CHARLES XII
OF SWEDEN
CHARLES XII..
King of Sweden.
From a portrait in the Talace at Schwerin.
C0PYRI6MT BY HUfKT k BLACKETT.
CHARLES XII
OF SWEDEN
BY
OSCAR BROWNING
LONDON
HURST AND BLACKETT, LIMITED
18. GREAT MARLBOROUGH STREET
1899
AllrigfUs reteretd
TO
LORD CURZON, OF KEDLESTON,
THIS BOOK IS DEDICATED
IN MEMORY OF
A LONG AND UNBROKEN FRIENDSHIP.
CONTENTS.
CHAPTER p^C^
I. Birth, Edocatiok, A.ccess£on, and Coronation . 1
II. The Mad Time 17
III. The Invasion of Seel.\nd 27
IV. Narva 46
V. The Battle of the Duna 58
VI. The Battle of Clissow 72
VII. Charles in Poland 86
Vlir. The Election of Stanislaus . . . .105
IX. The Rival Kings 118
X. The Invasion of Saxony 130
XI. Alt-Ranstadt 150
XII. The Invasion of Russia 167
XIII. Ljesna 181
XIV. Mazeppa 195
XV. Poltava 207
XVI. Charles at Bender 229
XVII. The Catastrophe of the Pruth 2-13
XVIII, Charles and the Sultan 258
IX
CONTENTS
CHAFTEB
PACK
XIX.
The Kalabalik
269
XX.
The Fate of Stenbock ....
282
XXI.
The King's Ride
295
XXII.
The Loss of Steals und ....
308
xxm.
The Lion at Bat
323
XXIV.
The King's Death
339
XXV.
Conclusion
351
FRONTISPIECE
The best thanks of the author are due to the Duke-Regent of
Mecklenburg-Schwerin, the worthy descendant of an ancient
and illustrious line, for the gracious courtesy which prompted
him to have his unique portrait of Charles XII. photographed,
in order to adorn the present work.
f\^ what foundation stands the warrior's pride,
How just his hopes let Swedish Charles decide ;
A frame of adamant, a soul of fire,
No dangers fright him, and no labom-s tire ;
O'er love, o'er fear, extends his wide domain,
Unconquer'd lord of pleasure and of pain ;
No joys to him pacific sceptres yield.
War sounds the trump, he rushes to the field ;
Behold surroimding kings their pow'rs combine,
And one capitulate, and one resign ;
Peace courts his hand, but spreads her charms in vain ;
' Think nothing gain'd,' he cries, ' till nought remain,
' On Moscow's walls till Gothic standards fly,
' And all be mine beneath the Polar sky.'
The march begins in military state,
And nations on his eye suspended wait ;
Stem Famine guards the solitary coast.
And Winter barricades the realms of Frost ;
XI
He comes, nor want nor cold his course delay ; —
Hide, blushing Glory, hide Pultava's day :
The vanquish'd hero leaves his broken bands.
And shows his miseries in distant lands ;
Condemn'd a needy supplicant to wait,
While ladies interpose, and slaves debate.
But did not chance at length her error mend ?
Did not subverted empire mark his end ?
Did rival monarchs give the fatal wound ?
Or hostile millions press him to the ground ?
His fall was destin'd to a baiTen strand,
A petty fortress, and a dubious hand ;
He left the name, at which the world grew pale,
To point a moral, or adorn a tale.
Johnson. — Vanity of Human Wishes.
XII
CHARLES XII
CHAPTER I.
BIRTH, EDUCATION, ACCESSION, AND CORONATION.
The child wlio was to be known to the world at a
later period as King Charles XII. of Sweden was born
in the royal palace of Stockholm on June 17, 1682,
at a quarter before seven in the morning. It is said
that he came into the world with his hands dripping
with blood, and that his birth was accompanied by
a violent storm which unroofed the houses and
churches of the capital. These are probably fables,
but they sum up in prophecy the after-consciousness
of his career. Up to his seventh year he was left
to the charge of his mother, Ulrica Eleanora, the
daughter of King Frederick III. of Denmark and
Norway, and the sister of Christian V., the reigning
sovereign. She was a model of domestic virtues,
of gentleness and piety. By her the young prince
B
2 CHARLES XII
was brought up to love goodness, justice, and
benevolence. He learnt the German language by-
joining in tbe morning and evening prayers which
were said in the court tongue, and his first instruc-
tion was in Bible history.
In 1686, when he was in his fourth year, Charles
was taken by his mother to the university town of
Upsala, where she made the most diligent enquiries
as to the tutor who would be most fit to direct the
education of the young prince. Having chosen out
three, she presented them to the boy, telling him to
make his selection amongst them. He held out his
little hand to a certain Norcopensis, professor of
rhetoric, who fortunately enjoyed the favour of the
Queen-mother, and the respect of all his colleagues.
He was an oldish man, — fifty-four years of age, with
grey hair, — and he has left a name in the literary
history of his country as the founder of the Swedish
school of Latin poetry.
He was simple and old-fashioned, even in his
dress, and the child may have been attracted by his
kindly smile, if indeed the choice was not suggested
to him. At any rate, it was successful. Boy and
teacher lived together in harmony. Speedily and
half playing, as Milton says, the child learnt to read
and write, he acquired the rudiments of geography,
history, and arithmetic, so that when six years old
FROM BIRTH TO CORONATION 3
he could write letters and do sums. The mother
followed the education of her son with the liveliest
interest. The tasks of the day were repeated in the
evening, and every Sunday Charles had to repeat
the text and the argument of the weekly sermon.
As a relaxation he was allowed to copy out the diary
which his grandfather Charles X. had kept during
his youthful travels.
At the age of six years and a half Charles was
removed from the care of women, and received an
establishment of his own.
According to the custom of those times he must
have a governor to superintend his education, and
for that part Erick Lindskjold was chosen, against
the will of the Queen. He died, however, shortly
afterwards, and was succeeded by Nils Gyldenstolpe,
who like his predecessor was more acceptable to the
father than to the mother. Charles XI. wrote out
very precise instructions as to his son's education.
His first care was to be devoted to the Bible and the
truths of Christianity, and he was to be fervent in
prayer. He was to learn arithmetic and the Swed-
ish and German languages. In Latin his principal
authors were to be Cornelius Nepos and Julius
Caesar, the first to hold up to his imitation the great
deeds of antiquity, and the second to instruct him in
the art of war. The tutor was to make Caesar's
B 2
4 CHARLES XII
campaigns live again as if the boy were taking part
in them. TuUy's oflSces were to teach him his duty
towards his fellow-men, Livy the course of Roman
history. Statecraft he was to learn from Puflfendorf,
and from 'Barclai's' Argenis, a political romance
written in favour of absolutism and divine right,
which has received the praise of Cowper, Coleridge,
and Hallam. We do not know how far these in-
structions were followed out, but it is certain that
during his campaigns his favourite author was
Quintus Curtius, who described the wars of Alex-
ander the Great.
In 1693, when Charles was eleven years old, a tall,
slim lad, developed beyond his years, he lost his
mother, who had watched over him with tender care.
She said to him on her deathbed,
'As fate has destined you to reign after your
father, strive to make yourself worthy of his high
fortune and to tread in the footsteps of his example.
Be a good brother and a loving friend to your
younger sisters, who need your help and your
counsel.'
In the next year the good Norcopensis, now
ennobled under the name of Nordenhjelm, followed
his mistress to the grave.
These events brought about a change in Charles's
life. Books were laid aside, the instructions of
FROM BIRTH TO CORONATION 5
Polus and Gustav Cronhjelm, who succeeded as bis
tutors, were disregarded, and the boy accompanied
his father in riding and hunting parties. The king
was glad to forget his sorrow in these strenuous
exercises, and delighted in the society of his son. Yet
the lad's education was far from complete. He was
indeed a fervent Christian, and possessed a deep
Protestant piety which he never lost. But his
handwriting was very bad, and became gradually
worse throughout his life. His knowledge of Swed-
ish was very imperfect, and he knew Latin better
than his mother tongue. It is said, however, that
he was only induced to apply himself to the study of
this language by the argument that if he did not he
would find himself inferior to the Kings of Denmark
and Poland. He was very reluctant to learn French,
and absolutely refused to speak it. His governor
representing to him that he ought to prepare him-
self to converse with a French ambassador, he
replied,
'My dear Lindskjold, I understand French and
will not learn any more of it. If I ever meet the
King of France I will converse with him in his own
tongue, but if a French ambassador comes to Sweden,
it is more fitting that he should learn Swedish for
my sake than that I should learn French for his.'
Yet we know that at a later period he enjoyed
6 CHARLES XII
French plays, and tliat he conversed in French with
the Ambassador d'Avaux and his suite.
Charles now began to exhibit signs of that bodily
strength and endurance which were to be the won-
der of his contemporaries. He first rode on a pony
when he was four years old, and took part in the
exercises of the troops. He showed a precocious
passion for sport ; he shot his first fox when he was
seven, and his first bear before he was twelve. The
bear was shot in the right side of the neck, the
bullet pierced straight through the heart and came
out on the other side of the body. This feat was
considered a remarkable one, and his father recorded
it with joy in his diary. The boy's mind seems to
have been set on dangerous adventures. He loved
to peruse the stories of northern war, and when he
was seven years old, said that he wished he had a
brother who could rule the country in his absence
whilst he wandered about the world with his warriors
in search of adventure.
' Wish for good things when you are young,' said
Goethe, ' for when you are old they are sure to happen
to you.'
Nordenhjelm once asked him how he liked Alex-
ander the Great, and the boy replied that he would
wish to resemble him.
' But he only lived thirty-two years,' said the tutor.
FROM BIRTH TO CORONATION 7
' One has lived long enough when one has con-
quered a whole kingdom,' replied the boy.
It is said that he once saw in his father's study
two maps, one of Riga, and one of a Hungarian
town which had been taken from the Emperor by
the Turks, under which was written, ' The Lord
gave and the Lord hath taken away, blessed be
the Name of the Lord.' Charles took a pencil
and wrote under the plan of Riga, ' The Lord hath
given it to me, and the devil himself shall not take
it from me.'
Like his great rival Peter the Great, who was to
prove the devil in this instance, he gave much of his
boyish studies to the art of war. He built model
fortresses, he learnt how to cast a cannon and how
to form a camp. He shared the hardships of the
common soldiers. He cared little for food or sleep ;
in the fight itself he was possessed with a fever of
excitement, and not seldom endangered his life. Yet
he never lost his presence of mind. He practised
himself to despise pain. It is said that once at his
mother's table he was bitten by a dog to which he
had offered a piece of bread, and that he bound his
hand in a napkin, saying nothing about the wound
imtil the blood dropped upon the floor.
Indeed his steadfastness often degenerated into
obstinacy. He persisted in saying that the court
8 CHARLES XII
painter Belin looked like a water-rat, and could not
be persuaded to desist. Also having once been told
by his nurse that he was to remain in a certain chair
until she returned, he absolutely refused to accom-
pany his mother to the sermon and to violate his
promise. Similarly having once said that blue was
black, he continued to declare that it was. We
need not multiply these tales ; it is enough to say
that his obstinacy and stubbornness of will was
tempered by his love for his mother and his fear of
his father, that his virtues were well known in the
land, and that much was hoped from his piety, his
sense of justice, his truthfulness, his strength and
his courage. Our narrative will show that these
hopes were not disappointed.
Charles XI. died in Stockholm on Easter Monday,
April 5, 1697. He left Sweden at the height of her
power, a level which she never passed, and from
which she could only decline. She possessed broad
provinces to the south of the Gulf of Finland. The
River Diine formed a natural boundary an the side
of Poland ; Riga, Revel, and Narva were flourishing
centres of commerce ; the Swedish flag floated over
the battlements of Stettin, Stralsund, Wismar, Bremen
and Stade, places which we have been long accus-
tomed to consider as German towns. The population
was on the whole devoted to the Swedish crown,
FROM BIRTH TO CORONATION 9
but the nobles had become discontented from ,the
carrying out by Charles XI. of the so-called ' Reduc-
tions,' that is the resumption by the crown of the
lands granted to them in feudal tenure by the ill-
judged generosity of previous monarchs. From
Tornea at the northern end of the Gulf of Bothnia
to Ystad in the extreme south there was but one
speech, one law, and one rule. The army consisted
of eighty thousand well drilled and seasoned troops,
the Swedish fleet was of special importance, and the
war treasury was well filled. Such was the inherit-
ance which Charles XI. bequeathed to his illustrious
son, dying at the early age of forty-two.
On the death of his ^vife in 1693, Charles had made
all preparations for a Regency. He had committed
his son to the charge of the Queen-mother Hedwig
Eleanora, and had appointed five regents to assist
ixer. These were Bengt Oxenstiema, who was Presi-
dent of the Council and Minister of Foreign Affairs ;
Christopher Gyllenstjerna, ]\Iinister of War, Nils
Gyllenstolpe, Minister of Justice, Fabian Wrede to
command the fleet, and Lars Wallenstedt to preside
over the Home Office and the Exchequer. But a
terrible calamity presaged coming troubles. On
May 7, just a month after the King's death, the
royal palace was destroyed by fire, and the body of
the monarch, as it lay in solemn splendour on a bed
10 CHARLES XII
of state, was with diflSculty rescued from the flames.
The Queen-mother was beside herself with emotion,
but Charles kept his presence of mind. When the
fire first seized the old castle in which the dead body
of his father lay, he remarked that it was so old that
it must soon have been destroyed ; and when the
large new palace, the ornament of the capital, was in
a blaze, he exclaimed with pious fervour,
' The Lord's Avill be done — His name be praised.'
When the Swedish diet met on November 4, the
first question submitted to them was, whether Charles
should or should not be declared of age, the regency
put an end to, and the government committed to his
hands. The precedent of the great Gustavus Adol-
phus was alleged in support of this com*se ; the
minority of the late King had not been a success,
and the regency was now committed to the same
hands, grown older and more incompetent. The
sermon of the official preacher pointed to the wished-
for change. The Marshall Gripenhjelm had in his
speech commiserated Hedwig Eleanora for having a
burden imposed upon her at a time of life when she
naturally desired peace and quiet, and expressed the
desire of the nobility that she might soon be liber-
ated from its weight. The diet of Sweden was at
this time composed of four orders of estates, the
nobles, the clergy, the burghers or tiers-etat, and the
FROM BIRTH TO CORONATION It
peasants. When the nobles met in their chamber
on November 8, Count Axel Lewenhaupt, the Vice-
Admiral, said,
' As onr young King is by all report gifted with
great virtues and capacities, why do we not ask him
to undertake the Government ?'
Axel Sparre supported him, saying that in a case
like this we must consider not age but understanding.
Then they all rose from their seats, threw their
plumed hats into the air, and shouted, ' Long live
Charles XII.,' and just at this moment the church
clock struck the hour of ten.
As some doubt was felt as to whether the other
estates would follow the example of the nobles, it
was determined first to approach a more important
body, the Council of State, and Gripenhjelm went
into their hall of sitting, where the Queen-mother
was waiting with her twelve councillors, a full
assembly ready for important resolutions. Sugges-
tions of delay were over-ruled. The Marshall was
ordered to introduce the representatives of the nobles,
and just as the clock struck eleven, he led a com-
mission of seventy-four, accompanied by the King
himself, towards the Hall of Council. The council,,
knowing the decision to be inevitable, and wishing
to anticipate acquiescence, while the nobles were
waiting in an ante-room, went in a body to the King
12 CHARLES XII
and asked him what he desired to be done. Charles
replied,
' Although I am aware how heavy the burden is
that I am undertaking, and although I would gladly
have deferred its acceptance for a time, yet I will
not renounce it for the love I bear to my dear sub-
jects, but, according to your wishes, assume the
government with the help of God.'
The representatives of the nobles were then at
last introduced, and were informed of what had
occurred. The council and the nobles were agreed,
but the consent of the other estates must be obtained.
The representatives of the three remaining orders
were summoned for three o'clock in the afternoon,
and the nobles went cheerfully to dinner, where
many a glass was drained in honour of the occasion.
At three o'clock it was found that the majority of
the clergy wished for delay, but that the burghers
were firm for the change, and the speaker of the
peasants said,
' I answer in my simplicity. We are of opinion
that in a matter of this kind, the Lords Regent are
more capable of answering than ourselves, yet we
think it better that the country should be ruled by
a single king than by many.'
The clergy still remained obstinate, and the
nobles, heated by their banquet, did not spare their
FROM BIRTH TO CORONATION 1$
reproaches. But the patience of the nobles was
now worn out, and they shouted with one voice,
' Long live King Charles XII.,' and threw their hats
into the air. The burghers and peasants did the
same, and just as the clock struck fom- the business
was practically concluded. The clergy still con-
tinued to protest, but on the following day gave in
their formal acquiescence.
The question of the coronation aroused serious
disputes. Why, it was urged, should the King re-
ceive his croAvn from the hands of another when he
is born to wear it ? In an elective kingdom like
Poland a coronation is intelligible, but in an here-
ditary monarchy it is unmeaning.
' Yet,' said the Queen-mother, ' the King must be
anointed, or else he cannot be an anointed King.'
It was asked why should the King take a coron-
ation oath when he was already bound by the oath
taken by Charles X. in 1654, which constrained the
whole of his descendants. The question at issue
was that of a limited or an unlimited monarchy, a
quarrel which had long divided Sweden, and which
was not to be decided until Sweden herself ceased
to be powerful. A coronation and an oath meant
the recrudescence of the influence of the nobles ; a
simple anointing pointed to an absolute monarchy,
deriving its authority from God alone. It was soon
14 CHARLES XII
known that the young King was opposed to the
coronation and to the oath, and a severe blow fell
upon the nobles when they heard that they were to
do their homage not on horseback, but on foot. The
horse implied a feudal subordination and not the sub-
mission of a subject ; but feudality was now abolished,
and the nobles must walk like the other orders.
Further humiliation awaited the grandees of the
kingdom. At the coronation of Charles XI. in 1(575,
the Lords of the Council had appeared in their uni-
forms, with red mantles trimmed with ermine.
This was now impossible in consequence of the
court mourning, and the aristocracy had to clothe
itself in a uniformity of black. The King was in
black also, but the purple robe of sovereignty could
not be dispensed with, and the only colom* in the
pageant was seen on the person of the King. On the
other hand the Lords Councillors carried the canopy
over the King's head, displacing the general who had
previously performed that office, and they waited at
the King's table, reluctantly, but not daring to refuse
this honourable servitude.
The act of homage was performed in the square
_J!q the Riddenholm, on December 13. The weather
was cold and stormy, and it snowed heavily. The
black robes of mourning were turned to a deathly
white. The anointing followed on the next day.
FROM BIRTH TO CORO^'ATIOX 15
Charles bore the crown on his head and the sceptre
in his hand, symbolising the absoluteness of his title
and of his rule. But as he sprang to mount his horse,
the crown tottered and fell, some say on the ground,
others that it was held up in the grasp of Count
Stenbock. Indeed, how could Charles save it ^vith
his bridle in one hand and his sceptre in the other ?
A dull murmur ran through the crowd, and the boy-
King was disconcerted. No one, not even the
Queen-mother, knew whether Charles would take
an oath or not, or indeed what he would do. He
first sat upon a throne in the lofty choii', then
approaching the altar, laid his crown and sceptre
upon a cushion, and knelt awhile in prayer. The
archbishop then, with the customary ritual, anointed
him ; first on the brow, and then upon the two
wrists. Then the King arose again, and placing the
crown upon his head, took the sceptre in his hand
and returned to the throne. Prayers, hymns, with
a final blessing echoed by salvoes of artillery,
announced to the capital that Sweden had an anoint-
ed King.
Wine flowed from the fountains, and oxen were
roasted in the square. Enthusiasm spread throughout
the country, roused by the youth and the splendid
qualities of the new sovereign. But there were
murmurs of discontent. Why was the will of the
16 CHAELES XII
late King disobeyed ? Why liad Charles refused to
take the coronation oath ? Was it wise to'entrust so
large an empire to the untried hands of a boy of
fifteen? Had not heaven itself pronounced its
verdict on this rashness ? The storm and snow of
the homaging, the mourning garments of the crown-
ing, the fall of the diadem frgm the monarch's head,
and of the horn of anointing from the archbishop's
hand, were all signs of Divine displeasure. Indeed
the reign of Charles was seldom free from storm
clouds, and was illuminated rather by fitful flashes of
lightning than by the steady radiance of a beneficent
sun.
17
CHAPTER II.
THE MAD TIME.
When Charles ascended the throne at the age of
fifteen, he was tall for his age, but rather slender
and thin. His cheeks were pink and white, like
those of a young girl. This was a great annoyance
to him, as he desired above all things to look like a
man, and it was a comfort to him that his face was
slightly marked with the small-pox. He lived as
much as possible in the open air, that he might be-
come sun-burnt. His dress was simple, but he com-
plied with Fashion so far as to wear a wig, which,
however, he laid aside on his expedition to Den-
mark, and appeared ever afterwards with the bare
' Swedish head ' which has become proverbial. He
ate but little, and his favourite food was bread and
butter, fried bacon, and small beer.
Charles, like his father, had a passion for the
chase. His favourite game were wolves, foxes, elks,
C
18 CHARLES XII
but especially bears. At first be condescended to
use a gun, but be afterwards gave orders tbat only-
spears sbould be employed in tbe conflict witb so
defenceless an animal. Tbe King set tbe example
of daring to bis followers. Tbey often trembled
wben tbey saw tbe life of tbeir sovereign bang in
tbe balance of a moment. Once a bear came so
near to inflicting a deadly blow, tbat it tore tbe wig
from tbe King's bead. Tbis, bowever, was not
enougb, even tbe cold steel was discarded. Tbe
royal bunt was armed only witb wooden forks, so as
to tbrust tbe bear backward, a bludgeon to stun
bim witb, and a cord to bind bim. A great battue
was organized in tbis manner in tbe year 1700. In
a few days fourteen bears were eitber killed or
captured. One of tbe bears fir§t attacked, rusbed
violently upon tbe King, wbo bowever gave bim
sucb bearty blows witb bis bludgeon, tbat tbe beast
was stunned and safely captured. Tbe booty was
brougbt back in triumpb witb songs and music to
Kungsdr.
Tbe King sbowed equal daring in riding. He
ratber liked a beavy fall, because it covered bi?
body witb tbe scars and bruises wbicb were a sign
of manliness. Once be undertook a long ride in a
storm, fell into a snow-drift, and was only saved by
tbe activity of Count Sparre. At anotber time,
THE MAD TIME 19
when he was just sixteen, he set out at five in the
morning and reached a small fiord in the neighbour-
hood of Stockholm. It was April, and the ice was
melting, so that the floe was loosened from the shore.
The King would hear of no denial, and sprung upon
the ice, but at the other side was a gap of fifteen
feet. Charles at first wished to jump it, but finding
that was impossible, urged his horse into the freez-
ing stream, and by good luck safely reached the
shore. What wonder if his tutor warned him that
God Almighty had already saved him twice, but
could hardly be expected to do it a third time, and
that horses were designed for the service of men
and not to help them to break their necks !
Many stories are told of his sledge parties and
his toboganning, in which he seems to have an-
ticipated the discoveries of an Engadine winter.
Thus he would harness oa the horses in front, and
place all the sledges behind, after the manner of the
modern ' bob-sleigh ;' and at Kungsor he made an
ice-run by pouring water down a steep hill, ending
with a leap which nearly killed his two companions.
To all remonstrances he would reply, ' Oh ! it's
nothing,' an expression which became proverbial in
the mouths of the peasantry.
Like his rival Peter the Great, he accustomed
himself early to military exercises, knowing thaX
c2
20 CHARLES XII
most of his life would be spent in these pursuits.
He built fortresses of snow, engaged in sham fights
on the water, in which the ships were armed with
fire-engines. In one of these encounters the King
was nearly drowned, and was only saved by the
presence of mind of his companion Horn. He took
every pains to harden himself in preparation for
future campaigns. He would rise in the night, and
lie almost naked on bare planks. In December, 1(398,
he slept for three successive nights in the stables,
with no covering but hay. At the same time he was
not/ree from horse-play and practical jokes, which
are the weakness of princes. He would drag the
wig oflf a chamberlain's head, or flip cherry stones
into his face. He would shoot at the marble statues
in the palace, till they were shattered as by bullets,
or make a bear drunk, and laugh when it broke its
back. At the same time he knew how to distinguish
between jest and earnest. He was serious in public
affairs, and above all silent. Indeed, the silence of
the young King became prevalent, but his word
once spoken was never changed.
From the first he played the despot in Government.
He had conceived a contempt for the estates which
were left him, and he did not trust the Lords Coun-
cillors. Charles XI. used to summon his council
once a week, but his son transacted afiairs in his bed-
THE MAD TIME 21
room, discussing foreign business with Polus, and
domestic matters with Charles Piper. He did not
go to his council till matters were ] already settled,
and a war might be imminent before they had been
told anything about it. They had to wait outside
the door for the King's pleasure. Charles was, as
might be expected, wayward in his habits of work.
Sometimes he would be engaged with Piper from
five in the morning till late in the evening, at other
times he would attend to nothing serious. At the
same time he inspired general respect, and no com-
bination of the nobility was able to make head
against him. He was sincerely pious, his justice was
unimpeachable, and his honesty beyond all reproach,
his words were scrupulously pure. He had once or
twice given way to drink, and under its influence
behaved rudely to the Queen-mother. Upon this he
determined never to indulge in strong drink again,
and this resolution he kept till his death. Also he
had a certain love of art and refinement, inherited
from his mother, which would hardly be expected
from his character. He studied engravings, paid
honour to artists, and, severe in his own simplicity,
was anxious to maintain the splendour of his court.
Duke Frederick IV. of Holstein-Gottorp was on
his mother's side a cousin of Charles XH. and on his
father's side a cousin of Charles XI. He had also
22 CHARLES XII
married Charles's elder sister, Hedwig Sophia, and
was consequently a constant visitor in Stockholm.
He was a bad companion for his brother-in-law, as
he exaggerated, if he did not cause, his eccentricities,
and the mad freaks they played together were a
prototype of the similar pranks which shocked and
enlivened Weimar in the early days of Goethe and
Karl August A hare hunt was held in the council
hall ; the King and Duke raced from Stockholm to
Kungsor, Charles on horseback, Frederick in a car-
riage, with twelve miles' start. The young King
won, and is said to have covered eighty-five miles in
five hours. One day the Duke rode into the capital
clad in nothing but a shirt, his suite in similar attire
with their sabres drawn ; in return the King mounted
a stag, and rode it, happily without danger. Count
John Gabriel Stenbock was their constant butt.
The cousins dragged his wig from his head, tried to
break his sword, threw his hat out of window and
cut it to pieces ; they broke up all the benches in
the royal chapel, so that the congregation had to
stand. The Duke having boasted that he had cut
off a calfs head with a sword, goats, sheep, and
calves were brought to the palace to be operated
upon, and their severed heads thrown through the
palace windows. A similar fate was inflicted upon
a number of peasants' horses at Kungsor.
THE MAD TIME 23
During this period of mad frolic, the King would
listen to no business, and the Duke became very-
unpopular. It was said that he wished to biing his
cousin into hatred and contempt, and even to expose
him to danger of life, in order that he might ascend
the throne. Once he dared the King to leap a dan-
gerous ditch. Charles's devoted page Klinkowstrom,
a lad of the same age, the companion of his fun and
frolic, held him back and obtained permission to try
the leap first. The horse was killed, the page's arm
broken, but the King's life was saved. Another day
Charles was dared by Frederick to ride over a heap
of planks piled up together. Hans Wachtmeister,
who was in the suite, lost his temper, and cried,
'Have done with this! We know your object,
but we have not got a king that he may break his
neck at your pleasure.'
The Duke attacked the councillor with his sword,
but the King threw himself between them, and
cried,
' Hush, hush ! my dear Hans, I won't ride up the
bank ; be easy on that score, my old friend.'
Similarly once on the lake of Malar, when the
same three were in a boat together, the Duke began
to shake it from side to side, but Wachtmeister laid
his hand on his sword, and threatened to run
him through if he did not desist.
24 CHARLES XII
Great was the joy of the Swedes when the newly-
married couple went back to their own country.
Charles travelled for some distance with them, and
played his mad pranks on the way. At one place a
row of gallows was erected, on which were tied by
their feet living geese with their necks smeared
with fat. Peasants rode through them on horseback,
and tore their necks off, each successful slaughterer
receiving a ducat. The next day the game was re-
newed for the peasants' wives and daughters, and
the female victors received two ducats each.
When the Duke had finally departed, and Charles
had returned to Stockholm, he appeared to be quite
an altered man. He was indefatigable in perform-
ing his kingly duties, and when his friends begged
him to take some repose, he refused, and said that
he had already kept his subjects waiting too long
for the justice which they had a right to expect
from him. However, the respite was not for long.
At the beginning of 1699, the Duke and Duchess of
Gottorp were obliged to fly from their dominions,
and eventually took refuge in Sweden. Piper did
everything he could to prevent the visit, but in
vain. Charles was too fond of his sister, and too
generous in character to refuse hospitality in time
of need. He stood at the very end of the landing-
place at Ystad to await his visitors. But the fears
THE MAD TIME 25
of his advisers were groundless. There was but
little of the old extravagance, but too much ex-
traA^agance of a new kind. The court adopted a
more splendid and brilliant air than had been seen
since the days of Queen Christina. In August the
King's gardens were turned into a Vauxhall, and in
October the eighty-third birthday of the Queen-
mother was celebrated with extraordinary pomp
and expense. In November a French company
came to Stockholm, and played the best pieces of
Moli^re and Corneille, the King being himself nearly
always present. In January and February three
masked balls were held, regardless of expense, and
the nobles followed the example of the court.
The cost of these extravagances was serious, the
treasures amassed by the care and economy of
Charles XI. were wasted in two years. The Elephant
vaults were empty, other resources were exhausted,
there was even a talk of pledging Pomerania or
Bremen, which was only prevented by the represen-
tations of Piper. But the hour of retribution was
at hand. It is said that in the spring of 1700 the
court came to Kungsor, and the King was preparing
to give a masked ball vnth his usual magnificence.
The pious Svedberg, hearing of this, asked the court
preacher whether he could not prevent it, and, on
his declining to interfere, asked to be allowed to
26 CHARLES XII
preach in his place. Svedberg in his sermon repre-
sented that to hold masked balls on Sundays was
such a terrible sin that the King gave up the idea,
and just at this moment a courier arrived with the
news that King Augustus of Saxony and Poland had
invaded Livonia.
27
CHAPTER III.
THE INVASION OF SEELAND.
Whilst Charles was spending too much of his time
in folly and extravagance, a serious conspiracy was
being formed against him and his country. The
main instigator of this was Reinhold Patkul, a
Livonian nobleman, who dreamed of the possible
independence of his native province, and had private
wrongs to avenge upon the royal house of Sweden.
When Charles XI. put an end to the feudal rights of
the Livonian nobility, Patkul was sent to Stockholm
to plead their cause. He produced some effect upon
the King, and was thanked by him, but was never-
theless arrested and condemned for high treason.
He escaped, and wandered in different parts of
Europe seeking for revenge. The accession of a
boy to the Swedish throne seemed to give him op-
portunity, and he approached Augustus of Poland,
suggesting the conquest of Livonia. If that country,
28 CHARLES XII
lie tliought, could not be independent, it might be
better oflf under an elective than under an heredi-
tary monarch.
We must remember that at this time the growing
power of Sweden was regarded as a serious danger
to Europe. She had been gradually enriching her-
.self at the expense of her neighbours. She had
taken Ingria from Russia, Stettin, Rugen, and part
of Pomerania from Brandenburg, Wismar from
Mecklenburg, Bremen and Verden from the Empire,
a,nd a number of provinces from Denmark, besides
.supporting the Duke of Gottorp in the independent
possession of Schleswig-Holstein. She was dreaded
in the North, as Louis XIV. and Napoleon I. were
dreaded in the rest of Europe.
The thrones of the powers hostile to Sweden
were occupied by young and enterprising sovereigns,
one of them a man of genius, Frederick IV. of Den-
mark, Frederick Augustus of Poland, and Peter of
Russia. Mainly by the instrumentality of Patkul an
alliance was formed between them for the dismember-
ment of their common foe. In the division of the
spoil, Russia was to have Ingria, Narva and Uxholm,
and as much of Finland as she could acquire ;
Poland was to have Livonia and Esthonia; Den-
mark was to be set free from the rival pretensions of
the Duke of Holstein-Gottorp, and to recover her
THE INVASION OF SEELAND 29
lost provinces ; Brandenburg, wlio at first hesitated
to join the league, was to receive Stettin and per-
haps a portioii of Pomerania. If the allies had all
worked together in combination, Sweden would
have had little chance. But Peter was too young
and inexperienced to assume a directing power, and
Charles was able to meet his enemies one after the
other and to defeat them, at least for the moment,
in detail.
War first broke out between Denmark and the
Duke of Gottorj). The Schleswig-Holstein ques-
tion is well known as one of the most complicated
in history, and this is not the place to unravel it.
King Christian I. of Denmark, who reigned from 1448
to 1481, when on his way from the Baltic to Italy, was
invested with the sovereignty of the Duchies by the
Emperor in the Imperial town of Rothenburg on the
Tauber. Schleswig was mainly Scandinavian, while
Holstein was German, being said indeed to form an
integral part of the German Empire. The grandson
of Christian L, Christian III., in 1533, gave the Duchies
as fiefs to his two half brothers, John and Adolf. John
died without issue, but Adolf settled in Schleswig,
and founded the line of Holstein-Gottorp. After the
death of Christian III., there was a continual strug-
gle between the Kingdom and the Duchies, the
Duchies striving for independence, and Denmark
to CHARLES XII
aiming either at an effective suzerainty over the
Duchies, or at their complete reduction. The marriage
of Charles X. of Sweden to Hedwig Eleanora, sister
of the reigning Duke of Gottorp, strengthened the
pretensions of that house, and in the peace of Ros-
kilde, which concluded the victorious campaign of
Charles X. in 1658, Frederick III. of Denmark was
forced to renounce the suzerainty to which he laid
claim. But his son and successor. Christian V., al-
lured the Duke of Gottorp to Rendsburg, made him
prisoner, and compelled him to surrender the fort-
ress of Tdmiing with its new earthworks, to receive
a Danish garrison into his town, and again to become
the vassal of Denmark. This arrangement lasted
for a little more than a year, and was put an end to
by French intervention. But in 1682, Christian V.
made an alliance with France, and again occupied
the ducal fortresses with his troops. England and
Holland, now under the sway of William III., natur-
ally intervened against France, and by the peace of
Altona, signed on June 20, 1689, the Duke was
again restored to his privileges, and the Duchies were
placed under the guarantee of the maritime powers.
Duke Christian Albert, in whose favour this inter-
vention had taken place, died in 1694, and was
succeeded by his son Frederick, of whom we have
already heard so much. He placed a garrison of
THE INVASION OF SEELAND 31
Swedish troops in Tonning, and restored the earth-
works. King Christian could not, for the moment,
interfere, because he dreaded the power of Charles
XL But with the death of that King came the
opportunity of revenge, and on March 24, 1698, the
ti-eaty of alliance, of which we have already spoken,
was signed with the King of Poland and the Tsar. It
remained a dead secret, and was scarcely suspected by
the Swedish government. In it King Augustus prom-
ised to support an attack on the Duchies with a force
of eight thousand men, and to keep the Swedes
employed by an invasion of Livonia. King Chris-
tian died on New Year's Day, 1699, before he could
put these plans into operation, but his son Frederick
IV. was even more eager for action than his father.
Before the end of the year a new alliance was con-
cluded with the King of Poland and the Tsar, which
provided for a common attack on Sweden, and that
no peace should be made until Sweden had consent-
ed to surrender her conquered provinces, and the
Tsar had received a port on the Gulf of Finland.
Duke Frederick had no other resource left him
but to take refuge in Sweden, where he met Charles
and placed his country under his protection.
Charles promised to undertake the responsibility,
even if it should cost him his crown. Consulting no
one but Piper, he ordered troops to march from Stade
32 CHARLES XII
and Wismar into Holstein, and to join the Duke's
forces. His councillors protested, and the sea powers
deprecated the opening of a northern war. But all
that they could obtain from Charles was a promise
that he would not be the first to take the aggressive.
King Augustus did his best to conceal his intentions.
He sent an embassy to Stockholm, and even made
proposals for an alliance. Dahlberg, the governor
of Riga, suspected mischief, but could not persuade
his government. He put the walls into a state of
defence, and fortified a bastion called Kobern, on
the other side of the river Diina. In the dawn of a
wintry morning, February 14, 1700, two thousand
Saxons attacked this bastion, and occupied it after
two hours' fighting. The great northern Avar, which
was to last so many years, and to cause so much
bloodshed, had now begun.
We have already stated that Charles was at
Kungsor, when he heard of the invasion of Livonia.
He turned quietly to the French ambassador, and said,
' We shall soon induce King Augustus to return
to the place from whence he came.'
However, he betook himself to Stockholm, and
addressed his assembled councillors.
* I am determined,' he said, ' never to begin an
unjust war, but never to end a just one, save by the
subjection of the enemy.'
THE INVASION OF SEELAND 33
Again, * Strange that both my cousins wish to
make war against me. Be it so ! But King Augustus
has broken his word; our cause is therefore just,
and God will light on our side. I will first settle
matters with one, I will then speak with the others.'
Charles received with equal calmness the news
that Russia had joined the league against him. The
crisis, however, produced an entire change in his
habits and demeanom-. Theatres, dances, and other
amusements were completely given up, and the
young King devoted himself unreservedly to the
study of the art of war, and of the miHtary history
of his ancestors.
The army was brought up to its full strength, and
new regiments were formed. A regiment of Drag-
oons was levied on the preachers and another on the
civil servants, a regiment of infantry was demanded
from the citizens of Stockholm. Some of the higher
nobility raised companies for the service of the
crown. The fleet was fully manned and equipped,
no sailors were allowed to be engaged for the mer-
chant service until the needs of the navy were
supplied.
But for these purposes and for the conduct of the
war, money was above all things necessary, and the
state treasury was exhausted. In the autumn of
1699 a war tax was inposed, which brought in about
D
34 CHARLES XII
a million thalers. The friends of the King, such as
Piper and Stembock, subscribed large sums, but the
nobles were in general discontented, and the exam-
ple was but slowly followed. The reductions, the
confiscations of their property by the Crown, were too
fresh in their recollection. Forced therefore by
circumstances, Charles determined to retrace this
policy. By a rescript of April 13, 1700, he revoked
the Reduction Edict which his father had issued. On
the evening of that day he took an affecting leave
of his grandmother and his two sisters, saying that
he was going to spend a short time at Kungsor.
However, in the middle of the night, he stole sec-
retly out of the palace, and took the road to the south.
He never returned to his capital, and never saw
his grandmother or his eldest sister again.
Frederick IV., King of Denmark, Charles's first cou-
sin and his present enemy, ascended the throne on
August 25, 1699. He was of low stature, thin, pale,
his face decked with a scanty beard. He had a
long Roman nose, large dark and fiery eyes, a broad
mouth, bad teeth, a slight stoop, a short neck, and a
broad chest. In this small and unattractive body
dwelt a great and fiery spirit. Frederick was clever
and sensible, cultivated, honest, and a true friend. He
was convinced that his first duty was to carry out
his father's wishes, and the alliance Avith Russia and
THE INVASION OF SEELAND 35
Poland, which was offered to him, seemed to make it
certain that it would succeed in doing so.
However, the affairs of the north were, for special
reasons, a matter of interest to the other powers of
Europe. A great European war was imminent, os-
tensibly for determining the question of the succes-
sion to the Spanish Empire, but really for destroying
the preponderating power of Louis XIV. William
III., King of England and Stadholder of Holland,
who had spent his life in opposing the aggrandise-
ment of the French king, who now wielded the re-
sources of two governments and commanded two
powerful fleets, was not likely to allow the interest
of the Danish peninsula to interfere with his far-
reaching plans. A war in the north might spread
over the whole of Europe, and array combatants on
very different lines to those which his policy re-
quired. He therefore, with remarkable prescience
and admirable presence of mind, determined to stamp
out the flame before it became a conflagration. He
had a ground for interference as a guarantor of
the treaty of Altona, which had arranged matters
between the King and the Duke of Gottorp. He
therefore despatched a fleet of English and Dutch
ships, with orders to maintain the provisions of the
treaty which had been violated by Frederick, and
•with instructions to bring about a peace as speedily
d2
36 CHARLES XII
as possible. The fleet was under the orders of the-
English Admiral, Sir George Rooke.
In January, 1700, a convention had been signed
at the Hague between England, Holland, Bruns-
wick, Luneburg, and Celle, for the purpose of sup-
porting the treaty, and negotiations were entered
into. Frederick refused to submit ; Swedish troops
were stationed in the Duchy of Holstein, some were
collecting in Bremen, others were advancing from
Pomerania, and from the frontiers of Norway.
General Rehbinder stood, ready to march, in Go-
thenburg. The warnings of the French ambassa-
dor were of no use ; Frederick saw that war was
inevitable, and determined to meet it. He manned
and equipped the Danish fleet, and put it into
fighting trim. His army entered Holstein on March
17, destroyed the earthworks erected by the Duke,
and invested the fortress of Tonning on April 22.
Just at this moment Charles had left Stockholm,
and, accompanied by Duke Frederick, went first to
Carlscrona, where he inspected the fleet, and then to
Malmo, where he superintended the mustering of
twelve thousand troops for invasion of Seeland.
Frederick left his cousin at Gothenburg, and returned
to his own country. The allied English and Dutch
fleet was already on its way, and Charles returned to
Carlscrona in order to go on board and to join its
THE INVASION OF SEELAND 37
vessels with his own. In the meantime the siege of
Tonning was proceeding with little success. King
Frederick proceeded thither in May, hoping to be wit-
ness of a victory. The bombardment had opened on
April 26. More than ten thousand bombs and
red-hot balls had been shot into the town, with
the result of burning a single house and killing a few
men. The besiegers suffered more than the besieged,
their powder magazines exploded, and the Danes
believed that the town was full of witches and magi-
cians, against whose art ordinary means were power-
less. Under these circumstances there was nothing
to be done but to raise the siege, and King Frederick
retired to Rendsburg.
Here, on June 7, 1700, he received a visit from the
English minister, Mr. Gregg, who informed him that
his sovereign, as a guarantor of the peace of Altona,
had determined to send a detachment of his fleet in-
to the Baltic in order to preserve its conditions. He
hoped, however, that the King would render its oper-
ations unnecessary by recalling his troops from Hols-
tein, and giving satisfaction for the damage which he
had occasioned. Frederick repHed that he would
comply with the wishes of England when the allied
troops had quitted Holstein, and that he would then
willingly accept the mediation of France. The day
after this interview the allied fleet reached the har-
38 CHARLES XII
bour of Vinga in the neiglibourliood of Gothenburg,
The Danish fleet consisted of twenty-nine line of bat-
tle-ships and fifteen frigates, and was under the com-
mand of Ulrich Christian Gyldenlove, a natural bro-
ther of the King's, young in years, but of ripe experi-
ence, with pleasant exterior, a clear understanding,
and chivaious nature. Gyldenlove took a position in
the sound between the island of Hveen and Helsingor,
under the guns of Kronburg, to prevent the advance
of the Swedish fleet. But on June 26 the allied
fleet was sighted from the battlements of the castle.
It anchored, thirty-two strong, on the north coast
of Seeland, not far from Helsingor. The Danes
naturally sent to demand their intentions, and were
answered by Admirals Rooke and Allemonde that they
had come, not to oause a war but to prevent one,
that they desired to sail through the sound, and
hoped for an undisturbed passage. Gyldenlove put
his ships in order of battle, and prepared to dispute
their advance.
In the meantime the Swedish fleet, consisting of
thirty-eight ships of the line and ten frigates, carry-
ing more than two thousand guns, had left the
harbour of Carlscrona. It Avas under the command
of the Admiral of the fleet, Hans Wachtmeister, an
experienced veteran of sixty years of age, who had
served his apjDrenticeship in the English navy. The
THE INVASION OF SEELAND 39
object of the Swedes was to join the aUied fleet, that
of the Danes to prevent then* junctions. A large
portion of the sound between Seeland and the
Swedish coast is occupied by the islands of Amack
and Saltholm, and the passages available for ships
run on either side of this latter island. The western
passage, called ' The Drogen,' is deep and available
for ships of war, but it is commanded by the batte-
ries of Amack and is very narrow. On this occasion
the Danes had removed all marks of navigation.
On the eastern side of Saltholm is the passage called
' Flinterenden,' shallow, tortuous, and full of sand-
banks, seldom attempted by ships of war. Charles
XII., who had only recently left the Admiral's ship,
gave positive orders to Wachtmeister that he should
sail with what ships he could through the main
channel, and send the rest back to Carlscrona. The
Danish fleet left their position to oppose the coming
of their enemy, and the allies inunediately weighed
anchor and sailed into the sound, saluting the forte
ress of Kronburg as they passed. They occupicxt
the position which the Danish fleet had just le^st
Kooke was, however, greatly alarmed lest the Du^- in
should give way, and they should be obliged to med
the soimd before the Swedish ships arrived, p, so
Danes were now between two fires, and the c^rove
itself was insecure. It must have been a pictur
40 CHARLES XII
and thrilling sight : the ships of four great powers
ranged in battle order against each other in the
narrow sound, while vessels of commerce pursued
their business unhindered as in a time of peace.
On July 6, Wachtmeister prepared to execute
the positive orders of his sovereign, and to the ter-
ror and astonishment of the Danes he accomplished
it. One of the largest ships went aground, and,
when it was got off by the removal of its cannon,
had to be sent back to Carlscrona. Four or five of
the ships of deepest draught had been left behind,
but the rest reached the roadstead of Malmo in
safety, and effected their junction with the allies.
The combined fleets were now very strong, and the
Danes retired under the walls of Copenhagen.
The bombardment of the town began on the
evening of July 9. The Danish fleet had been
anchored in such a way as to prevent the guns of
their fortresses from being fired without injuring
their own ships. The bombs thrown did little injury,
-any of them bursting in the air. Rooke made it
th>vious by his demeanour that his principal object
ings the restoration of peace, and that he had not
harlie with any hostile intentions. But it now be-
of tje evident that Charles was meditating a descent
expel Seeland, with the object of capturing Copen-
servea from the land-side while the combined fleets
THE INVASION OF SEELAND 41
blockaded it from the sea. He moved about between
Carlscrona and Malmo, partly to complete his pre-
parations, partly to deceive the enemy as to his
intentions. The first plan had been to land in two
divisions, one under General Rehnskjold at Kjoge,
and the other under General Wachtmeister between
Helsingor and Copenhagen. This was given up,
o^ving to unfavourable winds. On the evening of
August 3 (N.S.) a detachment was formed, consist-
ing of some ships of the line and some frigates,
accompanied by an English and a Dutch ship, and
can-ying on board the Swedish regiments of Upland
and Calmar. Charles superintended the operations,
remaining at the place of embarkation from five in
the morning till midnight. When this division had
reached the island of Hveen it was joined on the
following day by Charles himself, who had passed
the night in the guard-house on the bridge, on
board the yacht ' Sofia,' in the midst of a large as-
semblage of vessels of all kinds, conveying the
Swedish Guards and other troops. They set sail at
seven in the morning, and reached the Danish coast
at noon, the weather being very bad. From four in
the afternoon till midnight there was a continued
rain, and then a violent gale of wind sprang up, so
that many thought that the expedition would prove
a failure.
42 CHARLES XII
Orders had been given that as soon as the ves-
sels struck ground, the soldiers should jump into the
Avater and wade to the shore. The grenadiers were
to attack fii-st, then the cavalry, and then the rest of
the troops, the rear ranks being furnished with
spades ; the artillery was to be landed last. But
these precautions were not required. Charles, at the
head of five thousand men, found only two hundred
cavalry to oppose him, with a hundred armed
peasants and six one-pounders placed on two hills.
These were soon driven into their entrenchments by
the fire of the Swedish ships, and the landing was
effected at six o'clock in the evening, at the village
of Humble Beck, about twenty miles from the
capital. The grenadiers sprang into the water up
to the waist, and the king would have liked to be
among them, but contented himself with keeping
order. The engagement lasted a very short time ;
the Danes were quickly driven back, and their guns
captured.
During the following days reinforcements arrived
from Sweden, which brought Charles's force up to
eleven thousand men. He now advanced towards
Copenhagen and halted about ten miles from the
city, which he undoubtedly intended to besiege.
But the siege train had not arrived, and nothing
could be done without their help. The envoys of
THE INVASION OF SEELAND 43
England and Holland did all they could to restrain
the King from further action. They represented to
him that on July 28 an armistice had been signed in
Holstein between the Danish and the allied troops,
and that negotiations for peace had been opened at
Travendal. It is said that Charles was popular
amongst the Danish people, and that supplies came
readily into his camp. He issued a proclamation,
pre^^ously printed at Lund, promising the inhabi-
tants security for their persons and propei-ty, and
recommending them to remain at home and attend
to their own affairs. If captured peasants were
brought to him, he gave them money and said,
' Go to your home, my children, and mind your
own business in God's name ; I am not come here to
conquer you, but to establish peace. If you have
anything to sell bring it here, and you shall be paid
ready money for it.'
He spoke affably to all who approached him, and
was glad to hear the peasants say,
' God bless your majesty. You will do us no
harm, for you are the son of our pious Ulrica.'
Strict discipline was kept. The citizens of Hel-
singor placed themselves under his protection, and it
is said that nobles and rich merchants came to
Charles from Copenhagen to ask that their palaces
and their beautiful churches might be spared
44 CHARLES XII
Charles replied to them that they would be treated
as their conduct deserved.
Charles was as simple as ever in his diet and habits
of life, but he and his officers did not spare his
cousin's preserves, so that the fleet was well supplied
with game. At last the peace of Travendal was
agreed on August 17, and the war came to an
end. The condition of the peace was that matters
should remain between the King and the Duke as they
had been before the war, while at the same time the
King was to pay an indemnity of two hundred and
fifty thousand thalers. The negotiations had lasted
only eleven days.
Charles had taken part in the war as one of the
guarantors of the treaty of Altona, and he would
have liked to have continued it on his own account.
But the maritime powers were opposed to this, and
he had other enemies to deal with. Therefore the
Swedish troops returned to their own country, and
Charles crossed to Helsingborg on September 3,
after an absence of four weeks. The Swedish fleet
sailed to Carlscrona, and Admirals Rooke and Alle-
monde sailed home again, having satisfactorily accom-
plished their embassy of peace. The young King
had begun his career well. He had carried out a
bold scheme with the most complete success. His
name was knoAvn throughout Europe, and his army
THE INVASION OF SEELAND 45
liad shown that it was brave and well disciplined.
The Danes took leave of him with fear in their eyes.
He told them, in a parting address, that if they had
suffered any inconvenience it was against his will,
and that from this moment he would be the most
faithful friend of their King. A fomitain, from the
water of which he used to quench his thirst, still
exists and bears the following inscription :
' Charles XII., King of Sweden, took every day
water from this well, while he was superintending
the embarkation of his troops at Vedbek, from August
28 to September 4.'
It adds that the peasant Hans Petersen, to whom
the well then belonged, and who spoke to Charles
every day, bore testimony of the fact to its present
o^vner.
46
CHAPTER IV.
NARVA.
The peace of Travendal satisfied none of the parties
most concerned in it, least of all the Danes. It could
only be regarded by Frederick IV. as an armistice.
Ho therefore kept his army on a war footing, and
provisioned his fleet for six weeks. Charles XII.
was inclined to defer the expedition to Livonia, and
indeed only took with him a force of six thousand
men. With this small army he set sail from Carlshamn
on October 1, and reached the harbour of Pernau
five days later. The expedition had been directed
in the first instance against King Augustus of Poland,
to avenge the attack on Riga, but no sooner had
Charles landed on Livonian soil than he heard that
the Tsar Peter had declared war against him, and
had invaded Ingria ; he had therefore to defend him-
self against two enemies at once. Augustus had
long been urging Peter to declare himself as a mem-
NARVA 47
ber of the triple alliance, and to throw otf the mask,
but he answered that he could do nothing until he
had finished matters with the Turks.
The peace of Travendal was signed on the very
day on which Peter had received news that the
peace of Carlowitz was concluded at Constantinople.
The next day he sent to King Augustus that he
would declare war immediately and march into Swed-
ish territory. In fact war was proclaimed at Moscow
on August 31, and the Swedish ambassador was
thrown into prison. From this moment there began a
quarrel which determined the course of Charles's life,
which ruined his plans, made his usefulness impos-
sible, and turned what might have been a brilliant
career, directed to the aggrandisement of his country,
into an heroic but ineffectual struggle against a
scarcely more gifted, but more fortmiate foe.
This wrestle of youthful giants for a supremacy in
the north, on which was to depend the supremacy
of their countries in the world, has terrible fascina-
tion when seen by the experience of two hundred
years. Peter was now only twenty-eight years of
age, Charles was only eighteen, Gyldenlove twenty,
his brother Frederick of Denmark but a few years
older.
For the next fifteen years the large field of central
and southern Europe was occupied by the conflict
48 CHARLES XII
of mature warriors and diplomatists, William and
Lewis, Marlborougli and Eugene. Far away in the
north-east the boisterous sport of the young sove-
reigns continued, threatening ever and anon to render
the main action impossible. Messages and threats
availed nothing to keep them quiet, and the battle
of mighty interests was nearly stopped by their dis-
sensions. But in the light of history the results of
the northern Avar are far more important than those
of the war of the Spanish succession. The latter
achieved nothing except the partial weakening of
the French monarchy ; the objects with which the
war was commenced were none of them attained.
On the other hand the northern war determined the
fate of Sweden and the destiny of Russia. Swe-
den, great in her people and her sovereigns, was
relegated to a humble seat in the Parliament of
nations, while Russia was allowed to enter upon a
career which has made her, next to England, the
arbitress of the world.
After landing at Pernau, Charles betook himself
to Rujen, where he heard from General Wellingk
that the Swedes had gone into winter quarters, and
that Riga was for the moment out of danger. He
therefore determined to turn his attention to the
north, and relieve the fortress of Narva which the
Russians had attacked. In the middle of September
NARVA 49
Prince Trubetzkoi, governor of Novgorod, had re-
ceived orders to advance to Narva with a force of
above eight thousand men. He arrived on Sep-
tember 23, fortified a camp, and awaited the com-
ing of the siege train. The town was in a tolerably
good condition of defence. It had a garrison of
two thousand men, half of whom were citizens and
peasants of the neighbourhood ; the place was com-
manded by the excellent and energetic Colonel
Arved Horn. The Russians had expected that the
garrison would surrender without much resistance,
but it was soon seen that the Russian forces were
insufficient. They were scantily supplied with mu-
nitions of war. The roads were bad, and carriages
were wanting, and neither the Russian artillery nor
their powder was good enough in quality for the
purpose.
The besieging army may be reckoned at about
thirty thousand men. It was under the command
of Count Golovin, a friend and favourite of Peter.
The Duke of Croy was also in the army, an officer
who had served both the Danes and the Austrians
previous years. Peter had promised him a position of
importance, but was not able to find one for him, and
he was obliged to content himself with the function of
an adviser. The troops of Charles had anived at Per-
nau much exhausted by a stormy passage, and it took
£
50 CHARLES XII
some time for tliem to recover. General Wellirigk
had been ordered to march with a corps of nine
thousand men to Wesenberg, in Esthonia, by way of
Revel. But it took nearly a month to reach the
place of assembly, in consequence of the badness of
the roads. Charles had ordered magazines to be
provided, but the country was bare of resources,
the whole neighbourhood had been plundered, the
temper of the army was bad, the soldiers had no con-
fidence in their youthful leader, and those who were
escaping from Narva brought bad news into the
camp. The King, however, never lost his presence
of mind. He remained calm and unshaken, certain
of himself, and steadfast in his purpose. He ex-
hibited in his early youth qualities which were to
distinguish him throughout his life.
