century ; a state of things which it is very
difficult to realise, when we see how all those regions, when
reopened only two centuries later, seemed almost as
absolutely new discoveries as the empires which about
the same time Cortes and Pizarro were annexing in the
West.
This frequency of commercial intercourse, at least
with China, probably did not commence till some years
after the beginning of the fourteenth century. For
Montecorvino, writing in 1305, says it was then twelve
years since he had heard any news of the Court of Rome
or European politics, the only western stranger who had
arrived in that time being a certain Lombard chirurgeon
who had spread awful blasphemies about the Pope. Yet,,
even on his first entrance into Cathay, Friar John had been
accompanied [from Tabriz] by one Master Peter of Luca-
longo, whom he describes as a faithful Christian man and
a great merchant [at whose expense ground was purchased
at Khanbaliq to build a Christian Church]. The letter
of Andrew, Bishop of Zaytun, lately referred to, quotes
^ The journey of Ricold of Montecroce, one of the most learned
of the monk traveller? of the age (d. 1309), did not apparently
extend beyond Baghdad. He mentions Cathay only once in
noticing the conquests of Chinghiz. (Pereg. Quat., 120.)
PRELIMINARY ESSAY 17I
the opinion of the Genoese merchants of his acquaintance
at that great seaport touching a question of exchanges.
Marino Sanuto, the Venetian, writing about 1306 to pro-
pound a great scheme for the subversion of the Mahomedan
power, alludes to the many merchants who had already
gone to India to make their purchases and come back
safely. About 1322 Friar Jordanus, the Dominican, when
in sore trouble at Tana near Bombay, where four of his
brethren had been murdered by the Mahomedans, falls in
with a young Genoese who gives him aid ; and in one of
his letters from Gujarat, he speaks of information received
from "Latin merchants." In the stories connected with
the same martyred friars, we find mention of a merchant
of Pisa owning a ship in the Indian seas. Mandeville,
too, speaks of the merchants of Venice and Genoa coming
habitually to Hormuz to buy goods^. Odoric, dictating
his travels in 1330, refers for confirmation of the wonders
related of the great city of Cansay or Hang chau, to the
many persons whom he had met at Venice since his return,
who had themselves been witnesses of all that he asserted.
A few years later (1339) we find William of Modena, a
merchant, dying for the Faith with certain friars at Almaliq
on the banks of the Hi. John Marignolli mentions that
when he was in Malabar about 1347-8, his interpreter was
a youth who had been rescued from pirates in the Indian
seas by a merchant of Genoa. And from the same author-
ity we find that there was a fondaco or factory, and ware-
house for the use of the Christian merchants, attached
to one of the Franciscan convents at Zaytiin.
106. But the most distinct and notable evidence of
the importance and frequency of the European trade from
1 [We need only refer the reader to our note, pp. 598-605 of
The Booh 0/ Ser Maico Polo, Vol. ii, with regard to the value or
rather lack of value of the Travels written by the so-called Mande-
ville.]
172 PRELIMINARY ESSAY
Cathay, of which silk and silk goods were the staple, is to
be found in the work of F. Balducci Pegolotti, of which
an account and extracts are given in the present collection.
That the ventures on this trade were not insignificant is
plain from the example taken by the author to illustrate
the question of expenses on the journey to Cathay, which
is that of a merchant carrying goods to the amount of
some £i2,oooi.
107. To the same period of the Mongol domination
and active commerce with the west, belongs the voyage,
about 1347, of the Moor, Ibn Batuta, to China, which
forms a part of this work.
But, as regards Christian intercourse, missions and
merchants alike disappear from the field soon after the
middle of the fourteenth century, as the Mongol dynasty
totters and comes down. We hear, indeed, once and again
of friars and bishops despatched from Avignon ; but they
go forth into the darkness and are heard of no more. For
the new rulers of China revert to the old indigenous policy
and hold foreigners at arm's length ; whilst Islam has
recovered its ground and extended its grasp over Middle
Asia, and the Nestorian Christianity which once prevailed
there is rapidly vanishing and leaving its traces only in
some strange parodies of church ritual which are found
twined into the worship of the Tibetan Lamas, like the
cabin gildings and mirrors of a wrecked vessel adorning
the hut of a Polynesian chief. A dark mist has descended
upon the farther east, covering Mangi and Cathay with
those cities of which the old travellers told such wonders,
Cambalec and Cansay and Zaytun and Chinkalan.
^ [The following woik has come to hand since Vol. iii of Cathay
was printed : Der Mittelalterliche Welthandel von Florenz in seiner
Geographischen Ausdehnung {nach der Pratica della Mercatura des
Balducci Pegolotti) von Dr. Eduard Friedmann. {Abh. K. K. Geog.
Ges. in Wien, x Bd., 1912.)]
PRELIMINARY ESSAY I73
And when the veil rises before the Portuguese and Spanish
explorers a century and a half later, those names are heard
of no more. In their stead we have China and Peking,
Hang chau and Chin chau and Canton. Not only are
the old names forgotten, but the fact that those places had
been known before, is utterly forgotten also. Gradually
Jesuit missionaries went forth again from Rome. New
converts were made and new vicariats constituted ; but
the old Franciscan churches and the Nestorianism with
which they had battled had been alike swallowed up in
the ocean of Paganism. In time, as we have seen, slight
traces of the former existence of Christian churches came
to the surface, and when Marco Polo was recalled to mind,
one and another began to suspect that China and Cathay
were one.
IX. CATHAY PASSING INTO CHINA.— CONCLUSION.
108. But we have been going too fast over the ground,
and we must return to that dark interval of which
we have spoken, between the fall of the Yuen dynasty
and the first appearance of the Portuguese in the Bocca
Tigris. The name of Cathay was not forgotten ; the poets
and romancers kept it in memory^, and the geographers
gave it a prominent place on their maps. But this was
not all ; some flickering gleams of light came now and then
from behind the veil that now hung over Eastern Asia.
Such are the cursory notices of Cathay which reached
Ruy Gonzalez de Clavijo on his embassy to the court of
1 E.g., the story of Mitridanes and Nathan in Boccaccio is
laid in Cathay. And in the Orlando Innamorato the father of
Angehca is King Galafron :
"II qual neir India estrema signoreggia
Una gran terra ch' ha nome il Cattajo." x, 18.
174 PRELIMINARY ESSAY
Timur at Samarkand (a.d. 1403-5)1, and John Schiltberger
the Bavarian who served for many years in the armies of
Bajazet and Timur, and returned to his native land in
14272.
109. More detail is found in the narrative of Nicolo
Conti, as taken down in Latin by Poggio Bracciolini about
1440, of which a version has been given in India in the
^ Clavijo speaks of an ambassador whom the Lord of Cathay
had sent to Timur Beg, to demand the yearly tribute which was
formerly paid. When Timur saw the Spaniards seated below this
Cathayan ambassador, he sent orders that they should sit above
him; those who came from the King of Spain, his son and friend,
were not to sit below the envoy of a thief and scoundrel who was
Timur's enemy. Timur was at this time meditating the expedition
against China, in entering on which he died at Otrar (17th Feb.
1405)-
The Emperor of Cathay, Clavijo tells us, was called Chuyscan,
which means " Nine Empires." But the Zagatays (Timur's people)
called him Tangus, which means Pig Emperor {supra, p. 33).
The best of all merchandise coming to Samarkand was from China
(it is not quite clear whether Clavijo understands Cathay and
China to be the same) ; especially silk, satins, musk, rubies,
diamonds, pearls, and rhubarb. The Chinese were said to be the
most skilful workmen in the world. They said themselves that
they had two eyes, the Franks one, and the Moors (Mahomedans)
none (an expression which we find repeatedly quoted by different
authors). Cambalu, the chief city of Cathay, was six months
from Samarkand, two of which were over steppes. In the year
of the embassy 800 laden camels came from Cambalu to Samar-
kand. The people with them related that the city was near the
sea and twenty times as big as Tabriz. Now Tabriz is a good
league in length, so Cambalu must be twenty leagues in length
(bad geometry Don Ruy !). The emperor used to be a Pagan but
was converted to Christianity. (Markham's Trans., pp. 133 seq.,
171, 173 seq.)
2 Schiltberger seems to have been at Samarkand at the same
time with Clavijo. AH that he says of China is with reference
to the embassy spoken of by the latter, and Timur's scheme of
invasion : "Now at this time had the Great Chan, the King of
Chetey, sent an envoy to Thamerlin with four himdred horses,
and demanded tribute of him, seeing that he had neglected to pay
it and kept it back for five years past. So Thamerlin took the
envoy with him to his capital aforesaid. Then sent he the envoy
away and bid him tell his master he would be no tributary nor
vassal of his, nay he trusted to make the emperor his tributary
and vassal. And he would come to him in person. And then he
sent off despatches throughout his dominions to make ready, for
he would march against Cetey. And so when he had gathered
1,800,000 men he marched for a whole month," etc. [Reisen des
Johannes Schiltberger, etc., Miinchen, 1859, p. 81).
PRELIMINARY ESSAY 175
Fifteenth Century. The narrative does not distinctly
assert that Nicolo himself had been in Cathay ^ ; but
I think there is internal evidence that he must have been.
He briefly notices Cambalec (Cambaleschia) and another
city of great size which had been established by the
emperor, to which he gives the name of Nemptai, and
which was the most populous of alP. He speaks of the
great wealth of the country and of the politeness and
civilisation of the people, as quite on a par with those of
Italy. Their merchants were immensely wealthy, and
had great ships much larger than those of Europe, with
triple sides and divided into water-tight compartments
for security. "Us," he says, "they call Franks, and say
that whilst other nations are blind, we see with one eye,
whilst they are the only people who see with both." Alone
of all eastern nations they use tables at dinner, and silver
^ [I do not believe that Conti actually visited China. Had
he done so, he would not have used the obsolete geographical
words of Marco Polo's nomenclature, i.e. words used by foreigners,
but the real Chinese names of places, as the Portuguese did when
they arrived in China in the first half of the XVIth century.]
2 I suppose this to be Nan King. The " ab imperatore condita "
appears to imply recent construction or reconstruction, which
would justly apply to Nan King, established as the capital of the
Ming dynasty at the time the Mongols were expelled (1367-8).
Indeed Ramusio's Italian version of Conti has 'la quale da poco
tempo in qua e stata fatta di novo di questo re." Thirty miles, the
circuit ascribed by Conti to Nemptai, though above the truth, is
less than more recent travellers have named (see p. 205 infra).
I am not able to explain the name, though I have little doubt that
it was a Mongol appellation of Nan King, perhaps connected with
Ingtien, a name given to that city by the Ming when they made it
their capital [Martini), and that it is the same which occurs in
Sharifuddin's life of Timur, where it is mentioned that from
Tetcaul (qu. Karaul of Shah Rukh's ambassadors ? infra), the
fortified gate of the Great Wall on the Shen si frontier, it was fifty-
one days' journey to Kenjanfu (i.e., Si-ngan fu, vide infra, p. 246),
and from that city forty days alike to Canbalec and Nemnai.
The reading should probably be Nemtai as in Conti. One dot
missing makes the difference (Petis de la Croix, iii, 218). [The
city meant is possibly Nan King, not Hang chau, as suggested in
a note of Poggio's ed. and of Winter Jones' translation; but
Nemptai or Nemtaif is a transcription of Nam tai, the island in
the Min River, on which the foreign settlement of Fu chau was
built after the treaty of 1842.]
176 PRELIMINARY ESSAY
dishes. The women paint their faces. Their tombs are
caves dug in the side of a hill, arched over, and revetted
on the exterior with a handsome wall. All these particu-
lars are perfectly accurate, and can scarcely have been,
acquired except from personal knowledge 1.
no. The information brought home by Nicolo was
eagerly caught at by the cosmographers of the period,
and much of it is embodied both in the Cosmographia in
the Palatine Library at Florence^, and in the more impor-
tant map of Fra Mauro, now in the Ducal Palace at
Venice. The latter map indeed embraces so much more
than is noticed in Poggio's narrative, especially in the
valleys of the Ganges and the Irawadi, that there can be
little doubt that Conti, when at Venice, was subjected to
1 See India in the XVth cent., pp. 14, 21, 23, 27. The passage
about the tombs is, indeed, in the printed edition given as of
Anterior India; but I have no doubt that this is a mistake for
Interior India, a term which Conti uses for China, as where he
quotes the proverb about the one eye of the Franks, etc., as used
by the Interiores Indi. This is inexactly translated by Mr. Winter
Jones as " The natives of Central India " ; but the word is used for
remoter, as by Cosmas, when he says that Ceylon receives silk
"from the parts further in {airo tmv ivbaripuiv), I speak of Chinista
and the other marts in that quarter," and again of China, " jJs
ivboripm ('further hen,' as they say in Scotland), there is no other
country." Ptolemy uses a like expression for remoter (see ext.
infra) . The description of the tombs applies accurately to those
of the Chinese and of no other people.
Poggio has evidently not followed Conti's Geography with any
insight, and thus has mixed up features belonging to very different
eastern nations. Thus the passage which is given as applicable
to all the nations of India, of writing vertically, was probably meant
onlv to apply to the Chinese.
2 This map is described by Zurla {Dissert., ii, 397) as of 1417,
and, if I am not mistaken, it is so entered in the Palatine Catalogue. •
But the coincidences with Conti, e.g., his Java Major and Minor,
his islands of Sandai and Bandan, his lake in Ceylon, etc., are too
many and too minute to admit question of their origin. The third
figure of the date is half obliterated, and can just as well be read
4 a.s I. The date is certainly 1447 at the earliest.
I had noted these remarks from examination of the original
before I became aware, from a passage in Professor Kunstmann's
Die Kenntniss Indiens im i^ten J ahrhunderte (p. 33), that Neige-
bauer, an author whom I do not know, had already made the
correction.
PRELIMINARY ESSAY I77
a more effectual cross-examination by the cosmographic
friari.
III. Poggio helps us to another very ill-focussed
glimpse of Cathay in the notices which he adds at the end
of Conti's narrative. Here he states that whilst he was
preparing that story for publication a person had arrived
"from Upper India towards the north," who had been
deputed to visit the Pope and to collect information about
Western Christians, by the Patriarch of his own country,
which was a Nestorian kingdom, twenty days' journey
from Cathay. The imperfections of interpretation made
it difficult to acquire information of interest from this
personage. He spoke, however, of the Great Khan, and
of his having dominion over nine potent kings ^. This
seems to be the same envoy who is spoken of by the Italian
philosopher and mathematician, Paolo del Pozzo Toscanelli,
^ Thus in Burmah we have not only, as in the narrative by
Poggio, AvA and Paigu (Pegu, transmuted by Poggio into Pan-
covia, and printed Panconia in Winter Jones' ed.), but also Chesmi
(Cosmin, the port representing the modern Bassein till the begin-
ning of last century, but the exact site of which seems lost),
Martaban ; and up the river Perhe (Prome, in the true Burmese
form Pre), Pochang (Pagan, the ancient capital), Capelang (the
Ruby country north of Ava, a name preserved to a much later
date, but not now traceable), Moquan (Mogoung). And near the
head of the Irawadi, i.e., at Bhamo, is the rubric, "Here goods
are transferred from river to river, and so go on into Cathay." In
Bengal, again, we have Orica, Bengalla (see Ibn Batuta, infra),
Sonargauam {ibid.), Satgauam (Satganw, or perhaps Chittagong),
and in the interior Scierno {Cernoue in Poggio; i.e., Gaur under
the name of Shahv-i-nau, see ibid.), Zuanapur (Jaunpur), Chandar
(Chunar?). But there are enormous fundamental confusions in
Fra Mauro's ideas of the rivers of India. Thus, the Indus takes
in a great measure the place of the Ganges, whilst the Ganges
is confounded with the Kiang. And some of the towns of Bengal
named are placed on the Indus and some are transported eastward.
2 See the extract from Clavijo above. This notion may be
taken from some traditional title bearing reference to the oldest
division of China under Yu (b.c. 2286) into Nine Provinces {Chine
Moderne, p. 37) ; also in the division of the empire under the
Mongols into 12 sings {infra, iii, p. 128) ; three of these, Solangka,
Corea, and Yun nan, were considered exterior, the other nine to
constitute China Proper (D'Ohsson, ii, 478). Nine Provinces was
anciently a name applied to China Proper. {Chine Moderne, 211 ;
and Vie de Hiouen Thsang, p. 298.)
178 PRELIMINARY ESSAY
in a letter addressed in 1474 to his friend Fernando Marti-
nez, canon of Lisbon, of which the writer afterwards sent
a copy to Columbus, when replying to a communication
from the latter on the great object of his life. The state-
ment of Poggio that the envoy came from a Christian
ecclesiastic seems much more probable than that he came,
as Toscanelli thought, from the Great Khan himself. But
it remains a difficult problem to say whence he did really
come. It would seem as if some tribe of the Kerait or the
Uighurs had maintained their Christianity till near the
middle of the fifteenth century^.
112. To this period also belong the notices of Cathay
which were collected by Josafat Barbaro, and are
recounted in the history of his Embassy to Persia. Whilst
he was on this mission, the Lord Assambei {i.e., Uzun
Hassan, a Turcoman chief, who, in the civil strifes that
accompanied the decay of Timur's dynasty, acquired the
whole of Western Persia), being one day greatly pleased
with the acumen shown by Barbaro in judging of a Balass
ruby, called out "O, Cathayers, Cathayers ! (said you
not well that) three years have been allowed mankind,
and you have got two of them, and the Franks the third ! "
Barbaro understood what he meant, for he had already
heard the proverb (as we have now three times before^)
from a certain ambassador in the service of the Khan of
^ See the letter in Note XV. The curious statements in
Varthema about Christians of Sarnau [Siam], a country towards
Cathay, with whom he travelled in the Archipelago, are here
brought to mind. I think Mr. Badger has referred to this passage
of Poggio ; but I cannot turn to his edition now. The letter of
Toscanelli is extracted from "Del Vecchio e Nuovo Gnomone
Fiorentino, etc., di Lionardo Ximenes delta Comp. di Gesu, Geografo
di sua Maestd Imp. Firenze, 1757," pp. Ixxxi-xcviii.
Another traveller, who returned from the Indies in 1424 after
wandering there for twenty-four years, by name Bartolomeo
Fiorentino, related what he had seen to Pope Eugenius at Venice ;
but, unfortunately, nothing of this narrative seems to have been
preserved. (See Humboldt, Examen Critique, etc., i. 260.)
2 From Hayton (in Note XIV), Clavijo, and Conti.
PRELIMINARY ESSAY 179
the Tartars of the Volga, who had come from Cathay in
1436, and whom Barbaro had entertained in his house at
Tana (or Azov) "hoping to get some jewel out of him."
From this ambassador he gathered a good deal of detail
about Cathay, which he gives in a later part of his work^.
113. Somewhat earlier in the century occurred the
mission sent by Shah Rukh, the son of Timur, to the court
of Ch'eng Tsu, the third Emperor of the Ming dynasty. Of
this embassy a narrative written by Khwaja Ghaiassuddin,
surnamed Nakkash or the Painter, a member of the mission,
has been preserved in Abdur Razzak's History of Shah
Rukh, and has been translated by M. Quatremere^. The
embassy took place in a.h. 823-5 (a.d. 1420-2), and was
one out of several such interchanged between the courts,
of which mention is made in the same history^. It is
amusing to find the Emperor of China, in a letter carried
by one of his embassies, speaking of the steadfastness with
which his correspondent's father, Timur, had maintained
his loyalty to the Court of China*. An abstract of the
narrative, with notes, will be found in the sequeP.
114. Except the brief and fabulous stories of Chin
and Machin, which Athanasius Nikitin picked up in the
ports of Western India (1468-74) I am not aware of any
other European notices of China previous to the voyages
of Columbus and De Gama. The former, it is scarcely
1 Ramusio, ii, ff . 106 v. and 107. See the extracts in Note XVI.
2 Notices et Extraits, xiv, pt. i, pp. 387 seqq. There is a sHghtly
abridged translation in Astley's Voyages. Quatremere is mistaken
in supposing that the narrative of the Embassy is translated in
Chambers' s Asiatic Miscellany. There is only an extract contain-
ing some account of the preceding intercourse between the courts.
^ See op. cit., pp. 213 seqq., 216 seqq., 304-6. There seems to
be some variation as to the correct date. It is not worth going
into here, but a comparison of the passage where Abdur Razzak
speaks of the embassy in the ordinary course of his history (p. 306)
with that where he introduces the special narrative (p. 387) will
show the inconsistency.
4 P. 214. 5 See Note XVII.
l8o PRELIMINARY ESSAY
needful to say, in his great enterprise was seeking no new
continent but a shorter route to the Cathay and Cipangu
of Marco Polo, and died believing that the countries which
he had discovered were the eastern skirts of Asia, a belief
which was not extinct for some twenty years and more
after his death^.
115. The Portuguese first visited a port of China in
15 14, and the adventurers on this occasion sold their goods
to great profit though they were not allowed to land. In
15 17 took place the trading expedition to Canton under
Andrade, carrying the unfortunate ambassador Pirez, who
died in fetters in China 2.
116. With this event, perhaps, our sketch ought to
conclude. But it was a good many years longer before
China was familiarly known from the seaward access, and
with the revived interest in discovery and in the perusal
^ In a letter, De Orbis Situ ac Descriptione, from a certain
Franciscan Friar Francis, addressed to the Archbishop of Palermo,
which is attached to some copies of the Peregrinatio Joannis Hesei
(Antwerp. 1565), the city of " ThemLstetan " or Mexico is identified
with the Quinsai of Marco Polo, Hispaniola with Cipangn, and so
forth.
2 This last is generally stated as the first Portuguese expedi-
tion to China. But the former one is noticed by Andrew Corsalis
in his letter to Duke Lorenzo de' Medici, dated 6th January, 1515
(Ramusio, i, ff., 180, 181) : "The merchants of the land of China
also make voyages to Malacca across the Great Gulf to get cargoes
of spices, and bring from their own country musk, rhubarb, pearls,
tin. porcelain, and silk and wrought stuffs of all kinds, such as
damasks, satins, and brocades of extraordinary richness. For
they are people of great skill, and on a par with ourselves {di nostra
qualitd), but of uglier aspect, with little bits of eyes. They dress
very much after our fashion, and wear shoes and stockings (? scarpe
e calciamenti) like ourselves. I believe them to be pagans, though
many allege that they hold our faith or some part of it. During
this last year some of our Portuguese made a voyage to China.
They were not permitted to land ; for they say 'tis against their
custom to let foreigners enter their dwellings. But they sold
their goods at a great gain, and they say there is as great profit in
taking spices to China as in taking them to Portugal ; for 'tis a
cold country and they make great use of them. It will be five
hundred leagues from Malacca to China, sailing north." [See
L'Ayrivde des Portugais en Chine, par Henri Cordier ; ext. from the
T'oungpao, xii, 191 1.]
PRELIMINARY ESSAY l8l
of the old travellers, attention became again directed to
Cathay, as a region distinct from these new found Indies,
so that it might be considered yet to hold an independent
place in geographical history. Cathay had been the aim
of the first voyage to the north-west of the Cabots in 1496,
and it continued to be the object of many adventurous
English voyages to the north-west and the north-east till
far on in the succeeding century, though in the later of
these expeditions China no doubt had assumed its place.
At least one memorable land journey too was made by
Englishmen, of which the investigation of the trade with
Cathay was a chief object ; I mean of course that in which
Anthony Jenkinson and the two Johnsons reached Bokhara
from Russia in 1558-9. The country regarding which
they gathered information at that city is still known to
them only as Cathay, and its great capital is still as in the
days of Polo Cambalu and not Peking 1.
117. Other narratives of Asiatic journeys to Cathay
are preserved by Ramusio, and by Auger Gislen de
BusBECK. The first was taken down by the Venetian
geographer from the lips of Hajji Mahomed, an intelligent
Persian merchant whom he fell in with at Venice^ ; the
second was noted by Busbeck, when ambassador from the
Emperor Charles V to the Porte (1555-62), from the narra-
tive of a wandering Turkish dervish^. Large extracts
from these last words about Cathay will be found in the
notes to this essay*.
118. We arrive now at the term of our subject in the
journey of Benedict Goes, undertaken in 1603 with the
^ Such is the case also in the narrative of the Russian Embassy
of Feodor Isakovich Baikov in 1653 {Voyages au Nord, iv, 150).
2 Preface to the 2nd vol. of the Navigationi.
^ Busbequii EpistolcB, Amsterd., 1660, pp. 326-330. The
letter containing this narrative was written at Frankfort, i6th
December, 1562, after the ambassador's return.
^ See Notes XVIII and XIX.
1 82 PRELIMINARY ESSAY
Specific object of determining whether the Cathay of old
European travellers and modern Mahomedans was or was
not a distinct region from that China of which parallel
marvels had now for years been recited. Benedict,
"seeking Cathay found Heaven," as one of his brethren
has pronounced his epitaph ; but not before he had ascer-
tained that China and Cathay were one. His journey we
have chosen as a fitting close to our collection. After the
publication of that narrative inexcusable ignorance alone
could continue to distinguish between Cathay and China,
and though such ignorance lingered for many years longer,
here we may fairly consider our task at an end^.
1 Ricci and his companions, as we have seen, were before the
journey of Goes satisfied of the identity of Cathay and China. So
appears to have been, at an earlier date, the ItaHan Geographer
Magini. Purchas perceived the same, and the Jesuit Martini, in
his Atlas Sinensis, expounded the identity in detail. Yet the
Geographical Lexicon of Baudrand, in a revised edition of 1677,
distinguishes between them, remarking that "some confound
Cathay with China." I have not had access to Miiller's Dis-
quisitio de Chataja, which probably contains interesting matter on
the subject.
[The full title of Miiller's book published at Berlin in 1670 is :
AndreaeMiilleri, Greiff enhagii, Disquisitio Geographica & Historica,
De Chataja, In Qua i. Praecipue Geographorum nobilis ilia Contro-
versia : Quaenam Chataja sit, & an sit idem ille terrarum tractus,
quem Sinas, & vulgo Chinam vocant, aut pars ejus aliqua ? latissime
tractatur; 2. Eadem vero opera pleraque rerum, quae unquam
de Chataja, deque Sinis memorabilia fuerunt, atque etiam nunc
sunt, compendiose narrantur. The opinion of all the authors is
given, but I do not see that it has much interest now.]
A faint attempt to repeat the journey of Goes, but apparently
in ignorance of that enterprise, was made a good many years later
by the Jesuit Aime Chesaud starting from Ispahan. He does not
seem to have got further than Balkh, if so far. He still speaks of
" getting to Chatao and thence to China." There^s no date given.
(See his letter in Kircher's China Illustrata, 1667, p. 86.)
SUPPLEMENTARY NOTES TO PRELIMINARY
ESSAY
NOTE L
EXTRACT FROM THE PERIPLUS OF THE
ERYTHR^AN SEA.
(Circa a.d. 80-9. )i
" Behind this country ^ the sea comes to a termination some-
where in Thin ; and in the interior of that country, quite to the
north, there is a very great city called Thin^, from which raw
silk and silk thread and silk stuffs are brought overland through
Bactria to Barygaza^, as they are on the other hand by the Ganges
River to Limyrice*. It is not easy, however, to get to this Thin,
and few and far between are those who come from it. The place
lies quite under the Little Bear ; and it is said that its territories
adjoin the remoter frontiers of Pontus and the Caspian Sea, beside
which you find the Lagoon Maeotis which has a communication with
the ocean.
" Every year there come to the frontier of Thin certain people
of dwarfish stature and very broad in the face, scarcely superior
to wild creatures, but harmless, who are said to be called Sesad^^.
^ This is Miiller's view ; see his Prolegomena to Geog. Grcsci Minores,
i, xcvi-vii.
2 Viz. Chryse, " The. Golden Land," apparently Pegu and there-
abouts, the Suvarna Bhumi or Golden Land of the old Indian Buddhists.
Sonapavanta, a term of like meaning, is still the sacred or classical term
for the central territories of Ava. [On the Golden Island, see p. 201,
abstracts from Dionysius Periergetes, Rufus Festus Avienus and
Priscianus.]
3 [" Ex qua lana [lanugo arboris laniferae) et filum et othonium
Sericum Barygazaj per Bactriam terrestri itinere." C. Miiller, i, p. 303.]
* The meaning is probably the same as that of Ptolemy's statement,
extracted in the next note, that there was not only one road from the
Sinae or Seres to Bactriana by the Stone Tower, but also another direct
to Palibothra on the Ganges.
■'' In the work styled Palladius on the Brahmans, embodied in the
Pseudo-Callisthenes published by Miiller [Script, de Alex. Magno,
pp. 103-4) there is an account apparently of the same people under the
name of Bisades, the gatherers of pepper. They are described as " a
dwarfish and imbecile race who dwell in rocky caves, and from the nature
of their country are expert at climbing cliffs, and thus able to gather
the pepper from the thickets. . . . These Bisades are pygmies, with big
184 PRELIMINARY ESSAY
They come accompanied by their wives and children, and bring
with them great loads in creels^ that look as if they were made of
green vines. These people halt at some place on the frontier
between their own country and Thin, and hold a feast for several
days, during which they strew [the materials of] their baskets
about on the ground, and then they depart to their own homes
in the interior. When the other people are aware of their depart-
ure they come to the spot and gather those withes^ that had been
strewn about. To these they give the name of Petri^. Getting
rid of the [stalks and] fibrous parts they take the leaves and double
them up into little balls which they stitch through with the fibres
of the withes. And these they divide into three classes, forming
from the largest leaves what is called Big-ball Malabathrum, from
the next size Middle-ball, and from the smallest leaves Little-ball.
And thus originate the three qualities of Malabathrum, which the
people who have prepared them carry to India for sale*.
heads and long straight unclipt hair." Sir J. E. Tennent applies this
to the Veddahs of Ceylon. But there is nothing, I think, in the passage
to fix it to Ceylon. It is given on the authority of a certain Scholasticus
of Thebes, who finding an Indian vessel in a port of the Axum country
took the opportunity it offered of visiting distant parts. The story is
probably not genuine. For as Miiller points out, the Besides are
mentioned by Ptolemy (vii, i) as a people, otherwise called Tiladas,
who live north of Maeandrus (a mountain chain on the east of Bengal),
" dwarfish and stumpy and platter-faced, but white in complexion."
Lassen locates them as a Bhotiya race in the Himalaya near Darjiling;
his map (by Kiepert) in the Garo and Kasia Hills north of Silhet.
1 The word is rapwovas, the meaning of which is doubtful. [" Magnas
portantes sarcinas et sirpeas viridis vitis foliis comparandas." Miiller,
P- 304-]
^ The word is Ka\a/j.oi, and would usually mean reeds or canes. But
it seems absurd so to term what had been described as like green vine-
twigs.
^ Not the withes but the leaves, as Lassen (iii, 38) has pointed out,
must have been called thus ; Sanskt. Pair a, a leaf ; mod. Hindust. Patti.
* The same terms (hadrospherum, mesospherum, microspherum) are
applied by Pliny to varieties of Nard ; perhaps a mistake of his, as
Dioscorides observes that some people made the mistake of regarding
malabathrum as the leaf of Indian Nard.
Some of the early writers after the Portuguese discoveries took the
pan or betel leaf for the malabathrum of the ancients, but the physician
Garcia Da Horta, in his work on the aromatics of India (first published
at Goa in 1563) pointed out that malabathrum was the Tamdlapattra,
the leaf of a species of cassia, still valued in India though in a greatly
inferior degree (see ch. xix ; I quote an Ital. transL, Venice, 1589).
Curiously enough Ramusio gives as a representation of the " Betelle "
a cut which really represents with fair accuracy the Tamalapattra,
commonly called (at least in Bengal) Tejpdt. Linschoten describes it
accurately, noticing its pleasant clove-hke smell, and says it was in
great repute among the Hindus as a diuretic, etc., and to preserve
clothes from moths, two of the uses expressly assigned to malabathrum
by Dioscorides and Pliny. He also observes that the natives considered
it to rival spikenard in all its qualities. Linschoten's commentator
Paludanus says much was imported to Venice in his time ; and that it
SUPPLEMENTARY NOTES 185
" But as for the regions beyond those places that we have
mentioned, whether it be that the wintry cHmate and excessive
cold renders it hard to penetrate them, or whether it be the result
of some supernatural influence from the gods, it is the fact that
they never have been explored." From Miiller's Geogr. Gr. Minor es,
i. PP- 303-5-
NOTE I BIS.
EXTRACTS FROM THE LATIN POETS.
(a.d. First Century.)
Publius ViRGiLius Marc.
Georg., lib. 11, v. 120-1 :
Quid nemora iEthiopum, moUi canentia lana ?
Velleraque ut foliis depectant tenuia Seres ?
was called by the Arabs Cadegi Indi (Read Qadegi). I see that in F.
Johnson's Persian Dictionary, Sddaj is defined " Indian spikenard,"
and Sddhaji Hindi, " Indian leaf," which seems to show the persistence
of the confusion between the two articles. This leaf was abundant in
the forests of the Kasia Hills, where I passed a part of my earliest
service in India, and so was a cassia producing a coarse cinnamon, of
which there was a considerable export to the plains. The trees were
distinct, if I be not mistaken, though evidently of the same genus.
The Tejpdt was narrow, like that of the Portugal laurel, that of the other
tree much broader, both noticeable for their partition by three main
longitudinal nerves, like the lines of longitude on a map of the hemi-
sphere. The Kasias in features would answer well to the Besada or
SesadcB, but they are no dwarfs, whilst some of the Tibetan tribes of
the Himalaya are very short. Domestically among Anglo-Indians this
once prized malabathrum, some qualities of which the Romans pur-
chased at three hundred denarii per pound, is, as far as I know, used
only to flavour tarts, custards, and curries. But (besides what Lin-
schoten says) Rheede mentions that, in his time in Malabar, oils in
high medical estimation were made from both the root and the leaves
of the Kama or wild cinnamon of that coast, a plant no doubt closely
allied. And from the former a camphor was extracted, having several
of the properties of real camphor and more fragrant.
Mr. Crawfurd has suggested that the finer malabathrum was benzoin,
but I believe all the authorities on the subject speak of it as derived
from a leaf ; indeed Dioscorides, like our author here, speaks of the
stitching up of the leaves. Some part of what Dioscorides says seems
indeed to apply to a solid extract, but it may have been of the nature
of Rheede's camphor. (See Pliny, xii, 25, 26, 59; xiii, 2; xxxiii, 48;
Dioscorides, loc. cit.; Linschoten, Latin version, Hague, 1599, p. 84;
'Rheede, Hortus Malabaricus, i, 107; Crawf. Diet. Indian Islands, p. 50;
on Malabathrum, see also Lassen, i, 283; iii, 37, 154 seq.) [Yule in
Hobso7t-Jobson, s.v. Malabathrum : " There can be little doubt that this
classical export from India was the dried leaf of various species
of Cinnamomum, which leaf was known in Sanskrit as tamdla-pattra."
Garcia writes, ff. 95^, 96 : " the folium indu is called by the Indians
Tamalapatra, which the Greeks and Latins corrupted into malabathrum,"
etc.]
l86 PRELIMINARY ESSAY
Ouintus HoRATius Flaccus.
Lib. I. Carmen xii : Ad Caesarem Augustum.
Ille, seu Parthos Latio imminentes
Egerit justo domitos triumpho,
Sive subjectos Orientis orae
Seras et Indos,
Te minor latum reget aequus orbem.
Lib. I. Carmen xxix : Ad ledum.
Puer quis ex aula capillis
Ad cyathum statuetur unctis,
Doctus sagittas tendere Sericas
Arcu paterno ? . . .
Lib. III. Carmen xxix : Ad Maecenatem.
Tu, civitatem quis deceat status,
Curas, Urbi sollicitus times,
Quid Seres, et regnata Cyro
Bactra parent, Tanaisque discors.
Lib. IV. Carmen xv : Caesar is Augusti laudes.
Non, qui profundum Danubium bibunt,
Edicta rumpent Julia, non Getae,
Non Seres, iniidive Persae,
Non Tanain prope flumen orti.
Epod. VIII :
Quid ? quod libelli Stoici inter Sericos
Jacere pulvillos amant.
Sextus AuRELius Propertius.
Elegiae, lib. i. xiv, 22 :
Quid relevant variis serica textilibus ?
Lib. IV. VIII :
Serica nam taceo vulsi carpenta nepotis.
Publius OviDius Naso.
Amores, Lib. i. xiv, 5-6 :
Quid, quod erant tenues, et quos ornare timeres,
Vela colorati qualia Seres habent.
SiLius Italicus.
Punicorum Lib. vi, 1-4 :
lam, Tartessiaco quos solverat aequore. Titan,
In noctem diffusus, equos iungebat Eois
Litoribus, primique novo Phaethonte retecti
Seres lanigeris repetebant vellera lucis.
Lib. XV, 79-81 :
. . . Quid cui, post Seras et Indos
Captivo Liber cum signa referret ab Euro,
Caucaseae currum duxere per oppida tigres ?
Lib. XVII, 595-6 :
Videre Eoi, monstrum admirabile, Seres
Lanigeros cinere Ausonio canescere lucos.
A complete list of quotations will be found in the valuable book of
G. Coed6s, Textes d'auieurs grecs et latins relatifs a I' Extreme Orient, Paris,
1910, 8vo.
SUPPLEMENTARY NOTES 187
NOTE II.
EXTRACTS FROM THE GEOGRAPHY OF PTOLEMY.
(Circa a.d. 150.)
" The inhabited part of our earth is bounded on the east by
the Unknown Land which hes along the region occupied by the
easternmost nations of Asia Major, the Sin^ and the nations of
Serice ; and on the south Hkewise by the Unknown Land which
shuts round the Indian Sea, and encompasses that Ethiopia to the
south of Libya which is called the land of Agisymba ; to the west
by the Unknown Land which embraces the Ethiopic Gulf of
Libya, and then by the Western Ocean which lies along the most
westerly parts of Libya and of Europe ; and on the north by that
continuation of the same ocean which encircles the Bx-itannic Isles
and the most northerly parts of Europe, and which goes by the
names of Duecalydonian and Sarmatic, and by an Unknown Land
which stretches along the most northerly parts of Asia Major,
viz., Sarmatia, Scythia, and Serice....
" The Hyrcanian Sea, called also Caspian, is everywhere shut
in by the land, so as to be just the converse of an island encom-
passed by the water. Such also is the case with that sea which
embraces the Indian Sea with its gulfs, the Arabian Gulf, the
Persian Gulf, the Gangetic Gulf, and the one which is called
distinctively the Great Gulf, this sea being encompassed on all
sides by the land. So we see that of the three Continents Asia
is joined to Libya both by that Arabian Isthmus which separates
Our Sea from the Arabian Gulf, and by the Unknown Land which
encompasses the Indian Sea. . . .
" The eastern extremity of the known earth is limited by the
meridian drawn through the metropolis of the Sinae, at a distance
from Alexandria of ii9j°, reckoned upon the equator, or about
eight equinoctial hours.. . ." (Book vii, ch. 5.)
In his first book Ptolemy speaks of Marinus as the latest Greek
writer who had devoted himself to geography. Editions of his
revision of the geographical tables had been very numerous. But
his statements required much correction, and he forms too great
an estimate of the extent of the inhabited world both in length
and breadth. As regards latitude Ptolemy illustrates this by
criticising the position which Marinus had assigned, on the basis
of certain journeys and voyages, to the extreme southern region
of Ethiopia called Agisymba. The calculation of distance in the
rough from those routes would have placed this region 24,680
stadia south of the equator, or as Ptolemy says almost among the
antarctic frosts^. Marinus had summarily cut this down to 12,000
1 Bk. 1, ch. 8.
l88 PRELIMINARY ESSAY
stadia, bringing it nearly to the southern tropic, and Ptolemy
again on general reasoning as to the nature of the animals met
with, etc., reduces the distance to 8,000 stadia. So also, he says,
Marinus had exaggerated the longitude, giving an interval of
15 hours between the Fortunate Islands in the west and the most
easterly regions of Sera, of the Sinae, and of Cattigara in the east,
which should not be more than 12 hours. In determining the
position of Sera, etc., Marinus had made use of the route of certain
mercantile agents who had travelled thither, and this Ptolemy
proceeds to criticise. He' assents to the longitude assigned by
Marinus between the Fortunate Isles and the Euphrates Ferry at
Hierapolis^, and then proceeds (Bk i, ch. 11) :
" But as regards the distance between the said Euphrates
Ferry and the Stone Tower, which he deduces to be 876 schceni,
or 26,280 stadia, and the distance from the Stone Tower to Sera,
the capital of the Seres 2, a journey of seven months, which he
calculates at 36,200 stadia running on one parallel {i.e. due east)
we shall apply a correction in reduction of each of these. For
in neither section has he made any diminution on account of the
exaggeration caused by deviations from a straight course, whilst
in the second portion of the route he has fallen into the same
errors as in regard to the itinerary from the country of the Gara-
mantes to that of Agisymba. In that case it was found necessary
to cut down more than the half on the distance as calculated from
a journey of four months and fourteen days, for it was not to be
supposed that travelling should have gone on without inter-
mission all that time. And as regards this seven months' journey
the same consideration will apply even more forcibly than on the
route from the Garamantes. For in the latter case the business
was carried out by the king of the country, and as we may suppose
with more than ordinary forethought, and they had fine weather
all along. But on the journey from the Stone Tower to Sera bad
weather was to be looked for, seeing that it ran (according to
Marinus's own hypothesis) in the latitudes of Hellespont and
Byzantium. And on this account there must have been many
halts on the journey. Moreover it must be remembered that it
was on a trading expedition that the information about this road
was acquired.
" For he tells us that the distances were taken down by one
Maes called also Titianus, a Macedonian, and a merchant like his
father before him ; not that he made the journey himself, but he
had sent agents to the Seres. Now Marinus himself (on other
occasions) has shown little faith in traders' stories, as (for example)
^ N.E. of Aleppo.
^ Most editions I believe read " capital of the Sines," which, however,
with Ptolemy's views, as clearly enough shown in these extracts, cannot
be the genuine reading.
SUPPLEMENTARY NOTES 189
when lie refuses to believe the statement of Philemon (founded on
the talk of some traders), that the island of luvernia was 20 days'
journey in length from east to west. For such people, he observes,
don't take any trouble to search into the truth of things, being
constantly taken up with their business and often exaggerating
distances through a spirit of brag. Just so, as there seems to
have been nothing else that they thought worth remembering or
telling about this seven months' journey, they made a wonder
about the length of time it had occupied.
Chapter XII.
" For these reasons, and because the journey was not really
upon one parallel (the Stone Tower being in the latitude of
Byzantium, whilst Sera is further south than Hellespont) it might
have seemed advisable to reduce the distance of 36,200 stadia
ascribed to this seven months' journey by more, rather than by
less, than a half. But let us keep the reduction within the half,
so as to calculate the distance on a round estimate at 22,625 stadia
or 45i°. . .And the first distance (I speak of that from Euphrates
to the Stone Tower) should be reduced from 876 schoeni to 800
only, i.e. 24,000 stadia, on account of deviations from the straight
line. . . .For the road from the ferry of the Euphrates at Hierapolis
through Mesopotamia to the Tigris, and thence through the terri-
tory of the Garamseans of Assyria^, and Media, to Ecbatana and
the Caspian Gates 2, and through Parthia to Hecatompylos^, is
1 In the country S.E. of Mosul ; see the Beth-Garma of the list at
III, p. 22.
2 Pass in the Elburz, east of Demawend.
* Somewhere near Damghan. [" We are indebted to Quintus Curtius
and Diodorus for indicating Hecatompylus as the place where Alexander
made this prolonged halt. The name is not mentioned by Arrian.
The site of the city, though undoubtedly one of considerable importance,
has unfortunately not been determined ; it was clearly situated south
of the mountain chain which forms the prolongation of Mt. Elburz, on
the line of road leading from the Caspian Gates towards Meshed and
Herat." (Bunbury, Ancient Geog., i, p. 479.)
" Urbs erat ea tempestate clara Hecatompylos, condita a Graecis :
ibi stativa rex habuit commeatibus undique advectis." (Curtius, vi, 2.)
Triv fxev yap diro rrjs Kara 'lepciTroXiv tov EiK^pdrov dtajSaaecos 5td rrjs
MecroTTOTa^tas €Tri rbv T^lypiv 68dv Kal r7]v evrevdev 5ta Tapafialiov ttjs 'Aaavpias
Kai MTjdlas els 'EK^arava /cat Kacririas IltJXas Kai ttjs Ilapdias els "E/i'ar6/x7ru\oj'
ivdexerai. irepl tov did ttjs 'Po5t'a? iriiTTeLv TrapdXkTjXov , oIitos yap Kai /far avTov
ypdcpeTai 8id tQv elpTjfxevccv x'^P^v. (Ptolem., i, c. 12.)
elffl 5' dirb ^acnriiav irvKQiv . . .els 5' 'Evaro/UTDAoj', t6 tQv TlapOvaiuv
PaaiXeiov, x''^'ot SiaKdcnoL e^TjKovTa." (Strabo, xi, c. 9.)
" Damghan is too near the Pylae Caspiae : on the whole, it is
probable that any remains of Hecatompylos ought to be sought in the
neighbourhood of a place now called Jah Jirm." (W. Smith, Diet.
Greek and Roman Geog.)
" What I wish to establish is that the position of Hecatompylos cannot
be reasonably assigned to any other spot than the one now occupied by
190 PRELIMINARY ESSAY
assumed to lie in the parallel of Rhodes, for Marinus himself draws
that parallel through all those places. But the road from
Hecatompylos to Hyrcania^ must decline to the north, for the
city of Hyrcania lies somewhere between the latitudes of Smyrna
and of the Hellespont.. . .Then the route runs on through Aria^
to Margiana Antiochia^, first declining to the south (for Aria lies
in the same latitude as the Caspian Gates), and then to the north,
Antiochia being somewhere near the parallel of the Hellespont.
Thence the road proceeds eastward to Bactra*, and from that
northward up the ascent of the hill country of the Comedi, and
then inclining somewhat south through the hill country itself as
far as the gorge in which the plains terminate. For the western
end of the hill country is more to the north also, being (as Marinus
puts it) under the latitude of Byzantium, the eastern end more to
the south, being under the latitude of Hellespont. Hence [the
hills running thus from south of east to north of west] the road
runs as he describes in the opposite direction, i.e. towards the
east with an inclination south ; and then a distance of 50 schoeni
extending to the Stone Tower would seem to tend northward.
This Stone Tower stands in the way of those who ascend the
gorge, and from it the mountains extend eastward to join the
chain of Imaus which runs north to this from (the territory of)
Palimbothra.^". . .
Shah-rood and Bostam, as being one of the extremities of the capital
of the ancient Parthians." (Farrier, Caravan Journeys, p. 70.)
Curzon is in favour of Damghan and writes : " Farrier, I think
erroneously, endeavours to combat this theory by the argument that
the City of Hundred Gates must mean a city in which many roads met,
whereas at Damghan there are only two. He, therefore, prefers the
Shahrud-Bostam site for that Hekatompylos. Apart, however, from
the fact that mora roads meat at Damghan than two, it is by no means
certain that the Greeks, whan they used this dascriptive epithet, referred
to city gates at all. The title was equally applied by tham to Egyptian
Thebas, where it has been conjectured to refer to the pylons, or gate-
ways, of the many splendid temples by which the capital of the Rameses
was adorned ; and it may have had soma similar application in the case
of the Parthian city." (Persia, i, p. 287.) One may well hesitate
between Damghan and Shah-rud, but I think Ferrier is right.]
1 Jorjan, N.W. of Astrabad.
2 The territory of Harah, Hari or Herat.
3 Supposed to be Mary. * Balkh.
^ I have not perhaps succeeded in rendering this description very
intelligible. The old Latin versions and the Abbe Halma's French
translation seem simply to .shirk the difficulties of the passage. I have
not access to any others or to Humboldt's Asie Centrale, which I believe
contains a dissertation on this route.
The account would perhaps be easier to understand if wa knew more
of the geography of the country towards Karategin, in which I suppose
the hill country of the Comedi must lie. [In a note in Ancient Khotan,
p. 54, Stein writes : " The discussion of the Ptolemy passage in Cathay,
i, p. cxlix, is still of value, as showing how Sir H. Yule, by a chain of
sound critical reasoning, had been led to Karategin as the probable
SUPPLEMENTARY NOTES IQI
And so on, bringing out the whole distance from the Fortunate
Isles to the city of Sera to be i77i°. In chapters 13 and 14 he
tries to estimate the longitude run by sea from Cape Cory in
Southern India to Cattigara the port of the Sinse, determining the
latter to lie in 177° ; and as all were agreed that the metropolis
position of the Komedi, even before information became available as
to the survival of the local name into Mohammedan times."] The
chief difficulties arise in connexion with the expression " as far as the
gorge in which the plains terminate " [fJ-exp'- '''^^ e/cSexo/xe?/?;? to. iredLa
(pdpayyos), and the statement that fifty schoeni (one hundred and fifty
miles ?) before reaching the Stone Tower the route lay northward.
The former expression is inteUigible if with Ritter we understand the
passage of Imaus to have been that running from Kokand up the
Jaxartes Valley to Andijan and across the Terek Dawan to Kashgar,
but in that case how could the route approaching the Stone Tower
which he places at Ush (where there are said to be ancient remains of
importance) by any possibility run northward ? (see Ritter, vii, 483,
563 ; viii, 693.) In the time of the Sui dynasty, or beginning of the
seventh century, the Chinese knew three roads from Eastern into
Western Turkestan, among which we naturally seek that of Maes
Titianus. Of these three the first or north road seems from the de-
scription to have run north of the T'ien Shan, and is out of the
question ; a second or middle road passed from Kashgar to Farghanah,
and is no doubt that of the Terek Dawan ; the third or south road passed
through Khotan, and then through Chukiupo (said to be Yangihissar)
[cf. Yule's Notes on Hwen Thsang's Account of Tokhdristdn, pp. 119 and
120], and Kopantho (said to be Selekur or Sarikul ; see N. Ann. des
Voy., 1846, iii, 47). Ritter takes the second for the route of Titianus,
supposing the third route to be that by the Sirikul [General Cunningham
has identified Sirikol with the kingdom of Khia pwan to, Khavanda
(Hiuan Tsang). Tash Kurghan is reputed the old capital. Cf. Yule,
Notes on Hwen Thsang's Account of Tokhdristdn, p. 119] into Badakh-
shan, which is certainly inconsistent with Ptolemy's data. But it is
certain that there was no route in former use intevmediate between the
pass to Farghanah and that to Badakhshan, e.g. passing from Tashbaliq
towards Karategin ? Kinmi, which is probably the country of
Ptolemy's Comedi, is mentioned in Remusat's list of states tributary
to China under the T'ang. He says indeed it lay " among the mountains
of Tokharestan south of the Oxus, towards Balkh and Termedh," but
north of the Oxus would be more consistent with the data, and it is north
of the Oxus that the kingdom of Keumitho mentioned by Hiuan-
Tsang appears to lie, which is doubtless the same (see Mdm. de I'Acad.
R. des Inscr., viii, 92-3 ; Vie de Hiouen Thsang, p. 464 ; and Chino-
Japanese ancient Map, in Klaproth's Memoires, tom. ii). I see that
Kiepert in his map of Asia (1864) inserts Kumid above Karategin with
a query (?). It seems possible, however, that we have the name of the
Comedi in Kawadidn or Kabadidn, which Edrisi applies to the country
between Termedh and Hissar, and which still survives as the name of
a town or village. [Yule, in his Notes on Hwen Thsang's Account of
the Principalities of Tokhdristdn (Jour. Roy. As. Soc, N.S., vi, 1873,
pp. 9778), has the following on the Comedi: " Kiu-mi-tho, Kumidha.
This kingdom was some 20 days' journey (2000 li) from east to west,
and two days from north to south, lying among the Thsungling moun-
tains. On the S.W. it adjoined the Oxus ; on the south it was in
contact Avith the kingdom of Shikhini or Shighnan. The state of Kiumi
is also mentioned along with Shikhini and Hunvi in the historical extracts
of Abel Remusat [Extension de I'Empire chinois du cote de I'Occident ;
Mem. Acad. Insc, viii, p. 93], as sending tribute to China in the seventh
192 PRELIMINARY ESSAY
of the SinK lay still further to the east, he puts that in 180°.
The whole calculation is based on the loosest possible data, and
made to bring out a foregone conclusion. The following is a
specimen of the data :
" Marinus does not exhibit the mileage from the Golden
century. Major General Cunningham, though not giving any specific
modern identification of this State, most happily connects it with the
Comedae of Ptolemy, who inhabited the hill country east of Bactriana,
and up whose valley lay the route of the caravans from Bactra, bound
for Serica across Imaus or the Thsungling. The proportions of length
and breadth ascribed to the territory of Khmiitho, 20 by 2, show that
a valley is in question. The passage in Ptolemy just alluded to is one
of the most notable in regard to the geography of Inner Asia of all that
have come down to us from classic times. There can be little doubt
that Gen. Cunningham's identification of Khtmitho with the Comedae
is well founded, and we could scarcely desire a more precise definition of
their position than Hwen Thsang has here given us. ' They lay to the
eastward of Khotl, among the roots of Pamir, to the northward of
Shighnan, and had the Oxus on their south-west.' " Stein, Ancient
Khotan, p. 54, writes : " It is the joint merit of Sir H. Yule and Sir
H. Rawlinson to have demonstrated beyond all doubt the identity of
the mountain tract of the Komedi with the Chii-mi-t'o of Hsiian-tsang
on the one hand and the ' land of the Kumedh ' of early Mohammedan
writers on the other. It thus became possible to locate with certainty
' the valley of the Komedi' in the mountains which divide the Wakhshab
river and the adjacent alpine tracts of Karategin from the course of
the Oxus. From Karategin a direct and comparatively easy line of
communication leads along the Wakhshab up to the rich grazing grounds
of the wide Alai plateau. Ascending the latter to its eastern end, it
then crosses the watershed range between the Oxus and the Tarim at
its lowest point, the Taun-murun Pass ; and a short distance below,
near the headwaters of the Kashgar river, it joins the great route which
connects Kashgar with Farghanah over the Terek Dawan."]
Beyond the Stone Tower, and in Imaus itself, there was a dpfX7]Trjpiot'
or station for the traders to the Seres (bk. vi, ch. 13). This may have
been about Tashbaliq. Smith's Diet, of Gr. and Roman Geography,
article Serica, states as a fact that in the ancient conduct of the silk
trade the Seres deposited their bales of silk in the Stone Tower with
the prices marked, and then retired, whilst the western merchants came
forward to inspect. Where is the authority ? And if it were so, why
did Maes send his agents seven months' journey further ? Or did the
writer of the article find the dumb trade in Pliny and the Stone Tower
in Ptolemy, and like a celebrated character of Dickens's " combine the
information " ? [" An exact location of the famous ' Stone Tower '
{\iiUvos irvpyos) is not possible at present, and can be hoped for only
from antiquarian investigations effected on the spot. In regard, however,
to the traders' station which Maes' account mentions to the east of the
Stone Tower and on the road starting for Sera, I think that unchanging
geographical conditions afford us some guidance. Baron Richthofen
has justly pointed out that this station must be looked for close to the
watershed crossed by the above route, since Ptolemy places it in the
line of the Imaus, which undoubtedly corresponds to the range buttress-
ing the Pamir region on the east, and dividing the drainage areas of the
Oxus and the Tarim. He has also rightly observed that the point where
the much-frequented route coming from Farghanah over the Terek
Dawan is joined by the route from the Wakhshab valley was the most
likely position for such a station." Stein, Ancient Khotan, pp. 54-5.
Ptolemy's Stone Tower must not be confounded with Tash Kurghan.]
SUPPLEMENTARY NOTES I93
Chersonese to Cattigara, But he says that Alexander has de-
scribed the land beyond (that Chersonese) to He facing the south,
and that after saihng by this for 20 days you reach the city of
Zaba\ and still sailing on for some days southward but rather
to the left you reach Cattigara^. He exaggerates the distance,
for the expression is some days not many days. He says indeed
that no numerical statement of the days was made because they
were so many : but this I take to be ridiculous," etc., etc.
In chapter 17, speaking of persons who had made the voyage
to India and spent much time in those parts, he proceeds :
" From these persons also we have got more exact information
about India and its kingdoms, as well as about the remoter^ parts
of the region extending to the Golden Chersonese and thence to
Cattigara. For example they all agree in stating that in going
thither your course is to the east, and in coming back again it is
to the west, and they agree also in saying that no determinate
time can be named for the accomplishment of the voyage, which
varies with circumstances. They also agree that the land of the
Seres with their metropolis lies to the north of the land of the
Sinae, and that all that is further east than these is a Terra
Incognita full of marshy lagoons in which great canes grow, and
that so densely that people are able to cross the marshes by means
of them. They tell also that there is not only a road from those
1 ["The locality of the ancient port of Zabai [Za^a or Za^ai] or
Champa is probably to be sought on the west coast of Kamboja, near
the Campot, or the Kang Kao, of our maps." Yule, Notes on the
Oldest Records of the Sea-Route to China, Proc. R. Geog. Soc, 1882.
p. 657.]
^ ["To myself, the arguments adduced by my friend Baron F. von
Richthofen in favour of the location of Kattigara in the Gulf of
Tongking, are absolutely convincing. This position seems to satisfy
every condition. For :
1. Tongking was for some centuries at that period (b.c. hi to
A.D. 263), and that period only, actually incorporated as part of the
Chinese Empire.
2. The only port mentioned in the Chinese annals as at that period
open to foreign traffic was Kiau-chi, substantially identical with the
modern capital of Tongking, Kesho, or Hanoi. Whilst there are no
notices of foreign arrivals by any other approach, there are repeated
notices of such arrivals b}' this province, including that famous
embassy from Antun, King of Ta-ts'in, i.e. M. Aurelius Anton-inus
(A.D. 161-180), in A.D. 166.
3. The province in question was then known as Ji-nan (or Zhi-nan,
French /) ; whence possibly the name Sinae, which has travelled so far
and spread over such libraries of literature. The Chinese annalist,
who mentions the Roman embassy, adds : ' The people of that kingdom
[Ta-ts'in, or the Roman Empire) come in numbers for trading purposes
to Fu-nan, Ji-nan, and Kiau-chi.' Fu-nan, we have seen, was Champa
or Zabai. In Ji-nan, with its chief port Kiau-chi, we may recognise
with assurance ' Kattigara, portus Sinarum.' " Yule, Notes on the Oldest
Records of the Sea-Route to China, Proc. R. Geog. Soc, 1882, pp. 658-9.]
3 Lit. " Interior."
C. Y. C. I. 13
194 ■ PRELIMINARY ESSAY
countries to Bactriana by the Stone Tower, but also a road to
India which goes through Pahmbothra. And the road from the
metropoHs of the Sinae to the port of Cattigara runs towards the
south-west ; so the former city wovild appear not to fall on the
meridian of Sera and Cattigaras, as Marinus will have it, but to
lie further east."
Serice.
" Serice is bounded on the west by. Scythia beyond Imaus,
according to the line already defined (i.e., a line whose northern
extremity is in long. 150°, N. lat. 63° and its southern extremity
in long. 160°, N. lat. 35°) ; on the north, by the Terra Incognita,
in the latitude of the Island of Thule ; on the east, by the Eastern
Terra Incognita in the meridian of 180° from lat. 63° down to 3°o ;
on the south, by the remaining part of India beyond the Ganges
along the parallel of 35° to the termination of that country in
long. 173°, and then by the Sinae along the same line till you
reach the frontier of the Terra Incognita, as it has just been
defined^.
" Serice is girdled round by the mountains named Anniba^,
by the easternmost part of the Auxacian Mountains, by the
mountains called Asmirsean, the easternmost part of the Kasian
Mountains, by Mount Thagurus, by the most easterly part of the
ranges called Hemodus and Sericus, and by the chain of Ottoro-
corrhas. Two rivers of especial note flow through the greater
part of Serice ; the river CEchordas is one of these, one source of
which is that set forth as flowing from the Auxacian range, and
the other from the Asmirsean range. . . . And the other is the river
called Bautes, which has one source in the Kasian Mountains and
another in the mountains of Ottorocorrhas^.
" The most northern parts or Serice are inhabited by tribes
1 One might be reading the legislative definitions of the boundaries
of an American state or an Australian colony. We see here how
Ptolemy's Asiatic Geography was compiled. It is evident that he first
drew his maps embodying all the information that he had procured,
however vague and rough it might be. From these maps he then educed
his tables of latitudes and longitudes and his systematic topography.
The result is that everything assumes an appearance of exact definition ;
and indications on the map which meant no more than " somewhere
hereabouts is said to be such a country," become translated into a
precision fit for an Act of Parliament.
^ I omit the latitudes and longitudes of the mountains, rivers, and
cities named in this chapter.
^ There is, I suppose, no question that the Serice described here is
mainly the basin of Chinese Turkestan, encompas.sed on three sides by
lofty mountains. In Auxacia we probably trace the name of Aqsu
(Deguigncs and D'Anville), in Kasia perhaps Kashgar (D'Anv.). The
Oikhardai, on the river of that name, which is probably the Tarim, may
represent the Uighurs. [This is no doubt an error ; the Uighiirs did
not exist then.]
SUPPLEMENTARY NOTES I95
of cannibals^. Below these the nation of the Annibi dwells to
the north of the mountains bearing the same name. Between
these last and the Auxacian Mountains is the nation of the
Sizyges^ ; next to them the Damnse ; and then the Piaddae,
extending to the river CEchardus. Adjoining it are a people
bearing the same name, the CEchardae.
" And again, east of the Annibi are the Garenaei and the
Nabannse^. There is the Asmiraean country lying north of the
mountains of the same name, and south of this extending to the
Kasian Mountains the great nation Issedones ; and beyond them
to the east the Throani. Below them come the Ethaguri to the
east of the mountains of the same name, and south of the Issedones
the Aspacarse, and then the Batae, and furthest to the south, near
the mountain chains Hemodus and Sericus, are the Ottorocorrhae*."
The names of the following cities of Serice are given : " Damna,
Piada, Asmiraea, Tharrhana, Issedon Serica, Aspacara, Drosache,
Paliana, Abragana, Thogara, Daxata, Orosana, Ottorocorrha,
Solana, Sera Metropolis " (book vi, ch. 16).
The Land of the SiN^.
" The Sinee are bounded on the north by part of Serice, as has
been defined already ; on the east and the south, by the Terra
Incognita ; on the west, by India beyond the Ganges, according
to the boundary already defined extending to the Great Gulf, and
then by the Great Gulf itself, and those gulfs that follow it in
succession, by the gulf called Theriodes, and by part of the gulf
of the Sinas, on which dwell the fish-eating Ethiopians^, according
to the detail which follows."
He then gives the longitude and latitude of various points on
the coast ; viz.. River Aspithra, city of Bramma, River Ambastes,
Rhabana, R. Senus, Cape Notion, Satyr's Cape, R. Cottiaris, and
Cattigara, to the Port of the Sinae. Of inland cities are named
1 As late as the middle of the thirteenth century King Hethum of
Armenia in the deserts near Bishbaliq speaks of wild men with no
covering but the hair of their heads ; " They are real brutes," it is
added. I do not know any other reference to tribes in Tartary in so
low a state. (Journ. Asiat., ser. ii, torn, xii, pp. 273 seqq.)
* The name Sizyges in its probable etymology appears to refer to the
chariot- or waggon-driving habits of the people. A tribe of the Uighiirs
hereabouts were called by the Chinese Chhesse or " The Car Drivers."
(Remusat in Acad., viii, 112.)
3 Possibly the Naiman horde so notable in the Mongol history.
* Utara Kuru of the Hindus, see Lassen, i, 846.
5 Marcianus of Heraclea in the corresponding passage has the
" Ichthyophagi Sinae," which is, perhaps, an -indication that his Ptolemy
did not contain the perplexing appellation Mthiopes. As this appella-
tion (Ichthyophagi Mthiopes) occurs more appropriately (Bk. iv, chap. 9)
as that of a tribe on the remote west coast of Africa, it is not improbable
that its introduction here is due to officious, or perhaps unconscious,
interpolation by a transcriber.
13 — 2
196 PRELIMINARY ESSAY
Akadra, Aspithra, Cocco- or Coccora-Nagara, Saraga, and Thinae
the Metropolis.
" But this last, they say, hath in reality neither brazen walls
nor anything else worth mentioning^ " (book vii, oh. 3).
NOTE III.
FROM POMPONIUS MELA DE SITU ORBIS.
(Supposed about a.d. 50.)
" In the furthest east of Asia are the Indians, Seres, and
Scythians. The Indians and Scythians occupy the two extremities,
the Seres are in the middle " (i, 2)^.
In another passage, after speaking of certain islands in the
Caspian, and on the Scythian coast, he proceeds :
" From these the course (of the shore) makes a bend and trends
to the coast line which faces the east. That part which adjoins
the Scythian promontory is first all impassable from snow ; then
an uncultivated tract occupied by savages. These tribes are the
Cannibal Scythians and the Sagse, severed from one another by
a region where none can dwell because of the number of wild
animals. Another vast wilderness follows, occupied also by wild
beasts, reaching to a mountain called Thabis which overhangs the
sea. A long way from that the ridge of Taurus rises. The Seres
come between the two; a race eminent for integrity, and well
known for the trade which they allow to be transacted behind their
backs, leaving their wares in a desert spot " (iii, 7)^.
NOTE IV.
EXTRACTS FROM PLINY'S NATURAL HISTORY.
(Born A.D. 23, Died a.d. 79.)
" From the Caspian Sea and the Scythian Ocean the course
(of the coast) makes a bend till the shore faces the east. The first
part of that tract of country, beginning from the Scythian Pro-
^ See note at p. 159.
^ [" In ea primes hominum ab oriente accipimus Indos, et Seres et
Scythas. Seres media ferme eoae partis incolunt, Indi et Scythae
ultima : ambo late patentes, neque in hoc tantum pelagus effusi."
Pomponius Mela, Lib. i, c. 2.]
3 [" Ab iis in Eoum mare cursus inflectitur, inque oram terras
spectantis orientem. Pertinet hsec a Scythico promontorio ad Colida :
primumque omnis est invia ; deinde ob immanitatem habitantium
inculta. Scythae sunt androphagi et Sacae, di.stincti regione, quia feris
scatet, inhabitabih. Vasta deinde iterum loca bellusc infestant, usque
ad montem mari imminentem, nomine Tabim. Longe ab eo Taurus at-
toUitur. Seres intersunt; genus plenum justitias, et commercio, quod
rebus in solitudine relictis absens peragit, notissimum." Pomponius
Mela, Lib. iii, c. 7.]
SUPPLEMENTARY NOTES 197
montory, is uninhabitable from eternal winter ; the next portion
is uncultivated and occupied by savage tribes, among whom are
the Cannibal Scythians who feed on human flesh ; and alongside
of these are vast wildernesses tenanted by multitudes of wild
beasts hemming in those human creatures almost as brutal as
themselves. Then, we again find tribes of Scythians, and again
desert tracts occupied only by wild animals, till we come to that
mountain chain overhanging the sea, which is called Tabis. Not
till nearly half the length of the coast which looks north-east has
been passed, do you find inhabited country^.
" The first race then encountered are the Seres, so famous
for the fleecy product of their forests. This pale floss, which they
find growing on the leaves, they wet with water, and then comb
out, furnishing thus a double task to our womenkind in first
dressing the threads, and then again of weaving them into silk
fabrics. So has toil to be multiplied ; so have the ends of the
earth to be traversed : and all that a Roman dame may exhibit
her charms in transparent gauze 2.
1 It is evident from a comparison of this with the passage of Mela
quoted in the preceding note, that both authors are drawing from some
common source.
2 Seneca is still stronger in expressions to like purport : " Video
sericas vestes, si vestes vocandaB sunt, in quibus nihil est quo defendi
aut corpus, aut denique pudor possit; quibus sumptis, mulier parum
liquido, nudam se non esse jurabit. Haec ingenti summa, ab ignotis
etiam ad commercium gentibus, arcerssuntur, ut matronse nostrae, ne
adulteris quidem, plus sui in cubiculo, quam in publico ostendant." De
Bejteficiis, vii, 9. [Cf. Hirth, China and the Roman Orient, p. 259.]
From these passages it would appear that the silk textures in such
esteem among the Romans of those days were not what we should call
rich silks, like the satins and damasks which were imported from China
in later days, but gauzes, the value of which lay in their excessive
delicacy. And that this continued to be the character of the China
silks in most general estimation for several centuries later may be
gathered from Abu Zaid, who tells us that the chief Chinese officers
wore " silks of the iirst quality, such as were never imported into
Arabia," and illustrates this by the story of an Arab merchant whose
curiosity was attracted by a mark upon the chest of an officer of the
imperial household, which was plainly visible through several folds of
the silk dress which he wore ; and it proved that the officer had on
five robes of this texture, one over the other [Relation, i, p. 76). Like
stories are told in India of the Dacca muslins. One tells, I think, of
Akbar that he rebuked one of his ladies for the indecent transparency
of her dress, and in defence she showed that she had on nine, of the kind
which was called Bad-baft, or " Woven Wind."
The passage of Pliny here translated, coupled with another to be
noticed presently, has led to a statement made in many respectable
books, but which I apprehend to be totally unfounded, that the Greeks
and Romans picked to pieces the rich China silks and wove light gauzes
out of the material. This is asserted, for example, in the treatise on
Silk Manufacture in Lardner's Cyclopcedia (pp. 5, 6), and in the Encyclo-
pcedia Britannica (7th ed., article Silk). Smith's Dictionary of Greek and
Roman Geography also (article Serica) says: "Pliny records that a
Greek woman of Cos, named Pamphila, first invented the expedient of
igS
PRELIMINARY ESSAY
"The Seres are inoffensive in their manners indeed; but, like
the beasts of the forest, they eschew the contact of mankind ;
and, though ready to engage in trade, wait for it to come to them
instead of seeking it " (vi, 20).
Further on, when speaking of Taprobane, he says :
" So far we have from the ancients. But we had an oppor-
tunity of more correct information in the reign of Claudius, when
splitting these substantial silk stuffs, and of manufacturing those very
fine and web-like dresses which became so celebrated under the name of
CocB Vestes."
The whole passage of Pliny here alluded to is as follows (xi, 25) :
" Among these there is a fourth kind of Bombyx produced in Assyria and
greater than those of which we have been speaking. These make nests
of clay, having the appearance of salt, fastening them upon stone ; and
these nests are so hard that they can scarcely be pierced with a pointed
tool. They secrete wax in these nests more copiously than bees do,
and the grub too is of proportionately larger size.
" 26. There is one with another mode of development produced
from a yet larger grub which has two peculiar horns as it were. From
this it becomes first a caterpillar ; then what is called bombylius ; next
necydalus ; and then in six months a bombyx. These spin webs like
spiders, which are turned to the account of female dress and extrava-
gance under the name of Bombycina. The process of dressing these
webs and again of weaving them into fabrics was first invented in Ceos
by a woman called Pamphila, the daughter of Latous. Let us not
cheat her of her glory in having devised a method by which women shall
be dressed and yet naked !
"27. They say that Bombyces are also produced in the island of
Cos by the genial action of the earth on the flowers of cypress, turpen-
tine-tree, ash, or oak, when shaken down by rain. The first form of the
creature produced is that of a butterfly, little and naked ; then as the
cold affects it, it develops a rough coat, and against the winter prepares
for itself a thick envelope by scraping off the down of leaves with its
feet, which are adapted to this purpose. Carding, as it were, and
spinning out this substance to a fine thread with its claws, it stretches
it from branch to branch, and then lays hold of it and winds it round
its body till entirely wrapped in the nest so formed. The people then
gather the creatures and put them in earthen pots with warm bran, the
effect of which is to develop on them a new plumage, clothed with which
they are let go to the other functions reserved for them. The woolly
web that they had spun is moistened so as to disengage more easily,
and wound off on a reel of reed. The stuffs made from this are worn
Avithout shame even by men as light summer clothing. So far have we
degenerated from the days when cuirasses of mail were worn that even
a coat is too great a burden for us ! The produce of the Assyrian
Bombyx however we as yet leave to the ladies."
On these passages we may remark :
1. That the account of the Bombyx in §25 appears to be sub-
stantially taken from Aristotle, De Animal. Hist., v, 24, and to refer to
some kind of mason bee. The " in Assyria proveniens " of Pliny,
which the reference to " Bombyx Assyria " again at the end of the
extract seems to connect with the produce of some kind of texture, does
not appear in Aristotle at all. And yet Pliny gives no explanation as
to what the produce of the Assyrian i3ombyx was.
2. In .§ 26 Pamphila's invention and some kind of web-weaving
bombyx are referred to Ceos ; in § 27 another kind of weaving bombyx
(with its anomalous history) is referred to Cos ; whilst Aristotle, as we
SUPPLEMENTARY NOTES 199
ambassadors came from the island. A freedman of Annius
Plocamus, who had farmed the customs of the Red Sea from the
Imperial Exchequer, after sailing round Arabia, was driven by
storms past Carmania, and on the fifteenth day made the port of
Hippuri^. Here he was entertained by the king with kindness
and hospitality for six months ; and, when he had learned to
speak the language, in answer to the king's questions, told him
all about Caesar and the Romans. Nothing that the king heard
made such a wonderful impression on him as the opinion of the
exactness of our dealings which he formed from seeing in some
Roman money that had been taken that the coins were all of the
same weight, though the heads upon them showed that they had
been struck by different princes. And the stranger having
particularly urged him to cultivate the friendship of the Romans,
he sent these four ambassadors, the chief of whom was named
shall see, refers Pamphila to Cos. Has not Pliny here been merely
emptying out of his note-book two separate accounts of the same
matter ?
3. In § 26 Pliny's words redordiri rursusque texere are verbatim the
same that he uses in the passage about the Seres translated in the text,
and seem to be merely affected expressions, indicating nothing more
than the carding and reeling the sericum and the bombycinum respec-
tively out of the entanglement of their natural web (as Pliny imagines
it) and then re-entangling them again (as it were) in the loom. This
is put beyond doubt by the fact that § 26 is merely a paraphrase from
Aristotle (De An. Hist., v, 19), who, speaking of various insect trans-
formations, says : " From a certain great grub, which has as it were
horns, and differs from the others, is produced, first by transformation
of the grub, a caterpillar, and then bombylius, and then necydalus. In
six months it goes through all these changes of form. And from this
creature some women disengage and reel off the bombycina and then
weave them. And the first who is said to have woven this material was
Pamphile, daughter of Plates in Cos." Whatever material this bomby-
cina may have really been, there is evidently here no question of
picking foreign stuffs to pieces, a figment which seems entirely based on
Pliny's rhetoric. [" It must be admitted that as long as we had no
clear idea as to what kind of texture was meant by Pliny's ' telae
araneorum modo textae,' we were free to assume that the stuff ' slipt
and re-woven ' was either the cocoon itself, or raw silk pressed into
skeins. Yet, it seems to me that the passage in the Wei-lio and Ma
Tuan-lin's extension of it, fully confirm the matter of fact as represented
by Pliny. It looks very inuch, as if the texture called hu-ling in the
two passages^. referred to was identical with the thin gauzes of which
Seneca [speaks] " (see supra). Hirth, I.e., p. 259.] Cuvier considered
the description in § 27, however erroneous, clearly to indicate some
species of silkworm, which had been superseded by the introduction of
that from China (see Didot's edition of Pliny with Cuvier's notes in
loco). And, indeed, as regards the Assyrian Bombyx, we learn from
Consul Taylor that its wild silk is still gathered and used for dresses by
the women about Jazirah on the Tigris (see /. R. G. S., xxxv, p. 51).
1 Tennent says this is the modern Kudra-mali on the north-west of
Ceylon, near the pearl banks of Manaar (i, 532). [See the " Tapro-
bane " of Pliny and Ptolemy. By Donald Ferguson. (Jour. R. As.
Sac, July, 1904, pp. 539-541-)]
200 PRELIMINARY ESSAY
Rachias^ . . .These men also related that the side of their island
which was opposite India, extended ten thousand stadia towards
the south-east. The Seres, too, who dwell beyond the mountains
of Emodus, and who are known to us by the commerce which is
carried on with them, had been seen by these people ; the father of
Rachias had visited their country ; and they themselves, on their
travels, had met with people of the Seres. They described these
as surpassing the ordinary stature of mankind, as having red hair,
blue eyes, hoarse voices, and no common language to communicate
by. The rest of what they told was just as we have it from our
own traders. The goods carried thither are deposited on the
further side of a certain river beside what the Seres have for sale,
and the latter, if content with the bargain, carry them off ; acting,
in fact, as if in contempt of the luxury to which they ministered,
and just as if they saw in the mind's eye the object and destination
and result of this traffic^ " (vi, 24).
In a later passage, after speaking of the simplicity of primitive
habits, he goes on :
" Hence, one wonders more and more, how from beginnings so
different, we have come now to see whole mountains cut down into
marble slabs, journeys made to the Seres to get stuffs for clothing,
the abysses of the Red Sea explored for pearls, and the depths of
the earth in search of emeralds ! Nay, more, they have taken up
the notion also of piercing the ears, as if it were too small a matter
to wear these gems in necklaces and tiaras, unless holes also were
made in the body to insert them in ! " (xii, i).
And again :
" But the sea of Arabia is still more fortunate ; for 'tis thence
it sends us pearls. And at the lowest computation, India and
the Seres and that Peninsula put together drain our empire of
one hundred million of sesterces every year. That is the price
that our luxuries and our womankind cost us ! " (xii, 41).
1 On the possible interpretations of this name see Tennent's Ceylon,
i. 532-3-
2 I cannot attempt to solve the difficulties of this passage, on which
I have seen nothing satisfactory. Putting aside the red hair and blue
eyes, it is difficult to conceive that the Chinese ever practised this dumb
trade, which in all other known cases I believe has been found only
where one party to it was in a very low state of civilisation. A certain
kind of dumb trade indeed prevails more or less in most Asiatic
countries, including Mongolia (Hue and Gabet, 112) and possibly China,
I mean that by which bargains are driven and concluded by the two
parties fingering each other's knuckles under a shawl without a word
spoken. Could the stories of tlie Seric trade have risen out of this
practice ?
SUPPLEMENTARY NOTES 201
NOTE IV BIS.
FROM DIONYSIUS PERIERGETESi.
(a.d. 2nd Century.)
Verum ubi Scythici oceani gurgitem profundum
navis secueris, ulteriusque ad mare orientale deflexeris,
iter tibi Auream insulam adducit, ubi
solis ipsius ortus conspicitur purus. (587-590.)
Post hunc propter Jaxai-tis cursus Sacse habitant
sagittiferi, quos baud facile alius refutaverit
Sagittarius, quippe quibus non sit fas irrita jaculari,
et Tochari Phrunique et barbaras Serum nationes,
qui boves pinguesque oves detrectant,
sed versicolores vastae regionis fiores intexunt
ac vestes multa arte conficiunt pretiosas,
quae colore pratensis herbae honorem referant,
ut ne opus quidem aranearum cum illis certet. (749-7570
FROM RUFUS FESTUS AVIENUS^.
(4th Century.)
Descripfio Orbis Terrcp.
. . . Turn cyaneis erepit ab undis
insula, quae prisci signatur nominis usu
Aurea, quod fulvo sol hie magis orbe rubescat. (769-771.)
. . . Inde cruenti
sunt Tochari, Phrunique truces, et inhospita Seres
arva habitant. Gregibus permixti oviumque boumque
vellera per silvas Seres nemoralia carpunt. (933-936.)
FROM PRISCIANUS«.
(Beginning 4th Century.)
Periegesis.
At navem pelago flectenti aquilonis ab oris
ad solem calido referentem lumen ab ortu
Aurea spectetur tibi pinguibus insula glebis. (592-594.)
Inde Sacae nimium certis gens mira sagittis,
fiumen laxartem juxta quibus arva coluntur ;
et Tochari Phrurique et plurima millia Serum :
illis nulla boum, pecoris nee pascua curse,
vestibus utuntur, texunt quas floribus ipsi,
quos tenuant lectos desertis finibus ipsi. (725-730.)
^ Geographi Gresci Minores,. . .ill. C. Miillerus, ii, 1861, pp. 141
151-2.
2 Geographi Grceci Minores,. . .ill. C. Miillerus, ii, 1861, pp. 184, 185.
^ Geographi Gresci Minores,. . .ill. C. Miillerus, ii, 1861, pp. 195, 196.
202 PRELIMINARY ESSAY
NOTE V.
FROM THE ITINERARY OF GREECE OF
PAUSANIAS.
(Circa a.d. 174.)
" Now, the Land of Elis is not merely fruitful in other products,
but also, and it is not the least of them, in Byssus'^. Hemp and
flax and byssus are sown by such as have soils appropriate to the
cultivation of each. But the filaments from which the Seres
make their stuffs are the growth of no plant, but are produced in
quite another manner ; and thus it is. There exists in their
country a certain insect which the Greeks call Ser ; but by the
Seres it is not called Ser, but something quite different. In size
'tis twice as big as the biggest of beetles : but, in other respects,
it resembles the spiders that spin under trees ; and, moreover, it
has eight legs as spiders have. The Seres keep these creatures,
and make houses for their shelter adapted to summer and winter
respectively. And the substance wrought by these insects is
found in the shape of a slender filament entangled about their
legs. The people feed them for about four years upon millet,
and in the fifth year (for they know that the creatures will not live
longer than that) they give them a kind of green reed to eat.
This is the food that the insect likes best of all ; and it crams
itself with it to such an extent that it bursts from repletion.
And when it is thus dead, they find the bulk of what it has spun
in its inside^.
" Now, Seria is known to be an island in a recess of the
Erythraean Sea. But I have been told that it is not the Erythraean
Sea which makes it an island, but a river which they call Ser,
just as the Delta of Egypt is isolated by the Nile and not by a
sea compassing it all round. And these Seres are of the Ethiopic
race ; and they hold also the adjoining islands. Abas a and Sakaia.
Yet others say that they are not Ethiopians at all, but a cross
between the Scythians and the Indians. This is what they tell
of these matters " (vi, 26).
1 Cotton ?
^ Erroneous as this account is, it looks as if it had come originally
from real information, though afterwards misunderstood and perverted.
The " shelter adapted to winter and summer " seems to point to the
care taken by the Chinese in regulating the heat of the silk-houses ;
the " five years " may have been a misunderstanding of the five ages
of the .silkworm's life marked by its four moultings ; the reed given it
to eat when the spinning .season has come may refer to the strip of rush
with which the Chinese form receptacles for the worms to spin in (see
Lardner's Cyc. Silk Manufacture, p. 126).
SUPPLEMENTARY NOTES 203
NOTE VI.
FROM THE HISTORY OF AMMIANUS MARCELLINUS.
(Circa a.d. 380.)
" Beyond these regions of the two Scythias, towards the east,
a circhng and continuous barrier of lofty mountains fences round
the Seres, who dwell thus secure in their rich and spacious plains.
On the west they come in contact with the Scythians ; on the
north and east they are bounded by solitary regions of snow : on
the south, they reach as far as India and the Ganges. The
mountains of which we have spoken are called Anniva and Naza-
vicium and Asmira and Emodon and Opurocarra^. And these
plains, thus compassed on all sides by precipitous steeps, are
traversed by two famous rivers, CEchardes and Bautis, winding
with gentle current through the spacious level ; whilst the Seres
themselves pass through life still more tranquilly, ever keeping
clear of arms and war. And being of that sedate and peaceful
temper whose greatest delight is a quiet life, they give trouble to
none of their neighbours. They have a charming climate, and
air of healthy temper ; the face of their sky is unclouded ; their
breezes blow with serviceable moderation ; their forests are
spacious, and shut out the glare of day.
" The trees of these forests furnish a product of a fleecy kind,
so to speak, which they ply with frequent waterings, and then
card out in fine and slender threads, half woolly fibre, half viscid
filament. Spinning these fibres they manufacture silk, the use of
which once confined to our nobility has now spread to all classes
without distinction, even to the lowest. Those Seres are frugal
in their habits beyond other men, and study to pass their lives in
peace, shunning association with the rest of mankind. So when
foreigners pass the river on their frontier to buy their silk or other
wares, the bargain is settled by the eyes alone with no exchange of
words. And so free are they from wants that, though ready to
dispose of their own products, they purchase none from abroad "
(xxiii, 6).
NOTE VII.
THE INTRODUCTION OF THE SILK-WORM INTO
THE ROMAN EMPIRE, FROM PROCOPIUS, DE
BELLO GOTH I CO.
(a.d. 500-565.)
" About the same time certain monks arrived from the (country
of the) Indians, and learning that the Emperor Justinian had it
^ Read " Anniba, Auxacius, Asmiraeus, Emodon, and Ottoro-
corrhas." See extract from Ptolemy, supra, p. 195.
204 PRELIMINARY ESSAY
much at heart that the Romans should no longer buy silk from
the Persians, they came to the king and promised that they would
so manage about silk that the Romans should not have to purchase
the article either from the Persians or from any other nation ;
for they had lived, they said, a long time in a country where there
were many nations of the Indians, and Avhich goes by the name of
Serinda. And when there they had made themselves thoroughly
acquainted with the way in which silk might be produced in the
Roman territory. And when the emperor questioned them very
closely, and asked how they could guarantee success in the
business, the monks told him that the agents in the production
of silk were certain caterpillars, working under the teaching of
nature, which continually urged them to their task. To bring
live caterpillars indeed from that country would be impracticable,
but arrangements might be made for hatching them easily and
expeditiously. For the eggs produced at a birth by one of those
worms were innumerable ; and it was possible to hatch these eggs
long after they had been laid, by covering them with dung, which
produced sufficient heat for the purpose. When they had given
these explanations, the emperor made them large promises of
reward if they would only verify their assertions by carrying the
thing into execution. And so they went back again to India and
brought a supply of the eggs to Byzantium. And having treated
them just as they had said, they succeeded in developing the
caterpillars, which they fed upon mulberry leaves. And from this
beginning originated the establishment of silk-culture in the
Roman territory " (iv, 17).
Zonaras {Annals, xiv, vol. ii, p. 69 of Paris ed. 1687), in relating
this story after Procopius, says that till this occurred the Romans
did not know how silk was produced, nor even that it was spun by
worms.
The same as told by Theophanes of Byzantium.
(End of sixth century.)
" Now in the reign of Justinian a certain Persian exhibited in
Byzantium the mode in which (silk) worms were hatched, a thing
which the Romans had never known before. This Persian on
coming away from the country of the Seres had taken with him
the eggs of these worms (concealed) in a walking-stick, and
succeeded in bringing them safely to Byzantium. In the beginning
of spring he put out the eggs upon the mulberry leaves which form
their food ; and the worms feeding upon those leaves developed
into winged insects and performed their other operations. After-
wards when the Emperor Justinian showed the Turks the manner
in which the worms were hatched, and the silk which they pro-
duced, he astonished them greatly. For at that time the Turks
were in possession of the marts and ports frequented by the Seres,
SUPPLEMENTARY NOTES 205
which had been formerly in the possession of the Persians. For
when Ephthalanus King of the Ephthahtes (from whom indeed the
race derived that name) conquered Perozes and the Persians, these
latter were deprived of their places, and the Ephthahtes became
possessed of them^. But somewhat later the Turks again con-
quered the Ephthahtes and took the places from them in turn."
In Miiller's Fragmenta Histor. Grcec, iv, 270.
NOTE VIII.
EXTRACTS REGARDING INTERCOURSE BETWEEN THE
TURKISH KHANS AND THE BYZANTINE EMPERORS.
From the Fragments of Menander Protector.
(End of sixth century.)
" In the beginning of the fourth year of the Emperor Justin
[568] an embassy from the Turks arrived at Byzantium ; and it
came about thus. The power of the Turks had now grown to
a great pitch, and the people of Sogdia who had formerly been
subject to the Ephthahtes ^ but were now under the Turks,
besought the king to send an embassy to the Persians, in order
to obtain permission for them to carry silk for sale into Persia.
Dizabulus^ consented to send an embassy of Sogdians, and
^ Perozes (Firoz) reigned 458-484. The circumstances as gathered
from other Greek writers are set forth in Lassen, ii, 773.
The mention here of the " ports frequented by the Seres " is remark-
able, and I believe the only indication of the Seres (under that name)
as a sea-faring people. // the expression can be depended on, the ports
in question must have been in Sind. We have seen that a record of
the Chinese trade to Sind at a date somewhat later exists {supra, p. 87).
This passage then becomes a final link of identification between Seres
and Chinese.
2 [The Hephthalites or Ephthahtes, known as the White Huns,
derive their name from their chief Y e-tai-i-li-t' o , who sent an embassy
to China in 516. The Chinese Historians say that the Ye ta (Ephtha-
htes) were of the race of the Ta Yue-chi, came from Kin shan (Altai),
and settled west of Yu t'ien (Khotan). It is very doubtful whether they
were a branch of the Ta Yue-chi. They were at first a small people called
Hoa, subject to the Juan Juan ; they grew in importance during the
fifth century and became the neighbours of the Persians ; Talikhan,
west of Balkh, being the frontier town between the two nations in 500.
The capital of the Ephthahtes was Bamyin (Badhaghis) (Pai-ti-yen),
near Herat. We saw that the Ephthahtes were destroyed by the
Western Turks between 563 and 567. [See supra, p. 59.] — Specht,
Etudes sur I'Asie centrale, J. As., 1883. Chavannes, Tou-Kiue.]
3 The Great Khan of the Turks at this time, according to the Chinese
histories, was Mohan. There was also a great chief called by these
authorities Titeupuli, who is mentioned as joining Mokan Khan in an
expedition to China a few years before this time. It is difiicult not to
identify this name with that of Dizabulus, but the latter is so distinctly
represented as the supreme chief that Deguignes hesitates whether to
206 PRELIMINARY ESSAY
Maniach was put at the head of the mission. So they presented
themselves before the Persian king, and solicited permission to carry
on their silk trade without obstruction. The King of the Persians,
however, was not at all pleased at the notion that the Turks
should have free access from that side into the Persian territories,
and so he put them off till the morrow, and when the morrow
came again deferred reply. After he had thus staved off the
matter for a length of time on one pretext or other, the solicita-
tions of the Sogdian people became very importunate, and at last
Khosroes called a council where the matter was brought up for
consideration. And then that same Ephthalite Katulphus, who,
in revenge for the king's ravishing his wife, had betrayed his
nation to the Turks, and who had on that account abandoned his
country and taken up with the Medes, exhorted the Persian king
on no account to let the silk have free passage, but to have a price
put upon it, buy it up, and have it burnt in the presence of the
ambassadors. It would thus be seen that though he would do
no injustice, he would have nothing to do with the silk of the
Turks. So the silk was put into the fire and the ambassadors
turned homeward, anything but pleased with the result of their
journey, and related to Dizabulus what had taken place. He
was, however, exceedingly desirous to obtain the good will of the
Persians for his government, so he immediately despatched a
second embassy. When this second Turkish embassy arrived at
the Persian court, the king, with the Persian ministers and
Katulphus, came to the ' conclusion that it would be highly
inexpedient for the Persians to enter into friendly relations with
the Turks, for the whole race of the Scythians was one not to be
trusted. So he ordered some of the ambassadors to be taken off
by a deadly poison, in order to prevent any more such missions
from coming. Most of the Turkish envoys accordingly, in fact
all but three or four, were put an end to by a deadly poison which
wasmixt with their food, whilst the king caused it to be whispered
about among the Persians that the Turkish ambassadors had died
of the suffocating dry heat of the Persian climate ; for their own
identify him with Mokan or Titeupuli (ii, 380-5). [Prof. Chavannes,
Tou-Kiiie, pp. 227-8, has a paragraph on the name Silzibul (Dizabul)
which he derives from the proper name Sin and the title jabgu {Sin
jabgu) ; Marquart, £ransahr, p. 216, in Silzibul sees Syr-jabgu, the people
of the Syr Country.]
Another of the fragments of Menander contains an account of the
embassy of Valentine who was sent some twelve years later by the
Emperor Tiberius II. In this occur the names of Tardu and Bochanos,
two Turkish chiefs who appear in the Chinese Annals as Ta t'eu Khan
and Apo Khan (see Deguignes i, 226, 227 ; ii, 395, 463). [The Western
Turks (see above, p. 58) had for ancestor T'u wu, grandson of Na-tu-lu ;
his two sons were T'u men and She-tic-mi: Ta t'eu kagan (Tardu) was
the son of She-tie mi (Dizabul). Mu han or Se kin who died c. 572
after reigning twenty years was a son of T'u men ; Mu han's son was
Ta lo pien or Apo Kagan. See Chavannes, Tou-Kiue, pp. 47 seq.'\
SUPPLEMENTARY NOTES 207
country was subject to frequent falls of snow, and they could not
exist except in a cold climate. Dizabulus, however, a sharp and
astute person, was not ignorant of the real state of the case.
And so this was the origin of ill-will between the Turks and the
Persians. Maniach, who was chief of the people of Sogdia, took
the opportunity of suggesting to Dizabulus that it would be
more for the interest of the Turks to cultivate the friendship of
the Romans, and to transfer the sale of silk to them, seeing also
that they consumed it more largely than any other people. And
Maniach added that he was quite ready to accompany a party of
Turkish ambassadors, in order to promote the establishment of
friendly relations between the Turks and the Romans. Dizabulus
approved of the suggestion, and despatched Maniach with some
others as ambassadors carrying complimentary salutations, with
a present of silk to no small value, and letters to the Roman
Emperor. So Maniach. . .at last arrived at Byzantium, and pre-
senting himself at the court, conducted himself before the Emperor
in accordance with the obligations of friendship, and when he
had made over the letter and presents to the proper officers,
prayed that all the toils of his long journey might not have been
wasted. The Emperor when he had by aid of the interpreters
read the letter, which was written in Scythian, gave a gracious
reception to the embassy, and then put questions to them about
the government and country of the Turks. They told him that
there were four chiefs, but that the supreme authority over the
whole nation rested with Dizabulus. They also related how he
had subdued the Ephthalites and even made them pay tribute.
Then said the Emperor, ' Has then the whole power of the
Ephthalites been overthrown ? ' ' Altogether,' answered the en-
voys. Again the Emperor : ' Did the Ephthalites live in cities
or villages or how ? ' The Envoys : ' They are a people who live
in cities, O king.' ' Is it not of course then,' said the Emperor,
' that you are become masters of all their cities ? ' . . . The ambassa-
dors having counted up to the Emperor all the nations who were
subject to the Turks, begged him to give his sanction to the
establishment of amity and alliance between the two nations,
and said that on their part they would always be ready to attack
the enemies of the Roman power wherever they might show
themselves in their part of the world. And as he said this
Maniach and his companions raised their hands and swore a great
oath that they were speaking with their whole hearts, and invoked
curses on themselves and on Dizabulus, and on all the nation, if
their promises were not true and such as they would carry out.
And thus it was that the nation of the Turks became friends with
the Romans." *********
{Another Fragment.)
" Now Justin, when the Turks, who were anciently called
208 PRELIMINARY ESSAY
Sacae, had sent to arrange a treaty with him, resolved to send
them an embassy also. So he ordered Zemarchus the Cilician,
who was then Praefect of the cities of the East, to prepare for this.
And when he had got everything ready that he required for so
long a journey, which was towards the end of the fourth year of
the reign of Justin, in the month which the Latins call August,
Zemarchus started from Byzantium with Maniach himself and his
company." *****
(Another.)
" After accomplishing a journey of many days, Zemarchus and
his party arrived in the territories of the Sogdians. And as they
dismounted from their horses certain Turks, sent as it seemed for
that purpose, presented some iron which they offered for sale ;
this being, I fancy, in order to show that they had mines of iron
in their country. For the manufacture of iron is reckoned among
them to be by no means an easy art ; and we may guess that this
was a kind of brag by which they intended to indicate that theirs
was a country in which iron was produced^. Some others of the
tribe also showed off their performances (in a different line).
These, announcing themselves as the conjurors away of evil omens,
came up to Zemarchus and taking all the baggage of the party set
it down in the middle. They then began ringing a bell and beating
a kind of drum over the baggage, whilst some ran round it carrying
leaves of burning incense flaming and crackling, and raged about
like maniacs, gesticulating as if repelling evil spirits. Carrying
on this exorcism of evil as they considered it, they made Zemarchus
himself also pass through the fire, and in the same manner they
appeared to perform an act of purification for themselves 2. After
1 It may have had a different import. For according to the Chinese
authority followed by Deguignes, the tribe which founded the Turkish
power shortly before this time had long inhabited the Altai, where they
worked as smiths for the service of the Khan of the Geu-gen or Juan-
Juan ; and the Khans of the Turks instituted in memory of their origin
the ceremony of annually forging a piece of iron. The presentation of
iron to the Byzantine envoys may have had some kindred signification
(Deguignes, ii, 350, 373). [The Juan-Juan who became very powerful
during the fifth century were defeated by the Turks in 552 ; they took
refuge, part of them at the court of the Wei Sovereigns in China ;
the others at Byzantium. They are known in Western History as the
Avars. See Chavannes, Tou-Ktue, p. 230.]
2 When Piano Carpini and his companions came to the camp of Batu
they were told that they must pass between two fires, because this would
neutralise any mischievous intentions they might entertain, or poison
that they might be carrying. And in another place the traveller says :
" To be brief, they believe that by fire all things are purified. Hence
when envoys come to them, or chiefs, or any other persons whatever,
they and the presents they bring must pass between two fires, to prevent
their working any witchcraft or bringing any poison or evil thing with
them " (p. 744 and p. 627). In the French note which Buscarel, the
ambassador in 1289 of Arghun Khan of Persia, presented with his
SUPPLEMENTARY NOTES 209
these performances the party proceeded with those who had been,
sent to receive them to the place where the Khagan was, in a
certain mountain called Ectag, or as a Greek would say ' the
Golden Mountain.' And when they got there they found the
camp of Dizabulus in a certain hollow encompassed by the
Golden Mountain^. The party of Zemarchus on their arrival
were immediately summoned to an interview with Dizabulus . They
found him in his tent, seated on a golden chair with two wheels,
which could be drawn by one horse when required. Then they
addressed the Barbarian in accordance with the fashion of those
people, and laid the presents before him, which were taken charge
of by those whose office it was. Zemarchus then made a polite
speech [which may be omitted], and Dizabulus replied in like
manner. Next they were called to a feast, and passed the whole
day in conviviality in the tent. Now this tent was furnished with
silken hangings of various colours artfully wrought. They were
supplied with wine, not pressed from the grape like ours, for their
country does not produce the vine, nor is it customary among them
to use grape wine ; but what they got to drink was some other
kind of barbarian liquor^. And at last they departed to the place
assigned for their quarters. Next day again they assembled in
another pavilion, adorned in like manner with rich hangings of
silk, in which figures of different kinds were wrought. Dizabulus
was seated on a couch that was all of gold^, and in the middle of
the pavilion were drinking vessels and fiagons and great jars, all
of gold*. So they engaged in another drinking match, talking
and listening to such purpose as people do in their drink, and then
separated^. The following day there was another bout in a
master's letter to the King of France (both of which are preserved in
the French archives) it is said : " priant vous que se vous 11 envoiez
yceuls ou autres messages, que vous vouliez soufErir et commander leur
que il li facent tele reverence et honneur comme coustume et usage est
en sa court sanz passer feu." (Remusat, in Mem. de I'Acad. Insc, vii, 432.)
1 Ek'tag or Ak-tagh would be " White Mountain." The Altai or
Golden Mountain of the Mongols, which was the original seat of these
Turks, may be meant, but it is very remote. [See Chavannes, Tou-Kiue,
p. 236.] All that can be deduced from the narrative is that it was
beyond Talas, for the party pass that place on their march towards
Persia (infra). Simocatta also says it was an established law among
the Turks that the Golden Mountain should be in the hands of the most
powerful Khagan (vii, 8). [See p. 201.]
2 No donhtDarassun ; see Shah Rukh's embassy in Note XVII infra.
' So Rubruquis describes Batu as seated " on a long broad throne
like a bed, gilt all over " (p. 268).
^ " At the entrance of the tent there was a bench with Cosmos
(Kumis or fermented mare's milk), and great goblets of gold and silver
set with precious stones " (Ibid.). See also Shah Rukh's Embassy infra.
5 This constant drinking corresponds exactly to the account of the
habits of the Mongol court in Piano Carpini and Rubruquis. Thus the
former, on the occasion of Kuyuk Khan's formal inthroning, says that
C. Y. C. I. 14
210 PRELIMINARY ESSAY
pavilion supported by wooden posts covered with gold, and in
which there was a gilded throne resting on four golden peacocks^.
In front of the place of meeting there was a great array of waggons,
in which there was a huge quantity of silver articles consisting of
plates and dishes, besides numerous figures of animals in silver,
in no respect inferior to our own. To such a pitch has attained
the luxury of the Turkish Sovereign !
" And whilst Zemarchus and his party continued there,
Dizabulus thought proper that Zemarchus with twenty of his
servants and followers should accompany him on a campaign
against the Persians, sending the rest of the Romans back to the
land of the Choliat^^ to await the return of Zemarchus. These
last Dizabulus dismissed with presents and friendly treatment ;
and at the same time he honoured Zemarchus with the gift of a
handmaiden, one of those called Kherkhis, who was the captive
of his spear^. And so Zemarchus went with Dizabulus to fight
the Persians. Whilst they were on this expedition, as they were
pitched at a place called Talas, an ambassador from the Persians
came to meet Dizabulus, who invited him to dinner as well as the
ambassador of the Romans*. When the party had met, Dizabulus
accorded to the Roman much the more honourable treatment,
and made him occupy the more honourable place at table. More-
over he heaped great reproaches on the Persians, telling the
after the homage had been done " they began to drink, and as their
way is, continued drinking till hour of vespers." (p. 758.) Rubruquis's
account of his residence at the Court of Mangu Khan is quite redolent
of drink. One sees how Sultan Baber came by his propensity to strong
drink.
1 Probably the lineal predecessor of the Peacock Throne of Delhi.
2 Or ChliatcB. The Kallats are mentioned with the Kanklis, Kip-
chaks, and Kharliks as four Turkish tribes descended from the Patriarch
Oguz Khan. (Deguignes, ii, 9.)
Were these the four divisions of the Turks of whom Maniach spoke
to the Emperor ?
Deguignes, however, identifies the Chliatae with the Kangli who lay
north of the country between the Caspian and Aral (ii, 388). And St.
Martin in his notes on Lebeau's History says that in the tenth and
eleventh centuries the Russians called the Turk and Fin nations near
the Caspian Khwalis, and knew that sea as the Sea of Khwalis. (Hist, du
Bus Empire, 1828, x, 61.)
3 This girl might be either Kirghiz or Circassian. St. Martin thinks
the latter. (lb.)
* Near Talas about sixty years later the Chinese pilgrim, Hiuen
Tsang, on his way to India fell in with the Great Khan of the Turks, a
successor of Dizabulus, whom the Chinese traveller calls Shehu. His
account is very like that of Zemarchus. The Khan " occupied a great
tent adorned with gold flowers of dazzling richness. The officers of
the court sat in two long rows on mats before the Khan, brilliantly
attired in embroidered silk ; the Khan's guard standing behind them.
Although here was but a barbarian prince under a tent of felt, one could
not look on him without respect and admiration." (H. de la Vie de H.
T., pp. 55-&-)
SUPPLEMENTARY NOTES 211
injuries he had received at their hands, and how he was coming
on that account to attack them^. So as the abuse of Dizabulus
waxed more and more violent, the Persian envoy, casting off all
regard for that etiquette of theirs which imposes silence at feasts,
began to speak with heat, and in the most spirited manner to
refute the charges of Dizabulus ; insomuch that all the company-
wondered at the way in which he gave rein to his wrath. For,
contrary to all rule, he used all sorts of intemperate expres-
sions.
" And in this state of things the party broke up and Dizabulus
prosecuted his preparations against the Persians. And then he
summoned Zemarchus and his party, and when they had presented
themselves he renewed his declarations of friendship for the Romans
and gave them their dismissal homewards, sending also with them
another embassy. Now Maniach the leader of the former embassy
was dead, and the name of the one next in rank was Tagma, with
the dignity of Tarchan^. So this personage was sent by Dizabulus
as ambassador to the Romans, and along with him the son of the
deceased, I mean of Maniach. This was quite a young fellow,
but he had succeeded to his father's honours, and obtained the
next place in rank to Tagma Tarchan. * * * *
" Now when the rumour spread through Turkey^ and among
the neighbouring nations how ambassadors from the Romans were
among them, and were going back to Byzantium accompanied by
a Turkish embassy, the chief of the tribes in that quarter sent
a request to Dizabulus that he might be allowed also to send some
of his own people to see the Roman state. And Dizabulus granted
permission. Then other chiefs of the tribes made the same
petition, but he would grant leave to none except the chief of
the Choliatee. So the Romans taking the latter with them across
the River Oech, after a long journey came to that huge wide
lagoon*. Here Zemarchus halted for three days and sent off
George, whose business it was to carry expresses, to announce to
the Emperor the return of the party from the Turks. So George
with a dozen Turks set out for Byzantium by a route which was
without water, and altogether desert, but was the shortest way.
Zemarchus then travelled for twelve days along the sandy shores
of the Lagoon, and having to cross some very difficult places.
^ A curious parallel to the scene at Samarkand, related by Clavijo
(supra, p. 174), where Timur takes the place of Dizabulus, the
Castilian envoy that of Zemarchus, and the Chinese ambassador that of
the Persian.
2 See III, pp. 146-7 w. infra. [Cf. Chavannes, Tou-Kiue, p. 239.]
3 " Kara ttjv TovpKiav."
* If this was the Aral we may suppose the Oech to be the Sir or
Jaxartes. But this is scarcely consistent with the position assigned to
the Chliatae.
14 — z
212 PRELIMINARY ESSAY
came to the streams of the River Ich^, and then to the Daich^,
and then by other swampy tracts to the Attila^, and then again
to the land of the Ugurs*. And these sent to say that four
thousand Persians were stationed in ambuscade in the bush about
the River Kophen ^ to lay hands on the party as it passed/' etc.,
etc.
Zemarchus escapes the Persians, and after visiting the chief
of the Alans gets to the Phasis, and so to Trebizond, whence he
rode post to Byzantium. (From Miiller's Fragmenta Histor.
GrcBC, iv, p. 235.)
NOTE IX.
EXTRACTS FROM THE TOPOGRAPHIA CHRISTIANA
OF COSMAS THE MONK.
(Circa 545.)
I. " But, as is said by those who are without^, in discoursing
of this matter (and here they speak truth) , there are on this earth
four gulfs which enter the land from the ocean ; to wit, this one
of ours which penetrates the land from the west side, and extends
from Gades'' right through Romania^; then the Arabian Gulf
called also Erythraean* and the Persian Gulf, both which are off-
shoots from that of Zinj, and penetrate the southern and eastern
side of the earth over against the region called Barbary, which
forms the extremity of the land of Ethiopia^". And those who
1 Probably the Emba. It appears to be called Tic by Sharifuddin
(Petis de la Croix, ii, 95, 129).
2 The Ural or laik, called by Constantine Porphyrogenitus Ve-ox-
{De Administ. Imper., cap. xxxvii.)
3 The Athil or Volga.
* On these Ugurs, see Vivien St. Martin in TV. Annates des Voyages
for 1848, iv.
^ Kuban I presume.
^ Oi f^bidev, meaning those who are not Christians.
It should be noted that the book is illustrated with sketches and
diagrams, the originals of which would appear to have been drawn by
Cosmas himself.
' Gadeira (M-^Crindle).
8 [Romania = Rome, J. W. M^Crindle, who quotes, p. 38, the following
note of Montfaucon (ii, p. 132 w.) : " Pwyotacta, Romania, hie intelligitur
terra ilia omnis, quaj ad Romanam ditionem pertinebat. Quo item
usu Athanasius, p. 364 & Epiphanius, p. 728, 'Pu/xavLav memorant."
The numbers refer to the pages in his own editions of these two authors.]
* [" The Erythraean, in its wider sense, includes both the Arabian and
Persian Gulfs, beside the ocean between Africa and India." (M'^Crindle,
p. 38 n.)]
1° [" Cosmas is here in agreement with the author of the Periplus
who makes the Aromatic Cape (Guardafui) the end of Barbaria :
SUPPLEMENTARY NOTES 213
navigate the Indian Sea are aware that Zinj'^, as it is called, lies
beyond the country where the incense grows, which is called
Barbary, and which is compassed round by the ocean as it passes
on into those two gulfs. And the fourth gulf enters from the north
side of the earth, further to the east, and is called the Caspian or
Hircanian Sea^. Now navigation is confined to these gulfs only.
The ocean it is impossible to navigate, on account of the multitude
of currents and the fogs that rise and obstruct the rays of the sun,
and because of its vast extent. These things, then, I have made
known as I received them from the Man of God (as has been
mentioned) ; or indeed, I might rather say in this case, from my
own experience. For I myself, for purposes of trade, have sailed
on three out of those four gulfs ; to wit, the Roman, the Arabian,
and the Persian ; and I have got accurate information about the
different places on them from the natives as well as from sea-
faring men.
" Once upon a time, when we were sailing to Further India^,
we had crossed over within a little way of Barbary, beyond which
is Zinj (for so they call the mouth of the Ocean), and there I saw
to the right of our course a great flight of the birds called suspha'^.
These are birds twice as big as kites and somewhat more. And
Te\evTo2ov ttjs ^ap^apiKrjs TjTrfipov. Ptolemy, however, makes it begin
here, and extends it to Rhaptum in the Gulf of Zanguebar." (M^Crindle,
pp. 38-911.)]
1 [On Zinj see Reports of Miss. Friars, p. 183 note, and Marignolli,
p. 324, Int. — Montfaucon has the following note {I.e., p. 132) : " Zingium
ex sevi sui usu vocat Cosmas, non modo fretum Arabic! sinus, sed etiam
Oram maritimam Africanam ultra fretum; itemque mare adjacens;
quod nomen hodieque perseverat littus, quippe Zanguebaricum, a
freto Arabic! sinus, pene ad usque promontorium Bonae Spei, quoti-
dianis Europaeorum navigationibus frequentatum, ab incolis Zangui
vocatur. Zanguebar enim significat, mare Zangui."]
2 [" Cosmas shared the error prevalent in ancient times, that the
Caspian was not a land-locked sea but was a gulf of the great ocean.
Herodotus, however, is not chargeable with having been under this
delusion." (M<^Crindle, p. 39 w.)]
" Literally " Inner India." [" This generally means that part of
India which lies on the further side of Cape Comorin or of the Straits
between Ceylon and the mainland. But as the name of India was
sometimes applied to Southern Arabia, and even to Eastern Africa,
India as lying beyond these countries may be here meant. John
Malela, or Malala, the Byzantine historian, who wrote not long after
the time of Cosmas, calls both of them India : ' At this time it happened
that the Indians warred against each other, those called Auxumites
with those called Homerites.. . .The Roman traders go through the
Homerites into Auxume, and to the interior kingdoms of the Indians,
for there are seven kingdoms of the Indians and Ethiopians.' Friar
Jornandes calls Eastern Africa India Tertia." (J. W. M^^Crindle, p. 39 n.)
See III, p. 27 note, Introductory Notices, Reports of Missionary Friars.]
* [" The size of these birds, and the fact afterwards mentioned that
they kept flying aloft, might indicate them to be albatrosses."
(M'^Crindle, p. 40 n.)]
214 PRELIMINARY ESSAY
I observed that in that quarter there were signs of very unsettled
weather. So all the men of experience on board, whether mariners
or passengers, began to say that we were getting near the Ocean,
and so they called out to the steersman, ' steer the ship to port,
and bear up into the gulf, or the currents will sweep us into the
Ocean, and we shall be lost.' For the Ocean driving up into the
gulf was creating a very heavy sea, and the currents from the gulf
again were drifting the ship towards the Ocean ; a terrible thing
indeed for us who saw what was happening, and in great fear
were we. And all this time flocks of those birds called suspha
followed us flying high over our heads, which was a sign that the
Ocean was nigh^." (Book ii, p. 132. — Book ii, pp. 37-40, in
M^Crindle's ed.)
2. " For if Paradise were realty on the surface of this world,
is there not many a man among those who are so keen to learn
and search out everything, that would not let himself be deterred
from reaching it ? When we see that there are men who will not
be deterred from penetrating to the ends of the earth in search
of silk^, and all for the sake of filthy lucre, how can we believe
that they would be deterred from going to get a sight of Paradise ?
The country of silk, I may mention, is in the remotest of all the
Indies, lying towards the left when you enter the Indian Sea, but
a vast distance farther off than the Persian Gulf or that island
which the Indians call Selediba^ and the Greeks Taprobane.
TziNiTZA is the name of the country, and the Ocean compasses
it round to the left, just as the same Ocean compasses Barbary
round to the right. And the Indian philosophers, called Brach-
mans, tell you that if you were to stretch a straight cord from
Tzinitza through Persia to the Roman territory, you would just
divide the world in halves. And mayhap they are right*.
^ With reference to the terrors of the Southern Ocean see infra, n,
p. 160 note. Edrisi says : " The Ocean Sea, which is called the Dark
Sea, because it is dark, and is almost always in commotion with violent
winds, and covered by thick fogs." (i, 87.)
2 [^teraf loj/ = silk. " Sometimes written (U.aratioj' — a foreign word, and
only found in later Greek. In classical Greek the name for silk is
pdfi^v^, and also ay^piKhv, from which our word silk is derived by the
change, which is not uncommon, of r into I." (M'^Crindle, p. 47 w.)]
3 [Montfaucon's note {I.e., p. 137 w.): " "LekeU^a, inferius legitur,
XieXeoifia. Estque insula Ceylan, nomine tantis per immutato. Nam
5t/3a, aut diua, insulam sibi vult ; hinc Maldive, ita ut Sielediva,
insulam Siele significet. Mox Tfii'trj'a, inferius in Vaticano Codice
legitur T.ttj'T?, Tsina, sive Sina ; nempe Sinarum regio : quae, ipso
teste Cosma, Oceano ab oriente terminatur."]
* [Beazley (Dawn of Modern Geography, i, p. 193 n.) thinks that
Tzinista " is probably only a dim notion of Malaya or Cochin-China ;
the northern bend he describes is probably that of the Gulf of Siam ;
and this shadowy account does not at all anticipate the real discovery
of these regions, for Europe, by Marco Polo or, for the Caliphate, by
the Arabs."]
SUPPLEMENTARY NOTES 2I5
" For the country in question lies very much to the left,
insomuch that loads of silk passing through the hands of different
nations in succession by land reach Persia in a comparatively
short time, whilst the distance from Persia by sea is vastly greater.
For, in the first place, just as great a distance as the Persian Gulf
runs up into Persia has the voyager to Tzinitza to run up from
[the latitude of] Taprobane and the regions beyond it to reach
his destination. And, in the second place, there is no small
distance to be traversed in crossing the whole width of the Indian
Sea from the Persian Gulf to Taprobane, and from Taprobane
to the regions beyond [where you turn up to the left to reach
Tzinitza]^. Hence it is clear that one who comes by the overland
route from Tzinitza to Persia makes a very short cut. And this
accounts for the fact that such quantities of silk are always to be
found in Persia.
" Further than Tzinitza there is neither navigation nor
inhabited country.
" And here I may observe, that if anyone should actually
measure the earth's longitude with a straight line running from
Tzinitza westward, he would find it to be four hundred marches
more or less^, taking the marches at thirty miles each. And the
measurement will run thus : From Tzinitza to the frontier of
Persia, including all Unnia^ and India, and the Land of the
Bactrians, will be about a hundred and fifty marches, if not more,
certainly not less. The whole of Persia will be eighty marches.
^ I believe this is the meaning, but the passage is very elliptical.
[M^^Crindle (p. 49) translates this passage : " For just as great a distance
as the Persian Gulf runs up into Persia, so great a distance and even a
greater has one to run, who, being bound for Tzinitza, sails eastward
from Taprobane ; while besides, the distances from the mouth of the
Persian Gulf to Taprobane and the parts beyond through the whole
width of the India sea are very considerable." He remarks in a note
that " the Persian Gulf has a length of 650 English miles, while the
distance from Ceylon to the Malacca peninsula only is nearly twice
that distance."]
[M. Robert Gauthiot remarks that in one of the Sogdian letters of
the beginning of our era brought back from Central Asia by Sir Aurel
Stein, he reads the word cynstn with the sense of China. Cynstn is
evidently cmastan, " country of the Cina " ; iji Sogdian the a of °stan is
not noted ; in the Syriac part of the Si-ngan fu inscription there is a
similar orthography, without notation of a, if not in the name of China,
at least in this of Tokharestan. Prof. Pelliot adds that it clearly
appears thatCin was the name of China just before our era, and that it
is very probably the name of the kingdom and of the princes of Ts'in.
T'oung pao, 1913, p. 428.]
^ [" Si quis ergo a Sina usque ad occidentem, recta longitudinem
terrae funiculo dimetiatur, inveniet mansiones circiter 400 triginta
milliarium singulas." (Montfaucon, p. 138.)]
* [Unnia. — Montfaucon, lomla, Juvia. — M^^Crindle, louvia, "this
would mean the country of the Huns." p. 49.]
2l6 PRELIMINARY ESSAY
From Nisibisi to Seleucia^ thirteen marches. From Seleucia by
Rome and the Gauls and Iberia (the country of those who are
nowadays called Spaniards), to Outer Gades on the Ocean a
hundred and fifty marches and more. So the total of the dis-
tances will be four hundred marches, more or less.
" Now, as regards the earth's latitude. From the far north to
Byzantium will not be more than fifty marches^ (for we may form
a good guess at the extent of those northern regions, both inhabited
and uninhabited, from the position of the Caspian Sea which is a
gulf of the ocean)*. From Byzantium again to Alexandria is
fifty marches. From Alexandria to the Cataracts thirty marches ^.
From the Cataracts to Axum'' thirty marches. From Axum to the
1 [On the site of Nisibis was built the present Nisibin, Nissibin,
chief town of the caza of Nisibin, in the sandjak of Mardin, vilayet of
Diarbekir, on the banks of the Jaghjagha (Mygdonius) at the foot of
Mount Massius. Under the Seleucids Nisibis was called Antiocheia of
Mygdonia ; the Greeks named it also Anthumusia on account of the
fragrant scent of its flowery plain. It belonged to the Kings of Armenia
and was the capital of Tigranes, was taken by LucuUus, passed into
the hands of the Parthians and was annexed by Trajan to the Roman
Empire ; it was ceded by the emperor Jovian to the Sassanid King
Sapor II. After the defeat of Ismael Shah by Sultan Selim I at Chal-
diran (1514) it formed part of the Ottoman Empire.]
2 [Seleucia or Seleuceia was built near the right bank of the Tigris
by Seleucus Nicator with materials brought mainly from Babylon, just
as Ctesiphon was constructed with the ruins of Seleucia destroyed during
the Parthian Wars.]
3 [" Latitude vero terrse ab Hyperboreis partibus ad usque Byzan-
tium, mansiones non plures quinquaginta sunt." (Montfaucon, p. 138.)]
* I suppose there is here to be understood a comparison of the
Caspian, regarded as a gulf, with the Red Sea or Persian Gulf, and a
deduction that the Ocean cannot lie further north from the innermost
point of the Caspian than it lies south of the innermost point of one of
those gulfs.
5 [M-^Crindle makes the following remark, p. 50 : " Gv. /MoualX'. Here
the numeral \'= 30 must be an error for k' —- 20, because the distance
from Alexandria to Syene, in the neighbourhood of the Great Cataract, is
about 600 Roman miles ; and because, moreover, in the summing-up
of the figures as in the text there is an excess of ten over the given
total. Montfaucon has not noticed this discrepancy."]
« [" La premiere mention des Axoumites et de leur capitale est
dans le Periple de la mer Erythree, ouvrage qui doit avoir ete redige
a Alexandrie vers I'annee 80 de Jesus-Christ. La consequence que
Ton est fonde a tirer de ces rapprochements, c'est que les etablissements
commerciaux des Grecs d'Egypte sur les parties meridionales de la
cote ethiopienne, et les rapports habituels qui en furent la suite,
amenferent de grands changements dans I'etat social et pohtique de
quelques parties de I'interieur, et qu'un royaume dont Axoum fut la
capitale se forma alors dans le haut pays. . . Plusieurs faits bien connus,
prouvent d'ailleurs Taction directe de Thellenisme egyptien sur le
developpement de la civilisation axoumite. Ainsi I'auteur du Periple
rapporte que le roi d'Axoum, qu'il nomme Zoskalds, etait familiarise avec
les lettrcs grecques ; et ce qui montre que cette influence cut une longue
durcc, c'est que deux si^cles et demi plus tard on voit la langue grecque
employee a Axoum dans les inscriptions concurremment avec la langue
SUPPLEMENTARY NOTES 217
projecting part of Ethiopia, the country where the incense grows,
and which is called Barbary^, lying along the Ocean, and including
the territory of Sas which is the remotest part of Ethiopia, and is
anything but a narrow tract of country, indeed quite the reverse,
fifty marches, more or less. So that we may take the whole
breadth at two hundred marches, more or less. And thus we see
that the Holy Scripture speaks the truth when it puts the length
of the earth at double its breadth : ' For thou shalt make the Table
(which is, as it were, a pattern of the Earth) in length two cubits,
and in breadth one cubit^.'
" Now, the country where the incense grows lies in the pro-
jecting parts of Ethiopia, being itself indeed an inland region, but
having the ocean on the other side of it. Hence the people of
Barbary, being in the vicinity, are able to visit the interior for
trading purposes, and bring back with them many kinds of
aromatics, such as incense, cassia, calamus^, and a great variety
ethiopienne. Ce qui existe encore de rancienne Axoum, particulifere-
ment ses obelisques, est d'un style grec, bien qu'on y sente une
reminiscence egyptienne. Enfin, la religion des Grecs d'Egypte avait
penetre dans le royaume d'Axoum, en meme temps que leur langue et
leurs artistes, car dans les inscriptions le roi ethiopien se dit ' fills de
I'invincible Ares.' " (Vivien de Saint-Martin, Inscription d' Adults, Jour.
Asiat., Oct. 1863, pp. 332-4.)
"E regione igitur Orinae insulae in continente viginti a mari stadiis
sita est Abduli, pagus mediocris, a quo ad Coloen, urbem mediter-
raneam primumque eboris emporium, via est tridui. Hinc ad ipsam
metropolim Auxumitarum iter est aliorum dierum quinque ; in hanc
omne ebur e regione trans Nilum sita per Cyeneum quem vocant tractum
deportatur, hinc vero Adulin. Cuncta scilicet quae caeditur elephan-
torum et rhinozerotum multitude in superioribus degit locis, non
nunquam tamen, raro licet, in maritima etiam regione circa ipsam
Adulin conspiciuntur." (Peripliis Maris Erythraei, Geographi Grceci
Minores. . .illust. Carolus Miillerus, i, Parisiis, 1855, § 4, pp. 260—1.)
" At this time there is no settled City in all Ethiopia ; formerly the
Town of Aczum was very famous among the Abyssinians, and still
preserves somewhat of its Renown ; and this place seems to have been
a City, at least they look upon it as most certain, that the Queen of
Sheba kept her Court there, and that it was the Residence of the
Emperors for many Ages after, and that they are Crown'd there to
this Day. . . ; at present it is only a Village of about 100 Houses."
{The Travels of the J esuits inEthiopia, by F. Balthazar Tellez, 1710, p. 59.)
Axum " was distant from its sea-port, Adule, which was situated
near Annesley Bay, about 120 miles, or an eight days' caravan journey.
It was the chief centre of the trade with the interior of Africa.". . .
" Christianity was introduced into Axum in the fourth century by
CEdisius and Frumentius, the latter of whom was afterwards appointed
its first bishop. Sasu, which is next mentioned, is near the coast, and
only 5° to the north of the equator." (M^Crindle, pp. 50-1 n.) — The
ruins of Axum are to the west of the Adua, present capital of Tigre.]
1 The modern Somali country. The name of Barbary is still retained in
that of Berberah on the coast over against Aden. See also Ptolemy, 1,17.
^ [Exodus xxxvii. 10.]
^ [" The sweet calamus mentioned in Exodus xxx. 23." M^Crindle,
P- 5I-]
2l8 PRELIMINARY ESSAY
of others, and these again they carry by sea to Adule^ and Homer-
ite, and to Further India and to Persia. And this is just as you
wil] find it written in the Book of Kings, where the Queen of Saba,
i.e., of Homerite (and whom again in the Gospels the Lord terms
the Queen of the South), brings to Solomon aromatics from this
very Barbary (she residing hard by on the coast just opposite),
and brings him also staves of ebony, and monkeys, and gold from
Ethiopia, the whole of Ethiopia being in fact quite in her vicinity,
and just across the Arabian Gulf. Again, let us look at some of
Our Lord's words, as when he calls those places the Ends of the
Earth, saying, ' The Queen of the South shall rise up in judgment
with this generation and, shall condemn it, for she came from the Ends
of the Earth to hear the wisdom of Solomon.' The fact is, Homerite
is at no distance from Barbary, for the sea between them has only
a width of some two days' sail. And beyond that is the Ocean,
which thereabouts is called the Sea of Zinj 2. And just as the
Incense Country has the Ocean near it, so also has the Land of
Sas where the gold mines are. Now, year by year the King of
the Axumites, through the ruler of Agau^, sends men of his own
to Sas for the purchase of gold. And many others bound on the
same speculation accompany them on this expedition, so there
shall be more than five hundred in the party. They take with
them beeves, and pieces of salt, and iron. And when they get
near the country they make a halt at a certain place, and take
a quantity of thorns with which they make a great hedge, within
which they establish themselves, and there they slaughter the
oxen and cut them up, and put the meat, and the pieces of salt,
and the iron on the top of the hedge. So the natives then approach
with gold in nuggets, like peas, which they call Tancharan'^, and
each of them deposits one or two of these upon the joints of meat,
or the salt, or the iron as he pleases, and then stands aloof. Then
the owner of the beef etc., comes up, and if he is satisfied he takes
the gold, whilst the other party comes and removes the flesh, or
piece of salt or iron. But if the trader is not satisfied he leaves the
gold where it is, and when the native comes up and sees that his
1 [" 'AdjiiXrj, Adule, ex qua mare adjacens, sinus Adulitanus appel-
labatur, vide Ptolemaeum." (Montfaucon, p. 140 n.)]
2 [" The ocean which is there called Zingion." M<=Crindle, p. 52.]
* Alvarez in Ramusio speaks of certain lordships of Abyssinia " the
people of which are called Agaos," and who are a mixture of Gentiles and
Christians. The Agaus appear to be scattered widely over Abyssinia.
Salt speaks of them along the Takazze to the east of Gondar, and one of
Petermann's maps .shows Agau also to the south-west of Tzana Lake,
which again lies south-west of Gondar. A country including both of
these positions would lie south and a little west of Axum. (Ramusio, i,
f. 250; Salt's Second Travels, French fransL, 1816, ii, 21 seq.; Peter-
mann's MiUeilungen, 1857, pi. 23.)
* [Tancharan, Montfaucon, p. 139. — Tancharas, M'^Crindle, p. 53.]
SUPPLEMENTARY NOTES 219
gold has not been taken, he either adds to the quantity or takes
up his gold and goes away. This is the mode of barter among the
people in that quarter ; for they are of different language and have
no supply of interpreters ^. The time of their stay to do business
in that country extends to five days, more or less, according to
the rate at which customers present themselves until they have
sold off all their goods. And on the return journey they all form
themselves into an armed body ; for there are certain people in
the tract they pass through who hang about them and endeavour to
plunder the gold. The whole business carried on in this way takes
some six months; the journey thither being accomplished more
slowly than the return, chiefly because of the cattle that accompany
them, and also because they make great haste on the way back
that the winter rains catch them not on the journey. For the
head of the Nile is somewhere thereabouts, and the rivers that
feed it cross the route, and in winter become greatly swollen by
the rains. Now, the winter there is in the time of our summer,
extending from the month called by the Egyptians Epiphi ^, till
that called Thoth : and all these three months it rains with great
violence, so as to give rise to a multitude of rivers, all of which
discharge themselves into the Nile^ " (book ii, pp. 138-140,
M'^Crindle, pp. 47-54).
Cosmas then proceeds to give an account of an ancient marble
throne which he had seen at Adule (then the port of Abyssinia,
a little south of Massawah) , with Greek inscriptions on it, of which
he gives a professed transcript ; but I shall not attempt to enter
^ [" Est hodieque his in partibus, in regno scilicet Habessinorum
.^thiopum regio Agau nomine, ubi celebres illae Nili scaturigines, ut
inferius narratur. Quod vero narrat hie Cosmas de singulari ilia
mercaturam exercendi consuetudine : qua nempe ^thiopes & Barbari
illi lingua discrepantes, admotis rebus commutandis ; turn negotia-
tionem perficerent, cum is qui venumdabat, adpositum pretium
acciperet ; hodieque in plerisque Africae partibus usu venit, ut videas
in itinerariis & descriptionibus Africae." (Montfaucon, p. 139 -ra.)]
2 Epiphi (June 25th — July 25th) was the eleventh month of the
Egyptian year, and Thoth (August 29th — September 28th) the first
month ; represented by the modern Coptic months Ebib and Tut (see
Nicolas, Chron. of Hist., pp. 13, 15).
3 Alvise Cadamosto gives nearly the same account of the dumb barter
of salt for gold as carried on by negro traders from Timbuktu and Melli
with a certain people in the remote interior.