Although all the troops had not yet arrived Charles
determined to march to Narva. He had under
his command only about fourteen thousand men, of
which five hundred must be left to guard Livonia
and to watch the Saxons. Between Wesenberg and
Narva lay the pass of Pyhajoggi, the 'Holy Meadow,'
about eighteen miles distant from the fortress. It
consists of a deep valley enclosed by steep hills and
traversed by a stream with marshy banks. Through
this difficult ravine there lay only one road, which
crossed the river by a bridge, and there were no
NARVA 51
means of passage. By the advice of General Gor-
don, the confidential adviser of Peter, this pass had
been occupied by Sheremetief, with about six thou-
sand men. But the force was clumsily distributed,
about a thousand men being sent over the stream,
while the main body remained on the other side.
When the Swedish advanced guard met the Russian
force, they halted and informed the King that the
pass was occupied. He rode ahead, and gave orders
for eight guns to follow him. The Russians were
speedily driven back, and the gims, coming up, open-
ed fire on the other bank. The Russian cavalry were
seized with a panic of terror, and galloped hastily
away, and the pass was forced.
That night Peter received news from Sheremetief
that he had been obliged to retreat, and that Charles
might be expected to arrive at any moment. He
took an extraorduiary resolution, which has always
been made an accusation against him. At three
o'clock in the morning he called on the Duke of
Croy, and asked him to take the command while he
retired with Golovin to Novgorod, to hasten the
reinforcements which were expected from Pskof. It
is not fair to attribute this step to cowardice. It is
more probable that Peter was conscious of his o-svn
shortcomings, and that, while he felt it best to be
absent, he did not think it wise to entrust his troops
£ 2
52 CHARLES XII
to a divided command. He said afterwards that lie-
should have escaped the disaster of Narva, if he
had given the command to Croy a fortnight earlier.
Croy did his best, but he could not enforce the
imwilling obedience of the Russian officers, nor could
he avoid the faults of Sheremetief's dispositions. The
line of circumvallation was too long, and the troops
were too much scattered. Also the Russian force
was badly clothed and insufficiently fed, so that
although they fought bravely at certain points they
could not withstand the furious onslaught of the
Swedes. On November 29, the Swedish ai-my
reached Lagena, a country town a few miles distant
from Narva. As they did not know whether the
town had fallen or not, Charles ordered four signal
guns to be fired as a warning to the besieged. Soon
four dull and distant sounds were heard from the
fortress, which told them that their labours were not
in vain. Still their condition was not a prosperous
one, their provisions were exhausted, nothing was to
be obtained from the plundered country, and the
continued rain had turned the ground on which they
were encamped into a morass of mud.
The next day they continued their march in two
detachments, hoping that the Russians would come
out to meet them, but they remained immovable in
their lines. The King, after reconnoitring the
NARVA 53
K-iissian frontier, ordered an attack. Indeed he
eould do nothing else, as the horses had eaten
nothing for two days and could scarcely move, so
that to remain still and to retreat were equally im-
possible. Fascines were made for filling up the ditches,
and the regiments were formed into small battalions,
each two hundred and fifty strong, the cavalry being
arrayed in small squadrons each of seventy men.
The hill of Hermannsberg, which lay in the centre of
the Russian lines, necessitated the breaking up of
the Swedish army into two divisions. The King and
Rehnskjold commanded on the left, and General
Wellingk on the right.
The attack began at two in the afternoon, the fire
of artillery preceding the advance of the troops.
As they approached the enemies' line, the sky, which
had been clear, became dark with a sudden storm ;
heavy snow fell, which was driven by the wind in
the faces of the Russians. This favoured the Swed-
ish approach, and when they were close upon the
lines the sky cleared again. The Swedes leaped
into the ditch, and where there were no fascines to
assist them sank up to the waist. They then mount-
ed the wooded slopes on the other side, and threw
themselves upon the foe. On the right wing the
Russians defended themselves bravely, until their
general was wounded. But Sheremetiefs cavalry
54 CHARLES XII
were seized with panic before they were attacked,
and threw themselves into the river Narova. On
the left the Swedes were first engaged with the
Streltzi, under the command of Trubetzkoi, whom
they easily routed, then drawing towards the left
they attacked the division of Golovin, and a hand
to hand struggle ensued. The Russians, inexperi-
enced in battle, could not make head against the
Swedish veterans, and, as one regiment after another
was driven back, fell into confusion. Some fled,
others climbed over their own entrenchment and
reached the open country, where they were repulsed
by the cavalry under the command of the King and
were driven back to their lines. Their only line of
retreat was by the bridge over the Narova, and
many Russian soldiers found their death in the
stream.
The extreme right of the Russians, six regiments
under the command of Buturlin, still held their
ground, and had they been properly led they might
have turned upon the flank of the Swedes and
changed the fortune of the day. But, terrified by
the disaster which had befallen their commander,
they formed a zareba out of the train waggons
which were posted near, and with the assistance of
nine guns held out till late in the evening. Charles
hastened to the post of danger ; he climbed over the
NARVA 5 b
^va.l\, but fell with his horse into a morass, from
which he was extricated with difficulty. Darkness
had now come on in that short November day, and it
was impossible to distinguish between friend and foe.
The Swedes were found to be firing upon each other.
Therefore at seven o'clock the King gave orders to
cease firing, and the Russians were glad of a similar
respite.
The victory could even now be scarcely declared
decisive, and had the Russians waited for the day they
might have held their own with advantage. In spite
of their losses they were still twenty thousand strong,
when the Swedes had only six thousand fighting
men left. The zareba was uncaptured, and the
extreme Russian left had taken but little part in the
engagement. If at daybreak the two extremities of
the Russian army had turned towards each other,
the Swedes would have found themselves between
two fires. But the spirit of the Russians was broken.
The generals who commanded in the zareba became
conA-inced that fiu'ther resistance was hopeless, and
eventually surrendered, on the condition that the
officers should be made prisoners of war, and that the
soldiers should march out with their arms.
The bridge across the Narova was repaired in the
night, and the Russians began then- march across it
at sunrise. The left wing was forced to follow the
56 CHARLES XII
example of the right, and General Weide capitulated,
but with the harder conditions that his troops should
lay down their arms.
Thus ended the battle of Narva, a brilliant vic-
tory for the young sovereign. The Russians had
about six thousand men, not counting the cavalry
of Sheremetief, who were drowned in the Narova.
The loss of the Swedish infantry was six hundred
and forty-six killed and one thousand two hundred
and five wounded ; that of the cavalry and artillery
is not known, but was probably not considerable.
But the glory of the day is rather to be found in
the numbers who capitulated and the richness of
the captured booty. Twelve thousand Russians laid
down their arms at the bidding of a Swedish force
of half their strength. As Charles stood by the
bridge over the Narova endless lines of efficient
troops passed by him with uncovered heads, and
laid their arms and their banners at the monarch's
feet. Nine generals and eleven officers of lower
rank were made prisoners of war, the rest were dis-
missed into their own country. The prisoners were
well treated, and the Duke of Croy, who was amongst
them, was presented by Charles with one thousand
ducats. The spoil consisted of one hundred and
forty-nine cannon, thirty-two mortars, ten thousand
three hundred cannon balls, three thousand and
NARVA 57
fifty muskets, three hundred and ninety-seven bar-
rels of powder, one hundred and forty-six flags, and
a war chest of two hundred and sixty-two thousand
thalers. The value of the whole was estimated by
the French ambassador at three million six hundred
thousand French livres. Horses were so plentiful
that they were sold for a thaler a piece. Besides
this, in the next few days a hundred and fifty Rus-
sian barges Avere captured coming from Lake Peipus,
laden with provisions and munitions of war of all
kinds.
On the third day after the battle, Charles entered
the liberated Narva in solemn triumph. After
rendering hearty thanks in the cathedral to the
Lord of Battles, he rewarded those who had dis-
tinguished themselves in the siege, and advanced
Arved Horn and Magnus Stenbock to high rank in
the service. He then took possession of the camp
which had been deserted by the Russians. But
brilliant as the victory had been it was impossible
to follow it up. Peter was now at the head of fifty
thousand troops, so that all idea of carrying the
invasion into Russian territory was hopeless.
Charles remained at Narva till December 25, and
then went into winter quarters in Livonia.
58
CHAPTER V.
THE BATTLE OF THE DOnA.
How was the victory of Narva to be turned to the
bcHt advantage ? The King's principal advisers,
Piper, Wrede, Wellingk, and Stenbock, urged him to
accept the propoMals made hy King Augustus for
peace, and to turn his arms against the Russians ;
winter in their country, as he at a later period en-
camped in tlie heart of Saxony, and stimulate the
discontent which Peter was oven now arousing by
his reforms and his cruelties. But Charles refused
to accept these suggestions. It is said that he did
so because he hated Augustus and despised the
Russian troops. But there were better reasons for
the resolution which ho adopted. A winter cam-
paign in Russia was a difficult and dangerous task,
as he afterwards found to his cost, and although
Augustus was now ready to make peace, he was an
untrustworthy ally, and might at any time turn
THE BATTLE OF THE DUNA 59
against his friends. Charles therefore determined
to stiiy where he was, and fixed his abode in an old
dilapidated palace, called Lais, not many miles north
of Dorpat, once belonging to the order of German
knights, and at this time to the family of Fleming.
Here the young King enjoyed liimsolf with hunting
and shooting, sham fights, and peasant weddings.
General Magnus Stenbock was active in arranging
masques. On January 28, after a morning spent in
a hattite, a scene was discovered, in which a fruit-^
tree represented Sweden, while two eagles, one
Avhite and the other black, tried to pluck the fruit.
At the foot of the tree lay a lion, which treated the
black eagle so roughly that the white eagle flew
away. In another scene a mouse-trap was opened
by a lion, and the whole crowd of mice scattered
themselves in flight. Over this was written the
legend, ' Go and tell it to Peter.' By these and
other devices Stenbock endeavoured to wean the
King away from thoughts of little wars, and en-
couraged him to spare his matchless infantry for
more important enterprises.
But Charles was seriously infected with the war
fever. He gave but little time to affairs of state^
and rode out every day to inspect his soldiers, even
those who were encamped at a great distance.
Uiifortiinately the army, although lying in their
60 CHARLES XII
own country, suflfered great hardships. The troops
who were not lodged in the towns had bad quar-
ters, and were scantily supplied with provisions
and hospitals. The winter was very severe, the icy
wind penetrated the walls of the huts, and the snow
was so deep as to stop all traffic. Many were frozen
to death, many died of hunger, and infectious
diseases broke out. Among the victims was the
Palsgrave Adolf John, a relation of the King's. It
is said that a third or more of the troops were
rendered unfit for service. The head of the com-
missariat, Andreas Lagercrona, was greatly to blame
for these misfortunes, which carried with them worse
results than the loss of troops. As the government
was unable to provide proper provisions and cloth-
ing for the army, the soldiers and even the officers
began to plunder the inhabitants. The easy-going
Livonians were not used to this treatment. They
asked why the King, after beating the Russians, had
not marched into Ingria, and imposed upon the
enemy the burden which now had to be borne by his
friends. Thus it came to pass that the dissatisfaction
against the Swedish government with which the
nobles had been infected by the Reduction Edict of
Charles XL now spread among the masses, and was
the cause of serious dangers for the future.
Charles remained six whole months in Lais. He
THE BATTLE OF THE DUNA 61
has been reproached for this inactivity, but he was
obHged to wait for reinforcements from Sweden.
Great exertions Avere being made in that country,
and about eleven thousand troops disembarked at
Reval at the end of May ; they were, however, roug*h
levies, and could not be employed until they had
been properly drilled, which occupied the month of
June.
At length, on June 27, he broke up his encampment
in the neighbourhood of Dorpat and marched quick-
ly to Riga by way of Wolmar and Wenden. Peter
was not at all disheartened by his defeat, he desired
nothing better than a continuance of the war, and
did his best to stimulate the Kings of Poland and
Denmark to new exertions. The latter, indeed, was
tied, for reasons which it was impossible to disre-
gard, to the fortunes of the allies in their struggle
against France. But Augustus was easier to per-
suade. Peter had a conference with him, which
lasted from February 26 to March 14, in the country
palace of Birze, not far from the frontiers of Courland.
It is said that the results of the meeting, although
shrouded in secrecy, were made known to Charles
soon after its close by a Scotch gentleman, who con-
descended to act as a spy. There is a similar story
that the private conversations, if there were any, be-
tween Napoleon and Alexander on the raft of Tilsit
62 CHARLES XII
were revealed to the English government by a Scotch
gentleman, named Mackenzie, who had shut himself
np in the raft under the guise of a carpenter. The
monarchs were reported to have agreed that no
exertion should be spared until Charles had been
driven entirely from his possessions on the Baltic.
Peter was to supply, for the purpose, two hundred
thousand men and Augustus fifty thousand. Peter
was to pay to his poorer ally a subsidy of two million
thalers, until the Polish Republic should have taken
up the war on its own account. Augustus was to
operate in Livonia, the Tsar in Finland, and the
troops supplied by Peter to the King of Poland were
to be trained and armed in the German fashion.
The knowledge of this plan, and the conviction of
the treachery of Augustus, induced Charles to turn
his arms against the King of Poland before he pro-
ceeded to attack Peter. It is said indeed that he
despised the Russians as antagonists, and thought
that they could be dealt with at any moment. He
hoped also to be able to dethrone Augustus from his
Polish sovereignty and to put James Sobieski in his
place. We have said that Charles broke up from
Dorpat on June 29, 1701, the day on which he com-
pleted his nineteenth year. The Saxons were
successful in the neighbourhood of Riga, on the
other side of the river Diina, ten thousand strong,
THE BATTLE OF THE DUNA 03
under tlie command of Field-Marshal Steinau. On
July 3, Steinau had received a reinforcement of
Russian troops under the command of Prince Reprin,
the number of which was not more than twelve
thousand seven hundred. Steinau knew that the
object of Charles would be to pass the Diina as
quickly as possible, but he did not know which point
of passage he would be likely to choose. He there-
fore established eight points of observation along a
line of fifty miles. Charles made feints at two of these
points, but his real design was to cross at Riga itself
and to strike at once at the heart of the enemy.
Riga was commanded by the aged Field-Marshal
Dahlberg, whose acquaintance Charles had made
during his previous passage. Dahlberg exerted him-
self to assist the King's entei-prise in every way.
He collected boats and other vessels with great
secrecy, and had a number of flat-bottomed barges
prepared, each of which was to carry a gun and a
certain contingent of horses. A broad plank was
attached to them which served as a defence against
the enemies' fire in crossing, and when let down,
rendered disembarkation easy. The stream was
further defended by floating batteries.
Charles reached Riga on July 17. By the even-
ing of the next day as many troops were embarked
as the vessels could hold, about seven thousand
64 CHARLES XH
infantiy and tliree hundred cavalry. The vessels
remained during the darkness under the eastern
bank of the stream, and at four in the morning pushed
off from land. The Saxons had not the slightest
idea of what awaited them, and their guards were
not roused until the flotilla had reached the middle of
the stream. They then opened fire, which was re-
turned by the forts of Riga, the heavy smoke con-
cealing the Swedish troops and rendering the aim
of the Saxon artillery difficult. Charles had foreseen
this, and had determined to take a further advantage
of the favourable wind. He had placed in the van
of his expedition a number of boats full of damp
straw. This was now lighted, and the heavy smoke
lay like a curtain over the approaching vessels.
The Saxons arranged themselves as well as they
could in order of battle. Steinau was engaged in
another part of the river, and the command of the
troops Avas left to Duke Ferdinand of Courland, and
Lieutenant General Patkul. As the passage of the
Diina could not have taken more than half an hour,
and the flotilla was not discovered until it was half
way across, there was only a quarter of an hour left
for the Saxons to make their preparations. However,
they drew up in two lines, the infantry in the centre,
and five regiments of cavalry on the flank. The
actual landing took place at Kramersdorf, about a mile
THE BATTLE OF THE DUNA 65
below the town. The King was the first to leap
ashore. He drew up his troops in single line, with
his small force of cavalry on the right wing. The
Saxons attacked with great fury, but were received,
at close quarters, with a fire that made them quail.
Steinau now came up, and consolidating the
Saxon reserves into a single line renewed the attack.
But the Swedes had succeeded in mastering some of
the entrenchments, and began to shoot down the
Saxons with their own guns. Steinau exerted him-
self to the utmost ; he drew off" his troops to the left,
and made a desperate onslaught on the Swedish
right wing. The Swedes, only a hundred and fifty
strong, after repelling the charge of the Saxon
cavaliy, attacked the Saxon infantry in the rear.
Just at this moment the barges were seen crossing
the Diina and bringing up reinforcements, so that
Steinau was forced to give orders for the retreat.
The battle was over, the Saxons lost two thousand
men, the Swedes only five hundred. The Russians,
who were encamped at some distance from their
allies, had not been able to take part in the en-
gagement.
The battle of the Diina was honourable to both
parties engaged; the Saxons, although defeated,
did their best. All their generals, Steinau, Patkul,
and the Duke of Courland, were wounded, and a
66 CHAELES XII
third of tlieir body rendered unserviceable. The
Swedes deserve praise for reserving their fire until
the enemy was at close quarters with them.
Charles was engaged in the front rank from the
beginning to the end ; to him is due the whole credit
of the victory, — the conception, the execution, and
the triumphant results of a daring blow. The
fruits of the battle were of great importance. All
the strong places along the Diina fell into the liands
of the Swedes, only the fort of Diinamiinde, at the
mouth of the river, was able to hold out till the end
of the year. But the combination of Birze was
broken up, the Russian contingent retired to Pskov,
and the Saxons slowly withdrew to their own
country. Not more than six thousand Saxon troops
remained in Poland. The activity and military suc-
cess of Charles during the first year of his military
life are unsurpassed in history. In less than twelve
months he had crossed the sound and extorted
peace from the Danes ; he had at Narva defeated
a force of Russians much larger than his own, and
compelled them to lay down their arms ; he had now
with unexampled daring defeated the Saxons, and
driven their allies back into their own country. The
three conspirators against his crown had each
received their several lessons, and that from the
hand of a beardless boy.
THE BATTLE OF THE DUNA 67
Charles did not set himself to pursue the beaten
•enemy, but marched closely in the direction in
which they had retreated. At the beginning of
October he placed his troops in winter quarters in
the west part of Courland, which was then subject
to the Polish Republic, taking up his own abode in
the Castle of Wiirgen. He did not, however, reside
there, but in a simple house like the rest of the
soldiers, sharing their hardships as far as possible.
It is difficult to understand why at this moment he
neglected both to attack the Russians and to return
to Stockholm. His enemies were so far disheartened
that there should have been no difficulty in making
an advantageous peace. But he had little taste
for affairs of state, and he took a boyish pleasure in
the operations of war ; it is certain also that he
despised the character and resented the treachery of
Augustus, and was not inclined to rest until he had
exacted a complete vengeance. Here the weakness
of Charles's character shows itself. Peter was
greater in administration than in war ; he kept a
clear object before his eyes, which he never lost
sight of. If Charles had been determined in like
manner to hand down the Swedish Empire, which he
had received from his ancestors, unimpaired to his
successors, it is possible that the domination of the
Baltic would never have passed to Russian hands.
f2
68 CHARLES XII
It must be remembered that althougli Charles was
at war with the elected King of Poland, who was at the
same time master of Saxony, he was not at war with
the Polish Republic, and that no Polish troops had
been employed against him. Augustus was now in
Warsaw, and Charles could not attack him without
violating the territory of a neutral state. At the
same time the Poles could hardly regard the presence
of Charles in Courland with indifference. On July
25, the Primate of Poland wrote to Charles to remind
him that his country had nothing to do with the war,
that she had refused all assistance to King Augustus,
and to express a hope that he would not undertake
any hostile operations against Poland, or indeed
approach her confines. On August 6, Charles re-
ceived another letter, written from Warsaw by
Prince Lubomirski in the name of the Republic,
complaining of the occupation of Mitau, the capital
of Courland, by Swedish troops, and saying that,
although the disposition of the Poles was at the
moment friendly, their policy might easily undergo
a change if occasion were given for it.
Charles wrote in answer to the Cardinal Primate,
that he must know as well as anyone else how
badly King Augustus had behaved both to Swedes
and to his own subjects, that the best course would
be to depose him, and that if that were done
THE BATTLE OF THE DUNA 69
Charles would be liappy to assist the Republic with
his forces. To Lubomirski he replied with greater
sternness, — that he was merely following the retreat
of the king whom he had defeated ; that he had no
security that the Poles were not secretly assisting
their sovereign. Augustus, he said, had behaved so
badly that he could no longer be trusted, and it
was unworthy that a faithless and perjured prince
should occupy the Polish throne. Before any other
steps were taken, he must insist upon the withdrawal
of all foreign troops from Polish soil.
It was now the object of Charles to get a firm
footing in Poland, and to approach Warsaw without
breaking peace with the Republic. An opportunity
was afforded by the rivalry between the two great
families who divided the supremacy in Lithuania, the
Sapieha and the Oginski. The first of these had for
a longtime enjoyed a position of preeminence in the
Grand Duchy, but had made themselves unpopular
by their overbearing conduct. In the last election
the Oginski had been opposed to the candidature of
Augustus, and in consequence of this Lithuania
had been devastated by a baronial war in which the
Sapieha found themselves worsted. They were
driven to the frontiers of Samogitia, a territory to
the south-west of Courland, and naturally sought
the assistance of Charles, who was not unwilling to
70 CHARLES XII
afford it. The Sapieha had large possessions between
Schawli in the interior, and Polangen on the sea-
coast, north of Memel, which had hitherto been
spared in the great devastation. To protect these
districts, the Swedish Colonel Hummerhjelm Avas
sent with a detachment of six hundred men to
Schawli, and Polangen was occupied in a similar
manner by Colonel Meyerfeld.
These outposts were, as might naturally have been
expected, attacked by the Oginski, and Charles seized
the opportunity of heading an expedition against
them. So in the night of December 11, Charles left
his head-quarters in Courland, with four hundred
infantry of the Guards, conveyed in sledges, marched
into Lithuania, and summoned the two detachments
which were posted at Schawli and Polangen to join
him. Hearing that the Oginski were at Shkudi, he.
proceeded thither, with a smaller company of dra-
goons, but, finding that the Oginski had left the
town, as soon as his troops had come up he hastened
to Triski, a little town to the west of Schawli, which
he reached on December 15. Here he rested his
forces, but was attacked by the Oginski during the
night. The onslaught was speedily repulsed, and
Oginski himself was nearly captured. Again waiting
to concentrate his forces, he reached the important
town of Eowno on the Niemen on December 29, and
THE BATTLE OF THE DUN A 71
found it deserted by the Oginski. The object of the
expedition was now attained. Kowno was well on
the road to Warsaw. Here Charles left all the troops
he had brought with him, cavalry as well as infantry,
and returned with a small escort to his head-quarters
in Courland. He found his generals in the greatest
anxiety. He had been absent a whole month, and
nothing had been heard of him. A strong detach-
ment had been sent out to search for him, but he met
them on the road and took them back with him to
Wiirgen. At this time, as at others, obituary notices
and epitaphs were composed about him which an-
ticipated the judgment of posterity.
72
CHAPTER VL
THE BATTLE OF CLISSOW.
The Polish diet met at Warsaw on December 22,
1701. King Augustus had hoped that he would be
able to induce the Poles to declare war against
Sweden, but when he found that impossible he made
overtures for peace. For this purpose he asked for
the friendly offices of the King of France and the
Emperor, and, on his own account, could find no
more fitting ambassadress than his former mistress,
the Countess Aurora of Konigsmarck. She was
renowned throughout Europe for her beauty, her
accomplishments, her cleverness, and her diplomatic
tact, indeed for everything but her virtue. As mis-
tress of the Elector she had become, five years be-
fore, the mother of a child who was some day to
become the famous general, the Marechal de Saxe.
It did not shock the feelings of those times that
she should be appointed abbess of the distinguished
THE BATTLE OF CLISSOW 73
convent of Quedlinburg in the Harz, where she was
buried, and where not many years ago her body was
still to be seen enveloped in a veil of rich golden
hair. She was now thirty years of age, but had lost
nothing of her loveliness and charm, and she reck-
oned with confidence that she would easily gain an
influence over the young King of nineteen years.
As she passed through Warsaw she was entrusted
with letters for Piper and for Charles himself, not
only asking for peace but offering the surrender of
Courland and a portion of Lithuania.
She arrived at Wiirgen shortly after the return of
Charles from his expedition to Kowno. Countess
Piper treated her with courtesy, and a suitable lodg-
ing was provided for her. Whilst waiting to be pre-
sented to the King, she tried her arts on the most influ-
ential members of his court. As Charles still refused
to see her, she composed complimentary verses in
his honour, and at last wrote him a letter in which
she begged to be allowed to kiss his hand, saying
that she had a proposition to make which could be
communicated to him alone. When all this proved
of no avail, she contrived that her carriage should be
stationed at a spot which she knew that Charles
would pass on horseback. When the King approached,
she got out and bent before him, hoping that she
would compel him to speak to her. Charles took off
74 CHARLES XII
his liat and made a courteous bow, but tlien set spurs
to his horse and galloped away.
Shortly after this the army broke up, and Aurora
was left at Wurgen to mourn over the failure of
her mission. As a rebuke to Augustus and to Aurora
herself, the King gave orders that all loose Avomen
who were to be found in the camp should be collected
together. They were compelled to fall on their
knees and to listen to a long Protestant service, and
were then driven from the district. Aurora retired
to Tilsit, and from that place and from Konigsbcrg
she sent letters to Piper persisting in her desire to
have an interview with Charles, and to communicate
to him a secret proposal which she could impart to
no other ears. But all this was of no avail.
Charles left Wurgen on January 25, 1702, having
sent on a large portion of his troops on the road to
Ivowno a few days before. Their progress was very
slow, and he did not reach Rossieny till the end of
February, where he found comfortable quarters for
his troops. After dispatching a large detachment
under Stenbock in the direction of Wilna he took
up his abode in the hunting castle of Bjelovice.
Augustus now made a further attempt to induce
Charles to conclude peace by sending to him his
chamberlain. Count Vitzthum von Eichstadt, who
•was instructed to ask for a personal interview be-
THE BATTLE OF CLISSOW 75
tween Charles and Augustus. He was, however,
arrested on the ground of having no passport, and
was sent to Riga, but was shortly afterwards set at
liberty. A fortnight later another envoy brought a
message from the Polish Republic, saying that they
were preparing to send an embassy, and asking the
King to remain where he was. Charles replied
that he would spare the ambassadors the trouble of
coming all that distance, but made no other reply.
It was obvious that he had made up his mind to de-
throne Augustus, and that nothing could shake his
resolution.
An event now occurred which favoured the object
of Charles's policy. The last Polish diet had nomi-
nated to the command of the Lithuanian troops a
certain Prince Wiesnowiecki, who thought it his
first duty to get rid of the Swedish troops who were
occupying Kowno, under the command of Colonel
Hunmierhjelm. The first engagement between
them was favom'able to the Swedes, who captured
the guns and inflicted other loss. A few days after-
wards Hummerhjelm set out to recover six of the
guns, which he had left behind, but being attacked
by Wiesnowiecki with a much larger force, his-
whole detatchment was cut to pieces, and he was
himself taken prisoner. Wiesnowiecki entered
"Wilna in triumph, and was received with great re-
76 CHARLES XII
joicings. When Charles heard of this he deter-
mined to be avenged not only on Wiesnowiecki and
his Lithuanians, but on the town of Wilna, their
capital, which had exhibited such untimely joy at
his disaster. So he broke up from Rossieny at the
lieginning of April, somewhat too early for his pur-
poses, and marched to Kowno, ordering Stenbock
to proceed to Wilna and if possible to capture
Wiesnowiecki. The Swedes were allowed to enter
Wilna without opposition, and a heavy contribution
was levied on the city.
The passage of the Niemen occupied the Swedish
army a whole week, and it was not till April 27 that
they reached the neighbourhood of Grodno, where
the i^edish embassy had been patiently awaiting
their arrival. Charles, however, fixed his head-
quarters at Dlugowice, about thirty miles distant,
and ordered the ambassadors to attend him on the
following day. The audience eventually took place
on May 4. The Poles presented three demands :
first, that the Swedish army should evacuate Polish
territory as soon as possible ; secondly, that the Re-
public should be compensated for the loss which it
had sustained ; and thirdly, that the cannon taken at
Diinamiinde which belonged to the Republic, should
be restored to it. The Poles seemed to forget that
although they were not actually at war with Charles,
THE BATTLE OF CLISSOW 77
yet their country was being used as a basis of oper-
ations against him, and that the only effective
manner of showing their neutrahty would be to
compel King Augustus to make unconditional sub-
mission. Charles seems to have been more con-
vinced than ever that peace was hopeless so long as
Augustus remained King of Poland, and that he
must use all his efforts to dethrone him. However
just this opinion may have been, there can be little
doubt that Charles pm-sued this object to the
neglect of others which were far more important.
He could have made peace with Augustus on favour-
able terms, and had leisure to set his own house in
order, ^vhich was his first duty, and to watch the
designs of Russia, which were far more dangerous
to him than any action of Poland or Saxony could
be. In vain the aged Bengst Oxenstierna raised a
warning voice, conjuring his master to make peace ;
Charles stubbornly pursued the end he had in
view. On ^lay 8, the King resumed his march to-
wards WarsaAv, and the court of Augustus broke up
and fled to Cracow. Some of the senators and the
Primate Cardinal Radziejowski remained behind.
He had voted against Augustus at the last election,
and was not without hopes that Charles might assist
him in securing his political ends, which were his
own aggrandisement and the limitation of the royal
78 CHARLES XII
authority. Charles, on the otlier hand, saw in him
a convenient instrument for the dethronement of
Augustus.
On May IG, the Swedish army reached Ostrow,
about fifty miles from Warsaw. From this place
Charles issued a manifesto to the Polish people. He
declared that the Poles had as many grievances
against Augustus as he had himself ; that contrary to
his coronation oath, Augustus had introduced foreign
troops into the country to constrain Polish freedom ;
that he had sent ambassadors to foreign courts
without the consent of the Republic, and had made
an alliance with the Tsar, their bitterest enemy ;
that so long as Augustus sat on their throne peace
was impossible, for he was a breaker of its oaths.
He said that Augustus had sent him envoys with
magnificent offers, but that he had refused to listen
to them, because they came without authority, and
because he had no desire to profit at the expense of
the Republic. He came, he declared, as a friend and
helper, to deliver them from an intolerable burden ; if
they would assist him he would leave their territory
without any demand for compensation, and turn his
arms elsewhere against a common foe.
The army reached the right bank of the Vistula
on May 24 ; a small detachment was sent across the
stream to occupy the citadel, the Poles making no
THE BATTLE OF CLISSOW 79
resistance. The next day Charles entered the capi-
tal, and sent a messenger to Radziejowski, begging
him to come to him. After the message had been
three times repeated the Primate arrived, and the
interview took place on June 0.
Charles proposed to summon a diet, and to elect a
new King, but the Cardinal represented that it
would be an insult to Polish pride to dethrone their
sovereign at foreign dictation; he preferred the
policy of reducing his power to a shadow, and if he
refused the terms offered him he could easily be
deposed by the Poles themselves. Charles declined
to discuss matters personally with the Primate, but
left the negotiations in the hands of Piper. Indeed,
he refused to see the Cardinal a second time, so that
nothing was settled. On June 21 Radziejowski
took a foi-mal leave of Charles, and returned to his
own estates. In the meantime, Augustus had not
been idle. The Saxon army, increased to the
strength of twenty thousand men, had entered Cra-
cow in June, in spite of the law which forbade the
sovereign to introduce more than six thousand
foreign troops into the territory of the Republic.
The crown army was also mobilised, and, under
the command of Prince Lubomirski, advanced to
Lemberg.
Charles left Warsaw on June 2(i, and on July 10
80 CHARLES XII
reached Kielce, more than half-way to Cracow.
Here he intended to await the arrival of another
detachment, but, hearing that Augustus was ap-
proaching, he broke up his camp on July 17, and
halted at Objetza, about four miles from Clissow.
He would have attacked the King of Poland on the
following day without waiting for reinforcements,
had not Piper reminded him that July 19 was the
anniversary of his passage of the Diina, and induced
him to delay. In the evening Morner came up
with liis detachment of four thousand, and in-
creased the strength of the Swedish army to twelve
thousand men.
The Swedish army was summoned to arms early
on the morning of July 19, by a report that the
enemy was at hand. They drew up in order of bat-
tle, and awaited the attack, but the enemy did not
come, and the scouts could give no information as
to their position. At nine o'clock the King lost
patience, and ordered his troops to advance. They
marched in order of battle, just as they had been
drawn up, except that the right wing was forced to
divide into two parts from the nature of the ground.
Passing through a thick wood they reached a plain,
bounded by a wood on the other side. In order to
avoid this, they bent towards the right and marched
with the wood on their left. Just at the end of the
THE BATTLE OF CLISSOW 81
wood, as they mounted an eminence, they saw the
camp of the enemy lying exactly at their left, its
position having been concealed by the wood which
they had manoeuvred to avoid. The King made a
sharp left turn and went straight on to the camp,
halting when he came within cannon-shot.
It was now high noon, three hours having been
consumed in the march from Objetza and in the
manoeuvres which we have described. Charles rode
forward to reconnoitre, and found the camp unassail-
able in front, as it was covered by a deep morass.
Marshes impossible for cavalry extended towards the
right, whereas some slightly higher ground spread
out on the left. Charles again altered his line of
march, and turned his whole army to the left in the
direction of the solid ground ; when he had reached
it, he called ' halt and front.' He also sent six bat-
talions from the centre to strengthen the left wing,
placing them between the squadrons of cavalry.
The position of the King of Poland was very strong.
His front was defended by morasses, broken only in
the centre by a stretch of solid ground about nine
hundred yards in breadth. His left and rear were
also protected by marshy ground, and his right wing
rested on a thick wood.
The approach of Charles had been so unexpected
and was carried out in so unusual a fashion, that the
O
82 CHARLES XII
Saxons did not realize the situation, but thought
that they had in front of them nothing but scattered
detachments sent out to reconnoitre. When the
truth became known, Augustus altered his formation,
which had the effect of cramping a portion of his
cavalry so as to hinder their action. However, he
was able to harass the Swedish infantry, during their
approach, with artillery fire, until the guns were cap-
tured about an hour before the main battle began.
At two in the afternoon Charles, who was on the
left wing, ordered the Duke of Holstein to attack
the right wing of the enemy, which consisted of the
Polish crown army. But no sooner had the Duke
given the necessary orders than he was killed by a
ball from a falconet. General Wellingk, therefore,
took the command, and the advance took place. The
Poles, however, lost no time in running away, and
disappeared from the battle-field, and the extreme
left of the Swedes followed in pursuit. In the mean-
time the right half of the Swedish left wing was
attacked by Lieutenant-General Flemming, but he
was repulsed by the Swedish cavalry, who eventually
succeeded in putting the Saxons to flight, in spite of
all efforts of their commander, who had himself been
twice wounded, to stop them. The pursuit was
only checked by the unfavourable nature of the
ground.
THE BATTLE OF CLISSOW 8S
In the centre the Swedish troops continued to
advance, impeded by the marshy ground and the fire
of artillery. They broke through the chevaux de /rise
which protected the enemies' line, and then threw
themselves on the Saxon infantry, who soon retired
with considerable loss. On the Swedish right the
fortune of the day was somewhat different, as here
the Saxons took the offensive. Field-Marshal Steinau
with a large portion of the Saxon cavalry vigorously
attacked the front and the right flank of the Swed-
ish first line, while another detachment manoeuvring
to the right attempted to take the Swedes in the
rear. Their danger was, however, seen in time, and
Rehnskjold was able to repel the attack with the
King's body-guard of trabants and the body-dra-
goons. The Saxon cavalry were driven back by
the superior energy of the Swedes, and the attack in
front met with no greater success. The Saxons re-
tired to a village in the rear, where they were able
to reform on high ground. The Swedes pressed
them in their turn, but were much hindered by the
marshes, while the Saxons retaliated from their posi-
tion of advantage. The Swedish cavalr}^, however,
withstood the shock, and the Saxons, exhausted by
this last effort, retii*ed from the field and were pursued
by the Swedes into the marshes behind Clissow.
Thus at six o'clock in the evening the battle was at
g2
84 CHARLES XII
an end, having lasted just four hours. The Saxons
lost in dead and wounded more than two thousand
men, while about one thousand five hundred were
made prisoners. The Swedish loss was three hun-
dred dead and eight hundred wounded ; besides this
the Swedes captured forty-eight guns.
After the battle, Augustus retired to the neighbour-
hood of Cracow. Charles remained at Clissow for a
fortnight, and resumed his advance on August 2, the
Saxons having in the meantime received a reinforce-
ment of ten thousand men. He reached Cracow on
August 9, and found it occupied by only a small
garrison, which was not calculated to offer a serious
resistance. The Swedes found on their arrival that
the bridge over the Vistula had been broken down,
so General Stenbock was ordered to convey four
hundred men across the river in barges and to obtain
an entrance into the town, without, however, making
use of fire-arms. Stenbock marched through the
suburbs and reached the town walls, where he began
a parley with the commandant Wielopolski, who
was reluctant to allow the Swedes to enter ; but
Charles, coming up at this moment and thinking
that the negotiations had continued long enough,
gave orders for the doors to be forced and the pali-
sades to be removed, orders which were immediately
obeyed. The commandant then took refuge in the
THE BATTLE OF CLISSOW 85
citadel, whither he was followed by the Swedes.
Cracow was thus captured without shedding of blood,
but a heavy contribution was laid upon it, as a
punishment for having made even a show of
resistance.
86
CHAPTER VII.
CHARLES IN POLAND.
Whilst King Charles was remaining quietly at Cra-
cow, he received a reinforcement of ten thousand
men under the command of Gyllenstierna. In the
meantime, the Polish diet was meeting at Sandom-
ierz. It was not, however, complete, as there were
no representatives either from Great Poland or from
Masovia. These two provinces were opposed to
King Augustus, whereas the diet of Sandomierz
appeared to give him their complete confidence.
Augustus declared that he had always kept the inter-
ests of the Republic in sight, and that he had brought
in a larger number of troops than the law allowed,
solely with the view of making a better resistance
to the enemy. The Poles, on the other hand,
promised to remain true to their sovereign and never
submit to Swedish domination. At the same time,
they determined to send an embassy to Charles. The
CHARLES IN POLAND 87
tenns proposed were that Charles should make a de-
fensive alliance with Poland, which the Poles bound
themselves to maintain, even at the cost of taking
arms against their King. On the other hand, Charles
Avas entreated to ^vithdraw his army from Poland,
Lithuania, and other territories belonging to the Re-
public, and to surrender the cannon taken at Diina-
miinde. Charles refused even to receive the embassy,
and maintained his pre^^ous declaration that no last-
ing peace was possible so long as Augustus remained
on the throne.
On September 20, Charles broke his leg by a curi-!-
ous accident. The Polish heavy cavalry was, as we
have seen, of excellent quality, but the light cavalry
was not up to the Swedish standard. Stenbock,
therefore, determined to levy a small troop, of one
himdred and fifty strong, under the name of Tovar-
shes, composed of poor noblemen who were attached
to the Swedish cause. When they had been properly
drilled and exercised, Stenbock was anxious to pre^
sent them to the King, and for this purpose engaged
them in a sham attack upon the Swedish camp.
Charles, who was just sitting down to dinner, hear-
ing the noise and the loud shouts which accompanied
their charge, sprang up, threw himself into the saddle,
and hastened to the scene of action. But in the hurry
his horse became entangled in the cords of a tent.
88 CHARLES XII
and fell with him to the ground. Charles dropped
heavily, his face and neck were injured, and his left
thigh was broken just above the knee. The King
remained unmoved amongst the general consterna-
tion, and said,
' Nonsense, it will soon be all right again.'
His trabants carried him into the tent of General
Morner, where his wound was dressed, the King
giving no signs of pain, and in this condition he was
carried through the camp, that the soldiers might
see that there was no danger of life. But the loss of
blood was considerable, and a report naturally spread
through Europe that the young hero was dead or
dying, so that Charles was again able to anticipate
the judgment of posterity. In spite of his protest, he
was removed from his tent into a house, the doctor
declaring that a certain degree of warmth was
necessary for recovery. Compound fractures were
dangerous in those days, and it was owing to Charles's
abstinence and healthy life that the wound was able
to heal so quickly. When the army advanced along
the Vistula, Charles refused to make use either of
wheel or of water-carriage ; he was borne upon a litter
carried by forty-eight soldiers of the guard, who
relieved each other. He was able to join the march
of his troops a fortnight after the accident. After
five weeks he insisted upon mounting his horse, but
CHARLES IN POLAND 89
was obliged to desist from any further attempt.
After six weeks he went upon crutches, and on
Christmas Eve, just twelve weeks after the accident,
he threw his crutches away and announced himself
as completely cured. However, a slight limp in his
gait was always observable to the end of his life.
The object of Charles in marching along the Vis-
tula was to approach Sandomierz, where Prince
Lubomirski was in command of the crown army of
Poland. King Augustus had retired to Thorn, where
he intended to pass the winter, and the departure of
the sovereign from their midst made some difference
in the feelings of the Poles towards him. Lubomirski
himself opened negotiations with Charles with regard
to a possible juncture of the Swedes with the army
which he commanded. News also came that the
nobles of Galicia and Volhynia were favourable to
the Swedish cause, and, on November 1, General
Stenbock was sent into these countries with an army
of two thousand two hundred men to hasten their
resolution. The instructions given to him recom-
mend a curious method of procedure. He was
allowed to behave as civilly as he pleased, provided
that he did not trust to the efficacy of politeness.
' They must be either absolutely annihilated,' said
Charles, ' or they must take our side.'
Again, • I hope that you will soon be able to knock
90 CHARLES XII
out of the Poles a considerable sum for the support
of our army.'
And once more, ' All the Poles that you can lay
hands upon you must compel, willy nilly, to follow us,
or you must treat them in such fashion that they
will long remember the coming of the old gentle-
man. You must use every effort to press everything
out of them that you possibly can.'
It may be supposed that Stenbock did not fail to
execute these instructions to the letter. The Swedes
were hated, but they were feared. The nobles at-
tempted resistance, but found it of no use, and in the
middle of January, 1703, they placed themselves
formally under the protection of the King of
Sweden.
Proceeding by slow marches Charles eventually
arrived at Sandomierz, now no longer occupied by
the crown army, which had been sent under Prince
Lubomirski to put down the rebellions of the Cossacks
of the Ukraine, a body of men who were at a later
period to have so momentous an effect upon the for-
tunes of the King's career. The Cossacks were under
Polish protection, and the greater part of their terri-
tory was possessed by Polish magnates. They were
treated very badly by their suzerains, and sought the
protection of Russia. Lubomirski in vain attempted
to quell ,the insurrection, and although it was event-
CHARLES IN POLAND 91
ually crushed for the moment, the Russians contrived
to obtain a hold in the country which was very use-
ful to them at a later period.
Cardinal Radziejowski now thought that the time
had come to throw oflf the mask, and summoned the
senators of the kingdom to meet him at Warsaw on
February 28^ 1703. King Augustus in answer con-
vened a diet to meet at Marienburg in Polish Prussia
on March 26, and severely rebuked the conduct of
the Cardinal in thus forming a centre of discontent.
The senators who met at Warsaw came to a very
important determination. They decided to summon
a counter-diet at Warsaw on March 27, the day after
the King's diet was summoned to meet at Marienburg.
The only excuse for this proceeding was, that the
King of Sweden had promised that the diet which
was to meet at Warsaw should be free to express any
opinion it pleased, which could not be the case with
a diet meeting under the presidency of the King.
This, however, came very near to an act of rebellion.
In the middle of January the Swedish army march-
ed to the neighbourhood of Lublin, where they
remained till the beginning of March, Charles taking
up his residence in a palace belonging to Prince
Lubomirski. Kere he received Stenbock on his return
from Galicia, and then marched northwards in the
direction of Praga, which is the tete~de-pont of
92 CHARLES XII
"Warsaw. He threw a bridge across the Vistula, and
made preparations to attack the Saxons under Steinau,
who was established in a strong position on the
river Narew near Putulsk. He also received at
AVarsaw some envoys sent from the diet which was
meeting at Marienburg. They were admitted to his
presence, and declared that the Republic wished for
nothing more than peace, but that they would always
remain faithful to their elected King. Charles
answered them by given them a copy of the letter
he had written to the Primate, in which he insisted
on the un worthiness of King Augustus, his deep-seated
perfidy, and constant breaking of his word. Obsti-
nacy was one of the chief elements in Charles's char-
acter. He detested the King-Elector's manner of life,
so much in contrast to his own, and he had formed
the conclusion once for all that he was on no account
to be trusted, and that no lasting peace could be
made with Poland until he was dethroned and some-
one else established in his place. In the pursuit of
this object, which, however true, might reasonably
be modified by other considerations, he wasted some
of the most valuable years of life, neglected his im-
mediate duties as King of Sweden, and allowed the
Russians to gain a footing in his dominions from
which he was never able to dislodge them.
Putulsk is situated on an island in the river Narew,
CHARLES IX POLAND 9S
which lower down, at Serock, joins the waters of the
Bug, and, after uniting with them, pours its stream
into the Vistula not many miles below Warsaw. In
order to attack Steinau it was necessary to cross
the Bug, and Charles sent a number of boats to the
banks of the river in order to build a bridge. Break-
ing up from Warsaw, he reached the Bug towards
the end of April, and found that the Saxons had
thrown up entrenchments on the other side to dis-
pute the passage. By a simple manoeuvre he eluded
them, and the Saxons retired to Putulsk. The in-
fantry were hindered by the breaking down of a
bridge over a small river, but Charles pressed on
vnth. his cavalry through woods and morasses, and,
on May 1, found the Saxons drawn up to meet him
in battle array.
Putulsk, being on an island, was difficult to cap-
ture. It was united with the mainland by two
bridges on the left and one on the right bank, and
if Steinau, who had with him six thousand Saxons,
and about the same number of Lithuanians, had re-
mained in the town and broken down the bridges,
Charles could never have gained his object with
his cavalry alone. Steinau, however, determined to
anticipate the attack, and placed his troops behind
a deep entrenchment, with his left wing supported
by the Narew and his right wing in the direction
94 CHARLES XII
in whicli tlie Swedes were approacliing. However,
when he saw the Swedes really before him he lost
Courage, deserted his position, and retreated into
the town. His troops had not all passed over the
bridge when the Swedes reached the entrenchments
which led directly to it, and entered the town with
the fugitives, who were in the greatest disorder.
The Saxons did not attempt the slightest resist-
ance. Many of them fled over the bridge leading
to the right bank, and, when they saw the Swedes
coming, broke the bridge down, leaving their com-
rades in the Im-ch. Many threw themselves into the
Narew and were drowned, while seven hundred sol-
diers were taken prisoners in the town. The Swedes
lost only twelve men killed and wounded in this re-
markable engagement, whereas the Saxons are said
to hav/B lost two thousand. Steinau, with great
difficulty, escaped personal capture. He collected
together such troops as he was able, and retreated
to Ostrolenka, also on the Narew, where he took up
a strong position. Charles, after pursuing the enemy
for a short distance, returned to Warsaw.
' Here, on May 8, he received the resolutions of the
diet which had met at Warsaw under the presidency
of the Cardinal. They were to the effect that the
Polish Republic was sincerely anxious for peace,
and that the best way of attaining it would be by a
CHARLES IN POLAND 95
conference between ambassadors of both parties. At
the same time they could not allow any interference
with the right of choosing their sovereign, and they
would hear nothmg about the dethronement of King
Augustus, so long as he pledged himself for the
future to do nothing which would prejudice the in-
terests of the Republic. Charles remained in his
previous determination that nothing could be done
for peace so long as Augustus occupied the throne.
In order to emphasize his decision, he determined to
attack the monarch in the stronghold which he had
chosen for his residence.
Augustus, who had spent the winter in Thorn, a
strong fortress on the Vistula, had collected together
a force of about six thousand men, and this Charles
was now prepared to destroy, leaving for the mo-
ment Steinau at Ostrolenka with the bulk of the
Saxon troops. The Swedish army reached the scene
of operations on May 25, and Thorn was speedily
invested. Charles had expected that Thorn would
speedily sm-render, as the Saxon garrison was badly
supplied with provisions and weakened by disease ;
but, finding that this wag not the case, it was
necessary to commence a regular siege. For this
purpose Stenbock was sent to Dantzig to receive
the siege train and other necessary munitions of
war which were on their way from Sweden and.
96 CHARLES XII
from Riga. He did not return to Thorn till Septem-
ber 5, and even then the transport of the recruits-
and the materials for war occupied a considerable
time. Therefore, although Thorn had been invested
for four months, the actual operations of the siege
did not begin till September 15, and nine days later
the bombardment ensued. The inhabitants of the
town would have been glad enough to capitulate,
but the Saxon garrison would hear nothing of it,
and it was not till October 7 that General Kanitz
offered to deliver up the fortress, if the garrison
were allowed to depart freely. Charles replied to
this by a renewal of the bombardment, and on
October 15 the commandant eventually consented
to an unconditional surrender.
At the opening of the siege the garrison had con-
sisted of six thousand men ; of these one thousand
had died, three thousand were sick in hospital, and
only two thousand were fit for service. The soldiers
were well supplied with provisions, but they were
not fresh, and scurvy was very prevalent. There is
no doubt, however, that the town might have held
out much longer if the Saxon garrison had not been
detested by the citizens, who regarded them as
foreign intruders, and did their best to hasten the
catastrophe. The capture of Thorn was of great
importance to Charles's main object, the dethrone-
CHARLES IN POLAND 97
ment of Augustus. The Saxon army, whicli was his
principal support, was now nearly annihilated, and
we see the idea of the deposition, to which the
Poles were at firet strongly opposed, gradually
winning its way to favoui* until it attained its final
accomplishment.
We must now retrace our steps and chronicle the
changes which had taken place during the course of
these events in the internal affairs of Poland. We
have seen from the last letter of the Primate that he
was inclining more than before to the side of Au-
gustus, and that he evidently had some doubts as to
which party would eventually prove the conqueror.
Besides, he was always in favour of a weak monarchy,
and he thought, perhaps, that this object would be
better attained by leaving the discredited Augustus
on the throne, than accepting a nominee of Charles,
who would be supported by the whole force of
Swedish power. The Cardinal now wrote a letter
to Charles on June 1, which reached him as he had
just begun the investment of Thorn, in which he
informed him that the diet of the whole kingdom
was summoned to meet at Lublin, where care would
be taken that no order in the state was overshadow-
ed by the influence of another, and where a tree and
unbiassed opinion could be expressed upon the
condition of affairs.
H
98 CHARLES XII
The diet met at Lublin on July 18. This place
had been chosen because it was not far from Lithu-
ania, and sufficiently removed from the influence of
the Cardinal Primate Radziejowski. Augustus hoped
that it might lead to a declaration of war against
Sweden, to an alliance with the Tsar, to the punish-
ment of the Sapieha family, and, perhaps, to the
deposition of the Cardinal from his place as primate
of the kingdom. But matters were not so easily
settled in a country like Poland. The deputies of
Great Poland appeared upon the scene, who were
known to be unfavourable to Augustus. They were
forbidden to take their seats in the diet under the
plea that their election had been illegal. Much
time was wasted in discussion, and meanwhile the
Cardinal himself appeared upon the scene attended
by a brilliant suite. Augustus refused, at first, to
receive him, but at last was compelled to do so, and
he took the oath of allegiance to the King and to
the Republic with ostentatious emphasis. He fur-
ther strengthened his position by a brilliant speech,
which was received with great applause. In order
to support Augustus in his efforts for an alliance
with Russia, Peter, through his ambassador Dol-
gomky, promised the Republic a contingent of
twelve thousand troops, and a subvention of two
million roubles. But the Poles, under the influence
CHARLES IN POLAND 99
of the Cardinal, refused to accept this offer. The
Maritime Powers, who were above all things de-
sirous that the northern war should come to an end,
also sent representatives to Lublin, urging the de-
sirability of peace. It was intended that they should
then approach Charles in order to lead him to a simi-
lar conclusion, but he refused to receive them, on
the ground that they had previously communicated
with Augustus ; and he treated the representatives
of the Emperor in a similar manner.
The diet of Lublin was at length closed on July 10.
Augustus promised on his side that he would consci-
entiously preserve the rights and privileges of the
Republic, that he would begin no war without their
consent, that when the present war was at an end
he would withdraw his troops from the country and
never introduce foreign troops into it again. On
the other hand, the diet promised to raise an army
of thirty-six thousand Polish and twelve thousand
Lithuanian soldiers, and to raise new taxes for their
support. An ultimatum was to be sent to Charles,
leaving him six weeks in which he might choose
between peace and war. After this time Augustus
was to be free to make what alliances he pleased,
especially with the Tsar. The Sapieha were to be de-
prived of their offices and their property confiscated.
The deputies of Kalisch and Posen, who had been
h2
100 CHARLES XII
excluded from the diet, made a parade of their
grievances on their return home. The result of this
was the summoning of a Confederation of Great
Poland, which eventually led to the deposition of
Augustus. Charles at first treated this movement
with great caution, and began to show an interest
in the war of the Spanish succession, which was
now dividing the nations of Southern and Central
Europe into two camps. He signed a treaty with
Holland, the so-called Maritime Powers, on August
18, promising to assist the allies with a contingent
of ten thousand men, at his OAvn cost, when the pre-
sent war was at an end, if they desired the assistance
earlier they must pay for the maintenance of his
troops. At the same time a defensive alliance was
signed with Prussia, which had lately been recog-
nised as a kingdom. Two separate articles provided,
first, that the contracting powers should combine in
the defence of the evangelical communities in Poland
and Lithuania, and secondly, that, if the Poles should
support King Augustus in a war against Sweden,
Prussia should assist Sweden against Poland.
During the siege of Thorn, Charles had exposed
himself to all the fatigues and dangers of a common
soldier. Not a week passed in which cannon balls,
discharged from the fortress, were not dug out from
the floor of the tent in which he slept and ate. One
CHARLES IN POLAND 101
day, as he was rising from table with his guests, a
cannon ball passed through the walls of the tent
and across the dinner-table. At another time a
cannon hall passed right through the tent of the
young Prince of Wurtemburg, a boy of fifteen, to
whom Charles was acting as guardian, and fell close
to the tent in which the King slept. One day, when
he was encouraging the workers in the trenches, a
shot carried away the fascine which he held in his
hand. Another day, as he was standing by a basket
half filled with earth, a shot struck the gabion, as
it is called, and threw the King down with it, cover-
ing him with earth in such a manner that he was
with difficulty extricated. He was fearless even to
rashness in everything. Whenever he rode out to
visit the works of the siege he was a mark for the
enemy's bullets, but he seemed to bear a charmed
life, for he never was hit. About the same time as
the capitulation of Thorn, Posen also fell into the
hands of Charles, being taken by General Warden-
feldt, by storm, indeed, because the troops fixed their
ladders and scaled the walls, but without firing a
ishot or shedding a drop of blood.
In the meantime, the Confederation of Great
Poland, formed ostensibly in opposition to Augus-
tus, received more and more adherents. Charles
allowed it to proceed in its own way, carefully
102 CHARLES XII
guarding himself from any direct connection witli
it. He refused to take any decisive step until King*
Augustus had been deposed. The capture of Thorn
and Posen, and the dispersion of the Saxon army,
also produced an effect on the vacillating Cardinal.
He began to look about for a successor to Augustus,
and fixed upon James Sobieski, — who was now
living in Silesia, — son of the heroic John Sobieski,
who had preserved Vienna from the Turks. He lent
a favourable ear to the proposals of the Cardinal, and
asked Charles to assist him in leading an attack
upon Saxony, in which he might show his mettle.