The Sasus of Cosmas must also have lain towards the centre of the
continent and south-west from Abyssinia. This is shown by the
relative position of Agau to Axum (see preceding note) ; by the fact
that the route crossed numerous Nile feeders, apparently those which
show so thickly in the map between 7° and 10° N. lat. ; and again
because the Adule inscription mentioned in the next paragraph of the
text speaks of conquests extending east to the Thuriferous country,
and west to Sasus. Cosmas indeed speaks of Sasus as not far from the
Ocean. But then he supposes the Ocean to cut across Africa somewhere
about the equator. [See note, supra, p. 217.]
220 PRELIMINARY ESSAY
upon this subject, which has been treated by competent com
mentators^. (pp. 140-3.)
3. In a later passage, speaking of the Gospel's being preached
throughout the world, he says :
" So that I can speak with confidence of the truth of what I
say, relating what I have myself seen and heard in many places
that I have visited.
" Even in the Island of Taprobane in Further ^ India where
the Indian Sea is, there is a church of Christians with clergy and
a congregation of believers, though I know not if there be any
Christians further on in that direction. And such also is the case
in the land called Male, where the pepper grows^. And in the
place called Kalliana* there is a bishop appointed from Persia,
as well as in the island which they call the Isle of Dioscoris^ in the
same Indian Sea. The inhabitants of that island speak Greek,
having been originally settled there by the Ptolemies who ruled
after Alexander of Macedon. There are clergy there also,
ordained and sent from Persia to minister among the people of
the island, and a multitude of Christians^. We sailed past the
island, but did not land. I met, however, with people from it
who were on their way to Ethiopia, and they spoke Greek. And
so likewise among the Bactrians and Huns and Persians and the
rest of the Indians, and among the Persarmenians and Greeks
and Elamites, and throughout the whole land of Persia, there is
an infinite number oi churches with bishops, and a vast multitude
of Christian people, and they have many martyrs and recluses
leading a monastic life. So also in Ethiopia, and in Axum, and
in all the country round about, among the Happy Arabians, who
are nowadays called Homeritse, and all through Arabia and
Palestine, Phoenicia, and all Syria, and Antioch and Mesopotamia ;
also among the Nubians and the Garamantes^ in Egypt, Libya,
1 See Salt's Travels, and De Sacy in Annales des Voyages, xii, 350.
2 " Inner."
3 Malabar. Compare the Kaulam-Male of the Arab Relation.
* Probably the Kalliena of the Periplus, which Lassen identifies
with the still existing Kalydni on the mainland near Bombay. Father
Paolino indeed will have it to be a place still called Kalyanapuri on the
banks of a river two miles north of Mangalore, but unreasonably. ( Viag.
alle Indie Orientali, p. 100.)
'" [Dioscoris or Dioscorides = Socotra, see Yule-Cordier, Marco Polo,
II, p. 408.]
* See On the Christianity of Socotra, ill, p. 7 infra, where this passage
of Cosmas should have been referred to. Some further particulars on
the subject, apparently taken from the letters of Francis Xavier, are
given in du Jarric [Thesaurus Rerum Indicarum, i, pp. 108-9). On the use
of the Greek language in Aby.ssinia and Nubia, see Letronne in MSm. de
I'Acad. (New), ix, ijo seqq.
' [" The Garamantes were the inhabitants of the great oasis in the
Libyan desert called Phazania, and now Fezzan, but the name was often
SUPPLEMENTARY NOTES 221
and Pentapolis', and so through Africa and Mauritania as far as
Southern Gades^, in a very great number of places are found
churches of Christians with bishops, martyrs, monks, and recluses,
wherever in fact the Gospel of Christ hath been proclaimed.
So likewise again in Cilicia, Asia, Cappadocia, Lazice, and Pontus,
and in the Northern Regions of the Scythians, Hyrcanians, Heruii,
Bulgarians, Greeks, and Illyrians, Dalmatians, Goths, Spaniards,
Romans, Franks, and other nations till you. get to Ocean Gades."
(Book iii, p. 178. — M'^Crindle, pp. 11 8-1 21.)
4. He says the place in the Red Sea where the Egyptians
perished is "in Klysma^, as they call it, to the right of people
travelling to the Mount (Sinai) ; and there also are to be seen the
tracks of chariot-wheels over a long tract extending to the sea.
These have been preserved to this day, as a sign, not for believers,
but for unbelievers." (Book v, p. 194. — M'^Crindle, p. 142.)
5. " — Elim, now called Raithu, where there were twelve
springs, which are still preserved*. . .Raphidin, now called
Pharan, whence Moses went with the elders to Mount Choreb,
i.e. in Sinai, which is about six miles from Pharan." {lb., pp. 195,
196. — M'^Crindle, p. 144.)
6. " And when they (the Israelites) had received the written
Law from God, they then and there first learned letters. For
God made use of the wilderness in its quiet as a kind of school for
them, and allowed them there to practise their letters for forty
years. And you may see in that desert of Sinai, at every place
used in a wider sense to denote the people of northern Africa who lived
to the south of the Syrtis." (M'^Crindle, p. 120.)]
^ [" Pentapolis, the name of any association of five cities, denotes
here the five chief cities of the province of Cyrenaica in north Africa.
These were Cyrene, Berenice, Arsinoe, Ptolemais, and ApoUonia, the
port of Cyrene." (M'^Crindle, p. 120.)]
^ " ews TadeLpcju, ra irpos vbrov," an odd construction, which, how-
ever, seems intended to be distinctive from " VaSelpwv toD 'ilKeavod "
mentioned a few lines further on, and to indicate some place in Africa,
perhaps Tingis, or Cape Spartel, called by Strabo Ktirets. I do not
know if this Southern Gades is mentioned by any other author, but
something analogous will be found in the passage quoted from Mande-
ville at III, p. 2ig infra, where Gades is used for the World's End, eastern
as well as western.
* At or near Suez, whence the Kolzum of the Arabs, and the name
Bahr-Kolzum given to the Red Sea. [" The Heroopolitan, or Western
Gulf at the northern extremity of the Red Sea, is called by Eusebius
Clysma. As it was said to have been so designated from a town at the
northern extremity of the gulf, Clysma was probably situated at, or
somewhere near, Suez. Orosius mentions the wheel tracts here spoken
of by Cosmas, as does also Philostorgius in the abstract of his Ecclesias-
tical History made by Photius (Book iii, c. 6). Athanasius, however,
and others thought Clysma was in Arabia, near the mountain to which
Philo, an Egyptian bishop, was banished by Constantius." M<^Crindle,
p. 142 w.)]
* Raithu was the seat of a monastery, as is mentioned by Cosmas
himself (at p. 141).
222 PRELIMINARY ESSAY
where you halt, that all the stones which have rolled down from
the mountains are written over with Hebrew characters. And
to this I can myself bear witness, having travelled that ground on
foot. And these inscriptions were explained to us by certain Jews
who could read them, and they were to this effect : ' The depar-
ture of So-and-so of such a tribe, in such a year and such a month ; '
just such things in fact as you often find scribbled on the walls of
inns by people among ourselves. But the Israelites, as is the
way of people who have but recently learned to write, were always
making use of their new accomplishment, and were constantly
writing, so that all those places are quite covered with Hebrew
characters. And these have been preserved to this day, — for the
sake of unbelievers as I think. And anyone who likes may go
there and see for himself, or may ask from those who have been
there, and learn that I am saying what is true." (Pp. 205-6. —
M'^Crindle, pp. 159-160.)
Nearly the whole of Book xi is worth translating. It contains
" Details regarding Indian Animals, and the Islands of Taprobane."
" Rhinoceros.
" This animal is called Rhinoceros because he has horns over
his nostrils ; when he walks his horns jog about, but when he is
enraged with what he is looking at he erects his horns, and they
become so rigid that he is able to uproot trees with them, especially
if they are straight before him^. His eyes are placed low down
near his jaws. He is altogether a fearful beast, and he is some-
how especially hostile to the elephant. His feet and his skin are,
however, very like those of the elephant. His skin when dried is
four fingers thick, and some people have used it instead of iron
to put in the plough, and have ploughed the ground with it !
The Ethiopians in their own dialect call him Arue Harisi, using
in the second, word an aspirated a with rhisi added. The word
Arue expresses the beast as such, but Harisi expresses ploughing,
a nickname that they give him from his form about the nose, and
also from the use to which his skin is turned 2. I saw this creature
1 ? T(x fV avTo7s /j.d\LaTa to ^ixirpoaOev. The fact about the animals
carrying the horn loose when not irritated is confirmed by Salt. {2d
Travels, French Trans., 1816, ii, 191.)
^ Ludolf mentions Arweharis as a great and fierce beast, of which
his friend Abba Gregory often used to speak. He quotes Arab. Hharash,
Hharshan, " Unicorn," but I do not find these in the dictionaries. Salt
again says : " The name by which the rhinoceros (two horned) is desig-
nated to this day all over Abyssinia is absolutely the same as that given
by Cosmas. In the Gheez it is written Arue Haris, pronounced with a
strong aspiration of the Ha. . .Arue, signifying always /era or bestia in
genere ; a coincidence .so extraordinary as to convince me that the
language spoken at the court of Axum was the Gheez " (Ludolf, i, 10,
78 ; Salt as above).
Hhars means 'ploughing" in Arabic, which may illustrate the
etymology of Cosmas.
SUPPLEMENTARY NOTES 223
alive once in Ethiopia, but I kept a good distance from him.
And I have seen one dead, skinned and stuffed with straw,
standing in the king's palace, so that I have been able to draw
him accurately.
" Taurelaphus.
" This creature, the Taurelaphus (or Bull-stag), is found both
in India and Ethiopia. Those in India are tame, and they make
them carry loads of pepper and other such articles in sacks ;
they also milk them and make butter from their milk. We also
eat their flesh. Christians cutting their throats and Greeks felling
them. Those of Ethiopia again are wild beasts, and have not
been domesticated^.
" Cameleopard.
" The Cameleopard is found only in Ethiopia. These also are
wild beasts, and have not been domesticated. But in the palace^
[at Axum] they have one or two which they have tamed by the
king's command by catching them when young, in order to keep
them for a show. When milk or water to drink is given to these
creatures in a dish, as is done in the king's presence, they cannot
reach the vessel on the ground so as to drink, except by straddhng
with their fore-legs, owing to the great length of their legs and
height of the chest and neck above the ground. It stands to
reason therefore that they must widen out their fore-legs in order
to drink. This also I have drawn (or described) from personal
knowledge.
" The Wild Ox.
" This Wild Ox is a great beast of India, and from it is got
the thing called Tupha, with which officers in the field adorn their
horses and pennons. They tell of this beast that if his tail catches
in a tree he will not budge, but stands stock-still, being horribly
vexed at losing a single hair of his tail ; so the natives come and
cut his tail off, and then when he has lost it altogether he makes
his escape ! Such is the nature of the animaP.
^ This appears to be the buffalo. Everything applies accurately
except the name, which does not seem a very appropriate one. The
picture is that of a lanky ox with long tusks.
2 Cosmas here uses the Latin word : TraXariy (M'^Crindle).
^ This is evidently the Yak [Bos grunniens], which Cosmas could
only have known by distant hearsay. Tupha is probably Tugh or Tan,
which according to Remusat is the Turkish name of the horse-tail
standard, applied also by the Chinese to the Yak-tail, which respectively
with those nations mark the supreme military command (Rech. sur les
langues Tar tares, 303 ; also D'Ohsson, i, 40).
224 PRELIMINARY ESSAY
" The Musk Animal.
" This little animal is the Musk. The natives call it in their
own tongue Kasturi^. When they hunt it they shoot it with
arrows, and after tying up the blood collected in the navel, cut
it off. For this is the fragrant part of the beast, or what we call
the musk. The rest of the body they throw away.
" The Unicorn.
" This creature is called a Unicorn. I can't say I ever saw
him, but I have seen bronze figures of him in the four-towered
palace of the King of Ethiopia, and so I have been able to make
this drawing of him. They say he is a terrible beast, and quite
invincible, and that all his strength lies in his horn. And when he
is encompassed by many hunters so that he is hard put to it, he
makes a leap over some high precipice, and as he falls he turns
over, so that his horn bears the whole force of the fall, and he
escapes unhurt^. So also the Scripture discourses of him, saying :
' Save me from the mouths of lions and my humility from the horns of
the Unicorns'^ ; ' and again in the blessings wherewith Balaam
blessed Israel, he saith twice over : ' Thus hath God led him out
of Egypt like the glory of the unicorn*; ' in all these passages
testifying to the strength and audacity and glory of the creature^.
" The Hog-stag and Hippopotamus.
" The Choerelaphus (or Hog-stag) I have both seen and eaten.
The hippopotamus I have not seen indeed, but I had some great
teeth of his that weighed thirteen pounds which I sold here [in
Alexandria]. And I have seen many such teeth in Ethiopia and
in Egypt^.
1 Kastikri is a real Sanskrit name for the perfume musk (see Lassen, i,
316 ; and iii, 45). This author says that in the Himalaya Kasturi is also
applied to the animal. He observes that " Cosmas is the first to men-
tion the musk animal and musk as products of India, but he is wrong in
representing the animal as living in Taprobane." Cosmas does nothing
of the kind.
2 From this story some kind of Ibex or Oryx would seem to be
meant. The practice is asserted of animals of that class in parts of the
world so remote from each other that it can scarcely be other than true.
3 " Save me from the lion's mouth : for thou hast heard me from
the horns of the unicorns." {Ps. xxii, 21.)
* " God brought him out of Egypt : He hath as it were the strength
of a unicorn." [Numhers xxiii, 22 ; xxiv, 8.)
^ [Unicorn Monoceros, see Ctesias of Cnides. Yule-Cordier's Polo ii,
291.]
* The Chcerelaphus is represented in the drawing as a long-legged
hog with very long tusks. It has certainly nothing to do with the
so-called hog-deer of India, which has no resemblance to a hog. It
looks a good deal like the Babirussa, but that is I believe peculiar to the
Archipelago. Yet this description by Pliny of a kind of swine in India
comes very near that animal : " In India cubitales dentium tlexus
gemini ex rostro, totidem a fronte ceu vituli cornua, exeunt " (viii, 78).
SUPPLEMENTARY NOTES 225
" Pepper.
" This is the pepper-tree. Every plant of it is twined round
some lofty forest tree, for it is weak and slim like the slender
stems of the vine. And every bunch of fruit has a double leaf
as a shield^ ; and it is very green like the green of rue.
" Argellion (the Coco-nut).
"Another tree is that which bears the ArgelP, i.e. the great
Indian Nut. In nothing does it differ from the date-palm,
excepting that it surpasses it in height and thickness, and in the
size of its fronds. All the fruit it produces is from two or three
stalks bearing three Argells each 3. The taste is sweet and very
pleasant, like that of fresh nuts. The Argell at first is full of a
very sweet water, which the Indians drink from the nut, using it
instead of wine. This drink is called Rhoncosura^, and is exceed-
ingly pleasant. But if the Argell be pluckt and kept, the water
congeals gradually on the inside of the shell ; a small quantity
remaining in the middle, till in course of time that also gets quite
dried up. If, however, it be kept too long the coagulated pulp
goes bad and cannot be eaten.
" Phoca, Dolphin, and Turtle.
" The Phoca, Dolphin, and Turtle we eat at sea if we chance
to catch them. To eat the dolphin or turtle we cut their throats ;
the phoca's throat we don't cut, but strike it over the head as is
done with large fishes. The flesh of the turtle is like mutton, but
blackish ; that of the dolphin is like pork, but blackish and rank ;
that of the phoca is also like pork, but white and free from smell.
" Concerning the Island of Taprobane.
" This is the great island in the ocean, lying in the Indian Sea.
By the Indians it is called Sielediba [2teXeSt'/3a]^, but by the
1 I do not find any confirmation of this in modern accounts. But
Ibn Khurdadhbah (see ante, p. 135) says: "The mariners say every
bunch of pepper has over it a leaf that shelters it from the rain. When
the rain ceases the leaf turns aside ; if rain recommences the leaf again
covers the fruit" (in Journ. As., ser. vi, torn, v, p. 284). [See Chau
Ju-kua, pp. 222-3.]
^ Pers. N argil.
^ This is obscure in the original : ov jSaXXet de Kapwbv el /mrj 8vo 7} rpia
(nradia dvb rpiQv dpyeWiuv. But his drawing explains, showing two
stalks with three nuts to each. He must have seen but poor specimens.
* Possibly Cosmas has confounded the coco-nut milk with the
coco-palm toddy. For Sura is the name applied on the Malabar coast
to the latter. Roncho may represent Lanha, the name applied there to
the nut when ripe but still soft, in fact in the state in which it gives the
milk (see Garcia dall' Orto, Venice, 1589, p. 114 ; Rheede, vol. i).
5 This represents fairly the Pali name Sihaladipa. Sihala or
(Sansk.) Sinhala, the " Dwelling of the Lions," or as otherwise explained
" The Lion-Slayers." Taprobane, from (Pali) Tambapanni (Sansk.)
C. Y. C. I. 15
226 PRELIMINARY ESSAY
Greeks Taprobane. In it is found the hyacinth stone^. It lies
on the other side of the Pepper Country^. And round about it
there are a number of small islands, in all of which you find fresh
water and coco-nuts. And these are almost all set close to one
another^. The great island, according to what the natives say,
has a length of three hundred gaudia, and a breadth of the same
number, i.e. nine hundred miles*. There are two kings on the
island, and they are at enmity with one another^. The one possesses
the hyacinth^, and the other has the other part in which is the
great place of commerce and the chief harbour. It is a great
mart for the people of those parts. The island hath also a church
of Persian Christians who have settled there, and a Presbyter who
is appointed from Persia, and a Deacon, and all the apparatus of
public worship. But the natives and their kings are quite
another kind of people''. They have many temples on the island,
Tamraparni, the name of a city founded near Putlam by Wijaya (son
of Sihabahu) the first human king and colonist. These names are
explained in the Mahawanso thus :
" At the spot where the seven hundred men, with the king at their
head, exhausted by (sea) sickness, and faint from weakness, had landed
out of the vessel, supporting themselves on the palms of their hands
pressed on the ground, they set themselves down. Hence to them the
name of Tambapanniyo (' copper-palmed,' from the colour of the soil).
From this circumstance that wilderness obtained the name of Tamba-
PANNi. From the same cause also this renowned land became celebrated
(under that name).
" By whatever means the monarch Sihabahu slew the Siho (Lion),
from that feat his sons and descendants are called Sihala (Lion-Slayers).
This Lanka having been conquered by a Sihalo, from the circumstance
also of its having been colonized by a Sihalo, it obtained the name of
SiHALA " (in Turner's Epitome, p. 55). The more approved etymologies
of the names will be found in Lassen, i, 200 seq. ; Tennent's Ceylon, i,
525 ; Hobson-Johson.
^ [Some think this is notour jacinth, but rather the sapphire; others
take it to be the amethyst. (M<=Crindle, p. 364.)]
2 Malabar, so called by the Arabs [Balad-ul-F alfal) ; see Ibn Batuta,
infra, Vol. iv.
3 dffaopadal, perhaps a mistake for aaffhraTaL. He here seems to
speak of the Maldives. [The Laccadives. The name means, islands by
the hundred thousand. (M'^Crindle, p. 364.)]
* " This singular word gaou, in which Cosmas gives the dimensions
of the island, is in use to the present day in Ceylon, and means the
distance which a man can walk in an hour " (Tennent, i, 543).
5 Tennent translates : " at opposite ends of the island."
* This has been thought by some to mean the part of the island con-
taining the ruby mines ; but Tennent considers it to refer to the Ruby
mentioned below (.see Ceylon, i, 543). The expression, however, " the
Hyacinth " for the " district producing hyacinths " seems quite in the
vein of Cosmas. Thus below he uses rb KapvlxpvWov for the Clove
Country. Tennent considers the Port to be Galle, but I have noticed
this elsewhere (Note XII).
' d\\6(pv\\oL, i.e. as I understand it. Gentiles ; at any rate not Persian
Christians. But Sir E. Tennent renders it : " The natives and their
kings are of different races."
SUPPLEMENTARY NOTES 227
and on one of these temples which stands in an elevated position
there is a hyacinth, they say, of great size and brilliant ruddy
colour, as big as a great pine-cone, and when it is seen flashing
from a distance, especially when the sun's rays strike on it, 'tis
a glorious and incomparable spectacle^.
" From all India and Persia and Ethiopia many ships come to
this island, and it likewise sends out many of its own, occupying
as it does a kind of central position. And from the remoter
regions, I speak of Tzinista and other places of export, the imports
to Taprobane are silk, aloes-wood, cloves^, sandal -wood^, and so
forth, according to the products of each place. These again are
passed on from Sielediba to the marts on this side, such as Male,
where the pepper is grown, and Kalliana, whence are exported
brass, and sisam logs*, and other wares, such as cloths (for that
also is a great place of business) ; also to Sindu, where you get
the musk or castorin, and androstachyn^ ; also to Persia, Home-
rite, and Adule. And the island receives imports again from all
those marts that I have been mentioning, and passes them on to
the remoter ports, whilst at the same time it exports its own
produce in both directions.
" Sindu is where India begins. Now, the Indus, i.e., Phison,
the mouths of which discharge into the Persian Gulf, is the boun-
dary between Persia and India. And the most notable places of
trade are these : Sindu, Orrhotha, Kalliana, Sibor^, and then
^ This is spoken of by Hiuen Tsang as on the Buddha-Tooth Temple
near Anurajapura. " Its magical brilliance illumines the whole heaven.
In the calm of a clear and cloudless night it can be seen by all, even at
a distance of 10,000 li " (Vie de H. T., p. 199 ; also 371-2).
^ Here Tennent, following Thevenot's edition, has " clove-wood,"
but it is not in Montfaucon. As regards clove-wood see Vol. iii, 168,
and Ibn Batuta, infra.
3 T'gdvSavT), representing the Sanscrit Chandana.
* The Periplus mentions among exports from Barygaza (Baroch)
.brass, sandal-wood, beams, horns, and planks of sasam and ebony. I
suppose the suggestion has been made before, though I cannot find it,
that these sisam logs or sasam planks were the wood of the sissu or
shisham, one of the most valuable Indian timbers. I believe the black-
wood of Western India, much used for carved furniture, is a species of
sissu. The brass was probably manufactured into pots and vessels ; still
so prominent a business in Indian towns.
^ Sindu, doubtless a port at the mouth of the Sinthus or Indus,
probably Diul or Daibul, which we have seen to be a port known to
the Chinese soon after this {supra, p. 57, Hobson-Jobson, p. 247).
Androstachyn is probably, as Lassen suggests, an error for Nardostachys
or spikenard, the chief sources of which seem to have been the countries
on the tributaries of the Upper Indus (see Lassen, iii, 41, 42 ; also i,
288-9).
® Sibor, probably the Supera of Jordanus and Suppara of Ptolemy
(infra, iii, p. 76). [Sibor, Ptolemy's SymuUa or Timulla, Saimur and
Jaimur of the Arab travellers, probably Chaul (Cheul), on the coast, 30
miles south of Bombay.] Orrhatha is supposed by Lassen to be
15—2
228 PRELIMINARY ESSAY
the five marts of Male, from which pepper is exported, to wit.
Parti, Mangaruth, Salopatana, Nalopatana, Pudopatanai.
Then there is Sielediba ; i.e., Taprobane, which lies hitherward
about five days and nights' sail from the Continent ; and then
again on the Continent, and further back is Marai.lo, which
exports conch shells^ ; Kaber, which exports alabandinum^ ;
and then again further off is the Clove Country ; and then
TziNiSTA, which produces the silk. Beyond this there is no other
country, for the ocean encompasses it on the east.
" This same Sielediba then, set, as it were, in the central point
of the Indies, and possessing the Hyacinth, receiving imports
from all the seats of commerce, and exporting to them in return,
is itself a great seat of commerce. Here let me relate what there
befel one of the merchants accustomed to trade thither. His
name was Sopatrus, and he has been dead, to my knowledge,
these thirty-five years past. Well, he had gone to the island of
Taprobane on a trading adventure, and a ship from Persia
happened to put in there at the same time. So when the Adule
people, with whom Sopatrus was, went ashore, the people from
Persia went ashore likewise, and with them they had a certain
venerable personage of their nation*. And then, as their way is,
the chief men of the place and the officers of the custom-house
received the party, and conducted them before the king. The
king having granted them an audience, after receiving their
salutations, desired them to be seated, and then asked, ' In what
state are your countries ? and how go your own affairs ? ' They
answered, ' Well.' And so as the conversation proceeded, the king
put the question, ' Which of you has the greatest and most power-
ful king ? ' The Persian elder snatching the word, answered,
' Our king is the greatest and the most powerful and the wealthiest,
and indeed is the king of kings ; and whatever he desires, that he
Ptolemy's Soratha on the Peninsula of Gujarat, identified with the
Surata of Hiuen Tsang, not to be confounded with modern Surat.
(Reinaud, Mem. sur I'lnde in Acad., p. 155.)
1 Of these five ports of Malabar, Mangaruth is no doubt Mangalore,
Pudopatana the port which bore the same name till a recent century
(see infra, Ibn Batuta) ; the others I cannot identify.
" In position and perhaps in name identical with Marava or Marawar
opposite Ceylon. The fishing of chank shells hereabouts was till recently
I beUeve a government monopoly like the pearl-fishery. Walckenaer
says Marallo is " Morilloum, opposite Ceylon." Is there such a place ?
' Kaber, from the name and position, may be the Chaberis of Ptolemy
(Kaveripattam) [a little north of Tranquebar] — [Kavera is the Sanskrit
word for saffron. M'Crindle], but I can get no light on the alabandinum.
Pliny speaks of alabandic carbuncles and of an alabandic black marble,
both called from a city of Caria. The French apply the name almandine
or albandine to a species of ruby. (Pliny, xxxvii, 25 ; xxxvi, 13 ; Diet.
de Trdvoux.) If rubies be meant it is just possible that Pegu may be in
question.
^ "TTpeafivTTjs." A Shaikh? Montfaucon's Latin has omtoy.
SUPPLEMENTARY NOTES 229
is able to accomplish.' But Sopatrus held his peace. Then,
quoth the king, ' Well, Roman ! hast thou not a word to say ? '
Said Sopatrus, ' Why, what is there for me to say, after this man
hath spoken as he hath done ? But if thou wouldst know the
real truth of the matter thou hast both the kings here ; examine
both, and thou shalt see thyself which is the more magnificent
and potent.' When the prince heard that, he was amazed at the
words, and said, ' How make you out that I have both the kings
here ? ' The other replied, ' Well, thou hast the coins of both —
of the one the nomisma, and of the other the dirhem {i.e., the
miliavesion). Look at the effigy on each, and you will see the
truth.' The king approved of the suggestion, nodding assent,
and ordered both coins to be produced. Now, the nomisma was
a coin of right good ring and fine ruddy gold, bright in metal and
elegant in execution, for such coins are picked on purpose to take
thither, whilst the miliaresion, to say it in one word, was of silver,
and of course bore no comparison with the gold coin. So the
king, after he had turned them this way and that, and had studied
both with attention, highly extolled the nomisma^, saying that in
truth the Romans were a splendid, powerful, and sagacious people.
So he ordered great honour to be paid to Sopatrus, causing him
to be set on an elephant, and conducted round the city with drums
beating in great state. These circumstances were told me by
Sopatrus and the others who had accompanied him from Adule
to that island. And, as they told the story, the Persian was very
much ashamed of what had happened " (p. 338).
" But in the direction of those most notable places of trade
that I have mentioned, there are many others (of minor import-
ance) both on the coast and inland, and a country of great extent.
And in India further up the country, i.e., further north, are the
White Huns^. That one who is called GoUas, 'tis said, goes forth
1 Nomisma was usually applied to the gold solidus, as here. [This
would be an aureus. Constantine the Great coined aurei of seventy- two
to the pound of gold, and at this standard the coin remained to the end
of the empire. M^Crindle, p. 369.] The miliaresion or miliarense was
a silver coin, the twelfth part of the solidus (Ducange, de Inf. Aevi
Numism.). The latter coin continued to be well known in the Mediter-
ranean probably to the end of the Byzantine Empire. Migliaresi are
frequently mentioned by Pegolotti circa 1340. [Miliaresion, a silver
drachma of which twenty made a daric, which was equivalent to an
Attic Stater. (M^^Crindle.)] [Probably in 312, Constantine issued the
aureus of seventy-two to the pound or 4 gr. 55, and gave the name of
solidus aureus or simply solidus to the new gold standard. (Babelon,
Traite des Monnaies grecques et romaines, i, 1901, pp. 532—3.)] [The
miliarense was 1/14 of the solidus aureus of 4 gr. 55. When Constantine
coined his gold solidus he coined also a new silver coin of 72 to the pound
which weighs, consequently, like the gold coin, 4 gr. 55 ; this coin is the
miliarense. (Babelon, I.e., p. 570.)]
2 On the Yue chi. Ye tas or White Huns, called also Ephthalites,
see Lassen, ii, 771 seqq., and iii, 584 seqq. [Vivien de Saint-Martin has
written a special dissertation on Les Huns Blancs ou Ephthalites des
Historiens byzantins. (Paris, Thunot, 1849, 8vo.) See p. 205 n., supra.]
230 PRELIMINARY ESSAY
to war with not less than a thousand elephants, besides a great
force of cavalry. This ruler tyrannises over India and exacts
tribute from the people. Once upon a time, as they tell, he would
lay siege to a certain inland city of India ; but the city was pro-
tected all round by inundation. So he sat him down before it
for many days, and in course of time what with his elephants and
his horses and the people of his camp the whole of the water was
drunk dry, so that at last he was able to cross over dry-shod, and
took the city.
" These people have a great fondness for the emerald stone,
and it is worn by their king in his crown^. The Ethiopians who
obtain this stone from the Blemmyes in Ethiopia, import it into
India and with the price they get are able to invest in wares of
the greatest value.
' ' Now, all these matters I have been able thus to describe and
explain, partly from personal experience, and partly from accurate
inquiries which I made when in the vicinity of the different places."
(P- 339-)
" There are other kings (I may observe) of different places in
India who keep elephants, such as the King of Orrhotha, and the
King of the Kalliana people, and the Kings of Sindu, of Sibor,
and of Male. One will have six hundred elephants, another five
hundred, and so on, some more, or less. And the King of Siele-
diba [gives a good price for]^ both the elephants that he has, and
the horses. The elephants he buys by cubit measurement ; for
their height is measured from the ground, and so the price is
fixed according to the measurement, ranging from fifty to a
hundred nomismata or more^. Horses they bring to him from
Persia, and these he buys, and grants special immunities to those
who import them.
" The kings on the mainland cause wild elephants to be tamed,
1 [Yule in his additional notes writes : " So Mas'udI says one species
of emerald from the country of the Bejah (Blemmyes ?) was called
Bahri, because so much prized by the Kings of Transmarine countries,
such as Hind, Sind, Zinj, and Sin, who sought it diligently "to set in
their diadems,' etc. {Prairies d'Or, iii, 44.)
" The Blemmyes were fierce predatory nomads of the Nubian wilds
and the regions adjacent. Emeralds were found in the mines of Upper
Egypt, and were no doubt shipped from Adule for the Indian markets
by the Ethiopian traders who bought them from the Blemmyes. If
taken to Barygaza (Bharoch), they could be transported thence by a
frequented trade-route to Ujjain, thence to Kabul, and thence over the
Hindu Kush to the regions of the Oxus." M'^Crindle, p. 371.]
2 This is conjectural, as some words are evidently wanting. Mont-
faucon's Latin supplies pretio emit.
^ From £-^1 to £6^. The price of elephants in Bengal now may run
from twice to thrice these amounts. Height is always one of the
elements in estimating the price of an elephant. Edrisi says : " The
Kings of India and China make a great work about the height of their
elephants ; they pay very dear in proportion as this attribute increases."
(i. 97)
SUPPLEMENTARY NOTES 23I
and make use of them in war. And it is a common practice to
get up elephant fights as a spectacle for the king. For this purpose
they set up between the two elephants a pair of upright timbers
with a great crossbeam fastened to them which reaches as it might
be to the chests of the elephants. A number of men are also
stationed on this side and on that to prevent the animals coming
to close quarters, but at the same time to stir them up to engage
one another. And so the beasts thrash each other with their
trunks till at length one of them gives in.
" The Indian elephants are not furnished with great tusks^.
And even when they have them naturally the people saw them
off, in order that their weight may not be an incumbrance in war.
The Ethiopians do not understand the art of taming elephants ;
but if their king should want one or two for a show they catch
them young and bring them up in captivity. For in their country
there are great numbers of elephants, and they are of the kind
that have great tusks. And these tusks are exported by sea from
Ethiopia into Persia and Homerite and the Roman territory, and
even to India. These particulars are derived from what I have
heard." (p. 339.— M^Crindle, pp. 358-373.)
BIBLIOGRAPHY.
— CoUectio nova Patrum et Scriptorum Graecorum, Eusebii
Caesariensis, Athanasii, & Cosmse ^gyptii. Haec nunc primum
ex Manuscriptis Codicibus Grsecis Italicis Gallicanisque eruit,
Latine vertit, Notis & Praefationibus illustravit D. Bernardus de
Montfaucon, Presbyter & Monachus Ordinis Sancti Benedicti,
e Congregatione S. Mauri. Tomus secundus, fol. [Parisiis, C.
Rigaud, MDCCVI].
Cosmas, pp. xxiv + pp. numbered 113-345.
Cosmae Monachi ^gyptii Topographia Christiana. Fasci-
cvlus vevvm gvcecavvm ecclesiasticarvm . . . omnia grcece nvnc
primvm prodevnt ex Medicea Bibliotheca cvra et stvdio Ang. Mar.
Bandini. . .Florentiae Typis Caesareis Anno CIO. D. cclxiii, 8vo,
pp. 21-35.)
— Bibliotheca Veterum Patrum Antiquorumque Scriptorum
Ecclesiasticorum, postrema Lugdunensi multo locupletior atque
accuratior. — Cura & studio Andreae Gallandii Presbyteri Con-
gregationis Oratorii. — Tomus XL — Venetiis cio. d.cclxxvi, large
fol.
Cosmag ^gyptii Monachi Christiana Topographia, sive
Christianorum Opinio de Mundo, pp. 399-578, 4 plates.
^ It is well known that a large proportion of male elephants in India
have only very small tusks like the females. Such in Bengal are called
makhna.
232 PRELIMINARY ESSAY
— Description des Animavx et des Plantes des Indes. Avec
vne relation de I'isle Taprobane, tiree de la Topographic Chresti-
enne de Cosmas le Solitaire. [Greek Text and Translation.]
{Relation de divers voyages curieux . . .par. . .feu M. Melchisedec
Thevenot. . .Nouvelle edition, Augmentee de plusieurs Relations
curieuses. T. I. Contenant la I. et II. Partie. A Paris, Chez
Thomas Moette, . . .M.dc.xcvi, fol.)
— Cosmas Indicopleustes, Voyageur egyptien [Sixieme siecle
apres Jesus-Christ]. (Edouard Charton, Voyageurs Anciens et
Modernes, II, Paris, 1861, pp. 1-30.)
With a Bibliography, p. 30.
— K02MA AirYHTIOY MONAXOY XPI2TIANIKH TOnOTPA^IA. —
The Christian Topography of Cosmas, an Egyptian Monk. Trans-
lated from the Greek, and Edited, with Notes and Introduction
by J. W. M'^Crindle. . .London, Printed for the Hakluyt Society.
M.DCCC.xcvii, 8vo, pp. xxvii. — 398.
Vol. 98 of the Works issued by the Hakluyt Society, in 1897.
The English text only.
— Zizi. Ein Beitrag zur Erklarung einer Stelle bei Cosmas.
Von Jos. Teige. {Forschungen zur Deutschen Geschichte, Bd. xxiv,
Hft. I. — Gottingen, Dieterich, 1883, pp. 203-4.)
— The Dawn of Modern Geography. A History of Exploration
and Geographical Science ... by C. Raymond Beazley. London ;
John Murray, 1897, 8vo. pp. xvi-538.
Cosmas, pp. 273-303 ; also pp. 190-6.
NOTE IX BIS.
EXTRACTS FROM THEOPHYLACTUS SIMOCATTAK
Lib. VII, Caput vii. " Ergo deuictis a Chagano Abaris (sursum
enim redeo) alii eorum ad Taugastenses confugerunt (est autem
Taugast Turcarum nobilis colonia, stadiis mille quingentis ab
India distans, cuius indigenae, & strenuissimi, & f requentissimi ,
& prcestantia quouis populo in orbe terrarum superiores) alii
propter amissam libertatem hurailiorem sortiti conditionem,
ad Mucritas qui dicuntur, Taugastensibus vicinissimos se contu-
lerunt, ad praelia ineunda tum propter quotidiana belli exercitia,
tum propter tolerantiam in periculis eximio animorum robore
preeditos." (P. 174.)
Lib. vii, Caput ix : " Chaganvs igitur ciuili bello finite, rem
felicibus auspiciis administrat, & cum Taugastensibus foedus
1 Theophylacti Simocattae expra^fecti et observatoris coactorvm
Historiarvm libri viii. Interprete lacobo Pontano Societatis lesy.
Editio priore castigatior, & Glossario Grajco-barbaro auctior. Studio
& opera Caroli Annibalis Fabroti IC. Parisiis, E Typographia regia.—
M.DC.XLVII, fol.
Greek text and Latin translation in Corpus Byzantinae Historiae.
SUPPLEMENTARY NOTES 233
percutit, vt tranquillitatem & pacem supremam vndique nactus,
principatum sibi omnis seditionis expertem efficeret. Princeps
autem in Taugast Taisan audit, quae vox grseca lingua filium Dei
sonat. Hoc regnum nullis intestinis discordiis agitatur, propterea
quod Princeps illic a successione generis creatur. Statuas vener-
antur : iustis reguntur legibus, frugalitatem in omni vita excolunt.
Consuetude est apud eos, vim legis obtinens, vt mares ornatu
aureo in perpetuum abstineant : quanquam auro argentoque
propter magnorum mercimoniorum commoditatem abundant.
Hanc vrbem fluuius discriminat, qui olim duos frequentissimos
populos dissidentes diuidebat, quorum alter nigra, alter cocco
tincta veste vtebatur. Nostris itaque temporibus, Mauricio
Imperatore, nigram gestantes, transmisso fluuio rubram indutis
bellum intulerunt, victoresque toto illo imperio potiti sunt.
Vrbem Taugast barbari memorant Alexandrum condidisse, quando
Bactrianos, & Sogdianam, centum viginti barbarorum millibus
igne consumptis subiugauit. Vxores regiae auro & lapillis pre-
tiosissimis conspicuae, curribus vehuntur aureis, quorum singuli
a singulis iuuencis, fraenis auro, & gemmis sumptuose exornatis
trahuntur. Princeps cum feminis septingentis noctem exigit.
Nobilium coniugibus pilenta sunt argentea. Fama est, Alex-
andrum aliam quoque vrbem, non multis millibus distantem,
quam barbari Chubdan nominant, sedificasse. Eius principem
demortuum, ipsius vxores rasis capitibus, & pullatae continenter
lugent: neque per legem eius sepulcrum deserere vnquam pos-
sunt. Chubdan duo latissimi amnes disterminant, quorum ripis
cupressi (vt ita loquar) annuunt. Multos habent elephantos, &
cum Indis negotiantur.
Hos autem Indos in plaga Boreali habitantes, albis corporibus
esse praedicant. Bombycum, vnde fila serica, magna & diuer-
sicolor apud eos copia : in quibus curandis barbari magnum, &
artificiosum studium prsstare solent. Verum ne historiam a
meta proposita abducamus, hactenus de Scythis ad Bactrianam,
Sogdianam, & nigrum fluuium a nobis dictum esto." (Pages
176-7.)
NOTE IX TER.
EXTRACTS FROM CHAU JU-KWA^.
Ta Ts'in.
"The country of Ta-ts'in," also called Li-kien, "is the general
mart of the natives of the Western Heaven, the place where the
foreign merchants of the Ta-shi assemble."
1 Chau Ju-kua : His Work on the Chinese and Arab Trade in the
twelfth and thirteenth Centuries, entitled Chu-fan-chi, Translated from
the Chinese and Annotated by Friedrich Hirth and W. W. Rockhill. —
St Petersburg, 1912, large 8vo, pp. 102-4.
234 PRELIMINARY ESSAY
" Their King is styled Ma-lo-fu " ; he rules in the city of An-tu.
" He Avears a turban of silk with gold embroidered characters,
and the throne he sits upon is covered with a silken rug."
" They have walled cities " and markets with wards and streets.
" In the King's residence " they use crystal in making pillars, and
" plaster in guise of tiles. Wall-hangings abound. The circuit
(of the wall) is pierced with seven gates, each guarded by thirty
men.
" Tribute bearers from other countries pay homage below the
platform of the (palace) steps, whence they withdraw after having
offered their congratulations."
The inhabitants are tall and of a fine bright complexion, some-
what like the Chinese, which is the reason for their being called
Ta-ts'in.
They have Keepers of official records, and in writing they use
Hu characters. They trim their hair and wear embroidered gowns.
■They also have small carts with white tops, flags, etc. {Along the
roads) there is a shed every ten It, and every thirty li there is a beacon-
tower. There are many lions in this country that interfere with
travellers and are likely to devour them unless they go in caravans of
an hundred well-armed men.
" Underneath the palace they have dug a tunnel through the
ground communicating with the hall of worship at a distance of
over a li. The king rarely goes out except to chant the liturgy
and worship. On every seventh day he goes by way of the tunnel
to the hall of worship for divine service, being attended by a suite
of over fifty men. But few amongst the people know the king's
face. If he goes out he rides horseback, shaded by an umbrella ;
the head of his horse is ornamented with gold, jade, pearls and
other jewels.
" There is among the Kings of the Ta-shi country he who is
styled Su-tan ; every year he deputes men to send in tribute, and,
if trouble is apprehended in the country, he orders the Ta-shi to
use their military force to keep order.
" The food consists principally of cooked dishes, bread and
meat. They do not drink wine ; they make use of vessels of gold
and silver, helping themselves to the contents with ladles. After
meals they wash their hands in golden bowls full of water.
" The native products comprise opaque glass, coral, native gold
(or gold bullion), brocades (or Kincobs), sarsenets, red cornelian
and pearls"; also (the precious stone called) hid-M-si or tung-
t'ien-si.
In the beginning of the yen-hi period of the Han (a.d. 158-176)
the ruler of this country sent an embassy which, from outside the
frontier of Ji-nan, came to offer rhinoceros (horns), elephants'
(tusks), and tortoise-shell ; — this being the first direct communication
with China. As the presents comprised no other rarities, it may
be suspected that the envoys kept them back.
SUPPLEMENTARY NOTES 235
During the t'ai k'ang period of the Tsin (a.d. 280-9) tribute
was again brought from there.
There is a saying that in the west of this country is the Jo-shui
and the Liu-sha, near the place where the Si-wang-mu resides and
almost where the sun goes down.
Tu Huan in the King-hing-ki says : " The country of Fu-lin
is in the west of the Chan country; it is also called Ta-ts'in.
The inhabitants have red and white faces. The men wear plain
clothes, but the women brocades set with pearls. They like to drink
wine and eat dry cakes. They have many skilled artisans and are
clever weavers of silk.
' ' The size of the cotintry is a thousand li. The active army con-
sists of over ten thousand men. It has to ward off the Ta-shi.
" In the Western Sea there is a market where a (silent) agreement
exists between buyer and seller that if one comes the other goes.
The seller first spreads out his goods ; afterwards the (would-be)
purchaser spreads out the equivalent (he offers), which must lie by
the side of the articles for sale till taken by the seller, when the objects
purchased may be carried off. This is called the ' Devil (or Spirit)
market.' "
NOTE X.
THE DISCOVERY OF THE SYRO-CHINESE CHRISTIAN
MONUMENT AT SI-NGAN FU.
From the Relazione della Cina of P. Alvarez Semedo, Rome,
1643.
" In the year 1625, whilst the foundations of a house were
a-digging in the neighbourhood of the city of Si-ngan fu, the capital
of the province of Shen si, the workmen hit upon a stone slab
raore than nine palms long, by four in width, and more than a
palm in thickness. The head of this slab, i.e. one of the ends in
its longer dimension, is finished off in the form of a pyramid more
than two palms high with a base of more than one palm, and on
the surface of this pyramid is a well-formed cross with floreated
points, resembling those which are described to be sculptured on
the tomb of St. Thomas at Meliapur, and such as were also at one
time in use in Europe, as we may see by some examples that have
been preserved to the present day.
" There are some cloudy marks round about the cross, and
(immediately) below it three transverse lines, each composed of
three large characters clearly carved, all of the kind employed in
China. The whole (of the rest) of the surface of the stone is seen
to be sculptured over with characters of the same kind, and so
also is the thickness of the slab, but in the last the characters are
236 PRELIMINARY ESSAY
different from the others, for some of them are outlandish, and
their nature was not known at the time of the discovery.
" No sooner had the Chinese cleaned this notable piece of
antiquity and seen what it was, than, with the vivid curiosity
which is natural to them, they ran to tell the Governor. He came
in all haste to see it, and straightway caused it to be set up on a
handsome pedestal under an arch which was closed at the sides
and open in front, so that it might at once be protected from the
weather, and accessible to eyes capable of enjoying and appre-
ciating an antique of such a venerable kind. The place which he
selected for it was also within the enclosure of a Bonze Temple^
not far from where the discovery occurred.
" Great numbers of people flocked to see this stone, attracted
in part by its antiquity and in part by the novelty of the strange
characters that were visible on it. And as the knowledge of our
religion has now spread far and wide in China, a certain Pagan
who happened to be present, and who was on very friendly terms
with a worthy Christian mandarin called Leo, when he discerned
the bearing of this mysterious writing, thought he could not do
his friend a greater pleasure than by sending him a copy of it.
And this he did, although the Mandarin was a six weeks' journey
off, residing in the city of Hang chau, whither most of our fathers
had retired on account of the persecution that had occurred, of
which we shall speak in its place. He received the transcript
with pious joy, and visible demonstrations of delight, seeing the
irrefragable testimony of the ancient Christianity of China which
it contained (a thing such as had been much desired and sought
for), as we shall explain.
" Three years later, in 1628, some of the fathers had an
opportunity of visiting the province in question in company with
a Christian mandarin called Philip, who had to go thither. A
church and a house (of the Society) were erected in that metropolis;
for the Blessed God who had willed the discovery of so fine a
monument of the ancient occupation of this country by His Divine
Law, was also pleased to facilitate its restitution in the same
locality. It was my fortune to be one of the first to go thither,
and I thought myself happy in having that post, on account of
the opportunity it gave me of seeing the stone ; and on my arrival
I could attend to nothing else until I had seen it and read it.
And I went back to read it again, and examined it in a leisurely
and deliberate manner. Considering its antiquity, I could not
but admire that it was so perfect, and exhibited letters sculptured
with such clearness and precision.
" Looked at edge- wise there are on it many Chinese characters
which contain a number of names of priests and bishops of that
age. There are also many other characters which were not then
known, for they are neither Hebrew nor Greek, but which, as far
as I understand, contain the same names, in order that if by chance
SUPPLEMENTARY NOTES 237
some one from abroad should come who could not read the
writing of the country, he might, perhaps, be able to understand
these foreign characters.
" Passing afterwards through Cochin on my way to Cranganor,
the residence of the Archbishop of the Coast, I consulted on the
subject of those letters Father Antonio Fernandez of our Society,
who was very learned in the literature of those St. Thomas
Christians, and he told me that the letters were Syriac, and the
same as were in use by that body." (P. 197 seq.)
The following account is given in a Chinese work entitled
" Laichai's Brief examination of Inscriptions on Stone and Metal."
" At present this inscription exists in the enclosure of the
monastery Kinching (' Golden Victory ') to the west of the city
of Si-ngan. In the years Tsung ching of the Ming (1628-43) the
Prefect of Si-ngan, Doctor Tseu Tsing chang, a native of Tsin-ling,
had a young child called Hoaseng who was endowed from his
birth with a very rare degree of intelligence and penetration.
Almost as soon as he could speak he would already join his hands
to adore Fo. When he had reached his twelfth year, the child,
without knowing where was the seat of his ailment, pined away ;
his eyes insensibly closed ; he opened them for an instant with
a smile, and died. Chang, seeing that his son was gone, cast lots,
and these indicated for the place of his burial a spot to the south
of the monastery T'sungjin {' Sublime Humanity ') in Chang-ngan.
After digging here to a depth of several feet, they hit upon a stone
which was no other than that bearing the inscription, ' ' etc. (From
Pauthier, L' Inscription Chretienne de Singanfou, pp. 70-1.)
NOTE X BIS.
FROM THE ISTORIA OF P. D. Bartoli.
P. Daniello Bartoli in his Istoria delta Compagnia di Gesu has
given in the third part of Asia devoted to China (Torino, 1825,
Lib. 4°, pp. 4 seq.) a history of the discovery of the Si-ngan fu
inscription which is more complete in its particulars than the
account of Semedo. I have thought it might prove of good
service and I insert it here :
Descrizion d'una lapida
trovata nella Provincia di Scensi in memoria
della Fede gia fiorita nella Cina.
La Provincia di Scensi, fra tutte le quindici della Cina, e in
venerazione come di madre ; percioche si ha fino ab immemorabili,
che i primi padri e fondatori della Nazion cinese quivi abitassero,
e quinci, multiplicando, diffondessero i lor nipoti e discendenti, a
238 PRELIMINARY ESSAY
popolar tutte le quattordici altre Provincie. E par vero ; peroche
chi vien da verso 1' India per la via di terra a quel Regno, la
Provincia di Scensi e la prima a farsi loro incontro a riceverli, si
come quella, che piii di niun' altra si stende in quel verso, fino a
Sifan, ciod a' Regni di Tibet e Cascar : e le carovane de' Mori, che
ad ogni tanti anni si portano alia Cina, le lontanissime dalla Persia
e dal Mogor, e 1' altre da piu vicino, tutte vengono a metter capo
a Scensi nel suo lato a Settentrione, dove ha la gran muraglia che
la divide da' Tartari. Quivi anco ebbero per piii secoli il lor seggio
i primi Re della Cina, e la Corte in Sigan metropoli della Provincia ;
per cio tutta sontuosissimi edificj, e per almen dodici miglia
nostrali, quante (oltre a' gran borghi) ne volge il suo circuito,
intorniata d' un muro di pietra viva, la si bella fabrica a vedersi,
e si forte a difendere la citta, ch' ella giustamente ne va con nome
di Muraglia d' oro. Or' in questa Provincia di Scensi, e in questa
sua maestosa metropoli Sigan, si apparecchiavano i Padri a portar
la luce deir Evangelic ; quando, pochi mesi innanzi al lor giun-
gervi (e non, pochi anni prima del lor' entrar nella Cina, come
altri ha scritto : ed e fallo d' almen quarantacinque anni), apren-
dosi dove gittare i fondamenti di non so qual nuovo edificio presso
a Ceuce, citta non delle grandi, un qualche trenta miglia lungi
dalla metropoli in ver Levante, i cavatori s' avvennero in certe
rovine di fabrica, e fra esse, nello scassinarle, diedero in una gran
piastra di marmo, che tratta fuori, e rinetta con diligenza, si vide
tutta esser messa a caratteri, altri cinesi, altri di stranissima
formazione, niuno sapea di che lingua : ma gli uni e gli altri,
quanto all' intaglio, opera di mano eccellente. Cosi dell' inven-
zione di questa memorabile anticaglia si e scritto fin' era da chi
ne fa menzione, attribuendola a fortuito avvenimento de' cavatori,
che, senza nulla cercarne, si abbatterono in lei. Ma io, nelle
memorie inviateci dalla Provincia di Scensi 1' anno 1639, truovo
la testimonianza d' un vecchio, il quale, accoltosi cortesemente il
P. Stefano Fabri, gran ministro dell' Evangelio in quel Regno,
ad albergo una notte nel suo povero casolare, posto cola fra le
piu erme pendici di quella montagnosa Provincia, gli conto per
indubitabil saputa, i paesani della contrada, cola onde si trasse la
pietra, avere osservato, che coprendosi sin dal primo far del verno
di foltissime nevi tutto intorno il paese, solo un pochissimo di
terreno ne rimaneva al tutto libero e scoperto : e cio per piu anni
seguentemente : dunque, forza essere, che ivi sotto si nascondesse
o un tesoro (come desideravano), o, che che altro si fosse, cosa
degna di sapersi che fosse : e da cio essersi indotti a cercarne, e
cavare, e avervi trovato in verita il tesoro della pietra che dicevamo.
Tanto ne riferiva il vecchio. Curiosissimi sono i Cinesi di ci6 che
sa deir antico : n^ piii caro dono pu6 farsi ad uomo di profession
Letterato, che un che che sia, tanto piu prezioso, quanto piii
antico, massimamente memorie di secoli andati, che cola sono
reliquie del tempo sacrosante, e ne arricchiscono que' loro sontuosi
SUPPLEMENTARY NOTES 239
Musei, ch' essi chiamano Case di studio. Percio v' ebbe gara a chi
portasse il primo 1' annunzio della pietra al Governatore di Ceuce ;
il quale accorsovi, e lettone quel che v' era in sua lingua, altro non
ne comprese, se non ch' ella era cosa di gran mistero, e antichis-
sima, Si come fin dal tempo della real famiglia Tarn, e di Chienciun,
un de' successori d' essa regnante. Era la pietra meglio di quattro
palmi in largo, lunga oltre a nove, e grossa un sommesso. D' in
su'l lato superiore, spiccavasi un' altro minor quadrato ; la cui
sommita levandosi un poco alta, e stringendosi, finiva in acuto ;
e quivi entro all' angolo superiore una Croce ben disegnata, su
r andar di quella de' Cavalieri di Malta, con a' capi alcune giunterelle
da renderla di bel garbo. Sotto essa, nove si gran caratteri, ch' essi
soli empiono tutto il quadrato superiore, disposti in tre righe a
tre per ciascuna. Ma nel plan del quadrato maggiore, elle eran
da trenta righe, non coricate come le nostre, ma ritte in pid, e da
leggersi calando dalla cima al fondo : chd tale ho detto altrove
essere il proprio scrivere de' Cinesi : e in esse contavansi mille
diciotto caratteri ; i quali, tra perche ciascun di loro d una voce
intera, e per la mirabil forza che hanno nell' esprimere e significare
i concetti dell' animo, a volerli ridurre a scrittura in lettere
uguali d' ogni altra lingua d' Europa, empierebbono tre e quattro
volte pill spazio. Oltre a questi cinesi, correvanle per su il lembo
attorno altri caratteri, di soriano all' antica, ma quivi non cono-
sciuti, ne pur di che lingua si fossero.
Letta da' Gentili la pietra, e non intesa :
se ne manda copia al Dottor Lione, e si stampa.
II Governator dunque, adorato quel marmo, venerabilissimo
per r antichita di presso ottocencinquanta anni (come indubitato
appariva dal tempo in che vissero i Re quivi expressi),e contenente,
nella sua natia favella, misteri da lui poco intesi, e nulla quel che
dicea la straniera, il mando trasportar di cola in un tempio di
Taosi, un miglio presso a Sigan, e quivi alzarlo su un piedestallo,
sotto un bel capannuccio portato da quattro colonne : e al par
di lui, un' altra piastra di marmo, con incisavi dentro una ben
composta memoria del ritrovamento di quella antichita presso
a Ceuce, cola dov' egli era Governatore. Tutta Sigan vi trasse,
con gara eziandio fra' piu dotti a comprenderne o indovinarne il
significato, difficilissimo a rinvenire, non tanto perchd il dettato
della scrittura era in istile sollevatissimo, quanto per le figurate
maniere dell' accennarvisi i misteri della Fede nostra, quivi non
ancora divulgati. E gia lo stesso era avvenuto a que' di Ceuce,
senza trovarsi chi di loro si apponesse al vero, fuor che, come a
Dio piacque, un solo del secondo ordine de' Letterati, che cola
chiamano Chiugin. Questi, eran de gli anni presso a diciotto, che
stretta in Pechin amicizia col P. Matteo Ricci, ne aveva udito
della Legge cristiana quanto ora tornandolsi alia memoria, e
240 PRELIMINARY ESSAY
riscontrandolo con quel che leggea nella pietra, il rende certo,
quivi di lei trattarsi : e senza piu, sovraposto alia medesima
pietra uno o due di que' loro fran fogli, coll' arte dello stampare
in pietra che cola e in uso, ne ricavo fedelmente la scrittura a
carattere bianco in campo nero, e per messaggio a posta 1' invio
sino ad Hanceu al Dottor Lione suo vecchio amico, e, come egli
ben sapeva, Cristiano. Cosi appunto ando il fatto : ed hollo per
narrazione fattane dallo stesso Dottor Lione : il quale tutto per
cio festeggiante venne a darne avviso a' Padri. Indi egli, e poscia
anche il Dottor Paolo, ridottala a carattere di minor forma, e
stampatene in gran numero copie, le publicarono a tutto il Regno,
aggiuntivi lor proemj, e interpretazion letterali delle metafore, e
postille, e chiose necessariamente richieste all' intelligenza del
testo. E qui altresi a me fara bisogno frametterne almen quelle,
senza il cui lume si andrebbe mezzo alia cieca, per la troppa
scurita del semplice testo ; massimamente trasportato, per piu
fedelta, a verbo a verbo, quanto il diversissimo scriver cinese si
comporta col nostro : il non cosi necessario, per meno interrom-
pere, avra suo luogo nel margine. E ne ho di cola, in tre diverse
lingue, otto interpretazioni di valent' uomini, che tutte nel
sustanziale sono quasi una medesima : benche, a dir vero, in non
poche particolarita fra se differenti, per lo si vario sentimento
che posson probabilmente ricevere que' caratteri della scrittura
cinese, la quale ha un non so che del simile a' geroglifici de gli
antichi Egiziani. In tutte poi si da in passi tanto difficili e scuri,
che si puo dir ben da vero, che 1' interpretazione stessa ha bisogno
d' interprete. Ma il suo peggio, e per cui appena sara che leggen-
dosi non annoi, e il riuscir 1' interpretazione un cadavero dell' ori-
ginale, mancandole, senza potersene altramente, quello spirito e
quell' ingegno, che ha la maniera dell' esprimer cinese, a forza del
mistero ch' e ne' caratteri e semplici e accozzati. Pure, qual che
sia per riuscir questa, che non sara niuna delle otto, e ne avra
parte di tutte, m' e paruta da stendersi qui tutta intera. E vuolsene
sapere avanti, che dovunque in essa si nomina il paese di Tacin,
alia e la Giudea : e gl' Illustri, o la Legge o dottrina illustre, sono
in vece di nome proprio, a significar Cristiano, e Legge cristiana.
I nomi poi de' Re Cinesi, che qui per ordine di successione si
contano (e tutti furono della stessa famiglia Tam), come altresi
de' Mandarini di Lettere e d' Armi, tutti si accordano fedelmente
colle istorie cinesi, che ne fan memoria co' medesimi nomi e col
medesimo ordine : e da esse abbiamo, che il presente entrar della
Fede in quel Regno cadde ne gli anni di Cristo 636, e'l rizzar che
si fece di questa lapida fu nel 782. Se gia non paresse in ci6 aver
maggior peso 1' autorita del Dottor Lione cinese, che di cinque
anni anticipa 1' un conto e 1' altro. Or le nove gran lettere, ch' erano
in testa alia pietra, e riempievano tutto il quadrato superiore,
cosi dicono : Pietra, in memoria dell' essersi propagata per lo
regno della Cina la Legge illustre del Tacin (cioe, la Legge cristiana,
SUPPLEMENTARY NOTES 241
venutavi di Giudea). Poi nel quadrate maggiore incomincia la
narrazione sotto questo brieve preambolo : Chincin, Sacerdote di
Tacin, cosi propone, e dice : [the translation follows].
NOTE XI.
THE KINGDOMS OF INDIA IN THE NINTH CENTURY,
SPOKEN OF BY THE ARAB WRITERS IN THE
RELATIONS TRANSLATED BY REINAUD.
The first king named is the Balhara, who is said to have been
regarded as the most exalted of Indian princes, and whom the
Indians and Chinese classed with the Khalif, the Emperor of
China, and the King of the Romans, as the four great kings of the
world. There is, however, scarcely anything definite stated about
him except that his empire began at the country of Komkam (the
Konkan) on the sea coast.
The name of Balhara Lassen considers to be a corruption of
Ballahhirda or raja, the title of a great dynasty which reigned at
Ballabhipura in the Peninsula of Gujarat^, but which had fallen
long before this time. Nor indeed does there appear to have been
any very powerful dynasty in this region in the ninth century 2.
Al Biriini, who in Indian matters knew what he was talking about
a great deal better than other old Arabic writers, says nothing of
the Balhara^. He mentions a kingdom of Konkan with its capital
at Tdlah [read Tdnah] *.
Among the other kings with whom the Balhara was often at
war was one named the Jurz, who was noted for his cavalry, and
had great riches, and camels and horses in great numbers. His
states are said to form a tongue of land, i.e., I presume, to be on
the sea coast. Yet Abu-Zaid says that Kanauj formed his empire,
and to this M. Reinaud holds. But Mas'udi, who gives the same
account of the Jurz (or Juzr as it is in his book as printed), makes
him entirely distinct from the King of Kanauj , whom he calls the
^ Called by Mas'udi Manekir, and identified by Lassen with the
Minnagara of Ptolemy.
^ See Lassen, iii, 533 seqq., and iv, 917 seqq. It is a curious illus-
tration of the expanse of the Mahomedan power and consequent
circulation of its agents that the name of this Indian prince, the Balhara,
was applied to a village in the neighbourhood of Palermo, now the well-
known Monreale, and from it again to a market in the city, Sikk-Balhara,
now called Piazza Ballard. Similar illustrations are found in the names
of Manzil-Sindi, near Corleone ; Jibal-Sindi, near Girgenti ; and 'A in-
Sindi, in the suburbs of Palermo : all preserved by mediaeval docu-
ments, and the last still surviving under the corrupted name of Fonte
Dennisinni (Amari, St. dei Musulm. di Sicilia, i, 84; ii, 33, 34, 300).
3 Reinaud, MSm. sur I'lnde in Mim. de I'Acad.
* Reinaud in /. As., s€t. iv, tom. iv, p. 251.
C. Y. C, I. 16
242 PRELIMINARY ESSAY
Bawiirah^. Lassen and the editors of Mas'udi^ make this king-
dom Gujarat, apparently from the shght resemblance of name.
But it seems much more likely that it is the King J or of Al Biruni,
whom that writer places on the eastern coast of the Peninsula,
either in the Tanjore country or in Telinga, or extending over
both. And from Hiuen Tsang also we hear of a kingdom called
Jiivi or Jurya, which lay some three hundred miles north of
Dravida (the capital of which last was the present Konjeveram),
and this may have been the same^.
There is then the kingdom of Thafak, or Thafan as Mas'Sdi
has it, which was noted for its women, who were the whitest and
most beautiful in India. The author of the Relations calls it
beside the Jurz, but no great weight can be attached to this where
his knowledge was evidently so dim. Because of Ibn Batuta's
praise of the Mahratta women, M. Reinaud will have Thafan to
be in the Dekkan, nay he localises it "in the present province of
Aurungabad," and Lassen following up this lead with equal
precision will prefer to put it in Baglana, which was then the
Mahratta country*. But Ibn Batuta certainly does not say that
the Mahratta women were white, the very last attribute I suppose
that they could claim, and we find thatMas'iidi couples Thafan with
Kashmir and Kandahar {i.e. Gandhdra, the country about Pesha-
war and Attok) as one of the countries in which the Indus had its
sources*. The traveller Ibn Muhalhil speaks of Thdbdn as a chief
city of Kabul, but whether that be meant for the same place or
no, this Thafan is certainly to be sought on the N.W. frontier of
India, and the fair women are very probably those of the race
now called Kafirs, whose beauty and fair complexion are still so
much extolled^.
1 Or Baurawa. Gildemeister says on this : " Paurav [in Nagari
letters] esse puto, nam eo nomine Reges Kanyakubgenses gloriati
sunt " ; but gives no authority (p. 160). Mas'udI also speaks of a
city Bawurah on one of the Panjab rivers, which is perhaps the Parvata
of Hiuen Tsang. [Pr. d'Or, i, 371 ; Vie de H. T., p. 210.)
2 Lassen, iv, 921 ; Prairies d'Or, i, 383, 384. In the last passage
the French translator puts simply le Guzerat to represent A I- Jurz or
Juzr, which is scarcely fair translating of so doubtful a point.
^ See Vie de H. T., pp. 189, 190, 453 ; also Lassen, iii, 205, note.
The Jurz of the Relations is evidently the Malik-al-Jizr of Edrisi, who
puts him on what he calls the Island of Madai on the way to China,
but Edrisi's information about the South Eastern Indies, is a hopeless
chaos (see i, 86, 98).
* Lassen, iv, 921.
^ Prairies d'Or, i, 207.
8 See the notices of the Kafir women quoted Vol. iv, Goes, infra.
Kazwini mentions a very strong fortress of India called Thaifand, on
the summit of a mountain almost inaccessible, but which had water,
cultivation, and everything needful for the maintenance of its garrison.
It was taken, he says, by Mahmud Sabaktagin in the year 414 (a.d.
1023), and five hundred elephants were found in it. This is like the
SUPPLEMENTARY NOTES 243
Contiguous to these, according to the Arab writer, was the
Kingdom of Ruhmi, Rahma, or Rahman^, who was at war with
the Jurz and the Balhara. He was not of great consideration,
though he had the greatest army, and was accompanied by some
fifty thousand elephants and fifteen thousand washermen !
MusHns that could pass through a ring were made in his country.
Gold, silver, aloes-wood, and chowries were also found in it.
Cowries were the money used ; and in the forests was the
rhinoceros, of which a particular description is given under the
name of Karkadan^. The Kingdom of Rahma, adds Mas'udi,
extends both inland and on the sea.
Of this Reinaud says : " This seems to me to answer to the
ancient Kingdom of Visiapur " ; and Lassen will have it that
it fits none but the Kingdom of the Chalukyas of Kalliani (in the
Dekkan). Why, it would be hard to say ; the washermen doubt-
less exist in those regions, and to a certain extent the elephants,
but none of the other alleged products. Gold, silver, aloes-wood,
chowries, rhinoceroses, and the fabulous stud of elephants all
point to Transgangetic India, perhaps including Assam, whilst the
muslins that pass through a ring are the produce of Eastern
Bengal (Dacca muslins). Pegu is known in Burma, Buddhisto-
classically, as Rahmaniya^, and I have little doubt that this is the
name involved, though I should be sorry to define more particularly
the limits of the region intended by the Arab writer*.
Then come an inland people of white complexion with pierced
ears, and remarkable for their beauty, called Kashibin, or, as
Mas'udi has it, Kdman. M. Reinaud says Mysore, but only
because he had last said Visiapur. He cannot suppose that the
people of Mysore are white in any sense. All that can be said is
account given of a stronghold on the west of the Indus, at Mahahan,
which had been admirably identified by Col. James Abbott with
Aornos. The name may have to do with our Thafan (see Gildem. , p. 208 ) .
^ Some copies of Mas'udi have Wahman, which seems to point to
Rahman as the proper name (see Reinaud, Relations, i, cii). Edrisi (in
Jaubert, i, 173) has Dumi.
2 This is probably the word which Aelian intends in his description
of the Indian unicorn, whicli he calls KapTa^divov. (De Nat. Animalium,
xvi, 20.)
3 The great Burmese inscription at Kaungmiidhau Pagoda, near
Ava, thus defines : " All within the great districts of Hanzawadi (i.e.,
the city of Pegu), Digun (Rangoon), Dala (opposite Rangoon), Kothian,
Youngmyo, and Mauttama (Martaban) is the great kingdom of Rama-
NiYA " {Mission to Ava, p. 351). Avvamaniya is also used in the
Ceylonese annals to designate some country of the Transgangetic
Peninsula (see Tumour's Epitome, p. 41). The sounding titles of many
of the Indo-Chinese princes refer to their possession of vast numbers of
elephants.
* The kings of India, as given by Ibn Khurdadhbah {supra, p. 135),
are the Balhara, the kings of Jabah, Tafan, Juzr, Ghanah or 'Anah,
Rahma, and Kamriin. Ghanah seems to have no parallel in other
lists, nor can I conjecture what is meant.
16 — 2
244 PRELIMINARY ESSAY
that this and all the other kingdoms mentioned afterwards appear
to be in Farther India. These are Kairanj, said to be on the
sea, probably the sea called Kadvanj, in the list of seas between
Oman and China ^ ; then Mujah, where there is much good musk
and very long ranges of snowy mountains ; and Mabad or May ad,
the people of both of which resemble the Chinese, whilst the latter
touch the Chinese frontier. These are to be sought in the vicinity
of Yun nan, which has much musk and very long ranges of snowy
mountains.
NOTE XII.
ABSTRACT OF THE TRAVELS OF IBN MUHALHIL.
Quitting Khorasan and the Mahomedan cities of Mavara-un-
Nahr, with the ambassadors of China, as mentioned in the text,
the party came first to the territory of Harkah (or Harkat)^.
It took a month^ to pass through this region, and then they came
to that of Thathah*, through which they travelled for twenty
days^. The people of this country are in alliance with those of
Harkat to repel the inroads of the Pagans, and they are subject
to the orders of the Emperor of China. They pay tribute also to
Harkat, as the latter lies between them and the Musulman
countries with which they desire to have commerce. Next they
reached Naja^, tributary to Thathah. Here they have wine, figs,
and black meddlars, and a kind of wood which fire will not burn.
The Christians carry this wood away, believing that Christ was
crucified upon iV. Next they came to the Bajnak", a people
1 A passage quoted by Dulaurier, in relation to camphor, from an
Arabic author, Ishak Bin Amram, says that the best camphor comes
from " Herenj, which is Little China." This seems to point either to
Borneo or to Cochin China. (Jour. Asiat., ser. iv, torn, viii, p. 218.)
2 [Chargah, Marquart. — Kharkah, Ferrand.]
^ [" During which we lived on wheat and barley." Ferrand,
p. 210.]
* [Tachtach, Marquart. — Takhtakh, Ferrand.]
^ [" In peace and security." Ferrand.]
® Or Baja. [Baga, Marquart. — Badja, Ferrand.]
' [" Das Land ist reich an Feigen, Trauben und schwarzem Mispel,
und es gibt daselbst eine Holzart, die das Feuer nicht verzehrt. Aus
diesem Holze machen sie Gotzenbilder. Durchreisende Christen
pflegen dies Holz fort zu nehmen, und behaupten, dass es von dem
Balken stamme, an welchem Jesus gekreuzigt wurde." Marquart,
p. 76. This wood is probably teakwood.]
8 On the three preceding peoples or countries, Harkah [Harkah
Yarkand], Thathah, and Naja, I can throw no light. The Bajnak
[Bagndk, Marquart] are the Pechinegs, or llaTJ'tcaK^rat of the Greeks
[of Turkish race, of Huns stock], much discoursed of by Constantine
Porphyrogenitus, who evidently stood in great fear of them, in his
book De Administrando Imperio. In his time they were on the
SUPPLEMENTARY NOTES 245
with beards and mustachios, and went twenty-two days^ through
their territory which extended north to the confines of theScLAVES^.
Next to the Jikil^, a people who keep no cattle ; they marry
their daughters and sisters without regard to unlawful affinities,
and are subject to the Turks*. They have a herb called Kalkan
Dnieper and Dniester, but he tells us that fifty years before they had
been driven from their original seats on the Atil and Geech (Volga and
laic) by the Uz (or Ghuz) and Khazars. Their original settlement is
described by an Arab writer as having on the north Kipchak, to the
south the Khazars, to the east the Ghuz, to the west the Slavs. (Const.
Porph. in Banduri, Imper. Orientale, vol. i ; Defremery, Fragments de
Geographes, etc., in Jour. As., ser. iv, torn, xiii, 466; Mas'udi, Prairies
d'Or, i, 262.) [They were exterminated by John Comnen in 1123.]
[Klaproth, Memoire sur les Khazars {Journal Asiatique, iii, 1823,
pp. 153-160):
" Les ecrivains Byzantins font pour la premiere fois mention des
Khazars en I'an 626. lis les appellent aussi Turcs ou Turcs orientaux."
P- 155-
From Ibn Hhauqual: "La langue des veritables Khazars," he says,
" differe de celle des Turcs et des Persans," p. 158. — "La langue des
Bulgares est aussi celle des Khazars. Les Berthas ont une autre langue,
et celle des Russes differe entierement des idiomes des Khazars et des
Berthas," p. 158.
From Constantine Porphyrogenitus : " Pres du Danube inferieur,
vis-a-vis de Dristra, commence le pays des Petcheneghes, et leur domina-
tion s'etend jusqu'a Sarkel, forteresse des Khazars, dans laquelle il y a
une garnison qu'on change de tems en tems. Chez eux Sarkel signifie
habitation blanche," p. 159.
Klaproth comes to the conclusion that the Wogouls of western
Siberia, the Khazars and the Bulgares belong to the race of the eastern
Finns. . .this fact shows that " Schloezter et Thunmann ne se sont pas
trompes en supposant que les Hongrois blancs cites dans la Chronique
russe de Nestor, n'etaient autres que les Khazars des Byzantins ," p. 160.
Physically the greater part of the Bulgarians are Finno-Ugrians,
but mixed with Slavs ; their language and customs have suffered the
Slav influence and they make use of the Cyrillic alphabet.]
1 [Twelve days, Ferrand.]
2 [" Hierauf kamen wir zu einem Stamme, namens Bagnak
(Pecenegen), mit langen Barten und Schnurrbarten, rohen Barbaren,
die einander gegenseitig iiberfallen. Sie essen nur Hirse. Ihre Frauen
begatten sie auf offener Strasse. Wir reisten durch ihr Gebiet 12 Tage
lang, und es wurde uns erzahlt, dass ihr Land nach Norden und den
Slawenlandern zu ungeheuer sei. Sie zahlen niemanden Tribut."
Marquart, p. 75.]
3 [Cikil, Marquart. — Ferrand.]
* [" Les indigenes se nourrissent exclusivement d'orge, de pois
chiches et de viande de mouton. lis n'egorgent pas les chameaux ;
ils n'elevent pas de vaches ; il n'y en a pas dans leur pays. Leurs
vetements sont en laine et en fourrure ; ils n'en ont pas d'autres que
ces deux sortes-la. II y a chez eux quelques chretiens [manicheens] .
lis sont beaux de visage. Les hommes, chez eux, epousent leurs fiUes,
leurs soeurs et toutes les femmes interdites [par ITslam]. lis ne sont
pas Mages, et cependant telle est leur doctrine en ce qui concerne le
mariage. lis adorent Canope [Suhayl, a du Navire], Saturne, les
Gemeaux, Banat Na's [the tails of the Little and of the Great Bear],
le Chevreau ; ils appellent Sirius, le Seigneur des Seigneurs. Chez eux la
tranquillite regne ; ils ne font rien de mal ; toutes les tribus turques qui les
entourent cherchent a les attaquer et a les depouiller." Ferrand, p. 211.]
246 PRELIMINARY ESSAY
which they boil with their meat^. Bezoars are found here, and
mahgnant serpents haunt the country in the beginning of winter.
Their houses are of wood and clay^. Then to the Baghraj, whose
king is descended from 'Ali, and who are very skilful in the manu-
facture of arms^. Next to Tobbat, and travelled forty days
therein. There was a great city there built of reeds and a temple
made of ox leather covered with varnish. There is also an idol
made of the horns of musk oxen*. Next they came to Kimak^,
where the houses are of the skins of beasts, and there are vines
with grapes which are half black and half white. There is also
a stone here with which they produce rain as often as they wilP.
Gold is found on the surface, and diamonds are disclosed by the
rivers. They have no king nor temple. They venerate greatly
1 Kalank in Pevs. is the kitchen herb purslain. The Ashkal, Szekely
or Siculi, no doubt the same as these Jikil, are mentioned in the extracts
by Defremery just quoted (p. 473), as being to the south of the Majgars
or Majars, who again were south of the Bajnaks. [Read kilkan, the
leek; it grows at Key and in Khorasan. Notices et Ext., xxvi, 1883,
p. 162. — Ferrand, p. 211.]
2 [Bone ? Ferrand, p. 212. — " lis n'ont pas de rois. Nous avons
traverse leur pays en quarante jours, en paix, quietude et tranquillite."
Ferrand, p. 212.]
* Qu. Georgians ? (whose kings were Bagratidce) ; or Bulgarians ?
(of the Volga). [" La particularite merveilleuse de ceux qu'ils choisissent
pour roi parmi les descendants de Zayd, c'est que ceux-ci ont de la
barbe, le nez droit et de grand yeux. Les indigenes se nourrissent
de millet et de viande de mouton male. II n'y a dans leurs paj^s ni
vaches ni chevres. Leurs vetements sont en feutre ; ils n'en revetent
pas d'autres. Nous voyageames chez eux pendant un mois dans la peur
et la crainte ; nous dumes leur donner le dixieme de tout ce que nous
avions avec nous." Ferrand, p. 212. Sir Henry H. Howorth, in his
paper The Northern Frontagers of China (Journ. Roy. Asiat. Soc, 1893,
pp. 467-502), has devoted some pages to Boghra Khan. The Bagrac
were perhaps the subjects of the Boghra Khan.]
* Some regions of Siberia ? [Tobbat : Tubat CUJ and not Tubbat
. . . . " Dans cette ville se trouvent des musulmans, des juifs, des
Chretiens, des Mages et des Indiens ; [les habitants] payent I'impot a
I'Ahde [roi de la tribu] des Baghrac. Les [Tubat] tirent leur roi au sort.
Us ont une prison pour les criminels et [infligent] des amendes. lis
prient en se mettant dans la direction de la Kibla de la Mekke."
Ferrand, p. 213.]
^ [Kaimak, Marquart. — Kaymak, Ferrand.]
* On the rain-stone used by the Turk and Tartar tribes to conjure
rain, and still known among the Kalmaks, see one of Quatremfere's long
but interesting notes on Rashiduddin, pp. 428 seqq. ; also Hammer's
Golden Horde, pp. 42 and 436. This stone was called by the Turks
Jadah (Pers. Yadah). Is this the origin of our Jade-stone ? and is it
connected with the {Pers.) word Jddu, conjuring, in common use in
India ? [" Der Regenstein (Nephrit) ' wird bekanntlich seit Alters
siJdHch von Khuttan aus anstehendem Felsgestein gebrochen (H. v.
Schlagintweit, Hochasien, iv, 161 f.) und die Fliisse von Khuttan,
Yarqand, Kiria und Carcan fiihren Nephrit im Gerolle.' " Marquart,
p. 79.]
SUPPLEMENTARY NOTES 247
those who attain eighty years without being ill. The travellers
were thirty -five days among them^. Then they came to the
Ghuz, whose city is of stone, timber, and reeds. They have a
temple but no images. Their king is very powerful and trades
with India and China. Their clothes are of linen and camel's
hair. They have no wool. They have a white stone which is
good for colic, and a red^ stone which by touching a sword pre-
vents it from cutting. The route lay securely for one month
through this country^. Then came the Taghazghaz* who eat
flesh, both raw and cooked, and wear wool and cotton. They
have no temples ; they hold horses in high esteem. They have
a stone that stops bleeding at the nose. They celebrate a feast
when they see a rainbow. In prayer they turn to the west.
The king is very powerful, and at the top of his castle is a round
structure of gold which holds a hundred men, and is seen for five
parasangs. Their standards are black. The travellers went
twenty days through this country in great fear^. Next they came
1 [" lis ont des caractferes pour ecrire." Ferrand, p. 213.] The
Kimaks are represented by Edrisi as the greatest of the Turk (or Tartar)
nations. They had the Taghazghaz to the south, the Khiziljis
(Kharlikhs ?) to the south-west, the Khilkhis to the west, on the east
the Dark Sea. They had numerous cities, all on a great river flowing
eastward. El-Wardi calls them a race of Eastern Turks, bordering on
Northern China. In the Chinese Annals we find embassies repeatedly
from the Kumuki, coupled with the K'itans, to the court of the Wei
dynasty in the fifth century (Edrisi, i, 25 ; ii, 217-223, etc. ; Ibn
Khurdadhbah in Jour. As., ser. vi, tom. v, 268 ; D'Herbelot in v. ;
Deguignes, i, 183, 184). The river was perhaps the Irtish, as Mas'udi
speaks of the " Black and White Irshat (the French transl., however,
prints Arasht) on the banks of which is the kingdom of the Keimak-
Baigur, a Turkish tribe originating in the country beyond the Jihun."
{Prairies d'Or, i, 230 ; also 288.)
^ [Green, Ferrand, p. 214.]
3 The Ghuz or Uzes had their seats about the Aral and to the east
of it. In the reign of Constantine Ducas they penetrated into Mace-
donia, and got large sums from the emperor to make peace. On their
return they were cut to pieces by the Pechinegs. The Ghuz are
identified with the Turkomans (Edrisi, i, 7 ; ii, 339 seqq. ; Deguignes,
ii, 522; Mas'udi, Prairies d'Or, i, 212). ["lis se nourrissent exclusive-
ment de froment ; il n'y a pas chez eux de legumes. lis mangent la
chair des moutons et des chevres, males et femelles." Ferrand, p. 214.]
* [T07UZ7UZ (Uiguren), Marquart, p. 80. — Toguzoguz, Ferrand,
p. 214.]
^ The Taghazghaz (printed in Edrisi, Bagharghar) were one of the
greatest tribes of the Turks, according to the early Arab geographers.
Their country seems to have been that afterwards known as the Uighiir
country, whether they were the same people or not (see Edrisi, i, 490
seq. ; Ibn Khurdadhbah, u.s., 268). Mas'udi says they occupied the
city of Kushan between Khorasan and China, supposed to be the
Kao ch'ang of the Chinese, the modern Turfan. He says they were in
his day the most valiant, powerful, and best governed of the Turks.
{Prairies d'Or, i, 288.) The round structure of gold was probably a
248
PRELIMINARY ESSAY
to the Khirkhiz^, a people who have temples for worship and a
written character, and are a very intelligent people. They never
put a light out-. They have a little musk. They keep three
feasts in the year. Their standards are green, and in prayer they
turn to the south. They adore the planets Saturn and Venus,
and predict the future by Mars. They have a stone that shines
b}^ night and is used for a lamp. No man under forty sits down
gilt Dagoba. [" Reinaud, in the preface to his Abulfeda, pp. 360 seq.,
affords evidence that the Turkish race called Tagazgaz by the Arabian
geographers of the ninth and tenth centuries is identical with the
Uigurs. Mas'udi states that in his days (he died 956) the Tagazgaz
were the most valiant, numerous and best governed among the Turk
tribes. Their empire extended from Khorassan to Sin (China). Their
principal city was called Kiishan ; their king had the title irkhan.
Mas'udi adds that the Tagazgaz were the only Turk tribe who professed
the Manichean doctrine. Reinaud thinks that Kiishan is Kucha in
Eastern Turkestan ; Barbier de Meynard identifies this name with
Kao ch'ang of the Chinese Annals. As to the doctrine of Mani (or
Manes), I may observe that Wang Yengte, in his narrative, notices in
Kao ch'ang a temple (devoted to) Mani {Ma-ni sz'), and served by
monks from Persia, who have their particular rules, and who declare
the books of the Buddhists to be heretical." Bretschneider, Mediaeval
Researches, i, p. 252.]
[" Les Tagazgaz, qui occupent la ville de Kouchan (Kao-tchang),
situee entre le Khora9an et la Chine, et qui sont aujourd'hui, en 332,
de toutes les races et tribus turques, la plus valeureuse, la plus puissante
et la mieux gouvernee. Leurs rois portent le titre d'Irkhan, et seuls
entre tous ces peuples ils professent la doctrine de Manfes." (Mas'udi,
i, p. 288.).. . ." Leur royaume [des Chinois] est contigu a celui des
Tagazgaz, qui, comme nous I'avons dit plus haut, sont manicheens et
proclament I'existence simultanee des deux principes de la lumidre et
des tenfebres." {I.e., pp. 299-300.)]
[Mas'udi (i, 288, 299) says that among the Turks, the Taghazghaz
were the only ones following the religion of Manes. According to
Edrisi, they were mazdeans. The Taghazghaz were certainly the
Uighiirs who are called in Orkhon Inscriptions Toquz Oguz = Nine Oguz.
Cf. Vilh. Thomsen, Insc. de VOrkhon, 1896, pp. 112, 147, Monument I. —
Chavannes, Journ. As., i, 1897, p. 80.]
[" Ensuite il faut compter celui des rois turcs qui possfede la ville
de Kouchan et qui commande aux Tagazgaz. On lui donne le titre de
roi des betes feroces et de roi des chevaux, parce qu'aucun prince de
la terre n'a sous ses ordres des guerriers plus valeureux et plus disposes
a repandre le sang, et qu'aucun d'eux ne poss^de un plus grand nombre
de chevaux. Son royaume est isole entre la Chine et les deserts du
Khora9an ; quant a lui, il porte le titre de irkhan, et bien qu'il y ait
chez les Turcs plusieurs princes et beaucoup de peuples qui ne sont pas
soumis a un roi, aucun n'a la pretention de rivaliser avec lui." Mas'udi,
i. p. 358-]
^ [Kirgiz, Ferrand, p. 214 ; in Chinese, Kie Ku and Kien Wen.]
2 Wood mentions this prejudice, against blowing out a light, not
indeed among the Kirghiz, but among the immediate neighbours of
the Kirghiz of Pamir, the people of Wakhan and Badakhshan ; "A
Wakhani considers it bad luck to blow out a light by the breath, and
will rather wave his hand for several minutes under the flame of his
pine-slip than resort to the sure but to him disagreeable alternative."
{Oxus, p. 333 ; see also p. 274.)
SUPPLEMENTARY NOTES 249
in the king's presence^. Next to the Hazlakh^, who are great
gamblers, and stake wife, mother, or daughter on their play.
When a caravan of travellers comes into their country the wife or
sister or daughter of some chief comes and washes them. And if
any of these ladies takes a fancy for one of the strangers she carries
him home and entertains him with all kindness, and makes her
husband or son or brother provide for him in every way ; nor as
long as the guest is keeping company with her does the husband
come near them unless for necessary business^. Next they
1 [" Nous voyageames chez [les Kirgiz] pendant un mois, en toute
tranquillite et securite." Ferrand, p. 215.]
^ [" Nous arrivames ensuite dans la tribu des Kharlok. lis se
nourrissent de pois chiches et de lentilles. lis fabriquent una boisson
avec du millet. lis ne mangent que de la viande salee. lis s'habillent
de vetements de laine. II y a chez eux une maison de priere sur les
murs de laquelle on voit Timage de leurs anciens rois. La maison est
en bois incombustible. II y a beaucoup de ce bois dans leur pays.
La violence et la rebellion r^gnent parmi eux ; ils sont ennemis les
uns des autres. Le libertinage y est courant et licite." Ferrand,
p. 215.]
I suspect it should be Kharlikh (it is a question of pomts only),
[ ^)jaJ\^ al-Kharlokh] the name of one of the greatest Turkish tribes,
and sometimes written Carligh, whose country seems to have been north
of Farghanah. They are probably the Khizilji of the French Edrisi,
and the Khuzluj of Mas'udi, " remarkable for their beauty, stature,
and perfect features. Formerly they ruled over all the other tribes.
From their race descended the Khakan of the Khakans who united
under his empire all the kingdoms of the Turks, and commanded all
their kings " (p. 288).
^ This discreditable custom is related by Marco Polo of the people
of Qamul ; he says of it [" And it is the truth that if a foreigner comes
to the house of one of these people [at Camul] to lodge, the host is
delighted, and desires his wife to put herself entirely at the guest's
disposal, whilst he himself gets out of the way, and comes back no
more until the stranger shall have taken his departure. The guest
may stay and enjoy the wife's society as long as he lists, whilst the
husband has no shame in the matter, but indeed considers it an honour.
And all the men of this province are made wittols of by their wives in
this way. The women themselves are fair and wanton." Yule-Cordier's
Marco Polo, i, p. 210, and note 3, p. 212. — We find the same custom at
Caindu, I.e., ii, pp. 53-4. " I must tell you of a custom that they have
in this country regarding their women. No man considers himself
wronged if a foreigner, or any other man, dishonour his wife, or daughter,
or sister, or any woman of his family, but on the contrary he deems
such intercourse a piece of good fortune. And they say that it brings
the favour of their gods and idols, and great increase of temporal
prosperity. For this reason, they bestow their wives on foreigners and
other people as I will tell you.
" When they fall in with any stranger in want of a lodging they are
all eager to take him in. And as soon as he has taken up his quarters
the master of the house goes forth, telling him to consider everything
at his disposal, and after saying so he proceeds to his vineyards or his
fields, and comes back no more till the stranger has departed. The
latter abides in the caitiff's house, be it three days or be it four, enjoying
himself with the fellow's wife or daughter or sister, or whatsoever
woman of the family it best likes him ; and as long as he abides there
250 PRELIMINARY ESSAY
reached the KhathlakhI, the bravest of all the Turks. These
admit marriage with sisters. Women are allowed to marry but
once, and there is no divorce except for breach of marriage vows ;
in which case both the offending parties are burnt. The wife is
endowed with all the man's worldly goods, and he must serve her
father for a year. They have the custom of exacting blood-
money ; and the king is not allowed to marry on pain of death.
Next they came to the Khatiyan^. These do not eat meat unless
he leaves his hat or some other token hanging at the door, to let the
master of the house know that he is still there. As long as the wretched
fellow sees that token, he must not go in. And such is the custom over
all that province."]
It is a notorious allegation against the Hazaras of the Hindu Kush
that they exercise the same practice (Wood, p. 201, and Burnes). But
what shall we say to its being ascribed also by a Byzantine historian of
the fifteenth century to a certain insular kingdom of Western Europe
(the capital of which was Aovi'Spas), at least if we trust to the Latin
version of Conrad Clauser. The Greek runs : " vofii^eTai. Be tovtois to.
T dfxcpi ras ywdlKCLS re Kai tovs TratSa? aTrXolX'wrepa were dva irdaav ttjv vyjaov
eireibav tl's es ttjv tov eTiTTjoeiov avrip oiKiav iarjet KoKovfievos, Kijcravra r^]v
yvvaiKa, oOrw ^efi^eadai avrov, Kal iv rats oSots 8k airavTaxv vepiexovTai rds
eavrGiv yvvaiKas ev tois f7rir>)5etois. . . . /cat ovSk aiax^^V^ tovto (pipiL eavTols
Ktjecrdai rds re yvvoLKas avrCov Kal rds dvyarepas" (Laonicus Chalcondylas, in
ed. Paris, 1650, pp. 48-9). The translation of Clauser gives substantially
the same meaning as Ibn Muhalhil's account of the Kharlikh practice,
except that it is much more grossly expressed. We need not defend
our ancestors and ancestresses against the Byzantine ; but was he
really such a gobe-mouches as his translator makes him ? I must needs
speak very diffidently, but do the words mean more than this ? " They
take things very easily in regard to their wives and children. For over
all the island, when anyone goes to visit a friend, he kisses the good
wife on entering the house. And if friends meet on the highway 'tis
the universal custom that they embrace each other's wives. . . . Nor do
they think shame that their wives and daughters should be kissed."
[" Les [Kharlok] ont une fete ou ils revetent des vetements de sole a
ramages ; ceux qui ne peuvent pas le faire, mettent un morceau de
sole a ramages a leurs vetements [habituels]. II y a chez eux une mine
d'argent melange a du mercure. lis ont un arbre qui a I'aspect du
myrobolan et est de la grosseur de la jambe. Quand on oint de son
sue les tumeurs chaudes, elles sont gueries instantanement. Ils ont
une grande pierre qu'ils venerent et devant laquelle ils viennent plaider
leurs affaires ; ils lui egorgent des victimes. Cette pierre est de couleur
vert-poireau. Nous voyageames chez les Kharlok pendant vingt-cinq
jours, en toute paix et tranquillite." Ferrand, p. 216.]
^ [Khutlukh, Ferrand, p. 216.]
^ I have elsewhere (Benedict Goes, infra) intimated a suspicion that
thisis Khotan. The civilised character of the people ; their temples ; and
their having musk, are favourable to this supposition, as well as the
juxtaposition of Bai. [" H. Yule will dagegen in den (JjIaIsUI die Ein-
wohner von Chotan erkennen, so dass zu lesen ware (^l-i^a^JI Chutanan,
also einfach der persische Plural, wie z. B. in O*^*^ Chutaldn neben ^^»•
Chutal. Dies wiirde in der That viel besser in den Zusammenhang des
f'olgenden Itinerars passcn. AUein es ist schwer einzusehen, warum
Abu Dulaf dann nicht die gewohnliche Form dieses bei den Arabern so
bekannten Namens gebraucht hatte. Man miisste geradezu annehmen,
SUPPLEMENTARY NOTES 25I
cooked ; they have civihsed laws of marriage and wise institutions ;
they have no king ; they use no cruelties towards foreigners.
They have no dyed clothes ; they possess musk, and a stone
which heals poisoned bites^, etc., also the bezoar. Then they
came to Bahi. This is a great city and territory, with palm trees,
vines, etc. In the city are Mahomedans, Jews, Christians,
Magians, and idolaters. They have a green stone which is good
for the eyes, and a red stone which is good for the spleen ; also
excellent indigo^. They travelled forty days in this territory^.
Then they came to Kalib*, in which there is a colony of the Arabs
of Yemen, who were left behind by the army of Tobba, after he
had invaded the Chinese. They use the ancient Arabic language
and the Himyaritic character. They worship idols, and make a
drink from dates. The king pays tribute to the King of China^.
After travelling for one month through their territory they came
to the Makdm til Bab (House or Halting-place of the Gate), in a
sandy region. Here is stationed an officer of the King of China,
and anyone desiring to enter China from the Turkish countries or
elsewhere must ask leave here. He is entertained three days at
the king's expense and is then allowed to set out. In the first
parasang of the journey the travellers met with beasts loaded with
necessaries for them, and then they arrived at the Wadi ul-Makdm
(Valley of the Station or Halting-place), where they had to ask
leave to enter, and after abiding three days at the king's expense
in that valley, which is one of the pleasantest and fairest regions
dass er absichtlich durch die Wahl dieser ungewohnlichen Form as
seinen Lesern unmoglich machen wollte, in diesem Orte das bekannte
Chotan wiederzuerkennen. Auch ware es immerhin sehr auffallig, dass
dieser Name von den Abschreibern so sehr entstellt warden konnta."
Marquart, p. 83.]
1 [" Una pierre qui arrete la fievre ; il n'en existe pas hors da laur
pays." Ferrand, p. 217.]
2 ["lis ont un excellent indigo rouge (sic), lager sur I'eau, qui, si
on le met dans I'aau, ne va pas au fond." Ferrand, p. 218.]
* [" Pima," Ferrand, p. 217.] This is probably the province of Pein,
which in Marco Polo follows Khotan, and is now represented by the
town and district of Bai between Aqsu and Kucha (see Benedict Goes,
infra). [Pein has nothing to do with Bai. Sir M. A. Stein appears to
have exactly identified Pain with Uzun-Tati, on the road from Khotan to
Nia, leaving Kiria to the south. See Marco Polo, i, p. 192 ; ii, p. 595.]
* [Kulaybu, Ferrand, p. 218.]
^ The name of this country seems to be corrupt. Tibet is probably
meant, of which Mas'udi says : " the population is in great part com-
posed of Himyarites mixed with some descendants of Tobba," etc.
(Prairies d'Or, i, p. 350.) He also in his account of the Kings of Yemen
speaks of one of them, Malkikarib, son of Tobba al Akran, who " over-
ran various countries of the East, such as Khorasan, Tibet, China, and
Sejistan " (iii, 154). Tobba was the hereditary title of the ancient Kings
of Yemen. They seem to have been as useful to the Arabian antiquaries
as the Phoenicians to ours. Samarkand was said to have been built by
them, and a Himyarite inscription on one of the gates to testify there-
unto (see d'Herbelot). [We have seen p. 246 that this is not Tibet.]
252 PRELIMINARY ESSAY
of God's earth, permission was given^. Leaving the valley and
travelling for a whole day they came to the city of Sindabil^, the
capital of China, and where the king's palace is. They stopped
the night at a mile from the city. Setting out in the early
morning, and making the best of their way for a whole day^,
they reached the city at sunset. It is a great city, a day's journey
in length, and having sixty straight streets radiating from the
palace. The wall (of the palace ?) is ninety cubits high and ninety
thick ; on the top of it is a stream of water throwing off sixty
branches, one at every gate. Each branch flows down the street
and back to the palace, so that every street has a double canal
flowing this way and that. The one supplies water, the other
acts as a drain*. There is a great temple inclosure, greater than
that of Jerusalem, inside of which are images and a great pagoda*.
The constitution of the government is very elaborate, and the
laws are strict. No animals are slaughtered for food, and to kill
them is a capital offence 6. The traveller found the king most
accomplished, intelligent, and benevolent, and enjoyed his
hospitality until the terms of the marriage were settled, and the
princess was then committed to the escort of two hundred slaves
and three hundred handmaidens to be taken to Khorasan to Noah
Ben Nasr.
Leaving Sindabil, the traveller proceeded to the sea-coast and
halted at Kalah, the first city of India (from the east) and the
extreme point made by ships going in that direction. If they go
^ This part of the narrative has a kind of verisimilitude, and may
be compared with that of Shah Rukh's ambassadors, who were stopped
and entertained for a day or two by the Chinese officials, after which
they proceeded through the desert to the Great Wall, provisions of all
sorts being supplied to them, etc. (See the abstract in Note XVII.)
2 [Sandabil, Marquart, p. 85. — Ferrand, p. 219.]
3 " Per totam diem contendimus." I do not understand, unless it be
meant that getting through the crowded population took them a whole
day to move a mile ?
* This is all very obscure in the Latin. I have tried to interpret
into consistent meaning. [" Sur le faite du mur, se trouve un grand
fleuve qui se divise en soixante bras. Chaque bras coule vers I'une des
portes et rencontre un moulin qui deverse I'eau au-dessous, puis un
autre moulin d'oii I'eau coule sur le sol. Ensuite, la moitie de I'eau
sort hors du mur et irrigue les jardins. L'autre moitie est dirigee vers
la ville, fournit de I'eau aux habitants de la rue [dans laquelle elle
passe] jusqu'au palais du gouvernement [auquel aboutit la rue]. Puis
[I'eau] passe dans la rue opposee et sort [eniin] de la ville. Chaque rue
a ainsi deux courants d'eau. Toute rue a deux courants d'eau coulant
en sens inverse I'un de l'autre. Le courant qui coule dans le sens
de I'exterieur de la ville vers I'interieur, fournit de I'eau potable;
celui qui coule dans le sens de I'interieur de la ville vers I'exterieur,
emporte les immondices [des habitants]." Ferrand, p. 219.]
^ [A great Buddha, Ferrand, p. 219.]
* [" Cette ville est en meme temps la capitale de I'lnde et des
Turks." Ferrand, p. 220.]
SUPPLEMENTARY NOTES 253
past it they are lost. This is a great city with high walls, gardens,
and canals. Here are the mines of lead^ called Qala'i, which is
found in no part of the world except Qala'h'^. Here also are made
the swords of Qala'h, the best in India. The inhabitants rebel
against their king or obey him, just as they please. Like the
Chinese, they do not slaughter animals {i.e., are Buddhists).
The Chinese frontier is three hundred parasangs from their
territory. Their money is of silver, worth three dirhems, and is
called Fahri. Their king is under the King of the Chinese, and
they pray for him and have a temple dedicated to him.
From Kalah Ibn Muhalhil proceeds to the Pepper Country,
by which name Malabar is often styled^, and thence to the foot
of Mount Kafur, on which there are great cities, one of which is
Kamrun*, from which comes the green wood called Mandal
Kamruni^. There also is the city called Sanf, which gives its
name to the Sanfi aloes-wood. At another foot of the mountain
towards the north is the city called Saimur, whose inhabitants
are of great beauty, and said to be descended from Turks and
Chinese. From this place also the Saimuri^ wood is named,
though it is only brought thither for sale, etc.'' After describing
^ [Tin, Ferrand, p. 221.]
2 This difference of spelling is in the original. Kalah or Kalah-bar is
spoken of by the authors of the Relation as one month's voyage from
Kaulam, and as midway between Oman and China, and as a great
central point of trade in aloes, camphor, sandal, ivory, the lead called
al-qala'i, ebony, brazil-wood, and spices, i.e. of the products of the
Archipelago. Reinaud is very wild about the position of this Kalah,
and whether he means it to be a port on the Coromandel coast, the
Kalliana of Cosmas (i.e. a port on the West of India), or Pt. de Galle in
Ceylon, is difficult to discern. It seems to me certain that it is a port
of the Archipelago, representing in a general way the modern Singapore
or Malacca, and very possibly identical with Kadah (Quedah) as M.
Maury has suggested. M. Reinaud objects to " the lead called al-qala'i "
being translated tin, though all the light he throws on it is a suggestion
that it is the brass which Cosmas says was exported from Kalliana.
Yet qala'i is the word universally used in Hindustani for the tinning of
pots and pans, and I see F. Johnston's Persian Dictionary simply defines
it as tin. This product sufficiently fixes Kalah as in or near the Malay
Peninsula. Edrisi also places the mine of qala'i at that place.
I should not have enlarged on this if Sir E. Tennent had not in
his Ceylon followed up and expanded the suggestion of Reinaud that
Kalah was Pt. de Galle. He refers to the arguments of Dulaurier in the
Journ. Asiat., but there does not seem to be much force in them.
^ E.g., see Ibn Batuta, infra, Vol. iv, and Cosmas, supra, p. 226.
* [Kamarub (Ferrand) =Skr. Kamdrupa=A5s,a,va.'\
^ [Green aloes called Mandal al-Kdmarubi. (Ferrand, p. 222.)]
" [Saymiir, Ferrand, p. 223.]
' This passage is a strange jumble, but it may be doubted whether
the author has been fairly represented in the extracts. For in Gilde-
meister (p. 70) will be found a quotation from Kazwini which seems to
represent the same passage, in which the cities named are Kamarun,
Kumar, and Sanf, but nothing is said of Saimur KamviXn is generally
254 PRELIMINARY ESSAY
Jajali^, a city on a great mountain overlooking the sea, he goes
to Kashmir, where there is a great observatory made of Chinese
iron which is indestructible ^ ; thence to Kabul and its chief
city Thaban {see supra, p. 242). He then returns rapidly to the
shore of the India Sea, and describes the city called Mandurafin^
(or Kin), a place which has not been identified ; and thence to
KuLAM, where grow teak, brazil, and bamboos, and respecting
which various other perplexing particulars are stated. From the
cities of the shore he visits Multan, where he gives a romancing
description of the great idol so celebrated among the early Arab
invaders*. According to Abu Dulif it was a hundred cubits high,
understood to be intended for Kamrup or Assam, though the notices of
Abulfeda {ib., p. 191) leave this very doubtful. Sanf is Champa, and
Kumar will be spoken of in Vol. iv, Ibn Batata, infra. Sainiur was the
name of a seaport not far from Bombay, the exact site of which has not
been ascertained. [Yule has written since (M. Polo, ii, p. 367 n.) : "Saimur
(the modern Chaul, as I believe").] According to Reinaud it is the
Simylla of Ptolemy and the Periplus, and perhaps the Chimolo of
Hiuen Tsang {Vie de H. T., p. 420). It seems to be called by Al-
Biriini Jainiur. He puts it south of Tana in the country of Ldrdn (see
Reinaud's Mem. sur I'lnde in Mem. Acad., p. 220, and his extracts in
/. As., ser. iv, tom. iv, pp. 263-4). Putting all these forms of the name
together, and looking to the approximate position, it seems likely that
the old name was something like Chaimul or Chdnwul, and that the
port was no other than Chaul, some thirty miles south of Bombay,
which continued to be a noted port down to the seventeenth century.
[Chaul is a town in the Alibag tdlnka or Kolaba district, Bombay,
30 miles south of Bombay, and on the right bank of the Kundalika
river, or Roha creek. " Chaul is a place of great antiquity. Under
the names of Champavati and Revatikshetra, local Hindu traditions
trace it to the times when Krishna reigned in Gujarat. It seems
probable that Chaul or Cheul is Ptolemy's (a.d. 150) headland and
emporium of Symulla or TimuUa ; and it has a special interest, as
Ptolemy mentions that he gained information about Western India
from people who had come from Symulla to Alexandria. About a
hundred years later (a.d. 247) it appears in the Periplus of the Ery-
thraean Sea as Semulla, the first local mart south of Kalliena ; and in
642 it is called Chimolo by Hiuen Tsang. Chaul next appears under
the names Saimur and Jaimur in the writings of the Arab travellers of
the tenth, eleventh, -and twelfth centuries. Early in the fourteenth
century it is mentioned as one of the centres of Yadava power in the
Konkan. The Russian traveller Athanasius Nikitin (1470) calls it
Chivil. Thirt3^-five years later (1505) the Portuguese first appeared at
Chaul." Imperial Gazet. India.]
1 [JajuUa, Ferrand, p. 223.]
2 Compare Pliny at p. 17, as to Seric iron.
^ [Mandura-patan, Ferrand, p. 225.]
* According to Edrisi the image was mounted on a throne of plastered
brick. The temple was in the form of a dome (probably the Hindu
bulging pyramidal spire) which was gilt ; the walls were painted.
When Multan was taken in the time of the Khalif Walid by Muhammad
bin Kasim [712], he left the temple of the idol standing, but hung a
pieceof beef round the neck of the latter. (Edrisi, i, 167; Reinaud, Mem.,
p. 185.)
SUPPLEMENTARY NOTES 255
and hung suspended in air, without support, a hundred cubits
from the ground. Thence he goes to Mansura and DAbil^, etc.^
On the whole the impression gathered is, that the author's
work (hke that of some more modern travellers) contained genuine
matter in an arrangement that was not genuine ^ ; but that some
at least of the perplexities found in it are due to the manner in
which its fragments have been preserved and joined together.
NOTE XIII.
EXTRACTS REGARDING CHINA FROM ABULFEDA*.
(a.d. 1273-1331.)
" China is bounded on the west by the lands ^ between India
and China ; on the south, by the sea ; on the east, by the Eastern
Atlantic^ ; on the north by the lands of Gog [Yadjudj] and Magog
[Madjudj], and other regions respecting which we have no informa-
tion. Writers on the customs and kingdoms of the world have
in their works mentioned many provinces and places and rivers
as existing in China under the different climates, but the names
have not reached us with any exactness, nor have we any certain
information as to their circumstances. Thus they are as good as
unknown to us ; there being few travellers who arrive from those
parts, such as might furnish us with intelligence (respecting those
places), and for this reason we forbear to detail them.
1° " Some places, however, are named by persons who come
1 [Daybul, Ferrand, p. 229.]
2 As to Daibal see p. 85 supra. Mansura, the capital of the
Musulman conquerors of Sind, was two parasangs from the old Hindu
city of Bahmanabad ; and this lay on an old channel forty-three miles
to the north-west of Haidarabad. (See Proc. R. G. S., vol. x, p. 131.)
* [Marquart who quotes these lines writes, p. 83 : " Schon aus dem
Bisherigen erhellt, dass die Berichte des Abu Dulaf, ehe sie verwertet
werden konnen, erst auf ihre Quellen zuriickgefiihrt werden miissen,
dass aber aus der Reihenfolge, in welcher die Volker bei ihm stehen,
noch keineswegs auf geographische Nachbarschaft geschlossen werden
darf."]
* My friend Mr. Badger was kind enough to make a literal translation
of these extracts for me. I have slightly smoothed the ruggedness of a
literal version from Arabic, whilst trying not to affect the sense.
It is to be lamented that M. Reinaud has left his version of Abulfeda's
Geography unfinished for some eighteen years. There is a Latin trans-
lation by Reiske in Biisching's Magazine, but I have no access to
it. [The translation left unfinished by Reinaud was completed by the
late Prof. Stanislas Guyard in 1883 ; I have revised Yule's text with
Guyard's translation and added the end of Abulfeda's chapter con-
cerning China (Sin), i.e., Sila, Jankiit, Khaju, Sankju. H. C]
■^ [Desert. — Guyard.]
'^ [Eastern Surrounding Sea. — Guyard.]
256 PRELIMINARY ESSAY
from those parts, and of these one is [Khanqu, read] KhAnfu^,
which is known in our day as KhansA, and on the north side of
which is a lake of fresh water called Sikhu about half-a-day's
journey in circumference 2.
" It is also stated that Shanju [Shinju], known in our time as
Zaitun, is one of the ports of China, and with them the ports are
also the places of customs^.
" [Khanqu, read] Khanfu is one of the gates of China, and is
situated on the river, as it is stated in the Qdnun*^. Ibn Sa'id says
it is mentioned in books, and is situated on the east of the River
of Khamdan. Ibn Khurdadhbah says it is the greatest com-
mercial port of China, and abounds in fruit, vegetables, wheat,
barley, rice, and sugar-cane.
2° " Khanju is, according to the Qdnun, one of the gates of
China, situated on the river. Ibn Sa'id states that it is the chief
of the gates of China, and is fortified with masonry. . . . To the
east of it is the city of Tajah [Tai chau]. Ibn Sa'id adds : It^
is the capital of China where the Baghbur their great king
resides^.
3° " Yanju, the residence of their king. The Qdnun states
that this is the abode of the Faghfur of China, who is called Tamg-
haj Khan, and is their Great King, etc. (see supra, p. 33)'. The
Qdnun also states that the city of Kazqu in China is greater than
the above-named Yanju.. . .Some who have seen Yanju describe
it as in a temperate part of the earth, with gardens and a ruined
wall 8. It is two days from the sea, and between it and Khansa is
1 The word is written as in Jaubert's Edrisi, Khdnkik, but I believe
there can be no doubt as to the righ<t reading. See above, pp. 89,
129. 135-
2 The Si-hii or Western Lake of Hang chau. Its mention here is no
doubt a part of Abulfeda's scanty recent information, as well as the
next paragraph.
3 [" Both places (Khanfu and Shinju) are bandars of China. Now
the word bandar means a port, in China." Guyard.]
* The Qdnun is I believe the lost work of Al-Biriini upon Geography.
The " Gates of China " appears to have been a sort of technical expres-
sion for the chief ports of China, connected with the view of the access
to that country conveyed in the Relations and in Edrisi. In approach-
ing China ships find a series of mountainous islands or promontories.
Between these are narrow channels, through which the ships pass to the
various ports of the Empire, and these passages are called the Gates of
China (Reinaud, Relations, i, 19; Edrisi, i, 90).
^ I.e. as I apprehend Tdjah, the Bdjah of Jaubert's Edrisi {supra,
p. 143). Khdnjil is perhaps Kwang chau or Canton.
® [This last sentence is not given in Guyard's translation.]
' [" According to the Chronicle of Al-Niswy (Nasawi), which includes
a history of the Kings of Khwarizm and of the Tartars : the Capital
of the King of the Tartars in China is called Tughaj." Guyard.]
* [" Its inhabitants drink water from wells." Guyard.
SUPPLEMENTARY NOTES 257
a distance of five days. Yanju is to the north and west of Khansa,
and is smaller in size^.
4° " ZaittJn, i.e. Shanju^ is a haven of China, and, according
to the accounts of merchants who have travelled to those parts,
is a city of mark. It is situated on a marine estuary which ships
enter from the China Sea. The estuary extends fifteen miles, and
there is a river at the head of it. According to some who have
seen the place the tide flows (at Zaitiin). It is half-a-day from
the sea, and the channel by which ships come up from the sea
is of fresh water. It is smaller in size than Hamath^, and has
the remains of a wall which was destroyed by the Tartars. The
people drink water from the channel and also from wells*.
5° " Khansa, i.e. Khanfu. According to some travellers
Khanfu is at the present time the greatest port of China, and is
that which is made by voyagers from our own country. According
to some who have seen it, it is east and south of Zaitun, and is
half-a-day from the sea. It is a very large city and lies in a
temperate part of the earth. In the middle of the city are some
four small hills. The people drink from wells. There are pleasant
gardens about it. The mountains are more than two days distant
from it.
[6° " SiLA^ or SilI is situated east at the top of China. Those
who travel by sea do not often visit it. It is one of the islands of
the Eastern Sea which is the counterpart of the Eternal and
Fortunate Islands in the Western Sea ; but these are cultivated
and wealthy ; it is the reverse with the islands of the Eastern Sea.
7° " Jamkut is the farthest inhabited eastern land; it is at
the extreme eastern limit, just like the Eternal Islands which are
1 Yanju is evidently from name and position Yang chau (see Odoric,
ii, p. 209 ; Marco Polo, ii, pp. 154 seq.). But it never was the capital of
China. I do not know what Kazku is ; but no doubt the name is
corrupt. It is perhaps Fuchau in some form.
^ [" Lorsqu'Abu'l-Fida remarque que Zaitun est identique a
Shindju (le it de ch'udn semble se retrouver dans le son du i), il veut
dire qu'on connaissait de son temps cette ville en Occident sous son
nom chinois (je pease que Zaitun est une deformation de celui-ci :
zai ou zi correspond a ch'udn, et tim fut ajoute par jeu pour former un
mot arabe connu de chaque musulman (Kur'an, 95, i)." (Encyclop. de
rislam, s.v. Chine, par Martin Hartmann.)]
3 Hamath was Abulfeda's own city. We may strongly doubt the
accuracy of his information as to the comparative size of Zaitun.
* On Zaitun or Chin chau see note to Odoric, ii, p. 183, and to Ibn
Batuta, Vol. iv. [M. Ferrand remarks that Tze-tung = C>3^J , zitvm in
Arabic, inexactly read Zaytun, on account of its similitude with its
homonym 05*:!j, zaytun, olive. [Relat. de Voy., i, p. 11.)]
^ [During the first centuries of the Christian Era, Korea was divided
into three kingdoms (Sa7n kuk) : to the N. and N.E., Ko ku rye (Kau
Ii) ; to the W., Paik tjyei (Pe tsi), and to the S.E. Sin ra (Sin la) ; in
660 Pe tsi, in 668 Kau Ii were divided between the T'ang and Sin ra.
Kao Ii and Si la of Abulfeda are the Ko ku rye and Sin ra of Korea.]
C. Y. C. I. 17
258 PRELIMINARY ESSAY
stated to be at the extreme western limit. East of Jamkut, no
habitable land is to be found. Persians call this country Jama-
kud. This country is on the equator and has no latitude.
8° " Khaju. a person who has seen Khaju states that it is
a great city, one of the capitals of China called Sing, and is fifteen
days from Khan BaUq. It is situated between Khata and Kao-li.
9° "Saukju. a person who visited it states that it is as
great as Emese ; that it is situated in a plain and is surrounded
with small streams coming from a spring spouting out of the neigh-
bouring mountains ; that it has orchards ; and finally, that it is
four days from Qamju^."]
NOTE XIV.
EXTRACT FROM THE HISTORY OF HAYTON
THE ARMENIAN.
(Written in 1307.)
" Of the Kingdom of Cathay.
" The empire of Cathay is the greatest that you will find on
the face of the earth, and it abounds with population, and has
wealth without end. It is situated on the shore of the Ocean
Sea. And there are in that quarter so many islands in the sea
that there is no knowing their number. For no man is to be found
in existence who shall venture to say that he hath seen all those
islands. But such of them as are attainable are found to have an
infinite store of riches.
" That which is reckoned well-nigh the most costly article
that you can purchase in those parts is oil of olive, and when any
such oil finds its way thither by any means the kings and nobles
treasure it with the greatest care as if it were some princely salve.
" There are in that kingdom of Cathay more marvellous and
singular things than in any other kingdom of the world. The
people of the country are exceedingly full of shrewdness and
sagacity, and hold in contempt the performances of other nations
in every kind of art and science. They have indeed a saying to
the effect that they alone see with two eyes, whilst the Latins see
with one, and all other nations are blind ! By this you may
1 [" Je remarque ici que les autres informations d'Abu'I-Fida sur
la Chine d^notent une certaine confusion ; c'est ainsi qu'il confond
Canton avec Hang-chou fou, car son ' al Khansa identique a Khanku
(lisez Khanfu) ' reunit les deux villas ; il ne cite Khamdan et Khanbalik
que dans les ' Notices,' et 11 n'a pas reconnu que son Khanku (ii,
122-3) confond deux villas: le Khanbalik du nord (=Peking; voy.
Ibn Batuta, ici) et le Canton du sud, le vrai Khanfu." (Encycl. de
V Islam, s.v. Chine, par Martin Hartmann.)]
SUPPLEMENTARY NOTES 259
easily gather that they look on all other nations as quite uncivilised
in comparison with themselves. And in good sooth there is such
a vast variety of articles of marvellous and unspeakable delicacy
and elaboration of workmanship brought from those parts, that
there is really no other people that can be compared with them in
such matters.
" All the people of that empire are called Cathayans, but they
have also other names according to the special nation to which
they belong. You will find many among them, both men and
women, who are very handsome, but as a general rule they have
all small eyes, and nature gives them no beard. These Cathayans
have a very elegant written character, which in beauty in some
sort resembles the Latin letters. It were hard to enumerate all
the sects of Gentiles in that empire, for there be some who worship
idols of metal ; others who worship oxen, because these plough
the ground which produces wheat and the other fruits of the earth ;
others who worship great trees of different kinds ; some who
devote themselves to astronomy and the worship of nature ;
others who adore the sun or the moon ; and others again who
have neither creed nor laws but lead a mere animal life like brute
beasts. And though these people have the acutest intelligence
in all matters wherein material things are concerned, yet you
shall never find among them any knowledge or perception of
spiritual things.
" The people of that country are not courageous, but stand in
greater fear of death than at all befits those who carry arms. Yet
being full of caution and address they have almost always come
off victorious over their enemies both by land and by sea. They
have many kinds of arms which are not found among other people.
" The money which is current in those parts is made of paper
in a square form, and sealed with the king's seal ; and according
to the marks which it bears this paper has a greater or less value.
And if perchance it begins to wear from long usage the owner
thereof shall carry it to a royal office, and they give him new
paper in exchange. They do not use gold and other metals except
for plate and other purposes of show.
" 'Tis said of that empire of Cathay that it forms the eastern
extremity of the world, and that no nation dwells beyond it.
Towards the west it hath upon its frontier the kingdom of Tarse,
and towards the north the Desert of Belgian, whilst towards the
south it hath the Islands of the Sea, whereof we have spoken
above."
17 — 2
260 PRELIMINARY ESSAY
FRENCH TEXT.
DU ROIAUME DE CATHAY.
Le roiaume de Cathay est tenu por le plus noble roiaume e
por le plus riche qui soit eu monde, e est sur le rivage de la mar
Occeane. Tantes isles y a de mar qua Tom n'en poet bien savoir
le nombre. La gent qui habitent en calui roiauma sunt apallaz
Cathains. E se trovent entre eaus maints beaus homes et fames,
selonc luar nacion, mes touz ont les oils molt petiz, e ont poi de
barba. Cela gens ont letres qui de beautey resemblent a letres
latines, e parlent une lengue qui molt est diverse das autras
lengues du monde. La creance de ceste gent est molt diverse,
car aucuns croient es ydoles da metal, autres croient an le solail,
autras an la lune, autres es astailas, autres es natures, au fau,
autres a I'eve, autres as arbres, autres as bues, por ca qua laborent
la terra dont il vivent ; e aucuns ne ont point da loi, ne da creance,
ains vivent come bestes. Castes gens, qui tant sont simples en
lur creance e es choses espiriteus, sont plus sages e plus sotils que
totes autres gens es euvres corporals. E dient les Catains que il
sont ceus qui voient de II oils, a das Latins disant q'il voiant d'un
oil, mes las autres nacions diant qua sont avuagles. E por ca
puet om entendre que il tianent las autres gens de gros entenda-
ment. E verraiement I'om voit venir de calui pais tantas choses
estranges e marveilloses, e da sotil labour, que bian semblent astre
la plus soutils gens du monda d'art a de labour da mains. Les
homes de celui pais ne sont vigoros as armes, mes il sont molt
sotils e engignous, dont sovent ont desconfit luer enamis par luar
angins. E ont diverses manieres d'armes e d'engins, lesquals ne
ont Jes autras nacions. En celui pais se despent monoie faita da
papier en forme quarree, signe du seignal du signor, e selonc ce
qua est signea vaut ou plus ou meins. E da cele monoie achatent
e vendant toutes choses. E quant cela monoie enpire par veillesce
ou autremant, celui qui I'aura la rendra a la cort du seignor, e
am pranra da nueve. En celui pais I'oila d'olive est tenue a molt
chiera chose ; a quant les rois e les seignors en poent trover,
a grant chierte e por grant mervaille le font garder. A ceste
terre de Cathay, ne marchit nula terra, fors qua le roiaume de
Tarsa, devers Occident, car da toutes les autres parties la roiaume
de Cathai est environnes ou de desert ou de la mer Occeane."
(Pages 121— 2, Recueil des Historiens des Croisades, Documents
ArmSniens, ii. — Doc. latins et frangais relatifs a V Avminie, Paris,
1906, fol.)
This is the original text ; the Latin text has been revised and
added to.
SUPPLEMENTARY NOTES 261
LATIN TEXT.
DE REGNO CATAY.
Regnum Cathay est majus regnum quod in orbe valeat
inveniri et est repletum gentibus et diviciis infinitis et in maris
Occeani littore habet situm. Tot enim sunt ibidem maris insula
quod numerus nuUatenus potest sciri. Nam nuUus penitus
invenitur qui omnes illas insulas asserat se vidisse. lUe vero
insule que calcari possunt inveniuntur innumerabilibus divitiis
habundantes, et illud fere quod in illis partibus carius emitur et
habetur est oleum olivarum, quoniam reges et magnates illud,
quando modo aliquo reperitur, quasi precipuum medicamen cum
magna diligentia faciunt custodiri. In ipso eciam regno Cathai
plura sunt mirabilia monstruosa quam in aliquo alio regno mundi.
Homines vero illius patrie sunt sagacissimi et omni calliditate
repleti et ideo in omni arte et scientia vilipendunt alias nationes
et dicunt quod ipsi soli sunt qui duobus oculis respiciunt, Latini
vero uno lumine tantum vident, sed omnes alias naciones asserunt
esse cecas, et per hoc certissime demonstratur quod omnes alios
reputant esse rudes. Et vere tot res diverse et mirabiles et
ineffabilis subtilitatis et laboris manuum ex illis partibus
deferuntur, quod non videtur esse aliquis qui in talibus eis
valeat comparari. Omnes illi de illo regno Catayni vocantur et
juxta naciones suas multi tam homines quam femine reperiuntur
pulcerrimi ; tamen omnes communiter parvos habent oculos et
naturaliter barba carent. Isti Catayni valde pulcras litteras
habent, que latinis litteris in pulcritudine quodam modo similan-
tur. Secta vero gentium illius regni vix posset modo aliquo
enumerari, quoniam quidam sunt qui colunt ydola de metallo,
alii vero boves adorant, quia laborant terram de qua crescunt
frumenta et alia nutritiva, alii colunt magnas arbores et diversas,
alii secuntur naturalia et [alii] astronomiam, alii adorant solem,
alii vero lunam, alii quidem nullam habent fidem vel legem, sed
sicut bruta animalia ducunt bestialiter vitam suam, et licet sint
perspicacissimi ingenii ad omnia opera corporalia exercenda,
nulla tamen inter eos spiritualium noticia sive sciencia invenitur.
Homines illius patrie non sunt audaces, sed sunt mortis timidi
plus satis quam armigeros esse decet. Multum tamen sunt
cauti et ingeniosi et propterea tam per terram quam per mare
victoriam de inimicis suis sepius reportarunt. Multa habent
armorum genera que non inveniuntur inter alias naciones.
Moneta vero que in illis partibus expenditur fit de papiro in forma
quadrata et est regali signo signata ; et secundum signum ilia
moneta est majoris precii vel minoris. Et si forte ilia moneta
propter vetustatem incipiat devastari, ille qui illam habuerit ad
262 PRELIMINARY ESSAY
regalem curiam deportabit et pro ilia dabitur sibi nova. De auro
vero et aliis metallis vasa fiunt et alia ornamenta. De isto regno
Catay dicitur quod est in principio mundi, in oriente ab uno
capite, et ex parte ilia nulla est ulterius habitatio gentium, et ex
parte occidentis suos habet confines cum regno Tarse, et ex parte
septemtrionis cum deserto de Belgian, et ex parte meridiei sunt
insule maris superius nominate." (Pages 261-2, Recueil des Histor.
des Croisades, Documents Armeniens, 11. — Doc. latins et frangais
relatifs a I'Armenie, Paris, 1906, fol.)
NOTE XIV BIS.
LETTER OF SEMPAD (1243).
A tres haut et puissant houme monseigneur Henry [Henri de
Lusignan], par la grace de Die roy de Chipre, et a sa chiere suer
Enmeline la royne, et a noble houme Jehan de Hibelin son frere,
li connoitables de Ermenie salut et amour. Sachies que aussi
comme je me esmui la ou vous saves pour Dieu et pour le profit
de la foy crestienne, tout aussinc Nostres Sires ma conduit sain
et sauf jusques a une ville que on appelle Sautequant ; mout
terres estranges ay veues en la voie. Ynde lessames derrier nous ;
par le royaume de Baudas passames, et meimes II. moys a passer
toute la terre de ce royaume ; moult de citez veimes que li
Tartarin avoient gastees, desqueles nus ne pourroit dire la
grandesse ne la richesse dont eles estoient plainnes. Nous veimes
aucunes villes grans par lespasse de III. journees, et plus de C.
monciaus^ grans et mervellieus des os de ceus que li Tartarin
avoient ocis et tues ; et se la grace de Dieu neust amene les
Tartarins pour ocirre les paiens, il eussent destruit, si comme nous
pouons veoir, la terre toute de9a la mer. Nous trespassames I.
grant fleuve qui vient de paradis terrestre, ca non Gyon, duquel
les arenes durent dune part et dautre par lespasse dune grant
journee. Si sachies que des Tartarins est si grant plentez, que il
ne pueent estre nombrez par homme ; il sont bon archier, et ont
laides faces et di verses ; ne je ne vous pourroie dire ne descrire la
maniere dont il sont. Bien a passe VIII. moys que nous finames
derrer par nuit, et encore ne soumes pas ou milieu de la terre
Cham le grant roi des Tartarins. Si avons entendu pour certaine
choze, que puisque Cham li roys des Tartarins, peres di celui Cham
qui regne maintenant, fu trespassez, que li baron et les chevaliers
des Tartarins qui estoient par divers lieus, mistrent bien par
lespasse de V. ans a assambler pour couronner le roy Cham qui
maintenant regne, et apainnes potent estre assamble en I. lieu.
1 Another MS has : " et plus de cent mille monceaus."
SUPPLEMENTARY NOTES 263
Aucuns de eulz estoient en Inde et en Chatha, et li autre en Roussie
et en la terre de Cascat^, qui est la terre dont li roy furent qui
vindrent en Jherusalem aourer Nostre Seigneur ; et sont les gens de
celle terre crestiens. Je fui en leur eglizes, et vi la figure de Jhesu
Crist paint, comme li troy roy li offrirent or, mirre et encens. Par
ces trois roys tindrent et orent prumierement oil de Tangat la foy
crestienne, et par aulz sont maintenant Cham^ li roys des Tartarins
et sa gent. Devant leur portes sont les eglizes, la ou on sonne les
cloches selonc les Latins, et tables selonc la maniere des Grieus ;
et va on prumierement saluer Nostre Seigneur au matin, puis
apres Cham en son palais. Nous avons trouve moult de crestiens
dispers et espandus par la terre d'Orient, et moult de eglizes hautes
et beles, anciennes, qui ont este gastees par les Tartarins avant
quil feussent crestien ; dont il est avene que li crestien d'Orient,
qui estoient espandu par divers lieues, sont venu au roy Cham des
Tartarins qui maintenant regne, et a painnes porent estre assamble
en un lieu, lesquels il a receu a grant honneur et leur a donne
franchize, et fait crier partout que nulz ne soit si hardis qui les
courouce, ne de fait, ne de paroles. Et pourceque Nostre Sires
Jhesu Crist navoit en ces parties qui prestast pour lui son non, il
meismes par ces saintes vertus que il a demonstre et preschie en
tele maniere que les gens croient en lui. En la terre dinde que
saint Thoumas converti a la foy crestienne, avoit I. roy crestien
entre les autres Sarrasins, que li Sarrasin avoient moult de maus
fays et de gries, juques a tant que Tartarin vindrent qui pristrent
sa terre en leur main, et en fu leur hons [vassal] ; il assambla son
ost avec lost des Tartarins, et entra en Inde centre les Sarrasins,
et conquit tant que toute sa terre est plainne desclaves et de gens
indes ; et de ces esclaves je vis plus de V. C. mil, que li roys
commanda a vendre. Si sachies que li papes a envoye au roy
Cham des Tartarins, messages pour savoir se il estoit crestiens, et
pourquoy il avoit envoie sa gent pour ocirre et tuer les crestiens et
le peuple. A ce respondi li roys Cham, que nostre Sires Diex avoit
mande a ses devanciers ayeulz et bezaieulz, quil envoiassent leur
gens pour occirre et pour destruire les mauvaizes gens. Et a ce
qui li papes li manda se il estoit crestiens, il respondi que ce savoit
Diex ; et se li papes le vouloit savoir, se venit en sa terre et veit
et sent comment il est des Tartarins. {Recueil des Hist, des Gatiles
et de la France, xx, Paris, 1840, Gttillaume de Nangis, pp. 361-3.)