But the King of Sweden replied that he could not
countenance any breach of the peace of Germany,
which would certainly give rise to the suspicion
that he was acting in the interests of France. How-
ever, Charles now began to turn his eyes to Sobieski
as a possible king, for although he intended to leave
the Poles a free choice, he could not be indifferent
as to whom they might choose.
The growth of the Confederation roused serious
anxiety in the mind of Augustus. He became more
anxious than ever to secure the alliance of the Tsar,
and Patkul, who was now in Warsaw, was a ready
instrument for the purpose. A formal treaty was
signed on October 12. Peter engaged to place a
Russian army of twelve thousand men at the dia-
CHARLES IN POLAND 103
position of Augustus ; the Lithuanian army was to
be raised to the strength of fourteen thousand men at
Peter's expense ; Mazeppa, the hetman of the Cos-
sacks, was to send an auxiliary force of sixty thou-
sand. On the other hand, the Saxon army was to be
increased to ten thousand infantry and six thousand
cavalry, substantial subsidies being provided by
Russia. Augustus was to command in Poland;
Peter on the shores of the Baltic. The treaty was
concealed, as a profound secret, from the Polish
Government.
Towards the end of November, Charles broke up
from Thorn and went into winter quarters. He had
chosen for this purpose the neighbourhood of Dant-
zic, Marienburg, the ancient seat of the Teutonic
Knights, and Elbing, choosing as his own residence
the bishop's palace at Heilsberg. The prisoners
and the trophies of war which he had taken were
sent by sea to Sweden. His principal object was to
settle in a country which had not yet been exhausted
by war, but he also desired to provide sinews for a
new campaign. The town of Elbing felt his heavy
hand. The citizens had refused to supply a hundred
waggons requisitioned by Stenbock for the convey-
ance of siege material to Thorn. They had also
delayed to reply to a request to allow a passage
through their town for Charles's troops, and to build
104 CHAKLES XII
a bridge across their river. Stenbock then demand-
ed free quarters for several regiments, which was
haughtily refused. When Charles heard of this, he
dispatched some troops to the refractory town, and
took possession of the sluices by which its country
could be flooded. The town council was so fright-
ened that they made an immediate submission, but
they had to pay a fine of two hundred and sixty
thousand thalera, besides delivering up one hundred
and eighty cannon, and one hundred and sixty
hundred-weight of gunpowder. He left behind
three regiments to garrison the town. After the
campaign of 1703, the Swedish army was in ex-
cellent condition, and consisted of seventeen thou-
;sand seven hundred infantry, and thirteen thousand
five hundred cavalry, besides four new regiments
which Charles was now enabled to form. But the
severity with which contributions were enforced
made the Swedes very unpopular, and even the
King's most confidential friends admitted that it
was difficult to care much for a master who robbed
you of your last crust of bread.
105
CHAPTER VIII.
THE ELECTION OF STANISLAUS.
Whilst Charles was thus engaged in weary and ap-
parently fruitless eflforts to induce the Poles to
dethrone the King of their choice, his great rival
Peter was with admirable prescience robbing the
Swedes of that little fragment of their empire
which was in the course of time to be the corner-
stone of a renovated and modern Russia. A Swed-
ish fort, called Nyenskanz, or the new entrench-
ment, was situated on one of the islands formed by
the Neva before it enters the Gulf of Finland. It
was occupied by a Captain Appellof with a force of
six hundred men. He was a stout-hearted soldier,
and after repelling three attacks, capitulated on May
12, 1703, with leave to withdraw the whole of his
garrison. The Russians, however, violated the agree-
ment and made the garrison prisoners. Peter called
his new possession Slotburg, and it became the nuc-
106 CHARLES XII
leus of tlie city of St. Petersburg. The little Swed-
ish fortress of Noteborg, situated on an island at the
point where the Neva leaves the Lake of Ladoga,
had been captured in the previous October and re-
ceived the name of Schliisselburg. Swedish writers
say that the fortress of St. Peter and St. Paul stood,
not on the site of Nyenskanz, which was deserted
and burnt to the ground, but on another island a
little lower down the Neva, named Ljusteland, or the
Island of Joy. However this may be, immediately
after the capture of Nyenskanz, a Swedish squadron
appeared at the mouth of the Neva, not knowing
that the fort had fallen into Russian hands. Their
signal was returned, in order to lead them into a
trap. Peter and JVIenshikof went down the river in
boats and attacked the Swedish vessels of war, arm-
ed with about a dozen guns. The ships were cap-
tured, and the men killed almost to a man. This was
the first Russian naval victory. On May 27, 1703,
Peter began the building of St. Petersburg, and the
possession of this ' window ' into Europe was the
most memorable result of the northern war. In this
manner do some men pursue the shadow and others
the substance.
In December, 1703, the Cardinal Primate had sent
summonses to the whole of the Polish nobility to
come together in a diet at Warsaw. The ostensible
THE ELECTION OF STANISLAUS 107^
object was to make peace with Sweden, but the
Cardinal's real wish was to secure the deposition of
Augustus, which he had now come to think absolutely
necessary for the repose of his comitry. Charles was
informed of the meeting of the diet, and was invited
to send representatives to it. It would indeed have
been acceptable to the Cardinal's party if Charles
could have brought his army into the neighbourhood
of Warsaw, in order to secure the orderly conduct of
the assembly. But he was determined to leave the
Poles as free as possible in their action, and not to
seem to influence them. He, however, issued a mani-
festo to the Polish people, dated from Heilsberg on
January 2, suggesting that James Sobieski should
be chosen king, and promising him to assist him
against all opposition.
In this Charles was undertaking a serious and
dangerous task. He had begun by demanding the
deposition of Augustus, leaving the choice of his
successor to the Poles themselves. He now nomi-
nates a successor and engages to support him on the
throne by force of arms. It may be urged that,
anxious as he was to withstand the encroachments of
Russia, he saw no way of doing so effectually until
Poland had been put into a condition to support his
interests, and that he must take the first step before
taking the second. However this may be, we must
108 CHARLES XII
jiclmit that his policy was fatal to his country, and the
only excuse we can make for him is that he did not
^at first realize the importance of the Russian con-
quests, and the difficulty of undoing them.
On January 30, 1704, the Polish diet was opened
At Warsaw, attended by men of all parties. Charles
sent to it, as his representatives, Arved Horn and
Wachslager. The opening speech of the Cardinal
commended the formation of the Confederation of
Great Poland, and advised all parties to join it in
order that it might become a general instead of a
local Confederation. He was followed to the same
effect by Peter Bronitz, who had been Marshal of the
Confederation of Great Poland, and was now made
General Marshal of the diet. The diet adopted the
advice of these two influential statesmen, and styled
itself a General Confederation.
On February 11, papers were communicated to the
diet which proved that Augustus had been a traitor
to his country by making offers of peace at the price
of dismemberment, to Charles, Piper, and others, by
means of Aurora von Konigsmarck and Vitzthum.
"The reading of these documents raised a storm of
indignation against Augustus, and the Cardinal was
empowered to draw up a declaration renouncing
obedience to the King. This declaration was accept-
ed almost unanimously by the diet, and the result
THE ELECTION OF STANISLAUS 109
was that the throne was pronounced vacant, the
Poles freed from their oath of allegiance to Augustus,
and preparations made for a new election. It should
be noticed that these important resolutions of the
General Confederation, although they could be no
secret in the country, were not formally published to
the nation. It is probable that the Cardinal v/as
anxious to see how they would be received, and did
not desire to run the risk of a popular check. He
also thought that this act of the Confederation would,
perhaps, put an end to Charles's extortionate exac-
tions, and that there would be room for the Swedish
cause to become more popular in the country.
In the face of these circumstances, Augustus acted
with considerable energy and promptitude. He had
spent the winter in Saxony making preparations for
another campaign, but when he heard of the proceed-
ings of the diet, he came at once to Cracow, which he
reached on Februaiy 3. From this place he sum-
moned an assembly to meet at Sandomierz under
the name of a Reconfederation, with the acknow-
ledged design of neutralizing the policy of the Con-
federation of Warsaw. A considerable number of
nobles were already collected at Sandomierz, and
here also was a portion of the crown army, the rest
of it being at Warsaw under the command of Prince
Lubomirski. Thus the country was divided into
110 CHARLES XII
two camps, and in the battles which ensued we shall
see that Poles fought against Poles. Augustus
sought for the assistance of foreign allies, and applied
to Denmark, Prussia, and the Pope. The first would
have liked to have wiped out the disgrace of Travendal,
but he had a wholesome fear of the possible action of
the sea powers. Prussia was already in alliance with
Sweden, and the Pope was too well assured of the
orthodoxy of the Greneral Confederation to take any
action against it.
Augustus had recourse to another step of a more
decisive character. There was no doubt that his
chosen successor was James Sobieski, the son of the
famous John. At the time he was living with his
brothers Constantine and Alexander in the Castle of
Ohlau, about fifteen miles from Breslau in Siberia, ^
not far from Mollwitz, afterwards the scene of one of
the most famous battles of Frederick the Great. One
day as James was riding with his brother Constantine
towards Breslau he was seized by a body of thirty
Saxon officers, led by one Wrangel, and carried off
to Leipsig, where he was imprisoned in the Pleissen- ^■^'^'^^
burg, but treated with consideration. Siberia at this ^.
time was a part of the Imperial dominions, and this act
of violence was a breach of neutrality. There was
an outcry in Europe against the violation of Inter-
national Law, but as the Emperor did not seem to
THE ELECTION OF STANISLAUS 111
interfere, even for the sake of the deliverer of his
capital, the matter was allowed to rest.
It now became necessary to choose another candi-
date for the crown, and four names were mentioned :
Prince Redzinik, Chancellor of Lithuania, Prince
Lubomirski, Piemiazek, Voivode of Siradia, and
Count Stanislaus Lesczinski, Voivode of Posen. The
last was a young man of seven and twenty, hand-
some and affable, with an honest and manly beaiing,
cautious and brave, strong in resolution and inca-
pable of deceit. At the end of March he visited
Charles at Heilsberg, and made the most favourable
impression upon him. He said that he had never
met a Pole who seemed better suited to heal the dif-
ferences of the Republic, and that he would always
remain his friend. Another possible candidate for
the crown was Alexander Sobieski, the youngest of
the three brothers, who had escaped capture, and
came to Warsaw at the time. It is said that he
positively refused to be a candidate for the crown,
not liking to take advantage of his brother's misfor-
tune, and preferring the security of a private life.
But, in his conversations with Piper, he seemed
inclined to entertain the proposal, if Charles would
give hJTn command of a body of troops with which
he might make a raid into Saxony and set his brother
at liberty. Piper naturally replied that he might
112 CHARLES XII
fail to be elected King, and that then he could take
this step with better hope of success.
On May 2, 1704, the Cardinal published a mani-
festo, in which he announced for the first time to the
Polish people the deposition of Augustus which had
been pronounced by the General Confederation on
February IG. It also proclaimed an interregnum,
and appointed June 19 as the date for the election
of a new King. The Cardinal based his right to act
on the ground that he was the King's vicar, and con-
sequently took his place should the throne become
vacant, either by the King's death or his breach of
the fundamental law of the kingdom. In less than
two months a new King had to be chosen, but
Charles and the Primate held different opinions as to
the policy to be pursued. Charles wished for a born
Pole, a Piast ; the Primate feared that the elevation
of any Polish noble would excite the jealousy of the
rest, and strongly recommended the choice of a
foreigner, who would, like the Podesta of an Italian
city, be able to restrain all parties with impartiality.
The Cardinal suggested the names of the Elector of
Bavaria, the Max Emmanuel who played so promi-
nent a part in the war of the Spanish succession, the
Duke of Lorraine, and Prince Rakoczi of Transyl-
vania, and, when these were rejected, the four Poles
mentioned above. At the name of Lesczinski, Ar-
THE ELECTION OF STANISLAUS 113
ved Horn remarked that he -would be a candidate
acceptable to his master, but it is probable that the
Cardinal did not favour his pretensions seriously.
The General Reconfederation had met at Sando-
mierz in considerable numbers at the beginning of
June. It naturally declared the resolutions of the
Warsaw Confederation to be null and void. Any
King whom they might elect was declared to be a
tyrant and an enemy to the country ; Lubomirski
was denounced as a rebel ; Augustus was given full
authority to make alliances with foreign powers,
and to encourage invasions of Swedish territory.
In the meantime the day of election was approach-
ing. The Cardinal was opposed to the election of
Lesczinski, and the fatal day was deferred. Charles
now lost patience, and saw that unless he were pre-
sent nothing would be done. He therefore marched
with his army to Blonie, about fifteen miles west of
Warsaw, which he reached at the end of June. On
July 7 he had an interview with the Cardinal in
Warsaw, which lasted far into the night, in which
he endeavoured to bring him over to his views.
When the Cardinal remarked that Lesczinski was
too young for the post, Charles naturally replied
that he was, himself, five years younger, and had
undertaken far greater responsibilities.
The day of election was eventually fixed for July
I
114 CHARLES XII
12. Raclziejowski declared that he would not be
present, and all Horn's rej)resentations did not avail
to change his resolution, nor to move him from the
opinion that the election should be deferred for two
days. Between three and four in the afternoon the
Swedish party repaired to the Field of Election,
that broad plain to the west of the suburb of Pola,
which has played so important a part in Polish his-
tory. The place was filled with a large crowd of
curious spectators, but those who had a right to
vote were few. Count G-embicki was conspicuous
as representative of the smaller nobility. Not a sin-
gle Voivode was present, no Bishop of Poseu, and
no official of higher rank than the Grand Treasurer
of Lithuania, Sapieha. On the other hand, the plain
was guarded by three hundred Swedish cavalry and
five hundred infantry. .A.rved rlorn and Wachs-
lager were also there, besides a number of Swedish
officers and their attendants. At the same time it
was known that Lubomirski, Lesczinski, and other
Voivodes were in the town, and Bronitz, who pre-
sided as marshal, sent to invite their attendance.
They excused themselves on various grounds, the
majority, however, promising to attend if the elec-
tion were postponed to July 14. The only Voivode
who obeyed the summons was Lesczinski, who came
to the field accompanied by his relatives, friends, and
THE ELECTION OF STANISLAUS 115
adherents. Under these cu'cumstances Bronitz was
unmlling to hold the election. Gembicki said with
much warmth that if Radziejowski and others of his
rank would not take the lead which properly be-
longed to them, the lower nobility must consider
their own interests. '
Just at this moment a deputation from Podlachia
appeared on the field, led by one Jerusalski. The
Swedish body-guard tried to prevent their approach,
but Jerusalski protested that no election could be
free which was held in the presence of Swedish
bayonets. Thus the time passed in disputes and
wrangles until the sun set, after which the election
could not legally be held. The Bishop of Posen
was now invited to propose Stanislaus, in place of
the Cardinal Primate, .Jerusalski protesting loudly
against it. Bronitz did his best to keep order, and
struck the ground so violently with his staff that it
broke in his hand. He desireu to defer the election,
but Horn declared that it should take place, even if
it lasted all night. Then Jerusalski shouted in a
stentorian voice, that he was ready to vote for Stanis-
laus at the proper time and ^vith due formality, but
that he protested against the present proceedings,
because the election was not free, because soldiers
were present on the field, contrary to the law, be-
cause not a single great Polish official was present,
l2
116 CHARLES XII
— Sapieha being a Lithuanian official, — and be-
cause the candidate was present in person, which the
law expressly forbade. The other Podlachian de-
puties expressed their agreement with this protest,
and Horn made as though he would drive them from
the field by force, but Jerusalski called out with spirit,
'Cut us down if you like ! we shall at least have
Avon everlasting honour by having suffered death
in the defence of our opinions and our country.'
The Bishop of Posen did his best to bring over the
Podlachians to his views, but before he could suc-
ceed one of the assembly cried,
' In the name of Great Poland I nominate, for my
part, the Voivode Stanislaus Lesczinski to be the King
of Poland.'
The crowd shouted ' Hurrah !' and ' Long live
the King I' the Podlachians ' No ! No I we protest,
we protest.*
The Bishop could not secure their assent, and
they continued to protest, till at last the Bishop ceased
to pay attention to them, and declared Stanislaus the
first elected King of Poland. The new King mounted
a richly caparisoned horse, and entered the capital by
torchlight. He proceeded to the cathedral, where
he received the blessing at the hands of the same
bishop who had nominated him. In the absence of
a herald one of the canons called out,
' Long live his Majesty Stanislaus the First, King
THE ELECTION OF STANISLAUS 117
of Poland,' wliile the Swedish troops standing in
the square fired a salute.
Klinkowstrom had already brought the news to
Charles, who was at Blonie, and on the following
day the two kings rode out to meet each other,
and held a long conversation.
The plans of Charles were now realized, in that
Augustus was deposed and a new king elected ; but
the resultraised more difficulties than it solved. There
had been present at the election only a single bishop,
a single Voivode, five or six Castellans and about
sixty delegates. As Stanislaus owed his crown to
the iron resolution of his Swedish brother, so he
could only be maintained in its possession by the
same means. However, a few days later the election
of Stanislaus was recognized by Radziejowski and
Lubomirski, and the other Voivodes who were re-
sident in Warsaw. Unfortunately the Pope, who
had at first been neutral, now declared against Stan-
islaus. He blamed the action of the Cardinal Primate
in the strongest language, threatened him with
ecclesiastical censure, and summoned him to appear
before him at Rome within three months. The
Cardinal thought it more prudent not to obey this
summons, or even to remain in Poland ; he sought
the protection of his friends the Swedes, and retired
first to Thorn and then to Dantzig.
118
CHAPTER IX.
THE RIVAL KINGS.
The object which Charles now had in view was to
drive Augustus and his followers from Poland, in
order to establish the authority of the sovereign of
his choice. But his enemy contrived to elude him
with great adroitness. Charles left Blonie on July
19, 1704, and joined Rehnsjkold at Sandomierz on
August 5. He found that Augustus had already left
for Jaroslav. Three days were consumed in building
a bridge across the Vistula, and when Jaroslav was
reached ten days later, the Elector-King had already
started for Lublin, where he aAvaited the arrival of a
contingent from Russia. Charles did not follow him
to the north, but, after remaining a short time at
Jaroslav, marched in the direction of Lemberg. In
this he apparently committed a sei'ious mistake, be-
cause, on August 26, Augustus was able to make
himself master of Warsaw, which was defended only
THE RIVAL KINGS 119
by a small Swedish garrison, and to take Arved Horn
prisoner. It was but a slight compensation that
Charles was able to capture the fortress of Lemberg,
not without some difficult}'. Here the news of the
capture of Warsaw reached him, brought by Horn
himself, who was allowed to visit his sovereign be-
fore he went into captivity at Leipsig. The posses-
sions of Stanislaus were plundered, the members of
the General Confederation were scattered to the four
winds, and this at the beginning of the reign of a
sovereign whom Charles was bound to protect. The
Cardinal Primate only escaped capture by a few
hours.
The capture of Warsaw was undoubtedly a very
clever stroke. King Stanislaus and Alexander So-
bieski joined Charles at Lemberg, Lubomirski retired
Avith the remains of the crown army to one of his
estates in Galicia, and announced that he had fore-
sworn the name of Lesczinski, and did his best to
make terms with Augustus. He could not bear that
the diadem which he might have borne himself should
decorate the head of another^
It is not worth while to describe in detail the pur-
suit of the Saxon king by his Swedish rival, as they
hurried from one part of Poland to another, the prey
being reached just in time to escape capture, the
chase carried on in an uninteresting country through
120 CHARLES XII
places with unpronounceable names. Suffice it to
say that Charles reached Warsaw again on October
24, only to find Augustus flown, that he had a brush
with him at Punitz on November 7, and that in
marching from the Vistula to the Oder, he covered
two hundred and fifty miles in ten days. During
this march the Swedish cavalry suffered from terrible
privations, and their only consolation was that the
King suffered with them. At one time when sleep-
ing in a peasant's hut, guarded only by six soldiers,
Charles might have been captured, but it is said that
the Saxon general could find no one to undertake
the task. Not long before this Charles seeing a
servant hiding himself on the banks of Vistula to
shoot at King Augustus, who was riding on the other
shore, forbade him to fire under pain of being killed,
whether the bullet took effect or not.
Unfortunately his enemies were not so magnani-
mous. At the taking of Kobin after the capitulation
had been signed a treacherous shot struck Klinkon-
strom through the heart as he was sitting down
under the town wall. He had been the bosom friend
of Charles from his boyhood upwards. The best
honour Charles could now pay him was to carry his
body with him and have it sent to Sweden for burial.
The army went into winter quarters in Great Poland
on the borders of Siberia, Charles taking up his abode
THE RIVAL KINGS 121
in Ranitsh, a small town not far from Lissa, the birth-
place of the Lesczinski. It is said that he occupied
himself during this winter more with the affairs of
his own country than usual, and less with his army,
but he refused the earnest request of his two sisters
that he would allow them to see him once again, after
five years ' absence.
We must now trace the progress of the wily Rus-
sians, for the development of whose plans Charles
gave unfortunately so much opportunity by his
absence.
After a hard and costly struggle, Dorpat was cap-
tured by the Tsar on July 24, 1 704. But this was
thrown into the shade by the recapture of Narva.
The siege was conducted mainly by Field-Marshal
Ogilvy, who had been induced by Patkul to enter
the Riissian service. Peter was also present in per-
son. The bombardment began on August 10, the
besiegers being ten times as numerous as their ene-
mies. Horn, the commandant of the place, refusing to
surrender, the town was carried by storm on August
20. Neither age nor sex were spared, and two-
thirds of the Swedish garrison were killed ; although
Peter did his best to stop the slaughter. The for-
tress of Ivangorod, which lies on the opposite bank
of the Narva, was starved into surrender in a week.
With the fall of Narva the whole of Ingria fell into
122 CHARLES XII
Russian hands. Just at the time when the siege was
proceeding, the great battle of Blenheim was fought
on the banks of the Danube. How many have heard of
Blenheim to whom the name of Narva is absolutcly
unknown ? Yet in the light of our present know-
ledge it would be almost reasonable to say that the
capture of Narva was the more important event of
the two.
King Augustus remained at Cracow during the
rest of the year, and then went to Saxony to obtain
means for carrying on the war. The fickle and
frivolous Poles, when they heard of his departure,
thought that he would never come back, and that he
had given up all hopes of recovering the crown.
They therefore began to turn their eyes towards
Lesczinski. In order to strengthen this feeling,
Charles took measures for the capture of Cracow,
which was defended by a Saxon garrison of three
thousand men. This was effected without difficulty,
and after it the nobles of Cracow and Sandomierz
assembled in a diet and declared for King Stanislaus,
sending also a message to Charles, begging him to
renew the negotiations for peace. Charles promised
to do this so soon as Stanislaus had been crowned,
and in his turn begged the Cardinal Primate, who
was now, as we have seen, at Dantzig, to take meas-
ures for performing the ceremony. Radziejowski
THE RIVAL KINGS 123
tried to excuse himself as usual, but eventually issu-
ed a proclamation summoning a general diet at War-
saw for . .July 11. Before this could be arranged,
Charles had promised to maintain Stanislaus for five
years in his new dignity, and to prevent any inva-
sion of the Republic. He undertook also to put a
stop to the intolerable exactions which were ex-
hausting the strength of the country, and promised to
defend the Cardinal Primate against the exconmiuni-
cation which was certain to be hurled at him from
Rome if he consented to crown the new King.
In fact, as soon as the Pope heard of what was on
foot, he sent a circular letter to all the archbishops
and bishops of Poland, threatening them with excom-
mimication if they took any part in the coronation.
This, however, did the cause of Stanislaus more good
than harm, because the Poles resented any Papal
interference in their domestic affairs. The Tsar
issued a similar manifesto, threatening anyone who
should countenance the upstart sovereign with the
penalty of fire and sword.
Lieutenant-General Nierolt was sent to Warsaw
with three regiments of cavalry, to protect the diet,
and arrived there at the beginning of .July. But at
the end of the month the Saxon troops, which had
removed from Cracow to Brzezc-Litewski, and had
joined with a portion of the Polish crown army.
124 CHARLES XII
making altogether a force of ten thousand men,
advanced upon the capital, under the command of
Paikul. He crossed the Vistula, which is very dry
at this time of year, and met the Swedes at Rakov-
ice. After a short engagment the Saxons were en-
tirely defeated, not only at Rakovice, but at Wola,
where they also endeavoured to make a stand. Pai-
kul was captured, and any attempt to interfere with
the diet by force of arms came to an end. Docu-
ments were found in Paikul's possession which show-
ed that Peter had intended to head an expedition to
Poland, combined with a similar advance from the
side of Saxony, and that both these plans had been
foiled by his defeat. Paikul was taken to Stockholm,
and tried as a rebellious subject, being by birth a
Livonian. He was acquitted on the ground that he
had left Livonia with his father when a child, and
that his father had ceased to be a Swedish subject.
Notwithstanding this, he was executed at the express
command of Charles — a foretaste of what was even-
tually in store for Reinhold Patkul. It is said that
this severity is to be explained by Augustus at a
later period having shown Charles a letter of Paikul's
which said,
' I hope within a fortnight, or at least three weeks,
to deliver into your Majesty's hands the wild and
mad young King of Sweden, dead or alive.'
THE RIVAL KINGS 125
Thus it would have been better if Charles had
paid no attention to this swaggering utterance of a
now defeated enemy.
Charles remained in his winter quarters at Ra^vicz
until August 6, 1705, and marched towards War-
saw, ari'iving at Blonie on August 19, his army now
amounting to seventeen thousand men. The diet
met at Warsaw, and Stanislaus was crowned on
October 4 ; not, however, by the Radziejowski, who
had been deprived of his archbishopric by the Pope
shortly before, but by the Archbishop of Lemberg
who had no scruples of legality. Radziejowski took
his treatment so much to heart that he died at Dant-
zig on October 13, and the Archbishop of Lemberg
was made Primate in his place. In this way there
were in Poland two crowned and anointed kings
with about an equal number adherents. Stanislaus
could command the allegiance of Great Poland,
Polish Prussia, Moscow, and Little Poland ; the au-
thority of Augustus was recognized by Lithuania,
Polesia, Volhynia, and the eastern part of Poland
generally. Both were supported by foreign armies ;
one by Sweden, the other by Russia. Charles might
contend against the united forces of Poland and
Saxony with some hope of success, but if the whole
weight of Russia were thrown into the scale the re-
sult could hardly be doubtful.
126 CHARLES XII
Augustus had lingered a whole year away from
Poland, but, as his rival was now crowned, he
•thought it time to return in order to put some spirit
into his disheartened followers. He therefore left
Guben, in Silesia, and travelled to Grodno, which
he reached on November 10, 1705. Here he met
the Tsar Peter, who had brought with him a con-
siderable force of Russian troops. An alliance was
made between the Tsar and Augustus in his capaci-
ty as King of Poland, and an union was effected
between the crown army of Poland and the Russian
troops. There was some intention of making an
attack upon Charles, but the news of a rising in
Astrakan recalled Peter to Moscow.
At this time Reinhold Patkul was acting as Russian
envoy in Dresden, and was also engaged as a secret
-councillor in the Saxon service, Augustus having a
great respect for his judgment. But Patkul was of an
incautious and outspoken character. He had severe-
ly criticised the faults of Saxon administration, and
had even hinted that the subsidies paid by Russia
to the Saxon Elector were squandered in his private
pleasures. Augustus was not of a charactor to offer
a willing ear to unpleasant truths. He conceived
a deep dislike to Patkul, who had naturally made
himself unpopular with many of the Dresden officials
by denouncing their corruption. When Augustus
THE RIVAL KINGS 127
was at Grodiio accusations of a very grave but an
entirely untrustworthy character against Patkul
were brought to him. He therefore gave orders
for his immediate arrest. He was seized whilst
sleeping quietly in bed, and taken first to the for-
tress of Sonnenstein, and then to the stronger prison
of Konigstein.
The progress made by the Tsar in appropriating
the possessions of Sweden this year received a
check. After the conquest of Ingria, Peter deter-
mined to attack Livonia, and sent Sherenietief to
lay siege to Riga. But, as General Lewenhaupt
was posted with seven thousand men at ^Mitau, it
became necessary to dislodge him before the siege
commenced. The result was the battle of Gemauer-
thof on July 1<>, 1705. Sheremetief advanced to
the attack with fourteen thousand cavalry, four
thousand infantry, and two thousand Cossacks.
Lewenhaupt had chosen his position with care, and
was protected by a deep brook on his right and an
impassable morass on his left. The Swedes were
drawn up in two lines, — the infantry in the centre,
the cavalry on the wings, and the artillery in the
gaps of the infantry formation. Lewenhaupt's
strength was about a third that of the Russians, but
he determined to begin the attack.
The first onslaught of the Swedes was repulsed,
128 CHARLES XII
and the Russians advanced in their turn. The
cavalry earned infantry with them on their horses,
and then brought them across the brook and threw
the left wing into momentary confusion. But the
Swedes soon recovered themselves, and turning on
the Russian infantry, who were not able to recross
the brook alone, cut them to pieces. On the riglit
wing th'j Swedes were altogether victorious, but
the Russian infantry again succeeded in crossing
the brook to the left, and, if they had not been led
aside to plunder the Swedish baggage in the rear,
might have done serious harm. Towards the end
of the long summer's day, Lewenhaupt prepared
himself for the final onslaught. He threw his left
wing over the brook, and drew up the whole of his
troops in a single line. The Russians lost heart, and
offered no serious resistance. They lost a third of
their number, and Sheremetief was so disheartened
that he gave up all idea of besieging Riga, and re-
tired to Wilna.
Peter was determined to avenge this defeat, and
entered Courland in the middle of August with
forty thousand men. But Lewenhaupt succeeded
in evading an engagement, and did not allow him-
self to be crushed by superior forces. He left a
small detachment in Mitau, and found a safe retreat
in Riga and Diinamiinde.
THE RIVAL KINGS 129
' He must have learnt that from the devil I' cried
Peter, when he heard the news ; and he wrote to
Golovin, 'We have here a great misfortune, for
Lewenhaupt flies before us as Narcissus fled before
Echo.'
K
130
CHAPTER X.
THE INVASION OF SAXONY.
King Charles left his head-quarters at Blonie on
January 8, 1706, taking with him all the forces he
had available, excepting those under the command
of Rehnskjold. They amounted to something less
than twenty thousand men. At Grodno there was
a Russian army twenty-five thousand strong, under
the command of Field-Marshal Ogilvy, to which
were attached about three thousand Saxon cavalry.
Mazeppa, hetman of the Cossacks, was posted at
Lublin, with an army of fourteen thousand men. He
set out in the depth of winter, in a season of hard
frost, which made it easier to cross the rivers and
the morasses. Still his progress was impeded by
great hardships. The ice upon the Bug was too
thin to bear the weight of the army, and the Swedes
had to bivouac for two nights on the road. They
spread straw over the ice, and covered it with
THE INVASION OF SAXONY 131
water, which, when hard frozen, made the passage
secure. The soldiers had scarcely any provisions
for themselves or forage for their horses, and they
bivouacked, as far as possible, in the huts which
had been deserted by their enemies. The cold be-
came more and more intense, and even water could
only be obtained by pm-chase. Still they succeeded
in covering two hundred miles in seventeen days, and
on January 24 were close to Grodno, and were ready
to attempt the passage of the Niemen. The Russians
marched out to dispute the crossing, but Charles led
six hundred grenadiers in person against th/e enemy.
They immediately retired, and, when sit^iie squadrons
of dragoons had also traversed the icfie, the Russians
dispersed. The next morning Charhes led his army
close up to the fortress. He probal'>ly expected to
be able to take the town by a cox'ip-de-main, but
Ogilvy was not the man to surrende^-r without rea-
son, and it was necessary to adopt otker measures.
Charles was obliged, for the momen to lodge his
troops in villages at some distance fro^.n the town,
and Augustus, finding the place too hot for hi'm, left it
■with his Saxon cavalry and about four th'-^isand
Russian dragoons. Rehnskjold was at this tii^^ in
winter quarters in Poland with a force of thirteen
thousand men. Ogilvy had suggested that Schul en-
burg, with an allied army of Saxons and Russians,
y k2
./ '
132 CHARLES XII
should attack Hm in front while Augustus fell upon
his rear. When Rehnskjold had thus been annihi-
lated by a combined attack, the victorious forces
were to unite and march upon Charles, who would
in his turn be placed between two fires, that of the
retiring force and the garrison of the town. Schu-
lenburg, however, declined to execute his part of
the scheme, alleging first the season of the year, then
his want of superiority in numbers, and lastly, that
Saxons always felt inclined to run away when they
met the Swedes.
^-^^^j^stus reached Warsaw on February 5. He
had available, e^^-g positive orders to advance. He
of Rehnskjold. 3sed the Oder, but after two days'
than twenty th(o repose his troops. The news was
a Russian army^ that the Swedes were approach-
the command <^e followed his own inclinations, he
were attached £ne his best to avoid the enemy. But
Mazeppa, hetn.ake the refjponsibility of disobeying
Lublm, with airders of hijs sovereign, and hearing
set out m tl^(Jes h^-d aga^ retired, he advanced to
irost, whj^^^ 3^ small town, half way between Glogan
the ni0i.g3^ which he reached on February 12. Rehns-
great r|^^^|^ indeed, at first intended to attack the
Ixons in their previous position at Schlawa, but,
finding that it was very strong, hoped by a feigned
retreat to entice them into less favourable ground, an
THE INVASION OF SAXONY 138
expectation in which he was completely successful.
Schulenburg had with him, according to his own
account, about fifteen thousand infantry, four thousand
cavalry, and thirty-two guns, making up a force of
something under twenty thousand strong. He drew
up his army in two lines, protected by the hedges
and fences of two small villages, placing the Saxons
on the right and the Russians on the left. The
Russians wore white coats lined with red, and Schu-
lenburg made his allies tiu'n their coats inside out,
that they might resemble the Saxons, and that the
Swedes might not direct their whole strength against
the Russians, whom they knew to be the weakest
part of the army. On the whole the Saxon army was
arranged with great skill, and would undoubtedly
have conquered if the spirit of the soldiers had equal-
led the science of their general. As we have seen, he
had but little confidence in their steadfastness, and it
was not likely they would have confidence in them-
selves.
Rehnskjold was far inferior in numbers ; according
to the best authorities he had not more than eleven
thousand men under his command. He placed all
his infantry in the first line, some being distributed
among the cavalry in the wings, his second line
was formed by about a third of the cavalry, the other
two-thirds, according to the usual practice in those
134 CHARLES XII
times, acting as wings of the infantry. Rehnskjold
began the attack at half-past ten ; he liad no artillery
with him, just as Charles had none at Clissow, so the
Swedes had to sustain the fire of the Saxon guns
without the opportunity of reply. The charge of
the Swedes was made with furious energy. They
rode through the chevaux de frise without firing a
shot, and then, after discharging a few rounds, threw
themselves upon the ranks of the enemy. The Rus-
sians in the left wing offered no resistance, and Avere
soon cut to pieces, nor was Schulenburg successful
in supplying their place from the second line. Nor
did the cavalry on the left do any better, but gal-
loped away from the field of battle. On the right
the Saxons fought with bravery and determination,
and the Swedes were found foemen worthy of their
steel. They were, however, at length broken, pur-
sued by the Swedish cavalry, and ruthlessly cut to
pieces, orders having been issued that no quarter
was to be given to the Russians. The allies are said
to have lost seven thousand killed and eight thous-
and, including four hundred officers, taken prisoners ;
indeed, very few of Schulenburg's army escaped de-
struction. The Swedes also lost more heavily than
usual, the numbers being four hundred killed and
one thousand four hundred wounded. Thirty-four
years after the battle, Schulenburg sent an account
THE INVASION OF SAXONY 135
of these operations to Voltaire, and in this he attri-
butes his defeat, -vN-ith probable coiTectness, to the
bad conduct of his own cavalry and of the Russian
infantry ; but in his report made to Augustus at the
time he finds a sufficient reason for his misfortune
in the temporary \NathdraAval of divine assistance.
This, at any rate, saved him from disgrace, and
he was given the command of the troops in Saxony,
in the hope that he might be more fortunate on
another occasion.
Augustus had advanced from Warsaw as far as
Kalisch with his seven thousand cavalry, hoping, as
we have said, to assist Schulenburg, but on healing
of his defeat he retired to Cracow. Rehnskjold,
after giving his troops some days' rest, and making
aiTangements for the care of the wounded, retired to
his winter quarters. Charles was equally sm-prised
and delighted at the victor}^ which he had not in
the least expected. He rewarded Rehnskjold by
making him a Field-Marshal and a Count.
Rehnskjold was indeed a remarkable man, and is,
perhaps, the only one of Charles's generals, with the
possible exception of Lewenhaupt, who can be at all
placed on a level with him. He was educated at the
University of Lund under Samuel Pufendorf, whom
he assisted in his literary labours. He distinguished
himself under Charles XL, both in Sweden and in
136 CHARLES XII
the Netherlands. The education of the young Duko
of Holstein was entrusted to his care. He was some-
times, in the courtly language of the day, described
as the Parmenio to Charles's Alexander. Stenbock
wrote of him in 1701,
* He is an honest and true friend, and is beloved by
the whole army.'
He was a tall man, with a handsome face and
agreeable manners, he was of a benevolent disposi-
tion, and is said to have been better disciplined and
to have plundered less than most of the other gen-
erals. As Governor of Great Poland, in 1703 and
1704, he showed some of the best qualities of a states-
man, and he won over the Poles not only by his
ability in business, but by his skill in speaking Latin
and his readiness to empty his glass with theirs.
He undoubtedly contributed largely to his master's
plans for the deposition of Augustus. The victory
of Fraustadt was the culminating point of his fame,
and it is said that he was never the same man after
it, becoming proud and self-centred, and quarrelling
with Piper, but this may have been exaggerated by
his enemies. He was taken prisoner at Poltava, and
was sent to Moscow, where he kept open table for
Swedish officers, amd instructed them in the art
of war. He was allowed to purchase his release in
1718, and returned to Stockholm, where he was re-
THE INVASION OF SAXONY 137
ceived with great distinction. He was on his way
to Norway to rejoin his sovereign when he heard of
the catastrophe of Frederikshald.
WTien Augustus set out to combine operations with
Schulenburg, Ogilvy had remained behind in Grodno.
But his position became every day more intoler-
able, and he was compelled to leave the town. He
set out on April 10, 170(3, with an army reduced to
ten thousand men, and, marching south, reached
Brzezc-Litewski ten days later. Charles was quite
prepared for this event, and started in pursuit, but
the thaw had just commenced, the bridges were
carried away by the ice, and the King could not pass
the Niemen till April 14. Even then the ground had
become so soft that the troops could scarcely march.
AVhen about half way on his road, Charles heard
that Ogilvy had left Brzezc-Litewski and was retir-
ing to Kieff. He thereupon determined to turn in a
south-easterly direction and intercept him. But in
that swampy region progress was slow, and, on reach-
ing Pinsk on May 4, he found that it was surroimded
by marshes and was unapproachable except by boat.
He therefore bowed his head to fate, and gave up his
design. He remained at Pinsk till June 2, collecting
and refreshing his troops. It is said that he used to
mount the tower of the Jesuit monastery, look far and
wide over the waste of water, and consult the Vicar
138 CHARLES XII
as to the chance of their subsiding ; but he gained
no encouragement. He gradually came to the con-
clusion that there was only one way of bringing
Augustus to terms, and that was to follow him into
his own electoral dominions. At last he determined
upon his fateful enterprise, the invasion of Saxony.
Charles did not proceed to Saxony by the shortest
road. He determined first to enter Volhynia, because
the inhabitants were at that moment much devoted
to Augustus, and he wished to win them to the cause
of Stanislaus. The country also offered rich and
unwonted supplies for the support of his soldiers.
So we find the Swedish army, on June 19, encamped
at Luck, the capital of Volhynia, Charles according
to his custom taking up his abode in a country palace
some fifteen miles away. He communicated his plans
of invading Saxony to no one but Piper, who did
his best to dissuade him from the enterprise. He
represented to him that King Augustus himself was
now in Poland, and that the Tsar had collected large
masses of troops on the frontier, that so soon as
Charles was removed there would be a general rising
of the Swedes against the Poles, and that the fruits
of five years' labour would be lost at a single blow.
The Swedish army broke up from Luck on July
17, after nearly a month's sojourn in the district, and
marched to Horodlo on the Bug, the river being
THE INVASION OF SAXONY 139
crossed on July 21 ; the Vistula was reached at Piil-
awY a week later, and it took four days to build a
bridge. The junction with Rehnskjold's corps was
effected at Piatek on August 16. A week later the
river Warta was crossed, Charles leaving behind
him General Mardefeld with a division of four thou-
sand men to watch Augustus and the Russians. On
September 2, 1706, the Swedes crossed the Oder at
Steinau, and entered Saxon ten-itory on September
6. The army which Charles had with him consisted
on paper of twenty-nine thousand six hundred men,
but in reality of only nineteen thousand. It was a
small array, but there were no better-seasoned troops
in Europe, and it may be doubted whether better
troops, more able to bear fatigue and to fight, have
ever existed.
At the time when Charles formed the design of
marching upon Saxony, Augustus was at No vogrodek,
whither he had removed from Cracow, so as to be
nearer to his Russian allies. The news of the King's
march filled them with terror ; he foresaw that his
supplies would be cut off, and his hereditary domin-
ions plundered. His luxurious life was threatened
at its root, there would be no more extravagance
and self-indulgence, no more spending of the Tsar's
subsidy in his own pleasure ; it Avas necessary to
strain every nerve to hold Charles back from the
140 CHARLES XU
fulfilment of hw design. He therefore »ent two of
hii* 8tate officiaI«, Imhoff and Pfing«ten, to meet the
King and offer him terms of peace, the full powerH
to thin effect being dated Novogrodek, Auguut li^,
1700. We do notpo8^8M their in«truction« in full^
but we may infer that they were restricted U) making
offerK to CharleB of the following purport : that if he
would give up hiH design of invading Saxony, An-
gtwtuB would promise to draw no more troopg from
that country, and would acknowledge LetKizumki an
legitimate 8ucce»8<r>r to the Polish throne ; but that
if this were not sufficient he would, himself, surrender
np the crown at once. The Saxon envoys went,
first to Dresden, which they reached on September
1, The government, acting in the absence of
Augustus, sent to request Charles to desist from his
march, and to wait for the coming of plenipoten-
tiaries who were on their way to him, asking at the
«ame time for passes for their security. The passes
were indee<^l prepared, but the delays were long, and
the commissioners did not reach Charles's camp till
September 11, when he was already at Bischoffswer-
da, not much more tluirx twenty miles from Dresden.
The negotiations l>egan on the following day.
The envoys promised Charles that, if he would re-
tire from Saxony, Augustus would withdraw all his
troops from Poland, and would recognize StaniHlaus
THE IKVA;SIOK OF SAXONT 141
hmaamki as his mioomKt to ^b» Pciidb ctovn ;
tlby mho jmrnAtmitd i^ yumiUXity cf • psrtitMMi c^
IN)b]id.iBiriiic^IiynuaiAoidd£Ul to Am* Aan
oTSvedcm. Qa «b»odbcrbMid» Piper vo«ldUcx»-
t«Mlwitli aottog Itm Am tK^i—wKat^ wnreadgr
of t^ Polnb etovn W Angvttai^ ad te gHrmn^ iqn
afkkalliaiieeviA tiie Tnr. A» Pq>cr etsaliBiied
•hwhttdjy irai Ml An attitiW, and bo iifMnili
of faWdTor Piaerta oodUl iImIeo Ibbb, teenip tiwl
ptaw wo to bo Mamtd en ao ott^r t«nn» tknf^
Md^tttcMmnilkt^ migplutiMW vera origtoae
alOMft. TlMi«iiM»diMiUtkalm«biiac>tMMi ^07
oMMdcd tiioir iiiiif uliiJiMi TVy were f—powtiedl
to cAr diMO t«nMi cd^if Cfcirif* eonld bo jivo-
Ttatod fnm cntoria^ Sasn^ lit «]], «i»d vbcn that
4i7 killed bnr a «pMd|f wilwiwiiMi to mtmn tlM
■■MflEhfto n^nat of «bo Swedtii smt Mivo mob
Swfidiiii an^ viil^ bo aDowod to ila j in SaxGHqr
ibr tlio iviailor. Ota ffmitotbai 13^ Cliiriai nmoirtd
fi«M BiMlMAnvtvda, cvMMd tl» Elbo alllsMB OB
AvgiHi 14, nd on A«gwt il* 170C» iMMMilbo dd
^^■■■^y palaoo of AH4UMCidt, in whidilMtoolc id
hi» ^nuian^ kb trocfnbcinipqaaitaradi
142 CHARLES XII
The lofty church of MavkranstUdt is visible for
miles over the broad plain which surrounds Leipsig,
the plain on which the great ancestor of Charles XII.,
Gustavus Adolphus, found bis death. The suburb
of Alt-Ranstiidt lies at two miles' distance, and, being
now situated in Prussia, is little known even at
Leipsig itself; yet it deserves to be considered as one
of the most remarkable places in the world, for it
was here that the Swedish King, a young man, it is
true, of twenty-four, but acknowledged as one of the
greatest warriors of his time, remained for a whole
year, encamped in the heart of his enemies' country,
and during that time was justly regarded as the ar-
biter of Europe. In the great struggle then raging
between the allies and Louis XIV. for the possession
of the Spanish Empire, the forces on either side were
equally matched, and the balance would incline in
favour of that party for whom Charles elected to
draw his sword. The eyes of Europe were directed
with breathless interest towards that tiny spot, and
it must always have a fascination for the historian.
The Saxons were frightened out of their wits at
the coming of the Swedes. The treasures of Dres-
den were removed to the vaults of Konigstein. The
Elector's mother fled to her family in Holstein, his
wife with her son to her father in Baireuth, the two
captured Sobieskis were shut up in Konigstein to
THE INVASION OF SAXONY 143
keep Patkul company. The roads wliicli led to
Berlin, ]\ragdeburg and Halberstadt, were crowded
with fugitives, and the jobmasters of Dresden and
Leipsig made enormous profits. Charles did his
best to allay this senseless terror, by appeals to the
Saxon people, and by preserving the strictest dis-
cipline. Charles had, indeed, met with no resistance
from the Saxons on his march. Schulenburg, think-
ing discretion the better part of valour, had with-
drawn with his army into Thm-ingia.
The conditions of the peace of Alt-Ranstadt were
finally concluded on September 24. They provided
that iVugustus should renounce the throne of Poland,
and should make his decision knoAvn to the Polish
people within six months ; that he should give up all
his alliances, deliver the two Sobieskis from their
imprisonment, surrender all deserters, and especi-
ally John Reinhold Patkul, and allow the Swedish
army to winter in Saxony, supplying them with all
necessaries. The ratifications were to be exchanged
within six weeks. The strictest secrecy was to be
preserved, in order that the conclusion of peace
might not be hindered by the interference of any
third power. Pfingsten was sent to Augustus to ob-
tain the ratification. Mardefeld and Stanislaus were
ordered to desist from all hostilities as soon as this
should be given. In the meantime, Charles let it be
144 CHARLES XII
known tliat lie had agreed to a suspension of arms
for ten weeks. Pfingsten was given clearly to un-
derstand that unless he returned with the signature
of Augustus within six weeks Charles would not
feel himself bound by the terms of the preliminaries.
Pfingsten found Augustus at Petrikow, about
half way between Cracow and Warsaw, but it is not
exactly known what passed between them. Augus-
tus declared at a later period that Pfingsten had not
made him fully acquainted with the conditions of
the peace, that he had informed him of certain points
only, and given his master to understand that easier
terms might possibly be obtained ; and that upon
this Augustus had signed blank forms of ratification,
to be delivered in case the conditions should prove
satisfactory. It is impossible to believe that this
was really the case, or that Pfingsten would have
dared, or would even have wished, to conceal from
his sovereign so important an instrument. There
is no doubt that Augustus was extremely angry at
the news brought to him by his envoy. His desire
had been to prevent the invasion of Saxony, and when
that proved to be impossible he had given orders to
Imhofi" and Pfingsten to prolong the negotiations as
much as they could, in order that time might be
given for the mediation of the Emperor or the
Maritime Powers.
THE INVASION OF SAXONY 145
Augustus was indeed in a serious dilemma. He
had promised the Russians that he would not agree
to any separate peace with Sweden. An army of
twenty thousand Russians was in his immediate
neighbourhood, and his breach of faith would prob-
ably meet with speedy punishment. Further, how
could he depend upon the support of the Poles if they
came to learn that he had, under any circumstances,
agreed to abdicate in favour of Stanislaus ? The
only course open to him was to induce Pfingsten,
partly by threats and partly by promises, to enter
upon a course of mendacity and deceit. Augustus
was to give him the desii'ed ratifications, but he was
in the first place to keep the treaty "as secret as possi-
ble, and in the next place to declare, if necessary, that
the ratifications had been obtained under false pre-
tences, that he had never communicated the real
conditions to his master, but merely given him a
general outline of the negotiations, with the assurance
that easier terms could probably he obtained. This
ill-judged self-sacrifice eventually cost Pfingsten his
life and Imhoff* his liberty at the hands of their un-
grateful sovereign.
Pfingsten left Petrikow with the ratifications on
October 20. They were two in number, one confirm-
ing the conditions of the treaty, the other resigning
the crown, recognising Stanislaus as King, and call-
L
146 CHARLES XII
ingupon all Poles and Lithuanians to render him
allegiance and obedience. He was also the bearer
of a letter from Augustus to Charles, saying that, as
the possession of the crown of Poland had given him
more pain than pleasure, he could not regard its loss
as a very severe calamity, especially if it gave him
in exchange the friendship of the King of Sweden.
Just at this time an unexpected event occurred.
Mardefeld had, as we have seen, been left behind
by Charles on the Warta to watch the Poles and the
Russians, and at the beginning of October, seeing
that the enemy was increasing in force, had marched
southwards from the Warta to the Prosna, in order
better to perform his duty. Charles had charged
Pfingsten with a commission to inform Mardefeld
of the conclusion of the armistice ; but he could not
deliver the message himself, and the person to whom
he entrusted it failed to do so, so that Mardefeld was
entirely ignorant of the suspension of arms. Just
at the time when Pfingsten was at Petrikow, Men-
shikof, who commanded the Russian force, determin-
ed to attack Mardefeld, although Augustus did his
best to restrain him, not wishing that there should
be an engagement between himself and the Swedes
just as the negotiations for peace were in progress.
When he found that this , was impossible, Augustus
sent a secret message to Mardefeld informing him
THE INVASION OF SAXONY 147
tliat he would be shortly attacked by a united army
of Poles and Russians, and advising him to retire.
Mardefeld believing this to be a trick, and being
without instructions from Charles, remained in his
position. Whereupon Augustus sent a more urgent
warning, telling him that peace had been concluded
between Charles and himself, that he would keep the
Russians back for two days, which he recommended
him to use in providing for his safety. Mardefeld
again put a wrong construction on this letter, and
when he became aware that the enemy was really
at hand he drew up his army in front of the Prosna,
placing his four thousand Swedes in two lines in the
centre, and eight thousand Poles and Lithuanians,
who were commanded by Sapieha, in the Avings.
The imited ,army consisted of twenty thousand
Russians, and fifteen thousand Saxons and Poles, —
nearly three times the strength of Mardefeld. As
soon as the attack began, Sapieha's troops naturally
ran away, leaving the Swedish flanks unprotected.
The masses of the allies enveloped the little handful
of their opponents, and after a brave resistance, in
which he lost seven hundred men, Mardefeld was
compelled to surrender. The Swedish general,
Crassow, fought his way through the enemy, and
managed to escape with a thousand oavalry. Such
was the battle of Kalish, fought on October 29, 1706.
148 CHARLES XII
Augustus, contrary to his custom, took part in the
battle — a conduct which contrasts rather strangely
with his efforts to prevent it ; he was evidently
afraid to give either the Russians or the Poles the
slightest suspicion of his treachery. After the en-
gagement he sent the Russians into winter quarters,
and retired himself to Warsaw, whence he dispatched
a letter of excuse to Charles, promising to set the
captured Swedes at liberty as soon as possible.
Charles was extremely enraged at the news of
Kalish and at the perfidy of Augustus, but he be-
came pacified Avhen he considered the solid advan-
tages he had gained. On November 28, he commu-
nicated the conditions of the treaty of Alt-Ransfadt
to the ambassadors of foreign powers who were
present at Leipsig, and it is needless to say that it
caused the gi'eatest sensation throughout Europe,
and raised the fame of Charles as a general and as-
a diplomatist to a higher point than it had yet
attained.
Augustus, after celebrating his victory in Warsaw,
betook himself to his palace of Tarnowitz in Silesia,
when he used every efi'ort to wriggle out of the
treaty. He hoped to obtain some alleviation of the
terms, and to secure this he paid a visit to Charles
at Alt-Ransfadt on December 18. Charles received
him with more consideration than might have been
THE INVASION OF SAXONY U9
•expected, but would not depart one incli from the
conditions already accepted ; so that on January 1,
1707, Augustus was obliged to announce to the
world, on his side also, that the treaty had been
concluded. Nothing remained but to throw the
blame on the plenipotentiaries. They had obtained,
he said, his signature under false pretences ; they had
misinformed him as to the conditions of the treaty,
and led him to believe that if it were speedily con-
cluded he could obtain easy terms. They had then
persuaded him that a personal interview with the
King of Sweden was sure to effect this object, and
had thereby induced him to place himself in the
power of his enemy. Once in this position, what
was he to do ? He had been led into a trap, but
woe to the traitors who had thus deceived him
150
CHAPTER XL
ALT-RANSTADT.
We have said above that Charles XII., iii electing^
to take up his abode in the hunting villa of Alt-
Ransfadt rather than in a large town, was following*
his usual custom. His life there was exceedingly
simple, and his establishment had but little of the
appearance of a court. Entertainment and repre-
sentation was left to Count Piper, who was a rich
man, very fond of money, and not above receiving
presents when he could get them. Charles, indeed,
was not only simple in his dress, but dirty and un-
tidy. There could not be a greater contrast than
between him and the Elector Augustus when they
met as above described. Augustus was clothed in
those bright-coloured garments, embroidered with
gold lace and enriched with precious stones, which
we can still see represented on the walls of Dresden
Gallery. Charles wore heavy boots, the worse for
ALT-RANSTADT 151
rough usage, dirty leather breeches, and a shuple
blue coat with enormous copper buttons. Yet the
conqueror Charles received more respect, in his un-
tidiness, than Augustus, the conquered, in all his
splendoui", Charles was especially popular with the
common people, the more so because he made no
difference between classes. The Saxon nobles had
been, like the French, free from taxes, but Charles
imposed the same burdens upon them as upon the
rest. They complained of this, and spoke of their
privileges, saying that they were excused from mili-
tary taxes on the ground of supplying cavalry to the
sovereign. Charles replied to them,
' When they use your cavalry ? If the cavalry
had done its duty in the last campaign I should not
be here. If a party of amusement is to the fore you
are ready to take a share in it, but if the country is
in danger you stay at home. You are the very men
who ought to pay taxes first.'
Charles was, indeed, like Napoleon, and like Peter
the Great, in another manner, — a bitter enemy of
what has been known since as the ancien regime, its
extravagance, its laziness, its hollowness, and, what
was especially unbearable at the Saxon court, its
profound immorality. Charles lost no opportunity
of showing his contempt for the Dresden nobles in
this respect, and his treatment of Aurora von Konigs-
162 CHARLES XII
marck was hardly more respectful at Alt-Ranstadt
than it had been before at Courland. It was natural
that one of Charles's first anxieties at A11>Ranstadt
should be to visit the field of Liitzen, and the stone
which marks the place where his heroic ances-
tor had fallen in the fight on November 6, 1632,
fifty years before Charles's birth. He had carefully
studied the plan of the battle, and explained to
Rehnskjold, Nierolt, and the young Prince of Wur-
temberg, who were with him, how everything had
occurred. He spoke much of the character and
personality of Gustavus, and said,
' I have striven to live like him. May God give
me grace to find my death in the same honourable
manner.'