■• Another MS has : " estoient en Ynde et en la terre de Chata,
li autre en Roussie et en la terre de Chastac et de Tangat."
2 Another MS : " Et par euls sont maintenant crestiens Cham."
264 PRELIMINARY ESSAY
NOTE XIV TER.
EXTRACTS REGARDING CATHAY, FROM THE NARRA-
TIVE OF RUY GONZALEZ DE CLAVIJO, AMBASSA-
DOR TO THE COURT OF TIMUR.
(1403-6.)
" The ambassadors were then taken to a room, on the right-
hand side of the place where the lord sat ; and the Meerzas, who
held them by the arms, made them sit below an ambassador,
whom the emperor Chayscan, lord of Cathay, had sent to Timour
Beg to demand the yearly tribute which was formerly paid.
When the lord saw the ambassadors seated below the ambassador
from the lord of Cathay, he sent to order that they should sit
above him, and he below them. As soon as they were seated, one
of the Meerzas of the lord came and said to the ambassador of
Cathay, that the lord had ordered that those who were ambassadors
from the king of Spain, his son and friend, should sit above him ;
and that he who was the ambassador from a thief and a bad man,
his enemy, should sit below them ; and from that time, at the
feasts and entertainments given by the lord, they always sat in
that order. The Meerza then ordered the interpreter to tell the
ambassadors what the lord had done for them.
" This emperor of Cathay is called Chuyscan, which means
nine empires ; but the Zagatays called him Taugas, which
means ' pig emperor.' He is the lord of a great country, and
Timour Beg used to pay him tribute, but he refuses to do so now."
(Pp. I33-4-)
" The city [of Samarcand] is also very rich in merchandize
which comes from other parts. Russia and Tartary send linen
and skins ; China sends silks, which are the best in the world,
(more especially the satins) , and musk, which is found in no other
part of the world, rubies and diamonds, pearls and rhubarb, and
many other things. The merchandize which comes from China
is the best and most precious which comes to this city, and they
say that the people of China are the most skilful workmen in the
world. They say themselves that they have two eyes, the Franks
one, and that the Moors are blind, so that they have the advantage
of every other nation in the world. From India come spices,
such as nutmegs, cloves, mace, cinnamon, ginger, and many others
which do not reach Alexandria." (P. 171.)
" When the lord returned to the city [from the war against
the Turk], the ambassadors from Cathay arrived, with others to
say that the lord held that land, subject to the emperor of Cathay,
and to demand the payment of tribute every year, as it was
seven years since any had been paid. The lord answered that
SUPPLEMENTARY NOTES 265
this was true, but that he would not pay it. This tribute had
not been paid for nearly eight years, nor had the emperor of
Cathay sent for it, and the reason why he did not send for it, was
this.
" The emperor of Cathay died, leaving three sons, to whom
he bequeathed his territories. The eldest son wished to take the
shares of the other two. He killed the youngest, but the middle
one fought with the eldest, and defeated him, and he, from despair
at the consequences which he dreaded would follow his treatment
of his youngest brother, set fire to his palace, and perished with
many of his followers. The middle brother, therefore, reigned
alone. As soon as he was quietly established in his own empire,
he sent these ambassadors to Timour Beg, to demand the tribute
which was formerly paid to his father, but we did not hear whether
he resented the answer which was given by Timour.
' ' From Samarcand to the chief city of the empire of Cathay,
called Cambalu, is a journey of six months, two of which are
passed in crossing an uninhabited land, never visited by anyone
but shepherds, who wander with their flocks, in search of pasture.
In this year as many as eight hundred camels, laden with merchan-
dize, came from Cambalu to this city of Samarcand, in the month
of June. When Timour Beg heard what the ambassadors from
Cathay had demanded, he ordered these camels to be detained,
and we saw the men who came with the camels. They related
wonderful things, concerning the great power of the lord of
Cathay : we especially spoke to one of these men, who had been
six months in the city of Cambalu, which he said was near the
sea, and twenty times as large as Tabreez. The city of Cambalu
is the largest in the world, because Tabreez is a good league in
length, so that Cambalu must be twenty leagues in extent. He
also said that the lord of Cathay had so vast an army that, when
he collected troops to march beyond his own territory, not
counting those who thus departed with him, four hundred thousand
cavalry and more were left to guard the land ; he added that it
was the custom of this lord of Cathay not to allow any man to
mount a horse, unless he had a thousand followers ; and he told
many other wonders concerning this city of Cambalu, and the
land of Cathay.
" This emperor of Cathay used to be a gentile, but he was
converted to the faith of the Christians.
***********
" Fifteen days journey from the city of Samarcand, in the
direction of China, there is a land inhabited by Amazons, and to
this day they continue the custom of having no men with them,
except at one time of the year ; when they are permitted, by their
leaders, to go with their daughters to the nearest settlements,
and have communication with men, each taking the one who
266 PRELIMINARY ESSAY
pleases her most, with whom they live, and eat, and drink, after
which they return to their own land. If they bring forth daughters
afterwards, they keep them ; but they send the sons to their
fathers. These women are subject to Timour Beg ; they used
to be under the emperor of Cathay, and they are Christians of the
Greek Church. They are of the lineage of the Amazons who were
at Troy, when it was destroyed by the Greeks." (Pp. 172-5,
Narrative of the Embassy of Ruy Gonzalez de Clavijo to the Court of
Timour, at Samarcand, a.d. 1403-6. Translated ... by Clements
R. Markham. London, Hakluyt Society, 1859, 8vo.)
NOTE XIV QUATER.
EXTRACTS FROM THE TRAVELS OF NICOLO
CONTI (1438)1.
" Beyond this province of Macinus is one which is superior
to all others in the world, and is named Cathay. The lord of
this country is called the Great Khan, which in the language of
the inhabitants means emperor. The principal city is called
Cambaleschia. It is built in the form of a quadrangle, and is
twenty-eight miles in circumference. In the centre is a very
handsome and strong fortress, in which is situated the King's
palace. In each of the four angles there is constructed a circular
fortress for defence, and the circuit of each of these is four miles.
In these fortresses are deposited military arms of all sorts, and
machines for war and the storming of cities. From the royal
palace a vaulted wall extends through the city to each of the said
four fortresses, by which, in the event of the people rising against
the King, he can retire into the fortresses at his pleasure. Fifteen
days distant from this city there is another, very large, called
Nemptai, which has been built by this King. It is thirty miles in
circumference, and more populous than the others. In these two
cities, according to the statement of Nicolo, the houses and palaces
and other ornaments are similar to those in Italy : the men,
gentle and discreet, wise, and more wealthy than any that have
been before mentioned.
" Afterwards he departed from Ava and proceeded towards the
sea, and at the expiration of seventeen days he arrived at the
1 The Travels of Nicolo Conti in the East, in the early part of the
fifteenth century, as related by Poggio Bracciohni, in his work entitled
" Historia de Varietate Fortunae," Lib. iv. (39 Pages in India in the
Fifteenth Century .. .'Edited, with an Introduction by R. H. Major...
London, Hakluyt Society, 1857, 8vo.)
SUPPLEMENTARY NOTES 267
mouth of a moderately sized river, where there is a port called
Xeythona ; and having entered the river, at the end of ten days
he arrived at a very populous city called Panconia, the circum-
ference of which is twelve miles. He remained here for the space
of four months. This is the only place in which vines are found,
and here in very small quantity : for throughout all India there
are no vines, neither is there any wine. And in this place they
do not use the grape for the purpose of making wine. They have
pine apples, oranges, chestnuts, melons, but small and green,
white sandal wood, and camphor. The camphor is found within
the tree, and if they do not sacrifice to the gods before they cut
the bark, it disappears and is no more seen." (Pp. 14-15.)
NOTE XV.
EXTRACT FROM A LETTER OF PAOLO DAL POZZO
TOSCANELLI TO FERNANDO MARTINEZ, CANON
OF LISBON.
(Written 25th June, 1474.)
" And now to give you full information as to all those places
which you so much desire to learn about, you must know that both
the inhabitants and the visitors of all those islands are all traders,
and that there are in those parts as great a multitude of ships
and mariners and wares for sale, as in any part of the world, be
the other what it may. And this is especially the case at a very
noble port which is called Zaitun, where there load and discharge
every year a hundred great pepper ships, besides a multitude of
other vessels which take cargoes of other spices and the like^.
The country in question is exceedingly populous, and there are
in it many provinces and many kingdoms, and cities without
number, all under the dominion of a certain sovereign who is
called the Great Caan^, a name which signifies the king of kings.
The residence of this prince is chiefly in the province of Cathay.
His predecessors greatly desired to have intercourse and friendship
with Christians, and some two hundred years since they sent
1 Here Toscanelli is drawing from Marco Polo (i, ch. 81), as again
below where he speaks of Quinsai.
2 [The use of the title of Great Caan is no proof against the authen-
ticity of the letter ; though obsolete, since it disappeared with the
Yuen Dynasty (1368), it was still in use among foreigners at the beginning
of the sixteenth century to designate the sovereign of China. In a
letter from Cochin, dated 15th November 151 5, Giovanni da Empoli
writes to Lopo Soares de Albergaria : " Spero . . . fare un salto la a
vedere il Grand Cane che e il re, che si chiama il re de Cataio."]
268 PRELIMINARY ESSAY
ambassadors to the Pope, begging him to despatch a number of
wise and learned teachers to instruct them in our faith. But on
account of the hindrances which these ambassadors met with
they turned back without reaching Rome. And in later times
there came an ambassador to Pope Eugenius IV i, who rehearsed
to him the great friendship that those princes and their people
bore towards Christians. And I myself discoursed at length with
this ambassador on many subjects, as of the greatness of their
royal buildings, and of the vastness of their rivers in length and
breadth. And he told me many things that were wonderful as to
the multitudes of cities and towns which are built on the banks of
those rivers ; as that upon one r^ver alone are to be found two
hundred cities, all of which have their marble bridges of great
width and length, and adorned with a profusion of marble columns.
The country indeed is as fine a country as has ever been discovered;
and not only may one have great gain, and get many valuable
wares by trading thither, but also they have gold and silver and
precious stones, and great abundance of all kinds of spices such
as are never brought into our part of the world. And it is a fact
that they have many men of great acquirements in philosophy
and astrology, and other persons of great knowledge in all the
arts, and of the greatest capacity who are employed in the
administration of that great territory, and in directing the ordering
of battle.
" From the city of Lisbon going right to the westward there
are in the map which I have mentioned twenty-six spaces, each
containing two hundred and fifty miles, to the great and very
noble city of Quinsai, which has a circuit of one hundred miles
or thirty-five leagues^."
^ 1 431-1447. [I believe that the story of the ambassador sent to
Pope Eugenius IV is but a reminiscence of the arrival of Nicol6 Conti ;
the embassies sent southward by the third Ming Emperor never came
to Europe.]
2 [The authenticity of Toscanelli's letter to F. Martins has been
attacked by Henry Vignaud in La Lettre et la Carte de Toscanelli sur la
route des Indes par I'Ouest. . .Paris, 1901, 8vo. A bibliography of the
controversy that followed the publication of this book has been written
by Vignaud and translated into Italian by G. Uzielli, NapoH, 1905.
Cf. H. Cordier's Bibliotheca Sinica, col. 2054-7. ^ do not think this
is the place to give the arguments against or in favour of the thesis of
Mr. Vignaud, whose case is very strong in my opinion, in spite of the
weakness of some of the arguments : for instance the use of the title
Great Khan by the writer of the letter.]
SUPPLEMENTARY NOTES 269
NOTE XVI.
EXTRACTS REGARDING CATHAY FROM THE
NARRATIVE OF SIGNOR JOSAFA BARBARO.
(Written about 1480, but the information acquired about 1436.)
" And in this same province of Zagatai is the very great and
populous city of Sanmarcant, through which all those of Chini
and Machini pass to and fro, and also those of Cathay, whether
traders or travellers. ... I have not been further in this direction
myself, but as I have heard it spoken of by many people, I will
tell you that Chini and Machini are two very great provinces
inhabited by idolaters. They are, in fact, the country in which
they make plates and dishes of porcelain. And in those places
there is great store of wares, especially of jewels and of fabrics
of silk and other stuffs. And from those provinces you go on
into that of Cathay, about which I will tell you what I learned
from the Tartar's ambassador who arrived from those parts when
I was at Tana. Being with him one day and our talk running on
this Cathay, he told me that after passing the places that have
been mentioned, as soon as he had entered the country of Cathay
all his expenses were provided stage by stage until he arrived at
a city called Cambalu. And there he was honourably received,
and had an apartment provided for him. And he said that all
the merchants who go that way have their expenses provided in
the same manner. He was then conducted to where the sovereign
was, and when he came in front of the gate he was obliged to
kneel down outside. The place was a level, very broad and long ;
and at the far end of it there was a stone pavement, on which the
prince was seated on a chair with his back turned towards the
gate. On the two sides there were four persons sitting with their
faces towards the gate, and from the gate to the place where those
four were there was on each side a row of mace bearers standing
with silver sticks, leaving, as it were, a path between them, and
all along this were interpreters sitting on their heels as the women
do with us here. The ambassador accordingly having been
brought to the gate, where he found things arranged as we have
described, was desired to say what his object was. And so having
delivered his message it was passed from hand to hand by the
interpreters till the explanation reached the prince, or at least
those four who sat at the top. Answer was then made that he
was welcome, and that he might return to his quarters where the
official reply would be delivered to him. And thus there was no
more need for him to return to the prince, but only to confer
with some of his people who were sent to the ambassador's house
for the purpose ; reference being made in this quarter or that, as
occasion arose ; and so the business was despatched in a very
270 PRELIMINARY ESSAY
prompt and pleasant manner. One of the servants of this am-
bassador, and also a son of his, both of whom had been with him
in Cathay, told me wonderful things of the justice that was done
there. . . . And they said that not only in the city but anywhere
outside of it where travellers pass, if anything should be found
under a stone or elsewhere that a traveller has dropt, no one
would dare to take it up and appropriate it. And, moreover, if
one going along the road is asked by some one whom he regards
with suspicion, or does not put much trust in, where he is going ;
and if he go and make complaint of this question, then the person
who put it must give some good and lawful reason for asking,
otherwise he will be punished. And so you may easily perceive
that this is a city of liberty and great justice.
" As regards the disposal of merchandise, I have heard that
all the merchants who arrive in those parts carry their goods to
certain fonteghi , and those whose duty it is then go and see them,
and if there is anything that the sovereign would like to have they
take it at their option, giving in exchange articles of greater value.
The rest remains at the disposal of the merchant. For small
dealings there they use money of paper, which is exchanged every
year for other paper freshly stamped ; the old money being taken
at the new year to the mint, where the owners receive an equal
amount of fine new paper, paying always a fee of two per cent,
in good silver money, and the old (paper) money is thrown into
the fire. Their silver is sold by weight, but they have also some
metal coinage of a coarse description.
" I am of opinion that the religion of these Cathayans is
paganism, although many people of Zagatai and other nations
who have been there assert that they are Christians. And when
I asked on what ground they judged them to be Christians, the
answer was that they had images in their temples as we have.
And it having chanced once when I was at Tana, and the ambassa-
dor aforesaid was standing with me, that there passed in front of
us one Nicolas Diedo, an old Venetian of ours, who sometimes
used to wear a coat of cloth quilted with taffetas, and with open
sleeves (as used to be the fashion in Venice) over a jerkin of leather,
with a hood on the back, and a straw hat on his head that might
be worth four sous, as soon as the ambassador saw him he said
with some surprise, ' That's the very dress that the Cathay people
wear ; they must be of the same religion with you, for they dress
just like you ! '
" In the country of which we are speaking there is no wine
grown, for 'tis a mighty cold country, but of other necessaries of
life they have good store." Ramusio, ii, f. io6 w. and 107.
SUPPLEMENTARY NOTES 27 1
NOTE XVII.
THE EMBASSY SENT BY SHAH RUKH TO THE
COURT OF CHINA.
A.D. I419-I422.
Abstracted from Quafremere's Translation in Notices et Extraits
xiv, Pt. I, pp. 387 et seq. ; with Notes''.
The embassy embraced representatives not only of Shah Rukh
himself but of several princes of his family governing different
provinces of the empire founded by Timur, and appears also, like
the ordinary sham embassies which frequented China under the
Ming dynasty, to have been accompanied by merchants bound on
purely commercial objects. Shadi Khwaja was the chief of Shah
Rukh's ambassadors, and Ghaiassuddin Nakkash (" The Painter"),
one of the envoys (sent by one of the king's sons, Mirza Baisangar),
was the author of the narrative which has been preserved by
Abdurrazzak ; his master having enjoined on him to keep a full
diary of everything worthy of note.
The party left Herat, the capital of Shah Rukh, on the i6th of
Dhu'lqadah a.h. 822 (4th December 14192), and proceeded via
Balkh to Samarkand^. The envoys [Sultan Shah and Muhammad
Bakhshi] of Mirza Olugh Beg (the astronomer, and eldest son of
Shah Rukh), who governed there, had already started*, but those
^ [Cf. An Embassy to Khata or China a.d. 1419. From the
Appendix to the Rouzat-al-Ssafa of Muhammad Khavend Shah or
Mirkhond. Translated from the Persian by Edward Rehatsek. (Indian
Antiquary , March 1873, pp. 75-83.)
This is the beginning of this translation : "In the year 820 (a.d.
1419), the pious defunct well-known king Mirza Shah Rokh sent an
embassy to Khata under the leadership and direction of Shady Khajah,
who was accompanied by the royal prince Mirza Baysangar Sultan
Ahmad, and Khajah Ghayath-ul-din, the painter, who was a clever
artist ; he ordered the first- mentioned Khajah that notes in writing
should be taken, from the day of their starting from the capital of
Herat till the day of their return, concerning everything they might
experience ; such as the adventures they should meet, the state of the
roads, the laws of the countries, positions of towns, the state of buildings,
the manners of kings, and other things of this kind, without adding or
omitting anything.
" Khajah Ghayath-ul-din obeyed the above orders, and, having con-
signed everything he saw to his itinerary, presented it on his return :
the following account of the strange and wonderful events the envoys
met with, and all they saw, has been extracted from his diary ; but the
responsibility rests with the travellers."]
2 [3rd Dec, Rehatsek.]
3 [" Arrived on the 9th Dhulhejjah (Dec. 27th) in Balkh, where
they remained, on account of the great falling [of snow ?] and the severe
cold, till the beginning of Muharram of 823, and arrived on the 22nd of
that month (Feb. 7th) in Samarqand." Rehatsek.]
* A place called Sairam appears in some of our modern maps about
one degree north of Tashkand. The Sairam of those days must, how-
272 PRELIMINARY ESSAY
deputed by other princes joined the mission here, and the whole
party left Samarkand on the loth Safar 823 (25th February 1420).
Passing by Tashkand, Sairam, and Ashparari, they entered
the Mongol territory on the 25th April, and were soon afterwards
met by the venerable Amir Khudaidad (see infra, iv, Ibn Batuta,
Goes). We cannot trace with certainty their course to Yulduz,
but it probably lay by the Issikul and the Hi River, crossing the
T'ien Shan N.W. of Yulduz^.
From Yulduz they proceeded to Turfan [arrived nth July]
(see infra, Vol. iv, Goes) where the people were mostly Buddhists,
and had a great temple with a figure of Sakya Muni^. From Turfan
[left 13th July] they reached Karakhoja [arrived i6th July] {infra.
Vol. Ill) and five days beyond this they were met by Chinese
ofi&cials, who took down the names of the envoys and the number
of their suite. Seven days later they reached the town of Ata-
SUFI (a name which does not seem to occur elsewhere), and in
ever, have been further east, for Hiilaku on his march to Persia reached
Sairam, the second day after passing Talas. Rashid also speaks of
Kari-Sairani near Talas as an ancient city of vast size, said to be a
daj^'s journey from one end to the other, and to have forty gates. {Not.
et Ex., xiii, 224.)
^ Asparah was a place on the Mongol frontier, frequently mentioned
in the wars of Timur's time. Its position does not seem to be known,
but it certainly lay east of Talas, not far from Lake Issik Kul. It is
perhaps the Equiiis of Rubruquis, a place that has been the subject of
great difference of opinion. The idea that its odd name is the transla-
tion of some Persian word beginning with Asp (a horse), is due to
Mr. Cooley in Maritime and Inland Discovery. There is another Asparah
or Asfarah south of the Sihun, with which this is not to be confounded.
(Remusat, Nouv. Melanges, i, 171 seqq.; Not. et Extraits, xii, 224, 228;
Hist. Univ. {Moderne), iv, 139, 141 ; Arahshah, i, 219.) Some remarks
on the topography of Rubruquis, including the position of Equius, will
be found at the end of this paper [See note, p. 287.]
[" Having passed through Tashkant and Byram, they entered among
the A'yl of the Mughuls, and when they arrived the news came that
A'wys Khan had attacked Shir Muhammad Oghllan, and that on that
account disturbances had arisen among the A'los, but that afterwards
peace had been restored. . .On the i8th of Jomady the first (May 31st),
they arrived in a place called Saluyu subject to the jurisdiction of
Muhammad Beg.. . .They started from that place on the 22nd (June
4th), and crossing the river Langar. . . ; and on the 28th of the same
month (loth June) they entered the Jalgah of Yaldiiz and the A'yl of
Shir Behram, and in that desert they found solid ice of the thickness of
two fingers, although the sun was in the sign of Cancer." Rehatsek.]
2 The only places named between Asparah and Yulduz are Bilugtu
and the river Kankar or Kangar ; and they passed the latter five days
before reaching the Yulduz territory, whilst in that journey they
traversed a desert region so cold that water froze two inches thick,
though it was nearly midsummer. The Kangar from these indications
would seem to have been the Tekes or one of its branches ; perhaps
the Kungis. The cold region must have occurred in the passage of the
T'ien Shan.
3 [" They found that in that country most of the inhabitants were
polytheists, and had large idol-houses, in the halls whereof they kept
a tall idol." Rehatsek.]
SUPPLEMENTARY NOTES 273
two inarches more Kamul {infra, iii, p. 265, iv, Goes), where they
found a magnificent mosque and convent of Derwishes in juxta-
position with a fine Buddhist temple^. The envoy notes that at
the gate of the latter were figures of two demons which seemed
preparing to fly at one another ; a correct enough description of
the figures commonly called warders which are often found in
pairs facing one another in the approaches to temples in Burma
and other Buddhist countries.
Twenty-five days were then occupied in crossing the Great
Desert. In the middle of the passage they fell in with a wild
camel and a Kutds, or wild Yak'^.
On arriving [24th August] near the frontier of China Proper,
Chinese officers again came to meet them, and one march further
on they found a platform with awnings erected in the desert,
and an elegant repast set out for them, such as many cities would
have found it difficult to furnish. Provisions of all sorts were
also supplied to every member of the party, with many polite
forms. The envoys were then called on to subscribe a document
declaring the number of persons in their service, and the Ddjis^
had to make affidavit that nothing but truth was stated. The
merchants who had accompanied the embassy were counted among
the servants, and to give a colour to this they employed themselves
in waiting on the ambassadors. There were five hundred and ten
souls in the party, without counting Mirza Olugh Beg's envoys
who had gone on before, and those of Mirza Ibrahim Sultan not
yet arrived.
On Aug. 26th they were invited to a feast of royal magnificence
at the camp of the Dangchi * [dangdji] commanding on the frontier^.
The envoys took their places at the left hand of the Dangchi,
that being the position of honour in Cathay, " becarj e the heart
is on the left side." Before each of the envoys two cables were
placed, on one of which were various dishes of meat and poultry
^ ["Amir Fakhar-ul-din had built a high, very costly, and orna-
mented mosque, but near it the polytheists had constructed a large and
a small temple with wonderful pictures." Rehatsek.]
2 [" After leaving Qayl, they travelled 25 stages, and obtained water
every alternate day ; and on the 12th (August 22nd) they met in that
boundless desert a lion (which statement is however contrary to the
assertion that none exist on the frontiers of Khata) which had a horn
on its head." Rehatsek.]
^ It is not explained who the Ddjis were, but the word seems to be
a Tartar form of the Chinese Ta jin, "great man," a title still applied
to certain officers on the Tartar frontiers. They must have been Chinese
officials who had joined the mission party at an earlier date. [Ta Jen
is the title applied to Chinese mandarins from the highest to the Tao t'ai
included.]
* [Ankjy. — Rehatsek.]
5 This perhaps represents the Chinese Tsiang-shi, a general.
Pauthier however, I see, says it is in Chinese Tangchi, without further
explanation {M. Polo, 166). [Possibly a T'ung Che, Sub-Prefect.]
C. Y. C. I. 18
274 PRELIMINARY ESSAY
and dried fruits ; on the other cake, excellent bread, and artificial
bouquets made of paper and silk admirably wrought. The other
guests had but one table apiece. Elevated before them there was
a great roj^al drum, and in front of this a buffet on which were
ranged flagons, cups, and goblets of silver and porcelain^. On
either side of this was an elaborate orchestra, which played
admirably. One of the great Chinese lords presented the cup to
each guest in turn, and as he did so took a sprig from a basket of
artificial flowers, and placed it in the other's cap, " so that the
pavilion presented the appearance of a parterre of roses."
Beautiful children also were in attendance carrying dishes filled
with various relishes, such as filberts, jujubes, walnuts, pickles,
etc., every kind being disposed on the plate in a separate com-
partment. When the amir presented the cup to any person of
distinction one of these children also presented this plate that he
might choose what pleased him. Dances were performed by
young men in feminine costume^, and by figures of animals made
of pasteboard with men inside ; among others a perfect representa-
tion of a stork, which bobbed its head to the music, this way and
that, to the admiration of the spectators. Altogether the first
Chinese fete seems to have been regarded as a great success.
The following day [August 27th] they proceeded on their march
through the desert. On their arrival at a strong castle called
Karaul^, in a mountain defile, through the middle of which the
road passed, the whole party was counted and their names
registered before they were allowed to proceed. They then went
^ See this feature in the receptions of the Turk and Tartar Khans,
in the extracts from Menander (p. 209, supra, and note there).
2 [" There were also handsome youths adorned like women with
their faces painted red and white ; they wore earrings of pearls, and
represented a theatrical performance." Rehatsek.]
' Karciul [Qarawul] means in Persian (probably of Turkish origin)
a sentry, guard, or advanced post. The place here so designated is the
fortified entrance of the Great Wall called Kia-yu Kwan, or Fort of
the Jade-Gate, mentioned by Hiuen Tsang in the seventh century,
and which was in the latter days of the Ming the actual limit of the
Chinese power (see supra, p. 175).
[This is the first mention by a western writer of this line of defence
built for the purpose " of closing the great Central- Asian trade route
at a time when China had resumed its traditional attitude of seclusion
from the barbarian West." (Stein, Ruins of Desert Cathay, ii, p. 282.)
Stein writes (I.e., p. 283) with regard to Shah Rukh's ambassador's
narrative : " An exactly .similar account was given about 1560 by a
Turki.sh Dervish to Gislen de Busbeck, Charles V's envoy at Constanti-
nople. Starting from the Persian frontier, his caravan, after a fatiguing
journey of many months, " came to a defile which forms, as it were,
the barrier gate of Cathay. Here there was an inclosing chain of
rugged and precipitous mountains, affording no passage except
through a narrow strait in which a garrison was stationed on the king's
part. There the question is put to the merchants, ' What they bring ?
whence they come ? ' etc."]
SUPPLEMENTARY NOTES 275
on to SuKCHAU^, where they were lodged in the great Yam-Khaan
or Post-House, at the City Gate.
" Sukchau is a great city, with strong fortifications, in the
form of a perfect square^. The bazars are without covering, and
are fifty ells^ in width, all kept well swept and watered. The
people keep tame swine in their houses, and in the butchers' shops
mutton and swine's flesh are hung up for sale side by side ! In
every street you see numerous edifices surmounted by handsome
wooden spires, and with wooden battlements covered with lacquer
of Cathay*. All along the rampart of the city, at intervals of
twenty paces^, you find towers with the tops roofed over. There
are four gates, one in the middle of each of the four walls, so that
one directly faces another, and as the streets are as straight as can
be you would think in looking from one gate to the other that it
is but a little way. And yet to go from the centre of the town to
any one of the gates is really a considerable distance. Behind
[over ?] each gate there is a two-storied pavilion with a high
pitched roof in the Cathayan fashion, just such as you see in
Mazanderan. Only in this latter province the walls are plastered
with plain mud, whereas in Cathay they are covered with porcelain.
In this city there are a variety of idol temples to be seen, some of
which occupy a space of ten acres, and yet are kept as clean as
possible. The area is paved with glazed tiles, which shine like
polished marble."
From this time the party were supplied with everything by
the Chinese authorities. They were lodged at the Yams or post-
houses, of which there were ninety-nine between Sukchau and
Khan baliq, and every night found not only provisions but servants,
beds, night-clothes, etc., awaiting them". At every yam they
1 SucHAU ; see iii, p. 126, iv, Goes, infra ; also Hajji Mahomed
in Note XVIII. [Bykjii.— Rehatsek.]
2 A square is the typical form of royal fortified cities, both in China
and in all the Indo-Chinese countries including Java. It is, I believe,
a sacred Buddhist form.
3 [50 statute cubits broad. — Rehatsek.]
* [" There are many bazars and thoroughfares, the latter being
covered by extremely handsome pavilions with Khatdy-Muqranus
(Domes)." Rehatsek.]
^ Quatremere has " twenty feet," but this cannot be. The word is
Kadam, which means sometimes a foot, sometimes a step or pace.
^ [" Chaque iam se trouve situe vis-a-vis une ville ou un bourg ;
dans I'intervalle qui separe les iam on compte plusieurs kargou et kidi-
fou. On designe par le mot kargou une maison qui s'eleve a une
hauteur de soixante ghez ; deux hommes se tiennent constamment
dans cet edifice ; il est construit de maniere que Ton peut apercevoir
un autre kargou : lorsqu'il arrive un evenement, tel que I'approche
d'une armee etrangere, aussitot on allume du feu qui est aper^u de
I'autre kargou, ou Ton s'empresse d'en allumer un pareil. La chose a
lieu de proche en proche, et, dans I'espace d'un jour et d'une nuit, une
nouvelle est connue a une distance de trois mois de marches. Une
18—2
276 PRELIMINARY ESSAY
brought four hundred and fifty well caparisoned horses and
donkeys for the use of the travellers, besides fifty or sixty vehicles.
The description of these vehicles {'Ardbah) is a little obscure, but
they seem to have been palankins of some sort, and were carried
by twelve men each. " The lads who have charge of the horses
are called Bd-fu {Md-fu) ; those who look after the donkeys are
called Lu-fu ; and those attached to the vehicles are called Chi-fu.
. . .At every post-house the travellers were presented with sheep,
geese, fowls, rice, flour, honey, dardsun^, arak, garlic, pickled
onions and vegetables. At every city the ambassadors were
invited to a banquet. The palace of the government is called
Duson, and the banquet took place there." On these occasions
there was always a vacant throne with a curtain hung before it,
and a fine carpet spread in front. The Chinese officials and the
ambassadors sat down upon this carpet whilst the rest of the
company stood behind them in ranks, like Mahomedans at their
public worship. A man standing beside the throne then pro-
claimed something in Chinese, and the mandarins proceeded to
Kotow before the throne, in which the envoys were obliged to
follow them.
The first city that they reached was Kamchau^, nine yams
from Suchau. The entertainment given by the Dangchi, whose
seat was here, took place in Ramadhan [Sept. 20th], and the envoys
were obliged to excuse themselves from eating. The Dangchi
depeche arrive egalement sans interruption, car, d'un kidi-fou a I'autre,
elle est transmise de main en main. On designe par le mot kidi-fou
une reunion de plusieurs individus places dans une station, et dont
voici les fonctions. Lorsqu'ils resolvent une lettre ou une nouvelle,
un d'entre eux, qui se tient tout pret, part a I'instant, et porte la depeche
a un autre kidi-fou, et ainsi de suite, jusqu'a ce qu'elle parvienne au
pied du trone imperial. D'un kidi-fou a un autre la distance est de
10 mereh ; seize de ces mesures equivalent a une parasange. Les
hommes qui occupent le kargou, et qui sont au nombre de dix, sont
remplaces tous les dix jours, et, a Tarrivee des seconds, les premiers
se retirent. Mais ceux qui occupent le kidi-fou y sont a demeure. lis
se construisent des maisons, et s'occupent de la culture et de I'ense-
mencement des terres." Quatremfere, pp. 395-6.
With regard to yams and fire-signals, see Odoric, pp. 233-4 n.
The use of fire-signals in China is very ancient. They are mentioned
in the biography of Wu-ki, lord of Sin-ling, who died in B.C. 243 ; the
day fire-signals were called fung and gave a good deal of smoke ; the
night fire-signals were called sui with a strong light ; the soldiers of the
western garrisons had to keep these signals lighted. Cf. Chavannes,
Documents chinois dicouverts par A . Stein, p. xi.]
1 The rice wine of the Chinese {infra, 11, p. 199). Ysbrant Ides (quoted
in Astley, iii, 567) says : " Their liquors are brandy, which they call
arakka, and iarasu, a sort of wine they drink warm. This is a decoction
of immature rice," etc. In Ssanang Ssetzen there is a legend telling
how Chinghiz was sitting in his hall when a Jade cup of a deHcious
drink called darassun descended into his hand from the chimney, a
token which was considered as a celestial recognition of his supremacy.
- Kanchau, see iii, p. 148, and iv, Benedict Goes, infra, and next
note (XVIII).
SUPPLEMENTARY NOTES 277
took their excuses in good part, and sent all that had been prepared
to their quarters.
" In this city of Kamchau^ there is an idol teraple five hundred
cubits square. In the middle is an idol lying at length, which
measures fifty paces. The sole of the foot is nine paces long,
and the instep is twenty-one cubits in girth. Behind this image
and overhead are other idols of a cubit (?) in height, besides
figures of Bakshis^ as large as life. The action of all is hit off so
admirably that you would think they were alive. Against the
wall also are other figures of perfect execution. The great sleeping
idol has one hand under his head, and the other resting on his
thigh. It is gilt all over and is known as Shakamuni-fu. The
people of the country come in crowds to visit it, and bow to the
very ground before this idoP. . . .In the same city there is another
temple held in great respect. At it you see a structure which the
Mussulmans call the Celestial Sphere*. It has the form of an
octagonal kiosque, and from top to bottom there are fifteen
stories. Each story contains apartments decorated with lacquer
in the Cathay an manner, with anterooms and verandas. . . .Below
the kiosque you see figures of demons which bear it on their
shoulders^. . . .It is entirely made of polished wood, and this again
gilt so admirably that it seems to be of solid gold. There is a
vault below it. An iron shaft fixed in the centre of the kiosque
traverses it from bottom to top, and the lower end of this works
in an iron plate, whilst the upper end bears on strong supports in
the roof of the edifice which contains this pavilion. Thus a
person in the vault can with a trifling exertion cause this great
kiosque to revolve. All the carpenters, smiths, and painters in
the world would learn something in their trades by coming here ! "
1 [Kan chau is called Campichu by M. Polo. " Messer Maffeo and
Messer Marco Polo dwelt a whole year in this city when on a mission."
(M. Polo, i, -p. 220.) It fell under the Tangut dominion in 1208. Polo,
i, p. 219, says that " the Idolaters have many minsters and abbeys
after their fashion. In these they have an enormous number of idols,
both small and great, certain of the latter being a good ten paces in
stature ; some of them being of wood, others of clay, and others yet
of stone. They are all highly polished, and then covered with gold.
The great idols of which I speak lie at length. And around them
there are other figures of considerable size, as if adoring and paying
homage before them." See note. I.e., p. 221.]
2 I.e., Buddhist monks; see 11, p. 250, and Ibn Batuta, notes.
3 This recumbent figure at Kanchau is mentioned also by Hajji
Mahomed in Note XVIII. Such colossal sleeping figures, symbolising
Sakya Muni in the state of Nirwana, are to be seen in Burma, Siam,
and Ceylon to this day. Notices of them will be found in Tennent's
Ceylon, ii, 597 ; Mission to the Court ofAva in 1855, p. 52 ; and Bowring's
Siam. Hiuen Tsang speaks of one such in a convent at Bamian which
was 1000 feet long ! (Vie de H. T., p. 70).
* ["A sky-wheel." Rehatsek.]
^ The statement of the dimensions is corrupt and unintelligible.
278 PRELIMINARY ESSAY
All the baggage was deposited at Kanchau till their return,
and the Chinese took over all the presents intended for the
Emperor, with the exception of a lion sent by Mirza Baisangar,
which the athlete Salahuddin^, the lion-keeper, retained charge of
till they reached the capital.
Every day they halted at a yam., and every week they reached
some city. On the 4th of Shawal, a.h. 823 (Oct. 12th, 1420), they
were on the banks of the Karamuran, a river which in size might
be classed with the Oxus. There was a bridge over it composed
of twenty-three boats attached together by a chain as thick as
a man's thigh, and this was moored on each side to an iron post
as thick as a man's body, deeply planted in the ground 2. On the
other side of the river they found a great city with a splendid
temple. This city was remarkable for the beauty of its women,
insomuch that it was known as the City of Beauty (Husnabad)^.
After thirty-seven days' journey they reached [Nov. i8th], we
are told, another great river twice the size of the Oxus, and this
they had to cross in boats (evidently the Hwang Ho again, where
it divides the provinces of Shen si and Shan si) ; and twenty-three
days later they reached a city which they call Sadinfu, where
there was a great idol of gilt bronze, fifty ells in height*.
Eleven days after this (14th December) they arrived at the
gates of Peking [Khan baliq] some time before dawn. The city
had been recently re-occupied after the temporary transfer of the
Court to Nan King, and the buildings were yet under reconstruction.
The envoys were conducted straight to the palace, in an inner
court of which they found a numerous assemblage of courtiers
and ofi&cers waiting for the Emperor's appearance^. " Each held
^ [Pehlvan Ssullah. — Rehatsek.]
2 [These two iron posts were still in existence a few years ago and
were seen by Prof. Pelliot.]
^ They probably crossed the Karamuran or Hwang Ho opposite
Lan chau, the present capital of the. province of Kan Suh, and this is
therefore most probably the Husnabad of the Persians.
* As they reached Peking in eleven days from Sadinfu, the latter
city must be looked for about two thirds of the way between the Hwang
Ho and the capital. Hereabouts we find the city of Ch'eng ting fu in
Pe Che-li ; and at that city accordingly, as the Chinese Imperial Geo-
graphy tells us, there is a Buddhist temple called " the Monastery of
the Great Fo," founded a.d. 586, which possesses a bronze statue of
Buddha, seventy Chinese feet in height {Chine Moderne, p. 50).
[Rehatsek has " reaching Ssadyn-Qur on the 27th of the same
month (Dec. 3rd)." They had arrived near the river on the nth
Dhulqadah (Nov. rSth), i.e. sixteen days before, not twenty-three; in
fact Quatremfere like Rehatsek says they reached " Sadin-four " on the
27th of the same month.]
^ [" They obtained sight of a very large and magnificent city entirely
built of stone, but as the outer walls were still being built, a hundred
thousand scaffoldings concealed them. When the ambassadors were
taken from the tower, which was being constructed, to the city, they
alighted near the entrance to the Emperor's palace, which was extremely
SUPPLEMENTARY NOTES 279
in his hand a tablet of a cubit in length and a quarter as much in
breadth, on which he kept his eyes steadfastly fixed^. Behind
these were troops in countless numbers, of spearmen and cuiras-
siers, a part of whom held drawn swords. All preserved the
profoundest silence. You would have thought it an assembly
of the dead." As " the Emperor came out of the women's
apartments they set against the throne ^ a silver ladder of five
steps, and placed a golden chair on the top of the throne. The
Emperor mounted and took his seat upon this chair. He was a man
of the middle height ; his face neither very large nor very small,
and not without some beard ; indeed two or three hundred hairs
of his beard were long enough to form three or four curls upon his
chest. To right and left of the throne stood two young girls with
faces like the moon, who had their hair drawn to a knot on the
crown ; their faces and necks were bare ; they had large pearls
in their ears ; and they held paper and pen in their hands ready
to take down the Emperor's orders. It is their duty to write
down whatever falls from the Emperor's mouth. When he returns
to the private apartments they submit this paper to him. Should
he think proper to change any of the orders, a new document is
executed, so that the members of his Council may have his mature
decisions to follow.
" When the Emperor had taken his seat on the throne, and
everybody was in place in the royal presence, they made the
ambassadors come forward side by side with certain prisoners.
The Emperor proceeded to examine the latter, who were some
seven hundred in number. Some of them had a doshdkah (or
wooden yoke) on their necks ; others had both necks and arms
passed through a board ; some five or ten were held together by
one long piece of timber, through holes in which their heads
protruded^. Each prisoner had a keeper by him who held him
by the hair, waiting for the Emperor's sentence. Some were
condemned to imprisonment, others to death. Throughout the
Empire of Cathay no Amir or Governor has the right to put any
person whatsoever to death. When a man has committed any
crime the details of his guilt are written on a wooden board which
is hung round the delinquent's neck, as well as a memorandum
large ; up to this entrance they proceeded on foot by a pavement formed
of cut-stone, about 700 paces in length. On coming close they saw
five elephants standing on each side of the road with their trunks
towards it ; after passing between the trunks the ambassadors entered
the palace, through a gate near which a crowd of about a hundred
thousand men had assembled." Rehatsek.]
1 See allusion to these tablets by Odoric, infra, 11, p. 237, and the note
there.
2 By throne is to be understood an elevated ottoman or cushioned
platform.
^ These are varieties of the portable pillory called by our travellers,
after the Portuguese, Cangue [and by the Chinese Kid].
28o PRELIMINARY ESSAY
indicating the punishment incurred according to the infidel law,
and then with a wooden pillory on and a chain attached to him
he is sent off to Khan baliq to the foot of the throne. Should he
have a year's journey to get there still he must never be allowed
to halt till he reaches the capital^.
" At last the ambassadors were led in front of the throne and
placed some fifteen ells from it. An Amir kneeling read a paper in
the Cathayan language, stating all about the ambassadors to the
following effect : ' Certain deputies, sent by his majesty Shah Rukh
and his sons, have come from a distant country with presents for
the Emperor, and present themselves in order to strike the ground
with their foreheads before him.' His worship Hajji Yusuf the
Kazi, who was one of the Amirs of a tuman (or commandants of
ten thousand) and one of the officers attached to the person of
the Emperor, as well as chief of one of the twelve imperial councils,
came forward accompanied by several Musulmans acquainted
with the languages. They said to the ambassadors : ' First
prostrate yourselves and then touch the ground three times with
your heads.' Accordingly the envoys bent their heads, but with-
out absolutely touching the ground ; then raising both hands
they presented the letters of his majesty Shah Rukh, of his
Highness Baisangar, and of the other princes and Amirs, each of
which was folded in a piece of yellow satin. For it is a law
among the people of Cathay that everything intended for the
Emperor must be wrapt in a piece of some yellow stuff. His
worship the Kazi advanced, took the letters, and handed them
to an eunuch who stood before the throne ; the eunuch carried
them to the Emperor, who received them, opened them, and
glanced at them, and then gave them back to the eunuch."
After some trivial questions the emperor remarked that they
had had a long journey, and dismissed them to take some refresh-
ments. After having done so in an adjoining court they were
conducted to the Yamkhana or hostelry, where they found every-
thing handsomely provided for them.
Next morning, before daylight, they were summoned by the
officer called the Sejnin (or Sekjin)^, who had charge of them, to
get up and come in haste to the palace, as a banquet was to be
1 This was no doubt a misunderstanding, but it is the Chinese law
(not we may presume the practice, at least in troubled times) that
every capital sentence must be confirmed by a special court at the
capital, composed of members of the six great Boards of Administration
and of three great Courts of Justice (see Chine Moderne, pp. 230, 256).
The presentation of the ambassadors along with criminals for sentence
was characteristic. In Burma, even the ambassadors of China are
subjected to analogous .slight. (See Mission to Ava, p. 76.)
* The former in Quatremere, the latter in Astley. The word is
(Chin.) Sse-jin, "a Palace-man or Eunuch" (see Journ. Asiat., s. iv,
tom. ii, 435).
SUPPLEMENTARY NOTES 281
given them by the emperor ; but this affords nothing of much
interest.
" On the 17th of the month of Dhulhajja (23rd December,
1420), several criminals were sent to the place of execution.
According to the practice among the infidels of Cathay, a formal
record is made of the punishment inflicted for every crime, and
they enter into very long details on this subject. But my pen
refuses to expose particularly the (horrid) nature of these punish-
ments. The people of Cathay in all that regards the treatment
of criminals proceed with extreme caution. There are twelve
courts of justice attached to the Emperor's administration; if an
accused person has been found guilty before eleven of these, and
the twelfth has not yet concurred in the condemnation, he may
still have hopes of acquittal^. If a case requires a reference
involving a six months' journey or even more, still as long as the
matter is not perfectly clear the criminal is not put to death, but
only kept in custody.
" The 27th day of Moharram His Worship the Kazi sent a
message to the ambassadors : ' To-morrow is the New Year.
The Emperor is going to visit his New Palace, and there is an
order that none should wear white clothes ' (for among these
people white is the colour of mourning). The 28th, about mid-
night, the Sekjin arrived to conduct the ambassadors to the New
Palace. This was a very lofty edifice which had only now been
finished after nineteen years of work. This night in all the houses
and shops there was such a lighting up of torches, candles, and
lamps, that you would have thought the sun was risen already.
That night the cold was much abated. Everybody was admitted
into the New Palace, and the Emperor gave an entertainment to
his great officers of state^. ... It would be impossible to give a just
description of this edifice. From the gate of the hall of audience
to the outer gate there is a distance of 19853 paces. . . .To the right
and left there is an uninterrupted succession of buildings, pavilions,
and gardens. All the buildings are constructed of polished stone
and glazed bricks of porcelain clay*, which in lustre are quite like
white marble. A space of two or three hundred cubits is paved
with stones presenting not the very slightest deflexion or in-
^ Here is doubtless some misapprehension. See preceding page.
2 Astley's version has here a passage not found in Quatremere's :
" They found at the palace one hundred thousand people who had come
thither from all parts of Cathay, the countries of Tachin and Machin,
Kalmak, Tibet, Kabul (read Kamul), Karakhoja, Jurga (Churche ?),
and the sea coasts." ["In that camp nearly one hundred thousand
men from the countries of Chin, Khata, Ma-Chin, Qalmaq, Tibbet, and
others had congregated." Rehatsek.]
^ [1925 paces. — Rehatsek.]
* I suppose this meant by "bricks formed of Chinese earth."
[■'Stones and burnt bricks, the latter being made of China-earth."
Rehatsek.]
282 PRELIMINARY ESSAY
equality, insomuch that you would think the joints had been
ruled with a pen. In the arts of stone-polishing, cabinet-making,
pottery, brick-making, there is nobody with us who can compare
with the Chinese. If the cleverest of our workpeople were to see
their performances they could not but acknowledge the superiority
of these foreigners. Towards noon the banquet ended.
" On the 9th of Safar (13th February, 1421), in the morning,
horses were sent for the ambassadors. . . .Every year, according to
a practice of theirs, the emperor passes several days without
eating animal food, or entering his harem, or receiving anyone.
He goes to a palace which contains no image or idol, and there,
as he says, adores the God of Heaven. This was the day of his
return, and he entered his harem again with immense pomp.
Elephants walked in procession, handsomely caparisoned, and
bearing on their backs a circular-gilded litter ; then came flags of
seven different colours, and men-at-arms, and then five more
handsomely gilt litters carried by men on their shoulders. Musical
instruments played the while in a manner of which it is impossible
to give an idea. 50,000 men marched before and behind the
emperor, keeping perfect step and cadence. Not a voice was
heard ; nothing but the sound of the music. As soon as the
emperor had entered the harem everybody went away."
It was now the time of the Feast of Lanterns, but it was stripped
of its ordinary splendours, of which the ambassadors had heard
much, because the astrologers had predicted that the palace would
catch fire^.
"The 8th of Rabbi First (13th March), the monarch having
sent for Ahmed Shah and Bakhshi Malik, gave them what is called
a sankish or present. He gave Sultan Shah eight halish of silver^,
thirty dresses of royal magnificence, a mule, twenty-four pieces
of kala'P, two horses, one of them caparisoned, a hundred cane
^ ["At that season the feast of lanterns takes place, when for seven
nights and days in the interior of the Emperor's palace a wooden ball
is suspended from which numberless chandeliers branch out, so that it
appears to be a mountain of emeralds ; thousands of lamps are sus-
pended from cords, mice are prepared of naphtha, so that when a
lamp is kindled the mouse runs along these ropes and lights every
lamp it touches, so that in a single moment all the lamps from the top
to the bottom of the ball are kindled. At that time the people light
many lamps in their shops and houses, and do not condemn any one
during those seven days [the courts of justice closed ?]. The Emperor
makes presents and liberates prisoners. That year, however, the
Khatay astrologers had ascertained that the house of the Emperor
would be in danger of conflagration, and on that account no orders for
illumination had been issued; nevertheless the amirs met according to
ancient custom, and the Emperor gave them a banquet and made them
presents." Rehatsek.]
* See II, p. 196, and Ibn Batuta, infra, iv.
' Tin ? Quatremfere does not translate it. Astley has " under
petticoats " !
SUPPLEMENTARY NOTES 283
arrows, five three-sided kaibars^, in the Cathayan fashion, and
five thousand chao'^. Bakhshi MaUk received a similar present,
only he had one balish less. The wives of the ambassadors
received no silver, but were presented with pieces of stuffs. . . .
"The ist day of the Latter Rabbi (5th April^*), news was
brought that the emperor was on his way back from the hunting
field, and that they were expected to meet him. The ambassadors
were out riding when the news came, and as he was to arrive next
day they returned home at once. The blue Shonghdr belonging
to Sultan Ahmed was dead*. The Sekjin visited them, and said :
' Take care to start to-night in order that you may be ready to
be presented to the emperor the first thing in the morning.' So
they mounted in haste, and when they arrived at the post-house
they found His Worship the Kazi looking very much put out.
Asking what made him so out of spirits, he answered in a low
tone : ' The emperor during the chase has been thrown by one
of the horses sent by His Majesty Shah Rukh, which he was
riding. He is tremendously enraged at this mishap, and has
ordered the ambassadors to be put in irons and sent off to the
eastern provinces of Cathay.' The envoys, deeply disturbed at
the intelligence, got on their horses again at morning prayer-time.
By the time half the forenoon was past they had ridden some
twenty marrah^, and reached the camp where the emperor had
spent the night. This occupied an area of some five hundred
feet square, round which they had built that same night a wall of
four feet in thickness and ten cubits high. Such walls, built of
pise, are erected in Cathay with extraordinary celerity. There
1 Quivers ? — [Five Khatay girls. — Rehatsek.]
2 Bank notes (see 11, p. 196; iii, p. 149).
3 [25th March.— Rehatsek.]
* The shonghdr was a species of falcon monopolised by eastern
royalty, and was, I believe, that of which Marco Polo speaks as the
gerfalcon, which bred on the shores of the Arctic Ocean. They were
sent in tribute to the Great Khan by the chiefs of the Northern Tartar
Tribes. In a passage of the narrative which has been omitted, the
emperor had presented several to the envoys for their respective princes,
adding the brusque observation that they brought him screws of horses
and carried off his good shonghdr s. Petis de la Croix says of the
shonghdr : " 'Tis a mark of homage which the Russians and Crim-
Tartars are bound by the last treaty to send annually to the Porte."
(H. de Timur Bee, ii, 75.)
' In a previous passage it is said that "• every sixteen marrah make
a farsang " (or nearly three miles and a half). Astley's version has
six to a farsang. The former estimate reduces the distance ridden in
half the forenoon to less than five miles. The word marrah is perhaps
that which Clavijo called mole, but he applies it to Timur's leagues,
" equal to two leagues of Castille " (p. 106). This last definition,
however, corresponds with that which Ssanang Ssetzen gives of the
Bard, probably the same word. This makes it 16,000 ells, which will
be about six miles, taking the ell at two feet (see Schmidt, p. 5).
284 PRELIMINARY ESSAY
were two gates left in it, and at the foot of the wall there was a
ditch from which the earth had been dug for it. . . . Inside there
was a pavilion of yellow satin, and an awning adorned with gems.
Each of these was some twenty-five cubits square, and was sup-
ported by four pillars. All round were other tents of yellow satin
embroidered with gold.
" When the ambassadors had arrived within five hundred
paces of the imperial camp. His Worship the Kazi told them to
dismount and stop where they were till the emperor should appear,
whilst he himself went on. As soon as the emperor had returned
to camp and dismounted, the Li-daji and the Jdn-daji^ (who in
the Cathayan tongue are called Serai-id and Jik-fu) came and
stood before him. The emperor then discussed the question of
arresting the ambassadors. The Li-daji, the Jdn-daji, and His
Worship Yusuf the Kazi bowed their foreheads to the ground,
and said : ' The envoys are in no way to blame. Their princes
send good horses as presents doubtless, when they can meet with
such ; but in any case these persons have no authority over their
sovereigns. If your Majesty has the envoys cut in pieces it won't
hurt their kings, but the name of the emperor will be evil spoken
of. People will not fail to say that the Emperor of China has
used violence to ambassadors contrary to all the rules of justice.'
The emperor took these judicious remonstrances in good part.
His Worship the Kazi came in great glee to tell this news to the
ambassadors, saying : ' The Most High has shown his mercy to
these foreigners.' The emperor having thus decided on a merciful
course, the dishes which he had sent were placed before the envoys ;
but as they consisted of swine's flesh and mutton the Musulmans
declined to partake of them. The emperor then started, mounted
on a black horse with white points which had been sent as a
present by Mirza Olugh Beg, and which had housings of yellow
brocaded with gold. Two grooms ran alongside, each holding by
one of the stirrups, and these also were dressed in gold brocade of
a royal magnificence. The emperor had on a red mantle brocaded
with gold, to which was stitched a pocket of black satin in which
the imperial beard was cased. Seven small covered palankins
were borne after him on men's shoulders ; these contained young
ladies of the emperor's family. There was also a great palankin
carried by seventy men. Right and left of the emperor, at the
interval of a bow-shot, were columns of horsemen who kept exactly
abreast of him. These lines extended as far as the eye could
reach, and there was a space of twenty paces between their ranks.
They marched in this way, keeping exact alignment, to the gates
of the city. The emperor rode in the middle, accompanied by
the Dah-daji, whilst the Kazi rode with the Li-daji and the Jan-
daji. The Kazi coming forward, said to the ambassadors :
1 [Lillajy and Jan Wajy. — Rehatsek. — Li Ta Jen and Jan Ta Jen?]
SUPPLEMENTARY NOTES 285
' Dismount and touch the ground with your heads ' ; and so they
did. The emperor then desired them to mount again, which they
did, and joined the procession. The monarch began to reproach
them, saying to Shadi Khwaja : ' When horses or other objects
of value are sent as presents to kings, they should be of the best,
if they are meant to strengthen the bonds of friendship. Here,
I mounted for the chase yesterday one of the horses which you
brought me, and the beast, being excessively old, came down with
me. My hand is much hurt and has become black and blue.
It is only by applying gold in great quantities that the pain has
abated a little.' Shadi Khwaja, to put the best face on the
matter, answered : ' The fact is, this horse belonged to the Great
Amir, Amir Timur Kurkan. His Majesty Shah Rukh in sending
the animal to you intended to give you a testimony of his highest
consideration ; indeed, he thought that in your dominions this
horse would be regarded as a very pearl of horses^.' This account
of the matter satisfied the emperor who then treated the ambassa-
dors with kindness."
After this one of the emperor's favourite wives died, and also
a fire, occasioned by lightning, took place in the new palace, so
that, "contrary to what usually happens," the diarist observes,
" the prediction of the astrologers was completely verified."
These misfortunes made the old emperor quite ill, and it was
from his son that the ambassadors received their dismissal.
During the days that they remained at Peking after this they no
longer received the usual supplies.
On their return journey, however, they met with all the same
attentions as on their way to court. They followed the same
road as before, and quitting Khan baliq on the middle of Jumadah
first (about i8th May 142 1), they reached the city of Bikan^ on
the first day of Rajab (2nd July). Here they were splendidly
feted ; and on the fifth of Shaban (3rd October^) they recrossed
^ As the Great Amir was dead sixteen years before, this pearl of
horses must indeed have been a venerable animal.
2 [Bangan. — Rehatsek.] The dates indicate the position as about
one-third of the way from the capital to the passage of the Hwang Ho
at Lan chau. This and the name probably point to Ping yang fu in
the province of Shan si, one of the most ancient capitals of China. It
is the Pian-iu of Polo, who says of it — " moult est grant citez et de
grant vaillance ; en laquelle a marchans assez qui vivent d'art et de
marchandize. Etsi font sole en grant habondance." (Pauthier's Polo,
P- 354-)
I find that in the identification of the three cities named on the
journey through China (Husnabad, Sadinfu, and Bikan) M. Reinaud
has anticipated me in every case ; but as my identifications were
arrived at independently on the grounds assigned, this is a strong
confirmation of their correctness (see his Introduction to Abulfeda,
pp. ccclxxxv— vii).
3 [5th August. — Rehatsek.]
286 PRELIMINARY ESSAY
the Karamuran. Nineteen days later^ they arrived at Kanchau
and took up their servants and baggage which had been left there^.
But they had to halt here two months on account of the disturbed
state of the Mongol country ; and they were again detained at
Suchau, so that they did not pass the frontier fortress till some
days after the middle of Moharram 825^ (about 9th January 1422).
Here the whole party were again mustered and registered by the
Chinese officials. The troubles in Mongolia induced the ambassa-
dors now to take the unfrequented southern route through the
desert. They reached Khotan on the 30th May, and Kashgar
on the 5th July. From this they passed the mountains by the
defile of Andijan, i.e. by the Terek Dawan, and there separated ;
one party taking the road to Samarkand, the other " preferring
the route of Badakhshan " travelled to Hissar Shaduman*, and
thence reached Balkh on the i8th August. Finally on the ist
September 1422 they kissed the feet of his majesty Shah Rukh at
Herat, and related their adventures^
1 Nine days according to the date in Quatremere (14th Shaban),
but thus seems much too short. Ashley has 24th. [24th Shaban, 24th
August. — Rehatsek.]
2 ["In this town they remained during seventy -five days, and
leaving it on the first day of Dhulhejjah (Nov. 27th), they arrived on
the 17th (Dec. 3rd) in the town of Bokjii, in which place the ambassador
of Mirza Ebrahim Sultan, who had arrived from Shyraz, and the envoy
of Mirza Rustum, who was coming from Essfahan, met the ambassadors
of His Majesty Shah Rokh, and asked them for information concerning
the manners and customs of the Khatays, which was given to them."
Rehatsek.]
3 [The 1st Muharram fell on the 26th Dec. 1421. — Rehatsek.]
* The expression in the text seems to show that Badakhshan was
sometimes used in a much larger sense than is now attached to it.
But this brief indication of the route followed by the ambassadors from
Kashgar to Balkh is particularly interesting, because it precisely retraces
Ptolemy's caravan route across Imaus, on the supposition that the
Stone Tower was in the vicinity of Ush or Andijan (Andijan = The
Stone Tower ; Hissar Shaduman = Ascent to Hill Country of the
Komedi ; Balkh = Bactra). And this is certainly an argument in
favour of Ritter's view, for the route from Kashgar via Tashbaliq and
Wakhsh to Hissar would have been vastly more direct, and there must
have been ample reason for not adopting it, even in the height of
summer, as on this occasion (see ante, p. 191, seq.).
5 [" After they had been searched and examined, they left Qayl,
and selected the road through Chiil on account of the insecurity of the
highways, and arrived after much trouble on the 9th of Jomady the
first (May ist) in the town of Khotan, after leaving which they passed
on the 6th Rajab (June 26th) through Kashgar, and on the 21st (July
nth) they passed over the heights of Andagan, where some of the
ambassadors selected the road through Khorasan and others through
Samarqand ; in the beginning of Ramazan (Aug. 19th) they arrived in
Balkh, and on the loth of the same month (Aug. 28th) they reached
the capital city Herdt, where they were admitted to the honour of
kissing the carpet of His prosperous Majesty the Khagan Shdh Rokh
SUPPLEMENTARY NOTES 287
(may God increase his fame) ; and were made happy thereby." —
Rehatsek.]
[" Apres une verification exacte, les ambassadeurs partirent de
Karaoul le dix-neuvieme jour de moharrem. La crainte de I'ennemi les
decida a preferer la route du desert ; le dix-huitieme jour de rebi-awal,
ils franchirent, avec de grandes fatigues, ces chemins non frayes et
depourvus d'eau ; le neuvieme jour de djoumada second, ils arrivferent
a la ville de Khoten ; ils en partirent, et, le seizieme jour de redjeb, ils
atteignirent Kaschgar ; le vingt et unieme jour du meme mois, ils
traverserent le defile d'Andegan. De la, une partie des ambassadeurs
prit le chemin des Samarykand ; les autres, ayant prefere la route de
Badakhschan, arriverent, bien portants et joyeux, a Hisar-shaduman,
le vingt et unieme jour de Schaban. Ayant traverse le fieuve Amouieh,
ils arriverent a Balkh le premier jour de ramazan ; de la, ils se dirigerent
vers Herat. Le quinzieme jour du meme mois, ils furent admis a
I'honneur de baiser les pieds de I'empereur Schah-rokh, et exposerent
a ce prince les details de leur voyage." Quatremere, pp. 425-6.]
I will here insert some remarks on the topography of Rubruquis's
travels, in connexion with the site of Equius, which I suppose to be the
Asparah of these ambassadors {supra, p. 272).
Rubruquis, riding with Tartars and relays of horses, set out from
the Volga on the i6th September 1253. The route lay straight east,
or nearly so, through the country of the Kangli till the 31st October.
They then bore a good deal south, passing through certain Alps (moun-
tain pastures ?). On the 7th November they entered a plain irrigated
like a garden, through which a large river flowed which entered no sea,
but after forming swamps was absorbed by the earth. It flowed from
very high mountains which were seen towards the south (east).
On the 8th November they entered the city of Kenchac. They
went from this east towards the mountains, and got among the mountain
pastures, where the Caracatai formerly dwelt, a few days later. They
found there a great river which they had to cross in a boat ; they then
turned into a valley where there were old intrenchments of earth over
which the plough had passed, and came to a good town called Equius,
where the Mahomedan inhabitants spoke Persian.
Next day they passed the " Alps," which were spurs from the great
mountains to the south, and entered an extensive and beautiful plain,
which was copiously irrigated by the streams from the mountains. The
mountains in question were to the right of the travellers, and to the
left, beyond the plain, was a sea or great lake of twenty -five days'
journey in compass.
There had formerly been many cities in this plain but the Tartars
had destroyed them. They found, however, one great town called
Cailac, where they halted for twelve days. .
The country in which they now were was called Orgonum ; and
here Rubruquis first met with Buddhist temples.
They quitted Cailac on the 30th November (hence they must have
reached it on the i8th or 19th), and four days later (3rd December) they
came upon the head of the great lake. There was a great island in the
lake. The water was brackish, but drinkable. A valley opened upon
the head of the lake from the south-east, and up this valley among the
mountains was another lake. Through this gorge at times such furious
gusts of wind blew that riders were apt to be blown into the lake.
Passing this valley they went north towards great mountains covered
with snow.
From December 6th they greatly increased the length of their
journeys, doing two days' journey in one. On December 12th they
passed a horrible rocky defile, said to be haunted by demons, etc.
They then entered the plains of the Naiman country. After
this they again ascended a hill country, tending northward. On
December 26th they entered a great flat plain like the sea, and next
288 PRELIMINARY ESSAY
day reached the camp of Mangu Khan, apparently not far from
Karakorum.
Now the points on this journey which we may consider ascertained
(besides its departure from the Volga somewhere near Sarai, and its
termination near Karakorum) are two.
The first is the city of Kenchac. This is known to have been one
of the cities of the valley of the Talas, near the city so called. (See
Quatremere in Notices et Extraits, xiii, 224—5—6.)
The other is the site of the great rushing wind. This is described in
Carpini's narrative in very similar terms (see p. 751). It is also spoken
of by the diarist of Hulaku's march ; and in modern times by a Russian
traveller Poutimsteff (quoted in Malte Brun, Precis de la Geog. Univer-
selle, ix, p. 208). These three latter accounts point, and the last indeed,
which is singularly coincident with Carpini's, distinctly refers the scene
of this phenomenon, to the lake called Ala-kul. Rubruquis had
specified the island in the lake ; Carpini says " several islands " ;
Poutimsteff says it contains " three great rocks of different colours,"
with which he connects its name. We now go back to trace the route
of Rubruquis.
After riding for six weeks east, but not quite so due east as he
imagines, leaving the Caspian and Aral on the right, about long. 67°
he strikes south-east, crosses the " Alps " of the Kara-tau to the south-
east of the modern town of Turkestan (in the medieval map south-east
of Otrar) and enters the valley of the Talas, the river which, as he says,
loses itself in swamps and enters no sea. Here he has to the south-east
very lofty mountains, the branches of the T'ien Shan, or perhaps the
great range itself.
Quitting Kenchak and the Talas, he goes east into the " Alps " that
separate the Upper Talas from the Chu ; the Chu is the river crossed in
a boat. Beyond this is the valley with the remains of old intrench-
ments. These are noticed also by the Diarist of Hulaku's march.
Four days before reaching Talas, this writer says, " they passed between
the two mountains Itu (qu. the two parallel ranges called Ala-tagh ?).
The country is flat, well peopled and well watered ; and there are many
old ramparts and military structures, for it was formerly occupied by
the Khitan " (the Caracatai of Rubruquis, see infra, in, p. 19). " Near
this is a river called Yi-yun, very rapid, flowing from the east ; the
people of the country call it the Yellow river " (as to the muddy colour
and great rapidity of the Chu, see Russians in Central Asia, p. 262).
Rubruquis then reaches Equitis, or as I have supposed the A spar ah
of the Mahomedan writers, and we must therefore locate this north of
the Chu, somewhere opposite the modern Russian posts of Pishpek or
Tokmak.
[Rockhill, Rubruck, writes, p. 139 n. : " The identification of
Rubruck's ' great river ' with the Hi obliges us to reject Yule's identi-
fication of Equius with the Aspareh of Shah Rokh's mission, which
was on the Chu, somewhere near the present Pishpek, or Tokmak."]
They then cross the "Alps" again; this time the branch of the
Ala-Tau between Pishpek and Almaty, and emerge on the great plain
stretching to the Balkash. It is true that towards the lake this is a
barren steppe, but the tract along the spurs of the Northern Ala-Tau,
which bounded the plain to the right of the traveller as he describes, is
rich arable land, amply irrigated (see Semenov in Petermann's Mitthei-
lungen for 1858, pp. 352-3).
Somewhere at the foot of those hills was Cailac, doubtless the
Kayaliq of the historians of the Mongols. It must have been some
distance north of the Hi, for the traveller reaches the Alakul from
Cailac in four days. It may be placed near the modern Russian station
of Kopal.
That it was not on the Hi, but some distance beyond it, is in some
degree confirmed by the circumstance that, though a place of import-
SUPPLEMENTARY NOTES 289
ance, it is not mentioned in the route either of Hulaku or of King
Hethum, both of whom seem to have come down the Ih valley from
Almaliq (near modern Kulja) and then passed to Talas by the route
by which Rubruquis had come.
In Benedict Goes infra are quoted some passages relating, or supposed
to relate, to Kayaliq or Cailac. Another may be cited as slightly favour-
able to the site indicated. We are told that Batu was on his way from
his domain on the Volga to Karakorum, when " at the mountain
Aladagh, seven days march from Kayaliq, he heard of the death of
the Kaan " {Kuyuk), and turned back. Supposing this to be the
Alatagh pass between the Chu and the Hi the distance would be appro-
priate to our position (see D'Ohsson, ii, 246).
The name Orgonum, which Rubruquis heard applied to the country,
I have endeavoured to elucidate in the notes to Ibn Batuta.
It will be observed that Rubruquis, coming upon the Alakul,
regarded it as the continuation and termination of the great lake which
had occupied the distant horizon on his left for a good many days, an
error which the map alone renders very conceivable to us, and which
may then have had still more excuse, as all those lakes appear to be
contracting. Indeed there seems to be no doubt that the Balkash and
Alakul were formerly actually one, though they may not have been so
in the days of Rubruquis. (See Semenov as above, p. 351 ; and in J. R.
G. S., XXXV, p. 213 ; also Petermann for 1863, p. 392.)
From the Alakul the mountains crossed to the north were apparently
those above Tarbagatai. From this the route probably lay along the
Upper Irtish and then along the Jabkan river.
On the return journey in summer Rubruquis passed to the north of
the Balkash. The only part common to the two journeys was, he says,
a fifteen days' ride along a river among mountains, where there was
no grass except on the banks. This would seem to have been the
Jabkan.
I discern no real difficulty in the foregoing interpretation of the
traveller except one, viz., the scanty time allowed between Kenchak
in the Talas valley and the head of the Alakul. This distance is about
five hundred miles without deviations of course, and the time according
to the data (deducting the twelve days' halt at Cailac) is fourteen days,
giving an average of more than thirty-five miles (crow-flight) daily,
and much of it through hilly ground. It is true that the traveller says
that they rode daily as far as from Paris to Orleans, say sixty miles ;
but the measurement of his first long stretch from the Volga to Talas
gives only about twenty-seven miles a day as the crow flies. If we can
venture to suppose that the halt at Cailac was written vii days instead
of xii, this would bring the marches between Talas and Alakul to about
the same average.
The map in Russians in Central Asia, or some other embracing
the recent Russian surveys, will be serviceable in following these
remarks.
C. Y. C. I. 19
290 PRELIMINARY ESSAY
NOTE XVIII.
HAJJI MAHOMED'S ACCOUNT OF CATHAY, AS
DELIVERED TO MESSER GIOV. BATTISTA RAMUSIO^.
(Circa 1550.)
" In the thirty-eighth chapter of Messer Marco Polo's first
book he treats of the rhubarb which is produced in the province
of SuccuiR, and is thence exported into these parts and all over
the world. And it seems highly necessary that I should give a
particular account of what I chanced to hear on this subject some
years ago from a certain Persian of great judgment and intelli-
gence ; for the matter is well worthy of correct knowledge, seeing
how universal the use of the article among sick people has become
in our time, nor have I ever yet seen so much information regarding
it in any book.
" The name of the narrator was Chaggi Memet, a native of
the province of Chilan on the shores of the Caspian Sea, and
from a city called Tabas^, and he had himself been to Succuir,
coming afterwards, at the time I speak of, to Venice with a large
quantity of the aforesaid rhubarb. Now it happened one day
that I had gone out of town to dine at Murano ; a relaxation of
business allowed me to get away from the city, and to enjoy it
all the more I chanced to have in my party that excellent architect
Messer Michele San Michele of Verona, and Messer Tommaso
Giunti, both very dear friends of mine, besides this Persian^. So
when dinner was over and the cloth was drawn, he began his
narrative, and it was interpreted as he went along by Messer
Michele Mambre, a man of great acquirements in the Arabic,
Persian, and Turkish tongues, and a person of most agreeable
manners, whose accomplishments have now obtained him the
position of Turkish interpreter to this illustrious Signory. First
1 [G. Uzielli and Amat di S. Filippo (Siudi biografici e bihliografici,
II, Roma, 1882, p. 246) mention under the name of Hagi Ahmed the
following map of the world kept in the Library of St Mark, at Venice :
"Mappamondo a forma di cuore, sopra legno intagliato per la stampa,
o carta impressa col medesimo. £ redatto in Hngua turca. Comprende
11 mondo conosciuto. Scala e proiezione fantastiche." Would it not
be possible that this Hagi Ahmed and our Hajji Mahomed are but one
person ?]
2 I have not been able to find any place of this name in Ghilan.
But Tabas in the Salt Desert north of Yezd is called in the Tables of
Nasiruddin Tabas Kili or Gili, and this may be meant (see in Hudson,
vol. iii).
' Sanmichele of Verona, the still celebrated architect and engineer
of the Venetian Republic, and often called (though wrongly) the inventor
of modern bastioncd fortification. Giunti, the printer and publisher of
Ramusio's great work, and editor of it after the author's death.
SUPPLEMENTARY NOTES 29I
he told us that he had been at Succuir^ and Campion^, cities of
the province of Tangath, at the commencement of the states
of the Great Can, whose name he said was Daimir Can^, and by
whom rulers were sent to govern the said cities, the same that
M. Marco speaks of in the thirty-eighth and thirty-ninth chapters
of his first book. They are the first cities of idolaters that are
met with in going from the Musulman territories ; and he went
thither with the caravan that goes with merchandise from Persia
and the countries about the Caspian to the regions of Cathay.
And this caravan is not allowed to enter further into the country
than Succuir and Campion ; nor may any merchant belonging
to it, unless he go as an ambassador to the Great Can*.
" This city of Succuir is large and extremely populous, with
very handsome houses built of brick after the Italian manner ;
and in it there are many great temples with idols carved in stone.
It is situated in a plain, through which run an infinite number of
streamlets, and abounds in all sorts of necessaries. They grow
silk there in very great quantities, using the black-mulberry tree
for the purpose. They have no wine grown there, but for their
drink they make a kind of beer with honey. As regards fruit,
the country is a cold one, so they have none but pears, apples,
apricots, and peaches, melons, and grapes. Then he told us that
the rhubarb grows over all that province, but much the best is
got in a certain neighbouring range of lofty and rocky mountains,
where there are many springs, with woods of sundry kinds of
trees growing to a great height, and soil of a red colour, which,
owing to the frequent rains and the springs which run in all
directions, is almost always in a sloppy state. As regards the
appearance of the root and its leaves it so chanced that the said
merchant had brought a little picture with him from the country
w^hich appeared to be drawn with great care and skill, so he took
it from his pocket and showed it us, saying that here we had the
true and natural representation of the rhubarb. . . . He said more-
over . . . that in the Lands of Cathay they never used the rhubarb
^ Succuir, or rather Succiur {i.e. Sukchur) as Polo seems to have
written it, is according to Pauthier a Mongol pronunciation of Suh-
chau-lu, the Circuit of Suhchau (Polo, p. 164). On Suhchau or Suchau
see supra, p. 275, and references there. [See on Suhchau my note.
Vol. Ill, p. 126.]
^ Campicion in most copies of Polo ; well identified with Kanchau,
though the form of the name has not been satisfactorily explained.
^ Daiming Khan is the name by which the Emperor of China is
called in Abdur Razzak's History introducing the narrative abstracted
in the preceding note. It is, in fact, the name of the native Dynasty
(Ta-Ming, " Great Light ") usually called the Ming, which reigned
from 1368 to 1644 (see Chine Ancienne, p. 389 ; Atlas Sinensis in
Blaeu, p. I ; Notices et Extraits, xiv, pt. i, pp. 213 seq. ; Schmidt, pp. 153,
211, 289).
* See the narrative of Goes passim.
19 — 2
292 PRELIMINARY ESSAY
for medicine as we do, but pounded it up and compounded it
with some other odoriferous ingredients to burn as a perfume
before their idols. And in some other places it is so abundant
that they constantly use it for fuel, whilst others give it to their
sick horses, so little esteem have they for this root in those regions
of Cathay. But they have a much greater appreciation of another
little root which grows in the mountains of Succuir where the
rhubarb grows, and which they call Mambroni Cini. This is
extremely dear, and is used in most of their ailments, but especially
where the eyes are affected. They grind it on a stone with rose-
water, and anoint the eyes with it. The result is wonderfully
beneficial. He did not believe that this root was imported into
these parts, and he was not able to describe it^. Then seeing the
great pleasure that I beyond the rest of the company took in his
stories, he told me that over all the country of Cathay they made
use of another plant, or rather of its leaves. This is called by
those people Chiai Cafai^, and grows in the district of Cathay,
which is called Cacianfu^. This is commonly used and much
esteemed over all those countries. They take of that herb whether
dry or fresh, and boil it well in water. One or two cups of this
decoction taken on an empty stomach removes fever, head-ache,
stomach-ache, pain in the side or in the joints, and it should be
taken as hot as you can bear it. He said besides that it was good
for no end of other ailments which he could not then remember,
but gout was one of them. And if it happens that one feels
incommoded in the stomach from having eaten too much, one has
but to take a little of this decoction and in a short time all will
be digested. And it is so highly valued and esteemed that every
one going on a journey takes it with him, and those people would
gladly give (as he expressed it) a sack of rhubarb for an ounce of
Chiai Catai. And those people of Cathay do say that if in our
^ Mambroni Cini is, I suppose, Mdmirdn-i-Chini ; the first word of
which is explained by F. Johnson as " swallow-wort." Bernier also
mentions Mamiron as a little root very good for eye ailments, which
used to be brought with rhubarb to Kashmir by caravans from China
(in H. Gen. des Voyages, torn. 37, p. 335). It is possibly the Jinseng
or " Man-Root " (from its forked radish shape), so much prized by the
Chinese as a tonic, etc., and which used to sell for three times its weight
in silver. Another root, called by the Chinese Foling, comes from the
rhubarb region in question, and was formerly well known in European
pharmacy under the name Radix China. This, however, was not a
" little root." [See M amir an in Hobson-Jobson : Curcuma longa,
M amir a of the old Arabs ; Thalictrum foliosum, M amir a of Punjab.]
2 (Pers.) Chd-i-Khitai, " Tea of China." Here and in some other
words in this narrative the ch must be sounded soft, and not as usual
in Italian. I do not know of any earlier mention of tea in an European
book. [See Hobson-Jobson, s.v. Tea.']
3 Cachanfu is probably Kanjanfu, i.e. Si ngan fu (see infra, 11, p. 246).
Tea would come to the frontier from that quarter, whether it grows
there or not.
SUPPLEMENTARY NOTES 293
parts of the world, in Persia and the country of the Franks,
people only knew of it there is no doubt that the merchants would
cease altogether to buy Ravend Cini as they call rhubarb in those
parts^. ... I asked him what route he had followed in returning
from Campion and Succuir on his way to Constantinople, if he
were able to tell it me. He answered by Mambre our interpreter
that he would tell me the whole gladly. So he began by saying
that he had not returned by precisely the same way that he had
taken with the caravan in going, for at the time that he wanted
to start it happened that those Tartar chiefs of the Green caps,
whom they call lescilbas, were sending an ambassador of theirs
with a great company by way of the Desert of Tartary to the
north of the Caspian Sea to the Grand Turk at Constantinople in
order to make a league with him for a joint attack on their
common enemy the 5o^....And so he travelled with them as
far as Caffa. But he would willingly detail to me the route as
it would have been had he returned by the same that he followed in
going. And it would stand thus : Leaving the city of Campion you
come to Gauta^, which is a six days' journey. Every day's journey
is reckoned at so many favsenc, and one Persian farsenc is three
of our miles. And a day's journey may be taken at eight farsencs,
but in case of deserts and mountains they will not do half as much,
so days made in the desert must be reckoned at half ordinary
journeys. From Gauta you come to Succuir in five days, and
from Succuir to Camul^ in fifteen. Here the Musulmans begin ;
all having been idolaters hitherto. From Camul to Turfon
thirteen; and after Turfon you pass three cities, the first of
which is Chialis, ten days, then Chuche ten more, and then
Aqsu twenty days*. From Aqsu to Cascar is twenty days more
of the wildest desert, the journey hitherto having been through
inhabited country. From Cascar to Samarcand twenty -five days,
from Samarcand to Bochara in Corassam, jfive ; from Bochara
to Eri^, twenty ; and thence you get to Veremi in fifteen days® ;
then Casein in six, from Casbin to Soltania in four, and from
Soltania to the great city of Tauris in six. Thus much I drew
1 Pers. Rdwand-i-Chini, " China Rhubarb."
2 Kao-t'ai, between Kanchau and Suchau.
* Supra, p. 273, infra, iii, p. 265, and Goes, Vol. iv.
* On these places see Goes, infra. Vol. iv.
5 Herat.
® Veramin was a great town two marches east of Tehran, close to
the site of ancient Rai, " to which it succeeded as Tehran has succeeded
to Veramin." (Ritter, viii, 450.) It is mentioned also by Clavijo, who
on his return, after passing Damghan, Perescote (Firuz-koh), and Cenan
{Semnan), " came to a great city called Vatami " (read Varami) " which
was nearly depopulated and without any wall, and they call this land
the Land of Rei." (Markham's Clavijo, p. 182; see also Petis de la
Croix, H. de Timuv Bee, ii, 181, 401.)
294
PRELIMINARY ESSAY
from that Persian merchant. And the detail of his route was
all the more interesting to me because I recognised with great
satisfaction the names of man}^ cities and of several provinces
which are written in the first book of the travels of M. Marco Polo.
And on that account it seemed to me in a measure necessary to
give the statement here.
" It seems also expedient to add here a brief summary, which
was drawn up for me by the said Chaggi Memet the Persian
merchant before his departure from this city, giving some par-
ticulars regarding the city of Campion, and the people of those
parts. And these I shaU repeat for the benefit and advantage of
all my gentle readers in few words and under various heads just
as he set them down.
" The city of Campion. . . .The people here go dressed in cotton
stuff of a black colour, which in winter the poor have lined with
wolf-skins and sheep-skins, and the rich with costly sables and
martens. They wear black caps coming to a point like sugar-
loaves. The men are short rather than tall. They wear their
beard as we do, and especially at a certain time of the year.
" Their houses are built after our fashion with brick and cut
stone, two or three stories high, with ceiUngs painted in various
colours and patterns. There are no end of painters there ; and
one street in the city is entirely occupied by painters.
"The princes of that country to exhibit their pomp and
grandeur have a great platform made, over which are stretched
two canopies of silk embroidered with gold and silver, and with
many pearls and other gems ; and on this they and their friends
take their places, and forty or fifty slaves take up the whole and
carry them about the city for recreation. Ordinary noblemen
go about in a simple open litter without ornament carried by four
to six men.
" Their temples are made after the fashion of our churches
with columns from end to end ; and they are enormous things,
fit to hold four or five thousand people. There are also in that
city two remarkable statues, one of a man, the other of a woman,
each of them forty feet in length and represented extended on the
ground^ ; each figure is of one solid piece, and they are gilt all
over. There are first-rate sculptors in stone there.
" They get their blocks of stone sometimes from a distance of
two or three months' journey, conveying them on carts that have
some forty very high wheels with iron tires ; and these shall be
drawn by five or six hundred horses or mules.
" There are other statues of smaller size that have six or seven
heads and ten hands, each hand grasping a different article, as
if (for example) one should hold a serpent, a second a bird, a third
a flower, and so on.
^ See preceding note, p. 277.
SUPPLEMENTARY NOTES 295
" They have also certain monasteries where many men dwell
leading the most holy life possible. For they have the doors of
their chambers walled up so they can never get forth again as
long as they live. People come every day with food for them.
" There are also no end of the same class who go about the
town just like our friars.
" Their custom is, when anyone of their kin shall die, to wear
white clothes for many days, that is to say of cotton cloth. Their
clothes are made after the same fashion as ours, reaching to the
ground, and with large sleeves like those of ours at Venice which
we call a gomedo^.
" They have the art of printing in that country, and their
books are printed. And as I wanted to be clear on the point
whether their manner of printing was the same as our own, I
took the Persian one day to see the printing office of M. Thomaso
Giunti at San Giuliano : and when he saw the tin types and the
screwpresses with which they print, he said that they seemed to
him to be very much like the other^.
" Their city is fortified by a thick wall, filled with earth inside,
so that four carriages can go abreast upon it. There are great
towers on the walls and artillery planted as thickly as on the
Grand Turk's. There is a great ditch which is dry, but can be
filled with water at pleasure.
" They have a kind of oxen of great size, and which have long
hair extremely fine and white^.
" The Cathayan people and pagans generally are prohibited
from leaving their native country and going about the world as
traders.
" On the other side of the desert north of Corassam as far as
Samarcand, the lescilbas or people of the green caps have sway.
Those Green-caps are a certain race of Mahomedan Tartars* who
wear conical caps of green felt, and give themselves that name to
distinguish themselves from the followers of the Sofi, their deadly
enemies, who are the rulers of Persia, who are also Mahomedans
and wear red caps^. And these Green-caps and Red-caps are
continually at most cruel war with one another on account of
1 " Utrisque (viris et feminis) manicse laxiores longioresque com-
munes sunt, quales in Italia Venetorum esse solent." (Trigautius,
b. i, c. 8.)
2 The Hajji's observation must have been superficial, at least as
regards the metal types. Printing with movable types (made of terra
cotta) was invented in China by a smith named Pishing before the
middle of the eleventh century, but the invention does not seem to
have been followed up. Wood printing was known at least as early as
A.D. 581 ; and about 904 engraving on stone for the press was introduced.
(Julien in Jour. Asiat., ser. iv, tom. ix, 509, 513; Chine Moderne,
pp. 626 seqq.)
3 The Yak.
* Uzbeks. ^ The Kizil-bdsh.
296 PRELIMINARY ESSAY
certain religious differences and frontier disputes. Among the
cities that the Green-caps have under their rule are among others
at present Bochara and Samarcand, each of which has a prince of
its own.
" Those people have their peculiar sciences which they call
respectively Chimia, that which we call alchemy, Limia or the
science of attracting love, and Siniia, or that of illusion^. They
have no coined money, but every gentleman or merchant has his
gold or silver made into small rods, and these are divided into
small fragments for spending, and this is the practice of all the
inhabitants of Campion and Succuir.
" On the public square at Campion every day there gather a
number of charlatans who practise the art of Simia, and by means
of it, in the middle of crowds of people, they will exhibit all sorts
of wonders ; for example they will take a man who accompanies
them and cleave him through with a sword, or cut his arm off,
and you'll see him all streaming with blood, and so forth^."
(From the " Espositione of M. Giov. Batt. Ramxisio, prefixed to
the travels of Marco Polo, in the second vol. of the Navigationi e
Viaggi," f. 14 vers, to f . 16 vers.)
NOTE XIX.
ACCOUNT OF CATHAY BY A TURKISH DERVISH, AS
RELATED TO AUGER GISLEN DE BUSBECK.
(Circa 1560.)
" Now let me tell you what I heard about the city and country
of Cathay from a certain Turkish vagabond. He was one of
that kind of sect whose devotion consists in wandering into the
most distant countries, and in worshipping God in the loftiest
mountains and in the wildest deserts. This fellow had rambled
over well-nigh the whole Eastern "World, and among other things
he mentioned that he had come across the Portuguese. Then he
was seized with a strong desire to see the city and kingdom of
Cathay, and for that purpose attached himself to a company of
merchants who were going thither. For it is their custom to join
1 Kimia (Ar.) Alchemy ; Simia (Pers.) Enchantment or fascination.
Limia is probably a factitious word made on the jingling principle
spoken of in note at p. 151.
D'Herbelot says, however, that Simia is that part of chemistry
which refers to the preparation of metals and minerals, and that Kimia
Simia is used to express chemistry in general. There is another Simia,
he adds, which has for its subject a sort of divination by names and
numbers ; the word being connected with ism, a name.
2 See Ibn Batuta, infra, Vol. iv.
SUPPLEMENTARY NOTES 297
together in large numbers, and to travel to the frontiers of that
empire in a company. There is no passage for a small party that
way, or at least it is very unsafe ; for there are a number of
treacherous tribes upon the way whose attacks the travellers have
to dread at every moment. When they have got some distance
from the Persian frontier they come to the cities of Sammarcand,
BoRCHARA, Taschan, and other places occupied by the successors
of Demirlani. After these there are extensive deserts and
inhabited countries, some occupied by savage and inhospitable
tribes, others by people of more civilised character, but everywhere
scantily supplied with food and forage, so that everyone has to
take his victuals and other necessaries along with him, and this
involves a large number of camels to carry the loads. Such large
companies of men and beasts they call caravans. After a fatiguing
journey of many months they came to a defile which forms, as it
were, the barrier gate of Cathay. For a great part of that empire
consists of inland country, and here there was an inclosing chain
of rugged and precipitous mountains, affording no passage except
through a narrow strait in which a garrison was stationed on the
king's part^. There the question is put to the merchants, ' What
they bring, whence they come, and how many of them are there ?
The answer being given, the king's guards pass it by signal — by
smoke if in daylight, by fire if by night — to the next watch-
tower ; they to the next, and so on, till in a few hours the message
reaches the king at Cathay : a thing which would by any other
communication require many days^. The king sends back his
orders in the same manner and with equal rapidity, saying whether
all shall be admitted, or onl^?- a part, or the whole put off. If they
are allowed to enter they proceed under charge of certain leaders,
finding halting-places arranged at proper distances where every-
thing needed for food or clothing is to be had at reasonable rates,
until they reach Cathay itself. On arriving there they have each
to declare what they bring, and then they make a complimentary
present to the king, as each thinks fit. He, however, is accus-
tomed to pay for what he wants at a fair price*. The rest of their
goods they sell or barter, a day being appointed for their return,
up to which they have full liberty to do business. For the people
of Cathay do not approve of the prolonged stay of foreigners
among them, lest their indigenous manners should be corrupted
by some foreign infection. And so the merchants are sent back
stage by stage along the same road that they followed in coming.
" This wanderer stated that they were a people of extraordinary
accomplishments, highly civilised and polite in their mode of
living, and had a religion of their own, which was neither Christian,
Jewish, nor Mahomedan, but except as regards ceremonies came
1 Bokhara ; Tashkand ; Tamerlane. ^ Supra, p. 274.
^ Infra, 11, pp. 233-4. * Supra, p. 130.
298 PRELIMINARY ESSAY
nearest to the Jewish. For many centuries past the art of
printing has been in use among them, and books printed with
types, which he had seen there, sufficiently proved the fact. For
this they made use of paper made from the slough and envelopes
of silkworms, which was so thin that it bore the impression of the
types on one side only, whilst the other side was left blank^.
" There were many taverns in that city.. . .^ The odour of
the perfume called musk, which is the exudation of a certain little
animal about as big as a kid. Nothing fetched so great a price
among them as a lion ; for this beast does not occur in those
countries, and they look on it with immense admiration, and give
any price for it.
" So much for the kingdom of Cathay, as I heard told by that
vagabond ; let him answer for its truth. For it might easily be
that whilst my questions referred to Cathay, his answers referred
to some other country thereabouts, and in fact that we were
playing at cross purposes. But when I had heard so much, I
thought I would ask if he had not brought back from his travels
any curious kind of a root or fruit or pebble or what not ?
'Nothing whatever,' he said, 'except this little root that I
carry about with me, and if I am knocked up with fatigue or cold,
by chewing and swallowing a tiny morsel of it, I feel quite warmed
and stimulated^.' And so saying, he gave it me to taste, telling
me to be careful to take but the smallest quantity. My doctor
William (who was alive then) tasted it, and got his mouth into
a state of inflammation from its burning quality. He declared it
to be regular wolfsbane." (From Busbequii Epistolce, Amster-
dam, 1661, pp. 326-330.)
1 This is well known as a characteristic of Chinese printing. Paper
in China is made from bamboo, from the bark of mulberry, of a hibiscus
(Rosa Sinensis), and of a tree called chu (Broussonetia Papyrifera). "All
bark paper is strong and tough ; it has rays crossing it, so that when
torn you would think it was made of silk fibres. This is why it is called
Mien-chi or silk paper " (Chinese author translated by Julien — see
Chine Moderne, pp. 622 seqq.). Duhalde, however, does mention a kind
of paper made from " the cods the silk-worms spin " (ext. in Astley, iv,
p. 158). [It is also made from cotton. See a paper in T'oung pao,
1908, p. 589.]
2 An unindicated hiatus in the original.
^ This was certainly Jinseng {supra, p. 292).
SUPPLEMENTARY NOTES 299
NOTE XX.
ON THE MAPS IN THIS WORK.
I. MAP OF ASIA IN THE FIRST HALF OF THE FOURTEENTH CENTURY.
This is intended to elucidate the narrative of the fourteenth
century travellers, from John of Monte Corvino to Ibn Batuta,
as far as was possible without attempting greater detail than my
time or knowledge would permit. The basis is a trace from Keith
Johnston's Map in the Royal Atlas ; substituting for present
political divisions the chief of those which existed at the period
in question, and inserting (in general) only those names of places
which occur in the narratives and notes of this collection. Before
preparing the map, I had at different times consulted maps of
the period by Klaproth (in Tablemix Historiques de I'Asie),
D'Ohsson, and Spriiner [Historical Atlas, German), and at a later
date the map attached to Pauthier's Marco Polo ; but latterly
none of these, except the last, have been within reach, and the
map has in the main been compiled gradually along with the
matter which it illustrates. The theory of the indications was
to show all political divisions, and all names still extant, in black ;
obsolete names used by European writers in red ; and obsolete
names only used by Asiatics in red also, but with the slope of the
letters reversed. I am afraid, however, that these minutiae have
sometimes been overlooked by myself.
II. CATALAN MAP OF I375.
It occurred to me that an acceptable pendant to the map last
noticed would be a copy of one showing the geography of the
same period as it was conceived by the people of the time. The
Carta Catalana of 1375, in the Imperial Library at Paris, as
lithographed in vol. xiv, part 11, of the Notices et Extraits, with
a description by MM. Buchon and Tastu, was the only model
accessible ; but at the same time it is probably the best that
could have been taken for the purpose. The original, as shown
in the lithographed facsimiles, is complicated and perplexed with
many radiations of roses des Vents and other geometrical lines,
with numerous rude drawings and long rubrics, and by the fact
that to read half the names and inscriptions 3^ou have to turn the
map upside down. All this, together with the character of the
writing, renders the map as published difficult to appreciate
without considerable study, and it is trusted that the trouble
taken to present its geographical substance here in a more lucid
and compact form will not have been thrown away^.
^ [The original Catalan Map of 1375 from the Library of King
Charles V of France is now kept in the Mazarine Gallerj^ at the Biblio-
thfeque nationale, Paris (No. 119 of Morel- Fatio's Catalogue of Spanish
300 PRELIMINARY ESSAY
Those sheets of the map which pertain to Asia have alone been
copied. The scale is one-fourth that of the original. All the
embellishments, geometrical lines, and long rubrics, have been
omitted, preserving the essential points of the latter, where it has
been possible to do so in few words. On the shores of the Mediter-
ranean and Black Sea, which are thickly studded with names in
the original, only a few have been selected, but in the remainder
of the map scarcely any have been intentionally omitted except
a few on the Caspian. In deciphering the names the printed
transcripts of the French editors have been consulted, but not
servilely followed^.
It may be observed that in the original facsimiles the sheets
do not fit to one another properly. This is especially the case
with sheets iii and iv, and is obvious even in my reduction, as
may be seen in the fragment shown of the Arctic Sea, and in the
faulty junction of the coast lines of the Peninsula of India. We
find also a pair of duplicate names occurring in these two sheets
{Chabol and Camav), besides other instances of apparent duplica-
tion in sheet iv. This is probably the result of inexpert com-
pilation from different authorities, and I have seen the same thing
in modern published maps of some pretension.
The date of the map has been fixed, on sufficient grounds I
believe, to 1375 ; but the data from which it has been constructed
are naturally not all of one period. Thus Cathay is represented
as the Empire of the Great Can Holubeim^ ; i.e., not Olug Beig,
MSS). Buchon made a preparatory study of this document for the
Notices et Extraits, Vol. xiii, part 11, but only a few copies were struck
off ; later Buchon, with the help of Tastu, resumed the work, which
finally appeared in Vol. xiv, part 11, of the same collection, with a very
poor lithographic reproduction. Viscount de Santarem in his magnifi-
cent collection of maps reproduced in colour the Catalan Map (1841) ;
again Leopold Delisle in his Choix de documents geographiques (Paris,
1883) gave a faithful reproduction of the map in heliogravure. I have
myself given a good phototypic reproduction of two sheets from the
original map in my paper L' Extreme-Orient dans l' Atlas Catalan de
Charles V roi de France (Ext. du Bull, de geog. hist, et descriptive, 1895),
Paris, 1895, 8vo.]
1 In the names extracted below there are I think scarcely any
variations from the French readings, though corrections of the original
have been suggested occasionally. But in Central Asia there are
several open to amendment, as where they read Fista and Evi for Sistd
and Eri, thus obscuring the otherwise obvious identification of the
places Seistan and Heri or Herat.
2 [This is the text concerning the Great Khan :
Lo maior princeps de tots los Tartres
ha nom holubeim | q uol div gran Ca \
A quest emperador es molt pus rich
de tots los altres emperadors de tot lo
mon I aquest em:prador guarden xii mil
caualles I z han iiij. capitans \ aquels ah
XII. millia caualles \ e cascu capitan va
en la cart absa copaya per iij meses
de I'any \ e axi dels altres per orda.]
The Far East in XHh Catalan Map of 1375.
0/ Section 7 of the whole
Reproduced for the Hakluyt Socuty by Donald Macbeth.
The Far East in the Catalan Map of 1375.
Eiiiteni Portion. Pai-t of Section S of the wImIc
icproduMd for ihe llakluyt Society by DonoU Macbitii. London.
SUPPLEMENTARY NOTES 3OI
as the French editors say (a Great Khan not known to history),
but Kuhldi, who died in 1294I; Medeia or the Middle Empire of
the Tartars is shown as ruled by King Chabech ; i.e., Guebek or
Kapak, who reigned some time between 13 10 and 1320 ; and
Sarra or Kipchak is under the Lord Janibech ; i.e., Janibeg, the
son of Mahomed Uzbek, who reigned 1342-56.
One of the aids in compiling this map was almost certainly
the Portulano Mediceo, now in the Laurentian Library, or perhaps
it would be more safe to say that both copied from some common
source. That they did so to a certain extent will be evident from
a comparison of the coasts of Arabia and Persia and the west
coast of India with the names entered, as they are on this map
and on the map from the Portulano engraved by Baldello Boni in
the Atlas to his // Milione^.
For Cathay and the countries adjoining^ it we can trace Marco
Polo as one of the authorities, and perhaps Odoric as another.
To the former certainly belong Calajan {i.e. Carazan), Vociam,
Zardandan, Michem {Mien), Penta {Pentam), and many more
names found here ; to the latter perhaps Zayton and Fozo.
Cincolam and Mingio are found in Odoric and not in Polo, but
they are located here with a correctness which seems to imply
independent knowledge.
Much cannot be said, however, for correctness of detail in
Cathay. We have a good approximation to its general form and
position in the map of Asia ; Chanbalech is placed correctly at
the northern extremity of the empire*, and Cincolam and Caynam
{Hainan) at the southern, whilst Zayton and Mingio (Ningpo)
^ Kiiblai is called Quolibey in Wadding's version of Pope Nicholas
Ill's letter to the Khan of 1278 {infra, iii, p. 5).
2 Baldello's is not a perfect representation of the original, which
contains half effaced traces of a good deal that he has not copied.
^ [We find also Japan :
Japan insula, a M. Paulo
Veneto zipangri dicta,
olim Chrijse, a Magna
Cham olim hello petita
sed frustra]
* ICjuitas de
chanbalech magni
canis catdyo.]
[This is the text concerning Chambalech :
Sapiats q de casta la ciutat de chambalech auja vna gran ciutat antigamet
q auja nota guaribalu \ elo grd cha troba p le.'^tornomia q a questa ciutat se
deuja reuelar cotra el axi q feula desabitare feu fer aqui esta ciutat de
Chabalech. E a enuiro aquesta ciutat xxiiij. legues \ e es malt ben murada
e es a cayre si qd cascun \ cayre ha. vj. legues \ e ha dalt xx passes, e x
passes de gros \ E ay xii. partes e ay 1 gran tar a
en q sta vn seyn q sona a^ u son a abans \ axi pus
ha sonat no gossa anar negu p villa \ e a cascuna
porta guarden mill homes no p temessa
mas p honor p d'l Senyor.]
302 PRELIMINARY ESSAY
appropriately occupy intermediate positions. Vociam and Zar-
dandan are rightly placed on the south-west frontier towards
Michem (Ava), and Cansio {Kanchau) properly stands on the
north-west frontier towards the desert. But in the rest of the
details we have confusion or darkness. Many of the names in
the interior can be recognised but doubtfully or not at all.
I suspect, however, that most of them are from corrupt copies of
Marco Polo. And it may be added that the representation of
China and Cathay in the geography of Magini at the end of the
sixteenth century is decidedly less correct in general position and
almost as wild in details as this. [Yule has written since in
Marco Polo, i, p. 1J4 : "In this map it seems to me Marco Polo's
influence, I will not say on geography, but on map-making, is seen
to the greatest advantage. His Book is the basis of the Map as
regards Central and Further Asia, and partially as regards India.
His names are often sadly perverted, and it is not always easy to
understand the view that the compiler took of his itineraries.
Still we have Cathay admirably placed in the true position
of China, as a great Empire filling the south-east of Asia. The
Eastern Peninsula of India is indeed absent altogether, but the
Peninsula of Hither India is for the first time in the History of
Geography represented with a fair approximation to its correct
form and position, and Sumatra also {Jaua) is not badly placed.
Carajan, Vocian, Mien, and Bangala, are located with a happy
conception of their relation to Cathay and to India. Many details
in India foreign to Polo's book, and some in Cathay (as well as
in Turkestan and Siberia, which have been entirely derived from
other sources) have been embodied in the Map. But the study
of his Book has, I conceive, been essentially the basis of those
great portions which I have specified, and the additional matter
has not been in mass sufficient to perplex the compiler. Hence
we really see in this Map something like the idea of Asia that the
Traveller himself would have presented, had he bequeathed a
Map to us." In my study of the Far East in the Catalan Map,
I have come to the conclusion that the cartographer's knowledge
of Eastern Asia is drawn entirely from Marco Polo. It is worthy
of notice that Manzi does not appear in the Catalan Map. H. C]
The 7548 islands ascribed to the Eastern Archipelago are
certainly derived from Polo^.
As in the geographical ideas of Ibn Batuta, and it would seem
1 Murray's Polo (ii, c. 4) has 7448 islands; Pauthier's (p. 250) 7459.
[This is the text concerning these islands :
En la mar de les indies son illes
7548. delsquals no podem resp
ondre assi les marauelozes cozas
guj son en eles d'or z dergent
z despecies z de pedres p'ec'oses.']
SUPPLEMENTARY NOTES 3O3
of Abulfeda, one great river with its radiating branches extends all
over Cathay.
The eastern peninsula of India is omitted altogether, or con-
fused with the Island of Java (probably Sumatra)^. In the
extreme south-east is a great Island of Taprobane. It exhibits
a number of cities, the names of which seem to be imaginary,
and it is stated in the rubric to be the remotest island of the east
called by the Tartars Great Kauli. Kao li was the Chinese and
Tartar name for Corea-, and this great Taprobane is perhaps a
jumble of Corea and Japan^.
The great river which separates India from China, rising in
the mountains of Baldassia {Badahhshan), and flowing into the
Bay of Bengal, appears to be a confusion between Indus and
Ganges, a confusion still more elaborately developed in the
map of Fra Mauro. Bengal a itself is placed with admirable
correctness.
The width of the Great Desert of Central Asia is greatly over-
^ In the facsimile the name is written J ana. The same clerical
error occurs in Jordanus (p. 30), and perhaps he was one of the authori-
ties used. For near it we have also the Island of the Naked Folk which
that friar mentions. In Jana also the map shows us the Regio Femi-
narum, which Polo, Conti, Jordanus, and Hiuen Tsang all concur in
placing in the western part of the Indian Ocean. But a Chinese
authority quoted by Pauthier places it in the immediate vicinity of
Java {Polo, iii, ch. 33 ; Conti, p. 20 ; Jordanus, p. 44 ; Vie de H. Thsang,
p. 208 ; Pauthier's Polo, p. 559).
[This is the text concerning Jana :
" En la ilia I ana ha molts arbres leny ayloes, camphora, sandels,
species subtils, garenga, nou moscada, arbres de canyela, laqual es pus
preciosa de qual se vol altra de tola la India ; e son axi mateix aqui
magis e folii."'\
[This is the text concerning the Naked Folk south of Caynam :
Insula nudo^-
in q"- holes z muliers
portdt vnii folum
ante z ret" alium.
Another text refers to the north of Taprobana :
Aquesta gent son saluaiges
q uien de peyx cruu z beuen
de la mar \ z van tots nuus.]
[On the Kingdom of Women [Niu kwo], see G. Schlegel, Problemes
geographiques, T'oung pao, iii, 1892.]
2 V. infra, ill, pp. 113, 125.
3 [This is the text concerning this island of Taprobana :
La ilia trapobana \ aquesta es appellade ^ los tartres
magna caulij derrera de oriet I ejt aquesta ilia ha gens
de gran dife'ncia de les altres \ En alguns muts de aquesta
ilia ha homes de gran forma, go es de xii. coldes j axi
com a gigants \ z molt negres \ z no usants de raho
abans menjen los homes blanchs esirays sils podn
auer \ In aquesta ilia ha cascun any. ij estius z IJ
juerns | z dues uegades layn hi florexen les arbres
z les herbes \ z es la derera ilia de les indies \ z ha
bunda molt en or z en argent \ z en pedres pregioses.']
304 PRELIMINARY ESSAY
estimated, and this has the effect of shoving up Kamul and other
cities of Eastern Turkestan into immediate contact with Siberia
and the Eastern Volga regions.
In the extreme north-east of Asia we have the nations of Gog
and Magog, shut up within mountains by Alexander the Great to
await the latter days^.
The Orontes is represented as a branch diverging from
Euphrates ; and in this we are again reminded of a similar error
of Ibn Batuta's^. The Tigris is connected with the Euphrates by
a branch or canal (the traces of which seem really to exist) near
Baghdad (Baldach), but flows into the sea by a separate mouth.
Another great river, a duplicate of Tigris, having no prototype in
nature, but perhaps an amalgamation of the two Zabs and other
rivers east of Tigris, flows from the seas of Argis and Marga
(Lakes Van and Urmia), and enters the Persian Gulf to the
eastward.
The Oxus flows into the Caspian in the latitude of Urganj after
passing that city (Organci). There is no indication of the AraP.
Notwithstanding these and many other errors the map is a
remarkable production for the age. The general form of Asia is
fairly conceived ; the Peninsula of India is shown I believe for
the first time with some correctness of form and direction. In
these respects the map is greatly superior to the more ambitious
work of Era Mauro in the following century. The Catalan
geographer was probably more of a practical man, and did not
perplex himself and distort his geography with theories about the
circular form of the inhabited earth. Unluckily, however, he
seems to have allowed his topography towards the north and
south to be compressed, by no theories indeed, but by the limits
of his parchment !
The following is an orderly list of the names shown on our
^ The name given to the mountains (Caspis) shows the curious
jumble between the Wall of Derbend and the Wall of China, between
the Caucasian nations, the Tartars, and the Gog Magog of Ezekiel and
the Apocalypse, which was involved in this legend. It is very old, for
it is found in the Pseudo-Callisthenes edited by Mtiller (pp. 139, 143).
[See Marco Polo, i, p. 56.] It seems that a prince of the Shut-Up
Nations found his waj'^ out in the sixteenth century, but he had better
have stayed where he was : " It is reported by certain writers that the
King of Tabor came from those parts to seek Francis I of France and
Charles V the Emperor, and other Christian princes, in order to gain
them secretly over to Judaism. But by the command of Charles V
at Mantua in 1540 his temerity was punished in the fire." (Magini,
Geografia, Venet., 1598, f. 171, v.)
2 Infra, Ibn Batuta, Vol. iv.
8 In the map of Marino Sanudo dating from the beginning of the
fourteenth century, besides the Caspian, which he calls M. Yrcanum,
we have a smaller sea in the position of the Aral called M. Caspium,
and then yet another and still smaller into which the Gyoit flows.
SUPPLEMENTARY NOTES
305
reduction of the map in some of its most interesting portions, with
as many identifications as I have been able to suggest^.
IN SHEET ivbis^.
Countries North of the Black Sea.
"rossia, burgaria, cumania, gatzaria, allania."
R. Tiulo
R. Lussom
R. Tanay
Torachi
Rostaor
Titer
Perum
Baltachinta
Branchicha
Chiva
Canada
Calamit
Cembaro
Soldaya
Caff A.
Porto Pisano
Tana
The Dniester ; ancient Tyras^ ; Tvirlu of
the Mahomedans.
The Dnieper. Sharifuddin calls the
Dnieper Uzi'^, which is perhaps the name
here {L'Uzi).
The Don (Tanais).
Torshok N.W. of Tver.
Rostov.
Tver.
Novgorod ? where there was a great idol
called Perum ^.
Poltava? Timur returning from the sack
of Moscov took guides to travel across
the steppes by way of Balchimkin (P. de
la Croix, ii, 365) . That translator gives
as explanation of the name " les Palus
Meotides " ; but this is probably one of
his random shots.
Somewhere near Czernikov, where we hear
of a great forest of Branki (Magini).
■ There was also a city Bransko in the
same quarter.
Kiev.
Caminietz ?
Eupatoria ? on Kalamita Bay.
Balaclava (see iii, p. 14).
Sudak.
Taganrog.
Azov.
1 A few of these identifications only are given by the French editors.
M. Elie de la Primaudaie, in his Etudes sur le Commerce au Moyen Age,
has identified nearly all the names on the Black Sea and Caspian Coasts.
These I have not repeated here.
2 Sheets of L. Delisle's collection.
3 " Nullo tardior amne Tyras " (Ovid, Epist. ex Pont., iv, 10). For
Turlu, see Not. et Extraits, xiii, 274.
* Petis de la Croix, ii, 360.
^ Gwagnini, Sarmatia Europ. descripta, Moscovia, f. 8-9.
C. Y. C. I. 20
?o6
PRELIMINARY ESSAY
Larissa
Damiyat
Casar Bochir
Alexandria.
Chayre
Babillonia
Bussi
Mijnere
leuch (read Seuth)
Chossa
Tegia
Ansee
Lialeyse (read S-
Sohan
Hurma
DONCOLA
Coale
Dobaha
Sobaha
Ciutat Sioene
Insula Meroe
Ciutat de Nubia
Al-Bayadi
Desert de Gipte
Egypt.
El-Arish.
Damietta.
Abukir.
Cairo.
Old Cairo (iii, p. 263).
Bush, near Beni Suef (see Ibn Bat., 11, 95).
Minieh.
Siut.
Kus (see Ibn Batuta, iv).
? near Luqsor. Possibly should read
Begia, a station of the Bejah tribes of
the Red Sea desert who held the emerald
mines of Berenice ; see quotation from
Mas'udi, supra, p. 230.
Esneh.
Silsilah.
Assuan.
Darmut ?
(Old Donkola.) The Dominican Bartholo-
mew of Tivoli was made Missionary
Bishop of Donkola in 1330 (Le Quien,
iii, 1414).
Ghalwa of Edrisi (i, 33).
Al-Dabah, above Donkola.
Sohah, the ruins of which are near Khar-
tum ?
From the ancients.
Nudbah of Edrisi, i, 25.
Little Oasis ?
Libyan Desert.
Mns. of Barchium,
Meda
Lidebo
Chos
Aydip
Eliim
essiongeber
Guid6
Semin
Coast of Red Sea.
Suakin ?
Aidhdb.
Kosseir.
A double of Aidhab.
Exodus (xv, 27).
{Deiit. ii, 8 ; i Kings ix, 26).
Jiddah.
Zahid ?
SUPPLEMENTARY NOTES
307
Armenia, the Euphrates, and Interior Syria.
Poperti
Savast
Scisia
Malmistra
Layazo
G. of Cararaela
Malasia
Brisom
Benzab
Tira
Serug
Domasch
Mt. Ermon
,, Sanir
„ Jilahd .
„ PiSGA.
,, Abari
,, Nebo.
„ de Rubeo
Sea of Gamora
Baiburt.
Sivas (Sebaste).
Sis (ill, p. 139).
Mississa (Mopsuestia) .
Aias (ill, p. 139).
(Read Cannamela) G. of Scanderun. The
castle Cannamella between Scanderiin
and Malmistra is mentioned by Wili-
brand of Oldenburg, xi.
Malatia.
Castle of Parshiam ? see Ritter, x, 866, 868.
Membaj or Benbij P
(Read Biro) Bir.
Seruj or Sarug, S.W. of Urfa.
Damascus.
Herman.
Shenir of Deuter. iii ; Sanyr of Friar
Burchard iii, 7, 8, for the S. part of
Hermon ; see also Prairies d'Or, iv, 87.
Gilead.
Abarim, see Numb, xxvii, 12, and Deut.
xxxii, 49.
Dead Sea.
R. Edil
COSTRAMA.
Borgar
Jorman
Pascherti
Fachatim
Sebur
IN SHEET V.
Country North of the Caspian.
EMPIRE OF SARRAY.
. The Athil or Volga.
. City of Bolgar (see iv, Ibn Batuta).
. Julman of Rashid and Masdlak-al-absdr,
supposed the country on the Kama,
asserted to be called also R. Cholma (see
Not. et Extr., xiii, 274). The Maps still
show a place on the Viatka, tributary of
the Kama, called Churmansk.
. Bashkird.
Viatka .^
. Sibir, ancient city near Tobolsk.
3o8
PRELIMINARY ESSAY
City of Marmorea
Mns. of Sebur
Zizera
Berchimam .
City of Sarra.
Agitarchan .
Mercator and Hondius (loth Ed., 1630)
and N. Sanson (1650) show Jorman on
the south of the Kama R., Pascherti in
the position of Ufa, the present head-
quarter of the Bashkirs, Sagatin ( =
Fachatim of the text) at the head of the
Ufa River, Marmorea on the Bielaya
south of Ufa. Blaeu (1662) has these,
similarly placed, except Jorman. He
has, however, lurmen as a tract between
Astracan and the laik. I suspect these
names in the main were mere traditions
from old maps like the Catalana.
Altai and T'ien Shan.
The Jazirah or Island on the Volga (nr.
Zaritzin).
Probably the Upper City of Sarai.
Or Sarai (see iii, p. 82).
Astracan.
Countries South of the Caspian.
" ARMENIA MAJOR, KINGDOM OF TAURIS AND CHALD^A."
Three Churches
Malascorti
Pasalain
Zizera
Arbo [Orbo]
C. of Baldach
Tauris
Sodania
Sea of Argis
Argis
Capreri
Sea of Marga
Marga
Ormi
Cremi
Cade
Chesi
Echmiazin ? or Uch Kilisi (see iii, p. 163).
Malasjerda.
Read Rasalain, the ancient Callirrhoe, on
the Khabur.
Jazirah on the Tigris.
Harba (see Ibn Bat., 11, 132, and J.R.G.S.,
ix, 445)-
Baghdad.
Tabriz.
Sultania.
L. Van.
Arjish.
?
L. Urumia.
Maragha.
Urumia.
Karmisin is mentioned by Ibn Khallikan
as a place in Kurdistan. (See Quatre-
mere's Rashid, p. 266.) Kirmesin was a
city from whose ruins arose Kermanshah
(see Rawlinson in J.R.G.S., ix, 42).
Hadith ? at the confluence of the Gr. Zab
and Tigris (see Assemani, p. 752).
Khuzistan.
SUPPLEMENTARY NOTES
309
Rey
. Rai.
Siras
Shiraz.
Abdeni
. Ahadan, on Island in mouth of Tigris
Bassora
. Basra.
Taiwust
. Wasit ? called Madlnairt Wdsit (" The Two
Cities Wasit," see Edrisi, i, 367).
Serans or Seam
Ussn
Creman
I. of Chis
I. of Ormis
Hormisiom
Nocran
Chesimo
Damonela
Femenat
Goga
Baroche.
Canbetum
Cocintaya
Paychinor
Chintabor
Nandor (Nanaor ?)
Pescamor
Manganor
Elly
Columbo
Carocam
Setemelti
Mirapor
Butifilis
Bengala
Coast of Persia and India.
. Siraf ? But the Mediceo has Sustar, i.e.
Shustar.
. Husn Amdrat ? (see Edri., i, 379)- Any
castle is Husn.
. Kirman.
Kish.
. Hormuz.
. Old Hormuz on the Continent.
. Mekran.
. Kij. Mediceo has Chechi.
. Daibul.
Somnath.
. Gogo.
. Camhay.
. Med. has Cocintana : the Kokan-Tana of
Ibn Batuta (iii, 335)^ ; the city of Tana
(see II, p. 113), capital of Konkan.
. Faknur of Ibn Batuta (see Vol. iv) ;
Bakanur, but out of place a little.
. Sanddbur, Goa (see iv, Ibn Batuta).
Honore ? Med. has Niandor.
Perhaps Bar9elor.
Mangalore.
Hili (see iv, Ibn Batuta, Note D).
Kaulam, but on the wrong side of the
Peninsula.
Karikal ?
Seven Pagodas ? (see supra, p. 81).
Mailapur ; Madras.
Mutfili of Polo (see iii, p. 70) ; but by a
misunderstanding the author puts St.
Thomas's tomb here.
(See IV, Ibn Batuta.)
1 Where Elliot, quoting Rashid, has " Guzerat, which is a great
country, in which are Cambay, Sumnath, Konkan, Tana, and several
other towns and cities"; and again: "Beyond Guzerat are Konkan
and Tana," probably the original will be found to read as here, " Konkan-
Tana " (p. 42 ; I quote an extract in Pauthier's Polo, p. 663, not having
the passage in my own notes).
310 PRELIMINARY ESSAY
Interior of India.
Bijder
. Bidr.
Diogil
. Deogiri or Daulatabad-
Jaleym
. Jdlna ?
Delly.
Neruala
. Anhilwara.
Hocibelch
?
Bargelidoa .
. ?
MOLTAN.
III. SKETCH MAP TO ILLUSTRATE TRAVELS OF IBN BATUTA IN
BENGAL.
This is little more than a diagram, for no accurate map of
Bengal east of the old Brahmaputra has yet been published. Two
or three of the positions wanted in the Silhet district are, however,
given by Rennell's and other maps, and others have been inserted
from the information quoted in Note E, Ibn Batuta, iv, to give an
idea of the localities.
IV. MAP IN ILLUSTRATION OF THE JOURNEY OF GOES.
The following maps have been used or studied in the compila-
tion of the map in question :
1. Wood's and other British surveys Kabul and on the Oxus,
as embodied in a map by Mr John Walker (title and date missing
in my copy).
2. Kiepert's large map of Asia, Weimar, 1864.
3. Tracing of part of a map of Central Asia, by Col. G. T.
Walker, R.E. of the G. Trig. Survey of India.
4. Veniukov's Sketch of the Bolor, as given in Petermann,
for 1861 (plate 10).
5. Extract of Schlagintweit's General Map, as given in the
same place.
6. Kashmir, in Petermann for 1861, p. i.
7. Tracing of Gen. Court's Map {Itindraire d' Afghanistan) , in
vol. viii of the /. As. Soc. Bengal.
8. Austin's Map of Balti, etc., in /. R. G. S. for 1864.
9. Tracing of a map by Masson, from his Travels.
10. Map of the Scene of the Umbeyla Campaign, from a
Parliamentary Report.
11. Macartney's Map in Elphinstone's Caubul.
12. Arrowsmith's Map to Burnes's Travels.
13. Map in the Russians in Central Asia (by Stanford
apparently) .
14. Keith Johnston's Map of India, extracted from his Royal
Atlas.
SUPPLEMENTARY NOTES 3II
I have also derived from Leech's Reports on the Passes of the
Hindu Kiish, and still more from Wood's Journey, names and
indications that do not appear in any of the maps named ; a chief
object having been to make that part of the map which relates to
the Hindu Kush and Badakhshan as complete as possible.
I have not been able to see a translation of Veniukov's paper
on the Bolor (referred to in the Introductory Notice of Benedict
Goes, Vol. IV, infra), excepting as regards some extracts from the
journal of the anonymous German traveller, which have been
kindly made for me by Mr. Moukhine, the Consul General of Russia
in Sicily. Sir H. Rawlinson appears, however, to have completely
demolished the claims of the German narrative to genuineness.
We have seen such strange mystifications of a somewhat similar
kind in our own day that it would be rash perhaps to say that
the journey, or a part of it, was never made, but till the matter
be more thoroughly investigated, none of his statements can be
built upon^. Even if the German's MS prove entirely worthless,
the Chinese itinerary referred to by Veniukov should be of great
value.
How uncertain is still the basis of any map connecting the
regions on the different sides of the Bolor, Karakorum, and T'ien
Shan Ranges may be judged from the following statement of the
longitudes assigned in the maps before me to some of the chief
points, to which are added the data for the same as given by the
Chinese missionary surveyors, and those of some of them deduced
by Captain Montgomerie from the papers of his Munshi Mahomed
Hamid.
Ilchi
Yarkand
Kashgar
Aqsu
Issikul
Sirikul
(Khotan)
(W. End)
(W. End)
Chinese Tables
80° 21'
76° 3'
73° 4S'
78° 58'
78° I2'2
Veniukov
76° 10'
73° 58'
73° 38'
Kiepert
79°' 12'
74° 56'
72° 53'
78° 20'
77° 30'
73° 5'
Colonel Walker .
79° 13'
76° 24'
73° 58'
79° 40'
73° 30'
John Walker (W^oorf)
73° 33'
Schlagintweit
78°' 20'
73°' 58'
71'°' 50'
76° 27'
74°' 6'
71° 28'
Golobev
76° 17'
, . .
Montgomerie
79°' 0'
77° 30'
75° 20'
Greatest Differences 2° i' 3° 32' 3° 30' 3° 13' 4° 6' ;
It will be seen that the geographers who deviate most widely
from all the rest are the Schlagintweits, who carry the whole of
^ After this had gone to press I received a copy of Sir H. Rawlinson's
remarks on the German narrative, and as M. Khanikov is stated to
have taken up the defence, the question will doubtless be thoroughly
discussed. A few memoranda that occur to me on the subject will be
- found at the end of this note.
2 Only an approximate deduction from other data in the tables. I
take them as given in the Russians in Central Asia, pp. 522—3. [I may
note the following longitudes east of Paris for Khotan : Dutreuil de
Rhins, 77° 37' 5 ; Pievtsov, 77° 33' 6.]
312 PRELIMINARY ESSAY
Turkestan from 2° to 3° further west than the Chinese tables.
I have not seen any statement of the grounds on which this great
change is based. It is certainly a bold one, for it throws over not
merely the Chinese tables entirely, but the positions assigned by
the Russians, north of the T'ien Shan, and by the British travellers
on the Oxus. Our last intelligence affords no corroboration of
this revolutionary map-making. On the contrary. Captain Mont-
gomerie's data carry the position of Yarkand one degree more to
the east than any previous map^. And it is not merely as regards
calculations of longitude that the Schlagintweits reject the results
of the British journeys on the Oxus. Captain Wood's latitude
of Sirikul is treated with equal contempt ; nor does that dis-
tinguished traveller seem to be considered competent even to take
a compass bearing. For the Upper Oxus, the river which he
represents himself as having travelled along for many days, and
which his map shows as flowing from north-east by east to south-
west by south, is made by Schlagintweit to flow from south by
east to north by west. And the lake itself which Wood imagined
that he saw lying east and west, is made by Schlagintweit to lie
south-east and north-west.
The chief difficulty found in adjusting the longitude of the
cities of Chinese Turkestan, in accordance with Captain Mont-
gomerie's approximate determination of Yarkand, arises from
the impossibiUty of reconciling this with the difference between
Ilchi and Yarkand in the Jesuit Tables. This amounts in those
Tables to 4° 18' ; whilst the collation of Montgomerie's position
of Yarkand with the Jesuit position of Ilchi reduces it to 2° 51',
and with the position which the former's own data induced him
to assign to Ilchi it comes down to 1° 30'. It had indeed long
been pretty certain that the Jesuit position of Ilchi was too far
east ; and a communication, for which I have had to thank
Captain Montgomerie since this went to press, reports later data
obtained by Colonel Walker (who will no doubt publish them in
detail) as fixing Ilchi approximately to longitude 79° 25' and
latitude 37° 8'. This longitude I have adopted in my map, whilst
in regard to Yarkand I have stretched Captain Montgomerie's
data westward as far as their circumstances seemed to justify
(perhaps further than he would admit), assigning to it a longitude
of 77°. This is still 36' further east than the assignment of any
previous map, whilst it reduces the discrepancy from the Jesuit
data in relation to Ilchi, though still leaving it inevitably large.
Next to this general uncertainty about the longitudes the
1 The map had been finished when I saw in the Times the account of
my brother officer Captain Montgomerie's paper, read at the R. Geog.
Society in May 1866. I have since re-cast the part affected by that
information, and I have to thank him for his kind readiness in answering
questions which I sent Mm. But I have not seen Capt. Montgomerie's
ftiU paper, or his map.
SUPPLEMENTARY NOTES 313
great geographical puzzle about this region appears to be the
identity of the main source of the Oxus. In addition to Wood's
River, which he traced to the Sirikul Lake, most maps represent
another, a longer and therefore perhaps greater, feeder from a
more northern source, under the name of the River of Bolor or
Wakhsh. Nor has the narrative of Wood's journey through the
district of Wakhan yet displaced from our maps another position
assigned to Wakhan or Vokhan upon this northern river.
Wood unluckily never treats these questions at all. Finding
Wakhan upon the Panja, just where Macartney's map led him
to expect it, he notices no other place of the name, nor does he
allude to any other great branch of the river. And it may well
be doubted if there is in truth any other Wakhan than that which
Wood passed through^. The position assigned to the northern
Vokhan of the maps is due I believe to an entry in the Chinese
tables. But it seems to be very doubtful if the Jesuit observers
in person actually crossed the mountains^. This Northern
Wakhdn, if not a mere displacement, I suspect to represent
Wakhsh or the Wakhshjird of the old Arab geographers.
The existence of a place called Bolor stands on better evidence ;
at least there is or has been a State so called, the chief inhabited
place of which would appropriate the name in the talk of foreigners,
according to a well-known Asiatic practice, whether rightly or
not. It appears to be mentioned as a kingdom by Hiuen Tsang
(Pololo) ^ ; it is spoken of by Polo as the name of a province ; it
1 Edrisi speaks of Wakhan as the region in which the Jihun rises,
lying towards Tibet. Abdul Razzak speaks of Mirza Ibrahim during a
campaign in Badakhshan as advancing into Saqndn, Ghand (which
Quatremere proposes to read Waghand or Wakhan), and Bamir, the
exact order of Shagnan, Wakhan, and Pamir, as reported by Wood.
Macartney's map, drawn up most carefully from information, many
years before Wood's journey, gives Darwaz, Shagnan, Wakhan, exactly
in Wood's order. Burnes, a few years before Wood, does the same.
(Edrisi, i, 472 ; Not. et Extraits, xiv, 491.)
2 [Felix da Rocha, named in Chinese Fu Tso-lin, a Jesuit, born at
Lisbon on the 31st August 1713 ; entered the S.J. on the ist May
1728; arrived in China in 1738; was vice-provincial, 1754-7, 1762;
Superior at Peking, where he died on the 22nd May 1781. He was sent
with the Chinese Armies to Central Asia in 1756. Da Rocha was
accompanied in Central Asia by Father Joseph d'Espinha, another
Portuguese Jesuit (died at Peking 10 July 1788), and four Chinese
Geographers. See Positions g&og. determinees par deux missionnaires
jesuites dans le Turkestan oriental et la Dzoungarie en i j 56. . .par le
P. Brucker, Lyon, 1880.]
3 [" South of the valley of Pamir, and beyond a mountain range, is
the Kingdom of Po-lo-lo, Bolor, where is got much gold and silver,
and which had been visited by the traveller [Hiuen Tsang] on his
zigzag route when first entering India. It was then reached by him in
five marches from Talilo or Darail (Cunningham) ; it had a circuit
of forty days' journey (4000 li), being much longer from east to west
than from north to south, etc. The particulars previously given, as
well as the position now indicated, are in entire accordance with
314 PRELIMINARY ESSAY
appears as a geographical position in the tables of Nasiruddin,
and reappears in the Chinese tables of the last century with exactly
the same latitude. It is also mentioned in the Tdrikh Rashidi of
the sixteenth century^ ; and its prince appears as a tributary to
China in the Chinese annals of some seventy years back^.
But is there a great Wakhsh branch of the Oxus coming from
those regions, and if so where does it join the Panja or river of
the Sirikul ? To the first question I would answer in the afhrma-
tive. The very name Wakhsh appears to be that from which the
classical and Chinese names of the combined stream {Oxus, and
Potsu or Fatsvi) are derived. It is also spoken of both by Hiuen
Tsang and by Edrisi, and by the latter is described as a very great
river, though he evidently regards the Panja of Wood as the chief
source.
Hiuen Tsang on the other hand appears to have regarded the
Wakhsh branch as the main Potsu or Oxus. For after describing
the Lake of Pamir, apparently the Sirikul of Wood, he says :
" This lake discharges to the westward ; for a river issues from
it which runs west to the eastern frontier of the kingdom of
Tamositieti, and then joins the River Potsu ; their waters flow
westward and are discharged into the sea^."