At a later period he visited Wittenberg, in rever-
ence to the memory of Luther. He rode over one
day, quite unexpectedly ; but the authorities hasten-
ed to open the church, and to show him Luther's
grave. All the professors were present, and they
wished to present him with an address, but he would
hear nothing of it. It happened that he reached the
grave of the great reformer just at the time of the
customary evening prayers, held by the Swedes
daily. The King and his generals went into one of
the neighbouring benches, fell on their knees, and
perfonned their devotions. The professors, officials,
ALT-RANSTADT 153
and the town councillors who were present were
standing round Luther's grave, and they could not
refrain from following the King's example, so that
the church presented an extraordinary spectacle.
The occurrence seemed to have a softening effect
upon the King's temper, but after staying an hour
or two he mounted his horse and rode away.
The Swedish army, when it reached Saxony, was
in a horrible condition. It was badly clothed, and
many gaps had been made in the ranks by sickness
and death. Pay was much in aiTears, both for offi-
cers and for common soldiers. But the sojourn in
Saxon territory put this all right. The war taxes
were amply sufficient to supply clothing for the
troops, and all arrears of pay were made up. But
the enforced idleness was not all to the good, and
the morals of the army suffered severely from their
sojourn in this northern Capua. Charles insisted on
the maintenance of discipline with the greatest se-
verity. Soldiers who could not restrain from plunder
were shot down without mercy. It is said that one
day Charles discovered a soldier red-handed in an
act of loot, and cried,
' Is it true that you have been robbing this man ?'
The soldier replied,
' Yes, your ^Majesty ; but I have only stolen a
chicken from this peasant, whereas your Majesty
has stolen a crown from his master.'
154 CHARLES XII
Charles was for tlie moment confused, and did not
order the soldier to be punished ; but he gave two
ducats to the peasant, and said to the soldier,
* Consider another time, my friend, that if I have
taken an empire away from King Augustus I have,
at least, kept nothing for myself.'
Charles did not hesitate to levy recruits in Saxony,
and, where his drums beat, hundreds flocked to his
standard. In this manner the army was increased
to the number of forty-three or forty-four thousand
well-equipped soldiers.
Owing to the special circumstances of Europe at
that time, Charles was an object of interest to all
who were taking part in the war of the Spanish
succession. It is said that his quarters at Alt-
Ranstadt were visited by ten princes and by thirty
ambassadors of foreign powers. The most remark-
able of these visits, perhaps, was that of Marl-
borough, of which we shall speak presently.
The peace of Alt-Ranstiidt was signed and had been
published by both parties to the world ; the two
Sobieskis had been released from prison, but Augus-
tus did everything^in^iis power to avoid the fulfilment
of the other conditions which were so distasteful to
him. He betook himself to foreign powers, such as
Denmark, Prussia, and Austria, begging them to in-
tercede with Charles, but he received evasive answers.
ALT-RANSTADT 155
He then turned, in his distress, to the Tsar ; he com-
plained that he had been driven to accept the treaty
by the nonfulfilment of Peter's promise, and that he
signed it without being acquainted with its conditions.
Peter was at last overcome by these arguments, and
promised that, if Augustus would violate the treaty,
he would help him with large subsidies and a con-
siderable auxiliary army. Augustus, however, re-
quired money down, and that Peter was not disposed
to give, so the matter came to an end.
It is said that Augustus went so far at this time as
to plan the murder of his enemy. A great wild-
boar hunt had been arranged at Liebenwerde, an
occasion on which it would not be difficult to carry
such a design into execution. Charles accepted the
invitation, but missed his way, and found himself in
the neighbourhood of the residence of the Elector's
mother, who had now, we may suppose, returned
from Holstein. As Charles was a connexion of hers
he determined to pay her a visit, and thus let the time
ari'anged for the hunt slip by, and returned straight
to Alt-Ranstadt. It is more probable that Charles
made this mistake on purpose than by accident, be-
cause his habits were most punctual, and he was not
likely to miss an opportunity for a boar-hunt. Charles
now began to press for the fulfilment of the treaty,,
and especially for the surrender of Patkul, which the
156 CHARLES XII
Saxons were very anxious to evade. It is said that
Augustus had promised Peter that he would not give
him up, but he was between two terrors, the wrath
of Peter and the wrath of Charles. It was difficult
to say which of the two Avas the more serious calam-
ity, and the indecision of the King-Elector's character
became more conspicuous than ever. It would have
been easy to have assisted Patkul to escape, but the
King of Sweden would have inflicted summary ven-
geance on the abetters of such a trick. Schulen-
burg has left on record that he was once summoned
by Augustus with Hoyer and Pfingsten to decide on
Patkul's fate. What was to be done ? How could
Patkul be set at liberty without irritating the King
of Sweden to a dangerous point ? Augustus would
not agree to any method which was proposed, and
•eventually determined to surrender Patkul to torture
and death.
Patkul had no illusions about his own destiny. It is
.said that he had promised a considerable sum to the
commandant of Konigstein, if he would allow him to
•escape, and that he had shown the agreement to
Augustus, whereupon the commandant was immedi-
ately executed and a new one appointed of a different
temper. There is another account, that Patkul was
not willing to give as much money as the command-
ant demanded, but we cannot tell whether both the
ALT-RANSTADT 157
stories or either of them are true. Augustus, how-
ever, had favours to ask of Charles, and he could not
expect to obtain them unless he met the King half
way. A number of Saxon troops had been left in
Poland, and Augustus, who feared that they might
be attacked by the Russians, was anxious for their
return. Charles promised to assist their operations
and protect them against a Russian attack. Augus-
tus, having lost one crown, was anxious to obtain
another, and set his affections on Naples, which was
then in dispute with the rest of the Spanish Empu-e.
He begged for Charles's help in the negotiation, and
hopes were held out that it might be obtained. Tlie
consequence of all these intrigues was that Patkul
was delivered to General Meyerfeld on April 18,
1707, and was kept by him in the closest custody.
When the Swedes left Saxony they took Patkul
with them under the strongest guard, and on cross-
ing the Polish frontier he was executed at Kasimerz,
on October 10. He was broken on the wheel. The
executioner gave him fourteen or fifteen blows on
the back, during which time he screamed and groaned
greatly, and called on God and the devil. After
receiving two blows on the breast he became more
quiet, and only murmured,
' Take my head off.'
He then crawled along the scaffold and lay his
158 CHARLES XII
head upon the block. The head was not severed
till the fourth blow. Patkul committed the fault of
meddling with matters too great for him. His de-
signs for the freedom of his native country were
swallowed up and neutralized in the conflict of more
powerful interests. Livonia, which he died to save,
fell to the lot of Russia. But still he deserves a niche
in the temple of historic fame.
The surrender of Patkul naturally caused deep
offence to Peter. Augustus had committed no mere
nominal crime in delivering up the Russian envoy
to a disgraceful death, especially when he had so
often promised that he would do nothing of the kind.
To cover his deceit and to atone for one sin by an-
other, Augustus arrested Imhoff and Pfingsten in May,
for having obtained the ratification of the treaty of
Alt-Ranstadt under false pretences. Peter indeed re-
quested that the offenders might be delivered up to
him, but Augustus feared that, in that case, the web
of deceit which he had w^oven would be unravelled,
and matters made worse than ever. He therefore
promised to punish the offenders himself, perhaps
the only promise which it was not likely that he
would violate.
Although winter had long passed, Charles still
continued to linger in Saxony. The reason for this
delay is to be sought rather in the King's character
ALT-RANSTADT 159
than in anything else. In his life, periods of feverish
activity were often succeeded by long spells of un-
reasonable rest. He had, however, two ostensible
grounds for his action, — one, that Augustus still con-
tinued to call himself King of Poland, contrary to the
treaty, which only allowed him to retain the title of
King, and also that the powers who had been invited
to guarantee the treaty of Alt-Ranstadt had not yet
returned an answer. Another and more serious rea-
son was, that misunderstandings had broken out
between Charles and the court of Vienna which it
was now necessary to arrange. The main grievances
were two in number, — first, that a number of Russian
soldiers, which had escaped at the battle of Fraustadt
and had been well received by Augustus, had at the
time of Charles's invasion taken refuge in Bohemia ;
and the Emperor now refused to give them up,
according to the provisions of the treaty of Alt-Ran-
stadt ; and secondly, that the freedom of worship in
Silesia, which had been expressly provided for by
the treaty of Westphalia, was violated by the Catho-
lic clergy, who had closed a number of evangelical
churches. Charles was by inheritance a guarantor
of the treaty of Westphalia, and had thus a right to
see that this provision was carried into eflFect.
The possibility of a serious breach between Charles
and the Emperor was regarded with alarm by the
160 CHARLES XII
Maritime Powers, and especially by England. A war
between them might throw Sweden into the arms of
France, greatly increasing her chance of success in
the struggle, and if the Emperor was implicated in
another conflict he might have little time to spare
for the humiliation of Louis. Further, any develop-
ment of the northern war would probably involve
the intervention of Denmark and Prussia, and the
contingent which they were supplying then would
be withdrawn. It was determined that the great
Duke of Marlborough himself, who was as successful
in diplomacy as he was brilliant in battle, should
visit the Swedish King at Alt-Ranstadt, and do his
best to recognise the danger.
George Stepney, who was at this time British
envoy in Poland, has left us a graphic account of the
personal appearance and habits of Charles at the time
of Marlborough's visit. He says, ' He is a tall, hand-
some gentleman, but immoderately dirty and sloven-
ly, his behaviour and carriage more rustic than you
can imagine in so young a man, and that the outside
of his quarters should not bely the inside, he has
these the dirtiest of all Saxony, and one of the sad-
dest houses. The cleanest place is the land before
the house, where everybody is to alight off their
horses, and is up to the knees in dirt. Here his
horses stand with hardly any halters, and sacking
ALT-RANSTADT 161
instead of clothes, without either rack or manger.
The horses have their coats rough, also their bellies,
their buttocks and their switchy tails. The grooms
that look after them seem not to be better cloathed
nor kept than their horses, one of which stands
always ready for a mighty monarch, who runs out
commonly alone and bestrides his steed and away he
gallops before anyone else is ready to follow him.
Sometimes he will go forty-eight or fifty miles a
day, even in the winter-time, bespattered with dirt
like a postillion.
' The King's coat is plain blue, with ordinary brass
buttons, the skirts pinned up behind and before,
which shows his nasty old leather waistcoat and
breeches, which, they tell me, are sometimes so greasy
they may be fried. But when I saw him they were
almost new, for he had been galanting a little before,
and had been to see King Augustus's Queen upon
her return to Leipsig, and to be fine had put on
these new leather breeches. He spoke not above
three words to her, but talked to a foolish dwarf
she has for about a quarter of an hour, and then left
her. He wears a black crape cravat, but the cape
of his coat is buttoned so close about it that you
cannot see whether he has any or no. His shirts
and wristbands are commonly very dirty, for he
wears no gloves or ruffles on horseback, and his
M
162 CHARLES XII
hands are commonly of the same colour with his
wristbands, so that you can hardly distinguish them.
His hair is of a light brown, very greasy and very
short, never combed but with his fingers. He sits upon
any stool or chair that he finds in the house, without
any ceremony.
' He begins his dinner with a great piece of bread
and butter, having stuck his napkin under his chin.
He drinks, with his mouth full, out of a great old-
fashioned beaker, small beer, which is his only liquor
at his meals. He drinks about two English bottles,
for he empties his beaker twice. Between every bit
of meat he eats a piece of bread and butter, which
he spreads with his thumbs. He is never more than
a quarter of an hour at dinner, eats like a boor, and
speaks not one word all the while. As soon as he
rises, his trabants, or Life-Guards, sit down to the
same table to the same victuals.
' His bed-chamber is a little dirty room with bare
walls, no sheets or canopy to his bed, but the same
quilt that is under him turns up over him and so cov-
ers him. His writing-table is a slit deal with only a
stick to support it, and instead of a standish (or ink-
stand) a wooden thing with a sand-box of the same.
He has a fine gilt Bible by his bedside, which is the
only thing that looks fine in his equipage. He is a
very handsome man, well shaped, with a very good
ALT-RANSTADT 163
face, and no stern countenance. But he is very-
whimsical and positive, which makes all the allies
afraid of him, for he rouses up himself and his army
as long as another would fight a duel. He hath not
shown much generosity to King Augustus, who seeks
carte blanche to make peace, and to recommend
himself to his friendship. But he does still every day
very hard things to that poor prince, whom he treats
always like one he has entirely in his power.'
Stepney further tells us of King Stanislaus, whom
he saw at Leipsig, that he is tall, young, and hand-
some, wearing whiskers in the Polish dress, but in-
clined to be fat, and a little upon the dii-ty, as all
Poles are. ' He was lodged in a very pretty little
castle belonging to King Augustus, but against that
King's wish, who will never see him and cannot bear
to have him spoken of, and yet the Swedes would
oblige him to see him, which they say he ought to
do by treaty.'
Marlborough arrived at Halle on the afternoon of
April 26, 1707, and on his way to Alt-Ranstadt was
informed that the King would see him the next day.
After visiting Count Piper, the Duke went to the
quarters prepared for him, about a mile and a half
from the King's. The interview took place on the
following morning at eleven o'clock, in a cabinet,
where the King was with several senators, generals,
M 2
164 CHARLES XII
and other officers about him. After a ' short compli-
ment ' in English, Marlborough spoke in French,
which Charles understood, but would not speak.
The Duke presented to Charles an autograph letter
from Queen Anne, and said,
'I present your Majesty a letter not from the
Chancery but from the heart of the Queen, and
written with her own hand. Had not her health
prevented it, she would have crossed the sea to
see a prince admired by the whole universe. I
am in this particular more happy than the Queen,
and I wish I could serve some campaign under so
great a general as your Majesty, that I might learn
what I yet want to know in the art of war.'
After the conversation had lasted about an hour,
Charles took Marlborough in to dinner, placing him
at his right hand. They then returned into the
audience chamber, and conversed for an hour and
a half, till it was time for Charles to go to church.
Piper, who Avas present with Hermelin, shed tears
at Marlborough's eloquence.
Marlborough's keenness of vision soon enabled
him to discern that Charles had no idea of becoming
an ally of Louis XIV. He hated the French and
everything that belonged to them. Nor did it appear
to the Duke that the Swede was deeply concerned
;ibout his differences with the Emperor, but on the
ALT-RA^'STADT 165
other hand he found the tables covered with maps of
Russia, and when the Tsar's name was mentioned,
Charles's cheek flushed and his eyes sparkled. The
news that the great general and the great sovereign
were holding an interview drew such large crowds
to the spot that the efforts of several regiments were
required to keep order. Marlborough presented
Countess Piper with a costly diamond ring, and he
promised pensions of fifteen hundred pounds to the
Count himself and of five hundred pounds to Her-
melin and Cederhjelm, with an extra five hundred
pounds to Hermelin. Can we wonder if this latter
gentleman said at the time that any Swede who
should attempt to persuade the King to involve him-
self in a new war until the war with Russia was con-
cluded, must either be a madman or a traitor to his
country. Marlborough went away convinced that
Charles would not intervene between France and
the allies, imless he were invited to do so by both
parties.
Charles, however, was so much enraged at the delay
of the Austrians in coming to terms that it nearly
led to a rupture. When Piper pleaded for a little
more time Charles said to him,
' I have already waited too long from feelings of
politeness, if I do not receive a positive answer I
am determined to set off the day after to-morrow.'
166 CHARLES XII
Eventually another treaty of Alt-Ranstadt between
Sweden and Austria was signed on August 22, and
the sea powers immediately declared that they were
ready to become guarantors of the whole settlement.
Charles was at length able to say to Piper,
* We have now been a whole year in Germany, the
peace with King Augustus is concluded, and all dis-
putes with other powers are amicably arranged with-
out our having made a single new enemy. We have
done all our business, and are in a position to leave
Saxony, of which we were formerly so much in dread.'
167
CHAPTER XII.
THE DTVASIOX OF RUSSIA.
In the middle of August, Charles ordained a solemn
service of prayer and himiiliation for all his troops.
He comjnanded all the women who had found their
way into the camp to return to their homes, and on
the very evening of the day when the treaty with
Austria was signed he gave orders for departure.
His army was in a splendid condition, he had brought
twenty thousand troops with him, and he now had
thirty-three thousand besides the Polish auxiliaries,
although he had received no reinforcements from
his own country. The army began to march on
September 1 (N.l), and when the King reached
Oberan, near Meissen, on September 6, he suddenly
determined to pay a flying visit to Dresden, in order
to take leave of King Augustus. He was accom-
panied only by seven persons. When they reached
the gate they were stopped and taken to the guard-
168 CHARLES XII
house in the centre of the town. Here Charles was
accidentally recognised by General Flemming, who
conducted them to the King. Augustus, not feeling
well, was, we imagine to his great distress, still in
his dressing-gown. Whilst the Elector went to dress,
Charles paid a visit to his aunt Anna Sophia, the
Elector's mother. Then both sovereigns set out on
horseback and inspected the fortilEications, the arsenal,
the stables, and the riding-school, followed by a
dense crowd. After four hours' sojourn, Charles left
amid the thunder of cannon from the walls, and the
Elector accompanied him for several miles on his
road. He reached his quarters before the army had
known anything of his adventure.
On September 17, the Swedes re-crossed the Oder
at Steinau, and nine days later took up their quarters
at Slupce. Here Charles received reinforcements from
Sweden of nine thousand recruits, which brought up
his army to its full war strength. The King had now
under his own command sixteen thousand two hun-
dred infantry, twelve thousand two hundred and fifty
dragoons, and eight thousand four hundred and fifty
other cavalry, making a total of thirty-five thousand
nine hundred men, whilst three thousand infantry
and five thousand dragoons were left behind in Posen
under General Crassow. After spending six weeks
in ordering his troops, the King marched towards the
THE INVASION OF RUSSIA 16»
Vistula, in order to prepare for the crossing of that
important river. He did not, however, intend to
begin any further operations against the Russians
imtil the frost had made the rivers passable. This
could not be the case till the end of the year, so he
quartered his army in the neighbourhood of Brzezc-
Litewski, and took up his own abode in the Castle
of Wienicz, only a short distance from the Vistula
and about a hundred miles north-west of Warsaw.
Here he was visited by a Turkish embassy, an event
which did not seem of much importance at the time,
but which had a profound influence upon his after
career.
King Stanislaus had in the course of the year 1707
sent an embassy to Constantinople to announce his
accession to the throne, and the Sultan, Ahmed III.,
had in return dispatched an Aga to thank the new
King for his courtesy, and that he was now encamped
only at a short distance from the Swedes. The Aga,
having delivered his message to Stanislaus, came
into the Swedish camp and presented to Charles a
letter from Jussuf Pasha, the Seraskier of Silistria,
containing a nimber of complimentary expressions.
Charles was at first somewhat cold in his reception
of the Turk, because he had not been dispatched
directly from the Sultan ; but afterwards, recognizmg
the advanta ^e which both he and Stanislaus could
170 CHARLES XII
derive from a Turkish alliance, lie treated him with
more confidence, and eventually came to speak of a
possible alliance between Turkey and Sweden for
the humiliation of Russia. The Aga said that such
an alliance might be possible, but Charles must first
send an embassy to Constantinople. Jussuf Pasha
informed the Porte of these events, and was told in
answer that the Grand Vizier was, himself, in favour
of a war with Russia, but that the Sultan could not
be induced to violate the treaties which subsisted be-
tween himself and that power. However, there could
be no objection to a Swedish embassy being received
by the Porte. This led to a correspondence between
Jussuf Pasha and the Swedish Chancery which ac-
companied Charles in the field ; the result of which
was to strengthen in Charles's mind the idea of a
Turkish alliance. Hope was also held out that the
Khan of Crim-Tartary might put a considerable
army in the field. The Sultan knew nothing of
these offers, and when he heard of them he gave
the most precise orders that the Khan was to com-
mit himself to no promises whatever. The negotia-
tion opened through the intermediacy of Jussuf
Pasha, and he became so devoted to Charles, and so
much convinced of the desirability of the alliance,
that he concealed the Sultan's real sentiments, and
led Charles to believe that his sovereign would
support him in his plans against Russia.
THE INVASION OF RUSSIA 171
At the same time negotiations were opened with
Mazeppa, hetman of the Cossacks, a man whose
poetically sounding name and strange history have
won for him more attention than he would otherwise-
have deserved. He was sprung from an old Podohan
family, and was now sixty-three years old. When
quite young he came to Warsaw to be a page at the
court of King Casimii*. It is said that when in this
position he aroused the jealousy of a Podolian
noble, who in revenge bound him on the back of a
wild horse, who fled with his burden into his native
Ukraine. Here he was discovered and set free by
peasants, and remained with the Cossacks, who made
liim their hetman in 1681. There is, however, another
version of the story, probably more true and certainly
more prosaic, which relates that whilst living with
his mother in Volhynia he had an intrigue with the
wife of a neighbouring nobleman, who bound him on
to his own horse, and so temfied it with whips and
pistols that it galloped away with his master to his
own door, through woods and thickets, so that he
arrived in a state hardly to be recognised. After the
escapade he joined the Cossacks, but did not become
their hetman until shortly before the campaign of
Peter against Azoff, in 1695. Mazeppa, whose rela-
tions with Peter had become strained, applied, in the
first instance, not to Charles but to Stanislaus with
offers of assistance. Charles at first looked coldly
172 CHARLES XII
on them, but was glad to make use of them at a later
period.
The passage of the Vistula was effected with con-
siderable difficulty, on January 9, 1708, and Charles
marched with his army, now thirty-six thousand
strong, to Grodno, where he hoped to find the enemy.
He proceeded by a circuitous route, and did not
reach the neighbourhood of his objective till Feb-
ruary 6, when he arrived atNowodwor, about twelve
miles distant. Here he heard that Peter was in the
town with a considerable force, and he determined
to obtain further information. He rode on Math eight
hundred horse, and met a division of Russian dra-
goons, whom he easily drove back under the walls
of their city. In the meantime night had come on,
and Charles slept on the field of the engagement,
determined to attack the town as early as possible
on the following morning. The Russians, however,
evacuated Grodno in the night. Charles fomid the
gates open, and no trace of the enemy. Peter was
pursuing at this time the policy which was followed
with such success in 1812 ; besides, he was suffering
from fever, and had no wish to risk a general
battle.
Charles left Grodno on February 9, in pursuit of
the Russians. He arrived at Smorgonie on February
22, but in spite of all his efforts could not come up
THE INVASION OF RUSSIA 175
with the enemy. Smorgonie is known to us as lia,
place at which Napoleon left his army on the retreat
from Russia in 1812. Charles remained for some time
and carefully considered the plans of his further
operations. He had two courses before him. One
was to march into the Baltic provinces and to re-
cover them from the Russians, destroying the estab-
lishments which they had made there and revindicat-
ing for Sweden what had been lost in his absence.
The other was to destroy the power of Peter as he
had before destroyed that of Augustus, and for this
purpose he meant to strike at the heart of the enemy,
making use of the allies which circumstances had
placed in his way. But the world has now come to
know that the reduction of Russia to submission is a
very difficult operation, even for the most consum-
mate military genius, and Charles was not likely to
succeed where the great Napoleon was afterwards to
fail. The Russians, as they retreated, wasted the
land behind them, having learnt this policy from the
Cossacks and the Tartars, and nothing was left for
their pursuers, who pressed on into a barren wilder-
ness. On the side of the Russians, General Bog,
General Swamp, and General Famine were as power-
ful as General Frost and General Snow ; and in enter-
prises of the kind it is always dangerous to rely on
the support of disaffected subjects. Rebels are pro-
172 CHARLES XII
on^fbially fickle, and tlie man who has once betrayed
his friend, may more easily be led to betray him -who
was once his enemy.
At Smorgonie there was a parting of the ways.
Charles could reach Livonia in fourteen days, but it
was scarcely likely that he would follow this direc-
tion when he had before rejected the shorter road
from Grodno. He could march by Pleskow to Nov-
gorod, when he would find a detachment of the Tsar's
troops posted behind the Diina ; he could advance
straight to the east by Smolensk to Moscow, where
he would encounter another Russian army on the
Beresina ; or as a fourth course he could march to-
wards the Ukraine and the south-east, where he would
join hands with his allies, the Tartars and the Cos-
sacks. After some hesitation Charles adopted the fatal
plan of marching into the Ukraine, and at Smorgonie
a formal treaty was signed between Mazeppa and
himself. Mazeppa promised that on the advance of the
Swedes he would bring a rebellion of the Cossacks
against the Russians, would deliver some important
fortresses into Swedish hands, and would also stir up
to rebellion not only the Zaporovian Cossacks, and
the Cossacks of the Don, but the Tartars of Astrachan
who had already given evidence of their discontent.
The Swedes were to unite with this cloud of irregu-
lar cavalry and march towards Moscow. It was also
THE INVASION OF RUSSIA 175
provided that Lewenliaupt, wlio was now in Livonia,
should join the main army with eleven thousand men,
and that Liibecker with a force of fourteen thousand
should invade Ingria and destroy St. Petersburg and
the Russian settlements in those parts. Stanislaus
was to march with the Polish troops to Poland, join
with General Crassow, and establish his own authority
on a firm basis, whilst the army of Lithuania should
advance to Smolensk, and the crown army to KieflT.
There is no doubt, also, that Charles counted on the
support of the Crim-Tartars, and cherished a hope that
early success might also bring him the alliance of the
Turk. It was indeed a mighty plan, but it aimed at
nothing less than the annihilation of Peter, and
Charles did not know with what a formidable ad-
versary he had to contend.
According to the arrangements with Mazeppa, the
advance was to be deferred until the soil should pro-
duce fodder for the horses. On March 27, Charles
removed his head-quarters to RadoszkoAvice, where
he remained till the middle of June. From this place
he wrote to Lewenhaupt and ordered him to come
with all his troops to increase the King's army. He
was to collect the largest possible amount of sup-
plies, sufficient not only for his own army but for the
King's, as their march would be through a desolate
country. On May 25, Lewenhaupt returned to Riga
176 CHARLES XII
and began to cany out the instructions which had
been given him ; but a fortnight later he was ordered,
to his great surprise, to prepare to march at the
middle of June, and to proceed by way of Lithuania
to the Beresina. In spite of all his efforts he could
not complete his preparations till the end of Juno,
and he then set out in accordance with the King's
commands.
On June 11, Charles advanced towards Mohilew,
while Stanislaus conducted an army of sixteen
thousand Poles by way of Grodno to West Poland.
Charles reached the Beresina on June 25, at a place
of the same name, where there was a bridge across
the river. A week later the Swedish army reached the
Drue, where Charles had to remain till July 6, because
the bridge was broken down. Having crossed this
river, the King moved in a northerly direction,
because he was informed that there was a great
Russian camp established amongst the marshes at
Goloftchin. Charles reached this town, situated on
the river Wabis, on July 10. The position of the
Russians was very strong. Both their flanks were
protected by marshes, and another morass extended
right through their centre, cutting the Russian army
into two halves. The army was commanded by
Menshikoff, and it numbered about thirty-six thou^
sand men, and was especially powerful in the wings.
THE INVASION OF RUSSIA 177
On the evening of July 12, the river and its boats
were concealed by a thick mist. Charles took ad-
vantage of this circumstance to erect a battery close
to the stream, and to place in it eight heavy pieces
of artillery. As soon as the rising sun had dispersed
the mist, the Swedish guns opened fire upon the
Russian centre, which had the efi^ct of scattering
the troops posted there, and driving them towards
the wings. In the meantime, about seven thousand
troops had been collected on the river's bank, and a
pontoon bridge was in the course of construction.
Charles, in his impatience, would not wait for its
completion, but sprang into the stream, calling upon
his soldiers to follow him. The water came up to
their arm-pits, and they had great difiiculty in keep-
ing their muskets dry ; indeed, when they reached
the opposite shore many of their guns would not go
off. Charles, therefore, ordered to cease firing, and
to charge with the bayonet.
It was, however, more difficult for the Swedes to
advance through the marshes than through the
water, but as soon as they touched solid ground the
King got his regiment into order, and led them
against the left wing of the enemy. The Russians
opened a heavy fire, but it had little effect in the
seasoned ranks of the Swedish soldiers. They con-
tinued to advance unbroken, and the Russians could
N
17£r CHARLES XII
not withstand their attack. They, however, retired
in good order, continually halting and jBring, but at
last they were thrown into disorder and broken up.
In the meantime, the Russian cavalry was doing
its best to come to the assistance of the hard-pressed
infantry, and threw itself on the right flank of the
Swedish foot. But Rehnskjold came up just in the
nick of time with his cavalry of the guard, not ex-
ceeding six or seven hundred men. By their extra-
ordinary vigour and hardiness they forced the
Russian cavalry first to desist from their attack, and
then to retire themselves. This performance of
the Swedish cavalry has received great praise from
military authorities, as showing what may be effected
by a small number of troops brought to a high state
of efiiciency. The trabants, who formed Charles's
personal body-guard, were a picked body of men,
all with the rank of officers. They were brought
up in the tradition of the most daring courage, and
were never known to blench before any odds.
The central morass of which we have spoken had
the effect of preventing the Russian right from giv-
ing any support to the left. Peter says in his diary
that special care had been taken to provide passages
over this morass, and that their guard of them had
been committed to Repnin's division. But, however
this may have been, it is certain that the passages
THE INVASION OF RUSSIA 179
•were not made use of. This was the first battle of
the new campaign, the first step in Charles's gigan-
tic enterprise of driving Peter from his tin-one. It
lasted but a few hours, and was entirely in favour
of the Swedes. The loss was not large on either
side. The Swedes lost two hundred and sixty-five
killed and one thousand and twenty- eight wounded,
the Russians only seven hundred and forty- five men
killed, which is to be explained by the fact that the
Swedes made no use of their muskets.
Charles made no attempt to follow the Russian
retreat, in consequence of the heavy rain, which
made the roads, always difficult, now impossible.
He marched to Mohilew, which he reached on
July 18, and there awaited the arrival of Lewen-
haupt. Exactly a hundred and four years after-
wards, to the very day, the advanced guard of
Napoleon's army entered the same town. The vic-
tory of Goloftchin was the last star in Charles's
coronet of glory, and it may be said to form the
middle point of his career. For nine years, since,
as a boy of seventeen, he had to meet the powerful
coalition formed against him, his reputation had
become more and more brilliant, and his fame had
spread to the ends of the earth. The nine years
which now followed are a period of defeats, of suc-
cesses which were as bad as defeats, and of retreats
n2
180 CHARLES XII
which were worse. The Russians pursued a policy
with which they always have foiled and always will
foil an invader, retiring before him, destroying his
supplies, harassing him with swarms of light-armed
cavalry, while avoiding a serious engagement. Such
a policy ruined Charles as it afterwards ruined Napo-
leon. Indeed, the victory of Goloftchin and the
retreat of the Russians which followed it may them-
selves be regarded as disastrous, because they con-
firmed Charles in his false opinion of the Russian
army which afterwards led to such serious blunders^
181
CHAPTER XIII.
LJESNA.
The time passed at Mobilew was spent by Charles
in the greatest anxiety. The moment had arrived
■when Mazeppa was to appear on the scene, and the
great rebellion was to begin. But nothing could be
done without the active co-operation of the Swedes ;
they must be seen in the neighbourhood of the Cos-
sacks, in order to give Mazeppa an excuse for taking
their side in attacking the authorities of the Tsar.
Unless they gave their active assistance, the move-
ment could not attain sufficient dimensions to
threaten the power of Peter to any serious extent.
Mazeppa sent message after message, begging
Charles to march towards the Ukraine, as it was
now high time that the enterprise should begin.
For the first time in his life, Charles showed inde-
cision. He seems to have had some foreboding of
the destiny that awaited him, and some fear of the
82 CHARLES XII
consequences of liis fateful step. This want of re-
solution brought on dangers and destruction. Had
he determined to wait at Mohilew for Lewenhaupt,
or had he, after exhausting the resources of the
country, approached the Cossacks without throwing
himself recklessly into their territory, events might
have had a different conclusion.
Charles left Mohilew on August 18, 1708, and
marched in a south-easterly direction, as if he were
intending to give the hand to Mazeppa. There
had been heavy and continuous rain, and the march
was so difficult that nearly a fortnight was consum-
ed in covering the sixty miles which separated him
from Tsherikoff. Peter had removed his head-quar-
ters from Smolensk to MstislofF, and had sent a strong
detachment under General Goltz to Tsherikoff, to pre-
vent the Swedes from crossing the Sosh. Charles,
however, did not attempt to cross the river, but
left the Russians in the position they had taken up,
and marched northwards to Malatitsh to come near-
er to his adversary. His path lay through a com-
pletely deserted country, and the roads were laid in
swamps. He was obliged to spend six days in cover-
ing a distance of less than thirty miles, a distance
which he had often accomplished in a single day ;
and when he arrived both horses and men were so
utterly exhausted that they were unfit for work, and
LJESNA 183
required complete repose. The Swedish army lay
at Malatitsh on the Black Napa, a tributary of the
Sosh, almost in sight of the enemy's lines. The
right wing of the Swedes, commanded by General
Ross, and consisting of four regiments of infantry
and one of cavalry, was about three miles from the
main body.
Peter seized the opportunity of falling upon this
isolated detachment. With the help of fascines and
hurdles he made a passage over the morass, and at-
tacked the right wing of the Swedes, under the
cover of a dense mist, at six o'clock in the morning
of September 10. General Ross had been warned of
the approaching danger, and was just preparing to
join the main army when the Russians broke in
upon his as yet disordered troops. The Swedes
quickly recovered themselves and formed in order
of battle, but they would have been cut to pieces if
the King had not come to their assistance. The
regiment of Dalecarlia, well known as the foremost
in every fight, fell upon the enemy, which gave the
right wing time to recover itself and to continue
the contest with some chance of success. The
Prince of Wiirtemburg, little more than a boy, led a
charge of dragoons against the Russian flank with
such vigour that the Russians gave up their attack
and betook themselves to flight. Many were pur-
184 CHARLES XII
sued into the marsh, where they were cut to pieces
by the Swedes.
Charles believed at first that the attack on the
right wing was only a feint, and drew up the rest of
his army in battle array to meet the main body of
the Russians who he felt sure were coming. But
Peter had no intention of the kind ; he retired,
on the other hand, to Smolensk, not so much, per-
haps, from the circumstances of his repulse, as from
the desire to allure the Swedes into a deserted
country in which they would find no sustenance.
This policy succeeded only too well. Charles could
only proceed by short marches, harassed by continu-
al fighting, and it was not till September 21 that he
reached Tatarsk, only twenty-four miles from Mala-
titsh, the first town on what was then the Russian
frontier. He found the Russian army posted in a
position which was altogether inaccessible, behind
a river with broad marshy banks. Charles did not
know what to do. Contrary to his usual custom, he
asked the advice of his generals and even of a coun-
cil of war. All, except Rehnskjold, dissuaded him
from the march into the Ukraine, the general opin-
ion being that he should advance northwards to
Vitebsk and meet Lewenhaupt who was on his way.
But Charles feared that to retire to the Dnieper
would have the appearance of a retreat, and to that
LJESNA 185
his pride would never permit him to consent. There-
fore with a heavy heart, and with little confidence
of success, he set out towards Severia to join
Mazeppa.
Charles determined to take this fatal step at the
very moment when he had certain information that
Lewenhaupt was already in the neighbourhood of
the Dnieper. In order that the general might be in
no doubt as to his movements, Charles had sent out
three messengers in difierent directions to give him
orders. They were dispatched on September 24, and
carried instructions to Lewenhaupt that, if he has not
yet reached Mohilew, he was to march to Propisk,
but that if he had already passed Mohilew, he was to
cross the Sosh or Tsherikoff, and continue his course
to Starodub, where in all probability he would be
able to efiect a juncture with the King. These
messengers have a curious history, and contributed
in no small measure to the final disaster. The letters
they bore were all dated September 24, the day be-
fore Charles broke up with his army, but they were
dispatched at three several times, the first on the
evening of September 26, and the second and third
on the morning and afternoon of the following day.
Lewenhaupt received each of these messages about
twenty-four hours after they had been sent, but
as they were all dated September 24, he could not
186 CHARLES XII
understand how two days could have been allowed
to elapse before the first messenger was dispatched.
At the same time it was clear to him that they
had been dispatched in different directions, and he
was afraid that some other message of similar pur-
port might have fallen into the hands of the enemy.
He attributed the delay in sending the first mes-
sage to an intrigue of the camp. He was by nature
distrustful, and thought that all the world was
against him and that his enemies were seeking to
poison the King's mind against him ; above all he sus-
pected Rehnskjold of conduct of this kind. Lewen-
haupt therefore pursuaded himself that this delay was
specially contrived for his destruction. There was,
of course, no foundation for these dismal suspicions.
The probable explanation of the mystery was, that
the messengers had been dispatched just at that time
which was found most convenient, safety being
more important than speed. If Charles had been
waiting in a particular place for Lewenhaupt's ar-
rival, celerity would have been a matter of the first
importance, but as he was on the march, the diflfer-
ence of a day or two did not matter, compared with
the absolute certainty of the information being
carried safely. This, at least, is the opinion of com-
petent military authorities.
Before we pursue Charles's adventures further, we
LJESNA 187
had better return to Lewenhaupt and trace his future
from the time when he set out from Riga. He had
left this town, with eleven thousand men and a large
column of provision waggons, at the beginning of
July, and in a month's time reached Swenciany ; a
fortnight more brought him to Dolhinow, where he
remained for some time to collect the whole of his
troops and the baggage train. This delay was caused
partly by the continual rain, which made the roads
almost impassable, and partly by the fact that he was
more conspicuous for courage, endurance, and strict
observance of military tactics, than for complete
authority over his subordinates. The colonels of the
different regiments were accustomed to exercise a
certain degree of independence, and Lewenhaupt had
sometimes great difficulty in hurrying their move-
ments.
On September 11, Lewenhaupt broke up from
Dolhinow, and in seven days reached Czereja, where
he stayed another week. Here he received a mes-
sage from Charles to hasten his march as much as
possible, which had the effect that in two days he
was within twelve miles of the river Dnieper. It was
while encamped at a place called Maroneowicze that
he received the three messages of which we have
spoken, conveying the news that the King was
marching towards Severia. On September 25, when
188 CHARLES XII
lie left Tatarsk, Charles was only about a hundred
miles from Czereja, and if he had marched to the
west instead of the south, he could have effected his
junction with Lewenhaupt on the Dnieper, somewhere
in the neighbourhood of Sklow, in the space of three,
at most four days. This short delay could have had
no influence on the events of the Ukraine and
Severia. It is difficult to account for the want of
wisdom and of steadiness which Charles showed on
this occasion, when every consideration of prudence
and of generalship should have urged him to join
with Lewenhaupt. His rashness may be partly attri-
buted to the contempt which he felt for the Russians,
a feeling which had been strengthened by the affair
of the Black.
At the time certain information reached the Rus-
sians that Lewenhaupt was approaching with rein-
forcements for Charles's army, and it was arranged
that Sheremetief should move southwards to ob-
serve the main army of the Swedes, while the Tsar
Peter himself, with a force of twenty thousand
men, attacked Lewenhaupt, whose troops were not
estimated at more than eight thousand. Lewen-
haupt arrived at Sklow on the Dnieper on September
29, the very same day that King Charles crossed the
Sosh. He had taken the precaution to send General
Stackelberg ahead to throw a bridge over the stream,
LJESNA 189-
but the work proceeded so slowly that he was not
able to cross the river till October 2. Having sur-
mounted this obstacle the army marched in a south-
easterly direction towards Starodub, intending to
cross the Sosh at Propoisk. On October 5 he amved
at Medvedkowlice, (the bear village,) situated at the
east of Mohilew, about half way between Sklow
and Propoisk. In the meantime, Peter advanced
towards the Dnieper in a north-westerly direction,
and had reached it at Gorki, where he heard that
Lewenhaupt had already crossed the river and was
marching towards Propoisk. Peter therefore changed
his plans, and determined to dispute the passage of
the Sosh, sending forward a detachment to occupy
the bridge, while he harried the rear of Lewenhaupt's
army. On October 8, the Swedes ari'ived at Ljesna,
about five miles and a half from Propoisk. On the
following morning, just as the long line of waggons
was crossing a bridge which had been hastily con-
structed over the Lesnjanka, strong masses of Rus-
sian troops showed themselves in the rear of the
Swedes. Lewenhaupt was compelled to retrace his
steps, and drew up his troops in order of battle to
resist the enemy. He had already dispatched half
his forces to Propoisk, where he imagined that the
enemy's main strength lay, so that he only had now
under him five thousand five hundred men. The^
190 CHAKLES XII
Russian army, on the other hand, was thrice as large,
being estimated by Peter himself in his diary at the
number of fifteen thousand seven hundred.
Lewenhaupt drew up his army in a single line, and
his preparations were scarcely completed when the
Russians attacked him from the wood which they
were occuppng. The Swedes did not wait for the
enemy to approach, but led by their general, who
had placed himself in person at the head of one of
the infantry regiments, after a severe struggle drove
them back into the wood from which they had come,
while the Russian cavalry was similarly repulsed by
far inferior forces. This, however, was only the be-
ginning of the battle, and the Russians soon returned
with redoubled strength. Their infantry charged in
four lines one after the other, and, resuming their
fire, threw themselves upon the Swedish ranks.
Again their attack was anticipated, and the first
line of the Russians was driven back upon the second.
This threw everything into disorder ; and the defeat-
ed troops sought a refuge in the wood. The Swedes
followed in pursuit, but were prevented from further
progress by the Russian artillery which was posted
at the entrance of the forest. The Russians made
yet a third advance, but the division which had been
sent to Propoisk, and had been recalled by Lewen-
haupt, had by this time come up, and they resisted
LJESNA 191
the enemy's attack ^vii\l such energy and success
that the Russians desisted from any further attempt.
Lewenhaupt remained in his position for some
little time, but seeing the impossibility of a continued
resistance, he took advantage of the darkness to
march to Propoisk. He was, however, obliged to
abandon his train of waggons, so he destroyed the
greater part of them with their contents and threw
his guns into the morass. He then mounted his in-
fantry upon the waggon horses, and was then able
to march with greater rapidity. The next morning
he reached Propoisk, where he had intended to cross
the Sosh, but he found the enemy in so strong a
position that he was obliged to give up the attempt.
Turning to the south, and marching along the right
bank of the stream, he reached Litwinowice two days
later, where he was eventually able to cross. On
October 20, he arrived at his objective Starodub,
where he met the outposts of the Swedish General
Lagerkrona, and had thus effected his union with
the main army after nearly four months' marching.
But of the eleven thousand men, with which he set
out from Riga, scarcely seven thousand remained,
and the provisions which Charles was anxiously ex-
pecting were almost entirely destroyed, so that the
King's position was made rather worse instead of
better by the addition of these new mouths, and the
192 CHARLES XII
absence of anything to feed them with. Charles
did not appear to be much put out by Lewenhaupt's
misfortune, and welcomed him with cordiality. He
was indeed more responsible for what had happened
than Lewenhaupt himself.
We left Charles at Tatarsk, having just sent off
his messages to Lewenhaupt. As soon as he had
determined to march southwards to join the Cossacks,
he was anxious to make up as much as possible for
the time he had lost by his indecision. He sent
Major-General Lagerkrona with a division of three
thousand men to Mglin, and followed himself with
the main body of the army on September 25. It is
said by military authorities that he made a bad choice,
and that Lagerkrona did not possess either the in-
sight or the commanding personality which would
have secured success in so difficult a task. The
country through which Charles had now to march
presented every kind of difficulty. It consisted partly
of woods, and partly of low-lying ground which had
been converted by a long series of heavy rains into
little better than a marsh. It offered no supplies, so
the Swedish soldiers had to live upon the scanty
rations which they had brought with them. Here
these seasoned warriors began to lose courage, and
to break out into loud complaints. Discipline would
have been impossible unless the army had been con-
LJESNA 193
vinced that tlieir sovereign and leader was sharing
in every respect the privations of the common soldier.
When the King reached Kuzminicze on October 1,
he was met by the alanning intelligence that Lager-
krona had not taken the road to Mglin, but had
marched straight to Starodub. To prevent so im-
portant a strategical point falling into the hands of
the Russians, Charles was forced to proceed thither
himself with an advance guard, and he reached the
town on October 5.
Starodub was the most important place in Severia,
and it was here that the junction between the Swedes
and the Cossacks was to be effected. A Cossack
officer of high rank, who was acquainted with Ma-
zeppa's plans, had been placed there to await the
coming of the Swedes, and had been long expecting
them. Unfortunately Lagerkrona had omitted to
occupy the place, which he could easily have done,
and it fell into the hands of a Russian division. The
Cossack officer had no choice but to exhibit the most
friendly disposition towards the Russians, and to
offer to assist them in defending the fortress against
the Swedes. The news of this fresh fault of his
general reached Charles on October 11, and he heard
at the same time of the systematic wasting of the
country which the enemy were carrying out in pur-
suance of their policy. He therefore placed all his
0
194 CHARLES XII
hopes on Lewenhaupt's arrival, wlio -would bring him
not only munitions of war, but a plentiful supply of
provisions. Fortified by these he could refresh his
troops, wait until the winter had made the country
traversable, and then, even if Mazeppa should fail
him, pass on into the heart of Russia on the road to
Moscow. Just as Charles was comforting himself
with these delusive dreams, a soldier who had fled
from the field of Ljesna brought the news of the
disaster, and of the entire destruction of the train.
Nothing now remained but the support of Mazeppa.
Even of this he could hardly feel confident. The
time when he should have been actively engaged
had long passed, and the Russians were straining
every nerve to hinder his further advance into the
country of the Cossacks.
195
CHAPTER XIV.
MAZEPPA.
It is said that misfortunes never come singly, and
Charles was now to hear of another blow to the suc-
cess of his plans. It had been an integral part of
his scheme that whilst Peter was engaged in the
south of Russia, the Swedish army in Finland should
fall upon St. Petersburg, destroy this mushroom city
and capture its territory, and press on perhaps even
to Novgorod itself. This enterprise had been com-
mitted to the charge of General Liibecker. After
serving in inferior positions for many years, he was
rapidly promoted after the battle of Clissow, and it
is said that he owed his advancement to the favour
of Karsten Feif, an official who afterwards managed
the internal affairs of Sweden whilst sojourning with
Charles in Turkey. Liibecker obviously did not
possess the qualities required for so important a
command, and although Charles forgave his fault on
o2
196 CHARLES XII
this occasion he conducted himself so badly in the
future course of the war that he was tried in 1717,
and barely escaped with his life.
It had been arranged that Liibecker should set out
from Wiborg in June with a force of fourteen thou-
sand men, but by the end of August he had only
succeeded in collecting twelve thousand, and those
not very well provided. He managed to cross the
Neva, which was obstinately defended by the Rus-
sians, and captured one of the earthworks by which
St. Petersburg was protected. In the assault of
another there arose such a panic for no reason what-
ever that the attempt had to be given up. As Lii-
becker had made no provision for his commissariat,
the troops had nothing to eat but horse-flesh and
water, and the Russians, according to their usual cus-
tom, laid waste the land around them. Apraxin, who
commanded at St. Petersburg, got a letter written
to him, which he managed should fall into Liibecker's
hands, stating that in a short time he would have
four thousand troops in St. Petersburg. Liibecker
was completely deceived, retired to the neighbour-
hood of Narva, where he found the Swedish fleet,
and begged Admiral Ankarsterna, who was to have
co-operated in the capture of St. Petersburg, to take
him on board and convey him to Wiborg. Before he
embarked he killed and disabled six thousand horses,
jNlAZEPPA 197
4md a large number of prisoners fell into Russian
hands. Apraxin, having foiled this incompetent
antagonist, set out with his army to swell the forces
of Peter.
The only hope which now remained to Charles
was his alliance with Mazeppa. On October 21, he
left the neighbourhood of Mglin and marched south-
wards towards the town of Baturin, the capital and
residence of Mazeppa, which he hoped to find well
provided and capable of defence. On his march he
discovered that the country was everywhere wasted
by the Russians, the villages burnt down, supplies of
provisions destroyed, and the inhabitants forcibly re-
moved. His army, after the junction of Lewenhaupt's
corps, was now not less than thirty thousand men,
and it was exposed to the most extreme privations.
As we have frequently had occasion to allude to the
methods of defence adopted by Peter, it will be well
to give a more detailed account of them in this place.
The scheme was conceived in the year 1707, when
all hope of making peace with Charles seemed to be
at an end, and Avas elaborated with the assistance of
Sheremetief. The first point was to avoid all decisive
engagements with the Swedes, the second was to
wear out the strength of the enemy by making their
advance as difficult as possible. For this purpose
the passages of fords and rivers were to be carefully
198 CHARLES XII
defended, bridges were to be broken down and de-
stroyed, towns, villages, and mills were to be set on
fire, and all food either for men or horses annihilated.
It is said that even the wells were poisoned. Peter
thought it certain that Charles would direct his
march to the Baltic provinces in order to recover what
he had lost, and as he had no hope of defending them
he determined to turn them into a desert. This was
the tlurd part of his plan, and it was so literally and
exactly carried out by his rough soldiers that for
miles not a single house was standing in that un-
fortunate country. But he went even further than
this. He determined to remove the inhabitants to
the interior of Russia, where there was great need of
young workmen and artizans. At the end of the
winter of 1707-1708, the period which we have been
describing, hundreds of sledges and carriages crowded
the roads, filled with involimtary emigrants.
What happened at Dorpat Avill serve as an ex-
ample for the rest. On February 9, 1708, the
preachers announced to the inhabitants from their
pulpits that within eight days they must sell their
houses, and hold themselves in readiness to remove
into the interior of Russia, taking as much of their
property with them as could be conveyed in one or
at the most in two waggons ; that the Tsar would
provide thorn lodging and means of living in their
MAZEPPA 199
new residences. At hearing this announcement the
citizens were naturally overwhelmed with hon-or
and distress, but there was nothing to be done but
to obey. But who was to buy the houses, when
there was no one left in the town ? They naturally
fell to the lot of Russian soldiers, who from the first
purchased them far below their worth, but eventu-
ally refused to give anything for them at all, feeling
certain that they would in any case fall into their
hands.
On February 16, almost the whole of the inhabi-
tants received the Lord's Supper, and took a solemn
leave of each other before passing into what resem-
bled a Babylonish captivity. The morning was
bitterly cold, but all had to depart, young and old,
rich and poor, sound and sick, even the dying. The
sledges and carnages were packed with such be-
longings as they were permitted to take with them.
The exodus took place in fairly good order, and the
last sledge left the town at ten, whereupon the
Russians fired the cannons from the walls as if they
had gained a victory. Next day the church bells,
the copper roofs, and even the ornaments of the
churches were claimed as the property of the town,
and sold for a nominal sum. At last the fortifica-
tions were blown up, and all the houses of the town
burnt, so that all that the purchasers had gained
200 CHARLES XII
were such valuables as they could rescue. After
Dorpat had been thus ruthlessly destroyed, the
Russian soldiers moved on to carry out a similar
policy at another place. Serfs and peasants came
back to the scene of destruction to seek for anything
they could find of value in the ashes. It is said that
the graves were opened, and that the dead were
dug up for the sake of their shrouds.
Other towns were treated with like severity.
Seventy-one families from Narva and Ingria were
settled at Vologda, and seventy-seven in Kazan;
but as a rule the fate of the transported wanderers
was buried in obscurity. It is remarkable, however,
that when everyone believed that the Baltic pro-
vinces would not be defended, and must fall again
into the hands of their previous possessors, Peter
seemed never to have a doubt about his pet creation
St. Petersburg. He strengthened its defences, and
did all he could to secure its safety, but he never
ceased to labour at its extension and improvement.
In this combat of giants he certainly showed more
steadfastness and tenacity than his rival.
When the Swedes reached the river Desna, Ma-
zeppa indeed appeared in their midst, but not, as
Charles had expected, at the head of a large Cossack
force, prepared to lead him to victory against the
Russians, but with a few thousand cavalry only.
MAZEPPA 201
Instead of thirty or forty thousand men, which
he had promised, he had only been able to col-
lect fifteen thousand, under the pretence that he
was preparing to assist the Tsar against the Swedes.
When he communicated to the Cossacks, during the
march, what was his real object, more than half his
army fell away from him. It is indeed difficult to
fathom the depths of Mazeppa's treachery at this
time. There is no doubt that Peter was as much
surprised and hon-ified by his revolt, as Charles was
by his not fulfilling his promises towards him. I have
elsewhere given an account of his proceedings as
seen from the Russian side. It is said that Mazeppa did
not desire the advance of the Swedes into his country,
and that he attributed their appearance there to the
devil. He knew that it would be followed by the
apjjroach of a Russian army also, which he had good
reason to dread. Peter trusted Mazeppa so much
that he gave him instructions to fall upon the rear
of the Swedes with a body of Cossacks, if possible
under his own command. Mazeppa feigned illness,
but at the same time wrote to Piper, to say that he
was delighted at the approach of the Swedes, and
that he would prepare a ferry across the Desna.
At the same time Mazeppa sent his nephew to
Menshikoff, to say that, being at the point of death,
he was going from Batmin to Borzna, to receive
202 CHARLES XII
extreme unction from the Bisliop of Kief. MenshikoffV
Av^lio knew of his character, set out to pay him a
visit. Hearing of MenshikofTs approach he had no
other resource but to escape from Baturin, so he
crossed the Desna in the manner we have described.
When MenshikofF heard of Mazeppa's flight, he rode
to Baturin and was refused admittance at the gate,
and then heard by gradual stages that he had crossed
the Desna and that he had gone over to the enemy.
Peter on becoming acquainted with what had hap-
pened wrote to Apraxin —
' Mazeppa has turned out a new Judas, for after
being loyal to me for twenty-one years, now, when
he is almost in his coffin, he has become a traitor and
betrayer of his people.'
MenshikofF hastened to invest Baturin. Finding
that negotiations were of no avail, he ordered the
assault, and the town was taken. It was absolutely
destroyed with everything in it, including the sup-
plies for which the Swedes were so anxiously waiting,
and, from having been the ancient stronghold of the
Cossacks, it is now nothing but a small village.
The failure of Mazeppa to perform his engagements
put an end to Charles's plan of marching towards
Moscow in the winter. Nothing remained for him
but to place his army in winter quarters, with the
hope of resuming the campaign in the following
MAZEPPA 203
spring, with the help of his troops in Poland and
with the assistance of the Turks. Charles had great
difficulty in crossing the Desna. He first found the
passage so strongly defended by Russians that the
attempt was hopeless, and therefore tried a place
lower down. Here he was able to clear the opposite
bank with his artillery, and by constructing pontoon
bridges and rafts he succeeded in getting over the
stream on November 15.
Following Mazeppa's advice, Charles distributed
his army in the fertile district of northern Ukraine,
between Romny and Hadjacz, and gave them a month's
repose. But this hardly brought peace of mind to
the King. A bad feeling grew up between the Cos-
sacks and their allies. They gave the Russians in-
formation of everything the Swedes did, and if a
Swede strayed from the camp he was lost. The
Russians lost no opportunity of petty oiFence, and,
although no action was fought, the sum total of
Charles's losses became considerable. Mazeppa, fore-
seeing the fatal end of the expedition, made traitor-
ous proposals to Peter, and offered to deliver the
Swedish King and his generals into the Tsar's hands
if he might hope for forgiveness and restitution to
his rights.
The powers of nature were all destined to light
against Charles, as they afterwards fought against
^204 CHARLES XII
Napoleon. The -winter of 1708-9 was an unusually
severe one, not only surpassing the Avell-remembered
winter of 1656, when Charles X. invaded Denmark by
crossing the frozen Belt, but the cold winters of
several centuries. The whole of the Baltic was
covered with ice, and heavily-laden waggons passed
over the Belt and other sea channels. On the
steppes of the Ukraine the cold was made worse by
a high wind, birds and other animals lay dead in the
fields. In many districts the snow lay on the ground
from October 10 to April 5, and it was in some
places so deep that all communications were stopped.