The following extracts show what Edrisi says on the subject :
"The Jihun takes its rise in the country of Wakhan* on
the frontier of Badakhshan, and there it bears the name of
Cunningham's view, that the country intended is Balti, which he states
to be still called Bolor by the Dard tribes. But doubtless, as he also
remarks, the territory included Gilghit and Kanjiit, the latter famous
for its gold produce." Yule, Notes on Hwen Thsang's Account of
Tokkdristdn, p. 117.]
^ " Malauv is a country with few level spots. It has a circuit of
four months' march. The eastern frontier borders on Kashgar and
Yarkand ; it has Badakhshan to the north, Kabul to the west, and
Kashmir to the south," etc. {Not. et Extvaits, xiv, 492). [" Baluristan
is bounded on the east by the provinces of Kashgar and Yarkand ; on
the north by Badakhshan ; on the west by Kabul and Lumghan ; and
on the south by the dependencies of Kashmir. It is four months'
journey in circumference." Tarikh-i-Rashidi . . .transl. by E. D. Ross,
1895, p. 385. — On Bolor, see Yule-Cordier's Marco Polo, i, p. 178 n.
"It can, I think, be demonstrated that Bolor, or Bilaur, was the name
applied throughout the Middle Ages to the elongated belt of mountain
country south of the main range of the Hindu Kush, including the
valleys of Kafiristan, Upper Chitral, Yasin, Gilgit, and Hunza-Nagar
(and in the pages of some writers having an even wider application).'
Curzon, The Pamirs, p. 70.]
2 See Pauthier's Polo, p. 133.
* Vie de H. T., p. 272.
* Jaubert has Ujdn, or rather (as his transcription of the Arabic
shows) Wajdn, an obvious misreading for Wakhdn. I regret that I
cannot show these corrections (without which it is useless to quote the
French Edrisi) in Arabic letters, which would carry conviction of their
fairness, but at my distance from the press it gives too much trouble to
the printer.
SUPPLEMENTARY NOTES 315
Khari-ah^. It receives five considerable tributaries which come
from the countries of Khutl.^ and Waksh. Then it becomes a
river surpassing all the rivers in the world as regards volume,
depth and breadth of channel.
"The Khariab receives the waters of a river called Akhsua or
Mank^, those of Than^ or Balian, of Farghan (or Faughdn), of
Anjdra (or Andijdra'), of Wakhsh-ab with a great number of
affluents coming from the mountains of Botm : (it also receives)
other rivers such as those of Sdghanidn^, and Kawddidn^, which
all join in the province of the latter name and discharge into the
Jihun.
" The Wakhsh-ab takes its rise in the country of the Turks ;
after arriving in the country of Wakhsh it loses itself under a
high mountain, where it may be crossed as over a bridge. The
length of its subterranean course is not known ; finally, however,
it issues from the mountain, runs along the frontier of the country
of Balkh and reaches Tarmedh. The bridge of which we have
spoken serves as a boundary between Khutl and Wakhshjird.
" The river having passed to Tarmedh flows on to Kilif, to
Zam, to Amol, and finally discharges its waters into the Lake of
Khwarizm (the Aral).
" Badakhshan is built on the west bank of the Khariab, the
most considerable of the rivers that fall into the Jihun^ They
bring to Badakhshan the musk of the regions of Tibet adjoining
Wakhan. Badakhshan has on its frontier Kanauj, a dependency
of India^.
" The two provinces which you reach first beyond the Jihun
are Khutl and Wakhsh. Although distinct and separate provinces
they are under the same government. They lie between the
Khariab and the Wakhsh-ab, the first of which rivers bathes the
eastern part of Khutl, and the other the country of Wakhsh, of
which we have spoken. . . . Khutl is a province everywhere very
1 This Khari is perhaps the Icarus of which Pliny speaks, on the
authority of Varro (vi, 19).
2 Jaubert throughout has Jil, a name that seems totally unknown
hereabouts (Jil is another name for Gilan). There can be little doubt
that it is misread for Khutl (sometimes called Khutldn), a province
frequently mentioned as lying north to the Oxus towards Karategin.
It is probably the Kotulo of Hiuen Tsang.
3 Mank is afterwards described as a dependency of Jil (Khutl).
* Afterwards apparently written Tha'lan (beginning with the fourth
Arabic letter), and I believe a misreading for Baghldn.
^ Apparently the Kafirnihan of the maps.
* Perhaps the Tupalak of the maps.
' This does not answer to the position of Faizabad, the capital of
Badakhshan, abandoned in Wood's time, but reoccupied by Mir Shah,
the chief, in 1866.
* Kanauj is absurd. I suspect it should be read Masfauj.
3l6 PRELIMINARY ESSAY
mountainous except near Wakhsh and the country of Akjar which
borders on Mank, a dependency of Khutl^."
Further on, in giving a route from Saghanian (Cheghdnidn) to
Wasjird {Wahhshjird) he mentions that the road comes upon the
Wakhshab between nine miles and thirty miles from the former
place, and that the river has here a breadth of three miles. . . .
" From Wakhsh jird to the place where the Wakhshab loses itself
under a mountain is one short day. . . .
" On the borders of Wakhsh and Khutl are Wakhan and
Saknia, dependencies of the Turks' country. From Wakhan to
Tibet is eighteen days. Wakhan possesses very rich silver mines,
producing ore of excellent quality. Gold is found in the valleys
when the torrents have been in fiood^. . . .Musk and slaves are
also exported. Saknia is a town in dependence on the Khizilji
Turks. It is five days from Wakhan, and its territories border
on the possessions of China^."
In spite of the obscurities of these passages we can gather that
the feeder of the Oxus which Edrisi's authorities regarded as the
main one came from Wakhan, a country lying in the direction of
Tibet, but that it received somewhere before reaching Tarmedh
another great branch called the Wakhshab, so great as to be
reported in one part of its course to have a channel three miles
wide, and which rose in the Turks' country, i.e. at least as far off
as the main chain of the Bolor ; also that between those two great
branches lay the provinces of Wakhsh and Khutl.
But where do these two streams join ? Wood, the most
competent to have settled the question, in his book, as we have
seen, takes no notice of the Wakhshab at all. Nor is there any
distinct trace of it in Macartney's map, though a tributary of the
Oxus which he represents under the name of the Surkhdb or R. of
Karategin, entering the main stream a short distance above its
^ Mank is perhaps the Mungkien (or Munkan) of Hiuen Tsang (see
Vie de H. T., pp. 269, 422).
2 Wood mentions a torrent in Wakhan called Zevzumen, probably
Zay-Zamin, " Gold-ground." He also says all the tributaries of the
Oxus are fertile in gold (p. 382).
3 This Saknia does not seem to be the Shagnan of Wood, which is
below Wakhan. It appears to correspond to the Shikini of Hiuen Tsang.
["Northward across high mountains from Tamosit'ieti or Wakhan
was Shikhini, having a circuit of twenty days' journey (2000 H). It con-
sisted of a succession of mountains, valleys, and steppes covered with
sand and stones. Much pulse and corn were grown, but little rice.
The climate was very cold, and the people brutal, etc. Their written
character resembled that of Tukhara, but their spoken language was
different.
" Cunningham identifies this with Shighnan (or Shagndn) and there
can be no doubt about it. The form Shighnan is no doubt a plural ;
the gentile adjective is Shighni, with which the Chinese form is identical."
Yule, Notes on Hwen Thsang's Account of the Principalities of Tokhdris-
tdn, p. 113.]
SUPPLEMENTARY NOTES 317
confluence with the Kokcha, has by later geographers {e.g. by the
author of the map to Russians in Central A sia) been expanded into
identity with the great Bolor-Wakhsh branch. But as Wood in
his journey from Kila'h-Chap to Jan-Kila'h and Sayad twice
passed the mouth of this Surkhab, so good an observer would
scarcely have omitted to notice the confluence of a rival Oxus.
The gallant seaman is still more slightingly treated by Kiepert
in his map of Asia. That geographer denies entirely the identity
of the river which Wood ascended for thirty miles (as has just
been mentioned) from the Kokcha confluence at Kila'h-Chap to
Sayad, with that river which the same traveller had previously
tracked from near the Ruby -Mines up to the Sirikul. The former
river is conjured by Kiepert from the east to the west of the town
of Sayad, and identified by him with the Bolor-Wakhsh River:
the latter, under a new name, Duwdn, due to the anonymous
German, occupies quite a subordinate position, and is introduced
into the Kokcha about half-way between Faizabad and Kila'h-
Chap ; a clandestine union surely ! at a spot within a few miles
of which Wood passed twice without being aware of it, and within
five and twenty miles of which he lived for several weeks.
Veniukov's treatment of this admirable traveller is equally
violent, and we have already seen how he fares at the hands of
the Schlagintweits. Surely this is geography run mad.
Perhaps Wood's own map suggests the real point of union,
though without recognising its importance. In J. Walker's map
of Wood's surveys we find the Wagish River indicated as entering
the Oxus some twelve or thirteen miles to the west of Hazrat
Imam, at a point of the river's course yet visited by no modern
traveller. In my map I have assumed this to be the real Wakh-
shab, a hypothesis which has at least the advantage of not flying
in the face of an honest and able traveller. [We have no room to
discuss here anew the Oxus question ; we refer the reader to our
Marco Polo, to Yule's Introduction to the new edition of Wood's
Oxus, 1872, and to G. N. Curzon's The Pamirs and the Source of
the Oxus, 1896.]
Another vexed question embraced in this field is the course of
the main feeder of the Yarkand river. According to Moorcroft's
information, probably derived from IzzetooUah' (see J.R.G.S.,
vol. i, p. 245), this rises in the north face of the Karakorum Pass,
and flows in a northerly (north-westerly) direction to a point where
it receives drainage from the (Eastern) Sarikul, and the Bolor
Mountains, and then turns east (north-east) towards Yarkand.
But, according to the best interpretation I can put upon the
Chinese Hydrography translated by Julien {N . Ann. des Voyages,
1846, iii, 23 seqq.), the river rising in Karakorum, which I take to
be that there termed Tingdsapuho, only joins the stream from
Karchu and Sarikul helow Yarkand. In the map I have hypothe-
tically adopted the latter view, but with no great confidence.
3l8 PRELIMINARY ESSAY
1 may add that both the authorities just cited illustrate the name
given by Goes to the mountain between Sarikul and Yanghi-Hisar
(Chechalith, no doubt misread for Chechalich)^, the Chinese
terming it Tsitsikling, and Moorcroft Chechuklik or " Place of
Flowers."
Before concluding, I venture to contribute two or three
remarks in aid of the discussion regarding the anonymous German
Traveller.
Abdul Medjid, the British messenger in i860, made nineteen
long marches from Faizabad to the Karakul. The German is
only eleven days, less some days' halt, say only eight days, from
Karakul to Badakhshan (Faizabad).
The German represents the city just named as on the south
side of the river on which it stands. We know from Wood that
it is on the north side.
But on the other hand the German narrative, whether fictitious
or no, contains indications of special sources of knowledge. For
example, the name Chakheraller , which it applies to a mountain
north of the Karakul, will be found in the Chinese Hydrography
recently quoted, applied in the same way. The German speaks
of the Duvan, by which the main Oxus of Wood seems meant, as
crossed by a bridge to the north of Badakhshan. Wood tells us
(p. 398) that it is bridged in that quarter. And the German speaks
of the river of Vokhan passing vmderground at a spot on the
frontier of the district of Vokhan, a remarkable coincidence with
the statement of Edrisi quoted at p. 315.
I would suggest to any one trying to settle the question about
this narrative a careful comparison of its indications with the map
which Klaproth published of Central Asia. To this I have no
access. [Recent voyages, especially those made by Sir Aurel
Stein and Prof. Pelliot, have thrown a good deal of new light on
the roads of Central Asia, and we have made use of the information
in the revision of the itinerary of Goes ; we had access also to the
more recent Russian Maps.]
^ See Vol. IV, Journey of Benedict Goes.
Cambritrge :
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IV
WORKS ALREADY ISSUED.
FIRST SERIES.
1847-1898.
1— The Observations of Sir Richard Hawkins, Knt.,
In his Voyage into the South Sea in 1593. Reprinted from the edition
of 1622, and edited by Admiral Charles Ramsay Drinkwater
Bethune, C.B. pp. xvi. 246. Index.
(First Edition out of print. See No. 57. j Issued for 1847.
2— Select Letters of Christopher Columbus,
With Original Documents relating to the Discovery of the New World. Trans-
lated and Edited by Richard Henry Major, F.S.A., Keeper of Maps,
British Museum, Sec. R.G. S. pp. xc. 240. Index.
(First Edition out of print. See No. 43. Two copies only were printed on
vellum, one of which is in the British Museum, C. 29. k. 14.)
Issued for 1847.
3— The Discovery of the Large, Rich, & Beautiful Empire of Guiana,
With a relation of the great and golden City of Manoa (which the Spaniards
call El Dorado), &c., performed in the year 1595 by Sir Walter Ralegh,
Knt. . . . Reprinted from the edition of 1596. With some unpublished
Documents relative to that country. Edited with copious explanatory Notes
and a biographical Memoir bySiR Robert Hermann Schomburgk, Th. D.
pp. Ixxv. XV. I Map. Index.
( Out of print. Secoitd Edition in preparation. ) Issued for 1 848.
4— Sir Francis Drake his Voyage, 1595,
By Thomas Maynarde, together with the Spanish Account of Drake's
attack on Puerto Rico. Edited from the original MSS. by William
Desborough CoOLEY. pp. viii. 65. {Out of print.) Issued for i^/^^.
5— Narratives of Voyages towards the North- West,
In search of a Passage to Cathay & India, 1496 to 163 1. With selections
from the early Records of . . . the East India Company and from MSS.
in the British Museum. Edited by Thomas Rundall. pp. xx. 259. 2 Maps.
(Out of print. J Issued for 1849.
6— The Historic of Travaile into Virginia Britannia,
Expressing the Cosmographie and Commodities of the Country, together with
the manners and customs of the people, gathered and observed as well by those
who went first thither as collected by William Strachey, Gent, the
first Secretary of the Colony. Now first edited from the original MS. in the
British Museum by Richard Henry Major, F.S.A., Keeper of Maps, British
Museum, Sec. R.G.S. pp. xxxvi. 203. i Map. 6 Illus. Glossary. Index.
( Out of pnnt. ) Issued for 1 849.
7— Divers Voyages touching the Discovery of America
And the Islands adjacent, collected and published by Richard Hakluyt,
Prebendary of Bristol, in the year 1582. Edited, with notes & an introduction
by John Winter Jones, Principal Librarian of the British Museum,
pp. "xci. 171. 6. 2 Maps, i Illus. Index. ( Out of print, j Issued for 1850.
8— Memorials of the Empire of Japon.
In the Sixteenth and Seventeenth Centuries. (The Kingdome of Japonia.
Harl. MSS. '6249. — The Letters of Wm. Adams, 161 1 to 1617.) With a
Commentary by Thomas Rundall. pp. xxxviii. 186. i Map. 5 lUus.
(Out of print. ) Issued for 1 8 50.
9— The Discovery and Conquest of Terra Florida,
By Don Ferdinando de Soto, & six hundred Spaniards his followers. Written
by a Gentleman of Elvas, employed in all the action, and translated out of
Portuguese by Richard Hakluyt. Reprinted from the edition of 161 1.
Edited with Notes & an Introduction, & a Translation of a Narrative of the
Expedition by Luis Hernandez de Biedma, Factor to the same, by
William Brenchley Rye, Keeper of Printed Books, British Museum,
pp. Ixvii. 200. V. I Map. Index. ( Out of print, ) Issued for 1851.
10— Notes upon Russia,
Being a Translation from the Earliest Account of that Country, entitled Rerum
Muscoviticarum Commentarii, by the Baron Sigismttnd von Herberstein,
Ambassador from the Court of Germany to the Grand Prince Vasiley Ivanovich,
in the years 1517 and 1526. Translated and Edited with Notes & an
Introduction, by Richard Henry Major, F.S.A., Keeper of Maps, British
Museum, Sec R.G.S. Vol. i. pp. clxii. 116. 2 Illus.
(Vol. 2 = No. 12.) ( 0 tit of print.) Issued for iS^i.
11— The Geography of Hudson's Bay,
Being the Remarks of Captain W. Coats, in many Voyages to that locality,
between the years 1727 and 1751. With an Appendix containing Extracts
from the Log of Captain Middleton on his Voyage for the Discovery of the
North-west Passage, in H.M.S. "Furnace," in 174 1-3. Edited by John
Barrow, F.R.S., F.S.A. pp. x. 147. Index.
( Out of print. ) Issued for 1852.
12— Notes upon Russia.
(Vol. I. =No. 10.) Vol. 2. pp. iv. 266. 2 Maps, i Illus. Index.
{Out of print.) Issued for 18^2.
13 -A True Description of Three Voyages by the North-East,
Towards Cathay and China, undertaken by the Dutch in the years 1594, 1595
and 1596, with their Discovery of Spitzbergen, their residence often months in
Novaya Zemlya, and their safe return in two open boats. By Gerrit de
Veer. Published at Amsterdam in 1598, & in 1609 translated into English
by William Philip. Edited by Charles Tilstone Beke, Ph.D.,
F.S.A. pp. cxlii 291. 4 Maps. 12 Illus. Index.
(Out of print. See also No. ^^. ) Issued for l8<,-^.
14-15— The History of the Great and Mighty Kingdom of China and
the Situation Thereof.
Compiled by the Padre JuAN Gonzalez de Mendoza, & now reprinted from
the Early Translation of R. Parke. Edited by Sir George Thomas
Staunton, Bart, M.P., F.R.S. With an Introduction by Richard
Henry Major, F.S.A., Keeper of Maps, British Museum, Sec. R.G.S.,
2 vols. Index. {Vol. \ a, out of print.) Issued for 1854.
16— The World Encompassed by Sir Francis Drake.
Being his next Voyage to that to Nombre de Dios. [By Sir Francis
Drake, the Younger.] Collated with an unpublished Manuscript of Francis
Fletcher, Chaplain to the Expedition. With Appendices illustrative of
the same Voyage, and Introduction, by William Sandys Wright
Vaux, F.R.S., Keeper of Coins, British Museum, pp. xl. 295. i Map.
Index. ( Out of print.) Issued /or 18^^.
VI
17— The History of the Two Tartar Conquerors of China,
Including the two Journeys into Tartary of Father Ferdinand Verbiest, in the
suite of the Emperor Kang-Hi. From the French of Pfre Pierre Joseph
d'Orleans, of the Company of Jesus, 1688. To which is added Father
Pereira's Journey into Tartary in the suite of the same Emperor. From the
Dutch of NicOLAAS WiTSEN. Translated and Edited by the Eari. of
Eli.esmere. With an Introduction by Richard Henry Major, F.S.A.,
Keeper of Maps, British Museum, Sec. R.G.S. pp. xv. vi. 153. Index.
(Out of print. ) Issued for 1855.
18— A Collection of Documents on Spitzbergen and Greenland,
Comprising a Translation from F. Martens' Voyage to Spitzbergen, 167 1 ; a
Translation from Isaac de la Peyr^re's Histoire du Groenlaud, 1663, and
God's Power and Providence in the Preservation of Eight Men in Greenland
Nine Moneths and Twelve Dayes. 1630. Edited by Adam White, of the
British Museum, pp. xvi. 288. 2 Maps. Index. Issued for 1856.
19— The Voyage of Sir Henry Middleton to Bantam and the Maluco Islands,
Being the Second Voyage set forth by the Governor and Company of
Merchants of London trading into the East Indies. From the (rare) Edition
of 1606. Annotated and Edited by Bolton Corney. M.R.S.L. pp. xi. 83.
52. viii. 3 Maps. 3 Illus. Bibliography. Index.
(OjU of print). Issued for i?>^6.
20— Russia at the Close of the Sixteenth Century.
Comprising the Treatise, "The Russe Commonwealth" by Dr. Gii.es
Fletcher, and the Travels of Sir Jerome Horsey, Knt., now for the first
time printed entire from his own MS. Edited by Sir Edward Augustus
Bond, K.C.B., Principal Librarian of the British Museum, pp. cxxxiv. 392.
Index. Issued for 1857.
21— History of the New World. By Girolamo Benzoni, of Milan.
Showing his Travels in America, from a.d. 1541 to 1556. with some
particulars of the Island of Canary. Now first Translated and Edited by
Admiral William Henry Smyth, K.S.F., F.R.S., D.C.L. pp. iv. 280.
19 Illus. Index. Issued for 1857.
22— India in the Fifteenth Century.
Being a Collection of Narratives of Voyages to India m the century pieceding
the Portuguese discovery of the Cape of Good Hope ; from Latin, Persian,
Russian, and Italian Sources. Now first Translated into English. Edited
with an Introduction bv Richard Henry Major, F.S.A., Keeper of
Maps, British Museum, pp. xc. 49. 39. 32. 10. Index.
{Out of print.) Issued for iHz,^.
23— Narrative of a Voyage to the West Indies and Mexico,
In the years 1599- 1602, '^^'^^ 4 Maps and 5 Illustrations. By Samuel
Champlain. Translated from the original and unpublished Manuscript,
with a Biographical Notice and Notes by Alice Wilmeke. Edited by
Norton Shaw. pp. xcix. 48. Iss-uedfor 1858.
24— Expeditions into the Valley of the Amazons, 1539, 1540, 1639,
Containing the Journey of Gonzalo Pizarro, from the Royal Commen-
taries of Garcilasso Inca de la Vega ; the Voyage of Francisco de Orellana,
from the General History of Herrera; and the Voyage of Cristoval de Acuna.
Translated and Edited by SiR Clements R. Makkham, K.C.B., F.R.S.,
ex-Pres. R.G.S. pp. Ixiv. 190. I Map. List of Tribes in the Valley of the
Amazons. Issjiedfor 1859.
Vll
25— Early Voyages 1|) Terra Australis,
Now called Australia. A Collection of documents, and extracts from early
MS. Maps, illustrative of the history of discovery on the coasts of that vast
Island, from the beginning of the Sixteenth Century to the time of Captain
Cook. Edited vv^ith an Introduction by Richard Henry Major, F.S.A.,
Keeper of Maps, British Museum, Sec. R.G.S. pp. cxix. 200. 13. 5 Maps.
Index. {Out of print.) Issued for 1%^^
26— Narrative of the Embassy of Ruy Gonzalez de Clavijo to the Court
of Timour, at Samareand, A.D., 1403-6.
Translated for the first time vs^ith Notes, a Preface, & an introductory Life of
Timour Beg, by Sir Clements R. Markham, K.C B., F.R.S., ex-Pres.
R.G.S. pp. Ivi. 200. I Map. Issued for i860
27— Henry Hudson the Navigator, 1607-13.
The Original Documents in which his career is recorded. Collected, partly
Translated, & annotated with an Introduction by George Michael
ASHER, LL. D. pp. ccxviii. 292. 2 Maps. Bibliography. Index.
Issued for i860.
28— The Expedition of Pedro de Ursua and Lope de Aguirre,
In search of El Dorado and Omagua, in 1560-61. Translated from Fray
Pedro Simon's " Sixth Historical Notice of the Conquest of Tierra Firme,"
1627, by William Bollaert, F. R.G.S. With an Introduction by Sir
Clkments R. Markham, K.C.B., F.R.S., ex-Pres. R.G.S. pp. Hi 237.
I Map. Issued for r86i.
29— The Life and Acts of Don Alonzo Enriquez de Guzman,
A Knight of Seville, of the Order of Santiago, A.D. 1518 to 1543. Translated
from an original & inedited MS. in the. National Library at Madrid. With
Notes and an Introduction by SiR Clements R. Markham, K.C.B.,
F.R.S., ex-Pres. R.G.S. pp. xxxv. 168. i Illus. Issued for \^62.
30— The Discoveries of the World
From their first original unto the year of our Lord 1555. By Antonio
Galvano, Governor of Ternate. [Edited by F. DE Sousa Tavares.]
Corrected, quoted, & published in England by Richard Hakluyt, 1601.
Now reprinted, with ihe original Portuguese text (1563), and edited by
Admiral Charles Ramsay Drinkwater Bethune, C.B. pp. iv. viiii. 242.
Issued for 1862.
31— Mirabilia Descripta. The Wonders of the East.
By Friar Jordanus, of the Order of Preachers & Bishop of Columbum in
India the Greater, circa 1330. Translated from the Latin Original, as published
at Paris in 1839, in the Recueil de Voyages et de iVJeinoires, of the Societe de
Geographic. With the addition of a Commentary, by CoL. Sir Henry
Yule, K.C.S.L, R.E., C.B. pp. iv. xviii. 68. Index. Issiied for 1863.
32— The Travels of Ludovico di Varthema
In Egypt, Syria, Arabia, Persia, India, & Ethiopia, A.D. 1503 to 1508.
Translated from the original Italian edition of 15 10, with a Preface, by
John Winter Jones, F. S. A., Principal Librarian of the British Museum,
& Edited, with Notes & an Introduction, by the Rev. George Pekcy
Badger, pp. cxxi. 321. i Map. Index. {Out of print.) Issued for i?,6t,.
Vlll
33— The Travels of Pedro de Cieza de Leon, A.D. 1532-50,
From the Gulf of Darien to the City of La Plata, contained in the first part of
his Chronicle of Peru (Antwerp, 1554). Translated & Edited, with Notes
& an Introduction, by SiR Clements R. Markham, K.C.B., F.R.S.,
ex-Pres. R.G.S. pp. xvi. Ivii. 438. Index.
(Vol. 2 = No. 68.) Issued for \^(>/^.
34— Narrative of the Proceedings of Pedrarias Davila
In the Provinces of Tierra Firme or Castilla del Oro, & of the discovery of the
South Sea and the Coasts of Peru and Nicaragua. Written by the Adelantado
Pascual de Andagoya. Translated and Edited, with Notes & an Introduc-
tion, by Sir Clements R. Markham, K.C.B., F.R.S., ex-Pres. R.G.S.
pp. xxix, 88. I Map. Index. Issued for 1865.
35— A Description of the Coasts of East Africa and Malabar
In the beginning of the Sixteenth Century, by Duarte Barbosa, a
Portuguese. Translated from an early Spanish manuscript in the Barcelona
Library, with Notes & a Preface, by Lord Stanley of Alderley.
pp. xi. 336. 2 Illus. Index. Issued for 1865.
36-37— Cathay and the Way Thither.
Being a Collection of mediseval notices of China, previous to the Sixteenth
Century. Translated and Edited by Colonel Sir Henry Yule, K.C.S.I.,
R.E., C.B. With a preliminary Essay on the intercourse between China & the
Western Nations previous to the discovery of the Cape Route. 2 vols.
3 Maps. 2 Illus. Bibliography. Index.
{Out of print ; see also Ser. II., Vol, 33.) Issued for 1866.
38— The Three Voyages of Sip Martin Frobisher,
In search of a Passage to Cathaia & India by the North- West, A.D. 1576-8.
By George Best. Reprinted from the First Edition of Hakluyt's Voyages.
With Selections from MS. Documents in the British Museum & State Paper
Office. Edited by Admiral Sir Richard Collinson, K.C.B. pp. xxvi.
376. 2 Maps. I Illus. Index. Issued for 1867.
39— The Philippine Islands,
Moluccas, Siam, Cambodia, Japan, and China, at the close of the i6th Century.
By Antonio de Morga, 1609, Translated from the Spanish, with Notes &
a Preface, and a Letter from Luis Vaez de Torres, describing his Voyage
through the Torres Straits, by Lord Stanley of Alderley. pp. xxiv. 431.
2 Illus. Index. Issued for 1868.
40— The Fifth Letter of Hernan Cortes
To the Emperor Charles V., containing an Account of his Expedition to
Honduras in 1525-26. Translated from the original Spanish by Don
Pascual de Gayangos. pp. xvi. 156. Index. Issued for 1868.
41— The Royal Commentaries of the Yncas.
By the Ynca Garcilasso de la Vega. Translated and Edited, with Notes
& an Introduction, by Sir Clements R. Markham, K.C.B. F.R.S.,
ex-Pres. R.G.S. Vol. i. (Books I.-IV.) pp. xi. 359. i Map. Index.
(Vol. 2.= No. 45.) Issued for l%6g.
42— The Three Voyages of Vaseo da Gama,
And his Viceroyalty, from the Lendas da India of Caspar Correa ; accom-
panied by original documents. Translated from the Portuguese, with Notes
& an Introduction, by Lord Stanley of Alderley. pp. Ixxvii. 430.
xxxv. 3 Illus. Index. (Out of print.) Issued for i?)6^.
43— Select Letters of Chpistopher Columbus,
With other Original Documents relating to his Four Voyages to the New
World. Translated and Edited by RICHARD Henry Major, F.S.A.,
Keeper of Maps, British Museum, Sec. R.G.S. Second Edition, pp. iv. 142.
.3 Maps. I lUus. Index.
(First Edition = No. 2.) Issued for 1870,
44— History of the Imams and Seyyids of 'Om^,
By Salil-Ibn-Razik, from A.D. 661-1856. Translated from the original
Arabic, and Edited, with a continuation of the History down to 1870, by the
Rev. George Percy Badger, F. R.G.S. pp. cxxviii. 435. i Map. Biblio-
;graphy. Index. Issued for 1 870.
45— The Royal Commentaries of the Yneas.
By the Ynca Garcilasso de la Vega. Translated & Edited with Notes,
:an Introduction, & an Analytical Index, by SiR Clements R. Markham,
K.C.B., F.R.S., ex-Pres. R.G.S. Vol. II. (Books V.-IX.) pp. 553.
(Vol. I. = No. 41.) Issued for \%T I.
46— The Canarian,
Or Book of the Conquest and Conversion of the Canarians in the year 1402,
by Messire Jean de BiSthencgurt, Kt. Composed by Pierre Bontier and
Jean le Verrier. Translated and Edited by Richard Henry Major, F.S. A.,
Keeper of Maps, British Museum, Sec. R.G.S. pp. Iv. 229. i Map. 2 Illus.
Index. Issued for 1871.
47— Reports on the Discovery of Peru.
I. Report of Francisco de Xeres, Secretary to Francisco Pizarro. II. Report
of Miguel de Astete on the Expedition to Pachacamac. III. Letter of
Hernando Pizarro to the Royal Audience of Santo Domingo. IV. Report of
Pedro Sancho on the Partition of the Ransom of Atahuallpa. Translated and
Edited, with Notes & an Introduction, by SiR Clemenis R. Markham,
K.C.B., F.R.S., ex-Pres. R.G.S. pp. xxii. 143. i Map. Issued for 1872.
48— Narratives of the Rites and Laws of the Yneas.
Translated from the original Spanish MSS., & Edited, with Notes and an
Introduction, by Sir Clements R. Markham, K.C.B., F.R.S., ex-Pres.
K.G.S. pp. XX, 220. Index. Issued for 1872.
49— Travels to Tana and Persia,
By JoSAFA Barbaro and Ambrogio Contarini. Translated from the
Italian by William Thomas, Clerk of the Council to Edward VI., and by
E. A. Roy, and Edited, with an Introduction, by Lord Stanley of
Alderley. pp. xi. 175. Index. A Narrative of Italian Travels in Persia,
-in the Fifteenth and Sixteenth centuries. Translated and Edited by
'Charles Grey. pp. xvii. 231. Index. Issued for 1873,
50— The Voyages of the Venetian Brothers, Nieolo & Antonio Zeno,
To the Northern Seas in the Fourteenth century. Comprising the latest
known accounts of the Lost Colony of Greenland, & of the Northmen in
America before Colurnbus. Translated & Edited, with Notes and Introduc-
tion, by Richard Henry Major, F.S. A., Keeper of Maps, British
Museum, Sec. R.G.S. pp. ciii. 64. 2 Maps. Index. Issued for 1873.
51— The Captivity of Hans Stade of Hesse in 1547-55,
Among the Wild Tribes of Eastern Brazil. Translated by Albert Tootal,
■of Rio de Janiero, and annotated by SiR RiCHARD Francis Burton,
K.C.M.G. pp. xcvi. 169. Bibliography. Issued for 1874.
X
52— The First Voyage Round the World by Magellan. 1518-1521.
Translated from the Accounts of Pigafetta and other contemporary writers.
Accompanied by original Documents, with Notes & an Introduction, by LoRl>
Stanley of Alderley. pp. Ix. 257. xx. 2 Maps. 5 Illus. Index.
Issued for 1874.
53— The Commentaries of the Great Afonso Dalboquerque,
Second Viceroy of India, Translated from the Portuguese Edition of I774>
and Edited by Walter be Gray Birch, F.R.S.L., of the British Museum.-
Vol. I. pp. Ix. 256. 2 Maps. I Illus. (Index in No. 69.)
(Vol. 2 = No. 55. Vol. 3 = No. 62. Vol. 4 = No. 69.) Issued for 1875.
54— The Three Voyages of William Barents to the Arctic Regions, in 1594^
1595, & 1596.
By Gerrit de Veer. Edited, with an Introduction, by Lieut. Koolemans-
Beynen, of the Royal Netherlands Navy. Second Edition, pp. clxxiv. 289.
2 Maps. 12 Illus. Issued for 1876.
(First Edition = No. 13.)
55— The Commentaries of the Great Afonso Dalboquerque,
Second Viceroy of India. Translated from the Portuguese Edition of I774>
with Notes and an Introduction, by Walter de Gray Birch, F.R.S.L., of
the British Museum. Vol. 2. pp. cxxxiv. 242. 2 Maps 2 Illus. (Index in
No. 69.) Issued for 1875.
(Vol. i=No. 53. Vol. 3^ No. 62. Vol. 4 = No. 69.)
56— The Voyages of Sir James Lancaster, Knt., to the East Indies,
With Abstracts of Journals of Voyages to the East Indies, during the Seven-
teenth century, preserved in the India Oiifice, & the Voyage of Captain JOHN
Knight, 1606, to seek the North- West Passagt. Edited by Sir Clements
R. Markham, K.C.B., F R.S., ex-Pres. R.G.S. pp. xxii. 314 Index.
Issued for 1877.
57— The Hawkins' Voyages
During the reigns of Henry VIII, Queen Elizabeth, and James I. [Second
edition of No. i.] Edited by SiR Clements R. Markham, K.C.B., F.R.S.,
ex-Pres. R.G.S. pp. lii. 453. i Illus. Index. Issued for 1877.
(First Edition = No. i).
58— The Bondage and Travels of Johann Schiltberger, a Native of Bavaria,,
in Europe, Asia, & Africa.
From his capture at the battle of Nicopolis in 1396 to his escape and return
to Europe in 1427. Translated from the Heidelberg MS , Edited in 1859 by
Professor Karl Fr. Neumann, by Commander John Buchan 'I elfer,
K.N. ; F.S.A. With Notes by Professor P. Bkuun, & a Preface, Introduction,,
& Notes by the Translator & Editor. pp. xxxii. 263. i Map. Bibliography.
Index. Issued for 1878.
59— The Voyages and Works of John Davis the Navigator.
Edited by Admiral Sir Albert Hastings Markham, K.C.B.
pp. xcv. 392. 2 Map.s. 15 Illus. Bibliography. Index. Issued for xZ']^.
The Map ot the World, A.D. 1600.
Called by Shakspere " The New Map, with the Augmentation of the Indies."'
To illustrate the \'oyages of John Davis. Issued for 1878.
60-61— The Natural & Moral History of the Indies.
By Father Joseph de Acosta. Reprinted from the English Translated Edition
of Edward Grimston, 1604; and Edited by SiR Clements R. Markham,
K.C.B., F.R.S., ex-Pres. R.G.S. Vol. i, The Natural History Books, I.-IV.
pp. xlv. 295. Vol. 2, The Moral History Books, V.-VII. pp. xiii. 295-551.
Index. Issued for 1879.
Map of Peru.
To Illustrate Nos. 33, 41, 45, 0D, and 61. Issued for 1879.
62— The Commentaries of the Great Afonso Dalboquerque,
Second Viceroy of India. Translated from the Portua:uese Edition of I774»
with Notes & an Introduction, by Walter de Gray Birch, F.S.A., pf
the British Museum. Vol. 3. pp. xliv. 308. 3 Maps. 3 Illus. (Index in
No. 69.) Issued for 1880.
63-The Voyages of William Baffin, 1612-1622.
Edited, with Notes & an Introduction, by Sir Clements R. Markham,
KC.B., F.R.S., ex-Pres. R.G.S. pp. lix. 192. 8 Maps, i Illus. Index.
Issued for 1880.
64— Narrative of the Portuguese Embassy to Abyssinia
During the years 1520-1527. By Father FRANCISCO ALVAREZ. Translated
from the Portuguese & Edited, with Notes & an Introduction, by Lord
Stanley of Alderley. pp. xxvii. 416 Index. Issued for 1881.
65— The History of the Bermudas or Summer Islands.
Attributed to Captain Nathaniel Butler. Edited from a MS. in the
Sloane Collection, British Museum, by General Sir John HenRY Lefroy,
R.A., K.C.M.G., C.B., F.R.S. pp. xii. 327. i Map. 3 Illus. Glossary.
Index. Issued for 188 1.
66-67— The Diary of Richard Coeks,
Cape-Merchant in the English Factory in Japan, 1615-1622, with Corres-
pondence (Add. MSS. 31,300-1, British Museum). Edited by SiR Edward
Maunde Thompson, K.C.B., Director of the British Museum. Vol. I.
pp. liv. 349. Vol. 2, pp. 368. Index. Issued for 1882.
68— The Second Part of the Chronicle of Peru, 1532-1550
By Pedro de Cieza de Leon. 1554. Translated and Edited, with Notes
& an Introduction, by Sir Clements R. Markham, K.C.B , F.R.S.,
ex-Pres. R.G.S. pp. Ix. 247. Index. Issued for 1883.
(Vol. i = No. 33.)
69— The Commentaries of the Great Afonso Dalboquerque,
Second Viceroy of India. Translated from the Portuguese Edition of 1774,
with Notes & an Introduction, by Walter de Gray Birch, F.S.A., of the
British Museum. Vol. 4. pp. xxxv. 324. 2 Maps. 2 Illus. Index to the
4 vols. Issued for 1 883.
(Vol. i=No. 53. Vol. 2 = No. 55. Vol. 3 = No. 62.)
70-71— The Voyage of John Huyghen van Linschoten to the East Indies.
From the Old English Translation of 1598. The First Book, containing his
Description of the East. In Two Volumes, Edited, the First Volume, by
the late Arthur Coke Burnell, Ph.D., CLE., Madras C. S. ; the
Second Volume, by Pieter Anton Tiele, of Utrecht. Vol i. pp. Hi. 307.
Vol. 2. pp. XV. 341. Index. Issued for 1884.
Xll
72-73— Early Voyages and Travels to Russia and Persia,
By Anthony Jenkinson and other Englishmen, with some account of the
first Intercourse of the English with Russia and Central Asia by way of the
Caspian Sea. Edited by Edward Delmar Morgan, and Charles Henry
CooTE, of the British Museum. Vol. i. pp. clxii. 176. 2 Maps. 2 lUus.
Vol. 2. pp. 177-496. 2 Maps. I Illus. Index. Issued for 1885.
74-75— The Diary of William Hedges, Esq.,
Afterwards Sir William Hedges, during his Agency m Bengal ; as well as on
his Voyage out and Return Overland (1681-1687). Transcribed for the Press?,
with Introductory Notes, etc., by R. Barlow, and Illustrated by copious
Extracts from Unpublished Records, etc., by Col. Sir Henry Yule,
K.C.S.I., R.E., C.B., LL.D. Vol. i. The Diary, with Index, pp. xii. 265.
Vol. 2. Notices regarding Sir William Hedges, Documentary Memoirs of Job
Charnock, and other Biographical & Miscellaneous Illustrations of the time in
India, pp. ccclx. 287. 18 Illus. Issued for 1886.
(Vol. 3 = No. 78.)
76-77— The Voyage of Francois Pyrard, of Laval, to the East Indies,
The Maldives, the Moluccas and Brazil. Translated into English from the
Third French Edition of 1619, and Edited, with Notes, by Albert
Gray, K.C, assisted by Harry Charles Purvis Bell, Ceylon C. S.
Vol. 1. pp. Iviii. I Map. 11 Illus. Vol. 2. Part I. pp. xlvii. 287. 7 Illus.
(Vol. 2. Part II. =No. 80.) Issued for 1887.
78— The Diary of William Hedges, Esq.
Vol. 3. Documentary Contributions to a Biography of Thomas Pitt, Governor
of Fort St. George, with Collections on the Early History of the Company's
Settlement in Bengal, & on Early Charts and Topography of the Hugh River.
pp. cclxii. I Map. 8 Illus. Index to Vols. 2, 3. Issued for 1888.
(Vols. I, 2 = Nos. 74, 75.)
79— Traetatus de Globis, et eorum usu.
A Treatise descriptive of the Globes constructed by Emeiy Molyneux, and
PubUshed in 1592. By Robert Hues. Edited, with annotated Indices & an
Introduction, by Sir Clements K. Markham, K.C.B., F.R.S., ex-Pres.
R.G.S. To which is appended,
Sailing Directions for the Circumnavigation of England,
And for a Voyage to the Straits of Gibraltar. From a Fifteenth Century
MS. Edited, with an Account of the MS., by James Gaikdner, of the
Public Record Office ; with a Glossary by Edward Delmar Morgan.
pp. 1. 229. 37. I Illus. I Map. Issued for 1888.
80— The Voyage of Francois Pyrard, of Laval, to the East Indies, the
Maldives, the Moluccas, and Brazil.
Translated into English from the Third French Edition of 1619, and Edited,
with Notes, by Albert Gray, K.C, assisted by Harry Charles Purvis
Bell, Ceylon Civil Service. Vol 2. Pt. II. pp. xii. 289-572. 2 Maps. Index.
(Vol I. Vol. 2. Pt. I.=Nos. 76, 77.) Issued for 1889.
81— The Conquest of La Plata, 1535-1555.
I. — Voyage of Ulrich Schmidt to the Rivers La Plata and Paraguai, from
the original German edition, 1567. 11. The Commentaries of Alvar Nufiez
Cabeza de Vaca. From the original Spanish Edition, 1555. Translated,
with Notes and an Introduction, by H. E. Don Luis L. Dominguez,
Minister Plenipotentiary of the Argentine Republic, pp. xlvi. 282. i Map,
Bibliography. Index. Issued for 1889.
Xlll
82-83— The Voyage of Francois Leguat, of Bresse, 1690-98.
To Rodriguez, Mauritius, Java, and the Cape of Good Hope. Transcribed
from the First English Edition, 1708. Edited and Annotated by Capt. Samuel
Pasfield Oliver, (late) R.A. Vol i. pp. Ixxxviii. 137. i Illus. 6 Maps.
Bibliography. Vol. 2. pp. xviii. 433. 5 Illus. 5 Maps. Index,
Is sued for 1890.
84-85— The Travels of Pietro della Valle to India.
From the Old Ehglish Translation of 1664, by G. HAVERS. Edited, with
a Life of the Author, an Introduction & Notes by Edward Grey, late
Bengal C. S. Vol. i. pp. Ivi. 192. 2 Maps. 2 Illus. Bibliography. Vol. 2.
pp. xii. 193-456. Index. Issued for \%(ji.
86— The Journal of Christopher Columbus
During his First Voyage (1492-93), and Documents relating to the Voyages
of John Cabot and Gaspar Corte Real. Translated, with Notes & an
Introduction, by SiR Clements R. Markham, K.C.B., F.R.S., ex-Pres.
R.G.S. pp. liv. 259. 3 Maps. I Illus. Index. Issued for 1892.
87— Early Voyages and Travels in the Levant.
I. — The Diary of Master Thomas Dallam, 1599-1600. II. — Extracts from
the Diaries of Dr. John Covel, 1670-1679. With some Account of the
Levant Company of Turkey Merchants. Edited by James Theodore Bent,
F.S.A., F.R.G.S. pp. xlv. 305. Illus. Index.
Issued for 1892.
88-89— The Voyages of Captain Luke Foxe, of Hull, and Captain Thomas
James, of Bristol,
In Search of a N.-W. Passage, 1631-32 ; with Narratives of the Earlier
North-West Voyages of Frobisher, Davis, Weymouth, Hall, Knight, Hudson,
Button, Gibbons, Bylot, Baffin, Hawkridge, & others. Edited, with Notes &
an Introduction, by Robert Miller Christy, F.L.S. Vol. i. pp. ccxxxi.
259. 2 Maps. 2 Illus. Vol. 2. pp. viii. 261-681. 3 Maps. I Illus. Index.
Issued for 1893.
90— The Letters of Amerigo Vespucci
And other Documents illustrative of his Career. Translated, with Notes &
an Introduction, by SiR Clements R. Markham, K.C.B., F.R.S., ex-Pres.
R.G.S. pp. xliv. 121. I Map. Index.
Issued for 1894.
91— Narratives of the Voyages of Pedro Sarmiento de Gamboa to the
Straits of Magellan, 1579-80.
Translated and Edited, with Illustrative Documents and Introduction, by
Sir Clements R. Markham, K.C.B., F.R.S., ex-Pres. R.G.S. pp. xxx.
401. I Map. Index.
Issued for 1894,
92-93-94— The History and Description of Africa,
And of the Notable Things Therein Contained. Written by Al- Hassan Ibn-
Mohammed Al-Wezaz Al-Fasi, a Moor, baptized as Giovanni Leone, but
better known as Leo Africanus. Done into English in the year 1600 by
John Pory, and now edited with an Introduction & Notes, by Dr. Robert
Brown. In 3 Vols. Vol. i. pp. viii. cxi. 224. 4 Maps. Vol. 2. pp. 225-698.
Vol. 3. pp. 699-1119. Index.
Issued for 1 895.
XIV
95— The Chronicle of the Diseovepy and Conquest of Guinea.
Written by Gomes Eannes de Azurara. Now first done into English
and Edited by Charles Raymond Beazley, M.A., F.R.G.S., and Edgar
Prestage, B.A. Vol. I. (Ch. i. — xl.) With Introduction on the Life &
Writings of the Chronicler, pp. Ixvii. 127. 3 Maps. I Illus.
(Vol. 2 = No. 100.) Isstied for 1896.
96-97— Danish Apctic Expeditions, 1605 to 1620. In Two Books.
Book I. The Danish Expeditions to Greenland, 1605-07; to which is added
Captain James Hall's Voyage to Greenland in 1612. Edited by Christian
Carl August Gosch. pp. xvi. cxvii. 205. 10 Maps. Index.
Issued for 1896.
Eook 2. The Expedition of Captain Jens Munk to Hudson's Bay in search
of a North- West Passage in 1619-20. Edited by Christian Carl August
Gosch. pp. cxviii. 187. 4 Maps. 2 Illus. Index. Issued for 1897.
98— The Topogpaphia Christiana of Cosmas Indicopleustes, an
Egyptian Monk.
Translated from the Greek and Edited by John Watson McCrindle, LL.D.,
M.R.A.S. pp. xii. xxvii. 398. 4 Illus. Index. Issued J or 1897.
99— A Journal of the First Voyage of Vaseo da Gama, 1497-1499.
By an unknown writer. Translated from the Portuguese, with an Intro-
duction and Notes, by Ernest George Ravenstein, F.R.G.S. pp. xxxvi.
250. 8 Maps. 23 Illus. Index. Issued for 1898.
100— The Chronicle of the Diseovepy and Conquest of Guinea.
Written by Gomes Eannes de Azurara. Now first done into English and
Edited by Charles Raymond Beazley, M.A., F.R.G.S., and Edgar
Prestage, B.A. Vol. 2. (Ch. xli. — xcvii.) With an Introduction on the
Early History of African Exploration, Cartography, &c. pp. cl. 362. 3 Maps.
2 Illus. Index. Issued fur 1898.
(Vol. i=No. 95.)
XV
WORKS ALREADY ISSUED.
SECOND SERIES, 1899, etc.
1-2— The Embassy of Sir Thomas Roe to the Court of the Great Mogul,
1615-19.
Edited from Contemporary Records by William Foster, B.A., of the
India Office. 2 vols. Portrait, 2 Maps, & 6 Illus. Index.
{Out of print.) Issued for l?>gg.
3— The Voyage of Sir Robert Dudley to the West Indies and
Guiana In 1594.
Edited by George Frederic Warner, Litt.D., F.S.A., Keeper of
Manuscripts, British Museum. pp. Ixvi. 104. Portrait, Map, & i Illus.
Index. Issued for 1899.
4— The Journeys of William of Rubruek and John of Plan de Carpine
To Tartary in the 13th century. Translated and Edited by H. E. the Hon.
Wm. Woodville Rockhill. pp. Ivi. 304. Bibliography. Index.
( Out of print. ) Issued for i goo.
5— The Voyage of Captain John Saris to Japan in 1613.
Edited by H. E. Sir Ernest Mason Satow, G.C.M.G. pp. Ixxxvii. 242.
Map, & 5 Illus. Index. Issued for 1900.
6— The Strange Adventures of Andrew Battell of Leigh in Essex.
Edited by Ernest George Ravenstein, F.R.G.S. pp. xx. 210. 2 Maps.
Bibliography. Index. Issued for 1900.
7-8 -The Voyage of Mendana to the Solomon Islands in 1568.
Edited by the Lord Amherst of Hackney and Basil Thomson. 2 vols.
5 Maps, & 33 Illus. Index. {Out of print.) Issued for 1901.
9— The Journey of Pedro Teixeira from India to Italy by land, 1604-05;
With his Chronicle of the Kings of Ormus. Translated and Edited by William
Frederic Sinclair, late Bombay C. S., with additional Notes, &c., by
Donald William Ferguson, pp. cvii. 292. Index.
( Out of print. ) Issued for i go i .
10— The Portuguese Expedition to Abyssinia in 1541, as narrated by
Castanhoso and Bermudez. Edited by Richard Stephen Whiteway,
late I.C.S. With a Bibliography, by Basil H. Soulsby, F.S.A., Super-
intendent of the Map Department, British Museum, pp. cxxxii. 296. Map, &
2 Illus. Bibliography. Index. {Out of print.) Issued for igo2.
11— Early Dutch and English Voyages to Spitzbergen in the Seventeenth
Century,
Including Hessel Gerritsz. " Histoire du Pays nomme Spitsberghe," 1613,
translated into English, for the first time, by Basil H. Soulsby, F.S.A.', of
the British Museum : and Jacob Segersz. van der Brugge, " Journael of Dagh
Register," Amsterdam, 1634, translated into English, for the first time, by
J. A. J. DE Villiers, of the British Museum. Edited, with introductions
and notes by Sir Martin Conway, pp. xvi. 191. 3 Maps, & 3 Illus.
Bibliography. Index. Issued for 1902.
12— The Countries round the Bay of Bengal.
Edited, from an unpublished MS., i669-7g, by Thomas Bowrey, by Col. Sir
Richard Carnac Temple, Bart., CLE. pp. Ivi. 387. ig Illus. & i Chart.
Bibliography. Index. Issued for igo3.
13— The Voyage of Captain Don Felipe Gonzalez
in the Ship of the Line San Lorenzo, with the Frigate Santa Rosalia in
company, to Easter Island, in 1770-1771. Preceded by an Extract from
Mynheer Jacob Roggeveen's Official Log of his Discovery of and Visit to
XVI
Easter Island in 1722. Translated, Annotated, and Edited by BoLTON"
Glanvill Corney, Companion of the Imperial Service Order. With a
Preface by Admiral Sir Cyprian Bridge, G.C.B. 3 Maps & 4 lUus.
Bibliography. Index, pp. Ixxvii. 176. Issued for \()0T,.
14, 15— The Voyages of Pedro Fernandez de Quiros, 1595 to 1606.
Translated and Edited by Sir Clements Markham, K.C.B., Pres. R.G.S.,
President of the Hakluyt Society. With a Note on the Cartography of the
Southern Continent, and a Bibliography, by Basil H. Soulsby, F.S.A.,
Superintendent of the Map Department, British Museum. 2 vols. 3 Maps.
Bibliography. Index. Issued for 1904.
16— John Joupdain's Journal of a Voyage to the East Indies, 1608-1617.
(Sloane MS. 858, British Museum). Edited by William Foster, B.A.,.
of the India Office, pp. Ixxxii. 394. With Appendices, A — F, and a Biblio-
graphy, by Basil H. Soulsby, F.S.A. 4 Maps. Index. Issued for 1905.
17— The Travels of Peter Mundy in Europe and Asia, 1608-1667.
(Bodleian Librarj'. Rawl. MSS. A. 315.) Vol. I. Travels in Europe,
1608-1628. Edited by Lieut.-Col. SiR Richard Carnac Temple, Bart.,
CLE., Editor of " A Geographical Account of Countries round the Bay of
Bengal." 3 Maps & 3 Illus. With a Bibliography, alphabetically arranged.
Index, pp. Ixiii. 284. Isstied for i^O'^.
18— East and West Indian Mirror.
By JORis van Speilbergen. An Account of his Voyage Round the World
in the years 1614 to 1617, including the Australian Navigations of Jacob le
Mai re. Translated from the Dutch edition, " Oost ende West-Indische
Spiegel, &c.," Nicolaes van Geelkercktn : Leyden, 1619, with Notes and an
Introduction, by John A. J. de Villiers, of the British Museum. With a
Bibliography & Index by Basil H. Soulsby, F.S.A. 26 Illus. & Maps.
Index, pp. Ixi. 272. Issued for 1906.
19, 20.— A New Account of East India and Persia.
In eight Letters, being Nine Years' Travels, begun 1672, and finished 1681.
By John Fryer, M.D., Cantabrig., and Fellow of the Royal Society.
Printed by R. R. for Ri. Chiswell ; at the Rose and Crown in St. Paul's
Churchyard, London, i6g8. Fol. Edited, with Notes and an Introduction,
by William Crooke, B.A., Bengal Civil Service (retired), Editor of
" Hobson Jobson," &c., &c. Vol. i-ii. (Vol. i) Map & 6 Illus. pp. xxxviii.
353; (Vol. II) Map. pp. 371. Issued for 1909 and 1912.
21— The Guanehes of Tenerife, The Holy Image of Our Lady of Candelaria.
With the Spanish Conquest and Settlement. By the Friar Alonso de
Espinosa, of the Order of Preachers. 1594. Translated and Edited, with
Notes and an Introduction, by SiR Clements Markham, K.C.B., President of
the Hakluyt Society. With a Bibliography of the Canary Islands, A.D. 1341-
1907, chronologically arranged, with the British Museum press-marks, and an
alphabetical list of authors, editors, and titles. 2 Maps, by SiR Clements
Markham, and 4 Illus. Index, pp. xxvi. 221. Issued for 1907.
22— History of the Incas.
By Pedro Sarmiento de Gamboa. 1572. From the MS. sent to
King Philip II. of Spain, and now in the Gottingen University Library.
And The Execution of the Inca Tupac Amaru. 1571. By Captain
Baltasar de Ocampo. 1610. (British Museum Add. MSS. 17, 585.)
Translated and Edited, with Notes and an Introduction, by Sir Clements
Markham, K.C.B. 2 Maps and 10 Illus. Index, pp. xxii. 395.
Supplement. A Narrative of the Vice- Regal Embassy to Vilcabambal
1571, and of the Execution of the Inca Tupac Amaru, Dec. 1571. By Friar
Gabriel de Oviedo, of Cuzco, 1573. Translated by Sir Clements
Markham, K.C.B. Index, pp. 397-412. Issued for 1907.
^
XVll
23, 24, 25— Conquest of New Spain.
The True History of the Conquest of New Spain. By Bernal DIaz ,
DEL Castillo, one of its Conquerors. From the only exact copy made of the
Original Manuscript. Edited arid published in Mexico, by Genaro Garcia, ,
1904. Translated into English, with Introduction and Notes, by Alfred
Percival Mauds lav, M.A., Hon. Professor of Archaeology, National
Museum, Mexico. Vols, i-ili. (Vol. i) pp. Ixv. 396. 3 Maps. 15 Illus. ;
{Vol. II) pp. xvi. 343. Map and 13 Panoramas and Illus. ; (Vol. iii) pp. 38.
8 Maps and Plans in 12 sheets. Issued/or 1908 and 19 10.
(Vol. IV = No. 30.)
26, 27.— Storm van's Gravesande.
The Rise of British Guiana, compiled from his despatches, bv C. A. Harris,
C.B., C.M.G., Chief Clerk, Colonial Office, and J. A. j. de Villiers,
■of the British Museum. 2 vols. pp. 372, 373-703. 3 Maps. 5 Illus.
Issued for 191 1.
28.— Magellan's Strait.
Early Spanish Voyages, edited, with Notes and Introduction, by Sir Clements
R. Markham, K.C.B. pp. viii. 288. 3 Maps. 9 Illus. Issued for 1911.
29.— Book of the Knowledge.
Book of the Knowledge of all the Kingdoms, Lands and Lordships that are in
the World. . . . Written by a Spanish Franciscan in the Middle of the
XIV Century ; published for the first time, with Notes, by Marcos Jimenez
DE la Espada. Translated and Edited by Sir Clements Markham,
K.C.B. With 20 Coloured Plates, pp. xiii. 85. Issued for 19 12.
30.— Conquest of New Spain.
The True History of the Conquest of New Spain. By Bernal Diaz del
Castillo. . . . Edited by Genaro Garcia. Translated, with Notes, by
Alfred P. Maudslay, M.A., Hon. Professor of Archaeology. Vol. iv..
pp. xiv. 395. 3 Maps and Plan. 3 Illus. Issued for 1912.
(Vols. l-iii = Nos. 23-25.)
31.— The War of Quito.
The War of Quito, by Cieza de Leon. Translated and Edited by Sir
Clements Markham, K.C.B. pp. xii. 212. Issued for 1913.
32.— The Quest and Occupation of Tahiti.
The Quest and Occupation of Tahiti by Emissaries of Spain during the years
1772- 1 776. Compiled, with Notes and an Introduction, by B. Glanvill
Corney, I.S.O. Vol. I. pp. Ixxxviii. 363. 3 Charts, 8 Plans and Illus.
Issued for 19 13.
33.— Cathay and the Way Thither.
Cathay and the Way Thither. Being a Collection of Mediaeval Notices of
China, Translated and Edited by Colonel Sir Henry Yule, K.C.S.I.,
R.E. , C.B. New Edition, revised throughout by Professor Henri Cordier,
•de rinstitut de France. Vol. 11. pp. xii. 367. Map & 6 Illus. Issued for 1913.
34— New Light on Drake.
New Light on Drake. Spanish and Portuguese Documents relating to the
Circumnavigation Voyage. Discovered, translated, and annotated by Mrs.
Zelia Nuttall. pp. Ivi, 443. 3 Maps and 14 Illus. Issued for 1914*
35— The Travels of Peter Mundy.
The Travels of Peter Mundy in Europe and Asia, 1608- 1667. Edited by
Sir Richard Carnac Temple, Bart., CLE. Vol. 11. pp. Ixxix. 437.
2 Maps and 29 Illus. Issued for 1914.
37— Cathay and the Way Thither.
Cathay and the Way Thither. Being a Collection of Mediaeval Notices of
China previous to the XVIth century. Translated and edited by Colonel
Sir Henry Yule, K.C.S.I., R.E., C.B. A new edition by Professor
Henri Cordier, de I'lnstitut de France. Vol. iii. pp. xv. 270. Map and
Portrait. Is sued for 19 14.
B
XVlll
EXTRA SERIES.
1-12— The Ppinelpal Navigations, Voyages, Tpafflques, & Discoveries of the
English Nation,
Made by Sea or Over-land to the remote and farthest distant quarters of the
earth at any time within the compasse of these 1600 yeeres. By Richard
Hakluyt, Preacher, and sometime Student of Christ Church in Oxford.
With an Essay on the English Voyages of the Sixteenth Century, by
Walter Raleigh, Professor of the English Language in the University of
Oxford. Index by Madame Marie Michon and Miss Elizabeth Carmont.
12 vols. James MacLehose & Sons : Glasgow, 1903-5. {Out of print.)
13— The Texts & Versions of John de Piano Carpini and William de
Rubruquis.
As printed for the first time by Hakluyt in 1598, together with some shorter
pieces. Edited by Charles Raymond Beazley, M.A., F.R.G.S.
pp. XX. 345. Index. University Press : Cambridge, 1903. ( Out of print.)
14-33— Hakluytus Posthumus op Pupehas His Pilgrimes.
Contayning a History of the World in Sea Voyages and Lande Travails by
Englishmen and others. By Samuel Purchas, B.D. 20 vols. Maps &
Illus, With an Index by Madame Marie Mtchon. fames MacLehose and
Sons : Glasgow, 1905-7.
THE ISSUES FOR 1915 WILL BE:
SERIES IL
Vol. 36.— The Quest and Occupation of Tahiti. Edited by B. Glanvill
Corney, I.S.O. Vol. II.
Vol. 38. — Cathay and the Way Thither. Being a collection of mediseval
notices of China previous to the XVIth century. Translated and
edited by Colonel Sir Henry Yule, K.C.S.I., R.E., C.B. A new
edition by Professor Henri Cordier, de I'lnstitut de France. Vol. I.
Vol. 39. — A New Account of East India and Persia. In eight Letters,
being Nine Years' Travels, begun 1672, and finished 1681. By John
Fryer, M.D. Edited, with Notes and an Introduction, by William
Crooke, B.A., Bengal Civil Service (retired). Vol. Ill and last.
OTHER VOLUMES IN ACTIVE PREPARATION ARE:
The True History of the Conquest of New Spain. By Bernal Diaz del
Castillo. Translated, with Notes, by A. P. Maudslay. Vol. V and
last. [/« Press.
Cathay and the Way Thither. New edition. Vol. IV and last. [/« Press.
William Lockerby's Journal in Fiji, 1808. Edited by Sir Everard F. IM
Thurn, K.C.M.G., C.B., and L. C. Wharton, B.A.
Jons Olafssonar Indiafara. An English Translation by Miss Bertha Phill
potts. Edited by Sir R. C. Temple, Bart., CLE. Two Vols.
A Description of the Coasts of East Africa and Malabar in the beginning of
the Sixteenth Century, by Duarte Barbosa, a Portuguese. A new
translation by Mr. Longworth Dames.
The Travels of Peter Mundy in Europe and Asia, 1608- 1667. Edited by
. Sir Richard Carnac Temple, Bart., CLE. Vol. Ill and last.
XIX
INDEX
TO THE FIRST AND SECOND SERIES OF THE SOCIETY'S
PUBLICATIONS, 1847-1913.
Abd-er-Kazzak, i. 22
Abyssinia, i. 32, 64 ; ii. 10
Acosta, Joseph de, i. 60, 61
Acuna, Cristoval de, i. 24 ; ii. 22
Adams, Will., i. 8, 66, 67 ; ii. 5
Africa, i. 21, 58, 82, 83, 92-94, 95, 100
Africa, East, i. 32, 35, 64 ; ii. 10
Africa, West, ii. 6
Aguirre, Lope de, i. 28, 47
Alaminos Auton de, ii. 23
Albuquerque, Affonso de, i. 53, 55,
62, 69
Alcock, Thomas, i. 72, 73
Alessandri, Vincentio d', i. 49
Al Hassan Ibn Muhammad. See Hasan
Alvarado, Pedro de. ii. 23
Alvarez, Francisco, i. 64
Alvo, Francisco, i. 52
Amapaia, i. 3
Amat y Junient, Manuel de. Viceroy
of Peru, ii. 13
Amazon, L 24
America, Central, i. 40
America, North, i. 2, 4, 6, 7, 9, 11,
18, 21, 23, 43, 50, 65, 96, 97
America, South, i. 3, 21, 24, 28, 33,
34, 41, 43, 45, 47, 51, 60, 61, 68,
76, 77, 80, 81, 91 ; ii, 3, 13, 14, 15, 22
Amherst of Hackney, Lord, ii. 7, 8
Andagoya, Pascual de, i. 34 ; ii. 22
Andrew, Bishop of Zayton, i. 36 ; ii. 37
Angiolello, Giovanni Maria, i. 49
Angola, ii. 6
Aquines, Juan. See Hawkins, Sir John.
Arabia, i. 32 ; ii. 16
Arctic Regions, i. 13, 54, 88, 89, 96, 97
Arias, Dr. Juan Luis, i. 25 ; ii. 14, 15
Arias d'Avila, Pedro, i. 21, 34, 47 ;
ii. 22, 23
Arriaga y Rivera, Julian de, ii. 13
Arromaia, i. 3
Asher, George Michael, i. 27
Asia, i. 5, 8, 13-15, 17, 19, 22, 26,
35-39, 42, 44, 49, 53-55, 58, 62, 66,
67, 69-78, 80, 82, 83, 87; ii. 1, 2, 4,
5,12, ;6, 17,35
Astete, Miguel de, i. 47 ; ii, 22, 35
Atahualpa, i, 47, 68 ; ii. 22
Australasia, i. 25 ; ii. 7, 8, 14, 15, 18
Avila, Francisco de, i, 48 ; ii. 22
Avila, Pedro Arias d'. See Arias
d'Avila.
Azov, i. 49
Azurara, Gomes Eannes de. See
Eannes,
Badger, George Percy, i, 32, 44
Baffin, William, i. 5, 63, 88, 89
Balak, John, i. 13, 54
Bantam, i, 19
Barbaro, Giosafat, i, 49
Barbosa, Duarte, i. 35, 52
Barcelona MSS,, i, 35
Bardsen, Ivar, i, 50
Barentsz., William, i. 13, 27, 54
Barker, Edmund, i. 56
Barlow, R., i. 74, 75, 78
Barrow, John, F.R.S., i. 11
Battell, Andrew, ii. 6
Beazley, Charles Raymond, i, 95, 100;
Extra Ser. 13
Behrens, Carl Friedrich, ii. 13
Bake, Charles Tilstone, i. 13, 54
Bell, Harry Charles Purvis, i. 76, 77, 80
Belmonte y Bermudez, Luis de ii,
14, 15
Bengal, i, 37, 74, 75, 78 ; ii, 12
Bent, James Theodore, i. 87
Benzoni, Girolamo, i. 21
Bermudas, i, 65, 86
Bermudez, Joao, ii. 10
Beste, George, i, 38
B^thencourt, Jean de, i, 46 ; ii. 21
Bethune, Charles Ramsay Drinkwater,
i, 1, 30
Beynen, Koolemans, i. 54
Biedma, Luis Hernandez de, i. 9
Bilot, Robert, i, 88, 89
Birch, Walter de Gray, i 53, 55, 62, 69
Bollaert, William, i, 28
Bond, Sir Edward Augustus, K,C,B,,
i, 20
Bontier, Pierre, i. 46 ; ii. 21
Boty, Iver, i. 13
Bowrey, Thomas, ii. 12
Bracciolini, Poggio, i. 22
Brazil,!. 51, 76,^77, 80
Bridge, Admiral Sir Cyprian Arthur
George, G.C.B., ii. 13
British Guiana, ii. 26, 27
British Museum MSS., i. 2, 4, 5, 6, 8,
16, 20, 25, 38, 52, 53, 55, 62, 65-67,
69 ; ii. 13, 16, 22
Brown, Dr. Robert, i. 92-94
Brugge, Jacob Segersz. van der. See
Segersz., Jacob
Bruun, Philip, i. 58
Burnell, Arthur Coke, C.I.E., i. 70, 71
Burre, Walter, i. 19
Burrough, Christopher, i. 72, 73
Burrough, William, i. 72,. 73
Burton, Sir Richard Francis,
K.C.M.G., i. 51
Butler, Nathaniel, i. 65, 86
Button, Sir Thomas, i. 5, 88, 89
Bylot, Robert, i. 5, 63, 88, 89
Cabe9a de Vaca, Alvar Nunez. See
Nunez Cabe9a de Vaca.
Cabot, John, i. 86
Cabot, Sebastian, i. 5, 12
Cambodia, i. 39
Canarian, The, i. 46 ; ii. 21
Canary Islands, i. 21, 46 ; ii. 21
Candelaria, Our Lady of, ii. 21
Cape of Good Hope, i. 22, 36, 37, 82, 83
Carmont, Elizabeth, Extra Ser. 12
Carpino Joannes, de Piano. See
Joannes.
Caspian Sea, i. 72, 73
Cassano, Ussan, i. 49
Castanhoso, Miguel de, ii. 10
Castilla del Oro, i. 34, 47
Cathay, i. 5, 13, 36-38, 54; ii. 19, 20,33
Champlain, Samuel, i. 23
Chanca, Dr., i. 2, 43
Charles V., Emperor,!. 40, 47 ; ii. 22,
23, 24
Charnock, Job, i. 74, 75, 78
Cheinie, Richard, !. 72, 73
China, i. 5. 13-15, 17, 36, 37, 39, 54 ; ii.
19, 20 ; ii. 33, 37
Christy, Robert Miller, i. 88, 89
Cieza de Leon, Pedro de, i. 33, 68 ; ii. 22,
31
Cinnamon, Land of, i. 24
Clavigo, Ruy Gonzalez de. See Gon-
zalez de Clavigo.
Cliffe, Edward, i. 16
Clifford, George, i. 59
Coats, William, i. 11
Cocks, Richard, i. 8, 66, 67
Cogswell, Joseph G., i. 27
CoUinson, Sir Richard, K.C.B., i. 38
Columbus, Christopher :
Journal, i. 86
Letters, i. 2, 43
Congo, ii. 6
Contarini, Ambrogio, i. 49
Conti, Nicol6, i. 22
Conway, Sir William Martin, ii. 11
Cooley, WUliam Desborough, i. 4
Cook, Captain James, i. 25
Coote,Charles Henry, i. 72, 73
Cordier, Henri, ii. 33
Corney, Bolton, i. 19
Corney, Bolton Glanvill, LS.O.,ii. 13,
32, 36
Correa, Caspar, i. 42 . ,
Corte Real, Caspar, i. 86
Cortes, Hernando, i., 21, 40 ; ii. 23,
24, 25
Cosmas Indicopleustes, i. 98 ,
Covel, John.i. 87
Crosse, Ralph, i. 56
Crooke, William, ii. 19, 20
Cumberland, Earl of, i. 59
Cuzco, i. 47,; ii. 22
Dalboquerque, Afonso. See .Albu-
querque.
Dallam, Thomas, i. 87
Dalrymple, Alexander, i. 25; ii. 14,15
Dampier, William, i. 25
Danish Arctic Expeditions, i. 96, 97
Darien, Gulf of, i. 33
Dati, Giulianp, i. 2, 43
Davila, Pedrarias. See Arias d'Avila.
Davis, Edward, ii. 13
Davis, John, i. 5, 59, 88, 89
De Villiers, John Abraham Jacob,
■ ii.' 11, 18, 26, 27
Diaz, Juan, Clerigo, ii. 23
Diaz del Castillo, Bernal, ii. 23, 24, 25,
30
Digges, Sir Dudley, i. 63
Dominguez, Don Luis L., i. 81
Donck, Adrian van der, i. 27
Dorado, El, i. 3, 28 ; ii. 26, 27
Doughty, Thomas, i. 1 6
Downton, Nicholas, i. 56
Drake, Sir Francis, i. 4, 16 ; ii. 34
Drake, Sir Francis, the Younger, i. 16
Drake, John, ii. 34
Dryandri, Joh., i. 51
Ducket, Jeffrey, i. 72, 73
Dudley. Sir Robert, ii. 3
Dutch Voyages, i. 13 ; ii. 11, 13, 18
East India, ii. 19, 20
East India Company, i. 5, 19
East Indies. See India.
Easter Island, ii. 13
Eannes, Gomes, de Zurara, i. 95, 100
XXI
EgertonMSS.,ii. 13
Eden, Eichard, i. 12
Edwards, Arthur, i. 72, 73
Egypt, i. 32
El Dorado, i. 3, 28 ; ii. 26, 27
Ellesmere, Earl of, i. 17
Elvas, Gentleman of, i. 9
Emeria, i. 3
England, Circumnavigation of, i. 79
Engronelanda, i. 50
Enriquez de Guzman, Alonzo, i. 29
Eslanda, i. 50 '
Espinosa, Alonso de, ii. 21
Estotilanda, i. 50
Ethiopia. See Abyssinia.
Europe, i. 10, 12, 13, 18, 20. 49, 54,
58, 64, 72, 73, 79 ; ii. 9, 11, 17
Ferguson, Donald William, ii. 9
Fernandez de Quiroa, Pedro de. See
Quiros
Figueroa, Christoval Suarez de. See
Suarez de Figueroa.
Fletcher, Francis, i. 16
Fletcher, Giles, i. 20
Florida, i. 7, 9
Fort St. George, i. 74, 75, /8
Foster. William, B.A., ii. 1, 2, 16
Fotherby, Eobert, i. 63
Fox, Luke, i. 5, 88, 89
Foxe, Luke. See Fox.
Frisian da, i. 50
Frobisher, Sir Martin, i. 5, 38, 88, 89
Fryer, John, ii. 19, 20
Furnace, H.M.S., i. 11
Gairdner. James, i. 79
Galvao, Antonio, i. 30
Gama, Christovao da, ii. 10
Gama, Vascoda, i. 42, 99
Gamboa, Pedro Sarmiento de. See
Sarmiento de Gamboa.
Garcia, Genaro, ii. 23, 24, 25, 30
Garcilasso de la Vega, el Inca, i. 24,
41, 45; ii. 22
Gastaldi, Jacopo, i. 12
Gatonbe. John, i. 63
Gayangos, Pascual de, i. 40 ; ii. 22
Gerritsz., Hessel, i. 27, 54 ; ii. 11
Gibbons, William, i. 5. 88. 89
Gibraltar, Straits of, i. 79
Globes, i. 79
God's Power & Providence, i. 18
Goes, Benedict, i. 36, 37
Gonzalez de Clavijo. Ruy, i. 26; ii. 21
Gonzalez y Haedo, Felipe, ii. 13
Gosch. Christian Carl August, i. 96, 97
Gray, Albert, K.C , i. 76, 77, 80
Great Mogul, ii.l, 2
Greenland, i. 18, 50, 96, 97
Grey, Charles, i. 49
Grey, Edward, i. 84, 85
Grijalva, Juan de, ii. 23
Grimston, Edward. See Grimstone.
Grimstone, Edward, i. 60, 61
Guanches, ii. 21
Guiana, i. 3 ; ii. 3
Guinea, i. 95, 100 ; ii. 6
Hackit, Thomas, i. 7
Hakluyt, Richard :
Divers Voyages, i. 7
Galvano, i. 30
Principall Navigations, i. 16, 20,
38, 59 ; Extra Ser. 1-12
Terra Florida, i. 9
Will of, i. 7
Hall, James, i. 5, 88, 89, 96, 97
Harleian MSS., i. 8
Harris, C. A., ii. 26, 27
Hasan Ibn Muhammad, al Wazzan, al
Fasi, i. 92-94
Havers, George, i. 84, 85
Hawkins, Sir. John, i. 1, 57
Hawkins, Sir Richard, i. 1, 57
Hawkins, William, i. 57
Hawkridge, William, i. 88, 89
Hedges, Sir William, i. 74, 75. 78
Heidelberg MS., i. 58
Herberstein, Sigismund von, i. 10, 12
Hernandez de Biedma, Luis, i. 9
Herrera, Antonio de, i. 24 ; ii. 22, 23
Herv^, Juan, ii. 13
Honduras, i. 40
Horsey, Sir Jerome, i. 20
Houtman's Abrolhos, i. 25
Howard, Eliot, ii. 12
Hudson, Henry, i. 13, 27, 88, 89
Hudson's Bay, i. 11, 96, 97
Hues, Robert, i. 79
Hugh River, i. 78 ; ii. 12
Ibn Batuta, i. 36, 37
Icaria, i. 50
Imams and Seyyids of 'Om§,n i. 44
Incas, i. 41, 45, 47, 48 ; ii. 22
Incas, Rites and Laws, i. 48 ; ii. 22
Incas, Roval Commentaries, i. 41,
45 ; ii. 22
India, i. 5, 22, 32, 38, 42, 53, 55, 56,
69, 62, 70, 71, 74-78, 80, 84, 85 ; ii.
1, 2, 9, 12, 16, 17
India Office MSS., i. 5, 56, 66, 67
Indian Language, Dictionarieof the, i. 6
Italy, ii. 9
James I., i. 19
James, Thomas, i. 5, 88, 89
Janes, John, i. 59
m, i. 8, 39, 66, 67 ; ii. 5
Java, i. 82,83
Jeannin, P., i. 27
Jeukinson, Anthony, i. 72, 73
Joannes, de Piano Carpino, ii. 4 ;
Extra Ser. 13
Jones, John Winter, i. 7, 22, 32
Jordanus [Catalan!], i. 31, 36 ; ii. 37
Jourdain, John, ii 16
Jovius, Paulus, i. 12
Juet, Robert, i. 27
Keeling, William, i. 56
Knight, John, i. 5, 56, 88, 89
Lambrechtsen, i. 27
Lancaster, Sir James, i. 56
La Peyrere, Isaac de, i. 18
La Plata, City, i. 'd-^
La Plata, River, i. 81
Lefroy, Sir John Henry, K.C.]\r.G.,
i. 65, 86
Leguat, Francois, i. 82, 83
Le Maire, Jacob, ii. 18
Lendas da India, i. 42
Leo Africanus, i. 92-94
Leone, Giovanni, i. 92-94
Leupe, P. A., i. 25
Levant, i. 87
Le Verrier, Jean, i. 46 ; ii. 21
Leza Caspar Gonzalez de, i. 39 ; ii.
14^ 15
Linschoten, Jan Huyghen van, i. 70 71
McCrindle, John Watson, i. 89
Madras, i. 74, 75, 78
Madrid MSS., i. 29
Magellan, Ferdinand, i. 52
Magellan, Straits of, i. 91 ; ii. 18
Major, Richard Henry, i 2, 6, 10, 12,
14, 15, 17, 22, 25, 43, 46, 50
Malay Archipelago, ii. 16, 18
Malabar, i. 35
Maldive Islands, i. 76, 77, 80
Maluco Islands. See Molucca Islands.
Manoa, i. 3
Marignolli, John de', i. 37 ; ii. 37
Markham, Sir Albert Hastings, K.C.B.,
i. 59
Markham. Sir ClementsRobertjK.C.B.,
i. 24, 26, 28, 29, 33, 34, 41, 56, 57,
60, 61, 63, 68, 79, 86, 90, 91 ; ii. 14,
15, 21, 22, 28, 29, 31
Martens, Friedrich, i. 18
Maudslav, Alfred Percival, ii. 23, 24,
25, 30'
Mauritius, i. 82, 83
Maynarde, Thomas, i. 4
Mendaiia de Neyra, Alvaro, i. 25, 39 ;
ii. 7, 8, 14, 15
Mendoza, Juan Gonzalez de, i. 14, Ifj
Mexico, i. 23 ; ii. 23, 24, 25, 30
Michon, Marie, Extra Ser., 12, 33
Middleton, Christopher, i. 11
Middleton, Sir Henry, i. 19, 56
Mirabilia Descripta, i. 31
Mogul, The Great, ii. 1, 2
Molucca Islands, i. 19, 39, 52, 76, 77,
80
Molyneux, Emery, i. 79
Montecorvino, John of, i. 36 ; ii. 37
Montezuma, i. 61 ; ii. 23, 24
Morga, Antonio de, i. 39 ; ii. 14, 15
Morgan, Henry, i, 59
Morgan, Edward Delmar, i. 72, 73,
79, 83, 86
Mundy, Peter, ii. 17, 35
Munk, Jens, i. 96, 97
Miinster, Sebastian, i. 12
Muscovy Company, i. 7, 63 ; ii. 11
Neumann, Karl Friedrich, i. 58
New Hebrides, ii. 14, 15
New Spain, ii. 23, 24, 25, 30
New World, i. 2, 43
Nicaragua, i. 34
Nicopolis, i. 68
Nikitin, Athanasius, i. 22
Nombre de Dios, i. 16
Norsemen in America, i. 2, 50
North- East Voyages, i. 13
North- West Passage, i. 5, 11, 38, 56,
88, 89, 96, 97
Northern Seas. i. 50
Nova Zembla, i. 13, 54
Nunez Cabeija de Vaca. Alvar, i. 81
Nuttall, Mrs. Zelia, ii. 34
Ocampo, Baltasar de, ii. 22
Odoric, Friar, i. 36 ; ii. 33
Ulaondo, Alberto, ii. 13
Olid, Cristuval de, ii. 23
Oliver, Samuel Pasfield, i. 82, 83
Omagua, i. 28
'Oman, i. 44
Ondegardo, Polo de, i. 48 ; ii. 22
Orellana. Francisco de, i. 24
Orleans, Pierre Joseph d', i. 17
Ormuz, Kirgs of, ii. 9
Oviedo, Gabriel de, ii. 22
Pachacamac, i. 47; ii. 22
Pacific Ocean, i. 1, 34, 57 ; ii. 13, 18
Paraguay, River, i. 81
Parke, Robert, i. 14, 15
Pascal of Vittoria, i. 36 ; ii. 37
Pegolotti, i. 37 ; ii. 37
Pellham, Edward, i. 18
Pelsart, Francis, i. 25
Pereira, Thomas, i. 17
Persia, i. 32, 49, 72. 73 ; ii. 19, 20 39
XXlll
Peru, i. 33, 34, 41, 45, 47, 60, 61 68 ;
ii. 22
Peru, Chronicle of, i. 33, 68
Philip, William, i. 13, 54
Philippine Islands, i. 39
Pigafetta, Antonio, i. 52
Pitt Diamond, i. 78
Pitt, Thomas, i. 74, 75, 78
Pizarro, Francisco, i. 21, 47 ; ii. 22
Pizarro, Gonzalo, i. 21, 24, 47 ; ii. 22
Pizarro, Hernando, i. 47 ; ii. 22
Pochahontas, i. 6
Pool, Gerrit Thomasz., i. 25
Portugal, i. 64 ; ii. 10
Pory, John.i. 92-94
Powhatan, i. 6
Prado y Tovar, Don Diego de,
ii. 14, 15
Prestage, Edgar, i. 95, 100
Prester John, i. 64 ; ii. 10
Pricket Abacuk, i. 27
Public Record Office MSS., i. 38
Puerto Rico. i. 4
Purchas, Samuel, i. 13, 56, 63 ; Extra
Ser. 14-33
Pyrard, Fran9ois, i. 76, 77, 80
Quatremere, i. 22
Quiros, Pedro Fernandez de, i. 25.
39 ; ii. 14, 15
Quito, The War of, ii. 31
Raleigh, Sir Walter, i. 3
Raleigh, Walter, Professor, Extra
Ser. 12
Ramusio, Giovanni Battista, i. 49, 52
Rashiduddin, i. 37 ; ii. 37
Ravenstein, Ernest George, i. 99 ;
ii. 6
Rawhnson MSS., ii. 17
Recueil de Voyages, i. 31
Remdn, Alonzo, ii. 23
Ribault, John, i. 7
Rockhill, William Woodville, ii. 4
Rodriguez, Island, i. 82, 83
Roe, Sir Thomas, ii. 1, 2
Roggeveen, Jacob, ii. 13
Roy, Eugene Armand, i. 49
Rubruquis, Gulielraus de, ii. 4 ; Ex-
tra Ser. 13
Ruudall, Thomas, i. 5, 8
Jlusse Commonwealth, i. 20
Russia, i. 10, 12, 20, 72, 73
Rye, William Brenchley, i. 9
Salil-Ibn-Ruzaik, i. 44
Samarcand, i. 26
Sauclio, Pedro, i. 47 ; ii. 22
Santo-Stefano, Hieronimo di, i. 22
Saris, John, i. 8 ; ii. 5
Sarmieuto de Gamboa, Pedro, i. 91 ;
ii. 22, 34
Satow, Sir Ernest Mason, G.C.M.G.,
ii. 5
Schiltberger, Johann, i. 58
Schmidel, Ulrich, i. 81
Schmidt, Ulrich. See Schmidel.
Schomburgk, Sir Robert Hermann,
i. 3
Schouten, Willem Cornelisz., ii. 18
Scory, Sir Edmund, ii. 21
Seaman's Secrets, i. 59
Segersz., Jacob, ii. 11
Sellman, Edward, i, 38
Shakspere's "New Map," i. 59
Sharpeigh, Alexander, i. 56
Shaw, Norton, i. 23
Siam, i. 39
Silva, Nuiio da. ii. 34
Simon, Pedro, i. 28
Sinclair, William Frederic, ii. 9
Sloane MSS.. i. 25, 65 ; ii'. 16
Smith, Capt. John, i. 65, 86
Smith, Sir Thomas, i. 19, 63, 65
Smyth, William Henry, i. 21
Solomon Islands, ii. 7, 8, 14, 15
Soltania, Archbishop of, i. 36 ; ii. 37
Somers, Sir George, i. 65
Soto, Ferdinando de, i. 9, 47
Soulsby, Basil Harrington, ii. 10, 11,
]4, 15, 16, 18
Sousa Tajvares, Francisco de, i. 30
South Sea . See Pacific Ocean.
Spanish MSS., i. 29, 48
Spanish Voyages, i. 25, 39 ; ii. 7, 8.
13, 14, 15
Speilbergen, Joris van, ii. 18
Spitsbergen, i. 13, 18, 54 ; ii. 11.
Staden, Johann von, i. 51
Stanley of Alderley, Lord, i. 35, 39,
42, 52, 64
Staunton, Sir George Thomas, Bart.,
i. 14,15
Stere, William, i. 13
Storm van 's Gravesande, ii. 26, 27
Strachey, William, i. 6
Suarez de Figueroa, Christoval, i. 57 ;
ii. 14, 15
Summer Islands, i. 65, 86
Syria, i. 32
Tabasco, ii. 23
Tahiti, ii. 13, 32, 36
Tamerlane, The Great, i. 26
Tana (Azov), i. 49
Tapia, Andres de, ii. 23
Tartary, i. 17 ; ii. 1, 2, 4
Tavares, Francisco de Sousa. See
Sousa Tavares, F. de.
Teixeira, Pedro, ii. 9
XXIV
Telfer, John Buchan, i. 58
Temple, Sir Richard Carnac, Bart.,
ii. 12, 17, 35
Tenerife. ii. 21
Terra AustraHs, i. 25
Terra Florida, i. 9
Thomas, William, i. 49
Thompson, Sir Edward Maunde,
K.C.B.,i. 66,67
Thpmson, Basil Home, ii. 7, 8
Thome, Robert, i. 7
Tibet, i. 36, 37 ; ii. 33
Tiele, Pieter Anton, i. 70, 71
Tierra Firme, i. 28, 34, 47
Timour, Great Khan, i. 26
Toledo, Francisco de, Viceroy of Peru,
ii. 22
Tootal, Albert, i. 51
Topograpkia Christiana, i. 98
Torquemada, Fray Juan de, ii. 14, 15
Torres, Luis Vaez de, i. 25, 39 ; ii. 14,
15
Toscanelli, Paolo, i. 86
Towerson, Gabriel, i. 19
Tractotus de Globis, i. 79
Transylvanus, Maximilianus, i. .t2
Tupac Amaru, Inca, ii. 22
Turbervile, George i. 10
Turkey Merchants, i. 87
Ursua, Pedro de, i. 28, 47
Valle, Pietro della, i. 84, 85
Varthema, Ludovico di, i. 19, 32
Vaux, William Sandys Wright, i. 16
Vaz, Lopez, i. 16
Veer, Gerrit de, i. 13, 54
Velasco, Don Luis de, ii. 34
Velasquez, Diego, ii. 23
Vei-a Cruz, ii. 23
Verarzanus, John, i. 7, 27
Verbiest, Ferdinand, i. 17
Vespucci, Amerigo, i. 90
Vilcapampa, ii. 22
Virginia Britannia, i. 6
Vivero y Velasco, Rodrigo de i. 8
Vlamingh, Willem de, i. 25
Volkersen, Samuel, i. 25
Warner, George Frederic, Litt.D., ii. 3
Weigates, Straits of, i. 13, 54
West Indies, i. 4, 23 ; ii. 3, 23
Weymouth, George, i. 5, 88, 89
White, Adam, i. 18
Whiteway, Richard Stephen, ii. 10
Wielhorsky, i. 22
William of Rubruck. See Rubruquis,
Gulielmus de
Wilmere, Alice, i. 23
Winter, John, i. 16
Witsen, Nicolaas, i. 17, 25
Wolstenholme, Sir John, i. 63, 88, 89
Worlde's Mydrographical Description,
i. 59
Wright, Edward, i. 59
Xeres, Francisco de, i. 47 ; ii. 22
Yncas. See Incas.
Yucatan, ii. 23
Yule, Sir Henry, K.C.S.L, i. 31 36,
37,74, 75, 78; ii. 19, 20, 33
Zarate, Don Francisco de, ii. 34
Zeno, Antonio, i. 50
Zeno, Caterino, i. 49
Zeno, Nicolo. i. 50
Zychman, i. 51
XXV
LAWS OF THE HAKLUYT SOCIETY.
I. The object of this Society shall be to print, for distribution among the
members, rare and valuable Voyages, Travels, Naval Expeditions, and other
geographical records.
II. The Annual Subscription shall be One and a-half Guinea (for America,
eight dollars, U.S. currency), payable in advance on the ist January.
III. Each member of the Society, having paid his Subscription, shall be
entitled to a copy of every work produced by the Society, and to vote at the
general meetings within the period subscribed for ; and if he do not signify,
before the close of the year, his wish to resign, he shall be considered as a member
for the succeeding year.
IV. The management of the Society's affairs shall be vested'ih a Council
consisting of twenty-two members, viz., a President, three Vice-Presidents, a
Treasurer, a Secretary, and sixteen ordinary members, to be elected annually ;
but vacancies occurring between the general meetings shall be filled up by the
Council.
V. A General Meeting of the Subscribers shall be held annually. The
Secretary's Report on the condition and proceedings of the Society shall be
then read, and the meeting shall proceed to elect the Council for the ensuing year.
VI. At each Annual Election, three of the old Council shall retire.
VII. The Council shall meet when necessary for the dispatch of business, three
forming a quorum, including the Secretary ; the Chairman having a casting vote.
VIII. Gentlemen preparing and editing works for the Society shall receive
twenty-five copies of such works respectively.
XXVI
LIST OF MEMBEKS.— 1915.
Members are requested to inform the Hon. Secretary of any errors or
alterations in this List.
1899 Aberdare, The Right Hon. Lord, 83, Eaton Square, S. W.
1847 Aberdeen University Library, Aberdeen.
1913 Abraham, H. C, Esq., c/o W. Abraham, Esq., 69, Tennyson Road, Ports-
wood, Southampton.
1895 Adelaide Public Library, North Terrace, Adelaide, South Australia.
1847 Admiralty, The, Whitehall, S.W. [2 copies.]
1847 Advocates' Library, 11, Parliament Square, Edinburgh.
1899 Alexander, William Lindsay, Esq., Pinkieburn, Musselburgh, N.B.
1847 AH Souls College, Oxford.
1847 American Geographical Society, 11, West 81st Street, New York City, U.S.A.
1906 Andrews, Michael C, Esq., 17, University Square, Belfast.
1847 Antiquaries, The Society of, Burlington House, Piccadilly, W.
1909 Armstrong, Capt. B. H. 0., R.E.
1847 Army and Navy Club, 36, Pall Mall, S.W.
1847 Athenfeum Club, Pall Mall, S.W.
1912 Aylward, R. M., Esq., 7*^ Avenida Sur, No. 87, Guatemala.
1899 Baer, Joseph & Co., Messrs., Hochstrasse 6, Frankfort-on-Main, Germany.
1847 Bagram, John Ernest, Esq., 10, Old Post Office Street, Calcutta.
1912 Baird, H. A., Esq., West House, Bothwell, N.B.
1909 Baldwin, Stanley, Esq., M.P., Astley Hall, nr. Stourport.
1899 Ball, John B., Esq., Ashburton Cottage, Putney Heath, S.W.
1893 Barclay, Hugh Gurney, Esq., Colney Hall, Norwich.
1911 Barwick, G. F., Esq., British Museum.
1899 Basset, M. Rene, Directeur de I'Ecole Superieure des Lettres d' Alger, Villa
Louise, rue Denfert Rochereau, Algiers.
1894 Baxter, Hon. James Phinney, Esq., 61, Deering Street, Portland, Maine, U.S.A.
1896 Beaumont, Admiral Sir Lewis Anthony, G.C.B., K.C.M.G., St. Georges,
Hurstpierpoint, Sussex.
1913 Beaumont, Lieut. H., Rhoscolyn, Holyhead, N. Wales.
1904 Beetem, Charles Gilbert, Esq., 110, South Hanover Street, Carlisle, Pa., U.S.A.
1899 Belfast Library and Society for Promoting Knowledge, Donegall Square
North, Belfast.
1913 Belfield, T. Broom, Esq., 1905, Spring Garden Street. Philadelphia, Pa.,
U.S.A.
1896 Belliaven and Stenton, Col. The Right Hon. the Lord, R.E., 41, Lennox
Gardens, S.W. (Vice-President).
1913 Bennett, Ira A. Esq., Editor Washington Post, Wnshington, D.C., U.S.A.
1847 Berlin Geogi-aphical Society (Gesellschaft fiir Erdkunde), Wilhelmstrasse 23,
Berlin, S.W., 48.
1847 Berlin, the Royal Library of, Opernplatz, Berlin, W.
1847 Berlin University, Geographical Institute of, Georgenstrasse 34-36 Berlin
N.W. 7.
1914 Bernice Pauahi Bishop Museum, Honolulu, Hawaii Island.
1913 Beuf, L., 6, Via Caroli, Genoa.
Sent to press, July 1st, 1915.
XXVll
1913 Bewsher, F. W., Esq., 25, Brook Green, W.
1911 Bingham, Professor Hiram, Yale University, New Haven, Connecticut.
1899 Birmingham Central Free Library, Ratclifi Place, Birmingham.
1847 Birmingham Old Library, The, Margaret Street, Birmingham.
1910 Birmingham University Library.
1899 Board of Education, The Keeper, Science Library, Science Museum, South
Kensington, S.W.
1847 Bodleian Library, Oxford.
1894 Bonaparte, H. H. Prince Roland Napoleon, Avenue d'Jena 10, Paris.
1847 Boston Athenaeum Library, lOJ, Beacon Street, Boston. Mass., U.S.A.
1847 Boston Public Library, Copley Square, Boston, Mass., U.S.A.
1912 Bourke, Hubert, Esq., Feltimores, Harlow, Essex.
1899 Bowdoin College, Brunswick, Maine, U.S.A.
1894 Bower, Major - General Hamilton, c/o Messrs. Cox and Co., 16, Charing
Cross.
1896 Bowring, Sir Thomas B., 7, Palace Gate, Kensington, W.
1912 Boyd- Richardson, Lieutenant S. B., R.N., Wade Court, Havant, Hants
1914 Braislin, Dr. William C, 556, Washington Avenue, Brooklyn. U.S.A.
1906 Brereton, The Rev. William, The Rectory, Steeple Giddiug, Peterboro'.
1893 Brighton Public Library, Royal Pavilion, Church Street, Brighton.
1890 British Guiana Royal Agricultural and Commercial Society, Georgetown,
Demerara.
1847 British Museum, Department of British and Mediaeval Antiquities.
1847 British Museum, Department of Printed Books.
1896 Brock, Henry G., Esq., 1612, Walnut Street, Philadelphia, Pa., U.S.A.
1909 Brooke, John Arthur, Esq., J.P,, Fenay Hall, Huddersfleld.
1899 Brookline Public Library, Boston, Mass., U.S.A.
1899 Brooklyn Mercantile Library, 197, Montague Street, Brooklyn, N.Y., U.S.A.
1899 Brown, Arthur William Whateley, Esq., 62, Carlisle Mansions, Carlisle Place,
Victoria Street, S.W.
1896 Buda-Pesth, The Geographical Institute of the University of, Hungary.
1910 Buenos Aires, Biblioteca Nacional (c/o E. Terquem, 19, Rue Scribe, Paris).
1890 Burns, Capt. John William, Leesthorpe Hall, Melton Mowbray.
1914 Byers, Gerald, Esq., c/o Messrs. Butterfield*and Swire, Shanghai.
1913 Cadogan, Lieut. Francis, R.N., H.M.S. "Argyll."
1903 California, University of, Berkeley, Cal., U.S.A.
1847 Cambridge University Library, Cambridge.
191 1 Canada, Department of the Naval Service, Ottawa.
1847 Canada. The Parliament Library, Ottawa.
1896 Cardifif Public Library, Trinity Street, Cardiff.
1847 Carlisle, The Rt. Hon. the Earl of. Castle Howard, York.
1847 Carlton Club Library, 94, Pall Mall, S.W.
1899 Carnegie Library, Pittsburgli, Pa., U.S.A.
1914 Casserly, John Bernard, Esq., San Mateo, California, U.S.A.
1910 Cattarns, Richard, Esq., 7, Gloucester Terrace, Regent's Park, N.W.
1899 Chambers, Captain Bertram Mordaunt, R.N., c/o Messrs. Cocks, Biddulph
and Co., 43, Charing Cross, S.W.
1910 Chapelotet Cie., 30, Rue et Passage -Dauphine, Paris.
1913 Charleston Library, Charleston, U.S.A.
1910 Chicago, Geographical Society of, P.O. Box 223, Chicago.
1899 Chicago Public Library. Chicago, 111., U.S.A.
1899 Chicago University Library, Chicago, 111., U.S.A.
1896 Christ Church, Oxford.
1847 Christiania University Library, Christiania, Norway.
1913 Churchill, Arnold, Esq., Stone House, Broadstairs.
.1899 Cincinnati Public Library, Ohio, U.S.A.
XXVlll
1907 Clark, Arthur H., Esq., Caxtou Buildings, Cleveland, Ohio.
1913 Clark, James Cooper, Esq.. Ladyhill House, Elgin, N.B.
1913 Clarke, Sir Rupert, Bart., Clarke Buildings, Bourke Street, Melbourne.
1903 Clay, John, Esq., University Press and Burrell's Corner, Cambridge.
1913 Coates, O. R., Esq., British Consulate-General. Shanghai.
1847 Colonial Office, The, Downing Street, S.W.
1899 Columbia Universitj^ Library of. New York, U.S.A.
1896 Conway, Sir William Martin, Allingtou Castle, Maidstone, Kent.
1903 Cooke, William Charles, Esq., Vailima, Bishopstown, Cork.
1847 Copenhagen Royal Library (Det Store Kongelige Bibliothek), Copenhagen.
1894 Cora, Professor Guido, M.A., Via Nazionale, 181, Rome.
1847 Cornell University. Ithaca. New York, U.S.A.
1903 Corney, Bolton Glanvill, Esq., I.S.O., c/o Royal Geographical Society,.
Kensington Gore, S.W.
1899 Corning, C. R., Esq., 36 Wall Street, New York.
1893 Cow, John, Esq., Elfinsward, Hayward's Heath, Sussex.
1902 Cox, Alexander G. , Esq., Engineer-in-Chief's Office, Canton-Hankow Railway,
Hankow, China.
1908 Crewdson, W., Esq., J.P., Southside. St Leonards-ou-Sea.
1904 Croydon Public Libraries, Central Library, Town Hall, Croydon.
1893 Curzon of Kedleston, The Right Hon. Earl, G.M.S 1., G.M.I.E , 1, Carlton
House Terrace, S.W.
1911 Cutting, Lady Sybil, c/o the Earl of Desart, 2, Rutland Gardens, S.W.
1913 Dalgliesh, Percy, Esq., Guatemala, C.A.
1847 Dalton, Rev. Canon John Neale, C.M.G., C.V.O., 4, The Cloisters, Windsor.
1913 Dames, Mansell Longworth, Esq., Crichmere. Edgeborough Road, Guildford.
1899 Dampier, Gerald Robert, Esq., I.C.S., Dehra Dun, N.W.P., India.
1847 Danish Royal Naval Library (Det Kongelige Danske S^kaart Archiv), Copen-
hagen.
1912 Dartmouth College Library, Hanover, N. H., U.S.A.
1908 Darwin, Major Leonard, late R.E., 12, Egerton Place, S.W.
1894 De Bertodano, Baldomero Hyacinth, Esq., Cowbridge House, Malmesbury,
Wilts.
1911 Delbanco, D., Esq., 9, Mincing Lane, E.C
1899 Detroit Public Library, Michigan, U.S.A.
1893 Dijon University Library, Rue Monge, Dijon, Cote d'Or, France.
1899 Dresden Geographical Society (Verein fiir Erdkunde), Kleine Briid^rsrasse-
21n, Dresden.
1902 Dublin, Trinity College Library.
1910 Dunn, J. H., Esq., Coombe Cottage, Kingston Hill, S.W.
1899 Ecole Fran^aise d'Extreme Orient, Hanoi, Indo-Chine Frangaise.
1913 licole des Langues Orientales Vivantes, Paris.
1892 Edinburgh Public Library, George IV. Bridge, Edinburgh.
1847 Edinburgh University Library, Edinburgh.
1847 Edwards, Francis, Esq., 83, High Street, Maryleboue, W.
1913 Eliot, Sir Charles, K.C.M.G., C.B., The University, Hong Kong.
1906 Enoch Pratt Free Library, Baltimore, Md., U.S.A.
1912 Ewing, Arthur, Esq.
1910 Fairbrother, Colonel W. T., C.B., Indian Army, Bareilly, N.P., India,
1911 Fayal, The Most Noble the Marquis de, Lisbon.
XXIX
1899 Fellowes Athenaeum, 46, Millmont Street Boston, Mass., U.S.A.
1894 Fisher, Arthur, Esq., The Mazry, Tiverton, Devon.
1896 Fitzgerald, Major Edward Arthur, 5th Dragoon Guards.
1914 FitzGibbon, F. J., Esq., Casilla 106, La Paz, Bolivia.
1847 Foreign Office of Germany (Auswartiges Amt), Wilhelmstrasse, Berlin, W.
1893 Forrest, George William, Esq., C.I.E., Eose Bank, Iffley, Oxford.
1902 Foster, Francis Apthorp, Esq., Edgartown, Mass., U.S A.
1893 Foster, William, Esq., C.I.E., India Office, S.W.
1911 Garcia, Seiior Genaro, Apartado 337, Mexico D.F.
1913 Gardner, Harry G., Esq., Hongkong and Shanghai Bank, Hankow, China.
1847 George, Charles WUliam, Esq., 51, Hampton Road, Bristol.
1901 Gill, William Harrison, Esq., Marunouchi, Tokyo (c/o Messrs. Nichols,
Ocean House, 24/5, Great Tovirer Street, E.G.
1847 Glasgow University Library, Glasgow.
1913 Glyn, The Hon. Mrs. Maurice, Albury Hall, Much Hadham.
1880 Godman, Frederick Du Cane, Esq., D.C.L., F.R.S., 45, Pont Street, S.W.
1905 Goldie, The Right. Hon. Sir George Taubman, K.C.M.G., F.R.S., Naval &
Military Club, Piccadilly, W.
1847 Gottingen University Library, Gottingen, Germany.
1914 Gottschalk, Hon. A. L. M., American Consul-General, Rio de Janeiro, Brazil.
1877 Gray, Albert, Esq., K.C. (President), Catherine Lodge, Trafalgar Square,
Chelsea, S.W.
1894 Gray, Matthew Hamilton, Esq., Lessness Park, Abbey Wood, Kent.
1903 Greenlee, William B., Esq., 130 Kenesaw Terrace. Chicago, 111., U.S.A.
1899 Griffiths, John G., Esq., 4, Hyde Park Gardens, W. , .
1899 Grosvenor Library, Buffalo, N.Y., U.S.A.
1847 Guildhall Library, E.G.
1887 Guillemard, Francis Henry Hill, Esq., M.A., M.D., The Old Mill House,
Trumpington, Cambridge.
1910 Hackley Public Library, Muskegon, Mich, U.S.A. ■
1847 Hamburg Commerz-Bibliothek, Hamburg, Germany.
1901 Hammersmith Public Libraries, Carnegie (Central) Library, Hammersmith, W.
1898 Hannen, The Hon. Henry Arthur, The Hall, West Farleigh, Kent.
1913 Hargreaves, Walter Ernest, Esq., Nazeing, Essex.
1906 Harrison, Carter H., Esq. (c/o Messrs. Stevens and Brown).
1913 Harrison, George L., Esq., 400, Chestnut Street, Philadelphia.
1905 Harrison, William P., Esq., 1021, Lawrence Avenue, Chicago, 111., U.S.A.
1847 Harvard University, Cambridge, Mass., U.S.A.
1899 Harvie-Brown, John Alexander, Esq., Dunipace, Larbert, Stirlingshire.
1913 Hay, E. Alan, Esq., 14, Kensington Court, W.
1887 Heawood, Edward, Esq., M.A., Church HiU, Merstham, Surrey (Treasurer).
1899 Heidelberg University Library, Heidelberg (Koestersche Buchhandlung).
1904 Henderson, George, Esq., 13, Palace Court, W.
1915 Henderson, Capt. R. Ronald, Little Compton Manor, Moreton-in-Marsh.
1890 Hervey, Dudley Francis Amelius, Esq., C.M.G., Westfields, Aldeburgh,
Suffolk.
1899 Hiersemann, Herr Karl Wilhelm, Konigsstrasse, 3, Leipzig.
1874 Hippisley, Alfred Edward, Esq., 8, Herbert Crescent, Hans Place, W.
1904 Holdich, Colonel Sir Thomas Hungerford, K.G.M.G., K.C.I.E., C.B., R.E.,
41, Courtfield Road, S.W.
1913 Holman, R. H., Esq., "Wynustay," Putney Hill, S.W.
1913 Hong Kong University, c/o Messrs. Longmans & Co. , 38, Paternoster Row, E.G.
1899 Hoover Herbert Clarke, Esq., The Red House, Horn ton Street, Ken-
sington, W.
1887 Horner, Sir John Francis Fortescue, K.C.V.O., Mells Park, Frome, Somerset.
1911 Hoskins, G. H., Esq., Sydney.
1915 Rowland, S. S., Esq., c/o Messrs. N. M. Rothschild and Sons, New Court,.
St. Swithin's Lane, E.G.
1890 Hoyt Public Library, East Saginaw, Mich., U.S.A.
1909 Hubbard, H. M., Esq., H6, The Albany, Piccadilly, \V.
1899 Hiigel, Baron Anatole A. A. von, Curator, Museum of Archaeology and
Ethnology, Cambridge.
1913 Hughes, R H. Esq., 22, Sussex Mansions, Sussex Place, S.W.
1894 HuU Public Libraries. Baker Street, Hull.
1913 Humphreys, John, Esq., 26, Clarendon Road, Edgbaston, Birmingham.
1912 Illinois, University of, Urbana, TIL, U.S.A.
1899 Im Thurn, Sir Everard, K.CM.G. , C.B., 39, Lexham Gardens, W.
1847 India Office, Downing Street, S.W. [20 copies.]
1899 Ingle, William Bruncker, Esq., 4, Orchard Road, Blackheath, S.E.
1892 Inner Temple, Hon. Society of the. Temple, E.G.
1899 Jackson, Stewart Douglas, Esq., 61, St. Vincent Street, Glasgow.
1898 James, Arthur Curtiss, Esq., 92 Park Avenue, New York City, U.S.A.
1896 James, Walter B., Esq., M.D., 17, West 54th Street, New York City, U.S.A.
1912 Jenkins, Captain F. W. R., Apartado 331, Guatemala.
1907 Johannesburg Public Library, Johannesburg, South Africa.
1847 John Carter Brown Library, 357, Benefit Street, Providence, Rhode Island,
U.S.A.
1847 John Rylands Library, Deansgate, Manchester.
1847 Johns Hopkins University, Baltimore, Md., U.S.A.
1899 Johnson, W. Morton, Esq., Woodleigh, Altrincham
1910 Jones, L. C, Esq., M.D.. Falmouth, Mass., U.S.A.
1914 Jones, Livingston E., Esq., Germantown, Pa., U.S.A.
1913 Jowett, The Rev. Hardy, Ping Kiang, Hunan, China.
1903 Kansas University Library, Lawrence, Kans., U.S.A.
1887 Keltic, John Scott, Esq., LL.D., 1, Kensington Gore, S.W.
1909 Kesteven, C. H., Esq., 2, Hungerford Street, Calcutta.
1899 Kiel, Royal University of, Kiel, Schleswig-Holstein.
1907 Kindberg, Herrn Captain J. P., Goteborg, Sweden.
1898 Kinder, Claude William, Esq., C.M.G., Kelvin, Avondale Road, Fleet, Hants.
1890 King's Inns, The Hon. Society of the, Henrietta Street, Dublin.
1899 Kitching, John, Esq., Oaklands, Queen's Road, Kingston Hill, S.W.
1912 Koebel, W. H., Esq., Author's Club, 2, Whitehall Court, S.W.
1913 Kolouiaal Instituut, Amsterdam.
1910 Koninklijk Instituut voor de Taal Land en Volkenkunde van Nederlandsch
Indie. The Hague.
1899 Langton, J. J. P., Esq., 802, Spruce Street, St. Louis, Mo., U.S.A.
1899 Larchmont Yacht Club, Larchmont, N.Y.. U.S.A.
1913 Laufer, Berthold, Esq., Field Museum of Natural History, Chicago.
XXXI
1899 Leeds Library, 18, Commercial Street, Leeds.
1899 Lehigh University, South Bethlehem, Pa., U.S.A.
1893 Leipzig, Library of the University of I^eipzig.
1912 Leland Stanford Junior University, Library of, Stanford University, Cal.
U.S.A.
1899 Levy, Judah, Esq., 17, Greville Place, N.W.
1912 Lind, Walter, Esq., 1° Calle, Guatemala, C.A.
1899 Lindsay-Smith, Fred. Ales., Esq., J. P., 18, Sussex Place, Eegent's Park.
1847 Liverpool Free Public Library, William Brown Street, Liverpool.
1896 Liverpool Geographical Society, 14, Hargreaves Buildings, Chapel Street,
Liverpool.
1899 Liverpool, University of Liverpool.
1911 Loder, Gerald W. E., Esq., F.S.A., Wakehurst Place, Ardingly, Sussex.
1899 Loescher, Messrs. J., and Co., Via Due Macelli, 88, Rome.
1847 London Institution, 11, Finsbury Circus, E.C.
1847 London Library, 12, St. James's Square, S.W.
1899 London University, South Kensington, S.W.
1895 Long Island Historical Society, Pierrepont Street, Brooklyn, N.Y., U.S.A.
1899 Los Angeles Public Library, Los Angeles, Cal., U.S.A.
1899 Lowrey, Joseph, Esq., The Hermitage, Loughton, Essex.
1912 Luard, Major Charles Eckford, M.A., D.S.O., Indore, Central India.
1880 Lucas, Sir Charles Prestwood, K.C. B., K.C.M. G., 65, St. George's Square, S. W.
1895 Lucas, Frederic Wm., Esq., 21, Surrey Street, Strand, W.C.
1912 Lukach, H, C. Esq., M. A., Government House, Cyprus.
1898 Lydenberg, H. M. , Esq., New York Public Library, Fifth Avenue and Forty-
second Street, New York City, U.S.A.
1880 Lyons University Library, Lyon, France.
1899 Lyttleton-Annesley, Lieut. -General Sir Arthur Lyttelton, K.C.V.O., Temple-
mere, Oatlands Park, Weybridge.
1910 MacDonald, The Right Hon. Sir Claude M., G.C.M.G., G.C.V.O., K.C.B.,
46, Chester Square, S.W.
1899 Macrae, Charles Colin, Esq., 93, Onslow Gardens, S.W.
1908 , Maggs Brothers, Messrs., 109, Strand, W.C.
1847 Manchester Public Free Libraries, King Street, Manchester.
1899 Manierre, George, Esq., 112w, Adams Street, Chicago, 111., U.S.A.
1880 Msirkham, Admiral Sir Albert Hastings. K.C.B., Belmont Paddocks, Faversham.
1852 Markham, Sir Clements Robert, K.C.B., F.R.S., 21, Eccleston Square, S.W.
( Vice-President).
1892 Marquand, Henry, Esq., Whitegates Farm, Bedford, New York, U.S.A.
1899 Martelli, Ernest Wynne, Esq., 4, New Square, Lincoln's Inn, W.C.
1847 Massachusetts Historical Society, 1154, Boylston Street, Boston, Mass.,
U.S.A.
1905 Maudslay, Alfred Percival, Esq., Morney Cross, Hereford.
1899 McClurg, Messrs. A. C, & Co., 215-221, Wabash Avenue, Chicago, 111.,.
U.S.A.
1914 Means, Philip A., Esq., 196, Beacon Street, Boston, Massachusetts, U.S.A.
1913 Mensing, A. W. M., Esq. (Frederik Muller and Co.), Amsterdam.
1901 Merriman, J. A., Esq., Standard Bank of South Africa, Durban.
1911 Messer, Allan E., Esq., 2, Lyall Street, Belgrave Square, S.W.
1913 MeyeudorfiF, Baron de, Ambassade de Russie, Madrid.
1893 Michigan, University of, Ann Arbor, Mich., U.S.A.
1899 Middletown, Conn., Wesleyan University Library, U.S.A.
1904 Mikkelsen, Michael A., Esq., 610, South Fifth Avenue, Mt. Vernon, New York.
1847 Mills, Colonel Dudley Acland, R.E., Droaks, Beaulieu, Hants.
XXXll
1912 Mihvard, Graham, Esq., 77, Colmore Row, Birmingham.
1896 Milwaukee Public Library, Milwaukee, Wisconsin, U.S.A.
1895 Minneapolis Athenaeum, Minneapolis, Minn., U.S.A.
1899 Minnesota Historical Society, St. Paul, Minnesota, U.S.A.
1899 Mitchell Library, 21, Miller Street, Glasgow.
1899 Mitchell, Wm., Esq., 14, Forbesfield Road, Aberdeen.
1899 Monson, The Right Hon. Lord, C.V.O., Burton Hall, Lincoln.
1901 Moreno, Dr. Francisco J., La Plata Museum, La Plata, Argentine Republic.
1893 Morris, Henry Cecil Low, Esq., M.D., The Steyne, Bognor, Sussex.
1899 Morrison, George Ernest, Esq., M.D., Times Correspondent, c/o H.B.M.
Legation, Peking.
1911 Morrison, R.E., Esq., Ardoch, Partickhill, Glasgow.
1899 Morrisson, James W., Esq., 200-206, Randolph Street, Chicago, 111., U.S.A.
1913 Moule, The Rev. A. C, Littlebredy, Dorchester.
1895 Moxon, Alfred Edward, Esq., c/o Mrs. Gough, The Lodge, Souldern, near
Banbury.
1899 Mukhopadhyay, Hon. Sir Asutosh, Kt., C.S.I., D.Sc, LL.D., 77 Russa Road
North, Bhowanipur, Calcutta.
1847 Munich Royal Library (Kgl. Hof u. Staats-Bibliothek), Munich, Germany.
1913 Natal Society's Library, Pietermaritzburg, S. Africa.
1899 Nathan, Lt.-Col. Sir Matthew, G.C.M.G., R.E., Brandon House, Kensington
Palace Gardens, W.
1894 Naval and Military Club, 94, Piccadilly, W.
1909 Nebraska University Library, Lincoln, Nebraska, U.S.A.
1913 Needham, J. E., Esq., Bombay Club, Bombay.
1880 Netherlands, Royal Geographical Society of the (Koninklijk Nederlandsch
Aardrijkskundig Genootschap), Singel 421, Amsterdam.
1899 Netherlands, Royal Library of the, The Hague.
1847 Newberry Library, The, Chicago, 111., U.S.A.
1847 Newcastle-upon-Tyne Literary and Philosophical Society, Westgate Road,
Newcastle on-Tyne.
1899 Newcastle-upon-Tyne Public Library, New Bridge Street, Newcastle-on-Tyne.
1894 New London Public Library, Conn., U.S.A.
1899 New South Wales, Public Library of, Sydney, N.S.W.
1899 New York Athletic Club, Central Park, South, New York City, U.S.A.
1895 New York Public Library, 40, Lafayette Place, New York City, U.S.A.
1847 New York State Library, Albany, New York, U.S.A.
1894 New York Yacht Club. 37 West 44 Street, New York City, U.S.A.
1897 New Zealand, The High Commissioner for, 13, Victoria Street, S.W.
1911 NijhofiF, Martinus, The Hague, Holland.
1896 North Adams Public Library, Massachusetts, U.S.A.
1893 Northcliffe, The Right Hon. Lord. Elmwood, St. Peter's, Thanet. ' '
1899 Nottingham Public Library Sherwood Street, Nottingham. '
1890 Oriental Club, 18, Hanover Square, W. , .
1902 Otani, Kozui, Esq., Nishi Honganji, Horikawa, Kyoto, Japan.
1899 Oxford and Cambridge Club, 71, Pall Mall, S.W.
1847 Oxford Union Society, Oxford.
1911 Pan-American Union, Washington, D.C., U.S.A.
1847 Paris, Bibliotheque Nationale, Rue de Richelieu, Paris.
1847 Paris, Institut de France, Quai de Conti 23, Paris.
xxxm
1899 Parlett, Harold George, Esq., H.B.M. Consulate, Dairen, Japan.
1880 Peabody Institute, Baltimore, Md., U.S.A.
1908 Pearson, Dr. F. S., Coombe House, Kingston Hill, S.W.
1847 Peckover of Wisbech, The Right Hon. Lord, Bank House, Wisbech (Vice-
President).
1893 Peek, Sir Wilfred, Bart., c/o Mr. Grover, Rousdon, Lyme Regis.
1911 Penrose, R. A. F., Esq., Bullitt Buildings, Philadelphia, U.S.A.
1899 Pequot Library, Southport, Conn., U.S.A.
1913 Petersen, V., Esq., Chinese Telegraph Administration, Peking, China.
1880 Petherick, Edward Augustus, Esq., Commonwealth Library, Melbourne,
Australia.
1895 Philadelphia Free Library, Pa., U.S.A.
1899 Philadelphia, Library Company of, N.VV. corner Juniper & Locust Streets,
Philadelphia. Pa., U.S.A.
1899 Philadelphia, Union League Club, 8, Broad Street, Philadelphia, Pa., U.S.A.
1899 Philadelphia. University Club, 1510 Walnut Street, Philadelphia, Pa., U.S.A.
1909 Plymouth, Officers' Library, Royal Marine Barracks.
1899 Plymouth Proprietary and Cottonian Library, Cornwall Street, Plymouth.
1899 Portico Library, 57, Mosley Street, Manchester.
1912 Provincial Library of British Columbia, Victoria, British Columbia.
1911 Pykett, The Rev. G. F., Anglo-Chinese School, Methodist Epis. Mission,
Penang.
1913 Pym, C. Guy, Esq., 35, Cranley Gardens, S.W.
1894 Quaritch, Bernard, Esq., 11, Grafton Street, New Bond Street, W.
(12 copies).
1913 Queen's University, The, Kingston, Ontario, Canada.
1913 Quincey, Edmund de Q., Esq., Oakwood, Chislehurst.
1890 Raffles Museum and Library, Singapore.
1847 Reform Club, 104, Pall Mall, S.W.
1899 Reggio, Andr^ C, Esq., 43, Tremont Street, Boston, Mass., U.S.A.
1895 Rhodes, Josiah, Esq., The Elms, Lytham, Lancashire.
1907 Ricketts, D. P., Esq., Imperial Chinese Railways, Tientsin, China.
1882 Riggs, T. L., Esq., 1311, Mass. Avenue, Washington, D.C., U.S.A.
1911 Rio de Janeiro, Archivo Publico Nacional, Sa da Republica, No. 26.
1899 Rodd, H.E. The Right Hon. Sir James Rennell, G.C.V.O., K.C.M.G., C.B.,
British Embassy, Rome.
1906 Rotterdamsch Leeskabinet, Rotterdam.
1911 Royal Anthropological Institute, 50, Great Russell Street, W.C.
1893 Royal Artillery Institution, Woolwich.
1847 Royal Colonial Institute, Northumberland Avenue, W.C.
1896 Royal Cruising Club, 1, Bolton Street, Piccadilly, W.
1847 Royal Engineers' Institute, Chatham.
1847 Royal Geographical Society, Kensington Gore, W,
1890 Royal Scottish Geographical Society, Synod Hall, Castle Terrace, Edinburgh.
1897 Royal Societies Club, 63, St. James's Street, S.W.
1847 Royal United Service Institution, Whitehall, S.W.
1899 Runciman, The Right Hon. Walter, M.P., Doxford, Chathill, Northumberland.
1904 Ruxton, Captain Upton Fitz Herbert, Little Drove House, Singleton,
Sussex.
1900 Ryley, John Horton, Esq., 8, Rue d'Auteuil, Paris.
C
XXXIV
1899 St. Andrews University, St. Andrews.
1899 St. Deiniol's Library, Hawarden, Flintshire, N. Wales.
1893 St. John's, New Brunswick, Free Public Library.
1890 St. Louis Mercantile Library, St. Louis, Mo., U.S.A.
1899 St. Martin's-in-the-FieldsFree Public Library, 115, St. Martin s Lane, W.C.
1847 St. Petersburg University Library, St. Petersburg.
1894 St. Wladimir University, Kiew, Russia.
1911 Saise, Walter, Esq., D.Sc, M. Inst. C.E., Stapleton, Bristol.
1913 Salby, George, Esq., 65, Great Russell Street, W.C.
1899 San Francisco Public Library, San Francisco, Gal., U.S.A.
1899 Sclater, Dr. William Lutley, 10, Sloane Court, S.W.
1899 Seattle Public Library, Seattle, Washington, U.S.A.
1894 Seymour, Admiral of the Fleet the Right Hon. Sir Edward Hobart, G.C.B.^
O.M., G.C.V.O., LL.D., Queen Anne's Mansions, St. James's Park, S.W.
1898 Sheffield Free Public Libraries, Surrey Street, Sheffield.
1914 Sheppard, S. T., Esq., Byculla Club, Bombay, No. 8.
1847 Signet Library, 11, Parliament Square, Edinburgh.
1890 Sinclair, Mrs. Wilham Frederic, 102, Cheyne Walk, Chelsea, S.W.
1910 Skimming, E. H. B., Esq., 6, Cleveland Terrace, W.
1913 Skinner, Major R. M., R. A. M. Corps, c/o Messrs. Holt and Co., 3, Whitehall
Place, S.W.
1912 Skipper, Mervyn G., Esq., care of Eastern Extensions Tel. Co , Electra House,,
Finsbury Pavement, E.G.
1904 Smith, John Langford, Esq., H. B. M. Consular Service, China, c/o E. Green-
wood, Esq., Frith Knowl, Elstree.
1906 Smith, J. de Berniere, Esq., 4, Gloucester Terrace, Regent's Park, N.W.
1913 Smith, The Right Hon. James Parker, Linburn, Kirknewton, Midlothian.
1896 Smithers, F. Oldershaw, Esq., Dashwood House, 9, New Broad Street, E.G.
1899 Society Geografica Italiana, Via del Plebiscite 102, Rome.
1847 Soci^t^ de Geographic, Boulevard St. Germain, 184, Paris.
1899 South African Public Library, Queen Victoria Street, Cape Town, South Africa.
1904 Stanton, John, Esq., High Street, Chorley, Lancashire.
1912 Stein, Herr Johann, K. Ungar. Universitiits - Buchhandlung, Kolozsvar,.
Hungary.
1847 Stevens, Son, and Stiles, Messrs. Henry, 39, Great Russell Street, W.C.
1847 Stockholm, Royal Library of (Kungl. Biblioteket), Sweden.
1895 Stockton Public Library, Stockton, Cal., U.S.A.
1905 Storer, Albert H., Esq., Ridgefield, Ct., U.S.A.
1890 Strachey, Lady, 67, Belsize Park Gardens, N.W.
1904 Suarez, Colonel Don Pedro (Bolivian Legation), Santa Cruz, 74, Compayne-
Gardens, N.W.
1909 Swan, J. D. C, Dr., 25, Ruthven Street, Glasgow.
1908 Sydney, University of. New South Wales.
1899 Sykes, Colonel Sir Percy Molesworth, K.C.I.E., C.M.G., Kashgar.
1914 Tamplen, Lewis H., Esq., c/o Messrs. Jardine, Matheson & Co., Ltd., Hong
Kong.
1899 Tangye, Richard Trevithick Gilbertstone, Esq., LL.B., 40, Bramham.
Gardens, S.W.
1914 Taylor, Frederic W., Esq., 1529, Niagara Street, Denver, Colorado, U.S.A.
1910 Teleki, Count Paul, Joszef-ter., 7, Budapest V.
1899 Temple, Lieut.-Col. Sir Richard Carnac, Bart., CLE., The Nash, nr. Worcester.
1894 Thomson, Basil Home, Esq., 81, Victoria Road, Kensington, W.
1906 Thomson, Colonel Charles FitzGerald, late 7th Hussars, St. James's Club,.
106, Piccadilly, W.
1913 Thurston, E. Coppce, Esq., Milnthorpe, St. John's Road, Harrow.
XXXV
1904 Todd, Commander George James, R.N., The Manse, Kin'gsbarns, Fife.
1896 Toronto Public Library, Toronto, Ont., Canada.
1890 Toronto University, Toronto, Ont., Canada.
1911 Tower, Sir Reginald, K.C.M.G., C.V.O., 8, Baker Street, Portman Square, W,
1847 Travellers' Club, 106, Pall Mall, S.W.
1899 Trinder, Arnold, Esq., River House, Walton-on-Thames.
1913 Trinder, W. H., Esq., The Old Vicarage, Kingswood, Surrey.
1847 Trinity College, Cambridge.
1847 Trinity House, The Hon. Corporation of, Tower Hill, E.G.
1911 Tuckerman, Paul, Esq., 59, Wall Street, New York, U.S.A.
1890 TurnbuU, Alexander H., Esq., Elibank, Wellington, New Zealand.
1902 Tweedy, Arthur H., Esq., Widmore Lodge, Widmore, Bromley, Kent.
1847 United States Congress, Library of, Washington, D.C., U.S.A.
1899 United States National Museum (Library of), Washington, D.C., U.S.A.
1847 United States Naval Academy Library, Annapolis, Md., U.S.A.
1847 Upsala University Library, Upsala, Sweden (c/o Simpkin, Marshall).
1911 Van Ortroy, Professor F., University de Gand, Belgium.
1913 Vasquez, Senor Don Ricardo, Guatemala, C.A.
1899 Vernon, Roland Venables, Esq.. Colonial OflBce, Downing Street, S.W.
1899 Victoria, Public Library, Museums, and National Gallery of, Melbourne,
Australia.
1847 Vienna Imperial Library (K. K. Hof-Bibliothek), Vienna.
1905 Vienna, K. K. Geographische Gesellschaft, Wollzeile 33, Vienna.
1887 Vignaud, Henry, Esq., LL.D., 2, Rue de la Mairie, Bagneux (Seine), France.
1912 Villa, Dr. F. Luis de. Banco Colombiano, Guatemala, C.A.
1909 Villiers, J. A. J. de, Esq., British Museum {Hon. Secretary) (2).
1904 Wagner, Ferrn H., and E. Debes, Geographische Anstalt, Briiderstrasse 23,
Leipzig.
1902 War Office, Mobilisation and Intelligence Library, Whitehall, S.W.
1847 Washington, Department of State, D.C., U.S.A.
1847 Washington, Library of Navy Depaitment, Washington, D.C., U.S.A.
1899 Watanabe, Chiharu, Esq., 4, Shimotakanawamachi, Shibaku, Tokyo, Japan.
1899 Watkinson Library, Hartford, Connecticut, U.S.A.
1899 Weld, Rev. George Francis, Hingham, Mass., U.S.A. (Weldwold, Santa
Barbara, California).
1899 Westaway, Engineer Rear-Admiral Albert Ernest Luscombe, 36, Granada
Road, Southsea.
1913 Western Reserve Historical Society, Cleveland, U.S.A.
1898 Westminster School, Dean's Yard, S.W.
1913 White, James, Esq., Commission of Conservation, Ottawa.
1914 White, John G., Williamson Building, Cleveland, Ohio, U.S.A.
1893 Whiteway, Richard Stephen, Esq., Brownscombe, Shottermill, Surrey.
1910 Wihlfahrt. E., Esq.
1914 Willard, A. F., Esq., Lloyd's Agency, Livingston, Guatemala.
1899 Williams, 0. W., Esq., Fort Stockton, Texas. U.S.A.
JCXXVl
1914 Williams, Sidney Herbert, Esq., 32, Warrior Square, St. Leonards-on-Sea.
1899 Wilmauns, Frederick M., Esq., 89, Oneida Street, iMilwaukee, Wise, U.S.A.
1913 Wimble, John Bowring, Esq., 18, Westbourne Terrace, Hyde Park, W.
1895 Wisconsin, State Historical Society of, Madison, Wise, U.S.A.
1913 Wood, Henry A. Wise, Esq., 1, Madison Avenue, New York.
1900 Woodford, Charles Morris, Esq., The Grinstead, Partridge Green, Sussex.
1907 Woolf, Leonard Sidney, Esq., -38, Brunswick Square, W.C.
1899 Worcester, Massachusetts, Free Library, Worcester, Mass., U.S.A.
1914 Wright, Dr. J. Farrall, 46, Derby Street, Bolton, Lanes.
1913 Wright, R., Esq., The Poplars, Worsley Road, Swinton, Lanes.
1847 Yale University, New Haven, Conn., U.S.A.
1894 Young, Alfales, Esq., Salt Lake City, Utah, U.S.A.
1847 Ziirich, Stadtbibliothek, Ziirich, Switzerland,
I'RIN'TKD AT TIIK BEDKORI) I'UKHB, 20 AND 21, BEDFORDliURY, STRAND, LONDON, W.U.
Date Due
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