Charles had been badly enough off in his camp at
Romny, and he was determined to remove to Had-
jacz so as to be nearer to the Russians. The bitterest
cold began on the very day that the army reached
its new quarters. Charles had been informed that
there was a town to receive him, but he found no-
thing but burnt and plundered villages. It had been
impossible to make any proper arrangements for the
billeting of the army ; men, horses, and waggons, the
living and the dead, were crowded together in inex-
tricable confusion, only a small portion of the troops
could find any shelter, the greater number passed
the night in the open air in the frost and snow. It
is said that the cold was so intense, that men dropped
down suddenly dead with it ; the rider sat frozen on
MAZEPPA 205-
his horse, the soldier was welded by frost to the
tree or the carriage on which he leaned for support.
The King himself had his nose frost-bitten, and circu-
lation was with difficulty restored. The loss of troops
in consequence of the cold was not less than three or
four thousand men.
These sufferings seemed to make Charles more
obstinate than ever. Instead of doing his best to
house and to warm his soldiers, he went on to attack
the fortress of Wiprek, which was defended by the
Russians. It refused to suiTender, and was invested.
It was a place of no importance in itself, but had
served to harbour Russian marauders, and therefore
Charles Avishedto destroy it. The fortress was bravely
and skilfully defended. The commandant took
advantage of Charles's absence on an expedition to
raise the wall by heaping up gabions, or baskets filled
with earth, over which he poured quantities of water,
so that the palisade was topped with a rampart of solid
ice. He also blocked up the gates with large dung-
heaps. He gave orders to the soldiers to reserve
their fire and to aim chiefly at the officers. In con-
sequence of these arrangements the storm failed. A
large number of officers fell, showing that the garri-
son had obeyed commands, and about one thousand
soldiers lay dead before this worthless possession. At
last Charles sent a message that, if the commandant
206 CHARLES XII
would surrender, lie and his garrison should march
out with the honours of war, if not he would renew
the attack at nightfall. This offer was accepted.
Charles entered the place, and found only four cannon
as a compensation for everything that he had lost.
207
CHAPTER XV.
POLTAVA.
The little fortress of Wiprek was not captured till the
beginning of 1709. The attacks of the Russians now
became more irritating than ever. They occupied
all the towns of any size which could be used as bases
of operation against the enemy, and Charles was
forced to undertake expeditions against them. He
followed the Russian example of laying the country
waste, in order to impede the operations against him
as far as possible. The sufferings of the Swedes
continued to be very severe.
Piper wrote to his wife,
' The campaign is so laborious, and our position so
miserable, that our wretchedness cannot be described,
and surpasses all belief.'
The soldiers had been for weeks without any news
from home, because all posts were intercepted by the
Russian forces. Orderly officers sent with despatches
208 CHARLES XII
found it impossible to cut tlieir way tlirougli ; and
the soldiers began to doubt whether they should ever
see their homes again. Charles, it is true, bore his
full share of all their sufferings, but when the com-
plaints of others were brought to his ears he treated
them with indifference. He said once to a veteran
soldier,
' Are you so much put out because you Avill not see
your wife again ? If you are a true soldier and love
fame and honour then we will march so far together
that you will never get any more news from Sweden,
not even once in three years.'
On another occasion a soldier showed him a speci-
men of the bread which they had to eat. Charles
took it and ate a mouthful of it, and said, giving it
back, ' It is not good, but it can be eaten.'
He was once riding by a hospital waggon in which
there was a young officer named Piper, a relation of
the minister's. Charles asked him how he was, and
the young man replied that he could not walk be-
cause his toes and heels had been frozen away.
' Nonsense ! nonsense !' cried the King, ' I have
seen people with the whole of their feet frozen off,
and yet they could march very well if they took care
to stuff up their boots.'
Still, as he rode on, he expressed his sorrow for
the young fellow.
POLTAVA 209
Writing to liis sister Ulrica lie made light of his
condition, said that the army was naturally exposed
to hardships as they were in the neighbourhood of
the enemy, that the winter had been unusually severe,
and that many, both Russians and Swedes, had lost
their feet, hands, and noses through the frost, but
that in spite of that the winter had been a quiet one,
and that it had been enlivened by occasional brushes
with the enemy. That they had lost a few men,
who had been taken prisoners, but that on the other
hand they had chased the Russians about from place
to place. Even now most of his generals ordered
him to retire behind the Dnieper, and Rehnskjold
himself had come round to that opinion, but Charles
was not likely to give way to any such suggestions .
Indeed, he had just been reinforced by the adher-
ence of the Zaporovian Cossacks. The Cossacks, it
must be remembered, were not a separate race or
nation, but a motley collection of outcasts from a
more civilized society, drawn together by common
interests and united by common dangers. As
Schuyler says in his Life of Peter the Great, ' They
were a characteristic manifestation of the time, a
national protest against the governmental forms
which did not satisfy the Russian ideal.'
Where the Dnieper, not far from its mouth in the
Black Sea, passes through a hilly country it forms
P
210 CHARLES XII
thirteen waterfalls or cataracts, and many islands of
different sizes. The swiftness of the stream and the
danger of the navigation made these islands secure
refuges for outlaws, who could brave the perils of
the passage in their light canoes. Hence arose the
Zaporovian Cossacks, the Cossacks who dwelt Za
poroghi, behind the cataracts. They lived from fish-
ing, hunting, and robbery. Their constitution was
entirely republican, and their hetman was elected
by manhood suffrage, and could be easily deposed.
He could only make alliances with the consent of
the representatives of his people ; the proceeds of
their plunder was divided equally amongst all mem-
bers of the horde. The islands on which they lived
were forbidden to women, and if a Zaporovian de-
cided to marry he must leave the society. Any
women whom they captured in their raids were sold
to the Turks as slaves. A body of fifteen thousand
of these Cossacks, under their hetman Horodenko,
now placed themselves at the disposition of Charles.
They did good service by harassing the Kussian
positions, and thus preventing the Russians from en-
gaging in similar exploits. But their assistance did
not last long, as Menshikofi" sailed down the Dnieper
and destroyed their island strongholds, so that they
were reduced to insignificance, and were obliged to
disperse.
POLTAVA 211
In the middle of Marcli, 1709, Charles marched
•southwards to Senkow, in the neighbourhood of
Poltava, which was a town belonging to the Cos-
sacks, well supplied with provisions, but at this
time occupied by the Russians. He began the
«iege in April, 1709, his operations being watched
by the Russian armies, one under Field-Marshal
Sheremetief, and the other under General Ronne.
It is known that the siege of Poltava was strongly
opposed by some of Charles's best officers, and in
view of the disasters which actually occurred it is
not easy to defend the enterprise. But competent
military judges are of opinion that, considering the
critical position in which Charles then was, and the
steps he had taken to extricate himself from it, a
stay of some time in this neighbourhood was of
great advantage to his plans, and that he could
not stay there without engaging in a military oper-
ation of an offensive nature. His great object, it is
said, was still to march on Moscow, but that could
not be accomplished without sufficient means. With
a view to collecting forces he had sent orders at
the close of the previous year for all the Swedish
gaiTisons in German towns to join General Crassow
in Poland. This officer was, after uniting with the
Polish crown army, to march through Volhynia to
Kief, and there to effect a junction with Charles.
p2
212 CHARLES XII
The King had also sent ambassadors to Constanti-
nople to rouse the Sultan to war against Russia,
and, if he refused to move himself, to induce the
Seraskier of Wallachia, and the Khan of Crim-
Tartary, who were under his suzerainty, to assist
the Swedish enterprise. Charles, therefore, it is
contended, remained in this district until, on the
one hand, he should receive the reinforcements
which he expected, and, on the other, the attention
of the Russians should be diverted by the new ene-
mies that would arise against them.
In the month of May, Charles pushed the trenches
close up to the walls of the city, and he could have
made arrangements for storming the place, if he
had desired to do so. But this, it is said, was not
part of his plan, nor was it his object to bombard
the toAvn, because he did not wish to waste his
ammunition, of which he had so scanty a supply.
However, he failed to invest the place completely, so
that on May 26 the Russians were enabled to throw
into the place a reinforcement of twelve hundred
men. It might surely be answered to these argu-
ments that, if Charles had taken the town, he could
have found an ample supply of the munitions which
he needed. At this time the Russians approached
the river Vorshla on which Poltava is situated, and
formed a camp upon the left bank. They threw up
POLTAVA 213
entrenchments with a view of protecting their pas-
sage of the river, and to enable them to open
communication with the besieged garrison. Baron
Gyllenkrook, however, whom Charles used to call
the Swedish Vauban, was able to prevent these
plans from being carried into efiect.
The Tsar Peter himself joined the army on June
15, and it was determined to execute the crossing
in another manner. Demonstrations were made at
different points of the stream, and on the night of
June 27 the Tsar advanced with his army to Piet-
rovka, and sent a strong detachment across with
orders to entrench itself on the other bank. Two
days later the whole Russian army succeeded in
crossing to the right bank, and, after first entrench-
ing itself, gradually approached nearer to the town.
It happened most unfortunately that, during the
operations of Jime 27-28, Charles was severely
wounded in the foot. On the morning of June 28 —
his twenty-seventh birthday — he was riding close
to the river, exposing himself in his usual reckless
manner, when a ball struck him on the left heel,
passed through his foot, and lodged close to his
great toe. He rode on for some time as if nothing
had happened, but a groom noticed that blood was
dropping from his boot. He thought at first that
the King's horse was wounded, but soon observed
214 CHARLES XII
more accurately tlie source of the blood, and also-
that the King was becoming weak. Indeed, Charles-
became paler and paler, and had difficulty in reach-
ing the camp. On the road he met Lewenhaupt,
who said to him,
'God help us, that has now occurred which I
have so often dreaded and foretold.'
Charles replied, ' It is only in my foot ; the ball
is still there, but I will have it cut out again.'
Even then he did not ride to his tent, but spent
an hour in the trenches giving orders to Sparre and
Gyllenkrook. Then, when he reached his quarters,
the wound had inflamed so much that the boot
could only be cut off with great difficulty. Several
of the bones were broken, and the splinters had to be
removed, which necessitated deep cuttings into the
side of the foot. Charles cried to the surgeon,
' Cut away, it doesn't matter.'
During the operation he held his foot up to
the knife without any support, and when th&
surgeon was afraid of using the knife further, and
was recommending caustic, the King took the knife
and cut away the rest of the diseased flesh himself^
A severe fever ensued, and it was feared that ampu-
tation might be necessary; but luckily the King con-
sented, contrary to his usual habit, to take some
medicine, which gave him refreshing sleep, from
POLTAVA 215
which he awoke much reheved. However, he had to
keep his bed, and it is said that one of his servants
would often sit by his bed-side and repeat to him
Sagas of the old northern wars ; one especially which
related how Rolf Gotrekson drove a Russian sorcerer
out of the island of Retusari and conquered all Rus-
sia and Denmark.
Whilst Charles lay upon his bed of sickness he re-
ceived two messages of evil import, both arriving on
July 2. He heard that Crassow and King Stanislaus
had quaiTelled, and that there was no hope of their
marching towards the Ukraine, because they were
being watched by Siniawski, and by a Russian army
under General Goltz. The second message told him
that the Sultan absolutely refused to have anything-
to do with him, and would not allow any of his vas-
sals to render him assistance. Charles now became
convinced that he had no one but himself to depend
upon. His army consisted of about twenty-two thou-
sand men, from which number five thousand sick
and wounded must be deducted. A general like
Charles, with a well-seasoned and efficient force of
sixteen thousand men, might have hoped, under ordi-
nary circumstances, to have made head against any
enemy of triple the strength. But the Swedish troops,
who were now lying before Poltava, had been so
much exhausted Ijy physical fatigue and suffering,
216 CHARLES XII
and were so mucli depressed by the causes wc
have already narrated, that they could no longer be
expected to conduct themselves in a manner worthy
of their ancient fame. Besides this, Charles was no
longer able to lead his troops in person to victory,
but must commit them to other hands. Therefore,
an attack upon the Russian army would be a very
anxious operation, and of very doubtful results.
Still the gradual advance of the Russians towards
the fortress left him no choice. Charles had always
rejected the advice of retiring across the Dnieper to
Kief as unworthy of his character and reputation,
and it was now very doubtful if such a retreat was
possible. The crossing of a wide river in the pres-
ence of an enemy of overwhelming numbers is al-
ways difficult, and Charles, by this time, had learned
enough of the Russian methods of defence to make
him avoid such a risk. It was now too late for any
such counsels, however reasonable they may have
been at any earlier period. Nothing was left but
to attack the Russians, and to enforce the attack with
all the energy which the circumstances allowed. But
even this was not to be lightly undertaken, and we
Cannot blame Charles if he put off the evil day until
further delay became impossible.
On the afternoon of July 7, 1709, Charles sent for
Rehnskjold and the other generals, with the excep-
POLTAVA 217
tion of Lewenhaupt, and, lying upon his bed of sick-
ness, informed them that the attack upon the Russian
army must take place on the following day. He
gave, at that time, no more detailed explanation, but
only ordered that the infantry should march in four
€olumns and the cavalry follow them in six. Noth-
ing was said about the formation in lines of attack.
It was understood that Rehnskjold should command
the army in the King's place. No special independent
command was given to Lewenhaupt, but ho acted
during the battle as a kind of assistant to the
general-in-chief. Gyllenbrook, who was quarter-
master-general, undertook the division of the infantry
into four columns. The whole strength of the in-
fantry at Charles's disposal amounted to about six
thousand five hundred men, divided into eighteen
battalions of throe hundred and fifty men each.
The two columns of the right wing had four, and the
two columns of the left wing five battalions each.
The first column, which consisted entirely of the
Guards, was commanded by Colonel Posse, the sec-
ond by Major-General Roos, the third by Stachel-
berg, and the fourth by Sparre. In a similar manner
the cavalry was divided into forty squadi'ons of one
hundred and fifty men each ; the two columns on
the extreme right and left were guarded each with
eight squadrons, the four columns in the centre with
218 CHARLES XII
six squadrons each. We have said before that they
marshalled in six columns, Generals Kreutz and
Schlippenbach commanding the three on the right,
Hamilton and Kruse the three on the left. According
to the above calculation the whole force of Swedes
engaged in the battle itself amount to twelve thou-
sand five hundred men.
Besides those actually engaged there were one thou-
sand men left in the trenches at Poltava, one thousand
five hundred men with the baggage, and about on&
thousand five hundred more at diiFerent parts along
the river Vorshla, so that the entire strength of the
Swedish army might be reckoned at sixteen thou-
sand five hundred. There were also about five
thousand soldiers sick and wounded, while Mazeppa
was posted -with three thousand Cossacks to guard
the baggage. As there was no ammunition, the
artillery was sent back into park. We must remem-
ber that these soldiers, whatever may have been
their previous glory, had been weakened by suffer-
ings of every kind, that their ammunition had been
entirely spoilt by the long continuance of wet wea-
ther, and that, therefore, they had to depend upon
the cold steel alone. We cannot, therefore, be sur-
prised if they did not exhibit their usual cheerfulness
or confidence in marching into battle. Nearly all
were filled with a dim foreboding that the trials
POLTAVA 21^
they had g-one through would be crowned by even
a more fearful catastrophe. Even the King himself
could not shake himself free from these anxieties.
He asked Lewenhaupt, at day-break, just before the
troops advanced to the attack, what he thought of the
condition of things, and the old general replied,
' I hope that, with God's help, it ^vill go well.'
Upon which the King- answered,
' In God's name then let us march to the attack.'
The Russian army consisted of forty-eight infantry
battalions of eight hundred men each, and of sixty-
nine squadrons of one hundred and fifty each, be-
sides seventy-two guns. On the evening of July 7
it was posted in a fortified camp about three miles
to the north-east of Poltava, with the Vorshla in its
rear. The gromid between the camp and the town
was much cut up, in difi"erent ways, and was unsuit-
able for the manoeuvres of large masses of troops,
and especially for the movements of cavalry. Im-
mediately in front of the camp there was a broad
plain, enclosed on either side by thick woods. To
protect this against the attack of the enemy, the
Russians had thrown up two rows of redoubts, one
of which was parallel with the camp itself, and the
other at right angles to the first, pushed forward on
the road to Poltava. We have shown that the Rus-
sian army consisted of fifty-seven thousand men, and
220 CHARLES XII
therefore was from three to four times as numerous
as the Swedes.
At eleven o'clock on the night of July 7, 1709, the
Swedish army broke up from its camp and marched
slowly against the enemy. Charles had his foot
carefully dressed, while he wore a spurred boot on
his sound foot, put on his uniform, and placed him-
self in a kind of litter, in which he was drawn be-
fore the lines of the army. When he reached the
regiment of Guards he halted, and drew round him
Piper, Rehnskj(31d and the principal generals, all of
whom lay on the ground enveloped in their military
cloaks. There was but little moon and the night
was dark. At midnight Rehnskjold gave orders for
the advance. The soldiers took their places, the
cavalry bitted their horses, which were already
saddled, and the officers hurried to their columns.
The Swedes, whose uniforms had become of a very
motley character during their long campaign, wore
a Avisp of straw in their caps to distinguish them-
selves from the enemy, and adopted as a watch-word,
' With God's help.' For the first time in the long
struggle they began the day's work without morn-
ing prayer. Some departure from the previously-
arranged order was noticeable as they advanced,
and Rehnskjold threw the blame of this on Lewen-
haupt, who had received no instructions. Thus the
POLTAVA 221
"battle began with a quarrel between the generals.
Charles in his litter held himself entirely aloof.
About five o'clock in the morning the columns of
the right wing, commanded by Posse, reached the
first Ruasian redoubt, which had been left unfinish-
ed and was easily taken, and the next redoubt met
■vWth the same fate. Lewenhaupt, who was with
Posse, drew off to the right, in order to escape the
fire of the other redoubt. This was a natural thing
to do, but it had the unfortunate effect of causing a
great gap in the battle order of the Swedes. Lewen-
haupt now received the order to attack the central
redoubt of the second row with the centre of the
troops which had been formed out of column into
line, he was therefore obliged to continue in the
du-ection which ho had already taken. By these
circumstances he was separated from the rest of the
army, and the order sent to him by Rehnskjold to-
form again out of line into column never reached
him.
Suddenly a cry arose from the left wing, ' Advance
cavalry I' and without the order of the commanding
oflicer the greater part of the cavalry- of the left
wing advanced towards the right. It passed by
the troops who were being led by Lewenhaupt,
broke through the line of redoubts, and charged the
Russian cavalry which was posted behind them, and
222 CHARLES XII
for a moment threw them into confusion. They,
however, soon recovered themselves, and in their
turn drove back the SAvedish cavalry, so that they
had to find refuge behind the line of the infantry.
The Swedish infantry then pushed forward, and
drove the Russian cavalry back. Tn the meantime,
Lewenhaupt was pursuing his own course ; he was
now attacking the last row of redoubts, and found
no enemy to oppose liim. But behind him a furious
combat was raging round the first redoubts, and
the possession of the ground was hotly disputed.
Lewenhaupt eventually reached the fortified camp
of the Russians, which he found very weakly garri-
soned. He was preparing to enter it when he re-
ceived the command to draw ofi" to the left, and
join the rest of the army. It has been often main-
tained that, if Lewenhaupt had not been then re-
called, the fortune of the day would have been
different, the Russians would have been driven out
of their camp, and the Swedes would have gained a
brilliant victory. It has been argued on the other
side that the Russians were informed of the Swed-
ish advance at day-break, and that by seven o'clock
in the morning their troops had occupied the plain
in front of their camp. It was natural, therefore, that
when Lewenhaupt passed through to the south-west
corner of the camp he should find it undefended.
POLTAVA 223
But nine battalions had been left in the camp for its
defence, and the one thousand four himdred Swedes
Lewenhaupt had with him could hardly have made
head against seven thousand Russians. At the same
time it is possible that a panic might have been
caused amongst the Russians left in the camp, who
were probably not the best troops, and it is impossi-
ble to foretell what effect this would have had.
There can be no doubt that the assistance of
Lewenhaupt was much needed in another quarter.
General Roos had not succeeded in passing the re-
doubts, but was heavily engaged amongst them.
On the other hand, the ten battalions of SpaiTe and
Stachelberg had passed through them, but they
found themselves opposed to the masses of the
Russian infantry, who were far superior in numbers.
They had advanced in two lines of attack. The
battalions of infantry in the centre was commanded
by Repniu, the cavalry on the right by Ronne, and
that on the left by Menshikoflf. Whilst the cavalry
engagement which opened the battle was still con-
tinuing, Menshikoff was sent with five battalions and
twenty squadrons to attack the Swedes who were
still engaged in the redoubts. These were the troops
of General Roos, to whose assistance Schlippenbach
had also been sent. When the Russians approached,
the Swedes took them, at first, for reinforcements of
224 CHARLES XII
their own men, and did not discover their mistake
till they were close upon them. Under the combined
fire of the redoubts and the Russian infantry, the
Swedes could only make a faint resistance, and re-
treated to Poltava, where Charles hoped to be sup-
ported by that reserve which had been left to guard
the trenches. He was, however, disappointed in this
hope, because the garrison of Poltava had made a
sally and had driven the soldiers out of the trenches.
R.OOS, therefore, had no resource except to throw him-
self into a redoubt, in Avhich, after resistance, he had
to lay doAvn his arms.
The Swedish line continued to advance slowly
and then to halt, waiting for the arrival of Roos,
whose arrival they were expecting every minute.
In the meantime the Russian artillery opened fire
upon them to prepare for the advance of the infantry.
The Swedes had no means of returning their fire,
and could do little else but stand and let themselves
be shot down. They were gradually surrounded by
their overwhelming enemies, and were broken in their
centre, but they still resisted for several hours, until
their strength was entirely exhausted. Those who
survived took refuge in flight, the King — whose
litter had been smashed by a cannon ball, and who was
carried by the soldiers on crossed poles — going with
them, and the Russians neglecting to pursue. In
this manner they reached their former camp.
POLTAVA 225
The account which I have given of the battle of
Poltava may seem bald and uninteresting when
compared with others, but this great event has be-
come the field not only of controversy but of legend.
The best authorities, and those most generally fav-
ourable to Charles, are of opinion that in this engage-
ment he never had a chance of success. The
Russians were four times as strong as their opponents,
they had artillery, the Swedes none, and as we have
seen the Swedes could make no use of their muskets.
It is to their credit that they made a stout resistance,
and deterred the Russians from pursuit. It is use-
less to discuss who was responsible for the disaster,
which was inevitable from the first. If the battle
had not been fought, Charles and his whole army
might have been captured ; as it was, the King and
a considerable number of his troops were able to
escape.
After a short halt in their camp before Poltava,
the whole Swedish force set forth, numbering about
sixteen thousand men, including such sick and
wounded as they were able to carry with them.
They marched down the Vorshla to its junction with
the Dnieper, and reached this spot on July 11. Here
they had to consider their future movements. Lew-
enhaupt was in favour of marching to the west, and
of crossing the Dnieper in the neighbourhood of Kief,
Q
226 CHARLES XII
Charles, however, determined to proceed further to
the south, in the hope of reaching Turkey, and of
stirring up the Sultan to war against the Tsar. An
attempt to cross the Dnieper at Perewoloczna failed,
because the Russians had not only destroyed the
town, as a punishment for the Zaporovian Cossacks,
but had also taken away all the means of traversing
the stream, which is here a mile broad. The Swedes,
therefore, had to stay on the left bank, expecting at
every moment to be attacked by the enemy.
It became necessary, above everything else, to
secure the person of the King. Charles for some
time insisted upon remaining to share the fate of his
troops, but at length he was persuaded to escape, and on
the night of July 12, with about a thousand men, he
crossed the river, taking with him a silver table-
service, and a considerable amount of money which
he had raised in Saxony. On the very same day
Menshikoff appeared at Perewoloczna with nine thou-
sand cavalry, and summoned the Swedes to surrender.
These were commanded by LcAvenhaupt, who had
just taken an affecting leave of his sovereign, and
after some hesitation he made terms. Lewenhaupt
has been blamed for this, as he has been for many
actions of his life, and it is said that he ought to have
made an attempt to repulse the Russians, and so to
have escaped imprisonment. Charles afterwards ex-
L
POLTAVA 227
pressed the opinion that, if they had not capitulated
at this point, they might have crossed the Dnieper
and escaped into Poland. But it must be remembered
that, in the first place, there were no means of trans-
port, and that if the army had crossed the Dnieper
it must have perished in the steppe from want of
provisions. Besides, the remains of the Swedish
anny were not in a fit condition to offer any resistance.
It is true that when Lewenhaupt asked them whether
they were willing to fight, they answered in the
afiinnative, but at the first semblance of conflict they
either went over to the enemy or threw themselves
into the stream. Even if they had succeeded in repel-
ling the force commanded by Menshikoff they must
have fallen into the hands of the whole Russian army.
It is probable, therefore, that Lewenhaupt adopted
not only a reasonable course, but the only course
possible under the circumstances.
Thus ended the battle of Poltava, which marks an
epoch in the world's history, the comparative extinc-
tion of Sweden, and the rise of Russia to a predom-
inant authority in Europe. But it differs from other
gi-eat battles of the world in this respect, that, if it
had been won by Charles, the result Avould not have
been very different. It is true that a victory might
have given the Swedes the opportunity of retiring
to the Dnieper and into Poland, but it is very doubt-»
q2
228 CHARLES XII
ful whether Charles would have consented to take
this course. On the other hand, if he had remained
at Poltava, or had followed the conquered Russians
in their retreat, he Avould soon have found himself
in as bad a position, unless indeed a decisive calam-
ity had called out the resources of Peter's enemies
against him. The Swedish army in the Ukraine in
July, 1709, was entirely isolated, it had no communi-
cation with any base of operations, it was Avithout
supplies of war or ammunition, in a country com-
pletely exhausted of food, without any hope of alli-
ance or of reinforcement. It was also in the face of an
enemy at least three times as powerful as itself. There-
fore, humanly speaking, the army led by Charles was
doomed to destruction before the battle of PoltaA-a
was fought ; it was indeed itself an expression of
despair, the last convulsive struggle of a dying
cause.
229
CHAPTER XVI.
CHARLES AT BENDER.
It took five days for Charles and his small body of
attendants to reach the Bug, crossing a desert in which
there was some fodder for horses, but little food for
man. When they came to the bank of the river a boat
made its appearance, and the man in charge of it said
that he had come to convey the King across. Charles
refused to go nnless his companions went with him.
But the Pasha of Otchakof not only refused to con-
sent, but declared that the inhabitants of the town
would not lend theii- boats for that purpose. Provi-
sions were then bought, which were sold at an exor-
bitant price. At last a visit of Poniatowski to the
Pasha, and a distribution of bribes, smoothed the
difficulties, and the Swedes were taken across. The
boats, however, were so small, both in size and num-
ber, that when three days later a body of six thousand
Russian cavalry appeared in pursuit, Charles himself
230 CHARLES XII
and a considerable number of Swedes were still left
on the bank. In order to escape capture the King
crossed to Turkish territory, accompanied by only
four or five persons. Of the five hundred who were
left behind the greater part were made prisoners, but
many were drowned.
Charles did not enter the town of Otchakof, as the
Pasha, in spite of the money he had received, contin-
ued to be unfriendly to him ; he continued his march
to Bender, where he was certain to find his friend the
Seraskier, Jusuf Pasha. He reached Bender on the
Dniester on August 1, and met with a royal recep-
tion. On arriving at the bank of the river he found
two tents pitched, one for eating and the other for
sleeping in. Tents were also prepared for the suite
and the soldiers. Jusuf Pasha paid him a visit amidst
the thunder of artillery, and bade him welcome in the
name of the Sultan. He offered him the keys of the
town, and begged him to take up his quarters there»
Charles, however, declined the invitation, and pre-
ferred to remain where he was. When, however, it
was represented to him that the Seraskier was an-
swerable for his safety, and that on that side of the
river he would not be secure against an attack of the
Russians, who would naturally be anxious to capture
him, he consented to cross, and pitched his camp in a
beautiful meadow, planted with fruit-trees and pro-
CHARLES AT BENDER 231
tected on three sides by the riv^er Dniester. The
hospitality of the Turks was exercised upon a splen-
did scale. A sum of forty-five pounds a day was
devoted to the King's support, besides provisions for
himself and forage for his horses.
The court of Charles XII. at Bender, although
simple in many respects, was arranged on a royal
scale with a proper household and guard. Morning
and evening prayers were held every week-day, and
there were three services on Sunday, all of which
were announced by the sound of drum and trumpet.
The number of those who accompanied the King,
including generals, officers, body-guard, clergy, and
suite, amounted to about four hundred, but afterwards
it swelled to nearly a thousand. The Swedes lived at
first entirely in tents, but huts were afterwards built
to protect them from the winter. Charles was warned
by the Turks that the island which he had chosen
for his residence was subject to dangerous floods,
and that he had better seek a more solid habitation
in another place. Biit in this matter the King showed
his usual obstinacy, declared that he was not afraid
of the Dniester, and went on building. We are told
that the Dniester was in the winter afraid of Charles,
that it gave up its accustomed floods in deference to
the Swedish hero, and also that a herd of deer were
so impressed by Charles's personality that they not
232 CHARLES XII
only accompanied him wlierever he went but laid
quietly down round his tent when he went to sleep.
It is difficult to believe these stories.
There is, however, no doubt that Charles had an
extraordinary influence over the Turks. Their curi-
osity to see him had been excited to the utmost by
the narratives of his heroic deeds, and they now
found him not only commanding in appearance and
well worthy of his fame, but despising the very
things which are most attractive to a Mussulman —
women, magnificence and money. At the same time
he shunned wine as conscientiously as a Mohamme-
dan, and no follower of Islam could be more regular
or more fervent in prayer. His contempt for danger,
his superiority to all ordinary human weaknesses,
completed their subjection, and it is reported that
one day a Turk laid his hand on the King's shoulder,
and said,
' Why did not Allah give us a Sultan like you ?
With you at our head, we should have conquered the
world.'
It may well be asked why Charles selected to stay
in Bender, instead of returning to his own country,
which so sorely needed him, and which he had so
shamefully neglected ; to this it is difficult to give
an answer. We must seek the solution rather in the
peculiarities of Charles's character than in anything
b
CHARLES AT BENDER 233
^Ise. He was obstinate in pursuing any design which
he had once begun, and, as we have before remarked,
his periods of feverish activity seemed to alternate
with long spells of lethargy. Like his rival Peter,
he was not without a touch of madness. Genius,
we know, is a disease, but, unfortunately, it is not
catching. Charles, with all his greatness, was subject
to those 'fixed ideas' which have on the testimony of
competent doctors sent so many to a lunatic asylum.
It was supposed at first that Charles would speedily
return to Pomerania or to Sweden, and letters were
written from Bender to that effect. The journey
could not be carried out immediately, owing to the
condition of Charles's wounded foot. It had become
worse in the passage from the Dnieper to the Bug;
the wound was inflamed, and Charles was only induc-
ed to take medicine under threat of an amputation ;
more splinters, also, had to be removed. In Septem-
ber it was so far healed that his return was again
spoken of, and General Gyllenkrook was despatched
with a body of Cossacks and Zaporovians across the
Dniester to discover how far an advance into Poland
and a union vnth. the army of Crassow might be possi-
ble. His report was very unfavourable, and it was
soon afterwards confirmed by his own catastrophe.
Whilst he was at Tshamovitch, a town in Swedish
territory, he was treacherously seized by the Russians,
231 CHARLES XII
with the assistance of Brancovar Hospodar of Wal-
lachia, and made prisoner. The troops he had with
him were captured to the number of a thousand, of
whom a hundred and fifty were Swedes.
If Charles had seriously wished to return to Sweden,
there is little doubt that he could have done so. The
war of the Spanish succession was now drawing to
an end, and the powers of Europe had leisure to look
elsewhere than to their immediate enmities. They
had no wish to see Sweden annihilated for the
advantage of Russia, and they desired to possess
the balance of power in the north. The French
offered to embark Charles at a Turkish port, and to
bring him in safety to Toulon or Marseilles. To
have accepted this offer, which was worthy of the
magnanimity of Louis XIV., would have identified
Charles too much with one side of the great struggle,
and would have offended the sea powers. Holland,
it may be assumed with the consent of England, made
similar proposal, and Miillem,who had succeeded Piper
as Charles's principal adviser, recommended Charles
to accept it, but he replied that he had determined
never to trust his life to the sea. The Austrian
government also offered a passage for Charles, under
safe protection, through Hungary and Germany, and
Miillern again did his best to make this proposal accep-
table to the King, but Charles only answered that he
CHARLES AT BENDER 235
-was pledged to the Sultan, and that the Sultan must
and would keep his promises. Whether the reluc-
tance of Charles to retm*n to Stockholm was due to
a disinclmation to appear after his defeat in a capital
which had so often rung with acclamation of his^
victories, is difficult to say.
One of the first actions of Charles after entering Turk-
ish territory had been to despatch a clever diploma-
tic agent, by name Neugebauer, to Constantinople,
to open negotiations with the Turkish government.
His first proposals had reference to a commercial
treaty between Turkey and Sweden, but an offensive
and defensive alliance between the two powers was
the main object in view. At the same time Charles
asked the Sultan whether he would be willing to give
him an escort to Poland in case he should require it.
The Porte received these proposals favourably, but
asked more time for considering the question of the
escort. Charles was not sorry for this, as it is doubt-
ful whether he had any serious idea of leaving Tm-key.
He perhaps thought that the Turks were the most
effective enemy the Russians had, and that, if he left
their country-, all hope of an alliance would be at an
end. No one, however, can doubt that if Charles
had been able to establish his power in Sweden he
would have had no difficulty in obtaining support for
crushing the ambition of the upstart mistress of the
k
536 CHARLES XII
Baltic. As matters now stood it was equally easy
for Peter to renew the coalition against Charles.
King Frederick IV. of Denmark came to Dresden
at the end of May, 1709, and on June 28 a formal
alliance was signed between Saxony and Denmark
to restore the balance of power in the north, so that
Augustus should receive the crown of Poland, and
Denmark the provinces which she had surrendered.
Russia was to be invited to join the alliance, and
if this could be eiFected before September Sweden
was to be attacked from the side of Norway as well
as in Scania, and Augustus was at the same time to
invade Poland.
On July 15 this alliance was further extended by
arrangement with Prussia, which was mainly of a
defensive character. The negotiations between
Sweden and Russia resulted in the drawing up of
preliminaries which, however, the Tsar refused to
ratify, and Peter did not finally enter the league
until Augustus had returned to Warsaw and Stanis-
laus had resigned his crown. The alliance was
concluded on October 20, 1709. Augustus indeed
had lost no time in profiting by the disaster of his
most ruthless enemy. He immediately made pre-
parations for advancing into Poland ; and, in order
to excuse to the world his breach of the peace at
Alt-Ranstadt, he published a manifesto on August 8,
CHARLES AT BENDER 287
1709, almost every line of wliich contains a lie. As
we have investigated above Augustus's account of
these transactions, we need not deal ■v\-ith the matter
again. Unfortimately, the lie was only too success-
ful. Nations, like individuals, do not care to enter
into the domestic quarrels of their neighbours. It
has been reserved for a later historical research to
discover the truth, and at the time public opinion
was easily contented by the sacrifices of Imhoff and
Pfingsten, whose loyalty was cruelly rewarded.
Augustus crossed the Polish frontier a fortnight
after the date of this manifesto, and the Poles
flocked to him in crowds, thinking that any
change in then* circumstances must be for the
better. Stanislaus, on the other hand, felt himself
entirely deserted. He and the Swedish general,
Crassow, had remained during the whole year in-
active, and had made no attempt to break thi-ough
the forces of Siniawski and Goltz. "When they
heard of the disaster of Poltava, they deemed their
position at Lublin no longer secure, and although
Crassow had been reinforced by the arrival of some
troops from Pomerania, they retreated to Cracow.
"When Augustus entered Poland, they attempted no
resistance, but marched straight away to Stettin ;
so that now, with verj' few exceptions, there was
not a single Swedish soldier left on foreign soil.
238 CHARLES XII
Sucli was tlie result of Charles's snperliuman strug-
gles, continued for so many years !
After the battle of Poltava, the Russian army was
divided into three portions, the smallest of which
was left in Southern Russia to watch the Turkish
frontier, while an army of about thirty thousand
men marched into Livonia to invest Riga, and another
of the same size advanced by way of Kief into Vol-
hynia. The King of Denmark, on his side, lost no
time in putting into execution the provisions of the
treaty of Dresden. He commenced his preparations
at once, and at the beginning of November General
Reventlow, who had gained military laurels in the
Low Countries, embarked a body of fifteen thousand
men at Copenhagen, destined for the invasion of
Scania. A body of three thousand cavalry, under
the command of Gyllenstjerna, feeling itself out-
matched, withdrew to Christianstad, and a certain
number of Swedish towns fell into Danish hands.
In December, the defence of Sweden was committed
to the competent care of General Stenbock, to
whom Charles had entrusted that duty. The coun-
try, however, mourned in vain for the loss of her
natural protector.
Before we proceed to narrate the more serious
occurrences which were the consequences of the
King's captivity, we will give some account of
CHARLES AT BENDER 239
his life in that condition. He passed a very simple
and regular existence, every day having the same
recurring occupations. He began by reading a
chapter in the Bible, and then attended at morning
prayers. The next hours were devoted to business,
and then followed a hasty dinner. The afternoon
was devoted to drilling soldiers, and to long rides,
in which the King often tired out more than a single
horse. On his return he was present at evening
service, and then retired to bed, often sleeping in
his clothes, even in his spurs and boots. He spent
much of his time in the consideration of military
tactics, and is said to have filled two volumes with
notes on this subject. He was fond of chess, which
he played with Poniatowski and Grothusen. One
of his suite used to read to him in French, especially
the tragedies of Racine and Corneille. He preferred
' Mithridate ' to all the others, seeing in ' his story
some reflection of his own. His servant Hultmann,
of whom we have before spoken, used to entertain
him with long tales of chivalry.
Charles slept but little, and when he woke in the
night he used to sit by the bedside of some of his
friends, and talk to them for hoiu's ; in general, he
showed more affability than before, and did not
despise a joke. He was fond of playing tricks on
the too well-dressed gentlemen of the court, tearing
240 CHARLES XII
oflf the higli-lieeled shoes or their lace ruffles, and
throwing them into the fire, as a practical exhor-
tation to simplicity of attire. He insisted upon
Miillern and his secretaries wearing boots, and if
he found them in shoes or slippers it was the worse
for them. Like Peter the Great he left magnificent
entertainments, whenever they were necessary, to
others, and took no part in them himself. At first
there was but little communication between Bender
and Sweden ; a messenger was sent every other
month, and very little news came from him. Not
until the end of the year 1710 was a regular post
established, Avhich Avas connected with the Austrian
post through Hungaiy. Charles discouraged com-
munication with his own comitry. He used to write,
himself, not more than once a month, and kept the
time of the post's departure a secret, in order that it
might not be used by others. He once dismissed
a clerk in the secretarj'-'s office for sending news
home, and he used regularly to read the letters
written by his suite and those also which they re-
ceived. With this change of life came a change of
appearance. His face lost the red and weather-
beaten appearance which had distinguished it in
his campaign, and it is said also that he became fat,
although it is difficult to believe it. He was cer-
tainly for the most part in a good humour, and
CHARLES AT BENDER 241
was very affable and even sportive in his social
demeanour.
The King always appeared to have command of
money, although it is not clear in what Avay he ob-
tained it. Peter boasted that he had captured the
Swedish war-chest after Poltava, but enough must
have remained to enable Charles to make presents
to the Khan of Tartary, the Pasha of Otchakof, and
the Seraskier of Bender. Mazeppa left at his death
a considerable fortune, a quarter of which Charles
appropriated to himself. There were probably,
also, savings from the sums allowed to him by the
Sultan. The Sultan assisted him in borrowing some
money for his needs, and it is said that in 1709-1710,
Charles received considerable sums from France,
which curiously enough were employed to bribe the
Turks at Constantinople. His two principal secre-
taries were Chancellor Mullern, who took the place
of Piper, and Karsten Feif, who was employed
principally for home affairs. His fullest confidence
was given to Grothusen, who took the place of the
discharged and humiliated Lagercrona. Besides
these should be mentioned Stanislaus Poniatowski,
the commander of his namesake's body-guard, who
always remained true in his allegiance both to the
Polish and the Swedish sovereign, and Baron Fabri-
cius of Holstein-Gottorp, who had been sent as a kind
B
242 CHARLES XII
of envoy to Charles by the minister Gorz. He re-
mained with Charles from 1710 to 1714, and worked
hard in the interests both of his country and his
patron. His anecdotes, published at Hamburg in
1760, give a graphic and amusing account of the so-
journ of Charles at Bender.
243
CHAPTER XVII.
THE CATASTROPHE OF THE PRUTH.
-Vfter the Danish army had established itself fairly
on the coast of Scania, General Reventlow, in the
beginning of January, 1715, pressed further into the
country, going first to Christianstad, with the inten-
tion of making that a point of attack for Carlscrona,
Avhere the Swedish fleet was detained. The ships had
been frozen in the harbour, and could therefore be
easily destroyed ; but the Danes delayed the attack
too long, and the Swedes were able to collect a con-
siderable force at Wexio, in order to take the Danes
in flank. Reventlow had already reached Karls-
liamn, but he thought that he could not advance
with safety, and therefore returned to Christianstad.
The Swedes now took the offensive, and Reventlow
having fallen ill, and his place having been taken
by General Rantzau, the Danes retired to Helsingborg
and encamped to the north of the town.
r2
244 CHARLES XII
Stenbock, who commanded the Swedish army,
made the best use of his opportunities after the re-
treat of the Danes, and collected considerable forces
in a short space of time. He had first intended to
order a levee en masse of all the population capable of
bearing arms, but, the people not being inclined to so
serious a sacrifice, he contented himself by getting to-
gether all the regular troops which were available in
the south of Sweden. They were barely armed and
only partially supplied with uniforms, but they had
been well drilled, and were skilfully commanded.
This army of fourteen thousand men and twenty-six
guns made a sudden attack on the Danish camp on
the morning of March 10. The Danish army was
well posted, protected by marshy ground on the two
flanks, while a woody and difficult tract lay in its
front. The battle began by an attack of the Swedish
right wing on the Danish left, but the cavalry moved
slowly through the broken ground, and were also
checked by the fire of the Danish artillery. Sten-
bock then moved his centre and his left against the
Danish right wing, but, in order to reach them and
avoid obstacles, his troops had to draw to the left,
as if they were intending to outflank the Danes on
that side. Kantzau anticipated their attack, and to
meet the danger which he thought was impending
he supported his right with his centre, so that his
THE CATASTROPHE OF THE PRUTH 245
troops lost the advantage of their good position, the
centre being entangled in the broken ground, and
breaking its connection with its left. Notwithstand-
ing this, the Swedish cavalry were obliged at first
to give way to the Danes, and were only gradually
able to put a stop to their attack.
After a short pause, during which he was forming
his troops in their new position, Rantzau attacked
the Swedes, and drove them back with such vehe-
mence that, being carried away by the ardour of
pursuit, he was not able to keep in touch with the
rest of his army. The Danish cavalry lost their
formation, and Stenbock, by bringing up fresh
squadrons, was enabled to throw them into still
greater disorder. Several Danish squadrons were
put to flight, and after a short time then* right wing
was entirely broken up. During all this time the
centre of the Swedes had not been engaged, and it
now advanced against the centre of the enemy in
admirable order. At the proper distance they
opened fire with their artillery, the Danes not being
able to reply, because the greater part of their
cannon had been left behind, owmg to the nature
of the ground. The Danes held out with firmness
until they were charged by the Swedish cavalry.
A good many of the infantry of the line were now
scattered, but the guards and grenadiers held their
246 CHARLES XII
ground. After a stout resistance, these brave troops
were at last partly cut down and partly taken
prisoners, so that the Danish centre was almost
annihilated. After this, it was a comparatively easy
task for the Swedish left to drive the Danish right,
Avhich had been seriously weakened by sending
drafts into other parts of the field, under the walls
ot Helsingborg, beyond which they did not attempt
to follow them.
This battle, complicated and hardly contested as
it was, lasted only three hours, but the Danes lost
in it foui- thousand five hundred men, — dead, wound-
ed, and prisoners, — or more than a third of their
number. The Swedes, on their side, lost three
thousand, their dead and wounded exceeding con-
siderably the Danish loss, as no Swedish prisoners
were taken. Rantzau lost the battle by not keep-
ing his presence of mind, and by leaving the favour-
able position which he had taken up. If he had
remained firm, the Swedes could hardly have won
the day. The result was that five days later the
Danes left Scania, and returned to their own coun-
try. Frederick IV., however, did not surrender the
hope of conquering the province, and for this pur-
pose he asked and obtained the assistance of Russian
troops, which were to be transported from Dantzig
in Danish ships. On the way they fell in with a
THE CATASTROPHE OF THE PRUTH 247
violent storm, which caused them immense damage,
but saved them from being entirely destroyed by
the Swedish fleet, which had been sent out to inter-
cept them, the engagement being interrupted by the
fury of the elements. So that the Danes had to re-
turn home without eiFecting their object.
The Swedes were not so fortunate in the Baltic
provinces. Since the autumn of 1709, Riga had
been invested by a strong Russian force under the
command of Prince Repnin. In April, 1710, they
received large reinforcements, and the siege of the
town was seriously entered upon. The garrison was
decimated by hunger and disease, but the command-
ant, General Stromberg, held out bravely, and was
able to repel the Russian attack as late as July 10.
But he was forced to capitulate on the following day.
Diinamiinde surrendered on July 28, and Pernau on
August 31. At length, by the taking of Revel on
October 8, the Russians obtained entire possession
of Livonia and Esthonia, and thus carried out, as far
as they were concerned, the object for which the
triple alliance had been formed ten years before.
Peter wrote :
' The last town has surrendered, and Livonia and
Esthonia are entirely cleared of the enemy. In a
word, the enemy does not possess a single to-\vn on
the left side of the East Sea, not even an inch of land.*
248 CHARLES XII
Russian arms had not been less successful in Fin-
land, and Wiborg, which had been the goal of so
many fruitless attacks, surrendered on June 24. It
had been taken with some difficulty, Apraxin com-
manding an army of eighteen thousand men, and
Cruys a fleet in which Peter himself served as rear-
admiral. Peter wrote to his wife Catherine that it
would act as a buffer for the security of St.
Petersburg.
In the meantime Charles was doing his best to stir
up the Turkish government to war against Russia.
He had already, as we have seen, despatched Neu-
gebauer for this purpose, and he now sent his confi-
dential friend, Stanislaus Poniatowski. The only
means of producing any effect upon the Porte was
either by bribes or by palace intrigues, in both of
which Poniatowski proved himself proficient. For-
eign affairs were naturally under the direction of the
Grand Vizier, and it was only by the removal of this
minister that any change could be effected. There
was little doubt that the Grand Vizier AH had re-
ceived money from Tolstoi, the Russian ambassador,
and pains were taken to get this to the ears of the
Sultan. But for a long time he refused to believe
the accusation, and it is said that the fall of AH was
eventually brought about by the news of Stenbock's
victory at Helsingborg. The new Grand Vizier was
THE CATASTROPHE OF THE PRUTH 249
Nuuman Koprili, and it was assumed that he would
be more favourable to Swedish influences than his
predecessor. He went so far as to begin armaments
on a large scale, and there seemed to be a general
desire to make war for the recovery of Azof. But it
is doubtful to what extent Koprili had these objects
really at heart, and he probably received bribes
from Russia as well as from Sweden. But Koprili
had roused a feeling with which he did not sympa-
thize, but which he was unable to restrain. The
Turks had become convinced that Russia could never
be their friend, and that they should not again have
as good an opportunity of fighting as they had now.
He was therefore dismissed, and Mohammed Baltad-
schi, an Italian by origin, put in his place.
The ai-raaments were now pm-sued with vigour.
The Khan of Crim-Tartary appeared at Constanti-
nople and fanned the martial flame. At last, when
Peter, in October, 1710, addressed an ultimatum to
the Sultan, asking that Charles might be expelled
from Turkish territory, in accordance with existing
treaties, the envoys who brought the document were
arrested and imprisoned. On November 30, at a
solemn sitting of the Divan, war with Russia was
determined upon. According to the usual custom,
Tolstoi, the Russian ambassador, was half stripped of
his clothes, set upon a sorry nag, exposed to the
250 CHARLES XII
derision of the populace, and imprisoned in the
Seven Towers. Now fortune seemed at last to smile
on Charles, and he began to feel more confidence in
the future, although his character was not distin-
guished by any want of self-confidence. He wi'ote
to his sister Ulrica just at this time, that he believed
that his affairs would have a successful issue, that it
was necessary to pursue them with boldness and
fortitude, and not to give way on any point. Sweden
would then come out victorious. This was extra-
ordinary language for a King who had just lost a
number of valuable provinces. Although Charles's
presence in Turkey was of some advantage in stirring
it up against Russia, yet it is difiicult to believe that
he would not have been of greater use to his country
if he had established himself in the capital. Charles's
firmness was too much akin to fixed and narrow-
minded obstinacy.
The danger which threatened Peter from this Turk-
ish war was the most serious that he ever encount-
ered, and it was only by a combination of adroitness
and good fortune that he was able to extricate him-
self from the toils which surrounded him. The
Turks were able, in the spring of 1711, to put in the
field an army of two hundred thousand men, and it
had been promised that they should be supported by
an equal nmnber of Tartars. The demands advanced
THE CATASTROPHE OF THE PRUTH 25 1
by the Sultan to Peter were, that he should surrender
Azof and raze all the fortifications he had erected
either there or in the neighbourhood ; that he should
evacuate Poland, recognise Stanislaus as king, and
compel Augustus to recognize him also ; that he
should restore freedom to the Cossacks ; that he
should destroy St. Petersburg, and give back to
Sweden not only the provinces he had captured from
her, but also the prisoners and the trophies at Pol-
tava. It was not likely that the Tsar would agree
to these terms.
The war began on February, 1711, by an invasion
of Poland. On his twenty-ninth birthday, January
28, 1711, Charles issued a manifesto to the Polish
people, in which he complained of the perfidy of
Augustus, of the violation of the treaty of Alt-Ran-
stadt, and of the design of the Tsar to seize a portion
of Poland for himself. He continued,
* With great labour and danger, and with great
sacrifice of Swedish blood, we have restored the noble
Polish nation to freedom, we cannot without sorrow
see them groan once more under the lawless rule of
King Augustus. Our feelings are what they always
have been, and we have spared no expense or labour
to restore freedom to your country and the throne to
your legitimate King. For that reason we hav&
concluded an alliance with the Ottoman Porte and
252 CHARLES XII
the great Khan of Tartaiy, for the sake of Polish
freedom. For this purpose we send a numerous
army, under our crown General Potocki, into your
country, and we are intending soon to follow our-
selves with a more powerful host. Every Pole who
has a heart for the Avelfare of his fatherland, his aged
parents, his wife and his children, every Pole in
whom the former feeling of Polish self-respect has
not been extinguished by the yoke of slavery, and
every Pole who desires to see the end of his country's
misery, all these will hasten to range themselves
under our banner.'
Unfortunately this manifesto had no effect, and the
expedition was undertaken without the co-operation
of the inhabitants. Charles furnished it with money,
and accompanied it for two days when it set out.
But the only result was to plunder and lay waste
large stretches of the Polish Ukraine, and to carry
off a number of Poles into slavery. The feeling
against Stanislaus and his protector Charles became
more bitter than ever.
The operations undertaken by the Turks were of
a different character. Their plan was to cross the
Danube and the Dniester, and from thence to press
on to the Russian frontier. Peter had, on his side,
collected an army of about sixty thousand men,
marched through Podolia to the Dniester, passed over
THE CATASTROPHE OF THE PRUTH 255
this river and entered Moldavia, having made a for-
mal alliance with Cantemii-, the Hospodar of that
country. He had hoped to receive the support of
the Christian nationalities who were gi-oaning under
Turkish rule, to cross the Danube and the Balkans,
and to march direct to Constantinople. It is possible
that this plan might have succeeded if it had been
can-ied out Avith sufficient celerity. But the Turks
acted with remarkable energy. There was a race be-
tween them and the Russians as to who would reach
the Danube first, and in this the Turks won. The
detailed narrative which follows belongs rather to
the history of Peter than to that of Charles. The
Turks and Tartars advanced in such a manner that
they entirely enclosed the Russian army, and Peter
found himself shut up in an elbow of the Pruth not
able to advance or retreat, or to break through the
overwhelming forces of the enemy. As he said him-
self, he had committed the fault of Charles XII. at
Poltava. The Russian army seemed doomed to-
destruction, but Peter found a way out of danger.
Acting, it is said, under the advice of his wife Cathe-
rine, he offered the Turkish Grand Vizier a large sum
of money, and also favourable conditions of peace.
In spite of all that Poniatowski could do to prevent
it, the Vizier accepted the Russian proposals, and July
21, 1711, a treaty was signed between Peter and
254 CHARLES XII
Mohammed Baltadshi, on the terms that the Russians
should surrender Azof, and should withdraw their
troops from Poland, and that Peter and his army-
should be allowed to retreat unscathed.
Charles had been invited by the Grand Vizier to
take part in the campaign, but he thought it un-
worthy for a sovereign to appear in the military suite
of a subject. Had he been present the treaty would
probably have never been signed, and Peter's army
would have been destroyed. The news of the Rus-
sian catastrophe became known at Bender late in the
evening. Charles mounted his horse at ten o'clock,
and, accompanied by some of his officers and his
body-guard, reached the Turkish camp at three
o'clock the next afternoon, just in time to witness
the retreat of the Russian army, which took place
two hours afterwards. Charles, informed of the fact,
strode to the tent of the Grand Vizier and threw
himself upon the sofa. The Grand Vizier sat oppo-
site him with the Khan of Crim-Tartary by his side.
'You have collected a fine army here,' said
Charles.
' God gave it us,' replied the Turk.
' Shame that you have made so little use of it,'
said the King.
' It is of no more use,' answered the Vizier, * as we
have made peace.'
THE CATASTROPHE OF THE PRUTH 255
' I hear,' continued Charles, ' that you have made
peace, and, in breach of the promise of the Sultan
and your own word, have entirely neglected my
interests.'
When the Vizier said that the Porte had gained
great advantages, Charles answered,
' You might have gained a thousand times more,
because the Tsar and his whole army were in your
power.'
The conversation then continued thus :
' The laws of Mohammed forbid to refuse peace to
an enemy when he sues for it ; besides, who would
have governed the Tsar's empire if he had been
taken prisoner ?'
' That is not your affair, and do you think that your
Sultan will be content with such a peace ?'
' I have the army under my command and peace
in ray hand.'
' It is still time to recover what has been lost,*
said Charles, rising from the sofa. ' Give me the
liberty to act, I will myself provide soldiers, and
settle accounts with the Tsar ; it shall not cost you
a man, and I will defend you before the Sultan.'
' It is too late, the peace is signed,' muttered the
Vizier, and closed the conversation.
The Vizier was right in supposing that the Sultan
would not object to the peace, and that all he required
256 CHARLES XII
■was the restoration of Azof. The peace was received
■with joy at the Turkish court, and no notice was
taken of the fact that the interests of the King of
Sweden had been entirely overlooked. Charles re-
turned to Bender on the following day, leaving
Poniatowski in the Turkish camp to continue his
protests against the peace. He contrived to acquaint
the Sultan mth what had really occurred, and he
was supported by his friend the Khan of Crim-
Tartary, who reported to his master,
' We Avere engaged with the enemy for several
days, and had brought him into a position in which
not a single man could have escaped, but on the
request of the Tsar the Grand Vizier granted him
terms of peace, gave him provisions, and escorted
him home.'
The Grand Vizier had, on his side, not forgotten
Charles's threats, and lie did his best to get him out
of the way. Peter, in the treaty of Hush, had prom-
ised that Charles should go where he liked without
hindrance, and not only the Emperor but King Au-
gustus had offered him a safe conduct through their
dominions. Mohammed Baltadshi informed Charles
of this, and promised also a body-guard of six thous-
and cavalry. At the same time he took measures to
make the stay of Charles in Bender less comfortable
than it had been. Charles did not reject these propo-
THE CATASTROPHE OF THE PRUTH 257
sals, but asked, in addition, for an army of at least
thirty thousand men, and for the loan of a consider-
able sum of money. The Grand Vizier would not
accede to this, but threatened the King that he would
carry him off by force, if he would not go of his own
accord. To this the King replied that he would repel
force by force. But matters were soon to take a turn
more favourable to Charles.
258
CHAPTER XVIII.
CHARLES AND THE SULTAN.
Peter, having rescued Ms army from a desperate
position, cared little about performing the promises
by which his safety had been purchased. He did not
surrender Azof, and he did not withdraAv his troops
from Poland. This had a great effect upon the Sul-
tan's mind, and he was more inclined than before to
listen to those who accused Mohammed Baltadshi
of self-interested treachery. The consequence was
that the Grand Vizier was dismissed, and Jusuf Pasha,
the friend of Charles, who was in favour of a war
with Russia, was put in his place. Attempts were
made by the sea powers and others to keep the peace,
but the Sultan raised his army to a strength of four
hundred thousand men, and prepared to place him-
self at its head. Unfortunately the desire for war in
Constantinople was not of long duration, as the Grand
Vizier could not resist the influence of Russian gold.
CHARLES AND THE SULTAN 259
The Tsar, whose chief object was to gain time,
confirmed the treaty of the previous year by a new
engagement, and promised to withdraw his troops
from Poland as soon as possible.
The hopes of Charles were thus again disappointed.
He felt that no confidence was to be placed in the
Turks, and he determined to leave their country.
The Turks, on their side, were not anxious to keep
him any longer, they found that he was a source
rather of danger and expense than of pleasure and
advantage. But his departure was not easy to man-
age. Charles positively declined to go by sea, or to
travel by any other route than Poland. But at this
time King Augustus refused him a safe conduct. It
suited his plans and those of his ally Peter that
Charles should stay a little longer where he was.
They began to see that the Turks Avere not serious
in their threats of war, and that difficulties could
always be got over by a judicious use of Russian
gold. Also Charles was not very moderate in his
demands. He asked for the payment of his debts,
besides a large sum of money, and an escort of six
thousand Spahis and thirty thousand Tartars, which
were not very easy to provide.
Another plan which Charles formed at this time
was also doomed to failure. When the war with
Russia Avas in prospect a large body of Tartars, Cos-
S2
260 CHARLES XII
sacks, and Poles had assembled in Moldavia, not very
far from Bender, in order to place themselves under
the command of Charles if he should undertake an
expedition into Poland. However, as we have seen,
peace was suddenly concluded with Russia, and the
Sultan gave orders that their troops should disperse.
Charles thought that something could be done with
them, and determined to send them to Poland to fight
for the cause of King Stanislaus. A Pole named Grud-
zinski, who had been a supporter of Stanislaus, was
chosen to command them, and they were ordered to
stir up an insurrection in Poland, and then to unite
with Stenbock, who was expected with an army from
Pomerania. The fate of Stenbock will occupy our
attention at a later period. Grudzinski's army crossed
the Pruth in May, declaring that he was sent by
Charles and Stanislaus. It was joined by a number
of adherents Avho were discontented with the present
government, and reached the number of fifteen thou-
sand men. Grudzinski pressed on into the country
between Posen and Thorn, always expecting Sten-
bock, who never came. At last he was surrounded
by abody of Russians and Poles and entirely defeated,
so that he had to escape into Silesia. If Charles and
Stanislaus could have placed themselves at the head
of this body, the result might have been different.
In the meantime, Peter took no steps for the eva-
CHARLES AND THE SULTAN 261
€iiation of Poland. The Sultan was deeply offended,
and Charles did his best to excite his wrath. The
Grand Vizier Jusuf was dismissed, and Suleiman, a
former slave, put in his place. So on November 30,
1712, war was declared against Russia for the third
time. But the Porte was still anxious, for manv
reasons, to get rid of Charles. They sent him a
large sum of money for his travelling expenses, and
promised him the escort he demanded. He would
probably have yielded and returned to Poland had
not important information reached his ears which
caused him to change his plans. A secret corre-
spondence— carried on between Devlet-Gherai, Khan
of the Tartars, and Siniawski, of whom we have
often heard, as a general of King Augustus — with the
object of getting possession of Charles's person, had
come to the knowledge of Poniatowski. Devlet-
Gherai had been destined to command the escort
which was to accompany Charles to Poland. His
plan was to weaken this gradually by detaching
various portions of it imder different pretexts, so
that when they reached the frontiers of Poland they
might be so weak as not to be able to withstand
the attack of the Poles, and indeed would offer no
resistance. The correspondence was being carried
on by a Polish cavalry sergeant, and Charles en-
trusted his adjutant, Macdougal, with a body of
262 CHARLES XII
well-mounted officers, with tlie duty of intercepting
the messenger.
Macdougal disguised his soldiers as Tartars, and
had no difficulty in effecting his purpose. Charles
obtained possession of papers which gave him cer-
tain knowledge of the plot formed against him, and
he discovered that Ismail Effendi, the Seraskier of
Bender, was also involved in it. He communicated
to no one what had come to his knowledge, but
when he was pressed by those who surrounded him
to yield to Turkish pressure, and depart, he answered,
' I know Avhat I am doing, there is no means of
escape for me, I am betrayed.'
Charles noAv made up his mind not to leave
Turkey until he was sure he could do so with per-
fect safety. He did not, however, state his reasons,
but when the traitorous Seraskier of Bender gave
him money for his departure, he merely said that he re-
quired more, and that he could not think of leaving
until he was perfectly satisfied that everything need-
ful had been done. The Sultan at last lost patience,
and took measures that from this time Charles;
should be treated as a prisoner.
Before taking definite action the Sultan consulted
his Divan. He said,
' When the King of Sweden sought refuge in my
territory after the battle of Poltava, I stood in no
CHARLES AND THE SULTAN 263
special relation of friendship with regard to him. I
had no particular reason either to love him or to
hate him, but I received him from reasons of gene-
rosity, and also because hospitality is enjoined upon
all Moslems. 1 have entertained him and his numerous
suite for three years and a half. I have overwhelmed
him with benefits and with tokens of good will.
Soon after his arrival I sent him fom* hundred pieces
of gold, and besides this I have given him every
day a purse of silver for his maintenance, besides
food for himself, his suite, and horses. Some little
time ago he asked for one thousand purses for the
expenses of his journey ; I gave him twelve thou-
sand purses, and carriages, horses, and a large escort
besides. Although everything was ready for his de-
parture, and he promised to leave at the beginning
of winter, he now tries to put it off by every kind
of excuse. Sometimes he says that the escort is in-
sufficient, sometimes that he requires another thou-
sand purses, and has not courage to ask for them.
I desire now to make known to him my Imperial
will that he must keep his promise and depart as
soon as possible. I wish to know whether, if he re-
fuses obedience to this order, it will be contrary to
the laws of hospitality laid down by Mohammed,
and ^vill it be regarded as barbarous and unjust by
the Christian princes of Europe, if I compel him by
264 CHARLES XII
force to keep his word, and drive liim as an enemy
from the country, seeing that he will not depart of his
free will.'
The Divan decided unanimously in favour of the
Sultan's proposal, and orders were given to the Sera-
skier of Bender in accordance with it. He was first
to attempt to persuade the King to depart quietly,
but if this was of no avail, he was to cut off his daily
allowance, then to withdraw his guard of honour,
and then to interrupt all communication with the
Swedish camp. If none of these measures had any
effect, he was to have recourse to force, and to carry
oflfthe Swedish King to Adrianople alive or dead.
The order reached Bender on January 8, 171o,
and five days afterwards it was read by the Seraskier
to the King. Charles declared that he was anxious
to go away, but that he could not fix the exact time
of his departure, that he must first complete his pre-
parations, buy horses, and receive the thousand
purses of gold which he had asked from the Sultan.
The Seraskier insisted that Charles should fix the
day of his departure, but Charles answered that it was
impossible. The Seraskier then asked if he must
obey the order of his master in using force. Charles
replied that he did not believe that the Sultan could
have meant this, that he was not ready to travel,
and had no fear of threats ; if he was attacked he
CHARLES AjSID THE SULTAN 265
should know how to defend hhnself. With these
words he turned his back upon the Seraskier, who
mounted his horse and galloped away to Bender.
On the road he met Fabricius, who asked him how
matters w^ere going.
' All is lost,' he replied, ' you -will soon see here
some wonderful things.'
On the following day, January 14, the supplies
were stopped and the guard of Janissaries was with-
drawn. The Swedes and Poles, as well as all the
Turkish inhabitants, were ordered to withdraw from
Wamitza, where the camp of the King was placed.
The \'illage was occupied by four thousand Tartars,
and the camp was enclosed by Turkish soldiers on
the other side. The consequence of this was that a
good number of the Poles and ZajDorovian Cossacks
in Charles's service left him and went over to the
Turks. Charles repHed to these measures by shoot-
ing nineteen beautiful Arabian horses which the
Sultan had given him. Charles supplied the loss of
the Janissaries by a guard of Swedish soldiers, and
tried to build a wall round his camp, but the frozen
earth would not admit of it. He therefore protected
the principal buildings by barricades made out of
waggons, carts, tables, and benches, mixed, where
possible, with dung-heaps, while the house of
Charles himself was ^^rotected by a palisade. He
266 CHARLES XII
conceutratcd liis small forces in the middle of this
fortification, and prepared to repel the attack. The
following day, in order to show his contempt for
the Seraskier's threats, he rode into Bender, but no
one ventured to lay hands upon him.
The Seraskier was in great embarrassment. There
Avere two foreign envoys now at Bender, Fabriciu»
from Holstein-Gottorp and Jeffries from England,
whose good offices he used to the best of his ability.
They visited Charles, and tried to persuade him to
give in, but he showed them his defences, and de-
clared that he was prepared to resist to the death.
They also did what they could to influence the
Turks to milder measures, but they had not much
effect either on one side or the other. Provisions
were smuggled into Charles's camp by Jews, Turks,
and Tartars, for which he had naturally to pay
dearly. At last the King managed to get together
food for six or seven weeks, and powder and shot
Avore introduced by similar means. In the meantime,
Charles and the Seraskier had both written to the
Sultan, and their letters had arrived at Constanti-
nople. The Divan, after consideration, renewed
their former resolution that Charles was to be re-
moved by force, if he would not depart of his free
will, that he was to be placed in a can-iage, and
taken to Salonica or some other town, but that if
CHARLES AND THE SULTAN 267
he resisted, and if either he or any of his soldiers were^
killed in the struggle, no guilt would rest on any Mos-
lem's head. This news reached Bender on February i).
The preparations of Charles for defence were now
complete. His house, built of stone, became the
citadel of the fortress; everything of value was
brought into it, the King's table service of silver,,
carpets, provisions, and ammunition. The Swedish
garrison is estimated at seven hundred men. The
number of Turks and Tartars assembled for the
attack is not precisely known, but it was probably
not less than fifteen thousand. They were posted
all round the Swedish camp, and a present of eight
ducats a man had been promised to them if the
King should be taken alive. When the Turkish
bands played, the King replied by his Swedish
trumpeters. The Turks then fired their camion,
aiming too high on purpose, but one of the Swedish
trumpeters was killed. The Swedes tried to tamper
with the fidelity of the Janissaries who were placed
close to the camp. These soldiers had a fanatical
admiration for Charles, and determined that they
would never make up their minds to attack him.
The Seraskier seized thirty of them in their beds,
had them strangled, and their bodies thrown into
the Dniester. The next day the remaining Janis-
saries recognised the genuineness of the Sultan's
268 CHARLES XII
edict, which they had professed to doubt, and prom-
ised their concurrence. At the same time he took
the precaution of introducing other Janissaries, who
were not under Swedish influence, from the neigh-
bouring towns.
On the morning of February 12, 1713, a line of
from fifty to sixty Janissaries, unarmed, with white
staves in their hands, were seen moving from
Bender to the Swedish camp. They had determined,
on the proposal of the Seraskier, to make a last
attempt to influence Charles to submission. They
were accompanied by the King's favourite interpre-
ter, and by some of the Turks who were favourable
to the Swedes. Charles would not even receive the
deputation, but said,
' If they do not go away, I will singe their beards
off; it is time for blows, and not for talking.'
The Janissaries retired to Bender with bitterness
in their hearts.
' The Swedish Charles has gone mad,' they said.
It was quite clear that Charles had no intention
of giving in, but that he looked forward to the com-
ing contest as a sportsman to the chase, or as a
schoolboy to a football match, with the additional
feeling that he was giving to the world a spectacle
which would spread his reputation far and wide,
and would never be forgotten.
269
CHAPTER XIX.
THE KALABALIK.
The Kalabalik, the Lion Hunt, is the name given to
the capture of Charles by the Turks, the romantic
story of which it is now time to relate. On Sunday,
February 11, 1713, the Swedes who then remained
in camp — for many of them, considering the cause
hopeless, had gone over to the enemy — were col-
lected for divine service in the King's house. The
Gospel for the day described how Jesus slept peace-
fully in the ship when the storm raging was round Him,
and Provost Brenner the chaplain was preaching
upon that text. He had not proceeded far when the
war-crj^ of the Turks was heard, and the thunder of
their cannon. The Turkish force was not less than
eight thousand men ^vith eleven gims, and the
Swedish garrison did not exceed eight hundred.
The Swedes, on hearing the noise, rushed from the
hall, and hastened to the barricades. The Turks
270 CHARLES XII
and Tartars came on with cries of ' Allah ! Allah !'
From their overwhelming number they found but
little resistance, few Swedes were killed, and the
greater number laid down their arms. In about
half-an-hour the Turks and Tartars had climbed
over the Swedish trenches, and had reduced the
number of the defenders to fifty or sixty men.
Before the fight actually began, Charles had
ridden round the entrenchments to encourage his
soldiers, and to urge them to a stout resistance, but
found to his surprise that many of them had already
surrendered to the Turks. He cried out in anger,
'Let him who has any honesty or courage in his
heart follow me, and I will afterwards reward him.'
Indeed, Miillern and Feif and many others had al-
ready given themselves up quietly. Charles now
found himself in the camp, and with a body of about
twenty men tried to fight his way back to his house,
which, as we have before seen, was a kind of citadel.
The enemy pressed around him and endeavoured to
prevent him, but Charles made a road for himself
and reached the house, the Turks sparing him from
their anxiety to take him alive.
As he got ofi" his horse a Janissary caughthold of the
cuff of his enormous glove, and Charles freed himself
by such an eflfort that the glove was torn and the
King fell backwards to the ground. The Janissaries
THE KALABALIK 271
threw themselves upon him to seize him, but two of
his body-guard, his famous trabants. Axel Roos and
Olaf Aberg, cast themselves before him and protected
him with their bodies. The Swedes were driven
away for the moment, the King was set on his legs,
and General Hard tried to get him into the house.
At this moment a wounded Janissary fired his pistol
at the King. The shot singed and grazed his eye-
brows, the tip of his nose, and one of his ears ; indeed,
if the King had not happened to turn his head just
at the lucky moment, it would have pierced his skull.
As it was, it struck Hard's arm so that he fell down
bleeding, and was taken prisoner.
Charles now managed to reach the steps to the
ante-chamber. As soon as he entered it. Axel Roos
sprang back to bolt the door ; but the King said,
* Wait a moment ! first see what the Turks are
going to do.'
Roos begged him not to delay any longer, and, when
he saw the King preparing to return to the charge,
he caught hold of his belt and held him fast. Charles
unfastened the buckle in front, the belt gave way,
and he rushed upon the enemy. Roos, however,
seized him round the body, crying, ' 1 won't let go
of your Majesty again,' and with the help of two
other Swedes brought him into the house.
The defence of this building had been entrusted
272 CHARLES XII
to a gan-ison of twenty-eight, but when the camp
was taken the Turks pressed on to it in large num-
bers, knowing that it must be the chief object of their
attack. A part of the defenders oiFered no resistance,
and the Janissaries broke in through the -windows
and began to loot, especially in the spacious hall
where the King's famous silver service was stored
in large chests. One by one all the rooms were
plundered, except that of the Court-Marshal Diiben,
in which twenty-one Swedes had taken refuge and
now opened the door for the King.
The garrison now consisted of forty-two besides
Charles — six officers, six servants, and thirty soldiers.
Charles first passed in review this small body of faith-
ful friends, and then exhorted them to be courageous
in the coming struggle. He then had the door
opened which led into the next room, and advanced
at the head of his Swedes. The room was full of
Janissaries and Tartars, but the Swedes shot and
slashed about them with such desperate courage that
in a few minutes the enemy had either escaped by the
windows or been killed. Close to this room was the
great hall, where several hundred Janissaries were
employed in appropriating everything of value.
Nevertheless, Charles determined to open the door.
A hotly-contested fight ensued, and the room was
so full of smoke that the combatants could only dis-
THE KALABALIK 273
tinguisli each other by theu' legs. The King was
for a moment separated from his companions, and
three Janissaries did their best to take him prisoner,
but he managed to kill two of them. The third,
terrified at the death of his friends, tried to cut the
King down, but a trabant intercepted the blow
with his heavy glove, and it was also broken on the
King's thick fur cap. The King also warded off a
similar blow from a Turk, but was Avounded in his
hand. Then another Janissary rushed at the King,
seized him by the neck, and pressed him against the
wall. Just at this moment Charles saw General
Hard's cook with a pistol in his hand, gave him a
signal, and the cook shot the Janissary down.
Charles then killed the Janissary who had nearly
killed him, and at length succeeded in reaching
his retainers, and in driving all the Turks out of
the great hall.
The defenders now made for the King's bed-cham-
ber, but the plunderers had withdrawn and only two
Turks were seen in it. They fled for safety into a
corner, and Charles ran them through with a single
thnist. A third was eventually found who had
crawled under the bed. He was dragged out, but
casting away his arms threw himself at the King's
feet, and begged for pardon. Charles spared his life,
on the condition that he should tell the Seraskier
T
274 CHARLES XII
what lie had seen, and helped him with his own
hands to escape through the window.
The house was eventually entirely cleared of the
assailants, but twenty corpses lay stark in the differ-
ent rooms, and the garrison were reduced to thirty-
two men. Charles posted them at the several win-
dows, with instructions as to how they should con-
duct themselves. Their numbers were increased by
some Swedes who had retired from the Chancery
buildings when they were captured by the Tartars,
and had entered through the windows. Charles
again exhorted them to a brave resistance, and pro-
mised that if they could hold out till four in the
morning, they would purchase peace, and gain re-
nown which would astonish the whole world. The
fight was continued %vith musket-firing at a distance,
in which the assailants naturally sufi'ered more than
the defenders. Charles searched the uniforms of the
fallen, and distributed the cartridges he found in
them amongst his men. Then, hearing that the
Turks had again forced themselves into Diiben's
room, he rushed thither, and would have been lost if
the faithful Roos had not followed him and set him
free. Charles wiped the blood from his face, and
allowed Roos to bind up his wounded hand ; they
both returned to the large hall, where some Turks
were endeavouring to pass in through the windows,
THE KALABALIK 275
but they wer© soon repulsed. The garrison was
suflfering agonies of thirst, and Charles with great
difficulty procured them a supply of brandy, Avhich
refreshed them for the moment.
It was now between four and five in the afternoon.
Charles had not only been able to expel the Turks
from his house, but had kept them at bay for three
hours. The assailants had been contemplating for
some time setting the house on fire, but they were
afraid of destroying the booty which yet awaited them.
But at last the Khan and the Seraskier lost patience,
and came to the conclusion that no other course was
possible. The Tartars enveloped the points of their
arms in tow dipped in spirits, and shot them upon the
roof of the King's house, which being covered with
shingles was soon in a blaze. The Turks had also
heaped up hay and wood and other inflammable ma-
terial at the side of the house, so that the fire soon
caught the beams on which the roof rested. All
efforts to put the fire out or to prevent it from spread-
ing were in vain, and there being no water they
poured brandy on the flames, which only made mat-
ters worse. The Tiu-ks fired upon the Swedes who
were endeavouring to extinguish the flames, and
killed some of them. The heat at last became intense,
and the fire caught the staircase. Charles and his
followers threw their coats over their heads and rushed
T 2
276 CHARLES XII
into the hall, and it is said that the King was so
consumed by thirst that he actually drank a glass of
wine, which he had never been known to do before.
The Swedes were now on the ground floor ; the
Turks exclaimed,
'Allah! Allah! will the Bang allow him and his
people to burn, or can they stand the fire like
salamanders ?'
The floor of the middle story now began to fall in
upon the Swedes below, and caused injuries. Charles
being pressed to give in, replied,
' No ! it is better for us to defend ourselves as brave
men to our last breath, and gain undying glory by
our bravery, than to surrender ourselves to the enemy
in order to live a little longer. There is no immediate
danger, so long as our clothes are not on fire.'
At last a piece of burning ceiling fell on Charles's
head, so they removed into the King's own bedroom,
where the roof had not, as yet, caught fire.
' Dear Roos,' said Charles, shaking his friend's
hand, ' let us defend ourselves here with what remains
of our forces, till all comes to an end.'
The fire now seized their clothes, and the Turks
fired through the windows. Charles was so angry
that he tore a musket from a carabineer and shot a
Turk dead with his own hands ; he then stood at the
window and offered himself as a mark. The King
THE KALABALIK 277
was not hit, but a ball struck the devoted Roos, and
he fell back senseless into his master's arms. The
fire at last made its way into the chamber, the door
was alight, the roof began to fall, and the heat was
insupportable. Charles, however, was apparently
ready rather to die than to surrender.
Roos now proposed that they should try to reach
the Chancery buildings, which had as yet escaped the
flames, so the doors were burst open, and Charles,
with a sword in one hand and a pistol in the other,
rushed from the burning house. He had only gone
a few steps when he was tripped up by his enormous
spurs, and fell faltering to the ground. Immediately
a mass of Janissaries threw themselves upon him, they
wrenched his weapons from his hands and took him
prisoner, some of them tearing off pieces of his uniform
as a sign that they had won their eight ducats. No
sooner was this done than Charles became quite tame,
he made no attempt at resistance, and expressed his
pleasure that he had fallen into the hands of the Jan-
issaries rather than into those of the Turks. The
struggle had lasted till seven in the evening and it had
long been dark. Fifteen Swedes had been killed in
the conflict, and the Turkish loss was at least three
hundred, of whom about ten had been killed by
Charles himself. We need not be surprised that the
King was not shot dead on pui-pose, because the
278 CHARLES XII
Turks had been exhorted to spare liim ; but it is strange
that, with all his wilful self-exposure, he should not
have been killed by accident ; and it speaks well for
the discipline of the Turks, and the respect which
he inspired amongst the Janissaries.
Thus ended the Kalabalik. It is difficult to pro-
nounce a judgment upon it. Standing by itself it
does not increase Charles's fame nor add to his dig-
nity. There is indeed something grotesque and
even absurd about the whole proceeding. The
best excuse that can be made is, that Charles had
good reason to believe that if he went away of his
free will he should fall into the hands of the enem}'
whom he most hated and despised, and that he con-
sidered any fate preferable to that. A richly-capari-
soned horse had been prepared for the royal prisoner's
use. Charles rode first to the Turkish camp, where
he distributed some ducats amongst the Janissaries.
He then entered the tent of the Seraskier, and was
invited to take a seat ; but he refused, and strode
up and down the room. The Seraskier asked him
why he had done all this, and whether it would not
have been better undone ; upon which the King
smiled, and said that he was sorry it had not lasted
longer, and that if it were to be done again he
would not get him at so cheap a rate.
It was now night, and the ride to Bender was
THE KALABALIK 279
accomplished with a guard of Turkish officers and
Janissaries, the Seraskier heading the march. When
they arrived at the Seraskier's house the King was
led into a room ready prepared for him. He tore off
his cap which had been cut in two, threw himself on
a couch, and asked for drink, upon which they gave
him sherbet and water. He drank some water, and
fell fast asleep just as he was. His appearance was
indeed peculiar ; his clothes were torn and covered
with blood, his left hand was wounded, his nose
grazed, his eyebrows burned entirely away, and his
face so blackened by smoke and powder that he
could scarcely be recognized. After a good sleep of
some six hom-s he woke up at three in the morning,
dirty, battle-stained, and ragged, but as serene and
happy as if nothing remarkable had occurred.
It took about a Aveek to complete the arrangements
for Charles's departure. No one appeared to know
where he was going, some said to Salonica, others to
Adi'ianople. For many reasons, and among them
perhaps from fear that he might be betrayed, Charles
had feigned illness, and had somewhat delayed his
journey. He now came out of the Seraskier's house
enveloped in a cloak, and entered the carriage pre-
pared for him. His sword was retm-ned to him, but
he threw it out of the window, saying that as a pris-
oner he had no right to wear it. Grothusen, Miillern,
280 CHARLES XII
and Feif accompanied him. Two hundred Turkish
cavalry led the way with bands of music. Jeffries
«aw him lying in a Turkish waggon, drawn by four
horses, about a hundred Swedes, without swords or
pistols, following on sorry nags. He says, ' I cannot
express what a melancholy spectacle this was to me,
who had formerly seen the Prince in his greatest
glory, and a terror almost to all Europe, now to see
him fallen so low and to be the scorn and derision of
Turks and Infidels.' Just at this time King Stanislaus
had arrived at Jassy, bringing news of a combination
between Prussia, Saxony, and Poland against Peter,
and asking for leave from Charles to resign the crown.
Charles received a dispatch to this effect just as he
was setting out, but replied angrily to Fabricius,
' Tell Stanislaus, as soon as you see him, that if he
will not remain King of Poland I will choose another
in his place.'
The royal train resumed its progress, no one know-
ing whither they were going. The Swedish ministers
were wretchedly clothed, and had no money to pm*-
chase new suits. They were much dejected, although
Charles did his best to set an example of cheerful-
ness. Whenever he left his carriage he was carried
on a mattress, with his cap drawn over his face to
escape the inquiring gaze of the Turks. The Sultan
had apparently not determined where the place of
THE KALABALIK 281
Charles's detention should be ; Salonica had the ad-
vantage that he could easily take ship to France and
thence to Sweden, Crete was also mentioned, or an
island in the Cyclades. If he was to be kept in pri-
son, Nicomedia in Asia Minor w;as suggested as a
suitable spot, but any such idea was strongly opposed
by the French ambassador, who Imew how to main-
tain the dignity of crowned heads. At last Charles
was taken to Adrianople, and from there to the neigh-
bouring palace of Demotika ; at a later period quarters
were found for him in the Castle of Demurtasch, the
Castle of the Iron Rock. Here he arrived on April
^0, 1713, and was received with all honour.
282
CHAPTER XX.
THE FATE OF STENBOCK.
We must now turn our attention to events of a very
different character which had happened durmg the
imprisonment of Charles in Turkey. In August, 1711,
the King of Denmark invaded Sweden from the side
of Norway, which at that time belonged to him. The
expedition was carried out with no vigour or energy,
and when his troops had remained for some time in
the coimtry they rethed without even having seen
the enemy. In the middle of August, in the same
year, another Danish army of twenty-five thousand
men marched from Holstein into Mecklenburg. They
first set down before Wismar, which at that time
belonged to Sweden, and is even now only held
by Mecklenburg under a mortgage which expires
in 1903. Afterwards a large portion of them
were sent to Stralsund, that famous fortress which
Wallenstein, in the Thirty Years' War, declared
he would take even if it were fastened by chains to
THE FATE OF STENBOCK 283
lieaveu, but from wliicli he was obliged to retire
discomfited. Here were assembled in the middle of
September a motley group of forty-five thousand
soldiers, Saxons, Russians, and Danes, who were em-
ployed in di-awing lines of investments round the
fortress which they had at present no means of be-
sieging. They were also prevented by internal dis-
sensions from any united or vigorous action. On the
other hand, the Swedes were able to throw into the
fortress a reinforcement of three thousand five hmi-
dred men.
For a whole year matters remained in Pomerania
much in the same condition. Stralsund was still
blockaded by an army of Saxons, Russians, and Danes,
but their number had been reduced to sixteen thou-
sand, and the siege material had not yet an-ived. In
May, 1712, the Russian troops which Peter had been
obliged to withdraw from Poland came into Pomer-
ania, and encamped before Stettin ; but at a later
period they took before Stralsund the place of the
Danes who went to Wismar. The Danish army was
also employed in besiegmg the fortress of Stade,
which lies between Hambrng and Cuxhaven, and
with an invasion of Bremen which Frederick IV. Avas^
anxious to wrest fi-om the Swedes.
Stenbock, who in the absence of Charles had the
main direction of military affairs in Sweden, found
284 CHARLES XII
great difficulty in getting together a sufficient army.
During the campaigns of Charles XII., Sweden had
suffered but little, and had been asked for few sacri-
fices. Between the years 1700-1709 the Swedish
army under Charles did not probably take more than
twenty thousand men from the country ; and now,
when it was necessary to provide men and money
for national purposes, there was great discontent.
When the army had at last been got together, the
Danes proposed to dispute their passage, which caused
further delay, and it was not till September 5, 1712,
that Stenbock went to Stralsund to make prepara-
tions for the reception of the troops and the war
material which were expected. At last, on September
28, the Swedish transports, with a protecting guard
of men of war, appeared off the island of Riigen,
where some of their freight was disembarked. The
Danes were, however, close at hand, and they attacked
the Swedish fleet whilst it was engaged in this oper-
ation, captured some ships, destroyed others, and put
the rest to flight.
The larger part of the troops, about ten thousand
men, had been fortunately landed, but very little of
the provisions. Stenbock, therefore, determined to
remain in Riigen for some time to await the arrival
of fresh transports, but finding his supplies fail he
was obliged to remove to Stralsund. He remained
here for some months, and when he had thoroughly
THE FATE OF STEXBOCK 285
refreshed his ti-oops and filled up their gaps, he
marched out of the fortress on November 1, with a
force of about fourteen thousand men, leaving two
thousand soldiers behind him to strengthen the gar-
rison. His intention was to proceed into Mecklen-
burg, and to remain in the neighbourhood of Wismar
until the expected reinforcements had arrived. To
do this he had to cross the river Reckenitz, the pas-
sage of which was defended by a detachment of
Saxons and Russians who had entrenched themselves.
On November 3, he overcame this opposition, took
Rostock, and fixed his head-quarters at Schwaan,
about eight miles distant. The allied Saxons and
Russians, under the personal command of Augustus
and Peter, established themselves with twenty thou-
sand men in Giistrow, about the same distance to the
south.
The armies remained here doing nothing till
December, and Stenbock took the opportunity of
opening negotiations with Augustus for a separate
peace between Sweden and Saxony, and on Decem-
ber 1 concluded an armistice for fourteen days. About
a fortnight later Stenbock received infoiination that a
body of Danish troops, which had been posted in Hol-
stein, and had hitherto occupied itself with plunder-
ing Hamburg, had now advanced into Mecklenburg.
He immediately broke up his camp and marched in
a westerly direction to Gadebusch, between Liibeck
286 CHARLES XII
and Schwerin, and on December 15 mot the Danes
who had come there the same day. The Danish army
consisted of about twelve thousand men, and was
commanded by General Scholten. A camp had been
formed to the west of Gadebusch, and there they
awaited the attack of the Swedes. Stenbock, instead
of attacking the Danish army in front, manoeuvred
to outflank them, and with this object marched in a
southerly direction, and on the evening of December
18 reached Brlitz, about six miles south-east of
Gadebusch.
Early on tke morning of December 30, 1712, the
Danish army left its camp and took up a position
about two miles south-east of the town, at the village
of Wackenstedt. The right flank was covered by a
morass and a wood, which prevented the necessary
extension of the line of battle, so that Scholten deter-
mined to draw up his forces, both cavalry and infan-
try, in five lines. He placed his thirteen guns in the
rear. During the course of the evening thirty- two
squadrons of Saxon cavalry, under the command of
Flemming, came up from Schwerin. They were very
unwisely placed between the last line of cavalry and
the first of the infantry.
The SAvedish army consisted of fourteen thousand
men, with thirty-two guns. The battle began about
mid-day, by a severe artillery fire directed against
THE FATE OF STENBOCK 287
the dense masses of the enemy. The artillery was
served in a new fashion. Instead of being limbered
and unlimbered, which necessitated turning them
round, they were drawn forward by ropes, with their
mouths to the enemy, which saved a great deal of
time. The firing was also quickened by the use of
cartridges. By these means the Danish guns were
soon silenced, and their troops suffered great loss be-
fore the battle really began. While this was going
on, Stenbock was drawing up his troops for the
attack. The centre consisted of two lines, each
formed of six battalions, and on each side of the
centre were placed three battalions in columns to
protect the flanks from the cavalry of the enemy.
The Swedish cavalry were posted in deep columns
on the wings, with orders to extend to the side
whenever opportunity should offer.
After the artillery fire had lasted for an hour, the
Swedish right wing advanced to the charge. Schol-
ten now saw the mistake he had made in placing his
cavalry in front of his infantry, and he summoned up
some infantry regiments from the rear line. But be-
fore they could take their position, the shock of the
Swedish charge occurred, and the Danes fled in dis-
order, carrying the Saxon contingent with them,
although they had not been directly attacked. King
Frederick IV. naiTOwly escaped being taken prisoner.
288 CHARLES XII
When the Swedisli centre reached their point of at-
tack, the Danish infantry had already taken up tlieir
position. They held their ground for a space, but
were eventually driven back by the Swedish cavalry.
The efforts of the Swedish left were less successful,
they found themselves opposed by the hea^'y infantry
fire af the Danes, and when they turned in flight
they were pursued by the Danish cavalry. In fact,
the whole of the Swedish left wing would have been
throAvn into confusion unless order had been restored
by Stenbock sending up some fresh cavalry regiments
to support it.
The beaten Danish army attempted to recover itself
on the rolling and broken ground behind the village
of Wackenstedt, but was pursued by Stenbock, who
had now concentrated his forces. The victory of the
Swedes was complete ; they had lost only fifteen hun-
dred men, whereas the Danes had lost nearly six thou-
sand. All the same, the position of Stenbock was not
as favourable as he could have wished. He had
entered Germany with the view of pressing on
into Poland, and giving his hand to his master
Charles. But now he had only ten thousand fight-
ing troops left, and only twenty-miles off" — at Cri-
witz — was posted a combined force of Saxons and
Russians of double the strength. If he desired to
profit by his victory at Gadebusch, he must attack
\
THE FATE OF STENBOCK 289
the allies before the moral effect of the victory had
worn off, and before the Danes had been able to
receive reinforcements. But Criwitz lay due east of
Gadebusch, and to march there would take him
away from his base and his source of supplies, and
the further he retreated the worse his position would
become. On the other hand, if he were to force the
allies to a battle and defeat them he could not march
into Poland, for any effectual pm-pose, -with only ten
thousand men. He had therefore only one resource,
to wait for reinforcements from Sweden. He went
himself to Wismar where he looked anxiously for
the transports, seeing with despair the ice forming
every day thicker on the shore of the harbour,
whilst his troops were suffeiing terribly from storm
and cold. It is now obvious that the only safe
course would have been to retire to Stralsund, and
to wait for the spiing and for reinforcements, but he
could scarcely have seen at the time that so strong
a step was necessary.
Unfortunately, Stenbock chose another com'se,
and advanced into Holstein, expecting to find there
comfortable winter quarters. He was influenced to
this course by the advice of Count Wellingk, Swedish
Ambassador at Hamburg, who believed that Charles
was invading Poland with a large force. This,
Wellingk thought, would cause the retreat of the
U
290 CHARLES XII
allies, and then Stenbock would only have to deal
with the Danes themselves. The information was
singularly opposed to the truth. At this moment
Charles was fortifying his camp at Bender, and
doing his best to avoid or rather to defer his capture
by the Turks. The Danes showed the falsity of
Stenbock's hopes, by marching in front of him and
joining the allied forces at Criwitz, whence on
.January 1, 1713, they all set out towards the Elbe.
Stenbock now knew that his position was unten-
able ; he therefore crossed the Eider in order to
protect himself by that river, and took measures to
make the advance of the enemy as difficult as possi-
ble. He now committed a great and startling act
of cruelty and barbarism, which brought him no
advantage. The town of Altona had given great
assistance to the allies, as it was natural that it
should, and Stenbock believed, or feigned to believe,
that large supplies of provisions were stored up in
it. Therefore he determined to destroy it. He laid
upon it a contribution of one hundred thousand
thalers, well knowing that it was beyond the power
of the inhabitants to pay it. The magistrates brought
half the demanded sum, and begged on their knees
that time might be given them to raise the rest.
Stenbock refused to listen, and on the same night the
whole of this unhappy town was given to the flames.
THE FATE OF STENBOCK 291
'Stenbock now moved northwards, and on Janu-
4iry 19 crossed the Eider and took up a position at
Friedrichstadt on the Treene, a town founded by
Dutch Remonstrants in the early part of the seven-
teenth century. If Stenbock hoped by marching to
■fche north to emulate the exploit of Charles X., and
eventually to get an opportunity of crossing the ice
to Copenhagen, he was bitterly disappointed, be-
cause a thaw set in at the end of Januaiy.
In the meantime the allied forces continued to
advance, and on January 24, 1713, their advanced
guard imder General Bauer attacked the advanced
posts of the Swedes and drove them back over the
Treene, after a stout resistance. Stenbock recog-
nised that his position was indefensible, and deter-
mined to retreat to the fortress of Tonning, situated
on the North Sea at the mouth of the Eider. The
government of Holstein-Gottorp had given him per-
mission to occvipy this place, and he believed that
from it he could open commmiications with Sweden,
receive reinforcements and provisions, and in case of
extreme necessity fall back upon the support of the
Swedish fleet.
However, before he had time to carry this into
effect, on Februaiy 12, 1713, the very day of the
Kalabalik, the allies attacked Stenbock at Friedrich-
stadt, and defeated him, nearly cutting off his retreat
U2
292 CHARLES XII
to Tomiiiig. He was, however, able to reach this
place of refuge with a portion of his troops. But
his position was desperate. He was cooped up in a
small space where he could not remain long. Ton-
ning was badly furnished with supplies, and could
not contain the whole Swedish army, even in its
present diminished state. Besides, Stenbock could not
bear the idea of being beleaguered, and was anxious
to obtain more liberty of movement. He therefore
made an attempt to take his troops across the Eider,
and to march into Mecklenburg. To this end, on
January 19 he collected all his forces at Tonning,
and began to ship them across the river. The work
was slow, and hardly a fifth part had been able to
ci'oss when a violent storm arose which put a stop
to the operations. As soon as the allies saw what
was going on, it was easy for them to prevent it ;
indeed, if Stenbock had been able to cross, he
would certainly have found himself in the presence of
a hostile army of treble his strength.
The fruit was now ripe, but the allies were in no
hurry to pluck it. All attempts of Stenbock to
cross over were repulsed with overwhelming
strength. He hoped to obtain reinforcements from
Sweden, but they could not arrive till the month of
May, and they would then be too late. The awaited
attack took place at last on April 2Q, and Sten-
THE FATE OF STENBOCK 293
iDOck was driven back into tlie fortress with the loss
of the greater part of his cavalry horses. The reg-
ular siege began on May 4, and on May 16 he was
obliged to capitulate. The Swedes purchased their
freedom by a heavy ransom, and Tonning was given
up to the government of Holstein-Gottorp. The
Swedish government paid the money and sent ships
to carry off Stenbock and his army. But, as the
money passed through the hands of Count Wellingk, he
kept it for the strengthening of the Pomeranian for-
tresses, and Stenbock and his troops were treated as
prisoners of war. Stenbock was carried to Copen-
Jiagen, where he was at first well treated, but having
made attempts to escape was confined in the citadel,
where he died on February 23, 1717. The greater
number of the Swedish troops were persuaded to
enter foreign service, and Sweden thus lost an
excellent army of ten thousand men.
So ends one of the most pathetic stories in military
history. The combined army of Saxons and Russians
left the Schleswig-Holstein duchies in June, the
Saxons marching to Stralsund, the Russians to
Stettin, which after a siege of five weeks was now
nearing its fall. The commandant. General Meyer-
feldt, was well aware that the other powers could
not wish to see so important a fortress fall into the
liands of Russia, so he opened negotiations with the
294 CHARLES XII
Prussians as to the possibility of making some ar-
rangements. By the diplomacy of Count Gorz, the
minister of Holstein, who at a later period had so-
much influence with Charles, an arrangement was-
made by which Stettin received a garrison of two
Prussian and two Swedish battalions, the latter of
which were to be in the service of Holstein-Gottorp.
This led to the retreat of the Russians under Peter,
who desired at this moment to be directing his atten-
tion to the conquest of Finland. All eyes were now
turned upon Stralsund. The fortress was commanded
by General Diicker, who had fought so well at Gade-
busch. Reinforcements, long expected, arrived from
Sweden at last, and the Saxons were driven back
from the assault, after which they went into %vinter
quarters.
295
CHAPTER XXI.
THE king's RroE.
Demurtasch was a magnificent and well-kept Im-
perial palace, smTounded by a large park with flower-
gardens and fomitains. The water was, however,
chalky and the surroimding neighbourhood marshy,
which caused disease amongst the northern visitors
and occasionally death. From the time he left Bender
on February 17, 1713, to the evening of Christmas
Eve in the same year, Charles lay constantly and mi-
intemiptedly in bed. It is difficult to find a reason
for this. For some part of the time he was undoubt-
edly ill, but during the longer portion perfectly well.
The reason is given that he feared assassination, but
his foolhardy courage was proverbial, and if he ex-
pected danger he was more likely to seek than to
avoid it. By this expedient he escaped visitors and
visiting, and this may have been a material advan-
tage. The best explanation is that he felt himself
29G CHARLES XII
in a false position, beaten and to some extent dis-
honoured. He was conscious of being a king, but
was not sure that he should be treated as one, hence
he would offer to no one the opportunity of insulting
him. Further, we must take note of his eccentric
obstinacy, of his persistence in continuing a course
upon which he had once entered, of his apparent love
of idleness after periods of feverish activity, and last-
ly, of that strain of madness which was not entirely
absent from his character.
At any rate he got up as little as possible, and only,
when his bed had to be made, threw himself upon a
neighbourmg sofa. His dinner-table, laid for eight,
was placed close to his bed-side. The day was spent
in the usual romid of business, correspondence, and
morning and evening prayers, but affairs of state
occupied but little of his thoughts. Communications
with Sweden were rare, and foreign powers seemed
to devote but small attention to him. He played a
good deal of chess, and his servant, Hultmann, told
him stories of Vikings. He was comparatively poor.
The silver dinner-service had disappeared in the
confusion of the Kalabalik, and the court had to
content itself Avith pewter or tin. Everyone was
of course anxious to get a glimpse of the captured
lion, but Charles would never allow himself to be
seen. A favovu-ed few were occasionally smuggled
THE KING'S RIDE 297
into the King's chamber, and permitted to look at
Mm through a hole in a screen. It Avas said that
^ven the Sultan availed himself of this opportunity
in the dress of a Janissary, but that is probably a
fable. For five weeks out of the forty-three in which
he lay in bed he was really ill, which is not altogether
to be wondered at.
In April, 1713, just after the King's arrival, the
Grand Vizier came to Adi'iauople. He had a
magnificent tent pitched in the neighbourhood of
Demurtasch, and sent to ask Charles whether he
would pay him a visit. His pride was offended that
a sovereign like himself should be expected to pay
a visit to a subject, and no representatives could
induce him to consent. The Vizier sent a second
time, saying that he wished to discuss a project for
the retm-n of Charles to his country and the re-estab-
lishment of King Stanislaus. The King replied that
he and his suite had no proper clothes to appear in,
but that he should be very glad if the Vizier would
visit him. Miillem and Feif in vain urged him to
give way, and not to anger the great man by a re-
fusal. Charles said nothuig, but wrote in General
Hard's pocket-book two Latin lines t« this effect :
' Of this be certain, if you fight with muck,
Conquering or conquered, some of it has stuck.'
As soon as the interpreter returned with Charles's
298 CHARLES XII
answer, the Grand Yizier broke up liis camp and went
off.
The feelings of the Porte towards Charles under-
went various changes during this period. At first
opinion ran strongly in his favour, from the natural
admiration of the Turks for so great a warrior, and
also from the undisguised partiality of the ladies of
the harem towards the Swedish Lion. This feeling
rose to its height after the victory of Gadebusch.
Then came the defeat and captivity of Stenbock,
and the destruction of his army, as well as the entire
loss of the Baltic provinces. Also the great war of
the Spanish Succession was now at an end, so that
the Emperor was free to act against the Turks if he
pleased to do so. The sea powers, also, were especi-
ally anxious to prevent a conflict between Turkey
and Russia, which might lead to a general conflagra-
tion. So in August, 1713, the peace between the
two powers was renewed and definitely ratified, and
under these circumstances it was impossible that
Charles should continue to reside in Turkish territory.
The difficulty was how to get rid of him, and the
Grand Vizier could find no better way than by dis-
missing the Swedish Ambassador from Constanti-
nople, and cutting down the supplies for the King's
maintenance.
It is not our purpose to deal at length with the
THE KING'S RIDE 290
situation of European politics, or ■witla the various
attempts wliicli were made to induce Charles to make
peace. His answer was always tlie same, that he
would not sun-ender a foot of Swedish territory, nor
return home except at the head of an army, nor
would he even recognize Augustus as King of Poland.
It is said that, when he was brought with the great-
est difficulty to contemplate the possibility of a
settlement with the enemy against whom he had
striven for thirteen long years, the conditions which
he proposed were altogether impossible of acceptance,
or even of consideration. Augustus was to remain
King of Poland, but to grant to Stanislaus also the
title of King with the right of succession to the
throne, as well as an appanage of thirty thousand
pounds a year and an immediate payment of fifteen
thousand pounds. The supporters of Stanislaus
were to have a complete amnesty ; Augustus Avas not
only to give up his alliance with Russia, but to join
Sweden in war against that country, with a view of
recovering all that she had conquered from Sweden,
together with a pecuniary compensation ; Denmark
was also to restore what she had taken from Holstein-
Gottorp and from Sweden, also with compensation.
Terms such as these might have been imposed by a
triumphant conqueror, but could not be listened to
when coming from a defeated captive. Stanislaus,
300 CHARLES XII
also, absolutely refused to draw his sword for the
recovery of his crown, and Charles generously estab-
lished him in his own hereditary principality of
Zweibriicken.
Still the return of Charles could not be much longer
delayed if he wished to keep his crown, for discon-
tent in Sweden was rising to a dangerous height.
The condition of that country was indeed most dis-
tressing. Livonia, Esthonia, Ingria, Carelia, and half
of Finland had been captured by Russia, Stenbock
with fifteen thousand Swedish soldiers had been lost
at Tunning, Pomerania was being overrun by a
crowd of enemies, Prussians, Saxons, Danes, and
Russians, and at any moment a Russian fleet might
threaten Stockholm. The Swedes were decimated
by constant losses in war, and ground down by
oppressive taxes, while they believed their King to
be either mad or dead, or at best a life-long prisoner
amongst the unbelievers. Discontent was universal
in all classes, high and low, and the only solution
seemed to be in choosing another ruler. Later in
o
the year Stettin was captured by the allies, Abo by
the Russians, while southern Finland seemed about
to suffer the fate of its northern half. In December,
1713, Arved Horn wrote to Charles that nothing could
.save Sweden but his return or a miracle.
It is curious that during the sojourn of Charles in
THE KING'S RIDE 801
Turkey, nowithstaiiding his simplicitr of life, and
the comparative generosity of the Turks, his debts
shoukl have been very large. In 1713, they amounted
to one hundred and sixty-five thousand pounds, and
he tried to borrow money from all possible sources.
These debts were not paid until long after his death.
In 1737 the Swedish government voted one hundred
and fifty thousand pounds to Turkey for this purpose,
and in 1747 there was still a large sum OAving to a
merchant who resided in Paris. Charles mounted
his horse for the first time since the Kalabalik on
January 1, 1714, and resumed his long rides morning
and evening, but he could not longer indulge in his
former state, and it is said that Miillern, the foreign
secretary, had to do the cooking for the King and
his suite.
It was necessary to inform Charles of what was
passing in Sweden, and at Christmas-tide, 1713, a
certain Baron Lieven was despatched for this pur-
pose, and with great difficulty reached Demotika, to
which place Charles had been removed from Demm--
tasch, in March, 1 714. He told Charles that the estates
had met and offered the regency to his sister, Princess
Ulrica Eleanora, that she was very unwilling to accept
it, but that she would be compelled to do so unless
Charles came back. Charles was at last persuaded
to consent, but two difficulties stood in the way.
302 CHARLES XII
how to find money for his journey, and how to
provide for his personal safety. Charles at first
wished to travel by way of Poland, but for that he
would req[uire an escort of several thousand men.
The Porte was unwilling to do more than it had done
already, and as a last resource Grothusen was sent as
an ambassador to Constantinople. Every effort had
been made to equip him in a worthy manner, and
his suite numbered seventy-two persons. The Sultan
and the Grand Vizier were not inclined to listen to
arguments until they became convinced that Charles
was serious in his desire to depart, and they refused
to consent to his travelling through Poland. Dis-
cussions connected with the embassy took a long
time, and it was not till the middle of September
that the envoy returned to Demotika. Peter had
utilised the interval by seizing the Aland islands,
and taking possession of northern Finland.
At last on October 1, 1714, at ten o'clock in the
morning, Charles mounted his horse to return to his
own country. A large crowd had assembled to see
him depart, and as he rode through their ranks cries
were heard of 'Allah, save the Swedish King.'
They reached the neighbourhood of Demurtasch in
the evening, and here Charles received a present
from the Grand Vizier of a magnificent travelling
tent, eight Arabian horses, and a sabre set with
THE KING'S RIDE 303
jewels. All Charles could give in return was a fur
coat, which he had to borrow from Grothusen. He
stayed here three days, and set out northwards at
two in the morning, travelling by torchlight. He
reached Pitesti, in Walachia, on October 19, a town
near the spot where the Turkish frontier marches
with the Austrian. His money had now come to an
end, and he found himself in great embanassment,
so he sent one of his body-guard to raise funds in
Transylvania. At Pitesti he was joined by some
Swedish troops who remained behuid at Bender.
Charles decided to get rid of his large following,
and to march through Germany imkno'^m, with as
small a number of companions as possible. He fixed
the number at twenty-six, and chose them in the
following remarkable manner. He established three
tests of horsemanship: first, to pick up a fallen glove
from the ground, both at the trot and at the gallop ;
then to catch a glove in a similar manner, thrown
into the air, and if it fell to pick it up again ; lastly,
to ride at full speed through one of the naiTow
stone doors leading into the vineyards. It is said
that whilst Charles himself was perfomung this act
of skill, his horse, being rather fat, stuck in the
doorway, and could only be extricated by pulling
down the wall. It may be imagined that all this
caused much amusement, and passed the time until
304 CHARLES XII
the wished-for funds amved. Out of the twenty-
six thus selected Charles chose two to accompany
him, General von Rosen and Lieutenant-Colonel
During ; the remaining twenty-four were to follow
at a day's interval. The rest of the troops were to
march in the usual manner through eastern Ger-
many to Stralsund.
The three travellers assumed false names and
journeyed as Swedish officers, Charles taking the
name of Peter Frisch. He disguised himself with a
black wig and a brown coat. They left Pitesti on
November 6, each leading a spare horse by the
bridle. They had the most extraordinary adven-
tures. They lost themselves in a wood, and wan-
dered all night leading their horses. Charles dis-
covered that Rosen was very like what he had
been himself in his younger days, so he left him
behind with orders to follow at four hours' interval.
At last, crossing the mountain by torchlight, they
arrived at Hermannstadt on the road to Klausen-
berg. During was knocked up, and with difficulty
recovered, while Charles himself fell ill soon after-
wards, and at Semlin he was probably recognised.
Indeed, his personality and habits were so well
known, — especially his practice, a very rare one in
those days, of drinking no wine, — that it was diffi-
cult for him to escape notice. The only remedy
THE KING'S RIDE 305
was to travel so fast that even if he were discovered
the news could not outstrip him. Through Transyl-
vania and Hungary they were obliged to use car-
riages which at least gave an opportunity for
repose.
In Germany they again mounted their horses,
and travelled from Vienna by a circuitous route by
way of Regensburg, Nuremberg, Bamberg, Wiirz-
burg, and Hanau to Cassel, carefully avoiding
Saxon territory, Charles fearing lest he should
suifer the fate of John Sobieski. It was of course
equally impossible to travel by way of Berlin. At
Frankfort, which they touched between Hanau and
Cassel, D tiling lost his cloak, which, when found,
was recognised as having belonged to Charles. It
was cut up into little bits, and sold as relics. Cassel
belonged to the Landgrave of Hesse, whose son was
engaged to be married to Charles's sister, Ulrica
Eleanora. The Landgrave had commissioned one of
his oflScers, by name Kagge, a Swede by birth, to
watch the Post-house carefully with a view of dis-
covering the King. ^Vhen the King arrived, and sat
down to dinner in the inn, Kagge placed himself at
the same table with Peter Frisch, and seemed to
recognise him. During, seeing what was afoot,
gave Charles a hint, and the King filled up a glass
of wine and drank to the brigadier's health, which
X
306 CHARLES XII
puzzled him. However, when the King had finished
his meal and had mounted his horse, he turned to
the brigadier, and said in Swedish,
' Farewell, my dear Kagge, and greet the Land-
grave for me.'
Charles at last reached Stralsund in the early
morning of November 22. He asked for entrance
at the gate, saying that he had despatches from the
King. The officer of the guard begged him to wait
till day-break, but on Charles insisting went to the
governor. Diicker had been expecting the King's
arrival, and ordered the gates to be opened, but
when he met Charles he found him so altered that he
did not recognise him ; when he knew who he was he
received him with heartfelt joy. The King was terri-
bly exhausted, having covered the fourteen hundred
and thirty miles between Pitesti and Stralsund in
sixteen days. For the last eight days he had not
removed his boots, and his feet were so swollen that
the heavy riding-boots had to be cut off. It was
some time before he recovered himself, and could
show himself abroad. We may judge better of
what he had gone through by the fact that the
Swedish troops from Bender, whom he left at Pitesti
with orders to follow him, although they travelled
by a much shorter route, did not reach Stralsund
till March 29, 1715, and were then in such a con-
dition that they were ashamed to be seen.
THE KING'S RIDE 307
Thus ended Charles's fateful sojourn in Turkey, so
•difficult to understand or to defend, and in its results
so disastrous to his countiy. The King has become
the centre of many legends among the Tm-kish people.
The ruins of his palace at Wamitza still exists, the
former abode of Schwetzky Karol, as the peasants
call him. Under the ruins is a vault which they say
is filled with Swedish treasm-e, and there also sits
the fair but enchanted daughter of the King, waiting
for her destined lover, and guarding the gold. When
he comes he will bear the treasures to Sweden, and
there receive the hand of the Princess and the suc-
cession to the Swedish cro^vn ; for Charles, they
believe, still reigns over the people for whom he
sacrificed his life and liberty.
X 2
808
CHAPTER XXII.
THE LOSS OF STRALSUND.
The joy and the enthusiasm which was roused in the
greater part of the Swedish people by the first news
of the return of Charles to Stralsund cannot be de-
scribed. The reappearance of the hero of his country
after fourteen years' absence gave rise to the most
exaggerated hopes. The mipopularity which had
begun to attach to him disappeared in one moment,
and gave place to the expectation that all the
misery and suiFering which had weighed down the
land for many years would now come to an end,
and that the blessmgs of peace would eventually be
restored to it. There were indeed good reasons for
this feeling. Charles had never bowed his head
to misfortune. In spite of his long continued ill-
luck and his protracted captivity ui a foreign land,
he had shown no weakness of character, although
he might have been blamed for obstinacy. But
THE LOSS OF STRALSUND 309
peace was far away yet, and many more sacrifices
must be borne ^vitll mitil it could be secured.
Charles declared that he was not adverse to peace,
but that he could only receive it upon honourable
conditions, and that they could not be expected unless
Sweden should exhibit a strength which would com-
mand the respect of her enemies. For this aimaments
were necessary, and for armaments money. To pro-
vide this was the first occupation of Charles in
Stralsimd, where he was assisted by Baron Gorz, a
minister of Holstein-Gottorp, whom many have be-
lieved to have been his evil genius. Charles seems
to have thought that he could conduct his financial
operations better from Stralsund than from Stock-
holm, and he was probably held back from a visit to
liis capital from his reluctance to enter it rather as a
released prisoner than as a conqueror coming home
from a victorious campaign.
Dm-ing the whole of this history we have seen
Charles and his country surrounded by enemies seek-
ing his destniction, and their number was now greater
than ever. Six stalwart foes were at war with
Sweden in the simimer of 171 (>, Russia, Poland,
Saxony, Hanover, and Denmark, and to these may
be added England. The Dutch had not declared
war, but their feelings were very mifiiendly, in con-
sequence of the operations of the Swedish privateers
310 CHARLES XII
in the Baltic and elsewhere, which the Swedish gov-
ernment were unable to put down, even if there had
been any adequate reason for their doing so. The
seas surrounduig Sweden and Denmark swarmed
with privateers, commerce became almost impossible.
Sweden suffered in this respect with other countries.
The customs received in Stockholm sank to one-
seventh of their proper amount, and English mer-
chants complained that in one single instance they
had lost ninety-six thousand pounds of merchandise
owing to the war. Charles, imable to prevent the
evil, spoke of it lightly. He said, ' Privateering is a
better business than mining, for it requires less capital
and brings in more profit ; it is better than commerce,
for it is less costly and less dangerous ; it is better
than letting lodgings, because it is less annoying. If
I lived on the Swedish coast I should soon become
rich, because I should sell house and home and be-
come a privateer.' The sea powers did not, however,
declare war, but they sent a fleet of some thirty ships
to the Baltic under Admiral Norris to convoy a mer-
chant fleet of five hundred sail, a force which
intimidated the Swedes. Norris was well received
in St. Petersburg, but coldly in Stralsund. When he
threatened Charles with an attack upon the Swedish
fleet, the King replied that in that case he should
invade Hanover.
THE LOSS OF STRALSUND 311
The cause of the war between Sweden and Prussia
was the so-called ' sequestration ' of Stettin. In
the Slimmer of 1713, an army of allied Saxons and
Russians had invaded southern Pomerania and had
taken the fortress of Stettin, and the King of Prussia
had ransomed it for a sum of four hundred thousand
thalers, on the condition that it should receive a
Prussian garrison, and that it should not be given
back to Sweden till the end of the war. Charles
was not at all inclined to surrender another portion
of his hereditary monarchy to a foreigner, nor was
he willing, or able, to produce a sum of four hundred
thousand thalers. He demanded that Stettin should
be given up to him, promising that France and Hesse
should be guarantees for the debt, and that he would
not use Stettin as a base of operations against Poland
or Saxony. The King of Prussia replied by seizing
the town of Wolgast and the island of Usedom as
advanced points of defence, and occupied both these
places with his troops. Charles, against the advice
of his minister, determined to drive them out, and the
consequence was a declaration of war and the entire
loss of Stettin to Sweden.
The breach of friendship with Hanover, and con-
sequently with England — for by this time the Elector
of Hanover had succeeded to the English throne — had
a less respectable origm. It seemed that the power
312 CHARLES XII
of the Swedes was broken, tliat even if they could
continue to survive as a nation they could not retain
their Gei-man provinces, that a partition of them was
imminent, and that, if spoil was in prospect, there
was no reason why Hanover should not have her
share. If Wolgast and Stettin were to go to Prussia,
Riigen and Pomerania north of the Peene to Den-
mark, and if so many Swedish provinces had passed
to Russia, there was no reason why Bremen and
Werden should not fall to the share of Hanover,
especially as the Elector was willing to pay a con-
siderable sum to their present occupier, the King of
Denmark. Therefore the Elector, in his capacity as
King of England, supported the Danish fleet with
eight ships of the line, and approached the Swedish
coast without firing a salute. This conduct was
excused by the loss which the English were suffer-
ing from the Swedish privateers, and from the recep-
tion which Norris had met with from Charles XII.
This piece of rudeness was shortly followed by a
declaration of war from Hanover against Sweden, in
which no sufficient reason was given, stress being
laid upon the unwillingness of Charles to make peace,
and the necessity of compelling him to do so.
Encompassed by this crowd of enemies Charles
had one friend, the aged Louis XIV., King of France,
but, weighed down by a load of years, and wearied
THE LOSS OF STRALSUND 313
by the exertions of the war of the Spanish succession,
he was not disposed to undertake new adventures m
foreign poHtics. However, in the spring of 1715, he
made a treaty ^vith Sweden, in which he promised to
pay to that coimtiy a subsidy of ninety thousand
pomids a year. Unfortunately Louis died soon after-
wards ; the money was paid for a short time by his
successor the Regent Orleans, but he was not person-
ally well disposed to Charles, and soon jomed his
adversaries. The Landgrave of Hesse, whose son
had manied the favourite sister of Charles, Ulrica
Eleanora, had promised to support him with a body
of troops, on the condition that they should not take
part in active warfare, and should retiu-n if Hesse
were threatened. But the death of Louis XIV. and
the declaration of war by Prussia frightened him, and
his troops were never sent to Stralsmid. Only one
German prince stood by Charles, Chiistian Augustus,
the admuiistrator of Holstein-Gottorp, who supplied
him Avith a force of fom* thousand men, in return for
which the Danes sequestered the adminstrator's o\sai
little principality of Eutm.
Whatever might be the ultimate object of the
allies, their attention was at present concentrated on
Stralsund, a fortress whose natural strength had been
greatly increased by the additional fortifications
designed and ordered by Charles. The toAvn is en-
814 CHARLES XII
tirely surrounded by water, and is connected with the
main land only by three causeways called the Frank-
endamm, the Knieperdamm, and the Triebseerdamm,
the town being shaped like a triangle and a cause-
way leading from each side. Charles had erected
strong defensive works before the gates leading to
these passages, and also formed an entrenched camp
about a mile from the walls. The island of Riigen
on the coast of Pomerania, and the smaller islands of
Usedom and Wollin were also fortified, to keep up
communication with Stralsund and to prevent the
enemy from using them as a base of operations
against the fortress. The sea passages to the south-
east of Stralsund were made impassable by spars and
sunken ships, and sixteen Swedish frigates were
stretched there for the defence of the harbour.
The combined army of Danes, Saxons, and Pinis-
sians stationed in Pomerania in June, 1715, amounted
to sixty thousand men, and of these about forty
thousand appeared before Stralsund on July 15.
They contented themselves by opening up trenches
against the fortress, but they would undertake noth-
ing more serious owing to the want of a siege-train,
and this did not arrive till the end of October.
Meantime steps were taken to make the approach to
the fortress easier by the removal of the defences
which Charles had been at pains to create, and in
THE LOSS OF STRALSUND 315^
this work the Danish fleet rendered excellent service.
In July and August the earthworks on the island of
Usedom were stormed, and especially the very strong-
fort of Peenamiinde, which was bravely defended by
the Swedish ganison. On August 8, there was a
sea engagement between the Danish fleet under
Admiral Raben, and the Swedish fleet mider Sparre,
in the waters of Riigen. The fleets were of nearly
equal strength and both sides claimed the victoiy,
but the Swedes sufiered such severe damage that
they were compelled to retire into the harbour of
Carlscrona. A result of this was that the English
ships lent by George I. to Hanover now joined the
Danish fleet and hoisted the Danish flag.
A more important success was gained by Admiral
Sehested, who compelled the frigates lying close to
Riigen to retire, and cleared the passage between that
island and Stralsmid, so that it was possible to efiect
a landing. King Charles himself was posted here with
a force of from five to six thousand men. For this
expedition a force of twenty-two thousand men with
twenty-foiu" guns had been prepared, which then
exceeded the number of the Swedes at least four-
fold. The troops were embarked at Greifswald,
about fifteen miles south of Stralsimd, at the begin-
ning of November, but the operation was hindered
by a violent storm, so that the fleet of fom- hmidred
316 CHARLES XII
transports on wliicli the Kings of Prussia and
Denmark "were both embarked did not sail till
November 12. A plan had been drawn up by Prince
Leopold of Anhalt-Dessau, by which the transports,
which had been collected at Ludwigsburg, a small
harbour to the east of Greifswald, and which had
the cavalry on board, should sail to Palmer Ort,
the extreme southern point of the island, and should
make a feint of landing, with the view of enticing
the Swedes to that spot. In the meantime the rest
of the fleet, with artillery and infantry, should make
for the Bay of Stresow, to the north-east of Palmer
Ort, not far from Putbus, in which the true landing
was to take place.
In spite of the stormy weather these dispositions
were punctually carried out, and the stratagem was
completely successful. Charles assembled all the
forces at his disposal at Palmer Ort, while the bulk
of the enemy's ships made sail for Stresow when the
transports were beached. The disembarkation of
the whole army was effected in two hours, and when
Charles, who had hurried away from Palmer Ort as
soon as he had discovered his mistake, arrived at
Stresow early on the following morning he found
them, to his great surprise, strongly entrenched.
Without hesitating a moment he ordered the charge,
in the hope that Cronstedt's artillery, firing quickly
THE LOSS OF STRALSUND 317
in the manner which we have before described, might
clear a path for him. He attacked the very point
at which the King of Denmark was posted, but after
reaching the dry ditch could not mount the breast-
work. Only one company of the body-guards, under
the command of Torstenson, succeeded in surmomit-
ing this obstacle and pressed into the camp. Here
he was overmastered by superior numbers, and taken
prisoner with his handful of men. At all other points
the Swedes were repulsed. The allies then left their
trenches and prepared to surround the Swedish army,
and a severe combat ensued. Charles again and
again exposed his life. A Danish cavalry officer,
who had recognized him, seized him with one hand
by the hair, and with the other tried to wrest his
sword from him crying, ' Surrender, sir, or you are a
dead man.'
But Charles drew a pistol from his holster with his
left hand and shot the Dane dead. He was again
surrounded by the enemy, and only rescued by Poni-^
atowski. At another time the King's horse was shot
under him and he fell beneath it, a spent cannon-ball
struck him in the breast and deprived him of his
senses, so that he lay there helpless, in danger of
being crushed and killed or taken prisoner. A friend
recognised him by the flash of a cannon, put him on
his own horse and carried him oflf. He was brought
back senseless to Stralsund.
318 CHARLES XII
After this the allies proceeded to besiege Stral-
sund with redoubled vigour. The entrenched camp,
of which we have before spoken, fell into their hands
on November 5. This was the result of treachery. A
Swedish lieutenant, who from some personal slight
had deserted from Stralsund, showed the besiegers a
concealed passage which led under the water to the
rear of the camp. By these means a body of two
thousand men were enabled to break through, and
after a stout resistance overpowered the garrison,
the greater number of whom were taken prisoners.
Reinforced by the troops which arrived from Riigen,
and using the entrenched camp as a base of opera-
tions, they opened trenches against the Hornwork
which defended Frankenthor, making use at the
same time of their heavy battering guns. On De-
cember 3, they had arrived within fifty feet of the
palisade which protected the covered way, whence
they began another cannonade. They got possession
of the covered way on December 5, and no efforts of
the garrison, although they were led by Charles in
person, could drive them from it.
Three days later three batteries of heavy guns
were directed against the Hornwork and silenced its
b)atteries, and next day a large breach was made in
its walls. On December 17, at three in the afternoon,
they advanced to storm it in four columns, and sue-
THE LOSS OF STRALSUND 319
ceeded in getting possession of it, nearly tlie whole
of the Swedish garrison being either killed or cap-
tured. The next day Charles made a desperate
attempt to recover possession of this most important
work. At the head of four Swedish regiments he
succeeded in expelling the garrison, but reinforce-
ments came up and the Swedes were driven out.
The time had now come to attack the wall of the
town itself, and a large breach was speedily made in
it. Stralsund was no longer tenable, all hope of
resisting a storm was at an end. The ice was be-
ginning to form over the harbour, and when that had
frozen all hope of escape would be gone. Charles
had the choice between death, captivity, and flight.
By the advice of his most trusted counsellors Duches,
Miillern and Feif, he chose the last. With the great-
est difficulty a way was cut through the ice into the
open water beyond. The King selected a six-oared
boat, and in the night of December 21, accompanied
only by a page and by his faithful friends Rosen and
During, he went on board. Rosen had attended him
on the memorable ride from Pitesti, and so had
Diiring's brother, who had fallen only two days be-
fore in the attempt to recover the Hornwork. They
found that the frost had already iced over the chan-
nel which they had prepared, so that it had to be cut
out again, and this delayed them so much that they
320 CHARLES XII
coiild not reacli tlie open sea of safety before day
had dawned. The enemy fired at them, and one of
the Chancery officers who were following in another
boat was wounded.
At length, after twelve hours' battling with the
sea, the three boats of which the expedition consisted
reached the Cloister Island of Hiddensee ; here they
found no ship ready to receive them. At length an
old and rotten boat, ' The Whale,' was discovered,
but their journey was still impeded by the ice. Even
in the open sea itself they were in danger of being
cut off by the Danish cruisers, but were protected
from their view by storm and snow. They now fell
in with a Swedish brigantine, and were received on
boajrd, and at four o'clock on the morning of Christ-
mas Eve they cast anchor at Trelleborg, between
Malmo and Ystad, close to the scene of the King's
boyish exploits. The night was dark and rainy, and
Charles had to take refuge under a rock to wait for
day. In such sony guise did Charles return to his
own country after fifteen years' absence, without an
army and with scarcely a friend. When day broke
the travellers passed through Trelleborg unnoticed,
and being a peasant's waggon proceeded to Ystad,
where the King occupied the same house which had
received him in 1710, when, after the conclusion of
the peace of Travendal, he set out for the defence of
THE LOSS OF STRALSUND 321
Livonia and tlie punishment of King Augustus. If
lie thought of the contrast between the two epochs
what emotions must have filled his breast !
On the day that Charles set foot again upon the
soil of Sweden Stralsund capitulated, and on Christ-
mas Day the victorious troops entered the town.
The garrison of six thousand men were prisoners,
with the exception of certain officers, and personal
attendants and body-guards of the King, who were
allowed to depart. All Swedish possessions, as far
as the river Peene together with the island of Riigen,
fell to the King of Denmark, while the King of Prus-
sia contented himself vnth. the possession of Stettin,
together with the islands of Usedom and Wollin.
King Augustus was to have received as his share
sixteen regiments of prisoners, but they were found
to exist principally on paper, so he was presented
with cannon, standards, drums, and trumpets, as
compensation for his loss.
We cannot shut our eyes to the fact that if Charles
had accepted- the treaty of neutrality in 1710, in
common with the other powers, Sweden might, in
all probability, have remained in possession of its
German provinces. She had now lost them, six years
afterwards, with further loss of Cracow's army in
1710, Stenbock's in 1712, and the King's in 1714,
together not less than fifty thousand men, not count-
322 CHARLES XII
ing the enormous expenditure of money which the
operations of these years had cost the country. It
is also difficult to excuse Charles for remaining a
whole year in Stralsund, in compliance with that
curious trait of character which rendered him as ob-
stinate in his dogged inactivity as in his feverish
energy. He had not sufficient troops to expel
the allies from Pomerania, and Stralsund was scarce-
ly of sufficient importance to justify the presence
of the King within its walls for so long a time. It
certainly served to attract the armies of the allies,
and to prevent them from doing mischief in other
places, but this end might have been achieved
by a commandant of lesser eminence. Charles
would have been better advised to have used Stral-
sund as a basis of operations against the allies,
and to have collected reinforcements from Sweden
for that purpose. If he had been thus occupied his
stay in Stralsund would have been defensible. But
a diversion in Norway would have been still more
advantageous, as that country was but scantily de-
fended. When he at last undertook the expedition
in 1716 he was compelled to surrender Christiania,
which he had been able to capture, to the very Dan-
ish troops who had been set free by the capitulation
of Stralsund.
323
CHAPTER XXIII.
THE LION AT BAY.
Charles after his arrival at Ystad behaved in a most
extraordinary manner. It had been hoped that he
would visit his capital, and a state-coach had been
constructed to be used for this pui-pose. But noth-
ing would induce him to take this step, not even the
illness and death of his grandmother, to whom he had
been so devotedly attached. He gave his entire
confidence to Baron Gorz, a subject of Holstein-
Gottorp, of whom we have previously heard. Gorz
would only accept the offer of Charles on the
conditions that he should remain in the service of
Holstein, that all his communications should be made
to the King himself and not thi'ough any inter-
mediary, that he should choose his own subordi-
nates, that the King shoul d promise to make peace
with his enemies within the year, and that Gorz
should not be bound to remain in the King's service
y2
324 CHARLES XII
for more than a year. With those understandings
Gorz entered upon his office in February, 171(), with
the unrestricted power of a Viceroy or a Grand Vizier.
If Charles would not consent at the first interview,.
Gorz asked leave to put his views into writing, and
by leaving out those points to which the King princi-
pally objected generally got his own way.
Before peace could be made war must be contin-
ued, and for that purpose both men and money were
necessary. To explain the manner in which Charles
filled up his decimated and in some cases nearly
annihilated regiments would require a knowledge of
the extremely complicated system of Swedish re-
cruiting, which it is beyond our purpose to attempt
to give. Suffice it to say that all laws and customs
which compelled individuals or corporations to furn-
ish troops were strained to the utmost, and when the
old laws failed new laws were created for the pur-
pose. Men were dragged from the church in the
middle of divine service, they were extracted from
the mines, they were seized in the j)ublic houses.
Those which were previously exempt were compelled
to submit themselves to the same obligations.
Even University students and schoolboys were forced
to serve. Inquiries were made in these establish-
ments if there were any sturdy young fellows who
were not fond of their studies, and who would be
THE LION AT BAY 325
better employed in handling a musket or trailing a
pike. If this were the case, they were i*emorselessly
carried off. After the death of Charles some of them
returned to then* studies, and it was not uncommon
to find in the latter half of the centuiy reverend
preachers who had in their youth served in the great
King's aimy.
Even with all these expedients it was difficult to
obtain a sufficient supply of soldiers. The people left
their homes for military service with sighs and tears.
Many fled into the woods, where they were protected
by sympathising peasants. Charles was obliged to
order that anyone conniving at the escape of a
recruit should be immediately impressed for military
service, and that anyone giving information which
would lead to the discovery- of a recruit should re-
•ceive a reward of thirty shillings. Many cut off
iheir lingers or wounded themselves in the feet to
•escape this dreaded fate, and an edict had to be passed
that anyone so treating himself should still be ob-
liged to serve, and should receive thirty strokes of
the rod at the same time. But, if they succeeded in
making themselves absolutely useless, they were to
receive sixty strokes and were to be put to compul-
sory labour in the convict yard. At this time, for
some reason with which we are not acquainted,
Charles dismissed his splendid corps of body trabants.
326 CHARLES XII
and formed instead a so-called body squadron of
three hundred and sixty mounted horse, the best
riders of the Swedish army. The cost of purchasing
and equipping them was thrown upon individuals,
who thus found themselves exposed to a new burden.
The methods adopted for raising money were not
less oppressive. Old taxes were increased as much
as possible, the imposts on land were doubled and
sometimes trebled in amount. The towns had to
pay at first twice, and then four times their former
contribution, although from their condition of pover-
ty the money received from them did not increase in
proportion. The carriage of letters was made dearer,
and the custom duties were raised. Charles found it
so difficult to manipulate all these varying sources of
income that he occupied himself with a plan of sim-
plifying taxation by a single income tax and a single
land tax, but the scheme was cut short by his death.
Another source of income was found in a kind of
compulsory contribution exacted from all Swedish
subjects to supply the necessities of the Crown. For
this, generals, bishops, rich merchants, and such like
people, paid thirty thalers, majors fifteen, captains
twelve, parsons, lieutenants, and attornies nine,
preachers and non-commissioned oflScers three, mar-
ried and well-to-do peasants a thaler and a half. The
produce of this tax was very considerable.
THE LION AT BAY 327
Taxes were also imposed on luxuries. These had
existed previously and Charles had done away with
them, but he fomid himself compelled to bring them
back again. The Swedes had to pay for the use of
tea, coffee, and chocolate, for foreign lace, for silk
dresses, for gold and silver ornaments, for fur robes,
for smart hats, for carriages. It is said that a Avealthy
citizen's wife who dressed herself in the manner to
which she had been accustomed before the tax would
not have to pay less than three hundred thalers a
year. But sumptuary laws are generally of little
avail, and these taxes, however irritating they might
be to individuals, brought but a small return into the
treasury. Other even more oppressive taxes were
devised, but owing to the King's death and to other
reasons were never imposed. Also the compulsory
quartering of troops was a severe burden to the
country, and so were the purveyance of provisions
and the use of horses and carriages for the public
service, which laid a terrible burden upon the peas-
ants, and brought the harshness and the unpopularity
of the government home to their very doors.
Other means of raising money were created by the
inventive imagination of Gorz. Besides seeming a
loan from Holland, which he could not obtain from
his own countrymen, all bodies in possession of funds,
such as churches, schools, and charitable corporations,
328 CHARLES XII
were induced to lend their money to the government
at a promised interest of six per cent. Even this
was not enough, and it was followed in 1718 by a
compulsory loan from all Swedish subjects ; also the
salaries of civil servants were largely taxed, and the
arrangements of the Post Office, which included
also the transport of travellers, were altered for the
profit of the Crown. The Crown lands provided an-
other source of income ; some were mortgaged and
some were sold, waste lands were also claimed for
the support of the state, and the great tea-tax, which
had been part of the revenue of the Crown, was
farmed out to individual contractors. Violent hands
were laid on the securities of the bank, and the coin-
age was depreciated with reckless extravagance.
Tokens were struck of various kinds, and attempts
were made to give them a forced value, the amount
coined being not under thirty-four million thalers.
They were given strange outlandish names, which
caused both merriment and contempt amongst the
people. One stamped ' Publica Fides, ' was called
Gorz's cook, and those stamped with Jupiter, Saturn,
Phoebus, or Mars, received the nickname of Gorz's
copper gods. Many more would have been struck
if it had not been for the King's death. It was
natural that every effort to give to these tokens the
value which they were supposed to possess, and to
THE LION AT BAY 329
get them accepted for regular payments, proved a
failure. Gorz also went on to depreciate the regular
cun-ency, and a silver coin struck with the King's
name, because no one could be found in Stockholm
able to reproduce his head, received the title of
Gorz's thaler.
Besides this, the cultivators were compelled to de-
liver their produce at a maximum price. After the
gi-eat harvest of 1716, producers of com and hay had
to make large contributions to a pubUc granary, to be
paid for at once in bonds and in the followhig year
in money. A careful list was made of all provisions
in the hands of private individuals, also Stockholm
and other large towns were compelled to provide for
sale a certain amount of corn and salt under the
penalty of a fine. Similar measures were taken with
regard to the produce of mines and smelting Avorks,
and in respect to breweries and bake-houses. The
first were compelled to serve a special district, in order
that the fullest supervision might be exercised over
any possible waste of barley. For a similar reason
all houses and ofiices of private individuals were to
be carefully searched once a fortnight, and if any
superfluous grain were foimd it was to be taken to
certain public bake-houses which were established,
and after being made into bread was sold at a fixed
price. As most of the bakers' apprentices had gone
330 CHARLES XII
away to the army, and as journeymen were difficult
to obtain, bakers were allowed to make use of soldiers
from the garrisons of their respective towns, and also
to impress all women who were found walking about
the streets in idleness or evil conduct. This natur-
ally caused great dissatisfaction, because it was said
that, if private baking were done away with, the
public bake-houses could only supply a very small
proportion of the bread which was required. In spite
of these exactions, there was a very heavy deficit.
In spite of Charles XL the expenses of the govern-
ment did not exceed six millions of thalers; in 1711
they ran to more than fifteen millions, and for the
year 1718 they were estimated at nearly thirty-five
millions. Gorz declared that, at that time, the
ordinary public income would only suffice for a fort-
night's expenditure, and the deficit for three years
amounted to over thirty millions of silver thalers.
It may easily be imagined to what extent this
method of government roused discontent and hatred
against Charles and his minister, so that these times
are looked back upon by the Swedes in something
of the same light as the French regard the reign of
terror. We may feel surprise that a man of such
firm and generous character as Charles XII. un-
doubtedly was should have allowed himself to have
been led into these courses, but we can hardly be
THE LION AT BAY 331
surprised that a summaiy vengeance was inflicted
upon the minister after his master's death.
To tm-n to other matters, Charles had no sooner
set foot in Sweden than he lost no time in turning
arms against that one of his enemies who lay nearest
to him and was the easiest to attack. He thought
immediately of renewing the first exploits of his
youth and of seizing Copenhagen, which the inter-
vention of the sea powers had on that occasion pre-
vented him from doing. The sound was now
covered with strong ice, and Charles in the first half
of January assembled a portion of his troops at
Landscrona, in order to cross over into Seeland. But
on January 20, 1716, there was a violent storm; the
ice was shattered and the passage rendered impossi-
ble ; the expedition therefore had to be given up. It
is considered by the best military authorities very
doubtful Avhether the plan would have been success-
ful. Copenhagen was now in a better condition for
defence than it had been fifteen years earlier. King
Frederick IV. had returned to his capital, which was
ganrisoned by more than six thousand soldiers and
as many sailors, which would have been sufficient to
have kept at bay the fifteen thousand men com-
manded by Charles, especially as he was not provided
"svith the necessary siege-train.
He, therefore, after a short interval determined to
332 CHARLES XII
invade Norway, which then belonged to Denmark.
It has often been said that the arrangements of the
treaty of Vienna which united Norway and Sweden
were a mistake, because it joined together two
nations differing in history, character, and language,
who although belonging to the same peninsula were
placed, as it were, back to back and were separated
by a chain of mountains, traversable only by a limit-
ed number of passes. Still the juxtaposition of two
countries, who were so often set by the ears by public
quarrels and private jealousy, must have been a con-
stant source of danger and insecurity to both, and
the history of invasions and counter invasions was a
warning that the continuance of this condition of
things was a standing menace to the peace of
Europe. At this time the occupation or the con-
quest of Norway would have inflicted a severe blow
on Denmark.
During the war which we have described the de-
fence of Norway had been neglected, because so
many troops were required for service in other
parts of the Swedish attack, and it was garrisoned
by a number of soldiers in no way proportionate to
the extent of territory which they had to guard.
There were not more than nine thousand men em-
ployed in watching the frontiers, while only about
five thousand were available for the defence of its
THE LIOX AT BAY 333
fortresses. If Charles, instead of spending a year in
Stralsund, had, as soon as he returned from Turkey,
marched into Norway with a force of twenty thou-
sand men, leaving the fortress of Sti-alsund to occupy
the attention of the Danes, he might have gained
possession of the whole country, and the Danes
would have found it extremely difficult to expel him
from it. Now it was too late. His troops were in-
sufficient in number and they were badly found,
consequently he could hardly hope for success.
At the beginning of March the Swedes marched
into Norway in two columns, consisting altogether
of twelve thousand men. After leaving a small de-
tachment in Moss, a small town on the eastern side
of the Christiania Fiord, to keep up communication
with Sweden, Charles occupied the capital Chi'is-
tiania on March 2 2, without meeting with any resist-
ance. But the fortress of Akershus, which formed
the citadel of the town, still remained to be taken.
Charles had expected that it would fall into his hands
immediately, but the garrison of two thousand men
defended it with obstinacy. It could not be cap-
tured by a coup-de-main, and the King was obliged
to wait until his siege-train and other reinforcements
arrived from Sweden. After staj-ing a month in
Christiania he was informed that the Danish troopfi
had been shipped from Pomerania into Norway, and
■334 CHARLES XII
■were threatening his communications with his own
country. He was therefore compelled to retreat, and
marched with his whole force to the frontier fortress
of Frederikshald, a place of such ominous significance
to him two years later, which he had neglected to
secure at the beginning of his expedition. This
also he had hoped to surprise, but it was defended
bravely by its inhabitants, notably by one Peer or
Peter Colbjornsen, who preferred to set the to-wn on
fire rather than it should be taken by the Swedes.
Charles did indeed get possession of it, but there
lies at a considerable height above it the fortress of
Fredericksten, memorable for its connection with
the monarch's death. Bombs were shot from this
with the object of setting the town on fire, and the
same work was more effectually accomplished by
Colbjornsen's servants. All the efforts of the Swedes
to extinguish the conflagration were ineffectual, and
they found themselves between two fires, that of
the burning dwellings and that of the fortress.
Charles, with his accustomed obstinacy, long refused
to retreat, but was at last compelled to do so. The
retreat lay over a bridge, which was swept by the
cannons of the citadel. The Swedes retired at seven
in the evening, having held the place for just a day,
Charles himself bringing up the rear. It is said that
the loss of the Swedes was six hundred dead, and one
hundred wounded.
THE LION AT BAY 33 "i
A still worse disaster befell tlie Swedish King two
■days later. The Swedish fleet of transports, which
was lying in the bay of Dynekil, carrying ammunition
and provisions for the army, was attacked by the
Danish Captain Tordenskjold on July 8, and entirely
•destroyed. Five Swedish vessels were destroyed,
sixteen were captured with their freight, and nine
hundred Swedes were taken prisoners. This disaster,
combined with the news that the Danes and Russians
were preparing to invade Sweden itself, forced Charles
to give up all idea of a further attempt on Frederik-
shald, and to retreat to his own country. But even
then he did not proceed, as might have been expect-
ed, to Stockholm, but fixed his head-quarters at Lund.
He had indeed good reason to fear that he would
not be received in his capital with enthusiasm, and
his pride again forbad him to appear as a defeated
general in the place which he had so long desired to
enter as a victorious sovereign.
He did, however, at this time pay a flying visit to
his sister Ulrica Eleanora, with whom he had always
maintained a correspondence, and whom he had
kept well supplied with money, although he had not
seen her for so many years. Her husband, the Land-
grave of Hesse, had been wounded in Norway, and
was being tended by her in the ancient castle of
Wadstena, close by the health-giving baths of
Medevi. She had long desired an interview with
336 CHARLES XII
her brother, but had been put oflT by various excuses.
At length, on the last day of August, 1716, Charles
rode to Hjo situated on the western shore of the
Weltemsee, where he arrived alone and unrecognized.
The weather was bad and the waves of the lake
were rough. He tried to hire a fishing boat to take
him across, but the boatmen we re unwilling to move
and could only be persuaded by much argument and
much money. The boat crossed in safety, and Charles
landed at Hjiestholm at the foot of the Omberg, the
Rigi of those parts. Here the King hired a horse
and rode to Wadstena, and walked, all dirty and
soaked as he was, into the room of the Princess.
What they talked about no one knows, but it may
be assumed that they did not quarrel. On the fol-
lowing day, a Friday, there was a public service in
the church, which the King attended, but in the
evening Charles mounted his horse and rode back to
Scania.
The report of an arrangement between Russia and
Denmark to invade Sweden was true. The treaty
had been concluded whilst Charles was in Norway.
In August forty Russian battalions and three thou-
sand dragoons crossed into Iceland, and the King of
Denmark promised to support the attack with a
force of fifteen battalions of infantry and sixty
squadrons of horse. September 21 had been fixed
THE LION AT BAY 837
as the date of the combined movements, and all pre-
paration had been made, when Peter suddenly de-
clared that the time of year was too far advanced,
and that he could not take part in the expedition.
The facts connected with this event have been re-
lated by me elsewhere, and belong rather to the
career of Peter than to the life of Charles. The
Tsar was now at Copenhagen, where he was treated
with distinguished honour by Danes, Dutch, and
English. But they were all afraid of him. The
Maritime Powers dreaded the eflfect of the sudden
development of Russian power in the Baltic, which
might have so injurious an influence on their trade,
and professed to believe that the Danes had actually
offered him not only the part of Pomerania now in
their possession, but also the town of Stettin. The
Danes, on their part, thought it not unlikely that he
might seize Copenhagen. It is even said that Ad-
miral Norris, who commanded the British fleet,
received orders from his government to annihilate
the Russian men-of-war and to seize the person of
Peter. Under these circumstances, energetic action
was hardly to be expected. George I. was also
afraid lest, if Peter should succeed in conquering any
portion of Sweden, he would never leave it, and, as
Elector of Hanover, begged his suzerain the Emperor
to intervene, to prevent this ominous enterprise.
z
338 CHARLES XII
Peter was probably quite sincere in ordering that
the expedition should not take place, although when
it was at an end he would probably have regarded
his own personal interests as paramount. A recog-
nizance was made upon the coast of Scania, but he
found it strongly fortified and defended by a consid-
erable force, got together and equipped in the manner
which we have described above. The Russian ships,
especially the Princess, on which Peter's flag was
hoisted, were much injured by the fire of the Swedes.
The operation was given up, and the alliance came
to nothing. Freed from this danger, Charles remained
in Lund from the autimin of 1716 to the spring of
1718, when he undertook the enterprise which was to
end in his death.
339
CHAPTER XXIV. .
THE king's death.
"WHmST he was at Lund, Charles lived in the house
■of Professor Hegardt. His day was spent in the
ooaanner with which we are already acquainted,
earned out perhaps with greater strictness. He
rose very early in the morning, some say soon after
midnight, he read his papers, held interviews with
his generals and ofiicials till seven ; then he mounted
his horse and galloped about, whatever the weather
might be, always till two in the afternoon, often till
the evening. His meals were of the simplest char-
acter. He went to bed at nine or ten in the evening,
often sleeping on a bed of straw, with a military
cloak thrown over hira. The King devoted consid-
erable attention to the levying of new troops, and
inspected every man and every horse carefully. If
a horse was not up to the proper standard, he had its
left ear cut off that it might not be passed again by
z2
340 CHARLES XII
a more lenient inspector. Besides riding and hunt-
ing lie often attended the lectures of the professors,
and took part in academical disputations. In the
autumn of 1718, Charles paid a flying visit to the
Norwegian frontier, which lasted a month, but with
this exception he remained for eighteen months in
this little town. It is difficult to understand why he
never visited his capital, and his not doing so must
be ascribed in part to indefensible eccentricity.
The King's residence at Lund naturally attracted
a large crowd of officials and travellers. The price
of provisions rose, and it was difficult to get a lodg-
ing. When the students returned at the beginning
of term many of them had to go home again. Soldiers
were quartered even in the professors' studies. The
army paid in tokens and assignats, and there was no
compensation for the loss sustained. A part of the
corn belonging to the University was confiscated for
the army, and paid for at a late period at a reduced
price. It is said that during the thirteen years from
1706 to 1719, no one was made a Master of Arts,
and that in August, 1717, only twelve students could
find a lodging in the town, and that no professors
had given more than t"v<relve regular lectures in the
com*se of the year. They had, on the other hand, to
preside every fortnight at public disputations, the
King himself frequently forming part of the audience^
THE KING'S DEATH 341
The healtli of Charles during his stay at Lund was
not always good, and indeed on one or two occasions
he was seriously ill, suffering either from his chest or
from the wound received at Poltava. He occasion-
ally took medicine, but in far larger doses than those
which the doctor had prescribed. His whole thoughts
were set on war, and he did not seem to mind how
many enemies he had upon his hands.
At the same time, every effort was made by the
powers of Em-ope to conclude an honourable peace,
and to put an end to this interminable discord. The
Tsar had nothingmore to gain by a war with Sweden,
his views were directed elsewhere. King George of
England wouldhave desired a friendly accommodation
with Sweden, for many reasons — ^for the protection
of English commerce, for the security of the posses-
sion of Bremen, and because of the groAving jealousy
of the development of Russia amongst English mer-
chants. Charles, however, paid little attention to the
suggestions of these potentates. It seems that in
the spring of 1717, Peter made a proposal to Gorz
for restoring Livonia, Esthonia, Ingria, and Finland
to Sweden, keeping of course St. Petersburg and a
small strip of land in the neighbourhood of the new
capital. King George, on his side, proposed that
Sweden should give up Verden to Hanover, and also
Bremen, for a considerable sum of money and some
342 CHARLES XII
compensation elsewhere. Charles would only consent
to deliver them as a temporary pledge, and that on
the condition of receiving Bornholm from Denmark
and the part of Norway east of the Glommen. Bremen
would have given Hanover a port, and an easy com-
munication with England by sea, which she greatly
needed, and Verden was necessary for the effective
possession of Bremen. Prussia desired to obtain for
herself Stettin and the country south of the Peene,
and offered to guarantee to Sweden the rest of
Pomerania, and promised assistance against Russia ;
Charles, on the other hand, demanded the restoration
of the whole of Pomerania.
In August, 1717, Gorz, who appears to have been
allowed a free hand in these matters, had an inter-
vicAV with the Tsar Peter at the Palace of Loo in
Holland. Here there was undoubtedly some con-
versation as to the possible conditions of peace be-
tween Russia and Sweden, although what took plac e
is not exactly known. It is said that the minister
drew a straight line from Wiborg to the AVhite Sea,
and suggested that it should be the boundary of the
two empires ; also that he offered the Duke of Hol-
stein, the probable successor of Charles on the Swed-
ish throne, as a suitor for the hand of Peter's daughter
Anne. In this way that Princess would become
Queen of Sweden, and, if Peter received Holstein,
THE KING'S DEATH 313
he would be a member and perhaps eventually the
head of the German confederation. It is certain
that on his return from Holland, in the autumn of
1717, Gorz was received by the Russians in Riga
and Reval with great honour, and accompanied to
Sweden by an escort of ships of war. There were
indeed two parties at the Swedish court, the Hessian
and the Holstein parties, the one desirous of peace
with England, the other of peace with Russia. Charles
himself without doubt inclined towards the latter.
Negotiations were eventually opened at a very re-
o
tired spot, Lofo in the Aland Islands, not far from
Bomarsund, in May, 1718. The place was of so de-
sert a character that wood had to be brought from
a distance, out of which two large barns were built
for the accommodation of the Russian and Swedish
negotiators.
The meeting of the congress was delayed, from the
fact that just as the arrangements for it were con-
cluded the Hessian party in Sweden gained the
upper hand, and an ambassador was sent with the
greatest secresy to London. It was, however, soon
seen that the views of King George and King Charles
were incompatible, and the other negotiation was
proceeded with. The news of this secret embassy
came to Peter's ears, and he was so much enraged that
he opened a communication with Denmark, with the
344 CHARLES XII
view of marrying his daughter to the Danish CroAvn
Prince, and of making a combined attack upon
Sweden. When, however, he heard that the embassy
had failed he turned again to Sweden.
Gorz appeared at Lofo with great pomp. He took
with him, besides two secretaries, sixty-seven ser-
vants, fifty-seven soldiers, and fifty-three horses. He
had borrowed for his use the Duke of Holstein's
silver dinner-service, while his master ate out of the
commonest pewter. He had kept the Russian envoys
waiting for two months and a half, which was an
indication of the Tsar's desire for peace. The in-
structions given by Charles were not very favourable
to that end. Peter was to restore everything that he
had conquered from Sweden, without exception — Li-
O
vonia, Esthonia, Ingria, Finland, and Aland, together
with their cannon, munitions, and inhabitants, even
those of them who belonged to the Greek Church.
The Cossacks were to receive back their ancient
rights, and the Tsar was to pay a compensation
for his unjust attack. These terms were of com-se
impossible, and it is to be wondered that Gorz
ever consented to convey them. The proposals of
Russia, on the other hand, were that Livonia, Esthonia,
Ingria and Corelia should remain with Russia, that
Finland and Aland should be restored to Sweden,
that Augustus should be King of Poland, that Stettin,
THE KING'S DEATH 345
with its surrounding district, sliould be the property
of Prussia, and that peace should be made with Han-
over and Denmark. Charles was quite as certain to
reject these conditions as Peter was to reject those
of Charles.
Gorz said that he must acquaint his sovereign
with these propositions, and prepared to depart ; but
Ostermann, the Russian envoy, fearing lest Charles
might suddenly conclude an alliance -Nvith England,
suggested more favourable terms, the exact nature
of which is not precisely known. Gorz was surprised
at their moderate character, and hastened to carry
news of them to his King. They offered, amongst
other things, an alliance with Sweden, for the purpose
of conquering Norway, and perhaps Mecklenburg
and Hanover, for the advantage of Charles. Gorz
found his sovereign at Stromstad on the way to
Frederikshald, not in a very peaceful humour. He
was much tempted by the alliance, but he was hop-
ing to make war in Poland after he had conquered
Norway, and to dethrone his own enemy, Augustus.
He therefere refused to receive the condition that
he should acknowledge Augustus as King, and in-
sisted on the recognition of Stanislaus. Gorz thought
that this was impossible for Peter to accept, but there
was no help for it, and he returned to Aland with the
message.
346 CHARLES XII
Peter, however, had by this time reasons of his
own for being displeased with Augustus, and knew
that he had been plotting with other powers for his
o
destruction ; when, therefore, Gorz arrived at Aland,
at the beginning of July, he heard to his great sur-
prise that Peter was ready to concede the condition
about Stanislaus. The proposals made by Oster-
mann now were, that a line should be drawn from
Wiborg to the White Sea, and that everything to
the east of this line should belong to Russia, and
everything to the west to Sweden, besides Norway,
Mecklenburg, and possibly a portion of Limburg or
Hanover. Sweden was also to receive Bremen, Ver-
den, Wismar, Riigen, and Stettin, Prussia being
compensated by some portions of Poland. To cany
out these schemes Charles was to appear in Germany
with an army of forty thousand Swedes, and twenty-
five thousand Russians, while Peter was to invade
Poland with a force of eighty thousand men, to
depose Augustus and to set up Stanislaus in his
place.
Gorz naturally imagined that there was not the
slightest doubt about Charles accepting these pro-
posals, and he would perhaps have done so, had
not his counsellor been strongly opposed to it.
Miillern wrote of these proposals :
' All that Sweden yields to Russia is a certain loss.
THE KING'S DEATH 347
Avhat Russia gives to Sweden will involve her in war
with Poland, Denmark, England, Holland, Austria,
and other German powers, who have a claim to Meck-
lenburg. It will certainly bring about a European,
perhaps another Thirty Years', War. If the King en-
ters Gel-many in 1719 for this purpose he will prob-
ably never see his country again, and perhaps, after
all, the design of the Tsar is merely to weaken
Sweden, in order that she may fall an easy prey to
his ambition.'
Charles was impressed by these arguments, and
wrote to Gorz in August that before anything else
was done the Tsar must surrender Livonia, Esthonia,
and Finland, which he has captured in an unjust war,
and that unless he would consent to this there could
be no question of peace.
Gdrz concealed this answer from the Russians, and
undertook a journey with the object of bringing
Charles over to his views. He represented to his
sovereign that there was no possibility of recovering
their lost provinces from Russia ; that Sweden with
the greatest exertions could not put into the field
more than thirty thousand men, whereas Russia
could command one hundred and fifty thousand ; that
the Swedes had only two thousand horses, and na
fleet for the transport of troops ; that any invasion
into Russian territorv would be met bv the old tactics
us CHARLES XII
of devastation and retreat ; that no efficient aid would
be forthcoming from other powers, and that Russia
was the only enemy which Sweden had to fear.
He could, however, produce no effect on the King's
stubborn resolution, especially as France was doing
her best to bring about an understanding between
o
Sweden and England. When he returned to Aland
he had no other course open to him but to amuse
the Russians and to prevent them from breaking off
the negotiations and attacking Sweden. He per-
suaded Ostermann to wait till January 1, 1719; but
in the meantime Peter had become convinced that
peace with Charles was impossible, and began to
open negotiations with King George and Frederick
IV. of Denmark, either to compel a peace or to give
Sweden, as he said, her coup-de-grdce.
Such was the state of affairs at the time of
Charles's death. We must retrace our steps, and
naiTate the events which led to that catastrophe.
The greater part of the year 1718 was taken up
with the projected expedition into Norway. From
the middle of March to the end of October, Charles
was on different points of the Norwegian frontier,
generally in the neighbourhood of Stromstad. But
no one knew where precisely he was to be found.
With very few attendants he rode along the frontier
line, sometimes as far north as Jermtland, sleeping
THE KING'S DEATH 34*
in farm-liouses, and delighting the peasantr}^ by the
cheerfulness with which he lay on a wooden bench,
and drank out of a wooden bowl. At length every-
thing was ready. General Armfeldt crossed the
border with a force variously estimated at from
seven thousand to fourteen thousand men, and ad-
vanced against Trondjem, while the main army,
thirty thousand strong, invaded the enemy's country
at three points. One column, under the command
of General Diicker, was entrusted with the duty of
making a bridge over the Swinesund, in the neigh-
bourhood of Frederikshald. He was then to extend
his troops to the south of that fortress, in order to
secure it from attack on that side. The season was
late, the weather rainy, the roads heavy, and the
river in floods, but with their King at their head
the Swedes overcame all obstacles. On November
18, Charles appeared before Frederikshald with the
troops destined for the siege of that fortress.
Frederikshald is, as we have already seen, an open
town. On a rock just over it rises the citadel of Fred-
eriksten, which completely commands the place. In
front of the fortress there had been constructed three
advanced works, of which Fort Gyldenlow, lying to
the east, was the largest and the strongest. The
town was finally invested on November 25, and the
attack upon this fort begun. It was so well defended
350 CHARLES XII
that tlie Swedes could not get their heavy guns into
position till December 6, but these soon reduced the
enemy's cannon to silence, and on December 8 the
place was taken by storm. Immediately after their
trenches were opened against the fortress itself, and
in spite of a heavy fire the work advanced so rapidly
that, on December 11, a parallel was completed at
ihe distance of only two hmidred yards. Charles
had placed his head-quarters at Tistedden, on the
other side of the river, but in order to give constant
attention to the siege, he had a little wooden hut
built for him close to the fortress, in which he often
took his meals and spent the night. On December
11, the first Sunday in Advent, Charles rode to Tis-
tedden, changed his clothes, read some papers which
he threw into the fire, seeming, apparently, somewhat
depressed. He then attended both the morning and
evening services, and gave necessary orders to his
generals. At four in the afternoon he rode out
accompanied by two Frenchmen, Maigret and Sicre,
not to his own hut but to the parallel which had just
been opened. The King seemed impatient, and
ordered a nearer approach, and Maigret said,
' We shall take the fortress in a week.'
' We shall see,' replied the King.
Presently the soldiers came up and went forward,
led by ]\Iaigret, carrying spades, hoes, fascines, and
THE KING'S DEATH 351
\
gabions. Each soldier laid down his fascine and
gabion in the proper place and began to dig under
their protection. They were now within musket-
shot, and the commandant of the fortress had filled
the outworks Avith sharp-shooters, in order to confuse
the besiegers ; the firing was hot, and a good many
men were falling. About eight o'clock in the even-
ing the King took his simple supper, standing in or
near the advanced parallel, being, as we have said,
within musket-shot. But owing to the darkness the
soldiers of the fortress could not take proper aim, so
the commandant hung out large torches, and shot
fire-balls in order to assist the besieged, and by this
time the moon, which was nearly at its full, began
to rise. Charles began to suspect that a sally was
in prospect, and in order to get a better view climbed
up from the ditch of the parallel and leaned against the
breastwork, with his hands and arms above it, earn-
estly watching at the same time the operations of
the fortress-garrison and of his own soldiers, who
were at work beneath him. Maigret said to him,
' This is no place for your Jilajesty ; musket and
cannon-balls have no more respect for a King than
for a common soldier.'
The King ordered him and the others who were
near to go and watch the working party, and promised
to get down soon from his exposed position. The
officers whispered to Maigret,
352 CHARLES XII
' Leave him alone, the more you warn him the more
he will expose himself.'
The town clock now struck nine, and the moon
was fully risen. The King still stood at the breast-
work, his head exposed above it, and his chin sup-
ported by his left hand, the left side of his body
leaning upon the earth-work. Directly behind him
in the trench were Maigret and some other officers,
Maigret so near that his head was between the King's
heels. Suddenly a dull sound was heard like that of
a stone falling into a swamp, the King's head sank
upon his shoulder, and his left hand slipped down to
his side ; the body remained standing in the same
position.
'Lord Jesus,' exclaimed Kaulbars, 'the King is shot!'
Maigret pulled at the King's cloak, but there was
no answer, no movement, the King was dead. Anx-
ious to conceal the disaster, the officers sent the
soldiers away, and removed the body to the trench.
They found the left eye pierced, the right eye driven
out of its place, and the left hand touching the sword
hilt, as if the King had instinctively tried to grasp it
in the moment of death. The body was dressed and
carried to head-quarters, it was then brought to
Uddevalla and embalmed, and it lay in state in the
palace of Carlberg until the time had come for its
interment. On February 26, 1719, it was bmied in
the choir of the Ridderholm Church with solemn
THE KING'S DEATH 853
pomp, the dead King entering once more, as a
mourned and idolized hero, the capital which he had
never seen but as a boy. His body now lies in a
sarcophagus of black marble, covered with a lion's
skin, and surmoimted by a crown and sceptre, and,
as a fitter monument, there flutter around hundreds
of standards and banners, ensigns of many nations,
captured in his wars.
It is hardly worth while to mention the rumours
of treachery and assassination which have been so
abundantly disproved, and which have been shown
to have arisen from the ravings of Siquier, who ac-
companied the King on that fatal day, and who in
the delirium of fever declared that he had mm*dered
him. The body was exhumed in 1859, and a careful
examination made, by which it was found that the
King died of a wound in the left temple, thi-ee fingers
broad, which could not have been caused by a pistol-
shot, but must have come from some larger missile,
either the ball of a falconet or the fragment of a
shell. It is strange that two other persons confessed
to having murdered Charles — Cronstedt, general of
artiller}', who declared it on his death-bod, and
Fabricius, whom we have seen with. Charles in
Turkey, but who was then in Germany. Such an
effect did this sudden and terrible calamity have
upon the minds of men !
AA
354
CONCLUSION.
Charles was of middle height, slim in figure, except
during some periods of enforced idleness, and broad
of shoulder. His appearance was simple yet full of
dignity, his expression one of seriousness, benevo-
lence, and repose. He was courteous in demeanour,
but never condescended to familiarity. His hair,
becoming scantier with years, was brushed up from
the sides into the centre, so that the Court poets
likened it to a crown. His brow was lofty and broad,
his eyes dark-blue, bright, and kindling, his nose
curved, his lips full and smiling, his chin dimpled,
but he had no beard. After his early years he always
wore the same dress, yellow breeches and waistcoat,
a dark-blue coat with gilded buttons, a black neck-
erchief and a three-cornered hat, on his hands gloves
of deerskin with long stoutly-made cuffs, a broad
girdle round his body, thick riding boots on his feet
CONCLUSION 355
with higli heels and long flaps which reached over
his knees, and large iron spurs. He sometimes wore
an ordinaiy military cloak. He was undoubtedly not
only untidy but dirty in his dress. For his own
lodging he chose the smallest room in the smallest
house, with only a simple bed, a table, and a few
chairs, the only ornament a gold-embossed Bible.
He used often to sleep in his clothes, sometimes
taking off his boots ; his sword was also so placed
that he could grasp it at any moment. In later years
he gave up the use of a bed and preferred to lie on
hay or straw, or even on the ground itself, always
choosing the hardest place. He required only from
five to seven hours' sleep, generally going to rest at
about nine or ten o'clock. But he sometimes closed
his eyes in the day, especially, we are told, during
sermons, although the preacher declared that he
never slept, but only shut his eyes for greater atten-
tion. During his first campaigns he slept alone, so
that no one knew when he went to bed or when he
got up, but in later years a page slept in his room,
who was ordered always to go to bed at tattoo. His
food was simple, a breakfast of bread-and-butter and
beer-soup, but a solid dinner, which he consumed in
a quarter or half an hour, when his trabants finished
what remained. During his marches he frequently
ate standing, making plentiful use of his fingers.
AA 2
856 CHARLES XII
After his early years he entirely renounced the use
of wine.
Like his father he was fond of hard exercise and
fresh air. He rode many miles a day, rather prefer-
ring storm, wind, and rain, generally at a gallop, not
unfrequently killing his horse. For these reasons he
seldom had a very valuable stud. He had one famous
horse called Brandklepper, which had belonged to
his father. He rode it in his Polish and Russian
campaigns, and in the flight to Bender. It knew
how to follow him about wherever he went. It was
captm'ed at the Kalabalik, but was afterwards ran-
somed and brought to Stralsund. Here it was again
captured, but was sent across to Scania, where it died
in 1718, it is said more than forty-five years old. He
had also a favourite dog Pompey, which he had
brought with him from Stockholm. It was found
one winter's morning dead in the King's bed.
Charles had good health, remarkable strength, and
unusual adroitness in bodily exercises. He could at
a gallop take up a glove from the ground, and even
in his thirty-sixth year, when dressed in his long
riding boots, could scratch his ©ar with his foot. He
had a good memory, great acuteness, and a certain
degree of scientific ability. But his studies were
interrupted at an early age and never resumed, and
his literary style became worse and worse. His
CONCLUSION 357
later letters were so disfigured by erasures and
splashes of ink that he frequently had to write them
over again, nor was the matter much better than
the manner. It is true that when he stayed in the
University town of Lund he made some attempts to
improve his education. He studied arithmetic, and
suggested a new unit of reckoning in the nmnber sixty-
four, which had the advantage of being a square and
a cube, and of being divisible by two down to unity ;
but he made only slight progress in algebra, and de-
clared it a useless science. He also wrote some
essays about the connection and the mutual influ-
ence on each other of the body and the soul, but
Feif was probably a true friend when he represented
to him that he was more suited for the sword than
for the pen.
One of the most striking characteristics of Charles
XII. was his contempt of danger and of death, and it
is probable that this was due to a deep-seated fatalism.
He is reputed to have said,
' I shall fall by no other bullet than by that which
is destined for me, and when that comes no prudence
will help me.'
He was also, as a Calvinist, convinced to his heart
of the doctrine of election. He believed that he had
a supernatural mission and a supernatural protection.
He expected the same principles from his ministers
858 CHARLES XII
and his men. He considered it cowardly to save
your life by surrender or by flight, or to wish to
escape from captivity when you were once in it. He
was strict in his religious observances. He always
kept the prayer-book of Gustavus Adolphus in his
pocket, and a Bible lay on his table, of which he
read a portion every day till it was finished. In the
autumn of 1708, he had read the book through fom*
times.
He received the communion twice a year, some-
times with tears in his eyes ; on solemn days of peni-
tence he fasted till six in the evening. His soldiers
were taught to pray twice a day. On the march or
in the camp, when the clock struck seven and four,
the trumpets sounded, the host halted, everyone
knelt where he stood, on the rock or in the road,
uncovered his head and offered a prayer to the Grod
of Battles.
Although so simple in his own tastes, Charles was
extravagant towards his friends and dependents. He
squandered the resources of the State as if he had no
idea of the value of money. He used to put large
sums of money into people's pockets without their
knowing it, and refused all thanks. Stanislaus Les-
czinski cannot have received from him less than two
hundred and fifty thousand pounds. After his return
from Sweden in 1716, he used to keep from three to
CONCLUSION 359
four hundred ducats in purses made up to contain
from ten to fifty ducats each. These were kept in
his room for use, and he used to slip one or other
into the hands of those who visited him, rejecting
any expressions of gratitude. It was the duty of
the page to see that the proper number of these
purses were made up every night. Perhaps his chief
characteristic was the narrow, obstinate, and almost
insane following of a single end, neglecting all other
considerations. He possessed this fault as a boy,
but it grew with his growth. He showed it also in
little things. When he was hunting, if several hares
were started he would only allow one to be pursued
and followed, whatever might be the chances of
catching it, shoAving in this, perhaps, the quaHties of
a good sportsman. In chess also he would fix his
attack on a single piece, and neglect everything else
till it was captured. It was this over-persistence of
will, as well as over-confidence in his own sense of
right and justice, that led to his destruction. He
seems never to have had a confidant, but he had
many friends whom he loved with a deep afiection,
and whose deaths cut him to the heart ; those, for in-
stance, of the Duke of Holstein, of Axel Hard, of
Kliakowstrom the darling of his youth, and above all
of the ' little prince,' whom he loved more than a
brother. He could never speak of his mother with-
360 CHARLES XII
out tears, and the death of his sister Hedvig Sophia
caused him a bitter pang.
Let us review for a brief space the career we have
described. In the year 1699, when he was a boy of
seventeen, the rulers of Russia, Poland, and Den-
mark formed a conspiracy against him, to partition
his kingdom. King Augustus attacked Riga, King
Frederick invaded Holstein, but Charles, after forc-
ing his fleet through almost impassable channels,
crossed the sound to Seeland, and, in a fortnight,
compelled the King of Denmark to accept a humili-
ating peace. Immediately after this he defeated the
Russians at Narva, who were three times his strength,
and he could have obtained a peace if he had not
set his heart on crushing his third enemy Augustus.
Such were the exploits of 1700. The next year he
smote the forces of King Augustus, so that they fled
to Saxony; he then determined to deprive the Saxon
Elector of the Polish Crown. For this purpose he
made use of the party strifes which were distracting
that country. The victory of Clissow followed in
1702. The King of Poland retreated behind the
Vistula and the Bug, Charles attacked him on May
1, 1703, at Pultusk, and drove him from his position
with scarcely the loss of a man. Thorn was then
invested, and the greater portion of the Saxon
infantry taken prisoners.
CONCLUSION 361
In the earlv part of 1704, Charles -^as occupied in
securing the election of Stanislaus Lesczinski as
King of Poland. Then followed the march to Lem-
berg, inspired perhaps by the wish to capture a
virgin fortress, but it gave Augustus an opportunity
of returning to Warsaw. Charles was soon in pur-
suit, drove his enemy from his capital west and
south, and scattered him to the winds. The year
1705 was spent in inactivity ; in the next year fol-
lowed the battle of Fraustadt, in which Rehnskjold
almost annihilated the Saxon forces. Charles then
determined upon his wonderful march into Saxony,
where he extorted what conditions he pleased from
his deceitful enemy. He remained a whole year at
Alt-RanstUdt, the arbiter of Europe. His star then
declined from its zenith. He invaded Russia to
punish the third enemy, with whom he should have
made an advantageous peace long before, and suffered
the fate of those who invade that country, the land
of the Dark Tower, of which Charles in vain attempt-
ed to sound the bugle horn. Holowczyn was his
last victory, but also his first defeat. The march
into the Ukraine, the defeat of Lewenhaupt followed
blow after blow, till in the spring of 1709 he invested
Poltava. The lion, caught in the snare, managed to
escape with his life from the battle which was fought
under its walls, and Charles fled into Tm-koy, where
362 CHARLES XII
he remained for five whole years. In 1714, he un-
dertook his adventurous ride to Stralsund, where he
again remained for a year until the fortress fell.
Retm-ning at last to Sweden, he renewed the exploits
of his youth, and the expedition to Norway was the
only one he ever undertook with the idea of con-
quest. The first failure drove him back to make
more careful preparations, and it is probable that he
would have gained his purpose had not the fatal
bullet pierced his temple at Frederikshald.
His was a life of failure, but it was dominated by
the idea of defeating the enemies who had tried
to rob hun of his patrimony in his youth. His first
attack crushed Denmark, and would have taken
Copenhagen if the sea-powers would have permitted
it. Then, after striking a severe blow at Russia,
which kept her quiet for some time, he followed
Augustus into the heart of his own country and
compelled him to a peace. Lastly he dealt with his
third foe, the Tsar, grown much more powerful in
the nine years which had elapsed from Narva. His
means of attack were not sufficient, he was too proud
to retreat, and his obstinate persistence on the same
spot, and his culpable rashness, led to his catastrophe.
His misfortunes, therefore, are not to be ascribed to
a mere adventurous disposition without plan or
prudence, but to the carrying out in too narrow
CONCLUSION 863
and stubborn a manner of a scheme deliberately
and wisely formed.
Charles is placed by competent judges almost in
the first rank of generals. He formed his plans
swiftly and clearly, executed them deliberately,
could wait for the proper moment of execution, and
then strike his blow. He had a good eye for country-,
could use his troops for the best advantage, and
always kept his head. His soldiers were devoted to
him, and looked upon him as a god ; they never ran
away when he led them, and when he heard of their
flight at Poltava he exclaimed,
' My God ! is it possible that they run I'
Yet no general ever demanded greater sacrifices
from his men. For himself he drank to the full of the
joy of battle, he loved the shock of conflict, and
clapped his hands when he saw the enemy approach.
But, as we have seen, he was reckless, and did not cal-
culate the force of surrounding circumstances. He
had but little sense or feeling for politics, in which
his rival Peter was so great. Through him Sweden
lost her place as mistress of the north, but some
think she could never have kept it, as, by the con-
quests of her previous kings, she had undertaken a
task far beyond her strength. Charles represented
in his character the virtues which his country loves,
piety and firmness, simplicity and strength ; he has
364 CHARLES XII
left a name which will always be honoured amongst
that brilliant line of sovereigns who have filled the
throne of Wasa, and in spite of the misfortunes with
which his government is stained, and in spite of the
errors which occasioned them, next after her great
hero Gustavus Adolphus, Sweden and the world with
her will always honour the memory of Charles XII.
I
THE END.
INDEX
A BERG, OLAF, 271
A. Alexander the Great, 6
Anne, Queen, 164
Appellof, Captain, 105
Apraxin, General, 196
Armfeldt, General, 3i9
Augustus, King of Saxony and
Poland, 26, 28, 31, 32, 46, 58,
61,68,72, 77, 78,80, 81,82,
84,89,91,92,95,98,102,108,
109, 113, 118, 122, 126, 131,
132, 135, 137, 139, 146, 148,
156, 259, 285, 299, 321
Aurora, Countess of Kbnigs-
marck, 72, 108
BRONITZ, PETER, 108, 114,
115
Baltadshi, Mohammed, 258
CARDINAL PRIMATE, THE
68, 91, 97, i02, 106, 108,
112, 113, 117, 119, 122
Carlscrona, 36
Charles XII. : birth and child-
hood, 1 ; education, 2, 3 ;
death of his mother, 4 ; passion
for sport, 6 ; death of Charles
XI., 8 ; royal palace destroyed,
9 ; proclaimed king, 13 ; coro-
nation, 14, 15 ; early military
exercises, 19 ; nearly drowned,
20 ; Livonia invaded, 26 ; be-
ginning of great northern war,
32 ; he leaves Stockholm, 34 ;
Charles Xll.—contiriued
invasion of Seeland, 36 ; siege
of Copenhagen, 42 ; peace of
Travendal, 44 ; crosses to Hel-
singborg, 44 ; expedition to
Livonia, 46 ; Peter the Great
declares war, 46 ; invasion of
Ingria, 46 ; siege of Narva, 49 ;
battle of Narva, 55 ; surrender
of Russian army, 56 ; winter
quarters in Livonia, 57; in-
fected with war fever, 59 ;
marches to Riga, 61 ; crosses
the Dijna, 68 ; battle of the
Diina, 65 ; advances to Kow-
no, 70 ; marches on Warsaw,
77 ; issues a manifesto to the
Polish people, 78 ; crosses the
Vistula, 78 ; occupies Warsaw,
78; battle of Clissow, 83;
capture of Cracow, 85 ; breaks
his leg, 87 ; Poles place them-
selves under the protection of
the King of Sweden, 90 ; cap-
ture of Putulsk, 93 ; siege and
capture of Thorn, 96 ; at Elb-
ing, 108 ; manifesto to Polish
people, 107 ; Augustus of
Poland deposed, 109 ; marches
to Blonie, 113 ; Stanislaus
Lesczinski elected King of
Poland, 116 ; the two kings
meet, 117 ; decides to drive
Augustus from Poland, 118 ;
fall of Narva, 121 ; capture of
366
INDEX
Charles XII. — continued
Cracow, 122 ; victories at
Rakovice and Wola, 124 ;
Stanislaus crowned at Warsaw,
125 ; defeat of Russians at
Mitau, 127; passage of the
Niemen, 181 ; defeat of the
allies, 134 ; invades Saxony,
]38; crosses the Oder, 139
Augustus sues for peace, 140
Peace of Alt-Ranstadt, 143
defeat of the Swedes at Kalish
147 ; visit to Lutzen, 162
disagreement with the court of
Vienna, ] 59 ; visit of Duke of
Marlborough, 160 ; description
of king, 161 ; treaty with
Austria signed, 166 ; he leaves
Saxony, 167 ; visit to Augustus,
168 ; visit from Turkish Aga,
169 ; hope of a Turkish alliance
against Russia, 170 ; passage of
the Vistula, 172 ; treaty with
Mazeppa, 174 ; invasion of
Russia, 175 ; battle of Goloft-
chin, 177 ; the last star in bis
coronet of glory, 179; battle
of Ljesna, 189 ; marches on
Starodub, 193 ; news of the
disasterat Ljesna, 194; joined
by Mazeppa, 202 ; nose frost-
bitten, 205 ; marches to Pol-
tava, 211 ; severely wounded
in the foot, 213 ; the Sultan
refuses help, 215 ; defeat at
Poltava, 225 ; retreat to Pere-
woloczna, 226 ; flight of king,
226 ; surrender of Lewenhaupt,
226 ; reaches Bender, 230 ;
royal reception, 231 ; de-
spatches a diplomatic agent to
Constantinople, 285 ; life at
Bender, 288-242 ; war between
Turkey and Russia, 251 ;
manifesto to Polish people,
251 ; peace between Turkey
and Russia, 253 ; decides to
Charles Xll.— continued
leave Turkey, 269 ; war again
declared against Russia, 261 ;
requested by the Sultan to
leave, 263 ; capture by the
Turks, 269 ; house burnt, 276 ;
leaves Turkey, 280 ; prisoner
at the castle of Demurtasch,
281 ; returns to Sweden, 802 :
decides to ride, 303 ; reaches
Stralsund, 306 ; declaration of
war between Sweden and Prus-
sia, 311 ; declaration of war
between Hanover and Sweden,
312; fall of Stralsund and
flight, 819 ; arrives at Ystad,
320 ; adopts new methods for
raising money, 326; invades
Norway, 832 ; occupies Christ -
iania, 333 ; retreats from
Fredericksten, 334; at Lund,
338 ; invades Denmark, 349 ;
siege of Frederikshald, 349 ;
his death, 352
Christian Augustus of Holstein-
Gottorp, 313
Courland, Duke of, 64, 65
Crassow, General, 147, 168, 176,
211
Cronhjelm, Gustav, 5
Croy, Duke of, 49
DAHLBERG, FIELD-MAR-
SHAL, 63
DUben, Court-Marshal, 272, 274
Diicker, General, 349
During, 305, 319
EICHSTADT, COUNT VITZ-
THUM VON, 74
FABRICIUS, BARON, OF
HOLSTEIN - GOTTORP,
241
Feif, Karsten, 195, 241, 279
Flemming, Lieutenant-General,
82, 168, 286
I
INDEX
867
Frederick the Great, 110
Frederick IV., Duke of Holstein-
Gottorp, 21, 82, b42
Frederick IV., Kinc; of Denmark,
28, 84, 37, 47, 230, 246, 282,
283, 287, 831, 348
GEMBICKI, COUNT, 114, 115
George I. of England, 837
Golovin, Count, 49
Goltz, General, 182, 215
Gbrz, Baron, 242, 309, 323, 327,
330, 342, 343, 344, 345, 346
Gripenhjelm, MarshjJ, 10, 11
Grothusen, 241, 279
Gyldenlbve, Ulrich Christian, 38,
47
Gyldenstolpe, Nils, 3, 9
Gyllenkrook, General, 214, 217,
233
Gyllenstjema, Christopher, 9
HAJMILTON, GENERAL, 218
Hard, General, 271, 273
Hedwig Eleanora, Queen-
Mother, 9, 10, 11, 21, 25
Horn, Colonel Arved, 20, 49, 57,
108, 113, 114, 115, 116, 119,
121, 300
Hummerhjelm, Colonel, 70, 75
TERUSALSKI, 115, 116
J Jusuf Pasha, 230, 258, 261
RANITZ, GENERAL, 96
Khan of Crim-Tartary,The,
212
Klinkowstrom. the page, 23
Kramersdorf, 64
Kreutz, General, 218
Kronburg, 38, 39
Kruse, General, 218
Kowno, 71
Kungsbr, 25
LAGERKRONA, MAJOR-
GENERAL, 192, 241
Landgrave of Hesse, 805, 313
Lemberg, Archbishop of, 125
Leopold, Prince, of Anhalt-Des-
sau, 316
Lesczinski, Count Stanislaus,
111, 113, 115, 116, 122, 260,
280, 299
Lewenhaupt, General, 127, 175,
179, 182. 185, 187, 192, 194,
2U, 219, 222, 225, 226
Lieven, Baron, 301
Lindskjbld, Erick, 3, 5
Lorraine, Duke of, 112
Louis XIV., King of France, 35,
312
Liibecker, General, 175, 195
Lublin, Diet of, 99
Lubomirski, Prince, 68, 109,
111, 113, 114, 117, 119
MALMO, 36
Mardefeld, General. 189,
146
Marlborough, Duke of, 160, 161,
163, 164
Max Emmanuel, Elector of Ba-
varia, 112
Mazeppa, hetmanofthe Cossacks,
171, 181, 193, 197, 200, 201,
202
Menshikof, 106, 146, 201, 223
Meyerfeld, Colonel, 70, 293
Mitau, 68
Momer, General, 88
Miillern, Chancellor, 234, 241,
279
NEUGEBAUER, 235
Nierolt, Lieutenant-General,
123
Norcopensis, Professor, 2
Norris, Admiral, 310, 312, 887
OGlLVr,FIELD.MARSHAL,
121, 130, 131, 137
Oxenstiema, I3engt, 9
868
INDEX
PETER THE GREAT, 7, 19,
28,46,47,67,61,67,98,102,
105, 106, 121, 124, 126, 127,
128, 129, 155, 158, 172, 182,
183, 189, 195, 197, 200, 202,
203, 213, 236, 248, 249, 252,
268, 259, 280, 285, 302, 337,
341, 343, 348
Patkul, Lieutenant-General, 64,
65, 102, 121, 126, 157
Piemiazek, 111
Piper, Count, 21, 111, 139, 141,
150, 163, 165, 207, 220
Piper, Countess, 73, 165
Polus, 5, 21
Poniatowski, Stanislaus, 241, 248
Pope, The, 117
Posen, Bishop of, 116,116
Posse, Colonel, 217
RABEN, ADMIRAL, 315
Radziejowski, 114, 115, 117,
122, 125
Rakoczi, Prince of Transylvania,
112
Rantzau, General, 243
Redzinik, Prince, 111
Regent Orleans, The, 313
Rehbinder, General, 36
Rehnskjold, 130, 131, 132, 133,
lU, 135, 186, 209, 216, 217,
220
Repnin, Prince, 223, 247
Reventlow, General, 243
Rbnne, General, 211, 223
Rooke, Sir George, 36
Roos, Major-General, 217, 223,
224, 271
Rosen, 319
Ross, General, 183
O AXE, MARIilCHAL DE, 72
O Schlippenbach, General, 218
Scholten, General, 286, 287
Schulenburg, 131, 132, 143
Sehested, Admiral, 315
Sheremetief, Field-Marshal, 127,
189, 197, 211
Sobieski, James, 102, 107, 110
Sobieski, Constantine and Alex-
ander, 110, 111
Sparre, Axel, 11, 18, 214, 217,
223, 315
Stachelberg, General, 217, 223
Steinau, Field-Marshal, 63, 65,
83,93
Stenbock, Count John Gabriel,
22
Stenbock, General, 57, 59, 89,
238, 244, 260, 283, 284, 286,
287, 289, 291
Stepney, George, 160
Stromberg, General, 247
Svedberg, 25
TTLR1CAELEAN0RA,PRIN-
U CESS, 301
WACHTMEISTER, HANS,
23,38
Wachslager, 108,114
Wallenstedt, Lars, 9
Wardenfeldt, General, 101
Wellingk, General, 82, 289
Wiesnowiecki, Prince, 75
William III., King of England,35
Wrede, Fabian, 9
Wiirtemburg, Prince of, 101
ZAPOROVIAN COSSACKS,
TH E, 210, 226
lONDOM ! PRINTED BT DCNOAIf MAODOKALD, BLE:yHEUl BOUSG.
\B ^^'^ ^
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THE AWAKENING OF MARY FENWICK.
By Beatrice Whitby.
"We have no hesitation in declaring that 'The Awakening of Mary Fenwick ' is the
best novel of its kind that we have seen for some years. It in apparently a first effort,
and, as such, is really remarkable. The story is extremely simple. Mary Mauser marries
her husband for external, and perhaps rather inadequate, reasons, and then discovers
that he married her because she was an heiress. She feels the indignity acutely, and
does not scruple to tell him her opinion — her very candid opinion — of I i.^ behaviour. Ihtt
is the effect of the first few chapters, and the rest of Miss Whitby's bock is devoted to
relating how this divided couple hated, quarrelled, and finally fell in love with one a-nother.
Mary Fenwick and lier husband live 8j)d move and make ua believe in them in av.-ty
Trbicta few but the great masters of fiction have been able to compass."— .i^Aencvm.
TWO ENGLISH GIRLS.
By Mabel Hart.
"This etory is distinguished by its pure and elegant English, and the refinement of it«
Btyle and thought. It is a lively account, with many touches of humour, of Art study in
Florence, and the story weaved into it exhibits a high ideal of life . . . The lively, pleas-
ant, and refined tone of the narrative and dialogue will recommend the story to ftil
cultivated readers." — Spectator.
'•Beatr-ce Hamlyn is an emancipated yotmg woman of the most pleasing type, and her
friend Evelyn is hardly less amiable. But the cleverness of Miss Hart's story lies in the
Eimple yet effective portrait at the Italian character. The elder Vivaldi is presented to us
in a way that shows both knowledge and sympathy. There are pleasing touches oJ
bnmonr, too, in the minor personagea" — Saturday Hevieto.
HIS LITTLE MOTHER, AND OTHER TALES.
By the Author of ' John Halifax, Gentleman.'
" 'His Little Mother' is the story of a sister's self-sacrifice from her childhood until her
early death, worn out in her brother's and his children's service. It is a pathetic story
as the author tells it The 'beauty of the girl's devotion is described with many tenoer
touches, and the question of short-sighted though loving foolishness is kept in the back-
ground. The volume is written in a pleasant informal manner, and contains many tender
generous thought.s, and not a few practical ones. It is a book that will be read with in-
terest, and that cannot be lightly forgotten."— ,S<. James's Gazette.
"The book is written with all Mrs. Craik's grace of style, the chief charm of which
after all, ia its simplicity. "—GJiwyotr Herald.
MISTRESS BEATRICE COPE :
Ob, passages IN THE LIFE OF A JACOBITE'S DAUGHTER.
By M. E. Le Clerc.
" This is a new one-volume edition of one of the prettiest stories that has been written
for a long time. It has all the charm and glamour of the most romantic and heroic period
of English history, yet it never for an instant oversteps the limit of sober fact and proba-
bility in the way which »-■- -a so many romantic stories. The tone of the book ia abso-
lutely fair and just, and '-J good qualities of both parties are done justice to. Not that
politics as such do more than form a backgrotmd for the sweet figure of Mistress Beatrice,
one of the simplest, most charming, tender, and heroic maidens of fiction. It is a good
atory well and dramatically told, which gives a life-like picture ot the end of ihe mof '
atirring and heroic period of oar national history."- Qu«n.
LONDON: HUB8T AND BLACKETT, LIMITED.
(3
Each in One Volume, Crown Octavo, 3s, 6(^
A MARCH IN THE RANKS.
By Jessie Fotiiergill.
" Ever since Miss Jessie Fothergill wrote her admirable first novel, ' Tha First Violin,'
one baa looked forward to her succeeding books with interest Tbe present one is a
pleasant book, well-written, well-conceived. A book that is written in good sensible
English, and wherein tbe characters are mostly gentlefolk and 'behave as sich,' is not to
be met with every day, and consequently deserves a considerable meed of praise." — World.
'• The characters are so brightly and vividly conceived, and the complications which go
to make up the story are so natural, so inevitable, and yet so fresh, that the interest
awakened by the opening of the tale never declines until the close, but rather, as is fitting,
becomes richer and deeper." — Academy.
NINETTE.
By the Author of ' Vera,' ' Blue Eoses,' Etc.
" A story of sustained power from beginning to end, it is put together according to the
ti-ue principles of art; moreover, we congratulate the author upon her hero and heroin&
Ninette, in her simple untaught rectitude of conduct, her innate modesty, and child-like
faith, recalls some of the happiest touches in the Lucia of the immortal 'Promessi SposL'"
— Church Quarterly Reciew.
" ' Ninette ' is something more than a novel ; it is a careful and elaborate study of life
among tbe Provengal hills, and, as such, deserves special attention. It is a pretty tale of
true love, with its usual accotnpauiments of difficulty and trouble, which are all overcome
ia the long run." — Literary World.
'•'Ninette' Is evidently bas?d on long and intimate acquaintance with French rural
districts, is excellently written, and cannot fail to please." — Scotsn.an.
i
A CROOKED PATH.
By Mas. Alex.\nder.
" 'A Crooked Path ' is, to say the least, as good a novel as the best of the many good
novels which Mrs. Alexander has written ; indeed, most people, even those who remember
' ihe Wooing O't,' will consider it the most satisfactory of them all, as a piece of literary
work, as well as the most interesting as a story. Starting from a point so common as the
suppression of a wil.', the reader before long finds himself fallowing her into the least ex-
pected yet the most natural developments, reaching poetical justice at the end by equally
natural and equally unlooked-for means. The portraiture ia invariably adequate, aud the
background well-fliled."— G'rai'fttc.
ONE REASON WHY.
By Beatrice Whitby,
"Our old friend the governess makes a re-entry into fiction under the auspices of Bea-
trice Whitby in 'OneEeason Why.' Readers generally, however, will take a great deal
more interest, for once, in the children than in their instructress. 'Bay ' and 'EUie ' are
charmingly natural additions to the children of novel-land ; so much so, that there is a
period when one dreads a death-bed (icene for one of them — a fear which is happily un-
lulQlled. The name of the authoress vrill be remembered by many in conjunction with
' The Awakening of Mary Fenwick.' " — Graphic.
" Every page of ' One Reason Why ' shows the mark of a fresh, vigorous mind. The
ptvle is good— ia some parts excellent It is clear, expressive, and often rhythmia"iM
S':otsinan.
4)
LONDON : HURST AND BLx\CKETT, LIMITED.
Each in One Volume Crown Octavo^ 3». 6rf.
MAHME NOUSIE.
By G. Manville Fenn.
"Mr. Manville Fenn baa the gift of not only seeing tmtb, bnt of drawing it pictnt<i
«»<)nely. His portrait of Mahme Nousie is faithfnl as well as touching. Like all her rac^
she is a being of one idea, and that idea is her child. To keep her away from the islan
to have her brought up as a lady, it is for this that Nousie has opened a cabaret for tht
negroes and has sat at the receipt of custom herself. Of course she never once ttinks of
the shock that the girl must undergo when she is plunged suddenly into such a position,
she never tbiuks about anything but the fact that she is to have her child again. Her
gradual awakening, and the struggles of both mother and daughter to hide their pain, are
finely told. So is the story of how they both remained ' faithfnl unto death.' History has
a power to charm which ia often lacking in tales of higher pretensions." — Saturday Retiem.
THE IDES OF MARCH.
By G. M. Robins.
" ' The Ides of March ' is a capital book. The plot does not depend for its interest upon
anything more fantastic than an old gentleman's belief that a family curse will take effect
unless his son marries by a given data The complications which arise from this son's
being really in love with a girl whom he believes to have treated his friend. Captain Dis-
ney, very badly, and getting engaged to another girl, who transfers her affections to the
same Captain Disney, are ekiifnlly worked out, while the dialogue is, in parta, extremely
bright, and the description of the founding of the Norchester branch of the Women's
Sanitary League really funny ",— Literary World.
" * The Ides of March,' in spite of its classical name, is a story of the present time, and
a very good one, full of lively conversation, which carries os merrily on, and not without
a fond of deeper feeling and higher princi;)Ie." — Oaardian.
PART OF THE PROPERTY.
By Beatrice Whitbt.
"The book is a thoroughly good one The theme is fairly familiar —the rebellion of a
spirited girl against a match which has been arranged for her without her knowledge or
consent ; her resentment at being treated, not as a woman with a heart and will, but us
• part of the property '; and her ftnal discovery, which is led up to with real dramatic skill,
that the thing against which her whole nature had risen in revolt has become the ore
desire of her heart The mutual relations each to each of the impetuous Mtdge. her selr-
willed, stubborn grandfather, who has arranged the match, and her lover Jocelyn, wiih
his loyal, devoted, sweetly-balanced nature, are portrayed with fine truth of insight; but
perhaps the author's greatest triumph is the portrait of Mrs. Lindsay, who, with the
knowledge of the terrible skeleton In the cupboard of her apparently happy home, wears
so bravely the mask of light gaiety as to deceive everybody but the one man who knows
her secret It is refreshing to read a novel in which there is not a trace of slipshod work."
SptcUUor.
CASPAR BROOKE'S DAUGHTER.
By Adeline Sergeant.
" 'Caspar Brooke's Daughter' is as good as other stories from the same hand— perhaps
better. It Is not of the sort that has much really marked originality or force of style, yet
taere is a good deal of clever treatment in it It was quite on the cards that Caspar him-
self might prove a bore or a prig or something else equally annoying. His daughter, too
—the fair and innocent convent-bred girl — would in some hands have been really tedioua
The difficulties of the leading situation — a daughter obiiged to pass from one parent to
another on account of their • incompatibility ' — are cleverly conveyed. The wife's as well
as the husband's part is treated with feeling and reticence — qualities which towards tho
end disappear to a certain extent. It is a story in somo ways — not in all— above the
average '—.iKAoueMni.
LONDON : HUBST AND BLACKETT, LIMITED.
(5
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JANET.
By Mns. Oliphant.
" ' Janst' Is one of the ablest of the author's recent novels ; perhaps the ablest book ot
the kind that she has produced since the Carlingford series; and its ability is all the njoro
striking because, while the character material is so simple, it is made to yield, without
any forced manipulation, a product of story which is rich in strong dramatic situations."
—Monchuter Examimr.
" Sirs. Oliphant's hand has lost none of its cunning, despite her extraordinary— and, one
would think, exhausting— industry. 'Janet' may fairly rank among the best of her recent
productions." — St. James's Gazette.
"'Janet' is really an exciting story, and contains a great deal more plot and inciiiont
than has been the case in any of Mra Oliphant's recent noyela. Tue character sketches
are worthy of their authorship." — Queen.
A RAINBOW AT NIGHT.
By the Author of ' Mistress Beatrice Cope.'
•' In common, we should imagine, with a large circle of novel-readers, we have been
rather impatiently looking forward to the time when U. E Le Clerc, the author of 'Mis-
tress Beatrice Cope,' would produce a successor to that singularly interesting and charm-
ing tale. ' A Eiinbow at Night,' though it certainly lacks the romantic and dramatic
character, combined with the flivour of a fascinating period, which gave special distinc-
tion to its forerunner, has no trace of failing off in the essential matters of construction,
portraiture, and style." — Oraphic.
'•Thanks to an interesting plot and a graphic as well as refined manner, 'A Bainbow at
Night,' when once commenced, will not readily be laid aside." — Morning Post,
IN THE SUNTIME OF HER YOUTH.
By Beatrice Whitby.
" A description of a home stripped by the cold wind of poverty of all its comforts, but
which remains home still. The careless optimism of the head of the family would be in-
creilible, if we did not know how men exist full of responsibilities yet free from solici-
tudes, and who tread with a jaunty step the very verge of ruin ; his inconsolable widow
would be equally improbable, if we did not meet every day with women who devote them-
eelves to such idols of clay. The characters of their charming children, whoso penury wo
deplore, do not deteriorate, as often happens in that cruel ordeal. A sense of fuirnes.'i
pervades the book which is rarely found in the work of a lady. There is interest in it
from first to last, and ita pithoB is relieved by touches of true humour." Illustrated
tondon News.
MISS BOUVERIE.
By Mrs. Molesworth.
" Mrs. Molesworth has long established a reputation as one of the freshest and most
graceful of contemporaneous writers of light Action; but in 'Miss Bouverie ' she has sur-
passed herself, and it is no exaggeration to say that this is one of the prettiest stories which
has appeared for years." — Morning Post.
"Everyone knows Mrs. Molesworth by her exquisite Christmas stories for children, and
can guess that any novel she writes is interesting, without gensationaliem. The refine-
ment which pervades all Mrs Molesworth's stories comes evidently from a pure, spiritual
nature, which unconsciously raises the reader's tone of thonght, without any approach to
didactic writing," — Spectator.
6)
LONDON : HUBST AND BLACKETT. LIMITED.
Each in One Volume^ Crown Octavo^ 2>s. Gd.
FROM HARVEST TO HAYTIME.
By the Author of ' Two English Gikls.'
" The Bccomplished author of ' Two English Girls ' has prodoced another novel of coa-
Biderable merit The story is one of a rural district in England, into which there Intro-
dcces himself one day a foot-sore, hungry, sick tramp, who turns out to be a yoimg maa
of education and consideration, whose career in the past is strange, and whose career ia
the future the author has depicted as stranger still. The writ*r is successful chiefly in the
excellent life-like pictures which she presents of Rose Pnrley, the young lady who man-
ages the farm, and of the -village doctor, Gabriel Armstrong. The book is one which may
b« read with pleastire."— .Scotsman.
THE WINNING OF MAY.
By tlie Author of ' Db. Edith Komney.'
" It is the writing of one who Is determined, by dint of conscientious and painstaking
work, to win success from that portion of the public that does not look for the bril i&nt
acbievements of genius, but can recognise meritorious work. The tale is an agreeable
one, and the character of Mr. Beresford ia admirably drawn, showing considerable in-
sight and understanding. The author has a steady mastery over the story she wishes
to tell, and she tells it clearly and eloquently, without hesitation and without prolixity..
The book has thia naerit — the first merit of a novel — that the reader is interested in the
people rather than the plot, and that he watches the development of character rather
than th&t of eyenl."— Literary World.
SIR ANTHONY.
By Adeline Sebgeant.
"Sir Anthony introdnces two mysterious children, Henry and Elfrlda, into his house, and
compels his wife, whom be dislikes, to protect and virtually adopt them. In due course
he tells these children, in his own vigorous Anglo-Saxon, 'You two are my eldest son
and daughter, lawiully begotten of my wife, once Mary Derrick, and known afterwards
as Mary Paston. Yon will be Sir Henry Eesterton when I die, and Elfrlda is hairass
to her grandmother's money and jewels.' Lady Eesterton overhears this terrible
•tatement He repeats it in a still more offensive form. Thereupon she gives him an
overdoae of chloral, and fights desperately, and with temporary success, for what she re-
gards M the rights of her children, but especially of her son Gerard. Failure overtakes
her, and Elfrida, though not poor Henry, comes by her OWQ. The plot is good and
thorooghly sostaiaed from first to \Bet"'~AcaJemy
' THUNDERBOLT.
By the Rev. J. Middleton Macdonald.
" 'Thunderbolt ' ia an Australian rival of Claude Duval, and Mr Macdonald records hia
daring feats with unflagging rerte. Never was police officer more defied nor bewildered
than the Major Deverenx, of brilliant Indian reputation, who, in the Australian bash,
finds that to catch a robber of Thunderbolt's temperament and ability requires local
knowledge, as well as other gifts undreamt-of by the Hussar officer. Thunderbolt goes
to races undei the Major's nose, dances in the houses of his friends, robs Her Majesty's
m^s and direrse banks, but conducts himself with (on occasion) the oiiivalrona ooar>
tesy that characterised his prototype. His tragical end is told with spirit, while the book
baa excellent descriptions of Australian life, both in town and cowatij."— Morning Pott.
LONDON: HURST AND BLACKETT, LimTKD.
(7
Each in One Volume^ Crown Octavo, 85. 6<f.
MARY FENWICK'S DAUGHTER.
By Beatrice Whitby.
"ThiB is one of the most delightful novels we have read for a long tima 'Bab' Fen-
wick is an ' out of doors ' kind of girl, full of spirit, wit, go, and sin, both original and
acquired. Her lover, Jack, is all that a hero should be, and great and magnanimous as
he is, finds some difQculty in forgiving the insouciante mistress all her little sins of omis-
sion and commission. When she finally shoots him in the leg — by accident — the real
tragedy of the story begina The whole is admirable, if a little long."— Slack and White.
ROBERT CARROLL.
By the Author of ' Mistress Beatrice Cope.'
"M. E. Le Clerc devotes herself to historic Action, and her success is sufficient to justify
her in the occasional production of stories like ' Mistress Beatrice Cope ' and ' Robert Car-
roll' Beatrice Cope was a Jacobite's daughter, so far as memory serves, and Robert Carroll
was the son of a Jacobite baronet, who played and lost his stake at Preston, fighting for the
Old Pretender. Of course the hero loved a maiden whose father was a loyal servant of
King George, and, almost equally of course, one of this maiden's brothers was a Jacobite.
A second brother, by the way, appears as a lad of sixteen in the spring of 1714, and as a
wounded colonel of cavalry on the morrow of the fight at Preston, less than two years
later — rapid promotion even for those days, though certainly not impossible. The author
has taken pains to be accurate in her references to the events of the time, and her bleed
of fact and fiction is romantic euongh." .—Athenceum.
THE HUSBAND OF ONE WIFE.
By the Author of ' Some Married Fellows.'
"It is a comfort to turn from the slipshod English and the tiresome slang of many
modem novels to the easy and cultured style of ' The Husband of One Wife,' and we have
been thoroughly interested in the story, as well as pleased with the manner in which it is
told. As for Mrs Qoldenour, afterwards Mrs. Garfoyle, afterwards Mrs. Pengelley, she Is
certainly one of the most attractive as well as one of the most provoking of heroines, and
Mra Venn has succeeded admirably in describing her under both aspects. The scene of
the dinner-party, and the description of the bishop's horror at its magnificence is very
clever. We are very glad to meet several old friends again, especially Mrs. Qruter, who
is severe and amusing as ever. Altogether we feel that Mrs. Venn's novels are books to
which we can confidently look forward with pleasure." — Quardian.
BROTHER GABRIEL.
By M. Betham-Edwards.
" The story will be followed ^ith unfaltering interest Nor is anything short of nn-
mixed praise due to several of the episodes and separate incidents of which it is composed.
The principal characters — Delmar, Zo^'s cousin and lover — stand out in decided and life-
like relief. In the sketches of scenery, especially those of the coast of Brittany and the
aspect of its sea, both in calm and storm. Miss Betham-Edwards need not fear comparison
with the best masters of the art" — Spectator.
"The book is one that may be read with pleasure; it is fluently, flowingly, carefully
written; and it contains very pleasant sketches of character."— Academy.
LONDON : HURST AND BLACFETT, LIMITED-
8)
Each in One Volume^ Crown Octavo^ 3«. 6d,
A MATTER OF SKILL.
By Beatrice Whitby.
"Miss 'Whithy eRsays a lighter vein than nsnal in her collection of stories, entitled 'A
Matter of Skill." Bat she writes with the same excellence aud freedom, and all these
niiniatore love-stories will be cordially welcomed. Lovely woman appears in these pages
in a variety of moods, humorons and pathetic, and occasionally she seems not a little
•uncertain, coy, and hard to please." The title story, showiag how a stately girl is captured,
after a good deal of trouble, by a short and common-place young man, is very amnsing;
and there are other sketches in which it is interesting to follow the wiles of MotberSve
ere she has come to years of diBcretion."— ,4ca«fc/ny.
JOHN HALIFAX, GENTLEMAN.
By Mrs. Craik.
"The new and cheaper edition of this interesting work will doubtless meet with great
Bnccess. John Halifax, the hero of this most beautiful story, ia no ordinary hero, and
this his history ia no ordinary book. It is a full-length portrait of a true gentleman, one
of nature's own nobility. It is also the history of a home, and a thoroughly English one.
The work abounds in incident, and many of the scenes are full of graphic power and true
pathos. It is a book that few will read without becoming wiser and better."— Seo(«nMML
A LIFE FOR A LIFE.
By Mrs. Craik.
"We are always glad to welcome this anthor. She writes from her own convictions,
and she has the power not only to conceive clearly what it is that she wishes to say, but
to express it in language effective and vigorous. In • A Life for a Life ' she is fortuuate
ID a good subject, and she has produced a work of strong effect The reader, having read
the buok through for the story, will be apt (if he be of our persuasion) to return and read
again many pages and passages with greater pleasure than on a first perusal. The whole
book is replete with a graceful, tender delicacy ; and. in addition to its other merits, it is
written in good careftU English "—M(Aena>t<m.
CHRISTIAN'S MISTAKE.
By Mrs. Ckaik.
"A more charming story, to our taf to. has rarely been writtetL Within the compan
of a (ingle volnme the writer has hit off a circle of varied characters, all true to nature^
some true to the highest nature— and she has entangled them in a story which keeps as
in -nspesBe till the knot is happily and gracefully resolved; while, at the same time, •
pathetic interest ia sustained by an art o( which it would be dica^ult to analyse the secret
It is a choice gift to be able thus to render human nature so truly, to penetrate its depths
with such a searching sagacity, and to illuminate them with a radiance so eminently the
writer °s Qwa."—Tht Tima.
LONDON : HUKST AND BLACKETT, LIMITED.
(9
Each in One Volume, Crown Octavo, 3s. 6<f.
A NOBLE LIFE.
By Mrs. Cbaik.
"Few men and no women will read 'A Noble lift' without feeling themselveB tho
better for the eSotV —Spectator.
" A beautifully written and touching tala It is a noble hook."— Morning Post.
"'A Noble Life' is remarkable for the high types of character it presents, ancL the
Bkill with which they are made to work out a story of powerful and pathetic interest"
~~Daily Nttcs.
THE WOMAN'S KINGDOM.
By Mrs. Craik.
" ' The Woman's Kingdom ' sustains the author's reputation as a writer of the purest
and noblest kind of domestic stories." — Atlienceum.
■' ' The "Woman's Kingdom ' is remarkable for its romantic interest The characters are
masterpieces. Edmi is worthy of tho hand that drew John Uaiitax."— Morning Pott.
A BRAVE LADY.
By Mrs. Craik.
" A very good novel, showing a tender sympathy with human nature, and permeated
by a pure and noble spirit.'' — Examiner.
'A most charming story.'' — Standard.
"We earnestly recommend this novel It is a special and worthy specimen of tho
author's remarkable powers. The reader's attention never for a moment flaga" — Pott
MISTRESS AND MAID.
By Mrs. Craik.
"A good, wholesome book, as pleasant to read as it is instructive." — Athenaeum.
" This book is written with the same true-hearted eamestnesa as 'John Halifax' Tha
Bpirit of fhe whole work is excellent"— .Examiner.
" A charming tale charmingly told,"— Standard.
LONDON : HUKST AND BLACKETT, LIMITED.
10)
Kick in One Volume^ Crown Octavo, ds. 6<i
YOUNG MRS. JARDLNE.
By Mrs. Cbaik.
'• ■ Young ilrs. Jardlaa ' Is a pretty story, written in pure English." — T?u Times
'■ There ie much good feeling in this book. It is pleasant and wholeaomek" — AOtenattm.
* A book that all ahoaid read. WhUet It is qoite the eqoal of any of Ita predecesaora
la eleratioQ of thought or style, it ia perhaps their superior in interest of plot and
drcmatic intensity. I^e eliaraoteri aro admirably delineated, and the dialogne is "natural
and clear."— J/on»M0 PoiL
HANNAH.
By Mbs. Cbais.
**A powerful novel of social and domeatio Ufa. One of the most saccMsfal efforts of a
•aecessfnl noTelisL" — DaQg Ifeut.
■' X Tery pleasant, haaltUy story, well and artistically told. The book ia aure of a wld«
circle of readers. The character of Hannah is one of rare beauty." — Standard
NOTHING NEW.
By Mbs. Cbais.
" 'Nothing X'jw' displays al those superior merits which have made ' John Halifax
one of the most popolar novels of the day."— Aromtn^ Pott
'-The reader will And these narratiTea calculated to remind him of that tnith and
•nergy of human portraiture, that spell over human affections and emotions, which hare
stamped this author as one of the first novelists of oar day."— /o^ Bull.
IN TIME TO COME.
By Eleasob Houtes.
"■In Time to Come,' by Miss Eleanor Holmes, merits a good place among on»-Toluma
Bovela The theme ia interesting, the characters who work it ont have been observaatiy
•tu.'.ied and oarefdly drawn, and the sequel justifies what at the first blush aeems rather
a va^ae title."— AiukiM Atturtiitr.
LONDON : HUBST ANU BLACKKTT, LIMITED.
(11
Each in One Volume^ Crown Octavo^ 3«. ^d.
THE UNKIND WORD.
By Mrs. Gbaie.
" The author of ' John Halifax ' has written many fascinating stories, but we can call to
mind nothing from her pen that has a more enduring charm than the graceful slcetcfae*
In this work. Such a character as Jessie stands out from a crowd of heroines as the type
of all that is truly noble, pure, and womanly."— CTniYwi Serviet ifagmine.
DALEFOLK.
By Alicb Rea.
" ' Dalefolk ' tells of the effect produced on a simple and impressible people by a terriflo
curse, pronounced by a half-Insane clergyman on a parishioner whom he believes to have
written an anonymous letter of complaint to the Bishop of the diocesa The cloud of
mingled awe and repulsion that rests on the family for two generations is forcibly de-
scribed. But this is only a background for a series of capital sketches of life as It waa
among the West Oumberland dalesmen at a period— this is the only note of time— when
the diocese was ruled from Chester instead of, as now, from Carlisle. The author evidently
writes from full acquaintance with her subject, and brings out in vivid colours the quaint,
old festivities, the dancings, and wrestlings, and card-playings, the great gatherings for
shearings and ' salvings,' all of them excuses for genial and unstinted hospitalities, and
renewals of kind, neighbourly feeling and good-fellowship, which were so needed among
the loneliness and Isolation which were of necessity the habitual lot of the occupiers of
the great sheep farma She is equally happy in entering into the ways of thought and
feeling which must have been characteristic of the primitive and simple folk to whoa
the reader is introduced in her pleasant pagea"— Cuardtan.
STUDIES FROM LIFE.
By Mrs. Craik.
"These studies are truthful and vivid pictures of life, often earnest, always fxill ot
right feeling, and oooasionally lightened by touches of quiet genial humour. The volume
is remarkable for thought, sound sense, shrewd observation, and kind and sympathetio
feeling for all things good and beautiful."— if ominj; Po$t
A WOMAN'S THOUGHTS ABOUT WOMEN.
By Mrs. Gbaik.
" A book of sound counsel It is one of the most sensible works of its kind, well
written, true-hearted, and altogether practical. Whoever wishes to give advice to a
young lady may thank the author for means of doing so." — Examiner.
"These thoughts are worthy of the earnest and enlightened mind, the all-embracin 3
charity and well-earned reputation of the author of 'John Halifax.' " — Standard.
" This excellent book is characterised by good sense, good taste, and feeling, and i»
written in an earnest, philanthropic, as well as practical spirit."- ifomin^ Pott.
LONDON: HURST AND BLACKETT, LIMITED.
12)
BEATRICE AVHITBY'S NOVELS.
EACH IX OXE VOLUME CROWX Svo-Ss. 6d
THE AWAKENING OF MARY FENWICK.
" We have no hesitation in declaring that 'The Awakening of Mary Fenwick ' is the-
best novel o( its kind that we have seen for some yeara It is apparently a first effort,
and, as such, is really remarkable. The story is extremely simple. Mary Mauser marries
her hosband for external, and perhaps rather inadequate, reasons, and then discovers
that he married her because she was an heiresa She feels the indignity acntely, and
does not scruple to tell him her opinion — her very candid opinion — of his behaviour. That
is the effect of the flrst few chapters, and the rest of Miss Whitby's book is devoted to
relating how this divided couple hated, quarrelled, and finally fell in love with one another.
Mary Fenwick and her husband live and move and make us believe in them in a way
which few but the great masters oC fiction have been able to compass." — At?tenceum
ONE REASON WHY.
"The governess makes a re-entry into fiction under the auspices of Beatrice "Whitby in
' One Beason Why.' Readers generally, however, will take a great deal more interest, for
ODca, in the children than in their instructresa ' Bay ' and ' EUie ' are charmingly natural
additions to the children of novel-land ; so much so, that there is a period when one dreads
a death-bed scene for one of them — a fear which is happily unfulfilled. — Graphic.
PART OF THE PROPERTY.
'The book is a thoroughly good one. The theme is fairly familiar— the rebellion of a
spirited girl against a match which has been arranged for her without her knowledge or
consent; her resentment at being treated, not as a woman with a heart and will, but as
'part of the property ;' and her final discovery, which is led up to with real dramatic sfeiU,
that the thing against which her whole nature had risen in revolt has become the one
desire of her heart. The author's greatest triumph is the portrait of Mr& Lindsay, who,
with the knowledge of the terrible skeleton in the cupboard of her apparently happy
home, wears so bravely the mask of light gaiety as to deceive everybody but the one man
who knows her secTet,"— Spectator.
IN THE SUNTIME OF HER YOUTH.
" A description of a home stripped by the cold wind of poverty of all its comforts, btit
which remains home still. The careless optimism of the head of the family would be in-
credible, if we did not know how men exist full of responsibilities yet free from solici-
tudes, and who tread with a jaunty step the very verge of ruin ; his inconsolable widow
would be equally improbable, if we did not meet every day with women who devote them-
selves to such idols of day. There is interest in it from flrst to last, and its pathos is re-
lieved by touches of true humour.''— Illustrated London Neits.
MARY FENWICK'S DAUGHTER.
"This is one of the most delightful novels we have read for a long tima 'Bab' Fen-
wick is an ' oat of doors ' kind of girl, full of spirit, wit, go, and sin, both original and
aoqnired. Her lover. Jack, is all that a hero should be, and great and magnanimous as
be iB, finds some difficulty in forgiving the insouciante mistress all her little sins of omis-
sion and oommission. When she finally shoots him in the leg— by accident — the real
tragedy of the story beglna The whole is admirable."— £/ai-il and White.
A MATTER OF SKILL.
"Lovely woman appears in these pages in a variety of moods, humorous and pathetic,
and occasionally she seems not a little 'uncertain, coy, and bard to please.' The title
■tory, showing how a stately girl is captured, after a good deal of trouble, by a short and
commonplace yotmg man, is very amusing; and there are other f ketches in which it is
interesting to follow the wiles of Mother Eve ere she has come to years of discretion. "•-'
Academy.
LONDON : HUEST AND BLAOKBTT, LIMITED.
MRS. CRAIK'S NOVELS
Each in One Volume, Crown Octavo, Ss. i5d.
JOHN HALIFAX, GENTLEMAN.
•'The new and cheaper edition of this interestmg work will doubtleBS meet with great
anccess. John Halifax, the hero of this most beautiful story, is no ordinary hero, and this
hia history la no ordinary book. It is a full-length portrait of a true gentleman, one of
natore'B own nobility. It is also the history of a home, and a thoroughly English one.
Ill* work abonnda in incident, and ia full of graphic power and true patboa. It ia a book
that few will read without becoming wiser and better."— ^cottmon.
A LIFE FOR A LIFE.
"We are always glad to welcome this author. She writes from her own conTlotions,
and she has the power not only to conceive clearly what it is that she wishes to say. but
to express it in language erfective and vigoroua In ' A Life for a Life ' she is fortunate
in a good subject, and she has produced a work of strong effect The reader, having read
the book through for the story, will be apt (if he be of our persuasion) to return and read
again many pages and passages with greater pleasure than on a first perusal The whole
book la replete with a graceful, tender delicacy ; and in addition to its other merits, it is
written in good careful KngUBh."—AthtnKutn.
CHRISTIAN'S MISTAKE.
"A more charming story, to our taste, has rarely been written. Within the oompasa
of a Bingle TOlume the writer has hit off a circle of varied characters, all true to nature —
■ome true to the highest nature — and she has entangled them in a story which keeps us
in BUBpei:Be till the knot is happily and gracefully resolved; while, at the same time, a
pathetic interest ia sustained by an art of which it would be difScnlt to analyse the secret
U is a choice gift to be able thus to render human nature so truly, to penetrate its depths
with such a searching sagacity, and to illnminata them with ft radiance so eminently the
writer's owa."— The Tima.
A NOBLE LIFE.
"This is one of those pleasant tales in whi.:h the author of 'John Halifax' speaka out
of a generous heart the purest truths of \ite."—Examtntr.
"Few men, and no women, will read 'A Noble Life' without flnding themselvei the
better."— ^jjectaior.
" A Btory of powerful and palnetic interest " — Daily If tut,
THE WOMAN'S KINGDOM.
"'The Woman's Kingdom' sustains the author's reputation as a writer of the purest
and noblest kind of domestic stories. The novelist's lesson is given with admirable force
and sweetness "—Athenmum.
"' The Woman's Kingdom • ia remarkable for its romantic interest The character a
are maBterpiece& Edna is worthy of the hand that drew John Halifax." — PttU
A BRAVE LADY.
"A very good novel, showing a tender Bympa thy with human aatore, and permeated
by a pure and noble spirit" — Examintr.
" A most charming story." — Standard.
" We earnestly recommend this novel It is a special and worthy Bpeolmen of the
author's remarkable powers. The reader's attention never for a moment flaga" — Po$t.
MISTRESS AND MAID.
"A good, wholesome book, as pleasant to read as it is instructive." — Athenceum.
" This book is written with the same true-hearted earnestnesa as ' Jolu Halifax' The
spirit of the whole work is excellent" — Examiner.
"A charming tale charmingly told."— Standard.
LONDON : HURST AND BLACKETT, LIMITED.
MRS. CRAIK'S NOVELS
Each in One Volume Crown Octavo^ 3«. Qd.
YOUNG MRS. JARDINE.
"' Young'Mra. Jardine' ii a pretty »tory, written in pure English."— 7^ Tima.
"There ia mueh good feeling in this book. It is pleasant and wholesome."— 4 <Aen«um.
"A book that all ■hou:d read. Whilst it is quite the equal of any of its predecesBori
In eleratlon of thought and style, it is perhaps their superior in interest of plot and
dramatic intensity. The characters are admirably delineated, and the dialogne ia natural
and dMi."— Morning Pott.
HANNAH.
'* A powerfnl novel of toclal and domestic life. One of the most Bacceasfol aSorta of ft
tnoceesful novelist." — Daili/ yeu*.
" A very p'eaaant, healthy story, well and artistically told. The book is Bare of a wide
circle of readera. The character of Hannah is one of rare beauty."— Standard
NOTHING NEW.
" ' Nothing New ' displays all those superior merita which have made ' John Halifax'
one of the most popular works of the day." — Post.
" The reader will find these narratives calculated to remind him of that truth and
energy of human portraiture, that epell over human affections and omotiona, which have
rtamped thia author as one of the first novelists of our day." — John Bull.
THE UNKIND WORD.
"The author of 'John Halifax ' has written many fascinating stories, but we can call to
miad nothing from hor pen that has a more enduring charm than tb- graceful sketches in
thia work, .^neh a character as Jessie stands out from a crowd of heroines as the type of
all that is truly noble, pure, and yromtmly."— United Service Magatint.
STUDIES FROM LIFE.
"Th»Be studies are truthful and vivid pictures of life, often earnest, always full of ripht
feeling and occasionally lightened by touches of quiet genial humour. The volume is re-
markable for thought, sound sense, shrewd observation, and kind and aympathetic feeling
(or all thinga good and beantifni" — Pott
A WOMAN'S THOUGHTS ABOUT WOMEN.
" A book of Bound counsel It is one of the most sensible works of its kind, well written
true-hearted, and altogether practical Whoever wishes to give advice to a young lady
may than c tbo author for means of doing so." — Examintr.
' These thoughts are worthy of the earnest and enlightened mind, the all-embracing
charity, and the well-earned reputation of the author of 'John Halifai."' — Standard
"This excellent book ia characterised by good sense, good taste, and feeling, and is
written in an earnest, philanthropic, as well as practical spirit"— /'Mf.
HIS LITTLE MOTHER.
" ' Hlfl Little Mother " is the atory of a sister's self-sacrifice from her childhood until her
early death, worn out in her brother's and his children's service. It is a pathetic atory
as the author tells it The beauty of the girl's devotion is described with many tender
toudbss, and the question of nhort-Blghted though loving foolishneBs is kept in the back-
ground. I'ho volume is written In a pleasant informal manner, and contains many tender
generous thoughts, and not a few practical ones. It ia a book that will bo read with in«
terest, and that cannot be lightly forgotten." — St. Jamts't Omltt
LONDON: HDUST AND BLACKETT, LIMITED.
EDNA LYALL'S NOVELS
EACH IN ONE VOLUME CROWN 8vo-SIX SHILLINGS.
DONOVAN: A MODERN ENGLISHMAN.
"ThiH is a very admirable work. The reader is from the flrst carried away by the
gallant unconventionality of its author. 'Donovan' is a very excellent novel; bat'lt is
Bomething more and better. It should do as much good as tlie best sermon ever written
or delivered extempore. The story is told with a grand simplicity, an unconscious poetry
of eloquence which stirs the very depths of the heart One of the main excellencies of
this novel is the delicacy of touch with which the author shows her most delightful char-
acters to be after all human beings, and not angels before their time."— Standard.
WE TWO.
'* There is artistic realism both in the conception and the delineation of the personages
Che action and interest are unflaggingly sustained from first to last, and the book is per
Tftdedby an atmosphere of elevated, earnest thought" — Scotsman.
IN THE GOLDEN DAYS. -
•'Miss Lyall has given us a vigorous study of such life and character as are really worth
reading about The central agure of her story is Algernon Sydney; and this figure she
Invests with a singular dignity and power. He always appears with effect, but no liber-
ties are taken with the facts of his lite." —Spectator.
KNIGHT-ERRANT.
"The plot, and, indeed, the whole story, is gracefully fresh and very charming; there
is a wide humanity in the book that cannot fail to accomplish its author's purposa"—
literary World.
WON BY WAITING.
"The Dean's daughters are perfectly real characters — the learned Cornelia especially;
—the little impulsive French heroine, who endures their cold hospitality and at last wine
their affection, is thoroughly charming; while throughout the book there runs a golder.
thread of pure brotherly and sisterly love, which pleasantly reminds us that the making
and marring of marriage is not, after all, the sima total of real life." — Academy.
A HARDY NORSEMAN.
" All the quiet humour we praised in ' Donovan ' is to be found in the new story. And
the humour, though never demonstrative, has a charm of its own. It is not Edna Lyall's
plan to give her readers much elaborate description, but when she does describe scenery
her picture is always alive with vividness and grace." — Athenseum.
TO RIGHT THE WRONG.
••We are glad to welcome Miss Lyall back after her long abstraction from the Qelds of
prosperous, popular authorship which she had tilled so successfully. She again affronts
her public with a very serious work of fiction indeed, and succeeds very well in that
thorny path of the historic^ novel in which so many have failed before her. That ' glory
of warrior, glory of orator, glory of song,' John Hampden, lives again, to a certain extent,
in that dim half light of posthumous research and loving and enthusiastic imagination
which is all the nove ist can do for these great figures of the past, resurrected to make the
plot of a modern novel" — Black and White.
LONDON : HURST AND BLACKETT, LIMITED.
UNIVERSITY OF TORONTO
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